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In presenting an historical work purporting to treat of any 
particular district, it is the duty of an author to satisfy the public, 
in the first place, that the subject is of sufficient importance to 
justify the attempt ; in the next place, that the field of his 
labours is not already occupied ; and lastly, that he has the 
materials and means for performing the task. An examination 
of the work itself must be, in general, the medium of deter- 
mining an author's qualifications in other respects. 

That the subject matter is worthy of investigation, the authors 
of the ' Annals of Windsor' are relieved from the necessity of any 
laboured proof. The interest attached to Windsor, arising from 
the Castle having been a residence of the sovereigns of England 
from the Norman Conquest to the present time, and its conse- 
quent connection with many events in English history, is 

In proportion to the importance of the subject, is the neces- 

viii PREFACE. 

sity for showing that it has not hitherto met with worthy 
treatment. It is therefore desirable to review what has been 
previously attempted and accomplished in reference to Windsor. 

Ashmole, who wrote an elaborate work on the Order of the 
Garter, containing much valuable information connected with 
Windsor, also contemplated writing a work on the Castle, and 
collected materials for that purpose, but never carried the project 
into effect. In 1714 Dr. Dawson, Vicar of Windsor, published 
the ' Memoirs of St. George and the Order of the Garter/ as an 
Introduction to an intended " History of the Antiquities of the 
Castle, Town, and Borough of Windsor, with the parts adjacent," 
but the project was not carried out. In 1749 Pote, the bookseller 
at Eton, selected portions of Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' and 
adding to them a collection of monumental inscriptions in St. 
George^s Chapel and the parish church, and prefixing a con- 
cise account of the principal charters of the Borough, and a 
description of the Town, with some other particulars, published 
the w^hole in a quarto volume, styling it * The History and 
Antiquities of Windsor Castle,^ &c. In 1813 Mr. James 
»Hakewell, an architect, reprinted a great part of the text of Pote, 
to which he added descriptions of places in the neighbourhood of 
Windsor and Eton, and published this, with illustrations, by sub- 
scription, as the ' History of AVindsor.' An examination of 
Mr. Hakewell's volume, will show that not the slightest attempt 
was made to entitle it to the name of a ' History.* 

After the extensive alterations and restorations in the castle 
under Sir Jeffrey Wyatville, in the reigns of George the Fourth 
and William the Fourth, the executors of the architect published 


a series of ' Illustrations of Windsor Castle/ to which is prefixed 
a most valuable and carefully written historical essay, by Mr. 
Ambrose Poynter, on the structure, and on the changes effected 
in it from time to time by various sovereigns. It occupies 
twenty-six pages, and, as far as it extends, leaves little to be 
desired, and is very frequently referred to and cited in the fol- 
lowing work. Being restricted, however, to the mere changes in 
the structure of the castle, it is needless to say that the essay has 
no pretensions to rank as a history of Windsor, either of the castle 
or town. Even for the purpose for which it was designed it is 
not always accessible, the unwieldy form and strictly architectural 
style of the illustrations confining the essay within the reach of 
a very limited number of persons. 

A very pretty volume by Leitch Ritchie (and of which a second 
edition, by Mr. Jesse, was published in 1848), entitled ' Windsor 
Castle and its Environs, including Eton College,* contains some 
pleasant gossip, interspersed with pictorial illustrations. 

The work that has the strongest claim to be regarded in 
the light of a History of Windsor, is Mr. Stoughton^s ' Notices of 
Windsor in the Olden Time,' published in ] 844. In this unpre- 
tending but interesting little volume there is, undoubtedly, more 
matter connected with Windsor than had been put together by 
any previous writer ; but still it does not possess the character of 
a Local History. The substance of it formed a series of lectures 
delivered at the Mechanics' Institute at Windsor, and the author's 
principal sources of information were the previous works already 
noticed, aided by an occasional reference to other authorities, and 
a few extracts from second-hand notes of local documents. 


Of hand-books and illustrated guide-books for visitors to the 
castle, the one most deserving of coramendation is Mr. Jesse's 
* Summer Day at Windsor and Eton/ 

With the exception of Mr. Poynter's essay, not one of the 
works enumerated shows any attempt on the part of the author to 
lay before the reader even the most ordinary sources of information. 
Not only have the national records of the country remained un- 
searched, but the printed works of the chroniclers and historians 
of England have been neglected. With respect to the mass of 
local records, their very existence appears to have been unknown 
and unthought of. The muniments of the corporation, as well as 
the parochial registers and churchwardens' accounts, have re- 
mained entirely unnoticed, and yet the past history of a town like 
Windsor, possessed of charters and privileges from a very early 
period, is scarcely inferior in interest to the transactions more 
immediately connected with the castle. The chamberlains' ac- 
counts alone, commencing with the reign of Henry the Eighth, 
afford a fund of information on various topics connected with the 
domestic habits and customs of the people in the sixteenth, 
seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The payment of the 
parliamentary representatives of the borough; the bribery and 
intimidation of a later period; the various visitations of the 
plague; the sanitary condition of the town (as for example, the 
cleansing of the streets at the funeral of Henry the Eighth) ; 
the changes effected at the Reformation ; and the later altera- 
tion in religious feeling attending the growth of Puritanism, 
are only a few heads of numerous classes of entries. Some 
will be found, indeed, involving topics of a higher and more 


general interest ; as, for example, those entries relating to the 
change in the value of money, and the proceedings between the 
Protector Somerset and the Lords of the Council. Foxe, the Mar- 
tyrologist, is confirmed in his history by the particulars of the 
names and position of the chief inhabitants of Windsor at the time 
the victims of the Six Articles were burnt there, and the national 
historians of the same period are corroborated by the entries 
respecting the summary execution of the priest and butcher in 
1536. Even Shakespeare, exhausted as every source of information 
respecting him and his plays apparently is, receives fresh illus- 
tration in the existence and position of the " Garter" Inn, the rank 
of "minehost/^ the position of " The Fields,^^ "Datchet Mead," 
the state of the Castle ditch, and various other contemporaneous 
entries of names and places connected with the ' Merry Wives of 
Windsor.' So abundant are the materials relating to this play, 
from these and other sources, that a separate chapter has been 
devoted to them. 

The materials collected by Ashmole, and preserved at Oxford, 
are perhaps even of greater value, as they comprise extracts 
from various local records now lost or destroyed. The pro- 
clamation in 1495 (not noticed by Ruding) respecting the coin- 
age, and the correspondence between Dr. Goodman, Bishop of 
Gloucester, and the Mayor of Windsor in 1635, illustrate the 
nature of some of these documents. 

It is on the careful examination for the first time of the local 
muniments, and of Ashmole's manuscripts, that the authors in a 
great measure rest their claim for support. At the same time 
they have not neglected any other available sources of information 


and it is scarcely necessary to say, that an examination of the 
Public Records by the assistance of the Calendars, and of 
various MSS. in the British Museum, has afforded a very con- 
siderable portion of the materials employed in these volumes. 
The appearance in print for the first time, as it is believed, of 
the most interesting part of the narrative of the visit of Philip 
of Castile to Henry the Seventh at Windsor, in 1506, from the 
Cottonian MSS., and the Parliamentary surveys from Carlton Ride, 
may be referred to as instances of curious matter brought to 

As the title-page indicates, these researches have not been 
strictly confined to Windsor. Eton is necessarily, from its situa- 
tion, so closely connected with Windsor, that to shut out all 
notice of it would be to render the whole work imperfect, and 
although the authors do not pretend that a complete history of 
Eton is contained in these volumes, yet they believe that more 
information respecting the town and college will be found in- 
terspersed in them than has been hitherto collected in any work 
purporting to give an account of that place. It may be re- 
marked, that while almost every previous account of Eton com- 
mences with the foundation of the College by Henry the Sixth, 
many earlier events and circumstances connected with the town 
are here recorded. The same observations apply, in a less degree, 
to various other places of interest in the neighbourhood. 

At the same time the authors do not assume that they have 
exhausted the stores of materials for a history of Windsor. It 
would be more than the labour of a life to examine all the public 
records for that purpose. Fresh sources of information have been 

PUErACE. xiii 

disclosed by calendars pul)lislied since the principal part of the 
work went through the press. 

The circumstances that induced the authors to undertake this 
task may be briefly referred to. 

In the year 1845 Mr. Tighe, then resident in Windsor, sug- 
gested some improvements and alterations in the roads and ap- 
proaches to the castle and town of Windsor. These suggestions 
were contained in a letter on the subject addressed to the Duke 
of Newcastle, then Lord Lincoln, First Commissioner of Woods, 
Forests, and Land Revenues, and printed for private distribu- 
tion, accompanied by illustrations from the plans and draw- 
ings of Norden, and later surveyors. In prosecuting these 
inquiries into the former condition of the castle, town, and neigh- 
bourhood, and the changes effected from time to time, the fact 
that little had hitherto been done towards a history of this im- 
portant and interesting district, became apparent. Entertaining 
the design of supplying the want, Mr. Tighe obtained the 
assistance of his friend, Mr. J. E. Davis, whose spare time from 
professional avocations has been accordingly devoted to the prepa- 
ration and completion of the ' Annals.' 

The present volume is the result, and the authors may say, in 
the words of Sir Thomas Browne, '' We were hinted by the occa- 
sion, not catched the opportunity to write of old things, or intrude 
upon the antiquary. We are coldly drawn unto discourses of 
antiquities, who have scarce time before us to comprehend new^ 
things, or make out learned novelties.'^ 

It only remains for Mr. Davis to acknowledge the great 
assistance received in the preparation of this work. Thanks are 


due to the authorities at the British Museum, to Sir Francis 
Palgrave the Deputy-keeper of the Pubhc Records, and to the 
officers of the Rolls Chapel and at Carlton Ride. 

At Oxford, in addition to the general assistance received 
during repeated visits to the Bodleian and Ashmolean, Mr. Davis 
cannot refrain from expressing his obligations to the Rev. H. 0. Coxe 
of the former, and to Dr. Duncan of the latter. To his friend 
Mr. Granville Somerset, Fellow of All Souls, he is indebted for 
access to the Library of that College. Mr. Rowell, the intelligent 
assistant deputy-keeper of the Ashmolean, is entitled to an 
acknow^ledgement for his constant attention during a protracted 
examination of the manuscripts. 

At Windsor, although many of its inhabitants have afforded 
material aid, it is for the important services of Mr. Seeker, Clerk 
of the Peace, and formerly Town Clerk of the Borough, that 
thanks are especially due. Besides giving full access to all the 
Records of the Corporation, he has increased the value and accu- 
racy of the work by suggestions and corrections, which his local 
knowledge, combined with a taste for antiquarian pursuits, so 
well qualified him to make. 

Lastly, to Mr. Thomas Wright an acknowledgment is tendered 
for many valuable suggestions, and important assistance in the 
progress of the earlier pages through the press. 


Norden's View of the Castle (from the Haul. MS,, 

No. 3719) ..... Prontispiece to Vol. I. 

Eton College, from Sir Henry Savile's Monument 

IN Merton Chapel . . . . Tairholt Vol. I^ p. 327 

Hofnagle's View of the Castle in the reign of 

Elizabeth . . . . . Fairholt Vol. I, p. 639 

Norden's Map of Windsor Forest (from the Harl. MS., 

No. 3749) . . • . . • . Frontispiece to Vol. II. 

Norden's Plan of the Little Pauk (ibid.) . . Vol. II, p. 31 

Datchet Ferry and Datchet Mead in 1686 (from 

THE Sutherland Collection) . . . Faibholt Vol. II, p. 492 


Seal of the Castle (from the Add. MSS., Brit. Mus.) Fairholt Title-page, Vol. I. 

Salt Hill, fro3i a sketch by Mrs. J. E. Davis . Folkard Vol. I, p. 23 

Vineyard in the Castle Ditch (from a lease in the 
possession op Mr. Secker) 

Hunimede, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis 

Burnham" Abbey, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis . 

Bell Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis 















Old Houses in Eton, from a sketch by Mr Fairholt Fairholt Voh I, p. 131 
Garter Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis . Folkard „ 1 62 

Winchester Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis Folkard „ 197 

The *'Twin Sisters" in the Great Park (from a 

siCETCH by the Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield) . Folkard 

Font in Clewer Church, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. 

Davis ...... Folkard 



The Castle from the Great Park, from a sketch by 

THE Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield . . . Folkard 

The Castle from the Brocas, from a sketch by the 

Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield . . . Folkard 



The Canons' Houses, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis Folkard 


Eton College and the Brocas Elms, from a sketch 

BY Mr, J. E. Davis . . . . Folkard „ 3.59 

Tomb of Edward the Fourth, from an original sketch Fairholt „ 405 

Bray Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W. 

Wingfield ..... Folkard „ 410 

BuRNHAM Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. 

W. Wingfield ..... Folkard „ 462 

Henry the Eighth's Gateway, from a sketch by 

Mr. J. E. Davis .... Folkard „ 511 

Part of the Town of Windsor, from a painting of 
the Seventeenth Century in Greenwich 
Hospital ..... Fairholt „ 571 

Old Stocks in the Cloisters, from a sketch by 

Mr. Fairholt ..... Fairholt „ 592 

Old House in Peascod Street, from a sketch by 

Mr. J. E. Davis .... Folkard „ GIO 

Arms of Richard Gallis, drawn by Mr. W. J. Bern- 
hard Smith ..... Folkard „ 638 



Royal Bakehouse, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis 
The Garter Inn, erom Norden's View 
Hog Hole, erom a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis 
Sir John Falstafe's Oak, from Collier's Map 
Herne's Oak, from Paul Sandby's Drawing 

Folkard Vol. I, p. 065 



Fairholt „ 686 

Fairholt „ 687 

„ 671 
„ 681 

Herne's Oak, from Ireland's * Views on the Thames' Fairholt 

Plan of the Elm Avenue in the Little Park, drawn 

BY Mr. G. R. Jesse .... Folkard 



Oak in the Elm Avenue, from a sketch by Mr. G. R. 

Jesse ...... Folkard 


Seal of the Corporation, from the Add. MSS., 

Brit. Mus. 

. Fairholt Title-page, Vol. 11. 

Priests' Houses, from a pen and ink sketch in 
Gibbon the Herald's copy of Ashmole 

The Castle from Queen Adelaide's Tree, from a 
sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield 

The Deanery, from a sketch by Mr. J. E, Davis 


Vol. II, p. 12 


Miss Dudley „ 90 

Windsor Church and the Town Hall, from Knyff's 
Drawing ..... 



Spur of the Seventeenth Century, drawn by Mrs. 
J. E. Davis . . . . . 

BuRNHAM Beeches, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. 
W. Wingfield . . . . . 

The Christopher Inn, Eton, from a sketch by 
Mr. G. R. Jesse .... 

Miss Dudley „ 208 



„ 4iO^ 


Manor House, Datchet, from a sketch by Mrs. J, E. 

Davis ...... Folkard „ 291 

Upper Ward of the Castle towards the East, from 

Hollar's drawing in the Ash. MSS. . Folkard „ 351 



Upper Wakd of the Castle towards the "West, from 
Hollar's drawing in tue Ash. MSS. . 

Lower Ward of the Castle, from Hollar's drawing 
IN the Ash. MSS. 

POLKARD Vol. II, p. 408 



Wall of the Home Park, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. 
Davis ...... 



Queen Anne's Well at Chalvey, from a sketch by 
Mr. J.E.Davis 


„ 496 

The Castle in the reign of George the Second, 


Miss Dudley „ 529 

Upton Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. 

W. WlNGFIELD . . . . . 



Windsor Bridge, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. 

W. WlNGFIELD . . . . . 


„ 617 

Eton College, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W. 

WlNGFIELD , . . . . Eolkard 


Datchet Bridge, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis . Eolkard 






Difficulties attendant upon the investigation of the early history of Windsor — Tradition 
of King Arthur's Knights of the Round Table — Traces of the Romans in the 
neighbourhood of Windsor — Old Windsor a residence of Saxon Kings — Edward 
the Confessor — Grant by that King to St. Peter's, Westminster — Regained by 
William the Conqueror — Site of the Palace at Old Windsor — Derivation of the 
name of Windsor — Erection of the Castle by the Conqueror — Domesday Survey — 
State of the district, derived from the particulars contained in that Instrument and 
other sources — Walter Fitz-Other appointed Governor of the Castle — Origin of the 
Town-— Windsor a residence of the Conqueror — Supposed to refer to Old Windsor 
— Dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York— Preservation of 
Game by the Conqueror .... . 1 — 23 



William the Second at Windsor, with his Council, at Whitsuntide — Imprisonment of the 
Earl of Northumberland in the Castle — Visits of the King to Windsor — Death of 
the Bishop of Durham there, &c. — Henry the Eirst at Windsor, at Christmas, 
1104-5 ; at Easter, 1107 — Commences the re-building and enlarging of the Castle 
Probable extent of the Castle — Situation of the King's Apartments — Chapel dedi- 
cated to Edward the Confessor — Endowment by Henry — Foundation of the College 
for eight Canons — The King holds his Court in the New Castle at Whitsuntide, 
1110 — Again at Christmas, 1113-14 — Marriage of the King at Windsor to Adelicia 
of Louvaine — Dispute between the Bishop of Salisbury and the Archbishop of 
Canterbury — Imprisonment of Hugh Eitz-Gervaise at Windsor, in 1126 — David 
King of Scotland at Windsor — Festival of Christmas following kept at Windsor — 
Dispute between Archbishops of Canterbury and York — Supposed predilection of 
the King for Windsor and Woodstock — Absence of all mention of Windsor from 


the accession of Stephen until the Treaty of Wallingford— Fortress of Windsor 
committed to Richard dc Lucy, in trust — Repairs and other works at Windsor 
during the reign of Henry the Second — Henry at Windsor at Christmas, 1170 — 
William Kiug of Scotland there — Parliament at Windsor again in 1179 — The 
King there at Christmas, 1184-5 — Prince John knighted — Principal residences 
of the King — Painting on the walls of a room in Windsor Castle — Vineyard at 
Windsor 24—35 



Grant of the Church of Windsor to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle committed 
to Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham — His Imprisonment, and forced Surrender of 
the Castle to Longchamp — Subsequent Delivery to the Earl of Arundel in Trust — ■ 
Longchamp regains possession of V/indsor, assembles an Army, and encamps near 
Windsor — Withdraws to the Tower — Surrenders the Castle to Walter Archbishop 
of Rouen — Prince John levies an army in 1193 — Gains possession of Windsor, and 
places it in a state of Defence — Besieged by the Barons — Progress of the Siege — 
Arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury — Surrender of the Castle — Plight, Capture, and 
Execution of the Garrison — The Castle placed in the hands of Eleanor the Queen 
Dowager on behalf of the King — Eamily of Walter de Windsor — Visits of King 
John to Windsor in 1200 and 1201 — Desires John Eitz-Hugh to deliver the Castle 
to the Archbishop of Canterbury — Letters Patent for that purpose — John at 
Windsor in 1204 and 1205 — Wine, &c., ordered to the Castle — Visits of the King 
to Windsor from 1206 to 1209 — Assembles his nobles there at Christmas, 1209 — 
Death of Lady de Braose and her Son, 1210 — Visits of tlie King to Windsor from 
1210 to 1214 — Christmas Eeast — Order to sell the King's Wine and Bacon there 
— Chapel of St. Leonard's in the Eorest — The King at Windsor in 1215 — Magna 
Charta — Tlic King at War with his Barons — Preparations for an Interview — 
Letters of Safe Conduct — Signature of Magna Charta — Description of llunnymede 
— The King's Head Quarters at Windsor — At Windsor in December following — 
Garrison of the Castle — Last Visit of the King in April 1216 — Appoints Engelard 
de Cygony Keeper of the Castle — Philip of Prance assists the Barons — Windsor 
stands out for the King — Siege of the Castle under the Count de Nevers — The 
Siege raised — Windsor remains in the hands of the King's Eorces — Order to 
Engelard de Cygony tu liberate Hugh de Polested, a prisoner in the Castle — Death 
of the Kiug— Subsequent Movements of the English and French Forces — Re})airs 
of the Castle during this Reign — Traces of the Town at this period — Power and 
Jurisdiction of the Constable of Windsor Castle — Church of Eton . 36 — 61 



Events at AVindsor before the Treaty of Peace with Louis — Taste of Henry the Third 
for building — Improvements in Windsor Castle — Their progress and character- 
Confirmation of Windsor Church to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle 
committed to Hubert de Burgh —Progress of the Works — The Chapel — Poverty 


of tlie King — Pawns the Image of the Virgin Mary in the Chapel — Locality, and 
vestiges of the Chapel — Bernard de Sahaudia appointed Keeper of the Castle, 
A.D. 1242 — Progress of the Works — Their suspension in 1244 — Park at Windsor 
— Hospital for Lepers — Storm on St. Dunstan's Day, 1251 — Operations in the 
Castle — Revenues of the Bishopric of Winchester appropriated to defray the 
expenses — Charges against the Citizens of London found on a Roll in the King's 
Wardrobe — Yisit of Alexander of Scotland to Queen Eleanor at Windsor, in 1256 
— By Treaty between Henry and his Barons, in 1258, Windsor remains in the 
King's hands — Progress of the Works — Summons in 1261, of Knights from every 
Shire, to attend the King at Windsor — Prince Edward removes Treasure and the 
Queen's Jewels from the Tower to Windsor — The Queen escapes from the Tower 
— Agreement to intrust Windsor and the other Royal Castles to the Barons — 
Reluctance of Prince Edward to surrender Windsor — He assembles Eorces — The 
Barons march from London — Capitulation and Surrender of the Castle — Safe 
Conduct and Departure of the Eoreigners — Renewal of the War between the King 
and the Barons — Prince Edward regains possession of Windsor — The King, under 
the restraint of the Earl of Leicester, orders the Princess Eleanor, her Family, and 
others, to leave the Castle — Hugh de Barantin Governor of the Castle — The King 
at Windsor with an Army after the death of the Earl of Leicester, in 1265 — Alarm 
of the Citizens at Windsor — Deputation to the King — and subsequent attendance 
of the Mayor and principal Citizens at Windsor — They are Imprisoned in the 
Castle — Release of part of their number and their return to London — Eine 
imposed on the Citizens — Einal adjustment, and Release of the Prisoners, in 1269 
— Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester in 1267 — The King marches to Windsor 
— Preparations for an Engagement at Hounslow — The King leaves Windsor — 
Surrender of the Earl of Gloucester — Grants of Windsor Castle, Tower, and 
Forest — Appointment of Adam de Gordon to an office in the Castle — Works 
during the last years of Henry's Reign — Notices of the Neighbourhood of Windsor 
— Palace at Cippenham — Imprisonment of the Earl of Derby — Burnham Abbey 




Improvements and Repairs in the early part of this Reign — Inquisitions in 1273 — Return 
relative to Windsor — Tyranny of the Constable — Notice of Eton — Claim of the 
Prior of Merton to privileges in Windsor — Notices of Burnham, Dorney, &c. — 
Charter to Windsor in 1276 — Petition for and Grant of Pontage — Inquisition as 
to Eton Bridge — Tournament in Windsor Park — Grant of Windsor to the Bur- 
gesses at a yearly rent — Taxation of Pope Nicholas — Manor of Windsor Underoure 
— Death at Windsor of Prince Alfonso — Fire in the Castle in 1295 — Illustrations 
of the Forest Laws — The Queen at Windsor at Christmas, 1299-1300 — Offerings 
of the King in the Chapel — The Cross of Gneyth — The King's Wardrobe Expenses 
— Conveyance of Treasure to Windsor — The Queen's Expenditure — Grant of the 
Manor of Datchet and Eton to the Earl of Cornwall — John of London — Members 
of Parliament for Windsor — Grants of Land to Alexander de Wyndesore in this 
Reign — Petition of John of Lincoln — Richard de Windsor . . 94 — 121 

xxii Contents, 



Members for Windsor — Edward the Second keeps his Christmas at Windsor — Members 
returned — Birth of Edward the Third at VYindsor — The King founds a Chantry in 
the Chapel and a Chapel in the Park — Petition of the inhabitants of Berkshire to 
the King to remove tlie County Gaol from Windsor — Inquisition thereupon — 
Inspeximus Charter, 9 Edw. II — Members for Windsor — Petition of the Burgesses 
respecting the evasion of Pontage, and the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall — 
Execution of Lord Aldham at Windsor — Design of the Earl of Mortimer to seize 
tlie Castle — Delivery of t he Great Seal to the King in Windsor Eorest — Grants of 
lands and houses in Windsor and Eton to Oliver de Bordeaux . 122 — 131 



Appointment of Constable and payments to officials — Inquisitions, Writs, and Repairs 
connected with the Hoyal Residence — Confirmation of the Charter and grant of 
Pontage to the town — Audience of French Ambassadors — Members for Windsor 
— Inqidsitiones Nonarum — Institution of the Order of the Garter — Origin of the 
Badge — Early notices of the Order — Statutes of the Order — David Bruce, King 
of Scotland, a prisoner in the Castle — The King founds St. George's College — 
Endowment of the College and appointment of Custos — Bull of Pope Clement VI 
— Statutes of the College — Canons — Poor Knights — Further Endowments 





Enlargement of tlie Castle — Progress of the Works — Johr, King of France, a prisoner at 
the Castle — Appointment of William of Wykeham as Surveyor of the Castle 
Works — Feast of St. George in 1358 — Progress of the Works — Impressment of 
Workmen — Ravages of the Plague — Resignation of William of Wykeham — Tra- 
ditional Story — Subsequent Works — Expenditure on the Castle — Painting of the 
Round Tower, externally — Architectural Character of the Works — Existing Traces 
— Grants and Exchanges of Land by the King — Commission of Inclosure — Various 
minor Grants and A]:)pointments during this reign — John de Molyns — Petition of 
Robert Lamberd — Visits of the King to Windsor — Marriage of the Black Prince 
to the Princess Isabella — Death of Queen Philippa — Return of the Black Prince 
— Petition of Watermen as to Exactions at Windsor Bridge— Evidence of the 
Castle as a Prison — Writing of Italian Prisoners on the Walls 164 — 197 

CONTENTS. xxiii 



Tales and Romances naturally associated with Windsor — King Arthur and the Knights 
of the Round Table — Romance of the Titz-Warines — Jean de Meun's ' Roman dc 
la Rose/ and Chaucer's ' Romaunt of the Rose ' — * King Edward and the Shep- 
herd ' — Political Songs — Song against the King of Almaigne . 198 — 227 



The King keeps Christmas at the Castle — Differences between the Dean and Canons and 
the Poor Knights — Misconduct of the Dean and Chapter — Inventory of the 
Reliques, &c. — Confirmation of Charter of Edward the Second — Erection of a 
Cross in High Street — Pontage — Eeast of Whitsuntide, 1880 — Insurrection of 
Wat Tyler — The King leaves the Castle — His Marriage — Queen Anne at Windsor 
— Council at Windsor — The King returns to Windsor from Wales — Address of 
the Londoners to the King at St. George's Eeast — The interview — Imprisonment 
of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in the Castle — Charges against Sir Simon 
Burley and others — Movement of the King's Forces, and Proceedings of the 
Dukes of York and Gloucester — Windsor Bridge broken down — The King at 
Windsor, on his return to London — Charge against the Judges for Transactions 
at Windsor — St. George's Eeast, 1388 — Repair of the Castle — Appointment of 
GeofFry Chaucer to superintend Repairs of the Chapel — Eeasts and Tournaments 
at Windsor — St. George's Eeast, 1391 — Imprisonment of John Hinde, Mayor of 
London, in the Castle — Londoners summoned to the King at Windsor — Eroissart 
— Movements of the King — Entertainment of the Ambassadors sent to propose 
his Marriage with the infant Queen Isabella — Appeal of High Treason by the Duke 
of Hereford against the Duke of Norfolk — Proceedings at Windsor — Tournament 
in 1399 — Parting of the King and Queen — The King departs for Ireland — 
Removal of the Queen to Wallingford — Events connected with the Order of the 
Garter — Grants to St. George's Chapel — Owners of Land at Windsor — Sir 
Bernard " Brocas " . . . . . . . 228—264 



Imprisonment of the Earl of March— Plots against the King's life— Sir Bernard Brocas— 
Ruinous condition of the Castle— Pontage— Attempt to liberate the Earl of March 
—Imprisonment of James Prince of Scotland— St. George's Eeast, 1106— Illness 
of the King— Grants of Pontage— Grant of tlie '' Woodhawe " to the Canons- 
Welch Prisoners received at the Castle— The King keeps his last Christmas at 
Windsor ....... 265—276 




Liberation of the Earl of March — The King's discussion with Sir John Oldcastle — 
Permission to the Queen Dowager to reside at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1416 
— Attempt to release James King of Scotland, his education, &c. — The Queen at 
Windsor — Birth of Henry the Sixth — Traditional expression of the King — His 
Death — Inventory of his Goods — His love for Minstrelsy — Grants to St. George's 
College 277—290 



Surrender of the Great Seal — Parliaftient summoned at Windsor — Proclamation in favour 
of the People of Windsor — Release of James King of Scotland — Infant King at 
Windsor — Removal to London — Owen Tudor keeps guard at the Castle — The 
Queen's Marriage— Property at Windsor let to farm — Accusation of Cardinal 
Beaufort — Windsor appointed as a Winter Residence for the King — Payment of 
Prench Players at Windsor — Rules for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, the 
King's Governor — Deer in Windsor Park — Dispute between Cardinal Beaufort 
and the Duke of Gloucester as to the performance of Divine Worship at St. George's 
Feast — Petition of John Arundell, Dean of the College — Renewal of the disputes 
between the Canons and Poor Knights — Committal of Prisoners to the Castle for 
Sorcery — Other Prisoners confined there — Revenues of Windsor — Inquisition for 
the Relief of the Rent there — Charter of Henry the Sixth — Charter to Windsor, 
23 Hen. VI — Petition of Richard Jordan — Illness of the Queen — Members of 
Parliament for Windsor — The King ill at Windsor — Deputation from the Parlia- 
ment wait upon him — The Duke of York nominated Protector — The King's relapse 
— Kemer, Dean of Salisbury, ordered to attend as physician — Rioters in London 
sent to Windsor Castle — Letter to the Mayor of Windsor — Local Records of the 
Borough — Jurisdiction of the Castle Court — Escheats of this reign affecting 
property at Windsor ...... 291—326 



The King's Motives for the Foundation — His Procuratory Charter of Foundation — Bull 
of Pope Eugenius the Fourth — Papal Lidulgence — Charter of Endowment — 
Commencement of the Building — Orders of the King — Entries in the Liberate 
Rolls — Accounts of the Works — Various Grants to the College — Fisheries — 
Hospital of St. Peter near Windsor — Fairs — Exemption from Purveyance — 
Progress of the Works — Meeting of Commissioners in the Choir — Will of the 
King — Parish Church of Eton — The College Statutes — Supply of Books and 
Vestments — Grant of Relics — A])pointment of Provost — The Almsmen — Rise and 
Progress of the School 327—359 




Charter of Confirmation, 2 Edw. IV — Charter, 6 Edw. IV — Proviso in Acts of Resump- 
tion — Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor, attainted of Treason — Members for Windsor 
— Flight of the King from the Moor to Windsor — Counter Plot by the King — 
Imprisonment of Queen Margaret at Windsor — Visit of Louis de Bruges to 
Windsor — Members for Windsor — Erection of St. George's Chapel — Removal of 
Old Buildings — St. George's Feast, 1476 — Progress of the Works — Sir John 
Shorne's Chapel — The King erects Dean and Canons' Houses— Endowments of 
the College — Charter to the College — Further Endowments — Attempt to merge 
Eton College in St. George's, Windsor — Disputes between the Dean and Canons 
and the Poor Knights — The King keeps Christmas, 1480 to 1482, at the Castle — 
The King's Death — His Will and Burial — Tomb in the Chapel Royal — Its 
discovery in 1789 — The King's Courtesy — Verses of John Skelton — State of the 
Chapel at the conclusion of this reign— Chantries in St. George's Chapel — Paro- 
chial bequests to religious uses — Corporation Records — Proceedings in the Borough 
Court — Regulations of the Corporation — Edward the Fifth — Execution and Burial 
of Lord Hastings ....... 360—405 



Appointment of Constable and other Officers of the Castle—The King and his Queen at 
Windsor — Letter to the Mayor— The body of Henry the Sixth removed from 
Chertsey Abbey to St. George's Chapel— Works of the Chapel— Warrants- 
Sir Reginald Bray . ...... 406—410 



Reservation of Grants in the Act of Resumption— St. George's Day, 1488— Feast of 
Whitsuntide— Treaty with Portugal— Will and Burial of Elizabeth Wydville— 
Writs of Habeas Corpus and Certiorari to the Mayor and Coroner of Windsor— 
Proclamation respecting the Coinage— Inventory of Weights and Measures- 
Confirmation Charter— Works of the Chapel— Sir Reginald Bray— The Deanery 
rebuilt— Agreement for Vaulting the Roof of the Choir— Extracts from the King's 
Privy-purse Expenses— Spur Money— Privy-purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York 
— "Visit of Philip Archduke of Austria to Windsor— Additions to the Upper Ward 
—Commencement of a Friary on the site of the King's Garden— The King's 
Bequest for the Making and Repairing of Roads— Tragedy in the Castle Ditch- 
Dispute between the College and the Poor Knights— Yearly Expenditure of the 
Dean and Chapter— Knights on the Foundation— Windsor Borough Court- 
Swans and Swan Upping— Earliest existing Windsor Charity— Obits in the Parish 


Church— Oliver King, Bisliop of Bath and Wells, a resident of Windsor— Obits 
in St. George's Chapel— Bequests to Eton College . . .41 1 — 462 



Corporation Accounts — Account of " Our Lady's Light" — Erection of the Great Gate- 
way — Amusements of the King — Payments by the Corporation — Confirmation of 
the Charter— The Gallows — Works at St. George's Chapel — Feasts of the Order 
of the Garter — Dr. Denton, Canon of Windsor — The "New Commons"— Corpo- 
ration Accounts — The "Degradation" of the Duke of Buckingham — The Princess 
Mary — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of Charles the Fifth of Spain — 
Visitors to the King at Windsor — Present from Clement the Seventh — The Duke 
of Richmond and the Earl of Surrey — Surrey's Poems — Corporation Accounts — 
Alteration of the Standard Value of Gold — Ordinances of the Household — 
Entertainment of French Ambassadors — Corporation Accounts — Completion of 
St. George's Chapel — Timber — Payments out of the Privy Purse — Enlargement 
of the Little Park — Anne Boleyne created Marchioness of Pembroke — Corpora- 
tion Accounts — Execution of a Priest and a Butcher — Payments by the Princess 
Mary — Burial of Jane Seymour — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of 
Frederick Duke of Bavaria — Proceedings against a Priest of Windsor — The 
Plague at Windsor — Proceedings of the Privy Council — Singular Investigation at 
Eton College — Nicolas Udall — Parliamentary Polls— Members for Windsor — 
Corporation Accounts . . . . . . 463 — 511 



Effects of the Peformation — Monastic Possessions in the neighbourhood of Windsor — 
Windsor Church : numerous Obits there — Lands of the Guild — Obits in 
St. George's Chapel — Losses of the College at the Reformation — Eton College 
Bequests — Exemption from First Fruits and Tenths — Narrative of the "Windsor 
Martyrs," Testwood, Filmer, Peerson, and Marbeck — The Six Acts — The "Vicar 
of Bray" — Notices of John Merbecke — Robert Bennet — Corporation Accounts — 
The King's Will, Death, and Burial— His Tomb— The King's Amusements— The 
Garden at Windsor— Presents to the Royal Table — Modes of Conveyance and 
State of Postal Communication ..... 512 — 571 



Property of St. George's College— The Order of the Garter— Extracts from the Corpora- 
tion Accounts — Proceedings with ^reference to Somerset the Protector — Corpora- 
tion Accounts— Sale of Church Property— Supply of Water to the Castle— Survey 
of " Windsor Underoure" . . . . • . 572—592 

CONTENTS. xxvii 



The Order of the Garter— Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer conveyed to Windsor— The 
Princess Elizabeth at the Deanery, on her way to Woodstock— Marriage of Philip 
and Mary— Privileges of St. George's Chapel retained — Corporation Accounts — 
Progress of the Works for conveying Water to the Castle— Dwellings of the Poor 
Knights — Boundaries of the Manor of Clewer Brocas . . 593 — 610 



St. George's Peast — Corporation Accounts — The Queen visits Windsor — The Cross — 
Sale of Church Goods — Proclamation respecting Singers — Regulations respecting 
Trading in the Borough — The Priests' Wives expelled from St. George's College — 
Revenues of the College — Poor Knights — Visitation of Eton College — Richard 
Gallys — Removal of the Queen to Windsor in consequence of the Plague — 
De Poix, the Prench Envoy, placed under restraint at Eton — The Queen's Studies 
and Amusements — Marriage of Lady Mary Gray — InstaUation of Charles the 
Ninth by proxy — Statute respecting the Celebration of St. George's Peast — 
Degradation of the Duke of Norfolk — Members for Windsor — Resolution of the 
Corporation — Works in the Castle — St. George's Peast — The Queen's Illness at 
Windsor 611—638 




Formation of the North Terrace — Other Works in the Castle — The Plague at Windsor — 
Proceedings of the Corporation with reference to "Foreigners" — Jurisdiction of 
the Corporation — Visits of Dr. Dee to the Queen at Windsor — Works in the 
Castle — Apartments of the Maids of Honour — Members for Windsor — Statutes, &c., 
of the Guild — Renewal of the Charter — Act of Parliament for paving the Town — 
Erection of a Market-house — Restraints on Trade — Regulation of the Standard 
Measures — Appointment of Bridge- keeper — Address of the Corporation to the 
Queen, and Celebration of Her Majesty's Birthday — Members for Windsor — 
Entertainment of the Viscount Turenne — Compulsory Support of the Poor — 
Festivities on the Anniversary of the Queen's Coronation — Apprehensions of the 
Queen on account of the Plague — Her Translation of Boethius — Appointment of 
Steward and Deputy-Steward of the Borough — Visit of the Queen to Sir Edward 
Coke at Stoke Pogis — Appointment of Sir Henry Savile to the Provostship of 
Eton — Salaries, &c., of Officers connected with the Castle — Churchwardens' 
Accounts — Parish Registers — Earliest Descriptions and Representations of the 
Castle ........ 639—665 

xxviii CONTENTS. 



Origin and Date of the Play— The Garter Inn and " Mine Host of the Garter" — Ford's 
House — Names of Page and Ford in the Parish Registers — The " Contrary Places" 
for the meeting of Dr. Caius and Sir Hugh Evans — " The Fields" — " Pittie 
Ward"— Sir John FalstafiP's "o'er reaching" in Datchet Meade— "Hog Hole"— 
Heme's Oak— The Fairy Pit 666—705 




Constable of the Castle, a.d. 1066, Waltee Fitz-Other. 

DiflBculties attendant upon the investigation of the early history of Windsor — Tradition 
of King Arthur's Knights of the Round Table — Traces of the Romans in the 
neighbourhood of Windsor — Old Windsor a residence of Saxon Kings — Edward 
the Confessor — Grant by that King to St. Peter's, Westminster — Regained by 
William the Conqueror — Site of the Palace at Old Windsor — Derivation of the 
name of Windsor — Erection of the Castle by the Conqueror — Domesday Survey — 
State of the district, derived from the particulars contained in that Instrument and 
other sources — Walter Fitz-Other appointed Governor of the Castle — Origin of tlie 
Town — Windsor a residence of the Conqueror — Supposed to refer to Old Windsor — 
Dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York — Preservation of game 
by the Conqueror. 

In tracing to remote periods the history of any place that has 

been more or less distinguished as the scene of important or 

interesting occurrences, difficulties of various kinds impede the 

progress of the historian and antiquary. One impediment arises 

from the general absence of all positive information as to the first 

commencement of structures, whether of tov^^ns or villages, castles 

or religious edifices, and of the causes that led to the selection of the 

particular spots for their erection. It is a difficulty, however, 

especially incident to the case of ordinary habitations, for, if they 

possess any interest from their connection with past events, the 

cause of that interest must necessarily have arisen subsequently 
^h 1 

2 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter 1. 

to the first erection of the dwelhiig whose origin is consequently 
unrecorded. Thus while it sometimes happens that the exact 
period of the foundation of an abbey or a castle, may, inde- 
pendently of any charter or written evidence attesting the fact, be 
determined with accuracy from the general interest attached to 
the event itself or the causes which led to it, the time or causes, 
on the other hand, that first brought men together to inhabit any 
particular spot, the addition of one dwelling to another, and the 
gradual formation of the hamlet, the village, and town, are lost 
in obscurity. 

A stumbling-block of another kind lies in the path of the in- 
quirer after, and collector of, the vestiges of the past. Traditions, 
either wholly fabulous, or containing a large admixture of error 
with fact, are connected with the scenes of past occurrences, and 
w^ere handed down without discrimination by the early recorders of 

Difficulties of both the classes referred to, attend the historian 
of Windsor. 

Froissart, adopting the common belief of his age, narrates 
that King Arthur instituted his order of the Knights of the Round 
Table at Windsor, and assembled there with his knights ;^ but the 
existence of such a British king is at least a matter of doubt, and 
that part of his history which assigns Windsor as one of his 
residences, may be certainly regarded as fabulous.^ 

That the Romans, during their possession of Britain, had 
dwellings in the immediate vicinity of Windsor, is certain. Roman 
coins and urns have been found at St. Leonards, near Windsor;^ 

^ Chron., b.i, c. 100. Harrison, in his description of England, prefixed to Holinslied's 
'Chronicles' (edit. 1587), says the Castle was "builded in times past bj King Arthur, or 
before him by Arviragus, as it is thought." 

2 See the quaint but discreet language of Lambarde to this effect, in his ' Dictionarium 
Angliaj Topographicum ct Historicum.' 

3 See tliem engraved and described in Ashmole's ' Berkshire/ vol. iii, p. 210. See 
also Lysons' 'Magna Britannia,' vol. i, p. 190. A bronze lamp, several spear-heads, 
pieces of a trumpet, and a spur, presented by Sir Hans Sloane to the Society of Antiquaries, 
were dug up there, with other antiquities, in 1705. The bronze lamp was supposed to be 
Ilomau, but it has not the appearance of such high antiquity. (Lysons, pp. 215 and 199, 
note). It was, however, adopted as the crest of the Society of Antiquaries, and is 
engraved in the * Vetusta Monumenta,' vol. i. 

TO A.D. 1087.] TRACES 0¥ THE ROMANS. 3 

and Roman bricks, &c., are also stated to have been met with {it 
Old Windsor.^ 

In the vicinity of Biirnham, in Buckinghamshire, a few miles 
north-west of Windsor, coins of the emperors Constantine and 
Probns have been found.^ 

The existence of the great Roman road leading from London 
westward to Silchester {Calleva Atrebatum), and which is supposed 
to have crossed the Thames at Staines {Pontes), makes it a reason- 
able inference that Old Windsor, which is onlv three miles above 
Staines, was not a spot unknown to the Romans. It has, 
indeed, been suggested, that either Old Windsor or St. Leonards 
is the site of Pontes,^ but Staines is now generally considered 
as the true site of that station,* while it has been hinted that 
Bibracie, which is also claimed for Bray, would better suit Old 

If, however, Staines is to be considered as a Roman station on 
the road between London and Silchester, it is impossible that 
either Old Windsor or St. Leonards could be a station on the same 
line of road, because there is indubitable evidence of the existence 
of the Roman Road in the vicinity of Sunning Hill, some miles 
south of Old Windsor, where it goes by the name of the Devil's 
Causeway -^ and any person acquainted with the situation of the 
places, or referring to a map of the district, will at once perceive, 
that assuming Staines and Sunning Hill to be upon the line, 
St. Leonards and Old Windsor could not have been near it. As 
there is no ground for supposing the existence of any other line 

^ Lysons, p. 199. See also the impressions of a gem, bearing a Mercury on one side 
and $AQX on the other, found by Mr. Pownall in Old Windsor; 'Ash. MSS.,' No. 1763, 
fol. 36 b. 

^ In the possession of Mr. Moore, of Thames Street, Windsor. 

^ Horsley, ' Britannia Romana.' St. Leonards is so far from the river Thames as 
to preclude the idea that the Roman station was there. 

■* See Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 203; 'The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon,' 
by Thomas Wriglit, (1852,) p. 136 ; and Edgell's ' Observations upon certain Roman 
Roads and Towns in the South of Britain.' Holinshed says Reading was called Foniium 
(vol. i, p. 79, edit. 1807). 

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol i, p. 203. Bibracte is now placed at Wickham Bushes, 
near Bagsliot. 

^ See Edgell's ' Observations, &c.,' cited in note 4. 

4 ANNALS or ^yINDSOR. [Chaptek I. 

of Roman road in this part of the country than the one from 
London to Silchester (in which all the roads to the south-west 
of England were united), the title of Old Windsor as the site of a 
Roman station cannot be supported. 

If Old Windsor cannot with certainty be said to have been 
known to the Romans, it is beyond doubt that this is the spot 
which attracted the attention of the Saxons to the neighbourhood 
as a royal residence ; although the present town and castle of 
Windsor are of Norman origin, as will be hereafter shown. 

Old Windsor, which is now a parish and scattered village, 
lies about two miles south-east of the present town of Windsor. 

The manor belonged to the Saxon kings, who are supposed 
to have had a palace at Old Windsor from a very early period. 
It is certain that King Edward the Confessor sometimes kept his 
court there.^ 

According to one chronicler, it was at Windsor that Earl 
Godvv'in, or Goodwin, father-in-law of Edward, met his death.^ 

Hermannus, the archdeacon, in his ' Miracles of St. Edmund,'^ 
the MS. of w^hich is of the time of William the Conqueror, mentions 
the fact of a person going to Edward the Confessor in his palace 

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 4] 3. *' Didici a luculento quodani teste Eadueardurn 
regem, Ethelredi infortunati filium, Viudelesoranura Castrum celebrasse." Lelaiid, ' Com- 
mentarii iii Cygncam Cautioiieni,' verb. ' Vindelcsora.' 

2 The Earl had been suspected of being instrumental in the murder of Alfred, the 
king's brother, in tlie previous reign of Harold. " Upon Easter Monday," about the 
12th year of Edward's reign (1053), says Fabyan, ('Chronicles,' by Ellis, p. 228,) 
"Goodwyn, syttynge at thekynges bourde with other lordes, in the Castell of Wyusore, it 
happed one of tiie kynges cu})pe-berers to stumble and to recover agaync, so that he shed 
none of the drynke ; wherat Goodwyn loughed, and sayd, ' Nowe, that one brother hathe 
susteyned that other,' wherby he ment that the one fote or legge hath sustayned that 
other from fallynge. With whiche wordes tiieKynge marked hym and sayd, 'ryght, so my 
brother Alfrede shulde have holpen me, ne hadde erle Goodwyn ben.' The erle then con- 
ceyved that the kynge suspected hym of his brother's deth, and sayd unto the kynge, in 
defendynge his untrouthe, * Syr, as I perceyve well, it is tolde to the that I shuld be the 
cause of Ihy brother's deth ; so mut I safely swalowe this morsell of brede that I here 
holde in my hande, as I am gyltlesse of the dede.' But as soone as he had receyved the 
brede, forthwith he was choked. Than the kynge commaonded hym to be drawen from 
the table, and so was conveyed to Wynchester, and there buryed." 

It does not appear on wiiat authority Fabyan assigns Windsor as the scene of this 
event. All the early chroniclers place Earl Godwin's death at Winchester. 

3 MS. Cotton, Tiberius, b. ii, fol. 48. I am indebted to my friend, Mr. Thomas 
Wright, for the discovery of this curious contemporary notice of Windsor. [0. E. D.] 


at Windsor. " Venitur Windelesoriis ad locum regii decoris, aperit 
rex secretum sue voluntatis," &c. 

This is the earliest notice hitherto discovered of Windsor, so far 
as respects the narrator, but in GeofFry Gaimar's 'Estorie des 
Engles,' which was composed about the middle of the twelfth 
century, reference is made to Windsor in describing a victory 
obtained by Earl Ethelwulf over the Danes, at Englefield, in the 
year 871, nearly a century before the conquest.^ 

Windsor, however, is not mentioned in reference to this event 
by any other historian, and, moreover, the name does not occur 
in two out of the four MS. versions of the 'Estorie des Engles,' 
from which that chronicle has been printed. 

William of Malmesbury, in narrating the miraculous powers 
of Edward the Confessor, incidentally mentions Windsor as a royal 
residence. " That you may know the perfect virtue of this prince, 
in the power of healing more especially, I shall add something 

^ The Anglo-Norman metrical Chronicle of Geoffrey Gaimar, printed for the first 
time entire, from the manuscript in the British Museum, with illustrative notes, &c., 
edited by Thomas Wright, 8vo, 1850, printed for the members of the Caxton Society. 
See also the ' Monumenta Historica Britannica.' The following is the passage in which 
Windsor is mentioned : 

" Quart jor apres vint Edelret 

Li reis, e son frere Elveret, 

A Redinges, out mult grant ost, 

E les Daneis en eissirent tost. 

En un plein champ tindrent estur, 

Ki ne failli en tut un jor. 

Hoc fust Edelwolf oscis, 

Li riches horn dunt des ainz vus di. 

E Edelret e Elvereth 

Furent chasce a Wiscelet. 

Co est un gue vers Windesoveres, 

A unes estand en unes mores. 

Hoc I'un ost alat arere, 

Ne seurent gue sur la rivere : 

Thuiforde ad nun li gue tutdis, 

U les Daneis sunt resortiz. 

E les Engleis sunt eschapez, 

Mes mulz en sunt morz e naffrez ; 

Ci furent Daneis victur." 

Wiscelet, mentioned in tlie above extract, is Wistley, or Wichelet Green, near 


which will excite your wonder. Wulwin, surnamed Spillecorn/ the 
son of Wuhiiar of Nutgareshale,^ was one day cutting timber in the 
wood of Bruelle,^ and indulging in a long sleep after his labour, he 
lost his sight for seventeen years, from the blood, as I imagine, 
stagnating about his eyes : at the end of this time, he was ad- 
monished in a dream to go round to eighty-seven churches, and 
earnestly entreat a cure of his blindness from the saints. At last 
coming to the king's court, he remained for a long time, in vain, 
in opposition to the attendants, at the vestibule of his chamber. 
He still continued importunate, however, without being deterred, 
till at last, after much difficulty, he was admitted by order of the 
king. When he had heard the dream, he mildly answered, * By my 
lady St. Mary, I shall be truly grateful if God, through my means, 
shall choose to take pity upon a wretched creature.' In conse- 
quence, though he had no confidence in himself, with respect to 
miracles, yet, at the instigation of his servants, he placed his hand, 
dipped in water, on the blind man. In a moment the blood dripped 
plentifully from his eyes, and the man restored to sight exclaimed 
with rapture, ' I see you, O king ! I see you, O king V In this 
recovered state he had charge of the royal palace at Windsor, for 
there the cure had been performed, for a long time ; surviving his 
restorer several years. On the same day, from the same water, 
three blind men, and a man with one eye, who were supported 
on the royal alms, received a cure, the servants administering the 
healing water with perfect confidence.''* 

Those who are accustomed to deal with the traditions of the 
old chroniclers, will receive the above narrative as evidence of 
the existence of a royal residence at Windsor at this period, 
without being bound to admit the miraculous powers of the monk- 
beloved king. Moreover, as the chronicler lived in the early part 
of the twelfth century, the fact of there being a palace at Old 
Windsor some fifty or sixty years before, if not strictly within his 
own knowledge, nmst have been matter of common notoriety. 

' According to Kcniict it should be " de Spillicotc." (' Parochial Antiquities,' vol. i, 
p. 72, edit. 1818.) 

2 Lutcgarshalc, now Ludgershall. (Kenuet's ' Parochial Antiquities.') 

■* Brill, in I5ucks. Uid. 

"• William of Maluicsbury's 'Chronicle,' by Sharpe. 


Roger of Wendover places another incident in the reign of 
Edward the Confessor at Windsor. " It happened in the same 
year (a.d. 1065), in the presence of King Eadward, at VV}'ndele- 
shore, Tosti, Earl of Northumberland, moved with envy, seized by 
the hair his brother Harold, as he was pledging the king in a cup 
of wine, and handled him shamefully, to the amazement of all the 
king's household. Provoked to vengeance at this, Harold seized 
his brother in his arms, and lifting him up, dashed him with violence 
against the ground : on which the soldiers rushed forward from all 
sides, and put an end to the contest between these famous brothers, 
and separated them from each other."^ 

According to one MS. version of the Saxon Chronicle, ^Ethelsige, 
or Ethelsy, was consecrated Abbot of St. Augustine's by the king 
at Windsor, on St. Augustine's mass day, a.d. 1061.^ 

A charter of king Edward bears date the 20th of May, 1065, 
at the royal ville of Wendlesore^ and is attested by Gibson, 
bishop of Wells.* Another royal charter, without any date of 
the year, purports to be made at Windsor on the fourth day of 
Easter ; witnessed by Eadgitha the Queen, and Earls Godwin and 

Edward the Confessor, by a charter bearing date the fifth of 
the kalends of January, 1066, granted Windsor, with its appur- 
tenances, to the monastery of St. Peter's at Westminster.^ 

The charter commences with a recital of the past afflictions of 
the kingdom by the disputes for the sovereignty, the ultimate 
peaceable establishment of Edward on the throne, and his great 
prosperity, so that no preceding king could be compared to him in 
riches and glory. The king goes on to say, that being indebted 
to God for all these blessings, he had determined to proceed to 
the seat of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and there return thanks 

' Roger of Wendover's ' Flowers of History,' by Dr. Giles, 2 vols., London, 1849, 
vol. i, p. 321. Henry of Huntingdon places the scene at Winchester. 

^ See the 'Saxon Chronicle,' by Dr. Giles, 8vo, London, 1847. 

3 " In regali villa Wendlesore nnncupata." 

^ Kemble's 'Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici,' torn, iv, pp. 163, 165. 

^ Ibid., p. 209. 

^ MS. Cott., Eaust., A. iii, fol. 25 h. The charter is printed in the ' Monasticou,' and 
in Kemble's ' Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici.' 


for past mercies, and pray for a continuance of them ; that he had 
made preparations for the expense of the journey, and prepared 
worthy presents for the apostles ; but that his nobles, fearing dis- 
turbances in his absence, had dissuaded him from the attempt. 
He therefore applied to the Pope for a dispensation from his vow, 
which was granted, but coupled with a command to Edward to 
bestow the amount intended for the journey, either in building or 
repairing and enlarging some religious house dedicated to St. Peter. 
A communication made by St. Peter to a trustworthy monk, ex- 
pressing his wish that the monastery at Westminster should be 
rebuilt, had determined the king's selection ; and that the fabric 
was accordingly restored. The king then specifically confirms the 
donations of land of former monarchs and the gifts of the great men 
of his court ; and, lastly, states that for the hope of eternal salvation 
and for the remission of his sins, and for the souls of his father and 
mother and all his ancestors,^ and to the praise of God, he had 
placed upon the altar, by way of endowment, various things used 
in the services of the church, together with a grant of lands at 
different places, and among others, " Windlesora cum omnibus ad 
se pertinentibus." 

The charter closes with an anathema against those who should 
oppose the intent of the deed, which is witnessed by a number 
of bishops and nobles. 

At the same time that the King granted this charter to the 
monastery of Westminster, he announced to his bishops, earls, and 
thanes of Berkshire and Middlesex his grant of Windsor in these 
terms :^ 

" Edward the king greets well my bishops and my earls, and all my 

* " Postremo ego ipse, pro spe retribucionis eternse, et pro remissione delictorum 
nieorum, et pro animabus patris mei et matris mei et omnium pareutum meorum," &c. 

2 Edward king gret wcl mine biscopes and mine eorles and alle mine J^egncs on 
Barrocscire and on Middclsexen freondlic, and ic kithe ou J?at ic habbe se-gifen Criste 
and Sainte Petre into Westminstre, Windlesoren and Stane, and al that tharto herde, 
binnan burch and butan, mid sace and mid sociie, mid toil and mid tlieame, and mid 
iniangcncKf) on wodc and on leldc, be strande and bi landc, on strate and of strate, 
and on alle thngan, swa ful and swa forth, swa it me silfeu formest on hande stod, 
and ic ncUe gcj^afyan that jjaer any man ani onsting habbc on any thngan buten se 
abbod and thasc bro)jran to Sainte Petres ncodc. God eon se hcalde. (MS. Cotton 
Paubtina, A iii, fol. 104 e;°.) 


tlianes in Berkshire and in Middlesex friendly, and I make known to you 
that I have given to Christ and St. Peter at Westminster, Windsor and 
Staines, and all that therto belongs, within burgh and without, with 
saca and soca,^ with toll and with theame,^ and with infangthefe,^ in 
wood and in field, by strand and by land, in street and out of street, 
and in all things, as fully and as extensively as I myself first held it ; 
and I will not suffer that any man have power there in any thing, but the 
abbot and monks for the need of St. Peter. God himself preserve you." 

The quantity of land which Edward held was twenty hides."^ 
Old Windsor did not continue long in the possession of the 
monastery. William the Conqueror, being greatly pleased with its 
situation, made, in the first year of his reign, an exchange of lands, 
by which Windsor was again restored to the crown. 

" By the constitution and favour of the venerable Abbot of West- 
minster, I have agreed for Windlesora for the king^s use, the place 
appearing proper and convenient for a royal retirement on account of 
the river and its nearness to the forest for hunting, and many other 
royal conveniences, in exchange for which I have given Wokenduue and 

The following writ appears to have been issued by the king at 
the same time :^ 

" William the king greets William, the bishop, and Swein, the sheriff, 
and all my thanes in Essex friendly, and I make known to you that I 

^ Saca was the power and privilege of hearing and determining causes and disputes, 
levying forfeitures and fines, executing laws, and administering justice within a certain 
precinct. Soca was the territory or precinct in which the saca and other privileges 
were exercised. (Ellis, 'Introduction to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 273; WilkinSj 'Leges Anglo- 
Saxonicse,' p. 202.) 

* Theame was the power of having, restraining, and judging bondmen, neifs, and 
villains, with their children, goods, and chattels, in the lord's court. (Cowel, ' Law 
Interpr.,' fol. 1727.) 

^ Infangthefe, thieves taken within the jurisdiction. 

^ ^QQ post, pp. 13, 14;. 

^ See extract in Gough's ' Camden's Britannia.' The King also gave fourteen soke- 
men and their lands, and one freeholder in Thurestaple Hundred, who held one yard land 
belonging to Ferings, with three houses in Colchester. (See Ashmole's * Order of the 
Garter,' p. 127-8.) I have not discovered the original charter, which appears to be 
imperfectly cited. [J. E. D.] 

^ Willem king gret Willem b. and Swein scirefen and alle mine thegnes on Estsexen 
frendlice. And ice ki^e eow that ice wille I'at j^a twa land, Feringe and Wokindone, \>Q 
ic lete into Westminster for Windlesore the hwcarfe ligge )?der {sic) inne nu mid sace and 
mid bucne, swa full and swa foris swa itt hi Her inn firmest se-unnen habbe on alien 

10 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter I. 

will that the two lands Feringe and Wokendon, which I gave unto 
Westminster, in exchange for Windsor, henceforth be held with saca 
and soca^ as fully and as extensively in every thing, as they have 
enjoyed it therein, most firmly ; and let the sheriff" Sweyn deliver the 
land to the holy monastery to have as they had it ; and I command 
that whatsoever may have been carried away thence, whether cattle or 
other property, shall be restored within seven nights after this writ 
has been read, by my friendship. And I will not suffer that any man 
deprive the holy monastery of any thing that I have collected therein/' 

The site of the royal palace at Old Windsor is not known 
with certainty/ A farm house, which until recently stood west 
of the church and near the river, surrounded by a moat, probably 
marked the site.^ Scarcely raised above the level of the Thames, 
which flows close to it and supplied the moat with water, the 
palace had no natural defence, and was used rather as a convenient 
spot for hawking and hunting than a place of strength. 

It is from the situation of Old Windsor that its name is 
generally supposed to be derived. In the grants of Edward the 
Confessor the place is called '' Windlesora" and " Windlesore/' 
Camden speaks of Windsor as called by the Saxons, ''perhaps from 
the windings of the banks, Wynbejhopa."^ This derivation, which 

Jjngen, and Sweyn scirefa betace tlia land into than halagen minstre habbe se e hi 
habbe, and ice beode J^att swa hwat swa j^anun ut se-don stS on erfe odSe on o^er 
J^nge, J^at itt eume ongean binnen sefen uihten J^ar j^e Jjs se writte se-raed bits bi minen 
freoudscipe. And ice nelle se-Jjafian J^at mann atbrede jjam halagen minstre any j^are 
|?nge l^as ^e ice J^idcr innc se-unuen habbe. (MS. Cotton, Faust., A iii, fol. 113 r°.) 

^ Lelaud (writing iu the 16th century) wonders at the seldom mention made of this 
place by the old Chroniclers. " Illud eerte mihi mirum videtur, quod, quum nou paueis 
ab hinc seculis tanquam regia Saxonum sedes re ipsa in magno steterit precio, cum 
aucupii, turn vcnationis titulo, tarn rara de eo fiat mentio apud veteres historise scriptores." 
(' Comnientarii in Cygneam Cantionem,' verb. Viudelcsora.) 

^ See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 414. 

^ "Windles-ofra, Windles-ourc, Windles-ora, Windsor, Berks ; flcxuosa ripa; qualis 
Thamesina ista, ad quam situs est vicus inde dietus, Windelsor, Windsor." (Bosworth's 
* Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.') By the old historians the name was variously spelled : 
Windleshora (Florence) ; Winlesores (William of Malmesbury) ; Windleshores, Winleshores 
(Hen. of Hunt, andllovd) ; Windeshores, Windesourc (llovd) ; Windelsores, Windlcsores, 
Winlesores (Gervase) ; Windesourc, "Wyndcsore (Brom])ton) ; Windesour, Wyndosor 
(Knighton). Gibson says (in the 'Nominum locorum explicatio' affixed to his edition of 
the * Saxon Chronicle') ' Quod autem nonnunquam scribitur Windlesofra et Windlcsoure, 
id dcducendum esse vocabulum suadet ab ofre {ripa), quod paulatim liquefaetum fuit in 
oure, indcque in ora' 


was merely a suggestion of Camden, has been adopted by subse- 
quent writers as incontrovertibly established ;^ but although the 
winding course of the river Thames, between the present town of 
Windsor and Staines, certainly gives a plausibility to this sug- 
gestion/ it may be doubted whether the origin of the name may 
not be more correctly traced to another source. Harrison, in 
describing the Thames and its tributaries, says, "Being past the 
Cole (Colne), we come to the fall of the Vindeles, which riseth by 
north west neere unto Bagshot, from whence it goeth to Windlesham, 
Chobham, and meeting with a brooklet comming westward from 
Bisleie, they run together toward Cherteseie, where when they have 
met with a small rill rising north of Sonning hill in Windlesoure great 
parke^ it falleth into the Thames on the north-east side of Cherteseie.''^ 
There can be little or no doubt that Windlesham derives its 
name from this stream, and signifies the house or village on 
the Windles, or Vindeles, as Harrison spells it. Although 
Windlesham is several miles distant from Windsor, it must be 
remembered that the whole of the district drained by the river 
Windles, was originally within the limits of the forest of Windsor ;^ 
and as Old Windsor was probably selected by the Saxon kings as 
a residence for the same reason that it was subsequently repurchased 
by the Conqueror, (namely, on account of its convenience for hunting 

* Although Ashmole, in his ' Order of the Garter/ speaks of Camden's idea simply as 
a conjecture, Pote, who (in liis * History of Windsor') transcribes largely from Ashmole, 
ventures to say, " Camden rightly conjectures that the remarkable winding course or 
shore of the river here gave rise to the name." Mr. Stoughton, more recently, in his 
* Windsor in the Olden Time,' says Old Windsor " bore the name of Wyndleshora, a 
Saxon appellation, referring to the winding banks of the Thames in that vicinity." This 
is one of the many instances that occur (among topographical and antiquarian writers 
especially) of a modest suggestion being taken up and treated as a positive and incon- 
trovertible dictum. Two absurd conjectures have been made as to the origin of the 
name Windsor: Lambarde ('Diet. Angl. Top. et Hist.') says it is derived from "the 
wi/ndie shoare, because it standetli hygh, and subject to the wynde ;" the other is, that 
it was so called from the winding of boats across the Thames at this place. 

2 That the Thames does wind unusually in the neighbourhood of Old Windsor is 
evidenced by the fact that some years ago the Commissioners of the Thames Naviga- 
tion made a shorter cut for barges from the wear below Datchet to Old Windsor, in 
order^to avoid the circuitous course of the river between those places. 

3 -The Description of Britaine,' prefixed to Holinshed's ' Chronicles,' edit. 1587. 

' See "Windlesham Walk," in Norden's Map and Tables of the Forest. (Had. MSS., 
No. 37^9.) 

12 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter I. 

in the forest,) it may very naturally have received the name of 
Windles-ofer, or Windles-ora, the place beyond or adjoining to 
Win dies in the forest of Windsor.^ 

The lands of Windsor, granted by Edward the Confessor and 
exchanged by the Abbot of Westminster with William, appear to 
have had reference to Old Windsor, and did not include the site of 
the present town or castle. 

The Conqueror proceeded to build a castle^ on the brow of the 

^ There is a large parish ou the western border of Dorsetshire called Broad Windsor, 
which is described in Domesday Survey by the names of "Windesore," " Windestorte," 
and " Windresore." The members of a family named from this place are described in 
instruments of the reign of Henry the Third as Thomas and John de " Windlesore." 
Hutchius says the parish seems to take its name from the winding border that separates 
it from Somersetshire ('Dorsetshire,' vol. i, p, 603, 2d edition); but this is not a 
satisfactory derivation, and was probably suggested to the author by Camden's corre- 
sponding derivation of Windsor in Berkshire. It deserves notice that Winsham (spelt as 
Windlcsham is generally pronounced) is near Broad Windsor. 

^ The Conqueror relied mainly on the strength of his castles for the preservation of 
his power in England. It was the want of such places that had facilitated his success, 
and the multiplication of them gave him the strongest assurance that he would be able 
permanently to overcome his English subjects. 

The castles of the Conqueror's own time were those of Canterbury, Tunbridge, and 
Rochester, in Kent ; Hastings, Arundel, Bramber, and Lewes, in Sussex (Pevensey 
had been erected in the Roman times) ; Carisbrooke, in the Isle of Wight ; Walingford 
and Windsor, in Berkshire; Wareham, in Dorsetshire; Exeter and Oakhampton, 
in Devonshire ; Duuhevet and Trematon, in Cornwall ; Gloucester and Berkeley, 
in Gloucestershire ; Chepstow, in Monmouthshire ; Dudley, in Worcestershire ; in 
Herefordshire, Wigmore, Clifford, and Ewias ; the castles of Cambridge, Huntingdon, 
and Lincohi; Rockingham, in Northamptonshire; Warwick and Tutbury, in Stafford- 
shire ; Shrewsbury and Montgomery Castles, in Shropshire ; Ruthlan, in Flintshire ; 
Penvardant, between the Ribble and the Mersey; the Peak Castle, in Derbyshire; two 
castles at York ; Pomfret and Richmond Castles ; Clitheroe ; Raleygh, in Essex ; 
Norwich Castle; and Eye, in Suffolk. 

Of these, nearly the whole of which are mentioned in the Domesday Survey, eight 
are known, either on the authority of that record or of our old historians, to have been 
built by the Conqueror himself; ten are entered as erected by greater barons, and one 
by an under-tenant. Eleven more, of whose builders we have no particular account, are 
noticed in the Survey either expressly or by inference as new. It is singular that the 
ruins which are now remaining of almost all these castles have preserved one feature 
of uniformity : they are each distinguished by a mount and keep, — marking the peculiar 
style of architecture introduced into our castellated fortiGcations by the Conqueror and 
his adherents. 

The castles of Dover, Nottingham, and Durham, known to have been built by 
the Conqueror, with the White Tower in the Tower of London, are unnoticed in the 
Domesday Survey. (Ellis, 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 223; Ellis, 'Letters,' 3d series, 
vol i, pp.U-12.) 


hill two miles north-west of Old Windsor. No accounts are left 
of the form or details of this structure, nor the precise period of its 
erection.^ It was built before the Domesday survey, which was 
finished in the year 1086. 

Some idea of the state of the district at the time of the erection 
of the Castle, may be collected from the survey.^ 

King William held Old Windsor as his own demesne, i. e. 
retained it as his own estate.^ Edward the Confessor was possessed 

^ " The castle of the Norman period of our history must not be confounded with the 
palatial fortress of the fourteenth century. The principles upon which the Norman 
strongholds were constructed resemble those which apply to the fortification of a town. 
A high and solid rampart, encircled by a ditch, flanked by salient towers, and defended by 
a parapet, inclosed an open space, sometimes of several acres. At or near the extremity 
of this inclosure, and on its most inaccessible height, or, if the site afforded no proper 
vantage ground, on a vast artificial mound of earth, stood the citadel of the place, the 
lofty and massive keep, furnished within itself with every means which the space could 
afford of sheltering and maintaining the garrison when they should be driven from the 
outworks, and the plans of these ancient towers display many skilful contrivances by 
which their object was effected." (Poynter's ' Essay on the History and Antiquities of 
Windsor Castle,' prefixed to Sir Jeffrey Wyatville's ' Illustrations of Windsor Castle,') 

^ The commissioners or inquisitors for the formation and adjusting of this survey, 
it appears, were, upon the oaths of the sheriffs, the lords of each manor, the presbyters of 
every church, the reves of every hundred, the bailiff and six villans of every village, to 
inquire into the name of the place, who held it in the time of King Edward, who was the 
present possessor, how many hides in the manor, how many carucates in demesne, how 
many homagers, how many villans, how many cotarii, how many servi, what free-men, 
how many tenants in socage, what quantity of wood, how much meadow and pasture, 
what mills and fish-ponds, how much added or taken away, what the gross value in 
King Edward's time, what the present value, and how much each free-man or soch-man 
had or has. All this was to be triply estimated : first, as the Castle was held in the time 
of the Confessor ; then as it was bestowed by King William ; and, thirdly, as its value 
stood at the formation of the Survey. The jurors were moreover to state whether any 
advance could be made in the value. The method generally followed in entering the 
Keturns was, first, to entitle the estate to its owner, always beginning with " Terra 
Regis ;" the hundred was next specified ; then the tenant, with the place ; and afterwards 
the description of the property. 

The inquisitions having been taken, were sent by the justiciaries to Winchester, and 
there classed and methodised, and entered in a register, such as we now view it. (Ellis's 
' Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, pp. 21, 30.) 

^ The following is the entry in Domesday relating to Old Windsor : — " Terra Regis. 
Rex Willielmus Tenet Windesores in dominico. Rex Edwardus tenuit. ibi xx hidse. 
Terra est. In dominico est una carucata et xxii villani, et ii bordarii cum x carucatis. 
Ibi unus servus et piscaria de vi solidis et viii denariis, et xl acrse prati. Silva de l porcis 
de pasnagio et alia silva missa est in defensu, et adhuc sunt in villa c hagse v minus. 
Ex his sunt xxvi quietaj de gablo, et de aliis exeunt xxx solidi. De terra hujus manerii 
tenet Albertus clericus unam hidam et dimidium et tertiam partem unius denser 

14 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteii I. 

of twenty hides there, and that appears to have been the extent of 
the Conqueror's possessions surrounding the old Saxon palace/ 
Whether the lade was any precise quantity of land, and if so, what 
that quantity of land was, are points not positively determined. 
Mr. Kemble, the most recent, and perhaps best authority on the 
subject, believes it to have been equal to forty Norman or thirty- 
three and a half Saxon acres.^ Sir Henry Ellis, however, infers 
that a hide was six score, or one hundred and twenty acres.^ 

The arable land in the king's demesne was one carucate, 
originally signifying as much arable as could be managed with one 
plough, and the beasts belonging thereto in a year; having 
meadow, pasture, and houses for the householders, and cattle 
belonging to it. The precise quantity probably differed according 
to the nature of the soil, or the custom of the country. It appears 
to have approached in quantity to a hide, the carucate being a term 
of Norman introduction, the hide a Saxon division.* 

There were twenty-two villans, {i. e. holders of small portions 
of land at the will of their lord, rendering personal services to him, 
who might dispossess them whenever he pleased,) and two hordarii, 
or cottagers, who were of a less servile condition than the villans, 
holding their bord, or cottage, and small parcel of land, on condi- 
tion of supplying the lord with poultry and eggs, and other small 
provisions,^ but their condition probably differing on different 
manors -^ and one servus (who is supposed to have been a villan) 
receiving wages instead of land, at the discretion of the lord.''' 

Walterus, filius Other, unam liidam et dimidium et unam virgatam, et taiitum silvae unde 
exeunt v porci de pasnagio, Gislebertus niaminot iii virgatas, Willielmus belet unam 
hidam. Aluricus i liidam et alter Aluricus dimidium hidam et presbiter villas unam hidam 
et dimidium, et ii scrvientcs curise regis dimidium hidam. Eudo dapifer ii hidas. 
Tempore Regis Edwardi valebat xv libras et post vii libras, Modo xv libras." 

^ The "Terra Regis" of Domesday was chiefly composed of land that had been 
possessed by Edward the Confessor, Harold, and other Saxon princes and earls. (See 
Allen's 'Inquiry into the Royal Perogative in England,' 8vo, 1830; and Ellis's *Introd. 
to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 228.) 

^ Kemble's ' Saxons in England,' vol. i, chap. iv. 

* See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 148. 

' Ibid. 

^ Kennett's ' Glossary of Parochial Antiquities.' 

*■' Ellis's * Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 83. 

? Kennett's 'Gloss. Paroch. Antiq.' 


The villeins and bordarii had ten ploughs. Attached to the 
carucate, or plough-land, was a fishery, yielding a rent of six 
shillings and eight pence. There were forty acres of meadow-land 
and wood-land, for pannage in which, or the privilege of running 
and feeding hogs in it, fifty hogs were annually rendered to the 
lord. There was another wood, not subject to pannage, but fenced 
in, to secure the growth of the timber. 

In the manor were ninety-five houses. These probably formed 
the village or town of Old Windsor, and were in the immediate 
vicinity of the old palace or king's residence, which was situated 
there, as already stated, in Edward the Confessor's reign. Of 
these houses, twenty-six were free from the payment of gahel^ or 
tax, to the king. The others paid thirty shillings. 

Besides the king's demesne, there were other lands in this 
manor held by his subjects, under him. Albert, the clerk (clericus), 
had a hide and a half, and the third part of a tenth. Walter, the 
son of Other, a hide and a half and one virgate, (a variable measure, 
like the hide and carucate, but probably signifying here the eighth 
part of a hide.y He also had as much wood as sufficed to keep five 
hogs yearly by the privilege of pannage in it. 

Gislebertus, or Gilbert Maminot, held three virgates ; William 
Belet, one hide; Aluricus, or Alfric, one hide; and another 
Aluricus, half a hide. The priest (presbyter) of the village held a 
hide and a half ; and two sergeants (servientes) of the king's court, 
half a hide. Eudo the king's steward, or sewer, held two hides.^ 

^ See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 155. If the virgate signified here the 
fourth part of a hide, as it is supposed to do in other places, the quantity of land held 
by Walter would probably have been expressed by a hide and three virgates. [J. E. D.] 

^ Eudo held other lands in Berkshire, and also in the counties of Bedford* 
Cambridge, Essex, Hants, Hertford, Huntingdon, Lincoln, Norfolk, Northampton, and 
Suffolk. He is sometimes designated "Eudo Dapifer," but more frequently as "Eudo, 
filius Huberti." " The former name was obtained from the office of sewer, or steward, 
which Eudo held at court. Hubert de Bie, the father of Eudo, was a great favorite 
with Duke William in Normandy, who sent him ambassador, with a large retinue, to 
Edward the Confessor, who was induced, by Hubert's dexterity, to appoint Wilham his 
successor in the throne of England. The father was promised the office of steward of the 
household as soon as William should be possessed of the crown ; but after his conquest, 
Wilham being apprehensive of commotions in Normandy, sent Hubert back with his 
three eldest sons to maintain that country in quiet. Eudo, the fourth son, remained in 
England, received very large possessions, and was shortly after made steward of the 


The value of the manor in Edward the Confessor's reign was 
fifteen pounds, but afterwards reduced to seven pounds ; but at 
the time of the survey was again estimated at fifteen pounds. 

This was the state of Old Windsor at the time of the survey. 
There is no trace of the existence of the town of New Windsor 
at that time. The Castle had been recently erected on half a hide 
of land in the manor of Clewer (Clivore), which was possessed by 
Radulfus, the son of Seifride.^ King Harold, or, as he is described 
in Domesday, Earl Harold, previously held this manor, which in 
his time comprised five hides, but at the time of the survey consisted 
of four hides and a half, the Castle of Windsor being erected on 
the other half hide. 

The arable land of Radulfus consisted of one carucate and a 
half, wath nine villans and six bordarii, having four ploughs. 
A mill yielded ten shillings. There were twenty acres of meadow- 
land, and wood-land rendering ten hogs. The son-in-law of 
Radulfus held half a hide, yielding however nothing to the manor ; 
the value of which was formerly seven pounds, but at the time of 
the survey four pounds ten shillings. 

On the other side of the Thames, we find Walter, the son 
of Other, possessed of the manor of Eton, comprising twelve 
hides, of which eight carucates were arable land. The manor pre- 
viously belonged to Queen Eddid, or Editha, the wife of Edward the 
Confessor, and was probably held by her, with all her other pos- 

houseliold, in the room of William Fitz Osbern. His wife was Roliaise, daughter of 
Richard, sou of Gilbert, Earl of Eu. Eudo founded the Abbey of St. John at Colchester, 
in 1096, and was in favour with King William Rufus. He died at Preaux, in Normandy, 
but his corpse was brought to England and buried in his monastery at Colchester, 
February 28th, a.d. 1120." (See Moraut's ' Hist, of Colchester,' p. 139.) Adam, the 
brother of Eudo Dapiier, was one of the commissioners for making the Conqueror's 
survey. " Terra Eudonis iilius Huberti," stands as a title to Eudo's lands in Berkshire, 
Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huutingdonsliire, and Bedfordshire. But the entries 
themselves uniformly begin "Eudo Dapifer tenet de Rege." (Ellis's 'Introduction to 
Domesday,' vol. i, p. 415.) 

^ Radulfus hlius Seifrid tenet do rege Clivore. Heraldus comes tenuit. Tunc se 
defendebat pro v hidis, modo pro iv hidis et dimidio et castellum de Windesores est in 
diniidio hida. Terra est. In dominico est una caracuta et dimidium et ix villani et 
vi bordarii, cum iv carucatis, et molcndinuin de x solidis et xx acrje prati. Silva de 
X porcis. De liac terra tenet gener ejus Radulfus dimidium hidam et nichil est ibi. 
Valuit vii libras. Modo iv libras et x sohdos. 


sessions, until her death in 1075, when they reverted to the crown, 
and this manor granted by the Conqueror to Walter.^ 

There were two mills at Eton, valued at twenty shilUngs, and 
a fishery yielding a rent of a thousand eels. One of the mills at 
Eton, and that at Clewer, no doubt stood on the same spots 
where the "Tangier" and Clewer Mills are now situated.^ 
Various causes tend to make a corn-mill one of the most perma- 
nent species of property.^ The situation is originally selected 
where the stream offers the greatest natural advantages. The 
grinding of corn by means of a water-wheel has never been 
superseded by other sources of mechanical powxr, although, where 
that element cannot be readily obtained, the action of air and 
steam have supplied its place. The conversion of corn into bread 
was an essential process for the support of all classes and persons ; 
for the soldier as well as the husbandman ; and accordingly, 
through all the changes of kingdoms and the vicissitudes of their 
rulers, the mill-wheel has never ceased to perform its peaceful 
revolution . 

The fisheries at Eton and Old Windsor also still exist on the 
same spots they occupied eight hundred years ago. 

There is no mention of houses in the manor of Eton, but it is 
probable, from the fact of there being two mills in it, that there 
was at least a village at that period where the town of Eton is now 

' From the family of Fitz Other, the manor of Eton descended or passed into those 
of Hodenge, Huntercombe, and Scudamore, and from them descended through female 
heirs to the Lovel family, from whom, in the reign of Edward the Fourth, ih.e manor was 
acquired by Eton College. Another manor in the same parish, called Eton-Stockdales 
cum Cole-Norton, was for several centuries in the Windsor family. Duriug the last and 
the present century it has been successively in the families of Ballard, Wassell, Buckle, 
and Penn. (See Lysons' 'Magna Brit./ vol, ], p. 560.) 

^ The ' W^estminster Magazine' for the year 1781 contains an engraving of Clewer 
Mill. It is there stated that before its destruction by fire " the interior machinery of the 
mill was extremely curious and singular, and drew the attention of the king and many of 
the nobility to visit it." 

•'' In Domesday-book, wherever a mill is specified, we generally find it still subsist- 
ing. Mills anciently belonged to lords of manors, and the tenants were permitted to 
grind only at the lord's mill. This circumstance sufficiently accounts, not only for the 
great number of mills noticed in the survey as objects of profit to tlic landholder, but 
for the large sums which they are continually stated to yield. (Ellis's 'Introd. to 
Domesday,' vol. i, p. 122.) 

1 8 ANNALS OY WINDSOR. [Chapter I. 

Whether there were any churches at Old Windsor, Clewer, 
and Eton, is not stated in the survey.^ It is^ however, by no means 
improbable that they existed at all these places, for the precept 
which directed the formation of the Domesday survey laid no 
injunction on the jurors to make a return of churches, so that the 
mention of them, if made at all, was of course likely to be irregular. 
Accordingly the whole number actually noticed in the survey, 
comprising a few more than one thousand seven hundred, falls 
considerably under what there are grounds for concluding they 
must have amounted to, about, or soon after, the time of the 

It may be reasonably inferred that a church existed at Old 
Windsor at this period, for, as ah^eady stated, the priest (presbyter) 
of the village or manor is mentioned as tenant of land at that 
place. ^ 

Of the state of the country around Windsor, during the earlier 
Saxon period, there are necessarily but few materials for arriving 
at a satisfactory conclusion. The Mercian kings are supposed to 
have had a palace at Cippenham in Buckinghamshire, about three 
miles north-west of Windsor.'^ It is certain that it was a royal 
residence at a subsequent period, and an ancient moated site still 
exists there.^ 

In the "7Jtote park," which lay immediately south of Windsor and 
adjoining the Great Park, vestiges of a square entrenched enclosure 
are still discernible, which may have given rise to the name, 
although the situation of the place precludes the idea of its having 

* " The church of Old Windsor in Berks is ancient, and consists of one isle, in whicli 
is an octogon font, in the angles of which are a |51j a cross, two cross keys, a rose, a lilly, 
and an anchor defaced." (Dr. Thomas Girdler to Hearne. See the Glossary to Hearnc's 
' Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle,' vol. ii, p. 629.) A woodcut of the font in Clewer 
Church will be found in a subsequent part of this work. There are no remains of the 
old parish church of Eton. 

' Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 286. 

3 The circumstance of presbyter occurring most frequently in counties where scarcely 
any " ecclesise " are noticed, gives strength to the presumption that the officers of the 
exchequer, who abridged the inquisitions, considered the entry of the one as in most 
cases implying the existence of the other. (Ibid., p. 289.) 

* Ly sons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 531. 

'~' Ibid., and set posi, Chapter IV. (llcign of Henry 111), 



been selected, or the moat formed for the purposes of defence.^ 
There are other similarly marked spots in the neighbourhood of 
Windsor, probably referable to the same origin. Near Langley 
Maries, in Buckinghamshire, are remains of earth works, now 
called " Trenches" or the '' Moat," with an artificial hill or mound 
adjoining.^ The well-known mound called Salt Hill, which, in 
Lysons' ' Buckinghamshire,' is spoken of as a " tumulus," may be 
a vestige of the same or an earlier period.^ 

From the few particulars extracted from Domesday Survey, 
the following general conclusions may be drawn : 

A few serfs and swineherds dwelt in straggling huts near the 
old palace or manor-house of the Saxon kings at Old Windsor, 
tending their swine in the woods, which, stretching southwards 
and westwards, formed the outskirts of the Royal Forest of 

* See Norden's ' Description of the Moat Park,' in a subsequent part of this work. 

^ These remains have not been noticed by any antiquary or other writer. They 
lie about a quarter of a mile from Langley church, and one hundred yards north 
of the Great V^estern Eailway, from which the mound, covered with trees, is readily 

^ Although the origin of the Montem, at Eton, has been repeatedly the subject of 
antiquarian discussion, (and is now, by the best authorities, referred to the custom of 
the boy-bishop,) no attention appears to have been paid to the selection of the ancient 
hillock for the ceremony. A mound, or elevated spot of ground, does not seem to be 
connected with the former ceremony of the " boy-bishop" at any other place, and there- 
fore, although the procession and ceremonies at Eton may have originated in the manner 
suggested, the question why "Salt Hill," a distance of nearly two miles from the 
College, and situated in another parish, should have been selected, is not disposed of. 
It may be observed, that the elevation is not sufficiently marked to render it probable 
that it was chosen on that account alone. Salt Hill owes its present apparent eleva- 
tion to the removal of gravel from the vicinity, for the purpose of repairing the roads; 
for on a close examination, it will be seen that the artificial mound is raised only a few feet 
above the natural level of the adjacent fields. The choice of this spot may have originated, 
perhaps, in the custom of the Anglo-Saxons to assemble at a tumulus (which was often 
an object of superstitious reverence among them) to perform games and ceremonies at 
fixed periods. Traces of such customs still exist in different parts of the kingdom. 
(See Wright's 'Early Notices relating to the Antiquities of St. Alban's,' 'Archaeologia,' 
vol. xxxiii, p. 264; and Wright's 'History of Ludlow,' 8vo, 1852, p. 15.) As it is not 
intended to enter into details of what is already in print and easily accessible, further 
than is essential to give a complete character to this work, it is sufficient to refer the 
reader who wishes to find a full account of Eton Montem, to Brand's ' Popular Anti- 
quities,' by Sir Henry Ellis, (2 vols. 4to, 1813, and 3 vols. 8vo, 184:9,) and Lipscombe's 
' Buckinghamshire,' vol. iv, p. 465. 

20 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chaptek I. 

The Buckinghamshire side of the river was chiefly cultivated 
gi^ound, free from wood, bounded by moorland on the north.^ 

Datchet, lying on that side of the river, between Old and New 
Windsor, appears to have an earlier mention of its name than 
Windsor. In a record of the time of ^^elraed (Ethelred, a.d. 990, 
995), mention is made of land at "Deccet" exchanged for land at 
" Hacceburnam" (Hagborne?), and at *' Bradanfelda" (Bradfield).^ 

Windsor is incidentally mentioned in Domesday as having been 
a residence of the Conqueror. Thus the king is stated to have sent 
his writ from thence to Robert de Oilgi to restore certain land in 
Berkshire, of which Azor, a steward in the reign of Edward the 
Confessor, was unjustly dispossessed -^ and again, the manor of 
Draintone (Drayton) in Buckinghamshire, was held in the Con- 
queror's time by Radulfus Passaquam, of Lewinus de Neweham, 
and provided two armed men (IIos Loricatos) to guard Windsor.* 

Walter, the son of Other, or Walter Fitz Other, who possessed 
the manor of Eton, and held some land in Old Windsor Manor, 
and was also owner of several other manors in the neighbourhood, 
as Stoke, Horton, and Burnham, was appointed by the Conqueror 
Castellan or Governor of the Castle of Windsor and Warden of the 
Forest,^ a grant which was confirmed by the Empress Maud, at 
Oxford, to his son William Eitz Walter, who assumed the surname 
of AVindsor from his office.^ 

This office of Constable of the Castle of Windsor has existed 
from the first appointment of Walter Eitz Other or Otho to the 
present day. Of the duties of Constable at a later period some 
account will be given hereafter, from the pen of Whitelock, who 

^ Harrison describes the Thames as taking in at Eton " the Burne which riseth out 
of a moore, and commeth thither by Burnham." (Holinshed's 'Chronicles,' edit. 1587.) 

2 See Kemble's * Saxons in England/ vol. ii, p. 48 ; see also Leland's 'Itin.,' vol. ii, 
fol. 2. 

3 Tom. i, fol. 62. (See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 32.) 
^ Ibid., fol. 1 51 b. 

^ See 'Bib. Cotton.,' Claudius, b, vi, c. ix, fol. 153, 158; Dugdale's 'Baronage,' 
torn, i, p. 509. 

^ Sharpe's ' Peerage.' Dugdale, however, citing a MS. in tlie ))ossession of Thomas, 
Lord Windsor, says that it was Walter Fitz Other, tiie father, who took the surname 
of W^indsor. He was the ancestor of the present Earl of Plymouth, and of the Carews 
of Cornwall, and the Eitzgcialds, Eitzmaurices, &c., of Ireland. 


was Constable of the Castle and Keeper of the Great Park in the 
middle of the seventeenth century. 

Although Walter Fitz Other appears to have been the first re- 
gularly appointed Constable of the Castle, we have, in the tradition 
of William of Mahnesbury, evidence of the appointment of Wulvvin 
Spillecorn as Keeper of the Royal Palace at Old Windsor.^ 

At the time of the erection of the Castle by William, there 
does not appear to have been any town or village where the 
present town of Windsor stands. It must have gradually arisen 
under the walls of the Castle, partly from the convenience or 
necessity of having residences in the vicinity for persons connected 
with the Castle, but more especially from the protection afforded 
by the royal residence, against violence and injuries to the person 
or property of the serf or vassal, and the opportunities afforded 
of gaining a livelihood by the sale of wares and merchandize to 
the attendants upon the court. ^ 

The first direct mention of Windsor as a residence of the 
Conqueror is in the year 1070. We are told that in the feast of 
Pentecost that year, '' the King being then at A¥indsor, gave the 
archbishopric of York to Thomas, a venerable canon of Bayeux, 
and the bishopric of Winchester to Valceline or Walkelin, his own 

It has been generally supposed that when Windsor is mentioned 
as the place where William the First and Second occasionally held 
their courts and festivals, Old Windsor, and not the present Castle, 

^ See ante, p. 6. Ailred of Rievaulx, however, a contemporary of William of Malmes- 
bury, and who narrates the same miracle of King Edward, states that Wulwin was made 
keeper of the king's palace at Westminster, i. e. of St, Peter's Church. 

2 See Kemble's * Saxons in England,' vol. ii, p. 302. Leland, in a passage in his 
'Itinerary,' says, "The Towne of Newe-Windlesore was erected sins that King Edwarde 
the 3. reedefied the Castelle there." (' Itin.,' vol. iv, part i, fol. 47.) But this appears 
to be merely a loose scrap of information picked up by that antiquary from " George 
Eerras," and noted down at the time. There is certain proof of the existence of a town 
at Windsor as early as Edward the Eirst, and of a church there in Richard the First's 
reign, {^t^ post, Chapter III.) In the Pipe Roll referred to, the 31st year of Henry I, 
William de Bocheland renders an account of the old rent of Windsor, and also of the 
new rent, showing that for some time Windsor was let out to farm, as we shall find it 
was in subsequent reigns. 

^ Roger de Hoveden ; Bromton. 

22 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter I. 

is intended ; as Henry the First held his court in the Castle for the 
first time in 1110.^ 

The controversy between the Archbishops of Canterbury and 
York, as to the authority of the former over the latter, which 
had existed for some time, was discussed in the reign of the 
Conqueror, and determined at Windsor, at Whitsuntide, 1072. 
William of Malmesbury, recounting the proceedings between 
Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Thomas, Archbishop of 
York, relative to this point, in that year, says, " This cause was 
first agitated at the festival of Easter, in the city of Winchester, in 
the royal chapel situated in the castle ; afterwards in the royal 
ville^ called Windleshore, where it received its termination, in 
the presence of the King, the Bishops, and Abbots of different 
orders, who were assembled at the King's court on the festival of 

The Archbishop of York, on that occasion, made *' unlimited 
profession of canonical obedience" to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Queen Matilda, Hubert (the Pope's legate), and the two Arch- 
bishops, and the Bishops of Sherborne, Worcester, Dorchester, 
Winchester, and Helmham, appear to have been among those 
present at Windsor on this occasion, and testified their acquiescence 
in the arrangement by their signatures.^ 

The festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost were kept 
with great solemnity for several centuries ; and it is by the record 
of them, made by the older historians, that we are chiefly enabled, 
for a considerable period, to trace the movements of the Sovereign. 
Of William the Conqueror we are told he was "held in much 
reverence. He wore his crown three times in every year when he 
was in England: at Easter he wore it at Winchester, at Pentecost 
at Westminster, and at Christmas at Gloucester; and at these 

^ See post, p. 27. 

2 " Villa regia." 

3 Sec William of Malmesbury's ' Chronicle,' by Dr. Giles. The other bishops appear 
to have attended by proxy, as instead of signing, they assented. Sclden, in his * History 
of Tythes,' (Selden's Works, vol. iii, part ii, p. 1193,) says, "Out of a MS. of Exeter 
I have seen (In excerptis MS. apud s. c. Rob. Cotton) transcribed a canon of a council 
held at Windsor, some years after the Norman Conquest, I think under Lanfrank, in 
these words, 'Ut laiei dicimas rcddant sicut scriptum est.'" 

TO A.D. 1087] 



times all the men of England were with him, — archbishops, bishops, 
abbots and earls, thanes and knights."^ 

The festivals of Whitsuntide, in the years 1070 and 1072, are 
the only two mentioned as kept at Windsor dming this reign, 
and no other event is recorded connected with it than those above 
mentioned. It may well be assumed, however, that the Conqueror, 
during that part of his reign spent in England, made use of 
Windsor and the adjoining forest for hunting. The preservation 
of game was with him, as with his Norman successors, an important 
subject. '* He made large forests for deer, and enacted laws 
therewith, so that whoever killed a hart or a hind should be 
blinded. As he forbade kilUng the deer, so also the boars ; and he 
loved the tall stags as if he were their father. He also appointed 
concerning the hares, that they should go free."^ 

1 ( 

Saxon Chronicle/ 


^-^^^'i IS-,0 

Salt Hi]l, from the South Side. 

(See untf, p. 19.) 



Constables of the Castle — a.d. 1087, Walter Eitz Other. 

A.D. 1100, William Fitz Walter. 
A.D. 1153, Richard de Lucy. 

William the Second at Windsor, with his Council, at Whitsuntide — Imprisonment of the Earl 
of Northumberland in the Castle — Visits of the King to Windsor — Deathof the Bishop 
of Durham there, &c. — Henry the Eirst at Windsor, in Christmas, 1104-5; at Easter, 
1107 — Commences the re-building and enlarging of the Castle — Probable extent of 
the Castle ; Situation of the King's Apartments — Chapel dedicated to Edward the 
Confessor — Endowment by Henry — Foundation of the College for eight Canons — 
The King holds his court in the New Castle, at Whitsuntide, 1110 — Again at 
Christmas, 1113-14 — Marriage of the King at Windsor to Adelicia of Louvaine 
— Dispute between the Bishop of Salisbury and the Archbishop of Canterbury — 
Imprisonment of Hugh Fitz Gervaise at Windsor, in 1126 — David King of Scotland, 
at Windsor — Festival of Christmas following kept at Windsor — Dispute between 
Archbishops of Canterbury and York — Supposed predilection of the King for 
Windsor and Woodstock — Absence of all mention of Windsor from the accession 
of Stephen until the Treaty of Wallingford — Fortress of Windsor committed to 
Richard de Lucy, in trust — Repairs and other works at Windsor during the reign 
of Henry the Second — Henry at Windsor at Christmas, 1170 — William King of 
Scotland there — Parliament at Windsor again in 1179 — The King there at 
Christmas, 1184-5 — Prince John knighted — Principal residences of the King — 
Painthig on the walls of a room in Windsor Castle — Vineyard at Windsor. 

William Rufus was at Windsor, at Pentecost, 1095, "and 
all his witan^ with him, excepting the Eaii of Northumberland ; for 
the king would neither give hostages nor pledge his troth that he 
should come and go in security."^ Notwithstanding this dis- 
couragement to the earl to attend the king's court, his absence 

' Council. 

- * Saxon Chronicle.' 


was made a pretence for levying war against him. The king's 
army invaded his lands, and besieged him in Bamborough Castle. 
He contrived to leave the castle secretly, and proceeded towards 
Tynemouth, at which place, or on his way thither, he was wounded 
and taken prisoner, with some of his followers, and by the king's 
orders brought to Windsor, and there confined in the castle.^ 

This is the earliest mention of Windsor Castle as a state 
prison, a purpose, however, for which it was no doubt adapted 
from the period of its first erection by the Conqueror, and for 
which we shall find it was employed, from time to time, in succeed- 
ing reigns, and down to the close of the Commonwealth.^ 

The king was at Windsor, at the Christmas following 
(a.d. 1095-96), and probably with a large attendance, as he 
had commanded that all who held lands of him, and wished to 
retain his protection, should be at his court on that festival.^ 

William, Bishop of Durham, died there on New Year's Day, 
but was buried at Durham.* The king on this occasion did not 
stay long at Windsor, as he was at Salisbury with his witan " on 
the octaves of the Epiphany." We find him again at Windsor, at 
Easter, 1097, when his court was attended by the great nobles 
" both of England and Normandy, with great reverence and fear."^ 
He intended to hold his court on this festival at Winchester, and 
sailed from Normandy with that intention, but was detained at sea 
by bad weather until Easter Eve, when he landed near Arundel. 
^' Therefore," says the historian, " he held his court at Windsor."^ 
Why the king's being at Arundel should determine him to proceed 
to Windsor instead of to Winchester, is not very obvious. Probably, 
however, the advantage of a more beaten road to Windsor deter- 
mined the choice. 

^ ' Saxon Chronicle ;' Henry of Huntingdon. Roger de Hoveden says the Earl " forti 
custodise mancipandus ad Windleshoram est ductus." Roger of Wendover places the 
event under the year 1094. 

^ Marshall Bellisle was imprisoned in Windsor Castle in the eighteenth century. As 
a prison for debtors within the jurisdiction of the Eorest Court it was used down to a 
comparatively recent period. 

^ * Saxon Chronicle.' 

'' Ibid. "Apud Windleshoram in curia Regis." (Hoveden.) 

^ Henry of Huntingdon. ^ « Saxon Chronicle.' 

26 ANNALS Or WINDSOE. [Chapter II. 

From Windsor, where he kept the feast of Whitsuntide, " wear- 
ing his crown," ^ William marched into Wales, and we have no 
further mention of him at Windsor. Like his father he appears 
to have kept the three great festivals of the year chiefly at Win- 
chester, Westminster, and Gloucester. During the year preceding 
his death (which occurred in the New Forest, August 2, a.d. 1100), 
we are told he held his court at Christmas, with much magnifi- 
cence, in Gloucester ; at Easter, in Winchester ; and at Pentecost, 
in Westminster,^ in the new hall built by him, which he intended 
should only be a bedroom in proportion to the size of the palace 
he contemplated erecting.^ 

The first festival kept by Henry the First-, at Windsor, was 
Christmas, 1104-5. The following Lent he went to Normandy 
against his brother Earl Robert.^ He held his court at Windsor 
again at Easter, 1107,^ and the same year commenced rebuilding 
and enlarging the castle.^ 

We have no information as to the details of the alterations and 
improvements effected in the structure of the Castle in this reign. 
The Exchequer accounts, which would throw a light on the subject, 
do not exist -^ but from a comparison of the features of the Norman 
fortresses in general, says a writer of authority, with those still 
discernible at Windsor, coupled with the information to be derived 
from the records of a later period, it may be conjectured, without 
wandering far into the field of speculation, that the castle of Henry 
the First differed little in form or extent, from the site occupied by 

' Henry of Huntingdon. 

2 • Saxon Chronicle,' and Roger of Wcndover. 

' Roger of Wendover. It was left for Queen Victoria to carry out the magnificent 
designs of William Rufus in the erection of a palace at Westminster, although not for the 
purpose of the Sovereign's residence. 

'• 'Saxon Chronicle.' 

* Ibid. ; Henry of Huntingdon. 

^ "In 1107," says Stow, "King Henry began to build the new castle, with the 
chappell and towne of Winsore, on the hill one mile from the old towne of Windcsore." 
Henry of Huntingdon says, Henry built New Windsor. 

" The series of Great Rolls of the Exchequer, or Great Rolls of the Pipe, begins with 
the second year of the reign of Henry II, There is one roll of an earlier date, and now 
referred to the 31st of Henry I. It contains a memorandum of a payment of 205. for 
the carriage of timber from Windsor to Oxford. 


the lower and middle wards at the present day ; that the domus 
regis occupied the upper bailey, and that the hall formed a portion 
of a line of buildings separating the two courts, and defended on 
the lower side by a ditch. But the keep alone survives, at least in 
its form and position, though it is probable that in these character- 
istics only is there any trace of the original structure. A few 
architectural fragments, in the Norman style, brought to light from 
the excavations during the progress of the improvements in the 
reign of George the Fourth, are perhaps the only relics of the 
palatial edifice of the twelfth century/ 

Henry the First also erected a chapel, which was dedicated to 
Edward the Confessor,^ and provided five priests for it, to attend 
to sacred matters.^ He also founded a college, in connection with 
the chapel, for eight priests or canons, neither endowed nor in- 
corporated, but maintained by an annual pension out of the king's 

During the greater part of the period of the building of the 
new castle, the king was in Normandy; but considerable expedition 
seems to have been used in the erection of the new structure, for 
at Pentecost, 1110, the king having summoned all his nobles to 
the castle, held his court '* for the first time in the New 
Windsor." ^ 

^ Poynter's 'Essay on the History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle,' prefixed to 
Sir Jeffrey Wyatville's ■ Illustrations of Windsor Castle,' where see a woodcut of these 

2 See Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, p. 2, ra. 6 ; Ashraole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 135. Leland 
had an impression that it was dedicated to St. Mary. " Erat in Castro vetus templum 
religione sacrum, et Divae Marise, ut memini, dedicatum." (' Commentarii in Cygneam 
Cant.,' verb. Vindelesora.) 

^ Leland, ut supra. 

^ Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 152. Tanner, speaking of Windsor, says, "In 
the Castle here was an old free chapel dedicated to K. Edward the Confessor, in which 
King Henry I placed eight secular priests, who seem never to have been incorporated nor 
endowed with lands, but to have been maintained by pensions yearly paid out of the 
king's exchequer." ('Notitia Monastica,' p. 21.) 

^ ' Saxon Chronicle.' Miss Strickland, in her ' Lives of the Queens of England,' says 
Matilda, the queen, " was principally employed, during the king's absence, in super- 
intending the magnificent buildings at New Windsor, which were founded by Henry, and 
in the completion of the royal apartments of the Tower of London. She, as well as 
Henry, patronised Gundulph, the episcopal architect, to whom England is indebted for 
the most magnificent and lasting of her public buildings." But I have not met with any 


This expression of the historian appears to have given rise to 
the belief, that the previous festivals, of this reign at least, if not of 
the preceding, stated to have been held at '' Windsor,'^ refer to 
Old Windsor.^ The meaning of the writer, however, seems rather 
to be that the feast of Whitsuntide, in the above year, was the first 
occasion on which the castle was used after its enlargement. This 
reading is strengthened by a similar passage in the same chronicle 
with reference to the year 1099. At Pentecost, in that year, 
William Rufus is stated to have held his court for the first time 
in the new building at Westminster.^ The meaning there, un- 
doubtedly is, that the new building and not the locality of 
Westminster was used for the first time on that occasion, 
for the king himself and his father frequently held festivals at 

From the year 1110 to 1113, Henry was in Normandy. At 
Christmas, 1113-14, he held his court at Windsor, and held no 
court again that year anywhere.^ The king, however, appears to 
have been at Windsor as late as the end of April, previously to 
going into Wales for the Summer.* 

At Windsor, in 1121, Henry was married to his second queen, 
Alice or Adelicia, the beautiful daughter of Godfrey of Louvaine. 
The ceremony was delayed in consequence of a singular dispute 
between the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Salisbury. 
Roger le Poer, the Bishop of Salisbury, claimed the right to marry 
the royal pair, because the Castle of Windsor was w^ithin his diocese. 
The right was disputed by Ralph, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 

authority for this statement, so far as relates to Windsor. The 'Vita Gundulfi' 
(Wiiarton's 'Anglia Sacra," ii, 273) is silent on the point, and so also is the 'Textus 
RofFensis.' [J. E. D.] 

* SeeLysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416; and Poynter's 'Essay.' 

* * Saxon Clironicle.' 

3 Ibid. At Windsor, Tculph, the king's chaplain, was appointed Bishop of Worcester, 
but only lived two years. (Roger de Ilovcdcn.) 

* Eabyan says, "In the 15th year of liis reign, the king intended to have promoted 
Earicius, Abbot of Abyndon, unto the see of Canterbury ; but by a council, kept at 
Wyndesoure, of bysshoppys, the king's mind was changed, and to that see was there 
admitted llaufe, that was bishop of Rochester." Eadmer fixes the date, as cited by 
Holinshed, and says the archbishop was elected at Windsor on the 26th of April, 1114; 
see also Roger de Hovedcn. 


on the ground that wherever the king and queen might be within 
the reahn of England, they were his parishioners. The ceremony 
was eventually performed by the primate, on the 24th of January, 
1121, in the presence of the whole council of England then assem- 
bled at Windsor.^ 

We find Henry at Windsor at Christmas and Whitsuntide, 1122.^ 
In the Autumn of 1126, the king, returning from Normandy, 
brought with him as prisoners, Waleram Earl of Mellent, and 
Hugh, the son of Gervaise, against whom he had waged war, and 
captured in 1124. He sent Hugh to Windsor, and caused him to 
be kept in strong bonds. ^ ''After Michaelmas, David King of 
Scotland came hither, and King Henry received him with much 
honour, and he abode through the year in this land."^ At the 
Christmas following (1127-28), the king held his court at Wind- 
sor, the King of Scotland being there, " and all the head men of 
England, both clergy and laity. And the king caused the arch- 
bishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and all the thanes who were present, 
to swear to place England and Normandy, after his death, in the 
hands of his daughter the princess, who had been the wife of the 
Emperor of Saxony."^ 

At this festival at Windsor, and at the ceremony of crowning 
the king, usually repeated on these occasions, a dispute arose be- 
tween William Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstan Archbishop 
of York, similar to that already mentioned between the archbishop 
of the former see and the Bishop of Salisbury, and identical with 
the contest between the two archbishops in the Conqueror's reign. 
" Thurstan, Archbishop of York, wished to crown the king, to the 
prejudice of the Archbishop of Canterbury, but he was prevented 
by unanimous consent ; and his cross-bearer, who had carried his 
cross into the king's chapel, was turned out, together with the 
cross which he was carrying."^ In a short time this unseemly 

^ Eadmer, 136, edit. Seld. ; Roger de Hoveden ; ' Saxon Chronicle.' 

^ Roger de Hoveden ; Henry of Huntingdon. 

3 ' Saxon Chronicle.' Hugh obtained hostages in 1129, and returned to France. 

^ Ibid. 

* ' Saxon Chronicle.' 

^ Roger of Weudover. 


contention between the two archbishops grew so hot, that not 
only they, but also the Bishop of Lincoln, went to Rome to obtain 
a decision on the point of their dispute.^ 

In the thirty-third year of his reign, the king, during Christmas 
(a.d. 1132-3), lay sick at Windsor.^ This is the last time he is 
mentioned as having been at Windsor. In the following year he 
went to Normandy, and died there in 1135. 

Henry the First spent so much of his time in Normandy, and 
when in England held his court at so many different places, that 
it is impossible from the mere fact of actual residence to infer that 
he favoured any particular spot. The erection of a palace at Wood- 
stock, and the re-building of Windsor, are, however, evidence of a 
predilection for those places, which, as to the former, is confirmed 
by the fact that in the park of Woodstock, " beside the great 
store of deere, he appointed diverse strange beasts to be kept 
and nourished, which were brought and sent unto him from 
foreign countries farre distant, as lions, lepards, lynxes, and 
porcupines." ^ 

We have some evidence of the existence of a town at Windsor 
in the reign of Henry the First. In an Exchequer Roll supposed 
to belong to the 31st year of this reign, mention is made of the 
burgus or borough of Windsor, and William de Bochelande, who 
appears to have farmed the place, rendered an account of rent for 
Windsor. A distinction is made between the old and the new 
farm, referring, as it seems, to Old and New Windsor. William 
Fitz Walter rendered an account of the forest of Windsor, and 
was probably Constable of the Castle at this time.* There is a 
payment of thirty shillings and five pence by him to the park- 
keepers, and five shillings for the keep of birds in the park. This 
seems to be the earliest existing notice of a park at Windsor. 
The same document contains an entry of a payment of sixty 
shillings and ten pence to one Nicholas, the keeper of the king^s 
apartments, or domus regisy and ten shillings to him for cloth. 

* Holinshed. 

^ Henry of Huntingdon. 

•^ Holinshed, 

'' See ante, p. 20. 


The names of Ivo de Windsor, Reginald de Windsor, and Maurice 
de Windsor occur at this period.^ 

From the accession of Stephen, a.d. 1135, until after the Treaty 
of Walhngford in 1153, there is no mention whatever made of 
Windsor ; and it may therefore be inferred that the Castle did not 
sustain any siege, or was otherwise affected by the wars between 
Stephen and the Empress Maud.^ In the charter or declaration by 
Stephen, made in pursuance of the Treaty of WalHngford, by which 
the crown of England was settled upon him for life, and then upon 
Henry Duke of Normandy (afterwards Henry the Second), and his 
heirs, Stephen says, '' And, by the consent of Holy Church, I have 
made unto the Duke such assurance of my castles and fortresses, 
that at my death the Duke may not suffer any damage or delay in 
acquiring possession of the kingdom. The Tower of London and 
the fortress of Windsor,^ with the consent of Holy Church, are 
delivered to Richard de Lucy, safely to be kept ; and Richard de 
Lucy has sworn, and has delivered his son in pledge, to remain in 
the hands and custody of the Archbishop of Canterbury, that after 
my decease he shall deliver the castles to the Duke." ^ 

Richard de Lucy, to whom the Castle was given in trust by the 
treaty between Stephen and Henry the Second, exercised, during 
the latter reign, *' the office of farmer of the revenue for the bailiwick 
of Windsor, and the directions issued to him by the king's writs, 
to supply money for the purpose of carrying on the repairs and 
other works at the Castle, furnish some information relative to this 
remote period, which is curious, though perhaps not very important. 
In the tenth year of the reign of Henry the Second, the sum of 
30^. is ordered to be paid for the works of the kitchen.^ In the 
nineteenth year, the expenditure on the Castle is set down at 

* Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I. (See ante^ p. 26, note 7.) Similar entries occur in the Pipe 
Rolls of Henry II. 

2 See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416. 

^ Mota de Windsor. " The word mota is used in this instrument," says Ashmole, " for 
what the Erench call mote or motte, a little hill or high place, a seat for a fort or strong 
house." (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 128, citing Spelman's 'Glossarium Archaeo- 
logicum.') In Ireland the word mote is still applied in this sense, as 'Mote of Ardskull.' 

^ The Treaty, in Latin, is printed in the Toidera.' 

" Pipe Rolls, 10 Hen. II. 


£73 7^. 6d., of which £50, to be paid out of the farm of the 
manor of Wargrave, is allotted to the walls." In the following 
year the sums appropriated to the works amount to £128 9^. out 
of the bailiwick of Windsor, and £7 7^. Sd. out of the cess of the 
Forest. In the same year there is an order for £20 to be paid to 
Master GeofFry,^ who, by the frequent connection of his name with 
the works, must have been either the superintendent or master 
builder; and in the next, £40 to Master GeofFry, together with 
£80 for the works in general, out of the farm of Wargrave, and 
£20 out of the farm of the county of Berks.^ During the three 
following years the payments amount to £188 4s. 6d., out of which 
£20 is to be expended upon the repairs of the walls > In the 
twenty-fifth year, £35 is ordered for the works of the Castle which 
were doing by Master Osbert ;^ and in the twenty-ninth, Osbert of 
Eton and Gerard of Datchet are charged w^ith the expenditure of 
£8 8s. 6^." ' 

After Henry the Second returned from Normandy, in 1170, he 
" held his Easter at Windsor,^ whither William, the Scottish king, 
came with his brother David to welcome him home, and to con- 
gratulate his happy success in his business on the further side the 
seas. They were honorably entertained, and at their departure 
princely rewarded."^ 

In 1175, Henry having received the homage of the King of 
Scotland at York, returned to London, and held a great council at 
Windsor on the octave of the feast of St. Michael. Among those 
present were the king's son, Richard archbishop of Canterbury, 
and the bishops of England, Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and 
a great number of earls and barons of England. At the same 
time the Archbishop of Tuam and the Abbot of St. Brandon, with 
Lawrence, the Chancellor of Roderic king of Connaiight, came as 
ambassadors from Roderic to King Henry, '' who willingly heard 
them, as he that was more desirous to grow to some accord with 
those savage people by some friendly order, than to war with them 
that had nothing to lose : so that he might in pursuing of them 

» Pipe Rolls, 19 Hen. TI. ^ ibjd., 20 Hen. II. ^ Ibid., 21 Hen. II. 

* Ibid., 22,23, 24 Hen. li. ■' Ibid., 25 Hen. II. '' Poyiilcr. 

^ Roger dc Hovcdeu. ^ Holinshcd. 


seem to fish with an hook of gold."^ A treaty of peace was 
effected, the King of Connaught engaging to render a tribute to 
Henry of every tenth hide of animals, " such as may be approved 
by dealers," and to deliver hostages, who were to " do service unto 
our lord the king each year with their dogs and birds/' ^ 

Henry held his following Christinas (1175-6) at Windsor, with 
his son, and proceeded to Northampton, where he held a great 
council or " parliament" of the kingdom.^ 

After Easter, 1179, upon the death of Richard de Lucy, who 
had shortly before resigned the office of Justiciary of England, the 
king held a great council at Windsor, and, by the common consent 
of the archbishops, bishops, earls and barons, and the king's son/ 
England was divided into four parts, and over each of them wise 
men were appointed to administer justice throughout the land.^ 

In 1184-5 Henry held his Christmas at Windsor,^ and there, 
on the last day of March following, he knighted his son John, who 
afterwards went to Ireland. The king sailed for Normandy, and 
kept his Easter at Rouen 7 This is the last recorded visit to 
Windsor of Henry, who died in 1189. 

The principal residences of the court during this reign were the 
palaces of Winchester, Westminster, and Woodstock. 

There is an anecdote connected with Windsor, which, if true, 
shows the deep impression made on Henry by the rebellious con- 
duct of his sons. " It is recorded, that in a chamber at Wyndesore 
he caused to be painted an eagle, with four birds, whereof three of 
them all rased (scratched) the body of the old eagle, and the fourth 
was scratching at the old eagle's eyes. When the question was 
asked of him, what thing that picture should signify ? it was 
answered by him, 'This old eagle,' said he, *is myself; and these 

^ Holinslied. 

2 Roger de Hoveden, who gives the treaty at length. 

3 Ibid. 

■* Henry Plantagenet shared the throne with his father at this period. 

^ Roger de Hoveden. "Ranulph de Glanville was made ruler of Yorkshire, and 
authorised justice there, as he that best understood in those days the ancient laws and 
customs of the realm." (Holinshed.) 

^ Roger de Hoveden. 

^ Ibid. ; Roger of Wendover. 



four eagles betoken my four sons, the which cease not to pursue 
my death, and especially my youngest son John, which now I love 
most, shall most especially await and iniagin my death.' " ^ 

In the entries in the Pipe Rolls of the fourth year of the reign 
of Henry the Second, under the head of " Windsor," is the pay- 
ment of nine shillings and eleven pence for justice done upon 
thieves — probably the expense of a gallows for their execution, — 
and in the fourteenth year of this reign we find Richard de Lucy, 
the farmer of Windsor, disbursing 3s. by the hands of Alan de 
Nevill, for making a ditch for " Juises." ^ 

This entry is connected with the judgment of offenders by 
combat or by ordeal. The latter was occasionally used in this 
country until the middle of the thirteenth century, when it was 
wholly abandoned. It was founded upon the notion of a miraculous 
interposition of Providence on behalf of the innocent, and was of 
two kinds — fire ordeal and water ordeal ; the former confined to 
persons of rank, the latter to the common people. The payment in 
question may refer to the preparation for that species of water 
ordeal consisting in casting suspected persons into a pond, when, 
if he floated without any action of swimming, his guilt was estab- 
lished, but if he sank (contrary to the law of gravitation), he was 

Toll or custom was taken for vessels passing along the l^hames 
at Windsor. In the nineteenth year of this reign, Osbert de Bray, 
the then " fcrmer" of Windsor, accounted for £4 6s. Od, arisins: 
from this source.* 

Among the appendages to the Castle at this period was the 
vineyard. The pay of the vintager and the expense of gathering the 
grapes, are among the regular annual charges relating to Windsor 
on the Pipe Rolls, from the commencement of the series in 1155.^ 
Lambarde says that in the Records "it moreover appearethe that 
tythe hathe bene payed of wyne pressed out of grapes that grewe in 

' Fabyan. 

2 Madox, ' History of the Exclicqucr,' vol. i, p. 373. 

■* Elackstone's ' Comni.,' iv, cli. 27; Du Gauge, ve?'b. 'Juissum.' 

'' Madox's 'Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 771. 

^ Poynter. 

TO A.D. 1189.] 



the Little Parke theare, to the abbot of Waltham, which was parson 
bothe of the Old and New Wyndsore, and that accompts have bene 
made of the charges of planting the vines that grewe in the saide 
parke, as also of making the wynes, whearof somme partes weare 
spent in the householde, and somme soldo for the kinges profite." ^ 
Stow gives a similar account. He says that in the Records of the 
Honor Court of Windsor Castle, held in the outer Gate-house, '' is 
to be scene the yeerely account of the charges of the planting of the 
vines that in the time of K. Richard the Second grew in great plenty 
within y^ Litle Parke, as also of the making of the wine it selfe." ^ 
Richard the Third, in the first year of his reign, granted to John 
Piers the " office of Master of our Vyneyarde or Vynes nigh unto 
our Castell of Wyndesore, and otherwise called the office of Keeper 
of our Gardyne called the Vyneyarde nigh unto our said Castell, to 
have and occupie the same office, by him or his deputie sufficient, 
for terme of his lyff, with the wages and fees of Vi.d, by the day/'*^ 

^ * Dictionarium Anglise Topographicum et Historicum.' The Hon. Dailies Barrington 
doubted the correctness of Lambarde, as he did not give his authority for the statement. 
(* Archseologia,' vol. iii, p. 176.) Recent researches, however, prove Lambarde's accuracy. 

2 ' Annales,' by Howes, p. 143, edit. 163] . See Dissertations, by Samuel Pegge and 
Daines Barrington, on the former Cultivation of the Vine in England, ' Archseologia,' 
vol. i, p. 319, and vol. v, p. 67. 

3 MS. Harl., No. 438, f. 135. 




The "Vineyard "in the Castle Ditch, from a Lease in the possession of 
John Seeker, Esq., of Windsor. 




Constables of the Castle. 

A.D. 1190, Hugh Pudsey; William Longchamp. 

A.D. 1191, William de Albini ; Eakl of Auundel; Waltee, Archbishop of Rouen. 

A.D. , John Eitz Bugh. 

A.D. 1216, Engelard de Cygony. 

Grant of the Churcli of Windsor to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle committed 
to Hugli Pudsey, Bishop of Durham — His Imprisonment, and forced Surrender of 
tlie Castle to Longchamp — Subsequent Delivery to the Earl of Arundel in Trust — 
Longchamp regains possession of Windsor, assembles an Army, and encamps near 
Windsor — Withdraws to the Tower — Surrenders the Castle to Walter Archbishop 
of Rouen — Prince John levies an Army in 1198 — Gains possession of Windsor, and 
places it in a state of Defence — Besieged by the Barons — Progress of the Siege — 
Arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury — Surrender of the Castle — Flight, Capture, and 
Execution of the Garrison — The Castle placed in the hands of Eleanor the Queen 
Dowager on behalf of the king — Family of Walter de Windsor — Visits of King John to 
Windsor in 1200 and 1201 — Desires John FitzHugh to deliver the Castle to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury — Letters Patent for that purpose — John at Windsor in 1204 
and 1 205 — Wine, &c., ordered to the Castle — Visits of the King to Windsor from 
1206 to 1209 — Assembles his nobles there at Christmas, 1209 — Death of Lady de 
Braosc and her Son, 1210— Visits of the King to Windsor from 1210 to 1214 — 
Christmas Feast — Order to sell the King's Wine and Bacon there — Chapel of St. 
Leonard's in the Forest — The King at Windsor in 1215 — Magna Charta— The King 
at War with his Barons — Preparations for an Interview — Letters of safe Conduct — 
Signature of Magna Charta — Description of Runnymcde — The King's Head Quarters 
at Windsor — At Windsor in December following — Garrison of the Castle — Last 
Visit of the King in April 1216 — Appoints Engelard de Cygony Keeper of the 
Castle — Philip of France assists the Barons — Windsor stands out for the King — 
Siege of the Castle under the Count de Nevcrs — The Siege raised — Windsor remains 
in the hands of the King's Forces — Order to Engelard de Cygony to liberate Hugh 
de Polested, a prisoner in the Castle — Death of the King — Subsequent Movements 
of the English and French Forces — Repairs of the Castle during this Reign — Traces 
of the Town at this period — Power and Jurisdiction of the Constable of Windsor 
Castle — Church of Eton. 

Richard, in the first year of his reign (a.d. 1189-90), granted 
tlie church of St. John the Baptist at New Windsor, with its 


chapels of Old Windsor,^ to the Abbey of Waltham,'^ in whose 
hands it remained until the dissolution of the monasteries in the 
reign of Henry the Eighth. 

This is the first mention we find of a church at New Windsor. 
The Castle was within the manor/ and it is probable also within 
the parish of Clewer, of which Windsor was formerly a chapelry/ 

Previous to the departure of Richard from England, in February 
1190, for the crusade, the custody of Windsor Castle, together 
with the forest, and also the shrievalty of the county of Berks, 
were granted to Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham, and at this time 
Chief Justiciar of England/ This was done in order to maintain a 
species of balance between the powers of Pudsey and his rival 
WiUiam Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, who had purchased the office 
of Chancellor, and in whose power Richard had openly placed the 
whole government, although Pudsey was still the nominal Chief 
Justice. The arrangement, however, was better calculated to 
enable both parties to annoy each other than to promote concord. 
It was extremely displeasing to Pudsey; and great dissentions 
arose between the nominal Chief Justiciar and his colleague, whose 
views seldom or ever coincided.^ 

Complaints having been addressed to the king of the overbear- 
ing conduct of Longchamp, who was now formally appointed Chief 
Justiciar, Richard, to satisfy the applicants, gave them answers 

' " Ecclesiam sancti Joliannis Baptistse de nova Windleshora, cum capellis suis de veteri 
Windleshora," &c. 

2 Ex Registro de Waltliam, MS. Cotton, Tiberius, C. 9, fol. 62, a. 'Dugdale's Mo- 
uasticon,' by Cay ley, &c., vol. vi, p. 66. 

^ See ante, p. 16. 

"* Lysons' 'Magna. Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416. "In the most early times parishes were of a 
large extent. Afterwards other churches were taken out of them by the lords of manors, 
and so the number of parishes increased as the lords of manors were willing to erect new 
churches ; which liberty was so far indulged and allowed, as the lord took care to have a 
parochial minister settled, who should look after the souls of the people within the pre- 
cinct as by this new foundation obtained the name of a parish. When lords of manors 
undertook such works of piety, all the lauds, houses, and tenements belonging to such a 
particular manor were allotted to the new church, and made a distinct parish from the old 
one." (Hearne. ' Account of some antiquities between Windsor and Oxford.' Leiand's 
Itin. Edit. 1741, vol. 5, p. 123.) 

^ Roger de Hoveden. 

^ Bromton ; and see Sir F. Palgrave's ' Introd. to the Rolls and Records of the 
Court of the King's Justiciars.' (1835.) 

38 ANNAL8 OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III. 

importing that Pudsey should be restored to his former authority. 
Longchamp, practising a deception towards his rival, promised to 
yield up his office, and for that purpose proposed that Pudsey 
should meet him in the Castle of Tickhill. As soon as Pudsey 
entered he was seized by the chancellor, and detained in custody 
until he surrendered the Castle of Windsor, and the custody of the 
forest, and his shrievalty, and the earldom of Northumberland.^ 

The chancellor could not have held the castle long, for in 
llOl, upon a settlement of disputes between him and John, then 
Earl of Moreton, the king's brother, it was delivered to the Earl of 
Arundel in trust for King Richard for life, and in the event of 
his death before his return home, to be afterwards delivered to 

The castle, however, fell once more into the hands of the 
ambitious chancellor. 

During the prolonged absence of Richard in the East, in conse- 
quence of the alleged arbitrary conduct of Longchamp, John and 
the nobles and clergy of the kingdom met at Reading (September, 
A.D. 1191), and having in vain called upon the chancellor to take 
his trial, proposed to him that he should come to a conference at a 
safe place near Windsor Castle (Loddon Bridge, between Reading 
and Windsor), and gave him by the hands of the Bishop of 
London a guarantee for his safety.^ The chancellor, however, 
declined to come, or even to send a message. " Upon this. Earl 
John, and the bishops who were with him, prepared to set out for 
London, that, being there met by a more considerable number of 
persons, they might enjoy the benefit of the advice of the citizens 
of London, what to do as to their chancellor, who had created this 
confusion in the kingdom, and refused to take his trial. On the 
chancellor hearing this, he left Windsor and hastened to London, 
and while on the road it so happened that his household and 

^ Bromton. Roger de Iloveden says Pudsey was seized at " Suwelle," i. e. 

^ " And further, three castles which belong to the crown of our lord the king have been 
delivered in trust, as follows : the Castle of Windsor to the Earl of Arundel, the Castle of 
Winchester to Gilbert dc Lacy, and the Castle of Northampton to Simon de Pateshull." 
(Roger dc Hovcden, who gives the treaty at length.) 

^ Roger of Wcndover. 


knights met the knights of Earl John, on which a sharp engage- 
ment took place between them. In this affair one of the knights 
of Earl John, by name Roger de Planis, lost his life ; however, the 
earl prevailed, and the chancellor and his men taking to flight, he 
entered London, and took refuge with his people in the Tower." ^ 

He was followed by John's army, deposed, and compelled to 
deliver up the Tower of London and the Castle of Windsor into 
the hands of Walter archbishop of Rouen, who had been sent 
over by the king to assist and advise in the settlement of the 

The chancellor also agreed to surrender certain other castles 
which remained in the hands of persons appointed by him, and he 
delivered hostages for the performance of his agreement.^ 

The Archbishop of Rouen was made chancellor in his place ; 
and Longchamp, after an unsuccessful attempt to escape in female 
disguise, was suffered to retire to Normandy, his native country.^ 

The castle remained in the hands of the Archbishop of Rouen 
for scarcely two years. In 1193, John, after an interview with 
Philip king of France (in which the latter undertook to cause 
the prolonged imprisonment of Richard by the Emperor of Austria), 
returned to England, assembled an army, principally of Welshmen 
and foreigners, and laid siege to several castles. Windsor was one 
of the first he succeeded in obtaining possession of, and he imme- 
diately placed it in a state of defence.^ 

The barons of England now rose in opposition to these unlawful 
proceedings. Under the Archbishop of Rouen, the chief justiciary, 
and the Council of Regency, they commenced their operations by 
laying siege to Windsor castle. It was not easily won. Moreover, 
the siege was not vigorously carried on, owing to the Archbishop 
of Rouen having numerous friends within the castle, and against 
whom, says the historian, he " was not very earnest."^ 

* Roger de Hovedeu; Walter de Hemmgburgli or Hemiiigford. 

* Ibid. See also the ' Chronicle of Ricliard of Devizes.' 

3 Holinshed. lloger of Weudover says, " regardless of the hostages he had left, and 
the oath he had made not to leave the kingdom of England before the castles were sur- 
rendered, the said chancellor crossed the sea into Normandy on the 29th of October," 

^ lloger de Iloveden. 

■' Holinshed, citing Gervase and Polydorc Virgil. 


After considerable delay, ** and great trouble to the realm," on 
the arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury (who was sent by the king 
to raise the amount required for his ransom), more effectual 
measures were adopted, and preparations made for bringing a 
larger force to bear upon the castle. This so alarmed the besieged 
that they yielded, and endeavoured to secure their safety by flight, 
some into one place and some into another, but being apprehended, 
were "put to worthy execution."^ John, immediately after the 
surrender of the castle, proceeded to France.^ 

A cessation of hostilities throughout the kingdom was subse- 
quently arranged, to last until the Feast of All Saints, and it was 
agreed that the Castle of Windsor, together with those of Walling- 
ford and the Peak, should remain in the hands of Eleanor the 
dowager queen, on behalf of her son Richard.^ 

During the reign of Richard the First, the name of '' Walter de 
Windeshore " occurs in the Rolls and Records of the court held 
before the king's justiciars.* This Walter was a great grandson of 
Walter Fitz Otho, the constable of the castle during the reign 
of the Conqueror.^ The barony of Windsor was in this reign 
(Richard I) divided between Walter and William Fitz Other. 
Walter had Burnham, Beaconsfield, and Eton.^ 

The first visit paid by John to Windsor, as king of England, 
was on the 3d of March, a.d. 1200.^ He succeeded to the throne 
on the 27th of May, 1199, and soon after left England for Nor- 
mandy, from whence he returned in the following February. He 
appears to have landed at Portsmouth on the 26th or 27th of that 
month. He was at Winchester on the 1st, and at Freemantle (in 
Hampshire) on the 2d of March, arriving at Windsor on Friday 

' Holinshcd. 

^ Bromton ; Walter de Heniingburgh. 

^ Roger dc Hoveden. 

^ Vide 'Kotuli Curicc Regis,' vol. ii (1835). 

^ See ante^\). 20; and Dugdale's 'Baronage,' vol. i, p. 509. 

^ Lysons' * Magna. Brit.,' vol. i, p. 688. The daughter and heiress of Walter mar- 
ried Ralph de Hodenge, from whom the manor of Burnham appears to have reverted to the 
family of Windsor, Sir Miles Windsor died seised of tliat and the then adjoining manor 
of Huntercombe, 10 Richard II. Ibid. 

7 Mr. Hardy's ' Itinerary of King Jolin,' printed under the direction of the Com- 
missioners of Records (1835), furnisiies us with the movements of that monarch 

TO A.D. 1216.] 



the 3d, and proceeding in two or three days to Westminster, where 
he was on the 6th of March. On the 16th and 17th of the follow- 
ing April he was at Windsor on his return from York and Worces- 
ter. On the 18th he was at Westminster, and did not visit 
Windsor for nearly a year, spending the summer in Normandy. 
He came from Westminster to Windsor on the 3d or 4th of April, 
1201, and remained until the 6th or 7th, when he proceeded to 
Freemantle and Marlborough.^ Upwards of three years then inter- 
vened before the king again came to Windsor. From May 1201 
to December 1203 he was in Normandy. During the king's 
absence, he by letters patent directed Hubert de Burgh, his cham- 
berlain (and to whom he had previously granted all the possessions 
of the late Walter de Windsor^), to deliver the castles of Dover and 
Windsor to Hubert archbishop of Canterbury; and, probably find- 
ing that the Chamberlain had no authority to carry out his wishes, 

throughout his reign. The following table will show at a glance the periods and duration 
of his visits to Windsor : 



1200 an. 


March 3, 4 

1209 an. 


December 24, 25 

April 16, 17 

1210 an. 


February 1, 22 

1201 an. 


April 4, 5, 6 



October 18 

1204 an. 


Jidy 28, 29 

1211 an. 


January 25 

October 29, 31 



December 25 

1205 an. 


January 15, 16,22 

1212 an. 


May 17, 18 

April 21, 22,23,24,25,26, 

November 2, 3 


1213 an. 


March 5 

May 2, 3, 4, 13 



December 25, 26 



July 23, 24, 25 

1214 an. 


October 27 

November 1, 2, 3, 4 

1215 an. 


March 1 

1206 an. 


March 17, 18, 19, 20, 
May 1, 2 


April 15 

May 10, 22, 23 

1207 an. 


April 13, 14 



May 31 



October 24, 25, 26 
December 25, 26, 27 


1208 an. 


July 13, 14 

21, 22, 23, 24, 25 

1209 an. 


March 1 

December 16 



October 2 

1216 an. 


April 4, 5, 19, 20 

^ Fines were levied at Windsor on occasion of this visit. There is no reason to sup- 
pose that in any former year the court in which fines were levied, moved with the king as 

it undoubtedly did this year and subsequently. 
Hunter, vol. i (1835), p. 51. 
^ Lib. R., 3 Johann., m. 2. 

Fines, 17 Ric. I, 16 Johann. ed. J. 


he subsequently, by letters patent, bearing date at Orival, 4th 
May, in the third year of his reign (a.d. 1202), in like manner 
directed John Fitz Hugh to deHver up the Castle of Windsor, with 
the forest and its appurtenances, to the custody of the Archbishop.^ 
John Fitz Hugh appears to have neglected or refused to obey this 
order, for other letters patent were directed to him, stating that he 
had been commanded to deliver the castle to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, and that he had replied that he had not delivered it, 
because he w^as coming himself to the king ; but that he had 
neither delivered it according to the precept nor had he afterwards 
come to the king, and commanding him to do so immediately on 
sight of these letters.^ 

Geoffrey Fitz Pierre, Earl of Essex, the king's justiciar, had 
also been directed to the same effect, and had not complied ; for 
letters patent, dated at Cailly, in Normandy, 11th June, 1202, 
directed to him, recited that he had been enjoined by the king 
while in Normandy, and afterwards commanded by letters, to 
cause the Castle of Windsor to be delivered, that John Fitz Hugh 
had also been commanded to deliver it, and he had replied that he 
had not done so because he was going to the king. The letter 
then expressed the surprise of the king that neither of them had 
complied on receipt of the writ, and commanding Geoffrey Fitz 
Pierre to deliver the castle without delay .^ 

John Fitz Hugh was the constable of the castle and forest, and 
farmer of the bailiwick, at this period.* Whether the Castle was 
eventually intrusted to Hubert the archbishop does not appear. 
His appointment is somewhat singular, as he was not a favorite 
of the king's, and had, a few years before, been compelled by the 
Pope to relinquish the secular offices he had held, and to confine 
himself to his archiepiscopal duties.^ He died in 1205. Robert 
de Vipont was constable of the castle in 1204, apparently in 
place of Fitz Hugh ;^ but the latter seems to have subsequently 

» Rot. Pat., 3° Joliann., m. 2. - Ibid. » jbi^j.^ 4 Johaun., m. 14. 

^ Fide Rot. Cancellarii, 3 Johann., m. 15. 
* Lingard. 

" Rot. Lib., 5 Joliann., m. 2. In 1204 Robert de Vipont was commanded to send 
Abraham Fitz Muriel, then in the king's prison at Windsor, to the J usticcs of London. 


regained the office of constable of the castle, and probably held it 
until his death in 1216.^ 

It is not until the 28th of July, 1204, that we find King John 
again at Whidsor.^ Within two or three days afterwards he re- 
moved to Oxford, where he was on Sunday the 1st of August. 
On the 28th of October he came to Windsor from Wycombe, 
was at Westminster on the 30th, and again at Windsor on 
Sunday the 31st, returning to Westminster the following day. 

In 1205 the king spent more time at Windsor than during 
any other year of his reign. He was there on the 15th and 16th 
of January, and again on the 22d, proceeding thence to Reading 
and Winchester. From the 21st of April to the 4th of May, 
Windsor was his chief residence, and he appears to have occupied 
part of his time in study. A mandate to Reginald de Cornhill^ 
dated April 29th, 1205, requires him to send five small casks of 
wine to Northampton, on account of the barons and knights whom 
the king had summoned there, and two small casks of good wine 
to Windsor ; and also to send him immediately the ' Romance of the 
History of England.^ ^ Considerable quantities of wine and pro- 
visions were transmitted to and from Windsor and the other royal 
residences at various periods of this reign. The mode of transit 
for wine and merchandise between London and Windsor at this 
time was by boats on the Thames.^ In October 1205 there was 
an order for payment to John Fitz Hugh of seven shillings and 
eight pence for the conveyance of the royal jewels from Windsor to 
Freemantle.^ On the 13th of May the king was again at Windsor, 
and also from the 23d to the 25th of July, and again from the 1st 
to the 4th of November. 

In J 206 he was at Windsor twice, namely, from the 17th to 

^ In 1205 we find Pitz Hugh making payments for repairs in the castle ; and Sir 
Ernold Emeric, who was taken in the Castle of Brough, in Westmoreland, is described 
in 1213 as in the custody of John Titz Hugh at Windsor. He gave a hundred marks 
and two horses for his ransom, and thereupon the constable of Windsor was by letters 
patent directed to deliver him. 

- Letters of safe conduct to various persons to come to the king, bear date at Windsor 
the 28th and 29th of July. 

3 Rot. Claus. an. 6 Jolni; and sec 'Excerpta Historica,' p. 393. 

^ Rot. Cluus. 7 Jolm. 5 Ibid. 


the 21st of March, and on the 1st and 2d of May. Warrants and 
orders still exist for the payment of the price and carriage of various 
articles conveyed to Windsor this year, as wine, gold plate, almonds, 
saffron, &c. Dming the summer and autumn he was in Normandy, 
and was not at Windsor until the 13th and 14th of April, 1207. 
He was there again from the 24th to the 2Cth of October, on his 
way from Marlborough to Westminster, and the Christmas of this 
year he spent at Windsor, arriving there from Odiham on or after 
the 22d of December. At this feast he distributed dresses 
amongst his knights/ The sherifT of Wiltshire was ordered to 
send one thousand ells of woven cloth to Windsor by Christmas 
day.^ On the 27th of December the king moved from Wind- 
sor to Guildford, on his way to Farnham and Winchester. In 
1208, the only visit he paid to Windsor, although he was in 
England the whole of the year, was in the middle of July.^ In 
1209 he was there on the 1st of March, 1st of October (when he 
gave nine shillings and fourpence halfpenny in alms to one hundred 
poor persons*), and at Christmas from the 22d or 23d of December 
to the 26th, and on this occasion " all the nobles of England were 
present and conversing with him, notwithstanding the sentence (of 
excommunication) under which he was bound, a rumour of which, 
although it had not been published, had spread through all parts 
of England, and come to the ears of everybody; for the king 
endeavoured to work evil to all who absented themselves from 
him." 5 

The king did not prolong the entertainment of his subjects, for 
on the 26th of December he moved to London. 

On the 1st of February, 1210, he was at Windsor. In June 
following he went into Ireland, and a painful incident con- 
nected with that expedition is, according to some authorities, asso- 
ciated with Windsor Castle. A dispute arose between king John 

* Roger of Weiidover. 

2 Rot. Lit. Claus., 9 Johann. 

^ Fiues were levied in the king's court at Windsor in this montli. Fines, 7 Ric. I — 
IG Johann. ed. J. Hunter, vol. i (1835), p. 56. (Vide ante, p. 41, note 1.) 
^ Misa; Roll, 11 John. 

* Roger of Wendovcr; see also Matthew of Westuiinster. 


and William de Breose, respecting a claim by the king for the rent 
of lands in Ireland. After various attempts at an amicable settle- 
ment, De Braose, availing himself of his possessions and influence 
on the Welsh border in right of his wife, Maud of Hay, proceeded 
to retake his castles of Hay, Bredwardine, and Radnor, which appear 
to have been previously delivered to the king, and also partially 
destroyed the king's town of Leominster. Gerard de Athyes, the 
king's bailiff' of the Welsh border, collecting forces to oppose him, 
De Braose conveyed his family to Ireland, where he was followed 
by the king.^ The son had married a daughter of the Earl of 
Clare, and his sister, Margaret, had married one of the De Lacys, 
and with them the Braoses seem to have taken refuge for a time ; 
but ultimately Maud de Braose and her son William, together with 
his wife and his two sons and his sister, were taken prisoners, and 
by the king's orders were subsequently sent as prisoners, first to 
Bristol and afterwards, according to some chroniclers, to Windsor 
Castle, and there Maud de Braose and her son were starved to 
death.^ According, however, to an anonymous but contemporary 
writer, Corfe Castle, and not Windsor, was the scene of this 
tragedy. That chronicler says the king ordered the mother and 
son to be inclosed in a room in Corfe Castle, with a sheaf of wheat 

^ See the king's letter in the ' Eoedera,' i, 107 (n. e.) ; Roger of Wendover. The 
*Annals of Waverley,' 'Annals of Margam,' and other chronicles, give different accounts 
of the origin of the dispute ; but the king's letter is the more reliable document in this 
respect, whatever may have been the merits of the question, 

^ Annals of Margam. Roger of Wendover includes the son's wife. Other authorities 
include William de Braose himself and five children among the victims. This is evidently 
incorrect. The Annals of Margam state that William de Braose the younger, with his wife, 
several sons, and Matilda his mother, were captured by John in Ireland, and first imprisoned 
at Bristol, and afterwards at Windsor. Pifty thousand marks were fixed as the price of their 
redemption. William the father being allowed his liberty in order to obtain the ransom, 
fled to France, and thereupon the king starved his wife and sou to death. The Annals 
of Waverley say that William her husband changing his apparel, passed over the sea at 
Shoreham, in the dress of a mendicant, and shortly after died at Paris ; and the con- 
tinuator of Florence of Worcester fixes his death in 1211. Stow says he died at 
Corboile, and was buried at Paris, Such are the discrepancies of the chroniclers in 
the accounts of this transaction. The 'Annals of Margam' are, however, partially con- 
firmed in the preliminary steps by the king's letter already cited. That letter, although 
bearing date in 1212, does not refer to the death of Lady de Braose, but seems to be put 
forth as a justification of the king for having outlawed her husband. The letter was 
attested by a great number of the barons of the kingdom. It is evident that there 

46 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapteii III . 

and a piece of raw bacon for their only provisions. On the eleventh 
clay their prison was opened, and they were found both dead ; the 
mother was sitting upright between her son's legs, wnth her head 
leaning back on his breast, whilst he was also in a sitting posture, 
with his face turned towards the ground. Maude de Braose, in 
her last pangs of hunger, had knawed the cheeks of her son, then 
probably dead, and after this effort she appeared to have fallen 
into the position in which she was found. ^ 

The king was at Windsor in the middle of October, 1210, after 
his return from Ireland, and again on the 25th of January follow- 
ing. From that time until Christmas there is no trace of him there. 
He was a great part of this year engaged in fighting with his Welsh 
subjects. He kept Christmas day, 1211, at Windsor. 

In the following year (1212) John was at Windsor on the 17th 
and 18th of May, and on the 2d and 3d of November. On the 
latter occasion he appears to have been on his way from London to 
Marlborough and the west of England. He was next at Windsor 

was, whether well or ill founded, a strong public prejudice against the king for his con- 
duct in this business. Whether it was the daughter or the daughter-in-law of de Braose 
who was taken with his wife, there is some evidence that she did not suffer the alleged fate 
of the mother. In 1216 the king granted to Margaret de Lacy a piece of land in the forest 
of Acornbury, on which to found a religious house for the souls of her father William 
de Braose, Maud her mother, and William her brother, (Rot. Lit. Patent,, an, 18 
Johann,, m. 2,) In 1215 the town of Buckingham was delivered to the Earl of Clare as 
being the dowry of his daughter, formerly the wife of William de Braose the younger. 
(Ibid., an, 17 Johann., m. 23.) Maud, daughter of the Earl of Clare, was in 1213 
delivered to her father from Corfe Castle, where she was confined (Ibid., an. 15 Johann., 
m. 3). There is an order of the king's, in 1214, for the transfer of John and Egidium, 
the sons of Walter de Braose the younger, from tlic custody of Engelard de Cygony 
(Constable of Windsor Castle) to that of William de Harcourt. (Ibid., m. 5.) In the 
Prestitia Roll of the I2th of Jolin there is the payment of half a mark to Roger de 
Stratton for conveying hostages from Ireland to Windsor. 

This occurrence forms the most remarkable incident in Robert Davenport's play of 
* King John and Matilda,' which appeared in 1655, and was originally acted at the 
Cockpit in Drury Lane. 

^ *Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre' (Socict6 de I'Histoire 
de France), 8vo, Paris, 1840. Mr. Thomas Wright, a high authority (to whom I am 
indebted for calling my attention to the work), has adopted this version in his ' History of 
Ludlow and its Neiglibourhood,' p. 63. Wherever the event really happened, the con- 
fusion between Corfe and Windsor may be attributed to the fact of members of the family 
of De Braose having been imprisoned in both those castles, as appears from the documents 
cited in the preceding note. [J. E. D.] 


on the 5th of March, 1213, on another western excursion. He 
came from London to spend Christmas day of this year at Windsor, 
and on that occasion distributed dresses to a number of his 
nobles.^ The large scale on which these festivities were usually 
celebrated, appears from directions issued on this occasion. The 
king, by a writ dated at Guildford, on the 17th of December, 
commanded Reginald de Cornhill to send to Windsor twenty tuns 
of good and new wine for the household, as well Gascoigny as 
French wine, and four tuns of best wine for the king's own use,^ 
that is to say, two of white and two of red wine, to be delivered 
before the day of the Nativity. Reginald de Cornhill was also 
directed to purchase two hundred head of swine, one thousand 
capons, five hundred pounds of wax, fifty pounds of white bread, 
two pounds of saffron, one hundred pounds of good and fresh 
almonds, two dozen towels, one thousand yards of wove cloth to 
make table napkins, fifty yards of fine cloth of Rheims (?), and 
a sufficient quantity of spices for seasoning. These things were 
ordered to be at Windsor the Sunday before Christmas day. He 
was also ordered to send fifteen thousand herrings, and other fish 
and provisions, such as Philip de Langeburgh should tell him on 
the king^s behalf. 

The sheriff" of Buckinghamshire was in like manner directed to 
purchase five hundred capons and twenty pigs, and Mathew 
Mantell was directed to purchase two hundred head of swine 
and one thousand capons. John Fitz Hugh was commanded, as 
he loved the king, to have at Windsor a sufficient supply of 
wood, coal, pitchers, cups and dishes, and five hundred capons ; 
and the sheriff of Kent was ordered to purchase one thousand 
salted (?) eels.^ 

It seems that at this period the whole of the civil and privy 
purse expenditure must have passed through the Chancery, as the 

' Roger of Wendover ; Matthew of Westminster. 

^ " Et iiij dolia optimi vini ad os nostrum." 

^ "Anguillaf salataf." Rot. Lit. Claus., an. 15 Johann., m. 4. Salted eels formed 
a part of the enthronisation feast of Warham archbishop of Canterbury, in the reign of 
Henry VII. "De angnillis sals, ij barel, le barel xlvj.5. viij.^. — iiij./?. xiij.^f. ivJ. De 
anguillis recent, vj C, prec. C. xl.5. — xij./." (Battely's 'Cantuaria Sacra,' Append., 
pp. 27, 28.) 


most minute expenses and allowances were never satisfied until the 
order for payment had issued under the Great Seal. In process of 
time, however, when the business transacted by the Chancery 
Court became more important and defined in its nature, the 
execution of this species of business was transferred to other 

With reference to the price of commodities at this period, it 
may be observed that Gascony wine was 30^. the tun, and French 
wine 2^ marks the tun. Fat hogs varied from 2^. to 4^. each ; 
wax, from bd. to Id. per lb. From what can be collected wdth 
respect to the price of corn, wheat seems to have varied from 2^. 
to 9s. per quarter ; flour from bs. to 8^., and barley from 3^. 4^?. 
to 5^. per quarter. Money then bore a value, according to the 
best calculations, about fifteen times greater than it does at 

John, on his accession to the throne, had endeavoured to regu- 
late the price of wine by enacting that the highest price of wine of 
Poitou should be 205. the tun, or 4d. the gallon; wine of Anjou, 
24^. the tun ; and French wine, 25^. the tun ; "unless the said 
wine was so good that any one would be willing to give for it as 
much as two marks at the highest.'' The highest price for w4iite 
wine was to be 6d. the gallon. However, this, the first ordinance 
of the king, had hardly been enacted when it was done away 
with, and leave was given to the merchants to sell a gallon 
of white wine for Sd., and a gallon of red wine for Qd. ; " and 
so," says the Chronicler, " the land w^as filled wdth drink and 
drinkers." ^ 

On the day after the feast, the king returned to the Tower of 
London. The greater part of 1214 he spent in Normandy. He 
was at Windsor on the 27th of October, on his w^ay from Reading 
to Westminster. On the 26th of October a mandate was issued 
from Reading to Reginald de Cornhill, to send all the fish he 
could procure to Windsor, to be there in time for the king's 

' Hardy's antrod. to the Close Rolls.' 

' Ibid. 

^ Roger de Hovedeu. 


dinner on the following day, it being the vigil of the Apostles 
Simon and Jude.^ 

It was probably in consequence of the very few royal visits to Wind- 
sor at this period, that an order was issued in the same year (1214) to 
the constable of the castle and to William Barbet, keeper of the 
royal apartments, commanding them to sell the king's wine at 
Windsor, and the bacon that appeared Ukely to spoil by keeping.^ 

By letters patent, bearing date the 9th of February, 1215, the 
king presented Geoffrey de Meysi to the Chapel of St. Leonard in 
the Forest, vacant by the resignation of Robert Mansell, the right 
of presentation belonging to the king by reason of the possessions 
of William de Braose being in his hands. ^ In the reign of Edward 
the Second, the chapel is described as in the Forest of Windsor. 
By letters patent of the 13th year of that king's reign, license 
was granted to John, the hermit of the Chapel of St. Leonard 
of Loffield, in Windsor Forest, to inclose some land, parcel of the 

There can be little doubt that this chapel was not far from 
Windsor, and that St. Leonard's Hill, in the parish of Clewer, the 
seat of the late Earl Harcourt, derives its name from it.^ 

The Countess of Hartford (afterwards Duchess of Somerset), in 
one of her letters to the Countess of Pomfret, after stating that the 
site of a green-house at Richings, in Buckinghamshire, about three 
miles north-east of Windsor, was formerly occupied by a chapel 
dedicated to St. Leonard, adds that St. Leonard was " certainly 
esteemed as a tutelar saint of Windsor Forest and its purlieus, for 
the place we left (St. Leonard's Hill) was originally a hermitage 
founded in honour of him/' Her ladyship dates an earlier letter 
from the " Hermitage on St. Leonard's Hill."^ 

' E-ot. Claus., an. 16" Johann., m. 19. 

^ * Rotuli de oblatis et Finibus in Turri Londinensi asservati, Tempore Regis Johannes,' 
by Hardy, 8vo, 1835. In 1205 bacon was also ordered to be conveyed from Windsor 
to Guildford. The vicinity of the forest, where large herds of swine were kept, probably 
occasioned the superabundant supply of that food in the castle. 

^ Rot. Patent., an. 16 Johann., m. 7. 

' Rot. Pat. 13 Edward II, m. 5. 

^ Lysons, ut supra. 

^ ' Correspondence between Frances Countess of Hartford and Henrietta Louisa 



On Sunday, the 1st of March, 1215, the king was at Wmdsor, 
and a supply of wme was sent to hmi there.^ Nevertheless he 
appears to have removed the same day to the Tower of London. 
On the 15th of April he was at Windsor, on his retm^n from Oxford 
to London, and again, on the 10th of May, on his way from London 
to Reading and Marlborough. He was also at Windsor on the 
22d and 23d of the same month, making a rapid movement from 
Winchester and Odiham to Windsor, and back again to 
Winchester. The king was garrisoning his castles with the assist- 
ance of the foreigners who had entered his service. A body of 
Flemings, proceeding to London, found on their approach that it 
was in the possession of the barons ; they left the town to their 
right and went to Windsor, and thence to Ereemantle, " a house 
in the heart of the forest/' ^ where John was from the 17th to the 
] 9th of May.' 

We now approach an important event in history — the grant by 
King John at Runimede, between Old Windsor and Staines, of 
the Charter of Liberties known to us as Magna Charta. The king 
was at this time at open war with his barons. He granted them 
an armistice at Windsor on the 1 0th of May, until an award of 
their differences should be made by the eight barons, four selected 
on each side, with the Pope at their head.* 

Before the end of this month arrangements were made for a 
meeting at Staines or its neighbourhood. On the 27th the king 
issued letters of safe conduct to Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, 
and all those whom he should bring with him to Staines to treat 
of a peace between the king and his barons.^ 

Countess of Pomfret, between the years 1738 and 1741,' 3 vols., 2d edit., 1806, vol. i, 
pp. 30, 271. 

^ Lit. Claus. IG Joliann., m. 7. 

2 * Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Anglcterrc/ p. 147. 

3 Hardy's Itinerary of King John. 

^ Focdcra; and vide Hot. Litt. Patent., accurante T. 1). Hardy, vol. i, 1835, Introd. 

* 'Fcedcra.' Holinshcd, citing Polydore Virgil, says the king assembled a considerable 
force at Windsor towards tlie end of May, intending to lead it forth against the barons. 
Hearing, however, tliat London was in their hands, " he changed his purpose, and durst 
not depart from Windsore, being brought in great doubt lest all the other cities of the 
realme would follow their example." The last sentence is evidently incorrect, as the king 
certainly did not confine himself to the castle. 

TO AD. 1216.] MAGNA CHARTA. 51 

The king was at Windsor from the 31st of May until the 3d 
of June.^ On that day or the following he went to Odiham and 
from thence to Winchester, where he remained until the 8th, on 
which day he was at Merton. From thence the king issued letters of 
safe conduct to those who should come on behalf of the barons to 
Staines on Tuesday in Pentecost week, to make and establish peace 
between him and them. The safe conduct was to be in force until 
the close of the following Thursday ; that is to say, from the 9th 
to the 11th of June.^ From Merton the king again returned to 
Odiham on Tuesday the 9th, and on the following day to Windsor. 
He then issued his letters, directed to the Earl of Salisbury and 
other adherents, informing them that the truce stood adjourned from 
Thursday in Pentecost week {i. <?., the following day) to Monday 
the morrow of Trinity; that is to say, from the 11th to the 15th of 
June, and commanding them to observe the peace in the mean time.^ 

The Charter bears date in the field called '* Runimede," between 
Staines and Windsor, on the 15th day of June, in the seventeenth 
year of the king's reign. ^ Runimede is situated between Old Wind- 
sor and Staines, within the limits of Surrey. The road from Windsor 
to Staines passes over it. It is still a fine level open meadow on the 
banks of the Thames, and within sight of the towers of Windsor 
Castle. Egham races are now annually held on the adjoining land. 
The cause of the selection of this particular spot for the meeting 
does not exactly appear, but may be readily inferred. The name 
of " Runimede,'' which the field then bore and still retains (although 
sometimes varied in the spelling), is evidently derived from Bun 
and mede, signifying in Anglo-Saxon the Council Meadow.^ 

^ During this visit the king made a present to Alan de Galweye of two geese, in return 
for which Alan de Galwey subsequently presented the king at Northampton M^ith a good 
hound. (' E-otuli de oblotis et Einibus Tempore R. Joliannis,' accurante T. D. Hardy, 
1835.) The exchange was no doubt in favour of John, but this does not exhibit such a 
striking disparity in value as when the Earl of Chester gave the king one good palfrey for 
one lamprey the king had given him. Vide Ibid. Lampreys, however, were considered a 
great delicacy in this king's reign. 

- Foedera; and Mr. Hardy's ' Introduction to the Patent KoUs.' 

^ Vide Rot. Litterarum Patent., accurante T. D. Hardy, vol. i, 1835. 

•* " Dat per manum nostram in prato quod vocatur llunnimed, inter Windelshor, et 
Staines, quinti decimo die Junii, anno regni nostri septimo decimo." 

^ See Lye's ' Diet. Saxonico ;' and Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Diet.,' citing Hoffman. — 


It is probable, therefore, that Edward the Confessor occasionally 
held his "witan" there during his residence at Old Windsor,^ and 
that the Barons chose the spot as well on account of its previous 
association with those very rights they met to assert, as because it 
was a convenient distance from Windsor ; sufficiently near for the 
king, but far enough removed to prevent any treacherous surprise 
by his forces. The early historians, indeed, expressly assert that 
the spot was chosen by the barons ; the king, according to some, 
having suggested Windsor as the place of meeting.^ 

According to local tradition the conference took place and the 
charter was signed on a little island in the river near Ankerwyke 
and opposite the meadow, and now called Magna Charta Island.^ The 
charter itself, however, bears date, as already stated, from the ''field." 

The names of John's supporters and attendants on this occasion 
are given by Roger of Wendover. " Those who were on behalf of 
the barons," he adds, '' it is not necessary to enumerate, since the 
whole nobility of England were now assembled together in numbers 
not to be computed." 

Although the charter is dated on the 15th of June, the first day 
of the meeting, there is little doubt that it was not actually signed 
on that day. The preparation of a formal instrument of that nature 
must have required some time after the terms were agreed upon. 

The principal heads of the charter were first settled in articles 
of agreement.^ This was probably effected early in the week. 

Sir F. Palgrave, however, says " Runujmede, the field of council, where, in times of yore, 
the Anglo-Saxons were wont to meet and consult on the welfare of the state, may also be 
inter[)rctcd the field of mystery." (Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, 
p. 140.) It may be observed that council is but a very secondary meaning of ru>i. Run 
means properly a letter, and, as letters were chiefly used for magical purposes among the 
Anglo-Saxons, it also means a charm or magical operation. Runa-mede would be the 
" meadow of runes," or of magical charms. It may have been a sacred spot before the 
conversion of the Saxons to Christianity ; and it is not unlikely that in the popular belief 
promises made there were peculiarly solemn. 

' "Runemedc, id est, pratum eonsilii inter Stanes et Windclshorc, eo quod antiquis 
temporibus ibi do pace regui ssepius consilia tractabant." (Leland, Coll., i, 281.) See 
also Matthew of Westminster. 

' See Roger of Wendover. 

^ Manning and Bray's 'Surrey,' vol. iii, p 210. 

■' An original schedule of these articles is preserved in the British Museum with the 
seal of King John attached. Toedera,' vol. i, p. 129, new edit. 

TO A.D. 1216.] MAGNA CHAUTA. 53 

On Thursday, the 18th of June, the king issued his letters patent 
from Runiraede, directed to Stephen Arengod and others, making 
known that a firm peace had been concluded between the king and 
his barons from Friday the following day, and commanding all 
prisoners and hostages taken in the war to be given up. Writs for 
electing the twelve knights who wTre to rectify the forest laws and 
customs bear date on the 19th of June.i 

The king was at Runimede every- day between Monday the 15th 
and Tuesday the 23d, and during that time issued various orders 
for the surrender of castles and lands, and the delivering of hostages, 
in pursuance of the agreement with the barons. It is probable that 
John and his attendants went to the conference from Windsor in the 
morning of each day, and returned to the castle at night.^ It may 
be also inferred that the charter, formally engrossed, received his 
signature on or before the 23d, and was dated the day of the com- 
mencement of the meeting. 

The king remained at Windsor until the 26th of June, when he 
proceeded to Odiham and Winchester.^ 

In a few weeks, owing to the want of good faith on the part of 
John, hostilities recommenced between him and the barons. 
William D'Albiney, on the part of the latter, took forcible possession 
of the castle of Rochester. The king laid siege to the castle, which 
withstood his assaults for seven weeks, from the middle of October 
to the end of November, when the garrison was forced to surrender. 

• Fide Rot. Litterar. Patent. 

^ Various letters patent of the king bear date at Windsor during this week, among 
others, orders to " John of the Tower," constable of Marlbridge, commanding him to send 
William de I'lsle with six hundred marks to Windsor. (Rot. Patent., 17 Johann , m. 23.) 
There are several entries of treasure received by John, at Windsor, from time to time 
during his reign. 

^ The statement of Roger of Wendover, adopted by Matthew Paris (which has been 
followed by Rapin, Hume, Henry, and others), that the king, after sealing the charter, 
remained one night at Windsor and then removed to the Isle of Wight, is evidently erro- 
neous. See Hardy's * Itinerary of King John.' The barons, after the completion of the 
treaty, agreed to hold a tournament at Stamford, but fearing the city of London might 
be taken out of their hands if they moved so far, the tournament at Stamford was 
adjourned, and another held "in Staines wood at the town of Hounslow." The nobles 
of the land were encouraged to attend by the promise that " whoever performs well there, 
will receive a bear which a lady will send to the tournament." (See Roger of Wendover's 
* Chronicle.') 


John left Rochester on the 6th of December, and proceeded by 
Guildford to Winchester. From Winchester he retm'ned eastward 
to Farnham, and on the 16th of December he was at Windsor. 
On the 17th and 18th he was at Iver,^ proceeding on the latter 
day to St. Albans. At St. Albans he divided his army into two 
parts. The command of one was given to his brother, William 
earl of Salisbury, and with the other he marched northwards. 

Windsor in the mean time was garrisoned with the king's forces. 
The Earl of Salisbury and Eoulques de Breautee ordered the castel- 
lans of Windsor, Hertford, and Berkhampstead, with a strong body 
of troops, to pass and repass to and from London, to watch and 
harass the barons, and to endeavour to cut off their supplies." 

John returned in the spring of 1216 from the north, which he 
had ravaged with fire and sword. On the 4th of April he arrived 
at Windsor from Berkhampstead, and on the following day went to 
Reading, returning to W^indsor again on the 19th of April. 

The whole country was now in the hands of the king. The 
wretched condition of the inhabitants and the cruelties exercised 
towards them by John, are depicted in strong terms by the contem- 
porary chroniclers. The barons at last procured the assistance of 
Philip king of France, by offering the crown to Louis, his eldest son. 

John was at Windsor when he received intelligence of the 
intended invasion,^ and immediately proceeded to Guildford on his 
way to Dover. He never again set foot within his castle of 

At Guildford, on the 2 2d of April, he, by letters patent, 
appointed Engelard de Cygony, keeper of Windsor Castle and of 
the forest, during his pleasure.^ This appointment was a direct 

' The manor of Iver, in Buckingliamsliirc, about six miles N.E. of Windsor, belonged 
at this time to Robert de Clavering. Brien Titz Count, the brave defender of Walliui>ford 
Castle, was the owner in the reign of Henry the Second, and kept his Christmas at Iver 
in 1143. Having afterwards entered into a religious order, Henry seized on all his 
estates. Biehard the First gave the manor to Bobert de Clavering. In the reign of 
Edward the Second, Sir John Clavering, having no male issue, gave it with other estates 
to the king and his heirs. (Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' citing Dugdale's 'Baronage.') 

^ Roger of Wendover. 

3 'Histoire dcs Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 165. 

■* "The king to all the foresters, verdcrers, and other officers of the forest of Windsor. 
Know that we have committed to our beloved and faithful Engelard de Cygony the custody 


violation of the provisions of Magna Charta, granted only ten months 
before. By the 50th clause of the charter, the king stipulated to 
*' remove from their bailiwicks the relations of Gerard de Athyes, so 
that, for the future, they shall have no bailiwick in England ; Enge- 
lard de Cygony, Andrew, Peter, and Gyone de Chancell, Gyone de 
Cygony, Geoffrey de Martin and his brothers, Philip Mark and 
his brothers, and Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers."^ 

The occasion of the appointment of Engelard de Cigony was 
probably the resignation of John Fitz Hugh, the former constable.^ 

The French prince landed at Sandwich on the 30th of May, 
and was received in London by the barons. Among those who 
joined his standard was the Earl of Salisbury, the king's brother. 
John retreated westward to Winchester and Bristol. 

All the castles in the counties surrounding the metropolis sub- 
mitted to Louis, except the castles of Windsor and Dover, which 
being well garrisoned, awaited the prince's approach.^ Louis, in 
person, besieged Dover. The barons laid siege to the castle of 
Windsor, which was defended by Engelard d'Athies and Andrew 
de Chanceaux,^ attended by sixty knights, with their retainers. The 
command of the besieging force was given to Count de Nevers, 

of the castle of Windsor, with the forest, and all its appurtenances, during our pleasure, and 
therefore we command you that you assist and obey the said Engelard in all things ; and 
in testimony whereof we send you, &c. Witness ourself at Geldeford, on the 22d day 
April, in the 17th year of our reign." (Rot. Patent., 17 Johann., m. 2.) The king, on 
the same day, granted to Engelard de Cygony the custody of the county of Surrey. 

' History appears to be nearly silent as to the particular reason why the dismissal 
of those persons named in chapter 50 was considered so essential as to be made an article 
of the Great Charter. It may, with great probability, be supposed that they were all 
foreigners, since the next clause relates to the sending of the foreign soldiers out of the 
kingdom. The only information which can be procured of them is collateral, and more 
from the evidence of national records than from actual history, by which they are shown 
to have been in possession of considerable wealth, being probably great favorites of the 
king. (Thomson's 'Essay on Magna Charta,' p. 242.) 

^ This assumption is made on the following grounds : the evidence mentioned at p. 43, 
ante, that Fitz Hugh was constable in 1213, and on the fact that in May 1216, the king, 
by letters patent directed to Engelard de Cigony, commanded the latter to deliver to 
John Eitz Hugh, seisin of the manor, castle, and park of Odiham during the king's 
pleasure (Rot. Patent., 18 Johann.), proving that Eitz Hugh was then alive and in the 
king's favour. 

^ Roger of Wendover. 

^ ' Histoirc des Dues dc Kormaudie et des Rois d'Angletcrre,' p. 181. 


assisted by Robert de Dreux.^ The besiegers, having arranged 
their engines, made a fierce assault on the walls. The castle was 
stoutly defended, and the barons gained little or no advantage.^ 
" They were long there, but did little, and were in great jeopardy. 
The besieged made many fierce sallies, twice cutting the beam of 
their perriere (the name given to the engine for throwing large 
stones, the greater part of which consisted of a long beam), A knight 
of Artois, called William de Ceris, was killed, lamented by few, 
for he w^as hated much."^ In the meantime, the king, finding 
his enemies occupied with the sieges of the two castles of 
Windsor and Dover, availed himself of the opportunity to pillage 
and lay waste the estates of the barons. He was at Reading 
on the 7th of September, and came so near Windsor that the 
besiegers expected a battle. The Welshmen, approaching by 
night, shot at them wdth their arrows. The besiegers remained 
armed a long time, prepared for the fight, but none occurred, the 
king withdrawing.^ After remaining a week at Sonning, he pro- 
ceeded to Wallingford and Cambridge. The barons, hearing of 
the king's movements, and not making any progress at Windsor, 
determined, under the advice of the Count de Nevers, to raise the 
siege, and cut off the king's retreat. They left their tents at night, 
and marched wdtli all haste towards Cambridge. The king, being 
apprized of their movements, moved to Stamford and Lincoln.^ 

It was rumoured that the Count de Nevers had been bribed by 
presents from John to raise the siege of Windsor.*^ Be that as it 
may, the barons did not return to the siege, but finding the king 
had escaped them, returned to London, and then joined Louis at 
Dover ."^ Windsor consequently remained in the hands of the king's 

On the 25th of September, John sent orders from Scotter, in 
Lincolnshire, to Engelard de Cigony, to deliver Hugh de Polested 
forthwith, in prison at Windsor, to John de Warfield, brother 

' ' Histoire (]os Dues dc Normandie et des Rois d'Aiigleterrc,' p. 179. 

'^ Roger of Wcndover. 

3 'Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 177. 

' Ibid, p. 170. 

■' Kogcr of Wendovcr. '^ Ibid. " Ji)id. 


of Elye de Warfield, unless he should be ransomed in the mean- 

This is the last event relating to Windsor in King John's reign. 
In three weeks after the above order he lost his treasure and jewels 
in crossing the Wash, and died at Newark on the IDth of October. 

Notwithstanding the frequent visits of this king to Windsor, he 
added nothing to the building of the castle as far as can be known. 

The accounts during his reign are scanty, and refer only to 
ordinary and unimportant repairs.^ In 1204 an order was issued 
to the Exchequer to pay the Constable of Windsor what should 
appear, on the inspection and testimony of lawful men, to be 
reasonable for the repair of the chapel and domus regis^ In 1205 
an order was made for payment to John Eitz Hugh, of eighteen 
shillings and sixpence for the repair of the great chamber at 
Windsor, while the queen was staying there, and in 1215 a pay- 
ment for the reparation of the walls is mentioned among the 
sums expended on the royal castles.* It may well be supposed, 
however, the castle had not borne the brunt of war unscathed. 
The walls remained in a state of dilapidation, and partly broken 
down, as late as the fifth year of Henry the Third. ^ There is no 
doubt, however, that attention was paid to the defence of the 
Castle. We find in the fifth year of this reign directions issued to 
the Constable to pay Gerald the Bow^man his w^ages of fourpence 
halfpenny a day, and also yew, cords, and horn for making bows.^ 

Eaint traces of the existence of a town at Windsor may be dis- 
covered from the records of the period. Among the pleas in the 
king's court of Easter and Trinity term in the first year of King 
John's reign, Juliana, the daughter of Achard, appears as the 
claimant, against Wigot de Shaw and John his son-in-law, of 
a house and three acres of land in Windsor.''' In the sixth year of 

^ Rot. Patent., 18 Joliann.. m. 2. 

2 Poynter's 'Essay on the Hist, of Windsor Castle,' citing Pipe, R., 3 John, Claus. 11. 
6, 15, 16 John. 

^ Rot. Lib., 5 Johann., m. 4. 

4 Rot. Claus. an. 6 & 15 John. 

^ Rot. Claus., 5 Hen. Ill, m. 12. 

^ Rot. Lib., 5 Johann., m. (3, 

' Rot. Curiae Regis, ed. by Sir P. Palgrave, vol. ii, pp. 173, 171. 


John, William the son of Alexander acknowledged a fine of a mes- 
suage and its appurtenances in Windsor, in favour of Robert of the 
Brick Bridge and Alice his wife.^ In the eighth year, Alveva, the 
widow of Simon the Saddler, and AVilliam her son, sought to 
recover, as her dower, from Hugh le Draper, a house in the town 
of Windsor, the property of Simon in his lifetime. The claim was 
settled by Alveva and her son agreeing to lease the house to Hugh 
and his heirs at a yearly rent of two shillings ; for which grant and 
agreement, Hugh gave Alveva two silver marks, and agreed for 
himself and his heirs to pay the said rent to Alice during her life, 
and after her decease to William her son, and his heirs.^ 

Indirect evidence of the growth of the town of Windsor is 
to be found in a licence of King John, 1205, to William Fitz 
Andrew, to have one vessel to ply on the Thames between Oxford 
and London, without any impediment to him or his men on the 
part of the bailiff of Wallingford or the bailiff of Windsor.^ 

There is no doubt that the " Bailiff of Windsor " refers to the 
person who farmed the bailiwick of Windsor, paying a fixed rent to 
the king, and making what profit he could by receiving and exact- 
ing tolls and dues. The rent of towns formed an important part 
of the royal revenue at this period. The office of Bailiff of Windsor 
was distinct from that of Constable of the Castle, although some- 
times united in the same individual. The privilege granted to 
Fitz Andrew was to pass by the town and under the bridge 
without paying pontage, or toll claimed by the king's bailiff". 
The right to levy pontage was at a subsequent period, as will be 
seen hereafter, granted to Windsor from time to time. 

In 1212 the bailiff and faithful men of Windsor were ordered 
to furnish ten men, horses, and arms, to be ready to serve the king 
when and where required.* 

Another indication of the town is that the village in the vicinity 
of the old Saxon palace of Windsor is described in this reign as 

^ I'ines, 7 Ric. I~1G Johann., ed. J. Hunter, 1835. 
2 Ibid. 

^ Rot. Patent., an. G Joliaun, 

^ Rot. Claus., 14 John. A similar order was made on Wallingford. London furnished 
100 men. 


Old Windsor, evidently to distinguish it from the Windsor close to 
the Norman castle.^ 

The most positive testimony to the existence of a town, is the 
fact of the rent yearly received for the farm of Windsor in common 
with most of the towns in England. In the third year of this reign 
we find John Yitz Hugh accounting for twenty-six pounds, the 
rent of the *' Term" of AVindsor. 

Out of this rent he was allowed various sums disbursed by him, 
among others, to William Barbett, sixty shillings and ten pence^ 
for the custody of the king's houses at Windsor, and to the chap- 
lains of the chapel, thirty shillings and five pence, and to infirm 
persons of Windsor, seven shiUings and two pence half-penny.^ 

The names of William de Windsor, and Walter de Windsor, 
occur frequently in the records of this as of the preceding reign. 
We have also "Hugh de Windsor," "Richard of Windsor/'^ 
" Richard of Datchet/' "Adam of Burnham," " Ralph of Burnham," 
" Robert of Burnham," &c. 

Illustrations of the nature and extent of the powers and juris- 
diction of the constable of Windsor Castle may be found at this 
period. In a.d. 1200, the inhabitants of Bray alleged in the 
king's court that the constable took and exacted services, customs, 
debts, and tolls, contrary to usage. The constable was directed to 
take the accustomed talliage, and the inhabitants to render the 
other services and customs as they were wont.* 

In 1205 the constable of Windsor was directed to give posses- 
sion to Adam de Burnham of a hide and five acres of land in 
Cookham, with one mill dam in the water of Lulle brook, which the 
king had given him.^ 

It was probably as bailiff of Windsor that the constable of 

' Tines, 13 Joliaun. 

' Rot. Caucellarii, 3 Johaim,, m. 15. 

^ In A.D. 1201, W^illiam, the son of Richard de Windsor, gave two marks to the king 
in order that the pool and fishery in Boveney might be in the state it was wont to be 
during the reign of Henry the Second. (Rot. de oblatis, an. 3 Johann.) 

* Rotuli Curiae Regis, ed. Sir F. Palgrave, vol. ii, pp. 278, 279. 

^ "Cum j gurgite in aquam de LuUebroc," &c. (Rot. deFinibus, an. 6 Johann., m. 2.) 
Gurges signified, in medieval Latin, a part of the stream dammed up for a mill or other 


Windsor exercised such duties as those above mentioned. Bray 
and Cookham were within the then Kmits of the baihwick. 

In this reign we find notices of Eton. In 1204 a charter was 
granted to Roger de Cauz for a market at Eton, to be holden on 
Mondays.^ In the same year the manor of Eton was granted to 
William de Cantelupe.^ Among the fines of the twelfth year of 
King John, there are proceedings between WiUiam de Cantelupe 
and Walter prior of Merton, relative to the advowson of the 
church. William de Cantelupe released for himself and his heirs, 
in favour of the prior and his successors and the church of 
St. Mary of Merton, all his right and claim to the advowson of 
Eton Church. In consideration of this, the prior granted to 
William and his heirs the right of having a chapel and a chaplain 
to serve it, who should swear to the prior and convent of Merton 
to protect the mother church of Eton, and not to withdraw its 
revenues, neither in tithes, nor in oblations, nor in confessions, nor 
in readings, nor in purifications, nor in any other things appertain* 
ing to the said church, except all oblations of the aforesaid William, 
and his wife and children and household, coming to his hands 
during the year, except on six yearly festival days, that is to say, 
the Nativity, the Purification of the Blessed Mary, Easter Day, 
Pentecost, the Assumption, and All Saints, on which six days the 
mother church of Eton should have all oblations and ofierings in 
the chapel, from whatsoever source.^ 

Of the precise period when, or the mode in which the illustrious 
Norman family of Cantilupe acquired possessions in Eton, we have 
no record. William de Cantilupe was the father of Thomas de 
Cantilupe, the Chancellor of Henry the Third, and the subsequent 
canonised bishop of Hereford. 

The old parish church of Eton, of which no trace now remains, 
appears to have stood on the site of King's Stable Street, where 
until lately a malt-house stood. After the church fell into decay, 
the inhabitants were permitted to attend divine service in the 
chapel of the College, and a chapel of ease was built by William 

' Rot. Lib., 5 Joliann., ni. 6. 

^ Ibid,, m. 5. 

' rincs, 12 .loluaui.j ('(lit. J. IlimttT, vol. i, \). 217. 

TO A.D. 1216.] 



Hetherington, the munificent benefactor to the blind and poor of 
other descriptions, who had been one of the Pellows of Eton.^ 

There is a grant of the third year of this reign to Richard de 
Muntfichet of a hundred bucks and does out of AVindsor Forest, to 
stock his park at Langley.^ That this was Langley Maries, near 
Windsor, is clearly shown by the fact that the manor of Langley 
Maries came to the crown in the reign of Edward the First, by 
reason of the minority of Ralph Plaiz, cousin and heir of Aveline 
Mountfichet.^ In 1551 Edward the Sixth granted the manor as 
parcel of the honor of Windsor, together with the park and bucks 
and does therein, to his sister, the Princess Ehzabeth.^ 

' Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 560. 

2 Rot. Lit., 3 Joliann., m. 3, in dorso. 

3 Lysous' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 590. 
' Rot, Pat., 4 Edw. VI. 

K'lnimede, with the Towers of Windsor Castle in the distance. 



Constables of the Castle. 
A.D. 1217, Engelaed de Cygony. a.d. 1242, Bernakd de Savoy. 

A.D. 1225, llALni Tyeell. a.d. 1259, Aymon Tiiurumburd. 

A.D. 1233, William de Millars. a.d. 1264, Hugh de Bakantin. 

A.D. 1267, Nicholas DE Yatington'. 

Events at Windsor before the Treaty of Peace with Louis — Taste of Henry the 
Third for building — Improvements in Windsor Castle — Their progress and 
character — Confirmation of Windsor Church to Waltham Abbey — Custody of 
the Castle committed to Hubert de Burgh — Progress of tJie Works — The 
Chapel — Poverty of the King — Pawns tlie Image of the Virgin Mary in the 
Chapel — Locality, and vestiges of the Chapel — Bernard de Sabaudia appointed 
Keeper of the Castle, a.d. 1242 — Progress of the Works — Their suspension in 
1244 — Park at Windsor — Hospital for Lepers — Storm on St, Duustan's Day, 1251 
— Operations in the Castle — Revenues of the Bishopric of Winchester appropriated 
to defray the expenses — Charges against the Citizens of London found on a Roll 
in the King's Wardrobe — Visit of Alexander of Scotland to Queen Eleanor at 
Windsor, in 1256 — By Treaty between Henry and his Barons, in 1258, Windsor 
remains in the King's hands — Progress of the Works — Summons in 1261, of 
Knights from every Shire, to attend the King at Windsor — Prince Edward removes 
Treasure and the Queen's Jewels from the Tower to Windsor — The Queen 
escapes from the Tower — Agreement to intrust Windsor and the other Royal 
Castles to the Barons — Reluctance of Prince Edward to surrender Windsor — He 
assembles Forces — The Barons march from London — Capitulation and Surrender 
of the Castle — Safe Conduct and Departure of the Foreigners — Renewal of the War 
between the King and the Barons — Prince Edward regains possession of Windsor— 
The King, under the restraint of the Earl of Leicester, orders the Princess Eleanor, 
her Family, and others, to leave the Castle — Hugh de Barantin Governor of the 
Castle — The King at Windsor with an Army after the death of the Earl of Leicester, 
in 1265 — Alarm of the Citizens at Windsor — Deputation to the King — and subse- 
quent attendance of the Mayor and principal Citizens at Windsor — They are Impri- 
soned in the Castle — Release of part of their number and their return to London — 
Fine imposed on the Citizens — Final adjustment, and Release of the Prisoners, in 1269 
— Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester in 1267 — Tlie King marches to Windsor — 
Preparations for an Engagement at Hounslow — The King leaves Windsor — Sur- 
render of the Earl of Gloucester — Grants of Windsor Castle, Tower, and Forest — 
Appointment of Adam de Gordon to an office in the Castle — Works during the last 
years of Henry's Reign — Notices of the Neighbourhood of Windsor — Palace at 
Cippeuham — Imprisonmentof the Earl of Derby — Burnham Abbey. 

On the 22d of January, a.d. 1217, a few months after John's 
death and before Henry the Third was firmly estabhshed on the 


throne, " the wicked robber, Falkasius," says Roger of Wendover, 
" assembled a force of knights and robbers from the garrisons of 
the castles of Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, and Windsor, and 
went to St. Albans, it being the night of St. Vincent's day, at dusk, 
and making an unexpected attack on the place, pillaged it, and 
made prisoners of men and children, whom he committed to close 

Foulques de Breautee, who is described by the monkish historian 
as a wicked robber on account of his plunder of the abbey of 
St. Albans, was a favorite of the late King John, and the above 
passage shows that the castle of Windsor remained in the hands of 
his adherents. It appears, indeed, to have been the head quarters 
of the young king's forces until peace was effected with Louis. On 
one occasion we are told that the people of Windsor pursued the 
forces of the French prince from Earnham to Winchester, but did 
not dare to approach so near as to be seen by their rear guard.^ 
At another time, the forces of the English marched to Windsor, and 
proceeded thence to Staines and Chertsey.^ The pope's legate, 
alarmed one day at the intelligence that the French had left 
London, mounted his horse at Kingston, where he was staying, and 
" forgetting not his spurs," did not stop until he reached Windsor.^ 
The terms of peace were discussed there in the presence of the 
dowager queen Isabella, the legate, barons, and a great host. The 
final arrangement was made " on an island in the Thames, beyond 
Kingston and towards Windsor ;" Louis was on one side the river 
and the royalists on the other ; Louis got into a boat and crossed 
to the island where the queen and the legate were.^ 

Engelard de Cygony continued to hold the office of constable of 
the castle during the early part of this reign. The inhabitants of 
Windsor in 1220 complained that he had done them serious injury, 
by inclosing their pastures, contrary to the charter of Henry, the 
king's grandfather. The king thereupon directed Hugh de Nevill 

> *Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 191. 

2 Ibid., p. 196. 

3 Ibid., p. 199. 

'' Ibid., pp. 203, 204. The articles of peace, however, bear date at Lambeth the 11th 
September, ]217. See the Eoedera, new edit., vol. i, p. 148. 


and John Fitz Hugh to proceed together to Windsor to view the 
inclosures, and restore the inhabitants to their rights, so that there 
should not be any more cause of complaint.^ Engelard de Cygony, 
who was directed to attend and assist the commissioners, appears to 
have farmed the revenues of the bailiwick of Windsor, and collected 
the rents and dues in kind, for in 1224 we find the king purchasing 
Cygony's stock of corn at Windsor, Cookham, and Bray, for the 
sum of sixty pounds thirteen shillings and fourpence. With an 
apparent inconsistency, indicating the jobbing carried on, the king 
at the same time made a present to him of a heap of corn in 
the Castle wherewith to feed his horses.^ A year later we find 
Ralph Tyrell filling the office of constable.^ 

Perhaps no English sovereign ever paid so much attention to 
architecture, sculpture, and painting, as Henry the Third.* Besides 
the ecclesiastical edifices which rose through his munificence or under 
his influence, the royal houses throughout the kingdom were greatly 
extended and embellished during his reign. Although Windsor 
does not appear to have been a favorite residence of this king, yet 
the castle benefited by his taste for architecture in a degree which 
totally changed the aspect of at least the lower ward, where his works 
may still be traced to a considerable extent, and identified by the 
unerring test of their architectural character.^ 

The improvements of Henry the Third were begun as early as 
the fifth year of his reign and the fifteenth of his age. In that 
year orders were issued for payment of money to Engelard de 
Cygony for the works of the castle and for the repairs of the broken 
walls. '^ In the following year the constable was ordered not to 
take the toll called cheminac/e from persons conveying timber 
for the works of the castle.'^ In the seventh year of this 

' Rot. Claus., 4 Hen. Ill, m. 6. 

'^ Ibid., 8 Hen. Ill, p.i, m. 11. 

'■' Ibid., 9 Hen. Ill, ni. 6 and 18. 

" Hardy's Preface to the Liberate Rolls of John. 

* Poynter's ' Essay on the Hist, of Windsor Castle,' prefixed to Sir J. Wyatville's 
Illustrations. Some of the details of the works in the reign of Henry the Third arc 
taken from this essay. 

^ Rot. Claus., 5 Hen. Ill, m. 9, 10, 12. 

" Ibid., Hen. III. 


reign, when out of several sums of money, amounting in the 
whole to upwards of 800 marks, paid to Engelard de Cygony, 
the constable, to John le Draper and William the clerk of 
Windsor, custodes operationum. Master Thomas the king's carpenter, 
and others, on account of the repairs of the domus within the castle, 
a considerable portion is specifically allotted for the works of the 
hall;^ which were so far advanced in the eighth year, that the sheriffs 
of London are then commanded to deliver one hundred of fir to 
Master Thomas, for the purpose of making the doors and windows.^ 
It is not made perfectly clear in these orders, whether they refer to 
a hall already existing, or to a new and more stately edifice, but 
collateral evidence enables us to decide upon the latter. In the 
twenty-fourth year of Henry the Third, the bailiffs of Windsor are 
commanded, on the Nativity of our Lord, to fill the ^reat hall of 
the castle with poor people ; and the lesser hall is likewise to be 
filled with poor on the day of St. Stephen, the day of St. John, and 
the day of the Epiphany ; and on the day of St. Thomas the same 
hall is to be filled with poor chaplains and clerks, and on Innocents' 
day with poor boys, who are all to be fed and clothed on the days 
aforesaid to the honour of God.^ By the above order it appears that 
the lesser hall, mentioned again as the old hall in a later writ, was 
in the upper baily, while the great hall is fixed in the lower ward, 
both by its position with reference to the chapel, presently to be 
noticed, and by a grant of Henry the Fourth of a plot of ground, for 
the houses of the vicars and other ministers of St. George's Chapel, 
*' near the great hall."* In the centre of the table, at the upper 
end of the great hall, was a throne, painted and gilt with the 
figure of a king in his regalia, on either side of which the win- 
dows were filled with "images" in stained glass, but these deco- 
rations were not completed until several years after the erection of 
the building.^ 

In the tenth year of Henry the Third, the keep seems to have 

1 Rot. Claus., 7, 8 Hen. III. 

2 Ibid., 8 Hen. Ill, m. 4. 

3 R. Liberati, 24 Hen. III. 
^ Ashmole, chap, iv, sec. 2. 
' R. Lib., 34, 45 Hen. III. 


undergone some alteration or repair, £67 sterling being paid to the 
mayor of London for thirty carrates} of lead sent to Windsor, for 
the purpose of covering it.^ In the same year, an entry occurs of 
40^. to Master Nicholas and Master Simon, the king's carpenters 
at Windsor, on account of their wages, and 305. to buy themselves 
dresses, the gift of the king, and 15<9. to Matilda the wife of 
Master Thomas, the carpenter, to buy her a gown,^ by which it 
would appear that the carpenters were maintained on the royal 
establishment. Master Jordan, also designated the king's car- 
penter, and retained on a salary, was employed upon the construc- 
tion of the military engines, and occupied about this time in 
making a trebuchet,^ an engine for casting stones and demolishing 
walls, to be placed in the Castle. The same Jordan is charged 
with the repair of the dit(jh in the great baily,^ between the hall 
and the tower of the Castle. 

The king was at Windsor for about three weeks at one time, in 
September 1229, probably inspecting the works. He came there 
from Wallingford, and proceeded to Guildford.^ 

By a charter of the eleventh year of the king's reign, the church 
of Windsor, which had been granted by Richard to Walthara 
Abbey, was re-granted or confirmed to that monastery.''' The 
abbot about the same time complained, that although his 
tenants of the property of Windsor church had always been exempt 
from tallage or taxes, yet that the king's officers of the exchequer 
had assessed them in common with the other inhabitants of Windsor, 
and refused to make restitution. The king thereupon directed in- 
quiry to be made into the truth of the abbot's allegation of previous 
exemption, and commanding that, if found to be true, the tenants 

^ Carrada, carrata, onus carri, quantum carro villi potest. (Du Cange.) 

2 Rot. Claus., 10 Hen. Ill, m. 29. There was a payment in the preceding year of 
£11 for the works of the " tower of Windsor." (Ibid., 9 Hen. Ill, m, 11.) 

3 Rot. Claus., 10 IJen. Ill, m. 2G, and 9 Hen. Ill, m, 10, R. Lib., 10 Hen. III. 
^ Rot. Claus., 9 Hen. Ill, m. 3 ; ibid., an. 10, m. 13 ; R. Lib., 11, 12 Hen. III. 
^ Rot. Claus., 10 Hen. Ill, m. 21, 22 ; R. Lib., 10 Hen. III. 

6 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. III. 

" 'Calendarium Rot. Chart, et Inquis ad quod Damnum.' (1803) Charta; 11 Hen. Ill, 
m. 13. 


should be exempt from payment.^ The king also, in 1231, sent 
instructions to the constable of the castle, that the church should 
have tithes of the royal garden at Windsor.^ Two years previously 
permission was given to the abbot to inclose his burial ground at 
Old Windsor, through the middle of which lay the king's high way, 
provided that he substituted another sufficient road near it.^ 

In the sixteenth year of Henry's reign (a.d. 1232) the custody 
of the castle of Windsor, as well as of the tower and of the castle of 
Odiham, were committed to Hubert de Burgh,"^ who administered 
the affairs of the state after the death of the Earl of Pembroke. 
Hubert de Burgh was not, however, strictly speaking, constable of 
the castle, for in 1233 we find William de Millars filling that office. 
The former constable, Engelard de Cygony, appears to have con- 
tinued keeper of the forest of Windsor for several years after- 
wards.^ In 1235 the manors of New and Old Windsor, and of 
Cookham and Bray, were committed to Walter de Bine and Simon 
de Brakel.^ 

From the twelfth year of Henry the Third the works of the castle 
proceeded with more or less activity, as appears from the different 
sums paid on that account, until the seventeenth year, when the 
constable of the castle, William de Millars, is ordered to build a 
new kitchen.^ In the twenty-first year the works were placed under 
the direction of William de Burgh, who was engaged at the same 
time upon the works at other of the royal houses. One of his first 
acts was a repair of the bridges of the castle, for which he was 
allowed to have timber from the forest. The great bridge and two 
others above it are specified.^ Two breaches in the castle wall 

1 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. Ill, m. 16. 

^ Seidell's ' History of Tjtlies/ chap. xiv. 

^ Rot. Claus., 9 Hen. Ill, m. 5 and 16. 

'* 111 the nineteenth year of Henry's reign, the forests of Windsor and Odiham were 
committed to his care. (Patent, 19 Hen. Ill, m. 19.) The park or forest of Odiham, how- 
ever, seems to have been taken from him in the following year, as the patent rolls contain 
an order to demand it of him ; and soon after a notice that both the forests of Odiham 
and Wiadesor, with the manor and castle of Odiham, were committed to Reginald de 
Whitchurch. (Tliomson's 'Essay on Magna Charta,' p. 243.) 

5 Rot. Chart., 16 Hen. Ill, m. 5; Rot. Pat., 21 Hen. Ill, m. 8. 

6 Originalia, 20 Hen. III. 

7 Rot. Lib., 17 Hen. III. « Ibid., 21 Hen. III. 


toward the garden were repaired at the same time. In the twenty- 
second year the fortifications were surveyed, especially the state of 
the crenelles, and a general order given to repair the crenelles and 
the drains.^ This order is repeated in the following year, speci- 
fying more particularly the crenelles of the wall of the upper baily 
between the gate and the chamber of Prince Edward, and those of 
the lower gate of the castle. An order is also issued to the bailiffs 
of Windsor to paint the chamber of the queen, to line^ (probably 
either with plaster or wainscot) the chamber of Edward the king's 
son, to make a private chamber convenient to the same, and to put 
iron bars to the window.^ The bailiffs are further commanded to 
form a floor in the turret of the gate, so as to divide it into two 
stories, and to cover it with lead.* 

A considerable quantity of wine was supplied at the Castle 
from time to time. In a writ of the 24th year of his reign, the 
king expressly orders the keepers of his wines to deliver a cask of 
it " for the use of Edward our son.'' ^ 

Prince Edward was brought up at Windsor, as appears from 
various writs. Eor example, in the 26th year of this reign, the 
sum of £200 w^as ordered to be paid out of the Treasury, to Hugh 
Giffard and Master William Burn, " for the support of Edward 
our son, and his attendants residing with him, in our castle of 
Windsor." « 

1 Rot. Lib., 22 Hen. III. 

2 Lambniscare, lambriper, lambris, the interior lining of a wall with marble, wainscot 
stucco, or lath and plaster. 

^ There are frequent orders at this period for iron bars to the windows at Windsor 
and others of the royal houses, which, as Mr. Poynter suggests, may, perhaps, be traced 
to the adventure which befel the king in this year (a.d. 1238) at Woodstock. " About 
this time," saysHolinshed, who condenses the narrative of Matthew Paris and the contem- 
porary chroniclers, " a learned esquire, or rather clearke of the Universitie of Oxenford, 
bearing some malice toward the king, faincd himself mad, and espieing thereby the secret 
places of his house at Woodstoke where he then laie, upon a night by a window he got 
into the king's bed-chamber, and coming to the bedside, he threw off the coverings, 
and with a dagger strake divers times into a pillow, supposing the king had beene there ; 
but as God would, that night the king lay in another chamber with the queene." The 
assassin was taken, and torn to pieces by wild horses at Coventry. 

4 Rot. Lib., 23 Hen. III. 

5 Rot. Claus., 24 Hen. Ill, m. 1. 

^ Rot. Lib., 2G Hen. HI. See this and many other writs of the period, in Devon's 
'Issues of the Exchequer,' 4to, 1837. 

TO A.D. 1272.] THE DOMUS REGIS. 69 

In A.D. 1240, Thomas Count of Flanders, the queen's uncle, 
came to England with great pomp, and, after being entertained 
and loaded with presents in London, he proceeded to Windsor to 
visit his infant nephew Edward, the king's son.^ 

In the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Henry the Third (a. d. 
1242), Bernard de Savoy was appointed keeper of the castle and 
forest of Windsor.^ 

Some idea of the military defence of the castle may be formed 
from an order of this year for the payment monthly, during the 
king's pleasure, to Bernard de Savoy, of £25 lbs. Sd., " for the 
use of four knights in our aforesaid castle, each of them taking 2^. 
per day ; and for the use of eleven soldiers there, each of them 
taking 9d. per day ; and for the use of seven watchers there, each 
of them taking 2d. per day ; and for the use of Burnell, the car- 
penter, and certain cross-bowmen, each of whom takes 6d. per 
day." Also, the treasurer was ordered to pay to the same Barnard, 
*' for the use of the aforesaid seven watchers, 70^., to wit, to each 
of them lO^., for their stipends for one year."^ A few days later 
another order occurs, for paying 12d. per day, arrears of wages, to 
*' our ten soldiers dwelling in Windsor Castle.""^ The constable 
was also paid 40^. '' for the hvery of Geoffrey de Laundele, our 
servant dwelling in our castle of Windsor, who receives daily l\d''^ 
There is an order of an earlier date for payment of £7, the wages 
of six servants and one bowman, for twenty days, at 1 2d. each.^ 

In the twenty-fourth year of his reign, Henry the Third began 
his most important additions to the domus regis. Walter de Burgh 
is commanded to make a certain apartment for the king's use in 
the castle of Windsor, near the wall of the said castle, sixty feet in 
length and twenty-eight feet wide, and another apartment for the 
queen's use, which shall be contiguous to the king's, and under the 
same roof, and a chapel seventy feet long and twenty-eight feet 
wide along the same wall, so that a sufficient space shall be left 
between the aforesaid apartments and the said chapel to make a 

* Matthew Paris. 

2 Rot. Patent., 26 Hen. Ill, m. 12. 

^ Rot. Lib., 20 Hen. III. 

" Ibid. - Ibid. ^ Rot. Glaus., U Hen. III. 


grass plot.^ As a preparatory step to these alterations, thirty oaks 
were deUvered out of the forest to John Andrew, to make and 
inclose a place for the royal works, and to pale and inclose the 
garden of Windsor.^ 

Of this royal habitation nothing can now be known more than 
the dimensions given in the above order. But of the chapel there 
are other notices, which prove it to have had the appendages of a 
galilee, or porch, a cloister, and a bell-tower. In three years the 
walls of the chapel were ready for the roof, and a pressing order 
w^as addressed to the Archbishop of York, charging him to see the 
works completed. The roof is described as a lofty wooden roof, 
after the manner of one then building at Lichfield, to be lined and 
painted so as to appear like stone, and to be covered with lead. 
The same writ orders the bell-tower to be erected in front of the 
chapel, to be built of stone, and of a size to hold three or four bells. 
Four gilt images are also to be provided, and placed where the 
king had previously determined.^ Some images had been made 
before this period, for in the 25th year of this reign the constable 
of AVindsor was directed to distrain John Eitz Andrew and his 
sureties for 30 marks, part of 50 marks due to the king at the 
feast of St. John the Baptist, and take security for the remainder; 
and to give Thomas the painter, who made the images for the 
king's chapel, 10 marks of it, and the residue to the keepers of the 
king's works. The extreme straits to w^hich the king and his 
queen were at times reduced for the money lavished in various 
ways, may be gathered from the fact, that in the twenty-seventh 
year of his reign, Henry, being without the means of paying 
the officers of the chapel royal at Windsor, issued an order to John 
Mansell, directing him to pawn the most valuable image of the 
Virgin Mary for the sum required, but under especial condition that 
this hallowed pledge be deposited in a decent place. ^ This image 
was, probably, one of those only a short time before provided for 
the chapel, as above mentioned. 

The cloister seems to have been partially completed about this 

' ' Pratellum,' 11. Lib., 24 Hen. III. 

2 Hot. Clans., 2i Hon. Ill, m. 11. •» Ibid, 27 Ucn. 1 1 J. 

"* MaJox's ' Hist, of the ExcLcriner.' 

TO A.D. 1272.] THE KINGS CHAPEL. 71 

time ;^ but some portion was not carried up to the roof until five 
years later, when six carrates of lead for covering it are to be pro- 
vided by the sheriffs of London.^ The final completion of the 
chapel appears to have been deferred to the same period, since, on 
the 18th of March, 1248, Peter of Geneva was commanded, out of 
the issues of the lands of aliens in his custody, to pay Brother 
William the Painter, monk of Westminster, ten marks^ to buy 
colours to paint the king's chapel of Windsor.^ This probably had 
reference to a previous order to the keepers of the works at Windsor, 
in 1242, to have the Old and New Testament painted in the 
king's chapel.* 

In June 1248, Godfrey de Lyston was commanded, out of the 
issues of his bailiwick, to pay the same Master William one hundred 
shillings for painting the same chapel, and to furnish scaffolding 
for the pictures.^ In the month of August following, John Silvester 
and Master Simon the carpenter, keepers of the works at Windsor, 
were commanded to pay Master William the painter his wages 
weekly, as they were accustomed to be paid.^ In 1249, the 
Barons of the Exchequer were commanded to allow to Godfrey de 
Lyston, in his accounts, among other things, two marks paid by him 
to Master William the painter, for painting the chapel at Windsor, 
and forty shillings to buy colours, and eighteen shillings which he 
had paid to John Sot the painter for his wages.'^ 

The galilee is mentioned incidentally in a writ of the thirty-fourth 
year of this reign, to inclose the space from the door of the great 
hall to the galilee with a wall ten feet high, with a small door near 
the wardrobe, and also to make a wooden barrier round the galilee 
to prevent horses from approaching it. 

*' There can be no doubt," observes Mr. Poynter, "that this chapel 
is the same which Stow calls the Old College Church, taken down, by 

^ Madox's ' Eist. of the Exchequer.' 
' Rot. Lib., 32 Hen. ITI. 
3 Ibid., 32 Hen. Ill, m. 9. 

^ Rot. Claus., 27 Hen. Ill, p. 1, m. 10. See ' Vetusta Monumenta,' torn, vi; Roke- 
wood's ' Memoir on the Painted Chamber,' p. 21. 
•' Hot. Lib., 32 Hen. Ill, m. 5. 
« Rot. Claus., 32 Hen. Til, ni. 3. 
" Rot. Lib., 33 Hen. Ill, m. 1. 

72 ANNALS OP T\T:NDS0II. [Chapter IV. 

Henry the Seventh, for the purpose of erecting the tomb-house ; and 
its position may be determined with certainty, independently of 
this evidence of the historian, by the remains of the architecture 
of the thirteenth century in the south ambulatory of the dean's 
cloister, at the door of the same age behind the altar of St. George's, 
central both to that edifice and the touib-house. That the 
latter was the principal entrance to the old chapel will scarcely 
be doubted. It exhibits one of the most beautiful specimens 
which time and innovation have respected of the elaborate orna- 
mental iron work of the period. If this marks the western extre- 
mity of the old chapel, the space behind the altar of St. George's 
will be the site of the galilee -, a space necessarily left, when the 
new chapel of St. George was built by Edward the Third, for light 
to the east window, and preserved at the erection of that now 
existing for the same reason. As long, therefore, as the chapel of 
Henry the Third afterwards stood, the principal entrance opened 
immediately from St. George's Chapel, and at the erection of the 
tomb-house, the separate passage was made to the cloister. The 
old chapel must, however, have been somewhat longer than origi- 
nally intended, since the whole work extends a few feet further to 
the eastward than the dimensions specified in the writ." ^ 

In the twenty-fifth year of his reign, the alterations of Henry 
the Third reached the outworks of the castle, and it is not difficult 
to recognise in the existing bell-tower, that which the clerks of the 
works are ordered to build at the northern angle." The same order 
provides for two other towers adjoining toward the east, and in the 
next year the clerks of the works are conmianded to restore the 
chamber of the almoner, which, together with the wall of the castle, 
lately fell down.^ This latter order identifies these three towers 
with those cafied Clure's Tower, Berner's Tower, and the Almoner's 
Tower, removed by Edward the Fourth, in order to enlarge the 
space for his new buildings.* Reference is subsequently made to 
another new tower near the keep/ and if it be allowable to conjec- 

^ Poynter's * Essay,' &c., where see a woodcut of arches in the cloisters. 
2 Rot. Lib., 25 Hen. III. '' Ibid., 2G Hen. III. 

* Ashmolc, cliap. iv, sec. 2. 
•■* Rot. Lib., 31 Hen. 111. 


tare that this may have occupied the same site as the Winchester 
Tower, the line of defence on the north side of the lower baily 
will be completed, the towers standing at nearly the same distances 
apart as those of the same period (which the character of the archi- 
tecture unequivocally proves them to be) on the west side toward 
the town, now known as the Garter Tower, and the Salisbury or 
Chancellor's Tower. Following the external wall of the castle from 
the Salisbury Tower eastward, the same character, construction^ and 
materials may be traced (with the interuption of the great gateway* 
rebuilt at a later date), as far as the Store Tower, now called Henry 
the Third's Tower, thus identifying the works of this king throughout 
the whole outward inclosure of the lower bailv. Some indications 
may also be discerned, that the inner wall of the houses of the 
military knights is originally of the same period, and, consequently 
that the buildings on this side of the court have for six centuries 
occupied the same site. On their ancient destination it would be 
idle to speculate.^ 

These works upon the walls and towers were followed up by an 
extension of the castle ditch on the side toward the town, as 
appears by an order for £7 5<5. to be paid out of the treasury to 
Rylwin de Twyle, bailiff of Windsor, for the good men of Windsor, 
in recompense of the damages they had sustained in taking down 
their houses, for a foss, ordered by the king to be made round the 
castle.^ Another enlargement is subsequently ordered, but only so 
far as the houses of the town will admit without their destruction. 
The same writ orders a cistern to be constructed for the purpose of 
collecting all the rain-water falling about the castle. The sums 
allotted for the works during two years, at this time amount to 
£673 sterling,"^ besides a sum of £200 or not exceeding 400 marks, 
to be laid out upon the fortifications at discretion, which latter 
sum is to be borrowed, if needful.^ Master Simon, the carpenter, 
is also to have six good oaks either out of the bishoprick of 
Winchestei' or the manor of Wargrave.^ 

^ Poynter. 

2 Rot. Lib., 26 Hen. III. 

3 Rot. Claus., 27 Hcu. III. 

^ Rot. Lib, 26 Hen. III. ; Lib, R., 27 lien. III. 
^ Rot. Claus., 27 Hcu. III. r. ij^^^j 


The following curious writ, dated the 24th of November, occurs 
in the clause roll of the tAventy-eighth year of this reign. " The 
clerks of the works, at Windsor, are ordered to work day and night, 
to wainscot ^ the high chamber upon the wall of the castle near 
our chapel in the upper bailey, so that it may be ready, and pro- 
perly wainscoted on Friday next when we come there, with boards 
radiated and coloured, so that nothing be found reprehensible in 
that wainscot, and also to make at each gable of the said chamber^ 
one (/lass window, on the outside of the inner window of each 
gable, so that the inner window shall be closed, the glass windows 
may be seen outside." The 24th November, 1243, was a Tuesday. 
The workmen, therefore^ had but two clear days between the date 
of the writ and the arrival of the king. 

A council, or parliament, as the chronicler calls it, was held at 
Windsor in 1244, on the morrow of the Nativity of the Virgin 

In the twenty-ninth year of Henry the Third, the works at the 
Castle were entirely suspended,^ probably for want of funds, since 
the supplies which had hitherto been provided for the most part out 
of the bailiwick of Windsor, seem in the following year to be drawn 
from some unusual sources. Sixty marks are to be paid out of the 
lands of Baldwin, the late Earl of Devon, and Bernard of Savoy, 
the constable of the castle, is directed to provide with all speed 200 
marks out of the lands of the Countess of Eu, the Bishoprick of 
Chichester, and others, which had been assigned for the use of 
Edward, the king's son, and if perchance he has not these monies 
ready, he is to lend them upon the revenue of the ensuing quarter 
(Lady-day), so that the works may not remain unfinished for want 
of money.* The constable is further ordered to crenellate the keep, 
to make a chimney in one of the rooms there, to provide ropes 
and buckets for the well within the same, and to ^\ a stone bench 
in the wall of the castle near the grass plot by the king's 

' Lambruscare. 

2 Duristaplo, edit. Hearne, p. 265. 

^ No entry for tlic works at Windsor, citlicr on tlic Liberate or Clause Roll, this year 

' Uol.Lib., :30Hcii. ill. 


chamber. He is also to buy two painted tablets to be placed in 
the queen's chapel, one in front of the altar, and the other over 
it, and to repair the images of the Crucifixion, and Mary and 
John, at the said altar. The house of the king's gardener, and 
the hedge about the garden, are to be repaired, and a certain 
plantation made.^ The king's garden was outside the walls of the 
castle, with which it had a direct communication by a bridge,^ and 
was inclosed by a ditch and paling.^ In the thirty-third year a 
barbican was erected. 

In 1852, the workmen engaged in removing the houses which 
have for centuries occupied the place of the ancient castle ditch 
formed by Henry the Third, on the south-west side of the castle, 
discovered, between the Garter and Bell-towers, a passage and 
flight of stone steps cut through the chalk rock, and arched over 
with massive stone-work — evidently the remains of a former com- 
munication between the interior of the castle and the bottom of the 
foss or ditch outside the walls. There can be little doubt that this 
was the barbican erected by Henry the Third.* 

In the 85th year of this reign (1251), Simon the chaplain, and 
other masters of the works, were ordered to have the king's cloister 
in the castle paved and wainscoted, and the Apostles to be painted 
there, as the king had enjoined him and Master William, his 

By a writ for painting and other repairs, and building a 
chimney, there appears to have been at this time a royal lodge 
or house in the Park, and two chapels.^ In the same year (35 Hen. HI) 
the king endowed Ankerwyke Priory with the tithe or tenth of the 
mill in Windsor park.^ 

» Rot. Lib., 30 Heu. III. ^ j^id., 44 Hen. III. 

3 Ibid., 23, 24 Hen. III. 

"^ A woodcut of this sallyport, as it is termed, appeared at tlie time of the discovery in 
the ' Illustrated London News,' with a short description. It is scarcely necessary to say 
that the notion tliere put forth, that it formed part of a subterranean communical iou 
between the castle and Burnham Abbey, has no foundation in fact. 

5 Rot. Claus., 35 Hen. Ill, m. 5. See Walpole's 'Anecdotes of Painting,' by 
DuUoway, vol. i, p. 21. 

6 Rot. Lib., 85 Hen. III. Poynter. 

7 Rot. Pat., 35 Hen. Ill, m. 3. Ankerwyke lies on the Bucking-hamshire side of 
the Thames, about tliree miles from Windsor, and opposite to Runnimcdc. The Priory 


A hospital for leprous persons existed at Windsor at this period, 
as is evidenced by the grant from the king, in the thirty-fifth year 
of his reign, of one hundred and twenty acres of inclosed land in 
the forest of Windsor to the sisters and brothers of the leprous 
hospital of Windsor.^ The king gave them seven shillings out of 
the yearly rent of the farm of Windsor.^ 

Tanner describes it as an hospital for leprous men and women, 
dedicated to St. Peter, as ancient as King Henry the Third's 
time, but given to Eton College in the first year of Edward the 

The site of this hospital seems to be still retained in the name 
of " Spital," an outlet and scattered district lying south of Windsor, 
on the road to St. Leonards.'* 

A great storm which occurred on St. David's Day, a.d. 1251, 
is described as having done some damage to Windsor Castle. 
The chimney of the chamber " wherin the queen and her children 
then were was beaten down to dust, and the whole building sore 
shaken." In the park " oaks were rent in sunder, and turned up 
by the roots, and much hurt done ; as mills with the millers in 

was founded in the reign of Henry the Second for Benedictine nuns, by Gilbert de 
Moutfichet and his sou Richard, in honour of St. Mary Magdelene. (Lysous' 'Magna 
Brit.') Henry the Third, in the 26th year of liis reign, granted to the monks of 
Ankerwyke, mastage (acorns) and pasture for sixty hogs in Windsor Forest (Chart., 
26 Hen. Ill, m. 3) ; and in the same year the king ordered £8 6s. 8d. to be paid to his 
almoner, to feed 2000 poor persons, one half at " Ankerwicke" and the other half at 
Bromhal, " for the soul of the empress, formerly our sister." 

1 Charter, 85 Hen. III. 

2 Testa de Nevill. 

3 'Notitia Monastica,' edit. 1744, p. 20. 

^ Dr. Raw'linson, in his additions to Ashmole's 'Antiquities of Berkshire' (vol. i, p. 64), 
says — "About half a mile from Windsor, towards the forest, is a mineral purging spring, 
formerly much frequented, and known by tiie name of ' Elias's Spittle,' now St. Peter's 
Well, where is also said to have stood a small religious liouse, perhaps an hermitage, for 
the entertainment of travellers. It is now part of the possessions of the provost and 
fellows of St. Mary's College at Eton, in Buckinghamshire." Gough observes upon 
this passage, that " Dr. Rawliuson seems to confound what is now called the Spital, in 
!New AVindsor parish, about half a mile from New Windsor towards the forest, and where 
the hospital mentioned by Tanner was situated, but where there never was a mineral 
purging well that I can hear of, with a well of mineral purging water about a mile and a 
lialf from Windsor, in the long walk in the Great Park, mIucIi was cull(>d ' Jessop's Well,' 
and which has been lillcd up witiiin these few^ years," (' Gough's Camden,' 2d edit, 
vol. 1, p. 237.) 


them, sheepfolds with their shepherds, and ploughmen, and 
such as were going by the way were destroyed and beaten 

From the thirty-fifth year to the fortieth, the operations at the 
castle seem to have been principally confined to finishing the new 
buildings, since the most important writs during that period relate 
to large supplies of boarding, partly for making wainscots, amount- 
ing in the whole to seven thousand boards, a portion of which are 
described as Norway boards, half a hundred (jreat boards, and a 
thousand laths. Within the same period 1405. are appropriated to 
Friar WiUiam to buy colours. There is also an order to the con- 
stable to make an additional story to the tower allotted to the king's 
seneschals, with a chimney, and to cause that tower to be crenellated 
and covered with lead in the same manner as the other new towers.^ 
The bishoprick of Winchester being at this time vacant, the ex- 
penses of the works were partly provided for out of the revenues of 
the see.^ 

By a writ dated 22d January, in the fortieth year of the king's 
reign, Godfrey de Lyston, the keeper of the king's forest of 
Windsor, was commanded to give from out of that forest to Gilbert, 
the king's carpenter at Windsor, as much timber as he will require 
to repair the halls and chambers in the upper castle of Windsor, 
where the king's children were nursed.^ 

In March of that year, Gilbert de Tile, bailiff of the town, was 
commanded to pay to Brother William the painter, of Westminster, 
five marks out of the town, for repairing certain pictures in the 
king and queen's chambers and the royal chapels at Windsor; and 
in May following the bailiffs of Windsor were ordered to pav the 
same Master William forty shillings to buy colours for painting in 
the castle ; and Godfrey de Lyston, keeper of the manor of Cook- 
ham and Bray, was commanded that, from the octave of Easter 
then last, and so long as he overlooked the painters of the king's 
castle at Windsor, he should pay to the king's beloved Master 

^ Holinshed. 

2 Rot. Lib, 37, 38, 39, 40 Hen. HI. 

3 Ibid, 36 Hen. III. Poynter. 
^ Rot. Glaus., 40 Hen. III. 

78 ANNALS OP WI^^I)SOIl. [Chapter IV. 

William the painter, monk of Westminster, two shillings per day 
for his wages. ^ 

■In the beginning of the forty-first year of Henry the Second 
(a.d. 1256), "was found in the king's wardrobe at Wyndesore, a 
bill or roll closed in green wax, and not known from whence it 
should come ; in the which roll was contained divers articles against 
the mayor and rulers of the city of London, and that by them the 
commonalty of the city was grievously tasked and wronged, which 
bill was presented at length to the king ; whereupon he anon sent 
John Mansell, one of his justices, mito London ; and there in the 
feast of the conversion of St. Paul, by the king's authority, called 
at Paul's cross a folkmot, being there present Sir Richard de Clare 
Earl of Gloucester, and divers others of the king's council, where 
the said John Mansell caused the said roll to be read before the 
commonalty of the city, and after showed to the people that the 
king's pleasure and mind was, that they should be ruled with 
justice, and that the liberties of the city should be maintained in 
every point ; and if the king might know those persons that had 
so wronged the commonalty of the city, they should be grievously 
punished to the example of others." ^ 

Li 1256, during the absence of Henry in Germany, Alexander 
the Third, king of Scotland and his consort Margaret, the daughter 
of Henry and Eleanor, were entertained by the Queen at Windsor. 
The queen of Scotland gave birth to a daughter there. 

We are told that about May, 1257, Queen Eleanor was con- 
fined to her bed, at Windsor, by an attack of pleurisy, while the 
king was detained in London by a tertian fever.^ It seems to 
have been in consequence of vows made during this illness that she 
went, in the following October, to St. Albans, to return thanks to 
the martyr, and also to make a handsome offering at his tomb. 
She was accompanied by Prince Edward's wife and several other 
ladies, and made an offering at the altar of a costly cloak, com- 
monly called a " bandkin." '^ 

^ ' Vetusta Monumenta,' torn. vi. Rokewood's ' Memoir on the Painted Chamber, 
p. 22, and writs tlierc cited. 
2 Fabyan. 
•* Matthew Paris. * Ibid. 


In pursuance of the agreement effected between the king and 
the barons in the great council, or " mad parHament," as it was 
called, assembled at Oxford in June 1258, the governors of the 
principal castles belonging to the king were removed, and their 
places supplied by persons in the interests of the barons. Windsor, 
Wallingford, and a few others, still remained in the king's 

During the forty-first year of the king's reign (a.d. 1256-7) 
some considerable alterations were undertaken in the old buildings 
of the upper bailey, for the purpose of fitting them for the occupa- 
tion of the queen. The old chamber was repaired and two new 
ones built, with an oriel, a private chapel, and an oratory, and a 
wardrobe, with a press to lay by the queen's clothes. The old 
kitchen was taken down, and a new one erected in a more con- 
venient situation, communicating by a passage with the great 
chamber. A salting-house and other offices were built, and a 
chamber fitted up for the nurses.^ It was not, however, till the 
fifth year that these works had been in hand that ten glass windows 
were ordered for the new rooms,^ and they were not finished in the 
year following, as appears by an order for one thousand boards to 
make the wainscot.^ It was not even till three years later that the 
new passage from the kitchen was covered with lead.^ These 
tedious delays are easily explained by the financial difficulties in 
which the king was at this time involved, and which had their 
effect upon the progress of the works at Windsor.^ In the forty- 
second year of his reign, the operations were again totally sus- 
pended. In the forty-fourth, the sum of £410 was delivered to 
Master John of Gloucester, the king's mason, to be distributed to 
the workmen, whose wages were two years in arrear.^ In August 
of that year (1260), Edward de Westminster was specially required 

1 Lingard. The royal castles were those of Dover and the other Cinque Ports, 
Northampton, Corfe, Scarborough, Nottingham, Hereford, Exeter, Sarum, Hadleigh, 
Winchester, Porcliester, Bridgenorth, Oxford, Sherburn, the Tower of London, Bam- 
borough, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Rochester, Gloucester, Horestan, and Devizes. (Lingard, 
citing Brady and Ann. Burt., 416.) 

2 Rot. Lib., 40, 41, 43, 44 Hen. III. 3 xbid., 45 Hen. III. 
' Ibid., 46 Hen. III. ^ jbid.^ 48 Hen. III. 

« Poynter. r Rot. Lib., 44 Hen. III. 

80 ANNALS OF AVINDSOR. [Chapter iV. 

by the king to provide William, monk of Westminster, the king's 
painter, with colours and other things necessary for renewing the 
paintings at Windsor ; and it appears from an order addressed to 
Richard de Freemantle, keeper of the manors of Cookham and 
Bray, that the paintings to be renewed were those in the 
king's chapel and chamber.^ In the next year, however. Friar 
William complains that he and his men have not been paid for 
the repair and renovation of certain paintings in the chapel 
and in the king's chamber.^ The frequent repetition of writs for 
the same works, year after year, is a further proof of the want of 
means to execute them. The orders are, therefore, for the most 
part, confined to repairs and works necessary for the defence of the 
Castle, such as repairing the masonry of the keep, and the chimney 
in the tower towards the town, which was occupied by Grey de 
Lusignan,^ repairing the great bridge and defending it by a strong 
iron chain, repairing and fixing a similar chain across the bridge at 
the foot of the keep,^ and making a portcullis to the barbican.^ 
Previously to the suspension of the works, an order had been given 
to rebuild the engine-house and engine, and to conduct the water 
from the spring near the keep into the cloister in the lower bailey, 
and thence to the door of the hall, and to make a lavatory at the 
upper end of the hall on the east side ; and if the water of the 
aforesaid spring shall not be sufficient for these purposes, that of 
the spring within the keep is to be taken in aid of it.^ A fountain 
of freestone is also to be constructed in the garden. 

In the forty-fifth year of Henry the Third, Augustine bishop of 
Laodicea, originally a friar minor of Nottingham, having been 
driven from his see by the Saracens, the king granted him a yearly 
pension of sixty marks, and received him at Windsor, allotting for 
his residence the apartments of the domestic chaplains and clerks 
of the chapel, which Richard de Freemantle, the custos or bailiff 
of the manors of Cookham and Bray, with the seven hundreds 
and the forest of Windsor,"^ is ordered to prepare for his recep- 

^ Rokcwood's 'Memoir of the Painted Chamber,' cited ante, p. 71. 
2 Rot. Lib., 45 Hen. III. '' Ibid., 40 Hen. III. " Ibid., 44 Hen. III. 

» Ibid., 45 Hen. III. « Ibid., 40 Hen. III. 

' Richard de Freemantle, or Freimantell, as he is described in the writ, was appointed 
custos two years before. (Rot. Pat., 43 Ilcn. III.) 


tion by building a chimney of French plaster therein, and making 
a gate with a wicket between those apartments and the chapel. This 
arrangement, however, was but temporary, as the same Richard de 
Freemantle is ordered to build, between the almonry and the turret 
in which John Maun sell was lodged, an apartment for the use of 
the bishop, fifty feet in length, with a chimney of plaster, and a 
wardrobe fifteen feet long.^ This building was merely a pent- 
house^ against the castle wall, and, as it was very shortly completed 
and ready to be whitew^ashed,^ it might be no more than a light 
erection of timber. That such structures existed within the Castle 
seems to be indicated by a writ, ordering the Constable to remove 
the chamber in which Robert de Muscegros had lodged, and to put 
it in the upper bailey of the Castle, in the place of the building for 
the king's mill, lately destroyed by fire.* For the new mill the 
Sheriff's of London are ordered to send four grindstones. In the 
same year (the forty-eighth) the Sheriffs are to send to the Castle 
one hundred of tin for the works, and the custos of the manors of 
Cookham and Bray is to repair the kitchens and the stone walls 
and palings by which they are inclosed, to turf the herbarium, to 
complete the drains, to fix staples and iron chains before the door 
of the hall, and to make a well in the garden.^ 

At this time also Aymon Thurumburd, the then constable of the 
castle, was ordered to sell wood in Windsor Park, and out of the 
proceeds to inclose the park and make the necessary repairs of the 
house and pool of the king's mill in the same park.^ 

In 1261, the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, with the bishop 
of Worcester, had summoned three knights from every county 
south of the Trent to meet them at St. Albans ; but a temporary 
reconciliation was effected between them and the king, and the 
latter, by his writs, annulling the previous summons, ordered the 
same knights to repair to him at Windsor, that tliey might be 

' Rot. Lib,, 44 Hen. III. 

^ Apentitum. 

^ Rot. Lib., 45 Hen. III. 

' Ibid., 46 Hen. III. 

^ Poynter. 

« Rot. Original., 45 Hen. Ill, v. 14. 



present at his intended conference with the barons, and to treat of 
the common concerns of the kingdom.^ 

In June 1263, Henry, Avho two years before had reserved to 
himself the custody of the royal castles, and was now at open war 
with the barons under the Earl of Leicester, was in possession of 
the Tower. His son, Prince Edward, after taking by force one 
thousand marks out of the Temple, carried them, together Avith the 
queen's jewels, to Windsor, which he garrisoned with a large body 
of foreigners, consisting of about one hundred knights and a much 
larger number of guards.^ 

Windsor is described by a contemporary chronicler as the most 
magnificent palace then existing in Europe.^ The foreigners forti- 
fied and strengthened this already strong hold in an admirable 
manner, but plundered and devastated the adjoining country in all 

The king was willing to effect a peace with the barons, but the 
queen, irritated by w^omanly feelings of annoyance, strove with all 
her might in the opposite direction. In endeavouring to make her 
escape from the Tower to Windsor by water, she was intercepted 
by the citizens of London, and driven back, when under the 
bridge, by stones and mud thrown at her.^ Under the protection 
of the mayor, she was conveyed to the Bishop of London's palace, 
near St. Paul's.^ 

Henry's brother, Richard, king of the Romans, acting as 
mediator, effected an arrangement, by which it was agreed amongst 
other things, that the royal castles, including Windsor, should once 
more be intrusted to the custody of the barons, and the foreigners 
banished. It was not easy to appease Prince Edward, who was 
reluctant to abandon the castle of Windsor, which he had fortified, 

^ Lingard, citing Brady, ii, App. No. 202, 203. Dr. Lingard considers this to have 
been a real parliament. The interviews that followed appear to have taken place in 

2 Lingard ; Matthew of Westminster. 

3 •' Windesores, quo non erat ad id tempus splendidius infra fines Europse." (Matthew 
of Westminster.) 

' Ibid. 

^ Ibid. See also the contiuuator of Matthew Paris. 

« * Chron. Dunst.,' &c. 

TO A.u. 1272.] SURRENDEll OT THE CASTLE. 83 

or to remove the foreigners whom he had placed within its walls. 
The prince did not surrender the castle at once, but went to Bristol, 
Finding that city took arms against him, he obtained the escort of 
Walter, bishop of Worcester, who was on the barons' side^ to convey 
him to Westminster, where the king and his court then were. 
The prince, as soon as he got near Windsor, left the bishop's pro- 
tection and returned to the castle. In the meantime the barons 
were on their way to Windsor to compel its surrender. The 
prince met them near Kingston ; and the result was that Windsor 
castle was surrendered to the barons, on the condition that those who 
were within it should be allowed to depart in safety, with their 
horses and arms uninjured. By letters patent, bearing date 20th 
July, A.D. 1263, all foreigners who guarded the castle were ordered 
to depart ;^ and six days afterwards letters of safe conduct were 
granted them.^ They were conducted to the coast by Humphrey 
de Bohun the younger.^ 

The award of Louis king of France, to whom the differences 
between the king and his barons were referred, having been treated 
by the latter as a nullity, the civil war broke out anew. 

The king well knowing that the city would take the barons' 
part, succeeded, by means of Prince Edward, his son, to regain 
possession of the castle at Windsor. The prince accomplished this 
by a train. When the king ascertained that the castle was in the 
hands of his son, he left Westminster,^ and rode to Windsor, 

» Rot. Pat., 47 Hen. Ill, m. 6. 

^ Ibid., m. 5. 

^ Matthew of Westminster and the continuator of Matthew Paris. See also Holinshed, 
citing Abington and Nic. Trevet. Matthew of Westminster says — " Edward, departing 
from the castle as if for the purpose of treating about peace, met his father and the 
barons about halfway between Windsor and London ; and when, after the discussion was 
over, he was preparing to return, he was detained by the cunning of the Earl of Leicester 
and the Bishop of Worcester, who suspected sinister designs on his part ; and so he was 
prevented from re-entering the castle. And so that noble castle was surrendered to the 
king and the barons," &c. Fabian says the barons put the aliens out of the castle ; that 
they went to the king at Fulham, complaining that all their goods were taken. The king 
deferred their complaint until Michaelmas, when a parliament was holden at Westminster, 
and the barons ordered to make restitution ; but they refusing to comply, the war 
between them and the king was renewed. 

'' Eabyan says, " early in the morning, a little before Christmas ;" but it must have 
been after Christmas, as the award of Louis was not until the 23d of January, 12G4. 


where soon afterwards arrived many of the chief of the king's 
party, and on the other hand the barons and knights Avho sided 
with the Earl of Leicester, drew tow^ards London ; so that on 
either side there was a considerable army assembled.^ 

From Windsor the king went to Reading, and from thence to 
WalHngford, and so to Oxford, having a large force with him.^ 

Subseqnently to the battle of Lewes, on the 14th of May, 1264, 
in which the king was defeated, Henry became, in fact, the 
prisoner of the Earl of Leicester, who, although he treated the king 
with every exterior demonstration of respect, never suffered him to 
depart out of his custody ; and, without consulting him, affixed his 
seal to every order ^vhich was issued for the degradation of the 
royal authority.^ 

On the 17th of May, Hugh de Barentin, constable of Windsor, 
was commanded, in the king's name, to release Avithout delay Simon 
de Montfort, son of the Earl of Leicester, and Peter de Montfort, 
who by the command of Prince Edward, the king's eldest son, the 
constable had detained in custody ;'* and on the 4th of June, Hugh 
de Barentin, in common with many of the constables of castles, 
was commanded to enforce the king's orders, that no one should 
be permitted to bear arms without special permission ; and at the 
same time he was ordered to release William de Furnival, and all 
other prisoners, either by way of exchange wdth prisoners taken by 
the barons, or upon sufficient bail without exchange.^ 

By letters patent bearing date at St. Paul's, 16th June, Hugh 
de Barantin and many other knights in care of the castle w^ere 
commanded to come to the king on certain weighty affairs ;^ and 
on the 18th, letters patent, also bearing date at St. Paul's, were 
issued in the king's name, commanding Eleanor, the wife of Prince 
Edward, without delay to quit the castle of Windsor with her 
children ; John de Weston, her seneschal ; William Charles, her 

' Fabyan. 
-' Holiiiblicd. 
'^ Liiigard, citing Brady. 

^ Toedcra,' A.D. 1264. Acta Slmonis de Montcforti, sub nomine ct sigillo Regis 
Kege captivo. 
^' Ibid. 
6 Hot. Tat., 48 Hen. Ill, ni. 11. 


knight ; two domestics, and her furniture.^ Joan, the wife of 
William de Valence, the king's brother, was ordered to with- 
draw from the castle to some religious house or some other 
fit place.^ It appears that Joan did not obey the command 
promptly, as it was followed in a few weeks by another to the 
same effect.^ 

At the same time letters of safe conduct were granted to 
Geoffrey de Langel, who had lately fortified the castle of Windsor 
against the king,^ and a pardon was subsequently granted to 
Jordan de Tankavill and other principal persons, for the same 

The contents of the letters patent bear evidence of the restraint 
imposed upon the king. 

In November, 1264, Henry was at Windsor. Letters from 
him to his queen Eleanor, who was abroad, bear date from Windsor, 
the 18th of November, 1264.' 

After the parliament holden at Winchester in September 1265, 
subsequent to the defeat and death of the Earl of Leicester at 
Evesham, " the king came to Wyndesore with a great power, 
intending, as the fame then went, to destroy the city of London, 
for the great ire and displeasure he had unto it." ^ 

The citizens, to avert the king's anger, despatched eight of their 
number who had friends in the king's court, with an instrument, 

^ " Rex Alienor consorti, Edwardi primogeniti sui, salutem. Quia volumus modis 
omnibus quod a castro nostro V\^indes', ubi nunc moram trahitis, recedatis, vobis manda- 
mus quod una cum filia vestra, Johanna de Weston senescallo vestro, Willielmo Charles 
milite vestro, duabus domicellis, et alia fam' hernesio, et rebus vestris castrum predtctum 
exeatis, et usque Westm' veniatis, moram ibidem, facture donee aliud inde ordinaverimus. 
Et hoc sicut nos et honorem nostrum et vestrum diligitis, nullatinus omittatis. Quia 
manucapimus quod vos erga prefatura Edwardum dominum vestrum excusabimus, et 
indempnes conservabimus. Nos autem vos, predictam filiara, Johannem, W^illielmum, 
duas domicellas, familiam, una cum hernesio vestro, presentibus hiis litteris nostris 
patentibus ad hoc recipiraus in salvum et securum conductum nostrum." In cujus, &c. 
T. R. apud Sanctum Paulum, London., xviii. die Juaii. (Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 11.) The 
writ is printed in the Eoedera. 

2 Rot. Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 11. 

3 Ibid., m. 10. 

' Rot. Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 10. 
' Ibid., 49 Hen. III. 
" 'Eoedera.' 
" Fabyan. 

86 ANNALS OF WINDSOll. [Chapter IV. 

under the seal of the city, submitting both their lives and goods to 
the king's mercy. This deputation left London on the 6th of 
October. At Colnbrook they met Sir Roger Leyborne, one of the 
king's knights, who persuaded them to return to London, whither 
he accompanied them. At a meeting of the citizens at Barking 
Church on the following day, it was resolved to send the instru- 
ment of submission to the king by Sir Roger Leyborne, who was 
earnestly entreated to be a mediator with Henry for the citizens. 
The next day Sir Roger accordingly returned to the court. After 
a lapse of six days he again proceeded to London, and informed 
the citizens that the king had received their writing, and required 
forty of their number to attend at Windsor on the following day to 
confirm the surrender, and in the meantime to remove the chains 
from the end of every street in the city. The citizens complied, 
and, having received the king's letters of safe conduct for four 
days, " the mayor, with the aforesaid persons, was ready at 
Wyndesore upon the morrow, being Sunday, by one of the clock, 
and there tarried till four of the same day ; at which season the 
king, coming from his disporte, entered the castle without counte- 
nance or once casting his eyes upon the Londoners ; and when the 
king and his people was entered the castle, the Londoners would 
have followed, but they were warned to abide without. Then, in 
short time after, the king caused a proclamation to be made that 
no man of high or low degree to the Londoners should make any 
sayings of displeasure, or make to them any quarrel. And in the 
evening came unto them the aforesaid Sir Roger, and Sir Robert 
Waleys, knights, and brought them into the castle, and said that 
the king's pleasure was not to speak with them that night; and after, 
the said knights delivered them unto the constable of the castle, 
which closed them all in a large tower, where, that night, they had 
small cheer and worse lodging. 

"Then upon the morrow, being Monday, towards night, they 
were taken out of that tower, and delivered unto the bailiff of the 
said castle, and lodged by his assignment, except five persons ; 
that is to mean, Thomas Fitz Thomas, then mayor, Mychiell Tony, 
Stephan Bukkcrell, Thomas Pywcllisdon, and John de Flete ; the 
which five persons the king had given to his son, at whose com- 


mandrnent they remained still in the said tower long after, notwith- 
standing the king's safe conduct to them." ^ 

By "great labours and suit," thirty-one of the thirty-five 
remaining citizens were liberated, and returned to London on the 
21st of November. The four detained were Richard Bonaventure, 
Symon de liadisstok, Wylliam de Kent, and William de Gloucester. 
These, with the other five ah^eady mentioned, were confined in the 
castle, no doubt as hostages for the good faith of the others. 

The king at first asked £40,000 as the fine of the City for its 
rebellious conduct, but afterwards diminished his claim to 50,000 
marks. The citizens alleged their poverty ; that the crimes laid to 
their charge were committed by the poor commons of the city ; 
that the best of the inhabitants had themselves been spoiled and 
robbed of their substance ; and prayed the king to accept from 
them such a fine as they were able to bear. At Christmas the 
matter was settled by the king agreeing to take twenty thousand 
marks. The five persons first above mentioned were excepted 
from the indemnity, and remained as prisoners of Prince Edward 
at Windsor. The fom^ others were liberated. The Charter of 
Pardon is dated at Northampton, on the 1 0th of January, in the 
forty-ninth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1266). 

Thomas Fitz-Thomas, the ex-mayor, one of those who remained 
in confinement at Windsor, appears to have been a favorite of the 
people. At the election of a Lord Mayor, in 1266, there was an 
outcry for him, and many persons were apprehended and sent to 
prison by Sir Roger Leybourne, for this manifestation of opinion. 
At length, after the lapse of four years, the five prisoners at 
Windsor, namely, Thomas Pitz-Thomas, Michael Tony, Stephan 
Bukkerell (?), Thomas Pywellisdon,^ and John de Plete, by arrange- 
ment with Prince Edward, " for great sums of money, were set free 
in September, 1269."^ 

At the time of the Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester, in 

^ Fabyan. 

^ This "Thomas Pwylesdon" was "a captain, and a great stirrer of the commons of 
the city for to maintain the barons' party against the king." In the 14th year of the 
reign of Edward the Eirst he was again charged with creating disturbances in tlie city, 
and with others, to the number of fifty, were banished the city for ever. (Eabyan.) 

^ Fabyan. 


1267, Henry was at Cambridge, and was there joined by Prince 
Edward, with thirty thousand men from the north. Leaving 
a sufficient force to defend Cambridge, the king marched from 
thence to Windsor, where Eleanor then resided.^ After his ar- 
rival, his army daily increased. The Earl of Gloucester, who was 
supported by the factious inhabitants of London, made overtures 
of peace, which were rejected. Preparations were made for an 
engagement on Hounslow Heath, but upon the king's proceeding 
there with his army from Windsor, about Easter, he found no one 
to resist him. He proceeded to Stratford, leaving his army 
encamped at Ham and the neighbourhood.^ The Earl of Gloucester 
soon yielded, on condition of receiving a pardon. 

Henry, in the fiftieth year of his reign, granted the castle, 
town, and forest of Windsor to Euboloni de Montibus (?).^ Two 
years afterwards it was granted to Hugh de Dyne, at an annual 
rent of seventy-seven pounds.^ 

Hugh de Dyne did not hold the castle long, for in the fifty- 
third year of the king's reign the castle and forest of Windsor, 
with other manors, were granted to Nicholas de Yatington.^ 

It has been already observed that these grants must not be 
confounded with the appointment of keeper or constable of the 
castle.^ They were evidently grants of the honour or manor of 
the castle and town, and of the forest, to farm at a yearly rent. 
They appear, however, to have been occasionally held with the 
constableship. Nicholas de Yatington, or Satington, is described 
in the Hundred Rolls of the next reign as having been the 
constable of the castle and farm bailiff. He was at that time 
out of office, and seems to have been succeeded by Geoffrey de 

The rent of the farm of Windsor was charged with the follow- 
ing payments about this period : — Twenty shillings and ten pence 

1 stow. 

2 Ilolinshcd. 

'•^ Rot. Pat., 50 Hen. Ill, m. 32. 

' Ibid., 52 lien. Ill, m. 15. 

' Ibid., 53 Hen. Ill, m. 23. 

*■' Sec anfe, p. 58. 

' See pouL 


for the keepership of the king's houses ; the chaplains of the king's 
chapel, thirty shilhngs and five pence ; and the keeper of the vine- 
yard the same sum ; the keepers of Windsor, seven shillings, as has 
been already mentioned. Richard de Sifrevy^ast received twelve 
shillings, the rent of his land, on which some of the royal houses 
stood ; and William de Windsor five shillings, for land where the 
vineyard was. The monks of Bromhal, situated in the forest, 
about six miles south of Windsor, received eight shillings and two 
pence halfpenny, granted them by Henry, and forty pence of the 
gift of King John.^ The latter sum, although converted into a 
payment, was originally merely a release by John of a rent of forty 
pence paid by the monastery for a virgate of land.^ In the ninth 
year of this reign, however, the gift to the monks of Bromhal out 
of the Windsor rent was one halfpenny per day, and two years 
afterwards it was raised to two pence.^ In 1226 there is a curious 
order to the bailiffs of Windsor, to pay Nicholas, the king's 
approver, then being in the king's prison at Windsor, one penny 
daily, out of the rent of the town, for his support until he gave the 
evidence he promised.* In the following year, this person, with 
another approver named Spindlewright, were sent from Windsor to 
New^gate, to be safely kept there until the king should otherwise 
order. ^ The nature of the crime in respect of which Nicholas had 
turned approver, or " king's evidence,^^ does not appear ; but about 
this time the sheriff of Bedford was ordered to receive and keep in 
his custody a number of persons, whose names are given, and who 
had been kept in confinement by the prior of Dunstable, on the 
information of an approver in prison at Windsor.^ 

It was towards the close of this reign that Adam de Gordon, or 
Adam Gordon, received an appointment in Windsor Castle. He 
was a renowned bandit and outlaw, and considered the most athletic 
man of the age. With his followers he ravaged Berkshire, Hamp- 

^ Testa de Nevill, or 'Liber Feodorum in curia Scaccarii/ compiled near tlie close of 
the reign of Edward the Second or the commencement of that of Edward the Third, from 
inquisitions in the time of Henry the Third and Edward the Eirst. 

2 Hot. Chart,, 6 Johau., m. 12. 

'' Rot. Claus., 9 and 11 Hen. III. ' Ibid., 10 Hen. HI. 

' Ibid., 11 Hen. 111. ^ jbid. 


shire, and the adjoining counties. Prince Edward marched to 
attack them, and sm'prised them in Alton Wood, in Buckingham- 
shire. The prince engaged in single combat with their leader, 
wounded and unhorsed him ; and then, in reward for his valour, 
spared him liis life. He was taken to Guildford, pardoned by 
Henry, and Queen Eleanor soon after gave him an office at 
Windsor Castle.^ 

No event of moment occurs connected with Windsor during the 
remaining years of Henry the Third's reign, which terminated by 
his death at Westminster, on the 16th of November, 1272. 

After the occurrences narrated above, it is no matter for sm-- 
prise that during the last ten years of the reign of Henry the Third, 
nothing new seems to have been undertaken in the Castle of 
Windsor. The few writs which appear with reference to the works 
there, are principally for repairs and the supply of materials, and 
offer nothing of interest. A general order in the fifty-second year, 
to complete such works as might be then in progress, is almost the 
last notice connected with the subject during this reign, although 
at some other of the royal houses and castles the improvements 
were going on with unabated activity.^ 

Windsor was the favorite residence of Eleanor, the wife of 
Prince Edward, afterwards Edward the First. There her eldest 
child, John, was born, in 1265 ; her second child, Eleanor, in 
1266 ; and the third. Prince Henry, in the following year. 

By the inquisitions taken before the Justices in Eyre, in the 
thirty-ninth year of the reign of Henry the T^hird, it appeared by 
verdict found, that William Blundell, the king's chancellor, held 
the manor of Eton, the gift of Thomas de Lascelles, and paid 
yearly for hidage,^ with the villages of Wexham and " Huggel " (?), 
twenty-one shillings, and for suit fourteen shillings yearly, and for 
view of frank-pledge ten shillings.^ Eton had been previously held 

' AYest.; Dunst.; Wikes. 

^ Poyuter. 

^ A sum paid in lieu of a tax formerly imposed ou every hide of land. (Cowel's 'Law 

'• 'Rotiili llundrcdoruni,' toinp. IIcu. Ill and Edw. I, vol. i, )). 133. Sec also 'Hot. 
Chart.,' 31) lieu. Ill, m. 5. 


by Thomas de Lascelles and Ralph de Hodenge of the king, by the 
tenure of ward of Windsor Castle.^ 

At the same period, the manors of Datchet and Fulmer were 
held by Henry de Pynkeny, in demesne of the king ;^ Langley, 
by Richard de Muntfichet ; Stoke was in the keeping of Humbert 
de Pugeis, from whom it derives its name of Stoke Poges. The 
prior of Merton held Upton in free gift of the grant of Pagan de 
Warfield; Geoffrey Cumberland held part of Chalvey;^ Richard 
de Oxeye held the village of Horton of William de Windsor and 
Walter de Willelsdern, who held it of the king in capite.^ 

Henry the Third held the manor of Parnham Royal, but gave 
it to Bertram de Verdun for his services.^ 

The king appears to have had a fortified house or palace at 
Cippenham, in Buckinghamshire, where he occasionally resided. 

To proceedings instituted early in the reign of Edward the Pirst 
by Robert de Ferrers, who had lost his title of Earl of Derby in 
consequence of his treason in the previous reign, to recover his 
castles and lands, which were held by Henry the Third's son, 
Edmund, Earl of Leicester and Lancaster, the latter alleged that 
Robert de Perrers had, in the previous reign, pledged them to him 
as security for the sum of £50,000, covenanted by a deed of 
Robert de Perrers to be paid for his release from prison and for the 
redemption of these possessions, and that he failed to pay that sum, 
which then became forfeited. The earl replied, "that this deed 
was by him so made and sealed at Cyppeham, upon the feast-day 
of the Apostles Philip and James, 53 Hen. IH, at such time as he 
was a prisoner there ; and that, being before in the king's prison at 
Windsore,^ he was carried thence to Cyppeham, when he so sealed 
the same as a prisoner, and for fear of corporal mischief; and 
moreover, that, when he had so done, he was taken thence by 
armed men, and conveyed with a strong guard to the castle of 
WaUingford, where he remained for three weeks after in restraint, 
until Prince Edward (afterwards king) did procure his liberty." 

' Testa de Nevill. 2 jbia. 

^ Rotuli Hundredorum. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid., p. 46. 

" TJie Dunstable ' Chronicle' mentions the fact of the capture and imprisonment of the 
carl in Windsor Castle. 

92 ANN.iLS OF WINDSOE. [Chapteh IV. 

To this Edmund rejoined, "that this allegation of his being a 
prisoner was not of any validity, in regard that, after he had sealed 
that deed, he came before Mr. John de Chisluill, then King Henry's 
chancellor, and, acknowledging what he had done, caused it to be 
enrolled in the rolls of the Chancery ; so that, it being thereby 
done as in the presence of the king, his chancellor representing the 
king, or in the court before his officers, w^io made record thereof, 
it could not be said to be done as a prisoner, every man being 
there free to express his mind fully." But Robert again replied, 
*' that, though he did not deny the sealing of that deed in the pre- 
sence of John de ChishuU, it ought not to prejudice him any more 
than his doing thereof in prison ; for he said that the very day he 
so sealed it at Cyppeham, John de Chishull came thither to him 
with that writing, he then being in a certain chamber there in 
strict custody, and, demanding of him whether it was his act and 
deed or not ? he then, for fear, acknowledged it to be so ; and 
that, further asking him whether he was willing it should be 
enrolled in the rolls of the Chancery, he did, by reason of the like 
fear, assent thereto; and moreover added that, as to his being then 
a prisoner, he referred himself to the trial of the country, or to the 
testimony of the same Mr. John de Chishull (then chancellor), 
affirming that he did thenceforth continue a prisoner until the king 
caused his enlargement as above said, offering to stand or fall by 
the king's testimony therein. And he further alleged that his 
acknowledgment of that deed ought not to have the force of a 
record, and consequently to oblige him, in regard it was not made 
in open court, but in the presence of the chancellor only, who was 
then at a great distance from the court, and had neither roll nor 
clerk there to record the same ; for that he came to him in his 
chamber, where he was a prisoner, and not as the king's chancellor, 
but as a private person." Edmund rejoined that the acknowledg- 
ment that the deed was executed in the presence of the then 
chancellor was sufficient ; and the court gave judgment against the 
applicant, dismissing his suit.^ 

In the reign of Edward the First, the village of Cippenham 

' Dugdalc's 'Baronage,' vol. i, p. 2G4, citing ' Plac coram Rcgc,' 2 Ed. I. 

TO A.D. 1272.] 



was held by the Abbot of Westminster, who had withheld the 
accustomed hidage of one mark.^ 

There is a curious grant in the fifty-sixth year of this king's 
reign, to Thomas of Windsor, of an island formed in the Thames, 
near Old Windsor, by the deposit of gravel in the bed of the river, 
to hold to the said Thomas as part of his freehold in Wraysbury.^ 

In 1265, Henry the Third's brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall 
and King of the Romans, founded the abbey and convent of 
Burnham, for nuns of the order of St. Augustine. It was situated 
about a mile from the village of Burnham, south of the Bath road 
and Great Western Railway, and about three miles west of 
Windsor. The present remains are small. The cloister and chapel 
were supposed by Cole to have been destroyed at or very soon 
after the time of the dissolution of the monasteries.^ 

' Rotuli Himdredorum. ^ j^q^ p^^^;,^ 54, jjgj^_ jjj 

•* See the ' Monasticoii,' wliere tlie clmrter of foundation, dai,ed at Cippenliam, is 
j)rinted. Out of the grants of land, &c., for its support, the right of wardship of Windsor 
Castle was expressly reserved to the Crown, 


Remains of Burnham ATotey, near Windsor 



Constables of the Castle, 

A.D. 1273, Geoffhey de Pichefoiid. 
A.D. 1299, John de London. 
A.D. 1305, Roger le Sauvage. 

Members of Parliament for Windsor. 

A.D. 1301, Thomas de Siiatve and Henry de Eedeford. 
A.D. 1305, Thomas de Shawe and Edmund de Brumfton. 
A.D. 1300, John Golde and Henry de Bedeford. 

Improvements and Repairs in the early part of this Reign — Inquisitions in 1273 — Return 
relative to Windsor — Tyranny of the Constable — Notice of Eton — Claim of the 
Prior of Merton to privileges in Windsor — Notices of Burnham, Dorney, &c. — 
Charter to Windsor in 1276 — Petition for and Grant of Pontage — Inquisition as to 
Eton Bridge — Tournament in Windsor Park — Grant of Windsor to the Burgesses 
at a yearly rent — Taxation of Pope Nicholas — Manor of Windsor Undcroure — 
Death at Windsor of Prince Alfonso — Eire in the Castle in 1295 — Illustrations of 
the Eorest Laws — The Queen at Windsor at Christmas, 1299-1300 — Offerings of 
the King in the Chapel — The Cross of Gneyth — The King's Wardrobe Expenses — 
Conveyance of Treasure to Windsor — The Queen's Expenditure — Grant of the 
Manor of Datchet and Eton to the Earl of Cornwall — John of London — Members 
of Parliament for Windsor — Grants of Land to Alexander de Wyndesorc in this 
Reign — Petition of John of Lincoln — Richard de Windsor. 

Edward the Eirst, on bis accession to the throne, committed 
the custody of the Castle and Forest of Windsor to GeofFry de 
Picheford. He had also a grant of the town of Windsor and the 
manors of Braye and Kenyngton, together with the " seven hun- 
dreds " appurtenant thereto, to hold during the king's pleasure.^ 

1 'Originalia/ 1 Edw. I, Ro. 23. The appointment of Geoffrey de Picheford as keeper 
of the castle and forest of Windsor was by a distinct instrument from the grant of the 
castle, town, and forest of Windsor, with their appurtenances, and the manors of Bray 
and Kennington, with the seven hundreds. The former was the appointment of constable, 
and the latter seems to have been the grant of the bailiwick and the town at a rent 
payable to the king. (See ante^ p. 83.) In the last reign, the constable of Windsor Castle 


The king's children resided at Windsor in the commencement 
of this reign ; for among the payments in the first year is £60 to 
Thomas de Pample worth, clerk of Geoffrey de Picheford, constable 
of the castle, and keeper of the king's boys in the same castle, for 
the expenses of the boys aforesaid;^ and in the fourth year £77 8s, 
was paid to Adam de Bradenham, chaplain, the amount paid by 
his own hands to divers creditors of John and Henry, the king's 
late children at Windsor, deceased, during the time they lately 
lived with the king's most dear mother, Eleanor.^ In the same 
year £1 0^. S^d, was paid to Master Conard, maker of cross-bows, 
for repairing with horn six cross-bows, delivered to him by the 
constable of Windsor Castle, and again returned to the aforesaid 
constable to the said Conard, by the king's command, to be kept 
in the castle of the king at Windsor.^ 

Vigorous measures appear to have been adopted to improve the 
royal property in the vicinity of the castle. All the inclosures made 
in the forest in previous reigns, and let at will, were ordered to be 
got in without delay, and cultivated and sown. The lands let by 
deed were ordered to be examined and measured, and any excess 
taken in hand ; waste spots were also ordered to be reduced into 
cultivation.^ A few years later the constable was directed, with 
the assistance of the verderers and foresters, to sell the old dead 
oak trees^ in the forest, as well without as within the park of 
Windsor, and also to sell the grove of alders and other trees in the 

In the fourth year of this reign, £200 were ordered to be paid 
out of the Treasury to GeofFry de Picheford, constable of the castle 
at Windsor, and custos of the king's manor of Kenington, to 

was commanded to take into the king's hands and safely keep the manors of Cookham 
and Bray, which were in the hands of the inhabitants of those manors, so that the king 
might be answered in the Treasury of his rent. The constable was also ordered to 
distrain on the inhabitants for the rent due in Easter Term. (Madox, ' Eirma Burgi,' 
pp. 34 and 64.) 

^ Devon's Issue Roll, 1 Edw. I. 
2 Ibid., 4 Edw. I. 
'' Ibid. 
* Originalia,' Bo. 21. 
" Bobora folia non portantia." 
Originalia,' 8 Edw. I, Bo. 13. 


6 ( 

96 ANN.\LS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

expedite the works by view of the surveyors of the same works 

The inquisitors under the special commission, issued under the 
Great Seal, in the second year of the reign of Edward the First 
(a.d. 1273), made the following return relative to Windsor.^ 


^' Of the farms of the hundred, &c. 

'' They say that GeoflPry de Picheford holds the borough of 
Windsor, with the manor of Old Windsor, to farm, for twenty-five 
pounds, and it is worth thirty pounds per annum. 

" Of antient suits and other things withdrawn from the lord the 
king : 

" They say that the men of the townships of Over Hucham 
[Hitcham], Dorney, Chalvey, Boveney, Burnham, and the town 

1 Issue Roll, 4 Edw. I. 

2 " The Rolls, officially denominated ' The Hundred Rolls/ contain inquisitions taken in 
pursuance of a special commission, issued from the Great Seal, dated the 11th day of 
October, in the second year of the reign of King Edward the Eirst. 

"These inquisitions originated thus : It was a function of the justices in eyre, as well to 
inquire of knights' fees, escheats, wardships, marriages, presentations to churches, 
and usurpations of the rights of the crown (in order to preserve the profitable tenures of 
the king, and that he might be duly answered of the fruits of such escheats, wardships, 
&c., which formed a material part of his revenue), as to inquire of oppressions and frauds 
of the king's ministers and officers. 

" During the turbulent reign of King Henry the Third the revenues of the crown had 
been considerably diminished by tenants in capite alienating without license ; and by 
ecclesiastics, as well as laymen, withholding from the crown, under various pretexts, its 
just rights, and usurping the right of holding courts and Q>i\iQ,x jura regalia. Numerous 
exactions and oppressions of the people had also been committed in this reign, by the 
nobility and gentry claiming the rights of free chase, free warren, and fishery, and de- 
manding unreasonable tolls in fairs and markets ; and again, by sheriffs, escheaters, and 
other officers and ministers of the crown, under colour of law. 

" King Edward the Eirst, who was on his return from the Holy Land on the death of 
his father, did not reach England till towards the latter end of the second year of his 
reign, and these abuses remained uncorrected till his return. One of the first acts of his 
administration, after his arrival, was to inquire into the state of the demesnes and of the 
rights and revenues of the crown, and concerning the conduct of the sheriffs and other 
officers and ministers who had defrauded the king, and grievously oppressed the people. 

" The Capitula Itineris would have nearly embraced the consideration of all these abuses ; 
yet as the circuit of the justices itinerant, who went it generally but once in seven years, 
would not return till the sixth year of this king's reign, it was necessary in the interim to 
afford a speedy remedy to the crown and to the subject. Before, however, any specific 
remedy could be provided for the correction of the abuses above described, evidence was 


of Beckenesfeiid [Beaconsfield?], in the county of Bucks, fire always 
accustomed to give toll at AYindsor of all their merchandise, and all 
which are withdrawn by the King of Almaigne and William Pasket 
his bailiff^ and the Earl of Cornwall continues all these things to 
the present time. Item, the township of Eton, from Baldewin Bridge 
to Windsor Bridge, of the tenure of Hugh de Averang' and Thomas 
de Latheles, and all the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall there, of 
the barony of Burnham, were always accustomed to be at scot and 
lot, and at all royalty with the burgesses of Windsor. Item, 
the whole township of Eton was accustomed to give toll of fuel 
in vessels,^ and all royalties appertaining thereto, which are with- 
drawn by the said King of Almaigne and the Earl of Cornwall. 
Item, the lord king was accustomed to receive amerciaments of the 
same, and to have the fines of broken assize, all of which are 
withdrawn by them beyond the limits of Berkshire, into Bucking- 
hamshire. Item, the king was accustomed to have suit of court, toll and 
tallage, with other royalties of Windsor, issuing from six houses in the 
town of Windsor, which John de Averang^ sometime held, and all which 
are withheld by the King of Almaigne, and William Pasket his bailiff, for 
sixteen years past, to the damage of the lord the king of one hundred 
shillings yearly, and more, all which the Earl of Cornwall permits to 
the present time. Item, the lord the king is accustomed to take in 
Windesor of tenements formerly of Jordan Clot, Anastasius de Windesor, 
Walter the Clerk, Roger A^intdeners, and Roger le Brus, suit of court, 
toll, tallage, pannage, and every royalty, all which are withheld by the 

requisite of their peculiar nature aud extent. The kiiif^, therefore, on the 11th of October, 
in the second year of his reign, appointed special commissioners for the whole kingdom. 

" After the commissioners had, in the third year, returned their Rolls of Inquisition in 
obedience to the commission, it was necessary for the Court of Exchequer to have in one 
view such parts of the returns as affected the rights of the crown aud the abuses of its 
officers. To this end certain rolls were drawn up, containing a selection, under the de- 
nomination of ' Extents,' by which the crown was at once furnished with evidence, upon 
the oath of a jury of each hundred and town in every county, of the necessary particulars. 
These extracts constitute the ' Hundred Rolls.' 

" The Statute of Gloucester was enacted in the sixth year of this king's reign, and the 
first chapter, relating to liberties, franchises, and quo warrants, was founded upon the 
previous inquiries under this commission. Immediately after the passing of this slatute 
the stated period of the circuit in eyre returned; and on the justices going their iter, 
writs of right and quo warrants issued very generally against such persons as claimed 
manors, liberties, &c., where the jurors had previously said upon oath before the inquisitors' 
An. 3 Edw, I, 'Nesciunt quo waranto,' the parties held or claimed." (Illingworth's 
' Introd. to the Hundred Rolls,' vol. i, p. 9.) 

^ Bustciy in the original, appears to have been wood cut down in the forest for 
tiring, with which the boats or ships were laden. 


98 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

Prior of Merton for twenty-five years past, to the yearly damage of 
the king of half a mark and more. 

*' Of those, besides the king, who claim to have return or estreat of 
writs, &c. : 

" They say that the Prior of Merton has of late assize of bread and 
ale, and tasters of ale in the said borough, and holds pleas of nameo 
vet'ito} and claims to have the right of trying thieves, but they know 
not by what warrant. Item, the Abbess of Burnham has raised a 
certain market at Bekenefeld for sixteen years, they know not by 
what warrant. Item, that the said [abbess] has raised another 
market at Burnham, in prejudice of the lord the king and of the 
market of Windesore. 

'' Of all purprestures ? 

*' They say that Geoffry de Denne, paneter^ of the queen the 
mother of our lord the king, holds one hundred and ten acres of pur- 
presture [inclosure] of free pasture of the lord the king and of his men 
of Windesore, whence he yearly pays, by the writ of King Henry the 
Father, &c., to the hospital of Windsor, two marks and a half, and to 
the king^s exchequer, four shillings and two pence. Item, Thomas 
Burn el holds thirty-nine acres of purpresture, and pays yearly thereout 
to the king^s exchequer half a mark. Item, Richard, the son of 
Richard Batayll, holds of the gift of Alice de Luton fifty acres, and 
pays for it yearly to the exchequer, half a mark. Item, William de 
Mardy holds one acre and a half without warrant, and pays thence to 
the bailiffs of Windsor, six pence from the time of N. de Satingden, 
the then constable, who received for the same purpresture half a mark; 
to the damage of the king's waj'^ and of the whole country. 

'^ Item, Andrew the Tiler holds half an acre in the same way 
from the same period, and pays thence to the said bailiffs three pence. 
Item, Adam the Tiler holds in the same way one shop,* and pays 
thence four pence yearly to the same bailiffs. Item, Robert Lithfote 
holds thirteen acres in the same manner, from the same period, and 
pays yearly to the said bailiffs, four shillings and three pence. Item, 

^ Namium vetitum is an unjust taking the cattle of another, and driving them to an 
unlawful |)lace, pretending damage done by them. In which case the owner of the cattle 
might formerly have demanded satisfaction for the injury, by a writ called Flucitum de 
namio vet'ito. (Blount.) 

2 Pourpresturc here signifies land inclosed from the waste, and seems to include not 
only land wrongfully so inclosed, but such as was separated with ihe consent of the king 
or owner. 

3 The panetcr [panneiarius in the original) was an official who had the direction of the 
baking and distribution of the bread in the great baronial households. 

■• Boticium m the original, identical with the hoidlquc of modern I'renoh. 


Simon de Sawe holds in the same manner, from the same period, one 
shop, and pays one halfpenny. Item, John Baldewyn holds one 
acre and a half in the same manner and from the same time, and pays 
thence to the same bailiffs, five pence. 

" Item, the keepers of the king's castles or manors, &c. : 
" They say that Nicholas de Satingden,^ constable of Windsor 
Castle and farmer of the bailiwick, had an allowance of ten marks out of 
his farm for inclosing with a ditch a certain field of the king^s outside 
Windesore, which is called ' Snaghesrudei/ and that he expended only 
four shillings and six pence in the said inclosure. Item, Geoffry de 
Picheford, constable and farmer, kept the same field uninclosed in order 
that the work horses^ of Windsor, in going towards their pastures and 
returning home, should not avoid it, but should be taken and im- 
pounded, and so Geoffry unjustly extorted great sums of money from 
the whole country, levied as his dues, to the great damage and destruction 
of the whole country. Item, the said GeoflPry receives ten pounds 
yearly for the pasture of Windsor Park, which herbage does not belong 
to his farm.^'^ 

The above inquisition furnishes some facts and particulars of 
interest in the researches into the state of Windsor and Eton at 
this period. 

Geoffrey de Picheford, as we have seen, succeeded Nicholas de 
Yadington as constable of the castle. 

The tyranny of the constables of the king's castles was a 
common subject of complaint and remonstrance to the king, and it 
is evident that Geoffrey de Picheford formed no exception. In 
addition to the instance of his illegal conduct mentioned in the 
return for Windsor, another occurs in the returns under the same 
commission for the hundred of Cookham. 

" They say that when Joan, who was the wife of John de Wlveley, 
complained of Isabella of Suninghill, Geoffrey de Picheford came and 
took ten beasts of the said Isabella, and detained them for a fortnight 
against sureties and pledges, until upon petition to the queen they 
were returned, and nevertheless Phillips, the porter of the Castle of 
Windsor, took seven shillings from the said Isabella for the keep of 
the said beasts.^' * 

1 Yalington (?), See Pat., 53 Hen. HI, cited au^e, p. 90. 

^ Averia. 

^ Rotuli Huudredorum, 4 Edw. T, nu. 2, m. 20. 

* Ibid., TO. 19. 

100 " ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Ciiapteji V. 

Although the earliest written charter of Windsor is supposed to 
be one granted in the fifth year of Edward the First's reign, these 
returns show that the town was previously denominated a borough, 
and the inhabitants burgesses. This, however, might well be the 
case, as burgh was the Anglo-Saxon name for a town, the in- 
habitants being called burgh-ware men, or burgesses of the town, 
and as this was the way of speaking before the Norman Conquest, 
so it continued in use long afterwards.^ Markets were held at 
Windsor, and toll was payable by the inhabitants of the sur- 
rounding country. The burgesses, however, do not appear to 
have received the benefits of their privileges, the borough being let 
to farm by the king, in this instance to the governor of the castle, 
who made a profit of about five pounds a year. 

*' From the time of the Norman Conquest downwards," says 
Madox, '' the cities and towns of England were vested either in the 
crown or else in the clergy, or in the baronage or great men of the 
laity ; that is to say, the king was the immediate lord of some 
towns, and particular individuals either of the clergy or laity 
were immediate lords of other towns/' ^ The lord, whether 
the king or a subject, was as such entitled to certain tolls and 

At the time of the Conquest, Old AVindsor was vested in the 
king, but New Windsor was not then in existence. The land on 
which it stands was apparently in the hands of Ralph, the son of 
Seifridc, as part of Clewer.^ As the town grew up under the 
castle, it was probably held as forming part of the royal possessions, 
and let to farm, which was the case with most of the numerous 
towns and boroughs in the hands of the king at this period. 

" Baldwin's Bridge," also known as Barnes Pool Bridge, is 
familiar to every inhabitant of Eton and Windsor; but probably 
there are few persons who regard the name as a vestige of the 
thirteenth century. Baldwin's Bridge is erected over what was 
a])})arently an old channel for a part of the River Thames, and now 
serves as an outlet for the overflow of that river during floods. In 

^ Madox, Tirma Burgi,' p. 2. 

* ibid., p. 4. 

^ See ante, p. 10. 


the thirteenth century, it seems to have marked the extent of the 
town in one direction, and it now connects the High Street or town 
with the precincts of the college.^ 

It may be here observed, that the town of Eton, consisting of 
one long street, has evidently arisen from houses erected from 
time to time by the side of the main road leading from Windsor to 

The hospital of Windsor, mentioned as entitled to two marks 
and a half out of the inclosed lands of Geoffrey de Denne, is 
doubtless the hospital for lepers noticed in the preceding reign.^ 

The claim of the Prior of Merton to the assize of bread and ale, 
and to the exercise of the other privileges in Windsor, mentioned in 
the returns, became the subject of legal proceedings at the suit of 
the crown, in the nature of a qiio icarranto. 

At the Berkshire assizes, held at Windsor before the itinerant 
justices, at Michaelmas, a.d. 1283, the Prior of Merton was sum- 

1 The following extract from 'Matthew Day's Book,' in the Ash. MSS., No. 112G, 
relates to this bridge : 

" Concealed landes that belonged unto the maintenance of two bridges in Uaton^ 

re denied in anno 1592. 

" Mem^- that my father, Wm. Day, gent., in his life time, compounded with one that 
had gott a patten for concealed lands in Queene Eliz. raigne, amongst which there M^as 
land that belonged to the maintenance of the two bridges in Eaton ; one whereof was 
called Barns Powle Bridge, alias Bawldwin's Bridge, and a house that belongeth unto the 
maintenance of the aforesaid two bridges standeth the next unto the bridge cauled 
Bai*iispowle Bridge, or Bawlden's Bridge ; and the land lyeth in the feilds in the })arish of 
Eaton, and is expressed in the convayance that was made betweene my aforenamed father 
and several feoffees, whose names are mentioned in the said conveyance, which is dated 
the 4th day of June, in the foure and thirtieth yeare of Queene Eliz., and in anno 1593. 

" The names of the feoffees which are nominated in the aforesaid convayance are, — 
John Parsons, John Bell, Tho. Kene, Henry Bell, Bobert Payn, Matthew Bell, Adam 
Draper, Robert Kene, Wm. Dee, Tobey Maidman, Emen. Robinson, Benjamin Owtercd, 
and Matthew Day. 

" Memoraud. That the bridge called Barnspowl Bridge, alias Bawldwin Bridge, was 
pluckt upp and new built in anno 1658." 

Baldwin's Bridge is still sustained by the trust fund above mentioned, called 
" Baldwin's Trust." Square stones, built into the wall on each side of the bridge, 
describe it as having been widened and improved in the years 1830 and ]810, at tlie 
expense of the trust. 

^ In a legal document of this reign, Eton is described as "Eton juxta poulem de 
VVyudsore." (Placita coram consilio Dni. Reg. apud VYcst.) 

^ See ante, p. 76. 

102 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chavteu V. 

moned to show by what warrant he claimed to have the liberties of 
" Infangenethef/' and to hold pleas " de namio vetito," and to have 
view of frank})lcdge, and to the assize of bread and ale, broken by 
the men of Windsor in the court of the said prior, in the king's 
borough of Windsor, which belonged to the king's crown and dignity. 

The prior appeared by his attorney, and as to the plea " naraii 
vetito," said he did not claim it. '' Therefore it remained to the 
king." As to the privilege of ** Infangenethef," the prior alleged 
that King Richard gave, and confirmed by his charter, to God and 
the Church of the blessed Mary of Merton and the canons there 
serving God, that they should have " Infangenethef," and that King 
Henry, the present king's father, confirmed that grant : of which 
confirmation the prior made profert (that is, he produced it), and 
was therefore adjudged to go thereof without day, or, in less 
technical language, he established his claim. 

As to the view of frankpledge and the assize of bread.and ale, 
the prior said that King Richard granted to God and the Church 
of the blessed Mary of Merton and the canons there serving 
God, that they and their men should be free of pleas and complaints 
of the shire, hundred, or wapentake, which grant King Henry the 
Third confirmed by charter. The prior also alleged that Henry 
granted to the said canons and their successor for ever that they 
should have fines and amerciaments of their men, and should be 
free of the county and hundred courts of the king and the sheriff. 
He granted also to the said canons that if the foregoing liberties 
had not been always exercised, they should nevertheless enjoy them 
fully. The prior made profert of this charter (which was evidently 
the same mentioned in the first plea), and alleged that it warranted 
him to have claim of view of frankpledge and fines of assize of 
bread and ale^ &c. 

William de Gyselham prayed judgment for the king, because 
the charter made no express mention of view of frankpledge, &c. ; 
and he prayed judgment if such privileges could be claimed by the 
general words of the charter. 'J'he court postponed the judgment 
until Hilary Term at Oxford.^ What that judgment was, or 
\v hot her it was ever given, docs not appear. 

' I'lacita flc fjuo warranto, 12 Edw. T, r. 20. 


The Prior of Merton made a similar claim to the view of frank- 
pledge, &c., in the manor of Upton, under a charter of Henry the 
Second, which seems to have been tried, bat no judgment given.^ 

The villages of Hucham, now called Hitcham,^ and Dorney,^ 
the inhabitants of which are mentioned as liable to pay toll at 
Windsor, were given by Henry the Third to his brother Richard 
Earl of Cornwall, who was elected King of the Romans in 1257, 
and in that right claimed the imperial crown of Germany, 
whence the description of him as * King of ' Almaigne/' These 
possessions were held of the King of England as of the honour of 
Wallingford.* Richard died at Berkhampsted, in 1271, and these 
estates descended to his son Edmond, the Earl of Cornwall men- 
tioned in these returns. 

The manor and village of Burnham, also originally granted to 
the King of the Romans, was at this time held by his son Edmond, 
the present earl, who continued to withhold the accustomed suit due 
to the county and hundred.^ 

The Earl of Cornwall held other lands in the neighbourhood, and 
returns are made by the inquisitors of encroachments by Richard 
the late earl, and turning of water-courses, and obstructions of 
roads ; for example, that he had stopped up and obstructed a road 
through the middle of Cippenham Park for twenty years past ; 
turned the course of water from the middle of the village of Cippen- 
ham to the Convent of Burnham ; inclosed twenty acres of wood, 
and gave the inclosure to the Abbess of Burnham ; and had 
diverted to the Convent of Burnham a road which led from 
Burnham to Dorney.^ 

It is probable that the prolonged absence of Richard in Germany, 
during the reign of his brother Henry the Third, and the large 
sums expended by him in supporting his claim to the empire, had 
led to the various irregularities complained of by the inquisitors as 
created by him and continued by his heir. 

^ Placita de quo warranto, 14 Edw. I, r. 2. 
2 Situated near Burnbain, in Buckinghamshire. 
^ Near Eton. 

^ Rotuli Hiin(h-edoruui, i Edw. 1, No. 2, m. 23. 
'" Ibid. " Ibid. 


Among tlic lands formerly belonging to the crown, in the hundred 
of ]knerste (subsequently called Barnesh) in Berkshire, the same 
inquisitors returned " that Henry Luvell holds at Cruchefeld a cer- 
tain piece of land \yhich was formerly the vaccar^ oHhe king's castle of 
Windsor, and pays yearly twenty-five shillings at Windsor Castle for 
the said land, but they know not by w^hat warrant or from what time."^ 

A vaccary or vachary was a field or place to keep cows in.^ 

At Michaelmas, in the third year of his reign, the king w^as at 
AVindsor, and the legal proceedings of the kingdom were conducted 
in his court there, from whence they bear date.^ 

The first charter on record granted to Windsor, is one of the fifth 
year of the reign of Edward the First (a.d. 1276), and is as follows : 

" Edward, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, 
Duke of Aquitaine, to our archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, 
barons, justices, sheriffs, appointed officers, and all our bailiffs and 
faithful people, greeting, know ye that we have granted for ourselves 
and our heirs that our town of New Windsor from henceforth be a free 
borough ; and that good men of our said town, and their heirs and suc- 
cessors, shall be free burgesses, and have a merchants^ guild, and shall 
use the same liberties and free customs in the said borough as other the 
burgesses of our other boroughs in our kingdom are reasonably ac- 
customed to use, and that they shall be quit of paying toll^ in all our 
boroughs, towns, or demesnes, throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid. 
And that their own proper hogs shall be quit of the pannage which is 
cii]]ed feniak in the borough aforesaid. And that our itinerant justices 
in the county of Berks, as well of Common Pleas as of the Pleas of the 
Forest, from henceforth hold their eyres in the said borough, and also 
that the chief gaol of our said county be in the same borough ; and the 
delivery of the said gaol be made there. Therefore we will and com- 
mand for ourselves and our heirs, that our said town from henceforth 
be a free borough, and the good men of our town and their heirs and 
successors shall he free burgesses, and have a merchant's gild and use 

^ Rot. Hundredorum, ut supra. 

^ Cowel's ' Law Dictionary.' 

^ Sec the Abstracts of Pleadings, printed by the Commissioners of Public Records, 
olio, A.D. 1811. 

* The Saxon as well as the Norman kings claimed tolls upon transport by roads and 
by navigable streams, and in liarbours, and which they either remitted altogether in 
lavour of certain favoured persons, orcm[)0\vcred them to take ; thus, in the lirst instance, 
creating for them a commercial mon()j)oly of the greatest value, by enabling them to enter 
the market on terms of advantage. (Kemble'a ' Sax.ons in England,' vol. ii, p. 75.) 

TO A.D. ]307.] GRANTS BY THE CUOWN. 105 

the same liberties and free customs exercised in the same borough, as 
other the burgesses of our other free boroughs in our kingdom, are 
accustomed to use ; and that they shall be quit of paying toll in all our 
boroughs, towns, and demesnes, throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid. 
And that their own proper hogs shall be quit of the pannage which is 
called fentak in the borough aforesaid, and that our itinerant justices in 
the county of Berks, as well of Common Pleas as of Pleas of the Forest, 
from henceforth hold their courts in the same borough ; and also that 
our chief gaol of the said county be in the said borough, and the delivery 
of the said gaol be always made there, as before mentioned. With these 
witnesses, the Venerable R. Bishop of Bath and Wells, our Chancellor, 
William of Vallence, our uncle Roger Mortimer, Antony Bek, Robert 
de Tybelot, Hugh son of Otho, Master Thomas Bek, Master Geoffrey 
de Haspal, Geoffrey de Picheford, and others. Given under our hand 
at Windsor, the 28th day of May, in the fifth year of our reign.^^^ 

The kings of England made their towns free boroughs, not to 
release or defeat their claim to the yearly rent mferme, but to amend 
and improve the town, that is to say, to enable the townsmen to live 
comfortably, and to pay with greater ease and punctuality their tolls 
and duties to the king, or other person to whom the town was let 
at a yearly rent.^ The grant of this charter to Windsor did not 
therefore relieve the inhabitants from such payments, which they had 
to pay to the constable of the castle as the farmer of the borough, 
until a few years later, when the borough was let to them at a yearly 

In the same year (a.d. 1276), "■ the poor inhabitants " of Windsor 
presented a petition to the king in Parliament at Carlisle, praying 
his Majesty to allow them to take pontage at Windsor, for eight 
years, to enable them to repair and amend the bridge, which was 
much dilapidated, so that no carriages or horses were able to pass 
over it without great damage, and stating that there was no rent or 
other means to keep the bridge in repair ; and upon this petition a 
grant of pontage for five years was allowed.^ 

This grant was renewed in the thirty-fifth year of the king's 
reign (a.d. 1306.)^ 

1 Chart. 5 Edw. I, num. U. 

2 Madox's ' Eirma Burgi/ p. 242. 
^ Rot. Pari., vol. i, 193^. 

"» Patent., 35 Edw. I, num. 35. 

106 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapteh V. 

Pontage, as is implied from this petition and grant, was the right 
to levy tolls, not only of persons passing over the bridge, but of boats 
and barges passing along the river. 

It is probable that a bridge, connecting Windsor with the 
Buckinghamshire side of the Thames, existed at least as early as the 
erection of the Castle. Between the Saxon palace of Old Windsor 
and London, the communication by road was no doubt through 
Staines, where there was a bridge as early as the occupation of the 
island by the Romans ; but when the royal residence was transferred 
to the castle, a road appears to have been formed connecting 
Windsor with the London and Henley road at Slough. The town 
of Eton, as has been already mentioned, grew up on the sides of 
this ancient highway. 

The dilapidated state of the bridge over the Thames was not 
the only impediment of the same kind existing in this reign to the 
traveller journeying between Windsor and Slough. In the thirty- 
first year of Edward's reign, an inquisition was issued in his name 
to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire, reciting that Eton Bridge was 
broken down and destroyed, to the injury of the adjacent country, 
and to the manifest danger of travellers, and assigning Roger de 
Southcote and Robert Pugeys^ to inspect the bridge, and inquire 
by the oath of true and lawful men of the county, into the extent 
and cause of the damage, and ascertain upon whom the duty of 
repairing the bridge lay. The inquiry accordingly took place at 
Eton, before the two commissioners and a jury of twelve persons of 
the neighbourhood.^ They made their return upon oath and under 
seal, that the bridge in question was one half in Eton, and the other 
half in Upton, and that one Walter le Teb, of Eton, had fifty years 
before, with the aid of voluntary gifts collected in the autumn and at 
other times of the year, from merchants and other persons, built the 

* Robert Pugcys was no doubt one of tlie family from whom the adjacent parish of 
Stoke, in Buckinghamshire, acquired its distinctive name of Stoke Pugeys or Stoke Pogis. 

2 The jurors were: John Miller, of Horton; John Adam, of Horton; John Martell, of 
Langley ; Walter Goisun ; Hugh Browne, of Horton ; Hugh Elys, of Chalveye ; John 
de la Merk, of Farnham ; Lawrence Miller, of Clialvey; William Cawe, of Dorney ; Ral[)h 
atte Barde, of Horton ; John de Dene, of Ditton ; and William Nermys (?), of 


bridge of wood over the rivulet (no bridge having been there 
previously), and maintained it in repair during his Hfe. A flood 
in the Tliames had so deepened the stream, that in the spring no 
persons on foot or on horseback could pass over the bridge, but 
there v^as no obligation to rebuild or sustain it ; the only mode being 
by such voluntary gifts as before mentioned.^ 

The bridge referred to in these proceedings was evidently over 
Chalvey Brook at Southwell, on the north corner of the Eton ''Playing 
Fields." The brook there divides the parishes of Eton and Upton. 
The bridge is commonly called " Beggar's Bridge," possibly from its 
origin in the manner described in the return. 

On the 9th of July, in the sixth year of Edward's reign, a 
splendid tournament was held in Windsor Park. This tournament 
appears to have been one of those termed " peaceable jousts." 
Accoutrements were provided for thirty-eight knights, the greater 
part of whom were of high rank and distinguished for their martial 
exploits, many of them having been with the king in the Crusades. 
Several of them were nearly allied to the king, including the Earl 
of Cornw^all his cousin, Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester (who 
subsequently married Joan of Acre, the king's daughter), John Earl 
of Warren (married to Alice, sister by the mother's side to King 
Henry the Third), and William de Valence Earl of Pembroke, the 
king's uncle. 

Articles were purchased in England and Paris by the hands of 
Adinett the tailor, whose account is still preserved. 

Armour was provided for all the knights. It appears to have 
been of leather gilt; and various sums, from 7^. to 25^., were paid 
for making and gilding each suit to the three persons employed, 
Cosmo the tailor, Salvag' the tailor, and Reymunde de Burdieus. 
At the end of this item of the account, there is a memorandum, 
stating that each suit of armour consisted of a tunic, a surcoat, a 
pair of ailettes (appendages to the shoulders), a crest, a shield, a 
helmet of leather, and a sword of '' balon," supposed to be a sword 
wrapped round with woollen Hst or cloth, for the purpose of blunting 
its edge. 

1 MS. Bodl., Dodsworth, HI, f. }77. 

108 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

The sum of three shillings was paid for the carriage of the 
armour from London. 

The shields were of wood, and provided by Stephen the joiner, 
at bd. each. Peter the furbisher provided the thirty-eight swords, 
made of balon and parchment, at 7d. apiece, and was paid 2bs. for 
silvering them, and Ss. 6d. for gilding the pomels and hilts with 
pure gold. Ralph de la Hay received 12s. for gilding with pure 
gold twelve helmets for the knights of the highest rank ; and for 
silvering the remainder, 17^. 4<^., being after the rate of 8^. each. 
Milo the currier furnished thirty-eight head pieces of leather, resem- 
bling horses' heads, at 2s. each ; and thirty-eight pair of little wings 
of leather, at 8^. the pair. Kichard Paternoster provided eight 
hundred little bells, sixteen skins for making bridles, and half a 
horse's skin for cruppers, and twelve dozen silken cords for tying 
on the ailettes. Seventy-six calf-skins were provided for making 
the crests. The articles provided in England amounted to 
£80 lis. Sd. Those procured from Paris consisted chiefly of furs, 
of various kinds, for the use of the royal family, the king's couch, 
the queen's mantle, &c., amounting in the whole to £608 18s. (Sd. 
of Paris money. Canvass, fine linen, towels, &c., amounting to 
£130 18^. 6</. Saddles, richly embroidered with gold and silver, 
eight of them with the arms of England, and others with those of 
the knights, and two for the king's mule, amounting to 
£280 145. 2d. Among the minute articles arc half a dozen pair 
of double gloves, which cost 35^., and the same quantity of buck- 
skin gloves for the king, 60^. Two ivory combs for the king, 
32^. 8d. Four green and three red carpets, for the king's chamber, 
£28. A velvet covering for the head of the king's bed, 100^. A 
cloth dyed in grain for the Lord Alphonso (the king's eldest son, 
who died soon after), £40. Two tire-teyns mixt in grain, £78 15,^. 
For Robinet's expenses with the king's robe from Paris to Glas- 
tonbury, with the hire of his horse, 20^. The total expended at 
Paris was £1429 5^. of Paris money, or £447 125. bd. sterling.^ 

By letters patent, bearing date the 1st of January, in the eighth 
year of his reign (a.d. 1279), Edward granted Windsor, with its 

^ See ' Arcliseologia,' vol. xvii, p. 297. 


appurtenances, to the burgesses and good men of the town, to hold 
to farm to them and then' heks for ever, on payment of the sum of 
thirty pounds to the king's treasury yearly/ But in the following 
year the rent was reduced to seventeen pounds, payable half-yearly, 
provided the inhabitants conducted themselves well and faithfully, 
and did full justice to all merchants, strangers as well as residents, 
and to the poor of the town.^ The last-mentioned grant is dated at 
Windsor, the 10th day of September, and was subsequently con- 
firmed by letters patent of the 6th of August, in the twenty-first 
year of this reign. ^ 

The charter of 1276 did not, as has been already stated, give 
any right to the inhabitants to take toll or other dues appertaining 
to the royal prerogative. They acquired this right, for the first 
time, by the subsequent demise of the town to them at a yearly 
rent. As Geoffrey de Picheford paid twenty-five pounds, it may be 
inferred that the reduction from £30 to £17 was considered no 
slight boon to the town.* 

By a writ dated at the Tower of London, 4th January, in the 
ninth year of this reign, the Constable of Windsor Castle was 
ordered to receive the ambassadors of Llewellyn Prince of Wales, 
coming into England to treat with Alianor the daughter of 
Simon de Montfort.^ 

In the year 1288, Pope Nicholas the Fourth granted the tenths 
of all ecclesiastical benefices to Edward the First for six years, 
towards defraying the expense of an expedition to the Holy Land ; 
and that they might be collected to their full value, a taxation by 
the king's precept was begun in that year, and finished as to the 
province of Canterbury in 1291, and as to that of York in the 

^ Originalia, 8 Edw. I, Ro. 2. 

2 Rot. Pat., 9 Edw. I, m. 7 ; Originalia, 9 Edw. I, Ro. 14. 

'^ MS. Ashmolean, No. 1126, f. 70 d. 

"* There is a certificate existing of J. de Kauncy, Treasurer, and the Barons of the 
Exchequer, that during the time Geoffrey Piclieford, Constable of Windsor, farmed tlie 
manors of Bray and Kenuingtou, and the seven hundreds and a half in the forest and 
town of Windsor, the expenses exceeded the proceeds by the sum of £56 16^. ^d. (See 
tlie * Inventory of Records in the Tower,' Sixth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the 
Public Records, Appendix II, p. 94.) 

5 Rot. Wallia), an. 9 Edw. I, Mem. 12, dorso. 

110 ANN^\JLS or WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

following year; the whole being under the direction of John 
Bishop of Winton, and Oliver Bishop of Lincoln.^ 

Under this taxation, New Windsor is inserted in the diocese of 
Salisbury, in the archdeaconry of Berkshire, and deanery of 
Reading ; and in respect of the temporalities of '* New Windsor," 
the Abbot of Reading is taxed at £5 6s. 8^./ and the Prior of 
Merton is taxed at 135. 4^. The Abbot of Waltham was, in the 
first instance, assessed at 35. 2d. in respect of New Windsor, and 
at 1 2s. Sd. in respect of Old Windsor ; but a line is drawn across 
both entries. " Wyndlesore Underore" is described as being (with 
several other places) in the hands of Reading Abbey. In the 
''spiritualities" of the deanery, Windsor Church is not mentioned 
by name, but the Church of Waltham Abbey, with the vicarage, 
in respect of tithes, is assessed at £13 6s. 8d., referring probably 
to the Churches of Old and New Windsor, both of which were, 
as has been already stated, in the hands of the abbey. Clewer, 
or "Clifvvare" Church, is assessed at £10. 

On the other side of the river we find, in the deanery of Burn- 
ham, in the archdeaconry of Buckingham, and diocese of Lincoln, 
the Church of Eton taxed at £10 13^. 4:d.; Datchet, with the 
Chapel of Fulmer, at £13 6s. Sd.; Upton, £13 6s. Sd ; Stoke, 
£12; Dorney, £6 13^. 4d/.; Wyrardesbury and Langley, £33 6s. Sd.; 
Burnham, £30; and the vicarage, £10. The temporalities of these 
parishes were principally in the hands of the Abbess of Burnham, 
the Prior of Merton, and the Abbot of Messenden. 

It may be observed, that the taxation of Pope Nicholas is a 
most important record, because all the taxes, as well to our kings 
as to the popes, were regulated by it, until the survey made in the 
twenty- sixth year of Henry the Eighth ; and because the statutes 
of colleges founded before the Reformation, are also interpreted by 
this criterion, according to which their benefices, under a certain 
value, are exempted from the restriction in the statute, 21 Henry 
VIII, concerning pluralities.^ 

* Prefatory notice to the * Taxatio Ecclesiastica Anglian et Walliae, auctoritate P. 
Nicholai IV, circa a.d. 1291,' fol a.d. 1802. 

2 The amount paid for the tax was one tenth of the sums here stated. 

3 Prefatory notice to the * Taxatio Ecclesiastica, &c., P. Nicliolai IV.' 


" Windsor Underowre" mentioned in this document, was 
a manor lying between the castle and Eton, comprising the low 
ground under the north-west side of the castle, and extending to 
the River Thames. It appears to have remained in the hands of 
the abbey until the dissolution of the monasteries. 

The " Testa de Nevill," compiled near the close of the reign of 
Edward the Second, or the commencement of that of Edward the 
Third, and containing the result of inquisitions taken in the time 
of Henry the Third and Edward the First, speaks of a hide of 
land in Windsor, formerly the property of Geoffrey Purcell, 
but held by the abbot and monks of Reading, the gift of the 
Empress Maud, the daughter of Henry the Eirst, and confirmed by 
that king.^ It appears that King Stephen also confirmed the grant, 
with a reservation of twenty shillings yearly to his brother Ralph ; 
and in addition, confirmed to the abbey another hide of land in 
Windsor, given, together with houses and lands in London, by 
Algarus, the priest, and Baldwin his brother.^ A confirmation 
charter of Richard the First, describes it as " the hide of Underore, 
with its appurtenances."^ 

In a survey of the manor made by *' Roger Amyce," in the 
sixth year of the reign of Edward the Sixth, it is described as 
" Windesor Underowre, parcell of the possessions of the late 
Monastery of Reading."'^ 

In one of Ashmole's Manuscripts it is said to be " a little 
lordship, beginning at the north-west tower of the castle, and 
goes down toward the Thames, part in the parish of Windsor and 
[part in the] parish of Cleworth [Clewer]. Some will have the 
manor called Windsor under howre, because it lyes tmder the 
tower wherein is placed the greate clock w^hich gives the /lowers 
of day and night." ^ 

In another place, a derivation from the Greek, equally ingenious 
and equally improbable, is deduced.^ 

^ 'Testa de Nevill, sive Liber Feodorum in curia Scaccarii, temp. Hen. Ill and 
Edw. r (folio, 1807), p. 128. See also, Coates' ' History of Reading,' p. 241. 
2 Coates' 'History of Reading,' p. 242. 
^ ' Monasticon,' vol. iv, p. 42. 

^ Erom a MS. in the possession of Mr. Blunt of Windsor. 
5 Ashmolean MS., No. 1115, f. 80. « Ibid., f. 25. 


A solitary relic of this property of the Abbot of Reading still 
exists. The '/ Abbot's Pile'' is the name retained for a wooden 
pile near the Eton bank of the River Thames, in the vicinity of 
Tangier Mill. It does not rear its head above the water, but may 
be traced when the river is low and clear, and it still forms a 
boundary mark of the right of fishery belonging to the borough of 

In 1283, Alphonso, the eldest son of Edward the First, born at 
Maine, in Gascony, in 1273, died at Windsor.^ 

There is an appointment by Edward, in the twenty-first year of 
his reign (a.d. 1293), of Roger le Molis, Geoffrey de Picheford, 
Adam Gurdon, and Simon de Ellesworth, to take fines and 
redemptions from all those persons who had been adjudged guilty, 
before the said Adam Gurdon, of trespasses in the forest, and 
who for that cause were then confined in the prison of the 

^'The last of February (1295), there sodainely arose/' says Stow, 
" such a fire in the Castle of Windsor, that many officers of the 

* The following is the description of the Borough Fishery, taken from the existing lease, 
dated the 12th of December, 1835, and made between the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of 
the borough of New Windsor, of the one part, and Thomas Batcheldor, of Black Potts, in the 
parish of Eton, gentleman, of the other part, viz, : "All that their water of the River of 
Thames, and the fish and fishing of the same, commonly called the 'Bridge Water Fishing,' 
containing 18 feet above the bridge of New Windsor aforesaid, and 18 feet below the same 
bridge, together with the water, fish, and fishing of tiie piers and arches of the same 
bridge, from bank to bank upon the north and south parts of the said river, throughout 
so much of the said River of Thames as extendeth and lyeth 18 feet above and 18 feet 
below the said bridge, as aforesaid, as the same was formerly in the occupation of Richard 
Piper, afterwards of John Piper, since of Robert Boscawen, and now of the said Thomas 
Batcheldor. And also all the rest and residue of their water of the River of Thames 
aforesaid, and the fish and fishing of the same, which beginneth above the bridge at 
Beck'3 Cross, in the parish of Clewer, in the said county of Berks, and extendeth through 
and below the bridge, from bank to bank, to the Abbott's Pyle, from the bank in the 
county of Bucks throughout so much of the Thames as extendeth from Rothcram's Pyle 
to the Abbott's Water south, and so along by a ground called Rumncy, from bank to bank 
to the upper end of a certain meadow, late an eyott belonging to the Provost and College 
of Eton, adjoining to the west end of a fence, dam, or jutty, sometime since erected and 
built in the River of Thames, called the ' New Works,' which meadow is now in the pos- 
session of the said provost and college, under a lease from the said ma^^or, bailill's, and 
burgesses, for a long term of years to come." 

' llolinshed. 


Originalia, 21 Edw. I, Ro. 10. 

TO AD. 1307] THE POEEST LAWS. 113 

same house were therewith consumed, and many goodly images, 
made to beautifie the building, were defaced and deformed/'^ 

The king was at this time in North Wales. The records, says 
Mr. Poynter, in which they might be expected to appear, are silent 
upon any circumstances likely to arise out of such a calamity.^ 

Striking illustrations of the strictness with which the Forest laws 
were enforced, occur at this period. By a writ, in the twenty-seventh 
year of the king's reign, the sheriff of Worcester was commanded, 
in the name of Hugh Despencer, the justice of the forests on this 
side Trent, to distrain the Bishop of Worcester for trespasses 
committed in hunting in the Forest of Windsor. It appears that 
the bishop, by the medium of one Alured de Northgrave, made 
terms with the king, and the proceedings in the suit were stayed.^ 

The Bishop of Winchester also, by a letter to Robert, Bishop of 
Bath and Wells, dated at Bittem, 5th November, 1282, complained 
that Geoffrey de Picheford, the constable of Windsor, had com- 
pelled the woodward of the bishop's manor of Weregrave (War- 
grave) to take an oath to preserve the king's hunting ; and begging 
the Bishop of Bath and Wells to order Geoffrey to desist from such 
exactions in prejudice of the see of Winchester.* 

On one occasion in this reign, William Brun, found in the act of 
hunting in Windsor Forest, was pursued to Reading, and im- 
prisoned by the abbot, who refused to deliver him up to Geoffrey 
de Picheford, the constable of Windsor. The refusal was sanc- 
tioned by the king, as appears from a writ, dated at Caermarthen, 
July 18th, in the eleventh year of his reign.^ 

" Edward the First kept his Christmas of 1299-1300 at Berwick, 
and the queen at Windsor."^ The king kept his Christmas at 
various places during his reign ; at London, Carlisle, Westminster, 
Lincoln, Conway, &c., but apparently not once at Windsor. 

On the 2d of February, a.d. 1300, being the day of the 

1 Stow. 

2 Poynter's ' Essay on the History of Windsor Castle.' 

•^ Placita coram consilio D'ni Reg. apud Westra., Hilary Term, 27 Edw. I (Rot. 13). 
■* See the Inventory of the Records in tlie Tower ; Seventh Report of tlie Deputy- 
keeper of the Public Records, Appendix ii, p. 254. 
' Coates' 'History of Reading,' pp. 237, 238. 
^ Stow. 


114 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

Purification of the Virgin Mary, the king gave seven shilhngs in 
oblations at the altar of his chapel at Windsor, and five shillings 
to the cross of Gneytli, and three shillings to the thorn of 
Christ^s crown. And the same day the queen gave five shillings 
in off'erings to the same cross and thorn.^ To this cross of Gneyth 
more frequent off"erings appear to have been made than to any other 
cross or relique. It was believed to be a piece of the holy cross, 
and was given to Edward the First, in the eleventh year of his 
reign, at Aberconway, in North Wales, by Avian ap Inor and other 
Welchmen, having been previously in the possession of Llewellyn, 
the son of Gryffith, Prince of Wales, and his ancestors, and called 
Cresseneyet. The bearer of this holy relic to the king had robes 
yearly allowed to him. It was at first carried in the progresses 
which the king made, and the same year that he and his queen 
made ofierings to it in the chapel at Windsor, it appears to have 
been at Stratford and Holmcoltram. In the reign of Edward 
the Second, this cross was kept in the king's chapel in the Tower 
of London, with great care. Edward the Third, early in his reign, 
appears to have given it to the chapel at Windsor. It is mentioned 
among the relics of that church in the eighth of Richard the Second ; 
and Henry the Fourth, on St. George's day (April 29th), in the 
fourth year of his reign, offered there 65. 8^. to it. It is directed 
in the Pope's bull, 18 Hen. VII, to be kept at Windsor, and was 
then known by the name of Crosse Neyth. When Henry the 
Eighth introduced Philip King of Castile into the chapter-house, 
where lay, on a cushion of cloth of gold, the very cross, the latter 
king read and made his oath of knighthood in French, *'sur le 
feust de la vraye croix," and kissed the book and the ve7'y cross, 

^ " 2° die Februar', viz. die purificat' beate Marie in oblacionibus Regis ad altare 
in capella sua apud Wiudesore, 7s. — ct ad crucem Gneyth, 5.s. — et ad spinam de 
corona Cliristi, 3^. ..... sunima 15*. 

" Eodem die in oblacion' Kegine ad crueem Gneyth et ad spinam predictam 
ill cadem capella ...... 5^." 

(' Liber Q,uotidianus contrarotiilatoris Garderoba;, anno Regni Regis Edwardi Primi 
viccsimo octavo/ 4to, 1787, p. 28.) This was apparently the only visit the king paid to 
Windsor from November, 1299, to November, 1300. (Ibid. 'Observations on the 
Wardrobe Account,' p. Ixvii.) From Windsor the king went to Chcrtsey, between the 
Cth and 12lh of February. (Ibid.) 


According to tradition, it derived its name from Neyt, a native of 
Wales, who brought it from the Holy Land/ 

On the 27th of January, a few days before the above-mentioned 
oblation, there is a charge of 4^. ^d. shared at a mass celebrated in 
the chapel of Windsor Castle, for the soul of John Earl of Holland, 
in the presence of Prince Edward.^ 

Among the wardrobe expenses of Edward I, a.d. 1299-1300, 
there is an entry of three shillings paid to John de Swanlond, for 
money laid out by him for two hack horses, to convey two thousand 
pounds of pollards,^ of Ealdi Janiani, a merchant of the company of 
Friscobaldi of Florence, from London to Windsor, at twice, in the 
months of January and February.* 

One of the items of petty expenses of the prince royal in the 
same account, is a payment of £1 2^. 10^. to Lord Walter Reginald, 
for one case bought to keep a silver cup in, the mending of 
a portiforium, and for two boxes, locks and keys, and tallow for 
cressets bought for the same, for the chapel and wardrobe of the 
king's son. And for boats' hire of the same son, and of his knights 
and clerks, removed by turns in boats by the Thames between 
Windsor and the Tower of London, in the months of January and 
February, and for divers carriages made in the negociations of the 

There is a payment of £2 on the 17th of February to John 
de Cotyng, relative to the passage by water of the queen from 
Windsor to London,^ and of £1 on the 5th of February, at Windsor, 

* See Liber Garderobae, Edw. I, Glossary, p. 365, and autliorities there cited. 

2 Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p, 31. 

^ Pollards " were coined in parts beyond the seas, and privately brought into the 
kingdom, and nttered here for sterling, though not worth above an halfpenny. Eor the 
better restoring the money to its ancient purity, Edward established a certain standard ; 
and, in his seventh year, called in all the dipt money. But the greatest improvement 
seems to have been in his eighteenth year, when he sent for William and Peter de 
Turnemere, and other persons from Marseilles, and one Eriscobald and his companions 
from Elorence, and employed them in making of money, and baying and exchanging of 
silver." (Ibid. ' Observations,' p. xxii.) 

^ Mr. Topham, the editor of this account, cites this item as money lent to the 

^ Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p. 56; and 'Observations,' ibid., p. xxxix. 

6 Ibid., p. 96. 

116 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

to Andrew de Chaunceux, to whom the king had dehvcred two 
sparrow-hawks, to train in the mews of the said Andrew, near 
Windsor, for food for the said sparrow-hawks dming the time of 
their training.^ 

From an item in the wardrobe expenses of Margaret, the second 
wife and queen of Edward the First, it appears that the sum of 
£1791 10.^. is charged by WilHam de Chesoy, the queen's treasurer, 
between the 20th of November, in the twenty-eighth year of the 
king's reign, and the 12th of April following, for bread, wine, ale, 
flesh, fish, and fowl, &c., supplied for entertainments at St. Albans, 
Windsor, and other places ; fifty-six days, moreover, being sub- 
tracted from the above period, when the queen was with the king, 
nnd the principal expenses were charged to the latter.^ 

In the twenty-eighth year of Edward's reign, we find the manors 
of Cippenham, Datchet, and Eton, near Windsor, in the possession 
of Edmund Earl of Cornwall.^ 

In 1299, Geoffrey de Picheford, the constable of the castle and 
keeper of the forest, died, and he was succeeded by John of 
London, who seems to have been a favorite at court, for we find 
various grants to him in this reign of inclosed and arable land in 
the vicinity of the castle and in the forest.* In 1281, the king 
had granted to him his ville of Old Windsor, with its royalties, 
rents, and services, and the old inclosures at " le Wodegrene," to 
hold for his life, at the annual rent of thirty-three pounds.^ His 
appointment to the office of keeper of the castle and of the forest 

» Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p. 306. 

2 Ibid., p. 357. 

3 Inquis. Post-mortem, anno 28 Edw. I, n. 44. A grant in this year of land at 
Langley, in Buckinghamshire, shows, beyond doubt, the origin of the name of Langley 
Maries, by which this parish and village, lying about three miles north-east of Windsor, 
is distinguished from King's Langley, in Hertfordshire. Eor a fine of fifty shillings, the 
king grants to Ralph, the son of AVilliam le Ken, six acres of land in the manor of Langele, 
near Windsor, in the county of Bucks, to hold to him and his heirs, of Cristiana de Mariscis, 
wlio held the said manor from the king, for her life, and after her death Balph was to 
hold of the king and his heirs for ever, at the rent of two sliillings. Extracte finium 
apud Westm., anno 28 Edw. 1, ro. 18. {Vide 'Hot. Orig. in curia Scaccarii abbrev.,' 
vol. i, p. 112. 

Inquis. Post-mortem, anno 11 Edw. I, 34 Edw, I. 
^ Rot. Orig., Edw. 1, ro. 5. 


was not, however, for life, but for three years.^ The executors of 
Geoffrey de Picheford were at the same time commanded to dehver 
up by deed to his successor the castle, armory, and provisions.^ 
Some time before his death, Geoffrey de Picheford appears to have 
been called upon to render an account of all his exactions, and 
thereupon to have appealed to the king; for in 1297 a writ was 
sent to the barons on his behalf, desiring that they should not charge 
him with any demands but such as were right and reasonable.^ 
In 1302, the appointment of John of London was apparently re- 
newed for a further period of three years,^ accompanied by a grant 
of the bailiwick of the manors of Bray and Kenyngton, and of the 
seven hundreds, at the same rent as Geoffrey de Picheford held them. 
At the expiration of the three years, the latter office was conferred 
on Roger le Sauvage, to hold during the king's pleasure.^ From 
the grant of the castle and forest, '' with the manors, hundreds, 
and all other things to the castle appertaining," certain lands and 
tenements belonging to the castle were on this last occasion ex- 
cepted, as having been previously settled on Margaret the queen. ^ 

The first account of members of parliament for the borough of 
Windsor, is in the reign of Edward the First, the period when the 
ancient legislative and remedial assemblies of England first assumed 
a definite organization. Before this era, neither the principles nor 
the practice of the constitution can be ascertained with certainty ; 
but under the government of Edward, a settled and uniform 
usage may be discerned, from whence the parliament received an 
organization nearly approaching to the form in which it now sub- 

' Rot. Orig., 27 Edw. I, ro. 4 and 7. In Ashmole's MS. (No. 1105, f. 183 b) there 
is a memorandum of the appointment of "Hamo de la Chaumbre" as "custos" of the castle, 
and the Close Roll, 12 Edw. I, n. 5, is referred to. This appears to be an error, as John 
of London evidently succeeded Geoffrey de Picheford. 

2 Ibid., ro. 7. 

3 Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 224^. 

^ Rot. Orig., 30 Edw. I, ro. 16. In the same year, John of London was commanded, in 
his capacity of constable of the castle, to take into his hands the office of forrester of 
the Forest of Windsor, which Richard Bataille had held until his death in fee. (Ibid.) 

^ Ibid., 33 Edw. I, ro. 8. 

^ Ibid. 

" Sir Francis Palgiave's Preface to the ' Parliamentary Writs.' 

118 ANNALS OF WINDS OB. [Chapter V. 

In pursuance of a writ of summons from the king, dated at 
Westminster, 20th July, in the thirtieth year of his reign (a.d. 
1302), directed to the sheriff of Oxford and Berks, commanding 
the election of two knights for each of those counties, and two 
citizens for every city, and two burgesses for every borough therein, 
to attend a parliament to be holden in London on the feast of 
St. Michael, subsequently prorogued to the morrow of the Trans- 
lation of Edward the Confessor (14th October), Thomas de Shawe 
and Henry de Bedeford were returned for Windsor. Their names 
are thus entered : 



Roburtus de Shawe, 
Johannes Baldewyne. 

" Manucaptores Thome de Shawe •! 

'' Manucaptores Henr" de Bedeford \ „, ,, ^, . \ ,,i 

^ [ Walterus Chival/^ ^ 

The manucaptors were the sureties which the persons elected 
were obliged to put in, to appear in parliament on the day and at 
the place named in the writ. The number of manucaptors varied, 
as many as six names being sometimes given in the returns for 
counties. A few of the members occasionally refused to find 
manucaptors, whereupon their goods and cattle were distrained.^ 

In answer to the writ issued for the parliament summoned to 
meet at Westminster, on the Sunday next after the feast of St. 
Matthias the Apostle, in the thirty-third year of the king's reign 
(28th Feb., 1305), the sheriff of Oxford and Berks alleged that 
the Avrit for the two burgesses of Windsor was returned to the 
bailiffs of the liberties of the seven hundreds of " Cokham" 
(Cookham) and " Braye/' who had the return and execution of all 
writs, and that the said bailiffs had not given any reply to the 

* 'Parliamentary Writs/ vol. i, p. 125. No writs "de expensis" are enrolled for aiiy 
burgesses for this parliament. 

^ See Pryune's * Brief Register and Survey of the several kinds and forms of Parlia- 
mentary Writs,' part ii, p. G5 ; and part iii ('Previa Parlianientaria Kediviva'), p. 137. 

^ Parliamentary Writs,' vol. i, p. 150. 


" Richard de Wyndesore" was returned as one of the two 
members for Berkshire in this and the next parhament.^ 

Considerable obscurity prevails with respect to the rights and 
functions of the individuals who enjoyed the privilege, or were sub- 
jected to the duty of attendance in the parliaments at this early 
period;^ but it seems tolerably certain that the inhabitants of 
Windsor did not place a high value on the services of their 
members. The omission of the bailiff to make a return was not 
confined to this occasion, but was repeated in the next and subse- 
quent reigns, until it became almost a matter of course. The office 
of bailiff of the " seven hundreds" was, as we have seen, frequently 
held by the constable of Windsor Castle ; and there can be little 
doubt that his omission w^as connived at by the king and the 
inhabitants of Windsor. 

The finding and sending burgesses to parliament was, indeed, 
generally considered a great burden and expense, because the in- 
habitants were liable to pay their members their reasonable 
expenses in coming to, staying at, and returning from the parlia- 
ment, for levying which, writs (called writs " de expensis") were 
issued to the sheriff at the close of the session.^ 

The next parUament was summoned to meet at Westminster on 
the 30th of May, 1306. The writs to the sheriffs on this occasion 
differed from the previous, for, instead of commanding the return 
of two burgesses for every borough, they directed the return of two 
or one, according as the borough was greater or less.^ 

Windsor was a borough of the first class, for it returned two 
members under this writ, viz., the former member, Thomas de 
Shawe, and Edmund de Brumpton.^ John Baldewyne and Robert 
ate More (or Robert at the Moor) were the manucaptors of Thomas 
de Shawe^ and John de Brumpton and Henry le Plomer those of 
Edmund de Brumpton. 

1 'Parliamentary Writs,' pp. 149, 173. 

2 Sir Eraucis Palgrave's Preface to the * Parliamentary Writs.' 

3 Prynne's 'Brief Register,' &c., part ii, p. 65. 

"* "Duos Burgeuses vel unum secundum quod Burgus fuerit major vel minor," &c. 
^ 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol, i, p. 173. No vrrit de expensis is enrolled for 
Windsor for this parliament. 

120 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter V. 

In the next parliament, summoned to meet at Carlisle, on the 
20th January, 1307, John Golde and Henry de Bedeford were 
returned for Windsor.^ 

We find, in the reign of Edward the First, various tenements at 
Windsor were granted to Alexander de Wyndesore, by the service 
of keeping the king's park there.^ 

Numerous other grants of land, &c., were made on condition of 
the parties doing suit and service at Windsor, and for the ward of 
the castle.^ 

Throughout this reign and that of Edward the Second, nothing 
can be verified of any interest in the history of the structure of the 

That the castle was not altogether neglected, appears by a 
writ of Edward the Third, dated at Guildford, the 25th of December, 
in the fifth year of his reign (ad. 1331), reciting the petition of 
John of Lincoln, a citizen of London, stating that by the command 
of Edward the First, and his writ of privy seal, he had furnished 
iron, brass (?), lead, tin, boards, and other articles, for the defence of 
Windsor Castle, for the expenses in buying and conveying which he 
alleged he had not been paid. The writ then commands the king*s 
treasurer and barons of the exchequer to inspect the writs of 
Edward the First and the account of the said John ; and if after 
account made it should appear that the king was indebted to him, 
then, that they should pay the amount out of the treasury, or make 
satisfaction to him.^ 

'' Richard de Windsor"^ appears to have been a person of con- 
sequence at this period. He was returned to parliament as knight 

' ' Parliamentary Writs,' vol. i, p. 190. 

' luquis. Post-mortem, anno 11 Edw. 1 and 34 Edw. I. 

' See the Abstracts of Pleadings, printed by the Commissioners of Records, in the 
volume entitled ' Placitorum in Domo Capitulari Westmonasteriensi asservatorum abbre- 
viatio. Tcmporibus Eeg. Ric. I, Johann., Hen. Ill, Edw. I, Edw. 11.' 

^ Poynter. A letter dated at Windsor, 5tli August, 1273, addressed to Walter de 
Merlon, the king's chancellor, requests the king's writ to the constable of Windsor Castle, 
to make necessary repairs in Windsor Castle and Park, and in Kenuington. (See * Inven- 
tory of Records in the Tower, Gth Rep. of the Deputy-keeper of the Public Records,' 
Appendix ii, p. 94.) 

^ Rot. Pari., vol. ii, p. 41.5 a. 

" Ricardus de Wyndesoure, Windelcsore, Wyndesore, or Windesourc. 

TO A.D. 1307.] 



of the shire for either Berks or Middlesex, from a. d. 1295 to 1306. 

He was assessor and collector of taxes for those counties, and one 

of the justices of oyer and terminer in Berks in 1300. He was 

also summoned to do knight service on various occasions, and was 

himself a commissioner to summon others to do military service } 

t/ ' 

and he himself or his son performed similar duties in the next 

^ See Alphabetical Digest in the ' Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Summons/ 
&c. (published by the Record Commission, 2 vols, in 5, folio, Lond.,1827-1830), vol. i, p.908, 
and vol. ii. A note of Sir Francis Palgrave, the editor, says, " this Rieardus de Windesore 
is probably the individual who was seized of the manors of * Westhakebourne' (Berks) and 
* Stanewell ' (Middlesex), the latter being held by the service of castleguard, due to the 
Castle of Windsor.' (Esc, 19 Ed. II, No. 54.)" 

The "Bell Tower," from Thames Streeb, before the removal of the houses in 1851. 



Constables of the Castle. 

A.D. 1319. Olivek de Bordeaux. 
A.D. 1326. Thomas de Huntercombe. 

Members op Parliament. 

A.D. 1307. John Golde and Edmund de Brumpton. 
A.D. 1311. Edmund de Brumpton and William atte Chaumbre. 
A.D. 1313. Thomas de Shawe and Philip atte Hague. 
A.D. 1319. John Forwyne and Thomas Holebode. 
A.D. 1320. Thomas de Shaghe and Philip atte Haghe. 
A.D. J 321. John de Brympton and Philip atte Haghe. 
A.D. 1322. Philip atte Haghe and William Davy. 
Thomas Holebode and John Porwyne. 

Members for Windsor — Edward the Second keeps his Christmas at Windsor — Members 
returned — Birth of Edward the Third at Windsor — The King founds a Chantry in 
the Chapel and a Cliapel in the Park — Petition of the inhabitants of Berkshire to 
the King to remove the County Gaol from Windsor — Inquisition thereupon — 
Inspeximus Charter, 9 Edw. II — Members for Windsor — Petition of the Burgesses 
respecting the evasion of Pontage, and the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall — 
Execution of Lord Aldham at Windsor — Design of the Earl of Mortimer to seize 
tlie Castle — Delivery of tlic Great Seal to the King in Windsor Porest — Grants of 
lands and houses in Windsor and Eton to Oliver de Bordeaux. 

On the accession of Edward the Second to the throne, the 
castle and forest of Windsor, with the manors, hundreds, and all 
other things appertaining thereto, were granted to Robert de 
Hanstede the younger, at the accustomed rent. A reservation 
was made, however, of certain lands and tenements belonging to 
the castle which had been granted to Margaret, the queen dowager.^ 
Whether Robert de Hanstede died soon afterwards or not does not 
appear ; but it is singular that although this grant seems to have 

1 Hot. Orig., 1 Edw. II, ro. 6. 


departed from the usual form in conferring the office for life, yet in 
the very same year, Roger Sauvage, who held the office in the last 
reign, received the appointment during the king's pleasure, with 
the same reservation of the lands and tenements in the hands of 
Queen Margaret.^ Roger Sauvage was, however, in his turn 
succeeded in the following year by Warren de I'lsle.^ 

In the parliament summoned to meet at Northampton on the 
13th of October, in the first year of the reign of Edward the Second 
(a.d. 1307), John Golde, one of the late members, was returned 
for Windsor, together with Edmund de Brumpton.^ 

To the writ issued for the next parliament, in 1309, the baihff 
of the seven hundreds of Cookham and Bray, following the course 
adopted on one occasion in the preceding reign, made no return.* 

In the autumn of 1307, soon after the accession of Edward the 
Second, the Treasurer Langton, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 
w^ho had formerly incurred the enmity of the prince and his favorite 
Gaveston by refusing to supply money for their pleasures, was 
stripped of his property and thrown into prison.^ The first place 
of his confinement appears to have been Windsor, and his trial was 
fixed to take place there on the 23d of February, 1308 ; but it was 
adjourned until the 25th of March, in order to allow the justices to 
attend the king's coronation at Westminster, on Sunday, the 25th 
of February.^ In the mean time, the king, not recollecting the 
adjournment, caused the bishop to be removed from Windsor 
Castle to the Tower of London, by means whereof the proceedings 
had dropped. The justices were, however, directed to summon 
and hear the parties complaining against the bishop, at the Tower, 
and to proceed with the trial accordingly."^ The bishop appears to 
have remained some time in confinement, but was eventually 

^ Rot. Orig., 1 Edw. II, ro. 7. This reservation is repeated in the subsequent appoint- 
ment of Oliver de Bordeaux in 1319, and continued to the reign of Edward the Third. 

2 Ibid., 2 Ed. II, ro. 1. 

* * Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part ii, p. 10. "* Ibid., p. 32. ^ Liugard. 

« Rot. Pat., 1 Edw. II, p. 2, m. 26. See the 'Eoedera,' and * Parliamentary Writs,' 
vol. ii, part ii. Appendix, p. 10. 

7 Rot. Claus., 1 Edw. II, m. Id. See the 'Foedera,' aud 'Parliamentary Writs,' 
vol. ii, part ii, Appendix, p. 13. % 

124 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI. 

We are told that Edward the Second kept his Christmas of 
1308-9 at Windsor ''with great solemnity/' and that "he also 
kept his Christmas of the following year at Windsor, where Walter 
Langton, Bishop of Chester, and the Bishop of Saint Andrew's, 
Scotland, were released out of prison." ^ 

To the parliament summoned to meet at London, in August 
1311, Edmund de Brumpton and William atte Chaumbre were 
returned as members f but to the parliament summoned to meet 
in October following no return was made.^ The borough is 
described as in the liberty of the seven hundreds of Windsor. 

Prince Edward (afterwards Edward the Third) was born in the 
Castle of Windsor, on Monday, the 23d day of November, 1312.* 
From the place of his birth, he w^as often spoken of as Edward of 
Windsor. In the windows of one of the canon's houses, over the 
cloisters^ adjoining the chapel, and painted in the glass, there is an 
" horoscope," or astrological scheme of his nativity, from whence it 
appears, says Ashmole, *' that he w^as born at 40 minutes after five 
in the morning of the said day, the 6 degree of the sign Scorpio 
ascending, and the 18 degree of Leo culminating."^ 

On the Thursday after his birth the prince was christened in 
the old chapel of St. Edward at Windsor, by Arnaldas Noveli. The 
following persons were his godfathers : — Richard Bishop of Poictiers, 
John Bishop of Bath and Wells, William Bishop of Worcester; 
Lewis Earl of Evreux, the queen's brother ; John Duke of Bretagne 
and Earl of Richmond, Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembroke, and 
Hugh le Despenser.^ 

Queen Isabella, at the time of the prince's birth, was in. the 
eighteenth year of her age. The king was so much pleased at the 

> Stow. 

2 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 51. 

3 Ibid., p. 63. 

^ Ashmole's * Order of the Garter,' p. 644, citing Glaus., 6 Edw. II, m. 22, dorso. 

^ Ashmole dcseribes it as "in one of the windows of the prebend's lodgings at 
Windsor, belonging to the reverend and worthy divine. Doctor Hcvcr, late one of the 
canons of that college." (' Order of the Garter,' p. 644.) 

^ Ashmole gives a table of "the ))laccs of tlie planets as then posited." 

? Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 644, citing Hot. Glaus., 6 Edw. II, m. 22, dorso; 
Barnes's 'Life of Edward the Third,' p. I. 


birth of a son, that on the 16th of December following he gave to 
John Launge, the queen's valet, and to Isabel his wife, for bringing 
the agreeable intelligence to him, an annuity of twenty pounds 
during their lives and the life of the survivor, payable out of the 
farm of London.^ The king kept the following Christmas at 

In the same year he founded a chantry in the chapel of the 
castle, for four chaplains and two clerks to pray for his soul and 
the souls of all his progenitors ; and also a chapel in Windsor Park 
for four more chaplains.^ About the same time, the chancellor, 
who is styled chief of the king's chapel, was directed to see that 
the chapel at Windsor was supplied with ornaments and other 

Edward the Third removed the chaplains from the chapel in 
the park, and added them to those in the chapel of the castle.^ All 
traces of the precise situation as well as of the fabric of the chapel 
appear to be lost. 

To the parliament held at Westminster in March 1313, the 
writs for which bear teste at Windsor, on the 6th of January, 
Thomas de Shawe and Philip atte Hache were returned as 
members,^ and were again elected in the following September.^ 
For the two next parliaments, called together respectively at 
York, in September 1314, and London, in January 1315, no 
return was made to the writ. The bailiff, who had the return 
and execution of the writs, is again styled " the bailiff of the liberty 
of the seven hundreds of Windsor." ^ 

The king kept his Christmas of 1314 at Windsor, with many 
prelates of the land.^ 

The inhabitants of Berkshire presented a petition to the king, 

* Ashmole ut supra, citing Pat., 6 Edw. II, par. 2, in. 5. 
2 Stow. 

^ Rot. Claus., 6 Edw. II, m. 2, dorso, cited by Ashmole; and see Rot. Pat., 
7 Edw. II, prima, mem. 19. 

■* Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. i, p. 61. 

^ See post, reign Edw. III. 

« ' Pari. Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 87. 

7 Ibid , p. 110. Philip atte Hache is called in this writ "Philippus atte Haghe." 

"" Ibid., pp. 139, 14G. 

9 Stow. 

126 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaiter VI. 

in parliament liolden in the eighth year of the reign of Edward the 
Second (a.d. 1314-15), praying for the removal of the county gaol 
from Windsor, where it was fixed by the charter of Edward the 
Eirst.^ The petition is so curious in many respects as to be worth 
giving an entire translation of the Norman French, as it remains on 
the Parliament Rolls : 

'^ To our lord the king and his council. — The inhabitants of the 
county of Berks pray that, in order to maintain the peace of our lord 
the king, and to protect his crown and to increase his profit as ought 
to be, inquiry may be made of the damage to our lord the king and 
his people by reason that the common gaol of the county is at 
Wyndesore, of which damages some of the points follow. 

" In the first place, the town of Wyndesore is at the most remote 
part of the county, to the great grievance of all those who ought to 
attend the common delivery,^ even from the extremity of the county; 
and the town is too small for providing victuals, by reason of which 
the inhabitants of the county avoid coming, except persons engaged to 
deUver the thieves ; insomuch that the thieves derive great joy and 
encouragement in their evil doing. Another point is that the poor 
of the geldable of the county are unable to go to the general delivery, 
as is proper, with four men and the provost of the towns, on account 
of the distance of the place ; for they have to prepare for eight days in 
going and returning, and sometimes more ; and even, in consequence of 
these inconveniences, and to eschew these hardships and grievances, 
they avoid accusing the felons of crimes, which is a further injury to 
the crown. Another point is, the people fail to indict felons or to 
make quick pursuit, because the county should be at the charge of 
conveying the felons so far ; and if, in passing through the county of 
Berks by places in Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire, the felons were 
rescued or escaped, the king would lose that escape, for the escape 
made in one county could not be presented in another; and these 
same things have happened before this time. Another point is, the 
commonalty of the town of Windsor is so weak that the gaol cannot 
be sustained by the alms of the town, whereby the prisoners die imme- 
diately, as well the innocent as the guilty, and those who have goods 
die before judgment is given, so that the king loses the goods and 
chattels of the felons, to the great damage of the crown. Another 
point is, the said gaol is in a franchise within the Forest of Wyndesore, 
where the coroner has jurisdiction of the same franchise, and hears the 

' See ante, p. 104. 

- The general gaol delivery held at the assizes. 


confessions of approvers, which are neither taken nor sworn within the 
county, as ought to be, he being chosen by a franchise to serve the 
lord the king ; contrary to the law of his crown, by inquest of which 
any evil that has fallen may be found. Another point is, if any great 
felon be indicted in the county, and taken and sent to Windsor, he is 
released for money, wherefore the good people of the county have 
feared to indict those on whom justice is not done in due manner. 
The said gaol used to be at Wallingford, in the custody of the sheriff, 
to the great profit of the king and his crown. Whereof they pray, if 
it please him, that a remedy may be granted them/^ ^ 

It seems that at first the king was unwilling to have the gaol 
removed, and declared that it should not be in any other castle 
than his own -^ but soon afterwards the king issued his letters 
patent to William de Bereford, John de Foxele, and John de 
Westcote, directing them to inquire into the allegations of the 
petition, and also to inquire in what part of the said county the 
said gaol might be placed for the greater convenience of the king 
and the inhabitants of the district. The sheriff of Berkshire was 
also directed to procure the attendance of witnesses before the 
commissioners, at the time and place they should appoint for that 

It does not appear what proceedings were adopted by the 
commissioners, or the nature of the report made by them to 
parliament. The site of the county gaol was, however, ultimately 
transferred from Windsor to Reading, where it still remains.* 

The king, in the ninth year of his reign, granted a charter to 
the men and burgesses of Windsor,^ which merely recites the pre- 
vious charter of the 6th of Edward I, and confirms it, together 
with all accustomed privileges.^ 

In the twelfth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1318) the same 
reply was given to the writ for the election of members of parlia- 
ment as in 1314, but the returning officer is once more spoken of 

1 Rot. Pari, vol. i, p. 300. 

2 " Le roi ne veut pas avoir sa gaole en altre chatel y'eii le seon." (See Lysons' 
* Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 434.) 

^ Rot. Pat., 8 Edw. II, pars 2, mem. 4, dorso. 

* Lysons. 

^ "Homines Burg-enses Burgi." 

" Vide Cart, de anno 9 Edw. II, n. 17. 

128 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI. 

as the bailiff of the Uberty of the seven hundreds of " Cokham and 
Braye." ^ 

In 1319, John Forwyne and Thomas Holebode/ and in 1320, 
Thomas de Shaghe and Phihp atte Haghe, were returned.^ In 1321, 
John de B rympton succeeded Thomas de Shaghe/ and was himself 
in the next year (1322) succeeded by William Davy,^ but subse- 
quently, in the same year, the old members, Thomas Holebode and 
John Fordwyne, or Forwyne, were again returned.^ In the two 
subsequent parliaments of this reign, assembled in 1324 and 1325, 
no returns were made for Windsor. 

In the fourteenth year of this king's reign, the burgesses of 
Windsor presented a petition to parliament, alleging that when, in 
aid of the subsidy of the farm of the king's borough there, they 
were entitled to receive divers customs from all vessels passing by 
certain places near the borough, the bargemen lately asserted that 
the boats and all goods passing that way were the property of the 
king, by which they lost their dues, and for which they therefore 
sought a remedy ; upon which it was ordered that, although the 
boats should be the property of the king, and the merchandise 
belong to others, they should pay their dues in order that the king's 
farm of the said borough be not destroyed. 

At the same time the burgesses alleged that Edward Earl of 
Cornwall formerly held in the borough certain tenements by yearly 
service and suit of court, which tenements had lately lapsed into the 
hands of the king, and had not paid the accustomed dues in aid of 
the rent of the borough, and they therefore sought a remedy; upon 
which the chancellor was ordered to issue his writ to inquire into 
the matter, and when it was returned the king would be advised 
what to do.'' 

' 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 191. 1 

2 Ibid., p. 206. 3 Ibid., p. 227. ' Ibid., p. 240. 

^ Ibid., p. 254. « Ibid., p. 273. 

' Rot. Pari., i, 383 i. Letters patent were issued in the seventh year of this reign 
for the collection of the royal dues for vessels passing by Windsor Bridge (Rot. Pat., 
7 Edw. II, m. 14); and grants of pontage to Windsor were made in the 10th and 17th 
years of this reign (Rot, Pat., 10 and 17 Edw. II). See, as to the payment of dues for 
goods conveyed along the Thames, Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. i, 
p. 771. 


Among the barons and others who were executed after the 
defeat of the Earl of Lancaster at the battle of Borough Bridge, 
fought on the IGth and 17th of March, 1322, was Sir Francis de 
Aldhani, who was drawn, hanged, and quartered at Windsor/ his 
sentence being to be drawn for his treason and hanged for the 
homicides. He had the year before obtained a pardon for all 
felonies committed in the pursuit of the Despensers, but this pardon 
was subsequently revoked. 

In 1323, Roger Earl of Mortimer, then under sentence of per- 
petual imprisonment in the Tower, formed a plan for the seizure of 
that fortress and those of Windsor and Wallingford, which was 
carried into effect as regarded Walhngford. The earl soon after- 
wards escaped from the Tower, and reached France in safety.^ 

On the 8th of August, 1324, the chancellor, Robert de Baldok, 
Archdeacon of Middlesex, having obtained the king's permission 
to return home for a time for his recreation, delivered the Great 
Seal to the king in Windsor Forest, where his majesty then was 
or the purpose of hunting ; and Edward, with his own hand, on 
the evening of the same day, delivered the Great Seal to Ayremynne, 
who was then the keeper of the Privy Seal, to perform the duties 
of chancellor.^ 

In 1319, Oliver de Bordeaux, the king's valet or gentleman of 
his privy chamber, was appointed keeper of the castle and forest of 
Windsor.^ He was at this time an extensive proprietor of lands 
and houses in the town and neighbourhood of Windsor. In 1310 
permission was granted to him to hold his. lands in Windsor and 
Eton in fee.^ In the same year he was empowered to impark all 
his lands within the limits of the forest, and which were formerly 

^ Holiushed. The Earl of Lancaster was beheaded at Pomfret on the 22d of March. 
The barbarities attendant upon the execution of his followers, incidental to a conviction 
for high treason, were spared to the earl. " Because he was the queen's uncle, and sou 
to the king's uncle, he was pardoned of all save heading." (Holinshed.) 

2 Rot. Pat., 17 Edw. II, p. 1, m. II. 

^ Nicholas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, Pref., p. clxvi, citing 'Parlia- 
mentary Writs,' vol. ii, div. ii, App., p. 260 ; Rot. Clans., IS Edw. II, m. 38 cl. See other 
instances of the Great Seal being left with the king at Windsor, ibid., vol. vi, Pref., 
pp. clvii — clix. 

4 Rot. Orig., 13 Edw. II, ro. 2. 

^ Put., 4 Edw. II. 


130 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI. 

the property of John of London, so that the same should be out of 
the regard of the forest, and OHver and his heirs free from the 
lawing of dogs, &c} In the following year the king granted to 
him in fee all the hereditaments in Old and New Windsor which 
formerly belonged to John of London, free from purpresture, 
arentations, &c./ and, soon afterwards, all the hereditaments in 
Windsor and Eton which belonged to John of London and Roger 
de Mowbray, by the service, amongst others, of finding a man with 
a lance and a dart to attend the king's army, as often as and 
wherever it should be assembled.^ In 1316 permission was granted 
to the same Ohver de Bordeaux to impark his wood of Foli John 
and Hyermere, within the bounds of the Forest of Windsor;^ and 
in the same year the king granted to him in fee all the land and 
tenements of Foli John et Hyermere within the bounds of the 
forest/ Two years later the king granted to him in fee forty acres 
of waste land of Foli John, with power to inclose them ;^ and in 
1320, all hereditaments in the town of Windsor and in Eton which 
belonged to Roger de Mowbray, by the accustomed services."^ 
Lastly, the king, in 1325, granted divers hereditaments in Windsor, 
&c., to Oliver de Bordeaux and Matilda his wife, in tail.^ 

In 1326, Oliver de Bordeaux was succeeded in the keepership 
of the castle by Thomas de Huntercombe.^ The office of the 
bailiwick of the castle and forest was in 1319 conferred on Ralph 
de Camoys,^^ and Humphrey de Walden was appointed seneschal of 
Windsor Park;^^ and four years afterwards Humphrey de Waleden 
and Richard de Skene were appointed seneschals of the parks of 
Windsor and of the manors of Cippenham, Langley Maries, 
Wyrardesbury, Fulmer, and various other places.^^ In the follow- 
ing year Humphrey de Waleden was succeeded by Richard de 
Wynferthyng.^^ The custody of the manors of Cippenham or 

J Pat., 4 Edvv. II, mem. 17. 

2 Prima Pat., 5 Edw. II, mem. 19; aud see the ' Originalia,' 14 Edw. II, ro. 5. 

3 Sccunda Pat., 5 Edw. II, m. 22. 

4 Ibid., 10 Edw. II, mem. 17. « Ibid., mem. 18. 
« Prima Pat., 12 Edw. II, mem. 6. 

" Ibid., 14 Edw. II, mem. 12 ; and see the ' Originalia,' 14 Edw. II. 
« Ibid., 19 Edw. II, mem. 5. 

9 Kot. Orig., 20 Edw. II. »" Ibid., 13 Edw. II, ro. G. " Ibid., ro. 7. 

»2 Ibid, 17 Edw. II. 13 xbid., 18 Edw. II. 



Cypenham, with the hamlet of Eton, together with the manor of 
Langley-cum-Wyrarclisl)ury, had been some years before granted 
to Roger de Norwode.^ Among the other appointments of this 
reign is that of Edmund de Alegate to the keepership of the castle 

Lands were held by individuals, in this as in other reigns, on 
condition of their keeping guard at Windsor.^ 

Roger de Mowbray, early in this reign, granted to the king 
and his heirs for ever all the lands and tenements, rents and 
services, in Eton-juxta-VVindesor, formerly held by John de 
Mowbray. They were at the time of the grant held under lease by 
Alexander the porter, at the yearly rent of sixteen marks, and this 
lease was confirmed by the king,* who subsequently granted these 
possessions to Oliver de Bordeaux. 

' Rot. Orig., 6 Edw. II, ro. 6. 

2 Ibid., 15 Edw. II, ro 22. In the Ashmolean MSS., No. 1115, fo. 39 a, it is stated 
that " Edwarde ate Bakhoiise and Rice Ketel were bailiffs of Wyndsor, 2 Edw. II." 

3 Escaet., 17 Edw. II, meui. 30; 19 Edw. II, mem. 54; 20 Edw. II, mem. 45; 
Rot. Pari., vol. i, 292 d. 

' Rot. Orig., 3 Edw. II, ro. 10. 

Old Houses formerly standing opposite Eton College. 



Constables of the Castle. 

A.D. 1327. John de l'Isle. a.d. 13G0. Richard la Vache. 

4.D. 1330. Thomas de Eoxle. a.d. 1365. Thomas Cheyne. 

a.d. 1369. Helming Legatte. 

Deans or St. Geouge's Chapel. 
John de la Chambre. William Mugg. 

Members of Parliament for Windsor. 

a.d. 1327. Robert Pershore and Thomas Holbode. 

William Holbode and William atte Grene. 
A.D. 1328. William Marwardyn and William atte Grene. 
A.D. 1330. William Marwardyn and John de Mildenhall. 

Richard Horseleye and Robert Spelmere. 
A.D. ]331. Robert de Pershore and John le Wariner. 
a.d. 1333. John le Wariner and John de Pershore. 
A.D. 1335. John le Wariner and Henry le Wh****. 
A.D. 1340. John de Brumpton and Philip atte Hathe. 

Thomas de Shaghe and Philip atte Hathe. 

Appointment of Constable and payments to officials — Inquisitions, Writs, and Repairs 
connected with the Royal Residence — Confirmation of the Charter and grant of 
Pontage to the town — Audience of French Ambassadors — Members for Windsor 
— InquisUiones Nonarum — Institution of the Order of the Garter — Origin of the 
Jiadge — Early notices of the Order — Statutes of the Order — David Bruce, King 
of Scotland, a prisoner in the Castle — The King founds St. George's College — 
Endowment of the College and appointment of Custos — Bull of Pope Clement VI 
— Statutes of the College — Canons — Poor Knights — Eurther Endowments. 

Edward the Third, on his accession to the throne, appears to 
have api)ointed John de Tlsle constable of the castle, for in the first 
year of the king's reign we find he was, in the capacity of " con- 
stable," directed, out of the rents of his bailiwick, to provide the 
chaplains of the king's chapel with bread, wine, oil, and other 
necessaries for the performance of religious rites, and to account 


to the exchequer for the outlay/ He was also at the same time 
directed to pay the following officers their respective wages and 
salaries to Michaelmas ensuing — viz., to Edward de Aldgate, janitor, 
four pence a day; to Alexander the painter and Thomas le Rotour 
(Thomas the Fiddler), inspectors of the king's works, two pence 
each per diem ; to John, the gardener of the king's garden without 
the castle, two pence halfpenny ; to four watchmen of the castle, 
each two pence ; to Robert de Wodeham, chief forester of Windsor 
Forest, twelve pence ; to Ralph de la More, clerk of the w^orks in 
the castle, two pence ; to Thomas le Parker, keeper of Kenyngton 
Park, one penny halfpenny, each per day -^ and these directions 
were renewed in the following year.^ 

It is to be observed that John de I'lsle had at this time 
obtained, for life, the grant not unfrequently accompanying the 
office of constable, of the farm of the castle and forest, with the 
manors and hundreds and other things appurtenant thereto. 
The bailiwick of the seven hundreds of Cookham and Bray, how- 
ever, which was formerly included with them, was granted to 
WilHam d'Excester during the king's pleasure.^ The custody of 
the royal manors within the king's park, and of the park itself, was 
moreover conferred on Thomas de Leycester, the dean of the chapel 
royal in the park, during pleasure f but in the following year that 
office was conferred on John de I'lsle."^ 

John de I'lsle^ in the second year of this reign, was commanded 
to repair and amend the houses, walls, and other buildings of the 
castle, and the palace and park of Kenyngton.^ About the same 
time the sheriff of Berkshire was directed, out of the proceeds of 
his bailiwick, to purchase and provide one hundred and fifty 
quarters of wheat, one hundred and fifty quarters of malt, one 
hundred and fifty quarters of oats, fifteen oxen, fifty pigs, and 

^ Rot. Grig., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 28. A formal appointment of Jolm de I'lsle as con- 
stable during his life, on account of iiis services, was made in the following year. (Ibid., 
2 Edw. Ill, ro. 8.) His previous appointment was probably during the king's pleasure. 

^ Ibid. The manor and park of Kenyngton were in the parish of Sunbury, Middlesex. 
(See Lysons' ' Middlesex Parishes.') 

3 Rot. Orig., 2 Edw. Ill, ro. 16. ^ Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 4, 23. 

^ Ibid., ro. 8. e Ibid. 

7 Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 10. ^ Ibid, 2 Edw. Ill, ro. IG. 


sixty-seven sheep ; and to convey them to Windsor, and there deUver 
them to John de Tlsle, the constable, for the supply of the castle/ 
In like manner, the sheriff of Buckinghamshire was ordered to 
supply the same quantity of each of the things above specified, to- 
gether with twenty thousand cut logs. The sheriff of Surrey was 
commanded to buy and send twenty quarters of salt, ten oxen, 
two thousand dried fishes, and thirty tuns of wine, for the same 

In ]330, the king committed to Thomas de Foxle the custody of 
the castle, forest, and parks of Windsor, an appointment which 
was renewed three years afterwards.^ In 1328 and 1331, commis- 
sions were issued to inquire into the state and condition of 
Windsor, and of the manor, forest, and park there i^ and apparently 
in consequence of these inquiries, Thomas de Foxle was in the same 
year directed, in his capacity of constable of the castle, to repair the 
house, tower, walls, and bridges of the castle, and the houses and 
walls of the king's garden in the same place, the ponds of the 
king's park of Windsor, the paling and inclosure round the king's 
park in the same place, the houses and walls of the king's manor 
of Kenyngton, and the paling and walls round the king's park 
there.* These orders were renewed from time to time. The 
bailiffs and inhabitants of Windsor were about the same time 
directed to pay their rent of seventeen pounds to the constable, on 
account of the works of the castle.^ 

The four chaplains established by Edward the Second in 1312, 
at the chapel in Windsor Park, were removed by Edward the 
Third, in the fourth year of his reign, with the advice of his 
council, and joined to those attached to the chapel in the castle.^ 
By a writ of the third year of this reign, it appears that Robert 
de Sutlyngton received yearly £26 13s. 4id. as the wages and 
stipends for himself and three chaplains performing divine service 

1 Rot. Orig., 2 Edw. Ill, ro. ]7. 

2 Ibid., 4 Edw. Ill, ro. 15 ; 7 Edw. Ill, ro. 14. 

3 Pat., 2 Edw. Ill, m. 19, pars ii ; Iiiq. Post-mortem, aun. 5 Edw. III. 
' Rot. Orig., 5 Edw. Ill, ro. 39. 

" Ibid., ro. 41. 

« Pat., 4 Edw. Ill p. J, m. 19. 


daily in Saint Edward's Chapel, within the king's castle of Windsor, 
and for two clerks assisting the said chaplains.^ 

A few years later the king erected dwellings in the castle for 
these chaplains, on the south side of the chapel,^ and in 1339 he 
issued a writ of inquiry into the state of the royal chapel itself.^ 

By letters patent, granted in 1346, the thirteen chaplains and 
four clerks of the king's chapel in the castle were admitted to take 
their meals at the king's or queen's table, as often as the king or 
queen should stay at Windsor, and all oblations offered or brought 
to the chapel were granted to them.^ 

In 1328, the king confirmed to the men and burgesses of the 
borough of Windsor the charter and privileges granted to them by 
his father, Edward the Second ;^ and in 1335 pontage was granted 
to the town of Windsor,^ and letters patent renewing this privilege 
occur from time to time in subsequent years of this reign. '^ 

In 1330, the king gave audience at Windsor to certain ambas- 
sadors sent by Philip the Sixth, who had recently ascended the 
throne of France, to demand the homage of the English king for 
the duchy of Guienne. Edward had just acquired the reins of 
government by the execution of the Earl of Mortimer, and was at 
this time residing at Windsor with his young queen, Philippa. 
After the ambassadors had, to their great satisfaction, dined in the 
king's apartment, they set out for London, sleeping at Colnbrook 
on their way. Edward soon after went to France, and, after re- 
maining fifteen days with Philip at Amiens, returned to the queen 
at Windsor.^ 

Windsor was at this period the chief residence of the king. 
Thither he returned in 1833, after his campaign in the North, and 
was accompanied by Robert Count of Artois, who, according to 

^ Rot. Lib., Easter, 3 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer/ p. 141. 

2 Claus., 11 Edw. Ill, m. 18. See these writs cited by Ashmole, ' Order of the 
Garter/ p. 152. 

3 Pat., 13 Edw. Ill, pars ii, m. 30. ^ Ibid., 20 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 23. 
* See this charter recited in Rot. Pat., 3 Ric. II, pars i, m. 42. 

6 Pat., 9 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 19. 

7 Fide Pat., 12 Edw. Ill, p. iii, m. 14; 37 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 27; 38 Edw. Til, 
p. ii, m. 9 ; 47 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 23. 

® Froissart. 

136 ANNALS OE ^YINDSOE. [Chapter VII. 

Eroissart, never ceased, day or niglit, from impressing on the 
v/illing ear of Edward his claim to the crown of France/ 

In the parUament liohlen at York, in the first year of the reign 
of Edward the Third (1327), Robert Pershore and Thomas Holbode 
were members for Windsor ; but at the parUament holden the 
same year at Lincohi, Wilham Holbode and William atte Grene 
w^ere the members. In the next year, Wilham Marwardyn and 
Wilham atte Grene were returned ; and the first named sat again 
in the parHament holden at Wynton in the fourth of Edward the 
Third, with John de Mildenhall ; but in a parliament holden at 
AVestminster soon after, Richard Horseleye and Robert Spelmere 
were the members. 

In the fifth of Edward the Third, Robert de Pershore and John 
le Wariner were elected for Windsor i and in the seventh year of the 
same reign, John le Wariner was returned with John de Pershore. 

In the ninth year of Edward the Third, John le Wariner was 
again returned with Henry le Wh****. 

In the fourteenth of Edward the Third (1340), John de 
Brumpton and Philip atte Hathe were returned. The last named 
was probably the same person who had represented W^indsor in 
1312 and 1313, and again in 1321. 

In a second parliament holden the same year, Thomas de 
bhagh^, who appears to have sat for Windsor in the reigns of 
Edward the First and Edward the Second, was returned with 
Philip atte Hathe. 

From this year until the twenty-fifth of Henry the Sixth 
(144G), no mention is made of the burgesses of Windsor, nor any 
return of members for the borough to be found. 

Under the Liqiiisiiiones Nonarum issued in the fifteenth year of 
Edward the Third, by which, and by former commissions, the 
parishioners of every parish found, upon their oath, the true value 
of the ninth part of corn, wood, lambs, and other profits, granted 
by parliament to the king in the preceding year, a return was 
made upon oatli, for the borough of Windsor,^ that the ninth of the 

' Froissart. Barnes gives the date of 1331. 

" ' Nouaruni Liquisitiones in Curia Scaccarii,' temp. Regis Edwardi III, folio 1807, 
]». 10. 


impost or duties levied upon merchandise within the borough 
amounted to four marks. And that the ninth of the remainder of 
sheaves, fleeces, and lambs granted to the king, and produced in 
New Windsor and Old Windsor, amounted to the value of sixteen 
marks. The return made for the parish of Eton, at the same time, 
stated that the value of the ''ninth" was fourteen marks, and no 
more. As this was below the amount of the taxation of churches 
in the reign of Edward the Eirst, under Pope Nicholas's imlor (the 
general rule of value down to the reign of Henry the Eighth), it was 
accounted for by the fact that thirty acres of arable land and six 
acres of pasture land were attached to the church of Eton, and 
yielded no emolument to the tax. It was also stated that there 
were no merchandise or chattels capable of being taxed at a 
fifteenth,^ the rate at which merchants foreign, who dwelt not in 
cities nor boroughs, and other persons that dwelt in forests and 
wastes, and all others that lived not of their gain nor store,^ were 

With regard to Burnham, the church of which was taxed 
under Pope Nicholas, in 1291, at £30, the ninth was returned at 
only forty-six marks, the depreciation being thus accounted for : 
The rector of the church held fifty-five acres of arable land of 
his glebe, which were therefore profitless for the purposes of this 
taxation; and in the present year (1340), the produce of winter 
wheat in the parish was greatly overflown and destroyed by the 
floods in the Thames, and at sowing time ; the greater part of the 
sheep were destroyed by murrain, and therefore the wool and 
lambs were of little value \ and in the higher part of the parish, 
called " Wodeland," there were three hundred acres and more of 
wild uncultivated land and moor, because the parishioners were so 
impoverished that they were unable to till, and that there were no 
people possessed of goods or chattels to be taxed at a fifteenth.^ 

The prevalence of mildew was alleged as the cause of diminished 
profits in the adjoining parish of Farnham.^ 

^ ' Nonarum Inquisitiones,' p. 332. 
2 Stat, i, 14 Edw. Ill, c. 20. 
^ 'Nonarum Inquisitiones/ p. 332. 
' Ibid. 

138 ANNALS OF ^VINDSOE. [Chaptek Vll. 

We now approach the period of the institution of the renowned 
Order of the Garter ; but, although the subject forms one of the 
most striking features connected with the early history of Windsor, 
it has received such minute investigation by various competent 
inquirers, as to render it not only unnecessary, but also inex- 
pedient, to enter into a lengthened disquisition as to its rise and 
origin. It will be sufficient to state concisely the result of the 
latest and most complete researches.^ 

Towards the close of the year 1343, King Edward the Third 
having, in imitation of King Arthur, the imaginary founder of 
British chivalry, determined to hold a Round Table, he invited 
knights and esquires from other countries, as well as those of 
England, to assemble at Windsor Castle on Monday, the 19th of 
January, 1344. On the 1st of that month letters of safe conduct 
were issued, stating that, for the recreation and pleasure of 
military men, who delight in the exercise of arms, the king would 
hold hastiludes and general jousts at his Castle of Windsor, on 
Monday next after the ensuing feast of St. Hilary ; and that, for 
the security of the knights and esquires of all nations and countries 
who might wish to come, he had taken them, their servants, and 
goods, into his especial protection while on their journey, during 
their sojourn, and on their return ; which protection was to endure 
until the 9th of February following.^ 

^ The principal works treating of this subject are Selden's 'Titles of Honour;' 
Heylin's 'History of St. George ;' Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter;' Austis' 'Register of 
the Order of the Garter ;' Sir Harris Nicolas's ' History of the Orders of Knighthood of 
the British Empire ;' and Beltz' ' Memorials of the Order of the Garter.' Tlie account 
given in the text is chiefly compiled from Sir Harris Nicolas's ' Observations on the 
Institution of the Most Noble Order of the Garter,' communicated to the Society of 
Antiquaries, and printed in the ' Archscologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 1 — 163. 

2 Rot. Pat., 17 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m.2, printed in the 'Eccdera.' Eroissart has given an account 
of the jousts ; but it seems clear that he confounded the revival of the Round Table with 
the institution of the Order of the Garter. His words, literally translated by Sir H. Nicolas, 
are — " Of the confraternity of Saint George, which King Edwafd established at Windsor : 
At tliis time there came into the mind and will of King Edward of England that he 
would cause to be made and re-erected tlie Great Castle of Windsor, which King Arthur 
had formerly made and founded there, where first was begun and established the noble 
Round Table, of which were so many good and valiant men and knights, who went forth 
and toiled in arms and in prowess throughout tlie world. And that tlie same king 
would make an order of knights, of himself and his children, and of the bravest of liis 

10 A.D. 1348.] THE OEDER OP THE GAUTEU. 139 

No particulars have been brought to light respecting these tour- 
naments beyond the corroborating facts that the king was at 
Windsor from the 14th until the 24th or 26th of January, 1344. 

Although there can be no doubt that King Edward the Third 
held a Round Table at Windsor in January, 1344, and that a 
brilliant assemblage of English and foreign chivalry, and numerous 
ladies, were present, there is not the sHghtest evidence of his having 
instituted the Order of the Garter on that occasion. 

On the 10th of February, 1344, about a fortnight after the ter- 
mination of the jousts at Windsor, the king issued letters patent 

land, and that they should be in number forty, and that they should be called the Knights 
of the Blue Garter, and that the feast should be kept from year to year, and should be 
solemnized at Windsor the day of Saint George. And to begin this feast, the king 
assembled, from all his countries, earls, barons, knights, and he told them his intention ; 
and they all joyfully consented, because it appeared to them a very honorable thing, from 
whence all love would be nourished. Then were chosen forty knights, who by opinion 
and by fame were the most brave of all others, the which sealed and swore to follow and 
keep the feast and the ordinances, such as were then agreed to and devised. A.nd the 
king caused to be founded and built a Chapel of Saint George in the Castle of Windsor, 
and there established canons to serve God, and most richly endowed them. Then the 
king sent to proclaim the feast, by his heralds, in Trance, in Scotland, in Burgundy, in 
Hainault, in Elanders, in Brabant, and in the Empire of Germany ; and he gave to all 
knights and esquires who would come there fifteen days' safe conduct after the feast ; 
and that they should be at this feast on the day of Saint George following, the year 
one thousand three hundred and forty-four, at the Castle of Windsor. And the Queen of 
England was to be accompanied by three hundred ladies and damoiselles, all noble and gentle 
ladies, and richly attired in like garments. While the King of England was making his 
great preparations to receive the ladies and damoiselles who were coming to the feast, 
news came to him from the Sire de Clisson," &c. *'Now approached the day of Saint George, 
when the feast was to be kept in the Castle of Windsor ; and there the King of England 
had a great array of earls, barons, ladies, and damoiselles, and the feast was most grand 
and noble, with good cheer and good joustings, and lasted fifteen days ; and there came 
many knights from beyond the sea, from Elanders, from Hainault, and likewise from 
Brabant, but from Erance there was not one." Another chronicler gives this account : 
"And in the xix yere of his regne anone after in Janu'i byforre Lent (1345-6), the same 
Kyng Edward let make full nobil justes and gret festis in the place of his birth at 
Windesore, that ther was never none such seyn ther afor. At wich fest and rialte wer 
ij kynges and ij queues, the Prince of Wales, the Duk of Ccrnewaile, x erles, ix contesses, 
barons, and mony burgeis, the wich might not lightly be nombrid. And of diverse landis 
beyond the see weren mony strangers. And at the same time, when the justis wer don, 
Kyng Edward made a gret soper, in the wich he ordeyned first and began his Round 
Tabul, and ordeyned and stedfasted the day of the Round Tabull to be holden ther at 
Wyndesore, in the Witson weke, evermore yerly." (' Eructus Temporum,' commonly 
called the ' Chronicle of Saint Alban's,' sub anno.) 


for holding similar assemblies of knights at Lincoln/ which, 
however, were not to interfere with the assembly of the Round 

In the formation of the Knightly Association of Lincolnshire, if 
not in that of the Round Table, the outline of the future Society of 
the Garter may be distinctly traced. The members were to be 
elected ; and though they elected their chief or captain, instead of 
that office being vested, as in the Order of the Garter, in the king 
and his successors, the variation was only such as was required by 
the different nature of the two institutions. 

The feast of the Round Table was again held at Windsor in 
1345, as is shown by the account of the expenses of John Marreys, 
the king's tailor, for making robes and other garments for the king 
between the 29th of September, 1344, and the 1st of August, 
1345. After mentioning the cost of making robes for the king 
for the feasts of All Saints and Christmas, in 1344, of robes given 
to the king by Queen PhiUppa, and by the Prince of Wales, and 
by several lords and knights ; and for making hosen, coverchiefs, 
and voluperes for the king's head, these remarkable entries occur : 

" For making one long and one short robe of six garniments of red 
velvet, for the lord the king, made, furred and purfled against the 
feast of the Eound Table held at Windsor this year. The supertunic, 
short, frounced, and buttoned, furred with ermines, 14^.; and in wages 
to eight furriers working for three days, and to two furriers working 
for one day, to each 6d. per diem, working with great haste upon the 
skins and furriery of the same robe, made for the same feast, by the 
king's command, 13^.; for cutting and garnishing 202 tunics, with as 
many hoods, for the king's shieldbearer, and serjeants-at-arms, and 
16 tunics, with as many hoods, for the king's minstrels, by tlie king's 
command, against the feast of the said Round Table, for each tunic, 
with a hood, lined, furred, and buttoned before, 10^., c€9 1^.; for 
making one simple tunic for the king, for the jousts aforesaid, made of 
black cloth, received from J. de Colon, 2^." ^ 

Then follow notices of robes for the feast of Easter, " in this 
present year" {i, e. the 27th of March, 1345), and for the feast of 

' Rot. Patent., 18 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 44. 

^ Ibid., )). ii, m, 4. 

■^ * Arcliccologic'i,' vol. xxxi, p. 6. 


Pentecost (the 1 5th of May) ; and entries showing that King 
Edward kept his Christmas in 1344 at Woodstock; and that hasti- 
ludes were held at Windsor between Christmas, 1344, and Easter, 
1345 ; which latter festival, as well as that of Pentecost, w^as kept 
at Marlborough. 

It is evident from the minute description of the robes worn by 
the king at the feast of the Round Table in 1345, that the garter 
did not form part of its ornaments on that occasion ; nor is 
there the slightest allusion to a garter, or to the feast of Saint 
George, in any part of those accounts. 

The exact time of the celebration of the Round Table in 1345 
is not mentioned ; but it may be inferred that it took place about 
the 20th of March, because other records show that the king was 
at Windsor from the 19th to the 23d of that month; and because 
the entries in Marrey's accounts, respecting the robes and other 
dresses for those jousts, follow the entries of robes made for the 
feast of Christmas in 1344, and precede the costs of the robes made 
for Easter, the 27th of March, 1345. 

Nothing has been discovered to show that the feast of the 
Round Table was held in 1346. In July of that year, Edward the 
Third invaded France, and did not return to England until the 
12th of October, 1347. He was accompanied to France by his 
eldest son, the Prince of Wales, and by the flower of British 
chivalry, many of whom, like the prince himself, gained their spurs 
in that glorious campaign.^ 

The return of the triumphant monarch, and of the other con- 
querors of Cressy and Calais, was, as might naturally be expected, 
celebrated by those numerous jousts, tournaments, masques, and 
other festivities in which the chivalry and noble dames of Edward's 
court delighted. On those occasions^ each knight and aspirant for 

^ Sir Harris Nicolas observes that as some of those personages were among the 
original Knights of the Garter, the fact of their having been knighted in or after July, 1316, 
is of great importance, because it would, he submits, be of itself conclusive proof that the 
order could not have been established before that date. 

There can be no doubt that all the persons chosen by the king and Prince of Wales to 
be knights of the new fraternity of the Garter were previously knights. The society 
being a knightly association, it must obviously have consisted entirely of knights, to which 
no one, unless actually a knight, could possibly have belonged. 


knightly honours strove to excel his competitors, as much in the 
splendour and taste of his apparel and equipments, as in deeds of 
arms. It is material to remember that the encounters at tourna- 
ments and jousts consisted of two parties, the challengers and the 
challenged, varying in numbers from twelve to twenty, each party 
being led by its own chief, and all wearing precisely the same dress 
and ornaments. Some peculiar object was selected as the predo- 
minant symbol or badge for each joust, which was worn by all who 
tilted ; and the members of each party were considered to belong to, 
and to form the companions of its leader. 

These festivities w^ere held at Windsor, Reading, Eltham, Can- 
terbury, Bury St. Edmunds, and Litchfield, between October, 
1347, and the end of the year 1348. 

The wardrobe accounts from Michaelmas, 1347, to the 31st of 
January, 1349, contain numerous particulars of the dresses pro- 
vided on these occasions. It is to be observed that there is no 
previous contemporary notice found of the garter as a badge or 
ornament, or of the celebration of the feast of St. George at 
Windsor. The earliest notice of the Garter that has been yet dis- 
covered, is an entry in the above-mentioned accounts, of which the 
following is a translation : 

" For making two streamers of worsted, one of arms quarterly, and 
the other of arms quarterly, with the image of St. Lawrence worked in 
the head,^ one white pale powdered with blue garters ; and for 
making two short streamers of the king's arms, quarterly ; and for 
making two guidons of the same arms of the king,'' &c. 

The first notice of the celebrated motto of the Garter occurs 
subsequently : 

' The combination of the Garter with religious subjects was not uncommon ; and 
such combinations seem always to have been made from pious feelings, or for a religious 
object, and never from mere fancy or caprice. As Saint Lawrence the Martyr was not 
the patron of military men, and as his history is not in any way connected with chivalry 
or gallantry, the only reasonable manner of accounting for his image being placed on a 
streamer containing garters, is to suppose that the streamer was borne in some cere- 
monial on the day upon which his feast falls, namely, on the 10th of August, which in 
1348 was on a Sunday, and that was the first Sunday after the date of the patent for the 
foundation of St. George's Chapel. Sir H. Nicolas remarks that it is not improbable 
that some ceremony connected with the " Society of the Garter" took place in the chapel 
on that day. 


" And for making a bed of blue taffeta for the king, powdered 
with garters, containing this motto — ^oitg mt r|. mal g i^mu ;" taffeta, 
card, thread, &c. 

In another part of the account occurs what Sir H. Nicolas terms 
" the most important notice respecting the Garter, not only in the 
whole of these accounts, but the most important in illustration of 
the history of the order yet discovered :'* 

"And for making twelve blue garters, embroidered with gold and 
silk, each having the motto — l)ong sajrt q' mal g i^tnu -, and for making 
other things for the king^s hastilude at Eltham, in the year of the king 

Several other robes and dresses are described as worked with 
blue garters. It thus appears that a garter, with its well-known 
motto, undoubtedly existed as a badge or device towards the end 
of 1347, or early in 1348. 

Many facts, says Sir Harris Nicolas, concur in fixing Windsor 
as the place where, and the 24th of June, 1348, as the date when, 
the hastiludes which gave rise to the fraternity of Knights of the 
Garter, or the " Society of the Garter" (as it was long called), 
occurred, though the symbol seems to have been worn some 
months before. The queen gave birth to her fourth son, William, 
at Windsor, in May, 1348; and these wardrobe accounts show 
that she celebrated the feast of her purification there, with much 
magnificence, on the feast of St. John the Baptist in that year. 
Hastiludes are said, in these wardrobe accounts, to have been held 
at Windsor on that occasion, and on that day ; and they are like- 
wise mentioned in the accounts of the Prince of Wales. Chro- 
niclers also state that jousts occurred at Windsor at the purification 
of the qu€en, on the feast of St. John the Baptist, when David King 
of Scots was present, which agrees with the notice of a robe having 
been given to that prince, " for the hastiludes at Windsor."^ 

' The twenty-first of Edward III, 1347-8. 

^ With respect to the king's previous movements, subsequent to his return from 
France, the dates of instruments issued by the king have been examined, but they do not 
afford much information. Except " Westminster" (from which notliing can be inferred 
respecting the place where the king was actually present), no other " teste" occurs after 


The wardrobe accounts contain numerous entries of things 
prepared for the queen and infant prince upon this occasion. A 
number of tents were In-ought to Windsor, and a state bed was 
provided for the queen, and a bed and cradle, and various domestic 
articles for the prince and his nurse. Magnificent robes were 
made for the queen, and her chapel and chamber prepared for her 

The Prince of Wales stood as godfather to his infant brother, 
William. He died when only a few months old, and was buried 
in Westminster Abbey. 

A harness of blue velvet, with a pale of red velvet, and within 
the said pale a white rose, was made at King Edward's charge for 
his prisoner, David Bruce, King of Scotland, on occasion of the 

the 12th of October, 1347, on which day the king landed at Sandwich, than "Langley," 
on the 20th, 28th, and 31st of October; "London" on the 14th of November; 
"Langley" on the 18th of November; "Calais" on the 1st of December (where, how- 
ever, it is very unlikely the khig should have been); "Euro" on the 10th and 15th ; 
"Chertsey" on the 21st; and "Guildford" on the 24th, 27th, and 28th of December, 
1347. On the 1st, 3d, and 8th of January, 1848, Edward was at " Windsor ;" he was at 
" Mortlake" from the 20th to the 24th of April ; at " Windsor" on the 26th ; and at 
"Lichfield" on the 1st and 6th of May in 1348. 

^ The accounts contain payments for a robe of blue velvet for the queen, for the virgil 
of her "relevagia" or "up-rising," having a mantle, cape, and an open supertunic; also a 
tunic worked with birds of gold, each bird being within a circle of large pearls, and the whole 
ground powdered with small pearl-work and silk. The number of large pearls used in this 
tunic was four hundred, and thirty-eiglit ounces of small pearls ; for a robe of red velvet for 
the day of her said "up-rising," like the former, but the tunic was worked with oak and 
other trees, and in each tree a lion formed of large pearls ; six hundred large pearls, 
sixteen pounds of gold in plate, &c., for solemnly preparing the queen's chamber for the 
said festival, with red sindon, beaten throughout with the letter ^ in gold leaf; for a 
mask for the queen ; for a large bed for the said William, the king's son, on the said 
festival, of green taffeta, embroidered with red roses, figures, and serpents. In another 
place are entries of materials furnished to John de Zakesle for making nineteen tents of 
green, blue, and white, and for repairing several tents which the king brought to Windsor 
for the queen's " up-rising" of her son William, kept on the day of the Nativity of 
St. John the Baptist, "anno regis xxij," i.e., on the 24th of June, 1348. Eor a state 
bed for the queen, and for preparing the queen's chapel on the said day, kept at Windsor ; 
for a state cradle, and for a common cradle, for the said William the king's son, and 
various articles for his chamber, namely, cups, saucers, spoons, and for his nurses, and 
for his baptism at Windsor. (See the Wardrobe Accounts in the 'Arehscologia,' vol. xxxi.) 
There is an entry at this period of the payment of £60 to Queen Philippa, for twelve 
carpets purchased for her confinement at Windsor. (Rot. Lib., 24 Edw. III. See Devon's 
' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 153.) 


Windsor hastilude.^ That monarch was taken prisoner in the 
battle of Neville's Cross, in 1 346, and although in the first instance 
conveyed to the Tower of London, he was subsequently removed 
to Windsor, where he remained as a prisoner for eleven years. He 
received a daily allowance of I3s, 4id. for his maintenance.^ 

A doublet of green and blue velvet was also provided for Lionel, 
the king's son (afterwards Duke of Clarence), on the same occasion, 
and two pair of plates for his brothers, John of Gaunt and Edmund 
of Langley (afterwards Dukes of Lancaster and Cambridge).^ 

The Prince of Wales, on this occasion, made the queen a 
present of a courser called " Banzan de Burgh." There is a 
curious list of saddles and spurs in the receipt by Sir John Brocas, 
keeper of the king's great horses, from the king's saddlers and 
spurrier. Some of the spurs were gilt and enamelled, and of eighty 
pair, thirty-three are expressly stated to be for the hastiludes. 

As far as their sex permitted, the queen, the wives of the early 
companions, and a few other illustrious women, were, in fact, 
members of the institution ; for they wore robes similar to those of 
the knights, placed the garter on their arm, were present at their 
great festivals, were sometimes described as " Dames de la Frater- 
nite de Saint George," and are even expressly said to have been 
"received into the order." The accounts, already alluded to, 
contain various entries of fur and cloth for ladies' mantles, and 
masks or visors for them.* 

* Ashmole remarks on this fact, that *' such was the nobleness of Edward the Third, 
that he sometimes permitted his prisoner the use and exercise of arms." ('Order of tlie 
Garter,' p. 185.) 

2 See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 153. 

^ It appears at first, from the accounts here cited, that after the hastiludes, viz., on 
the 18th of November, 1348, " twenty-four Garters, made for the prince, were bouglit, 
which were given by him to the Knights of the Society of the Garter ;" and on the 
same day, " 30 buckles, 60 mordants (tongues), and 60 bars were bought and given by 
the prince to Sir John Chaudos, for his robes of the prince's livery." 

On the 20th of that month, seven nouches, worked with eagles, were bought, which 
were given by the prince to " divers knights of his Society," and " 60 buckles and 60 mor- 
daunts (tongues), and six bars were bought, and given to the knights of his Society, for 
the hastiludes of W^indsor." It seems probable, however, that these dates refer merely to 
the day of payment, and that tlie Garters, &c., were obtained for tlie hastiludes in June. 
(Sir H. Nicolas, ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 128.) 

* At the hastiludes at Lichfield, the king's daughter Isabel, afterwards Countess of 


146 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter Vil. 

From the preceding, and a variety of other facts, the following 
conclusions have been drawn : — First, That the device of the 
garter was not adopted before the year 1 346 ; because no notice of 
a garter occurs in accounts of precisely the same kind, relating to 
exactly the same subjects, and kept by the same person, before 
1346, as those in which it is mentioned after that year. Secondly, 
That, although the exact time when garters were first issued out of 
the great wardrobe cannot be fixed, it must nevertheless have been 
after the 12th of October, 1347, and before the 31st of January, 
1349; because they are stated to have been made for the king's 
own robe, and evidently while he was in England ; because he was 
abroad from July, 1346 to October, 1347 ; and because the ac- 
counts, in which garters are first mentioned, terminate in January, 
1349. Thirdly, That the motto, '' Hony soit qui mal y pense," 
was adopted at the same time as the garter, and always formed 
part of that device or badge. Fourthly, That the garter and 
motto w^ere originally designed, not as the badge and motto of an 
order of knighthood, in the modern sense of the term, but, like 
numerous other fantasies, as an ornament to be worn at joust or 
tournament. Fifthly, That the garter and motto seem to have been 
first worn as a device at jousts towards the end of 1347, or early 
in 1348. Sixthly, That the device, having become a favorite 
symbol, was again worn at hastiludes, at Windsor, in June, 1348, 
when it gave the name to a society, consisting of the king, the Prince 
of Wales, and of twenty-four other knights, which society un- 
doubtedly existed in or before the month of November in that 
year. Seventhly, That the actual institution of the Order of the 
Garter, as a regular and perpetual order of knighthood, took place 
between the hastiludes held at Windsor on the 24th of June, and 
the foundation of Saint George's Chapel on the 6th of August, 
1348, the interval having probably been occupied in carrying the 
design into effect. 

The twenty-six original Knights of the Garter, elected on this 
occasion, are stated to have been — 1. The Sovereign, Edward the 

Bedford, and six ladies of high rank, and twenty -one other ladies, took a conspicuous part 
in the festivities. Tiie ladies wore coats and hoods of the same materials and colours as 
the knights, together with various masks and visors. 


Third. 2. The king's son, Edward Prince of Wales. 3. The 
king's second cousin, Henry Earl of Lancaster and Derby (after- 
wards Duke of Lancaster.) 4. Thomas Beauchanip, third Earl of 
Warwick. 5. John de Greilley, Capitow de Buche.^ 6. Ralph 
second Lord Stafford (afterwards Earl of Stafford). 7. William 
Montacute, second Earl of Salisbury. 8. Sir Roger Mortimer 
(afterwards second Earl of March). 9. Sir John Lisle (afterwards 
Lord Lisle of Rougemont). 10. Sir Bartholomew Burghershe 
(afterwards Lord Burghershe). IL Sir John Beauchamp (a 
younger brother of Thomas Earl of Warwick). 12. John Lord 
Mohun of Dunster. 13. Sir Hugh Courtenay. 14. Sir Thomas 
Holland (afterwards Earl of Kent). 15. John Lord Grey of 
Rotherfeld. 16. Sir Richard Eitz-Simon. 17. Sir Miles Stapleton. 
18. Sir Thomas Wale. 19. Sir Hugh Wrottesley. 20. Sir Nigel 
Loryng. 21. Sir John Chandos. 22. Sir James Audley. 23. Sir 
Otho Holland (a younger brother of Sir Thomas Holland). 24. Sir 
Henry Eam. 25. Sir Sanchete d'Ambrichecourt. 26. Sir Walter 

The king himself took part in these jousts, '' having for his 
device," says Ashmole, '' a white swan, gorged or, with this daring 
and inviting motto, wrought upon his surcoat and shield^ 

'' Hay hay the white swan 
By Gods soul I am thy man.^^^ 

At the tilting, the prize of the field was adjudged to the Earl of 
Ewe.* His success on this occasion is stated to have cost him his 
life. Having permission, soon afterwards, to return to France on 

^ Engraved by mistake, on the plate in the stall of the chapel, " Piers Capitow de la 
Bouch." (See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter;' Barnes's 'Life of Edward III,' p. 297.) 

2 Beltz's * Order of the Garter ;' Sir Harris Nicolas's ' Orders of Knighthood.' Sir H. 
Nicolas remarks that, in consequence of the dearth of contemporaneous and satisfactory 
evidence of the proceedings relative to the Order for several years after its institution, 
the generally received list of the first founders may be erroneous. (' Archseologia,' 
vol. xxxi, pp. 134, 135.) 

3 Ashmole. See the Wardrobe Accounts, 'Archaeologia,' pp. 43, 122. It does not 
appear, however, from these accounts, on what particular occasion the king used this 
motto. Another motto used by the king, and figured on his dress, was, " It is as it is !" 

^ Stowe. 

14.8 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VII. 

his parol, in order to negociate for the ransom of himself and 
others his countrymen, he spoke favorably of Edward the Third 
to John King of France, who in consequence caused the earl to be 
imprisoned and beheaded.^ 

After the festivities at Windsor, the captive strangers passed 
their time in hunthig with the king and the " nobles of the realm," 
at Claringdon, near Salisbury, and in various other forests.^ 

Thus was instituted the Order of the Garter, which, says Selden, 
** exceeds in majesty, honour, and fame all chivalrous orders in the 
world," and has "precedence of antiquity before the eldest rank of 
honour of that kind any where established."^ 

Since Selden wrote, how^ever, a great change has taken place in 
the habits, manners, and tastes of the country. Although the 
" Garter" is still one of the highest marks of distinction that the 
sovereign can bestow on a subject, the ceremonies of installation, 
which in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries excited so much 
interest and popular admiration, have fallen into disuse, as involving 
great individual expenditure without any corresponding public 

With respect to the origin of the remarkable badge of a blue 
garter, embroidered with the motto, '' Hony soit q mat y ^^ense^ 
it is desirable, in the first place, to observe that the popular trans- 
lation of those words, " Evil be to him who evil thinks," is altoge- 
ther erroneous, the true meaning being, " Dishonour," or " Be he 
disgraced who thinks ill of it." ^ 

The annals of the institution, the chroniclers of the time, and 
the public records, do not afford the slightest information on the 
subject ; and, although some writers on the order have treated with 
contempt the romantic incident to which its extraordinary symbol 
has been ascribed, they have neither succeeded in showing its 
absurdity nor suggested a more probable theory.^ The popular 
account is, that, during a festival at court, a lady happened to drop 

• Knighton; Froissart ; Barnes' 'Life of Edward III.' 
2 Stowe. 

^ Selden's Illustrations or Notes upon Drayton's * Polyolbion,' song 15. 
'^ Sir Harris Nicolas, ' Archccologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 130. Sec Putteiiham's ' Arte of 
English Poesie,' 4(o, 1589, p. 85. ^ 'Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 131. 


her garter, which was taken up by King Edward, who, observing 
a significant smile among the bystanders, exclaimed, with some 
displeasm^, ' Hony soyt qui mal y pense' — ' Shame to him who 
thinks ill of it.' In the spirit of gallantry, which belonged no less 
to the age than to his own disposition, conformably with the custom 
of wearing a lady's favour, and perhaps to prevent any further 
impertinence, the king is said to have placed the garter round his 
own knee. 

This anecdote is perfectly in character with the manners and 
feelings of the time, and the circumstance is very likely to have 
occurred. With a few variations as to the name of the lady — some 
writers stating her to have been the queen, others the Countess of 
Salisbury, and others the Countess of Kent, — and with the addition 
that she was Edward's mistress, the anecdote is certainly as old as 
the reign of King Henry the Seventh.^ 

The principal grounds upon which this explanation of a garter 
having been made the device of the order has been rejected, are 
that it would be derogatory to the institution, and absurd in itself, 
to suppose that so trifling an occurrence should have induced 
Edward the Third to create a distinguished fraternity, partaking 
more of the character of religion than romance ; that its statutes 
and annals are silent on the subject ; that it is not mentioned by 
Froissart ; and that, as no peculiar duties or homage towards the 
female sex were imposed on the knights, " not so much as obliging 

* It is thus related in the contemporary translation of Polydore Virgil : — " The cause 
of the first institution of this Order is as yet in doubte. Among the ruder sorte, the 
sayenge is as yet that the kiuge, on a time, tooke vpp from the grownde the gartere of 
the queene, or some paramowre, which she before hadd loste ; and divers of his lordes 
standinge bie did puUe it in sonder in ieste, and strove for the peaces thereof, as men are 
wonte sometime for a jewill of small importance, insomutche that the kinge sayde unto 
them, 'Sirs, the time shall shortlie come when yee shall attribute muche honor unto 
suche a garter ;' whearvppon he didd institute this Ordre, and so intituled it, that his 
nobles might vnderstand that they hadd caste themselves in their owne judgement. This 
is the vulgare opinion ; but the English Cronicles (beinge somewhat shamefaced, and 
fearing leaste they showlde disbase the kinges regall maiestie if they showlde seeme to 
make minde of anie suche obskewer matter) rather thowghte goodd to leave it cleane 
vntowched, as thowghe it hadd never earste beene scene, that a thiuge which sprange of 
a vile and small principle showlde arise to great encrease and iiighe dignitie." (British 
Museum, MS. Keg. 18, C. YIII, ix, 193 ; see also llulinshed, cd. 1589, vol. 1, p. 159 ) 


them to defend the quarrels of ladies, as the rules of some Orders 
then in being, enjoined, it is obvious that the Order had not such a 
feminine institution." 

These objections are by no means conclusive. In attributing 
the symbol of the order to such a circumstance, it does not follow, 
nor is it pretended, that it was the primary or only cause of the 
institution. If, as is beyond a doubt, Edward had previously 
determined to form a knightly band, in imitation of the Round 
Table of King Arthur, and had not fixed upon a particular ensign 
by which it should be distinguished, he may reasonably be 
supposed to have adopted one, arising indeed from accident, but 
felicitously suited to his purpose. A garter has always been asso- 
ciated with sentiments of gallantry ; and to wear a lady's favour, 
her glove, her riband, or anything which belonged to her, was a 
common practice of the age ; and this token or " emprise " was 
regarded with feelings of which posterity has no adequate com- 

^ Sir H. Nicolas, * Arcliseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 132. There are two other accounts of 
the adoption of the garter, but Sir H. Nicolas observes that they almost disprove them- 
selves, and have been rejected by the best authorities. 

One is founded on an anecdote of Richard the First, and is thus narrated by Ashmole : 
"That while his forces were employed against Cyprus and A.con, and extremely tired out 
with the tediousness of the siege, he, by the assistance and mediation of St. George (as 
imagined), was inspired with fresh courage, and bethought himself of a new divice, which 
was to tie about tlie leg of a chosen number of knights, a leathern thong or garter (for 
such had he then at hand), whereby being put in mind of the future glory tliat should 
accrue to them, with assurance of worthy rewards if they overcame, they might be roused 
up to the behaving themselves gallantly and stoutly in the wars, much after the manner 
of the ancient Romans, among whom were various crowns, with which, for several causes, 
soldiers were adorned ; to the end that by those encouragements all sluggishness being 
shaken off, the virtue and fortitude of their minds might spring up and appear more 
resolute and vigorous. That after a long interval of time, and divers victories obtained 
by him, the said king returning into his country, determined with himself to institute and 
settle this most noble order of St. George, on whose patronage the English so much 
relied." (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 181.) 

The other account relates to Edward the Third, and is cited by Ashmole from 
Camden's ' Britannia :' — " Having given forth his own garter for the signal of a battle 
that sped fortunately (which, with ])u Chesne, we conceive to be that of Crescy, fought 
almost three years after his sctling up the Round Table at Windsor, rather than, with 
tlie author of the ' Nouvcau Theatre de Monde,' that of Poictiers, which hapned above 
seven years after the foundation of the order, and whereat King Edward was not present). 

TO A.D. 1348.] TnE OEDEU OE THE GAUTER. 151 

Sir Harris Nicolas remarks that " it is particularly deserving of 
attention that nothing is recorded of the Feast of the Round Table 
at Windsor, nor of the annual meeting of the Knights of Lincoln- 
shire, after King Edward's return from France in October 1347; 
and that the construction of the new fraternity of the Garter bore 
a close resemblance to the former associations. It was divided, 
like the tilters at tournaments, into two bands, each consisting of 
twelve knights, at the head of one of which bands was the Sove- 
reign, and of the other the Prince of Wales ; and to the companions 
belonging to each chief, stalls were assigned in Saint George's 
chapel, the knights belonging to the sovereign being placed on 
the one side of the chapel, and those of the prince on the other. 
The perpetuity of the institution, too, was an imitation of the 
design of the Round Table and of the association of Lincolnshire : 
admission into both depended on the free election of the members ; 
and it would consequently appear that both these fraternities or 
associations were merged in, or were superseded by, the newly- 
created Order or Society of the Garter." 

It is to be observed, however, that a *' Round Table," made 
of oak, was constructed at Windsor some time before December 
1356, for in that year the Prior of Merton was paid £26 13^. 4^. 
in full satisfaction of money due for fifty-two oaks, taken from 
his woods near Reading, for the Round Table at Windsor. 
The oaks were carried to Westminster, for the king's workmen 

the victory (we say) being happily gained, he thence took occasion to institute this order, 
and gave the garter (assumed by him for the symbol of unity and society) preeminence 
among the ensigns of it, whence that select number, whom he incorporated into a 
fraternity, are frequently stiled Equites aurea Periscelidis^ and vulgarly, Kniglits of the 
Garterr (Ibid., p. ISS.)" 

Mr. Beltz adopts the opinion, " that the garter may have been intended as an emblem 
of the tie or union of warlike qualities, to be employed in the assertion of the founder's 
claim to the French crown ; and the motto as a retort of shame and defiance upon him 
who should think ill of the enterprise, or of those whom the king had chosen to be the 
instruments of its accomplishment. The taste of that age for allegorical conceits, 
impresses, and devices, may reasonably warrant such a conclusion." (Beltz's ' Order of 
the Garter,' p. 47. 

^ Issue Roll, Mich. 30, Edward III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. IGl-. 
Mr. Poynter refers to this payment as evidence that the festivities alluded to were con- 


Aslimole says that immediately after the termination of the 
jousts in January 1344, the king "caused to be impressed 
carpenters, masons, and carriages, for erecting a particular building 
in the castle, and therein placed a table of two hundred feet 
diameter, where the knights should have their entertainment of 
diet at his expense of £100 a week, to which building he gave the 
name of the * Round Table.' ^ By this means he associated to 
himself, from most parts beyond the seas, the prime spirits for 
martial valour, and gained the opportunity of engaging them on 
his side in the ensuing war." 

The few authentic notices of the Order of the Garter for the ten 
years subsequent to 1348 are thus stated by Sir Harris Nicolas :^ 
"For the year 1349 nothing whatever is preserved. If, as may 
be confidently presumed, the Order was completely established 
between the 24tli of June and the 6th of August, 1 348, the feast 
of St. George was probably first celebrated at Windsor on 
St. George's Day, 1349, which opinion is strongly supported by 
the testes of some letters patents, showing that, though the king 
was at Langley on the 22d of April, he was certainly at Windsor 
on St. George's Day ; and, as he returned to Langley on the 
following day, it may be inferred that he went to Windsor on the 
23d of April with a particular object. 

"In 1350, a robe of cloth of gold, called ' nak,' was made for 
the king for the feast of St. George ; and, according to Stowe, who 

tinued as late as that, year, but it is possible that the table may have been made some 
years before. 

* Ashmole cites the Patent Roll, 18 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 39, as his authority for the 
statement as to the pressing the workmen; and Walsiugham, sub anno 1314, edit. 1579, 
for the statement as to the table. The writs for pressing workmen are printed in the 
' Foedera.' 

llolinshcd, citing Walsingham, refers the sum to the cost of the building rather than 
to the maintenance of the knight's table. " The expenses of this work amounted, by the 
week, first unto one hundred pounds ; but afterwards, by reason of the war that followed, 
the charges were diminished unto two and twenty pounds the week (as Thomas Walsinghara 
writcih in his larger book entitled, ' The History of England,' or, as some copies have, 
unto 9 pounds)." 

2 In consequence of the loss of the wardrobe accounts of a similar kind to those previously 
cited, from January, 23d of Edward III, 1319, until the 31th of Edward 111, 1360, very 
little is known of the order during the first eleven years of its existence, though they were 
perhai)b the most interesting in its annals. 


(after giving a very incorrect list of the original knights) cites 
Thomas de la More as his authority, adds in the margin, ' The first 
Peast of St. George/ and says, 'All these (the companions), together 
with the king, were clothed in gowns of russet powdered with garters 
blue, wearing the like garters also on their right legs, and mantles 
of blue, with scutcheons of St. George. In this sort of apparel 
they, being bare headed, heard mass, which was celebrated by 
Simon Islip, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of Win- 
chester and Exeter ; and afterwards they went to the feast, setting 
themselves orderly at the table, for the honour of the feast, which 
they named to be of St. George the Martyr, and the choosing of the 
Knights of the Garter.' 

"In the twenty-fifth of Edward the Third, 1351, the feast of 
St. George was celebrated with much splendour, and it was in this 
year that the earliest notice occurs of the delivery of robes to the 
knights, the late clerk of the great wardrobe having been paid 
£160 towards making twenty-four robes, with ten cloaks powdered 
with embroidered garters, and twelve standards of worsted of the 
king's arms for the chapel of Windsor. 

" There are also charges in the same accounts for a robe and 
tunic, which was given by the king to Sir Thomas de Bradeston ; 
for a robe of red velvet, embroidered with 119 circles, which was 
given to the Lady Isabel, the king's daughter, for the feast of St. 
George ; for ten escutcheons of the arms of the king and prince, to 
place on a dorsor of velvet at Windsor, for the said feast ; for a 
surplice of the ' Annunciation,' for Wilham Mugge, dean of the 
free chapel at Windsor ; and for various copes and other things for 
the altar of the said chapel." 

For the year 1352, only two notices of the order have been 
found. On the 26th of March, twenty-sixth of Edward the Third, 
1352, the sum of £2 2^. 8d. was paid to messengers sent to 
" magnates" in different parts of England, with '' letters of St. 
George," being, evidently, summonses to attend the feast on the 
23d of April ; and that the feast was actually celebrated is proved 
by Queen Philippa having made her offering at the celebration of 
high mass on that occasion. 

"In the year 1353, the feast was kept at Windsor with great 


magnificence; and the following references to it show that more 
than one of the original companions had died before that year : 

' In oblations, distributed at the high mass celebrated in 
presence of the king, on the feast of St. George ; 
and at one mass for the brothers of the order de- 
ceased . . . . . • vj.5. ix.d. 

In oblations of our lord the king, at the high altar, in the 
chapel of St. George, at Windsor, on the vigil of the 
said saint . . . . • yj-^- viij.flf. 

In like oblations of our said lord the king, to the relics in 

same chapel, on the same day . . . vj.5. yii^.d. 

In oblations of our said lord the king, at the mass de 
requie for the brothers of the said order deceased, 
namely, on the morrow of St. George . . vj.5. viijc?.' '^ 

*' The record of the payment, on the 16th of November, 1353, of 
the messengers who had been sent to summons the knights to the 
feast in that year, is remarkable from its proving that there was 
then a seal of the order. The letters sent by those messengers are 
described as ' Letters of the Seal of Saint George directed to 
all Knights of the Order of Saint George to come to Windsor -/^ 
and the letters sent on the 21st of January, for the ensuing 
feast in 1354, are said to have been 'under the Seal of the 

" For the years 1354, (except the summons to the feast just men- 
tioned), 1355, 1356, and 1357, nothing whatever relating to the 
Order of the Garter has been discovered."^ 

' See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer/ p. 160. 

^ The seal of the order, as it appears in a cast now in the British Museum, is thus 
described by Sir Harris Nicolas, in the ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 140, 141, where 
a woodcut of it is given. " The kneeling figure appears to be intended for Edward 
the Black Prince, because the label in his arms is of three points, and is not 
charged. He is evidently adoring the Trinity (though the dove is not introduced), and 
the Eather seems to be seated on a rainbow, with his feet on a terraqueous globe. Behind 
him is an angel, who holds his helmet and crest ; and above him is a shield of the arms 
of Erance and England quarterly, with a plain label of three points, which is held by another 
angel. He is in armour, and wears a surcoat of the same arms, and the whole is sur- 
rounded with a garter, containing the words — Hony soyt kc mal y pence." 

^ Sir H. Nicolas, 'Archseologia,' vol, xxxi, pp. 135-138. 


After the institution of the Order of the Garter, the king, 
says Ashmole, " did most prudently devise and institute several 
statutes and ordinances to be duly observed and kept within the 
said order; which, being collected into one body, are called the 
Statutes of Institution/'^ 

We must now revert to the foundation of the College of St. 
George within the chapel. The following is a translation of 
Edward the Third's letters patent for that purpose, bearing date at 
Westminster, on the 6th day of August, in the twenty-second year 
of his reign, a.d. 1348. 

Edward, by the grace of God King of England and France and 
Lord of Ireland, to all, who shall see these present letters, greeting. 

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 191. The origiaal statutes composed iu Latin 
were ordered to be safely kept within the treasury of the College of Windsor (Edw. Ill, 
Stat. Act 27) ; but Ashmole, writing in 1670, speaks of them as having " long since 
wholly perished." He adds that there is a transcript of them recorded in the reign of 
Henry the Eifth, at the beginning of the old book, called ' Registium Ordinis Chartaceum;* 
a copy of which he gives in the Appendix to the ' Order of the Garter,' as well as " two 
ancient exemplars" of the statutes, one furnished to Ashmole " by favour of the late Lord 
Hatton," and the other transcribed from the Black Book of the Orders. Henry the Fifth 
added other provisions to these statutes, causing the whole to be translated into French, 
and transcribed on a roll. "This roll was ordained to issue out henceforth to the 
knights'-companious under the common seal of the order (Act 27). In after times it was 
transcribed into books; and by a decree passed an. 37, H. 7, an original book of these 
statutes and institutions, fair written, was to be laid up in the College of St. George ; and 
the scribe or register to have transcript of it in readiness to present the elected knights 
withal." As to the existing Records of the Order, see Beltz's ' Order of the Garter,' 
Appendix, p. 408. 

Henry the Eighth " reformed" and made several necessary and expedient additions to 
the statutes, the original whereof being signed and sealed, was commanded to be carefully 
laid up in the treasury of the College at Windsor, there to remain to succeeding times ; 
"notwithstanding which," says Ashmole, "it hath not been seen there these many years 
past." " This body of statutes was compiled in Latin, and is recorded in the Black Book 
of the Order. It was translated into French and English by Sir Thomas Wriothesley, 
knight, then garter king-of-arms. The English version is that which hath been since 
delivered (instead of the former statutes) to all succeeding knights'-companious according 
to the injunction, but of late times appointed to be sent to foreign princes, and other elect 
knights abroad, sealed with the great seal of the order, affixed to a label of blue silk and 
gold. When this book hath been delivered to a knight-companion at the sovereign's 
charge, the knight's executors are obliged to send it back to the College of Windsor, and 
there to deliver it to the custos or register of the order." In addition to these sets of 
statutes, there was another drawn up and published anno 7 E. 6, but repealed by Queen 
Mary. With respect to the orders and decrees made in chapter from time to time, see 
Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 198—201. 


It becomes the majesty of a king to delight always in acts of piety, 
that when he shall stand before the tribunal of the Most High King 
(with whom there is no acceptance of persons, but every one shall 
receive according to what he hath done in the body, whether it be 
good or whether it be evil) he may be able to stand among the good 
on the right hand, and not be condemned with the reprobates, as a 
slothful and unprofitable servant. We truly, with grief of heart carefully 
remembering the various labours of our life, and our own small deserts, 
as also rightly considering the divine favours shewed unto us, and 
the graces and honours wherewith, above others, the Most High hath 
prevented us, do greatly repent of those goods, which being granted us 
by God, we have above measure so often vainly expended. And there 
remains nothing else for us to do, but only that unto Christ and his 
Mother, the glorious Virgin, who hath never failed to defend us, but 
has hitherto, by her blessed prayers, protected us, when we were set in 
many dangers, we wholly convert our mind, and give unto him thanks 
for his favours, and ask pardon for our ofi'ences. And because it is a 
good way of merchandise, wherebj^, with a happy bartering, transitory 
things are exchanged for eternal, we have caused a certain chapel 
of convenient beauty, for eight secular canons, situate within our 
Castle of Windsor, wherein we were washed with the water of holy 
baptism, magnificently begun to the honour of St. Edward the Con- 
fessor, by our progenitors, to which (canons) for their sustentation they 
allowed a certain sum of money at their pleasure, and gave it them for 
alms, out of their exchequer, to be finished at our royal charge, to the 
honor of God Almighty, and of his Mother the glorious Virgin Mary, 
and of the Saints, George the Martyr and Edward the Confessor. 
And earnestly desiring and efiectually endeavouring that the said 
canons, being there to serve the Lord, may be augmented, as well with 
an increase of revenues, as in the number of other canons, ministers, 
and servants; and that in the said chapel the glory of the divine name 
may be exalted with greater worship, unto the aforesaid eight canons 
we think fit to superadd one custos presiding over them, and fifteen 
other canons more, and twenty-four poor knights, impotent of them- 
selves, or inclining to poverty, to be perpetually maintained of the goods 
of the said chapel, and other ministers of the said chapel, perpetually 
serving Christ, under the command of the said custos (or warden), and 
there cause to be received, as well the canons and knights, as other 
ministers of the said chapel, as is premised ; (and this) we firmly 
decree, inviolably ordain, and by our royal authority, as much as in us 
lies, establish for ever. Willing that the said canons and ministers 
perform divine offices for us, and our progenitors and successors, in 
part of satisfaction for those things, whereof in the last judgment we 


are to give an account, they being to celebrate for ever, according to 
the form of our ordination thence more fully to be made : unto whom 
the rights of patronage and the advowsons of the churches of Wyrar- 
desbury, in the diocese of Lincoln, Southtanton of Exon, and Uttoxater 
of Coventry and Lichfield, which we have lately purchased for that 
cause, for us and our heirs, we have given and granted, and do give 
and grant, to have and to hold, to them and their successors, for free, 
pure, and perpetual alms, altogether free and quiet for ever from all secu- 
lar exaction.^ We have also granted unto them, for us and our heirs, and 
given leave that they, the warden and canons, may appropriate the said 
churches, and hold them so appropriated to their own uses, to them and 
their successors for ever, notwithstanding the statute set forth con- 
cerning lands and tenements not to be put to mortmain. We will 
also, that unto the said warden, canons, knights, and other ministers of the 
said chapel there to serve, so much be paid every year out of our exchequer, 
as, together with the profits arising from the said churches, shall seem 
sufficient and honest for their diet, and the support of the burthens 
incumbent on them, according to the decency of their condition the 
meanwhile, until there shall be provided by us, in goods immoveable, 
lands, benefices, or rents, to an agreeable sufficience, and to our 
honour, to the sum of a thousand pounds yearly : all which we 
promise and undertake for us, and for our heirs efi'ectually to fulfil. 
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. 
Witness ourself at Westminster, the vi. of August, in the year of our 
reign of England xxii., and of France ix.^^^ 

Soon after the foundation of the college by these letters patent, 
the king appointed John de la Chambre, custos of the Chapel of St. 

^ Aslimole says, " As for two of these advowsons, namely, Uttoxater and Southtanton, 
'tis to be doubted there was afterwards discovered some defect in the king's title to them, 
and that the right of patronage lay rather in Henry Earl of Lancaster, and Thomas Earl 
of Warwick : for the 18th June, anno 23 Edw. Ill, the king granted special license to 
Henry Earl of Lancaster that he should give and assign to the custos and chaplains of the 
Chapel of St. George's in Windsor, and their successors for ever, the advowson of the 
Church of Uttokeshatre, it being there said to be of the earl's proper patronage ; and the 
like license to Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, for assigning to them the advowson 
of the Church of Southtanton, that being of his patronage also. The king gave special 
license likewise to receive these advowsons from these earls, and to appropriate them to 
the use of the college." Ashmole, p. 16. 

2 Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, pars. 2, m. 6. See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' pp. 152 
— 167, and copy of these letters patent in Dugdale's ' Monasticon,' and also in the 
Appendix to ' Ashmole.' The translation in Barnes's ' Life of Edward HI,' has been 

158 A:NrNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VII. 

George.^ He held the office for a few months only, when he was 
succeeded by William Mugg.^ 

In July, 1350, the sum of £80 was paid to WiUiam Mugge, 
chaplain of the king's chapel at Windsor, in money paid to Thomas 
Cheiner, of London, in discharge of £140, lately due to him for a 
vest of velvet, embroidered with divers work, purchased by him for 
the chaplain.^ 

The title of " Gustos" was continued to the last year of the 
reign of Henry the Fourth, when that of "Dean" was substituted.^ 

As the king's authority did not extend to the institution of 
religious persons and other officers to perform and attend the 
service of God, this power being vested in the Pope, Edward 
requested Clement the Sixth to grant to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and Bishop of Winchester the authority and power of 
ordaining and establishing the college. Thereupon the Pope, 
by his bull dated at Avignon, on the 30th day of November, a.d. 
1351,^ commending the pious purpose of the king in this matter, 
granted to the archbishop and bishop, full power to ordain, 
institute, and appoint in this chapel, as should seem good to 
them, a certain number of canons, priests, clerks, knights and 
officers, continually to attend upon the service of God, of which 
canons and priests one should have the title of custos, and preside 
over the rest. 

On that day twelvemonth, namely on the 30th of November, 
1352, the statutes and ordinances of the college bear date, being 
made by virtue of the Pope's authority, the king's command, the 
consent of the Bishop of Salisbury (in whose diocese the chapel is 
situated), and of the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury. By which 
statutes the Bishop of Winchester, one of the Pope's delegates did 
ordain and institute a college within the Chapel of St. George, by 
the name of " the College or Free Chapel of St. George, w^ithin the 
Castle of Windsor," consisting of one custos, twelve secular canons, 

1 Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, p. 3, m. 19. 
'^ Pat., 23 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 29. 

3 Rot. Lib., 24 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 154. 
^ See Ashmole, p. 153. 

^ A copy of this bull is inserted in Dugdale's * Monasticon,' and also in the Appendix 
to Ashmole. 


thirteen priests or vicars, four clerks, six choristers, and twenty-six 
alrns-knights, beside other officers.^ 

^ Ashmole, pp. 152, 153. Edward the Third, bj his charter dated the 6th of March, 
in the 27th year of his reign (Cart, de anno 27 Edw. Ill, m. 6, n. 14), granted the 
college " several profits, privileges, and immunities," which are curious, not only as 
showing tlie privileges of the new corporation, but as exhibiting the various liabilities 
with which estates not so privileged, were incumbered. They are thus narrated by 

" That the custos and canons and their successors should for ever be free from payment 
of any aid, for making the eldest son of any king of England a knight, and for marrying 
his eldest daughter : as also of all aids to the king, contributions, and tallages. 

" That whensoever the clergy of this realm, or of the province of Canterbury or York, 
should give a tenth or other imposition, out of their spiritualities ; or the commons of 
England should give a tenth or fifteenth or any other tax out of their temporalities 
or moveable goods ; or that the king and his heirs should cause his own domain to be 
taxed; or that the pope should impose any tax or imposition upon the clergy of this 
realm, and give the same to the king and his heirs ; this college with all its lands and 
possessions should be wholly freed thereof. 

" That they should be free from any charge of arraying soldiers, for the service of the 
king and his heirs ; and from sending them for the custody of the sea coasts, and from 
every fine or composition for the same. 

" That their houses, as well as those within the Castle of Windsor, as elsewhere, 
should be free from any livery of the king's stewards, marshals, purveyors, ofiicers, and 
servants ; and from the like officers of the queen's, or any of their children, or of the 
peers or nobles. And that the said officers should not intermeddle there, without the 
leave of the custos and canons and their successors. 

" That no duke, earl, baron, or nobleman, nor any stewards, marshals, escheators, 
sheriffs, coroners, bailiffs, or officers, nor any other person of what condition soever, 
should, upon any colour, lodge or stay in the house of the custos or canons, without their 

" That they the said custos and canons, and their tenants, should for ever be free from 
payment of toll, paviage, picage, barbicanage, terrage, pontage, murrage, passage, 
paiage, lestage, stallage, tallage, carriage, pesage, and from scot and geld, hidage, 
scutage, working about castles, parks, bridges, walls for the king's houses, and from suits 
to the county, or hundred court, and wapentakes, court leets, murder, and common 
amerciaments, whether they should happen before the king or any of the justices of the 
bench, or justices itinerant, or other justices whatsoever, and from every other like custom. 

" That they should have within their lands and fees, the chattels of all felons and 
fugitives, and seize them to their own use. 

" That they should have all fines for trespasses, and all other contempts and misde- 
meanors, fines, pro licentia concordandi, and for all other causes. 

" That they should have all amerciaments, redemptions, issues, and forfeitures what- 
soever, annum, diem, vastum, &c., streppum, and all things which might belong to the 
king and his heirs thereupon. 

" That they should have wrecks, waifs, and strays, within all their lands and fees. 

"That no purveyance of corn, hay, horses, carts, carriages, victuals, or any goods, 

i60 ANNAXS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VII. 

The d4ities of the canons, vicars, clerks, alms-knights and minis- 
chattels, or anything whatsoever, should be taken by any of the king's oflacers or ministers, 
in or upon any of their lands, or the lands of any of their tenants. 

" That they should be free from the payment of any pension corrody, or other susten- 
tation, to be granted by the king, his heirs, or successors. 

" That they should have free-warren in all their domain lands wheresoever, and that 
although they lay within the bounds of the king's forest. 

" That they should have a weekly market, to be held on Wednesdays, at their Manor 
of Ewre, in Buckinghamshire; and two fairs, to endure for eight days, viz., on the eve and 
feast day of the apostles Peter and Paul, and for two days next following : and upon the 
eve and feast day of St. Peter ad vincula, and two days following, with all liberties and 
customs to the said market and fairs belonging. 

" That they should enjoy all their lands, with the liberties of soc and sac, infangthef, 
utfangthef, and view of frankpledge ; with thewe, pillory, and tumbrel, for punishment 
of malefactors ; and power to erect gallows upon their own soil, for execution of such 
malefactors as should fortune to be apprehended within their jurisdiction. 

" That they should be freed and discharged from all suits and pleas of the forest, and 
of all charges or fees, which the justices or other officers of the forest might demand ; and 
from expeditation of their dogs, and suits of court there. 

"That they should be free from gelds, dane-gelds, knight 's-fees, payments for murther 
and robbery, building or repairing of bridges, castles, parks, pools, walls, sea-banks, 
causeways, and inclosures; and of all assizes, summons, sheriff aids, their bailiffs, or 
officers, carrying of treasure, and of all other aids ; as also from the common assessments 
and amerciaments of the county and hundred, and all actions relating to them. 

" That they should be freed from the payment of ward-penny, aver-penny, tithing- 
penny, and hundred-penny, and discharged from grithbrech, forstall, homesoken, blod-wite, 
ward-wite, heng-wite, fight-wite, leyr-wite, lastage, pannage, assart, and waste of the 
forest, so that such waste and offences be not committed in the forests, woods, or parks of 
the king, his heirs, and successors ; and if it should happen so to be, that then reasonable 
satisfaction, without imprisonment or grievous recompense, should be accepted. 

" That they should have return of all writs and attachments as well relating to the 
pleas of the crown, as other, throughout all their lands or fees; and that no sheriff, 
bailiff, or other officer, should make any execution of such writs there, unless in default of 
the custos and canons and their successors. 

" That they should have and hold leets and law days, for all within their lands and 

" That they should have cognizance of all pleas betwixt their tenants, as well of tres- 
passes and contracts, as others, in their own courts. 

"And lastly,That they should have and hold wards, reliefs, escheats, forfeitures, and other 
profits, issues, and emoluments whatsoever, within their own fees, from all their tenants, 
which might belong to the king or his heirs, and which the king might receive by reason 
of those fees, in case they were in his own hands, as if the tenants did hold of him or 
others in capite of the crown," (Ashmole, pp. 176 — 178.) 

It appears by a bull of Clement the Sixth, dated Avignon, the 12th of February, in the 
ninth year of his papacy, that at the desire of the founder this pope exempted the 
chapel, college, canons, priests, clerks, alms-knights, and officers, of the college, from all 
ordinary jurisdiction, dominion, and superiority of archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, 

TO AD. 1348.] THE POOR KNIGHTS. 161 

ters of the college is continually and personally to attend upon the 
service of God in the Chapel of St. George.^ 

The number of the canons by the letters patent of foundation, 
was twenty-four (viz. twenty-three canons and one custos), but, by 
the statutes of the college, they were increased to twenty-six (viz. a 
custos, twelve secular or major canons, and thirteen priests or 
minor canons. The poor knights also were in like manner in- 
creased from twenty-four to twenty-six. 

The precise number of twenty-six is supposed, with some reason, 
to have been determined upon as corresponding with the number of 
the Knights Companions of the Garter.^ 

The first canons were presented by the knights of that order, 
each of the first five and twenty knights being permitted, by the 
sovereign's favour, to present a canon .^ In the same way the first 
poor knights were presented,* the subsequent presentation to both 
bodies being reserved to the royal founder and his successors. 

The intention of the king, with regard to the poor knights, was 
to provide relief and comfortable subsistence for such valiant 
soldiers as happened in their old age to fall into poverty and 
decay .^ The objects of this charitable foundation are described in 

and all other judges and officials ; and received them within the protection of the papal 
see. And further granted — That the custos for the time being should have ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction over the canons, priests, clerks, alms-knights, and officers, and their 
successors, as also the cure of their souls ; notwithstanding any papal constitution, 
statues, customs, whether provincial or synodical, or other whatsoever to the contrary. 
Willing, nevertheless, that the custos should receive the cure of their souls from the 
diocesan of the place. And in consideration of this exemption and privilege, the custos was 
obliged to pay annually, on St. George's day, one mark in silver to the pope's chamber. 
A copy of the Bull is inserted in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.' 

These exemptions were included in the confirmation of liberties made by Edward the 
Third, in a charter dated the 20th of February, in the forty-seventh year of his reign. 
(Ashmole, citing Cart, de an. 47, Edw. HI.) 

Among other rights and privileges exercised by the dean and canons in their juris- 
diction (the precincts of the chapel), were those of proving wills, excommunication, and 
the granting dispensation to themselves for eating flesh in Lent. (Ashmole, p. 176.) 

^ Ashmole, citing the Preface to the Statutes of the College. 

^ Ashmole. See also Sir H. Nicolas' ' Observations on the Institution of the Order of 
the Garter,' ' Archaeologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 125—27. 

3 Ashmole, citing art. 4 of the Statutes. 

^ Ibid., art. 6. 

^ Ibid., citing art. 6 of the Statutes. 



the letters of foundation, to be poor knights, weak in body, 
indigent, and decayed.^ 

The king subsequently endowed the college with the advowsons 
of Datchet and Ewre, in Buckinghamshire; Riston, in Norfolk; 
Whaddon and Caston, in Cambridge; Symondsburn, in Durham ;^ 
and Saltash, in Cornwall ; and with lands at Wraydesbury ; the 
manor of Ewre, near Weybridge ; the manor of Craswell, in the 
parish of Bray ; and a weare in the River Thames called Braybrok, 
together with lands in the same parish with their appurtenances, 
conveyed to the king by Sir John Philibert ;^ and also a wood 
called Temple Wood, at Stoke Pogis. The whole annual value of 
these and other lands and moneys granted to the college were 
estimated at £655 15^.* 

Edward the Third also gave the college, for the use of the custos 
and canons, a piece of ground in Windsor, and also a garden there 
for the use of the alms-knights, vicars, clerks, choristers, and other 
officers of the college. 

Independently of these royal endowments, grants were made to 
the college in this reign by private individuals, comprising amongst 
others the parsonage of Langley Maries, in Buckinghamshire. 

The most remarkable grant, however, was one by the corpora- 
tion of Yarmouth, in the twenty-sixth year of the king's reign, of a 
last of red herrings yearly, well dried and cleansed. '' It was at 
the instance of the founder, Edward the Third, that the bailiffs and 

^ A similar qualification is inserted in the statutes of institution of tlie Order of the 
Garter, and repeated in the statutes of the order made in the reigns of Henry the Fifth 
and Henry the Eighth. The original statutes of the college, as well as the orders of 
Queen Elizabeth, moreover provided " that in case there should happen to fall to any of 
the alms-knights either lands or rents, by succession or any other way, to the yearly 
value of twenty pounds or more, then such knight should immediately be removed from the 
college, and made incapable of receiving any profits or emoluments thence, and another 
alms-knight preferred in his place," (Ashmole.) 

2 The advowson of Symondsburn was surrendered by the college, in tlie reign of 
Edward the Fourth, to tlie Duke of Gloucester. (Ashmole.) 

^ Philberts, near Bray, where Nell Gwynne resided, evidently derives its name from 
Sir John Philibert, or one of his family. 

* The endowments of the college in the reign of Edward the Third (independently of 
the grants mentioned in the king's letters patent of foundation) are enumerated in 
detail by Ashmole, in his ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 167 — 169, and copies of several of 
the letters patent are inserted in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.' 

TO A.D. 1348.] 



commonalty of Yarmouth/' says Ashmole, " granted to the college 
(the 1st of April, 26th Edw. Ill), under thek common seal, a last 
of red herrings yearly, well dried and cleansed, to the end they 
might take this corporation into their prayers. But some say it 
was enjoined them as a penance for murdering a magistrate among 
them." ^ 

Among the charges against the canons, exhibited to the Privy 
Council by the poor knights of Windsor, in the reign, apparently, 
of Henry the Seventh, stands the allegation, that " the said chanons 
embesill and withdrawe yerely a last of heryng."^ 

» ' Order of the Garter/ p. 167. 
2 Ashmol. MS., No. 1166. 

The Garter Tower 




Enlargement of the Castle — Progress of the Works — John, King of France, a prisoner at 
the Castle — Appointment of William of Wykeham as Surveyor of the Castle 
Works — Eeast of St. George in 1358 — Progress of the Works — Impressment of 
Workmen — Ravages of the Plague — Resignation of William of Wykeham — Tradi- 
tional Story — Subsequent Works — Expenditure on the Castle — Painting of the 
Round Tower, externally — Architectural Character of the Works — Existing Traces 
— Grants and Exchanges of Land by the King — Commission of Inclosure — Various 
minor Grants and Appointments during this reign — John de Molyns — Petition of 
Robert Lamberd — Visits of the King to Windsor — Marriage of the Black Prince 
to the Princess Isabella — Death of Queen Philippa — Return of the Black Prince 
— Petition of Watermen as to Exactions at Windsor Bridge — Evidence of the 
Castle as a Prison — Writing of Italian Prisoners on the Walls. 

Almost contemporaneously with the establishment of the Order 
of the Garter, and the foundation of the College of St. George, 
Edward the Third took measures for the enlargement of the castle 
nearly to its present extent. 

Down to this period, the castle occupied, as has been pre- 
viously observed, the site of the present middle and lower 
wards, there being little or no building east of the keep or Round 

The foundation of the college, and the institution of the Order 
of the Garter, necessarily required additional accommodation within 
the walls of the castle for the residence of the custos, canons, and 
other officers of the college, and the periodical accommodation and 
entertainment of the guests attending the feasts and ceremonies of 
the order. The lower ward was by degrees almost wholly appro- 


priated to the college, and the king proceeded to the erection of a 
new ward, or domus regis, eastward of the keep. 

According to a tradition which has been preserved, it was the 
suggestion of the Kings of France and of Scotland, who were 
prisoners together at Windsor during part of the years 1356-7, 
that induced Edward the Third to extend the castle in that 
direction. "The two higher wards were builded by Edward the 
Third, certainly, and upon occasion, as is reported, of his victory 
against the French king, John, and the King of Scots, David, both 
of them prisoners at one time in the old Castle of Windsor, as is 
said; where being visited by the king, or riding together with him, 
or walking together in that ground where the two wards be now, 
as a parcel of his park, the strangers commending the situation, 
and judging the castle to have been better built in that place than 
where it was, as being on higher ground, and more open to see 
and to be seen afar off, the king approved their sayings, adding 
pleasantly, that it should so be, and that he would bring his castle 
thither, that is to say, enlarge it so far with two other wards, the 
charges whereof should be borne with their two ransoms, as after 
it came to pass.'' ^ 

A new chapel, with houses for the custos and canons, was 
begun very shortly after the first foundation of the college.^ 

In the twenty-third year of his reign (a.d. 1849), the king 
appointed John Peynton surveyor of the works,^ and in the fol- 
lowing year he appointed Richard de Rotheley to the same office, 
which he appears to have held once before.^ Subsequently, in the 
same year, William de Hurle and William de Herland received 
this appointment.^ John de Sponlee was at the same period 
appointed master of the stone-hewers ; and all sheriffs, mayors, and 
bailiffs were commanded to assist him in pressing as many masons 
and artificers as were necessary, and conveying them to Windsor 

^ Stowe, Harl. MS., 367, f. 13. 

^ Poynter; Ashniole. 

3 Pat., 23 Edw. Ill, pars i, m. 10. 

* Ibid , 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 23. 

' Ibid., 24 Edw. 10, p. ii, m. 21, durso. 


to work at the king's pay, and to arrest and imprison all who 
should disobey or refuse/ 

In 1350, the king assigned John de Alkeshull to seize in the 
kingdom of England, as well by land as by water, in whatever 
places should seem fit to him, as well within liberties as without, 
stone, wood, coal, timber, lead, glass, iron, and tiles, and other 
necessaries for the king's works in his Palace of Westminster, the 
Tower of London, and the Castle of Windsor, and obtain the 
carriages for their transmission.^ This commission was renewed in 
the following year.^ 

In the twenty-fifth year of the king's reign, Robert de Benham 
was appointed surveyor of the works.^ In the same year, James de 
Dorchester, the deputy-constable of the castle, was appointed to 
control the works of the chapel, and the materials provided for them, 
and all payments on account of the same.^ " And to the end," says 
Ashmole,"this great undertaking might be honestly and substantially 
performed, the king assigned John Brocas, Oliver de Burdeux, and 
Thomas de Toxle, jointly and severally, with all care and diligence 
(at least together once a month), to survey the workmen and their 
works, and to encourage such as did their duty competently well, 
but to compel others that were idle and slothful."^ 

Two years afterwards, John de Alkeshull and Walter Palmer were 
severally commissioned to provide stone, timber, lead, iron, and all 
other necessaries for the work, and to impress carriages for their 
conveyance to Windsor.^ And about the same time the king 
appointed his clerk, Bobert de Bernham, surveyor of the works in 
the castle^ with power to obtain as many carpenters and other 
workmen as should be necessary to carry on the works, wherever 
they could be found, with the proviso, however, that ecclesiastical 
lands, and the royal works and w^orkmen at Westminster, the 
Tower, and Dartford, should not be interfered with. He was also 

^ Ashmole, citing Pat., 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 21. 
» Rot Orig., 24 Edw. Ill, ro. 23, ^ jbid. 

4 Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 10. 
•'' Aslimole, citing Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 10. 
« Ibid., citing Pat,, 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 12. 

? Ibid., citing Pat,, 27 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 2, dorso, and Pat., 28 Edw. Ill, p. i, 
m. 20. 


empowered to inquire if the tiraber and other materials were 
carried away or removed, and to purchase and provide all neces- 
saries for the works, and to sell the branches and other spare stuff 
of the trees provided for them, receiving for his own wages twelve 
pence a day while resident at the works, and two shillings while 
travelling about on the king's business, and three shillings weekly 
for the wages of his clerk.^ In this year occurs the payment of 
£13 6s. Sd. to John, a canon of St. Catherine's, the king's picture- 
painter ; money delivered to him for painting a picture, which the 
same John was commanded to paint by the lord the king, with 
images, for the chapel in Windsor Castle.^ 

In 1355, John de Alkeshull and William de Frenshe were 
ordered to provide timber, stone, tiles, and other necessaries for 
Windsor Castle, as well as for the Palace of Westminster and the 
town of Calais.^ 

In 1356, John King of France, who, together with his son 
Philip, was taken prisoner at Poic tiers, and at first placed in the 
Palace of the Savoy, was soon afterwards removed, with all his 
household, to Windsor Castle, *' where he was permitted to hunt and 
hawk, and take what other diversions he pleased, in that neighbour- 
hood, as well as the Lord Philip, his son. The rest of the French 
lords remained at London, but they visited the king as often as 
they pleased, and were prisoners on their own parole of honour."* 

The Kings of France and of Scotland were now prisoners at 
Windsor. In November, 1357, the Scotch king was ransomed, 
and rode home to Scotland with his queen, Johanna, the sister of 
Edward the Third.^ 

In 1356, the renowned William of Wykeham received the 
appointment of surveyor of the king's works at the Castle and in 
the Park of Windsor.^ He was at this time styled " Clericus," but 
no ecclesiastical preferment was conferred upon him until the fol- 
lowing year. A few months before his appointment to Windsor 

' Hot. Orig., 27 Edw. Ill, r. 16. 

2 Rot. Lib., 27 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 160, 

3 Hot. Orig., 29 Edw. Ill, ro. 17. 

■• Eroissart. ^ Ibid. 

« Pat., 30 Edw. Ill, pars 3, m. 21. 

168 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII. 

he was made clerk of all the king's works in his manors of ITenly 
and East-hampstead.^ This appointment is dated the 10th of May, 
1356. That of surveyor at Windsor bears date at Westminster, 
the 30th of October following. 

The following curious entry of a payment made to him on the 
20th of August, in this year, proves that he was at Windsor some 
time before the date of his appointment as surveyor. 

"In money paid by William of Wykham, for the keep of the 
king's eight dogs at Windsor, for nine weeks, taking for each dog 
three farthings per day ; and for the wages of a boy to keep the said 
dogs during the same time, 2d. per day, £2 ll^.''^^ 

William of Wykeham was at this period thirty-two years of 
age. By his patent he had power to press all sorts of artificers, 
and to provide stone, timber, and all other materials, and carriages. 
His salary was one shilling a day while he staid at Windsor^ two 
shillings when he went elsewhere on his employment, and three 
shillings a week for his clerk. 

These were the same sums as were allowed to Robert de 
Bernham, and which had been, in the first instance, granted to 
Richard de Rotheley.^ On the 13th November, in the following 
year, William of Wykeham received a grant from the king of one 
shilling a day, payable at the exchequer, over and above his former 
wages and salary.^ 

A document of this year indicates the empty state of the royal 
purse. William of Wykeham, together w^ith John Brokas and 
Edmund Rose, were directed to take twelve of the best beasts and 
horses in the king's park, and sell them.^ Similar commissions 
were issued three years later in respect of several royal parks 
besides Windsor, the proceeds being expressly directed to be paid 
to William of Wykeham on account of the works at the castle.^ 

1 Hot. Pat., 30 Edw. Ill ; Tanner, cited in Louth's ' Life of Wjkeliam.' 

2 Rot. Lib,, 30 Edw. Ill; Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 163. 

3 Ashmole, citing Rot. Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 11, and 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 23. 
' Rot. Pat., 31 Edw. Ill ; Tanner, cited in Louth's ' Life of William of Wykeham.' 
' Rot. Orig., 31 Edw. Ill, ro. 1. 

« Ibid., 3i Edw. Ill, ro. 5, 6, 7. 

TO A.D. 1377.] THE FEAST OE ST. GEORGE. 169 

On the 10th of July, 1359, being at this time Prebend of 
riixton, in the church of Lichfield, and Rector (although not in 
possession) of Pulham, in Norfolk, William of Wykeham was con- 
stituted chief warden and surveyor of the king's castles of Windsor, 
Leeds, Dover, and Hadlam, and of the manors of Old and New 
Windsor, Wychemere, Foli John, Eton, and of several other castles, 
manors, and houses, and of the parks belonging to them; with 
power to appoint all workmen, to provide materials, and to order 
everything with regard to building and repairs ; and in those 
manors to hold leets and other courts, pleas of trespass, and mis- 
demeanors, and to enquire of the king's liberties and rights.^ 

William of Wykeham appears to have previously resigned his 
former office, for, in 1358, William de Mulso was appointed sur- 
veyor of the works in the castle.^ Nearly at the same time that 
Wykeham received the appointment of chief warden and surveyor, 
Geoffrey de Carleton obtained the office of keeper of all the mason 
work in the castle.^ 

The narration of the progress of the works must be interrupted 
to notice the Feast of St. George, which was held at Windsor on 
the 23d of April, 1358, " in more sumptuous manner than ever 
had been kept before." * 

In the beginning of the year, the king issued his royal procla- 
mation throughout all England, that all knights, strangers from 
any part of the world, should have his letters of safe conduct to 
pass and repass the realm at their pleasure, for the space of three 
weeks, without the least impediment or danger, there to partake, 
every one according to his degree and merit, of those honours and 
prizes which attended the princely exercise of jousts and tour- 

The feast was held with unusual splendour, chiefly in honour of 
the French king and others of the nobility of France there present. 
The Duke of Brabant, Sir Frank van Hull, Sir Henry Eam o^ 

1 Pat., 33 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 20 ; Ashmole ; and Louth's ' Life of William of 

- Ibid., 32 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 2. » Ibid., 33 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 24. 

* Holinshed. 

^ Barnes, citirxg Knighton, and MS. in Bibl. C. C. C, Cantab. 


Flanders, and many great lords and knights of Germany, Gascogny, 
Scotland, and other countries, attended. The Queen of Scotland, 
who also came to England with her royal husband, on a visit to 
Edward the Third, and many other great ladies, as well of 
England as of other nations, came to Windsor, to this feast, in 
their gayest and richest apparel.^ 

Of this feast, the King of France is reported to have said in 
scorn, " That he never saw so royal a feast, and so costly, made of 
tallies of tree, without paying of gold or silver/'^ 

The following extracts from the royal accounts furnish some 
particulars of the payments made on this occasion : 

*^ A payment to Queen Phihppa of j8500, as a gift from the king, 
for the preparation of her apparel against the Feast of St. George, to be 
celebrated at Windsor." 

" To divers messengers and runners sent into various parts of 
England with letters, under the privy seal and signet, directed to 
several lords and ladies, inviting them to the Feast of St. George, at 
Windsor, 47s. lid/' 

^' To Walter Norman and his twenty-three fellows, for the car- 
rying of oats to Windsor, about the time of St. George^s Feast, 
13s, 4d,'' 

'' To William Volaunt, king of the heralds, in money issued to him 
of the king^s gift, for his good services at the said feast, 665. SdJ' 

'' To Hautrin Fitz-Lebbin and his twenty-three fellows, the king's 
minstrels, for their services at the said feast, £16/'^ 

William de Montague, Earl of Salisbury and Marshall of 
England, was so bruised at the jousts or tournament held on this 
occasion, that he died, says Holinshed, " the more was the pity, 
within eight days after." ^ 

This Ear] of Salisbury was the husband of the countess whose 

^ Barnes. 

2 Haiieian MS., No. 367- The allusion was evidently to the mode of raising money by 
means of tallies or notched wood, given to the lender as a voucher or security for repayment. 
Another anecdote is, that the king, expecting by a high ransom to pay something toward 
these vast profusions, said, merrily, that he never saw nor knew such royal shows and 
feasting without some after-reckoning for gold and silver. (Barnes, citing a MS., Bib. 
C. C. C, Cantab.). 

3 See Beltz's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 5. 

* Holinshed, citing 'Additions to Adam Meriniuth and Trivet.' 


name is commonly associated with the institution of the Order of 
the Garter, as previously mentioned. 

The suits of armour worn by King John and King David, on 
the occasion of this festival, are still preserved.^ 

The imprisonment of the King of France at Windsor was not 
a close one. He appears to have had considerable liberty ; but 
soon after the above festivities, it was discovered that he had sent 
private letters into France, contrary to his engagement, and there- 
upon he was confined a little more closely, and removed to Hert- 
ford Castle,'^ and the following year to Somerton Castle, and 
ultimately to the Tower, where he appears to have remained until 
the treaty of 1360, Philip, his son, being with him the whole 

Previously to the departure of John, on the completion of the 
treaty which gave him his liberty, he rode with the Prince of Wales 
from London to Windsor, to pay a visit to the queen, and having 
received many great and splendid entertainments from the king, he 
returned again to London."^ 

The works at Windsor Castle were now in full operation, and 
the greater part of them were executed between 1359 and 1374.^ 

The alterations did not consist entirely of additions to the 
castle. Many good structures, we are told, were thrown down.^ 

^ Of the feast, or of the Order of the Garter, in the 33d and 34th years of Edward the 
Third (a.d. 1359 and 1360), there is no account in any chronicle, nor any other notice 
whatever. Prom that time, however, the series of Wardrobe Accounts, in which not 
only the robes prepared for the Knights of the Garter, who were expected to attend the 
Eeast of Saint George, are mentioned, but in which their names are given, is tolerably 
complete. (Sir Harris Nicolas, in 'Archaeologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 139.) 

^ Barnes says " Hereford," but it must be a misprint or mistake. 

^ Barnes, citing Dugdale, Holinshed, Knighton, and Ashmole. 

'* Barnes. On the return of the French king to England, in consequence of his 
inability to comply with the terms of his ransom, he does not seem to have visited 
Windsor, but to have remained in the Savoy until his death. 

^ Poynter. 

• * Continuatio Chronicii Ranulphii, per Johanum Malverne, ab an. Dom. 1326 ad 
an. 1394,' MS. in Biblioth. Coll. Corp. Christ., Cantab., cited in Louth's *Life of 
Wykeham.' According to this chronicler, it was the suggestion of Wykeham that induced 
the king to enlarge the castle: — "Circa annum Domini 1359, Domiuus Rex ad instiga- 
tionem Wilhelmi Wykeham, clerici, in Castro de Wyndeshore multa bona sedificia fecit 
prosterni, et alia plura pulchra et sumptuosa eedificari ; omnes fere lathonii et carpentarii 


It has been suggested that these were the buildings of the 
middle (then the upper) ward, and that probably the last remains 
of the donms regis of Henry the First, including perhaps the keep, 
disappeared at this time, for the latter had certainly been rebuilt 
(previous to the alterations by Sir Jeffry Wyatville) at some period, 
and most probably in this reign. ^ 

In 1360, the woods at Farnham, belonging to Lord Eurnival, 
were purchased by the king, for the purpose of supplying timber 
for the works. ^ 

In the same year, writs, bearing date the 14th of April, were 
issued to the sheriffs of London and twelve counties, commanding 
them to impress the best diggers and hewers of stone, to the 
number of three hundred and sixty in all, and to send them to 
Windsor by the Sunday next after the Feast of St. George, at the 
furthest, there to be employed at the king's wages, so long as was 
necessary. The sheriffs were also commanded to take sufficient 
security from the workmen not to depart from Windsor without 
the licence of William de Wykeham, who was directed to return 
such securities into the Court of Chancery.^ 

The necessity for impressing workmen seems to have been the 
result of the parliamentary legislation of this reign. In conse- 
quence of the ravages committed by the plague, labourers had 
become comparatively scarce, and, as a necessary result, wages 
increased. By an act of parliament, known as the Statute of 
Labourers,'^ passed in 1349, an attempt was made to force a 
reduction, by setting a price upon labour of various descriptions, 

per totara Angliam ad illam sedificationem fuerunt adducti, ita quod vix aliquis potuit 
habere aliquem bonum lathouium vel carpentarium nisi in abscondito propter regis prohi- 
bitionem. Fuerat autem dictus WiQielmus Wykeham de infimo genere, ut puta, ut 
dicebatur, servilis conditionis ; tamen fuit multum astutus, et vir magnse industrise. 
Yidens qualiter possit regi placere et illius benevolentiam adipisci, consuluit regi dictum 
Castrum de Wyndeshore taliter sicut hodie patet intuenti sedificare." 
* Poynter. 

2 Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 34 Edw. III. 

3 Rot. Claus., 34 Edw. Ill, m. 34. The number of men to be supplied were thus appor- 
tioned : — London, 40 ; Essex and Hertford, 40 ; Wilts, 40 ; Leicester and Worcester, 40 ; 
Cambridge and Huntingdon, 40 ; Kent, 40 \ Gloucester, 40 ; Somerset and Devon, 40 ; 
Northampton, 40. 

< Stat, 23 Edw. Ill, c. 1. 


and also upon poultry. A master carpenter was limited to three 
pence a day, and a common carpenter to two pence. 

Richard la Vache was this year appointed constable of the 
castle during life.^ 

In 1361, William de Mulso was appointed clerk of the works 
in the Castle of Windsor and elsewhere." About the same time, 
John de Ronceby was appointed controller of Windsor and other 

In consequence of many of the workmen, who were impressed 
as above mentioned, having secretly left Windsor, in order to work 
for other persons at higher wages, and the works at the castle being 
consequently retarded, writs were directed in 1362 to the sheriffs 
of London, commanding them to make proclamation prohibiting 
any person, whether clerk or layman, from employing or retaining 
any of the men, on pain of forfeiting all their goods ; and also com- 
manding the sheriffs to arrest such as had so run away, and 
commit them to Newgate.^ 

The power to issue commissions for levying persons or things 
necessary for the king's service, was for many years a b^::iich 
of the royal prerogative, and still exists in the impi^ossment of 

The plague, which had committed the most fearful ravages 
throughout England in 1348, carrying off one third of the people/ 
appears to have visited Windsor at this period ; and in consequence 

' Rot. Orig., 34 Edw. Ill, ro. 3. 

2 Rot. Pat., 35 Edw. Ill, p. iii, m. 20. 

3 Ibid., m. 21. 

^ Rot. Claus., 36 Edw. Ill, m. 36, dorso. 

^ 'Excerpta Historica,' p. 43. This step of forcing men to work for the king at 
certain wages offers a contrast to the proceedings of the workmen employed in building 
the queen's new palace at Westminster. A number of these workmen struck for wages 
in the winter of 1841, and, having nothing to do, availed themselves of the vacant 
seats in her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench, as affording a place of shelter and repose. 
Here they might be seen from day to day, enjoying the comfortable temperature of the 
court, undisturbed by any fear of writs or other compulsory process to force them to 
return to their work. The difference with respect to the liberty enjoyed by the people of 
the nineteenth century and those of the fourteenth, is strongly marked by these parallel 

^ Lysons' * Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 172. 


of a great number of the workmen at the castle dying of it^ other 
writs were issued, 30th of March, 1362, to the sheriffs of the 
counties of York, Derby, Salop, Hereford, Nottingham, Lancaster, 
and Devon, commanding them, under a penalty of two hundred 
pounds each, to send to Windsor able and skilful masons and 
diggers, to the number in all of three hundred and two, to be there 
on Sunday, the Utas of Easter, at latest.^ 

In this year (1362) WiUiam of Wykeham, now in full orders, 
and loaded with preferment, resigned his appointment, and was 
succeeded by William de Mulso,^ who was also an ecclesiastic, and 
a canon of the new College of Windsor.^ Wykeham, in the fol- 
lowing year, received the higher lay appointment of warden and 
justiciary of the king's forests on this side Trent.* 

A traditional story, connecting Wykeham with Windsor Castle, 
may be mentioned here. It is narrated that Wykeham inscribed 
on the interior of one of the walls these words, " Hoc fecit 
Wykeham." The phrase offended the king, who translated it as 
an assumption, by the architect, of the credit of erecting the whole 
struC+ure, that is to say, as meaning, " Wykeham built this." On 
remonstrating with him, Wykeham explained that the words did 
not mean that he made the building, but that the building made 
him, his employment in the works leading to his present promotion, 
an explanation that satisfied Edward. 

The earliest written narrative of this story is given by Arch- 
bishop Parker in his work, " De Antiquitate Britanniae Ecclesise."^ 

Bishop Lowth rejects the anecdote as deserving but little atten- 

^ Ashmole. The number of men to be furnisbed by eacb county was as follows : — 
York, 60 ; Derby, 24 ; Salop, 60 ; Hereford, 50 ; Nottingham, 24 ; Lancaster, 24 ; 
Devon, 60. 

2 Poynter. ^ Ibid. 

^ Louth's ' Life of Wykeham,' citing Kennett's * Faroe. Antiq.,' p. 497. 

^ Ibid. The following is the archbishop's account : — " Quidam narrant 
Wickhamum extructa arce Windsorina, in interiori quodam pariete haec verba, quae 
Latine tam apposite et facete exprimi nequeunt, insculpisse : This made Wickham — Hoc 
fecit Wickham. Quae locutio in Anglicaua lingua, quae casibus raro discriminatur, tam 
ambigua est ; ut incertum sit, utrum is arcem, an arx cum efFecisset. Hoc regi a calum- 
niatoribus quibusdam in ejus invidiam ita delatum est ; quasi Wickhamus omnem extructi 
sedificii laudem sibi arroganter veudicaret : Quod cum rex iniquo animo tulissit, eique 
probrose objecisset ; non sibi tam magnificse regiseque structurse laudes, sed structurse suas 


tion, and standing upon '' no other foundation than some popular 

The only confirmation that the story receives is from the fact, 
that one of the towers of the castle bears the name of the 
Winchester Tower, a name which it is generally supposed to derive 
from the above circumstance.^ No trace of the inscription, how- 
ever, could be discerned in the walls of this or any other part of 
the castle when the alterations were effected in the reign of George 
the Fourth, and it is more probable that the tower acquired its 
name from being assigned, during the festivals and ceremonies of 
the Order of the Garter, as a residence of the Bishop of Winchester, 
for the time being, prelate of that order .^ 

Sir JefFry Wyatville, however, perpetuated the anecdote by 
affixing the words, " Hoc fecit Wykeham," on the ashlar work of 
the tower. 

The superintendence and control of William of Wykeham 
appears to have been something more than nominal, and that he 

dignitates commoditatesque ascripsisse dixit. ' Nee ego, inquit. Lane areem, sed hsec arx 
me effecit, et ab ima eonditione ad regis gratiam, opes atque diguitates evexit.' Cum hoc 
responso adversariorum calumniam vitasset, opibus et potentia crevit indies." See also 
Bayle, in loco " Wieam," citing ' Historica Descripto vitse Wicam.' 
^ ' Life of Wykeham.' 

2 The Winchester Tower is on the north side of the castle, and east of the deanery. 
As restored by Sir JefFry Wyatville, its irregular outline forms, from many points of view, 
one of the most picturesque objects in the whole castle. 

In Hoffnagle's view of Windsor, in Braun's ' Civitates Orbis Terrarum,' which is the 
earliest known representation of the castle, the Round Tower, or keep, is marked as the 
Winchester Tower, and certainly, assuming the story to be true, the reverend architect 
would naturally place such an inscription on the centre and principal tower of the 
structure. Camden's description, however, — in which he says, "between both courts runs 
a hill, on which stands a round tower ; near it is another high tower, called Winchester 
Tower, from William Wickham," &c., and a similar description by Stowe (Harl. MSS., 
No. 367), — together with the evidence of Hollar's views and the known accuracy of that 
artist, lead to the inference that the name has been wrongly assigned in Hoffnagle's 
view. A passage in Euller's 'Worthies of England' seems at first to convey the contrary 
impression: — "In this palace," says Euller, "most remarkable, the hall for greatness, 
Winchester Tower for height, and the terrace on the north side for pleasure, where a 
dull eye may travel twenty miles in a moment." At that period, however, the Round 
Tower had not the superiority in height over the other towers that it now has ; on the 
contrary, the tower now known as the Winchester Tower appears from Hoffnagle and 
Hollar's views to have been considerably higher, measuring from the foundation of each. 

3 See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 237. 


was in reality an excellent architect. Windsor was not the only 
spot w^here his talents were employed in that capacity. We are 
told that he also had the " sole direction of the building of Queens- 
borough Castle : the difficulties arising from the nature of the 
ground, and the lowness of the situation, did not discourage him 
from advising and undertaking this work, and in the event they 
only served to display more evidently the skill and abilities of the 

The bishop retained an affection for Windsor to the end of his 
life. By an indenture between him and Thomas Butiller the dean, 
and the chapter of Windsor, dated 29th May, 1402, William of 
Wykeham, desiring a memorial of himself in the chapel, as well in 
life as after death, gave £200 to provide twenty marks yearly for 
one chaplain, in addition to the number already existing, to pray 
for his soul and the souls of Edward the Third, his father and 
mother, and other patrons of the bishop.^ The grant seems to 
have been made several years earlier, for among numerous other 
instances of lax conduct charged and proved against the dean and 
chapter in the next reign, is one that the donation of £200 by the 
bishop was lost.^ It w^as probably recovered, and the found deed pre- 
pared in 1402, to guard against any subsequent misappropriation. 

In 1363, some portion of the building seems to have been 
advancing towards completion.^ Henry de Stanmere and John 
Hampton were employed to buy glass, wherever it could be ob- 
tained throughout the kingdom, and to press glaziers to work at 
the king's wages, twenty-four to be conveyed to London to work 
there, and tw^elve to Windsor, to be employed in the castle.^ A 
great number of other workmen were also pressed this year for the 
works, as well as carriages for stone and timber.^ 

1 Louth's 'Life of "Wykeham/ citing MS. Coll. Winch. The king had other works 
in progress — Conway, Henley, East Hampstead; St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster: and 
King's Hall (afterwards part of Trinity College), Cambridge. These, as well as Windsor, 
occupied his attention after the cessation of war in 1365. 

2 Ash. MS., No. 1115, f. 1. See also No. 1125, f. 373. 
^ See post, Chapter X. 

^ Poynter. 

5 Pat., 37 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 28 ; ibid., m. 30. 

« Ibid., m. 12 and 29. 

TO A.D. 1377.] WORKS AT THE CASTLE. 177 

The expenditure upon the works, which had gradually increased 
during the last three years, amounted for the first half only of this 
year to £3802 lis. Sd., of which £932 was paid for lead.^ 

In the following year (1364) Nicholas Bernard was appointed 
surveyor of the works in the Castle and Park of Windsor for 
life.^ In this year the whole expenditure amounted only to 
£3031 9^. 9d.' 

Much of the stone employed in the buildings was obtained from 
the quarries of Wellesford, Helwell, and Caseby,^ Heseleberg, and 
Demelby,^ and Melton.^ 

In the thirty-ninth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1365) a 
payment occurs of £13 6s. 8d. to John, a canon of St. Katherine's, 
the king's painter, for making a table, whereon images were 
painted, for the chapel in Windsor Castle ;^ and another to John 
de Lyndesay of £20, in part payment of £50, which the king 
commanded to be paid him for a certain table with figures, pur- 
chased from him by the king, for the Chapel of St. George.^ 

In this year, Thomas Cheyne was appointed constable of the 
castle for life.^ He also received the appointment of parkership of 
the Great Park.^' 

In the fortieth year it may be presumed that some other portion 
of the building was ready for roofing, since £600 was paid for lead. 
The whole charge this year was £4076 9^. 9d., besides a sum of 
£1671 2s. Id., which seems to have been in arrear. There is also 
a payment of £6 13^. 4d. to WiUiam de Lindesay, a carver of 
wooden images in London, in discharge of ten marks, which the 
king commanded to be paid him of his gift, as a reward in addi- 
tion to a former sum paid him, for making a certain table with 

* Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 37 Edw. Ill, p. i. The second part of this roll is 

2 Pat., 38 Edw. Ill, p, i, m. 17. 

3 Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 38 Edw. III. 
' Pat., 37 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 26. 

5 Ibid., 38 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 29. 
« Ibid, 39 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 37. 

5^ Rot. Lib., 39 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 185. 
« Ibid. 

9 Rot. Orig., 39 Edw. Ill, ro. 8. 
10 Rot. Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 29. 



images of wood, for the chapel in the new works within the Castle 
of Windsor, and for the carriage of the table from London to 
Windsor;^ and another of £13 17 s, to William de Burdon, the 
king's painter, for a great tablet for the altar. In the same year, 
Adam de Hertyngdon, who, like his predecessor, was an eccle- 
siastic and canon of Windsor, became clerk of the works in the 
place of William de Mulso,^ who had been appointed one of the 
chamberlains of the receipt of the exchequer, an office to which 
Adam de Hertyngdon w^as also promoted in 1370, though without 
vacating his former employment. 

In the accounts for the year 1366, mention is made of several 
colours and varnish, and gold leaf, for the use of William Burdon 
the painter, who was at work upon the painting of a tower called 
La Rose, for one hundred and twenty-three days and a half ;^ and 

1 Rot. Pat., 40 Edw. III. 

=* Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 40 Edw. III. The appointment of Adam de Hertjndon 
was " clerk of the king's works, as well within as without the king's Castle of V\''indsor, 
and in the king's manor within Windsor Park, and also in the manors and lands of 
Wythmere, Eolie John, Easthampstead, and Cold-kenyngton, and of the palings and 
other inclosures made as well round the new park of Windsor, called Wythemere, as the 
old park, and in the parks of Easthampsted and Coldkenyngton." (Rot. Orig., 
39 Edw. Ill, ro. 20.) 

^ Emp' colorum. — Idem comput' in xij.ft. de vertegres, empt' de Johanne Glendale, pro 
pictura cujusdam Turris vocat' la Rose, pret' ft. xij.d. — xij.*. Et in xviij.ft. rub' plumV 
empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus., pret' ft.xviij.^/. — xxvij.5. Et in Ixvijft. 
albi plumbi empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft.vj-^. — xxxiij.*. v'yd. 
Et in viij.ft. vermelon emp' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft. ij.s. — xvj.5. 
Et in l.ft. de Broun empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft. iij. — xij.*. 
y].d. Et in vj.ft. de vernyssh empt' de eodem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus., pret* 
ft. viij.c?. — iiij.5. Et in iii.ft. de vernissh' empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus., 
pret' ft. vj.c?. — xviij.c?. Et in ml iiij<'. auri benevoli empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis 
operibus, pret' c™^. vj.5. — ui].li. iiij.*. Et in xxij. lagen' olei empt' de eodem Johanne, 
pro prsedictis operibus, pret' lagend ij.s. — xliiij.5. Et in vij.ft. asure de Wys empt' de 
eodem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus, pret' ft.iiij.5. — xxj.*. Et in j. quart' j. ft. de 
Synople empt' de eadem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus in gross. — x.*. 

Vadia Pict'. — Idem comp' in vad' Willielmi Burdoii-pictor operant' ibidem super 
pictur' unius Turris vocat' la Rose, per cxxiij dies di' infra tempus prsedictum cap', per 
diem xij.d. — vj./?'. iij.5. vj.d. Et in vad' v. Pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, per Ixxvij 
dies infra tempus prsedictum quolibet cap., per diem viij.c?. — xijJi'. xvj.5. viij.fl^. Et in 
vad' ix pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, percvij. dies infra tempus prsedictum quolibet cap', 
per diem, vj.^. — xxiiij./i'. Et in vad' v. pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, per Ixxv. 
dies di'. infra tempus prsedictum quolibet capient', per diem y.d. — vij./i'. xvij.5. ii'yd. ob. 

TO A.D. 1377.] WOUKS AT THE CASTLE. 179 

during part of that time he had several inferior painters at work 
under him. A considerable quantity of materials was required for 
their use, sixty-seven pounds of white lead, twelve pounds of 
verdigris, eighteen pounds of red lead, and eight pounds of vermi- 
lion, one pound of brown and seven pounds of blue, altogether 
about a hundred- weight of colour, and for which twenty-two 
gallons of oil was required ; also one thousand four hundred leaves 
of gold, six pounds of fine varnish, and three pounds of inferior 

From these extracts, and from independent evidence that the 
external decoration of buildings by painting them, was in vogue in 
this age, it seems evident that the Rose Tower, which was identical 
with the Round Tower, was painted externally in imitation of the 
flower from which its name was taken. ^ 

The accounts of Adam de Hertyndon furnish some curious 
proofs of the difficulties which must have attended extensive building 
works in the fourteenth century. As in earlier times, all the metal 
work was executed on the spot, and forges and furnaces were built 
for the smiths and plumbers. These forges and furnaces required 
fuel, and it had already been discovered that coal was a more 
efficient material than wood. Owing, however, to the prejudice of 
the Londoners against that mineral product (on account of its effect 
on the external appearance of their habitations), no supply of it 
could be procured in the metropohs, and the king's master of the 
works was compelled to buy a cargo of it at the pit mouth in the 
county of Durham, The narrative of the voyage of a ship chartered 
to carry coals for the works at Windsor in 1367, affords a striking 
contrast to the present state of the trade, when thousands of vessels 

Et in vad. ij. pictor' operant ibidem uterque, per xlj., dies infra tempus prsedictum utroque 
cap', per diem iiij.d. — xxvij.5. iiij.^. (Account of Adam de Hertyngdon of works at 
Windsor Castle, &c., a^. 39, 40 Edw. Ill, preserved in the Record Office at Carlton 
Ride ; mark E.B., 1243, Box Z.) 

^ The custom of painting over the outside of houses in various gay colours, as green, 
red, or blue, is still common in some parts of Holland, where many ancient usages are 
traditionally kept up, as in the villages of Brock and Saardam, a few miles from Amsterdam ; 
this seems a confirmation of the opinion drawn from other sources, that such a custom 
prevailed in the middle ages. (Parker's ' Domestic Architecture in England, from Edw. I 
to Ric. II,' p. 29.) 


and many lines of inland railway are daily engaged in bringing this 
important necessary of life to the capital. 

According to the custom of the time, the king sent his writ to 
the sheriff of Northumberland, ordering him to buy seven hundred 
and twenty-six chaldron of coals, and send them to London. The 
sheriff purchased them by the " greater hundred," at Winlaton, in 
the county of Durham, at \ld. the chaldron. Erom Winlaton, 
they were conveyed in " keles" to Newcastle-on-Tyne, and there 
shipped. The freight to the south was at the rate of ^s. 6d, a 
chaldron. On their voyage to London the colliers met with a 
" mighty tempest at sea," and through that, and by reason of the 
excess of measure over that of Newcastle, a loss of eighty-six chaldron 
and one quarter was incurred, the greater part having been thrown 
over-board during the tempest. Arrived at London, the coals 
were put on board " shutes," or barges, and taken to Windsor at 
a cost of 1,9. a chaldron. The total expense of bringing this in- 
significant quantity of fuel to London, including its cost price, 
was £165 5^. 2d., to which must be added the barge hire to 

During the forty-first and forty-second years of this reign 
(a.d. 1367-8), the works were drawing to a conclusion. The ex- 
penditure in each amounted to about £2000. Among the payments 
specified, are £10 to Adam de Hertyngdon, for buying marble; 
£60 for copper, purchased of John dayman, merchant, of Ger- 
many, for the king's bells at Windsor and elsewhere ; and 
£102 13^. on account of a great alabaster table, made by Peter 
Maceon, of Nottingham, for the high altar of St. George's,^ of 
which the whole cost amounted to three hundred marks.^ 

In 1369, the king granted to Helming Legatte, or Legat, 

for life, the office of constable of the castle, and also the office of 
bailiff within the new park of Windsor, and the parks of Wick- 
meare, Guildford, and the park and manor of Kennington.^ 

After the forty-third year, no more workmen were pressed, 

^ Parker's ' Domestic Arclutecture in England, from Edw. I to Rio. II,' pp. 27-9. 
2 Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 41-42 Edw. III. 

' Issue Roll, 45 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 193. 
* Pat., 42 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 33. 


and in the forty-fourth, the expenditure fell to the sum of 
£525 135. 3^.^ 

In that year, we have the payment of £60 to Adam de Hertyng- 
don, clerk of the works, for the purchase of seven casks of honey, 
price each cask, £8 10^., for the supply of the castle.^ 

There is also the sum of £9 2s. for 182 days' payment to Walter 
Whythers, '' door-keeper of the free chapel of Saint George, at 
Windsor, to whom the lord the king, by his letters patent, lately 
granted 12d. daily, to be received at the exchequer during his life, 
because that the same lord the king charged the same Walter to 
carry a wand in the presence of the said lord the king, before the 
college of the chapel aforesaid, in processions on the feast days, 
when the said lord the king personally should be there ; and that 
the same Walter might be able more easily to support that charge."^ 
This Walter Whythers was also " valet of the king's household," 
and, among other occasional employments, he was sent to York to 
borrow money "from divers abbots, priors, and others," for the 
king's use. Hugh de Bridham, a canon of the king's free chapel 
of Windsor, was sent on a similar errand into Somerset, Devon, 
and Cornwall.* 

Adam de Hertyngdon, in the exercise of his office at the exche- 
quer, went on this errand into Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and 
Herefordshire. A payment for £250 9^. S^d. on account of the 
works at Windsor, dated 4th of December, is made " £136 2^. 6d. 
by a tally raised this day, and in gold £114 6s. lO^d." Another 
of £6 13^. 4^d. is made " by a tally raised this day in the name of 
William of Wykeham, late Archdeacon of Lincoln."^ 

In the forty-seventh year (1373) the king granted to Roger 
Smale the custody of the key of the chamber in the new building 
in the upper bailey of the castle, with the keepership of the Little 
Park, under the castle, to hold during the king's pleasure.^ 

^ Poynter. 

2 Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham. 

3 Ibid. 

' Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III. 

* Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III. 

« Pat, 47 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 29. 


Nothing appears to have been done with respect to works at the 
castle from the forty-fourth year (1370) until the forty-eighth year 
(1374)/ when the payment of £446 occurs on account of the works.^ 
No subsequent document throws any light on the proceedings of 
Edward the Third, except the appointment, in 1375, of Robert 
Harresworth as surveyor of the works at the castle, during the 
king's pleasm^e,^ and the payment of £50, in 1376, to Adam de 
Hertyngdon, clerk of the works, for a new bell for the king's clock 
in the castle.^ 

With regard to the architectural character of the works in this 
reign, Mr. Poynter observes that " in the fourteenth century a total 
revolution had been effected in the principles of castellated archi- 
tecture. The spirit of feudal w^arfare had subsided, or was quelled 
by the increasing power of the monarchy ; and though security 
might still be an important element in constructing the habitations 
of the nobility, yet it was no longer imperative that it should be 
purchased at the expense of the comforts and amenities of life. 
The less powerful baron had therefore quitted the narrow confines 
of his keep tower, to breathe more cheerfully in the embattled and 
moated house, while the domestic buildings of the great castles, 
instead of lurking under the shelter of the ramparts, were com- 
pacted into one lofty and majestic structure, grouped with massive 
towers of defence, uniting an aspect of impregnable strength 
without, to the progressive refinements of art within. This prin- 
ciple in castellated architecture, of blending the palace with the 
fortress, which was first exhibited on a scale of grandeur in the 
Welsh castles of Edward the First, and continued to mark with its 
picturesque combinations the outline of our baronial residences 
long after their real military character had been extinguished, was 
never more perfectly developed than in the erection of the upper 
ward of Windsor Castle." ^ 

The upper ward added to the castle by Edward the Third 

^ Ashmole, chap, iv, sec. 1. 

2 Pointer, citing Issue Roll, 48 Edw. III. 

3 Pat., 49 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 14. 

^ Rot. Lib., 50 Edward III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 202. 
' Pointer's 'Essay on Windsor Castle.' 


occupies a square of about four hundred and twenty feet, allowing 
for those deviations from straight lines and right angles in which 
the builders of the middle ages seem to have taken some unaccount- 
able delight ; and it further encroaches upon the ancient confines 
of the middle ward, so far as to bring the entrance to the keep 
withinside the upper gate. But although this portion of the w^ork 
of Edward the Third forms the nucleus of nearly the whole struc- 
ture of the domus regis at the present day, yet so great has been 
the change effected by successive innovations, that research is 
baffled and curiosity disappointed in attempting to discern its 
original features. Some additional information may be obtained 
from the earliest representations of the castle, though none are of 
remote date. Norden's drawing, made at the beginning of the 
seventeenth century, at which period there is no reason to suppose 
any material alteration had been made in the buildings of the 
upper ward (except by some additions on the north side) since 
their erection, is valuable evidence that the same buildings were 
then in the same forms which they retained until the general 
modernisation of the castle by Charles the Second, and conse- 
quently that we may venture to gather further intelligence from 
the engravings of Hollar, which illustrate in the most satisfactory 
manner the external appearance of every part of the building 
immediately previous to that event. *' The only original trace of 
the architecture of the fourteenth century," continues Mr. Poynter, 
" now to be discerned, on the exterior of the upper ward, occurs in 
the principal gate adjoining the keep, where the whole of the arch- 
way, and the machecoulis w^hich overhangs it, display a character 
not to be mistaken. The gateway which occupied the north- 
eastern angle of the upper court, taken down in the late alterations, 
exhibited similar machecoulis, and Hollar's general view indicates 
the same in that occupying the place of the present state entrance. 
None of the towers appear ever to have borne this striking charac- 
teristic of the castellated architecture of the fourteenth century, but 
the formal repetition of square outlines, so offensive to the eye, 
previously to the operations of Sir JefTry Wyatville, was broken by 
lofty and picturesque turrets, most of which disappeared in the 
alterations of the seventeenth century. To the south and east, the 

184 > ANNALS or WINDSOH. [Chapter VIIL 

castle presented a stern aspect of defiance. The ditch extended 
throughout those two sides, the curtain walls were blank and 
unbroken except by buttresses, and the only apertures were the 
gateways and loopholes in the tower. The apartments were of 
course lighted altogether from within. The three small areas on 
the side where the buildings are double, since known as Birch 
Court, Horn Court, and the Kitchen Court, seem to indicate that 
the north front originally bore the same character as the rest ; but 
of this there is no representation until buildings of late date had 

" In the interior of the castle the work of Edward the Third is 
still visible in the vaulted basement of the Devil Tower. A range 
of groined vaulting also extends throughout the whole length of 
the tower called King John's, of which the originality cannot be 
doubted ; although, with the exception of one doorway near the 
kitchen, there is nothing peculiar by which the architecture of this 
portion of the edifice might be distinguished from that of a later 
date. The arches of this vaulting are four-centered, and present 
an early specimen of the systematic use of that form.'' ^ 

" These scanty details are nearly all that can now be discerned 
of the castle of the fourteenth century, but of the original state of 
St. George's Hall there is an intelligible record by Hollar. If this 
careful and conscientious engraver was sometimes faulty in his 
drawing and perspective, his truth, so far as his ability served him, 
is undoubted, and his representations of ancient buildings are 
invaluable when a knowledge of detail is brought to supply the 
deficiencies of the artist. Making, therefore, the necessary allow- 
ances. Hollar's etching probably sets before us the true design of 
the hall of Edward the Third. The style of the windows has been 
followed in the restoration by Sir JefFry Wyatville. The roof was 
in open timbers, the main rib being a four-centered arch, springing 

^ See Hollar's views in ' AsLmole.' Some dormer windows in tlie roof of St. George's 
Hall, and certain caps to some of the turrets, are the only particulars in which it is neces- 
sary to suppose any transformation had been made, either on the south and east sides, or 
in the great court, down to the time when these views were executed. (Poynter.) 

^ Povnter, where see a representation of the Interior of the Basement of the Devil's 


from an embattled cornice, and the space between the arch and the 
rafters richly ornamented with open foliated panelling. The w^all 
at the upper end, above the springing of the arch, was also richly 
panelled, in a style bearing at first sight the appearance of a later 
date ; but the English ^perpendicular architecture was gaining 
ground rapidly before these buildings were completed, and is found 
developed in an especial manner throughout all the acknowledged 
works of William of Wykeham."^ 

As the chapel was totally rased to the ground by Edward the 
Fourth in little more than a century after its erection, its position, 
form, and style must be left to conjecture. With regard to its 
position, it has already been shown not to have been built on 
the site of the old chapel, as Ashmole supposes,^ and it probably 
occupied the same ground as the choir of the present Chapel of 
St. George, though how far it extended westward cannot be 
known. Upon the question of its style there is the evidence of 
two fragments discovered near the site, a corbel and a piscina, 
ornamented with foliage strongly characteristic of the decorated 
English Gothic, and indicating, by the remains of colour on c^;^.eir 
surfaces, that they belonged to an edifice adorned in the poly- 
chromatic style so elaborately developed in the Chapel of St. Stephen's 
already built by this king at Westminster.^ 

The dean's cloister is a portion of the earlier works of Edward 
the Third. The style of the architecture fixes its date with pre- 
cision, but its proportions contrast very unfavorably with those 
which may still be discerned in the remains of the cloister of the 
thirteenth century which preceded it.* 

^ It is probable that this panelling may really be of a later date. It has been suggested 
by Mr. Ashton, with reference to some peculiarities in the plan and construction of the 
ground-floor underneatli, that an alteration may have taken place, not only in the dimen- 
sions (which cannot be doubted), but in the position of St. George's Hall. (Poynter.) 

2 ' Order of the Garter,' chap, iv, sect. 3. 

^ Poynter. Where see woodcuts of the remains referred to. 

^ Ibid, The works executed by Edward the Third in the chapel and its vicinity, are 
thus referred to in the College Charter of 19 Edward IV: — " Capellam sancti Georgii 
de Wyndesore, per foelicissimum principem, perpetuo memoria dignum, Edwardum 
tertium, progenitorem nostrum, in eorum houorem primitus erectam fuudatamque reparari 
et reaidificari, aliaque plurima sedificia eidem capella, et ministris ejusdem convenientia, 
de novo constriii facere," &c. {Vide Pat., 19 Edw. IV, m. 5.) 


In the twenty-fifth year of his reign, the king, as has been pre- 
viously mentioned, gave to the custos and canons of St. George's 
Chapel " the great garden" lying on the south side of the castle -^ 
but fourteen years afterwards he regained possession of it, and 
gave them in exchange a piece of ground in the town on which a 
house of John of London had stood. He also gave a garden on 
the opposite side of the way for the use of the poor knights, vicars, 
clerks, choristers, and the other officers of the college.^ 

In the forty-second year, eight acres of land, in a field called 
" Lydecroft," lying under the castle, were conveyed to the king ;^ 
and in the forty-ninth year, the king granted to Edward XJpnor 
and Alice his wife, in fee, nine acres of land in Windsor, situate in 
a certain field called " le Moresfield," in exchange for nine acres of 
other land in Windsor, held of the king.^ 

Sir John Brocas also gave to the king, by deed, lands and 
houses in Windsor, Dydworth or Didworth, Clewer, and Bray.^ 

The acquirement by the king of the lands and houses men- 
tioned in these documents, some portions of which he had in an 
ewcliiji' part of his reign granted away, seems to indicate that at 
the first he had no definite plans to carry out, but that a desire to 
keep pace with the changes and additions to the building, led to 
corresponding alterations and improvements in the vicinity of the 

By exchanges and inclosure of lands the king appears to have 
improved the royal domain as well as the town and neighbourhood 
of Windsor. 

In the twenty-third year of his reign he granted to William 
Trussell, of Cubbesden, the manor of Eaton Hastings in Berkshire, 
in fee, together with the advowson of the church, to hold by the 

* Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 37. Two years previously Alexander Allit had been 
appointed keeper of the royal garden at Windsor during the king's pleasure. Eot. 
Originalia, 23 Edw. Ill, r. 36. 

' Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 22. See ante. 

^ Memoranda of the Treasury, 42 Edw. III. See Sir P. Palgrave's ' Antient Kalendars 
and Inventories of the Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 217. 

4 Pat., 49 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 18. 

^ These lands appear to have been subsequently granted by the king to William de 
Wynford. {Fide Grig., 46 Edw. Ill, r. 21.) 


accustomed services, in exchange for lands in Foli John, Hermere, 
and Wichmere, and for lands in Old and New Windsor, Winkfield, 
and Ascot, and for lands in Eton, near Windsor, formerly the pro- 
perty of Oliver de Bordeaux, and all which the king re-joined and 
united to the castle and manor of Windsor.^ 

The king had previously, viz. in 1328, confirmed the manor of 
Old Windsor in fee to Oliver de Bordeaux, in order that the latter 
might impark his wood of Folyjon within the bounds of the 
forest, and that all his lands and tenements in Windsor purchased 
of John of London should be out of the regard of the forest and 
free from inclosures, together with various liberties of hunting, for 
his life ;^ and in 1336 the king had granted the manor of Folyjon, 
in the Forest of Windsor, to WilHam Trussell, in fee, to hold by the 
accustomed services.^ 

The manor of Old Windsor, however, does not seem to have 
been part of the possessions of William Trussell, of Cubbesden. 
The king appears to have regained it from Oliver de Bordeaux and 
to have granted it to St. George's Chapel, and by the dean it was 
re-delivered to the king -, for on the 2d of March in the thirtieth 
year of the king's reign, " William Mugge, the custos of the college 
of the king's free chapel in the Castle of Windsor, delivered into the 
receipt of the treasury a certain writing, by which the said custos 
and college of the chapel aforesaid delivered up to the lord the 
king the manor of Old Windsor, with its appurtenances, together 
with a certain fall of water called Horned Were."^ This wear or 
stream was the same year let to the custos of the chapel for the 
term of twenty years, at the yearly rent of £4.^ 

The king having regained or acquired possession of the lands, 
proceeded in 1359 to inclose all his lands in the manors of Old 
and New Windsor. 

By a commission dated at Westminster the 28th day of March, 
in the thirty-third year of his reign, he appointed William of 

1 Pat., 32 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 1. 2 xbid., 2 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 7. 

3 Pat., 10 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 10. 

* Memoranda of the Treasury, 30 Edw. III. See Sir F. Palgrave's 'Antieut 
Kalendars and Inventories of the Treasury of the Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 179. 
" Rot. Orig., 30 Edw. Ill, r. 4. 

188 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter Vill. 

Wickeliam, John de Foxle, Peter Attwood, and Robert de Hertesie 
to take all the king's domains, lands, and tenements of Folyjon, 
Hyremers,-^ Old Windsor, New Windsor, Wynkfield, and Ascot, in 
the county of Berks,^ and certain tenements there, in the king's 
name to license to inclose, and lease in fee farm, in fee, or for life 
or for years, as to the commissioners should seem expedient, and 
to extend all the customary rents and services of the king's native 
and free tenants in the town (villa) of Old Windsor, and set forth 
the value of the same in money, and to allot to these free tene- 
ments sufficiency of common in the Forest of Windsor, as the king's 
other tenants were accustomed to have, the payments for which 
farm lands and tenements so inclosed, as well as the value in 
money of the customary payments, to be paid into the king's 
treasury by the hand of the constable of Windsor Castle for the 
time being. Power was also given to the commissioners to pull 
down and make sale of all houses and buildings that were not 
necessary, and to pay the proceeds thereof, by the hands of William 
of Wykeham, into the treasury, and to make a report of all that 
they did, with the names and quantities of the lands and tenements 
so demised. 

In pursuance of this commission, the commissioners made their 
certificate, called Certificatio arentaticnisy at Old Windsor the 
4th day of April, and at Folyjon the 8th of April, and at New 
Windsor on the 16th of April, in the same year. It appears from 
this that the domains, lands, and tenements, the subject of this 
commission, were those that came into the king's hands by the gift 
or feoffment of William Trussell, of Coblesdon, knight, as above 
mentioned.^ The certificate, after setting out the king's com- 

1 Hyremers is supposed to have been a part of the manor of Eolyjou, lying west of 
Buntingbury, or between Winckfield Lane and North Street. (Waterson's MSS. ; see 
the note to the next page.) 

2 A similar inclosure commission of the same year, and apparently for the same lands, 
is directed to William de Wykeham, Peter atte Wode, and Robert de Waltham. {Vide 
Rot. Orig., 33 Edw. Ill, ro. 2.) 

2 Among the escheats of the thirty-ninth year of Edward the Third's reign, are the 
following possessions of William of Trussell: — "Eton manor extent'; Shawe manor 
extent'; Old Windsor; Nursmede purpresture; Eolyjon manor; Hiremere, Winkfield, 
and Ascot, lands and tenements; New Windsor manor." (Escaet., 39 Edw. Ill, 
num. 50.) 


mission, states that the commissioners had inclosed all the before- 
mentioned lands, and enfranchised the tenements in the form 
therein under written ; and then follows a list of persons and lands, 
with the amount to be paid by them respectively ; all the land 
so granted amounting to 27 la. 2r. 29p., and the total rents to 
£17 6s. ^\d. 

After this follows a certificate of rent assize appertaining to 
lands and tenements in Folyjon, and issuing out of lands demised 
there, the whole amounting to £13 Is. ^d. ; the total value of the 
manor of Folyjon, with its members of Hyremers, Wynkefeld, and 
Ascot, being stated at £30 \^s, 2\d., besides the king's manor 
and park uninclosed. 

The commissioners, in conclusion, stated that they had inclosed 
all the lands in New Windsor.^ 

Similar commissions were issued with respect to lands in 
Windsor, and lands and tenements in Eton, conveyed to the king 
by Sir William Trussell, and the lands and tenements of Shawe, 
conveyed to the king by William de Polmorna.^ 

Sales took place under these commissions of unnecessary houses 
in the manors of Folyjon, Winkfield, Ascot, New Windsor, 
Old Windsor, Slough, and Eton, under the superintendence of 
William of Wykeham. Master William' sold to one William de 
Combe, one of the king's cooks, " a hall with two chambers 
annexed, a granary, with a gateway built over it, a stable, and two 
barns," in the manor of New Windsor.'^ 

^ At the request of the inhabitants of Folyjon, Winkfield, and Ascot, Queen Elizabeth 
granted, by letters patent dated 27th of September, in the thirtieth year of her reign, an 
exemplification of the enrolment in Chancery of this certificate. The exemplification is 
transcribed into Mr. V^aterson's MS. Collection respecting the parish of Winkfield, 2 vols., 
preserved in the chapel of Cranborn schools. The original return, or certificate of inclosure, 
is preserved in the Wakefield Tower. (See 3d Report of the Deputy-Keeper of Public 
Records, A.pp. ii, p. 189.) In the above-mentioned MS. collection, the patent of Elizabeth, 
which in one part is said to be lost, is mentioned as having been " happily recovered." 

It may be mentioned that Edward the Tliird, in the forty-first year of his reign, granted 
to the tenants of the manor of Folyjon that they should be free from prisage and carriage 
of the king's goods, and also that they should have common of pasture within the 
king's forest for all animals. (Pat., 41 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 7.) 

2 Vide Ashmole MS., No. 1122, fol. 62—64. 

^ Parker's ' Domestic Architecture in England, from Edw. 1 to Ric. 11,' p. 9, citing 
Roll among the Queen's Remembrancer's Records at Carlton Ride, F. 2. H., 943. 

190 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chaptek VIII. 

Among the memoranda of the treasury in the fortieth year of 
this reign there is one of the delivery, by WilHam of Wykeham, of 
three deeds and two letters of attorney, relating, among others, 
to the manors of Folyjon and Eton, and lands and houses in 
Windsor;^ and in the next year, William of Wykeham, who is 
described as late keeper of the lands and tenements of Oliver de 
Burdeux in New and Old Windsor, Wythemere, Folie John, Hyre- 
mere, Winkfield, and Ascot, in the county of Berks, and in Eton 
in Bucks, together with the manors of Shawe, was directed to 
deliver them to Thomas Cheyne, the constable of the castle, on the 
king's behalf.^ 

Among the minor grants and appointments of this reign are the 
following: — In 1328, to John Wyarde, the king's valet, among 
other premises, a house in Windsor, lately belonging to Simon of 
Beading, to hold by the accustomed service.^ In 1368, to John 
de West, the custody of the outer gate of Windsor for life ;^ and 
in 1376, the appointment of Ralph Porter as janitor of the castle 
for life.^ 

In the ninth year of this reign (a.d. 1335) the king confirmed 
to John de Molyns, in fee, the manors of Datchet and Fulmer in 
Buckinghamshire, granted to him by William de Montague, to hold 
by the accustomed service.^ 

The manor of Datchet had been the same year granted to 
William de Montague by the king,^ probably by way of confirma- 
tion only, and with a view to the subsequent grant. Sir John de 
Molyns was the queen's seneschal, and appears to have held con- 
siderable property in the neighbourhood of Windsor, including, 
besides those above named, the lordships of Stoke Pogis and 
Ditton and the manor of Cippenham.^ 

^ See Sir P. Palgrave's ' Antient Calendars and Inventories of the Exchequer/ vol. i, 


» Orig., 41 Edw. Ill, ro. 32. 

3 Pat., 2 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 4. 

4 Ibid., 42 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 21. 

5 Pat., 50 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 18. 

6 Ibid., 9 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 18. See Ashmol. MS., No. 840, fol. 317—320. 

7 Lysons' * Magna Brit.,' citing Pat., 9 Edw. III. 

^ There were two manors in Cippenham at this period. The one was granted to Sir 


In 1362 the following petition was presented to the king, 
involving a charge against John de Molyns : 

" To our lord the king, his poor subject Robert Lamberd, chandler, 
of London, supplicates, that as, by the false means of deceit of John 
de Molyns, late seneschal of my lady the queen, who alleged against 
the said Robert that he had broken into the park of my said lady the 
queen at Langley Marys, he was imprisoned in the Castle of Windsor, 
and there detained in prison until he should pay a fine to my lady of 
one hundred marks, which fine greatly exceeded the value of all his 
goods, and which he at last paid to my said lady into her treasury, by 
which the said Robert is wholly destroyed and ruined; it may please 
your most excellent sovereign, for the love of God and in tender 
charity, to grant to the said Robert some little office in London, or 
in some other way to grant him aid, so that he may obtain hii 

John Molyns in 1339, and the other to Bnrnham Abbey. (Lysonr>' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, 
p. 532.) Sir William Molyns held the one in the reign of Henry the Sixth. (See post.) 
It subsequently passed by female heirs to the families of Hungerford and Hastings. It 
is probable, says Lysons, that the two manors were united after the dissolution of 
Burnham Abbey. " The manor of Cippenham, which had long been in the family of 
Goodwyn of Woburn, was purchased by the Duchess of Marlborough about the year 
1742 ; and having passed by her bequest to her grandson, John Spencer, was sold by his 
representative. Earl Spencer, to the late Mr. Dupre." It was in 1806 the property of 
his son, James Dupre, Esq., of Wilton Park. (Lysons.) In 1338 (12-13 Edw. Ill) Sir 
John de Molyns " procured a charter from the king to hold a court leet, and to have cor- 
rection for the assize of bread and beer, through all his lordships of Brehall (Brill), Stoke- 
Pogis, Ditton, Datchet, Eulmere, Ilmere, Adingtou, Aston Bernard, Weston Turvile, 
Lutegareshale, Stivede, Littecote, and Swanborn, in com. Buck.; Henley and Swyrford, com. 
Oxon; and Henle, com. Sur. Being now one of the knights of the king's chamber, he 
obtained a special precept to the lord treasurer and chamberlains of the exchequer, for 
the receipt of two hundred and twenty pounds ten shillings one penny, as well for the 
wages due to himself, with his men-at-arms and archers, in the wars of Scotland, as for a 
recompense of the horses which he had lost in that service. In this year he was in the 
expedition made into Elanders, and nigh that time obtained a special discharge from all 
such services as were due from him for his manor of Dachette to Windsor Castle. He 
had letters patent for custody of all the king's hawks, that being the service whereby he 
held the manor of Ilmere, com. Bucks. At this time the convent of S. Erideswide, Oxon, 
covenanted to keep his anniversary, and that of Egidia his wife. He had now likewise a 
grant from the king of the advowson of the monastery of Burnham, com. Buck. (Dugd. 
Bar., torn, ii, p. 146), to which he now gave the manor of Selveston in com. Northamp. 
(R. Dod's MS., vol. Ixxxv, f. 109)." (Kennett's * Paroc. Antiq.' (edit. 1818), vol. ii, 
p. 71.) 

^ * Rolls of Parliament,' vol. ii, p. 274. 


In answer^ the applicant was referred to the queen's council. 
The result does not appear. 

Among other private owners or holders of lands in Windsor 
and the neighbourhood at this period, we find John of Burnham 
held of Richard de Wyndelesore one hundred acres in Windsor ;^ 
Thomas de Huntercombe held the manor of Burnham^ as of the 
honor of Windsor -^ John de Molyns held eighteen acres of land at 
Eton, on behalf of the abbess and convent of Burnham -^ and 
Thomas atte Wyk de Etone (Thomas of Eton-wick) held one virgate 
at Ditton in Buckinghamshire, on behalf of the same abbess and 

Notwithstanding the alterations in progress in the castle, 
Edward the Third appears to have spent a considerable portion of 
his time there. 

The splendour with which he held the Feast of St. George in 
1358 has been already described. 

On the 10th 6f October, 1361, Edward the Black Prince and 
the Lady Joan, commonly called the Fair Countess of Kent, were 
married, in the queen's presence, at the chapel at Windsor.^ 

The king also held his Christmas of 1361 and the two following 
years at Windsor.^ 

In the summer of 1365, the marriage of Isabella, the king's 
eldest daughter, with Ingelram de Guisnes, Lord de Courcy, was 
performed with great pomp and splendour at the castle, and the 
marriage-feast kept there " in most royal and triumphant wise." ^ 

The bridegroom was on this occasion created Earl of Albemarle. 

The following payments occur under the date of the 6th 
November, 1366 : — ''To divers minstrels at Windsor, present at 
the marriage of Isabella the king's daughter, the Lady de Courcy, 

^ Escaet., 36 Edw. Ill, p.i, num. 16. Richard of Windsor appears to have been a 
person of considerable property. His name occurs among the sheriffs of this reign. See 
Euller's ' Worthies of Berkshire.' 

2 Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, num. 74. 

^ Ibid, 12 Edw. Ill, num. 11 (second numbers). 

^ Ibid., num. 8 (second numbers). 

^ Walsingham, and Barnes's ' Life of Edward the Third.' 

^ See Stowe's ' Annals.' 

7 Holinshed. Barnes's ' Life of Edward the Third,' citing Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. ii, 
m. 8. 


in money paid to them of the king's gift, £100." "To Ehzabeth 
Countess of Athol, in money paid to her by the lord the king at 
Windsor, of the said king's gift, at the time the same lord the king 
held the infant of the same countess there at the holy font, £100."^ 

In the following year we find the king and his queen at 
Windsor, entertaining the ambassadors or messengers sent from 
Bordeaux by the Black Prince, to obtain the king's advice as to 
the assistance sought by Don Pedro, King of Castile, in the war 
with his brother Henry, and to which Edward gave his assent.^ 

On the 15th of August, 1369, Queen Philippa died at Windsor. 
The event and the parting scene with her husband is touchingly 
told by Froissart, and the passage has been admirably translated 
by Lord Berners : — " There fell in England a heavy case and a 
common, howbeit it was right piteous for the king, his children, 
and all his realm. For the good Queen of England, that so many 
good deeds had done in her time, and so many knights succoured, 
and ladies and damsels comforted, and had so largely departed of 
her goods to her people, and naturally loved always the nation of 
Heynault, the country where she was born, she fell sick in the 
Castle of Wyndesore, the which sickness continued on her so long, 
that there w^as no remedy but death. And the good lady, when 
she knew and perceived that there was with her no remedy but 
death, she desired to speak with the king her husband ; and when 
he was before her she put out of her bed her right hand, and took 
the king by his right hand, who was right sorrowful at his heart. 
Then she said, ' Sir, we have in peace, joy, and great prosperity 
used all our time together. Sir, now I pray you, at our departing, 
that ye will grant me three desires.' The king, right sorrowfully 
weeping, said, ' Madam, desire what ye will, I grant it.' ' Sir,' 
said she, ' I require you, first of all, that all manner of people, such 
as I have dealt withall in their merchandize, on this side the sea or 
beyond, that it may please you to pay every thing that I owe to 
them, or to any other. And, secondly, sir, all such ordinance and 
promises as I have made to the churches, as well of this country as 

^ See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. II 
^ Eroissart. 


194 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VIIL 

beyond the sea, whereat I have had my devotion, that it may please 
you to accompHsh and to fulfil the same. Thirdly, sir, I require 
you, that it may please you to take none other sepulture, when- 
soever it shall please God to call you out of this transitory life, but 
beside me in Westminster/ The king, all weeping, said, * Madam, 
I grant all your desire.' Then the good lady and queen made on 
her the sign of the cross, and commended the king her husband to 
God, and her youngest son, Thomas, who was there beside her. And 
anon, after, she yielded up the spirit, the which I believe surely the 
holy angels received with great joy up to heaven, for in all her life 
she did neither in thought nor deed thing whereby to lese her soul, 
as far as any creature could know. Thus the good Queen of 
England died, in the year of our Lord 1369, in the vigil of our 
Lady in the middle of August.'' 

In 1370 the Black Prince was obliged to leave the scene of his 
military glory in France and return to England, his constitution 
having given way under the severity of his exertions. He landed 
at Southampton, and was carried in a litter across the country to 
Windsor. The Princess of Vv^ales, their son Richard, and the Earls 
of Cambridge and Pembroke, accompanied him on horseback. 
They were affectionately received by the king. The prince, after 
remaining some time at Windsor, removed to his manor of Berk- 
hamstead, where he lingered for six years.^ 

In the same year, Sir Robert Knowles, who had the command 
of part of the English army in France, came over on a visit to see 
the king, at the request of the latter. He landed in Cornwall, and 
proceeded to Windsor, where he met with a cordial reception.^ 

In 1372, the Duke of Lancaster, the king's second son, accom- 
panied by his duchess (a daughter of Pedro King of Castile) and 
her sister, with a large retinue, returned to England from France. 
Landing at Southampton, they took the road to Windsor, where 
the king resided. *' He received his son the duke, the ladies, 
damsels, and the foreign knights, with great joy and feasts, but 
especially Sir Guiscard d' Angle, whom he was delighted to see." ^ 

1 Froissart. 2 xbid. 

^ Ibid. Sir Guiscard d' Angle, Marslial of Aquitaine, Lad been ordered bj the 
Council of the Gascons to accompany the duke. 

TO A.D. 1377.] MINOU INCIDENTS. 195 

At the Feast of St. George which ensued, Sir Guiscard d' Angle 
was elected a knight, together with other barons, who were on this 
occasion styled the Knights of the Blue Garter.^ After the feast, 
the king went to London to hold a council, at which the Duke of 
Lancaster was ordered to make a fresh invasion of France. After 
the council broke up, Edward returned to Windsor, accompanied 
by Sir Guiscard d'Angle.^ 

In 1376 (50 Edw. Ill), the watermen of the Thames presented 
their petition to the king in parliament, complaining amongst other 
things of the exactions made in passing the bridges of Staines, 
Windsor, and Maidenhead, contrary to their privileges, and praying 
a remedy ; upon which it was ordered that they should make their 
suit to the Chancery, and obtain writs for their relief.^ 

This seems to be the last incident connected with Windsor in 
the reign of Edward the Third — a period, the importance of which 
in the history of Windsor is in full proportion to its duration, 
beyond half a century. 

In the latter years of his reign the king abandoned himself 
to the care of Alice Ferrers, living for some time at Eltham, and 
dying at Shene, June 21st, 1377, in the fifty-first year of his 

It is probable that the evident attachment of this monarch to 
Windsor arose in some degree from its being his birthplace and his 
*' nurse.'' * 

His seventh and youngest son was called " William of 
Windsor." ^ There is a monument to this prince in St. Edward's 
Chapel, within the Chapel of St. George.^ 

^ Eroissart. 

2 Ibid. By letters patent dated at Windsor, the 23d of April, 1374, the king 
granted to GeofFry Chaucer, the poet, for his life, a pitcher of wine, to be received daily 
at the port of London, by the hands of the king's butler or his deputy. (Pat., 48 Edw. Ill, 
p. i, m. 20.) 

3 Rot. Pari., vol. ii, p. 346. 

* Leland, ' Commentarir in Cygneam,' cant verb. Windlesora. The sword of state of 
Edward the Third, measuring six feet nine inches in length, is preserved in the chapter- 
house of St. George's Chapel, where also there is a portrait of the king in the robes of a 
Garter. (Stoughton, p. 56.) 

5 Hall's ' Chronicle.' 

^ See Gough's ' Sepulchral Monuments,' vol. i, p. 96. 


Evidence of the use made of the castle as a prison occurs in 
some imperfect Italian characters traced on the walls, and supposed 
to refer to this reign. 

The first of these was discovered more than a century ago,^ on 
a stone in the window of the Devil's Tower. The inscription, as 
far as it could be deciphered, was as follows : — " Gudo pincho 
Eduardo. Buono p''e Eduardo .... inavesto palacco pre . . Ragione 
econtra Giustitia . . Buono p'e Eduardo .... male prego idio 
santissima misericordia . . . dolo . . amen." 

In the absence of date it is hard to guess who the individual 
was, or at what period it was written, for there is nothing beyond 
the character of the writing even to denote to which of the Edwards 
it refers. It has been suggested that it might as well be in the 
time of Edward the Eirst as Edward the Third, or be the work of 
some Italian concerned in the assassination of Henry Earl of Corn- 
wall, son of Richard King of the Romans.^ It is possible that the 
prisoner was one of the retinue or household of John King of 
Erance, after the latter was taken prisoner by the Black Prince ; 
but without further data it is impossible to proceed beyond 

Traces of a similar inscription were found in 1846 in the 
Norman Tower, probably the work of the same captive, the cha- 
racter and expressions resembling each other. In addition to the 
words (in Italian) "prisoner,'' "justice," "passion of Christ," 
" mercy," &c., on the right of the block of stone were the points of 
the compass roughly traced, and the writer, after giving the Italian 
for the cardinal points, apparently endeavoured to render them into 

The fact that the two inscriptions were found in different 
towers does not contravene the internal evidence that they are 
the production of the same individual, the removal of the 

* I'ote's * History of Windsor,' pp. 43 — 45, where see a representation of the block. 

2 Ibid. 

2 See a paper by one of the editors of the present work in the ' Journal of the British 
Arcliaeological Association,' vol. ii, p. 268. There is a tracing of this inscription in the 
archives of that society, taken from the original block, which was then, and probably 
still is, in the possession of the clerk of the works at Windsor Castle. 

TO A.D. 1377.] 



prisoner from one ward to another accounting for the different 

^ In the Ash. MS., No. 1134, f. 310, there is a copy of twenty Gothic capital letters, 
suggested by Mr. Black to be of the date of the thirteenth century, but in which he is 
probably mistaken, described as an " inscription found cut on a stone in the wall of a 
roome on the south side of Windsor Castle, where the magazine was kept, ]683." 

It is said of David King of Scotland, that during his captivity in this reign, *' being 
much part of the time confined in Nottingham Castle, he left behind him in a vault 
under the castle, curiously engraven with his own hands on the walls, which were of 
rock, the whole story of the passion of our Saviour : for which, one says, that castle 
became as famous as formerly it had been for Mortimer's Hole." (Barnes' ' Life of 
Edward the Third,' p. 529.) 

Winchester Tower, from the North Terrace. 



Tales and Romances naturally associated with Windsor — King Arthur and the Knights 
of the Round Table — Romance of the Eitz-Warines — Jean de Meun's ' Roman de 
la Rose,' and Chaucer's ' Romauut of the Rose' — ' King Edward and the Shepherd' 
— Political Songs — Song against the King of Almaigne. 

The order of narration of events at Windsor must be inter- 
rupted for a short time, for the purpose of introducing some notice 
of the allusions to Windsor in the Romances,^ Tales, and Ballads 
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 

It might be naturally expected that Windsor, with its various 
historical associations — its castle, at once the abode of the sove- 
reign and his favorites and the prison of the disaffected, with a 
forest of almost unlimited extent stretching far away to the south — 
would find a place in some of the legendary tales so numerous in 
this age. 

Although abounding more or less in the marvellous, it is 
scarcely necessary to remark that they are well worthy the attention 
of the historian and antiquary, who derives assistance, not only in 

* The word romance^ in its original acceptation, meant a book of any kind written in 
the Middle-Age dialects derived from the Latin, each of which was called Lingua Romana, 
or Langue Romane^ pure Latin being always characterised as the Lingua Latina^ or Langue 
Jjatine. The name Romans {i. e., Liber Romanus) became more peculiarly applied to the 
long poetical narratives sung by the minstrels in the baronial halls, which sometimes 
recorded the old traditions of the country; at others celebrated the deeds of the barons in 
whose halls they were chanted, and their feuds with their neighbours ; and at a later 
period became gradually restricted to stories of a more imaginative character, from wlience 
has arisen our modern application of the word. (Wright's 'History of Ludlow,' p. Gi.) 


the elucidation of the events of history, but in "reading off'* the 
manners, tastes^ and habits of the people. 

Allusion was made in the first chapter of this work to the state- 
ment by Froissart, that King Arthur assembled his Knights of the 
Round Table at Windsor.^ 

Froissart, wltt) lived at the court of Edward the Third, probably 
had in his recollection some current traditions of the day which 
have not descended to a later age, or at least have not yet been 
brought to light. ^ 

The earliest story, not perhaps as regards its actual composition 
and production, but with respect to the date of the events narrated, 
in which allusion is made to Windsor, appears to be in the 
' Romance of the Fitz-Warines.' This romance, which was very 
popular during a long period of time, was first composed in Anglo- 
Norman verse; a version appeared probably before the end of the 
thirteenth century in English verse, and at the beginning of the 
fourteenth century the original Anglo-Norman poem was trans- 
formed into a prose version. The Anglo-Norman and English 
poems were extant in the time of Leland, who has given an imper- 
fect abstract of them ; but the prose version alone, as far as can be 
ascertained, is now preserved in a manuscript of the reign of 
Edward the Second.^ 

Fulke Fitz-Warine, the hero of the story, and his younger 
brothers, were educated with the children of Henry the Second, 
and he enjoyed the favour of Richard the First during the whole of 

* See ante, p. 2. 

'^ " It would make greatly (I knowe) as wel for the illustration of the glorie, as for 
the extending of the antiquitie of this place, to alledge out of Frozard that King Arthur 
accustomed to hold the solemnities of his Round Table at Wyndsore : but as I dare not 
over boldly avouche al King Arthures antiquities, the rather bycause it hathe bene 
thought a disputable question wheather theare weare ever any suche kiiige or no; so like 
I not to joine with Frozard in this part of that stoarie, bycause he is but a forrein 
writer, and (so farre as I see) the only man that hath delivered it unto us ; and thcrfore, 
supposing it more safe to follow our owne hystorians, especially in our owne hystorie, I 
thinke good to leave the tyme of the Brytons, and to descend to the raygne of the Saxon 
kings, to the end that they may have the first honour of the place, as tliey weare indcde 
the first authors of the name." (Lambarde's 'Topographical Dictionary,' p. 414.) 

^ British Museum, MS. Reg., 12 C, XII, recently translated and edited by Mr. 
T. Wright, and printed by the Warton Society. 

200 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

that monarch's reign, holding the office or charge of warden of the 
marches, in the vicinity of which he possessed considerable pro- 
perty. On the accession of John, Fulke lost the royal favom^ and 
became an outlaw. He was held one of the bravest knights and 
strongest men of his time, and his adventures, while he lived in the 
woods and on the seas, were the theme of general admiration 
during the two centuries which followed.^ 

The enmity which existed so long between King John and the 
family of the Fitz-Warines is said to have originated in their 
boyish quarrels. While they were little more than children in 
King Henry's household, John and Fulke w^ere one day playing at 
chess, and the former, whose evil disposition was exhibited in his 
childhood, angry at the superior skill of his playfellow, struck him 
violently on the head with the chess-board. Fulke returned the 
blow with so much force, that the prince was thrown with his head 
against the wall, and fell senseless on the floor. He was soon 
restored to his senses by the exertions of his playfellow, for they 
were alone ; and he immediately ran to his father the king to make 
his complaint. But Henry knew his son's character, and not only 
rebuked him for his quarrelsomeness, telling him that if Fulke had 
beaten him he had no doubt it was what he merited, but he sent 
for the prince's master, and ordered him to be again beaten " finely 
and well" for complaining. John never forgot that Fulke Fitz- 
Warine had been the cause of this disgrace, and on ascending the 
throne deprived him of the wardenship of the marches and his 
family possessions. It would occupy too much space to enter into 
the intermediate proceedings of Fitz-Warine, now an outlaw: it must 
suffice to say that after a visit to France, and numerous subsequent 
adventures by sea, he sailed with his companions towards England.* 

" When they arrived at Dover, they went on shore, and left Mador 
with the ship in a certain place where they could find him when they 
would. Fulk and his companions had learnt from the people who 

* Fouke e ces compaignouns siglerent vers Engleterre. Quant vyndrent a Dovre, 
eutrerent la terre, e lesserent Mador ou la nef en un certeyn leu la ou il ly porreyent 
trover quant vodreyent. Fouke e ces compaignons avoient enquis des paissantz qe le roy 

1 Wright's ' History of Ludlow,' pp. 63, G4. 


passed them that King John was at Windsor, and they set out 
privily on the way towards Windsor. By day they slept and reposed, 
and by night they wandered, until they came to the forest ; and there 
they lodged in a certain place where they used before to be in the 
Forest of Windsor, for Fulk knew all the parts there. Then they heard 
huntsmen and men with hounds blow the horn, and by that they knew 
that the king was going to hunt. Fulk and his companions armed 
themselves very richly. Fulk swore a great oath that for fear of death 
he would not abstain from revenging himself on the king, who forcibly 
and wrongfully had disinherited him, and from challenging loudly his 
rights and his heritage. Fulk made his companions remain there ; and 
himself, he said, would go and look out for adventures. 

" Fulk went his way, and met an old collier carrying a triblet in 
his hand ; and he was dressed all in black, as a collier ought to be. 
Fulk prayed him for love that he would give him his clothes and his 
triblet for money. ' Sir,^ said he, ^ willingly.' Fulk gave him ten 
besants,^ and begged him for his love that he would not tell anybody 
of it. The collier went away. Fulk remained, and now dressed him- 
self in the attire which the collier had given him, and Avent to his 
coals, and began to stir up the fire, Fulk saw a great iron fork, 
which he took in his hand, and arranged here and there the pieces of 
wood. At length came the king with three knights, all on foot, to 
Fulk where he was arranging his fire. When Fulk saw the king, he 

Johan fust a Wyndesoure, e se mistrent privement en la vole vers Wyndesoure. Les jours 
dormyrent e se reposerent, les nuytz errerent, tanqu'il vyndrent a la foreste ; e la se her- 
bigerent en un certeyn lyw oii yl soleynt avant estre en la foreste de Wyndesoure, quar 
Fouke savoit yleqe tons les estres. Donqe oyerent veneours e berners corner, e par ce 
saveyent qe le rey irroit chacer. Fouke e ces compaignons s'armerent molt riclieinent. 
Fouke jura grant serement qe pur pour de moryr ne lerreit qu'il ne se vengeroit de le roy 
q'a force e a tort ly ad desherytee, e qu'il ne clialengereit hautement ces dreytures e son 
lierytage. Fouke fist ces compaignons demorer yleqe ; e il meymes, ce dit, irreit espier 

Fouke s'en ala, e encontra un viel charboner portant une trible en sa meyn ; si fust 
vestu tot neir, come apert a cliarboner. Fouke ly pria par amour qu'il le velsist doner 
ces vestures e sa trible pur du seon. "Sire," fet-il, "volenters." Fouke ly dona 
X. besantz, e ly pria pur s'amour qu'il ne le contast a nully. Le charboner s'en va. Fouke 
remeynt, e se vesty meyntenant de le atyr qe le cliarboner ly avoit donee, et vet a ces 
charbons, si comence de addresser le feu. Fouke vist un grosse fourclie de fer, si la prent 
en sa meyn, e dresse saundreyt e landreyt ces coupons. Atant vynt le roy ou treis che- 
valers, tot a pee, a Fouke la oil il fust adresaunt son feu. Quant Fouke vist le roy, assez 

^ For information as to this coin, see the article " Bezant" in the ' Penny Cyclopaidia.' 
By collier is of course meant a charcoal-burner. 

202 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

knew him well enough, and he cast the fork from his hand, and saluted 
his lord, and went on his knees before him very humbly. The king 
and his three knights had great laughter and game at the breeding and 
bearing of the collier ; they stood there very long. ' Sir villan,^ 
said the king, ' have you seen no stag or doe pass here V ' Yes, my 
lord, a while ago/ ' What beast did you see ?' ' Sir, my lord, a 
horned one ; and it had long horns/ ' Where is it V ^ Sir, my lord, 
I know very well how to lead you to where I saw it/ ' Onward, then, 
sir villan ; and we will follow you/ ' Sir,^ said the collier, ' shall I 
take my fork in my hand ? for, if it were taken, I should have thereby 
a great loss/ ^ Yea, villan, if you will/ Fulk took the great fork of 
iron in his hand, and led the king to shoot ; for he had a very handsome 
bow. ' Sir, my lord,' said Fulk, ' will you please to wait, and I will 
go into the thicket, and make the beast come this way by here V 
' Yea,' said the king. Fulk hastily sprang into the thick of the 
forest, and commanded his company hastily to seize upon King John, 
^ For I have brought him there, only with three knights ; and all his 
company is on the other side of the forest/ Fulk and his company 
leaped out of the thicket, and cried upon the king, and seized him at 
once. 'Sir king,' said Fulk, 'now I have you in my power; such 
judgment will I execute on you as you would on me if you had 
taken me.' The king trembled with fear, for he had great dread of 
Fulk. Fulk swore that he should die for the great damage and dis- 
inheriting which he had done to him and to many a good man in 
England. The king implored his mercy, and begged his life of him for 
the love of God ; and he would restore him entirely all his heritage 

bien le conust, e gitta la fourche de sa mejn, e salua son seignour, e se mist a genoyls 
devant ly molt humblement. Le roy e ces trois chevalers aveyent grant ryseye e jeu de 
la noreture e de la porture le cliarboner ; esturent ileqe bien longement. " Dauu vyleyn," 
fet le roy, " avez veu nul cerf ou bisse passer par ycy ? " " Oyl, mon seignour, pie9a." 
"Quele beste veitez-vus ?" " Sire, mon seignur, une cornuee ; si avoit longe corns." " Ou 
est-ele?" " Sire, mon seignur, je vus say molt bien mener la ou je la vy." "Ore avant, 
daun vyleyn ! e nus vus siweroms." "Sire," fet le charboner, "prendroy-je ma forclie 
en mayn? quar, si ele fust prise, je en averoy grant perte." "Oyl, vyleyn, si vus volez." 
Fouke prist la grosse fourche de fer en sa meyn, si amoyne le roy pur archer; quar yl 
avoit un molt bel arke. "Sire, mon seignur," fet Eouke, "vus plest-il attendre, e je 
irroy en I'espesse e fray la beste venir cest chemyn par ycy ?" " Oil," ce dit le roy. Fouke 
hastyvement sayly en le espesse de la forest, e coraanda sa meyne hastivement prendre le 
Roy Jolian ; " Quar je I'ay amenee sa, solement ou treis chevalers ; e tote sa meysne est de 
I'autre part la foreste." Fouke e sa meyne saylyrent hors de la espesse, e escrierent le 
roy, e le pristrent meintenant. " Sire roy," fet Fouke, "ore je vus ay en mon bandon; 
tel jugement froi-je de vus come vus vodrez de moy si vus me ussez pris." Le roy trembla 
de pour, quar il avoit grant doute de Fouke. Fouke jura qu'il morreit pur le grant 
damage e la desheritesown qu'il avoit fet a ly e a meint prodhome d'Engleterre. Le roy 
ly cria mercy, e ly pria pur amour Dieu la vie ; e yl ly rendreyt enterement tou son 


and whatever he had taken from him and from all his people, and 
would grant him his love and peace for ever, and of this he would 
make him in all things such security as he might himself choose to 
devise. Fulk soon yielded his demand, on condition that he gave him, 
in presence of his knights, his faith to keep this covenant. The king 
pledged his faith that he would hold the covenant, and he was very 
glad that he could thus escape. 

^' And he returned to his palace, and caused his knights and his 
courtiers to assemble, and told them from word to word how Sir Fulk 
had deceived him ; and he said that he had made that oath through 
force, and therefore he would not hold it ; and commanded that they 
should all arm in haste to take those felons in the park. At length 
Sir James of Normandy, who was the king^s cousin, prayed that he 
might have the advanced guard ; and said that ^ the English, nearly 
all the men of rank, are cousins to Sir Fulk, and for that are traitors 
to the king, and will not take those felons.^ Then said Randolf 
Earl of Chester : ' In faith, sir knight ! saving the honour of our lord 
the king, not yours, you lie.^ And he would have struck him with 
his fist, and it not being for the earl marshal ; and said that they 
neither are nor never were traitors to the king nor to his, but he said 
right that all the men of rank and the king himself were cousins to 
Sir Fulk. Then said the earl marshal : ' Let us go and pursue Sir Fulk ; 
the king will then see who will flinch for his cousenage.^ Sir James of 
Normandy and fifteen knights his companions armed themselves very 
richly and all in white armour, and were all nobly mounted on white 
steeds ; and he hurried forward with his company, to have the capture. 

heritage e quanqu'il aveit tolet de \j e de tous les suens, e ly grautereit amour e pees pur 
tous jours, e a ce Ij freit en totes choses tiele seurete come yl meysmes voleit devyser. 
Fouke ly granta bien tote sa demande a tieles qu'il ly donast, veantz ces chevalers, la foy 
de tenyr cest covenant. Le roy ly plevy sa fey qu'il ly tendroit covenant, e fust molt lee 
que issi poeit eschaper. 

E revynt a soun paleis, e fist fere assembler ces chevalers e sa meisne, e lur counta 
de mot en autre coment Sire Fouke le avoit desfu ; e dit que par force fist eel serement, 
pur quoy qu'il ne le velt tenyr ; e comaunda que tous se armassent liastivement a prendre 
ces felons en le parke. Atant pria Sire James de Normandie, que fust cosyn le roy, qu'il 
poeit aver I'avaunt-garde ; e dit qe " les Engleis, a poy tous les grantz, suntcosyns a Sire 
Eouke, e pur ce sunt treitours al roy, e ces felouns ne vueillent prendre." Donqe dit 
Randulf le Counte de Cestre : " Par foy, sire clievaler ! sauve le honour nostre seigneur ie 
roy, noun par vostre, vus y mentez." E ly vodra aver feru del poyn, si le counte mareschal 
ne ust este ; e dit qu'il ne sount ne unque furent treitours a le roy ne a suens, mes bien 
dit que tous les grantz e le rev meismes est cosyn al dit Eouke. Dont dit le counte 
mareschal : " Aloms pursyvre sire Eouke ; donqe verra le roy qui se feyndra pur la cosyn- 
age." Sire James de Normandye e ces xv. compaignouns chevalers se armerent molt 
richement e tot de blaunche armure, e furent tous noblement mountez de blancz destrers ; 
e se hasta devant ou sa compagnie, pur aver pris. 

204 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter IX. 

" Now John de Rampaigne had spied all their proceedings, and told 
them to Sir Fulk, who could in no manner escape except by battle. 
Sir Fulk and his companions armed themselves very richly, and put 
themselves boldly against Sir James, and defended themselves vigo- 
rously, and slew all his companions except four, who were almost 
wounded to death ; and Sir James was taken. Sir Fulk and his 
companions now armed themselves with the arms of Sir James and of 
the other Normans ; and mounted their good steeds, which were white, 
for their own steeds were tired and lean ; and they armed Sir James 
with the arms of Sir Fulk; and bound his mouth, that he could not 
speak, and put his helm on his head ; and rode towards the king. And 
when he saw them, he knew them by their arms, and thought that Sir 
James and his companions were bringing Sir Fulk. 

" Then Sir Fulk presented Sir James to the king, and said that it 
was Sir Fulk. The Earl of Chester and the earl marshal, when they 
saw this, were very sorry. The king, for the present, commanded 
him that he should kiss him ; Sir Fulk said that he could not wait to 
take off his helm, for he must go and pursue the other Fitz-Warines. 
The king descended from his good steed, and commanded him to 
mount it, for it was fleet to pursue his enemies. Sir Fulk descended, 
and mounted the king^s steed, and went his way towards his com- 
panions, and they fled soon to a distance of six leagues from thence. 
And there they disarmed in a wood, and washed their wounds ; and 
they bandaged the wound of William, his brother, who was severely 
wounded by one of the Normans, and they held him for dead, for 
which they all made excessive lamentations. 

E tot lur affere avoit Johau de Rampaigne espiee, e counte a sire Fouke, qe ne poeit 
en nulle manere eschaper si par bataille noun. Sire Fouke e ces compaignouns se arme- 
rent molt riclieraent, e se mistrent hardiement coutre sire James, e se defendirent vige- 
rousement, e ocistrent tons ces compaignouns, estre quatre que furent a poi naufres a la 
mort ; e sire James fust pris. Sire Fouke e ces compaignouns se armerent meintenant 
de les armes sire James e des autres Normauntz ; e mounterent lur bons destrers que 
blanks erent, quar lur destrers demeyne furent las e mesgres ; e armerent sire James de 
les armes Sire Fouke ; e lyerent sa bouche, qu'il ne poeit parler, e mistrent son helme sur 
sa teste ; e clievalchereni vers le roy. E quant yl les vist, il les conust par les armes, e 
quida qe sire James e ces compaignouns amenerent sire Fouke. 

Lors presenta sire Fouke sire James a le roy, e dist que ce fust sire Fouke. Le counte 
de Cestre e le counte maresclial, quant ce virent, mout furent dolentz. Le roy, pur le 
present, ly comaunda qu'il ly baysast ; sire Fouke dit qu'il ne poeit attendre de oster son 
healme, quar yl ly covensist pursy vre les autres fitz Waryn. Le roi descendy de soun bon 
destrer e comauda qu'il le mounta, quar isnel ert a pursiwre ces enymys. Sire Fouke 
descendy, e mounta le destrer le roi, e s'en va vers ces compaignouns, e s'en fuyrent bien 
sis lyws de yleqe. E la se desarmerent en un boscliage, e laverent lur playes ; e benderent 
la playe Willam, son frere, qe durement fust naufre de un des Normauntz, e le tyndrent pur 
mort ; dont tons fesoient duel a demesure. 


" The king commanded on the spot to hang Sir Fulk. At length 
came Emery de Pin, a Gascon, who was kinsman to Sir James, and 
said that he would hang him ; and took him, and led him a little from 
thence, and caused his helm to be taken off; and now he saw that it 
was James, and unbound his mouth. And he told him all that had 
happened between him and Sir Fulk. Emery came immediately to 
the king, and brought Sir James, who told him how Sir Fulk had 
served him. And when the king perceived that he was thus deceived, 
he was much vexed, and swore a great oath that he would not divest 
himself of his hauberk until he had taken these traitors. And of this 
Sir Fulk knew nothing. 

" The king and his earls and barons pursued them by the footmark 
of their horses, until they came almost to the wood where Fulk was. 
And when Fulk perceived them, he wept and lamented for William 
his brother, and held himself lost for ever. And William begged of 
them that they would cut off his head and carry it with them, that 
the king, when he found his body, might not know who he was. Fulk 
said that he would not do that for the world, and prayed very tenderly 
and in tears, that God for his pity would be to them in aid ; and such 
grief as was among them, you never saw greater made. 

'^ Uondulf, Earl of Chester, came in the first place ; and when he 
perceived Sir Fulk, he commanded his company to halt, and went 
alone to Sir Fulk, and prayed him for the love of God to yield himself 
to the king, and he would answer for him for life and limb, and his 
peace would be easily made with the king. Fulk replied that he would 
not do that for all the wealth in the world ; ^ But, sir cousin, for the 

Le roy comaunda meyntenaunt pendre sire Fouke, Atant vint Emery de Pyn, un 
Gascoyn, qe fust parent a Sire James, e dit qu'il le peudreit ; e le prist, e le amena un poy 
de yleqe, e fist oster son healme ; e meyntenant vist qe ce fu James, e delya sa bouche. 
E il ly conta quanqe avynt entre ly e sire Eouke. Emery vint meinteDamit au roy, e 
amena sire James, qe ly conta coment sire Eonke ly avoit servy. E quant le roy se 
aperpust estre issi despu, molt fust dolent, e jura grant serement qe ja ne se devestereit 
de son haubreke avaunt qu'il avoit ces treytres pris. E de ce ne savoit sire Eouke rien. 

Le roy e ces countes e barouns les pursiwyrent par le esclot des chivals, tant qu'il 
vindrent a poy a le boschage la ou Eouke fust. E quant Eouke les aperpust, plourt e 
weymente Willam, son frere, e se tient perdu pur tons jours. E Willam lur prie qu'il 
coupent sa teste e la emportent ou eux, issi qe le roy, quant trovee son cors, ne sache qui 
yl fust. Eouke dit qe ce ne freit pur le mounde, e prie molt tendrement en ploraunt qe 
Dieu pur sa piete lur seit en eyde ; e tiel duel come entre eux est, ne veistes unqe greindre 

Rondulf le counte de Cestre vint en prime chef; e quant aperpust sire Eouke, comaunda 
sa meisne arestier, si voit privement a Sire Eouke, e li pria pur le amour de Dieu rendre 
sei al roy, e yl serroit pur ly de vie e de menbre, e qu'il serroit bien apesee al roy. Eouke 
redist que ce ne froit pur tut le aver du mounde ; " Mes, sire cosyn, pur I'amour de Dieu, 

206 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

love of God, I pray you for my brother, who is there, when he is dead, 
that you cause his body to be buried, that wild beasts may not devour 
it, and ours too, when we are dead. And return to your lord the king, 
and do your duty to him without feintise, and without having regard 
to us, who are of your blood ; and we will receive now here the destiny 
which is ordained for us/ The earl, all weeping, returned to his com- 
pany. Fulk remained, who very tenderly wept with pity for his brother, 
whom he was compelled to leave there ; and prays God to succour and 
aid them. 

'^ The earl commanded his retinue and his company to the assault, 
and they laid on vigorously. The earl himself attacked Sir Fulk ; but 
at last the earl lost his horse, and his retinue were in great part slain. 
Fulk and his brothers defended themselves bravely; and as Fulk was 
defending himself. Sir Berard de Blees came behind him, and struck 
him with his sword in the side, and believed he had killed him. At 
length Fulk turned round, and returned the blow on his left shoulder 
with both his hands, and cut through his heart and lung, and he fell 
dead from his steed. Fulk had bled so much that he fainted on the 
neck of his steed, and his sword fell from his hand. Then began grief 
wonderfully among the brothers. John, his brother, leapt behind Fulk 
on the steed, and held him up that he could not fall ; and they took 
to flight, for they had not power to remain. The king and his retinue 
pursued them, but they could not take them. Then they wandered all 
the night, till on the morrow morning they came to the sea to Mador 
the mariner. Then Fulk revived, and asked where he was, and in 
wli^^se power ; and his brothers comforted him in the best way they 

je vus prie qe mon frere qe la gist, quant il est mors, qe vus facez enterrer son cors, qe 
bestes savages ne le devourent, e les nos, quant mort sumes. E retornez a vostre seiguur 
le roy, e fetes a ly vostre service sanz feyntyse e saunz avoir regard a nus, qe sumes de 
vostre sang ; e nus receveroms ore issi la destine qe a nos est ordinee." Le coante tot 
emplorant retorna a sa meyne. Fouke remeint, qe molt tendrement plourt de piete pur 
son frere, qe ly covent a force ileqe lesser ; e prie a Dieu qu'il lur socourt e eyde. 

Le counte comande sa meisne e sa compaignie a le asaut, e yl s'i ferirent vigerouse- 
ment. Le counte meismes asaily sire Fouke ; mes a dreyn le counte perdy son chival, e 
sa meisne fust grant partie ocys. Eouke e ces freres se defendirent hardiement ; e come 
Eouke se defendy, sire Berard de Blees ly vynt derere e ly feri de son espee en le flanc, e 
le quida aver ocis. Ataunt se retorna Fouke, e ly referi sur le espaudle senestre on ambe- 
deus les mayns, e ly coupa le cuer e le pulmoun, e cliei mort de soun destrer. Touke 
avoit taunt seigne qu'il palma sur le col de son destrer, e le espeye chey de sa meyn. 
Donqe comenpa duel a merveille entre les freres. Johan, son frere, sayly derere Fouke sur 
le destrer e ly sustynt qu'il ne poeit cheyer ; e se mistrent a fuyte, quar poer ne aveient de 
demorer. Le roy e sa meyne les pursuiwyrent, mes prendre ne les purreynt. Tote la nuit 
errerent issi, qe lendemayn matyn vindrent a la mer a Mador le maryner. Donque reverci 
Fouke, e demaunda ou il fust e en qy poer; e ces freres ly confortoyent a mieux 


could, and laid him in bed in the ship in a very fair bed, and John de 
Rampaigne doctored his wounds. 

" The Earl of Chester had lost greatly of his people, and saw near 
him William Fitz-Warine almost dead, and took the body and sent it 
to an abbey to be doctored. In the end he was discovered there, and 
the king caused him to be brought in a litter to Windsor before him, 
and caused him to be thrown into a deep prison, and was much angered 
against the Earl of Chester because he concealed him. Said the king : 
' Fulk is mortally wounded, and this one have I now here ; the others 
I shall easily take, be they where they will. Truly, I am greatly an- 
noyed at the pride of Fulk ; for had it not been for his pride, he would 
have been still alive. And as long as he was alive there was not such 
a knight in all the world ; wherefore it is a great loss to lose such a 


Fulke recrossed the seas safely, and in this voyage acquired 
considerable wealth, and brought home a cargo of valuable mer- 
chandise. As soon as he reached the English coast, he first care 
was to learn the fate of his brother William, who had fallen into 
the king's hands in the encounter in Windsor Forest. John de 
Rampaigne was employed upon this mission. Dressed "very 
richly" in the guise of a merchant, he went to London, and took 
up his lodgings in the house of the mayor, with whom he soon 
made himself acquainted, and whose esteem he obtained by the 
valuable presents he gave to him. John de Rampaigne, who 
spoke ''corrupt Latin," which the mayor understood, desired 
to be presented to the king, and the mayor took him to the 
court at Westminster. The merchant saluted the king ''very 
courteously," and spoke to him also in corrupt Latin, which the 

qu'il purroient, e ly coclierent en la nef en un molt bel lit, e Johan de Rampayne medi- 
cina ces playes. 

Le counte de Cestre avoit grantment perdu de sa gent, e vist dejouste ly Willam le 
Fitz Waryn a poy mort, e prist le cors e le maun da a une abbey e pur medeciner. Au 
drein fust ileqe apar9u, e le roy le fist venyr en litere devant ly a Wyndesoure, e la fist 
ruer in profounde prisone, e molt fust coroce a le counte de Cestre pur ce qu'il le cela. Fet 
le roy : " Fouke est naufre a la mort, e cesti ay-je ore ici; les autres averei-je bien, ou 
qu'il seient. Certes, m'en poise durement de le orgoil Fouke ; quar si orgoil ne fust, il ust 
unquore vesqy. £ tant come il fust en vie n'y ont tiel chevaler en tot le mounde ; dont 
grant pierte est de perdre un tel chevaler." 

208 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

king understood with the same faciUty as the Mayor of London,^ 
and asked him who he was and from whence he came. " Sire/' 
said he, " I am a merchant of Greece ; I have been in Babylonia, 
Alexandria, and in India the Greater, and I have a ship laden with 
spicery, rich cloths, precious stones, horses, and other things, which 
would be of great value to this kingdom." King John, after giving 
him a safe-conduct for his ship and company, ordered him to stay 
to dinner, and the merchant with his friend the mayor were placed 
at table before the king. While they were eating, there came two 
serjeants-at-mace, who led into the hall a great knight, with a long 
black beard and a very ill-favoured dress, and they placed him in 
the middle of the court and gave him his dinner. The mayor told 
John de Rampaigne that this was the outlaw William Fitz-Warine, 
who was brought into the court in this manner every day, and he 
began to recount to him the adventures of Pulke and his com- 
panions. John de Rampaigne lost no time in carrying this intelli- 
gence to Tulk Fitz-Warine, and they brought the ship as near 
to London as they could. The day after their arrival, the merchant 
repaired to court, and presented King John with a beautiful white 
palfrey, of very great value ; and by his liberal gifts he soon pur- 
chased the favour of the courtiers. One day he took his com- 
panions, and they armed themselves well, and then put on their 
"gowns" according to the manner of mariners, and went to the 
court at Westminster, where they were "nobly" received, and 
William Fitz-Warine was brought into the hall as before. The 
merchant and his party rose early from table, and watched the 
return of William Fitz-Warine to his prison, when they set upon 
his guards, and, in spite of their resistance, carried off the prisoner; 
and having brought him safely on board their ship, they set sail, 
and were soon out of reach of their pursuers. 

After staying some time in Brittany, Fulke again returned to 

* " This will be easily understood," Mr. Wright observes, " when we consider that 
the king and all the better classes of the people at this time spoke the language known 
by the name of Anglo-Norman, which was one of the family of languages derived from the 
Latin; and that each of these differed from the other hardly more than the English dialects 
of different counties at the present day. All these languages were, in fact, 'Latyn 
corrupt.' " C History of Ludlow,' p. 80.) 


England, and landed in the New Forest. It happened that at this 
time King John himself was hunting in the same part of the 
country, and while closely pursuing a boar, with a slight attend- 
ance, he fell a second time into the power of the outlaws. The 
result was, that the king again pledged his oath to pardon them as 
soon as he should be at liberty. This time the king kept his word ; 
according to the story, he called a parhament at Windsor, and 
caused it to be proclaimed publicly that he had granted his peace 
to Fulke Fitz-Warine and to all his companions^ and that he had 
restored to them their possessions. 

However embellished and wide of the actual truth parts of this 
story may be, the fact of the pardon of Fitz-Warine and the reco- 
very of his possessions is authenticated by public documents of the 
period, which also show that he continued to enjoy the royal favour 
until the latter end of the king's reign, when he joined the party of 
the barons. The date of his death appears to be unknown, but it 
probably occurred towards the middle of the reign of Henry the 

The ' Roman de la Rose,' a French poem of the thirteenth 
century, and of which Chaucer's 'Romaunt of the Rose' is a partial 
translation, contains an indirect allusion to Windsor. 

The difficulties and dangers of a lover, in pursuing and obtain- 
ing the object of his desires, are the literal argument of this poem. 
This design is couched under the allegory of a Rose, which the 
lover, after frequent obstacles, gathers in a delicious garden. He 
traverses vast ditches, scales lofty walls, and forces the gates of 
adamantine and almost impregnable castles. These enchanted 
fortresses are all inhabited by various divinities, some of which 
assist and some oppose the lover's progress.^ 

Our hero is in one adventure invited by " Courtesy" to dance. 
Among the company is " Largess," who held by the hand a knight, 
kinsman of Arthur of Brittany ; and after them came " Franchise," 
white as new-fallen snow. 

^ This condensed narrative of a portion of Eitz-Warine's adventures is chiefly taken 
from Wright's ' History of Ludlow/ pp. 79—88. 

2 Warton's 'History of English Poetry/ edit. 1840, vol. ii, p. 149. 


210 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter IX. 

The reference to Windsor occurs in the following lines : 

" Uns bachelers jones s'estoit 
Pris a Franchise lez a lez, 
Ne soi comment est apele, 
Mes biaus estoit, se il fust ores 
Fiex au seignor de Gundesores/^ 

Which are thus rendered by Chaucer ; 

" By her [Fraunchise] daunced a bachelere, 
I cannot tellen what he hight, 
But faire he was, and of good height ; 
All had he ben, I say no more, 
The lordes sonne of Windesore/' ^ 

But literally translated, are — 

A young bachelor there joined himself 
With Franchise side by side ; 
I do not know what is his name. 
But he was handsome, and he was once 
Son to the Lord of Windesor. 

The Lord of Windsor was no doubt the King of England on 
the throne at the time the romance was composed — probably 
Edward the First or Second; but any further meaning in the 
allusion is now lost. 

^ It is somewhat remarkable that Warton was under tlie impression that these lines 
did not occur in the original romance, but were "added by Chaucer, and intended as a 
compliment to some of his patrons." (' History of English Poetry/ vol. ii, p. 150, note (/), 
edit. 1840.) It is possible that he may have been misled by the following note of 
Ashmole on ' The Romaunt of the Rose :' 

" ' The Lords son of Wmdsore." 

"This may seeme strange, both in respect that it is not in the French, as also that 
there was no Lord Windsore in those dayes. But I take it thus : that although it stand 
not so in the Trench coppy, yet Chaucer upon some conceit did add it, tliereby to gratifie 
John of Gaunt, or some other of the sons of Edward the Third, who might well be called 
the Lord of Windsor, not only for that he was borne there, but also because at that tyme 
when as this booke was translated the king had newly builded the Castle of Windsor in 
such beautifull sort as could be devised by that prvdent and discreet surveyour. Will. 
Wyckam, and therefore was ev^y way the right Lord of Wyndesore." (Ash. MSS., 
No. 1095, f. 28 a.) 

The text examined by Ashmole must have been imperfect. 



The wrongs clone by bailiffs, fermers, and others, in the name 
of the king, were, as has been already noticed, the subject of fre- 
quent complaints for several centuries. The metrical tale of ' King 
Edward and the Shepherd/ the scene of which is laid at Windsor 
and the neighbourhood, furnishes evidence upon this point, as well 
as upon various others illustrative of the habits and manners of the 
times, especially the strict preservation of game in the forest. It is 
one of those popular tales which represent our kings conversing, 
either by accident or design, with a person in inferior station, who 
is unacquainted with the rank of his companion.^ 

The king is evidently Edward the Third, as he speaks of 
Windsor as his birth-place. The date of its composition must 
have been contemporaneous, or nearly so. 

The tale thus begins : 

" God that sittis in trinitie 
Gyffe theym grace wel to the~ 

That lystyns me a whyle, 
Alle that lovys of melody 
OfFe heven blisse God graunte tham perty,^ 

Theyre soules shelde fro peryle. 
At festis and at mangery^ 
To tell of kyngs that is worthy 

Talis that byn not vyle. 
And 30^ wil listyn how hit ferd^ 
Betwene Kyng Edward and a sheperd, 

3e shalle lawgh of gyle.^ 

^ The poem is printed, but with many inaccuracies, in Hartshorne's * Ancient Metrical 
Tales,' from a MS. in the Library of the University of Cambridge. Mr. Hartshorne 
says — " It seems to be a different work from the very ancient poem entitled ' John the 
Reeve/ mentioned in the 'Heliques of Ancient Poetry' (vol. ii, p. 169, edit. J 767), 
because the adventure here described passed between the king and a shepherd, and 
because this poem appears to exceed the other in length (what we have here consisting 
of about 900 lines), and the rubric at the end, ' IN on finis sed punctus,' showing it to be 
imperfect. The language is, I think, as old as Edward the Eourth." Mr. Stoughton, in 
his interesting little volume of ' Windsor in the Olden Time,' has inserted some extracts, 
but they are not very correctly printed. 

2 To thrive. 3 A share. 

* The festive board or table. ^ Ye. 

^ Eared. ? i, e., at the deception practised. 


" Oure kynge went hym in a tyde 
To pley hym be a ryver side 

In a mornyng of May. 
Kny3t ne squyer wold he non, 
But hym self and a grome 

To wende on that jorney. 
With a shepherde con^ he mete^ 
And gret^ hym with wordis swete 

Without any delay. 
The shepherde lovyd his hatte so well. 
He did hit of never a dele/ 

But seidj ^ Sir, gudday ?^ 

" The kyng to the herde seid than, 
' Off whens art thou, gode man V 

^Also mot I the,^ 
In Wynsour was I borne ; 
Hit is a myle but here beforne. 

The town then maist thou see.^ 
I am so pyled^ with the kyng, 
That I most fle fro my wonyng,'^ 

And therefore woo is me. 
I hade catell, now have I non ; 
Thay take my bestis and don them slone,^ 

And payon but a stick of tre.^ ^ 

" The kyng seid, ^ Hit is gret synne 
That thei of sich works wil not blynne,-^^ 

And Edward wot hit no3t ; 
But come to morne when it is day. 
Thou shal be servyd of thy pay, 

Ther of have thou no tho3t ; 
For in your towne born I was ; 
1 have dwellid in diverse place 

Sithe I thens was broght ; 

* Gan mete is a Saxon idiom for met. ^ Greeted. 

^ i.e.. He did not take it off in the least, or at all. "* i. e.. As I may thrive. 

^ i.e.y In Windsor was I born. It is only a mile from here. The town you may 
almost see. 

^ Pillaged, plundered. ^ Dwelling. ^ And kill them. 

^ And pay but a stick of tree. This is an allusion to the payment by tallies. See 
ante> p. 170, note 2. 
10 Cease. 


In the courte 1 have sich a frende, 
The treserer or then I wende 

Ffor thy luffe shall be soght/ ^ 

'' This gret lord the herd con frayne/ 
' What wil men of your kyng seyne ? 

Wei littuU gode I trowe/ 
The herd onsweryd hym rijt no3t, 
But on his shepe was all his thojt, 

And seid agayn, ' Charhow/ 
Then looghj^ oure kyng and smyled stille, 
' Thou onsweris me not at my will ; 

I wolde thei were on a lowe ;* 
I aske the tythyngs of our kyng, 
Off his men and his wyrkyng, 

For sum I have sorow/ 

(C { 

I am a march ant and ride aboute, 
And fele sithis^ I am in doute, 

Ffor myn owne ware ; 
I tell it the in prevete,^ 
The kyngs men oen^ to me 

A M pounde and mare.^ 

he ou3t my cull in the cuntre -^ 

What silver shall he pay the ? 

Ffor Goddis holy use.^^ 
Sith thou art noght, 
I wil my nedis do and thyne — 

Thar of have thou no care/ '' ^^ 

The shepherd replies that four pounds and " odd two shillings" 
was owing to him, for which he held a stick of hazel as a witness 
or voucher, and he promised the king seven shillings of the amount 
if he got it for him. In answer to an inquiry, he tells the king 

^ i.e., Before I go thence the treasurer shall be sought for love of thee. 

^ Inquired. ^ Laughed. 

^ I would the sheep were on a bank. ^ Oft times. 

^ Privity, i.e., in secret. ^ Owe. 

^ One thousand pounds and more. ^ He owes much in the country. 

^^ For God's holy usage. Three lines appear to have been omitted before this, or else 
there is some misprint in Mr. Hartshorne's volume. 

" Since you are not able (?), I will do my business and thine. Thereof have thou no 

214 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

that men call him *' Adam the Shepherd ;" and in turn says to the 
king, "Whose son art thou of our town? Is not thy father 
Hochon ?" The king replies — 

" ' My fadur was a Walsshe kiiy3t,^ 
Dame Isabell my modur hy3t. 

For sothe as I tell the; 
In the castell^ was hir dwellyng, 
Thorow commaundment of the kyng, 

Whene she thar shuld be. 
Now wayte^ thou wher that I was borne^ 
The tother Edward here beforne 

Ful well he lovyd me. 
Sertainly, withowte lye. 
Sum tyme I lyve be march an dye. 

And passe well ofte the see. 

" ' I have a son is with the quene, 
She lovys hym well, as I wene. 

That dar I savely say. 
And he pray hir of a bone, 
^if that hit be for to done. 

She will not onys say nay. 
And in the court e I have sich a frende, 
I shall be servyd or I wende 

Without any delay. 
To morne at undern^ speke with me, 
Thout shall be servyd of thy mone^ 

Er than hye mydday.^^^^ 

The shepherd asks in what place he shall find the king, and 
what he shall call him. "My name," says the king, "is Joly 
Eobyn. Every man knows it well and finely, both in bowers and 
hall. Pray the porter, as he is free, that he let thee speak with 
me." Edward remarks that the king is often blamed for the acts 
of others. This leads the shepherd to tell him of the wrongs done 
by the king's men. " They go about eight or nine together, and 
cause the husbands much suffering, ' that carefull is their mele.-' ^ 

* i. e., Edward of Carnarvon. ^ i. <?., Windsor. 

^ Know. ^ Nine o'clock in the morning. 

^ Money. ^ Eefore high midday. 

" Meal ; i. <?., they eat with care and sorrow. 


They take geese, capons, and hens, and all that ever they can carry 
off, and 'reeve' us our cattle. Some of them were sore imprisoned 
and afterwards hanged therefor, yet there are nine more of them, 
for they were at my house yesterday. They took my hens and my 
geese, and my sheep with all the fleece." He adds that they drove 
him into his cart-house, and put his old gray-haired wife out at the 
door, remarking, " Had I help of some ' lordyng,' I should make 
reckoning with them, and they should do so no more." He boasts 
of his skill as an archer and in throwing slings, and — 

" With talis he made the kyng to dwell. 
With mony moo then I can tell, 

Till hit was halfe gan prime.^ 
His hatte was bonde^ under his chyn ; 
He did hit nothing of to hym, 

He thojt hit was no tyme. 
' Robyn,' he seid, * I pray the. 
Hit is thy will come horn with me, 

A morsell for to dyne/ 
The kyng list of his bourds lere :^ 
' Gladly,^ he seid, ^ my lefe fere 

I will be on of thyne/ '' 

As they went homeward the king saw several conies (rabbits), 
and smiling — 

" ' Adam,^ he said, ' take up a ston. 
And put hit in thy slyng anon ; 

Abyde we here awhile ; 
Gret bourde* it wold be 
Off them to slee^ two or thre — 

I swere this be Seynt Gyle.^ '^ 

Adam, however, says — 

'* ' I wolde not for my hat 

Be taken with sich a gyle/ ^' 

* Half gone prime, or noon. 2 rp-g^ 

•"' i. e., Pleased to hear of his jests. "^ Jest. 

Slay. 6 ^^ ^^ J would not be caught practising such a trick. 

216 ANNALS Or WINDSOll. [CiiAniiii IX. 

" ^ Hit is alle the kynges waren ; 
Ther is nouther kny5t ne sqwayre 

That do sich a dede. 
Any conyng here to sla, 
And with the trespas away to ga, 

But his sides shulde blede. 
The Warner^ is hardy and fell, 
Sertainly as I the tell 

He will take no mede.^ 
Who so dose here sich maistrye/ 
Be thou wel sicur^ he shall abye^ 

And unto preson lede/ ^^ 

He says, however, that there is no wild fowl that flies that he 
cannot hit with his sling. " Such meat I dare thee promise." 

" The shepherds house full merry stood 
Under a forest fair and good ;" 

and the king, noticing the abundance of game, swears that if he 
had such a place he would have some of it, "whether it were 
evening or morning." The shepherd, however, stopped him. 

'^ ' let sech^ wordis be : 

Sum man my3t here the; 

The were bettur be still; 
Wode has erys, felde has si3t ;^ 
Were the forstur^ here now right 

They wordis shuld like^ the ille. 
He has with hym 5ong men thre,^^ 
Thei be archers of this centre. 

The kyng to serve at wille. 
To kepe the dere^^ both day and nyjt. 
And for theire luf ^^ a loge is di3t, 

Full hye upon an hill.' '^ 

The king seated in the house, the shepherd lays '' a fair cloth on 
the board," and from the bower fetches 

" Brede of whete bultid^^ small, 
ii penny^^ ale he brou^t withall.^' 

1 Warriner. ^ Reward or bribe. ^ Skill, a clever trick or performance. 

4 Sure. ^ Make amends, or pay for it. ^ guc^^ 

'' Wood has ears, field has sight. ^ Forester. » Please. 

10 Three young men. " Deer. ^^ Lq^-^^ is gifted. " Twopenny. 


These, with a crane and other fowls, he set before the kmg, who 

exclaimed — 

" ' blessed thou be ! 

Here is bettur than thou he3tist ^ 
To day when that we raette.^ '^ 

The shepherd then produced a heron, " with a poplere," curlews, 
" bocurs," *' mandlart," and " hurmech," and a baked wild swan, 
observing — 

'^ ^ I bade^ fellowes to my dynere, 
And sithin^ thei will not cum here, 
A deuell have who that rech/ ''^ 

He tells the king that if he wishes to have anything to drink he 
must learn the play, or drinking ceremony, which was this : when 
the king took the cup he was immediately to say *' Passelodion," 
and Adam was to answer, " Berafrynde." He explained that 
" passilodyon," used by the person who first drank, was equivalent 
to wassail, and " berafrynde" was the signal to empty the cup and 
fill it again. 

" ' Thus shal the game go aboute. 
And who so falvs^ of the route, 

I swere be Seynt Michelb 
Let hym drynk wher he will, 
He gets non here, this is my skill,^ 

Mo3t to another sele/^^'^ 

*^ Thus thev sate withoute strife. 
The kyng with Adam and his wyfe^ 

And made hym mery and glade. 
The scheperde bade the cuppe fill; 
The kyng to dryuke hade gode will, 

His wife did as Ibe bade. 
When the cuppe was come anon, 
The kyng seid, ' Passylodion,^ 

When he the cuppe hade ; 

^ Promised. ^ Invited. ^ Since. 

^ May a devil take him who cares ! ^ Fails. 

^ Reason. ' {.e.^ He must try another time. 

218 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

Hit was a game of gret solas,^ 
Hit comford all that ever ther was 
Therof thai were noght sade. 

" The scheperde ete till that he swatte. 
And than non erst^ he drew his hatt 

Into the benke ende, 
And when he feld^ the drynk was gode. 
He wynkid and strokyd up his hode, 

And seid, ' Berafrynde/ 
He was qwyte* as any swan, 
He was a wel begeton man, 

And comyn of holy kynde. 
He wolde not ete his cromys^ drie, 
He lovyd nothynge but it were trie,^ 

Nether fer ne hende/^^ 

The king remarked that to be fed with such dainties in a town 
would '' have cost dear." Recurring to the subject of gauie, he 
remarks that there was no meat he loved so much as buck or doe. 
The shepherd, thus encouraged, tells him, if he can keep a secret, 
he shall see good game. The king pledges his good faith, and the 
shepherd produces three conies, '' all baken well in a pasty," well 
spiced, and other baked meat (or pies), both of hart and roe. He 
tells the king they were alive the day before, and came thither 
by moonlight. The king compliments him on his skill with a 
sling, and says that if he were equally perfect in the use of the bow 
he might have plenty of venison without the help of the foresters. 

" Then seid the scheperde, ' No thyng soo ; 
I con a game worth thei twoo. 

To Wynne me a bridde.^ 
Ther is no hert ne bucke so wode^ 
That I ne get without blode. 

And I of hym have nede. 

^ Solace or joy. ^ And then and not before. 

3 Felt. ^ White. 

^ Crumbs. ^ Choice. 

7 Far or near ? Probably this is incorrectly printed in Mr. Hartshornc's text. 

8 To gain a bird. ° Wild. 


I haue a slyng for the nones^ 
That is made for gret stonys/ 

Ther with I con me fede -^ 
What dere I take under the side/ 
Be thou siker he shall abide 

Til I hym home will lede. 

" ' Conyngis with my nouther^ slyng 
I con slee and hame bryng^ 

Sum tyme twoo or thre; 
I ete tham not mv self alon, 
I send persandes mony on/ 

And sury fryndes make I me/ 
Til gentlemen and 3omanry^ 
Thei have them all thet ar worthy, 

Those that are prive. 
What so thei have it may be myne, 
Corne and brede, ale and wyne, 

And alle that may like me/ '^ 

The shepherd's heart warms to the king, whom he addresses as 
" Joly Robyne." He draws a cup of " lanycoll/' and they renew 
their " game" of " passilodion" and " berafrynd." At last the king 
rises to take his leave ; but, before he leaves, the shepherd wishes 
to show " Joly Robyn" 

" ' A litull chaumbur that is myne. 
That was made for me/ '^ 

The king, gladly assenting, was led to a secret place, dug far 
under the earth out of sight, and " clergially wrought." In it was 
plenty of venison and wine so clear. The shepherd again insists 
on the king, before he goes, ^' proving" a " costrell" of wine, " the 
best that might be bought," that good friends sent him. After 
promising to keep the secret, the king mounts his horse and is 
about to take his leave, but the shepherd offers to accompany him 
with his sling, and hit '* a fowl or two," and peradventure a cony. 

^ Nonce (occasion). 2 Qj^^^t stones. 

3 Can feed myself. 4 ^i^^t deer 1 hit in the side. 

' Other. 6 I send presents many an one. 

" (There is some error in this line.) ^ Yeomanry. 

220 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

*' The kyng rode softely on his way, 
Adam folowyd and way ted ^ his pray ; 

Conyngus^ saw he thre. 
' Joly Robyn, chese^ thou which thou wytt/ 
Hym that rennys or hym that sitt, 

And I shall gif him the. 
He that sitts and wil not lepe, 
Hit is the best of alle the hepe, 

Forsoth, so thynkith me/ 
The scheperde hit hym with a stone. 
And breke in two his brest bone, 

Thus sone ded^ was he. 

" The kynge seid, ^ Thou art to^ slow. 
Take hym als^ that rennyth now, 

And thou con thy crafte.^ 
' Be God,^ seid Adam, ' here is a stone. 
It shall be his bane anon^ — 

Thus sone his life was rafte. 
What fowle that sitts or flye, 
' Whethur it were ferre or nye, 

Sone with hym it lafte.^ 
' Sir,' he seid, ' for soth I trowe. 
This is behette^ any bowe 

For alle the fedurt schafte.' '^ ^^ 

The king goes on to the court, and Adam returns to his sheep, 
where he finds his dogs lying quietly to guard them. At night 
he returns to his wife, bringing with him ''new meat." He tells 
her not to be sad, for he is going to court, and narrates what had 
passed between " Joly Robin'' and himself before dinner. 

" On morrow, when he shuld to court goo. 
In russet clothyng he tyret^^ hym tho, 
In kyrtil and in surstbye,^^ 

1 Watched. ^ Conies, i. e., rabbits. 

3 Choose. ^ Wilt. 

° Soon dead. , ^ Too. 

? Also. ^ Soon with him it remains, 

9 Better. ^° Than all the feathered shafts, i. e., arrows. 
" Attired. 

12 This is evidently a misreading of Mr. Hartshorne for " courtpye," a sort of short 
cloak or mantle. 


And a blak furred hode 

That well fust to his cheke stode,^ 

The typet myght not wrye.^ 
The mytans clutt for gate he no3t/ 
The slyng even ys not out of his tho3t 

Wherwith he wrou3t maystre.'^ 

On arriving at the gate, he asks the porter and his man where 
" Joly Robyn" was? The porter, instructed beforehand, offers to 
show him. The king in the mean time, seeing his approach, 
directs two earls to address him in the presence of the shepherd as 
" Joly Robyn," and offers to lay them a wager of a tun of wine 
that, although the best lord among them should '' avayl " or lower 
his hood to the shepherd, the latter would not return the courtesy. 
Sir Ralph Stafford was despatched to ascertain the shepherd's will. 
"All hail, good man," he said, *' whither wilt thou go?" The 
shepherd replied, without moving his hood — 

" ' Joly Robyn that I yondere see, 
Bid hym speke a worde with me. 
For he is not my foo.^^'' 

The earl requested him to deliver his staff and mittins to the porter 
to hold^ but the shepherd declined to let them out of his hands, 
and again presses to see Joly Robyn ; and not liking the appear- 
ance of things, and desirous of making an excuse for getting away 
as soon as he can, says — 

'^ ' I am aferd my schepe go mysse 
On othur mennys lande.^ '' 

After a familiar recognition of the king, he calls him aside to speak 
a word in private. It is to inquire who the lords are standing by. 
The king tells him 

'^ ' The Erie of Lancastur is the ton, 

And the Earl of Waryn Sir John, 

Bolde and as hardy.^ ^' 

^ i. e., That stood close to his cheek. ^ gjjp aside. 

2 The mittiiis or gloves cloth (?) he forgat not. 

232 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek IX. 

The king says he will take him to the marshal, and himself tell his 

tale, in order the better to " speed " him. Arrived in the hall, the 

king leaves him there alone, the shepherd exclaiming on his 

departm^e — 

'^ ' Robyn, dwel not long fro rae, 
I know no man here but the ; 

This court is no3t but pride ; 
I ne come of no sich fare 
These hye halles thei are so bare. 

Why ar thei made so wyde V " 

The king directs the marshal, and the marshal tells the steward to 
pay the shepherd his debt of four pounds and two shillings. The 
shepherd tells them he has a voucher for it " scored on a tally." 
He gathers up the money right gladly, and offers the king the 
seven shillings promised the day before. The king, however, 
refuses to take it, but insists on the shepherd dining with him. 
The invitation is reluctantly accepted, the shepherd being loth to 
eat the king's meat, and in dread that while he is out his house 
will be again attacked by the rout he spoke of the day before. 
The king and he walked up and down " as men that said their 
orison/' the shepherd keeping his staff warm under his arm, and 
refusing to give it up until he should go to meat. 

" When tablys were layd and cloths sprad, 
The scheperde in to the hall was lad,^^ 

to the end of the board. His mittens hung by his side, and he 
was hooded like a friar. When the waiters blew a loud blast close 
to him, he wondered what it could be, and thought he had heard a 
fiend ! The steward told " Joly Robyn" it was time to go and 
wash. '' Joly Robyn" was placed in the king's seat at the head of 
the table, under the pretence that it was done for the favour he 
had enjoyed with the previous king, and when he was seated, the 
queen, as the " most worthy," was brought in. At each end of 
the dais sat an earl "and a fay re lady." The steward then prayed 
the shepherd specially to be seated at a dormant table. The prince, 
instructed by his father, invites the shepherd to repeat the game of 
" passilodion" and " berafrynde," and gives him a gold ring, asking 


him to wear it for his sake. The shepherd will not have it, remark- 
ing that it would not last him half a day. " When it is broken, 
farewell to it. A hat were more useful for rain and sunshine." 
When they had eaten and the cloth drawn, and they had washed 
according to custom, they drank and played '^ passilodion." Then 
the lords went to their chamber^ and the king sent for the shepherd, 
who came clawing his head and rending his hair. When he heard 
French and Latin spoken, he marvelled what it meant, and prayed 
inwardly to be brought safely out of the place. The king, seeing 
his sorrow^ had great mirth, and said — 

" ' Come nere, Adam ; 
Take the spices and clrynk the wyne 
As homely as 1 did of thyne.^ '' 

The shepherd complies, but secretly thinks that if he had Joly 
Robyn again as he had the day before, he would so chastise him 
with his sling that he should bring no more tidings, although 
mounted on horseback. The king now determines to disclose his 
real rank to the disconcerted shepherd. 

" The kyng commandit a squyer tere,^ 
Go telle the scheperde in his ere 

That I am the kyng. 
And thou shalt se sich cowntenence 
That hym had lever^ be in Fraunce, 

When heris of that tythyng. 
He has me schewid his prevete, 
He wil wene ded to be,^ 

And make therfore mournyng. 
Hit shalle hym mene al to gode,* 
I wolde not elHs, be the rode,^ 

Nou^t for my best gold ryng. 

" The squyer pryvely toke his leve. 
And plucked the scheperde be the sieve. 
For to speke hym with. 

' There. 2 Rather. 

^ i. e., He will expect to be put to death. 

^ i. e., It shall be all for his good. ^ By the rood or cross. 


'Man/ he seid, 'thou art wode/ 
Why dose thou not down thy hode, 

Thou art all out of kith.^ 
Hit is the kyng that spekes to thee; 
May do what his willes be, 

Berefe this lym and lith/ 
And gif thou have do any trespass, 
Ffall on knees and aske grace, 

And he will gif the grith/^ 

"Then was that herd a careful man,^ 
And never so sory as he was than. 

When he herd that sawe. 
He wist not that hym was gode,^ 
But then he putte down his hode. 

On knees he fel down lawe7 
' Lorde,^ he seid, ' I crye the mercy, 
I know the not, be oure Lady, 

When I come into the sale f 
Ffor had I wist^ of the sorowe 
When that we met sister morow,^^ 

I had not ben in this bale/ ^' ^^ 

The manuscript ends here abruptly, evidently imperfect. ^^ We 
may conclude, however, that the shepherd eventually got well out 
of his scrape. 

Before concluding this episode in the Annals of Windsor, a 
short political poem or song of the reign of Henry the Third may 
be inserted, as being expressly connected with the events at 
Windsor during that reign. 

The decisive battle of Lewes, in 1264, was the subject of great 
exultation amongst the adherents of Simon de Montfort. This 
song is directed against the king's brother, Richard Earl of Corn- 
wall, who had become very unpopular by his foreign schemes of 

^ Mad. ' ^ Knowledge or breedicg. 

' Bereave thee limb and member. "^ Give thee grace. 
^ i. e.. That shepherd was then full of care. 

* He knew not what was good for him. 

7 Low. « Hall. 

^ Known, ^^ Yesterday morning. 

" Evil. 12 See ^ote, ante, p. 211. 


ambition. He took shelter at a windmill after he saw the king's 
party defeated/ Windsor was the stronghold of the royal party, 
and had been, as has been already stated, in the early part of the 
reign of Henry the Third, garrisoned by foreigners. 

^' Sitteth alle stille ant herkneth to me :* 
The Kyn of Alemaigne,^ bi mi leaute, 
Thritti thousent pound^ askede he 
For te make the pees in the countre, 
ant so he dude more. 
Richard, thah thou be ever tri chard, 
trichen shalt thou never more. 

^' Richard of Alemaigne, whil that he vres kyng, 
He spende al is tresour opon swyvyng ; 
Haveth he nout of Walingford o ferlyng^ : — 
Let him habbe^ ase he brew_, bale to dryng, 
maugre Wyndesoie. 
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c. 

*^ The Kyng of Alemaigne wende do ful wel. 
He saisede the mulne for a castel,^ 
With hare sharpe swerdes he grounde the stel. 
He wende that the sayles were mangonel 
To helpe Wyndesore. 
Richard, &c. 

* The following is the translation, as given by Mr. Wright : Sit all still and listen 
to nie : — tlie King of Almaigne, by my loyalty, — thirty thousand pound he asked — to 
make peace in the country, — and so he did more. — Richard, though thou art ever a 
traitor, — thou shalt never more deceive. 

Richard of Almaigne, while he was king, — he spent all his treasure upon luxury; — 
have he not of "VVallingford one furlong : — let him have, as he brews, evil to drink, — in 
spite of Windsor. 

The King of Almaigne thought to do full well, — they seized the mill for a castle ; — • 
with their sharp swords they ground the steel, — they thought the sails had been 
mangonels — to help Windsor. 

^ ' The Political Songs of England, from the Reign of John to that of Edward the 
Second,' edited and translated by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., E.S.A., &c., printed for 
the Camden Society, p. 68. The song in question is printed from the Harl. MS., 
No. 2253, fol. 58 v° of the reign of Edw. II. It first appeared in Percy's 'Reliques of 
Ancient English Poetry.' 

2 Richard Earl of Cornwall. (See ante, p. 103.) 

^ The barons had offered him this sum, if he would by his intermediation persuade the 
king to agree to a peace with them, and at the same time accept the terms they demanded. 

^ The honour of Walingford had been conferred on Richard in 1243, on his marriage 
with Sanchia, daughter of the Count of Provence. 

^ " After the battle was lost, Richard King of the Romans took refuge in a windmill, 


226 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IX. 

" The Kyng of Alemaigne gederede ys host, 
Makede him a castel of a mulne post, 
Wende with is prude ant is muchele host, 
Brohte from Alemayne mony sori gost 
to store Wyndesore. 
Richard, &c. 

" By God that is aboven ous, he dude muche synne. 
That lette passen over see the Erl of Warynne •} 
He hath robbed Engelond, the mores ant the fenne. 
The gold, ant the selver, ant y-boren henne, 
for love of Wyndesore. 
Richard, &c. 

" Sire Simond de Mountfort hath swore bi ys chyn, 
Hevede he nou here the Erl of Waryn, 
Shulde he never more come to is vn, 
Ne with sheld, ne with spere, ne with other gyn, 
to help of Wyndesore. 
Richard, &c. 

^' Sir Simond de Montfort hath suore bi ys cop, 
Hevede he nou here Sire Hue de Bigot,^ 
Al he shulde quite here twelfmoneth scot, 
Shulde he never more with his fot pot 
to helpe Wyndesore. 
Richard, &c. 

The King of Almaigne gathered his host, — he made him a castle of a mill-post, — he 
went with his pride and his great boast, — brought from Almaigne many a wretched soul 
— to garrison Windsor. 

By God that is above us, he did great sin, — who let the Earl of Warenne pass over 
sea : — he had robbed England, both the moor and the fen, — of the gold and the silver, 
and carried them hence, — for love of Windsor. 

Sir Simon de Montfort hath sworn by his chin, — had he now here the Earl of 
Warenne, — he should never more come to his lodging, — neither with shield, nor with 
spear, nor with other contrivance, — to help Windsor. 

Sir Simon de Montfort hath sworn by his head, — had he now here Sir Hugh de Bigot, 
— he should pay here a twelvemonth's scot, — he should never more tramp on his feet — 
to help Windsor. 

which he barricaded and maintained for some time against the barons, but in the evening 
was obliged to surrender. See a very full account of this in the * Chronicle of Mailros.'" 

^ The Earl of Warenne escaped from the battle, and fled into France. 

^ Hugh Bigod escaped with the Earl of Warenne to Pevensey, and from thence to 
France. He was cousin to the Hugh Bigod who took part with the barons, and was 
slain at Lewes. 




'' Be the luef, be the loht, Sire Edward, 
Thou shalt ride sporeless o thy lyard^ 
Al the ryhte way to Dovere ward ; 
Shalt thou never more breke fore-ward, 

ant that reweth sore : 
Edward, thou dudest ase a shreward, 
forsoke thyn ernes lore. 
Richard, &c/^ 

Be it agreeable to thee, or disagreeable, Sir Edward, — thou shalt ride spurless on thy 
hack — all the straight road towards Dover ; — thou shalt never more break covenant ; — 
and that sore rueth thee; — Edward, thou didst like a shrew, — forsake thine uncle's 

^ Tliis word (in Low Latin, liardus) means, properly, a dapple-grey horse. 

2 In 1375 a statute was passed "Against slanderous reports, or tales to cause discord 
betwixt king and people," and it has been suggested that it was occasioned by this ballad 
on Richard of Alemaigne. (Barrington's 'Observations on the Statutes,' p. 71.) 



'^ ii^j~f%e./is^ 

The Twin Sisters. 




Constables of the Castle. 
A.i). 1377. SiK Simon Burley. a.d. 1390. Peter de Couhtney. 

Dean of St. George's Chapel. 
A.D. 1380. Walter Almaly or Almary. 

The King keeps Christmas at the Castle — Differences between the Dean and Canons and 
the Poor Knights — Misconduct of the Dean and Chapter — Inventory of the 
Reliques, &c. — Confirmation of Charter of Edward the Second — ^Erection of a 
Cross in High Street — Pontage — Peast of Whitsuntide, 1380 — Insurrection of 
Wat Tyler — The King leaves the Castle — His Marriage — Queen Anne at Windsor 
— Council at Windsor — The King returns to Windsor from Wales — Address of 
the Londoners to the King at St. George's Peast — The interview — Imprisonment 
of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in the Castle — Charges against Sir Simon 
Burley and others — Movement of the King's Porces, and Proceedings of the 
Dukes of York and Gloucester — Windsor Bridge broken down — The King at 
Windsor, on his return to London — Charge against the Judges for Transactions 
at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1388 — Repair of the Castle — Appointment of 
Geoffry Chaucer to superintend Repairs of the Chapel — Feasts and Tournaments 
at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1391 — Imprisonment of John Hinde, Mayor of 
London, in the Castle — Londoners summoned to the King at Windsor — Proissart 
— Movements of the King — Entertainment of the Ambassadors sent to propose his 
marriage with the infant Queen Isabella — Appeal of High Treason by the Duke 
of Hereford against the Duke of Norfolk — Proceedings at Windsor — Tourna- 
ment in 1399 — Parting of the King and Queen — The King departs for Ireland 
— Removal of the Queen to Wallingford — Events connected with the Order of 
the Garter — Grants to St. George's Chapel — Owners of Land at Windsor — Sir 
Bernard " Brocas." 

On the accession of Richard the Second to the throne in 1377, 
Sir Simon Burley, Knight, was made constable of Windsor Castle 
for life.^ 

^ Pat., 1 Bic. 11, p. i, m. 14; Stow, 'Annals.' — Sir Simon Burley was also appointed 
constable of Wigmore, Guilford, and the manor of Kensington, " and also Master of the 


King Richard kept his Christmas of 1378 at Windsor.^ 

Early in this reign, and probably before the termination of the 
last, differences arose between the dean and canons of St. George's 
on the one part, and the poor knights on the other, and which 
have unfortunately continued on one ground or other to the 
present day. By the statutes of the college it was provided 
that for every day's absence from the chapel, the poor knights 
should lose the twelve pence per diem allowed to each, and that the 
amount of the forfeitures arising from this clause should be con- 
verted to the use of the other knights. Notwithstanding this pro- 
vision, it appears that the dean took upon himself to dispose of their 
fines at his pleasure. The poor knights complained to Adam 
Bishop of St. David's and Chancellor of England, of this infraction, 
and also that the dean disposed of the donations and other offerings 
of the Knights Companions of the Garter, so that no part of them 
was applied towards their support. A rigid investigation was in- 
stituted by the chancellor, not merely into these alleged grievances, 
but into the general conduct of the dean, canons, and poor knights ; 
the result of which was, as Sir Harris "Nicolas observes,^ very un- 
favorable to the moral character of many of them. It certainly 
shows that only a few years after the institution the purposes of the 
founder were perverted and abused. 

The chancellor went in person to Windsor, and examined the 
dean, canons, and vicars, and also certam of the military knights 
and elders ; and made a report of the existing abuses. 

The fines imposed on the knights for not attending the chapel 
were pocketed by the dean, and disposed of at his pleasure ; and 
he dealt in the same way with the gifts and bounties of lords and 

King's Ealcons at liis mues neere Charing Crosse." (Ibid.) In 1378 he was directed 
to superintend in person or by deputy the works in the castle and parks. (Pat., 2 Ric. II, 
p. i, m. 47.) He was a Knight of the Garter, and had been appointed Governor to 
Richard by the choice of Edward the Third and the Black Prince, and was much attached 
to the king. The subsequent attempt of Sir Simon Burley to exact £300 for the manu- 
mission of one of the burghers of Gravesend, whom he claimed as his, led to an insurrec- 
tion of the people in Kent, which was immediately followed by that under Wat Tyler. 
He was executed in 1388, for treason. (See j505^.) 

^ Walsingham. A council was held at Windsor in 1379, at which the Duke of 
Lancaster was present. (See Walsingham and Holinshed.) 

^ 'Orders of Knightliood,' vol. i, p. 44. 

230 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

noblemen, made to the chapel and college, to the exclusion of the 
knights. He also kept the salaries of the vicars too long in his 
hands, and also appropriated to his own use the dues of the vacant 
vicars' stalls. The church of " Fokkesaire," appropriated to the 
college, had been let to farm to Thomas Tuppeleye, a layman, for 
his life, he living with his wife and family in the rectory house. 
The gift of £200 by William of Wykeham was wholly lost, no 
one receiving the interest or knowing what had become of the 

In addition to the licentious conduct of Thomas Tawne and John 
Breton, two of the elder knights,^ it appeared that Breton was inso- 
lent in his manner, late in going to the chapel, and too hasty in 
leaving it, and when he knelt at prayers he immediately went to 
sleep, so that he could be scarcely roused to receive the sacrament 
at the altar. 

Edmund Clove, one of the canons, was profligate and irreverent, 
talking scandal to laymen at mass time and other hours. John 
Loryng, another canon, neglected his attendance at chapel, and was 
devoted to hunting and fishing. John Chicester, a vicar, was 
convicted of adultery.^ The canons generally slurred over their 
duties, attending only one hour daily in the chapel, and walking off 
the moment they received their daily pay. 

It appeared that the dean had converted the college close into 

^ "Item. Compertum est quod Domini Thomas Tawue et Johannes Breton, milites 
senes ejusdem capellse, conjugati, tenent mulierculas in adulterinis amplexibus, ad magnum 
scandalum collegii prsedicti; ideo volumus et ordinamus quod Decanus dicti loci, pro 
honestata et honore ejusdem, praedictos milites et alios, in dicto coUegio in futurum 
graviter committentes sen delinquentes, primo moderate corrigat : et perseverantes in 
criminibus hujusmodi gravius corripiat et corrigat; et tertio, sic incorrigibiles repertos, de 
consilio concilii Domini nostri regis, a dicto collegio penitus amoveat. 

" Item. Compertum est quod Johannes Breton miles prsedictus, iusolentiis suis nimis 
deditus, tarde accedit et nimis delicate ad horas canonicas in dicta capella : et cum recli- 
naverit se ad orandum in eadem, statim dormit, ita quod vix poterit ad sacramentum 
altaris vigilare ; unde per regem et suum concilium apponatur remedium. 

"Item. Compertum est quod Dominus Edmundus Clove, canonicus dictse capellse, fuit 
ab antiquo diffamatus de diversis mulieribus, et est lacivus et jocundus, et discurreus inter 
laicos tempore missse et aliarum horarum scandalose." 

* "Item. Compertum est quod Johannes Chicestre vicarius diffamatur de 
Uxore Thomse Swyft (cujus mulieris nomen ignoratur) quod relinquimus correctioni 


a kitchen garden.^ The records of the college, moreover, were 
negligently kept. 

It is superfluous to say that the dean, in addition to his own lax 
conduct, was reported to have exercised no vigilance in checking 
and correcting the misconduct of those under him, so that the 
canons paid no respect to his ofiice. 

The chancellor took steps to reform these various abuses. The 
emoluments of the college were ordered to be properly distributed. 
The offerings or gifts in the college were directed to be equally 
divided between the dean, canons, and knights; and the same 
division was expressly ordered to be made of the swans and cygnets 
given to the college by Oliver de Bordeaux. The dean was severely 
admonished, and he was directed to reprove, and, if the offences 
were repeated or continued, to punish the offending canons and 
vicars. The remedy for the general neglect and offences of the 
canons was, however, left by the chancellor to the king in council.^ 

The dean and canons had, it appears, by this time acquired con- 
siderable riches for their chapel in the shape of plate, jewels, vest- 
ments, reliques, and ornaments, most of them, probably, offerings 
made at the altar. A register of all the books, vestments, reliques, 
plate, and various other ornaments of the chapel, made in the eighth 
year of this reign, and in the time of Walter Almaly, dean, is 
printed in Dugdale's ' Monasticon,' from an ancient roll formerly 
in the possession of Elias Ashmole.^ 

This register comprises books in the choir, and books on various 
subjects chained in the chapel (comprising, among the latter, two 
volumes of French romances, of which one was the ' Book of the 
Rose') ;^ vestments and their appendages of great variety of forms 
and colours, adapted for the different festivals and vigils of the year, 

* "Item. Prsecipimus Decano preedicto quod claustrum, satis lionorificum dicti collegii, 
intrinsecus urticis et aliis herbis nocivis, nou delectabilitibus in visu, turpitu dehonestatuin, 
celeritu mundari, et sicul decet claustrum Capellse Regise, honeste faciat prseparari, 
subpoena quae incumbit." 

^ Pat., 2 Ric. II, p. i, m. 15, printed in the * Foedera.* 
3 Ash. MSS., Nos. 16 and 22. 

* See ante, p. 209. Books constituted a valuable property at this period. About the 
year 1400, a copy of John de Meun's 'Roman de la Rose' (the book mentioned in the text) 
was sold, before the palace gate at Paris, for forty crowns, or thirty-three pounds six and 
sixpence. (Warton's * History of Poetry,' ' Dissertations,' vol. i, p. 90, edit. 1840.) 

232 ANNALS OT WINDSOB. [Ciiapteii X. 

including a set for a private altar behind the great altar; also a 
vestment of blood-colour, the gift of Henry the Fourth, with white 
dogs worked upon it ; another, the gift of King Richard, containing 
an altar-cloth with the crucifix of Mary and John ; one vestment for 
Lent, the gift of the Duke of Norfolk ; and a number of copes and 
cloths. Beneath the table of the high altar were jewels and relics, 
comprising crosses (including the crosse called Gneyth^), taber- 
nacles, tables, a salt cellar (for salt to mingle with the hallowed 
water), a silver gilt image of St. James, and another of the 
Virgin Mary, the gift of Henry the Fourth ; angels,^ cups, 
vessels, and phials of various make and workmanship, and set with 
precious stones. The relics inclosed in some of them comprised a 
portion of the milk of the Virgin Mary, parts of the skulls of 
St. Bartholomew and St. Thomas the Apostle. Tables and 
branches of silver and silver gilt stood on the high altar, one 
of the branches containing an arm-bone of St. Wilham of 
York (" which can be seen"), and another, part of an arm of 
St. George. Tbe relics not inclosed comprised an arm-bone of 
St. Osytho, an arm-bone of St- Richard, and bones of St. Margaret 
Queen of Scotland, St. Thomas of Hereford, St. David, St. William 
of England, and St. William of York; part of the jaw-bone of 
St. Mark, containing fourteen teeth ; a bone of St. Gerard, a rib 
of one of the eleven thousand virgins, bones of St. Maurice and 
St. Elizabeth, a rib of St. Vitale, part of the brain of St. Eustace ; 
and in a separate division were a bone of St. George, parts of the 
Lord^s supper table and of the Virgin Mary's tomb, and some of 
St. Thomas of Canterbury's blood. There was also one of the 
stones wdth which good Stephen was stoned, a breast-bone of the 
good Archbishop Edmund, a shirt of St. Thomas the Martyr, a 
white girdle given by St. John the Evangelist to St. Mary, and a 
small part of the skull of St. Thomas the Apostle, and a candle end 
of the Virgin Mary. 

The register also comprised a variety of morses,^ chalices, 
corporals (white linen cloths laid on the altar, and on which the 

^ See ante, p. 114. 

2 Figures of angels iuiroduced as reliquaries, bearing phials in their liands. 

■"^ Tlic clasps or fastenings of copes. 


elements of the communion were consecrated)/ paxes^ (one not 
quite perfect, of silver and gilt, enamelled with images of the 
crucifixion and of Mary and John, and having at the top three 
bosses, with two shields hanging on either side ; and another pax 
of silver gilt, with the image of the Virgin), candlesticks, thuribles 
(vessels held in the hand for burning incense), ships (also for 
incense), crosses, phials, dishes, altar covers, mitres (coverings for 
the head, worn on solemn occasions by bishops, the abbots of some 
monasteries, and, from special privileges, by the canons of certain 
churches), pyxes (vessels to contain the Holy Eucharist), a chris- 
matory (to contain the Holy Oils), a silver bell to ring before the 
body of Christ, in the visitation of the sick, staves for the precentor 
and canons, auriculars (one embroidered with two golden eagles 
and the arms of various noblemen, with the inscription, *' Jhesu 
est timor mens"), towels, albs, stoles and dresses of various colours, 
veils and curtains, stands, tapestry, swords of King Edward, the 
Earl of Suffolk, Lord Thomas Banaster, King Richard, the Earl of 
Derby (afterwards Henry the Fourth), of the Duke of Lancaster 
and the Earl of Salisbury, and also six helmets and ndantles. 

There were also a number of jewels and relics in the treasury. 
One of them was a beautiful " camahu," ornamented with pearls 
and gold, containing part of the chain with which St. Louis flogged 
himself. There were three crowns, silver gilt, ornamented with 
precious stones, one for the Blessed Mary, another for the Son, and 
the third for St. Edward. Two cofFres and two bottles, three 
sudaria ; two banners, with the arms of the King of England, a 
dragon, and a lion, for procession in Rogation ; with six spears, 
and four new banners with painted figures. 

The charter of Edward the Second to the town, which was 
confirmed by Edward the Third, was in like manner recited and 
confirmed by Richard the Second, in the third year of his reign.^ 

^ The expression of a "corporal oath" originated in the ancient custom of swearing 
solemnly on the corporal cloth, containing the sacred body of our Lord. (Pugin's 'Glossary 
of Ecclesiastical Ornament and Costume.') 

2 A pax is a small plate carried round, having been kissed by the priest, after the 
Agnus Dei in the mass, to communicate the kiss of peace. 

3 Pat., 3 Hie. II, p. i, in. 24. The charter of Edward the Third confirms the privi- 
leges of the town, as the men and burgesses of the borough (" homines et burgensis 

234 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

Upon the granting of this last-mentioned Inspeximus Charter, 
the sum of one hundred shilHngs was paid into the Hanaper Office. 

In 1380 (4 Ric. II) a handsome cross was erected by John 
Sadler in the High Street of Windsor.-^ Ashmole says that this is 
the same cross which was '' beautified and repaired, and a crucifix 
placed on its top, in 1635,'' by Dr. Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, 
some details respecting which will be found in a subsequent part of 
this work. It is singular that there is no representation of this 
cross, or anything denoting its existence, to be found in Norden's 
drawing of Windsor Castle or map of the ** Little Park," made in 
1607. The accuracy and minute detail evinced in Norden's work 
render it very improbable that he overlooked such a striking 
object; and the fair inference is that the original cross of 1380 
had been previously removed or destroyed, and that the Bishop of 
Gloucester not merely beautified and repaired the cross in 1635, 
but re -erected it. The cross stood where Castle Street on the east, 
Peascod Street on the west. High Street on the south, and Thames 
Street un the north (being the four principal streets of the town) 

burgi") theretofore held and enjoyed the same ; that of Richard is to the burgesses of 
the borough. 

1 Ashmole's 'History of Berkshire/ p. 260, folio edit., Reading, 1736. Ashmole 
obtained the date from ' Day's Book,' a MS. folio volume written by Matthew Day, who 
filled the ofl&ce of Mayor of Windsor five times during the reigns of James the First, 
Charles the First, and Charles the Second. This volume is supposed to be in the muni- 
ment room of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, having been seen there some years ago 
and extracts taken from it. The editors have made repeated attempts to obtain a sight 
of this interesting book, but the answer to all inquiries is that it cannot be found. Ash- 
mole made some extracts from it, which are preserved among the Ash. MSS. at Oxford, 
and are entitled " Severall things excerpted out of a folio volume writen by the liands 
of Mr. Matthew Day of Windsor. He was 5 tymes maior of that borough." The fol* 
lowing is the extract relating to the cross : 

" The name of him that builded the Markett Crosse of the Towne and Burrow of 
New Windsor, and the time when. 

" By searching the Records in the Gildhall of the Burrow aforesaid, Mr. Wasshiugton 
being then major, Mr. Woodward being then steward, Mr. Low and Mathew Day being 
then both aldermen, wee found an indenture that was lett unto one John Sadler (who 
had bine of the company) of a lease let unto him from the major, baUefes, and burgesis of 
so much of the wast of the said corporation as the Crosse containeth ; wherupon he 
covenanted to build the Markett Crosse of the said towne ; which lease is deated in the 
forth yere of Richard the Second, w"^ was in the yeere of our Lord 1380." (Ash. MSS., 
No. 1126, f. 86.) 


meet. In 1691, being in a ruinous state, it was taken down, but all 
proclamations and public orders are read and declared at this spot, 
which still bears the name of the Cross .^ 

In this year (1380) there was a grant of pontage made to the 
inhabitants of Windsor.^ 

The king held the feast of Whitsuntide at Windsor the same 
year ;^ and there, '' in the octaves of Easter, the king's half-sister, 
the Lady Joan de Courtney, was married to Lord Valeran, Earl 
of St. Paul's. The solemnization of the marriage was accompanied 
by great triumphing." The king endowed his sister with the 
township and manor of Byfleet in Surrey.* 

At the time of the insurrection under Wat Tyler, and the 
advance of the people towards London, the king was at Windsor. 
Accompanied by his cousin, Henry Earl of Derby, Simon Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury and Chancellor, Sir Robert Hales, Master of 
the Knights of St. John, and Treasurer, and about one hundred 
sergeants and knights, Richard left the Castle of Windsor, and 
repaired for greater security to the Tower of London, escorted by the 
mayor, and there he was joined by his mother, the Princess of Wales.^ 

On the 12th of June, 1381, the king descended the river to 
meet Tyler and his multitude, and, according to Stowe, he re- 
quested the leaders to come to him at Windsor on the following 
Monday, " where they should have sufficient answer to all their 
demands." The king, however, returned to the Tower ; and the 
death of Wat Tyler in Smithfield, at the hands of Walworth the 
mayor, three days afterwards, led to the dispersion of the mob. 

* Pote's ' History of Windsor/ p. 10. On referring to Norden's map of the " Little 
Park," it will be seen that there is a building represented a little to the south of where 
the above four streets meet, having a cross at each end of the roof ; but this building 
could not be identical with the cross. It evidently represents the old Town Hall. Evidence 
of the existence of the cross in 1639 is met with in the books of the corporation of 
Windsor. The following entry occurs in the accounts of Hercules Trew, Mayor of 
Windsor, in the above year : "P^ Thos. Chervyll, for mending the doors of the cage, 
and setting the vayne of the crosse uprighte, Is. Qd." There is an entry in the " order 
book," that " at a meeting of the corporation on the 7th April, 1691, the market cross 
being ruinous, was ordered to be taken down and the pillory removed," and the same 
year, the sum of 135. Qd. was paid "for pullinge downe the crosse and cleansing the place," 

2 Pat., 4 "Ric. II, p. iii, m. ]. 3 ^roissart. 

'' Holinshed, who follows Walsingham. ^ Lingard. 


Richard the Second married Anne of Bohemia, daughter of the 
Emperor Charles the Fom^th, "in the chapel of the palace of 
Westminster, the twentieth day after Christmas [1382]. On the 
wedding-day there were great feastings. The king carried his 
queen to Windsor, where he kept an open and noble house. They 
were very happy together. She was accompanied by the Princess 
of Wales, and the Duchess of Brittany, aunt to the king. "^ 

Immediately after a parliament hoi den in May, in the fifth year 
of his reign (1382), the king re-assembled a great council at 
Windsor, at which a considerable number of prelates and lords of 
the realm were present ; and there the king, by their advice and 
the advice and deliberation of others of his council, came to the 
determination to proceed in person to France with his army.^ 

In 1384 Sir Simon Burley appointed Thomas Tyle his deputy- 
constable of Windsor Castle during his life, which appointment 
was confirmed by the king ;^ and soon afterwards the appointment 
of Sir Simon Burley himself, as constable for life, appears to have 
been renewed.* 

In the following year a grant of pontage for New Windsor 
Bridge was issued.^ 

In 1386, an invasion of the French being apprehended, Richard, 
being then in Wales, was written to by his uncles, the Earls of 
Cambridge and Buckingham, to return to London, " as the whole 
country was much dissatisfied with him and his advisers." The 
king and his council, not daring to refuse, left Wales, where he 
and his queen had resided a considerable time. On his arrival at 
Windsor, he staid some days, and there leaving his queen, came to 
his palace of Westminster.^ 

It having been reported throughout England in the same year 
(1386) "that a new tax was to be levied on every fire, and that 
each was to pay a noble, the rich making up for the deficiencies of 

^ Froissart, 

2 Rot. Pari., vol.iii, p. 122. 

^ Pat., 7 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 9. Two years afterwards permission was granted to TLomas 
Tyle to inclose and impark 70 acres of land in the forest of Windsor, adjoining his place 
called * Tylestenement,' in Old Windsor. (Pat., 9 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 41. 

^ Ibid., m. 12. ^ Ibid., 8 Ric. II, p. i, m. 33. 

^ Proissari. 


the poor/' great dissatisfaction was produced, and the Londoners 
addressed the Duke of Gloucester, one of the king's uncles (who 
were known to sympathise with the people, and were opposed to 
the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, and others who had 
the control of the king), requesting him to take upon himself the 
government of the country. The duke, however^ recommended 
the Londoners to address a personal remonstrance to the king, 
entreating him to assemble the three estates of the realm, in order 
to inquire into the conduct of his then advisers. 

" When you shall have made this remonstrance to the king," 
said the Duke of Gloucester to the Londoners, *' he will give you 
an answer. If he should say, ' We will consider of it,' cut the 
matter short, and declare you will not have any delay ; and press it 
the more to alarm him, as well as his minions. Say, boldly, that 
the country will not longer suffer it, and it is wonderful they have 
borne it so long. My brother and myself will be with the king, 
and also the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earls of Arundel, 
Salisbury, and Northumberland ; but say nothing should we not be 
present, for we are the principal personages in England, and will 
second you in your remonstrance, by adding that what you require 
is but reasonable and just. When he shall hear us thus speak, he 
will not contradict us, unless he be very ill-advised indeed; and 
will appoint a day accordingly. This is the advice and the remedy 
I offer you." The Londoners replied, '' My lord, you have loyally 
spoken ; but it will be difficult for us to find the king and as many 
lords as you have named at one time in his presence." " Not at 
all," said the duke ; " St. George^s Day will be within ten days, 
and the king will then be at Windsor ; you may be sure the Duke 
of Ireland and Sir Simon Barley will be there also. There will be 
many others : my brother, myself, and the Earl of Salisbury will 
be there. Do you come, and you will act according to circum- 

The Londoners promised to be at Windsor on St. George's 
Day, and left the Duke of Gloucester, well pleased with their recep- 
tion. When that day came, the King of England held a grand 
festival, as his predecessors had done before him, and, accompanied 
by his queen and court, went to Windsor. On the morrow the 

238 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

Londoners came thither with sixty horse, and those from York and 
other principal towns in Hke numbers, and lodged themselves in 
the town. The king was desirous of leaving the place for another 
three leagues off, when he heard of the arrival of the commons of 
England, and still more so when told they wanted to speak to him, 
for he dreaded greatly their remonstrances, and would not have 
heard them ; but his uncles and the Earl of Salisbury said, " My 
lord, you cannot depart, for they are deputed hither by all your 
principal towns. It is proper you hear what they have to say; 
you will then give them your answer, and take time to consider of 
it." He remained, therefore, but sore against his will. 

" The commons were introduced to the presence, in the lower 
hall, without the new building, where the palace stood in former 
times.^ The king was attended by his two uncles, the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor, the 
Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Northumberland, and several others 
of the nobility. The commons made their harangue to the king, 
by their spokesman, a citizen of London called Simon de Sudbury, 
a man of sense and oratory. He formed his speech from what the 
Duke of Gloucester had said to them ; and, as you have heard that, 
I need not take more notice of it. The king having heard it, 
rephed — 'Ye commons of England, your requests are great and 
important, and cannot be immediately attended to; for we shall 
not long remain here, nor are all our council with us — indeed the 
greater part are absent. I therefore bid each of you return quietly 
to your homes, and there peaceably remain, unless sent for, until 
Michaelmas, when the parliament shall be assembled at West- 
minster. Come thither and lay your requests before us, which we 
will submit to our council. What we approve shall be granted, 
and what we think improper refused. For think not we are to be 
ruled by our people. That has never been ; and we can perceive 
nothing but what is right and just in our government, and in those 
who govern under us.' Upwards of seven instantly replied to the 
king, and said, ' Most redoubted lord, under your grace's favour, 
your justice is weak, indeed, in the realm, and you know not what 

* See ante, p. 164. 


behovetli you to know ; for you neither make inquiry, nor examine 
into what is passing ; and those who are your advisers will never 
tell you, for the great wealth they are amassing. It is not justice, 
sir king, to cut off heads, wrists, or feet, or any way to punish ; 
but justice consists in the maintaining the subject in his right, and 
in taking care he live in peace, without having any cause of com- 
plaint. We must also say that you have appointed too long a day 
by referring us to Michaelmas. No time can be better than the 
present ; we therefore unanimously declare that we will have an 
account, and very shortly too, from those who have governed your 
kingdom since your coronation, and know what is become of the 
great sums that have been raised in England for these last nine 
years, and whither they have passed. If those who have been your 
treasurers shall give a just account or nearly so, we shall be much 
rejoiced, and leave them in their offices. Those who shall not pro- 
duce honest acquittances for their expenditure shall be treated 
accordingly, by the commissioners that are to be nominated by 
you, and our lords your uncles.' 

*' The king, on this, looked at his uncles to see if they would 
say anything, when the Duke of Gloucester said 'that he saw 
nothing but what was just and reasonable in the demands they had 
made. What do you say, fair brother of York ?' * As God may 
help me, it is all true,' he replied, as did the other barons who 
were present; but the king wished them to give their opinions 
separately. ' Sir,' added the Duke of Gloucester, ' it is but fair 
that you know how your money has been expended.' The king, 
perceiving they were all united, and that his minions dared not 
utter one word, for they were overawed by the presence of the 
nobles, said, * Well, I consent to it ; let them be sent away, for 
summer is now approaching, and the time for my amusement in 
hunting.^ Then, addressing the Londoners, he added, 'Would 
you have the matter instantly despatched ?' ' Yes, we entreat it of 
you, noble king ; we shall likewise beg of these lords to take part, 
more particularly our lords your uncles.' The dukes replied they 
would willingly undertake it, as well on the part of their lord and 
king as for the country. The commoners then said, ' We also 
wish that the reverend fathers, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury 

240 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter X- 

and the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, be parties/ They said 
they would cheerfully do so. When this was agreed to, they 
nominated the lords present, such as the Earls of Salisbury and 
Northumberland, Sir Reginald Cobham, Sir Guy de Bryan, Sir 
Thomas Felton, Sir Mathew Gournay; and said there should be 
from two to four of the principal persons from each city or large 
town, who would represent the commons of England. All this 
was assented to, and the time for their meeting fixed for the week 
after St. George's Day, to be holden at Westminster ; and all the 
king's ministers and treasurers were ordered to attend, and give an 
account of their administrations to the before-named lords. The 
king consented to the whole, not through force, but at the solicita- 
tions and prayers of his uncles, the other lords, and commons of 

" It indeed concerned them to know how affairs had been 
managed, both in former times and in those of the present day. 
All having been amicably settled, the assembly broke up ; and the 
lords, on leaving Windsor, returned to London, whither were 
summoned all collectors and receivers from the different counties, 
with their receipts and acquittances, under pain of corporal punish- 
ment and confiscation of goods.'' -^ 

Upon the impeachment of the ex-chancellor, Michael de la Pole, 
Earl of Suffolk, by the commons, in October 1386, and their sub- 
sequent order that he should be imprisoned during the king's 
pleasure, Windsor Castle was the place of his confinement. He 
was released by the king soon after the dissolution of parliament.^ 

Among the articles assigned against Sir Simon Burley, Sir John 
Beauchamp, Sir John Salisbury, and Sir James Berners, on their 
trial for treason in 1388, was one alleging that when Michel de la 
Pole, Earl of Suffolk, was attainted of treason and ordered to prison, 
Sir Simon Burley, as constable of Windsor, craftily besought the 
king to let him have the keeping of the earl at Windsor, in order 
that the king might converse with him, and to place the latter 
near the king, to counsel him, and also intending to let the earl 

^ Fioissart (Johnes' translation). See also Walsingliam. 
2 See Grafton's ' Chronicle/ and Holiiishcd. 


escape and get out of the kingdom, and defeat the judgment 
against him.^ 

In 1387, Richard having determined to wage war against his 
uncles, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, the Duke of Ireland, as 
lieutenant-general, headed the king's forces, and fixed his quarters 
at Oxford. " The duke, to sound the Londoners, resolved to send 
thither Sir Nicholas Braraber, Sir Peter Gouloufre, and Sir Michael 
de la Pole. They were to enter the town by the Thames, and to 
hoist the king's flag, and observe how the citizens, on seeing it, 
would act. These three knights, in compliance with the duke's 
orders, left Oxford with only thirty horse, and rode secretly to 
Windsor, where they lay that night. On the morrow they crossed 
the Thames at the bridge of Staines, and dined in the king's 
palace at Shene (Richmond), where they remained until late in the 
evening, when they departed and rode for another of the king's 
palaces at Kensington, nearer London, three leagues distant, where 
they left their horses, and, having entered boats, took advantage of 
the tide, and passed through London Bridge unobserved, for the 
watch had not any suspicions of their arrival. They entered the 
Tower of London, and found the governor whom the king had 
appointed." Prom him they received no encouragement as to the 
state of feeling among the Londoners, and were assured that they 
ran personal risk in remaining there, " so that the following night, 
when it was dark and the tide flowing, they embarked in a large 
boat, and left the Tower without having dared to display the king's 
banners. They slept that night at Kennington, and on the morrow 
at daybreak mounted their horses and rode by Chertsey to 
Windsor, where they dined and lay. The next day they arrived at 
Oxford, where was the Duke of Ireland and his army." 

The duke was much cast down at the intelligence of the state 
of London, and sent off" to the king, who was at Bristol, to apprise 
him of his situation and to ask for more men. In the mean time 
the Dukes of York and Gloucester called a council in London, at 
which it was determined to take the field against the Duke of 
Ireland. *'This army marched from London and lodged at 

^ Eot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 242 a. Sir Simon Burley was executed, notwithstanding tlie 
intercession of the queen with the Duke of Gloucester in his behalf. 


242 ANNALS OT WINDSOB. [Chapter X. 

Brentford and the adjoining villages; on the next day at Cole- 
brook — their force increasing all the way. They followed the road 
to Reading, to gain a passage over the Thames ; for the bridges of 
Staines and Windsor had, by command of the Duke of Ireland, 
been broken down, by which they would have had a better and 
more level country for their march." 

The Duke of Gloucester and his forces subsequently forded the 
Thames " three leagues from Oxford,'' and encountered and van- 
quished the Duke of Ireland^s army. 

When the latter heard that the Duke of Gloucester's army had 
passed the Thames, he exclaimed, " How the devil could they have 
crossed the Thames !'' ^ 

From this account it appears that the Duke of Ireland had 
destroyed the bridges of Windsor and Staines^ in order to prevent 
the London forces getting across to his own quarters. It is difficult 
to understand this, unless the direct road westward from London 
to Reading was at this period through Maidenhead, where a bridge 
certainly existed. 

The Duke of Ireland having fled into Holland, and other of the 
king's adherents having been executed, the Dukes of York and 
Gloucester sent the Archbishop of Canterbury to Bristol, to com- 
municate with the king and solicit his return to London, to which 
Richard at last assented. '' The king did not remain at Bristol 
long after this, but, leaving there his queen, set out with his retinue 
towards London, the archbishop accompanying him. On his 
arrival at Windsor he stopped three whole days. 

" When news was brought to London that the Archbishop of 
Canterbury had so far succeeded in his mission that the king was 
on his return to the city, the whole town was rejoiced ; and they 
determined to go out to meet and conduct him in the most 
honorable manner to his palace. The day on which he left 
Windsor, the whole road from London to Brentford was covered 
with people on foot and horseback. The Dukes of York and 
Gloucester and Prince John of York, the Earls of Arundel, Salis- 
bury, Northumberland, and many barons and prelates, went in 
great state to conduct the king. They met him within two miles 

* Froissart. 


from Brentford, and received him most affectionately, as good 
subjects should their lord. The king, who had their late proceed- 
ings still rankling in his heart, scarcely stopped when he met them, 
nor cast his eyes towards them. The person he talked the most to 
on his road was the Bishop of London. On their arrival in West- 
minster the king dismounted at his palace, which had been pre- 
pared for him. He there partook of wines and spices, as did 
his uncles, the barons, prelates, and knights, who were entitled to 
the honour. Several of them now took leave, and those who 
resided in London went home ; but the king's uncles, the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbiuy, and the whole of the council, remained to 
keep him company, to be on better terms together, and to consult 
on the affairs of the nation ; for they had formed their plans, and 
were lodged, some in the palace and others in the abbey." ^ 

Upon the arraignment and trial of the judges before the parha- 
ment, commonly called Gloucester's Parliament, holden at Notting- 
ham in 1388 (11th of Richard II), upon the charge of high treason, 
for giving their opinion that a commission issued in the previous 
parliament for transferring the power of the crown to certain com- 
missioners (of whom the Duke of Gloucester was one) was against 
the king's prerogative, and that the advisers thereof were punish- 
able with death. Sir Robert Bleaknap, chief-justice of the King's 
Bench, alleged in his defence that, by command of the king, he 
went to the manor of Windsor, and there, in the Archbishop of 
York's chamber, the archbishop charged him as being the imaginer 
and contriver of the commission and statute, and that he was of all 
persons in the world, France or England, the one the king most 
hated, and that, unless he devised some means whereby the said 
commission and said statute should be defeated and annulled, and 
the king restored to his regal power, he should be executed as a 
false traitor ; to which he replied that the authors of the commission 
and statute intended that it should be for the good and honour of 
the king and all his realm ; and that he then departed from Windsor 
in great fear and doubt of his life ; that at Woodstock the same 
threat was repeated, and the same answer given by him, and that 
ultimately his opinion was obtained by force or menace. 

' Eroissart. 

2 14 ANNALS OP l^aNDSOE. [CnAPTiii X. 

The king held St. George^s Feast at Windsor in 1388. It was 
attended by the Earl of Arundel, and a number of the lords who 
were about to accompany the earl with forces to Brittany, to assist 
in the war wath France. At Windsor, on this occasion, the Earl 
of Arundel took leave of the king, the queen, his uncles, and ladies.^ 

In the twelfth year of the king's reign (1389), a commission 
was issued for the repair of the castle of Windsor and of the forest, 
and sales of all the king's other parks.^ 

In the following year, Peter de Courtney was appointed con- 
stable of the castle during his life.^ 

In 1390 the most remarkable incident of the reign of Richard 
the Second connected with Windsor occurred in the appointment 
of GeofFry Chaucer, the " Father of English Poetry/' to super- 
intend the repairs of St. George's Chapel/ 

In the summer of the previous year he was appointed, by letters 
patent, bearing date at W^indsor the 12th of July, clerk of the 
king's works at the palace of Westminster, the Towner of London, 
the castle of Berkhamstead, the manors of Kenyngton, Eltham, 
Clarendon, Shene, Byfleet, Childern-Langley, and Feckenham, and 
also at the royal lodge of Hatherberg in the New Forest, at the 
lodges in the parks of Clarendon, Childern-Langley, and Fecken- 
ham, and at the mews for the king's falcons near " Charyng 
Crouch" (Charing Cross). ^ 

This w^as in lieu of his former employment of comptroller of the 
customs, which he had lost in consequence of the intrigues and 
convulsions of this reign. ^ His salary as clerk of the works of the 
above places was two shilUngs a day, making an annual income of 
thirty-six pounds ten shillings, and equivalent in denominations of 
modern money to an income of six hundred and fifty-seven pounds."^ 
It is doubtful if this appointment arose from Chaucer's pecuhar 
fitness for the situation, though passages of his writings might be 

^ Troissart. 

3 Pat., 12 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 9. ^ i\^[^ ^ 13 j^j^. u^ p. 2. 

^ Poynter. 

^ Pat., 13 Ric. II, p. i, ra. 30. See a copy of this patent in the Appendix to Godwin's 
' Life of Cliaucer.' 

^ Godwin's * Life of Chaucer,' cliap. xxxvi. 

" Ibid., chap. li. 


adduced to show that he possessed some knowledge of archi- 

Chaucer's commission to repair St. George's Chapel bears date 
at Westminster, the 12th of July, 1390.' 

It states the chapel to be in a condition which threatens ruin, 
and on the point of faUing to the ground unless it be speedily and 
effectually repaired. Power is given to Chaucer to impress masons, 
carpenters, and other workmen and labourers, wherever they should 

^ Sir H. Nicolas, Life of Chaucer prefixed to the ' Romaunt of the Rose/ 3 vols., 
8vo, 1846. 

- The following is a copy of the letters patent : 

*'Rex dilecto armigero nostro Galfrido Chaucer, clerico operacionum nostrarum, 

** Scias quod assignavimus te ad capellam nostram coUegialera Sancti Georgii infra 
castrum nostrum de Wyndesore, que minatur ruine, et in punctu ad terram cadendi 
existit, nisi cicius facta et eraendata fuerit, sufficientem fieri faciendam. Et ad latornos, 
carpentarios, et alios operarios ac laboratores, pro operacionibus ejusdem capelle necessa- 
rios, ubicunque, infra libertates vel extra (feodo ecclesie excepto), inveniri poterunt, per 
te et deputatos tuos, eligendos et capiendos, et eos super operacionibus predictis ponendos, 
ibidem ad vadia nostra, quamdiu indiguerit, moraturos. Et ad petras, mereraium, vitrum, 
plumbum, et omnia alia pro operacionibus predictis necessaria, et etiam cariagium pro 
premissis ad castrum nostrum predictum, ad locum ubi dicta capella facta fuerit, diicenda 
et capienda, pro denariis nostris rationabiliter solvenda, tam pro premissis, quam pro 
cariagio predicto, per supervisum et testimonium contrarotulatoris operacionum nostrarum 
palacii nostri Westmonasterii. Et ad omnes illos, quos in liac parte contraries inveneris 
seu rebelles, capiendos, et prisonis nostris mancipandos, ibidem moraturos, quosque de 
eis aliter duxerimus ordinandum. Et ideo tibi precepimus quod circa premissa diligenter 
intendas et exequaris in forma predicta. Damns autem universis et singulis vicecomitibus, 
majoribus, ballivis, ministris, et aliis fidelibus et subditis nostris, tam infra libertates 
quam extra, tenore presentium, in mandatis, quod tibi et deputatis tuis predictis inten- 
dentes sint, consulentes et auxiliantes, pront decet. In cujus, &c,, per tricunium dura- 
turas. Teste rege apud Westmonasterium, duodecimo die Julii." 

The following writ of privy seal was subsequently addressed to William Hanney : 

"Rex dilecto nostro, Wiilelmo Hanney, contrarotulatori operacionum palacii nostri West- 
monasterii, salutem. Sciatis quod cum, per literas nostras patentes, assignaverimus dilectum 
armigerum nostrum, Galfridum Chaucer, clericum operacionum nostrarum, ad capellam 
nostram collegialem," &c. {tit siipra tisque ihi supervisum et tunc sic), " et testimonium vestra 
prout in Uteris patentibus inde coufectis plenius continetur, uos, de fidelitate et circum- 
spectione vestris plenius confidentes, assignavimus vos, ad quoscunque denarios per pre- 
fatum Galfridum, super reparationem et emendacionem capelle predicte apponendos, et 
pro cariagio et aliis premissis solvendos, contrarotulandum, et super computo suo ad 
saccarium nostrum testificandum. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod circa premissa diligenter 
intendatis, et ea faciatis et exquamini in forma predicta. In cujus, &c., per tricunium 
duraturas. llQ%i% {id supra)'' (Pat., 14 Ric. II, p. i, m. 33. See Godwin's ' Life of 
Chaucer,' Appendix, No. xxii.) 

246 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

be found, to work at the king's wages ; to seize materials of every 
description and carriages for their conveyance, and to imprison 
refractory persons. 

These appear to be merely the general powers given in all 
similar appointments of this period, and occur in some of those 
mentioned in the preceding reign. 

By WTit of privy seal, William Hanney, the controller of the 
works at the palace of Westminster, was ordered to assist and 
co-operate with Chaucer.^ 

As clerk of the works, Chaucer had the advantage of being 
entitled, by precedent and patent, to the assistance of a deputy, 
for whom a salary was provided by the crown ; whereas, in his 
former office of comptroller of the customs, it had been usual to 
require the principal to discharge his functions in person, and to 
keep the accounts of his place with his own hand.^ 

As St. George's Chapel had not at the time of the above com- 
mission been completed forty years, the fact of its falling into decay 
may appear extraordinary, but can be easily accounted for on the 
supposition of some failure either in the foundation or construction 
(for such things did happen in the Middle Ages), which was pro- 
bably remedied, as far as might be practicable, without delay.^ 

Chaucer does not appear to have possessed the appointment of 
clerk of the works longer than about twenty months. " My 
researches," says his biographer, *^ have not enabled me to find the 
patent conferring the office upon his successor ; but, without this 
direct evidence, I have discovered documents sufficient very nearly 
to fix the length of time for which he occupied this situation. The 
name of the person who was clerk of the works in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth years of Richard the Second is John Gedney ; and I 
find a record of this person appointing a deputy, of the date of 
16th September, 1391.* In the Rolls of the preceding year of 
Richard the Second, there is an instrument to the same purpose, 
by which Chaucer appoints a deputy, dated 22d January, 1391.^ 
It was therefore at some period in the interval between these dates 

^ See the note in tlie preceding page. 

2 Godwin's ' Life of Chaucer,' chap, li, ^ Poynter. 

^ Pat., 15 Ric. II, p. i, m. 24. » Ibid., 14 Ric. II, p. li, m. 34. 


that Chaucer retired to a private station. He received payments, 
hov^ever, ' as late clerk of the works/ down to 1398.^ 

" We have no information to guide us as to the cause of his 
retirement, and are therefore at liberty to conjecture, either that 
the office was taken from him that it might be given to some more 
useful and consummate com^tier, or that, satisfied with the hurry 
and turmoils of public life, he voluntarily determined, being now 
sixty-three years of age, to spend the short remainder of his life in 
the midst of that simplicity and solitude which he so ardently loved/'^ 

The commission for the repairs of St. George's Chapel was 
evidently subordinate to the office of clerk of the works, and was 
probably only issued because the terms of the original writ appoint- 
ing Chaucer did not extend to any of the works at Windsor. 
Chaucer does not appear to have derived any emolument from the 
superintendence of the repairs of the chapel, independently of his 
salary as clerk of the w^orks at other places.^ It may be inferred, 
therefore, that the commission did not endure, or at least was not 
acted upon, beyond the period when Chaucer resigned the office of 
clerk of the works. As the commission is dated July 12th, 1390, 
and Chaucer went out of office between the months of January and 
September of the following year, it is probable that the repairs of 
the chapel were completed by that time, or at least that Chaucer 
thenceforward ceased to exercise any control over them. 

There is a record in existence of the work done and expenses 
incurred at Windsor Castle in the fifteenth year of this reign, and 
in the constableship of Peter Courtenay ; but it does not throw any 
light on the particular subject of Chaucer's appointment.^ 

In 1390, the king held feasts and tournaments in London, 
which lasted from Sunday, the day after Michaelmas Day, until 
the following Friday ; and were resumed at Windsor in honour of 
Sir William de Hainault, Count d'Ostrevant, son of the Count of 
Hainault, who came over, contrary to the advice of his father, to 

^ Nicolas's * Life of Chaucer.' 

" Godwin's 'Life of Chaucer/ chap. li. 

3 Mr. Poynter (' Essay on Windsor Castle/ Sir J. Wyatville's ' Illustrations') is under 
a niisappreheusion in this particular. 

4 MS. Brit. Mus , Lansdowne, No. 10, art. 71. 

248 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter X. 

" make acquaintance with his cousin King Richard and his uncles, 
whom he had never seen." The Count d'Ostrevant was on this 
occasion made a Knight of the Garter.'^ 

^ Froissart, who gives the following account of the festivities, and the jealousy of the 
rreuch king : — " On Saturday the king and his court left London for Windsor, whither 
the Count d'Ostrevant, the Count de St. Pol, and the foreign knights who had been 
present at the feasts, were invited. All accepted the invitation, as was right, and went 
to TVindsor, which lias a handsome castle, well built and richly ornamented, situated ou 
the Thames, twenty miles from London. The entertainments were very magnificent in the 
dinners and suppers King Kichard made, for he thought lie could not pay honour enough 
to his cousin, the Count d'Ostrevant. He was solicited by the king and his uncles to be 
one of the Companions of the Order of the Blue Garter, as the chapel of St. George, the 
patron, was at Windsor. In answer to their request, he said he would consider of it, and 
instantly consulted the Lord de Gomegines and the bastard Fierabras de Vertain, who 
were far from discouraging him from accepting the order. He returned to the king, and 
was admitted a Knight Companion of the Garter, to the great surprise of the French 
knights then present. They murmured together, and said, ' This Count d'Ostrevant 
plainly shows that his heart is more inclined to England than France, when he thus 
accepts the Order of the Garter, which is the device of the kings of England. He is 
purchasing the ill will of the court of France, and of my lord of Burgundy, whose 
daughter he has married, and a time may come for him to repent of it. However, to say 
the truth, he must know what concerns him best; but he was well beloved by the King 
of France, his brother the Duke of Touraine, and all the royal family, so that when he 
came to them at Paris or elsewhere they showed him more kindness than to any other of 
their cousins.' 

" Thus was the Count d'Ostrevant blamed by the French without the smallest cause ; 
for what he had done was no way to injure the crown of France, nor his cousins and 
friends of that country. Nothing was farther from his mind than any hostility to the 
King of France ; but he had accepted the Garter to oblige his cousins in England, and on 
occasion to be a mediator between the two countries. When he took the oaths usual on 
the admission of knights to the order, it ought to be known publicly that nothing was 
said or done prejudicial to France, nor any treaties entered into with that intent. I men- 
tion this, since it is impossible to prevent the envious from spreading abroad their tales. 
When the entertainments at Windsor had lasted a sufficient time, and the king had made 
handsome presents to the knights and squires of France, particularly to the young Count 
d'Ostrevant, the company took leave of the king, the queen, and the court, and departed 
for their different homes. 

" Rumour, which magnifies everything, carried to the King of France, his brother, 
and uncles, every particular that had passed at this feast in England. Those who had 
been there confirmed it ; nothing was forgotten, but rather additions made, with the 
intent of doing mischief in preference to good. They related that William of Hainault, 
who called himself Count d'Ostrevant, had taken great pains to honour this feast, that he 
liad had the prize given him at the tournament in preference to many other foreign 
knights, and that he was loud in the praise of the English, and was become the liege- 
man to the King of England by taking the oaths and accepting the Order of the Blue 
Garter, in the chapel of Saint George at W^indsor, which order had been established by 
King Edward and his son the Prince of Wales ; that no one could be admitted a knight 


The king kept St. George's Feast at Windsor in the following 
year (1391). Two French knights, Sir John de Chateaumorant 
and Sir Taussin de Cautemerle, who came over to obtain an answer 
to the proposals made by the French at Amiens for a peace between 
England and France, were present, together with " a brilliant com- 
pany of barons, and the king's uncles.^^^ 

The Londoners having incmTed the displeasure of the king by 
refusing to lend him the sum of one thousand pounds, and also by 
ill-treating and nearly killing a Lombard who was willing to 
advance it, the mayor of London, the sheriffs, and the " best 
citizens" were arrested and brought to the king at Nottingham, 
"where, on the 11th of June, John Hinde, the mayor, was 
deposed and sent to Windsor Castle. The sheriffs were also 
deposed, and sent, the one to the Castle of Wallingford, the other 
to the Castle of Odiham, and the other citizens to other prisons, 
till the king, with his council, had determined what should be done 
with them." ^ 

The king was subsequently " somewhat pacified, and by little 
and little abateth the rigor of his purpose, calling to mind the 
divers honors and the great giftes hee had received of the Londoners, 
whereupon he determineth to deale more mildly with them ; and, 
to call them to some hope of grace and pardon, he sendeth com- 
mandement to them to come to Windsore, there to shew their 
privileges, liberties, and laws." ^ 

In consequence apparently of this order, on Monday in the 
Feast of St. Mary Magdalen, in the sixteenth year of the reign of 
Richard the Second, Edmund Duke of York, Thomas Duke of 
Gloucester, and others, assembled at Eton, to inquire amongst 

companion of that order without making oath never to bear arms against the crown of 
England, and this oath the Count d'Ostrevant had taken without the smallest reserva- 

" The King of France and his uncles, on hearing this, were much troubled and vexed 
with the Count d'Ostrevant, who was summoned to Paris to do homage for the county of 
Ostrevant in the presence of the peers of Erauce, and which, notwithstanding the support 
of the Duke of Burgundy, he was forced to do, otherwise he would have had war instantly 
carried into Hainault." 

* Eroissart. 

- Stow, citing Walsiugham. ' Ibid. 

250 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

other things of the mismanagement of the city of London^ the 
misbehaviour of Wilham Venom-, the late mayor; John Walcote 
and John Loveye, late sheriffs ; and of William Baret and others, 
aldermen ; upon which the king in council ordered that the city 
should be governed by a warden (custos), two sheriffs, and twenty- 
four aldermen. And thereupon Thomas Archbishop of York and 
Lord Chancellor lodged the said William Venour and others in 
the Castle of Windsor, to appear the same day before the king's 
council to hear the king's will in that behalf; and accordingly they 
appeared before the council in a room in the castle, and the chan- 
cellor, in the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops 
of London, Winchester, Salisbury, Coventry, and Lichfield, the 
Dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, the Earl of Rutland, 
and others of the council, nominated Sir Baldwin Radyngton^ to 
the office of custos, by the king's commission ; and Gilbert 
Maghefeld and Thomas Newton, sheriffs, likewise by the king's 
commission; and certain others as aldermen.^ Among the names 
of the latter are Venour, the late mayor, and also Loveye and 
Baret; so that their offence does not appear to have been consi- 
dered of any great enormity, and it is probable the whole charge 
was an excuse for getting the property of the city into the king's 
hands. ^ 

"The king, at this assembly at Windsor, had got together 
almost all the lords, and so great an armie, that the Londoners had 
cause to be afraid thereof, about the which preparation he was at 
great charges, for the which it was sure that the Londoners must 
pay. They, therefore, not ignorant that the end of these things 
was a money matter, submitted themselves to the king's pleasure, 
offering ten thousand pound. They were yet dismissed home to 

^ stow, citing Walsingliam, says — " The king then, on the one and twentieth of June, 
first appointed to be warden of the citie a certain knight called Sir Edward de Dalingrige, 
but he was quickly deposed by the king, because (men said) he favoured the Londoners, 
and Baldwin Radington was constituted in his place." ('Annals,' p. 306, edit. 1631.) 

2 Vide Rot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 406 ^; and see Holinshed, citing Hen. Knighton. 

3 See Bohun's * Privilegia Londini,' 3d edit., p. 47. This and other acts of the king 
procured him the odium of the people, especially of the Londoners, and ultimately the 
loss of his crown and life, and none of his successors ever attempted the like seizure. 


returne againe, uncertaine what satisfaction and sum they should 

/ ''When the citizens were returned, and that the nobles and 
others were gone home : the king hearing that the Londoners were 
in heavinesse and dismayed, hee said to his men, I will goe (saith 
lie) to London, and comfort the citizens, and will not that they any 
longer despaire of my favour, which sentence was no sooner knowne 
in the citie, but all men were filled with incredible joy, so that 
every of them generally determined to meete him, and to be as 
liberall in gifts as they were at his coronation." -^ 

Notwithstanding a variety of costly presents, and attentions paid 
to the king and the queen, the Londoners were compelled to give 
the king £10,000, ''collected of the commons in great bitternesse 
of minde, for the which summe the king became benevolent to the 
citizens, and forgave them all trespasses, by his patents dated at 
Westminster the 23. of February, and so the troubles of the 
citizens came to quietnesse." ^ 

In the seventeenth year of the king's reign (1393), Thomas 
de Walton, the king's " valet and butler," was appointed surveyor 
and comptroller for life of the Castle and Park of Windsor, with 
the accustomed fees.^ 

Froissart, speaking of this period (circa 1393), says, "I re- 
mained in the household of the King of England as long as I 
pleased ; but 1 was not always in the same place, for the king 
frequently changed his abode. He w^ent to Eltham, Leeds-castle 
[in Kent], Kingston, Shene, Chertsey, and Windsor ; none very far 
from London." ^ 

1 stow. 2 Ibid. 

3 Pat., 17 Ric. II, p. i, m. 14. 

* Froissart says, in a subsequent part of bis history, when speaking of the death of 
Richard the Second — " Now consider, ye kings, lords, dukes, prelates, and earls, how 
very changeable the fortunes of this world are. This King Richard reigned twenty-two 
years in great prosperity, and with much splendour ; for there never was a King of 
England who expended such sums, by more than one hundred thousand florins, as 
King Richard did in keeping up his state and his household establishments. I, John 
Froissart, canon and treasurer of Chimay, know it well, for I witnessed and examined it, 
during my residence with him, for a quarter of a year. He made me good cheer, because 
in my youth 1 had been secretary to King Edward his grandfather, and the Lady Philippa 
of Hainault, Queen of England. When I took my leave of him at Windsor, he presented 

253 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

The ambassadors sent by Richard, in 1396, to the court of 
France, to make proposals for his marriage with the Princess 
Isabella, were on their retm-n received by the king at Windsor. 
The Earl of Rutland and the earl marshal, the principal persons of 
the embassy, landed at Sandwich, " and in less than a day and a 
half arrived at Windsor, where the king then was. He was much 
rejoiced at their arrival, and with the answers they had brought 

The memorable appeal of high treason by the Duke of Hereford 
(afterwards Henry the Fourth) against the Duke of Norfolk was in 
one of its scenes so closely associated with Windsor as to require a 
notice here, although the story must be familiar to every one 
acquainted with English history. 

The Duke of Norfolk, riding from London to Brentford, over- 
took the Duke of Hereford, and in the course of conversation 
unbosomed himself to his friend, detailed his apprehensions as to 
the king's conduct and motives, and pointed out the most sus- 
picious characters in the king's council.^ Whether it were that 

me, by one of his knights called Sir John Golofre, a silver gilt goblet, weighing full two 
marcs, filled with one hundred nobles, which were then of service to me, and will be so as 
long as I live. I am bound to pray to God for him, and sorry am I to write of his death." 
Troissart, however, does not take Richard's part in his history — -quite the contrary. 

^ Troissart ; where see a curious story of " Robert the Hermit," a native of 
Normandy, who about this time, having a vision relating to the wars between Trance 
and England, was sent by the Trench king to England, at Richard's request, to describe 
his supernatural communication to the king, who entertained the Hermit at Windsor 
very handsomely, " as well in honour to the King of France, who sent him, as on account 
of his eloquence and good manners." 

2 As the alleged conversation alludes to an attempt on the king's part to capture or 
murder the Duke of Lancaster and his son at Windsor, it is given here. According to 
Hereford, it was as follows : — " Norfolk. We are on the point of being undone. — 
Hereford. Why so ? — Norf. On account of the affair of Radcotbridge. — Heref. How can 
that be, since he has granted us pardon, and has declared in parliament that we behaved 
as good and loyal subjects ? — Norf. Nevertheless, our fate will be like that of others 
before us. He will annul that record. — Heref. It will be marvellous indeed if the king, 
after having said so before the people, should cause it to be annulled. — Norf. It is a mar- 
vellous and false world that we live in ; for I know well that, had it not been for some 
persons, my lord your father of Lancaster and yourself would have been taken or killed 
when you went to Windsor after the parliament. The Dukes of Albemarle and Exeter, 
and the Earl of Worcester and I, have pledged ourselves never to assent to the undoing 
of any lord without just and reasonable cause. But this malicious project belongs to the 
Duke of Surrey, the Earls of Wiltshire and Salisbury, drawing to themselves the Earl of 


Hereford incautiously divulged the secret, or that he betrayed it 
clandestinely to Richard, is uncertain. But he received an order 
to attend the monarch at Haywood ; was charged on his allegiance 
to communicate to the council the whole conversation ; and was 
remanded with an injunction to appear before the parliament, and 
to submit every particular to the cognizance of that tribunal.^ 

The Duke of Hereford accordingly, having previously obtained 
a general pardon for his own offences, appeared on the 30th of 
January, 139S, in the parliament assembled at Shrewsbury, to 
prosecute the Duke of Norfolk, and exhibited in writing the whole 
of the conversation between them. The charge was referred to a 
committee. The Duke of Norfolk surrendered on proclamation, 
and was introduced to Richard at Oswestry. He loudly main- 
tained his innocence against his accuser ; and, bending his knee, 
said to the king, " My dear lord, with your leave, if I may answer 
your cousin, I say that Henry of Lancaster is a liar ; and in what 
he has said and w^ould say of me, lies like a false traitor, as he is."^ 

'*Ho!" said the king, '^ we have heard enough of that;" and 
he then commanded the Duke of Surrey, who was then marshal of 
England, to arrest the two lords. The Duke of Hereford was 
bailed ; but the Duke of Norfolk, unable to find bail, was taken to 
Windsor, and a guard appointed over him.^ 

Lancaster. They have sworn to undo six lords, the Dukes of Lancaster, Hereford, 
Albemarle, and Exeter, the Marquess of Dorset, and myself ; and have sworn to reverse 
the attainder of Thomas Earl of Lancaster, which would turn to the disherison of us and 
of many others. — Heref. God forbid ! It will be a wonder if the king should assent to 
such designs. He appears to make me good cheer, and has promised to be my good 
lord. Indeed, he has sworn by St. Edward to be a good lord to me and the others. — 
Norf. So has he often sworn to me by God's body; but I do not trust him the more for 
that. He is attempting to draw the Earl of March into the scheme of the four lords to 
destroy the others. — Heref. If that be the case, we can never trust them. — Norf. Certainly 
not. Though they may not accomplish their purpose now, they will contrive to destroy 
us in our houses ten years hence." (Rot. Pari., iii, 360, 382, as cited by Lingard.) The 
visit of the Duke of Lancaster to Windsor '• after the parliament," probably means after 
the parliament of 1388 (11 Ric. II), called Gloucester's Parliament. No other mention 
or allusion to this visit, or to the plot against the duke and his son, is to be met with 
than the above. 

J Lingard, citing the Rolls of Parliament (Rot. Pari, iii, 360, 382). 

^ Lingard. 

3 ' Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre,' by Williams. 
Printed for the Historical Society, Svo, 1846. 

254 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chaptek X. 

It was subsequently determined that the controversy between 
the two dukes should be referred to a high court of chivalry. For 
this purpose, the barons, bannerets, and knights of England were 
summoned to assemble at Windsor on the 29th of April. ^ 

The Duke of Norfolk had master armourers at Windsor, "as 
many as he pleased/' to make his armour.^ 

On the day appointed, '' King Richard w^as seated on a plat- 
form which had been erected in the square of the castle, and all 
the lords and prelates of his kingdom with him ; and there they 
caused to appear the Duke of Hereford, Earl Derby, appellant, and 
then the Duke of Norfolk, earl marshal, defendant. Then Sir John 
Bussy^ opened the proceedings on the part of the king, saying, 
* My lords, you know full well that the Duke of Hereford has 
presented a petition to our sire the king, who is here present in his 
seat of justice to administer right to those who shall require it this 
day, as it becomes him and his royal office.' And three days before 
was it proclaimed on behalf of the king, that none of the parties, 
on the one side or the other, should be so daring as to carry arms, 
on pain of being drawn and hung. And the king caused the 
parties to be asked if they would not agree and make peace toge- 
ther, saying it would be much better. Accordingly the constable 
and the marshal went, by the king's desire, and besought them to 
make up the matter and be reconciled, and that then the king 
would pardon all that they had said or done against him or his 
kingdom. But they both answered that never should peace be 
made between them. And when the king was told this, he com- 
manded that they should be brought before him, that he might 
hear what they had to say. Then a herald cried, on the part of the 
king, that the Duke of Hereford and the Duke of Norfolk should 
come forward before the king, to tell, each his reason, why they 

^ Lingard ; Rot. Pari., ut supra. The writ to the constable of Windsor to receive 
them is dated from Oxford, the 26th of Tebruary. Shakspeare, in his play of ' Richard 
the Second/ places this scene at the palace in London. The last scene of the play, after 
the murder of Richard, is fixed at Windsor. 

2 * Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richart,' previously cited. 

3 Speaker of the House of Commons. Executed in the following year by order of the 
Duke of Hereford, then Duke of Lancaster. 


would not make peace together. And when they were come before 
the king and his council, the king said to them himself, ' My lords, 
make matters up ; it will be much better.' ' Saving your favour, 
my dear sovereign,' said the Duke of Norfolk, 'it cannot be; my 
honour is too deeply concerned.' Then the king said to the Duke 
of Hereford, ' Henry, say what it is you would have to say to the 
Duke of Norfolk, or why you will not be reconciled.' The Duke 
of Hereford had a knight, who, having asked and obtained per- 
mission from the king and the council to speak on behalf of the 
duke, said, ' Dear and sovereign lord, here is Henry of Lancaster, 
Duke of Hereford and Earl Derby, who declares, and I also for 
him^ that Thomas Duke of Norfolk has received from you eight 
hundred thousand nobles to pay your men-at-arms who guard your 
city of Calais, whom he has not paid as he ought to have done. I 
say this is great treason, and calculated to cause the loss of your 
city of Calais ; and I also say that he has been at the bottom of all 
■the treasons committed in your kingdom these last eighteen years, 
:and has, by his false counsel and malice, caused to be put to death 
my dear and beloved uncle the Duke of Gloucester, son of King 
Edward (whom God absolve !), and who was brother of my dearly- 
beloved father the Duke of Lancaster. The Duke of Hereford 
says, and I on his part, that he will prove the truth of this by his 
body between any sunrise and sunset.' ^ 

" Then the king was wroth, and asked the Duke of Hereford if 
he acknowledged these as his words. To which he replied, ' My 
dear lord, I do ; and I also demand of you the right of wager of 
battle against him.' Then the Duke of Norfolk's knight, who was 
very aged, demanded leave to speak ; and when he had obtained 
leave, he began thus : ' Most dread sovereign, behold here Thomas 
of Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, who answers, and I for him, that 
with respect to all which Henry of Lancaster has said and shown, 
such as it is, Thomas of Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, says, and I on 
his part, saving the reverence of yourself and your council, that it 
is all falsehood, and that he has lied falsely and wickedly like a 
false and disloyal knight ; and that he has been more false and 

^ The words of the Chronicle are " entre deux soleils." 

256 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

disloyal towards you, your crown, your royal majesty, and your 
kingdom, than he ever was, in intention or in deed. This will I 
prove, and defend myself as a loyal knight ought to do in 
encounter against him. I beseech you, and the council of your 
majesty, that it may please you, in your kingly discretion, to con- 
sider and bear in mind what Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, 
such as he is, has said.' Then the king asked the Duke of Norfolk 
if that was his speech, and if he wished to say anything more. The 
Duke of Norfolk, in person, answered the king : ' My dear lord, it 
is true I have received so much gold from you to pay your people 
of your good city of Calais, which I have done. I say that the 
city of Calais is as well guarded and as much at your command 
now as it ever was, and also that no person of Calais has lodged 
any complaint to you against me. My dear and sovereign lord, 
for the journeys that I have performed in France on account of 
your noble marriage, and for the journey that the Duke of 
Albemarle and I took in Germany, where we expended much trea- 
sure, I never received from you either gold or silver. It is true, 
and I acknowledge, that I once laid an ambush to kill my lord of 
Lancaster, who is there seated ; and it is true that my lord forgave 
me, and peace was made between us, for which I thank him. This 
is what I wish to say and to reply, and to support it I will defend 
myself against him. I beseech you to grant me justice, and trial 
of battle in tournament.' The two parties were then withdrawn, 
and the king consulted with his council. Afterwards the two lords 
were summoned to hear the decision. Again the king desired 
them to be asked if they would be reconciled, or not. They both 
replied they would not; and the Duke of Hereford threw down 
his pledge, which the Duke of Norfolk received. Then swore the 
king by Saint John the Baptist that he would never more endea- 
vour to reconcile those two ; and Sir John Bussy, on the part of 
the king and council, announced that they should have trial of 
battle at Coventry, on a Monday in the month of August, and that 
there they should have their day and their lists." ^ 

The sequel is well known. The king, when the parties were 


^ ' Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Ricliarfc.' 


assembled at Coventry and all was ready for the battle, forbad it ; 
and, after consultation with the committee, the Duke of Hereford 
was ordered into banishment for ten years and the Duke of Norfolk 
for life. They took their final leave of the king and queen at 
Windsor, on the 3d of October, 1398.^ The same day, Master 
Peter de Bosco, Bishop of Aast in Gascony, the pope's legate, gave 
to each of them a bull from the pope, and presented a parrot to 
the queen.^ The banished noblemen then departed, and quitted 
the kingdom ; and the king made preparations for leaving, to carry 
on the war in Ireland.^ The Duke of Norfolk died of a broken 
heart at Venice in 1399 ; the Duke of Hereford, who became Duke 
of Lancaster on the death of his father three months afterwards, 
returned to England, dethroned Richard, and was crowned king by 
the title of Henry the Fourth on the first anniversary of the day he 
went into banishment. 

In April, 1399, previously to his departure for Ireland, Richard 
held a tournament at Windsor. 

Froissart gives the following account of the entertainment, from 
which it appears that it was but ill attended. It must have taken 
place on the 23d or 24th of April, as the king arrived at the castle 
from Westminster on the former day, and left on the 25th of that 

" Soon after the return of the Earl of Salisbury from France to 
England, King Richard had proclaimed throughout his realm and 
in Scotland that a grand tournament would be held at Windsor, 
by forty knights and forty squires, clothed in green, with the device 
of a white falcon, against all comers; and that the Queen of 

1 The order to the captain of the Castle of Sandgate to let Henry of Lancaster, Duke 
of Hereford, and his family, pass, is dated October 3d, 1398, from Windsor. (Rot. 
Franc, 22 Ric. II.) 

2 A parrot, from its extreme rarity, was at that time considered a present not 
unworthy of a queen. In 1403, Louis Duke of Orleans bought a parrot at Avignon for 
fifty golden crowns ; and moreover paid two crowns for its food, and for a cover to the 
cage, and two other crowns to the men who brought it from Avignon to his house at 
Pont Saint- Esprit. (Actes Originaux de Louis d'Orleans, Bibl. du Roi, cited by the 
editor of the ' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Deugleterre/ 
p. 161.) The legate also gave the queen a frontlet of rubies and large pearls, which was 
said to be worth more than three thousand francs. (Ibid.) 

^ ' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre.' 


258 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

England, well attended by ladies and damsels, would be at this 
feast. The queen was, indeed, present at the tournament in 
magnificent array, but very few of the barons attended. The 
greater part of the knights and squires of England were disgusted 
with the king for the banishment of the Earl of Derby, ^ the injuries 
he was doing the earl's children, the murder of the Duke of Glou- 
cester that had been committed in the Castle of Calais, the death of 
the Earl of Arundel, whom he had beheaded in London, and the 
perpetual exile of the Earl of Warwick. None of the kindred of 
these lords came to the feast, which was of course very poorly 

On the 25th of April, the king left Windsor and took leave of 
his young queen Isabella, whom he never saw again. The parting 
scene is thus minutely described in the contemporary ' Chronicque 
de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre,' already 

"After that the good John of Gaunt, the late Duke of Lancaster, 
was dead and buried,^ the king took leave of the noble Queen of 
England at Windsor, and ordered and besought his uncle, the 
Duke of York, and Sir William Scrop, that they should take every 
care of the queen, and that she and her people should want for 
nothing. And the king commanded his physician, named Master 
Pol, that he should pay the same attention to the queen as to 
himself; and ordered Sir Philip la Vache, the queen's chamber- 
lain, to appoint Master Pol the physician, and the confessor, to be 
the queen's guardians. He then desired the confessor. Sir Philip 
la Vache, and Master Pol to come to him in his chapel, for he 
wanted to speak to them; and the king begged them that they 
should tell the truth of what he should ask them ; and then asked 
them upon their oath, ' Do you consider the Lady de Coucy* to be 

^ Duke of Hereford. 

2 Edited and translated for the Historical Society by Benjamin Williams, F.S.A., 1846. 
The author is not known. He seems to have been a Frenchman, and Mr. Williams says 
he was probably a Benedictine, and, from his intimate knowledge of Windsor, suspects 
that he generally resided near or was attached to St. George's Chapel. 

^ As already mentioned, John of Gaunt did not survive his son's banishment more 
than three months. 

^ Mary de Coucy was the eldest daughter of Lord de Coucy, and wife of Henry de 


sufRciently good, 'gentile/ and prudent, to be guardian and 
governess of such a lady as Madame, the Queen of England, my 
consort? And consider well among yourselves, that you may 
advise me.' Then Sir Phihp la Vache and Master Pol replied, 
' My dear lord, here is the confessor, v^ho knows more of the ladies 
from the other side of the water than we do; let him say what 
appears good to him/ And the king charged him upon his con- 
science that he should speak the truth ; and the confessor begged 
the king's pardon, and entreated him to make Sir Philip la Vache 
or Master Pol speak, for the lady might conceive an ill-will to him 
for it. Then the king commanded them on their consciences to 
say whether it were an advantage, or not, that she should be 
governess of the queen. The confessor replied, * I do not, upon 
my conscience, consider her prudent enough to be governess of 
such a lady as the Queen of England.' The king then asked Sir 
Phihp la Vache and the physician what was their opinion. Sir 
Philip la Vache replied, ' My dear lord, my Lady de Coucy does 
not appear to me to be sufficiently discreet to be the governess, nor 
fit to be trusted with the controul of such a lady.' Master Pol 
was of the same opinion, and told the king his reasons; 'Eor,' 
said he, ' she lives in greater state, all things considered, than does 
the queen ; for she has eighteen of your horses at her command, 
besides those belonging to her husband and in his livery, when he 
comes here. She keeps two or three goldsmiths, six or eight 
embroiderers, two or three mantua-makers, and two or three 
furriers, constantly employed, — as many as are kept by you or the 
queen. She has also built a chapel which cost fourteen hundred 
nobles.' ^ Both Sir Philip la Vache and the confessor remarked, 
that if she had remained in France, she would have done nothing of 
the kind. The king then called Sir William Scrop, treasurer of 
England, and said, * I tell you what I wish you to do : when I 

Bar, Count de Cilley, eldest son of Robert Duke de Bar. Her husband, whom she 
married in 1383, was taken prisoner at the battle of Nicopolis, in Hungary, in 1396 ; 
and in the autumn of the same year she accompanied Isabel to England. (Editor of tlie 
'Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Riciiart,' &c., p. 165.) 

^ It does not appear to what chapel allusion is made. Possibly it may refer to tJie 
completion of the chapel restored some years before under the superintendence of Chaucer, 
See ante, p. 215. 

260 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X. 

shall have gone to Ireland, and you shall have received letters from 
me : cause to be paid, on my account, all the debts v^hich the Lady 
de Coney, or her people, have contracted in our kingdom, and 
give her sufficient money to take her to Paris, and provide a ship 
for her passage ; and send to the Lady Mortimer,^ and appoint her 
principal lady of honour and governess of the queen, by my desire/ 
This ordinance finished. King Richard and the Queen of England 
w^alked, hand in hand, from the castle to the lower court, and 
thence to the Deanery of St. George ; where the canons brought 
St. George's mantle to the king, and the king wore it over his 
shoulders, as is the custom of the country, and then entered the 
church. The canons chaunted very sweetly, and the king himself 
chaunted a collect, and afterwards made his offering ; he then took 
the queen in his arms, and kissed her twelve or thirteen times, 
saying sorrowfully, ' Adieu, ma chere, until we meet again ; I 
commend me to you.' Thus spoke the king to the queen in the 
presence of all the people ; and the queen began to weep, saying to 
the king, ' Alas ! my lord, will you leave me here ?' Upon which 
the king's eyes filled with tears on the point of weeping, and he 
said, ' By no means, mamye ; but I will go first, and you, ma chere, 
shall come there afterwards.' Then the king and queen partook of 
wine and comfits together at the deanery, and all who chose did 
the same. Afterwards the king stooped, and took and lifted the 
queen from the ground, and held her a long while in his arms,^ and 
kissed her at least ten times, saying ever, * Adieu, ma chere, until 
we meet again,' and then placed her on the ground and kissed her 
at least thrice more ; and, by our Lady ! I never saw so great a 
lord make so much of, nor shew such great affection to, a lady, as 
did King Richard to his queen. Great pity was it that they sepa- 
rated, for never saw they each other more. Afterwards the king 
embraced^ all the ladies, and then mounted his horse. There 
many knights kissed hands on taking their departure, and trumpets 
sounded, and men-at-arms and archers from every country arrived 

1 Eleanor Holland, widow of Koger Mortimer, Earl of March, Lieutenant of 

^ It will be remembered that the queen was only eleven years of age at this time. 
3 " Baisa," but "manda" in the MS. No. 9848, Regius, Bibliotheque du Roi, Paris. 


to serve the noble King Richard, who was careful to ride early and 
late, until he arrived at Milford, where was a very fine port, with 
many fine ships.^ From Milford the king wrote a most affectionate 
letter to the queen, commending himself to her many times, for she 
was ill with grief from losing her lord. The king then commanded 
the Duke of York to dismiss the Lady de Coucy, as he had before 
ordered ; and then passed in review his men-at-arms and archers, 
and made his ordinances for provisions and necessaries for the 
voyage, and gave daily orders to hasten the embarkation ; so great 
was his desire to pass the sea into the country of great Ireland, 
where his enemies are, who have given him much annoyance, and 
have done great damage, as well to him as to his lords, and the 
people of the kingdom of England/' ^ 

After the departure of the king, the queen was ill of grief ^ a 
fortnight or more. When she was recovered, she removed to 
Wallingford, by the advice of the Duke of York and the other 
lords. The Lady de Coucy was then dismissed, as the king had 

The Duke of Lancaster landed in England in August 1399, 
and on the 19th of that month the king became, in fact, his 
prisoner, at the Castle of FHnt, from whence he was immediately 
removed to London.^ On the 80th of September Richard was 

* Richard did not, however, as this passage would imply, proceed direct from Windsor 
to Milford. From Windsor he went to Westminster, and remained there until the 1st of 
May, on which day he left London on his Irish expedition. (See Mr. Hardy's * Introduc- 
tion to the Close Rolls,' p. xv.) 

^ He sailed on the 29th of May. 

3 "De courroux." (MS. No. 9848, Regius, Bib. du Roi, Paris.) 

^ Lady de Coucy did not leave England, however, until January, 1400. The queen 
was taken from Wallingford to Sunning, near Reading. Miss Strickland, in her Life of 
Queen Isabella, has made the not unnatural mistake of confounding Sunning-/^?//, near 
Windsor, with Sunning, near Reading. It was at the Bishop of Salisbury's manor-house 
at the latter place that the queen resided. 

^ Troissart makes the route taken by the Duke of Lancaster and his royal prisoner, by 
Oxford and Windsor, and says — " The Duke of Lancaster, on leaving Windsor, did not 
follow the road to Colnbrook, but that of Shene, and dined with the king at Chertsey. 
King Richard had earnestly requested his cousin not to carry him through London, 
which was the reason they had gone this road." This is, however, beyond all doubt, an 
erroneous account, for the duke took the king by way of Lichfield, Coventry, Northamp- 
ton, and St. Alban's, and reached Westminster on the 2d of September. (See the 
' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart,' &c., p. 215, and the editor's notes.) 

262 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapter X. 

formally deposed, and Henry ascended the throne by the title of 
Henry the Fourth. 

Although the feasts of the Order of the Garter were, as might 
be expected from the tastes of Richard, duly kept up during this 
reign, there is nothing to call for particular notice in a work which 
does not profess to give a detailed account of the Order. Ashmole 
describes the magnificent dresses " assigned to the queen and great 
ladies" on these occasions, detailing with his usual zest for pageants 
and processions, their quality, dimensions, and colour. In this 
reign women of quality first wore trains.^ The tournaments of this 
as well as of the preceding reign were constantly crowded with 
ladies of the highest rank, who sometimes attended them on horse- 
back, armed with daggers, and dressed in a succinct, soldier-like 
habit or uniform prepared for the purpose.^ In a tournament 

^ This novelty induced a well-meaning divine of those times to write a tract, ' Contra 
caudas dominarunt' — against the Tails of the Ladies. (See ' Collectanea Historica,' ex 
Diction. MS. Thomse Gascoign, apud Hearne's W. Hemiugford, p. 512, cited by Warton, 
* History of English Poetry/ vol. ii, p. 482, edit. 1840.) 

2 Knyghton. Down to this period ladies are generally supposed to have ridden their 
horses en cavalier^ the introduction of side saddles being attributed to Anne of Bohemia, 
the first queen of Richard the Second. Dr. Warton, in speaking of the introduction of 
trains, mentioned in the text, says — " As an apology, however, for the English ladies in 
adopting this fashion, we should in justice remember, as was the case of the Scotch, that 
it was countenanced by Anne, Richard's queen, a lady not less enterprising than successful 
in lier attacks on established forms, and whose authority and example were so powerful 
as to abolisli, even in defiance of Prance, the safe, commodious, and natural mode of riding 
on horseback hitherto practised by the women of England, and to introduce side-saddles." 
('History of Poetry,' vol. ii, p. 482, edit. 1840.) 

Mr. T. Wright, however, a high authority, in his ' Domestic Manners of the English 
during the Middle Ages,' after giving a woodcut of two of a party of Saxon travellers 
from MS. Cotton., Claudius, B. IV, in which the female figure is represented sitting side- 
ways, says — " The lady, it will be observed, rides sideways, as in modern times, and the 
illuminated manuscripts of difi'erent periods furnish us with examples enough to show 
that such was always the practice ; yet an old writer has ascribed the introduction of 
side-saddles into this country to Anne of Bohemia, the queen of Richard the Second, and 
the statement has been repeated by writers on costume, who blindly compile from one 
another without examining carefully the original sources of information." He adds, 
" This erroneous statement is given by Mr. Blanche, in his ' History of British Costume.' 
Statements of this kind made by old writers are seldom to be depended upon : people 
were led by political bias or personal partiality, to ascribe the introduction of customs 
that were odious, to persons who were unpopular, or whom they disliked, while they 
ascribed everything of a contrary character to persons who were beloved." ('Art- Journal,* 
vol. iii, new series, p. 170.) INotwithstanding this observation, an examination of the 

TO A.D. 3 399.] SIR BERNABD BROCAS. 263 

exhibited at London, sixty ladies appeared mounted on horses, each 
leading a knight with a gold chain. In this manner they paraded 
from the Tower to Smithfield.^ 

The only grants by Richard to St. George's College were of the 
advowson of the Church of Northmolton, in the diocese of Exeter, 
and of one croft or piece of ground in that town, in the thirteenth 
year of his reign -^ and the confirmation, in the twentieth year, to 
the dean of the chapel, of two pastures in the village of Bray.^ 

The fact that vines were cultivated in the Little Park, and wine 
made from them, in this reign, has been already noticed.* 

Li Eton, we find that in this reign Robert de Stretton, parson 
of the Church of Llanbadern Vawr, held half of the manor, and also 
a house and one carucate of land there, called Bardeneys.^ 

In the seventeenth year of Richard's reign, John Holbrooke 
was appointed surveyor of the king's swans in the Thames between 
the bridges of Oxford and Windsor, during the king's pleasure.^ 

Among the owners of land at and in the neighbourhood of 
Windsor, in the reign of Richard the Second, was Sir Bernard 
Brocas, who was beheaded at the commencement of the reign of 
Henry the Fourth, and who held lands in New and Old Windsor, 
Didworth or Dudworth Maunsell, at Clewer, Winkfield, Bray, and 
elsewhere, and also the manors of Clewer, Clewer Brocas,'^ Dud- 

drawing in the particular instance given, shows that the lady is certainly not seated on a 
side-saddle of the present construction. Both her feet appear at the same level, and her 
position more nearly resembles a person seated on that kind of saddle called a pillion. It 
may be observed, on the other hand, that Chaucer's representation of his ' Wife of Bath' 
as having " on her feete a paire of spurris sharpe" can scarcely be considered as con- 
clusive of her riding en amazon, as at the present day it is not unusual for ladies to wear 
spurs, although of course only one can be effectively applied to the horse. 
^ Troissart. 

2 Pat., 13 Bic. II, p. ii, m. 11. (Ashmole, p. 169.) 

3 Ibid., 20 Bic. II, p. i, m. 18. 
^ See ante, p. 35. 

^ Escaet., 19 Bic. II, n. 98. 

« Pat., 17 Uic. II, p. i, m. 27. 

^ Surnames were occasionally appended to the proper names of towns and manors, for 
the sake of distinction, or, as Camden says, " to notifie the owner," as Hurst-Perpoint 
and Hurst-Monceux ; Tarring-Neville and Tarring-Peverell ; Rotherfield-Greys and 
Rotherfield-Pypurd. (Lower's ' English Surnames.') Another example occurs in Stoke- 
Pogis, already mentioned. 



[Chapter X. 

worth Maimsell, and Bulstrode.^ "The Brocas," familiar to every 
Etonian and inhabitant of Windsor and Eton, doubtless derives 
its name from the ancient owners." In the eighth of Richard the 
Second, Sir Bernard Brocas endowed a chapel in Clewer Church 
("Our Lady's Chantry"^), with a house and land at Clewer, and 
with the manors of Clewer, Clewer Brocas, and Bulstrode/ 

1 Fide Escaet., 7 Ric. II, n. 109 ; 8 Ric. II, n. 46 ; 19 Ric. II, n. 3 ; 23 Ric. II, n. 8. 
(Cal., Inq, P. M.) Some of these lands appear to have been held by Sir Bernard Brocas 
in right of his wife Katherine. 

2 See Mr. Williams's note at p. 259 of the ' Chronicle of the Betrayal, &c., of Richard 
King of England.' The Brocas is a large field on the left bank of the Thames above 
Windsor Bridge. It is well marked by the group of elms near its western extremity, 
forming, with the river, one of the most beautiful objects in the view from the north 
terrace of the castle. The entrance to the Brocas from Eton is called Brocas Street. 

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 263. 
4 Escaet., 8 Ric. II, n. 46. 

The Font in Clewer Churcli 



Constable of the Castle — a.d. 1409. Sir John Stanley. 

Deans of St. George's Chapel. 

A.D. . Walter Almaly. a.d. 1403. Thomas Buttillee. 

A.D. 1412. Richard Kingstone. 

Imprisonment of the Earl of March — Plots against the King's life — Sir Bernard Brocas — 
Ruinous condition of the Castle — Pontage— Attempt to liberate the Earl of March 
— Imprisonment of James Prince of Scotland — St. George's Feast, 1406 — Illness 
of the King— Grants of Pontage — Grant of the " Woodhawe" to the Canons — 
Welch Prisoners received at the Castle — The King keeps his last Christmas at 

On the assumption of the throne by Henry the Fourth, in 
October 1399, Windsor was chosen as the place of confinement of 
the infant Earl of March, who was the rightful presumptive heir to 
the crown, entitled to it upon Richard's deposition or resignation, 
being sprung from Lionel Duke of Clarence, an elder brother of 
Henry's father, John of Ghent. The friends of the Earl of March, 
however, withheld his right from discussion ; and the king was 
satisfied with keeping him and his brother (the eldest was only in 
his seventh year) in honorable confinement in Windsor Castle.^ 

At the following Christmas, Windsor became the scene of one 
of those plots against the king by which he was from time to time 
harassed during his reign. 

At the head of this conspiracy were the Earls of Huntingdon, 
Kent, and Rutland (formerly Dukes of Exeter, Surrey, and 

^ Lingard, citing Rot. Pari., iii, 425 — 436 ; Rymcr, viii, 91 — 94. 

266 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XI. 

Albemarle respectively, but deprived by Henry of these titles), the 
Earl of Salisbury, and Lord Despenser (late Earl of Gloucester). 

The following account is taken from the ' Chronicque de la 
Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre :' -^ 

'^ The eighth day before Christmas, thirteen hundred fourscore 
and nineteen, the following parties were dining in the rooms of the 
Abbot of Westminster ; that is to say, the first duke was the Duke of 
Exeter Earl of Huntingdon ; the second, the Duke of Surrey Earl of 
Kent; the third, the Duke of Aumarle Earl of Rutland. The first 
earl was the Lord Despencer Earl of Gloucester, and the second the 
Earl of Salisbury ; the late Archbishop of Canterbury, named Walden, 
was also there, and so was the good Bishop of Carlisle, the Abbot of 
Westminster, and Maudeleyn who resembled Kyng Richard, with 
Master Pol, King Richard^s physician, and a wise baron. Sir Thomas 
Blount. When the lords had finished dinner, they went into a side 
council- chamber, and a secretary was present who had prepared six 
small deeds, which were all cut and indented one to fit the other; to 
which each of the said lords affixed his seal, and swore by their souls 
to be faithful to one another even unto death, and to restore King 
Richard to his kingdom and seignory, or to die in the attempt. They 
resolved to surprise King Henry and his sons at a tournament to be 
held on the day of the Three Kings f' for which purpose they were to 
assemble on New- Year's Day at a town called Kingston, ten leagues 
from London ; and that Maudeleyn should ride with them, to repre- 
sent King Richard. Item. King Henry sent letters to all the lords 
of his kingdom, inviting and commanding that they would come to 
the feast of the new king at his Castle of Windsor.^ 

1 Translated and edited for the Historical Society by B. Williams, E.S.A. 8vo, 1846. 

^ Twelfth Day. " They all agreed that a great feast should be held at the ensuing 
Christmas in the strong and fair castle of Windsor." (Creton's ' Metrical History/ trans- 
lated by the Rev. John Webb, M.A., r.S.A., ' Archseologia/ vol. xx, p. 209. See also 

^ " They caused large wagons to be made, in which they purposed to put a great 
number of men well armed, who were to be brought under cover to the place where they 
were to prepare their harness (for the lists), the better to gain entrance into the Castle of 
Windsor, where the duke was to be. Strict orders were also given them, that as soon as 
they could see their lords each should do his duty by killing all the porters who guarded 
the fortress, and so while they were doing this business their lords would run to attack 
Duke Henry, and put him to death Avithout delay. Thus stood the matter till the 
approach of Christmas, when the duke went to Windsor to be judge of the approaching 
tournament {feste).'" (Webb's translation of Creton's ' Metrical History,' ' Archgeologia,' 
vol. XX, p. 210.) 


'* Item. On New- Year's Day, King Henry had in his company his 
four sons, his two brothers, four earls, and four dukes ; to wit, the 
Dukes of York, Surrey, Aumarle, and Exeter, who all wore the same 
uniform ; and the same day, after Henry and all the lords had dined, 
eleven persons, viz. an archbishop, a duke, four earls, two knights, and 
three of the men of London, these went down upon their knees, and 
presented a petition to King Henry, beseeching him to remember 
what he had said the day before, that he wished to deliver King 
Richard from this world and put him to death.^ King Henry looked 
at them and said, ^ Cousin Archbishop of Canterbury, good uncle of 
York, you Earl of Arundel, and you Constable Earl of Northumber- 
land, you Marshal Earl of Westmorland, Earl of Warwick, Thomas 
Erpingham, and Harry Percy, consider Avell amongst yourselves what 
it is you require of me ; for King Richard has been our sovereign lord 
a long time, and was sentenced and condemned in open parliament to 
perpetual imprisonment ; and I say, if there shall be any rising in 
arms in the country in his favour, he shall be the first who shall die 
for it. For I have great marvel that you should ask me such a thing. 
Do you think that I would do this at your bidding ? So God help 
me, I will by no means act in opposition to the open parliament.' 
And, the Friday after New- Year's Day, all the lords left Windsor, and 
went to London to prepare their armour, their horses, their lances, 
and everything appertaining to the joust, that they might be ready on 
the day of the Kings ; and, having taken leave of King Henry, each 
departed to his own county, to raise his men and be in readiness for 
the rendezvous they had agreed upon at Kingston.^ 


After describing the parting of the Earl of Huntingdon with 
his countess, the chronicler proceeds : 

^^ Item. On the first Sunday of the year, the Duke of Exeter, the 
Duke of Surrey, and the Earl of Salisbury met at Kingston, with eight 
thousand archers and three hundred lances of men-at-arms, the flower 
of all England; and, on setting off from Kingston, the lords sent 
letters to the Duke of Aumarle Earl of Rutland, in London, urging 

^ This appears to be an allusion to the saying of Henry, reported by Froissart and 
repeated by Hall : " Have I no faithful friend which will deliver me of him whose life 
will be my death, and whose death the preservation of my life ?" Mr. Webb considers 
this deputation an improbable event ; but, looking at the strongly marked opposition of 
the men of London throughout the whole history, it appears to be but in keeping with 
their usual conduct. (Williams, ' Chronicle of the Betrayal, &c., of Richard King of 
England,' p. 231, note 1.) 

268 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XI. 

him not to fail to be at Colnbrook on the night of the Kings. The 
Duke of Aumai'le was dining, the first Sunday of the year,^ with his 
father the Duke of York ; and, after he had seated himself at table, he 
placed the indenture of their confederacy upon the table. When the 
duke saw it, he demanded, ' What letter is that V The earl, taking 
ofiP his bonnet, replied, ' My lord, do not be angry, it does not touch 
you.^ ' Shew it to me,^ said the duke to his son, ' for I will know 
what it is.' Aumarle then handed the letter to his father. And when 
the Duke of York saw the six seals, he read the letter throughout; 
which done, he said, ^ Saddle the horses directly. Hey ! thou traitor 
thief, thou hast been traitor to King Richard, and wilt thou now be 
false to thy cousin King Henry ?^ Thou knowest well enough that I 
am thy pledge-borrow, body for body, and land for goods, in open 
parliament ; and I see plainly thou goest about to seek my 
destruction. By St. George ! I had rather thou shouldst be hung 
than I.' And so the Duke of York mounted on horseback to ride to 
Windsor to reveal the matter to King Henry, and to show him the 
letters which he had taken from his son. The Duke of Aumarle, 
seeing that his father was gone to King Henry at Windsor, set off 
himself, and arrived there a good time before his father, who was 
advanced in years ; he then caused the castle-gates to be shut, and 
carried the keys with him to King Henry, before whom he bent the 
knee, beseeching his forgiveness. The king replied, ' Fair cousin, you 
have done nothing amiss.' Then he declared unto him the power of 
the confederated lords, their names, and the whole of the conspiracy ; 
how he and his sons were to have been seized, and King Richard and 
his queen restored, and that he had been a party to the enterprise; for 
which he begged for mercy and forgiveness. ' If this be true,' said 
Henry, ' we pardon you ; but if I find it false, upon our word you 
shall repent it.' Whilst they were talking together, the Duke of York 
arrived, and presented to the king the indenture he had taken from 
his son; and, when the king saw the indenture with its six seals, he 

* Mr. Williams observes that the correctness of the day here mentioned is borne out 
by the fact that a warrant for the arrest of the Earls of Kent and Huntingdon was made 
cut on January 5th. (See Rymer's ' Foedera/ torn, viii, 120.) Henry arrived at London 
at too late an hour on Sunday (January 4th) to have the order made out on that day. 

^ According to Creton's ' Metrical History,' the betrayal by the Duke of Aumarle 
(Earl of Rutland) was voluntary, Stowe, who, it seems, was acquainted with the narra- 
tive in the text, says the Earl of Rutland, having changed liis mind, voluntarily showed 
his father letters he had received, and the Duke of York then caused his son to be carried 
to the khig. The account in the text is certainly so far improbable, that it is very 
unlikely that a formal instrument with seals would be sent, or even prepared, by the 


ordered eight horses to be saddled, for he would go to London pre- 
sently. The kmg mounted on horseback, and reached London at nine 
o^ clock at night : on his road he met the mayor with four attendants, 
hastening to inform him that the lords had taken the field with six 
thousand followers.^ A proclamation was immediately issued that all 
those who were willing to serve their king and the city of London 
should repair to the council-house, enrol their names, and swear to 
serve loyally ; promising, for fifteen days, eightpence for every lance, 
and ninepence for every archer. By the morrow morning at eight 
o'clock, more than sixteen thousand men were enrolled and paid, and 
ready to follow the king. 

" On the day of the Kings, the sixth day of the year thirteen 
hundred fourscore and nineteen, at the hour of noon. King Henry set 
out from London, to encounter the other lords who were his enemies, 
with only fifty lances and six thousand archers. When he had reached 
a fine common a little way out of town, he gave orders to draw up his 
men, and he waited till three o'clock in the afternoon the arrival of 
his reinforcements from the city.^ 


In the mean time, the Earl of Rutland, having left the king, 
went to Colnbrook, where the insurgent lords were assembled, and 
pretended that he was willing to live and die with them. On the 
night of Monday, the 5th of January, they entered the Castle of 
Windsor, without opposition, with about five hundred horse.^ They 
searched the king's apartments and the houses of the canons in the 
hope of finding him.^ Disappointed, they left the castle and pro- 

^ Creton, whose account is adopted by Stowe, says that the king would not believe 
the story until the arrival of the mayor of London, who came to Windsor the same morn- 
ing to communicate information of the conspiracy. Troissart says the king's ministers 
advised him not to attend the jousts, as they had heard "whispers of plots." 

^ Kot. Pat., 2 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 20. Creton's ' Chronicle' says they were in the 
castle before the king reached London. 

2 Proissart. "This yere, on the twelfthe day after Cristemasse, the Erie of Kent, the 
Erie of Hunt', the Lord Spenser, S^ Rauf Lumley, and manye othere knyghtes and 
squyres, were purposyd to have sclayn the kyng and hise children at Wyndesore, and 
thoo that helde with them be a mommynge ; but, as it fortuned, the kyng hadde warnynge; 
and anon he rood to London in gret haste, and made hym strong to ryde on his adver- 
saries afore said ; the whiche lordes were assembled at fledynge, purposyng for to do as 
they hadde ment; and fro thens they come to Wyndesore, and deden moche harme 
thereaboughte. And whanne they hadde aspied that the kyng was forth to London, they 
token there wey to Surcetre, and made cryes be the weye," &c. (' Chronicle of London 
from 1189 to 1483,' edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, 4to, 1827.) 


ceeded westward. '' When the lords and their army had passed 
the two bridges of Maidenhead, four leagues beyond Colnbrook, 
the two vanguards of King Henry came in sight ; and the Earl of 
Rutland, perceiving that they were so near, returned towards them, 
crying out, 'They all flee,' making pretence that he had had a 
skirmish with those who passed the bridge : and the lords of King 
Richard's party perceiving that the Earl of Rutland was against 
them, held the bridge with the Duke of Surrey, who is called Earl 
of Kent, and begged the Earl of Huntingdon that he would lead 
on the army until they had fairly passed Henley and Oxford, and 
he would hold [the bridge with] those of the rearguard who were 
best mounted, in spite of them. The vanguard of King Henry 
could not succeed in passing the bridge of Maidenhead ; and the 
Duke of Surrey skirmished so well that he captured from them 
two pack-horses, two baggage- wagons, and a chariot of the king's. 
He would not let a single person pass the bridge for three days 
before King Henry came up -} and when he knew that the king 
had arrived, he and his companions held the bridge bravely till 
night, and then stole away quietly, taking with him all of the 
town, both horse and foot, to serve King Richard. The Earl of 
Huntingdon had already gone on with all the army, clearing the 
town of its provisions and victuals, that King Henry and his people 
might not find any. The Duke of Surrey rode with such speed 
that he reached Oxford the same night; and, after leaving that 
city, he overtook on the morrow King Richard's brother and the 
other lords, with the people of Woodstock ; and they marched to a 
town called Cirencester.^ There the army encamped in the fields, 
but all the lords went to lodge in an inn." ^ 

On their way to Cirencester they called at Sunning, where 
Queen Isabella still remained, persuading her to accompany them, 
telling her that they had driven Henry from Windsor to the Tower, 
and that Richard had escaped and was at the head of an army.* 

The inhabitants of Cirencester were summoned by the mayor 

^ Three hours are perhaps intended. (Williams.) 

2 See Rymer's * Toedera,' viii, 165. 

^ * Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Eichart Deux, Roy Dengleterre.' 

^ Walsingham ; Stowe ; and see ' Archseologia,' vol. xx, p. 82, note. 


to resist them, and at midnight the Earls of Kent and SaUsbury 
were attacked and captm^ed, and beheaded on the following day, 
and a similar fate awaited the other ringleaders of this attempt.^ 

Among those who were engaged in this affair was Sir Bernard 
Brocas, whose landed possessions in the neighbourhood of Windsor 
have been mentioned at the conclusion of the last chapter. He 
was beheaded in London/ and the estates escheated to the crown f 
but in the following year the king granted them to William Brocas, 
his eldest son, to hold by the accustomed services,^ Johanna, the 
widow, retaining (apparently as her dower) the third part of the 
manor of Clewer and parts of the manors of Cookham and Bray ; 
also lands called '^Le Worthe'' and some other property in 

There is a story told of another attempt upon the king's life, at 
Windsor, about this period. An extraordinary instrument, called 
a " caltrappe," was concealed in his bed. It was reported to have 
been laid there by one of Queen Isabella's household.^ 

Among divers complaints and requests made by the commons 
to Henry the Fourth, on the 25th of January, 1404 (5 Hen. IV), 
they represented to him that the castles and other royal manors 
were very ruinous and in need of great repair, and that the profits 
of them were given to various persons and the king had to bear 
the charge, especially of the Castle of Windsor, for the reparation 
of which, particular funds were assigned, but had been given 

^ There is an old satirical ballad entitled 'A Kequiem to the Conspirators' (Ritson's 
* Ancient Songs,' p. 51), which has been supposed to refer to this plot. Mr. Webb, 
however, inclines to doubt whether it refers immediately to the affair in question. 
(' Archeeologia,' vol. xx, p. 211, note 2.) 

2 FidemWs 'Chronicle.' 

^ Among the possessions of Sir Bernard Brocas at this time were houses and lands in 
Windsor and Clewer, and the manors of Bray, Cookham, and Horton. (Fide Escaet., 
1 Hen. IV, n. 17.) 

■* Pat., 2 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 19. The manors of Clewer Brocas and Didworth were at 
the commencement of the present century the property of the Hon. Mrs. Keppel, widow 
of the Bishop of Exeter, having been bequeathed to her by her father, Sir Edward 
Walpole, who purchased them of Topham Beauclerk, Esq. ; previously to this they had 
been many years in the family of Topham. (Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 263.) 

^ Fide Escaet., 7 Hen. VI, n. 53. 

« MS. Brit. Mus., Sloane, 1776, cited by Tyler in his ' Life of Henry the Eifth.' 

272 ANNALS OF WINDSOU. [Chapter XI. 

to certain individuals; for this, and other matters, they prayed 
measures might be adopted in that parliament.^ 

In the same year a grant of pontage was made to Windsor.^ 
In the beginning of the year 1405, Lady de Spenser, the relict 
of Lord de Spenser, who was executed at Bristol, in 1400, for his 
share in the plot already described, undertook to liberate from the 
king's custody the young Earl of March and his brother, who were 
still imprisoned in Windsor Castle. By means of false keys, she 
on the 15th of Tebruary procured access to their apartment, con- 
ducted them out of the castle, and hurried them away towards the 
frontiers of Wales, where Owen Glendower was in arms against 
Henry. The alarm of the escape was, however, soon given; the 
fugitives were quickly pursued and retaken ; and the lady, on her 
examination before the council — perhaps to soothe the king's 
resentment, perhaps to excite his alarm, — accused her brother, late 
the Earl of Rutland, but now (in consequence of the death of his 
father) Duke of York, of being privy, not only to her attempt, but 
to several other conspiracies against him. In proof of her assertion, 
she produced her champion, WilHam Maidstone, and offered to be 
burnt if he should be vanquished. The duke accepted the chal- 
lenge ; but Henry, who could not but recollect, says Dr. Lingard, 
" how often that prince, under the titles of Duke of Albemarle and 
Earl of Rutland, had proved faithless to his associates, ordered him 
to be immediately arrested. If we may believe the suspicious 
language of the royal writs, he confessed his guilt ; in his own 
petition he appears confident of proving his innocence. All his 
estates were seized for the king's profit ; and the duke himself was 
confined in the Castle of Pevensey. At the end of three months 
he was released, admitted to favour, and recovered his lands." '^ 

1 Rot. Pari, vol. iii, pp. 523, 524. 

2 Pat., 5 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 28. 

3 Lingard; Rymer, vol. viii, pp. 386, 388; Walsingham; Otterbourne. The 
' Chronicle of London' says — " Also the same yere (1405) were the children of the Erie 
of Marche stolen out of the castell of Wyndesore, aboughte mydnyght as it was seid, and 
were led into Walys to Owayn Glendore, for he was a rebell to oure kyng that tyme, and 
alle Walys for the more partye be v. yere before. Also the forseid children were brought 
ayene to the kyng ; and the Lady Spenser was accused, and here brother, that was called 
Duk of York, of gret treson for the forseid children," &c. 


The unfortunate smith who made the false keys for Lady 
de Spenser, did not escape so easily. He " had first his hands and 
then his head cut off." ^ 

The parliament of the seventh and eighth of Henry the Fourth 
was adjourned from the 3d, to Monday the 25th day of April, 
1406, on account of the solemnity of St. George's Feast, held at 
Windsor on Sunday, the day before the said Monday.^ 

A few days after this feast we find the king lying ill at 

By letter dated at his manor in Windsor Park, the 28th of 
April, 1406, written to the council, he informed them that, in con- 
sequence of having suddenly hurt his leg, and "not only that," but 
also having been attacked with ague, his physicians would not 
allow him to travel, and especially not on horseback, as his dearly- 
beloved esquire, William Phelip, the bearer, would more fully 
inform them, and the Duke of York explain to them ; but that he 
hoped, nevertheless, to be at Staines that night, and thence to 
proceed to London by water, where he would by the help of God 
arrive in three or four days.^ 

Later in the same day, the king wrote a second letter to the 
council, also dated at his manor in Windsor Park, stating that, 
since his previous letter written before noon, his illness had so 

^ Stow. In the Lansdown MSS., 860 A, fol. 288 h^ written about the time of Queen 
Elizabeth, the following account is given of this transaction : 

" The Eryday aff S' Yallentynes day, anno 6 H. 4, y^ Erli of Marches sons was 
secretly conveyd out of Wyndsor Castell yerly in y^ morninge : and fond againe by dyli- 
gent serche. Bot y^ smythe for making y'^ key lost fyrst his handes, after his hed ; and 
y^ lady Spenser, wydow to the Lo. Spenser executed att Bristow, and sister to y* D. of 
York, was comytted cloase pryson'', whare she accused her brother aforesaid for y^ actour 
for y^ children aforesaid, and y* he sholde entende to breake into y^ kings raaiiour 
att Eltham y* last Crystmas by scalinge y^ walles in y* nighte, and there to murtli*"" y^ 
kinge ; and for bettor proaffe thereof, y* yf eyth"^ knight or squyer of Engl"^ wold combatt 
for her in the quarrel), she wold endure her boddy to be burned yf he ware vanquished. 
Then W. Maydston, one of her sqyres, und"" his m'"^ quarrell w*^ gage of his whord (?), 
and was presently arrested by lord Thomas, y« kyng's son, to y^ Tower, and his goods 

" Tho. Mowbray, y« E^ Marshall, accused to be privy to y« same, bott was pardoned." 

2 Rot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 571 a. 

3 'Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council/ edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, vol. i, 
p. 290. 


274 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XI. 

much increased as to prevent his travelhng at his ease in so short a 
time as he had mentioned in his former letter, and desiring the 
council to proceed with the public business in his absence ; to make 
arrangements for the safety of Guienne, and the departure of his 
daughter Phihppa to Denmark.^ 

The manor in Windsor Park was probably a lodge used as an 
occasional place of retirement for the sovereign. We shall find it 
occupied at a later period by Sir Bulstrode Whitelock during the 

The Manor Farm near Virginia Water, now generally known 
as the Flemish Farm, is probably the site of the more ancient 
edifice called the Manor-house. It is marked in Norden's Plan of 
the Great Park, early in the reign of James the First, as "The 
Manor," and is represented as a place of considerable size. 

In the ninth year of the king's reign, pontage was granted for 
Windsor Bridge,^ and this grant was repeated or renewed four 
years afterwards.^ 

In the tenth year, John de Stanley, seneschal, was appointed 
constable of the castle and bailiff of the '' New Park of Windsor/' ^ 
On the 13th of November in the following year, the sum of 
£38 65. 8<^. was paid to him, by assignment made that day, by the 
hands of John Horsey, for the expenses and costs of the Earl of 
FyfF and other Scotchmen under his custody in the castle.^ He 
appears to have been knighted on his appointment as constable. 

In the same year, Henry the Fourth gave the canons of 
St. George's Chapel a vacant place in the castle, called the Wode- 
hawe, near the great hall, for the erection of houses and chambers 
for the vicars, clerks, choristers, and the other ministers assigned to 
the service of the chapel.^ 

* Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council' 

2 Pat., 9 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 29. 

3 Ibid., 13 Hen. IV, p. ii, m. 23. 

4 Ibid., 10 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 13. 

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 11 Hen. lY ; Devon's ' Issues of the Excliequer,' p. 314. 

6 Pat., 10 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 13. " Rex omnibus ad quos, &c., salutem. Sciatis, 
quod de gratia nostra speciali, et pro eo quod diiecti nobis in Christo custos et canonici 
liberse capellae nostrse infra castrum de Wyndesore, de domibus et cameris pro vicariis, 
clericis, et choristis, ac servientibus suis plenarie dotati non existunt, ut accepimus, con- 

TO A.D. 1413] WELSH PEIS0:N^ERS. 275 

Thomas Kingestone, appointed dean of the chapel in 1412, was 
the first who filled the office by the title of " dean." The previous 
nominations described the party as '^custos/'^ 

In October 1409 (11th Hen. IV), the following Welsh prisoners, 
in the custody of the constable of Windsor Castle, were delivered 
over to William Lisle, Marshal of England, viz. : — Ho ap Iwan 
ap Howell, Walther ap Iwan Yethan, Rys ap Iwan ap Rys, Iwan 
Goz ap Morgan, David ap Tudor, Rys ap Meredyd, Madok Berg, 
Jenkyn Backer, David ap Cad, and Thomas Dayler.^ 

These were some of the adherents of Owen Glendower, whose 
forces were at this time completely subdued. 

The object of the transfer is not stated in the writ, but it was 
probably for the purpose of their execution.^ 

No other event connected with Windsor appears to have occurred 
during this reign. The violent manner in which Henry the Fourth 
obtained the crown, and the constant effort required to preserve it, 
account for nothing more having occurred respecting the institution 
of the Order of the Garter in his reign than supplying vacancies 
and observing the annual feasts, which, when the king was not 
engaged in more important duties, were celebrated by himself in 
person.* At the time of the creation of his eldest son as Prince of 
Wales, the stall belonging to the possessor of that title was filled 
by Sir Philip la Vache, who, as Ashmole tells us, was removed, 
but '' no lower than to the stall which King Henry the Fourth 

cessimus eisdem decauo et canonicis quandam vacuam placeam infra castrum nostrum 
prsedictum, vocatum Wodehawe juxta magnam aulam ad hujusmodi domos, pro vicariis, 
clericis, et choristis prsedictis ibidem a^dificandis : habendam et tenendam placeam prae- 
dictam sibi et successoribus suis im})erpetuum. Et eisdem custodi et canonicis, quod 
ipsi placeam prsedictam a nobis recipere, ac domos et cameras ibidem, ut praemittitur, 
sedificare ; et eas sic sedificatas tenere possint sibi et successoribus suis prsedictis imper- 
petuum, sicut praedictum est, tenore praesentium similiter licentiam dedimus specialem ; 
statuto de terris et tenementis, ad manum mortuam non ponendis, edito, non obstante, &c. 
In cujus, &c. T. rege apud Westmonasterium xxix° die Maii. Fer ipsum regemJ^ (See 
Dugdale's 'Monasticon' and Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 135.) 
^ Ashmole, p. 153. See joo^^f, Chapter XIII. 

2 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. IV, m. 37 ; Rymer's * Feeder a,' tom. viii, p. 599. Tiie spelling 
of some of the names is evidently incorrect. 

3 Tyler, 'Life of Henry the Fifth,' vol. i, p. 240. 

" Sir H. Nicolas' * Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 54. 



[Chapter XI. 

lately held when Earl of Derby, viz. the third on the sovereign's 
side, and had now relinquished for the sovereign's royal stall." ^ 
Henry the Fourth, on account of his ill health, kept his last 
Christmas at Eltham, in great seclusion, with his queen Joanna, 
and died at Westminster on the 19th of March, 14 L3, in the 
fourteenth year of his reign. 

' Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter/ p. 319. 

C^ ftn^f/^i-Y^^^ 

The Castle, irom the Great Park. 



Constable or the Castle. 
Sir John Stanley. 

Deans op St. George's Chapel, 
a.d. . Richard Kingstone. a.d. 1417. John Arundel. 

Liberation of the Earl of March — The King's discussion with Sir John Oldcastle — 
Permission to the Queen Dowager to reside at Windsor — St. George's Feast, 1416 
— Attempt to release James King of Scotland, his education, &c. — The Queen 
at Windsor — Birth of Henry the Sixth — Traditional expression of the King — His 
Death — Inventory of his Goods — His love for Minstrelsy — Grants to St. George's 

One of the first acts of Henry the Fifth was to set at liberty 
the Earl of March, who from his childhood had been kept in con- 
finement at Windsor, by the late king, as before mentioned, for no 
other crime than his right to the throne.^ 

Another royal prisoner soon afterwards became an inmate of 
Windsor Castle. 

James, the eldest surviving son and heir of Robert the Third, 
King of Scotland, was sent in the fourteenth year of his age, under 
the care of the Earl of Orkney, with a recommendatory letter to 
Charles King of France, to be educated at the French court, and 
safely kept out of the way of the intrigues of his uncle, the Duke 
of Albany, into whose hands King Robert had suffered the reins of 
government to fall. 

Unfortunately, the young prince, on the 30th of March, 1405., 
in his passage, was, with his attendants, taken off Flamborough- 

^ Liugard. 


Head by an English cruiser, though a truce subsisted between the 
two crowns. The prince, in the first instance, was imprisoned in 
the Castle of Pevensey,^ and subsequently in the Tower of London.^ 
In August 1413 he was removed to Windsor,^ where he was 
detained for eleven years. 

The intelligence of the prince's capture broke the heart of his 
father ; and the Duke of Albany, sensible that the continuance of 
his own power depended on the duration of his nephew's confine- 
ment, became from that moment the obsequious servant of Henry.* 

It appears that during the king's absence in France, and the 
regency of the Duke of Bedford, an attempt was made by Thomas 
Payne, a Welsh priest, who had been one of the principal advisers 
of Sir John Oldcastle,^ to release the Scotch king. Thomas 
Haseley, who effected the capture of Payne and discovered the plot, 
presented a petition in 1438 (he being then one of the clerks of the 
crown) to Henry the Sixth, for the grant of an annuity, and 
narrates his services, stating that in the absence of Henry the Fifth, 
the king's father, in France and Normandy, " by the commandment 
of your most gracious uncle, the Duke of Bedford (on whom God 
have mercy !), that time regent of this your noble realm, and advice 
of all the great council here, a commission was assigned to take 
and arrest Thomas Payne, of Glamorganshire, Welshman, that 
brake the Tower of London, now being in Newgate,^ sometime 
clerk and chief counsellor to Sir John Oldcastle, traitor attaint to 
your said gracious father ; the which Thomas Payne as traitor was 
in the field armed against your said father, with the Lollards, 

^ Liiigaid, citing Eordim. Hall speaks of the prince delivering the letter intended for 
the French king, to Henry at Windsor, as if he were conveyed there immediately. 

2 Holinshed. 

3 Rot. Clans., 1 Hen. V, m. 22 ; 'Foedera,' torn, ix, p, 44. 
'^ Lingard. 

^ Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. v, Pref., p. xxxi. 

6 By a minute of council dated 1st October, 1 Hen. VI (1422), the sheriffs of London 
were strictly commanded by the Chief Justice of the King's Bench to keep this Thomas 
Payne securely in the prison of Newgate, on pain of being deemed guilty of treason, in 
case Payne should be convicted of that offence ; and if not, under penalty of the law, 
which would be arbitrary and severe. (Fide Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' 
vol. iii, p- 4.) See also the Issue Roll, Easter, 10 Hen. V ; Devon's ' Issues of the 
Exchequer,' pp. 372, 373. 


beside St. James's next Charing Cross, and escaped unhurt or 
taken till your said beseecher, accompanied, at his cost and all 
manner [of] expenses, with notable power, by the space of five days 
and six nights, lay for him in the most secret ways that they could, 
and so, with help and grace of Almighty God, your said servitor 
took him and arrested him at midnight in a place beside your 
Castle of Windsor, where at that time was the King of Scots kept 
as prisoner to your said father, and that same night this said 
traitor should have broken the said castle by treason,' and gone 
with the said king towards Scotland ; in proof whereof I found in 
the traitor's purse a schedule written of all places of gistes [enter- 
tainment] and lodgings appointed for him from Windsor unto 
Edinburgh in Scotland, and so he confessed. The which traitor 
and schedule I delivered to the Bishop of Durham, then chancellor, 
and William Kynwolmersh, then treasurer of this your said noble 
realm; and the said traitor then was there committed to prison 
until the coming again of your said most gracious father into this 
realm from your said duchy of Normandy, and then in his next 
parliament here, in the council-chamber of the said parliament, 
afore your said right wise father and all his lords present there, the 
said traitor was brought and the schedule aforesaid, and your said 
suppliant in that presence examined of all matters above said, and 
other circumstances and incidents, and the manner of taking of 
him, at which time your said most noble father declared and said, 
before all his lords, that taking pleased him more than [if] I had 
gotten or given him £10,000, for the great inconveniences that 
were then like to afall [happen] in his long absence out of this 
realm, and so committed this traitor to the Tower of London, there 
safely to be kept, and then immediately, of his own royal largess 
and bounteous grace, without any asking of your said suppliant or 
any man for him, granted to hym £40 a year." And then further 
stating that the annuity, on account of the king's death, did not 
take effect ; that in consequence of sickness he had been prevented 
from attending to his duties as second clerk of the parliament, to 
which office he had been appointed by the command of the late 

^ i. €., Would have released the King of Scotland by treachery or breach of faith on 
the part of some one in guard. 


king, in his first parliament holden at Leicester, and had not 
received the yearly sum of £10 due therefore; that in the tenth 
year of the king's reign he had seized in the River Thames two 
vessels, freighted vy^ith woollen cloth and other valuable merchandize, 
which had sailed without having paid the customs ; and had in this 
same year arrested divers persons impeached of high treason ; and 
concluding by praying that, in consideration of his long and con- 
tinual service, the king would grant him an annuity.^ 

Haseley's petition was successful, for on the 1st of March, 1438, 
a grant was made to him, by the description of " Thomas Haseley, 
one of the clerks of the crown in Chancery,'' of forty marks 
per annum, in reward of the services which he had rendered to the 
king, to his father, and to his grandfather, in addition to former 
grants made to him.^ 

James was not kept a close prisoner in the castle. His mainte- 
nance was fixed by Henry the Fifth at £700 per annum, and there 
can be no doubt that subsequently his expenses considerably 
increased.^ He was present at the queen's coronation at West- 
minster, in 1421, and sat on her left hand, and served in covered 
silver dishes after the Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal 

During his captivity, the Scotch king fell in love with Jane or 
Joanna Beaufort, daughter of the Earl of Somerset and half-niece 
to Henry the Fifth, whom eventually he married. From the top 
of the Maiden's Tower^ in Windsor Castle he saw her walking in 
the garden below^ 

The king's education had not been neglected. He studied the 
poets Chaucer and Gower in his captivity, and was a poet of no 

* Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. v, p. 104. 

^ Vide Rot. Pat., 16 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 12, and Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy 
Council,' vol. V, p. 104. This article (vrith the letters patent alluded to, and other illus- 
trative documents) is printed in the 'Excerpta Historica,' pp. 144 — 148. 

^ Lingard, referring to Rymer's * Foedera/ vol. x, pp. 293 — 296. 

^ Pabyan; Holiushed. 

^ The Maids of Honour's Tower, called also the Devil's Tower, and originally the 
Earl Marshal's Tower, situated on the south side of the castle, and south-east of the 
Round Tower, or keep. It is represented in Hollar's view of the south side of the 
castle, and is the tower immediately to the right of the Round Tower. 


mean pretensions himself. His poem entitled ' The King's Quair/^ 
in which his love for the Lady Jane forms the leading theme, con- 
tains, as has been observed,^ a description of the garden under the 
walls of the castle.^ 

^ " Quair" is book. 

2 Sibbald's ' Chronicle of Scottish Poetry' (4 vols., 8vo, 1803), vol. i, p. 14. 
^ The king, after narrating his capture at sea and his confinement *' in stray to ward, 
and in strong prison," says — 

" The long dayes, and the nyghtis eke, 

I wold bewaille my fortune in this wise. 
Eor qwhich, again distresse comfort to seke. 

My custom was on mornis for to rise 
Airly as day, O happy exercise ! 

By the come I to joye out of turment ! 

Bot now to purpose of my first entent. 

" Bewailling in my chamber thus allone, 

Despeired of all joye and remedy e, 
Eor-tirit of my thoucht and wo-begone. 

And to the wyndow gan I walk in hye. 
To see the warld and folk that went forbye. 

As for the tyme, though I of mirthis fude 

Mycht have no more, to luke it did me gude. 

" Now was there maid, fast by the Touris wall, 
A gardyn faire, and in the corneris set, 
Ane herbere grene, with wandis long and small, 

Railit about, and so with treis set 
Was all the place, and hawthorn hegis knet. 
That lyf was non, walkyng there forbye, 
That mycht within scarce any wight aspye. 

" So thick the beuis, and the leves grene, 

Beschadit all the allyes that there were. 
And myddis every herbere mycht be sene 

The scharp grene suete jenepere, 
Growing so fair, with branches here and there. 

That, as it semyt to a lyf without, 

The beuis spred the herbere all about. 

" And on the small grene twistis set 

The lytil suete nygtingale, and song 
So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat 

Of luvis use, now soft, now lowd among, 
That all the gardynis and the wallis rong 

-Rycht of thaire song." 

Washington Irving has given an interesting account of a visit to Windsor to see the 
remains of the royal poet's prison. (' Sketch Book,' vol. i, p. 157.) Mr. Stoughton 


James, having been sixteen years in captivity, consented to 
serve Henry as a volunteer in France, on a promise that he should 
revisit his own country within three months after his return. " He 
probably was not aware,'' Dr. Lingard observes, " of the object of 
Henry, who indulged a hope that the Scots in the pay of the 
Dauphin would not venture to fight against their native sovereign." 
In this he was disappointed ; but the presence of James afforded 
him a pretext to gratify his revenge on the Scots, who had 
killed the king's brother, the Duke of Clarence, at the battle of 

James probably left England with Henry in June 1421. The 
death of the latter in France in the following year may have pre- 
vented the fulfilment of the promise that James should visit Scot- 
land on his return ; at all events, James does not seem to have had 
this privilege until his ransom in 1424. 

In August 1413, Windsor Castle was the scene of a curious 
discussion between the king and his former companion, Sir John 
Oldcastle, called, from the inheritance of his wife, the Lord of 

Sir John Oldcastle had taken up the doctrines and become the 
chief of the sect called the Lollards. " The convocation of the 
clergy," says Dr. Lingard, " to spare the honour of a man who 
had been one of Henry's most intimate companions, instead of 
summoning him before the usual tribunal, denounced him to the 
king, who with the zeal of an apostle undertook the task of work- 
ing his conversion. But the obstinacy of the disciple speedily 
exhausted the patience of the master : after a few days the king 
began to enforce his arguments with threats, and Oldcastle thought 

feelingly expresses his mortification at finding, on a subsequent visit, "the workmen 
dismantling the walls, pulling up the floors, and sweeping away, with most unromantic 
diligence, all the romantic charms with which poetry had clothed the spot." (' Notices 
of V\^indsor in the Olden Time,' p. 80.) 

^ "Erom Fuller (p. 168) we derive the curious information that Sir John Oldcastle 
was, among our more ancient dramatists, the debauched but facetious knight, who now 
treads the stage under the name of Sir John Palstaff." (Lingard, See pos^, Chapter on 
* The Merry Wives of Windsor.') Henry the Fifth had, before his coronation, dismissed 
him on account of his opinions. (Ibid., citing Tit. Liv., vita Henrici V, p. 6; Elmham, 
p. 31.) 


it time to withdraw from Windsor to his own residence at Cow^ling 
His flight was followed by a royal proclamation, ordering the 
magistrates to arrest not only the itinerant preachers, but their 
hearers and abettors ; and by a mandate to the Archbishop of 
Canterbmy, requiring him to proceed against the fugitive according 
to law." ^ Sir John Oldcastle was convicted by the primate of 
heresy, but, making his escape from the Tower, he, although 
eventually executed, eluded for several years the pursuit of his 

In the first year of his reign, the king appointed John 
Wyntershull, Esq., as the deputy of Sir John Stanley, constable of 
Windsor Castle.^ 

By letters, dated at Winchester, 30th June, 1414, Henry 
granted of his especial grace to his step-mother, the queen-dowager> 
whom he describes as his dearest mother, Joanna, Queen of England, 
licence to live during his absence in any of his castles of Windsor, 
Wallingford, Berkhamstead, and Hertford.^ 

The Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, and others of the French 
nobility, taken prisoners at the battle of Agincourt, were impri- 
soned for some time at Windsor. Records exist of various pay- 
ments made on their account, in the third year of this reign, to 
William Loveneye, Esquire, ordered and appointed by the king to 
provide for the charges and expenses of the household of these 
prisoners during their temporary abode at the castle.^ 

At St. George's Feast in May, the fourth year of Henry the 
Fifth (1416), his cousin, the Emperor Sigismund, who came over 
in April, attended the Feast of the Garter, and was chosen as a 
Companion of the Garter.^ 

^ Lingard, citing Rymer, ix, 46 ; Cone, 375 ; and see Tyler's ' Memoirs of Henry the 
Fifth,' vol. ii, p. 363, citing Archbishop Arundel's 'Register.' 

^ Pat., 1 Hen. Y, p. 3, m. 34. Robert Wythele, it appears, was seneschal, and John 
Haydoun and William Tyler, bailiffs of Windsor, in the first year of this reign. (Ashmol. 
MS., No. 1115, f. 38 5.) 

3 'Eoedera.' 

* Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 3 Hen, V ; Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 342. 

^ Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 60, where it is shown that the 
statement of some of the chroniclers, that the Duke of Holland and the Duke of Briga 
were present and elected Knights of the Garter, is erroneous. (See Walsingham and Hall, 
cited by Holinslied. See also ' The order {i. e., list) of Knights of the Garter made at 


The emperor brought with him the supposed heart of St. George, 
which was preserved at Windsor until the time of Henry the 

" The finery of the guests" on this occasion, *' the order of the 
servants, the variety of the courses, the invention of the dishes, 
with the other things delightful to the sight and taste, whoever 
should endeavour to describe would never do it justice." ^ 

The following curious letter was addressed on this occasion by 
the king to the Dean and Chapter of St. George, requesting 
accommodation for the numerous guests : 

" By the King. — Oure welbeloved, we grett you well^ because of 
the greate multitude of peop^ul, straungers and others, yt shal be in 
oure Castell Royal of Wyndesore this next solempnite the fest of Saint 
George, for the commyng of the empero'^ and ye due of Holand, we 
desiryng and willing that this maeny and all other estates of oure 
compegny may have favour, help, and soco^ as moch as may be for ther 
logy in g in oure saide castell ; wherefor now we send oure welbeloved 
esquier and huisshier of oure chambre, the berrer of this, into oure 
seid castell, for to provyde and ordeyne agaynst oure com'yng. There- 
fore we desire you that ye wyll seuffre oure sayd huisshier to oversee 
your logyns and mansions of oure college, and for to loge and recepve 
as many p''sons as may be honestly and oonly for this tyme. And yf 
ye so do, ye do unto us a singulier pleasir ; and it ys not oure myn or 

Windsore the yere that Sigismount Kynge of Rome and Emperour of Almayne was in 
England,' by Stowe, MS. Brit. Mus. Lansdown, No. 564, art. 1.) A contemporary chronicle 
gays — "This yere (a° iv Hen. V), the vij. day of Maij, came themperour of Almayne, 
Segismundus, to London ; and the fest of Seint George was deferrid til his comyng, and 
than solempnely holden at V^yndisore ; and at the procession the kyng went on the upper 
side of themperour, and so alle the masse tyme stode in the higher place, and at mete he 
sate on the right side of themperour ; and the Duke of Bedford, and the Chauncellor of 
England, and the Bisshop of Develyn sate on the lefte side of themperour; and the 
Duke of Briga and another duke of themperours compeigny sate upon the kings side ; and 
all these saten on that oon side of the table. And the first sotelte (device) was oure Lady 
armyng Seint George, and an angel doyng on his spores ; the ijde sotelte was Seint George 
ridyng and fightyng with the dragon, with his spere in his hand ; the iijde sotelte was a 
castel, and Seint George, and the kynges doughter ledynge the lambe in at the castle 
gates. And all these sotelties were served to the emperor and to the kyng, and no 
ferther ; and other lordes were served with other sotelties after their degree." (Cotton 
MS., Julius, B 1 ; * Chronicle of London,' ed. by Sir H. Nicolas, notes, p. 159.) The 
Duke of Holland was expected, as is evident from the letter to the Dean of the College. 

1 Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.' 

2 Black Book of the Order. 


entend yt by colon'* of the same to put you hier after in any ferther 
charge. And thus faerre you well. Gyven under our sygnet, at 
Lambeth, the 18 day of May, the yere of oure reigne four.^^ ^ 

Three years afterwards (1419), the Feast of St. George was 
held at Windsor, the Duke of Bedford presiding as the representa- 
tive of the king, who was absent in France.^ 

After the coronation, at Westminster, in February 1421, of 
Queen Katherine (to whom Henry was married in France the year 
before), the king and queen retired for a short time to Windsor. 
About the middle of March they appear to have gone to Leicester, 
and made a progress through the kingdom.^ 

The Feast of St. George, which fell this year on the 23d of 
April, was postponed, apparently on account of the king not having 
returned from Yorkshire, and it was directed to be celebrated at 
Windsor on the Sunday after Ascension day.* It took place 
accordingly on the 3d of May, and at the chapter some alterations 
were made in the ceremonials and statutes.^ The young King of 
Scots was knighted at the castle on St. George's day in this year.^ 

On the 6th of December, 1421 (being St. Nicholas's day), at 
four o'clock in the afternoon, Henry, afterwards Henry the Sixth, 
was born in the Castle of Windsor. The king was at this time ^zi 
France. John Duke of Bedford, Lord Warden of England, and 
Henry Bishop of Winchester, the uncles of the infant prince, were 
his godfathers, and were present at his baptism, as was also 
Jaqueline Duchess of Holland, his godmother. The ceremony was 
performed by Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury.'^ 

The chroniclers state that the king, being informed of the news 
of the birth of his son, " as he lay at siege before Meaux, gave God 
thanks, in that it had pleased his divine providence to send him a 

' Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 101 b. The same letter is also given in I^rench at f. 101. 

'■^ Sir H. Nicolas' 'Orders of Kniglithood,' vol. i, p. 62. 

^ Fabyan says the king and queen kept Easter at Windsor, but lie is evidently in 
error, Holinshed notices the discrepancy of the chroniclers on the point ; and see 
Tyler's 'Henry the Fifth,' vol ii, p. 287. 

^ Walsingham, cited bj Tyler, vol. ii, p. 290, note. 

'" Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 63. 

6 Ibid., p. 60. 

' Walsingham ; Stowe, ' Chronicle of London.' See Elmham, cap. cxxiv. 


son, which might succeed in his crown and sceptre. But when he 
heard reported the place of his nativity, were it that he warned by 
some prophesie, or had some foreknowledge, or else judged himself 
of his son's fortune, he said unto the Lord Fitz-Hugh, his trusty 
chamberlain, these words : ' My lord, I, Henry, born at Monmouth, 
shall small time reign and much get ; and Henry born at Windsor 
shall long reign and all lose : but as God will, so be it.' " ^ 

It is also narrated that the king had commanded the queen to 
choose some other place than Windsor for her confinement.^ 

Rejecting this latter part of the story as unworthy of credit, it is 
by no means improbable that the king gave utterance to some 
expressions to the effect above stated, without attributing to him 
any supernatural foresight, or prejudice against his royal residence 
at Windsor. 

Henry the Fifth was a statesman of considerable skill and dis- 
cernment. At the time he uttered the supposed prophecy he was 
" the regent and heir of France ;" but his constitution was already 
undermined by the malady which in seven months deprived him of 
his life. He felt he had not long to live, and that there was cer- 
tainly every prospect of his infant son having a long reign ; but at 
the same time he could readily foresee that, although leaving his 
heir a magnificent empire, the dominion over France could not be 
preserved The king spoke on French soil; France absorbed his 
thoughts; the "all" to be lost, was the sovereignty of France. 
Recollecting the vicissitudes of his life, and that, born in compara- 
tive obscurity in the little Welsh town of Monmouth, of royal 

* Hall ; Holinshed ; Grafton. 

2 Speed. In a subsequent passage, at the end of the reign of Henry the Fifth, Speed, 
speaking of Queen Katherine, says—" This queene, either for devotion or her owne safety, 
tooke into the monastery of Berraondsey in Southwarke, where dying, Jan. 2, a.d. 1436, 
shee was buried in Our Ladies Chappell within St. Peter's Church at Westminster ; 
whose corps taken up in the raigne of King Henry the Seventh, her grand-child (when he 
laid the foundation of tliat admirable structure), and her coffin placed by King Henry her 
husbands tombe, hath ever since so remained, and never reburied : where it standeth (the 
cover being loose) to be scene and handled of any that will ; and that by her owne 
appointment, saith report (which doth in this, as in most things, speake untruth), in 
regard of her disobedience to King Henry, for being delivered of her sonne at the place 
hee forbad." Mr. Tyler rejects the whole of the story as a fiction. ('Memoirs of Henry 
the Fifth,' vol. ii, p. 302.) 


blood, it is true, but without any apparent prospect of ever 
succeeding to a throne, he had risen to a splendid position, but 
had scarcely attained it when his life was drawing to a close, it 
was but the natural expression of his thoughts to say, " I, Henry, 
born in an obscure place, have acquired an extent of dominion 
unexampled by my predecessors, only to enjoy it for a short time ; 
Henry, my son, born amid the splendour of a magnificent palace, 
and succeeding to a throne almost at his birth, with the prospect 
of a long reign, will nevertheless, I foresee, lose all I have 

The solemnisation of the purification of the queen appears to 
have taken place at Windsor, with considerable state, on the 12th 
of January, 1422 ; for entries of payments occur to various king's 
messengers, sent to different counties of England, to divers lords 
and ladies, knights and esquires, with the king's letters of privy 
seal, requiring their attendance at Windsor on the above day, for 
that occasion.^ 

In the month of May, 1422, the queen proceeded to France, 
where she joined her husband, who died at Vincennes on the 31st 
of August following. The infant prince remained at Windsor 

Nothing important can be told of the castle during this reign.^ 
Ashmole, however, styles Henry as the " happy restorer of the 
honor of the Order" of the Garter, who " having, at his entrance 
to the royal throne, found its glory upon abatement, not only raised 
it to its former lustre, but very much increased the honor thereof. 
For he renewed the Grand Festival and other solemnities ; he 
commanded a strict observation of all the founder's statutes, and 
brought many more to a like perfection, which he subjoined to 
such of them where they properly might be inserted." ^ 

We find a payment of £80 8^. 4<^., in the sixth year of this 
reign, to Conus Melve'r, goldsmith, for the value of 20 lb. 3 J oz. 
of silver in mass, at 30^. the lb., purchased for repairing an image 

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 9 Hen. V; Devon's * Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 370. 

2 Poynter. 

3 ' Order of the Garter, p. 191 ; and see Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' 
vol. i. 


of the Blessed Mary, for the king's chapel of Saint George, in 
Windsor Castle.^ The goldsmith appears to have received £30 for 
his own workmanship.^ 

There is a curious entry of a payment of 6s, 8d., in the eighth 
year of this reign, to John Sewalle, messenger, for his expenses 
when sent, by command of the treasurer, from Southampton to 
Windsor, with a letter directed to Roger Noble, keeper of the vests 
of the king's chapel of Windsor, to take certain books, vestments, 
and other ornaments of the king's chapel, from Windsor to Roan.^ 

The Duke of Bedford, Henry the Fifth's brother, gave to 
St. George's College, by his deed dated the 3d of December, in the 
ninth year of this reign, the Priory of Okeborne (Ogbourne), in the 
county of Wilts (a cell to the Abbey of Bee in Normandy), toge- 
ther with all and singular the possessions thereunto belonging or 
appertaining.* This grant was confirmed by Henry the Fifth. ^ 

An inventory and valuation of the personal effects of this king, 
made at his death, affords, as Mr. Poynter remarks,^ some very 
interesting particulars concerning the furniture and decoration of 
the apartments in the castle. The list of the tapestry which 
covered the walls, describing the subjects represented and the 
histories or inscriptions by which they were explained, is extremely 
curious. Nine pieces of arras of large dimensions are specified, 
varying in length from eighteen yards to seven, and in breadth 

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 6 Hen, V; Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 357. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid., Easter, 8 Hen. V. 

^ Ashmole, in Ex ipso Autogr. in ^rar. hujus Colleg. 

^ Ibid., Ex Lib. vocat. Arundel in iErar. prsed., f. 91. In order that it might be more 
valid (says Ashmole) it was confirmed by Edward the Eourth. (Fide Cart, de anno 
1 Edw. IV, m. 20.) In the will of Lord Scrope, in this reign, there is a bequest to 
St. George's College in the following terms : — " Item. Lego Collegio de Windesor unum 
vestimentum nobile de alba veste de Cipre, cum una Casula, ij. tunicis, ij. tablementis, 
et iv. capis ejusdera sectse, cum orfreis et perulis, bene et nobiliter inbrondatis cum armis 
meis ; et x. marcas ; sub ista conditione, quod exequise mese dicantur solemniter, tam in 
collegiis et in dicta Ecclesia Christi, quam in abbatiis et locis praedictis, et Placebo, et 
Dirige^ cum Commend atione, et Missa in Crastino ; et quod quilibet presbiter, in collegiis, 
abbatiis, et locis praedictis, dicat unam missam devoti et specialiter pro animse mea ; et 
postea habeant animam meam recommendatum in capitulis suis, et in martirilogiis, sub 
suis orationibus generalibus." ('Eoedera,' tom. ix, p. 274.) 

^ Essay on Windsor Castle in Sir J. Wyatvillc's ' Illustrations.' 

TO A.D. 1122. J 



from four yards to three and a quarter, and in value from ISs. 4d. 
to 3^. the square yard. They are as follows : — One piece of arras 
without gold, the history beginning ''Cesty Hoys ;" one piece without 
gold, the history beginning " Vers le Einperoitr /' one piece of arras 
of gold, the history beginning ''Cristolfe teis de Bene T one piece of 
gold arras of St. George, of which the inscription in letters of gold 
begins '^Geaus est Angles I' with the arms of Monsr". de Gloucestr'; 
one piece of rich arras, the history beginning ''Coment Beynaut T 
another rich piece of arras of gold, the inscription beginning '' Chi 
comence Vestory de Charle ;' one piece of gold arras of the Three 
Kings of Cologne, the inscription beginning " Chi est V Eegle ;" 
another piece of arras without gold, the inscription beginning 
" Vescy amour eux r another piece of gold arras of the Salutation of 
our Lady, and two " graundez carpetz, pris le pece lxvj.5. viij.^." ^ 

* Parliament Roll, 2 Hen. YI ; Poynter's ' Essay.' The following articles are 
described as bein^ at the same time " en la garde de divers' officers n're S'r le Roy, 
a Wyndesore" : 

" Item, vi chargers d'argent, signez des arm' d'Engleterre et de 

Prauuce, pois' .... 

Item, i potte d'argent covert, gravez des arm', ovec iii testes 

des libard sur le covercle, pois' 
Item, i autre potte d'argent covert, signez sur le covercle ovec 

les armes d'Engleterre et de Fraunce, pois' 
Item, i autre potte d'argent poteler, signez sur le haucer ovec 

arm' d'Engler' et de Eraunce, pois' 
Item, xii esquelx d'argent, signez ovec les arm' d'Eugl' et de 

Eraunce, pois' ensemble 
Item, xii auteres esquelx d'argent, de mesme le signe, pois' 

ensemble ..... 
Item, X autres esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, signes ovec 

Farm d'Engl' et de Eraunce, pois' 
Item, iii autres chargers d'argent de diverses sortes, pois' 
Item, iii chargers d'argent d'un sort, sign' ovec arm' d'Engl' et 

de Eraunce, pois' .... xi.ft' x.unc' di~. 

Item, i esquel d'argent depesche, ovec les arm' d'Engl' et de 

Eraunce, pois' .... i.ft' vii.unc' di". 

Item, i tasse covert d'argent, ovec UDg flat topet, pois' . iii.ft' ii.unc' di~. 

Item, i potte poteller, saunz covercle, pois' . . ii.ft' xi.unc' di~. 

Item, ii basyns d'argent, dount I'un ovec arm' de Lovell, et 

1' autre escript Jh^us, pois' . . . vii.ft' ii.unc'. 

Item, ung ewer d'argent covert depesche, pois' . . i.ft' vi.unc' iii.q". 

Item, xii esquelx d'argent de divers' sortes, pois' ensemble . xviii.ft'. 
Item, xii autres esquelx de divers' sortes, pois' ensemble . xv.ft' ix.unc'. 


xvii.ft' v.unc'. 

ii.ft' x.unc'. 

iii.ft' ii.unc' di~. 

ii.ft' vi.unc' di". 



xiiii.ft' xi.unc' di~. 
xi.ft' v.unc'. 



[Chapter XII. 

With reference to this king's love of minstrelsy, his biographer 
says — " Whether in their home at Windsor, or during their happy 
progress through England in the halls of York and Chester, or in 
the tented ground on the banks of the Seine before Melun, our 
imagination has solid foundation to build upon when we picture to 
ourselves Henry and his beloved princess passing innocently and 
happily, in minstrelsy and song, some of the hours spared from the 
appeals of justice, the exigencies of the state^ or the marshalling of 
the battle-field." -^ 

Item, xii autres esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, pois' 
Item, ix esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, pois' . 
Item, xvii espiceplates de diverses sortes, pois' ensemble 
Item, vi saucers d'un sort, signez en les bordures ovec arm' 

d'Engl' et de Fraunce, pois' 
Item, i covercle d'un squar' saler, saunz topet, pois' 
Item, i covercle d'argent dorrez d'un saler, saunz topet, poun- 

sone ovec foillez de hauthorn, pois' 
Item, xiiii colers, dount ii sount petitz, d'arg' blanc, pois' 
(Parliament Rolls, 2 Hen. VI, a.d. 1423, vol. iv, pp. 223, 224). 
' Tyler's 'Henry the Eiftb,' vol. i, pp. 327-8. 

XV. ft' vi.unc'. 
xii. ft' ix.unc'. 
xiiii.ft' x.unc'. 

iiii.ft' iiii.unc' di" 
i.ft' ii.unc' di~. 

i.ft' i.unc' di~. 
i.ft' iii.unc' i.q~.'* 



The Castle from the Brocas. 



Constables op the Castle, 
A.D. . Walter Hungeford. a.d. 1443. Eakl of Dorset. 

Deans of St. George's College. 
A.D. . John Arundel. a.d. 1452. Thomas Manning. 

Members of Parliament. 

A.D. 1446. Roger Easnam and Roger Scherman. 
a.d. 1448. William Towe and Roger Shereman. 
A.D. 1449. Richard Forster and Henry Eraunceyss. 
A.D. 1450. Richard Eoster and Roger Sherman. 
A.D. 1452. Richard Eorster and Roger Sherman. 
A.D. 1459. John Toller and John Erampton. 

Provosts of Eton, 
a.d. 1441. Henry Sever a.d. 1447. John Clerc. 
A.D. 1442. William of Waynflete. a.d. . William Westbury. 

Surrender of the Great Seal — Parliament summoned at Windsor — Proclamation in favour 
of the People of Windsor — Release of James King of Scotland — Infant King at 
Windsor — Removal to London — Owen Tudor keeps guard at the Castle — The 
Queen's Marriage — Property at Windsor let to farm — Accusation of Cardinal 
Beaufort — Windsor appointed as a Winter Residence for the King — Payment of 
Erench Players at Windsor — Rules for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, the 
King's Governor — Deer in Windsor Park — Dispute between Cardinal Beaufort 
and the Duke of Gloucester as to the performance of Divine Worship at St. George's 
Eeast — Petition of John Arundell, Dean of the College — Renewal of the disputes 
between the Canons and Poor Knights — Committal of Prisoners to the Castle for 
Sorcery — Other Prisoners confined there — Revenues of Windsor — Inquisition for 
the Relief of the Rent there — Charter of Henry the Sixth — Charter to Windsor, 
23 Hen. VI — Petition of Richard Jordan — Illness of the Queen— Members of 
Parliament for Windsor — The King ill at Windsor — Deputation from the Parlia- 
ment wait upon him — The Duke of York nominated Protector — The King's 
relapse — Kemer, Dean of Salisbury, ordered to attend as physician — Rioters in 
London sent to Windsor Castle — Letter to the Mayor of Windsor — Local 
Records of the Borough — Jurisdiction of the Castle Court — Escheats of this 
reign affecting property at Windsor. 

The form of surrendering the Great Seal to the infant king (not 
yet ten months old) took place at Windsor before the return of 


the queen to England with the corpse of her late husband. The 
Bishop of Durham, Chancellor of England, on the 28th of Sep- 
tember, 1422, at the hour of vespers, at Windsor Castle, in the 
chamber of the infant king, surrendered the Great Seal of gold, in 
a purse of white leather, sealed with the chancellor's seal, to the 
king, in the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
Bishops of Winchester, Worcester, Exeter, and Lincoln, the Duke 
of Gloucester, the Earl of Ormond, the Lords Talbot and Clynton, 
Mr. John Stafford, keeper of the Privy Seal of the late king, 
Simon Gannsted, keeper of the Rolls of Chancery, and others,^ 
" doing fealty and homage there ;" and the king then, by the hand 
of the Duke of Gloucester, delivered it to Simon Gannsted, who 
conveyed it to London, and the next day sealed various instru- 
ments with it, and retained it until the 20th of November fol- 
lowing, on which day he gave it to the Duke of Gloucester, in full 
parliament. The duke countersealed the purse in which it was 
contained, and gave it to a clerk to be deposited in the treasury.^ 

At the same time that the Bishop of Durham delivered up the 
Great Seal to the king, the Bishop of London, chancellor of the 
duchy of Normandy, also delivered his seals of office.^ 

At a council held two days afterwards (the 30th of September), 
it was ordered that writs should be addressed to all the lords of 
parliament, spiritual and temporal, summoning them to attend 
the king's first parliament, to he holden at " Wyndesore," on 
Monday next before the Eeast of St. Martin, in the ensuing 

The parliament appears, however, to have assembled in London, 
on the 7th of November. 

Liimediately after the funeral of Henry the Eifth, at West- 

^ Lord " Ponyiiges" among tlie rest. (Hot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 170 b.) 

2 Vide Rot. Claus., 1 Hen. VI, ra. 21, in dorso. Printed in the 'Poedera,' vol. x, 
p. 253, and in Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. vi, Addenda, p. 343 ; 
and see Preface, id. vol., p. clxxvi, and Rot. Pari., vol. iv, pp. 170, 171. 

^ Rot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 171 a. 

^ Nicolas' ' Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 4. Sir H. Nicolas observes (citing Appendix to 
the 'Reports of the Lords' Committees on the Dignity of a Peer of the Realm,' p. 855) 
that the writs to this parliament were tested at Windsor on the day before, viz., the 29th 
of September, 1422. 


minster, on the 10th of November, in the presence of the whole 
parliament, the queen retired to Windsor Castle.^ 

The following curious entry, relating to the Great Seal, occurs 
in the Issue Rolls of the second year of this reign, under the date 
of the 18th of October: 

" To John Bernes, of London, goldsmith. In money paid to his 
own hands, in discharge of 20s. which the present lord the king, with 
the advice and consent of his council, commanded to be paid to the 
said John for his labour, costs, and workmanship, in lately riding 
to the king^s castle at Windsor, at his own costs, and there engraving 
the Great Seal of the said lord the king with the privy signet ; and 
also for newly engraving an inscription around the king's Privy Seal. 
By writ of Privy Seal amongst the mandates of this term, £1.''^ 

In April, 1424, James King of Scotland, having obtained his 
freedom, returned to Scotland. After much negociation between 
the English council and the king and the Scottish envoys, it was 
mutually agreed, on the 10th of September, 1423, that the king 
should be set at liberty ; and that, in return, he should forbid his 
subjects to enter into the service of France ; should pay by in- 
stalments, in six years, the sum of forty thousand pounds ; and 
should give hostages as a security till the whole of the money were 

The sum was claimed as a compensation for the king's expenses 
during the time of his detention. It is probable that so large a 
sum was demanded under that pretence, because it could not 
decently be claimed as a ransom.^ 

James did not leave England without obtaining the hand of the 
fair lady whom he had sighed for from the battlements of his 
prison-house. With not merely the consent, but the cordial 
approval of the ambassadors of his own country and the English 
council, he was married at Hertford, in February, 1424, to Lady 
Jane Beaufort. The protector, Gloucester, to express his satis- 

^ Speed. 

2 Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer ;' Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 2 Hen. VI. 
^ Lingard. The English commissioners had private instructions to accept £36,000, 
if the Scots objected to £40,000, The greater part of the money was never paid. 


faction on this occasion, remitted, with the consent of the council, 
a sixth part of the sum stipulated to be paid by the treaty.^ 

Windsor appears to have been the head-quarters of the young 
king for some time. On the 13th of November, 1423, the queen 
dowager removed with him from Windsor to London, to attend 
the parliament there, travelling, by easy stages^ in a litter or chair. 
The following account of the journey is given by a contemporary 
chronicler : 

" This yere upon Satyrday, that is to sey, the xiij day of Novem- 
bre, the kyng and the quene his modir remeved from Wyndesore 
toward the parlement at London, the whiche began at Westm^ on 
the xxj day of Octobre before ; and on the forsaid xiij day of 
Novembre at nyght, the kyng and the quene were logged at Stanes ; 
and upon the morwe thanne beynge Soneday the kyng was born 
toward his modir chare, and he schriked and cryed and sprang, and 
wolde nought be caryed forthere ; wherefore he was born ageyne into the 
inne, and there he bood the Soneday al day ; and on the Moneday he 
was born to the chare, and he beynge thanne gladde and merye 
chered ; and at even come to Kyngeston, and there rested the nyght ; 
and on the Tuesday he come to Kenyngton; and upon Wednesday he 
cam to London with a glad sembland and mery chore, in his modyr 
barm in the chare rood thorugh London to Westm^ ; and on the 
morwe brought into the parlement."^ 

^ Lingard, citing Hymer's ' Eoedera/ vol. x, p. 323. According to Holinshed and 
Hall, the Scotch king, before his departure in April, " did his homage unto the young 
King of England, Henry the Sixth, at the Castle of Windsor, before three dukes, two 
archbishops, twelve earls, ten bishops, twenty barons, and two hundred knights and 
esquires, beside others, in order of words according to the tenor hereafter following : — 
' I, James Steward, King of Scots, shall be true and faithful unto you, Lord Henry, by 
the grace of God King of England and Erance, the noble and superior lord of the king- 
dom of Scotland, which I hold and claim of you ; and I shall beare you my faith and 
fidelity of life and limb and worldly lionour against all men ; and faithfully I shall know- 
ledge and shall do you service due for the kingdom of Scotland aforesaid. So God help 
me, and these holy Evangelists.' " 

" There can be little doubt," says Dr. Lingard, " that this is a mistake, for in all the 
public records James is treated, not as a vassal, but an independent sovereign; and 
Henry, in a private letter, styles him ' Rijt heigh and myghty prince, by the grace of God 
Kyng of Scotes.' " (Rymer, vol. x, p. 635.) 

Hall, and Grafton citing him, upbraids the poor prince, and all Scotchmen, for his 
ingratitude in subsequently assisting the Erench against England — after an illegal impri- 
sonment of eighteen years by (he latter country ! 

2 'Chronicle of London,' p. 112, edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, 4to, 1827. 


The fact that the infant evinced his unwiUingness to leave 
Staines, '' of some writers is noted for a divine monition that he 
would not travel upon the Sunday/'^ 

The queen and infant did not return to Windsor until after 
Christmas, as that festival was kept at Hertford, James of Scotland 
being present. In 1425, we find the queen again moving, after 
Easter, from Windsor to London, with the king, to be present at 
the meeting of parliament. 

^' Also this yere after Eastre the king helde his parliament at 
Westm', which bigan the laste day of Aprile ; and the kjng come 
to London the xxvj day of Aprile, which was Saturday, with his 
moder in his chare from Wyndisore unto Seint Paulis ; and at the 
west dore he was taken out of his chare by his uncle the Duke 
of Gloucestre, and by his bele uncle the Duke of Excestre : and he 
went upon his fete fro the west dore to the steires, and so up into the 
quere ; and than he was borne up and ofFred : and than was set upon 
a courser and so rood thrugh the Chepe and London to Kenyngton. 
And the kyng held his see diverse daies in the parliament /^^ 

Dr. Lingard says it was probably owing to the queen's 
marriage with her second husband, Owen Tudor, that Henry, 
when he was only in his third year, had been taken out of the 
hands of his mother, and intrusted to the care of Dame Alice 
Botiller. That lady, however, received her appointment early 
in 1424, and more than a year afterwards, the queen, as already 
stated, moved from Windsor to London, with the king, to attend 
the parliament. 

Except as a residence for the young king, the castle appears to 
have been neglected. All the royal property in New and Old 
Windsor, at Shaw, and in Eton, consisting of houses and lands, 
were let out to farm in 1424.^ 

In the third year of the king's reign (1425) a grant of pontage 
was made to the town.^ 

^ Fabyan, edit. 1516. 

2 ' Chronicle of London,' Cottonian MS., Julius B, i. See Sir H. Nicolas' edition 
(already cited), note 2, p, 291. 
'' Pat., 2 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 21. 
^ Ibid., 3 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 10. 


The second article of accusation, in the bill of impeachment by 
the Duke of Gloucester, in 1426, against the chancellor, his uncle, 
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards Cardinal Beau- 
fort, alleged that the latter, without the advice and assent of the 
Duke of Gloucester, the protector, or of the king's council, was 
purposed and disposed to set hand on the king's person, and to 
have removed him from Eltham, the place that he was in, to 
Windsor, " to the intent to put him in governance as him list."^ 

A form of reconciliation was subsequently effected between the 
uncle and nephew, and the former resigned his office, obtained 
permission to travel, and, in the following year, went into France. 

No objection appears to have been entertained to Windsor as a 
residence for the king, independently of its being a place selected 
by Beaufort ; for at a council held on the 8th of May, 1428, in the 
sixth year of Henry's reign, the Castles of Wallingford and Hert-. 
ford^ were appointed for the king to inhabit during summers, and 
those of Windsor and Berkhampstead in winter.^ 

At the same council, several knights and esquires, who were 
selected to attend upon the king's person, were ordered to appear 
before the council, and it was agreed that each of the said knights, 
the greater part of whom had been old and faithful servants of 
Henry the Fifth, should remain with the Earl of Warwick, the 
king's master, in attendance on the monarch, and have in the 
king's household one esquire and two valets, with provisions for 
their chambers, together with a salary of 100 marks per annum.^ 

It had been previously determined by the peers in parliament 

^ Hall; Holinshed. 

2 "Hereford" in the original; but Sir H. Nicolas thinks that Hereford was inserted 
by mistake for Hertford, and there can be little doubt that he is correct. (' Proceedings 
of Privy Council/ Preface, p. lii.) A previous minute of council, dated 23d Pebruary, 
1428, directs a writ of Privy Seal to be issued, commanding the keeper of the king's 
wardrobe to make allowance, in the account to be rendered by Thomas Chaucer, the 
chief butler, for certain tuns of wine lost at sea, intended for the king's residences, and 
amongst others for "v. ton~ xviij. sex~ vin de Gasc~ despenduz et gastez en outrageous 
cunisons sur leawe de iiij'^'xij . ton" de vin chargez en dids schonces a Loundres, et dy 
amesnez p"" eawe tangz a W^yndesore et Henle, deinz le suisdit temps." (Ibid., vol. iii, 
p. 286.) 

3 Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 294. 
^ Ibid., vol. iii, p. 294, and Preface, p. li. 


that the young Duke of York, who was at that time about seven- 
teen years of age, should continually reside with the king.^ 

A minute of council, dated 30th April, 1428, directs £10 to be 
paid for the installation of the Duke of Coimbra as a Companion 
of the Order of the Garter in the college at Windsor; and ten 
marks to certain French players and dancers, who performed before 
the king at Windsor on the Feast of St. George.^ 

*' The rules laid down by the council, in June in this year 
(1428), for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, who was 
appointed governor of the king's person, with respect to his educa- 
tion, are extremely interesting. The young monarch was to be 
instructed to fear God, to reverence virtue, and to eschew vice ; 
the best ' mirrors and examples of former times of the prosperity 
which attended virtuous kings, their lands and subjects, and the 
misfortunes which befell sovereigns of an opposite character, were 
to be exhibited to his view.' The king was to be taught ' nurture, 
literature, languages,' and other knowledge suitable to his age and 
station. Warwick was authorised to chastise him when he was 
negligent, disobedient, or acted improperly." ^ 

A special provision for that purpose occurs in the Earl of 
Warwick's appointment, in these words : — " And if we are negli- 
gent in learning, or commit any fault, or do any thing contrary to 
the instructions of our said cousin, we give him full power, 
authority, licence, and directions reasonably to chastise us from 
time to time, according to his discretion, in the manner that other 
princes of our age, as well in this kingdom as in others, have 
hitherto been accustomed to be chastised, without being im- 
peached or molested by us or by any other person in future for so 

Power was given to the earl to dismiss any individual, except- 
ing the great officers of state, from being about the royal person ; 

^ Nicolas' * Privy Council/ vol. iii, Preface, p. li. 

^ Ibid., vol. iii, p. 294. The order as to the first-mentioned sum was repeated in a 
minute of the 8th July following. (Ibid,, p. 302, and Eymer's ' Poedera/ vol. x, p. 405.) 

^ Ibid., vol. iii, Preface, p. Iii. 

* Ibid., vol. iii, pp. 297, 298, and Preface, p. Iii. A similar power had been conferred 
in the king's name on his former governess, Alice Botiller. 

298 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII. 

and in cases of emergency, whether arising from a pestilence or 
from any other cause, he was to remove the king to such place as 
he might think most advisable.^ 

Although the royal property in the neighbourhood of the castle 
was let to farm in the early part of the reign, the park and the 
deer appear to have been kept up. 

A petition was presented from John Gedeney, mayor of London, 
to the council, on the 16th of July, 1428, praying the king for six 
fat deer, namely, two out of the Park of Eltham and four out of 
Windsor Park ; which petition was granted.^ And by a minute of 
council, dated the 5th of June, 1437, in the fifteenth year of the 
reign of Henry the Sixth, the parkers of Pleshey, Ampthill, and 
Windsor, were directed to deliver deer for the Chancellor of France, 
one from each of the former places, and two from Windsor.^ 

Early in April 1429, Cardinal Beaufort became involved in a 
dispute with his old enemy, the Duke of Gloucester, respecting his 
right to perform divine service at Windsor on the Feast of 
St. George, in right of the bishopric of Winchester. 

By the constitution of the Order of the Garter, the Bishop of 
Winchester has always been, ex officio, prelate of that order, in 
consequence of the Chapel of Windsor being in his diocese. 
Beaufort, who had filled that see about twenty-four years, and had 
received a cardinal's hat on the 25th of March, 1427, intended to 
resume his duties as Prelate of the Garter on the next festival of 
St. George, in this year, which appears to have been the first 
anniversary of the feast after his return to England. The Duke of 
Gloucester was^ however, determined to contest his right to retain 
the see of Winchester, on the ground that it was incompatible 

^ Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, pp. 296 — 3(^0, and Preface, p.liii. 

2 Cotton MS., Vespas., Pxiv; vide Ellis' 'Letters,' 2d series, vol. iii, p. 51, and 
Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 312. Lord Tiptoft, one of the 
councillors present who signed the instrument, wrote the words " nolens void" opposite 
his name. " Several instances occur of members of the council having expressed their 
dissent from the opinion of the majority ; and this petition proves that whether a member 
agreed or dissented, he nevertheless signed the instrument to which the majority of his 
colleagues attached their names, but that he might signify his disapprobation of the 
measure in the manner adopted by Lord Tiptoft on that occasion." (Ibid., vol. iii, 
Preface, p. liv.) 

3 Ibid., vol. V, p. 28. 


with the dignity of cardinal ; and he took that opportunity of 
raising the question, by assembhng a great council, which consisted 
of more than eighteen spiritual, and thirteen temporal peers ; and 
the case was heard in the king's presence, at Westminster, on the 
17th of April, six days only before St. George's day. 

It was then debated whether the lord cardinal ought, as he 
claimed, to officiate at Windsor on the Feast of St. George by 
reason of his bishopric of Winchester, which he asserted he could 
retain with his rank of cardinal ? The question being put seriatim 
to every member of the council, it was agreed, in substance, that, 
as the point was doubtful, he should be directed to refrain from 
officiating there on that occasion as Bishop of Winchester ; which 
decision the king confirmed and ordered with his own mouth. 

On the next day, the cardinal appeared before the king at 
Westminster, in consequence of the preceding decision, which was 
communicated to him by the Earls of Stafford and Northumberland 
and the Lords Tiptoft and Cromwell, and stated that he had for 
twenty-four years peaceably officiated at the solemnities of St. 
George at Windsor, in right of the bishopric of Winchester, and 
prayed for justice therein, or that reasons should be stated to the 
contrary. The lords, being severally interrogated, replied that as 
it was an unusual thing to be a cardinal and to retain the bishopric 
of Winchester in England, they were equally imwilling to prejudice 
the king during his minority, or to prejudice the cardinal, or his 
church, for which reasons they entreated him to refrain from 

The subject was renewed in November, 10 Hen. VI (1431); 
but Gloucester's efforts to deprive the cardinal of his see did not 
succeed, as he retained it until his decease, eighteen years after- 
wards. It appears also that he performed the duties of Prelate of 
the Garter in the 13th Hen. VI, as in that year, and again in the 
17th Hen. VI, he received the usual livery of robes, even if he did 
not, as there is reason to believe, officiate at the Feast of St. George 
in the 11th Hen. VI (1433).' 

' Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. iii. Preface, p. Ixii, and see pp. 323, 
324 ; ' Poedera,' vol. x, p. 414 ; vide also Austis' ' Register of the Garter,' vol. ii. 


In the eighth year of this reign, John Arundell, Dean of the 
College of St. George, in the castle, observing that the grants of 
land to the college were sometimes made in the name of the custos, 
and at other times in the name of the dean and custos, or of the 
dean only, and fearing that this diversity of terms might be inju- 
rious to the college, he petitioned the parliament to provide for 
the security of the college ; and thereupon letters patent were 
issued under the Great Seal declaring that John Arundell should 
be custos or dean for his life, and that for the future he and every 
other custos should be called " custodes" or " decani" (viz. wardens 
or deans) of the free chapel of St. George within the Castle of 
Windsor, and that the custos or dean and canons, and their suc- 
cessors, by the name of custos or dean and canons of the said free 
chapel, should hold, to them and their successors for ever, all the 
lands, possessions, and immunities granted to the college at any 
time before.^ 

The disputes between the canons and the poor knights of 
St. George's College, which broke out in the reign of Richard the 
Second, were renewed in the beginning of the present. It appears 
the dean and canons, on some pretence or another, withheld the 
daily distributions, and also the forty shillings yearly, to which 
each knight was entitled by the statutes of the founder. Com- 
plaint was made to John Archbishop of York, Lord Chancellor of 
England, and visitor of the college, who, by injunctions issued 
upon his visitation in the tenth year of the reign of Henry the 
Sixth, ordered the arrears of both kinds to be forthwith paid, free 

p. 105. Sir Harris Nicolas observes that "Austis, iu alluding to this affair, does not 
seem to have been aware that the real question at issue was the bishoprick of Winchester, 
as he introduces these proceedings, which he reprinted from the Tcedera/ with this 
observation : — ' A doubt arose whether the Bishop of Winchester, being promoted to be a 
cardinal, and having obtained, as it was alleged, an exemption from the jurisdiction of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, ought to attend this feast as prelate of the order, which we 
shall see remained undetermined in the tenth of Henry the Sixth.' It is singular that 
no mention occurs in the Minutes of the Council on this subject of the office of Prelate 
of the Garter, but that the right to officiate at the Teast of St. George is merely stated 
to belong to the bishoprick of Winchester." 

1 Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' citing Rot, Pari,, an. 8 Hen. YI, n. 31. The 
college had, at the commencement of this reign, obtained a full confirmation of all pro- 
perty previously granted. 


of charge ; and directed that, in case the treasurer of the college 
became negligent in future payments, he was to incur the loss of 
his own " quotidians" from the time of his voluntary delay, the 
amount to be divided among the poor knights.^ 

William Pope, Esquire, presented a petition to the parliament 
holden in the 10th Hen. VI (1432), alleging that the king, on the 
17th of March, in the sixth year of his reign, by the advice and 
assent of his council, had granted to the said William the office of 
verger or usher of the Order of the Garter in the Castle of Windsor, 
together with a house in the castle appurtenant to the office, and 
also of verge-bearer before the king and his heirs in processions on 
festival days, with the wages of twelve pence a day out of the 
revenues and profits of the manor of Kenyngton, otherwise called 
Colde Kenyngton, in Middlesex, so long as the king pleased, but 
which grant was not available to the petitioner for the term of 
his life, by reason of the words " so long as the king shall 
please." The petitioner therefore requested, "for God and in 
tender mercy," that he might have a grant for life; which was 
acceded to.^ 

The following entries of payments on the Issue Roll of Michael- 
mas Term, in the ninth year of this reign (1431), relate to Margery 
Jourdemain, the witch of Eye, and John Asshewell, a priest, who 
were imprisoned in Windsor Castle on a charge of sorcery :^ 

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.' 

2 Eot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 418. 

^ At this period prosecutions against supposed sorcerers and witches became very 
numerous. Early in the fifteenth century (a.d. 1406) we find Henry the Fourth giving 
directions to the Bishop of Norwich to search for and arrest witches and sorcerers of 
difi'erent kinds, who were then reported to be very numerous in his diocese, and to con- 
vert them from their evil ways or bring them speedily to punishment. (Rot. Pat., 
7 Hen. IV, printed in the ' Poedera,' torn, iv, part i, p. 93, cited by Mr. T. Wright in his 
Introduction to the ' Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler/ printed for the Camden 
Society, 1843.) In Prance, the belief in sorcery appears to have been more prevalent, at 
an earlier period even than in England, and about the middle of the fifteenth century it 
became the ground of one of the most remarkable acts of wholesale oppression that the 
history of that age has preserved to us. It may be observed, moreover, that it has been 
an article of popular belief from the earliest period of the history of the nations of 
Western Europe that women were more easily brought into connexion with the spiritual 
world than men. Priestesses were the favorite agents of the deities of the ages of 
paganism, and the natural weakness and vengeful feelings of the sex made their power an 
object of fear. To them especially were known the herbs, or animals, or other articles 


" 22nd November. — To John Collage, one of the king^s sergeants- 
at-arms, lately sent, by command of the king^s council, from the city 
of London to Windsor, with a certain woman, committed to his care, 
by assent of the said council, for him safely and securely to take her 
to Windsor Castle, and there to deliver her into safe custody upon 
certain causes moving the said council. In money paid to him, &c., 
13^. M," 

" 2Sth November. — To John Talbot, one of the king^s sergeants-at- 
arms, lately sent, with the advice and assent of the king's council, 
from the city of London to Windsor, with a certain brother, called 
John Asshewell, Prior of the Holy Trinity, London, committed to his 
care, by the assent aforesaid, to be by him safely and securely con- 
ducted to Windsor Castle, and there delivered to be securely kept for 
certain causes interesting the said council. In money paid to him, &c., 

John Virley, a priest, appears to have been subsequently sent 
to Windsor on the same charge, for on the 9th of May, 1432, 
Margery Jourdemain, John Virley, clerk, and John Asshewell 
(then described as a friar of the Order of the Holy Cross), who had 
been lately committed to Windsor Castle for sorcery, having been 
brought before the council, by virtue of a writ directed to Walter 
Hungeford, constable of the castle, it was agreed that John Virley 
and John Asshewell should be released from prison on finding 
sufficient security for their good behaviour, and that Margery 
should in like manner be released on her husband's security. 

The required security being given in each case, they were 
respectively released.^ 

Although Margery Jourdemain escaped on this occasion, she 
was involved in the celebrated charge of sorcery brought against 
" Dame Eleanor Cobham,'' the Duchess of Gloucester, in 1441, 
and arraigned with her before the ecclesiastical court. While the 

which were noxious to mankind, and the ceremonies and charms whereby the influence of 
the gods might be obtained to preserve or to injure. (Wright's * Narratives of Sorcery 
and Magic,' vol. i, p. 6.) 

^ Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 9 Hen. VI. 

2 Vide Minute of Council, Rymer's * Foedera,' vol. x, p. 505 ; MS. Cott., Ceop. F iv, 
f. 58 ; Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iv, p. 114. 


duchess's life was spared, the unfortunate Jourdemain was con- 
demned to be burnt as a relapsed witch.^ 

There is further evidence of the continued use of the castle at 
this period as a place of imprisonment. 

In 1433, David Coch (?), taken prisoner for an insurrection in 
South Wales, was sent from London to Windsor, and delivered to 
the constable of the castle by the hands of Thomas Collage, one of 
the king's sergeants-at-arms.^ 

At a council held on the 12th of November, 1437, a letter was 

* The following short narrative of the circumstances of this case is given by Dr. 
Lingard, compiled from the various contemporary chronicles and authorities : — " One of 
the Duke [of Gloucester]'s chaplains, Roger Bolingbroke, was accused of necromancy, 
and exhibited, with the instruments of his art, to the admiring populace, on a platform 
before St. Paul's, ' arrayed in marvellous attire,' bearing in his right hand a sword and in 
his left a sceptre, and sitting in a chair, on the four corners of which were fixed four 
swords, and on the points of the swords four images of copper. The second night after- 
wards. Dame Eleanor secretly withdrew into the sanctuary of Westminster — a step 
which naturally excited suspicion. She was confronted with Bolingbroke, who declared 
that it was at her instigation that he had first applied to the study of magic. Erom the 
inquiry which followed, it appeared that Eleanor was a firm believer in the mysteries of 
the art : that, to secure the affection of the duke, she had employed love-potions, 
furnished by Marjory Jourdemain, the celebrated witch of Eye ; and that, to learn what 
would be her subsequent lot (her husband was presumptive heir to the throne), she had 
charged Bolingbroke to discover the duration of the king's life. Soon afterwards an 
indictment of treason was found against Bolingbroke and Southwell, a canon of St. Paul's, 
as principals, and the duchess as an accessary. The former were said, at the solicitation 
of the latter, to have formed an image of wax, and to have exposed it to a gentle heat, 
under the persuasion that, as the image melted away, the health of the king would 
gradually decline. The two v.'omen, however, were arraigned before the ecclesiastical 
court. Jourdemain, as a relapsed witch, was condemned to be burnt. Eleanor, out of 
twenty-eight articles brought against her, confessed some and denied others ; but when 
the testimony of the witnesses had been heard, withdrew her plea, and submitted to the 
mercy of the court. She was compelled, on three days of the week, to walk hoodless, 
and bearing a lighted taper in her hand, through the streets of the capital; and was 
afterwards confined a prisoner for life, with an annuity of one hundred marks for her 
support. Southwell died in the Tower before his trial ; two others obtained their pardon ; 
but Bolingbroke was convicted and executed, acknowledging the guilt of necromancy, 
but denying that of treason. Though tlie duke himself does not appear to have been 
implicated in this ridiculous but tragical business, he must have deeply felt on account of 
the disgrace of his wife, and the notion generally entertained that he was looking forward 
to the succession for himself." 

^ " 6M 3Ia7/. — To Thomas Collage, one of the king's sergeants-at-arms, ordered and 
appointed by the treasurer of England to safely conduct David Gogh (lately taken for 
insurrection in South Wales) from the city of London to Windsor Castle, where the said 
David was delivered to the lieutenant of the castle aforesaid, by virtue of the king's writ, 
under the Great Seal, directed to the said lieutenant. In money paid to the said Thomas, 


directed to be made to the treasurer and chamberlain '' to pay to 
fom' persons keeping within Windsor two prisoners to the king, to 
each fourpence on the [every] day for the time that they have entended 
[attended] and shall entende to the keeping of the same prisoners." ^ 

John Payn, an esquire in the service of Sir John Falstolf, 
writing, in 1450, and complaining of having been imprisoned for 
his supposed complicity in the insurrection of Jack Cade, says — 
" And so [they] wolde have made me to have pechyd my Maist' 
Fastolf of Treson and by cause yt I wolde not, yey had me up to 
Westm', and yr wolde have sent me to the Gole^ house at 
Wyndsor, but my wyves coseyn and j. of myn noune yt wer' 
yomen of ye Croune yey went to the kyng and gote grase and j. 
chartyr of p'don." ^ 

In a general statement of the finances of the kingdom made in 
the eleventh and twelfth years of Henry the Sixth, the annual 
receipts of the crown from the revenues of Windsor amounted to 
£207 17^. h\d., a sum far from sufficient to meet the charges, 
which were £280 5^. 10^^.^ One hundred marks per annum 
were nevertheless allowed for the repairs of the castle, not included 
in the above expenditure. This sum of one hundred marks was 
charged upon the manors of Cookham, Bray, Binfield, and Sunning- 
hill.^ In a grant of dower to the queen by act of parliament, in 
the twenty-fifth year of the same reign, these four manors are 
excepted on that account;^ and from their frequent mention in 
connexion with the funds provided for the works of the castle, it is 
probable (says Mr. Poynter) they had been so appropriated from an 
early period.*^ 

for his expenses in going and returning again, upon the business aforesaid. By direction 
of the treasurer, &c. — l?>s. M." (Issue Eoll, Easter, 11 Hen. VI, Devon's ' Issues of 
the Exchequer,' p. 420.) 

^ Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. v, p. 72. 

^ Qusere, Cole-house. See post, end of the present chapter. 

^ Penn's ' Paston Letters,' Letter xiii. 

^ De Exit' et Heventionibus Castri de Wyndisore . ccviiJi. xvii.s". v.d~. q . 
Vad' Peod' Hepareec', Misis, Cust' et Expen' eQ^vxJi. yS. xJ. ob. 
Et sic excedit .... \xxiiM. yuLs". y.d". 

(Rot. Pari., 12 Hen. VI. Status Reventionum ann. Regni, &c.) 

s Ibid. 6 Ibid., 25 Hen. VL 

' Poynter's 'Essay on the History of Windsor Castle' (Sir J. Wyatville's 'lilustra- 


In 1439 an inquisition was taken at Windsor, of which the 
following is a translation : 


" The inquisition taken at Windsor the 19th day of December, in 
the seventeenth year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth, before 
William Fallan, one of the barons of the king^s treasury, and John 
Basket, by virtue of a commission of our lord the king, directed to 
William Babthorp, William Baron (?), and the sheriff of Berks, and 
to the said William Fallan and John Basket, upon the oath of true 
and lawful men of the county of Berks, as to such advantages and 
profits the inhabitants of the king^s town of New Windsor formerly 
enjoyed in ease and aid of the rent of the said town, which the inha- 
bitants do not now enjoy, and likewise as to the cause of the decrease 
of such advantages and profits, and also concerning other matters and 
occurrences, and more especially by the oath of Rudulph Chyppes, 
Roger Wayte, William Sherman, John by the Wodde, John Avelyn, 
William Towe, John Bailly, Geoffrey Pasty, Henry Hunt, William 
Bullock, John Page, and Robert Mayr, who upon their oath say that 
the said town has for a long time been a market town and free borough 
of our lord the king and his predecessors, and that during all the reign 
of Edward the First, and for a long time afterwards, many responsible 
merchants and other powerful and considerable persons were dwelling 
and inhabiting there, and holding the said town of the said late king, 
his heirs and successors, in fee farm, paying seventeen pounds yearly 
into the king's treasury, and had at their will a market weekly and a 
fair once a year, and toll from all buyers and sellers for goods and 
chattels and other merchandize bought and sold in the said town, and 
stallage and rent assize, and other liberties and franchises ; also their 
court de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas (?) in the Guildhall of the 
same town, before the bailiff for the time being thereof, and in the 
same court power and authority to hear and determine pleas of real, 
personal, and mixed actions, of lands, tenements, and other matters 
whatsoever arising in the said town, and their merchant gild, and view 
of frankpledge ; and in which times the perquisites appertaining to the 
same court and view of frankpledge, and the profits and advantages of 
the said liberties and franchises, as of the stallage c\nd tolls of buyers 

tions'). The sum of £100 was, however, subsequently, in the 32d Hen. VI (1454), 
assigned, " of the fermours and occupiours of the maners of Cokliam and Bray, with tlier 
appurtenance, yerely," towards the support of the king's household. (Rot. Pari, vol. v. 
p. 247 «.) The manors of Cokeham and Bray are expressly declared to be within the 
Act of Resumption, 4 Edw. IV (1462). (Ibid., p. 517 b.) 



and sellers for merchandize and wares, and other things, goods, and 
chattels brought together there, and there in the fairs and markets 
and otherwise in the said town bought and sold, and all other profits 
and advantages which the inhabitants of the said town in ease and aid 
of the rent of the town aforesaid, were valued at seventeen pounds 
yearly; so that in those days the town was fully populated with divers 
merchants and various other persons, by whom and by others great 
quantities of merchandise and wares were brought into the said town. 
And afterwards, in the lapse of many years, the said town, by great 
mortality and pestilence at various times, was emptied and wasted, by 
reason of which the merchandise and wares were withdrawn and the 
markets and fairs there greatly impaired, so that the town became as 
it were destitute and despoiled, and the inhabitants also, poor and 
moneyless, have ever since from day to day diminished, and continue 
so to do. And although the men and burgesses of the said town still 
have and hold to the present day the said town in fee farm of the lord 
the king, with all liberties and franchises aforesaid, as the burgesses 
and inhabitants thereof, their ancestors and predecessors, in times past 
held the same, yet through the mortality and depopulation of the 
inhabitants of the said town, their removal from day to day, and the 
withdrawal of the merchandise and wares, and also because divers 
burgages, messuages, and dwellings, which the men and burgesses of 
the said town held as parcel of their farm, and ont of which in modern 
times a great part of their rent was wont to be raised, lie ruinous, 
empty, and destroyed for want of occupiers and inhabitants, the profits 
and advantages of the inhabitants and of their before-mentioned 
liberties and franchises, which the said inhabitants have or are able to 
have on account of their fee farm aforesaid, have so decreased, that at 
the present time they do not exceed £6 lis. a year; for as in former 
days the perquisites and amerciaments of the court with view of frank- 
pledge commonly valued at .£10 yearly, lately and for many years past, 
from the causes before mentioned, were worth but 4Ss. 4d. ; and the 
out of door toll (?), then valued at 30^. yearly, lately and for many 
years past, from the causes before mentioned, was worth only 2*. ; and 
the toll of fairs, then valued at 16s. Sd. yearly, lately and for many 
years past, from the causes before mentioned, was worth only 3^. 4id. ; 
and stallage, then valued at 6s. Sd. yearly, lately was worth only 2^. 4<d.; 
and as the burgesses of the said town in times past received within the 
same for rent assize, issuing out of divers messuages, lands, and tene- 
ments there, £4i 17s. Sd., now and for many years past, from the 
causes before mentioned, they have received only £4^ ; moreover, divers 
messuages, burgages, lands, and tenements, whence the before- 
mentioned rent ought to arise, lie ruinous and empty and wholly 


destroyed, without occupiers or owners. And so they say that the 
profits and advantages which the inhabitants of the said town had in 
former times, in ease and aid of paying the rent of the town, arising 
and still arising in this way from the perquisites of the court, stallage, 
toll, rents, and other liberties and franchises aforesaid, which in times 
past were valued at ,£17 yearly, and now for many years past so much 
decreased, from the causes aforesaid, do not in their present value 
exceed in the whole £6 lis. a year. In testimony of which the jurors 
aforesaid have affixed their seals to this inquisition. Dated the day, 
year, and place above mentioned/^ ^ 

In consequence, as it appears, of this inquisition and report, 
Henry the Sixth granted a charter, in which he remitted £7 of the 
former yearly rent of £17.^ 

By this charter, which bears date the 19th day of May, in the 
seventeenth year of this reign, the king, after setting out and con- 
firming the charter of the fifth of Edward the First, gave, on 
account of the wants, merits, and services of the burgesses, to them 
and the good men of the borough of New Windsor, the tenants 
and resiants within the same, and to their heirs and successors, 
their remaining freedom from pannage, passage, pontage, lastage, 
stallage, tallage, carriage, pesage, picage, and ferrage throughout 
England; and also power to take fines for trespasses and other 
misdeeds whatsoever, and also fines for licence of agreeing, and all 
other fines, redemptions, and amerciaments out of or for whatsoever 
cause arising, and also the issues forfeited of all the men, tenants, 
and resiants of and in the said borough, although such men, 
tenants, or resiants there should be ministers of the king or his 
heirs ; and that the said burgesses and their successors might 
have all forfeitures whatsoever, year, day, waste, and strip, and 
whatever might belong to the king or his heirs of year, day, waste, 
and strip, forfeitures and murders, within the said borough, in 
whatever of the king's courts or in any court of any other person 

^ MS. volume in the possession of Mr. Snowden, of Windsor, containing transcripts 
of documents in tlie Tower. 

2 Oilier towns had part of their rent remitted to them on account of pestilence. 
Leland says — " The cause of the great desolation of Wallingford was a great pestilence 
in Edward the 3. dayes, wherupon they askyd to King Richard, and had the toun fe'^ farine 
brought from 40.//. to 17.//." ('Itin.,' vol. iii, fo. 97.) 


whatsoever they might happen; and that the burgesses might 
levy, take, and have those matters, and whatsoever in that behalf 
should be adjudged to the king, as well in his presence as in his 
absence, before any of his justices ; and likewise that they should 
levy, take, and have such fines, redemptions, and amerciaments of 
the burgesses themselves, men, tenants, and resiants of the said 
borough, and the issues forfeited therein, which should happen to 
be made or adjudged before any of the king's justices and ministers 
whomsoever, by the estreats of such king's courts, without the 
obstruction or hindrance of the king, his heirs, justices, sheriffs, 
escheators, or other of his ministers. The charter further granted 
to the burgesses and their successors cognizance of all manner of 
pleas touching lands or tenements within the said borough, as 
well assize of novel disseisin and mort d'ancestre certificates and 
attainders, as of other pleas whatsoever, real, personal, and mixed ; 
and also the cognizance of all manner of pleas of debt, trespass, 
covenants, and of all other causes and contracts whatsoever happen- 
ing or arising within the said borough, to be holden therein before 
the mayor and bailiffs of the borough for the time being, as well in 
the king's presence as in his absence, for ever, so that no person 
might from thenceforth hold any frankpledge or any other court in 
the borough, or any part thereof, as far and wide as it lies, called 
New Windsor, unless by the special license and consent of the 
burgesses for that purpose obtained ; and moreover full correction, 
authority, and power to the burgesses, and their heirs and suc- 
cessors for ever, of inquiring into, hearing, and determining, by the 
said mayor and bailiffs for the time being, all manner of matters, 
plaints, defaults, and causes, and other things whatsoever, happen- 
ing or arising within the said borough and the liberty thereof, 
which might in any wise be inquired into and determinable before 
'^he justices of the peace, of labourers and artificers, as fully and 
wholly as the justices of the peace, of labourers and artificers, in 
the county of Berks, had theretofore had or exercised, or should 
thereafter have and exercise, out of the said borough and liberty, so 
that the said mayor and bailiffs did not proceed to the determina- 
tion of any felony without the king's special mandate ; and that all 
pleas happening in the said borough, either of their tenures or of 


contracts, covenants, trespasses, and also of all manner of debts or 
surety made or agreed in the said borough, should be pleaded and 
holden in the Guildhall there, before the mayor and bailiffs for the 
time being; and moreover granting to the burgesses of the borough, 
the tenants and resiants thereof, that they, their heirs and suc- 
cessors, should not be obstructed, molested, or aggrieved before 
the steward and marshal of the king's household for breach of the 
assize of bread, wine, and beer in the said borough, or for any 
trespasses there done, out of the verge or within the verge, before 
or after the coming of them, the said steward and marshal, to those 
parts, and that no sheriff, constable, or bailiff, or the said steward 
and marshal of the king's household, or any minister of the king, 
should enter or have any power in the said borough concerning 
anything touching their offices, but the whole, with the attach- 
ments in pleas of the crown, should belong to the mayor, bailiffs, 
and burgesses, and their successors ; and also power to the said 
burgesses and their successors for ever, to make and have, as well 
in the king's presence as in his absence, the assay and assize of 
bread, wine, and beer, and of all other kinds of victuals whatsoever, 
as often as and whenever it should be necessary ; and also to have 
and take the fines, amerciaments, and redemptions, and all manner 
of profits arising therefrom, so that the clerk of the king's market 
should not enter the said borough to do or exercise anything apper- 
taining to his office ; and that the burgesses and their successors 
might from thenceforth have the chattels of felons, fugitives, as 
well of felons of themselves as of others whomsoever, and of those 
outlawed for any cause soever, of all the men, tenants, or resiants of 
and in the said borough, so that if any of the men, tenants, or 
resiants of and in the said borough, or any other person therein, 
for any his offence whatsoever, ought to lose life or limb, or should 
fly and would not abide judgment, or should commit any other 
trespass for which he ought to lose his chattels, in whatever place 
justice ought to be done upon him, whether in the king's court or 
in any other courts, such chattels should belong to the said 
burgesses, and it should be lawful for them to seize the said 
chattels, and to retain the same to their own use, without the 
obstruction or hindrance of the king, or his sheriffs, escheators, or 


others his bailiffs and ministers whomsoever; and also that the 
burgesses and their successors might from thenceforth have the 
return of all the king's writs, and also the summoning of the 
estreats and precepts of the king's exchequer, and of the estreats 
and precepts of the king's justices itinerant, to hold as well pleas 
of the forest as common pleas, or of other justices whomsoever, 
and also the attachments as w^ell of pleas of the crown as of other 
pleas in the said borough, and the full execution thereof, so that no 
sheriff, bailiff, or other the king's minister might enter into the 
borough to do anything in or touching his office, unless for default 
of the burgesses themselves, and that if the sheriff or bailiff of the 
liberties or hundreds should be negligent or remiss in doing any 
executions for the burgesses, by the king's writs or mandates, or in 
any other manner, whereby it should happen that they should be 
amerced or fined in the king's exchequer or other courts, such fines 
and amerciaments should belong to the burgesses, and might be 
levied to their use ; and that the said burgesses and their successors 
might have within the said borough all manner of chattels called 
wayff and stray, treasure trove, and other chattels and things 
found, and that they might seize and take the same at their will to 
their use, and that they should have all goods and chattels called 
" mainouvres"^ [manuopera], taken or to be taken with any person 
whomsoever, either detained in the said gaol or being within the 
said borough, before whatever magistrate such person be called ;^ 
and that the said burgesses, their heirs and successors, might, 
by their last will, devise their tenements which they have acquired 
in the said borough to whomsoever they pleased, provided it be not 
in mortmain. Wherefore the king commanded that the burgesses 
of the said borough of New Windsor, and their heirs and successors, 
tenants and resiants therein, might peaceably have all the liberties, 
acquittances, grants, ordinances, and free customs, and all and 
singular other the royal rights before mentioned for ever ; and 
further, in consideration as well of the great charges and losses 
which the inhabitants of the town had had and sustained, and 
daily had and sustained, as of the ruins of the tenements therein, the 

^ That is, stolen goods found upon the thief. 

2 The sense of the words in italics is obscure in the originul, the words being defaced. 

TO A.I). 1460.] RENT OP THE TOWN. 311 

king, for the relief of the inhabitants, remised and released to them 
seven pounds a year out of the seventeen pounds which they v^^ere 
bound to yield to him.^ 

In 1439 we find Richard Earl of Dorset holding the office of 
constable of the castle. A writ in the eighteenth year of this reign 
empowered him, and other constables his successors, to receive 
yearly, during the king's pleasure, the sum of £500, by the hands 
of the treasurer, for the repair of the castle.^ 

By a charter dated at Westminster, the 1 8th of September, in 
the twenty-third year of the reign of Henry the Sixth (a.d. 1444), 
reciting the grant of the town by Edward the First at the rent of 
seventeen pounds, and the remission by Henry the Sixth, in the 
seventeenth year of his reign, of seven pounds of that amount for 
ten years then next ensuing,^ on account of the poverty of the 
place, and that the burgesses and good men of Windsor were 
willing to restore the letters of Edward into the king's chancery to 
be cancelled, to the intent that the king would vouchsafe to grant 
the town or borough of Windsor, and all things belonging to him 
" as well within the said town as without, as far and wide as it is 
called New Windsor," with the rents to them, on payment of the 
yearly sum of eight pounds for the remainder of the term of ten 
years, and after the completion of that term on payment of fifteen 
pounds a year for ever ; the king, in consideration of the premises, 
and that the burgesses, by their certain writing,* had, with the king's 
licence, " given and granted to the provost of our royal college of 
the Blessed Mary of Eton, near Windsor, and to the college of the 
same, all those waters and fisheries in the River Thames, with all 

' Rot. Pat., 19 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 39. 

2 Rot. Orig., 18 Hen. VI, r. 78. A Minute of Council, dated 2d March, 21 Hen. VI 
(1443), states '' that as my Lord of Dorset hath, by the king's letters patents, the con- 
stableship of the Castle of Windsor, &c,, for [the] time of life with, &c., and to be paid 
of the wages, &c., by the hands of the chamberlain of South Wales, the king hath granted 
unto him the said office, &c., and the keeping of the forest, &c., to the office appertaining, 
to occupy by him and his deputies for [the] time of his life, and to take his wages, &c., 
of the revenues, &c., of Windsor by his own hands." {Vide Nicolas' * Proceedings of the 
Privy Council,' vol. v, p. 229.) 

' Although there is this limitation mentioned in the recital, there was, in fact, no such 
limitation in the cliarter of 17 Hen. VI. (See ante, p. 305.) 

4 See post, Chapter XIV. 

312 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII. 

their appurtenances," of the yearly value of forty shillings, granted 
the said town or borough of New Windsor to the burgesses and 
good men, to have and to hold, to their heirs and successors, with 
all and singular the rents to the king belonging, *' as well within 
the town as without as far and wide as it is called New Windsor," 
together with the services, courts, fines, amerciaments, escheats, 
heriots, reliefs, passages, pontages, stallages, piccages, fairs, 
markets, tolls, and all and singular other profits, commodities, 
and appurtenances whatsoever thereto belonging, for ever yielding 
to the king and his heirs yearly, at his exchequer, during the 
said term of ten years, for all services, eight pounds, at Michael- 
mas and Easter by equal portions, and after the completion of 
that term the yearly sum of fifteen pounds for ever, payable in like 

The following petition to the king, with the answer, dated 
3d February, 23 Hen. VI (1445), is preserved among the proceed- 
ings of the Privy Council of that period ; 

" To the King our Soverain Lord. Bysecheth louly youre 
humble and pouer servant, Richard Jordan, keper of your selers 
within your Castle of Wyndsore, at the manoir in the pare at 
Esthampted, and at Henley on the Heth, that in consideracion of 
the long and continuel labours and grete attendaunces that he hath 
hadde yerely and daily in keping of your seid celers, hit please 
you in his age to graunt unto him a livere of mete and drink, to be 
taken in your worshipfull houshold dailli, at suche tyme as ye or your 
household shall lye and abyde in your seid castle at Wyndsore ; that 
is to wete, a cast of brede at youre pantre, a galon of ale at your 
botery, and on the eting day of flessh a messe of mete at none and a 
nodre at even, and on the fifth day at none a mese of fissh, in maner 
and fourme as the keper of the place, the keper of your beddes, and 
the porter of the uttre gate have and dailly take ; and of your more 
special grace, the premisses considered, that ye wol graunt unto him a 
gowne cloth, to be taken yerely during his life at your grete warderobe 
in London, in sute with yomen officers of your worshipfull household, 
by the deliveraunce of your warderoper there for the tyme being, at all 
such times as your said livere shall be gifen to your seid yomen. And 
hereuppon your letters patents of liberate currant and your breff of 

^ Pat., 23 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 7, from the arcliivcs of the corporation of Windsor. 


alloc, dormant to be made in duhe fourme, and he shall pray to God 
^ * '^ Seudeley, Chamberlein. 

"Lre ent feust faite a Westm", le iij. jour de Feverer, Ian, etc., 
xxiij.^'' ^ 

In consequence of the illness of Margaret of Anjou, who had 
been contracted by proxy to Henry, and who arrived in England 
in April 1445, the king was unable to hold St. George's Feast at 
Windsor in person that year.^ 

A curious entry of a payment for repairs at Windsor occurs in 

" \^th July. — To John Hampton, one of the esquires of the king's 
body, who, by command of the said lord the king, caused the bridge 
to be repaired in his manor within Windsor Park, and a certain 
chimney to be made in the great chamber in Windsor Castle, called 
the Queen's Chamber. In money paid to his own hands, in discharge 
of £36 135. 46?., which the said lord the king commanded to be paid 
to the same John, to be had without rendering any account therefore. 
By writ, &c., J36 13^. MJ' ^ 

^ Nicolas' * Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, p. 35. 

2 The following letter from Henry to the lord chancellor on the subject was written 
six days before the formal celebration of the marriage : 

"By the King. 
" Right reverend fader in God, right trusty and right welbeloved, we grete you wel, 
and suppose that ye have wel in knowleche, how that oure moost dere and best beloved 
wyf the queue is yet seke of the labour and indisposico^n of the see, by occasion of which 
the pokkes been broken out upon hir, for which cause we may not in oure own personne 
holde the Peste of Saint George, at oure Castel of Wyndesore, upon Saint George' day 
next com^yng. Wherfore we wol th* ye make out our letters of commission under our 
Greete Seel in due forme, yeving power by the same unto oure right trusty and entirely 
wel-beloved cousins, the Duke of Excestre and Buks, and eyther of theym, to holde the 
sayd feste in oure behalve at the day and place abovesayd, with other lordes and knights 
of the Gartier such as we have com'^anded to be there, and that herinne be no defaulte, as 
ouf greet trust is in you. Yeven under our signet at Southwyk, the xvj day of Avril. 
" To the right reverend fader in God oure right trusty 
and right welbeloved tharchebissop of Canter- 
bury, oure Chancell"" of Englande." 

(Ex orig. in Turr. London. Vide Introduction to Austis' * Register of the Order of the 
Garter,' and Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi. Preface, p. xvi.) 
^ Issue Roll, Easter, 24 Hen. VI (Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 455). 


In 1446 (25 Hen.VI), for the first time since 1339 (14 Edw. Ill), 
we find burgesses of parliament returned for Windsor. 

In that year, in pursuance of the king's writ to the sheriff of 
Berkshire, commanding him to cause two burgesses to be chosen 
for every borough in his county, and the names of the burgesses so 
elected to be certified by an indenture between the sheriff and the 
electors, one part of which indenture was to be returned into the 
king's chancery, the mayor and common burgesses of the borough 
of New Windsor, by indenture made the 3d day of February, 
returned Roger Fasnam and Roger Scherman to appear in parlia- 
ment. This indenture purports to be signed and sealed by " John 
Avelin, mayor; William Scherman, Will"" Towe, Roger Wayte, 
John Noteweye, bailifis ; John Bethewode, Thomas Swan, John 
Ruwelond, Thomas Pers, Richard Bernard, constables; and 
others." ^ 

In the twenty-seventh of Henry the Sixth, William Towe and 
Roger Shereman were returned in the same way. 

In the twenty-eighth of Henry the Sixth, Richard Forster and 
Henry Fraunceyes were the members ; and in the following year, 
Richard Forster and Roger Sherman. 

In the thirty-first of Henry the Sixth (1452), the indenture of 
return purports to be made " before me, Hugh Alewyn, mayor of 
the s'^ town, and all the burgesses and true men of the same town 
or borough," and is under the seal of office of the sheriff. By 
this indenture, Richard Forster and Roger Sherman were certified 
to be again elected. It appears from this indenture that the king's 
writ for the election of members was on this occasion directed to 
the mayor of Windsor, and not to the sheriff of Berkshire. 

The parliament in this year was held at Reading. 

The name of Sherman is of frequent occurrence in the annals 
of Windsor, from the fifteenth century to the present. Among 
the names of the gentry of Berkshire returned by the commissioners 
in the twelfth year of Henry the Sixth's reign is " Johan. Sherman 
de Wyndesor." ^ The name was at a more recent period converted 
into Sharman. 

^ This return is partly set out in Tote's ' History of Windsor Castle,' p. 23. 
2 Fuller's ' Worthies' (Berkshire). 


In 1450 we have, in the following payments, further instances 
of the use of the castle as a prison : 

" 9th July. — To William Brook, one of the king^s valets of his 
crown, to whom the lord the king committed the custody of Richard 
Smyth, appellant, and Philpot Morys, Thomas Bocher, and William 
Heyley, defendants, for certain treasons ; and on this account, by the 
king's command, they were kept in his custody, in the king's Castle of 
Windsor, for above half a year, he finding them meat and drink, fuel, 
and other necessary things, at his great costs and expense. In money 
paid, &c. By writ, &c., £10.'' ^ 

^' 6th August. — To Thomas Waryn, an esquire of the Duke of 
Somerset. In money paid to him by assignment made this day, by 
the hands of Nicholas Aves, in discharge of £27 45., which the lord 
the king commanded to be paid for his costs and expenses, at 12d. per 
day, and for 24 persons, to each of whom was paid Sd. per day, for the 
space of 32 days, for the custody of William Parmenter, calling himself 
a captain of Kent, with other principals, his companions or allies, 
within the said county, also being in his custody during the time 
aforesaid, by the king's command, and afterwards, by virtue of the 
king's letters, conducted to the Castles of Windsor and Wynchester. 
By writ, &c., £27 Os. 4^." ^ 

It is scarcely necessary to remark that the preceding entry 
refers to the insurrection headed by Jack Cade. 

Windsor was the residence of the king during his malady, 
which began about October 1453, and deprived him for a time 
both of mental and corporeal powers. This illness was the imme- 
diate cause of that change in the administration of affairs which 
placed the Duke of York and his party uppermost in the state. It 
was soon after this affliction fell on the sovereign that his only son. 
Prince Edward, was born at Westminster, on the 13th of October, 
who was alike ill-fated both in the period of his birth (aggravated 
by the sinister reports spread abroad that he was " chaungyd in the 
cradell" ^) and in the premature death that subsequently awaited 

» Issue Roll, Easter, 29 Hen. VI (Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 470). 

^ Ibid. 

^ Fabyan. 

* Sir r. Madden, ' Archoeologia,' vol. xxix, p. 310. 


In the January following, the infant prince, then about three 
months old, was presented to his father at Windsor for the first 
time, apparently in the hope that a ray of reason might return to 
the king^s mind on beholding his child. But all was in vain ; and 
the queen and the Duke of Buckingham were obliged to leave the 
afflicted monarch without any sign of recognition having been 

The following account of the interview appears in a letter con- 
taining intelligence privately collected by certain persons who 
appear to have belonged to the household of John Mowbray, Duke 
of Norfolk, one of the most powerful of the Yorkist lords, and was 
transmitted to him, in order that he should know what was passing 
in London and elsewhere before he came to join his associates in 
the metropolis •} 

'^ As touching tythynges, please it you to wite, that at the princes 
comyng to Wyndesore, the Due of Buk^ toke hym in his armes and 
presented hym to the kyng in godely wise, besechyng the kyng to 
blisse hym ; and the king yave no maner answere. Natheles the duk 
abode stille w* the prince by the kyng ; and whan he coude no maner 
answere haue, the queene come in, and toke the prince in hir armes, 
and presented hym in like fourme as the duke hade done, desiryng 
th* he shuld blisse it ; but alle their labour was in veyne, for they 
departed thens w*out any answere or countenaunce, sauyng onely th* 
ones he loked on the prince, and caste doune his eyene ayen, w*out 
any more. 

" Itm". The cardynalle hathe charged and commaunded alle his 
servauntz to be redy w* bowe and arwes, swerd and bokeler, crosse- 
bowes, and alle other habillementes of werre, suche as thei kun medle 
w*, to awaite upone the saufgarde of his persone.'^ 

The cardinal spoken of was John Kempe, chancellor, car- 
dinal, and Archbishop of Canterbury. He came into political 
power after the fall of the Duke of Suffolk, and maintained, jointly 
with the Duke of Somerset, the queen's party until his death, 
which took place on the 22d of March, 1454, two months after the 
date of this letter. 

1 Sir E. Maddeu, ' Arcliaiologia,' vol. xx.ix, p. 310. 


In a subsequent part of the letter the following passage occurs : 

" Itm". Tresham, Josep", Danyelle, and Trevilian have made a bille 
to the lordes, desiryng to have a garisone kept at Wyndesore, for the 
saufgarde of the kyng and of the prince, and th* they may haue money 
for wages of theym and other, th^ shulle kepe the garysone/^ ^ 

The Tresham here mentioned was, no doubt, Thomas Tresham, 
called " late of Sywell, co. North*"'', knight," who was at the battle 
of Towton, in 1461.^ He was attainted in the twelfth of Edward 
the Fourth, but subsequently restored. William Joseph was one of 
the personal attendants on King Henry, and was deprived of office 
in 1455.^ Thomas Danyelle was esquire of the body to the king. 
He is included among those whom the commons desired to be 
removed for misbehaviour in April 1451.* John Trevilian was 
likewise esquire of the body, and usher of the king's chamber. In 
the petition for his dismissal (with Danyelle and others) he is called 
" late of London, esquire." ^ 

In consequence of the death, as already stated, on the 22d of 
March, 1454, of Cardinal Kempe, when Henry the Sixth was 
still lying ill at Windsor, the parliament deputed the Bishops of 
Winchester, Ely, and Chester, the Earls of Warwick, Oxford, and 
Shrewsbury, Viscounts Beaumond and Bourghchier, the Prior of 
St. John^s, and the Lords Eauconbergge, Dudley, and Stourton, to 
ride to Windsor and inform the king of his chancellor's death, and 
to make arrangements for the appointment of a successor. 

On the 25th of March the deputation made their report, and 
" opened and declared by the mouth of the Byshop of Wynchestr', 
to the Duke of York, the kynges lieutenant in this present parle- 
ment, and the othir lordes spirituel and temporel assembled in 
the parlement chambre, that they, accordyng to that that was putte 
uppon theym upon Saturday, the xxiij. day of this present moneth 
of Marche, by th' advys of the lordes spirituel and temporel, that 

1 Egerton MS., Brit. Mus., No. 914. See ' Archseologia,' vol. xxix, p. 305. 

2 Pari. Rolls, v, 616, vi, 317. 

3 Ibid., V, 280, 282, 332, 342. 

4 Ibid., V, 216. 

^ Sir r. Madden, ' Archseologia,' vol. xxix, p. 314. 


they shuld goo to Wyndesore to the kynges high presence, and to 
open and declare to his highnesse certain matiers conteigned in an 
instruction dehvered to theim by the seid lieutenaunt and the seid 
lordes spirituel and temporel, were at the kinges high presence, 
and in the place where he dyned ; and anoon after his dyner was 
doon, the seid matiers were opened and declared by the mouth of 
the Bishop of Chestr', right connyngly, saddely, and wurshipfully, 
nothyng in substaunce chaunged from the seid instruction, added 
ne dyminished, as the seid Bishop of Chestre can more clerely 
declare to theire lordships. And theruppon the seid Bishop of 
Chestr' shewed and declared howe that the openyng and declaryng 
of the seid matiers, by th' avis of the lordes that were sent to 
Wyndesore, was put uppon him, howe be it he thought hym self 
right unable therto ; and that he furst opened and shewed to the 
kynges highnesse the iii. first articles, as it was advised by the 
lordes or they went ; that is to say, the humble recommendation of 
the lordes to the kynges highnesse, the grete desire of his hele, and 
the grete diligence of the lordes in this parlement. And then, 
for as moche as it liked not the kynges highnesse to yeve any 
answere to the articles, the seid Bishop of Chestre, by th' advis of 
all the other lordes, declared and opened to the kynges highnesse 
the othir matiers conteigned in the seid instruction ; to the whiche 
maters ne to eny of theim they cowede gete noo answere ne signe, 
for no prayer ne desire, lamentable chere ne exhortation, ne eny 
thyng that they or eny of theim cowede do or sey, to theire grete 
sorowe and discomfort. And then the Bishop of Wynchestr' seid 
to the kynges highnesse, that the lordes had not dyned, but they 
shuld goo dyne theym, and wayte uppon his highnesse ayen aftir 
dyner. And so aftir dyner they come to the kynges highnesse in 
the same place where they were before ; and there they moeved 
and sturred hym, by all the waies and meanes that they cowede 
thynke, to have answere of the matiers aforseid, but they cowede 
have noon ; and from that place they willed the kynges highnesse 
to goo into an othir chambre, and so he was ledde between ij. men 
into the chambre where he lieth ; and there the lordes moeved and 
sturred the kynges highnesse the thirde tyme, by all the means 
and weyes that they coude thynk, to have aunswere of the seid 


matiers, and also desired to have knoweleche of him, if it shuld 
Hke his highnesse that they shulde wayte uppon hym eny lenger, 
and to have aunswere at his leiser, but they cowede have no 
aunswere, worde ne signe ; and therfor w^ith soroweful hartes 
come their e way." ^ 

In this emergency, the lords proceeded to provide for the exer- 
cise of the royal authority, on the 27th of the same month, by 
electing and nominating (v^^ithout any reference to the commons) 
the Duke of York as protector and defender of the realm, during 
the king's pleasure.^ 

In consequence of the king having a relapse of his former 
illness, Kemer Dean of Salisbury, an " expert, notable, and proved 
man in the craft of medicine," was, on the 5th of June, 1454, 
commanded to attend the king at Windsor, who was then, '* as 
Kemer well knew, labouring under sickness and infirmityes." ^ 

About Christmas the king recovered his health and reason, and 
in January 1455 Prince Edward was again brought to him by the 
queen. He asked " what the prince's name was ? and the queen 
told him Edward ; and then he held up his hands, and thanked 
God therof. And he said he never knew til that tyme, nor wist 
not, what was said to him, nor wist not where he had be, whils he 
hath be seke, til now." ^ 

In the thirty-eighth of Henry the Sixth (1459), John Toller 
and John Frampton were chosen members for Windsor. The 
indenture of return on this occasion was between '' the sheriff of 
Berkshire, of the one part ; Roger Wayte, mayor of the borough 
of New Windsor ; Roger Faggenham and John Brewer, bailiffs of 
the said borough ; and the commonalty of the said borough, of the 
other part." 

In 1459, we are told there was an " affrey bitwene gentilmen 
of court and men of Fletestrete ; and the gentilmen were driven 

^ Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 241. 

2 Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, Preface, p. 1, citing Rot. Pari., 
vol. V, p 242. 

3 ' Foedera,' vol. xi, p. 366 ; Nicolas' * Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi. 
Preface, p. Ixxii. 

" Fenn's * Paston Letters,' vol. i, p. 80. 


with archers fro the standard in Fletestrete into theire innes, and 
some were slayne and some taken, the xiij. day of Aprile : wherfore 
WilHam Tailour, alderman of Fletestrete ward, with other mo, 
were afterward sent to Wyndisore Castel, and there kepte as 
prisoners." ^ 

In this fray '^ the queen's attorney'' was slain. ^ 

This was one of the numerous outbreaks between the respective 
partizans of the king and the Duke of York. The dissention at 
this period was no longer confined to the higher classes : it divided 
almost every family in the nation ; it had penetrated into the 
convents of the monks and the cottages of the poor. One party 
maintained that the Duke of York was an injured prince, who, 
with his associates, was trampled under foot by the minions of the 
court, and was compelled to arm in order to preserve his own life ; 
the other pronounced him a traitor, who under false pretences 
sought to place himself on the throne, and who owed to the king's 
clemency that life which he had already forfeited to the laws.*^ 

On the 4th of March, 1461, Edward, the son of the Duke of 
York, was proclaimed king, by the title of Edward the Fourth. 

The following letter from Henry the Sixth to the mayor of 
Windsor is without any date of the year : 

" By the King. Trusty and well beloved, wee greet you well, and 
lett you witt that for the lawfull punicon of vagabonds and other mis- 
ruled persons, wee have appointed a generall and secrett search to bee 
made throughout this our realme the 17th day of August next comeing, 
about 11 of the clock in the night ; wherefore, wee, trusting in yo'^ troth 
and sadness, will and in the streightest wise charge you that, keeping 
this matter close and secrett to your selfe till time of necessity shall 
require, yee endeavour the best yee can by your pollitick meanes to 
make the said search within that our towne there, and the jurisdiction 
of the same, arresting in our name, by vertue hereof, all manner of 
vagabonds, misruled and suspected persons, without any favour or par- 
tiality j wee will yee have concourse to the shereifif of our county there, 
to whome wee have sent our letter of proclamation, and after the tenor 

^ ' Chronicle of London.' Holinslied gives the 7th of May as the date tliey were sent 
to Windsor. 
^ Holinshed. 
^ Lingard. 

TO A.D. 1460.] LOCAL RECORDS. 321 

thereof wee will that yee order you in all things safe ; that if any spyes 
coming from beyound the sea, or else any suspect persons with letters 
prejudicial! unto us, fall into yo'" hands by the said search, then wee 
will that, keeping them in sure warde, yee send unto us their names 
and the evidence you shall have of their suspeccon, to the intent that 
yee may have agen our express mind by writeing in that behalfe. 
Given under our signett, at our Castle of Windsor, the 21st day of 
July/^ ^ 

The bailiffs of Windsor appear to have occasionally made them- 
selves liable to fines for their negligence in permitting the escape 
of felons. A pardon was granted in 1452 to Hugh Deer and 
Edmund Perry, bailiffs of Windsor, for the escape of prisoners, and 
in 1455 to Hugh iVylewyn and Edmund Perry, burgesses of 
Windsor. The last-mentioned pardon, however, " concerned the 
townsmen of Windsor." ^ 

We find traces of local records of the borough in this reign. 
The original documents appear to have been lost, but some extracts 
made by Ashmole in the seventeenth century are preserved. 

Thus the officers of the borough chosen the Sunday preceding 
Michaelmas Day^ in the sixth year of this reign were as follows : 
Nicholas Larewood, maior; Thomas Brotherton and Thomas 
Rowland, bailiffs ; Andrew Bereman and William Pury, bridge- 
keepers ; and Thomas Todd and John Beckenefeld, keepers of the 
Holy Trinity.* 

The last-mentioned officers were trustees of a fund for the cele- 
bration of masses and obits for the souls of the brethren of the 
Guild of the Holy Trinity, as the corporation was sometimes 
described. A deed of the seventeenth year of Henry the Eighth 
recited that '' in tyme past, within the parish church of New 

1 Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 12,520. 

^ Ash. MS., No. 1115, f. 39 a. In the fourth year of Richard the Third's reign there 
is a similar entry of pardon granted to John Saddler and Simeon Ley, Bailiffs of Windsor, 
for the escape of prisoners. (Ibid.) An entry of pardon to the townsmen of Windsor for 
the escape of felons occurs as early as the 13 Edw. 111. (Ibid.) 

3 Ashmole says "all elections of ofl3.cers were made on this day." (Ash. MS., 
No. 1126.) 

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, extracted from the Begister of the Guild of New Windsor, 
described as " a large vellum book with a wooden cover, wherein are enrolments of wills, 
fines, deeds, &c." 



Wyndesor, hath ben kept yerely, on Trinite Sunday, an obitt, with 
mass of requiem on the moro next following, for the sowles of all 
the brethren and sisters of the Trinite brotherhood there, which 
tyme out of mynde hath bene usyd/' ^ 

We shall find various bequests made by persons, down to the 
period of the Reformation, towards the support of this and other 
ceremonies. In this reign, Richard Smith, of New Windsor, by 
will dated the last day of February, 1455, gave to the brotherhood 
or guild of the Holy Trinity of Windsor, in the Church of St. John 
the Baptist, half of a piece of arable land held by Michael Whaddon 
and Agnes his wife, situate near " Spittleborne," to celebrate 
masses for the souls of himself and his ancestors, and all the 
faithful departed, for ever.^ 

St. George's Chapel received its share of the property given by 
the residents of Windsor and other persons to religious uses. 
Thomas Sewer, of Cambridge, by a deed of gift dated the 16th of 
August, in the thirty-fourth year of this reign, gave to John Hore, 
clerk, and John Croke, vicar of the king's chapel, all his goods and 
chattels, moveable and immoveable, wheresoever they should be 
found. Master John Arundel, Master William Michel, Master 
Thomas Passche, canons of St. George's College ; William Towe, 
the mayor ; William Clarence and Thomas Baker, of Windsor, and 
others, attested the deed, which purported to be made in the castle, 
to wit, in the house of the said John Hore, within the precincts of 
the college.^ It is probable there was some secret trust between 
the parties as to the uses to which the property was to be applied.^ 

In the first year of this reign, William Hikkes, of Kybbeworth, 
in Leicestershire, being shut up in the chapel on a charge of felony, 
escaped, and being afterwards brought before Sir Robert Bubthorp, 
the seneschal and marshal of the king^s court, was sent to the king's 

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 66 h, See post, Reign of Henry the Eighth. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid. 

* See a curious file of obit-bills in MS. Ash., No. 1763, entitled 'Memoranda de 
Obiiibus Regum, Magnatum, et aliorum, eelebratis in capella regia Windesoriensi, 
ab 11 Oct. anno 17 Edw. IV, ad 18 Sept. anno 18 (1477-8), et de pecuniis cuique 
canonico, vicario, clerico, choristae, et campanistro propterea debitis.' See also a like 
document of the time of Henry the Sevcntli, Ash. MS., No. 1113, f. 38. 

TO A.D. 1460.] THE CASTLE COURT. 323 

prison in the castle^, called the " Colehous ;" ^ but on demand made 
by Nicholas Clopton, the attorney of the dean and canons, on the 
ground that, by the charter of Edward the Thirds they had the 
custody of felons in the precinct of their houses, manors, and 
possessions, their right was formally recognized, and the culprit 
delivered to them.^ 

The " Colehous/' which is marked in Norden's bird's-eye view 
of the castle, was situated in the lower ward, and was the prison 
for offences committed against the laws of the forest.^ 

The jurisdiction of the Castle Court seems to have been co- 
extensive with the Forest of Windsor. The criminal jurisdiction, 
however, which appears by the above transaction to have been then 
exercised, must have subsequently fallen into disuse, as it certainly 
did not exist in the middle of the seventeenth century.* As a 

^ See ante, p. 304. 

2 Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 38 b. 

■ Sir Bulstode Whitelock, speaking of the constable of the castle, says — " He hath 
power tc imprison any trespasser in vert or venison, and hath a prison in the castle, 
called the Colehouse, for tliat purpose." (See post. Vol. II.) There was formerly a prison 
iu the vicinity of St. Paul's, called " The Bishop's Colehouse." In Fox's * Martyrs' it is 
spoken of as " my lorde of London's colehouse." (See Wright's * Archaeological Album,' 
p. 101.) 

^ Ashmole, who collected his information on the spot, has the following note on the 
subject : 

" How far the jurisdiction of the Castle Court of Windsor extends : 

" From Maidenhead Bridge to Taplow, thence neere to Beaconsfeild, thence to 
Langley March, thence to Iver, thence to Colnbrook, taking in the one halfe 
of the towne, thence to Rasebury, and thence it strikes off at Queenes Ditch, 
and goes into the Thames over against Egham Mead, and so along the river 
to Waybridge ; thence along the River Wye [Wey] within 2 or 3 myles of 
Guildford ; thence to Blackwater, thence towards Swallowfield and so to 
Sunning Bridge, and so along the Thames to Maidenhead Bridge. 
" Noate that the burrough of Wyndsor is exempted out of this jurisdiction. 
" The Castle Court holds plea of all reall and personall actions (but not criminall) 
without limitation of some, and of tythes of land, of what value soever. The 
writs run in the constable's name. The officers that belong to the court are deputy- 
steward, porter of the outward gate, bailiffs (for the several hundreds), attornies. 
The writs are directed to the said porter, who is the gaoler. The office of deputy-steward 
has been granted of late by letters patents ; Mr. Taylor has scene these letters patents 
of Q. Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles. The Abbot of Bysham had a bailiff in 
the said court, who executed writts only within his jurisdiction." (Ash. MSS., No. 1115, 
f. 8G b.) 

The following hundreds, manors, and liberties were, it seems, in the seventeenth century 


place of detention for offenders, the " Colehouse" continued, how- 
ever, to be used until a recent period. A writer in the ' Gentle- 
man's Magazine,' in 1790, says — ''The prison gate at the entrance 
to the castle yard is a disgrace, not only to the sight but to the 
feelings." -^ It was soon afterwards converted into a guard-room. 

The borough of Windsor was always excepted from the juris- 
diction of the Castle Court, and had an independent criminal 
as well as civil court.^ 

within the jurisdiction : — In Berkshire, tlie king's bailiwicks of the seven hundreds of 
Cookham and Bray, and the hundred of Sonning, and the liberty of Sir Henry Nevill of 
the hundred of Wargrave and of Sir Edward Hobbes of his manor of Bustlesham ; in 
Buckinghamshire, the royal manors of Wyrardisbury and Langley Maries, Upton and 
Burnham, Datchet, Parnham Royal, Eton, Iver, and Taplow, and Sir William Bower's 
liberty of the manor of Denham, the bailiwick of Andrew Windsor, Esq., in Eton, and of 
Sir Edward Cooke, the chief justice, in Stoke Pogis ; in Surrey, the hundreds of Godly 
and Oking and the liberty of Oking ; in Wiltshire, Sir Henry Neville's bailiwick of the 
hundred of Ashridge. (Ash. MSS., No. 1115, f. 3], citing the 'Court Book of the 
Steward's Court of the Honor and Castle of Windsor.') 

1 Vol. Ix, p. 690. 

^ The following curious entry of proceedings before the mayor in this reign occurs 
among Ashmole's transcripts from the Corporation Records : 

"Hie est ultima voluntas Ricardi Bernard, de NovaWyndesor, q** ipse~ infeoffav* Jo^m 
Bernard, frat™ sua, &c., in duob^ shoppis suis, ppris scituat in foro ville de Wyudesor, 
&c., ad opus pueros suorum, &c. Et ut Johes Bernard p^d dixit p sua saci-a* et 

juramenta, sup Calendare ante W"" To we, tunc maiore burgi de Wyndesor, &c., 18 die 
Oct., a** 35 H. 6, et Coram dmo Willo Crafforde, niilite Castri pedditi Johe Avelyn, 
Rog° Eastenham, Tho~e Clyfford, et Tho. Sherman, tunc Balliavis, &c., et multis aliis, &c." 
(Ash. MS., No. 1126, " excerpted out of the large vellum Booke of Inrolments with a 
wooden cover, called the Boarded Booke of Inrolm*^") See also in Ash. MS., No. 1763, 
f. 44, the original will of Emmot Burges, of New Windsor, made on the 12th of October, 
1447, and proved before the Archdeacon of Berks on the 14th of December, and after- 
wards in the Court of New Windsor, before John Abelyn, mayor, the seneschal, and three 
bailiffs of the town, on Monday before the Eeast of St. Peter in cathedra, 28 Hen. YI 
(18th of Eebruary, 1448). Mr. Black observes that this will is almost a century older 
than the earliest now to be found in the archdeacon's office. In 36 Hen. VI, in an 
acknowledgment and release of dower, in the King's Court of New Windsor, by Eleanor 
the wife of John Dunstall, to John Erymley, the premises are described as a tenement lying 
between a tenement of John Avelyn and 2^ acres of land lying in divers places in 
" Uppenorhill" juxta "Marlyngepitts." (Ibid.) 

An entry of a fine levied the 1st of April, 14 lien. VII, in which John Squier, Rob. 
Gode, sen., and Tho. Todd are demandants, and John Hether and Alice his wife are 
deforciants, commences thus: "This is a final concord indented, made in the King's 
Court at New Windsor, in the Guildhall there, after the use and custom in that town, 
from time out of mind," &c. Mr. Black observes that Ashmole has " illust rated the 
abstract of this document with the variations of form that lie observed in other such final 


Among the escheats of this reign, the name of Molyns frequently 
occurs connected with property in Windsor and the neighbourhood. 
Sir WiUiam Molyns, in the third year of Henry's reign, recei^d 
rent for a house in New Windsor called " Oldhawes ;" ^ and in the 
eighth year of this reign he appears to have been entitled to the 
manor of Datchet, and to rent of property in Windsor as parcel of 
the manor of Cippenham, in Buckinghamshire.^ In the seventeenth 
of Henry the Sixth, Margaret, the widow of Sir William Molyns, 
was entitled to the same rent as part of Cippenham Manor, and 
also to the manor of Ditton and the advowson of the chapel there, 
and to certain pastures at "Langley Marreys," inclosed within 
Ditton Park.^ 

concords, this custom of Windsor being very remarkable." (Cat. of the Ash. MSS., 
col. 886, note.) 

The following petition or remonstrance from the corporation in the sixteenth century 
(but without date) shows how jealous the town was of its privileges : 

" To the ryght worshypfull and full honorabull Lord Henry, Erie of Essex, and Justice of 
the King's Eorest on thys side Trente, or to his Lefftennt or Deputy of the same. 
*' Sheweth unto yo*" good lor? the meyer, baylifp, and burgeys of the borough of New 
Wyndesor, that wherof tyrae that noe minde is, and also as well by the graunt of 
o' sovaigne lord the kynge yt now ys, as by the graunte and confirmacons of his noble 
p^genitors aforetyme, no styward of the marchaseye, justice of the peace, sheriff, escheator, 
clerk of the miet, constable, nor non other minister or officer of the kyngs, shulde 
medle, vex, greve, or execute any thing touching their offices agenst any p~son wh in the 
afores^ borough, but yt all shulde long all only to the forseyd raayer, baliff, or burgeys, 
and to their officers, as in these letters patents more plainely it doth appe~. Hit is so 
that now of late W„ Staverton, keep~ of Cramborne, and Hen. Staverton his brother, bi 
his com~andem*, w ^hin the s^ borough, upon Midsom* day last passyd, in their open fayer, 
attached and distreyned Thomas Engely, W° Smith of Egham, Ric. Bishop of Dorney, 
W™ Smith, servant of Henry Styward of Houndeslow, comyng w*^ a pakke at his bakke, 
and div'^s other, for chymynage, contrary to their olde usage and custome, and to the 
grants and confirmacons to them granted by the king our soveraign lord and his noble 
progenitors, to the grete trouble and vexacon^ of the sede meyer, bayleff, and burgeys. 
Wherfor plesyth hyt yo^ good lorP, the premises consydered, and in example of other, to se 
a reformacon in this matier, in eschewing of such trouble as may fall hereafter by occasion 
of the same, accord^ to the Ires patents, as good right, law, and concieuce shall require, 
and they shall pray to God for the preservacon) and prospity of yo'' good lordshypp." 
(Ash. MS., No. 1126, fol 39 h, 40, copied from the Boarded Book of Inrolments, belong- 
ing to the corporation of Windsor.) 

1 Escaet., 3 Hen. VI, num. 29. "Haw apud veteres, ^^^(5? sonat." (Barnes' 'Life of 
Edward the Third,' p. 436, margin.) The " Woodhawe" has been already mentioned. 
(See ante, p. 274.) 

2 Ibid., 8 Hen. VI, num. 38. 

3 Ibid., 17 Hen. VI, num. 52. (Sec r^ost, p. 341, note.) 



[Chapter XIII. 

With respect to the annals of the Order of the Garter in this 
reign, Sir Harris Nicolas observes that *' the tender age at which 
this prince became king, his precarious health, and the political 
convulsions by which his throne was shaken, and ultimately over- 
turned, account for no material event having occurred in the order 
in the thirty-nine years during which he was its sovereign." ^ 

^ ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 66. 


— -x 

The Canons' Houses from Thames Street, 1847 









The King's Motives for the Foundation — His Procuratory Charter of Foundation — Bull 
cf Pope Eugenius the Fourth — Papal Indulgence — Charter of Endowment — 
Commencement of the Building — Orders of the King — Entries in the Liberate 
Rolls — Accounts of the Works — Various Grants to the College — Fisheries — 
Hospital of St, Peter near Windsor — Fairs — Exemption from Purveyance — 
Progress of the Works — Meeting of Commissioners in the Choir — Will of the 
King — Parish Church of Eton — The College Statutes — Supply of Books and 
Vestments — Grant of Relics — Appointment of Provost — The Almsmen — Rise 
and Progress of the School. 

In the previous part of this work occasional reference has been 
made to Eton and the owners of land there. The contiguity of the 
towns of Windsor and Eton, separated only by the river, rendered 
some notice natural, and, as the foundation of the college by Henry 
the Sixth forms the most important point in the history of Eton, a 
separate chapter is devoted to it. 

Like the other princes of his house, Henry the Sixth was a 
zealous adherent of the Roman Catholic Church and a severe enemy 
of the followers of WyclifFe ;^ and some have supposed that a desire 
to discourage the spread of LoUardism through the agency of 
private teachers, many of whom were at that time imbued with the 
new tenets, co-operated in the minds of Henry and his advisers 
with the other motives that led to the foundation of Eton College, 
not only as a place of gratuitous instruction and maintenance for 
indigent scholars, but as a place of education for the children of 
wealthier families.^ 

' Every fellow of Eton College vras required by the statutes to swear that he would 
not favour the doctrines of John Wycliffe, Reginald Pewke, and other heretics, under 
pain of perjury and expulsion. (Sloane MS., No. 4841, f. 40.) 

2 Professor Creasy 's ' Account of the Foundation of Eton College, and of the Past 


On the 30th of July, 1440, the khig, preparatory to the settle- 
ment of the college, and probably at the suggestion of Bekyngton, 
Bishop of Bath and Chancellor of England, visited Winchester, and 
examined the plan of Wykeham^s foundation there.^ 

By his procuratory, bearing date at the Castle of Windsor^ the 
12th of September, in the nineteenth year of the king's reign 
(a.d. 1441), the king invited all the faithful in Christ to aid him, 
for the praise, honour, and glory of God and of the blessed Virgin 
Mary, and for the increase of divine worship and the increase of 
the holy church, to found, make, and ordain, and duly establish a 
college in the parish church of Etone, near New Wyndesor, in 
the diocese of Lincoln, to consist of a provost and other fellows, 
priests, clerks, and choristers, as also of poor and indigent scholars, 
and also of other poor and infirm men; also of one master in 
grammar, who should gratuitously instruct the poor and indigent 
scholars and others coming there from any part of the kingdom in 

and Present Condition of the School/ p. 3. Henry the Sixth, says Grafton, founded at 
Eton " a solemn school," where he also " stablished an honest college af sad priests, with 
a great number of children, which he there of his cost frankly and freely taught the rudi- 
ments and rules of grammar. Besides this, he edified a princely college in the University 
of Cambridge, called the King's College, for the further erudition of such as were brought 
up in Eton, which at this day so flourisheth in all kinds as well of literature as of tongues, 
that above all other it is worthy to be called the Prince of Colleges." " Henry the 
Sixth's foundations of his two colleges were not the effect of a casual or accidental 
thought, but they were what he had purposed from early youth, and which he tells us he 
had intended to put in execution so soon as he should take unto himself the rule of his 
realms. Accordingly this seems to have been his earliest undertaking, and which, when 
once begun, he prosecuted with such vigour as not to leave it, even though amidst those 
civil wars which threatened equally his kingdom and his life, till he had brought it to 
some good degree of perfection. His procuratory bears teste Sept. xij., an° regni xix, 
and which was also the nineteenth year of his life ; in which procuratory, as by a public 
instrument, he delegates his proctors to treat with the bishop and church of Lincoln 
about appropriating the then parish church of Eton to his intended college, and so as to 
make the chapel of the said college, which he should erect upon the demolition of the old 
cliurch, to be as well parochial as collegiate. Nay, from the words of the instrument it 
appears that previous hereunto he had made purchase of the advowson of the said parish 
church in order for such appropriation ; so that he must probably for some years before 
have actually begun what he had thus long designed ; and especially as this advowson was 
then tlie property of three distinct persons, which of course must have taken up more 
lime in completing than if the whole had been vested in one single person." (Old MS. 
History of Eton in the Britisli Museum, vol. i, p. 20, MS. Sloane, No. 484i4, cited by 
Professor Creasy.) 

^ ' Excerpta Historica,' p. 15. 


the knowledge of letters, and especially in the art of grammar. 
The college to be situated on certain land of the said church 
and burial-ground adjoining, on the north side of the said burial- 
ground, containing three hundred feet in length and two hundred 
and sixty feet in width, and to duly cause and procure the said 
parish church to be erected, converted, and transferred into a 
college; and to grant and give the advowson of the said parish 
church, the right of patronage of which was then in the king, to 
the said provost, fellows, and college, with other goods, by way of 
endowment ; to effect which the king proposed and intended that 
the said church, by the grace of God, might be well and effectually 
united, appropriated, annexed^ and incorporated to them and their 
college, in order that all who had an interest in the premises might 
join or add their authority, licence, and consent. And the king 
appointed his dearly beloved in Christ, Mr. Robert Kent, William 
Lynde, and William Waryn, together and separately, his true and 
lawful proxies and agents to carry out and execute the premises; 
and also granting them various general powers, among others to 
confer with the Bishop of Lincoln.^ 

The charter of foundation is dated at the king's manor of Shene, 
on the 11th of October following (a.d. 1441). The following is a 
translation of the commencement, which is important, as throwing 
light on the primary object of the founder :^ 

" Henry, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Lord 
of Ireland, to all to whom these presents may come, greeting. 

" The triumphant Church that reigns on high, whose president is 
the Eternal Father, and to which hosts of saints minister, and quires 
of angels sing the glory of its praise, hath appointed as its vicar upon 
earth the Church militant, which the only-begotten Son of the same 
God hath so united to Himself in the bond of eternal love, that He 
hath deigned to name it His most beloved Spouse, and which, in 
accordance with the dignity of so great a name. He, as a true and 

^ Pat., 19 Hen. VI, part i, m. 40. A copy of this instrument and of the charters of 
tlie 11th of October and 25th of March following are inserted inDugdale's *Monasticon,' 
\\)l vi, part iii, p. 1434, edit. 1830. The charter of the 25th of March may also be seen 
set out in luspeximus, with others relating to Eton, in the Parliament Rolls, vol. v, 
p. 45. 

2 Professor Creasy's work already cited, from which this translation is taken. 


most loving Spouse, hath endowed with gifts of His grace so ample, 
that she is called and is the mother and the mistress of all who are 
born again in Christ ; and she hath power as a mother over each of 
them ; and all the faithful honour her with filial obedience as a mother 
and a mistress; for through this worthy consideration sainted princes 
in bygone time, and most particularly our progenitors, have so studied, 
always to pay to that same Holy Church the highest honour and 
devout veneration, that besides many other glorious works of their 
virtues, their royal devotion has founded, not only in this our kingdom 
of England, but also in divers foreign regions, hostels, halls, and other 
pious places, copiously established in affluence of goods and substance. 
Wherefore we also, who, as the same King of kings through whom all 
kings reign hath ordained, have now taken into our hands the govern- 
ment of both our kingdoms, from the very commencement of our riper 
age, have turned it in our mind and diligently considered how, or after 
what fashion, or by what kingly gift suited to the measure of our 
devotion, and according to the manner of our ancestors, we could do 
fitting honour to that our same most Holy Lady and Mother, so that 
He, the great Spouse of the Church, should also therein be well pleased. 
And at length, while we thought these things over with inmost medi- 
tation, it has become fixed in our heart to found a college in the parish 
church of Eton, near Wyndesore, not far from the place of our 
nativity, in honour and in aidance of that our Mother who is so great 
and so holy. Being unwilling, therefore, to extinguish so holy an 
inspiration of our thought, and desiring with our utmost means to 
please Him in whose hand are the hearts of all princes, in order that 
He may the more graciously illuminate our heart, so that we may 
hereafter direct all our royal actions more perfectly according to His 
good pleasure, and so fight beneath His banner in the present Church 
that, after serving the Church on earth, we, aided by His grace, may 
be thought worthy to triumph happily with the Church that is in 
heaven. We, by virtue of these presents, and with the consent of all 
interested therein, do found, erect, and establish, to endure in all 
future time, to the praise, glory, and honour of Him who suffered on 
the cross, to the exaltation of the most glorious Virgin Mary his 
Mother, and to the support of the most Holy Church, His Spouse, as 
aforesaid, a college, to be ruled and governed according to the tenor of 
these presents, consisting of and of the number of one provost and ten 
priests, four clerks, and six chorister boys, who are to serve daily there 
in the celebration of divine worship, and of twenty-five poor and indi- 
gent scholars who are to learn grammar,^ and also of twenty-five poor 

^ Grammatica. This formed the first part of the trivium of the schoolmen, and 
treated of the ancient languages exclusively. (Creasy.) 


and infirm men, [whose] duty it shall be to pray there continually for 
our health and welfare so long as we live, and for our soul when we 
shall have departed this life, and for the souls of the illustrious prince, 
Henry our father, late King of England and France ; also of the Lady 
Katherine of most noble memory, late his wife, our mother; and for 
the souls of all our ancestors and of all the faithful who are dead : also 
of one master or teacher in grammar, whose duty it shall be to instruct 
in the rudiments of grammar the said indigent scholars, and all others 
whatsoever who may come together from any part of our kingdom of 
England to the said college, gratuitously and without the exaction of 
money or any other thing.^ 


The charter proceeds to direct that the said provost for the time 
being, priests and clerks, indigent boys, poor scholars, and also the 
master or teacher, and all and each of them, to be from time to 
time elected, appointed, instituted, ruled, directed, and governed, 
corrected, punished, removed, turned out, and deprived, according 
to the tenor of the orders and statutes in that behalf provided. 
The site of the college is described as in the previous instrument 
to be adjoining to and on the north side of the cemetery of the 
church, and containing in length three hundred feet and in width 
two hundred and sixty. Henry Sever, clerk, was appointed 
provost and vice-provost of the college ; John Kene, clerk, and 
William Hustone and William Dene, fellows, Gilbert Grefe and 
John Moddyng, clerks, and Roger Flexnore, William Kente, John 
Herelewyne alias Gray, and Henry Cokkes, choir boys ; and 
William Stokke and Richard Cokkes, poor scholars, with a master 
or teacher of grammar ; and John Burdon and John Evesham, poor 
men j to be ruled, corrected, &c., according to the statutes and ordi- 
nances of the king and bis successors, saving to the king the power 
of removing and replacing all or any of the above persons as often as 
and whenever he should please. Permission was given to the said 
provost and fellows, and their successors for ever, to be called the 
Provost and Royal College of the Blessed Mary of Eton juxta 
Wyndesore, and by that name be a perpetual body corporate, 
capable of receiving and acquiring lands, tenements, rents, services, 
advowsons, churches, and other rights, emoluments, and possessions 
whatsoever, spiritual and temporal, and to sue and be sued in the 
said name, and to have a perpetual common seal. 

832 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV. 

The king also granted to the provost and college the patronage 
or advowson of the parish church of Eton, and also, with the 
authority of the diocesan and all interested parties, to erect, 
transfer, and commute the then parish church into a collegiate 
church, and to cause the same to be appropriated, united, annexed, 
and incorporated to their use, notwithstanding that express mention 
be not therein made of the vicarage in the said church, with its 
fruits, to be given and divided, or a sum equal thereto to be 
annually distributed among the poor parishioners of the said 
church, according to the form of the statutes provided for that 

Power was given to the provost and college to acquire lands 
and tenements and advowsons of churches, to be held of the king 
in capite or of others, to the yearly value of one thousand marks, 
for the support of the college, notwithstanding the statute of mort- 
main or any other statute, together with a release of all corrodies, 
pensions, and annuities. Lastly, that whenever and during the 
time the provostship should become vacant, from death, removal, 
resignation, or otherwise, the fellows for the time being should 
receive the rents and profits to the use of the college, without any 
claim by the king on account of such vacancy.^ 

Henry applied for the sanction of the pope for his foundation, 
and in the following February a bull of Pope Eugenius the Fourth 
was obtained, authorising the king to found and endow his college 
as specified in his charter. 

^ The king had previously purchased the advowson of the parish church and the tithes 
of Eton from William Waplade, Nicholas Clopton, and Jolin Earyngdou, Esquires, who 
were also probably at this time the lords of tlie manor. (MS. Sloane, No. 4840.) John 
Kettle, the Rector of Eton, resigned his living in 1440, and became one of the fellows of 
the college, the provost having the cura animarum of the parish. The statutes provide 
that the provost shall receive annually £25 in lieu of tithes, and that the college shall 
have the advantage of the rest. (Ibid., f. 83.) "This church and college and parisli of 
Eton are exempt from all visitation of the Archdeacon of Bucks, the archidiaconal power 
being vested in the provost. This exemption was made by William Alnwick, Bishop of 
Lincoln, September 7, 1443, in consideration that the college should pay yearly to the 
Archdeacon, of Bucks, 22^. 11^/.; and by indenture between Provost Waynflete and 
Dr. Bekynton (the then archdeacon) it was agreed to stand to the bishop's award of the 
said £1 Is. lie?., all the money to be paid out of the manor of Bledlew. Dated 
September 10, a° 1443." (Ibid., f. 178.) 

2 Pat., 19 Heu. VI, part ii, m. 20, printed in the •' Monasticon.' 


This bull also contained a papal indulgence, which is styled, in 
the letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury ordering its publication, 
more ample than any previously granted by the Roman pontiff. In 
it Pope Eugenius granted a plenary remission of sins to those who 
should devoutly visit the college chapel on the day of the Assump- 
tion of the Blessed Virgin. By a subsequent indulgence (of which 
it seems there were several), the contributions of the pilgrims were 
to be devoted to the support of the college buildings and to the 
expulsion of the Turks from the Holy Land.^ 

The charter of endowment of the college bears date at Windsor, 
the 25th of March, 1441, within six months after the previous 
charter of foundation. It recites the recent estabhshment of the 
college in the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Eton, near 
Windsor, the king's birthplace, and the foundation of the college 
on a site adjoining thereto, by the title of the Royal College of the 
Blessed Mary of Eton,^ but commonly called '' the Kynges College 
of our Lady by Etone besyde Wyndesore,'' and proceeds to endow 
the king's dearly beloved in Christ, Henry Sever, provost of the 
college, and his successors, with numerous annual sums, rents, and 
manors in various parts of England.^ It is unnecessary to narrate 
them here, as they do not refer to any lands or possessions either 
in Eton or Windsor, or in the neighbourhood. 

The building of the college commenced in the year 1441, the 
first stone of the chapel being laid on the 3d of July in that 

^ 111 the Bodleian MSS., No. 2067, fol. 21, is the following transcript of this 
indulgence, apparently in the handwriting of the period : " Etonse quotannis in festo 
assumptionis beatse Marise Yirginis a primis vesperis usque ad secundas, est plena 
remissio et indulgentia omnium peccatorum concessa omnibus vere penitentibus et con- 
fessis qui ecclesiam visitant, et ad expugnationem Turcorum et fabricse deoque ibi 
servientium sustentacionem manus porrigunt adjutrices. Datnr autem praeposito et 
omnibus sociis et presbiteris illius collegii, et aliis a preeposito licentiatis, plena potestas 
audendi concessiones [confessiones ?] confiuentium, et absolvendi et dispensandi super 
omnibus casibus Apostolici sede non reservatis." (See also Hearne's ' Leland's Itin.,' 
2d edit., Oxford, 1744, vol. iii, p. 120. See also a list of papal indulgences, with a 
power of absolution to the provost, MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 316-17.) 

^ In the reign of Edward the Sixth it was held by all the judges that a lease of college 
property made in the name " prsepositi et sociorum collegii regalis de Eton," omitting 
"collegii Beatse Marine," was void. (Dyer's Reports, p. 150.) 

^ Pat., 19 Hen. VI, p. iii, m. 20, printed in the ' Monasticon,' vol. vi, 
p. 1435. 


year.^ The following orders were issued by the king, apparently a 
few days before :^ 

" By the King. Reverend Fader in God, right trusty and right 
welbeloved, we grete you wel, and wol and charge you that ye do make 
cure Ires of comission severelle in due forme; oon directed unto 
E/obert Westerly, maist) mason of the werke of oure newe CoUaige of 
Eton, yeving hym power by the same to take as many masons, where 
so ever they may be founden, as may be thought necessary for the said 
werks ; and an oth~r directed to John Beckeley, mason, yeving hym 
power by the same to take cariage and al otKr things necessary 
for the same werks. Wherin ye shal do unto us good plesir. 
Yeven under oure signet, at oure manoir of Shene, the vj. day of 

" To the Reverend fader in God, oure Right trusty 

and right welbeloved the Bisshop of Bathe, 

oure ChauncelFr of Englande.^' 

'' By the King. Reverend Fader in God, right trusty and right 
welbeloved, we wol and charge yow that undre our grete seel ye doo 
make oure seval Tres of commission in deue fourme, that oon unto 
John Smyth, warden of masons, and that oth'r unto Robert Wheteley, 
warden of carpenters at Eton, yevying thayme powair to take, in what 
place so eve hit be, almanere of werkmen, laborers, and cariage, such 
as eythr of thayme shal seme necessarie or behoveful in thaire crafts, 
to the edificacon of oure Collage of oure Lady of Eton. And that this 
be doon with al diligence, as we trust yow. Yeven undre oure signet, 
at the manoir of Fulham, the xiij. day of Juyl. 

"To the Reverend fader in God, right trusty & 

Right welbeloved, the Bisshop of Bathe, oure 

ChancelFr of Englande.^^ ^ 

By letters patent, dated at Windsor, the 12th of September in 
the same year (1441), Henry nominated and appointed the before- 
mentioned Robert Kent, William Lynde, and William Warryn 
" for the oversight of our Rioll College of our Lady of Eaton, 

^ Creasy. 

^ The editors of *Excerpta Historica' (see p. 45) assign these orders to the year 1489 
or 1440, because the charter of foundation passed the Great Seal in 1441. But there is 
nothing in the above charters to indicate that the works had been commenced at either of 
their respective dates. 

^ Fide *Excerpta Historica,' p. 45. 


beside Wyndesore ;" William Lynde being clerk of the works, and 
John Hampton surveyor.^ Roger Keyes was master of the works, 
and gave such satisfaction to Henry that he made him a grant of 
arms. For the purpose of expediting the building, workmen were 
forcibly collected from every part of the realm." ^ 

The following entries occur in the Liberate Rolls of the twenty- 
first and twenty-second years of this reign : 

26th October. — " To John Hampton, esquire, an attendant upon the 
king^s person. In money paid to him in discharge of ^20, which the 
said lord the king commanded to be paid for the ^40 granted him for 
certain great employment and costs incurred and to be incurred by 
him, by the kiiig^s command, for certain labour bestowed upon the 
king's new College of the Blessed Mary, at Eton, committed to the 
care of the said John by the said lord the king, viz., for Michaelmas 
Term last past. By writ of Privy Seal, &c., ^20.'' ^ 

'^ To Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. In money paid to him by 
the hands of Ralph Beauford, who received the money from Elizabeth 
Grey, for the marriage of the son and heir of Sir Ralph Grey, knight, 
deceased, in discharge of <£196 135. 4c?., which the said lord the king 
commanded to be paid to the said duke, in recompense for certain 
alien priories granted to the said duke by the same king, and paid by 
the said duke to his college at Eton, as part of 2000 marks for certain 
causes granted to the same duke, as in the letters patent of the king 
thereon made fully is contained. By writ of Privy Seal, &c., 
£196 ISs.M.''^ 

Hampton's accounts, and other accounts respecting the expenses 
of the building, are preserved in the college archives. In the 
December of the first year of the building, twelve carpenters, 
thirty-three freemasons, and two stonemasons, besides twelve 
labourers, were employed. The freemasons received Ss. a week 
each, without deducting for holidays ; the stonemasons and car- 
penters had 2s. 6d, a week, if it was a week with one or more 
holidays in it ; for a week without holidays their wages were 3*. 

^ In 1451 the commons petitioned tlie king that John Hampton, with others, might 
be removed from about his person. (Guthrie's ' History of England,' vol. ii, p. 607.) 
^ Creasy. 

' Issue Koll, 21 Hen. Ml (Devon's * Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 443). 
^ Ibid., 22 Hen. VI (Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 447). 


The labourers had 4<d. a day each, but were only paid for working 
days, which were on an average not more than five a week, as 
nothing was done on any of the festivals or fast-days in the 
calendar. Throughout the period of the works in Henry the 
Sixth's time the wages seem to have been much the same ; skilled 
workmen, such as plumbers, sawyers, tilers, &c., receiving 6d. 
a day, and common labourers 4<d. The same accounts give some 
curious information as to prices of various articles. Ale cost three 
halfpence per gallon ; four skins of parchment cost Sd, ; glue was 
Sd. per pound. The charge for sending a man to London is 2^., 
which is stated to be at the rate of 8^. per day for his necessary 
expenses. This would seem to include entertainment for man and 
horse, as another item is — '^ Bic, Halley^ for Ms expenses ridm^ to 
ye chaunshelers for ii commyssyounss, by ii dayes^ at Sd. ye day, 
Is. 4idJ' The Caen stone, which was imported for building the 
chapel, cost from 8^. to 9^. per ton. The ragg stone, which was 
brought from Boughton, near Maidstone, for the same purpose, 
cost Is. per ton at the quarry; the carriage to London cost 1^. 
per ton, and the further carriage to Eton cost 1^. 4^/. more. The 
stone for the Ashlar work, which was dug at Maidstone, was 
wrought at the quarry by workmen at the king's expense. About 
16 or 20 feet of the stone thus wrought, made a ton. A hundred 
feet of Ashlar cost 95'. ; the conveyance to London cost 6s. lid., 
and the further freight to Eton was 6s. Sd. more. Very large 
quantities of stone were also brought from Huddleston,and Stapulton 
in Yorkshire. This cost at the quarry 1^. per ton ; the land- 
carriage to the River Humber was Is. ; thence it came down that 
river and by sea to the Tower of London ; this cost 4^. a ton, and 
the further freight up the Thames to Eton was 1^. 4^. more. By 
an agreement with Bishop Wainfleet, a considerable quantity of 
stone was supplied from Heddington, near Oxford.^ About the 
latter end of the second year of the building the brick-kiln was 
finished ; this was at Slough. The bricklayers are then first dis- 

^ "It appears from accounts of monies received that Bishop Wainfleet allowed 
annually £75 15^. towards the works of the college ; but for how long this was con- 
tinued I know not. There are at this day (1761) remains of his arms in the glass of the 
M'indows of the chapel." (Iluggctt, Sioane MS., No. 4840, f. 203.) 


tinctly mentioned in the accounts. They received 6<^. per day 
each, with 2<^. more to Robert Chirche, called the Warden-layeer 
and Brehelayeer. Large quantities of straw are mentioned in the 
accounts, which were brought to be used at the brick-kiln and for 
the workmen's beds. The straw, including carriage, cost some of 
it 10<:/., and some 12<^. per load. The bricks were principally 
burnt with thorns, but some sea coal was used, which cost 7^. 
a chaldron. 

Sand was brought into the college at \d, per load, from ''the 
Sandepytte," which was "infra situm collegii." ^ 

The chalk for lime was dug at a place called the " Lyme 
Hoste." 2 

Many bushels of oyster-shells, at 4<f. the bushel, were used in 
the work. " They were only ye upper shells of oysters, and used 
where ye stones did not exactly fit, to thrust in among the mortar, 
and to hey up ye work." ^ 

Large quantities of flints were used. Some were dug at the 
" Lyme Hoste," but the greater part were brought from Little 

Iron was brought from London at the price of £5 

* "The comon report is, that it was in ye garden now (1759) belonging to Mrs. Mary 
Young. Probably it was there, as it is near ye college, and there are ye remains of 
such a pitt to this day. This sand pitt lay some where in ye way between ye college and 
ye gravell pitt. Eor because of ye vast quantities of gravell brought to college (probably 
for ye filling up ye inside of ye chapel), and because in bringing it they trespassed upon 
some grounds which did not belong to ye college, ye said grounds were rented for this 
purpose, as by ye following article : ' Solut. Johi de Jurdelay, pro firma unius acre tre 
juxta le Sandepitts, occupat. et concullat interdu. in car. zabuli ad opus edificao~rs, per 
ann. ij.5. viij.c?.' Now if we suppose the gravell pitt to have been in what is call'd 
Gravell Close (which is very probable), then the way from thence in a direct line to ye 
college must be very near to ye place where we have supposed the sand-pitt to have 
been." (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840.) 

2 " Some chalk was brought from thence to the college, perhaps in large stones for ye 
inside of ye walls, but no very large quantity is accounted for. It is not stated where 
ye Lime Hoste was. By the price of carriage of the chalk from thence to the college, it 
should seem to be within a mile of the college. The carriage of sand and gravel from the 
pitt to the college was at a penny a load, from the college to Slough at 2^., but ye chalk 
was from ye Hoste to ye college per lode \\d. Probably from the distance of place, and 
nature of the soil, ye Lyme Hoste was in Windsor, under ye Castle Hill." (Huggett 
MS., Sloane, No. 4840.) 

3 Huggett MS., id. 


and £5 85. per ton, and lead from Derbyshire at £4 the 

Timber was brought in large quantities : oak from London, 
Easthampstead, Folly John Parke, Sunninghill, Chobham, Odiham, 
Kingswood (near Leeds, in Kent), Beaconsfield, Weybridge, 
Enfield, and Windsor Forest, and some even from Newark ; elms 
from the immediate vicinity of Eton, namely, from the Wyke, 
Eoveney, Taplow, Maydenhythe (Maidenhead), Horton, Langley, 
and " Bolleys Grove" (which is described as lying under Windsor 
Castle) ; and alders from Ditton Park. 

The timber was placed in the " Timbre-haw," now called the 
Timbrells, where it was prepared for the building. 

The following entry occurs as early as the twentieth year of the 
king^s reign : 

" To John Graylond, glasier, for makyng of ij. armes of 
the kynges, to ben sette in the window es of the 
chirche . . . . . vj.5. yiij.d. 

For V. fote and dim" of glasse, at vj.c?, ye fote . ii.5. iv.dJ' 

In the first year of the building the wages of the workmen 
amounted to £6, £7, £8, and £9 per week. In the second year, 
the whole sum for wages was £712 19s. Id. ; the whole expense 
for work and materials accounted for was £1447 0^. 4id.^ 

The labourers were sharply fined for any fault. If they lost or 
broke anything it was stopped out of their wages. Fines on 
difi'erent labourers are entered: '^ For chiding^ 2d. /* ^^ for playing^ 
2d. ;' '^for letting of his fellowes, ^d. ;' ''for looJcing about, 2d. ;" 
"/or telling of tales, 2d, ;' ''for shedding lime, 6^.," &c., &c. Only 

^ "Tor 9 fodre and halfe and 8cwt. Oq, 161b. of lede, with the carr. 

from ye Peak on to ye coll., at £4 per fodre . . £39 15 

Tor 6 fodre 2 cwt. 3 q. 7 lb., from Derbyshire . . 26 1 11 

Note. A foder of lead at ye mines is 22501b. weight. This is all the lead that is 
accounted for." (Huggett MS., Sloaue, No. 4840.) 

2 " How great soever this sum may appear, considering the times, it is probable that 
much more was expended than is here accounted for ; for although in this second year 
there were no less than 457 tons of stone imported from Caen in Normandy to London, 
which was at 8*. and 9*. and 9^. M. per ton, yet only £128 6^. 2c?. is here charged on 
account of the same." (Huggett MSS.) 


one fine of a skilled workman is booked ; it is of a stone-mason, 
who was fined Sd. for going away without licence.^ 

The dedication day (5th of June) was observed with great 
festivity ; and, by an article in Hampton's accounts for 1442, it 
appears the workmen had an allowance extraordinary for the day, 
viz., " To the ffive diggers, in rewarde for the dedicacion day, at 
ii.d. a pece, by the kynge's command, x.d.'' 

No work was done on this day at the college. 

Between the years 1440 and 1450, a great number of grants 
were made to the college, principally of property in the town and 
neighbourhood of Eton. It seems probable that a great number 
of houses were pulled down to make room for the new buildings. 
In the grant of ten acres of land in a close called the Warde, or 
the King's Warde, situate between the Thames and the Slougli 
road, we may recognise a part at least of the present playing- 

^ These particulars are takeu from the Huggett MSS., Sloane, No. 4840, and Professor 
Creasy's extracts in his work on Eton, already cited. 

^ A concise enumeration of some of the grants, especially of those in and near Eton, 
with their local description by metes and bounds, will not be out of place here. 

By letters patent of the twenty -third year of his reign, and in the year 1444, the king 
confirmed various previous grants made by him to Eton College. 

14th January, a. r. 20. — Two tuns of red Gascoigny wine, annually, for ever, to be 
delivered at the port of London. 

31st January, a. r. 20. — A curtilage in Eton, bounded on the north by the cemetery 
of the college church, containing sixty feet in length and thirty feet in breadth, called 
" Hundercombesgardyne," recently purchased from William Whaplade, Nicholas Cloptou, 
and John Earyudon, and one tenement, with its appurtenances, formerly belonging to 
John Rolff, called Rolveshawe, lying between a tenement of the king on the south part 
and land of the college, called " le Werde," on the north part, and extending from the 
public road leading from Wyndsor towards " le South" to a curtilage of the college ; also 
one curtilage lying between a certain tenement of Walter Clay, on the south part, and a 
tenement lately of Robert Goodgrome, on the north part ; and nine pence annual rent 
issuing out of the said tenement of the aforesaid Robert, and six pence annual rent 
issuing out of a tenement lately of Thomas Peet and Alice his wife ; which tenements, 
curtilage, and rents were lately purchased by the king from Thomas Jourdelay, son and 
heir of John Jourdelay, of Eton aforesaid ; and also two tenements lying together in 
Eton, of which one was formerly Richard Knyght's and the other William Haryes', and 
lying between the cemetery of the said church on the south part and land formerly of 
Walter Clay on the north, and extending from the king's highway leading through the 
middle of Eton, on the west part, and a curtilage of John Underico on the east part ; 
which tenements were recently purchased by the king from Hugh Aylewyn, otherwise 
Dyer ; and likewise a messuage and one curtilage adjoining in Eton, situate between a 


By a grant bearing date the 7th of July, in the twenty-first 
year of the king's reign (1443), the burgesses of Windsor granted 

house of "William Symond on the one part and a house of Peter Eltham on the other part, 
in width, and extending lengthways from the aforesaid way leading through Eton to a 
certain path (?) lately leading towards the said college, which messuage and curtilage the 
king had lately purchased from the said liobert Goodgrome, otherwise Benorthe ; also a 
moiety of one curtilage in Eton, lying between a tenement of the said Walter Clay on 
the south part and a tenement lately of the said Robert Goodgrome on the north side, 
and containing in length, from the said way leading through Eton, eighty feet, and in 
depth twenty-four feet ; which moiety was lately purchased by the king from Alice, 
formerly the wife of John Honesworth, and Margaret, formerly the wife of John Water, 
of Eton; and also one messuage with its appurtenances in the same town, situate 
between the land formerly of William Rolff on the east part and the said highway leading 
through Eton on the west part, and between land of the said William on the south part 
and the said path lately leading towards the college on the north part, which messuage 
the king had acquired from the said Thomas Peet and Alice his wife by a fine levied in 
the king's court at Westminster, in Michaelmas Term preceding, before Richard Neweton 
and his fellows, the king's justices. 

August 9th following. — A piece of land in Eton, in which a capital messuage of the 
king's was situated, containing one acre and three roods, measured by [" per perticara 
baronirum"], and ten acres of land lying together on the east part of the said college, in 
a certain close called "le Worthe," otherwise "le Warde," otherwise "le Kynges 
Warde," between the River Thames on the east part and a high way which leads from 
Eton towards " le Slough" on the west part ; and also one acre of arable land lying in 
Lymecroft, in " le Southfeld," in Eton, between land of John Water on the north side 
and land of the king on the south, and extending from land of the king on the east part 
to the highway leading from Eton towards " le Wyke" on the east part, which acre, 
together with the advowson of the church of Eton, had been lately acquired by the king 
by the gift and concession of William Whaplade, Nicholas Clopton, and John Earyndon, 

21st January, a. r. 23. — The reversion of a stream and fishery in the River Thames, 
called " Hevedewere," which John Byrkyn held for life from the king, and (the same day) 

a ton of red wine of Gascoigny at the port of London. 

12th March following. — A general grant of all the royal property in Eton, released 

from all wardship of Windsor Castle and other services. 

9th July following. — A grant of the privilege of holding two fairs at Eton, at a spot 

called " Mychelmyldeshey." 

7th July, a, r, 21. — Grant by the burgesses of Windsor of the waters and fisheries of 

the Thames and the soil thereunder (held by them under the charter of Edward the Eirst, 

leasing the town to them at a yearly rent), confirmed by letters patent of the king, on the 

1st of October, in the twenty-fourth year of his reign. 

1st Eebruary, a. r. 20. — Grant of a certain island, called "le Eyte" or "le Heyte," 

in Eton, situate between the River Thames on the south part and the college on the 

north part, which island abuts at the east end on the middle of the said water, and on 

the west end on a certain croft called " Millecroft," formerly " Huudercombescroft." 
8tl} June, a. r. 21. — Grant by the Prior of Merton, with the royal assent, of a stream 

in the Thames, in the parish of Upton, called from time immemorial " Bullokeslok," with 


to Eton College the fishery in the river, and also the right of free 
passage over and under the bridge, vi^hich grant the king confirmed 

the fisheries and waters appertaining thereto, namely, from the east angle of a piece of 
the king's land or close called " le Werde," on the west side, to a fishery in the same 
river called " Cokkeshole," on the east side, and with four " heytes" and their appur- 
tenances ; and the lands, tenements, fields, meadows, pastures, &c., called Michilmyl, 
Wardeshey, Millepond, otherwise Milledam, Comepennynge, inclosed together, and situate 
near Eton, that is to say, between the River Thames on the east part and the highway 
leading from New Windsor to " le Slough," and between the said land of the king called 
" le Warde" on the south part and the road leading from Spitilbrigge towards Daget 
[Datchet] on the north part, and extending along the bank of the Thames from the land 
called " le Werde" for forty feet beyond the said land called " Cowepennynge" on the 
west part. 

8th February, a.r. 23. — Grant by the Prior and Convent of Merton of the tithes of Upton. 

The king also made additional grants to the provost and college, including the 
Hospital of the Blessed Peter near Windsor, immediately after the death of William 
Normanton, clerk, who had a grant of it for his own life ; and also the manor called "le 
Mote," together with all the lauds and tenements, the property of the king, lately 
acquired by the gift and grant of William Marquis of Suffolk, John Noreys, William 
Parkyns, Richard Verney, and John Pury, esquires, situate in New Windsor, Old 
Windsor, and Clewer. 

By the subsequent charter of the 25th Hen. VI (a.d. 1447) the king granted the 
manor of Langley Marreys ; the manor of Wyrardesbury, parcel of the said manor ot 
Langley ; and all the lordships, lands, tenements, &c., lately belonging to Robert 
Hungerford, knight, Lord Moleyns, in the town and fields of Eton, and also in the towns 
of Old and New Windsor, held by Robert in right of his wife Alianor, the daughter and 
heiress of William Moleyns, knight, late Lord Moleyns, deceased. 

By another charter of the 27th Hen. YI (a.d. 1449), the king also confirmed the 
following grants : 

6th February, a. r. 24. — A mansion in Eton in which John Spicer lately dwelt, 
acquired by the king from John Wolfe, Hugh Dyer, and Richard Burton ; and a grant by 
Hugh Ayllewyn of a dwelling house in Eton lately inhabited by him. The king also 
granted a messuage in Eton in which John Moddyng dwelt. 

9th of February in the same year. — Fifteen acres of land in Eton, late part of the 
property of Richard Lovell, esquire, deceased, the son and heir of Margaret, the sister 
and one of the heiresses of John Hundrecombe, knight, lying between the toft called 
" Coldnorton" on the west part, and the king's way leading from the town of Eton to the 
hamlet called " le Slowe" on the east side, and land of the provost and college, formerly 
the property of Oliver de Burdeux, and land of Nicholas Whaddon on the south part, 
and land of the Prior and Convent of Merton and a ditch called " Coldnortondyche" on 
the north part, which fifteen acres of land were acquired by the king from Nicholas Clopton. 

12th February, same year. — Two acres and a half in Eton, acquired by the king from 
Richard Grove and Elizabeth his wife. {Vide Chart., 20 Hen. VI (Rot. Pari., vol. v, 
p. 45). Pat., 21 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 7 ; 22 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 2 and 8 ; 23 Hen. VI, p. i, 
m. 1 and 2 ; id., m. 12 ; id., m. 31; 24 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 20; id., m. 8 and 12 (pro 
Colleg. Regal. Cantabr. et Eton bis); id., m. 18 (Wittus Westbury Sacrse Theologiae 
Bacaulareus primus Prsepositus Colleg. de Eton) ; 25 Hen. VI (Rot. Pari., vol. v, 

342 ANNALS O^ WINDSOR. [Chaptee XIV. 

by his letters patent bearing date the 1st of October, in the 
twenty-fourth year of his reign .-^ 

There can be Uttle doubt that the fishery spoken of here is that 
still existing at Blackpotts, and identical with the fishery mentioned 
in Domesday survey.^ 

Notwithstanding this grant by the burgesses to the college, 
Henry the Sixth, in parliament at Westminster, the 14th of 
November, 1448, after reciting that the burgesses and true men of 
New Windsor had surrendered the waters and fisheries to him, by 
deed, on the 1st of September previously, regranted the same to 
the provost and college of Eton, that they and their successors for 
ever should have the same privileges, liberties, franchises, immu- 
nities, and " quietings" in the waters and fisheries, and the banks 
and the soil and ground thereof, as the burgesses and true men of 
Windsor ever had or ought to have had therein.^ 

By letters patent dated the 12th of March^ in the twenty-third 
year of his reign, the king granted all his lands in the town and 
parish of Eton to Eton College, discharged, amongst other things, 
from wardship of Windsor Castle.^ 

In the same year he granted to the college, amongst other 
things, the Hospital of the Blessed Peter, near Windsor, to hold to 
them from the death of William Norman ton, clerk, who held it for 
his life ; and also the manor called *' le Mote," and all lands and 
tenements, rents, reversions, and services, as well as woods, fields, 
meadows, and pastures, with their appurtenances, in New Windsor, 
Old Windsor, and Clewer, which had recently come into the king's 
hands by the gift and grant of William Marquis of Suffolk, John 
Noreys, William Parky ns, Richard Verney, and John Pury, esquires.^ 

p. 130 b) ; 26 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 35 ; 27 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 16 (pro CoUegio de Eton de 
certis maneriis in com' Surr') ; 28 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 18; 29 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 2 ; 
30 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 30; 33 Hen. VI, p. ii.. m. 13 (pro CoUeg. de Eton et Cantabr') ; 
36 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 16, See also two charters in Rot. Pari., vol. v, pp. 45 and 130 b, 
of 20 Hen. VI and 25 Hen. VI.) 
^ See the preceding note. 

2 See ante, p. 17. 

3 Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 159^. 
* Ibid., vol. V, p. 77 h. 

^ See ante^ p. 341, note. 


The Hospital of St. Peter mentioned in this charter is the 
hospital for lepers, situated at " Spital/' and already alluded to.^ 

In the twenty-fourth year of his reign, Henry directed that no 
school was to be taught within ten miles of Eton ;^ and in the 
following year he granted to the college lands at Old and New 
Windsor, theretofore held by Robert Hungerford, Lord Moleyns.^ 

Henry also, by charter, granted to the college two fairs, with 
the accustomed privileges, to be held in a place in Eton called 
" Michelmyldeshey," * or wherever else in the town or parish 
that the provost and college should appoint ; the first to be held 
for the three common working days next following the carnis 

^ See ante, p. 76. 

2 MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 313. 

* Vide Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 131 a. See also the proviso in the Act of Resumption, 
84 Hen. YI, as to these lands. (Ibid., vol. v, p. 310 a.) Cardinal Beaufort having, in 
1447, bequeathed or given, shortly before his death, a golden tablet, called "The Tablet 
of Burboyn," to Henry the Sixth, the king, in the twenty-sixth year of his reign, granted 
it, with other relics, in the following terms, to Eton College : " Forasmuch as our most 
dear and beloved uncle of renowned memory, Henry, late Cardinal of England and 
Bishop of Winchester, out of the fervent love which he always testified for our good 
pleasure, kindly gave us in his lifetime a memorial and jewel, to us most acceptable, 
namely, that golden tablet, called the Tablet of Burboyn, containing several relicks of 
inestimable value, especially of the precious blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, through 
whom we obtain the gift of life and salvation, and a fragment of the salutiferous wood of 
the Cross of our Lord, which leads us to a grateful remembrance of our redemption, and 
also of the glorious Virgin Mary his mother, and of his most blessed confessor Nicholas, 
and of Katherine the Virgin, and of other Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins ; to the intent 
that we should deign to give and grant the said tablet to our beloved in Christ the 
Provost and our Royal College of the blessed Mary of Eton, near Windsor, founded by 
us in honour of the Assumption of the said most blessed Virgin Mary, that the aforesaid pre- 
cious and revered relicks, there perpetually to remain to the praise of God and their own 
immortal magnificence, might by the faithful servants of Christ with the greater reve- 
rence for ever be worshipped, and moreover, as is becoming, in greater numbers and more 
festively : We, therefore, willing as we are bound to fulfil the pious and salutary desire of 
our aforesaid uncle, which had its origin and root in profound devotion and his great 
affection towards us, &c., have given and granted to the aforesaid Provost, &c., the jewel 
or tablet aforesaid, and the box belonging to the same, suitably adorned with silk and 
gold, to be had and held by the said Provost, &c., as the principal memorial and jewel, to 
remain in all future time according to the intent aforesaid." (Hot. Pat., 26 Hen. VI, 
p. ii, m. 35 ; ' Excerpta Historica,' pp. 43, 44, where see also the grant of arms to the 
College of Eton, enrolled 1st of January, 27 Hen. VI, and a grant of arms to Roger 
Keys, clerk, for his services during the building of the college, enrolled 19th of May, in 
the same year of the king's reign.) 

"• Chart., ab anno 21 usque 24 Hen. VI. See ante, p. 340, note. 


priviwii, or Ash Wednesday, and the second to be holden for the 
six common working days next following the Assumption of the 
Blessed Virgin (viz., August 15th).^ For the better support of 
these fairs, and as an encouragement thereto, a strict prohibition 
was given to all purveyors, engrossers, &c., not to set or raise the 
prices of things contrary to the will of the provost and college. 
Licence was given to the said provost and college to try in their 
own court any disturbers of the peace in the said fairs ; and more- 
over that all persons whatsoever, either going to or coming from 
the said fairs, should be exempt from all manner of arrests of 
justices of the peace, sheriffs, coroners, &c., as well in their persons 
as effects.^ The king subsequently granted a market, with full 

In the twenty-second year of his reign it was declared that the 
college and town of Eton should be free from purveyors of the 
king's household, and from all other purveyors whatsoever, and that 
no officer should buy up provisions, nor make any demand of 
victuals, corn, cattle, carriages, or any manner of thing whatsoever, 
for the king's use, against the will of the provost and college and 
inhabitants of Eton, upon forfeiture of ten pounds, one moiety to 
the use of the king and the other moiety to the use of the college. 
Also that no person should take lodgings nor lodge in the said 

' "The charter sajs the six working days following the Assumption, August 15th; 
but the act of parliament confirming this charter says the six days ' proximo sequent 
tertium decimum diem mensis Augusti.' It should probably be the 15th, as the Assump- 
tion was the grand festival for visiting the church, and the fair was the proper oppor- 
tunity of supplying them with provisions." (Huggett, Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 119.) 

2 Cart., r. Hen. YI, conf. p. Act. Pari., a° 24. 

3 Chart., 27 usque 39 Hen. YI. This grant of a market was founded on the following 
petition : 

" To the King oure Soveraine Lord, and oure Gracious rounder. — Please hit unto 
youre highnesse for to have in youre tender consideration how that youre College Roiall 
of oure most blessed Lady of Eton, and the inhabitants withynne the same toune, scolers, 
artificers, and laborers theder resortyng, have had many times hereafore, and yette have, 
grete scarstee of brede, ale, and other vitailles, for default of a markett in the same toun. 
Like hit unto youre highnesse, therfore, of youre most noble grace, to graunte unto your 
provost and college afore seid that they mane have, to theym and their successeurs in 
perpetuite hereafter, a markett, to be holde the Wednesday wekely, in certain places that 
shal be assigned therfore withynne the seid toun, and theruppon to graunte your graciouse 
chartre, to be made under youre grete seel in due forme, according unto the tenour here 
following; and they shal evermore pray God for you." (Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. ]39.) 


town and parish without the consent of the provost, or, in his 
absence, of his deputy;^ but that all the houses, lodgings, &c., in 
the said town and parish should be to the use of the scholars and 
other persons hitherto resorting on account of the said school and 
college, who, at the discretion of the said provost or his deputy, 
should be lodged herein. In case any person of the above town or 
parish should offend herein, he is declared subject to the like 
forfeiture of ten pounds, for the uses above mentioned.^ 

The works of the college do not seem to have proceeded with 
any great rapidity, for, by the will of Henry the Sixth, dated at 
Eton College, the 12th of March, a.d. 1447, and in the twenty- 
sixth year of his reign, particular directions are given as to the 
position and dimensions of the buildings at Eton as well as at 

Nevertheless, on the Feast of St. Thomas, 1443, Thomas 
Beckington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and William Earl of 
Suffolk, as commissioners from the king, convened the whole 
college into the choir,* which, indeed, is said to be " nondum con- 
summata" and " non plene constructa," but which probably was in 
part covered in, at least with some temporary covering, " as other- 
wise," Mr. Huggett observes, " they would scarce have stood during 
all the ceremony, at that season of the year, so long exposed to the 
open air.'' ^ 

By act of parliament, holden at Westminster in the twenty- 
fourth of Henry the Sixth, the college and their tenants were 
(art. 3) freed from giving aids to and providing quarters for the 
king's officers, as marshals, stewards, escheators, coroners, bailiffs, 
or any other servants whatsoever, or to whomsoever they might 

^ Mr. Huggett says — " By virtue of this charter, or by the following act of parlia- 
ment, 24 Hen. VI, art. 3, no soldiers nor officers are ever quartered in the town." 
(Sloaue MS., No. 4843, f. 118.) 2 ibid. 

^ Probably the college was not made habitable (at least for the whole society) until 
the reign of Henry the Seventh." (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840, f. 188.) 

'^ In choro ecclesise collegiate collegii. 

^ " On the 24th December in ye same year, and but three days after ye execution of 
ye above commission, there is in Hampton's accounts this particular article, but whether 
it refers to the covering in of the choir I pretend not to say : ' 24th December. Jhon 
Lewes, in rewarde to him geven for setting uppon the chirche in the somer saisson, 
15 weekes, 5^.'" (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840.) 


belong; also, that no duke, marquis, earl, baron, or any other 
great men, should be lodged, entertained, or should take up their 
lodgings in the houses of the said college or of any of their tenants. 
And by art. 27 it was provided that if any fellow, clerk, scholar, or 
chorister, or any other servant or minister of the provost and 
college, should assault any college servant or minister within the 
bounds of the college, or in the town of Eton, provided it be not 
to the loss of a limb, the provost (or his locum, tenens) should take 
cognizance of the same and inflict the punishment ; nor should 
any of the king's officers intermeddle therein. 

The king, in his will above mentioned, after reciting that he had 
previously conveyed to the Cardinal Archbishop of York, and a 
number of other feoffees, certain estates, parcel of the Duchy of 
Lancaster, to the clear yearly value of £3395 11^. Id.^ proceeds 
to declare and notify to them his will and desire concerning the 
same in these words : 

" First, forasmuch as it hath pleased our Lorde God for to suffer 
and graunte me grace for the primer^ notable workes purposed by me 
after that I, by His blessed sufferaunce, tooke unto myself the rule of 
my said realmes, for to erect, found, and stablish, unto the honour and 
worship of His name specially, and of the Blessed Virgin our Ladie 
St. Marie, encrease of virtues and dilatation of conning^ and stablish- 
ment of Christian faith, my two colleges roiall, one called the College 
Roiall of our Ladie of Eton beside Windesor, and the other called the 
College Roiall of oure Ladie and St. Nicholas of Cambridge, the 
edifications of which colleges, now by me begonn, advised, and appointed, 
in manner and forme as hereafter followeth, may not be perfectly 
accomplished without great and notable workes assigned and purveied 
thereunto ; I will, pray, and charge mine own feoffies, that unto the 
time that the said edifications and other workes of bridges, conduicts, 
cloysters, and other tliinges begonn and advised by me in either of the 

* The will thus commences : " In the name of the Blessed Trinity, the Eather, the 
Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, oure Lady St. Marie mother of Christ, and all the holy com- 
panie of heaven : I, Henry, by the grace of God King of England and of Trance and 
Lorde of Ireland, after the conquest of England the Sixt, for divers great and notable 
causes moving me at the raakeing of theise presents, have do [a common phrase for have 
caused'] my will and mine intent to be written in manner that followeth," &c. 

^ Query, great or important. 

^ Knowledge. 

THE king's will. 347 

said colleges, be fully performed and accomplished in notable wise then 
any of my said realme of England ; they see that my said colleges, 
accordinge to the form of generall graunts by me unto them made in 
that behalfe, have and perceive^ yeerlie of yssues, profits, and revenues 
coming of the aforesaid castells, lordships, mannors, lands, tenements, 
rents, services, and other possessions, by the hands of the tenants, 
farmers, occupiers, and receivers of the same, 2000lih. for the edifica- 
tions and workes abovesayd ; that is to say, to the provost of my said 
College of Eton, for the workes there yeerlie, 1000/i^., and to the 
provost of my said College of Cambridge, for the edifications and 
workes there yeerlie, lOOOlib., from the Feast of St. Michael last past 
unto the ende of the terme of twenty yeeres then next following, and 
fully and compleat ; and if it be so that the edifications of my said 
colleges, or either of them, according unto my said devise and appoint- 
ment herein conteyned, shall not be fully accomplished and finished 
within the said tearme of twenty yeares, I will then pray and charge 
my said feoffees that they do graunt unto either of my said colleges 
lOOOlib., to be taken yearlie from the end of the said tearme of twenty 
years finished unto the time of the edifications of the one of my said 
colleges be fully accomplished and performed, the yssues, profits, and 
revenues abovesayd ; and that after the finishment of the edifications 
of one of the said colleges, the said yearlie 2000lib. in sembable wise 
to be granted to the other of the same colleges whose edifications shall 
not be then finished, to have and perceive of the issues, profits, and 
revenues abovesayd, unto the time of the edification of the same 
college, to be fully finished and performed; which edifications of my 
said college I have fully devised and appointed to be accomplished in 
this wise : that is to wit, 


*' I will that the quier of my sayd College of Eton shall conteyne in 
length 103 fete of assize,^ wherof behinde the high altare shall be 
8 feete, and from the said altare to the quier dore 95 fete. Item, the 
same quier shall conteyn in breadth, from side to side within the 
respondes,^ 20 fete. Item, the grounde of wall shall be enhanced 
higher than they be now on the utter side, ere it come to the layinge 
of the first stone of the clere wall, 10 fete of assize. Item, the wall of 
the sayd quier shall conteyn in height, fro the grounde workes unto 
the crest of the battlement, 80 feet of assize. Item, in the east ende 

^ i. e., Receive. 

^ Statuieable feet. 

' Query, parallel correspondent walls or sides. 


of the said quier shall be sat a great gable window of 7 dayes and two 
butteraces, and either side of the said quier 7 windowes, every windowe 
of foure dayes and eight butteraces, conteyning in height, from the 
ground workes unto the over parte of the pinnacles, 100 fete of assize. 
Item, that the said groundes be so taken, that the first stone lye in the 
middle of the high altare, which altare shall conteyne in length 12 fete 
of assize, and in breadth 5 fete; and that the first stone be not 
removed, touched, nor stirred, in any wise. Item, the vestry to be set 
on the north side of the same quier, which shall conteyne in length 
50 feet of assize, departed into two houses, and in breadth 24 fete, and 
the wall in heighth 20 fete, with gable windowes and side windowes 
convenient thereto, and the grounde workes to be sette in the height 
of the grounde of the cloyster. And I will that the edification of my 
said College of Eton proceed in large forme, cleane and substantially, 
well replenished with goodly windowes, and vaults, laying apart super- 
fluitie of too great curious workes of entaile and busy mouldinge. 
Item, in the said quier on every side 32 stalles and the wode lofte 
there, I will that they be made in manner and forme like the stalles 
and wode loft in the Chappell of St. Stephen at Westminster, and of 
the length of 32 feete, and in breadthe clear 12 fete of assize ; and as 
touching the dimensions of the church of my said College of Eton, I 
have devised and appointed that the body of the same church between 
the yles shall conteyne in breadth, within the respondes, 32 feete, and 
in length, from the quier dore to the west dore of the said church, 
104 feete of assize ; and so the said body of the church shall be longer 
than is the quier, from the reredosse^ at the high altar unto the quier, 
by 9 feete, which dimension is thought to be a right, good, convenient, 
and due proportion. Item, I have devised and appointed that the yle 
on the other side of the body of the church shall conteyn in breadth, 
fro respond to respond, 15 feete, and in length 104 feete, accordinge to 
the said body of the church. Item, in the south side of the body of 
the church a faier large dore with a porch, and the same for christen- 
inge of children and weddinges. Item, I have devised and apointed 
six greces^ to be before the high altare, with the grece called Gradus 
Choir, every of them conteyning in heighth 6 ynches, and of con- 
venient breadth, every of them as due forme shall require. Item, in 
the breadth of the church yearde, from the church dore unto the wall 
of the church yeard within the wall of the west end, which must be 
take of the streete beside the high way sixe foote of assize. Item, the 
grounde of the cloyster to be enhaunsed higher than the olde grounde 

^ Screen at the back of the high altar. 
^ Steps, gressus. 


8 feete ere it come to the pavement, so that it be sett but two foote 
lower then the paving of the church, which cloistre shall conteyn in 
length, est and west, 200 feete, and in breadth, north and south, 
160 feete of assize. Item, the said cloistre shall close unto the church 
on the north side at the west end, and at the north side at the east 
end of the church it shall be close unto the college, with a dore into 
the said college. Item, the said cloistre shall conteyne in breadth 
within the walls 15 fete, and in height 20 fete, with clere stories round 
about inward, and vawted, and embattelled on both sides. Item, the 
space between the wall of the church and the wall of the cloister shall 
conteyne 38 feete, which is left for to sett in certaine trees and flowers, 
behovable and convenient for the service of the same church. Item, 
the cemitory of the same church shall be lower than the paving of the 
cloister 4 feete of assize, with as many greces up into the church dore 
as shall be convenient thereto. Item, in the middle of the west of the 
said cloister a great square tower, with a faire dore into the cloister, 
which tower shall containe cleare within the wall 20 feete, and in height 
with the battlement and the pinnacles 140 feete. Item, from the highway 
on the south side unto the wall of the college a good high wall, with 
towers convenient thereto ; and in likewise from thence by the water's 
side, and about the gardens, and all the precincte of the place round 
about by the high way, until it come to the cloyster and on the west 
side again. Item, that the water at Baldwyne Brige^ be turned over- 
thwart into the river of Thamise, with a ditch of 40 foote of breadth, 
and the ground between the same ditch and the college arised of a 
great height, so that it may at all floods be plain and dry ground, 
where there will be in distance from the hall to the water at all times 
of dry ground 80 feete. 

'^And as touching the dimensions of the howsinge of my said 
College of Eton, I have devised and apointed that the south wall of 
the precincte of the said college, which shall extend from the tenement 
that Heugh Dyer now holdeth and occupieth unto the est ende of the 
gardens after long^ the water's side, shall containe in length 1440 feete 
of assize, with a large doore in the same wall to the water's side. 
Item, the est wall of the same precincte, which shall extend from the 
water's side to the high way at the newe bridge at the est end of the 
gardens, shall containe in length 1200 feete of assize. Item, the 
north wall of the said precincte, which shall extend fro the est end of 
the gardens after long the high way unto the south west corner of the 
same precincte, shall containe in length 1040 feete of assize, in which 

^ See mention made of this bridge, ante, p. 100. 
* Alone*. 



wall shall be a faier gate out of the utter^ court into the high way. 
Item, the west wall of the same precincte, which shall extend fro the 
said west corner of the same precincte unto the said tenement which 
the said Hew Dyer now occupieth, shall containe in length 1010 feete ; 
and so the utter walls of the said precincte shall containe in length 
about the same precincte 4690 feete of assize. Item, betwixt the said 
north wall of the said precincte and the walles of the college in the 
utter court of the east part of the gate, and the way into the college, 
shall be edifyed diverse howses necessary for the bake-howse, brew- 
howse, garners, stables, hey-howse, with chambers for the steward, 
auditor, and other learned counsell and ministers of the same college, 
and other lodgings necessarie for such persons of the same college as 
shall happ to be diseased with infirmities. Item, in the west part of 
the same gate, and the way into the college, on the north pane,^ 
8 chambers for the poore men, and in the west pane 6 chambers, and 
behind the same a kitchin, buttry, pantry, and a grounde for the said 
poore men. Item, the north pane of the college shall contain 155 feete 
within the walles, in the middle of the which shall be a faier tower and a 
gate howse, with two chambers on either side and two chambers above, 
vauted, containing in length 40 feete and in breadth 24 feete ; and in 
the est side of the same gate 4 chambers, 2 beneth and 2 above, every 
of them in length 35 feete and in breadth 24 feete ; and in the west 
side of the same gate a school-howse beneath, of 70 feete in length, 
and in breadth 24 feete. Item, the est pane in length within the 
walles 230 feete, in the middle whereof, directly against the entring at 
the cloister, a library, containing in length 52 feete and in breadth 
24 feete, with three chambers above, one the one side, and fewer on 
the other side, and beneath 9 chambers, every of them in length 
26 feete and in breadth 18 feete, with five utter towers and five inner 
towers. Item, the west pane of the said college 230 feete in length, 
in the which shall be, directly against the library, a dorre into the 
cloister, and above 8 chambers, and beneth other 8 chambers, with 3 
outer towers beyond the north side of the cloistre, and 5 inner towers, 
with a way into the quier for the ministers of the church between the 
vestry and the same quier. Item, the south pane in length 155 feete, 
in which shall stand the hall, with a vaute underneath for the buttry, 
a cellour, containing in length 82 feete and in breadth 32 feete, with 
two bay windowes, one inward and the other outward, with a tower over 
the hall-doore, and at the est end of the hall a pantry, with a chambre 
beneath, and at the west end of the hall the provoste^s lodging above 
and beneath, containing in length 70 feete, with a corner tower inward, 

^ Outer. 2 Side. 

THE king's will. 351 

and another without; and on the south side of the hall a goodly 
kitchen, and in the middle of the quadrant^ a goodly conduict within 
goodly devised, for the use and profit of the said college. Item, the 
height fro the streete to the enhansing of the ground of the cemetery 
7 feete di., and the same wall in height above that 5 feete di., with 
greeces out of the way into the same pane, as many as shall be con- 
venient. Item, that the quadrant within the college, and the utter 
court, be bat a foote lower than the cloister. Item, all the walks of 
the said college of the utter court, and of the walles of the precinct 
about the gardens, and as far as the precinct shall goe, to be made of 
the hard stone of Kent. And the said gardens to be enhansed with 
earth to the heighth of a foote lower than the cemetery of the church.'^ 

The will then proceeds to give similar minute instructions as to 
the college at Cambridge, and to define the sums to be paid to the 
artificers out of the yearly revenues of the estates before mentioned, 
followed by a similar clause as to Eton in these terms : 

'' And in semblable wise, I will that my said College of Eton have 
and receive yearly, during the edifications thereof, of the same yssues, 
profit, and revenues, 124/i6., for the yearly wages and rewards of the 
officers and ministers belonging to the workes there ; that is to wit, for 
the master of the workes there, 50lib. ; for the clercke of the workes, 
ISlib, 6s. 8d. ; for another clercke or comptroller of the works, 
ISlib. 6sh, Sd, ; the chief mason, ISlib. 6s. Sd. ', for the chief car- 
penter, lOlib. ; for the chief smith, 6lib. ISsh. 4d. ; and for two 
purveyors, either of them 6d. by the day, ISlib. 6s. 6c?." 

In addition to the £1000 a year given to each of the colleges as 
already mentioned, the king gave to them £1000 each " of sufficient 
and good gold, and of sufficient weight" of lawful coin, "as a 
treasure for them, to be kepte within them for diverse great 
causes,'' and to Eton £200 in money, '' for to purvey them books, 
to the pleasure of God and weale of my same college. The same 
sum for Cambridge was "for to stuff" them with Jewells for the 
service of God, in the same college." 

It is evident from the particulars mentioned in this instrument 
that the church of the college was designed on a much larger scale 
than was ultimately carried out. The present chapel appears to be 

^ Quadrangle. 

352 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptee XIV. 

merely that part designed for the body of the church, without the 
aisle on the north or the choir on the east.-^ 

The first statutes of the college were drawn up in 1443, and in 
that year William Waynflete, the provost, and the first fellows, 
clerks, and other members of the college, were sworn in. A more 
complete body of statutes was published by the founder in 1446.^ 

^ It seems clear that the chapel of the college occupied, or was intended to occupy, the 
precise site of the then existing church. Professor Creasy says — " The old parish church 
of Eton was pulled down, and a new edifice erected in its stead, which was to serve both 
as a parochial church and as a collegiate chapel." It has been already stated, however, 
that the site of the old parish church is supposed to have been in King's Stable Street, 
some distance from the college chapel, and there is reason to believe that it long survived 
the foundation of the college buildings. (See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' and ante, p. 60.) 

^ The following are the heads of these statutes : (Chapter 1) Intention and institution 
of the founder. (2) Of the total number of scholars, clerks, priests, and other persons 
in the college. (3) Who and what sort of persons are to be elected scholars for our 
aforesaid King's College (of Eton). (4) Of the election of scholars for the Royal College 
of our Lady of Eton and the King's College of our Lady and St. Nicholas of Cambridge, 
to be held every year in our said college (of Eton). (5) That the aforesaid colleges 
shall mutually assist one another in causes, suits, and business. (6) Oath to be taken by 
the scholars of Eton College, immediately after completing the fifteenth year of their age. 
(7) Of the election of the provost of our said college (of Eton), and of his oath. (8) Of 
the duties of the provost of our King's College (of Eton). (9) Of the mode and form of 
electing fellows for life for the college, and of the oath to be taken by them. (10) Of the 
number of chaplains, clerks, and choristers, and of their duties, services, and stipends. 
(11) Wherein the fellows (who are priests), the chaplains, clerks, scholars, and other 
officials are to obey the provost. (12) Of the vice-provost, precentor, and vestry-clerk, 
and of their duties and oaths. (13) The bursars, and their duties. (14) Of the head 
master and the usher under him, and their oaths. (15) What weekly allowances for 
commons are to be given to the provost, fellows, chaplains, and other persons of the 
aforesaid King's College (of Eton). (16) Of the appointment of seats ; how the provost, 
vice-provost, fellows, chaplains, scholars, clerks, and choristers are to sit at table and 
during the reading of the Bible. (17) Against loitering in the hall after dinner and 
supper. (18) Against introducing strangers, to be a burden to the college. (19) That 
the fellows and scholars are not to absent themselves, nor to keep dogs, nor carry 
arms, nor practise ungentlemanly or hazardous games. (20) What allowance for their 
expenses shall be made to those fellows who shall have been sent upon business of the 
college. (21) That there shall be no detractors, conspirators, plotters, or slanderers in 
the college. (22) Of corrections to be inflicted for offences of less enormity. (23) In 
what way assistance is to be given to the fellows (who are priests), and to the scholars, 
chaplains, clerks, choristers, and other persons of the college, in case of illness. (24) Eor 
what causes the provost may and ought to be removed from the college ; the mode and 
form of removing him; and the assistance to be given him, if removed for honorable 
causes. (25) On what reasonable and honorable grounds the fellows for life (who are 
priests) ought finally to depart from the coUege. (26) Eor what causes the scholars and 
choristers ought to be removed from the said King's College. (27) For what crimes, 


He also, according to a power which he had reserved to himself, 
granted, in 1454, his letters patent to the Bishops of Winchester 
and Lincoln, authorising them to correct and reform the statutes 

offences, and excesses, the fellows (who are priests) ought to be altogether removed and 
expelled from the said King's College. (28) Of the provost's portion ; and that of the 
fellows (who are priests) and the other officials of the college. (29) Of the general 
annual livery of clothes. (30) Of the prayers, orisons, and other services ; to be celebrated 
daily by the provost, and fellows for life (who are priests), chaplains, clerks, scholars, and 
choristers. (31) Of the mode of saying masses, matins, and other canonical prayers in 
the collegiate church; and of the order of standing in the choir of the said church. 
(32) Of maintaining silence in the church, that those who sing and read in it may not be 
disturbed. (33) That the provost is to seek the consent of the fellows in the more 
serious business of the college. (34) Against alienating the manors, possessions, advow- 
sons, and church patronage of the college. (35) Of the seal, and common chests, and 
inventory. (36) Of the apportionment of the rooms. (37) Of maintaining and repairing 
the hall and church, and the other buildings of the college. (38) Of the college servants ; 
and that the menial offices of the said college shall be discharged by males. (39) Of the 
superintendence of manors, and the accounts of the college servants ; and the time at 
which they should be given in. (40) How the auditors of the accounts are to intimate to 
the rest of the fellows the state of the college after the accounts. (41) How the bursars 
(when their accounts have been given in) and other officers are bound to render and 
deliver up to the provost the keys of their offices. (42) Of preparing indentures of the 
accounts, after the accounts themselves have been drawn up ; which indentures are to 
remain in the custody of the provost and bursars. (43) Of the examinations, or chapters, 
which are to be celebrated in the college three times in the year ; and of the reading of 
the statutes. (44) Of preserving, and against alienating, the books, of the college. 
(45) Of the custody of the statutes of the College of Eton and of our King's College of 
Cambridge. (46) Of dancing, wrestling, and other disorderly sports, which are not to 
take place in the church or in the hall, &c. (47) Against respect of persons in the 
college. (48) Of shutting the college gates ; and against the introduction of females 
into it. (49) Of the metropolitan visitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the 
ordinary visitation of the Bishop of Lincoln, to be held, by themselves or their deputies, 
in the said college. (50) The oath of the chaplains, clerks, and servants. (51) Statutes 
and ordinances concerning the paupers. (52) Of the total number of paupers, and what 
sort of persons they should be ; and their duties. (53) Of electing paupers in the case 
of vacancies, and who are to be preferred. (54) Of the oath of paupers on their 
admission. (55) Of the management and dress of the paupers. (56) Of the prayers 
and orisons to be said daily by each pauper. (57) The paupers are to obey the provost; 
and how they must otherwise demean themselves. (58) Of the provision the paupers are 
to receive from the college for their support. (59) Eor what reasons the paupers should 
leave or finally remove from the house. (60) Eor observing hospitality, &c. (61) End 
and conclusion of all the statutes. — Addenda by the Eounder : (62) An oath to be 
taken by fellows on their admission, in addition to that previously imposed in the 
statutes. (63) That all fellows raised to the rank of bishops must be present in the 
College of Eton on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. (64) Other 
provisions in case of deficiency in the college revenues ; principally with regard to portions, 
and the diminution of the number of persons who are members of the college. 



during his life. Some additions were accordingly made by these 
prelates to the body of the statutes, which then were finally 

The royal founder, in his statutes, greatly enlarged the members 
of his college as mentioned in the original charter, his final 
design comprising seventy scholars instead of twenty-five, and 
adding also an usher for the school, a parish clerk,^ and two more 
choristers, but reducing the number of the alms-men from twenty- 
five to thirteen.^ 

At a subsequent period some alteration was made in the 
number of the foundation, which now consists of a provost, vice- 
pro vost, six fellows, two chaplains, ten choristers, the upper and 

^ By the statutes, the parish clerk is to be chosen from the scholars of the school, if 
such an one may properly be had, and willing to undertake the same. He must be of 
honest repute, sufficiently skilled in reading and chanting according to the use of the 
church of Sarum, or must shortly be instructed in the same. Moreover, he must be so 
far of the clerical order as to have the first tonsure. 

His office is to consist chiefly in seeing to the sacramentalia, when the sacraments 
shall be administered to the parishioners ; in chiming the bells ; and, in short, doing what 
is properly the duty of a parish clerk. In these several offices, but more particularly as 
to chiming the bells, he is to be assisted by two of the inferior clerks, by the thirteen 
young men {juvenes)^ and also by the under porter, the under butler, the two 
under cooks, the gardener, the baker, and the grooms of the stable, as necessity shall 

If after having been rebuked for a fault he shall offend therein a second time, he shall 
be mulcted a penny or twopence, and if refractory shall l)e expelled. 

His salary is five marks, or £3 65. 8^., per annum, besides what he may receive of the 

His allowance for commons is the same with the scholars, namely, 10(5?. per week, and 
which (as theirs also is) may, in cases of distress, be reduced to ^d. and to 7d. 
per week. 

It is his duty also, with the other inferior clerks, to wait in the hall at some of the 
tables while the provost, fellows, chaplains, &c., are at meals ; to bring up the messes to 
the provost's, fellows', or chaplains' table, as directed by the provost ; and to wait with 
proper reverence ; and after the hall rises, he, with the other inferior clerks and college 
servants, is to take his meals "in secundis refectionibus." 

He, with the other five inferior clerks, is allowed for double commons on the appointed 
festivals, at about Z^d. among them for each festival. (Sloane MS., No. 4841, f. 77.) 

^ A copy of the Eton statutes, made by the Hev. Hobert Hugget, is preserved in the 
British Museum, MS. Sloane, No. 4844. These statutes were printed in the Appendix 
to the Ueport of a Committee of the House of Commons appointed to inquire into the 
State of Education among the Lower Orders, a.d. 1818, and are reprinted in Hey wood 
and Wright's * Ancient Laws of the Fifteenth Century for King's College, Cambridge, 
and Eton College.' 


lower master, and the seventy king's scholars, besides officers and 
servants belonging to the college.^ 

Long before the fabric of the building was completed, arrange- 
ments were made for supplying the college with books and vest- 
ments. In 1446, the provosts and fellows of the two colleges of 
Eton and Cambridge petitioned the king "that as these newe 
growyne colages are not sufficientlie seized of bokes for divine ser- 
vice and for their libraries, vestments, and other conveniences,'* he 
would be pleased to order Richard Chestre, one of his chaplains, to 
take to him " suche men as shall be sen to him expedient, in order 
to get knowlege where such bokes, &c., may be had, payinge a rea- 
sonable pris for ye same, and yt suche men mighte have ye ferste 
choise of such bokes, ornaments, &c., before any other man ; and 
in especiall of all maner of bokes, ornaments, and other necessaries 
as nowe late were perteynyng to ye Duk of Gloucester," and that 
the king would '' particular cause to be employ d herein John Pye, 
his stationer, of London."^ 

In the same year, Robert Cocksale, '* vestiment maker,'* presented 
a petition to the king, " mekely " beseeching him, and relating that 
Maister John Langton, late Bishop of St. David's, had ordered 
the petitioner *^to make certayn vestimentes of white damask of 
diverses sortes, rychely embrowedered, as well for your Colage 
Roiale of our Lady of Eton, as for your Colage Royall of our Lady 
and St. Nicolas of Cambrygge, for the which vestiments there is 
due unto your seid oratour ccxl./. xix.5. iij.c/.," and praying that he 
might be permitted to keep the vestments until payment, without 
interruption from the king, his officers or ministers, or other person 

^ Professor Creasy. See also Dugdale's ' Monasticon' (edit. 1830), citing Tanner. 
" Scholars are still elected into King's College solely from among the foundation students 
of Eton. College, and when resident in Cambridge these scholars do not take any part in 
the ordinary examinations of the university. Mathematics are in some houses insisted 
upon at Eton ; but the training of King's College has been so much separated from the 
examinations of Cambridge, that the fellows of King's who are elected to tutorships at 
Eton have usually educated the boys intrusted to their tuition in their own peculiar 
study of classics, and classical Oxford has been frequently preferred by Etonians to the 
more mathematical university of Cambridge." (Preface to Haywood and Wright's 
' Ancient Laws of King's College and Eton,' p. xiv.) 

2 MS. Sloaue, No. 4840, f. 154. 

356 ANNALS OP WIN13S0E. [Chapter XIV. 

whatsoever. The petition was granted by the king at Newbury, 
on the 19th of August, a. r. 25.^ 

In the previous year the Prior of Bridlington, in Yorkshire, 
assigned to King Henry the holy reliques of John the Confessor, 
formerly (a.d. 1361) prior of that monastery, a reputed saint, and 
at whose tomb numerous miracles were said to have been performed. 
The relics, consisting of the joint of a finger and the joint of a back- 
bone, were given by the king to Eton.^ 

In 1457, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester agreed to give the 
Priory of Pembroke in South Wales to the Abbot and Monastery of 
St. Albans, in exchange for certain ornaments and jewels, but dying 
(as it seems) before the arrangement was effected, the king purchased 
the jewels, &c,, for the use of his two colleges of Eton and King's, 
for the sum of £600.' 

In 1448, a painted image of the Virgin Mary was provided for 
the chapel.* 

By the ancient laws of King's and Eton, the appointment of 
the provost in each of these colleges was left in the hands of the 
fellows, but for a length of time it appears to have belonged, in 
fact, to the crown. The appointment of the provost of King's 
remained in the crown until 1689, when it was regained by the 
college ; but the provostship of Eton still remains in the gift of the 
crown. ^ 

^ ' Arcbseologia/ vol. xvi, p. 6. 

2 Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. 178. 

3 Ibid., f. 179. 

* Anno 27 Hen. VI. 
" Solut. Jolii. Massigham, p. factuf ymaginis bte. Marie, secunduT 

comemco~em inde sectam ex precepto regis . . . £10 

Solut. Robto. Hieklyng, pictori, pro pictura ymaginis bte. Marie . 6 13 4 

Pro Carr. ymaginis B. M., Londo~ usq ad Eto~ una cu" tabul. et claw, 

pro una cista fact. . . . . . . 13 4." 

(MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 170.) Mr. Huggett says—" This image of the Virgin was 
probably placed on the north side of the choir, opposite to the image of the founder, for 
before the alteration of the chapel (in 1700), against the south wall was a wooden monu- 
ment, painted with a man holding forth a sceptre, with the arms of France and England 
quartered on one side, and on the other the arms of the college, and under written — 
' Henricus Sextus, fundator.' " (Ibid., f. 171.) And in the margin Mr. Huggett has 
added — " It has been said Queen Caroline [the queen of George the Second] desired this 
image for the Hermitage in Richmond Park. 'Tis certain she had it not." (Ibid.) 

'" Haywood and Wright's * Ancient Laws/ &c., Preface, p. xv. 


Besides the almshouses for the thirteen poor men of the founda- 
tion^ another house was to be built near them, siifficient to hold 
five convenient beds, for the reception of ten poor travelling persons, 
who should be admitted and entertained at the college expense, 
with beds and bedding and meat and drink for one day and one 
night, but not for any longer period, unless they should happen to 
be taken so very ill as not conveniently to be removed ; and such 
hospitality was to be kept daily for ten such necessitous travellers 
or pilgrims throughout the year. With regard to common beggars 
the provost, or vice-provost, was not obliged to take them in, unless 
under particular circumstances of distress. 

Neither the almshouses nor the hospitium for travellers appear 
ever to have been built, although there certainly were persons 
nominated as almsmen.^ 

* Mr. Huggett, writing about the middle of the eighteenth century, says, in a some- 
what captious spirit — " Had the money lately expended upon the building the attic 
story, wood houses for the fellows, and separate rooms for one of them at the south-east 
angle of the college (to tlie amount of about £2200), been laid out in building almshouses 
for these poor men, there might not only such almshouses have been built therewith, but 
almost enough left of the same for the endowment thereof, and that even for the full 
number of almsmen." (Sloane MS., No. 484.1, f. 303, 304.) 

In the statutes and ordinances made for the almsmen, the founder declares that the 
establishment of his college was not only for the enlargement of divine worship, and for 
increase of clergy, but also in the hope that the charity by him here allotted for the 
support of Christ's poor distressed members would for ever be continued to them ; to the 
end that, by his thus receiving them into his house, and giving them bread to eat and 
clothing to put on (which, he observes, God accepts of, as done to Himself), they might 
in the extreme judgment stand as witnesses for him, at the Grand Tribunal, of his works 
of charity. 

The particular qualifications previous to their admission were that they be poor, 
infirm people, not maimed, nor leprous, nor lunatic, nor mad, nor epileptic, nor dumb, 
nor labouring under any such incurable disease which might make them frightful to 
others ; or, if young men, that they be such who, without their own fault, were maimed 
in or otherwise deprived of the use of their limbs, and so as that they could not get their 
own living, nor have of their own, or from their friends, any sufficiency hereunto. 

Of these almsmen, one, at the nomination of the provost, was to preside over the rest 
with the title of " guardian." His business was to see that the rest behave decently in 
their habits, their houses, their meals, that they are every night at home, and observe the 
several rules prescribed to them. He was to acquaint the provost (or, in his absence, 
the vice-provost) of whatever he found amiss. 

After the decease of the king, who was to have the first nomination, the election of 
almsmen was to be at the nomination of the provost (or, in his absence, of the vice- 
provost), but with the consent of the major part of the fellows tiien present. Every 


The school was speedily resorted to as a place of education 
by the sons of the higher orders, as well as by the class for 
whose immediate advantage the benefits of the foundation were 
primarily designed. The vicinity of Eton to Windsor, the usual 
place of royal residence and of the court, probably aided much 
to make Eton, from its very commencement, the first place of 
education in the land. There is an interesting anecdote preserved, 
apparently first told by one of King Henry's chaplains, who was 
an eye-witness of what he relates, which shows both how early the 
school was frequented by the connexions of the king's attendants, 
and the gentle but earnest anxiety of the founder for his young 
alumni :^ 

"When King Henry met some of the students in Windsor 

vacancy was to be filled up as soon as it might be conveniently done, yet within a month at 
farthest. In every such election due regard was to be had — 1. To the poor parishioners 
of Eton, and especially if at any time they have been servants or helpers of the college. 
2. Next to these were to be elected the parishioners or tenants in those several places or 
parishes where the college have any estates, such of them more especially who had met 
with losses by fire, robbery, murrain, &c., and who were so reduced as not to be able to 
support themselves without being driven to common beggary. 

Before admission they were to take an oath as to their poverty, and of submission 
to the provost, and that any goods left at their death should be for the use of the 

They were never to go out of their apartments without a tabard of black russet reach- 
ing almost down to their ancles, and a cap of the same. Upon the tabard, on the right 
side, was to be a cross of white cloth in a certain form, as devised by the founder. More- 
over, whenever they went abroad they shall carry their orisons {precula) in their hands, 
or hung round their necks, or tied to their girdles. 

Besides their private set form of prayers, they were daily to attend the public service 
of the chapel, yet to come only in the nave of the same (or ante-chapel), where they had 
each his stall. They were more particularly required to be present at the mass preceding 
the election of a provost, and there earnestly to pray to God to favour the said election 
in the choice of a worthy provost. If they were too infirm to attend the stated services, 
one of the chaplains, at the appointment of the provost, was to celebrate mass for them 
at a portable altar purposely built for such occasions. 

They were not to be street-walkers, nor to frequent public houses, nor play at dice or 
pile, nor be noisy, nor give bad language, nor swear, nor be drunken. They were not to 
beg about the country nor in the town, nor at the church, nor were they to receive 
anything from any one, unless freely offered out of pure charity. They were not to 
follow any trade, nor to go out to labour for gain, but to live like such poor as are main- 
tained by charity, and to give up themselves wholly to God, in prayers and watchings 
and fastings, and devout and holy contemplations. 

^ Professor Creasy. 



Castle, whither they sometimes used to go to visit the king's 
servants w^hom they knew, on ascertaining who they were, he 
admonished them to follow the path of virtue ; and, besides his 
words, would give them money to win over their good- will, saying 
to them, ' Be good boys ; be gentle and docile, and servants of the 
Lord.' " ^ 

Eton College now occupies a station in this country far beyond 
the designs of the founder, for her school-rooms are crowded by 
between six and seven hundred of the wealthiest and most aristo- 
cratic families of the land, in addition to the number of foundation 

* " Sitis boni pueri ; mites et docibiles, et servi Domini." (MS. Sloane, Brit. Mus,, 
No. 4843, f. 450, cited bj Professor Creasy. Mr. Huggett says — "It is probable the 
relator was a court chaplain, for he speaks of himself as officiating about the king, from 
which we may conclude he was an eye-witness to what is here related." 

2 Haywood and Wright's * Ancient Laws,' &c. 

Eton ColleAe and the Brccaa Elms from Clewer Meadows 



Constables of the Castle. 

A.D. 14:61. SiE John Bouechier, Lord Bekners. 
A.D. 1474. Sir Thomas Bourchier. 

Deans op St. George's Chapel. 

A.D. 1462. John Eaux. a.d. 1473. William Dudley. 

A.D. 1470. William Merland. a.d. 1476. Peter Courtney, 

a.d. 1471. John Davison. a.d. 1478. Richard Beauchamp. 

A.D. 1481. Thomas Danett. 

Members of Parliament. 
A.D. 1466. William Evynton and Henry Eranceys. 
A.D. 1471. Richard Lovell and William Evyngton. 
A.D. 1476. John Joye and William Evyngton. 

Provosts of Eton, 
a.d. 1461. William Westbury. a.d. 1477. Henry Bost. 

Charter of Confirmation, 2 Edw. IV — Charter, 6 Edw. lY — Proviso in Acts of Resumy)- 
tion — Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor, attainted of Treason — Members for Windsor 
— Plight of the King from the Moor to Windsor — Counter Plot by the King — 
Imprisonment of Queen Margaret at Windsor — Visit of Louis de Bruges to 
Windsor — Members for Windsor — Erection of St. George's Chapel — Removal of 
Old Buildings — St. George's Feast, 1476 — Progress of the Works — Sir John 
Shorne's Chapel — The King erects Dean and Canons' Houses — Endowments of 
the College — Charter to the College — Eurther Endowments — Attempt to merge 
Eton College in St. George's, Windsor — Disputes between the Dean and Canons 
and the Poor Knights — The King keeps Christmas, 1480 to 1482, at the Castle — 
The King's Death — His Will and Burial — Tomb in tlie Chapel Royal — Its 
discovery in 1789 — The King's Courtesy — Verses of John Skelton — State of the 
Chapel at the conclusion of this reign — Chantries in St. George's Chapel — Paro- 
chial bequests to religious uses —Corporation Records — Proceedings in the Borough 
Court — Regulations of the Corporation — Edward the Fifth — Execution and Burial 
of Lord Hastings. 

Edward the Fourth, who assumed the title of king in 1461, 
by letters patent dated at Westminster, the 10th of March, in the 


second year of his reign, reciting at length the charter of the seven- 
teenth " of the Lord Henry the Sixth, in fact but not of right late 
King of England,'' ratified and confirmed that charter to the bur- 
gesses and their successors.^ 

A charter dated at Windsor, the 2 2d of September, in the sixth 
year of the reign of Edward the Fourth, recites that Henry the Sixth, 
by his letters patent of the 19th day of May, in the seventeenth 
year of his reign, confirmed by Edward on the 10th of March, in 
the second year of his reign, had remitted to the inhabitants of 
Windsor seven pounds of the annual rent of seventeen pounds, " in 
consideration as well of the great charges and losses which the 
inhabitants of the town of New Windsor had then had and sus- 
tained, and daily did have and sustain, as of the ruins of the tene- 
ments in the aforesaid town ;" and that whereas the king (Edward 
the Fourth) knows " for certain that in these days the tenements in 
the town aforesaid are much more ruinous than usual, and that the 
aforesaid town and the inhabitants thereof are in a great part of the 
said town reduced to great poverty, want, and distress ; and that 
moreover two hundred acres of land in the parish of New Windsor 
aforesaid, adjoining to the said town of New Windsor, in which the 
inhabitants of the said town, from time whereof the memory of 
man is not to the contrary, have had common as well of pasture 
for all their cattle in the aforesaid town, levant and couchant, every 
year in which the said land was sown, after the crop thereof was 
cut, tied up, and carried away, until the Feast of the Annunciation 
of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Lady day), as also the right of digging 
and carrying away chalk and flint at all times of the year at their 
pleasure, and out of parcel of which said two hundred acres the 
burgesses and good men of the said town, for all the time they 
have had and held the said town to fee farm, have had and taken 
and ought to take divers yearly sums of money towards payment 
of the rent for the town aforesaid as parcel of the said farm, are 
now lately inclosed by us in order to make for us a certain park 
thereof, so that the inhabitants of the said town of New Windsor 
are not now nor will for the future be able to have and take such 

' Pat., 2 Edw. IV, p. V, m. 1. 

362 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter XV. 

common or yearly sums out of and in the aforesaid two hundred 
acres of land, to the insupportable damage of them, the said bur- 
gesses, men, and inhabitants, and of their heirs and successors, unless 
our special grace be extended to them in this behalf." The charter 
then goes on to state that the king, specially affecting the relief 
and increase of the town and its inhabitants, and being unwilling 
that the burgesses of the same, their heirs and successors, should 
be in the least prejudiced by means of the inclosing of the before- 
mentioned land, and willing to recompense them for the same, of 
his special grace, as w^ell for the relief of the town and inhabitants 
as in recompense for the losses which the inhabitants and burgesses 
had and would sustain by reason of the aforesaid inclosure, did 
thereby grant to Edmund Pury, the then mayor, and also to 
Thomas Sherman and William Stephen, bailiffs of New Windsor, 
and the burgesses and inhabitants thereof, that they, the burgesses 
and inhabitants, should from thenceforth for ever be one body in 
deed and name, and one perpetual commonalty incorporate of one 
mayor and two bailiffs and the burgesses of the said town, having 
perpetual succession, and be persons fit and capable in law to pur- 
chase, have, and possess lands and tenements, to them and their 
successors, in fee and perpetuity ; and that they should plead and 
be impleaded in all the king^s and other courts by the names of the 
mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of the town of New Windsor ; and 
for further consideration and recompense to them, the king par- 
doned, remised, and released to the then mayor, bailiffs, and 
burgesses, and all the men and inhabitants in the said town, their 
heirs and successors, seven pounds yearly, parcel of seventeen 
pounds yearly which the burgesses or good men of New Windsor 
had rendered or were bound to render at the exchequer, as a fine 
for the farm of the said town, to the king and his ancestors or pre- 
decessors, and all sums of money and arrears due to the king in 
respect thereof; and that the mayor, baihffs, and burgesses, men and 
inhabitants, their heirs and successors, should have and hold the 
town, with all its liberties, franchises, jurisdictions, rents, services, 
and appurtenances whatsoever, to them, their heirs and successors, 
of the king and his heirs, rendering therefor to the king, his heirs 
and successors, yearly, ten pounds only out of or for the farm of 

TO A.D. 1483.] ACT OF RESUMPTION. 363 

the said town for ever. The king also granted to the mayor, 
baiKffs, burgesses, and their successors, that they might for ever 
have one fair in the tovy^n, to be holden yearly on the Feast of 
St. Edward the King and Confessor, with all things to such like 
fair belonging or appertaining; and commanded that the same 
might be held accordingly, provided it be not to the annoyance of 
the other neighbouring fairs. ^ 

At St. George's Peast held at Windsor in the first year of this 
reign, the achievements (namely, the banner, sword, helmet, and 
crest) of Henry the Sixth w^re, by the express directions of Edward 
the Fourth, taken down and carried out of the choir of the chapel 
into the vestry, and the achievements of the new king put up 

In the first year of this reign, John Austyn was appointed to 
the office of page of the bedchamber in the Castle of Windsor for 
life, with sixpence per day.^ He was also appointed clerk of the 
works in the upper bailey " cum Lodecroft," under the castle, at 
fourpence per day. 

The Act of Resumption, 4 Edw. IV (1464), contained this 
proviso : 

^' Provided alwey, that this acte extend not ne be in eny wise pre- 
judicyall or hurtyng unto a graunte made by us by oure lettres 
patentes under oure grete seall, beryng date at Westmester, the xxiij. 
day of July, the first yere of oure regno, unto Kichard Walter, 
plomer, of the office of plommer of oure Castell of Wyndesore in the 
counte of Berk, with the wages of YJ.d. by the day : Nor unto a 
graunte made by us by oure letters patentes under oure grete seal, 
beryng date at Westm^, the xxj. day of February, the first yere of 
oure reigne, unto Robert Leget, of the office of chief mason of oure 
Castell of Wyndesore, with the wages of vj.c?. by the day; but that 
oure said several lettres patentes and grauntes, and all thyng' in theym 
and either of theym conteyned, be and stond good and effectuell to the 

^ Pat., 6 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. ] . At a forest court held at Windsor in the fourteenth 
year of this reign, before the Earl of Essex, itinerant justice, &c., the burgesses claimed 
and were allowed their usual privileges. (Ash. MSS.) 

2 Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 629. 

^ See Pat., 1 Edw. lY, m. 3. The appointment was subsequently cancelled, but 
restored in the sixth year of this reign. (Pat., 6 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 22, Ashmole's MSS., 
No. 1122, f. 105 b.) 

364 AXXALS 01 TTIXDSOE. [Chapter XV. 

seid Richard and Hobert_, and to either of thevm^ accordvng to the 
tenour and effect of the said lettres patentes and grauntes, by -what 
name or names the seid Richard and Robert be named or called in 
thevm or env of thevm ; the seid act, or env othir acte or ordenauuce 
made or to be made in this present parlement, notwithstondyng.^^^ 

This Act of Resumption was passed to enable the king to live 
on the income of the crown, but it was closf2:ecl as usual with so 
many exceptions as to render it useless." 

The subsequent Act of Resumption, 7 and S Edw. IV (1467-8), 
made the following exception : 

" Provided alwey, that this Acte of Resumption,, or eny other acte 
to be made in this oure present parlement^ extend not nor be prejudi- 
ciall to oure crraunte bv us made unto Daw Chirke, voman of oure 
yestiaiye of oure houshold, and keper of oure stuffur^ within oure 
Castell of Wyndesore, of iij.^. by the day, to be taken for terme of his 
lyfe of the fee ferme of oure towne of Newe Wyndesore, as in oure 
letters patentes, and all thyng conteyned in the same, be in good force 
and effect, and except and forprised oute of this said acte, and all other 
actes made and to be made in this said present parlement."^ 

^ Rot. Pari., vol v, p. 539 a. 

^ Lingard. 

^ Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 596^. The same act also contained the following proviso: 
" Provided alwey, that this Acte of Resumption, or eny other acte, ordenaunce, or 
statute, made or to be made in this oure present parlement, extend not nor be prejudicial! 
to eny graunte or grauntes, confirmation or confirmations, of eny maner thyng made by 
us, by eny our chartre or letters patentes, unto the keper and chanons of oure ChapeU 
of TTyndesore, or unto the keper or dean and chanons of oure free Chapell of Seint George 
within oure CasteU of TVyndesore, and their successours ; but that the same graunte and 
grauntes, confirmation and confirmations, be and stond in their force and effecte, by what 
soever name or names the seid keper or dean and chanons, or the said chapell, in eny 
such graunte or grauntes, confirmation or confirmations, be named or called ; the seid 
Acte of Resumption, or eny other made or to be made in this present parlement, not- 
withstondvng." (Rot. Pari,, vol. v, p. 601 b.) 

A similar reservation is contained in the Act of Resumption, 1 Hen. VII (1485), and 
extending to all grants made by any kings between the first of Edward the Third and the 
death of Edward the Fourth. (Ibid., vol. vi, p. 351 a.) An act passed in the fourth of 
Henry the Seventh (l^SS), to avoid letters patent granted to divers abbots, &c., releasing 
the gathering and payment of tithes, was expressly declared not to affect grants to the 
Dean and Canons of St. George. (Ibid., p. 418.) 

The following entry occurs in the Ash. MS., Ko. 1115, f. 181 : "A pardon granted 
6 Dec, a° 11 E. 4, to John Davy son, Deane and Chanons of Windsor, of all trans- 
gressions, &c., before the last of Sept., a° 11 E. 4, provided it do not extend to the taking 
or detencon of any of the king's goods or chattells on this side the fourth of March, 


Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor in the previous reign, was a 
strong adherent of Henry the Sixth, who had appointed him his 
secretary. On the accession of Edward the Fourth, he was 
attainted of high treason, and was then described as " late of New 
Windsor, in Berkshire, clerk/' ^ When Henry was taken prisoner 
in 1465, we are told that Dr. Manning was conveyed through the 
city to the Tower, with the king and others, with their feet bound 
under their horses." ^ 

In the seventh of Edward the Fourth (1466), WilHam Evynton 
and Henry Franceyes were returned as members of parliament for 
Windsor, by John Scott and William Kemsale, bailiffs of the 
borough, and by the other burgesses. From the indenture of this 
return, it appears that the precept was from the sheriff, and directed 
to them. 

The form of the return differs from those of the preceding 
reigns. In that of the twenty-fifth year of Henry the Sixth, for 
instance, the burgesses of parliament were chosen by the mayor 
and commonalty of the burgesses, under the seal of the burgesses 
and commonalty having a voice in elections -, but here the return is 
in the name of John Scot and William Kemsale, " ballior burgi de 
Windsore et Comburgenses burgi prsedicti,'* and the common seal 
is affixed by them.^ 

Early in the year 1470, after the temporary imprisonment or 
restraint of Edward the Fourth by the Earl of Warwick, the Arch- 
bishop of York having invited the king to meet the Duke of Clarence 
and the Earl of Warwick at an entertainment, which he designed 
to give at his seat at the Moor in Hertfordshire, as Edward was 
washing his hands before supper, John Ratcliffe, afterwards Lord 
Fitz-Walter, whispered in his ear that one hundred armed men 
were lying in wait to surprise and convey him to prison. Without 
inquiring into the grounds of the information, he stole to the door, 
mounted a horse, and rode with precipitation to Windsor.^ He 

a° 11 E. 4, nor the goods and chattells of any traytors, rebells, or enemies of the king on 
this side the s^ 4th of March, who had levied war ag^* him, w*^ some other exceptions." 

1 Rot. Pari., 1 Edw. IV, vol. v, p. 477. 

2 Holinshed ; Stow. 

^ See Pote's 'History of Windsor Castle,' pp. 23, 24 ; Ash. MSS., No. 1126, f. 69. 
-* Lingard, citing the ' Fragment Chronicle,' 302, Pab. 499. 

366 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek XV. 

shortly afterwards reached London and placed himself at the head 
of an army, and marched to meet the insurgent forces instigated 
by Clarence and Warwick. 

Three years later, Windsor and the Moor were the scenes of a 
counter plot on the part of the king against the archbishop. 

"Also this yere [a. r. 13], or a lytelle before, George the Arche- 
bysshoppe of Yorke, and brother to the Erie of Warwyke, was 
withe Kynge Edwarde at Wynsoure, and huntede, and hade there 
ryghte good chere, and supposid he hade stoude in grete favour 
with the kynge : for the kynge seid to the sayde archebyschope 
that he wuld come for to hunte and disporte withe hyme in his 
manere at Moore ; whereof he was ryghte glade, and toke his leve 
and went home to make purvyaunce therfore; and fett oute of 
Londone, and dyverse other places, alle his plate and othere stuffe 
that he hade hyde after Barnet felde and Teukysbury feld; and 
also borowede more stuff of other mene, and purveyde for the 
kynge for two or iij. dayes for mete and drynke and logynge, and 
arayed as rychely and as plesauntly as he coude. And the day 
afore the kynge schulde have comyne to the archebisshoppe, to the 
seid manere of Moore, whiche the saide archebisshoppe hade pur- 
chasshed and byllede it ryghte comodiusly and plesauntly, the 
kynge send a gentylman to the seide archebisshoppe, and com- 
maundyd hym to come to Wyndsoure to hyme ; and asone as he 
came he was arested and apeched of hye treysone, that he schuld 
helpe the Erie of Oxenforde; and anone ryght he was put to 
warde. And forthewithe Sere William of Parre, knyghte, and 
Thomas Vaghan, squyre, withe othere many dyverse gentilmenne 
and yomen, were sent to the seide manere of Moore ; and ther, by 
the kynges comawndement, seysede the seid manere into the 
kynges handes, and alle the good that was therin, whiche was 
worthe xx.mKli. or more, and alle other lordschippes and landes that 
the seid bysshoppe hade withein Englonde, and alle his stuff and 
rychesse withein alle his lordschippes ; and sent the same bisschoppe 
overe the see to Caleis, and from thens to the Castelle of Hammys, 
and ther he was kepte presonere many a day ; and the kynge alle 
that seasone toke the prophete of the archebysshopperyche, &c. ; 
and anone after, the kynge brake the seyd archebysschoppes mytere, 

TO A.D. 1483.] VISIT or LOUIS DE BRUGES. 367 

in the whiche were fulle many ryche stones and preciouse, and 
made therof a croune for hyme self; and alle his other juels, plate, 
and stuff, the kynge gaff it to his eldest sonne and heyre, Prynce 
Edward." ^ 

After the death or murder of the deposed king, Henry the 
Sixth, on the 22d of May, 147 1^ Queen Margaret, who was 
brought a prisoner to London the same day, was confined first in 
the Tower, afterwards at Windsor, and lastly at Wallingford, with 
a weekly allowance of five marks for the support of herself and her 

In September 1472 Windsor was the scene of festivities in 
honour of the visit of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, 
the Governor of Holland under the Duke of Burgundy, who had 
hospitably rescued from pirates, and subsequently entertained 
Edward the Fourth, when that king had been forced to leave 
England for a time in the hands of the Earl of Warwick, and take 
refuge with his brother-in-law, the Duke of Burgundy. 

In requital for these acts of kindness, Edward took an early 
opportunity, after his reaccession to the throne, to manifest his 
gratitude ; and on the occasion of the arrival of the Seigneur de la 
Gruthuyse in England, in September 1472, he not only caused him 
to be received and treated with extraordinary honour, and publicly 
complimented by the Speaker of the Parliament, but conferred on 
him the dignity of Earl of Winchester. His reception is described 
in the words of a herald, who, as Sir E. Madden observes, must 
have been an eye-witness ; and as the description of the proceedings 
at Windsor are extremely curious, it is given here in the original 
words,^ from the time of the foreigner's arrival in London : 

" Item, when he came to London^ the ij Shereves of London 
wayted apon hym at Lyon Key, from whens they sente a Bote, in the 
whiche were iiij Sargeauntes, for to mete hym. And they caused hym 
to lande at the foresayde Key, where he was honnorably received by 
the foresayde Shereves. And so forthe conduicte to oon of there 

1 Warkworth's 'Chronicle,' edited by Halliwell, pp. 24, 25. 
^ Lingard. 

3 Additional MS., British Maseum, No. 6113, f. 103 h\ printed, with an introduction 
and notes by Sir E. Madden, in the ' Archseologia,' vol. xxvi, p. 275. 

368 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XV. 

Places to Denner, whiche ys called Shylley. And there he had an 
honnerable and a plentuous dynner ; and after dynner he was accom- 
panyed by the sayde Shereves to the Crane in the Vintery, where as 
for that tyme they toke there leve. And so the forsayde Lorde 
Grautehuse wente by water from thens to Westmester, to the Dean of 
Sainte Stevens chappell, to a place in Chanon Rowe, whiche was 
ordeined for hym by the Kinge and his Councell ; and w* in ij dayes 
after, by the advyse of Mayster Thomas Vaghan/ he rode to Winde- 
sore_, to the Kinge, accompanyed also w* the foresayde ij esquiers, 
Mayster Morrys Arnold, and Mayster John Heryllys, w* oder. And 
when he com into the castell, into the quadrante, my Lord Hastinges, 
chamberlein to the Kinge, Sir John A^Parre, Sir John Don, w* divers 
other lordes and nobles, received hym to the Kinge. 

'^ M'^' that the Kinge dyd to be imparrailled on the fur syde of the 
quadrant, iij chambres richely hanged w* clothes of Arras, and w* Beddes 
of astate; and when he had spoken w* the Kinges grace, and the 
queue, he was accompannyed to his chambre by the lorde Chamberlein, 
[and] Sir John Parre, w* divers moo, whiche supped w* hym in his 
chambre ; also there supped w^ hym his Servauntes. When they had 
supte, my lord chamberlein had hym againe to the Kinges chamber. 
Then incontinent the Kinge had hym to the queues chamber, where 
she had there her ladyes playinge at the morteaulx,^ and sum of her 
ladyes and gentlewomen at the Closheys'^ of yvery, and Daunsinge, and 
sum at divers other games, accordinge ; the whiche sight was full 
pleasaunte to them. Also the Kinge daunsed w* my lady Elizabethe,* 
his elste^ doughter. That done, the night passed over, they wente 
to his chamber. The Lorde Grauthuse toke leve, and my lorde 
Chamberlein, w^ divers nobles, accompenyed hym to his chambre, where 
they departed for that night. And in the morninge, when Matyns 
was don, the Kinge herde in his owne chappell our ladye masse, whiche 
was melodyousely songe, the Lorde Grautehuse beinge there presente. 
When the masse was doon, the Kinge gaue the sayde Lorde Graute- 
huse a Cuppe of Golde, garnished w* Perle. In the myddes of the 

^ Chamberlain to the prince. 

2 " Marteaux, jeu des petits palets." (Roquefort's * Glossaire de la Langue Romaine,' 
1808.) It was a game, probably, resembling bowls. 

^ The game of closh only differed in name from the nine-pins of the present day. The 
game of Kayles was nearly the same, but played with a stick instead of a bowl. By the 
statute 17 Edw. IV, c. 3, it was enacted "q' null p'sone use on jeue as jewez appellez 
Cloissh, Kaillez, Halfboule, Handyu, Handoute, et Quekeborde," on pain of two years' 
imprisonment and forfeiture of £10. 

^ Born in 1465. 

"> Sic. 


Cuppe ys a greate Pece of an Vnicornes home/ to my estimacyon vij 
ynclies compas. And on the couer was a great Saffre. Then he wente 
to his chambrej where he had his brekefaste. And when he had broken 
his faste, the Kinge cam in to the quadrante. My lorde Prince/ also, 
borne by his Chamberlayn, called Mayster Vaghan, whiche bad the 
foresayde Lorde Grautehuse welcom. Then the Kinge had hym and 
alle his Compeny into the lyttle Parke, where he made hym to have 
greate Sporte. And there the Kinge made hym ryde on his owen horse, 
on a right feyre hoby, the whiche the Kinge gaue hym. Item, there 
in the Parke, the Kinge thenkinge^ gaue hym a royalle Crosbowe, the 
strynge of Silke, the case covered w* velvette of the Kinges colloiirs, 
and his Amies and Bagges^ thereapon. Also the heddes of quarrelles 
were gilte. The Kinges dynner was ordeined in the lodge, whiche'^ 
before dynner they kylled no game, savinge a doo ; the whiche the Kinge 
gave to the Servauntes of the foresayde lorde Grauthuse. And when 
the Kinge had dyned, they wente an huntinge againe. And by the 
castelle were founden certein dere lyinge ; som w* greyhoundes, and 
som renne to deathe w* Bucke houndes. There were slaine halfe a 
doussein Buckes, the whiche the Kinge gaue to the sayde Lorde Graute- 
huse. By that tyme yt was nere night, yett the Kinge shewed hym his 
garden, and Vineyard of Pleasour, and so turned into the Castell agayne, 
where they herde evensonge in theire chambres. 

" The queue dyd to be ordeined a greate Bankette in her owne 
chambre. At the whiche Bankette were the Kinge, the queue, my lady 
Elizabethe the Kinges eldest doughter, the Duches of Exeter,^ the 
lady Ryvers,'^ [and] the Lorde Grautehuse, settinge at oone messe, and 
at the same table satte the Duke of Buckingeham,^ My lady his wyfe,^ 
w* divers other Ladyes, My lorde Hastinges, Chamberlein to the Kinge, 
My lorde Barnes,^^ chamberlein to the queue, [the] Sonne of the fore- 
sayde Lord Grauthushe, Mayster George Bartte, Secretory to the Duke 

^ According to the belief of this and earlier periods, supposed to guard against the 
existence of poison in the cup. 

^ Edward the Fifth, born in the Sanctuary at Westminster, November 1471. 

^ Sic. 4 Badges. ^ Sic. 

^ Anne, daughter of Richard Duke of York, and sister to Edward the Fourth, wife of 
Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, from whom she was divorced November 12th, 1472. 
She afterwards married Sir Thomas St. Leger, knt. 

7 Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Scales, wife of Anthony, second Earl 

^ Henry Stafford, who succeeded his grandfather in 1460, being then somewhat more 
than five years of age. Beheaded by Richard the Third in 1483. 

» Katherine, daughter of Richard Wydeville, first Earl Rivers. 

1° Sir John Bourchier, Lord Earners or Berners, K.G., made Constable of Windsor 
Castle in 1472. He died May 16th,. 1474. 


370 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter XV. 

of Burgoine, Loys Stacy, acher^ to the Duke of Burgoine, [and] 
George Mytteney; also certeyn nobles of the Kinges owen courte. 
Item, there was a syde table, at the whiche satte a great Vue^ of ladyes, 
alle on the oon syde. Also in the utter chambre satte the quenes 
gentlewomen, alle on oone syde. And on the tother syde of the table, 
over againeste them, as many of the Lord Grauthuse Servauntes, as 
touchinge to the abondant welfare, lyke as yt ys accordinge to suche a 
Bankett. And when they had soupped, my lady EUzabeth, the 
Kinges eldest doughter, daunsed w^ the Duke of Buckingeham, and 
divers other ladyes also. Then, aboute ix of the clocke, the Kinge 
and the quene, w*^ her ladies and gentlewomen, brought the sayde 
Lorde Grautehuse to iij chaumbres of Pleasance, alle hanged w* whyte 
Sylke and lynnen clothe, and alle the Floures covered w* carpettes. 
There was ordeined a Bedde for hym selve, of as good doune as coulde 
be gotten, the Shetes of Raynys,^ also fyne Fustyans; the Counterpoynte 
clothe of golde, furred w* armyn, the Tester and the Celer also shyninge 
clothe of golde, the Curteyns of whyte Sarsenette ; as for his hedde 
Sute and Pillowes, [they] were of the quenes owen Ordonnance. Item, 
[in] the ij*^^ chambre was a other of astate, the whiche was alle whyte. 
Also in the same chambre was made a Couche w* Fether beddes, hanged 
w* a Tente, knytt lyke a nette, and there was a Cuppborde. Item, in 
the iij'^^ chambre was ordeined a Bayue^ or ij, whiche were covered w* 
Tentes of white clothe. And when the Kinge and the quene, w* alle 
her ladyes and gentlewemen, had shewed hym these chambres, they 
turned againe to their owen chambres, and lefte the sayde lorde 
Grauthuse there, accompanied w^ my lorde chamberlein, whiche dis- 
poyled hym, and wente bothe together to the Bayne. Also there was 
Sir John A^Parre, John Grautehus, son to the foresayde lorde, Mayster 
George Bartte, Secretory to the Duke of Burgoine, Jeys Mytteny, and 

^ Usher ? ^ View, sight, or number. 

•^ Manufactured at Hennes in Britanny. It was celebrated as early as the fourteenth 
century. Tlius, Chaucer — 

" I wol geve him a fether bed, 
Rayed with gold, and right wel cled 
In fine blacke satten d'outremere, 
And many a pilowe and every bere 
Of clothe of Raines to slepe on softe." 

(*Booke of the Ducliesse,' v. 251, ed. Urry.) And in the 'Romance of the Squire of 
Low Degree' (v. 841) — 

" Your blankettes shall be of fustyane, 
Your shetes shall be of clothe of Rapie.''^ 
' Bath. 


these Servauntes that were longenge to theire chambres. And when 
they had ben in theire Baynes as longe as was there Pleasour, they 
had grene gynger, divers Cyryppes, Comfyttes^ and Ipocras^ and then 
they wente to bedde. And on the Morne he toke his Cuppe of the 
Kinge and the quene, and turned to Westmynstre againe, accompenied 
w^ certein knightes, esquiers, and oder the Kinges Servauntes, home to 
his Lodgenge. And on Sainte Edwardes daye^ opynly in the parle- 
mente chamber was create Erie of Winchester/^ 

In the tvi^elfthof Edward the Fourth (1471), Richard Lovell and 
William Evyngton were chosen members. The return was made 
by Edward Pury, mayor, and Richard Grenewey and John Josepp, 
bailiffs of the borough; one part of the indenture, with the seal of 
the mayor annexed, being left with William Stafferton, Esq., the 
sheriff, and the other part, with the sheriff's seal, remained with 
the mayor and bailiffs. 

In the seventeenth of Edward the Fourth (1476), John Joye sat 
with William Evyngton. From this year until 1541 the parlia- 
mentary rolls are defective. 

The persons returned to parliament at this period were evidently 
inhabitants of the town of Windsor. 

The erection of that splendid monument of English architecture, 
the existing Collegiate Chapel of St. George, renders this reign 
(says Mr. Poynter) an important epoch in the history of Windsor. 
The foundations and walls of the chapel of Edward the Third being 
found upon a survey to be in a state of great decay (a fact which it 
has been suggested, as already noticed, may have arisen from some 
imperfection in the foundation), Edward the Fourth determined to 
replace it by a more spacious and magnificent structure. To this 
purpose, in the thirteenth year of his reign, ^ he appointed that dis- 
tinguished prelate and architect, Richard Beauchamp, Bishop of 
Salisbury, to the office of Surveyor of the chapel. The writ of 
appointment, taking notice that divers of the officiary houses, and 
other irregular buildings and old walls, stood in the way, and 
hindered the royal design to enlarge the structure, gave the bishop 
power wholly to remove all such impediments, and to demolish 

1 13th of October. 

2 Pat., 13 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 17. 


and dig up their foundations, particularly those ancient buildings 
on the east side of the chapel which extended to the walls on the 
north side of the castle, where the towers commonly called dure ys 
Tower, and Le Amener ys Tower, and Burner ys Tower were 
situated ; as also on the south side of the chapel, to the belfry 
there, exclusively, and to employ the stone, timber, and other 
materials thereof, upon such edifices in the castle as he should think 
most convenient. 

This order (Mr. Poynter observes) probably swept away what- 
ever might remain of the thirteenth century in the direction of the 
new edifice. 

The three towers above mentioned have been before alluded to 
in treating of the buildings erected by Henry the Third, with 
Mr. Poynter's suggestion that they completed the line of defence 
on the north side of the castle, between the Bell Tower and the 
site of the Winchester Tower. -^ 

The Clure or Clewar Tower may have derived its name from 
the manor and parish in which the castle stood, or from the village 
of Clewer, lying to the west, and almost overlooked by the towers 
on that side of the castle. Another was the Tower of the Almoner, 
whose room was restored in the reign of Henry the Third ; and 
Earner's or Berners Tower may have acquired its name from 
Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, constable of the castle in the 
reign of Edward the Fourth. 

With what diligence and sedulity (says Ashmole) and how 
well the bishop performed this office and employment, appears from 
the testimony given him by the king, in the preamble of the patent 
by which, in his fifteenth year, he constituted the bishop, and his 
successors for ever, Chancellors of the Order of the Garter, namely, 
that, out of mere love towards the order, he had given himself the 
leisure daily to attend the advancement and progress of this goodly 

The success with which the work was prosecuted is yet more 

1 See ante, pp. 72, 73. 

2 Pat., 15 Edw. IV, p. iii, m. 13 ; Ashmole, p. 136. Ashmole, by mistake, assigns 
the a])poiutments as surveyor of the chapel and Chancellor of the Garter to the same 
year, 1 5 Edw. IV — an error which Mr. Poynter has observed. 

TO A.u. 1483.] PEAST OP ST. GEORGE. 373 

apparent from the fact, that within five years it was so far advanced 
that provision was made for hanging the bells, and contracts 
entered into for carving the stalls in the choir ; and that in the 
twentieth year of the king's reign the lead was cast for covering 
the roof, to the amount of 46 j fothers and 21 Ibs.^ 

The king held the Feast of St. George in 1476 at Windsor. 
Stow gives the following account of its celebration : 

'^ This yeere Edward kept the Feast of Saint George and Order of 
the Garter at Windsore in most royall manner ; first on the Satterday 
before noone, the king being Soveraigne with the knights of the order, 
entered the chapiter within the castle — which chapiter was also con- 
tinued in the after noone, — in this manner, towards evensong time, 
being all mounted on horsebacke in their habits of blew, rode to the 
chapiter.^ From thence they went to the quire on foote, where they 
remained while evensong was done, and then rode againe to the castle 
(in their habits as afore), where they had their voide of spices, &c. 

" On Sunday morning the Soveraigne, with the knights, rode to 
mattens, which being ended, they entred the chapiter ; from whence 
they went to the Dean^s house to breakefast, and after to the quire 
againe, every man to his owne stall. Then came the Queene, with the 
Lady Elizabeth, her eldest daughter, the Dutchesse of Suffolke, the 
king's sister, the Lady Marchionesse of Montague, the Lady Mar- 
chionesse of Dorset, the Lady Hastings, &c., all in one livery of murrey 
embrodered with garters, except the Marchionesse of Montague, who 
rode in a gowne of silke — and these ladies were placed in the roode 
loft. And in the same order and habite came the Soveraigne and 
Knights, with the Queene and her Ladies, in the afternoone to evensong. 
The king this day dined in his great Chamber, on whose right hand 
sate Richard Bewchamp, Bishop of Salisbury, Chancellor of the order, 
and on the left hand the D. of Clarence and the Duke of SuiFolke. 
At a side table sate the Marquesse of Dorset, the Earles of Arundale, 
Northumberland, and Essex, the Lord Maltravers, the Earle Dowglas, 
the Lords Dudley, Ferrers, and Howard, and Sir John Astely, knight, 
all on one side. And at a table on the other side sate Master Dudley, 
Deane of S. George's Chappell, and with him, all on one side, the 
Chanons of the same chappell, in their mantles of murrey, and rundlet 
of S. George. 

^ Poynter. 

2 Ashmole refers to this feast as an instance on which the procession proceeded from 
the castle to the chapel on horseback, in order " to enlarge the state and gallantry of the 
show." C Order of the Garter/ pp. 548, 549.) 

374 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XV. 

'^ On the Muuday the soveraigne and knights of the order entred 
the chapiter, where they had a short communication ; from whence 
they went to the quire, where every knight stood before his stall whiles 
the king had offered a rich sute of vestments, and certaine coapes of the 
same sute which the deane received : that done, the king went to his 
stall, and every knight sate him downe in their owne stales, till the 
offertory, and then the Marques and the D. of Suffolke ofiPered the 
sword of John Mowbray, late D. of Norfolke, deceased, the Lords 
Maltravers and Howard his helme : which being done, and obeisance 
made, every knight stood before their stals, while the king had offered, 
and then every knight offered according to his stal, to wit, the D. of 
Clarence, the Marques Dorset, the Duke of Yorke, the Earle of Arun- 
dell, the Earle of Essex, and the D. of Suffolke, the Earle of North- 
umberland, the Earle of Dowglas, the Lord Maltravers, and the Lord 
Howard, the Lord Duedly, the Lord Ferrers, Sir John Astley. The 
masse being ended, they went to the Chapiter, and thus the feast was 
ended, from the which were absent of the order out of the Realme — 
the King of Cicill, the King of Portingale, the Duke of Burgoigne, 
the D. of Vervin, the Lord Rivers, the Lord Scrope, the L. Durasse. 
Absent within the realme — the prince, the D. of Glocester, the Duke 
of Buckingham, the Lord Hastings, and Sir William a Par/'^ 

In this year (1476) the Countess of Oxford died, and was 
buried at Windsor.^ 

The king and queen were at Windsor when intelligence was 
brought of the conduct and expressions of the Duke of Clarence, 
which cost the latter his life. The king, we are informed, hastened 
from Windsor to London, sent for the duke, upbraided him, and 
committed him to the Tower.^ His death occurred a few weeks 
after, the common notion being that he was drowned in a butt of 

The king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, appointed Thomas 
Cancellar comptroller of the king's works in the Castle of Windsor.^ 
This appointment did not interfere with the progress of the works 
of the chapel under the superintendence of Bishop Beauchamp ; on 
the contrary, Thomas Cancellar acted as the bishop's deputy. 

1 Stow's 'Annals/ p. 429, edit. 1631. See also Anstis, vol. ii, p. 126, note (t). 

^ Holinshed. 

^ Lingard. 

' Pat., 16 Edw. IV, ]). ii, m. 11. 


Some portions of the accounts of the bishop have been preserved/ 
and furnish (says Mr. Poynter) many interesting particulars con- 
cerning the progress of this great work. The funds for its execu- 
tion were drawn from the estates of the Earl of Shrewsbury, the 
Earl of Wiltshire, and the Lord Morley, which were in the king's 
hands by reason of the heirs being under age, and in the eighteenth 
year (when these accounts begin) amounted to £1408 16^. 9^d., 
of which only £1178 18^. lO^d. was expended. The principal 
part of the stone used this year came from Tainton, in Oxfordshire, 
where Henry Jennings, the master mason, purchased 9755 feet, at 
2d. the foot. The carriage by land, through Burford and Culham 
to Henley, cost £151 12^., and it was thence conveyed by water 
to Windsor Bridge. Some portion of Caen stone was also used, 
and heath stone from Cranbourne Chase. Caen stone was used 
in great quantities in England from an early period, as we have 
already seen in describing the works at the castle. A writer of the 
reign of Elizabeth says — '^ Our elders have from time to time, 
following our natural vice in misliking of our own commodities at 
home and desiring those of other countries abroad, most esteemed 
the Caen stone that is brought hither out of Normandy : and many 
even in these our days, following the same vein, do covet in their 
works almost to use none other." ^ The timber came principally 
from Upton, Ashridge, Farnham, Wyke, and Sunning-hill ; and 
the carriage of these materials, and of sand [arena et sabulum] 
and lime, amounted to £29 10^. S^d. The cost of the timber and 
other materials and stores necessary for the prosecution of the 
works — such as scaffolding, tools and utensils of various descrip- 
tions, bellows for the forges, tiles and tile-pins (probably for the 
workmen's sheds), wit/is to tie the scaffolding, straw, candles, sea- 
coal, charcoal, steel, iron for the windows, iron bolts for the carts, 
sheet iron, tin, tin pans, nails, &c., &c. — amounted to £141 8^. Id. ; 
and £555 Qs. l^d. was paid in wages to the workmen and 
labourers. The allowance to the clerk of the works, Thomas 
Canceler, was £10, and to the two purveyors £5 106\ and £4 8^. 
respectively. The clerk of the works, the chief mason, and the 

^ 111 the Chapter House, Westminster. 

2 Harrison's description of England, prefixed to Holiushed, vol. i, p. 304, edit. 1807. 

3^6 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XY. • 

chief carpenter had also gowns allowed them. The pay of the 
principal smith, John Tresilian, was far the largest, being 16d. per 
day. Over and above these salaries, there is an entry of £20 6s. Sd. 
for the expenses of John Tresilian in waiting six days for the 
making of a great anvil ; for the expenses of WiUiam Carver, being 
in London overlooking the making of the tabernacles ; for the 
expenses of Thomas Canceler, the deputy of the lord the bishop, 
his servants and horses, riding on divers occasions from Windsor 
and divers other places to buy stuff, &c. ; for the expenses of John 
Turpin in taking masons} and for the rewards given to the head 
mason, head carver, and head carpenter, as is more fully set forth 
in the books of accounts. 

" The details of the contracts for the carved work are very 
curious. One is for cleansing and embossing eighteen spandrils 
and seventeen buttresses for the stalls in the choir, for the cleansing 
of three hoiotelles^ the making of thirteen enter closes^ the making 
of twenty-one caters} and for the rounded howtelles of the lintels, 
made by contract in gross, £13 14<^. 6d. Another is with Robert 
Ellis and John Filles, carvers, for making six tabernacles^ for the 
choir ; and with Derrick Van Grove and Giles Van Castel, for 
making the image of St. George and the Dragon, the image of 
St. Edward and the Lord on the Cross, with images of the Holy 
Mary and St. John the Evangelist, at 5^. the foot in length \ at 
which rate the six tabernacles came to £40, St. George and the 
Dragon to £17, and the rest of the images to £4 10^. 

" With the chapel, the chapter-house was rebuilt, and seems at 
this time to have been completed, since a charge is made for fitting 
it up with ninety yards of tapestry, white, red, and green, with 
the arms of St. George and the Garter, two pieces of horde 
olisondre} and fourteen yards of green cloth. The king's great 

^ The best workmen were so completely monopolised by the king for St. George's, 
that other buildings were impeded in consequence. This was the case with the Divinity 
School at Oxford. (See Chandler's ' Life of William Vl^aynflete.') 

2 Or boltel, the perpendicular shaft of a column, comparing it to the shaft of a halbcrt, 
javelin, or holt, used for any round moulding or torus. 

2 Partitions. "* Or quatrcs, probably quatre-foils. 

^ Canopies, or niches or stalls covered with canopies. 

^ Bord alezan, sorrel-coloured border. 


chamber in the castle also appears to have been fitted up this year 
under the directions of the bishop, and a new ceiling made, deco- 
rated with the rose. 

'' In the twentieth year of Edward the Fourth, the expenditure 
on account of the works at the chapel amounted to £1249 18^. b^d. 
The sum of £187 5^. was paid for stone from Caen, Tainton, 
Sherborne, Ryegate, Milton, and Little Daryngton, £349 18^. O^d, 
for carriage, £144 11^. 11|-^. for other materials and stores^ and 
£457 10^. 6^d. for wages. The sum of £62 12^. 6d. is set 
down for making two popeis^ for the stalls in the choir, for sixty- 
two feet of trailez^ and crestes^ and for making six tabernacles in 
the choir for the knights and canons. In the following year there 
is another contract for making and carving twelve tabernacles for 
the choir, fourteen haces de les countrez^ within the stalls, and 
thirty-two feet of haces in the same choir ; also for two popeis, four 
chaptreilles^ for the stdls, for the ceiling and making of a frame of 
three panels, and for making and carving thirty feet of crestes, 
thirty feet of trai/ls, eight lintels for the enter close of the chapel of 
Master John Shorne, thirty-one feet of trai/ls in the same chapel, 
and forty-two enter-closes^ counters, and dahrias^ made with the 
stalls of the choir, £100 10^. 4^/. The sum of £146 1^. ^\d. was 
laid out this year on the dweUings of the clergy, and the total 
expenditure was £1145 ls.^\d!'^ 

John Shorne, or Schorne, whose chapel is mentioned in these 
accounts, was a pious rector of Northmarston, in Buckinghamshire, 
about the year 1290, and was held in great veneration for the 
virtues which his benediction had imparted to a holy well in his 
parish, and for his miracles, one of which, the feat of conjuring 
the devil into a hoot, was considered so remarkable, that it was 
represented in the east window of his church, and was also recorded 
in the following lines, existing in the last century, on the wall 
enclosing the holy well : 

^ The carved ends of the stalls, from some fancied resemblance to the carved poop, 
puppis, or end of a ship. 
^ Open work, trellis, 

^ Cornices, running battlements, or any crowning moulding or carving. 
^ Counters, desks ? ^ Capitals. 

" (Quaere.) ? Poynter's ' Essay.' 

378 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XY. 

'' Sir John Schorne, 
Gentleman borne : 
Conjured the Devil into a Boot/^ ^ 

Bishop Beauchamp, in 14 7 8, obtained a licence from the pope to 
translate the remains of John Shorne from Northmarston wherever 
he pleased in the diocese of Salisbury, and he accordingly removed 
it to the Lincoln Chapel at Windsor.^ The advowson of North- 
marston was previously acquired by the college, and its value to 
the dean and chapter is apparent from the fact that at the Reforma- 
tion the college lost £500 per annum from the offerings at the 
shrine there. ^ 

" In the twenty-second year of Edward the Fourth the expenses 
of the new chapel amounted to £960 12^. lOd. Out of this sum, 
£186 10^. 4</. was paid for making and carving twelve tabernacles 
for the knights and canons in the choir, and forty-eight vaults of 
wainscot under the said tabernacles, three hundred and fifteen feet 
and a half of crestes and trayls, twenty-seven lintels, twenty-nine 
caters and six feet of caters, one hundred and twenty cliajptreilles 
and hacesy seventeen stolys^ forty-two bottresses, one hundred and 
nine panels behind the choir, one hundred and eighty-two gahlettes^ 
t wenty-t wo /^;^y<2^7/e5,^ three doors for divers closets, for the carving 
of the story of St. George, for making an altar within the closet of 
the king, for making a mill for the use of the smiths and a house 
for the masons working on the tomb of our lord the king, for 
sawing timber, and for casting 10 J fothers of lead for covering the 
side aisles." ^ 

The new chapel exceeded in length that of its predecessor at 
least one hundred fathoms.^ 

Edward the Fourth also built the dean and canons' houses 
situate on the north side of the chapel, and those for the petty 
canons, erected at the west end of it in the form of a fetter-cock 

^ Lipscombe's Buckinghamshire, vol. i, p. 339 ; Lysons' Buckinghamshire, p. 603. 
2 Poynier; Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 107. 
^ Ashmole's * Order of the Garter/ p. 172. 

^ Stools, benches, or pews. ^ Small gables or pediments. ^ Finials. 

" Poyntcr's ' Essay on the History of Windsor Castle,' 

^ ' Bulla de Concessione Episcopo Sar. ad condendum novas Ordinatioues,' cited by 
Ashmole, p. 136. 


(one of Edward the Fourth's royal badges), and commonly called 
after it.^ 

The '* singular respect and favour" enter tamed by the king for 
the college was not evinced in the buildings alone, for he added 
largely to its endowments.^ 

* Ashmole, p. 136. 

^ The following is a summary of this king's grants : 

Bj letters patent bearing date at Windsor, the 18th of July, in the seventh year of his 
reign," in aid and relief and towards the support " of the great burthens" * of the dean 
and canons, he gave them the manor or lordship of Atherston, in the county of Warwick, 
being part or member of the alien Priory of Okeborne in Warwickshire f the manor of 
Chesynbury, otherwise Chesyngbury, in Wiltshire ; and the manor and advowson of the 
Church of Quarle, in Hampshire, the Church or Priory of Uphaven, and the Deanery or 
Chapel of St. Burien, or Burrene, in Cornwall ; also an annual pension which the Abbot 
of Sawetre was accustomed to pay for the Church of Eulborne to the Abbey " de Bona 
Requie," and another annual pension of twenty pounds, paid to the king by the Abbot of 
E-ufford, for the moiety of the Church of Rotheram, in Yorkshire. 

In the thirteenth year, by patent bearing date the 29th of January, ** he gave to 
William Dudley, as dean, and to the canons, the Manor or alien Priory of Monkenlane,* 
in the county of Hereford. 

The following year (27th of February)/ he granted to the dean and chapter the 
advowson, patronage, and free disposition of the house, hospital, or free chapel of 
St. Anthony, London,*' with all the liberties, privileges, lands, tenements, rents, services, 
fruits, oblations, and emoluments whatsoever belonging to it ; and upon any vacancy to 
enter and take the said house, hospital, or free chapel, with its before-mentioned 
appurtenances, to the use of the dean and chapter. 

On the 17th of May following,* the king gave to the dean and canons the Priory of 
Brimesfield, in the county of Gloucester ; the manor of Blakenham in Suffolk (part of the 
Priory of Okeburne) ; the Priory of St. Elen, in the Isle of Wight ; the Priory or Manor 
of Charleton, in Wiltshire ; and all the lauds, tenements, rents, and services in Nortli- 
niundam, Compton, and Welegh, in the counties of Sussex and Southampton (which had 

" Pat., 7 Edw. IV; printed in the ' Monasticon,' from the Inspeximus Charter, 
4 Hen. VIII. 

^ " Grandium onerum." 

'^ The king had previously, by letters patent bearing date the 20th of November, in 
the first year of his reign, confirmed to the college the Priory of Okebourne, granted by 
the Duke of Bedford, and confirmed by Henry the Eifth. Fide Cart., 1 Edw. IV, m. 20. 
It is printed at length in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.' 

d Pat., 13 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 6 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.' 

« Monkland, near Leominster, Herefordshire. 

/ Pat., 14 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 5 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.* 

s" A preceptory of the Monastery of St. Anthony, at Vienna. (Ashmole.) See post, 
p. 390, note 1. 

* Pat., 14 Edw. IV, p. i, m. 1 ; printed in the ' Monasticon,' but there the patent is 
described as of 17 Edw. IV. 

380 ANNALS OP WINDSOR, [Chaptek XV. 

In the nineteenth year of his reign, Edward the Fourth granted 
a charter to the college, bearing date the 6th of December. It 

belonged to the Abbey of Lucerne, in Normandy) ; the manors of Ponyngton and Wedon, 
in Dorsetshire (part of the possessions of Okeburne Priory) ; an annual rent or pension 
of twelve marks, payable by the prior of the Priory of " Monteacuto," together with all 
and singular the lands, tenements, rents, advowsons, liberties, &c., annexed to the said 
priories, with licence to the dean and canons to appropriate the same to themselves and 
their successors. 

About two months later," the king gave them the manor of Membury, in Devonshire ; 
the lordships of Preston and Monkesilver, in Somersetshire; the advowsons of the 
churches of Puryton and Wollavynton, in the same county (being parcel of the alien 
Priory of Golclyf, in Wales), together with the knights' fees, advowsons, profits, rights, 
&c., thereunto belonging. 

In the eighteenth year of Edward's reign, the queen, Thomas Archbishop of York, and 
several bishops, noblemen, and others, being seised to the use of the king, his heirs and 
successors, of the manor of Wykecombe, called Bassetsbury, the fee farm of the town of 
Great Wykecombe, the manor of Crendon in Buckinghamshire, and of the manors of 
Haseley and Pyrton in the county of Oxford, parcel of the lands of the Duchy of 
Lancaster (at the special command of the king), demised and granted the premises, with 
all their appurtenances, to the dean and canons and their successors, until the king, his 
heirs or successors, should grant to them other lands of the like yearly value.* 

On the 17th of Pebruary in the same year,'' the king gave them the advowson of the 
parish church of Chesthunt, being then in his own patronage, with licence to appro- 
priate it ; and on the 21st of February the king united the custody or deanery of the free 
chapel of Wolverhampton to the custos or dean of this college, and his successors for 

In the twentieth year of his reign, the king gave (27th of September) the dean and 
canons* the advowson or patronage of the prebend of Ewern in Dorsetshire, with a licence 
of appropriation. 

And lastly, on the 21st of November in the following year,-^ he granted to them two 
parts of the manors of Old Swynford and Gannowe, in Worcestershire, and the reversion 
of the third part of them after the death of Margaret, the widow of Fulk Stafford, 
, Esquire ; and also the advowson of the church of Old Swynford. 

Edward the Fourth was not (says Ashmole) " alone bountiful " to this chapel, " but 

" Pat., 14 Edw. IV ; also printed in the ' Monasticon.' 

* Ex ipso Autogr. in ^rar. Colleg. Windesor, cited by Ashmole. 

" Pat., 18 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 4 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.' Ashmole says the 
licence to appropriate the living was " provided the vicarage were sufficiently endowed, 
and a competent sum of money annually distributed among the poor parishioners, accord- 
ing to the diocesan's ordinance and form of the statute in such case provided." 

'^ Ashmole. " This church, cum membris, is exempt not only from the jurisdiction 
of the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, but, by a papal bull, from all his legates and 
delegates; nor is it subject to any terene power but the majesty of England, and, 
under it, to the perpetual visitation of the keepers of the great seal pro tempore.'^ (Ibid.) 

* Ashmole, citing Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 23, 

^ Pat,, 21 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 3 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.' 


recites and sets out the charter of Edward the Third, and the 
charter made in the eighth year of the reign of Henry the Sixth, 

excited others to be so likewise." In the first year of his reign^ he licensed all his sub- 
jects in general to give what lands, rents, or advowsons they pleased to the dean and 
canons, within the value of 300 marks per annum, as well such as they held of the king 
in capite, or in burgage, or otherwise, as any other land ; the same to be united and 
appropriated to the college and its uses in perpetuity, notwithstanding the statute of 
mortmain; and he afterwards* extended this licence to lands, &c., of the value of £500 
a year,*^ 

In the twentieth year of his reign, the king, by letters patent dated the 29th of June,'' 
licensed John Duke of Suffolk and Elizabeth his wife, the king's sister, to assign to the 
dean and canons the manor or lordship of Grovebury, otherwise called Leighton-Busard, 
in Bedfordshire ;* the church of Tintagell in Cornwall, with all its reversions and emolu 
ments ; and various houses and lands, with their appurtenances, in Neweford and 
Blanford, in Dorsetshire ; in Stukely, Northalle, Edelesburg, and Bodenache, in Bucking- 
hamshire ; in Compton St. John, in Sussex ; in Portesmuthe (Portsmouth) and Burghegge, 
in Hampshire ; and in Stodeham, in Hertfordshire, held of the king in capite. 

On the 10th of January following, Sir Walter Devoreux de Eerrers, knight, following 
this example, with his feoffees. Sir John Devoreux and others, granted to the dean and 
canons the advowson of the church of Sutton Courtney, in Berkshire, having first 
obtained the king's licence for that purpose.-^ 

All the above-mentioned endowments are called the lands of the Old Dotation, to 
distinguish them from those settled on the college by Edward the Sixth, which bear the 
title of lands of the New Dotation^ Several of these endowments of Edward the Eourth 
were never enjoyed by the college, namely, the manor of Atherston,the manor and advowson 
of Quarle, Uphaven, St. Burien, Eulburne Pension, Brimfeld, St. Elen, Charleton, 
Blakenham, Ponyngton, Wedon, Old Swinford, and Gannow ; and others only for a short 
period, namely, the manor and advowson of Chesingbury, and the lands in Newford, 
Blanford, and Portsmouth. Besides these, the college was dispossessed of Gottesford in 
the reign of Henry the Sixth ; of Cheshunt advowson in the reign of Henry the Seventh ; 

« Ashmole, citing Cart., 1 Edw. IV, m. 20. [There does not appear to be any such 
licence in the charter of this date and number printed in the ' Monasticon.'] 

* Pat., 19 Edw. lY, m, 5 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.' 

'^ Henry the Eighth extended the licence to £100 yearly. (Ashmole, citing Lib. 
Denton, f. 115.) 

<^ Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 25. The particular quantities and description of the 
land in each place is specified in the patent, which is printed in the ' Monasticon.' 

« "The 24 of July, anno 18 E. 4, this Duke of Suffolk infeoffed Richard Duke of 
York, Thomas Bishop of Lincoln, and others, of the manor of Leighton Busard, who, the 
25 of June, anno 19 E. 4, at his special instance, demised and granted the said manor to 
the dean and canons for ever ; and in the octaves of St. John Baptist, anno 20 E, 4, the 
Duke of Suffolk and his duchess levied a fine to the dean and canons, who thereupon 
agreed that for this their so large donation they should be had in their perpetual orisons.' 

/ Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 3. 

s Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 172. 

382 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XV. 

"in fact, but not of right, King of England," with the assent of 
the then parUament, and proceeds to incorporate the dean and 
canons by the name of the Dean and Canons of the Free Chapel of 
St. George in the Castle of Windsor, with the usual powers of 
perpetual succession, holding lands, &c., and of suing and being 
sued. The charter also empowers the Duke of Suffolk and 
Ehzabeth his wife to grant and assign to the dean and canons the 
manor or lordship of Grobury or Grovebury, otherwise called the 
manor or lordship of Leighton Busard, in Bedfordshire, held of the 
king in capite. The king also granted permission to all persons to 
endow the dean and canons with lands, &c., to the annual value of 
five hundred pounds ; and also granted them freedom from fines 
for these and all other letters patent and writs.^ 

This charter, which efiected the complete incorporation of the 
dean and canons, was obtained through the interest of Bishop 
Beauchamp,^ who had been installed dean of the chapel on the 4th 
of March, 1478, and who was the first chancellor of the Order of 
the Garter. For the greater security of the body, the provisions of 
the charter were incorporated in a statute of parliament passed 
in the twenty-second year of the king's reign,^ and still in 
force. ^ 

The wardrobe accounts of the twentieth year of the king^s 
reign contain entries of presents to the college of silk, velvet, satin, 
and cloth of gold.^ 

Some of the possessions mentioned in the grants of this reign 
had formed part of the revenue of Eton CoUege, and are included 

and of Wodemersthome, Tyltehey, Retlierfeld, Levyngdon, Stoke-Basset, Stretham, 
Totingbeck, Fordham, Ethorp, Ncwenham, and Tollesworth during or shortly before the 
reign of Henry the Eighth. Afterwards they surrendered into the hands of the last- 
mentioned king the manors and advowsons of Eure, Clyff, Ashton, Rowhand, Kingston, 
Est-Henrith, Northumunden, Compton, Weleg, Compton St. John's, and Shobingdon 
Portion. (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter/ pp. 169—172.) 

^ Pat., 19 Edw. IV, m. 5. This charter is printed in the ' Monasticon.' 

2 Ashmole, p. 154. 

3 Rot. Pari., 22 Edw. IV, n. m. {Vide Rot. Pari., vol. vi, p. 208.) A clause in 
this ac