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COLLECTION
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BRIGHAM YOUNG \

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Victorian

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1858
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NoRDEN'sVlEW OF WiNDSOR CaSTLE in the REIGN oi -UmeS THE FiRST.

(l-r,,,,, l/„ IM MSS .\'.;7,!'J

ANNALS OF WINDSOE,

BEING

A HISTORY OF THE CASTLE AND TOWN;

WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF

ETON

AND PLACES ADJACENT.

ROBERT RICHARD TIGHE, ESQ,

AND

JAMES EDWARD DAVIS, ESQ.,

BAKRISTER-AT-LAW.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, AND ROBERTS.

MDCCCLVIII.

HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY

(^nm Wukm,

THIS HISTORY OF

HER ROYAL CASTLE OF WINDSOR

!$ Irwniblji ^tViaU^i,

HER majesty's EAITHEUL SUBJECTS,

THE AUTHORS.

PEEPACE.

In presenting an historical work purporting to treat of any
particular district, it is the duty of an author to satisfy the public,
in the first place, that the subject is of sufficient importance to
justify the attempt ; in the next place, that the field of his
labours is not already occupied ; and lastly, that he has the
materials and means for performing the task. An examination
of the work itself must be, in general, the medium of deter-
mining an author's qualifications in other respects.

That the subject matter is worthy of investigation, the authors
of the ' Annals of Windsor' are relieved from the necessity of any
laboured proof. The interest attached to Windsor, arising from
the Castle having been a residence of the sovereigns of England
from the Norman Conquest to the present time, and its conse-
quent connection with many events in English history, is
evident.

In proportion to the importance of the subject, is the neces-

viii PREFACE.

sity for showing that it has not hitherto met with worthy
treatment. It is therefore desirable to review what has been
previously attempted and accomplished in reference to Windsor.

Ashmole, who wrote an elaborate work on the Order of the
Garter, containing much valuable information connected with
Windsor, also contemplated writing a work on the Castle, and
collected materials for that purpose, but never carried the project
into effect. In 1714 Dr. Dawson, Vicar of Windsor, published
the ' Memoirs of St. George and the Order of the Garter/ as an
Introduction to an intended " History of the Antiquities of the
Castle, Town, and Borough of Windsor, with the parts adjacent,"
but the project was not carried out. In 1749 Pote, the bookseller
at Eton, selected portions of Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' and
adding to them a collection of monumental inscriptions in St.
George^s Chapel and the parish church, and prefixing a con-
cise account of the principal charters of the Borough, and a
description of the Town, with some other particulars, published
the w^hole in a quarto volume, styling it * The History and
Antiquities of Windsor Castle,^ &c. In 1813 Mr. James
»Hakewell, an architect, reprinted a great part of the text of Pote,
to which he added descriptions of places in the neighbourhood of
Windsor and Eton, and published this, with illustrations, by sub-
scription, as the ' History of AVindsor.' An examination of
Mr. Hakewell's volume, will show that not the slightest attempt
was made to entitle it to the name of a ' History.*

After the extensive alterations and restorations in the castle
under Sir Jeffrey Wyatville, in the reigns of George the Fourth
and William the Fourth, the executors of the architect published

PREFACE. ix

a series of ' Illustrations of Windsor Castle/ to which is prefixed
a most valuable and carefully written historical essay, by Mr.
Ambrose Poynter, on the structure, and on the changes effected
in it from time to time by various sovereigns. It occupies
twenty-six pages, and, as far as it extends, leaves little to be
desired, and is very frequently referred to and cited in the fol-
lowing work. Being restricted, however, to the mere changes in
the structure of the castle, it is needless to say that the essay has
no pretensions to rank as a history of Windsor, either of the castle
or town. Even for the purpose for which it was designed it is
not always accessible, the unwieldy form and strictly architectural
style of the illustrations confining the essay within the reach of
a very limited number of persons.

A very pretty volume by Leitch Ritchie (and of which a second
edition, by Mr. Jesse, was published in 1848), entitled ' Windsor
Castle and its Environs, including Eton College,* contains some
pleasant gossip, interspersed with pictorial illustrations.

The work that has the strongest claim to be regarded in
the light of a History of Windsor, is Mr. Stoughton^s ' Notices of
Windsor in the Olden Time,' published in ] 844. In this unpre-
tending but interesting little volume there is, undoubtedly, more
matter connected with Windsor than had been put together by
any previous writer ; but still it does not possess the character of
a Local History. The substance of it formed a series of lectures
delivered at the Mechanics' Institute at Windsor, and the author's
principal sources of information were the previous works already
noticed, aided by an occasional reference to other authorities, and
a few extracts from second-hand notes of local documents.

X PREFACE.

Of hand-books and illustrated guide-books for visitors to the
castle, the one most deserving of coramendation is Mr. Jesse's
* Summer Day at Windsor and Eton/

With the exception of Mr. Poynter's essay, not one of the
works enumerated shows any attempt on the part of the author to
lay before the reader even the most ordinary sources of information.
Not only have the national records of the country remained un-
searched, but the printed works of the chroniclers and historians
of England have been neglected. With respect to the mass of
local records, their very existence appears to have been unknown
and unthought of. The muniments of the corporation, as well as
the parochial registers and churchwardens' accounts, have re-
mained entirely unnoticed, and yet the past history of a town like
Windsor, possessed of charters and privileges from a very early
period, is scarcely inferior in interest to the transactions more
immediately connected with the castle. The chamberlains' ac-
counts alone, commencing with the reign of Henry the Eighth,
afford a fund of information on various topics connected with the
domestic habits and customs of the people in the sixteenth,
seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The payment of the
parliamentary representatives of the borough; the bribery and
intimidation of a later period; the various visitations of the
plague; the sanitary condition of the town (as for example, the
cleansing of the streets at the funeral of Henry the Eighth) ;
the changes effected at the Reformation ; and the later altera-
tion in religious feeling attending the growth of Puritanism,
are only a few heads of numerous classes of entries. Some
will be found, indeed, involving topics of a higher and more

PBEFACE. xi

general interest ; as, for example, those entries relating to the
change in the value of money, and the proceedings between the
Protector Somerset and the Lords of the Council. Foxe, the Mar-
tyrologist, is confirmed in his history by the particulars of the
names and position of the chief inhabitants of Windsor at the time
the victims of the Six Articles were burnt there, and the national
historians of the same period are corroborated by the entries
respecting the summary execution of the priest and butcher in
1536. Even Shakespeare, exhausted as every source of information
respecting him and his plays apparently is, receives fresh illus-
tration in the existence and position of the " Garter" Inn, the rank
of "minehost/^ the position of " The Fields,^^ "Datchet Mead,"
the state of the Castle ditch, and various other contemporaneous
entries of names and places connected with the ' Merry Wives of
Windsor.' So abundant are the materials relating to this play,
from these and other sources, that a separate chapter has been
devoted to them.

The materials collected by Ashmole, and preserved at Oxford,
are perhaps even of greater value, as they comprise extracts
from various local records now lost or destroyed. The pro-
clamation in 1495 (not noticed by Ruding) respecting the coin-
age, and the correspondence between Dr. Goodman, Bishop of
Gloucester, and the Mayor of Windsor in 1635, illustrate the
nature of some of these documents.

It is on the careful examination for the first time of the local
muniments, and of Ashmole's manuscripts, that the authors in a
great measure rest their claim for support. At the same time
they have not neglected any other available sources of information

xu PREFACE.

and it is scarcely necessary to say, that an examination of the
Public Records by the assistance of the Calendars, and of
various MSS. in the British Museum, has afforded a very con-
siderable portion of the materials employed in these volumes.
The appearance in print for the first time, as it is believed, of
the most interesting part of the narrative of the visit of Philip
of Castile to Henry the Seventh at Windsor, in 1506, from the
Cottonian MSS., and the Parliamentary surveys from Carlton Ride,
may be referred to as instances of curious matter brought to
light.

As the title-page indicates, these researches have not been
strictly confined to Windsor. Eton is necessarily, from its situa-
tion, so closely connected with Windsor, that to shut out all
notice of it would be to render the whole work imperfect, and
although the authors do not pretend that a complete history of
Eton is contained in these volumes, yet they believe that more
information respecting the town and college will be found in-
terspersed in them than has been hitherto collected in any work
purporting to give an account of that place. It may be re-
marked, that while almost every previous account of Eton com-
mences with the foundation of the College by Henry the Sixth,
many earlier events and circumstances connected with the town
are here recorded. The same observations apply, in a less degree,
to various other places of interest in the neighbourhood.

At the same time the authors do not assume that they have
exhausted the stores of materials for a history of Windsor. It
would be more than the labour of a life to examine all the public
records for that purpose. Fresh sources of information have been

PUErACE. xiii

disclosed by calendars pul)lislied since the principal part of the
work went through the press.

The circumstances that induced the authors to undertake this
task may be briefly referred to.

In the year 1845 Mr. Tighe, then resident in Windsor, sug-
gested some improvements and alterations in the roads and ap-
proaches to the castle and town of Windsor. These suggestions
were contained in a letter on the subject addressed to the Duke
of Newcastle, then Lord Lincoln, First Commissioner of Woods,
Forests, and Land Revenues, and printed for private distribu-
tion, accompanied by illustrations from the plans and draw-
ings of Norden, and later surveyors. In prosecuting these
inquiries into the former condition of the castle, town, and neigh-
bourhood, and the changes effected from time to time, the fact
that little had hitherto been done towards a history of this im-
portant and interesting district, became apparent. Entertaining
the design of supplying the want, Mr. Tighe obtained the
assistance of his friend, Mr. J. E. Davis, whose spare time from
professional avocations has been accordingly devoted to the prepa-
ration and completion of the ' Annals.'

The present volume is the result, and the authors may say, in
the words of Sir Thomas Browne, '' We were hinted by the occa-
sion, not catched the opportunity to write of old things, or intrude
upon the antiquary. We are coldly drawn unto discourses of
antiquities, who have scarce time before us to comprehend new^
things, or make out learned novelties.'^

It only remains for Mr. Davis to acknowledge the great
assistance received in the preparation of this work. Thanks are

XIV PREFACE.

due to the authorities at the British Museum, to Sir Francis
Palgrave the Deputy-keeper of the Pubhc Records, and to the
officers of the Rolls Chapel and at Carlton Ride.

At Oxford, in addition to the general assistance received
during repeated visits to the Bodleian and Ashmolean, Mr. Davis
cannot refrain from expressing his obligations to the Rev. H. 0. Coxe
of the former, and to Dr. Duncan of the latter. To his friend
Mr. Granville Somerset, Fellow of All Souls, he is indebted for
access to the Library of that College. Mr. Rowell, the intelligent
assistant deputy-keeper of the Ashmolean, is entitled to an
acknow^ledgement for his constant attention during a protracted
examination of the manuscripts.

At Windsor, although many of its inhabitants have afforded
material aid, it is for the important services of Mr. Seeker, Clerk
of the Peace, and formerly Town Clerk of the Borough, that
thanks are especially due. Besides giving full access to all the
Records of the Corporation, he has increased the value and accu-
racy of the work by suggestions and corrections, which his local
knowledge, combined with a taste for antiquarian pursuits, so
well qualified him to make.

Lastly, to Mr. Thomas Wright an acknowledgment is tendered
for many valuable suggestions, and important assistance in the
progress of the earlier pages through the press.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Norden's View of the Castle (from the Haul. MS,,

No. 3719) ..... Prontispiece to Vol. I.

Eton College, from Sir Henry Savile's Monument

IN Merton Chapel . . . . Tairholt Vol. I^ p. 327

Hofnagle's View of the Castle in the reign of

Elizabeth . . . . . Fairholt Vol. I, p. 639

Norden's Map of Windsor Forest (from the Harl. MS.,

No. 3749) . . • . . • . Frontispiece to Vol. II.

Norden's Plan of the Little Pauk (ibid.) . . Vol. II, p. 31

Datchet Ferry and Datchet Mead in 1686 (from

THE Sutherland Collection) . . . Faibholt Vol. II, p. 492

WOODCUTS.

Seal of the Castle (from the Add. MSS., Brit. Mus.) Fairholt Title-page, Vol. I.

Salt Hill, fro3i a sketch by Mrs. J. E. Davis . Folkard Vol. I, p. 23

Vineyard in the Castle Ditch (from a lease in the
possession op Mr. Secker)

Hunimede, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis

Burnham" Abbey, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis .

Bell Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis

Folkard

})

Folkard

121

XVI

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Old Houses in Eton, from a sketch by Mr Fairholt Fairholt Voh I, p. 131
Garter Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis . Folkard „ 1 62

Winchester Tower, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis Folkard „ 197

The *'Twin Sisters" in the Great Park (from a

siCETCH by the Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield) . Folkard

Font in Clewer Church, from a sketch by Mr. J. E.

Davis ...... Folkard

227

264

The Castle from the Great Park, from a sketch by

THE Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield . . . Folkard

The Castle from the Brocas, from a sketch by the

Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield . . . Folkard

276

290

The Canons' Houses, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis Folkard

326

Eton College and the Brocas Elms, from a sketch

BY Mr, J. E. Davis . . . . Folkard „ 3.59

Tomb of Edward the Fourth, from an original sketch Fairholt „ 405

Bray Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W.

Wingfield ..... Folkard „ 410

BuRNHAM Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs.

W. Wingfield ..... Folkard „ 462

Henry the Eighth's Gateway, from a sketch by

Mr. J. E. Davis .... Folkard „ 511

Part of the Town of Windsor, from a painting of
the Seventeenth Century in Greenwich
Hospital ..... Fairholt „ 571

Old Stocks in the Cloisters, from a sketch by

Mr. Fairholt ..... Fairholt „ 592

Old House in Peascod Street, from a sketch by

Mr. J. E. Davis .... Folkard „ GIO

Arms of Richard Gallis, drawn by Mr. W. J. Bern-
hard Smith ..... Folkard „ 638

ILLUSTRATIONS.

xvii

Royal Bakehouse, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis
The Garter Inn, erom Norden's View
Hog Hole, erom a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis
Sir John Falstafe's Oak, from Collier's Map
Herne's Oak, from Paul Sandby's Drawing

Folkard Vol. I, p. 065

Fairholt

Folkard

Fairholt „ 686

Fairholt „ 687

„ 671
„ 681

Herne's Oak, from Ireland's * Views on the Thames' Fairholt

Plan of the Elm Avenue in the Little Park, drawn

BY Mr. G. R. Jesse .... Folkard

688

692

Oak in the Elm Avenue, from a sketch by Mr. G. R.

Jesse ...... Folkard

705

Seal of the Corporation, from the Add. MSS.,

Brit. Mus.

. Fairholt Title-page, Vol. 11.

Priests' Houses, from a pen and ink sketch in
Gibbon the Herald's copy of Ashmole

The Castle from Queen Adelaide's Tree, from a
sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W. Wingfield

The Deanery, from a sketch by Mr. J. E, Davis

Folkard

Vol. II, p. 12

Miss Dudley „ 90

Windsor Church and the Town Hall, from Knyff's
Drawing .....

Fairholt

150

Spur of the Seventeenth Century, drawn by Mrs.
J. E. Davis . . . . .

BuRNHAM Beeches, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs.
W. Wingfield . . . . .

The Christopher Inn, Eton, from a sketch by
Mr. G. R. Jesse ....

Miss Dudley „ 208

Folkard

„ 4iO^

260

Manor House, Datchet, from a sketch by Mrs. J, E.

Davis ...... Folkard „ 291

Upper Ward of the Castle towards the East, from

Hollar's drawing in the Ash. MSS. . Folkard „ 351

xviu

ILLUSTEATIONS.

Upper Wakd of the Castle towards the "West, from
Hollar's drawing in tue Ash. MSS. .

Lower Ward of the Castle, from Hollar's drawing
IN the Ash. MSS.

POLKARD Vol. II, p. 408

TOLKARD

438

Wall of the Home Park, from a sketch by Mr. J. E.
Davis ......

Folkard

478

Queen Anne's Well at Chalvey, from a sketch by
Mr. J.E.Davis

EOLKARD

„ 496

The Castle in the reign of George the Second,

SKETCHED BY MrS. LeWIS, FROM AN ORIGINAL
PAINTING AT AraMSTONE, HEREFORDSHIRE

Miss Dudley „ 529

Upton Church, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs.

W. WlNGFIELD . . . . .

Eolkard

596

Windsor Bridge, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs.

W. WlNGFIELD . . . . .

Eolkard

„ 617

Eton College, from a sketch by the Hon. Mrs. W.

WlNGFIELD , . . . . Eolkard

641

Datchet Bridge, from a sketch by Mr. J. E. Davis . Eolkard

662

CONTENTS OF VOL. I

CHAPTER I.

WINDSOR PRETIOUS TO AND DURING THE REIGN OF WILLIAM

THE CONQUEROR.

Difficulties attendant upon the investigation of the early history of Windsor — Tradition
of King Arthur's Knights of the Round Table — Traces of the Romans in the
neighbourhood of Windsor — Old Windsor a residence of Saxon Kings — Edward
the Confessor — Grant by that King to St. Peter's, Westminster — Regained by
William the Conqueror — Site of the Palace at Old Windsor — Derivation of the
name of Windsor — Erection of the Castle by the Conqueror — Domesday Survey —
State of the district, derived from the particulars contained in that Instrument and
other sources — Walter Fitz-Other appointed Governor of the Castle — Origin of the
Town-— Windsor a residence of the Conqueror — Supposed to refer to Old Windsor
— Dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York— Preservation of
Game by the Conqueror .... . 1 — 23

CHAPTER II.

WINDSOR FROM THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM THE SECOND
TO THE DEATH OF HENRY THE SECOND.

XX CONTENTS.

the accession of Stephen until the Treaty of Wallingford— Fortress of Windsor
committed to Richard dc Lucy, in trust — Repairs and other works at Windsor
during the reign of Henry the Second — Henry at Windsor at Christmas, 1170 —
William Kiug of Scotland there — Parliament at Windsor again in 1179 — The
King there at Christmas, 1184-5 — Prince John knighted — Principal residences
of the King — Painting on the walls of a room in Windsor Castle — Vineyard at
Windsor 24—35

CHAPTEK III.

WIIfDSOE IN THE REIGNS OF RICIIAED THE EIEST AND JOHN.

Grant of the Church of Windsor to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle committed
to Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham — His Imprisonment, and forced Surrender of
the Castle to Longchamp — Subsequent Delivery to the Earl of Arundel in Trust — ■
Longchamp regains possession of V/indsor, assembles an Army, and encamps near
Windsor — Withdraws to the Tower — Surrenders the Castle to Walter Archbishop
of Rouen — Prince John levies an army in 1193 — Gains possession of Windsor, and
places it in a state of Defence — Besieged by the Barons — Progress of the Siege —
Arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury — Surrender of the Castle — Plight, Capture, and
Execution of the Garrison — The Castle placed in the hands of Eleanor the Queen
Dowager on behalf of the King — Eamily of Walter de Windsor — Visits of King
John to Windsor in 1200 and 1201 — Desires John Eitz-Hugh to deliver the Castle
to the Archbishop of Canterbury — Letters Patent for that purpose — John at
Windsor in 1204 and 1205 — Wine, &c., ordered to the Castle — Visits of the King
to Windsor from 1206 to 1209 — Assembles his nobles there at Christmas, 1209 —
Death of Lady de Braose and her Son, 1210 — Visits of tlie King to Windsor from
1210 to 1214 — Christmas Eeast — Order to sell the King's Wine and Bacon there
— Chapel of St. Leonard's in the Eorest — The King at Windsor in 1215 — Magna
Charta — Tlic King at War with his Barons — Preparations for an Interview —
Letters of Safe Conduct — Signature of Magna Charta — Description of llunnymede
— The King's Head Quarters at Windsor — At Windsor in December following —
Garrison of the Castle — Last Visit of the King in April 1216 — Appoints Engelard
de Cygony Keeper of the Castle — Philip of Prance assists the Barons — Windsor
stands out for the King — Siege of the Castle under the Count de Nevers — The
Siege raised — Windsor remains in the hands of the King's Eorces — Order to
Engelard de Cygony tu liberate Hugh de Polested, a prisoner in the Castle — Death
of the Kiug— Subsequent Movements of the English and French Forces — Re})airs
of the Castle during this Reign — Traces of the Town at this period — Power and
Jurisdiction of the Constable of Windsor Castle — Church of Eton . 36 — 61

CHAPTER IV.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF HENRY THE THIRD.

Events at AVindsor before the Treaty of Peace with Louis — Taste of Henry the Third
for building — Improvements in Windsor Castle — Their progress and character-
Confirmation of Windsor Church to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle
committed to Hubert de Burgh —Progress of the Works — The Chapel — Poverty

CONTENTS. xxi

of tlie King — Pawns the Image of the Virgin Mary in the Chapel — Locality, and
vestiges of the Chapel — Bernard de Sahaudia appointed Keeper of the Castle,
A.D. 1242 — Progress of the Works — Their suspension in 1244 — Park at Windsor
— Hospital for Lepers — Storm on St. Dunstan's Day, 1251 — Operations in the
Castle — Revenues of the Bishopric of Winchester appropriated to defray the
expenses — Charges against the Citizens of London found on a Roll in the King's
Wardrobe — Yisit of Alexander of Scotland to Queen Eleanor at Windsor, in 1256
— By Treaty between Henry and his Barons, in 1258, Windsor remains in the
King's hands — Progress of the Works — Summons in 1261, of Knights from every
Shire, to attend the King at Windsor — Prince Edward removes Treasure and the
Queen's Jewels from the Tower to Windsor — The Queen escapes from the Tower
— Agreement to intrust Windsor and the other Royal Castles to the Barons —
Reluctance of Prince Edward to surrender Windsor — He assembles Eorces — The
Barons march from London — Capitulation and Surrender of the Castle — Safe
Conduct and Departure of the Eoreigners — Renewal of the War between the King
and the Barons — Prince Edward regains possession of Windsor — The King, under
the restraint of the Earl of Leicester, orders the Princess Eleanor, her Family, and
others, to leave the Castle — Hugh de Barantin Governor of the Castle — The King
at Windsor with an Army after the death of the Earl of Leicester, in 1265 — Alarm
of the Citizens at Windsor — Deputation to the King — and subsequent attendance
of the Mayor and principal Citizens at Windsor — They are Imprisoned in the
Castle — Release of part of their number and their return to London — Eine
imposed on the Citizens — Einal adjustment, and Release of the Prisoners, in 1269
— Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester in 1267 — The King marches to Windsor
— Preparations for an Engagement at Hounslow — The King leaves Windsor —
Surrender of the Earl of Gloucester — Grants of Windsor Castle, Tower, and
Forest — Appointment of Adam de Gordon to an office in the Castle — Works
during the last years of Henry's Reign — Notices of the Neighbourhood of Windsor
— Palace at Cippenham — Imprisonment of the Earl of Derby — Burnham Abbey

62—93

CHAPTER V.

WINDSOE IIS" THE REIGN OE EDWAED THE EIEST.

Improvements and Repairs in the early part of this Reign — Inquisitions in 1273 — Return
relative to Windsor — Tyranny of the Constable — Notice of Eton — Claim of the
Prior of Merton to privileges in Windsor — Notices of Burnham, Dorney, &c. —
Charter to Windsor in 1276 — Petition for and Grant of Pontage — Inquisition as
to Eton Bridge — Tournament in Windsor Park — Grant of Windsor to the Bur-
gesses at a yearly rent — Taxation of Pope Nicholas — Manor of Windsor Underoure
— Death at Windsor of Prince Alfonso — Fire in the Castle in 1295 — Illustrations
of the Forest Laws — The Queen at Windsor at Christmas, 1299-1300 — Offerings
of the King in the Chapel — The Cross of Gneyth — The King's Wardrobe Expenses
— Conveyance of Treasure to Windsor — The Queen's Expenditure — Grant of the
Manor of Datchet and Eton to the Earl of Cornwall — John of London — Members
of Parliament for Windsor — Grants of Land to Alexander de Wyndesore in this
Reign — Petition of John of Lincoln — Richard de Windsor . . 94 — 121

xxii Contents,

CH APT Eli VI.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE SECOND.

Members for Windsor — Edward the Second keeps his Christmas at Windsor — Members
returned — Birth of Edward the Third at VYindsor — The King founds a Chantry in
the Chapel and a Chapel in the Park — Petition of the inhabitants of Berkshire to
the King to remove tlie County Gaol from Windsor — Inquisition thereupon —
Inspeximus Charter, 9 Edw. II — Members for Windsor — Petition of the Burgesses
respecting the evasion of Pontage, and the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall —
Execution of Lord Aldham at Windsor — Design of the Earl of Mortimer to seize
tlie Castle — Delivery of t he Great Seal to the King in Windsor Eorest — Grants of
lands and houses in Windsor and Eton to Oliver de Bordeaux . 122 — 131

CHAPTER VII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE THIRD,

Appointment of Constable and payments to officials — Inquisitions, Writs, and Repairs
connected with the Hoyal Residence — Confirmation of the Charter and grant of
Pontage to the town — Audience of French Ambassadors — Members for Windsor
— Inqidsitiones Nonarum — Institution of the Order of the Garter — Origin of the
Badge — Early notices of the Order — Statutes of the Order — David Bruce, King
of Scotland, a prisoner in the Castle — The King founds St. George's College —
Endowment of the College and appointment of Custos — Bull of Pope Clement VI
— Statutes of the College — Canons — Poor Knights — Further Endowments

132—163

CHAPTER VIII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE THIRD.

{Continued.)

Enlargement of tlie Castle — Progress of the Works — Johr, King of France, a prisoner at
the Castle — Appointment of William of Wykeham as Surveyor of the Castle
Works — Feast of St. George in 1358 — Progress of the Works — Impressment of
Workmen — Ravages of the Plague — Resignation of William of Wykeham — Tra-
ditional Story — Subsequent Works — Expenditure on the Castle — Painting of the
Round Tower, externally — Architectural Character of the Works — Existing Traces
— Grants and Exchanges of Land by the King — Commission of Inclosure — Various
minor Grants and A]:)pointments during this reign — John de Molyns — Petition of
Robert Lamberd — Visits of the King to Windsor — Marriage of the Black Prince
to the Princess Isabella — Death of Queen Philippa — Return of the Black Prince
— Petition of Watermen as to Exactions at Windsor Bridge— Evidence of the
Castle as a Prison — Writing of Italian Prisoners on the Walls 164 — 197

CONTENTS. xxiii

CHAPTER IX.

THE EARLY ROMANCES AND METRICAL TALES AND BALLADS
CONNECTED WITH WINDSOR.

Tales and Romances naturally associated with Windsor — King Arthur and the Knights
of the Round Table — Romance of the Titz-Warines — Jean de Meun's ' Roman dc
la Rose/ and Chaucer's ' Romaunt of the Rose ' — * King Edward and the Shep-
herd ' — Political Songs — Song against the King of Almaigne . 198 — 227

CHAPTER X.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF RICHARD THE SECOND.

The King keeps Christmas at the Castle — Differences between the Dean and Canons and
the Poor Knights — Misconduct of the Dean and Chapter — Inventory of the
Reliques, &c. — Confirmation of Charter of Edward the Second — Erection of a
Cross in High Street — Pontage — Eeast of Whitsuntide, 1880 — Insurrection of
Wat Tyler — The King leaves the Castle — His Marriage — Queen Anne at Windsor
— Council at Windsor — The King returns to Windsor from Wales — Address of
the Londoners to the King at St. George's Eeast — The interview — Imprisonment
of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in the Castle — Charges against Sir Simon
Burley and others — Movement of the King's Forces, and Proceedings of the
Dukes of York and Gloucester — Windsor Bridge broken down — The King at
Windsor, on his return to London — Charge against the Judges for Transactions
at Windsor — St. George's Eeast, 1388 — Repair of the Castle — Appointment of
GeofFry Chaucer to superintend Repairs of the Chapel — Eeasts and Tournaments
at Windsor — St. George's Eeast, 1391 — Imprisonment of John Hinde, Mayor of
London, in the Castle — Londoners summoned to the King at Windsor — Eroissart
— Movements of the King — Entertainment of the Ambassadors sent to propose
his Marriage with the infant Queen Isabella — Appeal of High Treason by the Duke
of Hereford against the Duke of Norfolk — Proceedings at Windsor — Tournament
in 1399 — Parting of the King and Queen — The King departs for Ireland —
Removal of the Queen to Wallingford — Events connected with the Order of the
Garter — Grants to St. George's Chapel — Owners of Land at Windsor — Sir
Bernard " Brocas " . . . . . . . 228—264

CHAPTER XI.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE HENRY THE FOURTH.

Imprisonment of the Earl of March— Plots against the King's life— Sir Bernard Brocas—
Ruinous condition of the Castle— Pontage— Attempt to liberate the Earl of March
—Imprisonment of James Prince of Scotland— St. George's Eeast, 1106— Illness
of the King— Grants of Pontage— Grant of tlie '' Woodhawe " to the Canons-
Welch Prisoners received at the Castle— The King keeps his last Christmas at
Windsor ....... 265—276

xxiv CONTENTS.

CHAPTEK XII.

WIXDSOE IN THE EEIGN OF HENRY THE FIFTH.

Liberation of the Earl of March — The King's discussion with Sir John Oldcastle —
Permission to the Queen Dowager to reside at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1416
— Attempt to release James King of Scotland, his education, &c. — The Queen at
Windsor — Birth of Henry the Sixth — Traditional expression of the King — His
Death — Inventory of his Goods — His love for Minstrelsy — Grants to St. George's
College 277—290

CHAPTEE XIII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF HENRT THE SIXTH.

Surrender of the Great Seal — Parliaftient summoned at Windsor — Proclamation in favour
of the People of Windsor — Release of James King of Scotland — Infant King at
Windsor — Removal to London — Owen Tudor keeps guard at the Castle — The
Queen's Marriage— Property at Windsor let to farm — Accusation of Cardinal
Beaufort — Windsor appointed as a Winter Residence for the King — Payment of
Prench Players at Windsor — Rules for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, the
King's Governor — Deer in Windsor Park — Dispute between Cardinal Beaufort
and the Duke of Gloucester as to the performance of Divine Worship at St. George's
Feast — Petition of John Arundell, Dean of the College — Renewal of the disputes
between the Canons and Poor Knights — Committal of Prisoners to the Castle for
Sorcery — Other Prisoners confined there — Revenues of Windsor — Inquisition for
the Relief of the Rent there — Charter of Henry the Sixth — Charter to Windsor,
23 Hen. VI — Petition of Richard Jordan — Illness of the Queen — Members of
Parliament for Windsor — The King ill at Windsor — Deputation from the Parlia-
ment wait upon him — The Duke of York nominated Protector — The King's relapse
— Kemer, Dean of Salisbury, ordered to attend as physician — Rioters in London
sent to Windsor Castle — Letter to the Mayor of Windsor — Local Records of the
Borough — Jurisdiction of the Castle Court — Escheats of this reign affecting
property at Windsor ...... 291—326

CHAPTER XIV.

FOUNDATION OF ETON COLLEGE BY HENRT THE SIXTH.

The King's Motives for the Foundation — His Procuratory Charter of Foundation — Bull
of Pope Eugenius the Fourth — Papal Lidulgence — Charter of Endowment —
Commencement of the Building — Orders of the King — Entries in the Liberate
Rolls — Accounts of the Works — Various Grants to the College — Fisheries —
Hospital of St. Peter near Windsor — Fairs — Exemption from Purveyance —
Progress of the Works — Meeting of Commissioners in the Choir — Will of the
King — Parish Church of Eton — The College Statutes — Supply of Books and
Vestments — Grant of Relics — A])pointment of Provost — The Almsmen — Rise and
Progress of the School 327—359

CONTENTS. XXV

CHAPTER XV.

WmDSOE IN THE REIGNS OF EDWAED THE EOURTH AND
EDWAED THE EIETH.

Charter of Confirmation, 2 Edw. IV — Charter, 6 Edw. IV — Proviso in Acts of Resump-
tion— Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor, attainted of Treason — Members for Windsor
— Flight of the King from the Moor to Windsor — Counter Plot by the King —
Imprisonment of Queen Margaret at Windsor — Visit of Louis de Bruges to
Windsor — Members for Windsor — Erection of St. George's Chapel — Removal of
Old Buildings — St. George's Feast, 1476 — Progress of the Works — Sir John
Shorne's Chapel — The King erects Dean and Canons' Houses— Endowments of
the College — Charter to the College — Further Endowments — Attempt to merge
Eton College in St. George's, Windsor — Disputes between the Dean and Canons
and the Poor Knights — The King keeps Christmas, 1480 to 1482, at the Castle —
The King's Death — His Will and Burial — Tomb in the Chapel Royal — Its
discovery in 1789 — The King's Courtesy — Verses of John Skelton — State of the
Chapel at the conclusion of this reign— Chantries in St. George's Chapel — Paro-
chial bequests to religious uses — Corporation Records — Proceedings in the Borough
Court — Regulations of the Corporation — Edward the Fifth — Execution and Burial
of Lord Hastings ....... 360—405

CHAPTER XVI.

WINDSOE IN THE EEIGN OE EICHAED THE THIED.

Appointment of Constable and other Officers of the Castle—The King and his Queen at
Windsor — Letter to the Mayor— The body of Henry the Sixth removed from
Chertsey Abbey to St. George's Chapel— Works of the Chapel— Warrants-
Sir Reginald Bray . ...... 406—410

CHAPTER XVII.

WINDSOE IN THE EEIGN OF HENET THE SEVENTH.

Reservation of Grants in the Act of Resumption— St. George's Day, 1488— Feast of
Whitsuntide— Treaty with Portugal— Will and Burial of Elizabeth Wydville—
Writs of Habeas Corpus and Certiorari to the Mayor and Coroner of Windsor—
Proclamation respecting the Coinage— Inventory of Weights and Measures-
Confirmation Charter— Works of the Chapel— Sir Reginald Bray— The Deanery
rebuilt— Agreement for Vaulting the Roof of the Choir— Extracts from the King's
Privy-purse Expenses— Spur Money— Privy-purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York
— "Visit of Philip Archduke of Austria to Windsor— Additions to the Upper Ward
—Commencement of a Friary on the site of the King's Garden— The King's
Bequest for the Making and Repairing of Roads— Tragedy in the Castle Ditch-
Dispute between the College and the Poor Knights— Yearly Expenditure of the
Dean and Chapter— Knights on the Foundation— Windsor Borough Court-
Swans and Swan Upping— Earliest existing Windsor Charity— Obits in the Parish

XXVI CONTENTS.

Church— Oliver King, Bisliop of Bath and Wells, a resident of Windsor— Obits
in St. George's Chapel— Bequests to Eton College . . .41 1 — 462

CHAPTER XVIII.

TVINDSOE IN THE EEIGN OF HEIN^RY THE EIGHTH. '

Corporation Accounts — Account of " Our Lady's Light" — Erection of the Great Gate-
way— Amusements of the King — Payments by the Corporation — Confirmation of
the Charter— The Gallows — Works at St. George's Chapel — Feasts of the Order
of the Garter — Dr. Denton, Canon of Windsor — The "New Commons"— Corpo-
ration Accounts — The "Degradation" of the Duke of Buckingham — The Princess
Mary — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of Charles the Fifth of Spain —
Visitors to the King at Windsor — Present from Clement the Seventh — The Duke
of Richmond and the Earl of Surrey — Surrey's Poems — Corporation Accounts —
Alteration of the Standard Value of Gold — Ordinances of the Household —
Entertainment of French Ambassadors — Corporation Accounts — Completion of
St. George's Chapel — Timber — Payments out of the Privy Purse — Enlargement
of the Little Park — Anne Boleyne created Marchioness of Pembroke — Corpora-
tion Accounts — Execution of a Priest and a Butcher — Payments by the Princess
Mary — Burial of Jane Seymour — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of
Frederick Duke of Bavaria — Proceedings against a Priest of Windsor — The
Plague at Windsor — Proceedings of the Privy Council — Singular Investigation at
Eton College — Nicolas Udall — Parliamentary Polls— Members for Windsor —
Corporation Accounts . . . . . . 463 — 511

CHAPTEE XIX.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF HENRY THE EIGHTH.

{Continued.)
Effects of the Peformation — Monastic Possessions in the neighbourhood of Windsor —
Windsor Church : numerous Obits there — Lands of the Guild — Obits in
St. George's Chapel — Losses of the College at the Reformation — Eton College
Bequests — Exemption from First Fruits and Tenths — Narrative of the "Windsor
Martyrs," Testwood, Filmer, Peerson, and Marbeck — The Six Acts — The "Vicar
of Bray" — Notices of John Merbecke — Robert Bennet — Corporation Accounts —
The King's Will, Death, and Burial— His Tomb— The King's Amusements— The
Garden at Windsor— Presents to the Royal Table — Modes of Conveyance and
State of Postal Communication ..... 512 — 571

CHAPTER XX.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE SIXTH.

Property of St. George's College— The Order of the Garter— Extracts from the Corpora-
tion Accounts — Proceedings with ^reference to Somerset the Protector — Corpora-
tion Accounts— Sale of Church Property— Supply of Water to the Castle— Survey
of " Windsor Underoure" . . . . • . 572—592

CONTENTS. xxvii

CHAPTER XXI.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGHST OF MART.

The Order of the Garter— Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer conveyed to Windsor— The
Princess Elizabeth at the Deanery, on her way to Woodstock— Marriage of Philip
and Mary— Privileges of St. George's Chapel retained — Corporation Accounts —
Progress of the Works for conveying Water to the Castle— Dwellings of the Poor
Knights — Boundaries of the Manor of Clewer Brocas . . 593 — 610

CHAPTER XXII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE ELIZABETH.

St. George's Peast — Corporation Accounts — The Queen visits Windsor — The Cross —
Sale of Church Goods — Proclamation respecting Singers — Regulations respecting
Trading in the Borough — The Priests' Wives expelled from St. George's College —
Revenues of the College — Poor Knights — Visitation of Eton College — Richard
Gallys — Removal of the Queen to Windsor in consequence of the Plague —
De Poix, the Prench Envoy, placed under restraint at Eton — The Queen's Studies
and Amusements — Marriage of Lady Mary Gray — InstaUation of Charles the
Ninth by proxy — Statute respecting the Celebration of St. George's Peast —
Degradation of the Duke of Norfolk — Members for Windsor — Resolution of the
Corporation — Works in the Castle — St. George's Peast — The Queen's Illness at
Windsor 611—638

CHAPTER XXIII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH.

{Continued.)

Formation of the North Terrace — Other Works in the Castle — The Plague at Windsor —
Proceedings of the Corporation with reference to "Foreigners" — Jurisdiction of
the Corporation — Visits of Dr. Dee to the Queen at Windsor — Works in the
Castle — Apartments of the Maids of Honour — Members for Windsor — Statutes, &c.,
of the Guild — Renewal of the Charter — Act of Parliament for paving the Town —
Erection of a Market-house — Restraints on Trade — Regulation of the Standard
Measures — Appointment of Bridge- keeper — Address of the Corporation to the
Queen, and Celebration of Her Majesty's Birthday — Members for Windsor —
Entertainment of the Viscount Turenne — Compulsory Support of the Poor —
Festivities on the Anniversary of the Queen's Coronation — Apprehensions of the
Queen on account of the Plague — Her Translation of Boethius — Appointment of
Steward and Deputy-Steward of the Borough — Visit of the Queen to Sir Edward
Coke at Stoke Pogis — Appointment of Sir Henry Savile to the Provostship of
Eton — Salaries, &c., of Officers connected with the Castle — Churchwardens'
Accounts — Parish Registers — Earliest Descriptions and Representations of the
Castle ........ 639—665

xxviii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXIV.

LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS OF SHAKESPEARE' S * MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.'

Origin and Date of the Play— The Garter Inn and " Mine Host of the Garter" — Ford's
House — Names of Page and Ford in the Parish Registers — The " Contrary Places"
for the meeting of Dr. Caius and Sir Hugh Evans — " The Fields" — " Pittie
Ward"— Sir John FalstafiP's "o'er reaching" in Datchet Meade— "Hog Hole"—
Heme's Oak— The Fairy Pit 666—705

ANNALS OF WINDSOR,

CHAPTER I.

WINDSOR PREVIOUS TO AND DURING THE REIGN OF
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.

Constable of the Castle, a.d. 1066, Waltee Fitz-Other.

DiflBculties attendant upon the investigation of the early history of Windsor — Tradition
of King Arthur's Knights of the Round Table — Traces of the Romans in the
neighbourhood of Windsor — Old Windsor a residence of Saxon Kings — Edward
the Confessor — Grant by that King to St. Peter's, Westminster — Regained by
William the Conqueror — Site of the Palace at Old Windsor — Derivation of the
name of Windsor — Erection of the Castle by the Conqueror — Domesday Survey —
State of the district, derived from the particulars contained in that Instrument and
other sources — Walter Fitz-Other appointed Governor of the Castle — Origin of tlie
Town — Windsor a residence of the Conqueror — Supposed to refer to Old Windsor —
Dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York — Preservation of game
by the Conqueror.

In tracing to remote periods the history of any place that has

been more or less distinguished as the scene of important or

interesting occurrences, difficulties of various kinds impede the

progress of the historian and antiquary. One impediment arises

from the general absence of all positive information as to the first

commencement of structures, whether of tov^^ns or villages, castles

or religious edifices, and of the causes that led to the selection of the

particular spots for their erection. It is a difficulty, however,

especially incident to the case of ordinary habitations, for, if they

possess any interest from their connection with past events, the

cause of that interest must necessarily have arisen subsequently
^h 1

2 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter 1.

to the first erection of the dwelhiig whose origin is consequently
unrecorded. Thus while it sometimes happens that the exact
period of the foundation of an abbey or a castle, may, inde-
pendently of any charter or written evidence attesting the fact, be
determined with accuracy from the general interest attached to
the event itself or the causes which led to it, the time or causes,
on the other hand, that first brought men together to inhabit any
particular spot, the addition of one dwelling to another, and the
gradual formation of the hamlet, the village, and town, are lost
in obscurity.

A stumbling-block of another kind lies in the path of the in-
quirer after, and collector of, the vestiges of the past. Traditions,
either wholly fabulous, or containing a large admixture of error
with fact, are connected with the scenes of past occurrences, and
w^ere handed down without discrimination by the early recorders of
events.

Difficulties of both the classes referred to, attend the historian
of Windsor.

Froissart, adopting the common belief of his age, narrates
that King Arthur instituted his order of the Knights of the Round
Table at Windsor, and assembled there with his knights ;^ but the
existence of such a British king is at least a matter of doubt, and
that part of his history which assigns Windsor as one of his
residences, may be certainly regarded as fabulous.^

That the Romans, during their possession of Britain, had
dwellings in the immediate vicinity of Windsor, is certain. Roman
coins and urns have been found at St. Leonards, near Windsor;^

^ Chron., b.i, c. 100. Harrison, in his description of England, prefixed to Holinslied's
'Chronicles' (edit. 1587), says the Castle was "builded in times past bj King Arthur, or
before him by Arviragus, as it is thought."

2 See the quaint but discreet language of Lambarde to this effect, in his ' Dictionarium
Angliaj Topographicum ct Historicum.'

3 See tliem engraved and described in Ashmole's ' Berkshire/ vol. iii, p. 210. See
also Lysons' 'Magna Britannia,' vol. i, p. 190. A bronze lamp, several spear-heads,
pieces of a trumpet, and a spur, presented by Sir Hans Sloane to the Society of Antiquaries,
were dug up there, with other antiquities, in 1705. The bronze lamp was supposed to be
Ilomau, but it has not the appearance of such high antiquity. (Lysons, pp. 215 and 199,
note). It was, however, adopted as the crest of the Society of Antiquaries, and is
engraved in the * Vetusta Monumenta,' vol. i.

TO A.D. 1087.] TRACES 0¥ THE ROMANS. 3

and Roman bricks, &c., are also stated to have been met with {it
Old Windsor.^

In the vicinity of Biirnham, in Buckinghamshire, a few miles
north-west of Windsor, coins of the emperors Constantine and
Probns have been found.^

The existence of the great Roman road leading from London
westward to Silchester {Calleva Atrebatum), and which is supposed
to have crossed the Thames at Staines {Pontes), makes it a reason-
able inference that Old Windsor, which is onlv three miles above
Staines, was not a spot unknown to the Romans. It has,
indeed, been suggested, that either Old Windsor or St. Leonards
is the site of Pontes,^ but Staines is now generally considered
as the true site of that station,* while it has been hinted that
Bibracie, which is also claimed for Bray, would better suit Old
Windsor.^

If, however, Staines is to be considered as a Roman station on
the road between London and Silchester, it is impossible that
either Old Windsor or St. Leonards could be a station on the same
line of road, because there is indubitable evidence of the existence
of the Roman Road in the vicinity of Sunning Hill, some miles
south of Old Windsor, where it goes by the name of the Devil's
Causeway -^ and any person acquainted with the situation of the
places, or referring to a map of the district, will at once perceive,
that assuming Staines and Sunning Hill to be upon the line,
St. Leonards and Old Windsor could not have been near it. As
there is no ground for supposing the existence of any other line

^ Lysons, p. 199. See also the impressions of a gem, bearing a Mercury on one side
and $AQX on the other, found by Mr. Pownall in Old Windsor; 'Ash. MSS.,' No. 1763,
fol. 36 b.

^ In the possession of Mr. Moore, of Thames Street, Windsor.

^ Horsley, ' Britannia Romana.' St. Leonards is so far from the river Thames as
to preclude the idea that the Roman station was there.

■* See Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 203; 'The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon,'
by Thomas Wriglit, (1852,) p. 136 ; and Edgell's ' Observations upon certain Roman
Roads and Towns in the South of Britain.' Holinshed says Reading was called Foniium
(vol. i, p. 79, edit. 1807).

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol i, p. 203. Bibracte is now placed at Wickham Bushes,
near Bagsliot.

^ See Edgell's ' Observations, &c.,' cited in note 4.

4 ANNALS or ^yINDSOR. [Chaptek I.

of Roman road in this part of the country than the one from
London to Silchester (in which all the roads to the south-west
of England were united), the title of Old Windsor as the site of a
Roman station cannot be supported.

If Old Windsor cannot with certainty be said to have been
known to the Romans, it is beyond doubt that this is the spot
which attracted the attention of the Saxons to the neighbourhood
as a royal residence ; although the present town and castle of
Windsor are of Norman origin, as will be hereafter shown.

Old Windsor, which is now a parish and scattered village,
lies about two miles south-east of the present town of Windsor.

The manor belonged to the Saxon kings, who are supposed
to have had a palace at Old Windsor from a very early period.
It is certain that King Edward the Confessor sometimes kept his
court there.^

According to one chronicler, it was at Windsor that Earl
Godvv'in, or Goodwin, father-in-law of Edward, met his death.^

Hermannus, the archdeacon, in his ' Miracles of St. Edmund,'^
the MS. of w^hich is of the time of William the Conqueror, mentions
the fact of a person going to Edward the Confessor in his palace

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 4] 3. *' Didici a luculento quodani teste Eadueardurn
regem, Ethelredi infortunati filium, Viudelesoranura Castrum celebrasse." Lelaiid, ' Com-
mentarii iii Cygncam Cautioiieni,' verb. ' Vindelcsora.'

2 The Earl had been suspected of being instrumental in the murder of Alfred, the
king's brother, in tlie previous reign of Harold. " Upon Easter Monday," about the
12th year of Edward's reign (1053), says Fabyan, ('Chronicles,' by Ellis, p. 228,)
"Goodwyn, syttynge at thekynges bourde with other lordes, in the Castell of Wyusore, it
happed one of tiie kynges cu})pe-berers to stumble and to recover agaync, so that he shed
none of the drynke ; wherat Goodwyn loughed, and sayd, ' Nowe, that one brother hathe
susteyned that other,' wherby he ment that the one fote or legge hath sustayned that
other from fallynge. With whiche wordes tiieKynge marked hym and sayd, 'ryght, so my
brother Alfrede shulde have holpen me, ne hadde erle Goodwyn ben.' The erle then con-
ceyved that the kynge suspected hym of his brother's deth, and sayd unto the kynge, in
defendynge his untrouthe, * Syr, as I perceyve well, it is tolde to the that I shuld be the
cause of Ihy brother's deth ; so mut I safely swalowe this morsell of brede that I here
holde in my hande, as I am gyltlesse of the dede.' But as soone as he had receyved the
brede, forthwith he was choked. Than the kynge commaonded hym to be drawen from
the table, and so was conveyed to Wynchester, and there buryed."

It does not appear on wiiat authority Fabyan assigns Windsor as the scene of this
event. All the early chroniclers place Earl Godwin's death at Winchester.

3 MS. Cotton, Tiberius, b. ii, fol. 48. I am indebted to my friend, Mr. Thomas
Wright, for the discovery of this curious contemporary notice of Windsor. [0. E. D.]

TO A.D. 1087.] MIRACLES OF EDWAED THE CONEESSOH. 5

at Windsor. " Venitur Windelesoriis ad locum regii decoris, aperit
rex secretum sue voluntatis," &c.

This is the earliest notice hitherto discovered of Windsor, so far
as respects the narrator, but in GeofFry Gaimar's 'Estorie des
Engles,' which was composed about the middle of the twelfth
century, reference is made to Windsor in describing a victory
obtained by Earl Ethelwulf over the Danes, at Englefield, in the
year 871, nearly a century before the conquest.^

Windsor, however, is not mentioned in reference to this event
by any other historian, and, moreover, the name does not occur
in two out of the four MS. versions of the 'Estorie des Engles,'
from which that chronicle has been printed.

William of Malmesbury, in narrating the miraculous powers
of Edward the Confessor, incidentally mentions Windsor as a royal
residence. " That you may know the perfect virtue of this prince,
in the power of healing more especially, I shall add something

^ The Anglo-Norman metrical Chronicle of Geoffrey Gaimar, printed for the first
time entire, from the manuscript in the British Museum, with illustrative notes, &c.,
edited by Thomas Wright, 8vo, 1850, printed for the members of the Caxton Society.
See also the ' Monumenta Historica Britannica.' The following is the passage in which
Windsor is mentioned :

" Quart jor apres vint Edelret

Li reis, e son frere Elveret,

A Redinges, out mult grant ost,

E les Daneis en eissirent tost.

En un plein champ tindrent estur,

Ki ne failli en tut un jor.

Hoc fust Edelwolf oscis,

Li riches horn dunt des ainz vus di.

E Edelret e Elvereth

Furent chasce a Wiscelet.

Co est un gue vers Windesoveres,

A unes estand en unes mores.

Hoc I'un ost alat arere,

Ne seurent gue sur la rivere :

Thuiforde ad nun li gue tutdis,

U les Daneis sunt resortiz.

E les Engleis sunt eschapez,

Mes mulz en sunt morz e naffrez ;

Ci furent Daneis victur."

Wiscelet, mentioned in tlie above extract, is Wistley, or Wichelet Green, near
Twyford.

6 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaiteu I.

which will excite your wonder. Wulwin, surnamed Spillecorn/ the
son of Wuhiiar of Nutgareshale,^ was one day cutting timber in the
wood of Bruelle,^ and indulging in a long sleep after his labour, he
lost his sight for seventeen years, from the blood, as I imagine,
stagnating about his eyes : at the end of this time, he was ad-
monished in a dream to go round to eighty-seven churches, and
earnestly entreat a cure of his blindness from the saints. At last
coming to the king's court, he remained for a long time, in vain,
in opposition to the attendants, at the vestibule of his chamber.
He still continued importunate, however, without being deterred,
till at last, after much difficulty, he was admitted by order of the
king. When he had heard the dream, he mildly answered, * By my
lady St. Mary, I shall be truly grateful if God, through my means,
shall choose to take pity upon a wretched creature.' In conse-
quence, though he had no confidence in himself, with respect to
miracles, yet, at the instigation of his servants, he placed his hand,
dipped in water, on the blind man. In a moment the blood dripped
plentifully from his eyes, and the man restored to sight exclaimed
with rapture, ' I see you, O king ! I see you, O king V In this
recovered state he had charge of the royal palace at Windsor, for
there the cure had been performed, for a long time ; surviving his
restorer several years. On the same day, from the same water,
three blind men, and a man with one eye, who were supported
on the royal alms, received a cure, the servants administering the
healing water with perfect confidence.''*

Those who are accustomed to deal with the traditions of the
old chroniclers, will receive the above narrative as evidence of
the existence of a royal residence at Windsor at this period,
without being bound to admit the miraculous powers of the monk-
beloved king. Moreover, as the chronicler lived in the early part
of the twelfth century, the fact of there being a palace at Old
Windsor some fifty or sixty years before, if not strictly within his
own knowledge, nmst have been matter of common notoriety.

' According to Kcniict it should be " de Spillicotc." (' Parochial Antiquities,' vol. i,
p. 72, edit. 1818.)

2 Lutcgarshalc, now Ludgershall. (Kenuet's ' Parochial Antiquities.')

■* Brill, in I5ucks. Uid.

"• William of Maluicsbury's 'Chronicle,' by Sharpe.

TOAD. 1087.] TRANSACTIONS UNDER THE CONEESSOR. 7

Roger of Wendover places another incident in the reign of
Edward the Confessor at Windsor. " It happened in the same
year (a.d. 1065), in the presence of King Eadward, at VV}'ndele-
shore, Tosti, Earl of Northumberland, moved with envy, seized by
the hair his brother Harold, as he was pledging the king in a cup
of wine, and handled him shamefully, to the amazement of all the
king's household. Provoked to vengeance at this, Harold seized
his brother in his arms, and lifting him up, dashed him with violence
against the ground : on which the soldiers rushed forward from all
sides, and put an end to the contest between these famous brothers,
and separated them from each other."^

According to one MS. version of the Saxon Chronicle, ^Ethelsige,
or Ethelsy, was consecrated Abbot of St. Augustine's by the king
at Windsor, on St. Augustine's mass day, a.d. 1061.^

A charter of king Edward bears date the 20th of May, 1065,
at the royal ville of Wendlesore^ and is attested by Gibson,
bishop of Wells.* Another royal charter, without any date of
the year, purports to be made at Windsor on the fourth day of
Easter ; witnessed by Eadgitha the Queen, and Earls Godwin and
Harold.^

Edward the Confessor, by a charter bearing date the fifth of
the kalends of January, 1066, granted Windsor, with its appur-
tenances, to the monastery of St. Peter's at Westminster.^

The charter commences with a recital of the past afflictions of
the kingdom by the disputes for the sovereignty, the ultimate
peaceable establishment of Edward on the throne, and his great
prosperity, so that no preceding king could be compared to him in
riches and glory. The king goes on to say, that being indebted
to God for all these blessings, he had determined to proceed to
the seat of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and there return thanks

' Roger of Wendover's ' Flowers of History,' by Dr. Giles, 2 vols., London, 1849,
vol. i, p. 321. Henry of Huntingdon places the scene at Winchester.

^ See the 'Saxon Chronicle,' by Dr. Giles, 8vo, London, 1847.

3 " In regali villa Wendlesore nnncupata."

^ Kemble's 'Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici,' torn, iv, pp. 163, 165.

^ Ibid., p. 209.

^ MS. Cott., Eaust., A. iii, fol. 25 h. The charter is printed in the ' Monasticou,' and
in Kemble's ' Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici.'

8 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter J.

for past mercies, and pray for a continuance of them ; that he had
made preparations for the expense of the journey, and prepared
worthy presents for the apostles ; but that his nobles, fearing dis-
turbances in his absence, had dissuaded him from the attempt.
He therefore applied to the Pope for a dispensation from his vow,
which was granted, but coupled with a command to Edward to
bestow the amount intended for the journey, either in building or
repairing and enlarging some religious house dedicated to St. Peter.
A communication made by St. Peter to a trustworthy monk, ex-
pressing his wish that the monastery at Westminster should be
rebuilt, had determined the king's selection ; and that the fabric
was accordingly restored. The king then specifically confirms the
donations of land of former monarchs and the gifts of the great men
of his court ; and, lastly, states that for the hope of eternal salvation
and for the remission of his sins, and for the souls of his father and
mother and all his ancestors,^ and to the praise of God, he had
placed upon the altar, by way of endowment, various things used
in the services of the church, together with a grant of lands at
different places, and among others, " Windlesora cum omnibus ad
se pertinentibus."

The charter closes with an anathema against those who should
oppose the intent of the deed, which is witnessed by a number
of bishops and nobles.

At the same time that the King granted this charter to the
monastery of Westminster, he announced to his bishops, earls, and
thanes of Berkshire and Middlesex his grant of Windsor in these
terms :^

" Edward the king greets well my bishops and my earls, and all my

* " Postremo ego ipse, pro spe retribucionis eternse, et pro remissione delictorum
nieorum, et pro animabus patris mei et matris mei et omnium pareutum meorum," &c.

2 Edward king gret wcl mine biscopes and mine eorles and alle mine J^egncs on
Barrocscire and on Middclsexen freondlic, and ic kithe ou J?at ic habbe se-gifen Criste
and Sainte Petre into Westminstre, Windlesoren and Stane, and al that tharto herde,
binnan burch and butan, mid sace and mid sociie, mid toil and mid tlieame, and mid
iniangcncKf) on wodc and on leldc, be strande and bi landc, on strate and of strate,
and on alle thngan, swa ful and swa forth, swa it me silfeu formest on hande stod,
and ic ncUe gcj^afyan that jjaer any man ani onsting habbc on any thngan buten se
abbod and thasc bro)jran to Sainte Petres ncodc. God eon se hcalde. (MS. Cotton
Paubtina, A iii, fol. 104 e;°.)

TO A.D. 1087] OLD WINDSOR ACQUIEED BY THE CONQUEHOB. 9

tlianes in Berkshire and in Middlesex friendly, and I make known to you
that I have given to Christ and St. Peter at Westminster, Windsor and
Staines, and all that therto belongs, within burgh and without, with
saca and soca,^ with toll and with theame,^ and with infangthefe,^ in
wood and in field, by strand and by land, in street and out of street,
and in all things, as fully and as extensively as I myself first held it ;
and I will not suffer that any man have power there in any thing, but the
abbot and monks for the need of St. Peter. God himself preserve you."

The quantity of land which Edward held was twenty hides."^
Old Windsor did not continue long in the possession of the
monastery. William the Conqueror, being greatly pleased with its
situation, made, in the first year of his reign, an exchange of lands,
by which Windsor was again restored to the crown.

" By the constitution and favour of the venerable Abbot of West-
minster, I have agreed for Windlesora for the king^s use, the place
appearing proper and convenient for a royal retirement on account of
the river and its nearness to the forest for hunting, and many other
royal conveniences, in exchange for which I have given Wokenduue and
Feringes.'^^

The following writ appears to have been issued by the king at
the same time :^

" William the king greets William, the bishop, and Swein, the sheriff,
and all my thanes in Essex friendly, and I make known to you that I

^ Saca was the power and privilege of hearing and determining causes and disputes,
levying forfeitures and fines, executing laws, and administering justice within a certain
precinct. Soca was the territory or precinct in which the saca and other privileges
were exercised. (Ellis, 'Introduction to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 273; WilkinSj 'Leges Anglo-
Saxonicse,' p. 202.)

* Theame was the power of having, restraining, and judging bondmen, neifs, and
villains, with their children, goods, and chattels, in the lord's court. (Cowel, ' Law
Interpr.,' fol. 1727.)

^ Infangthefe, thieves taken within the jurisdiction.

^ ^QQ post, pp. 13, 14;.

^ See extract in Gough's ' Camden's Britannia.' The King also gave fourteen soke-
men and their lands, and one freeholder in Thurestaple Hundred, who held one yard land
belonging to Ferings, with three houses in Colchester. (See Ashmole's * Order of the
Garter,' p. 127-8.) I have not discovered the original charter, which appears to be
imperfectly cited. [J. E. D.]

^ Willem king gret Willem b. and Swein scirefen and alle mine thegnes on Estsexen
frendlice. And ice ki^e eow that ice wille I'at j^a twa land, Feringe and Wokindone, \>Q
ic lete into Westminster for Windlesore the hwcarfe ligge )?der {sic) inne nu mid sace and
mid bucne, swa full and swa foris swa itt hi Her inn firmest se-unnen habbe on alien

10 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter I.

will that the two lands Feringe and Wokendon, which I gave unto
Westminster, in exchange for Windsor, henceforth be held with saca
and soca^ as fully and as extensively in every thing, as they have
enjoyed it therein, most firmly ; and let the sheriff" Sweyn deliver the
land to the holy monastery to have as they had it ; and I command
that whatsoever may have been carried away thence, whether cattle or
other property, shall be restored within seven nights after this writ
has been read, by my friendship. And I will not suffer that any man
deprive the holy monastery of any thing that I have collected therein/'

The site of the royal palace at Old Windsor is not known
with certainty/ A farm house, which until recently stood west
of the church and near the river, surrounded by a moat, probably
marked the site.^ Scarcely raised above the level of the Thames,
which flows close to it and supplied the moat with water, the
palace had no natural defence, and was used rather as a convenient
spot for hawking and hunting than a place of strength.

It is from the situation of Old Windsor that its name is
generally supposed to be derived. In the grants of Edward the
Confessor the place is called '' Windlesora" and " Windlesore/'
Camden speaks of Windsor as called by the Saxons, ''perhaps from
the windings of the banks, Wynbejhopa."^ This derivation, which

Jjngen, and Sweyn scirefa betace tlia land into than halagen minstre habbe se e hi
habbe, and ice beode J^att swa hwat swa j^anun ut se-don stS on erfe odSe on o^er
J^nge, J^at itt eume ongean binnen sefen uihten J^ar j^e Jjs se writte se-raed bits bi minen
freoudscipe. And ice nelle se-Jjafian J^at mann atbrede jjam halagen minstre any j^are
|?nge l^as ^e ice J^idcr innc se-unuen habbe. (MS. Cotton, Faust., A iii, fol. 113 r°.)

^ Lelaud (writing iu the 16th century) wonders at the seldom mention made of this
place by the old Chroniclers. " Illud eerte mihi mirum videtur, quod, quum nou paueis
ab hinc seculis tanquam regia Saxonum sedes re ipsa in magno steterit precio, cum
aucupii, turn vcnationis titulo, tarn rara de eo fiat mentio apud veteres historise scriptores."
(' Comnientarii in Cygneam Cantionem,' verb. Viudelcsora.)

^ See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 414.

^ "Windles-ofra, Windles-ourc, Windles-ora, Windsor, Berks ; flcxuosa ripa; qualis
Thamesina ista, ad quam situs est vicus inde dietus, Windelsor, Windsor." (Bosworth's
* Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.') By the old historians the name was variously spelled :
Windleshora (Florence) ; Winlesores (William of Malmesbury) ; Windleshores, Winleshores
(Hen. of Hunt, andllovd) ; Windeshores, Windesourc (llovd) ; Windelsores, Windlcsores,
Winlesores (Gervase) ; Windesourc, "Wyndcsore (Brom])ton) ; Windesour, Wyndosor
(Knighton). Gibson says (in the 'Nominum locorum explicatio' affixed to his edition of
the * Saxon Chronicle') ' Quod autem nonnunquam scribitur Windlesofra et Windlcsoure,
id dcducendum esse vocabulum suadet ab ofre {ripa), quod paulatim liquefaetum fuit in
oure, indcque in ora'

TO A.D. 1087.J DEEIVATION 0"F THE NAME. 11

was merely a suggestion of Camden, has been adopted by subse-
quent writers as incontrovertibly established ;^ but although the
winding course of the river Thames, between the present town of
Windsor and Staines, certainly gives a plausibility to this sug-
gestion/ it may be doubted whether the origin of the name may
not be more correctly traced to another source. Harrison, in
describing the Thames and its tributaries, says, "Being past the
Cole (Colne), we come to the fall of the Vindeles, which riseth by
north west neere unto Bagshot, from whence it goeth to Windlesham,
Chobham, and meeting with a brooklet comming westward from
Bisleie, they run together toward Cherteseie, where when they have
met with a small rill rising north of Sonning hill in Windlesoure great
parke^ it falleth into the Thames on the north-east side of Cherteseie.''^
There can be little or no doubt that Windlesham derives its
name from this stream, and signifies the house or village on
the Windles, or Vindeles, as Harrison spells it. Although
Windlesham is several miles distant from Windsor, it must be
remembered that the whole of the district drained by the river
Windles, was originally within the limits of the forest of Windsor ;^
and as Old Windsor was probably selected by the Saxon kings as
a residence for the same reason that it was subsequently repurchased
by the Conqueror, (namely, on account of its convenience for hunting

* Although Ashmole, in his ' Order of the Garter/ speaks of Camden's idea simply as
a conjecture, Pote, who (in liis * History of Windsor') transcribes largely from Ashmole,
ventures to say, " Camden rightly conjectures that the remarkable winding course or
shore of the river here gave rise to the name." Mr. Stoughton, more recently, in his
* Windsor in the Olden Time,' says Old Windsor " bore the name of Wyndleshora, a
Saxon appellation, referring to the winding banks of the Thames in that vicinity." This
is one of the many instances that occur (among topographical and antiquarian writers
especially) of a modest suggestion being taken up and treated as a positive and incon-
trovertible dictum. Two absurd conjectures have been made as to the origin of the
name Windsor: Lambarde ('Diet. Angl. Top. et Hist.') says it is derived from "the
wi/ndie shoare, because it standetli hygh, and subject to the wynde ;" the other is, that
it was so called from the winding of boats across the Thames at this place.

2 That the Thames does wind unusually in the neighbourhood of Old Windsor is
evidenced by the fact that some years ago the Commissioners of the Thames Naviga-
tion made a shorter cut for barges from the wear below Datchet to Old Windsor, in
order^to avoid the circuitous course of the river between those places.

3 -The Description of Britaine,' prefixed to Holinshed's ' Chronicles,' edit. 1587.

' See "Windlesham Walk," in Norden's Map and Tables of the Forest. (Had. MSS.,
No. 37^9.)

12 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter I.

in the forest,) it may very naturally have received the name of
Windles-ofer, or Windles-ora, the place beyond or adjoining to
Win dies in the forest of Windsor.^

The lands of Windsor, granted by Edward the Confessor and
exchanged by the Abbot of Westminster with William, appear to
have had reference to Old Windsor, and did not include the site of
the present town or castle.

The Conqueror proceeded to build a castle^ on the brow of the

^ There is a large parish ou the western border of Dorsetshire called Broad Windsor,
which is described in Domesday Survey by the names of "Windesore," " Windestorte,"
and " Windresore." The members of a family named from this place are described in
instruments of the reign of Henry the Third as Thomas and John de " Windlesore."
Hutchius says the parish seems to take its name from the winding border that separates
it from Somersetshire ('Dorsetshire,' vol. i, p, 603, 2d edition); but this is not a
satisfactory derivation, and was probably suggested to the author by Camden's corre-
sponding derivation of Windsor in Berkshire. It deserves notice that Winsham (spelt as
Windlcsham is generally pronounced) is near Broad Windsor.

^ The Conqueror relied mainly on the strength of his castles for the preservation of
his power in England. It was the want of such places that had facilitated his success,
and the multiplication of them gave him the strongest assurance that he would be able
permanently to overcome his English subjects.

The castles of the Conqueror's own time were those of Canterbury, Tunbridge, and
Rochester, in Kent ; Hastings, Arundel, Bramber, and Lewes, in Sussex (Pevensey
had been erected in the Roman times) ; Carisbrooke, in the Isle of Wight ; Walingford
and Windsor, in Berkshire; Wareham, in Dorsetshire; Exeter and Oakhampton,
in Devonshire ; Duuhevet and Trematon, in Cornwall ; Gloucester and Berkeley,
in Gloucestershire ; Chepstow, in Monmouthshire ; Dudley, in Worcestershire ; in
Herefordshire, Wigmore, Clifford, and Ewias ; the castles of Cambridge, Huntingdon,
and Lincohi; Rockingham, in Northamptonshire; Warwick and Tutbury, in Stafford-
shire ; Shrewsbury and Montgomery Castles, in Shropshire ; Ruthlan, in Flintshire ;
Penvardant, between the Ribble and the Mersey; the Peak Castle, in Derbyshire; two
castles at York ; Pomfret and Richmond Castles ; Clitheroe ; Raleygh, in Essex ;
Norwich Castle; and Eye, in Suffolk.

Of these, nearly the whole of which are mentioned in the Domesday Survey, eight
are known, either on the authority of that record or of our old historians, to have been
built by the Conqueror himself; ten are entered as erected by greater barons, and one
by an under-tenant. Eleven more, of whose builders we have no particular account, are
noticed in the Survey either expressly or by inference as new. It is singular that the
ruins which are now remaining of almost all these castles have preserved one feature
of uniformity : they are each distinguished by a mount and keep, — marking the peculiar
style of architecture introduced into our castellated fortiGcations by the Conqueror and
his adherents.

The castles of Dover, Nottingham, and Durham, known to have been built by
the Conqueror, with the White Tower in the Tower of London, are unnoticed in the
Domesday Survey. (Ellis, 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 223; Ellis, 'Letters,' 3d series,
vol i, pp.U-12.)

TO A.D. 1087.] ERECTION OE THE CASTLE. 13

hill two miles north-west of Old Windsor. No accounts are left
of the form or details of this structure, nor the precise period of its
erection.^ It was built before the Domesday survey, which was
finished in the year 1086.

Some idea of the state of the district at the time of the erection
of the Castle, may be collected from the survey.^

King William held Old Windsor as his own demesne, i. e.
retained it as his own estate.^ Edward the Confessor was possessed

^ " The castle of the Norman period of our history must not be confounded with the
palatial fortress of the fourteenth century. The principles upon which the Norman
strongholds were constructed resemble those which apply to the fortification of a town.
A high and solid rampart, encircled by a ditch, flanked by salient towers, and defended by
a parapet, inclosed an open space, sometimes of several acres. At or near the extremity
of this inclosure, and on its most inaccessible height, or, if the site afforded no proper
vantage ground, on a vast artificial mound of earth, stood the citadel of the place, the
lofty and massive keep, furnished within itself with every means which the space could
afford of sheltering and maintaining the garrison when they should be driven from the
outworks, and the plans of these ancient towers display many skilful contrivances by
which their object was effected." (Poynter's ' Essay on the History and Antiquities of
Windsor Castle,' prefixed to Sir Jeffrey Wyatville's ' Illustrations of Windsor Castle,')

^ The commissioners or inquisitors for the formation and adjusting of this survey,
it appears, were, upon the oaths of the sheriffs, the lords of each manor, the presbyters of
every church, the reves of every hundred, the bailiff and six villans of every village, to
inquire into the name of the place, who held it in the time of King Edward, who was the
present possessor, how many hides in the manor, how many carucates in demesne, how
many homagers, how many villans, how many cotarii, how many servi, what free-men,
how many tenants in socage, what quantity of wood, how much meadow and pasture,
what mills and fish-ponds, how much added or taken away, what the gross value in
King Edward's time, what the present value, and how much each free-man or soch-man
had or has. All this was to be triply estimated : first, as the Castle was held in the time
of the Confessor ; then as it was bestowed by King William ; and, thirdly, as its value
stood at the formation of the Survey. The jurors were moreover to state whether any
advance could be made in the value. The method generally followed in entering the
Keturns was, first, to entitle the estate to its owner, always beginning with " Terra
Regis ;" the hundred was next specified ; then the tenant, with the place ; and afterwards
the description of the property.

The inquisitions having been taken, were sent by the justiciaries to Winchester, and
there classed and methodised, and entered in a register, such as we now view it. (Ellis's
' Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, pp. 21, 30.)

^ The following is the entry in Domesday relating to Old Windsor : — " Terra Regis.
Rex Willielmus Tenet Windesores in dominico. Rex Edwardus tenuit. ibi xx hidse.
Terra est. In dominico est una carucata et xxii villani, et ii bordarii cum x carucatis.
Ibi unus servus et piscaria de vi solidis et viii denariis, et xl acrse prati. Silva de l porcis
de pasnagio et alia silva missa est in defensu, et adhuc sunt in villa c hagse v minus.
Ex his sunt xxvi quietaj de gablo, et de aliis exeunt xxx solidi. De terra hujus manerii
tenet Albertus clericus unam hidam et dimidium et tertiam partem unius denser

14 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteii I.

of twenty hides there, and that appears to have been the extent of
the Conqueror's possessions surrounding the old Saxon palace/
Whether the lade was any precise quantity of land, and if so, what
that quantity of land was, are points not positively determined.
Mr. Kemble, the most recent, and perhaps best authority on the
subject, believes it to have been equal to forty Norman or thirty-
three and a half Saxon acres.^ Sir Henry Ellis, however, infers
that a hide was six score, or one hundred and twenty acres.^

The arable land in the king's demesne was one carucate,
originally signifying as much arable as could be managed with one
plough, and the beasts belonging thereto in a year; having
meadow, pasture, and houses for the householders, and cattle
belonging to it. The precise quantity probably differed according
to the nature of the soil, or the custom of the country. It appears
to have approached in quantity to a hide, the carucate being a term
of Norman introduction, the hide a Saxon division.*

There were twenty-two villans, {i. e. holders of small portions
of land at the will of their lord, rendering personal services to him,
who might dispossess them whenever he pleased,) and two hordarii,
or cottagers, who were of a less servile condition than the villans,
holding their bord, or cottage, and small parcel of land, on condi-
tion of supplying the lord with poultry and eggs, and other small
provisions,^ but their condition probably differing on different
manors -^ and one servus (who is supposed to have been a villan)
receiving wages instead of land, at the discretion of the lord.'''

Walterus, filius Other, unam liidam et dimidium et unam virgatam, et taiitum silvae unde
exeunt v porci de pasnagio, Gislebertus niaminot iii virgatas, Willielmus belet unam
hidam. Aluricus i liidam et alter Aluricus dimidium hidam et presbiter villas unam hidam
et dimidium, et ii scrvientcs curise regis dimidium hidam. Eudo dapifer ii hidas.
Tempore Regis Edwardi valebat xv libras et post vii libras, Modo xv libras."

^ The "Terra Regis" of Domesday was chiefly composed of land that had been
possessed by Edward the Confessor, Harold, and other Saxon princes and earls. (See
Allen's 'Inquiry into the Royal Perogative in England,' 8vo, 1830; and Ellis's *Introd.
to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 228.)

^ Kemble's ' Saxons in England,' vol. i, chap. iv.

* See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 148.

' Ibid.

^ Kennett's ' Glossary of Parochial Antiquities.'

*■' Ellis's * Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 83.

? Kennett's 'Gloss. Paroch. Antiq.'

TO A.D. 1087.] STATE OP THE NEIGHBOUEIIOOD. 15

The villeins and bordarii had ten ploughs. Attached to the
carucate, or plough-land, was a fishery, yielding a rent of six
shillings and eight pence. There were forty acres of meadow-land
and wood-land, for pannage in which, or the privilege of running
and feeding hogs in it, fifty hogs were annually rendered to the
lord. There was another wood, not subject to pannage, but fenced
in, to secure the growth of the timber.

In the manor were ninety-five houses. These probably formed
the village or town of Old Windsor, and were in the immediate
vicinity of the old palace or king's residence, which was situated
there, as already stated, in Edward the Confessor's reign. Of
these houses, twenty-six were free from the payment of gahel^ or
tax, to the king. The others paid thirty shillings.

Besides the king's demesne, there were other lands in this
manor held by his subjects, under him. Albert, the clerk (clericus),
had a hide and a half, and the third part of a tenth. Walter, the
son of Other, a hide and a half and one virgate, (a variable measure,
like the hide and carucate, but probably signifying here the eighth
part of a hide.y He also had as much wood as sufficed to keep five
hogs yearly by the privilege of pannage in it.

Gislebertus, or Gilbert Maminot, held three virgates ; William
Belet, one hide; Aluricus, or Alfric, one hide; and another
Aluricus, half a hide. The priest (presbyter) of the village held a
hide and a half ; and two sergeants (servientes) of the king's court,
half a hide. Eudo the king's steward, or sewer, held two hides.^

^ See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 155. If the virgate signified here the
fourth part of a hide, as it is supposed to do in other places, the quantity of land held
by Walter would probably have been expressed by a hide and three virgates. [J. E. D.]

^ Eudo held other lands in Berkshire, and also in the counties of Bedford*
Cambridge, Essex, Hants, Hertford, Huntingdon, Lincoln, Norfolk, Northampton, and
Suffolk. He is sometimes designated "Eudo Dapifer," but more frequently as "Eudo,
filius Huberti." " The former name was obtained from the office of sewer, or steward,
which Eudo held at court. Hubert de Bie, the father of Eudo, was a great favorite
with Duke William in Normandy, who sent him ambassador, with a large retinue, to
Edward the Confessor, who was induced, by Hubert's dexterity, to appoint Wilham his
successor in the throne of England. The father was promised the office of steward of the
household as soon as William should be possessed of the crown ; but after his conquest,
Wilham being apprehensive of commotions in Normandy, sent Hubert back with his
three eldest sons to maintain that country in quiet. Eudo, the fourth son, remained in
England, received very large possessions, and was shortly after made steward of the

IG ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [CiiAriER I.

The value of the manor in Edward the Confessor's reign was
fifteen pounds, but afterwards reduced to seven pounds ; but at
the time of the survey was again estimated at fifteen pounds.

This was the state of Old Windsor at the time of the survey.
There is no trace of the existence of the town of New Windsor
at that time. The Castle had been recently erected on half a hide
of land in the manor of Clewer (Clivore), which was possessed by
Radulfus, the son of Seifride.^ King Harold, or, as he is described
in Domesday, Earl Harold, previously held this manor, which in
his time comprised five hides, but at the time of the survey consisted
of four hides and a half, the Castle of Windsor being erected on
the other half hide.

The arable land of Radulfus consisted of one carucate and a
half, wath nine villans and six bordarii, having four ploughs.
A mill yielded ten shillings. There were twenty acres of meadow-
land, and wood-land rendering ten hogs. The son-in-law of
Radulfus held half a hide, yielding however nothing to the manor ;
the value of which was formerly seven pounds, but at the time of
the survey four pounds ten shillings.

On the other side of the Thames, we find Walter, the son
of Other, possessed of the manor of Eton, comprising twelve
hides, of which eight carucates were arable land. The manor pre-
viously belonged to Queen Eddid, or Editha, the wife of Edward the
Confessor, and was probably held by her, with all her other pos-

houseliold, in the room of William Fitz Osbern. His wife was Roliaise, daughter of
Richard, sou of Gilbert, Earl of Eu. Eudo founded the Abbey of St. John at Colchester,
in 1096, and was in favour with King William Rufus. He died at Preaux, in Normandy,
but his corpse was brought to England and buried in his monastery at Colchester,
February 28th, a.d. 1120." (See Moraut's ' Hist, of Colchester,' p. 139.) Adam, the
brother of Eudo Dapiier, was one of the commissioners for making the Conqueror's
survey. " Terra Eudonis iilius Huberti," stands as a title to Eudo's lands in Berkshire,
Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huutingdonsliire, and Bedfordshire. But the entries
themselves uniformly begin "Eudo Dapifer tenet de Rege." (Ellis's 'Introduction to
Domesday,' vol. i, p. 415.)

^ Radulfus hlius Seifrid tenet do rege Clivore. Heraldus comes tenuit. Tunc se
defendebat pro v hidis, modo pro iv hidis et dimidio et castellum de Windesores est in
diniidio hida. Terra est. In dominico est una caracuta et dimidium et ix villani et
vi bordarii, cum iv carucatis, et molcndinuin de x solidis et xx acrje prati. Silva de
X porcis. De liac terra tenet gener ejus Radulfus dimidium hidam et nichil est ibi.
Valuit vii libras. Modo iv libras et x sohdos.

TO A.D. 1087.] STATE OP THE NEIGHBOURHOOD. 17

sessions, until her death in 1075, when they reverted to the crown,
and this manor granted by the Conqueror to Walter.^

There were two mills at Eton, valued at twenty shilUngs, and
a fishery yielding a rent of a thousand eels. One of the mills at
Eton, and that at Clewer, no doubt stood on the same spots
where the "Tangier" and Clewer Mills are now situated.^
Various causes tend to make a corn-mill one of the most perma-
nent species of property.^ The situation is originally selected
where the stream offers the greatest natural advantages. The
grinding of corn by means of a water-wheel has never been
superseded by other sources of mechanical powxr, although, where
that element cannot be readily obtained, the action of air and
steam have supplied its place. The conversion of corn into bread
was an essential process for the support of all classes and persons ;
for the soldier as well as the husbandman ; and accordingly,
through all the changes of kingdoms and the vicissitudes of their
rulers, the mill-wheel has never ceased to perform its peaceful
revolution .

The fisheries at Eton and Old Windsor also still exist on the
same spots they occupied eight hundred years ago.

There is no mention of houses in the manor of Eton, but it is
probable, from the fact of there being two mills in it, that there
was at least a village at that period where the town of Eton is now
situated.

' From the family of Fitz Other, the manor of Eton descended or passed into those
of Hodenge, Huntercombe, and Scudamore, and from them descended through female
heirs to the Lovel family, from whom, in the reign of Edward the Fourth, ih.e manor was
acquired by Eton College. Another manor in the same parish, called Eton-Stockdales
cum Cole-Norton, was for several centuries in the Windsor family. Duriug the last and
the present century it has been successively in the families of Ballard, Wassell, Buckle,
and Penn. (See Lysons' 'Magna Brit./ vol, ], p. 560.)

^ The ' W^estminster Magazine' for the year 1781 contains an engraving of Clewer
Mill. It is there stated that before its destruction by fire " the interior machinery of the
mill was extremely curious and singular, and drew the attention of the king and many of
the nobility to visit it."

•'' In Domesday-book, wherever a mill is specified, we generally find it still subsist-
ing. Mills anciently belonged to lords of manors, and the tenants were permitted to
grind only at the lord's mill. This circumstance sufficiently accounts, not only for the
great number of mills noticed in the survey as objects of profit to tlic landholder, but
for the large sums which they are continually stated to yield. (Ellis's 'Introd. to
Domesday,' vol. i, p. 122.)

1 8 ANNALS OY WINDSOR. [Chapter I.

Whether there were any churches at Old Windsor, Clewer,
and Eton, is not stated in the survey.^ It is^ however, by no means
improbable that they existed at all these places, for the precept
which directed the formation of the Domesday survey laid no
injunction on the jurors to make a return of churches, so that the
mention of them, if made at all, was of course likely to be irregular.
Accordingly the whole number actually noticed in the survey,
comprising a few more than one thousand seven hundred, falls
considerably under what there are grounds for concluding they
must have amounted to, about, or soon after, the time of the
Conquest.^

It may be reasonably inferred that a church existed at Old
Windsor at this period, for, as ah^eady stated, the priest (presbyter)
of the village or manor is mentioned as tenant of land at that
place. ^

Of the state of the country around Windsor, during the earlier
Saxon period, there are necessarily but few materials for arriving
at a satisfactory conclusion. The Mercian kings are supposed to
have had a palace at Cippenham in Buckinghamshire, about three
miles north-west of Windsor.'^ It is certain that it was a royal
residence at a subsequent period, and an ancient moated site still
exists there.^

In the "7Jtote park," which lay immediately south of Windsor and
adjoining the Great Park, vestiges of a square entrenched enclosure
are still discernible, which may have given rise to the name,
although the situation of the place precludes the idea of its having

* " The church of Old Windsor in Berks is ancient, and consists of one isle, in whicli
is an octogon font, in the angles of which are a |51j a cross, two cross keys, a rose, a lilly,
and an anchor defaced." (Dr. Thomas Girdler to Hearne. See the Glossary to Hearnc's
' Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle,' vol. ii, p. 629.) A woodcut of the font in Clewer
Church will be found in a subsequent part of this work. There are no remains of the
old parish church of Eton.

' Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 286.

3 The circumstance of presbyter occurring most frequently in counties where scarcely
any " ecclesise " are noticed, gives strength to the presumption that the officers of the
exchequer, who abridged the inquisitions, considered the entry of the one as in most
cases implying the existence of the other. (Ibid., p. 289.)

* Ly sons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 531.

'~' Ibid., and set posi, Chapter IV. (llcign of Henry 111),

TO A.D. 1087.] STATE OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD. 19

been selected, or the moat formed for the purposes of defence.^
There are other similarly marked spots in the neighbourhood of
Windsor, probably referable to the same origin. Near Langley
Maries, in Buckinghamshire, are remains of earth works, now
called " Trenches" or the '' Moat," with an artificial hill or mound
adjoining.^ The well-known mound called Salt Hill, which, in
Lysons' ' Buckinghamshire,' is spoken of as a " tumulus," may be
a vestige of the same or an earlier period.^

From the few particulars extracted from Domesday Survey,
the following general conclusions may be drawn :

A few serfs and swineherds dwelt in straggling huts near the
old palace or manor-house of the Saxon kings at Old Windsor,
tending their swine in the woods, which, stretching southwards
and westwards, formed the outskirts of the Royal Forest of
Windsor.

* See Norden's ' Description of the Moat Park,' in a subsequent part of this work.

^ These remains have not been noticed by any antiquary or other writer. They
lie about a quarter of a mile from Langley church, and one hundred yards north
of the Great V^estern Eailway, from which the mound, covered with trees, is readily
discernible.

^ Although the origin of the Montem, at Eton, has been repeatedly the subject of
antiquarian discussion, (and is now, by the best authorities, referred to the custom of
the boy-bishop,) no attention appears to have been paid to the selection of the ancient
hillock for the ceremony. A mound, or elevated spot of ground, does not seem to be
connected with the former ceremony of the " boy-bishop" at any other place, and there-
fore, although the procession and ceremonies at Eton may have originated in the manner
suggested, the question why "Salt Hill," a distance of nearly two miles from the
College, and situated in another parish, should have been selected, is not disposed of.
It may be observed, that the elevation is not sufficiently marked to render it probable
that it was chosen on that account alone. Salt Hill owes its present apparent eleva-
tion to the removal of gravel from the vicinity, for the purpose of repairing the roads;
for on a close examination, it will be seen that the artificial mound is raised only a few feet
above the natural level of the adjacent fields. The choice of this spot may have originated,
perhaps, in the custom of the Anglo-Saxons to assemble at a tumulus (which was often
an object of superstitious reverence among them) to perform games and ceremonies at
fixed periods. Traces of such customs still exist in different parts of the kingdom.
(See Wright's 'Early Notices relating to the Antiquities of St. Alban's,' 'Archaeologia,'
vol. xxxiii, p. 264; and Wright's 'History of Ludlow,' 8vo, 1852, p. 15.) As it is not
intended to enter into details of what is already in print and easily accessible, further
than is essential to give a complete character to this work, it is sufficient to refer the
reader who wishes to find a full account of Eton Montem, to Brand's ' Popular Anti-
quities,' by Sir Henry Ellis, (2 vols. 4to, 1813, and 3 vols. 8vo, 184:9,) and Lipscombe's
' Buckinghamshire,' vol. iv, p. 465.

20 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chaptek I.

The Buckinghamshire side of the river was chiefly cultivated
gi^ound, free from wood, bounded by moorland on the north.^

Datchet, lying on that side of the river, between Old and New
Windsor, appears to have an earlier mention of its name than
Windsor. In a record of the time of ^^elraed (Ethelred, a.d. 990,
995), mention is made of land at "Deccet" exchanged for land at
" Hacceburnam" (Hagborne?), and at *' Bradanfelda" (Bradfield).^

Windsor is incidentally mentioned in Domesday as having been
a residence of the Conqueror. Thus the king is stated to have sent
his writ from thence to Robert de Oilgi to restore certain land in
Berkshire, of which Azor, a steward in the reign of Edward the
Confessor, was unjustly dispossessed -^ and again, the manor of
Draintone (Drayton) in Buckinghamshire, was held in the Con-
queror's time by Radulfus Passaquam, of Lewinus de Neweham,
and provided two armed men (IIos Loricatos) to guard Windsor.*

Walter, the son of Other, or Walter Fitz Other, who possessed
the manor of Eton, and held some land in Old Windsor Manor,
and was also owner of several other manors in the neighbourhood,
as Stoke, Horton, and Burnham, was appointed by the Conqueror
Castellan or Governor of the Castle of Windsor and Warden of the
Forest,^ a grant which was confirmed by the Empress Maud, at
Oxford, to his son William Eitz Walter, who assumed the surname
of AVindsor from his office.^

This office of Constable of the Castle of Windsor has existed
from the first appointment of Walter Eitz Other or Otho to the
present day. Of the duties of Constable at a later period some
account will be given hereafter, from the pen of Whitelock, who

^ Harrison describes the Thames as taking in at Eton " the Burne which riseth out
of a moore, and commeth thither by Burnham." (Holinshed's 'Chronicles,' edit. 1587.)

2 See Kemble's * Saxons in England/ vol. ii, p. 48 ; see also Leland's 'Itin.,' vol. ii,
fol. 2.

3 Tom. i, fol. 62. (See Ellis's 'Introd. to Domesday,' vol. i, p. 32.)
^ Ibid., fol. 1 51 b.

^ See 'Bib. Cotton.,' Claudius, b, vi, c. ix, fol. 153, 158; Dugdale's 'Baronage,'
torn, i, p. 509.

^ Sharpe's ' Peerage.' Dugdale, however, citing a MS. in tlie ))ossession of Thomas,
Lord Windsor, says that it was Walter Fitz Other, tiie father, who took the surname
of W^indsor. He was the ancestor of the present Earl of Plymouth, and of the Carews
of Cornwall, and the Eitzgcialds, Eitzmaurices, &c., of Ireland.

TO A.D. 1087.] FIRST CONSTABLE OF THE CASTLE. 21

was Constable of the Castle and Keeper of the Great Park in the
middle of the seventeenth century.

Although Walter Fitz Other appears to have been the first re-
gularly appointed Constable of the Castle, we have, in the tradition
of William of Mahnesbury, evidence of the appointment of Wulvvin
Spillecorn as Keeper of the Royal Palace at Old Windsor.^

At the time of the erection of the Castle by William, there
does not appear to have been any town or village where the
present town of Windsor stands. It must have gradually arisen
under the walls of the Castle, partly from the convenience or
necessity of having residences in the vicinity for persons connected
with the Castle, but more especially from the protection afforded
by the royal residence, against violence and injuries to the person
or property of the serf or vassal, and the opportunities afforded
of gaining a livelihood by the sale of wares and merchandize to
the attendants upon the court. ^

The first direct mention of Windsor as a residence of the
Conqueror is in the year 1070. We are told that in the feast of
Pentecost that year, '' the King being then at A¥indsor, gave the
archbishopric of York to Thomas, a venerable canon of Bayeux,
and the bishopric of Winchester to Valceline or Walkelin, his own
chaplain."^

It has been generally supposed that when Windsor is mentioned
as the place where William the First and Second occasionally held
their courts and festivals, Old Windsor, and not the present Castle,

^ See ante, p. 6. Ailred of Rievaulx, however, a contemporary of William of Malmes-
bury, and who narrates the same miracle of King Edward, states that Wulwin was made
keeper of the king's palace at Westminster, i. e. of St, Peter's Church.

2 See Kemble's * Saxons in England,' vol. ii, p. 302. Leland, in a passage in his
'Itinerary,' says, "The Towne of Newe-Windlesore was erected sins that King Edwarde
the 3. reedefied the Castelle there." (' Itin.,' vol. iv, part i, fol. 47.) But this appears
to be merely a loose scrap of information picked up by that antiquary from " George
Eerras," and noted down at the time. There is certain proof of the existence of a town
at Windsor as early as Edward the Eirst, and of a church there in Richard the First's
reign, {^t^ post, Chapter III.) In the Pipe Roll referred to, the 31st year of Henry I,
William de Bocheland renders an account of the old rent of Windsor, and also of the
new rent, showing that for some time Windsor was let out to farm, as we shall find it
was in subsequent reigns.

^ Roger de Hoveden ; Bromton.

22 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter I.

is intended ; as Henry the First held his court in the Castle for the
first time in 1110.^

The controversy between the Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, as to the authority of the former over the latter, which
had existed for some time, was discussed in the reign of the
Conqueror, and determined at Windsor, at Whitsuntide, 1072.
William of Malmesbury, recounting the proceedings between
Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Thomas, Archbishop of
York, relative to this point, in that year, says, " This cause was
first agitated at the festival of Easter, in the city of Winchester, in
the royal chapel situated in the castle ; afterwards in the royal
ville^ called Windleshore, where it received its termination, in
the presence of the King, the Bishops, and Abbots of different
orders, who were assembled at the King's court on the festival of
Pentecost."

The Archbishop of York, on that occasion, made *' unlimited
profession of canonical obedience" to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Queen Matilda, Hubert (the Pope's legate), and the two Arch-
bishops, and the Bishops of Sherborne, Worcester, Dorchester,
Winchester, and Helmham, appear to have been among those
present at Windsor on this occasion, and testified their acquiescence
in the arrangement by their signatures.^

The festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost were kept
with great solemnity for several centuries ; and it is by the record
of them, made by the older historians, that we are chiefly enabled,
for a considerable period, to trace the movements of the Sovereign.
Of William the Conqueror we are told he was "held in much
reverence. He wore his crown three times in every year when he
was in England: at Easter he wore it at Winchester, at Pentecost
at Westminster, and at Christmas at Gloucester; and at these

^ See post, p. 27.

2 " Villa regia."

3 Sec William of Malmesbury's ' Chronicle,' by Dr. Giles. The other bishops appear
to have attended by proxy, as instead of signing, they assented. Sclden, in his * History
of Tythes,' (Selden's Works, vol. iii, part ii, p. 1193,) says, "Out of a MS. of Exeter
I have seen (In excerptis MS. apud s. c. Rob. Cotton) transcribed a canon of a council
held at Windsor, some years after the Norman Conquest, I think under Lanfrank, in
these words, 'Ut laiei dicimas rcddant sicut scriptum est.'"

TO A.D. 1087]

FESTIVALS AT WINDSOE.

times all the men of England were with him, — archbishops, bishops,
abbots and earls, thanes and knights."^

The festivals of Whitsuntide, in the years 1070 and 1072, are
the only two mentioned as kept at Windsor dming this reign,
and no other event is recorded connected with it than those above
mentioned. It may well be assumed, however, that the Conqueror,
during that part of his reign spent in England, made use of
Windsor and the adjoining forest for hunting. The preservation
of game was with him, as with his Norman successors, an important
subject. '* He made large forests for deer, and enacted laws
therewith, so that whoever killed a hart or a hind should be
blinded. As he forbade kilUng the deer, so also the boars ; and he
loved the tall stags as if he were their father. He also appointed
concerning the hares, that they should go free."^

1 (

Saxon Chronicle/

Ibid.

^-^^^'i IS-,0

Salt Hi]l, from the South Side.

(See untf, p. 19.)

CHAPTER II.

WINDSOR PEOM THE ACCESSION OE WILLIAM THE SECOND
TO THE DEATH OE HENRY THE SECOND.

Constables of the Castle — a.d. 1087, Walter Eitz Other.

A.D. 1100, William Fitz Walter.
A.D. 1153, Richard de Lucy.

William the Second at Windsor, with his Council, at Whitsuntide — Imprisonment of the Earl
of Northumberland in the Castle — Visits of the King to Windsor — Deathof the Bishop
of Durham there, &c. — Henry the Eirst at Windsor, in Christmas, 1104-5; at Easter,
1107 — Commences the re-building and enlarging of the Castle — Probable extent of
the Castle ; Situation of the King's Apartments — Chapel dedicated to Edward the
Confessor — Endowment by Henry — Foundation of the College for eight Canons —
The King holds his court in the New Castle, at Whitsuntide, 1110 — Again at
Christmas, 1113-14 — Marriage of the King at Windsor to Adelicia of Louvaine
— Dispute between the Bishop of Salisbury and the Archbishop of Canterbury —
Imprisonment of Hugh Fitz Gervaise at Windsor, in 1126 — David King of Scotland,
at Windsor — Festival of Christmas following kept at Windsor — Dispute between
Archbishops of Canterbury and York — Supposed predilection of the King for
Windsor and Woodstock — Absence of all mention of Windsor from the accession
of Stephen until the Treaty of Wallingford — Fortress of Windsor committed to
Richard de Lucy, in trust — Repairs and other works at Windsor during the reign
of Henry the Second — Henry at Windsor at Christmas, 1170 — William King of
Scotland there — Parliament at Windsor again in 1179 — The King there at
Christmas, 1184-5 — Prince John knighted — Principal residences of the King —
Painthig on the walls of a room in Windsor Castle — Vineyard at Windsor.

William Rufus was at Windsor, at Pentecost, 1095, "and
all his witan^ with him, excepting the Eaii of Northumberland ; for
the king would neither give hostages nor pledge his troth that he
should come and go in security."^ Notwithstanding this dis-
couragement to the earl to attend the king's court, his absence

' Council.

- * Saxon Chronicle.'

TO A.D. 1189.] WILLIAM RUFUS AT WINDSOR. 25

was made a pretence for levying war against him. The king's
army invaded his lands, and besieged him in Bamborough Castle.
He contrived to leave the castle secretly, and proceeded towards
Tynemouth, at which place, or on his way thither, he was wounded
and taken prisoner, with some of his followers, and by the king's
orders brought to Windsor, and there confined in the castle.^

This is the earliest mention of Windsor Castle as a state
prison, a purpose, however, for which it was no doubt adapted
from the period of its first erection by the Conqueror, and for
which we shall find it was employed, from time to time, in succeed-
ing reigns, and down to the close of the Commonwealth.^

The king was at Windsor, at the Christmas following
(a.d. 1095-96), and probably with a large attendance, as he
had commanded that all who held lands of him, and wished to
retain his protection, should be at his court on that festival.^

William, Bishop of Durham, died there on New Year's Day,
but was buried at Durham.* The king on this occasion did not
stay long at Windsor, as he was at Salisbury with his witan " on
the octaves of the Epiphany." We find him again at Windsor, at
Easter, 1097, when his court was attended by the great nobles
" both of England and Normandy, with great reverence and fear."^
He intended to hold his court on this festival at Winchester, and
sailed from Normandy with that intention, but was detained at sea
by bad weather until Easter Eve, when he landed near Arundel.
^' Therefore," says the historian, " he held his court at Windsor."^
Why the king's being at Arundel should determine him to proceed
to Windsor instead of to Winchester, is not very obvious. Probably,
however, the advantage of a more beaten road to Windsor deter-
mined the choice.

^ ' Saxon Chronicle ;' Henry of Huntingdon. Roger de Hoveden says the Earl " forti
custodise mancipandus ad Windleshoram est ductus." Roger of Wendover places the
event under the year 1094.

^ Marshall Bellisle was imprisoned in Windsor Castle in the eighteenth century. As
a prison for debtors within the jurisdiction of the Eorest Court it was used down to a
comparatively recent period.

^ * Saxon Chronicle.'

'' Ibid. "Apud Windleshoram in curia Regis." (Hoveden.)

^ Henry of Huntingdon. ^ « Saxon Chronicle.'

26 ANNALS Or WINDSOE. [Chapter II.

From Windsor, where he kept the feast of Whitsuntide, " wear-
ing his crown," ^ William marched into Wales, and we have no
further mention of him at Windsor. Like his father he appears
to have kept the three great festivals of the year chiefly at Win-
chester, Westminster, and Gloucester. During the year preceding
his death (which occurred in the New Forest, August 2, a.d. 1100),
we are told he held his court at Christmas, with much magnifi-
cence, in Gloucester ; at Easter, in Winchester ; and at Pentecost,
in Westminster,^ in the new hall built by him, which he intended
should only be a bedroom in proportion to the size of the palace
he contemplated erecting.^

The first festival kept by Henry the First-, at Windsor, was
Christmas, 1104-5. The following Lent he went to Normandy
against his brother Earl Robert.^ He held his court at Windsor
again at Easter, 1107,^ and the same year commenced rebuilding
and enlarging the castle.^

We have no information as to the details of the alterations and
improvements effected in the structure of the Castle in this reign.
The Exchequer accounts, which would throw a light on the subject,
do not exist -^ but from a comparison of the features of the Norman
fortresses in general, says a writer of authority, with those still
discernible at Windsor, coupled with the information to be derived
from the records of a later period, it may be conjectured, without
wandering far into the field of speculation, that the castle of Henry
the First differed little in form or extent, from the site occupied by

' Henry of Huntingdon.

2 • Saxon Chronicle,' and Roger of Wcndover.

' Roger of Wendover. It was left for Queen Victoria to carry out the magnificent
designs of William Rufus in the erection of a palace at Westminster, although not for the
purpose of the Sovereign's residence.

'• 'Saxon Chronicle.'

* Ibid. ; Henry of Huntingdon.

^ "In 1107," says Stow, "King Henry began to build the new castle, with the
chappell and towne of Winsore, on the hill one mile from the old towne of Windcsore."
Henry of Huntingdon says, Henry built New Windsor.

" The series of Great Rolls of the Exchequer, or Great Rolls of the Pipe, begins with
the second year of the reign of Henry II, There is one roll of an earlier date, and now
referred to the 31st of Henry I. It contains a memorandum of a payment of 205. for
the carriage of timber from Windsor to Oxford.

TO AD. 1189.] AUCIIITECTURE OY THE CxiSTLE. 27

the lower and middle wards at the present day ; that the domus
regis occupied the upper bailey, and that the hall formed a portion
of a line of buildings separating the two courts, and defended on
the lower side by a ditch. But the keep alone survives, at least in
its form and position, though it is probable that in these character-
istics only is there any trace of the original structure. A few
architectural fragments, in the Norman style, brought to light from
the excavations during the progress of the improvements in the
reign of George the Fourth, are perhaps the only relics of the
palatial edifice of the twelfth century/

Henry the First also erected a chapel, which was dedicated to
Edward the Confessor,^ and provided five priests for it, to attend
to sacred matters.^ He also founded a college, in connection with
the chapel, for eight priests or canons, neither endowed nor in-
corporated, but maintained by an annual pension out of the king's
exchequer.*

During the greater part of the period of the building of the
new castle, the king was in Normandy; but considerable expedition
seems to have been used in the erection of the new structure, for
at Pentecost, 1110, the king having summoned all his nobles to
the castle, held his court '* for the first time in the New
Windsor." ^

^ Poynter's 'Essay on the History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle,' prefixed to
Sir Jeffrey Wyatville's ■ Illustrations of Windsor Castle,' where see a woodcut of these
fragments.

2 See Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, p. 2, ra. 6 ; Ashraole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 135. Leland
had an impression that it was dedicated to St. Mary. " Erat in Castro vetus templum
religione sacrum, et Divae Marise, ut memini, dedicatum." (' Commentarii in Cygneam
Cant.,' verb. Vindelesora.)

^ Leland, ut supra.

^ Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 152. Tanner, speaking of Windsor, says, "In
the Castle here was an old free chapel dedicated to K. Edward the Confessor, in which
King Henry I placed eight secular priests, who seem never to have been incorporated nor
endowed with lands, but to have been maintained by pensions yearly paid out of the
king's exchequer." ('Notitia Monastica,' p. 21.)

^ ' Saxon Chronicle.' Miss Strickland, in her ' Lives of the Queens of England,' says
Matilda, the queen, " was principally employed, during the king's absence, in super-
intending the magnificent buildings at New Windsor, which were founded by Henry, and
in the completion of the royal apartments of the Tower of London. She, as well as
Henry, patronised Gundulph, the episcopal architect, to whom England is indebted for
the most magnificent and lasting of her public buildings." But I have not met with any

28 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter II.

This expression of the historian appears to have given rise to
the belief, that the previous festivals, of this reign at least, if not of
the preceding, stated to have been held at '' Windsor,'^ refer to
Old Windsor.^ The meaning of the writer, however, seems rather
to be that the feast of Whitsuntide, in the above year, was the first
occasion on which the castle was used after its enlargement. This
reading is strengthened by a similar passage in the same chronicle
with reference to the year 1099. At Pentecost, in that year,
William Rufus is stated to have held his court for the first time
in the new building at Westminster.^ The meaning there, un-
doubtedly is, that the new building and not the locality of
Westminster was used for the first time on that occasion,
for the king himself and his father frequently held festivals at
Westminster.

From the year 1110 to 1113, Henry was in Normandy. At
Christmas, 1113-14, he held his court at Windsor, and held no
court again that year anywhere.^ The king, however, appears to
have been at Windsor as late as the end of April, previously to
going into Wales for the Summer.*

At Windsor, in 1121, Henry was married to his second queen,
Alice or Adelicia, the beautiful daughter of Godfrey of Louvaine.
The ceremony was delayed in consequence of a singular dispute
between the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Salisbury.
Roger le Poer, the Bishop of Salisbury, claimed the right to marry
the royal pair, because the Castle of Windsor was w^ithin his diocese.
The right was disputed by Ralph, the Archbishop of Canterbury,

authority for this statement, so far as relates to Windsor. The 'Vita Gundulfi'
(Wiiarton's 'Anglia Sacra," ii, 273) is silent on the point, and so also is the 'Textus
RofFensis.' [J. E. D.]

* SeeLysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416; and Poynter's 'Essay.'

* * Saxon Clironicle.'

3 Ibid. At Windsor, Tculph, the king's chaplain, was appointed Bishop of Worcester,
but only lived two years. (Roger de Ilovcdcn.)

* Eabyan says, "In the 15th year of liis reign, the king intended to have promoted
Earicius, Abbot of Abyndon, unto the see of Canterbury ; but by a council, kept at
Wyndesoure, of bysshoppys, the king's mind was changed, and to that see was there
admitted llaufe, that was bishop of Rochester." Eadmer fixes the date, as cited by
Holinshed, and says the archbishop was elected at Windsor on the 26th of April, 1114;
see also Roger de Hovedcn.

TO A.D. llSy.] MARRIAGE OP THE KING. 29

on the ground that wherever the king and queen might be within
the reahn of England, they were his parishioners. The ceremony
was eventually performed by the primate, on the 24th of January,
1121, in the presence of the whole council of England then assem-
bled at Windsor.^

We find Henry at Windsor at Christmas and Whitsuntide, 1122.^
In the Autumn of 1126, the king, returning from Normandy,
brought with him as prisoners, Waleram Earl of Mellent, and
Hugh, the son of Gervaise, against whom he had waged war, and
captured in 1124. He sent Hugh to Windsor, and caused him to
be kept in strong bonds. ^ ''After Michaelmas, David King of
Scotland came hither, and King Henry received him with much
honour, and he abode through the year in this land."^ At the
Christmas following (1127-28), the king held his court at Wind-
sor, the King of Scotland being there, " and all the head men of
England, both clergy and laity. And the king caused the arch-
bishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and all the thanes who were present,
to swear to place England and Normandy, after his death, in the
hands of his daughter the princess, who had been the wife of the
Emperor of Saxony."^

At this festival at Windsor, and at the ceremony of crowning
the king, usually repeated on these occasions, a dispute arose be-
tween William Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstan Archbishop
of York, similar to that already mentioned between the archbishop
of the former see and the Bishop of Salisbury, and identical with
the contest between the two archbishops in the Conqueror's reign.
" Thurstan, Archbishop of York, wished to crown the king, to the
prejudice of the Archbishop of Canterbury, but he was prevented
by unanimous consent ; and his cross-bearer, who had carried his
cross into the king's chapel, was turned out, together with the
cross which he was carrying."^ In a short time this unseemly

^ Eadmer, 136, edit. Seld. ; Roger de Hoveden ; ' Saxon Chronicle.'

^ Roger de Hoveden ; Henry of Huntingdon.

3 ' Saxon Chronicle.' Hugh obtained hostages in 1129, and returned to France.

^ Ibid.

* ' Saxon Chronicle.'

^ Roger of Weudover.

30 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter II.

contention between the two archbishops grew so hot, that not
only they, but also the Bishop of Lincoln, went to Rome to obtain
a decision on the point of their dispute.^

In the thirty-third year of his reign, the king, during Christmas
(a.d. 1132-3), lay sick at Windsor.^ This is the last time he is
mentioned as having been at Windsor. In the following year he
went to Normandy, and died there in 1135.

Henry the First spent so much of his time in Normandy, and
when in England held his court at so many different places, that
it is impossible from the mere fact of actual residence to infer that
he favoured any particular spot. The erection of a palace at Wood-
stock, and the re-building of Windsor, are, however, evidence of a
predilection for those places, which, as to the former, is confirmed
by the fact that in the park of Woodstock, " beside the great
store of deere, he appointed diverse strange beasts to be kept
and nourished, which were brought and sent unto him from
foreign countries farre distant, as lions, lepards, lynxes, and
porcupines." ^

We have some evidence of the existence of a town at Windsor
in the reign of Henry the First. In an Exchequer Roll supposed
to belong to the 31st year of this reign, mention is made of the
burgus or borough of Windsor, and William de Bochelande, who
appears to have farmed the place, rendered an account of rent for
Windsor. A distinction is made between the old and the new
farm, referring, as it seems, to Old and New Windsor. William
Fitz Walter rendered an account of the forest of Windsor, and
was probably Constable of the Castle at this time.* There is a
payment of thirty shillings and five pence by him to the park-
keepers, and five shillings for the keep of birds in the park. This
seems to be the earliest existing notice of a park at Windsor.
The same document contains an entry of a payment of sixty
shillings and ten pence to one Nicholas, the keeper of the king^s
apartments, or domus regisy and ten shillings to him for cloth.

* Holinshed.

^ Henry of Huntingdon.

•^ Holinshed,

'' See ante, p. 20.

TOAD. 1189] CASTLE DELIVERED TO RICnARD DE LUCY. 31

The names of Ivo de Windsor, Reginald de Windsor, and Maurice
de Windsor occur at this period.^

From the accession of Stephen, a.d. 1135, until after the Treaty
of Walhngford in 1153, there is no mention whatever made of
Windsor ; and it may therefore be inferred that the Castle did not
sustain any siege, or was otherwise affected by the wars between
Stephen and the Empress Maud.^ In the charter or declaration by
Stephen, made in pursuance of the Treaty of WalHngford, by which
the crown of England was settled upon him for life, and then upon
Henry Duke of Normandy (afterwards Henry the Second), and his
heirs, Stephen says, '' And, by the consent of Holy Church, I have
made unto the Duke such assurance of my castles and fortresses,
that at my death the Duke may not suffer any damage or delay in
acquiring possession of the kingdom. The Tower of London and
the fortress of Windsor,^ with the consent of Holy Church, are
delivered to Richard de Lucy, safely to be kept ; and Richard de
Lucy has sworn, and has delivered his son in pledge, to remain in
the hands and custody of the Archbishop of Canterbury, that after
my decease he shall deliver the castles to the Duke." ^

Richard de Lucy, to whom the Castle was given in trust by the
treaty between Stephen and Henry the Second, exercised, during
the latter reign, *' the office of farmer of the revenue for the bailiwick
of Windsor, and the directions issued to him by the king's writs,
to supply money for the purpose of carrying on the repairs and
other works at the Castle, furnish some information relative to this
remote period, which is curious, though perhaps not very important.
In the tenth year of the reign of Henry the Second, the sum of
30^. is ordered to be paid for the works of the kitchen.^ In the
nineteenth year, the expenditure on the Castle is set down at

* Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I. (See ante^ p. 26, note 7.) Similar entries occur in the Pipe
Rolls of Henry II.

2 See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416.

^ Mota de Windsor. " The word mota is used in this instrument," says Ashmole, " for
what the Erench call mote or motte, a little hill or high place, a seat for a fort or strong
house." (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 128, citing Spelman's 'Glossarium Archaeo-
logicum.') In Ireland the word mote is still applied in this sense, as 'Mote of Ardskull.'

^ The Treaty, in Latin, is printed in the Toidera.'

" Pipe Rolls, 10 Hen. II.

32 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter II.

£73 7^. 6d., of which £50, to be paid out of the farm of the
manor of Wargrave, is allotted to the walls." In the following
year the sums appropriated to the works amount to £128 9^. out
of the bailiwick of Windsor, and £7 7^. Sd. out of the cess of the
Forest. In the same year there is an order for £20 to be paid to
Master GeofFry,^ who, by the frequent connection of his name with
the works, must have been either the superintendent or master
builder; and in the next, £40 to Master GeofFry, together with
£80 for the works in general, out of the farm of Wargrave, and
£20 out of the farm of the county of Berks.^ During the three
following years the payments amount to £188 4s. 6d., out of which
£20 is to be expended upon the repairs of the walls > In the
twenty-fifth year, £35 is ordered for the works of the Castle which
were doing by Master Osbert ;^ and in the twenty-ninth, Osbert of
Eton and Gerard of Datchet are charged w^ith the expenditure of
£8 8s. 6^." '

After Henry the Second returned from Normandy, in 1170, he
" held his Easter at Windsor,^ whither William, the Scottish king,
came with his brother David to welcome him home, and to con-
gratulate his happy success in his business on the further side the
seas. They were honorably entertained, and at their departure
princely rewarded."^

In 1175, Henry having received the homage of the King of
Scotland at York, returned to London, and held a great council at
Windsor on the octave of the feast of St. Michael. Among those
present were the king's son, Richard archbishop of Canterbury,
and the bishops of England, Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and
a great number of earls and barons of England. At the same
time the Archbishop of Tuam and the Abbot of St. Brandon, with
Lawrence, the Chancellor of Roderic king of Connaiight, came as
ambassadors from Roderic to King Henry, '' who willingly heard
them, as he that was more desirous to grow to some accord with
those savage people by some friendly order, than to war with them
that had nothing to lose : so that he might in pursuing of them

» Pipe Rolls, 19 Hen. TI. ^ ibjd., 20 Hen. II. ^ Ibid., 21 Hen. II.

* Ibid., 22,23, 24 Hen. li. ■' Ibid., 25 Hen. II. '' Poyiilcr.

^ Roger dc Hovcdeu. ^ Holinshcd.

TO A.D. ]189.] PARLIAMENT AT WINDSOR. 33

seem to fish with an hook of gold."^ A treaty of peace was
effected, the King of Connaught engaging to render a tribute to
Henry of every tenth hide of animals, " such as may be approved
by dealers," and to deliver hostages, who were to " do service unto
our lord the king each year with their dogs and birds/' ^

Henry held his following Christinas (1175-6) at Windsor, with
his son, and proceeded to Northampton, where he held a great
council or " parliament" of the kingdom.^

After Easter, 1179, upon the death of Richard de Lucy, who
had shortly before resigned the office of Justiciary of England, the
king held a great council at Windsor, and, by the common consent
of the archbishops, bishops, earls and barons, and the king's son/
England was divided into four parts, and over each of them wise
men were appointed to administer justice throughout the land.^

In 1184-5 Henry held his Christmas at Windsor,^ and there,
on the last day of March following, he knighted his son John, who
afterwards went to Ireland. The king sailed for Normandy, and
kept his Easter at Rouen 7 This is the last recorded visit to
Windsor of Henry, who died in 1189.

The principal residences of the court during this reign were the
palaces of Winchester, Westminster, and Woodstock.

There is an anecdote connected with Windsor, which, if true,
shows the deep impression made on Henry by the rebellious con-
duct of his sons. " It is recorded, that in a chamber at Wyndesore
he caused to be painted an eagle, with four birds, whereof three of
them all rased (scratched) the body of the old eagle, and the fourth
was scratching at the old eagle's eyes. When the question was
asked of him, what thing that picture should signify ? it was
answered by him, 'This old eagle,' said he, *is myself; and these

^ Holinslied.

2 Roger de Hoveden, who gives the treaty at length.

3 Ibid.

■* Henry Plantagenet shared the throne with his father at this period.

^ Roger de Hoveden. "Ranulph de Glanville was made ruler of Yorkshire, and
authorised justice there, as he that best understood in those days the ancient laws and
customs of the realm." (Holinshed.)

^ Roger de Hoveden.

^ Ibid. ; Roger of Wendover.

34 ANNALS OF AVINDSOR. [Chapter II.

four eagles betoken my four sons, the which cease not to pursue
my death, and especially my youngest son John, which now I love
most, shall most especially await and iniagin my death.' " ^

In the entries in the Pipe Rolls of the fourth year of the reign
of Henry the Second, under the head of " Windsor," is the pay-
ment of nine shillings and eleven pence for justice done upon
thieves — probably the expense of a gallows for their execution, —
and in the fourteenth year of this reign we find Richard de Lucy,
the farmer of Windsor, disbursing 3s. by the hands of Alan de
Nevill, for making a ditch for " Juises." ^

This entry is connected with the judgment of offenders by
combat or by ordeal. The latter was occasionally used in this
country until the middle of the thirteenth century, when it was
wholly abandoned. It was founded upon the notion of a miraculous
interposition of Providence on behalf of the innocent, and was of
two kinds — fire ordeal and water ordeal ; the former confined to
persons of rank, the latter to the common people. The payment in
question may refer to the preparation for that species of water
ordeal consisting in casting suspected persons into a pond, when,
if he floated without any action of swimming, his guilt was estab-
lished, but if he sank (contrary to the law of gravitation), he was
acquitted.^

Toll or custom was taken for vessels passing along the l^hames
at Windsor. In the nineteenth year of this reign, Osbert de Bray,
the then " fcrmer" of Windsor, accounted for £4 6s. Od, arisins:
from this source.*

Among the appendages to the Castle at this period was the
vineyard. The pay of the vintager and the expense of gathering the
grapes, are among the regular annual charges relating to Windsor
on the Pipe Rolls, from the commencement of the series in 1155.^
Lambarde says that in the Records "it moreover appearethe that
tythe hathe bene payed of wyne pressed out of grapes that grewe in

' Fabyan.

2 Madox, ' History of the Exclicqucr,' vol. i, p. 373.

■* Elackstone's ' Comni.,' iv, cli. 27; Du Gauge, ve?'b. 'Juissum.'

'' Madox's 'Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 771.

^ Poynter.

TO A.D. 1189.]

VINEYARD AT WINDSOR.

the Little Parke theare, to the abbot of Waltham, which was parson
bothe of the Old and New Wyndsore, and that accompts have bene
made of the charges of planting the vines that grewe in the saide
parke, as also of making the wynes, whearof somme partes weare
spent in the householde, and somme soldo for the kinges profite." ^
Stow gives a similar account. He says that in the Records of the
Honor Court of Windsor Castle, held in the outer Gate-house, '' is
to be scene the yeerely account of the charges of the planting of the
vines that in the time of K. Richard the Second grew in great plenty
within y^ Litle Parke, as also of the making of the wine it selfe." ^
Richard the Third, in the first year of his reign, granted to John
Piers the " office of Master of our Vyneyarde or Vynes nigh unto
our Castell of Wyndesore, and otherwise called the office of Keeper
of our Gardyne called the Vyneyarde nigh unto our said Castell, to
have and occupie the same office, by him or his deputie sufficient,
for terme of his lyff, with the wages and fees of Vi.d, by the day/'*^

^ * Dictionarium Anglise Topographicum et Historicum.' The Hon. Dailies Barrington
doubted the correctness of Lambarde, as he did not give his authority for the statement.
(* Archseologia,' vol. iii, p. 176.) Recent researches, however, prove Lambarde's accuracy.

2 ' Annales,' by Howes, p. 143, edit. 163] . See Dissertations, by Samuel Pegge and
Daines Barrington, on the former Cultivation of the Vine in England, ' Archseologia,'
vol. i, p. 319, and vol. v, p. 67.

3 MS. Harl., No. 438, f. 135.

'M^CctaiL'M/Jy

1^-4-^

The "Vineyard "in the Castle Ditch, from a Lease in the possession of
John Seeker, Esq., of Windsor.

CHAPTER III.

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGNS OF RICHARD THE EIRST

AND JOHN.

Constables of the Castle.

A.D. 1190, Hugh Pudsey; William Longchamp.

A.D. 1191, William de Albini ; Eakl of Auundel; Waltee, Archbishop of Rouen.

A.D. , John Eitz Bugh.

A.D. 1216, Engelard de Cygony.

Grant of the Churcli of Windsor to Waltham Abbey — Custody of the Castle committed
to Hugli Pudsey, Bishop of Durham — His Imprisonment, and forced Surrender of
tlie Castle to Longchamp — Subsequent Delivery to the Earl of Arundel in Trust —
Longchamp regains possession of Windsor, assembles an Army, and encamps near
Windsor — Withdraws to the Tower — Surrenders the Castle to Walter Archbishop
of Rouen — Prince John levies an Army in 1198 — Gains possession of Windsor, and
places it in a state of Defence — Besieged by the Barons — Progress of the Siege —
Arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury — Surrender of the Castle — Flight, Capture, and
Execution of the Garrison — The Castle placed in the hands of Eleanor the Queen
Dowager on behalf of the king — Family of Walter de Windsor — Visits of King John to
Windsor in 1200 and 1201 — Desires John FitzHugh to deliver the Castle to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury — Letters Patent for that purpose — John at Windsor in 1204
and 1 205 — Wine, &c., ordered to the Castle — Visits of the King to Windsor from
1206 to 1209 — Assembles his nobles there at Christmas, 1209 — Death of Lady de
Braosc and her Son, 1210— Visits of the King to Windsor from 1210 to 1214 —
Christmas Feast — Order to sell the King's Wine and Bacon there — Chapel of St.
Leonard's in the Forest — The King at Windsor in 1215 — Magna Charta— The King
at War with his Barons — Preparations for an Interview — Letters of safe Conduct —
Signature of Magna Charta — Description of Runnymcde — The King's Head Quarters
at Windsor — At Windsor in December following — Garrison of the Castle — Last
Visit of the King in April 1216 — Appoints Engelard de Cygony Keeper of the
Castle — Philip of France assists the Barons — Windsor stands out for the King —
Siege of the Castle under the Count de Nevcrs — The Siege raised — Windsor remains
in the hands of the King's Forces — Order to Engelard de Cygony to liberate Hugh
de Polested, a prisoner in the Castle — Death of the King — Subsequent Movements
of the English and French Forces — Repairs of the Castle during this Reign — Traces
of the Town at this period — Power and Jurisdiction of the Constable of Windsor
Castle — Church of Eton.

Richard, in the first year of his reign (a.d. 1189-90), granted
tlie church of St. John the Baptist at New Windsor, with its

TO AD. 121G.] CASTLE DELIVERED TO THE CIIIEP JUSTICIAR. 37

chapels of Old Windsor,^ to the Abbey of Waltham,'^ in whose
hands it remained until the dissolution of the monasteries in the
reign of Henry the Eighth.

This is the first mention we find of a church at New Windsor.
The Castle was within the manor/ and it is probable also within
the parish of Clewer, of which Windsor was formerly a chapelry/

Previous to the departure of Richard from England, in February
1190, for the crusade, the custody of Windsor Castle, together
with the forest, and also the shrievalty of the county of Berks,
were granted to Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham, and at this time
Chief Justiciar of England/ This was done in order to maintain a
species of balance between the powers of Pudsey and his rival
WiUiam Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, who had purchased the office
of Chancellor, and in whose power Richard had openly placed the
whole government, although Pudsey was still the nominal Chief
Justice. The arrangement, however, was better calculated to
enable both parties to annoy each other than to promote concord.
It was extremely displeasing to Pudsey; and great dissentions
arose between the nominal Chief Justiciar and his colleague, whose
views seldom or ever coincided.^

Complaints having been addressed to the king of the overbear-
ing conduct of Longchamp, who was now formally appointed Chief
Justiciar, Richard, to satisfy the applicants, gave them answers

' " Ecclesiam sancti Joliannis Baptistse de nova Windleshora, cum capellis suis de veteri
Windleshora," &c.

2 Ex Registro de Waltliam, MS. Cotton, Tiberius, C. 9, fol. 62, a. 'Dugdale's Mo-
uasticon,' by Cay ley, &c., vol. vi, p. 66.

^ See ante, p. 16.

"* Lysons' 'Magna. Brit.,' vol. i, p. 416. "In the most early times parishes were of a
large extent. Afterwards other churches were taken out of them by the lords of manors,
and so the number of parishes increased as the lords of manors were willing to erect new
churches ; which liberty was so far indulged and allowed, as the lord took care to have a
parochial minister settled, who should look after the souls of the people within the pre-
cinct as by this new foundation obtained the name of a parish. When lords of manors
undertook such works of piety, all the lauds, houses, and tenements belonging to such a
particular manor were allotted to the new church, and made a distinct parish from the old
one." (Hearne. ' Account of some antiquities between Windsor and Oxford.' Leiand's
Itin. Edit. 1741, vol. 5, p. 123.)

^ Roger de Hoveden.

^ Bromton ; and see Sir F. Palgrave's ' Introd. to the Rolls and Records of the
Court of the King's Justiciars.' (1835.)

38 ANNAL8 OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

importing that Pudsey should be restored to his former authority.
Longchamp, practising a deception towards his rival, promised to
yield up his office, and for that purpose proposed that Pudsey
should meet him in the Castle of Tickhill. As soon as Pudsey
entered he was seized by the chancellor, and detained in custody
until he surrendered the Castle of Windsor, and the custody of the
forest, and his shrievalty, and the earldom of Northumberland.^

The chancellor could not have held the castle long, for in
llOl, upon a settlement of disputes between him and John, then
Earl of Moreton, the king's brother, it was delivered to the Earl of
Arundel in trust for King Richard for life, and in the event of
his death before his return home, to be afterwards delivered to
John,^

The castle, however, fell once more into the hands of the
ambitious chancellor.

During the prolonged absence of Richard in the East, in conse-
quence of the alleged arbitrary conduct of Longchamp, John and
the nobles and clergy of the kingdom met at Reading (September,
A.D. 1191), and having in vain called upon the chancellor to take
his trial, proposed to him that he should come to a conference at a
safe place near Windsor Castle (Loddon Bridge, between Reading
and Windsor), and gave him by the hands of the Bishop of
London a guarantee for his safety.^ The chancellor, however,
declined to come, or even to send a message. " Upon this. Earl
John, and the bishops who were with him, prepared to set out for
London, that, being there met by a more considerable number of
persons, they might enjoy the benefit of the advice of the citizens
of London, what to do as to their chancellor, who had created this
confusion in the kingdom, and refused to take his trial. On the
chancellor hearing this, he left Windsor and hastened to London,
and while on the road it so happened that his household and

^ Bromton. Roger de Iloveden says Pudsey was seized at " Suwelle," i. e.
Southwell.

^ " And further, three castles which belong to the crown of our lord the king have been
delivered in trust, as follows : the Castle of Windsor to the Earl of Arundel, the Castle of
Winchester to Gilbert dc Lacy, and the Castle of Northampton to Simon de Pateshull."
(Roger dc Hovcden, who gives the treaty at length.)

^ Roger of Wcndover.

TO A.D. 1216.] THE CASTLE BESIEGED. 39

knights met the knights of Earl John, on which a sharp engage-
ment took place between them. In this affair one of the knights
of Earl John, by name Roger de Planis, lost his life ; however, the
earl prevailed, and the chancellor and his men taking to flight, he
entered London, and took refuge with his people in the Tower." ^

He was followed by John's army, deposed, and compelled to
deliver up the Tower of London and the Castle of Windsor into
the hands of Walter archbishop of Rouen, who had been sent
over by the king to assist and advise in the settlement of the
kingdom.

The chancellor also agreed to surrender certain other castles
which remained in the hands of persons appointed by him, and he
delivered hostages for the performance of his agreement.^

The Archbishop of Rouen was made chancellor in his place ;
and Longchamp, after an unsuccessful attempt to escape in female
disguise, was suffered to retire to Normandy, his native country.^

The castle remained in the hands of the Archbishop of Rouen
for scarcely two years. In 1193, John, after an interview with
Philip king of France (in which the latter undertook to cause
the prolonged imprisonment of Richard by the Emperor of Austria),
returned to England, assembled an army, principally of Welshmen
and foreigners, and laid siege to several castles. Windsor was one
of the first he succeeded in obtaining possession of, and he imme-
diately placed it in a state of defence.^

The barons of England now rose in opposition to these unlawful
proceedings. Under the Archbishop of Rouen, the chief justiciary,
and the Council of Regency, they commenced their operations by
laying siege to Windsor castle. It was not easily won. Moreover,
the siege was not vigorously carried on, owing to the Archbishop
of Rouen having numerous friends within the castle, and against
whom, says the historian, he " was not very earnest."^

* Roger de Hovedeu; Walter de Hemmgburgli or Hemiiigford.

* Ibid. See also the ' Chronicle of Ricliard of Devizes.'

3 Holinshed. lloger of Weudover says, " regardless of the hostages he had left, and
the oath he had made not to leave the kingdom of England before the castles were sur-
rendered, the said chancellor crossed the sea into Normandy on the 29th of October,"

^ lloger de Iloveden.

■' Holinshed, citing Gervase and Polydorc Virgil.

40 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

After considerable delay, ** and great trouble to the realm," on
the arrival of the Bishop of Salisbury (who was sent by the king
to raise the amount required for his ransom), more effectual
measures were adopted, and preparations made for bringing a
larger force to bear upon the castle. This so alarmed the besieged
that they yielded, and endeavoured to secure their safety by flight,
some into one place and some into another, but being apprehended,
were "put to worthy execution."^ John, immediately after the
surrender of the castle, proceeded to France.^

A cessation of hostilities throughout the kingdom was subse-
quently arranged, to last until the Feast of All Saints, and it was
agreed that the Castle of Windsor, together with those of Walling-
ford and the Peak, should remain in the hands of Eleanor the
dowager queen, on behalf of her son Richard.^

During the reign of Richard the First, the name of '' Walter de
Windeshore " occurs in the Rolls and Records of the court held
before the king's justiciars.* This Walter was a great grandson of
Walter Fitz Otho, the constable of the castle during the reign
of the Conqueror.^ The barony of Windsor was in this reign
(Richard I) divided between Walter and William Fitz Other.
Walter had Burnham, Beaconsfield, and Eton.^

The first visit paid by John to Windsor, as king of England,
was on the 3d of March, a.d. 1200.^ He succeeded to the throne
on the 27th of May, 1199, and soon after left England for Nor-
mandy, from whence he returned in the following February. He
appears to have landed at Portsmouth on the 26th or 27th of that
month. He was at Winchester on the 1st, and at Freemantle (in
Hampshire) on the 2d of March, arriving at Windsor on Friday

' Holinshcd.

^ Bromton ; Walter de Heniingburgh.

^ Roger dc Hoveden.

^ Vide 'Kotuli Curicc Regis,' vol. ii (1835).

^ See ante^\). 20; and Dugdale's 'Baronage,' vol. i, p. 509.

^ Lysons' * Magna. Brit.,' vol. i, p. 688. The daughter and heiress of Walter mar-
ried Ralph de Hodenge, from whom the manor of Burnham appears to have reverted to the
family of Windsor, Sir Miles Windsor died seised of tliat and the then adjoining manor
of Huntercombe, 10 Richard II. Ibid.

7 Mr. Hardy's ' Itinerary of King Jolin,' printed under the direction of the Com-
missioners of Records (1835), furnisiies us with the movements of that monarch

TO A.D. 1216.]

VISITS OF KING JOHN.

the 3d, and proceeding in two or three days to Westminster, where
he was on the 6th of March. On the 16th and 17th of the follow-
ing April he was at Windsor on his return from York and Worces-
ter. On the 18th he was at Westminster, and did not visit
Windsor for nearly a year, spending the summer in Normandy.
He came from Westminster to Windsor on the 3d or 4th of April,
1201, and remained until the 6th or 7th, when he proceeded to
Freemantle and Marlborough.^ Upwards of three years then inter-
vened before the king again came to Windsor. From May 1201
to December 1203 he was in Normandy. During the king's
absence, he by letters patent directed Hubert de Burgh, his cham-
berlain (and to whom he had previously granted all the possessions
of the late Walter de Windsor^), to deliver the castles of Dover and
Windsor to Hubert archbishop of Canterbury; and, probably find-
ing that the Chamberlain had no authority to carry out his wishes,

throughout his reign. The following table will show at a glance the periods and duration
of his visits to Windsor :

A.D.

1200 an.

March 3, 4

1209 an.

December 24, 25

April 16, 17

1210 an.

February 1, 22

1201 an.

April 4, 5, 6

an.

October 18

1204 an.

Jidy 28, 29

1211 an.

January 25

October 29, 31

an.

December 25

1205 an.

January 15, 16,22

1212 an.

May 17, 18

April 21, 22,23,24,25,26,

November 2, 3

29,30

1213 an.

March 5

May 2, 3, 4, 13

an.

December 25, 26

an.

July 23, 24, 25

1214 an.

October 27

November 1, 2, 3, 4

1215 an.

March 1

1206 an.

March 17, 18, 19, 20,
May 1, 2

April 15

May 10, 22, 23

1207 an.

April 13, 14

an.

May 31

an.

October 24, 25, 26
December 25, 26, 27

Junel,2,3,10,ll,12,13,
14,15,16,17,18,19,

1208 an.

July 13, 14

21, 22, 23, 24, 25

1209 an.

March 1

December 16

an.

October 2

1216 an.

April 4, 5, 19, 20

^ Fines were levied at Windsor on occasion of this visit. There is no reason to sup-
pose that in any former year the court in which fines were levied, moved with the king as

it undoubtedly did this year and subsequently.
Hunter, vol. i (1835), p. 51.
^ Lib. R., 3 Johann., m. 2.

Fines, 17 Ric. I, 16 Johann. ed. J.

42 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

he subsequently, by letters patent, bearing date at Orival, 4th
May, in the third year of his reign (a.d. 1202), in like manner
directed John Fitz Hugh to deHver up the Castle of Windsor, with
the forest and its appurtenances, to the custody of the Archbishop.^
John Fitz Hugh appears to have neglected or refused to obey this
order, for other letters patent were directed to him, stating that he
had been commanded to deliver the castle to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and that he had replied that he had not delivered it,
because he w^as coming himself to the king ; but that he had
neither delivered it according to the precept nor had he afterwards
come to the king, and commanding him to do so immediately on
sight of these letters.^

Geoffrey Fitz Pierre, Earl of Essex, the king's justiciar, had
also been directed to the same effect, and had not complied ; for
letters patent, dated at Cailly, in Normandy, 11th June, 1202,
directed to him, recited that he had been enjoined by the king
while in Normandy, and afterwards commanded by letters, to
cause the Castle of Windsor to be delivered, that John Fitz Hugh
had also been commanded to deliver it, and he had replied that he
had not done so because he was going to the king. The letter
then expressed the surprise of the king that neither of them had
complied on receipt of the writ, and commanding Geoffrey Fitz
Pierre to deliver the castle without delay .^

John Fitz Hugh was the constable of the castle and forest, and
farmer of the bailiwick, at this period.* Whether the Castle was
eventually intrusted to Hubert the archbishop does not appear.
His appointment is somewhat singular, as he was not a favorite
of the king's, and had, a few years before, been compelled by the
Pope to relinquish the secular offices he had held, and to confine
himself to his archiepiscopal duties.^ He died in 1205. Robert
de Vipont was constable of the castle in 1204, apparently in
place of Fitz Hugh ;^ but the latter seems to have subsequently

» Rot. Pat., 3° Joliann., m. 2. - Ibid. » jbi^j.^ 4 Johaun., m. 14.

^ Fide Rot. Cancellarii, 3 Johann., m. 15.
* Lingard.

" Rot. Lib., 5 Joliann., m. 2. In 1204 Robert de Vipont was commanded to send
Abraham Fitz Muriel, then in the king's prison at Windsor, to the J usticcs of London.

TO A.D. 1216.] VISITS OF KING JOHN. 43

regained the office of constable of the castle, and probably held it
until his death in 1216.^

It is not until the 28th of July, 1204, that we find King John
again at Whidsor.^ Within two or three days afterwards he re-
moved to Oxford, where he was on Sunday the 1st of August.
On the 28th of October he came to Windsor from Wycombe,
was at Westminster on the 30th, and again at Windsor on
Sunday the 31st, returning to Westminster the following day.

In 1205 the king spent more time at Windsor than during
any other year of his reign. He was there on the 15th and 16th
of January, and again on the 22d, proceeding thence to Reading
and Winchester. From the 21st of April to the 4th of May,
Windsor was his chief residence, and he appears to have occupied
part of his time in study. A mandate to Reginald de Cornhill^
dated April 29th, 1205, requires him to send five small casks of
wine to Northampton, on account of the barons and knights whom
the king had summoned there, and two small casks of good wine
to Windsor ; and also to send him immediately the ' Romance of the
History of England.^ ^ Considerable quantities of wine and pro-
visions were transmitted to and from Windsor and the other royal
residences at various periods of this reign. The mode of transit
for wine and merchandise between London and Windsor at this
time was by boats on the Thames.^ In October 1205 there was
an order for payment to John Fitz Hugh of seven shillings and
eight pence for the conveyance of the royal jewels from Windsor to
Freemantle.^ On the 13th of May the king was again at Windsor,
and also from the 23d to the 25th of July, and again from the 1st
to the 4th of November.

In J 206 he was at Windsor twice, namely, from the 17th to

^ In 1205 we find Pitz Hugh making payments for repairs in the castle ; and Sir
Ernold Emeric, who was taken in the Castle of Brough, in Westmoreland, is described
in 1213 as in the custody of John Titz Hugh at Windsor. He gave a hundred marks
and two horses for his ransom, and thereupon the constable of Windsor was by letters
patent directed to deliver him.

- Letters of safe conduct to various persons to come to the king, bear date at Windsor
the 28th and 29th of July.

3 Rot. Claus. an. 6 Jolni; and sec 'Excerpta Historica,' p. 393.

^ Rot. Cluus. 7 Jolm. 5 Ibid.

44 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

the 21st of March, and on the 1st and 2d of May. Warrants and
orders still exist for the payment of the price and carriage of various
articles conveyed to Windsor this year, as wine, gold plate, almonds,
saffron, &c. Dming the summer and autumn he was in Normandy,
and was not at Windsor until the 13th and 14th of April, 1207.
He was there again from the 24th to the 2Cth of October, on his
way from Marlborough to Westminster, and the Christmas of this
year he spent at Windsor, arriving there from Odiham on or after
the 22d of December. At this feast he distributed dresses
amongst his knights/ The sherifT of Wiltshire was ordered to
send one thousand ells of woven cloth to Windsor by Christmas
day.^ On the 27th of December the king moved from Wind-
sor to Guildford, on his way to Farnham and Winchester. In
1208, the only visit he paid to Windsor, although he was in
England the whole of the year, was in the middle of July.^ In
1209 he was there on the 1st of March, 1st of October (when he
gave nine shillings and fourpence halfpenny in alms to one hundred
poor persons*), and at Christmas from the 22d or 23d of December
to the 26th, and on this occasion " all the nobles of England were
present and conversing with him, notwithstanding the sentence (of
excommunication) under which he was bound, a rumour of which,
although it had not been published, had spread through all parts
of England, and come to the ears of everybody; for the king
endeavoured to work evil to all who absented themselves from
him." 5

The king did not prolong the entertainment of his subjects, for
on the 26th of December he moved to London.

On the 1st of February, 1210, he was at Windsor. In June
following he went into Ireland, and a painful incident con-
nected with that expedition is, according to some authorities, asso-
ciated with Windsor Castle. A dispute arose between king John

* Roger of Weiidover.

2 Rot. Lit. Claus., 9 Johann.

^ Fiues were levied in the king's court at Windsor in this montli. Fines, 7 Ric. I —
IG Johann. ed. J. Hunter, vol. i (1835), p. 56. (Vide ante, p. 41, note 1.)
^ Misa; Roll, 11 John.

* Roger of Wendovcr; see also Matthew of Westuiinster.

TO A.D. 121G.J DEATH OF MAUD DE BUAOSE. 45

and William de Breose, respecting a claim by the king for the rent
of lands in Ireland. After various attempts at an amicable settle-
ment, De Braose, availing himself of his possessions and influence
on the Welsh border in right of his wife, Maud of Hay, proceeded
to retake his castles of Hay, Bredwardine, and Radnor, which appear
to have been previously delivered to the king, and also partially
destroyed the king's town of Leominster. Gerard de Athyes, the
king's bailiff' of the Welsh border, collecting forces to oppose him,
De Braose conveyed his family to Ireland, where he was followed
by the king.^ The son had married a daughter of the Earl of
Clare, and his sister, Margaret, had married one of the De Lacys,
and with them the Braoses seem to have taken refuge for a time ;
but ultimately Maud de Braose and her son William, together with
his wife and his two sons and his sister, were taken prisoners, and
by the king's orders were subsequently sent as prisoners, first to
Bristol and afterwards, according to some chroniclers, to Windsor
Castle, and there Maud de Braose and her son were starved to
death.^ According, however, to an anonymous but contemporary
writer, Corfe Castle, and not Windsor, was the scene of this
tragedy. That chronicler says the king ordered the mother and
son to be inclosed in a room in Corfe Castle, with a sheaf of wheat

^ See the king's letter in the ' Eoedera,' i, 107 (n. e.) ; Roger of Wendover. The
*Annals of Waverley,' 'Annals of Margam,' and other chronicles, give different accounts
of the origin of the dispute ; but the king's letter is the more reliable document in this
respect, whatever may have been the merits of the question,

^ Annals of Margam. Roger of Wendover includes the son's wife. Other authorities
include William de Braose himself and five children among the victims. This is evidently
incorrect. The Annals of Margam state that William de Braose the younger, with his wife,
several sons, and Matilda his mother, were captured by John in Ireland, and first imprisoned
at Bristol, and afterwards at Windsor. Pifty thousand marks were fixed as the price of their
redemption. William the father being allowed his liberty in order to obtain the ransom,
fled to France, and thereupon the king starved his wife and sou to death. The Annals
of Waverley say that William her husband changing his apparel, passed over the sea at
Shoreham, in the dress of a mendicant, and shortly after died at Paris ; and the con-
tinuator of Florence of Worcester fixes his death in 1211. Stow says he died at
Corboile, and was buried at Paris, Such are the discrepancies of the chroniclers in
the accounts of this transaction. The 'Annals of Margam' are, however, partially con-
firmed in the preliminary steps by the king's letter already cited. That letter, although
bearing date in 1212, does not refer to the death of Lady de Braose, but seems to be put
forth as a justification of the king for having outlawed her husband. The letter was
attested by a great number of the barons of the kingdom. It is evident that there

46 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapteii III .

and a piece of raw bacon for their only provisions. On the eleventh
clay their prison was opened, and they were found both dead ; the
mother was sitting upright between her son's legs, wnth her head
leaning back on his breast, whilst he was also in a sitting posture,
with his face turned towards the ground. Maude de Braose, in
her last pangs of hunger, had knawed the cheeks of her son, then
probably dead, and after this effort she appeared to have fallen
into the position in which she was found. ^

The king was at Windsor in the middle of October, 1210, after
his return from Ireland, and again on the 25th of January follow-
ing. From that time until Christmas there is no trace of him there.
He was a great part of this year engaged in fighting with his Welsh
subjects. He kept Christmas day, 1211, at Windsor.

In the following year (1212) John was at Windsor on the 17th
and 18th of May, and on the 2d and 3d of November. On the
latter occasion he appears to have been on his way from London to
Marlborough and the west of England. He was next at Windsor

was, whether well or ill founded, a strong public prejudice against the king for his con-
duct in this business. Whether it was the daughter or the daughter-in-law of de Braose
who was taken with his wife, there is some evidence that she did not suffer the alleged fate
of the mother. In 1216 the king granted to Margaret de Lacy a piece of land in the forest
of Acornbury, on which to found a religious house for the souls of her father William
de Braose, Maud her mother, and William her brother, (Rot. Lit. Patent,, an, 18
Johann,, m. 2,) In 1215 the town of Buckingham was delivered to the Earl of Clare as
being the dowry of his daughter, formerly the wife of William de Braose the younger.
(Ibid., an, 17 Johann., m. 23.) Maud, daughter of the Earl of Clare, was in 1213
delivered to her father from Corfe Castle, where she was confined (Ibid., an. 15 Johann.,
m. 3). There is an order of the king's, in 1214, for the transfer of John and Egidium,
the sons of Walter de Braose the younger, from tlic custody of Engelard de Cygony
(Constable of Windsor Castle) to that of William de Harcourt. (Ibid., m. 5.) In the
Prestitia Roll of the I2th of Jolin there is the payment of half a mark to Roger de
Stratton for conveying hostages from Ireland to Windsor.

This occurrence forms the most remarkable incident in Robert Davenport's play of
* King John and Matilda,' which appeared in 1655, and was originally acted at the
Cockpit in Drury Lane.

^ *Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre' (Socict6 de I'Histoire
de France), 8vo, Paris, 1840. Mr. Thomas Wright, a high authority (to whom I am
indebted for calling my attention to the work), has adopted this version in his ' History of
Ludlow and its Neiglibourhood,' p. 63. Wherever the event really happened, the con-
fusion between Corfe and Windsor may be attributed to the fact of members of the family
of De Braose having been imprisoned in both those castles, as appears from the documents
cited in the preceding note. [J. E. D.]

TO A.D. 1216.] FESTIVITIES AT WINDSOR. 47

on the 5th of March, 1213, on another western excursion. He
came from London to spend Christmas day of this year at Windsor,
and on that occasion distributed dresses to a number of his
nobles.^ The large scale on which these festivities were usually
celebrated, appears from directions issued on this occasion. The
king, by a writ dated at Guildford, on the 17th of December,
commanded Reginald de Cornhill to send to Windsor twenty tuns
of good and new wine for the household, as well Gascoigny as
French wine, and four tuns of best wine for the king's own use,^
that is to say, two of white and two of red wine, to be delivered
before the day of the Nativity. Reginald de Cornhill was also
directed to purchase two hundred head of swine, one thousand
capons, five hundred pounds of wax, fifty pounds of white bread,
two pounds of saffron, one hundred pounds of good and fresh
almonds, two dozen towels, one thousand yards of wove cloth to
make table napkins, fifty yards of fine cloth of Rheims (?), and
a sufficient quantity of spices for seasoning. These things were
ordered to be at Windsor the Sunday before Christmas day. He
was also ordered to send fifteen thousand herrings, and other fish
and provisions, such as Philip de Langeburgh should tell him on
the king^s behalf.

The sheriff" of Buckinghamshire was in like manner directed to
purchase five hundred capons and twenty pigs, and Mathew
Mantell was directed to purchase two hundred head of swine
and one thousand capons. John Fitz Hugh was commanded, as
he loved the king, to have at Windsor a sufficient supply of
wood, coal, pitchers, cups and dishes, and five hundred capons ;
and the sheriff of Kent was ordered to purchase one thousand
salted (?) eels.^

It seems that at this period the whole of the civil and privy
purse expenditure must have passed through the Chancery, as the

' Roger of Wendover ; Matthew of Westminster.

^ " Et iiij dolia optimi vini ad os nostrum."

^ "Anguillaf salataf." Rot. Lit. Claus., an. 15 Johann., m. 4. Salted eels formed
a part of the enthronisation feast of Warham archbishop of Canterbury, in the reign of
Henry VII. "De angnillis sals, ij barel, le barel xlvj.5. viij.^. — iiij./?. xiij.^f. ivJ. De
anguillis recent, vj C, prec. C. xl.5. — xij./." (Battely's 'Cantuaria Sacra,' Append.,
pp. 27, 28.)

48 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

most minute expenses and allowances were never satisfied until the
order for payment had issued under the Great Seal. In process of
time, however, when the business transacted by the Chancery
Court became more important and defined in its nature, the
execution of this species of business was transferred to other
departments.^

With reference to the price of commodities at this period, it
may be observed that Gascony wine was 30^. the tun, and French
wine 2^ marks the tun. Fat hogs varied from 2^. to 4^. each ;
wax, from bd. to Id. per lb. From what can be collected wdth
respect to the price of corn, wheat seems to have varied from 2^.
to 9s. per quarter ; flour from bs. to 8^., and barley from 3^. 4^?.
to 5^. per quarter. Money then bore a value, according to the
best calculations, about fifteen times greater than it does at
present.^

John, on his accession to the throne, had endeavoured to regu-
late the price of wine by enacting that the highest price of wine of
Poitou should be 205. the tun, or 4d. the gallon; wine of Anjou,
24^. the tun ; and French wine, 25^. the tun ; "unless the said
wine was so good that any one would be willing to give for it as
much as two marks at the highest.'' The highest price for w4iite
wine was to be 6d. the gallon. However, this, the first ordinance
of the king, had hardly been enacted when it was done away
with, and leave was given to the merchants to sell a gallon
of white wine for Sd., and a gallon of red wine for Qd. ; " and
so," says the Chronicler, " the land w^as filled wdth drink and
drinkers." ^

On the day after the feast, the king returned to the Tower of
London. The greater part of 1214 he spent in Normandy. He
was at Windsor on the 27th of October, on his w^ay from Reading
to Westminster. On the 26th of October a mandate was issued
from Reading to Reginald de Cornhill, to send all the fish he
could procure to Windsor, to be there in time for the king's

' Hardy's antrod. to the Close Rolls.'

' Ibid.

^ Roger de Hovedeu.

TO A.D. 121G.] THE HERMITAGE AT ST. LEONARDS. 49

dinner on the following day, it being the vigil of the Apostles
Simon and Jude.^

It was probably in consequence of the very few royal visits to Wind-
sor at this period, that an order was issued in the same year (1214) to
the constable of the castle and to William Barbet, keeper of the
royal apartments, commanding them to sell the king's wine at
Windsor, and the bacon that appeared Ukely to spoil by keeping.^

By letters patent, bearing date the 9th of February, 1215, the
king presented Geoffrey de Meysi to the Chapel of St. Leonard in
the Forest, vacant by the resignation of Robert Mansell, the right
of presentation belonging to the king by reason of the possessions
of William de Braose being in his hands. ^ In the reign of Edward
the Second, the chapel is described as in the Forest of Windsor.
By letters patent of the 13th year of that king's reign, license
was granted to John, the hermit of the Chapel of St. Leonard
of Loffield, in Windsor Forest, to inclose some land, parcel of the
forest.*

There can be little doubt that this chapel was not far from
Windsor, and that St. Leonard's Hill, in the parish of Clewer, the
seat of the late Earl Harcourt, derives its name from it.^

The Countess of Hartford (afterwards Duchess of Somerset), in
one of her letters to the Countess of Pomfret, after stating that the
site of a green-house at Richings, in Buckinghamshire, about three
miles north-east of Windsor, was formerly occupied by a chapel
dedicated to St. Leonard, adds that St. Leonard was " certainly
esteemed as a tutelar saint of Windsor Forest and its purlieus, for
the place we left (St. Leonard's Hill) was originally a hermitage
founded in honour of him/' Her ladyship dates an earlier letter
from the " Hermitage on St. Leonard's Hill."^

' E-ot. Claus., an. 16" Johann., m. 19.

^ * Rotuli de oblatis et Finibus in Turri Londinensi asservati, Tempore Regis Johannes,'
by Hardy, 8vo, 1835. In 1205 bacon was also ordered to be conveyed from Windsor
to Guildford. The vicinity of the forest, where large herds of swine were kept, probably
occasioned the superabundant supply of that food in the castle.

^ Rot. Patent., an. 16 Johann., m. 7.

' Rot. Pat. 13 Edward II, m. 5.

^ Lysons, ut supra.

^ ' Correspondence between Frances Countess of Hartford and Henrietta Louisa

50 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III

On Sunday, the 1st of March, 1215, the king was at Wmdsor,
and a supply of wme was sent to hmi there.^ Nevertheless he
appears to have removed the same day to the Tower of London.
On the 15th of April he was at Windsor, on his retm^n from Oxford
to London, and again, on the 10th of May, on his way from London
to Reading and Marlborough. He was also at Windsor on the
22d and 23d of the same month, making a rapid movement from
Winchester and Odiham to Windsor, and back again to
Winchester. The king was garrisoning his castles with the assist-
ance of the foreigners who had entered his service. A body of
Flemings, proceeding to London, found on their approach that it
was in the possession of the barons ; they left the town to their
right and went to Windsor, and thence to Ereemantle, " a house
in the heart of the forest/' ^ where John was from the 17th to the
] 9th of May.'

We now approach an important event in history — the grant by
King John at Runimede, between Old Windsor and Staines, of
the Charter of Liberties known to us as Magna Charta. The king
was at this time at open war with his barons. He granted them
an armistice at Windsor on the 1 0th of May, until an award of
their differences should be made by the eight barons, four selected
on each side, with the Pope at their head.*

Before the end of this month arrangements were made for a
meeting at Staines or its neighbourhood. On the 27th the king
issued letters of safe conduct to Stephen archbishop of Canterbury,
and all those whom he should bring with him to Staines to treat
of a peace between the king and his barons.^

Countess of Pomfret, between the years 1738 and 1741,' 3 vols., 2d edit., 1806, vol. i,
pp. 30, 271.

^ Lit. Claus. IG Joliann., m. 7.

2 * Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Anglcterrc/ p. 147.

3 Hardy's Itinerary of King John.

^ Focdcra; and vide Hot. Litt. Patent., accurante T. 1). Hardy, vol. i, 1835, Introd.

* 'Fcedcra.' Holinshcd, citing Polydore Virgil, says the king assembled a considerable
force at Windsor towards tlie end of May, intending to lead it forth against the barons.
Hearing, however, tliat London was in their hands, " he changed his purpose, and durst
not depart from Windsore, being brought in great doubt lest all the other cities of the
realme would follow their example." The last sentence is evidently incorrect, as the king
certainly did not confine himself to the castle.

TO AD. 1216.] MAGNA CHARTA. 51

The king was at Windsor from the 31st of May until the 3d
of June.^ On that day or the following he went to Odiham and
from thence to Winchester, where he remained until the 8th, on
which day he was at Merton. From thence the king issued letters of
safe conduct to those who should come on behalf of the barons to
Staines on Tuesday in Pentecost week, to make and establish peace
between him and them. The safe conduct was to be in force until
the close of the following Thursday ; that is to say, from the 9th
to the 11th of June.^ From Merton the king again returned to
Odiham on Tuesday the 9th, and on the following day to Windsor.
He then issued his letters, directed to the Earl of Salisbury and
other adherents, informing them that the truce stood adjourned from
Thursday in Pentecost week {i. <?., the following day) to Monday
the morrow of Trinity; that is to say, from the 11th to the 15th of
June, and commanding them to observe the peace in the mean time.^

The Charter bears date in the field called '* Runimede," between
Staines and Windsor, on the 15th day of June, in the seventeenth
year of the king's reign. ^ Runimede is situated between Old Wind-
sor and Staines, within the limits of Surrey. The road from Windsor
to Staines passes over it. It is still a fine level open meadow on the
banks of the Thames, and within sight of the towers of Windsor
Castle. Egham races are now annually held on the adjoining land.
The cause of the selection of this particular spot for the meeting
does not exactly appear, but may be readily inferred. The name
of " Runimede,'' which the field then bore and still retains (although
sometimes varied in the spelling), is evidently derived from Bun
and mede, signifying in Anglo-Saxon the Council Meadow.^

^ During this visit the king made a present to Alan de Galweye of two geese, in return
for which Alan de Galwey subsequently presented the king at Northampton M^ith a good
hound. (' E-otuli de oblotis et Einibus Tempore R. Joliannis,' accurante T. D. Hardy,
1835.) The exchange was no doubt in favour of John, but this does not exhibit such a
striking disparity in value as when the Earl of Chester gave the king one good palfrey for
one lamprey the king had given him. Vide Ibid. Lampreys, however, were considered a
great delicacy in this king's reign.

- Foedera; and Mr. Hardy's ' Introduction to the Patent KoUs.'

^ Vide Rot. Litterarum Patent., accurante T. D. Hardy, vol. i, 1835.

•* " Dat per manum nostram in prato quod vocatur llunnimed, inter Windelshor, et
Staines, quinti decimo die Junii, anno regni nostri septimo decimo."

^ See Lye's ' Diet. Saxonico ;' and Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Diet.,' citing Hoffman. —

52 ANNALS OF WINDSOB. [Chapter III.

It is probable, therefore, that Edward the Confessor occasionally
held his "witan" there during his residence at Old Windsor,^ and
that the Barons chose the spot as well on account of its previous
association with those very rights they met to assert, as because it
was a convenient distance from Windsor ; sufficiently near for the
king, but far enough removed to prevent any treacherous surprise
by his forces. The early historians, indeed, expressly assert that
the spot was chosen by the barons ; the king, according to some,
having suggested Windsor as the place of meeting.^

According to local tradition the conference took place and the
charter was signed on a little island in the river near Ankerwyke
and opposite the meadow, and now called Magna Charta Island.^ The
charter itself, however, bears date, as already stated, from the ''field."

The names of John's supporters and attendants on this occasion
are given by Roger of Wendover. " Those who were on behalf of
the barons," he adds, '' it is not necessary to enumerate, since the
whole nobility of England were now assembled together in numbers
not to be computed."

Although the charter is dated on the 15th of June, the first day
of the meeting, there is little doubt that it was not actually signed
on that day. The preparation of a formal instrument of that nature
must have required some time after the terms were agreed upon.

The principal heads of the charter were first settled in articles
of agreement.^ This was probably effected early in the week.

Sir F. Palgrave, however, says " Runujmede, the field of council, where, in times of yore,
the Anglo-Saxons were wont to meet and consult on the welfare of the state, may also be
inter[)rctcd the field of mystery." (Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth,
p. 140.) It may be observed that council is but a very secondary meaning of ru>i. Run
means properly a letter, and, as letters were chiefly used for magical purposes among the
Anglo-Saxons, it also means a charm or magical operation. Runa-mede would be the
" meadow of runes," or of magical charms. It may have been a sacred spot before the
conversion of the Saxons to Christianity ; and it is not unlikely that in the popular belief
promises made there were peculiarly solemn.

' "Runemedc, id est, pratum eonsilii inter Stanes et Windclshorc, eo quod antiquis
temporibus ibi do pace regui ssepius consilia tractabant." (Leland, Coll., i, 281.) See
also Matthew of Westminster.

' See Roger of Wendover.

^ Manning and Bray's 'Surrey,' vol. iii, p 210.

■' An original schedule of these articles is preserved in the British Museum with the
seal of King John attached. Toedera,' vol. i, p. 129, new edit.

TO A.D. 1216.] MAGNA CHAUTA. 53

On Thursday, the 18th of June, the king issued his letters patent
from Runiraede, directed to Stephen Arengod and others, making
known that a firm peace had been concluded between the king and
his barons from Friday the following day, and commanding all
prisoners and hostages taken in the war to be given up. Writs for
electing the twelve knights who wTre to rectify the forest laws and
customs bear date on the 19th of June.i

The king was at Runimede every- day between Monday the 15th
and Tuesday the 23d, and during that time issued various orders
for the surrender of castles and lands, and the delivering of hostages,
in pursuance of the agreement with the barons. It is probable that
John and his attendants went to the conference from Windsor in the
morning of each day, and returned to the castle at night.^ It may
be also inferred that the charter, formally engrossed, received his
signature on or before the 23d, and was dated the day of the com-
mencement of the meeting.

The king remained at Windsor until the 26th of June, when he
proceeded to Odiham and Winchester.^

In a few weeks, owing to the want of good faith on the part of
John, hostilities recommenced between him and the barons.
William D'Albiney, on the part of the latter, took forcible possession
of the castle of Rochester. The king laid siege to the castle, which
withstood his assaults for seven weeks, from the middle of October
to the end of November, when the garrison was forced to surrender.

• Fide Rot. Litterar. Patent.

^ Various letters patent of the king bear date at Windsor during this week, among
others, orders to " John of the Tower," constable of Marlbridge, commanding him to send
William de I'lsle with six hundred marks to Windsor. (Rot. Patent., 17 Johann , m. 23.)
There are several entries of treasure received by John, at Windsor, from time to time
during his reign.

^ The statement of Roger of Wendover, adopted by Matthew Paris (which has been
followed by Rapin, Hume, Henry, and others), that the king, after sealing the charter,
remained one night at Windsor and then removed to the Isle of Wight, is evidently erro-
neous. See Hardy's * Itinerary of King John.' The barons, after the completion of the
treaty, agreed to hold a tournament at Stamford, but fearing the city of London might
be taken out of their hands if they moved so far, the tournament at Stamford was
adjourned, and another held "in Staines wood at the town of Hounslow." The nobles
of the land were encouraged to attend by the promise that " whoever performs well there,
will receive a bear which a lady will send to the tournament." (See Roger of Wendover's
* Chronicle.')

54 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter III

John left Rochester on the 6th of December, and proceeded by
Guildford to Winchester. From Winchester he retm'ned eastward
to Farnham, and on the 16th of December he was at Windsor.
On the 17th and 18th he was at Iver,^ proceeding on the latter
day to St. Albans. At St. Albans he divided his army into two
parts. The command of one was given to his brother, William
earl of Salisbury, and with the other he marched northwards.

Windsor in the mean time was garrisoned with the king's forces.
The Earl of Salisbury and Eoulques de Breautee ordered the castel-
lans of Windsor, Hertford, and Berkhampstead, with a strong body
of troops, to pass and repass to and from London, to watch and
harass the barons, and to endeavour to cut off their supplies."

John returned in the spring of 1216 from the north, which he
had ravaged with fire and sword. On the 4th of April he arrived
at Windsor from Berkhampstead, and on the following day went to
Reading, returning to W^indsor again on the 19th of April.

The whole country was now in the hands of the king. The
wretched condition of the inhabitants and the cruelties exercised
towards them by John, are depicted in strong terms by the contem-
porary chroniclers. The barons at last procured the assistance of
Philip king of France, by offering the crown to Louis, his eldest son.

John was at Windsor when he received intelligence of the
intended invasion,^ and immediately proceeded to Guildford on his
way to Dover. He never again set foot within his castle of
Windsor.

At Guildford, on the 2 2d of April, he, by letters patent,
appointed Engelard de Cygony, keeper of Windsor Castle and of
the forest, during his pleasure.^ This appointment was a direct

' The manor of Iver, in Buckingliamsliirc, about six miles N.E. of Windsor, belonged
at this time to Robert de Clavering. Brien Titz Count, the brave defender of Walliui>ford
Castle, was the owner in the reign of Henry the Second, and kept his Christmas at Iver
in 1143. Having afterwards entered into a religious order, Henry seized on all his
estates. Biehard the First gave the manor to Bobert de Clavering. In the reign of
Edward the Second, Sir John Clavering, having no male issue, gave it with other estates
to the king and his heirs. (Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' citing Dugdale's 'Baronage.')

^ Roger of Wendover.

3 'Histoire dcs Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 165.

■* "The king to all the foresters, verdcrers, and other officers of the forest of Windsor.
Know that we have committed to our beloved and faithful Engelard de Cygony the custody

TO A.D. 1216.] SIEGE OP THE CASTLE. 55

violation of the provisions of Magna Charta, granted only ten months
before. By the 50th clause of the charter, the king stipulated to
*' remove from their bailiwicks the relations of Gerard de Athyes, so
that, for the future, they shall have no bailiwick in England ; Enge-
lard de Cygony, Andrew, Peter, and Gyone de Chancell, Gyone de
Cygony, Geoffrey de Martin and his brothers, Philip Mark and
his brothers, and Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers."^

The occasion of the appointment of Engelard de Cigony was
probably the resignation of John Fitz Hugh, the former constable.^

The French prince landed at Sandwich on the 30th of May,
and was received in London by the barons. Among those who
joined his standard was the Earl of Salisbury, the king's brother.
John retreated westward to Winchester and Bristol.

All the castles in the counties surrounding the metropolis sub-
mitted to Louis, except the castles of Windsor and Dover, which
being well garrisoned, awaited the prince's approach.^ Louis, in
person, besieged Dover. The barons laid siege to the castle of
Windsor, which was defended by Engelard d'Athies and Andrew
de Chanceaux,^ attended by sixty knights, with their retainers. The
command of the besieging force was given to Count de Nevers,

of the castle of Windsor, with the forest, and all its appurtenances, during our pleasure, and
therefore we command you that you assist and obey the said Engelard in all things ; and
in testimony whereof we send you, &c. Witness ourself at Geldeford, on the 22d day
April, in the 17th year of our reign." (Rot. Patent., 17 Johann., m. 2.) The king, on
the same day, granted to Engelard de Cygony the custody of the county of Surrey.
(Ibid.)

' History appears to be nearly silent as to the particular reason why the dismissal
of those persons named in chapter 50 was considered so essential as to be made an article
of the Great Charter. It may, with great probability, be supposed that they were all
foreigners, since the next clause relates to the sending of the foreign soldiers out of the
kingdom. The only information which can be procured of them is collateral, and more
from the evidence of national records than from actual history, by which they are shown
to have been in possession of considerable wealth, being probably great favorites of the
king. (Thomson's 'Essay on Magna Charta,' p. 242.)

^ This assumption is made on the following grounds : the evidence mentioned at p. 43,
ante, that Fitz Hugh was constable in 1213, and on the fact that in May 1216, the king,
by letters patent directed to Engelard de Cigony, commanded the latter to deliver to
John Eitz Hugh, seisin of the manor, castle, and park of Odiham during the king's
pleasure (Rot. Patent., 18 Johann.), proving that Eitz Hugh was then alive and in the
king's favour.

^ Roger of Wendover.

^ ' Histoirc des Dues dc Kormaudie et des Rois d'Angletcrre,' p. 181.

56 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

assisted by Robert de Dreux.^ The besiegers, having arranged
their engines, made a fierce assault on the walls. The castle was
stoutly defended, and the barons gained little or no advantage.^
" They were long there, but did little, and were in great jeopardy.
The besieged made many fierce sallies, twice cutting the beam of
their perriere (the name given to the engine for throwing large
stones, the greater part of which consisted of a long beam), A knight
of Artois, called William de Ceris, was killed, lamented by few,
for he w^as hated much."^ In the meantime, the king, finding
his enemies occupied with the sieges of the two castles of
Windsor and Dover, availed himself of the opportunity to pillage
and lay waste the estates of the barons. He was at Reading
on the 7th of September, and came so near Windsor that the
besiegers expected a battle. The Welshmen, approaching by
night, shot at them wdth their arrows. The besiegers remained
armed a long time, prepared for the fight, but none occurred, the
king withdrawing.^ After remaining a week at Sonning, he pro-
ceeded to Wallingford and Cambridge. The barons, hearing of
the king's movements, and not making any progress at Windsor,
determined, under the advice of the Count de Nevers, to raise the
siege, and cut off the king's retreat. They left their tents at night,
and marched wdtli all haste towards Cambridge. The king, being
apprized of their movements, moved to Stamford and Lincoln.^

It was rumoured that the Count de Nevers had been bribed by
presents from John to raise the siege of Windsor.*^ Be that as it
may, the barons did not return to the siege, but finding the king
had escaped them, returned to London, and then joined Louis at
Dover ."^ Windsor consequently remained in the hands of the king's
friends.

On the 25th of September, John sent orders from Scotter, in
Lincolnshire, to Engelard de Cigony, to deliver Hugh de Polested
forthwith, in prison at Windsor, to John de Warfield, brother

' ' Histoire (]os Dues dc Normandie et des Rois d'Aiigleterrc,' p. 179.

'^ Roger of Wcndover.

3 'Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 177.

' Ibid, p. 170.

■' Kogcr of Wendovcr. '^ Ibid. " Ji)id.

TO A.D. 1216] REPAIRS OP THE CASTLE. 57

of Elye de Warfield, unless he should be ransomed in the mean-
time.^

This is the last event relating to Windsor in King John's reign.
In three weeks after the above order he lost his treasure and jewels
in crossing the Wash, and died at Newark on the IDth of October.

Notwithstanding the frequent visits of this king to Windsor, he
added nothing to the building of the castle as far as can be known.

The accounts during his reign are scanty, and refer only to
ordinary and unimportant repairs.^ In 1204 an order was issued
to the Exchequer to pay the Constable of Windsor what should
appear, on the inspection and testimony of lawful men, to be
reasonable for the repair of the chapel and domus regis^ In 1205
an order was made for payment to John Eitz Hugh, of eighteen
shillings and sixpence for the repair of the great chamber at
Windsor, while the queen was staying there, and in 1215 a pay-
ment for the reparation of the walls is mentioned among the
sums expended on the royal castles.* It may well be supposed,
however, the castle had not borne the brunt of war unscathed.
The walls remained in a state of dilapidation, and partly broken
down, as late as the fifth year of Henry the Third. ^ There is no
doubt, however, that attention was paid to the defence of the
Castle. We find in the fifth year of this reign directions issued to
the Constable to pay Gerald the Bow^man his w^ages of fourpence
halfpenny a day, and also yew, cords, and horn for making bows.^

Eaint traces of the existence of a town at Windsor may be dis-
covered from the records of the period. Among the pleas in the
king's court of Easter and Trinity term in the first year of King
John's reign, Juliana, the daughter of Achard, appears as the
claimant, against Wigot de Shaw and John his son-in-law, of
a house and three acres of land in Windsor.''' In the sixth year of

^ Rot. Patent., 18 Joliann.. m. 2.

2 Poynter's 'Essay on the Hist, of Windsor Castle,' citing Pipe, R., 3 John, Claus. 11.
6, 15, 16 John.

^ Rot. Lib., 5 Johann., m. 4.

4 Rot. Claus. an. 6 & 15 John.

^ Rot. Claus., 5 Hen. Ill, m. 12.

^ Rot. Lib., 5 Johann., m. (3,

' Rot. Curiae Regis, ed. by Sir P. Palgrave, vol. ii, pp. 173, 171.

58 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter III.

John, William the son of Alexander acknowledged a fine of a mes-
suage and its appurtenances in Windsor, in favour of Robert of the
Brick Bridge and Alice his wife.^ In the eighth year, Alveva, the
widow of Simon the Saddler, and AVilliam her son, sought to
recover, as her dower, from Hugh le Draper, a house in the town
of Windsor, the property of Simon in his lifetime. The claim was
settled by Alveva and her son agreeing to lease the house to Hugh
and his heirs at a yearly rent of two shillings ; for which grant and
agreement, Hugh gave Alveva two silver marks, and agreed for
himself and his heirs to pay the said rent to Alice during her life,
and after her decease to William her son, and his heirs.^

Indirect evidence of the growth of the town of Windsor is
to be found in a licence of King John, 1205, to William Fitz
Andrew, to have one vessel to ply on the Thames between Oxford
and London, without any impediment to him or his men on the
part of the bailiff of Wallingford or the bailiff of Windsor.^

There is no doubt that the " Bailiff of Windsor " refers to the
person who farmed the bailiwick of Windsor, paying a fixed rent to
the king, and making what profit he could by receiving and exact-
ing tolls and dues. The rent of towns formed an important part
of the royal revenue at this period. The office of Bailiff of Windsor
was distinct from that of Constable of the Castle, although some-
times united in the same individual. The privilege granted to
Fitz Andrew was to pass by the town and under the bridge
without paying pontage, or toll claimed by the king's bailiff".
The right to levy pontage was at a subsequent period, as will be
seen hereafter, granted to Windsor from time to time.

In 1212 the bailiff and faithful men of Windsor were ordered
to furnish ten men, horses, and arms, to be ready to serve the king
when and where required.*

Another indication of the town is that the village in the vicinity
of the old Saxon palace of Windsor is described in this reign as

^ I'ines, 7 Ric. I~1G Johann., ed. J. Hunter, 1835.
2 Ibid.

^ Rot. Patent., an. G Joliaun,

^ Rot. Claus., 14 John. A similar order was made on Wallingford. London furnished
100 men.

TO AD. ]210.] STATE OP THE TOWN AND NEIGHBOUllHOOD. 59

Old Windsor, evidently to distinguish it from the Windsor close to
the Norman castle.^

The most positive testimony to the existence of a town, is the
fact of the rent yearly received for the farm of Windsor in common
with most of the towns in England. In the third year of this reign
we find John Yitz Hugh accounting for twenty-six pounds, the
rent of the *' Term" of AVindsor.

Out of this rent he was allowed various sums disbursed by him,
among others, to William Barbett, sixty shillings and ten pence^
for the custody of the king's houses at Windsor, and to the chap-
lains of the chapel, thirty shillings and five pence, and to infirm
persons of Windsor, seven shiUings and two pence half-penny.^

The names of William de Windsor, and Walter de Windsor,
occur frequently in the records of this as of the preceding reign.
We have also "Hugh de Windsor," "Richard of Windsor/'^
" Richard of Datchet/' "Adam of Burnham," " Ralph of Burnham,"
" Robert of Burnham," &c.

Illustrations of the nature and extent of the powers and juris-
diction of the constable of Windsor Castle may be found at this
period. In a.d. 1200, the inhabitants of Bray alleged in the
king's court that the constable took and exacted services, customs,
debts, and tolls, contrary to usage. The constable was directed to
take the accustomed talliage, and the inhabitants to render the
other services and customs as they were wont.*

In 1205 the constable of Windsor was directed to give posses-
sion to Adam de Burnham of a hide and five acres of land in
Cookham, with one mill dam in the water of Lulle brook, which the
king had given him.^

It was probably as bailiff of Windsor that the constable of

' Tines, 13 Joliaun.

' Rot. Caucellarii, 3 Johaim,, m. 15.

^ In A.D. 1201, W^illiam, the son of Richard de Windsor, gave two marks to the king
in order that the pool and fishery in Boveney might be in the state it was wont to be
during the reign of Henry the Second. (Rot. de oblatis, an. 3 Johann.)

* Rotuli Curiae Regis, ed. Sir F. Palgrave, vol. ii, pp. 278, 279.

^ "Cum j gurgite in aquam de LuUebroc," &c. (Rot. deFinibus, an. 6 Johann., m. 2.)
Gurges signified, in medieval Latin, a part of the stream dammed up for a mill or other
purpose.

60 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek III.

Windsor exercised such duties as those above mentioned. Bray
and Cookham were within the then Kmits of the baihwick.

In this reign we find notices of Eton. In 1204 a charter was
granted to Roger de Cauz for a market at Eton, to be holden on
Mondays.^ In the same year the manor of Eton was granted to
William de Cantelupe.^ Among the fines of the twelfth year of
King John, there are proceedings between WiUiam de Cantelupe
and Walter prior of Merton, relative to the advowson of the
church. William de Cantelupe released for himself and his heirs,
in favour of the prior and his successors and the church of
St. Mary of Merton, all his right and claim to the advowson of
Eton Church. In consideration of this, the prior granted to
William and his heirs the right of having a chapel and a chaplain
to serve it, who should swear to the prior and convent of Merton
to protect the mother church of Eton, and not to withdraw its
revenues, neither in tithes, nor in oblations, nor in confessions, nor
in readings, nor in purifications, nor in any other things appertain*
ing to the said church, except all oblations of the aforesaid William,
and his wife and children and household, coming to his hands
during the year, except on six yearly festival days, that is to say,
the Nativity, the Purification of the Blessed Mary, Easter Day,
Pentecost, the Assumption, and All Saints, on which six days the
mother church of Eton should have all oblations and ofierings in
the chapel, from whatsoever source.^

Of the precise period when, or the mode in which the illustrious
Norman family of Cantilupe acquired possessions in Eton, we have
no record. William de Cantilupe was the father of Thomas de
Cantilupe, the Chancellor of Henry the Third, and the subsequent
canonised bishop of Hereford.

The old parish church of Eton, of which no trace now remains,
appears to have stood on the site of King's Stable Street, where
until lately a malt-house stood. After the church fell into decay,
the inhabitants were permitted to attend divine service in the
chapel of the College, and a chapel of ease was built by William

' Rot. Lib., 5 Joliann., ni. 6.

^ Ibid,, m. 5.

' rincs, 12 .loluaui.j ('(lit. J. IlimttT, vol. i, \). 217.

TO A.D. 1216.]

ETON CHUKCH.

Hetherington, the munificent benefactor to the blind and poor of
other descriptions, who had been one of the Pellows of Eton.^

There is a grant of the third year of this reign to Richard de
Muntfichet of a hundred bucks and does out of AVindsor Forest, to
stock his park at Langley.^ That this was Langley Maries, near
Windsor, is clearly shown by the fact that the manor of Langley
Maries came to the crown in the reign of Edward the First, by
reason of the minority of Ralph Plaiz, cousin and heir of Aveline
Mountfichet.^ In 1551 Edward the Sixth granted the manor as
parcel of the honor of Windsor, together with the park and bucks
and does therein, to his sister, the Princess Ehzabeth.^

' Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 560.

2 Rot. Lit., 3 Joliann., m. 3, in dorso.

3 Lysous' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 590.
' Rot, Pat., 4 Edw. VI.

K'lnimede, with the Towers of Windsor Castle in the distance.

CHAPTER IV.

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGN OE IIENUY THE THIRD.

Constables of the Castle.
A.D. 1217, Engelaed de Cygony. a.d. 1242, Bernakd de Savoy.

A.D. 1225, llALni Tyeell. a.d. 1259, Aymon Tiiurumburd.

A.D. 1233, William de Millars. a.d. 1264, Hugh de Bakantin.

A.D. 1267, Nicholas DE Yatington'.

Events at Windsor before the Treaty of Peace with Louis — Taste of Henry the
Third for building — Improvements in Windsor Castle — Their progress and
character — Confirmation of Windsor Church to Waltham Abbey — Custody of
the Castle committed to Hubert de Burgh — Progress of tJie Works — The
Chapel — Poverty of the King — Pawns tlie Image of the Virgin Mary in the
Chapel — Locality, and vestiges of the Chapel — Bernard de Sabaudia appointed
Keeper of the Castle, a.d. 1242 — Progress of the Works — Their suspension in
1244 — Park at Windsor — Hospital for Lepers — Storm on St, Duustan's Day, 1251
— Operations in the Castle — Revenues of the Bishopric of Winchester appropriated
to defray the expenses — Charges against the Citizens of London found on a Roll
in the King's Wardrobe — Visit of Alexander of Scotland to Queen Eleanor at
Windsor, in 1256 — By Treaty between Henry and his Barons, in 1258, Windsor
remains in the King's hands — Progress of the Works — Summons in 1261, of
Knights from every Shire, to attend the King at Windsor — Prince Edward removes
Treasure and the Queen's Jewels from the Tower to Windsor — The Queen
escapes from the Tower — Agreement to intrust Windsor and the other Royal
Castles to the Barons — Reluctance of Prince Edward to surrender Windsor — He
assembles Forces — The Barons march from London — Capitulation and Surrender
of the Castle — Safe Conduct and Departure of the Foreigners — Renewal of the War
between the King and the Barons — Prince Edward regains possession of Windsor—
The King, under the restraint of the Earl of Leicester, orders the Princess Eleanor,
her Family, and others, to leave the Castle — Hugh de Barantin Governor of the
Castle — The King at Windsor with an Army after the death of the Earl of Leicester,
in 1265 — Alarm of the Citizens at Windsor — Deputation to the King — and subse-
quent attendance of the Mayor and principal Citizens at Windsor — They are Impri-
soned in the Castle — Release of part of their number and their return to London —
Fine imposed on the Citizens — Final adjustment, and Release of the Prisoners, in 1269
— Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester in 1267 — Tlie King marches to Windsor —
Preparations for an Engagement at Hounslow — The King leaves Windsor — Sur-
render of the Earl of Gloucester — Grants of Windsor Castle, Tower, and Forest —
Appointment of Adam de Gordon to an office in the Castle — Works during the last
years of Henry's Reign — Notices of the Neighbourhood of Windsor — Palace at
Cippeuham — Imprisonmentof the Earl of Derby — Burnham Abbey.

On the 22d of January, a.d. 1217, a few months after John's
death and before Henry the Third was firmly estabhshed on the

TO A.D 1272.] THE CASTLE IN THE HANDS OE THE KING. 63

throne, " the wicked robber, Falkasius," says Roger of Wendover,
" assembled a force of knights and robbers from the garrisons of
the castles of Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, and Windsor, and
went to St. Albans, it being the night of St. Vincent's day, at dusk,
and making an unexpected attack on the place, pillaged it, and
made prisoners of men and children, whom he committed to close
confinement."

Foulques de Breautee, who is described by the monkish historian
as a wicked robber on account of his plunder of the abbey of
St. Albans, was a favorite of the late King John, and the above
passage shows that the castle of Windsor remained in the hands of
his adherents. It appears, indeed, to have been the head quarters
of the young king's forces until peace was effected with Louis. On
one occasion we are told that the people of Windsor pursued the
forces of the French prince from Earnham to Winchester, but did
not dare to approach so near as to be seen by their rear guard.^
At another time, the forces of the English marched to Windsor, and
proceeded thence to Staines and Chertsey.^ The pope's legate,
alarmed one day at the intelligence that the French had left
London, mounted his horse at Kingston, where he was staying, and
" forgetting not his spurs," did not stop until he reached Windsor.^
The terms of peace were discussed there in the presence of the
dowager queen Isabella, the legate, barons, and a great host. The
final arrangement was made " on an island in the Thames, beyond
Kingston and towards Windsor ;" Louis was on one side the river
and the royalists on the other ; Louis got into a boat and crossed
to the island where the queen and the legate were.^

Engelard de Cygony continued to hold the office of constable of
the castle during the early part of this reign. The inhabitants of
Windsor in 1220 complained that he had done them serious injury,
by inclosing their pastures, contrary to the charter of Henry, the
king's grandfather. The king thereupon directed Hugh de Nevill

> *Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre,' p. 191.

2 Ibid., p. 196.

3 Ibid., p. 199.

'' Ibid., pp. 203, 204. The articles of peace, however, bear date at Lambeth the 11th
September, ]217. See the Eoedera, new edit., vol. i, p. 148.

64 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek IV.

and John Fitz Hugh to proceed together to Windsor to view the
inclosures, and restore the inhabitants to their rights, so that there
should not be any more cause of complaint.^ Engelard de Cygony,
who was directed to attend and assist the commissioners, appears to
have farmed the revenues of the bailiwick of Windsor, and collected
the rents and dues in kind, for in 1224 we find the king purchasing
Cygony's stock of corn at Windsor, Cookham, and Bray, for the
sum of sixty pounds thirteen shillings and fourpence. With an
apparent inconsistency, indicating the jobbing carried on, the king
at the same time made a present to him of a heap of corn in
the Castle wherewith to feed his horses.^ A year later we find
Ralph Tyrell filling the office of constable.^

Perhaps no English sovereign ever paid so much attention to
architecture, sculpture, and painting, as Henry the Third.* Besides
the ecclesiastical edifices which rose through his munificence or under
his influence, the royal houses throughout the kingdom were greatly
extended and embellished during his reign. Although Windsor
does not appear to have been a favorite residence of this king, yet
the castle benefited by his taste for architecture in a degree which
totally changed the aspect of at least the lower ward, where his works
may still be traced to a considerable extent, and identified by the
unerring test of their architectural character.^

The improvements of Henry the Third were begun as early as
the fifth year of his reign and the fifteenth of his age. In that
year orders were issued for payment of money to Engelard de
Cygony for the works of the castle and for the repairs of the broken
walls. '^ In the following year the constable was ordered not to
take the toll called cheminac/e from persons conveying timber
for the works of the castle.'^ In the seventh year of this

' Rot. Claus., 4 Hen. Ill, m. 6.

'^ Ibid., 8 Hen. Ill, p.i, m. 11.

'■' Ibid., 9 Hen. Ill, ni. 6 and 18.

" Hardy's Preface to the Liberate Rolls of John.

* Poynter's ' Essay on the Hist, of Windsor Castle,' prefixed to Sir J. Wyatville's
Illustrations. Some of the details of the works in the reign of Henry the Third arc
taken from this essay.

^ Rot. Claus., 5 Hen. Ill, m. 9, 10, 12.

" Ibid., 0 Hen. III.

TO A.D. 1372.] WOUKS IN THE CASTLE. 65

reign, when out of several sums of money, amounting in the
whole to upwards of 800 marks, paid to Engelard de Cygony,
the constable, to John le Draper and William the clerk of
Windsor, custodes operationum. Master Thomas the king's carpenter,
and others, on account of the repairs of the domus within the castle,
a considerable portion is specifically allotted for the works of the
hall;^ which were so far advanced in the eighth year, that the sheriffs
of London are then commanded to deliver one hundred of fir to
Master Thomas, for the purpose of making the doors and windows.^
It is not made perfectly clear in these orders, whether they refer to
a hall already existing, or to a new and more stately edifice, but
collateral evidence enables us to decide upon the latter. In the
twenty-fourth year of Henry the Third, the bailiffs of Windsor are
commanded, on the Nativity of our Lord, to fill the ^reat hall of
the castle with poor people ; and the lesser hall is likewise to be
filled with poor on the day of St. Stephen, the day of St. John, and
the day of the Epiphany ; and on the day of St. Thomas the same
hall is to be filled with poor chaplains and clerks, and on Innocents'
day with poor boys, who are all to be fed and clothed on the days
aforesaid to the honour of God.^ By the above order it appears that
the lesser hall, mentioned again as the old hall in a later writ, was
in the upper baily, while the great hall is fixed in the lower ward,
both by its position with reference to the chapel, presently to be
noticed, and by a grant of Henry the Fourth of a plot of ground, for
the houses of the vicars and other ministers of St. George's Chapel,
*' near the great hall."* In the centre of the table, at the upper
end of the great hall, was a throne, painted and gilt with the
figure of a king in his regalia, on either side of which the win-
dows were filled with "images" in stained glass, but these deco-
rations were not completed until several years after the erection of
the building.^

In the tenth year of Henry the Third, the keep seems to have

1 Rot. Claus., 7, 8 Hen. III.

2 Ibid., 8 Hen. Ill, m. 4.

3 R. Liberati, 24 Hen. III.
^ Ashmole, chap, iv, sec. 2.
' R. Lib., 34, 45 Hen. III.

66 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

undergone some alteration or repair, £67 sterling being paid to the
mayor of London for thirty carrates} of lead sent to Windsor, for
the purpose of covering it.^ In the same year, an entry occurs of
40^. to Master Nicholas and Master Simon, the king's carpenters
at Windsor, on account of their wages, and 305. to buy themselves
dresses, the gift of the king, and 15<9. to Matilda the wife of
Master Thomas, the carpenter, to buy her a gown,^ by which it
would appear that the carpenters were maintained on the royal
establishment. Master Jordan, also designated the king's car-
penter, and retained on a salary, was employed upon the construc-
tion of the military engines, and occupied about this time in
making a trebuchet,^ an engine for casting stones and demolishing
walls, to be placed in the Castle. The same Jordan is charged
with the repair of the dit(jh in the great baily,^ between the hall
and the tower of the Castle.

The king was at Windsor for about three weeks at one time, in
September 1229, probably inspecting the works. He came there
from Wallingford, and proceeded to Guildford.^

By a charter of the eleventh year of the king's reign, the church
of Windsor, which had been granted by Richard to Walthara
Abbey, was re-granted or confirmed to that monastery.''' The
abbot about the same time complained, that although his
tenants of the property of Windsor church had always been exempt
from tallage or taxes, yet that the king's officers of the exchequer
had assessed them in common with the other inhabitants of Windsor,
and refused to make restitution. The king thereupon directed in-
quiry to be made into the truth of the abbot's allegation of previous
exemption, and commanding that, if found to be true, the tenants

^ Carrada, carrata, onus carri, quantum carro villi potest. (Du Cange.)

2 Rot. Claus., 10 Hen. Ill, m. 29. There was a payment in the preceding year of
£11 for the works of the " tower of Windsor." (Ibid., 9 Hen. Ill, m, 11.)

3 Rot. Claus., 10 IJen. Ill, m. 2G, and 9 Hen. Ill, m, 10, R. Lib., 10 Hen. III.
^ Rot. Claus., 9 Hen. Ill, m. 3 ; ibid., an. 10, m. 13 ; R. Lib., 11, 12 Hen. III.
^ Rot. Claus., 10 Hen. Ill, m. 21, 22 ; R. Lib., 10 Hen. III.

6 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. III.

" 'Calendarium Rot. Chart, et Inquis ad quod Damnum.' (1803) Charta; 11 Hen. Ill,
m. 13.

TO A.D. 1272.] WORKS IX THE CASTLE. 67

should be exempt from payment.^ The king also, in 1231, sent
instructions to the constable of the castle, that the church should
have tithes of the royal garden at Windsor.^ Two years previously
permission was given to the abbot to inclose his burial ground at
Old Windsor, through the middle of which lay the king's high way,
provided that he substituted another sufficient road near it.^

In the sixteenth year of Henry's reign (a.d. 1232) the custody
of the castle of Windsor, as well as of the tower and of the castle of
Odiham, were committed to Hubert de Burgh,"^ who administered
the affairs of the state after the death of the Earl of Pembroke.
Hubert de Burgh was not, however, strictly speaking, constable of
the castle, for in 1233 we find William de Millars filling that office.
The former constable, Engelard de Cygony, appears to have con-
tinued keeper of the forest of Windsor for several years after-
wards.^ In 1235 the manors of New and Old Windsor, and of
Cookham and Bray, were committed to Walter de Bine and Simon
de Brakel.^

From the twelfth year of Henry the Third the works of the castle
proceeded with more or less activity, as appears from the different
sums paid on that account, until the seventeenth year, when the
constable of the castle, William de Millars, is ordered to build a
new kitchen.^ In the twenty-first year the works were placed under
the direction of William de Burgh, who was engaged at the same
time upon the works at other of the royal houses. One of his first
acts was a repair of the bridges of the castle, for which he was
allowed to have timber from the forest. The great bridge and two
others above it are specified.^ Two breaches in the castle wall

1 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. Ill, m. 16.

^ Seidell's ' History of Tjtlies/ chap. xiv.

^ Rot. Claus., 9 Hen. Ill, m. 5 and 16.

'* 111 the nineteenth year of Henry's reign, the forests of Windsor and Odiham were
committed to his care. (Patent, 19 Hen. Ill, m. 19.) The park or forest of Odiham, how-
ever, seems to have been taken from him in the following year, as the patent rolls contain
an order to demand it of him ; and soon after a notice that both the forests of Odiham
and Wiadesor, with the manor and castle of Odiham, were committed to Reginald de
Whitchurch. (Tliomson's 'Essay on Magna Charta,' p. 243.)

5 Rot. Chart., 16 Hen. Ill, m. 5; Rot. Pat., 21 Hen. Ill, m. 8.

6 Originalia, 20 Hen. III.

7 Rot. Lib., 17 Hen. III. « Ibid., 21 Hen. III.

68 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

toward the garden were repaired at the same time. In the twenty-
second year the fortifications were surveyed, especially the state of
the crenelles, and a general order given to repair the crenelles and
the drains.^ This order is repeated in the following year, speci-
fying more particularly the crenelles of the wall of the upper baily
between the gate and the chamber of Prince Edward, and those of
the lower gate of the castle. An order is also issued to the bailiffs
of Windsor to paint the chamber of the queen, to line^ (probably
either with plaster or wainscot) the chamber of Edward the king's
son, to make a private chamber convenient to the same, and to put
iron bars to the window.^ The bailiffs are further commanded to
form a floor in the turret of the gate, so as to divide it into two
stories, and to cover it with lead.*

A considerable quantity of wine was supplied at the Castle
from time to time. In a writ of the 24th year of his reign, the
king expressly orders the keepers of his wines to deliver a cask of
it " for the use of Edward our son.'' ^

Prince Edward was brought up at Windsor, as appears from
various writs. Eor example, in the 26th year of this reign, the
sum of £200 w^as ordered to be paid out of the Treasury, to Hugh
Giffard and Master William Burn, " for the support of Edward
our son, and his attendants residing with him, in our castle of
Windsor." «

1 Rot. Lib., 22 Hen. III.

2 Lambniscare, lambriper, lambris, the interior lining of a wall with marble, wainscot
stucco, or lath and plaster.

^ There are frequent orders at this period for iron bars to the windows at Windsor
and others of the royal houses, which, as Mr. Poynter suggests, may, perhaps, be traced
to the adventure which befel the king in this year (a.d. 1238) at Woodstock. " About
this time," saysHolinshed, who condenses the narrative of Matthew Paris and the contem-
porary chroniclers, " a learned esquire, or rather clearke of the Universitie of Oxenford,
bearing some malice toward the king, faincd himself mad, and espieing thereby the secret
places of his house at Woodstoke where he then laie, upon a night by a window he got
into the king's bed-chamber, and coming to the bedside, he threw off the coverings,
and with a dagger strake divers times into a pillow, supposing the king had beene there ;
but as God would, that night the king lay in another chamber with the queene." The
assassin was taken, and torn to pieces by wild horses at Coventry.

4 Rot. Lib., 23 Hen. III.

5 Rot. Claus., 24 Hen. Ill, m. 1.

^ Rot. Lib., 2G Hen. HI. See this and many other writs of the period, in Devon's
'Issues of the Exchequer,' 4to, 1837.

TO A.D. 1272.] THE DOMUS REGIS. 69

In A.D. 1240, Thomas Count of Flanders, the queen's uncle,
came to England with great pomp, and, after being entertained
and loaded with presents in London, he proceeded to Windsor to
visit his infant nephew Edward, the king's son.^

In the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Henry the Third (a. d.
1242), Bernard de Savoy was appointed keeper of the castle and
forest of Windsor.^

Some idea of the military defence of the castle may be formed
from an order of this year for the payment monthly, during the
king's pleasure, to Bernard de Savoy, of £25 lbs. Sd., " for the
use of four knights in our aforesaid castle, each of them taking 2^.
per day ; and for the use of eleven soldiers there, each of them
taking 9d. per day ; and for the use of seven watchers there, each
of them taking 2d. per day ; and for the use of Burnell, the car-
penter, and certain cross-bowmen, each of whom takes 6d. per
day." Also, the treasurer was ordered to pay to the same Barnard,
*' for the use of the aforesaid seven watchers, 70^., to wit, to each
of them lO^., for their stipends for one year."^ A few days later
another order occurs, for paying 12d. per day, arrears of wages, to
*' our ten soldiers dwelling in Windsor Castle.""^ The constable
was also paid 40^. '' for the hvery of Geoffrey de Laundele, our
servant dwelling in our castle of Windsor, who receives daily l\d''^
There is an order of an earlier date for payment of £7, the wages
of six servants and one bowman, for twenty days, at 1 2d. each.^

In the twenty-fourth year of his reign, Henry the Third began
his most important additions to the domus regis. Walter de Burgh
is commanded to make a certain apartment for the king's use in
the castle of Windsor, near the wall of the said castle, sixty feet in
length and twenty-eight feet wide, and another apartment for the
queen's use, which shall be contiguous to the king's, and under the
same roof, and a chapel seventy feet long and twenty-eight feet
wide along the same wall, so that a sufficient space shall be left
between the aforesaid apartments and the said chapel to make a

* Matthew Paris.

2 Rot. Patent., 26 Hen. Ill, m. 12.

^ Rot. Lib., 20 Hen. III.

" Ibid. - Ibid. ^ Rot. Glaus., U Hen. III.

70 ANNALS OT WINDSOE. [Chapter IV.

grass plot.^ As a preparatory step to these alterations, thirty oaks
were deUvered out of the forest to John Andrew, to make and
inclose a place for the royal works, and to pale and inclose the
garden of Windsor.^

Of this royal habitation nothing can now be known more than
the dimensions given in the above order. But of the chapel there
are other notices, which prove it to have had the appendages of a
galilee, or porch, a cloister, and a bell-tower. In three years the
walls of the chapel were ready for the roof, and a pressing order
w^as addressed to the Archbishop of York, charging him to see the
works completed. The roof is described as a lofty wooden roof,
after the manner of one then building at Lichfield, to be lined and
painted so as to appear like stone, and to be covered with lead.
The same writ orders the bell-tower to be erected in front of the
chapel, to be built of stone, and of a size to hold three or four bells.
Four gilt images are also to be provided, and placed where the
king had previously determined.^ Some images had been made
before this period, for in the 25th year of this reign the constable
of AVindsor was directed to distrain John Eitz Andrew and his
sureties for 30 marks, part of 50 marks due to the king at the
feast of St. John the Baptist, and take security for the remainder;
and to give Thomas the painter, who made the images for the
king's chapel, 10 marks of it, and the residue to the keepers of the
king's works. The extreme straits to w^hich the king and his
queen were at times reduced for the money lavished in various
ways, may be gathered from the fact, that in the twenty-seventh
year of his reign, Henry, being without the means of paying
the officers of the chapel royal at Windsor, issued an order to John
Mansell, directing him to pawn the most valuable image of the
Virgin Mary for the sum required, but under especial condition that
this hallowed pledge be deposited in a decent place. ^ This image
was, probably, one of those only a short time before provided for
the chapel, as above mentioned.

The cloister seems to have been partially completed about this

' ' Pratellum,' 11. Lib., 24 Hen. III.

2 Hot. Clans., 2i Hon. Ill, m. 11. •» Ibid, 27 Ucn. 1 1 J.

"* MaJox's ' Hist, of the ExcLcriner.'

TO A.D. 1272.] THE KINGS CHAPEL. 71

time ;^ but some portion was not carried up to the roof until five
years later, when six carrates of lead for covering it are to be pro-
vided by the sheriffs of London.^ The final completion of the
chapel appears to have been deferred to the same period, since, on
the 18th of March, 1248, Peter of Geneva was commanded, out of
the issues of the lands of aliens in his custody, to pay Brother
William the Painter, monk of Westminster, ten marks^ to buy
colours to paint the king's chapel of Windsor.^ This probably had
reference to a previous order to the keepers of the works at Windsor,
in 1242, to have the Old and New Testament painted in the
king's chapel.*

In June 1248, Godfrey de Lyston was commanded, out of the
issues of his bailiwick, to pay the same Master William one hundred
shillings for painting the same chapel, and to furnish scaffolding
for the pictures.^ In the month of August following, John Silvester
and Master Simon the carpenter, keepers of the works at Windsor,
were commanded to pay Master William the painter his wages
weekly, as they were accustomed to be paid.^ In 1249, the
Barons of the Exchequer were commanded to allow to Godfrey de
Lyston, in his accounts, among other things, two marks paid by him
to Master William the painter, for painting the chapel at Windsor,
and forty shillings to buy colours, and eighteen shillings which he
had paid to John Sot the painter for his wages.'^

The galilee is mentioned incidentally in a writ of the thirty-fourth
year of this reign, to inclose the space from the door of the great
hall to the galilee with a wall ten feet high, with a small door near
the wardrobe, and also to make a wooden barrier round the galilee
to prevent horses from approaching it.

*' There can be no doubt," observes Mr. Poynter, "that this chapel
is the same which Stow calls the Old College Church, taken down, by

^ Madox's ' Eist. of the Exchequer.'
' Rot. Lib., 32 Hen. ITI.
3 Ibid., 32 Hen. Ill, m. 9.

^ Rot. Claus., 27 Hen. Ill, p. 1, m. 10. See ' Vetusta Monumenta,' torn, vi; Roke-
wood's ' Memoir on the Painted Chamber,' p. 21.
•' Hot. Lib., 32 Hen. Ill, m. 5.
« Rot. Claus., 32 Hen. Til, ni. 3.
" Rot. Lib., 33 Hen. Ill, m. 1.

72 ANNALS OP T\T:NDS0II. [Chapter IV.

Henry the Seventh, for the purpose of erecting the tomb-house ; and
its position may be determined with certainty, independently of
this evidence of the historian, by the remains of the architecture
of the thirteenth century in the south ambulatory of the dean's
cloister, at the door of the same age behind the altar of St. George's,
central both to that edifice and the touib-house. That the
latter was the principal entrance to the old chapel will scarcely
be doubted. It exhibits one of the most beautiful specimens
which time and innovation have respected of the elaborate orna-
mental iron work of the period. If this marks the western extre-
mity of the old chapel, the space behind the altar of St. George's
will be the site of the galilee -, a space necessarily left, when the
new chapel of St. George was built by Edward the Third, for light
to the east window, and preserved at the erection of that now
existing for the same reason. As long, therefore, as the chapel of
Henry the Third afterwards stood, the principal entrance opened
immediately from St. George's Chapel, and at the erection of the
tomb-house, the separate passage was made to the cloister. The
old chapel must, however, have been somewhat longer than origi-
nally intended, since the whole work extends a few feet further to
the eastward than the dimensions specified in the writ." ^

In the twenty-fifth year of his reign, the alterations of Henry
the Third reached the outworks of the castle, and it is not difficult
to recognise in the existing bell-tower, that which the clerks of the
works are ordered to build at the northern angle." The same order
provides for two other towers adjoining toward the east, and in the
next year the clerks of the works are conmianded to restore the
chamber of the almoner, which, together with the wall of the castle,
lately fell down.^ This latter order identifies these three towers
with those cafied Clure's Tower, Berner's Tower, and the Almoner's
Tower, removed by Edward the Fourth, in order to enlarge the
space for his new buildings.* Reference is subsequently made to
another new tower near the keep/ and if it be allowable to conjec-

^ Poynter's * Essay,' &c., where see a woodcut of arches in the cloisters.
2 Rot. Lib., 25 Hen. III. '' Ibid., 2G Hen. III.

* Ashmolc, cliap. iv, sec. 2.
•■* Rot. Lib., 31 Hen. 111.

TO AD. 1272] PUETIIEU xiDDITIONS TO THE CASTLE. 73

tare that this may have occupied the same site as the Winchester
Tower, the line of defence on the north side of the lower baily
will be completed, the towers standing at nearly the same distances
apart as those of the same period (which the character of the archi-
tecture unequivocally proves them to be) on the west side toward
the town, now known as the Garter Tower, and the Salisbury or
Chancellor's Tower. Following the external wall of the castle from
the Salisbury Tower eastward, the same character, construction^ and
materials may be traced (with the interuption of the great gateway*
rebuilt at a later date), as far as the Store Tower, now called Henry
the Third's Tower, thus identifying the works of this king throughout
the whole outward inclosure of the lower bailv. Some indications
may also be discerned, that the inner wall of the houses of the
military knights is originally of the same period, and, consequently
that the buildings on this side of the court have for six centuries
occupied the same site. On their ancient destination it would be
idle to speculate.^

These works upon the walls and towers were followed up by an
extension of the castle ditch on the side toward the town, as
appears by an order for £7 5<5. to be paid out of the treasury to
Rylwin de Twyle, bailiff of Windsor, for the good men of Windsor,
in recompense of the damages they had sustained in taking down
their houses, for a foss, ordered by the king to be made round the
castle.^ Another enlargement is subsequently ordered, but only so
far as the houses of the town will admit without their destruction.
The same writ orders a cistern to be constructed for the purpose of
collecting all the rain-water falling about the castle. The sums
allotted for the works during two years, at this time amount to
£673 sterling,"^ besides a sum of £200 or not exceeding 400 marks,
to be laid out upon the fortifications at discretion, which latter
sum is to be borrowed, if needful.^ Master Simon, the carpenter,
is also to have six good oaks either out of the bishoprick of
Winchestei' or the manor of Wargrave.^

^ Poynter.

2 Rot. Lib., 26 Hen. III.

3 Rot. Claus., 27 Hcu. III.

^ Rot. Lib, 26 Hen. III. ; Lib, R., 27 lien. III.
^ Rot. Claus., 27 Hcu. III. r. ij^^^j

74 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

The following curious writ, dated the 24th of November, occurs
in the clause roll of the tAventy-eighth year of this reign. " The
clerks of the works, at Windsor, are ordered to work day and night,
to wainscot ^ the high chamber upon the wall of the castle near
our chapel in the upper bailey, so that it may be ready, and pro-
perly wainscoted on Friday next when we come there, with boards
radiated and coloured, so that nothing be found reprehensible in
that wainscot, and also to make at each gable of the said chamber^
one (/lass window, on the outside of the inner window of each
gable, so that the inner window shall be closed, the glass windows
may be seen outside." The 24th November, 1243, was a Tuesday.
The workmen, therefore^ had but two clear days between the date
of the writ and the arrival of the king.

A council, or parliament, as the chronicler calls it, was held at
Windsor in 1244, on the morrow of the Nativity of the Virgin
Mary.'

In the twenty-ninth year of Henry the Third, the works at the
Castle were entirely suspended,^ probably for want of funds, since
the supplies which had hitherto been provided for the most part out
of the bailiwick of Windsor, seem in the following year to be drawn
from some unusual sources. Sixty marks are to be paid out of the
lands of Baldwin, the late Earl of Devon, and Bernard of Savoy,
the constable of the castle, is directed to provide with all speed 200
marks out of the lands of the Countess of Eu, the Bishoprick of
Chichester, and others, which had been assigned for the use of
Edward, the king's son, and if perchance he has not these monies
ready, he is to lend them upon the revenue of the ensuing quarter
(Lady-day), so that the works may not remain unfinished for want
of money.* The constable is further ordered to crenellate the keep,
to make a chimney in one of the rooms there, to provide ropes
and buckets for the well within the same, and to ^\ a stone bench
in the wall of the castle near the grass plot by the king's

' Lambruscare.

2 Duristaplo, edit. Hearne, p. 265.

^ No entry for tlic works at Windsor, citlicr on tlic Liberate or Clause Roll, this year
(Poyuter.)

' Uol.Lib., :30Hcii. ill.

TO A.u. 1272] DISCOVERY Or THE BARBICAN. 75

chamber. He is also to buy two painted tablets to be placed in
the queen's chapel, one in front of the altar, and the other over
it, and to repair the images of the Crucifixion, and Mary and
John, at the said altar. The house of the king's gardener, and
the hedge about the garden, are to be repaired, and a certain
plantation made.^ The king's garden was outside the walls of the
castle, with which it had a direct communication by a bridge,^ and
was inclosed by a ditch and paling.^ In the thirty-third year a
barbican was erected.

In 1852, the workmen engaged in removing the houses which
have for centuries occupied the place of the ancient castle ditch
formed by Henry the Third, on the south-west side of the castle,
discovered, between the Garter and Bell-towers, a passage and
flight of stone steps cut through the chalk rock, and arched over
with massive stone-work — evidently the remains of a former com-
munication between the interior of the castle and the bottom of the
foss or ditch outside the walls. There can be little doubt that this
was the barbican erected by Henry the Third.*

In the 85th year of this reign (1251), Simon the chaplain, and
other masters of the works, were ordered to have the king's cloister
in the castle paved and wainscoted, and the Apostles to be painted
there, as the king had enjoined him and Master William, his
painter.^

By a writ for painting and other repairs, and building a
chimney, there appears to have been at this time a royal lodge
or house in the Park, and two chapels.^ In the same year (35 Hen. HI)
the king endowed Ankerwyke Priory with the tithe or tenth of the
mill in Windsor park.^

» Rot. Lib., 30 Heu. III. ^ j^id., 44 Hen. III.

3 Ibid., 23, 24 Hen. III.

"^ A woodcut of this sallyport, as it is termed, appeared at tlie time of the discovery in
the ' Illustrated London News,' with a short description. It is scarcely necessary to say
that the notion tliere put forth, that it formed part of a subterranean communical iou
between the castle and Burnham Abbey, has no foundation in fact.

5 Rot. Claus., 35 Hen. Ill, m. 5. See Walpole's 'Anecdotes of Painting,' by
DuUoway, vol. i, p. 21.

6 Rot. Lib., 85 Hen. III. Poynter.

7 Rot. Pat., 35 Hen. Ill, m. 3. Ankerwyke lies on the Bucking-hamshire side of
the Thames, about tliree miles from Windsor, and opposite to Runnimcdc. The Priory

76 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

A hospital for leprous persons existed at Windsor at this period,
as is evidenced by the grant from the king, in the thirty-fifth year
of his reign, of one hundred and twenty acres of inclosed land in
the forest of Windsor to the sisters and brothers of the leprous
hospital of Windsor.^ The king gave them seven shillings out of
the yearly rent of the farm of Windsor.^

Tanner describes it as an hospital for leprous men and women,
dedicated to St. Peter, as ancient as King Henry the Third's
time, but given to Eton College in the first year of Edward the
Fourth.'

The site of this hospital seems to be still retained in the name
of " Spital," an outlet and scattered district lying south of Windsor,
on the road to St. Leonards.'*

A great storm which occurred on St. David's Day, a.d. 1251,
is described as having done some damage to Windsor Castle.
The chimney of the chamber " wherin the queen and her children
then were was beaten down to dust, and the whole building sore
shaken." In the park " oaks were rent in sunder, and turned up
by the roots, and much hurt done ; as mills with the millers in

was founded in the reign of Henry the Second for Benedictine nuns, by Gilbert de
Moutfichet and his sou Richard, in honour of St. Mary Magdelene. (Lysous' 'Magna
Brit.') Henry the Third, in the 26th year of liis reign, granted to the monks of
Ankerwyke, mastage (acorns) and pasture for sixty hogs in Windsor Forest (Chart.,
26 Hen. Ill, m. 3) ; and in the same year the king ordered £8 6s. 8d. to be paid to his
almoner, to feed 2000 poor persons, one half at " Ankerwicke" and the other half at
Bromhal, " for the soul of the empress, formerly our sister."

1 Charter, 85 Hen. III.

2 Testa de Nevill.

3 'Notitia Monastica,' edit. 1744, p. 20.

^ Dr. Raw'linson, in his additions to Ashmole's 'Antiquities of Berkshire' (vol. i, p. 64),
says — "About half a mile from Windsor, towards the forest, is a mineral purging spring,
formerly much frequented, and known by tiie name of ' Elias's Spittle,' now St. Peter's
Well, where is also said to have stood a small religious liouse, perhaps an hermitage, for
the entertainment of travellers. It is now part of the possessions of the provost and
fellows of St. Mary's College at Eton, in Buckinghamshire." Gough observes upon
this passage, that " Dr. Rawliuson seems to confound what is now called the Spital, in
!New AVindsor parish, about half a mile from New Windsor towards the forest, and where
the hospital mentioned by Tanner was situated, but where there never was a mineral
purging well that I can hear of, with a well of mineral purging water about a mile and a
lialf from Windsor, in the long walk in the Great Park, mIucIi was cull(>d ' Jessop's Well,'
and which has been lillcd up witiiin these few^ years," (' Gough's Camden,' 2d edit,
vol. 1, p. 237.)

TO A.u. 1272.J FURTHER WORKS IN THE CASTLE. 77

them, sheepfolds with their shepherds, and ploughmen, and
such as were going by the way were destroyed and beaten
down/'^

From the thirty-fifth year to the fortieth, the operations at the
castle seem to have been principally confined to finishing the new
buildings, since the most important writs during that period relate
to large supplies of boarding, partly for making wainscots, amount-
ing in the whole to seven thousand boards, a portion of which are
described as Norway boards, half a hundred (jreat boards, and a
thousand laths. Within the same period 1405. are appropriated to
Friar WiUiam to buy colours. There is also an order to the con-
stable to make an additional story to the tower allotted to the king's
seneschals, with a chimney, and to cause that tower to be crenellated
and covered with lead in the same manner as the other new towers.^
The bishoprick of Winchester being at this time vacant, the ex-
penses of the works were partly provided for out of the revenues of
the see.^

By a writ dated 22d January, in the fortieth year of the king's
reign, Godfrey de Lyston, the keeper of the king's forest of
Windsor, was commanded to give from out of that forest to Gilbert,
the king's carpenter at Windsor, as much timber as he will require
to repair the halls and chambers in the upper castle of Windsor,
where the king's children were nursed.^

In March of that year, Gilbert de Tile, bailiff of the town, was
commanded to pay to Brother William the painter, of Westminster,
five marks out of the town, for repairing certain pictures in the
king and queen's chambers and the royal chapels at Windsor; and
in May following the bailiffs of Windsor were ordered to pav the
same Master William forty shillings to buy colours for painting in
the castle ; and Godfrey de Lyston, keeper of the manor of Cook-
ham and Bray, was commanded that, from the octave of Easter
then last, and so long as he overlooked the painters of the king's
castle at Windsor, he should pay to the king's beloved Master

^ Holinshed.

2 Rot. Lib, 37, 38, 39, 40 Hen. HI.

3 Ibid, 36 Hen. III. Poynter.
^ Rot. Glaus., 40 Hen. III.

78 ANNALS OP WI^^I)SOIl. [Chapter IV.

William the painter, monk of Westminster, two shillings per day
for his wages. ^

■In the beginning of the forty-first year of Henry the Second
(a.d. 1256), "was found in the king's wardrobe at Wyndesore, a
bill or roll closed in green wax, and not known from whence it
should come ; in the which roll was contained divers articles against
the mayor and rulers of the city of London, and that by them the
commonalty of the city was grievously tasked and wronged, which
bill was presented at length to the king ; whereupon he anon sent
John Mansell, one of his justices, mito London ; and there in the
feast of the conversion of St. Paul, by the king's authority, called
at Paul's cross a folkmot, being there present Sir Richard de Clare
Earl of Gloucester, and divers others of the king's council, where
the said John Mansell caused the said roll to be read before the
commonalty of the city, and after showed to the people that the
king's pleasure and mind was, that they should be ruled with
justice, and that the liberties of the city should be maintained in
every point ; and if the king might know those persons that had
so wronged the commonalty of the city, they should be grievously
punished to the example of others." ^

Li 1256, during the absence of Henry in Germany, Alexander
the Third, king of Scotland and his consort Margaret, the daughter
of Henry and Eleanor, were entertained by the Queen at Windsor.
The queen of Scotland gave birth to a daughter there.

We are told that about May, 1257, Queen Eleanor was con-
fined to her bed, at Windsor, by an attack of pleurisy, while the
king was detained in London by a tertian fever.^ It seems to
have been in consequence of vows made during this illness that she
went, in the following October, to St. Albans, to return thanks to
the martyr, and also to make a handsome offering at his tomb.
She was accompanied by Prince Edward's wife and several other
ladies, and made an offering at the altar of a costly cloak, com-
monly called a " bandkin." '^

^ ' Vetusta Monumenta,' torn. vi. Rokewood's ' Memoir on the Painted Chamber,
p. 22, and writs tlierc cited.
2 Fabyan.
•* Matthew Paris. * Ibid.

TO A.D. 1272.] rURTIIEU WOllKS IN THE CASTLE. 79

In pursuance of the agreement effected between the king and
the barons in the great council, or " mad parHament," as it was
called, assembled at Oxford in June 1258, the governors of the
principal castles belonging to the king were removed, and their
places supplied by persons in the interests of the barons. Windsor,
Wallingford, and a few others, still remained in the king's
possession.^

During the forty-first year of the king's reign (a.d. 1256-7)
some considerable alterations were undertaken in the old buildings
of the upper bailey, for the purpose of fitting them for the occupa-
tion of the queen. The old chamber was repaired and two new
ones built, with an oriel, a private chapel, and an oratory, and a
wardrobe, with a press to lay by the queen's clothes. The old
kitchen was taken down, and a new one erected in a more con-
venient situation, communicating by a passage with the great
chamber. A salting-house and other offices were built, and a
chamber fitted up for the nurses.^ It was not, however, till the
fifth year that these works had been in hand that ten glass windows
were ordered for the new rooms,^ and they were not finished in the
year following, as appears by an order for one thousand boards to
make the wainscot.^ It was not even till three years later that the
new passage from the kitchen was covered with lead.^ These
tedious delays are easily explained by the financial difficulties in
which the king was at this time involved, and which had their
effect upon the progress of the works at Windsor.^ In the forty-
second year of his reign, the operations were again totally sus-
pended. In the forty-fourth, the sum of £410 was delivered to
Master John of Gloucester, the king's mason, to be distributed to
the workmen, whose wages were two years in arrear.^ In August
of that year (1260), Edward de Westminster was specially required

1 Lingard. The royal castles were those of Dover and the other Cinque Ports,
Northampton, Corfe, Scarborough, Nottingham, Hereford, Exeter, Sarum, Hadleigh,
Winchester, Porcliester, Bridgenorth, Oxford, Sherburn, the Tower of London, Bam-
borough, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Rochester, Gloucester, Horestan, and Devizes. (Lingard,
citing Brady and Ann. Burt., 416.)

2 Rot. Lib., 40, 41, 43, 44 Hen. III. 3 xbid., 45 Hen. III.
' Ibid., 46 Hen. III. ^ jbid.^ 48 Hen. III.

« Poynter. r Rot. Lib., 44 Hen. III.

80 ANNALS OF AVINDSOR. [Chapter iV.

by the king to provide William, monk of Westminster, the king's
painter, with colours and other things necessary for renewing the
paintings at Windsor ; and it appears from an order addressed to
Richard de Freemantle, keeper of the manors of Cookham and
Bray, that the paintings to be renewed were those in the
king's chapel and chamber.^ In the next year, however. Friar
William complains that he and his men have not been paid for
the repair and renovation of certain paintings in the chapel
and in the king's chamber.^ The frequent repetition of writs for
the same works, year after year, is a further proof of the want of
means to execute them. The orders are, therefore, for the most
part, confined to repairs and works necessary for the defence of the
Castle, such as repairing the masonry of the keep, and the chimney
in the tower towards the town, which was occupied by Grey de
Lusignan,^ repairing the great bridge and defending it by a strong
iron chain, repairing and fixing a similar chain across the bridge at
the foot of the keep,^ and making a portcullis to the barbican.^
Previously to the suspension of the works, an order had been given
to rebuild the engine-house and engine, and to conduct the water
from the spring near the keep into the cloister in the lower bailey,
and thence to the door of the hall, and to make a lavatory at the
upper end of the hall on the east side ; and if the water of the
aforesaid spring shall not be sufficient for these purposes, that of
the spring within the keep is to be taken in aid of it.^ A fountain
of freestone is also to be constructed in the garden.

In the forty-fifth year of Henry the Third, Augustine bishop of
Laodicea, originally a friar minor of Nottingham, having been
driven from his see by the Saracens, the king granted him a yearly
pension of sixty marks, and received him at Windsor, allotting for
his residence the apartments of the domestic chaplains and clerks
of the chapel, which Richard de Freemantle, the custos or bailiff
of the manors of Cookham and Bray, with the seven hundreds
and the forest of Windsor,"^ is ordered to prepare for his recep-

^ Rokcwood's 'Memoir of the Painted Chamber,' cited ante, p. 71.
2 Rot. Lib., 45 Hen. III. '' Ibid., 40 Hen. III. " Ibid., 44 Hen. III.

» Ibid., 45 Hen. III. « Ibid., 40 Hen. III.

' Richard de Freemantle, or Freimantell, as he is described in the writ, was appointed
custos two years before. (Rot. Pat., 43 Ilcn. III.)

TO A.D. 1272.] PARLIAMENT AT WINDSOR. 81

tion by building a chimney of French plaster therein, and making
a gate with a wicket between those apartments and the chapel. This
arrangement, however, was but temporary, as the same Richard de
Freemantle is ordered to build, between the almonry and the turret
in which John Maun sell was lodged, an apartment for the use of
the bishop, fifty feet in length, with a chimney of plaster, and a
wardrobe fifteen feet long.^ This building was merely a pent-
house^ against the castle wall, and, as it was very shortly completed
and ready to be whitew^ashed,^ it might be no more than a light
erection of timber. That such structures existed within the Castle
seems to be indicated by a writ, ordering the Constable to remove
the chamber in which Robert de Muscegros had lodged, and to put
it in the upper bailey of the Castle, in the place of the building for
the king's mill, lately destroyed by fire.* For the new mill the
Sheriff's of London are ordered to send four grindstones. In the
same year (the forty-eighth) the Sheriffs are to send to the Castle
one hundred of tin for the works, and the custos of the manors of
Cookham and Bray is to repair the kitchens and the stone walls
and palings by which they are inclosed, to turf the herbarium, to
complete the drains, to fix staples and iron chains before the door
of the hall, and to make a well in the garden.^

At this time also Aymon Thurumburd, the then constable of the
castle, was ordered to sell wood in Windsor Park, and out of the
proceeds to inclose the park and make the necessary repairs of the
house and pool of the king's mill in the same park.^

In 1261, the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, with the bishop
of Worcester, had summoned three knights from every county
south of the Trent to meet them at St. Albans ; but a temporary
reconciliation was effected between them and the king, and the
latter, by his writs, annulling the previous summons, ordered the
same knights to repair to him at Windsor, that tliey might be

' Rot. Lib,, 44 Hen. III.

^ Apentitum.

^ Rot. Lib., 45 Hen. III.

' Ibid., 46 Hen. III.

^ Poynter.

« Rot. Original., 45 Hen. Ill, v. 14.

82 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

present at his intended conference with the barons, and to treat of
the common concerns of the kingdom.^

In June 1263, Henry, Avho two years before had reserved to
himself the custody of the royal castles, and was now at open war
with the barons under the Earl of Leicester, was in possession of
the Tower. His son, Prince Edward, after taking by force one
thousand marks out of the Temple, carried them, together Avith the
queen's jewels, to Windsor, which he garrisoned with a large body
of foreigners, consisting of about one hundred knights and a much
larger number of guards.^

Windsor is described by a contemporary chronicler as the most
magnificent palace then existing in Europe.^ The foreigners forti-
fied and strengthened this already strong hold in an admirable
manner, but plundered and devastated the adjoining country in all
directions.*

The king was willing to effect a peace with the barons, but the
queen, irritated by w^omanly feelings of annoyance, strove with all
her might in the opposite direction. In endeavouring to make her
escape from the Tower to Windsor by water, she was intercepted
by the citizens of London, and driven back, when under the
bridge, by stones and mud thrown at her.^ Under the protection
of the mayor, she was conveyed to the Bishop of London's palace,
near St. Paul's.^

Henry's brother, Richard, king of the Romans, acting as
mediator, effected an arrangement, by which it was agreed amongst
other things, that the royal castles, including Windsor, should once
more be intrusted to the custody of the barons, and the foreigners
banished. It was not easy to appease Prince Edward, who was
reluctant to abandon the castle of Windsor, which he had fortified,

^ Lingard, citing Brady, ii, App. No. 202, 203. Dr. Lingard considers this to have
been a real parliament. The interviews that followed appear to have taken place in
London.

2 Lingard ; Matthew of Westminster.

3 •' Windesores, quo non erat ad id tempus splendidius infra fines Europse." (Matthew
of Westminster.)

' Ibid.

^ Ibid. See also the contiuuator of Matthew Paris.

« * Chron. Dunst.,' &c.

TO A.u. 1272.] SURRENDEll OT THE CASTLE. 83

or to remove the foreigners whom he had placed within its walls.
The prince did not surrender the castle at once, but went to Bristol,
Finding that city took arms against him, he obtained the escort of
Walter, bishop of Worcester, who was on the barons' side^ to convey
him to Westminster, where the king and his court then were.
The prince, as soon as he got near Windsor, left the bishop's pro-
tection and returned to the castle. In the meantime the barons
were on their way to Windsor to compel its surrender. The
prince met them near Kingston ; and the result was that Windsor
castle was surrendered to the barons, on the condition that those who
were within it should be allowed to depart in safety, with their
horses and arms uninjured. By letters patent, bearing date 20th
July, A.D. 1263, all foreigners who guarded the castle were ordered
to depart ;^ and six days afterwards letters of safe conduct were
granted them.^ They were conducted to the coast by Humphrey
de Bohun the younger.^

The award of Louis king of France, to whom the differences
between the king and his barons were referred, having been treated
by the latter as a nullity, the civil war broke out anew.

The king well knowing that the city would take the barons'
part, succeeded, by means of Prince Edward, his son, to regain
possession of the castle at Windsor. The prince accomplished this
by a train. When the king ascertained that the castle was in the
hands of his son, he left Westminster,^ and rode to Windsor,

» Rot. Pat., 47 Hen. Ill, m. 6.

^ Ibid., m. 5.

^ Matthew of Westminster and the continuator of Matthew Paris. See also Holinshed,
citing Abington and Nic. Trevet. Matthew of Westminster says — " Edward, departing
from the castle as if for the purpose of treating about peace, met his father and the
barons about halfway between Windsor and London ; and when, after the discussion was
over, he was preparing to return, he was detained by the cunning of the Earl of Leicester
and the Bishop of Worcester, who suspected sinister designs on his part ; and so he was
prevented from re-entering the castle. And so that noble castle was surrendered to the
king and the barons," &c. Fabian says the barons put the aliens out of the castle ; that
they went to the king at Fulham, complaining that all their goods were taken. The king
deferred their complaint until Michaelmas, when a parliament was holden at Westminster,
and the barons ordered to make restitution ; but they refusing to comply, the war
between them and the king was renewed.

'' Eabyan says, " early in the morning, a little before Christmas ;" but it must have
been after Christmas, as the award of Louis was not until the 23d of January, 12G4.

84 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

where soon afterwards arrived many of the chief of the king's
party, and on the other hand the barons and knights Avho sided
with the Earl of Leicester, drew tow^ards London ; so that on
either side there was a considerable army assembled.^

From Windsor the king went to Reading, and from thence to
WalHngford, and so to Oxford, having a large force with him.^

Subseqnently to the battle of Lewes, on the 14th of May, 1264,
in which the king was defeated, Henry became, in fact, the
prisoner of the Earl of Leicester, who, although he treated the king
with every exterior demonstration of respect, never suffered him to
depart out of his custody ; and, without consulting him, affixed his
seal to every order ^vhich was issued for the degradation of the
royal authority.^

On the 17th of May, Hugh de Barentin, constable of Windsor,
was commanded, in the king's name, to release Avithout delay Simon
de Montfort, son of the Earl of Leicester, and Peter de Montfort,
who by the command of Prince Edward, the king's eldest son, the
constable had detained in custody ;'* and on the 4th of June, Hugh
de Barentin, in common with many of the constables of castles,
was commanded to enforce the king's orders, that no one should
be permitted to bear arms without special permission ; and at the
same time he was ordered to release William de Furnival, and all
other prisoners, either by way of exchange wdth prisoners taken by
the barons, or upon sufficient bail without exchange.^

By letters patent bearing date at St. Paul's, 16th June, Hugh
de Barantin and many other knights in care of the castle w^ere
commanded to come to the king on certain weighty affairs ;^ and
on the 18th, letters patent, also bearing date at St. Paul's, were
issued in the king's name, commanding Eleanor, the wife of Prince
Edward, without delay to quit the castle of Windsor with her
children ; John de Weston, her seneschal ; William Charles, her

' Fabyan.
-' Holiiiblicd.
'^ Liiigard, citing Brady.

^ Toedcra,' A.D. 1264. Acta Slmonis de Montcforti, sub nomine ct sigillo Regis
Kege captivo.
^' Ibid.
6 Hot. Tat., 48 Hen. Ill, ni. 11.

TO A.D. 1272.J RUPTURE WITH THE CITIZENS OE LONDON. 85

knight ; two domestics, and her furniture.^ Joan, the wife of
William de Valence, the king's brother, was ordered to with-
draw from the castle to some religious house or some other
fit place.^ It appears that Joan did not obey the command
promptly, as it was followed in a few weeks by another to the
same effect.^

At the same time letters of safe conduct were granted to
Geoffrey de Langel, who had lately fortified the castle of Windsor
against the king,^ and a pardon was subsequently granted to
Jordan de Tankavill and other principal persons, for the same
act.^

The contents of the letters patent bear evidence of the restraint
imposed upon the king.

In November, 1264, Henry was at Windsor. Letters from
him to his queen Eleanor, who was abroad, bear date from Windsor,
the 18th of November, 1264.'

After the parliament holden at Winchester in September 1265,
subsequent to the defeat and death of the Earl of Leicester at
Evesham, " the king came to Wyndesore with a great power,
intending, as the fame then went, to destroy the city of London,
for the great ire and displeasure he had unto it." ^

The citizens, to avert the king's anger, despatched eight of their
number who had friends in the king's court, with an instrument,

^ " Rex Alienor consorti, Edwardi primogeniti sui, salutem. Quia volumus modis
omnibus quod a castro nostro V\^indes', ubi nunc moram trahitis, recedatis, vobis manda-
mus quod una cum filia vestra, Johanna de Weston senescallo vestro, Willielmo Charles
milite vestro, duabus domicellis, et alia fam' hernesio, et rebus vestris castrum predtctum
exeatis, et usque Westm' veniatis, moram ibidem, facture donee aliud inde ordinaverimus.
Et hoc sicut nos et honorem nostrum et vestrum diligitis, nullatinus omittatis. Quia
manucapimus quod vos erga prefatura Edwardum dominum vestrum excusabimus, et
indempnes conservabimus. Nos autem vos, predictam filiara, Johannem, W^illielmum,
duas domicellas, familiam, una cum hernesio vestro, presentibus hiis litteris nostris
patentibus ad hoc recipiraus in salvum et securum conductum nostrum." In cujus, &c.
T. R. apud Sanctum Paulum, London., xviii. die Juaii. (Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 11.) The
writ is printed in the Eoedera.

2 Rot. Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 11.

3 Ibid., m. 10.

' Rot. Pat., 48 Hen. Ill, m. 10.
' Ibid., 49 Hen. III.
" 'Eoedera.'
" Fabyan.

86 ANNALS OF WINDSOll. [Chapter IV.

under the seal of the city, submitting both their lives and goods to
the king's mercy. This deputation left London on the 6th of
October. At Colnbrook they met Sir Roger Leyborne, one of the
king's knights, who persuaded them to return to London, whither
he accompanied them. At a meeting of the citizens at Barking
Church on the following day, it was resolved to send the instru-
ment of submission to the king by Sir Roger Leyborne, who was
earnestly entreated to be a mediator with Henry for the citizens.
The next day Sir Roger accordingly returned to the court. After
a lapse of six days he again proceeded to London, and informed
the citizens that the king had received their writing, and required
forty of their number to attend at Windsor on the following day to
confirm the surrender, and in the meantime to remove the chains
from the end of every street in the city. The citizens complied,
and, having received the king's letters of safe conduct for four
days, " the mayor, with the aforesaid persons, was ready at
Wyndesore upon the morrow, being Sunday, by one of the clock,
and there tarried till four of the same day ; at which season the
king, coming from his disporte, entered the castle without counte-
nance or once casting his eyes upon the Londoners ; and when the
king and his people was entered the castle, the Londoners would
have followed, but they were warned to abide without. Then, in
short time after, the king caused a proclamation to be made that
no man of high or low degree to the Londoners should make any
sayings of displeasure, or make to them any quarrel. And in the
evening came unto them the aforesaid Sir Roger, and Sir Robert
Waleys, knights, and brought them into the castle, and said that
the king's pleasure was not to speak with them that night; and after,
the said knights delivered them unto the constable of the castle,
which closed them all in a large tower, where, that night, they had
small cheer and worse lodging.

"Then upon the morrow, being Monday, towards night, they
were taken out of that tower, and delivered unto the bailiff of the
said castle, and lodged by his assignment, except five persons ;
that is to mean, Thomas Fitz Thomas, then mayor, Mychiell Tony,
Stephan Bukkcrell, Thomas Pywcllisdon, and John de Flete ; the
which five persons the king had given to his son, at whose com-

TO A.D. 1272.] RUPTURE WITH THE CITIZENS OE LONDON. 87

mandrnent they remained still in the said tower long after, notwith-
standing the king's safe conduct to them." ^

By "great labours and suit," thirty-one of the thirty-five
remaining citizens were liberated, and returned to London on the
21st of November. The four detained were Richard Bonaventure,
Symon de liadisstok, Wylliam de Kent, and William de Gloucester.
These, with the other five ah^eady mentioned, were confined in the
castle, no doubt as hostages for the good faith of the others.

The king at first asked £40,000 as the fine of the City for its
rebellious conduct, but afterwards diminished his claim to 50,000
marks. The citizens alleged their poverty ; that the crimes laid to
their charge were committed by the poor commons of the city ;
that the best of the inhabitants had themselves been spoiled and
robbed of their substance ; and prayed the king to accept from
them such a fine as they were able to bear. At Christmas the
matter was settled by the king agreeing to take twenty thousand
marks. The five persons first above mentioned were excepted
from the indemnity, and remained as prisoners of Prince Edward
at Windsor. The fom^ others were liberated. The Charter of
Pardon is dated at Northampton, on the 1 0th of January, in the
forty-ninth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1266).

Thomas Fitz-Thomas, the ex-mayor, one of those who remained
in confinement at Windsor, appears to have been a favorite of the
people. At the election of a Lord Mayor, in 1266, there was an
outcry for him, and many persons were apprehended and sent to
prison by Sir Roger Leybourne, for this manifestation of opinion.
At length, after the lapse of four years, the five prisoners at
Windsor, namely, Thomas Pitz-Thomas, Michael Tony, Stephan
Bukkerell (?), Thomas Pywellisdon,^ and John de Plete, by arrange-
ment with Prince Edward, " for great sums of money, were set free
in September, 1269."^

At the time of the Insurrection of the Earl of Gloucester, in

^ Fabyan.

^ This "Thomas Pwylesdon" was "a captain, and a great stirrer of the commons of
the city for to maintain the barons' party against the king." In the 14th year of the
reign of Edward the Eirst he was again charged with creating disturbances in tlie city,
and with others, to the number of fifty, were banished the city for ever. (Eabyan.)

^ Fabyan.

88 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

1267, Henry was at Cambridge, and was there joined by Prince
Edward, with thirty thousand men from the north. Leaving
a sufficient force to defend Cambridge, the king marched from
thence to Windsor, where Eleanor then resided.^ After his ar-
rival, his army daily increased. The Earl of Gloucester, who was
supported by the factious inhabitants of London, made overtures
of peace, which were rejected. Preparations were made for an
engagement on Hounslow Heath, but upon the king's proceeding
there with his army from Windsor, about Easter, he found no one
to resist him. He proceeded to Stratford, leaving his army
encamped at Ham and the neighbourhood.^ The Earl of Gloucester
soon yielded, on condition of receiving a pardon.

Henry, in the fiftieth year of his reign, granted the castle,
town, and forest of Windsor to Euboloni de Montibus (?).^ Two
years afterwards it was granted to Hugh de Dyne, at an annual
rent of seventy-seven pounds.^

Hugh de Dyne did not hold the castle long, for in the fifty-
third year of the king's reign the castle and forest of Windsor,
with other manors, were granted to Nicholas de Yatington.^

It has been already observed that these grants must not be
confounded with the appointment of keeper or constable of the
castle.^ They were evidently grants of the honour or manor of
the castle and town, and of the forest, to farm at a yearly rent.
They appear, however, to have been occasionally held with the
constableship. Nicholas de Yatington, or Satington, is described
in the Hundred Rolls of the next reign as having been the
constable of the castle and farm bailiff. He was at that time
out of office, and seems to have been succeeded by Geoffrey de
Picheford.''

The rent of the farm of Windsor was charged with the follow-
ing payments about this period : — Twenty shillings and ten pence

1 stow.

2 Ilolinshcd.

'•^ Rot. Pat., 50 Hen. Ill, m. 32.

' Ibid., 52 lien. Ill, m. 15.

' Ibid., 53 Hen. Ill, m. 23.

*■' Sec anfe, p. 58.

' See pouL

TO A.D. 1272.] CHARGES ON THE EARM-llENT. 89

for the keepership of the king's houses ; the chaplains of the king's
chapel, thirty shilhngs and five pence ; and the keeper of the vine-
yard the same sum ; the keepers of Windsor, seven shillings, as has
been already mentioned. Richard de Sifrevy^ast received twelve
shillings, the rent of his land, on which some of the royal houses
stood ; and William de Windsor five shillings, for land where the
vineyard was. The monks of Bromhal, situated in the forest,
about six miles south of Windsor, received eight shillings and two
pence halfpenny, granted them by Henry, and forty pence of the
gift of King John.^ The latter sum, although converted into a
payment, was originally merely a release by John of a rent of forty
pence paid by the monastery for a virgate of land.^ In the ninth
year of this reign, however, the gift to the monks of Bromhal out
of the Windsor rent was one halfpenny per day, and two years
afterwards it was raised to two pence.^ In 1226 there is a curious
order to the bailiffs of Windsor, to pay Nicholas, the king's
approver, then being in the king's prison at Windsor, one penny
daily, out of the rent of the town, for his support until he gave the
evidence he promised.* In the following year, this person, with
another approver named Spindlewright, were sent from Windsor to
New^gate, to be safely kept there until the king should otherwise
order. ^ The nature of the crime in respect of which Nicholas had
turned approver, or " king's evidence,^^ does not appear ; but about
this time the sheriff of Bedford was ordered to receive and keep in
his custody a number of persons, whose names are given, and who
had been kept in confinement by the prior of Dunstable, on the
information of an approver in prison at Windsor.^

It was towards the close of this reign that Adam de Gordon, or
Adam Gordon, received an appointment in Windsor Castle. He
was a renowned bandit and outlaw, and considered the most athletic
man of the age. With his followers he ravaged Berkshire, Hamp-

^ Testa de Nevill, or 'Liber Feodorum in curia Scaccarii/ compiled near tlie close of
the reign of Edward the Second or the commencement of that of Edward the Third, from
inquisitions in the time of Henry the Third and Edward the Eirst.

2 Hot. Chart,, 6 Johau., m. 12.

'' Rot. Claus., 9 and 11 Hen. III. ' Ibid., 10 Hen. HI.

' Ibid., 11 Hen. 111. ^ jbid.

90 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IV.

shire, and the adjoining counties. Prince Edward marched to
attack them, and sm'prised them in Alton Wood, in Buckingham-
shire. The prince engaged in single combat with their leader,
wounded and unhorsed him ; and then, in reward for his valour,
spared him liis life. He was taken to Guildford, pardoned by
Henry, and Queen Eleanor soon after gave him an office at
Windsor Castle.^

No event of moment occurs connected with Windsor during the
remaining years of Henry the Third's reign, which terminated by
his death at Westminster, on the 16th of November, 1272.

After the occurrences narrated above, it is no matter for sm--
prise that during the last ten years of the reign of Henry the Third,
nothing new seems to have been undertaken in the Castle of
Windsor. The few writs which appear with reference to the works
there, are principally for repairs and the supply of materials, and
offer nothing of interest. A general order in the fifty-second year,
to complete such works as might be then in progress, is almost the
last notice connected with the subject during this reign, although
at some other of the royal houses and castles the improvements
were going on with unabated activity.^

Windsor was the favorite residence of Eleanor, the wife of
Prince Edward, afterwards Edward the First. There her eldest
child, John, was born, in 1265 ; her second child, Eleanor, in
1266 ; and the third. Prince Henry, in the following year.

By the inquisitions taken before the Justices in Eyre, in the
thirty-ninth year of the reign of Henry the T^hird, it appeared by
verdict found, that William Blundell, the king's chancellor, held
the manor of Eton, the gift of Thomas de Lascelles, and paid
yearly for hidage,^ with the villages of Wexham and " Huggel " (?),
twenty-one shillings, and for suit fourteen shillings yearly, and for
view of frank-pledge ten shillings.^ Eton had been previously held

' AYest.; Dunst.; Wikes.

^ Poyuter.

^ A sum paid in lieu of a tax formerly imposed ou every hide of land. (Cowel's 'Law
Dietionary.')

'• 'Rotiili llundrcdoruni,' toinp. IIcu. Ill and Edw. I, vol. i, )). 133. Sec also 'Hot.
Chart.,' 31) lieu. Ill, m. 5.

TO k.B. 1272.] IMPRISONMENT OP ROBEUT DE EERRERS. 91

by Thomas de Lascelles and Ralph de Hodenge of the king, by the
tenure of ward of Windsor Castle.^

At the same period, the manors of Datchet and Fulmer were
held by Henry de Pynkeny, in demesne of the king ;^ Langley,
by Richard de Muntfichet ; Stoke was in the keeping of Humbert
de Pugeis, from whom it derives its name of Stoke Poges. The
prior of Merton held Upton in free gift of the grant of Pagan de
Warfield; Geoffrey Cumberland held part of Chalvey;^ Richard
de Oxeye held the village of Horton of William de Windsor and
Walter de Willelsdern, who held it of the king in capite.^

Henry the Third held the manor of Parnham Royal, but gave
it to Bertram de Verdun for his services.^

The king appears to have had a fortified house or palace at
Cippenham, in Buckinghamshire, where he occasionally resided.

To proceedings instituted early in the reign of Edward the Pirst
by Robert de Ferrers, who had lost his title of Earl of Derby in
consequence of his treason in the previous reign, to recover his
castles and lands, which were held by Henry the Third's son,
Edmund, Earl of Leicester and Lancaster, the latter alleged that
Robert de Perrers had, in the previous reign, pledged them to him
as security for the sum of £50,000, covenanted by a deed of
Robert de Perrers to be paid for his release from prison and for the
redemption of these possessions, and that he failed to pay that sum,
which then became forfeited. The earl replied, "that this deed
was by him so made and sealed at Cyppeham, upon the feast-day
of the Apostles Philip and James, 53 Hen. IH, at such time as he
was a prisoner there ; and that, being before in the king's prison at
Windsore,^ he was carried thence to Cyppeham, when he so sealed
the same as a prisoner, and for fear of corporal mischief; and
moreover, that, when he had so done, he was taken thence by
armed men, and conveyed with a strong guard to the castle of
WaUingford, where he remained for three weeks after in restraint,
until Prince Edward (afterwards king) did procure his liberty."

' Testa de Nevill. 2 jbia.

^ Rotuli Hundredorum. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid., p. 46.

" TJie Dunstable ' Chronicle' mentions the fact of the capture and imprisonment of the
carl in Windsor Castle.

92 ANN.iLS OF WINDSOE. [Chapteh IV.

To this Edmund rejoined, "that this allegation of his being a
prisoner was not of any validity, in regard that, after he had sealed
that deed, he came before Mr. John de Chisluill, then King Henry's
chancellor, and, acknowledging what he had done, caused it to be
enrolled in the rolls of the Chancery ; so that, it being thereby
done as in the presence of the king, his chancellor representing the
king, or in the court before his officers, w^io made record thereof,
it could not be said to be done as a prisoner, every man being
there free to express his mind fully." But Robert again replied,
*' that, though he did not deny the sealing of that deed in the pre-
sence of John de ChishuU, it ought not to prejudice him any more
than his doing thereof in prison ; for he said that the very day he
so sealed it at Cyppeham, John de Chishull came thither to him
with that writing, he then being in a certain chamber there in
strict custody, and, demanding of him whether it was his act and
deed or not ? he then, for fear, acknowledged it to be so ; and
that, further asking him whether he was willing it should be
enrolled in the rolls of the Chancery, he did, by reason of the like
fear, assent thereto; and moreover added that, as to his being then
a prisoner, he referred himself to the trial of the country, or to the
testimony of the same Mr. John de Chishull (then chancellor),
affirming that he did thenceforth continue a prisoner until the king
caused his enlargement as above said, offering to stand or fall by
the king's testimony therein. And he further alleged that his
acknowledgment of that deed ought not to have the force of a
record, and consequently to oblige him, in regard it was not made
in open court, but in the presence of the chancellor only, who was
then at a great distance from the court, and had neither roll nor
clerk there to record the same ; for that he came to him in his
chamber, where he was a prisoner, and not as the king's chancellor,
but as a private person." Edmund rejoined that the acknowledg-
ment that the deed was executed in the presence of the then
chancellor was sufficient ; and the court gave judgment against the
applicant, dismissing his suit.^

In the reign of Edward the First, the village of Cippenham

' Dugdalc's 'Baronage,' vol. i, p. 2G4, citing ' Plac coram Rcgc,' 2 Ed. I.

TO A.D. 1272.]

BURNHAM ABBEY.

was held by the Abbot of Westminster, who had withheld the
accustomed hidage of one mark.^

There is a curious grant in the fifty-sixth year of this king's
reign, to Thomas of Windsor, of an island formed in the Thames,
near Old Windsor, by the deposit of gravel in the bed of the river,
to hold to the said Thomas as part of his freehold in Wraysbury.^

In 1265, Henry the Third's brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall
and King of the Romans, founded the abbey and convent of
Burnham, for nuns of the order of St. Augustine. It was situated
about a mile from the village of Burnham, south of the Bath road
and Great Western Railway, and about three miles west of
Windsor. The present remains are small. The cloister and chapel
were supposed by Cole to have been destroyed at or very soon
after the time of the dissolution of the monasteries.^

' Rotuli Himdredorum. ^ j^q^ p^^^;,^ 54, jjgj^_ jjj

•* See the ' Monasticoii,' wliere tlie clmrter of foundation, dai,ed at Cippenliam, is
j)rinted. Out of the grants of land, &c., for its support, the right of wardship of Windsor
Castle was expressly reserved to the Crown,

m-is

Remains of Burnham ATotey, near Windsor

CHAPTER V.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OP EDWAED THE rillST

Constables of the Castle,

A.D. 1273, Geoffhey de Pichefoiid.
A.D. 1299, John de London.
A.D. 1305, Roger le Sauvage.

Members of Parliament for Windsor.

A.D. 1301, Thomas de Siiatve and Henry de Eedeford.
A.D. 1305, Thomas de Shawe and Edmund de Brumfton.
A.D. 1300, John Golde and Henry de Bedeford.

Improvements and Repairs in the early part of this Reign — Inquisitions in 1273 — Return
relative to Windsor — Tyranny of the Constable — Notice of Eton — Claim of the
Prior of Merton to privileges in Windsor — Notices of Burnham, Dorney, &c. —
Charter to Windsor in 1276 — Petition for and Grant of Pontage — Inquisition as to
Eton Bridge — Tournament in Windsor Park — Grant of Windsor to the Burgesses
at a yearly rent — Taxation of Pope Nicholas — Manor of Windsor Undcroure —
Death at Windsor of Prince Alfonso — Eire in the Castle in 1295 — Illustrations of
the Eorest Laws — The Queen at Windsor at Christmas, 1299-1300 — Offerings of
the King in the Chapel — The Cross of Gneyth — The King's Wardrobe Expenses —
Conveyance of Treasure to Windsor — The Queen's Expenditure — Grant of the
Manor of Datchet and Eton to the Earl of Cornwall — John of London — Members
of Parliament for Windsor — Grants of Land to Alexander de Wyndesorc in this
Reign — Petition of John of Lincoln — Richard de Windsor.

Edward the Eirst, on bis accession to the throne, committed
the custody of the Castle and Forest of Windsor to GeofFry de
Picheford. He had also a grant of the town of Windsor and the
manors of Braye and Kenyngton, together with the " seven hun-
dreds " appurtenant thereto, to hold during the king's pleasure.^

1 'Originalia/ 1 Edw. I, Ro. 23. The appointment of Geoffrey de Picheford as keeper
of the castle and forest of Windsor was by a distinct instrument from the grant of the
castle, town, and forest of Windsor, with their appurtenances, and the manors of Bray
and Kennington, with the seven hundreds. The former was the appointment of constable,
and the latter seems to have been the grant of the bailiwick and the town at a rent
payable to the king. (See ante^ p. 83.) In the last reign, the constable of Windsor Castle

TO AD. 1306.] IMPT^OVEMENTS AND EEPAIKS. 95

The king's children resided at Windsor in the commencement
of this reign ; for among the payments in the first year is £60 to
Thomas de Pample worth, clerk of Geoffrey de Picheford, constable
of the castle, and keeper of the king's boys in the same castle, for
the expenses of the boys aforesaid;^ and in the fourth year £77 8s,
was paid to Adam de Bradenham, chaplain, the amount paid by
his own hands to divers creditors of John and Henry, the king's
late children at Windsor, deceased, during the time they lately
lived with the king's most dear mother, Eleanor.^ In the same
year £1 0^. S^d, was paid to Master Conard, maker of cross-bows,
for repairing with horn six cross-bows, delivered to him by the
constable of Windsor Castle, and again returned to the aforesaid
constable to the said Conard, by the king's command, to be kept
in the castle of the king at Windsor.^

Vigorous measures appear to have been adopted to improve the
royal property in the vicinity of the castle. All the inclosures made
in the forest in previous reigns, and let at will, were ordered to be
got in without delay, and cultivated and sown. The lands let by
deed were ordered to be examined and measured, and any excess
taken in hand ; waste spots were also ordered to be reduced into
cultivation.^ A few years later the constable was directed, with
the assistance of the verderers and foresters, to sell the old dead
oak trees^ in the forest, as well without as within the park of
Windsor, and also to sell the grove of alders and other trees in the
park.^

In the fourth year of this reign, £200 were ordered to be paid
out of the Treasury to GeofFry de Picheford, constable of the castle
at Windsor, and custos of the king's manor of Kenington, to

was commanded to take into the king's hands and safely keep the manors of Cookham
and Bray, which were in the hands of the inhabitants of those manors, so that the king
might be answered in the Treasury of his rent. The constable was also ordered to
distrain on the inhabitants for the rent due in Easter Term. (Madox, ' Eirma Burgi,'
pp. 34 and 64.)

^ Devon's Issue Roll, 1 Edw. I.
2 Ibid., 4 Edw. I.
'' Ibid.
* Originalia,' Bo. 21.
" Bobora folia non portantia."
Originalia,' 8 Edw. I, Bo. 13.

6 (

96 ANN.\LS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

expedite the works by view of the surveyors of the same works
there/

The inquisitors under the special commission, issued under the
Great Seal, in the second year of the reign of Edward the First
(a.d. 1273), made the following return relative to Windsor.^

'' BOROUGH OF WINDSOR.

^' Of the farms of the hundred, &c.

'' They say that GeoflPry de Picheford holds the borough of
Windsor, with the manor of Old Windsor, to farm, for twenty-five
pounds, and it is worth thirty pounds per annum.

" Of antient suits and other things withdrawn from the lord the
king :

" They say that the men of the townships of Over Hucham
[Hitcham], Dorney, Chalvey, Boveney, Burnham, and the town

1 Issue Roll, 4 Edw. I.

2 " The Rolls, officially denominated ' The Hundred Rolls/ contain inquisitions taken in
pursuance of a special commission, issued from the Great Seal, dated the 11th day of
October, in the second year of the reign of King Edward the Eirst.

"These inquisitions originated thus : It was a function of the justices in eyre, as well to
inquire of knights' fees, escheats, wardships, marriages, presentations to churches,
and usurpations of the rights of the crown (in order to preserve the profitable tenures of
the king, and that he might be duly answered of the fruits of such escheats, wardships,
&c., which formed a material part of his revenue), as to inquire of oppressions and frauds
of the king's ministers and officers.

" During the turbulent reign of King Henry the Third the revenues of the crown had
been considerably diminished by tenants in capite alienating without license ; and by
ecclesiastics, as well as laymen, withholding from the crown, under various pretexts, its
just rights, and usurping the right of holding courts and Q>i\iQ,x jura regalia. Numerous
exactions and oppressions of the people had also been committed in this reign, by the
nobility and gentry claiming the rights of free chase, free warren, and fishery, and de-
manding unreasonable tolls in fairs and markets ; and again, by sheriffs, escheaters, and
other officers and ministers of the crown, under colour of law.

" King Edward the Eirst, who was on his return from the Holy Land on the death of
his father, did not reach England till towards the latter end of the second year of his
reign, and these abuses remained uncorrected till his return. One of the first acts of his
administration, after his arrival, was to inquire into the state of the demesnes and of the
rights and revenues of the crown, and concerning the conduct of the sheriffs and other
officers and ministers who had defrauded the king, and grievously oppressed the people.

" The Capitula Itineris would have nearly embraced the consideration of all these abuses ;
yet as the circuit of the justices itinerant, who went it generally but once in seven years,
would not return till the sixth year of this king's reign, it was necessary in the interim to
afford a speedy remedy to the crown and to the subject. Before, however, any specific
remedy could be provided for the correction of the abuses above described, evidence was

TO A D. 1307.] SPECIAL INQXJISITION. 07

of Beckenesfeiid [Beaconsfield?], in the county of Bucks, fire always
accustomed to give toll at AYindsor of all their merchandise, and all
which are withdrawn by the King of Almaigne and William Pasket
his bailiff^ and the Earl of Cornwall continues all these things to
the present time. Item, the township of Eton, from Baldewin Bridge
to Windsor Bridge, of the tenure of Hugh de Averang' and Thomas
de Latheles, and all the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall there, of
the barony of Burnham, were always accustomed to be at scot and
lot, and at all royalty with the burgesses of Windsor. Item,
the whole township of Eton was accustomed to give toll of fuel
in vessels,^ and all royalties appertaining thereto, which are with-
drawn by the said King of Almaigne and the Earl of Cornwall.
Item, the lord king was accustomed to receive amerciaments of the
same, and to have the fines of broken assize, all of which are
withdrawn by them beyond the limits of Berkshire, into Bucking-
hamshire. Item, the king was accustomed to have suit of court, toll and
tallage, with other royalties of Windsor, issuing from six houses in the
town of Windsor, which John de Averang^ sometime held, and all which
are withheld by the King of Almaigne, and William Pasket his bailiff, for
sixteen years past, to the damage of the lord the king of one hundred
shillings yearly, and more, all which the Earl of Cornwall permits to
the present time. Item, the lord the king is accustomed to take in
Windesor of tenements formerly of Jordan Clot, Anastasius de Windesor,
Walter the Clerk, Roger A^intdeners, and Roger le Brus, suit of court,
toll, tallage, pannage, and every royalty, all which are withheld by the

requisite of their peculiar nature aud extent. The kiiif^, therefore, on the 11th of October,
in the second year of his reign, appointed special commissioners for the whole kingdom.

" After the commissioners had, in the third year, returned their Rolls of Inquisition in
obedience to the commission, it was necessary for the Court of Exchequer to have in one
view such parts of the returns as affected the rights of the crown aud the abuses of its
officers. To this end certain rolls were drawn up, containing a selection, under the de-
nomination of ' Extents,' by which the crown was at once furnished with evidence, upon
the oath of a jury of each hundred and town in every county, of the necessary particulars.
These extracts constitute the ' Hundred Rolls.'

" The Statute of Gloucester was enacted in the sixth year of this king's reign, and the
first chapter, relating to liberties, franchises, and quo warrants, was founded upon the
previous inquiries under this commission. Immediately after the passing of this slatute
the stated period of the circuit in eyre returned; and on the justices going their iter,
writs of right and quo warrants issued very generally against such persons as claimed
manors, liberties, &c., where the jurors had previously said upon oath before the inquisitors'
An. 3 Edw, I, 'Nesciunt quo waranto,' the parties held or claimed." (Illingworth's
' Introd. to the Hundred Rolls,' vol. i, p. 9.)

^ Bustciy in the original, appears to have been wood cut down in the forest for
tiring, with which the boats or ships were laden.

98 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

Prior of Merton for twenty-five years past, to the yearly damage of
the king of half a mark and more.

*' Of those, besides the king, who claim to have return or estreat of
writs, &c. :

" They say that the Prior of Merton has of late assize of bread and
ale, and tasters of ale in the said borough, and holds pleas of nameo
vet'ito} and claims to have the right of trying thieves, but they know
not by what warrant. Item, the Abbess of Burnham has raised a
certain market at Bekenefeld for sixteen years, they know not by
what warrant. Item, that the said [abbess] has raised another
market at Burnham, in prejudice of the lord the king and of the
market of Windesore.

'' Of all purprestures ?

*' They say that Geoffry de Denne, paneter^ of the queen the
mother of our lord the king, holds one hundred and ten acres of pur-
presture [inclosure] of free pasture of the lord the king and of his men
of Windesore, whence he yearly pays, by the writ of King Henry the
Father, &c., to the hospital of Windsor, two marks and a half, and to
the king^s exchequer, four shillings and two pence. Item, Thomas
Burn el holds thirty-nine acres of purpresture, and pays yearly thereout
to the king^s exchequer half a mark. Item, Richard, the son of
Richard Batayll, holds of the gift of Alice de Luton fifty acres, and
pays for it yearly to the exchequer, half a mark. Item, William de
Mardy holds one acre and a half without warrant, and pays thence to
the bailiffs of Windsor, six pence from the time of N. de Satingden,
the then constable, who received for the same purpresture half a mark;
to the damage of the king's waj'^ and of the whole country.

'^ Item, Andrew the Tiler holds half an acre in the same way
from the same period, and pays thence to the said bailiffs three pence.
Item, Adam the Tiler holds in the same way one shop,* and pays
thence four pence yearly to the same bailiffs. Item, Robert Lithfote
holds thirteen acres in the same manner, from the same period, and
pays yearly to the said bailiffs, four shillings and three pence. Item,

^ Namium vetitum is an unjust taking the cattle of another, and driving them to an
unlawful |)lace, pretending damage done by them. In which case the owner of the cattle
might formerly have demanded satisfaction for the injury, by a writ called Flucitum de
namio vet'ito. (Blount.)

2 Pourpresturc here signifies land inclosed from the waste, and seems to include not
only land wrongfully so inclosed, but such as was separated with ihe consent of the king
or owner.

3 The panetcr [panneiarius in the original) was an official who had the direction of the
baking and distribution of the bread in the great baronial households.

■• Boticium m the original, identical with the hoidlquc of modern I'renoh.

TOAD. 1307.] SPECIAL INQUISITION. 99

Simon de Sawe holds in the same manner, from the same period, one
shop, and pays one halfpenny. Item, John Baldewyn holds one
acre and a half in the same manner and from the same time, and pays
thence to the same bailiffs, five pence.

" Item, the keepers of the king's castles or manors, &c. :
" They say that Nicholas de Satingden,^ constable of Windsor
Castle and farmer of the bailiwick, had an allowance of ten marks out of
his farm for inclosing with a ditch a certain field of the king^s outside
Windesore, which is called ' Snaghesrudei/ and that he expended only
four shillings and six pence in the said inclosure. Item, Geoffry de
Picheford, constable and farmer, kept the same field uninclosed in order
that the work horses^ of Windsor, in going towards their pastures and
returning home, should not avoid it, but should be taken and im-
pounded, and so Geoffry unjustly extorted great sums of money from
the whole country, levied as his dues, to the great damage and destruction
of the whole country. Item, the said GeoflPry receives ten pounds
yearly for the pasture of Windsor Park, which herbage does not belong
to his farm.^'^

The above inquisition furnishes some facts and particulars of
interest in the researches into the state of Windsor and Eton at
this period.

Geoffrey de Picheford, as we have seen, succeeded Nicholas de
Yadington as constable of the castle.

The tyranny of the constables of the king's castles was a
common subject of complaint and remonstrance to the king, and it
is evident that Geoffrey de Picheford formed no exception. In
addition to the instance of his illegal conduct mentioned in the
return for Windsor, another occurs in the returns under the same
commission for the hundred of Cookham.

" They say that when Joan, who was the wife of John de Wlveley,
complained of Isabella of Suninghill, Geoffrey de Picheford came and
took ten beasts of the said Isabella, and detained them for a fortnight
against sureties and pledges, until upon petition to the queen they
were returned, and nevertheless Phillips, the porter of the Castle of
Windsor, took seven shillings from the said Isabella for the keep of
the said beasts.^' *

1 Yalington (?), See Pat., 53 Hen. HI, cited au^e, p. 90.

^ Averia.

^ Rotuli Huudredorum, 4 Edw. T, nu. 2, m. 20.

* Ibid., TO. 19.

100 " ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Ciiapteji V.

Although the earliest written charter of Windsor is supposed to
be one granted in the fifth year of Edward the First's reign, these
returns show that the town was previously denominated a borough,
and the inhabitants burgesses. This, however, might well be the
case, as burgh was the Anglo-Saxon name for a town, the in-
habitants being called burgh-ware men, or burgesses of the town,
and as this was the way of speaking before the Norman Conquest,
so it continued in use long afterwards.^ Markets were held at
Windsor, and toll was payable by the inhabitants of the sur-
rounding country. The burgesses, however, do not appear to
have received the benefits of their privileges, the borough being let
to farm by the king, in this instance to the governor of the castle,
who made a profit of about five pounds a year.

*' From the time of the Norman Conquest downwards," says
Madox, '' the cities and towns of England were vested either in the
crown or else in the clergy, or in the baronage or great men of the
laity ; that is to say, the king was the immediate lord of some
towns, and particular individuals either of the clergy or laity
were immediate lords of other towns/' ^ The lord, whether
the king or a subject, was as such entitled to certain tolls and
dues.

At the time of the Conquest, Old AVindsor was vested in the
king, but New Windsor was not then in existence. The land on
which it stands was apparently in the hands of Ralph, the son of
Seifridc, as part of Clewer.^ As the town grew up under the
castle, it was probably held as forming part of the royal possessions,
and let to farm, which was the case with most of the numerous
towns and boroughs in the hands of the king at this period.

" Baldwin's Bridge," also known as Barnes Pool Bridge, is
familiar to every inhabitant of Eton and Windsor; but probably
there are few persons who regard the name as a vestige of the
thirteenth century. Baldwin's Bridge is erected over what was
a])})arently an old channel for a part of the River Thames, and now
serves as an outlet for the overflow of that river during floods. In

^ Madox, Tirma Burgi,' p. 2.

* ibid., p. 4.

^ See ante, p. 10.

TO A.D. 1307.J CLAIMS OP THE PEIOR OP MERTON. 101

the thirteenth century, it seems to have marked the extent of the
town in one direction, and it now connects the High Street or town
with the precincts of the college.^

It may be here observed, that the town of Eton, consisting of
one long street, has evidently arisen from houses erected from
time to time by the side of the main road leading from Windsor to
London.^

The hospital of Windsor, mentioned as entitled to two marks
and a half out of the inclosed lands of Geoffrey de Denne, is
doubtless the hospital for lepers noticed in the preceding reign.^

The claim of the Prior of Merton to the assize of bread and ale,
and to the exercise of the other privileges in Windsor, mentioned in
the returns, became the subject of legal proceedings at the suit of
the crown, in the nature of a qiio icarranto.

At the Berkshire assizes, held at Windsor before the itinerant
justices, at Michaelmas, a.d. 1283, the Prior of Merton was sum-

1 The following extract from 'Matthew Day's Book,' in the Ash. MSS., No. 112G,
relates to this bridge :

" Concealed landes that belonged unto the maintenance of two bridges in Uaton^

re denied in anno 1592.

" Mem^- that my father, Wm. Day, gent., in his life time, compounded with one that
had gott a patten for concealed lands in Queene Eliz. raigne, amongst which there M^as
land that belonged to the maintenance of the two bridges in Eaton ; one whereof was
called Barns Powle Bridge, alias Bawldwin's Bridge, and a house that belongeth unto the
maintenance of the aforesaid two bridges standeth the next unto the bridge cauled
Bai*iispowle Bridge, or Bawlden's Bridge ; and the land lyeth in the feilds in the })arish of
Eaton, and is expressed in the convayance that was made betweene my aforenamed father
and several feoffees, whose names are mentioned in the said conveyance, which is dated
the 4th day of June, in the foure and thirtieth yeare of Queene Eliz., and in anno 1593.

" The names of the feoffees which are nominated in the aforesaid convayance are, —
John Parsons, John Bell, Tho. Kene, Henry Bell, Bobert Payn, Matthew Bell, Adam
Draper, Robert Kene, Wm. Dee, Tobey Maidman, Emen. Robinson, Benjamin Owtercd,
and Matthew Day.

" Memoraud. That the bridge called Barnspowl Bridge, alias Bawldwin Bridge, was
pluckt upp and new built in anno 1658."

Baldwin's Bridge is still sustained by the trust fund above mentioned, called
" Baldwin's Trust." Square stones, built into the wall on each side of the bridge,
describe it as having been widened and improved in the years 1830 and ]810, at tlie
expense of the trust.

^ In a legal document of this reign, Eton is described as "Eton juxta poulem de
VVyudsore." (Placita coram consilio Dni. Reg. apud VYcst.)

^ See ante, p. 76.

102 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chavteu V.

moned to show by what warrant he claimed to have the liberties of
" Infangenethef/' and to hold pleas " de namio vetito," and to have
view of frank})lcdge, and to the assize of bread and ale, broken by
the men of Windsor in the court of the said prior, in the king's
borough of Windsor, which belonged to the king's crown and dignity.

The prior appeared by his attorney, and as to the plea " naraii
vetito," said he did not claim it. '' Therefore it remained to the
king." As to the privilege of ** Infangenethef," the prior alleged
that King Richard gave, and confirmed by his charter, to God and
the Church of the blessed Mary of Merton and the canons there
serving God, that they should have " Infangenethef," and that King
Henry, the present king's father, confirmed that grant : of which
confirmation the prior made profert (that is, he produced it), and
was therefore adjudged to go thereof without day, or, in less
technical language, he established his claim.

As to the view of frankpledge and the assize of bread.and ale,
the prior said that King Richard granted to God and the Church
of the blessed Mary of Merton and the canons there serving
God, that they and their men should be free of pleas and complaints
of the shire, hundred, or wapentake, which grant King Henry the
Third confirmed by charter. The prior also alleged that Henry
granted to the said canons and their successor for ever that they
should have fines and amerciaments of their men, and should be
free of the county and hundred courts of the king and the sheriff.
He granted also to the said canons that if the foregoing liberties
had not been always exercised, they should nevertheless enjoy them
fully. The prior made profert of this charter (which was evidently
the same mentioned in the first plea), and alleged that it warranted
him to have claim of view of frankpledge and fines of assize of
bread and ale^ &c.

William de Gyselham prayed judgment for the king, because
the charter made no express mention of view of frankpledge, &c. ;
and he prayed judgment if such privileges could be claimed by the
general words of the charter. 'J'he court postponed the judgment
until Hilary Term at Oxford.^ What that judgment was, or
\v hot her it was ever given, docs not appear.

' I'lacita flc fjuo warranto, 12 Edw. T, r. 20.

TO AD 1307.J POSSESSIONS OP THE EARL OF COllXVVALL. 103

The Prior of Merton made a similar claim to the view of frank-
pledge, &c., in the manor of Upton, under a charter of Henry the
Second, which seems to have been tried, bat no judgment given.^

The villages of Hucham, now called Hitcham,^ and Dorney,^
the inhabitants of which are mentioned as liable to pay toll at
Windsor, were given by Henry the Third to his brother Richard
Earl of Cornwall, who was elected King of the Romans in 1257,
and in that right claimed the imperial crown of Germany,
whence the description of him as * King of ' Almaigne/' These
possessions were held of the King of England as of the honour of
Wallingford.* Richard died at Berkhampsted, in 1271, and these
estates descended to his son Edmond, the Earl of Cornwall men-
tioned in these returns.

The manor and village of Burnham, also originally granted to
the King of the Romans, was at this time held by his son Edmond,
the present earl, who continued to withhold the accustomed suit due
to the county and hundred.^

The Earl of Cornwall held other lands in the neighbourhood, and
returns are made by the inquisitors of encroachments by Richard
the late earl, and turning of water-courses, and obstructions of
roads ; for example, that he had stopped up and obstructed a road
through the middle of Cippenham Park for twenty years past ;
turned the course of water from the middle of the village of Cippen-
ham to the Convent of Burnham ; inclosed twenty acres of wood,
and gave the inclosure to the Abbess of Burnham ; and had
diverted to the Convent of Burnham a road which led from
Burnham to Dorney.^

It is probable that the prolonged absence of Richard in Germany,
during the reign of his brother Henry the Third, and the large
sums expended by him in supporting his claim to the empire, had
led to the various irregularities complained of by the inquisitors as
created by him and continued by his heir.

^ Placita de quo warranto, 14 Edw. I, r. 2.
2 Situated near Burnbain, in Buckinghamshire.
^ Near Eton.

^ Rotuli Hiin(h-edoruui, i Edw. 1, No. 2, m. 23.
'" Ibid. " Ibid.

104 ANNALS Or WINDSOll. [CiiArTER V.

Among tlic lands formerly belonging to the crown, in the hundred
of ]knerste (subsequently called Barnesh) in Berkshire, the same
inquisitors returned " that Henry Luvell holds at Cruchefeld a cer-
tain piece of land \yhich was formerly the vaccar^ oHhe king's castle of
Windsor, and pays yearly twenty-five shillings at Windsor Castle for
the said land, but they know not by w^hat warrant or from what time."^

A vaccary or vachary was a field or place to keep cows in.^

At Michaelmas, in the third year of his reign, the king w^as at
AVindsor, and the legal proceedings of the kingdom were conducted
in his court there, from whence they bear date.^

The first charter on record granted to Windsor, is one of the fifth
year of the reign of Edward the First (a.d. 1276), and is as follows :

" Edward, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland,
Duke of Aquitaine, to our archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls,
barons, justices, sheriffs, appointed officers, and all our bailiffs and
faithful people, greeting, know ye that we have granted for ourselves
and our heirs that our town of New Windsor from henceforth be a free
borough ; and that good men of our said town, and their heirs and suc-
cessors, shall be free burgesses, and have a merchants^ guild, and shall
use the same liberties and free customs in the said borough as other the
burgesses of our other boroughs in our kingdom are reasonably ac-
customed to use, and that they shall be quit of paying toll^ in all our
boroughs, towns, or demesnes, throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid.
And that their own proper hogs shall be quit of the pannage which is
cii]]ed feniak in the borough aforesaid. And that our itinerant justices
in the county of Berks, as well of Common Pleas as of the Pleas of the
Forest, from henceforth hold their eyres in the said borough, and also
that the chief gaol of our said county be in the same borough ; and the
delivery of the said gaol be made there. Therefore we will and com-
mand for ourselves and our heirs, that our said town from henceforth
be a free borough, and the good men of our town and their heirs and
successors shall he free burgesses, and have a merchant's gild and use

^ Rot. Hundredorum, ut supra.

^ Cowel's ' Law Dictionary.'

^ Sec the Abstracts of Pleadings, printed by the Commissioners of Public Records,
olio, A.D. 1811.

* The Saxon as well as the Norman kings claimed tolls upon transport by roads and
by navigable streams, and in liarbours, and which they either remitted altogether in
lavour of certain favoured persons, orcm[)0\vcred them to take ; thus, in the lirst instance,
creating for them a commercial mon()j)oly of the greatest value, by enabling them to enter
the market on terms of advantage. (Kemble'a ' Sax.ons in England,' vol. ii, p. 75.)

TO A.D. ]307.] GRANTS BY THE CUOWN. 105

the same liberties and free customs exercised in the same borough, as
other the burgesses of our other free boroughs in our kingdom, are
accustomed to use ; and that they shall be quit of paying toll in all our
boroughs, towns, and demesnes, throughout our whole kingdom aforesaid.
And that their own proper hogs shall be quit of the pannage which is
called fentak in the borough aforesaid, and that our itinerant justices in
the county of Berks, as well of Common Pleas as of Pleas of the Forest,
from henceforth hold their courts in the same borough ; and also that
our chief gaol of the said county be in the said borough, and the delivery
of the said gaol be always made there, as before mentioned. With these
witnesses, the Venerable R. Bishop of Bath and Wells, our Chancellor,
William of Vallence, our uncle Roger Mortimer, Antony Bek, Robert
de Tybelot, Hugh son of Otho, Master Thomas Bek, Master Geoffrey
de Haspal, Geoffrey de Picheford, and others. Given under our hand
at Windsor, the 28th day of May, in the fifth year of our reign.^^^

The kings of England made their towns free boroughs, not to
release or defeat their claim to the yearly rent mferme, but to amend
and improve the town, that is to say, to enable the townsmen to live
comfortably, and to pay with greater ease and punctuality their tolls
and duties to the king, or other person to whom the town was let
at a yearly rent.^ The grant of this charter to Windsor did not
therefore relieve the inhabitants from such payments, which they had
to pay to the constable of the castle as the farmer of the borough,
until a few years later, when the borough was let to them at a yearly
rent.

In the same year (a.d. 1276), "■ the poor inhabitants " of Windsor
presented a petition to the king in Parliament at Carlisle, praying
his Majesty to allow them to take pontage at Windsor, for eight
years, to enable them to repair and amend the bridge, which was
much dilapidated, so that no carriages or horses were able to pass
over it without great damage, and stating that there was no rent or
other means to keep the bridge in repair ; and upon this petition a
grant of pontage for five years was allowed.^

This grant was renewed in the thirty-fifth year of the king's
reign (a.d. 1306.)^

1 Chart. 5 Edw. I, num. U.

2 Madox's ' Eirma Burgi/ p. 242.
^ Rot. Pari., vol. i, 193^.

"» Patent., 35 Edw. I, num. 35.

106 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapteh V.

Pontage, as is implied from this petition and grant, was the right
to levy tolls, not only of persons passing over the bridge, but of boats
and barges passing along the river.

It is probable that a bridge, connecting Windsor with the
Buckinghamshire side of the Thames, existed at least as early as the
erection of the Castle. Between the Saxon palace of Old Windsor
and London, the communication by road was no doubt through
Staines, where there was a bridge as early as the occupation of the
island by the Romans ; but when the royal residence was transferred
to the castle, a road appears to have been formed connecting
Windsor with the London and Henley road at Slough. The town
of Eton, as has been already mentioned, grew up on the sides of
this ancient highway.

The dilapidated state of the bridge over the Thames was not
the only impediment of the same kind existing in this reign to the
traveller journeying between Windsor and Slough. In the thirty-
first year of Edward's reign, an inquisition was issued in his name
to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire, reciting that Eton Bridge was
broken down and destroyed, to the injury of the adjacent country,
and to the manifest danger of travellers, and assigning Roger de
Southcote and Robert Pugeys^ to inspect the bridge, and inquire
by the oath of true and lawful men of the county, into the extent
and cause of the damage, and ascertain upon whom the duty of
repairing the bridge lay. The inquiry accordingly took place at
Eton, before the two commissioners and a jury of twelve persons of
the neighbourhood.^ They made their return upon oath and under
seal, that the bridge in question was one half in Eton, and the other
half in Upton, and that one Walter le Teb, of Eton, had fifty years
before, with the aid of voluntary gifts collected in the autumn and at
other times of the year, from merchants and other persons, built the

* Robert Pugcys was no doubt one of tlie family from whom the adjacent parish of
Stoke, in Buckinghamshire, acquired its distinctive name of Stoke Pugeys or Stoke Pogis.

2 The jurors were: John Miller, of Horton; John Adam, of Horton; John Martell, of
Langley ; Walter Goisun ; Hugh Browne, of Horton ; Hugh Elys, of Chalveye ; John
de la Merk, of Farnham ; Lawrence Miller, of Clialvey; William Cawe, of Dorney ; Ral[)h
atte Barde, of Horton ; John de Dene, of Ditton ; and William Nermys (?), of
Hughenden.

TO AD. 1307.J TOUENAMENT AT WINDSOR. 107

bridge of wood over the rivulet (no bridge having been there
previously), and maintained it in repair during his Hfe. A flood
in the Tliames had so deepened the stream, that in the spring no
persons on foot or on horseback could pass over the bridge, but
there v^as no obligation to rebuild or sustain it ; the only mode being
by such voluntary gifts as before mentioned.^

The bridge referred to in these proceedings was evidently over
Chalvey Brook at Southwell, on the north corner of the Eton ''Playing
Fields." The brook there divides the parishes of Eton and Upton.
The bridge is commonly called " Beggar's Bridge," possibly from its
origin in the manner described in the return.

On the 9th of July, in the sixth year of Edward's reign, a
splendid tournament was held in Windsor Park. This tournament
appears to have been one of those termed " peaceable jousts."
Accoutrements were provided for thirty-eight knights, the greater
part of whom were of high rank and distinguished for their martial
exploits, many of them having been with the king in the Crusades.
Several of them were nearly allied to the king, including the Earl
of Cornw^all his cousin, Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester (who
subsequently married Joan of Acre, the king's daughter), John Earl
of Warren (married to Alice, sister by the mother's side to King
Henry the Third), and William de Valence Earl of Pembroke, the
king's uncle.

Articles were purchased in England and Paris by the hands of
Adinett the tailor, whose account is still preserved.

Armour was provided for all the knights. It appears to have
been of leather gilt; and various sums, from 7^. to 25^., were paid
for making and gilding each suit to the three persons employed,
Cosmo the tailor, Salvag' the tailor, and Reymunde de Burdieus.
At the end of this item of the account, there is a memorandum,
stating that each suit of armour consisted of a tunic, a surcoat, a
pair of ailettes (appendages to the shoulders), a crest, a shield, a
helmet of leather, and a sword of '' balon," supposed to be a sword
wrapped round with woollen Hst or cloth, for the purpose of blunting
its edge.

1 MS. Bodl., Dodsworth, HI, f. }77.

108 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

The sum of three shillings was paid for the carriage of the
armour from London.

The shields were of wood, and provided by Stephen the joiner,
at bd. each. Peter the furbisher provided the thirty-eight swords,
made of balon and parchment, at 7d. apiece, and was paid 2bs. for
silvering them, and Ss. 6d. for gilding the pomels and hilts with
pure gold. Ralph de la Hay received 12s. for gilding with pure
gold twelve helmets for the knights of the highest rank ; and for
silvering the remainder, 17^. 4<^., being after the rate of 8^. each.
Milo the currier furnished thirty-eight head pieces of leather, resem-
bling horses' heads, at 2s. each ; and thirty-eight pair of little wings
of leather, at 8^. the pair. Kichard Paternoster provided eight
hundred little bells, sixteen skins for making bridles, and half a
horse's skin for cruppers, and twelve dozen silken cords for tying
on the ailettes. Seventy-six calf-skins were provided for making
the crests. The articles provided in England amounted to
£80 lis. Sd. Those procured from Paris consisted chiefly of furs,
of various kinds, for the use of the royal family, the king's couch,
the queen's mantle, &c., amounting in the whole to £608 18s. (Sd.
of Paris money. Canvass, fine linen, towels, &c., amounting to
£130 18^. 6</. Saddles, richly embroidered with gold and silver,
eight of them with the arms of England, and others with those of
the knights, and two for the king's mule, amounting to
£280 145. 2d. Among the minute articles arc half a dozen pair
of double gloves, which cost 35^., and the same quantity of buck-
skin gloves for the king, 60^. Two ivory combs for the king,
32^. 8d. Four green and three red carpets, for the king's chamber,
£28. A velvet covering for the head of the king's bed, 100^. A
cloth dyed in grain for the Lord Alphonso (the king's eldest son,
who died soon after), £40. Two tire-teyns mixt in grain, £78 15,^.
For Robinet's expenses with the king's robe from Paris to Glas-
tonbury, with the hire of his horse, 20^. The total expended at
Paris was £1429 5^. of Paris money, or £447 125. bd. sterling.^

By letters patent, bearing date the 1st of January, in the eighth
year of his reign (a.d. 1279), Edward granted Windsor, with its

^ See ' Arcliseologia,' vol. xvii, p. 297.

TO A.D. 1307.] TAXATION OF POPE NICHOLAS. 109

appurtenances, to the burgesses and good men of the town, to hold
to farm to them and then' heks for ever, on payment of the sum of
thirty pounds to the king's treasury yearly/ But in the following
year the rent was reduced to seventeen pounds, payable half-yearly,
provided the inhabitants conducted themselves well and faithfully,
and did full justice to all merchants, strangers as well as residents,
and to the poor of the town.^ The last-mentioned grant is dated at
Windsor, the 10th day of September, and was subsequently con-
firmed by letters patent of the 6th of August, in the twenty-first
year of this reign. ^

The charter of 1276 did not, as has been already stated, give
any right to the inhabitants to take toll or other dues appertaining
to the royal prerogative. They acquired this right, for the first
time, by the subsequent demise of the town to them at a yearly
rent. As Geoffrey de Picheford paid twenty-five pounds, it may be
inferred that the reduction from £30 to £17 was considered no
slight boon to the town.*

By a writ dated at the Tower of London, 4th January, in the
ninth year of this reign, the Constable of Windsor Castle was
ordered to receive the ambassadors of Llewellyn Prince of Wales,
coming into England to treat with Alianor the daughter of
Simon de Montfort.^

In the year 1288, Pope Nicholas the Fourth granted the tenths
of all ecclesiastical benefices to Edward the First for six years,
towards defraying the expense of an expedition to the Holy Land ;
and that they might be collected to their full value, a taxation by
the king's precept was begun in that year, and finished as to the
province of Canterbury in 1291, and as to that of York in the

^ Originalia, 8 Edw. I, Ro. 2.

2 Rot. Pat., 9 Edw. I, m. 7 ; Originalia, 9 Edw. I, Ro. 14.

'^ MS. Ashmolean, No. 1126, f. 70 d.

"* There is a certificate existing of J. de Kauncy, Treasurer, and the Barons of the
Exchequer, that during the time Geoffrey Piclieford, Constable of Windsor, farmed tlie
manors of Bray and Kenuingtou, and the seven hundreds and a half in the forest and
town of Windsor, the expenses exceeded the proceeds by the sum of £56 16^. ^d. (See
tlie * Inventory of Records in the Tower,' Sixth Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the
Public Records, Appendix II, p. 94.)

5 Rot. Wallia), an. 9 Edw. I, Mem. 12, dorso.

110 ANN^\JLS or WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

following year; the whole being under the direction of John
Bishop of Winton, and Oliver Bishop of Lincoln.^

Under this taxation, New Windsor is inserted in the diocese of
Salisbury, in the archdeaconry of Berkshire, and deanery of
Reading ; and in respect of the temporalities of '* New Windsor,"
the Abbot of Reading is taxed at £5 6s. 8^./ and the Prior of
Merton is taxed at 135. 4^. The Abbot of Waltham was, in the
first instance, assessed at 35. 2d. in respect of New Windsor, and
at 1 2s. Sd. in respect of Old Windsor ; but a line is drawn across
both entries. " Wyndlesore Underore" is described as being (with
several other places) in the hands of Reading Abbey. In the
''spiritualities" of the deanery, Windsor Church is not mentioned
by name, but the Church of Waltham Abbey, with the vicarage,
in respect of tithes, is assessed at £13 6s. 8d., referring probably
to the Churches of Old and New Windsor, both of which were,
as has been already stated, in the hands of the abbey. Clewer,
or "Clifvvare" Church, is assessed at £10.

On the other side of the river we find, in the deanery of Burn-
ham, in the archdeaconry of Buckingham, and diocese of Lincoln,
the Church of Eton taxed at £10 13^. 4:d.; Datchet, with the
Chapel of Fulmer, at £13 6s. Sd.; Upton, £13 6s. Sd ; Stoke,
£12; Dorney, £6 13^. 4d/.; Wyrardesbury and Langley, £33 6s. Sd.;
Burnham, £30; and the vicarage, £10. The temporalities of these
parishes were principally in the hands of the Abbess of Burnham,
the Prior of Merton, and the Abbot of Messenden.

It may be observed, that the taxation of Pope Nicholas is a
most important record, because all the taxes, as well to our kings
as to the popes, were regulated by it, until the survey made in the
twenty- sixth year of Henry the Eighth ; and because the statutes
of colleges founded before the Reformation, are also interpreted by
this criterion, according to which their benefices, under a certain
value, are exempted from the restriction in the statute, 21 Henry
VIII, concerning pluralities.^

* Prefatory notice to the * Taxatio Ecclesiastica Anglian et Walliae, auctoritate P.
Nicholai IV, circa a.d. 1291,' fol a.d. 1802.

2 The amount paid for the tax was one tenth of the sums here stated.

3 Prefatory notice to the * Taxatio Ecclesiastica, &c., P. Nicliolai IV.'

TO AD. 1307 ] MANOR Or WINDSOR UNDEROWRE. Ill

" Windsor Underowre" mentioned in this document, was
a manor lying between the castle and Eton, comprising the low
ground under the north-west side of the castle, and extending to
the River Thames. It appears to have remained in the hands of
the abbey until the dissolution of the monasteries.

The " Testa de Nevill," compiled near the close of the reign of
Edward the Second, or the commencement of that of Edward the
Third, and containing the result of inquisitions taken in the time
of Henry the Third and Edward the First, speaks of a hide of
land in Windsor, formerly the property of Geoffrey Purcell,
but held by the abbot and monks of Reading, the gift of the
Empress Maud, the daughter of Henry the Eirst, and confirmed by
that king.^ It appears that King Stephen also confirmed the grant,
with a reservation of twenty shillings yearly to his brother Ralph ;
and in addition, confirmed to the abbey another hide of land in
Windsor, given, together with houses and lands in London, by
Algarus, the priest, and Baldwin his brother.^ A confirmation
charter of Richard the First, describes it as " the hide of Underore,
with its appurtenances."^

In a survey of the manor made by *' Roger Amyce," in the
sixth year of the reign of Edward the Sixth, it is described as
" Windesor Underowre, parcell of the possessions of the late
Monastery of Reading."'^

In one of Ashmole's Manuscripts it is said to be " a little
lordship, beginning at the north-west tower of the castle, and
goes down toward the Thames, part in the parish of Windsor and
[part in the] parish of Cleworth [Clewer]. Some will have the
manor called Windsor under howre, because it lyes tmder the
tower wherein is placed the greate clock w^hich gives the /lowers
of day and night." ^

In another place, a derivation from the Greek, equally ingenious
and equally improbable, is deduced.^

^ 'Testa de Nevill, sive Liber Feodorum in curia Scaccarii, temp. Hen. Ill and
Edw. r (folio, 1807), p. 128. See also, Coates' ' History of Reading,' p. 241.
2 Coates' 'History of Reading,' p. 242.
^ ' Monasticon,' vol. iv, p. 42.

^ Erom a MS. in the possession of Mr. Blunt of Windsor.
5 Ashmolean MS., No. 1115, f. 80. « Ibid., f. 25.

112 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [CiiArTER V.

A solitary relic of this property of the Abbot of Reading still
exists. The '/ Abbot's Pile'' is the name retained for a wooden
pile near the Eton bank of the River Thames, in the vicinity of
Tangier Mill. It does not rear its head above the water, but may
be traced when the river is low and clear, and it still forms a
boundary mark of the right of fishery belonging to the borough of
Windsor.^

In 1283, Alphonso, the eldest son of Edward the First, born at
Maine, in Gascony, in 1273, died at Windsor.^

There is an appointment by Edward, in the twenty-first year of
his reign (a.d. 1293), of Roger le Molis, Geoffrey de Picheford,
Adam Gurdon, and Simon de Ellesworth, to take fines and
redemptions from all those persons who had been adjudged guilty,
before the said Adam Gurdon, of trespasses in the forest, and
who for that cause were then confined in the prison of the
castle.^

^'The last of February (1295), there sodainely arose/' says Stow,
" such a fire in the Castle of Windsor, that many officers of the

* The following is the description of the Borough Fishery, taken from the existing lease,
dated the 12th of December, 1835, and made between the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of
the borough of New Windsor, of the one part, and Thomas Batcheldor, of Black Potts, in the
parish of Eton, gentleman, of the other part, viz, : "All that their water of the River of
Thames, and the fish and fishing of the same, commonly called the 'Bridge Water Fishing,'
containing 18 feet above the bridge of New Windsor aforesaid, and 18 feet below the same
bridge, together with the water, fish, and fishing of tiie piers and arches of the same
bridge, from bank to bank upon the north and south parts of the said river, throughout
so much of the said River of Thames as extendeth and lyeth 18 feet above and 18 feet
below the said bridge, as aforesaid, as the same was formerly in the occupation of Richard
Piper, afterwards of John Piper, since of Robert Boscawen, and now of the said Thomas
Batcheldor. And also all the rest and residue of their water of the River of Thames
aforesaid, and the fish and fishing of the same, which beginneth above the bridge at
Beck'3 Cross, in the parish of Clewer, in the said county of Berks, and extendeth through
and below the bridge, from bank to bank, to the Abbott's Pyle, from the bank in the
county of Bucks throughout so much of the Thames as extendeth from Rothcram's Pyle
to the Abbott's Water south, and so along by a ground called Rumncy, from bank to bank
to the upper end of a certain meadow, late an eyott belonging to the Provost and College
of Eton, adjoining to the west end of a fence, dam, or jutty, sometime since erected and
built in the River of Thames, called the ' New Works,' which meadow is now in the pos-
session of the said provost and college, under a lease from the said ma^^or, bailill's, and
burgesses, for a long term of years to come."

' llolinshed.

Originalia, 21 Edw. I, Ro. 10.

TO AD. 1307] THE POEEST LAWS. 113

same house were therewith consumed, and many goodly images,
made to beautifie the building, were defaced and deformed/'^

The king was at this time in North Wales. The records, says
Mr. Poynter, in which they might be expected to appear, are silent
upon any circumstances likely to arise out of such a calamity.^

Striking illustrations of the strictness with which the Forest laws
were enforced, occur at this period. By a writ, in the twenty-seventh
year of the king's reign, the sheriff of Worcester was commanded,
in the name of Hugh Despencer, the justice of the forests on this
side Trent, to distrain the Bishop of Worcester for trespasses
committed in hunting in the Forest of Windsor. It appears that
the bishop, by the medium of one Alured de Northgrave, made
terms with the king, and the proceedings in the suit were stayed.^

The Bishop of Winchester also, by a letter to Robert, Bishop of
Bath and Wells, dated at Bittem, 5th November, 1282, complained
that Geoffrey de Picheford, the constable of Windsor, had com-
pelled the woodward of the bishop's manor of Weregrave (War-
grave) to take an oath to preserve the king's hunting ; and begging
the Bishop of Bath and Wells to order Geoffrey to desist from such
exactions in prejudice of the see of Winchester.*

On one occasion in this reign, William Brun, found in the act of
hunting in Windsor Forest, was pursued to Reading, and im-
prisoned by the abbot, who refused to deliver him up to Geoffrey
de Picheford, the constable of Windsor. The refusal was sanc-
tioned by the king, as appears from a writ, dated at Caermarthen,
July 18th, in the eleventh year of his reign.^

" Edward the First kept his Christmas of 1299-1300 at Berwick,
and the queen at Windsor."^ The king kept his Christmas at
various places during his reign ; at London, Carlisle, Westminster,
Lincoln, Conway, &c., but apparently not once at Windsor.

On the 2d of February, a.d. 1300, being the day of the

1 Stow.

2 Poynter's ' Essay on the History of Windsor Castle.'

•^ Placita coram consilio D'ni Reg. apud Westra., Hilary Term, 27 Edw. I (Rot. 13).
■* See the Inventory of the Records in tlie Tower ; Seventh Report of tlie Deputy-
keeper of the Public Records, Appendix ii, p. 254.
' Coates' 'History of Reading,' pp. 237, 238.
^ Stow.

114 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

Purification of the Virgin Mary, the king gave seven shilhngs in
oblations at the altar of his chapel at Windsor, and five shillings
to the cross of Gneytli, and three shillings to the thorn of
Christ^s crown. And the same day the queen gave five shillings
in off'erings to the same cross and thorn.^ To this cross of Gneyth
more frequent off"erings appear to have been made than to any other
cross or relique. It was believed to be a piece of the holy cross,
and was given to Edward the First, in the eleventh year of his
reign, at Aberconway, in North Wales, by Avian ap Inor and other
Welchmen, having been previously in the possession of Llewellyn,
the son of Gryffith, Prince of Wales, and his ancestors, and called
Cresseneyet. The bearer of this holy relic to the king had robes
yearly allowed to him. It was at first carried in the progresses
which the king made, and the same year that he and his queen
made ofierings to it in the chapel at Windsor, it appears to have
been at Stratford and Holmcoltram. In the reign of Edward
the Second, this cross was kept in the king's chapel in the Tower
of London, with great care. Edward the Third, early in his reign,
appears to have given it to the chapel at Windsor. It is mentioned
among the relics of that church in the eighth of Richard the Second ;
and Henry the Fourth, on St. George's day (April 29th), in the
fourth year of his reign, offered there 65. 8^. to it. It is directed
in the Pope's bull, 18 Hen. VII, to be kept at Windsor, and was
then known by the name of Crosse Neyth. When Henry the
Eighth introduced Philip King of Castile into the chapter-house,
where lay, on a cushion of cloth of gold, the very cross, the latter
king read and made his oath of knighthood in French, *'sur le
feust de la vraye croix," and kissed the book and the ve7'y cross,

^ " 2° die Februar', viz. die purificat' beate Marie in oblacionibus Regis ad altare
in capella sua apud Wiudesore, 7s. — ct ad crucem Gneyth, 5.s. — et ad spinam de
corona Cliristi, 3^. ..... sunima 15*.

" Eodem die in oblacion' Kegine ad crueem Gneyth et ad spinam predictam
ill cadem capella ...... 5^."

(' Liber Q,uotidianus contrarotiilatoris Garderoba;, anno Regni Regis Edwardi Primi
viccsimo octavo/ 4to, 1787, p. 28.) This was apparently the only visit the king paid to
Windsor from November, 1299, to November, 1300. (Ibid. 'Observations on the
Wardrobe Account,' p. Ixvii.) From Windsor the king went to Chcrtsey, between the
Cth and 12lh of February. (Ibid.)

TO A.D. 1307.] WARDROBE ACCOUNTS. 115

According to tradition, it derived its name from Neyt, a native of
Wales, who brought it from the Holy Land/

On the 27th of January, a few days before the above-mentioned
oblation, there is a charge of 4^. ^d. shared at a mass celebrated in
the chapel of Windsor Castle, for the soul of John Earl of Holland,
in the presence of Prince Edward.^

Among the wardrobe expenses of Edward I, a.d. 1299-1300,
there is an entry of three shillings paid to John de Swanlond, for
money laid out by him for two hack horses, to convey two thousand
pounds of pollards,^ of Ealdi Janiani, a merchant of the company of
Friscobaldi of Florence, from London to Windsor, at twice, in the
months of January and February.*

One of the items of petty expenses of the prince royal in the
same account, is a payment of £1 2^. 10^. to Lord Walter Reginald,
for one case bought to keep a silver cup in, the mending of
a portiforium, and for two boxes, locks and keys, and tallow for
cressets bought for the same, for the chapel and wardrobe of the
king's son. And for boats' hire of the same son, and of his knights
and clerks, removed by turns in boats by the Thames between
Windsor and the Tower of London, in the months of January and
February, and for divers carriages made in the negociations of the
prince.^

There is a payment of £2 on the 17th of February to John
de Cotyng, relative to the passage by water of the queen from
Windsor to London,^ and of £1 on the 5th of February, at Windsor,

* See Liber Garderobae, Edw. I, Glossary, p. 365, and autliorities there cited.

2 Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p, 31.

^ Pollards " were coined in parts beyond the seas, and privately brought into the
kingdom, and nttered here for sterling, though not worth above an halfpenny. Eor the
better restoring the money to its ancient purity, Edward established a certain standard ;
and, in his seventh year, called in all the dipt money. But the greatest improvement
seems to have been in his eighteenth year, when he sent for William and Peter de
Turnemere, and other persons from Marseilles, and one Eriscobald and his companions
from Elorence, and employed them in making of money, and baying and exchanging of
silver." (Ibid. ' Observations,' p. xxii.)

^ Mr. Topham, the editor of this account, cites this item as money lent to the
king.

^ Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p. 56; and 'Observations,' ibid., p. xxxix.

6 Ibid., p. 96.

116 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

to Andrew de Chaunceux, to whom the king had dehvcred two
sparrow-hawks, to train in the mews of the said Andrew, near
Windsor, for food for the said sparrow-hawks dming the time of
their training.^

From an item in the wardrobe expenses of Margaret, the second
wife and queen of Edward the First, it appears that the sum of
£1791 10.^. is charged by WilHam de Chesoy, the queen's treasurer,
between the 20th of November, in the twenty-eighth year of the
king's reign, and the 12th of April following, for bread, wine, ale,
flesh, fish, and fowl, &c., supplied for entertainments at St. Albans,
Windsor, and other places ; fifty-six days, moreover, being sub-
tracted from the above period, when the queen was with the king,
nnd the principal expenses were charged to the latter.^

In the twenty-eighth year of Edward's reign, we find the manors
of Cippenham, Datchet, and Eton, near Windsor, in the possession
of Edmund Earl of Cornwall.^

In 1299, Geoffrey de Picheford, the constable of the castle and
keeper of the forest, died, and he was succeeded by John of
London, who seems to have been a favorite at court, for we find
various grants to him in this reign of inclosed and arable land in
the vicinity of the castle and in the forest.* In 1281, the king
had granted to him his ville of Old Windsor, with its royalties,
rents, and services, and the old inclosures at " le Wodegrene," to
hold for his life, at the annual rent of thirty-three pounds.^ His
appointment to the office of keeper of the castle and of the forest

» Liber Garderobse, 28 Edw. I, p. 306.

2 Ibid., p. 357.

3 Inquis. Post-mortem, anno 28 Edw. I, n. 44. A grant in this year of land at
Langley, in Buckinghamshire, shows, beyond doubt, the origin of the name of Langley
Maries, by which this parish and village, lying about three miles north-east of Windsor,
is distinguished from King's Langley, in Hertfordshire. Eor a fine of fifty shillings, the
king grants to Ralph, the son of AVilliam le Ken, six acres of land in the manor of Langele,
near Windsor, in the county of Bucks, to hold to him and his heirs, of Cristiana de Mariscis,
wlio held the said manor from the king, for her life, and after her death Balph was to
hold of the king and his heirs for ever, at the rent of two sliillings. Extracte finium
apud Westm., anno 28 Edw. 1, ro. 18. {Vide 'Hot. Orig. in curia Scaccarii abbrev.,'
vol. i, p. 112.

Inquis. Post-mortem, anno 11 Edw. I, 34 Edw, I.
^ Rot. Orig., 0 Edw. 1, ro. 5.

TO A.D. 1307] FIRST MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 117

was not, however, for life, but for three years.^ The executors of
Geoffrey de Picheford were at the same time commanded to dehver
up by deed to his successor the castle, armory, and provisions.^
Some time before his death, Geoffrey de Picheford appears to have
been called upon to render an account of all his exactions, and
thereupon to have appealed to the king; for in 1297 a writ was
sent to the barons on his behalf, desiring that they should not charge
him with any demands but such as were right and reasonable.^
In 1302, the appointment of John of London was apparently re-
newed for a further period of three years,^ accompanied by a grant
of the bailiwick of the manors of Bray and Kenyngton, and of the
seven hundreds, at the same rent as Geoffrey de Picheford held them.
At the expiration of the three years, the latter office was conferred
on Roger le Sauvage, to hold during the king's pleasure.^ From
the grant of the castle and forest, '' with the manors, hundreds,
and all other things to the castle appertaining," certain lands and
tenements belonging to the castle were on this last occasion ex-
cepted, as having been previously settled on Margaret the queen. ^

The first account of members of parliament for the borough of
Windsor, is in the reign of Edward the First, the period when the
ancient legislative and remedial assemblies of England first assumed
a definite organization. Before this era, neither the principles nor
the practice of the constitution can be ascertained with certainty ;
but under the government of Edward, a settled and uniform
usage may be discerned, from whence the parliament received an
organization nearly approaching to the form in which it now sub-
sists.^

' Rot. Orig., 27 Edw. I, ro. 4 and 7. In Ashmole's MS. (No. 1105, f. 183 b) there
is a memorandum of the appointment of "Hamo de la Chaumbre" as "custos" of the castle,
and the Close Roll, 12 Edw. I, n. 5, is referred to. This appears to be an error, as John
of London evidently succeeded Geoffrey de Picheford.

2 Ibid., ro. 7.

3 Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 224^.

^ Rot. Orig., 30 Edw. I, ro. 16. In the same year, John of London was commanded, in
his capacity of constable of the castle, to take into his hands the office of forrester of
the Forest of Windsor, which Richard Bataille had held until his death in fee. (Ibid.)

^ Ibid., 33 Edw. I, ro. 8.

^ Ibid.

" Sir Francis Palgiave's Preface to the ' Parliamentary Writs.'

118 ANNALS OF WINDS OB. [Chapter V.

In pursuance of a writ of summons from the king, dated at
Westminster, 20th July, in the thirtieth year of his reign (a.d.
1302), directed to the sheriff of Oxford and Berks, commanding
the election of two knights for each of those counties, and two
citizens for every city, and two burgesses for every borough therein,
to attend a parliament to be holden in London on the feast of
St. Michael, subsequently prorogued to the morrow of the Trans-
lation of Edward the Confessor (14th October), Thomas de Shawe
and Henry de Bedeford were returned for Windsor. Their names
are thus entered :

BURGUS DE WYNDELSORE.

Roburtus de Shawe,
Johannes Baldewyne.

" Manucaptores Thome de Shawe •!

'' Manucaptores Henr" de Bedeford \ „, ,, ^, . \ ,,i

^ [ Walterus Chival/^ ^

The manucaptors were the sureties which the persons elected
were obliged to put in, to appear in parliament on the day and at
the place named in the writ. The number of manucaptors varied,
as many as six names being sometimes given in the returns for
counties. A few of the members occasionally refused to find
manucaptors, whereupon their goods and cattle were distrained.^

In answer to the writ issued for the parliament summoned to
meet at Westminster, on the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Matthias the Apostle, in the thirty-third year of the king's reign
(28th Feb., 1305), the sheriff of Oxford and Berks alleged that
the Avrit for the two burgesses of Windsor was returned to the
bailiffs of the liberties of the seven hundreds of " Cokham"
(Cookham) and " Braye/' who had the return and execution of all
writs, and that the said bailiffs had not given any reply to the
sheriffs.^

* 'Parliamentary Writs/ vol. i, p. 125. No writs "de expensis" are enrolled for aiiy
burgesses for this parliament.

^ See Pryune's * Brief Register and Survey of the several kinds and forms of Parlia-
mentary Writs,' part ii, p. G5 ; and part iii ('Previa Parlianientaria Kediviva'), p. 137.

^ Parliamentary Writs,' vol. i, p. 150.

TO A.D. 1307.] MEMBERS OE PARLIAMENT. 119

" Richard de Wyndesore" was returned as one of the two
members for Berkshire in this and the next parhament.^

Considerable obscurity prevails with respect to the rights and
functions of the individuals who enjoyed the privilege, or were sub-
jected to the duty of attendance in the parliaments at this early
period;^ but it seems tolerably certain that the inhabitants of
Windsor did not place a high value on the services of their
members. The omission of the bailiff to make a return was not
confined to this occasion, but was repeated in the next and subse-
quent reigns, until it became almost a matter of course. The office
of bailiff of the " seven hundreds" was, as we have seen, frequently
held by the constable of Windsor Castle ; and there can be little
doubt that his omission w^as connived at by the king and the
inhabitants of Windsor.

The finding and sending burgesses to parliament was, indeed,
generally considered a great burden and expense, because the in-
habitants were liable to pay their members their reasonable
expenses in coming to, staying at, and returning from the parlia-
ment, for levying which, writs (called writs " de expensis") were
issued to the sheriff at the close of the session.^

The next parUament was summoned to meet at Westminster on
the 30th of May, 1306. The writs to the sheriffs on this occasion
differed from the previous, for, instead of commanding the return
of two burgesses for every borough, they directed the return of two
or one, according as the borough was greater or less.^

Windsor was a borough of the first class, for it returned two
members under this writ, viz., the former member, Thomas de
Shawe, and Edmund de Brumpton.^ John Baldewyne and Robert
ate More (or Robert at the Moor) were the manucaptors of Thomas
de Shawe^ and John de Brumpton and Henry le Plomer those of
Edmund de Brumpton.

1 'Parliamentary Writs,' pp. 149, 173.

2 Sir Eraucis Palgrave's Preface to the * Parliamentary Writs.'

3 Prynne's 'Brief Register,' &c., part ii, p. 65.

"* "Duos Burgeuses vel unum secundum quod Burgus fuerit major vel minor," &c.
^ 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol, i, p. 173. No vrrit de expensis is enrolled for
Windsor for this parliament.

120 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter V.

In the next parliament, summoned to meet at Carlisle, on the
20th January, 1307, John Golde and Henry de Bedeford were
returned for Windsor.^

We find, in the reign of Edward the First, various tenements at
Windsor were granted to Alexander de Wyndesore, by the service
of keeping the king's park there.^

Numerous other grants of land, &c., were made on condition of
the parties doing suit and service at Windsor, and for the ward of
the castle.^

Throughout this reign and that of Edward the Second, nothing
can be verified of any interest in the history of the structure of the
castle.*

That the castle was not altogether neglected, appears by a
writ of Edward the Third, dated at Guildford, the 25th of December,
in the fifth year of his reign (ad. 1331), reciting the petition of
John of Lincoln, a citizen of London, stating that by the command
of Edward the First, and his writ of privy seal, he had furnished
iron, brass (?), lead, tin, boards, and other articles, for the defence of
Windsor Castle, for the expenses in buying and conveying which he
alleged he had not been paid. The writ then commands the king*s
treasurer and barons of the exchequer to inspect the writs of
Edward the First and the account of the said John ; and if after
account made it should appear that the king was indebted to him,
then, that they should pay the amount out of the treasury, or make
satisfaction to him.^

'' Richard de Windsor"^ appears to have been a person of con-
sequence at this period. He was returned to parliament as knight

' ' Parliamentary Writs,' vol. i, p. 190.

' luquis. Post-mortem, anno 11 Edw. 1 and 34 Edw. I.

' See the Abstracts of Pleadings, printed by the Commissioners of Records, in the
volume entitled ' Placitorum in Domo Capitulari Westmonasteriensi asservatorum abbre-
viatio. Tcmporibus Eeg. Ric. I, Johann., Hen. Ill, Edw. I, Edw. 11.'

^ Poynter. A letter dated at Windsor, 5tli August, 1273, addressed to Walter de
Merlon, the king's chancellor, requests the king's writ to the constable of Windsor Castle,
to make necessary repairs in Windsor Castle and Park, and in Kenuington. (See * Inven-
tory of Records in the Tower, Gth Rep. of the Deputy-keeper of the Public Records,'
Appendix ii, p. 94.)

^ Rot. Pari., vol. ii, p. 41.5 a.

" Ricardus de Wyndesoure, Windelcsore, Wyndesore, or Windesourc.

TO A.D. 1307.]

EICHAED DE WINDSOR.

121

of the shire for either Berks or Middlesex, from a. d. 1295 to 1306.

He was assessor and collector of taxes for those counties, and one

of the justices of oyer and terminer in Berks in 1300. He was

also summoned to do knight service on various occasions, and was

himself a commissioner to summon others to do military service }

t/ '

and he himself or his son performed similar duties in the next
reign.

^ See Alphabetical Digest in the ' Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Summons/
&c. (published by the Record Commission, 2 vols, in 5, folio, Lond.,1827-1830), vol. i, p.908,
and vol. ii. A note of Sir Francis Palgrave, the editor, says, " this Rieardus de Windesore
is probably the individual who was seized of the manors of * Westhakebourne' (Berks) and
* Stanewell ' (Middlesex), the latter being held by the service of castleguard, due to the
Castle of Windsor.' (Esc, 19 Ed. II, No. 54.)"

The "Bell Tower," from Thames Streeb, before the removal of the houses in 1851.

CHAPTER VI.

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGN OP EDWAED THE SECOND,

Constables of the Castle.

A.D. 1319. Olivek de Bordeaux.
A.D. 1326. Thomas de Huntercombe.

Members op Parliament.

A.D. 1307. John Golde and Edmund de Brumpton.
A.D. 1311. Edmund de Brumpton and William atte Chaumbre.
A.D. 1313. Thomas de Shawe and Philip atte Hague.
A.D. 1319. John Forwyne and Thomas Holebode.
A.D. 1320. Thomas de Shaghe and Philip atte Haghe.
A.D. J 321. John de Brympton and Philip atte Haghe.
A.D. 1322. Philip atte Haghe and William Davy.
Thomas Holebode and John Porwyne.

Members for Windsor — Edward the Second keeps his Christmas at Windsor — Members
returned — Birth of Edward the Third at Windsor — The King founds a Chantry in
the Chapel and a Cliapel in the Park — Petition of the inhabitants of Berkshire to
the King to remove the County Gaol from Windsor — Inquisition thereupon —
Inspeximus Charter, 9 Edw. II — Members for Windsor — Petition of the Burgesses
respecting the evasion of Pontage, and the tenements of the Earl of Cornwall —
Execution of Lord Aldham at Windsor — Design of the Earl of Mortimer to seize
tlie Castle — Delivery of tlic Great Seal to the King in Windsor Porest — Grants of
lands and houses in Windsor and Eton to Oliver de Bordeaux.

On the accession of Edward the Second to the throne, the
castle and forest of Windsor, with the manors, hundreds, and all
other things appertaining thereto, were granted to Robert de
Hanstede the younger, at the accustomed rent. A reservation
was made, however, of certain lands and tenements belonging to
the castle which had been granted to Margaret, the queen dowager.^
Whether Robert de Hanstede died soon afterwards or not does not
appear ; but it is singular that although this grant seems to have

1 Hot. Orig., 1 Edw. II, ro. 6.

TO A.i). 1327] IMPRISONMENT OP LANGTON. 123

departed from the usual form in conferring the office for life, yet in
the very same year, Roger Sauvage, who held the office in the last
reign, received the appointment during the king's pleasure, with
the same reservation of the lands and tenements in the hands of
Queen Margaret.^ Roger Sauvage was, however, in his turn
succeeded in the following year by Warren de I'lsle.^

In the parliament summoned to meet at Northampton on the
13th of October, in the first year of the reign of Edward the Second
(a.d. 1307), John Golde, one of the late members, was returned
for Windsor, together with Edmund de Brumpton.^

To the writ issued for the next parliament, in 1309, the baihff
of the seven hundreds of Cookham and Bray, following the course
adopted on one occasion in the preceding reign, made no return.*

In the autumn of 1307, soon after the accession of Edward the
Second, the Treasurer Langton, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield,
w^ho had formerly incurred the enmity of the prince and his favorite
Gaveston by refusing to supply money for their pleasures, was
stripped of his property and thrown into prison.^ The first place
of his confinement appears to have been Windsor, and his trial was
fixed to take place there on the 23d of February, 1308 ; but it was
adjourned until the 25th of March, in order to allow the justices to
attend the king's coronation at Westminster, on Sunday, the 25th
of February.^ In the mean time, the king, not recollecting the
adjournment, caused the bishop to be removed from Windsor
Castle to the Tower of London, by means whereof the proceedings
had dropped. The justices were, however, directed to summon
and hear the parties complaining against the bishop, at the Tower,
and to proceed with the trial accordingly."^ The bishop appears to
have remained some time in confinement, but was eventually
liberated.

^ Rot. Orig., 1 Edw. II, ro. 7. This reservation is repeated in the subsequent appoint-
ment of Oliver de Bordeaux in 1319, and continued to the reign of Edward the Third.

2 Ibid., 2 Ed. II, ro. 1.

* * Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part ii, p. 10. "* Ibid., p. 32. ^ Liugard.

« Rot. Pat., 1 Edw. II, p. 2, m. 26. See the 'Eoedera,' and * Parliamentary Writs,'
vol. ii, part ii. Appendix, p. 10.

7 Rot. Claus., 1 Edw. II, m. Id. See the 'Foedera,' aud 'Parliamentary Writs,'
vol. ii, part ii, Appendix, p. 13. %

124 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI.

We are told that Edward the Second kept his Christmas of
1308-9 at Windsor ''with great solemnity/' and that "he also
kept his Christmas of the following year at Windsor, where Walter
Langton, Bishop of Chester, and the Bishop of Saint Andrew's,
Scotland, were released out of prison." ^

To the parliament summoned to meet at London, in August
1311, Edmund de Brumpton and William atte Chaumbre were
returned as members f but to the parliament summoned to meet
in October following no return was made.^ The borough is
described as in the liberty of the seven hundreds of Windsor.

Prince Edward (afterwards Edward the Third) was born in the
Castle of Windsor, on Monday, the 23d day of November, 1312.*
From the place of his birth, he w^as often spoken of as Edward of
Windsor. In the windows of one of the canon's houses, over the
cloisters^ adjoining the chapel, and painted in the glass, there is an
" horoscope," or astrological scheme of his nativity, from whence it
appears, says Ashmole, *' that he w^as born at 40 minutes after five
in the morning of the said day, the 6 degree of the sign Scorpio
ascending, and the 18 degree of Leo culminating."^

On the Thursday after his birth the prince was christened in
the old chapel of St. Edward at Windsor, by Arnaldas Noveli. The
following persons were his godfathers : — Richard Bishop of Poictiers,
John Bishop of Bath and Wells, William Bishop of Worcester;
Lewis Earl of Evreux, the queen's brother ; John Duke of Bretagne
and Earl of Richmond, Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembroke, and
Hugh le Despenser.^

Queen Isabella, at the time of the prince's birth, was in. the
eighteenth year of her age. The king was so much pleased at the

> Stow.

2 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 51.

3 Ibid., p. 63.

^ Ashmole's * Order of the Garter,' p. 644, citing Glaus., 6 Edw. II, m. 22, dorso.

^ Ashmole dcseribes it as "in one of the windows of the prebend's lodgings at
Windsor, belonging to the reverend and worthy divine. Doctor Hcvcr, late one of the
canons of that college." (' Order of the Garter,' p. 644.)

^ Ashmole gives a table of "the ))laccs of tlie planets as then posited."

? Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 644, citing Hot. Glaus., 6 Edw. II, m. 22, dorso;
Barnes's 'Life of Edward the Third,' p. I.

TO AD. 1827] CHAPEL IN WINDSOR PARK. 125

birth of a son, that on the 16th of December following he gave to
John Launge, the queen's valet, and to Isabel his wife, for bringing
the agreeable intelligence to him, an annuity of twenty pounds
during their lives and the life of the survivor, payable out of the
farm of London.^ The king kept the following Christmas at
Windsor.^

In the same year he founded a chantry in the chapel of the
castle, for four chaplains and two clerks to pray for his soul and
the souls of all his progenitors ; and also a chapel in Windsor Park
for four more chaplains.^ About the same time, the chancellor,
who is styled chief of the king's chapel, was directed to see that
the chapel at Windsor was supplied with ornaments and other
things.^

Edward the Third removed the chaplains from the chapel in
the park, and added them to those in the chapel of the castle.^ All
traces of the precise situation as well as of the fabric of the chapel
appear to be lost.

To the parliament held at Westminster in March 1313, the
writs for which bear teste at Windsor, on the 6th of January,
Thomas de Shawe and Philip atte Hache were returned as
members,^ and were again elected in the following September.^
For the two next parliaments, called together respectively at
York, in September 1314, and London, in January 1315, no
return was made to the writ. The bailiff, who had the return
and execution of the writs, is again styled " the bailiff of the liberty
of the seven hundreds of Windsor." ^

The king kept his Christmas of 1314 at Windsor, with many
prelates of the land.^

The inhabitants of Berkshire presented a petition to the king,

* Ashmole ut supra, citing Pat., 6 Edw. II, par. 2, in. 5.
2 Stow.

^ Rot. Claus., 6 Edw. II, m. 2, dorso, cited by Ashmole; and see Rot. Pat.,
7 Edw. II, prima, mem. 19.

■* Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. i, p. 61.

^ See post, reign Edw. III.

« ' Pari. Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 87.

7 Ibid , p. 110. Philip atte Hache is called in this writ "Philippus atte Haghe."

"" Ibid., pp. 139, 14G.

9 Stow.

126 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaiter VI.

in parliament liolden in the eighth year of the reign of Edward the
Second (a.d. 1314-15), praying for the removal of the county gaol
from Windsor, where it was fixed by the charter of Edward the
Eirst.^ The petition is so curious in many respects as to be worth
giving an entire translation of the Norman French, as it remains on
the Parliament Rolls :

'^ To our lord the king and his council. — The inhabitants of the
county of Berks pray that, in order to maintain the peace of our lord
the king, and to protect his crown and to increase his profit as ought
to be, inquiry may be made of the damage to our lord the king and
his people by reason that the common gaol of the county is at
Wyndesore, of which damages some of the points follow.

" In the first place, the town of Wyndesore is at the most remote
part of the county, to the great grievance of all those who ought to
attend the common delivery,^ even from the extremity of the county;
and the town is too small for providing victuals, by reason of which
the inhabitants of the county avoid coming, except persons engaged to
deUver the thieves ; insomuch that the thieves derive great joy and
encouragement in their evil doing. Another point is that the poor
of the geldable of the county are unable to go to the general delivery,
as is proper, with four men and the provost of the towns, on account
of the distance of the place ; for they have to prepare for eight days in
going and returning, and sometimes more ; and even, in consequence of
these inconveniences, and to eschew these hardships and grievances,
they avoid accusing the felons of crimes, which is a further injury to
the crown. Another point is, the people fail to indict felons or to
make quick pursuit, because the county should be at the charge of
conveying the felons so far ; and if, in passing through the county of
Berks by places in Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire, the felons were
rescued or escaped, the king would lose that escape, for the escape
made in one county could not be presented in another; and these
same things have happened before this time. Another point is, the
commonalty of the town of Windsor is so weak that the gaol cannot
be sustained by the alms of the town, whereby the prisoners die imme-
diately, as well the innocent as the guilty, and those who have goods
die before judgment is given, so that the king loses the goods and
chattels of the felons, to the great damage of the crown. Another
point is, the said gaol is in a franchise within the Forest of Wyndesore,
where the coroner has jurisdiction of the same franchise, and hears the

' See ante, p. 104.

- The general gaol delivery held at the assizes.

TO AD. 1327] REMOVAL OP THE COUNTY GAOL. 127

confessions of approvers, which are neither taken nor sworn within the
county, as ought to be, he being chosen by a franchise to serve the
lord the king ; contrary to the law of his crown, by inquest of which
any evil that has fallen may be found. Another point is, if any great
felon be indicted in the county, and taken and sent to Windsor, he is
released for money, wherefore the good people of the county have
feared to indict those on whom justice is not done in due manner.
The said gaol used to be at Wallingford, in the custody of the sheriff,
to the great profit of the king and his crown. Whereof they pray, if
it please him, that a remedy may be granted them/^ ^

It seems that at first the king was unwilling to have the gaol
removed, and declared that it should not be in any other castle
than his own -^ but soon afterwards the king issued his letters
patent to William de Bereford, John de Foxele, and John de
Westcote, directing them to inquire into the allegations of the
petition, and also to inquire in what part of the said county the
said gaol might be placed for the greater convenience of the king
and the inhabitants of the district. The sheriff of Berkshire was
also directed to procure the attendance of witnesses before the
commissioners, at the time and place they should appoint for that
purpose.^

It does not appear what proceedings were adopted by the
commissioners, or the nature of the report made by them to
parliament. The site of the county gaol was, however, ultimately
transferred from Windsor to Reading, where it still remains.*

The king, in the ninth year of his reign, granted a charter to
the men and burgesses of Windsor,^ which merely recites the pre-
vious charter of the 6th of Edward I, and confirms it, together
with all accustomed privileges.^

In the twelfth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1318) the same
reply was given to the writ for the election of members of parlia-
ment as in 1314, but the returning officer is once more spoken of

1 Rot. Pari, vol. i, p. 300.

2 " Le roi ne veut pas avoir sa gaole en altre chatel y'eii le seon." (See Lysons'
* Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 434.)

^ Rot. Pat., 8 Edw. II, pars 2, mem. 4, dorso.

* Lysons.

^ "Homines Burg-enses Burgi."

" Vide Cart, de anno 9 Edw. II, n. 17.

128 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI.

as the bailiff of the Uberty of the seven hundreds of " Cokham and
Braye." ^

In 1319, John Forwyne and Thomas Holebode/ and in 1320,
Thomas de Shaghe and Phihp atte Haghe, were returned.^ In 1321,
John de B rympton succeeded Thomas de Shaghe/ and was himself
in the next year (1322) succeeded by William Davy,^ but subse-
quently, in the same year, the old members, Thomas Holebode and
John Fordwyne, or Forwyne, were again returned.^ In the two
subsequent parliaments of this reign, assembled in 1324 and 1325,
no returns were made for Windsor.

In the fourteenth year of this king's reign, the burgesses of
Windsor presented a petition to parliament, alleging that when, in
aid of the subsidy of the farm of the king's borough there, they
were entitled to receive divers customs from all vessels passing by
certain places near the borough, the bargemen lately asserted that
the boats and all goods passing that way were the property of the
king, by which they lost their dues, and for which they therefore
sought a remedy ; upon which it was ordered that, although the
boats should be the property of the king, and the merchandise
belong to others, they should pay their dues in order that the king's
farm of the said borough be not destroyed.

At the same time the burgesses alleged that Edward Earl of
Cornwall formerly held in the borough certain tenements by yearly
service and suit of court, which tenements had lately lapsed into the
hands of the king, and had not paid the accustomed dues in aid of
the rent of the borough, and they therefore sought a remedy; upon
which the chancellor was ordered to issue his writ to inquire into
the matter, and when it was returned the king would be advised
what to do.''

' 'Parliamentary Writs,' vol. ii, part 2, p. 191. 1

2 Ibid., p. 206. 3 Ibid., p. 227. ' Ibid., p. 240.

^ Ibid., p. 254. « Ibid., p. 273.

' Rot. Pari., i, 383 i. Letters patent were issued in the seventh year of this reign
for the collection of the royal dues for vessels passing by Windsor Bridge (Rot. Pat.,
7 Edw. II, m. 14); and grants of pontage to Windsor were made in the 10th and 17th
years of this reign (Rot, Pat., 10 and 17 Edw. II). See, as to the payment of dues for
goods conveyed along the Thames, Madox's 'History of the Exchequer,' 2d edit., vol. i,
p. 771.

TO A.D. ]327.] POSSESSIONS OF OLIVER DE BOUBEAUX. 129

Among the barons and others who were executed after the
defeat of the Earl of Lancaster at the battle of Borough Bridge,
fought on the IGth and 17th of March, 1322, was Sir Francis de
Aldhani, who was drawn, hanged, and quartered at Windsor/ his
sentence being to be drawn for his treason and hanged for the
homicides. He had the year before obtained a pardon for all
felonies committed in the pursuit of the Despensers, but this pardon
was subsequently revoked.

In 1323, Roger Earl of Mortimer, then under sentence of per-
petual imprisonment in the Tower, formed a plan for the seizure of
that fortress and those of Windsor and Wallingford, which was
carried into effect as regarded Walhngford. The earl soon after-
wards escaped from the Tower, and reached France in safety.^

On the 8th of August, 1324, the chancellor, Robert de Baldok,
Archdeacon of Middlesex, having obtained the king's permission
to return home for a time for his recreation, delivered the Great
Seal to the king in Windsor Forest, where his majesty then was
or the purpose of hunting ; and Edward, with his own hand, on
the evening of the same day, delivered the Great Seal to Ayremynne,
who was then the keeper of the Privy Seal, to perform the duties
of chancellor.^

In 1319, Oliver de Bordeaux, the king's valet or gentleman of
his privy chamber, was appointed keeper of the castle and forest of
Windsor.^ He was at this time an extensive proprietor of lands
and houses in the town and neighbourhood of Windsor. In 1310
permission was granted to him to hold his. lands in Windsor and
Eton in fee.^ In the same year he was empowered to impark all
his lands within the limits of the forest, and which were formerly

^ Holiushed. The Earl of Lancaster was beheaded at Pomfret on the 22d of March.
The barbarities attendant upon the execution of his followers, incidental to a conviction
for high treason, were spared to the earl. " Because he was the queen's uncle, and sou
to the king's uncle, he was pardoned of all save heading." (Holinshed.)

2 Rot. Pat., 17 Edw. II, p. 1, m. II.

^ Nicholas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, Pref., p. clxvi, citing 'Parlia-
mentary Writs,' vol. ii, div. ii, App., p. 260 ; Rot. Clans., IS Edw. II, m. 38 cl. See other
instances of the Great Seal being left with the king at Windsor, ibid., vol. vi, Pref.,
pp. clvii — clix.

4 Rot. Orig., 13 Edw. II, ro. 2.

^ Put., 4 Edw. II.

130 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VI.

the property of John of London, so that the same should be out of
the regard of the forest, and OHver and his heirs free from the
lawing of dogs, &c} In the following year the king granted to
him in fee all the hereditaments in Old and New Windsor which
formerly belonged to John of London, free from purpresture,
arentations, &c./ and, soon afterwards, all the hereditaments in
Windsor and Eton which belonged to John of London and Roger
de Mowbray, by the service, amongst others, of finding a man with
a lance and a dart to attend the king's army, as often as and
wherever it should be assembled.^ In 1316 permission was granted
to the same Ohver de Bordeaux to impark his wood of Foli John
and Hyermere, within the bounds of the Forest of Windsor;^ and
in the same year the king granted to him in fee all the land and
tenements of Foli John et Hyermere within the bounds of the
forest/ Two years later the king granted to him in fee forty acres
of waste land of Foli John, with power to inclose them ;^ and in
1320, all hereditaments in the town of Windsor and in Eton which
belonged to Roger de Mowbray, by the accustomed services."^
Lastly, the king, in 1325, granted divers hereditaments in Windsor,
&c., to Oliver de Bordeaux and Matilda his wife, in tail.^

In 1326, Oliver de Bordeaux was succeeded in the keepership
of the castle by Thomas de Huntercombe.^ The office of the
bailiwick of the castle and forest was in 1319 conferred on Ralph
de Camoys,^^ and Humphrey de Walden was appointed seneschal of
Windsor Park;^^ and four years afterwards Humphrey de Waleden
and Richard de Skene were appointed seneschals of the parks of
Windsor and of the manors of Cippenham, Langley Maries,
Wyrardesbury, Fulmer, and various other places.^^ In the follow-
ing year Humphrey de Waleden was succeeded by Richard de
Wynferthyng.^^ The custody of the manors of Cippenham or

J Pat., 4 Edvv. II, mem. 17.

2 Prima Pat., 5 Edw. II, mem. 19; aud see the ' Originalia,' 14 Edw. II, ro. 5.

3 Sccunda Pat., 5 Edw. II, m. 22.

4 Ibid., 10 Edw. II, mem. 17. « Ibid., mem. 18.
« Prima Pat., 12 Edw. II, mem. 6.

" Ibid., 14 Edw. II, mem. 12 ; and see the ' Originalia,' 14 Edw. II.
« Ibid., 19 Edw. II, mem. 5.

9 Kot. Orig., 20 Edw. II. »" Ibid., 13 Edw. II, ro. G. " Ibid., ro. 7.

»2 Ibid, 17 Edw. II. 13 xbid., 18 Edw. II.

TO AD. 1327] MINOR GRANTS AND APPOINTMENTS.

131

Cypenham, with the hamlet of Eton, together with the manor of
Langley-cum-Wyrarclisl)ury, had been some years before granted
to Roger de Norwode.^ Among the other appointments of this
reign is that of Edmund de Alegate to the keepership of the castle
gate.^

Lands were held by individuals, in this as in other reigns, on
condition of their keeping guard at Windsor.^

Roger de Mowbray, early in this reign, granted to the king
and his heirs for ever all the lands and tenements, rents and
services, in Eton-juxta-VVindesor, formerly held by John de
Mowbray. They were at the time of the grant held under lease by
Alexander the porter, at the yearly rent of sixteen marks, and this
lease was confirmed by the king,* who subsequently granted these
possessions to Oliver de Bordeaux.

' Rot. Orig., 6 Edw. II, ro. 6.

2 Ibid., 15 Edw. II, ro 22. In the Ashmolean MSS., No. 1115, fo. 39 a, it is stated
that " Edwarde ate Bakhoiise and Rice Ketel were bailiffs of Wyndsor, 2 Edw. II."

3 Escaet., 17 Edw. II, meui. 30; 19 Edw. II, mem. 54; 20 Edw. II, mem. 45;
Rot. Pari., vol. i, 292 d.

' Rot. Orig., 3 Edw. II, ro. 10.

Old Houses formerly standing opposite Eton College.

CHAPTER VII.

TTINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE EDWARD THE THIRD.

Constables of the Castle.

A.D. 1327. John de l'Isle. a.d. 13G0. Richard la Vache.

4.D. 1330. Thomas de Eoxle. a.d. 1365. Thomas Cheyne.

a.d. 1369. Helming Legatte.

Deans or St. Geouge's Chapel.
John de la Chambre. William Mugg.

Members of Parliament for Windsor.

a.d. 1327. Robert Pershore and Thomas Holbode.

William Holbode and William atte Grene.
A.D. 1328. William Marwardyn and William atte Grene.
A.D. 1330. William Marwardyn and John de Mildenhall.

Richard Horseleye and Robert Spelmere.
A.D. ]331. Robert de Pershore and John le Wariner.
a.d. 1333. John le Wariner and John de Pershore.
A.D. 1335. John le Wariner and Henry le Wh****.
A.D. 1340. John de Brumpton and Philip atte Hathe.

Thomas de Shaghe and Philip atte Hathe.

Appointment of Constable and payments to officials — Inquisitions, Writs, and Repairs
connected with the Royal Residence — Confirmation of the Charter and grant of
Pontage to the town — Audience of French Ambassadors — Members for Windsor
— InquisUiones Nonarum — Institution of the Order of the Garter — Origin of the
Jiadge — Early notices of the Order — Statutes of the Order — David Bruce, King
of Scotland, a prisoner in the Castle — The King founds St. George's College —
Endowment of the College and appointment of Custos — Bull of Pope Clement VI
— Statutes of the College — Canons — Poor Knights — Eurther Endowments.

Edward the Third, on his accession to the throne, appears to
have api)ointed John de Tlsle constable of the castle, for in the first
year of the king's reign we find he was, in the capacity of " con-
stable," directed, out of the rents of his bailiwick, to provide the
chaplains of the king's chapel with bread, wine, oil, and other
necessaries for the performance of religious rites, and to account

TO AD. 1318] PAYMENTS AND GRANTS TO OFFICERS. 133

to the exchequer for the outlay/ He was also at the same time
directed to pay the following officers their respective wages and
salaries to Michaelmas ensuing — viz., to Edward de Aldgate, janitor,
four pence a day; to Alexander the painter and Thomas le Rotour
(Thomas the Fiddler), inspectors of the king's works, two pence
each per diem ; to John, the gardener of the king's garden without
the castle, two pence halfpenny ; to four watchmen of the castle,
each two pence ; to Robert de Wodeham, chief forester of Windsor
Forest, twelve pence ; to Ralph de la More, clerk of the w^orks in
the castle, two pence ; to Thomas le Parker, keeper of Kenyngton
Park, one penny halfpenny, each per day -^ and these directions
were renewed in the following year.^

It is to be observed that John de I'lsle had at this time
obtained, for life, the grant not unfrequently accompanying the
office of constable, of the farm of the castle and forest, with the
manors and hundreds and other things appurtenant thereto.
The bailiwick of the seven hundreds of Cookham and Bray, how-
ever, which was formerly included with them, was granted to
WilHam d'Excester during the king's pleasure.^ The custody of
the royal manors within the king's park, and of the park itself, was
moreover conferred on Thomas de Leycester, the dean of the chapel
royal in the park, during pleasure f but in the following year that
office was conferred on John de I'lsle."^

John de I'lsle^ in the second year of this reign, was commanded
to repair and amend the houses, walls, and other buildings of the
castle, and the palace and park of Kenyngton.^ About the same
time the sheriff of Berkshire was directed, out of the proceeds of
his bailiwick, to purchase and provide one hundred and fifty
quarters of wheat, one hundred and fifty quarters of malt, one
hundred and fifty quarters of oats, fifteen oxen, fifty pigs, and

^ Rot. Grig., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 28. A formal appointment of Jolm de I'lsle as con-
stable during his life, on account of iiis services, was made in the following year. (Ibid.,
2 Edw. Ill, ro. 8.) His previous appointment was probably during the king's pleasure.

^ Ibid. The manor and park of Kenyngton were in the parish of Sunbury, Middlesex.
(See Lysons' ' Middlesex Parishes.')

3 Rot. Orig., 2 Edw. Ill, ro. 16. ^ Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 4, 23.

^ Ibid., ro. 8. e Ibid.

7 Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, ro. 10. ^ Ibid, 2 Edw. Ill, ro. IG.

134 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

sixty-seven sheep ; and to convey them to Windsor, and there deUver
them to John de Tlsle, the constable, for the supply of the castle/
In like manner, the sheriff of Buckinghamshire was ordered to
supply the same quantity of each of the things above specified, to-
gether with twenty thousand cut logs. The sheriff of Surrey was
commanded to buy and send twenty quarters of salt, ten oxen,
two thousand dried fishes, and thirty tuns of wine, for the same
purpose.

In ]330, the king committed to Thomas de Foxle the custody of
the castle, forest, and parks of Windsor, an appointment which
was renewed three years afterwards.^ In 1328 and 1331, commis-
sions were issued to inquire into the state and condition of
Windsor, and of the manor, forest, and park there i^ and apparently
in consequence of these inquiries, Thomas de Foxle was in the same
year directed, in his capacity of constable of the castle, to repair the
house, tower, walls, and bridges of the castle, and the houses and
walls of the king's garden in the same place, the ponds of the
king's park of Windsor, the paling and inclosure round the king's
park in the same place, the houses and walls of the king's manor
of Kenyngton, and the paling and walls round the king's park
there.* These orders were renewed from time to time. The
bailiffs and inhabitants of Windsor were about the same time
directed to pay their rent of seventeen pounds to the constable, on
account of the works of the castle.^

The four chaplains established by Edward the Second in 1312,
at the chapel in Windsor Park, were removed by Edward the
Third, in the fourth year of his reign, with the advice of his
council, and joined to those attached to the chapel in the castle.^
By a writ of the third year of this reign, it appears that Robert
de Sutlyngton received yearly £26 13s. 4id. as the wages and
stipends for himself and three chaplains performing divine service

1 Rot. Orig., 2 Edw. Ill, ro. ]7.

2 Ibid., 4 Edw. Ill, ro. 15 ; 7 Edw. Ill, ro. 14.

3 Pat., 2 Edw. Ill, m. 19, pars ii ; Iiiq. Post-mortem, aun. 5 Edw. III.
' Rot. Orig., 5 Edw. Ill, ro. 39.

" Ibid., ro. 41.

« Pat., 4 Edw. Ill p. J, m. 19.

TO A.D. 1348.] AUDIENCE OE EEENCII AMBASSADORS. 135

daily in Saint Edward's Chapel, within the king's castle of Windsor,
and for two clerks assisting the said chaplains.^

A few years later the king erected dwellings in the castle for
these chaplains, on the south side of the chapel,^ and in 1339 he
issued a writ of inquiry into the state of the royal chapel itself.^

By letters patent, granted in 1346, the thirteen chaplains and
four clerks of the king's chapel in the castle were admitted to take
their meals at the king's or queen's table, as often as the king or
queen should stay at Windsor, and all oblations offered or brought
to the chapel were granted to them.^

In 1328, the king confirmed to the men and burgesses of the
borough of Windsor the charter and privileges granted to them by
his father, Edward the Second ;^ and in 1335 pontage was granted
to the town of Windsor,^ and letters patent renewing this privilege
occur from time to time in subsequent years of this reign. '^

In 1330, the king gave audience at Windsor to certain ambas-
sadors sent by Philip the Sixth, who had recently ascended the
throne of France, to demand the homage of the English king for
the duchy of Guienne. Edward had just acquired the reins of
government by the execution of the Earl of Mortimer, and was at
this time residing at Windsor with his young queen, Philippa.
After the ambassadors had, to their great satisfaction, dined in the
king's apartment, they set out for London, sleeping at Colnbrook
on their way. Edward soon after went to France, and, after re-
maining fifteen days with Philip at Amiens, returned to the queen
at Windsor.^

Windsor was at this period the chief residence of the king.
Thither he returned in 1833, after his campaign in the North, and
was accompanied by Robert Count of Artois, who, according to

^ Rot. Lib., Easter, 3 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer/ p. 141.

2 Claus., 11 Edw. Ill, m. 18. See these writs cited by Ashmole, ' Order of the
Garter/ p. 152.

3 Pat., 13 Edw. Ill, pars ii, m. 30. ^ Ibid., 20 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 23.
* See this charter recited in Rot. Pat., 3 Ric. II, pars i, m. 42.

6 Pat., 9 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 19.

7 Fide Pat., 12 Edw. Ill, p. iii, m. 14; 37 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 27; 38 Edw. Til,
p. ii, m. 9 ; 47 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 23.

® Froissart.

136 ANNALS OE ^YINDSOE. [Chapter VII.

Eroissart, never ceased, day or niglit, from impressing on the
v/illing ear of Edward his claim to the crown of France/

In the parUament liohlen at York, in the first year of the reign
of Edward the Third (1327), Robert Pershore and Thomas Holbode
were members for Windsor ; but at the parUament holden the
same year at Lincohi, Wilham Holbode and William atte Grene
w^ere the members. In the next year, Wilham Marwardyn and
Wilham atte Grene were returned ; and the first named sat again
in the parHament holden at Wynton in the fourth of Edward the
Third, with John de Mildenhall ; but in a parliament holden at
AVestminster soon after, Richard Horseleye and Robert Spelmere
were the members.

In the fifth of Edward the Third, Robert de Pershore and John
le Wariner were elected for Windsor i and in the seventh year of the
same reign, John le Wariner was returned with John de Pershore.

In the ninth year of Edward the Third, John le Wariner was
again returned with Henry le Wh****.

In the fourteenth of Edward the Third (1340), John de
Brumpton and Philip atte Hathe were returned. The last named
was probably the same person who had represented W^indsor in
1312 and 1313, and again in 1321.

In a second parliament holden the same year, Thomas de
bhagh^, who appears to have sat for Windsor in the reigns of
Edward the First and Edward the Second, was returned with
Philip atte Hathe.

From this year until the twenty-fifth of Henry the Sixth
(144G), no mention is made of the burgesses of Windsor, nor any
return of members for the borough to be found.

Under the Liqiiisiiiones Nonarum issued in the fifteenth year of
Edward the Third, by which, and by former commissions, the
parishioners of every parish found, upon their oath, the true value
of the ninth part of corn, wood, lambs, and other profits, granted
by parliament to the king in the preceding year, a return was
made upon oatli, for the borough of Windsor,^ that the ninth of the

' Froissart. Barnes gives the date of 1331.

" ' Nouaruni Liquisitiones in Curia Scaccarii,' temp. Regis Edwardi III, folio 1807,
]». 10.

TO A.D. 1348] INQUISITIONES NONARUM. 137

impost or duties levied upon merchandise within the borough
amounted to four marks. And that the ninth of the remainder of
sheaves, fleeces, and lambs granted to the king, and produced in
New Windsor and Old Windsor, amounted to the value of sixteen
marks. The return made for the parish of Eton, at the same time,
stated that the value of the ''ninth" was fourteen marks, and no
more. As this was below the amount of the taxation of churches
in the reign of Edward the Eirst, under Pope Nicholas's imlor (the
general rule of value down to the reign of Henry the Eighth), it was
accounted for by the fact that thirty acres of arable land and six
acres of pasture land were attached to the church of Eton, and
yielded no emolument to the tax. It was also stated that there
were no merchandise or chattels capable of being taxed at a
fifteenth,^ the rate at which merchants foreign, who dwelt not in
cities nor boroughs, and other persons that dwelt in forests and
wastes, and all others that lived not of their gain nor store,^ were
taxed.

With regard to Burnham, the church of which was taxed
under Pope Nicholas, in 1291, at £30, the ninth was returned at
only forty-six marks, the depreciation being thus accounted for :
The rector of the church held fifty-five acres of arable land of
his glebe, which were therefore profitless for the purposes of this
taxation; and in the present year (1340), the produce of winter
wheat in the parish was greatly overflown and destroyed by the
floods in the Thames, and at sowing time ; the greater part of the
sheep were destroyed by murrain, and therefore the wool and
lambs were of little value \ and in the higher part of the parish,
called " Wodeland," there were three hundred acres and more of
wild uncultivated land and moor, because the parishioners were so
impoverished that they were unable to till, and that there were no
people possessed of goods or chattels to be taxed at a fifteenth.^

The prevalence of mildew was alleged as the cause of diminished
profits in the adjoining parish of Farnham.^

^ ' Nonarum Inquisitiones,' p. 332.
2 Stat, i, 14 Edw. Ill, c. 20.
^ 'Nonarum Inquisitiones/ p. 332.
' Ibid.

138 ANNALS OF ^VINDSOE. [Chaptek Vll.

We now approach the period of the institution of the renowned
Order of the Garter ; but, although the subject forms one of the
most striking features connected with the early history of Windsor,
it has received such minute investigation by various competent
inquirers, as to render it not only unnecessary, but also inex-
pedient, to enter into a lengthened disquisition as to its rise and
origin. It will be sufficient to state concisely the result of the
latest and most complete researches.^

Towards the close of the year 1343, King Edward the Third
having, in imitation of King Arthur, the imaginary founder of
British chivalry, determined to hold a Round Table, he invited
knights and esquires from other countries, as well as those of
England, to assemble at Windsor Castle on Monday, the 19th of
January, 1344. On the 1st of that month letters of safe conduct
were issued, stating that, for the recreation and pleasure of
military men, who delight in the exercise of arms, the king would
hold hastiludes and general jousts at his Castle of Windsor, on
Monday next after the ensuing feast of St. Hilary ; and that, for
the security of the knights and esquires of all nations and countries
who might wish to come, he had taken them, their servants, and
goods, into his especial protection while on their journey, during
their sojourn, and on their return ; which protection was to endure
until the 9th of February following.^

^ The principal works treating of this subject are Selden's 'Titles of Honour;'
Heylin's 'History of St. George ;' Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter;' Austis' 'Register of
the Order of the Garter ;' Sir Harris Nicolas's ' History of the Orders of Knighthood of
the British Empire ;' and Beltz' ' Memorials of the Order of the Garter.' Tlie account
given in the text is chiefly compiled from Sir Harris Nicolas's ' Observations on the
Institution of the Most Noble Order of the Garter,' communicated to the Society of
Antiquaries, and printed in the ' Archscologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 1 — 163.

2 Rot. Pat., 17 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m.2, printed in the 'Eccdera.' Eroissart has given an account
of the jousts ; but it seems clear that he confounded the revival of the Round Table with
the institution of the Order of the Garter. His words, literally translated by Sir H. Nicolas,
are — " Of the confraternity of Saint George, which King Edwafd established at Windsor :
At tliis time there came into the mind and will of King Edward of England that he
would cause to be made and re-erected tlie Great Castle of Windsor, which King Arthur
had formerly made and founded there, where first was begun and established the noble
Round Table, of which were so many good and valiant men and knights, who went forth
and toiled in arms and in prowess throughout tlie world. And that tlie same king
would make an order of knights, of himself and his children, and of the bravest of liis

10 A.D. 1348.] THE OEDER OP THE GAUTEU. 139

No particulars have been brought to light respecting these tour-
naments beyond the corroborating facts that the king was at
Windsor from the 14th until the 24th or 26th of January, 1344.

Although there can be no doubt that King Edward the Third
held a Round Table at Windsor in January, 1344, and that a
brilliant assemblage of English and foreign chivalry, and numerous
ladies, were present, there is not the sHghtest evidence of his having
instituted the Order of the Garter on that occasion.

On the 10th of February, 1344, about a fortnight after the ter-
mination of the jousts at Windsor, the king issued letters patent

land, and that they should be in number forty, and that they should be called the Knights
of the Blue Garter, and that the feast should be kept from year to year, and should be
solemnized at Windsor the day of Saint George. And to begin this feast, the king
assembled, from all his countries, earls, barons, knights, and he told them his intention ;
and they all joyfully consented, because it appeared to them a very honorable thing, from
whence all love would be nourished. Then were chosen forty knights, who by opinion
and by fame were the most brave of all others, the which sealed and swore to follow and
keep the feast and the ordinances, such as were then agreed to and devised. A.nd the
king caused to be founded and built a Chapel of Saint George in the Castle of Windsor,
and there established canons to serve God, and most richly endowed them. Then the
king sent to proclaim the feast, by his heralds, in Trance, in Scotland, in Burgundy, in
Hainault, in Elanders, in Brabant, and in the Empire of Germany ; and he gave to all
knights and esquires who would come there fifteen days' safe conduct after the feast ;
and that they should be at this feast on the day of Saint George following, the year
one thousand three hundred and forty-four, at the Castle of Windsor. And the Queen of
England was to be accompanied by three hundred ladies and damoiselles, all noble and gentle
ladies, and richly attired in like garments. While the King of England was making his
great preparations to receive the ladies and damoiselles who were coming to the feast,
news came to him from the Sire de Clisson," &c. *'Now approached the day of Saint George,
when the feast was to be kept in the Castle of Windsor ; and there the King of England
had a great array of earls, barons, ladies, and damoiselles, and the feast was most grand
and noble, with good cheer and good joustings, and lasted fifteen days ; and there came
many knights from beyond the sea, from Elanders, from Hainault, and likewise from
Brabant, but from Erance there was not one." Another chronicler gives this account :
"And in the xix yere of his regne anone after in Janu'i byforre Lent (1345-6), the same
Kyng Edward let make full nobil justes and gret festis in the place of his birth at
Windesore, that ther was never none such seyn ther afor. At wich fest and rialte wer
ij kynges and ij queues, the Prince of Wales, the Duk of Ccrnewaile, x erles, ix contesses,
barons, and mony burgeis, the wich might not lightly be nombrid. And of diverse landis
beyond the see weren mony strangers. And at the same time, when the justis wer don,
Kyng Edward made a gret soper, in the wich he ordeyned first and began his Round
Tabul, and ordeyned and stedfasted the day of the Round Tabull to be holden ther at
Wyndesore, in the Witson weke, evermore yerly." (' Eructus Temporum,' commonly
called the ' Chronicle of Saint Alban's,' sub anno.)

140 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter VII.

for holding similar assemblies of knights at Lincoln/ which,
however, were not to interfere with the assembly of the Round
Table.^

In the formation of the Knightly Association of Lincolnshire, if
not in that of the Round Table, the outline of the future Society of
the Garter may be distinctly traced. The members were to be
elected ; and though they elected their chief or captain, instead of
that office being vested, as in the Order of the Garter, in the king
and his successors, the variation was only such as was required by
the different nature of the two institutions.

The feast of the Round Table was again held at Windsor in
1345, as is shown by the account of the expenses of John Marreys,
the king's tailor, for making robes and other garments for the king
between the 29th of September, 1344, and the 1st of August,
1345. After mentioning the cost of making robes for the king
for the feasts of All Saints and Christmas, in 1344, of robes given
to the king by Queen PhiUppa, and by the Prince of Wales, and
by several lords and knights ; and for making hosen, coverchiefs,
and voluperes for the king's head, these remarkable entries occur :

" For making one long and one short robe of six garniments of red
velvet, for the lord the king, made, furred and purfled against the
feast of the Eound Table held at Windsor this year. The supertunic,
short, frounced, and buttoned, furred with ermines, 14^.; and in wages
to eight furriers working for three days, and to two furriers working
for one day, to each 6d. per diem, working with great haste upon the
skins and furriery of the same robe, made for the same feast, by the
king's command, 13^.; for cutting and garnishing 202 tunics, with as
many hoods, for the king's shieldbearer, and serjeants-at-arms, and
16 tunics, with as many hoods, for the king's minstrels, by tlie king's
command, against the feast of the said Round Table, for each tunic,
with a hood, lined, furred, and buttoned before, 10^., c€9 1^.; for
making one simple tunic for the king, for the jousts aforesaid, made of
black cloth, received from J. de Colon, 2^." ^

Then follow notices of robes for the feast of Easter, " in this
present year" {i, e. the 27th of March, 1345), and for the feast of

' Rot. Patent., 18 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 44.

^ Ibid., )). ii, m, 4.

■^ * Arcliccologic'i,' vol. xxxi, p. 6.

TO A.D. 1348.] THE OEDER OF THE GARTER. 141

Pentecost (the 1 5th of May) ; and entries showing that King
Edward kept his Christmas in 1344 at Woodstock; and that hasti-
ludes were held at Windsor between Christmas, 1344, and Easter,
1345 ; which latter festival, as well as that of Pentecost, w^as kept
at Marlborough.

It is evident from the minute description of the robes worn by
the king at the feast of the Round Table in 1345, that the garter
did not form part of its ornaments on that occasion ; nor is
there the slightest allusion to a garter, or to the feast of Saint
George, in any part of those accounts.

The exact time of the celebration of the Round Table in 1345
is not mentioned ; but it may be inferred that it took place about
the 20th of March, because other records show that the king was
at Windsor from the 19th to the 23d of that month; and because
the entries in Marrey's accounts, respecting the robes and other
dresses for those jousts, follow the entries of robes made for the
feast of Christmas in 1344, and precede the costs of the robes made
for Easter, the 27th of March, 1345.

Nothing has been discovered to show that the feast of the
Round Table was held in 1346. In July of that year, Edward the
Third invaded France, and did not return to England until the
12th of October, 1347. He was accompanied to France by his
eldest son, the Prince of Wales, and by the flower of British
chivalry, many of whom, like the prince himself, gained their spurs
in that glorious campaign.^

The return of the triumphant monarch, and of the other con-
querors of Cressy and Calais, was, as might naturally be expected,
celebrated by those numerous jousts, tournaments, masques, and
other festivities in which the chivalry and noble dames of Edward's
court delighted. On those occasions^ each knight and aspirant for

^ Sir Harris Nicolas observes that as some of those personages were among the
original Knights of the Garter, the fact of their having been knighted in or after July, 1316,
is of great importance, because it would, he submits, be of itself conclusive proof that the
order could not have been established before that date.

There can be no doubt that all the persons chosen by the king and Prince of Wales to
be knights of the new fraternity of the Garter were previously knights. The society
being a knightly association, it must obviously have consisted entirely of knights, to which
no one, unless actually a knight, could possibly have belonged.

142 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapteu VII.

knightly honours strove to excel his competitors, as much in the
splendour and taste of his apparel and equipments, as in deeds of
arms. It is material to remember that the encounters at tourna-
ments and jousts consisted of two parties, the challengers and the
challenged, varying in numbers from twelve to twenty, each party
being led by its own chief, and all wearing precisely the same dress
and ornaments. Some peculiar object was selected as the predo-
minant symbol or badge for each joust, which was worn by all who
tilted ; and the members of each party were considered to belong to,
and to form the companions of its leader.

These festivities w^ere held at Windsor, Reading, Eltham, Can-
terbury, Bury St. Edmunds, and Litchfield, between October,
1347, and the end of the year 1348.

The wardrobe accounts from Michaelmas, 1347, to the 31st of
January, 1349, contain numerous particulars of the dresses pro-
vided on these occasions. It is to be observed that there is no
previous contemporary notice found of the garter as a badge or
ornament, or of the celebration of the feast of St. George at
Windsor. The earliest notice of the Garter that has been yet dis-
covered, is an entry in the above-mentioned accounts, of which the
following is a translation :

" For making two streamers of worsted, one of arms quarterly, and
the other of arms quarterly, with the image of St. Lawrence worked in
the head,^ one white pale powdered with blue garters ; and for
making two short streamers of the king's arms, quarterly ; and for
making two guidons of the same arms of the king,'' &c.

The first notice of the celebrated motto of the Garter occurs
subsequently :

' The combination of the Garter with religious subjects was not uncommon ; and
such combinations seem always to have been made from pious feelings, or for a religious
object, and never from mere fancy or caprice. As Saint Lawrence the Martyr was not
the patron of military men, and as his history is not in any way connected with chivalry
or gallantry, the only reasonable manner of accounting for his image being placed on a
streamer containing garters, is to suppose that the streamer was borne in some cere-
monial on the day upon which his feast falls, namely, on the 10th of August, which in
1348 was on a Sunday, and that was the first Sunday after the date of the patent for the
foundation of St. George's Chapel. Sir H. Nicolas remarks that it is not improbable
that some ceremony connected with the " Society of the Garter" took place in the chapel
on that day.

TO AD. 1348.] THE ORDER OP THE GARTER. 143

" And for making a bed of blue taffeta for the king, powdered
with garters, containing this motto — ^oitg mt r|. mal g i^mu ;" taffeta,
card, thread, &c.

In another part of the account occurs what Sir H. Nicolas terms
" the most important notice respecting the Garter, not only in the
whole of these accounts, but the most important in illustration of
the history of the order yet discovered :'*

"And for making twelve blue garters, embroidered with gold and
silk, each having the motto — l)ong sajrt q' mal g i^tnu -, and for making
other things for the king^s hastilude at Eltham, in the year of the king
aforesaid/^^

Several other robes and dresses are described as worked with
blue garters. It thus appears that a garter, with its well-known
motto, undoubtedly existed as a badge or device towards the end
of 1347, or early in 1348.

Many facts, says Sir Harris Nicolas, concur in fixing Windsor
as the place where, and the 24th of June, 1348, as the date when,
the hastiludes which gave rise to the fraternity of Knights of the
Garter, or the " Society of the Garter" (as it was long called),
occurred, though the symbol seems to have been worn some
months before. The queen gave birth to her fourth son, William,
at Windsor, in May, 1348; and these wardrobe accounts show
that she celebrated the feast of her purification there, with much
magnificence, on the feast of St. John the Baptist in that year.
Hastiludes are said, in these wardrobe accounts, to have been held
at Windsor on that occasion, and on that day ; and they are like-
wise mentioned in the accounts of the Prince of Wales. Chro-
niclers also state that jousts occurred at Windsor at the purification
of the qu€en, on the feast of St. John the Baptist, when David King
of Scots was present, which agrees with the notice of a robe having
been given to that prince, " for the hastiludes at Windsor."^

' The twenty-first of Edward III, 1347-8.

^ With respect to the king's previous movements, subsequent to his return from
France, the dates of instruments issued by the king have been examined, but they do not
afford much information. Except " Westminster" (from which notliing can be inferred
respecting the place where the king was actually present), no other " teste" occurs after

144 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

The wardrobe accounts contain numerous entries of things
prepared for the queen and infant prince upon this occasion. A
number of tents were In-ought to Windsor, and a state bed was
provided for the queen, and a bed and cradle, and various domestic
articles for the prince and his nurse. Magnificent robes were
made for the queen, and her chapel and chamber prepared for her
reception.^

The Prince of Wales stood as godfather to his infant brother,
William. He died when only a few months old, and was buried
in Westminster Abbey.

A harness of blue velvet, with a pale of red velvet, and within
the said pale a white rose, was made at King Edward's charge for
his prisoner, David Bruce, King of Scotland, on occasion of the

the 12th of October, 1347, on which day the king landed at Sandwich, than "Langley,"
on the 20th, 28th, and 31st of October; "London" on the 14th of November;
"Langley" on the 18th of November; "Calais" on the 1st of December (where, how-
ever, it is very unlikely the khig should have been); "Euro" on the 10th and 15th ;
"Chertsey" on the 21st; and "Guildford" on the 24th, 27th, and 28th of December,
1347. On the 1st, 3d, and 8th of January, 1848, Edward was at " Windsor ;" he was at
" Mortlake" from the 20th to the 24th of April ; at " Windsor" on the 26th ; and at
"Lichfield" on the 1st and 6th of May in 1348.

^ The accounts contain payments for a robe of blue velvet for the queen, for the virgil
of her "relevagia" or "up-rising," having a mantle, cape, and an open supertunic; also a
tunic worked with birds of gold, each bird being within a circle of large pearls, and the whole
ground powdered with small pearl-work and silk. The number of large pearls used in this
tunic was four hundred, and thirty-eiglit ounces of small pearls ; for a robe of red velvet for
the day of her said "up-rising," like the former, but the tunic was worked with oak and
other trees, and in each tree a lion formed of large pearls ; six hundred large pearls,
sixteen pounds of gold in plate, &c., for solemnly preparing the queen's chamber for the
said festival, with red sindon, beaten throughout with the letter ^ in gold leaf; for a
mask for the queen ; for a large bed for the said William, the king's son, on the said
festival, of green taffeta, embroidered with red roses, figures, and serpents. In another
place are entries of materials furnished to John de Zakesle for making nineteen tents of
green, blue, and white, and for repairing several tents which the king brought to Windsor
for the queen's " up-rising" of her son William, kept on the day of the Nativity of
St. John the Baptist, "anno regis xxij," i.e., on the 24th of June, 1348. Eor a state
bed for the queen, and for preparing the queen's chapel on the said day, kept at Windsor ;
for a state cradle, and for a common cradle, for the said William the king's son, and
various articles for his chamber, namely, cups, saucers, spoons, and for his nurses, and
for his baptism at Windsor. (See the Wardrobe Accounts in the 'Arehscologia,' vol. xxxi.)
There is an entry at this period of the payment of £60 to Queen Philippa, for twelve
carpets purchased for her confinement at Windsor. (Rot. Lib., 24 Edw. III. See Devon's
' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 153.)

TO A.D. 1348.] THE ORDER OE THE GARTER. 145

Windsor hastilude.^ That monarch was taken prisoner in the
battle of Neville's Cross, in 1 346, and although in the first instance
conveyed to the Tower of London, he was subsequently removed
to Windsor, where he remained as a prisoner for eleven years. He
received a daily allowance of I3s, 4id. for his maintenance.^

A doublet of green and blue velvet was also provided for Lionel,
the king's son (afterwards Duke of Clarence), on the same occasion,
and two pair of plates for his brothers, John of Gaunt and Edmund
of Langley (afterwards Dukes of Lancaster and Cambridge).^

The Prince of Wales, on this occasion, made the queen a
present of a courser called " Banzan de Burgh." There is a
curious list of saddles and spurs in the receipt by Sir John Brocas,
keeper of the king's great horses, from the king's saddlers and
spurrier. Some of the spurs were gilt and enamelled, and of eighty
pair, thirty-three are expressly stated to be for the hastiludes.

As far as their sex permitted, the queen, the wives of the early
companions, and a few other illustrious women, were, in fact,
members of the institution ; for they wore robes similar to those of
the knights, placed the garter on their arm, were present at their
great festivals, were sometimes described as " Dames de la Frater-
nite de Saint George," and are even expressly said to have been
"received into the order." The accounts, already alluded to,
contain various entries of fur and cloth for ladies' mantles, and
masks or visors for them.*

* Ashmole remarks on this fact, that *' such was the nobleness of Edward the Third,
that he sometimes permitted his prisoner the use and exercise of arms." ('Order of tlie
Garter,' p. 185.)

2 See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 153.

^ It appears at first, from the accounts here cited, that after the hastiludes, viz., on
the 18th of November, 1348, " twenty-four Garters, made for the prince, were bouglit,
which were given by him to the Knights of the Society of the Garter ;" and on the
same day, " 30 buckles, 60 mordants (tongues), and 60 bars were bought and given by
the prince to Sir John Chaudos, for his robes of the prince's livery."

On the 20th of that month, seven nouches, worked with eagles, were bought, which
were given by the prince to " divers knights of his Society," and " 60 buckles and 60 mor-
daunts (tongues), and six bars were bought, and given to the knights of his Society, for
the hastiludes of W^indsor." It seems probable, however, that these dates refer merely to
the day of payment, and that tlie Garters, &c., were obtained for tlie hastiludes in June.
(Sir H. Nicolas, ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 128.)

* At the hastiludes at Lichfield, the king's daughter Isabel, afterwards Countess of

146 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter Vil.

From the preceding, and a variety of other facts, the following
conclusions have been drawn : — First, That the device of the
garter was not adopted before the year 1 346 ; because no notice of
a garter occurs in accounts of precisely the same kind, relating to
exactly the same subjects, and kept by the same person, before
1346, as those in which it is mentioned after that year. Secondly,
That, although the exact time when garters were first issued out of
the great wardrobe cannot be fixed, it must nevertheless have been
after the 12th of October, 1347, and before the 31st of January,
1349; because they are stated to have been made for the king's
own robe, and evidently while he was in England ; because he was
abroad from July, 1346 to October, 1347 ; and because the ac-
counts, in which garters are first mentioned, terminate in January,
1349. Thirdly, That the motto, '' Hony soit qui mal y pense,"
was adopted at the same time as the garter, and always formed
part of that device or badge. Fourthly, That the garter and
motto w^ere originally designed, not as the badge and motto of an
order of knighthood, in the modern sense of the term, but, like
numerous other fantasies, as an ornament to be worn at joust or
tournament. Fifthly, That the garter and motto seem to have been
first worn as a device at jousts towards the end of 1347, or early
in 1348. Sixthly, That the device, having become a favorite
symbol, was again worn at hastiludes, at Windsor, in June, 1348,
when it gave the name to a society, consisting of the king, the Prince
of Wales, and of twenty-four other knights, which society un-
doubtedly existed in or before the month of November in that
year. Seventhly, That the actual institution of the Order of the
Garter, as a regular and perpetual order of knighthood, took place
between the hastiludes held at Windsor on the 24th of June, and
the foundation of Saint George's Chapel on the 6th of August,
1348, the interval having probably been occupied in carrying the
design into effect.

The twenty-six original Knights of the Garter, elected on this
occasion, are stated to have been — 1. The Sovereign, Edward the

Bedford, and six ladies of high rank, and twenty -one other ladies, took a conspicuous part
in the festivities. Tiie ladies wore coats and hoods of the same materials and colours as
the knights, together with various masks and visors.

TO A.D. 1348.J THE OEDER OF THE GARTER. 147

Third. 2. The king's son, Edward Prince of Wales. 3. The
king's second cousin, Henry Earl of Lancaster and Derby (after-
wards Duke of Lancaster.) 4. Thomas Beauchanip, third Earl of
Warwick. 5. John de Greilley, Capitow de Buche.^ 6. Ralph
second Lord Stafford (afterwards Earl of Stafford). 7. William
Montacute, second Earl of Salisbury. 8. Sir Roger Mortimer
(afterwards second Earl of March). 9. Sir John Lisle (afterwards
Lord Lisle of Rougemont). 10. Sir Bartholomew Burghershe
(afterwards Lord Burghershe). IL Sir John Beauchamp (a
younger brother of Thomas Earl of Warwick). 12. John Lord
Mohun of Dunster. 13. Sir Hugh Courtenay. 14. Sir Thomas
Holland (afterwards Earl of Kent). 15. John Lord Grey of
Rotherfeld. 16. Sir Richard Eitz-Simon. 17. Sir Miles Stapleton.
18. Sir Thomas Wale. 19. Sir Hugh Wrottesley. 20. Sir Nigel
Loryng. 21. Sir John Chandos. 22. Sir James Audley. 23. Sir
Otho Holland (a younger brother of Sir Thomas Holland). 24. Sir
Henry Eam. 25. Sir Sanchete d'Ambrichecourt. 26. Sir Walter
Paveley.^

The king himself took part in these jousts, '' having for his
device," says Ashmole, '' a white swan, gorged or, with this daring
and inviting motto, wrought upon his surcoat and shield^

'' Hay hay the white swan
By Gods soul I am thy man.^^^

At the tilting, the prize of the field was adjudged to the Earl of
Ewe.* His success on this occasion is stated to have cost him his
life. Having permission, soon afterwards, to return to France on

^ Engraved by mistake, on the plate in the stall of the chapel, " Piers Capitow de la
Bouch." (See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter;' Barnes's 'Life of Edward III,' p. 297.)

2 Beltz's * Order of the Garter ;' Sir Harris Nicolas's ' Orders of Knighthood.' Sir H.
Nicolas remarks that, in consequence of the dearth of contemporaneous and satisfactory
evidence of the proceedings relative to the Order for several years after its institution,
the generally received list of the first founders may be erroneous. (' Archseologia,'
vol. xxxi, pp. 134, 135.)

3 Ashmole. See the Wardrobe Accounts, 'Archaeologia,' pp. 43, 122. It does not
appear, however, from these accounts, on what particular occasion the king used this
motto. Another motto used by the king, and figured on his dress, was, " It is as it is !"

^ Stowe.

14.8 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

his parol, in order to negociate for the ransom of himself and
others his countrymen, he spoke favorably of Edward the Third
to John King of France, who in consequence caused the earl to be
imprisoned and beheaded.^

After the festivities at Windsor, the captive strangers passed
their time in hunthig with the king and the " nobles of the realm,"
at Claringdon, near Salisbury, and in various other forests.^

Thus was instituted the Order of the Garter, which, says Selden,
** exceeds in majesty, honour, and fame all chivalrous orders in the
world," and has "precedence of antiquity before the eldest rank of
honour of that kind any where established."^

Since Selden wrote, how^ever, a great change has taken place in
the habits, manners, and tastes of the country. Although the
" Garter" is still one of the highest marks of distinction that the
sovereign can bestow on a subject, the ceremonies of installation,
which in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries excited so much
interest and popular admiration, have fallen into disuse, as involving
great individual expenditure without any corresponding public
advantage.

With respect to the origin of the remarkable badge of a blue
garter, embroidered with the motto, '' Hony soit q mat y ^^ense^
it is desirable, in the first place, to observe that the popular trans-
lation of those words, " Evil be to him who evil thinks," is altoge-
ther erroneous, the true meaning being, " Dishonour," or " Be he
disgraced who thinks ill of it." ^

The annals of the institution, the chroniclers of the time, and
the public records, do not afford the slightest information on the
subject ; and, although some writers on the order have treated with
contempt the romantic incident to which its extraordinary symbol
has been ascribed, they have neither succeeded in showing its
absurdity nor suggested a more probable theory.^ The popular
account is, that, during a festival at court, a lady happened to drop

• Knighton; Froissart ; Barnes' 'Life of Edward III.'
2 Stowe.

^ Selden's Illustrations or Notes upon Drayton's * Polyolbion,' song 15.
'^ Sir Harris Nicolas, ' Archccologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 130. Sec Putteiiham's ' Arte of
English Poesie,' 4(o, 1589, p. 85. ^ 'Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 131.

TO A.D. 1348.] THE OEDER OF THE GABTER. 149

her garter, which was taken up by King Edward, who, observing
a significant smile among the bystanders, exclaimed, with some
displeasm^, ' Hony soyt qui mal y pense' — ' Shame to him who
thinks ill of it.' In the spirit of gallantry, which belonged no less
to the age than to his own disposition, conformably with the custom
of wearing a lady's favour, and perhaps to prevent any further
impertinence, the king is said to have placed the garter round his
own knee.

This anecdote is perfectly in character with the manners and
feelings of the time, and the circumstance is very likely to have
occurred. With a few variations as to the name of the lady — some
writers stating her to have been the queen, others the Countess of
Salisbury, and others the Countess of Kent, — and with the addition
that she was Edward's mistress, the anecdote is certainly as old as
the reign of King Henry the Seventh.^

The principal grounds upon which this explanation of a garter
having been made the device of the order has been rejected, are
that it would be derogatory to the institution, and absurd in itself,
to suppose that so trifling an occurrence should have induced
Edward the Third to create a distinguished fraternity, partaking
more of the character of religion than romance ; that its statutes
and annals are silent on the subject ; that it is not mentioned by
Froissart ; and that, as no peculiar duties or homage towards the
female sex were imposed on the knights, " not so much as obliging

* It is thus related in the contemporary translation of Polydore Virgil : — " The cause
of the first institution of this Order is as yet in doubte. Among the ruder sorte, the
sayenge is as yet that the kiuge, on a time, tooke vpp from the grownde the gartere of
the queene, or some paramowre, which she before hadd loste ; and divers of his lordes
standinge bie did puUe it in sonder in ieste, and strove for the peaces thereof, as men are
wonte sometime for a jewill of small importance, insomutche that the kinge sayde unto
them, 'Sirs, the time shall shortlie come when yee shall attribute muche honor unto
suche a garter ;' whearvppon he didd institute this Ordre, and so intituled it, that his
nobles might vnderstand that they hadd caste themselves in their owne judgement. This
is the vulgare opinion ; but the English Cronicles (beinge somewhat shamefaced, and
fearing leaste they showlde disbase the kinges regall maiestie if they showlde seeme to
make minde of anie suche obskewer matter) rather thowghte goodd to leave it cleane
vntowched, as thowghe it hadd never earste beene scene, that a thiuge which sprange of
a vile and small principle showlde arise to great encrease and iiighe dignitie." (British
Museum, MS. Keg. 18, C. YIII, ix, 193 ; see also llulinshed, cd. 1589, vol. 1, p. 159 )

150 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter YII.

them to defend the quarrels of ladies, as the rules of some Orders
then in being, enjoined, it is obvious that the Order had not such a
feminine institution."

These objections are by no means conclusive. In attributing
the symbol of the order to such a circumstance, it does not follow,
nor is it pretended, that it was the primary or only cause of the
institution. If, as is beyond a doubt, Edward had previously
determined to form a knightly band, in imitation of the Round
Table of King Arthur, and had not fixed upon a particular ensign
by which it should be distinguished, he may reasonably be
supposed to have adopted one, arising indeed from accident, but
felicitously suited to his purpose. A garter has always been asso-
ciated with sentiments of gallantry ; and to wear a lady's favour,
her glove, her riband, or anything which belonged to her, was a
common practice of the age ; and this token or " emprise " was
regarded with feelings of which posterity has no adequate com-
prehension.^

^ Sir H. Nicolas, * Arcliseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 132. There are two other accounts of
the adoption of the garter, but Sir H. Nicolas observes that they almost disprove them-
selves, and have been rejected by the best authorities.

One is founded on an anecdote of Richard the First, and is thus narrated by Ashmole :
"That while his forces were employed against Cyprus and A.con, and extremely tired out
with the tediousness of the siege, he, by the assistance and mediation of St. George (as
imagined), was inspired with fresh courage, and bethought himself of a new divice, which
was to tie about tlie leg of a chosen number of knights, a leathern thong or garter (for
such had he then at hand), whereby being put in mind of the future glory tliat should
accrue to them, with assurance of worthy rewards if they overcame, they might be roused
up to the behaving themselves gallantly and stoutly in the wars, much after the manner
of the ancient Romans, among whom were various crowns, with which, for several causes,
soldiers were adorned ; to the end that by those encouragements all sluggishness being
shaken off, the virtue and fortitude of their minds might spring up and appear more
resolute and vigorous. That after a long interval of time, and divers victories obtained
by him, the said king returning into his country, determined with himself to institute and
settle this most noble order of St. George, on whose patronage the English so much
relied." (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 181.)

The other account relates to Edward the Third, and is cited by Ashmole from
Camden's ' Britannia :' — " Having given forth his own garter for the signal of a battle
that sped fortunately (which, with ])u Chesne, we conceive to be that of Crescy, fought
almost three years after his sctling up the Round Table at Windsor, rather than, with
tlie author of the ' Nouvcau Theatre de Monde,' that of Poictiers, which hapned above
seven years after the foundation of the order, and whereat King Edward was not present).

TO A.D. 1348.] TnE OEDEU OE THE GAUTER. 151

Sir Harris Nicolas remarks that " it is particularly deserving of
attention that nothing is recorded of the Feast of the Round Table
at Windsor, nor of the annual meeting of the Knights of Lincoln-
shire, after King Edward's return from France in October 1347;
and that the construction of the new fraternity of the Garter bore
a close resemblance to the former associations. It was divided,
like the tilters at tournaments, into two bands, each consisting of
twelve knights, at the head of one of which bands was the Sove-
reign, and of the other the Prince of Wales ; and to the companions
belonging to each chief, stalls were assigned in Saint George's
chapel, the knights belonging to the sovereign being placed on
the one side of the chapel, and those of the prince on the other.
The perpetuity of the institution, too, was an imitation of the
design of the Round Table and of the association of Lincolnshire :
admission into both depended on the free election of the members ;
and it would consequently appear that both these fraternities or
associations were merged in, or were superseded by, the newly-
created Order or Society of the Garter."

It is to be observed, however, that a *' Round Table," made
of oak, was constructed at Windsor some time before December
1356, for in that year the Prior of Merton was paid £26 13^. 4^.
in full satisfaction of money due for fifty-two oaks, taken from
his woods near Reading, for the Round Table at Windsor.
The oaks were carried to Westminster, for the king's workmen
there.^

the victory (we say) being happily gained, he thence took occasion to institute this order,
and gave the garter (assumed by him for the symbol of unity and society) preeminence
among the ensigns of it, whence that select number, whom he incorporated into a
fraternity, are frequently stiled Equites aurea Periscelidis^ and vulgarly, Kniglits of the
Garterr (Ibid., p. ISS.)"

Mr. Beltz adopts the opinion, " that the garter may have been intended as an emblem
of the tie or union of warlike qualities, to be employed in the assertion of the founder's
claim to the French crown ; and the motto as a retort of shame and defiance upon him
who should think ill of the enterprise, or of those whom the king had chosen to be the
instruments of its accomplishment. The taste of that age for allegorical conceits,
impresses, and devices, may reasonably warrant such a conclusion." (Beltz's ' Order of
the Garter,' p. 47.

^ Issue Roll, Mich. 30, Edward III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. IGl-.
Mr. Poynter refers to this payment as evidence that the festivities alluded to were con-

152 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter YII.

Aslimole says that immediately after the termination of the
jousts in January 1344, the king "caused to be impressed
carpenters, masons, and carriages, for erecting a particular building
in the castle, and therein placed a table of two hundred feet
diameter, where the knights should have their entertainment of
diet at his expense of £100 a week, to which building he gave the
name of the * Round Table.' ^ By this means he associated to
himself, from most parts beyond the seas, the prime spirits for
martial valour, and gained the opportunity of engaging them on
his side in the ensuing war."

The few authentic notices of the Order of the Garter for the ten
years subsequent to 1348 are thus stated by Sir Harris Nicolas :^
"For the year 1349 nothing whatever is preserved. If, as may
be confidently presumed, the Order was completely established
between the 24tli of June and the 6th of August, 1 348, the feast
of St. George was probably first celebrated at Windsor on
St. George's Day, 1349, which opinion is strongly supported by
the testes of some letters patents, showing that, though the king
was at Langley on the 22d of April, he was certainly at Windsor
on St. George's Day ; and, as he returned to Langley on the
following day, it may be inferred that he went to Windsor on the
23d of April with a particular object.

"In 1350, a robe of cloth of gold, called ' nak,' was made for
the king for the feast of St. George ; and, according to Stowe, who

tinued as late as that, year, but it is possible that the table may have been made some
years before.

* Ashmole cites the Patent Roll, 18 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 39, as his authority for the
statement as to the pressing the workmen; and Walsiugham, sub anno 1314, edit. 1579,
for the statement as to the table. The writs for pressing workmen are printed in the
' Foedera.'

llolinshcd, citing Walsingham, refers the sum to the cost of the building rather than
to the maintenance of the knight's table. " The expenses of this work amounted, by the
week, first unto one hundred pounds ; but afterwards, by reason of the war that followed,
the charges were diminished unto two and twenty pounds the week (as Thomas Walsinghara
writcih in his larger book entitled, ' The History of England,' or, as some copies have,
unto 9 pounds)."

2 In consequence of the loss of the wardrobe accounts of a similar kind to those previously
cited, from January, 23d of Edward III, 1319, until the 31th of Edward 111, 1360, very
little is known of the order during the first eleven years of its existence, though they were
perhai)b the most interesting in its annals.

TO A.D. 1348.J THE OEDER OE THE GARTEE. 153

(after giving a very incorrect list of the original knights) cites
Thomas de la More as his authority, adds in the margin, ' The first
Peast of St. George/ and says, 'All these (the companions), together
with the king, were clothed in gowns of russet powdered with garters
blue, wearing the like garters also on their right legs, and mantles
of blue, with scutcheons of St. George. In this sort of apparel
they, being bare headed, heard mass, which was celebrated by
Simon Islip, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of Win-
chester and Exeter ; and afterwards they went to the feast, setting
themselves orderly at the table, for the honour of the feast, which
they named to be of St. George the Martyr, and the choosing of the
Knights of the Garter.'

"In the twenty-fifth of Edward the Third, 1351, the feast of
St. George was celebrated with much splendour, and it was in this
year that the earliest notice occurs of the delivery of robes to the
knights, the late clerk of the great wardrobe having been paid
£160 towards making twenty-four robes, with ten cloaks powdered
with embroidered garters, and twelve standards of worsted of the
king's arms for the chapel of Windsor.

" There are also charges in the same accounts for a robe and
tunic, which was given by the king to Sir Thomas de Bradeston ;
for a robe of red velvet, embroidered with 119 circles, which was
given to the Lady Isabel, the king's daughter, for the feast of St.
George ; for ten escutcheons of the arms of the king and prince, to
place on a dorsor of velvet at Windsor, for the said feast ; for a
surplice of the ' Annunciation,' for Wilham Mugge, dean of the
free chapel at Windsor ; and for various copes and other things for
the altar of the said chapel."

For the year 1352, only two notices of the order have been
found. On the 26th of March, twenty-sixth of Edward the Third,
1352, the sum of £2 2^. 8d. was paid to messengers sent to
" magnates" in different parts of England, with '' letters of St.
George," being, evidently, summonses to attend the feast on the
23d of April ; and that the feast was actually celebrated is proved
by Queen Philippa having made her offering at the celebration of
high mass on that occasion.

"In the year 1353, the feast was kept at Windsor with great

154 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter VII.

magnificence; and the following references to it show that more
than one of the original companions had died before that year :

' In oblations, distributed at the high mass celebrated in
presence of the king, on the feast of St. George ;
and at one mass for the brothers of the order de-
ceased . . . . . • vj.5. ix.d.

In oblations of our lord the king, at the high altar, in the
chapel of St. George, at Windsor, on the vigil of the
said saint . . . . • yj-^- viij.flf.

In like oblations of our said lord the king, to the relics in

same chapel, on the same day . . . vj.5. yii^.d.

In oblations of our said lord the king, at the mass de
requie for the brothers of the said order deceased,
namely, on the morrow of St. George . . vj.5. viijc?.' '^

*' The record of the payment, on the 16th of November, 1353, of
the messengers who had been sent to summons the knights to the
feast in that year, is remarkable from its proving that there was
then a seal of the order. The letters sent by those messengers are
described as ' Letters of the Seal of Saint George directed to
all Knights of the Order of Saint George to come to Windsor -/^
and the letters sent on the 21st of January, for the ensuing
feast in 1354, are said to have been 'under the Seal of the
Garter.'^

" For the years 1354, (except the summons to the feast just men-
tioned), 1355, 1356, and 1357, nothing whatever relating to the
Order of the Garter has been discovered."^

' See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer/ p. 160.

^ The seal of the order, as it appears in a cast now in the British Museum, is thus
described by Sir Harris Nicolas, in the ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 140, 141, where
a woodcut of it is given. " The kneeling figure appears to be intended for Edward
the Black Prince, because the label in his arms is of three points, and is not
charged. He is evidently adoring the Trinity (though the dove is not introduced), and
the Eather seems to be seated on a rainbow, with his feet on a terraqueous globe. Behind
him is an angel, who holds his helmet and crest ; and above him is a shield of the arms
of Erance and England quarterly, with a plain label of three points, which is held by another
angel. He is in armour, and wears a surcoat of the same arms, and the whole is sur-
rounded with a garter, containing the words — Hony soyt kc mal y pence."

^ Sir H. Nicolas, 'Archseologia,' vol, xxxi, pp. 135-138.

TO A.D. 1348.] THE COLLEGE OP ST. GEOEGE. 155

After the institution of the Order of the Garter, the king,
says Ashmole, " did most prudently devise and institute several
statutes and ordinances to be duly observed and kept within the
said order; which, being collected into one body, are called the
Statutes of Institution/'^

We must now revert to the foundation of the College of St.
George within the chapel. The following is a translation of
Edward the Third's letters patent for that purpose, bearing date at
Westminster, on the 6th day of August, in the twenty-second year
of his reign, a.d. 1348.

Edward, by the grace of God King of England and France and
Lord of Ireland, to all, who shall see these present letters, greeting.

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 191. The origiaal statutes composed iu Latin
were ordered to be safely kept within the treasury of the College of Windsor (Edw. Ill,
Stat. Act 27) ; but Ashmole, writing in 1670, speaks of them as having " long since
wholly perished." He adds that there is a transcript of them recorded in the reign of
Henry the Eifth, at the beginning of the old book, called ' Registium Ordinis Chartaceum;*
a copy of which he gives in the Appendix to the ' Order of the Garter,' as well as " two
ancient exemplars" of the statutes, one furnished to Ashmole " by favour of the late Lord
Hatton," and the other transcribed from the Black Book of the Orders. Henry the Fifth
added other provisions to these statutes, causing the whole to be translated into French,
and transcribed on a roll. "This roll was ordained to issue out henceforth to the
knights'-companious under the common seal of the order (Act 27). In after times it was
transcribed into books; and by a decree passed an. 37, H. 7, an original book of these
statutes and institutions, fair written, was to be laid up in the College of St. George ; and
the scribe or register to have transcript of it in readiness to present the elected knights
withal." As to the existing Records of the Order, see Beltz's ' Order of the Garter,'
Appendix, p. 408.

Henry the Eighth " reformed" and made several necessary and expedient additions to
the statutes, the original whereof being signed and sealed, was commanded to be carefully
laid up in the treasury of the College at Windsor, there to remain to succeeding times ;
"notwithstanding which," says Ashmole, "it hath not been seen there these many years
past." " This body of statutes was compiled in Latin, and is recorded in the Black Book
of the Order. It was translated into French and English by Sir Thomas Wriothesley,
knight, then garter king-of-arms. The English version is that which hath been since
delivered (instead of the former statutes) to all succeeding knights'-companious according
to the injunction, but of late times appointed to be sent to foreign princes, and other elect
knights abroad, sealed with the great seal of the order, affixed to a label of blue silk and
gold. When this book hath been delivered to a knight-companion at the sovereign's
charge, the knight's executors are obliged to send it back to the College of Windsor, and
there to deliver it to the custos or register of the order." In addition to these sets of
statutes, there was another drawn up and published anno 7 E. 6, but repealed by Queen
Mary. With respect to the orders and decrees made in chapter from time to time, see
Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 198—201.

156 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

It becomes the majesty of a king to delight always in acts of piety,
that when he shall stand before the tribunal of the Most High King
(with whom there is no acceptance of persons, but every one shall
receive according to what he hath done in the body, whether it be
good or whether it be evil) he may be able to stand among the good
on the right hand, and not be condemned with the reprobates, as a
slothful and unprofitable servant. We truly, with grief of heart carefully
remembering the various labours of our life, and our own small deserts,
as also rightly considering the divine favours shewed unto us, and
the graces and honours wherewith, above others, the Most High hath
prevented us, do greatly repent of those goods, which being granted us
by God, we have above measure so often vainly expended. And there
remains nothing else for us to do, but only that unto Christ and his
Mother, the glorious Virgin, who hath never failed to defend us, but
has hitherto, by her blessed prayers, protected us, when we were set in
many dangers, we wholly convert our mind, and give unto him thanks
for his favours, and ask pardon for our ofi'ences. And because it is a
good way of merchandise, wherebj^, with a happy bartering, transitory
things are exchanged for eternal, we have caused a certain chapel
of convenient beauty, for eight secular canons, situate within our
Castle of Windsor, wherein we were washed with the water of holy
baptism, magnificently begun to the honour of St. Edward the Con-
fessor, by our progenitors, to which (canons) for their sustentation they
allowed a certain sum of money at their pleasure, and gave it them for
alms, out of their exchequer, to be finished at our royal charge, to the
honor of God Almighty, and of his Mother the glorious Virgin Mary,
and of the Saints, George the Martyr and Edward the Confessor.
And earnestly desiring and efiectually endeavouring that the said
canons, being there to serve the Lord, may be augmented, as well with
an increase of revenues, as in the number of other canons, ministers,
and servants; and that in the said chapel the glory of the divine name
may be exalted with greater worship, unto the aforesaid eight canons
we think fit to superadd one custos presiding over them, and fifteen
other canons more, and twenty-four poor knights, impotent of them-
selves, or inclining to poverty, to be perpetually maintained of the goods
of the said chapel, and other ministers of the said chapel, perpetually
serving Christ, under the command of the said custos (or warden), and
there cause to be received, as well the canons and knights, as other
ministers of the said chapel, as is premised ; (and this) we firmly
decree, inviolably ordain, and by our royal authority, as much as in us
lies, establish for ever. Willing that the said canons and ministers
perform divine offices for us, and our progenitors and successors, in
part of satisfaction for those things, whereof in the last judgment we

TO A.D. 1348.] THE COLLEGE OE ST. GEOUGE. 157

are to give an account, they being to celebrate for ever, according to
the form of our ordination thence more fully to be made : unto whom
the rights of patronage and the advowsons of the churches of Wyrar-
desbury, in the diocese of Lincoln, Southtanton of Exon, and Uttoxater
of Coventry and Lichfield, which we have lately purchased for that
cause, for us and our heirs, we have given and granted, and do give
and grant, to have and to hold, to them and their successors, for free,
pure, and perpetual alms, altogether free and quiet for ever from all secu-
lar exaction.^ We have also granted unto them, for us and our heirs, and
given leave that they, the warden and canons, may appropriate the said
churches, and hold them so appropriated to their own uses, to them and
their successors for ever, notwithstanding the statute set forth con-
cerning lands and tenements not to be put to mortmain. We will
also, that unto the said warden, canons, knights, and other ministers of the
said chapel there to serve, so much be paid every year out of our exchequer,
as, together with the profits arising from the said churches, shall seem
sufficient and honest for their diet, and the support of the burthens
incumbent on them, according to the decency of their condition the
meanwhile, until there shall be provided by us, in goods immoveable,
lands, benefices, or rents, to an agreeable sufficience, and to our
honour, to the sum of a thousand pounds yearly : all which we
promise and undertake for us, and for our heirs efi'ectually to fulfil.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent.
Witness ourself at Westminster, the vi. of August, in the year of our
reign of England xxii., and of France ix.^^^

Soon after the foundation of the college by these letters patent,
the king appointed John de la Chambre, custos of the Chapel of St.

^ Aslimole says, " As for two of these advowsons, namely, Uttoxater and Southtanton,
'tis to be doubted there was afterwards discovered some defect in the king's title to them,
and that the right of patronage lay rather in Henry Earl of Lancaster, and Thomas Earl
of Warwick : for the 18th June, anno 23 Edw. Ill, the king granted special license to
Henry Earl of Lancaster that he should give and assign to the custos and chaplains of the
Chapel of St. George's in Windsor, and their successors for ever, the advowson of the
Church of Uttokeshatre, it being there said to be of the earl's proper patronage ; and the
like license to Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, for assigning to them the advowson
of the Church of Southtanton, that being of his patronage also. The king gave special
license likewise to receive these advowsons from these earls, and to appropriate them to
the use of the college." Ashmole, p. 16.

2 Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, pars. 2, m. 6. See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' pp. 152
— 167, and copy of these letters patent in Dugdale's ' Monasticon,' and also in the
Appendix to ' Ashmole.' The translation in Barnes's ' Life of Edward HI,' has been
followed.

158 A:NrNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

George.^ He held the office for a few months only, when he was
succeeded by William Mugg.^

In July, 1350, the sum of £80 was paid to WiUiam Mugge,
chaplain of the king's chapel at Windsor, in money paid to Thomas
Cheiner, of London, in discharge of £140, lately due to him for a
vest of velvet, embroidered with divers work, purchased by him for
the chaplain.^

The title of " Gustos" was continued to the last year of the
reign of Henry the Fourth, when that of "Dean" was substituted.^

As the king's authority did not extend to the institution of
religious persons and other officers to perform and attend the
service of God, this power being vested in the Pope, Edward
requested Clement the Sixth to grant to the Archbishop of
Canterbury and Bishop of Winchester the authority and power of
ordaining and establishing the college. Thereupon the Pope,
by his bull dated at Avignon, on the 30th day of November, a.d.
1351,^ commending the pious purpose of the king in this matter,
granted to the archbishop and bishop, full power to ordain,
institute, and appoint in this chapel, as should seem good to
them, a certain number of canons, priests, clerks, knights and
officers, continually to attend upon the service of God, of which
canons and priests one should have the title of custos, and preside
over the rest.

On that day twelvemonth, namely on the 30th of November,
1352, the statutes and ordinances of the college bear date, being
made by virtue of the Pope's authority, the king's command, the
consent of the Bishop of Salisbury (in whose diocese the chapel is
situated), and of the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury. By which
statutes the Bishop of Winchester, one of the Pope's delegates did
ordain and institute a college within the Chapel of St. George, by
the name of " the College or Free Chapel of St. George, w^ithin the
Castle of Windsor," consisting of one custos, twelve secular canons,

1 Pat., 22 Edw. Ill, p. 3, m. 19.
'^ Pat., 23 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 29.

3 Rot. Lib., 24 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 154.
^ See Ashmole, p. 153.

^ A copy of this bull is inserted in Dugdale's * Monasticon,' and also in the Appendix
to Ashmole.

TO A.D. 1348.] THE COLLEGE OP ST. GEOEGE. 159

thirteen priests or vicars, four clerks, six choristers, and twenty-six
alrns-knights, beside other officers.^

^ Ashmole, pp. 152, 153. Edward the Third, bj his charter dated the 6th of March,
in the 27th year of his reign (Cart, de anno 27 Edw. Ill, m. 6, n. 14), granted the
college " several profits, privileges, and immunities," which are curious, not only as
showing tlie privileges of the new corporation, but as exhibiting the various liabilities
with which estates not so privileged, were incumbered. They are thus narrated by
Ashmole.

" That the custos and canons and their successors should for ever be free from payment
of any aid, for making the eldest son of any king of England a knight, and for marrying
his eldest daughter : as also of all aids to the king, contributions, and tallages.

" That whensoever the clergy of this realm, or of the province of Canterbury or York,
should give a tenth or other imposition, out of their spiritualities ; or the commons of
England should give a tenth or fifteenth or any other tax out of their temporalities
or moveable goods ; or that the king and his heirs should cause his own domain to be
taxed; or that the pope should impose any tax or imposition upon the clergy of this
realm, and give the same to the king and his heirs ; this college with all its lands and
possessions should be wholly freed thereof.

" That they should be free from any charge of arraying soldiers, for the service of the
king and his heirs ; and from sending them for the custody of the sea coasts, and from
every fine or composition for the same.

" That their houses, as well as those within the Castle of Windsor, as elsewhere,
should be free from any livery of the king's stewards, marshals, purveyors, ofiicers, and
servants ; and from the like officers of the queen's, or any of their children, or of the
peers or nobles. And that the said officers should not intermeddle there, without the
leave of the custos and canons and their successors.

" That no duke, earl, baron, or nobleman, nor any stewards, marshals, escheators,
sheriffs, coroners, bailiffs, or officers, nor any other person of what condition soever,
should, upon any colour, lodge or stay in the house of the custos or canons, without their
consent.

" That they the said custos and canons, and their tenants, should for ever be free from
payment of toll, paviage, picage, barbicanage, terrage, pontage, murrage, passage,
paiage, lestage, stallage, tallage, carriage, pesage, and from scot and geld, hidage,
scutage, working about castles, parks, bridges, walls for the king's houses, and from suits
to the county, or hundred court, and wapentakes, court leets, murder, and common
amerciaments, whether they should happen before the king or any of the justices of the
bench, or justices itinerant, or other justices whatsoever, and from every other like custom.

" That they should have within their lands and fees, the chattels of all felons and
fugitives, and seize them to their own use.

" That they should have all fines for trespasses, and all other contempts and misde-
meanors, fines, pro licentia concordandi, and for all other causes.

" That they should have all amerciaments, redemptions, issues, and forfeitures what-
soever, annum, diem, vastum, &c., streppum, and all things which might belong to the
king and his heirs thereupon.

" That they should have wrecks, waifs, and strays, within all their lands and fees.

"That no purveyance of corn, hay, horses, carts, carriages, victuals, or any goods,

i60 ANNAXS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VII.

The d4ities of the canons, vicars, clerks, alms-knights and minis-
chattels, or anything whatsoever, should be taken by any of the king's oflacers or ministers,
in or upon any of their lands, or the lands of any of their tenants.

" That they should be free from the payment of any pension corrody, or other susten-
tation, to be granted by the king, his heirs, or successors.

" That they should have free-warren in all their domain lands wheresoever, and that
although they lay within the bounds of the king's forest.

" That they should have a weekly market, to be held on Wednesdays, at their Manor
of Ewre, in Buckinghamshire; and two fairs, to endure for eight days, viz., on the eve and
feast day of the apostles Peter and Paul, and for two days next following : and upon the
eve and feast day of St. Peter ad vincula, and two days following, with all liberties and
customs to the said market and fairs belonging.

" That they should enjoy all their lands, with the liberties of soc and sac, infangthef,
utfangthef, and view of frankpledge ; with thewe, pillory, and tumbrel, for punishment
of malefactors ; and power to erect gallows upon their own soil, for execution of such
malefactors as should fortune to be apprehended within their jurisdiction.

" That they should be freed and discharged from all suits and pleas of the forest, and
of all charges or fees, which the justices or other officers of the forest might demand ; and
from expeditation of their dogs, and suits of court there.

"That they should be free from gelds, dane-gelds, knight 's-fees, payments for murther
and robbery, building or repairing of bridges, castles, parks, pools, walls, sea-banks,
causeways, and inclosures; and of all assizes, summons, sheriff aids, their bailiffs, or
officers, carrying of treasure, and of all other aids ; as also from the common assessments
and amerciaments of the county and hundred, and all actions relating to them.

" That they should be freed from the payment of ward-penny, aver-penny, tithing-
penny, and hundred-penny, and discharged from grithbrech, forstall, homesoken, blod-wite,
ward-wite, heng-wite, fight-wite, leyr-wite, lastage, pannage, assart, and waste of the
forest, so that such waste and offences be not committed in the forests, woods, or parks of
the king, his heirs, and successors ; and if it should happen so to be, that then reasonable
satisfaction, without imprisonment or grievous recompense, should be accepted.

" That they should have return of all writs and attachments as well relating to the
pleas of the crown, as other, throughout all their lands or fees; and that no sheriff,
bailiff, or other officer, should make any execution of such writs there, unless in default of
the custos and canons and their successors.

" That they should have and hold leets and law days, for all within their lands and
fees.

" That they should have cognizance of all pleas betwixt their tenants, as well of tres-
passes and contracts, as others, in their own courts.

"And lastly,That they should have and hold wards, reliefs, escheats, forfeitures, and other
profits, issues, and emoluments whatsoever, within their own fees, from all their tenants,
which might belong to the king or his heirs, and which the king might receive by reason
of those fees, in case they were in his own hands, as if the tenants did hold of him or
others in capite of the crown," (Ashmole, pp. 176 — 178.)

It appears by a bull of Clement the Sixth, dated Avignon, the 12th of February, in the
ninth year of his papacy, that at the desire of the founder this pope exempted the
chapel, college, canons, priests, clerks, alms-knights, and officers, of the college, from all
ordinary jurisdiction, dominion, and superiority of archbishops, bishops, archdeacons,

TO AD. 1348.] THE POOR KNIGHTS. 161

ters of the college is continually and personally to attend upon the
service of God in the Chapel of St. George.^

The number of the canons by the letters patent of foundation,
was twenty-four (viz. twenty-three canons and one custos), but, by
the statutes of the college, they were increased to twenty-six (viz. a
custos, twelve secular or major canons, and thirteen priests or
minor canons. The poor knights also were in like manner in-
creased from twenty-four to twenty-six.

The precise number of twenty-six is supposed, with some reason,
to have been determined upon as corresponding with the number of
the Knights Companions of the Garter.^

The first canons were presented by the knights of that order,
each of the first five and twenty knights being permitted, by the
sovereign's favour, to present a canon .^ In the same way the first
poor knights were presented,* the subsequent presentation to both
bodies being reserved to the royal founder and his successors.

The intention of the king, with regard to the poor knights, was
to provide relief and comfortable subsistence for such valiant
soldiers as happened in their old age to fall into poverty and
decay .^ The objects of this charitable foundation are described in

and all other judges and officials ; and received them within the protection of the papal
see. And further granted — That the custos for the time being should have ecclesiastical
jurisdiction over the canons, priests, clerks, alms-knights, and officers, and their
successors, as also the cure of their souls ; notwithstanding any papal constitution,
statues, customs, whether provincial or synodical, or other whatsoever to the contrary.
Willing, nevertheless, that the custos should receive the cure of their souls from the
diocesan of the place. And in consideration of this exemption and privilege, the custos was
obliged to pay annually, on St. George's day, one mark in silver to the pope's chamber.
A copy of the Bull is inserted in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.'

These exemptions were included in the confirmation of liberties made by Edward the
Third, in a charter dated the 20th of February, in the forty-seventh year of his reign.
(Ashmole, citing Cart, de an. 47, Edw. HI.)

Among other rights and privileges exercised by the dean and canons in their juris-
diction (the precincts of the chapel), were those of proving wills, excommunication, and
the granting dispensation to themselves for eating flesh in Lent. (Ashmole, p. 176.)

^ Ashmole, citing the Preface to the Statutes of the College.

^ Ashmole. See also Sir H. Nicolas' ' Observations on the Institution of the Order of
the Garter,' ' Archaeologia,' vol. xxxi, pp. 125—27.

3 Ashmole, citing art. 4 of the Statutes.

^ Ibid., art. 6.

^ Ibid., citing art. 6 of the Statutes.

162 ANNALS OP WINDSOR, [Chaptek VII.

the letters of foundation, to be poor knights, weak in body,
indigent, and decayed.^

The king subsequently endowed the college with the advowsons
of Datchet and Ewre, in Buckinghamshire; Riston, in Norfolk;
Whaddon and Caston, in Cambridge; Symondsburn, in Durham ;^
and Saltash, in Cornwall ; and with lands at Wraydesbury ; the
manor of Ewre, near Weybridge ; the manor of Craswell, in the
parish of Bray ; and a weare in the River Thames called Braybrok,
together with lands in the same parish with their appurtenances,
conveyed to the king by Sir John Philibert ;^ and also a wood
called Temple Wood, at Stoke Pogis. The whole annual value of
these and other lands and moneys granted to the college were
estimated at £655 15^.*

Edward the Third also gave the college, for the use of the custos
and canons, a piece of ground in Windsor, and also a garden there
for the use of the alms-knights, vicars, clerks, choristers, and other
officers of the college.

Independently of these royal endowments, grants were made to
the college in this reign by private individuals, comprising amongst
others the parsonage of Langley Maries, in Buckinghamshire.

The most remarkable grant, however, was one by the corpora-
tion of Yarmouth, in the twenty-sixth year of the king's reign, of a
last of red herrings yearly, well dried and cleansed. '' It was at
the instance of the founder, Edward the Third, that the bailiffs and

^ A similar qualification is inserted in the statutes of institution of tlie Order of the
Garter, and repeated in the statutes of the order made in the reigns of Henry the Fifth
and Henry the Eighth. The original statutes of the college, as well as the orders of
Queen Elizabeth, moreover provided " that in case there should happen to fall to any of
the alms-knights either lands or rents, by succession or any other way, to the yearly
value of twenty pounds or more, then such knight should immediately be removed from the
college, and made incapable of receiving any profits or emoluments thence, and another
alms-knight preferred in his place," (Ashmole.)

2 The advowson of Symondsburn was surrendered by the college, in tlie reign of
Edward the Fourth, to tlie Duke of Gloucester. (Ashmole.)

^ Philberts, near Bray, where Nell Gwynne resided, evidently derives its name from
Sir John Philibert, or one of his family.

* The endowments of the college in the reign of Edward the Third (independently of
the grants mentioned in the king's letters patent of foundation) are enumerated in
detail by Ashmole, in his ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 167 — 169, and copies of several of
the letters patent are inserted in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.'

TO A.D. 1348.]

GEANTS TO THE COLLEGE.

1G3

commonalty of Yarmouth/' says Ashmole, " granted to the college
(the 1st of April, 26th Edw. Ill), under thek common seal, a last
of red herrings yearly, well dried and cleansed, to the end they
might take this corporation into their prayers. But some say it
was enjoined them as a penance for murdering a magistrate among
them." ^

Among the charges against the canons, exhibited to the Privy
Council by the poor knights of Windsor, in the reign, apparently,
of Henry the Seventh, stands the allegation, that " the said chanons
embesill and withdrawe yerely a last of heryng."^

» ' Order of the Garter/ p. 167.
2 Ashmol. MS., No. 1166.

The Garter Tower

CHAPTER VIIL

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE EDWARD THE THIRD.

{Continued.)

Enlargement of the Castle — Progress of the Works — John, King of France, a prisoner at
the Castle — Appointment of William of Wykeham as Surveyor of the Castle
Works — Eeast of St. George in 1358 — Progress of the Works — Impressment of
Workmen — Ravages of the Plague — Resignation of William of Wykeham — Tradi-
tional Story — Subsequent Works — Expenditure on the Castle — Painting of the
Round Tower, externally — Architectural Character of the Works — Existing Traces
— Grants and Exchanges of Land by the King — Commission of Inclosure — Various
minor Grants and Appointments during this reign — John de Molyns — Petition of
Robert Lamberd — Visits of the King to Windsor — Marriage of the Black Prince
to the Princess Isabella — Death of Queen Philippa — Return of the Black Prince
— Petition of Watermen as to Exactions at Windsor Bridge — Evidence of the
Castle as a Prison — Writing of Italian Prisoners on the Walls.

Almost contemporaneously with the establishment of the Order
of the Garter, and the foundation of the College of St. George,
Edward the Third took measures for the enlargement of the castle
nearly to its present extent.

Down to this period, the castle occupied, as has been pre-
viously observed, the site of the present middle and lower
wards, there being little or no building east of the keep or Round
Tower.

The foundation of the college, and the institution of the Order
of the Garter, necessarily required additional accommodation within
the walls of the castle for the residence of the custos, canons, and
other officers of the college, and the periodical accommodation and
entertainment of the guests attending the feasts and ceremonies of
the order. The lower ward was by degrees almost wholly appro-

TO A.D. 1377.] ENLARGEMENT OF THE CASTLE. 165

priated to the college, and the king proceeded to the erection of a
new ward, or domus regis, eastward of the keep.

According to a tradition which has been preserved, it was the
suggestion of the Kings of France and of Scotland, who were
prisoners together at Windsor during part of the years 1356-7,
that induced Edward the Third to extend the castle in that
direction. "The two higher wards were builded by Edward the
Third, certainly, and upon occasion, as is reported, of his victory
against the French king, John, and the King of Scots, David, both
of them prisoners at one time in the old Castle of Windsor, as is
said; where being visited by the king, or riding together with him,
or walking together in that ground where the two wards be now,
as a parcel of his park, the strangers commending the situation,
and judging the castle to have been better built in that place than
where it was, as being on higher ground, and more open to see
and to be seen afar off, the king approved their sayings, adding
pleasantly, that it should so be, and that he would bring his castle
thither, that is to say, enlarge it so far with two other wards, the
charges whereof should be borne with their two ransoms, as after
it came to pass.'' ^

A new chapel, with houses for the custos and canons, was
begun very shortly after the first foundation of the college.^

In the twenty-third year of his reign (a.d. 1849), the king
appointed John Peynton surveyor of the works,^ and in the fol-
lowing year he appointed Richard de Rotheley to the same office,
which he appears to have held once before.^ Subsequently, in the
same year, William de Hurle and William de Herland received
this appointment.^ John de Sponlee was at the same period
appointed master of the stone-hewers ; and all sheriffs, mayors, and
bailiffs were commanded to assist him in pressing as many masons
and artificers as were necessary, and conveying them to Windsor

^ Stowe, Harl. MS., 367, f. 13.

^ Poynter; Ashniole.

3 Pat., 23 Edw. Ill, pars i, m. 10.

* Ibid , 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 23.

' Ibid., 24 Edw. 10, p. ii, m. 21, durso.

166 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek VIII

to work at the king's pay, and to arrest and imprison all who
should disobey or refuse/

In 1350, the king assigned John de Alkeshull to seize in the
kingdom of England, as well by land as by water, in whatever
places should seem fit to him, as well within liberties as without,
stone, wood, coal, timber, lead, glass, iron, and tiles, and other
necessaries for the king's works in his Palace of Westminster, the
Tower of London, and the Castle of Windsor, and obtain the
carriages for their transmission.^ This commission was renewed in
the following year.^

In the twenty-fifth year of the king's reign, Robert de Benham
was appointed surveyor of the works.^ In the same year, James de
Dorchester, the deputy-constable of the castle, was appointed to
control the works of the chapel, and the materials provided for them,
and all payments on account of the same.^ " And to the end," says
Ashmole,"this great undertaking might be honestly and substantially
performed, the king assigned John Brocas, Oliver de Burdeux, and
Thomas de Toxle, jointly and severally, with all care and diligence
(at least together once a month), to survey the workmen and their
works, and to encourage such as did their duty competently well,
but to compel others that were idle and slothful."^

Two years afterwards, John de Alkeshull and Walter Palmer were
severally commissioned to provide stone, timber, lead, iron, and all
other necessaries for the work, and to impress carriages for their
conveyance to Windsor.^ And about the same time the king
appointed his clerk, Bobert de Bernham, surveyor of the works in
the castle^ with power to obtain as many carpenters and other
workmen as should be necessary to carry on the works, wherever
they could be found, with the proviso, however, that ecclesiastical
lands, and the royal works and w^orkmen at Westminster, the
Tower, and Dartford, should not be interfered with. He was also

^ Ashmole, citing Pat., 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 21.
» Rot Orig., 24 Edw. Ill, ro. 23, ^ jbid.

4 Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 10.
•'' Aslimole, citing Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 10.
« Ibid., citing Pat,, 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 12.

? Ibid., citing Pat,, 27 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 2, dorso, and Pat., 28 Edw. Ill, p. i,
m. 20.

TO A.D. 1377.] aOYAL CAPTIVES IN THE CASTLE. 167

empowered to inquire if the tiraber and other materials were
carried away or removed, and to purchase and provide all neces-
saries for the works, and to sell the branches and other spare stuff
of the trees provided for them, receiving for his own wages twelve
pence a day while resident at the works, and two shillings while
travelling about on the king's business, and three shillings weekly
for the wages of his clerk.^ In this year occurs the payment of
£13 6s. Sd. to John, a canon of St. Catherine's, the king's picture-
painter ; money delivered to him for painting a picture, which the
same John was commanded to paint by the lord the king, with
images, for the chapel in Windsor Castle.^

In 1355, John de Alkeshull and William de Frenshe were
ordered to provide timber, stone, tiles, and other necessaries for
Windsor Castle, as well as for the Palace of Westminster and the
town of Calais.^

In 1356, John King of France, who, together with his son
Philip, was taken prisoner at Poic tiers, and at first placed in the
Palace of the Savoy, was soon afterwards removed, with all his
household, to Windsor Castle, *' where he was permitted to hunt and
hawk, and take what other diversions he pleased, in that neighbour-
hood, as well as the Lord Philip, his son. The rest of the French
lords remained at London, but they visited the king as often as
they pleased, and were prisoners on their own parole of honour."*

The Kings of France and of Scotland were now prisoners at
Windsor. In November, 1357, the Scotch king was ransomed,
and rode home to Scotland with his queen, Johanna, the sister of
Edward the Third.^

In 1356, the renowned William of Wykeham received the
appointment of surveyor of the king's works at the Castle and in
the Park of Windsor.^ He was at this time styled " Clericus," but
no ecclesiastical preferment was conferred upon him until the fol-
lowing year. A few months before his appointment to Windsor

' Hot. Orig., 27 Edw. Ill, r. 16.

2 Rot. Lib., 27 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 160,

3 Hot. Orig., 29 Edw. Ill, ro. 17.

■• Eroissart. ^ Ibid.

« Pat., 30 Edw. Ill, pars 3, m. 21.

168 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII.

he was made clerk of all the king's works in his manors of ITenly
and East-hampstead.^ This appointment is dated the 10th of May,
1356. That of surveyor at Windsor bears date at Westminster,
the 30th of October following.

The following curious entry of a payment made to him on the
20th of August, in this year, proves that he was at Windsor some
time before the date of his appointment as surveyor.

"In money paid by William of Wykham, for the keep of the
king's eight dogs at Windsor, for nine weeks, taking for each dog
three farthings per day ; and for the wages of a boy to keep the said
dogs during the same time, 2d. per day, £2 ll^.''^^

William of Wykeham was at this period thirty-two years of
age. By his patent he had power to press all sorts of artificers,
and to provide stone, timber, and all other materials, and carriages.
His salary was one shilling a day while he staid at Windsor^ two
shillings when he went elsewhere on his employment, and three
shillings a week for his clerk.

These were the same sums as were allowed to Robert de
Bernham, and which had been, in the first instance, granted to
Richard de Rotheley.^ On the 13th November, in the following
year, William of Wykeham received a grant from the king of one
shilling a day, payable at the exchequer, over and above his former
wages and salary.^

A document of this year indicates the empty state of the royal
purse. William of Wykeham, together w^ith John Brokas and
Edmund Rose, were directed to take twelve of the best beasts and
horses in the king's park, and sell them.^ Similar commissions
were issued three years later in respect of several royal parks
besides Windsor, the proceeds being expressly directed to be paid
to William of Wykeham on account of the works at the castle.^

1 Hot. Pat., 30 Edw. Ill ; Tanner, cited in Louth's ' Life of Wjkeliam.'

2 Rot. Lib,, 30 Edw. Ill; Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 163.

3 Ashmole, citing Rot. Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 11, and 24 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 23.
' Rot. Pat., 31 Edw. Ill ; Tanner, cited in Louth's ' Life of William of Wykeham.'
' Rot. Orig., 31 Edw. Ill, ro. 1.

« Ibid., 3i Edw. Ill, ro. 5, 6, 7.

TO A.D. 1377.] THE FEAST OE ST. GEORGE. 169

On the 10th of July, 1359, being at this time Prebend of
riixton, in the church of Lichfield, and Rector (although not in
possession) of Pulham, in Norfolk, William of Wykeham was con-
stituted chief warden and surveyor of the king's castles of Windsor,
Leeds, Dover, and Hadlam, and of the manors of Old and New
Windsor, Wychemere, Foli John, Eton, and of several other castles,
manors, and houses, and of the parks belonging to them; with
power to appoint all workmen, to provide materials, and to order
everything with regard to building and repairs ; and in those
manors to hold leets and other courts, pleas of trespass, and mis-
demeanors, and to enquire of the king's liberties and rights.^

William of Wykeham appears to have previously resigned his
former office, for, in 1358, William de Mulso was appointed sur-
veyor of the works in the castle.^ Nearly at the same time that
Wykeham received the appointment of chief warden and surveyor,
Geoffrey de Carleton obtained the office of keeper of all the mason
work in the castle.^

The narration of the progress of the works must be interrupted
to notice the Feast of St. George, which was held at Windsor on
the 23d of April, 1358, " in more sumptuous manner than ever
had been kept before." *

In the beginning of the year, the king issued his royal procla-
mation throughout all England, that all knights, strangers from
any part of the world, should have his letters of safe conduct to
pass and repass the realm at their pleasure, for the space of three
weeks, without the least impediment or danger, there to partake,
every one according to his degree and merit, of those honours and
prizes which attended the princely exercise of jousts and tour-
naments.^

The feast was held with unusual splendour, chiefly in honour of
the French king and others of the nobility of France there present.
The Duke of Brabant, Sir Frank van Hull, Sir Henry Eam o^

1 Pat., 33 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 20 ; Ashmole ; and Louth's ' Life of William of
Wykeham.'

- Ibid., 32 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 2. » Ibid., 33 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 24.

* Holinshed.

^ Barnes, citirxg Knighton, and MS. in Bibl. C. C. C, Cantab.

170 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter YIII.

Flanders, and many great lords and knights of Germany, Gascogny,
Scotland, and other countries, attended. The Queen of Scotland,
who also came to England with her royal husband, on a visit to
Edward the Third, and many other great ladies, as well of
England as of other nations, came to Windsor, to this feast, in
their gayest and richest apparel.^

Of this feast, the King of France is reported to have said in
scorn, " That he never saw so royal a feast, and so costly, made of
tallies of tree, without paying of gold or silver/'^

The following extracts from the royal accounts furnish some
particulars of the payments made on this occasion :

*^ A payment to Queen Phihppa of j8500, as a gift from the king,
for the preparation of her apparel against the Feast of St. George, to be
celebrated at Windsor."

" To divers messengers and runners sent into various parts of
England with letters, under the privy seal and signet, directed to
several lords and ladies, inviting them to the Feast of St. George, at
Windsor, 47s. lid/'

^' To Walter Norman and his twenty-three fellows, for the car-
rying of oats to Windsor, about the time of St. George^s Feast,
13s, 4d,''

'' To William Volaunt, king of the heralds, in money issued to him
of the king^s gift, for his good services at the said feast, 665. SdJ'

'' To Hautrin Fitz-Lebbin and his twenty-three fellows, the king's
minstrels, for their services at the said feast, £16/'^

William de Montague, Earl of Salisbury and Marshall of
England, was so bruised at the jousts or tournament held on this
occasion, that he died, says Holinshed, " the more was the pity,
within eight days after." ^

This Ear] of Salisbury was the husband of the countess whose

^ Barnes.

2 Haiieian MS., No. 367- The allusion was evidently to the mode of raising money by
means of tallies or notched wood, given to the lender as a voucher or security for repayment.
Another anecdote is, that the king, expecting by a high ransom to pay something toward
these vast profusions, said, merrily, that he never saw nor knew such royal shows and
feasting without some after-reckoning for gold and silver. (Barnes, citing a MS., Bib.
C. C. C, Cantab.).

3 See Beltz's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 5.

* Holinshed, citing 'Additions to Adam Meriniuth and Trivet.'

TO A.D. ]377.] PROGUESS OP THE WOKKS. 171

name is commonly associated with the institution of the Order of
the Garter, as previously mentioned.

The suits of armour worn by King John and King David, on
the occasion of this festival, are still preserved.^

The imprisonment of the King of France at Windsor was not
a close one. He appears to have had considerable liberty ; but
soon after the above festivities, it was discovered that he had sent
private letters into France, contrary to his engagement, and there-
upon he was confined a little more closely, and removed to Hert-
ford Castle,'^ and the following year to Somerton Castle, and
ultimately to the Tower, where he appears to have remained until
the treaty of 1360, Philip, his son, being with him the whole
time.^

Previously to the departure of John, on the completion of the
treaty which gave him his liberty, he rode with the Prince of Wales
from London to Windsor, to pay a visit to the queen, and having
received many great and splendid entertainments from the king, he
returned again to London."^

The works at Windsor Castle were now in full operation, and
the greater part of them were executed between 1359 and 1374.^

The alterations did not consist entirely of additions to the
castle. Many good structures, we are told, were thrown down.^

^ Of the feast, or of the Order of the Garter, in the 33d and 34th years of Edward the
Third (a.d. 1359 and 1360), there is no account in any chronicle, nor any other notice
whatever. Prom that time, however, the series of Wardrobe Accounts, in which not
only the robes prepared for the Knights of the Garter, who were expected to attend the
Eeast of Saint George, are mentioned, but in which their names are given, is tolerably
complete. (Sir Harris Nicolas, in 'Archaeologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 139.)

^ Barnes says " Hereford," but it must be a misprint or mistake.

^ Barnes, citing Dugdale, Holinshed, Knighton, and Ashmole.

'* Barnes. On the return of the French king to England, in consequence of his
inability to comply with the terms of his ransom, he does not seem to have visited
Windsor, but to have remained in the Savoy until his death.

^ Poynter.

• * Continuatio Chronicii Ranulphii, per Johanum Malverne, ab an. Dom. 1326 ad
an. 1394,' MS. in Biblioth. Coll. Corp. Christ., Cantab., cited in Louth's *Life of
Wykeham.' According to this chronicler, it was the suggestion of Wykeham that induced
the king to enlarge the castle: — "Circa annum Domini 1359, Domiuus Rex ad instiga-
tionem Wilhelmi Wykeham, clerici, in Castro de Wyndeshore multa bona sedificia fecit
prosterni, et alia plura pulchra et sumptuosa eedificari ; omnes fere lathonii et carpentarii

172 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII.

It has been suggested that these were the buildings of the
middle (then the upper) ward, and that probably the last remains
of the donms regis of Henry the First, including perhaps the keep,
disappeared at this time, for the latter had certainly been rebuilt
(previous to the alterations by Sir Jeffry Wyatville) at some period,
and most probably in this reign. ^

In 1360, the woods at Farnham, belonging to Lord Eurnival,
were purchased by the king, for the purpose of supplying timber
for the works. ^

In the same year, writs, bearing date the 14th of April, were
issued to the sheriffs of London and twelve counties, commanding
them to impress the best diggers and hewers of stone, to the
number of three hundred and sixty in all, and to send them to
Windsor by the Sunday next after the Feast of St. George, at the
furthest, there to be employed at the king's wages, so long as was
necessary. The sheriffs were also commanded to take sufficient
security from the workmen not to depart from Windsor without
the licence of William de Wykeham, who was directed to return
such securities into the Court of Chancery.^

The necessity for impressing workmen seems to have been the
result of the parliamentary legislation of this reign. In conse-
quence of the ravages committed by the plague, labourers had
become comparatively scarce, and, as a necessary result, wages
increased. By an act of parliament, known as the Statute of
Labourers,'^ passed in 1349, an attempt was made to force a
reduction, by setting a price upon labour of various descriptions,

per totara Angliam ad illam sedificationem fuerunt adducti, ita quod vix aliquis potuit
habere aliquem bonum lathouium vel carpentarium nisi in abscondito propter regis prohi-
bitionem. Fuerat autem dictus WiQielmus Wykeham de infimo genere, ut puta, ut
dicebatur, servilis conditionis ; tamen fuit multum astutus, et vir magnse industrise.
Yidens qualiter possit regi placere et illius benevolentiam adipisci, consuluit regi dictum
Castrum de Wyndeshore taliter sicut hodie patet intuenti sedificare."
* Poynter.

2 Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 34 Edw. III.

3 Rot. Claus., 34 Edw. Ill, m. 34. The number of men to be supplied were thus appor-
tioned : — London, 40 ; Essex and Hertford, 40 ; Wilts, 40 ; Leicester and Worcester, 40 ;
Cambridge and Huntingdon, 40 ; Kent, 40 \ Gloucester, 40 ; Somerset and Devon, 40 ;
Northampton, 40.

< Stat, 23 Edw. Ill, c. 1.

TOAD. 1377] THE PLAGUE AT WINDSOU. 173

and also upon poultry. A master carpenter was limited to three
pence a day, and a common carpenter to two pence.

Richard la Vache was this year appointed constable of the
castle during life.^

In 1361, William de Mulso was appointed clerk of the works
in the Castle of Windsor and elsewhere." About the same time,
John de Ronceby was appointed controller of Windsor and other
castles;^

In consequence of many of the workmen, who were impressed
as above mentioned, having secretly left Windsor, in order to work
for other persons at higher wages, and the works at the castle being
consequently retarded, writs were directed in 1362 to the sheriffs
of London, commanding them to make proclamation prohibiting
any person, whether clerk or layman, from employing or retaining
any of the men, on pain of forfeiting all their goods ; and also com-
manding the sheriffs to arrest such as had so run away, and
commit them to Newgate.^

The power to issue commissions for levying persons or things
necessary for the king's service, was for many years a b^::iich
of the royal prerogative, and still exists in the impi^ossment of
seamen.^

The plague, which had committed the most fearful ravages
throughout England in 1348, carrying off one third of the people/
appears to have visited Windsor at this period ; and in consequence

' Rot. Orig., 34 Edw. Ill, ro. 3.

2 Rot. Pat., 35 Edw. Ill, p. iii, m. 20.

3 Ibid., m. 21.

^ Rot. Claus., 36 Edw. Ill, m. 36, dorso.

^ 'Excerpta Historica,' p. 43. This step of forcing men to work for the king at
certain wages offers a contrast to the proceedings of the workmen employed in building
the queen's new palace at Westminster. A number of these workmen struck for wages
in the winter of 1841, and, having nothing to do, availed themselves of the vacant
seats in her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench, as affording a place of shelter and repose.
Here they might be seen from day to day, enjoying the comfortable temperature of the
court, undisturbed by any fear of writs or other compulsory process to force them to
return to their work. The difference with respect to the liberty enjoyed by the people of
the nineteenth century and those of the fourteenth, is strongly marked by these parallel
cases.

^ Lysons' * Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 172.

174 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter VIII.

of a great number of the workmen at the castle dying of it^ other
writs were issued, 30th of March, 1362, to the sheriffs of the
counties of York, Derby, Salop, Hereford, Nottingham, Lancaster,
and Devon, commanding them, under a penalty of two hundred
pounds each, to send to Windsor able and skilful masons and
diggers, to the number in all of three hundred and two, to be there
on Sunday, the Utas of Easter, at latest.^

In this year (1362) WiUiam of Wykeham, now in full orders,
and loaded with preferment, resigned his appointment, and was
succeeded by William de Mulso,^ who was also an ecclesiastic, and
a canon of the new College of Windsor.^ Wykeham, in the fol-
lowing year, received the higher lay appointment of warden and
justiciary of the king's forests on this side Trent.*

A traditional story, connecting Wykeham with Windsor Castle,
may be mentioned here. It is narrated that Wykeham inscribed
on the interior of one of the walls these words, " Hoc fecit
Wykeham." The phrase offended the king, who translated it as
an assumption, by the architect, of the credit of erecting the whole
struC+ure, that is to say, as meaning, " Wykeham built this." On
remonstrating with him, Wykeham explained that the words did
not mean that he made the building, but that the building made
him, his employment in the works leading to his present promotion,
an explanation that satisfied Edward.

The earliest written narrative of this story is given by Arch-
bishop Parker in his work, " De Antiquitate Britanniae Ecclesise."^

Bishop Lowth rejects the anecdote as deserving but little atten-

^ Ashmole. The number of men to be furnisbed by eacb county was as follows : —
York, 60 ; Derby, 24 ; Salop, 60 ; Hereford, 50 ; Nottingham, 24 ; Lancaster, 24 ;
Devon, 60.

2 Poynter. ^ Ibid.

^ Louth's ' Life of Wykeham,' citing Kennett's * Faroe. Antiq.,' p. 497.

^ Ibid. The following is the archbishop's account : — " Quidam narrant
Wickhamum extructa arce Windsorina, in interiori quodam pariete haec verba, quae
Latine tam apposite et facete exprimi nequeunt, insculpisse : This made Wickham — Hoc
fecit Wickham. Quae locutio in Anglicaua lingua, quae casibus raro discriminatur, tam
ambigua est ; ut incertum sit, utrum is arcem, an arx cum efFecisset. Hoc regi a calum-
niatoribus quibusdam in ejus invidiam ita delatum est ; quasi Wickhamus omnem extructi
sedificii laudem sibi arroganter veudicaret : Quod cum rex iniquo animo tulissit, eique
probrose objecisset ; non sibi tam magnificse regiseque structurse laudes, sed structurse suas

TO A.D. 1377.] THE WINCHESTER TOWER. 175

tion, and standing upon '' no other foundation than some popular
tradition."^

The only confirmation that the story receives is from the fact,
that one of the towers of the castle bears the name of the
Winchester Tower, a name which it is generally supposed to derive
from the above circumstance.^ No trace of the inscription, how-
ever, could be discerned in the walls of this or any other part of
the castle when the alterations were effected in the reign of George
the Fourth, and it is more probable that the tower acquired its
name from being assigned, during the festivals and ceremonies of
the Order of the Garter, as a residence of the Bishop of Winchester,
for the time being, prelate of that order .^

Sir JefFry Wyatville, however, perpetuated the anecdote by
affixing the words, " Hoc fecit Wykeham," on the ashlar work of
the tower.

The superintendence and control of William of Wykeham
appears to have been something more than nominal, and that he

dignitates commoditatesque ascripsisse dixit. ' Nee ego, inquit. Lane areem, sed hsec arx
me effecit, et ab ima eonditione ad regis gratiam, opes atque diguitates evexit.' Cum hoc
responso adversariorum calumniam vitasset, opibus et potentia crevit indies." See also
Bayle, in loco " Wieam," citing ' Historica Descripto vitse Wicam.'
^ ' Life of Wykeham.'

2 The Winchester Tower is on the north side of the castle, and east of the deanery.
As restored by Sir JefFry Wyatville, its irregular outline forms, from many points of view,
one of the most picturesque objects in the whole castle.

In Hoffnagle's view of Windsor, in Braun's ' Civitates Orbis Terrarum,' which is the
earliest known representation of the castle, the Round Tower, or keep, is marked as the
Winchester Tower, and certainly, assuming the story to be true, the reverend architect
would naturally place such an inscription on the centre and principal tower of the
structure. Camden's description, however, — in which he says, "between both courts runs
a hill, on which stands a round tower ; near it is another high tower, called Winchester
Tower, from William Wickham," &c., and a similar description by Stowe (Harl. MSS.,
No. 367), — together with the evidence of Hollar's views and the known accuracy of that
artist, lead to the inference that the name has been wrongly assigned in Hoffnagle's
view. A passage in Euller's 'Worthies of England' seems at first to convey the contrary
impression: — "In this palace," says Euller, "most remarkable, the hall for greatness,
Winchester Tower for height, and the terrace on the north side for pleasure, where a
dull eye may travel twenty miles in a moment." At that period, however, the Round
Tower had not the superiority in height over the other towers that it now has ; on the
contrary, the tower now known as the Winchester Tower appears from Hoffnagle and
Hollar's views to have been considerably higher, measuring from the foundation of each.

3 See Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 237.

176 ANNALS OP WINDSOK. [Chapter VIII.

was in reality an excellent architect. Windsor was not the only
spot w^here his talents were employed in that capacity. We are
told that he also had the " sole direction of the building of Queens-
borough Castle : the difficulties arising from the nature of the
ground, and the lowness of the situation, did not discourage him
from advising and undertaking this work, and in the event they
only served to display more evidently the skill and abilities of the
architect/'-^

The bishop retained an affection for Windsor to the end of his
life. By an indenture between him and Thomas Butiller the dean,
and the chapter of Windsor, dated 29th May, 1402, William of
Wykeham, desiring a memorial of himself in the chapel, as well in
life as after death, gave £200 to provide twenty marks yearly for
one chaplain, in addition to the number already existing, to pray
for his soul and the souls of Edward the Third, his father and
mother, and other patrons of the bishop.^ The grant seems to
have been made several years earlier, for among numerous other
instances of lax conduct charged and proved against the dean and
chapter in the next reign, is one that the donation of £200 by the
bishop was lost.^ It w^as probably recovered, and the found deed pre-
pared in 1402, to guard against any subsequent misappropriation.

In 1363, some portion of the building seems to have been
advancing towards completion.^ Henry de Stanmere and John
Hampton were employed to buy glass, wherever it could be ob-
tained throughout the kingdom, and to press glaziers to work at
the king's wages, twenty-four to be conveyed to London to work
there, and tw^elve to Windsor, to be employed in the castle.^ A
great number of other workmen were also pressed this year for the
works, as well as carriages for stone and timber.^

1 Louth's 'Life of "Wykeham/ citing MS. Coll. Winch. The king had other works
in progress — Conway, Henley, East Hampstead; St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster: and
King's Hall (afterwards part of Trinity College), Cambridge. These, as well as Windsor,
occupied his attention after the cessation of war in 1365.

2 Ash. MS., No. 1115, f. 1. See also No. 1125, f. 373.
^ See post, Chapter X.

^ Poynter.

5 Pat., 37 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 28 ; ibid., m. 30.

« Ibid., m. 12 and 29.

TO A.D. 1377.] WORKS AT THE CASTLE. 177

The expenditure upon the works, which had gradually increased
during the last three years, amounted for the first half only of this
year to £3802 lis. Sd., of which £932 was paid for lead.^

In the following year (1364) Nicholas Bernard was appointed
surveyor of the works in the Castle and Park of Windsor for
life.^ In this year the whole expenditure amounted only to
£3031 9^. 9d.'

Much of the stone employed in the buildings was obtained from
the quarries of Wellesford, Helwell, and Caseby,^ Heseleberg, and
Demelby,^ and Melton.^

In the thirty-ninth year of the king's reign (a.d. 1365) a
payment occurs of £13 6s. 8d. to John, a canon of St. Katherine's,
the king's painter, for making a table, whereon images were
painted, for the chapel in Windsor Castle ;^ and another to John
de Lyndesay of £20, in part payment of £50, which the king
commanded to be paid him for a certain table with figures, pur-
chased from him by the king, for the Chapel of St. George.^

In this year, Thomas Cheyne was appointed constable of the
castle for life.^ He also received the appointment of parkership of
the Great Park.^'

In the fortieth year it may be presumed that some other portion
of the building was ready for roofing, since £600 was paid for lead.
The whole charge this year was £4076 9^. 9d., besides a sum of
£1671 2s. Id., which seems to have been in arrear. There is also
a payment of £6 13^. 4d. to WiUiam de Lindesay, a carver of
wooden images in London, in discharge of ten marks, which the
king commanded to be paid him of his gift, as a reward in addi-
tion to a former sum paid him, for making a certain table with

* Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 37 Edw. Ill, p. i. The second part of this roll is
missing.

2 Pat., 38 Edw. Ill, p, i, m. 17.

3 Poynter, citing Issue Rolls, 38 Edw. III.
' Pat., 37 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 26.

5 Ibid., 38 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 29.
« Ibid, 39 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 37.

5^ Rot. Lib., 39 Edw. III. See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 185.
« Ibid.

9 Rot. Orig., 39 Edw. Ill, ro. 8.
10 Rot. Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 29.

178 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII.

images of wood, for the chapel in the new works within the Castle
of Windsor, and for the carriage of the table from London to
Windsor;^ and another of £13 17 s, to William de Burdon, the
king's painter, for a great tablet for the altar. In the same year,
Adam de Hertyngdon, who, like his predecessor, was an eccle-
siastic and canon of Windsor, became clerk of the works in the
place of William de Mulso,^ who had been appointed one of the
chamberlains of the receipt of the exchequer, an office to which
Adam de Hertyngdon w^as also promoted in 1370, though without
vacating his former employment.

In the accounts for the year 1366, mention is made of several
colours and varnish, and gold leaf, for the use of William Burdon
the painter, who was at work upon the painting of a tower called
La Rose, for one hundred and twenty-three days and a half ;^ and

1 Rot. Pat., 40 Edw. III.

=* Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 40 Edw. III. The appointment of Adam de Hertjndon
was " clerk of the king's works, as well within as without the king's Castle of V\''indsor,
and in the king's manor within Windsor Park, and also in the manors and lands of
Wythmere, Eolie John, Easthampstead, and Cold-kenyngton, and of the palings and
other inclosures made as well round the new park of Windsor, called Wythemere, as the
old park, and in the parks of Easthampsted and Coldkenyngton." (Rot. Orig.,
39 Edw. Ill, ro. 20.)

^ Emp' colorum. — Idem comput' in xij.ft. de vertegres, empt' de Johanne Glendale, pro
pictura cujusdam Turris vocat' la Rose, pret' ft. xij.d. — xij.*. Et in xviij.ft. rub' plumV
empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus., pret' ft.xviij.^/. — xxvij.5. Et in Ixvijft.
albi plumbi empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft.vj-^. — xxxiij.*. v'yd.
Et in viij.ft. vermelon emp' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft. ij.s. — xvj.5.
Et in l.ft. de Broun empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus, pret' ft. iij. — xij.*.
y].d. Et in vj.ft. de vernyssh empt' de eodem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus., pret*
ft. viij.c?. — iiij.5. Et in iii.ft. de vernissh' empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis operibus.,
pret' ft. vj.c?. — xviij.c?. Et in ml iiij<'. auri benevoli empt' de eodem Johanne, pro prsedictis
operibus, pret' c™^. vj.5. — ui].li. iiij.*. Et in xxij. lagen' olei empt' de eodem Johanne,
pro prsedictis operibus, pret' lagend ij.s. — xliiij.5. Et in vij.ft. asure de Wys empt' de
eodem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus, pret' ft.iiij.5. — xxj.*. Et in j. quart' j. ft. de
Synople empt' de eadem Johanne, pro praedictis operibus in gross. — x.*.

Vadia Pict'. — Idem comp' in vad' Willielmi Burdoii-pictor operant' ibidem super
pictur' unius Turris vocat' la Rose, per cxxiij dies di' infra tempus prsedictum cap', per
diem xij.d. — vj./?'. iij.5. vj.d. Et in vad' v. Pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, per Ixxvij
dies infra tempus prsedictum quolibet cap., per diem viij.c?. — xijJi'. xvj.5. viij.fl^. Et in
vad' ix pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, percvij. dies infra tempus prsedictum quolibet cap',
per diem, vj.^. — xxiiij./i'. xviij.fi?. Et in vad' v. pictor' operant' ibidem quilibet, per Ixxv.
dies di'. infra tempus prsedictum quolibet capient', per diem y.d. — vij./i'. xvij.5. ii'yd. ob.

TO A.D. 1377.] WOUKS AT THE CASTLE. 179

during part of that time he had several inferior painters at work
under him. A considerable quantity of materials was required for
their use, sixty-seven pounds of white lead, twelve pounds of
verdigris, eighteen pounds of red lead, and eight pounds of vermi-
lion, one pound of brown and seven pounds of blue, altogether
about a hundred- weight of colour, and for which twenty-two
gallons of oil was required ; also one thousand four hundred leaves
of gold, six pounds of fine varnish, and three pounds of inferior
varnish.

From these extracts, and from independent evidence that the
external decoration of buildings by painting them, was in vogue in
this age, it seems evident that the Rose Tower, which was identical
with the Round Tower, was painted externally in imitation of the
flower from which its name was taken. ^

The accounts of Adam de Hertyndon furnish some curious
proofs of the difficulties which must have attended extensive building
works in the fourteenth century. As in earlier times, all the metal
work was executed on the spot, and forges and furnaces were built
for the smiths and plumbers. These forges and furnaces required
fuel, and it had already been discovered that coal was a more
efficient material than wood. Owing, however, to the prejudice of
the Londoners against that mineral product (on account of its effect
on the external appearance of their habitations), no supply of it
could be procured in the metropohs, and the king's master of the
works was compelled to buy a cargo of it at the pit mouth in the
county of Durham, The narrative of the voyage of a ship chartered
to carry coals for the works at Windsor in 1367, affords a striking
contrast to the present state of the trade, when thousands of vessels

Et in vad. ij. pictor' operant ibidem uterque, per xlj., dies infra tempus prsedictum utroque
cap', per diem iiij.d. — xxvij.5. iiij.^. (Account of Adam de Hertyngdon of works at
Windsor Castle, &c., a^. 39, 40 Edw. Ill, preserved in the Record Office at Carlton
Ride ; mark E.B., 1243, Box Z.)

^ The custom of painting over the outside of houses in various gay colours, as green,
red, or blue, is still common in some parts of Holland, where many ancient usages are
traditionally kept up, as in the villages of Brock and Saardam, a few miles from Amsterdam ;
this seems a confirmation of the opinion drawn from other sources, that such a custom
prevailed in the middle ages. (Parker's ' Domestic Architecture in England, from Edw. I
to Ric. II,' p. 29.)

180 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek VIII.

and many lines of inland railway are daily engaged in bringing this
important necessary of life to the capital.

According to the custom of the time, the king sent his writ to
the sheriff of Northumberland, ordering him to buy seven hundred
and twenty-six chaldron of coals, and send them to London. The
sheriff purchased them by the " greater hundred," at Winlaton, in
the county of Durham, at \ld. the chaldron. Erom Winlaton,
they were conveyed in " keles" to Newcastle-on-Tyne, and there
shipped. The freight to the south was at the rate of ^s. 6d, a
chaldron. On their voyage to London the colliers met with a
" mighty tempest at sea," and through that, and by reason of the
excess of measure over that of Newcastle, a loss of eighty-six chaldron
and one quarter was incurred, the greater part having been thrown
over-board during the tempest. Arrived at London, the coals
were put on board " shutes," or barges, and taken to Windsor at
a cost of 1,9. a chaldron. The total expense of bringing this in-
significant quantity of fuel to London, including its cost price,
was £165 5^. 2d., to which must be added the barge hire to
Windsor.^

During the forty-first and forty-second years of this reign
(a.d. 1367-8), the works were drawing to a conclusion. The ex-
penditure in each amounted to about £2000. Among the payments
specified, are £10 to Adam de Hertyngdon, for buying marble;
£60 for copper, purchased of John dayman, merchant, of Ger-
many, for the king's bells at Windsor and elsewhere ; and
£102 13^. on account of a great alabaster table, made by Peter
Maceon, of Nottingham, for the high altar of St. George's,^ of
which the whole cost amounted to three hundred marks.^

In 1369, the king granted to Helming Legatte, or Legat,

for life, the office of constable of the castle, and also the office of
bailiff within the new park of Windsor, and the parks of Wick-
meare, Guildford, and the park and manor of Kennington.^

After the forty-third year, no more workmen were pressed,

^ Parker's ' Domestic Arclutecture in England, from Edw. I to Rio. II,' pp. 27-9.
2 Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 41-42 Edw. III.

' Issue Roll, 45 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 193.
* Pat., 42 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 33.

TO AD. 1377.] CHAEACTER OF THE ARCHITECTUEE. 181

and in the forty-fourth, the expenditure fell to the sum of
£525 135. 3^.^

In that year, we have the payment of £60 to Adam de Hertyng-
don, clerk of the works, for the purchase of seven casks of honey,
price each cask, £8 10^., for the supply of the castle.^

There is also the sum of £9 2s. for 182 days' payment to Walter
Whythers, '' door-keeper of the free chapel of Saint George, at
Windsor, to whom the lord the king, by his letters patent, lately
granted 12d. daily, to be received at the exchequer during his life,
because that the same lord the king charged the same Walter to
carry a wand in the presence of the said lord the king, before the
college of the chapel aforesaid, in processions on the feast days,
when the said lord the king personally should be there ; and that
the same Walter might be able more easily to support that charge."^
This Walter Whythers was also " valet of the king's household,"
and, among other occasional employments, he was sent to York to
borrow money "from divers abbots, priors, and others," for the
king's use. Hugh de Bridham, a canon of the king's free chapel
of Windsor, was sent on a similar errand into Somerset, Devon,
and Cornwall.*

Adam de Hertyngdon, in the exercise of his office at the exche-
quer, went on this errand into Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, and
Herefordshire. A payment for £250 9^. S^d. on account of the
works at Windsor, dated 4th of December, is made " £136 2^. 6d.
by a tally raised this day, and in gold £114 6s. lO^d." Another
of £6 13^. 4^d. is made " by a tally raised this day in the name of
William of Wykeham, late Archdeacon of Lincoln."^

In the forty-seventh year (1373) the king granted to Roger
Smale the custody of the key of the chamber in the new building
in the upper bailey of the castle, with the keepership of the Little
Park, under the castle, to hold during the king's pleasure.^

^ Poynter.

2 Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III. See Devon's ' Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham.

3 Ibid.

' Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III.

* Poynter, citing Issue Roll, 44 Edw. III.

« Pat, 47 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 29.

182 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter VIIT.

Nothing appears to have been done with respect to works at the
castle from the forty-fourth year (1370) until the forty-eighth year
(1374)/ when the payment of £446 occurs on account of the works.^
No subsequent document throws any light on the proceedings of
Edward the Third, except the appointment, in 1375, of Robert
Harresworth as surveyor of the works at the castle, during the
king's pleasm^e,^ and the payment of £50, in 1376, to Adam de
Hertyngdon, clerk of the works, for a new bell for the king's clock
in the castle.^

With regard to the architectural character of the works in this
reign, Mr. Poynter observes that " in the fourteenth century a total
revolution had been effected in the principles of castellated archi-
tecture. The spirit of feudal w^arfare had subsided, or was quelled
by the increasing power of the monarchy ; and though security
might still be an important element in constructing the habitations
of the nobility, yet it was no longer imperative that it should be
purchased at the expense of the comforts and amenities of life.
The less powerful baron had therefore quitted the narrow confines
of his keep tower, to breathe more cheerfully in the embattled and
moated house, while the domestic buildings of the great castles,
instead of lurking under the shelter of the ramparts, were com-
pacted into one lofty and majestic structure, grouped with massive
towers of defence, uniting an aspect of impregnable strength
without, to the progressive refinements of art within. This prin-
ciple in castellated architecture, of blending the palace with the
fortress, which was first exhibited on a scale of grandeur in the
Welsh castles of Edward the First, and continued to mark with its
picturesque combinations the outline of our baronial residences
long after their real military character had been extinguished, was
never more perfectly developed than in the erection of the upper
ward of Windsor Castle." ^

The upper ward added to the castle by Edward the Third

^ Ashmole, chap, iv, sec. 1.

2 Pointer, citing Issue Roll, 48 Edw. III.

3 Pat., 49 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 14.

^ Rot. Lib., 50 Edward III. See Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 202.
' Pointer's 'Essay on Windsor Castle.'

TO A.D. 1377.] CHAUACTEU OF THE ARCHITECTUllE. 183

occupies a square of about four hundred and twenty feet, allowing
for those deviations from straight lines and right angles in which
the builders of the middle ages seem to have taken some unaccount-
able delight ; and it further encroaches upon the ancient confines
of the middle ward, so far as to bring the entrance to the keep
withinside the upper gate. But although this portion of the w^ork
of Edward the Third forms the nucleus of nearly the whole struc-
ture of the domus regis at the present day, yet so great has been
the change effected by successive innovations, that research is
baffled and curiosity disappointed in attempting to discern its
original features. Some additional information may be obtained
from the earliest representations of the castle, though none are of
remote date. Norden's drawing, made at the beginning of the
seventeenth century, at which period there is no reason to suppose
any material alteration had been made in the buildings of the
upper ward (except by some additions on the north side) since
their erection, is valuable evidence that the same buildings were
then in the same forms which they retained until the general
modernisation of the castle by Charles the Second, and conse-
quently that we may venture to gather further intelligence from
the engravings of Hollar, which illustrate in the most satisfactory
manner the external appearance of every part of the building
immediately previous to that event. *' The only original trace of
the architecture of the fourteenth century," continues Mr. Poynter,
" now to be discerned, on the exterior of the upper ward, occurs in
the principal gate adjoining the keep, where the whole of the arch-
way, and the machecoulis w^hich overhangs it, display a character
not to be mistaken. The gateway which occupied the north-
eastern angle of the upper court, taken down in the late alterations,
exhibited similar machecoulis, and Hollar's general view indicates
the same in that occupying the place of the present state entrance.
None of the towers appear ever to have borne this striking charac-
teristic of the castellated architecture of the fourteenth century, but
the formal repetition of square outlines, so offensive to the eye,
previously to the operations of Sir JefTry Wyatville, was broken by
lofty and picturesque turrets, most of which disappeared in the
alterations of the seventeenth century. To the south and east, the

184 > ANNALS or WINDSOH. [Chapter VIIL

castle presented a stern aspect of defiance. The ditch extended
throughout those two sides, the curtain walls were blank and
unbroken except by buttresses, and the only apertures were the
gateways and loopholes in the tower. The apartments were of
course lighted altogether from within. The three small areas on
the side where the buildings are double, since known as Birch
Court, Horn Court, and the Kitchen Court, seem to indicate that
the north front originally bore the same character as the rest ; but
of this there is no representation until buildings of late date had
supervened.^

" In the interior of the castle the work of Edward the Third is
still visible in the vaulted basement of the Devil Tower. A range
of groined vaulting also extends throughout the whole length of
the tower called King John's, of which the originality cannot be
doubted ; although, with the exception of one doorway near the
kitchen, there is nothing peculiar by which the architecture of this
portion of the edifice might be distinguished from that of a later
date. The arches of this vaulting are four-centered, and present
an early specimen of the systematic use of that form.'' ^

" These scanty details are nearly all that can now be discerned
of the castle of the fourteenth century, but of the original state of
St. George's Hall there is an intelligible record by Hollar. If this
careful and conscientious engraver was sometimes faulty in his
drawing and perspective, his truth, so far as his ability served him,
is undoubted, and his representations of ancient buildings are
invaluable when a knowledge of detail is brought to supply the
deficiencies of the artist. Making, therefore, the necessary allow-
ances. Hollar's etching probably sets before us the true design of
the hall of Edward the Third. The style of the windows has been
followed in the restoration by Sir JefFry Wyatville. The roof was
in open timbers, the main rib being a four-centered arch, springing

^ See Hollar's views in ' AsLmole.' Some dormer windows in tlie roof of St. George's
Hall, and certain caps to some of the turrets, are the only particulars in which it is neces-
sary to suppose any transformation had been made, either on the south and east sides, or
in the great court, down to the time when these views were executed. (Poynter.)

^ Povnter, where see a representation of the Interior of the Basement of the Devil's
Tower.

TO A.D. 1377.] GRANTS TO ST. GEOEGE's CHAPEL. 185

from an embattled cornice, and the space between the arch and the
rafters richly ornamented with open foliated panelling. The w^all
at the upper end, above the springing of the arch, was also richly
panelled, in a style bearing at first sight the appearance of a later
date ; but the English ^perpendicular architecture was gaining
ground rapidly before these buildings were completed, and is found
developed in an especial manner throughout all the acknowledged
works of William of Wykeham."^

As the chapel was totally rased to the ground by Edward the
Fourth in little more than a century after its erection, its position,
form, and style must be left to conjecture. With regard to its
position, it has already been shown not to have been built on
the site of the old chapel, as Ashmole supposes,^ and it probably
occupied the same ground as the choir of the present Chapel of
St. George, though how far it extended westward cannot be
known. Upon the question of its style there is the evidence of
two fragments discovered near the site, a corbel and a piscina,
ornamented with foliage strongly characteristic of the decorated
English Gothic, and indicating, by the remains of colour on c^;^.eir
surfaces, that they belonged to an edifice adorned in the poly-
chromatic style so elaborately developed in the Chapel of St. Stephen's
already built by this king at Westminster.^

The dean's cloister is a portion of the earlier works of Edward
the Third. The style of the architecture fixes its date with pre-
cision, but its proportions contrast very unfavorably with those
which may still be discerned in the remains of the cloister of the
thirteenth century which preceded it.*

^ It is probable that this panelling may really be of a later date. It has been suggested
by Mr. Ashton, with reference to some peculiarities in the plan and construction of the
ground-floor underneatli, that an alteration may have taken place, not only in the dimen-
sions (which cannot be doubted), but in the position of St. George's Hall. (Poynter.)

2 ' Order of the Garter,' chap, iv, sect. 3.

^ Poynter. Where see woodcuts of the remains referred to.

^ Ibid, The works executed by Edward the Third in the chapel and its vicinity, are
thus referred to in the College Charter of 19 Edward IV: — " Capellam sancti Georgii
de Wyndesore, per foelicissimum principem, perpetuo memoria dignum, Edwardum
tertium, progenitorem nostrum, in eorum houorem primitus erectam fuudatamque reparari
et reaidificari, aliaque plurima sedificia eidem capella, et ministris ejusdem convenientia,
de novo constriii facere," &c. {Vide Pat., 19 Edw. IV, m. 5.)

186 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII.

In the twenty-fifth year of his reign, the king, as has been pre-
viously mentioned, gave to the custos and canons of St. George's
Chapel " the great garden" lying on the south side of the castle -^
but fourteen years afterwards he regained possession of it, and
gave them in exchange a piece of ground in the town on which a
house of John of London had stood. He also gave a garden on
the opposite side of the way for the use of the poor knights, vicars,
clerks, choristers, and the other officers of the college.^

In the forty-second year, eight acres of land, in a field called
" Lydecroft," lying under the castle, were conveyed to the king ;^
and in the forty-ninth year, the king granted to Edward XJpnor
and Alice his wife, in fee, nine acres of land in Windsor, situate in
a certain field called " le Moresfield," in exchange for nine acres of
other land in Windsor, held of the king.^

Sir John Brocas also gave to the king, by deed, lands and
houses in Windsor, Dydworth or Didworth, Clewer, and Bray.^

The acquirement by the king of the lands and houses men-
tioned in these documents, some portions of which he had in an
ewcliiji' part of his reign granted away, seems to indicate that at
the first he had no definite plans to carry out, but that a desire to
keep pace with the changes and additions to the building, led to
corresponding alterations and improvements in the vicinity of the
castle.

By exchanges and inclosure of lands the king appears to have
improved the royal domain as well as the town and neighbourhood
of Windsor.

In the twenty-third year of his reign he granted to William
Trussell, of Cubbesden, the manor of Eaton Hastings in Berkshire,
in fee, together with the advowson of the church, to hold by the

* Pat., 25 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 37. Two years previously Alexander Allit had been
appointed keeper of the royal garden at Windsor during the king's pleasure. Eot.
Originalia, 23 Edw. Ill, r. 36.

' Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 22. See ante.

^ Memoranda of the Treasury, 42 Edw. III. See Sir P. Palgrave's ' Antient Kalendars
and Inventories of the Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 217.

4 Pat., 49 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 18.

^ These lands appear to have been subsequently granted by the king to William de
Wynford. {Fide Grig., 46 Edw. Ill, r. 21.)

TOA.D. 1377.] COMMISSION OF INCLOSURE. 187

accustomed services, in exchange for lands in Foli John, Hermere,
and Wichmere, and for lands in Old and New Windsor, Winkfield,
and Ascot, and for lands in Eton, near Windsor, formerly the pro-
perty of Oliver de Bordeaux, and all which the king re-joined and
united to the castle and manor of Windsor.^

The king had previously, viz. in 1328, confirmed the manor of
Old Windsor in fee to Oliver de Bordeaux, in order that the latter
might impark his wood of Folyjon within the bounds of the
forest, and that all his lands and tenements in Windsor purchased
of John of London should be out of the regard of the forest and
free from inclosures, together with various liberties of hunting, for
his life ;^ and in 1336 the king had granted the manor of Folyjon,
in the Forest of Windsor, to WilHam Trussell, in fee, to hold by the
accustomed services.^

The manor of Old Windsor, however, does not seem to have
been part of the possessions of William Trussell, of Cubbesden.
The king appears to have regained it from Oliver de Bordeaux and
to have granted it to St. George's Chapel, and by the dean it was
re-delivered to the king -, for on the 2d of March in the thirtieth
year of the king's reign, " William Mugge, the custos of the college
of the king's free chapel in the Castle of Windsor, delivered into the
receipt of the treasury a certain writing, by which the said custos
and college of the chapel aforesaid delivered up to the lord the
king the manor of Old Windsor, with its appurtenances, together
with a certain fall of water called Horned Were."^ This wear or
stream was the same year let to the custos of the chapel for the
term of twenty years, at the yearly rent of £4.^

The king having regained or acquired possession of the lands,
proceeded in 1359 to inclose all his lands in the manors of Old
and New Windsor.

By a commission dated at Westminster the 28th day of March,
in the thirty-third year of his reign, he appointed William of

1 Pat., 32 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 1. 2 xbid., 2 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 7.

3 Pat., 10 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 10.

* Memoranda of the Treasury, 30 Edw. III. See Sir F. Palgrave's 'Antieut
Kalendars and Inventories of the Treasury of the Exchequer,' vol. i, p. 179.
" Rot. Orig., 30 Edw. Ill, r. 4.

188 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter Vill.

Wickeliam, John de Foxle, Peter Attwood, and Robert de Hertesie
to take all the king's domains, lands, and tenements of Folyjon,
Hyremers,-^ Old Windsor, New Windsor, Wynkfield, and Ascot, in
the county of Berks,^ and certain tenements there, in the king's
name to license to inclose, and lease in fee farm, in fee, or for life
or for years, as to the commissioners should seem expedient, and
to extend all the customary rents and services of the king's native
and free tenants in the town (villa) of Old Windsor, and set forth
the value of the same in money, and to allot to these free tene-
ments sufficiency of common in the Forest of Windsor, as the king's
other tenants were accustomed to have, the payments for which
farm lands and tenements so inclosed, as well as the value in
money of the customary payments, to be paid into the king's
treasury by the hand of the constable of Windsor Castle for the
time being. Power was also given to the commissioners to pull
down and make sale of all houses and buildings that were not
necessary, and to pay the proceeds thereof, by the hands of William
of Wykeham, into the treasury, and to make a report of all that
they did, with the names and quantities of the lands and tenements
so demised.

In pursuance of this commission, the commissioners made their
certificate, called Certificatio arentaticnisy at Old Windsor the
4th day of April, and at Folyjon the 8th of April, and at New
Windsor on the 16th of April, in the same year. It appears from
this that the domains, lands, and tenements, the subject of this
commission, were those that came into the king's hands by the gift
or feoffment of William Trussell, of Coblesdon, knight, as above
mentioned.^ The certificate, after setting out the king's com-

1 Hyremers is supposed to have been a part of the manor of Eolyjou, lying west of
Buntingbury, or between Winckfield Lane and North Street. (Waterson's MSS. ; see
the note to the next page.)

2 A similar inclosure commission of the same year, and apparently for the same lands,
is directed to William de Wykeham, Peter atte Wode, and Robert de Waltham. {Vide
Rot. Orig., 33 Edw. Ill, ro. 2.)

2 Among the escheats of the thirty-ninth year of Edward the Third's reign, are the
following possessions of William of Trussell: — "Eton manor extent'; Shawe manor
extent'; Old Windsor; Nursmede purpresture; Eolyjon manor; Hiremere, Winkfield,
and Ascot, lands and tenements; New Windsor manor." (Escaet., 39 Edw. Ill,
num. 50.)

TO AD. 1377] MINOE GRANTS AND APPOINTMENTS. 189

mission, states that the commissioners had inclosed all the before-
mentioned lands, and enfranchised the tenements in the form
therein under written ; and then follows a list of persons and lands,
with the amount to be paid by them respectively ; all the land
so granted amounting to 27 la. 2r. 29p., and the total rents to
£17 6s. ^\d.

After this follows a certificate of rent assize appertaining to
lands and tenements in Folyjon, and issuing out of lands demised
there, the whole amounting to £13 Is. ^d. ; the total value of the
manor of Folyjon, with its members of Hyremers, Wynkefeld, and
Ascot, being stated at £30 \^s, 2\d., besides the king's manor
and park uninclosed.

The commissioners, in conclusion, stated that they had inclosed
all the lands in New Windsor.^

Similar commissions were issued with respect to lands in
Windsor, and lands and tenements in Eton, conveyed to the king
by Sir William Trussell, and the lands and tenements of Shawe,
conveyed to the king by William de Polmorna.^

Sales took place under these commissions of unnecessary houses
in the manors of Folyjon, Winkfield, Ascot, New Windsor,
Old Windsor, Slough, and Eton, under the superintendence of
William of Wykeham. Master William' sold to one William de
Combe, one of the king's cooks, " a hall with two chambers
annexed, a granary, with a gateway built over it, a stable, and two
barns," in the manor of New Windsor.'^

^ At the request of the inhabitants of Folyjon, Winkfield, and Ascot, Queen Elizabeth
granted, by letters patent dated 27th of September, in the thirtieth year of her reign, an
exemplification of the enrolment in Chancery of this certificate. The exemplification is
transcribed into Mr. V^aterson's MS. Collection respecting the parish of Winkfield, 2 vols.,
preserved in the chapel of Cranborn schools. The original return, or certificate of inclosure,
is preserved in the Wakefield Tower. (See 3d Report of the Deputy-Keeper of Public
Records, A.pp. ii, p. 189.) In the above-mentioned MS. collection, the patent of Elizabeth,
which in one part is said to be lost, is mentioned as having been " happily recovered."

It may be mentioned that Edward the Tliird, in the forty-first year of his reign, granted
to the tenants of the manor of Folyjon that they should be free from prisage and carriage
of the king's goods, and also that they should have common of pasture within the
king's forest for all animals. (Pat., 41 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 7.)

2 Vide Ashmole MS., No. 1122, fol. 62—64.

^ Parker's ' Domestic Architecture in England, from Edw. 1 to Ric. 11,' p. 9, citing
Roll among the Queen's Remembrancer's Records at Carlton Ride, F. 2. H., 943.

190 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chaptek VIII.

Among the memoranda of the treasury in the fortieth year of
this reign there is one of the delivery, by WilHam of Wykeham, of
three deeds and two letters of attorney, relating, among others,
to the manors of Folyjon and Eton, and lands and houses in
Windsor;^ and in the next year, William of Wykeham, who is
described as late keeper of the lands and tenements of Oliver de
Burdeux in New and Old Windsor, Wythemere, Folie John, Hyre-
mere, Winkfield, and Ascot, in the county of Berks, and in Eton
in Bucks, together with the manors of Shawe, was directed to
deliver them to Thomas Cheyne, the constable of the castle, on the
king's behalf.^

Among the minor grants and appointments of this reign are the
following: — In 1328, to John Wyarde, the king's valet, among
other premises, a house in Windsor, lately belonging to Simon of
Beading, to hold by the accustomed service.^ In 1368, to John
de West, the custody of the outer gate of Windsor for life ;^ and
in 1376, the appointment of Ralph Porter as janitor of the castle
for life.^

In the ninth year of this reign (a.d. 1335) the king confirmed
to John de Molyns, in fee, the manors of Datchet and Fulmer in
Buckinghamshire, granted to him by William de Montague, to hold
by the accustomed service.^

The manor of Datchet had been the same year granted to
William de Montague by the king,^ probably by way of confirma-
tion only, and with a view to the subsequent grant. Sir John de
Molyns was the queen's seneschal, and appears to have held con-
siderable property in the neighbourhood of Windsor, including,
besides those above named, the lordships of Stoke Pogis and
Ditton and the manor of Cippenham.^

^ See Sir P. Palgrave's ' Antient Calendars and Inventories of the Exchequer/ vol. i,

206.

» Orig., 41 Edw. Ill, ro. 32.

3 Pat., 2 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 4.

4 Ibid., 42 Edw. Ill, p. i, m. 21.

5 Pat., 50 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 18.

6 Ibid., 9 Edw. Ill, p. ii, m. 18. See Ashmol. MS., No. 840, fol. 317—320.

7 Lysons' * Magna Brit.,' citing Pat., 9 Edw. III.

^ There were two manors in Cippenham at this period. The one was granted to Sir

TO A.D. 1377] PRIVATE HOLDERS OE LAND. 191

In 1362 the following petition was presented to the king,
involving a charge against John de Molyns :

" To our lord the king, his poor subject Robert Lamberd, chandler,
of London, supplicates, that as, by the false means of deceit of John
de Molyns, late seneschal of my lady the queen, who alleged against
the said Robert that he had broken into the park of my said lady the
queen at Langley Marys, he was imprisoned in the Castle of Windsor,
and there detained in prison until he should pay a fine to my lady of
one hundred marks, which fine greatly exceeded the value of all his
goods, and which he at last paid to my said lady into her treasury, by
which the said Robert is wholly destroyed and ruined; it may please
your most excellent sovereign, for the love of God and in tender
charity, to grant to the said Robert some little office in London, or
in some other way to grant him aid, so that he may obtain hii
subsistence/^^

John Molyns in 1339, and the other to Bnrnham Abbey. (Lysonr>' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i,
p. 532.) Sir William Molyns held the one in the reign of Henry the Sixth. (See post.)
It subsequently passed by female heirs to the families of Hungerford and Hastings. It
is probable, says Lysons, that the two manors were united after the dissolution of
Burnham Abbey. " The manor of Cippenham, which had long been in the family of
Goodwyn of Woburn, was purchased by the Duchess of Marlborough about the year
1742 ; and having passed by her bequest to her grandson, John Spencer, was sold by his
representative. Earl Spencer, to the late Mr. Dupre." It was in 1806 the property of
his son, James Dupre, Esq., of Wilton Park. (Lysons.) In 1338 (12-13 Edw. Ill) Sir
John de Molyns " procured a charter from the king to hold a court leet, and to have cor-
rection for the assize of bread and beer, through all his lordships of Brehall (Brill), Stoke-
Pogis, Ditton, Datchet, Eulmere, Ilmere, Adingtou, Aston Bernard, Weston Turvile,
Lutegareshale, Stivede, Littecote, and Swanborn, in com. Buck.; Henley and Swyrford, com.
Oxon; and Henle, com. Sur. Being now one of the knights of the king's chamber, he
obtained a special precept to the lord treasurer and chamberlains of the exchequer, for
the receipt of two hundred and twenty pounds ten shillings one penny, as well for the
wages due to himself, with his men-at-arms and archers, in the wars of Scotland, as for a
recompense of the horses which he had lost in that service. In this year he was in the
expedition made into Elanders, and nigh that time obtained a special discharge from all
such services as were due from him for his manor of Dachette to Windsor Castle. He
had letters patent for custody of all the king's hawks, that being the service whereby he
held the manor of Ilmere, com. Bucks. At this time the convent of S. Erideswide, Oxon,
covenanted to keep his anniversary, and that of Egidia his wife. He had now likewise a
grant from the king of the advowson of the monastery of Burnham, com. Buck. (Dugd.
Bar., torn, ii, p. 146), to which he now gave the manor of Selveston in com. Northamp.
(R. Dod's MS., vol. Ixxxv, f. 109)." (Kennett's * Paroc. Antiq.' (edit. 1818), vol. ii,
p. 71.)

^ * Rolls of Parliament,' vol. ii, p. 274.

192 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter VIII.

In answer^ the applicant was referred to the queen's council.
The result does not appear.

Among other private owners or holders of lands in Windsor
and the neighbourhood at this period, we find John of Burnham
held of Richard de Wyndelesore one hundred acres in Windsor ;^
Thomas de Huntercombe held the manor of Burnham^ as of the
honor of Windsor -^ John de Molyns held eighteen acres of land at
Eton, on behalf of the abbess and convent of Burnham -^ and
Thomas atte Wyk de Etone (Thomas of Eton-wick) held one virgate
at Ditton in Buckinghamshire, on behalf of the same abbess and
convent.^

Notwithstanding the alterations in progress in the castle,
Edward the Third appears to have spent a considerable portion of
his time there.

The splendour with which he held the Feast of St. George in
1358 has been already described.

On the 10th 6f October, 1361, Edward the Black Prince and
the Lady Joan, commonly called the Fair Countess of Kent, were
married, in the queen's presence, at the chapel at Windsor.^

The king also held his Christmas of 1361 and the two following
years at Windsor.^

In the summer of 1365, the marriage of Isabella, the king's
eldest daughter, with Ingelram de Guisnes, Lord de Courcy, was
performed with great pomp and splendour at the castle, and the
marriage-feast kept there " in most royal and triumphant wise." ^

The bridegroom was on this occasion created Earl of Albemarle.

The following payments occur under the date of the 6th
November, 1366 : — ''To divers minstrels at Windsor, present at
the marriage of Isabella the king's daughter, the Lady de Courcy,

^ Escaet., 36 Edw. Ill, p.i, num. 16. Richard of Windsor appears to have been a
person of considerable property. His name occurs among the sheriffs of this reign. See
Euller's ' Worthies of Berkshire.'

2 Ibid., 1 Edw. Ill, num. 74.

^ Ibid, 12 Edw. Ill, num. 11 (second numbers).

^ Ibid., num. 8 (second numbers).

^ Walsingham, and Barnes's ' Life of Edward the Third.'

^ See Stowe's ' Annals.'

7 Holinshed. Barnes's ' Life of Edward the Third,' citing Pat., 39 Edw. Ill, p. ii,
m. 8.

TO A.D. 1377.] DEATH OT QUEEN PHILIPPA. 193

in money paid to them of the king's gift, £100." "To Ehzabeth
Countess of Athol, in money paid to her by the lord the king at
Windsor, of the said king's gift, at the time the same lord the king
held the infant of the same countess there at the holy font, £100."^

In the following year we find the king and his queen at
Windsor, entertaining the ambassadors or messengers sent from
Bordeaux by the Black Prince, to obtain the king's advice as to
the assistance sought by Don Pedro, King of Castile, in the war
with his brother Henry, and to which Edward gave his assent.^

On the 15th of August, 1369, Queen Philippa died at Windsor.
The event and the parting scene with her husband is touchingly
told by Froissart, and the passage has been admirably translated
by Lord Berners : — " There fell in England a heavy case and a
common, howbeit it was right piteous for the king, his children,
and all his realm. For the good Queen of England, that so many
good deeds had done in her time, and so many knights succoured,
and ladies and damsels comforted, and had so largely departed of
her goods to her people, and naturally loved always the nation of
Heynault, the country where she was born, she fell sick in the
Castle of Wyndesore, the which sickness continued on her so long,
that there w^as no remedy but death. And the good lady, when
she knew and perceived that there was with her no remedy but
death, she desired to speak with the king her husband ; and when
he was before her she put out of her bed her right hand, and took
the king by his right hand, who was right sorrowful at his heart.
Then she said, ' Sir, we have in peace, joy, and great prosperity
used all our time together. Sir, now I pray you, at our departing,
that ye will grant me three desires.' The king, right sorrowfully
weeping, said, ' Madam, desire what ye will, I grant it.' ' Sir,'
said she, ' I require you, first of all, that all manner of people, such
as I have dealt withall in their merchandize, on this side the sea or
beyond, that it may please you to pay every thing that I owe to
them, or to any other. And, secondly, sir, all such ordinance and
promises as I have made to the churches, as well of this country as

^ See Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. II
^ Eroissart.

194 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter VIIL

beyond the sea, whereat I have had my devotion, that it may please
you to accompHsh and to fulfil the same. Thirdly, sir, I require
you, that it may please you to take none other sepulture, when-
soever it shall please God to call you out of this transitory life, but
beside me in Westminster/ The king, all weeping, said, * Madam,
I grant all your desire.' Then the good lady and queen made on
her the sign of the cross, and commended the king her husband to
God, and her youngest son, Thomas, who was there beside her. And
anon, after, she yielded up the spirit, the which I believe surely the
holy angels received with great joy up to heaven, for in all her life
she did neither in thought nor deed thing whereby to lese her soul,
as far as any creature could know. Thus the good Queen of
England died, in the year of our Lord 1369, in the vigil of our
Lady in the middle of August.''

In 1370 the Black Prince was obliged to leave the scene of his
military glory in France and return to England, his constitution
having given way under the severity of his exertions. He landed
at Southampton, and was carried in a litter across the country to
Windsor. The Princess of Vv^ales, their son Richard, and the Earls
of Cambridge and Pembroke, accompanied him on horseback.
They were affectionately received by the king. The prince, after
remaining some time at Windsor, removed to his manor of Berk-
hamstead, where he lingered for six years.^

In the same year, Sir Robert Knowles, who had the command
of part of the English army in France, came over on a visit to see
the king, at the request of the latter. He landed in Cornwall, and
proceeded to Windsor, where he met with a cordial reception.^

In 1372, the Duke of Lancaster, the king's second son, accom-
panied by his duchess (a daughter of Pedro King of Castile) and
her sister, with a large retinue, returned to England from France.
Landing at Southampton, they took the road to Windsor, where
the king resided. *' He received his son the duke, the ladies,
damsels, and the foreign knights, with great joy and feasts, but
especially Sir Guiscard d' Angle, whom he was delighted to see." ^

1 Froissart. 2 xbid.

^ Ibid. Sir Guiscard d' Angle, Marslial of Aquitaine, Lad been ordered bj the
Council of the Gascons to accompany the duke.

TO A.D. 1377.] MINOU INCIDENTS. 195

At the Feast of St. George which ensued, Sir Guiscard d' Angle
was elected a knight, together with other barons, who were on this
occasion styled the Knights of the Blue Garter.^ After the feast,
the king went to London to hold a council, at which the Duke of
Lancaster was ordered to make a fresh invasion of France. After
the council broke up, Edward returned to Windsor, accompanied
by Sir Guiscard d'Angle.^

In 1376 (50 Edw. Ill), the watermen of the Thames presented
their petition to the king in parliament, complaining amongst other
things of the exactions made in passing the bridges of Staines,
Windsor, and Maidenhead, contrary to their privileges, and praying
a remedy ; upon which it was ordered that they should make their
suit to the Chancery, and obtain writs for their relief.^

This seems to be the last incident connected with Windsor in
the reign of Edward the Third — a period, the importance of which
in the history of Windsor is in full proportion to its duration,
beyond half a century.

In the latter years of his reign the king abandoned himself
to the care of Alice Ferrers, living for some time at Eltham, and
dying at Shene, June 21st, 1377, in the fifty-first year of his
reign.

It is probable that the evident attachment of this monarch to
Windsor arose in some degree from its being his birthplace and his
*' nurse.'' *

His seventh and youngest son was called " William of
Windsor." ^ There is a monument to this prince in St. Edward's
Chapel, within the Chapel of St. George.^

^ Eroissart.

2 Ibid. By letters patent dated at Windsor, the 23d of April, 1374, the king
granted to GeofFry Chaucer, the poet, for his life, a pitcher of wine, to be received daily
at the port of London, by the hands of the king's butler or his deputy. (Pat., 48 Edw. Ill,
p. i, m. 20.)

3 Rot. Pari., vol. ii, p. 346.

* Leland, ' Commentarir in Cygneam,' cant verb. Windlesora. The sword of state of
Edward the Third, measuring six feet nine inches in length, is preserved in the chapter-
house of St. George's Chapel, where also there is a portrait of the king in the robes of a
Garter. (Stoughton, p. 56.)

5 Hall's ' Chronicle.'

^ See Gough's ' Sepulchral Monuments,' vol. i, p. 96.

196 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek VIII.

Evidence of the use made of the castle as a prison occurs in
some imperfect Italian characters traced on the walls, and supposed
to refer to this reign.

The first of these was discovered more than a century ago,^ on
a stone in the window of the Devil's Tower. The inscription, as
far as it could be deciphered, was as follows : — " Gudo pincho
Eduardo. Buono p''e Eduardo .... inavesto palacco pre . . Ragione
econtra Giustitia . . Buono p'e Eduardo .... male prego idio
santissima misericordia . . . dolo . . amen."

In the absence of date it is hard to guess who the individual
was, or at what period it was written, for there is nothing beyond
the character of the writing even to denote to which of the Edwards
it refers. It has been suggested that it might as well be in the
time of Edward the Eirst as Edward the Third, or be the work of
some Italian concerned in the assassination of Henry Earl of Corn-
wall, son of Richard King of the Romans.^ It is possible that the
prisoner was one of the retinue or household of John King of
Erance, after the latter was taken prisoner by the Black Prince ;
but without further data it is impossible to proceed beyond
conjecture.

Traces of a similar inscription were found in 1846 in the
Norman Tower, probably the work of the same captive, the cha-
racter and expressions resembling each other. In addition to the
words (in Italian) "prisoner,'' "justice," "passion of Christ,"
" mercy," &c., on the right of the block of stone were the points of
the compass roughly traced, and the writer, after giving the Italian
for the cardinal points, apparently endeavoured to render them into
EngHsh.^

The fact that the two inscriptions were found in different
towers does not contravene the internal evidence that they are
the production of the same individual, the removal of the

* I'ote's * History of Windsor,' pp. 43 — 45, where see a representation of the block.

2 Ibid.

2 See a paper by one of the editors of the present work in the ' Journal of the British
Arcliaeological Association,' vol. ii, p. 268. There is a tracing of this inscription in the
archives of that society, taken from the original block, which was then, and probably
still is, in the possession of the clerk of the works at Windsor Castle.

TO A.D. 1377.]

MINOR INCIDENTS.

197

prisoner from one ward to another accounting for the different
locahties.^

^ In the Ash. MS., No. 1134, f. 310, there is a copy of twenty Gothic capital letters,
suggested by Mr. Black to be of the date of the thirteenth century, but in which he is
probably mistaken, described as an " inscription found cut on a stone in the wall of a
roome on the south side of Windsor Castle, where the magazine was kept, ]683."

It is said of David King of Scotland, that during his captivity in this reign, *' being
much part of the time confined in Nottingham Castle, he left behind him in a vault
under the castle, curiously engraven with his own hands on the walls, which were of
rock, the whole story of the passion of our Saviour : for which, one says, that castle
became as famous as formerly it had been for Mortimer's Hole." (Barnes' ' Life of
Edward the Third,' p. 529.)

Winchester Tower, from the North Terrace.

CHAPTER IX.

THE EAELY ROMANCES AND METRICAL TALES AND BALLADS
CONNECTED WITH WINDSOR.

Tales and Romances naturally associated with Windsor — King Arthur and the Knights
of the Round Table — Romance of the Eitz-Warines — Jean de Meun's ' Roman de
la Rose,' and Chaucer's ' Romauut of the Rose' — ' King Edward and the Shepherd'
— Political Songs — Song against the King of Almaigne.

The order of narration of events at Windsor must be inter-
rupted for a short time, for the purpose of introducing some notice
of the allusions to Windsor in the Romances,^ Tales, and Ballads
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

It might be naturally expected that Windsor, with its various
historical associations — its castle, at once the abode of the sove-
reign and his favorites and the prison of the disaffected, with a
forest of almost unlimited extent stretching far away to the south —
would find a place in some of the legendary tales so numerous in
this age.

Although abounding more or less in the marvellous, it is
scarcely necessary to remark that they are well worthy the attention
of the historian and antiquary, who derives assistance, not only in

* The word romance^ in its original acceptation, meant a book of any kind written in
the Middle-Age dialects derived from the Latin, each of which was called Lingua Romana,
or Langue Romane^ pure Latin being always characterised as the Lingua Latina^ or Langue
Jjatine. The name Romans {i. e., Liber Romanus) became more peculiarly applied to the
long poetical narratives sung by the minstrels in the baronial halls, which sometimes
recorded the old traditions of the country; at others celebrated the deeds of the barons in
whose halls they were chanted, and their feuds with their neighbours ; and at a later
period became gradually restricted to stories of a more imaginative character, from wlience
has arisen our modern application of the word. (Wright's 'History of Ludlow,' p. Gi.)

ROMANCE OF THE FITZ-WARINES. 199

the elucidation of the events of history, but in "reading off'* the
manners, tastes^ and habits of the people.

Allusion was made in the first chapter of this work to the state-
ment by Froissart, that King Arthur assembled his Knights of the
Round Table at Windsor.^

Froissart, wltt) lived at the court of Edward the Third, probably
had in his recollection some current traditions of the day which
have not descended to a later age, or at least have not yet been
brought to light. ^

The earliest story, not perhaps as regards its actual composition
and production, but with respect to the date of the events narrated,
in which allusion is made to Windsor, appears to be in the
' Romance of the Fitz-Warines.' This romance, which was very
popular during a long period of time, was first composed in Anglo-
Norman verse; a version appeared probably before the end of the
thirteenth century in English verse, and at the beginning of the
fourteenth century the original Anglo-Norman poem was trans-
formed into a prose version. The Anglo-Norman and English
poems were extant in the time of Leland, who has given an imper-
fect abstract of them ; but the prose version alone, as far as can be
ascertained, is now preserved in a manuscript of the reign of
Edward the Second.^

Fulke Fitz-Warine, the hero of the story, and his younger
brothers, were educated with the children of Henry the Second,
and he enjoyed the favour of Richard the First during the whole of

* See ante, p. 2.

'^ " It would make greatly (I knowe) as wel for the illustration of the glorie, as for
the extending of the antiquitie of this place, to alledge out of Frozard that King Arthur
accustomed to hold the solemnities of his Round Table at Wyndsore : but as I dare not
over boldly avouche al King Arthures antiquities, the rather bycause it hathe bene
thought a disputable question wheather theare weare ever any suche kiiige or no; so like
I not to joine with Frozard in this part of that stoarie, bycause he is but a forrein
writer, and (so farre as I see) the only man that hath delivered it unto us ; and thcrfore,
supposing it more safe to follow our owne hystorians, especially in our owne hystorie, I
thinke good to leave the tyme of the Brytons, and to descend to the raygne of the Saxon
kings, to the end that they may have the first honour of the place, as tliey weare indcde
the first authors of the name." (Lambarde's 'Topographical Dictionary,' p. 414.)

^ British Museum, MS. Reg., 12 C, XII, recently translated and edited by Mr.
T. Wright, and printed by the Warton Society.

200 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

that monarch's reign, holding the office or charge of warden of the
marches, in the vicinity of which he possessed considerable pro-
perty. On the accession of John, Fulke lost the royal favom^ and
became an outlaw. He was held one of the bravest knights and
strongest men of his time, and his adventures, while he lived in the
woods and on the seas, were the theme of general admiration
during the two centuries which followed.^

The enmity which existed so long between King John and the
family of the Fitz-Warines is said to have originated in their
boyish quarrels. While they were little more than children in
King Henry's household, John and Fulke w^ere one day playing at
chess, and the former, whose evil disposition was exhibited in his
childhood, angry at the superior skill of his playfellow, struck him
violently on the head with the chess-board. Fulke returned the
blow with so much force, that the prince was thrown with his head
against the wall, and fell senseless on the floor. He was soon
restored to his senses by the exertions of his playfellow, for they
were alone ; and he immediately ran to his father the king to make
his complaint. But Henry knew his son's character, and not only
rebuked him for his quarrelsomeness, telling him that if Fulke had
beaten him he had no doubt it was what he merited, but he sent
for the prince's master, and ordered him to be again beaten " finely
and well" for complaining. John never forgot that Fulke Fitz-
Warine had been the cause of this disgrace, and on ascending the
throne deprived him of the wardenship of the marches and his
family possessions. It would occupy too much space to enter into
the intermediate proceedings of Fitz-Warine, now an outlaw: it must
suffice to say that after a visit to France, and numerous subsequent
adventures by sea, he sailed with his companions towards England.*

" When they arrived at Dover, they went on shore, and left Mador
with the ship in a certain place where they could find him when they
would. Fulk and his companions had learnt from the people who

* Fouke e ces compaignouns siglerent vers Engleterre. Quant vyndrent a Dovre,
eutrerent la terre, e lesserent Mador ou la nef en un certeyn leu la ou il ly porreyent
trover quant vodreyent. Fouke e ces compaignons avoient enquis des paissantz qe le roy

1 Wright's ' History of Ludlow,' pp. 63, G4.

ROMANCE OP THE EITZ-WARINES. 201

passed them that King John was at Windsor, and they set out
privily on the way towards Windsor. By day they slept and reposed,
and by night they wandered, until they came to the forest ; and there
they lodged in a certain place where they used before to be in the
Forest of Windsor, for Fulk knew all the parts there. Then they heard
huntsmen and men with hounds blow the horn, and by that they knew
that the king was going to hunt. Fulk and his companions armed
themselves very richly. Fulk swore a great oath that for fear of death
he would not abstain from revenging himself on the king, who forcibly
and wrongfully had disinherited him, and from challenging loudly his
rights and his heritage. Fulk made his companions remain there ; and
himself, he said, would go and look out for adventures.

" Fulk went his way, and met an old collier carrying a triblet in
his hand ; and he was dressed all in black, as a collier ought to be.
Fulk prayed him for love that he would give him his clothes and his
triblet for money. ' Sir,^ said he, ^ willingly.' Fulk gave him ten
besants,^ and begged him for his love that he would not tell anybody
of it. The collier went away. Fulk remained, and now dressed him-
self in the attire which the collier had given him, and Avent to his
coals, and began to stir up the fire, Fulk saw a great iron fork,
which he took in his hand, and arranged here and there the pieces of
wood. At length came the king with three knights, all on foot, to
Fulk where he was arranging his fire. When Fulk saw the king, he

Johan fust a Wyndesoure, e se mistrent privement en la vole vers Wyndesoure. Les jours
dormyrent e se reposerent, les nuytz errerent, tanqu'il vyndrent a la foreste ; e la se her-
bigerent en un certeyn lyw oii yl soleynt avant estre en la foreste de Wyndesoure, quar
Fouke savoit yleqe tons les estres. Donqe oyerent veneours e berners corner, e par ce
saveyent qe le rey irroit chacer. Fouke e ces compaignons s'armerent molt riclieinent.
Fouke jura grant serement qe pur pour de moryr ne lerreit qu'il ne se vengeroit de le roy
q'a force e a tort ly ad desherytee, e qu'il ne clialengereit hautement ces dreytures e son
lierytage. Fouke fist ces compaignons demorer yleqe ; e il meymes, ce dit, irreit espier
aventures.

Fouke s'en ala, e encontra un viel charboner portant une trible en sa meyn ; si fust
vestu tot neir, come apert a cliarboner. Fouke ly pria par amour qu'il le velsist doner
ces vestures e sa trible pur du seon. "Sire," fet-il, "volenters." Fouke ly dona
X. besantz, e ly pria pur s'amour qu'il ne le contast a nully. Le charboner s'en va. Fouke
remeynt, e se vesty meyntenant de le atyr qe le cliarboner ly avoit donee, et vet a ces
charbons, si comence de addresser le feu. Fouke vist un grosse fourclie de fer, si la prent
en sa meyn, e dresse saundreyt e landreyt ces coupons. Atant vynt le roy ou treis che-
valers, tot a pee, a Fouke la oil il fust adresaunt son feu. Quant Fouke vist le roy, assez

^ For information as to this coin, see the article " Bezant" in the ' Penny Cyclopaidia.'
By collier is of course meant a charcoal-burner.

202 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

knew him well enough, and he cast the fork from his hand, and saluted
his lord, and went on his knees before him very humbly. The king
and his three knights had great laughter and game at the breeding and
bearing of the collier ; they stood there very long. ' Sir villan,^
said the king, ' have you seen no stag or doe pass here V ' Yes, my
lord, a while ago/ ' What beast did you see ?' ' Sir, my lord, a
horned one ; and it had long horns/ ' Where is it V ^ Sir, my lord,
I know very well how to lead you to where I saw it/ ' Onward, then,
sir villan ; and we will follow you/ ' Sir,^ said the collier, ' shall I
take my fork in my hand ? for, if it were taken, I should have thereby
a great loss/ ^ Yea, villan, if you will/ Fulk took the great fork of
iron in his hand, and led the king to shoot ; for he had a very handsome
bow. ' Sir, my lord,' said Fulk, ' will you please to wait, and I will
go into the thicket, and make the beast come this way by here V
' Yea,' said the king. Fulk hastily sprang into the thick of the
forest, and commanded his company hastily to seize upon King John,
^ For I have brought him there, only with three knights ; and all his
company is on the other side of the forest/ Fulk and his company
leaped out of the thicket, and cried upon the king, and seized him at
once. 'Sir king,' said Fulk, 'now I have you in my power; such
judgment will I execute on you as you would on me if you had
taken me.' The king trembled with fear, for he had great dread of
Fulk. Fulk swore that he should die for the great damage and dis-
inheriting which he had done to him and to many a good man in
England. The king implored his mercy, and begged his life of him for
the love of God ; and he would restore him entirely all his heritage

bien le conust, e gitta la fourche de sa mejn, e salua son seignour, e se mist a genoyls
devant ly molt humblement. Le roy e ces trois chevalers aveyent grant ryseye e jeu de
la noreture e de la porture le cliarboner ; esturent ileqe bien longement. " Dauu vyleyn,"
fet le roy, " avez veu nul cerf ou bisse passer par ycy ? " " Oyl, mon seignour, pie9a."
"Quele beste veitez-vus ?" " Sire, mon seignur, une cornuee ; si avoit longe corns." " Ou
est-ele?" " Sire, mon seignur, je vus say molt bien mener la ou je la vy." "Ore avant,
daun vyleyn ! e nus vus siweroms." "Sire," fet le charboner, "prendroy-je ma forclie
en mayn? quar, si ele fust prise, je en averoy grant perte." "Oyl, vyleyn, si vus volez."
Fouke prist la grosse fourche de fer en sa meyn, si amoyne le roy pur archer; quar yl
avoit un molt bel arke. "Sire, mon seignur," fet Eouke, "vus plest-il attendre, e je
irroy en I'espesse e fray la beste venir cest chemyn par ycy ?" " Oil," ce dit le roy. Fouke
hastyvement sayly en le espesse de la forest, e coraanda sa meyne hastivement prendre le
Roy Jolian ; " Quar je I'ay amenee sa, solement ou treis chevalers ; e tote sa meysne est de
I'autre part la foreste." Fouke e sa meyne saylyrent hors de la espesse, e escrierent le
roy, e le pristrent meintenant. " Sire roy," fet Fouke, "ore je vus ay en mon bandon;
tel jugement froi-je de vus come vus vodrez de moy si vus me ussez pris." Le roy trembla
de pour, quar il avoit grant doute de Fouke. Fouke jura qu'il morreit pur le grant
damage e la desheritesown qu'il avoit fet a ly e a meint prodhome d'Engleterre. Le roy
ly cria mercy, e ly pria pur amour Dieu la vie ; e yl ly rendreyt enterement tou son

ROMANCE or THE EITZ-WARINES. 203

and whatever he had taken from him and from all his people, and
would grant him his love and peace for ever, and of this he would
make him in all things such security as he might himself choose to
devise. Fulk soon yielded his demand, on condition that he gave him,
in presence of his knights, his faith to keep this covenant. The king
pledged his faith that he would hold the covenant, and he was very
glad that he could thus escape.

^' And he returned to his palace, and caused his knights and his
courtiers to assemble, and told them from word to word how Sir Fulk
had deceived him ; and he said that he had made that oath through
force, and therefore he would not hold it ; and commanded that they
should all arm in haste to take those felons in the park. At length
Sir James of Normandy, who was the king^s cousin, prayed that he
might have the advanced guard ; and said that ^ the English, nearly
all the men of rank, are cousins to Sir Fulk, and for that are traitors
to the king, and will not take those felons.^ Then said Randolf
Earl of Chester : ' In faith, sir knight ! saving the honour of our lord
the king, not yours, you lie.^ And he would have struck him with
his fist, and it not being for the earl marshal ; and said that they
neither are nor never were traitors to the king nor to his, but he said
right that all the men of rank and the king himself were cousins to
Sir Fulk. Then said the earl marshal : ' Let us go and pursue Sir Fulk ;
the king will then see who will flinch for his cousenage.^ Sir James of
Normandy and fifteen knights his companions armed themselves very
richly and all in white armour, and were all nobly mounted on white
steeds ; and he hurried forward with his company, to have the capture.

heritage e quanqu'il aveit tolet de \j e de tous les suens, e ly grautereit amour e pees pur
tous jours, e a ce Ij freit en totes choses tiele seurete come yl meysmes voleit devyser.
Fouke ly granta bien tote sa demande a tieles qu'il ly donast, veantz ces chevalers, la foy
de tenyr cest covenant. Le roy ly plevy sa fey qu'il ly tendroit covenant, e fust molt lee
que issi poeit eschaper.

E revynt a soun paleis, e fist fere assembler ces chevalers e sa meisne, e lur counta
de mot en autre coment Sire Fouke le avoit desfu ; e dit que par force fist eel serement,
pur quoy qu'il ne le velt tenyr ; e comaunda que tous se armassent liastivement a prendre
ces felons en le parke. Atant pria Sire James de Normandie, que fust cosyn le roy, qu'il
poeit aver I'avaunt-garde ; e dit qe " les Engleis, a poy tous les grantz, suntcosyns a Sire
Eouke, e pur ce sunt treitours al roy, e ces felouns ne vueillent prendre." Donqe dit
Randulf le Counte de Cestre : " Par foy, sire clievaler ! sauve le honour nostre seigneur ie
roy, noun par vostre, vus y mentez." E ly vodra aver feru del poyn, si le counte mareschal
ne ust este ; e dit qu'il ne sount ne unque furent treitours a le roy ne a suens, mes bien
dit que tous les grantz e le rev meismes est cosyn al dit Eouke. Dont dit le counte
mareschal : " Aloms pursyvre sire Eouke ; donqe verra le roy qui se feyndra pur la cosyn-
age." Sire James de Normandye e ces xv. compaignouns chevalers se armerent molt
richement e tot de blaunche armure, e furent tous noblement mountez de blancz destrers ;
e se hasta devant ou sa compagnie, pur aver pris.

204 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter IX.

" Now John de Rampaigne had spied all their proceedings, and told
them to Sir Fulk, who could in no manner escape except by battle.
Sir Fulk and his companions armed themselves very richly, and put
themselves boldly against Sir James, and defended themselves vigo-
rously, and slew all his companions except four, who were almost
wounded to death ; and Sir James was taken. Sir Fulk and his
companions now armed themselves with the arms of Sir James and of
the other Normans ; and mounted their good steeds, which were white,
for their own steeds were tired and lean ; and they armed Sir James
with the arms of Sir Fulk; and bound his mouth, that he could not
speak, and put his helm on his head ; and rode towards the king. And
when he saw them, he knew them by their arms, and thought that Sir
James and his companions were bringing Sir Fulk.

" Then Sir Fulk presented Sir James to the king, and said that it
was Sir Fulk. The Earl of Chester and the earl marshal, when they
saw this, were very sorry. The king, for the present, commanded
him that he should kiss him ; Sir Fulk said that he could not wait to
take off his helm, for he must go and pursue the other Fitz-Warines.
The king descended from his good steed, and commanded him to
mount it, for it was fleet to pursue his enemies. Sir Fulk descended,
and mounted the king^s steed, and went his way towards his com-
panions, and they fled soon to a distance of six leagues from thence.
And there they disarmed in a wood, and washed their wounds ; and
they bandaged the wound of William, his brother, who was severely
wounded by one of the Normans, and they held him for dead, for
which they all made excessive lamentations.

E tot lur affere avoit Johau de Rampaigne espiee, e counte a sire Fouke, qe ne poeit
en nulle manere eschaper si par bataille noun. Sire Fouke e ces compaignouns se arme-
rent molt riclieraent, e se mistrent hardiement coutre sire James, e se defendirent vige-
rousement, e ocistrent tons ces compaignouns, estre quatre que furent a poi naufres a la
mort ; e sire James fust pris. Sire Fouke e ces compaignouns se armerent meintenant
de les armes sire James e des autres Normauntz ; e mounterent lur bons destrers que
blanks erent, quar lur destrers demeyne furent las e mesgres ; e armerent sire James de
les armes Sire Fouke ; e lyerent sa bouche, qu'il ne poeit parler, e mistrent son helme sur
sa teste ; e clievalchereni vers le roy. E quant yl les vist, il les conust par les armes, e
quida qe sire James e ces compaignouns amenerent sire Fouke.

Lors presenta sire Fouke sire James a le roy, e dist que ce fust sire Fouke. Le counte
de Cestre e le counte maresclial, quant ce virent, mout furent dolentz. Le roy, pur le
present, ly comaunda qu'il ly baysast ; sire Fouke dit qu'il ne poeit attendre de oster son
healme, quar yl ly covensist pursy vre les autres fitz Waryn. Le roi descendy de soun bon
destrer e comauda qu'il le mounta, quar isnel ert a pursiwre ces enymys. Sire Fouke
descendy, e mounta le destrer le roi, e s'en va vers ces compaignouns, e s'en fuyrent bien
sis lyws de yleqe. E la se desarmerent en un boscliage, e laverent lur playes ; e benderent
la playe Willam, son frere, qe durement fust naufre de un des Normauntz, e le tyndrent pur
mort ; dont tons fesoient duel a demesure.

ROMANCE or THE PITZ-WAEINES. 205

" The king commanded on the spot to hang Sir Fulk. At length
came Emery de Pin, a Gascon, who was kinsman to Sir James, and
said that he would hang him ; and took him, and led him a little from
thence, and caused his helm to be taken off; and now he saw that it
was James, and unbound his mouth. And he told him all that had
happened between him and Sir Fulk. Emery came immediately to
the king, and brought Sir James, who told him how Sir Fulk had
served him. And when the king perceived that he was thus deceived,
he was much vexed, and swore a great oath that he would not divest
himself of his hauberk until he had taken these traitors. And of this
Sir Fulk knew nothing.

" The king and his earls and barons pursued them by the footmark
of their horses, until they came almost to the wood where Fulk was.
And when Fulk perceived them, he wept and lamented for William
his brother, and held himself lost for ever. And William begged of
them that they would cut off his head and carry it with them, that
the king, when he found his body, might not know who he was. Fulk
said that he would not do that for the world, and prayed very tenderly
and in tears, that God for his pity would be to them in aid ; and such
grief as was among them, you never saw greater made.

'^ Uondulf, Earl of Chester, came in the first place ; and when he
perceived Sir Fulk, he commanded his company to halt, and went
alone to Sir Fulk, and prayed him for the love of God to yield himself
to the king, and he would answer for him for life and limb, and his
peace would be easily made with the king. Fulk replied that he would
not do that for all the wealth in the world ; ^ But, sir cousin, for the

Le roy comaunda meyntenaunt pendre sire Fouke, Atant vint Emery de Pyn, un
Gascoyn, qe fust parent a Sire James, e dit qu'il le peudreit ; e le prist, e le amena un poy
de yleqe, e fist oster son healme ; e meyntenant vist qe ce fu James, e delya sa bouche.
E il ly conta quanqe avynt entre ly e sire Eouke. Emery vint meinteDamit au roy, e
amena sire James, qe ly conta coment sire Eonke ly avoit servy. E quant le roy se
aperpust estre issi despu, molt fust dolent, e jura grant serement qe ja ne se devestereit
de son haubreke avaunt qu'il avoit ces treytres pris. E de ce ne savoit sire Eouke rien.

Le roy e ces countes e barouns les pursiwyrent par le esclot des chivals, tant qu'il
vindrent a poy a le boschage la ou Eouke fust. E quant Eouke les aperpust, plourt e
weymente Willam, son frere, e se tient perdu pur tons jours. E Willam lur prie qu'il
coupent sa teste e la emportent ou eux, issi qe le roy, quant trovee son cors, ne sache qui
yl fust. Eouke dit qe ce ne freit pur le mounde, e prie molt tendrement en ploraunt qe
Dieu pur sa piete lur seit en eyde ; e tiel duel come entre eux est, ne veistes unqe greindre
fere.

Rondulf le counte de Cestre vint en prime chef; e quant aperpust sire Eouke, comaunda
sa meisne arestier, si voit privement a Sire Eouke, e li pria pur le amour de Dieu rendre
sei al roy, e yl serroit pur ly de vie e de menbre, e qu'il serroit bien apesee al roy. Eouke
redist que ce ne froit pur tut le aver du mounde ; " Mes, sire cosyn, pur I'amour de Dieu,

206 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

love of God, I pray you for my brother, who is there, when he is dead,
that you cause his body to be buried, that wild beasts may not devour
it, and ours too, when we are dead. And return to your lord the king,
and do your duty to him without feintise, and without having regard
to us, who are of your blood ; and we will receive now here the destiny
which is ordained for us/ The earl, all weeping, returned to his com-
pany. Fulk remained, who very tenderly wept with pity for his brother,
whom he was compelled to leave there ; and prays God to succour and
aid them.

'^ The earl commanded his retinue and his company to the assault,
and they laid on vigorously. The earl himself attacked Sir Fulk ; but
at last the earl lost his horse, and his retinue were in great part slain.
Fulk and his brothers defended themselves bravely; and as Fulk was
defending himself. Sir Berard de Blees came behind him, and struck
him with his sword in the side, and believed he had killed him. At
length Fulk turned round, and returned the blow on his left shoulder
with both his hands, and cut through his heart and lung, and he fell
dead from his steed. Fulk had bled so much that he fainted on the
neck of his steed, and his sword fell from his hand. Then began grief
wonderfully among the brothers. John, his brother, leapt behind Fulk
on the steed, and held him up that he could not fall ; and they took
to flight, for they had not power to remain. The king and his retinue
pursued them, but they could not take them. Then they wandered all
the night, till on the morrow morning they came to the sea to Mador
the mariner. Then Fulk revived, and asked where he was, and in
wli^^se power ; and his brothers comforted him in the best way they

je vus prie qe mon frere qe la gist, quant il est mors, qe vus facez enterrer son cors, qe
bestes savages ne le devourent, e les nos, quant mort sumes. E retornez a vostre seiguur
le roy, e fetes a ly vostre service sanz feyntyse e saunz avoir regard a nus, qe sumes de
vostre sang ; e nus receveroms ore issi la destine qe a nos est ordinee." Le coante tot
emplorant retorna a sa meyne. Fouke remeint, qe molt tendrement plourt de piete pur
son frere, qe ly covent a force ileqe lesser ; e prie a Dieu qu'il lur socourt e eyde.

Le counte comande sa meisne e sa compaignie a le asaut, e yl s'i ferirent vigerouse-
ment. Le counte meismes asaily sire Fouke ; mes a dreyn le counte perdy son chival, e
sa meisne fust grant partie ocys. Eouke e ces freres se defendirent hardiement ; e come
Eouke se defendy, sire Berard de Blees ly vynt derere e ly feri de son espee en le flanc, e
le quida aver ocis. Ataunt se retorna Fouke, e ly referi sur le espaudle senestre on ambe-
deus les mayns, e ly coupa le cuer e le pulmoun, e cliei mort de soun destrer. Touke
avoit taunt seigne qu'il palma sur le col de son destrer, e le espeye chey de sa meyn.
Donqe comenpa duel a merveille entre les freres. Johan, son frere, sayly derere Fouke sur
le destrer e ly sustynt qu'il ne poeit cheyer ; e se mistrent a fuyte, quar poer ne aveient de
demorer. Le roy e sa meyne les pursuiwyrent, mes prendre ne les purreynt. Tote la nuit
errerent issi, qe lendemayn matyn vindrent a la mer a Mador le maryner. Donque reverci
Fouke, e demaunda ou il fust e en qy poer; e ces freres ly confortoyent a mieux

ROMANCE or THE EITZ-WARINES. 207

could, and laid him in bed in the ship in a very fair bed, and John de
Rampaigne doctored his wounds.

" The Earl of Chester had lost greatly of his people, and saw near
him William Fitz-Warine almost dead, and took the body and sent it
to an abbey to be doctored. In the end he was discovered there, and
the king caused him to be brought in a litter to Windsor before him,
and caused him to be thrown into a deep prison, and was much angered
against the Earl of Chester because he concealed him. Said the king :
' Fulk is mortally wounded, and this one have I now here ; the others
I shall easily take, be they where they will. Truly, I am greatly an-
noyed at the pride of Fulk ; for had it not been for his pride, he would
have been still alive. And as long as he was alive there was not such
a knight in all the world ; wherefore it is a great loss to lose such a
knight.^

Fulke recrossed the seas safely, and in this voyage acquired
considerable wealth, and brought home a cargo of valuable mer-
chandise. As soon as he reached the English coast, he first care
was to learn the fate of his brother William, who had fallen into
the king's hands in the encounter in Windsor Forest. John de
Rampaigne was employed upon this mission. Dressed "very
richly" in the guise of a merchant, he went to London, and took
up his lodgings in the house of the mayor, with whom he soon
made himself acquainted, and whose esteem he obtained by the
valuable presents he gave to him. John de Rampaigne, who
spoke ''corrupt Latin," which the mayor understood, desired
to be presented to the king, and the mayor took him to the
court at Westminster. The merchant saluted the king ''very
courteously," and spoke to him also in corrupt Latin, which the

qu'il purroient, e ly coclierent en la nef en un molt bel lit, e Johan de Rampayne medi-
cina ces playes.

Le counte de Cestre avoit grantment perdu de sa gent, e vist dejouste ly Willam le
Fitz Waryn a poy mort, e prist le cors e le maun da a une abbey e pur medeciner. Au
drein fust ileqe apar9u, e le roy le fist venyr en litere devant ly a Wyndesoure, e la fist
ruer in profounde prisone, e molt fust coroce a le counte de Cestre pur ce qu'il le cela. Fet
le roy : " Fouke est naufre a la mort, e cesti ay-je ore ici; les autres averei-je bien, ou
qu'il seient. Certes, m'en poise durement de le orgoil Fouke ; quar si orgoil ne fust, il ust
unquore vesqy. £ tant come il fust en vie n'y ont tiel chevaler en tot le mounde ; dont
grant pierte est de perdre un tel chevaler."

208 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

king understood with the same faciUty as the Mayor of London,^
and asked him who he was and from whence he came. " Sire/'
said he, " I am a merchant of Greece ; I have been in Babylonia,
Alexandria, and in India the Greater, and I have a ship laden with
spicery, rich cloths, precious stones, horses, and other things, which
would be of great value to this kingdom." King John, after giving
him a safe-conduct for his ship and company, ordered him to stay
to dinner, and the merchant with his friend the mayor were placed
at table before the king. While they were eating, there came two
serjeants-at-mace, who led into the hall a great knight, with a long
black beard and a very ill-favoured dress, and they placed him in
the middle of the court and gave him his dinner. The mayor told
John de Rampaigne that this was the outlaw William Fitz-Warine,
who was brought into the court in this manner every day, and he
began to recount to him the adventures of Pulke and his com-
panions. John de Rampaigne lost no time in carrying this intelli-
gence to Tulk Fitz-Warine, and they brought the ship as near
to London as they could. The day after their arrival, the merchant
repaired to court, and presented King John with a beautiful white
palfrey, of very great value ; and by his liberal gifts he soon pur-
chased the favour of the courtiers. One day he took his com-
panions, and they armed themselves well, and then put on their
"gowns" according to the manner of mariners, and went to the
court at Westminster, where they were "nobly" received, and
William Fitz-Warine was brought into the hall as before. The
merchant and his party rose early from table, and watched the
return of William Fitz-Warine to his prison, when they set upon
his guards, and, in spite of their resistance, carried off the prisoner;
and having brought him safely on board their ship, they set sail,
and were soon out of reach of their pursuers.

After staying some time in Brittany, Fulke again returned to

* " This will be easily understood," Mr. Wright observes, " when we consider that
the king and all the better classes of the people at this time spoke the language known
by the name of Anglo-Norman, which was one of the family of languages derived from the
Latin; and that each of these differed from the other hardly more than the English dialects
of different counties at the present day. All these languages were, in fact, 'Latyn
corrupt.' " C History of Ludlow,' p. 80.)

ROMAN DE LA HOSE. 209

England, and landed in the New Forest. It happened that at this
time King John himself was hunting in the same part of the
country, and while closely pursuing a boar, with a slight attend-
ance, he fell a second time into the power of the outlaws. The
result was, that the king again pledged his oath to pardon them as
soon as he should be at liberty. This time the king kept his word ;
according to the story, he called a parhament at Windsor, and
caused it to be proclaimed publicly that he had granted his peace
to Fulke Fitz-Warine and to all his companions^ and that he had
restored to them their possessions.

However embellished and wide of the actual truth parts of this
story may be, the fact of the pardon of Fitz-Warine and the reco-
very of his possessions is authenticated by public documents of the
period, which also show that he continued to enjoy the royal favour
until the latter end of the king's reign, when he joined the party of
the barons. The date of his death appears to be unknown, but it
probably occurred towards the middle of the reign of Henry the
Third.^

The ' Roman de la Rose,' a French poem of the thirteenth
century, and of which Chaucer's 'Romaunt of the Rose' is a partial
translation, contains an indirect allusion to Windsor.

The difficulties and dangers of a lover, in pursuing and obtain-
ing the object of his desires, are the literal argument of this poem.
This design is couched under the allegory of a Rose, which the
lover, after frequent obstacles, gathers in a delicious garden. He
traverses vast ditches, scales lofty walls, and forces the gates of
adamantine and almost impregnable castles. These enchanted
fortresses are all inhabited by various divinities, some of which
assist and some oppose the lover's progress.^

Our hero is in one adventure invited by " Courtesy" to dance.
Among the company is " Largess," who held by the hand a knight,
kinsman of Arthur of Brittany ; and after them came " Franchise,"
white as new-fallen snow.

^ This condensed narrative of a portion of Eitz-Warine's adventures is chiefly taken
from Wright's ' History of Ludlow/ pp. 79—88.

2 Warton's 'History of English Poetry/ edit. 1840, vol. ii, p. 149.

210 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter IX.

The reference to Windsor occurs in the following lines :

" Uns bachelers jones s'estoit
Pris a Franchise lez a lez,
Ne soi comment est apele,
Mes biaus estoit, se il fust ores
Fiex au seignor de Gundesores/^

Which are thus rendered by Chaucer ;

" By her [Fraunchise] daunced a bachelere,
I cannot tellen what he hight,
But faire he was, and of good height ;
All had he ben, I say no more,
The lordes sonne of Windesore/' ^

But literally translated, are —

A young bachelor there joined himself
With Franchise side by side ;
I do not know what is his name.
But he was handsome, and he was once
Son to the Lord of Windesor.

The Lord of Windsor was no doubt the King of England on
the throne at the time the romance was composed — probably
Edward the First or Second; but any further meaning in the
allusion is now lost.

^ It is somewhat remarkable that Warton was under tlie impression that these lines
did not occur in the original romance, but were "added by Chaucer, and intended as a
compliment to some of his patrons." (' History of English Poetry/ vol. ii, p. 150, note (/),
edit. 1840.) It is possible that he may have been misled by the following note of
Ashmole on ' The Romaunt of the Rose :'

" ' The Lords son of Wmdsore."

"This may seeme strange, both in respect that it is not in the French, as also that
there was no Lord Windsore in those dayes. But I take it thus : that although it stand
not so in the Trench coppy, yet Chaucer upon some conceit did add it, tliereby to gratifie
John of Gaunt, or some other of the sons of Edward the Third, who might well be called
the Lord of Windsor, not only for that he was borne there, but also because at that tyme
when as this booke was translated the king had newly builded the Castle of Windsor in
such beautifull sort as could be devised by that prvdent and discreet surveyour. Will.
Wyckam, and therefore was ev^y way the right Lord of Wyndesore." (Ash. MSS.,
No. 1095, f. 28 a.)

The text examined by Ashmole must have been imperfect.

(

KING EDWAED AND THE SHEPIIEUI). 211

The wrongs clone by bailiffs, fermers, and others, in the name
of the king, were, as has been already noticed, the subject of fre-
quent complaints for several centuries. The metrical tale of ' King
Edward and the Shepherd/ the scene of which is laid at Windsor
and the neighbourhood, furnishes evidence upon this point, as well
as upon various others illustrative of the habits and manners of the
times, especially the strict preservation of game in the forest. It is
one of those popular tales which represent our kings conversing,
either by accident or design, with a person in inferior station, who
is unacquainted with the rank of his companion.^

The king is evidently Edward the Third, as he speaks of
Windsor as his birth-place. The date of its composition must
have been contemporaneous, or nearly so.

The tale thus begins :

" God that sittis in trinitie
Gyffe theym grace wel to the~

That lystyns me a whyle,
Alle that lovys of melody
OfFe heven blisse God graunte tham perty,^

Theyre soules shelde fro peryle.
At festis and at mangery^
To tell of kyngs that is worthy

Talis that byn not vyle.
And 30^ wil listyn how hit ferd^
Betwene Kyng Edward and a sheperd,

3e shalle lawgh of gyle.^

^ The poem is printed, but with many inaccuracies, in Hartshorne's * Ancient Metrical
Tales,' from a MS. in the Library of the University of Cambridge. Mr. Hartshorne
says — " It seems to be a different work from the very ancient poem entitled ' John the
Reeve/ mentioned in the 'Heliques of Ancient Poetry' (vol. ii, p. 169, edit. J 767),
because the adventure here described passed between the king and a shepherd, and
because this poem appears to exceed the other in length (what we have here consisting
of about 900 lines), and the rubric at the end, ' IN on finis sed punctus,' showing it to be
imperfect. The language is, I think, as old as Edward the Eourth." Mr. Stoughton, in
his interesting little volume of ' Windsor in the Olden Time,' has inserted some extracts,
but they are not very correctly printed.

2 To thrive. 3 A share.

* The festive board or table. ^ Ye.

^ Eared. ? i, e., at the deception practised.

212 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [CiiArrER IX.

" Oure kynge went hym in a tyde
To pley hym be a ryver side

In a mornyng of May.
Kny3t ne squyer wold he non,
But hym self and a grome

To wende on that jorney.
With a shepherde con^ he mete^
And gret^ hym with wordis swete

Without any delay.
The shepherde lovyd his hatte so well.
He did hit of never a dele/

But seidj ^ Sir, gudday ?^

" The kyng to the herde seid than,
' Off whens art thou, gode man V

^Also mot I the,^
In Wynsour was I borne ;
Hit is a myle but here beforne.

The town then maist thou see.^
I am so pyled^ with the kyng,
That I most fle fro my wonyng,'^

And therefore woo is me.
I hade catell, now have I non ;
Thay take my bestis and don them slone,^

And payon but a stick of tre.^ ^

" The kyng seid, ^ Hit is gret synne
That thei of sich works wil not blynne,-^^

And Edward wot hit no3t ;
But come to morne when it is day.
Thou shal be servyd of thy pay,

Ther of have thou no tho3t ;
For in your towne born I was ;
1 have dwellid in diverse place

Sithe I thens was broght ;

* Gan mete is a Saxon idiom for met. ^ Greeted.

^ i.e.. He did not take it off in the least, or at all. "* i. e.. As I may thrive.

^ i.e.y In Windsor was I born. It is only a mile from here. The town you may
almost see.

^ Pillaged, plundered. ^ Dwelling. ^ And kill them.

^ And pay but a stick of tree. This is an allusion to the payment by tallies. See
ante> p. 170, note 2.
10 Cease.

KING EDWABD AND THE SHEPHERD. 213

In the courte 1 have sich a frende,
The treserer or then I wende

Ffor thy luffe shall be soght/ ^

'' This gret lord the herd con frayne/
' What wil men of your kyng seyne ?

Wei littuU gode I trowe/
The herd onsweryd hym rijt no3t,
But on his shepe was all his thojt,

And seid agayn, ' Charhow/
Then looghj^ oure kyng and smyled stille,
' Thou onsweris me not at my will ;

I wolde thei were on a lowe ;*
I aske the tythyngs of our kyng,
Off his men and his wyrkyng,

For sum I have sorow/

(C {

I am a march ant and ride aboute,
And fele sithis^ I am in doute,

Ffor myn owne ware ;
I tell it the in prevete,^
The kyngs men oen^ to me

A M pounde and mare.^

he ou3t my cull in the cuntre -^

What silver shall he pay the ?

Ffor Goddis holy use.^^
Sith thou art noght,
I wil my nedis do and thyne —

Thar of have thou no care/ '' ^^

The shepherd replies that four pounds and " odd two shillings"
was owing to him, for which he held a stick of hazel as a witness
or voucher, and he promised the king seven shillings of the amount
if he got it for him. In answer to an inquiry, he tells the king

^ i.e., Before I go thence the treasurer shall be sought for love of thee.

^ Inquired. ^ Laughed.

^ I would the sheep were on a bank. ^ Oft times.

^ Privity, i.e., in secret. ^ Owe.

^ One thousand pounds and more. ^ He owes much in the country.

^^ For God's holy usage. Three lines appear to have been omitted before this, or else
there is some misprint in Mr. Hartshorne's volume.

" Since you are not able (?), I will do my business and thine. Thereof have thou no
care.

214 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

that men call him *' Adam the Shepherd ;" and in turn says to the
king, "Whose son art thou of our town? Is not thy father
Hochon ?" The king replies —

" ' My fadur was a Walsshe kiiy3t,^
Dame Isabell my modur hy3t.

For sothe as I tell the;
In the castell^ was hir dwellyng,
Thorow commaundment of the kyng,

Whene she thar shuld be.
Now wayte^ thou wher that I was borne^
The tother Edward here beforne

Ful well he lovyd me.
Sertainly, withowte lye.
Sum tyme I lyve be march an dye.

And passe well ofte the see.

" ' I have a son is with the quene,
She lovys hym well, as I wene.

That dar I savely say.
And he pray hir of a bone,
^if that hit be for to done.

She will not onys say nay.
And in the court e I have sich a frende,
I shall be servyd or I wende

Without any delay.
To morne at undern^ speke with me,
Thout shall be servyd of thy mone^

Er than hye mydday.^^^^

The shepherd asks in what place he shall find the king, and
what he shall call him. "My name," says the king, "is Joly
Eobyn. Every man knows it well and finely, both in bowers and
hall. Pray the porter, as he is free, that he let thee speak with
me." Edward remarks that the king is often blamed for the acts
of others. This leads the shepherd to tell him of the wrongs done
by the king's men. " They go about eight or nine together, and
cause the husbands much suffering, ' that carefull is their mele.-' ^

* i. e., Edward of Carnarvon. ^ i. <?., Windsor.

^ Know. ^ Nine o'clock in the morning.

^ Money. ^ Eefore high midday.

" Meal ; i. <?., they eat with care and sorrow.

KING EDWARD AND THE SHEPHERD. 215

They take geese, capons, and hens, and all that ever they can carry
off, and 'reeve' us our cattle. Some of them were sore imprisoned
and afterwards hanged therefor, yet there are nine more of them,
for they were at my house yesterday. They took my hens and my
geese, and my sheep with all the fleece." He adds that they drove
him into his cart-house, and put his old gray-haired wife out at the
door, remarking, " Had I help of some ' lordyng,' I should make
reckoning with them, and they should do so no more." He boasts
of his skill as an archer and in throwing slings, and —

" With talis he made the kyng to dwell.
With mony moo then I can tell,

Till hit was halfe gan prime.^
His hatte was bonde^ under his chyn ;
He did hit nothing of to hym,

He thojt hit was no tyme.
' Robyn,' he seid, * I pray the.
Hit is thy will come horn with me,

A morsell for to dyne/
The kyng list of his bourds lere :^
' Gladly,^ he seid, ^ my lefe fere

I will be on of thyne/ ''

As they went homeward the king saw several conies (rabbits),
and smiling —

" ' Adam,^ he said, ' take up a ston.
And put hit in thy slyng anon ;

Abyde we here awhile ;
Gret bourde* it wold be
Off them to slee^ two or thre —

I swere this be Seynt Gyle.^ '^

Adam, however, says —

'* ' I wolde not for my hat

Be taken with sich a gyle/ ^'

* Half gone prime, or noon. 2 rp-g^

•"' i. e., Pleased to hear of his jests. "^ Jest.

Slay. 6 ^^ ^^ J would not be caught practising such a trick.

216 ANNALS Or WINDSOll. [CiiAniiii IX.

" ^ Hit is alle the kynges waren ;
Ther is nouther kny5t ne sqwayre

That do sich a dede.
Any conyng here to sla,
And with the trespas away to ga,

But his sides shulde blede.
The Warner^ is hardy and fell,
Sertainly as I the tell

He will take no mede.^
Who so dose here sich maistrye/
Be thou wel sicur^ he shall abye^

And unto preson lede/ ^^

He says, however, that there is no wild fowl that flies that he
cannot hit with his sling. " Such meat I dare thee promise."

" The shepherds house full merry stood
Under a forest fair and good ;"

and the king, noticing the abundance of game, swears that if he
had such a place he would have some of it, "whether it were
evening or morning." The shepherd, however, stopped him.

'^ ' let sech^ wordis be :

Sum man my3t here the;

The were bettur be still;
Wode has erys, felde has si3t ;^
Were the forstur^ here now right

They wordis shuld like^ the ille.
He has with hym 5ong men thre,^^
Thei be archers of this centre.

The kyng to serve at wille.
To kepe the dere^^ both day and nyjt.
And for theire luf ^^ a loge is di3t,

Full hye upon an hill.' '^

The king seated in the house, the shepherd lays '' a fair cloth on
the board," and from the bower fetches

" Brede of whete bultid^^ small,
ii penny^^ ale he brou^t withall.^'

1 Warriner. ^ Reward or bribe. ^ Skill, a clever trick or performance.

4 Sure. ^ Make amends, or pay for it. ^ guc^^

'' Wood has ears, field has sight. ^ Forester. » Please.

10 Three young men. " Deer. ^^ Lq^-^^ is gifted. " Twopenny.

KING EDWAUD AND THE SHEPHERD. 217

These, with a crane and other fowls, he set before the kmg, who

exclaimed —

" ' blessed thou be !

Here is bettur than thou he3tist ^
To day when that we raette.^ '^

The shepherd then produced a heron, " with a poplere," curlews,
" bocurs," *' mandlart," and " hurmech," and a baked wild swan,
observing —

'^ ^ I bade^ fellowes to my dynere,
And sithin^ thei will not cum here,
A deuell have who that rech/ ''^

He tells the king that if he wishes to have anything to drink he
must learn the play, or drinking ceremony, which was this : when
the king took the cup he was immediately to say *' Passelodion,"
and Adam was to answer, " Berafrynde." He explained that
" passilodyon," used by the person who first drank, was equivalent
to wassail, and " berafrynde" was the signal to empty the cup and
fill it again.

" ' Thus shal the game go aboute.
And who so falvs^ of the route,

I swere be Seynt Michelb
Let hym drynk wher he will,
He gets non here, this is my skill,^

Mo3t to another sele/^^'^

*^ Thus thev sate withoute strife.
The kyng with Adam and his wyfe^

And made hym mery and glade.
The scheperde bade the cuppe fill;
The kyng to dryuke hade gode will,

His wife did as Ibe bade.
When the cuppe was come anon,
The kyng seid, ' Passylodion,^

When he the cuppe hade ;

^ Promised. ^ Invited. ^ Since.

^ May a devil take him who cares ! ^ Fails.

^ Reason. ' {.e.^ He must try another time.

218 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

Hit was a game of gret solas,^
Hit comford all that ever ther was
Therof thai were noght sade.

" The scheperde ete till that he swatte.
And than non erst^ he drew his hatt

Into the benke ende,
And when he feld^ the drynk was gode.
He wynkid and strokyd up his hode,

And seid, ' Berafrynde/
He was qwyte* as any swan,
He was a wel begeton man,

And comyn of holy kynde.
He wolde not ete his cromys^ drie,
He lovyd nothynge but it were trie,^

Nether fer ne hende/^^

The king remarked that to be fed with such dainties in a town
would '' have cost dear." Recurring to the subject of gauie, he
remarks that there was no meat he loved so much as buck or doe.
The shepherd, thus encouraged, tells him, if he can keep a secret,
he shall see good game. The king pledges his good faith, and the
shepherd produces three conies, '' all baken well in a pasty," well
spiced, and other baked meat (or pies), both of hart and roe. He
tells the king they were alive the day before, and came thither
by moonlight. The king compliments him on his skill with a
sling, and says that if he were equally perfect in the use of the bow
he might have plenty of venison without the help of the foresters.

" Then seid the scheperde, ' No thyng soo ;
I con a game worth thei twoo.

To Wynne me a bridde.^
Ther is no hert ne bucke so wode^
That I ne get without blode.

And I of hym have nede.

^ Solace or joy. ^ And then and not before.

3 Felt. ^ White.

^ Crumbs. ^ Choice.

7 Far or near ? Probably this is incorrectly printed in Mr. Hartshornc's text.

8 To gain a bird. ° Wild.

KING EDWABD AND THE SHEPHEUB. 219

I haue a slyng for the nones^
That is made for gret stonys/

Ther with I con me fede -^
What dere I take under the side/
Be thou siker he shall abide

Til I hym home will lede.

" ' Conyngis with my nouther^ slyng
I con slee and hame bryng^

Sum tyme twoo or thre;
I ete tham not mv self alon,
I send persandes mony on/

And sury fryndes make I me/
Til gentlemen and 3omanry^
Thei have them all thet ar worthy,

Those that are prive.
What so thei have it may be myne,
Corne and brede, ale and wyne,

And alle that may like me/ '^

The shepherd's heart warms to the king, whom he addresses as
" Joly Robyne." He draws a cup of " lanycoll/' and they renew
their " game" of " passilodion" and " berafrynd." At last the king
rises to take his leave ; but, before he leaves, the shepherd wishes
to show " Joly Robyn"

" ' A litull chaumbur that is myne.
That was made for me/ '^

The king, gladly assenting, was led to a secret place, dug far
under the earth out of sight, and " clergially wrought." In it was
plenty of venison and wine so clear. The shepherd again insists
on the king, before he goes, ^' proving" a " costrell" of wine, " the
best that might be bought," that good friends sent him. After
promising to keep the secret, the king mounts his horse and is
about to take his leave, but the shepherd offers to accompany him
with his sling, and hit '* a fowl or two," and peradventure a cony.

^ Nonce (occasion). 2 Qj^^^t stones.

3 Can feed myself. 4 ^i^^t deer 1 hit in the side.

' Other. 6 I send presents many an one.

" (There is some error in this line.) ^ Yeomanry.

220 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

*' The kyng rode softely on his way,
Adam folowyd and way ted ^ his pray ;

Conyngus^ saw he thre.
' Joly Robyn, chese^ thou which thou wytt/
Hym that rennys or hym that sitt,

And I shall gif him the.
He that sitts and wil not lepe,
Hit is the best of alle the hepe,

Forsoth, so thynkith me/
The scheperde hit hym with a stone.
And breke in two his brest bone,

Thus sone ded^ was he.

" The kynge seid, ^ Thou art to^ slow.
Take hym als^ that rennyth now,

And thou con thy crafte.^
' Be God,^ seid Adam, ' here is a stone.
It shall be his bane anon^ —

Thus sone his life was rafte.
What fowle that sitts or flye,
' Whethur it were ferre or nye,

Sone with hym it lafte.^
' Sir,' he seid, ' for soth I trowe.
This is behette^ any bowe

For alle the fedurt schafte.' '^ ^^

The king goes on to the court, and Adam returns to his sheep,
where he finds his dogs lying quietly to guard them. At night
he returns to his wife, bringing with him ''new meat." He tells
her not to be sad, for he is going to court, and narrates what had
passed between " Joly Robin'' and himself before dinner.

" On morrow, when he shuld to court goo.
In russet clothyng he tyret^^ hym tho,
In kyrtil and in surstbye,^^

1 Watched. ^ Conies, i. e., rabbits.

3 Choose. ^ Wilt.

° Soon dead. , ^ Too.

? Also. ^ Soon with him it remains,

9 Better. ^° Than all the feathered shafts, i. e., arrows.
" Attired.

12 This is evidently a misreading of Mr. Hartshorne for " courtpye," a sort of short
cloak or mantle.

KING EDWAUD AND THE SHEPHERD. 221

And a blak furred hode

That well fust to his cheke stode,^

The typet myght not wrye.^
The mytans clutt for gate he no3t/
The slyng even ys not out of his tho3t

Wherwith he wrou3t maystre.'^

On arriving at the gate, he asks the porter and his man where
" Joly Robyn" was? The porter, instructed beforehand, offers to
show him. The king in the mean time, seeing his approach,
directs two earls to address him in the presence of the shepherd as
" Joly Robyn," and offers to lay them a wager of a tun of wine
that, although the best lord among them should '' avayl " or lower
his hood to the shepherd, the latter would not return the courtesy.
Sir Ralph Stafford was despatched to ascertain the shepherd's will.
"All hail, good man," he said, *' whither wilt thou go?" The
shepherd replied, without moving his hood —

" ' Joly Robyn that I yondere see,
Bid hym speke a worde with me.
For he is not my foo.^^''

The earl requested him to deliver his staff and mittins to the porter
to hold^ but the shepherd declined to let them out of his hands,
and again presses to see Joly Robyn ; and not liking the appear-
ance of things, and desirous of making an excuse for getting away
as soon as he can, says —

'^ ' I am aferd my schepe go mysse
On othur mennys lande.^ ''

After a familiar recognition of the king, he calls him aside to speak
a word in private. It is to inquire who the lords are standing by.
The king tells him

'^ ' The Erie of Lancastur is the ton,

And the Earl of Waryn Sir John,

Bolde and as hardy.^ ^'

^ i. e., That stood close to his cheek. ^ gjjp aside.

2 The mittiiis or gloves cloth (?) he forgat not.

232 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek IX.

The king says he will take him to the marshal, and himself tell his

tale, in order the better to " speed " him. Arrived in the hall, the

king leaves him there alone, the shepherd exclaiming on his

departm^e —

'^ ' Robyn, dwel not long fro rae,
I know no man here but the ;

This court is no3t but pride ;
I ne come of no sich fare
These hye halles thei are so bare.

Why ar thei made so wyde V "

The king directs the marshal, and the marshal tells the steward to
pay the shepherd his debt of four pounds and two shillings. The
shepherd tells them he has a voucher for it " scored on a tally."
He gathers up the money right gladly, and offers the king the
seven shillings promised the day before. The king, however,
refuses to take it, but insists on the shepherd dining with him.
The invitation is reluctantly accepted, the shepherd being loth to
eat the king's meat, and in dread that while he is out his house
will be again attacked by the rout he spoke of the day before.
The king and he walked up and down " as men that said their
orison/' the shepherd keeping his staff warm under his arm, and
refusing to give it up until he should go to meat.

" When tablys were layd and cloths sprad,
The scheperde in to the hall was lad,^^

to the end of the board. His mittens hung by his side, and he
was hooded like a friar. When the waiters blew a loud blast close
to him, he wondered what it could be, and thought he had heard a
fiend ! The steward told " Joly Robyn" it was time to go and
wash. '' Joly Robyn" was placed in the king's seat at the head of
the table, under the pretence that it was done for the favour he
had enjoyed with the previous king, and when he was seated, the
queen, as the " most worthy," was brought in. At each end of
the dais sat an earl "and a fay re lady." The steward then prayed
the shepherd specially to be seated at a dormant table. The prince,
instructed by his father, invites the shepherd to repeat the game of
" passilodion" and " berafrynde," and gives him a gold ring, asking

KING EDWAUD AND THE SHEPHEUD. 223

him to wear it for his sake. The shepherd will not have it, remark-
ing that it would not last him half a day. " When it is broken,
farewell to it. A hat were more useful for rain and sunshine."
When they had eaten and the cloth drawn, and they had washed
according to custom, they drank and played '^ passilodion." Then
the lords went to their chamber^ and the king sent for the shepherd,
who came clawing his head and rending his hair. When he heard
French and Latin spoken, he marvelled what it meant, and prayed
inwardly to be brought safely out of the place. The king, seeing
his sorrow^ had great mirth, and said —

" ' Come nere, Adam ;
Take the spices and clrynk the wyne
As homely as 1 did of thyne.^ ''

The shepherd complies, but secretly thinks that if he had Joly
Robyn again as he had the day before, he would so chastise him
with his sling that he should bring no more tidings, although
mounted on horseback. The king now determines to disclose his
real rank to the disconcerted shepherd.

" The kyng commandit a squyer tere,^
Go telle the scheperde in his ere

That I am the kyng.
And thou shalt se sich cowntenence
That hym had lever^ be in Fraunce,

When heris of that tythyng.
He has me schewid his prevete,
He wil wene ded to be,^

And make therfore mournyng.
Hit shalle hym mene al to gode,*
I wolde not elHs, be the rode,^

Nou^t for my best gold ryng.

" The squyer pryvely toke his leve.
And plucked the scheperde be the sieve.
For to speke hym with.

' There. 2 Rather.

^ i. e., He will expect to be put to death.

^ i. e., It shall be all for his good. ^ By the rood or cross.

32JL ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [CHArxER IX.

'Man/ he seid, 'thou art wode/
Why dose thou not down thy hode,

Thou art all out of kith.^
Hit is the kyng that spekes to thee;
May do what his willes be,

Berefe this lym and lith/
And gif thou have do any trespass,
Ffall on knees and aske grace,

And he will gif the grith/^

"Then was that herd a careful man,^
And never so sory as he was than.

When he herd that sawe.
He wist not that hym was gode,^
But then he putte down his hode.

On knees he fel down lawe7
' Lorde,^ he seid, ' I crye the mercy,
I know the not, be oure Lady,

When I come into the sale f
Ffor had I wist^ of the sorowe
When that we met sister morow,^^

I had not ben in this bale/ ^' ^^

The manuscript ends here abruptly, evidently imperfect. ^^ We
may conclude, however, that the shepherd eventually got well out
of his scrape.

Before concluding this episode in the Annals of Windsor, a
short political poem or song of the reign of Henry the Third may
be inserted, as being expressly connected with the events at
Windsor during that reign.

The decisive battle of Lewes, in 1264, was the subject of great
exultation amongst the adherents of Simon de Montfort. This
song is directed against the king's brother, Richard Earl of Corn-
wall, who had become very unpopular by his foreign schemes of

^ Mad. ' ^ Knowledge or breedicg.

' Bereave thee limb and member. "^ Give thee grace.
^ i. e.. That shepherd was then full of care.

* He knew not what was good for him.

7 Low. « Hall.

^ Known, ^^ Yesterday morning.

" Evil. 12 See ^ote, ante, p. 211.

SONG AGAINST THE KING OP ALMAIGNE. 225

ambition. He took shelter at a windmill after he saw the king's
party defeated/ Windsor was the stronghold of the royal party,
and had been, as has been already stated, in the early part of the
reign of Henry the Third, garrisoned by foreigners.

^' Sitteth alle stille ant herkneth to me :*
The Kyn of Alemaigne,^ bi mi leaute,
Thritti thousent pound^ askede he
For te make the pees in the countre,
ant so he dude more.
Richard, thah thou be ever tri chard,
trichen shalt thou never more.

^' Richard of Alemaigne, whil that he vres kyng,
He spende al is tresour opon swyvyng ;
Haveth he nout of Walingford o ferlyng^ : —
Let him habbe^ ase he brew_, bale to dryng,
maugre Wyndesoie.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

*^ The Kyng of Alemaigne wende do ful wel.
He saisede the mulne for a castel,^
With hare sharpe swerdes he grounde the stel.
He wende that the sayles were mangonel
To helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.

* The following is the translation, as given by Mr. Wright : Sit all still and listen
to nie : — tlie King of Almaigne, by my loyalty, — thirty thousand pound he asked — to
make peace in the country, — and so he did more. — Richard, though thou art ever a
traitor, — thou shalt never more deceive.

Richard of Almaigne, while he was king, — he spent all his treasure upon luxury; —
have he not of "VVallingford one furlong : — let him have, as he brews, evil to drink, — in
spite of Windsor.

The King of Almaigne thought to do full well, — they seized the mill for a castle ; — •
with their sharp swords they ground the steel, — they thought the sails had been
mangonels — to help Windsor.

^ ' The Political Songs of England, from the Reign of John to that of Edward the
Second,' edited and translated by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., E.S.A., &c., printed for
the Camden Society, p. 68. The song in question is printed from the Harl. MS.,
No. 2253, fol. 58 v° of the reign of Edw. II. It first appeared in Percy's 'Reliques of
Ancient English Poetry.'

2 Richard Earl of Cornwall. (See ante, p. 103.)

^ The barons had offered him this sum, if he would by his intermediation persuade the
king to agree to a peace with them, and at the same time accept the terms they demanded.

^ The honour of Walingford had been conferred on Richard in 1243, on his marriage
with Sanchia, daughter of the Count of Provence.

^ " After the battle was lost, Richard King of the Romans took refuge in a windmill,

226 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter IX.

" The Kyng of Alemaigne gederede ys host,
Makede him a castel of a mulne post,
Wende with is prude ant is muchele host,
Brohte from Alemayne mony sori gost
to store Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.

" By God that is aboven ous, he dude muche synne.
That lette passen over see the Erl of Warynne •}
He hath robbed Engelond, the mores ant the fenne.
The gold, ant the selver, ant y-boren henne,
for love of Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.

" Sire Simond de Mountfort hath swore bi ys chyn,
Hevede he nou here the Erl of Waryn,
Shulde he never more come to is vn,
Ne with sheld, ne with spere, ne with other gyn,
to help of Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.

^' Sir Simond de Montfort hath suore bi ys cop,
Hevede he nou here Sire Hue de Bigot,^
Al he shulde quite here twelfmoneth scot,
Shulde he never more with his fot pot
to helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.

The King of Almaigne gathered his host, — he made him a castle of a mill-post, — he
went with his pride and his great boast, — brought from Almaigne many a wretched soul
— to garrison Windsor.

By God that is above us, he did great sin, — who let the Earl of Warenne pass over
sea : — he had robbed England, both the moor and the fen, — of the gold and the silver,
and carried them hence, — for love of Windsor.

Sir Simon de Montfort hath sworn by his chin, — had he now here the Earl of
Warenne, — he should never more come to his lodging, — neither with shield, nor with
spear, nor with other contrivance, — to help Windsor.

Sir Simon de Montfort hath sworn by his head, — had he now here Sir Hugh de Bigot,
— he should pay here a twelvemonth's scot, — he should never more tramp on his feet —
to help Windsor.

which he barricaded and maintained for some time against the barons, but in the evening
was obliged to surrender. See a very full account of this in the * Chronicle of Mailros.'"
(Percy.)

^ The Earl of Warenne escaped from the battle, and fled into France.

^ Hugh Bigod escaped with the Earl of Warenne to Pevensey, and from thence to
France. He was cousin to the Hugh Bigod who took part with the barons, and was
slain at Lewes.

SONG AGAINST THE KING OF ALMAIGNE.

227

'' Be the luef, be the loht, Sire Edward,
Thou shalt ride sporeless o thy lyard^
Al the ryhte way to Dovere ward ;
Shalt thou never more breke fore-ward,

ant that reweth sore :
Edward, thou dudest ase a shreward,
forsoke thyn ernes lore.
Richard, &c/^

Be it agreeable to thee, or disagreeable, Sir Edward, — thou shalt ride spurless on thy
hack — all the straight road towards Dover ; — thou shalt never more break covenant ; —
and that sore rueth thee; — Edward, thou didst like a shrew, — forsake thine uncle's
teaching,^

^ Tliis word (in Low Latin, liardus) means, properly, a dapple-grey horse.

2 In 1375 a statute was passed "Against slanderous reports, or tales to cause discord
betwixt king and people," and it has been suggested that it was occasioned by this ballad
on Richard of Alemaigne. (Barrington's 'Observations on the Statutes,' p. 71.)

"j?'^

w^^

'^ ii^j~f%e./is^

The Twin Sisters.

^NT

CHAPTER X.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE RICHARD THE SECOND.

Constables of the Castle.
A.i). 1377. SiK Simon Burley. a.d. 1390. Peter de Couhtney.

Dean of St. George's Chapel.
A.D. 1380. Walter Almaly or Almary.

The King keeps Christmas at the Castle — Differences between the Dean and Canons and
the Poor Knights — Misconduct of the Dean and Chapter — Inventory of the
Reliques, &c. — Confirmation of Charter of Edward the Second — ^Erection of a
Cross in High Street — Pontage — Peast of Whitsuntide, 1380 — Insurrection of
Wat Tyler — The King leaves the Castle — His Marriage — Queen Anne at Windsor
— Council at Windsor — The King returns to Windsor from Wales — Address of
the Londoners to the King at St. George's Peast — The interview — Imprisonment
of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in the Castle — Charges against Sir Simon
Burley and others — Movement of the King's Porces, and Proceedings of the
Dukes of York and Gloucester — Windsor Bridge broken down — The King at
Windsor, on his return to London — Charge against the Judges for Transactions
at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1388 — Repair of the Castle — Appointment of
Geoffry Chaucer to superintend Repairs of the Chapel — Feasts and Tournaments
at Windsor — St. George's Peast, 1391 — Imprisonment of John Hinde, Mayor of
London, in the Castle — Londoners summoned to the King at Windsor — Proissart
— Movements of the King — Entertainment of the Ambassadors sent to propose his
marriage with the infant Queen Isabella — Appeal of High Treason by the Duke
of Hereford against the Duke of Norfolk — Proceedings at Windsor — Tourna-
ment in 1399 — Parting of the King and Queen — The King departs for Ireland
— Removal of the Queen to Wallingford — Events connected with the Order of
the Garter — Grants to St. George's Chapel — Owners of Land at Windsor — Sir
Bernard " Brocas."

On the accession of Richard the Second to the throne in 1377,
Sir Simon Burley, Knight, was made constable of Windsor Castle
for life.^

^ Pat., 1 Bic. 11, p. i, m. 14; Stow, 'Annals.' — Sir Simon Burley was also appointed
constable of Wigmore, Guilford, and the manor of Kensington, " and also Master of the

TO AD. 1399.] MISCONDUCT OF THE DEAN AND CHAPTER. 229

King Richard kept his Christmas of 1378 at Windsor.^

Early in this reign, and probably before the termination of the
last, differences arose between the dean and canons of St. George's
on the one part, and the poor knights on the other, and which
have unfortunately continued on one ground or other to the
present day. By the statutes of the college it was provided
that for every day's absence from the chapel, the poor knights
should lose the twelve pence per diem allowed to each, and that the
amount of the forfeitures arising from this clause should be con-
verted to the use of the other knights. Notwithstanding this pro-
vision, it appears that the dean took upon himself to dispose of their
fines at his pleasure. The poor knights complained to Adam
Bishop of St. David's and Chancellor of England, of this infraction,
and also that the dean disposed of the donations and other offerings
of the Knights Companions of the Garter, so that no part of them
was applied towards their support. A rigid investigation was in-
stituted by the chancellor, not merely into these alleged grievances,
but into the general conduct of the dean, canons, and poor knights ;
the result of which was, as Sir Harris "Nicolas observes,^ very un-
favorable to the moral character of many of them. It certainly
shows that only a few years after the institution the purposes of the
founder were perverted and abused.

The chancellor went in person to Windsor, and examined the
dean, canons, and vicars, and also certam of the military knights
and elders ; and made a report of the existing abuses.

The fines imposed on the knights for not attending the chapel
were pocketed by the dean, and disposed of at his pleasure ; and
he dealt in the same way with the gifts and bounties of lords and

King's Ealcons at liis mues neere Charing Crosse." (Ibid.) In 1378 he was directed
to superintend in person or by deputy the works in the castle and parks. (Pat., 2 Ric. II,
p. i, m. 47.) He was a Knight of the Garter, and had been appointed Governor to
Richard by the choice of Edward the Third and the Black Prince, and was much attached
to the king. The subsequent attempt of Sir Simon Burley to exact £300 for the manu-
mission of one of the burghers of Gravesend, whom he claimed as his, led to an insurrec-
tion of the people in Kent, which was immediately followed by that under Wat Tyler.
He was executed in 1388, for treason. (See j505^.)

^ Walsingham. A council was held at Windsor in 1379, at which the Duke of
Lancaster was present. (See Walsingham and Holinshed.)

^ 'Orders of Knightliood,' vol. i, p. 44.

230 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

noblemen, made to the chapel and college, to the exclusion of the
knights. He also kept the salaries of the vicars too long in his
hands, and also appropriated to his own use the dues of the vacant
vicars' stalls. The church of " Fokkesaire," appropriated to the
college, had been let to farm to Thomas Tuppeleye, a layman, for
his life, he living with his wife and family in the rectory house.
The gift of £200 by William of Wykeham was wholly lost, no
one receiving the interest or knowing what had become of the
principal.

In addition to the licentious conduct of Thomas Tawne and John
Breton, two of the elder knights,^ it appeared that Breton was inso-
lent in his manner, late in going to the chapel, and too hasty in
leaving it, and when he knelt at prayers he immediately went to
sleep, so that he could be scarcely roused to receive the sacrament
at the altar.

Edmund Clove, one of the canons, was profligate and irreverent,
talking scandal to laymen at mass time and other hours. John
Loryng, another canon, neglected his attendance at chapel, and was
devoted to hunting and fishing. John Chicester, a vicar, was
convicted of adultery.^ The canons generally slurred over their
duties, attending only one hour daily in the chapel, and walking off
the moment they received their daily pay.

It appeared that the dean had converted the college close into

^ "Item. Compertum est quod Domini Thomas Tawue et Johannes Breton, milites
senes ejusdem capellse, conjugati, tenent mulierculas in adulterinis amplexibus, ad magnum
scandalum collegii prsedicti; ideo volumus et ordinamus quod Decanus dicti loci, pro
honestata et honore ejusdem, praedictos milites et alios, in dicto coUegio in futurum
graviter committentes sen delinquentes, primo moderate corrigat : et perseverantes in
criminibus hujusmodi gravius corripiat et corrigat; et tertio, sic incorrigibiles repertos, de
consilio concilii Domini nostri regis, a dicto collegio penitus amoveat.

" Item. Compertum est quod Johannes Breton miles prsedictus, iusolentiis suis nimis
deditus, tarde accedit et nimis delicate ad horas canonicas in dicta capella : et cum recli-
naverit se ad orandum in eadem, statim dormit, ita quod vix poterit ad sacramentum
altaris vigilare ; unde per regem et suum concilium apponatur remedium.

"Item. Compertum est quod Dominus Edmundus Clove, canonicus dictse capellse, fuit
ab antiquo diffamatus de diversis mulieribus, et est lacivus et jocundus, et discurreus inter
laicos tempore missse et aliarum horarum scandalose."

* "Item. Compertum est quod Johannes Chicestre vicarius diffamatur de
Uxore Thomse Swyft (cujus mulieris nomen ignoratur) quod relinquimus correctioni
decani."

TO A.D. 1399.] RELIQUES IN THE CHAPEL. 231

a kitchen garden.^ The records of the college, moreover, were
negligently kept.

It is superfluous to say that the dean, in addition to his own lax
conduct, was reported to have exercised no vigilance in checking
and correcting the misconduct of those under him, so that the
canons paid no respect to his ofiice.

The chancellor took steps to reform these various abuses. The
emoluments of the college were ordered to be properly distributed.
The offerings or gifts in the college were directed to be equally
divided between the dean, canons, and knights; and the same
division was expressly ordered to be made of the swans and cygnets
given to the college by Oliver de Bordeaux. The dean was severely
admonished, and he was directed to reprove, and, if the offences
were repeated or continued, to punish the offending canons and
vicars. The remedy for the general neglect and offences of the
canons was, however, left by the chancellor to the king in council.^

The dean and canons had, it appears, by this time acquired con-
siderable riches for their chapel in the shape of plate, jewels, vest-
ments, reliques, and ornaments, most of them, probably, offerings
made at the altar. A register of all the books, vestments, reliques,
plate, and various other ornaments of the chapel, made in the eighth
year of this reign, and in the time of Walter Almaly, dean, is
printed in Dugdale's ' Monasticon,' from an ancient roll formerly
in the possession of Elias Ashmole.^

This register comprises books in the choir, and books on various
subjects chained in the chapel (comprising, among the latter, two
volumes of French romances, of which one was the ' Book of the
Rose') ;^ vestments and their appendages of great variety of forms
and colours, adapted for the different festivals and vigils of the year,

* "Item. Prsecipimus Decano preedicto quod claustrum, satis lionorificum dicti collegii,
intrinsecus urticis et aliis herbis nocivis, nou delectabilitibus in visu, turpitu dehonestatuin,
celeritu mundari, et sicul decet claustrum Capellse Regise, honeste faciat prseparari,
subpoena quae incumbit."

^ Pat., 2 Ric. II, p. i, m. 15, printed in the * Foedera.*
3 Ash. MSS., Nos. 16 and 22.

* See ante, p. 209. Books constituted a valuable property at this period. About the
year 1400, a copy of John de Meun's 'Roman de la Rose' (the book mentioned in the text)
was sold, before the palace gate at Paris, for forty crowns, or thirty-three pounds six and
sixpence. (Warton's * History of Poetry,' ' Dissertations,' vol. i, p. 90, edit. 1840.)

232 ANNALS OT WINDSOB. [Ciiapteii X.

including a set for a private altar behind the great altar; also a
vestment of blood-colour, the gift of Henry the Fourth, with white
dogs worked upon it ; another, the gift of King Richard, containing
an altar-cloth with the crucifix of Mary and John ; one vestment for
Lent, the gift of the Duke of Norfolk ; and a number of copes and
cloths. Beneath the table of the high altar were jewels and relics,
comprising crosses (including the crosse called Gneyth^), taber-
nacles, tables, a salt cellar (for salt to mingle with the hallowed
water), a silver gilt image of St. James, and another of the
Virgin Mary, the gift of Henry the Fourth ; angels,^ cups,
vessels, and phials of various make and workmanship, and set with
precious stones. The relics inclosed in some of them comprised a
portion of the milk of the Virgin Mary, parts of the skulls of
St. Bartholomew and St. Thomas the Apostle. Tables and
branches of silver and silver gilt stood on the high altar, one
of the branches containing an arm-bone of St. Wilham of
York (" which can be seen"), and another, part of an arm of
St. George. Tbe relics not inclosed comprised an arm-bone of
St. Osytho, an arm-bone of St- Richard, and bones of St. Margaret
Queen of Scotland, St. Thomas of Hereford, St. David, St. William
of England, and St. William of York; part of the jaw-bone of
St. Mark, containing fourteen teeth ; a bone of St. Gerard, a rib
of one of the eleven thousand virgins, bones of St. Maurice and
St. Elizabeth, a rib of St. Vitale, part of the brain of St. Eustace ;
and in a separate division were a bone of St. George, parts of the
Lord^s supper table and of the Virgin Mary's tomb, and some of
St. Thomas of Canterbury's blood. There was also one of the
stones wdth which good Stephen was stoned, a breast-bone of the
good Archbishop Edmund, a shirt of St. Thomas the Martyr, a
white girdle given by St. John the Evangelist to St. Mary, and a
small part of the skull of St. Thomas the Apostle, and a candle end
of the Virgin Mary.

The register also comprised a variety of morses,^ chalices,
corporals (white linen cloths laid on the altar, and on which the

^ See ante, p. 114.

2 Figures of angels iuiroduced as reliquaries, bearing phials in their liands.

■"^ Tlic clasps or fastenings of copes.

TO A.D. 1399.] RELIQUES IN THE CHAPEL. 233

elements of the communion were consecrated)/ paxes^ (one not
quite perfect, of silver and gilt, enamelled with images of the
crucifixion and of Mary and John, and having at the top three
bosses, with two shields hanging on either side ; and another pax
of silver gilt, with the image of the Virgin), candlesticks, thuribles
(vessels held in the hand for burning incense), ships (also for
incense), crosses, phials, dishes, altar covers, mitres (coverings for
the head, worn on solemn occasions by bishops, the abbots of some
monasteries, and, from special privileges, by the canons of certain
churches), pyxes (vessels to contain the Holy Eucharist), a chris-
matory (to contain the Holy Oils), a silver bell to ring before the
body of Christ, in the visitation of the sick, staves for the precentor
and canons, auriculars (one embroidered with two golden eagles
and the arms of various noblemen, with the inscription, *' Jhesu
est timor mens"), towels, albs, stoles and dresses of various colours,
veils and curtains, stands, tapestry, swords of King Edward, the
Earl of Suffolk, Lord Thomas Banaster, King Richard, the Earl of
Derby (afterwards Henry the Fourth), of the Duke of Lancaster
and the Earl of Salisbury, and also six helmets and ndantles.

There were also a number of jewels and relics in the treasury.
One of them was a beautiful " camahu," ornamented with pearls
and gold, containing part of the chain with which St. Louis flogged
himself. There were three crowns, silver gilt, ornamented with
precious stones, one for the Blessed Mary, another for the Son, and
the third for St. Edward. Two cofFres and two bottles, three
sudaria ; two banners, with the arms of the King of England, a
dragon, and a lion, for procession in Rogation ; with six spears,
and four new banners with painted figures.

The charter of Edward the Second to the town, which was
confirmed by Edward the Third, was in like manner recited and
confirmed by Richard the Second, in the third year of his reign.^

^ The expression of a "corporal oath" originated in the ancient custom of swearing
solemnly on the corporal cloth, containing the sacred body of our Lord. (Pugin's 'Glossary
of Ecclesiastical Ornament and Costume.')

2 A pax is a small plate carried round, having been kissed by the priest, after the
Agnus Dei in the mass, to communicate the kiss of peace.

3 Pat., 3 Hie. II, p. i, in. 24. The charter of Edward the Third confirms the privi-
leges of the town, as the men and burgesses of the borough (" homines et burgensis

234 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

Upon the granting of this last-mentioned Inspeximus Charter,
the sum of one hundred shilHngs was paid into the Hanaper Office.

In 1380 (4 Ric. II) a handsome cross was erected by John
Sadler in the High Street of Windsor.-^ Ashmole says that this is
the same cross which was '' beautified and repaired, and a crucifix
placed on its top, in 1635,'' by Dr. Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester,
some details respecting which will be found in a subsequent part of
this work. It is singular that there is no representation of this
cross, or anything denoting its existence, to be found in Norden's
drawing of Windsor Castle or map of the ** Little Park," made in
1607. The accuracy and minute detail evinced in Norden's work
render it very improbable that he overlooked such a striking
object; and the fair inference is that the original cross of 1380
had been previously removed or destroyed, and that the Bishop of
Gloucester not merely beautified and repaired the cross in 1635,
but re -erected it. The cross stood where Castle Street on the east,
Peascod Street on the west. High Street on the south, and Thames
Street un the north (being the four principal streets of the town)

burgi") theretofore held and enjoyed the same ; that of Richard is to the burgesses of
the borough.

1 Ashmole's 'History of Berkshire/ p. 260, folio edit., Reading, 1736. Ashmole
obtained the date from ' Day's Book,' a MS. folio volume written by Matthew Day, who
filled the ofl&ce of Mayor of Windsor five times during the reigns of James the First,
Charles the First, and Charles the Second. This volume is supposed to be in the muni-
ment room of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, having been seen there some years ago
and extracts taken from it. The editors have made repeated attempts to obtain a sight
of this interesting book, but the answer to all inquiries is that it cannot be found. Ash-
mole made some extracts from it, which are preserved among the Ash. MSS. at Oxford,
and are entitled " Severall things excerpted out of a folio volume writen by the liands
of Mr. Matthew Day of Windsor. He was 5 tymes maior of that borough." The fol*
lowing is the extract relating to the cross :

" The name of him that builded the Markett Crosse of the Towne and Burrow of
New Windsor, and the time when.

" By searching the Records in the Gildhall of the Burrow aforesaid, Mr. Wasshiugton
being then major, Mr. Woodward being then steward, Mr. Low and Mathew Day being
then both aldermen, wee found an indenture that was lett unto one John Sadler (who
had bine of the company) of a lease let unto him from the major, baUefes, and burgesis of
so much of the wast of the said corporation as the Crosse containeth ; wherupon he
covenanted to build the Markett Crosse of the said towne ; which lease is deated in the
forth yere of Richard the Second, w"^ was in the yeere of our Lord 1380." (Ash. MSS.,
No. 1126, f. 86.)

TO A.D. 1399.] INSURRECTION UNDER WAT TYLER. 235

meet. In 1691, being in a ruinous state, it was taken down, but all
proclamations and public orders are read and declared at this spot,
which still bears the name of the Cross .^

In this year (1380) there was a grant of pontage made to the
inhabitants of Windsor.^

The king held the feast of Whitsuntide at Windsor the same
year ;^ and there, '' in the octaves of Easter, the king's half-sister,
the Lady Joan de Courtney, was married to Lord Valeran, Earl
of St. Paul's. The solemnization of the marriage was accompanied
by great triumphing." The king endowed his sister with the
township and manor of Byfleet in Surrey.*

At the time of the insurrection under Wat Tyler, and the
advance of the people towards London, the king was at Windsor.
Accompanied by his cousin, Henry Earl of Derby, Simon Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and Chancellor, Sir Robert Hales, Master of
the Knights of St. John, and Treasurer, and about one hundred
sergeants and knights, Richard left the Castle of Windsor, and
repaired for greater security to the Tower of London, escorted by the
mayor, and there he was joined by his mother, the Princess of Wales.^

On the 12th of June, 1381, the king descended the river to
meet Tyler and his multitude, and, according to Stowe, he re-
quested the leaders to come to him at Windsor on the following
Monday, " where they should have sufficient answer to all their
demands." The king, however, returned to the Tower ; and the
death of Wat Tyler in Smithfield, at the hands of Walworth the
mayor, three days afterwards, led to the dispersion of the mob.

* Pote's ' History of Windsor/ p. 10. On referring to Norden's map of the " Little
Park," it will be seen that there is a building represented a little to the south of where
the above four streets meet, having a cross at each end of the roof ; but this building
could not be identical with the cross. It evidently represents the old Town Hall. Evidence
of the existence of the cross in 1639 is met with in the books of the corporation of
Windsor. The following entry occurs in the accounts of Hercules Trew, Mayor of
Windsor, in the above year : "P^ Thos. Chervyll, for mending the doors of the cage,
and setting the vayne of the crosse uprighte, Is. Qd." There is an entry in the " order
book," that " at a meeting of the corporation on the 7th April, 1691, the market cross
being ruinous, was ordered to be taken down and the pillory removed," and the same
year, the sum of 135. Qd. was paid "for pullinge downe the crosse and cleansing the place,"

2 Pat., 4 "Ric. II, p. iii, m. ]. 3 ^roissart.

'' Holinshed, who follows Walsingham. ^ Lingard.

236 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [CHArxEii X.

Richard the Second married Anne of Bohemia, daughter of the
Emperor Charles the Fom^th, "in the chapel of the palace of
Westminster, the twentieth day after Christmas [1382]. On the
wedding-day there were great feastings. The king carried his
queen to Windsor, where he kept an open and noble house. They
were very happy together. She was accompanied by the Princess
of Wales, and the Duchess of Brittany, aunt to the king. "^

Immediately after a parliament hoi den in May, in the fifth year
of his reign (1382), the king re-assembled a great council at
Windsor, at which a considerable number of prelates and lords of
the realm were present ; and there the king, by their advice and
the advice and deliberation of others of his council, came to the
determination to proceed in person to France with his army.^

In 1384 Sir Simon Burley appointed Thomas Tyle his deputy-
constable of Windsor Castle during his life, which appointment
was confirmed by the king ;^ and soon afterwards the appointment
of Sir Simon Burley himself, as constable for life, appears to have
been renewed.*

In the following year a grant of pontage for New Windsor
Bridge was issued.^

In 1386, an invasion of the French being apprehended, Richard,
being then in Wales, was written to by his uncles, the Earls of
Cambridge and Buckingham, to return to London, " as the whole
country was much dissatisfied with him and his advisers." The
king and his council, not daring to refuse, left Wales, where he
and his queen had resided a considerable time. On his arrival at
Windsor, he staid some days, and there leaving his queen, came to
his palace of Westminster.^

It having been reported throughout England in the same year
(1386) "that a new tax was to be levied on every fire, and that
each was to pay a noble, the rich making up for the deficiencies of

^ Froissart,

2 Rot. Pari., vol.iii, p. 122.

^ Pat., 7 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 9. Two years afterwards permission was granted to TLomas
Tyle to inclose and impark 70 acres of land in the forest of Windsor, adjoining his place
called * Tylestenement,' in Old Windsor. (Pat., 9 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 41.

^ Ibid., m. 12. ^ Ibid., 8 Ric. II, p. i, m. 33.

^ Proissari.

TO AD 1399] DISSATISFACTION OP THE LONDONERS. 237

the poor/' great dissatisfaction was produced, and the Londoners
addressed the Duke of Gloucester, one of the king's uncles (who
were known to sympathise with the people, and were opposed to
the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, and others who had
the control of the king), requesting him to take upon himself the
government of the country. The duke, however^ recommended
the Londoners to address a personal remonstrance to the king,
entreating him to assemble the three estates of the realm, in order
to inquire into the conduct of his then advisers.

" When you shall have made this remonstrance to the king,"
said the Duke of Gloucester to the Londoners, *' he will give you
an answer. If he should say, ' We will consider of it,' cut the
matter short, and declare you will not have any delay ; and press it
the more to alarm him, as well as his minions. Say, boldly, that
the country will not longer suffer it, and it is wonderful they have
borne it so long. My brother and myself will be with the king,
and also the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earls of Arundel,
Salisbury, and Northumberland ; but say nothing should we not be
present, for we are the principal personages in England, and will
second you in your remonstrance, by adding that what you require
is but reasonable and just. When he shall hear us thus speak, he
will not contradict us, unless he be very ill-advised indeed; and
will appoint a day accordingly. This is the advice and the remedy
I offer you." The Londoners replied, '' My lord, you have loyally
spoken ; but it will be difficult for us to find the king and as many
lords as you have named at one time in his presence." " Not at
all," said the duke ; " St. George^s Day will be within ten days,
and the king will then be at Windsor ; you may be sure the Duke
of Ireland and Sir Simon Barley will be there also. There will be
many others : my brother, myself, and the Earl of Salisbury will
be there. Do you come, and you will act according to circum-
stances."

The Londoners promised to be at Windsor on St. George's
Day, and left the Duke of Gloucester, well pleased with their recep-
tion. When that day came, the King of England held a grand
festival, as his predecessors had done before him, and, accompanied
by his queen and court, went to Windsor. On the morrow the

238 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

Londoners came thither with sixty horse, and those from York and
other principal towns in Hke numbers, and lodged themselves in
the town. The king was desirous of leaving the place for another
three leagues off, when he heard of the arrival of the commons of
England, and still more so when told they wanted to speak to him,
for he dreaded greatly their remonstrances, and would not have
heard them ; but his uncles and the Earl of Salisbury said, " My
lord, you cannot depart, for they are deputed hither by all your
principal towns. It is proper you hear what they have to say;
you will then give them your answer, and take time to consider of
it." He remained, therefore, but sore against his will.

" The commons were introduced to the presence, in the lower
hall, without the new building, where the palace stood in former
times.^ The king was attended by his two uncles, the Archbishop
of Canterbury, the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor, the
Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Northumberland, and several others
of the nobility. The commons made their harangue to the king,
by their spokesman, a citizen of London called Simon de Sudbury,
a man of sense and oratory. He formed his speech from what the
Duke of Gloucester had said to them ; and, as you have heard that,
I need not take more notice of it. The king having heard it,
rephed — 'Ye commons of England, your requests are great and
important, and cannot be immediately attended to; for we shall
not long remain here, nor are all our council with us — indeed the
greater part are absent. I therefore bid each of you return quietly
to your homes, and there peaceably remain, unless sent for, until
Michaelmas, when the parliament shall be assembled at West-
minster. Come thither and lay your requests before us, which we
will submit to our council. What we approve shall be granted,
and what we think improper refused. For think not we are to be
ruled by our people. That has never been ; and we can perceive
nothing but what is right and just in our government, and in those
who govern under us.' Upwards of seven instantly replied to the
king, and said, ' Most redoubted lord, under your grace's favour,
your justice is weak, indeed, in the realm, and you know not what

* See ante, p. 164.

TO A.D. 1399.] INTERVIEW WITH THE KING. 239

behovetli you to know ; for you neither make inquiry, nor examine
into what is passing ; and those who are your advisers will never
tell you, for the great wealth they are amassing. It is not justice,
sir king, to cut off heads, wrists, or feet, or any way to punish ;
but justice consists in the maintaining the subject in his right, and
in taking care he live in peace, without having any cause of com-
plaint. We must also say that you have appointed too long a day
by referring us to Michaelmas. No time can be better than the
present ; we therefore unanimously declare that we will have an
account, and very shortly too, from those who have governed your
kingdom since your coronation, and know what is become of the
great sums that have been raised in England for these last nine
years, and whither they have passed. If those who have been your
treasurers shall give a just account or nearly so, we shall be much
rejoiced, and leave them in their offices. Those who shall not pro-
duce honest acquittances for their expenditure shall be treated
accordingly, by the commissioners that are to be nominated by
you, and our lords your uncles.'

*' The king, on this, looked at his uncles to see if they would
say anything, when the Duke of Gloucester said 'that he saw
nothing but what was just and reasonable in the demands they had
made. What do you say, fair brother of York ?' * As God may
help me, it is all true,' he replied, as did the other barons who
were present; but the king wished them to give their opinions
separately. ' Sir,' added the Duke of Gloucester, ' it is but fair
that you know how your money has been expended.' The king,
perceiving they were all united, and that his minions dared not
utter one word, for they were overawed by the presence of the
nobles, said, * Well, I consent to it ; let them be sent away, for
summer is now approaching, and the time for my amusement in
hunting.^ Then, addressing the Londoners, he added, 'Would
you have the matter instantly despatched ?' ' Yes, we entreat it of
you, noble king ; we shall likewise beg of these lords to take part,
more particularly our lords your uncles.' The dukes replied they
would willingly undertake it, as well on the part of their lord and
king as for the country. The commoners then said, ' We also
wish that the reverend fathers, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury

240 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter X-

and the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, be parties/ They said
they would cheerfully do so. When this was agreed to, they
nominated the lords present, such as the Earls of Salisbury and
Northumberland, Sir Reginald Cobham, Sir Guy de Bryan, Sir
Thomas Felton, Sir Mathew Gournay; and said there should be
from two to four of the principal persons from each city or large
town, who would represent the commons of England. All this
was assented to, and the time for their meeting fixed for the week
after St. George's Day, to be holden at Westminster ; and all the
king's ministers and treasurers were ordered to attend, and give an
account of their administrations to the before-named lords. The
king consented to the whole, not through force, but at the solicita-
tions and prayers of his uncles, the other lords, and commons of
England.

" It indeed concerned them to know how affairs had been
managed, both in former times and in those of the present day.
All having been amicably settled, the assembly broke up ; and the
lords, on leaving Windsor, returned to London, whither were
summoned all collectors and receivers from the different counties,
with their receipts and acquittances, under pain of corporal punish-
ment and confiscation of goods.'' -^

Upon the impeachment of the ex-chancellor, Michael de la Pole,
Earl of Suffolk, by the commons, in October 1386, and their sub-
sequent order that he should be imprisoned during the king's
pleasure, Windsor Castle was the place of his confinement. He
was released by the king soon after the dissolution of parliament.^

Among the articles assigned against Sir Simon Burley, Sir John
Beauchamp, Sir John Salisbury, and Sir James Berners, on their
trial for treason in 1388, was one alleging that when Michel de la
Pole, Earl of Suffolk, was attainted of treason and ordered to prison,
Sir Simon Burley, as constable of Windsor, craftily besought the
king to let him have the keeping of the earl at Windsor, in order
that the king might converse with him, and to place the latter
near the king, to counsel him, and also intending to let the earl

^ Fioissart (Johnes' translation). See also Walsingliam.
2 See Grafton's ' Chronicle/ and Holiiishcd.

TO A.D. 1399.] WAR BET^^^EN THE KING AND HIS UNCLES. 241

escape and get out of the kingdom, and defeat the judgment
against him.^

In 1387, Richard having determined to wage war against his
uncles, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, the Duke of Ireland, as
lieutenant-general, headed the king's forces, and fixed his quarters
at Oxford. " The duke, to sound the Londoners, resolved to send
thither Sir Nicholas Braraber, Sir Peter Gouloufre, and Sir Michael
de la Pole. They were to enter the town by the Thames, and to
hoist the king's flag, and observe how the citizens, on seeing it,
would act. These three knights, in compliance with the duke's
orders, left Oxford with only thirty horse, and rode secretly to
Windsor, where they lay that night. On the morrow they crossed
the Thames at the bridge of Staines, and dined in the king's
palace at Shene (Richmond), where they remained until late in the
evening, when they departed and rode for another of the king's
palaces at Kensington, nearer London, three leagues distant, where
they left their horses, and, having entered boats, took advantage of
the tide, and passed through London Bridge unobserved, for the
watch had not any suspicions of their arrival. They entered the
Tower of London, and found the governor whom the king had
appointed." Prom him they received no encouragement as to the
state of feeling among the Londoners, and were assured that they
ran personal risk in remaining there, " so that the following night,
when it was dark and the tide flowing, they embarked in a large
boat, and left the Tower without having dared to display the king's
banners. They slept that night at Kennington, and on the morrow
at daybreak mounted their horses and rode by Chertsey to
Windsor, where they dined and lay. The next day they arrived at
Oxford, where was the Duke of Ireland and his army."

The duke was much cast down at the intelligence of the state
of London, and sent off" to the king, who was at Bristol, to apprise
him of his situation and to ask for more men. In the mean time
the Dukes of York and Gloucester called a council in London, at
which it was determined to take the field against the Duke of
Ireland. *'This army marched from London and lodged at

^ Eot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 242 a. Sir Simon Burley was executed, notwithstanding tlie
intercession of the queen with the Duke of Gloucester in his behalf.

242 ANNALS OT WINDSOB. [Chapter X.

Brentford and the adjoining villages; on the next day at Cole-
brook — their force increasing all the way. They followed the road
to Reading, to gain a passage over the Thames ; for the bridges of
Staines and Windsor had, by command of the Duke of Ireland,
been broken down, by which they would have had a better and
more level country for their march."

The Duke of Gloucester and his forces subsequently forded the
Thames " three leagues from Oxford,'' and encountered and van-
quished the Duke of Ireland^s army.

When the latter heard that the Duke of Gloucester's army had
passed the Thames, he exclaimed, " How the devil could they have
crossed the Thames !'' ^

From this account it appears that the Duke of Ireland had
destroyed the bridges of Windsor and Staines^ in order to prevent
the London forces getting across to his own quarters. It is difficult
to understand this, unless the direct road westward from London
to Reading was at this period through Maidenhead, where a bridge
certainly existed.

The Duke of Ireland having fled into Holland, and other of the
king's adherents having been executed, the Dukes of York and
Gloucester sent the Archbishop of Canterbury to Bristol, to com-
municate with the king and solicit his return to London, to which
Richard at last assented. '' The king did not remain at Bristol
long after this, but, leaving there his queen, set out with his retinue
towards London, the archbishop accompanying him. On his
arrival at Windsor he stopped three whole days.

" When news was brought to London that the Archbishop of
Canterbury had so far succeeded in his mission that the king was
on his return to the city, the whole town was rejoiced ; and they
determined to go out to meet and conduct him in the most
honorable manner to his palace. The day on which he left
Windsor, the whole road from London to Brentford was covered
with people on foot and horseback. The Dukes of York and
Gloucester and Prince John of York, the Earls of Arundel, Salis-
bury, Northumberland, and many barons and prelates, went in
great state to conduct the king. They met him within two miles

* Froissart.

TO A.D. 1399.] GLOUCESTER S PARLIAMENT. 243

from Brentford, and received him most affectionately, as good
subjects should their lord. The king, who had their late proceed-
ings still rankling in his heart, scarcely stopped when he met them,
nor cast his eyes towards them. The person he talked the most to
on his road was the Bishop of London. On their arrival in West-
minster the king dismounted at his palace, which had been pre-
pared for him. He there partook of wines and spices, as did
his uncles, the barons, prelates, and knights, who were entitled to
the honour. Several of them now took leave, and those who
resided in London went home ; but the king's uncles, the Arch-
bishop of Canterbiuy, and the whole of the council, remained to
keep him company, to be on better terms together, and to consult
on the affairs of the nation ; for they had formed their plans, and
were lodged, some in the palace and others in the abbey." ^

Upon the arraignment and trial of the judges before the parha-
ment, commonly called Gloucester's Parliament, holden at Notting-
ham in 1388 (11th of Richard II), upon the charge of high treason,
for giving their opinion that a commission issued in the previous
parliament for transferring the power of the crown to certain com-
missioners (of whom the Duke of Gloucester was one) was against
the king's prerogative, and that the advisers thereof were punish-
able with death. Sir Robert Bleaknap, chief-justice of the King's
Bench, alleged in his defence that, by command of the king, he
went to the manor of Windsor, and there, in the Archbishop of
York's chamber, the archbishop charged him as being the imaginer
and contriver of the commission and statute, and that he was of all
persons in the world, France or England, the one the king most
hated, and that, unless he devised some means whereby the said
commission and said statute should be defeated and annulled, and
the king restored to his regal power, he should be executed as a
false traitor ; to which he replied that the authors of the commission
and statute intended that it should be for the good and honour of
the king and all his realm ; and that he then departed from Windsor
in great fear and doubt of his life ; that at Woodstock the same
threat was repeated, and the same answer given by him, and that
ultimately his opinion was obtained by force or menace.

' Eroissart.

2 14 ANNALS OP l^aNDSOE. [CnAPTiii X.

The king held St. George^s Feast at Windsor in 1388. It was
attended by the Earl of Arundel, and a number of the lords who
were about to accompany the earl with forces to Brittany, to assist
in the war wath France. At Windsor, on this occasion, the Earl
of Arundel took leave of the king, the queen, his uncles, and ladies.^

In the twelfth year of the king's reign (1389), a commission
was issued for the repair of the castle of Windsor and of the forest,
and sales of all the king's other parks.^

In the following year, Peter de Courtney was appointed con-
stable of the castle during his life.^

In 1390 the most remarkable incident of the reign of Richard
the Second connected with Windsor occurred in the appointment
of GeofFry Chaucer, the " Father of English Poetry/' to super-
intend the repairs of St. George's Chapel/

In the summer of the previous year he was appointed, by letters
patent, bearing date at W^indsor the 12th of July, clerk of the
king's works at the palace of Westminster, the Towner of London,
the castle of Berkhamstead, the manors of Kenyngton, Eltham,
Clarendon, Shene, Byfleet, Childern-Langley, and Feckenham, and
also at the royal lodge of Hatherberg in the New Forest, at the
lodges in the parks of Clarendon, Childern-Langley, and Fecken-
ham, and at the mews for the king's falcons near " Charyng
Crouch" (Charing Cross). ^

This w^as in lieu of his former employment of comptroller of the
customs, which he had lost in consequence of the intrigues and
convulsions of this reign. ^ His salary as clerk of the works of the
above places was two shilUngs a day, making an annual income of
thirty-six pounds ten shillings, and equivalent in denominations of
modern money to an income of six hundred and fifty-seven pounds."^
It is doubtful if this appointment arose from Chaucer's pecuhar
fitness for the situation, though passages of his writings might be

^ Troissart.

3 Pat., 12 Ric. II, p. ii, m. 9. ^ i\^[^ ^ 13 j^j^. u^ p. 2.

^ Poynter.

^ Pat., 13 Ric. II, p. i, ra. 30. See a copy of this patent in the Appendix to Godwin's
' Life of Cliaucer.'

^ Godwin's * Life of Chaucer,' cliap. xxxvi.

" Ibid., chap. li.

TO A.D. 1399.] APPOINTMENT OF CHAUCEE. 245

adduced to show that he possessed some knowledge of archi-
tecture.^

Chaucer's commission to repair St. George's Chapel bears date
at Westminster, the 12th of July, 1390.'

It states the chapel to be in a condition which threatens ruin,
and on the point of faUing to the ground unless it be speedily and
effectually repaired. Power is given to Chaucer to impress masons,
carpenters, and other workmen and labourers, wherever they should

^ Sir H. Nicolas, Life of Chaucer prefixed to the ' Romaunt of the Rose/ 3 vols.,
8vo, 1846.

- The following is a copy of the letters patent :

*'Rex dilecto armigero nostro Galfrido Chaucer, clerico operacionum nostrarum,
salutem.

** Scias quod assignavimus te ad capellam nostram coUegialera Sancti Georgii infra
castrum nostrum de Wyndesore, que minatur ruine, et in punctu ad terram cadendi
existit, nisi cicius facta et eraendata fuerit, sufficientem fieri faciendam. Et ad latornos,
carpentarios, et alios operarios ac laboratores, pro operacionibus ejusdem capelle necessa-
rios, ubicunque, infra libertates vel extra (feodo ecclesie excepto), inveniri poterunt, per
te et deputatos tuos, eligendos et capiendos, et eos super operacionibus predictis ponendos,
ibidem ad vadia nostra, quamdiu indiguerit, moraturos. Et ad petras, mereraium, vitrum,
plumbum, et omnia alia pro operacionibus predictis necessaria, et etiam cariagium pro
premissis ad castrum nostrum predictum, ad locum ubi dicta capella facta fuerit, diicenda
et capienda, pro denariis nostris rationabiliter solvenda, tam pro premissis, quam pro
cariagio predicto, per supervisum et testimonium contrarotulatoris operacionum nostrarum
palacii nostri Westmonasterii. Et ad omnes illos, quos in liac parte contraries inveneris
seu rebelles, capiendos, et prisonis nostris mancipandos, ibidem moraturos, quosque de
eis aliter duxerimus ordinandum. Et ideo tibi precepimus quod circa premissa diligenter
intendas et exequaris in forma predicta. Damns autem universis et singulis vicecomitibus,
majoribus, ballivis, ministris, et aliis fidelibus et subditis nostris, tam infra libertates
quam extra, tenore presentium, in mandatis, quod tibi et deputatis tuis predictis inten-
dentes sint, consulentes et auxiliantes, pront decet. In cujus, &c,, per tricunium dura-
turas. Teste rege apud Westmonasterium, duodecimo die Julii."

The following writ of privy seal was subsequently addressed to William Hanney :

"Rex dilecto nostro, Wiilelmo Hanney, contrarotulatori operacionum palacii nostri West-
monasterii, salutem. Sciatis quod cum, per literas nostras patentes, assignaverimus dilectum
armigerum nostrum, Galfridum Chaucer, clericum operacionum nostrarum, ad capellam
nostram collegialem," &c. {tit siipra tisque ihi supervisum et tunc sic), " et testimonium vestra
prout in Uteris patentibus inde coufectis plenius continetur, uos, de fidelitate et circum-
spectione vestris plenius confidentes, assignavimus vos, ad quoscunque denarios per pre-
fatum Galfridum, super reparationem et emendacionem capelle predicte apponendos, et
pro cariagio et aliis premissis solvendos, contrarotulandum, et super computo suo ad
saccarium nostrum testificandum. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod circa premissa diligenter
intendatis, et ea faciatis et exquamini in forma predicta. In cujus, &c., per tricunium
duraturas. llQ%i% {id supra)'' (Pat., 14 Ric. II, p. i, m. 33. See Godwin's ' Life of
Chaucer,' Appendix, No. xxii.)

246 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

be found, to work at the king's wages ; to seize materials of every
description and carriages for their conveyance, and to imprison
refractory persons.

These appear to be merely the general powers given in all
similar appointments of this period, and occur in some of those
mentioned in the preceding reign.

By WTit of privy seal, William Hanney, the controller of the
works at the palace of Westminster, was ordered to assist and
co-operate with Chaucer.^

As clerk of the works, Chaucer had the advantage of being
entitled, by precedent and patent, to the assistance of a deputy,
for whom a salary was provided by the crown ; whereas, in his
former office of comptroller of the customs, it had been usual to
require the principal to discharge his functions in person, and to
keep the accounts of his place with his own hand.^

As St. George's Chapel had not at the time of the above com-
mission been completed forty years, the fact of its falling into decay
may appear extraordinary, but can be easily accounted for on the
supposition of some failure either in the foundation or construction
(for such things did happen in the Middle Ages), which was pro-
bably remedied, as far as might be practicable, without delay.^

Chaucer does not appear to have possessed the appointment of
clerk of the works longer than about twenty months. " My
researches," says his biographer, *^ have not enabled me to find the
patent conferring the office upon his successor ; but, without this
direct evidence, I have discovered documents sufficient very nearly
to fix the length of time for which he occupied this situation. The
name of the person who was clerk of the works in the fifteenth
and sixteenth years of Richard the Second is John Gedney ; and I
find a record of this person appointing a deputy, of the date of
16th September, 1391.* In the Rolls of the preceding year of
Richard the Second, there is an instrument to the same purpose,
by which Chaucer appoints a deputy, dated 22d January, 1391.^
It was therefore at some period in the interval between these dates

^ See the note in tlie preceding page.

2 Godwin's ' Life of Chaucer,' chap, li, ^ Poynter.

^ Pat., 15 Ric. II, p. i, m. 24. » Ibid., 14 Ric. II, p. li, m. 34.

TO A.D. 1399.] TOURNAMENTS AT WINDSOR. 2i7

that Chaucer retired to a private station. He received payments,
hov^ever, ' as late clerk of the works/ down to 1398.^

" We have no information to guide us as to the cause of his
retirement, and are therefore at liberty to conjecture, either that
the office was taken from him that it might be given to some more
useful and consummate com^tier, or that, satisfied with the hurry
and turmoils of public life, he voluntarily determined, being now
sixty-three years of age, to spend the short remainder of his life in
the midst of that simplicity and solitude which he so ardently loved/'^

The commission for the repairs of St. George's Chapel was
evidently subordinate to the office of clerk of the works, and was
probably only issued because the terms of the original writ appoint-
ing Chaucer did not extend to any of the works at Windsor.
Chaucer does not appear to have derived any emolument from the
superintendence of the repairs of the chapel, independently of his
salary as clerk of the w^orks at other places.^ It may be inferred,
therefore, that the commission did not endure, or at least was not
acted upon, beyond the period when Chaucer resigned the office of
clerk of the works. As the commission is dated July 12th, 1390,
and Chaucer went out of office between the months of January and
September of the following year, it is probable that the repairs of
the chapel were completed by that time, or at least that Chaucer
thenceforward ceased to exercise any control over them.

There is a record in existence of the work done and expenses
incurred at Windsor Castle in the fifteenth year of this reign, and
in the constableship of Peter Courtenay ; but it does not throw any
light on the particular subject of Chaucer's appointment.^

In 1390, the king held feasts and tournaments in London,
which lasted from Sunday, the day after Michaelmas Day, until
the following Friday ; and were resumed at Windsor in honour of
Sir William de Hainault, Count d'Ostrevant, son of the Count of
Hainault, who came over, contrary to the advice of his father, to

^ Nicolas's * Life of Chaucer.'

" Godwin's 'Life of Chaucer/ chap. li.

3 Mr. Poynter (' Essay on Windsor Castle/ Sir J. Wyatville's ' Illustrations') is under
a niisappreheusion in this particular.

4 MS. Brit. Mus , Lansdowne, No. 10, art. 71.

248 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter X.

" make acquaintance with his cousin King Richard and his uncles,
whom he had never seen." The Count d'Ostrevant was on this
occasion made a Knight of the Garter.'^

^ Froissart, who gives the following account of the festivities, and the jealousy of the
rreuch king : — " On Saturday the king and his court left London for Windsor, whither
the Count d'Ostrevant, the Count de St. Pol, and the foreign knights who had been
present at the feasts, were invited. All accepted the invitation, as was right, and went
to TVindsor, which lias a handsome castle, well built and richly ornamented, situated ou
the Thames, twenty miles from London. The entertainments were very magnificent in the
dinners and suppers King Kichard made, for he thought lie could not pay honour enough
to his cousin, the Count d'Ostrevant. He was solicited by the king and his uncles to be
one of the Companions of the Order of the Blue Garter, as the chapel of St. George, the
patron, was at Windsor. In answer to their request, he said he would consider of it, and
instantly consulted the Lord de Gomegines and the bastard Fierabras de Vertain, who
were far from discouraging him from accepting the order. He returned to the king, and
was admitted a Knight Companion of the Garter, to the great surprise of the French
knights then present. They murmured together, and said, ' This Count d'Ostrevant
plainly shows that his heart is more inclined to England than France, when he thus
accepts the Order of the Garter, which is the device of the kings of England. He is
purchasing the ill will of the court of France, and of my lord of Burgundy, whose
daughter he has married, and a time may come for him to repent of it. However, to say
the truth, he must know what concerns him best; but he was well beloved by the King
of France, his brother the Duke of Touraine, and all the royal family, so that when he
came to them at Paris or elsewhere they showed him more kindness than to any other of
their cousins.'

" Thus was the Count d'Ostrevant blamed by the French without the smallest cause ;
for what he had done was no way to injure the crown of France, nor his cousins and
friends of that country. Nothing was farther from his mind than any hostility to the
King of France ; but he had accepted the Garter to oblige his cousins in England, and on
occasion to be a mediator between the two countries. When he took the oaths usual on
the admission of knights to the order, it ought to be known publicly that nothing was
said or done prejudicial to France, nor any treaties entered into with that intent. I men-
tion this, since it is impossible to prevent the envious from spreading abroad their tales.
When the entertainments at Windsor had lasted a sufficient time, and the king had made
handsome presents to the knights and squires of France, particularly to the young Count
d'Ostrevant, the company took leave of the king, the queen, and the court, and departed
for their different homes.

" Rumour, which magnifies everything, carried to the King of France, his brother,
and uncles, every particular that had passed at this feast in England. Those who had
been there confirmed it ; nothing was forgotten, but rather additions made, with the
intent of doing mischief in preference to good. They related that William of Hainault,
who called himself Count d'Ostrevant, had taken great pains to honour this feast, that he
liad had the prize given him at the tournament in preference to many other foreign
knights, and that he was loud in the praise of the English, and was become the liege-
man to the King of England by taking the oaths and accepting the Order of the Blue
Garter, in the chapel of Saint George at W^indsor, which order had been established by
King Edward and his son the Prince of Wales ; that no one could be admitted a knight

TO AD. 1399.] DISPUTE WITH THE LONDONEHS. 249

The king kept St. George's Feast at Windsor in the following
year (1391). Two French knights, Sir John de Chateaumorant
and Sir Taussin de Cautemerle, who came over to obtain an answer
to the proposals made by the French at Amiens for a peace between
England and France, were present, together with " a brilliant com-
pany of barons, and the king's uncles.^^^

The Londoners having incmTed the displeasure of the king by
refusing to lend him the sum of one thousand pounds, and also by
ill-treating and nearly killing a Lombard who was willing to
advance it, the mayor of London, the sheriffs, and the " best
citizens" were arrested and brought to the king at Nottingham,
"where, on the 11th of June, John Hinde, the mayor, was
deposed and sent to Windsor Castle. The sheriffs were also
deposed, and sent, the one to the Castle of Wallingford, the other
to the Castle of Odiham, and the other citizens to other prisons,
till the king, with his council, had determined what should be done
with them." ^

The king was subsequently " somewhat pacified, and by little
and little abateth the rigor of his purpose, calling to mind the
divers honors and the great giftes hee had received of the Londoners,
whereupon he determineth to deale more mildly with them ; and,
to call them to some hope of grace and pardon, he sendeth com-
mandement to them to come to Windsore, there to shew their
privileges, liberties, and laws." ^

In consequence apparently of this order, on Monday in the
Feast of St. Mary Magdalen, in the sixteenth year of the reign of
Richard the Second, Edmund Duke of York, Thomas Duke of
Gloucester, and others, assembled at Eton, to inquire amongst

companion of that order without making oath never to bear arms against the crown of
England, and this oath the Count d'Ostrevant had taken without the smallest reserva-
tion.

" The King of France and his uncles, on hearing this, were much troubled and vexed
with the Count d'Ostrevant, who was summoned to Paris to do homage for the county of
Ostrevant in the presence of the peers of Erauce, and which, notwithstanding the support
of the Duke of Burgundy, he was forced to do, otherwise he would have had war instantly
carried into Hainault."

* Eroissart.

- Stow, citing Walsiugham. ' Ibid.

250 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

other things of the mismanagement of the city of London^ the
misbehaviour of Wilham Venom-, the late mayor; John Walcote
and John Loveye, late sheriffs ; and of William Baret and others,
aldermen ; upon which the king in council ordered that the city
should be governed by a warden (custos), two sheriffs, and twenty-
four aldermen. And thereupon Thomas Archbishop of York and
Lord Chancellor lodged the said William Venour and others in
the Castle of Windsor, to appear the same day before the king's
council to hear the king's will in that behalf; and accordingly they
appeared before the council in a room in the castle, and the chan-
cellor, in the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops
of London, Winchester, Salisbury, Coventry, and Lichfield, the
Dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, the Earl of Rutland,
and others of the council, nominated Sir Baldwin Radyngton^ to
the office of custos, by the king's commission ; and Gilbert
Maghefeld and Thomas Newton, sheriffs, likewise by the king's
commission; and certain others as aldermen.^ Among the names
of the latter are Venour, the late mayor, and also Loveye and
Baret; so that their offence does not appear to have been consi-
dered of any great enormity, and it is probable the whole charge
was an excuse for getting the property of the city into the king's
hands. ^

"The king, at this assembly at Windsor, had got together
almost all the lords, and so great an armie, that the Londoners had
cause to be afraid thereof, about the which preparation he was at
great charges, for the which it was sure that the Londoners must
pay. They, therefore, not ignorant that the end of these things
was a money matter, submitted themselves to the king's pleasure,
offering ten thousand pound. They were yet dismissed home to

^ stow, citing Walsingliam, says — " The king then, on the one and twentieth of June,
first appointed to be warden of the citie a certain knight called Sir Edward de Dalingrige,
but he was quickly deposed by the king, because (men said) he favoured the Londoners,
and Baldwin Radington was constituted in his place." ('Annals,' p. 306, edit. 1631.)

2 Vide Rot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 406 ^; and see Holinshed, citing Hen. Knighton.

3 See Bohun's * Privilegia Londini,' 3d edit., p. 47. This and other acts of the king
procured him the odium of the people, especially of the Londoners, and ultimately the
loss of his crown and life, and none of his successors ever attempted the like seizure.
(Ibid.)

TOAD. 1399.] DISPUTE WITH THE LONDONERS. 251

returne againe, uncertaine what satisfaction and sum they should
pay.

/ ''When the citizens were returned, and that the nobles and
others were gone home : the king hearing that the Londoners were
in heavinesse and dismayed, hee said to his men, I will goe (saith
lie) to London, and comfort the citizens, and will not that they any
longer despaire of my favour, which sentence was no sooner knowne
in the citie, but all men were filled with incredible joy, so that
every of them generally determined to meete him, and to be as
liberall in gifts as they were at his coronation." -^

Notwithstanding a variety of costly presents, and attentions paid
to the king and the queen, the Londoners were compelled to give
the king £10,000, ''collected of the commons in great bitternesse
of minde, for the which summe the king became benevolent to the
citizens, and forgave them all trespasses, by his patents dated at
Westminster the 23. of February, and so the troubles of the
citizens came to quietnesse." ^

In the seventeenth year of the king's reign (1393), Thomas
de Walton, the king's " valet and butler," was appointed surveyor
and comptroller for life of the Castle and Park of Windsor, with
the accustomed fees.^

Froissart, speaking of this period (circa 1393), says, "I re-
mained in the household of the King of England as long as I
pleased ; but 1 was not always in the same place, for the king
frequently changed his abode. He w^ent to Eltham, Leeds-castle
[in Kent], Kingston, Shene, Chertsey, and Windsor ; none very far
from London." ^

1 stow. 2 Ibid.

3 Pat., 17 Ric. II, p. i, m. 14.

* Froissart says, in a subsequent part of bis history, when speaking of the death of
Richard the Second — " Now consider, ye kings, lords, dukes, prelates, and earls, how
very changeable the fortunes of this world are. This King Richard reigned twenty-two
years in great prosperity, and with much splendour ; for there never was a King of
England who expended such sums, by more than one hundred thousand florins, as
King Richard did in keeping up his state and his household establishments. I, John
Froissart, canon and treasurer of Chimay, know it well, for I witnessed and examined it,
during my residence with him, for a quarter of a year. He made me good cheer, because
in my youth 1 had been secretary to King Edward his grandfather, and the Lady Philippa
of Hainault, Queen of England. When I took my leave of him at Windsor, he presented

253 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

The ambassadors sent by Richard, in 1396, to the court of
France, to make proposals for his marriage with the Princess
Isabella, were on their retm-n received by the king at Windsor.
The Earl of Rutland and the earl marshal, the principal persons of
the embassy, landed at Sandwich, " and in less than a day and a
half arrived at Windsor, where the king then was. He was much
rejoiced at their arrival, and with the answers they had brought
back.'i

The memorable appeal of high treason by the Duke of Hereford
(afterwards Henry the Fourth) against the Duke of Norfolk was in
one of its scenes so closely associated with Windsor as to require a
notice here, although the story must be familiar to every one
acquainted with English history.

The Duke of Norfolk, riding from London to Brentford, over-
took the Duke of Hereford, and in the course of conversation
unbosomed himself to his friend, detailed his apprehensions as to
the king's conduct and motives, and pointed out the most sus-
picious characters in the king's council.^ Whether it were that

me, by one of his knights called Sir John Golofre, a silver gilt goblet, weighing full two
marcs, filled with one hundred nobles, which were then of service to me, and will be so as
long as I live. I am bound to pray to God for him, and sorry am I to write of his death."
Troissart, however, does not take Richard's part in his history — -quite the contrary.

^ Troissart ; where see a curious story of " Robert the Hermit," a native of
Normandy, who about this time, having a vision relating to the wars between Trance
and England, was sent by the Trench king to England, at Richard's request, to describe
his supernatural communication to the king, who entertained the Hermit at Windsor
very handsomely, " as well in honour to the King of France, who sent him, as on account
of his eloquence and good manners."

2 As the alleged conversation alludes to an attempt on the king's part to capture or
murder the Duke of Lancaster and his son at Windsor, it is given here. According to
Hereford, it was as follows : — " Norfolk. We are on the point of being undone. —
Hereford. Why so ? — Norf. On account of the affair of Radcotbridge. — Heref. How can
that be, since he has granted us pardon, and has declared in parliament that we behaved
as good and loyal subjects ? — Norf. Nevertheless, our fate will be like that of others
before us. He will annul that record. — Heref. It will be marvellous indeed if the king,
after having said so before the people, should cause it to be annulled. — Norf. It is a mar-
vellous and false world that we live in ; for I know well that, had it not been for some
persons, my lord your father of Lancaster and yourself would have been taken or killed
when you went to Windsor after the parliament. The Dukes of Albemarle and Exeter,
and the Earl of Worcester and I, have pledged ourselves never to assent to the undoing
of any lord without just and reasonable cause. But this malicious project belongs to the
Duke of Surrey, the Earls of Wiltshire and Salisbury, drawing to themselves the Earl of

TO AD. 1399.] THE DUKES OF HEBEEORD AND NOREOLK. 253

Hereford incautiously divulged the secret, or that he betrayed it
clandestinely to Richard, is uncertain. But he received an order
to attend the monarch at Haywood ; was charged on his allegiance
to communicate to the council the whole conversation ; and was
remanded with an injunction to appear before the parliament, and
to submit every particular to the cognizance of that tribunal.^

The Duke of Hereford accordingly, having previously obtained
a general pardon for his own offences, appeared on the 30th of
January, 139S, in the parliament assembled at Shrewsbury, to
prosecute the Duke of Norfolk, and exhibited in writing the whole
of the conversation between them. The charge was referred to a
committee. The Duke of Norfolk surrendered on proclamation,
and was introduced to Richard at Oswestry. He loudly main-
tained his innocence against his accuser ; and, bending his knee,
said to the king, " My dear lord, with your leave, if I may answer
your cousin, I say that Henry of Lancaster is a liar ; and in what
he has said and w^ould say of me, lies like a false traitor, as he is."^

'*Ho!" said the king, '^ we have heard enough of that;" and
he then commanded the Duke of Surrey, who was then marshal of
England, to arrest the two lords. The Duke of Hereford was
bailed ; but the Duke of Norfolk, unable to find bail, was taken to
Windsor, and a guard appointed over him.^

Lancaster. They have sworn to undo six lords, the Dukes of Lancaster, Hereford,
Albemarle, and Exeter, the Marquess of Dorset, and myself ; and have sworn to reverse
the attainder of Thomas Earl of Lancaster, which would turn to the disherison of us and
of many others. — Heref. God forbid ! It will be a wonder if the king should assent to
such designs. He appears to make me good cheer, and has promised to be my good
lord. Indeed, he has sworn by St. Edward to be a good lord to me and the others. —
Norf. So has he often sworn to me by God's body; but I do not trust him the more for
that. He is attempting to draw the Earl of March into the scheme of the four lords to
destroy the others. — Heref. If that be the case, we can never trust them. — Norf. Certainly
not. Though they may not accomplish their purpose now, they will contrive to destroy
us in our houses ten years hence." (Rot. Pari., iii, 360, 382, as cited by Lingard.) The
visit of the Duke of Lancaster to Windsor '• after the parliament," probably means after
the parliament of 1388 (11 Ric. II), called Gloucester's Parliament. No other mention
or allusion to this visit, or to the plot against the duke and his son, is to be met with
than the above.

J Lingard, citing the Rolls of Parliament (Rot. Pari, iii, 360, 382).

^ Lingard.

3 ' Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre,' by Williams.
Printed for the Historical Society, Svo, 1846.

254 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chaptek X.

It was subsequently determined that the controversy between
the two dukes should be referred to a high court of chivalry. For
this purpose, the barons, bannerets, and knights of England were
summoned to assemble at Windsor on the 29th of April. ^

The Duke of Norfolk had master armourers at Windsor, "as
many as he pleased/' to make his armour.^

On the day appointed, '' King Richard w^as seated on a plat-
form which had been erected in the square of the castle, and all
the lords and prelates of his kingdom with him ; and there they
caused to appear the Duke of Hereford, Earl Derby, appellant, and
then the Duke of Norfolk, earl marshal, defendant. Then Sir John
Bussy^ opened the proceedings on the part of the king, saying,
* My lords, you know full well that the Duke of Hereford has
presented a petition to our sire the king, who is here present in his
seat of justice to administer right to those who shall require it this
day, as it becomes him and his royal office.' And three days before
was it proclaimed on behalf of the king, that none of the parties,
on the one side or the other, should be so daring as to carry arms,
on pain of being drawn and hung. And the king caused the
parties to be asked if they would not agree and make peace toge-
ther, saying it would be much better. Accordingly the constable
and the marshal went, by the king's desire, and besought them to
make up the matter and be reconciled, and that then the king
would pardon all that they had said or done against him or his
kingdom. But they both answered that never should peace be
made between them. And when the king was told this, he com-
manded that they should be brought before him, that he might
hear what they had to say. Then a herald cried, on the part of the
king, that the Duke of Hereford and the Duke of Norfolk should
come forward before the king, to tell, each his reason, why they

^ Lingard ; Rot. Pari., ut supra. The writ to the constable of Windsor to receive
them is dated from Oxford, the 26th of Tebruary. Shakspeare, in his play of ' Richard
the Second/ places this scene at the palace in London. The last scene of the play, after
the murder of Richard, is fixed at Windsor.

2 * Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richart,' previously cited.

3 Speaker of the House of Commons. Executed in the following year by order of the
Duke of Hereford, then Duke of Lancaster.

TO A.D. 1399] THE DUKES OE HEUEEOED AND NOREOLK. 255

would not make peace together. And when they were come before
the king and his council, the king said to them himself, ' My lords,
make matters up ; it will be much better.' ' Saving your favour,
my dear sovereign,' said the Duke of Norfolk, 'it cannot be; my
honour is too deeply concerned.' Then the king said to the Duke
of Hereford, ' Henry, say what it is you would have to say to the
Duke of Norfolk, or why you will not be reconciled.' The Duke
of Hereford had a knight, who, having asked and obtained per-
mission from the king and the council to speak on behalf of the
duke, said, ' Dear and sovereign lord, here is Henry of Lancaster,
Duke of Hereford and Earl Derby, who declares, and I also for
him^ that Thomas Duke of Norfolk has received from you eight
hundred thousand nobles to pay your men-at-arms who guard your
city of Calais, whom he has not paid as he ought to have done. I
say this is great treason, and calculated to cause the loss of your
city of Calais ; and I also say that he has been at the bottom of all
■the treasons committed in your kingdom these last eighteen years,
:and has, by his false counsel and malice, caused to be put to death
my dear and beloved uncle the Duke of Gloucester, son of King
Edward (whom God absolve !), and who was brother of my dearly-
beloved father the Duke of Lancaster. The Duke of Hereford
says, and I on his part, that he will prove the truth of this by his
body between any sunrise and sunset.' ^

" Then the king was wroth, and asked the Duke of Hereford if
he acknowledged these as his words. To which he replied, ' My
dear lord, I do ; and I also demand of you the right of wager of
battle against him.' Then the Duke of Norfolk's knight, who was
very aged, demanded leave to speak ; and when he had obtained
leave, he began thus : ' Most dread sovereign, behold here Thomas
of Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, who answers, and I for him, that
with respect to all which Henry of Lancaster has said and shown,
such as it is, Thomas of Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, says, and I on
his part, saving the reverence of yourself and your council, that it
is all falsehood, and that he has lied falsely and wickedly like a
false and disloyal knight ; and that he has been more false and

^ The words of the Chronicle are " entre deux soleils."

256 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

disloyal towards you, your crown, your royal majesty, and your
kingdom, than he ever was, in intention or in deed. This will I
prove, and defend myself as a loyal knight ought to do in
encounter against him. I beseech you, and the council of your
majesty, that it may please you, in your kingly discretion, to con-
sider and bear in mind what Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford,
such as he is, has said.' Then the king asked the Duke of Norfolk
if that was his speech, and if he wished to say anything more. The
Duke of Norfolk, in person, answered the king : ' My dear lord, it
is true I have received so much gold from you to pay your people
of your good city of Calais, which I have done. I say that the
city of Calais is as well guarded and as much at your command
now as it ever was, and also that no person of Calais has lodged
any complaint to you against me. My dear and sovereign lord,
for the journeys that I have performed in France on account of
your noble marriage, and for the journey that the Duke of
Albemarle and I took in Germany, where we expended much trea-
sure, I never received from you either gold or silver. It is true,
and I acknowledge, that I once laid an ambush to kill my lord of
Lancaster, who is there seated ; and it is true that my lord forgave
me, and peace was made between us, for which I thank him. This
is what I wish to say and to reply, and to support it I will defend
myself against him. I beseech you to grant me justice, and trial
of battle in tournament.' The two parties were then withdrawn,
and the king consulted with his council. Afterwards the two lords
were summoned to hear the decision. Again the king desired
them to be asked if they would be reconciled, or not. They both
replied they would not; and the Duke of Hereford threw down
his pledge, which the Duke of Norfolk received. Then swore the
king by Saint John the Baptist that he would never more endea-
vour to reconcile those two ; and Sir John Bussy, on the part of
the king and council, announced that they should have trial of
battle at Coventry, on a Monday in the month of August, and that
there they should have their day and their lists." ^

The sequel is well known. The king, when the parties were

^ ' Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Ricliarfc.'

TO A.D. 1399.] TOUENAMENT AT WINDSOR. 257

assembled at Coventry and all was ready for the battle, forbad it ;
and, after consultation with the committee, the Duke of Hereford
was ordered into banishment for ten years and the Duke of Norfolk
for life. They took their final leave of the king and queen at
Windsor, on the 3d of October, 1398.^ The same day, Master
Peter de Bosco, Bishop of Aast in Gascony, the pope's legate, gave
to each of them a bull from the pope, and presented a parrot to
the queen.^ The banished noblemen then departed, and quitted
the kingdom ; and the king made preparations for leaving, to carry
on the war in Ireland.^ The Duke of Norfolk died of a broken
heart at Venice in 1399 ; the Duke of Hereford, who became Duke
of Lancaster on the death of his father three months afterwards,
returned to England, dethroned Richard, and was crowned king by
the title of Henry the Fourth on the first anniversary of the day he
went into banishment.

In April, 1399, previously to his departure for Ireland, Richard
held a tournament at Windsor.

Froissart gives the following account of the entertainment, from
which it appears that it was but ill attended. It must have taken
place on the 23d or 24th of April, as the king arrived at the castle
from Westminster on the former day, and left on the 25th of that
month.

" Soon after the return of the Earl of Salisbury from France to
England, King Richard had proclaimed throughout his realm and
in Scotland that a grand tournament would be held at Windsor,
by forty knights and forty squires, clothed in green, with the device
of a white falcon, against all comers; and that the Queen of

1 The order to the captain of the Castle of Sandgate to let Henry of Lancaster, Duke
of Hereford, and his family, pass, is dated October 3d, 1398, from Windsor. (Rot.
Franc, 22 Ric. II.)

2 A parrot, from its extreme rarity, was at that time considered a present not
unworthy of a queen. In 1403, Louis Duke of Orleans bought a parrot at Avignon for
fifty golden crowns ; and moreover paid two crowns for its food, and for a cover to the
cage, and two other crowns to the men who brought it from Avignon to his house at
Pont Saint- Esprit. (Actes Originaux de Louis d'Orleans, Bibl. du Roi, cited by the
editor of the ' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Deugleterre/
p. 161.) The legate also gave the queen a frontlet of rubies and large pearls, which was
said to be worth more than three thousand francs. (Ibid.)

^ ' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre.'

258 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

England, well attended by ladies and damsels, would be at this
feast. The queen was, indeed, present at the tournament in
magnificent array, but very few of the barons attended. The
greater part of the knights and squires of England were disgusted
with the king for the banishment of the Earl of Derby, ^ the injuries
he was doing the earl's children, the murder of the Duke of Glou-
cester that had been committed in the Castle of Calais, the death of
the Earl of Arundel, whom he had beheaded in London, and the
perpetual exile of the Earl of Warwick. None of the kindred of
these lords came to the feast, which was of course very poorly
attended.''

On the 25th of April, the king left Windsor and took leave of
his young queen Isabella, whom he never saw again. The parting
scene is thus minutely described in the contemporary ' Chronicque
de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre,' already
cited.^

"After that the good John of Gaunt, the late Duke of Lancaster,
was dead and buried,^ the king took leave of the noble Queen of
England at Windsor, and ordered and besought his uncle, the
Duke of York, and Sir William Scrop, that they should take every
care of the queen, and that she and her people should want for
nothing. And the king commanded his physician, named Master
Pol, that he should pay the same attention to the queen as to
himself; and ordered Sir Philip la Vache, the queen's chamber-
lain, to appoint Master Pol the physician, and the confessor, to be
the queen's guardians. He then desired the confessor. Sir Philip
la Vache, and Master Pol to come to him in his chapel, for he
wanted to speak to them; and the king begged them that they
should tell the truth of what he should ask them ; and then asked
them upon their oath, ' Do you consider the Lady de Coucy* to be

^ Duke of Hereford.

2 Edited and translated for the Historical Society by Benjamin Williams, F.S.A., 1846.
The author is not known. He seems to have been a Frenchman, and Mr. Williams says
he was probably a Benedictine, and, from his intimate knowledge of Windsor, suspects
that he generally resided near or was attached to St. George's Chapel.

^ As already mentioned, John of Gaunt did not survive his son's banishment more
than three months.

^ Mary de Coucy was the eldest daughter of Lord de Coucy, and wife of Henry de

TO A.D. 1399.] PARTING OF THE KING AND QUEEN. 259

sufRciently good, 'gentile/ and prudent, to be guardian and
governess of such a lady as Madame, the Queen of England, my
consort? And consider well among yourselves, that you may
advise me.' Then Sir Phihp la Vache and Master Pol replied,
' My dear lord, here is the confessor, v^ho knows more of the ladies
from the other side of the water than we do; let him say what
appears good to him/ And the king charged him upon his con-
science that he should speak the truth ; and the confessor begged
the king's pardon, and entreated him to make Sir Philip la Vache
or Master Pol speak, for the lady might conceive an ill-will to him
for it. Then the king commanded them on their consciences to
say whether it were an advantage, or not, that she should be
governess of the queen. The confessor replied, * I do not, upon
my conscience, consider her prudent enough to be governess of
such a lady as the Queen of England.' The king then asked Sir
Phihp la Vache and the physician what was their opinion. Sir
Philip la Vache replied, ' My dear lord, my Lady de Coucy does
not appear to me to be sufficiently discreet to be the governess, nor
fit to be trusted with the controul of such a lady.' Master Pol
was of the same opinion, and told the king his reasons; 'Eor,'
said he, ' she lives in greater state, all things considered, than does
the queen ; for she has eighteen of your horses at her command,
besides those belonging to her husband and in his livery, when he
comes here. She keeps two or three goldsmiths, six or eight
embroiderers, two or three mantua-makers, and two or three
furriers, constantly employed, — as many as are kept by you or the
queen. She has also built a chapel which cost fourteen hundred
nobles.' ^ Both Sir Philip la Vache and the confessor remarked,
that if she had remained in France, she would have done nothing of
the kind. The king then called Sir William Scrop, treasurer of
England, and said, * I tell you what I wish you to do : when I

Bar, Count de Cilley, eldest son of Robert Duke de Bar. Her husband, whom she
married in 1383, was taken prisoner at the battle of Nicopolis, in Hungary, in 1396 ;
and in the autumn of the same year she accompanied Isabel to England. (Editor of tlie
'Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Riciiart,' &c., p. 165.)

^ It does not appear to what chapel allusion is made. Possibly it may refer to tJie
completion of the chapel restored some years before under the superintendence of Chaucer,
See ante, p. 215.

260 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter X.

shall have gone to Ireland, and you shall have received letters from
me : cause to be paid, on my account, all the debts v^hich the Lady
de Coney, or her people, have contracted in our kingdom, and
give her sufficient money to take her to Paris, and provide a ship
for her passage ; and send to the Lady Mortimer,^ and appoint her
principal lady of honour and governess of the queen, by my desire/
This ordinance finished. King Richard and the Queen of England
w^alked, hand in hand, from the castle to the lower court, and
thence to the Deanery of St. George ; where the canons brought
St. George's mantle to the king, and the king wore it over his
shoulders, as is the custom of the country, and then entered the
church. The canons chaunted very sweetly, and the king himself
chaunted a collect, and afterwards made his offering ; he then took
the queen in his arms, and kissed her twelve or thirteen times,
saying sorrowfully, ' Adieu, ma chere, until we meet again ; I
commend me to you.' Thus spoke the king to the queen in the
presence of all the people ; and the queen began to weep, saying to
the king, ' Alas ! my lord, will you leave me here ?' Upon which
the king's eyes filled with tears on the point of weeping, and he
said, ' By no means, mamye ; but I will go first, and you, ma chere,
shall come there afterwards.' Then the king and queen partook of
wine and comfits together at the deanery, and all who chose did
the same. Afterwards the king stooped, and took and lifted the
queen from the ground, and held her a long while in his arms,^ and
kissed her at least ten times, saying ever, * Adieu, ma chere, until
we meet again,' and then placed her on the ground and kissed her
at least thrice more ; and, by our Lady ! I never saw so great a
lord make so much of, nor shew such great affection to, a lady, as
did King Richard to his queen. Great pity was it that they sepa-
rated, for never saw they each other more. Afterwards the king
embraced^ all the ladies, and then mounted his horse. There
many knights kissed hands on taking their departure, and trumpets
sounded, and men-at-arms and archers from every country arrived

1 Eleanor Holland, widow of Koger Mortimer, Earl of March, Lieutenant of
Ireland.

^ It will be remembered that the queen was only eleven years of age at this time.
3 " Baisa," but "manda" in the MS. No. 9848, Regius, Bibliotheque du Roi, Paris.

TO A.D. 1399.] THE QUEEN LEAVES WINDSOU. 261

to serve the noble King Richard, who was careful to ride early and
late, until he arrived at Milford, where was a very fine port, with
many fine ships.^ From Milford the king wrote a most affectionate
letter to the queen, commending himself to her many times, for she
was ill with grief from losing her lord. The king then commanded
the Duke of York to dismiss the Lady de Coucy, as he had before
ordered ; and then passed in review his men-at-arms and archers,
and made his ordinances for provisions and necessaries for the
voyage, and gave daily orders to hasten the embarkation ; so great
was his desire to pass the sea into the country of great Ireland,
where his enemies are, who have given him much annoyance, and
have done great damage, as well to him as to his lords, and the
people of the kingdom of England/' ^

After the departure of the king, the queen was ill of grief ^ a
fortnight or more. When she was recovered, she removed to
Wallingford, by the advice of the Duke of York and the other
lords. The Lady de Coucy was then dismissed, as the king had
ordered.*

The Duke of Lancaster landed in England in August 1399,
and on the 19th of that month the king became, in fact, his
prisoner, at the Castle of FHnt, from whence he was immediately
removed to London.^ On the 80th of September Richard was

* Richard did not, however, as this passage would imply, proceed direct from Windsor
to Milford. From Windsor he went to Westminster, and remained there until the 1st of
May, on which day he left London on his Irish expedition. (See Mr. Hardy's * Introduc-
tion to the Close Rolls,' p. xv.)

^ He sailed on the 29th of May.

3 "De courroux." (MS. No. 9848, Regius, Bib. du Roi, Paris.)

^ Lady de Coucy did not leave England, however, until January, 1400. The queen
was taken from Wallingford to Sunning, near Reading. Miss Strickland, in her Life of
Queen Isabella, has made the not unnatural mistake of confounding Sunning-/^?//, near
Windsor, with Sunning, near Reading. It was at the Bishop of Salisbury's manor-house
at the latter place that the queen resided.

^ Troissart makes the route taken by the Duke of Lancaster and his royal prisoner, by
Oxford and Windsor, and says — " The Duke of Lancaster, on leaving Windsor, did not
follow the road to Colnbrook, but that of Shene, and dined with the king at Chertsey.
King Richard had earnestly requested his cousin not to carry him through London,
which was the reason they had gone this road." This is, however, beyond all doubt, an
erroneous account, for the duke took the king by way of Lichfield, Coventry, Northamp-
ton, and St. Alban's, and reached Westminster on the 2d of September. (See the
' Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Richart,' &c., p. 215, and the editor's notes.)

262 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapter X.

formally deposed, and Henry ascended the throne by the title of
Henry the Fourth.

Although the feasts of the Order of the Garter were, as might
be expected from the tastes of Richard, duly kept up during this
reign, there is nothing to call for particular notice in a work which
does not profess to give a detailed account of the Order. Ashmole
describes the magnificent dresses " assigned to the queen and great
ladies" on these occasions, detailing with his usual zest for pageants
and processions, their quality, dimensions, and colour. In this
reign women of quality first wore trains.^ The tournaments of this
as well as of the preceding reign were constantly crowded with
ladies of the highest rank, who sometimes attended them on horse-
back, armed with daggers, and dressed in a succinct, soldier-like
habit or uniform prepared for the purpose.^ In a tournament

^ This novelty induced a well-meaning divine of those times to write a tract, ' Contra
caudas dominarunt' — against the Tails of the Ladies. (See ' Collectanea Historica,' ex
Diction. MS. Thomse Gascoign, apud Hearne's W. Hemiugford, p. 512, cited by Warton,
* History of English Poetry/ vol. ii, p. 482, edit. 1840.)

2 Knyghton. Down to this period ladies are generally supposed to have ridden their
horses en cavalier^ the introduction of side saddles being attributed to Anne of Bohemia,
the first queen of Richard the Second. Dr. Warton, in speaking of the introduction of
trains, mentioned in the text, says — " As an apology, however, for the English ladies in
adopting this fashion, we should in justice remember, as was the case of the Scotch, that
it was countenanced by Anne, Richard's queen, a lady not less enterprising than successful
in lier attacks on established forms, and whose authority and example were so powerful
as to abolisli, even in defiance of Prance, the safe, commodious, and natural mode of riding
on horseback hitherto practised by the women of England, and to introduce side-saddles."
('History of Poetry,' vol. ii, p. 482, edit. 1840.)

Mr. T. Wright, however, a high authority, in his ' Domestic Manners of the English
during the Middle Ages,' after giving a woodcut of two of a party of Saxon travellers
from MS. Cotton., Claudius, B. IV, in which the female figure is represented sitting side-
ways, says — " The lady, it will be observed, rides sideways, as in modern times, and the
illuminated manuscripts of difi'erent periods furnish us with examples enough to show
that such was always the practice ; yet an old writer has ascribed the introduction of
side-saddles into this country to Anne of Bohemia, the queen of Richard the Second, and
the statement has been repeated by writers on costume, who blindly compile from one
another without examining carefully the original sources of information." He adds,
" This erroneous statement is given by Mr. Blanche, in his ' History of British Costume.'
Statements of this kind made by old writers are seldom to be depended upon : people
were led by political bias or personal partiality, to ascribe the introduction of customs
that were odious, to persons who were unpopular, or whom they disliked, while they
ascribed everything of a contrary character to persons who were beloved." ('Art- Journal,*
vol. iii, new series, p. 170.) INotwithstanding this observation, an examination of the

TO A.D. 3 399.] SIR BERNABD BROCAS. 263

exhibited at London, sixty ladies appeared mounted on horses, each
leading a knight with a gold chain. In this manner they paraded
from the Tower to Smithfield.^

The only grants by Richard to St. George's College were of the
advowson of the Church of Northmolton, in the diocese of Exeter,
and of one croft or piece of ground in that town, in the thirteenth
year of his reign -^ and the confirmation, in the twentieth year, to
the dean of the chapel, of two pastures in the village of Bray.^

The fact that vines were cultivated in the Little Park, and wine
made from them, in this reign, has been already noticed.*

Li Eton, we find that in this reign Robert de Stretton, parson
of the Church of Llanbadern Vawr, held half of the manor, and also
a house and one carucate of land there, called Bardeneys.^

In the seventeenth year of Richard's reign, John Holbrooke
was appointed surveyor of the king's swans in the Thames between
the bridges of Oxford and Windsor, during the king's pleasure.^

Among the owners of land at and in the neighbourhood of
Windsor, in the reign of Richard the Second, was Sir Bernard
Brocas, who was beheaded at the commencement of the reign of
Henry the Fourth, and who held lands in New and Old Windsor,
Didworth or Dudworth Maunsell, at Clewer, Winkfield, Bray, and
elsewhere, and also the manors of Clewer, Clewer Brocas,'^ Dud-

drawing in the particular instance given, shows that the lady is certainly not seated on a
side-saddle of the present construction. Both her feet appear at the same level, and her
position more nearly resembles a person seated on that kind of saddle called a pillion. It
may be observed, on the other hand, that Chaucer's representation of his ' Wife of Bath'
as having " on her feete a paire of spurris sharpe" can scarcely be considered as con-
clusive of her riding en amazon, as at the present day it is not unusual for ladies to wear
spurs, although of course only one can be effectively applied to the horse.
^ Troissart.

2 Pat., 13 Bic. II, p. ii, m. 11. (Ashmole, p. 169.)

3 Ibid., 20 Bic. II, p. i, m. 18.
^ See ante, p. 35.

^ Escaet., 19 Bic. II, n. 98.

« Pat., 17 Uic. II, p. i, m. 27.

^ Surnames were occasionally appended to the proper names of towns and manors, for
the sake of distinction, or, as Camden says, " to notifie the owner," as Hurst-Perpoint
and Hurst-Monceux ; Tarring-Neville and Tarring-Peverell ; Rotherfield-Greys and
Rotherfield-Pypurd. (Lower's ' English Surnames.') Another example occurs in Stoke-
Pogis, already mentioned.

264

ANNALS OP WINDSOK.

[Chapter X.

worth Maimsell, and Bulstrode.^ "The Brocas," familiar to every
Etonian and inhabitant of Windsor and Eton, doubtless derives
its name from the ancient owners." In the eighth of Richard the
Second, Sir Bernard Brocas endowed a chapel in Clewer Church
("Our Lady's Chantry"^), with a house and land at Clewer, and
with the manors of Clewer, Clewer Brocas, and Bulstrode/

1 Fide Escaet., 7 Ric. II, n. 109 ; 8 Ric. II, n. 46 ; 19 Ric. II, n. 3 ; 23 Ric. II, n. 8.
(Cal., Inq, P. M.) Some of these lands appear to have been held by Sir Bernard Brocas
in right of his wife Katherine.

2 See Mr. Williams's note at p. 259 of the ' Chronicle of the Betrayal, &c., of Richard
King of England.' The Brocas is a large field on the left bank of the Thames above
Windsor Bridge. It is well marked by the group of elms near its western extremity,
forming, with the river, one of the most beautiful objects in the view from the north
terrace of the castle. The entrance to the Brocas from Eton is called Brocas Street.

^ Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 263.
4 Escaet., 8 Ric. II, n. 46.

The Font in Clewer Churcli

CHAPTER XI.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OF HENRY THE EOURTH.

Constable of the Castle — a.d. 1409. Sir John Stanley.

Deans of St. George's Chapel.

A.D. . Walter Almaly. a.d. 1403. Thomas Buttillee.

A.D. 1412. Richard Kingstone.

Imprisonment of the Earl of March — Plots against the King's life — Sir Bernard Brocas —
Ruinous condition of the Castle — Pontage— Attempt to liberate the Earl of March
— Imprisonment of James Prince of Scotland — St. George's Feast, 1406 — Illness
of the King— Grants of Pontage — Grant of the " Woodhawe" to the Canons —
Welch Prisoners received at the Castle — The King keeps his last Christmas at
Windsor.

On the assumption of the throne by Henry the Fourth, in
October 1399, Windsor was chosen as the place of confinement of
the infant Earl of March, who was the rightful presumptive heir to
the crown, entitled to it upon Richard's deposition or resignation,
being sprung from Lionel Duke of Clarence, an elder brother of
Henry's father, John of Ghent. The friends of the Earl of March,
however, withheld his right from discussion ; and the king was
satisfied with keeping him and his brother (the eldest was only in
his seventh year) in honorable confinement in Windsor Castle.^

At the following Christmas, Windsor became the scene of one
of those plots against the king by which he was from time to time
harassed during his reign.

At the head of this conspiracy were the Earls of Huntingdon,
Kent, and Rutland (formerly Dukes of Exeter, Surrey, and

^ Lingard, citing Rot. Pari., iii, 425 — 436 ; Rymcr, viii, 91 — 94.

266 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XI.

Albemarle respectively, but deprived by Henry of these titles), the
Earl of Salisbury, and Lord Despenser (late Earl of Gloucester).

The following account is taken from the ' Chronicque de la
Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, Roy Dengleterre :' -^

'^ The eighth day before Christmas, thirteen hundred fourscore
and nineteen, the following parties were dining in the rooms of the
Abbot of Westminster ; that is to say, the first duke was the Duke of
Exeter Earl of Huntingdon ; the second, the Duke of Surrey Earl of
Kent; the third, the Duke of Aumarle Earl of Rutland. The first
earl was the Lord Despencer Earl of Gloucester, and the second the
Earl of Salisbury ; the late Archbishop of Canterbury, named Walden,
was also there, and so was the good Bishop of Carlisle, the Abbot of
Westminster, and Maudeleyn who resembled Kyng Richard, with
Master Pol, King Richard^s physician, and a wise baron. Sir Thomas
Blount. When the lords had finished dinner, they went into a side
council- chamber, and a secretary was present who had prepared six
small deeds, which were all cut and indented one to fit the other; to
which each of the said lords affixed his seal, and swore by their souls
to be faithful to one another even unto death, and to restore King
Richard to his kingdom and seignory, or to die in the attempt. They
resolved to surprise King Henry and his sons at a tournament to be
held on the day of the Three Kings f' for which purpose they were to
assemble on New- Year's Day at a town called Kingston, ten leagues
from London ; and that Maudeleyn should ride with them, to repre-
sent King Richard. Item. King Henry sent letters to all the lords
of his kingdom, inviting and commanding that they would come to
the feast of the new king at his Castle of Windsor.^

1 Translated and edited for the Historical Society by B. Williams, E.S.A. 8vo, 1846.

^ Twelfth Day. " They all agreed that a great feast should be held at the ensuing
Christmas in the strong and fair castle of Windsor." (Creton's ' Metrical History/ trans-
lated by the Rev. John Webb, M.A., r.S.A., ' Archseologia/ vol. xx, p. 209. See also
Walsingham.)

^ " They caused large wagons to be made, in which they purposed to put a great
number of men well armed, who were to be brought under cover to the place where they
were to prepare their harness (for the lists), the better to gain entrance into the Castle of
Windsor, where the duke was to be. Strict orders were also given them, that as soon as
they could see their lords each should do his duty by killing all the porters who guarded
the fortress, and so while they were doing this business their lords would run to attack
Duke Henry, and put him to death Avithout delay. Thus stood the matter till the
approach of Christmas, when the duke went to Windsor to be judge of the approaching
tournament {feste).'" (Webb's translation of Creton's ' Metrical History,' ' Archgeologia,'
vol. XX, p. 210.)

TO A.D. 1413.] CONSPIEACY AGAINST THE KING. 267

'* Item. On New- Year's Day, King Henry had in his company his
four sons, his two brothers, four earls, and four dukes ; to wit, the
Dukes of York, Surrey, Aumarle, and Exeter, who all wore the same
uniform ; and the same day, after Henry and all the lords had dined,
eleven persons, viz. an archbishop, a duke, four earls, two knights, and
three of the men of London, these went down upon their knees, and
presented a petition to King Henry, beseeching him to remember
what he had said the day before, that he wished to deliver King
Richard from this world and put him to death.^ King Henry looked
at them and said, ^ Cousin Archbishop of Canterbury, good uncle of
York, you Earl of Arundel, and you Constable Earl of Northumber-
land, you Marshal Earl of Westmorland, Earl of Warwick, Thomas
Erpingham, and Harry Percy, consider Avell amongst yourselves what
it is you require of me ; for King Richard has been our sovereign lord
a long time, and was sentenced and condemned in open parliament to
perpetual imprisonment ; and I say, if there shall be any rising in
arms in the country in his favour, he shall be the first who shall die
for it. For I have great marvel that you should ask me such a thing.
Do you think that I would do this at your bidding ? So God help
me, I will by no means act in opposition to the open parliament.'
And, the Friday after New- Year's Day, all the lords left Windsor, and
went to London to prepare their armour, their horses, their lances,
and everything appertaining to the joust, that they might be ready on
the day of the Kings ; and, having taken leave of King Henry, each
departed to his own county, to raise his men and be in readiness for
the rendezvous they had agreed upon at Kingston.^

})

After describing the parting of the Earl of Huntingdon with
his countess, the chronicler proceeds :

^^ Item. On the first Sunday of the year, the Duke of Exeter, the
Duke of Surrey, and the Earl of Salisbury met at Kingston, with eight
thousand archers and three hundred lances of men-at-arms, the flower
of all England; and, on setting off from Kingston, the lords sent
letters to the Duke of Aumarle Earl of Rutland, in London, urging

^ This appears to be an allusion to the saying of Henry, reported by Froissart and
repeated by Hall : " Have I no faithful friend which will deliver me of him whose life
will be my death, and whose death the preservation of my life ?" Mr. Webb considers
this deputation an improbable event ; but, looking at the strongly marked opposition of
the men of London throughout the whole history, it appears to be but in keeping with
their usual conduct. (Williams, ' Chronicle of the Betrayal, &c., of Richard King of
England,' p. 231, note 1.)

268 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XI.

him not to fail to be at Colnbrook on the night of the Kings. The
Duke of Aumai'le was dining, the first Sunday of the year,^ with his
father the Duke of York ; and, after he had seated himself at table, he
placed the indenture of their confederacy upon the table. When the
duke saw it, he demanded, ' What letter is that V The earl, taking
ofiP his bonnet, replied, ' My lord, do not be angry, it does not touch
you.^ ' Shew it to me,^ said the duke to his son, ' for I will know
what it is.' Aumarle then handed the letter to his father. And when
the Duke of York saw the six seals, he read the letter throughout;
which done, he said, ^ Saddle the horses directly. Hey ! thou traitor
thief, thou hast been traitor to King Richard, and wilt thou now be
false to thy cousin King Henry ?^ Thou knowest well enough that I
am thy pledge-borrow, body for body, and land for goods, in open
parliament ; and I see plainly thou goest about to seek my
destruction. By St. George ! I had rather thou shouldst be hung
than I.' And so the Duke of York mounted on horseback to ride to
Windsor to reveal the matter to King Henry, and to show him the
letters which he had taken from his son. The Duke of Aumarle,
seeing that his father was gone to King Henry at Windsor, set off
himself, and arrived there a good time before his father, who was
advanced in years ; he then caused the castle-gates to be shut, and
carried the keys with him to King Henry, before whom he bent the
knee, beseeching his forgiveness. The king replied, ' Fair cousin, you
have done nothing amiss.' Then he declared unto him the power of
the confederated lords, their names, and the whole of the conspiracy ;
how he and his sons were to have been seized, and King Richard and
his queen restored, and that he had been a party to the enterprise; for
which he begged for mercy and forgiveness. ' If this be true,' said
Henry, ' we pardon you ; but if I find it false, upon our word you
shall repent it.' Whilst they were talking together, the Duke of York
arrived, and presented to the king the indenture he had taken from
his son; and, when the king saw the indenture with its six seals, he

* Mr. Williams observes that the correctness of the day here mentioned is borne out
by the fact that a warrant for the arrest of the Earls of Kent and Huntingdon was made
cut on January 5th. (See Rymer's ' Foedera/ torn, viii, 120.) Henry arrived at London
at too late an hour on Sunday (January 4th) to have the order made out on that day.

^ According to Creton's ' Metrical History,' the betrayal by the Duke of Aumarle
(Earl of Rutland) was voluntary, Stowe, who, it seems, was acquainted with the narra-
tive in the text, says the Earl of Rutland, having changed liis mind, voluntarily showed
his father letters he had received, and the Duke of York then caused his son to be carried
to the khig. The account in the text is certainly so far improbable, that it is very
unlikely that a formal instrument with seals would be sent, or even prepared, by the
conspirators.

TO A.D. 1413.] CONSPIExiCY AGAINST THE KING. 269

ordered eight horses to be saddled, for he would go to London pre-
sently. The kmg mounted on horseback, and reached London at nine
o^ clock at night : on his road he met the mayor with four attendants,
hastening to inform him that the lords had taken the field with six
thousand followers.^ A proclamation was immediately issued that all
those who were willing to serve their king and the city of London
should repair to the council-house, enrol their names, and swear to
serve loyally ; promising, for fifteen days, eightpence for every lance,
and ninepence for every archer. By the morrow morning at eight
o'clock, more than sixteen thousand men were enrolled and paid, and
ready to follow the king.

" On the day of the Kings, the sixth day of the year thirteen
hundred fourscore and nineteen, at the hour of noon. King Henry set
out from London, to encounter the other lords who were his enemies,
with only fifty lances and six thousand archers. When he had reached
a fine common a little way out of town, he gave orders to draw up his
men, and he waited till three o'clock in the afternoon the arrival of
his reinforcements from the city.^

In the mean time, the Earl of Rutland, having left the king,
went to Colnbrook, where the insurgent lords were assembled, and
pretended that he was willing to live and die with them. On the
night of Monday, the 5th of January, they entered the Castle of
Windsor, without opposition, with about five hundred horse.^ They
searched the king's apartments and the houses of the canons in the
hope of finding him.^ Disappointed, they left the castle and pro-

^ Creton, whose account is adopted by Stowe, says that the king would not believe
the story until the arrival of the mayor of London, who came to Windsor the same morn-
ing to communicate information of the conspiracy. Troissart says the king's ministers
advised him not to attend the jousts, as they had heard "whispers of plots."

^ Kot. Pat., 2 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 20. Creton's ' Chronicle' says they were in the
castle before the king reached London.

2 Proissart. "This yere, on the twelfthe day after Cristemasse, the Erie of Kent, the
Erie of Hunt', the Lord Spenser, S^ Rauf Lumley, and manye othere knyghtes and
squyres, were purposyd to have sclayn the kyng and hise children at Wyndesore, and
thoo that helde with them be a mommynge ; but, as it fortuned, the kyng hadde warnynge;
and anon he rood to London in gret haste, and made hym strong to ryde on his adver-
saries afore said ; the whiche lordes were assembled at fledynge, purposyng for to do as
they hadde ment; and fro thens they come to Wyndesore, and deden moche harme
thereaboughte. And whanne they hadde aspied that the kyng was forth to London, they
token there wey to Surcetre, and made cryes be the weye," &c. (' Chronicle of London
from 1189 to 1483,' edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, 4to, 1827.)

270 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XL

ceeded westward. '' When the lords and their army had passed
the two bridges of Maidenhead, four leagues beyond Colnbrook,
the two vanguards of King Henry came in sight ; and the Earl of
Rutland, perceiving that they were so near, returned towards them,
crying out, 'They all flee,' making pretence that he had had a
skirmish with those who passed the bridge : and the lords of King
Richard's party perceiving that the Earl of Rutland was against
them, held the bridge with the Duke of Surrey, who is called Earl
of Kent, and begged the Earl of Huntingdon that he would lead
on the army until they had fairly passed Henley and Oxford, and
he would hold [the bridge with] those of the rearguard who were
best mounted, in spite of them. The vanguard of King Henry
could not succeed in passing the bridge of Maidenhead ; and the
Duke of Surrey skirmished so well that he captured from them
two pack-horses, two baggage- wagons, and a chariot of the king's.
He would not let a single person pass the bridge for three days
before King Henry came up -} and when he knew that the king
had arrived, he and his companions held the bridge bravely till
night, and then stole away quietly, taking with him all of the
town, both horse and foot, to serve King Richard. The Earl of
Huntingdon had already gone on with all the army, clearing the
town of its provisions and victuals, that King Henry and his people
might not find any. The Duke of Surrey rode with such speed
that he reached Oxford the same night; and, after leaving that
city, he overtook on the morrow King Richard's brother and the
other lords, with the people of Woodstock ; and they marched to a
town called Cirencester.^ There the army encamped in the fields,
but all the lords went to lodge in an inn." ^

On their way to Cirencester they called at Sunning, where
Queen Isabella still remained, persuading her to accompany them,
telling her that they had driven Henry from Windsor to the Tower,
and that Richard had escaped and was at the head of an army.*

The inhabitants of Cirencester were summoned by the mayor

^ Three hours are perhaps intended. (Williams.)

2 See Rymer's * Toedera,' viii, 165.

^ * Chronicque de la Traison et Mort de Eichart Deux, Roy Dengleterre.'

^ Walsingham ; Stowe ; and see ' Archseologia,' vol. xx, p. 82, note.

TO ^.D. 1^13.] ATTEMPT UPON THE KING's LIEE. 271

to resist them, and at midnight the Earls of Kent and SaUsbury
were attacked and captm^ed, and beheaded on the following day,
and a similar fate awaited the other ringleaders of this attempt.^

Among those who were engaged in this affair was Sir Bernard
Brocas, whose landed possessions in the neighbourhood of Windsor
have been mentioned at the conclusion of the last chapter. He
was beheaded in London/ and the estates escheated to the crown f
but in the following year the king granted them to William Brocas,
his eldest son, to hold by the accustomed services,^ Johanna, the
widow, retaining (apparently as her dower) the third part of the
manor of Clewer and parts of the manors of Cookham and Bray ;
also lands called '^Le Worthe'' and some other property in
Windsor.^

There is a story told of another attempt upon the king's life, at
Windsor, about this period. An extraordinary instrument, called
a " caltrappe," was concealed in his bed. It was reported to have
been laid there by one of Queen Isabella's household.^

Among divers complaints and requests made by the commons
to Henry the Fourth, on the 25th of January, 1404 (5 Hen. IV),
they represented to him that the castles and other royal manors
were very ruinous and in need of great repair, and that the profits
of them were given to various persons and the king had to bear
the charge, especially of the Castle of Windsor, for the reparation
of which, particular funds were assigned, but had been given

^ There is an old satirical ballad entitled 'A Kequiem to the Conspirators' (Ritson's
* Ancient Songs,' p. 51), which has been supposed to refer to this plot. Mr. Webb,
however, inclines to doubt whether it refers immediately to the affair in question.
(' Archeeologia,' vol. xx, p. 211, note 2.)

2 FidemWs 'Chronicle.'

^ Among the possessions of Sir Bernard Brocas at this time were houses and lands in
Windsor and Clewer, and the manors of Bray, Cookham, and Horton. (Fide Escaet.,
1 Hen. IV, n. 17.)

■* Pat., 2 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 19. The manors of Clewer Brocas and Didworth were at
the commencement of the present century the property of the Hon. Mrs. Keppel, widow
of the Bishop of Exeter, having been bequeathed to her by her father, Sir Edward
Walpole, who purchased them of Topham Beauclerk, Esq. ; previously to this they had
been many years in the family of Topham. (Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 263.)

^ Fide Escaet., 7 Hen. VI, n. 53.

« MS. Brit. Mus., Sloane, 1776, cited by Tyler in his ' Life of Henry the Eifth.'

272 ANNALS OF WINDSOU. [Chapter XI.

to certain individuals; for this, and other matters, they prayed
measures might be adopted in that parliament.^

In the same year a grant of pontage was made to Windsor.^
In the beginning of the year 1405, Lady de Spenser, the relict
of Lord de Spenser, who was executed at Bristol, in 1400, for his
share in the plot already described, undertook to liberate from the
king's custody the young Earl of March and his brother, who were
still imprisoned in Windsor Castle. By means of false keys, she
on the 15th of Tebruary procured access to their apartment, con-
ducted them out of the castle, and hurried them away towards the
frontiers of Wales, where Owen Glendower was in arms against
Henry. The alarm of the escape was, however, soon given; the
fugitives were quickly pursued and retaken ; and the lady, on her
examination before the council — perhaps to soothe the king's
resentment, perhaps to excite his alarm, — accused her brother, late
the Earl of Rutland, but now (in consequence of the death of his
father) Duke of York, of being privy, not only to her attempt, but
to several other conspiracies against him. In proof of her assertion,
she produced her champion, WilHam Maidstone, and offered to be
burnt if he should be vanquished. The duke accepted the chal-
lenge ; but Henry, who could not but recollect, says Dr. Lingard,
" how often that prince, under the titles of Duke of Albemarle and
Earl of Rutland, had proved faithless to his associates, ordered him
to be immediately arrested. If we may believe the suspicious
language of the royal writs, he confessed his guilt ; in his own
petition he appears confident of proving his innocence. All his
estates were seized for the king's profit ; and the duke himself was
confined in the Castle of Pevensey. At the end of three months
he was released, admitted to favour, and recovered his lands." '^

1 Rot. Pari, vol. iii, pp. 523, 524.

2 Pat., 5 Hen. IV, p. i, m. 28.

3 Lingard; Rymer, vol. viii, pp. 386, 388; Walsingham; Otterbourne. The
' Chronicle of London' says — " Also the same yere (1405) were the children of the Erie
of Marche stolen out of the castell of Wyndesore, aboughte mydnyght as it was seid, and
were led into Walys to Owayn Glendore, for he was a rebell to oure kyng that tyme, and
alle Walys for the more partye be v. yere before. Also the forseid children were brought
ayene to the kyng ; and the Lady Spenser was accused, and here brother, that was called
Duk of York, of gret treson for the forseid children," &c.

TO A.D. 1413.J ILLNESS OP THE KING. 273

The unfortunate smith who made the false keys for Lady
de Spenser, did not escape so easily. He " had first his hands and
then his head cut off." ^

The parliament of the seventh and eighth of Henry the Fourth
was adjourned from the 3d, to Monday the 25th day of April,
1406, on account of the solemnity of St. George's Feast, held at
Windsor on Sunday, the day before the said Monday.^

A few days after this feast we find the king lying ill at
Windsor.

By letter dated at his manor in Windsor Park, the 28th of
April, 1406, written to the council, he informed them that, in con-
sequence of having suddenly hurt his leg, and "not only that," but
also having been attacked with ague, his physicians would not
allow him to travel, and especially not on horseback, as his dearly-
beloved esquire, William Phelip, the bearer, would more fully
inform them, and the Duke of York explain to them ; but that he
hoped, nevertheless, to be at Staines that night, and thence to
proceed to London by water, where he would by the help of God
arrive in three or four days.^

Later in the same day, the king wrote a second letter to the
council, also dated at his manor in Windsor Park, stating that,
since his previous letter written before noon, his illness had so

^ Stow. In the Lansdown MSS., 860 A, fol. 288 h^ written about the time of Queen
Elizabeth, the following account is given of this transaction :

" The Eryday aff S' Yallentynes day, anno 6 H. 4, y^ Erli of Marches sons was
secretly conveyd out of Wyndsor Castell yerly in y^ morninge : and fond againe by dyli-
gent serche. Bot y^ smythe for making y'^ key lost fyrst his handes, after his hed ; and
y^ lady Spenser, wydow to the Lo. Spenser executed att Bristow, and sister to y* D. of
York, was comytted cloase pryson'', whare she accused her brother aforesaid for y^ actour
for y^ children aforesaid, and y* he sholde entende to breake into y^ kings raaiiour
att Eltham y* last Crystmas by scalinge y^ walles in y* nighte, and there to murtli*"" y^
kinge ; and for bettor proaffe thereof, y* yf eyth"^ knight or squyer of Engl"^ wold combatt
for her in the quarrel), she wold endure her boddy to be burned yf he ware vanquished.
Then W. Maydston, one of her sqyres, und"" his m'"^ quarrell w*^ gage of his whord (?),
and was presently arrested by lord Thomas, y« kyng's son, to y^ Tower, and his goods
confyscatt.

" Tho. Mowbray, y« E^ Marshall, accused to be privy to y« same, bott was pardoned."

2 Rot. Pari., vol. iii, p. 571 a.

3 'Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council/ edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, vol. i,
p. 290.

274 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XI.

much increased as to prevent his travelhng at his ease in so short a
time as he had mentioned in his former letter, and desiring the
council to proceed with the public business in his absence ; to make
arrangements for the safety of Guienne, and the departure of his
daughter Phihppa to Denmark.^

The manor in Windsor Park was probably a lodge used as an
occasional place of retirement for the sovereign. We shall find it
occupied at a later period by Sir Bulstrode Whitelock during the
Commonwealth.

The Manor Farm near Virginia Water, now generally known
as the Flemish Farm, is probably the site of the more ancient
edifice called the Manor-house. It is marked in Norden's Plan of
the Great Park, early in the reign of James the First, as "The
Manor," and is represented as a place of considerable size.

In the ninth year of the king's reign, pontage was granted for
Windsor Bridge,^ and this grant was repeated or renewed four
years afterwards.^

In the tenth year, John de Stanley, seneschal, was appointed
constable of the castle and bailiff of the '' New Park of Windsor/' ^
On the 13th of November in the following year, the sum of
£38 65. 8<^. was paid to him, by assignment made that day, by the
hands of John Horsey, for the expenses and costs of the Earl of
FyfF and other Scotchmen under his custody in the castle.^ He
appears to have been knighted on his appointment as constable.

In the same year, Henry the Fourth gave the canons of
St. George's Chapel a vacant place in the castle, called the Wode-
hawe, near the great hall, for the erection of houses and chambers
for the vicars, clerks, choristers, and the other ministers assigned to
the service of the chapel.^

* Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council'

2 Pat., 9 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 29.

3 Ibid., 13 Hen. IV, p. ii, m. 23.

4 Ibid., 10 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 13.

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 11 Hen. lY ; Devon's ' Issues of the Excliequer,' p. 314.

6 Pat., 10 Hen. lY, p. ii, m. 13. " Rex omnibus ad quos, &c., salutem. Sciatis,
quod de gratia nostra speciali, et pro eo quod diiecti nobis in Christo custos et canonici
liberse capellae nostrse infra castrum de Wyndesore, de domibus et cameris pro vicariis,
clericis, et choristis, ac servientibus suis plenarie dotati non existunt, ut accepimus, con-

TO A.D. 1413] WELSH PEIS0:N^ERS. 275

Thomas Kingestone, appointed dean of the chapel in 1412, was
the first who filled the office by the title of " dean." The previous
nominations described the party as '^custos/'^

In October 1409 (11th Hen. IV), the following Welsh prisoners,
in the custody of the constable of Windsor Castle, were delivered
over to William Lisle, Marshal of England, viz. : — Ho ap Iwan
ap Howell, Walther ap Iwan Yethan, Rys ap Iwan ap Rys, Iwan
Goz ap Morgan, David ap Tudor, Rys ap Meredyd, Madok Berg,
Jenkyn Backer, David ap Cad, and Thomas Dayler.^

These were some of the adherents of Owen Glendower, whose
forces were at this time completely subdued.

The object of the transfer is not stated in the writ, but it was
probably for the purpose of their execution.^

No other event connected with Windsor appears to have occurred
during this reign. The violent manner in which Henry the Fourth
obtained the crown, and the constant effort required to preserve it,
account for nothing more having occurred respecting the institution
of the Order of the Garter in his reign than supplying vacancies
and observing the annual feasts, which, when the king was not
engaged in more important duties, were celebrated by himself in
person.* At the time of the creation of his eldest son as Prince of
Wales, the stall belonging to the possessor of that title was filled
by Sir Philip la Vache, who, as Ashmole tells us, was removed,
but '' no lower than to the stall which King Henry the Fourth

cessimus eisdem decauo et canonicis quandam vacuam placeam infra castrum nostrum
prsedictum, vocatum Wodehawe juxta magnam aulam ad hujusmodi domos, pro vicariis,
clericis, et choristis prsedictis ibidem a^dificandis : habendam et tenendam placeam prae-
dictam sibi et successoribus suis im})erpetuum. Et eisdem custodi et canonicis, quod
ipsi placeam prsedictam a nobis recipere, ac domos et cameras ibidem, ut praemittitur,
sedificare ; et eas sic sedificatas tenere possint sibi et successoribus suis prsedictis imper-
petuum, sicut praedictum est, tenore praesentium similiter licentiam dedimus specialem ;
statuto de terris et tenementis, ad manum mortuam non ponendis, edito, non obstante, &c.
In cujus, &c. T. rege apud Westmonasterium xxix° die Maii. Fer ipsum regemJ^ (See
Dugdale's 'Monasticon' and Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 135.)
^ Ashmole, p. 153. See joo^^f, Chapter XIII.

2 Rot. Claus., 11 Hen. IV, m. 37 ; Rymer's * Feeder a,' tom. viii, p. 599. Tiie spelling
of some of the names is evidently incorrect.

3 Tyler, 'Life of Henry the Fifth,' vol. i, p. 240.

" Sir H. Nicolas' * Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 54.

276

ANNALS OF WINDSOR.

[Chapter XI.

lately held when Earl of Derby, viz. the third on the sovereign's
side, and had now relinquished for the sovereign's royal stall." ^
Henry the Fourth, on account of his ill health, kept his last
Christmas at Eltham, in great seclusion, with his queen Joanna,
and died at Westminster on the 19th of March, 14 L3, in the
fourteenth year of his reign.

' Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter/ p. 319.

C^ ftn^f/^i-Y^^^

The Castle, irom the Great Park.

CHAPTER XII.

'WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE HENRY THE EIETH.

Constable or the Castle.
Sir John Stanley.

Deans op St. George's Chapel,
a.d. . Richard Kingstone. a.d. 1417. John Arundel.

Liberation of the Earl of March — The King's discussion with Sir John Oldcastle —
Permission to the Queen Dowager to reside at Windsor — St. George's Feast, 1416
— Attempt to release James King of Scotland, his education, &c. — The Queen
at Windsor — Birth of Henry the Sixth — Traditional expression of the King — His
Death — Inventory of his Goods — His love for Minstrelsy — Grants to St. George's
College.

One of the first acts of Henry the Fifth was to set at liberty
the Earl of March, who from his childhood had been kept in con-
finement at Windsor, by the late king, as before mentioned, for no
other crime than his right to the throne.^

Another royal prisoner soon afterwards became an inmate of
Windsor Castle.

James, the eldest surviving son and heir of Robert the Third,
King of Scotland, was sent in the fourteenth year of his age, under
the care of the Earl of Orkney, with a recommendatory letter to
Charles King of France, to be educated at the French court, and
safely kept out of the way of the intrigues of his uncle, the Duke
of Albany, into whose hands King Robert had suffered the reins of
government to fall.

Unfortunately, the young prince, on the 30th of March, 1405.,
in his passage, was, with his attendants, taken off Flamborough-

^ Liugard.

278 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XII.

Head by an English cruiser, though a truce subsisted between the
two crowns. The prince, in the first instance, was imprisoned in
the Castle of Pevensey,^ and subsequently in the Tower of London.^
In August 1413 he was removed to Windsor,^ where he was
detained for eleven years.

The intelligence of the prince's capture broke the heart of his
father ; and the Duke of Albany, sensible that the continuance of
his own power depended on the duration of his nephew's confine-
ment, became from that moment the obsequious servant of Henry.*

It appears that during the king's absence in France, and the
regency of the Duke of Bedford, an attempt was made by Thomas
Payne, a Welsh priest, who had been one of the principal advisers
of Sir John Oldcastle,^ to release the Scotch king. Thomas
Haseley, who effected the capture of Payne and discovered the plot,
presented a petition in 1438 (he being then one of the clerks of the
crown) to Henry the Sixth, for the grant of an annuity, and
narrates his services, stating that in the absence of Henry the Fifth,
the king's father, in France and Normandy, " by the commandment
of your most gracious uncle, the Duke of Bedford (on whom God
have mercy !), that time regent of this your noble realm, and advice
of all the great council here, a commission was assigned to take
and arrest Thomas Payne, of Glamorganshire, Welshman, that
brake the Tower of London, now being in Newgate,^ sometime
clerk and chief counsellor to Sir John Oldcastle, traitor attaint to
your said gracious father ; the which Thomas Payne as traitor was
in the field armed against your said father, with the Lollards,

^ Liiigaid, citing Eordim. Hall speaks of the prince delivering the letter intended for
the French king, to Henry at Windsor, as if he were conveyed there immediately.

2 Holinshed.

3 Rot. Clans., 1 Hen. V, m. 22 ; 'Foedera,' torn, ix, p, 44.
'^ Lingard.

^ Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. v, Pref., p. xxxi.

6 By a minute of council dated 1st October, 1 Hen. VI (1422), the sheriffs of London
were strictly commanded by the Chief Justice of the King's Bench to keep this Thomas
Payne securely in the prison of Newgate, on pain of being deemed guilty of treason, in
case Payne should be convicted of that offence ; and if not, under penalty of the law,
which would be arbitrary and severe. (Fide Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,'
vol. iii, p- 4.) See also the Issue Roll, Easter, 10 Hen. V ; Devon's ' Issues of the
Exchequer,' pp. 372, 373.

TO A.D. 1422.] IMPEISONMENT OP JAMES OP SCOTLAND. 279

beside St. James's next Charing Cross, and escaped unhurt or
taken till your said beseecher, accompanied, at his cost and all
manner [of] expenses, with notable power, by the space of five days
and six nights, lay for him in the most secret ways that they could,
and so, with help and grace of Almighty God, your said servitor
took him and arrested him at midnight in a place beside your
Castle of Windsor, where at that time was the King of Scots kept
as prisoner to your said father, and that same night this said
traitor should have broken the said castle by treason,' and gone
with the said king towards Scotland ; in proof whereof I found in
the traitor's purse a schedule written of all places of gistes [enter-
tainment] and lodgings appointed for him from Windsor unto
Edinburgh in Scotland, and so he confessed. The which traitor
and schedule I delivered to the Bishop of Durham, then chancellor,
and William Kynwolmersh, then treasurer of this your said noble
realm; and the said traitor then was there committed to prison
until the coming again of your said most gracious father into this
realm from your said duchy of Normandy, and then in his next
parliament here, in the council-chamber of the said parliament,
afore your said right wise father and all his lords present there, the
said traitor was brought and the schedule aforesaid, and your said
suppliant in that presence examined of all matters above said, and
other circumstances and incidents, and the manner of taking of
him, at which time your said most noble father declared and said,
before all his lords, that taking pleased him more than [if] I had
gotten or given him £10,000, for the great inconveniences that
were then like to afall [happen] in his long absence out of this
realm, and so committed this traitor to the Tower of London, there
safely to be kept, and then immediately, of his own royal largess
and bounteous grace, without any asking of your said suppliant or
any man for him, granted to hym £40 a year." And then further
stating that the annuity, on account of the king's death, did not
take effect ; that in consequence of sickness he had been prevented
from attending to his duties as second clerk of the parliament, to
which office he had been appointed by the command of the late

^ i. €., Would have released the King of Scotland by treachery or breach of faith on
the part of some one in guard.

280 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XII.

king, in his first parliament holden at Leicester, and had not
received the yearly sum of £10 due therefore; that in the tenth
year of the king's reign he had seized in the River Thames two
vessels, freighted vy^ith woollen cloth and other valuable merchandize,
which had sailed without having paid the customs ; and had in this
same year arrested divers persons impeached of high treason ; and
concluding by praying that, in consideration of his long and con-
tinual service, the king would grant him an annuity.^

Haseley's petition was successful, for on the 1st of March, 1438,
a grant was made to him, by the description of " Thomas Haseley,
one of the clerks of the crown in Chancery,'' of forty marks
per annum, in reward of the services which he had rendered to the
king, to his father, and to his grandfather, in addition to former
grants made to him.^

James was not kept a close prisoner in the castle. His mainte-
nance was fixed by Henry the Fifth at £700 per annum, and there
can be no doubt that subsequently his expenses considerably
increased.^ He was present at the queen's coronation at West-
minster, in 1421, and sat on her left hand, and served in covered
silver dishes after the Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal
Beaufort.^

During his captivity, the Scotch king fell in love with Jane or
Joanna Beaufort, daughter of the Earl of Somerset and half-niece
to Henry the Fifth, whom eventually he married. From the top
of the Maiden's Tower^ in Windsor Castle he saw her walking in
the garden below^

The king's education had not been neglected. He studied the
poets Chaucer and Gower in his captivity, and was a poet of no

* Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. v, p. 104.

^ Vide Rot. Pat., 16 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 12, and Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy
Council,' vol. V, p. 104. This article (vrith the letters patent alluded to, and other illus-
trative documents) is printed in the 'Excerpta Historica,' pp. 144 — 148.

^ Lingard, referring to Rymer's * Foedera/ vol. x, pp. 293 — 296.

^ Pabyan; Holiushed.

^ The Maids of Honour's Tower, called also the Devil's Tower, and originally the
Earl Marshal's Tower, situated on the south side of the castle, and south-east of the
Round Tower, or keep. It is represented in Hollar's view of the south side of the
castle, and is the tower immediately to the right of the Round Tower.

TO A.D. 1422.] IMPRISONMENT OP JAMES OE SCOTLAND. 281

mean pretensions himself. His poem entitled ' The King's Quair/^
in which his love for the Lady Jane forms the leading theme, con-
tains, as has been observed,^ a description of the garden under the
walls of the castle.^

^ " Quair" is book.

2 Sibbald's ' Chronicle of Scottish Poetry' (4 vols., 8vo, 1803), vol. i, p. 14.
^ The king, after narrating his capture at sea and his confinement *' in stray to ward,
and in strong prison," says —

" The long dayes, and the nyghtis eke,

I wold bewaille my fortune in this wise.
Eor qwhich, again distresse comfort to seke.

My custom was on mornis for to rise
Airly as day, O happy exercise !

By the come I to joye out of turment !

Bot now to purpose of my first entent.

" Bewailling in my chamber thus allone,

Despeired of all joye and remedy e,
Eor-tirit of my thoucht and wo-begone.

And to the wyndow gan I walk in hye.
To see the warld and folk that went forbye.

As for the tyme, though I of mirthis fude

Mycht have no more, to luke it did me gude.

" Now was there maid, fast by the Touris wall,
A gardyn faire, and in the corneris set,
Ane herbere grene, with wandis long and small,

Railit about, and so with treis set
Was all the place, and hawthorn hegis knet.
That lyf was non, walkyng there forbye,
That mycht within scarce any wight aspye.

" So thick the beuis, and the leves grene,

Beschadit all the allyes that there were.
And myddis every herbere mycht be sene

The scharp grene suete jenepere,
Growing so fair, with branches here and there.

That, as it semyt to a lyf without,

The beuis spred the herbere all about.

" And on the small grene twistis set

The lytil suete nygtingale, and song
So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat

Of luvis use, now soft, now lowd among,
That all the gardynis and the wallis rong

-Rycht of thaire song."

Washington Irving has given an interesting account of a visit to Windsor to see the
remains of the royal poet's prison. (' Sketch Book,' vol. i, p. 157.) Mr. Stoughton

283 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptee XII.

James, having been sixteen years in captivity, consented to
serve Henry as a volunteer in France, on a promise that he should
revisit his own country within three months after his return. " He
probably was not aware,'' Dr. Lingard observes, " of the object of
Henry, who indulged a hope that the Scots in the pay of the
Dauphin would not venture to fight against their native sovereign."
In this he was disappointed ; but the presence of James afforded
him a pretext to gratify his revenge on the Scots, who had
killed the king's brother, the Duke of Clarence, at the battle of
Beauje.

James probably left England with Henry in June 1421. The
death of the latter in France in the following year may have pre-
vented the fulfilment of the promise that James should visit Scot-
land on his return ; at all events, James does not seem to have had
this privilege until his ransom in 1424.

In August 1413, Windsor Castle was the scene of a curious
discussion between the king and his former companion, Sir John
Oldcastle, called, from the inheritance of his wife, the Lord of
Cobham.^

Sir John Oldcastle had taken up the doctrines and become the
chief of the sect called the Lollards. " The convocation of the
clergy," says Dr. Lingard, " to spare the honour of a man who
had been one of Henry's most intimate companions, instead of
summoning him before the usual tribunal, denounced him to the
king, who with the zeal of an apostle undertook the task of work-
ing his conversion. But the obstinacy of the disciple speedily
exhausted the patience of the master : after a few days the king
began to enforce his arguments with threats, and Oldcastle thought

feelingly expresses his mortification at finding, on a subsequent visit, "the workmen
dismantling the walls, pulling up the floors, and sweeping away, with most unromantic
diligence, all the romantic charms with which poetry had clothed the spot." (' Notices
of V\^indsor in the Olden Time,' p. 80.)

^ "Erom Fuller (p. 168) we derive the curious information that Sir John Oldcastle
was, among our more ancient dramatists, the debauched but facetious knight, who now
treads the stage under the name of Sir John Palstaff." (Lingard, See pos^, Chapter on
* The Merry Wives of Windsor.') Henry the Fifth had, before his coronation, dismissed
him on account of his opinions. (Ibid., citing Tit. Liv., vita Henrici V, p. 6; Elmham,
p. 31.)

TO A.D. 1422.] VISIT OP THE EMPEEOE SIGISMUND. 283

it time to withdraw from Windsor to his own residence at Cow^ling
His flight was followed by a royal proclamation, ordering the
magistrates to arrest not only the itinerant preachers, but their
hearers and abettors ; and by a mandate to the Archbishop of
Canterbmy, requiring him to proceed against the fugitive according
to law." ^ Sir John Oldcastle was convicted by the primate of
heresy, but, making his escape from the Tower, he, although
eventually executed, eluded for several years the pursuit of his
enemies.

In the first year of his reign, the king appointed John
Wyntershull, Esq., as the deputy of Sir John Stanley, constable of
Windsor Castle.^

By letters, dated at Winchester, 30th June, 1414, Henry
granted of his especial grace to his step-mother, the queen-dowager>
whom he describes as his dearest mother, Joanna, Queen of England,
licence to live during his absence in any of his castles of Windsor,
Wallingford, Berkhamstead, and Hertford.^

The Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, and others of the French
nobility, taken prisoners at the battle of Agincourt, were impri-
soned for some time at Windsor. Records exist of various pay-
ments made on their account, in the third year of this reign, to
William Loveneye, Esquire, ordered and appointed by the king to
provide for the charges and expenses of the household of these
prisoners during their temporary abode at the castle.^

At St. George's Feast in May, the fourth year of Henry the
Fifth (1416), his cousin, the Emperor Sigismund, who came over
in April, attended the Feast of the Garter, and was chosen as a
Companion of the Garter.^

^ Lingard, citing Rymer, ix, 46 ; Cone, 375 ; and see Tyler's ' Memoirs of Henry the
Fifth,' vol. ii, p. 363, citing Archbishop Arundel's 'Register.'

^ Pat., 1 Hen. Y, p. 3, m. 34. Robert Wythele, it appears, was seneschal, and John
Haydoun and William Tyler, bailiffs of Windsor, in the first year of this reign. (Ashmol.
MS., No. 1115, f. 38 5.)

3 'Eoedera.'

* Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 3 Hen, V ; Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 342.

^ Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 60, where it is shown that the
statement of some of the chroniclers, that the Duke of Holland and the Duke of Briga
were present and elected Knights of the Garter, is erroneous. (See Walsingham and Hall,
cited by Holinslied. See also ' The order {i. e., list) of Knights of the Garter made at

284 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XII.

The emperor brought with him the supposed heart of St. George,
which was preserved at Windsor until the time of Henry the
Eighth.^

" The finery of the guests" on this occasion, *' the order of the
servants, the variety of the courses, the invention of the dishes,
with the other things delightful to the sight and taste, whoever
should endeavour to describe would never do it justice." ^

The following curious letter was addressed on this occasion by
the king to the Dean and Chapter of St. George, requesting
accommodation for the numerous guests :

" By the King. — Oure welbeloved, we grett you well^ because of
the greate multitude of peop^ul, straungers and others, yt shal be in
oure Castell Royal of Wyndesore this next solempnite the fest of Saint
George, for the commyng of the empero'^ and ye due of Holand, we
desiryng and willing that this maeny and all other estates of oure
compegny may have favour, help, and soco^ as moch as may be for ther
logy in g in oure saide castell ; wherefor now we send oure welbeloved
esquier and huisshier of oure chambre, the berrer of this, into oure
seid castell, for to provyde and ordeyne agaynst oure com'yng. There-
fore we desire you that ye wyll seuffre oure sayd huisshier to oversee
your logyns and mansions of oure college, and for to loge and recepve
as many p''sons as may be honestly and oonly for this tyme. And yf
ye so do, ye do unto us a singulier pleasir ; and it ys not oure myn or

Windsore the yere that Sigismount Kynge of Rome and Emperour of Almayne was in
England,' by Stowe, MS. Brit. Mus. Lansdown, No. 564, art. 1.) A contemporary chronicle
gays — "This yere (a° iv Hen. V), the vij. day of Maij, came themperour of Almayne,
Segismundus, to London ; and the fest of Seint George was deferrid til his comyng, and
than solempnely holden at V^yndisore ; and at the procession the kyng went on the upper
side of themperour, and so alle the masse tyme stode in the higher place, and at mete he
sate on the right side of themperour ; and the Duke of Bedford, and the Chauncellor of
England, and the Bisshop of Develyn sate on the lefte side of themperour; and the
Duke of Briga and another duke of themperours compeigny sate upon the kings side ; and
all these saten on that oon side of the table. And the first sotelte (device) was oure Lady
armyng Seint George, and an angel doyng on his spores ; the ijde sotelte was Seint George
ridyng and fightyng with the dragon, with his spere in his hand ; the iijde sotelte was a
castel, and Seint George, and the kynges doughter ledynge the lambe in at the castle
gates. And all these sotelties were served to the emperor and to the kyng, and no
ferther ; and other lordes were served with other sotelties after their degree." (Cotton
MS., Julius, B 1 ; * Chronicle of London,' ed. by Sir H. Nicolas, notes, p. 159.) The
Duke of Holland was expected, as is evident from the letter to the Dean of the College.

1 Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.'

2 Black Book of the Order.

TO A.D. 1422.] BIRTH OT HENHY THE SIXTH AT WINDSOR. 285

entend yt by colon'* of the same to put you hier after in any ferther
charge. And thus faerre you well. Gyven under our sygnet, at
Lambeth, the 18 day of May, the yere of oure reigne four.^^ ^

Three years afterwards (1419), the Feast of St. George was
held at Windsor, the Duke of Bedford presiding as the representa-
tive of the king, who was absent in France.^

After the coronation, at Westminster, in February 1421, of
Queen Katherine (to whom Henry was married in France the year
before), the king and queen retired for a short time to Windsor.
About the middle of March they appear to have gone to Leicester,
and made a progress through the kingdom.^

The Feast of St. George, which fell this year on the 23d of
April, was postponed, apparently on account of the king not having
returned from Yorkshire, and it was directed to be celebrated at
Windsor on the Sunday after Ascension day.* It took place
accordingly on the 3d of May, and at the chapter some alterations
were made in the ceremonials and statutes.^ The young King of
Scots was knighted at the castle on St. George's day in this year.^

On the 6th of December, 1421 (being St. Nicholas's day), at
four o'clock in the afternoon, Henry, afterwards Henry the Sixth,
was born in the Castle of Windsor. The king was at this time ^zi
France. John Duke of Bedford, Lord Warden of England, and
Henry Bishop of Winchester, the uncles of the infant prince, were
his godfathers, and were present at his baptism, as was also
Jaqueline Duchess of Holland, his godmother. The ceremony was
performed by Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury.'^

The chroniclers state that the king, being informed of the news
of the birth of his son, " as he lay at siege before Meaux, gave God
thanks, in that it had pleased his divine providence to send him a

' Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 101 b. The same letter is also given in I^rench at f. 101.

'■^ Sir H. Nicolas' 'Orders of Kniglithood,' vol. i, p. 62.

^ Fabyan says the king and queen kept Easter at Windsor, but lie is evidently in
error, Holinshed notices the discrepancy of the chroniclers on the point ; and see
Tyler's 'Henry the Fifth,' vol ii, p. 287.

^ Walsingham, cited bj Tyler, vol. ii, p. 290, note.

'" Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 63.

6 Ibid., p. 60.

' Walsingham ; Stowe, ' Chronicle of London.' See Elmham, cap. cxxiv.

286 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XII.

son, which might succeed in his crown and sceptre. But when he
heard reported the place of his nativity, were it that he warned by
some prophesie, or had some foreknowledge, or else judged himself
of his son's fortune, he said unto the Lord Fitz-Hugh, his trusty
chamberlain, these words : ' My lord, I, Henry, born at Monmouth,
shall small time reign and much get ; and Henry born at Windsor
shall long reign and all lose : but as God will, so be it.' " ^

It is also narrated that the king had commanded the queen to
choose some other place than Windsor for her confinement.^

Rejecting this latter part of the story as unworthy of credit, it is
by no means improbable that the king gave utterance to some
expressions to the effect above stated, without attributing to him
any supernatural foresight, or prejudice against his royal residence
at Windsor.

Henry the Fifth was a statesman of considerable skill and dis-
cernment. At the time he uttered the supposed prophecy he was
" the regent and heir of France ;" but his constitution was already
undermined by the malady which in seven months deprived him of
his life. He felt he had not long to live, and that there was cer-
tainly every prospect of his infant son having a long reign ; but at
the same time he could readily foresee that, although leaving his
heir a magnificent empire, the dominion over France could not be
preserved The king spoke on French soil; France absorbed his
thoughts; the "all" to be lost, was the sovereignty of France.
Recollecting the vicissitudes of his life, and that, born in compara-
tive obscurity in the little Welsh town of Monmouth, of royal

* Hall ; Holinshed ; Grafton.

2 Speed. In a subsequent passage, at the end of the reign of Henry the Fifth, Speed,
speaking of Queen Katherine, says—" This queene, either for devotion or her owne safety,
tooke into the monastery of Berraondsey in Southwarke, where dying, Jan. 2, a.d. 1436,
shee was buried in Our Ladies Chappell within St. Peter's Church at Westminster ;
whose corps taken up in the raigne of King Henry the Seventh, her grand-child (when he
laid the foundation of tliat admirable structure), and her coffin placed by King Henry her
husbands tombe, hath ever since so remained, and never reburied : where it standeth (the
cover being loose) to be scene and handled of any that will ; and that by her owne
appointment, saith report (which doth in this, as in most things, speake untruth), in
regard of her disobedience to King Henry, for being delivered of her sonne at the place
hee forbad." Mr. Tyler rejects the whole of the story as a fiction. ('Memoirs of Henry
the Fifth,' vol. ii, p. 302.)

TO A.D. 1422.] THE OUDEB OP THE GARTER. 287

blood, it is true, but without any apparent prospect of ever
succeeding to a throne, he had risen to a splendid position, but
had scarcely attained it when his life was drawing to a close, it
was but the natural expression of his thoughts to say, " I, Henry,
born in an obscure place, have acquired an extent of dominion
unexampled by my predecessors, only to enjoy it for a short time ;
Henry, my son, born amid the splendour of a magnificent palace,
and succeeding to a throne almost at his birth, with the prospect
of a long reign, will nevertheless, I foresee, lose all I have
acquired."

The solemnisation of the purification of the queen appears to
have taken place at Windsor, with considerable state, on the 12th
of January, 1422 ; for entries of payments occur to various king's
messengers, sent to different counties of England, to divers lords
and ladies, knights and esquires, with the king's letters of privy
seal, requiring their attendance at Windsor on the above day, for
that occasion.^

In the month of May, 1422, the queen proceeded to France,
where she joined her husband, who died at Vincennes on the 31st
of August following. The infant prince remained at Windsor
Castle.

Nothing important can be told of the castle during this reign.^
Ashmole, however, styles Henry as the " happy restorer of the
honor of the Order" of the Garter, who " having, at his entrance
to the royal throne, found its glory upon abatement, not only raised
it to its former lustre, but very much increased the honor thereof.
For he renewed the Grand Festival and other solemnities ; he
commanded a strict observation of all the founder's statutes, and
brought many more to a like perfection, which he subjoined to
such of them where they properly might be inserted." ^

We find a payment of £80 8^. 4<^., in the sixth year of this
reign, to Conus Melve'r, goldsmith, for the value of 20 lb. 3 J oz.
of silver in mass, at 30^. the lb., purchased for repairing an image

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 9 Hen. V; Devon's * Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 370.

2 Poynter.

3 ' Order of the Garter, p. 191 ; and see Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,'
vol. i.

288 ANNALS OP WINDSOB. [Chapter XII.

of the Blessed Mary, for the king's chapel of Saint George, in
Windsor Castle.^ The goldsmith appears to have received £30 for
his own workmanship.^

There is a curious entry of a payment of 6s, 8d., in the eighth
year of this reign, to John Sewalle, messenger, for his expenses
when sent, by command of the treasurer, from Southampton to
Windsor, with a letter directed to Roger Noble, keeper of the vests
of the king's chapel of Windsor, to take certain books, vestments,
and other ornaments of the king's chapel, from Windsor to Roan.^

The Duke of Bedford, Henry the Fifth's brother, gave to
St. George's College, by his deed dated the 3d of December, in the
ninth year of this reign, the Priory of Okeborne (Ogbourne), in the
county of Wilts (a cell to the Abbey of Bee in Normandy), toge-
ther with all and singular the possessions thereunto belonging or
appertaining.* This grant was confirmed by Henry the Fifth. ^

An inventory and valuation of the personal effects of this king,
made at his death, affords, as Mr. Poynter remarks,^ some very
interesting particulars concerning the furniture and decoration of
the apartments in the castle. The list of the tapestry which
covered the walls, describing the subjects represented and the
histories or inscriptions by which they were explained, is extremely
curious. Nine pieces of arras of large dimensions are specified,
varying in length from eighteen yards to seven, and in breadth

^ Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 6 Hen, V; Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 357.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid., Easter, 8 Hen. V.

^ Ashmole, in Ex ipso Autogr. in ^rar. hujus Colleg.

^ Ibid., Ex Lib. vocat. Arundel in iErar. prsed., f. 91. In order that it might be more
valid (says Ashmole) it was confirmed by Edward the Eourth. (Fide Cart, de anno
1 Edw. IV, m. 20.) In the will of Lord Scrope, in this reign, there is a bequest to
St. George's College in the following terms : — " Item. Lego Collegio de Windesor unum
vestimentum nobile de alba veste de Cipre, cum una Casula, ij. tunicis, ij. tablementis,
et iv. capis ejusdera sectse, cum orfreis et perulis, bene et nobiliter inbrondatis cum armis
meis ; et x. marcas ; sub ista conditione, quod exequise mese dicantur solemniter, tam in
collegiis et in dicta Ecclesia Christi, quam in abbatiis et locis praedictis, et Placebo, et
Dirige^ cum Commend atione, et Missa in Crastino ; et quod quilibet presbiter, in collegiis,
abbatiis, et locis praedictis, dicat unam missam devoti et specialiter pro animse mea ; et
postea habeant animam meam recommendatum in capitulis suis, et in martirilogiis, sub
suis orationibus generalibus." ('Eoedera,' tom. ix, p. 274.)

^ Essay on Windsor Castle in Sir J. Wyatvillc's ' Illustrations.'

TO A.D. 1122. J

ARRAS AT WINDSOR.

289

from four yards to three and a quarter, and in value from ISs. 4d.
to 3^. the square yard. They are as follows : — One piece of arras
without gold, the history beginning ''Cesty Hoys ;" one piece without
gold, the history beginning " Vers le Einperoitr /' one piece of arras
of gold, the history beginning ''Cristolfe teis de Bene T one piece of
gold arras of St. George, of which the inscription in letters of gold
begins '^Geaus est Angles I' with the arms of Monsr". de Gloucestr';
one piece of rich arras, the history beginning ''Coment Beynaut T
another rich piece of arras of gold, the inscription beginning '' Chi
comence Vestory de Charle ;' one piece of gold arras of the Three
Kings of Cologne, the inscription beginning " Chi est V Eegle ;"
another piece of arras without gold, the inscription beginning
" Vescy amour eux r another piece of gold arras of the Salutation of
our Lady, and two " graundez carpetz, pris le pece lxvj.5. viij.^." ^

* Parliament Roll, 2 Hen. YI ; Poynter's ' Essay.' The following articles are
described as bein^ at the same time " en la garde de divers' officers n're S'r le Roy,
a Wyndesore" :

" Item, vi chargers d'argent, signez des arm' d'Engleterre et de

Prauuce, pois' ....

Item, i potte d'argent covert, gravez des arm', ovec iii testes

des libard sur le covercle, pois'
Item, i autre potte d'argent covert, signez sur le covercle ovec

les armes d'Engleterre et de Fraunce, pois'
Item, i autre potte d'argent poteler, signez sur le haucer ovec

arm' d'Engler' et de Eraunce, pois'
Item, xii esquelx d'argent, signez ovec les arm' d'Eugl' et de

Eraunce, pois' ensemble
Item, xii auteres esquelx d'argent, de mesme le signe, pois'

ensemble .....
Item, X autres esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, signes ovec

Farm d'Engl' et de Eraunce, pois'
Item, iii autres chargers d'argent de diverses sortes, pois'
Item, iii chargers d'argent d'un sort, sign' ovec arm' d'Engl' et

de Eraunce, pois' .... xi.ft' x.unc' di~.

Item, i esquel d'argent depesche, ovec les arm' d'Engl' et de

Eraunce, pois' .... i.ft' vii.unc' di".

Item, i tasse covert d'argent, ovec UDg flat topet, pois' . iii.ft' ii.unc' di~.

Item, i potte poteller, saunz covercle, pois' . . ii.ft' xi.unc' di~.

Item, ii basyns d'argent, dount I'un ovec arm' de Lovell, et

1' autre escript Jh^us, pois' . . . vii.ft' ii.unc'.

Item, ung ewer d'argent covert depesche, pois' . . i.ft' vi.unc' iii.q".

Item, xii esquelx d'argent de divers' sortes, pois' ensemble . xviii.ft'.
Item, xii autres esquelx de divers' sortes, pois' ensemble . xv.ft' ix.unc'.

xvii.ft' v.unc'.

ii.ft' x.unc'.

iii.ft' ii.unc' di~.

ii.ft' vi.unc' di".

xviii.ft'.

xiiii.ft' xi.unc' di~.
xi.ft' v.unc'.

290

ANNALS or WINDSOR.

[Chapter XII.

With reference to this king's love of minstrelsy, his biographer
says — " Whether in their home at Windsor, or during their happy
progress through England in the halls of York and Chester, or in
the tented ground on the banks of the Seine before Melun, our
imagination has solid foundation to build upon when we picture to
ourselves Henry and his beloved princess passing innocently and
happily, in minstrelsy and song, some of the hours spared from the
appeals of justice, the exigencies of the state^ or the marshalling of
the battle-field." -^

Item, xii autres esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, pois'
Item, ix esquelx d'argent de diverses sortes, pois' .
Item, xvii espiceplates de diverses sortes, pois' ensemble
Item, vi saucers d'un sort, signez en les bordures ovec arm'

d'Engl' et de Fraunce, pois'
Item, i covercle d'un squar' saler, saunz topet, pois'
Item, i covercle d'argent dorrez d'un saler, saunz topet, poun-

sone ovec foillez de hauthorn, pois'
Item, xiiii colers, dount ii sount petitz, d'arg' blanc, pois'
(Parliament Rolls, 2 Hen. VI, a.d. 1423, vol. iv, pp. 223, 224).
' Tyler's 'Henry the Eiftb,' vol. i, pp. 327-8.

XV. ft' vi.unc'.
xii. ft' ix.unc'.
xiiii.ft' x.unc'.

iiii.ft' iiii.unc' di"
i.ft' ii.unc' di~.

i.ft' i.unc' di~.
i.ft' iii.unc' i.q~.'*

^/^//^

f/^

The Castle from the Brocas.

CHAPTER XIII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OE HENRY THE SIXTH.

Constables op the Castle,
A.D. . Walter Hungeford. a.d. 1443. Eakl of Dorset.

Deans of St. George's College.
A.D. . John Arundel. a.d. 1452. Thomas Manning.

Members of Parliament.

A.D. 1446. Roger Easnam and Roger Scherman.
a.d. 1448. William Towe and Roger Shereman.
A.D. 1449. Richard Forster and Henry Eraunceyss.
A.D. 1450. Richard Eoster and Roger Sherman.
A.D. 1452. Richard Eorster and Roger Sherman.
A.D. 1459. John Toller and John Erampton.

Provosts of Eton,
a.d. 1441. Henry Sever a.d. 1447. John Clerc.
A.D. 1442. William of Waynflete. a.d. . William Westbury.

Surrender of the Great Seal — Parliament summoned at Windsor — Proclamation in favour
of the People of Windsor — Release of James King of Scotland — Infant King at
Windsor — Removal to London — Owen Tudor keeps guard at the Castle — The
Queen's Marriage — Property at Windsor let to farm — Accusation of Cardinal
Beaufort — Windsor appointed as a Winter Residence for the King — Payment of
Erench Players at Windsor — Rules for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, the
King's Governor — Deer in Windsor Park — Dispute between Cardinal Beaufort
and the Duke of Gloucester as to the performance of Divine Worship at St. George's
Eeast — Petition of John Arundell, Dean of the College — Renewal of the disputes
between the Canons and Poor Knights — Committal of Prisoners to the Castle for
Sorcery — Other Prisoners confined there — Revenues of Windsor — Inquisition for
the Relief of the Rent there — Charter of Henry the Sixth — Charter to Windsor,
23 Hen. VI — Petition of Richard Jordan — Illness of the Queen— Members of
Parliament for Windsor — The King ill at Windsor — Deputation from the Parlia-
ment wait upon him — The Duke of York nominated Protector — The King's
relapse — Kemer, Dean of Salisbury, ordered to attend as physician — Rioters in
London sent to Windsor Castle — Letter to the Mayor of Windsor — Local
Records of the Borough — Jurisdiction of the Castle Court — Escheats of this
reign affecting property at Windsor.

The form of surrendering the Great Seal to the infant king (not
yet ten months old) took place at Windsor before the return of

292 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

the queen to England with the corpse of her late husband. The
Bishop of Durham, Chancellor of England, on the 28th of Sep-
tember, 1422, at the hour of vespers, at Windsor Castle, in the
chamber of the infant king, surrendered the Great Seal of gold, in
a purse of white leather, sealed with the chancellor's seal, to the
king, in the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishops of Winchester, Worcester, Exeter, and Lincoln, the Duke
of Gloucester, the Earl of Ormond, the Lords Talbot and Clynton,
Mr. John Stafford, keeper of the Privy Seal of the late king,
Simon Gannsted, keeper of the Rolls of Chancery, and others,^
" doing fealty and homage there ;" and the king then, by the hand
of the Duke of Gloucester, delivered it to Simon Gannsted, who
conveyed it to London, and the next day sealed various instru-
ments with it, and retained it until the 20th of November fol-
lowing, on which day he gave it to the Duke of Gloucester, in full
parliament. The duke countersealed the purse in which it was
contained, and gave it to a clerk to be deposited in the treasury.^

At the same time that the Bishop of Durham delivered up the
Great Seal to the king, the Bishop of London, chancellor of the
duchy of Normandy, also delivered his seals of office.^

At a council held two days afterwards (the 30th of September),
it was ordered that writs should be addressed to all the lords of
parliament, spiritual and temporal, summoning them to attend
the king's first parliament, to he holden at " Wyndesore," on
Monday next before the Eeast of St. Martin, in the ensuing
winter.^

The parliament appears, however, to have assembled in London,
on the 7th of November.

Liimediately after the funeral of Henry the Eifth, at West-

^ Lord " Ponyiiges" among tlie rest. (Hot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 170 b.)

2 Vide Rot. Claus., 1 Hen. VI, ra. 21, in dorso. Printed in the 'Poedera,' vol. x,
p. 253, and in Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. vi, Addenda, p. 343 ;
and see Preface, id. vol., p. clxxvi, and Rot. Pari., vol. iv, pp. 170, 171.

^ Rot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 171 a.

^ Nicolas' ' Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 4. Sir H. Nicolas observes (citing Appendix to
the 'Reports of the Lords' Committees on the Dignity of a Peer of the Realm,' p. 855)
that the writs to this parliament were tested at Windsor on the day before, viz., the 29th
of September, 1422.

TO AD. 1460.] RANSOM OE JAMES OP SCOTLAND. 293

minster, on the 10th of November, in the presence of the whole
parliament, the queen retired to Windsor Castle.^

The following curious entry, relating to the Great Seal, occurs
in the Issue Rolls of the second year of this reign, under the date
of the 18th of October:

" To John Bernes, of London, goldsmith. In money paid to his
own hands, in discharge of 20s. which the present lord the king, with
the advice and consent of his council, commanded to be paid to the
said John for his labour, costs, and workmanship, in lately riding
to the king^s castle at Windsor, at his own costs, and there engraving
the Great Seal of the said lord the king with the privy signet ; and
also for newly engraving an inscription around the king's Privy Seal.
By writ of Privy Seal amongst the mandates of this term, £1.''^

In April, 1424, James King of Scotland, having obtained his
freedom, returned to Scotland. After much negociation between
the English council and the king and the Scottish envoys, it was
mutually agreed, on the 10th of September, 1423, that the king
should be set at liberty ; and that, in return, he should forbid his
subjects to enter into the service of France ; should pay by in-
stalments, in six years, the sum of forty thousand pounds ; and
should give hostages as a security till the whole of the money were
paid.

The sum was claimed as a compensation for the king's expenses
during the time of his detention. It is probable that so large a
sum was demanded under that pretence, because it could not
decently be claimed as a ransom.^

James did not leave England without obtaining the hand of the
fair lady whom he had sighed for from the battlements of his
prison-house. With not merely the consent, but the cordial
approval of the ambassadors of his own country and the English
council, he was married at Hertford, in February, 1424, to Lady
Jane Beaufort. The protector, Gloucester, to express his satis-

^ Speed.

2 Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer ;' Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 2 Hen. VI.
^ Lingard. The English commissioners had private instructions to accept £36,000,
if the Scots objected to £40,000, The greater part of the money was never paid.

294 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XTII.

faction on this occasion, remitted, with the consent of the council,
a sixth part of the sum stipulated to be paid by the treaty.^

Windsor appears to have been the head-quarters of the young
king for some time. On the 13th of November, 1423, the queen
dowager removed with him from Windsor to London, to attend
the parliament there, travelling, by easy stages^ in a litter or chair.
The following account of the journey is given by a contemporary
chronicler :

" This yere upon Satyrday, that is to sey, the xiij day of Novem-
bre, the kyng and the quene his modir remeved from Wyndesore
toward the parlement at London, the whiche began at Westm^ on
the xxj day of Octobre before ; and on the forsaid xiij day of
Novembre at nyght, the kyng and the quene were logged at Stanes ;
and upon the morwe thanne beynge Soneday the kyng was born
toward his modir chare, and he schriked and cryed and sprang, and
wolde nought be caryed forthere ; wherefore he was born ageyne into the
inne, and there he bood the Soneday al day ; and on the Moneday he
was born to the chare, and he beynge thanne gladde and merye
chered ; and at even come to Kyngeston, and there rested the nyght ;
and on the Tuesday he come to Kenyngton; and upon Wednesday he
cam to London with a glad sembland and mery chore, in his modyr
barm in the chare rood thorugh London to Westm^ ; and on the
morwe brought into the parlement."^

^ Lingard, citing Hymer's ' Eoedera/ vol. x, p. 323. According to Holinshed and
Hall, the Scotch king, before his departure in April, " did his homage unto the young
King of England, Henry the Sixth, at the Castle of Windsor, before three dukes, two
archbishops, twelve earls, ten bishops, twenty barons, and two hundred knights and
esquires, beside others, in order of words according to the tenor hereafter following : —
' I, James Steward, King of Scots, shall be true and faithful unto you, Lord Henry, by
the grace of God King of England and Erance, the noble and superior lord of the king-
dom of Scotland, which I hold and claim of you ; and I shall beare you my faith and
fidelity of life and limb and worldly lionour against all men ; and faithfully I shall know-
ledge and shall do you service due for the kingdom of Scotland aforesaid. So God help
me, and these holy Evangelists.' "

" There can be little doubt," says Dr. Lingard, " that this is a mistake, for in all the
public records James is treated, not as a vassal, but an independent sovereign; and
Henry, in a private letter, styles him ' Rijt heigh and myghty prince, by the grace of God
Kyng of Scotes.' " (Rymer, vol. x, p. 635.)

Hall, and Grafton citing him, upbraids the poor prince, and all Scotchmen, for his
ingratitude in subsequently assisting the Erench against England — after an illegal impri-
sonment of eighteen years by (he latter country !

2 'Chronicle of London,' p. 112, edit, by Sir H. Nicolas, 4to, 1827.

TO A.D. 1460.J REMOVAL OF THE KING TO LONDON. 295

The fact that the infant evinced his unwiUingness to leave
Staines, '' of some writers is noted for a divine monition that he
would not travel upon the Sunday/'^

The queen and infant did not return to Windsor until after
Christmas, as that festival was kept at Hertford, James of Scotland
being present. In 1425, we find the queen again moving, after
Easter, from Windsor to London, with the king, to be present at
the meeting of parliament.

^' Also this yere after Eastre the king helde his parliament at
Westm', which bigan the laste day of Aprile ; and the kjng come
to London the xxvj day of Aprile, which was Saturday, with his
moder in his chare from Wyndisore unto Seint Paulis ; and at the
west dore he was taken out of his chare by his uncle the Duke
of Gloucestre, and by his bele uncle the Duke of Excestre : and he
went upon his fete fro the west dore to the steires, and so up into the
quere ; and than he was borne up and ofFred : and than was set upon
a courser and so rood thrugh the Chepe and London to Kenyngton.
And the kyng held his see diverse daies in the parliament /^^

Dr. Lingard says it was probably owing to the queen's
marriage with her second husband, Owen Tudor, that Henry,
when he was only in his third year, had been taken out of the
hands of his mother, and intrusted to the care of Dame Alice
Botiller. That lady, however, received her appointment early
in 1424, and more than a year afterwards, the queen, as already
stated, moved from Windsor to London, with the king, to attend
the parliament.

Except as a residence for the young king, the castle appears to
have been neglected. All the royal property in New and Old
Windsor, at Shaw, and in Eton, consisting of houses and lands,
were let out to farm in 1424.^

In the third year of the king's reign (1425) a grant of pontage
was made to the town.^

^ Fabyan, edit. 1516.

2 ' Chronicle of London,' Cottonian MS., Julius B, i. See Sir H. Nicolas' edition
(already cited), note 2, p, 291.
'' Pat., 2 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 21.
^ Ibid., 3 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 10.

296 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

The second article of accusation, in the bill of impeachment by
the Duke of Gloucester, in 1426, against the chancellor, his uncle,
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards Cardinal Beau-
fort, alleged that the latter, without the advice and assent of the
Duke of Gloucester, the protector, or of the king's council, was
purposed and disposed to set hand on the king's person, and to
have removed him from Eltham, the place that he was in, to
Windsor, " to the intent to put him in governance as him list."^

A form of reconciliation was subsequently effected between the
uncle and nephew, and the former resigned his office, obtained
permission to travel, and, in the following year, went into France.

No objection appears to have been entertained to Windsor as a
residence for the king, independently of its being a place selected
by Beaufort ; for at a council held on the 8th of May, 1428, in the
sixth year of Henry's reign, the Castles of Wallingford and Hert-.
ford^ were appointed for the king to inhabit during summers, and
those of Windsor and Berkhampstead in winter.^

At the same council, several knights and esquires, who were
selected to attend upon the king's person, were ordered to appear
before the council, and it was agreed that each of the said knights,
the greater part of whom had been old and faithful servants of
Henry the Fifth, should remain with the Earl of Warwick, the
king's master, in attendance on the monarch, and have in the
king's household one esquire and two valets, with provisions for
their chambers, together with a salary of 100 marks per annum.^

It had been previously determined by the peers in parliament

^ Hall; Holinshed.

2 "Hereford" in the original; but Sir H. Nicolas thinks that Hereford was inserted
by mistake for Hertford, and there can be little doubt that he is correct. (' Proceedings
of Privy Council/ Preface, p. lii.) A previous minute of council, dated 23d Pebruary,
1428, directs a writ of Privy Seal to be issued, commanding the keeper of the king's
wardrobe to make allowance, in the account to be rendered by Thomas Chaucer, the
chief butler, for certain tuns of wine lost at sea, intended for the king's residences, and
amongst others for "v. ton~ xviij. sex~ vin de Gasc~ despenduz et gastez en outrageous
cunisons sur leawe de iiij'^'xij . ton" de vin chargez en dids schonces a Loundres, et dy
amesnez p"" eawe tangz a W^yndesore et Henle, deinz le suisdit temps." (Ibid., vol. iii,
p. 286.)

3 Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 294.
^ Ibid., vol. iii, p. 294, and Preface, p. li.

TO A.D. 1460.] EDUCATION OP THE KING. 297

that the young Duke of York, who was at that time about seven-
teen years of age, should continually reside with the king.^

A minute of council, dated 30th April, 1428, directs £10 to be
paid for the installation of the Duke of Coimbra as a Companion
of the Order of the Garter in the college at Windsor; and ten
marks to certain French players and dancers, who performed before
the king at Windsor on the Feast of St. George.^

*' The rules laid down by the council, in June in this year
(1428), for the guidance of the Earl of Warwick, who was
appointed governor of the king's person, with respect to his educa-
tion, are extremely interesting. The young monarch was to be
instructed to fear God, to reverence virtue, and to eschew vice ;
the best ' mirrors and examples of former times of the prosperity
which attended virtuous kings, their lands and subjects, and the
misfortunes which befell sovereigns of an opposite character, were
to be exhibited to his view.' The king was to be taught ' nurture,
literature, languages,' and other knowledge suitable to his age and
station. Warwick was authorised to chastise him when he was
negligent, disobedient, or acted improperly." ^

A special provision for that purpose occurs in the Earl of
Warwick's appointment, in these words : — " And if we are negli-
gent in learning, or commit any fault, or do any thing contrary to
the instructions of our said cousin, we give him full power,
authority, licence, and directions reasonably to chastise us from
time to time, according to his discretion, in the manner that other
princes of our age, as well in this kingdom as in others, have
hitherto been accustomed to be chastised, without being im-
peached or molested by us or by any other person in future for so
doing."*

Power was given to the earl to dismiss any individual, except-
ing the great officers of state, from being about the royal person ;

^ Nicolas' * Privy Council/ vol. iii, Preface, p. li.

^ Ibid., vol. iii, p. 294. The order as to the first-mentioned sum was repeated in a
minute of the 8th July following. (Ibid,, p. 302, and Eymer's ' Poedera/ vol. x, p. 405.)

^ Ibid., vol. iii, Preface, p. Iii.

* Ibid., vol. iii, pp. 297, 298, and Preface, p. Iii. A similar power had been conferred
in the king's name on his former governess, Alice Botiller.

298 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

and in cases of emergency, whether arising from a pestilence or
from any other cause, he was to remove the king to such place as
he might think most advisable.^

Although the royal property in the neighbourhood of the castle
was let to farm in the early part of the reign, the park and the
deer appear to have been kept up.

A petition was presented from John Gedeney, mayor of London,
to the council, on the 16th of July, 1428, praying the king for six
fat deer, namely, two out of the Park of Eltham and four out of
Windsor Park ; which petition was granted.^ And by a minute of
council, dated the 5th of June, 1437, in the fifteenth year of the
reign of Henry the Sixth, the parkers of Pleshey, Ampthill, and
Windsor, were directed to deliver deer for the Chancellor of France,
one from each of the former places, and two from Windsor.^

Early in April 1429, Cardinal Beaufort became involved in a
dispute with his old enemy, the Duke of Gloucester, respecting his
right to perform divine service at Windsor on the Feast of
St. George, in right of the bishopric of Winchester.

By the constitution of the Order of the Garter, the Bishop of
Winchester has always been, ex officio, prelate of that order, in
consequence of the Chapel of Windsor being in his diocese.
Beaufort, who had filled that see about twenty-four years, and had
received a cardinal's hat on the 25th of March, 1427, intended to
resume his duties as Prelate of the Garter on the next festival of
St. George, in this year, which appears to have been the first
anniversary of the feast after his return to England. The Duke of
Gloucester was^ however, determined to contest his right to retain
the see of Winchester, on the ground that it was incompatible

^ Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, pp. 296 — 3(^0, and Preface, p.liii.

2 Cotton MS., Vespas., Pxiv; vide Ellis' 'Letters,' 2d series, vol. iii, p. 51, and
Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iii, p. 312. Lord Tiptoft, one of the
councillors present who signed the instrument, wrote the words " nolens void" opposite
his name. " Several instances occur of members of the council having expressed their
dissent from the opinion of the majority ; and this petition proves that whether a member
agreed or dissented, he nevertheless signed the instrument to which the majority of his
colleagues attached their names, but that he might signify his disapprobation of the
measure in the manner adopted by Lord Tiptoft on that occasion." (Ibid., vol. iii,
Preface, p. liv.)

3 Ibid., vol. V, p. 28.

TO A.D. 1460.] CARDINAL BEAUTORT. 299

with the dignity of cardinal ; and he took that opportunity of
raising the question, by assembhng a great council, which consisted
of more than eighteen spiritual, and thirteen temporal peers ; and
the case was heard in the king's presence, at Westminster, on the
17th of April, six days only before St. George's day.

It was then debated whether the lord cardinal ought, as he
claimed, to officiate at Windsor on the Feast of St. George by
reason of his bishopric of Winchester, which he asserted he could
retain with his rank of cardinal ? The question being put seriatim
to every member of the council, it was agreed, in substance, that,
as the point was doubtful, he should be directed to refrain from
officiating there on that occasion as Bishop of Winchester ; which
decision the king confirmed and ordered with his own mouth.

On the next day, the cardinal appeared before the king at
Westminster, in consequence of the preceding decision, which was
communicated to him by the Earls of Stafford and Northumberland
and the Lords Tiptoft and Cromwell, and stated that he had for
twenty-four years peaceably officiated at the solemnities of St.
George at Windsor, in right of the bishopric of Winchester, and
prayed for justice therein, or that reasons should be stated to the
contrary. The lords, being severally interrogated, replied that as
it was an unusual thing to be a cardinal and to retain the bishopric
of Winchester in England, they were equally imwilling to prejudice
the king during his minority, or to prejudice the cardinal, or his
church, for which reasons they entreated him to refrain from
attending.

The subject was renewed in November, 10 Hen. VI (1431);
but Gloucester's efforts to deprive the cardinal of his see did not
succeed, as he retained it until his decease, eighteen years after-
wards. It appears also that he performed the duties of Prelate of
the Garter in the 13th Hen. VI, as in that year, and again in the
17th Hen. VI, he received the usual livery of robes, even if he did
not, as there is reason to believe, officiate at the Feast of St. George
in the 11th Hen. VI (1433).'

' Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. iii. Preface, p. Ixii, and see pp. 323,
324 ; ' Poedera,' vol. x, p. 414 ; vide also Austis' ' Register of the Garter,' vol. ii.

300 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XIII.

In the eighth year of this reign, John Arundell, Dean of the
College of St. George, in the castle, observing that the grants of
land to the college were sometimes made in the name of the custos,
and at other times in the name of the dean and custos, or of the
dean only, and fearing that this diversity of terms might be inju-
rious to the college, he petitioned the parliament to provide for
the security of the college ; and thereupon letters patent were
issued under the Great Seal declaring that John Arundell should
be custos or dean for his life, and that for the future he and every
other custos should be called " custodes" or " decani" (viz. wardens
or deans) of the free chapel of St. George within the Castle of
Windsor, and that the custos or dean and canons, and their suc-
cessors, by the name of custos or dean and canons of the said free
chapel, should hold, to them and their successors for ever, all the
lands, possessions, and immunities granted to the college at any
time before.^

The disputes between the canons and the poor knights of
St. George's College, which broke out in the reign of Richard the
Second, were renewed in the beginning of the present. It appears
the dean and canons, on some pretence or another, withheld the
daily distributions, and also the forty shillings yearly, to which
each knight was entitled by the statutes of the founder. Com-
plaint was made to John Archbishop of York, Lord Chancellor of
England, and visitor of the college, who, by injunctions issued
upon his visitation in the tenth year of the reign of Henry the
Sixth, ordered the arrears of both kinds to be forthwith paid, free

p. 105. Sir Harris Nicolas observes that "Austis, iu alluding to this affair, does not
seem to have been aware that the real question at issue was the bishoprick of Winchester,
as he introduces these proceedings, which he reprinted from the Tcedera/ with this
observation : — ' A doubt arose whether the Bishop of Winchester, being promoted to be a
cardinal, and having obtained, as it was alleged, an exemption from the jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of Canterbury, ought to attend this feast as prelate of the order, which we
shall see remained undetermined in the tenth of Henry the Sixth.' It is singular that
no mention occurs in the Minutes of the Council on this subject of the office of Prelate
of the Garter, but that the right to officiate at the Teast of St. George is merely stated
to belong to the bishoprick of Winchester."

1 Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' citing Rot, Pari,, an. 8 Hen. YI, n. 31. The
college had, at the commencement of this reign, obtained a full confirmation of all pro-
perty previously granted.

TO AD IIOO.J THE WITCH OF EYE. 301

of charge ; and directed that, in case the treasurer of the college
became negligent in future payments, he was to incur the loss of
his own " quotidians" from the time of his voluntary delay, the
amount to be divided among the poor knights.^

William Pope, Esquire, presented a petition to the parliament
holden in the 10th Hen. VI (1432), alleging that the king, on the
17th of March, in the sixth year of his reign, by the advice and
assent of his council, had granted to the said William the office of
verger or usher of the Order of the Garter in the Castle of Windsor,
together with a house in the castle appurtenant to the office, and
also of verge-bearer before the king and his heirs in processions on
festival days, with the wages of twelve pence a day out of the
revenues and profits of the manor of Kenyngton, otherwise called
Colde Kenyngton, in Middlesex, so long as the king pleased, but
which grant was not available to the petitioner for the term of
his life, by reason of the words " so long as the king shall
please." The petitioner therefore requested, "for God and in
tender mercy," that he might have a grant for life; which was
acceded to.^

The following entries of payments on the Issue Roll of Michael-
mas Term, in the ninth year of this reign (1431), relate to Margery
Jourdemain, the witch of Eye, and John Asshewell, a priest, who
were imprisoned in Windsor Castle on a charge of sorcery :^

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.'

2 Eot. Pari., vol. iv, p. 418.

^ At this period prosecutions against supposed sorcerers and witches became very
numerous. Early in the fifteenth century (a.d. 1406) we find Henry the Fourth giving
directions to the Bishop of Norwich to search for and arrest witches and sorcerers of
difi'erent kinds, who were then reported to be very numerous in his diocese, and to con-
vert them from their evil ways or bring them speedily to punishment. (Rot. Pat.,
7 Hen. IV, printed in the ' Poedera,' torn, iv, part i, p. 93, cited by Mr. T. Wright in his
Introduction to the ' Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler/ printed for the Camden
Society, 1843.) In Prance, the belief in sorcery appears to have been more prevalent, at
an earlier period even than in England, and about the middle of the fifteenth century it
became the ground of one of the most remarkable acts of wholesale oppression that the
history of that age has preserved to us. It may be observed, moreover, that it has been
an article of popular belief from the earliest period of the history of the nations of
Western Europe that women were more easily brought into connexion with the spiritual
world than men. Priestesses were the favorite agents of the deities of the ages of
paganism, and the natural weakness and vengeful feelings of the sex made their power an
object of fear. To them especially were known the herbs, or animals, or other articles

302 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

" 22nd November. — To John Collage, one of the king^s sergeants-
at-arms, lately sent, by command of the king^s council, from the city
of London to Windsor, with a certain woman, committed to his care,
by assent of the said council, for him safely and securely to take her
to Windsor Castle, and there to deliver her into safe custody upon
certain causes moving the said council. In money paid to him, &c.,
13^. M,"

" 2Sth November. — To John Talbot, one of the king^s sergeants-at-
arms, lately sent, with the advice and assent of the king's council,
from the city of London to Windsor, with a certain brother, called
John Asshewell, Prior of the Holy Trinity, London, committed to his
care, by the assent aforesaid, to be by him safely and securely con-
ducted to Windsor Castle, and there delivered to be securely kept for
certain causes interesting the said council. In money paid to him, &c.,

John Virley, a priest, appears to have been subsequently sent
to Windsor on the same charge, for on the 9th of May, 1432,
Margery Jourdemain, John Virley, clerk, and John Asshewell
(then described as a friar of the Order of the Holy Cross), who had
been lately committed to Windsor Castle for sorcery, having been
brought before the council, by virtue of a writ directed to Walter
Hungeford, constable of the castle, it was agreed that John Virley
and John Asshewell should be released from prison on finding
sufficient security for their good behaviour, and that Margery
should in like manner be released on her husband's security.

The required security being given in each case, they were
respectively released.^

Although Margery Jourdemain escaped on this occasion, she
was involved in the celebrated charge of sorcery brought against
" Dame Eleanor Cobham,'' the Duchess of Gloucester, in 1441,
and arraigned with her before the ecclesiastical court. While the

which were noxious to mankind, and the ceremonies and charms whereby the influence of
the gods might be obtained to preserve or to injure. (Wright's * Narratives of Sorcery
and Magic,' vol. i, p. 6.)

^ Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 9 Hen. VI.

2 Vide Minute of Council, Rymer's * Foedera,' vol. x, p. 505 ; MS. Cott., Ceop. F iv,
f. 58 ; Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. iv, p. 114.

TO A.D. 1460] TRIALS EOR NECROMANCY. 303

duchess's life was spared, the unfortunate Jourdemain was con-
demned to be burnt as a relapsed witch.^

There is further evidence of the continued use of the castle at
this period as a place of imprisonment.

In 1433, David Coch (?), taken prisoner for an insurrection in
South Wales, was sent from London to Windsor, and delivered to
the constable of the castle by the hands of Thomas Collage, one of
the king's sergeants-at-arms.^

At a council held on the 12th of November, 1437, a letter was

* The following short narrative of the circumstances of this case is given by Dr.
Lingard, compiled from the various contemporary chronicles and authorities : — " One of
the Duke [of Gloucester]'s chaplains, Roger Bolingbroke, was accused of necromancy,
and exhibited, with the instruments of his art, to the admiring populace, on a platform
before St. Paul's, ' arrayed in marvellous attire,' bearing in his right hand a sword and in
his left a sceptre, and sitting in a chair, on the four corners of which were fixed four
swords, and on the points of the swords four images of copper. The second night after-
wards. Dame Eleanor secretly withdrew into the sanctuary of Westminster — a step
which naturally excited suspicion. She was confronted with Bolingbroke, who declared
that it was at her instigation that he had first applied to the study of magic. Erom the
inquiry which followed, it appeared that Eleanor was a firm believer in the mysteries of
the art : that, to secure the affection of the duke, she had employed love-potions,
furnished by Marjory Jourdemain, the celebrated witch of Eye ; and that, to learn what
would be her subsequent lot (her husband was presumptive heir to the throne), she had
charged Bolingbroke to discover the duration of the king's life. Soon afterwards an
indictment of treason was found against Bolingbroke and Southwell, a canon of St. Paul's,
as principals, and the duchess as an accessary. The former were said, at the solicitation
of the latter, to have formed an image of wax, and to have exposed it to a gentle heat,
under the persuasion that, as the image melted away, the health of the king would
gradually decline. The two v.'omen, however, were arraigned before the ecclesiastical
court. Jourdemain, as a relapsed witch, was condemned to be burnt. Eleanor, out of
twenty-eight articles brought against her, confessed some and denied others ; but when
the testimony of the witnesses had been heard, withdrew her plea, and submitted to the
mercy of the court. She was compelled, on three days of the week, to walk hoodless,
and bearing a lighted taper in her hand, through the streets of the capital; and was
afterwards confined a prisoner for life, with an annuity of one hundred marks for her
support. Southwell died in the Tower before his trial ; two others obtained their pardon ;
but Bolingbroke was convicted and executed, acknowledging the guilt of necromancy,
but denying that of treason. Though tlie duke himself does not appear to have been
implicated in this ridiculous but tragical business, he must have deeply felt on account of
the disgrace of his wife, and the notion generally entertained that he was looking forward
to the succession for himself."

^ " 6M 3Ia7/. — To Thomas Collage, one of the king's sergeants-at-arms, ordered and
appointed by the treasurer of England to safely conduct David Gogh (lately taken for
insurrection in South Wales) from the city of London to Windsor Castle, where the said
David was delivered to the lieutenant of the castle aforesaid, by virtue of the king's writ,
under the Great Seal, directed to the said lieutenant. In money paid to the said Thomas,

304 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter XIII.

directed to be made to the treasurer and chamberlain '' to pay to
fom' persons keeping within Windsor two prisoners to the king, to
each fourpence on the [every] day for the time that they have entended
[attended] and shall entende to the keeping of the same prisoners." ^

John Payn, an esquire in the service of Sir John Falstolf,
writing, in 1450, and complaining of having been imprisoned for
his supposed complicity in the insurrection of Jack Cade, says —
" And so [they] wolde have made me to have pechyd my Maist'
Fastolf of Treson and by cause yt I wolde not, yey had me up to
Westm', and yr wolde have sent me to the Gole^ house at
Wyndsor, but my wyves coseyn and j. of myn noune yt wer'
yomen of ye Croune yey went to the kyng and gote grase and j.
chartyr of p'don." ^

In a general statement of the finances of the kingdom made in
the eleventh and twelfth years of Henry the Sixth, the annual
receipts of the crown from the revenues of Windsor amounted to
£207 17^. h\d., a sum far from sufficient to meet the charges,
which were £280 5^. 10^^.^ One hundred marks per annum
were nevertheless allowed for the repairs of the castle, not included
in the above expenditure. This sum of one hundred marks was
charged upon the manors of Cookham, Bray, Binfield, and Sunning-
hill.^ In a grant of dower to the queen by act of parliament, in
the twenty-fifth year of the same reign, these four manors are
excepted on that account;^ and from their frequent mention in
connexion with the funds provided for the works of the castle, it is
probable (says Mr. Poynter) they had been so appropriated from an
early period.*^

for his expenses in going and returning again, upon the business aforesaid. By direction
of the treasurer, &c. — l?>s. M." (Issue Eoll, Easter, 11 Hen. VI, Devon's ' Issues of
the Exchequer,' p. 420.)

^ Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. v, p. 72.

^ Qusere, Cole-house. See post, end of the present chapter.

^ Penn's ' Paston Letters,' Letter xiii.

^ De Exit' et Heventionibus Castri de Wyndisore . ccviiJi. xvii.s". v.d~. q .
Vad' Peod' Hepareec', Misis, Cust' et Expen' eQ^vxJi. yS. xJ. ob.
Et sic excedit .... \xxiiM. yuLs". y.d".

(Rot. Pari., 12 Hen. VI. Status Reventionum ann. Regni, &c.)

s Ibid. 6 Ibid., 25 Hen. VL

' Poynter's 'Essay on the History of Windsor Castle' (Sir J. Wyatville's 'lilustra-

TO A.D. 1460] INQUISITION AT WINDSOR. 305

In 1439 an inquisition was taken at Windsor, of which the
following is a translation :

'' FOR THE RELIEF OF THE FEE FARM OF NEW WINDSOR.

" The inquisition taken at Windsor the 19th day of December, in
the seventeenth year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth, before
William Fallan, one of the barons of the king^s treasury, and John
Basket, by virtue of a commission of our lord the king, directed to
William Babthorp, William Baron (?), and the sheriff of Berks, and
to the said William Fallan and John Basket, upon the oath of true
and lawful men of the county of Berks, as to such advantages and
profits the inhabitants of the king^s town of New Windsor formerly
enjoyed in ease and aid of the rent of the said town, which the inha-
bitants do not now enjoy, and likewise as to the cause of the decrease
of such advantages and profits, and also concerning other matters and
occurrences, and more especially by the oath of Rudulph Chyppes,
Roger Wayte, William Sherman, John by the Wodde, John Avelyn,
William Towe, John Bailly, Geoffrey Pasty, Henry Hunt, William
Bullock, John Page, and Robert Mayr, who upon their oath say that
the said town has for a long time been a market town and free borough
of our lord the king and his predecessors, and that during all the reign
of Edward the First, and for a long time afterwards, many responsible
merchants and other powerful and considerable persons were dwelling
and inhabiting there, and holding the said town of the said late king,
his heirs and successors, in fee farm, paying seventeen pounds yearly
into the king's treasury, and had at their will a market weekly and a
fair once a year, and toll from all buyers and sellers for goods and
chattels and other merchandize bought and sold in the said town, and
stallage and rent assize, and other liberties and franchises ; also their
court de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas (?) in the Guildhall of the
same town, before the bailiff for the time being thereof, and in the
same court power and authority to hear and determine pleas of real,
personal, and mixed actions, of lands, tenements, and other matters
whatsoever arising in the said town, and their merchant gild, and view
of frankpledge ; and in which times the perquisites appertaining to the
same court and view of frankpledge, and the profits and advantages of
the said liberties and franchises, as of the stallage c\nd tolls of buyers

tions'). The sum of £100 was, however, subsequently, in the 32d Hen. VI (1454),
assigned, " of the fermours and occupiours of the maners of Cokliam and Bray, with tlier
appurtenance, yerely," towards the support of the king's household. (Rot. Pari, vol. v.
p. 247 «.) The manors of Cokeham and Bray are expressly declared to be within the
Act of Resumption, 4 Edw. IV (1462). (Ibid., p. 517 b.)

9.0

306 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

and sellers for merchandize and wares, and other things, goods, and
chattels brought together there, and there in the fairs and markets
and otherwise in the said town bought and sold, and all other profits
and advantages which the inhabitants of the said town in ease and aid
of the rent of the town aforesaid, were valued at seventeen pounds
yearly; so that in those days the town was fully populated with divers
merchants and various other persons, by whom and by others great
quantities of merchandise and wares were brought into the said town.
And afterwards, in the lapse of many years, the said town, by great
mortality and pestilence at various times, was emptied and wasted, by
reason of which the merchandise and wares were withdrawn and the
markets and fairs there greatly impaired, so that the town became as
it were destitute and despoiled, and the inhabitants also, poor and
moneyless, have ever since from day to day diminished, and continue
so to do. And although the men and burgesses of the said town still
have and hold to the present day the said town in fee farm of the lord
the king, with all liberties and franchises aforesaid, as the burgesses
and inhabitants thereof, their ancestors and predecessors, in times past
held the same, yet through the mortality and depopulation of the
inhabitants of the said town, their removal from day to day, and the
withdrawal of the merchandise and wares, and also because divers
burgages, messuages, and dwellings, which the men and burgesses of
the said town held as parcel of their farm, and ont of which in modern
times a great part of their rent was wont to be raised, lie ruinous,
empty, and destroyed for want of occupiers and inhabitants, the profits
and advantages of the inhabitants and of their before-mentioned
liberties and franchises, which the said inhabitants have or are able to
have on account of their fee farm aforesaid, have so decreased, that at
the present time they do not exceed £6 lis. a year; for as in former
days the perquisites and amerciaments of the court with view of frank-
pledge commonly valued at .£10 yearly, lately and for many years past,
from the causes before mentioned, were worth but 4Ss. 4d. ; and the
out of door toll (?), then valued at 30^. yearly, lately and for many
years past, from the causes before mentioned, was worth only 2*. ; and
the toll of fairs, then valued at 16s. Sd. yearly, lately and for many
years past, from the causes before mentioned, was worth only 3^. 4id. ;
and stallage, then valued at 6s. Sd. yearly, lately was worth only 2^. 4<d.;
and as the burgesses of the said town in times past received within the
same for rent assize, issuing out of divers messuages, lands, and tene-
ments there, £4i 17s. Sd., now and for many years past, from the
causes before mentioned, they have received only £4^ ; moreover, divers
messuages, burgages, lands, and tenements, whence the before-
mentioned rent ought to arise, lie ruinous and empty and wholly

TO AD. 14G0.] CHABTEU TO WINDSOR. 307

destroyed, without occupiers or owners. And so they say that the
profits and advantages which the inhabitants of the said town had in
former times, in ease and aid of paying the rent of the town, arising
and still arising in this way from the perquisites of the court, stallage,
toll, rents, and other liberties and franchises aforesaid, which in times
past were valued at ,£17 yearly, and now for many years past so much
decreased, from the causes aforesaid, do not in their present value
exceed in the whole £6 lis. a year. In testimony of which the jurors
aforesaid have affixed their seals to this inquisition. Dated the day,
year, and place above mentioned/^ ^

In consequence, as it appears, of this inquisition and report,
Henry the Sixth granted a charter, in which he remitted £7 of the
former yearly rent of £17.^

By this charter, which bears date the 19th day of May, in the
seventeenth year of this reign, the king, after setting out and con-
firming the charter of the fifth of Edward the First, gave, on
account of the wants, merits, and services of the burgesses, to them
and the good men of the borough of New Windsor, the tenants
and resiants within the same, and to their heirs and successors,
their remaining freedom from pannage, passage, pontage, lastage,
stallage, tallage, carriage, pesage, picage, and ferrage throughout
England; and also power to take fines for trespasses and other
misdeeds whatsoever, and also fines for licence of agreeing, and all
other fines, redemptions, and amerciaments out of or for whatsoever
cause arising, and also the issues forfeited of all the men, tenants,
and resiants of and in the said borough, although such men,
tenants, or resiants there should be ministers of the king or his
heirs ; and that the said burgesses and their successors might
have all forfeitures whatsoever, year, day, waste, and strip, and
whatever might belong to the king or his heirs of year, day, waste,
and strip, forfeitures and murders, within the said borough, in
whatever of the king's courts or in any court of any other person

^ MS. volume in the possession of Mr. Snowden, of Windsor, containing transcripts
of documents in tlie Tower.

2 Oilier towns had part of their rent remitted to them on account of pestilence.
Leland says — " The cause of the great desolation of Wallingford was a great pestilence
in Edward the 3. dayes, wherupon they askyd to King Richard, and had the toun fe'^ farine
brought from 40.//. to 17.//." ('Itin.,' vol. iii, fo. 97.)

308 ANNALS OF AVINDSOR. [Chaptek XIII.

whatsoever they might happen; and that the burgesses might
levy, take, and have those matters, and whatsoever in that behalf
should be adjudged to the king, as well in his presence as in his
absence, before any of his justices ; and likewise that they should
levy, take, and have such fines, redemptions, and amerciaments of
the burgesses themselves, men, tenants, and resiants of the said
borough, and the issues forfeited therein, which should happen to
be made or adjudged before any of the king's justices and ministers
whomsoever, by the estreats of such king's courts, without the
obstruction or hindrance of the king, his heirs, justices, sheriffs,
escheators, or other of his ministers. The charter further granted
to the burgesses and their successors cognizance of all manner of
pleas touching lands or tenements within the said borough, as
well assize of novel disseisin and mort d'ancestre certificates and
attainders, as of other pleas whatsoever, real, personal, and mixed ;
and also the cognizance of all manner of pleas of debt, trespass,
covenants, and of all other causes and contracts whatsoever happen-
ing or arising within the said borough, to be holden therein before
the mayor and bailiffs of the borough for the time being, as well in
the king's presence as in his absence, for ever, so that no person
might from thenceforth hold any frankpledge or any other court in
the borough, or any part thereof, as far and wide as it lies, called
New Windsor, unless by the special license and consent of the
burgesses for that purpose obtained ; and moreover full correction,
authority, and power to the burgesses, and their heirs and suc-
cessors for ever, of inquiring into, hearing, and determining, by the
said mayor and bailiffs for the time being, all manner of matters,
plaints, defaults, and causes, and other things whatsoever, happen-
ing or arising within the said borough and the liberty thereof,
which might in any wise be inquired into and determinable before
'^he justices of the peace, of labourers and artificers, as fully and
wholly as the justices of the peace, of labourers and artificers, in
the county of Berks, had theretofore had or exercised, or should
thereafter have and exercise, out of the said borough and liberty, so
that the said mayor and bailiffs did not proceed to the determina-
tion of any felony without the king's special mandate ; and that all
pleas happening in the said borough, either of their tenures or of

TO A.D. 1460.] CHARTER TO WINDSOR. 309

contracts, covenants, trespasses, and also of all manner of debts or
surety made or agreed in the said borough, should be pleaded and
holden in the Guildhall there, before the mayor and bailiffs for the
time being; and moreover granting to the burgesses of the borough,
the tenants and resiants thereof, that they, their heirs and suc-
cessors, should not be obstructed, molested, or aggrieved before
the steward and marshal of the king's household for breach of the
assize of bread, wine, and beer in the said borough, or for any
trespasses there done, out of the verge or within the verge, before
or after the coming of them, the said steward and marshal, to those
parts, and that no sheriff, constable, or bailiff, or the said steward
and marshal of the king's household, or any minister of the king,
should enter or have any power in the said borough concerning
anything touching their offices, but the whole, with the attach-
ments in pleas of the crown, should belong to the mayor, bailiffs,
and burgesses, and their successors ; and also power to the said
burgesses and their successors for ever, to make and have, as well
in the king's presence as in his absence, the assay and assize of
bread, wine, and beer, and of all other kinds of victuals whatsoever,
as often as and whenever it should be necessary ; and also to have
and take the fines, amerciaments, and redemptions, and all manner
of profits arising therefrom, so that the clerk of the king's market
should not enter the said borough to do or exercise anything apper-
taining to his office ; and that the burgesses and their successors
might from thenceforth have the chattels of felons, fugitives, as
well of felons of themselves as of others whomsoever, and of those
outlawed for any cause soever, of all the men, tenants, or resiants of
and in the said borough, so that if any of the men, tenants, or
resiants of and in the said borough, or any other person therein,
for any his offence whatsoever, ought to lose life or limb, or should
fly and would not abide judgment, or should commit any other
trespass for which he ought to lose his chattels, in whatever place
justice ought to be done upon him, whether in the king's court or
in any other courts, such chattels should belong to the said
burgesses, and it should be lawful for them to seize the said
chattels, and to retain the same to their own use, without the
obstruction or hindrance of the king, or his sheriffs, escheators, or

310 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

others his bailiffs and ministers whomsoever; and also that the
burgesses and their successors might from thenceforth have the
return of all the king's writs, and also the summoning of the
estreats and precepts of the king's exchequer, and of the estreats
and precepts of the king's justices itinerant, to hold as well pleas
of the forest as common pleas, or of other justices whomsoever,
and also the attachments as w^ell of pleas of the crown as of other
pleas in the said borough, and the full execution thereof, so that no
sheriff, bailiff, or other the king's minister might enter into the
borough to do anything in or touching his office, unless for default
of the burgesses themselves, and that if the sheriff or bailiff of the
liberties or hundreds should be negligent or remiss in doing any
executions for the burgesses, by the king's writs or mandates, or in
any other manner, whereby it should happen that they should be
amerced or fined in the king's exchequer or other courts, such fines
and amerciaments should belong to the burgesses, and might be
levied to their use ; and that the said burgesses and their successors
might have within the said borough all manner of chattels called
wayff and stray, treasure trove, and other chattels and things
found, and that they might seize and take the same at their will to
their use, and that they should have all goods and chattels called
" mainouvres"^ [manuopera], taken or to be taken with any person
whomsoever, either detained in the said gaol or being within the
said borough, before whatever magistrate such person be called ;^
and that the said burgesses, their heirs and successors, might,
by their last will, devise their tenements which they have acquired
in the said borough to whomsoever they pleased, provided it be not
in mortmain. Wherefore the king commanded that the burgesses
of the said borough of New Windsor, and their heirs and successors,
tenants and resiants therein, might peaceably have all the liberties,
acquittances, grants, ordinances, and free customs, and all and
singular other the royal rights before mentioned for ever ; and
further, in consideration as well of the great charges and losses
which the inhabitants of the town had had and sustained, and
daily had and sustained, as of the ruins of the tenements therein, the

^ That is, stolen goods found upon the thief.

2 The sense of the words in italics is obscure in the originul, the words being defaced.

TO A.I). 1460.] RENT OP THE TOWN. 311

king, for the relief of the inhabitants, remised and released to them
seven pounds a year out of the seventeen pounds which they v^^ere
bound to yield to him.^

In 1439 we find Richard Earl of Dorset holding the office of
constable of the castle. A writ in the eighteenth year of this reign
empowered him, and other constables his successors, to receive
yearly, during the king's pleasure, the sum of £500, by the hands
of the treasurer, for the repair of the castle.^

By a charter dated at Westminster, the 1 8th of September, in
the twenty-third year of the reign of Henry the Sixth (a.d. 1444),
reciting the grant of the town by Edward the First at the rent of
seventeen pounds, and the remission by Henry the Sixth, in the
seventeenth year of his reign, of seven pounds of that amount for
ten years then next ensuing,^ on account of the poverty of the
place, and that the burgesses and good men of Windsor were
willing to restore the letters of Edward into the king's chancery to
be cancelled, to the intent that the king would vouchsafe to grant
the town or borough of Windsor, and all things belonging to him
" as well within the said town as without, as far and wide as it is
called New Windsor," with the rents to them, on payment of the
yearly sum of eight pounds for the remainder of the term of ten
years, and after the completion of that term on payment of fifteen
pounds a year for ever ; the king, in consideration of the premises,
and that the burgesses, by their certain writing,* had, with the king's
licence, " given and granted to the provost of our royal college of
the Blessed Mary of Eton, near Windsor, and to the college of the
same, all those waters and fisheries in the River Thames, with all

' Rot. Pat., 19 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 39.

2 Rot. Orig., 18 Hen. VI, r. 78. A Minute of Council, dated 2d March, 21 Hen. VI
(1443), states '' that as my Lord of Dorset hath, by the king's letters patents, the con-
stableship of the Castle of Windsor, &c,, for [the] time of life with, &c., and to be paid
of the wages, &c., by the hands of the chamberlain of South Wales, the king hath granted
unto him the said office, &c., and the keeping of the forest, &c., to the office appertaining,
to occupy by him and his deputies for [the] time of his life, and to take his wages, &c.,
of the revenues, &c., of Windsor by his own hands." {Vide Nicolas' * Proceedings of the
Privy Council,' vol. v, p. 229.)

' Although there is this limitation mentioned in the recital, there was, in fact, no such
limitation in the cliarter of 17 Hen. VI. (See ante, p. 305.)

4 See post, Chapter XIV.

312 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

their appurtenances," of the yearly value of forty shillings, granted
the said town or borough of New Windsor to the burgesses and
good men, to have and to hold, to their heirs and successors, with
all and singular the rents to the king belonging, *' as well within
the town as without as far and wide as it is called New Windsor,"
together with the services, courts, fines, amerciaments, escheats,
heriots, reliefs, passages, pontages, stallages, piccages, fairs,
markets, tolls, and all and singular other profits, commodities,
and appurtenances whatsoever thereto belonging, for ever yielding
to the king and his heirs yearly, at his exchequer, during the
said term of ten years, for all services, eight pounds, at Michael-
mas and Easter by equal portions, and after the completion of
that term the yearly sum of fifteen pounds for ever, payable in like
manner.^

The following petition to the king, with the answer, dated
3d February, 23 Hen. VI (1445), is preserved among the proceed-
ings of the Privy Council of that period ;

" To the King our Soverain Lord. Bysecheth louly youre
humble and pouer servant, Richard Jordan, keper of your selers
within your Castle of Wyndsore, at the manoir in the pare at
Esthampted, and at Henley on the Heth, that in consideracion of
the long and continuel labours and grete attendaunces that he hath
hadde yerely and daily in keping of your seid celers, hit please
you in his age to graunt unto him a livere of mete and drink, to be
taken in your worshipfull houshold dailli, at suche tyme as ye or your
household shall lye and abyde in your seid castle at Wyndsore ; that
is to wete, a cast of brede at youre pantre, a galon of ale at your
botery, and on the eting day of flessh a messe of mete at none and a
nodre at even, and on the fifth day at none a mese of fissh, in maner
and fourme as the keper of the place, the keper of your beddes, and
the porter of the uttre gate have and dailly take ; and of your more
special grace, the premisses considered, that ye wol graunt unto him a
gowne cloth, to be taken yerely during his life at your grete warderobe
in London, in sute with yomen officers of your worshipfull household,
by the deliveraunce of your warderoper there for the tyme being, at all
such times as your said livere shall be gifen to your seid yomen. And
hereuppon your letters patents of liberate currant and your breff of

^ Pat., 23 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 7, from the arcliivcs of the corporation of Windsor.

TO A.D. 1460.] REPAIES IN THE CASTLE. 313

alloc, dormant to be made in duhe fourme, and he shall pray to God
^ * '^ Seudeley, Chamberlein.

"Lre ent feust faite a Westm", le iij. jour de Feverer, Ian, etc.,
xxiij.^'' ^

In consequence of the illness of Margaret of Anjou, who had
been contracted by proxy to Henry, and who arrived in England
in April 1445, the king was unable to hold St. George's Feast at
Windsor in person that year.^

A curious entry of a payment for repairs at Windsor occurs in
1446;

" \^th July. — To John Hampton, one of the esquires of the king's
body, who, by command of the said lord the king, caused the bridge
to be repaired in his manor within Windsor Park, and a certain
chimney to be made in the great chamber in Windsor Castle, called
the Queen's Chamber. In money paid to his own hands, in discharge
of £36 135. 46?., which the said lord the king commanded to be paid
to the same John, to be had without rendering any account therefore.
By writ, &c., J36 13^. MJ' ^

^ Nicolas' * Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, p. 35.

2 The following letter from Henry to the lord chancellor on the subject was written
six days before the formal celebration of the marriage :

"By the King.
" Right reverend fader in God, right trusty and right welbeloved, we grete you wel,
and suppose that ye have wel in knowleche, how that oure moost dere and best beloved
wyf the queue is yet seke of the labour and indisposico^n of the see, by occasion of which
the pokkes been broken out upon hir, for which cause we may not in oure own personne
holde the Peste of Saint George, at oure Castel of Wyndesore, upon Saint George' day
next com^yng. Wherfore we wol th* ye make out our letters of commission under our
Greete Seel in due forme, yeving power by the same unto oure right trusty and entirely
wel-beloved cousins, the Duke of Excestre and Buks, and eyther of theym, to holde the
sayd feste in oure behalve at the day and place abovesayd, with other lordes and knights
of the Gartier such as we have com'^anded to be there, and that herinne be no defaulte, as
ouf greet trust is in you. Yeven under our signet at Southwyk, the xvj day of Avril.
" To the right reverend fader in God oure right trusty
and right welbeloved tharchebissop of Canter-
bury, oure Chancell"" of Englande."

(Ex orig. in Turr. London. Vide Introduction to Austis' * Register of the Order of the
Garter,' and Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi. Preface, p. xvi.)
^ Issue Roll, Easter, 24 Hen. VI (Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 455).

314 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

In 1446 (25 Hen.VI), for the first time since 1339 (14 Edw. Ill),
we find burgesses of parliament returned for Windsor.

In that year, in pursuance of the king's writ to the sheriff of
Berkshire, commanding him to cause two burgesses to be chosen
for every borough in his county, and the names of the burgesses so
elected to be certified by an indenture between the sheriff and the
electors, one part of which indenture was to be returned into the
king's chancery, the mayor and common burgesses of the borough
of New Windsor, by indenture made the 3d day of February,
returned Roger Fasnam and Roger Scherman to appear in parlia-
ment. This indenture purports to be signed and sealed by " John
Avelin, mayor; William Scherman, Will"" Towe, Roger Wayte,
John Noteweye, bailifis ; John Bethewode, Thomas Swan, John
Ruwelond, Thomas Pers, Richard Bernard, constables; and
others." ^

In the twenty-seventh of Henry the Sixth, William Towe and
Roger Shereman were returned in the same way.

In the twenty-eighth of Henry the Sixth, Richard Forster and
Henry Fraunceyes were the members ; and in the following year,
Richard Forster and Roger Sherman.

In the thirty-first of Henry the Sixth (1452), the indenture of
return purports to be made " before me, Hugh Alewyn, mayor of
the s'^ town, and all the burgesses and true men of the same town
or borough," and is under the seal of office of the sheriff. By
this indenture, Richard Forster and Roger Sherman were certified
to be again elected. It appears from this indenture that the king's
writ for the election of members was on this occasion directed to
the mayor of Windsor, and not to the sheriff of Berkshire.

The parliament in this year was held at Reading.

The name of Sherman is of frequent occurrence in the annals
of Windsor, from the fifteenth century to the present. Among
the names of the gentry of Berkshire returned by the commissioners
in the twelfth year of Henry the Sixth's reign is " Johan. Sherman
de Wyndesor." ^ The name was at a more recent period converted
into Sharman.

^ This return is partly set out in Tote's ' History of Windsor Castle,' p. 23.
2 Fuller's ' Worthies' (Berkshire).

TO AD. U60.] ILLNESS OF THE KING. 315

In 1450 we have, in the following payments, further instances
of the use of the castle as a prison :

" 9th July. — To William Brook, one of the king^s valets of his
crown, to whom the lord the king committed the custody of Richard
Smyth, appellant, and Philpot Morys, Thomas Bocher, and William
Heyley, defendants, for certain treasons ; and on this account, by the
king's command, they were kept in his custody, in the king's Castle of
Windsor, for above half a year, he finding them meat and drink, fuel,
and other necessary things, at his great costs and expense. In money
paid, &c. By writ, &c., £10.'' ^

^' 6th August. — To Thomas Waryn, an esquire of the Duke of
Somerset. In money paid to him by assignment made this day, by
the hands of Nicholas Aves, in discharge of £27 45., which the lord
the king commanded to be paid for his costs and expenses, at 12d. per
day, and for 24 persons, to each of whom was paid Sd. per day, for the
space of 32 days, for the custody of William Parmenter, calling himself
a captain of Kent, with other principals, his companions or allies,
within the said county, also being in his custody during the time
aforesaid, by the king's command, and afterwards, by virtue of the
king's letters, conducted to the Castles of Windsor and Wynchester.
By writ, &c., £27 Os. 4^." ^

It is scarcely necessary to remark that the preceding entry
refers to the insurrection headed by Jack Cade.

Windsor was the residence of the king during his malady,
which began about October 1453, and deprived him for a time
both of mental and corporeal powers. This illness was the imme-
diate cause of that change in the administration of affairs which
placed the Duke of York and his party uppermost in the state. It
was soon after this affliction fell on the sovereign that his only son.
Prince Edward, was born at Westminster, on the 13th of October,
who was alike ill-fated both in the period of his birth (aggravated
by the sinister reports spread abroad that he was " chaungyd in the
cradell" ^) and in the premature death that subsequently awaited
him.*

» Issue Roll, Easter, 29 Hen. VI (Devon's 'Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 470).

^ Ibid.

^ Fabyan.

* Sir r. Madden, ' Archoeologia,' vol. xxix, p. 310.

316 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

In the January following, the infant prince, then about three
months old, was presented to his father at Windsor for the first
time, apparently in the hope that a ray of reason might return to
the king^s mind on beholding his child. But all was in vain ; and
the queen and the Duke of Buckingham were obliged to leave the
afflicted monarch without any sign of recognition having been
given.

The following account of the interview appears in a letter con-
taining intelligence privately collected by certain persons who
appear to have belonged to the household of John Mowbray, Duke
of Norfolk, one of the most powerful of the Yorkist lords, and was
transmitted to him, in order that he should know what was passing
in London and elsewhere before he came to join his associates in
the metropolis •}

'^ As touching tythynges, please it you to wite, that at the princes
comyng to Wyndesore, the Due of Buk^ toke hym in his armes and
presented hym to the kyng in godely wise, besechyng the kyng to
blisse hym ; and the king yave no maner answere. Natheles the duk
abode stille w* the prince by the kyng ; and whan he coude no maner
answere haue, the queene come in, and toke the prince in hir armes,
and presented hym in like fourme as the duke hade done, desiryng
th* he shuld blisse it ; but alle their labour was in veyne, for they
departed thens w*out any answere or countenaunce, sauyng onely th*
ones he loked on the prince, and caste doune his eyene ayen, w*out
any more.

" Itm". The cardynalle hathe charged and commaunded alle his
servauntz to be redy w* bowe and arwes, swerd and bokeler, crosse-
bowes, and alle other habillementes of werre, suche as thei kun medle
w*, to awaite upone the saufgarde of his persone.'^

The cardinal spoken of was John Kempe, chancellor, car-
dinal, and Archbishop of Canterbury. He came into political
power after the fall of the Duke of Suffolk, and maintained, jointly
with the Duke of Somerset, the queen's party until his death,
which took place on the 22d of March, 1454, two months after the
date of this letter.

1 Sir E. Maddeu, ' Arcliaiologia,' vol. xx.ix, p. 310.

TO AD. U60.] DEPUTATION TO THE KING. 317

In a subsequent part of the letter the following passage occurs :

" Itm". Tresham, Josep", Danyelle, and Trevilian have made a bille
to the lordes, desiryng to have a garisone kept at Wyndesore, for the
saufgarde of the kyng and of the prince, and th* they may haue money
for wages of theym and other, th^ shulle kepe the garysone/^ ^

The Tresham here mentioned was, no doubt, Thomas Tresham,
called " late of Sywell, co. North*"'', knight," who was at the battle
of Towton, in 1461.^ He was attainted in the twelfth of Edward
the Fourth, but subsequently restored. William Joseph was one of
the personal attendants on King Henry, and was deprived of office
in 1455.^ Thomas Danyelle was esquire of the body to the king.
He is included among those whom the commons desired to be
removed for misbehaviour in April 1451.* John Trevilian was
likewise esquire of the body, and usher of the king's chamber. In
the petition for his dismissal (with Danyelle and others) he is called
" late of London, esquire." ^

In consequence of the death, as already stated, on the 22d of
March, 1454, of Cardinal Kempe, when Henry the Sixth was
still lying ill at Windsor, the parliament deputed the Bishops of
Winchester, Ely, and Chester, the Earls of Warwick, Oxford, and
Shrewsbury, Viscounts Beaumond and Bourghchier, the Prior of
St. John^s, and the Lords Eauconbergge, Dudley, and Stourton, to
ride to Windsor and inform the king of his chancellor's death, and
to make arrangements for the appointment of a successor.

On the 25th of March the deputation made their report, and
" opened and declared by the mouth of the Byshop of Wynchestr',
to the Duke of York, the kynges lieutenant in this present parle-
ment, and the othir lordes spirituel and temporel assembled in
the parlement chambre, that they, accordyng to that that was putte
uppon theym upon Saturday, the xxiij. day of this present moneth
of Marche, by th' advys of the lordes spirituel and temporel, that

1 Egerton MS., Brit. Mus., No. 914. See ' Archseologia,' vol. xxix, p. 305.

2 Pari. Rolls, v, 616, vi, 317.

3 Ibid., V, 280, 282, 332, 342.

4 Ibid., V, 216.

^ Sir r. Madden, ' Archseologia,' vol. xxix, p. 314.

318 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteh XIII.

they shuld goo to Wyndesore to the kynges high presence, and to
open and declare to his highnesse certain matiers conteigned in an
instruction dehvered to theim by the seid lieutenaunt and the seid
lordes spirituel and temporel, were at the kinges high presence,
and in the place where he dyned ; and anoon after his dyner was
doon, the seid matiers were opened and declared by the mouth of
the Bishop of Chestr', right connyngly, saddely, and wurshipfully,
nothyng in substaunce chaunged from the seid instruction, added
ne dyminished, as the seid Bishop of Chestre can more clerely
declare to theire lordships. And theruppon the seid Bishop of
Chestr' shewed and declared howe that the openyng and declaryng
of the seid matiers, by th' avis of the lordes that were sent to
Wyndesore, was put uppon him, howe be it he thought hym self
right unable therto ; and that he furst opened and shewed to the
kynges highnesse the iii. first articles, as it was advised by the
lordes or they went ; that is to say, the humble recommendation of
the lordes to the kynges highnesse, the grete desire of his hele, and
the grete diligence of the lordes in this parlement. And then,
for as moche as it liked not the kynges highnesse to yeve any
answere to the articles, the seid Bishop of Chestre, by th' advis of
all the other lordes, declared and opened to the kynges highnesse
the othir matiers conteigned in the seid instruction ; to the whiche
maters ne to eny of theim they cowede gete noo answere ne signe,
for no prayer ne desire, lamentable chere ne exhortation, ne eny
thyng that they or eny of theim cowede do or sey, to theire grete
sorowe and discomfort. And then the Bishop of Wynchestr' seid
to the kynges highnesse, that the lordes had not dyned, but they
shuld goo dyne theym, and wayte uppon his highnesse ayen aftir
dyner. And so aftir dyner they come to the kynges highnesse in
the same place where they were before ; and there they moeved
and sturred hym, by all the waies and meanes that they cowede
thynke, to have answere of the matiers aforseid, but they cowede
have noon ; and from that place they willed the kynges highnesse
to goo into an othir chambre, and so he was ledde between ij. men
into the chambre where he lieth ; and there the lordes moeved and
sturred the kynges highnesse the thirde tyme, by all the means
and weyes that they coude thynk, to have aunswere of the seid

TO A.D. U60.] B-ECOVEHY OP THE KING. 319

matiers, and also desired to have knoweleche of him, if it shuld
Hke his highnesse that they shulde wayte uppon hym eny lenger,
and to have aunswere at his leiser, but they cowede have no
aunswere, worde ne signe ; and therfor w^ith soroweful hartes
come their e way." ^

In this emergency, the lords proceeded to provide for the exer-
cise of the royal authority, on the 27th of the same month, by
electing and nominating (v^^ithout any reference to the commons)
the Duke of York as protector and defender of the realm, during
the king's pleasure.^

In consequence of the king having a relapse of his former
illness, Kemer Dean of Salisbury, an " expert, notable, and proved
man in the craft of medicine," was, on the 5th of June, 1454,
commanded to attend the king at Windsor, who was then, '* as
Kemer well knew, labouring under sickness and infirmityes." ^

About Christmas the king recovered his health and reason, and
in January 1455 Prince Edward was again brought to him by the
queen. He asked " what the prince's name was ? and the queen
told him Edward ; and then he held up his hands, and thanked
God therof. And he said he never knew til that tyme, nor wist
not, what was said to him, nor wist not where he had be, whils he
hath be seke, til now." ^

In the thirty-eighth of Henry the Sixth (1459), John Toller
and John Frampton were chosen members for Windsor. The
indenture of return on this occasion was between '' the sheriff of
Berkshire, of the one part ; Roger Wayte, mayor of the borough
of New Windsor ; Roger Faggenham and John Brewer, bailiffs of
the said borough ; and the commonalty of the said borough, of the
other part."

In 1459, we are told there was an " affrey bitwene gentilmen
of court and men of Fletestrete ; and the gentilmen were driven

^ Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 241.

2 Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi, Preface, p. 1, citing Rot. Pari.,
vol. V, p 242.

3 ' Foedera,' vol. xi, p. 366 ; Nicolas' * Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vi.
Preface, p. Ixxii.

" Fenn's * Paston Letters,' vol. i, p. 80.

320 ANNALS OP WINDSOK. [Chapter XIII.

with archers fro the standard in Fletestrete into theire innes, and
some were slayne and some taken, the xiij. day of Aprile : wherfore
WilHam Tailour, alderman of Fletestrete ward, with other mo,
were afterward sent to Wyndisore Castel, and there kepte as
prisoners." ^

In this fray '^ the queen's attorney'' was slain. ^

This was one of the numerous outbreaks between the respective
partizans of the king and the Duke of York. The dissention at
this period was no longer confined to the higher classes : it divided
almost every family in the nation ; it had penetrated into the
convents of the monks and the cottages of the poor. One party
maintained that the Duke of York was an injured prince, who,
with his associates, was trampled under foot by the minions of the
court, and was compelled to arm in order to preserve his own life ;
the other pronounced him a traitor, who under false pretences
sought to place himself on the throne, and who owed to the king's
clemency that life which he had already forfeited to the laws.*^

On the 4th of March, 1461, Edward, the son of the Duke of
York, was proclaimed king, by the title of Edward the Fourth.

The following letter from Henry the Sixth to the mayor of
Windsor is without any date of the year :

" By the King. Trusty and well beloved, wee greet you well, and
lett you witt that for the lawfull punicon of vagabonds and other mis-
ruled persons, wee have appointed a generall and secrett search to bee
made throughout this our realme the 17th day of August next comeing,
about 11 of the clock in the night ; wherefore, wee, trusting in yo'^ troth
and sadness, will and in the streightest wise charge you that, keeping
this matter close and secrett to your selfe till time of necessity shall
require, yee endeavour the best yee can by your pollitick meanes to
make the said search within that our towne there, and the jurisdiction
of the same, arresting in our name, by vertue hereof, all manner of
vagabonds, misruled and suspected persons, without any favour or par-
tiality j wee will yee have concourse to the shereifif of our county there,
to whome wee have sent our letter of proclamation, and after the tenor

^ ' Chronicle of London.' Holinslied gives the 7th of May as the date tliey were sent
to Windsor.
^ Holinshed.
^ Lingard.

TO A.D. 1460.] LOCAL RECORDS. 321

thereof wee will that yee order you in all things safe ; that if any spyes
coming from beyound the sea, or else any suspect persons with letters
prejudicial! unto us, fall into yo'" hands by the said search, then wee
will that, keeping them in sure warde, yee send unto us their names
and the evidence you shall have of their suspeccon, to the intent that
yee may have agen our express mind by writeing in that behalfe.
Given under our signett, at our Castle of Windsor, the 21st day of
July/^ ^

The bailiffs of Windsor appear to have occasionally made them-
selves liable to fines for their negligence in permitting the escape
of felons. A pardon was granted in 1452 to Hugh Deer and
Edmund Perry, bailiffs of Windsor, for the escape of prisoners, and
in 1455 to Hugh iVylewyn and Edmund Perry, burgesses of
Windsor. The last-mentioned pardon, however, " concerned the
townsmen of Windsor." ^

We find traces of local records of the borough in this reign.
The original documents appear to have been lost, but some extracts
made by Ashmole in the seventeenth century are preserved.

Thus the officers of the borough chosen the Sunday preceding
Michaelmas Day^ in the sixth year of this reign were as follows :
Nicholas Larewood, maior; Thomas Brotherton and Thomas
Rowland, bailiffs ; Andrew Bereman and William Pury, bridge-
keepers ; and Thomas Todd and John Beckenefeld, keepers of the
Holy Trinity.*

The last-mentioned officers were trustees of a fund for the cele-
bration of masses and obits for the souls of the brethren of the
Guild of the Holy Trinity, as the corporation was sometimes
described. A deed of the seventeenth year of Henry the Eighth
recited that '' in tyme past, within the parish church of New

1 Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 12,520.

^ Ash. MS., No. 1115, f. 39 a. In the fourth year of Richard the Third's reign there
is a similar entry of pardon granted to John Saddler and Simeon Ley, Bailiffs of Windsor,
for the escape of prisoners. (Ibid.) An entry of pardon to the townsmen of Windsor for
the escape of felons occurs as early as the 13 Edw. 111. (Ibid.)

3 Ashmole says "all elections of ofl3.cers were made on this day." (Ash. MS.,
No. 1126.)

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, extracted from the Begister of the Guild of New Windsor,
described as " a large vellum book with a wooden cover, wherein are enrolments of wills,
fines, deeds, &c."

323 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XIII.

Wyndesor, hath ben kept yerely, on Trinite Sunday, an obitt, with
mass of requiem on the moro next following, for the sowles of all
the brethren and sisters of the Trinite brotherhood there, which
tyme out of mynde hath bene usyd/' ^

We shall find various bequests made by persons, down to the
period of the Reformation, towards the support of this and other
ceremonies. In this reign, Richard Smith, of New Windsor, by
will dated the last day of February, 1455, gave to the brotherhood
or guild of the Holy Trinity of Windsor, in the Church of St. John
the Baptist, half of a piece of arable land held by Michael Whaddon
and Agnes his wife, situate near " Spittleborne," to celebrate
masses for the souls of himself and his ancestors, and all the
faithful departed, for ever.^

St. George's Chapel received its share of the property given by
the residents of Windsor and other persons to religious uses.
Thomas Sewer, of Cambridge, by a deed of gift dated the 16th of
August, in the thirty-fourth year of this reign, gave to John Hore,
clerk, and John Croke, vicar of the king's chapel, all his goods and
chattels, moveable and immoveable, wheresoever they should be
found. Master John Arundel, Master William Michel, Master
Thomas Passche, canons of St. George's College ; William Towe,
the mayor ; William Clarence and Thomas Baker, of Windsor, and
others, attested the deed, which purported to be made in the castle,
to wit, in the house of the said John Hore, within the precincts of
the college.^ It is probable there was some secret trust between
the parties as to the uses to which the property was to be applied.^

In the first year of this reign, William Hikkes, of Kybbeworth,
in Leicestershire, being shut up in the chapel on a charge of felony,
escaped, and being afterwards brought before Sir Robert Bubthorp,
the seneschal and marshal of the king^s court, was sent to the king's

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 66 h, See post, Reign of Henry the Eighth.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

* See a curious file of obit-bills in MS. Ash., No. 1763, entitled 'Memoranda de
Obiiibus Regum, Magnatum, et aliorum, eelebratis in capella regia Windesoriensi,
ab 11 Oct. anno 17 Edw. IV, ad 18 Sept. anno 18 (1477-8), et de pecuniis cuique
canonico, vicario, clerico, choristae, et campanistro propterea debitis.' See also a like
document of the time of Henry the Sevcntli, Ash. MS., No. 1113, f. 38.

TO A.D. 1460.] THE CASTLE COURT. 323

prison in the castle^, called the " Colehous ;" ^ but on demand made
by Nicholas Clopton, the attorney of the dean and canons, on the
ground that, by the charter of Edward the Thirds they had the
custody of felons in the precinct of their houses, manors, and
possessions, their right was formally recognized, and the culprit
delivered to them.^

The " Colehous/' which is marked in Norden's bird's-eye view
of the castle, was situated in the lower ward, and was the prison
for offences committed against the laws of the forest.^

The jurisdiction of the Castle Court seems to have been co-
extensive with the Forest of Windsor. The criminal jurisdiction,
however, which appears by the above transaction to have been then
exercised, must have subsequently fallen into disuse, as it certainly
did not exist in the middle of the seventeenth century.* As a

^ See ante, p. 304.

2 Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 38 b.

■ Sir Bulstode Whitelock, speaking of the constable of the castle, says — " He hath
power tc imprison any trespasser in vert or venison, and hath a prison in the castle,
called the Colehouse, for tliat purpose." (See post. Vol. II.) There was formerly a prison
iu the vicinity of St. Paul's, called " The Bishop's Colehouse." In Fox's * Martyrs' it is
spoken of as " my lorde of London's colehouse." (See Wright's * Archaeological Album,'
p. 101.)

^ Ashmole, who collected his information on the spot, has the following note on the
subject :

" How far the jurisdiction of the Castle Court of Windsor extends :

" From Maidenhead Bridge to Taplow, thence neere to Beaconsfeild, thence to
Langley March, thence to Iver, thence to Colnbrook, taking in the one halfe
of the towne, thence to Rasebury, and thence it strikes off at Queenes Ditch,
and goes into the Thames over against Egham Mead, and so along the river
to Waybridge ; thence along the River Wye [Wey] within 2 or 3 myles of
Guildford ; thence to Blackwater, thence towards Swallowfield and so to
Sunning Bridge, and so along the Thames to Maidenhead Bridge.
" Noate that the burrough of Wyndsor is exempted out of this jurisdiction.
" The Castle Court holds plea of all reall and personall actions (but not criminall)
without limitation of some, and of tythes of land, of what value soever. The
writs run in the constable's name. The officers that belong to the court are deputy-
steward, porter of the outward gate, bailiffs (for the several hundreds), attornies.
The writs are directed to the said porter, who is the gaoler. The office of deputy-steward
has been granted of late by letters patents ; Mr. Taylor has scene these letters patents
of Q. Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles. The Abbot of Bysham had a bailiff in
the said court, who executed writts only within his jurisdiction." (Ash. MSS., No. 1115,
f. 8G b.)

The following hundreds, manors, and liberties were, it seems, in the seventeenth century

324 ANNALS OT WINDSOR. [Chapter XIII.

place of detention for offenders, the " Colehouse" continued, how-
ever, to be used until a recent period. A writer in the ' Gentle-
man's Magazine,' in 1790, says — ''The prison gate at the entrance
to the castle yard is a disgrace, not only to the sight but to the
feelings." -^ It was soon afterwards converted into a guard-room.

The borough of Windsor was always excepted from the juris-
diction of the Castle Court, and had an independent criminal
as well as civil court.^

within the jurisdiction : — In Berkshire, tlie king's bailiwicks of the seven hundreds of
Cookham and Bray, and the hundred of Sonning, and the liberty of Sir Henry Nevill of
the hundred of Wargrave and of Sir Edward Hobbes of his manor of Bustlesham ; in
Buckinghamshire, the royal manors of Wyrardisbury and Langley Maries, Upton and
Burnham, Datchet, Parnham Royal, Eton, Iver, and Taplow, and Sir William Bower's
liberty of the manor of Denham, the bailiwick of Andrew Windsor, Esq., in Eton, and of
Sir Edward Cooke, the chief justice, in Stoke Pogis ; in Surrey, the hundreds of Godly
and Oking and the liberty of Oking ; in Wiltshire, Sir Henry Neville's bailiwick of the
hundred of Ashridge. (Ash. MSS., No. 1115, f. 3], citing the 'Court Book of the
Steward's Court of the Honor and Castle of Windsor.')

1 Vol. Ix, p. 690.

^ The following curious entry of proceedings before the mayor in this reign occurs
among Ashmole's transcripts from the Corporation Records :

"Hie est ultima voluntas Ricardi Bernard, de NovaWyndesor, q** ipse~ infeoffav* Jo^m
Bernard, frat™ sua, &c., in duob^ shoppis suis, ppris scituat in foro ville de Wyudesor,
&c., ad opus pueros suorum, &c. Et ut Johes Bernard p^d dixit p sua saci-a* et

juramenta, sup Calendare ante W"" To we, tunc maiore burgi de Wyndesor, &c., 18 die
Oct., a** 35 H. 6, et Coram dmo Willo Crafforde, niilite Castri pedditi Johe Avelyn,
Rog° Eastenham, Tho~e Clyfford, et Tho. Sherman, tunc Balliavis, &c., et multis aliis, &c."
(Ash. MS., No. 1126, " excerpted out of the large vellum Booke of Inrolments with a
wooden cover, called the Boarded Booke of Inrolm*^") See also in Ash. MS., No. 1763,
f. 44, the original will of Emmot Burges, of New Windsor, made on the 12th of October,
1447, and proved before the Archdeacon of Berks on the 14th of December, and after-
wards in the Court of New Windsor, before John Abelyn, mayor, the seneschal, and three
bailiffs of the town, on Monday before the Eeast of St. Peter in cathedra, 28 Hen. YI
(18th of Eebruary, 1448). Mr. Black observes that this will is almost a century older
than the earliest now to be found in the archdeacon's office. In 36 Hen. VI, in an
acknowledgment and release of dower, in the King's Court of New Windsor, by Eleanor
the wife of John Dunstall, to John Erymley, the premises are described as a tenement lying
between a tenement of John Avelyn and 2^ acres of land lying in divers places in
" Uppenorhill" juxta "Marlyngepitts." (Ibid.)

An entry of a fine levied the 1st of April, 14 lien. VII, in which John Squier, Rob.
Gode, sen., and Tho. Todd are demandants, and John Hether and Alice his wife are
deforciants, commences thus: "This is a final concord indented, made in the King's
Court at New Windsor, in the Guildhall there, after the use and custom in that town,
from time out of mind," &c. Mr. Black observes that Ashmole has " illust rated the
abstract of this document with the variations of form that lie observed in other such final

TO A.D. 14G0.] ESCHEATS AT WINDSOR. 325

Among the escheats of this reign, the name of Molyns frequently
occurs connected with property in Windsor and the neighbourhood.
Sir WiUiam Molyns, in the third year of Henry's reign, recei^d
rent for a house in New Windsor called " Oldhawes ;" ^ and in the
eighth year of this reign he appears to have been entitled to the
manor of Datchet, and to rent of property in Windsor as parcel of
the manor of Cippenham, in Buckinghamshire.^ In the seventeenth
of Henry the Sixth, Margaret, the widow of Sir William Molyns,
was entitled to the same rent as part of Cippenham Manor, and
also to the manor of Ditton and the advowson of the chapel there,
and to certain pastures at "Langley Marreys," inclosed within
Ditton Park.^

concords, this custom of Windsor being very remarkable." (Cat. of the Ash. MSS.,
col. 886, note.)

The following petition or remonstrance from the corporation in the sixteenth century
(but without date) shows how jealous the town was of its privileges :

" To the ryght worshypfull and full honorabull Lord Henry, Erie of Essex, and Justice of
the King's Eorest on thys side Trente, or to his Lefftennt or Deputy of the same.
*' Sheweth unto yo*" good lor? the meyer, baylifp, and burgeys of the borough of New
Wyndesor, that wherof tyrae that noe minde is, and also as well by the graunt of
o' sovaigne lord the kynge yt now ys, as by the graunte and confirmacons of his noble
p^genitors aforetyme, no styward of the marchaseye, justice of the peace, sheriff, escheator,
clerk of the miet, constable, nor non other minister or officer of the kyngs, shulde
medle, vex, greve, or execute any thing touching their offices agenst any p~son wh in the
afores^ borough, but yt all shulde long all only to the forseyd raayer, baliff, or burgeys,
and to their officers, as in these letters patents more plainely it doth appe~. Hit is so
that now of late W„ Staverton, keep~ of Cramborne, and Hen. Staverton his brother, bi
his com~andem*, w ^hin the s^ borough, upon Midsom* day last passyd, in their open fayer,
attached and distreyned Thomas Engely, W° Smith of Egham, Ric. Bishop of Dorney,
W™ Smith, servant of Henry Styward of Houndeslow, comyng w*^ a pakke at his bakke,
and div'^s other, for chymynage, contrary to their olde usage and custome, and to the
grants and confirmacons to them granted by the king our soveraign lord and his noble
progenitors, to the grete trouble and vexacon^ of the sede meyer, bayleff, and burgeys.
Wherfor plesyth hyt yo^ good lorP, the premises consydered, and in example of other, to se
a reformacon in this matier, in eschewing of such trouble as may fall hereafter by occasion
of the same, accord^ to the Ires patents, as good right, law, and concieuce shall require,
and they shall pray to God for the preservacon) and prospity of yo'' good lordshypp."
(Ash. MS., No. 1126, fol 39 h, 40, copied from the Boarded Book of Inrolments, belong-
ing to the corporation of Windsor.)

1 Escaet., 3 Hen. VI, num. 29. "Haw apud veteres, ^^^(5? sonat." (Barnes' 'Life of
Edward the Third,' p. 436, margin.) The " Woodhawe" has been already mentioned.
(See ante, p. 274.)

2 Ibid., 8 Hen. VI, num. 38.

3 Ibid., 17 Hen. VI, num. 52. (Sec r^ost, p. 341, note.)

326

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chapter XIII.

With respect to the annals of the Order of the Garter in this
reign, Sir Harris Nicolas observes that *' the tender age at which
this prince became king, his precarious health, and the political
convulsions by which his throne was shaken, and ultimately over-
turned, account for no material event having occurred in the order
in the thirty-nine years during which he was its sovereign." ^

^ ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 66.

?sk^-4'^;:-

— -x

The Canons' Houses from Thames Street, 1847

ETOK COLLEGE .YUOM Sill HENRY SAVILE'S MONUMENT IN THE CHAPEL OF MERTON COLL. OXFORD

CHAPTER XIV.

POUNDATION OP ETON COLLEGE BY HENRY THE SIXTH.

The King's Motives for the Foundation — His Procuratory Charter of Foundation — Bull
cf Pope Eugenius the Fourth — Papal Indulgence — Charter of Endowment —
Commencement of the Building — Orders of the King — Entries in the Liberate
Rolls — Accounts of the Works — Various Grants to the College — Fisheries —
Hospital of St, Peter near Windsor — Fairs — Exemption from Purveyance —
Progress of the Works — Meeting of Commissioners in the Choir — Will of the
King — Parish Church of Eton — The College Statutes — Supply of Books and
Vestments — Grant of Relics — Appointment of Provost — The Almsmen — Rise
and Progress of the School.

In the previous part of this work occasional reference has been
made to Eton and the owners of land there. The contiguity of the
towns of Windsor and Eton, separated only by the river, rendered
some notice natural, and, as the foundation of the college by Henry
the Sixth forms the most important point in the history of Eton, a
separate chapter is devoted to it.

Like the other princes of his house, Henry the Sixth was a
zealous adherent of the Roman Catholic Church and a severe enemy
of the followers of WyclifFe ;^ and some have supposed that a desire
to discourage the spread of LoUardism through the agency of
private teachers, many of whom were at that time imbued with the
new tenets, co-operated in the minds of Henry and his advisers
with the other motives that led to the foundation of Eton College,
not only as a place of gratuitous instruction and maintenance for
indigent scholars, but as a place of education for the children of
wealthier families.^

' Every fellow of Eton College vras required by the statutes to swear that he would
not favour the doctrines of John Wycliffe, Reginald Pewke, and other heretics, under
pain of perjury and expulsion. (Sloane MS., No. 4841, f. 40.)

2 Professor Creasy 's ' Account of the Foundation of Eton College, and of the Past

328 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

On the 30th of July, 1440, the khig, preparatory to the settle-
ment of the college, and probably at the suggestion of Bekyngton,
Bishop of Bath and Chancellor of England, visited Winchester, and
examined the plan of Wykeham^s foundation there.^

By his procuratory, bearing date at the Castle of Windsor^ the
12th of September, in the nineteenth year of the king's reign
(a.d. 1441), the king invited all the faithful in Christ to aid him,
for the praise, honour, and glory of God and of the blessed Virgin
Mary, and for the increase of divine worship and the increase of
the holy church, to found, make, and ordain, and duly establish a
college in the parish church of Etone, near New Wyndesor, in
the diocese of Lincoln, to consist of a provost and other fellows,
priests, clerks, and choristers, as also of poor and indigent scholars,
and also of other poor and infirm men; also of one master in
grammar, who should gratuitously instruct the poor and indigent
scholars and others coming there from any part of the kingdom in

and Present Condition of the School/ p. 3. Henry the Sixth, says Grafton, founded at
Eton " a solemn school," where he also " stablished an honest college af sad priests, with
a great number of children, which he there of his cost frankly and freely taught the rudi-
ments and rules of grammar. Besides this, he edified a princely college in the University
of Cambridge, called the King's College, for the further erudition of such as were brought
up in Eton, which at this day so flourisheth in all kinds as well of literature as of tongues,
that above all other it is worthy to be called the Prince of Colleges." " Henry the
Sixth's foundations of his two colleges were not the effect of a casual or accidental
thought, but they were what he had purposed from early youth, and which he tells us he
had intended to put in execution so soon as he should take unto himself the rule of his
realms. Accordingly this seems to have been his earliest undertaking, and which, when
once begun, he prosecuted with such vigour as not to leave it, even though amidst those
civil wars which threatened equally his kingdom and his life, till he had brought it to
some good degree of perfection. His procuratory bears teste Sept. xij., an° regni xix,
and which was also the nineteenth year of his life ; in which procuratory, as by a public
instrument, he delegates his proctors to treat with the bishop and church of Lincoln
about appropriating the then parish church of Eton to his intended college, and so as to
make the chapel of the said college, which he should erect upon the demolition of the old
cliurch, to be as well parochial as collegiate. Nay, from the words of the instrument it
appears that previous hereunto he had made purchase of the advowson of the said parish
church in order for such appropriation ; so that he must probably for some years before
have actually begun what he had thus long designed ; and especially as this advowson was
then tlie property of three distinct persons, which of course must have taken up more
lime in completing than if the whole had been vested in one single person." (Old MS.
History of Eton in the Britisli Museum, vol. i, p. 20, MS. Sloane, No. 484i4, cited by
Professor Creasy.)

^ ' Excerpta Historica,' p. 15.

POUNDx\.TION or ETON COLLEGE. 329

the knowledge of letters, and especially in the art of grammar.
The college to be situated on certain land of the said church
and burial-ground adjoining, on the north side of the said burial-
ground, containing three hundred feet in length and two hundred
and sixty feet in width, and to duly cause and procure the said
parish church to be erected, converted, and transferred into a
college; and to grant and give the advowson of the said parish
church, the right of patronage of which was then in the king, to
the said provost, fellows, and college, with other goods, by way of
endowment ; to effect which the king proposed and intended that
the said church, by the grace of God, might be well and effectually
united, appropriated, annexed^ and incorporated to them and their
college, in order that all who had an interest in the premises might
join or add their authority, licence, and consent. And the king
appointed his dearly beloved in Christ, Mr. Robert Kent, William
Lynde, and William Waryn, together and separately, his true and
lawful proxies and agents to carry out and execute the premises;
and also granting them various general powers, among others to
confer with the Bishop of Lincoln.^

The charter of foundation is dated at the king's manor of Shene,
on the 11th of October following (a.d. 1441). The following is a
translation of the commencement, which is important, as throwing
light on the primary object of the founder :^

" Henry, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Lord
of Ireland, to all to whom these presents may come, greeting.

" The triumphant Church that reigns on high, whose president is
the Eternal Father, and to which hosts of saints minister, and quires
of angels sing the glory of its praise, hath appointed as its vicar upon
earth the Church militant, which the only-begotten Son of the same
God hath so united to Himself in the bond of eternal love, that He
hath deigned to name it His most beloved Spouse, and which, in
accordance with the dignity of so great a name. He, as a true and

^ Pat., 19 Hen. VI, part i, m. 40. A copy of this instrument and of the charters of
tlie 11th of October and 25th of March following are inserted inDugdale's *Monasticon,'
\\)l vi, part iii, p. 1434, edit. 1830. The charter of the 25th of March may also be seen
set out in luspeximus, with others relating to Eton, in the Parliament Rolls, vol. v,
p. 45.

2 Professor Creasy's work already cited, from which this translation is taken.

330 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteu XIV.

most loving Spouse, hath endowed with gifts of His grace so ample,
that she is called and is the mother and the mistress of all who are
born again in Christ ; and she hath power as a mother over each of
them ; and all the faithful honour her with filial obedience as a mother
and a mistress; for through this worthy consideration sainted princes
in bygone time, and most particularly our progenitors, have so studied,
always to pay to that same Holy Church the highest honour and
devout veneration, that besides many other glorious works of their
virtues, their royal devotion has founded, not only in this our kingdom
of England, but also in divers foreign regions, hostels, halls, and other
pious places, copiously established in affluence of goods and substance.
Wherefore we also, who, as the same King of kings through whom all
kings reign hath ordained, have now taken into our hands the govern-
ment of both our kingdoms, from the very commencement of our riper
age, have turned it in our mind and diligently considered how, or after
what fashion, or by what kingly gift suited to the measure of our
devotion, and according to the manner of our ancestors, we could do
fitting honour to that our same most Holy Lady and Mother, so that
He, the great Spouse of the Church, should also therein be well pleased.
And at length, while we thought these things over with inmost medi-
tation, it has become fixed in our heart to found a college in the parish
church of Eton, near Wyndesore, not far from the place of our
nativity, in honour and in aidance of that our Mother who is so great
and so holy. Being unwilling, therefore, to extinguish so holy an
inspiration of our thought, and desiring with our utmost means to
please Him in whose hand are the hearts of all princes, in order that
He may the more graciously illuminate our heart, so that we may
hereafter direct all our royal actions more perfectly according to His
good pleasure, and so fight beneath His banner in the present Church
that, after serving the Church on earth, we, aided by His grace, may
be thought worthy to triumph happily with the Church that is in
heaven. We, by virtue of these presents, and with the consent of all
interested therein, do found, erect, and establish, to endure in all
future time, to the praise, glory, and honour of Him who suffered on
the cross, to the exaltation of the most glorious Virgin Mary his
Mother, and to the support of the most Holy Church, His Spouse, as
aforesaid, a college, to be ruled and governed according to the tenor of
these presents, consisting of and of the number of one provost and ten
priests, four clerks, and six chorister boys, who are to serve daily there
in the celebration of divine worship, and of twenty-five poor and indi-
gent scholars who are to learn grammar,^ and also of twenty-five poor

^ Grammatica. This formed the first part of the trivium of the schoolmen, and
treated of the ancient languages exclusively. (Creasy.)

CHARTER OP TOUNDATION. 331

and infirm men, [whose] duty it shall be to pray there continually for
our health and welfare so long as we live, and for our soul when we
shall have departed this life, and for the souls of the illustrious prince,
Henry our father, late King of England and France ; also of the Lady
Katherine of most noble memory, late his wife, our mother; and for
the souls of all our ancestors and of all the faithful who are dead : also
of one master or teacher in grammar, whose duty it shall be to instruct
in the rudiments of grammar the said indigent scholars, and all others
whatsoever who may come together from any part of our kingdom of
England to the said college, gratuitously and without the exaction of
money or any other thing.^

})

The charter proceeds to direct that the said provost for the time
being, priests and clerks, indigent boys, poor scholars, and also the
master or teacher, and all and each of them, to be from time to
time elected, appointed, instituted, ruled, directed, and governed,
corrected, punished, removed, turned out, and deprived, according
to the tenor of the orders and statutes in that behalf provided.
The site of the college is described as in the previous instrument
to be adjoining to and on the north side of the cemetery of the
church, and containing in length three hundred feet and in width
two hundred and sixty. Henry Sever, clerk, was appointed
provost and vice-provost of the college ; John Kene, clerk, and
William Hustone and William Dene, fellows, Gilbert Grefe and
John Moddyng, clerks, and Roger Flexnore, William Kente, John
Herelewyne alias Gray, and Henry Cokkes, choir boys ; and
William Stokke and Richard Cokkes, poor scholars, with a master
or teacher of grammar ; and John Burdon and John Evesham, poor
men j to be ruled, corrected, &c., according to the statutes and ordi-
nances of the king and bis successors, saving to the king the power
of removing and replacing all or any of the above persons as often as
and whenever he should please. Permission was given to the said
provost and fellows, and their successors for ever, to be called the
Provost and Royal College of the Blessed Mary of Eton juxta
Wyndesore, and by that name be a perpetual body corporate,
capable of receiving and acquiring lands, tenements, rents, services,
advowsons, churches, and other rights, emoluments, and possessions
whatsoever, spiritual and temporal, and to sue and be sued in the
said name, and to have a perpetual common seal.

832 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

The king also granted to the provost and college the patronage
or advowson of the parish church of Eton, and also, with the
authority of the diocesan and all interested parties, to erect,
transfer, and commute the then parish church into a collegiate
church, and to cause the same to be appropriated, united, annexed,
and incorporated to their use, notwithstanding that express mention
be not therein made of the vicarage in the said church, with its
fruits, to be given and divided, or a sum equal thereto to be
annually distributed among the poor parishioners of the said
church, according to the form of the statutes provided for that
purpose/

Power was given to the provost and college to acquire lands
and tenements and advowsons of churches, to be held of the king
in capite or of others, to the yearly value of one thousand marks,
for the support of the college, notwithstanding the statute of mort-
main or any other statute, together with a release of all corrodies,
pensions, and annuities. Lastly, that whenever and during the
time the provostship should become vacant, from death, removal,
resignation, or otherwise, the fellows for the time being should
receive the rents and profits to the use of the college, without any
claim by the king on account of such vacancy.^

Henry applied for the sanction of the pope for his foundation,
and in the following February a bull of Pope Eugenius the Fourth
was obtained, authorising the king to found and endow his college
as specified in his charter.

^ The king had previously purchased the advowson of the parish church and the tithes
of Eton from William Waplade, Nicholas Clopton, and Jolin Earyngdou, Esquires, who
were also probably at this time the lords of tlie manor. (MS. Sloane, No. 4840.) John
Kettle, the Rector of Eton, resigned his living in 1440, and became one of the fellows of
the college, the provost having the cura animarum of the parish. The statutes provide
that the provost shall receive annually £25 in lieu of tithes, and that the college shall
have the advantage of the rest. (Ibid., f. 83.) "This church and college and parisli of
Eton are exempt from all visitation of the Archdeacon of Bucks, the archidiaconal power
being vested in the provost. This exemption was made by William Alnwick, Bishop of
Lincoln, September 7, 1443, in consideration that the college should pay yearly to the
Archdeacon, of Bucks, 22^. 11^/.; and by indenture between Provost Waynflete and
Dr. Bekynton (the then archdeacon) it was agreed to stand to the bishop's award of the
said £1 Is. lie?., all the money to be paid out of the manor of Bledlew. Dated
September 10, a° 1443." (Ibid., f. 178.)

2 Pat., 19 Heu. VI, part ii, m. 20, printed in the •' Monasticon.'

BUILDING OE THE COLLEGE. 333

This bull also contained a papal indulgence, which is styled, in
the letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury ordering its publication,
more ample than any previously granted by the Roman pontiff. In
it Pope Eugenius granted a plenary remission of sins to those who
should devoutly visit the college chapel on the day of the Assump-
tion of the Blessed Virgin. By a subsequent indulgence (of which
it seems there were several), the contributions of the pilgrims were
to be devoted to the support of the college buildings and to the
expulsion of the Turks from the Holy Land.^

The charter of endowment of the college bears date at Windsor,
the 25th of March, 1441, within six months after the previous
charter of foundation. It recites the recent estabhshment of the
college in the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Eton, near
Windsor, the king's birthplace, and the foundation of the college
on a site adjoining thereto, by the title of the Royal College of the
Blessed Mary of Eton,^ but commonly called '' the Kynges College
of our Lady by Etone besyde Wyndesore,'' and proceeds to endow
the king's dearly beloved in Christ, Henry Sever, provost of the
college, and his successors, with numerous annual sums, rents, and
manors in various parts of England.^ It is unnecessary to narrate
them here, as they do not refer to any lands or possessions either
in Eton or Windsor, or in the neighbourhood.

The building of the college commenced in the year 1441, the
first stone of the chapel being laid on the 3d of July in that

^ 111 the Bodleian MSS., No. 2067, fol. 21, is the following transcript of this
indulgence, apparently in the handwriting of the period : " Etonse quotannis in festo
assumptionis beatse Marise Yirginis a primis vesperis usque ad secundas, est plena
remissio et indulgentia omnium peccatorum concessa omnibus vere penitentibus et con-
fessis qui ecclesiam visitant, et ad expugnationem Turcorum et fabricse deoque ibi
servientium sustentacionem manus porrigunt adjutrices. Datnr autem praeposito et
omnibus sociis et presbiteris illius collegii, et aliis a preeposito licentiatis, plena potestas
audendi concessiones [confessiones ?] confiuentium, et absolvendi et dispensandi super
omnibus casibus Apostolici sede non reservatis." (See also Hearne's ' Leland's Itin.,'
2d edit., Oxford, 1744, vol. iii, p. 120. See also a list of papal indulgences, with a
power of absolution to the provost, MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 316-17.)

^ In the reign of Edward the Sixth it was held by all the judges that a lease of college
property made in the name " prsepositi et sociorum collegii regalis de Eton," omitting
"collegii Beatse Marine," was void. (Dyer's Reports, p. 150.)

^ Pat., 19 Hen. VI, p. iii, m. 20, printed in the ' Monasticon,' vol. vi,
p. 1435.

334 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

year.^ The following orders were issued by the king, apparently a
few days before :^

" By the King. Reverend Fader in God, right trusty and right
welbeloved, we grete you wel, and wol and charge you that ye do make
cure Ires of comission severelle in due forme; oon directed unto
E/obert Westerly, maist) mason of the werke of oure newe CoUaige of
Eton, yeving hym power by the same to take as many masons, where
so ever they may be founden, as may be thought necessary for the said
werks ; and an oth~r directed to John Beckeley, mason, yeving hym
power by the same to take cariage and al otKr things necessary
for the same werks. Wherin ye shal do unto us good plesir.
Yeven under oure signet, at oure manoir of Shene, the vj. day of
Juyn.

" To the Reverend fader in God, oure Right trusty

and right welbeloved the Bisshop of Bathe,

oure ChauncelFr of Englande.^'

'' By the King. Reverend Fader in God, right trusty and right
welbeloved, we wol and charge yow that undre our grete seel ye doo
make oure seval Tres of commission in deue fourme, that oon unto
John Smyth, warden of masons, and that oth'r unto Robert Wheteley,
warden of carpenters at Eton, yevying thayme powair to take, in what
place so eve hit be, almanere of werkmen, laborers, and cariage, such
as eythr of thayme shal seme necessarie or behoveful in thaire crafts,
to the edificacon of oure Collage of oure Lady of Eton. And that this
be doon with al diligence, as we trust yow. Yeven undre oure signet,
at the manoir of Fulham, the xiij. day of Juyl.

"To the Reverend fader in God, right trusty &

Right welbeloved, the Bisshop of Bathe, oure

ChancelFr of Englande.^^ ^

By letters patent, dated at Windsor, the 12th of September in
the same year (1441), Henry nominated and appointed the before-
mentioned Robert Kent, William Lynde, and William Warryn
" for the oversight of our Rioll College of our Lady of Eaton,

^ Creasy.

^ The editors of *Excerpta Historica' (see p. 45) assign these orders to the year 1489
or 1440, because the charter of foundation passed the Great Seal in 1441. But there is
nothing in the above charters to indicate that the works had been commenced at either of
their respective dates.

^ Fide *Excerpta Historica,' p. 45.

ACCOUNTS OF THE WOBKS. 335

beside Wyndesore ;" William Lynde being clerk of the works, and
John Hampton surveyor.^ Roger Keyes was master of the works,
and gave such satisfaction to Henry that he made him a grant of
arms. For the purpose of expediting the building, workmen were
forcibly collected from every part of the realm." ^

The following entries occur in the Liberate Rolls of the twenty-
first and twenty-second years of this reign :

26th October. — " To John Hampton, esquire, an attendant upon the
king^s person. In money paid to him in discharge of ^20, which the
said lord the king commanded to be paid for the ^40 granted him for
certain great employment and costs incurred and to be incurred by
him, by the kiiig^s command, for certain labour bestowed upon the
king's new College of the Blessed Mary, at Eton, committed to the
care of the said John by the said lord the king, viz., for Michaelmas
Term last past. By writ of Privy Seal, &c., ^20.'' ^

'^ To Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. In money paid to him by
the hands of Ralph Beauford, who received the money from Elizabeth
Grey, for the marriage of the son and heir of Sir Ralph Grey, knight,
deceased, in discharge of <£196 135. 4c?., which the said lord the king
commanded to be paid to the said duke, in recompense for certain
alien priories granted to the said duke by the same king, and paid by
the said duke to his college at Eton, as part of 2000 marks for certain
causes granted to the same duke, as in the letters patent of the king
thereon made fully is contained. By writ of Privy Seal, &c.,
£196 ISs.M.''^

Hampton's accounts, and other accounts respecting the expenses
of the building, are preserved in the college archives. In the
December of the first year of the building, twelve carpenters,
thirty-three freemasons, and two stonemasons, besides twelve
labourers, were employed. The freemasons received Ss. a week
each, without deducting for holidays ; the stonemasons and car-
penters had 2s. 6d, a week, if it was a week with one or more
holidays in it ; for a week without holidays their wages were 3*.

^ In 1451 the commons petitioned tlie king that John Hampton, with others, might
be removed from about his person. (Guthrie's ' History of England,' vol. ii, p. 607.)
^ Creasy.

' Issue Koll, 21 Hen. Ml (Devon's * Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 443).
^ Ibid., 22 Hen. VI (Devon's ' Issues of the Exchequer,' p. 447).

336 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek XIV.

The labourers had 4<d. a day each, but were only paid for working
days, which were on an average not more than five a week, as
nothing was done on any of the festivals or fast-days in the
calendar. Throughout the period of the works in Henry the
Sixth's time the wages seem to have been much the same ; skilled
workmen, such as plumbers, sawyers, tilers, &c., receiving 6d.
a day, and common labourers 4<d. The same accounts give some
curious information as to prices of various articles. Ale cost three
halfpence per gallon ; four skins of parchment cost Sd, ; glue was
Sd. per pound. The charge for sending a man to London is 2^.,
which is stated to be at the rate of 8^. per day for his necessary
expenses. This would seem to include entertainment for man and
horse, as another item is — '^ Bic, Halley^ for Ms expenses ridm^ to
ye chaunshelers for ii commyssyounss, by ii dayes^ at Sd. ye day,
Is. 4idJ' The Caen stone, which was imported for building the
chapel, cost from 8^. to 9^. per ton. The ragg stone, which was
brought from Boughton, near Maidstone, for the same purpose,
cost Is. per ton at the quarry; the carriage to London cost 1^.
per ton, and the further carriage to Eton cost 1^. 4^/. more. The
stone for the Ashlar work, which was dug at Maidstone, was
wrought at the quarry by workmen at the king's expense. About
16 or 20 feet of the stone thus wrought, made a ton. A hundred
feet of Ashlar cost 95'. ; the conveyance to London cost 6s. lid.,
and the further freight to Eton was 6s. Sd. more. Very large
quantities of stone were also brought from Huddleston,and Stapulton
in Yorkshire. This cost at the quarry 1^. per ton ; the land-
carriage to the River Humber was Is. ; thence it came down that
river and by sea to the Tower of London ; this cost 4^. a ton, and
the further freight up the Thames to Eton was 1^. 4^. more. By
an agreement with Bishop Wainfleet, a considerable quantity of
stone was supplied from Heddington, near Oxford.^ About the
latter end of the second year of the building the brick-kiln was
finished ; this was at Slough. The bricklayers are then first dis-

^ "It appears from accounts of monies received that Bishop Wainfleet allowed
annually £75 15^. towards the works of the college ; but for how long this was con-
tinued I know not. There are at this day (1761) remains of his arms in the glass of the
M'indows of the chapel." (Iluggctt, Sioane MS., No. 4840, f. 203.)

BUILDING OF THE COLLEGE. 337

tinctly mentioned in the accounts. They received 6<^. per day
each, with 2<^. more to Robert Chirche, called the Warden-layeer
and Brehelayeer. Large quantities of straw are mentioned in the
accounts, which were brought to be used at the brick-kiln and for
the workmen's beds. The straw, including carriage, cost some of
it 10<:/., and some 12<^. per load. The bricks were principally
burnt with thorns, but some sea coal was used, which cost 7^.
a chaldron.

Sand was brought into the college at \d, per load, from ''the
Sandepytte," which was "infra situm collegii." ^

The chalk for lime was dug at a place called the " Lyme
Hoste." 2

Many bushels of oyster-shells, at 4<f. the bushel, were used in
the work. " They were only ye upper shells of oysters, and used
where ye stones did not exactly fit, to thrust in among the mortar,
and to hey up ye work." ^

Large quantities of flints were used. Some were dug at the
" Lyme Hoste," but the greater part were brought from Little
Marlow.

Iron was brought from London at the price of £5

* "The comon report is, that it was in ye garden now (1759) belonging to Mrs. Mary
Young. Probably it was there, as it is near ye college, and there are ye remains of
such a pitt to this day. This sand pitt lay some where in ye way between ye college and
ye gravell pitt. Eor because of ye vast quantities of gravell brought to college (probably
for ye filling up ye inside of ye chapel), and because in bringing it they trespassed upon
some grounds which did not belong to ye college, ye said grounds were rented for this
purpose, as by ye following article : ' Solut. Johi de Jurdelay, pro firma unius acre tre
juxta le Sandepitts, occupat. et concullat interdu. in car. zabuli ad opus edificao~rs, per
ann. ij.5. viij.c?.' Now if we suppose the gravell pitt to have been in what is call'd
Gravell Close (which is very probable), then the way from thence in a direct line to ye
college must be very near to ye place where we have supposed the sand-pitt to have
been." (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840.)

2 " Some chalk was brought from thence to the college, perhaps in large stones for ye
inside of ye walls, but no very large quantity is accounted for. It is not stated where
ye Lime Hoste was. By the price of carriage of the chalk from thence to the college, it
should seem to be within a mile of the college. The carriage of sand and gravel from the
pitt to the college was at a penny a load, from the college to Slough at 2^., but ye chalk
was from ye Hoste to ye college per lode \\d. Probably from the distance of place, and
nature of the soil, ye Lyme Hoste was in Windsor, under ye Castle Hill." (Huggett
MS., Sloane, No. 4840.)

3 Huggett MS., id.

338 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapter XIV.

and £5 85. per ton, and lead from Derbyshire at £4 the
fodre.^

Timber was brought in large quantities : oak from London,
Easthampstead, Folly John Parke, Sunninghill, Chobham, Odiham,
Kingswood (near Leeds, in Kent), Beaconsfield, Weybridge,
Enfield, and Windsor Forest, and some even from Newark ; elms
from the immediate vicinity of Eton, namely, from the Wyke,
Eoveney, Taplow, Maydenhythe (Maidenhead), Horton, Langley,
and " Bolleys Grove" (which is described as lying under Windsor
Castle) ; and alders from Ditton Park.

The timber was placed in the " Timbre-haw," now called the
Timbrells, where it was prepared for the building.

The following entry occurs as early as the twentieth year of the
king^s reign :

" To John Graylond, glasier, for makyng of ij. armes of
the kynges, to ben sette in the window es of the
chirche . . . . . vj.5. yiij.d.

For V. fote and dim" of glasse, at vj.c?, ye fote . ii.5. iv.dJ'

In the first year of the building the wages of the workmen
amounted to £6, £7, £8, and £9 per week. In the second year,
the whole sum for wages was £712 19s. Id. ; the whole expense
for work and materials accounted for was £1447 0^. 4id.^

The labourers were sharply fined for any fault. If they lost or
broke anything it was stopped out of their wages. Fines on
difi'erent labourers are entered: '^ For chiding^ 2d. /* ^^ for playing^
2d. ;' '^for letting of his fellowes, ^d. ;' ''for looJcing about, 2d. ;"
"/or telling of tales, 2d, ;' ''for shedding lime, 6^.," &c., &c. Only

^ "Tor 9 fodre and halfe and 8cwt. Oq, 161b. of lede, with the carr.

from ye Peak on to ye coll., at £4 per fodre . . £39 15 0

Tor 6 fodre 2 cwt. 3 q. 7 lb., from Derbyshire . . 26 1 11

Note. A foder of lead at ye mines is 22501b. weight. This is all the lead that is
accounted for." (Huggett MS., Sloaue, No. 4840.)

2 " How great soever this sum may appear, considering the times, it is probable that
much more was expended than is here accounted for ; for although in this second year
there were no less than 457 tons of stone imported from Caen in Normandy to London,
which was at 8*. and 9*. and 9^. M. per ton, yet only £128 6^. 2c?. is here charged on
account of the same." (Huggett MSS.)

GEANTS TO THE COLLEGE. 339

one fine of a skilled workman is booked ; it is of a stone-mason,
who was fined Sd. for going away without licence.^

The dedication day (5th of June) was observed with great
festivity ; and, by an article in Hampton's accounts for 1442, it
appears the workmen had an allowance extraordinary for the day,
viz., " To the ffive diggers, in rewarde for the dedicacion day, at
ii.d. a pece, by the kynge's command, x.d.''

No work was done on this day at the college.

Between the years 1440 and 1450, a great number of grants
were made to the college, principally of property in the town and
neighbourhood of Eton. It seems probable that a great number
of houses were pulled down to make room for the new buildings.
In the grant of ten acres of land in a close called the Warde, or
the King's Warde, situate between the Thames and the Slougli
road, we may recognise a part at least of the present playing-
fields.^

^ These particulars are takeu from the Huggett MSS., Sloane, No. 4840, and Professor
Creasy's extracts in his work on Eton, already cited.

^ A concise enumeration of some of the grants, especially of those in and near Eton,
with their local description by metes and bounds, will not be out of place here.

By letters patent of the twenty -third year of his reign, and in the year 1444, the king
confirmed various previous grants made by him to Eton College.

14th January, a. r. 20. — Two tuns of red Gascoigny wine, annually, for ever, to be
delivered at the port of London.

31st January, a. r. 20. — A curtilage in Eton, bounded on the north by the cemetery
of the college church, containing sixty feet in length and thirty feet in breadth, called
" Hundercombesgardyne," recently purchased from William Whaplade, Nicholas Cloptou,
and John Earyudon, and one tenement, with its appurtenances, formerly belonging to
John Rolff, called Rolveshawe, lying between a tenement of the king on the south part
and land of the college, called " le Werde," on the north part, and extending from the
public road leading from Wyndsor towards " le South" to a curtilage of the college ; also
one curtilage lying between a certain tenement of Walter Clay, on the south part, and a
tenement lately of Robert Goodgrome, on the north part ; and nine pence annual rent
issuing out of the said tenement of the aforesaid Robert, and six pence annual rent
issuing out of a tenement lately of Thomas Peet and Alice his wife ; which tenements,
curtilage, and rents were lately purchased by the king from Thomas Jourdelay, son and
heir of John Jourdelay, of Eton aforesaid ; and also two tenements lying together in
Eton, of which one was formerly Richard Knyght's and the other William Haryes', and
lying between the cemetery of the said church on the south part and land formerly of
Walter Clay on the north, and extending from the king's highway leading through the
middle of Eton, on the west part, and a curtilage of John Underico on the east part ;
which tenements were recently purchased by the king from Hugh Aylewyn, otherwise
Dyer ; and likewise a messuage and one curtilage adjoining in Eton, situate between a

340 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XIV.

By a grant bearing date the 7th of July, in the twenty-first
year of the king's reign (1443), the burgesses of Windsor granted

house of "William Symond on the one part and a house of Peter Eltham on the other part,
in width, and extending lengthways from the aforesaid way leading through Eton to a
certain path (?) lately leading towards the said college, which messuage and curtilage the
king had lately purchased from the said liobert Goodgrome, otherwise Benorthe ; also a
moiety of one curtilage in Eton, lying between a tenement of the said Walter Clay on
the south part and a tenement lately of the said Robert Goodgrome on the north side,
and containing in length, from the said way leading through Eton, eighty feet, and in
depth twenty-four feet ; which moiety was lately purchased by the king from Alice,
formerly the wife of John Honesworth, and Margaret, formerly the wife of John Water,
of Eton; and also one messuage with its appurtenances in the same town, situate
between the land formerly of William Rolff on the east part and the said highway leading
through Eton on the west part, and between land of the said William on the south part
and the said path lately leading towards the college on the north part, which messuage
the king had acquired from the said Thomas Peet and Alice his wife by a fine levied in
the king's court at Westminster, in Michaelmas Term preceding, before Richard Neweton
and his fellows, the king's justices.

August 9th following. — A piece of land in Eton, in which a capital messuage of the
king's was situated, containing one acre and three roods, measured by [" per perticara
baronirum"], and ten acres of land lying together on the east part of the said college, in
a certain close called "le Worthe," otherwise "le Warde," otherwise "le Kynges
Warde," between the River Thames on the east part and a high way which leads from
Eton towards " le Slough" on the west part ; and also one acre of arable land lying in
Lymecroft, in " le Southfeld," in Eton, between land of John Water on the north side
and land of the king on the south, and extending from land of the king on the east part
to the highway leading from Eton towards " le Wyke" on the east part, which acre,
together with the advowson of the church of Eton, had been lately acquired by the king
by the gift and concession of William Whaplade, Nicholas Clopton, and John Earyndon,
esquires.

21st January, a. r. 23. — The reversion of a stream and fishery in the River Thames,
called " Hevedewere," which John Byrkyn held for life from the king, and (the same day)

a ton of red wine of Gascoigny at the port of London.

12th March following. — A general grant of all the royal property in Eton, released

from all wardship of Windsor Castle and other services.

9th July following. — A grant of the privilege of holding two fairs at Eton, at a spot

called " Mychelmyldeshey."

7th July, a, r, 21. — Grant by the burgesses of Windsor of the waters and fisheries of

the Thames and the soil thereunder (held by them under the charter of Edward the Eirst,

leasing the town to them at a yearly rent), confirmed by letters patent of the king, on the

1st of October, in the twenty-fourth year of his reign.

1st Eebruary, a. r. 20. — Grant of a certain island, called "le Eyte" or "le Heyte,"

in Eton, situate between the River Thames on the south part and the college on the

north part, which island abuts at the east end on the middle of the said water, and on

the west end on a certain croft called " Millecroft," formerly " Huudercombescroft."
8tl} June, a. r. 21. — Grant by the Prior of Merton, with the royal assent, of a stream

in the Thames, in the parish of Upton, called from time immemorial " Bullokeslok," with

GBANTS TO THE COLLEGE. 341

to Eton College the fishery in the river, and also the right of free
passage over and under the bridge, vi^hich grant the king confirmed

the fisheries and waters appertaining thereto, namely, from the east angle of a piece of
the king's land or close called " le Werde," on the west side, to a fishery in the same
river called " Cokkeshole," on the east side, and with four " heytes" and their appur-
tenances ; and the lands, tenements, fields, meadows, pastures, &c., called Michilmyl,
Wardeshey, Millepond, otherwise Milledam, Comepennynge, inclosed together, and situate
near Eton, that is to say, between the River Thames on the east part and the highway
leading from New Windsor to " le Slough," and between the said land of the king called
" le Warde" on the south part and the road leading from Spitilbrigge towards Daget
[Datchet] on the north part, and extending along the bank of the Thames from the land
called " le Werde" for forty feet beyond the said land called " Cowepennynge" on the
west part.

8th February, a.r. 23. — Grant by the Prior and Convent of Merton of the tithes of Upton.

The king also made additional grants to the provost and college, including the
Hospital of the Blessed Peter near Windsor, immediately after the death of William
Normanton, clerk, who had a grant of it for his own life ; and also the manor called "le
Mote," together with all the lauds and tenements, the property of the king, lately
acquired by the gift and grant of William Marquis of Suffolk, John Noreys, William
Parkyns, Richard Verney, and John Pury, esquires, situate in New Windsor, Old
Windsor, and Clewer.

By the subsequent charter of the 25th Hen. VI (a.d. 1447) the king granted the
manor of Langley Marreys ; the manor of Wyrardesbury, parcel of the said manor ot
Langley ; and all the lordships, lands, tenements, &c., lately belonging to Robert
Hungerford, knight, Lord Moleyns, in the town and fields of Eton, and also in the towns
of Old and New Windsor, held by Robert in right of his wife Alianor, the daughter and
heiress of William Moleyns, knight, late Lord Moleyns, deceased.

By another charter of the 27th Hen. YI (a.d. 1449), the king also confirmed the
following grants :

6th February, a. r. 24. — A mansion in Eton in which John Spicer lately dwelt,
acquired by the king from John Wolfe, Hugh Dyer, and Richard Burton ; and a grant by
Hugh Ayllewyn of a dwelling house in Eton lately inhabited by him. The king also
granted a messuage in Eton in which John Moddyng dwelt.

9th of February in the same year. — Fifteen acres of land in Eton, late part of the
property of Richard Lovell, esquire, deceased, the son and heir of Margaret, the sister
and one of the heiresses of John Hundrecombe, knight, lying between the toft called
" Coldnorton" on the west part, and the king's way leading from the town of Eton to the
hamlet called " le Slowe" on the east side, and land of the provost and college, formerly
the property of Oliver de Burdeux, and land of Nicholas Whaddon on the south part,
and land of the Prior and Convent of Merton and a ditch called " Coldnortondyche" on
the north part, which fifteen acres of land were acquired by the king from Nicholas Clopton.

12th February, same year. — Two acres and a half in Eton, acquired by the king from
Richard Grove and Elizabeth his wife. {Vide Chart., 20 Hen. VI (Rot. Pari., vol. v,
p. 45). Pat., 21 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 7 ; 22 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 2 and 8 ; 23 Hen. VI, p. i,
m. 1 and 2 ; id., m. 12 ; id., m. 31; 24 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 20; id., m. 8 and 12 (pro
Colleg. Regal. Cantabr. et Eton bis); id., m. 18 (Wittus Westbury Sacrse Theologiae
Bacaulareus primus Prsepositus Colleg. de Eton) ; 25 Hen. VI (Rot. Pari., vol. v,

342 ANNALS O^ WINDSOR. [Chaptee XIV.

by his letters patent bearing date the 1st of October, in the
twenty-fourth year of his reign .-^

There can be Uttle doubt that the fishery spoken of here is that
still existing at Blackpotts, and identical with the fishery mentioned
in Domesday survey.^

Notwithstanding this grant by the burgesses to the college,
Henry the Sixth, in parliament at Westminster, the 14th of
November, 1448, after reciting that the burgesses and true men of
New Windsor had surrendered the waters and fisheries to him, by
deed, on the 1st of September previously, regranted the same to
the provost and college of Eton, that they and their successors for
ever should have the same privileges, liberties, franchises, immu-
nities, and " quietings" in the waters and fisheries, and the banks
and the soil and ground thereof, as the burgesses and true men of
Windsor ever had or ought to have had therein.^

By letters patent dated the 12th of March^ in the twenty-third
year of his reign, the king granted all his lands in the town and
parish of Eton to Eton College, discharged, amongst other things,
from wardship of Windsor Castle.^

In the same year he granted to the college, amongst other
things, the Hospital of the Blessed Peter, near Windsor, to hold to
them from the death of William Norman ton, clerk, who held it for
his life ; and also the manor called *' le Mote," and all lands and
tenements, rents, reversions, and services, as well as woods, fields,
meadows, and pastures, with their appurtenances, in New Windsor,
Old Windsor, and Clewer, which had recently come into the king's
hands by the gift and grant of William Marquis of Suffolk, John
Noreys, William Parky ns, Richard Verney, and John Pury, esquires.^

p. 130 b) ; 26 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 35 ; 27 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 16 (pro CoUegio de Eton de
certis maneriis in com' Surr') ; 28 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 18; 29 Hen. VI, p. i, m. 2 ;
30 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 30; 33 Hen. VI, p. ii.. m. 13 (pro CoUeg. de Eton et Cantabr') ;
36 Hen. VI, p. ii, m. 16, See also two charters in Rot. Pari., vol. v, pp. 45 and 130 b,
of 20 Hen. VI and 25 Hen. VI.)
^ See the preceding note.

2 See ante, p. 17.

3 Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 159^.
* Ibid., vol. V, p. 77 h.

^ See ante^ p. 341, note.

GRANT OF FAIRS. 343

The Hospital of St. Peter mentioned in this charter is the
hospital for lepers, situated at " Spital/' and already alluded to.^

In the twenty-fourth year of his reign, Henry directed that no
school was to be taught within ten miles of Eton ;^ and in the
following year he granted to the college lands at Old and New
Windsor, theretofore held by Robert Hungerford, Lord Moleyns.^

Henry also, by charter, granted to the college two fairs, with
the accustomed privileges, to be held in a place in Eton called
" Michelmyldeshey," * or wherever else in the town or parish
that the provost and college should appoint ; the first to be held
for the three common working days next following the carnis

^ See ante, p. 76.

2 MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 313.

* Vide Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 131 a. See also the proviso in the Act of Resumption,
84 Hen. YI, as to these lands. (Ibid., vol. v, p. 310 a.) Cardinal Beaufort having, in
1447, bequeathed or given, shortly before his death, a golden tablet, called "The Tablet
of Burboyn," to Henry the Sixth, the king, in the twenty-sixth year of his reign, granted
it, with other relics, in the following terms, to Eton College : " Forasmuch as our most
dear and beloved uncle of renowned memory, Henry, late Cardinal of England and
Bishop of Winchester, out of the fervent love which he always testified for our good
pleasure, kindly gave us in his lifetime a memorial and jewel, to us most acceptable,
namely, that golden tablet, called the Tablet of Burboyn, containing several relicks of
inestimable value, especially of the precious blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, through
whom we obtain the gift of life and salvation, and a fragment of the salutiferous wood of
the Cross of our Lord, which leads us to a grateful remembrance of our redemption, and
also of the glorious Virgin Mary his mother, and of his most blessed confessor Nicholas,
and of Katherine the Virgin, and of other Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins ; to the intent
that we should deign to give and grant the said tablet to our beloved in Christ the
Provost and our Royal College of the blessed Mary of Eton, near Windsor, founded by
us in honour of the Assumption of the said most blessed Virgin Mary, that the aforesaid pre-
cious and revered relicks, there perpetually to remain to the praise of God and their own
immortal magnificence, might by the faithful servants of Christ with the greater reve-
rence for ever be worshipped, and moreover, as is becoming, in greater numbers and more
festively : We, therefore, willing as we are bound to fulfil the pious and salutary desire of
our aforesaid uncle, which had its origin and root in profound devotion and his great
affection towards us, &c., have given and granted to the aforesaid Provost, &c., the jewel
or tablet aforesaid, and the box belonging to the same, suitably adorned with silk and
gold, to be had and held by the said Provost, &c., as the principal memorial and jewel, to
remain in all future time according to the intent aforesaid." (Hot. Pat., 26 Hen. VI,
p. ii, m. 35 ; ' Excerpta Historica,' pp. 43, 44, where see also the grant of arms to the
College of Eton, enrolled 1st of January, 27 Hen. VI, and a grant of arms to Roger
Keys, clerk, for his services during the building of the college, enrolled 19th of May, in
the same year of the king's reign.)

"• Chart., ab anno 21 usque 24 Hen. VI. See ante, p. 340, note.

3U ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

priviwii, or Ash Wednesday, and the second to be holden for the
six common working days next following the Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin (viz., August 15th).^ For the better support of
these fairs, and as an encouragement thereto, a strict prohibition
was given to all purveyors, engrossers, &c., not to set or raise the
prices of things contrary to the will of the provost and college.
Licence was given to the said provost and college to try in their
own court any disturbers of the peace in the said fairs ; and more-
over that all persons whatsoever, either going to or coming from
the said fairs, should be exempt from all manner of arrests of
justices of the peace, sheriffs, coroners, &c., as well in their persons
as effects.^ The king subsequently granted a market, with full
liberties.^

In the twenty-second year of his reign it was declared that the
college and town of Eton should be free from purveyors of the
king's household, and from all other purveyors whatsoever, and that
no officer should buy up provisions, nor make any demand of
victuals, corn, cattle, carriages, or any manner of thing whatsoever,
for the king's use, against the will of the provost and college and
inhabitants of Eton, upon forfeiture of ten pounds, one moiety to
the use of the king and the other moiety to the use of the college.
Also that no person should take lodgings nor lodge in the said

' "The charter sajs the six working days following the Assumption, August 15th;
but the act of parliament confirming this charter says the six days ' proximo sequent
tertium decimum diem mensis Augusti.' It should probably be the 15th, as the Assump-
tion was the grand festival for visiting the church, and the fair was the proper oppor-
tunity of supplying them with provisions." (Huggett, Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 119.)

2 Cart., r. Hen. YI, conf. p. Act. Pari., a° 24.

3 Chart., 27 usque 39 Hen. YI. This grant of a market was founded on the following
petition :

" To the King oure Soveraine Lord, and oure Gracious rounder. — Please hit unto
youre highnesse for to have in youre tender consideration how that youre College Roiall
of oure most blessed Lady of Eton, and the inhabitants withynne the same toune, scolers,
artificers, and laborers theder resortyng, have had many times hereafore, and yette have,
grete scarstee of brede, ale, and other vitailles, for default of a markett in the same toun.
Like hit unto youre highnesse, therfore, of youre most noble grace, to graunte unto your
provost and college afore seid that they mane have, to theym and their successeurs in
perpetuite hereafter, a markett, to be holde the Wednesday wekely, in certain places that
shal be assigned therfore withynne the seid toun, and theruppon to graunte your graciouse
chartre, to be made under youre grete seel in due forme, according unto the tenour here
following; and they shal evermore pray God for you." (Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. ]39.)

EXEMPTION rUOM PUUVETANCE. 345

town and parish without the consent of the provost, or, in his
absence, of his deputy;^ but that all the houses, lodgings, &c., in
the said town and parish should be to the use of the scholars and
other persons hitherto resorting on account of the said school and
college, who, at the discretion of the said provost or his deputy,
should be lodged herein. In case any person of the above town or
parish should offend herein, he is declared subject to the like
forfeiture of ten pounds, for the uses above mentioned.^

The works of the college do not seem to have proceeded with
any great rapidity, for, by the will of Henry the Sixth, dated at
Eton College, the 12th of March, a.d. 1447, and in the twenty-
sixth year of his reign, particular directions are given as to the
position and dimensions of the buildings at Eton as well as at
Cambridge.^

Nevertheless, on the Feast of St. Thomas, 1443, Thomas
Beckington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and William Earl of
Suffolk, as commissioners from the king, convened the whole
college into the choir,* which, indeed, is said to be " nondum con-
summata" and " non plene constructa," but which probably was in
part covered in, at least with some temporary covering, " as other-
wise," Mr. Huggett observes, " they would scarce have stood during
all the ceremony, at that season of the year, so long exposed to the
open air.'' ^

By act of parliament, holden at Westminster in the twenty-
fourth of Henry the Sixth, the college and their tenants were
(art. 3) freed from giving aids to and providing quarters for the
king's officers, as marshals, stewards, escheators, coroners, bailiffs,
or any other servants whatsoever, or to whomsoever they might

^ Mr. Huggett says — " By virtue of this charter, or by the following act of parlia-
ment, 24 Hen. VI, art. 3, no soldiers nor officers are ever quartered in the town."
(Sloaue MS., No. 4843, f. 118.) 2 ibid.

^ Probably the college was not made habitable (at least for the whole society) until
the reign of Henry the Seventh." (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840, f. 188.)

'^ In choro ecclesise collegiate collegii.

^ " On the 24th December in ye same year, and but three days after ye execution of
ye above commission, there is in Hampton's accounts this particular article, but whether
it refers to the covering in of the choir I pretend not to say : ' 24th December. Jhon
Lewes, in rewarde to him geven for setting uppon the chirche in the somer saisson,
15 weekes, 5^.'" (Huggett MS., Sloane, No. 4840.)

346 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

belong; also, that no duke, marquis, earl, baron, or any other
great men, should be lodged, entertained, or should take up their
lodgings in the houses of the said college or of any of their tenants.
And by art. 27 it was provided that if any fellow, clerk, scholar, or
chorister, or any other servant or minister of the provost and
college, should assault any college servant or minister within the
bounds of the college, or in the town of Eton, provided it be not
to the loss of a limb, the provost (or his locum, tenens) should take
cognizance of the same and inflict the punishment ; nor should
any of the king's officers intermeddle therein.

The king, in his will above mentioned, after reciting that he had
previously conveyed to the Cardinal Archbishop of York, and a
number of other feoffees, certain estates, parcel of the Duchy of
Lancaster, to the clear yearly value of £3395 11^. Id.^ proceeds
to declare and notify to them his will and desire concerning the
same in these words :

" First, forasmuch as it hath pleased our Lorde God for to suffer
and graunte me grace for the primer^ notable workes purposed by me
after that I, by His blessed sufferaunce, tooke unto myself the rule of
my said realmes, for to erect, found, and stablish, unto the honour and
worship of His name specially, and of the Blessed Virgin our Ladie
St. Marie, encrease of virtues and dilatation of conning^ and stablish-
ment of Christian faith, my two colleges roiall, one called the College
Roiall of our Ladie of Eton beside Windesor, and the other called the
College Roiall of oure Ladie and St. Nicholas of Cambridge, the
edifications of which colleges, now by me begonn, advised, and appointed,
in manner and forme as hereafter followeth, may not be perfectly
accomplished without great and notable workes assigned and purveied
thereunto ; I will, pray, and charge mine own feoffies, that unto the
time that the said edifications and other workes of bridges, conduicts,
cloysters, and other tliinges begonn and advised by me in either of the

* The will thus commences : " In the name of the Blessed Trinity, the Eather, the
Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, oure Lady St. Marie mother of Christ, and all the holy com-
panie of heaven : I, Henry, by the grace of God King of England and of Trance and
Lorde of Ireland, after the conquest of England the Sixt, for divers great and notable
causes moving me at the raakeing of theise presents, have do [a common phrase for have
caused'] my will and mine intent to be written in manner that followeth," &c.

^ Query, great or important.

^ Knowledge.

THE king's will. 347

said colleges, be fully performed and accomplished in notable wise then
any of my said realme of England ; they see that my said colleges,
accordinge to the form of generall graunts by me unto them made in
that behalfe, have and perceive^ yeerlie of yssues, profits, and revenues
coming of the aforesaid castells, lordships, mannors, lands, tenements,
rents, services, and other possessions, by the hands of the tenants,
farmers, occupiers, and receivers of the same, 2000lih. for the edifica-
tions and workes abovesayd ; that is to say, to the provost of my said
College of Eton, for the workes there yeerlie, 1000/i^., and to the
provost of my said College of Cambridge, for the edifications and
workes there yeerlie, lOOOlib., from the Feast of St. Michael last past
unto the ende of the terme of twenty yeeres then next following, and
fully and compleat ; and if it be so that the edifications of my said
colleges, or either of them, according unto my said devise and appoint-
ment herein conteyned, shall not be fully accomplished and finished
within the said tearme of twenty yeares, I will then pray and charge
my said feoffees that they do graunt unto either of my said colleges
lOOOlib., to be taken yearlie from the end of the said tearme of twenty
years finished unto the time of the edifications of the one of my said
colleges be fully accomplished and performed, the yssues, profits, and
revenues abovesayd ; and that after the finishment of the edifications
of one of the said colleges, the said yearlie 2000lib. in sembable wise
to be granted to the other of the same colleges whose edifications shall
not be then finished, to have and perceive of the issues, profits, and
revenues abovesayd, unto the time of the edification of the same
college, to be fully finished and performed; which edifications of my
said college I have fully devised and appointed to be accomplished in
this wise : that is to wit,

" THE COLLEGE OF ETON.

*' I will that the quier of my sayd College of Eton shall conteyne in
length 103 fete of assize,^ wherof behinde the high altare shall be
8 feete, and from the said altare to the quier dore 95 fete. Item, the
same quier shall conteyn in breadth, from side to side within the
respondes,^ 20 fete. Item, the grounde of wall shall be enhanced
higher than they be now on the utter side, ere it come to the layinge
of the first stone of the clere wall, 10 fete of assize. Item, the wall of
the sayd quier shall conteyn in height, fro the grounde workes unto
the crest of the battlement, 80 feet of assize. Item, in the east ende

^ i. e., Receive.

^ Statuieable feet.

' Query, parallel correspondent walls or sides.

348 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

of the said quier shall be sat a great gable window of 7 dayes and two
butteraces, and either side of the said quier 7 windowes, every windowe
of foure dayes and eight butteraces, conteyning in height, from the
ground workes unto the over parte of the pinnacles, 100 fete of assize.
Item, that the said groundes be so taken, that the first stone lye in the
middle of the high altare, which altare shall conteyne in length 12 fete
of assize, and in breadth 5 fete; and that the first stone be not
removed, touched, nor stirred, in any wise. Item, the vestry to be set
on the north side of the same quier, which shall conteyne in length
50 feet of assize, departed into two houses, and in breadth 24 fete, and
the wall in heighth 20 fete, with gable windowes and side windowes
convenient thereto, and the grounde workes to be sette in the height
of the grounde of the cloyster. And I will that the edification of my
said College of Eton proceed in large forme, cleane and substantially,
well replenished with goodly windowes, and vaults, laying apart super-
fluitie of too great curious workes of entaile and busy mouldinge.
Item, in the said quier on every side 32 stalles and the wode lofte
there, I will that they be made in manner and forme like the stalles
and wode loft in the Chappell of St. Stephen at Westminster, and of
the length of 32 feete, and in breadthe clear 12 fete of assize ; and as
touching the dimensions of the church of my said College of Eton, I
have devised and appointed that the body of the same church between
the yles shall conteyne in breadth, within the respondes, 32 feete, and
in length, from the quier dore to the west dore of the said church,
104 feete of assize ; and so the said body of the church shall be longer
than is the quier, from the reredosse^ at the high altar unto the quier,
by 9 feete, which dimension is thought to be a right, good, convenient,
and due proportion. Item, I have devised and appointed that the yle
on the other side of the body of the church shall conteyn in breadth,
fro respond to respond, 15 feete, and in length 104 feete, accordinge to
the said body of the church. Item, in the south side of the body of
the church a faier large dore with a porch, and the same for christen-
inge of children and weddinges. Item, I have devised and apointed
six greces^ to be before the high altare, with the grece called Gradus
Choir, every of them conteyning in heighth 6 ynches, and of con-
venient breadth, every of them as due forme shall require. Item, in
the breadth of the church yearde, from the church dore unto the wall
of the church yeard within the wall of the west end, which must be
take of the streete beside the high way sixe foote of assize. Item, the
grounde of the cloyster to be enhaunsed higher than the olde grounde

^ Screen at the back of the high altar.
^ Steps, gressus.

THE KING'S WILL. 349

8 feete ere it come to the pavement, so that it be sett but two foote
lower then the paving of the church, which cloistre shall conteyn in
length, est and west, 200 feete, and in breadth, north and south,
160 feete of assize. Item, the said cloistre shall close unto the church
on the north side at the west end, and at the north side at the east
end of the church it shall be close unto the college, with a dore into
the said college. Item, the said cloistre shall conteyne in breadth
within the walls 15 fete, and in height 20 fete, with clere stories round
about inward, and vawted, and embattelled on both sides. Item, the
space between the wall of the church and the wall of the cloister shall
conteyne 38 feete, which is left for to sett in certaine trees and flowers,
behovable and convenient for the service of the same church. Item,
the cemitory of the same church shall be lower than the paving of the
cloister 4 feete of assize, with as many greces up into the church dore
as shall be convenient thereto. Item, in the middle of the west of the
said cloister a great square tower, with a faire dore into the cloister,
which tower shall containe cleare within the wall 20 feete, and in height
with the battlement and the pinnacles 140 feete. Item, from the highway
on the south side unto the wall of the college a good high wall, with
towers convenient thereto ; and in likewise from thence by the water's
side, and about the gardens, and all the precincte of the place round
about by the high way, until it come to the cloyster and on the west
side again. Item, that the water at Baldwyne Brige^ be turned over-
thwart into the river of Thamise, with a ditch of 40 foote of breadth,
and the ground between the same ditch and the college arised of a
great height, so that it may at all floods be plain and dry ground,
where there will be in distance from the hall to the water at all times
of dry ground 80 feete.

'^And as touching the dimensions of the howsinge of my said
College of Eton, I have devised and apointed that the south wall of
the precincte of the said college, which shall extend from the tenement
that Heugh Dyer now holdeth and occupieth unto the est ende of the
gardens after long^ the water's side, shall containe in length 1440 feete
of assize, with a large doore in the same wall to the water's side.
Item, the est wall of the same precincte, which shall extend from the
water's side to the high way at the newe bridge at the est end of the
gardens, shall containe in length 1200 feete of assize. Item, the
north wall of the said precincte, which shall extend fro the est end of
the gardens after long the high way unto the south west corner of the
same precincte, shall containe in length 1040 feete of assize, in which

^ See mention made of this bridge, ante, p. 100.
* Alone*.

Along.

350 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

wall shall be a faier gate out of the utter^ court into the high way.
Item, the west wall of the same precincte, which shall extend fro the
said west corner of the same precincte unto the said tenement which
the said Hew Dyer now occupieth, shall containe in length 1010 feete ;
and so the utter walls of the said precincte shall containe in length
about the same precincte 4690 feete of assize. Item, betwixt the said
north wall of the said precincte and the walles of the college in the
utter court of the east part of the gate, and the way into the college,
shall be edifyed diverse howses necessary for the bake-howse, brew-
howse, garners, stables, hey-howse, with chambers for the steward,
auditor, and other learned counsell and ministers of the same college,
and other lodgings necessarie for such persons of the same college as
shall happ to be diseased with infirmities. Item, in the west part of
the same gate, and the way into the college, on the north pane,^
8 chambers for the poore men, and in the west pane 6 chambers, and
behind the same a kitchin, buttry, pantry, and a grounde for the said
poore men. Item, the north pane of the college shall contain 155 feete
within the walles, in the middle of the which shall be a faier tower and a
gate howse, with two chambers on either side and two chambers above,
vauted, containing in length 40 feete and in breadth 24 feete ; and in
the est side of the same gate 4 chambers, 2 beneth and 2 above, every
of them in length 35 feete and in breadth 24 feete ; and in the west
side of the same gate a school-howse beneath, of 70 feete in length,
and in breadth 24 feete. Item, the est pane in length within the
walles 230 feete, in the middle whereof, directly against the entring at
the cloister, a library, containing in length 52 feete and in breadth
24 feete, with three chambers above, one the one side, and fewer on
the other side, and beneath 9 chambers, every of them in length
26 feete and in breadth 18 feete, with five utter towers and five inner
towers. Item, the west pane of the said college 230 feete in length,
in the which shall be, directly against the library, a dorre into the
cloister, and above 8 chambers, and beneth other 8 chambers, with 3
outer towers beyond the north side of the cloistre, and 5 inner towers,
with a way into the quier for the ministers of the church between the
vestry and the same quier. Item, the south pane in length 155 feete,
in which shall stand the hall, with a vaute underneath for the buttry,
a cellour, containing in length 82 feete and in breadth 32 feete, with
two bay windowes, one inward and the other outward, with a tower over
the hall-doore, and at the est end of the hall a pantry, with a chambre
beneath, and at the west end of the hall the provoste^s lodging above
and beneath, containing in length 70 feete, with a corner tower inward,

^ Outer. 2 Side.

THE king's will. 351

and another without; and on the south side of the hall a goodly
kitchen, and in the middle of the quadrant^ a goodly conduict within
goodly devised, for the use and profit of the said college. Item, the
height fro the streete to the enhansing of the ground of the cemetery
7 feete di., and the same wall in height above that 5 feete di., with
greeces out of the way into the same pane, as many as shall be con-
venient. Item, that the quadrant within the college, and the utter
court, be bat a foote lower than the cloister. Item, all the walks of
the said college of the utter court, and of the walles of the precinct
about the gardens, and as far as the precinct shall goe, to be made of
the hard stone of Kent. And the said gardens to be enhansed with
earth to the heighth of a foote lower than the cemetery of the church.'^

The will then proceeds to give similar minute instructions as to
the college at Cambridge, and to define the sums to be paid to the
artificers out of the yearly revenues of the estates before mentioned,
followed by a similar clause as to Eton in these terms :

'' And in semblable wise, I will that my said College of Eton have
and receive yearly, during the edifications thereof, of the same yssues,
profit, and revenues, 124/i6., for the yearly wages and rewards of the
officers and ministers belonging to the workes there ; that is to wit, for
the master of the workes there, 50lib. ; for the clercke of the workes,
ISlib, 6s. 8d. ; for another clercke or comptroller of the works,
ISlib. 6sh, Sd, ; the chief mason, ISlib. 6s. Sd. ', for the chief car-
penter, lOlib. ; for the chief smith, 6lib. ISsh. 4d. ; and for two
purveyors, either of them 6d. by the day, ISlib. 6s. 6c?."

In addition to the £1000 a year given to each of the colleges as
already mentioned, the king gave to them £1000 each " of sufficient
and good gold, and of sufficient weight" of lawful coin, "as a
treasure for them, to be kepte within them for diverse great
causes,'' and to Eton £200 in money, '' for to purvey them books,
to the pleasure of God and weale of my same college. The same
sum for Cambridge was "for to stuff" them with Jewells for the
service of God, in the same college."

It is evident from the particulars mentioned in this instrument
that the church of the college was designed on a much larger scale
than was ultimately carried out. The present chapel appears to be

^ Quadrangle.

352 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptee XIV.

merely that part designed for the body of the church, without the
aisle on the north or the choir on the east.-^

The first statutes of the college were drawn up in 1443, and in
that year William Waynflete, the provost, and the first fellows,
clerks, and other members of the college, were sworn in. A more
complete body of statutes was published by the founder in 1446.^

^ It seems clear that the chapel of the college occupied, or was intended to occupy, the
precise site of the then existing church. Professor Creasy says — " The old parish church
of Eton was pulled down, and a new edifice erected in its stead, which was to serve both
as a parochial church and as a collegiate chapel." It has been already stated, however,
that the site of the old parish church is supposed to have been in King's Stable Street,
some distance from the college chapel, and there is reason to believe that it long survived
the foundation of the college buildings. (See Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' and ante, p. 60.)

^ The following are the heads of these statutes : (Chapter 1) Intention and institution
of the founder. (2) Of the total number of scholars, clerks, priests, and other persons
in the college. (3) Who and what sort of persons are to be elected scholars for our
aforesaid King's College (of Eton). (4) Of the election of scholars for the Royal College
of our Lady of Eton and the King's College of our Lady and St. Nicholas of Cambridge,
to be held every year in our said college (of Eton). (5) That the aforesaid colleges
shall mutually assist one another in causes, suits, and business. (6) Oath to be taken by
the scholars of Eton College, immediately after completing the fifteenth year of their age.
(7) Of the election of the provost of our said college (of Eton), and of his oath. (8) Of
the duties of the provost of our King's College (of Eton). (9) Of the mode and form of
electing fellows for life for the college, and of the oath to be taken by them. (10) Of the
number of chaplains, clerks, and choristers, and of their duties, services, and stipends.
(11) Wherein the fellows (who are priests), the chaplains, clerks, scholars, and other
officials are to obey the provost. (12) Of the vice-provost, precentor, and vestry-clerk,
and of their duties and oaths. (13) The bursars, and their duties. (14) Of the head
master and the usher under him, and their oaths. (15) What weekly allowances for
commons are to be given to the provost, fellows, chaplains, and other persons of the
aforesaid King's College (of Eton). (16) Of the appointment of seats ; how the provost,
vice-provost, fellows, chaplains, scholars, clerks, and choristers are to sit at table and
during the reading of the Bible. (17) Against loitering in the hall after dinner and
supper. (18) Against introducing strangers, to be a burden to the college. (19) That
the fellows and scholars are not to absent themselves, nor to keep dogs, nor carry
arms, nor practise ungentlemanly or hazardous games. (20) What allowance for their
expenses shall be made to those fellows who shall have been sent upon business of the
college. (21) That there shall be no detractors, conspirators, plotters, or slanderers in
the college. (22) Of corrections to be inflicted for offences of less enormity. (23) In
what way assistance is to be given to the fellows (who are priests), and to the scholars,
chaplains, clerks, choristers, and other persons of the college, in case of illness. (24) Eor
what causes the provost may and ought to be removed from the college ; the mode and
form of removing him; and the assistance to be given him, if removed for honorable
causes. (25) On what reasonable and honorable grounds the fellows for life (who are
priests) ought finally to depart from the coUege. (26) Eor what causes the scholars and
choristers ought to be removed from the said King's College. (27) For what crimes,

STATUTES OF ETON COLLEGE. 353

He also, according to a power which he had reserved to himself,
granted, in 1454, his letters patent to the Bishops of Winchester
and Lincoln, authorising them to correct and reform the statutes

offences, and excesses, the fellows (who are priests) ought to be altogether removed and
expelled from the said King's College. (28) Of the provost's portion ; and that of the
fellows (who are priests) and the other officials of the college. (29) Of the general
annual livery of clothes. (30) Of the prayers, orisons, and other services ; to be celebrated
daily by the provost, and fellows for life (who are priests), chaplains, clerks, scholars, and
choristers. (31) Of the mode of saying masses, matins, and other canonical prayers in
the collegiate church; and of the order of standing in the choir of the said church.
(32) Of maintaining silence in the church, that those who sing and read in it may not be
disturbed. (33) That the provost is to seek the consent of the fellows in the more
serious business of the college. (34) Against alienating the manors, possessions, advow-
sons, and church patronage of the college. (35) Of the seal, and common chests, and
inventory. (36) Of the apportionment of the rooms. (37) Of maintaining and repairing
the hall and church, and the other buildings of the college. (38) Of the college servants ;
and that the menial offices of the said college shall be discharged by males. (39) Of the
superintendence of manors, and the accounts of the college servants ; and the time at
which they should be given in. (40) How the auditors of the accounts are to intimate to
the rest of the fellows the state of the college after the accounts. (41) How the bursars
(when their accounts have been given in) and other officers are bound to render and
deliver up to the provost the keys of their offices. (42) Of preparing indentures of the
accounts, after the accounts themselves have been drawn up ; which indentures are to
remain in the custody of the provost and bursars. (43) Of the examinations, or chapters,
which are to be celebrated in the college three times in the year ; and of the reading of
the statutes. (44) Of preserving, and against alienating, the books, of the college.
(45) Of the custody of the statutes of the College of Eton and of our King's College of
Cambridge. (46) Of dancing, wrestling, and other disorderly sports, which are not to
take place in the church or in the hall, &c. (47) Against respect of persons in the
college. (48) Of shutting the college gates ; and against the introduction of females
into it. (49) Of the metropolitan visitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the
ordinary visitation of the Bishop of Lincoln, to be held, by themselves or their deputies,
in the said college. (50) The oath of the chaplains, clerks, and servants. (51) Statutes
and ordinances concerning the paupers. (52) Of the total number of paupers, and what
sort of persons they should be ; and their duties. (53) Of electing paupers in the case
of vacancies, and who are to be preferred. (54) Of the oath of paupers on their
admission. (55) Of the management and dress of the paupers. (56) Of the prayers
and orisons to be said daily by each pauper. (57) The paupers are to obey the provost;
and how they must otherwise demean themselves. (58) Of the provision the paupers are
to receive from the college for their support. (59) Eor what reasons the paupers should
leave or finally remove from the house. (60) Eor observing hospitality, &c. (61) End
and conclusion of all the statutes. — Addenda by the Eounder : (62) An oath to be
taken by fellows on their admission, in addition to that previously imposed in the
statutes. (63) That all fellows raised to the rank of bishops must be present in the
College of Eton on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. (64) Other
provisions in case of deficiency in the college revenues ; principally with regard to portions,
and the diminution of the number of persons who are members of the college.

354 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

during his life. Some additions were accordingly made by these
prelates to the body of the statutes, which then were finally
completed.

The royal founder, in his statutes, greatly enlarged the members
of his college as mentioned in the original charter, his final
design comprising seventy scholars instead of twenty-five, and
adding also an usher for the school, a parish clerk,^ and two more
choristers, but reducing the number of the alms-men from twenty-
five to thirteen.^

At a subsequent period some alteration was made in the
number of the foundation, which now consists of a provost, vice-
pro vost, six fellows, two chaplains, ten choristers, the upper and

^ By the statutes, the parish clerk is to be chosen from the scholars of the school, if
such an one may properly be had, and willing to undertake the same. He must be of
honest repute, sufficiently skilled in reading and chanting according to the use of the
church of Sarum, or must shortly be instructed in the same. Moreover, he must be so
far of the clerical order as to have the first tonsure.

His office is to consist chiefly in seeing to the sacramentalia, when the sacraments
shall be administered to the parishioners ; in chiming the bells ; and, in short, doing what
is properly the duty of a parish clerk. In these several offices, but more particularly as
to chiming the bells, he is to be assisted by two of the inferior clerks, by the thirteen
young men {juvenes)^ and also by the under porter, the under butler, the two
under cooks, the gardener, the baker, and the grooms of the stable, as necessity shall
require.

If after having been rebuked for a fault he shall offend therein a second time, he shall
be mulcted a penny or twopence, and if refractory shall l)e expelled.

His salary is five marks, or £3 65. 8^., per annum, besides what he may receive of the
parishioners.

His allowance for commons is the same with the scholars, namely, 10(5?. per week, and
which (as theirs also is) may, in cases of distress, be reduced to ^d. and to 7d.
per week.

It is his duty also, with the other inferior clerks, to wait in the hall at some of the
tables while the provost, fellows, chaplains, &c., are at meals ; to bring up the messes to
the provost's, fellows', or chaplains' table, as directed by the provost ; and to wait with
proper reverence ; and after the hall rises, he, with the other inferior clerks and college
servants, is to take his meals "in secundis refectionibus."

He, with the other five inferior clerks, is allowed for double commons on the appointed
festivals, at about Z^d. among them for each festival. (Sloane MS., No. 4841, f. 77.)

^ A copy of the Eton statutes, made by the Hev. Hobert Hugget, is preserved in the
British Museum, MS. Sloane, No. 4844. These statutes were printed in the Appendix
to the Ueport of a Committee of the House of Commons appointed to inquire into the
State of Education among the Lower Orders, a.d. 1818, and are reprinted in Hey wood
and Wright's * Ancient Laws of the Fifteenth Century for King's College, Cambridge,
and Eton College.'

BOOKS AND VESTMENTS FOR ETON COLLEGE. 355

lower master, and the seventy king's scholars, besides officers and
servants belonging to the college.^

Long before the fabric of the building was completed, arrange-
ments were made for supplying the college with books and vest-
ments. In 1446, the provosts and fellows of the two colleges of
Eton and Cambridge petitioned the king "that as these newe
growyne colages are not sufficientlie seized of bokes for divine ser-
vice and for their libraries, vestments, and other conveniences,'* he
would be pleased to order Richard Chestre, one of his chaplains, to
take to him " suche men as shall be sen to him expedient, in order
to get knowlege where such bokes, &c., may be had, payinge a rea-
sonable pris for ye same, and yt suche men mighte have ye ferste
choise of such bokes, ornaments, &c., before any other man ; and
in especiall of all maner of bokes, ornaments, and other necessaries
as nowe late were perteynyng to ye Duk of Gloucester," and that
the king would '' particular cause to be employ d herein John Pye,
his stationer, of London."^

In the same year, Robert Cocksale, '* vestiment maker,'* presented
a petition to the king, " mekely " beseeching him, and relating that
Maister John Langton, late Bishop of St. David's, had ordered
the petitioner *^to make certayn vestimentes of white damask of
diverses sortes, rychely embrowedered, as well for your Colage
Roiale of our Lady of Eton, as for your Colage Royall of our Lady
and St. Nicolas of Cambrygge, for the which vestiments there is
due unto your seid oratour ccxl./. xix.5. iij.c/.," and praying that he
might be permitted to keep the vestments until payment, without
interruption from the king, his officers or ministers, or other person

^ Professor Creasy. See also Dugdale's ' Monasticon' (edit. 1830), citing Tanner.
" Scholars are still elected into King's College solely from among the foundation students
of Eton. College, and when resident in Cambridge these scholars do not take any part in
the ordinary examinations of the university. Mathematics are in some houses insisted
upon at Eton ; but the training of King's College has been so much separated from the
examinations of Cambridge, that the fellows of King's who are elected to tutorships at
Eton have usually educated the boys intrusted to their tuition in their own peculiar
study of classics, and classical Oxford has been frequently preferred by Etonians to the
more mathematical university of Cambridge." (Preface to Haywood and Wright's
' Ancient Laws of King's College and Eton,' p. xiv.)

2 MS. Sloaue, No. 4840, f. 154.

356 ANNALS OP WIN13S0E. [Chapter XIV.

whatsoever. The petition was granted by the king at Newbury,
on the 19th of August, a. r. 25.^

In the previous year the Prior of Bridlington, in Yorkshire,
assigned to King Henry the holy reliques of John the Confessor,
formerly (a.d. 1361) prior of that monastery, a reputed saint, and
at whose tomb numerous miracles were said to have been performed.
The relics, consisting of the joint of a finger and the joint of a back-
bone, were given by the king to Eton.^

In 1457, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester agreed to give the
Priory of Pembroke in South Wales to the Abbot and Monastery of
St. Albans, in exchange for certain ornaments and jewels, but dying
(as it seems) before the arrangement was effected, the king purchased
the jewels, &c,, for the use of his two colleges of Eton and King's,
for the sum of £600.'

In 1448, a painted image of the Virgin Mary was provided for
the chapel.*

By the ancient laws of King's and Eton, the appointment of
the provost in each of these colleges was left in the hands of the
fellows, but for a length of time it appears to have belonged, in
fact, to the crown. The appointment of the provost of King's
remained in the crown until 1689, when it was regained by the
college ; but the provostship of Eton still remains in the gift of the
crown. ^

^ ' Arcbseologia/ vol. xvi, p. 6.

2 Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. 178.

3 Ibid., f. 179.

* Anno 27 Hen. VI.
" Solut. Jolii. Massigham, p. factuf ymaginis bte. Marie, secunduT

comemco~em inde sectam ex precepto regis . . . £10 0 0

Solut. Robto. Hieklyng, pictori, pro pictura ymaginis bte. Marie . 6 13 4

Pro Carr. ymaginis B. M., Londo~ usq ad Eto~ una cu" tabul. et claw,

pro una cista fact. . . . . . . 0 13 4."

(MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 170.) Mr. Huggett says—" This image of the Virgin was
probably placed on the north side of the choir, opposite to the image of the founder, for
before the alteration of the chapel (in 1700), against the south wall was a wooden monu-
ment, painted with a man holding forth a sceptre, with the arms of France and England
quartered on one side, and on the other the arms of the college, and under written —
' Henricus Sextus, fundator.' " (Ibid., f. 171.) And in the margin Mr. Huggett has
added — " It has been said Queen Caroline [the queen of George the Second] desired this
image for the Hermitage in Richmond Park. 'Tis certain she had it not." (Ibid.)

'" Haywood and Wright's * Ancient Laws/ &c., Preface, p. xv.

THE ALMSMEN. 357

Besides the almshouses for the thirteen poor men of the founda-
tion^ another house was to be built near them, siifficient to hold
five convenient beds, for the reception of ten poor travelling persons,
who should be admitted and entertained at the college expense,
with beds and bedding and meat and drink for one day and one
night, but not for any longer period, unless they should happen to
be taken so very ill as not conveniently to be removed ; and such
hospitality was to be kept daily for ten such necessitous travellers
or pilgrims throughout the year. With regard to common beggars
the provost, or vice-provost, was not obliged to take them in, unless
under particular circumstances of distress.

Neither the almshouses nor the hospitium for travellers appear
ever to have been built, although there certainly were persons
nominated as almsmen.^

* Mr. Huggett, writing about the middle of the eighteenth century, says, in a some-
what captious spirit — " Had the money lately expended upon the building the attic
story, wood houses for the fellows, and separate rooms for one of them at the south-east
angle of the college (to tlie amount of about £2200), been laid out in building almshouses
for these poor men, there might not only such almshouses have been built therewith, but
almost enough left of the same for the endowment thereof, and that even for the full
number of almsmen." (Sloane MS., No. 484.1, f. 303, 304.)

In the statutes and ordinances made for the almsmen, the founder declares that the
establishment of his college was not only for the enlargement of divine worship, and for
increase of clergy, but also in the hope that the charity by him here allotted for the
support of Christ's poor distressed members would for ever be continued to them ; to the
end that, by his thus receiving them into his house, and giving them bread to eat and
clothing to put on (which, he observes, God accepts of, as done to Himself), they might
in the extreme judgment stand as witnesses for him, at the Grand Tribunal, of his works
of charity.

The particular qualifications previous to their admission were that they be poor,
infirm people, not maimed, nor leprous, nor lunatic, nor mad, nor epileptic, nor dumb,
nor labouring under any such incurable disease which might make them frightful to
others ; or, if young men, that they be such who, without their own fault, were maimed
in or otherwise deprived of the use of their limbs, and so as that they could not get their
own living, nor have of their own, or from their friends, any sufficiency hereunto.

Of these almsmen, one, at the nomination of the provost, was to preside over the rest
with the title of " guardian." His business was to see that the rest behave decently in
their habits, their houses, their meals, that they are every night at home, and observe the
several rules prescribed to them. He was to acquaint the provost (or, in his absence,
the vice-provost) of whatever he found amiss.

After the decease of the king, who was to have the first nomination, the election of
almsmen was to be at the nomination of the provost (or, in his absence, of the vice-
provost), but with the consent of the major part of the fellows tiien present. Every

358 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIV.

The school was speedily resorted to as a place of education
by the sons of the higher orders, as well as by the class for
whose immediate advantage the benefits of the foundation were
primarily designed. The vicinity of Eton to Windsor, the usual
place of royal residence and of the court, probably aided much
to make Eton, from its very commencement, the first place of
education in the land. There is an interesting anecdote preserved,
apparently first told by one of King Henry's chaplains, who was
an eye-witness of what he relates, which shows both how early the
school was frequented by the connexions of the king's attendants,
and the gentle but earnest anxiety of the founder for his young
alumni :^

"When King Henry met some of the students in Windsor

vacancy was to be filled up as soon as it might be conveniently done, yet within a month at
farthest. In every such election due regard was to be had — 1. To the poor parishioners
of Eton, and especially if at any time they have been servants or helpers of the college.
2. Next to these were to be elected the parishioners or tenants in those several places or
parishes where the college have any estates, such of them more especially who had met
with losses by fire, robbery, murrain, &c., and who were so reduced as not to be able to
support themselves without being driven to common beggary.

Before admission they were to take an oath as to their poverty, and of submission
to the provost, and that any goods left at their death should be for the use of the
almsmen.

They were never to go out of their apartments without a tabard of black russet reach-
ing almost down to their ancles, and a cap of the same. Upon the tabard, on the right
side, was to be a cross of white cloth in a certain form, as devised by the founder. More-
over, whenever they went abroad they shall carry their orisons {precula) in their hands,
or hung round their necks, or tied to their girdles.

Besides their private set form of prayers, they were daily to attend the public service
of the chapel, yet to come only in the nave of the same (or ante-chapel), where they had
each his stall. They were more particularly required to be present at the mass preceding
the election of a provost, and there earnestly to pray to God to favour the said election
in the choice of a worthy provost. If they were too infirm to attend the stated services,
one of the chaplains, at the appointment of the provost, was to celebrate mass for them
at a portable altar purposely built for such occasions.

They were not to be street-walkers, nor to frequent public houses, nor play at dice or
pile, nor be noisy, nor give bad language, nor swear, nor be drunken. They were not to
beg about the country nor in the town, nor at the church, nor were they to receive
anything from any one, unless freely offered out of pure charity. They were not to
follow any trade, nor to go out to labour for gain, but to live like such poor as are main-
tained by charity, and to give up themselves wholly to God, in prayers and watchings
and fastings, and devout and holy contemplations.

^ Professor Creasy.

ETON COLLEGE.

359

Castle, whither they sometimes used to go to visit the king's
servants w^hom they knew, on ascertaining who they were, he
admonished them to follow the path of virtue ; and, besides his
words, would give them money to win over their good- will, saying
to them, ' Be good boys ; be gentle and docile, and servants of the
Lord.' " ^

Eton College now occupies a station in this country far beyond
the designs of the founder, for her school-rooms are crowded by
between six and seven hundred of the wealthiest and most aristo-
cratic families of the land, in addition to the number of foundation
scholars.^

* " Sitis boni pueri ; mites et docibiles, et servi Domini." (MS. Sloane, Brit. Mus,,
No. 4843, f. 450, cited bj Professor Creasy. Mr. Huggett says — "It is probable the
relator was a court chaplain, for he speaks of himself as officiating about the king, from
which we may conclude he was an eye-witness to what is here related."

2 Haywood and Wright's * Ancient Laws,' &c.

Eton ColleAe and the Brccaa Elms from Clewer Meadows

CHAPTER XV.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGNS OE EDWARD THE EOURTH
AND EDWARD THE EIETH.

Constables of the Castle.

A.D. 14:61. SiE John Bouechier, Lord Bekners.
A.D. 1474. Sir Thomas Bourchier.

Deans op St. George's Chapel.

A.D. 1462. John Eaux. a.d. 1473. William Dudley.

A.D. 1470. William Merland. a.d. 1476. Peter Courtney,

a.d. 1471. John Davison. a.d. 1478. Richard Beauchamp.

A.D. 1481. Thomas Danett.

Members of Parliament.
A.D. 1466. William Evynton and Henry Eranceys.
A.D. 1471. Richard Lovell and William Evyngton.
A.D. 1476. John Joye and William Evyngton.

Provosts of Eton,
a.d. 1461. William Westbury. a.d. 1477. Henry Bost.

Charter of Confirmation, 2 Edw. IV — Charter, 6 Edw. lY — Proviso in Acts of Resumy)-
tion — Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor, attainted of Treason — Members for Windsor
— Plight of the King from the Moor to Windsor — Counter Plot by the King —
Imprisonment of Queen Margaret at Windsor — Visit of Louis de Bruges to
Windsor — Members for Windsor — Erection of St. George's Chapel — Removal of
Old Buildings — St. George's Feast, 1476 — Progress of the Works — Sir John
Shorne's Chapel — The King erects Dean and Canons' Houses — Endowments of
the College — Charter to the College — Eurther Endowments — Attempt to merge
Eton College in St. George's, Windsor — Disputes between the Dean and Canons
and the Poor Knights — The King keeps Christmas, 1480 to 1482, at the Castle —
The King's Death — His Will and Burial — Tomb in tlie Chapel Royal — Its
discovery in 1789 — The King's Courtesy — Verses of John Skelton — State of the
Chapel at the conclusion of this reign — Chantries in St. George's Chapel — Paro-
chial bequests to religious uses —Corporation Records — Proceedings in the Borough
Court — Regulations of the Corporation — Edward the Fifth — Execution and Burial
of Lord Hastings.

Edward the Fourth, who assumed the title of king in 1461,
by letters patent dated at Westminster, the 10th of March, in the

TO AD. 1483] CHAHTER TO WINDSOR. 361

second year of his reign, reciting at length the charter of the seven-
teenth " of the Lord Henry the Sixth, in fact but not of right late
King of England,'' ratified and confirmed that charter to the bur-
gesses and their successors.^

A charter dated at Windsor, the 2 2d of September, in the sixth
year of the reign of Edward the Fourth, recites that Henry the Sixth,
by his letters patent of the 19th day of May, in the seventeenth
year of his reign, confirmed by Edward on the 10th of March, in
the second year of his reign, had remitted to the inhabitants of
Windsor seven pounds of the annual rent of seventeen pounds, " in
consideration as well of the great charges and losses which the
inhabitants of the town of New Windsor had then had and sus-
tained, and daily did have and sustain, as of the ruins of the tene-
ments in the aforesaid town ;" and that whereas the king (Edward
the Fourth) knows " for certain that in these days the tenements in
the town aforesaid are much more ruinous than usual, and that the
aforesaid town and the inhabitants thereof are in a great part of the
said town reduced to great poverty, want, and distress ; and that
moreover two hundred acres of land in the parish of New Windsor
aforesaid, adjoining to the said town of New Windsor, in which the
inhabitants of the said town, from time whereof the memory of
man is not to the contrary, have had common as well of pasture
for all their cattle in the aforesaid town, levant and couchant, every
year in which the said land was sown, after the crop thereof was
cut, tied up, and carried away, until the Feast of the Annunciation
of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Lady day), as also the right of digging
and carrying away chalk and flint at all times of the year at their
pleasure, and out of parcel of which said two hundred acres the
burgesses and good men of the said town, for all the time they
have had and held the said town to fee farm, have had and taken
and ought to take divers yearly sums of money towards payment
of the rent for the town aforesaid as parcel of the said farm, are
now lately inclosed by us in order to make for us a certain park
thereof, so that the inhabitants of the said town of New Windsor
are not now nor will for the future be able to have and take such

' Pat., 2 Edw. IV, p. V, m. 1.

362 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

common or yearly sums out of and in the aforesaid two hundred
acres of land, to the insupportable damage of them, the said bur-
gesses, men, and inhabitants, and of their heirs and successors, unless
our special grace be extended to them in this behalf." The charter
then goes on to state that the king, specially affecting the relief
and increase of the town and its inhabitants, and being unwilling
that the burgesses of the same, their heirs and successors, should
be in the least prejudiced by means of the inclosing of the before-
mentioned land, and willing to recompense them for the same, of
his special grace, as w^ell for the relief of the town and inhabitants
as in recompense for the losses which the inhabitants and burgesses
had and would sustain by reason of the aforesaid inclosure, did
thereby grant to Edmund Pury, the then mayor, and also to
Thomas Sherman and William Stephen, bailiffs of New Windsor,
and the burgesses and inhabitants thereof, that they, the burgesses
and inhabitants, should from thenceforth for ever be one body in
deed and name, and one perpetual commonalty incorporate of one
mayor and two bailiffs and the burgesses of the said town, having
perpetual succession, and be persons fit and capable in law to pur-
chase, have, and possess lands and tenements, to them and their
successors, in fee and perpetuity ; and that they should plead and
be impleaded in all the king^s and other courts by the names of the
mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of the town of New Windsor ; and
for further consideration and recompense to them, the king par-
doned, remised, and released to the then mayor, bailiffs, and
burgesses, and all the men and inhabitants in the said town, their
heirs and successors, seven pounds yearly, parcel of seventeen
pounds yearly which the burgesses or good men of New Windsor
had rendered or were bound to render at the exchequer, as a fine
for the farm of the said town, to the king and his ancestors or pre-
decessors, and all sums of money and arrears due to the king in
respect thereof; and that the mayor, baihffs, and burgesses, men and
inhabitants, their heirs and successors, should have and hold the
town, with all its liberties, franchises, jurisdictions, rents, services,
and appurtenances whatsoever, to them, their heirs and successors,
of the king and his heirs, rendering therefor to the king, his heirs
and successors, yearly, ten pounds only out of or for the farm of

TO A.D. 1483.] ACT OF RESUMPTION. 363

the said town for ever. The king also granted to the mayor,
baiKffs, burgesses, and their successors, that they might for ever
have one fair in the tovy^n, to be holden yearly on the Feast of
St. Edward the King and Confessor, with all things to such like
fair belonging or appertaining; and commanded that the same
might be held accordingly, provided it be not to the annoyance of
the other neighbouring fairs. ^

At St. George's Peast held at Windsor in the first year of this
reign, the achievements (namely, the banner, sword, helmet, and
crest) of Henry the Sixth w^re, by the express directions of Edward
the Fourth, taken down and carried out of the choir of the chapel
into the vestry, and the achievements of the new king put up
instead.^

In the first year of this reign, John Austyn was appointed to
the office of page of the bedchamber in the Castle of Windsor for
life, with sixpence per day.^ He was also appointed clerk of the
works in the upper bailey " cum Lodecroft," under the castle, at
fourpence per day.

The Act of Resumption, 4 Edw. IV (1464), contained this
proviso :

^' Provided alwey, that this acte extend not ne be in eny wise pre-
judicyall or hurtyng unto a graunte made by us by oure lettres
patentes under oure grete seall, beryng date at Westmester, the xxiij.
day of July, the first yere of oure regno, unto Kichard Walter,
plomer, of the office of plommer of oure Castell of Wyndesore in the
counte of Berk, with the wages of YJ.d. by the day : Nor unto a
graunte made by us by oure letters patentes under oure grete seal,
beryng date at Westm^, the xxj. day of February, the first yere of
oure reigne, unto Robert Leget, of the office of chief mason of oure
Castell of Wyndesore, with the wages of vj.c?. by the day; but that
oure said several lettres patentes and grauntes, and all thyng' in theym
and either of theym conteyned, be and stond good and effectuell to the

^ Pat., 6 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. ] . At a forest court held at Windsor in the fourteenth
year of this reign, before the Earl of Essex, itinerant justice, &c., the burgesses claimed
and were allowed their usual privileges. (Ash. MSS.)

2 Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 629.

^ See Pat., 1 Edw. lY, m. 3. The appointment was subsequently cancelled, but
restored in the sixth year of this reign. (Pat., 6 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 22, Ashmole's MSS.,
No. 1122, f. 105 b.)

364 AXXALS 01 TTIXDSOE. [Chapter XV.

seid Richard and Hobert_, and to either of thevm^ accordvng to the
tenour and effect of the said lettres patentes and grauntes, by -what
name or names the seid Richard and Robert be named or called in
thevm or env of thevm ; the seid act, or env othir acte or ordenauuce
made or to be made in this present parlement, notwithstondyng.^^^

This Act of Resumption was passed to enable the king to live
on the income of the crown, but it was closf2:ecl as usual with so
many exceptions as to render it useless."

The subsequent Act of Resumption, 7 and S Edw. IV (1467-8),
made the following exception :

" Provided alwey, that this Acte of Resumption,, or eny other acte
to be made in this oure present parlement^ extend not nor be prejudi-
ciall to oure crraunte bv us made unto Daw Chirke, voman of oure
yestiaiye of oure houshold, and keper of oure stuffur^ within oure
Castell of Wyndesore, of iij.^. by the day, to be taken for terme of his
lyfe of the fee ferme of oure towne of Newe Wyndesore, as in oure
letters patentes, and all thyng conteyned in the same, be in good force
and effect, and except and forprised oute of this said acte, and all other
actes made and to be made in this said present parlement."^

^ Rot. Pari., vol v, p. 539 a.

^ Lingard.

^ Rot. Pari., vol. v, p. 596^. The same act also contained the following proviso:
" Provided alwey, that this Acte of Resumption, or eny other acte, ordenaunce, or
statute, made or to be made in this oure present parlement, extend not nor be prejudicial!
to eny graunte or grauntes, confirmation or confirmations, of eny maner thyng made by
us, by eny our chartre or letters patentes, unto the keper and chanons of oure ChapeU
of TTyndesore, or unto the keper or dean and chanons of oure free Chapell of Seint George
within oure CasteU of TVyndesore, and their successours ; but that the same graunte and
grauntes, confirmation and confirmations, be and stond in their force and effecte, by what
soever name or names the seid keper or dean and chanons, or the said chapell, in eny
such graunte or grauntes, confirmation or confirmations, be named or called ; the seid
Acte of Resumption, or eny other made or to be made in this present parlement, not-
withstondvng." (Rot. Pari,, vol. v, p. 601 b.)

A similar reservation is contained in the Act of Resumption, 1 Hen. VII (1485), and
extending to all grants made by any kings between the first of Edward the Third and the
death of Edward the Fourth. (Ibid., vol. vi, p. 351 a.) An act passed in the fourth of
Henry the Seventh (l^SS), to avoid letters patent granted to divers abbots, &c., releasing
the gathering and payment of tithes, was expressly declared not to affect grants to the
Dean and Canons of St. George. (Ibid., p. 418.)

The following entry occurs in the Ash. MS., Ko. 1115, f. 181 : "A pardon granted
6 Dec, a° 11 E. 4, to John Davy son, Deane and Chanons of Windsor, of all trans-
gressions, &c., before the last of Sept., a° 11 E. 4, provided it do not extend to the taking
or detencon of any of the king's goods or chattells on this side the fourth of March,

TO A.D. 1483] MEMBERS EOR WINDSOB. 365

Dr. Manning, Dean of Windsor in the previous reign, was a
strong adherent of Henry the Sixth, who had appointed him his
secretary. On the accession of Edward the Fourth, he was
attainted of high treason, and was then described as " late of New
Windsor, in Berkshire, clerk/' ^ When Henry was taken prisoner
in 1465, we are told that Dr. Manning was conveyed through the
city to the Tower, with the king and others, with their feet bound
under their horses." ^

In the seventh of Edward the Fourth (1466), WilHam Evynton
and Henry Franceyes were returned as members of parliament for
Windsor, by John Scott and William Kemsale, bailiffs of the
borough, and by the other burgesses. From the indenture of this
return, it appears that the precept was from the sheriff, and directed
to them.

The form of the return differs from those of the preceding
reigns. In that of the twenty-fifth year of Henry the Sixth, for
instance, the burgesses of parliament were chosen by the mayor
and commonalty of the burgesses, under the seal of the burgesses
and commonalty having a voice in elections -, but here the return is
in the name of John Scot and William Kemsale, " ballior burgi de
Windsore et Comburgenses burgi prsedicti,'* and the common seal
is affixed by them.^

Early in the year 1470, after the temporary imprisonment or
restraint of Edward the Fourth by the Earl of Warwick, the Arch-
bishop of York having invited the king to meet the Duke of Clarence
and the Earl of Warwick at an entertainment, which he designed
to give at his seat at the Moor in Hertfordshire, as Edward was
washing his hands before supper, John Ratcliffe, afterwards Lord
Fitz-Walter, whispered in his ear that one hundred armed men
were lying in wait to surprise and convey him to prison. Without
inquiring into the grounds of the information, he stole to the door,
mounted a horse, and rode with precipitation to Windsor.^ He

a° 11 E. 4, nor the goods and chattells of any traytors, rebells, or enemies of the king on
this side the s^ 4th of March, who had levied war ag^* him, w*^ some other exceptions."

1 Rot. Pari., 1 Edw. IV, vol. v, p. 477.

2 Holinshed ; Stow.

^ See Pote's 'History of Windsor Castle,' pp. 23, 24 ; Ash. MSS., No. 1126, f. 69.
-* Lingard, citing the ' Fragment Chronicle,' 302, Pab. 499.

366 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek XV.

shortly afterwards reached London and placed himself at the head
of an army, and marched to meet the insurgent forces instigated
by Clarence and Warwick.

Three years later, Windsor and the Moor were the scenes of a
counter plot on the part of the king against the archbishop.

"Also this yere [a. r. 13], or a lytelle before, George the Arche-
bysshoppe of Yorke, and brother to the Erie of Warwyke, was
withe Kynge Edwarde at Wynsoure, and huntede, and hade there
ryghte good chere, and supposid he hade stoude in grete favour
with the kynge : for the kynge seid to the sayde archebyschope
that he wuld come for to hunte and disporte withe hyme in his
manere at Moore ; whereof he was ryghte glade, and toke his leve
and went home to make purvyaunce therfore; and fett oute of
Londone, and dyverse other places, alle his plate and othere stuffe
that he hade hyde after Barnet felde and Teukysbury feld; and
also borowede more stuff of other mene, and purveyde for the
kynge for two or iij. dayes for mete and drynke and logynge, and
arayed as rychely and as plesauntly as he coude. And the day
afore the kynge schulde have comyne to the archebisshoppe, to the
seid manere of Moore, whiche the saide archebisshoppe hade pur-
chasshed and byllede it ryghte comodiusly and plesauntly, the
kynge send a gentylman to the seide archebisshoppe, and com-
maundyd hym to come to Wyndsoure to hyme ; and asone as he
came he was arested and apeched of hye treysone, that he schuld
helpe the Erie of Oxenforde; and anone ryght he was put to
warde. And forthewithe Sere William of Parre, knyghte, and
Thomas Vaghan, squyre, withe othere many dyverse gentilmenne
and yomen, were sent to the seide manere of Moore ; and ther, by
the kynges comawndement, seysede the seid manere into the
kynges handes, and alle the good that was therin, whiche was
worthe xx.mKli. or more, and alle other lordschippes and landes that
the seid bysshoppe hade withein Englonde, and alle his stuff and
rychesse withein alle his lordschippes ; and sent the same bisschoppe
overe the see to Caleis, and from thens to the Castelle of Hammys,
and ther he was kepte presonere many a day ; and the kynge alle
that seasone toke the prophete of the archebysshopperyche, &c. ;
and anone after, the kynge brake the seyd archebysschoppes mytere,

TO A.D. 1483.] VISIT or LOUIS DE BRUGES. 367

in the whiche were fulle many ryche stones and preciouse, and
made therof a croune for hyme self; and alle his other juels, plate,
and stuff, the kynge gaff it to his eldest sonne and heyre, Prynce
Edward." ^

After the death or murder of the deposed king, Henry the
Sixth, on the 22d of May, 147 1^ Queen Margaret, who was
brought a prisoner to London the same day, was confined first in
the Tower, afterwards at Windsor, and lastly at Wallingford, with
a weekly allowance of five marks for the support of herself and her
servants.^

In September 1472 Windsor was the scene of festivities in
honour of the visit of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse,
the Governor of Holland under the Duke of Burgundy, who had
hospitably rescued from pirates, and subsequently entertained
Edward the Fourth, when that king had been forced to leave
England for a time in the hands of the Earl of Warwick, and take
refuge with his brother-in-law, the Duke of Burgundy.

In requital for these acts of kindness, Edward took an early
opportunity, after his reaccession to the throne, to manifest his
gratitude ; and on the occasion of the arrival of the Seigneur de la
Gruthuyse in England, in September 1472, he not only caused him
to be received and treated with extraordinary honour, and publicly
complimented by the Speaker of the Parliament, but conferred on
him the dignity of Earl of Winchester. His reception is described
in the words of a herald, who, as Sir E. Madden observes, must
have been an eye-witness ; and as the description of the proceedings
at Windsor are extremely curious, it is given here in the original
words,^ from the time of the foreigner's arrival in London :

" Item, when he came to London^ the ij Shereves of London
wayted apon hym at Lyon Key, from whens they sente a Bote, in the
whiche were iiij Sargeauntes, for to mete hym. And they caused hym
to lande at the foresayde Key, where he was honnorably received by
the foresayde Shereves. And so forthe conduicte to oon of there

1 Warkworth's 'Chronicle,' edited by Halliwell, pp. 24, 25.
^ Lingard.

3 Additional MS., British Maseum, No. 6113, f. 103 h\ printed, with an introduction
and notes by Sir E. Madden, in the ' Archseologia,' vol. xxvi, p. 275.

368 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

Places to Denner, whiche ys called Shylley. And there he had an
honnerable and a plentuous dynner ; and after dynner he was accom-
panyed by the sayde Shereves to the Crane in the Vintery, where as
for that tyme they toke there leve. And so the forsayde Lorde
Grautehuse wente by water from thens to Westmester, to the Dean of
Sainte Stevens chappell, to a place in Chanon Rowe, whiche was
ordeined for hym by the Kinge and his Councell ; and w* in ij dayes
after, by the advyse of Mayster Thomas Vaghan/ he rode to Winde-
sore_, to the Kinge, accompanyed also w* the foresayde ij esquiers,
Mayster Morrys Arnold, and Mayster John Heryllys, w* oder. And
when he com into the castell, into the quadrante, my Lord Hastinges,
chamberlein to the Kinge, Sir John A^Parre, Sir John Don, w* divers
other lordes and nobles, received hym to the Kinge.

'^ M'^' that the Kinge dyd to be imparrailled on the fur syde of the
quadrant, iij chambres richely hanged w* clothes of Arras, and w* Beddes
of astate; and when he had spoken w* the Kinges grace, and the
queue, he was accompannyed to his chambre by the lorde Chamberlein,
[and] Sir John Parre, w* divers moo, whiche supped w* hym in his
chambre ; also there supped w^ hym his Servauntes. When they had
supte, my lord chamberlein had hym againe to the Kinges chamber.
Then incontinent the Kinge had hym to the queues chamber, where
she had there her ladyes playinge at the morteaulx,^ and sum of her
ladyes and gentlewomen at the Closheys'^ of yvery, and Daunsinge, and
sum at divers other games, accordinge ; the whiche sight was full
pleasaunte to them. Also the Kinge daunsed w* my lady Elizabethe,*
his elste^ doughter. That done, the night passed over, they wente
to his chamber. The Lorde Grauthuse toke leve, and my lorde
Chamberlein, w^ divers nobles, accompenyed hym to his chambre, where
they departed for that night. And in the morninge, when Matyns
was don, the Kinge herde in his owne chappell our ladye masse, whiche
was melodyousely songe, the Lorde Grautehuse beinge there presente.
When the masse was doon, the Kinge gaue the sayde Lorde Graute-
huse a Cuppe of Golde, garnished w* Perle. In the myddes of the

^ Chamberlain to the prince.

2 " Marteaux, jeu des petits palets." (Roquefort's * Glossaire de la Langue Romaine,'
1808.) It was a game, probably, resembling bowls.

^ The game of closh only differed in name from the nine-pins of the present day. The
game of Kayles was nearly the same, but played with a stick instead of a bowl. By the
statute 17 Edw. IV, c. 3, it was enacted "q' null p'sone use on jeue as jewez appellez
Cloissh, Kaillez, Halfboule, Handyu, Handoute, et Quekeborde," on pain of two years'
imprisonment and forfeiture of £10.

^ Born in 1465.

"> Sic.

TO A.D. 1483.J VISIT or LOUIS DE BEUGES. 369

Cuppe ys a greate Pece of an Vnicornes home/ to my estimacyon vij
ynclies compas. And on the couer was a great Saffre. Then he wente
to his chambrej where he had his brekefaste. And when he had broken
his faste, the Kinge cam in to the quadrante. My lorde Prince/ also,
borne by his Chamberlayn, called Mayster Vaghan, whiche bad the
foresayde Lorde Grautehuse welcom. Then the Kinge had hym and
alle his Compeny into the lyttle Parke, where he made hym to have
greate Sporte. And there the Kinge made hym ryde on his owen horse,
on a right feyre hoby, the whiche the Kinge gaue hym. Item, there
in the Parke, the Kinge thenkinge^ gaue hym a royalle Crosbowe, the
strynge of Silke, the case covered w* velvette of the Kinges colloiirs,
and his Amies and Bagges^ thereapon. Also the heddes of quarrelles
were gilte. The Kinges dynner was ordeined in the lodge, whiche'^
before dynner they kylled no game, savinge a doo ; the whiche the Kinge
gave to the Servauntes of the foresayde lorde Grauthuse. And when
the Kinge had dyned, they wente an huntinge againe. And by the
castelle were founden certein dere lyinge ; som w* greyhoundes, and
som renne to deathe w* Bucke houndes. There were slaine halfe a
doussein Buckes, the whiche the Kinge gaue to the sayde Lorde Graute-
huse. By that tyme yt was nere night, yett the Kinge shewed hym his
garden, and Vineyard of Pleasour, and so turned into the Castell agayne,
where they herde evensonge in theire chambres.

" The queue dyd to be ordeined a greate Bankette in her owne
chambre. At the whiche Bankette were the Kinge, the queue, my lady
Elizabethe the Kinges eldest doughter, the Duches of Exeter,^ the
lady Ryvers,'^ [and] the Lorde Grautehuse, settinge at oone messe, and
at the same table satte the Duke of Buckingeham,^ My lady his wyfe,^
w* divers other Ladyes, My lorde Hastinges, Chamberlein to the Kinge,
My lorde Barnes,^^ chamberlein to the queue, [the] Sonne of the fore-
sayde Lord Grauthushe, Mayster George Bartte, Secretory to the Duke

^ According to the belief of this and earlier periods, supposed to guard against the
existence of poison in the cup.

^ Edward the Fifth, born in the Sanctuary at Westminster, November 1471.

^ Sic. 4 Badges. ^ Sic.

^ Anne, daughter of Richard Duke of York, and sister to Edward the Fourth, wife of
Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, from whom she was divorced November 12th, 1472.
She afterwards married Sir Thomas St. Leger, knt.

7 Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Scales, wife of Anthony, second Earl
Rivers.

^ Henry Stafford, who succeeded his grandfather in 1460, being then somewhat more
than five years of age. Beheaded by Richard the Third in 1483.

» Katherine, daughter of Richard Wydeville, first Earl Rivers.

1° Sir John Bourchier, Lord Earners or Berners, K.G., made Constable of Windsor
Castle in 1472. He died May 16th,. 1474.

370 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter XV.

of Burgoine, Loys Stacy, acher^ to the Duke of Burgoine, [and]
George Mytteney; also certeyn nobles of the Kinges owen courte.
Item, there was a syde table, at the whiche satte a great Vue^ of ladyes,
alle on the oon syde. Also in the utter chambre satte the quenes
gentlewomen, alle on oone syde. And on the tother syde of the table,
over againeste them, as many of the Lord Grauthuse Servauntes, as
touchinge to the abondant welfare, lyke as yt ys accordinge to suche a
Bankett. And when they had soupped, my lady EUzabeth, the
Kinges eldest doughter, daunsed w^ the Duke of Buckingeham, and
divers other ladyes also. Then, aboute ix of the clocke, the Kinge
and the quene, w*^ her ladies and gentlewomen, brought the sayde
Lorde Grautehuse to iij chaumbres of Pleasance, alle hanged w* whyte
Sylke and lynnen clothe, and alle the Floures covered w* carpettes.
There was ordeined a Bedde for hym selve, of as good doune as coulde
be gotten, the Shetes of Raynys,^ also fyne Fustyans; the Counterpoynte
clothe of golde, furred w* armyn, the Tester and the Celer also shyninge
clothe of golde, the Curteyns of whyte Sarsenette ; as for his hedde
Sute and Pillowes, [they] were of the quenes owen Ordonnance. Item,
[in] the ij*^^ chambre was a other of astate, the whiche was alle whyte.
Also in the same chambre was made a Couche w* Fether beddes, hanged
w* a Tente, knytt lyke a nette, and there was a Cuppborde. Item, in
the iij'^^ chambre was ordeined a Bayue^ or ij, whiche were covered w*
Tentes of white clothe. And when the Kinge and the quene, w* alle
her ladyes and gentlewemen, had shewed hym these chambres, they
turned againe to their owen chambres, and lefte the sayde lorde
Grauthuse there, accompanied w^ my lorde chamberlein, whiche dis-
poyled hym, and wente bothe together to the Bayne. Also there was
Sir John A^Parre, John Grautehus, son to the foresayde lorde, Mayster
George Bartte, Secretory to the Duke of Burgoine, Jeys Mytteny, and

^ Usher ? ^ View, sight, or number.

•^ Manufactured at Hennes in Britanny. It was celebrated as early as the fourteenth
century. Tlius, Chaucer —

" I wol geve him a fether bed,
Rayed with gold, and right wel cled
In fine blacke satten d'outremere,
And many a pilowe and every bere
Of clothe of Raines to slepe on softe."

(*Booke of the Ducliesse,' v. 251, ed. Urry.) And in the 'Romance of the Squire of
Low Degree' (v. 841) —

" Your blankettes shall be of fustyane,
Your shetes shall be of clothe of Rapie.''^
' Bath.

TO A.D. 1483.] EEECTION OP ST. GEOEGE'S CHAPEL. 371

these Servauntes that were longenge to theire chambres. And when
they had ben in theire Baynes as longe as was there Pleasour, they
had grene gynger, divers Cyryppes, Comfyttes^ and Ipocras^ and then
they wente to bedde. And on the Morne he toke his Cuppe of the
Kinge and the quene, and turned to Westmynstre againe, accompenied
w^ certein knightes, esquiers, and oder the Kinges Servauntes, home to
his Lodgenge. And on Sainte Edwardes daye^ opynly in the parle-
mente chamber was create Erie of Winchester/^

In the tvi^elfthof Edward the Fourth (1471), Richard Lovell and
William Evyngton were chosen members. The return was made
by Edward Pury, mayor, and Richard Grenewey and John Josepp,
bailiffs of the borough; one part of the indenture, with the seal of
the mayor annexed, being left with William Stafferton, Esq., the
sheriff, and the other part, with the sheriff's seal, remained with
the mayor and bailiffs.

In the seventeenth of Edward the Fourth (1476), John Joye sat
with William Evyngton. From this year until 1541 the parlia-
mentary rolls are defective.

The persons returned to parliament at this period were evidently
inhabitants of the town of Windsor.

The erection of that splendid monument of English architecture,
the existing Collegiate Chapel of St. George, renders this reign
(says Mr. Poynter) an important epoch in the history of Windsor.
The foundations and walls of the chapel of Edward the Third being
found upon a survey to be in a state of great decay (a fact which it
has been suggested, as already noticed, may have arisen from some
imperfection in the foundation), Edward the Fourth determined to
replace it by a more spacious and magnificent structure. To this
purpose, in the thirteenth year of his reign, ^ he appointed that dis-
tinguished prelate and architect, Richard Beauchamp, Bishop of
Salisbury, to the office of Surveyor of the chapel. The writ of
appointment, taking notice that divers of the officiary houses, and
other irregular buildings and old walls, stood in the way, and
hindered the royal design to enlarge the structure, gave the bishop
power wholly to remove all such impediments, and to demolish

1 13th of October.

2 Pat., 13 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 17.

372 ANNALS OT WINDSOR. [Chapter XV

and dig up their foundations, particularly those ancient buildings
on the east side of the chapel which extended to the walls on the
north side of the castle, where the towers commonly called dure ys
Tower, and Le Amener ys Tower, and Burner ys Tower were
situated ; as also on the south side of the chapel, to the belfry
there, exclusively, and to employ the stone, timber, and other
materials thereof, upon such edifices in the castle as he should think
most convenient.

This order (Mr. Poynter observes) probably swept away what-
ever might remain of the thirteenth century in the direction of the
new edifice.

The three towers above mentioned have been before alluded to
in treating of the buildings erected by Henry the Third, with
Mr. Poynter's suggestion that they completed the line of defence
on the north side of the castle, between the Bell Tower and the
site of the Winchester Tower. -^

The Clure or Clewar Tower may have derived its name from
the manor and parish in which the castle stood, or from the village
of Clewer, lying to the west, and almost overlooked by the towers
on that side of the castle. Another was the Tower of the Almoner,
whose room was restored in the reign of Henry the Third ; and
Earner's or Berners Tower may have acquired its name from
Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, constable of the castle in the
reign of Edward the Fourth.

With what diligence and sedulity (says Ashmole) and how
well the bishop performed this office and employment, appears from
the testimony given him by the king, in the preamble of the patent
by which, in his fifteenth year, he constituted the bishop, and his
successors for ever, Chancellors of the Order of the Garter, namely,
that, out of mere love towards the order, he had given himself the
leisure daily to attend the advancement and progress of this goodly
structure.^

The success with which the work was prosecuted is yet more

1 See ante, pp. 72, 73.

2 Pat., 15 Edw. IV, p. iii, m. 13 ; Ashmole, p. 136. Ashmole, by mistake, assigns
the a])poiutments as surveyor of the chapel and Chancellor of the Garter to the same
year, 1 5 Edw. IV — an error which Mr. Poynter has observed.

TO A.u. 1483.] PEAST OP ST. GEORGE. 373

apparent from the fact, that within five years it was so far advanced
that provision was made for hanging the bells, and contracts
entered into for carving the stalls in the choir ; and that in the
twentieth year of the king's reign the lead was cast for covering
the roof, to the amount of 46 j fothers and 21 Ibs.^

The king held the Feast of St. George in 1476 at Windsor.
Stow gives the following account of its celebration :

'^ This yeere Edward kept the Feast of Saint George and Order of
the Garter at Windsore in most royall manner ; first on the Satterday
before noone, the king being Soveraigne with the knights of the order,
entered the chapiter within the castle — which chapiter was also con-
tinued in the after noone, — in this manner, towards evensong time,
being all mounted on horsebacke in their habits of blew, rode to the
chapiter.^ From thence they went to the quire on foote, where they
remained while evensong was done, and then rode againe to the castle
(in their habits as afore), where they had their voide of spices, &c.

" On Sunday morning the Soveraigne, with the knights, rode to
mattens, which being ended, they entred the chapiter ; from whence
they went to the Dean^s house to breakefast, and after to the quire
againe, every man to his owne stall. Then came the Queene, with the
Lady Elizabeth, her eldest daughter, the Dutchesse of Suffolke, the
king's sister, the Lady Marchionesse of Montague, the Lady Mar-
chionesse of Dorset, the Lady Hastings, &c., all in one livery of murrey
embrodered with garters, except the Marchionesse of Montague, who
rode in a gowne of silke — and these ladies were placed in the roode
loft. And in the same order and habite came the Soveraigne and
Knights, with the Queene and her Ladies, in the afternoone to evensong.
The king this day dined in his great Chamber, on whose right hand
sate Richard Bewchamp, Bishop of Salisbury, Chancellor of the order,
and on the left hand the D. of Clarence and the Duke of SuiFolke.
At a side table sate the Marquesse of Dorset, the Earles of Arundale,
Northumberland, and Essex, the Lord Maltravers, the Earle Dowglas,
the Lords Dudley, Ferrers, and Howard, and Sir John Astely, knight,
all on one side. And at a table on the other side sate Master Dudley,
Deane of S. George's Chappell, and with him, all on one side, the
Chanons of the same chappell, in their mantles of murrey, and rundlet
of S. George.

^ Poynter.

2 Ashmole refers to this feast as an instance on which the procession proceeded from
the castle to the chapel on horseback, in order " to enlarge the state and gallantry of the
show." C Order of the Garter/ pp. 548, 549.)

374 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

'^ On the Muuday the soveraigne and knights of the order entred
the chapiter, where they had a short communication ; from whence
they went to the quire, where every knight stood before his stall whiles
the king had offered a rich sute of vestments, and certaine coapes of the
same sute which the deane received : that done, the king went to his
stall, and every knight sate him downe in their owne stales, till the
offertory, and then the Marques and the D. of Suffolke ofiPered the
sword of John Mowbray, late D. of Norfolke, deceased, the Lords
Maltravers and Howard his helme : which being done, and obeisance
made, every knight stood before their stals, while the king had offered,
and then every knight offered according to his stal, to wit, the D. of
Clarence, the Marques Dorset, the Duke of Yorke, the Earle of Arun-
dell, the Earle of Essex, and the D. of Suffolke, the Earle of North-
umberland, the Earle of Dowglas, the Lord Maltravers, and the Lord
Howard, the Lord Duedly, the Lord Ferrers, Sir John Astley. The
masse being ended, they went to the Chapiter, and thus the feast was
ended, from the which were absent of the order out of the Realme —
the King of Cicill, the King of Portingale, the Duke of Burgoigne,
the D. of Vervin, the Lord Rivers, the Lord Scrope, the L. Durasse.
Absent within the realme — the prince, the D. of Glocester, the Duke
of Buckingham, the Lord Hastings, and Sir William a Par/'^

In this year (1476) the Countess of Oxford died, and was
buried at Windsor.^

The king and queen were at Windsor when intelligence was
brought of the conduct and expressions of the Duke of Clarence,
which cost the latter his life. The king, we are informed, hastened
from Windsor to London, sent for the duke, upbraided him, and
committed him to the Tower.^ His death occurred a few weeks
after, the common notion being that he was drowned in a butt of
malmsy.

The king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, appointed Thomas
Cancellar comptroller of the king's works in the Castle of Windsor.^
This appointment did not interfere with the progress of the works
of the chapel under the superintendence of Bishop Beauchamp ; on
the contrary, Thomas Cancellar acted as the bishop's deputy.

1 Stow's 'Annals/ p. 429, edit. 1631. See also Anstis, vol. ii, p. 126, note (t).

^ Holinshed.

^ Lingard.

' Pat., 16 Edw. IV, ]). ii, m. 11.

TO A.D. 1483.] BISHOP BEAUCHAMP'S ACCOUNTS. 375

Some portions of the accounts of the bishop have been preserved/
and furnish (says Mr. Poynter) many interesting particulars con-
cerning the progress of this great work. The funds for its execu-
tion were drawn from the estates of the Earl of Shrewsbury, the
Earl of Wiltshire, and the Lord Morley, which were in the king's
hands by reason of the heirs being under age, and in the eighteenth
year (when these accounts begin) amounted to £1408 16^. 9^d.,
of which only £1178 18^. lO^d. was expended. The principal
part of the stone used this year came from Tainton, in Oxfordshire,
where Henry Jennings, the master mason, purchased 9755 feet, at
2d. the foot. The carriage by land, through Burford and Culham
to Henley, cost £151 12^., and it was thence conveyed by water
to Windsor Bridge. Some portion of Caen stone was also used,
and heath stone from Cranbourne Chase. Caen stone was used
in great quantities in England from an early period, as we have
already seen in describing the works at the castle. A writer of the
reign of Elizabeth says — '^ Our elders have from time to time,
following our natural vice in misliking of our own commodities at
home and desiring those of other countries abroad, most esteemed
the Caen stone that is brought hither out of Normandy : and many
even in these our days, following the same vein, do covet in their
works almost to use none other." ^ The timber came principally
from Upton, Ashridge, Farnham, Wyke, and Sunning-hill ; and
the carriage of these materials, and of sand [arena et sabulum]
and lime, amounted to £29 10^. S^d. The cost of the timber and
other materials and stores necessary for the prosecution of the
works — such as scaffolding, tools and utensils of various descrip-
tions, bellows for the forges, tiles and tile-pins (probably for the
workmen's sheds), wit/is to tie the scaffolding, straw, candles, sea-
coal, charcoal, steel, iron for the windows, iron bolts for the carts,
sheet iron, tin, tin pans, nails, &c., &c. — amounted to £141 8^. Id. ;
and £555 Qs. l^d. was paid in wages to the workmen and
labourers. The allowance to the clerk of the works, Thomas
Canceler, was £10, and to the two purveyors £5 106\ and £4 8^.
respectively. The clerk of the works, the chief mason, and the

^ 111 the Chapter House, Westminster.

2 Harrison's description of England, prefixed to Holiushed, vol. i, p. 304, edit. 1807.

3^6 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XY. •

chief carpenter had also gowns allowed them. The pay of the
principal smith, John Tresilian, was far the largest, being 16d. per
day. Over and above these salaries, there is an entry of £20 6s. Sd.
for the expenses of John Tresilian in waiting six days for the
making of a great anvil ; for the expenses of WiUiam Carver, being
in London overlooking the making of the tabernacles ; for the
expenses of Thomas Canceler, the deputy of the lord the bishop,
his servants and horses, riding on divers occasions from Windsor
and divers other places to buy stuff, &c. ; for the expenses of John
Turpin in taking masons} and for the rewards given to the head
mason, head carver, and head carpenter, as is more fully set forth
in the books of accounts.

" The details of the contracts for the carved work are very
curious. One is for cleansing and embossing eighteen spandrils
and seventeen buttresses for the stalls in the choir, for the cleansing
of three hoiotelles^ the making of thirteen enter closes^ the making
of twenty-one caters} and for the rounded howtelles of the lintels,
made by contract in gross, £13 14<^. 6d. Another is with Robert
Ellis and John Filles, carvers, for making six tabernacles^ for the
choir ; and with Derrick Van Grove and Giles Van Castel, for
making the image of St. George and the Dragon, the image of
St. Edward and the Lord on the Cross, with images of the Holy
Mary and St. John the Evangelist, at 5^. the foot in length \ at
which rate the six tabernacles came to £40, St. George and the
Dragon to £17, and the rest of the images to £4 10^.

" With the chapel, the chapter-house was rebuilt, and seems at
this time to have been completed, since a charge is made for fitting
it up with ninety yards of tapestry, white, red, and green, with
the arms of St. George and the Garter, two pieces of horde
olisondre} and fourteen yards of green cloth. The king's great

^ The best workmen were so completely monopolised by the king for St. George's,
that other buildings were impeded in consequence. This was the case with the Divinity
School at Oxford. (See Chandler's ' Life of William Vl^aynflete.')

2 Or boltel, the perpendicular shaft of a column, comparing it to the shaft of a halbcrt,
javelin, or holt, used for any round moulding or torus.

2 Partitions. "* Or quatrcs, probably quatre-foils.

^ Canopies, or niches or stalls covered with canopies.

^ Bord alezan, sorrel-coloured border.

TO A.D. 1483.J BISHOP BEAUOHAMP'S ACCOUNTS. 377

chamber in the castle also appears to have been fitted up this year
under the directions of the bishop, and a new ceiling made, deco-
rated with the rose.

'' In the twentieth year of Edward the Fourth, the expenditure
on account of the works at the chapel amounted to £1249 18^. b^d.
The sum of £187 5^. was paid for stone from Caen, Tainton,
Sherborne, Ryegate, Milton, and Little Daryngton, £349 18^. O^d,
for carriage, £144 11^. 11|-^. for other materials and stores^ and
£457 10^. 6^d. for wages. The sum of £62 12^. 6d. is set
down for making two popeis^ for the stalls in the choir, for sixty-
two feet of trailez^ and crestes^ and for making six tabernacles in
the choir for the knights and canons. In the following year there
is another contract for making and carving twelve tabernacles for
the choir, fourteen haces de les countrez^ within the stalls, and
thirty-two feet of haces in the same choir ; also for two popeis, four
chaptreilles^ for the stdls, for the ceiling and making of a frame of
three panels, and for making and carving thirty feet of crestes,
thirty feet of trai/ls, eight lintels for the enter close of the chapel of
Master John Shorne, thirty-one feet of trai/ls in the same chapel,
and forty-two enter-closes^ counters, and dahrias^ made with the
stalls of the choir, £100 10^. 4^/. The sum of £146 1^. ^\d. was
laid out this year on the dweUings of the clergy, and the total
expenditure was £1145 ls.^\d!'^

John Shorne, or Schorne, whose chapel is mentioned in these
accounts, was a pious rector of Northmarston, in Buckinghamshire,
about the year 1290, and was held in great veneration for the
virtues which his benediction had imparted to a holy well in his
parish, and for his miracles, one of which, the feat of conjuring
the devil into a hoot, was considered so remarkable, that it was
represented in the east window of his church, and was also recorded
in the following lines, existing in the last century, on the wall
enclosing the holy well :

^ The carved ends of the stalls, from some fancied resemblance to the carved poop,
puppis, or end of a ship.
^ Open work, trellis,

^ Cornices, running battlements, or any crowning moulding or carving.
^ Counters, desks ? ^ Capitals.

" (Quaere.) ? Poynter's ' Essay.'

378 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XY.

'' Sir John Schorne,
Gentleman borne :
Conjured the Devil into a Boot/^ ^

Bishop Beauchamp, in 14 7 8, obtained a licence from the pope to
translate the remains of John Shorne from Northmarston wherever
he pleased in the diocese of Salisbury, and he accordingly removed
it to the Lincoln Chapel at Windsor.^ The advowson of North-
marston was previously acquired by the college, and its value to
the dean and chapter is apparent from the fact that at the Reforma-
tion the college lost £500 per annum from the offerings at the
shrine there. ^

" In the twenty-second year of Edward the Fourth the expenses
of the new chapel amounted to £960 12^. lOd. Out of this sum,
£186 10^. 4</. was paid for making and carving twelve tabernacles
for the knights and canons in the choir, and forty-eight vaults of
wainscot under the said tabernacles, three hundred and fifteen feet
and a half of crestes and trayls, twenty-seven lintels, twenty-nine
caters and six feet of caters, one hundred and twenty cliajptreilles
and hacesy seventeen stolys^ forty-two bottresses, one hundred and
nine panels behind the choir, one hundred and eighty-two gahlettes^
t wenty-t wo /^;^y<2^7/e5,^ three doors for divers closets, for the carving
of the story of St. George, for making an altar within the closet of
the king, for making a mill for the use of the smiths and a house
for the masons working on the tomb of our lord the king, for
sawing timber, and for casting 10 J fothers of lead for covering the
side aisles." ^

The new chapel exceeded in length that of its predecessor at
least one hundred fathoms.^

Edward the Fourth also built the dean and canons' houses
situate on the north side of the chapel, and those for the petty
canons, erected at the west end of it in the form of a fetter-cock

^ Lipscombe's Buckinghamshire, vol. i, p. 339 ; Lysons' Buckinghamshire, p. 603.
2 Poynier; Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 107.
^ Ashmole's * Order of the Garter/ p. 172.

^ Stools, benches, or pews. ^ Small gables or pediments. ^ Finials.

" Poyntcr's ' Essay on the History of Windsor Castle,'

^ ' Bulla de Concessione Episcopo Sar. ad condendum novas Ordinatioues,' cited by
Ashmole, p. 136.

TO A.D. ]483.] ENDOWMENTS OE THE COLLEGE. 379

(one of Edward the Fourth's royal badges), and commonly called
after it.^

The '* singular respect and favour" enter tamed by the king for
the college was not evinced in the buildings alone, for he added
largely to its endowments.^

* Ashmole, p. 136.

^ The following is a summary of this king's grants :

Bj letters patent bearing date at Windsor, the 18th of July, in the seventh year of his
reign," in aid and relief and towards the support " of the great burthens" * of the dean
and canons, he gave them the manor or lordship of Atherston, in the county of Warwick,
being part or member of the alien Priory of Okeborne in Warwickshire f the manor of
Chesynbury, otherwise Chesyngbury, in Wiltshire ; and the manor and advowson of the
Church of Quarle, in Hampshire, the Church or Priory of Uphaven, and the Deanery or
Chapel of St. Burien, or Burrene, in Cornwall ; also an annual pension which the Abbot
of Sawetre was accustomed to pay for the Church of Eulborne to the Abbey " de Bona
Requie," and another annual pension of twenty pounds, paid to the king by the Abbot of
E-ufford, for the moiety of the Church of Rotheram, in Yorkshire.

In the thirteenth year, by patent bearing date the 29th of January, ** he gave to
William Dudley, as dean, and to the canons, the Manor or alien Priory of Monkenlane,*
in the county of Hereford.

The following year (27th of February)/ he granted to the dean and chapter the
advowson, patronage, and free disposition of the house, hospital, or free chapel of
St. Anthony, London,*' with all the liberties, privileges, lands, tenements, rents, services,
fruits, oblations, and emoluments whatsoever belonging to it ; and upon any vacancy to
enter and take the said house, hospital, or free chapel, with its before-mentioned
appurtenances, to the use of the dean and chapter.

On the 17th of May following,* the king gave to the dean and canons the Priory of
Brimesfield, in the county of Gloucester ; the manor of Blakenham in Suffolk (part of the
Priory of Okeburne) ; the Priory of St. Elen, in the Isle of Wight ; the Priory or Manor
of Charleton, in Wiltshire ; and all the lauds, tenements, rents, and services in Nortli-
niundam, Compton, and Welegh, in the counties of Sussex and Southampton (which had

" Pat., 7 Edw. IV; printed in the ' Monasticon,' from the Inspeximus Charter,
4 Hen. VIII.

^ " Grandium onerum."

'^ The king had previously, by letters patent bearing date the 20th of November, in
the first year of his reign, confirmed to the college the Priory of Okebourne, granted by
the Duke of Bedford, and confirmed by Henry the Eifth. Fide Cart., 1 Edw. IV, m. 20.
It is printed at length in Dugdale's ' Monasticon.'

d Pat., 13 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 6 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.'

« Monkland, near Leominster, Herefordshire.

/ Pat., 14 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 5 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.*

s" A preceptory of the Monastery of St. Anthony, at Vienna. (Ashmole.) See post,
p. 390, note 1.

* Pat., 14 Edw. IV, p. i, m. 1 ; printed in the ' Monasticon,' but there the patent is
described as of 17 Edw. IV.

380 ANNALS OP WINDSOR, [Chaptek XV.

In the nineteenth year of his reign, Edward the Fourth granted
a charter to the college, bearing date the 6th of December. It

belonged to the Abbey of Lucerne, in Normandy) ; the manors of Ponyngton and Wedon,
in Dorsetshire (part of the possessions of Okeburne Priory) ; an annual rent or pension
of twelve marks, payable by the prior of the Priory of " Monteacuto," together with all
and singular the lands, tenements, rents, advowsons, liberties, &c., annexed to the said
priories, with licence to the dean and canons to appropriate the same to themselves and
their successors.

About two months later," the king gave them the manor of Membury, in Devonshire ;
the lordships of Preston and Monkesilver, in Somersetshire; the advowsons of the
churches of Puryton and Wollavynton, in the same county (being parcel of the alien
Priory of Golclyf, in Wales), together with the knights' fees, advowsons, profits, rights,
&c., thereunto belonging.

In the eighteenth year of Edward's reign, the queen, Thomas Archbishop of York, and
several bishops, noblemen, and others, being seised to the use of the king, his heirs and
successors, of the manor of Wykecombe, called Bassetsbury, the fee farm of the town of
Great Wykecombe, the manor of Crendon in Buckinghamshire, and of the manors of
Haseley and Pyrton in the county of Oxford, parcel of the lands of the Duchy of
Lancaster (at the special command of the king), demised and granted the premises, with
all their appurtenances, to the dean and canons and their successors, until the king, his
heirs or successors, should grant to them other lands of the like yearly value.*

On the 17th of Pebruary in the same year,'' the king gave them the advowson of the
parish church of Chesthunt, being then in his own patronage, with licence to appro-
priate it ; and on the 21st of February the king united the custody or deanery of the free
chapel of Wolverhampton to the custos or dean of this college, and his successors for
ever.'*

In the twentieth year of his reign, the king gave (27th of September) the dean and
canons* the advowson or patronage of the prebend of Ewern in Dorsetshire, with a licence
of appropriation.

And lastly, on the 21st of November in the following year,-^ he granted to them two
parts of the manors of Old Swynford and Gannowe, in Worcestershire, and the reversion
of the third part of them after the death of Margaret, the widow of Fulk Stafford,
, Esquire ; and also the advowson of the church of Old Swynford.

Edward the Fourth was not (says Ashmole) " alone bountiful " to this chapel, " but

" Pat., 14 Edw. IV ; also printed in the ' Monasticon.'

* Ex ipso Autogr. in ^rar. Colleg. Windesor, cited by Ashmole.

" Pat., 18 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 4 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.' Ashmole says the
licence to appropriate the living was " provided the vicarage were sufficiently endowed,
and a competent sum of money annually distributed among the poor parishioners, accord-
ing to the diocesan's ordinance and form of the statute in such case provided."

'^ Ashmole. " This church, cum membris, is exempt not only from the jurisdiction
of the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, but, by a papal bull, from all his legates and
delegates; nor is it subject to any terene power but the majesty of England, and,
under it, to the perpetual visitation of the keepers of the great seal pro tempore.'^ (Ibid.)

* Ashmole, citing Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 23,

^ Pat,, 21 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 3 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.'

TO AD. 1483.] ENDOWMENTS OE THE COLLEGE. 381

recites and sets out the charter of Edward the Third, and the
charter made in the eighth year of the reign of Henry the Sixth,

excited others to be so likewise." In the first year of his reign^ he licensed all his sub-
jects in general to give what lands, rents, or advowsons they pleased to the dean and
canons, within the value of 300 marks per annum, as well such as they held of the king
in capite, or in burgage, or otherwise, as any other land ; the same to be united and
appropriated to the college and its uses in perpetuity, notwithstanding the statute of
mortmain; and he afterwards* extended this licence to lands, &c., of the value of £500
a year,*^

In the twentieth year of his reign, the king, by letters patent dated the 29th of June,''
licensed John Duke of Suffolk and Elizabeth his wife, the king's sister, to assign to the
dean and canons the manor or lordship of Grovebury, otherwise called Leighton-Busard,
in Bedfordshire ;* the church of Tintagell in Cornwall, with all its reversions and emolu
ments ; and various houses and lands, with their appurtenances, in Neweford and
Blanford, in Dorsetshire ; in Stukely, Northalle, Edelesburg, and Bodenache, in Bucking-
hamshire ; in Compton St. John, in Sussex ; in Portesmuthe (Portsmouth) and Burghegge,
in Hampshire ; and in Stodeham, in Hertfordshire, held of the king in capite.

On the 10th of January following, Sir Walter Devoreux de Eerrers, knight, following
this example, with his feoffees. Sir John Devoreux and others, granted to the dean and
canons the advowson of the church of Sutton Courtney, in Berkshire, having first
obtained the king's licence for that purpose.-^

All the above-mentioned endowments are called the lands of the Old Dotation, to
distinguish them from those settled on the college by Edward the Sixth, which bear the
title of lands of the New Dotation^ Several of these endowments of Edward the Eourth
were never enjoyed by the college, namely, the manor of Atherston,the manor and advowson
of Quarle, Uphaven, St. Burien, Eulburne Pension, Brimfeld, St. Elen, Charleton,
Blakenham, Ponyngton, Wedon, Old Swinford, and Gannow ; and others only for a short
period, namely, the manor and advowson of Chesingbury, and the lands in Newford,
Blanford, and Portsmouth. Besides these, the college was dispossessed of Gottesford in
the reign of Henry the Sixth ; of Cheshunt advowson in the reign of Henry the Seventh ;

« Ashmole, citing Cart., 1 Edw. IV, m. 20. [There does not appear to be any such
licence in the charter of this date and number printed in the ' Monasticon.']

* Pat., 19 Edw. lY, m, 5 ; printed in the ' Monasticon.'

'^ Henry the Eighth extended the licence to £100 yearly. (Ashmole, citing Lib.
Denton, f. 115.)

<^ Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 25. The particular quantities and description of the
land in each place is specified in the patent, which is printed in the ' Monasticon.'

« "The 24 of July, anno 18 E. 4, this Duke of Suffolk infeoffed Richard Duke of
York, Thomas Bishop of Lincoln, and others, of the manor of Leighton Busard, who, the
25 of June, anno 19 E. 4, at his special instance, demised and granted the said manor to
the dean and canons for ever ; and in the octaves of St. John Baptist, anno 20 E, 4, the
Duke of Suffolk and his duchess levied a fine to the dean and canons, who thereupon
agreed that for this their so large donation they should be had in their perpetual orisons.'
(Ashmole.)

/ Pat., 20 Edw. IV, p. ii, m. 3.

s Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 172.

382 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

"in fact, but not of right, King of England," with the assent of
the then parUament, and proceeds to incorporate the dean and
canons by the name of the Dean and Canons of the Free Chapel of
St. George in the Castle of Windsor, with the usual powers of
perpetual succession, holding lands, &c., and of suing and being
sued. The charter also empowers the Duke of Suffolk and
Ehzabeth his wife to grant and assign to the dean and canons the
manor or lordship of Grobury or Grovebury, otherwise called the
manor or lordship of Leighton Busard, in Bedfordshire, held of the
king in capite. The king also granted permission to all persons to
endow the dean and canons with lands, &c., to the annual value of
five hundred pounds ; and also granted them freedom from fines
for these and all other letters patent and writs.^

This charter, which efiected the complete incorporation of the
dean and canons, was obtained through the interest of Bishop
Beauchamp,^ who had been installed dean of the chapel on the 4th
of March, 1478, and who was the first chancellor of the Order of
the Garter. For the greater security of the body, the provisions of
the charter were incorporated in a statute of parliament passed
in the twenty-second year of the king's reign,^ and still in
force. ^

The wardrobe accounts of the twentieth year of the king^s
reign contain entries of presents to the college of silk, velvet, satin,
and cloth of gold.^

Some of the possessions mentioned in the grants of this reign
had formed part of the revenue of Eton CoUege, and are included

and of Wodemersthome, Tyltehey, Retlierfeld, Levyngdon, Stoke-Basset, Stretham,
Totingbeck, Fordham, Ethorp, Ncwenham, and Tollesworth during or shortly before the
reign of Henry the Eighth. Afterwards they surrendered into the hands of the last-
mentioned king the manors and advowsons of Eure, Clyff, Ashton, Rowhand, Kingston,
Est-Henrith, Northumunden, Compton, Weleg, Compton St. John's, and Shobingdon
Portion. (Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter/ pp. 169—172.)

^ Pat., 19 Edw. IV, m. 5. This charter is printed in the ' Monasticon.'

2 Ashmole, p. 154.

3 Rot. Pari., 22 Edw. IV, n. m. {Vide Rot. Pari., vol. vi, p. 208.) A clause in
this act respecting the poor knights will be mentioned in a subsequent part of this
chapter.

^ Ashmole, p. 154.

^ See Sir H. Nicolas' ' Wardrobe Accounts of Edward the Fourth,' pp. 156—159.

TO AD. 1483.] ATTEMPT TO DISSOLVE ETON COLLEGE. 383

in Henry the Sixth's charter of endowment. Edward the Fourth
is said to have diverted property from the College of Eton to
that of Windsor, to the yearly value of nearly one thousand
pounds.^

Not only was the progress of the buildings of Eton College
checked, but Edward the Fourth obtained, in 1463, a bull from
Pope Pius the Second for dissolving Eton College and merging it
in the College of St. George at Windsor. It was represented to
the pope that Eton Church was hardly begun, and therefore could
be of little or no use for the purposes originally intended, and that
therefore it would be better to unite it with Windsor. Edward,
however, subsequently applied to Paul the Second, acknow-
ledging that he had been misinformed in the matter, and desiring
to have the union dissolved. The pope thereupon issued his com-
mission, in 1470, to Thomas Bourchier, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, to determine the question. The archbishop summoned the
members of both colleges before him; but nothing was decided
until 1476, when he gave judgment in favour of Eton College,
with an injunction to the College of Windsor to give the members
of the Eton foundation no further molestation, under pain of
excommunication.^ For this escape from destruction Eton was in-
debted to the strenuous exertions of William Westbury, " clarum
et venerabile nomen" to all Etonians, whom the founder had made
provost, and who publicly and solemnly protested against the
designed incorporation,^ and exerted himself so effectually that
King Edward restored to Eton many of the possessions which he
had originally taken from it. Still the college, though saved,

^ " King Edward the 4. tooke from the Colledge of Eaton and the Kmg's CoUedge in
Cambridge, which King Henry the 6. had founded (saith Sir Tho. Smith), almost 1000.
pound by yeere, and gave to the Colledge of Windsor." (Stow's 'Annals.') Lambarde
also says — " Kinge Edward the Fourth (enclined more to the advauncement of vaine
pompe, to feede the sence then to the promotion of verie vertue) tooke from those
foundations of his competitor, Kinge Henry the Sixth (most noblie perfourmed at Eaton
and Cambridge for the increase of learning) so muche yearlie revenue as amounted almost
to a thousand pounds, and bestowed it upon canons, vicares, singing-men, organistes, and
choristers at Wyndsore." ('Topographical Dictionary.')

2 Huggett, MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 174 and f. 220; No. 4843, f. 86-89.

3 See Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. 218; No. 4841, f. 156 and f. 310; No. 4843,
f. 86—89.

384 ANNALS OT WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

suffered severely, nor was the full number of members of the
various branches of the foundation ever completed/

On the settlement of the dispute v^ith Windsor, Provost
Westbury and the college executed a release to Peter Courtney, the
dean, and to the canons, of all actions, claims, and demands which
they might have. One of the causes of action probably referred to
a compulsory delivery of the college plate by the provost to the
Dean of Windsor in an earlier part of this reign. ^

Whatever may have been the state of the buildings at Eton at
this period, the progress of education had commenced, as is evident
from a letter written in 1467, by William Pas ton, jun., from Eton,
to his elder brother, John Paston, in which he gives a specimen of
Latin verses ; proving, as Professor Creasy says, " both how early
the sons of the English gentry were educated at Eton, and also
that, from the very first period of the school's existence, skill in
Latin versification was regarded as the crowning excellence of an
Etonian." ^

The disputes between the dean and canons and the poor
knights were renewed in this reign, and at length grew so serious
that a reconciliation could not be efiected.^

A separation took place at last, for in the statute 22 Edw. IV
(which has been already mentioned as incorporating the provisions
of the king's charter to the college of the nineteenth year of his
reign^) the poor knights were omitted ; and, upon pretence that the
king had greatly increased the number of the ministers of the
chapel, so that the revenue was not sufficient to maintain both them
and the alms-knights, and also that the king had otherwise pro-
vided for the latter, a clause was inserted enacting that the dean
and canons and their successors should thenceforth for ever be
wholly quit and discharged from all manner of exhibition or charge
of or for any of the said knights.^

^ ' Some Account of the Foundation of Eton College, and of the Past and Present
Condition of the School.' By E. S. Creasy, M.A. London, 1848.

2 See Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. 220 and f. 315.

^ Creasy's 'Memoirs of Eminent Etonians,' pp. 31, 32. See the curious and amusing
letter in Eenn's 'Paston Letters,' vol. i, p. 297, and reprinted by Professor Creasy.

4 Ashmole, pp. 159, 160. ^ See ante, p. 377.

6 Rot. Pari., 22 Edw. IV, m. 11. {Vide Rot. Pari., vol. vi, p. 208.)

TO A.D. 1483.] THE POOR KNIGHTS. 385

There can be little doubt that this clause was inserted at the
instigation of the dean and canons, although they afterwards
alleged, in answer to the petition of the knights for the repeal of
the statute, that WiUiam Omerey and John Kendall, two of the
alms-knights, "laboured much before this act passed to be incor-
porate by themselves, to get lands settled on them, to be exempt
from the obedience and rule of the dean and canons, and governed
by ordinances made among themselves." ^

How the knights subsisted for some time after this period,
when thus cut off from the benefit of the " quotidians, portions,
and fees" assigned to them by Edward the Third, does not, says
Ashmole, " fully enough appear." We shall find them, in the
reign of Henry the Seventh, petitioning without success for the
repeal of the above statute.^

The Christmas of the year 1480, and also of 1482, the king
kept " royally" with his queen at Windsor.^

Mary of York, the second child of Edward the Eourth, who
was born at Windsor in August 1466, died at Greenwich on
Thursday, the 23d of May, 1482. On the Monday following, her
corpse was brought to Greenwich, " and there had her dirige
began by James Goldwell, Lord Bishop of Norwich, who also sung
mass the next morning, there being present several lords and
ladies ; and in the afternoon the body was conveyed into a mourn-
ing chariot, drawn by two horses, also trapped with black, and
adorned with lozenges of her arms. Thus from Greenwich they
set forward to Kingston, where the corpse rested that night ; and
from thence, the next morning, towards Windsor, where being met
by the parish in procession, at the foot of the bridge next Eaton,
they proceeded to the chapel at Windsor, where the body was
buried with the usual offices thereunto belonging." ^

* Ashmole, p. 160.

2 Seei?05if, Chapter XVII.

^ Holinshed; Stow,

^ Sandford's ' Genealogical History ;' and see Sir H. Nicolas' ' Privy Parse Expenses
of Elizabeth of York.' George of Shrewsbury, the third son, born at Shrewsbury, and
created Duke of Bedford in his infancy, and dying soon afterwards, was also buried at
Windsor.

386 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter XY.

The king died at Westminster on the 9th of April, 1483.^ He
had made a will in 1475, some of the clauses of which relating to
his burial and to the works of St. George's Chapel are sufficiently
curious to be inserted here.

The will thus commences :

'' R. E.

'' In the name of the moost holy and blessed Trinitie, the Fader, the
Sonne, and the holy Goost_, by and under whoora alle Kings and
Princes reigne. We, Edward, by the grace of God, King of England
and of Fraunce, and Lord of Irland, remembriug inwardly that we, as
other creatures in this world, bee transitorie and have noon abidunt
therin certain, considering also that we bee nowe upon oure journey
and in taking oure passage, by Godds sufferance and assistence, toward
oure Reame of Fraunce, for the recouveryng of oure undoubted right and
title unto the same. Willing therfore to dispose us in alle things to
the pleaser of God, for the helth and relief of oure soule, as ferforthly
as we, by his grace and assistance, can call to oure mynde, the xx day
of Juyn, the yere of oure Lord God M.cccc.lxxv, and the yere of oure
Reigne the xv*^', beeing in helth of body and hole of mynde, thanked
bee his Grace, at oure Towne of Sandwich make this oure last Wille
and testament, in the manere and fourme herafter enswing.

" Furst we bequeth [our soul] to allmighty God, and to his glorious
Moder oure Lady Saint Marie, Saint George, Saint Edward, and all
the holy Companie of heven, and oure body to bee buried in the Church
of the Collage of Saint George within oure Castell of Wyndesore, by us
begonne of newe to bee buylded, in the place of the same Church by
us limited and appointed and declared to the Reverende Fader in God,
oure right trusty and welbeloved the Bisshop of Sarum, where we will
oure body be buried lowe in the grownde, and upon the same a stone
to bee laied and wrought with the figure of Dethe, with scochyne of
oure Armer and writings convenient aboute the bordures of the same,
remembring the day and j^ere of oure decease, and that in the same place
or nere to it an Autre bee made metely for the rome, as herafter we
shall devise and declare.

" Item, we wol that overe the same Sepulture ther bee made a
vawte of convenient height as the place wil suffre it, and that upon
the said vawte ther bee a Chapell or a Closet with an Autre conve-
nient, and a Tumbe to bee made and set there, and upon the same
tumbe an Image for oure figure, which figure we wil bee of silver and

^ Tliis is the date assigned by Sir H. Nicolas, in his ' Chronology of History,' although
it differs from that mentioned in the narrative printed in a subsequent note.

TO A.D. 1483.J THE king's WILL. 387

gilte, or at the lest coopre and gilt, and aboute the same tumbe scrip-
ture made convenient, remembring the day and yere of oure deceasse,
" Item, we wol that nere to our said Sepulture ther bee ordeigned
places for xiij personnes to sit and knele in, to say and kepe such
observance, divine service, and praiers as we herafter shall expresse
and declare/^

The king then provides for the payment of his debts, and for
marriage portions for his daughters, and lands for his sons, and
proceeds as follows :

" Item, we wol that the Church of the said Collage begonne by us
of newe to bee buylded bee thorughly finisshed in all things as we
have appointed it by the oversight and assent of the said Bisshop of
Sarum during his liflP, and after his deceasse by the oversight of the
Dean of the said Collage for the tyme beeing, soo alway that our Exe-
cutours and Supervisour of this our last Wille and testament bee prive
to all charges and expenses that shal bee expended about it.

" Item, we wol that oure said Executours and Supervisour here oons
in the yere thaccompts and rekenyng as well of the said Bisshop as of
the said Dean, and all other that shal have the charge and governance
of the said buyldings, soo as the charges therof may bee provided for
from tyme to tyme as the cas shal require.

^^ Item, where we have graunted unto oure said cousin the Cardinall
and other to oure use and behove all Castelles, Lordshippes, Manoirs,
lands, and tenements that w^ere late John Erl of Shroosbury and John
late Erl of Wiltes', or either of hem, and commen unto oure hands
after thair deceasse and by reason of the nonnage of thair heires, and
also all such Manoirs, lands, and tenements as late were Thomas
Tresham, Knight, and commen to oure hands by vertue of an Acte of
forfaiture made in our said last Parliament, withouten eny thing yelding
unto us for the same, we wol that the revenues, issues, and proffits of all
the same Castelles, Lordshippes, Manoirs, lands, aud tenements, the rents,
issues, and proffits of the Lordshippes, Manoirs, lands, and tenements
graunted by us to oure welbeloved Conseillour, William Lord Has-
tyngs, for the sustentation and fyndyng of the newe Erl of Shroesbury,
son and heire of the said late Erl of Shroesbury, oonly except, bee
emploied by the oversight aforesaid about the buyldings of the said
Church as ferre as it will strecche over the ordinarie charges therof;
and if the said Erles or either of thaim deceasse, or that they or either
of thaim have lyveree of thair londes beeing within age, and afore the
said Church and oure other werks there thorughly buylded and
finisshed, then we wol that asmuch of the revenues, issues, and

388 ANNALS 01" WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

proffits of the premisses parcell of oure said Duchie of Lancastre put
in feofiPement by auctoritie of Parliament aforesaid, as the revenues of
the said Erles lands, or either of thaim soo dieing or having liveree of
his lands, extendeth unto in yerely value, bee emploied by oure Execu-
tours aboute the same buylding and werks by the oversight abovesaid.

" Item, we wol that ther bee two prests perpetuelly founden within
the said Collage to synge and pray for us and oure said Wiff, oure
faders, and other of our auncestres, in such fourme and manere as
herafter we shal doo to bee ordeigned and devised, which two prests
we wol bee chosen and named by the Dean and Chanons of the same
Collage for the tyme beeing and thair successours by the oversight and
assent of the said Bisshop of Sarum during his lifF, in the which elec-
tion we wol that the said Dean and Chanons bee sworne upon the
holy Evangelists that they shall name noon of the said two prests for
favour or affection or at the desire or request of eny personne what soo
ever he bee, but that they shall chose such as bee notarily knowen good
and of vertuous conversacion, and nat promoted to any manere bene-
fice, Chaunters, prebende, nor free Chapell, in the which eleccion we
wol that such Clerks of the Universities of Oxonford and Cambrigge
as bee Doctours of Divinitie, or Bachelers of Divinitie at the lest, beeing
of good conversation as afore is said, bee preferred afore all other,
which prests, and either of hem soo chosen, we wol thay bee sworne upon
the holy Evangelists upon thair admission, before the said Deane and
Chanons, truely to observe and kepe all observances and divine service
as we shall ordeigne to bee doon, and at such tyme and place as shal
also bee limited and appointed.

" Item, we wol that ther bee founden perpetuelly within the said
Collage xiij poure men, whoo we wol that thay daily pray and say such
service and praiers as we shall ordeigne to bee said by thaim and at
such tyme and place also as we shall ordeigne and devise, for observa-
tion of the which we wol that they bee straitlie sworne upon the holy
Evangelists at thair furst admission in the presence of the said Deane
and Chanons.

'^ Item, w^e wol that the said xiij poure men bee chosen and named by
the said Dean and Chanons for the tyme being by the oversight of the
said Bisshop during his liff, in the which election we wol that the said
Dean and Chanons bee sworne in the fourme as afore is declared in
thellection of the said prests with this addicion, that thay shall noon
chose but such as bee moost poure and nedy and next dwelling to the
said Collage and unmaried, and in this election we wol that oure ser-
vants and such other as were servants to my said Lord and Fader have
preferrement afore all other albeeit that thay bee not next dwelling or
abiding to the said Collage.

TO AD. U83.] THE KING S WILL. 889

" Item, we wol that either of the said two prests have yerely for
thair salarie xx marc^ ia redy money at iiij termes of the yere by
even porcions, by the hands of the said Deane and Chanons and thair
successours, and that every of the said xiij poure men have two pens
by the day to bee paied wekely thorugh out the yere, that is to say
every Satirday immediatly after even songe of the day said in the
said Collage by the hands of the said Dean and Chanons for the tyme
being or oon of thaim to bee deputed in that behalve.

" Item, for seurtie of paiement aswell of the salarie of the
same two prests as of the almesse of the same xiij. poure men we
wol that oure said cousin the Cardinal and his CoofeofFees of and in
the Lordship and Manoir of Wicomb called Basset Bury with the
Fee ferme of the towne of Much Wicomb, and of and in the Manoir of
Dadyngton in the shire of Oxenford, doo make estate therof to the
said Dean and Chanons of Wyndesore and to thair successours for ever-
more, undre such fourme as shall bee thought to oure Executours moost
seurtie and convenient for the paiement of the said salarie and almesse
truely to bee had ?ind made "to thaim according to this oure Wille.

" Item, we wol that the said two prests bee discharged of keping
divine service in the Chauncell of the said Collage or in any other
place within the said church other then aboute oure sepulture and tumbe
as afore is said, of lesse then it bee upon the principall Fests in the
yere, or that the Quere goo a procession, which daies we woll thay
goo a procession with the Quere weryng surplees and copes as the
Vicairs there doo.

^' Item, we wol that the said two prests and xiij poure men bee
contynuelly abiding and resident within the said Collage and that
thay daily kepe and say thair observances and divine services aboute
oure sepulture and tumbe in the fourme as shal more at large bee
declared in oure Ordenance thereof ; and if eny of the said two prests
bee promoted to eny manere of benefice, bee it with cure or without
cure, that immediatly after his promocion he bee avoided and removed
from this his service, and a newe to bee chosen, as afore is declared, and
put in his place.

" Item, if eny of the said poure men bee promoted to eny manere of
lyvelode rents offices fees or annuities by enheritaunce or by eny other
moyen to the value of v. marc' by the yere, that he immediately after
bee discharged of his service and have noo lenger paiement of our said
almes, and an other to bee chosen, as afore is said, and put in his place.

" Item, if eny of the said prests or poure men absente thaim from
the said Collage for eny cause more then xxviij daies in all by the
yere, or elles he bee necligent or remisse in keping the said obser-
vance divine service or praiers that shall be in his charge to doo and

390 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteh XV.

say, of lesse then it bee by occasion of sekenesse or feblenesse notorili
knowen to the Dean and Chanons for the tyme beeing there present,
that he soo absentyng him or bee necHgent or reraisse in keping or
dooing the said observances divine service or praiers, after certain
monissions yeven unto him soo dooing, bee discharged of his service
and an other for that cause chosen, as afore is declared, and put in
his place.

" Item, we wol that the hows and Hospitall of Saint Antonies,^
with all the possessions, rents, proffits, commodities, and advayles
therunto belonging, bee in the moost seure wise appropred and annexed
to the said Collage to bee had to the said Dean and Chanons and
thair successours for evermore, thay with the same to fynde and here
in the same place in London and elleswhere all manere observances
divine service almes and all other charges in as large manere and
fourme as it hath bee ordeigned by the founders and benefactours of
the same place to bee had and doon, and specially as it hath been used
and accustumed to bee doon at eny tyme within xl. yeres last passed,
and with the residue of the revenues commyng therof we wol that the
said Dean and Chanons and thair successours for evermore doo fynde
ten Vicaires with Calaber ameses, vj. Clers, and iiij Children over
thair nombre that they nowe have, under such manere and fourme as
we shall doo to bee ordeigned and stablisshed.

'^ Item, we wol that oure said feoffees contynue thair astate and
possession of and in all the said honours Castelles Lordshippes
manoirs lands tenements and all other the premisses ordeigned to the
paiement of oure said debtes, restitution of wrongs if eny bee, the
mariages of oure said doughtres, and buylding of the said Church and
other the charges above expressed, unto the tyme this oure Wille and
testament in the manere and fourme afore expressed and declared in
that behalve bee thorughly and perfetely executed and perfourmed,

* See anie, p. 379, note 2. Ashmole says that at the Reformation the College of
Windsor lost at least 1000 marks a year in the profit made by St. Anthony's pigs. (' Order
of the Garter,' p. 172.) Stow, in his 'Survey of London,' in describing the Hospital of
St. Anthony, says — "The proctors of this house were to collect the benevolence of
charitable persons towards the building and supporting thereof. And amongst other
things observed in my youth, I remember that the officers (charged with oversight of the
markets in this city) did divers time take from the market-people, pigs starved, or other-
wise unwliolsome for man's sustenance : these they did slit in the ear. One of the
proctors for St. Anthonies tyed a beU about the necke, and let it feed on the dunghils, no
man would hurt or take it up : but if any gave to them bread or otlier feeding, such
would they know, watch far, and daily foUow, whining till they had somewhat given them ;
whereupon was raised a proverbe, Suck an one will follow such an one^ and whine as it
were an Anthonie pig. But if such a pig grew to be fat, and came to good liking (as
ofttimes they did), tlien the proctor would take him up to the use of the hospital."

TO A.D. 1483.] THE king's PUNERAL. 391

without eny astate making therof or eny part thereof to oure said son
Edward or to such as shall please God to ordeigne to bee oure heire
or eny other oure Sonnes or other personne what soo ever.

*^^ Item, we wol that cc.li. bee disposed yerely for evermore in almes
wherof \Ji. to bee disposed by the discretion of the said Bisshop of
Sarum during his liff and after his deceasse by the said Dean of the
said Collage and his successours by the oversight of the Bisshop of
Sarum for the tyme beeing to the mariages of poure mayd[ens] as nat
having fader or moder nor other frende able to preferre thaim ; other
\Ji. to bee departed by the same oversight to the moost miserable and
pourest people next dwelling to the said Collage, wherin we wil that
oure olde servants have preferrement afore all other, albee it thay bee
nat next dwelling to our said Collage; the third IJi. to bee departed
by the said oversight amongs prisoners condempned for debte or other
cause where the duetie or damages excede not iiij li., or elles to such as
remaigne in prison for lakke of paiement of thair fees ; and the fourth
\.li. to bee applied yerely by the said oversight about highweyes next
lieing to the said Collage moost necessarie to bee repaired ; and to
thentent that this oure almes may seurly bee had for evermore^ we wol
that our feoffees of and in the Manoir of Westcote in the said shire of
BuV, the Manoir of Purton Haseley Kyrtelyngton, Dadyngton and
Ascote, in the shire of Oxon^, the Manoirs of Asparton and Stretton
with thappurtenences, in the shire of Glouc', and the Manoir of Long-
benyngton in the shire of Lincoln with thair appertenances doo make
estate therof to said Dean and Chanons and thair successours for ever-
more under such seure fourme in that behalve as shall seme to oure
Executours moost seurtie and convenient /^^

On the 14tli of April, 1488, the body of the king was brought
from Westminster to Windsor, " with great funeral honor and
heaviness of his people," ^ and buried in St. George's Chapel,

1 'Excerpta Historica,' pp. 366—376.

^ Hoiinslied. The following is the curious narrative of an eje-witness of the cere-
monies attendant on the king's burial :

"When that noble prince the good King Edward the iiij*^ was decessed at Westm'
in his paleys, which was the v*'' day of Ap'll, the xxiij yer of his reign ;

"Eirst, the corpse was leyde upon a borde all naked, saving he was cou'ed from the
navell to the knees, and so lay openly for x or xij hourez, that all the lordes both
spirituell and temp'ell then beying in London or ner theraboute, and the meyer of
London w* his bredre sawe hym so lying, and then he was sered, &c., and was brought
into the chapell on the morn aft, wher wer songen iij solemn massez ; first of our Lady
songe by the chapeleyn ; and so was the second of the courte ; the iij*^® masse of Requiem
whiche was songen by the Bishop' of Cliichester, and at aft'non ther was songen dirige and

392 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

under a large stone raised within the uppermost arch, at the north
side of the altar.^

comendacion. And after that he had the hole psalter seid by the chapell, and at nyght
well wecched with nobles and oder his s'u'ntz, whose names ensuen' like as apperethe in
the watche rolle from the first nyght in tyme he was beryed. And at the masse of
E.equiem, the Lord Dacre, the queen's chambreleyn, offred for the quene, and the lordes
temp'ell offred dayly at that seid masse, but the lordez sp'uells offred not to the bishop'
but to the high auter, and oder the king's s'v'nts offred also ; this ordre was kept in the
paleys viij dayez, savinge aft' the first daye ther was but on' solempn masse, whiche
alway was songen' by a bishop' ; and on Wednysday, the xvij day of the monyth above-
seid the corps was couveied into the abbey, born by diu's kuyghts and esquiers that wer
for his body, (that is for to sey) Sir Gelbard Stanley, Sir John Savage, Sir Thomas
Wortley, Sir Thomas Molyneux, Sir John Welles, John Cheyny, maist' of the king's
horse was Hungerforford Guy of Wolston, John Savacotts, Thomas Tyrell, John Rysley
[or Ryfley], Thomas Darcy, John Noryse, Loys de Brittayll, and Pofre Colyns ; having
upon the corps a riclie and a large blak cloth of gold with a crosse of white clothe of gold,
and above that a rich canapye of cloth imp'rall, frenged w* gold and blue silk, born by
Sir Thomas Seyntleg', Sir Will Parr, countroller, &c., Sir John Asteley, and Sir Will'm
Stonouar, knyghts. And at eu'y corner a baner : the first of the Triuite, whiche was
born by Sir Herry Perrers : the secound of our Lady, born by Sir James Radelyf : the
iij"*^ of Seint George, born by S' George Broun : the iiij*^^ of Seint Gelbard, born by
S' Gilbert Debenh'ni. And the Lorde Haward ber' the king's baner next before the
corps, having the officers of armez aboute them. Wher was ordeyned a worthy herse
like as it apperteyneth, having before liyra a grete pr'ession, and tli' archebishop of
Yorke, ch'unceler of Ingland, the bishop of London, the bishop of Chest'r, the bysshop
of Bathe, the bisshop of Chichest'r, the bisshop of Norwiche, the bisshop of Durli'm,
the bisshop of Lincoln, the bishop of Ely, the bisshop of Bowchest'r, th' abbot of
Habyngdon, th' abbot of Beremondessey, and these lordes folowed the corps and aboute
the corps, leying their handez therto ; th' erle of Lincoln, the Marques of Dors', th' erle
of Huntingdon, the Viscount Barkley, the Lord Stanley, &c. ; the Lorde Hastings,

the king's chamberleyn, the Lorde Dacre, the queenys ch'mberleyn, the Lord Dudly, the
[L^] Burgeyn, the Lorde Morley, S"" Richard Woodvyle, the Lorde Awdley, the Lorde
Perrers, the Lord Lisle, Sir Gelbard Wodevyll, the Lorde Cobh'm, Lorde Wellez, Sir
John Bourser, Sir Thomas Bourser, and Sir Thomas Bourser of Berneys, which Lordes
wer w*in the herse that s'vice ; and on the morn, also the s'vice at Westmynster was don
by the archebisshop of York, &c., and at the masse th' Abbot of Bermesey was
And in that herse, above the corps and the clothe of gold aboveseid, ther was a p'souage
like to the similitude of the king in habite roiall, crowned w* the verray crown on his hed.
Holding in that one hande a sceptr, and in that o'r hand a balle of silver and gilte w* a
crosp'ate. And aft that the lords that wer w*in the herse, and the bisshoppez had offred,
the meyer of London offred, and next aft hym the chef juge and other juges and
knyghts of the kings hous, w*^ the barons of the eschequier and aldermen of London as
they myght went to. And when the masse was don and all other solempnite, and tliat
the lordes wer redy for to ryde ; ther was ordeyned a roiall char, cov'd w* blak velvet,
having above that a blak clothe of gold with a white cross of gold ; under that a mageste
clothe of blak sarsenet, drawen w* vj co'sers, trapped with blac velvet, w* certeyn

^ Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 149.

TO K.D. 1483.] THE king's PUNERAL. 393

" Over this arch hung the king's coat of mail, gilt, covered over
with crimson velvet, and thereon the arms of France and England

scochens betyn upon sarsenet betyn w* fyne gold. Apon the fore hors and tlie thill hors
sate ij charet men. And on the iiij oder hors satte iiij henshemen. On either side the
forseid draught went diu'se knyghts and esquiers for the body and other ; some leying
their handez to the draught and su'me leyding the hors unto tyme they passed the
townes whose naraez ensuen'.

" And the Lorde Haward, the kings banerer, rode next before the forehorse bering
the kings baner upon a courser trapped w* blak velvet, with diu'se scochons of the kings
armez, with his morenyng hudd on his hed. When the corps w* the p'sonage as above
w* pro'ssion of bisshoppes in pontificalibz, and the iiij ordrez of frerez was conveyed to
the chare. And in ordre as above to Charingcrosse, wher the bisshop'z censed the char,
and the lordes toke their horse, and so p'ceded to Syon that nyght, where at the churche
dore the bisshoppez censed the corps, and the corps and the p'sonage was born as before
into the qure. And ther the bisshop' of Duresm did the s'vce. And on the morn in
like ordre as above he was conveyed to the chare, and from thens to Wyndesore. Wher
at Eton the bisshop of Lincoln and the bisshop of Ely, w* the college, mette and censed
the corps. And so p'ceded to the castell gate the archebisshop of York, the bisshop of
Wynchesf, censed the corps, beying ther w* the bisshop of Norwiche, the bisshop of
Duresm, the bisshop' of Rochesf, w*- the chanons of the college and the kings chapell, and
p'ceded to the newe churche, wher in the quer was ordeigned a merveillous wele wrought
herse, and forthw* to dirige. In the evenyng they of the college seid the hole psaulter,
and ther was a grete watch that nyght by grete lordez, knyghts, esquiers for the body,
gentilmen ushers, and other whose names ensuen'. Eirst, w*in the herse the Lorde of
Burgeyne, the Lorde Audley, the Lorde Morley, the Lorde Lisle, the Lorde Haward, the
Lorde Wells, the Lord Delawar, the Lord Eitzhugh, the Lorde Cobh'm, S' John of
Arundell, S' Thomas Bourser of Berneys ; knights w*out the herse, S' Thorn's Seintleger,
S' Gilbert Debenh'm, S' Herry Eerrers, S' John Savage, S' Gelbard Stanley, Sir Thomas
Wortley, S' Thom's Molyneux, Sir Will'm Parker, Sir Will'm Stonouar.

" Esquiers for the body, John Cheyny, maist' of the horse, Will'm Barkeley, Will'm
Odall, Rob' Poyntz, John Rysley, Loys de Brytailles, Anethe Malyverer, John Sabacotts.

" Gentilmen usshers, Will'm Colyngburn, Edward Hargill Baff, Nicholas Cromer,
Will'm Myddleton, and Po'fre Colyns, Will'm Clyfford, Mytton.

" Officers of armes. Garter, Norrey King of armes, Gloucest'r herauld, Ruge Croys,
Ginez and Harrington, p'su'nts.

" Esquiers of household, Thomas Mortymer, D'ymok, Redmell,

Delamer, Edmond Georgez.

" Yemen usshers, Will'm Ryder, Roger Chelsale, George Cheyny, James Pemberton,
w* diu'rs and many yomen of the crown, and of his ch'mbre and houshold, whiche hylden'
torchez.

"And on the morn', aft' the comendacions, beganne the masse of our Lady, songen by
the bysshop of Duresm, at which masse Sir Thomas Bourgchier offred the masse peny
because ther was no grett astate p'sent, and aft hym alle other as wer in the herse, &c.

" After that masse done, beganne the masse of the Trynyte, songen by the bisshop of
Lincoln, at which masse th' Erie of Huntingdon ofFred the masse peny. Aft' hym the
Oder lords and noblez as above. Atte the begynnyng of the masse of Requiem, the
whiche was songen by the archebisshop of York, officers of armez wente to the vestyary.

394 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek XV.

quarterly, richly embroidered with pearl and gold, interwoven with
divers rubies." ^ This trophy of honour hung safely over his grave
from the time of the funeral until the 23d of October, 1642, when
the chapel was plundered by Captain Fogg, one of the officers of
the Parliamentary forces, and the plate and ornaments of the chapel
removed.^

The king had, as appears from the accounts of the last year of

wher they receyved a riche embrowdred cote of armes, which Garter king of armes hyld
w* as grete rev'euce as he cowde at the hede of the seid herse till the offring tyme, at
whiche tyme, aft' that tlie erle of Lincoln had offred the masse peny, p'sented it to the
Marquess of Dors' and to th' erle of Huntingdon, they to offre it ; and the seid Gart'
receyved it ageyn of the archebisshop, and hyld it stille at the high auter ende till the
masse was done. Li likewyse Clarenceux and Norrey kings of armes resceyved the
shilde, and at the offring tyme p'sented it to the Lorde Maltrevers and to the Viscount
Berkeley ; but ther was a question whether the son and heir of an erle shuld go above a
viscount, &c.

" Kings of Armes.

" And Marche and Ireland resceiwed a rich swerde whiche had be sent from the Pope,
and in like forme behaved themself, and p'sented it to S' John and S' Thomas Bows', the
kings aunts sonnez.

'* Also Chest'r and Leycest'r herauldes receyved a basenet w* a riche crown of gold,
and p'sented it to the Lorde Stanley and the Lorde Hastings.

"And Gloucest'r and Buckingh'm heraaldes, w*Bouge Crosse, Bosse, Bla'che, Caleys,
Ginez, and Berwy'k and Harrington p'syu'nts, went w* the knyghts and esquiers for the
body to the churche dore for to resceyve of John Cheyny, maist' of the horse, the man of
armez, whiche was Sir Will'm Parr, armed at all peces, saving he was bareheded, having
an axe in his hand, the polle dounward, and thus accompany ed to the quere dore wher
he did alight. And the dekyu toke the horse which was trapped w* a riche trapper of
the king's armez, wher the Lorde Audeley and the Lord Perrers receyved the man of
armez, and with the forseid compeny of knyghtes, esquiers, heraulds, and pursyv'nt,
accompenyed hym to his offring; whiche done, eu'y lorde in mornyng habits offred for
hymself ; and aft' them, div'se other noble knyghts, officers, &c. Incontinent that don,
the lordez offred certeyn clothes of gold to the corps, eu'yche aft his degree or astate ;
that is for to seye, th' erle of Lincoln iiij, because he was the kings nevew, and son and
heir of the Due of Suff' ; the Marques of Dors', iiij ; th' erle of Huntingdon, iij ; the
Lorde Malt'uers, ij, because he was the son and heir of th' erle of Arundell ; the Viscount
Berkeley, ij ; W"* le Debat. Every baron and the other knyghts, moorners, because of
nyghnesse of bloode, j. I cannot ordre how they offred because the presse of the people
was so grete betwene them and me ; but the loughest in astate or degree by to the corps
beganne first. The namez of the barones and knyghts aforeseid. The Lord Stanley, the
Lorde Hastings, the Lorde Audeley, the Lord Burgeyny, the Lorde Dudley, the Lorde
Perrers, the Lorde Pitz Hugh, the Lord Delawar, the Lord Morley, the Lord Lisle, the
Lord Cobh'm, the Lorde Haward, the Lord Wellez, and the Lord Mountjoye, S' John of
Arundell, &c." (' Archseologia,' vol. i, p. 348.)

^ Ashmole, p. 149. ^ Ibid. See post, Beign of Charles the Pirst.

TO A.D. 1483. MONUMENT TO THE KING. 395

his reign already referred to, caused a monument to be prepared
for his grave. No inscription was placed on it/ and it does not
appear ever to have been completed.^ A curious fabric of
wrought iron was erected in front of the grave, and was pro-
bably intended, Mr. Poynter observes, '' as a screen to the
monument."

" This elaborate piece of workmanship," says the same writer,
" has generally been considered as of foreign manufacture f but
the high price at which the services of King Edward's principal
smith were retained point him out as an artist of some pretension
far beyond that of wielding a sledge-hammer, and there is no
reason why it should not be the handiwork of Master John
Tresilian." *

Ashmole describes it as made of '' steel gilt," ^ and others as of
brass gilt. The frame is, however, of worked bar-iron, and the
small rich Gothic compartments of plate iron are cut with a punch
stamp. The whole of the work appears to have been executed in
the most simple manner possible, and put together with similar
simplicity.^

This screen was originally placed on the north side and open to
the aisle; but about 1789 it was moved into the choir, and the
vacancy thus left on the north side of the vault was filled by a new
monument, represented in the woodcut at the end of the present
chapter.^

Elizabeth Wydeville was buried by the side of her husband in
1492, as will be mentioned in the succeeding chapter.

In the year 1789, the coffin of Edward the Fourth was dis-

1 Aslimole's ' Order of the Garter,' p. 149.

^ Poynter.

^ It had been generally attributed to Quintin Matsys. (Stoughton.)

^ Poynter.

" ' Order of the Garter, p. 149.

^ See Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 210, note (/), citing an examination made by
"Dr. Lind, who has carefully examined it with Mr. Davis, his majesty's blacksmith at
Windsor." Mr. Stoughton received a corroboration of this opinion from the workmen of
Messrs. Berridge and Sons, who had been then (1844) recently engaged in cleaning this
piece of work. (' Windsor in the Olden Time,' p. 96.) There is an engraving of the
screen in Sandford's 'Genealogical History,' p. 391, 1st edit.

^ ' Vetusta Monumenta,' vol. iii, p. 4.

396 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

covered by some workmen. It was of lead, seven feet long, and
was much compressed in some parts, and a little decayed. On
opening it, the entire skeleton was found, measuring six feet three
inches and a half in length. Some brown hair was found lying
near the skull and neck. The coffin also contained a liquid, which
at the feet was three inches deep, and which Dr. Lind, who
examined it, pronounced to be the result of the decomposition of
the body.^

In proof that the '* courteous and familiar virtues" of Edward
the Fourth continued up to the period of his death, the chroni-
clers narrate " that in summer the last that ever he saw, his
highnesse, being at Windsore in hunting, sent for the rnaior
and aldermen of London to him, for none other errand but to
have them hunt and be merry with him ; where he made them
not so stately, but so friendly and so familhar cheare, and sent
venison from thence so freely into the city, that no one thing
in many dayes before gat him eyther more hearts or more
hearty favor amongst the common people, which oftentimes more
esteeme and take for greater kindnes a little courtesie than a great
benefit." '

Hunting appears to have been a favorite amusement of this
king, and several instances of his indulgence in the sport at
Windsor have been mentioned in the present chapter. The ward-
robe accounts for one year (1480) contain many entries of disburse-
ments on account of horses, saddles, and harness. Among various
kinds of spurs, described as "long spurs," "short spurs," and
"black spurs," is one described as "hunting spurres, I paire,
parcelle gilt." ^

The following lines from the poem ' Of the Death of the Noble
Prince, Kynge Edwarde the Eorth,' written by eTohn Skelton, poet
laureate in the reign of Henry the Seventh, may be inserted here
as containing a reference to Windsor :

^ *Vetusta Monumenta/ vol. iii, where see engravings of the vault, body, &c.,
plates vii and viii. See also Gough's 'Monumental Antiquities/ vol. ii, p. 278. A. lock
of the hair is preserved in the Ashmolean Museum.

" Grafton; Holinshed.

^ See Sir H. Nicolas' 'Wardrobe Accounts of Edward the Fourth.'

TO A.D. 1488] STATE OF THE CHAPEL. 397

'* I had ynough, I held me not content,

Without remembraunce that I should dye ;

And more ever to incroche redy was I bent,
I knew not how longe I should it occupy :
I made the Tower stronge, I wyst not why;

I knew not to whom I purchased Tetersall ;^
I amendid Dover on the mountayne hye.

And London I provoked to fortify the wall;

1 made Notingam a place full royall,

Wyndsore, Eltam/ and many other mo.

Yet at the last I went from them all,
Etj ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio !

" Where is now my conquest and victory ?

Where is my riches and my royal aray?
Wher be my coursers and my horses hye ?

Where is my myrth, my solas, and my play ?

As vanyte, to nought al is wandred away.
O lady Bes, longe for me may ye call !

For I am departed tyl domis day ;
But love ye that Lorde that is soveraygne of all.
Where be my castels and buyldynges royall ?

But Windsore alone, now I have no more,^
And of Eton the prayers perpetuall,

Ety ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio !'' *

It is evident (says Mr. Poynter) that at the conclusion of this
reign " the eastern portion of the chapel at least was roofed, and
the choir nearly finished ; yet how far the work might be advanced
in other respects is uncertain. The well-known cognizance of the
founder, the rose en soleil, prevails throughout the whole of the
lower part of the building ; but the Tudor bearings on and above
the west window indicate that portion to have been incomplete for
some years later. Of the interior stone groining, the roof of the
Lincoln Chapel, with the adjoining compartment at the east end of

^ Tattershall Castle in Lincolnshire.

^ This line and the next are given thus in one MS. :

" Wynsore and eton, and many oder mo,
As Westmynstre, Eltham, and sone went I from all."
3 i. €., More ; alluding of course to the king's burial in St. George's Chapel, Windsor.
^ See Dyce's ' Skelton,' vol. i, pp. 3, 4.

398 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

the south aisle, the corresponding compartment on the north side,
and the passage at the back of the altar, are the only portions
which could have been executed by Bishop Beauchamp. Nothing
more appears to have been done to the vaulting until the reign of
Henry the Seventh, and it vras not completed until that of his
successor." ^

Besides the royal foundation, there were several chantries
endowed about this period in St. George's Chapel. The two in this
reign are thus described by Ashmole :

"The 26 of November, anno 18 E. 4, the feoffees of Richard
Duke of Gloucester confirmed and delivered to the dean and
chapter the manors of Bentfieldbury in the county of Essex,
Knapton in the county of Norfolk, and Chellesv^^orth in the county
of Suffolk ; v^ho thereupon granted (among other things) that they
and their successors should cause yearly for ever a mass to be daily
celebrated in this chapel, for the good estate of the said duke and
of Anne his duchess while they lived, and their souls when dead ;
as also for the souls of their parents and benefactors.

" Sir Thomas St. Leger, knight (some time husband to Anne
Duchess of Exeter, sister to King Edward the Fourth), founded a
chantry of two priests, who (in the middle chapel, situate on the
north side of the church) were ordained to pray for the healthful
estate of King Edward the Fourth and his queen, and Cicely
Duchess of York, the king's mother, while they lived, and for their
souls when dead : as also for the soul of Richard Duke of York,
the good estate of the said Sir Thomas, and Richard Bishop of
Salisbury, then living, and after their decease for their souls, and
the soul of Anne Duchess of Exeter. The foundation of this
chantry, and the covenants between Sir Thomas St. Leger and the
dean and college, are dated the 20 of April, anno 22 E. 4." ^

Among the parochial endowments of this reign were the
following :

John Fayrefeld, of New Wyndsor, by will dated the 9th of
January, 1469, among other things gave his tenement situate in
Shete Strete to his son Hugh and Alice his wife ; and if they died

^ Pointer's 'Essay.'

^ Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 149.

TO A.D. 1483.] PAEOCHIAL AND OTHER ENDOWMENTS. 399

without issue, then the tenement was to be sold, and the one half
of the profit to be disposed of to the reparation of " the wayes"
about New Wyndsor, and the other upon the reparation of the
Church of St. John the Baptist, so that all Christians might pray
for the soul of the testator and the souls of all the faithful
departed.

John Scott, alias Coney, by will dated the 30th of April, 1470,
directed that he should be buried in St. Mary's Chapel, in the
Church of St. John the Baptist, in New Windsor, on the south
side of the chapel. He gave to the lights of every altar in the
church the sum of sixpence ; and if his sons William and John
died without issue^ he directed all his lands, tenements, &c., in
New Windsor, Old Windsor, and Clewar to be sold, and the
profits to be distributed in good works, as well in aid of God's
church as for other good and charitable uses, for the good of his
soul.

Roger Norreys, gentleman, and Thomas Blewet, yeoman, by
deed dated the 8th of September, in the twenty-second year of this
reign, demised a messuage and one croft adjoining, situate in New
Wyndesor in Underore, in fee of the Abbot of Reading, to Thomas
Engeley and Christian his wife, for their lives, and afterwards to
Robert Rothery and Lucy his wife and the heirs of their body,
and, if they should die without issue, then to the dean and canons
of the College of St. George " within Wyndesor Castle" and their
successors for ever, to the end that they should find a yearly obit
for ever in the said college for the souls of Geoffry Pasley and
Julian his wife, Walter Norris and Helen his wife, Thomas Engely
and Christian his wife, their parents, friends, and benefactors, and
all the faithful departed.^

The earliest existing records among the muniments of the
corporation of Windsor are entries of proceedings in the borough
court during this reign. Little is recorded besides the names of
the parties and the form of action, except in a few instances where
issue was joined and the cases proceeded to trial. The jury pro-
cess and panels of those causes remain, but are devoid of interest,

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1125.

400 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XY.

beyond supplying us with the names of inhabitants of Windsor at
this period.^

The "statutes" or rules of the corporation established in this
reign are, however, sufficiently curious to warrant their insertion,
from a transcript formerly existing among the records of the
corporation :

" The Statutes for the Order and Regiment to be hadde^ used, and
contynued in the Corporaccm^ or Fraternitie of the Guylde hall
in New Wyndesor, made and decreed and ordeyned the 14^'^
day of July, and in the 14*^' yere of the Reigne of the Kyng
of most famous Memory, Kyne Edward the 4*^', before the
Lord Steward of Englande, the Treasorer and Control' of the
Kyngs most ho^^® hoseholde, the rerernd father Thomas
Byshop of Winchester, S"^^ Edward Ferys, S'" Witton Denys,
K*^, and divs other of the Kings most ho^^^ Councell, as
appe*^ by the Booke remaining of Record within the compting
house of the Kings householde afores"^ , the yere above written,
William Bullok then Maior of the Burrough, Tho: Nesse and
John Grace Bayleffe, and the hole corporacon^ pesent con-
senting and accepting the same to continue for ever.

" Inprimis, yt ys stably shed and agreed that the Eleccon of the
Maior and Bayliffs shal be continued as before hath been accustomed
and used, That is to saye, the most part of the Bretherne being no
Benchers shall Elect and Chuse 3 of the Aldermen, of whome one to
be chosen Maior by the most voyces of the Burgesses and Aldermen,
And also the seide Bretheren to chuse one Bayliff among themselves,

^ The following were the aldermen in the thirteenth year of this reign: Richard
Lovell, seneschal ; Edmund Pury, Wilham Bullok, Richard Grenewey, William Stevens,
Thomas Lymnett, John Bernard, John Joyes, Nicholas Keye, William Evington, William
Hether, John Toller. The names of the burgesses in the same year were John Bernard
(elected alderman in the place of William Eraunceyes, deceased), John Grace, William
Hether (elected alderman), William KempsalJ, Thomas C. Kouper, William Quynchant,
Richard Dawe, John Toller (elected alderman), John Oldwode, William Pratte, John
Joseph, Thomas Nesse, Robert Legate (elected alderman), Thomas Ergeley, Ralph
Bullok, Christopher Broun, Wiliam Evyngton, John Joyes, Nicholas Keye, Robert
Gerard (the last four being elected aldermen), John Plomer, armiger, John Bucknell,
Abraham Sibiles (elected alderman), John Squire. In the next year, Thomas Nesse and
John Grace were bailiiFs, and William Bullok mayor. (Ash. MSS., No. 1125.) Ashmole,
speaking of the fourteenth year of this reign, says — " This is the first year bailiffs are
mentioned in the catalogue in the large vellum book, and they held also the following
year." (Ibid.)

TO A.D. 1483] CORPORATION STATUTES. 401

and the Aldermen and the Burgesses to chuse an other. So that
asswell the same Alderman so elect and chosen to be Maior as the
Bretheren Elect to be BaylifFs shal be inhabit^ within the seide Towne^
or else in no wyse to be admitted to the seide offices, but to chuse
other dwelling wthin the same Towne.

" Item, yt is established and agreed, That there shal be 28, or
30 at the most, of the substauncyelst and wysest men of the same
Towne to be of one Fraternitie of the Guildehall, and of the 28 or 30
brethern 13 of them shall be Benchers and sitt upon the Benche, and
shalbe called Burgenses, and of the same Burgenses 7 of them shal
be called Aldermen, yf soe many have borne the office and charge of
the Mayor within the s^ Towne of Wyndsor.

" And it is further agreed. That if so many of the Burgenses have
not borne the office of the Mayor, Then it shal be lawfull unto the
Maior w*^^ the consent of the most p^^ of the Aldermen then being to
call and appoint one or as many of the other Burgenses as shall fulfill
the numbre of 6 Aldermen besyde the Maj^or, and in like manner
w*^ the consent of the most p**^ of the Burgenses to call and appoint
one or as many of the Brethern w^^ have borne the office and charges
of the Bayliff w*Mn the same Towne, to sitt upon the Bench to fulfyll
the number of Burgenses. And even so w*'^ the consent of ye most
p*^ of the Brethren to call and appoint one or as many of the wysest
and honestest p'sones, Comeners of the same Towne, to fulfyll the
nombre of the Brethren.

'* Item, jt is moreover agreed. That if there be any Gentlemen, lerned
man, or other p'son not inhabyting wthin the saide Towne, whome the
seide Maior and Aldermen shall thynke y*^ they maye by powre, wys-
dome, or auctoritie to be ayding, benefyciall, or assistaunt to the Inha-
bitants of the seide Towne, That then hyt shall be lawfull unto the
seide Maior and Aldermen (yf the seide Gentylman, learned man, or
other persson be desirous of the same) to be made Brethren thew
[although] the aforesaid nombre fullfylled notwthstand^, yet nevthe-
less they shall beare neither the office of Maior nor BaylifiP.

" Item, yt is Ordeyned and establyshed and decreed. That it shal be
lawfull for the Maior for the tyme being or his deputie at any tyme to
coinawnde aswell the Brethren and Burgenses as Aldermen to come to the
Guilde hall, or to any other convenient place where the seide Maior or
his deputie shall thynke best, to consult and cowncell take w*^ the said
Brethren, Burgenses, and Aldermen, of ony matt^, cawse, or buisnes as
the seide Maior or his deputie shall thinke requisite or necessarie,
aswell for the preservacon of the Kings peace, tranquillitie and Con-
corde of his graces subjects, as also for the good ordre, comoditie,
profyte, and mayntenance of the seid Towne. At w*^^ meeting the

402 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XV.

seide Burgenses and Brethren shall lovingly debate, Reason, and de-
clare there wysdorae and discretion before the seide Maior or his
depntie and the Aldermen, of all suche matters, causes, or buissnes as
shal be by the Maior or his deputie opened and declared unto them.
And after such reasoning and debating by the seide Burgenses and
Brethren the Maior and Aldermen shall ordre, determyne, finish, and
conclude all the Matters, Cawses, or Busynes as by there wysdome and
discretion shal be thought most necessary and requisite.

'' Item, yt ys farther establyshed and decreed. That aswell all
souche lawdable Statutes and Ordinaunces heretofore made by the
Maior and Aldermen of this Towne of Wyndesor, as also all such
lawdable Ordinaunces, constetucons, and Statuts in lyke manner here-
after to be made for the Comon wealth, good rule, and ordre, tran-
quilitie, concord, and conservac''on of the Kynges subjects inhabyting
w*^^in the seide Towne, shal be from henceforth observed and kept, and
evry offender and breaker of the same to be amercyed and punished
by the discretion of the Maior and Aldermen after the matter heard,
debated, and Reasoned as before is expressed.

" Item, yt ys decreed. That yf ony Alderman, Burgenses, or Bro-
ther, or any other pson w*Hn the precincts or lymitte of ye Towne
stubbornely or dissobediently dissobey, repuyne, or rebell agaynst the
Comandem* of the Maior or his deputie, or yf they dispise, vex, or
myssuse the seide Maior or his deputie in executing his office for refor-
mac'on of things that he supposeth to be amisse. That then the seide
Maior or his deputie shall imprison or punish all and evy souche person
or persons so offendyng as he and the seide Aldermen then not offending
shall thynke to be condigne, necessary, and sufficient, and in like
manner to be amerced and pay fyne before they departe owte of prison.

^' Item, yt ys also decreed. That if ony comp^*^ be made to the Maior
or hys deputie that ony of the Brethren do stryke, myssuse, revyle,
rayle, or mocke ony of the Brethren and duely pved. That then the same
offender shalbe co"mytted to warde, and there to remayne two dayes
and two nyghts, except the Maior or his deputie w*^^ the consent of the
Brother so oifendyd wyll release ony p*^ of his imprisonm*, And yet he
shall pay souche fyne before he dep^"^ owt of prison as shal be by the
Maior and Aldermen thought necessary for souche offence. And if
ony of the aforeseide offences be comytted ag^ ony of the Burgenses
the same offender shall suffer 4 dayes imprisonment, except the Bur-
geusis so offended &c. as before is expressed, and yet the fyne to
be paid as yt ys above expressed. And if ony of the seide offences
or souche like be comitted ag* any of the Aldermen, the offender
shall suffer 6 dayes imprisonm^, except the Alderman &c. as before
is menconed, and yet the fyne to be p*^ the imprisonm* notwith-

TO A.D. 1483.] EDWAED THE FIETH. 403

standing. And yf any other Inhabitants or Strawnger offendyng any
of the Aldermen, Burgenses, or Brethren, as before is expressed, he
shal be comytted to warde, there to remayne by the discrec^on of the
Maior and Aldermen, and in no wyse ony souche offence to be un-
punished besyde the fynes ordeyned in that behalfe to be paid in
the Guilde Awle or hall, Bycawse that ev^y man shal be taken,
knowen, and esteemed, accordyng to his calling, into office, and his
charges borne for the mayntenance and sustentation of the seide
Towne, to the intent that such Bulers and Guvnours of the Kings
Towne may the easier redresse ony thyng amysse when neede shall
require.

"Moreover, yt ys decreed. That evy Alderman shall comaunde any
officer in the absence of the Maior or his deputie to take and carry
to Stocks or prison ony person being a peace breker, fyghter, quareler,
scolder, or any other mysdemeaned person w^4n the precinct of the
seide Towne, And after any such offence done, yf yt be before none
[noon]. The seide Alderman shall gyve knowledge thereof unto the
Maior or his deputie within 6 howers after his Comawndem* executed.
And yf yt be after 4 of the clocke at after none. Then he shall gyve
like knowledge in the morning the next day.'^ ^

The few weeks' nominal reign of Edward the Fifth afford no
materials for a separate chapter in the history of Windsor.

By letters patent dated the 20th of May, 1483, Edward Hardgill
was appointed to the vergership of Windsor Castle, jointly with
William Evyngton, who held the office in the preceding reign.
The following petition was presented to the infant king about the
same time :

" Please it to your highenes of your most noble grace, in conside-
ration of the feithfull service which your humble servant Bichard Tilles,
Clerk, Countroller of your most honorable Houshold, hathe hertofore
done unto the most famouse prince of blessed memorie your fader late
king, and during his lyff intendeth to do unto your said highnes, to
geve and graunt unto your said servaunt thoffice of Countroller of your
Workes within this your royalme, now beyng voide by the deth of Sir
John Kendale, late one of the almesse knightes within your collage of
Wyndesore, to have, occupie, and exercise the said office by him self or
his depute or deputees sufficient during our pleasure, with wages and
fees and other libertees and commoditees to the said office of olde

^ Ash. MSS., transcribed "out of the Boarded Book of Inrolments, f. 120."

404 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapteii XV.

tyme due and accustumed, and in as ample manner and forme as the
said John or any other persone or persones before tymes the said
office occupieng have had and enjoied in and for the same. And he
shall pray to God for your most noble and royall astate/^

On the last day of May this warrant was issued to engage
painters for the works in the castle :

" Edward, &c. To all manor our officers^ true hegemen, and sub-
gettes to whome these our letters shalbe shewed, and to every of them
greeting. Forasmoche as by thadvise of our most entirely beloved
oncle the Due of Gloucestre, protectour and defendour of this our
royalme during our yong age, we have commaunded our welbeloved
servaunt Anthony Lambeson to take up in our name as well within
franchises as without all suche peynters as by his discrecion shalbe
thought metely and convenient for the peynting of suche our workes
as he shall do within our castell of Wyndesore as elles where within
this our royalme. Therfore we wolle and charge you that in due
execucion of this our commaundement ye be unto the said Antony
favoring, assisting, and obeyng in every behalve as it shall apper-
teyne, as ye entende to please us and to eschue the contrarie at your
perilles,^^ ^

Lord Hastings, the favorite of Edward the Fourth, who was
beheaded at the Tower by the Lord Protector (Richard the Third)
on the 13th of June, 1483, was buried at Windsor ("his bodie
with his head ") " beside the tomb of King Edward." ^

Lord Hastings had, by his will dated the 21st of June, 1481,
bequeathed his body to be buried in St. George's Chapel, " appoint-
ing one hundred marks to be bestowed on his tomb there; and
gave to the dean and canons of that college a jewel of gold or silver
of £20 value, there to remain perpetually, to the honour of God,
as a memorial for him. Moreover, he ordained that his feoffees
should amortize lands to the yearly value of £20 to the dean and
canons aforesaid, to the end that they should perpetually find a
priest to say daily mass and divine service at the altar next to the

^ This warrant and the preceding petition are taken from * Grants, &c., from the
Crown during the Reign of Edward the Eifth, from the original docket-book, MS. Harl,
No. 433/ edited by J. G. Nicols, E.S.A., for the Camden Society, 1854.

' Eabyan ; Hall ; Holinshed.

TO A.D. 1483.]

THE HASTINGS CHAPEL.

405

place where his body should be buried, in the said chapel or college,
and there to pray daily for the king's prosperous estate during his
life, and after his death for his soul, as also for the souls of him
the said Lord Hastings, and his wife, and all Christian souls; and
that the same priest, for the time being, should have £8 yearly of
the said £20 ; which," says Dugdale, " was accordingly per-
formed." ^ His widow and son subsequently erected and endowed
the little chapel still known as " the Hastings Chapel," or, more
correctly, " St. Stephen's Chapel," to whom it was dedicated.^

^ 'Baronage,' tome i, p. 585. The will is printed in Sir H. Nicolas' 'Testamenta
Vestusta/ p. 368.

2 See the curious paintings in this chapel, engraved and described in Gough's
'Sepulchral JVIonuments,' vol. ii, p. 284,

Tomb of Edward the Fourth, from the North Aisle of St, George's Chapel.

CHAPTER XVI.

WINDSOU IN THE EEIGN OP RICHAED THE THIRD.

Constables or the Castle.
A.D. . Thomas Windesor, Esq. a.d. 1483. Sir John Frilington.

Deans op St. George's College.
A.D. 1483. William Benley. a.d. 1484. John Morgan, LL.D.

Provost of Eton.
A.D. . Henry Bost.

Appointment of Constable and other Officers of the Castle — The King and his Queen at
Windsor — Letter to the Mayor — The body of Henry the Sixth removed from
Chertsey Abbey to St. George's Chapel — Works of the Chapel — Warrants —
Sir Reginald Bray.

By writ dated the 8th of April, in the first year of the reign of
Kichard the Third, Thomas Windesor received " the office of Con-
stable of the Castel of Windesor, and Heutenant of al Forests,
parks, warrens, and other places to the said office belonging, for
the term of his life, with the wages of xxx.li, yerely," from the
10th of March previous.^

About the same time, John Frith was appointed to the office of
gaoler of the " utter gate of the Castle of Windesore" during his
life with the wages of three pence daily ;^ and Sir Thomas
Bourchier, the late constable of the castle, received a warrant
directing the treasurers and barons of the exchequer to allow him
in his accounts the sum of three pence daily, paid by him to the
said John Frith, from Michaelmas, in the twenty-second year of

1 Harl. MS., No. 433, f. 61 b.

2 Ibid., f. 77.

TO A.D. 1485.] INTERMENT OP HENRY THE SIXTH. 407

Edward the Fourth, to the 26th of the following May, in respect
of the same office of gaoler of the utter gate.^

Thomas Cressy obtained a confirmation of the letters patent of
Edward the Fourth, conferring on him the office of keeper of the
beds within the Castle of Windsor.^

After the coronation of Richard and his queen Anne, on the
5th of July, 1483, they went to Windsor for a few days. From
Windsor they proceeded to Woodstock, Oxford, Gloucester,
Coventry, and so to York, where great festivities took place.^

The following curious letter from Richard the Third to the
Mayor of Windsor was written about this period :

" By the King. Trusty and well beloved, wee Greet you well ;
and for asmuch as wee are credibly informed that our LibelP and
traytours^ now confederated with our Antient Enemyes of France^ by
many and sundry wayes conspire and studdy the meanes to the sub-
vertion of this our Realm e, and of unity amongst our subjects, as in
sending writeings by seditious persons^ which counterfeite and contrive
false inventions^ tydeings, and rumours, to the intent to provoke and
stirr discord and division betwixt us and our Lords, which bee as faith-
fully disposed as any subjects can suffice^ wee therefore will and
command you straightly that in eschewing of the Inconvenients above
said, you put you in yo^ utmost devoire if any such Rumours or write-
ings come amongst you, to search and enquire of the first sliewers and
utterers thereof, and them that yee shall soe finde yee doe coramitt
unto your warde, and after proceed to their sharp punishment, in
example and feare of all other; not failing hereof in any wise, as yee
intend to please us, and will answ^ unto us at your perills. Given
under our signett, at our pallace of Westm^", the 6th day of Decem^V^ ^

In 1484, Richard the Third caused the body of Henry the Sixth to
be removed from Chertsey Abbey and to be buried at Windsor,^ where
it was solemnly reinterred, on the 12th of August, in St. George's
Chapel, under the uppermost arch on the south side of the altar.^

» Harl. MS., No. 433. 2 xbid., f. 38 b.

^ See Buck's Life, &c., of Richard the Third, in Kennett, vol. i, p. 527.

4 Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 12,520.

° Stow's 'Annals/ p. 466, edit. 1631. Sandford attributes this translation to Edward
the Fourth, but most historians assign it to Richard the Third. (See Gough's ' Monu-
ments' and Poynter's ' Essay on Windsor Castle.')

^ Ashmole, citing Spelman's ' Councils,' vol. ii, p. 712. Gough and Poynter say the
second arch from the altar.

408 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVI.

It is narrated that ** the holy body was, on this occasion, found
very odoriferous, which was not owing to any spices employed
about it when it was interred by his enemies and tormentors. It
was in a great measure uncorrupted, the hair of the head and
body perfect ; the face as usual, but somewhat sunk, with a more
meagre aspect than common. A number of miracles immediately
proclaimed the king's sanctity, as sufficiently appeared from the
written account of them there.'' ^

Sandford, writing about 1676, says the king was interred "under
a fair monument, of which there are at present no remains. The
arch on the south side of the chapel (between the choir and the
altar), under which he was deposited, is gilt and painted with the
several devices of this king ; on the keystone of which are carved
his royal arms, ensigned with a crown, and supported by two
antelopes collared and chained together. In the south window of
which arch was pencilled the history of his life in coloured glass,
which, with many more windows in the same chapel, was defaced
in the late rebeUion." ^

In 1789, when the workmen were preparing for the new pave-
ment of the aisle in which he is interred, they found the entrance
of the vault, but were directed not to open it.^

The works of the chapel " were not neglected," says Mr. Poynter,
" during the short and busy reign of the last of the Plantagenets.
A commission from Richard the Third, appointing John Penley and
Thomas Canceler receivers of the estates of the Lord Morley, pro-
vides 250 marks yearly for the building of the College of Windsor ;*
and the total sum appropriated to the chapel during the first year
of his reign amounts to £733 lOs. Df^/." '

^ Gougli's * Monumental Antiquities,' vol. ii, p. 231, citing Ross of Warwick.

' ' Genealogical History of the Kings and Queens of England.'

^ Stoughton. "In Gougli's ' Monuments' there is a design for a richly decorated chantry
tomb for Henry the Sixth, from a drawing in the Cottonian MS., Aug. A II, made probably
on the occasion of the proposed canonization and removal of his remains to Westminster
by Henry the Seventh, for which a bull was actually obtained from Pope Alexander the
Sixth." Stow imagined the removal to have been accomplished, for he says — " There [at
Windsor] he rested for a time ; but now his tombe being taken thence, it is not commonly
knowne what is become of his body."

4 Harl. MSS., No. 433.

'" MS. in Chapter House, Westminster. A writ from Richard the Third, dated at

TO A.D. 1485.] THE OLD PARK. 409

A warrant was issued on the 6th of August, in the first year of
this reign, to John Clerk and John Coton, auditors of the exche-
quer^ " to hear and determyne the accompt of Thomas Canceller,
aswel of al money by him receyved and al charges and costs by him
doon, from the xj day of January, the xxij yere of King E. the
iiijth, unto the xj day of January, an. primo R. Ric. ter., and from
thense yerely, from tyme to tyme, as the buylding of the chapel of
Wyndesore, the vicairs newe loggings, and the reparacons of the
grete manour in the Olde Parke shal be done ; and to allow unto
him or his deputies the said charges by him had and doon, as the
wages of him and diverse other artificers therein appointed with
sertain other particular sommes in the said warrant compised." ^

The " Olde Parke" was probably identical with the Great Park,
and may have been called '' the Old Park" to distinguish it from
the Little Park, to which two hundred acres had been recently
added by Edward the Fourth. In this reign, Thomas Gray, esquire,
keeper of the Old Park, had " a restreint in the straitest wise for
noon hunting in the said parke without a special commaundement
from the kings grace." ^

The manor-house in the Great Park has been before mentioned.

After the death of Bishop Beauchamp in 1481, the works of
the castle had fallen under the superintendence of Sir Reginald
Bray,^ the son of Sir Richard Bray, physician to Henry the Sixth.^

Westminster, the 15th of May, in the first year of his reign, directed to the Constable of
the Castle of Windsor " who now is and who may hereafter be," recites letters patent of
the 21st of Tebruary, 1 Edw. IV, granting the ofl&ce of chief mason of the Castle of
Windsor to Robert Legat for life, to be performed by him or a sufficient deputy, with
the accustomed fees received during the time of Edward the Third and Richard the
Second, through the hands of the constable of the castle ; and, because the wages and
fees of Geoffry de Carleton, mason in the time of Edward the Third, were six pence
a day, the constable is commanded to pay the said Robert six pence a day, from the 21st
of February aforesaid, during his life, from the rents and profits of the castle.

^ Harl. MS., No. 433, f. 73 b.

' Ibid., No. 443.

^ Poynter's 'Essay.'

* " Sir Reinold Bray, knight (the son of Richard Bray, physician, as some have noted,
to King Henry the Sixth), being servant to Margaret Countess of Richmond, mother to
Henry tJie Seventh, was, for the fidelity to his lady, and good service in furthering King
Henry the Seventh to the crown, received into great favor with the said king, and made
lord treasurer of England, as appcareth by the record of Pellis exitus, made under his

410

ANNALS or WINDSOR.

[Chapter XVI.

He was probably a member of the family of that name who at this
period were possessed of land at Bray, near Windsor.^

name in the first year of tlie reign of Henry the Seventh, being the year of our redemp-
tion 1485 ; besides which office he had many other offices and honors, part whereof were
that he was treasurer of the kings wars, that he was one of the executors to King Henry
the Seventh, that he was made Knight of the Bath at tlie coronation of the said king,
and created a banneret at Blackheath field. He died the eighteenth year of the Solomon
of England, King Henry the Seventh, being the year of our redemption 1503, and was
honorably buried at Windsor." (Holinshed, edit. 1808.) See his Life in Kippis'
' Biographia Britannica.'

^ Lysons, in describing Bray, says — " In 1444, John Bray, esquire of the body to
King Henry the Sixth, held in fee a house and lands, said to have been formerly called
'John of Bray's Place,' and afterwards 'Heoyndens.' " ('Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 248.)
The family appears to have acquired its name from Braie in Normandy. Edmond Bray,
the grandfather of Sir Reginald, was styled of Eton Bray, in the county of Bedford.
See a further notice of Sir Reginald Bray in the next chapter.

Bray Church.

CHAPTER XVII.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OP HENRY THE SEVENTH.

Constables op the Castle.
A.D. 1485. Sir Thomas Bourchier. a.d. . Lord Daubeny.

Deans oe St. George's College,

A.D. . John Morgan, LL.D. a.d. 1505. Christopher Bainbridge, LL.D.

A.D. 1495. Christopher Urswicke. a.d. 1507. Thomas Hobbes, D.D.

Provosts of Eton.
A J). . Henry Bost. a.d. 1504. Roger Ltjpton, LL.D.

Reservation of Grants in the Act of Resumption — St. George's Day, 1488 — Feast of
Whitsuntide — Treaty with Portugal — Will and Burial of Elizabeth Wydville —
Writs of Habeas Corpus and Certiorari to the Mayor and Coroner of Windsor —
Proclamation respecting the Coinage — Inventory of Weights and Measures —
Confirmation Charter — Works of the Chapel — Sir Reginald Bray — The Deanery
rebuilt — Agreement for Vaulting the Roof of the Choir — Extracts from the King's
Privy-purse Expenses — Spur Money — Privy-purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York
— Visit of Philip Archduke of Austria to Windsor — Additions to the Upper Ward
— Commencement of a Priary on the site of the King's Garden — The King's
Bequest for the Making and Repairing of Roads — Tragedy in the Castle Ditch —
Dispute between the College and the Poor Knights — Yearly Expenditure of the
Dean and Chapter — Knights on the Foundation — Windsor Borough Court —
Swans and Swan Upping — Earliest existing Windsor Charity — Obits in the Parish
Church — Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells, a resident of Windsor — Obits
in St. George's Chapel — Bequests to Eton College.

By the Act of Resumption^ 1 Henry VII (a. d. 1485), the office
of " Constableshipp of the Castell of Wyndesore" and "of the Kepyng
of the Parke of Byflete in the Countie of Surrey'' was reserved to
'' Sir Thomas Bourghchier Knyght."^

The same act contained the following proviso :

" Provided alwayes, that this Act of Resumpcion, or any other Act
made or herafter to be made in this present Parliament, extend not,

' Rot. Pari, vol. vi, p. 359.

412 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

or in any wise be prejudicial! or hurtful! to Gilbert Mawdesley, oone of
tlie Kings Sergeaunts at Armes, to or for tlie Graunte or Fee belongyng
to the Office of tlie said Sergeaunte at Armes, or to or for the Graunte
of the Office of the Portership of the Utter Gate of the Castel! of
Wyndesore, or of or for the Graunte of the Keping of the Parke called
Mote Parke, in the Forest of Wyndesore, unto hym made by the Kings
several! L'res Patents, by whatsoever name the said Gilbert, or any of
the said Fees or offices, be named : but that the same L"res Patents,
and every thing in theym conteyned, be unto the said Gilbert gode and
availlable in the Lawe, after and according to the tenoure and effecte
of the said Kres Patents ; this said Acte notwithstanding.'^^

The same act also contained provisos, respectively reserving
" unto oure well beloved Servaunt Robert Marleton" the offiice of
'* Vergerarshipp of Wyndesore ;"^ " to Hugh Annesley" the office
of " Kepyng of oure Warderobe v^ithin oure Castell of Wyndesore ;^'^
and to Piers Warton '' the offices of Keping of the Keys of th'yner-
w^ard of oure Castell of Wyndesore, and of the fee of tlie Crowne."*

In the same year the sum of one hundred pounds was assigned
out of the fee farm town of Windsor, towards the sum of £2105,
the amount to be yearly delivered to the keeper or wardrober for
the king's wardrobe.^

On St. George's day, 1488, Henry was at Windsor, on which
occasion the queen and the Countess of Richmond, from whom
indeed she appears to have been rarely separated, were present, each
being habited in a gown of the Order of the Garter ; but he deferred
the solemnization of the feast of that saint until the Sunday
following, on the eve of v\^hich day the king, and the Knights of
the Garter, rode to the College, and were accompanied by the
queen and her suite. Her majesty and the Countess of Richmond
again wore the livery of the order, and sat in a rich chair, covered

* Rot. Pari., vol. vi, p. 342 a. This proviso, apparently from an oversight, is repeated
in a subsequent part of the act. Gilbert Mawdesley is there termed '' Squier," and after
the words '* Moote Pare" there is added, " with the oute wodes of Crambourne." (Ibid.,
p. 359.)

2 Ibid., pp. 347 h, 383 h.

3 Ibid., p. 367 a.

* Ibid., p. 384^.
' Ibid., p. 304 «.

TO AD. 1509.] ST. George's day. 413

with cloth of gold, drawn by six horses, harnessed in a similar
manner, and followed by a suite of twenty-one ladies, among whom
was her sister the Princess Anne, habited in crimson velvet, and
mounted on white palfreys, the saddles of which were made of cloth
of gold, and the trappings covered with white roses, the badge of
the house of York.^ " Sir Roger Cotton Master of the Queens
Horse, riding upon a courser trapped with Goldsmith's work, led her
Horse of State in his hand, being furnished with a saddle of Cloth of
Gold, and thereon three crowns of silver gilt, with Fimbres of the
same cloth hanging down to the Knees on both sides, and harnised
with Goldsmiths work demy-trapper-wise.'

" 2

^ Sir H. Nicolas' ' Memoir of Elizabeth of York,' p. 83. A contemporary narrative of
the feast is preserved in the Cottonian MSS., and is printed in Leland's ' Collectanea,'
vol. iv, pp. 239, 241; in Anstis, vol. ii, p. 226; and in Sir H. Nicolas' 'Orders of
Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 106. See also Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' pp. 518, 519.

^ Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 519. The following verses, attributed by
Ashmole to John Skelton (afterwards poet-laureate), and printed with his works in
Mr. Dyce's edition, were presented to King Henry at this feast :

*' 0 moste famous Noble King ! thy fame doth spring and spreade,
Henry the Seventh our Soverain in eiche Regeon,

All England hath cause thy grace to love and dread,
Seing Embassadores seche fore protectyon,
Eor Ayd, helpe, and succore, which lyeth in thie Electyone.

England now Rejoyce for Joyous mayest thou bee,

To see thy Kyng so floreshe in dignetye.

" This Healme a Seasone stoode in greate Jupardie,

When that Noble Prince deceased king Edward ;

Which in his Dayes gate honore full nobly,

After his decesse nighe hand all was marr'd,

Eich Regione this Land dispised mischefe when they hard :

Wherefore Rejoyse for joyous mayst thou be.

To see thy Kynge so floresh in high dignetye.

" Eraunce, Spayne, Scoteland, and Britanny, Elanders also.
Three of them present keepinge thy noble feaste,

Of St. George in Windsor, Ambassadors comyng more,
Iche of them in honore bothe the more and the lesse.
Seeking thie grace to have thie Noble beheste ;

Wherefore now Rejoise and joyous maiste thou be,

To see thy kynge so florishing in dignetye.

414 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chaptek XVII.

The feast of Whitsuntide, 1488, was also kept at Windsor;
after which the court removed to Woodstock, thence, at Allhallow's-
tide, to Windsor, and from Windsor their majesties went to West-
minster/

The treaty of peace with Portugal was confirmed at Windsor in
August 1489, and attested by the Archbishop of Canterbury,
primate of England, legate, and chancellor ; the Bishop of Exeter,
keeper of the privy seal ; the Earls of Northumberland, Shrewsbury,
and Essex ; George Stanley of Strange, knight ; Richard Nevyll
of Latymer, and John le Souche, of Souche, Martin Oliver Kyng,
Henry's secretary, barons ; and Thomas Lovell and Richard
Guldeford, knights.^

The queen dowager, Elizabeth Wydville, widow of Edward the
Fourth, who died in the spring of 1492, by her will, bearing date
the 10th of April in that year, expressed her wish to be buried at
Windsor, in the following terms : " I bequeath my body to be buried
with the bodie of my Lord at Windessore, according to the will of

" 0 knightly Ordere clothed in Robes with Gartere,

The Queen's grace and thy Mother clothed in the same ;

The nobles of thie Uealme Riche in araye, Aftere

Lords, Knights, and Ladyes, unto thy greate fame,
Now shall all Embassadors know thie Noble Name,

By thy Peaste Royal; no we joy eons mayest thou be.

To see thie King so florishinge in dignety,

" Here this day St. George Patron of this Place

Honored with the Gartere, clieefe of Chevalrye,
Chaplenes synging processyon keeping the same.

With Archbushopes and Bushopes beseene nobly.

Much people presente to see the king Henrye ;
Wherefore now St. George all we pray to thee,
To keepe our Soveraine in his dignetye."

1 Sir H. Nicolas' ' Memoir of Elizabeth of York.'

2 * Eoedera/ vol. xii, p. 379, Sir Harris Nicolas remarks that "it is worthy of attention,
as indicating that the king's secretary was of higher importance than he had hitherto
been considered, that he was classed with the barons in the list of witnesses on that
occasion. Dr. King was probably at that time a privy councillor, for in May 1492 he
was styled 'our councillor and secretary.' ('Fcedera,' vol. xii, p. 477.)" ('Proceedings of
the Privy Council,' vol. vi, Preface, p. cxiii.)

TOA.D. ]509.] PUNERAL 01^ ELIZABETH WYDVILLE. 415

my saide Lorde and myne, without pompes entreing^ or costlie
expensis doune thereaboughts." ^

An account of the funeral by an eye witness shows that the
queen's wishes were literally complied with.^

^ Pompous interring.

^ Nichols' ' Royal Wills.' Another dowager queen recently followed the example of
Elizabeth. Queen Adelaide, the widow of William the Eourth, was at her own request
buried beside her husband at Windsor, without the pomp and ceremonies usually attendant
on royal funerals.

3 The following is the account, taken from the Arundel MS., No. 36, f. 29 h : "And the
said queen desired in her dethe bedde that assoone as she shuld be decessed she shuld [be]
in all goodly hast without any worldly pompe by water conveied to Wyndesore and ther to
be beried in the same vaut that her husband the kyng was beryed in onWhitsonday she
was accordyng to her desire by water conveied to Wyndesore and ther prevely thorow
the littill parke conveied into the castell w^out Ryngyng of any belles or Reccyvyng of
the dean or chanons in their habits or accompaynyed as whos sayed but w* the prior of
the charterhous of Shen docter brent her chapelain and oo"n of her executores Edmond
Haust maistres grace a bastard dowghter of Kyng Edwarde and upon an other gentil-
women and as it tolde to me oon preest of the college and a clerke Receyved her in the
castell And so prevely about xi of the clocke in the nyght she was beried w*oute any
solempne direge or the morne any solempne masse doon for her owbebytt on the morne
theder came the lord awdeley bysshop of Rochester to doo the Service and the substaunce
of the officiers of armes of this Realme but that day ther was nothyng doon solemply for
her savyng a low hers suche as they use for the comyn peple w* iiij wooden candelstikks
abowte hit and a clothe of blacke cloth of gold over hit w* iiij candlestikkes of silver and
gilt everyche havyng a taper of noo gret weight and vj scochyns of her armes crowned
p'^ynted on that clothe On the tewsday theder came by water iij of Kynges Edwardes
doughters and heirs that is to say the lady anne the lady Catherine the lady bregett
accompeygned w* the lady marquys of dorsset the Due of buckyngham doughter and nyce
of the foresaid qwene Alsoo the doughter of the Marquis of Dorsset The lady herbert
alsoo nyce to the said qwene the ladye Egermont dame katheryne gray dame
gilford whiche after duryng the derige And oon the morne that is to say the wensday
at the masse of Requyem And the thre daughters at the hed there gentilwomen behynde
the thre ladyes Alsoo that same tewsday theder came the lordes that folowyn — The
lord Thomas marquys of Dorsset soon to the foresaid queue The lord Edmond of Suffolke
Therll of Essex The Yicount Welles Sir Charles of Somerset and Roger Coton maister
Chaterton And that nyght began the direge the foresaid bisshop of Rochestre and
Vicars of the college were Rectors of the qwer and noo chanons the bisshop of Rochestre
Red the last lesson at the direges of the chanons the other two but the dean of that
college Red noon thowgh he were present at that service nor att direge nor at non at
thay was ther never a new torche but old torches nor poince man in blacke gowne nor
whod but upon a dozeyn dyvers olde men holdyng old torches and torches under and on
the morne oon of the chanons called maister Vaughan sange our lady masse at the whiche
the lorde marquys offred a piece of gold at that masse offred no man savyng hym selfe
and in likewise at the masse of the trenytie whiche was songen by the dean and kneled at
the hers hed by cause the Ladyes came not to the masse of Requiem and the lordes
before Reherced sat above in the qwer Into thoffryng tyme when that the foresaid lordes

416 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XVII.

In the eighth year of this reign we find a writ of habeas corpus
directed to John Baker, the mayor of Windsor, to remove the body
of Roger Cherrie, alias Roger Stearries, then committed a prisoner
in the the king's gaol in that town, into the Court of Queen's Bench,
he being indicted in the county of Middlesex for divers felonies and
trespasses.^

By a writ of certiorari, dated the 30th of June, in the sixteenth
year of Henry the Seventh, a writ of certiorari was issued to the
coroner of Windsor to return without delay the proceedings against
William ap Ewyn, a felon, who it appears had abjured the realm .^

and alsoo the oflBciers of armes ther beyng present went before mylady anne whicbe offred
the masse peny Instede of the qwene wherfore she had the carpet and the cusshyn bed
and the vicount welles toke her thoifryng whicbe was a very peney in ded of silver and
dame Katheriue gray bere the said lady agnes trayne In tyme she was turned to her
place ageyn they everyche of the kings dowghters bere ownes traynes and offred a pece
of gold after the ladies had offred in likewise the lord marquys offred a pece of gold
than the other foresaid lordes offred their pleasirs than offred the dean and the qwer and
the poure knygbtes then garter kyng of armes w*hyni all bis company they offred all other
esquyres present and yemen and the Su^nts that wold offre but ther was non offryng to
the corps duryng the masse ther was geven certayne money In almes after masse the lord
marquys Rewarded their costes iX.s. I pray to god to have mersy on her

sowle At this same season the qwen her doughter toke her chambre Wherfore I
cawnot tell what dolent howve it she goth in but I suppose she went in blew In like-
wise as qwen Margaret the wife of Kyng Henry the VI went in whenne her mother the
qwene of Ceille deyed."

* " Term. Hill. 8 Hen. VII, et per cont. ejusdem rot. 13.

" Berks.

" Roger Cherrie nuper de Nova Windsor in com. pred. yeoman, alias diet. Rogerus
Stearries nuper de eadem in eodem com. yeoman, per Johan. Baker majorem villae dom.
regis de Nova Windsor in com. pred. virtute brevis dom. regis de habeas corpus ad sect.
ipsius regis pro quibusdam feloniis et transgr. unde in com. Midd. indictatus est sibi inde
direct, coram domino rege duct, cum causa, viz. quod idem Roger, commissus fuit gaol,
dom. regis infra vill. pred. per mandat. dom. regis qui committitur marr. &c." (See
Selden's Works, vol. iii, p. ii, p. 1983.)

2 By the ancient common law of England, if a person guilty of any felony, excepting
sacrilege, fled to a parish church, or churchyard, for sanctuary, he might, within forty
days afterwards, go clothed in sackcloth before the coroner, confess the full particulars of
his guilt, and take an oath to abjure the kingdom for ever, and not to return without the
king's licence. Upon making his confession and taking this oath, he became ipso facto
attainted of the felony ; he had forty days from the day of his appearance before the
coroner to prepare for his departure, and the coroner assigned him such port as he chose
for his embarkation, to which he was bound to repair immediately with a cross in his
hand, and to embark with all convenient speed. If he did not go immediately out of the
kingdom, or if he afterwards returned into England without licence, he was condemned to

TOA.D. 1509.] ' THE COINAGE. 417

The following curious order and proclamation was issued in
1495;

" Henry by the grace of God King of England and of France and
Lord of Ireland To our trusty and wel beloved the Maior and Bailiffs
of o"" Towne of Windesor, greeting. Wee will and charge you y* in all
places within your Jurisdiction as by your discrecon shall be thought
most expedient and behovefuU ye doe make open and solempne proclama-
cons in forme follow^' ' Whereas o^ most dread Sovaine Lord the
King Henry the 7^^^ by the grace of God king of England &c. is certainely
enformed that in div^ places of this his said Realme his subjectts some of
selfe will and frowardenesse and some of Ignorance refuse to receive or
take in paiem* smale penyes and also old woren penyes of gode and
fyne sil9 lawfully coigned^ w'^^ that have ben ev wont to be currant before
this tyme, and woll in nowyse receive of pore men ne other neither for
vitailles nor other necessaries, but oonly grots and thicke and large penyes
chosen by them after their owne myndes to the manifest noisance dis-
turbance and hurt of his saide subjects and specially of the poores.
Therefore our saide Sovaine Lord entending to provyde for due remedy
herein, willing his lawfull money to have concours as hertofore have
ben used and accustomed, willeth and straitelychargeth and commaundeth
alle and evy of his subjiects and liegmen of what estate degree or condi-
con y* thei be, that noon of tham from hensforth refuse to Receive or
take in paym* eny Silv penny lawfully coigned within this his said
Ray"^® of England, be it woren thynne or lythe^ bering eny know-
ledge of a peny coigne upon paine of his body to be comytted unto
prison and to make fyne at the will of our said Sovaigne lord upon the
complaint and due prove of any of his saide subjiects. And God save the
king.^ And that ye faile not of due execacon hereof, as you woll
avoyde oure grete displeasure. Given undre o^ privie seale at our Cas-
tle of Wyndesore the 2^^ daie of Octob the xi*^' yere of oure Reigne.'^

'' R. BOLMAN.^' 2

In this proclamation, which was no doubt made throughout the
kingdom, two descriptions of coin appear to be referred to in the

be hanged, unless he happened to be a clerk, in which case he was allowed the benefit of
clergy. This practice, which has obvious marks of a religious origin, was by several
regulations in the reign of Henry the Eighth in a great measure discontinued, and at
length, by the statute 21 James I, c. 28, all privilege of sanctuary and abjuration con-
sequent upon it were entirely abolished. (Penny Cyclopaedia, art. ' Abjuration.')

^ Smooth.

2 Ash. MS., !No. 1126, f. 63. This proclamation is not noticed by Ruding, in his
' Annals of the Coinage.'

418 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

recital, namely, small pennies, and pennies worn smooth and thin
by time, although the directory part of the proclamation only
expressly refers to the latter.

This measure did not attain the desired object, for a similar but
not identical proclamation was issued on the 12th December, 1498,
forbidding persons to ^' refuse to take and receive in payment all
manner pennies of our said sovereign lord's coinage, so that they be
silver and whole. "^

Among the corporation records of the borough of Windsor
there is an inventory of the weights, measures, &c., belonging to the
corporation in this reign. It is inserted in a page near the end of
a volume of borough accounts of the sixteenth century. Many of
the items in the list have been drawn through with a pen, and addi-
tions and alterations made, evidently at various times, but the
following is a copy of the original entries as far as they can now be
deciphered :

" Thes ben the Standard Mesures and wheytys longyng to the Gilde
Aula there made the xv day of Octob the xv yere of ye Ueign of Kyng
Heii? the vij"'

" In p'mis V peyer of amancles (?) c'plete.^

It. V peyer of ffeters cplete and iij Shakillis.

It. a hanging lok. It. a aramble (?).

It. a chaynye at the hal dor.

It. a Brasyn bushell.

It. ij yerdes on of brasse and a noy'' of yron.

It. ij gallons 1 pottell 1 qu''t of Brasse.

It. di. p^^ 1 qrt di. qrt^ vij^^ vj^^ v^^ iiij^'^ iij^^ ij^^ of Brasse.

^ MS. in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, cited by Ending, vol. i, p. 295,
3d edit. Mr. Ruding treats the words " of our said sovereign lord's coinage" as neces-
sarily meaning pennies coined in his reign, and suspects that their thinness was authorised,
or at least connived at, by him, from motives of avarice. The Windsor proclamation,
however, which speaks of *' old worn pennies," proves the suspicion to have been ill
founded. It is possible, however, that the "small pennies" mentioned in that proclama-
tion may refer to a coinage of Henry's own reign ; and that, as the fine or imprisonment
only referred to the old worn pennies, it was found requisite to issue the later proclama-
tion with reference to the small pennies of the king's own coinage.

2 Manacles complete.

^ A half-pint measure.

^ A half-quart, or pint (?)

TO AD. 1509.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 439

It. ij cli. p'^ of ledde xiiij'^ of ledde.

It. a Beame w* a peyere of skalys.

It. a Beame to wey w* hey.

It. ij scales to make wt dobull w and another w* ir'n (?).

It. a Bolster of yron.

It. a gallon and a pottell of tin.

It. a pyce of yron for the stokks.

It. a gyn for the bryge corner.

It. iiij coshonnys^ of carpet work.

It. i peyer of balance and a troy-wheyth to wey brede w*all.^

It. a yron barr for the Trapp dor.

It. a canstik of latten hangyng yn the gilde aule.

It. a bande baskett. Ifm an olde pile of troy wheyth.

It. a Rynge of yron.

It. ij yron chaynes.

It. a dossen vessell barell to assise the brewers vessell xiiij gallons

lost.
It. a busshell di a busshell di a pek.
It. a Bope w* an hoke for the ladder.
It. a Ring yron w*^^ an (?).

It. ij Staves for the constubullis payd owt of the com'on chest.
It. ij peyre of Bobynnetts of tyn.
It. a barr to the chymeney of the gilde aule.

It~m two hokis upon polis to pull down an howse in tyme of
nede.^'

Henry the Seventh some years before, '' intending/' as the
statute says, '' the common wele of his people, and to avoide the
great disceite of Weightis and Mesures longe tyme used within this
his Realme, contrarie to the statute of Magna Carta and othre
estatutes therof made by divers of his noble progenitours, att his
great charge and coste did doo make weightis and mesures of brasse
according to olde standardes therof remaynyng in his Tresorye.''
These weights and measures were subsequently delivered to the
knights and citizens of every shire and city assembled in the
parliament holden the 14th October, 1495, the barons of the
Cinque Ports and certain burgesses of borough towns, to be by them
conveyed to certain cities, boroughs, and towns, mentioned in a

^ Cushions.

^ " Item, 1 pair of balance and a troy weiglit to \A^eigh bread withall.

430 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XVII.

schedule to the statute 11 Hen. VII, c. 4, there to remain for ever.
Windsor is not included in the schedule, Reading being the town
mentioned in Berkshire.

These weights and measures, however, '^ upon more diligent
examynacion had synz the making of the seid estatute been proved
defective and not made according to the old lawes and statutes
therof ordeyned within the seid realme," and in the following year
(1496) it was enacted that the bushel should contain eight gallons
of wheat, and that every gallon contain eight pounds of wheat of
troy weight, and every pound contain twelve ounces of troy weight,
and every ounce contain twenty sterlings,^ and every sterling be of
the weight of thirty-two " cornes of whete that grewe in the
myddes of the eare of the whete according to the old Lawes of this
Land."

A standard of a bushel and a gallon were ordered to be made
after this assize, and the cities, boroughs, and towns, were required
to send the former bushels and gallons to the king's receipt in
order to be broken, and new measures made out of the '' stuffe and
metall."'

Henry the Seventh, by letters patent, dated at Westminster,
the 4th day of December, in the fifteenth year of his reign, reciting
the charter of confirmation of the second of Edward the Fourth, and
the charter of the same monarch in the sixth year of his reign, con-
firmed and approved the same to the bailifis and burgesses.^

The works of the chapel were directed during a great part of the
reign of Henry the Seventh by Sir Reginald Bray, whose munifi-
cence provided for their continuance after his death, which occurred
on the 5th of August, 1503.* By his will, he left his personal
property and the profits of his lands to be laid out by his execu-

^ The sterlings mentioned in this statute are pennyweights, and not the coins of that
name. (Ruding.)

2 See the statutes 11 Hen. VII, c. 4, and 12 Hen. VII, c. 5. See also a curious
table of " The Standards of Weights and Measures in the Exchequer, anno 12 Henrici
Septimi," in the ' Vetusta Monumenta,' vol, i.

3 E carta orig. penes Majorem et Ballivos de Windsor. (Mr. Snowden's MS., p. 37.)
Upon the grant of these letters, five marks were paid into the Hanaper Office.

^ Stow. On the 24th of January previously. Sir R. Bray had taken part in the cere-
mony of laying the first stone of the new Lady Chapel of Westminster Abbey.

TO A.D. 1509.] WOEKS OF ST. GEORGE's CHAPEL. 421

tors in completing the new works in the body of the church, and in
erecting his tomb in the chapel he had built there for his burial
place. ^ The Bray Chapel forms the south transept of the building,
but the tomb seems never to have been executed.^

Henry the Seventh took down the original chapel of Henry the
Third for the purpose of building a royal mausoleum in its room.
The work was commenced, and in the privy-purse expenses of
Henry the Seventh the following payment occurs on the 23d July,
1501 : ^'To Master Esterfelde for the kinges toumbe £10," and
other payments to Mr. Esterfelde on account of this tomb are
inserted, amounting to £68 Ss. 2d. "The king was, however,

* The clauses of the will relating to Windsor are thus given, apparently somewhat
imperfectly, in Pote's ' History of Windsor,' p. 375, and in Huggett's MS. Sloane,
No. 4847, f. 100 : " I Sir Reynold Bray K* to be buried in the Church of ye College of
our Lady and S* George within ye Castle of Windsor at the west ende and south side of
ye same Church in ye Chappell there new made by me for ye same entent also in ye
Honour of Almighty God oure Saviour, oure Lady S* Mary and of alle ye Saints in heven,
and for ye helthe of my Soule, and for ye Soules of them that I am mooste bounde to doo
and praye fore, and for all Christian Soules. I will that myn Executours immediatly
aft my decease indevoyre themselves with alle diligence with my goodes and thissues and
profits of my seid Lands and tenements by them to be received and had to make and
perfourme and cause to be made and perfourmed the werk of ye new works of ye Body
of ye Church of ye College of our Lady and S' George within ye Castell of Windesore,
and ye same works by theym hooly and thurghly to be performed and finished, accordyng
and after ye fourme and entent of ye foundation therof, as well in stone-work, tymbre,
ledde, iron, glasse, and alle other things necessary and requisite for ye utter perfourmance
of ye same. Also I will y* my Executors underwritten imediately after my decesse shall
cause a convenient Tombe to be made in ye s^ chapell upon my grave in alle goodly haste
after [my] decesse as may be if it be not made [in] my lif. That myn executors shall cause
as much of my lands as shall amount to ye yerely value of xl marks, above all charges to be
graunted and amortised to ye Dean and Chanons of ye s^ College of Wyndesore and their
successors for evermore, so that ye same Dean and Chapter and Chanons and their
successors shall be bound for ye same, in suche maner and fourme as shall be thought by
myn executors to be sure, perpetually whiles ye world shall endure, at ye dore of ye s"*
Chapell, where my Body shall be buried to xiii poor men or women xuj.l. that is to say
to every of ym i.L" &c. It may be observed that the document given as the will of
Sir Reginald Bray in Sir H. Nicolas' ' Testamenta Vetusta,' vol. i, p. 446, appears to be
a very imperfect abstract.

- Poynter, and Pote's ' History of Windsor,' p. 374. "The description of Sir R. Bray's
Chapel in his will answers rather to the Beaufort Chapel than to the south transept.
The latter has nevertheless always been known as Bray's Chapel." (Poynter.) Ashmole
identifies Sir R. Bray's Chapel by " his arms, crest, and the initial letters of his Christian
and surname, cut in stone, and placed in divers parts of the roof." (' Order of the Garter,'
(p. 136).

422 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [CuAPTEii XVII.

diverted from his original intention," observes Mr. Poynter, " to
that gorgeous structure which covers his remains at Westminster,"^
and the tomb was accordingly removed there in 1503. In January
of that year, this entry occurs in the privy-purse expenses : " To
Master Estfeld for conveying of the Kinges tombe from Windesor
to Westminster £10/'^ The shell of the building at Windsor was
probably completed at this time, the close of the fifteenth century,
since it bears no heraldic decorations of a later date. The porch,
or passage to the cloister, is marked with the initials of Henry and
his queen. ^

In 1500 the Deanery was rebuilt by Dr. Christopher Urswick.*
A picturesque remnant of the architecture of this edifice still remains
within the cloister, but, like the rest of the collegiate buildings, its
original features are nearly obliterated. The houses of the minor
canons, called the horse-shoe cloister, may also with the greatest
probability be referred to this reign. The ambulatory has once
displayed an elegant specimen of the timber architecture of the
period, though now so dilapidated that the design is not to be
collected without some difticulty. The plan is supposed to repre-
sent the fetterlock, the badge of the last founder of the chapel.^

The following agreement was made in 1505 for building the
roof of the choir of St. George's Chapel :

''This Indenture made the v*^ day of the moneth of June in the
xxj^^ yeare of the Reigne of our soveraign Lord King Henry the vij*^^^
hetweene George Talbott Lorde Steward, Giles Daubeney Lord Cham-
berlain and S^ Thomas Lovett Knight in the name of our said Soverain
Lord and all the Lords and Knights of the most hon^^^ Order of the
Garter of the oon partie, and John Hylmer and William Vertue fre

^ Poynter's ' Essay/ citing Stow.

' FiW^ ' Excerpta Historica,' p. 85. Lambarde says — " Kynge Henry VII mynding
to prepare for his owne sepulture at Wyn^sore, pulled downe that Olde Chappel, which
Kiuge Edw. Ill had builte, and which stoude at the East Ende of this greater Worke,
and in the place therof he raised a new Ende. But for as muche as he afterwarde
changed his purpose, and made for his owne Burial that incomparable Worke at West-
minster (which now yet bearethe his name) this other Peice of Building at Wyudsore was
otherwise employed." (Lambarde's 'Topographical Dictionary.')

^ Poynter.

'^ Ashmolc.

^ Poynter.

TO A.D. 1509] ST. George's chapel. 423

masons on the other partie_, Witnesseth that it is covenaunted, bargayned
and agreed betwixt the parties above named that the said John Hylmer
and William Vertue at their owne proper costs and charges shall
vawlte or doo to be vawlted with free stone the Roof of the Quere of
the College Roiall of our Lady and Saint George within the Castell of
Wyndesore according to the Roof of the body of the said College ther,
which Roof conteyneth vij Senereys, as well the Vawlte wHnfurth as
Archebocens/ Crestys, Corses^ and the Kings bestes stondyng on theym,
to here the fanes on the outsides of the said Quere, and the creasts
corses beasts above on the out sides of Maister John Shornes Chappell
to bee done and wrought according to the other creastes and comprised
within the said bargayne. Provided alway that the principall Keyes of
the said Vawte from the high Awter downe to the Kings stall shall bee
wrought more pendaunt and holower than the Keyes or pendaunts of
the body of the said Colege with the King's armes crowned with Lyons,
Anteloppes Greyhounds and Dragons beriug the said Armes and all the
other lasser Keys to bee wrought more pendaunt and holower than
the Keyes of the Body of the said Colege also with Roses portecoleys
flouredelyces or any other devyce that shall please the King^s grace
to have in them. To all which worke the said John and William
promysen and by these presents bynden themself thair heires and
executors in cccc''" sterlings to fynde all manner of Stone tymbre for
Scaffalds, Bords, Nayles and all other things necessary with carryage
for the same by water or by Land and to have fully fynished the said
Vawte with thappnrtenances by the Fest of the Nativitye of our Lord
which shall bee in the yeare of our Lord God after the course and
accounting of the Church of England M*- V'^- and viij. For all which
workes before named the Kings Grace and the Lords and Knights of
the Garter must paye or doo to bee paid to the sayd John and William
or to their assignes vij c^^^ sterling after this manner and fourme
folowing that is to say at the^nsealing of thies Indentures c^** At the
fest of the Nativity of our Lorde then next following c^*' At the fest
of Easter then next and immediatly following Ixxx^*- At the fest of

^ Arcs-boutants, flying buttresses.

2 "The term corse (says Mr. Poynter) has hitherto been unexplained. In this case it
evidently applies to the pinnacles. In a MS. of the Itinerary of William of Worcester,
in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (for a knowledge of which I am
indebted to Professor Willis), there is a drawing explanatory of a well-known passage
describing the door of St. Stephen's Church at Bristol, and in this case the term is
applied to the pinnacles flanking the archway in each side. It is probable, however, that
the square shaft is the member indicated ; and it is to be observed that the pinnacles at
St. George's have caps only, and wofinials''

' £700.

424 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

the Nativity of Seint Joha Baptist then next following Ixxx^* At the
fest of S*' Michaell th' archangell then next following Ixxx^^" At the
Nativite of our Lorde than next folowing Ix'- At the fest of Ester
then next folowing Ix^ At the nativite of Seint John Baptist then
next folowing Ix^" And the residue of the som^e amounting to four-
score pounds to bee payed as the workes goes forward bitwixt that and
the Fest of the Nativitie of our Lord then next following, by which
day the said workes must bee fynyshed and ended. To all w*^^ bar-
gaynes and covenauntes wele and truly to be kept and p^formed the
p'ties above named to theis present Indentures interchaungeably have
set to their Scales the daye and yere abovesaid/-'-^

" It appears," says Mr. Poynter, " that the vaulting of the nave
had been previously completed ; and that recently^ since the arms
of Dean Urswick are displayed upon it, and there is every reason to
suppose that the fan groining of the side aisles was executed at the
same time. The profusion with which the arms, cognizance, and
initials of Sir Reginald Bray^ are scattered over the whole of this
work, shows how large a share he took in its erection, probably by
contributing to its cost during his life, as well as in his office of
surveyor.^

» Asli. MS., No. 1125, f. 11, 12. This agreement is printed in Wright and Halliwell's
'Reliquse Autiquse,' p. 115. Letters of licence, in Latin, from Henry the Seventh to the
dean and canons to make a doorway in the castle wall, recite the petition of the dean and
canons — " quatenus impune possunt ac valeant partem Muri Castri n~ri Borial. predict
CoUegii quant, sufl&c. pro uno hostio sive Janua per quam possunt libere exire et ingredi
quociens eis placuere demolire sive prosternere et illam partem muri iterim coustruere
sive reedilicare cum Janua forte sive hostio securo propriis eorum sumptibus ;" "Nos
igitur ob charitatis fervorem sincerumq [&c.] dedimus, &c., plenariam licenciam [&c.]
transponendi coustruendi et faciend. oi~a pred~ca et content, in hac sedula. Etiam [&c.]
licenciam [&c.] colendi, transponendi, plantandi, alterandi, totam illam partem terre extra
mur Castri n ri Borial. iacent infra mu^r construend. a pred~co decano et Canonicis ex
lapidibus adustis absq. aliquo Impedimento [&c.]" Dated at W^indsor, 26th of July,
a. r. 13. (Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 19 b, 20 ; see also No. 1123, f. 129 b.)

- The arms of Bray are, argent a chevron between three eagles' legs erased, armed
gules. The device of Sir Reginald is a flax-breaker. The arms of Urswick, argent on a
bend sable, three lozenges of the field, each charged with a saltire gules.

^ See, in Bote's ' History of Windsor,' p. 65, a woodcut of Edward the Eourth and
Bishop Beauchamp on their knees before a cross, carved on the centre stone of the arch
at the east end of the south aisle, and also the initial letters of various benefactors. In
an adjoining arch the bishop placed a missal or breviary, with the following inscription :
" Who lyde this Booke here ? The Reverend Fader in God Richard Beauchamp Bischop
of this Diocess of Sarysbury. And wherefore ? To this intent that Preestes and

TO A.D. 1509.] ST. George's chapel. 425

" The expense of vaulting the choir was defrayed by a subscrip-
tion among the Knights of the Garter. The king contributed in
his own name and that of the prince (Henry) £100, the Bishop of
Winchester, £100, the Duke of Buckingham, £40, the Earl of
Arundell, 50 marks, and the rest of the knights various sums, from
£20 to £30 each.^^'

'^The main vaulting of St. George's Chapel," continues Mr.
Poynter, ** is, perhaps, without exception, the most beautiful speci-
men of the gothic stone roof in existence ; but it has been very
improperly classed with those of the same architectural period in
the chapels of King's College, Cambridge, and Henry the Seventh
at Westminster, The roofing of the aisles and the centre compart-
ment of the body of the building are indeed in that style, but the
vault of the nave and choir differ essentially from fan vaulting both
in drawing and construction. It is in fact a waggon-headed v^vM,
broken by Welsh groins ; that is to say, groins which cut into the
main arch below the apex. It is not singular in the principle of
its design, but it is unique in its proportions, in which the exact
mean seems to be attained between the poverty and monotony of a
waggon-headed ceiling, and the ungraceful effect of a mere groined
roof, with a depressed arch of large span. To which may be added,
that with a richness of effect, scarcely if at all inferior to fan
tracery, it is free from those abrupt junctions of the lines and other
defects of drawing, inevitable when the length and breadth of the
compartments of fan vaulting differ very much, of which King's
College Chapel exhibits some notable instances. On the outside of
the building the vanes supported by ' the King's beasts' are sorely
missed. They are shown very distinctly in Hollar's view, and

Ministers of Goddis Cliurch may here have the Occupacion thereof, seyjing therein theyr
Divyne Servyse, and for alle othir that lystyn to sey thereby ther Devocyon. Askyth
he any spiritual Mede ? Yee asmoche as oure Lord lyst to reward hym for his goode
intent ; praying every Man, whose Dute or Devocion is eased by thys Booke, they woU
say for him thys commune Oryson, Bomine Jesu Christe. Knelyng in the Presence of this
Holy Crosse, for the wyche the Reverend Eadir in God aboveseyd hathe grauntid of the
Tresure of the Chirche to every Man 40 Dayys of Pardon." (Pote, pp. 65, QQ.)

^ Poynter, citing Ashmolean MSS., No. 1132. "Lysons is therefore mistaken in
supposing the choir to have been vaulted out of Sir Reginald Bray's bequest."
(Poynter.)

426 ANNALS OP WINDSOB. [Chapter XVII.

their removal has left an abrupt and unfinished character upon the
pinnacles, which is the only defect in the architecture/'^

The following entries, more or less connected wdth Windsor,
occur in the privy-purse expenses of Henry the Seventh, from
December, A° 7, 1491, to March, A^ 20, 1505:'

"A° 1492, April 15, at Windsor. To a woman of Wynde-
sor for surdeac, bs. July 19, at Windsor. To Sir John
Hudelston servant, that brought tidings of Hopers takyng, in
rewarde, bs. To Sir John Hudelston for one that toke Hoper,
20^. and for hym that aspied Hoper in a tree, 40^. — £3. To three
yomen of the grome for conveying of Hoper from Windesor to
the Toure for thir costs, 3s. Hofer was in all probabiHty one of
the adherents of Perkin Warbeck ; but his name is not mentioned
by any writer of the time.^

*' 1493, Oct. 28. For carrying the Kings harness from Stony
Stretford to Windesor, and so to London, Ss. Sd. 1494, Aug.
14, at Windesor. To the bell ringers of Windesor College,
£3 6s. M:'

The king went into Oxfordshire about the middle of August.

" 1495, May 18. To Sir Cha' Somerset for offringes and
expences of my Lorde the Due of York at Windesor, at his instal-
lacon, £13 6s. Sd."^ '^ Sept^ 30, atBisham. Oct. 1, at Windsor
(on his return from Wales). To the Children for the King's
spoures, 4^."

Entries similar to the last occur in the privy-purse expenses of
Henry the Eighth in 1530. Thus, on the 30th of April, 1530,
six shillings and eightpence were paid — '' To choristurs of the
College of Wyndesor in reward for the kings spurres."

The nature of this payment has not, however, been hitherto
satisfactorily ascertained. In the time of Ben Jonson, in conse-
quence of the interruptions to divine service occasioned by the
ringing of the spurs worn by persons walking and transacting
business in cathedrals, and especially in St. Paul's, a small fine was

^ ' Essay on the Antiquities of Windsor Castle.'

'^ Vide 'Excerpta Historica/ p. 85,

3 Ibid.

■* Sec Anstis' ' Register of the Garter,' vol. i, p. 41.

TO A.D. 1509.] SPUE MONEY. 427

imposed on them, called spur money, the exaction of which was
committed to the beadles and singing boys.

The exaction of spur money by the choir boys exists at the
present time at St. George's Chapel, Windsor. A stranger making
his appearance in the chapel wearing spm's is applied to for a fine,
the amount of which is, however, left to his generosity. Officers
in the army are exempt from the fine.^

Sir Harris Nicolas, who considers it doubtful whether such a cus-
tomary payment prevailed at so early a period, suggests that the
entry in question was money paid to redeem the king's spurs,
which had become the fee of the choristers of Windsor, perhaps at
installations, or at the annual celebration of St. George's Feast.^

The following ceremony, which took place at the creation of
Henry, the son of James the First, Prince of Wales, may, perhaps,
throw some light on this spur money.

The Knights of the Bath attended evening service in the chapel
of Durham House, and " evening prayer being ended, there stood,"
says Stow, '' at the Chappell doore, the kings master cooke with his
white apron and sleeves, and chopping knife in his hand guilded
about the edge, and challenged their Spurres which they redeemed
with a noble a piece : and he sayd to every Knight as they passed
by him, these or the like wordes.

*' 'Sir Knight looke that you bee true and loyall to the King my
master : or else I must hew these Spurres from your heeles.'

"And so they marched through the Hall into the Court
yard, and at the Gate tooke their horses and returned to Durham
house," &c.'^

' A similar custom appears to prevail at cathedral churches. An anecdote told of
George the Fourth, visiting Worcester Cathedral, when Prince Regent, has been com-
municated to the editors by Mr. Seeker, Clerk of the Peace for Windsor, who heard it
from the verger very soon after its occurrence. The prince went with Earl Beauchamp to
see Worcester and its cathedral. Seeing the choristers buzzing about him in the nave,
and pointing to his spurs, the prince inquired of the dean what it meant, when one of
them delicately hinted about the spur money. The custom was explained, and the
prince encouraged the demand, and paid the boys handsomely.

2 'Privy-purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth,' p. 355.

3 ' Annals,' p. 899, edit. 1631. See also the account of the creation of Knights of the
Bath in 1616, reprinted in Nichols' ' Progresses of James the Eirst,' vol. iii, pp. 218, 219,
and Heath's 'Chronicle,' p. 481, 2d edit.

428 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chaptee XVII.

Notwithstanding these facts and the suggestions hitherto made,
it seems probable that the payment was of a totally distinct natm^e,
and was in fact an offering to the tomb and relics of Henry the
Sixth. The body of that king was, as has been already stated,
removed from Chertsey to St. George's Chapel by Richard the
Third, and the miraculous powers and virtues attributed to him,
qualified him for a saint, and but for the parsimony of Henry the
Seventh, who hesitated to pay the necessary fees, the pope would
have admitted him into the calendar.^ Nevertheless, persons
flocked to the tomb and made their offerings to the relics collected
there, consisting, it seems, among other things, of the king's spurs.
Fox, in his ' Book of Martyrs/ when giving an account of the per-
secutions at Windsor in the reign of Henry the Eighth, has the
following passage in describing the causes of Robert Test wood's
"trouble:" "As it chanced Testwood one day to walke in the
church at afternoone, and beheld the pilgrims, specially of Devon-
shire and Cornewall, how they came in by plumps with candles and
images of waxe in their hands, to offer to good king Henry of
Windsor, as they called him, it pitied his heart to see such great
idolatrie committed and how vainely the people had spent their
goods in comming so farre to kisse a spur, and to have an old hat set
upon their heads ; insomuch, that hee could not refraine, but (seeing
a certaine companie which had done their offring, stand gasing about
the church) went unto them, and with all gentlenesse began to ex-
hort them to leave such false worshipping of dumbe creatures," &c.^

In the extracts from the privy -purse expenses of the queen,
Elizabeth of York, inserted in a subsequent part of the present
chapter, there will be found an entry of her offerings at Windsor,
including 2^. Qd. " to King Henry :" and from a subsequent entry
it is evident that a gift to the " children of the College" sometimes
accompanied the offerings made in the chapel.

1 See Pote's 'History of Windsor,' p. 358,

2 So Lambarde, writing in the same earnest but intolerant spirit, says — " As in the
late Tyme of general Darkness, no place was free from one Sorte of superstitious
Mawmetrie or other ; so this Churche of Wyndsore, not longe after the last Building,
was polluted with the wil woorship of Holy Kinge Henry (as they called him) in Revenge
(as it should seme) of that despitefuU Injurie, which Kinge Edward IV (the author of
this chappell) had done unto him. The seely bewitched People gadded hither on

TO A.D. 1509.] PEIVY-PURSE EXPENSES OE THE QUEEN. 429

Returning to the privy-purse expenses of Henry the Seventh,
we find the following payments :

" 1499. Jan. Payde to S. M Shaa in full payment of all his
rekenyings to this day, as well for newyeres gifts and making of
diverse juels and setting and polishing of stones, as for money
delivered by hym to Master Seymour for the werkes at Windesour,
£667 2s. Ud. 1500. July 25. To the hervest-folk beside
Burneham Abbey, Is. 1503. April. For the king of the
Romannes fyne at Windesor, £20."

The privy-purse expenses of Elizabeth of York, the queen of
Henry the Seventh, from March 1502, to her death in February
1503, contain several entries connected with Windsor.

In March 1502, there was ''delivered to S"" WilHam Barton
preest for thofFeringes of the Queue to oure lady and Saint George
at Wyndesoure and to the Holy Crosse there ij.s. vj.d. to king Henry
ij.5. vj.^. to our Lady of Eton xx.d, to the Childe of Grace at
Reding ij.s. vj.d. to oure lady of Caversham ij.s. vj.^.," &c. Sir
William Barton was occupied twenty-seven days in making a pil-
grimage to the above and a variety of other places, including Wor-
cester, Northampton, and Ipswich, for which the queen allowed
him tenpence a day.

On the 10th of April, 6s. Sd. was paid **to Edmond Bur-
tone for money by him geven in reward by the Queues com-
maundement to the keper of the litle gardyn at Windesour."

From the 17th of June to the 12th of July the queen was at
Windsor, arriving there from Richmond, and proceeding thence to
Oxford.

Pilgrimage, being perswaded that a smalle Chippe of his Bedsteade (which was kepte
heare) was a precious Relique, and that to put upon a Man's Heade an olde red Velvet
Hatte of his (that laye theare) was a Sovereigne Medicine against the Head-ache. The
Figure of al which Superstition yet standethe in the Glasse Windowe over-against the
place of his Burial. And if my Memorie do not muche deceive me, Mr. Jhon Shorne
(that holy man whiche helde the Divile in a Boote) had an Offering Place, and St. Anthonie
the Savioure of Swyne had his Stye or Stalle in this Churche also." (Lambarde's ' Topo-
graphical and Historical Dictionary.') In the reign of Henry the Eighth, Dr. Dunton,
Canon of Windsor, " ded, with Dr. John Gierke, dean of Windsor, receive by Indenture
from the lord Hastings, the sheets (as a relique) wherein K. Hen. 6, founder of Kings
College in Cambridge, lay, when he was murdered in the Tower." (Wood's *Pasti
Oxoniensis.')

430 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

The sum of 2s. was paid to Arnold Cholertoii " for his costes
prepay ring logging for the Quene from Richemount to Windesore
by the space of twoo dayes at xij.d, the day/' '' If m to Edmond
Lyvesey yeoman for ij dayes at xij.d. the day ij.^. If m to John
Browne grome of the beddes for twoo dayes at x.d. the day xx.d.
If m to WilHam Pole grome for twoo dayes xx.d. and to Edmond
Calverd page for ij dayes at \iij.d. the day xwj.dJ' Thomas Wood-
note and John Feld received 12d. for "wayteng upon the Queues
joelles" " from Richemount to Windesore for oon daye."

The following payments among others were made during the
queen's stay at Windsor :

^^ If m to Thomas Barton foteman to the Quene for
money by him geven in aulmous by the com-
maundement of the Quene in hir journeying fro
Ricliemont to Winsore . . . iij.5. iiij.c?.

If m the xvij^^ day of Juyn to a servaunt of the
Maire of London in reward for bringing a pre-
sent of cherys to the Quene to Windesour . vj.5. viij.c?.

It m the xviij*^'^ day of Juyn to the Quenes purse at

Windesore by thandes of Maistres Weston . Iviij.^. iiij.c?.

It~m the same day to my lady Bray for money by hir
delivered to the ministres of the Kinges chapelle
to drinke at a taverne with a buk . . xx.^.

If m the xix^^ day of Juyn to the Quenes purse by
the handes of John Staunton thelder at Wyn-
sore ..... xlvj.5. \u^.dJ'

" It"m the xxviij*^ day of Juyn to the gromes and pages
of the halle for making bonefyres upon the
evyns of Sainct John Baptist and Saint Peter v.s."

On the 2d of July, Emond Calver, page of the queen's
chamber, received, among other sums, two shillings "for riding
from Winsore to London on divers errandes for the Quene by the
space of iij dayes at viij.d. the day." The same day the sum of 5^.
was paid " for the Quenes ofFring in the colleage of Windesore at
high masse there." On the 3d of July, 26s. Sd. were '' delivered
to my Lady Bray for money by hure geven at the cristenyng
of John Belles childe at Winsore by the Quenes commaundement/'
and also, on the same day, the further sura of 20^. " to the said

TO A.D. 1509.] PEIVY-PURSE EXPENSES OP THE QUEEN. 431

Lady Bray for money by hur geven to a Scottishe, man scole
maister to the prince at bis departing by the Quenes commamide-
ment/'

Two days later there is the following entry :

" It"]!! the v*^^ day of July to Robert Alyn for money by
him delivered to the Quene for his ofFring at
Windesore. Furst to the Holy Cross ij.5. \j.d.
to Saint George ij.5. vj.^. and to King Henry
ij.5. \j.d. and for thofFringes of the Quene of
Scottes xij.c?. . . . . viij.5. vj.^^,^'

On the 6th of July, after a payment of 6s, Sd. *' to the undre-
keper of Swalowfeld for the bringing of iij bukkes from Swalow-
feld to Windesore," these entries occur :

" Ifm the same day to a servant of William Bulstrode
for bringing of a present of cakes apuUes and
cherys to the Quene at Windesore . xx^.

It~m the same day to my Lady Verney for money by
hire payed by the commaundement of the Quene.
Furst in aulmous_, iij. 5. iiij.^. It''m in reward
geven to the Fery man at Datchet iij .5. iiij.^.^
It'm in aulmous to an old servaunt of King
Edwardes vj.^. viij.c?. It^m to hir purs upon
the evyn of Saint Petre xvij.5. . . xxx.5. iiij.c?.

It"m the same day to a servaunt of S^ John Williams
in reward for bringing of twoo bukkes to the
Quene at Windesore . . . iiij.5.

It'm the viij*^ day of July to Thomas Acworth for

thexpenses of the Quenes stable . . Ivj./i. iij.5. o^.

Ifm the ix*^ day of July to Anthony Cotton in reward
by the commaundement of the Quene at
Windesore .... xiij..^. iii^.d.

Ifm the same day to the underkeper of Berkehampsted
for bringing of a buk to the Quene to Winde-
sore ..... iij. 5. iiij.6?.

^ On the 13tli of November following, but referring doubtless to the period of the
queen's visit to Windsor, there is also a like payment of 3^. 4id. '' to Hamlet Clegge for
money by him layed out by the Quenes commaundement to the keper of Dachet Terrey
in rewarde for conveyeng the Quenes Grace over Thamys there."

432 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

Trm the same day to a servaunt of William ap Howell
for bringing of a popyngay to the Quene to
Windesore .... xiij.s, inj.d.

It"m the x^^^ day of July to Thomas Fisshe in reward for
bringing of conserva cherys from London to
Windesore sent from Maistres Lees ij.5. viij.c?.
and for an elne of lynnen cloth for a sampler
for the Quene viij.c?. . . . iij.5. iiij.c?.

It~m the same day to Henry Smyth clerc of the Castell
of Windesore for money by him payed to certain
labourers to make an herbour in the litle parke
of Windesore for a banket for the Quene . iiij.5. viij.c?.

It'm the same day to the Quenes purs at Windesore by

thandes of my Lady Ann Percy . . xx.s.

It'm the xj*^ day of July to the dean of the Kinges chapell
for thoffringes of the Quene upon the Feestes
of the Nativitie of Saint Johne Baptist thappos-
telles Petre and Paul Saint Thomas the Marter
and Relique Sonday . . . xx,s.

Ifm the same day to the Quenes Aulmoigner for
thofFring of the Quene upon Sonday next after
the Nativitie of Saint John Baptist at High
Masse in the colleage of Windesore . . y.s.

It~m the same day to the said Aulmoigner for money
by him gewen to the children of the said college
of Win sore . . . . , xx.d.^'

Lady Yerney was paid Ss. 4^d. '' for money by hur delivered by
the commaundement of the Quene to Fyll the kinges payntour in
reward/' and lOs. "to John Reynold payntour for making of
divers beestes and othere pleasires for the Quene at Windesore.^'

" William, Gentilman page of the Quenes chambre/' received
" for his costes caryeng twoo bukkes the xx*' day of Juyn from
Windesore to London to William Bulstrowde by the Quenes com-
maundement by the space of twoo dayes, at viij.^. the day, xvj.d.
And for horshyre by the same space xij.d. Ifm to the same
William for caryeng of twoo bukkes from Windesore to London the
xxiiij^' day of the said moneth oon to the Duchesse of SufF. and the
othere to John Vandelf and Lybart Goldsmythes by the space of ij
dayes at viij.c?. the daye xw],d. and for horshyre by the same space

TO A.D. 1509.] PEIVY PURSE EXPENSES OE THE QUEEN. 433

xij.d. Ifm to the said William for his costes going before from
Grenewiche to Baynarcles Castelle the xix^'' day of Novembre
prepayring logging for the Quene by the space of a day viij,d."
Other payments of the like amount occur at other periods in respect
of venison conveyed to William Bulstrode. Sixteen pence is there
charged for four days' horse hire at 4d. the day.

Similar preparations were made for the queen's progress from
Windsor to Woodstock as for her journey to Windsor. Six shil-
lings were paid to Robert Alyn '' for his costes prepayring logging
for the Quene from Windesore to Woodstok by the space of vj
dayes at xij.d. the day," and similar sums to " Edmond Levesey
yeoman," " George Hamerton grome portere," " John Staunton
grome," " John Bright, page," and '' Henry Rooper, page." John
Browne, groom of the beds, received twenty pence " for his costes
riding afore from Windesore to Woodstok with the Queues stuf by
the space of twoo dayes." The queen's almoner was paid seven
shillings "for money by him leyed out in aulmous from Windesore
to Woodstok." The queen, on occasion of her departure, made her
offerings, " Furst to the high aulter within the Kinges Colleage
ij.s. \j.d, It'm to Saint George ij.s. \j.d. Ifm to King Henry
ij.^. vj.d/."

On the 6th of August, the day the queen went from Woodstock
to Langley, a payment of twenty shillings was made '^ to Maistres
Bellknap for money by hir delivered by the commaundement of the
Quene to the 'Queue of Scottes at Windesore."

The queen's "laundre," whose head-quarters seem to have been
at Windsor, travelled about with her. On the 13th of September
the sum of twenty shillings was paid to "Agnes Dean the Queues
laundre for hir hors mete betwene Windesore and Berkeley by the
space of Ix dayes at iiij.d, the day.'' She subsequently received
13^. 4<d. " for hure horsmete from Berkeley Herons to Windesore
by the space of xl dayes at iiij.^. the daye.''

The queen appears to have been at Windsor for a day or two for
the last time on her way from Easthampstead to Richmond in
October; her "logging'' on the road being prepared for her.

She died on the 11th of February, 1503, after giving birth to a
daughter.

434 ANNAIiS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

On the death of Isabella Queen of Castile, which crown she held
in her own right, her husband Ferdinand surrendered the sceptre
of Castile to his daughter Joana^ the wife of Philip Archduke of
Austria^ but claimed the regency in virtue of the will of his late
consort. The new king and queen in the beginning of 1506 left
the Netherlands to take possession of the Castilian throne ; but the
weather was unfavorable, and after struggling with adverse winds
for more than a fortnight, they sought shelter in the harbour of
Falmouth.^

When Henry was informed of the circumstance he sent the Earl
of Arundel " with many Lords and Knights" to attend upon
Philip. The earl " received him with three hundred horses, all by
torchlight, to the great admiration of the strangers."

King Philip subsequently " took his journey toward Windsor
Castle, where the king lay ; and five miles from Windsor the Prince
of Wales,^ accompanied with five earls and divers lords and knights,
and other to the number of five hundred persons georgeously
apparelled, received him after the most honorable fashion. ^^^

The following is a contemporary narrative, evidently by an eye-
witness, of the king^s reception and entertainment :^

" Memorandum that the xxxi of January w*'^ was one a Sattordaye
in the yeare of our Lord 1505 and the 21 yeare of our Soveraigne
Lord Kinge H. 7, his Highnes Receaved the kynge of Casteelle at his

^ Lingard.

2 Henry, afterwards Henry the Eighth.

^ Hall ; Holinshed ; Grafton, In an inventory of jewels, 19 Hen. VII, delivered
for the use of Prince Henry (afterwards Henry the Eighth) are the following :

" Item a coUe of golde of the order of Tosaunde yeven" by the king of Casteir at
Wyndesore poisaunt xviij oz. qar?.

"A° xxi° xiiij die Febf

" Item a litell cheyn~ of gold w* ij litell Tosaunds gold to were yeven the same
tyme by the sayde King of Castiir iiij oz. di" qart /' (Palgrave's ' Antient Kalendars
and Inventories of the Treasury of the Exchequer,' vol. iii, p. 397.)

^ Cotton. MS., Vespasian C, XII. It is believed that this interesting narrative has
never been printed entire. Two fragments of it (apparently from Stowe's MSS. Harl.,
No. 540, f. 63, and No. 543, f. 140) are given by Ashmole, in his 'Order of the Garter,'
pp. 337 and 559 ; and so much of it as relates to the ceremony of the installation of Philip
as a Knight of the Garter, is inserted by Anstis, vol. ii, p. 254, note. Sir H. Nicolas
appears to have been under the impression that the whole document is given by Anstis.
(See his 'Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i.)

TO A.I). 1509.] VISIT or PHILIP KING OF CASTILE. 435

Castell of Windesore in manore as folowethe ; firste liis grace Rode
towards the s'^ kyng of Casteele amylle or more out of Windesore, and
theare in an Arrable feeld mette with him, and when the Kings Com-
pany approched neeare to the sayd Kinge of Casteelle, some stood one
one parte and some one the other parte, and so made a lane, that the
twoe Kyngs myghte meete to gether. and when the kinge of Casteelle
perceayved the Kinge, he took of his Hatte, and in lyke maner the
Kynge tooke of his, and with a Lovinge and glad countenannce eiche
saluted and embraced other, the kinge with many other good words
welcomed him to his Realme, and the King of Casteelle with horable
and Lovinge words smylingely thanked the King of the greate
honores that he did him, and also for the greate pleasure and kyndnes
that the King had shewed and done unto him, sithe his arrivall and at
dyvers tymes before ; and the s^ Kynge took the kynge of Castyeelle
of his Lyfte hande, and in good ordenaunce Kid towards the said
Castle of Windsore, the Offyceres of Armes bearinge their coates of
Armes, and the [Trumpetts blewe at the metynge^ of the kings.]
and so by the waye, &*^" the Earle of Darby bare the Swoard Righte
befor the Kings. It is to be noted, that thear was many Noble [men]
verye well appointed, bothe with Clothe of Gold and goldsmithes worke,
As my Lord Marques, the Earle of Kente, the Earle of Derby, the
Lord Henry Stafforde, with many and diveres other Nobles and
Gentelmen, and whene the Kings weare entered the firste gate of the
Castelle, the Mynstreles and Sagbotes played, and when they approched
to the place whear they allighted, the kinge of Casteele tarryed and
wold have alighted afibre the Kinge, but the Kinge wold not suffere
him but tooke him foarthe with him, and so lighted bothe at onne, the
kinge of Castyeelle somwhat yet before the Kinge ; and in lyke Ordere
the Lords and other Noble mene went befoare the Kings thoroughe
the Neder Gallery towards the Halle, and as the Kinge perceaved that
the Kinge of Casteeles hatte was offe, he tooke of his hatt and wold not
doe it one tylle the kinge of Casteele was almoste Kedye to doe one his,
and so wente uppe the Staires, and so passed thoroughe the upper
Gallery to the Kinges greate Chamber, wliiche was Uichely hanged with
Clothe of Arras and a greate Riche bedd in the same Chamber wheare
Remained the Knights and Esquires, and from thence to the second
Chamber, which was also Richely Hanged, wheare Remained Barrones
and Banerets, from thens to the third Chamber which was Hanged
with a very Riche Arras in the which theare was a Clothe of Estate and
as Riche a Bedde as I have scene, wheare Remayned the Bushopes

^ Some words, omitted in the MS,, are inserted from Stowe's MS., Harl. MS., No. 540,
f. 64.

4^36 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

Earles and Officeres that Attended uppon him, And from thence wold
have convayed the Kinge of Casteele to the foarthe Chamber which was
all hanged with Eiche Clothe of gold the border above of Chrimsone
velvete, and embrodered with the Kings Armes with other the Kynges
devises, as Roses, porteculleses &% but the Kinge of Casteell excused
him and sayd that the Kinge shold not take the paynes to convaye him
to his Lodgings. Then the kynge shewed him that all that he had
passed thoroughe was and shold be his Lodginges and that the Kynge
thoughte that place honored by his cominge and Called him sonne, and
sayd that he was as welcome unto him, as thoughe he had byne his
owne naturall Sonne, and that his coming was not only aggreable and
Joyfuil to him but to all his subjects and that that Rome and all his
Servants shold be at the comaundmente of the said kynge of Casteele,
and that he should thinke that he weare Come to his owne fathers
house ; and so desyred him to goe at his pleasure to dinere or to shifte
him,^ but when the kinge of Casteele perceaved, that that greate
Lodginge was for him he thanked the kinge bare bedded, for he had
takene of his Hatte a lytle befoare, and said that he was sory that the
kynge had takene so muche Lahore and paynes for him ; and for any
words or thinge that the kynge colde doe he wold convaye the Kinge
to his Lodgings, and so he dide ; and aftere the kynge had shewed hym
his Chamber and wold he shold take no forther paynes, the Kinge wold
have somwhat Reconveyed him, but the Kinge of Casteelle wolde not
suffere it, and so they enter saluted the one the other and departed ; the
kynge Eemayned in his Chamber, and the kynge of Casteele wente to
his and so they bothe wente to dynner every eiche in his owne
Chambere for it was ffastynday and our Lady evene. The Kinge of
Casteeles officeres and servants served their owne Lorde. Memorandum
that as soone as the Kinge Came into the third Chambere he tooke the
great Lorde of the Kinge of Casteele by the hande. And imediatly after
as the kinge had done, the kinge of Casteele tooke of his Bonette and
toke the moste of the greate lords by the handes, as the Lord Marques,
with other which weare attendante uppon the kinge ; and within a ij
houres afterwardes came my Lady princes^ with hir company to the
saide Castell, and so wente to hir Lodginges. And after supper was
done the kynge of Casteele tooke with him but one Torche and v or vj
gentlmen, and previly wente to vissyte the kynge, and whearas a gentlman
Usher and other wold have warned the kynge, he held them backe

1 i. e., Change his clothes or dress for dinner.

2 Catherine, widow of Arthur Prince of Wales, who died in 1503. As the daughter
of Eerdiuand, she was the sister-in-law of Philip. She subsequently, as it is scarcely
necessary to remind the reader, became the first wife of Henry the Eighth, when Prince
of Wales.

TO A.D. 1509.] VISIT OE PHILIP KING OE CASTILE. 437

[with] his owne hande, and sayd he wold warne the kynge of his
Cominge firste himselfe and so came he to the kings Secrete Chamber
dore uiiwares of the kynge, and so communed together, which was
greate signe of pirfecte Love; and whearas the kynge wold have
Reconvayed him, he wold in no wise the kinge shold take the paynes,
and so departed for that nighte.

'^ And in the morow, beinge sondaye the firste day of February, the
kynge beinge Lodged in the Queenes Lodgginge, wente from his Cham-
ber to the Chappelle, havinge so many noble men before him that it
was Longe tyme or they myghte well passe ; the Lord Henry Stafi"ord
bare the Swoard, and in the Highte hand at the upper end of the quire
of the s^ Chappelle there was ordayned a very Large Travars of Clothe
of gold, in the which the kynge sate and herd the masse which was
songe by the Bushope of Cheechester in pontyfycalybus ; and after
masse the kynge wente to vissete the kynge of Casteele which that
daye herd IMasse in the Clossete within his owne lodgings ; and when
the kynge of Casteelle understoode that the kynge came towards him
he hastelye cam and mett the kynge at the ij*^ Chamber dore ; for in the
iij*^ Chamber stood the kyngs garde all alonge, and at the meetynge the
kynge of Casteele Tooke of his Bonnete and made Lowe Curtesye and
bade the kynge god morowe, and the kinge said to him that he could
not have welle dined that day unlese that he had scene him and bed
him good morowe. The kinge of Casteele thanked the kinge of his
greate Curtesye and payne, and so with diveres other goode words they
bothe proceeded together to the kynge of Castesls dininge Chambere,
and bothe stood by the fyere together.

"And aftere they had a whille Communed together, the kynge desyred
him to tary theare sty lie, but he excused him and saj^d that he wold
convaye ye kinge to his Lodgings, and so the kyng take him one his
Lyfte hand and wente to the ij^ Chambere, and theare the kyng desyred
him to tarry theare, but he wold not, and from thence they wente
together to the iij^^ Chamber dore, when the kynge Stopped and sayd
tbat he hade gevene him too muche payne to have gone so farre, and
ther the kinge had muche a doe to make him Tarrye ; And sayd that he
wold Bather Beconvaye him, then he shold goe any further. Then
answered the Kyng of Casteelle and sayd, I see Bighte w^elle that I
muste neede doe your comaundements and to obey as Besone will.
And theare was noe swoard boarne within the king of Casteeles Lodg-
ings which after masse was borne ; so for that tyme departed and the
kynge Beturned to his Chambere to dinner^ and the kinge of Casteele
Betorned in lyke manor to his Chamber to dynnere ; and after dynnere
the kynge sente to the kynge of Casteele to understand whether it
wold please him to see the Ladies daunce for pastyme, in asmuch as it

438 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

was Holy daye, and myglite not hunte &^ which answerd that ghidly.
And a lytle before by the kynges comaundemente my Lord Herbert
voyded all the K^aigs Chamber excepte Lords and Offy ceres and certene
knights of greate Haveour whiche Remayned ther styl] ; and when the
kinge understood that the Kinge of Castell was Comynge he wente to
the dore of the greate Chamber and theare Receaved him and desyrede
him to take him by the arme, or else the kinge of Casteelle wold not
have takene so much uppon him but by the kings desire; and so bothe
together wente throughe that Chamber, the kings dynynge Chambere,
and from thense to an Innere Chambere wher was my Lady princes
and my Lady Mary the kings daughter/ and diveres othere Ladyes ;
and aftire the king of Casteelle had kyssed them and Comuned a whille
w*^^ the kinge and the Ladyes all, they came into the kings dyninge
Chambere wheare daunced my Lady princes and a Spanishe Ladye wdth
hir in Spanishe arraye, and aftere she had daunced ij or three daunces
she Lefte, and then daunced my Ladye Mary and a Inglishe Lady with
hir_, and ever a monge^ the Lady princes desired the kinge of Casteell
to daunce, which after that he had excused him once or twice, answered
that he was a marryner and yet, sayd he, ye wold cause me to daunce.
And so he daunced not but Comuned styll with the kynge and after that
my Lady Mary had daunced ij or 3 daunces she wente and sate by m}'
Lady princes uppon the end of the Carpete which was undere the
Clothe of Estate, and neare wher the kinge and the kinge of Casteele
stoode. And then dauncede one of the Strange Lords and a Lady of
Englande. That done my Lady Mary played one the Loute, and after
uppon the Claregalles, who playd very welle, and she was of all folks
theare greatly praysed that of hir youthe in every thinge shee behaved
hir selfe so very welle. And then imedyatly aftere, came the Arche-
bushope of Canterbury and the other Bushopes and the Deane of the
Chappelle in their Amyses and shewed the kynge that it was Evensonge
tyme, and theare taryed his pleasure : and within a while after bothe
Kings, Arme in Arme, having their noblemene before theme wente bothe
to the chappelle and so to the s*^ greate Traverse of Clothe of Golde
and sate within it bothe together everyone havinge his Cushen, and at
the Enteringe of the Traverse the Kinge preferred the kinge of Casteele
to the upper hand, but he Reffused it, and so the kynge tooke it himselfe
and so herd Evensonge together, and the bushope of Canterbury w^^'
dide the devine service, satte in the Deanes stall and the Deane nexte

^ The subsequent wife of Louis the Twelfth of France. At this time Henry was
anxious that she should marry Philip's son Charles, and, although Philip liad previously
refused, he was now induced to consent.

' Ever anon ?

TO A.D. 1509.] VISIT OF PHILIP KING OP CASTILE. 439

him. And after evensonge, the kinge had appoynted to Convay him
to his Lodgings ; and from the Chappelle dore to the kings Chamber
stoode the kings Garde all alonge ; and when the kynge and the kinge
of Casteelle were entered the Chamber, one of the kinge of Casteeles
Lordsj that was of the order of the Tosone, warned him that it was his
Lodginge, and Incootinente he Aunsewered and sayd that blame have
I and I wishe it. And so wresteled w^^^ the Kinge and sayd that the
kinge shold not Convaye him to his Lodginge, but that he wold torne
backe and Convay hira to his; and w*'' divers other words the king
Answered y* in any wise he wold see him in his Lodginge ; and so they
wente bothe together throughe that chamber and the second ; and when
the kinge came to the Doare of the Kinge of Casteeles Dynynge
Chamber ther is an other dore that goethe into a Clossete and so to
the Kings Chamber, and when they weare at the kinges Chamber dore
the king of Casteele wold no forther, tylle the dore was openede, and
whearas the kinge wold have scene him in his Chamber and drue backe,
he s*^ by his faythe that he wold Convaye the kynge to his Lodginge;
and so the king of Casteelle wente sidlynge in to the Clossete and
drewe the kinge in by the Arme. All the Lords and other noblemen
excepte offyceres Kemayned at the dore in the other Chambere and so
Returned to the Kings Lodgings, and bothe kings departed in an
Entery by the kings secrete Chamber wheare every eiche of them hade
good worde the one to the other, and so wente to their owne Chamberes
and so seperately for that nighte they suppede every eiche of them in
their owne Lodgings. And this accompleshed for that daye. And in the
moiTowe, the second daye of ffebruary, that was Candelmas daye, bothe
kyngs mette secretly togethere and so came to the kynges dynyng
Chamber havinge their noble men before them, but theare was so many
that it was Longetyme or they myghte welle passe thorowe the Cham-
beres. The Earlle of Darby bare the kings Sworde, and when the kinges
wer Entered the Chappelle they bothe to gether wente to the Traveres
and theare aboad tylle the Candles weare Hallowede, w*^*^ weare hallowed
by the Archebushope of Canterbury, w^^' that daye sange the Highe
masse in pontyfFycallybus, the Bushope of Cheechester gospeler, the
Bushope of Norwiche Epistelere, The Bushope of Rochestere bare the
Archebushope of Canterburyes Crosse, all in pontyfFycalybus, and after
in good ordere bothe Kynges wente a processhone Bounde about the
Halle ; the kinges Tapere was borne by the Earle of Kente, and the
Kinge of Casteeles Taper was borne by the Lo : Ville Knighte of the
order of the Thoysone. The Kings Tapere had a Close Croune and
the King of Casteelees an opene Croune Garter and Thoysoone deor
havinge one theire Coate of Armes. Every eiche wente before his Owne
Lorde and mastere, and the other offyceres of Armes wente before as

440 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter TV II.

appertaynethe. It was a Riglite goodly sighte to see so many noble
mene and so well appointed all other in Clothe of gold velvete and silke
and w^^^ so many goodly chaines of fyne gold and of greate weighte ;
and so Retorned to the Chappelle and Traverse agayne and theare herd
masse ; and after masse the Kynge Retorned by the kinge of Casteeles
Lodgings and wold have Convayed the kinge of Casteele to his Dynynge
Rome but he wold not the kinge shold take the paynes, and so the
kinge entered by the Closset dore to his chamber and theare the kynge
of Casteele departede to his, and every eiche of the kynges dyned in
his owne Lodginge ; and after dyner bothe kynges met together in the
kings Secrete Chamber, and from thence both together wente to the
Chappell, wher they herde a Sermone in ffrenche, and emedyatly as the
sermone was done they wente to evensonge and after Evensonge bothe
kyngs Retorned to their Lodgings in Ij^ke manore as they did after masse ;
and every eiche of them suppede severally in his owne Chamber. It is to
be noted that bothe kynges offered at once, the kynge of Casteell somwhat
after the kynge, and wear served : and thus Accomplyshed that daye,

" The Tusdaye the third daye of fFebruary bothe kings herd masse in
their owne Clossets, and after dinere wente a hontynge in the Lytle
parke, wheare Every eyche of the k,yngs kylled certene deare, their
owne hands, w*"^ their Crosbowes.

" The wensdaye and Thursdaye the iiij*^^ and v*^' daye of ffebruary
bothe Kynges weare at Counselle, every eiche w^^' his owne Counselle,
foi;e Every prince had his counselle by him selfe, bycause the wether
was foule and Rained, or else they had had some other pastyme, but
this Thursdaye in the mornynge the statutes w'^^ wer sealed w^^' the
seall of the Gartere weare sente to ye kyng of Casteele. Garter kyng
of Armes bare them to his presence and theare delyvered them to the
Lord Herberte w^^ presented them to the kynge of Casteele, to the
intent he shold overse and vissyte them.

" One Frydaye the vj*^^ daye of fFebruary bothe kynges Rode after
dynnere to gether a hontynge to the parke.

" The Sattordaye the 7 of ffebruary the horse was bayted befor the
kynge and the kynge of Casteelle w^'^ bothe stood in the kyngs newe
Tower w'^^^ at that tyme was appoynted for the kynge of Casteeles
Lodgings, and after the horse was Bayted Bothe kyngs wente to the
Tennys playe and in the upper gallery theare was Layd ij Cushenes of
Clothe of gold for the ij Kyngs and the Rome was honestely hanged
w^^^ wheare played my Lord marques, the Lord Howard

and two other knights togethere, and aftere the kynge of Casteele had
scene them phiy a whylle, he made partye w"' the Lord Marques of
Dorset the kynge Lookynge one them, but the kyng of Casteele played
w*^' the Rackete and gave the Lord marques xv. and after that he had

TOA.D. 1509.J VISIT or PHILIP KIKG OP CASTILE. 441

pled his pleasure and arayed him selfe agene it was almoste nighte, and
so bothe kyngs Retorned agayne to their Lodginges. -^

" The Sondaye the viij^^^ daye of the sayd monthe, the kynge herd
both masse and evensonge in his Cliappelle, but the kynge of Casteele
Remayned in his Lodginge and Came not that daye abroade/^

On Monday the King of Castile was elected a Knight of the
Garter, the proceedings on which are given in great detail ; but as
they are somewhat tedious and have been already printed by
Anstis/ they are omitted here. During the ceremony, " the very
cross" was laid on a cushion of cloth of gold, with two tapers
burning in honour of it. Articles of '^ Amity and Peace" between
the two kings were signed in the chapel, and then ''Doctore
Routhalle the kings secret arye stood uppon a forme in the mydeste
of the Quire and theare made a goodly proposition in a very
Adorned Lattin. The effecte of the w*"^' was to expound the s*^
Amety openlye. And the propositione done bothe kings came forthe
of their Stalles and wente iipe to the Hyghe Altere and theare
Sware uppon the Holly Evaungelists Cannon of the Masse by them
manually Touched and by the feast of the very Crosse to keepe and
observe all the poynts and articles Contayned in the sayd Amety
from poynte to poynte and so kyssed the Booke and aftere the
Holly Crosse and every king Rede his oathe oppenlye his owne
selfe."

The supposed piece of the true cross preserved at Windsor has
been already noticed.^ Both kings dined together that day in the
King of Castile's lodgings.

'^ And after diner bothe kings Remayned a great while in
comunycacone to gethere. And almoste as none Entered that secrete
Chambere excepte knights of the Ordere and Certeine ofiFyceres knights,
w^^' all that daye thoroughe ware their gounes Hoods and Collores of
the Gartere, excepte my Lord Prince w"^'' that daye ware the goune
hood and Collore of the Thoysone dor. And that daye the Courte was
served lyke as it had byne a Righte greate ffeaste, and as honorably
in all things as I have scene. And afterwards the kynge of Casteell

^ See the Tennis-court marked in Norden's Bird's-eye View of the Castle.

2 Vol. ii, p. 254, note {g).

2 See ante, p. 114. See also Anstis, vol. ii, p. 256, note.

442 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XYII.

Convayed the Kynge towards his Lodgings, and so Amy ably for that
tyme departed. To write of the greate Riche copborde, w^^ Continually
stoode in the greate Halle w*^^ all gilte Plate_, or of the greate and Riche
Heddes of estate, hangings of Riche Clothe of Gold, or of the riche
and Sumptions clothes of Arras, w*^^ diveres Clothes of estate bothe in
the Kings Lodgings and in the Kinge of Casteeles Lodgings, so many
Chambers, Haule, Chappell, Clossetts, Galleryes with other Lodgings
so richely and very well appoynted w*^' diveres other things, that I
suffice nor cannot discerne, and as I suppos, fewe or non that wer
theare that ever sawe Castell or othere Lodginge, in all things so well
and Richely appoynted and the greate contynuall fare opene houshold,
so many noblemen so well appoynted, and w^^^ so shorte warninge
hearetofore as I thinke hathe not byne seene.

" The Tusdaye the x*^' of the said monthe the queene of Casteelle
Came to the sayd Castell of Windsore, accompanyed besyde hir owne
servants w*^^ the Earle of Arundelle the Lord Sc'o Almonde, the Lorde
Mountioye and diverse other gentlemene, w^^^ by the kings comaunde-
mente had attended afore uppon hir by the space of
And theye entered by the Lytle Parke and so secretly came by the
backesyd of the Castell unto the kinges Newe Towere, wheare at the
Stayrefoote the kinge mett w*^^ hir and kyssed and embracede hir ;
howbeit that the kinge of Casteele that ther was thear presente w^^'
the kynge, had duivers tymes before desired the kings highenes for to
have Remained in his owne Lodginge, and not to have takene the
paynes to have gone so farre? And after the kinge had welcomed hir,
my Lady princes hir sistere and my Lady Mary the kyngs daughtere,
havinge many Ladyes and gentlewomene attendinge uppon them,
welcomed hir ; and so all together wente uppe into the kinge of Cas-
teeles Logginge. And in the uttere Chamber the kinge departed from
hir. And the kynge of Casteelle Convoyed the kinge to his Lodgings,
and so at that tyme departed.

'^ The Wensdaye the xi*^^ daye, bothe the kyngs dyned to gether in
the kyngs secrete Chamber ; the kinge of Casteelle of his owne mynd
sd he wold goe dine w*^^ the kinge his Father yf it weare his pleasure ;
the w^^' lovely motyone the kinge gladly did accepte. And alytle
before dynner was shewed the kyngs genelogy, howe nie kine the bothe
kings weare together, and how the kinge is w*'^ in degree of maryage
bothe unto the kinge of Romaines his father,^ and to the queene of
Casteele his wyffe, and that the kinge of Casteelle was kine unto him,
bothe of his fathers syd ande motheres syde. And that daye departed my
ladye princes and my Lady Mary to Richemonde.

^ Maximilian.

TO AD. ]509.] VISIT OP PHILIP KINO OP CASTILE. 443

" The Thursday the xij*'' of february^ the kynge nobly Accompa-
nyed, aftere he had offered to S*' George as accostomede, and to king
henry, Rode to Kichemonde to see the house prepared againste the
Idnge of Casteele, and the Queene his wifFe Remained stylle at Win-
sore having Attendinge uppon them bothe Lorde and Knights by the
kings Comaundements. wher they Remayned styll to the Sattordaye
then nexte followinge^ whiche daye the kinge of Casteelle haukinge
and hontynge by the waye as he Rode, came to Richemond, and the
Queene of Casteelle his wyffe having the Late queenes^ Riche Lytteres
and Cheares, tooke hir waye towards the sea syde to hir shipes w*^^ then
Leaye or Rode at Dartmothe and Plimothe, distante from thence by
the space of myles ; and that firste nighte she Laye at Redinge

wheare I understand she was honorably Receaved by the Abbote and
other after theyre Havoures, and diveres Lords and others

weare appoynted to wayte uppon hir to the sea side.

" 1 leave the Queenes Jurneye to them that sawe it, and Returne
to the kinge. When the kinge perceaved that the kinge of Casteell
was neare, he cam downe from his Chambere and mete him at the
staires foote by the water syde, and welcomed him to Richemond. Hobeit
a little before the king mete w*'^ him, the kinge of Castillo Advised
the House w^^'out, and greatly praysed the bewtyfull and sumptioues
edifice, sayenge to them that weare theare neare unto him, that yf it
shold be his fortune to Retorne to Bruselles, that that Beau Regard
shold be a patrone unto him, and so the kinge Convayed him to his
Lodgings.

^' The Sondaye followinge the Ambassador of ffraunce cam to the
kinge and bothe kinges herd masse togethere h^' ; and that morninge,
unaxed, the kinge of Casteelle proffered the kinge to yeld Eds. Rebe~ll
&^^ One Tusdaye Justes, one wensdaye Horsbaytynge, one Thursdaye
to Baynards Castell, and a Hawkynge by the waye, one fridaye to our
Lady of Barkinge, and so to the Tower and gune shotte, one Saturdaye
to Westemestere, and so Retorned to Richemonde, but fyrste dyned at

^ Elizabetb, who died, as has been already stated, on the 11th of Pebruary, 1503,
(See ante, p. 438.)

2 Although somewhat obscure, it is evident this refers to the agreement to surrender
Edmund de la Pole, the second and eldest surviving son of the late Duke of Suffolk, and
the nephew of Edward the Pourth. He had been permitted by Philip to reside in his
dominions. So far from being a voluntary surrender, Philip is generally stated to have
only consented on Henry promising to spare the life of the fugitive nobleman. Henry
kept him a prisoner during his reign, but left directions for his execution at liis death.
The assertion in the text looks suspicious, and was probably purposely inserted to
place the conduct of the English king in a more favorable light than it was generally
regarded.

444 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

Western est ere w*^ the Abbotte and Priore ; one mondaye wrestelynge
betweene Englislie men and Spanyards. and baytynge betweene the
horse and the beare. one Tusdaye S*' Mathewes daye bothe kinges
dyned togethere served w^^^ iiij Courses^ and Sattordaye towarde the
seaye side to Windsore, all the Childrene of Eaton Standinge along the
Barres of the Chorche Yeard. Keceaved in the Castell by the Chan-
nones and offered to S** George as accostomed, and to their twoe
Lodginges w'^^ Remayned almost as before.

" One Sondaye, horsbaytynge and maskynes gevene. The Mondaye
offered to S*' George and the kinge Convayed him one his waje
Amylle or more, and the kynge deffrayed all his servants of their
charges and gave Rewards.

" Memorandum during all the season the kynge of Casteelle was
in the kynges Courte every Hollyday and at every tyme that the kynge
of Casteele dined and Supped w^^^ the kynge, the kynge was servede
by knights and Esquires weringe velvete or sylke, and all greate
offyceres attendinge uppon the kyng during the Tyme that bothe
kynges dyned or supped to gether, as my Lord Stuarde, my Lord
Chamberlane &^''^ ^

This narrative is remarkable as differing in some respects from
the chroniclers of the period, who represent Philip as being, during
his stay in England, the captive, rather than the guest of Henry ;
and the nature of the treaties made between the two monarchs
certainly leads to the inference that considerable pressure must
have been exercised on the occasion. L A marriage was arranged
between Henry and Philip's sister, Margaret of Savoy, whose
marriage-portion was fixed at a large sum ; 2. The consent of
Philip to the marriage of his son Charles with the Princess Mary ;
3. A treaty of commerce, more advantageous to the English than
to the Flemish; 4. A loan to Philip; and 5. The delivery of
Edmund de la Pole.^

To the upper ward of the castle, Henry the Seventh made but
one addition, of no great extent, adjoining the main edifice near
the entrance of the great court.^ Ashmole describes it as '' that

' Cotton. MS., Vespasian C, XII, f. 236—249.

^ See ante, p. 443, note. Por further details see Lingard and the authorities cited by
him.

^ Poyntcr.

TO A.D. 1509.] ADDITIONS TO THE CASTLE. 445

stately fabric adjoining to the king's lodgings, in the upper ward/* ^
'' Of two lofty oriels," says Mr. Poynter, " on the complicated plan
in fashion at this period, which originally decorated the north
front, one has disappeared, and the other has suffered great wrong.
The interior front has also been materially altered by Sir JefFry
Wyatville, but with a judgment which has left its character
unimpaired, and it yet stands pre-eminent for the graceful and
picturesque style of its architecture. The same date may be
affixed to the in closure of the stairs to the keep. When they were
covered originally does not appear." ^

Henry the Seventh also ''begann a Frierie of Bricke-woorke at
Wyndsore, which is nowe the Gardeine and Timbre Yarde ; but as
he changed his former purpose touching the Chappel, and per-
formed it at Westminster, so (I suppose)/' says Lambarde, "he
spent this latter Devotion upon the Friers Howse, which he erected
at Greenwiche. But yet before he had withdrawen his Mynde
from Wyndsore, he made the faire Cawsie'^ that yet is betwene that
and London."^

The " Friary" alluded to by Lambarde was probably connected
with St. Anthony^s Monastery.^

From the following clause in the king's will, dated at Richmond

^ ' Order of the Garter/ p. 130. See also Lelaad ('Commentarii in Cjgueam Cantionem/
verb. Vindelesora), who describes it as a new and elegant building of stone adjoining the
west side of the upper ward. " Stabat adhuc vetus templum ab Eadueardo tertio positum :
sed quum Henricus Septimus rex sui seculi Phoenix unicus memoria mortis tactusj locum
sepulturaj suae aptum qusereret, diruto Eadueardino templo veteri illo, novum a funda-
mentis loco eodem construxit, quod et hodie vacat. Mutaverat enim de sepulchro sen-
tentiara, ac alteram, miraculum orbis universi, bisimonasterii incohavit. Illud non est
sileiitio prtxtereundum^ quod idem adjunxerit occidentali parti arece superioris ubi maxime
castnim nitet, novum et elegans quadratissimorum saxorum opus. Sed neque ejus filius
Henricus Octavus flos regum, quotquot Britannia unquam vidit, minus de Yindelesora est
commeritus. Primis etenim regni sui annis portam maximam, qua ingressus in primam
castri aream, a fundamentis quadrato exstruxit saxo. Sed quo me rapuit oratio ? Quam
segre divellor a Vindelesora aurea quidem ilia." Lambarde says — " Henry YII builded a
faire Lodging of hewed stone at the west ende of the Palaice."

^ Poynter.

^ Causeway.

^ Lambarde's ' Topographical Dictionary.' See also Stow's ' Annals.'

^ The following memorandum was made by Ashmole : " St. Anthony's Monastery
stood where about the poore K*« Houses stand ; E relaco~e Mr. Fishbone." (Ash. MSS.,
No. 1115, f. 86.)

446 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVII.

on the last day of March, 1509, it seems clear that he had not
completed the road at that time, even if he had begun it before :

" Also we wolle, that our Executours bestowe and emploie with as
goodly spede after our deceasse as conveniently may be doon, MM^
upon the newe making and repairing where nede shall require, of such
Highe waies and Brigges as hereafter folowe ; that is to saye, upon the
newe making or repairing of the high wey and brigges betwixt oure
Castell and Towne of Windesore, and our manour of Richemount and
Saint Georges church besids Suthwark, the high wey or brigges
betwixt the same Saint Georges church and our manour of Grenewich,
and the high wey betwixt the same our manour of Grenewich and the
Citie of Caunterbury : al which highwaies, we wol be substancially diched
upon booth sides, where thei may be conveniently so doon, wel and
nicely graveled, and reised upon a good hight, with such a brede and
largenesse as two carts may passe the oon by the other, or booth
togeders. And the said two thowsand pounds as farre as it wol goo and
extende, to bee emploied upon the same, and upon noon other thing,
in the moost sure and substancial maner that can be devised by our
Executours, or such as thai shall depute and assigne to the same, if it
be not doon by ourself in our life tjme."

It may be observed here that the only other clause of the will
relating to Windsor is the folio vy^ing :

''Also we geve and bequethe to Almighty God, our Lady his
blessed Moder, and Saint George, within oure College of Wyndesore,
and to the Dean and Chanons of the same college that nowe be, and
that hereafter shall be, for a perpetuel memorie there to remaigne
while the worlde shall endure, and to be set upon the high Aulter of the
said College, at the dales of solempne fests, and suche other tymes as
the Deane and Chanons of our said College shall thinke convenient
and honorable, a grete Ymage of Saint George, of gold, peysing ccxl
unces, garnished with rubies, perles, saphires, diamonds and other
stones, the which Ymage is nowe in our Juell house." ^

The ditch of Windsor Castle was in this reign the scene of a
tragic incident. George Lumley, the son and heir of Thomas
Lord Lumley (who, Dugdale tells us, was summoned to parliament

^ Astle's Will of Henry the Seventh, 4to, London, 1775.

TO A.D. 1509.] THE POOR KNIGHTS. 447

in consequence of having married an illegitimate daughter of
Edward the Fourth), having, after his father's death, married
EHzabeth, one of the daughters and coheiresses of Roger Thornton,
Esq., a very wealthy merchant of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and being
possessed in her right of lands in the north of England, " great
suits and sharp contests'' arose between him and Giles Thornton,
an illegitimate son of Roger Thornton, concerning the right to
these lands, *' in which quarrel this George killed the same Giles
in the ditch of Windsor Castle." ^

The dispute between the poor knights and the college was
renewed or rather continued during this reign. As soon as Henry
the Seventh came to the throne, the knights petitioned the king and
parliament for the repeal of the act of the 22 Edw. IV, before
mentioned,^ affirming that it was obtained without their knowledge
or sanction.^ To this petition the dean and canons replied, and
the poor knights rejoined, but they were unable to obtain a repeal
of the statute ; on the contrary, the dean and canons^ in a sub-
sequent period of this reign, obtained an exemplification of the act,
dated the 4th of February, in the eighteenth year of Henry's
reign .*

The yearly charges and expenditure on the revenue of the dean
and chapter at this period were stated by the poor knights to be as
follows ;

To ye deane

. 100

a.
0

Item, xij chanons

. 240

Item, XV vicars

•

. 150

Item, a gospeller

Item, ye apisteler^ and

organ player

Item, xiij queresters

•

^ See Leland's 'Itinerary,' vol. vi, fol, 62 ; Dugdale's 'Baronage,' vol. ii, p. 176.

^ See ante, p. 384.

^ Ashmole.

4 Ibid.

^ As to the office of Gospeller and Epistoller of the Order of the Garter, see Sir Harris
Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. ii, p. 467. In the Church of Tarnham Royal, in
Buckinghamshire, about three miles north of Windsor, there is a brass plate in memory
of Eustace Mascall, who at the time of his death, in 1567, was "pistell" reader in
Windsor Castle.

[Chapter XVII

£ s.

130 0

8 0

6 13

26 13

16 0

6 13

16 0

10 0

20 0

0,-

448 ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

Item, xiij clerkes

Item, ye sacristaries

Item, ye bellriDgers

Item, ij cliauiitry priests for king Edward

Item, ij for Dutchess Exetur

Item, j for Bishop of Sarum

Item, Lords Ferrars and Hastings .

Item, a vergers ....

Item, ye clerk of ye counts

Brede, wine, wax, oyle

Item, officers outward and inward .

For ryding officers, and other errands necessarie

Fees to councell lerned

amounting in the whole to £862 13^. 4c/., or in round numbers,
as they said, *' the sum totall of all these ordinare yerely charges
extendeth not above the sum of 900/." The revenue w^as estimated
at £2198 18^. 4(1., *'besyde the grete oblacions to oure Lady, the
holli cross and the blessid Kyng Henry." ^

Ashmole, speaking of the period between the act of Edward the
Fourth, separating the poor knights from the college, and their
re-establishment by Queen Elizabeth, gives the following account
of persons placed on this foundation :

" We observe also, that in this interval several persons who had
been of considerable quality and worth became alms-knights ; some
of them were nevertheless great objects of charity, among whom
was Sir Robert Champlayne, knight, a valient soldier, and one
w^hose martial services abroad rendered him an honor to our
nation.

" It seems he had taken part in the civil wars here with King
Henry the Sixth against King Edward the Fourth, shortly after
whose coming to the crown he left England, and travelled into
Hungary (having with him an equipage of three servants and four
horses), where, in the assistance of Matthias Corvinus, King of
Hungary, against the Turk, he behaved himself bravely, and like a
vahent knight; but prosperous fortune not attending him at all

' SloaneMS., No. 4847, f.l85.

TO AD. 1509.] PEOCEEDINGS IN THE BOEOUGH COURT. 449

times, he received many wounds, and at length was taken prisoner,
lost all, and forced to pay 1500 ducats for his ransom; for the
justification of all which he obtained several authentic testimonies,
under the great seals of Matthias King of Hungary; Jeronimus
Archbishop of Crete, Legate de Latere in Hungary ; Frederick the
Third, Emperor of Germany; Renat King of Sicily (father to Queen
Margaret, wife of our King Henry the Sixth) ; Frederick Count
Palatine of the Rhine; Charles Duke of Burgundy; and, lastly, a
declaration thereof from our King Edward the Fourth, under his
privy seal, dated the 3d of April, in the nineteenth year of his
reign. And being reduced to a low condition, by his great losses
and the charge of his ransom, he was, through the favour of King
Henry the Seventh,^ admitted an alms-knight here.

"But some others made their retreat hither, and obtained
admittance into this fraternity, probably out of devotion rather
than cause of poverty, and among these were Thomas Hulme,^
sometime Clarenceux King of Arms ; Lodowick Carly,^ the king's
physician ; John Mewtes,^ secretary of the French tongue ; and
Bartholomew Westby,^ made second Baron of the Exchequer^
2d June, anno 1 Hen. VHL" ^

The proceedings on a writ of right close in the Borough Court
of Windsor, bearing date the 3d of September in the twelfth year
of this reign, extracted from the corporation records, are preserved
in the Ashmolean MSS. The property in dispute was a house and
four acres of land in New Windsor.^

' Anno 1 Hen. VII.

2 Pat., 22 Edw. IV, p. i, m. 26.

3 Anno 7 Hen. VII.

' Pat., 18 Hen. VII, p. i.

'" Anno G Hen. VIII.

« Pat., I Hen. VIII, p.ii, m. 31.

^ 'Order of the Garter,' pp. 160, 161.

^ The names mentioned are " Thomas Wheteley, maior ; Richard Hejward and John
Carre, bailiffs ; John Hether, sen., John Toller, Thomas Hunte, Thomas Bukerell, suitors
of the court ; Sir Reginald Bray, John Shaw, gentleman, AVilliam Lowthe, Hugh Lyouell,
demandants, by William Thompson, their attorney ; Alice Wygram, Henry Aleyu, John
Todde, WiUiam Canon, Abraham Sibelies, Robert Aleyn, Robert Wedon, and John
Weston, deforciants, by John Salman, their attorney ; Andrew Beremau, John W^illys,
William Pery, John Pery, Richard Thorpe, Robert Avelyn, Richard Gode, John Miles,

450

ANNALS or WINDSOR.

[Chaptek XVII.

The corporation of Windsor had from a very early period
possessed the privilege from the crown of keeping swans on the
river Thames ; but the birds having been, it seems, neglected and

Thomas Uowland, John Bekysfeld, John Ljchefeld, and Thomas Punchon, jurors."
(Ash. MSS., No. 1126, citing ' The Bounded Book of Inrolments,' which is no longer to
be met with among the muniments of the corporation. Ashmole says — " See more con-
cerning Breve de recte Claus. in the aforesaid Boarded booke of Inrolm**, fo. 101, 102,
103, 47, 59.") In the 16 Hen. VII, Robert Avelyn and John Bekysfeld, or " Bekynne-
ffeld," who were aldermen, were ejected from the corporation, for divers reasons moving
the mayor, aldermen, and brethren of the guild. The following is a copy of the rental of
the Trinity Brethren or Corporation of Windsor in the year 1500 :

On _ ^

" It. Willo Canon p~ dece' acr. terr. arabil iac. ap^ Pokets p~ ann ,
It. Andrea Bereman
Thoma Buckuell

It.
It.
It.
It.
It.
It.
It.

ocat le three Nuns

Thoa~ Bramelton

Bico" Goode

Thoa~ Bidar

Joh~e Hether Jun""

Johne Toller

John Todde
It. Bo'b^'' Michelsou
It. Ilico~ Lammasse
It. p~ uno tento

It. Rico'' Cuthbert
It. Willo Daw
It. Ux. Willms Avys
It. Willo Greene
It. Rob'° Noke
It. Ux. Willi Oldeale
It. Thoa~ West
It. Thd"a Glo
It. Nichol Wylkes
It. Thoma Smith
It. Laur. Smith
It. Symone Spicer
It. Carolo Pochemaker
It. Ten^to in Dachet lane p'~ ann'
It. Joh^e Coop laborer p" teii^ p" ann
It. Jolfe Bartlelet de veter Wyndsor
It. John Hether sen^'cat le Whiteliorse

}

aun

105

. M.

13 4

6
3
3
6

205.

8£ : 185.

" M** that the Masters of the Guild make up tlieir yeares Accompt the Monday after
All Soules day, ending at Mich*** before and then New Masters were chosen for the yeare
following." (Asii. MSS., No. 1126, f. 16 ^, taken "out of a Booke of the Accounts of the
Guild, the Chambcrlaynes, &c.")

TO A.D. 1509.] SWAN-XJPPING. 451

lost, the " game" (the term used to denote the flock of birds) was
renewed in this reign.

The swan being a royal bird, it is said that no subject can have
a property in them when at large in a public river, except by grant
from the crown.

This privilege was by no means peculiar to Windsor, for in the
reign of Elizabeth it was possessed by upwards of 900 corporations
and individuals.^ In creating it, the crown granted a swan-mark
for a game of swans, tlie birds being marked upon the upper
mandible with a knife or other sharp instrument. The king's
swanherd, or master of the swans, or his deputy, proceeded
annually up the river for the purpose of taking up and marking
the birds. This expedition, formerly termed swan-z^j»2/?y, but
subsequently corrupted into ^^d^w-hopping^ is still made on the first
Monday in August in every year, by the crown and by the Dyers'
and Vintners' Companies, who are now the principal owners of
swans in the Thames.^

The statement of these facts will render intelligible the follow-
ing documents, as well as the occasional references to the swans
and swan-upping in subsequent chapters.

1 The privilege of having a swan-mark, or game of swans, is a freehold of inheritance,
and may be granted over ; but by 22 Edw. IV, c. 6, no person other than the king's sons
shall have a swan-mark, or game of swans, unless he has freeliold lands or tenements of
the clear yearly value of live marks (£3 6^. 8(^.), on pain of forfeiture of the swans, one
moiety to the king and the other to any qualified person who makes the seizure. In the
first year of Hichard the Third the inhabitants of Crowland, in Lincolnshire, were
exempted from the operation of this act, upon their petition, setting forth that their town
stood " all in marsh and fen," and that they had great games of swans, " by which the
greatest part of their relief and living had been sustained," (Rot. Pari., vi, 260, cited by
Mr. Sergeant Manning, in the article " Swan" in the ' Penny Cyclopaedia.' See further,
as to swan-marks and swan-upping, Yarrell's ' British Birds,' vol. iii; and ' Archa^ologia,'
vol. xvi, p. 153 ; vol. xxxii, p. 423.)

^ The swan-mark of the Dyers' Company is a notch, called a *'nick," on one side of
the beak. The swans of the Vintners' Company, being notched or nicked on each side of
the beak, are jocularly called " swans with two necks^" a term which has been long used
as a sign by one of the large inns in London. (Sergeant Manning, art. " Swan," ' Penny
Cyclopaedia.') It is said, however, that the king's swans were originally marked in this
manner, and that a crown still always encircles the necks of the anomalous bird suspended
over the inns of the present day. See ' A relation of the Island of England about the
year 1500,' translated from the ItaHan by C. A. Sneyd, note 9, printed for the Camden
Society. *

452

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chapter XVII.

THE GYLDE HAULE OF WYNDESORE.

" This is the merke whiche was of olde tyme gevyn to the Gvlde
hall of Wyndesore, and is of an olde aunciente belong^ to o^ Game in
Tamyse which game is lost wasted and worne away But nev thelesse
by diligent labour and serche made in the Kings Standyng Roll of the
said game. Is founden the seid Merke. And at the labour of the
Maior and Burgeises of the seid Borough w*^' the comanalte of the
same The seid ii?ke is restored now ageyn to the fores'^ Gylde haule
and is entred in the swanherds Boke, the Saturday the 9'^' day of
August in the 20^'' yere of the reigne of o"" Sovaigne Lord lO Henry
the 7^^^ In the tyme of John Scott alias Cony then being Mover,
Willm Pery, and Bichard Passhe Baillifs.^^ ^

'^This Merke was Mastir Scotts of Dorney w'^' is Steward of tlie
Towne and Borough of Wyndesor whiche of his gode mynde gaf unto
the Gylde haule of Wyndesor on Cok of his game the 12^^' day of
Januar in the 20"' yere of the reigne of o"^ Sovaigne Lord Kyng
Henry the 7*^ at ye instance and request of the aforeseid Mayer and
liis Brethern wth al the comunalty of the same Towne. Whereuppon
at lipping season next folowinge the seyd Meior and his Brethern w"'
the Comanaitie was admytted to the seid Cok by Harry Wyke m'"
deputie for y* time being of the hole game within Tamise afore-
seide. Which gaf us an addicoi? to the same Cok yt is to wete this

Merke ^J called an Oylethole, the 9^'' day of August and the yere

' Ashmol. MS., No. 1126, f. 35 b, 36, extracted from the Register of the Guilde of New
Windsor, "a large vellome Booke w*^' a wooden Cover: wherein are Inrolhn^" of Wills,
Imes, Deedes, &c.," f. 130 d.

TO A.D. 1509.]

SWAN-UPPING.

453

aboveseid. At which tyme was paid by the hands of Andrew Bereman
w^^ was a singular benefactor in the seide Cause^, thise pcells following.

First paid to the owner of
the henne for 2 Sig-
netts

s. d.

4 8

It.

to Montagew for the

growne bird . . 2

It.

for halfe a birde . 0

It.

for the tithe of 2 birds

and a halfe^ . . 0

Sun?

It.

to Harry Wyks for his

reward

It.

for Upping

It.

for mking ye Cok and

6 Signets

It.
It.

to Montagew

spent at parisshis house

upon the Swanherde .

95. ^dJ'^

The following constituted " the Game of Swans belonging to
the Towne Hall, upped by Raimond Redding, a*^ 6 Eliz. :"

whit game
'^ Upon Coulney streame
^ Putney
Chiswyk
Kew
Ditton
Upon the / Sunbury

one being a breeder

Thames.

Cobb^

Cobb

hen the broud destroyd

Leyton (?)
Chertsey
Egham meade
Old Wyndsor
^ Datchet ferrv

2
1

1
1
1
I
I

1 Hen the brood destroyed

2 one hen a breeder
1

2 one breeder, the Brood lost.

Sum of the Swans 14.^^ ^

^ Tithe was payable of swans. The half bird probably refers to the division of broods,
where the male bird of one owner mated with a female belonging to another. It appears
that where there was an odd cygnet it was generally allowed to the owner of the cob,
but this practice did not prevail in Buckinghamshire. (' Penny Cyclopaedia.') As the
Thames at Windsor dividei Buckinghamshire from Berkshire, there may have been a joint
property in a bird.

2 Ashmol MS., No. 1126 {ut supra). See in No. 826 of Ash. MSS., f. 138-9^,
marks or tokens for swans belonging to the king and many of the nobles, bishops, abbots,
priors, and commoners, " coppied from a HoU in the custody of the Maior [and] Bailiffs of
New Wyndsor." They are drawn with pencil, in columns (four on each page), and
superscribed with names ; they resemble merchants' marks, and are all parallelograms,
with one end rounded. They seem to be of the age of Henry the Eighth. (See Black's
' Catalogue of Ash. MSS.,' f. 478 ; and Yarrell's ' Birds,' vol. iii, p. 122, &c.)

3 The general name for the male bird. It has been suggested that the "Cobler," the
name of the upper part of the island below Windsor Bridge, and dividing the engine
stream from the main river, was so called from having been the lair of a cob bird.

'^ Harrison, writing in the reign of Elizabeth, speaks of " the infinite number of swans

454 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XVII.

The earliest existing Windsor charity had its origin in this
reign. By deed poll, bearing date the 8th of September,
17 Hen. VII (1501), Thomas Hunte, of Windsor, granted to John
Thompson and William Hunterede, chaplains, and John Combes,
four messuages or tenements and gardens, situate in Shere Street,^
and built for eight poor persons to dwell in, according to the
intention of William Pay nail, clerk, deceased, and the said Thomas
Hunt, to hold to the said John Thompson, William Hunterede,
and John Combes, and their heirs. ^

By a subsequent deed, dated the 4th of February, 18 Hen. VII
(1503), the above-mentioned John Thompson and WilHam
Hunterede, chaplains, and John Combes, gentleman, conveyed
these premises, described as four tenements, with a garden adjoin-
ing, situate in Shere Street, and lately erected by William Paynall,
chaplain, to Thomas Ryder, mayor of New Windsor, and to the
burgesses of the said borough, to hold the said premises to the
said mayor and burgesses for ever in fee by the accustomed services
and customs, upon condition and to the intent that the said mayor
and burgesses should nominate and elect eight poor persons, as
well men as women, that is to say, two men or two women in each
house. On admission they were required to take an oath to pray
for the soul of William Paynall, and for the souls of all their
benefactors.^

daily to be seen upon this river, the two thousand wherries and small boats, whereby
three thousand poor watermen are maintained through the carriage and recarriage of such
persons as pass or repass from time to time upon the same : beside those huge tideboats,
tiltboats, and barges, which either carry passengers, or bring necessary provision from all
quarters of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire,
Middlesex, Essex, Surry and Kent unto the city of London/' (Holinshed's ' Chronicles,*
vol. i, p. 82, edit. 1807.)
^ Semhle Shete Street.

2 Fide Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 64.

3 See a copy of this deed, in Latin, Ash. MS., No. ] 1 26, f. 63 b. The mayor and
burgesses were to keep the premises in repair. The following " note expressing who
gave the foure tenements in Sheete Streete in New Windsor, unto the Major, Bayliffes
and Burgesses of New Windesor aforesaid for Almes howses, And what Po'ore are therein
to bee placed and by whome," is taken from the extracts from ' Day's Book,' in the
same manuscript volume, f. 119 ^ :

"In the Towne Chest remaining in a little Iloome which adjoyneth unto the Towne
hall There is a Poll Deede bearing date the 4th of February in the xviij yeare of King

TO A.D. 1509.] CELEBRATION OE OBITS. 455

In this reign we find numerous instances of bequests for the
celebration of " obits" in the parish church of Windsor. The first
is contained in the following will of William Evington :

" This is the last Wille of me WilHam Evington made the 4^*^ day
of Marche the yer of oure Lord 1487 That William Home Meyre of
London EeofFe of trust in myn house at new Wyndesor w^^^ I now
dwelle in ymediately aftyr my discese make estate of ye seyde house
with the appurtenances to John Todd Abraham Sibelies Rob* Bucksted
Nich: Larewood and John Baker To have to them and to their heires
for ev to thys intent That thei shalle stonde feofFed theryn to the
use and behoff of the vicar of new Wyndesor aforeseyd for the tyme
being, so yt the seyd vicar yerely keepe, or do to be kept for the
sowles of me my wyves my friendes and all Christen sowles in the p'ish
Church there w*^ 5: prests and other mynysters to the valo® of 6s. Sd.
an obit for ever ; And yf it happen the seyd vicar yt now ys or here-
after shal be to be negligent in keeping of the seid obit or in reparation

Henry the vij which expresseth as followeth ; That Jolm Tomson, and W" Huntred,
Chaplens, and John Combe gent: having demised unto Thomas Rider, Major of the
Burrow of New Windsor, and to the Burgesses foure Tenements with gardens ajoyning
with the apurtenances, in Sheere Streete lately built by one W"* Paynell Chaplen now
deceased and Thomas Hunt now living for Poore People to dwell therein for ever in
p~petuall almes, which they had of the aforesaid Thomas Hunt to hold to the Major
Bailiffes and Burgesses for ever, Upon this condition. That the Major and Burgesses and
their Successors for ever, shall name eight Poore, as well men as women to dwell in the
Tenements for ever, That is the men by them-selves, and ye women by themselves, in
two Bedds severally, except it happen any Poore man and his wife to be named to any
Tenement or Tenements aforesaid ; In which case none other shall bee apointed to that
house while they both live together, provided that if the man aforesaid die leviug the
woman ; then to assigne another Poore woman with the late wife of him deceased ; And
so if the man die then to appoint a man, and so if they depart out of any house, then to
place within one moneth. And if the Major and Burgesses be negligent to nominate
next after the first moneth Then the Churchwardens to name any Poore. The Poore
admitted to take an oath to pray for the Soule of W™ Paynell deceased : and for the
Soules of all their Benefactors."

Three years later, Thomas Bramelton, of New Windsor, tailor, and Isabella his wife,
formerly wife of " Richard (?) Loe Wode," by deed poll bearing date the 1st of
December, 21 Hen. VII, released to William Canon, Mayor of Windsor, and the
burgesses of the same borough, all right and title of and in four tenements and their appur-
tenances called Almes Houses, situate in Shere Street. (Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 65.) In
the first year of Henry the Eighth's reign, Thomas Hunt, who is described as " Thomas
Brotherton, otherwise Hunt," gave some property in the parish of Warfield to this
charity. (See Ash. MSS., No. 1126, f. 64/^; and see the 32d Report of the Com-
missioners for Inquiring concerning Charities, p. 92.) Other bequests were made in sub-
sequent reigns.

456 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptee XVII.

of the seid howsing, that then he upon y* defawte aftyr a moneth
warng. gevyn to hym b}^ the foreseid feofiPees or eny of them shall for-
feyt unto the repacon of the seid howsyng 6s. Sd. : and so to continew
yerely for ev for such defawtes as a fore is rehersed. Also I wyll that
Master David Hopton Tho: Cancellar and Abraham Sibilies my feoffes
of trust in all my Mede in Wyndesor lying in Datchet mede ymedi-
ately aft my decease, make a state of 2: acres p~cell of the seid mede
lying at Peyntors Hutche ther to the proctors of the Broderhed of the
Trinite ther To have to them and to their successors for ev upon
Condicon followyng That ys to say the seyd proctors and ther suc-
cessors shall yerly at evyre obit kept by the vicar ther beyng for the
tyme, set their lights of the Trinite upon myn herse. And also either
of them to offer at the seyd masse, j.f//^^

The testator's house was, by a deed dated the 4th of January,
in the sixteenth year of the king's reign, formally conveyed by the
trustees named in the will, to Thomas Bucknell and Thomas Brara-
melton, the guardians or masters of the Guild or Brotherhood of
the Holy and Undivided Trinity, established in the parish church of
St. John the Baptist, in New Windsor, and to the brothers and
sisters of the said guild or brotherhood ; and by a deed of gift
dated the 7th of January, Thomas Bucknell and Thomas Bram mel-
ton conveyed the same property to William Thurlow, the vicar of
Windsor, and his successors for ever. In these deeds the property
is described as "a tenement with a garden adjoining, late the
property of William Evington of New Windsor aforesaid, Esquire,
deceased, situate and being in New Windsor aforesaid, between a
tenement of the Beverend Eeather in Christ, Oliver King, by divine
Permission Bishop of Bath and Wells on the north side, and a
tenement of John Tollers on the south part and one front abutting
on the highway and the other on a field called ' Le Warde.' "^

Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells, above mentioned,
was educated at Eton, and resided in Windsor. He was a canon
of Windsor, Registrar of the Garter, and successively chief secre-
tary to Henry the Sixth, Prince Edward his son, Edward the
Fourth, and Henry the Seventh. In 1492 he was made Bishop of

» Asli. MS, No. 1126, f. G8.

^ Ibid, f. 81. In the margin of the trdiiscripl of the deed of the Itli of Janiuiiy there
is) written, " Coiiceniiiig tiie vicarage house."

TO A.D. 1509.] CELEBUATION OF OBITS. ' 457

Exeter, and in 1495 Bishop of Bath and Wells; and, dying on the
24th of January, 1503, was buried in St. George's Chapel, in a
little chapel still bearing his name.^

William Hether, by will made the 18th of September, in the
fourth year of this reign, gave all his lands, &c., in the parish of
Windsor to his son John, '' upon condition he finde a lawfull priest
praying for his and his wife's his friends and all xtian Soules in St.
John the Baptist's Church by the space of one whole yeare. And
also to fynd an obit yearely for ev to be done in the s'^ Church as
afores'^ to the value of ^s. yearely, and in case of failer then that
the Viccar and Churchwardens shall take possession of the s'^ lands
for keeping the s'^ obit of bs. yearely."

Alice Hether, widow, wife of John Hether, deceased, by will
dated the 10th of January, 1503, desired to be buried in St. John
the Baptist's Church before the image of the Blessed Mary of Pity,
and near John Hether. She bequeathed to the altar " of our Lady
of pite" " a Chales of Silver and parcell gilt weyng 10 oz : a printed
Masse booke, a vestment of greene Sarcenet complete, a peyer
of cruettis of pewter, 3 awter clothes, 2 curtens of yellow silk there
to do God service at the s''- awter so long as they will last or
endure." She also bequeathed to Sir Robert Lancaster, priest, to
sing or say his mass at the said altar of our Lady of Pity for the souls
of the said John Hether, and Alice his wife, Hugh Byge, and Wil-
liam his son, with all their friends' souls, and all Christian souls, for
a term of four years, to begin at Midsummer next, if she died before,
forty marks, that is to say, ten marks yearly, to be paid quarterly by
the hands of John Todd. She appointed her confessors (?) in
trust to deliver a sufficient estate in law to the wardens of the
Trinity of the tenement where she dwelt, called the Whitehorse,
and four acres and a half of mead, called '' Whaddemys Meade/'

^ Pote's 'History of Windsor,' p. 29. The following inscription appears to have
been placed by the bisliop before his translation to Bath and Wells : " Orate pro Dno
Olivero Kyng, Juris .... Professore, ac illustris Edwardi primogeniti Regis
Henrici sexti, et Serenissimorum Regmn Edwardi quarti, Edwardi quinti, Heurici septimi,
Principali Secretario, dignissimi Ordinis Garterii Registro, et hujus sacri Collegii
Canonico, an. Dni. 1489. Et postea per dictum Illustrissirauin Regem Heur. septim.
Anno Dni li92. ad sedem EKoniensein commendato." (Ibid., pp. 66, 67.)

458 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XVII.

lying in New Windsor, on condition they and their successors
"performe such coste and charges accord^ as in a Scripture of
Brass stonding in a wall in the said Chirch on the South side of
St. Clements awter appears.'' She also gave to the Brothers of
the Trinity her best brass pot to do service on Trinity Sunday and
other necessary times ; and " unto the making of the Arch at o''
Lady of piteis awter my husbands best furred gowne, and my best
gowne furrd of Crimson in graine also 2 other best girdles gilt
and best featlfbed and 40^. to make y*" Arch." She gave her quit
rent of Whaddom's Mead, after the death of Maude Furlong her
servant, to the four almshouses in Shere Street, to pray for the souls
of John Hether, her own, and all their good friends' souls. And
out of his close at Spetell, an obit by note in the parish church of
Windsor, to the value of os. yearly for ever, the morrow after
Michaelmas day. She gave also to Ric. Robinson and Margaret his
wife, her close in the "Wrethe^^^ by Pokatt's Gate, to give Ic?.
every Friday, for a year after her death, to poor people ; and if they
should die without issue of the said Margaret, then the close to go
to the four almshouses in Shere Street. Also she gave to Payne
Bosse of Old Windsor, Isabel his wife, and John their son, and
their heirs, "all our sevall Close &:c. in old Windsor on condicon
that they find an obit in the parish Church of old Windsor for ever on
St. Peters day next after Midsomer of the valine of 3^. 4id. yearely
and a Taper of 2^ of wax before the Image of St. Sithe (?) in the
s^ Church for ever.'^ ^

" Richard Waleis," of " New Wyndesor," by will dated the 20th

1 Semble "The Worth," or "Le Worth," lands east of Peascod Street, and including
Pitt's Field, now called the Bachelor's Acre.

2 Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 33. " The Wardens or Masters of the fraternity of the blessed
Trinity there ben bound yerely to fynd an obit by note wthin the pish Church of St. John
Baptist of Wyndesor afores^ for the sowles of John Hether sen"" and Alice his wyfe, Hugh
Bygge and all cristen sowles. That is to say the Thursday in Whitson weeke, dirige and
on the friday, mass of Requiem wth this expence following on the thursday at dirige.

a dozen of Bread, price . . . , 1^. Od.

Itm. in Chese . . . . .08

It. a dozen of Ale . . . . .16

And on the morrow when Requiem masse is done, to the Yiccar there ...(?) It. to 4
oth'' preists there being at the s^ Dirige and Requiem mass \s. id" (Ash. MSS,,
No. 1126.)

TO A.D. 1509.] CELEBRATION OE OBITS. 459

of April, 1490, gave out of his tenement in Windsor two shillings
per annum for his obit to be found yearly in the Church of St.
John the Baptist, '' for his soule the soule of Agnes his wife their
parents and all the faithfull departed/^

William Pratt, of " New Wyndsor," by his will dated the 15th of
September, 1493, gave 3^. 4(^. yearly for his anniversary in St. John
the Baptist's Church, payable out of his mansion house and garden,
situate in Windsor, and if Thomas Stafford, the son of his sister
Katherine, should die without issue, he directed the same to be sold
and disposed of for the health of his soul and the souls of Joan and
Ellen, his two wives, at the discretion of his executors ; and the rest
of his goods he also directed to be disposed of by them for the
health of his soul.^

John Bullok, of New Windsor, by will dated the 26th of
August, 1496, gave his tenement, called *' Tawneys," to Alice his
wife, during life, on condition that she should provide an " obit"
in the parish church during her life, for his soul, the souls of his
parents, and of all the faithful departed, to the amount of 6s. 8d.
After the death of Alice, he directed the said tenement to be sold
by his executors, who should continue the said obits for himself and
Alice his wife, his parents, and all the faithful departed, and the
occupier of the said house for the time being. He also directed all
his pasture land in " Underowrefeld," held in fee of the Abbey of
Reading, to be sold by his executors, and the proceeds to be applied
for the good of his soul at the discretion of his executors.

Joan Bullock, by will dated the 16th of August, 1498, desired
to be buried in St. John the Baptist's Church, before the image of
the Blessed Mary of Pity, and gave to her daughter Isabel, the wife
of Thomas Byder, and her heirs, a tenement called " Deryngs,''
upon condition that she yearly found an obit in the same church to
the value of 6s, Sd., for the health of her soul, of all her friends,
and faithful deceased. In the event of her daughter dying without
issue, she gave the property to the Brethren or Guild of the Holy
and Undivided Trinity, in New Windsor, for ever, on the same
condition.

1 Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 31 ^.

460 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XVII.

Thomas Todd and John Piiry, by their wills, dated respectively
in 1499 and 1502, established anniversaries in the church. The
latter was accompanied by a bequest of bread to the poor/

The foundation of chantries and obits in St. George^s Chapel,
mentioned in a former chapter,^ were carried on in this reign.

" The Chantry of Thomas Passche (one of the canons of this
chapel) was founded for a priest to pray daily for his soul, and the
soul of William Hermer (another of the canons there), as also for
the good estate of Master John Arundel and Master John Seymer,
canons, and of Master Thomas Brotherton, and their souls after
they should depart this life.

(I ^iiQYQ was another Chantry Priest assigned to pray for the
souls of the said Passche and Hermer, and of John Plumer, verger
of the chapel, and Agatha his wife ; which devotion was appointed
to be perform^ at the altar on the north side of the new church,
and the settlement thereof bears date the 18. of March, anno 9.
Hen. 7.

"The first of March, anno 12. H. 7, Margaret Countess
of Richmond obtained license from the King, that she or her
executors might found a Chantry of four chaplains, to pray for her
soul, the souls of her Parents and ancestors, and all faithful souls
departed. This celebration was to be performed in a place near
the east part of the new work of the Chapel. And the 18. of July,
anno 13 H. 7. the Dean and Canons granted that the Countess
or her Executors should erect such a Chantry in the Chapel, as is
before mentioned.

'' The Chantry of William Lord Hastings, founded of one Priest
to pray for his soul, the souls of the Lady Catherine his widow,
and of Edward Lord Hastings his son, and Mary his wife after
their death : The Chapel wherein this service was celebrated, is
that on the north side of the Choir, about the middle thereof,
where the body of this Lord lies interred. The ordination is dated
the 21. of February, anno 18. H. 7. On the north side of St.
George's Chapel stands a little house, built for the habitation of

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126, f. 32.
^ See auk, p. 398.

TO k.B. 1509.] CELEBRATION OE OBITS. 461

this Chantry Priest, having over the Door (cut in stone) the Lord
Hastings^s Arms, surrounded with a Garter.

" Charles Somerset I^ord Herbert (created afterwards Earl of
Worcester) was buried in the South Chapel (dedicated to the Virgin
Mary) at the west end of the Church, where he ordained a secular
Priest to say mass every day, and to pray for the souls of him and
his first wife, Elizabeth, the Daughter and Heir of William Herbert
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord lierbert of Gower, who also lies there
interred. Adjoining to the house built for the Lord Hastings's
Chantry Priest, is another like building, erected for this Chantry
Priest, and over the Door thereof, now to be seen, is the Eounder's
Arms within a Garter, cut also upon stone. The foundation of this
Chantry is dated the 30. of July, anno 2L H. 7." ^

An obit was also founded for King Henry himself in St.
George's Chapel, as appears from an indenture dated the 1 7th of
December, in the twentieth year of his reign, made between the
king, the Abbot of Westminster, the College of Windsor, and the
City of London, by which the college covenanted to perform certain
services, for which the Abbey was to make a yearly payment.^

The College of Eton came in for a share of these bequests, and
licences were granted in 1504 empowering the college to receive
lands, tenements, &c., notwithstanding the statute of mortmain.^

John Bonner, M.A., fellow of the college, by his will dated
in 1443, and proved in 1466, bequeathed a sum of money to the
college for the celebration of a yearly obit.

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 149, 150.

2 See Ash. MS., No. 1123, f. 63—8.

3 Sloane MSS., No. 4840, f. 145, and No. 4843, f. 7. " Upon the Union of the
houses of Lancaster and York in tlie Persons of King Henry the Seventh and Elizabeth
his Queen, the face of things began to look towards this long neglected College with a
favourable aspect. For by act of Parliament that king confirmed this Poundation in its
Charters and Privileges. He restored some Estates which had been taken from it, and
granted licence to divers persons to enable them to leave their estates &c. to the College,
notwithstanding the Act of Mortmain." (Ibid., f. 93.)

The college buildings were continued during this reign, and also during the early years
of the reign of Henry the Eighth. The accounts of this last period are preserved, and
show a small increase in the rate of wages over the sums paid sixty years before.
(Creasy's ' Memoirs of Eminent Etonians, with Notices of the Early History of Eton
College,' 1850.)

462

ANNALS or WINDSOR.

[Chapter XVII.

— Lewin, of Cippenham, in Buckinghamshire, about this
time left his mansion house, with lands, tenements, &;c., in
Cippenham, to the provost and college, on condition that they
should yearly keep an obit with dirige and mass of requiem for
his soul, the soul of Agnes his wife, and her father and mother,
in the church of Burnhara ; and to expend ten shillings yearly
to priests, clerks, and poor people, in alms and ringing of bells,
and six shillings and eightpence in alms on Good Friday, and
three and fourpence yearly to the churchwardens " to have masse
before the image of Jesus there/' Upon failure of these particu-
lars, the whole estate was forfeited to the Company of Ironmongers
for ever, then recently established/

^ Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 97. Mr. Huggett says— "The custom now is for the
"vice-provost to preach a sermon every Good Friday, in the morning, at Burnham, and to
take of the bursar, on the college account, 20^. ; 16,?. Sd. of which he gives to be distri-
buted to the poor there, and 3s. M. he has for his sermon. But this likewise is usually
given with the rest."

Burnham Church.

CHAPTER XVIII.

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGN OP HENRY THE EIGHTH.

Constable or the Castle.
A.D. . Lord Daubeny.

Deans of St. George's College.

A.D. . Thomas Hobbes, D.D. a.d. 1519. John Clerk, D.D.

A.D. 1510. Nicholas West. a.d. 1523. Richard Sampson, LL.D.

A.D. 1515. JohnVoysey, «//«5Harman, LL.D. a.d. 1536. William Eranklin.

Members of Parliament.

a.d. 1510. John Wellis and William Pury.
a.d. 1514. Thomas Ridar and John Wellis.

A.D. 1541. Richard Ward and William Symonds.

Provosts of Eton.
A.D. . Roger Lupton, LL.D. a.d. 1535. Robert Aldrich, D.D.

Corporation Accounts — Account of " Our Lady's Light" — Erection of the Great Gate-
way— Amusements of the King — Payments by the Corporation — Confirmation of
the Charter — The Gallows — Works at St. George's Chapel — Eeasts of the Order
of the Garter — Dr. Denton, Canon of Windsor — The " New Commons" — Corpo-
ration Accounts — The " Degradation" of the Duke of Buckingham — ^The Princess
Mary — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of Charles the Eifth of Spain —
Visitors to the King at Windsor — Present from Clement the Seventh — The Duke
of Richmond and the Earl of Surrey — Surrey's Poems — Corporation Accounts —
Alteration of the Standard Value of Gold — Ordinances of the Household —
Entertainment of Erench Ambassadors — Corporation Accounts — Completion of
St. George's Chapel — Timber — Payments out of the Privy Purse — Enlargement
of the Little Park — Anne Boleyne created Marchioness of Pembroke — Corpora-
tion Accounts — Execution of a Priest and a Butcher — Payments by the Princess
Mary — Burial of Jane Seymour — Corporation Accounts — Entertainment of
Erederick Duke of Bavaria — Proceedings against a Priest of Windsor — The
Plague at Windsor — Proceedings of the Privy Council — Singular Investigation at
Eton College — Nicolas Udall — Parliamentary Rolls — Members for Windsor —
Corporation Accounts.

In the reign of Henry the Eighth we are supphed with
additional means of ilhistrating the history of Windsor. The

464 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

existing accounts of the receipts and expenditure of the borough
commence with the fifth year of this reign, and their contents
afford materials of considerable local interest.

From references contained in these accounts it is evident that
at one time there was an earlier volume preceding this date, but
which has been, it is to be feared, irretrievably lost. The volume
containing the accounts of Henry the Eighth's reign is imperfect,
the first five leaves being torn out, comprising, in all probability,
the period between the first and the fifth years of this king's reign.^

The following is a copy of the first complete year's account,
which will show the general character of the entries, and render
the subsequent extracts more intelligible to the reader :

^' Compt tent' ib"m die veneris in crastno Sci Edwardi, &c., Anno
Kegni Kegis henrici octam quinto coram Hugone Starkey tuc". maior
et aliis ib'm burgens

In p'mis Kest of John Todde then beyng ut sup for Wiirm

Thorppe Shopp vij.5.
Rec. of the same John of olde Dett vj.^. viij.c?. for Rob Wheler

house
Rec. of the same John for iij q^'*^^ Rent ended at mjchelmasse last

past Y.s.
Rec. of Jamys Price for the Gilde Aule x.^.

Rec. of Willm Thorpp brigeman for the yere w* the xx.5. payd
before. Gave unto John Scott then being meyer for his fee
YY\.lb. xj.5, vij.G?. and so Rest \].li. xj..s. V\].d.
Sm^ to be Rec. \\\].li. '\i].d.

^' Wherof payd to the same John Tod for makyng of the

ij constabulles StafFes .... xx.t/.

It' for mendyng of trappe dore w^ an hoke and a

ham tie .... . x.^.

It. payd to Jamys jones for his costs Rydyng to Mr.

Belyngham ..... viij.c?.

It. payd to Wilfm Tliorpp for kepying of the brige . vj..9. viij.^.
It. payd to John Pury bi the handes of John Tod for

the clerke of the rn^ket exp'ness \].s. y\\].d.

and for the quenys fote men iij .5. iiij.^.

1 The yolume is a folio on parchment, indorsed " Lib. comTp. Gild aule Nova VVydsor;"
and below is also written, " A Register Book of more Accounts taken by ye Mayor in
the reign of H. 8."

TO A.D. 1547.] PAYMENTS BY THE CORPORATION. 465

It. payd to ThonTs bramelton fFor expenss necessary ut

pat p" bill ..... viij.5. v\yd.

It. payd for the costs of the Swaringe . . . vij.5. x.d.

It. payd to Willm Pury for wrytyng . . . \].s. viij.G?.

It. payd to John Wellis for expenses by a bill . . ij.5. viij.c?.

It. payd the same day at the taverne among the bretheren xv].d.
Sm* to^' of the payments xlvj.5. xj.^.

'' And so Remayneth to the Common chest . v.li. xiij.5. iiij.t^.

Sm"^ to^^ Remaynying in the Comon chest . xxx.li. \].s. Yiij.d.

Anor bagg Sealed .... xxv.li.

Sm^ to^^ Iv.li. vj.5. viij.c?.

" Ric. Robynson and Ric Baker wardens of owre lady lyght compted to
Resseve as it appereth more pleynly bi a bill Sm^ xvj.5. \].d.

Whereof they hathe payd for wex and other necessaries as it
appereth bi another bill ix.s. x.d. ob. all thyngs compted Rest
to owre lady lyght vj.s. vij.c?. ob. in the kepyng of the said
wardens

All thyngs compted for the Almes housis Rest in the box lying in
the Common chest Sm^ xlvij.5. x.d.

M.^ that Henre Bocher oweth to the common chest at the said ac'pt
for his Shopp in the bochery vij.5.

M^ that the xiij day of January anno henrici octam quinto the said
vij.5. of henre bocher was payd to Jolm Tod and then in the
Gilde Aule the said vij.^. was payd to Hug Starkey then beyng
meyer and also YJ.s. viij.c?. wiche henry Grenefild payd
for his ffyn to be made a brother of the Aule the same day the
said money was payd to the said meyer for expenses of the
Kyngs fotemen and yenchemen^

It. the same day Thomas Ridar and John Wellis burges of the
plement Rece owt of the common chest for there expenses xl.^.
Sm^ Rest liij./i. vj.5. viij.c?.

" At the co'mpt the next yere after there was delyverd to Xrofer Star
of the said Sm^ to chainge the money of the Subsidy x\.s.
And so Resteth of the olde Stok Sm^ Ij.Zi. vj.5. \uj.d.^'

Of the sums mentioned as received in the above account, the
bridge-money, or the amount collected by William Thorpe, bridge-
man, or keeper of the bridge, is the only one requiring notice.

^ The henchmen.

466 ANNALS Oi" WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

Tolls appear to have been received by the corporation from
a very early period. The numerous grants of pontage, which
included tolls for passing under as well as over the bridge,
have been already frequently mentioned Subsequent accounts
show the large sums occasionally spent in the repair of the bridge.
The keeper of the bridge received a yearly salary of six shillings
and eightpence.

The mayor of the town received an annual fee of twenty
shillings. The sums charged in the disbursements for the king's
and queen^s footmen and the henchmen, were probably yearly fees,
paid to them by the corporation in acknowledgment of their
services upon the occasion of audiences and interviews with the
sovereign by the corporate authorities.

The payment "for the costs of the Swaringe" alludes to the
swearing-in of the mayor and other officers of the corporation,
l^he sum expended at the taverns is an item which appears in the
accounts of all periods. It becomes more prominent in subse-
quent reigns.

The account of the wardens of "owre lady lyght'' is of con-
siderable interest. Similar entries respecting this account occur
in subsequent years.

*' Anno 7 H. 8. — ^' Item at the said accompt Ric. Hobynson and R-ic
Baker kep's of our lady lyght all thyngs compted and RSe Rest to owr
lady l3^ght vij.5.

" Whiche vij.5. was delyv^l to Xrofer Stap" and Ric baker then
chosen to be kep's of ye said lyght.

'^ Sm^ of our lady lyght vij.5.^^

" An. 8 H. 8. — " At the same accompt the kep's of our lady lyght
co^ not yn And aftward on All Seynts even Ric~ Baker co yn and
comtyd and nothyng was left."

"An. 11 H. 8. — " Tfm at the said acompt Ric. pashe and John
Mten kep s of owre lady lyght all thyngs compted and payd re-
may neth to owre lady lyght v.^. wherof iij.5. iiij.c?. was payd by Th.
long whan he was new amytted to be a brother and the wiche v.s. was
delyvd unto the same Thomas long and John Pury new chosen kep's
of the said lady lyght"

^ Came.

(C ^^^^ ^ .^,.>r. T^^^^r., "

TO A.D. 1547.] '* OUR LADY S LIGHT. 467

An. 12 Hen. 8. — *^ It. at the said acompt Thomas long and John
Purj^ kep^s of owre lady lyght all thyngs co^mpted and payd remayneth
to owre lady lyght iu].s. Y.d. It. Ric. Aspley oweth a pounde of wex
NicW Goode a pounde of wex Ric. ruse (?)

Whiche iiij.5. \.d. was delyv^ to the seyd Ric. Aspley and Nich Goode
new chosen to be kepers of o^' lady lyght''

An. 18 Hen. 8. — '' The accompt of owre lady lyght
" At the said accompt Thomas Avelyn kep thereof all thyngs
compted and alowed he hathe xiij.^. and a Ryng of Silv of gyft of
MVarete Stap" decesed whiche money and Ryng was delyed to Rob
Glyn and Nicholas goode new chosen to be kep's of the said lyght

" Sm^ xiij.c^/'

An. 19 Hen. 8. — '^The accompt of owre lady lyght.

^•' Nicholas Good and Rob Glyn comptith all thyngs Rekenyd and
paid ther remayneth but a Ryng of Silv*" whiche was delyv*^ to Will
Hall whose was chosen to be kep therof

The following observation is written in the margin. "Note y* the
keps of or Lady light had at this tyme but a silver ring in their box''

An. 25 Hen. 8. — " Thacompt of o'' Lady lyght

" R-ob* Sadok and Ric' Archerd browglit yn money viij.5. iiij.^.
and a Ryng of Silv^ and a lose Stone delyv^d to Nich Goode and
Rob Sadok new chosen to be lyght keps of or lady

" Sm" viij.^. iiij.c?."

This, which is the last entry of the account, elucidates the
matter, by changing the expression, ''keepers of our lady lyght^' to
" lyglit kepers of our Lady!'

For a few subsequent years an entry is inserted that no account
was rendered by the keepers of *' our Lady light," and then all
reference to it, directly or indirectly, disappears.

Besides "our Lady's Light," there were several other "lights" in
the parish church, some of which have been mentioned. They com-
prised the Light of the Holy Trinity, St. Thomas's Light, St.
Stephen's Light, the Rood Light, St. Clement's Light, St. Catherine's
Light, St. Anthony's Light, St. James's Light, St. George's Light,
St. Cornelius's Light, Our Lady of Pity's Light. The last, however,
was probably identical with "our Lady's Light." Each of these lights

468 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XV III.

had two keepers, chosen annually, who also made up their accounts
yearly.^

It does not exactly appear at what time these ''Lights" were
discontinued or abolished, but although partially interfered with, it
is probable they existed until the reign of Edward the Sixth. The
work of destruction, however, began in the church at an earlier period.

It appears that in the twenty-second year of this reign,
Thomas Avelyn, Richard Orcharde, and Robert Sadok, being
churchwardens, bought, about Candlemas in that year, " a paire of
new organs, and they cost £18 and the old organs, and for pay-
ment of the same there was sold two Chalices, a Pax of Silver and
gilt, two cruets of Silver and a bell of Silver, in all 54 unces and
a half, at Ss. 9d. the ounce/' The residue is stated to have been
*' paid by the wardens out of the church box/' At the same time
there was sold a pair of coral beads, for 13^. 4id., the gift of Edward
Wakefield's wife. On the other hand, in the twenty-sixth of
Henry the Eighth, an altar-cloth, the gift of Joan Dey, widow, was
received. Four years later we find the churchwardens bringing in
an account of £13 16^., " for broken silver of the Rode and of the
Image of St. John the Baptist."^ And at this time, apparently,
there was delivered " to the Parish Clearke 5 Cottys of the Rodye,^
2 of Cloth of Gold, i of black velvet, one of blew wyght satyn, and
i of white satyn of Brygys." ^ At the same time, the keepers of
St, Anthony's Altar possessed " five altar cloths and two towels ;"
and the keepers of St. Katherine's Altar had " in keeping 6 altar
cloths, 2 front cloths, and 2 silken curtains." The keepers " of our
Lady Assumptions Altar hath in money, 9^. Id., and a ring of
silver and gilt, whereof 6s. Sd. and the ring were of the gift of
Nicholas Goode." ^

Returning to the accounts for the fifth year of this reign, the
next entry calling for notice respects the sum of 47^. and lOd.,
remaining in the box for the " Almes housis." This refers to the

J Ash. MS, No. 1115, f. 40^, and No. 1126.
^ Fine coats or coverings of the rood.
^ Bruges.

"* Extracts " out of the Churchwardens Account Booke of New Wvndesor." (A.sh.
MS., No. 1126.)

TO A.D. 1547.] PAYMENT OP MEMBERS OP PARLIAMENT. 469

charity in Sheet Street, already mentioned as founded in the reign
of Henry the Seventh,^ and also noticed in a subsequent part of
the present chapter.

In the name of " Henre Bocher," we have an example of the
mode in which surnames were acquired from particular trades.
Having a shop in the butchery, he was doubtless a butcher, and
probably was called " Henry the butcher," or " Henry le Bocher,"
the article being gradually dropped until he acquired the name of
** Henry Butcher."

The " butchery^^ was situated at the rear of the present Town
Hall, and retained its name until a comparatively recent period.

The payment of forty shillings to the two members of parhament
for Windsor, as their " expenses,^^ is a singular feature in this
and succeeding accounts, and presents a striking contrast to the
electioneering annals of the borough in the eighteenth century.

Independently of this proof of the payment of the members,
the entries are valuable as giving the names of the representatives
for Windsor at a period when the parliamentary rolls are defective ;
the latter, as already stated, being deficient in this respect from
1476 to 1541.

The custom of paying the representatives was by no means
peculiar to Windsor, but appears to have been general throughout
the kingdom.^ As we shall find the sum varying in difierent years,
the amount paid was probably that actually expended.

The last entry, respecting ''the money of the Subsidy,^^ occurs
in subsequent years. It is scarcely necessary to say that it relates

^ See ante^ p. 454.

^ The wages of the members of parliament is a payment of regular occurrence in the
account-books of the corporation of Southampton. In the year 1432, the date of the
earliest register of that corporation, there is an entry of this payment to the mayor, who
represented the town in that parliament :

" Item, payd the iij day of April! to my master the meyre in party of payment of hys
parlament wages, xl.s,"

In the account-rolls of the city of Winchester for the eighth year of the reign of Henry
the Sixth, W. Fromond receives £4 in January and £4 155. in April, and Thomas
Dunster receives in the last-mentioned month £4 13^., for their wages as members of
parliament, which were estimated at so much a day. (' Report on the Municipal Records
of W^inchester and Southampton,' by Thomas Wright ; vide ' Transactions of the British
Archaeological Association.')

470 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

to the parliamentary assessment or grant made to the sovereign.
Subsidies and fifteenths were originally assessed upon each indi-
vidual, but subsequently to the eighth of Edward the Third, when
a taxation was made upon all the towns, cities, and boroughs, by
commissioners, the fifteenth became a sum certain, being the
fifteenth part of their then existing value. After the fifteenth was
granted by parliament, the inhabitants rated themselves.^ The
*' Commissioners," therefore, mentioned in subsequent accounts,
were the persons who assessed the amount to be paid by the
borough of Windsor.

We must now return to a narration of the events of this reign,
in connexion with Windsor, as nearly as may be in chronological
order.

In the first year of his reign, Henry the Eighth built the great
gateway to the lower ward of the castle^ in its present form, and
still bearing his name. His arms and devices, the rose, the port-
cullis, the fleur de lis, and the bearings of his queen, decorate the
front.^ " This,^^ says Mr. Poynter, '' was the most important work
executed in the castle during his reign, except at St. George's
Chapel.^^

In 1510, the first year of the king's reign, the whole court re-
moved from Greenwich to Windsor ; Henry, as we are informed,
"then begininghis progress, and exercising himself dailyin shooting,
singing, dancing, wrestling, casting of the bar, playing at the
recorders, flute, virginals, in setting of songs, and making of ballads ;
he did set two full masses, every of them five parts, which were
sung oftentimes in his chapel, and afterwards in divers other places.
And when he came to Oking, there were kept both jousts and
tourney : the rest of this progress was spent in hunting, hawking,
and shooting." *

1 * Penny Cyclopsedia,' art. " Subsidy."

- Leland, ' Commentarii in Cygneam, Cantionem,' verb. " Windlesora." (See the
extract given ante, p. 445, note.) " King Henry the 8 made the outer Gate-house which
is called the Exchequer of the honour, where hath bin and yet continueth a moneth
Court, kept by the Clarke of the Honor and Castle, for the pleas of the forest and
honors." (Stow's 'Annals.')

^ Poynter.

^ Hall; Holinshcd.

TO A.D. 1547.] COEPORATION ACCOUNTS. 471

Among the payments on the part of the corporation in the
accounts taken in the sixth year of this reign are the following
items :

" Payd to Hug" Starkey for the office of meyralte . xx,s.

It. payd to John Bykford for ij dynnes^ for the

corassions whan they Satte for the Kings Subsidy xxiiij .5. vj.c?.
It. payd to ThonTs Rydar and John Wellis for the

costs of ye comssion . . . . x.5.

It. payd to Rob. CarpenP for his labo^ at the

brige ..... xij.c?.

It. payd for plankes .... viij.c?.

It. payd for vi loade of gVell . . . xij.^.

It. payd to Andrew Bereman for uppyng of Swannys v.5. iiij.c?.^'

Swans and swan-upping have been already noticed in the last
chapter.^

The care of the swans forms a frequent item in the accounts of
this period, as will be seen by extracts in subsequent years.

"It. payd to John Wellis for the acte* of the subsidy . Yu],d.

It. payd to Jamys Price for a m*^^ of Tyle to the

Repacon of the Gilde Aule wiche m^^ resteth in

the kepyng of the said Jamys . . iiij.5. vj.d.

It. payd to Thom~s Benet for kepyng the brige . vj.s. viij.^.

It. payd to Wiir'm Pury for his ffee wrytyng all the

yere . . . . . vj.5. viij.c?.

It. payd to Jamys Pry nee for a Rewarde goyng aV in

Erands ..... xij.c?.

It. payde for makyng of the cokkyng stole as it ap-

pereth hi a bill .... vij.5. viij.c?.'^

The cucking stool was the place of punishment for the scolds of
the town. In the registers of the town of Southampton it is termed
the scolding stool.*

^ Dinners (?).

^ See ante, p. 4.51.

^ One thousand (?).

^ See particulars of " Costes doon in makyng of the scooklyngstoole/' (' Report on
the Municipal Records of Winchester and Southampton,' by Thomas Wright ; 'Transac-
tions of the British Archaeological Association.')

472 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

" It. payd to Hyggs for a Rewarde bryngyng the buk^ . xx.d.

It. spent at the wyne at the sayd com~pt . , xiiij.c?.

" Sm~ Solut' iiij./i. xij.5. vj.c?. and so Resteth
iiij.Zi. xvij.5. iiij.c^.^

"Whereof iiij./i. xiij.5. iiij.d. was delyv^d to Thomas Benet at the same
accom^p to by tymb' for the bryge of Wyndesor at ye best advauntage
and the iiij.s. Uesedeue resteth and was put in the Co~mon chest and
so Resteth as over bysyde the said iiij./i. xiij.^. iiij.c?. Sm Ij./i. x.s.yu^M.^'^

" And afterward that is to say the xiij day of Novemb' A° (?)
Henrici octam septo Andrew Bereman and Xrofer Star. Sayeth
that of the xl.s. wiche they kept for the subsidy they payd thereof
x.s. and vj.^. and the xxix.5. \j.d. was delyvrd to John Todde then
beyng meyer to keep untill the comon chest were open

" It. the said John Todde hathe payd to Thomas Ridar and John
Wellis burges of plemet of the said money xxix.5. \].d. — x.s. iiij.d. the
ffirst day of Feb''^ A° ut sup.

" It. delyVd the same tyme to the said Thomas and John iij.5. iiij.c?.
wiche was of the ffyne of Wiifm Smyth S™ Rec. xiij .5. iiij.^f. rest
xviij.5. x.d.

*^ It. dely^ed to WilF Pury to pay to the said Th. and John Wellis
xiij .5. iiij.d.''

By letters patent, dated at Westminster the 10th day of March,
in the sixth year of his reign, Henry confirmed the charter of the
fifteenth of Henry the Seventh, in the same manner as the latter
confirmed the charter and letters patent of Edward the Fourth.*

The following items in the accounts of this year refer to the
above grant :

*' It. payed out of the common chest uppon a Rekenynyng

for the confirmacon of the Gret Charter for the towne viij./i.
'^ Of the whiche viij./i. there was payd by the said Wilfm Pury for
the wrytyng of the charter xxiij.5. iiij.^. It. for the scale therof
xx.s. iuj.d. It. payde for the ft'yne iij./i. YJ.s. viij.c?. Item for the
Inrollying xx.5. It. for the pclamacon thereof iiij.5. Itm for the
lace of whyte and greue xx.d. It. to the chaffer of the wax xij.</.
It. for costs thereof by iiij dayes ij.5. viij.c?.^^

^ Buck.

2 The receipts this year were £9 9s. lOd.

3 £51 10s. 8(1.

^ See Mr. Snowden's (of Windsor) MS. vol. of Charters.

TO A.D. 1547.] COUPOBATION ACCOUNTS. 473

The remaining items of the year's account are as follow :

"It. for a quart of malsey^ for ye assemb. iuj.d. It. payd for a
a wrytt of n~o molestando to be directed to ye Couret of the Exchequeer
iij.5. iiij.c?. It. in expenses thereof by ij dayes xvj.c?. It. payd for the
acte of a subsidy in the same yere xij.c?. Item payd for other expens
don at Westm^ as it appereth by a bill x.s, Bm^ to^'^ vij./i. xy.s. viij.c?.
and so resteth in the Comon Chest iiij.5. iiij.c?. whiche was payd at the
next acompt.^^

In the following year (6 and 7 Hen. VIII) the receipts amounted
to £11 10s. : " Wherof was payd to Willm Thorppe for tymb' and
workmanshipp of the Galous as he layed hit owt of his purse for
Tymb and to the Carpenter xj.^. Ifm payed to John Todde for
tymb' and other expenses as it appereth by ij billes xl.^. vij.c?.''

There is no reason to suppose that there was any precise
spot assigned for the execution of criminals. The most frightful
of all the executions recorded to have taken place at Windsor
was the burning of Testwood and others, at a later period of
this reign, and described in the next chapter. The spot where
these acts of cruelty occurred was the low ground between the
castle and the river, and near the site of Travers' College. The
priest and the butcher executed in 1536 were hung; the former on
a tree at the foot of Windsor Bridge, and the latter on a new
gallows at the end of the drawbridge over the castle-ditch, and in
front of the " castle gate.'' ^ " Gallows Lane," on the ancient line
of road between Old and New Windsor, very probably took its
name from the place usually assigned for executions.^

" It. payd to the same John Todde for the office of the mayralte
for a year last past xx.^. It. payd to Thomas Rydar for Uppyng of
Swannys v.s. It. payd to the same Thorn s in full payment of xl.5.
for the burges of plement xiij.5. iiij.^. It. payd to the same Thomas
for the comyssion of the subsidy for the town of Wyndeso? vj.^. viij.^.
It. payd to Thomas benet for kepyng of the bryge a yere \j.s. viij.5.

^ Malmsey.

^ Seepost, p. 506.

^ The last trace of this hollow road has been nearly obliterated by the formation of
the new road from Datchet to Old Windsor and the queen's private way from the
Home Park to the Royal Gardens at Progmore. Several human bones were found at
that time.

ix.s.

Id.

vij.5.

Id.

ij.5.

m].d.''

xiiij.^.

VJ.5.

viij.G?.

xx.d."

474 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

It. payd to Thorns bramelton for a carpenu xvj.c?. It. payd to Jamys

prynce for Repacons don uppon the Gilde Aule as it apperyth by a
bill vj.5. x.d.'^

Among the payments in the accounts taken in the eighth year
of the king's reign are the following items :

" It m payd to Thomas Ridar for Uppyng of Swannys
and other expens as it appereth by his bill
It. payd for Repacons of the Gilde Aule ut pat. p. bill
It. payd to Ric. Robynson and Th. tod for mendyng
the cukkyngstol the stokks and the pounde

" It. payd to Thomas Ridar and John Wellis in a ffull

payment for burges of plement
It. payd to Thomas Benet than beyng meyer for the

fee kepyng the brige
It. payd to Rob. WakefFeld for expenss of the co~m-

missionar .....

After deducting the payments, there remained £3 Os. 9d.,
" wher of iij./e. was dely^d to the comon chest and the ix.d. was
drenken at taverne and so Resteth in the common chest of Old and
New xl./i. X5."

''And at the same compt John Todde browght yn for Rent of lond
belongyng to the Almes howsis xiij.5. iiij.d. wherof \}.s. viij.c?. was
delyvd to the same John Todde to by them Colys^ in Wynter and so
Resteth in the Almes box of New and Olde iij./i. iiij.5. \n].d."

The land " belonging to the Alms houses'* in Shere Street, or
Sheet Street, was situated at Warfield. It was granted to them by
Thomas Brotherton, alias Hunt, by deed bearing date the 25th of
August, 1510 (1 Hen. VIII).'

The payment of 6s. Sd. towards fuel for the poor people was a
customary gift, as it is of frequent occurrence in the accounts of
this period.

In the account of the eighth and ninth of Henry the Eighth are
the following entries :

' To buy tliem coals.
2 See anU, p. 454.

TO A.D. 1547.] THE ORDER OP THE GARTER. 475

" It. payd to Wilfm pury for his costs Rydyng to london

dyVse tymes to M^ Wyndesor for ye Subsidie v.s. viij.c?.
It. payd to the same Willm for his ffee . . vj.^. viij.c?/'

'' M'^ delyvM to Andrew Bereman owt of the comon

chest for makyng of the brige new on Seynt

Swythnnys day in the x*^' yere of the Reign

of Kyng Henry the viij*^ . . xiijii. vj.5. viij.6^.

It. delyvM to the seid Andrew owt of the co~mon chest

for the seid brige the eleccon day next folowyng iiij./i.^

In the following year —

"Andrew Bereman was alowed for Repacons don Uppon the brige
as in pylyng Joistyng plankyng Rayleing and other Workmanshipp as
it apperyth by his boke S"" xxxij./i. y.dJ'

The works of St. George's Chapel, still in progress, were brought
to a completion during this reign.

In the eighth year of Henry the Eighth, at the festival of the
Order of the Garter, a subscription was opened for the purpose of
promoting the works, to which all future knights were to contribute
according to the dignity of their rank. The more immediate
objects in view at this time were the erection of a pulpit, or rood
loft, and a glazed lantern ; the latter of which was certainly never
carried into effect, nor probably the former. In the following year
the subscription was warmly pressed, and £260 was raised at the
annual feast ; the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Arundel giving
£40 each, Lord Surrey £30, and several other nobles £20 each.
The Earl of Shrewsbury also gave £30 over and above £10 already
subscribed, and in addition to former contributions toward the
building of the chapel.^

The feasts of the Order of the Garter were held with great pomp
at this period.

Ashmole, in his ' Order of the Garter,' describes a magnificent
cavalcade on the eve of the Eeast of St. George, in the eleventh
year of the king's reign.

" On the 37. day of May being Friday, the King removed from
Richemont towards his Castle of Windesor, and appointed them about

^ Poynter.

476 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XVIII.

one a Clock at Afternoon the same Friday, that all Noblemen, and
oder which should wayte upon his Grace, should be ready between
Kichemont and Honslowe to attend upon him, and in consideration of
a scarcyte and straitnes of Lodgings, as well as in avoyding and
eschewing of the corrupt air, every Nobleman was taxed and rated to
a certain number of Horse, that is to say, every Duke at 60 Horses, a
Marques at 50 Horses, every Earl at 40 Horses, every Baron at 30
Horses, every Knight of the Garter Batchellor at 20 Horses, and no
odre Knight or Nobleman to have above 16 Horses, with their Car-
riages and all. And the King, thus right nobly companyed, rode to
Colebroke, and at the sign of the Katherines Wheel the King took his
Courser, and his Henchmen richly apparelled followed, and also the
Kings Horse of State led, Gartier King of Arms wore his Coat of
Arms, the Lord Richard Fox Byshop of Winchester and Prelate of the
Order, with many odre great Estates, gave their attendance upon his
Hignness, The Queen and the Ladies, and their Compaignies stood
in the feild at the Towns end, besides the high way towards Windesor,
to see the Kings noble Compagnie pass by, and then the Queen rode
to the Fery^ next way to the Castle. The King rode by Slow, and so
to Eton Colledge, where all they of the Colledge stood along, in man-
ner of Procession, receiving his Grace after their custom.

^' The King entred Windesor with his great Horses, that is to say
nine Coursers with nine Children of Honor upon them, and the Master
of the Kings Horses upon another great Coursers back, following them,
having and leading the Kings Horse of Estate in his hand, that is to
say, a rich Courser with a rich Saddle, and trapped and garnished
following the King, and so entred the Castle.

^' At the Castle Gate, the Ministers of the Colledge received the
King with procession, and the King and Knights of the Ordre, at the
Church dore, took their Mantles, and entred the Quere, and stood
before their Stalls, till the Soveraign had offred and retorned to his
Stall j then every Knight offered according to his, as by the Statute is
ordained, and entred their Stallys, which was a long ceremony or ever
they had all offered, because of the great number of Knights that then
was present, which were 19 in number besides the Soveraign.^^ ^

Hall, describing the feast on the same occasion, says : " The
bishop of Winchester prelate of the order sat at the boards end

^ Datchet Ferry.

2 Aslimole's 'Order of the Garter/ p. 560. See also the bill of fare for the Saturday
supper and Sunday dinner of the king, queen, and knights, on the 28th aad 29th days of
May. (Ibid., p. 603.)

TO A.D. 1547.] DENTON'S BUILDINGS. 477

alone. The king was solemnly served and the surnap cast like the
feast of a coronation. All things were plentious to strangers that
resorted thither. At the masse of Requiem were offered the banner
and other habiliaments of honour belonging to Maximilian the
emperor late deceased/'^

After the feast was ended, the king proceeded to Richmond, and
thence to Greenwich.

In 1519, Dr. James Denton, a canon of Windsor and Dean of
Lichfield, erected a building on the north side of the chapel and
opposite the north door, " for the lodging and dieting such of the
Chantry Priests, Choristers, and stipendiary Priests, who had no
certain place within the College where to hold commons in, but were
constrained daily to eat their meals in sundry houses of the Town :
this house he furnished with proper utensils for such a use, the
whole charge amounting to £489 7^. \d.\ and for all which the
Choristers were desired by him (in the Statutes he ordained for
their Rule and Government) to say certain Prayers, when they
entered into the Chapel, and after his death, to pray for his, and

^ Hall ; and see Holinshed. Stow mentions this feast, but places it in 1519. "This
yeere K. Henry helde his feast of St. George at Windsor with as great solemnity as it
had beene the feast of a coronation, where were present all the Knights of the Order
then within the Realme." ('Annals,' p. 507, edit. 1631.) At this feast an attempt was
made to reform the Statutes of the Order. The king had given orders, in a chapter held
at Greenwich on St. George's day, in the ninth year of his reign, " that all the Knights
Companions should be carefully summoned to assemble together in the year then next
following, whilst the solemnity of the Peast lasted, to consult and conclude upon the
abrogation of such things as tended to the dishonor of the Order (if any such were), and
for the advancement of other things that might augment and promote the honor thereof."
It seems that nothing was then done in pursuance of this direction ; but afterwards the
king, on the 28th of May in the eleventh year of his reign, accompanied by nineteen
Knights Companions of the Order, proceeded on horseback to the Chapter-house at
Windsor, " where being entered, and consideration had of the Old Statutes, the Knights
Companions, with all due reverence, entreated the sovereign to reform and explain them
as he should think convenient ; who thereupon determining so to do, the whole company
gave their advice and consent. That done, all present besought the sovereign kneeling,
that where any of them had offended in breaking any ordinance concerning the Order, he
would please to remit it, and give them a general pardon, which most benignly he
granted, and the next day, in Chapter, ratified it to them." Three more years elapsed
before the object was effected. On the 23d of April, in the fourteenth year of his reign,
Henry, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the Knights Companions, made " Intef-
pretation and Declaration of the obscurities, doubts, and ambiguities of the former
Statutes and Ordinances." (Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.')

478 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XYIII.

the souls of all the faithful departed." ^ Among Ashmole's MS8.
there is a detailed account of the furniture of this building, which
is very curious. The whole expense of furnishing was £22 10^.
The hall cost £2 14^. ; the pantry, £2 5^. bd. ; the kitchen,
£6 11^. I^d.; the cook's chamber, lis. 4i^d.; the storehouse,
£7 6s. Sd ; sundries, £2.^

This structure was subsequently called t/ie New Commons, and
has long been incorporated with the prebendal houses. The door-
way may still be seen, surmounted by a niche, and bearing the
following inscription : " Edes pro Sacellaenorum et Choristarum
Conviviis extructse a.d. 1519." It is richly ornamented, but the
disproportion of the members marks the decline of the Gothic style.
The king's arms, flanked by those of St. George and St. Edward,
remain on the adjoining wall.^ Rooms have, however, been added
over the entrance, which destroy its original character.^

Dr. Denton also built " the large back stairs at Windsor,"
" and did, with Dr. John Gierke, dean of Windsor, receive by
Indenture from the Lord Hastings, the sheets (as a relique) wherein
King Henry the Sixth, founder of King's College in Cambridge,
lay, when he was murdered in the Tower." ^

The " large back stairs" was probably the flight of steps leading
from the cloisters down to the dean's orchard, and represented in

1 Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 150, "ex libro vocat Denton, f. 261, 262."

2 Poynter. See Ash. MSS., No. 1123, f. 109.
^ Poynter.

"* " This house, called the ' New Commons,' has for many years been converted into
one of the canons' houses; and during the time that Lord Francis Seymour was
possessed of it, in his right as canon, he caused to be removed several figures in old
stained glass, which were in an east window, in a long inner room at the top of the
house, intended most probably for a library for the chantry priests and choristers : the
figures were half-lengths of Aristotle, Plato, and Socrates, as the inscription under them
showed. The faces were very fine, and in high preservation, but the draj^ery was broken
and very much damaged.

"In the window of the buttery, looking into the hall, were the remains of two round
panes of stained glass, which exhibited a barrel or tun, or ; charged with a scallop-shell,
argent ; having these letters, DEN, in the middle of it, which, according to the fashion of
those times, is clearly a rebus for Denton, the name of the founder.

"He assisted in the erection of a similar building at Lichfield." (MS. note in a copy
of Pote's ' History of V\^indsor,' in the Library of the Dean and Chapter, cited in
Stoughton's ' Windsor in the Olden Time,' p. 107.)

= Wood's ' Pasti,' ed. Bliss, p. 16.

TO A.D. 1547.] CORPORATION ACCOUNTS. 479

Norden's Bird's-eye View of the Castle. The steps known as
" the Hundred Steps'' appear to have been formed subsequent to
the commencement of the seventeenth century.

The following payments occur in the accounts of the tenth and
eleventh of Henry the Eighth :

" It. payd for a lok for the brige .... iiijc?.
It. payd to Wiirm Pury for Repacons that was don
uppon the m'ket place and upon the buttes and
the ^^ p '' close in the churche at our lady of
pyte allter as hit apperyth by a bill . iij./i. xviij.5. \,dJ^

" It"m payd to Thomas long for Repacons don uppon
the comon well agenst ye bell ^ as it apperyth by
his bill ..... xx.e/.''

Three shillings and elevenpence-halfpenny were '^ delyv^d to
Mr. Meyer to spend at the wyne/'

The account of the subsequent year (11 and 12 Hen. VIII)
is headed thus :

" Nova Wyndesor

" The compt holden ther® the xxij day of Octob in the xij yere of
the Reign of Kyng henry the viij*^^ whiche acompt was deferred from
the morow aft'' Seynt Edwardes day kyng and confessour^ for certe^n
causes at the Kyngs removyng whiche a compt was byfore Thomas
benet than beyng meyer w* other burgeuss of the same town for a
yere ended at Michelmas last past by for this p^sent date.''

The following entries occur in it :

" It. Rec. of WilFm ffreman for a mersement by cause
he was warned to wayte uppon M^ Meyer^ when
he went down to ye barges on feyer day . iiij.^.

It. Rec. of Xrofer Staper for ye same by cause he is

alderman ..... viij.^.

The occasion of the mayor going down to the bargemen, or
"bargees/' was probably some brawl by the latter, who at this
period tracked or towed the barges, as horses are now employed.

1 The common or public M^ell against or contiguous to the market bell, then under a
pent-house in that locality.

480 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

'^ It. paid to John bykford in money payd out of his

purse for the Clerk of the mket . . vj.5. viij.c?.

It. payd to the seid John for money payd to the

Kyngs fotemeu . . . . vj.5. Yuj.d.

It. payd to the seid John for the quenys fotemen . iij.^. iiij.^.

It. payd to ye seid John for costes of the brethern

Rydyng to Warfelde to se the lond there^ . iij.5. x.d.'^

" It. payd to Andrew bereman for costes of the Charter iiij.5. iiij.c?.
It. payd to the said Andrew for money layd out for a

new howse for the trynite Gilde^ . . xx.5."

^' Detts M^ at the said acompt Ric. ffytzwater and John Pury wardens
or masters of the tri — te oweth for money leyd out of the comon chest
in p~t of payment for a new howse for ye try — te^ xl.s. At the next

comp of the trinite holden there the v*^ day of Novemb the said xl.s.
was payd to Mr. Meyer and his brethern by the said Ric ffitzwat^" and
John Pury and delyv^d to Mr. Meyer Willm Pury and John Bykforde
and the Sonday the ix*^ day of January next followyng it was payd.
for ye tr — te unto John Godfrey carpent for makyng of the tr — te
house^^

" ffurthermore it is agreed by Mr. Meyer and all his bretherne at
the said day of acompt that ev^y meyer hereafter for the tyme beyng
shalbe alowed by side his xx.s. thes parselles folowyng yf he pay it in
his yere beyng —

^'^ffirst the expense of the clerk of the racket . . vj.5. viij.^.

It. for the kyngs fotemen and in the yere . . \].s. iuj.s.

It. to the quenys fotemen . . . iij.5. iii^.d.

" It. all other costes yf he ley owt any for the profet of the town
and by the consent of the brethern to be alowed thereof
" Itm hit is agreed that who that wrygteth for Mr. Meyer
in the Gilde Aule when nede requyreth shall
have for his labor by the yere . . vj.5. viij.c?.^^

^' Itm it is agreed the same day and a statute made yf it fortune
hereaft^ any brother of the Aule to be owtlawed then his ffyn shalbe

^ The land belonging to the Sheet Street alms-houses, already mentioned. (See ante,
p. 454 and p. 474.)

- Mr. Seeker, the clerk of the peace, thus writes to the editor : " I am unable to
obtain the smallest information as to the house of the Trinity Guild, in which it seems,
from subsequent entries, the corporation were in the habit of eating their fat bucks at
court and other times. The only mention of court holding I ever heard of apart from the
Town Hall was the Underour Court, which was said to have been held at a house lately
pulled down, belonging to the corporation, at the foot of the Hundred Steps."

TO A.D. 1547.] CORPORATION ACCOUNTS. 481

vj.5. viij.df. half therof to the baylyff for the tyme beyng and the
other half to the comon chest and evry yere after till he have his
pardon to the baylyff a quarte of wyn or els a cople of chykons and at
this tyme this statute was executed uppon Will m Billesden one of
the brethern/^

^' If m it is agreed the same day by all them aforeseid that Mr.
Will Bonde clerk of the pece of berk shall have yerely a ffee of
xiij.5. iiij.c?. to be goode to the inh~itannes of the town and specially
to the brethef n of the gilde hawle for the co~mon profett of the same/'

"M*^ payd out of the comon chest by Mr. Meyere and
other to John lavendo carpen? for makyng of
thre tentres (?) by the castell dyche the
ffirst day of ffeb in ye xij*^^ j^ere of kyng henre
the viij*^' .... iiij./i.

It. payd to the said John lavenda by his brother the

Satday by fore mydleut . . . m].li.

It. payd to John Pury on of wardens of the trite owt
of the common chest for the new house of the
tr — te the monday ye viij day of Aprell . iiij./i.

'^ And so thetr — te wardens oweth to ye comon chest vj./i.^'

In the next year (13 Hen. YIII) the following noticeable entries
appear :

" In pf ms Thomas Benet kep of the brige for y* yere

compted to have Recevyd the Sm^ . vj./^. \\].s. \\\]d.

It. Eec of the said Thomas for a ffyn made by Edward
Martyn to have the water of thamyse for certen
yeres by indenture paying yerely xxxiij.^. iiij.^.^ xl.5.
It. Bee of the seid Thomas for a ffyn made by Ric

herethorne for ij acres lond to set up a wynd mill xxvj.5. v\\].dJ^

The note in the margin, *'a fine for ye ij acres in Warfield,"
shows that the last item refers to the charity land at Warfield,
already noticed.

^^ Whereof was payd by Thomas Benet then beyng meyer
to the clerk of ml^et and to his man as it
appereth by his Bill . . . . vij.5. viij. 6/.

* The sum of ?)S. M. occurs in subsequent years as received from "William Cokke for
the water," and it is sometimes described as " the overplus for tlie water."

482 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptee XVIII.

It. paid to the kyngs fotemen . . . vj.5. viij.c?.

It. paid to the quenys fotemen . . . iij.5. iiij.c?.

It. paid for a dyn^ ^ at Warfelde at the Sealjmg of the

possession yr . . . . iij.5. iiij.c?.^'

''It. paid for anre dyi? ^ at the trynyte courte . . vij.5.

It. payd for expenss upon Mr. Weston . . viij.c?.^^

In the accounts of the sixteenth and seventeenth of Henry the
Eighth there is a similar entry. " Payd for costs and charges don
Tippon Master Weston ix.s. \j.d."

" Master Weston^^ was probably the same person who was about
the court during the reign of Anne Boleyn, and who ultimately
became a victim of Henry's jealousy of that queen. At this period
he seems to have been feasted by the corporation, perhaps as the
channel through which some favour was sought for at court.

''It. payd to the preyst yt Mrs. Hely spake for . xij.c?.

It. payd in expenss for owre charter whan the Justice

of ecchequer sate here . . . xx.s.

It. paid to lavendo^ the carpenter whan the brethefn

were there to se the frame . . . iiij.c?."

This evidently refers to the erection of the three shops adjoining
the castle ditch, mentioned below, and the inspection of the frame,
or wood- work, by the corporation.

" It. payd to Mr. Meyere for a drynkyng among his

brethefn at the compt day . . . ij.s. ij.d.'^

" Thes ben the charges and costs of the thre Shoppes new bylded
by the castell diche —
" first payd to John lavendo^ carpenter for the frame

takyng by Taske or a grete^ Sm* . . xviij./i.

It. payd to Ric iffuller foryren'^ and workmanshipp there

of for the seid new howsyng Sm^ . . xlj.^. vj.d.ob

It. payd to Xrofer Star for najdes . . . xxvj..s. x^d.ob

' not compted but p^ next yere folowyng'

* Dinner.

^ Another dinner.

3 i. e., Taken or calculated by task work, or as agreed.

" Iron.

TO AD. 1547.] THE DUKE OE BUCKINGHAM. 483

It. payd to Thomas benet for latthes as it apperyth by

his bill ..... xviij.5.

Ifm payd to Thomas long for tyles and other neces-
saries as it appereth by his boke S'" . ix.Ii. xvj.5. Y.dJ'

^' It. payd to John lavendo carpent owt of the com on

chest for a rewarde . . . xx.5.^^

The three shops above mentioned, erected in the castle ditch,
probably formed the first or nearly the first commencement of the
west side of Thames Street (now in the course of removal), the
houses on that side of the street having been gradually erected in
the sixteenth and early part of the seventeenth centuries.

In the twelfth year of Henry^s reign, Edward Duke of
Buckingham was accused, says Hall, '' to the king of high treason ;
wherefore the king's grace, by the advice of his counsel, sent and
directed his* letters to the said duke, being at his manor of Thorn-
bury, in the county of Gloucester, that incontinent he should come
to his presence, all excuses laid aside. Also the king gave com-
mandment to Sir William Cumpton, Sir Richard Weston, and Sir
William Kyngston, knights, for the king's body, to take with them
secret power, and also servants at arms ; and that they should
wisely take heed that when the duke had received the king's letters,
he should not convey himself; which they wisely accomplished.

'^ The said duke, upon the sight of the king's letters, removed
and so journied till he came to Wyndsore, and there offered at
St. George ; and always not far from him, awaiting his demeanor,
were the same knights lying. The duke lodged in W^yndsore for
that night ; and as it was well proved, he marvellously feared, inso-
much that he called unto him a servant of the kings, named Thomas
Ward — the same Thomas Ward was gentleman herbenger^ for the
king, — and demanded of him what he made there ; who answered,
saying that there lay his office ; then the duke perceived that he
could not escape. And so much was he in spirit troubled, that as
he was at breakfast his meat would not down ; yet he made good
countenance, and shortly took his horse, and so rode till he came to
Tothill besides Westminster, where he took his barge." ^

1 "Harbenger." (Grafton.)

2 Hall.

481 ANNALS OT WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

The duke was then " attached" in the king's name, conveyed
to the Tower, and beheaded on the 17th of May, 1521.

The ceremony of his degradation as a Knight of the Garter
took place in St. George's Chapel, on the 8th of June following.

Stow gives an account of this proceeding. " And now followeth
the publication of the disgrading of the saide Edward late Duke of
Buckingham Knight and companion of the most noble order of
S. George, named the Garter, which was read and published by
Garter king at Amies, at the feast of Saint George, in the quire of
Windsore Colledge, standing on the high pase at the dere, all the
other officers of Armes about him, there being also present the
Lord Marques Dorset knight of the same order, then being the
kings deputy for the feast, the Earle of Essex, the Earle of
Wiltshire, the Earle of Kent, Sir Thomas Lovel, and the Lord le
Ware, knights of the said order, with other great audfence assem-
bled there on the eight of June^ the thirteene yeere of Henry the
eight, the yeere of Christ, 1521.

" ' Bee it knowne unto all men, that whereas Edward late Duke
of Buckingham Knight, and companion of the noble order of
S» George, named the Garter, hath lately done and committed high
treason against the king our soveraigne Lord, and soveraigne of the
saide order of the Garter, in compassing and imagining the destruc-
tion of the most noble person of our said soveraigne Lord the king,
contrary to his oath and due allegeance, and for the which high
treason the said Edward hath bin indicted, arraigned, convicted,
and attainted, for the which detestable offence and high treason,
the saide Edward hath deserved to bee disgraded of the said noble
order, and expelled out of the saide company, and not worthy that
his Armes, ensignes, and hachments should remaine among other
noble ensignes of the other noble vertuous and approved knights
of the said noble order ; wherefore our said soveraigne Lord the
King, soveraigne of the said noble order of S. George, named the
Garter, by the advise of the other knights of the said noble order,
for his saide offences, and committing of the said high treason,
willeth and commandeth that the said Edward Duke of Bucking-
ham be disgraded of the said noble order, and his Armes,
ensignes, and hachments cleerely expelled, and put from among the

TO AD. 1547.] THE PEINCESS MARY. 485

Armes, ensignes, and hachments of the other noble knights of the
saide order, to the intent, that all other noble men thereby may
take ensample hereafter, not to committe any such haynous and
detestable treason and offences, as God forbid they should.

" * God save the King.'

'' It is to be remembered, that Sommerset Herault was in the
roode loft behind the hachments of the saide Duke Edward : and
when Garter spake these words, expelled and put from the amies,
then the saide Somerset violently cast downe into the quire, his
creast, his banner, and sword. And when the publication was all
done, the officers of armes, spurned the saide hachment with their
feete out of the quire into the body of the Church, first the sword,
and then the banner, and then was the creast spurned out of the
said quire through the Church out at the west doore, and so to the
Bridge, where it was spurned over into the ditch. And thus was
the said Edward late Duke of Buckingham fully disgraded of the
order of S. George named the Garter.'' ^

The Princess Mary (afterwards Queen Mary) was, in her early
years, a frequent visitor at Windsor Castle. She had a separate
establishment within a year after her birth ; and Ditton Park, near
Datchet, on the Buckinghamshire side of the river Thames, was
where a great part of her time was spent. The following entry
occurs in the household accounts of Henry the Eighth, at Christmas,
1517^18:

" Item paid for the passage ou to Dachet fer' w* my lady Pinces
and hir s^unte at ij tymes iij./. iiij.6^.*^

Datchet Eerry was used on the occasion of Mary's removal from
Windsor to Ditton, which was probably selected on account of its
vicinity to the former place, where the king then was.^

We find the princess visiting Windsor from Ditton in October,
1520, being then in her fifth year; and removing from Windsor in
the same month to Han worth.

On Christmas day, 1521, the clergy of Windsor College attended
at Ditton Park to celebrate the festival, and sang various ballads

1 'Annals,' p. 513, edit. 1631.

2 Vide Sir T. Madden's Introductory Memoir to the ' Privy-purse Expenses of the
Princess Mary,' p. xxii.

486 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

and other songs before the princess, for which they were rewarded
with the sum of 10<^.^

Mummeries followed to assist in the preparation, for which
painters and decorators were brought from Windsor, where the
princess soon after removed, proceeding from thence to Hanworth,
Richmond, and Greenwich.^

She was at Windsor again in June, 1522, and in July a reward
was given to certain of the queen's footmen for accompanying her
from Windsor to Chertsey.^

The account of the thirteenth and fourteenth year of Henry the
Eighth has the following heading :

" Nova Wyndesore

" The coin pt holden there the tuesday the morrow aft Seynt Edward
day Kyng and confessowr and also the twesday the xxi day of Octob
bycause John Fenne kep of the brige was not at home the morow aft
Seynt Edward day in the xiiij yere of the Reign of Kyng Henry the
viij^^^ byfore WilFm pury Meyere w^'^ other burgenss of the same town
for a yere ended at the fest of Seynt Michell the Archangell last
past/^

The following items occur in this account :

^' Itm Rec of Ric Nasshe for his Shopp new bilded . xxij.^. \\].d.

Itm Rec of Xrofer Star for a nother Shopp next . xxij.5. iij.c?.
It. of Edward Skelton for a lytell Shopp in the drapery

Row ..... \\\].s.''

The drapers, like the butchers, appear to have had a particular
locality for carrying on their trade. '' Drapery Row" occupied
the site of the present Town Hall, facing towards the market place.

'^ It. Rec of Wiil~m Sexton Smyth Thomas Avelyn Rob
howse and Thomas Stacy for there fyn to be
made brethern of the halle eche of them \].s.
viij.G?. Sm* . . . . . xxvj.5. viij.c?."

" Itm payd for the kyngs fotemen . . . vj.5. viij.c?.

^ " Johanui Seutone et aliis Clerici Collegij de Wyndesore, cantantibus coram Princi-
pissam divers le Baleties^ et alia, in festo Natalis Domini, x.s'."

- Sir F. Madden's 'Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary/ Introd., pp. 27 — 29.
"^ Ibid., p. 81.

TO A.D. 1547.] COEPORATION ACCOUNTS. 487

It. payd to the quenys fotemen . . . iij.5. iiij.c?.

It. payd to the henchemen . . . iij.5. iiij.^/^ ^

These payments occur in subsequent years, but as they have
been noticed more than once in the extracts ah^eady made, it would
be a tiresome repetition to refer to them again.

" It. payd for a busshell d? bushell and a pek . xij.c?.

Itm payde to John Fenne for cariage of xxx*^ lode of

marie for the temys brige evy lode ij.^. Sma . v.s.

It. payd for xxx*' lode of gravell at ii.^. Sma . v.s.'^

'' Itm delyv*^ to Mr. Meyer to pay for the brekfast at

Xrofer Star howse \].s. viij.c?. whereof was

payd to ys wyff iiij.5. and to Thomas Dixson the

subbaylyfF for mete bowght . . . xxij.c/.

It. payd to Thomas Dixson for fedyng of the Swannys

and for yron work for the mesure of ye hall . vj.^.^^

*' It. payd for a laborer iiij dayes spredying ye g~vell at

ye brige . . . . . xvj.^.^^

In the next year (14 and 15 Hen. VIII) the following items
occur :

" It. Rec of Willm Web be bargeman for a fyn brekyng

ye leg of ye brige .... nx.dj^

The charge for repairing this fracture occurs in the payments.

'^ It. paid for an yron for the leg of the brige . iiij.t^.

It. paid to take away olde trees abowght ye brige . iiij.c?.

It. paid to a laborer to sprede the gvell on ye brige . myd,"

" Itm paid for the costs of the parlement for ye

comyssion .... iij.^.

It. paide to Thomas long and Mich goode for

mendyng of Wodbrige . . . \\].s, iiij.^.^^

" It. paide to the Shreffs man for fechyng ye indenture

of plement ..... xij.c?.

It. paid to the kyngs messeng^ bryngyng a writ of

plement ..... iij.5. m],d.

It. paid to ye kyngs messen^' bryngyng ye comyssion

for ye subsidy .... xx.c?.^'

^ One of Henry the Eighth's henchmen was Richard Lord Grey of Wilton, who lies
buried in the chapel of Eton College.

488 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XVIII.

'^ payd to Ric passhe and Jamys Gales Wardens

of the tr — te for thei had no money to pay
ye prest . . . . . iij.Zi.

It. lent to John Bikford uppon a pleg . . xxx.s.

Item take owt of the comon chest for ye crosse . y.li. t}.s. viij.c?.

Item anoth^ tyme paid to ye meyrr for ye crosse . xxxiiij.s.^^

In the fifteenth and sixteenth year of Henry the Eighth we
have —

'' It. for mendyng of the mace . . . x.s.

It. for makyng of the cage . . . x.s.

It. gevyne to the carpent^ in rewarde . . xx,d.

" It. for mendyng the glasse wyndors in ye hawle . iij.5'^.

It. for apperance opon a p'vi scale for frenche

mennys goods .... v.*.

It. to the ov^ seers the game of Swannys . . ij.5.

It. for mendyng the cubberd in ye hawle . . vj.c?.

^' It. for peynttyng of one pane on the rode lofft

also p*^ of payment for the seyd howse . xx.s"

" It. lent on the xi"^ day of Januarye to Uic Nashe and
Jamys Gales trinite Wardens owt of the comon
chest to pay the moromasse pst . . xxvj.^. viij.c?.

" It. take owt of the bagge the iiij day of Aprell in the
xvj yere of Kyng Henry the viij*^ the beyng
psent Mr. Meyer Andrew bereman John Bek-
forde and Willm Pury for the repacons of the
Steple ..... xl.s."

The Emperor Charles the Fifth of Spain being in England in
Jane, 1522, was entertained by Henry at Windsor among other
places.

'' On Monday [the 9th of June] they dined in Southwark with
the Duke of Suffolk, and hunted there in the Park, and rode to
the Manor of Richmond to their lodging, and the next day to
Hampton Court, where they had great cheer, and from thence on
Thursday to Wyndsore, where he hunted tViday and Saturday;
and on Sunday at night in the great hall was a disguising or play,
the effect of it was that there was a proud horse which would not

TO A.D. 1547.] VISITORS TO THE KING. 489

be tamed nor bridled, but amity sent prudence and pollicy which
tamed him, and force and puissance bridled him. This horse was
ment by the French king, and amity by the King of England and
the Emperor, and the other prisoners were their counsel and power.
After this play ended was a sumptuous mask of twelve men and
twelve women ; the men had in garments of clothes of gold and
silver loose laid on crimson sattin, knit with points of gold, bonnets,
hoods, buskins, were all of gold. The ladies were of the same suit,
which was very rich to behold, and when they had danced, then
came in a costly basket and a voidy of spices, and so departed to
their lodging.

"Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday the princes and their
counsel sat most part in counsel, and on Corpus Christi day, they
with great triumph rode to the college of Wyndsore, where the
Emperor wore his Mantle of the Garter and sat in his own Stall
and gave to the Heralds Two hundred crowns. That day both the
princes received the Sacrament, and after mass both sware to keep
the promises and league each to other, for the which amity great joy
was made on both parties, and after that mass was ended they
went to dinner, where was great feasting.

"On Eriday they departed out of Wyndsore, and by easy journeys
came to Winchester the 22d day of June ; and in the way thither,
the Emperor hunted the Hart.^^ ^

" In the list of " Wyns layd yn dyvers places for the King and
the Emperor bytwene Dovyr and London, plentye^^ of " Gascon
wyne^^ and " Renyssh wyne^' is mentioned as having been depo-
sited at Windsor.^

" The king kept his Christmas of this year [14 Hen. VHI]
solemnly at his Castle of Wyndsore, and thither came to him, the
third day of January, the Earl Pountiver of the royal blood of
Britain and pretending to be Duke of the same, which was near

^ Hall. While at Windsor, the emperor, it appears, "covenanted amongst other
things to take to wife the Ladj Mary, daughter to the King of England, but afterwards
(a.d, ] 526) upon considerations his mind changed, for the which the Englishmen sore
murmured against him." (Hall ; Holinshed.) The treaty between Henry and Charles on
this occasion is called the " Treaty of Windsor." (Fide Madden's ' Privy -purse Expenses
of Princess Mary,' Introductory Memoir, p. xxx.

2 ' Rutland Papers,' edited by Jerden (Camden Society), pp. 81, 82.

490 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XYIII.

cousin to the Duke of Bourbon, and banished France. This Earl
came hastily from the Duke of Bourbon, and was well entertained
and feasted of the king ; and after answer made to him by the
king, he went to the Cardinal to Hampton Court, and so with
great speed returned to the said Duke into the Country of
Province.

'' In the same season was brought to the court a Gentleman of
Scotland called Andrew Steward, taken on the sea with divers letters
by one Water lago, a yeoman of the kings, with divers letters from
the Duke of Albany to the Trench king, by reason whereof the
king knew much of their counsel. This gentleman paid ransom,
and was very soon redeemed.^' ^

In this year also we are informed "the Lord Sandes" came to
the king at Windsor to inform him of the sad state of the English
army in Erance.^

On the 1st day of September, 1524 (16 Hen. VIII), Doctor
Thomas Hanibal, Master of the Rolls, arrived in London, " with
earls and bishops, and divers other nobles and gentlemen," as am-
bassador from Clement the Seventh, the newly elected pope, bringing
with him " a rose of gold, for a token to the king.'^ " The people as
he passed, thought to have seen the Rose, but it was not shewed, till
he came to the king to Wynsore, on the day of the Nativity of our
Lady ; on which day, after a solemn mass sang by the Cardinal of
York, the said present was delivered to the king, which was a tree
forged of fine gold, and wrought with branches, leaves and flowers,
resembling Roses : this tree was set in a pot of gold, which pot had
three feet of antique fashion : the pot was of measure half a pint ;
in the uppermost Rose v^^as h fair Saphire ' Coupe jjerced/ the big-
ness of an acorn ; the tree was of height half an English yard, and
in breadth it was a foot. The said Ambassador in delivering the
same rose, made an oration, declaring the good mind, love, and
favour, that the Bishop of Rome bare to the king, in token whereof
he sent him that present ; which the king thankfully received, and
delivered it to him again ; and so he bare it open before the king,

^ Grafton.

2 See Hall, p. 071, edit. 1809.

TO A.D. 1547.] THE EAUL OE SUREEY. 491

from the College to the great chamber, and there delivered it
to the Master of the Jewel house, and so there ended his Lega-
tion/^ ^

In 1525 the king created his illegitimate son Henry, by Lady
Elizabeth Tailboys (afterwards married to Edward Lord Clinton), a
Knight of the Garter, and called him Lord Henry Eitzroy. On the
18th of June, in the same year, he was created Earl of Nottingham
and Duke of Richmond and Somerset. At this period he was
little more than six years old, having been born in 1519. Eor
want of male issue in the earlier and middle part of his reign, the
affections of Henry the Eighth were strongly fixed upon this boy.^
If not brought up at Windsor, he spent a good deal of time
there ; and the accomplished Earl of Surrey became his early and
close friend.^

Surrey held the office of cupbearer to the king, and, in 1532,
the Duke of Richmond and he attended Henry at his meeting with
Erancis the Eirst at Boulogne. The Duke of Richmond subse-
quently married Surrey^s sister, but died in 1536, when he was
only seventeen years of age. The love of the Earl of Surrey for the
'' Eair Geraldine'^ has long been a popular notion, founded, how-
ever, as it seems on a very slender foundation. The lady is sup-
posed to have been Elizabeth, the daughter of Gerald Eitzgerald,
Earl of Kildare. She was living with the Princess Mary at
Hunsdon, in Hertfordshire, formerly one of the seats of Surrey's
grandfather, the Duke of Norfolk. He himself says he first saw his
Geraldine there.

^ Hall. In the same month of September, " Sir Antliony Eitz-Herbert, one of the
justices of the Common Pleas, a man of excellent learning in the law, as appereth by his
works ; Sir Raufe Egerton, Knight ; Doctor Denton, Dean of Lichfield," who had been
sent as commissioners into Ireland, and had " reformed many injuries done in the country
and brought divers of the wild Irish by fair means to a submission, and made by the
king's authority the Earl of Kildare deputy of the Land," came to the king at Windsor,
who "gave them his hearty thanks for their good doings." (Hall.) In this year (1529)
also " the Lord Archibald Douglas, husband of the Queen of Scots, who had been detained
in France, escaped into England, and made a declaration at Windsor as to the intentions
of France." (Ibid,)

2 Ellis' 'Letters,' 1st series, vol. i, p. 269; and see MS. Had., No. 589, f. 192.

^ See Dr. Nott's ' Memoirs of the Ear] of Surrey.'

492 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

^^ Honsdon did first present her to mine eyen ;
Bright is her hewe, and Geraldine she hight.
Hampton me taught to wish her first for mine,

And Windsor, alas ! doth chase me from her sight/'

It is scarcely necessary to explain that the poet means that he
first saw her at Hunsdon; that he fell in love with her at
Hampton Court; and that he was separated from her by his
residence at Windsor.^ It is a matter of doubt, however, whether
Surrey was ever in love with any such person ; for at the age of
fifteen or sixteen, that is to say, early in 1532, when Lady Elizabeth
Pitzgerald was only four years of age, he was contracted in
marriage to the Lady Frances Vere, daughter of John Earl of Oxford,
although the marriage did not actually take place till some time in
1535 ; and at his death, in 1547, Lady Elizabeth was only fifteen.

The following poem, at one time supposed to have been written,
in 1543, when the Earl of Surrey was imprisoned for eating flesh
in Lent, is with greater probability attributed to the year 1546,
when he was committed to prison at Windsor in consequence of a
quarrel and charges brought by him against Lord Hertford, the
king's lieutenant-general in France :

" So cruel prison, how could betide, alas,

As proud Windsor, where I, in lust and joy,
With a kinges son my childish years did pass.

In greater feast than Priam's sons of Troy.^
Where each sweet place returns a taste full sour.

The large green courts, where we were wont to hove^
With eyes cast up into the maiden's tower,*

And easy sighs such as folk draw in love.

^ See the Memoir prefixed to Bell's edition of 'Surrey's Poetical Works/ 1854.

^ " These lines furnish the authority for the commonly received opinion that Surrey and
the Duke of Richmond were educated together at Windsor. Dr. Nott, drawing his
inferences from the jousts alluded to in the remainder of the poem, and interpreting the
word ' childish' in the sense of ' cliilde,' as used to designate young persons of noble
birth who had embraced the profession of arms, thinks that their intercourse at Windsor
took place at a later period of their lives — a conjecture which the recollections called up
in the poem fully justify. The longing eyes cast up to the Maiden's Tower, the easy
sighs, and the favours tied on the helm in the tournament, are not amongst the memories
of '■childish years' in the modern acceptation of the word." (Bell.)

^ To linger, or hover, or draw near. The term is commonly applied to ships. There
was an old dance called the 7^o^(?-dance. (Bell.)

'* Not the donjon, as Dr. Nott observes, but that part of the castle where the ladies

TO A.D. 1547.] SUUEEy's POEMS. 493

The stately seats, the ladies bright of hue,

The dances short, long tales of great delight ;
With words and looks, that tigers could but rue •}

Where each of us did plead the other^s right.
The palme-play,^ where, despoiled for the game,^

With dazed* eyes oft we by gleams of love
Have missed the ball, and got sight of our dame,

To bait her eyes,^ which kept the leads above.^
The gravelled ground with sleeves tied on the helm,^

On foaming horse, with swords and friendly hearts ;
With chere, as though one should another whelm.

Where we have fought and chased oft with darts.
With silver drops the mead yet spread for ruth.

In active games of nimbleness and strength,
Where we did strain, trained with swarms of youth,

Our tender limbs, that yet shot up in length.
The secret groves, which oft we made resound

Of pleasant plaint, and of our ladies^ praise ;
Recording oft what grace each one had found.

What hope of speed, what dread of long delays.
The wild forest, the clothed holts with green f

With reins availed,^ and swift y-breathed horse.
With cry of hounds, and merry blasts between.

Where we did chase the fearful hart of force.^^

had their apartments. Surrey's expression makes the distinction sufficiently plain.
Maiden's tower is not to be confounded with maiden-tower. Warton has fallen into an
error about the latter, which, he says, means the principal tower, of the greatest strength
and defence, tracing it to the old French magne or mayne, great. The term "maiden" is
applied to a tower or fortress that has never been taken, and is still used in that sense in
military language. (See Nares' ' Glossary.') The mere fact of being the principal tower,
or a tower of great strength, does not necessarily constitute a maiden tower. (Bell.)

' Pity.

2 Jeu de paume, or tennis. (Nott.)

2 Stripped for the game.

'* Dazzled.

^ To allure, attract.

^ The ladies were ranged on the leads or battlements of the castle, to see the play.
(Warton.) See the account of the entertainment of Philip of Castile, ante, pp. 434 — 444.

^ The area for the tilting was strewn with gravel. The sleeves on the helm were
the favours of the knight's mistress. (Warton ; Bell.)

^ The holts or green woods.

^ Beins slackened or lowered. The word is used indifferently by the early Eng-lish
poets, as vale or availe ; hence the phrase to vale the bonnet. (Bell ; Warton.)

^0 The term here employed distinguishes the chase when the game w^as run down
(althoughthe previous particulars rendered it scarcely necessary) from the sport in which

494 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

The void walls^ eke, that harboured us each night :

Wherewith, alas ! reviveth in my breast
The sweet accord, such sleeps as yet delight ;

The pleasant dreams, the quiet bed of rest ;
The secret thoughts, imparted with such trust ;

The wanton^ talk, the divers change of play ;
The friendship sworn, each promise kept so just,

Wherewith we past the winter night away.
And with this thought the blood forsakes the face ;

The tears berain my cheeks of deadly hue :
The which, as soon as sobbing sighs, alas !

Up-supped have, thus I my plaint renew :
' O place of bliss ! renewer of my woes !

Give me account, where is my noble fere ? ^
Whom in thy walls thou dost each night enclose ;

To other lief ;^ but unto me most dear.^
Echo, alas ! that doth my sorrow rue,

Returns thereto a hollow sound of plaint.
Thus I alone, where all my freedom grew.

In prison pine, with bondage and restraint :
And with remembrance of the greater grief,

To banish the less, I find my chief relief.^^

The noble poet did not remain long in his imprisonment, for in
the month of August, in the same year, he was in attendance on the
king at Hampton Court. On the 12th of December, however, he
was again arrested on a charge of high treason, tried, convicted,
and beheaded on the 21st of January, 1547, only a few days before
the death of the king.

the game was shot. The former was called ckasser a forcer. Drayton has availed himself
of this description of the woods, and the mutual confidences of the young knights, to
represent Surrey wandering amongst romantic groves and hanging rocks, carving the
name of Geraldine on the trees. (Bell.)

^ Thus in the Harrington MS., and so printed in Bell's edition. Empty walls or
rooms. Older editions read " wide vales ;" but, as the passage evidently refers to the
chambers where Surrey and his companions used to sleep, the MS. version may be safely
preferred. (Bell.)

2 " Wanton" was not originally used in the sense in which it is now employed. The
substantive meant a pet, an idler, a playfellow; the adjective simply playful, idle. (Bell.)

^ Companion,

'^ Dear. This seems to be an allusion to some person who was a prisoner in Windsor
at the same time. (See the notes to Bell's edition, and Warton's ' History of Poetry,'
vol. iii, pp. 32, 33, edit. 1840.)

TO A.D. 1547.] CORPOUATIOlSr ACCOUNTS. 495

Windsor is also alluded to in the following lines :

" When Windsor walls sustained my wearied arm ;

My hand my chin, to ease my restless head ;
The pleasant plot revested green with warm ;

The blossomed boughs, with lusty Ver y-spread ;^
The flowered meads, the wedded birds so late

Mine eyes discover; and to my mind resort
The jolly woes, the hateless, short debate,

The rakehell^ life, that longs to lovers disport.
Wherewith, alas ! the heavy charge of care

Heaped in my breast breaks forth, against my will
In smoky sighs, that overcast the air.

My vapoured eyes such dreary tears distil,
The tender spring which quicken where they fall ;
And I half bend to throw me down withal.^^

Returning, after this digression, to the borough accounts, we
find, in the sixteenth and seventeenth of Henry the Eighth, sums
of money w^ere delivered out of the common chest of the corpora-
tion, at different times, for the " byways."

In the next year (17 and 18 Hen. VIII) are these entries :

'^ It. paid to Hob Sadeler Rydyng to Redyng w* a c^tificat

to ye Kyng _ . . . . xij.<^.

It. paid for a supplicacon made to ye Kyng for the man

yt was hanged at Hob Sadeler . . ij.5.

It. paid to Thomas Dixton to Remeve the dong in

Oldhawys wher Mr. Deane is stable is^ . iiij»5. vj.c?.

It. payd to the said Thomas for payntyng of ye Seynt

JohlT bed . . . . . ij.5. ij.c?.

It. payd for the cokkyng stole to Sheperde ye Carpent^ vj.5. Yuj.dJ'

'^ The chargs for uppyng of Swannys this yere

" Imprimis for uppyng nestyng and tythe of thre copell

the townys p* fyve birdes . . . ij.^. iiij.J,

Itm for alowaunce of owre marke on bothe sydes the
bill by the agrement of the hole copanye of the
Swanne herdes . . . , iij.^. iiij.c^.

^ Spring.

2 More properly "raM"— rash, careless, reckless. "Rakehell" was used to desig-
nate a dissolute, profligate fellow.

3 The Dean of Windsor's stable was then as it still is in St. Alban's Street.

496 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

It. for Renewyng of the marke uppon on of the

Swannys ..... xi].d.

It. paid to Will"^ Symonds for his comens . . xij.c?.

It. paid for his pte of a bote . . . viij.c?.

It. payd to Dixson for mete and kepyng ye Swannys ij.s.

It. paid to Will m Symonds for mete and kepyng ye

Swannys while they were w*^ hym . . ij.5. iiij.c?.

Sm xij.5. \u].d.''

The following entry occurs this year :

'^It. the remayneth of the xvij./i. xvj.5. x.d. is but viij./i. x.s. i^.d.
to Reken the golde aft the old valuacon but to Eeken after the new
valuacon the old stoke is ix.li. v^.d,''

This evidently refers to one of the several proclamations issued
by Henry during his reign for raising the value of the ounce of
gold and the pound of silver, a measure adopted by the king for the
purpose of raising money. " Henry adulterated the purity of the
coin, a plan by which/' says Dr. Lingard, ''while he defrauded the
public, he created numberless embarrassments in the way of trade,
and involved his successors in almost inextricable difficulties. At
his accession, the ounce of gold and the pound of silver were each
worth forty shillings : having raised them by successive proclama-
tions to forty-four, forty-five, and forty-eight shillings, he issued a
new coinage with a considerable quantity of alloy; and contrived
at the same time to obtain possession of the old money, by offering
a premium to those who would bring it to the mint. Satisfied
with the result of this experiment, he rapidly advanced in the same
career. Before the end of the war (1546), his coins contained
equal quantities of silver and of alloy ; the year after, the alloy ex-
ceeded the silver in the proportion of two to one. The conse-
quence was, that his successors found themselves compelled to lower
the nominal value of his shillings, first from twelvepence to nine-
pence, and then to sixpence, and finally to withdraw them from cir-
culation altogether.'

>'i

1 'History of England,' citing Sanders, 204; Stow, 587; Herbert, 191, 572;
Folkes, 27 ; Fleetwood, 53.

TO A.D. 1547.] ENTERTAINMENT OE ERENCH AMBASSADORS. 497

In the ordinances for the household, made at Eltham, seven-
teenth of Henry the Eighth (a.d. 1526), the following order occurs :

" For keeping of the Hall and ordering of the Chapel. Cap. 11 .
And considering, that by reason of the seldome keeping of the King^s
hall, not onely the officers and mynisters of his household, be greatly
disused from doeing service, whereof ensueth lack of good knowledge,
experience, and learning, how young men should order themselves in
the execution of their offices ; but also the household servants put to
board wages, give themselves many times to idleness, evil rule and con-
versation ; the King^s pleasure therefore is, that at all times when his
Highnesse shall lye in his castle of Windsor, his mannors of Bewlj^e,
Richmond and Hampton-Court, Greenwitch, Eltham, or Woodstock,
his hall shall be ordinarily kept and contynued ; unlesse than for any
reasonable cause by his Grace to be approved, it shall be thought
otherwise expedient, and at all such tymes of keeping the said hall, the
King's noble chappell to be kept in the same place, for the adminis-
tration of divine service, as apperteyneth.^'^

In 1528, " certaine ambassadors out of France, about 80 in
number, of the most noble and worthy gentlemen in all France,"
came to England to settle the terms of peace between England and
France, and to bestow the Order of France on Henry the Eighth ;
and, after being entertained by Cardinal Wolsey, at Hampton
Court, they went, by desire of the king, to hunt at Windsor,
'' which place, with the order thereof they much commended.''^

Henry the Eighth does not seem to have been at Windsor at
the time, but at Greenwich, where he subsequently received the
F'renchmen.

In the account of the eighteenth and nineteenth of Henry the
Eighth this entry occurs "?

'' Of the XX. /i. and \].s. that remayneth to the comou chest in the
yere byfore there was taken owt therof at two tymes and delyvd to Mr.

^ ' Ordinances and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household/ 4to,
1790, p. 160. The king was at Windsor in June 1526, and also in the same month of
the following year,

2 Stow, 'Annals,' pp. 536, 537, edit. 1631.

^ The yearly accounts from which these extracts are taken are at this period styled
the ''Accompt of the common chest." They are subsequently styled "Accounts of the
GildeHall."

498 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

Meyer for besynes of this town don at Westm' Sm** vj./i. x.s. as it
appereth by ye boke.^

In the accounts for the next year (19 and 20 Hen. VIII), there
is a payment "to John Pury and Ric. Cruse wardens of the
Trinite for a qrt. wages for the prest xxxvj.^. viij.^." In the mar-
gin is written " a note touchinge the Trynytye/'

In the twenty-first and twenty-second of Henry the Eighth :

'* Rec. of Will^m harman, Smyth for a ffyne for his forge

at Dachett lane ende in Und^oure . . ij.5. viij.c?/'

" It. paid to Mr. Wil]°^ Symonds for his ffee of the Mey-
ralte iij./^., and this is the ffirst tyme yt the seid
iij./i. was paid.^'

" If m payde to the said Mr. Symonds for dyv rse p"es
Ihs of charges at Westrn^ abought besynes of
the hall as it apperith bi a bill . . v./i. iiij.5. j.c?.

Ifm paid to Jamys Pry nee for Ridyng to London a

bowght besynes of the hall . . , xij.^.

Paid to henry Howden for the same . . xij.c?.

Paid to Ric Archer for the same . . . xij.c?.

Paid to Will"" hall Rydyng to Walyngford . . iij.-s."

Payments follow to six other persons " for the same."
A complete rental of the borough in the twentieth year of this
reign exists among the corporation records.

It would seem that from the eighth and ninth years of the king's
reign, the subscriptions for the completion of the chapel were left
to accumulate until the seventeenth year, ^'when/' says Mr.
Poynter, " it was determined in Chapter, that all the Knights Com-
panions who had bound themselves in certain sums for building the
lantern and pulpit, should pay in a third part thereof, and in the
year following, in a chapter held at Greenwich, from which the
Bishop of Winchester was absent without leave, it was ordered that
letters should be written admonishing him to pay instantly the £100
he had promised toward the works." ^ These measures were probably
connected with the erection of the exquisite fan groining of the roof
at the intersection of the cross of the chapel, which bears the date of

^ Anstis,

TO A.u. 1547.] COMPLETION OP ST. GEOEGE's CHAPEL. 499

1528, the twentieth of Henry the Eighth, which it will scarcely be
doubted occupies the place of the lantern as originally designed.
The lantern was not, however, abandoned, since it is mentioned in
the register of the order three years later as still in contemplation,
but it must have been then intended as an exterior ornament only,
since every part of the roof to which it can be conceived applicable
was closed up. The fan vaultings of the side aisles to the choir,
which differ materially in their details from those of the nave, al-
though the general design is preserved, seem not to have been exe-
cuted till some years later. The occurrence of the royal arms bear-
ing a label will place their completion after the birth of Edward the
Sixth, in 1537. This assumption corresponds with the fact, that
at an installation of the Garter in that year, it was ordained, *' as it
had been before, though lightly, that the King should be seriously
consulted how the rest of the sum to be paid for finishing the fabric
of the church should be paid in without further delay.'' ^

From the following letter from Andrew Wyndesore, afterwards
the first baron of that name, to Cardinal Wolsey,^ it appears that
timber was sought for to a considerable distance for building pur-
poses in the reign of Henry the Eighth :

" Please yt yo'' Grace to vnderstond that there is iij of the Kyngs
servaunts that make labor for a Woodde that was the Duke of Bucking-
hams in Agmondesham,^ in the Countie of Buckingham, callyd Dreyn-
ford Woodde, whiche of trouthe is the fayrest Woodde of tymber within
tvventie myles of Wyndesore ony wey, yff grete nede shal be for beyldyng
therCj and is worthe two hundrethe marks to be sold, or better. And
besyds that there hathe bene this twentie or thirtie yeres an Ayerye of
goosse hawks* contynually there bredyng, whiche be verrey good as ony
fiee. And by mysorder they were put ffrome bredyng there. This
yere they breede but a littil thens. Yt is noo dowt but they wyll come
thither agayne if the Woodde may stonde. The seid iij persons make
theym sure of yt, if your Grace steye yt nott, as I am informed. Yff
the Kyngs grace wold geve twies as moche money for so moche fayre

^ Anstis ; Poynter's ' Essay ;' Sir J. Wyatville's ' Illustrations of Windsor Castle.'
2 State Paper Office, Wolsey's Correspondence, xiii, 116 ; Ellis' ' Original Letters,'
3d series, vol. i, p. 227.
^ Amersham.
^ Goshawks.

500 . ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

tymber for beylding, of a suertie his Grace can not have yt noo where
there abowte. As knowithe God who euer preserue yo^ Grace, ffrome
London this Wednesday in Witson Weke.

Your humble seruante,

Andrew Wyndesore/'
" To my Lorde CardynalP Grace be thys delyuered/^

This Lord Wyndsor, by the description of Lord Andrew
Wyndesore, of Stanwell, in the county of Middlesex, was, early in
this reign, appointed seneschal, or high steward, of the borough
of Windsor, and appears to have held this office until the thirty-
fourth year of the king's reign, when Anthony Brown succeeded
him.^

Quantities of timber out of the forest were^ at this period, taken
to a wharf adjoining Maidenhead Bridge.

Leland (writing in the reign of Henry the Eighth), speaking of
this bridge, says — " There is great Warfeage of Timbre and fire wood
on the west ende of the Bridge, and this Wood cummith out of
Barkshir, and the great Woddis of the Eorest of Windelesore, and
the greate Frithe.'^^

Henry the Eighth was at Windsor at the end of March 1530,^
and again towards the end of April in the same year. In his privy-
purse expenses there is an item on the 30th of April of 20^. paid
to the ferryman at Datchet, and, on the same day, 6s. Sd, " to
choristers of the College of Wyndesor in reward for the kings
spurres."*

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, The following reference to the services of the high steward
occurs in the same MS, : — " Be it remembred yt at the pliamt liolden at Westra the
21 day of Jan: a° 1 H, 8, by the labour of S'' Andrew Wyndesor Knight and hye Sty ward
of the towne of New Wyndesor, Jo: Wellis and W™ Pury then being Burgenses in the
seid pliamt for the seid Towne there was a pviso had in the Act of the Kings howshold,
for that the (rn of Shaw should pay to the Kings fee ferme of New Wyndesor aforeseid
eyth shelynges and a penny w*"^ of right the King owthe not to have w*''out it were
allowed unto the seide Towne of New Wyndesor in manner and forme as fo*^ Provided
alwey that this Act be not peiudiciall to the Baileffs of the Towne of Wyndesor for any
manner quitt rent pteyniug to the seyd BaiHfFs as pcell of the Kings fee ferme of and for
the manner of Shaw lying next the s*^ Towne of New Wyndsor by the yere 8s. Id."

^ ' Itinerary/ vol. ii, f. 2.

^ See a letter from the king to Lord Dacre, dated at Windsor, 28th of March, 1530,
Ellis' ' Letters,' 1st series, 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 16.

■* See, as to this entry, ante, p. 426.

TO A.D. 1547.] ENLAEGEMENT OE THE LITTLE PARK. 501

Among other payments made by the king at Windsor in April
1530, was forty shillings on the 28th of that month ''to him that
kepith the Armery in Wyndesor;" and on the 30th, of twenty
shillings " to the owner of the medow where the kings gueldings
ranne, in rewarde."^

Anne Boleyn appears to have been at Windsor at this period.
She was then one of the maids of honour of Queen Catherine, and
although a considerable period before Henry's divorce from Cathe-
rine, Anne Boleyn had been long a favorite of his.^ On the 29th
of April, 1530, there is this entry in the Privy-purse Expenses :

" To Taylor serv* of Lady Anne in reward for finding

a hare ..... iij.5. iiij.c?/'

This Taylor received considerable sums from time to time, Henry
evincing his regard for the lady by presents and rewards to her
servant.

In the work quoted above, may be found several curious entries
of payments to and for *' Lady Anne,^^ but as none of them have any
connexion with Windsor, it would be irrelevant to introduce them
here.

The king was not a constant resident at Windsor. His visit at
the end of April 1530 was only for a few days. On the 29th of
July we again find him at Windsor, but before the middle of
August he was at Hampton Court,^ and does not appear to have
revisited Windsor during the remainder of that year, nor until
Whitsuntide 1531. His principal places of residence were Hamp-
ton Court, York Place, and Greenwich.

Henry the Eighth enlarged the Little Park. We find an entry
on the 26th of May, 1530, of payment —

" to one Thorn" s Avelande for ij acres of medowe taken in

for to enlarge the little parke of Wyndeso^ . iii^JiJ'

1 * Privy-purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth.'

^ Tlie king's love for Anne Boleyn must have commenced at least as early as 1526,
(Fide Madden's ' Privy-purse Expenses of Princess Mary,' Introductory Memoir, p. xlix,
note.)

^ Among the payments made at Hampton Court in August the following occur :
" It~m the xvij day paied to Thomas Norden for shoting at Wyndso'' on Whitson-
Mondaye xxij.5. vj.rf." And on tlie 18tli, "to Roger for bringing a glasse of Relicke
water from Wyndeso'' to Hampton courte xxyd."

502 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

And, again, on the 18tli of June in the same year :

'^ Paid to Good of Wyndeso'" for certeyne grounde the
whiche was taken oute of the kinge ferme and yuved
for to enlarge the Htle park of Wyndeso^" . . iiij.li,''^

Among the payments of the corporation (22 and 23 Hen. VIII)
are the following :

" Itm to Will m Thorpe and Mathew Gwynne for the quo

warranto paid to Mr. Symonds . . . xx.5.

M*^ paid to WilFm Symonds for his costs at the plement
the xxix day of Aprell in the xxiij yere of the
Eeign of Kyng henry the viij^^ . . . xl.s.^'

In the twenty-third and twenty-fourth of Henry the Eighth :

'' Uec^ of Henry burtelet for the shopp for sellyng of ffees . yii^.d."
" M'^ that this yere were bowght for the almes howsis in Shete-
strete iiij mattres iiij c6?letts and eVy man and woman ther had a short
and a Smok.^^

In the next year (24 and 25 Hen. VIII), after the customary
payments for the king's and queen's footmen, this entry occurs :

'^ Itm paid to the foteman bryngkyng the p'nces writyng . y.sJ^

Henry and his queen, Catherine, arrived at Windsor, after
Whitsuntide, in 1531, and remained there for several weeks.

According to Hall, their final separation took place at AVindsor,
in July 1531. He tells us, that on the 14th of July " the kyng
removed to Woodstocke, and left hire at Wyndsore, where she
laye a whyle, and after removed to the More, and afterwards to
Esthamstide : and after this day, the kyng and she never saw to-
gether." From the ' Privy-purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth' it
may, however, be inferred, as remarked by Sir Harris Nicolas, the
editor, that the king was not at Woodstock as early as the 14th,

^ The following entry also occurs in the ' Privy-purse Expenses/ under the date of
June 23d, 1530 : "Ifm the same daye paied to Westcote keper of the iitle parke at
Wyiidso^' for dry's necessaries done in the same parke. xyS. j.c?." It may be mentioned
that the name of Westcote, as an inliabitant of Windsor, occurs in the parochial accounts
between the years 1725 and 1755.

TO A.D. 1547.] ANNE BOLEYN. 508

but remained at Windsor or Hampton Court until the end of the
month.^

On the 10th of July the following entry occurs in the king's
privy-purse expenses.

"Ifm the same day paied to Thomas Warde for making of a
payer of new butts Uoundes and pry eke Ij.^. ij.d.^'

And a similar payment occurs on the 2 2d of the same month, and
also in September 1532. It is evident that archery was one of
the amusements of the age. Thomas Warde seems to have been
the same person who in the twelfth year of this reign is described
as gentleman herbenger to the king.^

On Sunday, the 1st of September, 1532, Anne Boleyn was
created Marchioness of Pembroke, at Windsor,^ where Henry
arrived the day before.

The ceremony used on this occasion is thus narrated :

*'The king himselve attended upon with the dukes of Norfolke
and SufiPolke, the Marquesses, Earles, Barons, and other the great
estates of the kingdome, together with the French Ambassador, and
many of the privy council went into the chamber of Salutation (which
they commonly call the Presence), and there sat him down in his chaire
of Estate. Unto the which place the aforesaid Anne was conducted
with a great traine of noble courtiers, both men and women. The
Heralds went formost, Garter king of Heralds first, carrying the kings
charter. After whom the noble lady Mary, daughter to Thomas duke
of Norfolke, upon her left arme carryed a robe of Estate, of crimson
velvet, furred with Ermins, and in her right hand a Coronet of gold.
Her the aforesaide Anne followed, with her hair loose and hanging
downe uppon her shoulders, attired in her inner garment (which they
call a Surcot), of crimson velvet, lined with Ermins also, with straite
sleeves ; going in the middest betwixt EUzabeth countess of Rutland
on her right hand, and Dorothy countess of Sussex on her left : whom
many noble Ladies and gentlewomen followed. But she being brought

^ Sir Harris Nicolas' * Privy-purse Expenses of King Henry the Eighth, from
November 1529 to December 1532, with Introductory Uemarks and Illustrative Notes,'
8vo, London, 1827, p. 14.

- See anie, p. 483.

3 Hall, p. 790.

504 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chaptek XVIII.

towardes the kings royall seate thrice made her obesiance, and com-
ming unto the king fell downe upon her knees. The king gave the
charter before delivered unto hira unto the Bishop of Winchester his
secretary to bee read, which as hee was reading aloud, at these words
mantella inductionem (in the charter), the king put upon Anne the
Marchionesse the Roab of Estate, delivered him by the Lady Mary,
and at the wordes circuli aurei, put also uppon her head a Coronet of
Gold. At length the charter being read the king gave unto her two
charters, viz., the one of the creating of her to bee a Marchionesse,
and to the heirs male issuing out of her body for ever, and another for
the receiving of a thousand pound revenue yearly, for the maintaining
of that her Dignity. All which things at length performed, she gave
the king most humble thanks, and so having on her Roab of Estate
and a Coronet upon her head, with the Trumpts aloud sounding,
departed. ''^^

The ceremony finished, the king rode to the college, where,
after the service there was " ended, a new league was concluded
and sworn between Henry and the French king, the French
ambassador being present."^

Henry remained at Windsor until the 17th of September,
when he proceeded to Chertsey and Hampton Court.^

In the account of 25 and 26 Hen. VHI, the following entry
occurs :

'^ Md. that were certen London s browght to the ffeyer at Seynt
Edwards tyde in barges cten bay Salt to Sell out a xxvij.5. p'^
octant,^ than Eob* benet beyng Meyere made pclamacon in the
kyngs name that they shuld sell for ix.d. the busshell."

In the next year (26 and 27 Hen, VIII) :

'^Itm the old stok in the aule Sm^ xxviij./i. xv.5. yd. and so re-
may netli of new and olde Sm^ xxxvj./i. xix.5. whereof was taken to
have a lovyng drynkyng among the brethern y.s. viij.c?.^^

* Mills' ' Catalogue of Honour,' p. 42. See an account of a clock at Windsor given
by Henry the Eightli on his marriage with Anne Boleyn, ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxiv,
p. 12.

2 Holinshed.

' Nicolas' ' Privy-purse Expenses,' p. 254 ; Hall, p. 789. The following entry occurs
in the privy-purse expenses for September : " Itan the vij day paied to Thomas Warde for
the charges of the making of the butts at Wynsor. xxxj.5." (See ante, p. 503.)

"* Eighty pounds.

TO A.D. ]547.]

REPAIR OP THE BEIDGE.

505

ij.5. j.6/.

ij.5. iiij.c?.

In the accounts of 27 and 28 Hen. VIII, there are several
entries of interest :

" At this acompt^ John Kene was alowed the Rent of his

Shopp for to have horse and man in a Redynes

whan it pleaseth the Kyng or his counsell to call

for them ..... xxij.5. iij.c?."

^^ Itm paid for a boke of the statuts . . . iiys. iiij.c?.'^

'' If m p^ the xiij day of May for taking awey of bowes

from the bridge .... xx.e/."

Various items for the repairs of the bridge follow.

" It. p'^ for xvj quarellis of glasse in the hall Wyndow

and for new settyng of the fote of glasse there .

*^It. p^ for takyng down the olde shopp on the castell

diche and mendyng the other
^' It. for makyng clene the lane in pescod strete

It. p'^ to a prest y* labored to be morow masse prest
" It. p'^ for wyne for veneson at Mr. Snowball that Mr

Warde sent ....
'* It. p'^ to Mr. thorp for gv^elyng the Gutf in pescod
strete . . . . .

Itm paid more for the gild hall at the try — te compt

the iiij*^^ day of decemK next after :
ffirst paid for nayles for the galowes in the town
It. for watchyng them y* were hanged ij nyghts
It. p*^ to henry holden for hay iiij nyghts for hall
horse . . . . .

It. p^ to ffawcet to go to London w* a lett' to the
master of the ordynans . . . .

It. p^ to George Armeston for Rydyng the post
It. for a halter . . . . .

It. p*^ to Willm Johnson Peryman for Rydyng post to
London . . . . .

Sm^ vj.5. vij.c?.^^

\.s.

xx.dJ'

i].s. iiij.^.'

ij.^.
x\].d.

YU^.d.

xx.d.

iiij.c?.

j.d.

viij.^.

1J.5.

'^Md. that Thomas Dixson owith this yere for Rent lviij.5. And he
desyred Mr. Meyer and all his brether n to be good masters to hym
and uppon that the seid sum was pdoS to hym uppon this condic'on
that the seyd Thomas shuld truly pay evy yere aft x.s. and never
more after to be behynd of his Rent.^^

^ The date of the auditing of the account is the 28th of November, 28 Hen. VIII.

506 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XVIII.

There can be little doubt that the payments '' for nails for
the gallows in the town/' and " for watching them that were
hanged," refer to the execution of a priest and a butcher, who
were hanged at Windsor, on the 9th of October, 1536, for the
crime of treason^ after a summary trial by court martial.^

''In this time of insurrection," says Hall, ''and in the rage of
horley borley, even when the king's army and the rebels were
ready to join, the king's banner being displayed, and the king's
majesty then lying at Winsore, there was a butcher dwelling within
fiSQ miles of Winsore which caused a priest to preach that all such
as took part with the Yorkshiremen whom he named God^s people,
did fight and defend God's quarrel, and farther the said butcher
in selling of his meat, one did bid him a less price of a sheep than
he made of it, he answered nay by God's soul, I had rather the
good fellows of the North had it among them, and a score more
of the best I have -? this priest and butcher were accused to the
king's majesty's counsel, of the treasons above said on the Monday
in the morning, and the same day were both sent for, which con-
fessed their treason, and so according to the law martial they were
adjudged to die : and so the said Monday, they were both ex-
amined, condemned, and hanged, the butcher was hanged on a
new pair of gallows set at the bridge and before the castle gate ;
and the priest was hanged on a tree at the foot of Winsore
bridge." ^

The " rebels" were a body of persons who, to the amount of
nearly twenty thousand, rose in Lincolnshire " at an assize for the
king's subsidy," and took " certain Lords and Gentlemen of the
county prisoners, causing them to be sworne to them upon certain
articles, which they had devised, and such as refused to sweare,
they kept prisoners, and beheaded a priest, who was the Bishop of
Lincolne's Chancellor. Against these the King did send the Duke
of Suffolk, the Earl of Shrewsbury, and the Earl of Rutland with a
strong power, whereof when the Rebells heard, they desired

* See Stow's * Annals.'

2 " The priest standing by likewise wished them to have it, for he said they had need
of it." (Stow's 'Annals.')

3 Hall.

TO A.D. 1547.J THE PEINCESS MARY. 507

pardon, brake up their Armie, and departed home, but their Cap-
taines were apprehended and executed." ^

From 1527 until 1537 the Princess Mary was a stranger at
Windsor, owing, doubtless, to the separation and subsequent
divorce of Henry and Catherine. In this interval her mother had
died, Ann Boleyn was executed, Jane Seymour on the throne, and
the king reconciled to his daughter. In August 1537 we find the
princess at Windsor, where she distributed alms to poor persons
and " housholders/' and rewarded with her bounty the donors of
apples, nuts, peaches, cakes, partridges, venison, and similar pre-
sents, which appear to have been almost daily brought to " my
lady's grace/' ^

During this visit she stood godmother to a child of Mr.
Stafferton/ who appears to have been one of the rangers of Windsor
Forest.* The princess gave her godchild '' lxvij.5'. YJ.d." on this occa-
sion. Mary seems to have been very kind in conferring the honour
of standing godmother to several children, as well of dependants
as of persons of rank.

Before leaving Windsor the princess made her offering, the
payment for which is thus recorded on the 31st of August :

((

Item payed for my lade grace offring at windeso^ the

last day of this mounth . . . iiij.c?.

Itm geven in Almes then the same Daye . . xij.c?.^^

Mary left Windsor after this day, to return again in November,
on the occasion of the interment of her stepmother, Jane Seymour.

Evidence of the disorder (amenorrhoea) from which Mary
suffered from an early age to her death is to be met with in the
numerous visits of her medical attendants. Dr. Michael Delasco,
who was her physician, with a salary of one hundred marks
(£16 13^. 4d.) per annum^ appears to have been twice sent for to

^ Stow's ' Annals.'

^ Fide Madden's 'Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary/ pp. 36, 37.

3 Ibid., p. 36.

'^ Vide Nicolas' * Privy-purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth/ p. 253. The office of
ranger seems to have continued in this family for two or three generations. Erom
Norden's Map of Windsor Forest, made in the reign of James the Eirst, we find a
Mr. Stafordton ranger of " New Lodge Walkc" at that period.

508 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XVUl.

attend her at Windsor during this visit in August this year.^ The
remedies adopted consisted chiefly in frequent bleeding. Riding
on horseback, of which the princess was fond, afforded her tempo-
rary rehef.^

Coursing was her favorite diversion in the open air — music and
dancing in the castle ; and, in conformity to the custom of the age,
card-playing was frequently resorted to, and a sum was generally
allotted every month as pocket-money for this recreation.^

Queen Jane Seymour died at Hampton Court, on the 24th of
October, 1537. The king immediately "retired to a solitary place,
not to be spoken with, leaving some of his counsellors to take
order about her burial." ^ The body was conveyed from Hampton
Court to Windsor on Monday^ the 12th of November, "with all
the pomp and majesty that could be."

" The corpse was put in the chair covered with a rich pall : and
thereupon the representation of the Queen in her robes of estate,
with a rich crown of gold upon her head, all in her hair loose, a

^ Madden's ' Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary,' pp. 36, 37.
2 Ibid., Introductory Memoir, pp. Ixxiii, clxiv.

^ Ibid., p. cxli. Taylor the Water Poet, writing early in the seventeenth century,
says —

" Mary here the sceptre swayed ;

And, though she were a queen of mighty power.

Her memory will never be decayed,

Which by her works are likewise in the Tower,

In Windsor Castle, and in Hampton Court :

In that most pompous room called Paradise,

Whoever pleaseth thither to resort
I • May see some works of hers of wondrous price.

Her greatness held it no disreputation

To hold the needle in her royal hand ;

Which was a good example to our nation,

To banish idleness throughout her land.

And thus this queen in wisdom thought it fit ;

The needle's work pleased her, and she graced it."

"It is possible," observes Miss Strickland, after citing the above passage, "that some
remains of Mary's needlework may exist at Windsor Castle. It is known, from lier
privy-purse expenses, that she worked an enormous arm-chair, as a new-year's gift for
her father, Henry the Eighth ; and there is reason to suppose it is the specimen of Mary's
needlework Taylor alludes to, as well known at Windsor." (' Lives of the Queens.')

^ See Strype's 'Ecclesiastical Memorials,' vol. ii, part i, p. 11.

TO A.D. 1547.] BURIAL OP JANE SEYMOUE. 509

sceptre of gold in her right hand, and on her fingers rings set with
precious stones, and her neck richly adorned with gold and stones ;
and under the head a rich pillow of cloth of gold tissue ; her shoes
of cloth of gold, with hose and smock, and all other ornaments.
The said chair drawn with six chariot horses trapped with black
velvet : upon every horse four escutcheons of the King's arms and
Queen's, beaten in fine gold upon double sarcenet ; and upon every
horse's forehead a shaffron of the said arms. The Lady Mary, the
king's daughter, was chief mourner : assisted on either hand by the
Lord Clifibrd and the Lord Montague : her horse was trapped with
black velvet. These great ladies following, (their horses being
trapped in black cloth,) the Lady Frances, daughter to the Duke of
Suffolk; the Countesses of Oxford, Rutland, Sussex, Bath, South-
ampton, and the Lady Margaret Howard ; every of their footmen
in demi-gowns, bareheaded. Then followed four other chairs with
ladies and gentlewomen sitting in them, and other ladies and
gentlewomen riding in order after each. On the 13th day she was
interred, and the solemnities were finished." ^

The deceased queen was buried in the middle of the choir in
St. George's Chapel." '

Bishop Godwin states that the following epitaph was inscribed
on her tomb :

^' Phoenix Jana jacet nato Phoenice ; dolendum,
Secula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.^^ ^

During this visit to Windsor the Princess Mary offered up thir-
teen masses, at Windsor and Hampton Court, for the soul of the
late queen.*

^ Sirypc.

'^ Holiushed.

^ 'Annals of England.' The bishop's son (Morgan Godwin) thus translates these lines :

" Here a Phoenix lieth^ whose death
To another Phoenix gave breath :
It is to be lamented much,
The world at once ne'r knew two such."

The allusion is of course to the death of the queen, consequent on the birth of Prince
Edward, afterwards Edward the Sixth.

■* Madden's ' Privy-purse Expenses of Princess Mary.' Sir P. Madden appears to be
mistaken in thinking the masses were offered for Anne Boleyn. (See Introductory Memoir,
p. Ixxx.)

510 ANNAXS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XVIII.

An entry of a singular character occurs in Mary's payments at
Windsor in December :

" If m geven to one Hogmard kep of Jane the fole hir horse ij.'S."

This is believed to be the only instance on record of a female
fool maintained on the same footing as the court-jesters are well
known to have been. In all probability, this very person is intended
to be represented in the interesting painting by Holbein of Henry
the Eighth and his family, which formerly ornamented the meeting-
room of the Society of Antiquaries at Somerset House, and which
is now at Windsor.^

Jane the Eool is the subject of several other entries in the
princess's privy-purse expenditure. The sum of 4d. to the
"Barbo^' for shaving of Janys lied" is an item of frequent occur-
rence.

At Christmas the princess removed to Richmond Palace.^ There
is no evidence of her visiting Windsor from this period (December
1537) until August 1543, although it is probable she occasionally
resided there in that interval. In the latter month she appears to
have been there for a short time, for we find her rewarding " one
of the keps of Windeso'' forest for bringing a stagge," and also
" the kep of the lyttle pke of Windeso'^ for bringing a buck." ^ She
soon removed to Hanworth ; and there is no evidence of her being
at Windsor at any future period during the time over which her
privy-purse expenses extend, viz., to December 1544.

In the borough accounts of the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of
Henry the Eighth we find the following :

'* It. payd to Jemeys prynce for ye costs of etyng of a

Bocke whych whas geven by the Erlle of hamton vj.5. iij.^."

And in the next year (30 and 31 Hen. VIII) :

'' It. Master Meyer Resevyd at this accouent to pay for

hou^' Breakfast .... y'uys. iij.d.'^

" It. payd for the ij new shoppes at ye Castell Bryge

to ifranklyng the Carpenter . . xiij./i."

^ Maddeu's ' Privy-purse Expenses of Princess Mary,' p. 241, note,

2 Ibid., p. 125.

3 « Privy-purse Expenses.'

TO A.D. 1547.]

BOEOUGH ACCOUNTS.

511

" It. payd for all manor stoffe and workmanshipp goyng
to the forsayd shoppes as it apperet in ye
cownt booke . . . xx^.li.xyuys.x.d. ob,''

" It. payd for etyng a bocke at the trinity ho wis of the
gefte of the Erie of hamton
It. payd to the kyngs players
It. payd to the kyngs fotemen
It. payd to the Gierke of the Merkat

" — Alle thyngs payd and aloyd Uemaynythe in ye

confe chest . . . xxxiij./i. xiiij.5. iiij.c?.

" And thes forsayd s~m whas payd to Master Warde in part of pay-
ine~t for the lordeshep of underhower.^^

viij.5. y.d.
vij.5.
vj.5. viij.c?.

J.£ DAVIS 184b

Henry the Eighth's Gateway, from St. Alban's Street.

CHAPTER XIX.

WINDSOR IN THE REIGN OP HENRY THE EIGHTH.

{Continued.)

Effects of the Reformation — Monastic Possessions in the neighbourhood of Windsor —
Windsor Church: numerous Obits there — Lands of the Guild — Obits in
St. George's Chapel — Losses of the College at the Reformation — Eton College
Bequests — Exemption from Eirst Emits and Tenths — Narrative of the "Windsor
Martyrs," Testwood, Eilmer, Peerson, and Marbeck — The Six Acts — The "Yicar
of Bray" — Notices of John Merbecke — Robert Bennet — Corporation Accounts —
The King's Will, Death, and Burial — His Tomb — The King's Amusements — The
Garden at Windsor — Presents to the Royal Table — Modes of Conveyance and
State of Postal Communication,

The changes effected by the Reformation are of too striking and
important a character to be overlooked in the annals of a place
which was at once the residence of the sovereign with whom those
changes are associated, and the seat of an ecclesiastical body of con-
siderable wealth and extensive possessions, and whose pompous and
gorgeous ceremonials must have exercised considerable influence in
the town of Windsor — at one time stimulating individual zeal for
the church, and at another period creating a disgust for practices
which appeared inconsistent with the simplicity of Christian
worship.

And although it was not until a subsequent period that the
eflects of the events of the present reign were fully felt, this seems
the most fitting time for calHng attention to the facts and circum-
stances, of a local nature, attending the great change of feeling,
manners, and customs, which was taking place, and as introductory
to the narrative of one of those shocking religious persecutions of
which Windsor was the scene towards the close of the reign of
Henry the Eighth.

TO A.D. 1547.] ECCLESIASTICAL INSTITUTIONS NEAR WINDSOR. 513

The growing power of the collegiate church of St. George, whose
magnificent fabric, as it now stands, was at this time approaching
completion, may be gathered from the various allusions to its
revenues and endowments in the preceding chapters ; composed not
only of the tithes of various benefices and territorial possessions in
various parts of England, but of the offerings of pilgrims and
devotees to the relics at the numerous shrines established within the
walls of its churches.

The college, described as of secular canons, having acknowledged
the royal supremacy in 1534,^ continued to enjoy its large revenues
without molestation.

There were other favoured institutions in the vicinity of
Windsor. Looking down from the towers of Windsor Castle, the
newly founded College of Eton, with its lofty chapel, might be seen
beneath, its revenues continually enriched by donations and bequests,
which were encouraged by royal grants, exempting them from the
operation of the statutes passed from time to time to prevent the
acquisition of land by ecclesiastical corporations. Its college of
secular priests acknowledged the royal supremacy on the 14th of
July, 1534, the instrument bearing the signature of Roger Lupton,
the provost, and several others. Eurther to the west lay Burnham
Abbey, while in the horizon the eye approached the Abbey of
Reading, one of the richest monasteries in the kingdom, and holding
the manor of Windsor Underoure, close to the walls of Windsor
Castle.^ On the other hand, descending the river, the Priory of
Ankerwyke lay on its left bank ; and further on, the ancient mitred
Abbey of Chertsey • while in the forest of Windsor, on the south,
lay the less wealthy and recently abandoned Priory of Broomhall,
a small convent of Benedictine nuns, whose support from the royal
bounty has been mentioned in an early part of this history.^

The church of Windsor remained in the hands of Waltham

' See the Inventory of the original acknowledgments of the Royal Supremacy made
by Religious Houses, temp. Hen. VIII, Seventh Report of the Deputy-keeper of Public
Records, Appendix, p. 305.

2 See ante, p. 110.

^ See ante, p. 89. In 1522 it was abandoned by the nuns (who were then only tvv«
in number), and became the property of St. John's College, Cambridge (See Lysons
'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 382.)

514 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

Abbey^ until the dissolution of the monasteries, which took place in
1535.'

Mention has been already made of numerous obits founded in
the parish church. The following obits were founded in the reign
of Henry the Eighth. A deed of the second year of his reign
declares the trust of a house and garden in '* Pescod Street" to be
for Agnes Wallflete, of New Windsor, widow, for life ; and after
her decease for Humfrey Aldens, shoemaker, of Eton, and Joan
his wife, the daughter of Agnes Wallflete, and the heirs of her body ;
and in the event of her dying without issue, then for the keepers
or masters of the brethren of the guild of the Holy Trinity of New
Windsor, on condition that they established yearly, for ever, on the
festival of the Exaltation of the Cross, an obit, to the value of five
shillings, for the souls of John Wallflete and Agnes his wife, and
all the faithful departed; and in default, then to the dean and
canons of St. George, on the same condition.^

Richard Hawtrell, of New Windsor, *' kervor," by his will, dated
19th July, 1518, gave to Isabell his wife, his tenement in Pescod
Street, on condition that she kept an obit or anniversary yearly, in
the parish church, the day of his death, to the value of 6s. Sd., " for
the health of his Soule his father and mother's soules and all

^ See ante, p. 36.

^ In the ' Comput Ministrorum Domini Regis/ temp. Hen. YIII, the revenue derived
from this part of the property of the abbey was —

" Pirma maner' et rector' .... £17 0 0

Perquis' cur' . . . . . 0 13 5."

(Abstract of Roll, 32 Hen. VIII, Dugdale's ' Mouasticon,')

The following entry is taken from the ' Liber Valorum' (see the * Valor Ecclesiasticus/
vol. ii, p. 154) :

£ s. d.

" New Windsoure vicar' p~ ann' . . xv iij iij

X "* inde

" Olde Windesoure vicar' p~ ann'
X'^^inde

" Cluer r^coria p" ann' clare valet
X "* inde
" vj./i. xiij.5."
3 Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 68.

XXX UIJ.

£ s. d.

viij vj viij

■— xvj viij."

£ s. d.

xiiij — xj ob'

— xxviij j q'."

TO AD. 1547.] OBITS IN THE PARISH CHUECH. 515

christen soules/' After her death, the house was to go to his son,
John Hawtrell, and his heirs, they keeping the obit yearly.

Andrew Symonds, alias Bereman, who was one of the chief
burgesses of the town,^ and, probably, from his second surname, a
brewer, conveyed, in the sixteenth of Henry the Eighth, four houses
and gardens, situate in Pescod Street, to Richard Passhe and
James Gahs, on behalf of the corporation.^ The object of this
conveyance is explained by the following deed made in the next
year ;

"This Ind're made the first day of Septemb'' in the 17^^^ yeare of
Kg. Hen: the 8 : Betweene Tho: Ryder Maior of new Wyndsor, Rich:
Passhe and James Galis Masters or Wardens of the fraternity or
B'hood of the blessyd trinite w*^ thone [the one] assent and agreement
of all the Brethren and sisters of the same fraternity of the one p tye
and Andrew Symonds a? Bereman of new Wyndesor afores*^ yeoman of
the other p'tye. Wittnesseth That where in tyme past wthin the p'ish
cliirch of new Wyndesor hath ben kept yerely on Trinite Sunday an
obitt w*^^ mass of requiem on the moro next follow^ for the Sowles of
all the Brethren and sisters of the Trinite brotherhood there, w*^^^ tyme
out of mynde hath bene usyd, the said Andrew for th' inlarging of the
s^ anniVsary or obiit for more merytte to all the seyd sowls and for
the well of all his good friends sowls hath gyven to the wardens of the
s*^ fraternite or Brotherhood to the brothern and systers of the same
fraf nite and to their successors for ev^ a certeine tenem~t in new
Wyndsor next the Black Egyll ther to thyntent exp~essed in Brass sett
on the wawl wthin the seid p~ish chirch one the left side of ye high
aut there where the seid Andrew intendythe to bee buryed except^
thereof the taper within the same specified whereof he cleerely dis-
chargeth the seid Trinite Wardens and their successors ev and the
same tap" p^petually to be found before th' image of th' assumpcon of
o'' Lady there as more planely ensuing shal be declared. The seid
Andrew hath also buildyd Tenem''teyes in Pescod strete and a well in
the Kings heigh way ther to this entent ensuing Thet ys to wytt yt
is agreed betweene the seid pities and the seid Maior Wardens and
Brethren and Systers agree for them and their successors That the
seid Wardens hereafter for tyme being shall cawse to be browght to
the Trinite chapell wekely for e? five hawlfpenny lovys to be dealyd by
the morrow mass prest there to 5 poore peopyll of the almise howsys

1 Ash. MS., No. 1115, f. 40 5.

2 Ibid., No. 1126, f. 66 5.

516 ANNALS or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

evy fryday for the seid sowlys and for the sowlys of the seyd Andrew
and Johan his wife Symond and Christian fadre and modre to the
seyde Andrew The seyde Wardens to have for their labour ev'y of
them yearly 4(1. To the Vicar of Wyndesore or his deputye preying
for the seyd sowlys in his Bedrowle yerely 4c?: To the Chawntry
prest of Cluer and to an other honest prest whom the wardens for
tyme being wyll assigne being at the seide obitt and mass evy of them
4id, The seyde Wardens to appoynte as many other p'ests at the
Trinite charge as they shall thinke most expedient The seyde Andrew
agreeth also by these p''esents that whosoev shall in tyme to come enjoy
his Inn called the Saracens hed shall keepe a Taper weigh^ at lest 2* to
bren yerely on festivall daies before the Image of o^ Lady wher he
lyeth buried in manner and forme as ye Trinite Wardens shuld do (?)
expressye in the Brass above specified and they thereof to be cleerely
discharged for ev more. The seyd Andrew granteth and agreeth by
thes presents yt whosoev shall in tyme to cum enjoy his Brewhouse
shall brynge yerely and truly se deliv^ed at ye Trinite howse a dozen
of good ale to be gyven to poor peopyll by the seyde Wardens or their
sufficient deputy (mediately after the seyd obitt ended and done.
And shall also fyud a tap weying at lest 2 pound to bren at Clewer on
festivall dayes before th^image of our Lady in the Lords (?) Isle
there wher the modre of the seyde Andrew lyeth buryed for evmore
And if default be at ony season in tyme to cum in findyng of the seyde
taps^or brynging of the seyd ale in manner and forme above expressed
Then it slial be lefull to the Trinite wardens for tyme being and to
their successors for ev to enter into the seyde howses and evy of them
where any defeaut touching the premises shall happen to be and dis-
treyne to the valine of 6s. sterling and seeing the p~emises takyng suche
defawts if ony be truly p'formed to besto the residue of the same
dystres as the same wardens thinke most expedient w*^ the advyse of
Master Meyr and the more p~te of the Brethren all w^^ p'emises Mr.
Meyr and the Wardens above named wthon assent and agreem* of the
Brethern and Systers of the seyde Fraternite have surely p~mised and
atfyrmed for them and their successors to be substancially p'formed so
long and as long as the seyd howses so newly buildyd be sufficient and
able to beare the charges above expressed, the Maior and Wardens above
named w*^^ other of [on ?J the baksyde hereof writen then and ther
present. Dated as above. ^' ^

EKzabeth Willis, widow, late wife of William Canon, of New
Windsor, by her will dated the 6th of May, 1528, about a month

' Ash. MSS., No. 1126, f. 66 b, 67.

TO A.D. 1547.] OBITS IN THE PARISH CHURCH. 517

before her death, bequeathed her body to be buried in the Church
of St. John the Baptist, of New Windsor, within the Lady Chapel,
before the image of St. Anne, and by her husband, WilUam Canon.
After bequeathing 1^. 4id. to the high altar of St. John the Baptist
*^ for lyghtes and oblations forgotten," and I*. " to maintaine the
lights of every Alter within the s'^ Church,'' the will thus proceeds :
*'Item I will to have the day of my corse present and the day of my
berying a Trentall of Massis. Itm I will to have a solemne dirige
in my howse or I be borne to the church. It. I will to be given
in almes in brede the day of my beryinge to pore people to the
valour of 20s. It. I will to have an honest prest synging twelve
months continent after my depling in the s'^ p'sh Church of St. John
Bapt* at o"" Lady Awter for the sowlys of W"" Canon and Eliz: his
wife and all o'' Children's Soules and all Crysten. And the s'^ preist
shall weekely say evy Munday mass of Requin, and eVy friday
Masse of the 5 woundes of o'' Lord, for the sowles before said (?)
taking for his wages or sallery for the s"^ yere 10 iSks [marks]. It.
I will to have at my months day a trentall of Massis to be done in
the s*^ Church of new Wyndesor. It. I will to be given to the
poore in bred at the s*^ moneths day the valo'" of 20s.'' She then
gives the inn called the Ram, with seven acres and three roods of
meadow in '' Datchet meade,'' to Edmund Appowell, and Alice his
wife, her daughter, and the heirs of their bodies, to the intent that
they shall keep an obit, or anniversary, yearly, within the said parish
church of Windsor, the same day of the month she should happen
to die, or within four days after, to the value of £1 6s. Sd., to be
divided and distributed as she afterwards appoints, for the souls of
William Canon and Ehzabeth his wife, and all their children's and
all Christian souls. And if they died without heirs, then the pre-
mises were devised to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of New
Windsor, on their keeping the said obit. She also gave to the said
Edmund Appowell, and Alice his wife, and their heirs, her messuage
or farm, with all the lands, &c., lying and being at '' Spekell" and
in the common fields there, within the parish of New Windsor,
upon condition that he should find " an honest priest" to sing
twelve months within the said parish church of New Windsor, at
Our Lady's Altar, for the souls before mentioned, taking for his sti-

518 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

pend ten marks, and that to be done " immediately after the first
year of the s^ other preist/' The residue of her goods she gave to
the said Edmund and AUce, to dispose of them for the health of
her soul and all Christian souls.

Then follow ^'the pticular pcells that shal be ordained spent
and paid yearely upon the obit of £1 Qs. Sd. above written'' — as
under :

*' Inpr at the dirige aa^ night in spice Cakes
4 dozen of white bread ....

chees 2^^ 2 doz : of good ale .
to have at the dirige 8 prests and they to have for their

labour ech of them when the Kequin mass is done
To 7: oth^ prests to say Mass the day of requin each
To the pish Clerke for ring^ the Bells and to sing at the

said Obit . . . . .08

To the bedman to go about the Towne with the Bell and

to set up the herse ....
To 2: oth^ Clerkes to helpe sing at ye s^ Obit .
to 8 poore children having surplus
for 8 Taps [tapers] of wax burning about the herse and

dirige and requin masse . . .08

for 4: doz: of bred to be divided among poore people

when the Requin masse is done . .40

to Mr. Vicar of this Towne or his deputy executing the

s'^ Obit and to se the pemises pformed . .18

Itm to Mr. Maior of this Towne or his deputy offering

a penny at the s^ Requin) Mass and to se the

pemises pformed . . . .10

To the 2: Bailiffs for the tyme being offering ech of

them Id. at the s^ requin Masse and also to see

the pemises pformed, each of them . .08

Sum . 1 6 8^^i

WiUiam Thorpe, by will dated 4th July, 1537, appointed that,
out of his lands and tenements in New Windsor, and three acres
and a half in the parish of Clewer, an obit or anniversary should
be kept in the parish church of Windsor yearly, on the day of the

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, " excerpted out of the large vellum Book of Inrolments."

TO A.D. 1547.] OBITS IN THE PAEISH CHUECH. 519

month he should die, to the value of 6s, Sd., for the health of his
soul, his friends' and all Christian souls.^

On the 8th of November, thirty-fourth of Henry the Eighth,
James Malleyt, one of the canons of the college of Windsor, deli-
vered, by the hands of Symon Todde, clerk, to William Snoball,
then mayor, Henry Bartlet and Robert Sadok, wardens of the
fraternity of the Blessed Trinity, £1 135. 4J., to the intent that the
said mayor and wardens, and successors, should keep and maintain,
two years after his departure, an obit, with placebo and dirige and
mass of requiem, by note, in the parish church of Windsor, after
the manner and at the charges following :

" Inprimis the Viccar or Deputy for dirige and masse
to the morrow mass prest ....

to ye pish Gierke for sing^ at the masse and ringing the bells

at the same .....

To anotV Gierke to helpe to sing at the dirige and masse .
for the oflPering .....

to the Sexton for to go about the Towne w*^ the bells to pray

for the Soule and setting of the herse . .02

to be dealt to poore people in bread upon the morrow after

Requir? mass is done . . . . 3 10

to 2 Ghildren to sing at Dirige and Mass . . .01

to the Maior for the tyme being seeing the pemises done and

offering the mass penny . . . .04

To the Trinity wardens for the tyme being serving the s'^ Obit

kept once a yeare at the day he dyed . .04

To the maintenance of the Ghurch out of the afores'^ some . 6 8"

About the same time, Henry Smith, Thomas Benet, John
WelHs, and William Billisden, conveyed to Katherine Long a
tenement, situate and being in New Windsor, between a tenement
late of Elizabeth Bowland, and a way called " Grope-cownt lane,''

^ There was one charitable gift, in the thirtieth year of this king's reign, unconnected
with religious rites. Margaret Oliver, of New Windsor, widow, by deed poll dated the
1st of May in that year, gave and granted to Robert Robynson and Cicely his wife, and
the heirs of the former, a field in " Pukets lane," in trust after her death to pay weekly
to the " alinonsfolks" in the said lane, or other poor persons, the sum of one penny
weekly, either in money or in bread or fagots. Upon default, the mayor and bailiffs were
to enter upon and hold the property on the same trusts, and in default it was to revert
to the right heirs of Margaret Oliver. (Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 67 b.)

520 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

and extending from " Fish-streete" to " Preste strete," and which
tenement had been given to them by the said Ehzabeth Bowland ;
and after the death of Katherine Long, to Henry Marshall and his
heirs, and for want of issue, to Hugh, his brother, and to his heirs,
upon condition they kept an obit in St. John the Baptist's Church
yearly for ever, for the souls of Thomas Bowland and the said
Elizabeth, and all the faithful deceased, to the value of 4^., to be
divided as is appointed in the following schedule annexed :

" This is the extent of the Obits of Eliz: Bowland to be done wthin
the pish Church of New Windesor of the pfits and Rents of the Ten'mt
wthin specified and of the Ten mt next adioyning unto the same to the
valine of 5^. whereof to be p^ of the howse wthin written 4^. and the
xij as residue to be p'^ out of the ten t next adioyn^ as foil :

" first to the pish priest .... 6d.

to ye 2 other priests . . . .8

to the Clarke for his dirige and to the bells for a pele at

morrow mass anotV at hy mass . . 6d.

to the Belman Id. in offering . . , Id,

to the Churchwardens . . . .6

in bread to dele to poore people . . . 2^.

to the Maior his Brethren and the seid Wardens to drinke at

wyne after the said mass is done of Bequiem . Sd/'

The following " order made in the Guildhall concerning the
Lands of the Guild'' may possibly relate to lands the trusts of which
were void as contrary to the Mortmain and other acts. It at least
illustrates the mode in which, subsequent to the Beformation, public
trusts were converted to private purposes.

"M'd the 28 day of Jan: in the 32*^ yere of the Reigne of
Sovayne Lorde K^ Henry the 8: by the seid Mej^er Balys and
Bretherne then and there pesent it was agreed condecendyd and in-
acted yl yf any lands or Ten ts apperteyning or belonging to the Gwyld
liawle of New Wyndesor^, or to the Fraternity or bretherhode of the
blyssyd Trinitie by deth or otherwyse to be voyde. That then the
eldest Brother or Burges who hath borne the Rome or offyce of
Maioraltye having no p^^' of the seyde lands to him before assigned,
shall alwaies have the choys of such house or land when yt happynythe
to be voyde to him and to his assignes during the terme of his nrall
lyfe only, and the same lands and ten'ts afterward to remayne to

TO A.D. 1547.] THE ORDER OE THE GARTER. 531

thother eldest Brother who hath occupyed the seid roome, and so suc-
cessively. When ev^y of the seid Aldermen who have occupied the
seid Home have his and their tourne_, then e?y other Broder w^^^ hathe
occupied the roome of Baly by seniority as he was elected shall have
in like case such lands and tenements as the shall happen to fall in
likewyse manner and forme and in like estate, and at the same tyme
was granted to James Prynce being next senior to Mr. Symonds the
Close of Medow that Xrofer Star late hylde to have and to hold the
same and to hys assignes for terme of his lyff naturall, and so all and
evy such psons w''^ shall in tyme to come have any lands or ten ts be-
longyng to the Meyer Baylyes and Burgesses^ or to ye Meyer Alder-
men or Trinitie Wardens and by theye grawnt when yt shall happen
to be voyde by dethe or other wyse, shall in noe wyse have hauld ne
occupie the same in any other wyse manner ne forme but for the
terme of lyff of the grante only. Provyded alwey that when every
Alderman who hath occupied the rome of Meraltye hath his porcon as
yt hath fawlyne.^ Then yf ony other porcon fawle voyde which
the eldest Alderman hath more mynde to have then the lande to
him before apporcioned_, he then to surrender or relese the land or
ten"t w^^^ hetofore had and to have the same. And so in likewise
the 2^ 3^ 4^^' 5"^ 6*^ 7^^ Alderman and then the Senior Brother to have
that is realeysyd and the Alderma to have that is fallen voyde. And
so successively, and if ev y Alderman of the seyd (?) be content w*^ his
porcon then to pceede successively in such wyse manner and forme as
ys above expssed and this act and Statute to remaine for ever.^^ ^

The numerous obits in St. George's Chapel must have furnished
employment for a number of priests.^

By the original statutes of the Order of the Garter, the sove-
reign, as soon as he received intelligence of the death of any knight
companion, was required to celebrate a thousand masses for his soul ;
and all the other knights companions were obliged to contribute a
proportionate number to the relief of the soul of their deceased
fellow. " This course of celebrating these masses for defunct knights,
was constantly observed," says Ashmole, " and so continued, until
the 8 2d year of King Henry the Eighth ; at which time, upon a
motion made concerning those suffrages for the dead, in a chapter

^ Ealleu in.

2 Ash. MS., No. 1126.

3 Sec a list of some of them in Aslimole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 150.

522 ANNALS 0^ WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

held in his Palace at Westminster, on the 24th of May in the afore-
said year, this Decree passed. That every one of the knights com-
panions, in lieu of the said masses, should for the future, after the
death of any of their brethren, according to the rates of their degrees
hereafter mentioned, and immediately upon demand made for the
same, by the Register and Dean of Windsor, or one of them, pay
the several sums of money here specified : the Sovereign £8:6:8;
a Stranger King £6:8:4; the Prince £5 : 16 : 8; a Duke
£5 ; a Marquess £3 : 16 ; an Earl £?. : 10 ; a Viscount £1:1:8;
a Baron £1 : 13 : 4; a Batchelor Knight 16s. Sd. The monies
collected upon this account (called obit monies) were by the afore-
said decree, appointed to be distributed and imployed in Alms
Deeds : of vi^hich sort are the reparation of High ways, the relief of
the poor, and other things of like nature, as the sovereign should
from time to time limit and appoint," &c.

'* This charitable distribution, in a chapter held at Greenwich,
the 24 of April, an. 5 E. 6. was enlarged to the relief and succour
of the Poor, where most need was, in the Town of Windesor, and
other Towns, Villages, and Places, at and by the discretion of the
Dean of Windesor, he advising with some honest men, who could
best give an account of such as were truly poor and indigent." ^

Notwithstanding that this decree was confirmed by Edward the
Sixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, the collection of obit
money was neglected until the reign of Charles the First, when it
was revived, and the monies collected employed in providing plate
for the altar in St. George's Chapel.^

Although the property and patronage of the dean and
chapter were preserved to them, nevertheless the revenues of the
college suffered from the abolition of shrines and superstitious
offerings.

"The College," says Ashmole, "lost at least 1000 marks per
annum, upon the Reformation of Rehgion, in the profit made by
St. Anthony's Pigs, which the appropriation of the Hospital of St.
Anthony's, London, had brought to it, and no less than £500 per

^ 'Order of the Garter, pp. 625, 626.
2 Ibid., pp. 626, 627

TO A.D. 1547.]

BEQUESTS TO ETON COLLEGE.

523

annum, the ofFrings of Sir John Shorne's Shrine, at Northmarston
in Buckinghamshire/' ^

With respect to Eton College, we find Robert Rede, of the town
of Burnham, gentleman (who died on the 11th of May, 1515),
giving certain lands to the college for the keeping open an annual
mass for his soul and the soul of Merryell his wife.

About the same time. Dr. Roger Lupton, the provost, conveyed
to the college his manor of Pyrton, in Hertfordshire, for the estab-
lishment of a chantry in the college chapel and the maintenance of

1 Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 172. (See ante, pp. 377, 390.) The following
abstract of the revenues of the college in 1535, taken from the ' Liber Yalorum,' is
printed in the ' Valor Ecclesiasticus,' vol. ii, p. 353 :

DEANERY OP READING.

" Eccl~ia coll** sive lib^a capella Sancti Georgii infra Cast' de
Wyndsoure ex fundacone dni Regis in temporalibus et

sp^ualibus p~ aim' clare valet

inde

.Mccciiij^'^xyj xvij j q'
cxxxix xiij viij ob' q'

" Porc~o decani iKm valet clare p~ ann'

Porc~ones sive p~petue penc'ones xij*^™ canonicoru ib^m quoru
quilit p~cipit annuatim \].li. xxij.(?. attingunt in toto ad
summam ......

Salaria octo canonicoru minora vocat' petty cannons quoru
quitit p~cipit anuatim xv./«. i].s. vij.c?. q' extendunt se in
toto ad ......

Salaria octo vicarioriu ib"m quoru quitit p~cipit ^.U. xv..?. xj.c?. q'
p^veniunt ad sum' .....

Salaria octo capellanoru cantaristar vi3t due earudem ex
fundac~oe nup Regis Edwardi quarti utriq eoru
xiiij./^'. vj.5, viij.</. alie due cantarie ib"m ex fundac'oe
Anne nup~ ducisse Exon' utriq eoru x./?. xiiij.5. viij.*^.
quinta ex fundac~oe dn~i Hastings valet \\\]M. xvj.5. iiij.^,
sexta ex fundac' Thome Pashe nup" canonici ib~m valet
viij./e. XV.5. iiij.c?. septima ex fundac' Jolfis Oxenbridg
nup~ canonici ib~m valet x./i. xv.<?. iiiyd. octava ac ultima
ex fundc~oe Joh^is Plumber nup" virgebajuli ib~m valet
y'lyli. xviij.5. viij. (5?. in toto aspirant ad suma

Et remanet clare ultra porc'ones et salaria
predict' ....

De quibus.

£
clviij

VJ*=X11J

s.
vj

ij —

CXXJ —

iiij^^xiij

vij

uij"mj

xviij inj

cccxxv — xuij q

The details of the endowment of the college are not given, because the original
inquisition is lost, and the * Liber Valorum' does not furnish the particulars.

524 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

a priest there. A licence was obtained from the king for this pur-
pose, and a composition made for it between the Bishop of Lincoln
and the colleges of Eton and King's. ^

The college, also apparently at this time, made several purchases
of houses in Eton, and of several pieces and parcels of land lying in
and about the villages of Stoke, Burnham, Upton, Dorney, &c., the

^ Huggett, MSS. Sloane, No. 4843, f. 97. " This provost likewise purchased lands in
Farnham, Slough, Stoke, Upton, Cockfield in Burnham, and likewise lands in Windsor of
the fee of the Abbot of Reading. But whether these purchases were made with his own
or with the money of other pious persons I pretend not to say." (Ibid.)

"Anno 8 H. VIII. There were works carried on at College [Eton] and continued to
Jan^'y 7*^ anno 13 H. VIII. Probably it might be ye finishing the Tower over ye Gate
leading into ye inner Cloyster, w*''" is usually call'd Lupton's Tower, Roger Lupton LL.D.
being Provost there at tliis time. This Provost built a Chauntry on ye north side of the
Chapel, next to ye vestiary, w*'^ is called to this Day Lupton's Chapel wherein he lies
buried ; but without Inscription, and a Chauntry Priest was appointed to officiate there,
as by an epitaph formerly in the chapel.

" ' Of your charity pray for the soul of S"" Alexander Philippe, Chantrie priest for
Dr. Lupton, w"^ died on the 13*^ Decemb. an. D. 1558. whose soul God pardon.'

" It is observable of this Provost that his exequies were perform'd here on a certaia
Day annaally for some years before his death, as by this article : ' In exequiis Doctoris
Lupton, tentis Jan. xi, ann. 27° 28° 29° H. VIII. 1536,' &c., whereas his death did not
happen tiU 1540." (MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 188; see also ff. 201, 202.)

"1531. The Provost and College made over to the King the Hospital of St. James
Westminster (where is now the Kings Palace) who gave them in exchange Bawdins
Manor and the Rectory of Newington in Kent, Chattersham Rectory, Suffolk the
Flache-Marsh, &c." (Huggett, MS. Sloane, No. 4843, f. 95, citing Rymer's ' Poedera,'
vol. xiv, pp. 426, 505.)

The following are the " titles of licences" from Henry the Eighth, " impowering Persons
to give and ye College to receive Lands, &c., notwithstanding the Act of Mortmain,
viz*.,

'' An° ij° H. VIII. Licence for persons to give, and the College to receive Lands to
yearly value of xx./.

'• An. iij° H. VIII. Licence for ye College to receive Lands in Dorney, Boveney,
Penne, Wycomb, and Burnham.

" An. xx° H. VIII. Licence to ye College for receiving Lands to the yearly value
of xl./.

'' An° — H. VIII. Licence to ye College to receive Lands, &c., to ye yearly value of
XX. /. Specialiter de manerio de Pyrton Com. Hertf (ex dono Rog. Lupton Prsepositi),

"Lands and Rectories w''^ the College received of the king in exchange for tlie
Hospital of St. James's Westminster.

" An*^ 1525 — 1527. Provost Lupton's Letters to the Visitor, declaring the impossi-
bility of filling the 10 Fellowships and reciting the Visitors appointment of a visitation :
together with the Dates of former Visitations.

"An*^ 1545. Survey of the state of the College by the King's Commissioners with
its Income and Disbursements." (Huggett, MS. Sloane, No. 4843, f. 8 ; see also f. 95.)

TO A.D. 1547.J ETON COLLEGE. 525

property of — Blackwell, '* the which seemingly were bought at an
under price, it being part of the agreement that Blackwell should
be prayed for by the college post mortem." Lands in New Windsor
also were given by pious persons in consideration that the college
should find mass priests for the celebration of their annual obits.^

By the statute 27 Hen. VIII, c. 42, Eton College, together with
Winchester and the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, were
exempted from the payment of first fruits and tenths of spiritual
benefices, granted by parliament to the king in the previous year.
The exempting statute, after reciting the former act (26 Hen. VIII,
c. 3), thus proceeds :

" The Kynges mooste Riall Magestie hath mooste graciously and of
his mooste excellent Goodnes and dyvyne Charitie, with the fervent
Zele whiche his Majestic hath conceyved and bearith as well prynci-
palle to the advauncement of the syncere and pure doctrine of Goddes
worde and Holy Testament, as to thincrease of the Knowlege in the
seven hberall sciences and the thre tonges of laten greeke and hebrewe
to be by his people applied and larned, Considerid that if his Highnes
shulde use his right in his Unyversities of Oxforde and Cambridge or
in the College of our Ladye in Eton besydes Wyndesore or Saynt
Marie College of Wynchestre besides Wynchestre, where yowth and
good wyttes be educate and norysshed in vertue and larnyng, and of
the Studentes or Ministers whiche be or shal be in the same or any of
the same, receiave suche first frutes and tenthes as his Majestic by the
said acte is laufuUy intytelyd unto, the same shuld percaas discorage
mannye of his subjectes whiche be both apte and wyllyng to apply e
theym selfes to larnyng, and cause theym by reason of the tenuytie of
lyvyng to withdrawe and gyve their myndes to suche other thynges
and fantacies as shulde neyther be acceptable to God ne profittable for
his publique welthe; His Majestye of his mooste abonndaunt and
speciall grace, havyng conceyved suche hartie love and tender affeccion
to the contynuance and augmentacion of all hoiieste and vertuouse
larnyng artes and sciences, wherewith it hath pleased Almyghtye God
so aboundauntely to endowe His Hignes as in Knowlege and wysdam
he farre excellith any of his mooste noble progenytours, as his Grace
cannot in enny wyse compare the same to annye Lawe Acte Constitu-
cion or Statute ne tollerate or suffer any suche ordynaunce, thowgh
the comoditie and benefice therof shulde never so highely redounde to

' Huggett, Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 97.

526 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

his profute or pleasure, as myght by annye meane hynder tliadvaunce-
ment and settyng fourth of the lyvely vvorde of God wherewith his
people muste be fedd noureshid and instructed, or impeache the know-
lege of suche other good letters as in x'poned Realmes be expedyent to
be lerned for the conservacion of their good pollices and the breadyng
of discrete and prudent personnages to serve and administre in his
comen welth, hath as well for avoydyng of thoccasion of these incon-
veniences as for the revyvyng and quickennyng of the courage of
Studentes to thentent they sliulde the more joyously and gladlye bende
theire wittis and holye gyve tlieym selfes to thattaynyng of larnyng
and knowledge pryncipalle and before all other thynges in and of the
holsome doctrine of Almyghtye God, and after of the vij artes liberall,
and the said tlire tonges whiche be requisite and necessarie not onely
for the understandyng of Scripture, but also for the conservacion
and mayntenaunce of pollicie and comen justice, thought convenient
for ever by the auctoritie of this his Highe Courte of parliament to
discharge acquyte and exonerate as well the said Universities of Oxforde
and Cambridge as the said Colleges of oure Ladye in Eaton besides
Wyndesore and Saynt Marie College of Wynchestre besydes Wyn-
chestre and everye of theym frome the payment of ennye suche firste
frutes and tenth aforesaid/^

After declaring them exempt accordingly, the statute provides
that, in consideration thereof, each university shall maintain a lec-
turer, to be called " King Henry the eight his lecture \' and that
two masses shall be kept yearly in the universities and two colleges.
The latter provision is made in these terms :

" And for a further perpetuall memoriall, and leste suche inestima-
ble goodness and bounteouse gyfte by his Majestic at this tyme declared
to his Universities and Collegies aforsaid shuld be had in oblyvyon,
Be it enacted by the auctoritie aforesaid that as well the Chauncellours
of the Universities aforsaid or ther Deputes Masters and Scolers and
their Successours and the Successours of every of theym, within the
Churche of Saynt Marie in eyther of the said Universities, and the
forsaid Provostes of oure Ladye College in Eaton besides Wyndesore
with the Eelawes Scolers and other Ministers in their Collegiate
Churche, and the said Wardeyne of Saynt Marie College of Wynchester
besides Wynchester with the Eelawes Scolers and Ministers in their
Collegiate Churche, and their Successours and the Successours of every
of theym, shall yerely kepe severallye in every of the said Universities
and Colleges two masses to be there solempnelye songe, wherof one

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 527

shal be of the Holye Trynyte the viij daye of Maye and the other of
tholye Gooste the eight day of October than next ensuyng, for the
preservacion of the Kynges Highnes and the mooste excellent Prynces
Quene Anne his wyfe, and the right noble Princes Elizabeth doughter
of our said Soveraigne Lorde and of the said Quene Anne duryng their
lyves; and after the decease of our said Soveraigne Lorde shall yerely
kepe for ever in the daies above rehersed two solempne annyversaries
that is to saie dyrge over nyght and masse of requiem in the next
morowe^ in as devote fourme and manor as is devised and ordeyned for
the annyversarie and obite of the mooste excellent Pry nee of famous
memory Kyng Henry the vij^^ father to oure saide Soveraigne Lord/^

For "accomplishment" of this, the statute required that the
heads of houses, graduates, and fellows should take an oath to see
the premises carried out.

In the thirty-seventh year of this reign, Roger Bradshaw, the
king's attorney, with Robert Drury, George Wright, and Hugh
Fuller, Esqrs., came to Eton College, and took an inventory of the
plate, &c.

" The Plate came to . . . . 2295 oz.

The Ornaments valued at . . £312 135. 4c?.'' ^

We must now proceed to narrate the judicial murders perpe-
trated in this reign at Windsor upon the martyrs Pearson, Test-
wood, and Eilmer. We shall do so for the most part in the words
of John Foxe, who, in his ' Acts and Monuments,' gives a full
account of the whole proceedings against ''these good Saints of
Windsor,'' " according/' as he says, " to the copy of their own acts,
received and written by John Marbeck, who is yet alive both a
present witness, and also was then a party of the said doings, and
can testify the truth thereof."

It is necessary to observe that these proceedings arose out of the
statute 31 Hen. VHI, c. 14, know^n by the name of the Six Articles,
passed at the instance of Gardiner Bishop of Winchester. That
prelate had superseded Cromwell's influence with the brutal king,
who once more became the persecutor of the Church Reformers.
The statute imposed the penalty of death by burning or hanging

1 Sloane MS., No. 4840, f. 185.

528 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

on all who denied, among other things, the doctrine of transub-
stantiation, the expediency of masses, and the necessity of auricular
confession.

Entitling his narrative * The Trouble and Persecution of four
Windsore men, Robert Testwood, Henry Filmer, Anthony Peerson,
and John Marbeck,' -^ Foxe proceeds to detail " the original of
Robert Testwood's trouble."

"In the yere of our Lord 1544, there was one Robert Testwood,
dwelhng in the city of London, who for his knowledge in musicke had
so great a name that the musitians in Windsor Colled ge thought him
a worthy man to have a roome among them. Whereupon they en-
formed Doctor Sampson (beeing then their Deane) of him. But for-
somuch as some of the Canons had at that time heard of Testwood,
how that he smelled of the new learning (as they called it) it would
not be consented unto at the first. Notwithstanding, with oftensute
of the foresaid Musitians, made to one Doctor Tate (who, being half a
musitian himselfe, bare a great stroke in such matters) a roome being
voyd, Testwood was sent for to be heard. And being there foure or
five dayes among the Quire men, hee was so well liked both for his
voice and cunning, that he was admitted, and after settled in Windsor,
with his houshold, and had in good estimation with the deane and
canons a great while : but when they had perceived him by his often
talke at their tables (for he could not well dissemble his religion) that
he leaned to Luthers sect, they began to mislike him. And so passing
forth among them, it was his chance one day to be at dinner with one
of the Canons, named Doctor Rawson. At the which dinner, among
all other, was one of King Edwards 4 Chantrie Priests, named Master
Ely, an old Bachelor of Divinitie. Which Ely in his talke at the
boord began to raile against Lay men, which took upon them to meddle
with the Scriptures, and to be better learned (knowing no more but

^ In a subsequent paragraph, Foxe gives the following list of " persons persecuted at
Windsor, a.d. 1543 :" — " Robert Testwood, Henry Eilmer (called Finmore in the first
edition), Anthony Peerson, John Marbeck, Robert Bennet, Sir Philip Hobby and his wife.
Sir Thomas Cardine and his wife, Master Edmund Harman, Master Tiiomas Weldon ;
Snowball and his wife, of the king's chamber; and Dr. Haynes, dean of Exeter.

" Persecutors : Master Ely, Simons a lawyer, Dr. London, Stephen Gardiner, bishop
of Winchester ; Wriothesley, then secretary to the king, and afterwards lord chancellor ;
Southarne, treasurer of Exeter ; Dr. Bruerwood, chancellor of Exeter ; Master Knight,
Winchester's gentleman ; Dr. Oking ; Dr. Capon, bishop of Sarum ; Sir William Essex, kt.;
Sir Thomas Bridges, kt. ; Sir Humfrey Poster, knight ; Master Praiiklin, dean of
Windsor ; Master Eachel, of Reading ; Bucklayer, the king's attorney ; Pilmer's brother ;
Hide, a Jurate dM^elling beside Abingdon ; Robert Ocham, a lawyer,"

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 529

the Englisli tongue) than they which had beeiie Students in the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge all the daies of their lives/^

A discussion then ensued between Testvvood and Ely, in which
the question of the Pope's supremacy was involved.

^^ When they were both well stricken in a heate_, Testwood for-
getting himselfe, chanced to say, that every king, in his owne realme
and dominion, ought to be the head of the church under Christ : at
the which words Ely was so chafed, that hee rose up from the table in
a great fume, calling him heretique, and all that nought was ; and so
went brawling and chiding away, to the great disquieting of all the
company that were there. Then was Testwood very sorry to see the
old man take it so grievously : Whereupon, after dinner, he went and
sought Master Ely, and found him walking in the body of the church,
thinking to have talked with him charitably, and so to have beene at
one again : but ever as Testwood pressed towards him, the other
shunned him, and would not come nigh him, but spit at him ; saying
to other that walked by, ^ Beware of this fellow ! for he is the greatest
heretique and schismatique that ever came in Windsor.^ '^

The matter began to be talked about. Ely complained *' to the
deane's deputie and other of the canons'^ who took part against
Testwood. W^ithin " twelve days after,""^ however, *' the kings su-
premacy passed in the parliament house,^" and thereupon Dr. Samp-
son, the dean, came home suddenly late in the night, '' and forthwith
sent his Verger about to all the canons, and ministers of the Colledge,
from the highest to the lowest, commanding them to be in the
Chapter-house by eight of the clock in the morning.'^ Ely imme-
diately consulted with the canons, intending to '' put Testwood to
a great plunge,^^ but in the morning, when all were assembled in
the chapter-house, the dean proceeded, " contrary to every man's
expectation," to inveigh against the Bishop of Rome's authority,
" and at length declared openly, that by the whole consent of the
parliament house, the pope's supremacie was utterly abolished out
of this realme of England for ever ; and so commanded every man
there, upon his allegiance, to call him Pope no more, but Bishop
of Rome, and whatsoever hee were that would not so doe, or did
from that day forth maintaine or favour his cause by any manner
of meanes, he should not onely lose the benefit of that house, but be

530 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

reputed as an utter enemie to God, and to the king. The Canons,
hearing this, were all stricken in a damp. Yet notwithstanding,
Ely's heart was so great, that he would faine have uttered his
cankered stomacke against Testwood ; but the Deane (breaking his
tale) called him old foole, and tooke him up so sharpely, that hee
was faine to hold his peace. Then the Deane commanded all the
pope's pardons which hanged about the church, to be brought into
the Chapter-house, and cast into the chimney, and burned before
all their faces ; and so departed.^'

Foxe then proceeds to relate "another cause of Testwood's
trouble :''

" As it chanced Testwood one day to walke in the church^ at after-
noone, and beheld the pilgrims, specially of Devonshire and Cornewall,
how they came in by plumps, with candles and images of waxe in their
hands, to offer to good king Henry of Windsor, as they called him, it
pitied his heart to see such great idolatrie committed, and how vainely
the people had spent their goods in comming so farre to kisse a spur,
and to h;ive an old hat set upon their heads ; insomuch, that liee could
not refraine, but (seeing a certaine companie which had done their offring
stand gazing about the church) went unto them, and with all gentle-
nesse began to exhort them to leave such false worshipping of dumbe
creatures, and to learne to worship the true living God aright,^' &c.
" Then he went further and found another sort licking and kissing a
■white Lady made of alabaster, which image was mortised in a wall
behinde the high altar, and bordered about with a pretty border, which
vras made like branches with hanging apples and flowers. And when
hee saw them so superstitiously use the Image, as to wipe their hands
upon it, and then to stroke them over their heads and faces, as though
there had bin great vertue in touching the picture, he up with his hand,
in the which he had a key, and smote a piece of the border about the
image, downe, and with the glance of the stroke chanced to breake off
the images nose. ' Lo, good people' (quoth he) ' you see what it is,
nothing but earth and dust, and cannot helpe it selfe, and how then
will you have it to helpe you ? For God's sake, Brethren, be no more
deceived.' And so he gat him home to his house, for the rumor was
so great, that many came to see the Image how it was defaced. And
among all other, came one William Simons a Lawyer, who seeing the
Image so beraied, and to lacke her nose, tooke the matter grievously,
and looking downe upon the pavement, he spied the Images nose where

» St. George's Chapel.

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYES. 531

it lay, which he tooke up and put in his purse, saying it shoukl be a
deare nose to Testwood one day.

^^ NoAv were many offended with Testwood, the Canons for speaking
against their profit, the Waxsellers for hindering their market, and
Simons for the Images nose. And more than that, there were of the
Canons men that threatened to kill him. Whereupon Testwood kept
his house, and durst not come forth, minding to send the whole matter
in writing by his wife, to Master Cromwell the kings secretarie, who
was his speciali friend. The Canons hearing that Testwood would send
to Cromwel, they sent the Verger unto him, to will him to come to the
church ; who sent them word againe that he was in feare of his life,
and therefore would not come. Then sent they two of the eldest Petie
Canons to entreat him^ and to assure him that no man should do him
harme. He made them a plaine answer^ That he had no such trust in
their promises, but would complaine to his friends. Then wist they not
what shift to make, for of all men they feared Cromwell, but sent in
post hast for old Master Ward, a justice of peace dwelling three or
foure miles off, who beeing come, and hearing the matter, was very loath
to meddle in it. But notwithstanding through their entreatie he
went to Testwood, and had much ado to persuade him, but at the last
he did so faithfully promise him, by the oath he had made to God and
the king, to defend him from all danger and harmes, that Testwood
was content to go with him.

" And when Master Ward and Testwood were come into the church,
and were going toward the chapter house, where the canons abode their
comming, one of the Canons men drew his dagger at Testwood, and
would have been upon him, but Master Ward with his man resisted,
and got Testwood into the chapter house, causing the serving-men to
bee called in, and sharpely rebuked of their masters, who strictly com-
manded them upon pain of losing their service, and further displeasure,
not to touch him, nor to give him an evill word. Now Testwood, being
alone in the chapter house with the Canons and Master Ward, was
gently entreated, and the matter so pacified, that Testwood might
quietly come and go to the church, and doe his dutie as he had done
before.-"

A " Third Cause of Robert Testwood's trouble'' was this :

" Upon a Relique Sunday (as they named it) when every minister
after their old custome should have borne a relique in his hand about
a procession, one was brought to Testwood. Which relique, as they
sayd, was a Rotchet of Bishop Beckets. And as the Sexton would have
put the Rotchet in Testwoods hands, he pushed it from him, saying, if

532 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteh XIX.

lie did give it to him, lie would wipe liis taile withall, and so tlie rotchet
was given to another. Then came ye verger down from the high altar
with S. Georges dagger in his hand, demanding who lacked a relique.
Mary quoth Testwood, give it to M. Hake who stood next him, for he
is a pretty man of his hands, and so the dagger was given unto him.
Now Testwood perceiving the dagger in Master Hakes hand, and being
merrily disposed (as he was a merry conceited man) stepped forth out
of his place to Doctor Clifton standing directly before him in the midst
of the quire, with a glorious golden cope upon his back, having the
Pixe in his hand, and says, ' Sir, Master Hake hath Saint Georges
Dagger. Now if hee had his horse and Saint Martins Cloake, and
Master John Shorns bootes, with king Henries spurs, and his hat, hee
might ride where he would,^ and so stepped into his place againe.
Whereat the other changed colour, and wist not what to say.'^

A "Fourth Cause of Robert Test wood's trouble^' arose thus:

" In the dayes of Master Franklen, who succeeded Doctor Sampson
in the Deanry of Windsore, there was on a time set up at the quire
doore, a certaine foolish printed paper in meeter, all to the praise and
commendation of our Ladie, ascribing unto her our justification, our
salvation, our redemption, the forgivenesse of sinnes, &c., to the great
derogation of Christ. Which paper, one of the Canons called Master
Magnus (as it was reported) caused to bee set up in despite of Test-
wood and his sect. When Testwood saw this paper, he pluckt it
downe secretly. The next day after was another set up in the same
place. Then Testwood comming into the church and seeing another
paper set up, and also the Deane comming a little way off, made haste
to be at the quire dore, while the Deane staid to take holy water, and
reaching up his hand as he went, pluckt away the paper with him.
The Dean, being come to his stall, called Testwood unto him, and sayd,
that he marvelled greatly how he durst be so bold to take downe
the paper in his presence. Testwood answered again, that he mar-
velled much more, that his mastership would suffer such a blasphemous
paper to be set up, beseeching him not to be offended with that he had
don, for he would stand unto it. So Master Dean being a timorous
man made no more adoe with him. After this were no more papers
set up, but poore Testwood was eaten and drunken amongst them at
every meale, and an heretike hee Avas, and would rost a fagot for this
geare one day.

" Now Master Magnus being sore offended with Testwood for pluck-
ing downe his papers, to be revenged on him, devised with the Deane
and the rest of the Canons, to send their letters to D. Chamber, one

TO A.i). 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 533

of their brethren, and the kings phisition, who lay, for the most part,
at the Court, to see what he would doe against Test wood. Which
letters beeing made, were sent with speed. But whatsoever the cause
was, whether he durst not meddle for feare of Cromwell, or what else
I cannot tell, their sute came to none effect. Then wist they not what
to doe, but determined to let the matter sleepe, till Saint Georges
feast, which was not far oflp.

'^ Now in the meane time there chanced a pretty storie, betweene
one Robert Philips Gentleman of the kings chappell, and Testwood.
Which Storie, though it was but a merry pranke of a singing man, yet
it grieved his adversary wonderfully. The matter was this. Robert
Philips was so notable a singing man (wherein he gloried) that where-
soever he came, the best and longest song, with most counterverses in
it, should bee set up at his comming. And so his chance being now
to be at Windsore, against his comming to the Antheme, a long song
was set up, called Lauda vivi. In which song there was one counter-
verse toward the end, that began on this wise, O redemptrix et salvatrix :
Which verse of all other, Robert Philips would sing, because he knew
that Testwood could not abide that dittie. Now Testwood knowing
his mind well enough, joyned with him on the other part : and when
he heard Robert Philips begin to fetch his flourish with O redemptrix
et salvatrix, repeating the same one in another's necke, Testwood was
as quicke on the other side to answer him againe with Non redemptrix,
nee salvatrix, and so striving there with O and Non, who should have
the masterie, they made an end of the verse. Whereat was good
laughing in sleeves of some, but Robert Philips with other of Test-
woods enemies were sore offended.

" Within foureteene dayes after this, the Lords of the Garter (as
their custome is yearely to doe) came to Windsore to keepe Saint
Georges feast, at which feast the Duke of Norfolke was president ;
unto whom the Deane and Canons made a grievous complaint on Test-
wood. Who being called before the Duke, he shooke him up and all
to reviled him, as though he would have sent him to hanging by and
by. Yet nevertlielesse Testwood so behaved himselfe to the Duke,
that in the end he let him go without any further molesting of him, to
the great discomfort of the Deane and Canons.^'

Foxe then proceeds with "the original of Henry Film er's trouble,"
as follows :

^^ About the yeare of our Lord, 1541, after all the orders of super-
stitious and begging friars were suppressed and put downe, there
chanced one Syr Tho. Melster, which had beene a Frier before, and

534 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

changed his Friers coat (but not his Friers heart) to be Vicar of
Windsore. This priest on a time made a Sermon to his parishioners,
in the which liee declared so manie fond and frierisli tales, as that our
Ladie should hold out her brests to saint Bernard, and spout her milk
into his eyes, with such like Festivall tales, that many honest men were
offended therewith, and especially this Henry Filmer then one of the
Church Wardens; who was so zealous to Gods word, that he could not
abide to lieare the glorie of Christ so defaced with superstitious fables.
Whereupon he took an honest man or two with him and went to the
priest, with whom he talked so honestly and so charitably, that in the
end the priest gave him heartie thankes, and was content at his gentle
admonition to reforme himselfe without any more ado, and so departed
friendly the one from the other.

"l^-low was there one in the towne, called William Simons a Lawyer
(as is aforesayd) who hearing that Filmer had beene with the priest,
and reproved him for his Sermon, tooke pepper in the nose, and got
him to the Vicar, and did so animate him in his doings, that he slipped
quite away from the promise hee had made to Filmer, and followed the
mind of Simons : who meeting with Filmer afterward, all to reviled
him, saying^, he would bring him before the Bishop, to teach him to
be so malapert. Then Filmer hearing the matter renewed, which he had
thought had been suppressed, stood against Simons, and sayd, that the
Vicar had preached false and unsound doctrine, and so would hee say
to the Bishop whensoever hee came before him. Then Simons slipt
not the matter, but went to the Maior, and procured of him and his
brethren a letter, signified with their own hands in the priests favour,
as much as could be devised, and so departed himselfe with other his
friends to goe to the bishop (whose name was doctour Capon) and to
take the Priest with them ; which was a painefull journey for the sillie
poore man, by reason hee had a sore legge.

'^ Now Filmer, hearing how Simons went about to put him to a
foyle, consulted with his friends what was best to doe ; who concluded
to draw out certaine notes of the Vicars sermon, and to prepare them-
selves to be at Salisbury as soon as Simons or before him, if it might
bee possible. Thus both the parties being in a readinesse, it chanced
them to set forth of Windsor all in one day. But by reason the priest,
being an impotent man, could not indure to ride very fast, Filmer and
his companie got to the towne an houre and more before Simons, went
to the bishop and delivered up their bill unto him ; which bill when
the bishop had scene and perused well, he gave them great thanks for
their pains, saying, it did behoove him to looke upon it, for the priest
had preached heresie, and should bee punished.

'' Then Filmer declared unto the bishop the forme of his talke he

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 535

had with the priest, and the end therof ; and how the matter, being
renued againe by Simons, forced him and his company to trouble his
Lordship therewith. Well, sayd the bishop, ye have done like honest
men. Come to me soone againe, and ye shall know more, and so
they departed from the bishop to their Inne. And while they were
there reposing themselves, Simons with his companie came to the
towne, and (not knowing the other to be come) got them up to the
Bishop in all post-haste, taking the priest with them.

" The Bishop, hearing of more Windsore men, demanded what
they were, and beeing informed how it was the Vicar of the towne with
other moe, hee caused the Vicar to bee brought in. To whom hee
sayd, are you the Vicar of Windsore ; yea forsooth, my Lord, quoth
he. How chanceth it quoth the Bishop that you are complayned on ?
for there have beene with me certaine honest men of your town, which
have delivered up a bill of erroneous doctrine against you. If it be so,
I must needs punish you, and opening the bill he read it unto him.
How say you, quoth the bishop, is this true or no ? The Vicar could
not denie it, but humbly submitted himselfe to the bishops correction.
Then was his companie called in, and when the Bishop saw Simons
hee knew him well, and sayd, Wherefore come yee Master Simons ?
Pleaseth it your Lordship, quoth he, we are come to speake in our
Vicars cause, which is a man of good conversation and honesty, and
doth his dutie so well in every point, that no man can finde fault with
him, except a lewd fellow we have in our town called Filmer, which is
so corrupt with heresie, that he is able to poyson a whole countrey : and
truly my L. quoth Simons, there is no man that can preach or teach
anything that is good and godly, but hee is readie to controll it, and to
say it is stark naught. Wherefore we shall beseech your Lordship hee
may be punished, to the ensample of other, that our Vicar may doe his
dutie quietly, as hee hath done before this busie fellow troubled him.
And that your Lordship shall the better credit my sayings, I have
brought with me these honest men of the town, and beside all that, a
testimoniall from the Maior and his brethren to confirme the same, and
so he held out the writing in his hand. Then sayd the bishop, so God
helpe mee Master Simons, yee are greatly to blame, and most worthy
to bee punished of all men, that will so impudently goe about to
maintaine your priest in his errour, which hath preached heresie and
hath confessed it ; wherefore I may not nor will not see it unpunished.
And as for that honest man Filmer on whom ye have complayned, I tell
you plainly hee hath in this point shewed himselfe a great deale more
honester man than you. But in hope you will no more beare out
your Vicar in his evill doings, I will remit all things at this time,
saving that he shall the next Sunday recant his sermon openly before

536 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [CnAPTEii XIX.

al his parishioners in Windsor church ; and so the Bishop called in
Filmer and his companie which waited without, and delivered the
priests recantation unto them ; with a great charge to see it truely
observed in all points. Then Simons took his leave of the bishop and
departed with a flea in his eare, disappointed of his purpose, and sore
ashamed of the foyle. For this cause Simons could never brooke
Filmer, but when he met him at any time after, would hold up his
finger (as his manner was where hee ought displeasure) and say, ^ I
will be even with you one day, trust me/ ''

'^The original of Anthony Pierson^s (or Person^s) trouble^^ is
thus told :

" There was a certaine priest, named Anthonie Person, which fre-
quented much to Windsor, about the yeare of our Lord 1540, and
using the talent that God had given him in preaching, was greatly
esteemed among the people, who flocked so much to his sermons which
hee made both in the towme and countrey, that the great priests of the
castle, with other papists in the towne, specially Simons, were sore
offended : insomuch that Simons at the last began to gather of his
Sermons, and to marke his auditors ; whereof ensued the death of
divers, and trouble of many honest men. For about a yeare and more
after, a minister of Satan called Doctour London, warden of the new
Colledge in Oxford, was admitted one of the Prebendaries of Windsore,
who, at his first comming to Windsore, began to utter his stomack and
to shew his aff'ection. For at his first residence dinner which he made
to the Clerks (which companie for the most part at that time favoured
the Gospell) all his whole talke to two Gentlemen strangers at his boord
(till the table was taking up) was nothing else but of heretikes, and what
a desolation they would bring the realme unto, if they might be so
suff'ered. And by Saint Marie masters (quoth he to the Clerkes at last)
I cannot tell, but there goeth a shrewd report abroad of this house.
Some made answer, it was undeserved. ' I pray God it be,' quoth he.
' I am but a stranger and have but small experience amongst you ; but
I have heard it sayd before I came hither, that there be some in this
house, that will neither have prayer nor fasting.'

" Then spake Testwood. ' By my troth sir/ quoth he, ' I thinke
that was spoken of malice : for prayer as your mastership knoweth
better than I, is one of the first lessons that Christ taught us.' ' Yea
marie sir,' quoth he, ' but the heretikes will have no invocation to
saints, which all the old fathers doe allow.' ^ What the old fathers doe
allow/ quoth Testwood, ' I cannot tell ; but Christ doth appoint us to
goe to his Father, and to aske our petitions of him in Christs name.'

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MAETYRS. 537

' Then you will have no meane betweene you and God/ quoth Doctor
London. ' Yes sir/ quoth Testwood, ^ our meane is Christ, as saint
Paul sayth, There is one mediator betweene God and man_, even Jesus
Christ/ ' Give us water/ quoth Doctour London. Which being set on
the boord, he sayd Grace and washed, and so falling into other com-
munication with the strangers, the Clerkes tooke their leave and de-
parted.

" When Doctor London had beene in Windsore awhile among his
Catholike brethren, and learned what Testwood was, and also of Simons
(who shewed him our Ladies nose, as he called it) what a sort of
heretikes were in the town and about the same, and how they increased
daily by reason of a naughtie priest called Anth. Person, he was so
maliciously bent against them, y* he gave himself wholly to the divell
to do mischiefe. And to bring his wicked purpose about, hee conspired
with the foresayd Simons, a meet Gierke to serve such a Curat, and
other of like sort, how they might compasse the matter, first to have
all the arch heretikes as thej^ termed them, in Windsore and thereabout,
indicted of heresie, and so to proceed further. They had a good ground
to work upon, as they thought, which was the six articles, whereupon
they began to build and practise thus. First they drew out certain
notes of Anthony Persons sermons, which he had preached against the
sacrament of the Altar and their popish Masse. That done, they put
in Sir William Hobby with the good Lady his wife, Sir Thomas Cardine,
Master Edmund Harman, M. Th. Weldon, with Snowball and his wife,
as chiefe aiders, helpers, and maintainors of Anth. Person. Also they
noted D. Hains, deane of Exceter, and a prebendarie of Windsore, to be
a common receiver of all suspected persons. They wrote also the
names of all such as commonly haunted Anth. Persons sermons, and
of al such as had the testament, and favoured the Gospell, or did but
smell thereof.

'' Then had they privy spies to walke up and downe the church,
to hearken and heare what men said, and to marke who did not reverence
the sacrament at the elevation time, and to bring his name to doctor
London. And of these spies some were Chantry Priests; among the
which there was one notable spie, whose name was called sir William
Bowes, such a fleering priest as would bee in every corner of the church
pattering to himselve, with his portuise in his hand, to heare and to
note the gesture of men towards the sacrament. Thus when they had
gathered as much as they could, and made a perfect book thereof,
doctor London, with two of his catholike brethren moe, gave them up
to the B. of Winchester, Ste. Gardiner, with a great complaint against
the heretikes that were in Windsore, declaring unto him how the
towne was sore disquieted through their doctrine and evill example.

538 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XIX.

Wherefore they besought his Lordships helpe^ in purging the town and
castle of such wicked persons. The bishop hearing their complaint^
and seeing their booke^ praised their doings^ and bad them make
friends and goe forward^ and they should not lacke his helpe. Then
they applied the matter with tooth and naile, sparing for no money
nor paines taking,, as Marbecke saith that hee himselfe heard one of
them say^ who was a great doer therein, and afterward sorie for that
he had done, that the sute thereof cost him that yeare, for his part
onely an hundred marks, beside the death of three good Geldings.

'' Now Bishop Gardiner, which had conceived a further fetch in his
braine then doctor London had, made Wrisley and other of the Counsell
on his side, and sp3dng a time convenient went to the king, com-
plaining what a sort of heretiks his grace had in his realme, and how
they were not onely crept into every corner of his Court, but even
into his privy chamber, beseeching therefore his majesty that his lawes
might bee prosecuted : the king, giving credit to the counsells words,
was content his laws should be executed on such as were offenders.
Then had the Bishop that hee desired, and forthwith procured a com-
mission for a privy search to bee had in Windsore for books and letters
that Anth. Person should send abroad, which commission the king
granted to take place in the town of Windsor, but not in the Castle.'^

" Master Ward and Fachel, of Reading,^^ were appointed commis-
sioners, and ^^ came to Windsore the Thursday before Palme Sunday,
in the yeare of our Lord 1543, and began their search about xi of the
clocke at night. In the which search were apprehended Robert Benet,
Henry Filmer, John Marbecke and Robert Testwood, for certain books
and writings found in their houses against the sixe Articles, and kept
in warde till Munday after, and then fetcht up to the Counsell, all save
Testwood, with whom the Baylifes of the town were charged, because
hee lay sore diseased of the gout. The other three, beeing examined
before the Counsell, were committed to prison, Filmer and Benet to the
bishop of Londons Gaole, and Marbecke to the Marshalsie.'^ ^

Marbeck underwent ^nq several examinations: the first before the
Council ; the second before the Bishop of Winchester's (Gardiner)
gentleman in the Marshalsea; the third before the bishop himself,
in his house at St. Mary Overy's ; the fourth before the commis-
sioners, in the Bishop of London's house; and the fifth before

^ Sir Philip Hobby (called by Foxe Sir William Hobby) and Dr. Heyues, Dean of
Exeter, were apprehended about the same time and sent to the Fleet ; " but it was not
very long after, ere that, by the mediation of friends, they were both delivered."

TO AD. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 539

" Dr. Oking, and Master Knight, secretary to the Bishop of
Winchester, in St. Mary Overy's Church. ^^

The principal subject-matter of the examinations was " a great
work in English,'' begun by Marbeck, called ' The Concordance of
the Bible,' " which book, being not half finished, was among his
other books taken in the search, and had up to the Counsell."

Marbeck's wife, leaving a child three months old, travelled up
from Windsor to London, to ascertain what had become of her
husband, and traced him to the Marshalsea prison, where he was
kept in irons. Being at first refused admission, she made inter-
cession with Bishop Gardiner, and at length succeeded in not only
obtaining an interview with her husband, but " was suffered to
come and go at her pleasure."

" In like manner the wife of Filmer, knowing her husband's trouble
to be onely procured of maHce by Simons, his old enemie, made great
sute and labour unto the bishops which were commissioners, desiring
no more of them, but that it would please their goodnesse to examine
her husband before them, and to heare him make his purgation. This
was her onely request to every of the bishops from day to day, where-
soever she could find them. Insomuch that two of the bishops (Ely
and Hereford) were very sorie (considering the importune and reason-
able sute of the woman) that it lay not in them to helpe her. Thus
travelling long up and downe from one to another to have her husband
examined, it was her chance at the last to finde the bishops all three
together in the bishop of Ely his place : unto whom shee said, '^O good
my Lords, for the love of God, let now my poore husband bee brought
forth before you, while you be here all together. For truly my Lords,
there can nothing be justly laid against him, but that of malicious
envie and spite Simons hath wrought him this trouble. And you my
Lord of Salisburie,' quoth the poore woman, ' can testifie (if it will
please your Lordship to say the truth) what malice Simons bare to my
husband when they were both before you at Salisburie (little more than
a yeere ago) for the Vicar of Windsor's matter. For as your Lordship
knowetli, when my husband had certified you of the Priests sermon,
which you said was plaine heresie, then came Simons (after the priest
him selfe had confessed it) and would have defended the Priests error
before your Lordship, and have had my husband punished. At what
time it pleased your Lordship to commend and praise my husband for
his honestie, and to rebuke Simons for maintaining the Priest in his
error, and thereupon commanded the priest to recant his heresie, at his

540 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XIX.

comming home to Windsore. This (my Lord) you know to be true.
And now my Lord/ quoth the woman^ ' it is most certaine, that for this
cause onely did Simons evermore afterward threaten my husband to be
even with him. Therefore good my Lords, call my husband before you,
and heare him speake ; and if you finde any other matter against him
than this that I have told you, let me suffer death/ ^ Is this so my
Lord ? ^ quoth the Bishops of Ely, and Hereford ; and the other could
not deny it. Then they spake Latine to the Bishop of Salisbury, and
he to them, and so departed. For the matter was so wrought betweene
doctor London and Simons, that Filmer could never be suffered to
come before the Commissioners to be examined.^^

The historian then proceeds to narrate " the manner of their
condemnations, and how they died."

"When the time drew nigh that the kings Majestic (who was
newly married to that good and vertuous lady Katharine Parre) should
make his progresse abroad, the foresaid Stephen Gardener Bishop of
Winchester had so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a
swinge about the king as he did. Wherewith the Gospellers were so
quailed, that the best of them all looked everie houre to be clapt in the
necke. For the saying went abroad, that the Bishop had bent his bow
to shoot at some of the head Deere. But in the mean time three or
foure of the poore rascals were caught, that is to say, Anthonie Person,
Henrie Filmer, and John Marbecke, and sent to Windsor by the Sherifes
men, the Saturday before Saint James day, and laid fast in the townes
Gaole ; and Testwood (who had kept his bed) brought out of his house
upon crutches, and layd with them. But as for Benet (which should
have beene the fifth man) his chance was to be sicke of the pestilence,
and having a great sore upon him, he was left behinde in the Bishop
of Londons Gaole, whereby he escaped the fire.

" Now these men being brought to Windsore, there was a sessions
specially procured to be holden the Thurseday following, which was
Saint Annes day. Against the which sessions (by the counsell of Doctor
London and Symons) were all the farmers belonging to the Colledge of
Windsor, warned to appeare, because they could not picke out Papists
enow in the towne to go upon the Jurie. The Judges that day were
these : Doctor Capon, Bishop of Salisburie. Sir Wilham Essex Knight.
Sir Thomas Bridges, Knight. Sir Humfrey Foster, Knight. M.
Franklin, Dean of Windsor. And Fachel, of Reading.

" When these had taken their places and the prisoners brought forth
before them, then Robert Ockham, occupying for that day the Clerke

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 541

of the Peace his roome, called Anthonie Person, according to the
manner of the Court, and read his Indictment, which was this :

'^ First, That he should preach two yeares before in a place called
Wingfield, and there should say. That like as Christ was hanged betweene
two Theeves, even so when the Priest is at Masse, and hath consecrated
and lifted him up over his head, there he hangeth betweene two theeves,
except hee preach theWord of God truly, as he hath taken upon him to do.

^^ Also that he said to the people in the Pulpit, Yee shall not eate
the body of Christ, as it did hang upon the Crosse, knawing it with
your teeth, that the bloud runne about your lips ; but you shall eat
him this day as yee eate him to morrow, the next day, and everie day ;
for it refresheth not the body but the soule.

^^Also, after hee had preached and commended the Scripture, calling
it the Word of God, he sayd as followeth. This is the word, this is the
bread, this is the body of Christ.

" Also he said. That Christ sitting with his Disciples, tooke bread,
and blessed, and brake it, and gave it to his Disciples, saying ' Take
and eate, this is my body.^ What is this to us, but to take the Scrip-
ture of God, and to breake it to the people ?

"To this, Anthonie answered and said, 'I will be tried by God and
his holy Word, and by the true Church of Christ, whether this be heresie
or no, whereof yee have indicted me this day. So long as I preached
the Bishop of Home and his filthie traditions, I was never troubled;
but since I have taken upon me to preach Christ and his Gospell, yee
have alwaies sought my life. But it maketh no matter, for when you
have taken your pleasure of my body, I trust it shall not lie in your
powers to hurt my soule.^ ' Thou callest us theeves,^ quoth the Bishop.
^ I say,' quoth Anthonie, ' yee are not onely theeves, but murtherers,
except yee preach and teach the Word of God purely and sincerely to
the People, which yee do not, nor ever did, but have allured them to
all idolatry, superstition, and hypocrisie, for your owne lucre and glories
sake, through the which yee are become rather Bitesheepes, than true
Bishops, biting and devouring the poore sheepe of Christ, like ravening
wolves, never satisfied with blood ; which God will require at your hands
one day, doubt it not.' Then spake Symons his accuser, standing within
the barre, saying ; '^It is pittie this fellow had not beene burnt long ago,
as he deserved.' ' In faith,' quoth Anthonie, ' if you had as you de-
served, you were more worthy to stand in this place than I: but I
trust, in the last day when we shall both appeare before the tribunall
seate of Christ, that then it will be knowne which of us two hath best
deserved this place.' ' Shall I have so long a day?' quoth Simons,
holding up his finger. ' Nay then I care not ;' and so the matter was
jested out.

542 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

"Then was Testwood called and his indictment read^ which was
that he should say in the time that the priest was lifting up the sacra-
ment ; ' What wilt thou lift up so high ? what yet higher ? take heed,
let him not fall/

" To this, Testwood answered, saying it was but a thing maliciously
forged of his enemies to bring him to his death. * Yes^ (quoth the
bishop) ' thou hast beene scene, that when the priest should lift up the
sacrament over his head, then wouldest thou looke downe upon thy
booke or some other way, because thou wouldest not abide to looke
upon the blessed Sacrament/ ^I beseech you my Lord,' quoth Testwood,
' whereon did he looke that marked me so well V ^ Mary,' quoth
Bucklayer the kings atturney, ^ hee could not bee better occupied, than
to marke such heretikes that so despised the blessed sacrament/

" Then Filmer was called and his Inditement read ; that he should
say that ' the sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a similitude
and a ceremonie ;' and also, Mf God be in the sacrament of the Altar,
I have eaten twenty Gods in my daies/

" Heere you must understand, that these words were gathered of
certaine communication which should be betweene Filmer, and his
brother. The tale went thus.

" This Henry Filmer comming upon a Sunday from Clewer his parish
Church, in the company of one or two of his neighbours, chanced in
the way to meet his brother (which was a very poore labouring man)
and asked him whither he went. ' To the church,' said he. ' And
what to do?' quoth Filmer. ^ To do,' quoth he, 'as other men do.'
* Nay,' quoth Filmer, * you go to lieare Masse, and to see your God.'
' What if I do so,' quoth he. ' If that bee God (should Filmer say)
I have eaten twenty gods in my daies. Turne againe, foole, and goe
home with me, and I will reade thee a chapter out of the Bible, that
shall be better than all that thou shalt see or heare there.'

" This tale was no sooner brought to doctor London (by William
Symons, Filmers utter enemy) but he sent for the poore man home to
his house, where he cherished him with meate and mony, telling him
he should never lacke so long as he lived ; that the silly poore man,
thinking to have had a daily friend of Doctor London, was content to
doe and sny whatsoever hee and Symons would have him say or doe
against his owne brother. And when Doctor London had thus wonne
the poore man, he retained him as one of his houshold men, untill the
Court day was come, and then sent him up to witnesse this foresaid
tale against his brother. Which tale Filmer denied utterly, saying,
That Doctor London, for a little meate and drinke sake, had set him
on and made him say what his pleasure was ; ' wherefore my Lord
(quoth Filmer to the bishop) I beseech your Lordship waie the matter

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOE MARTYRS. 543

indifferently, forasmuch as there is no man in all this towne, that can
or will testifie with him, that ever he heard any such talke betweene
him and me ; and if hee can bring forth any that will witnesse the
same with him, I refuse not to die/ But say what he could it would
not prevaile.

"Then Filmer seeing no remedie bat that his brothers accusement
should take his place, he said, ' Ah brother, what cause hast thou to
shew me this unkindnesse? I have alwaies been a naturall brother
unto thee and thine, and helped you all, to my power, from time to
time as thou thy selfe knowest ; and is this a brotherly part, thus to
reward me now for my kindnesse? God forgive it thee my brother,
and give thee grace to repent/ Then Filmer looked over his shoulder,
desired some good body to let him see the booke of Statutes. His
wife beeing at the end of the hall, and hearing her husband call for
the booke of statutes, ran downe to the keeper, and brought up the
booke, and gate it conveied to her husband.

" The Bishop, seeing the booke in his hand, start him up from the
bench in a great fume, demanding who had given the prisoner that
booke, commanded it to be taken from him, and to make search who
had brought it, swearing by the faith of his body, he should goe to
prison. Some said it was his wife, some said the keeper ; ' Like enough
(my Lord)^ quoth Simons, 'for he is one of the same sort, and as
worthy to be here as the best, if he were rightly served.^ But who-
soever it was the truth would not bee known, and so the bishop sate
him downe againe.

" Then said Filmer, ' O my Lord, I am this day judged by a law,
and why should I not see the law that I am judged by? The law is,
I should have two lawfull witnesses, and here is but one, which would
not doe as hee doth, but that he is forced thereunto by the suggestion
of mine enemies.^ Nay, quoth Buckler the kings atturney, thine
heresie is so hainous, and abhoreth thine owne brother so much, that
it forceth him to witnesse against thee, which is more than two other
witnesses.

" Thus (as you see) was Filmer brought unjustly to his death by the
malice of Simons and Doctor London, who had incited that wretched
cattife his brother, to be their minister to worke his confusion. But
God, which is a just revenger of all falsehood and wrongs, would not
suffer that wretch long to live upon earth, but the next yeare following,
he being taken up for a labourer to goe to Bulleine, had not been there
three daies, ere that a Gunne toke him and tore him all to pieces.
And so were these words of Saloman fulfilled; ' A false witness shall
not remaine unpunished.^

" Then was Marbecke called, and his inditement read, which was

544 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

that he should say ; that the holy masse, when the Priest doth conse-
crate the body of our Lord, is polluted, deformed, sinfull and open
robberie of the glory of God, from the which a Christian heart ought
both to abhor, and flee. And the elevation of the sacrament is the
similitude of the setting up of images of the Calves in the Temple
builded by Jeroboam ; and that it is more abomination than the sacri-
fices done by the Jewes in Jeroboams temple to those Calves. And
that certaine and sure it is that Christ himselfe is made in the Masse
mans laughing stocke.

'^ To this he answered and said, That these words whereof they had
indicted him were not his, but the words of a learned man called John
Calvine, and drawne out of a certain Epistle which the said Calvine
had made, which Epistle he had but only written out, and that long
before the six Articles came forth ; so that now he was discharged of
that offence by the kings generall pardon, desiring that he might enjoy
the benefit thereof.

" Then was the Jury called, which were all Farmers belonging to
the Colledge of Windsor, wherof few or none had ever scene those men
before, upon whose life and death they went. Wherefore the prisoners
(counting the farmers as partiall) desired to have the townesmen, or
such as did know them, and had scene their daily conversations, in the
place of the Farmers, or else to be equally joyned with them : but that
would not be, for the matter was otherwise foreseene and determined.

" Now when the Jurie had taken their Oath and all, Buclayer the
kings Atturney began to speak ; and first he alledged many reasons
against Anthonie Person, to prove him an heretique. Which when
Anthonie would have disproved, the Bishop sayd ; Let him alone sir,
he speaketh for the king : and so went Bucklayer forth with his matter^
making everie mans cause as heinous to the hearers as he could devise.
And when he had done, and sayd what he would, then Sir Humfrey
Foster spake to the Quest in the favor of Marbeck on this Avise ;
' Masters' quoth he, ' you see there is no man here that accuseth or
layeth any thing to the charge of this poore man Marbeck, saving he
hath written certain things of other mens sayings, with his owne hand,
whereof he is discharged by the kings generall Pardon ; therefore yee
ought to have a conscience therein/ Then start up Fachel at the
lower end of the bench, and saidj ' What can we tell whether they were
written before the pardon or after ? They may as well be written since
as afore, for anything that wee know.^ These words of Fachel (as
everie man said) were the cause of Marbeckes casting that day.

'^ Then went the Jurie up to the Chamber over the place where the
Judges *ate, and in the meane time went all the Knights and Gentle-
men abroad, saving the Bishop, Sir William Essex, and Fachel, which

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOR MARTYRS. 545

three sate still upon the Bench till all was done. And when the Jury
had beene together above in the chamber about the space of a quarter
of an houre, up goeth Symons (of his owne braine) unto them, and
tarried there a pretty while ; and came downe againe. After that
came one of the Jurie downe to the Bishop, and talked with him and
the other twaine a good while : Whereby many conjectured that the
Jury could not agree of Marbecke. But whether it was so or no, it
was not long after his going up againe, ere that they came downe to
give their verdict ; and being required according to the forme of the
law to say their mindes, one called Hide dwelling beside Abington in
a Lordship belonging to the Colledge of Windsor, speaking as the
mouth of the rest, said they were all guiltie.

'' Then the Judges beholding the prisoners a good while (some with
waterie eyes) made courtesie who should give judgment. Fachel re-
quiring the Bishop to do it, he said he might not. The other also
being required, said they would not. Then said Fachel, It must be
done, one must do it, and if no man will, then will I. And so Fachel,
being lowest of all the bench, gave judgement. Then Marbeck, beeing
the last upon whom sentence was given, cried to the Bishop, saying,
' Ah my Lord, you told mee otherwise when I was before you and the
other two Bishops. You said then, that I was in better case than any
of my fellowes ; and is your saying come to this? Ah my Lord, you
have deceived mee.^ Then the Bishop, casting up his hand, said hee
could not do withall.

'' Now the prisoners being condemned and had away, prepared
themselves to die on the morrow, comforting one another in the death
and passion of their master Christ, who had led the way before them,
trusting that the same Lord, which had made them worthy to suffer so
far for his sake, would not now withdraw his strength from them, but
give them stedfast faith and power to overcome those fiery torments
and of his free mercy and goodnesse (without their deserts) for his
promise sake, receive their soules. Thus lay they all the night long
till very dead sleepe tooke them, calling to God for his ayd and
strength, and praying for their persecutors which of blind zeale and
ignorance had done they wist not what, that God of his mercifull good-
nesse would forgive them, and turne their hearts to the love and know-
ledge of his blessid and holy word : yea such heavenly talke was
amongst them that night, that the hearers watching the prison without,
wherof the sherife himselfe was one, with divers Gentlemen moe, were
constrained to shed out plentie of tears as they themselves confessed.

'' On the next morrow, which was Friday, as the prisoners were all
preparing themselves to goe to suffer, word was brought them that they
should not die that day. The cause was this, the Bishop of Sarum,

546 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapter XIX.

and they among them had sent a Letter by one of the Sherifes Gentle-
men, called Master Frost, to the bishop of Winchester (the Court being
then at Oking) in the favour of Marbecke. At the sight of which letter
the bishop straightway went to the king and obtained his pardon.

" Which being granted, he caused a warrant to be made out of
hand for the sherifes discharge, delivering the same to the messenger,
who with speed returned with great joy (for the love he bare to the
partie) bringing good newes to the towne, of Marbeckes pardon ;
whereat many rejoyced/'

" The Saturday in the morning that the prisoners should goe to
execution, came into the prison two of the Canons of the Colledge, the
one called Doctor Blithe,^ and the other Master Arch, which two were
sent to be their confessors : Master Arch asked them if they would be
confest, and they sayd, yea. Then he demanded if they would receive
the sacrament. Yea, sayd they, with all our hearts. I am glad, quoth
Arch, to heare you say so, but the Law is, quoth hee, that it may not
bee ministred to any that are condemned of heresie. But it is enough
for you that ye doe desire it. And so he had them up to the Hall to
heare their confessions, because the prison was full of people. Doctor
Blith took Anthonie Person to him to confesse, and Master Arch the
other two. But howsoever the matter went betweene the Doctour and
Anthonie, he tarried not long with him, but came downe again, saying.
He would no more of his doctrine. ^ Do you call him doctor Blith,^
quoth Anthony ? * Hee may bee called doctor Blind for his learning,
as farre as I see.^ And soone after the other two came downe also.
Then Anthonie, seeing much people in the prison, began to say the
Lords prayer, whereof he made a marvellous godly declaration, wherein
he continued till the officers came to fetch them away, and so made an
end. And taking their leave of Marbecke (their prison fellow) they
praysed God for his deliverance, wishing to him the increase of godli-
nesse and vertue, and last of all besought him heartily to helpe them
with his prayer unto God, to make them strong in their afflictions, and
so kissing him one after another, they departed.

" Now as the prisoners passed through the people in the streets,
they desired all the faithfuU people to pray for them, and to stand fast
in the truth of the gospell, and not to be moved at their afflictions, for
it was the happiest thing that ever came to them ; And ever as doct.
Blith and Arch (who rode on each side the prisoners) would persuade

' James Blytli, installed Canon of Windsor in the place of Christopher Plummer,
deprived by attainder for refusing the Oath of Succession, 25th of August, 1536, and had
other dignities ; and dying in 1540, he was buried in St. George's Chapel. (Wood's
' Fasti Oxoniensis,' ed. Bliss.)

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOll MARTYRS. 54r

them to turne to tlieir mother holy church ; ^ away' would Anthony
cry, ' away with your Romish doctrine and all your trumpery, for we
will no more of it/ When Filmer was come to his brothers dore, he
stayed and called for his brother, but he could not be seen, for D.
London had kept him out of sight ye same day for the nonce.

" And when hee had called for him three or foure times, and saw
hee came not, hee sayd, ^ And will he not come ? Then God forgive
him and make him a good man/ And so going forth they came to
the place of execution, where Anthouie Person with a cheerefull coun-
tenance embraced the poste in his armes, and kissing it, sayde, * Now
welcome mine owne sweet wife; for this day shall thou and I be
maried together in the love and peace of God/

^^And beeing all three bound to the post, a certaine young man of
Filmers acquaintance brought him a pot of drinke, asking if he would
drink. ' Yea,^ quoth Filmer, ' I thanke you.' And now my brother,
quoth he, I shal desire you in the name of the living Lord to stand
fast in the truth of the Gospell of Jesus Christ, which you have re-
ceived j and so taking the pot at his hand asked his brother Anthonie,
if he would drinke. Yea brother Filmer, quoth he, I pledge you in
the Lord.

'^ And when he had drunk, he gave the pot to Anthony, and
Anthony likewise gave it to Testwood. Of which drinking their adver-
saries made a jesting stocke, reporting abroad that they were all drunke,
and wist not what they said ; whereas they were none otherwise drunke
than as the Apostles were, when the people said they were full of new
wine, as their deeds declared ; for when Anthonie and Testwood had
both drunken, and given the pot from them, Filmer, rejoycing in the
Lord, said, ^ Be merry, my brethren, and lift up your hearts unto God,
for after this sharpe breakfast, I trust we shall have a good dinner in
the kingdome of Christ our Lord and redeemer.' At the which words
Testwood, lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven, desired the Lord
above to receive his spirit. And Anthonie Person, pulling the straw
unto him, layd a good deale thereof upon the top of his head, saying,
' This is God's hat ; now am I dressed like a true souldier of Christ, by
whose merits only, I trust this day to enter into his joy.' And so
yeelded they up their soules to the Father of Heaven, in the faith of
his deare son Jesus Christ, with such humilitie and stedfastnes, that
many which saw their patient suffering, confessed that they could have
found in their hearts (at that present) to have died with them." ^

^ Some of the editions of Poxe contain curious woodcuts of the execution and other
incidents connected with the trial of the Windsor martyrs. In Jackson and Chatto's
'Treatise on Wood-Engraving,' 1839, it is said, speaking of Foxe's 'Martyrs' — "This

548 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

The notorious " Vicar of Bray" was, it appears, present at this
shocking spectacle. Fuller, speaking of Bray, says : " The vivacious
vicar hereof, living under King Henry the Eighth, King Edward
the Sixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, was first a Papist,
then a Protestant, then a Papist, then a Protestant again. He had
seen some martyrs burnt (two miles off) at Windsor, and found
this fire too hot for his tender temper. This vicar being taxed by
one for being a turncoat and an inconstant changeling — ' Not so/
said he, ' for I always kept my principle, which is this, to live and
die the Vicar of Bray.' Such many now-a-days, who though they
cannot turn the wind will turn their mills, and set them so, that
wheresoever it blovveth their grist shall certainly be grinded." ^

With respect to Marbeck's pardon, various conjectures were
made.

" Some Sfiyd it was by the sute of the good sherife sir William
Barrington, and sir Humfrey Foster, with other gentlemen more that
favoured Marbecke, to the bishop of Sarum, and the other commis-
sioners, that the letter was sent. Some sayd againe that it came of the
bishop of Sarum and Fachels first motion, being pricked in conscience
for that they had so slenderly cast him away. Other thought again
that it was a policy purposed afore, by the Bishop of Winchester, of
Sarum, and of Doctour London, because they should seeme to be
mercifull. Which conjecture rose upon this occasion. There was one
Sadock dwelling in the town which was great with Doctor London
and Simons ; and hee should say foure dayes before tlie sessions began,
that the prisoners should be all cast and condemned, but Marbecke
should have his pardon."

Other persons thought that the pardon was granted to Marbeck
in the hope that he would be thereby induced to implicate other
suspected parties.

Marbeck continued in the choir of St. George's Chapel, and in

work contains a considerable number of woodcuts, all undoubtedly designed and engraved
ill England. Two of the best are Henry tlie Eiglitli, attended by his council, giving his
sanction to the publication of the Bible in English, with tlie mark IE, and a view of
Windsor Castle, with the mark M. D. Both these cuts are in the second volume of the
edition of 1576."

» 'Worthies,' vol." i, p. 113, edit. 184.0.

TO A.D. 1547] THE WINDSOR MAliTYRS. 549

1550 he published his ' Concordance of the Bible/ ^ and a musical
work, entitled ' The Book of Common Prayer noted/ In the course
of a long dedication of the ' Concordance' to Edward the Sixth, he
describes himself as " destitute bothe of learnyng and eloquence,
yea, and suche a one as in maner never tasted the swetnes of
learned Letters, but altogether brought up in your highnes College
at Wyndsore in the study of musike and plaiyng on organs, wherin
I consumed vainly the greatest part of my life/' ^

About the same time he applied at Oxford for the degree of
Bachelor of Music, but whether he was admitted does not appear/

He subsequently published several other religious works, and
supplied Fox with the materials for the history of the preceding
transactions at Windsor.

^ * A Concordance, that is to saie a worke wherein by the ordre of the Letters of the
A. B. C. ye maie redely finde any worde conteigned in the whole Bible so often as it is
there expressed or meucioned. Anno MDL.' (Folio, printed by Grafton.)

^ In describing how the idea of the work originated in his seeing a Latin Concordance,
he says — "Beyng desirous for the profitte of many, to have the same in Englishe, I began
to practise diuerse and sundery waies, blottyng a greate nombre of queres of paper, before
I could bryng it into ordre, howbeit, trustyng that the beginnyng was the hardest, as
after it proved, I continued my labours, and wrote the whole worke in sentences, so that
not onely the reader might finde any woorde that he desired, but also the whole sentence
that it was written in, whiche made a greate and a houge volume : And as I had almoste
finished the same, my chaunce among others was, at Windsore to bee taken in the
labirinth and troublesome net of a lawe, called the Statute of vj articles, where, by the
meanes of good woorkers for my dispatche, I was quickly condempned, and Judged to
death, for the copiyng out of a worke, made by the greate clerke Master John Calvin,
written against the same sixe articles, and this my concordaunce was not one of the least
matters, that then thei alleged, to aggravate the cause of my trouble : but the same tyme
was my greate worke, emong other, taken from me and utterly lost, whiche (beside my
labor) I had spent no small tyme in. But the livyng lorde, who brought Daniell out of
the lake of Lions, and sent the Prophete Abacuck to beare hym foode, moved the harte
of the noble and famous prince, your highnes father, to graunte me his moste gracious
pardon, whiche I enjoyed and was set at libertie. After, havyng suche an earnest desire
for the furtheraunce of this good woorke, that 1 was never in quiet, till the same were
doen, I began again therewith," &c.

^ See Wood's 'Fasti Oxoniensis,' sub anno 1550. The following order appears
among the ''Injunctions newly given by the kinges ma*^ Commissioners," dated the
26th of October, 4 Edw. VI (a.d. 1550), "for reformation of certayn abuses:" —
"And whereas we understand that John Merbeck and George Thaxton, hath of your
graunt, flfees appointed them severally for playing upon Organs. We take ordre that the
sayd John and George shall enjoy their severall offices during their Lyves, if they continue
in that Colledge, in as large and ample maner as if organ plaing had still continued in
the Churche." (Ash. MS., No. 1123, f. 38 5—41 b.)

550 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

His son, Roger Marbeck or Merbeck, was educated in the study
of physic, and became a canon of Christ Church, provost of Oriel,
and the chief physician of Queen Ehzabeth, and died in London
in 1605.^

Robert Bennet, who was left in the Bishop of London's prison,
as already mentioned, subsequently obtained his liberation in the
following manner :

" This Bennet and Symons (ye shall understand) were the greatest
familiars and companie keepers that were in all Windsor, and never
lightly swerved the one from the other, saving in matters of religion,
wherein they could never agree. For Bennet, the one lawyer, was an
earnest gospeller, and Simons, the other lawyer, a cankered papist ; but
in all other worldly matters they cleaved together like burres.

" This Bennet had spoken certain words against their little round
God, for the which he was as farre in as the best, and had suflPered
death with the other if he had gone to Windsor when they went. And
now that the matter was all done and finished, it was determined by
the bishop of Salisburie, that Robert Ockham, on the Monday after the
men were burnt, should go to the bishop of Winchester, with the whole
processe done at the sessions the Thursday before.

" Then Symons, at Bennetts wife^s request, procured the bishop of
Salisburie his favourable letter to the Bishop of Winchester, for Bennetts
deliverance, which letter Bennetts wife (forsomuch as her owne man
was not at home which should have gone with the letter) desired Robert
Ockham to deliver to the bishop and to bring her word againe; who
said he would."

One of Queen Catharine Parr's men, however, named Rulk,
who was at Windsor during the whole transaction, finding out that
a number of persons were privily indicted, got away to the court
at Guildford before Ockham, and disclosed the scheme to Sir Thomas
Carden. The result was, that Ockham was himself arrested, and
Bennet's man, who was sent after Ockham, returned to Windsor
with a discharge for his master, " procured by certain of the privy
chamber." Upon Ockham^s despatches being searched, it was
found that certain members of the privy chamber, and other officers
of the king, and their wives, were indicted by force of the Six
Articles as aiders and maintainers of Anthony Peerson : viz., " Sir

^ Wood's 'Fasti Oxoniensis,' sub anno 1574.

TO A.D. 1547.] THE WINDSOE MARTYES. 551

Thomas Cardine, Sir Philip Hobby, with both their ladies, Master
Edmund Harman, Master Thomas Weldon, with Snowball and his
wife." The king pardoned them all, as well as a number of others
indicted for heresy.

"And as God would have the matter further knowne unto his
majestie, as he rode one day a hunting in Gilford parke, and saw the
Sherife with Syr Humfrey Foster sitting on their horsebackes together,
he called them unto him, and asked of them, how his laws were executed
at Windsor : Then they beseeching his grace of pardon, told him
plainely that in all their lives they never sat on matter under his graces
authoritie, that went so much against their consciences, as the death of
these men did, and up and told his grace so pitiful! a tale of the casting
away of these poore men, that the king turning his horse head to depart
from them, sayd, 'Alas poore Innocents/

^' After this the king withdrew his favor from the bishop of
Winchester, and beeing more and more informed of the conspiracie of
Doctor London and Simons, he commanded certaine of his Counsell
to search out the ground thereof.

" Whereupon doctor London and Simons were apprehended and
brought before the Counsell, and examined upon their oath of allegiance.
And for denying their mischievous and traiterous purpose, which was
manifestly proved to their faces, they were both perjured, and in fine
adjudged, as perjured persons, to weare papers in Windsor ; and Ockham
to stand upon the pillerie in the town of Newberie where he was borne.

" The Judgment of all these three was to ride about Windsore,
Reading, and Newbery, with papers on their heads, and their faces
turned to the horse tailes, and so to stand upon the pillerie in every of
these townes, for false accusation of the fore named Martyrs, and for
Perjury. ^^ ^

It is remarkable that there is no entry in the corporation accounts
of the period connected with the shocking execution above described.
Foxe's narrative, however, receives some confirmation from these
accounts, in the identity of the names occurring in them with those
inhabitants of Windsor mentioned by Foxe.

William Symonds or Simons, and Robert Bennet, were un-
doubtedly lawyers of Windsor, and we find repeated mention of
the names of Sadock, Snowball, and Ockham, as inhabitants of the
town.

1 Foxe.

552 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteii XIX.

Andrew Symonds, probably a kinsman of the lawyer, has been
already mentioned as a brewer in the town. In a speech made at
the Guildhall on the 4th of May, in the twenty-eighth year of this
reign, he is called '' Andrew Symonds, otherwise Bereman, one of
the clieyff and head Burgesses of the Towne of Wyndesor." ^

The only items of note, however, in the corporation accounts for
the year 34 and 35 Hen. VIII are :

" Itm. payd and delyv'd to John Pury to paye Master

Warde for Wyndesor Underhower . YJ.li. xiij.5. iuj.d."

*' It. the Costs of the Sw'nys was this yer iij.5. and for
that was soldo a swane for iij.5. by John Tylle^^

^' Recay v^d of this yer Master Benet for iij quarters rent

of the Bryge and to hym also for the My lie iiij./i. vj.s-. viij.c?.^^

" It. delyV-d to Richard Gaily s the kyngs collector for

the fyrst yer payment of ye subsyde . . xlij.^.'^

35 and 36 Hen. VIII :

" It. delyv ed to ye seyd Meyr in elle grotts (?) . xj.5.

the weche was solde to John Keyne for . . viij.5."

" It. payd to Thomas Stacy for xxx lodys of Tymber

provydyd for the bryge . . . vj./i. xv.^.

It. payd to Jemes prynce and Thomas Stacy for tylls

for ye gylde awle . . . . x.s.

It. the chargys downe one the gylde awle this yer as

in ye carpenter tyllyng and dawbyng . \].li. xix.5. viij.t/."

36 and 37 Hen. VIII :' -

" It. payd to Mr. Warde for Wyndesor Underhower the
V of Octobre before thys accompte in full pay-
ment of Ixvj./i. xiij.5. iiij.o?. of all hys lands
and tents there . . . yj.li, xiij.-s. iiij.c?."

"Wherof Mr. Mayre payde to Xrofer Custe the xxix*^'
day of January for iiij kylderkyns of here and
the vessells sent fur the to Portsmouth . viij..^. iiij.c^.

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1115, f. 40^.

2 With reference to a payment in this year's accounts of 3^. 4d. " to James
Prince and Tho: Stacy being chamberers for their fee," Ashmole makes the following
remark : — " Eve yre before by the name of Rent Gatherers of the Guildhall, nor doe I
observe any allowance for such officers before 29th Hen. 8, and then it is made to Math:
Gwyne and John Pury, for gather^ Rents and se^ repa~cons done."

TOA.D. ]547.] COEPORATION ACCOUNTS. 553

also payd the seyd day to Mathewe Gwyne for himself ^

and John Tyle for vj dosen of brede vj.5. and
ij.5. for Shearyge (?) reward . . viij.^.

also payd the seyd day to Ryehard Gallys and Andrewe
Alley Baylyffs for the quit rent of the water
dewe at Mychelmas last past . . xxx.5.

Itm payd the last day of ffebruarye to Ry chard Gallys
collecto'^ of the fyrst paym* of the subsydye
granted in a^ xxxvij"^^ R Henr viij"^° . xx.*.

M'^ resevyd of the Trynytie Wardens towards the

rep~acons of the my 11 in Underowre . . iiijii/^

37 and 38 Hen. VIII : ^

" It. payd to Mr. Mayo^' for the charge of the buck

eatyng and for the foteman's rewarde . xxxv.5. vj.^."

The " account of George Tudwey, collector of the rents in
Underower/^ is added, and the following items occur in it :

" It. resevyd of George Tudwey for the hole yeres rent

there .... vij./i. xv.^. vj.^.

It. payd therof to the Kyngs Mat^^ for the hole yeres

rent . . . . \].li. xix.5. xj.c?.^'

" It. Mr. Mayre payd to Thomas Bunby S my the owt
of the same money for the yron worke of the
myll thys yere .... v.*.^'

By his will, dated B 0th November, 1546, Henry gave directions
respecting his burial, and also for the endowment of St. George's
College.

The following is the part of the will relating to these directions,
together with the introductory matter, or preamble, which goes far
to show that Henry had never earnestly embraced or cared for the
doctrines of the Reformed Church for their own sake, and that his
zeal was, in fact, as is now generally admitted by all who examine
the question, the result of his lust, and merely adopted as a means
for its gratification.

'^ In the name of God, and of the glorious and blessed Virgine our
Lady Saint Marie, and all the holy companie of Heaven. We Henry,

^ This account is styled the " Account of Mathew Gwyn kep'" of the bridge," and
"The Account of Mathew Gwyu and Henry Bartlett, Chamberlains."

554 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

by the grace of God^ King of England, France, and Ireland, defender
of the faith, and on earth immediately under God the supreme head of
the Church of England and Ireland, of that nomme the eighth ; calling
to our remembrance the great gifts and benefits of Almightie God
given unto us in this transytory life, we give unto him our most humble
and lowlie thanks, acknowledging ourselves insuffycyent in euerie parte
to deserve or recompence the same ; but feare that wee have not
worthlie received the same. And considering furthermore with our-
selves that wee be as is all mankind mortal!, and borne in synne, be-
lieving nevertheless and hoping that every Christian creature living
heere in this transytory and wretched world under God, and dying in
stedfast and perfect faith, indeavouring and exercising himself to exe-
cute in his lifetime (if he have leisure) such good deeds and charytable
workes as Scripture commandeth, and as maie be to the honour and
pleasure of God, is ordained by Christ's passion to be saved and to
attaine eternal life, of which number we verilie trust by his grace to be
one : and that euerie creature, the more high he is in estate, honour,
rule, and authoritie in this world, the more he is bound to love, serve,
and thanke God, and the more diligentlie to endeavour himselfe to doe
good and charitable workes, to the laud, honour, and praise of Almightie
God, and the profit of his soule : We also calling to our remembrance
the dignitie, state, honour, rule, and governaunce, that Almightie God
hath promoted us unto in this world, and that neyther wee nor any
other mortall creature knoweth the time, nor place, when nor where it
shall please Almightie God to calle him out of this transitory world,
WilHng therefore and minding, by God's grace, before our passage out
of this world, to dispose, give, ordaine, our last mind [and] will, and
to lament in that sort as we trust shall be acceptable to Almightie God,
our onlie Saviour Jesus Christ, and all the holie companie of Heaven,
and the due satisfaction of God's brethren in earth, now being of
whoUe and perfect minde, adhering wholly to the right faith of Christ
and his doctrine, renouncing and abhorring alsoe our olde and detest-
able life, and being in perfecte mind and will by his grace never to
returne to the same nor such like, and minding by God's grace never
to varie therefrom, as long as any remembrance, breath, or inward
knowledge doth or maie remaine within this mortal bodie, most
humblie and hartelie doe commend and bequeath our soule to Almightie
God, who in persone of the Sonne redemed the same with his most
pretious bodie and blood in time of his passion, and, for our better re-
membrance thereof, hath lefte heere with us in his church militant the
consecration and administration of his pretious bodie and blood, to our
no litle consolation and comforte, if we as thankfullie accept the same
as he lovinglie and undeservedly on our behalf hath ordained it for our

TO A.D. 1547.] THE KING'S WILL. 555

only benefitte and not for his : Also, we doe instantlie desire and
require the blessed Virgine Marie his mother, with all the holy com-
panie of Heaven, continually to pray for us and with us while we live
in this world, and in time of passing out of the same, that we maie
the sooner obtayne eternall life after our departure out of this transi-
tory life, which we doe both hope and claime by Christs passion and
word. And as for my bodie, which when the soule is departed shall
then remaine but as a dead carcase, and soe returne to the vild matter
that it was made of, were it not for the crown and dignitie which God
hath called us unto, and that we would not be an infringer of worldly
policies and customes when they be not contrarie to God^s lawes, we
would be content to have it buryed in any place accustomed for
Christian folks were it never soe vild, for it is but ashes, and to ashes
it shall returne agaiue ; nevertheless, because we would be loath in the
reputation of the people to doe injury to the dignitie which we are un-
worthlie called unto, we are content, and also by these presents, our
Last Will and Testament, doe will and ordaine, that our bodie be
buried and enterred in the quire of our College of Winsor, midway
between the halls and the high altar ; and there to be made and set,
as soon as convenientlie maie be donne after our descease, by our exe-
cutors, at our costs and charges (if it be not donne by us in our life-
time), an honourable tombe for our bones to rest in^ which is well on-
ward and almost made therfore already, with a fair grate about it, in
which we will alsoe the bones of our true and loving wife Queene Jane
be put alsoe, and that there be provided, ordained, made, and sette, at
the costs and charges of us, or by our executors (if it be not donne in
our lifetime), a convenyent aulter, honorablie prepared and aparelled
with all manner of things requisite and necessarie for dailie masses
there to be said perpetually as long as the world shall indure : Alsoe
we will the tombes and aultars of King Henry the Sixth, and alsoe of
King Edward the Fourth, our great unkle and grandfather, be made
more princelie, in the same places where theie now be, at our charges.
And alsoe we will and spetially desire and require that where and when-
soever it shall please God to call us out of this transitory world to his
infynite mercie and grace, be it beyond the seas or in any other place
without the realme of England, or within the same, that our execu-
tors, soe soone as convenientlie theie maie, shall cause all devine service
accustomed for dead folkes to be celebrated for us in the next propper
place where it shall fortune »us to depart out of this transytorie life ;
and over that we will, that whensoever and wheresoever it shall please
God to call us out of this transytory life, to his infinite mercie and
grace, be it within this realme or without, that our executors, in as
goodlie, briefe, and convenyent haste as thaie can or maie order, pre-

556 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter XIX.

pare, or cause our bodie to be removed, conveyed, or brought into the
said colledge of Winsor, and the service of Placebo and Dirige, with
a sermon and mass, on the morrowe, at our costs and charges, devouthe
to be donne, observed, and kepte solemnlie, there to be buryed and
enterred in the place appointed for our said tomb to be made for the
same intent, and all this to be donne in as devout wise as it can or maie
be donne. And we will and charge our executors, that thaie dispose
and give in alms to the most poore and needie people that maie be
found, (common beggars as much as may be avoided), in as short space
as possible theie may after our departure out of this transitorie life,
1000 marks of lawful monee of England, parte in the same place and
thereabouts where it shall please God to call us to his mercie, partly
in the way, and parte in the same place of our burial, after their dis-
cretions. And to move the poor people that shall have our almes to
praie heartilie unto God for the remission of our offences and the welth
of our soule, also we will, with as convenient speed as maie be donne
after our departure out of this world, if it be not donne in our life time,
that the Deane and Channons of our free chappell of Saint George,
within our castle of Winsor, shall have manors, lands, tenements, and
spiritual promotions, to the yearlie value of £600 over all charges, made
sure to them and their successours for ever, uppon theise conditions
hereafter ensuing. And, for the due accomplyshment and performance
of all other things conteyned with the same, in the form of an inden-
ture, signed with our own hand, shall be passed, by waie of covenants
for that purpose, between the said Deanne and Channons, and our exe-
cutors (if it pass not between us and the said Deane and Channons in
our life), that is to say, the said Deane and Channons and their sue-
cessors for ever, shall finde two priests to saie masses at the said aulter,
to be made where we have appointed our tombe to be made and stand,
and also after our decease keepe yearlie foure sollemne obits for us
within the said Colledge of Winsor, and at eurie of the said obits to
cause a solemn sermon to be made, and also at every of the said obits
to give to poore people an alms of <£10 ; and also to give for ever yearlie
for ever to 13 poore men, which shall be called Poore Knights, to everie
of them I2d. by daie; and once in the yeare, yearlie for ever, a long
gowne of white cloth, with the Garter uppon the brest imbrothered,
with a shield and crosse of Saint George within the Garter, and a
mantle of red cloth ; and to such a one of the 13 Poore Knights as
shall be appointed governor and head of them £3 6s. ScL for ever
yearly, over and above the said 12d. by the daie : And also to cause
everie Sondaie in the yeare for ever a sermon to be made at Winsor
aforesaid, as in the said indenture and covenants shal be more fullie
and particulerlie expressed ; willing, charging and requiring our sonne

TO A.D. 1547.] rUNEKAL OP THE KING. 557

Prince Edward_, all our executors and counsellors which shal be named
hereafter, and all our heires and successors which shall be kings of this
realme, as theie wil answeare before Almightie God at the dreadful!
daie of judgement, that theie and everie of them doe see the said in-
denture and assurement to be made between us and the said Deane
and Channons, or between them and our said executors, and all things
therein, maie be duly put in execution, observed, and kept for ever per-
petuallie, according to this our last will and testament. ^^

Henry died at Westminster on the 28th of January, 1547, and
was buried at Windsor on the 16th of February, with great
solemnity,^ after lying in state at Whitehall.

^' On the 14th of February, about Ten in the morning, the kings
body set forward towards Windsor in a stately chariot, his effigies lying
upon the coffin with the true imperial crown on the head, and under
it a night-cap of black sattin, set full of precious stones ; and appareled
with robes of crimson velvet, furred with minever, powdered with
ermine, the collar of the Garter, with the order of St. George, about
the neck ; a crimson satin doublet embroidered with gold, two brace-
lets of gold about the wrists, set with stones and pearl, a fair armoury
sword by his side, the sceptre in the right hand, the ball in the left,
a pair of scarlet hose, crimson velvet shoes, gloves on the hands, and
several diamond rings on the fingers ; drawn by eight great horses,
trapped with black, adorned with escutcheons, and a shaffedon on their
heads, on each of which rode a child of honour carrying a bannerol of
the king^s arms.

" Thus with an exceeding great Train of Four Miles in Length,
the Body was conducted to Syon, where it was receivM at the Church
Door, by the Bishops of London, Bristol, and Gloucester, who per-
formed Dirige that night, and next morning : The corps being brought
into the Church, was placed in a Herse like that at Whitehall, but the
Effigies was conveyed into the Vestry.

" The next morning about six of the clock, after the third sound of
the trumpets, the whole company (the Marquis of Dorset being chief
mourner) proceeded for Windsor, and brought the corpse to the Castle
College gate, about one of the clock -^ from which place to the west
door of the church, a large way was railed on both sides, and hung
round with black cloth and escutcheons ; the church and choir being

^ Stow's 'Annals.'

^ When the corpse arrived at the *' bridge foot" at Windsor, " the mayor and most
substantial men stood on the one side, and on the other the priests and clarks ; and by
them the corps passed through to the castle-gate," &c. (See the narrative printed in
Strype's ' Ecclesiastical Memorials,' vol. ii, part 2, referred to in tlie note in the next page.)

558 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

likewise hung round with black. The Bishops of Winchester, London_,
and Ely, in their pontificals, with the subdean of the kings chapel, and
the singing men of the same, and the Dean of Windsor, with the
canons and the whole choir, received the corpse at the aforesaid place /'
whence, " after censing and such like ceremonies, it was carried into
the church, the singing men of the king^s chapel on the right hand,
and they of Windsor on the left, preceding it. Thus the effigy was
first conveyed into the choir by divers knights and gentlemen ; and
then the coffin by sixteen yeomen with black staves in their hands, was
brought into a hearse, made in the midst of the choir, under which
was provided a goodly vault to bury the corpse in, over which was laid
a grate, whereon stood the said hearse with the coffin and picture.
This herse was like that at Whitehall, only it consisted of Thirteen
great Pillars, and weighed by estimation 4000 lbs., having about it
twelve banners of descent. Thus the usual ceremonies being per-
formed, the body remained there that night.

"Wednesday being the 16th of February about four of the clock,
began the communion of the Trinity, performed by the sub-dean of
Windsor and the sub-dean of the kings chapel ;'' where " after an
offering of gold by the chief mourner, of the knights of the Garter to
St. George, and of the kings hatchments, bannerols and banners, and
other trophies, as also of the kings horse richly trapped, came four
gentlemen ushers, and took away the pall of cloth of tissue (the picture
being conveyed away before by six knights into the vestry) ; after
which, sixteen strong yeomen of the guard took the coffin and with
five strong linen towels, which they had for their fees, let it into the
vault (near unto the body of Queen Jane Seymour, his third wife),
the grate being first taken away ; then the Lord Chamberlain, the
Lord Great Master, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Comptroller, and the Sergeant
Porter breaking their white staves upon their heads in three parts, as
did likewise all the gentlemen ushers, threw them into the grave, when
Garter, assisted by the Bishops of Canterbury and Durham, declared
the state and the name of the most godly prince their master, King
Edward VI. Thus the funeral ending, the trumpet sounded in the
rood-loft, and the company departed.^^ ^

The following entry is added to the corporation accounts of the
last year of the king's reign :

^ Sandford's ' Genealogical History,' pp. 493, 494. A much more detailed narrative
is printed in Strype's ' Ecclesiastical Memorials,' vol. ii, part 2, giving many very curious
particulars. In the Harl. MSS., No. 1419, art. 22, there is a list of " Ornamentes
remaynynge within the Kinges Honour and Castell of Windsor: appointed for the
obsequy of Kinge Henrye th' Eight."

TO AD. 1547] THE king's TOMB. 559

'' payd to Mr. Mayor the xiiij*^^ of Marche for the
makyiig dene of the Streytts agenst the
Kyngs ma*'^ was buryed . . . xlij.5. iiij.c?/'^

We find, from a contemporary narrative, that order was made
" for the clearing and mending of all the high ways between West-
minster and Windsor, whereas the corps should pas ; and the
noisome boughs cut down of every side the way, for prejudicing of
the standards, banners, and bannerols. And where the ways were
narrow there were edges opened on either side, so as the footmen
might have free passage, without tarrying or disturbing of their
orders.'' ^

The king's tomb was never completed. " The details," says
Mr. Poynter, " which have been preserved concerning the tomb of
Henry VIII describe a composition of luxurient taste and extra-
ordinary magnificence, and as the patron of Holbein and Torreggiano
would have entrusted its execution to no mean hand, and Italy
might well have spared out of the abundance of her riches at this
time artists superior to either, the cause, whatever it might be,
which prevented its completion, has perhaps deprived England of
a great work of art. The sculpture, which was to be of gilt metal
throughout, would have presented a mixture of chivalry and reli-
gion which the locality could scarcely fail to suggest. The whole
was to have been inclosed within a grate, which was certainly so
far advanced that the gates were cast if not erected.''^

Wolsey, whose magnificence, observes Mr. Poynter, trod on the
heels of his royal master's, also began a stately tomb at Windsor,
in the chapel erected by Henry the Seventh, of which he had ob-
tained a grant from the king, and which is consequently known as
" Wolsey's tomb house." If this monument was not intended to
rival that of the sovereign, it was to surpass that of Henry the

* Two additional items are also added, unconnected with the above :

" to Wyllm Gallys for a box for the charters . . \j.d.

It. to Wyll'" Gallys for burnyng of unholsome ffysh . ij.c?."

2 See Strype's ' Ecclesiastical Memorials/ vol. ii, part 2, p. 296, edit. 1822,
^ Stow says he saw the tomb, "with this inscription cast in the grates or inclosure
thereof (being copper) Ilenricus Octavus Rex Anglice Francifp, domimis Hihernice, fidei
defensor.'' Speed gives a detailed description of it, which he states to have been written
from the model.

560 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

Seventh, at Westminster. It was the work of Benedetto, a Floren-
tine artist, who began it in 1524, and it was so far advanced before
the disgrace of the cardinal, that 4250 ducats had been paid to
the sculptor, and £380 ISs. expended upon the gilding of so much
as was completed, being about one half.^ After his retreat to
York, Wolsey sent instructions to Cromwell to procure for him his
image, with such part of the tomb as it might please the king to
grant him, in order that he might dispose of it in the church for his
burial, " which," he adds, " is like by reason of my heaviness to be
shortly."^ Some portion of these works remained in the tomb-house
until April 1646, when it was demolished by command of the Long
Parliament, and the statues and figures of copper gilt were removed
and sold for £600, and the money given to Colonel Venn.^ A sar-
cophagus of black marble, of Italian design, escaped the wreck, and
was reserved for a more honorable destiny. After lying neglected
until 1805, it was appropriated to the sepulture of Nelson. It
surmounts the tomb where he lies in the crypt of St. Paul's, and
the bones of the hero and patriot repose under the intended recep-
tacle of the mortal remains of Wolsey.^

Of Henry the Eighth's " out of door" amusements^ shooting at
the rounds, hunting, hawking, fishing, horse-racing, bowls, and
tennis, were the chief; and in his palaces many hours were daily
passed at "the tables," or backgammon, shovel board, dice, and
cards : wagers on races run against dogs, or at shooting or hunt-
ing ; payments to people for making dogs perform tricks ; gratuities

^ Lord Bacon's 'Life of Henry the Eighth.'

^ ricldes' ' Life of Wolsey.' Fuller appears to be in error in his ' Church History,'
where, after giving the will of Henry at length, he says — " Whereas mention in tliis will
of ' a monument well onwards and almost made,' it is the same which Cardinal Wolsey
built for king Henry, and not for himself, as is commonly reported. Wherefore, whereas
there goelh a tale that king Henry, one day finding the cardinal with the workmen
making his monument, should say unto him, 'Tumble yourself in this tomb whilst you
are alive ; for when dead, you shall never lie therein ;' it is a mere fiction, tlie cardinal
originally intending the same for the king, as appeareth by the ancient inscription there-
upon, wherein king Henry was styled 'lord' (not king) ' of Leland,' without addition of
'supreme head of the church,' plainly shewing the same was of ancient date in the days
of the cardinal." (Book v, § 53.)

3 Ashmole's 'Order of the Garter,' p. 136; Sanderson's 'Life of Charles the First,'
p. 888 ; Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 688.

^ Poynter.

TO A.D. 1547.J THE king's AMUSEMENTS. 561

to persons for different feats, as eating a buck, riding two horses at
once; and others of a similar description are continually men-
tioned.^

The habits of Henry the Eighth are referred to in a letter
from Thomas Heneage to Cardinal Wolsey : '' His Grace, euery
after noone, when the wether ys any thyng feyer, dooth ride ffurthe
on hawkyng, or walkyth in the Parke, and cummyth not inne
ageyne till yt be late in the evenyng/' ^

On one occasion, the king having appointed a great shooting-
match at Windsor, it happened that towards night, when the diver-
sion was almost over, one Barlow, a citizen of London, and inha-
bitant of Shoreditch, outshot all the rest ; wherewith Henry was so
exceedingly pleased, that thenceforth he should be called " the
Duke of Shoreditch ;" which appellation the captain of the London
archers enjoyed for ages after.^

At another time, Henry sent Archbishop Cranmer a deer from
Windsor Forest, as appears by a letter from Cranmer to Henry
concerning the king's supremacy, concluding — " And I most hartely
thanke your Grace for the stagge which your Grace sent unto me
from Wyndesor foreste, which if your Grace knowe for how many
causes it was welcome unto me, and how many wayes it did me
service, I am sure you wolde thynke it moch the better bystowed.
Thus our Lorde have your Highnes always in his preservation and
governance. From Forde, the 26th day of August.

" Your Graces most humble chaplain and bedisman,

"T. Cantuarien."*

^ Sir Harris Nicolas' Introductory Remarks to the ' Priv^'^-purse Expenses of Henry
the Eighth,' p. xxiv.

^ State Paper Office, Wolsey's Correspondence, vi, 51 ; Ellis' 'Original Letters,'
3d series, vol. ii, p. 132.

^ Nichols' ' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' voL ii, p. 411.

'* Ellis' ' Letters,' 3d series, vol. iii, p. 30, taken from MS. Cotton., Brit. Mus.,
Cleop. E, vi, 232, orig. Sir Philip Draycot, in a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, dated
4th of September, but no year mentioned, says — " And to ascertain you of the King's
progress after your departing : The first was to Oatlands ; and there, in the meads under
Chertsey, was killing of stags, holden in for the purpose, one after another, all tlie after-
noon ; so that they were warned by the trumpets, and known thereby if they did enter
any deer of price ; and they were not only coursed with some greyhounds, but also with
horsemen, with darts and spears, and many so slain, the most princely sport that hath
been seen : and many did escape over Thames, and to the forest after they passed there -

562 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XIX.

The garden at Windsor appears in the reign of Henry the
Eighth to have received less attention than the royal gardens at
Hampton Court, BeauHeu, Greenwich, and other places. The
amount of wages of the gardener at Windsor was £4 a year,^ while
the gardener at Beaulieu received £12 3^. 4d.^ yearly. The gar-
deners at Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, &c., were con-
stantly bringing fruits and vegetables to the king even when he was
at Windsor,^ and receiving various gratuities " in reward.'' La-
bourers were paid for work in these gardens in addition,* but at
Windsor the only indication of the existence of a garden at this
period is the punctual payment of 20^., the quarter's wages of the
gardener.

On the other hand, we find the parks of Windsor excelling in
deer, and venison taken from thence to the king at Hampton
Court. ^

The king's table in those days was not, however, supplied from
the royal establishment alone. Presents were continually brought
from public bodies and private individuals, the donors or the car-
riers of which, according to circumstances, were liberally rewarded.

In 1530, within the period of six weeks, the servant of the Pro-
vost of Eton brought cakes four or five different times, and was on
each occasion rewarded.^ Nor were these presents confined to the
vicinity of the royal residence. The Prior of Llantony, near Glou-
cester, in the same year sent cheeses to Henry the Eighth at Wind-
sor, for which the bearer received twenty shillings / and in the ex-
penditure of the Princess (afterwards Queen) Mary, for March

And on Thursday last the King aliglited at Byfleet, and there I took my leave ; and from
Oat lands he removes to Cobham, or Woking, I know not whether the first; and then to
Guildford ; and so to Windsor, and there Holyrood day ; and, by estimation, he will be
at every of these places four days, or thereabouts." (Lodge's 'Illustrations of British
History,' vol. i, p. 6.

' Sir Harris Nicolas' 'Privy-purse Expenses,' p. 39.

2 Ibid., p. 18.

3 Ibid., p. 250.

4 Ibid., pp. 39, 207, &c.

5 Ibid., p. 140.

6 Ibid., pp. 52, 55.

' Ibid , p. 49. The prior subsequently sent cheese, carp, and baked lampreys to
Henry, on each of which occasions the servant received twenty shillings. (Ibid., pp. 53,
100, 108, &c.)

TO A.D. 1547.] POSTAL COMMUNICATION. 563

1537-8, we find the sum of 3^. 4^. given ''to a pore woman of
Worcesfrshyre bringing chickens/' ^

Sick persons came to the castle to be " heled by the kinge grace
of ther sikenes/' It appears to have been the custom to give money
to such of these persons as were poor.^

The mode of conveyance, as well of persons as of goods, between
London and Windsor at this period (Henry the Eighth) seems to
have been very frequently by boats on the Thames -^ barges being
the term applied to that kind which conveyed persons of conse-
quence, while boats conveyed the servants and goods.^

The ferry at Datchet existed from an early period. The ferry-
man had several sums given to him by Henry the Eighth, in reward.^

The state of postal communication between Windsor and Lon-
don at the same time may be gathered from the statement of Bryan
Tuke to Cromwell, in answer to a complaint of '' grete defaulte in
conveyance of Letters, and special men ordeyned to be sent in post,"
and that '' the kings pleas'" is that Posts be better appointed and
laide in all places most expedient." Tuke says (17th August, 1 533)
— " As to Posts betwene London and the Corte, there be nowe but
ij. wherof the on is a good robust felowe, and was wont to be dili-
gent, evil in treated many tymes ; he and other posts, by the her-
bigeors, for lak of horserome or horsmete, withoute whiche dili-
gence can not be. The other hathe ben the most payneful felowe
in ny3t and day that I have knowen amongs the messengers. If
he nowe slak he shalbe changed, as reason is ; he sueth to the
Kings Grace for som smal living for his olde service, having never
had ordinary wages til nowe, a moneth or litle more, this posts
wages. It may please you to advertise me in whiche of them ij. ye
fynde default, and he shal be changed. I wrote unto my lorde of
Northumberlande to write on the bak of his pacquetts the houre
and day of the depeche, and so I did to other, but it is seldome
observed. I wol also desire you to remember that many tyraes

' Madden's 'Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary,' p. Gl.

■^ Vide Nicolas' ' Privy-purse Expenses,' pp. 40, 46, &c.

•^ Ibid., p. 55.

4 Ibid., p. 301 (note).

"> Ibid., p. 35, 54, 146, &c.

564 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XIX.

happen ij depeches in a day on way, and somtyme moo, and that,
often seasons, happen countre^ posts ; that is to ride bothe northe-
warde and southewarde. This is moche for on horse or on man."^

The manor of Windsor Underoure, which had been the property
of the Abbey of Reading,^ on the dissolution of the monasteries was
granted to Thomas Ward, Esq., of Lawrence Waltham, and was
subsequently purchased by the Corporation of Windsor from Richard
Ward. It appears from the above and subsequent entries, that
the purchase-money was paid by instalments. The deed of con-
veyance was dated in the thirty-first year of the king's reign. ^
Mr. Ward was probably the same individual who represented
Windsor in parliament from 1541 to 1555. There was a quit-rent
due to the king for this manor or lordship, which the corporation
had to pay yearly, as subsequent entries will show.

It may be here observed, that in 1540 a bill passed through
parliament concerning the honour of Windsor, and for annexing
certain manors to the castle.^

In the accounts, an. 81 and 32 Hen. VIII, we find the following -.

" It. payd to the forsaid Richard fitzwaF for the
Rest of a bylle of his costs for the lordchep
Underliower and other charg^ longyng to the
office of ye meyryalte as yt appert by his byl . xviij.5.

" It. payd to Robert Benett for his costs Rydyng to

Newebery to Master Essex . . i].s.

Robert Benett, or Bennet, as Foxe spells his name, was the lawyer,
residing in Windsor, who, adopting the reformed doctrine, was one
of the individuals imprisoned with Pearson, Marbeck, and others,
in 1543, as already mentioned.^ Simons, the other lawyer of
Windsor, adhered to the old religion, and appears to have been
generally employed by the corporation."^

^ Counter.

2 State Paper Office, Miscellaneous Correspondence, sec. 2, xHv, 282 ; Ellis'
* Original Letters,' vol. ii, p. 272. A stage coach was not established between Windsor
and London until after the middle of the seventeenth century.

^ See ante, p. 89.

■* Note of Mr. Eglestone in a manuscript volume in the possession of Mr. Blount, of
Windsor.

^ Lords' Journals, vol. i, pp. 112 a, IIG d, 162 b.

^ Ante, p. 510. " Secjoo^/, pp. 570-1.

))

TO A.D. 1547] THE king's VISITS TO WINDSOR. 565

" It, payd to John Pury and John Tylle for the Rest of
Etyng of ij bockys at the trynyte howse on of
the gyft of my lord prevy selle and a nother
of Master hennege . . . vij.5. ix.^/'

An. 32 and 33 Hen. VIII :

" Will^m halle delyvd to Thomas Goode to maynten the

lyght that he hade in store . . viij.5.^'

" It. payd to Master Symonds then meyer to delyver to

Master Warde for dett for underhoer . vj./i. xiij.5. iiij.c?.'^

^^ It. delyvd to the forsayde meyer by Jamys prynce

and Mathew Gwene in ye plement tyme . iii^ Ji.''

" It. payd this yer to Master Warde for Wyndesor

Underhower by Mr. Symonds Meyer . vj.Zi. xiij.5. iiij.c?.^'

On the 16th of September, 1539, Frederick Duke of Bavaria,
the Palsgrave of the Rhine, came to London ; and two days after-
wards, " Frederick Prince Elector of Saxony, chancellor of William
Duke of Cleve, Galiche, Gelderland, and Berghen," also arrived.
" The Palsgrave was received and conducted to Windsor by the
Duke of Suffolk, and the others w^ere accompanied with other
noble men, and the three and twentieth of the same month they all
came to Windsor, where eight days together they were continually
feasted and had pastime shewed them, in hunting and other
pleasures, so much as might be. The Palsgrave shortly after
departed homewards, and was princely rewarded, and at that
present was the marriage concluded betwixt the king and the
Lady Anne, sister unto Duke William of Cleve, and great prepa-
ration was made for the receiving of her." ^

After an interval of a few months, in which Henry was married
to and divorced from Anne of Cleves, we find the king conducting
Catherine Howard to Windsor, in August 1540, where they
appear to have resided during a great part of the autumn. The
king was certainly there in August, and again in October and
November, his privy council being in attendance, and sitting almost
daily.^

1 Hall; Holinshed.

2 Viz., August 17, 18, 19, and 21 ; October 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30,
and 31; November 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, and 20. Eiom

566 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chapter XIX.

At a privy council held at Grafton, 29tli August, 1540, letters
were received from the Lord Privy Seal, " the thirde parte" whereof
" declared the appearance of a certain priest of Windsor called

Sir before him and others in his company at

that time, upon the complaint of the dean of Windsor for certain
words spoken by him," and the letter concluded " with the suit of

the keeper of Windsor Castle to be discharged of [in]

prison there for speaking unfitting words of the queen's grace,
which letter and deposition against the priest remain in the keeping
of Mr. Wriothesley, secretary."^

At a privy council held at Grafton the following day, the Lord
Privy Seal was answered as to the preceding contents of his letter,
that " the king was contented that he should enjoin the priest of
Windsor to reside upon his benefice, and to give him a lesson to
temperate his tongue hereafter, upon adventure of further punish-
ment. And finally concerning the prisoner at AVindsor that had
spoken unfitting words of the queen^s grace, the king's pleasure
was that he should yet remain there for his further punishment,
and that provision should be made for his competent meat and
drink during the time of imprisonment/^ ^

The queen alluded to here, must, of course, have been Catherine
Howard, who, as w^e have seen, had been only a few weeks before
united to Henry.

Windsor appears to have been visited by the plague at this period.

At a privy council held at Moor Park, in Hertfordshire, the
8th of October, in the same year (1540), *' being present the Lord

the last-mentioned day no council appears to have sat at Windsor until the 26th of
October in the following year. {Fide Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council.' See
also a warrant of Henry the Eighth, dated at Windsor, 3d of October, 1540, and various
orders and allovk^ances by the Great Master, Treasurer, and Comptroller of the Household,
dated at Windsor in this reign, in ' Orders and Regulations of the lloyal Household,' 4to,
1790, p. 213, &c.) The privy council was usually attended by from six to twelve
members, the whole number being, in August 1540, nineteen. " Wherever the king
[Henry the Eighth] moved, he was immediately followed by the greater part of his privy
council ; and they transacted business with nearly the same punctuality whilst accom-
panying him on his journies as when the court was at Windsor, Hampton Court, or any
other of its usual residences." (Ibid., vol. vii. Preface, p. xv.)

^ Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council/ vol. vii, pp. 16, 17.

- Ibid., vol. vii, p. 21.

TO A.D 1547] PROCEEDINGS OE THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 567

Privy Seal, the Earl of Hertford, the Great Admiral of England,
the Treasurer of Household, the Master of the Horse, Sir Ralph
Sadler knight secretary, letters were sent to the Dean of Windsor,
Mr. Chamberlain, and the mayor of the said town, to enquire what
houses be infected in Windsor, and to cause the inhabitants of the
infected houses, with their families and household stuff, to avoid
the towne to some place of good distance from thence, and from
such other places as where the kings highness resorteth, signifying
unto them that the kings highness would bear the charges of their
removing.'^ ^

At a council held at Windsor, on the 20th of the same month,
*' a proclamation under the stamp and signet was made touching
the inhibition as well of Londoners to come within the court gates
until they had first knowledge of the kings pleasure, as also those
that went from hence to London to come in to the Court, and
furthermore that no man should break up in the king's houses or
his parks any door window lock or pale, upon pain of imprison-
ment/^ ^

There does not appear to be any entry in the corporation
accounts of this period, connected with the pestilence.

At a council held at Windsor on the 13th November following
(1540), "Thomas Thwaytes, servant unto — Shyrington, page of

the kings wardrobe of robes, was accused by servants to

Richard Cecylle, yeoman, to have spoken certain traitorous words
against the kings majesty; whereupon being examined and con-
fessing before the council the words laid unto his charge, he was
committed to the porters ward.'^ ^

On the 16th, Thwaytes "was sent to the tower of London by
certain of the guard, with a letter to the Lieutenant declaring his
confession, and commanding him that in case he would stand still
in denial to show of whom he had heard the things he confessed,
he should give him a stretch or two at his discretion upon the
hrahe.^

ij 4

^ Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Coimcil,' vol. vii, pp. 56, 57.

2 Ibid., vol. vii, p. 68.

^ Ibid., vol. vii, p. 81.

•* Ibid., p< 83.

508 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteji XIX.

At a council held at Windsor on the 21st of the same month of
INovember, a warrant was directed to Sir Bryan Tuke, knight,
Treasurer of the Chamber; ''for the payment of £26 135. and 4^.
to a gentleman of the County of Bucks that brought hawks to the
king, and of £7 to Dethyck the post that came with letters from
Mr. Wallop out of France.'^ ^

At another council also held at Windsor on the following day,
" the Bishop of Carlisle, who having the charge of certain of the
kings highness' treasure, delivered unto him for the payment of the
workmen upon the new fortresses at Carlisle^ came down hither, as
it was supposed rather to have lingered the time at Eton, than for
any other just cause, was commanded on the kings behalf to return
forthwith home to his diocese, there to remain for the feeding of
the people, both with his preaching and good hospitality/^^

On the 23d of November the court departed from Windsor to
Oking.

A singular investigation connected with Eton College took place
in 1541.

At a privy council held at Westminster, 12th March of that
year, William Emlar, a goldsmith of London, was examined before
the council for buying " certain images of silver and other plate
which were stolen from the College of Eton ; and being suspected
to have used himself lewdly in the handling of the matter w^as com-
mitted to the porters ward.^'

At the same council, John Hoorde, a late scholar of Eton, was
examined concerning the robbery supposed to have been done at
Eton by him and others ; and having made a confession in writing,
was committed to the keeping of John Piers, the clerk of the check
of the guard.

The following day, Thomas Cheney, also a late scholar of Eton,'^
was examined before the council upon the same charge ; and con-
fessing the fact, in like manner, was delivered to the same custody.^

On the 14th, "Nycolas Uvedale, schoolmaster of Eton/' was

^ Nicolas' ' Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vii, p. 86.

- Ibid., vol. vii, p. 88.

3 Ibid., vol. vii, p. 152.

" Ibid., p. 153.

TO A.u. 1517.] PROCEEDINGS OP THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 569

sent for (to the privy council) " as suspect to be counseF' in the
robbery committed by Cheney, Hoorde, and one Gregory, a
servant of Uvedale, and had " certain interrogatories ministered
unto him touching the said fact and other felonious trespasses
whereof he was suspected," and was committed to the Mar-
shal sea. ^

On the 1 5th, Robert Cheney, " of Chessamboys in the County
of Bucks Esquire,'' entered into a recognizance in the sum of one
hundred pounds, conditioned for the appearance of his son, Thomas
Cheney, before the council, at all times within twelve months en-
suing, " upon reasonable warning." ^

On the 17 th, William Emlar entered into a recognizance in the
sum of two hundred marks, to appear before the privy council at
Easter, and Richard Stanfeld, skinner, John Jukes, merchant tailor,
Philip Gunther, skinner, and Thomas Godale, haberdasher, all of
London, became bound for his appearance at that time.^

On the 18th, ''Alanus Hoorde" of London, " generosus," entered
into a recognizance for the appearance of *' John Hoorde" (who is
described as of London, and " son and heir of Richard Hoorde of
the county of Salop Esqre") at all times within a twelvemonth
before the council, and also that he should " observe fulfil and keep
all such orders decrees and determinations as he the said John shall
be deemed adjudged or commanded to do by the said Council." ^

On the 18th of May, Emlar appeared in pursuance of his re-
cognizance and those of his sureties, '' before Mr. Comptroller and
Mr. Treasurer who commanded them to give their attendance upon
the Lords and others of the Kings Majesty's Privy Council the next
day at Westminster." ^

It appears that Emlar and his sureties did attend on the 19th,
and entered into fresh recognizances,^ but the nature of them does

^ Nicolas' * Proceedings of tlie Privy Council/ p. 153. Nicolas Uvedale, on liis exami-
nation, confessed to a crime of a much more atrocious description than the robbery. (Ibid.)

^ Ibid., p. 155. Robert Cheney, or Cheyney, had been inserted the year before in the
new commission for the subsidy into Buckinghamshire. (Ibid., p. 13.)

3 Ibid.

' Ibid., p. 158.

^ Ibid., p. 190.

6 Ibid., p. 191.

570 ANNALS Or WINDSOE. [Chapter XIX.

not appear, and no further entry occurs on the minutes of the privy
council relating to this extraordinary robbery.

Nicholas Uvedale, whose name is mixed up with this affair,
retained his appointment, for he is identical with Nicholas XJdal;,
Master of Eton, a canon of Windsor, and translator (with Coverdale
and others) of ' Erasmus' Paraphrase/ the first volume of which
appeared in 1548.^

Henry the Eighth arrived at Hampton Court from his northern
progress on the 25th of October, 1541, and was at Windsor on
the 26th. On the 30th he was again at Hampton Court.^

The Parliamentary Rolls, which are defective, as has been
already stated, from 1476 to 1541, are resumed in the latter year.

In the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry the Eighth, Richard
Ward and William Symonds were the members for Windsor.
Richard Ward continued to sit for six parliaments, until 1555,
having for his co-member during that interval, successively,
Edward Weldon, Roger Amyce, Thomas Goede, Thomas Butler,
and AVilliam Norrys. Roger Amyce was member in 1551, and at
the same time held the office of " Particular Surveyor of the Lands
of the King'' to Edward the Sixth.^

The following entries in the corporation accounts of 33 and 34
Hen. VIII relate to WiUiam Symonds, the Mayor of Windsor,
who was Mr. Ward's colleague in 1541.

" payd to Master Symonds for the Meyrallte the yer

by fore . . . . . iij./i.

' Among the Loseley MSS. is "a warrant donner from Mary the Queen, addressed to
the Master and Yeoman of her Revels, commanding hhn to deliver to Nicholas Udall all
such apparel as shall be necessary for him to set forth Dialogues and Interludes before
her, for her regal disport and recreation." (Kempe's 'Loseley MSS./ 8vo, 1835, p. 62.)

- Nicolas' 'Proceedings of the Privy Council,' vol. vii, Preface, p. Ixi. Sir H. Nicolas
observes — "The Council Register states that the council were at Cheynies on the 25thj
which it is difficult to reconcile with their having been at Hampton Court on the 24th,
and at Windsor on the 26th of October. Possibly some mistake was committed in the
Register, which is rendered the more likely by the council having been at Ampthill on
the 28d of October. As Cheynies is about halfway between that place and Hampton
Court, it is most probable that the king was at Cheynies on the 24th, at Hampton Court
en the 25lh, and that he proceeded to Windsor on the 26th of that month,"

^ Vide Survey made by him in the nionth of September, 6 Edw. VI (MS.)

TO A.D. 1547.]

CORPORATION ACCOUNTS.

571

And the seyd Master Symonds whas aloyd for beyng

Burg^ of plyment the seyd yer for chargs . iiij./i.

And also the seyd Master Symonds was aloyd for the
costs and chargs of the charter of Wyndesor
Underower and the p^er^ of Mertyns hold ^ and
other chargs as yt appert by his byll . iij./i. x.5. viij.^//'

" Wherof was dely vd to Rob*^ Sadocke and Willm
hawle the xx day of Novemb for rent of
Wyndsore Underhower . . vij./i.

and to Mathew Gwynne for ye same rent . . xij.5. ij.^.

It. delyvd to the seyd Matthew for ye Just^ Deners . \.s. m].d.''

^ Prior of Merton's lioldinsr ?

Tart of the Towa of Windsor, near the Bridge.
(From a Painting of the Seventeenth Century in Greenwich Hospital.)

CHAPTER XX.

WINDSOE IN THE REIGN OP EDWAED THE SIXTH.

Constable of the Castle.

Dean op St. George's College.
A.D. . William Eranklin.

Members op Parliament.
A.D. 1547. Richard Ward and Edward Weldon.
A.D. 1551. Richard Ward and Roger Amyce.

Provost of Eton.
A.D. 1547. Thomas Smith, LL.D.

Property of St. George's College — The Order of the Garter — Extracts from the Corpora-
tion Accounts — Proceedings with reference to Somerset the Protector — Corpora-
tion Accounts — Sale of Church Property — Supply of Water to the Castle — Survey
of " Windsor Underoure."

The Protector Somerset and the co-executors of the will of
Henry the Eighth proceeded to carry its provisions into effect
with respect to St. George's College.

By letters patent, in the king's name, bearing date at Hampton
Court the 7th of October, in the first year of his reign, various
'' Rectories, Impropriations, Parsonages, Chapels, Portions, and
Tithes " were granted to the dean and canons, the improved value
of which at the time of this grant amounted to £812 12s. dd}

1 Ashmole thus enumerates the lands, &c., granted to the college by these letters
patent : — " The Rectories and Churches (Pat., 1 Edw. VI, pars v) of Bradnynche,
Northam, Iplepen, Ilsington, and Southmolton in Devonshire, and the Tithe of Corn of
Otery in that County, part of the Duke of Somersets Possessions, as also Blosoms-Inn in
St. Lawrence-Lane, Loudon, sometime parcel of the possessions of the late College of

TO A.D. 1553.] PROPERTY OP ST. GEORGE's COLLEGE. 573

It appears that the college had conveyed to Henry the Eighth
certain manors and lands/ intended as an exchange, but for which
the college had "no recompence" in that king's hfe. The surplus
rents of the property now granted to the college, beyond the £600
a year mentioned in Henry's will, were as an equivalent for those
manors and lands previously conveyed by the college.

The dean and canons were immediately put in possession of
this property^ but £600 a year were for some years paid back '* at

Otery. The tithes of Grain, &c,, of the Rectory of Ambrosbury in Wiltshire, and all the
Tithes of Bedwyn, Stoke, Wilton, Narden, Harden-Tanrige, Knoll, Pathall, Chisbury,
East-Grafton, West-Grafton, Grafton-Marten, and Wexcombe, parcel of the prebend of
Bedwyn in that County ; as also the Prebend of Alcannyngs and Urchefounte, the Rec-
tories of Urchefounte, Stapleford, Tytcombe, and Proxfield in the said County, and all
the annual Pension of £8 issuing out of the manor of Iconibe in the County of Gloucester.
The Rectory and Vicarage of Ikelington in Cambridgeshire. The Rectory of East-
Beckworth in the County of Surrey. The Reversion of the portion of Tithes of Treguite
in Cornwall, and the Rent of 135. 4id. reserved upon the same. AU the portion of Tithes
of Treguite aforesaid, belonging to the Priory of St. Germans in Cornwall. The Rectory
and Church of Plymton the Chapels of Plymstoke, Wembury, Shagh, Sanford-Spone,
Plymton, St. Maurice, and Bryxton in Devonshire, belonging to the late Priory of
Plymton, the Rectory of Istleworth [Isleworth] and Twickenham in the County of
Middlesex, parcel of the possessions of the College of St. Maries of Winchester, and the
Rectory of Shiplake in Oxfordshire, lately belonging to the Monastery of Missenden in
Buckinghamshire. As also all the Reversion of the Rectory of Aberguille, and of the
chapels of Llanlawett (alias diet. Llanbadock) and Llanpenysauut, (part of the Monastery
of Karmarden in South Wales) with the Rent of £30 per annum reserved thereon ; the
reversion of the rectory of Talgarth (part of the priory of Brecknock in South Wales)
with the reserved rent of £1 1 6^. 8d. The reversion of the Rectory of Mara in the
County of Brecknock (belonging to the priory of Brecknock) and £6 Rent. The reversion
of the Rectory of St. Germans in Cornwall (appertaining to the Monastery or Priory of
St. Germans) with £61 135. M. Rent. To have and to hold all the premises, unto the
Dean and Canons and their successors for ever ; except the Tithes in Woolpall and Pitz-
Waren in Wiltshire, (belonging to the Priory of Bedwyn) the vicarage-house of Ikeling-
ton, the Monies called Marriage -Money, Dirge-Money, and Mass-Money, and the whole
profits of the Bedrolls of Ikelington. Nevertheless to pay the King and his successors
in the Court of Augmentation, for the rectories of Aberguille, Talgarthe, and Mara, the
Chapels of Llanbadock and Llanpenysaunt £4 2^. 8^. in the name of Tenths, and for all
rents, services, &c., of the other Rectories, &c., £48 7s. M annually at Michaelmas.

" Purthermore, within all these premises the King (by the said Letters Patent)
granted to the Dean and Canons, Court Leets, or Yiews of Prankepledge, and to have
Pines and Amerciaments, Pree- Warrens, Waifs, and Pelons Goods, and all other Profits,
Commodities, Liberties, Emoluments, and Hereditaments whatsoever."

^ Viz., " The Manor and Rectory of Iver in Buckinghamshire, the Manor of Dameuery
Court in Dorsetshire, and divers other Lands, Rents, Portions and pensions in the
Counties of Somerset, Hants, Middlesex, Oxford, and Sussex." (Ashmole.)

574 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XX.

the appointment of the then Lord Treasurer," to be employed in
building houses for the alms knights, in accordance with the
intentions of the late king.^

The alms houses were completed in the next reign. ^
Ashmole tells us " there fell out a question, at the feast of
St. George held at Windesor, the 23d of May, an. 1 E. 6, which
held some debate, viz. whether the Atchievements of King Henry
the Eighth, which yet hung over the Soveraigns stall, should be
taken down and offered at the Mass of Requiem ensuing, or not ?
in regard his Banner, Sword, Helm, and Crest, with Mantles, had
been offered up the 16th of Eebr. before, at his Interment within
that Chappell : whereupon it was determined, that the said
Atchievements should not again be offered, but remain over the
Soveraigns stall for his son king Edward the Sixth." ^

Ashmole laments the neglect of the Grand Feast of the Order,
and gives us some curious particulars respecting the proceedings
in this reign. " King Edward the Sixth," he says, " assuming
the Soveraignty of this Noble Order, the days became more
gloomy, in as much as during his Reign, there was no Anniversary
of St. George kept at Windesor, by a Grand Festival. Under
what churlish Fate this noble place then suffered, we cannot guess,
other than the common calamity of that Age, wherein most
Ceremonies, solemn or splendid, either (chiefly such as related to
Divine Services) came under the suspicion of being superstitious, if
not idolatrous. Insomuch as at a Chapter held at Greenewich,
upon the 22. day of April, in the second year of his Reign (an
abolition being intended of all such Ceremonies, as were not con-
sonant to the King's Injunctions then lately prescribed) it was
Ordained and Decreed, that then and for ever from thenceforth (at
the Feast of this most Noble Order) no other Ceremonies should
be observed, than such as were appointed in the following Letter.
Which was at that Chapter agreed upon, and a little before the
next years Feast day of St. George, sent from the Lords of the
Council to the Knights Companions, attributing the whole pro-

^ Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.'

*^ See posl, Chapter XXI.

3 ' Order of the Garter,' p. 629.

TO A.D. 1553.] THE OEDEE OE THE GAUTEE. 575

cedure, to the great piety of the then soveraign, and the care he
took, that certain abuses and preposterous Ceremonies of the
Church, should be reformed : Whereby the Solemnity, State and
magnificence of this Grand Festival was very much eclipsed.

" ' After our most hearty commendations ; For as much as the
Kings Highness hath appointed a most godly Reformation of divers
abuses and rites in the Church, to a more convenient and decent
Order, of the which some hath been used heretofore, in the most
honorable and amicable Order of the Garter, and being not reformed,
there should make a disagreeing from his Majesty^s most godly pro-
ceedings.

" ' Therefore it is his Majesty's will and pleasure, by the advice of
us the Lord Protector, and other his Highness Council, that all such
things, as be not conformable and agreeing to his Majesty's In-
junctions, Orders, or Reformations, now of late prescribed, should be
also in that most Noble Order and the Ceremonies thereof left un-
done, and reformed as hereafter followeth. First, that no Procession
be made with going about the Church or Church-yard, but the Kings
Majesty's Procession, lately set forth in EngUsh to be used. His
Majesty and other Knights of that Honorable Order, sitting in their
Stalls, at the entry such Reverence to be made to the King's Majesty
only as was heretofore.

" ^ The Offring to be in the Box for the Poor, without any other
Reverence or kissing of any Paten or other thing, but only at the
return due Reverence to the King's Majesty as was used before. The
Mass of Requiem to be left undone, but yet both upon St. George's
day, and the next day a Mass to be sung with great Reverence ; in
the which immediately after the words of Consecration is said, the
Priest shall say the Pater Noster, and so turn and communicate all, or
so many of the Order or other, after they have done, as shall be dis-
posed godly at the same time to receive the Communion, according to
such order as is prescribed in his Highness Book of Communion, and
without any other Rite or Ceremony after the said Communion to be
used, except it be some godly Psalm or Hymn to be sung in English,
and so to end the said Service. All Chapters and other Rites con-
cerning the said Order, not being contrary to these, to remain as they
have been prescribed and used, the which we have thought good to
signifie unto you, that you may follow the same accordingly. From
Greenewich the 20. of April 1548.'

" This Decree we observe, signified not less than a Prohibition
to the holding the Grand Feast at Windesor (although it spoke

576 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

not so plain) at least the neglect of its celebration there, whilst
King Edward the Sixth lived, makes it to seem so. And albeit
towards the end of this Soveraign's Reign, some care was or seemed
taken, for a permissive holding of the said Feast, either upon the
day of St. George, or some other day appointed by Prorogation, yet
was it without any regard had to the ancient and usual place, the
Castle of Windesor. For when the Act of Parliament^ passed, com-
manding the days therein mentioned to be kept holy, and none
other (whereby the celebration of many days besides, which in
former time, by the Canons of our Church appointed to be kept
holy, were prohibited, and among the rest the Feast day of St.
George, it being not found among those Feast days at that time
established) It was considered. That a Proviso and allowance
should be entred in the aforesaid Act, for the celebration of this
Feast, particularly by the Knights-Companions of this most Noble
Order, in these words :

f( f Provided always, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid,
that it shall be lawful to the Knights of the right honorable Order of
the Garter, and to every of them, to keep and celebrate solemnly the
Feast of their Order, commonly called St. George's Feast, yearly from
henceforth the 22. 23. and 24. days of April, and at such other time
and times, as yearly shall be thought convenient, by the Kings High-
ness, his Heirs and Successors, and the said Knights of the said
honorable Order, or any of them, now being, or hereafter to be, any
thing in this Act heretofore mentioned to the contrary notwith-
standing.^

" Which Act, although it suffred a Repeal by Queen Mary, yet
stands it at this day in force, being revived by King James, [by]
his repealing of that Statute of the first of Queen Mary, cap. 2."

The " Injunctions" referred to in the above letter, were in-
junctions given by the king in his visitation, " to ye Deane,
Cannons, Petti-Cannons, Chauntrye Priests, Vicars, Clerkes, and
other mynisters of this the king's fre Chappell or Collegiate Churche
within ye Castell of Wyndesor, to be observed of everye of them in
their offices and degrees, as farre as to them shall apperteyne, for
ye advancement of God's honour, encrease of vertue, and for a
good ordre to be hadde amonge them." These injunctions were

1 5 and G Edw. YT, c. 3.

TO A.u. 1553.] THE ORDEE OP THE GAETER. 577

framed by "William Maye, Deane of Pawles, Symon Haynes
Deane of Exon., Walter Buckler knyght, and Thomas Cotsforde
duke/' and were followed by "new" and "farther'' injunctions/

The statutes of the Order of the Garter were reformed, in a
chapter, holden at Westminster, the 17th of March, 1552-3.

The preamble of the new statutes recites and approves of the
institution of the Order in these words :

" Our most noble auncestours kings of Englande, studyeng gretly
and long considering with themselves what devoute reverence towardes
God, what natural love to theire country, what lovyng affection to
theire subjects they owght to here, They sone fownde that nothing
was eyther fytter or more agreable with theire office than to advaunce
to high honor and glorye, good, godly, valyant well couraged, wyse,
and noble men, and to brede and maynteyne a certeyne amytie, fel-
lowship, and mutuall agrement in all honest things amongst all men,
but especially among equals, for they judged honor, as surely it is, the
reguards of vertue and Concorde, the fundacion and enlarger of comen
weales, when they had wysely weyd these things, they thought it best
to make a certeyne felowshipp, and as it were a Colledge of those that
had very well and honestly borne themselves at home in tyme of peace,
and had tryed themselves valyant and wyse abrode in martial feates,
wherfore they devised that such men in a token of Concorde and unyte
shulde weare about their leggs a certeyne garter, wherby they shulde
declare to all men, that for their country and God^s cause they wolde
be redy valiauntly and manfully to spend not only their goods but
also themselves and their lyves, and for that cause they have cauled
this felawshipp the Order of the Garter. But that olde serpente
Sathan a contynual adversary e to mankynde had so grete envye herat,
for that he espied it to be of all men bothe in our owne and foreyne
countryes much commendid, that he busyly labored to deface and
utterly to destroye so grete an encouragement and occasion of vertue,
and this he did so much the rather, when he sawe so many valiant
men styrred with desyer of this honor to the atteyning of perfytte and
absolute vertue wheruppon so farre furth he wente subtylly blyndyng
mens eyes upon hope of preye, that at length he filled and stufied the
very statutes and ordynaunces of this felawship and order with many
obscure, supersticious and repugnante opinions. We therfore to de-
feate this so grete malyce of that subtill ennemy have ben gretly
moved by the auncyentness, majestic, and very godlyness of this

1 See Ash. MSS., No. 1123, f. 25—44.

578 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XX.

order^ so that we tliought all owr study, labor and diligence to be
well bestowed in reducyng the same to his originall estate and pristyn
fundacion/^

It was accordingly first decreed, that the order '' from hensforth
shall be cauled the order of the Garter, and nat of saynte George,
leste the honor which is dew to God the Creator of all things
mighte seme to be geven to any creature."^

It appears that a design had been entertained of converting the
badge of the order into an emblem of the newly established
religion, for in one draft of the reformed statutes, the ensign is
described as " a Horseman holding in one hand, a Sword piercing
a Book, on which shall be written ' Verbum Dei,' and on thet
sword, ' Protectio ;' and in the other hand, a Shield, on which shall
be written ' Fides/ "

Nothing is said in the new statutes of the canons or choristers,
nor of the poor knights ; but the manuscript draft states, that
" they shall enjoy their livery so long as they live, but after they
die, that Preachers shall enjoy their Promotions or Livings in the
Castle ;" and that the vacancies in the poor knights shall be sup-
plied by " maimed or hurt soldiers ; only they shall not use the
superstitious ceremonies that has been accustomed."^

These statutes were abolished in the following year, after the
accession of Queen Mary.^

A commission similar to that issued for St. George's College,
and to the same persons, followed by injunctions, w^as issued with
respect to Eton College.^

On the appointment of Dr. Smith to the Provostship of Eton
College, vacant by the resignation of Dr. Aldrich, the following
letter was addressed, in the name of the king, to the fellows :

*' Trusty and welbelovyd we greate you well. And whereas ye
Provostship or Mastershipp of our Colleage of Eton is now as at this
present void by the resignation of ye R* reverente Fader in God

* See the statutes, printed in Anstis, vol. ii, Appendix No. xiv.

2 Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 180.

3 See post, Chapter XXI.

* See Ash. MSS., No. 1123, and Sloane, No. 4845, f. 83.

TO A.D. 1553.] CORPOEATION ACCOUNTS. 579

Rob* Bishop of Carliell We therefore having a zeale and mynd to the
good government of that our Colleage and desiring to se you furnished
of such a governeare as in all points might seme worthy for ye same,
have thought good by advice and consent of our most entirely belovyd
uncle Edward Duke of Somerset, and governor of our person, and
protector of all our Realmes Domynyons and subjects, to commend to
you by thes letters our trusty and wellbelovyd Tho: Smythe Doctor of
Civil Lawes, whom we knowe to be a man most mete to ye Govern-
ment of such a Colledge for the furtherance of vertue and learning ;
willing and requiring youe therefore to elect and chose ye same to ye
said rowme and offyse. And to ye entent that there might be no
stop nor let to the same bycause the said Thomas is not Priste, or
D"". of Divinitie, or otherwyse qualified as your statutes dothe requyer,
we consyderynge his other quaUtees, thexellency whereof do far sur-
mount ye defect that thes before rehersed should make, have dispensyd
and by thes presents do dispens with yowe and ye said Thomas and
any other that shall admytt ye same, w*^^ and for all suche thyngs or
matters as shold in any wise stope or let ye same election. Where-
fore as our trust is of your gentil conformytie herein so we do not
dowght but thecomplyshment of this our pleasure you shal have
cause to thynke your self furnyshed of such a master or Provost as
apperteynethe.

" Geven under our Sygnett at our honor of Hampton Court 25*'^
day of Dec""' P* yere of our rayne.'^^

Sir Thomas Smith was subsequently ejected by Queen Mary,
with a pension of £100 a year.

The following are extracts from the corporation accounts for
the year ending 3d November, 1 Edw. YI :

^'account of the rents or underower. :

^'It'm of George Tudwey for the hole yeres rent
of the myll and the quytt rents in Under-
ower .... xj./i. xij.5. viij.c?. ob.^'

whereof

'* payd to the kyng^s matties Resever for the quytt

rents of the same . . vj/i. xix.5. x.d, qr."

^ See Sloaue MSS., No. 4840, f. 233. Queen Elizabeth wrote a similar dispensatory
letter on the appointment of Sir Henry Savile. (Ibid., f. 23G.)

580 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

CHAMBERLAINS ACCOUNT.

" If m of the said Matthew Gwyn and Henry Bart-
lett for the hole yeres rent of the lands and
Tents belongyng to the hall . . x.li. v.s. j.c?.^

{{

ACCOUNT OF THE KEEPER OF THE BRIDGE.

*' It'm Resevyd of the seyd Mathew Gwyn xiiij./i. xvj.5. viij.c?.^^

" It'm payd to Mr. Th. Butler for hys chargs ryding
w' answere to my lord Brett a swyft lettere
in the favor of Mr. Syms . . iij.s. iiij.c?.^^

" Item payd to Mr. ffawcett for the charge of the
etyng of venyson for Subsydye money xx.5.
for the xJi. iiij.5. vj,c?. . . . 1.5.^^

'^ It~m for the charge of the Swan Uppyng . viij..s. x.d.

Item for the charge of the fedyng of the Swans

yt were given to the M'^ of the horse . iiij.5.

Itm for uppyng of the Swans to Wyll°^ Gallys . xij.6^.

It''m for Mr. Hanley for havyng of Th. Butler's

turne for kepyng of a courte when he

ryd to ye M^ of the horse . . iij.5. iiij.c?.

Item payd to Mr. Gwyn for the charge rydyng to

London to speake w^^ Mr. Chanceler for

the fraternj'tye .... iiij.5. vij.c?.''

" Bob* Sadock ys chosen the byrgemaf and the lock ys delyved to
hym."

" ffirste taken oute of the same some to pay for iij

capons to Mr. Chancellor . . . y.s.'^

" It'm for a skyn of p''chement and redd waxe for

Mr. Weldon^s patent for ye stewardship . vij.^.^

It. for drinke and caudells to Wyllesby . . iiij.c?."

" Itfm payd to the Kyngs fotemen in reward . viij.^.^'

In the chamberlain's account for the year ending 16th
October, 2 Edw. VI (Matthew Gwyn, mayor), are the following
entries :

" Payd to Mr. Germyn for the charge of the etyng

of the buck of Mr. Weldons gyft . . x].s. iiij.c?."

^ Ashmole says — " He is tlie first high steward I observe." (Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 26.)
Sir Anthony Brown, however, was high steward in the reign of Henry the Eighth.

TO A.D. 1553.] THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET. 581

In the bridge-keeper's account for the same year :

'^flyrst resevyd of the seyd Eob* Sadock for the

p'Sytte of the byrge thys yere . . xxjii. ij.^. Y^.d.^'

And in the account of the collector of the rents of Underower,
taken 17th December, in the same year:

"Item resevyd of George Tudwey for the hole yeres

rent there . . . ixii. vij.5. iiij.c?.

Wherof payd to the kyngs ma*^® for the yeres rent
of the mylle and the mano^" for one yere endyd
at the ffeast of Seynt mychell tharkangell in
the seyd yere . . . .\].li.xix.s.x].d.'^

" M^ payd owt for vij loads of byllett to Mr. Gwyn
Mayo^ to the use of the pore people in the
Almes howse .... xiiij.^.^^

Edward the Sixth, by letters patent, dated at Westminster the
23d day of February, in the third year of his reign, confirmed the
Inspeximus Charter of the sixth of Henry the Eighth.^

The following entries in the corporate accounts refer to this
grant :

" M^ yt Mr. Mayre paid owt of the seyd money to
hym delyved of the accompt day thys psent
xxv*^ day of ffebruary A*^ pp E. sexti trio,
towards the charge of the renewyng of the
Charto^ w*^^ was delyved to Th. Butler . iiij./^. iiij.^.

It-m payd the sam day to Mr. Hanley for sealyng

wax . . . . . ij.5.

It m payd to Thonfs Butler the xi*^ day of Marche
A° pp Edwardi sexti seco' in full paym^ of
the charge of the renewyng of the Cliarto^ . iiij./i.

Ifm payd to Mr. Mayre for the charge of or" suytt
for the Trynyty land and other chargs as
apperyth by hys by 11 . . . xj.^. \uj.d.''

The dissatisfaction of the lords of the council at the authority
usurped by the Protector Somerset, approached a climax in the
autumn of 1549.

^ From a MS. volume in the possession of Mr. Snowdeu, of Windsor, there said to be
" E Carta Orig. Penes Majorem et Ballivos de Windsor."
2 Ibid.

582 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

On the night of tlie 6tli of October, Somerset conveyed the
young king from Plampton Court to Windsor, taking with him
five hundred armed men/ He began to fortify the castle,^ but
he found httle to give him confidence, scarcely a gentleman obey-
ing the summons to meet him there.^ Before leaving Hampton
Court, he wrote to Lord Kussell, the lord privy seal, who was then
in the west, engaged in suppressing the insurgents of Devonshire,
urging him to hasten with his followers to the king's assistance at
Windsor.* Lord R-ussell replied coldly, and he and Sir William
Herbert made no secret of their adhesion to the council in
London ; and from that moment the cause of the protector became
desperate.^

From the language of a justification by the Duke of Somerset
to the king, or, as the duke termed it, '* Articles offerid by me the
Lord Protector to the King's Majestic," dated from Windsor
Castle, on the 8th of October, 1549, it appears that an unusual
military force was assembled at the castle. The protector says,
'' Secondly, that this force and power which here is assembled
abowt your Majestic at this present, is to do none of them which be
there at London or elsewhere either in person or goods any damage
or hurt, but to defend only if any violence should be attempted
against your Highnes." ^

The lords of the council, on the other hand, ''seeming not
greatlie to regard the offers" contained in the protector's letter,
" persisted in their intended purpose ; and continuing still in Lon-
don conferred with the Maior of London and his brethren, first
willing them to cause a good and substantiall watch by night, and
a good ward by dale to be kept for the safeguard of the citie, and
the ports and gates thereof: which was consented unto, and the
companies of London in their turnes warned to watch and ward ac-
cordinglie. Then the s"^ Lords and councellors demanded of the Lord

^ Lingard.
2 Holinshed.
^ Lingard.
* Holinshed.
^ Lingard.

6 MS. Cotton., Calig. B. VII, fol. 407, printed in Ellis' 'Letters,' 1st series,
vol. ii, p. 173, note, 2d edit.

TO A.D. ]553.] THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET. 583

Maior and his brethren five hundred men to aid them, to fetch the
Lord Protector out of Windsor from the king. But thereunto the
maior answered, that he could grant no aid without the assent of
the common councell of the citie : wherupon the next daie a com-
mon councell was summoned to the Guildhall in London/' ^

A proclamation was in the mean time issued by the lords of the
council, denouncing the protector, " and after it was proclaimed
the Lords or the most of them continuing and lieng in London,
came the next daie to the Guildhall, during the time that the Lord
Maior and his brethren sat in their court or inner chamber, and
entered and communed a long while with them, and at the last the
maior and his brethren came foorth unto the common councell,
where was read the king's letter sent unto the maior and citizens,
commanding them to aid him with a thousand men, as hath
maister Fox, and to send the same to his Castell at Windsore : and
to the same letter was adjoined the king's hand, and the lord
protector's. On the other side, by the mouth of the recorder it
was requested, that the citizens would grant their aid rather unto
the lords : for that the protector had abused both the king's ma-
jestic, and the whole realme, and without that he were taken from
the king, and made to understand his follie, this realme was in a
great hazard : and therefore required that the citizens would
willinglie assent to aid the Lords with five hundred men.''^

After some discussion, " the lord maior and his brethren for
that time brake up, and afterward communed with the Lords." ^

" The lords sat the next daie in councell, in the Star Chamber,
and from thence they sent Sir Philip Hobbie, with their letters of
credence to the king's majestic, beseeching his highnesse to give
credit to that which the said Philip should declare unto his
majestic in their names :^ and the king gave him libertie to speak,

^ Holinshed.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

■* The following letter was also at tlie same time written by the lords of the council in
London to those at Windsor (vide Ellis' ' Letters/ 1st series, 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 169) :

" My Lords, after our most harty commendacions, we have received your Lettres by
Mr. Hobby, and herd such credence as he declared on the King's Majesties and your
behaulf unto us. Th' aunswers whereunto becawse they may at more lenngth appere to

584 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XX.

and most gentlie heard all that he had to saie. And trulie he did
so wiselie declare his message, and so gravelie told his tale in the

You both by our Lettres to the Kings Majestic and by report also of the said Mr. Hobbye
we forbeare to repete here againe, most hartely prayeng and requiring your Lordships
and every of you, and nevertheless charging and comaunding you in the Kings Majesties
name to have a contynual earnest wache, respect, and care to the suretie of the Kings
Majestic our natural and most gracious Soveranne lords persone, and that he be nat
removed from his Majesties castel of Wyndesour, as you tender your dueties to Almighty
God and his Majestic, and as you will aunswer for the contrary at your uttermost perills.
We are moved to call earnestly upon you herein, nat without grete cawse, and, amongs
many others, we can nat but remembre unto you that it appearith very straunge unto us
and a grete wonder to all true subjects that you will either assent or suffer his Majesties
most royall persone to remaine in the garde of the Duke of Somersetts men, sequestred
from his old sworne servaunts. It seemith straunge that in his Majesties owne Howse
strangers shuld be armed with his Majestie's owne armour, and be nearest abowte his
Highnes persone; and those to whome the ordynary charge is committed, sequestred
away so as they may nat attende according to their sworne duetyes. If any evyll come
thereof ye can consider to whome it must be imputed. Ones the exemple is very straunge
and perillous. And now my Lords, if you tender the preservacion of his Majestic and
the State, joyne with us to that ende. We have wrytten to the Kings Majestic by which
way things may sonc be quyetly and moderatly compounded ; in the doing whereof we
myude to doo none otherwise then wc would be doon unto, and that with as much
moderacion and favour as wc honorably mayc. We trust none of you hath juste cawse to
note any oon of us, and much lessc all of such crucltye as you so many tymes make men-
tion of. Oon thing in youre Lettres wc mervayle much at, which is that you write that
you knowc more than we knowe. If the matters comen to your knowledge and hidden
from us be of such waight as you seme to pretende, or if they towche or may touche his
Majestic or the State, wc thinke you do not as you ought in that ye have not disclosed
the same unto us being the hole state of the Couusail. And thus prayeng God to sende
you the Grace to do that may tende to the surety of the Kings Majestic and tran-
quillite of the Realme, we bidde you hartely farewell. Erom Westm. the ix*^ of Octobre
1549.

" Yo"" assured loving frends,

" R. Ryche, Cane. W. Seint John. W. Northt.

Arundell. F. Shrewesbury.

Thomas Southampton. T. Cheyne.

John Gage. William Petre. Edward North.

Edward Montagu. R. Sadleyr. Nicholas Wotton.

Ric. Southwell. Jo. Baker."

The following reply was sent by Archbishop Cranmer, Sir William Paget, and Sir
Thomas Smith (Ellis' 'Letters,' 1st scries, 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 171) :

" It may lyke your good Lordshyps, with our most harty commendacions, to under-
stand that this mornyng Sir Phillip Hobby hath, according to the charge gyven to hym
by your Lordships, presented your Letters to the Kings Majestic in the presence of us
and all the rest of his Magistics good servants here, which was there rcdde openly ; and
also the others to them of the chambre and of the household, moche to thcyr comforts

TO A.D. 1553.] THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET. 585

name of the lords, yea therewithal! so vehementlie and greevouslie
against the protector, who was also there present by the king, that
in the end, the Lord protector was commanded from the king's
presence." ^

On the 11th of October, Sir Anthony Wingfield, captain of the
guard, was sent to the king at Windsor, "and severed the Lord
Protector from his person, and caused the Guard to watch him till
the Lords comming. On the morrow, the Lord Chancellor with
the rest of the Councell, rode to Windsore to the king, and that
night the Lord Protector was put in ward into Beauchamps Tower
in the Castle of Windsor.

" The 14 of October in the afternoone, the Duke of Somerset
was brought from Windsore, riding betwixt the Earles of South-
ampton, and of Huntington, through Oldborne^ in at Newgate, to
the Tower of London, accompanied with divers Lords and Gentle-
men, and with 300 horse." ^

and ours also ; and according to the tenors of the same we will not faile to endevor our-
selfs accordingly. . . . Now tooching the mervaile of your Lordships both of that
we wold suffre the Duke of Somersetts men to garde the Kings Majestie's persone and
also of our often repeting the word cruel. Although we doubt not but that your Lord-
ships hath been thorowly enformed of our estates here, and uppon what occasions the one
hath bene suffred, and the other proceded, yet at our convenying togider (which may be
when and where please you) we will and are able to make your Lordships such an
Accompt as wherewith we doubt not you wilbe satisfied if you think good to require it
of us. And for bycause this berar Mr. Hobby can particulerly enforme your Lordship of
the hole discourse of all things here, we reniitt the reaport of all other things to hym,
saving that we desyre to be advertised with as moch spede as you shall think good,
whether the Kings Majestic shall cum furthwith thither, or remayn stil here ; and that
sum of your Lordships woold take payn to cum hither furthwith ; for the which purpose
I the comptroller will cause thre of the best chambres in the gret court to be hanged and
made redy. Thus thankyng God that all things be so wel acquieted we committ your
Lordships to his tuycion. From Wyndsor the x*^ of October 1549.

" Your Lordshyps assured loving f rends,

" T. Cant. William Paget.

T. Smith.
" To our verie good

Lords and others of

the Kings Majesties Privie

Cownsell at London."

* Holinshed; Grafton.

^ Holboru.

3 Stow's 'Annals,' p. 600, edit. 1C3L

586 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

Soon afterwards, the council proceeded to the Tower, and there
charged the protector with sundry articles.^ Among the articles
alleged against him were the following :

" 26 Item, the 9^ of October last, you did of your owne head,
sodainly remove the Kings Majesties person late in the night from
Hampton Court to Windsor, without any provision there made for
his Grace, whereby his highnesse was not onely in great feare^ but
tooke also such disease as was to his great perill/^

" 27 Item, you caused your own servants, and friends at Hampton
Court, and at Windsor to be harnessed with the kings armour, the
kings graces servants having no armour nor harnes/^

" 28 Item, you caused at Windsor your owne person in the night
time to be garded in harnesse by many persons, leaving the Kings
Majesties person un garded, and would not suffer his owne gard or
servants to be next the kings person, but appointed your servants and
friends to keepe the gates/^ ^

The following payments in the corporate accounts appear to be
connected with the military force, and defence of the town, on
occasion of these proceedings between the protector and the
lords :

'^ Itm payd for the charge of the watche of the

bekons . . . . xy.s.'^

"Ifm payd to xxvij Souldyers for iij days evy of

them at vj.c?. the day . . . x\.s. vj.d.

It. payd to Fry's Galys for gun powder x].sJ^ " rem ij./i.^^

Steps seem to have been subsequently taken to provision the
town.

" ffyrst resevyd of the seyd chambleyns for the hole
yeres rent of the lands and tents belongyng
to the hall . . . . ix./i xviij.5. viij.c?/^

^' It'm the seyd Thomas Goede* resevyd owt of the
seyd S'm above cliargyd,for meale cSmandyd

^ Holinshed.
5 6tli (?).

3 Fide Stow's ' Annals/ p. 602, edit. 1631,
'^ Mayor of Windsor.

TOA.D. 1553.] COEPOUATION ACCOUNTS. 587

by the kyngs Ma*^ counsell to be p^vyded
at Mychelrrfs Anno pp Edwardi sexti ftio . vj./i.
Wherof the seyd Thomas Ayen of the bakers re-

sevyd for the seyd Stuff beyng utteryd . iijii. viij.5. iii^.d."

The other noticeable items in the account of the years ending at
Michaehnas, 3 and 4 Edw. VI, are these :

'^ Itm payd for the charge of the butts to Th. Pode v.s.'^

" M'^ Hesevyd of Mr. Mathewe Gwyn the vij*^ day

Octobr A^ pp E. sexti trio vijii. xy.s. x]cL

in redy money and in ij bylls xxiiij.5. j.c?.

w*^^ amountyth to the some of ix.li. in the

hole and was taken owt of the comon

cheste in testerns to be exchaunged . xxiiij.5. j,d,

levd owt"
'^ It m allowyd to Ueynold Redyng for the charge

of the etyng of the buck gevyn by Mr.

ffytzwylfms .... xxix.5. vj.c?."

Chamberlain's accomit, 21st October, 3 Edw. VI :

'^ ffyrst resevyd of the seyd chambleyns for the hole
yeres rent of the lands and tents belongyng
to the hall . . . ix.li, xviij.5. viij.c?.

Bridge account :

" Itm payd to Thomas Butler Town Clerk for hys

ffee thys yere , . . . vj.5. viij.c?."

Chamberlain^s account, 15th October, 4 Edw. VI :

'^ It. payd to the baylyffs for the rent of the water xl.5.

It. payd to Rychard Grohard for the repacons
of ye well next the Markett place and be-
fore Henry Clerks dore . . . v.s."

In the margin opposite the above entry, is written " Note that
ye well in the mket place and ye well before Mr. Clarks door
were repaired by the to^ne haule."

Account of *' Undero^*'

" Itm for the repacons of the welshe womans howse ij.5. x.c?."

588 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

" It. for charge rydyng to pay the rent at two times

in the yere . . . . ij.^.

Itm the charge of the swan uppyng . . xxiij.5. iij.c?.

Itm for fedyng of iij swans . . . yj--^-^'

The chamberlain's account, dated 14th of October, 5 Edw. VI
(John Tyle, mayor), has the following entry :

" Also Chargyd uppon the seyd Rob* for two chalecs
by hym sold weying ffyftye ounces at vj.5.
the ownce for the repayryng of the brige . xv.li.'^

A note in the margin says " ij chalices solde for xv./<5."

"And the seyd chambleyns have leyd owt as
aperyth by there bylle for the repacons of
the byrge and of the Tents belongyng to
the Guyld hall .... \x.li. xviij.5. x].d.''

" Itm payd to Rye Grohard for makyng of the style

into Goswell . . . . ij.5. \u^.d."

*' Itm payd for o^ dynn uppon the accompte day . xj.5.

Itm payd to Th. Goede for a sygnett at the seyd

dynn^ ..... v.^.

Itm payd to the Goodwyff Rowland for fedyng

of the Swans and for the come to fede

them ..... xij.5. vj.c?.

It. payd to John Taylor for the castell dyche . vij.5."

'^ Under our :"

" ffyrst resevyd of the seyd fiPerm^^ for the hole
yere's rent w* vj.5. viij.c?. of an yerely ffee
allowed by the kyng . . . ix./i. xv.s. ob.

Wherof we allowyd hym for rent payd to the

Kyngs ma*^^ . . . iiij./i. y.s. iij.c?. qr".'^

Chamberlain^s account, 14th October, 6 Edw. VI :

" Receyved of the same [Chamberlains] for the lopps
of the xx*^ oks geven us by the Kyngs
matie ..... xlj.5. yiij.d.''

From subsequent entries, it seems probable, that these twenty

TO A.D. 1553.J CORPORATION ACCOUNTS. 589

oak trees were given by the king to the town for the purpose of
repairing the bridge over the Thames.

" Itm allowyd to humfrey Sale for charge his
paynes rydyng to Oxford for affayres of the
town .... xij.5.^*

" It. payd to Will m Wyllyson uppon a byll of

charges rydyng on the town affayres . viij.5. viij.c?.^^

" And soe all thyngs accompted and allowed there
remayneth in gold iij frenche crownys and
in whyte money xxv.li. vj.5. ij.d. w^^^ gold
and sylv was delyv*ed to the seyd Thomas
Goede mayo'^^ . . . Sm* xxv.lL vj.*. ij.c?."

'^ Wherof Mr. Pyle mayor payd to Mr. Wood-
ward for the quyt rent of the sand pytts
dewe at o'" ladye day last past . . iiij..^.

It. payd by the seyd Mayo^ for charge in the lawe

for tryall of lyb'tyes of the seyd Town . xx.s.

It. payed to Mr. Kylby for the resydue of the

tymbre . . . . . xxj.5. viij.^.

It. payed to Mr. Sadock for his charges Ryding to

Tame to paye the Rent of UnS^owre . v.s. iuj.d.

It. payed to Mr. Butler for Sollicyting owr
Cawses cocnyng our Charter in the
Eskcker^ .... xx.s.

It. payed unto Rob* Sadock by th'ands of the Mar^

for the sawyng of plancks for the Bryge . iij./i.

Itm payed to Rob* Sadock the ix*^ day of January
a° pp E. vj*^ for vi*^ pecs of Tymbre for
pyles and two pecs for Dameys pre the
lode xij.5. to be employed abowt the byrge vj./i.

Itm payed unto Mr. Buttler by the hands of the
mayor for ch cages yn the Eschequer for our
lybertyes the xij daye of februari anno E.
vj^Wij™*^ .... xU.

Payd by Mr. Mayo^ for the brasen deske in the

pabe churche to th'use of the hawle . x.*.'^

This last is a singular item. It seems that the brass desk or

^ Exchequer.

590 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XX.

lenten in the parish church, was sold to the corporation, and
placed in the Town Hall.

A great amount of church property was sold at this period.
Ashmole, after referring to the inventory of the plate, jewels, and
church ornaments, in the reign of Richard the Second,^ says, " a
great part of these, and other succeeding contributions towards the
rurniture, both of the High Altar and this sacred Chapel, were in
the second, third, and fifth years of King Edward the Sixth, sold
by the mutual consent of the Dean and Canons for the sum of
£1489 8^. (besides Copes, Vestments, Cloths of Arras, Altar Cloths,
Albs, Frontlets, and other ornaments, which they distributed among
themselves) alleging a necessity so to do, for defraying the building
of some part of the Castle Wall, taking down the high Altar, pay-
ing the Tenths and subsidies of the inferior officers of the College,
bringing water to their houses, the charges of Visitations, and loss
by the fall of Money ; taking themselves only to be owners and
disposers thereof, by virtue of the first article in the Statutes of
Foundation of the College.

" What was left (being but a small portion in comparison of
what was there, when one Mr. Henley took an Inventory of them
an. 36 H. 8) appears from an Inventory taken the 16 of July 1552,
by Sir Philip Hoby, Sir Maurice Berkley, Mr. Thomas Welden,
and Mr. John Norrys, Commissioners impowered by the King to
survey the Jewels, Plate, and ornaments of all kinds, within the
College of Windsor, as also to take an account from the Dean and
Canons of what things had been sold, alienated, distributed, or
made away since their first coming to the said College.''^

It appears from the answer (bearing date in the sixth year of
this reign) of Owen Oglethorpe, Canon of St. George's College, to
this commission, that property of the college had been sold to the
amount of £1529 4^.^ Oglethorpe says "that in passing back-

1 See ante, p. 231.

3 'Order of the Garter,' pp. 490, 491. See also Ash. MS., No. 1123, f. 174—189 ;
and Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 5498 and No. 5751.

3 It seems, however, that between 1544 (36 Hen. YIII) and 1552 (6 Edw. VI) the
plate sold amounted to £1965 3^. 1^^., and the jewels to £1489 85. (See Ash. MS.,
No. 1123, f. 189.)

TO A.u. 1553.] SURVEY 01^ WINDSOR UNDEROUR. 591

wards and forwards through Wmdsor, he did often sign acts of
chapter, which the dean and canons told him were just and riglit ;
that he had for his share as much as sold for £25, but that he lost
most of the money, and that because he did imagine it to have
been unjustly gotten." ^

*' The palls of the herses of Kings Henry VII and VIII, and
Edward IV, the organ and pipes, the plates of copper upon the
graves. King Edward Ill's cap of maintenance, the sword and
girdle of pearl and stone, the Duke of Suffolk's sword^ &c.," were
sold at this time.

In this reign a plan was formed and commenced of supplying
Windsor Castle with water, by means of conduit pipes laid all the
way from Blackmore Park, in the parish of Winkfield, to the
castle, a distance of five miles. The task was not finally com-
pleted until the reign of Elizabeth. Eurther particulars respecting
it will be found in the next chapter. The castle appears to have
been previously supplied from wells within the walls.

In digging a large vault or grave some years ago in the parish
churchyard, to deposit the bones disturbed by the lowering of the
churchyard, one of the old pipes used in the formation of this
conduit was discovered.^

The following survey of the manor of Windsor Underour was
made in this reign :

" A vew taken of the Manner^ of Windesore Underower By Roger
Amyce gent p'ticular Surveyor there the 13 day of September Anno
Reg. Edwardi sexti sexto, at the Law day then ther houlden by the
othes of ever}^ the Tennaunts, and renewed the 23^ day of October
1561.

" Underower the bowndes therof.- — The perambulac'on and bowndes
of the said Mannour beginneth at a house on the Castle Hill in the
occupacon of John Aldham and extendeth downe to the Thamis unto
the Towne Bridge, and from thence by the Thames side unto the
Mill there from thence by the Themis side unto a pecce of ground
p'cell of Shawe called the tenn acres, from thence to the est end of
the Cawcey [causeway] under the parke peale and so from thence
along under the same up into the Towne.

1 A.sli. MS., No. 1123 ; Huggett, MSS. Sloane, No. 4847, f. 119, &c.

2 From the information of J. Seeker, Esq., Clerk of the Peace for Windsor.

592

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chapter XX.

"Underower Common. — Also ther is within the said Mannor a
severall common for the Tenantes of the same Lordshipp cawled the
gravell pitts severed containing by estemacon six acers.

" Orders for ye feilds. — Item an agreement was meade concerning
the use of the common feilds appertaining to the said Mannor by the
mutuall assente and consente as well of Robert Saddock then farmer
of the Colledge of Eaton of ther farme of Underower, as of the whole
homage of Reading fee with the assent also of the Lord of the same
in manner and forme insuing viz : first that the common feildes should
bee closed up yearly by the feast of th^annuncia'con of our Lady next,
and laid open at the Feast of Thenve"ncon of the holy Crosse in Maye
at w^^ day is the Tennant to enter common with ther Cattell accord-
ing to his porc''on viz : Robert Saddock xiiij Rother beastes.^^ ^

1 Extracts from Day's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126. A MS. volume of the late
Mr. Chamberlain Egelstone, in the possession of Mr. Blount, of Windsor, contains a
transcript of the rental of the manor, forming part of the survey.

Old Stocks, formeriy lying in the Cloisters adjoining St. George's Chapel.

CHAPTER XXL

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGN OP MAUY.

Constable of the Castle.

Deans op St. George's College.

A.D. 1553. Owen Oglethorp, D.D. a.d. 1556. Hugh Weston, D.D.

A.D. 1557. John Boxall, D.D.

Members of Parliament.

A.D. 1553. KiCHARD Ward and Thomas Goede.

Richard Ward and Thomas Butler,
a.d. 1554. Richard Ward and William Norrys.
A.D. 1555. Richard Hoord and William Norrys.
a.d. 1557. William Hanley and William Norrys.

Provost of Eton.
A.D. 1554. Henry Cole, D.D.

The Order of the Garter — Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer conveyed to Windsor — The
Princess Elizabeth at the Deanery, on her way to Woodstock — Marriage of Philip
and Mary — Privileges of St. George's Chapel retained — Corporation Accounts —
Progress of the Works for conveying Water to the Castle — Dwellings of the Poor
Knights — Boundaries of the Manor of Clewer Brocas.

"Mary lost no time,*' observes Sir H. Nicolas, ''in restoring
the Order of the Garter to the condition in which it was left by
her royal father, and in replacing in their stalls such of her adhe-
rents as had been expelled from them. On the 27th of September,
1553, in a chapter at Saint James's, ' it was decreed and ordained
that the Laws and Ordinances (made by King Edward the Sixth),
which were in no sort convenient to be used, and so impertinent
and tending to novelty, should be abrogated and disanulled ; and

594< ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

no account to be made of them for the future ;' and commands
were issued to Sir William Petre, who was on that day admitted as
chancellor, ' to see that they should be speedily expunged out of the
Book of Statutes, and forthwith defaced, lest any memory of them
should remain to posterity, and only those decrees and ordinances
which her father and his royal predecessors had established should
be retained and observed.' On that occasion the Duke of Norfolk,
who was attainted and removed from the order in 1546, and Lord
Paget, who had been degraded on pretence of his mean extraction,
were honorably restored, re-invested with the Garter and Collar,
replaced in their former stalls, and all the records of their disgrace
in the Register were cancelled and defaced." ^

On the 10th of April, 1554 (after the insurrection of Wyat),
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, who had long been prisoners in the
Tower, were conveyed to Windsor, and afterwards to Oxford,
'' there to dispute with the divines and learned men" holding
opposite theological opinions.^ This was about eighteen months
before the burning of Ridley and Latimer, and two years before
Cranmer shared the same fate.

On the 19th of May, 1554, the Princess Elizabeth, who had
been committed to the Tower on the 17th of March preceding, was
removed to Woodstock^ which had been selected for her residence.
The princess was escorted by Sir Henry Bedingfleld and Lord
Williams of Thame. She slept the first night at Richmond ; from
thence she was taken to Windsor, " and lodged there that night in
the Dean of Windsor's house, a place more meet indeed for a
priest than a princess." ^ The next night she was lodged at
" Master Dormer's," and the following at Ricote, Lord Williams of
Thame's seat ; the next day she reached Woodstock.

The marriage of Philip and Mary took place at Winchester on
the 25th of July, 1554. Several days were devoted to feasting
and rejoicings, and then the royal pair proceeded by easy journeys,
by way of Basing, to Windsor, where they arrived on Friday, 3d of
August."^ They were met at the lower end of Pescod Street by the

1 Sir H. Nicolas' 'Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 182.

^ lloliiished ; Grafton. ^ Holinshed.

' Holinshed, Stowe, &c. See Ash. MSS., No. 1114, f. 43.

TO AD. 1558.] INSTALLATION OP PHILIP. 595

mayor and his brethren, '' and thence (the trumpets soundmg)
they proceeded with the officers of arms before them, into the
castle, till they arrived at the west door of the chapel, where was
prepared a form with carpets and cushions, and at their entry the
Bishop of Winchester censed them.

'' The Queen having received the Mantle of the Order, with a
reverential kiss from the Earls of Derby and Pembroke (to whom
it had been presented by the Register of the Order), put it upon
the king (assisted by the said Earls) ; the Earls of Arundel and
Pembroke, receiving the Collar of the Order from Garter, presented
it to the Queen (with the like ceremony as was the Mantle) who
put it about the King's neck.

'' Then all the Knights Companions put on their Mantles,
within the chapel door, and proceeded into the choir, and stood
before their stalls according to antient order. Then the Queen
went into her stall, taking the King by the hand, and setting him
in the same stall with her, and after a little space, they both
descended and proceeded up to the high altar (the Queen keeping
the right hand) and there offered ; after which they returned to
their stall, where they reposed themselves, while all the knights
companions present, did offer, according to their degree, and had
taken their stalls according to their ancient custom. Then was
Te Deum and de Profundis sung, which being finished, they came
all down from their stalls, and proceeded to the chapter house
door, where the King, and all the knights companions put off their
mantles ; and immediately going out of the chapel, they took their
horses at the chapel door, and proceeded in order, up to the Castle,
where they reposed themselves that night." ^

Holinshed says the installation of Phihp took place on Sunday,
the 5th of August, " and the Earl of Sussex was also the same time
stalled in the order. At which time an herald took down the arms
of England at Windsor, and in the place of them would have set
the arms of Spain, but he was commanded to set them up again
by certain lords."

The 7th of August '* was made a general hunting with a toil

^ Pole's ' History of Windsor/ p. 331 ; Aslimole's ' Order of the Garter,' pp. 308, 352,
and Appendix, No. clx. See also Ash. MSS., No. 1110, f. 118.

596 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

raised of four or five miles in length, so that many a deer that day
was brought to the quarry." ^

On the 11th of August the king and queen removed from
Windsor to Richmond, and from thence, on the 27th of the same
month, they proceeded by water to London."

The statute 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8, repealing " all
statutes articles and provisions made against the See Apostolick of
Rome since the xxth yere of King Henry theight, and also for
thestablishment of all Spyrytuall and Ecclesiasticall Possessions and
Hereditamentes conveyed to the Layetye," and restoring (amongst
other things) the jurisdiction of archbishops and bishops over
certain parish churches and chapels in the hands of laymen, con-
tained the following proviso :

'' Provided alwaie and Be it enacted. That this Acte extende not
to take away or diminishe the Priveleges of the Universities of Cam-
bridge and Oxforde, ne the Privilegies or Prerogatifes granted hereto-
fore to the Churches of Westminster and Wyndesore, ne the Tower of
London, ne prejudicial! to suche Temporal! Lordes and Possessioners
in this Realme, as by auncient Custome have enjoyed Probate of
Testamentes of their Tenantes or others.^^

"The Church of Windsor" refers of course to the chapel and
collegiate establishment of St. George, and not to the parish church.

The following are extracts from the corporation accounts of this
reign :

Chamberlain's account, dated 15th of October, 1 and 2 Philip
and Mary (Andrew Alley, mayor) :

'' Itm in allowance of the money leyd owt abowt the

church e^ .... uij.li. x\j,s. ix.d.

Itm p^ to Wyllm Wyllysing for the Statute boke

of the ffyrst plyamt . . . x.d,

^ HoUnshed. ^ jbid.

^ The Ashmol. MSS. contain the following extracts from corporation accounts of the
first year of Mary's reign, the originals of which appear to be lost :

" 11 Dec: p^ towards the rep^ of the Chauncell and to make up the alter . 2 : 0:0"
'* for necessary things for Mass and oth*" divine service of ye church . 2 : 10 : 0 "

" 9 Feb: p* Mr. Goad for his cliarges beinge Burgcsse of Parliament for

60 daycs at I*, per diem . . . . .3:0:0

j)*^ to Thomas Butler for his charges at ye s*^ parliament . . 1 : 10 : 0"

TO A.D. 1558.] COEPOEATION ACCOUNTS. 597

It. p'^ to Wyirm Wyllysing in reward for to releff

hym in hys sycknese . . . xx.sJ

" It. p* to Jolin Dayfytt in reward towards the losse

of hys howse burnyng . . . xij.5. iiij.o?.

Itm p*^ to ThonTs Metcalf Goldsmyth of london for
gyldyng of the mace and other charges ther
abowt the mendyng . . . xxij.5. iiij.^^/'

" ' Underowre ' John Aldem Collecto'^

" It. allowed hym for the yeres rent p^ to the Kyng

and Queene . . . iiij./i. v.5. iij.6?.qr.

It. p^ to hym for hys ffee . . . iij.5. ui^.d.

It. p^ to hym for the ffees of thaccoptant for hys

charge in the xcheker . . . ij.5. iiij.c?/^

Chamberlain's account, 14th of October, 2 and 3 Philip and
Mary (John Wescott, mayor) -}

" It. p*^ to Thom's Dedyll in recompense of repac'ons

of hys howse .... x.^.

payd to Thorn's Butler the seyd day & yere of
accompte for the charge of the allowaunce of or"
Charter in the Escheker . . . xl.s.

p* also by Mr. Mayor to the Chambleyns the xxvij*^
daye of Octobre an" se"do and ter*o for to doe
repacons of the cage and other necessary es . xl.

pyd to Thorns Butler the iiij^^' day of June (the same
year) for the charge of the allowaunce of or
Charter in the escheker w^ iij.5. iiij.^. he leyd
more then he last receyved'^ . . xliij..^. iij.c?.

payd to Mr. Neweton for iiij yardes of cloth . xlviij.5. viij.^.

payd to my brother Readings for x badges for pouer

folk according to the statute of the realme . ix.5. \\\yd.'*

In the "mayor's account," 14th of October, 3 and 4 Philip and
Mary (Thomas Butler, mayor), there are payments of 31 5. 3^<:/. and
of 25. for repairs of the church :

* In Ash, MS., No. 1126, the following entry purports to be " extractea out of the
Churchwardens account Booke of New Wyndesor :"

" 2 and 3 Ph. and Mar. M^ that the 2d of July the Churchwardens opened the Church
box out of w*=^ was p^ to Mr. Maior 135. 4c?. w''^ he disbursed for the Rode."

^ In the original, this and the subsequent items printed in italics have been crossed
out, apparently because they are included in the £13 3*. Id. at the end of a subsequent
year's account.

598 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

^' Itm to Mr. Butler for charges by hym layd owte for

slTaroles busynes^ in the xchequer . . iiij.5.^'

" //. payd unto Mr. Ockeham late undershryeff for
the alowance of the peticon and claime of our
charter in thoffice of the 2^ypes . . xiij.5. iiij.^.

Itm delyveryd unto ye aboveseid Thomas and Jhon

Pyle for to pay e unto the yr est . . iiij./i.

Itm delyveryd unto ye same Thorn s Goad (?) the x^^'

daye of Januari to paye the prest . . xxxiij..^. iiij.G?.

It. payd unto Mr. Wheatly the Vf^ daye of Marche
for ij dynns bestowyd upon Mr. Yngleffeld and
other the Kyng and Quenes m^^ corny ssy oners . vj./i. xvj.5. xj.c?.'^

" Itm payed unto the colector for the subsedie . . xx.s''

In " Undero''" account, dated 18th of January, 3 and 4 Philip
and Mary, the following entries occur :

^^ It. payd unto Humfrye Dale in pte of reco pence for

his costs for the apphencyon of Hogekyns . {x}^ of June yl.sJ'

" Itm paied the xi^^' of July unto Nedam for xx blacke

By lis for the sodyers . . . xx.s."

The following occurs in the " bridgemens" account, taken 14th
of October, 4 and 5 Philip and Mary (Andrew Alley, mayor) :

" John Aldem p^ for clothe for Souldy^os . . cy.s.''

" M'^ that Reynold Redyng ys to be charged w*^ y.li. y.s. before
charged for clothe for Souldyers defray d by the seyd John Aldem ^'

In the chamberlain's account of the same date, £21 9s. 9cL is
received for repairs of the bridge, and £23 1^. 2<^. paid for timber,
stone, gravel, &c., for the bridge.

In the mayor's account of the same year the following items
occur :

" More by hym receyvyd of Phyllyp Stokwell for hys offence

in gevyng of obprobryous words to Mr. Pyle . y].s. viij.t/."

'^ More by hym receyvyd of Mr. Goswell for transgressyng

on ye comon w* shepe . . . iij.5. iii^.d.''

^ i. e., business of the hail.

TO A.D. 1558.J SUPPLY OP WATEll TO THE CASTLE. 599

The common on which Mr. GoswelFs sheep trespassed was no
doubt the " Mill Common," between the castle and the river, part
of the manor of " Underour/'

'^ More he ys to be allowyd dyVs somes by hym payd
videl't to James Calke for hys reward helpyng
us in ye Escheker xix.s. to Okh^m Undersheref
for ye allowaunce of o'r petycon & claym of o^'
lybtyes of o"r charter in ye offyce of ye pypes
xiij.5. iiij.^. to John Whetley for dynn's be-
stowed uppon Mr. Ynglefyld & other ye
Kyngs and ye Qwenes maties Comyssyon^s
vj./i. xyj.5. xi.d. to the seyd James Calke for
hys ffee attendyng in ye Escheker v].s. viij.c?.
to the Collector for ye subsydye xx.s. for charges
at Underowre accompte vj.5. to humfrey Dale
for hys charge abowt ye app~hencon of Hogekyns
x,s. to Nedam Smyth for xx*^ blackbylls xx.^.
more to hym for ye concvacon (?) of xx soul-
dyers to London xx.s. for prest and other charges
abowt the same souldyers y.s. \].d. to Edmond
Playsden in reward for bryngyng of a buck
iij.5. iiij.c?. more to hym allowyd for drynkyng
at the admysyon of Mr. Kylbie ij.5. iiij.c?. in
ye hole .... . xiij.Zi. iij.5. j.c?.''

In the mayor's account, taken 20th of October, 5 and 6 Philip
and Mary (Gabriel Hylle, mayor), are the following items :

^' Itm more payde to iiij sowdio^® . . . x.s.

Itm for a payer booke . . . xx.c?.^'

In 1555, the labour of conveying water from Blackmore Park
to the castle, commenced in the reign of Edward the Sixth, as
before stated,^ was partially completed. On the 9th of October in

^ See ante, p. 591. The following details of the works are taken from Ashmole's MSS.,
No. 1125 : "Extracted out of the 2^ Booke of the Charges of making and build^ of the Con-
duyte head to convey water to Windsor Castle, and brought from Blackmore in the parish of
Wynkefeld in Wyndesor forest, w''^ Conduyt head is 5 myles distante from the s^ Castle,
made and done by the appointm* of the K^^ and his Councell, John Puncherdon Serjant
Plumer having the Charge thereof, John Norys Esq'" Coutroler of ^* said honor and

600 ANNAIiS or WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

the above-mentioned year, the pipe was brought up into the middle
of the upper court of the castle, " and there the water plenteously

Castle, and Rich: Woodward Clearke of the same having the ov sight and paym* of the
works. From 24 July 6 E. 6 to the 12 Nov: 1" Q. Mary.

TotaU

Day wages

Empco^ns and provisions

Carriages

The officers Expenses

. 416 :

2 :

. 152 :

12 :

. 35 :

11 :

. Ill :

0 :

715 :

5 :

diem

13c?. and 12^. and 10^.

" Plomb's laying pypes from the top of the Hyll in Frith

lane downe to Askote playne
Bricklayers work^ at ye Conduit head upon the houses

there ...... 14c?. and 12^. and lid. and 10c?.

Plumbers laying pipes in Askot plaine downe towards

the pond at .... . 13c?. and 12^.

Plumbs altering the Sesterne at y^ Conduct head and

making a new Cesterne a receipt by the Serjant

Plumers appointm* .... 12c?. and 10c?. and 8c?.

Bricklayers making the new Conduct house at y^ head

where the Sesterne is made for the upp. receipt

thereof ...... 14c?. and 12c?. and 10c?. and 7d.

Plumers making the Cesterne of lead at the middle

Receipt of water and laying pipes thereat . 13c?. and 12c?. and 10c?. and 8c?.

Bricklayers making the said midle Conduct howse, where

the upp"" Receipt is ... . 14c?. and 12c?. and 9c?. and Id.

Plumers laying pipes in the upp Trench fro the midle

house to the place where he is knitt to the Corner

house . . . . . .12c?. and 10^. and M.

Plumers setting the Sesterne in Frith lane . . 12c?. and 10*^. and 8^.

Plumers laying pipes in Ascott plaine towards the wood

syde ...... 12d. and 10c?. and M.

The workemen gave ov at Christmas a° 6. E. 6. and began
againe the 16 of Apr. a° 7. E. 6.

Plumers for laying pipes from the hauging of the hill

towards the Mote pke at ... 13c?. and 12c?. 10c?.

Plumers laying the pipes in the Mote pke . . 12^/. &c.

in the Mote pke in the new Ground

to the midle of the new ground in the s^ pke.

Plumes left worke 6 Aug: a^ 1^ Mar.

For carriage of 2 sheetes of lead to Asket plaine for the greate Cesterne

that standeth for the receipt of the water at Kilby's Gate* . . 8^.

" * in frith lane"

TO A.D. 1558.] SUPPLY OP WATEE TO THE CASTLE.

601

did rise 13 foot high." A reservoir, with a fountain " of curious
workmanship," was formed here, from which the water was distri-
buted to every part of the building.

The Expences of Rich: Woodward daily riding and attend^ the s* worke
himselfe w*^ 2 serv*^ and 3 horses and paying wages and for the stuffe
for 324. dayes at 5s, the day ..... SUi.

The Expences of John Norrys Esq attend^ ov^see^ and control!^ the s^

worke himself serv** and horses for 120 dayes, after the same rate . 30li.

M^ that the Lead was had at Oweburne, WaUingford
and Abbingdon."

" Extracted out of the 3*^Booke of Charges of the s^ Conduyt from 23^ of June a*« 1 and 2

Phi. and Mar. to 22 Dec: fo1i^

Totall.

Dayes workes .

Empco~ns and pvisions

Cariages

The officers Expenses

■ Labourers tak^ downe the leade at WaUingford Castle
Plumers laying pipes in ye Mote pke and Browns (Bromes?) Close
laying pipes in the way and so entring Eich: Galyes
ground ......

laying pipes in Rich: Galys ground next Cloware

■ in Clewere field .

laying pipes in Wyndesor field and so through the
Viccaridge godes house the churchy*^ th' old hawes
and into the Castle ....

Carpenters work^ in a frame to carry ye pipes ov the Castle

Diche at Rubbes gate.
Labourers digging the Trench in Wyndesor field going through
the Oley pitte Gods Archard, the Vycaradge, Gods yeat
house, the Churchyard, the Gardens in the old haws o?
the dych into the Castle and cov'ing the pipes in the same
Trench .......

Carpenters working upon the frame at Rubbes gate for ye pype .
Masons making the vault at the Gate for the pipes
Plombers working upon the Create Cesterne in y^ wood
Carpenters mak^ the Create mould in the plombery
Carpenters work^ upon the frame at Rubbers bridge .

M^: the on 5 ^"^ the 9*^ of Oct: was the pipe brought up
into the midle of the Co'"* where the Receipt of the
water shal be and there the water plentiously did
run 13 foote high.

156 •

1 :

. 8

: 8

: 4

: 6

: 8

313

p~ diem

7d.

} 13^. 12^. 10^. M

Ud. &c.

Idd. &c.

13^. &c.

IM.

p" diem

7d.

10^. and M.

lid,

13^.12^. 10c?. 9^. and 8^.

10^. and 9^.

10^. and 9</.

602 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

The general design of the fountain is preserved in Norden's
drawing,^ and the details in the accounts of their cost. It con-

" In this Booke it app' lead was had from Wallingford Castle, Grafton, Lond. and
370^ weight of old lead fro Maydston.

" Tymber had out of Cranborne wood and the mote pke.

" Pipes of lead carryed into the Mote pke, Spitle hill, Clewer
feild and so to Wyndesor w*'' lead to burne and knit the
same ....... lbs. M.

"The lead y' came from Grafton was 18 Sowes weighs 6"^°" S^"" and 18''
from Wallingford . 10^°^^ 15'^
fro London . . 8 S^' 25^

Lead taken up from the Countinghouse Tower . 56^*
and new carried thither.

" Carriage of Lead to Cranburne wood where the Cesterne is made . 35. M.

Carrying the greate Lead panne fro Lond. to Wyndsor . . 14

Rich: Woodwarde Expences for 156 dayes at 5^. p die^ . . .39^

John Norrys Esq his Expences for 80 days at ye same Rate . . 20."

[Ashmole has not made any extracts from the fourth book. He evidently intended to
do so, and a page is left, with the words " Extracted out of the" at the top.]

" Extracted out of the 5*** Booke of the Charges of the s^ Conduyte, from 24 Jan:
an'^ 3 and 4 Ph: and Mar. to the 19'^ of Dec: next foil annis Regnor. d.
Rs et Reginse 4 and 5.
" Day wages
Taske worke
Empco~ns and pvisions
Carriages
The officers expences

" Plumb^s making Cesternes for the offices in y* Cor* and

lays^ pipes to y™
Carpenters making Cisterne caces and oth"" necessaries

for ye fountaine .....
Bricklayers paving the Cloyster to Cover the pipes
Carvers carving the Carthowges and Scouchions for the

fountaine .....

Masons hew^ stone for the Sesspall [cesspool ?] dore

and sett^ up the same .... I2d. Ud. iOd. and 7d.
Bricklayers mak^Sespall howses and oth"" necessaries

for to convey the wast water into y^ woodyard at

Rubbish gate at the old house and other places . 12f/. lid. lOd.

312

: 12

: 5

: 19

: 10

281

: 18

: 0 : qd

: 8

: 2 : q-i .

106

: 16

: 8

763

: 15

: 1 ob. q^i
p diem

12^. and IM and 8d.7d.

12^. and ] Od.

10^.

Ud. Ud. and lid.

^ See the Prontispiece to the present volume.

TO A.D. 1558.] SUPPLY OP WATER TO THE CASTLE. 603

sisted of a canopy raised upon columns, in a semi-gothic style,
gorgeously decorated with heraldic ornaments coloured and gilt,

Labourers digg^ the foundacon of the Sespall house by

y^ old hawes ..... Id.

Carvers carving the Scutchions in wood and stone about

the fountaine ..... 14^. 13c?. and 12df.

Labourers scowring a hole at the Armery dore . Id.

Founders casting paternes in metaU to garnish the

Cesterne and topp of the fountaine . . 16^. 14c?. \ld.

Masons hewing and setting hard stone pave about the

fountaine ..... V2>d. \ld. and 8^.

Carvers Carving Scouchions in wainscott to make

patternes for the moulds of the Scotcheons and

Badges to garnish the Cisterne and topp of the

fountaine ..... 14c?. 13. 12. 11 and 8^.

Plumb'^ers sodering the Armes about the fountaine . 12: 11. 8: Id.

Plum''"'^ leading the Lavatory about the fountaine . 12. 11. 8. and Id.

for carvs" G Beasts Royall, viz: the Eagle conteyn^

6 foote in length, the Lyon 5 foote 11 inches. The

Antilop 5ft. Gin. di. the Greyhound 5ft. 5in. one q''*^'"

The Gryffith 5f. 4in. 3 q" The Dragon w*^ his base

13ft. 4 Inch in all 41fo. dr 1 In. di. after the rate

of 65. M. the foote .... 13/. : 175. : 6^.

To the Nunns of Langley for lead of them bought by

the Marques of Winchester being 10. fudder . 100£.

To Tho. Gower M'' of the Hardstone Quarry in Kent

for hardstone of him bought . . . 28£.

For taking downe the Leade of the South ile of the

Blackfriars church of K^^ Langley in Com) Hertf:

and casting the same into Sowes, conteyning

6. fudder ..... 1£.

For taking downe the Lead of o'' Lady Chappell there

and the reuestry (?) and cast^ the same into Sowes

conteyn^ 7 fudder .... 1/. 5*.

To Roger Amice Surveyor for view^ and appoint^ Stone

at Read^ for build^ of the fountaine . . 3£.

2G8 Loade carried thence to Windsor.

for carry^ Lead fr5 Grafton to Alesbury being 16. myle

iv (?) Ton . . . . . 1.6.8

Tymber had out of Cranbourne and Mote Pke
Elmyn" Tymber out of Under ore grove

The Expences of Rich: Woodward paymaster for 276

dayes ...... 69/. 0^.

The Expences of Jo: Norrys Esq Controller for 138

Dayes • 34 : 10*."

604 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

and a dragon, one of the supporters of the Tudor arms, casting the
water into the basin underneath. Some of the particulars of the
payments for the carving and painting are very curious.^

" Extracted out of the 6*^ Booke of the charges of the said Conduit from the 30: of Jan.
an^^ 4 and 5 Ph. and Mar. to the 25: of Dec. a° j Eliz.

l. s. d.
( Day wages . . . 152 : 14 : 5

J Taske worke . . . 61 : 00 : 00

Totall . \ Empco"'ns and pvisions . . 199 - 6 - 1

Carriages . . . 5-11-1^.

The officers Expences . .103-16-8.

522 : 8 : 3

' Plumbers sodering on the scutchions and making the Cisterne

at the Kitchen dore at .... 8d.

Carpenters making Rayles about the fountaine . 12c?. and 11<^. Wd.and 9d.

Laborer digging holes about the Fountaine ... '/d.

To John Puncherdon S'jant Plumer and Henry Deacon for

finish^ the garnishing of the fountaine in greate, as it was

agreed betweene the Lord Trevor and them . . 60£.

To the Nuns of Langley for 5 fudder of Lead bought of them . 50£.
To Nich: Lyzard Serjant Painter for paint^ and gild^ one

greate vane w*^ the K^ and Queene's Armes w*^ a greate

Impiall Crowne upon it all gilt w*^ fine Gold and painted

w*^ fyne oyle Collours . . . . . 7£.

To the same for paynt^ prymeringe stoping gild^ and varnishing " q'y scoping"

of a greate Lyon and one Eagle hold^ up the s^ vane first

primed w*^ soden oyle, 2^'^ w*^ red lead and oyle sodden

together, then stoptd w*'' oyles and red lead, then prymered

twise upon the sunne and after that wrought 3: tymes in

their colours and so gilt w*^ fine gold in oyle and after

vernisht . . . . . . 13£. : 65, : 8^,

To the same for prymering stoping gild^ and vernishing of one

Gryffon, a harte, a Greyhound and an Antilope holds' up

foure Comptym*" w*^ 4 Badges Crowned wthin them,

wrought primed stoped gilt and vernished as before at

6/. : 135. : M. ye peece ..... 26/. : 135. : 4a?.
To the same for paynt^ prymering stoping and vernishing as

afores** of the top of the s^ fountaine w*^ all the Cartushes

pedesthalls Armes beasts pendants Comptim*^ Pillers

Cornishe Arquitraves and frises wthin and wthout under

and above all painted w*'* the lead CoUour in Oyle and

vernished ...... 20£.

Poyutcr's ' Essay,' These particulars will be found in the preceding note.

TO A.D. 1558.] DWELLINGS OF THE POOH KNIGHTS. 605

In this reign, the will of Henry the Eighth with respect to the
establishment of the Poor Knights was carried into effect, by the
erection of dwellings for them on the south side of the lower ward
of the castle, the expense of which was defrayed out of the proceeds
of the £600 a year reserved out of the lands granted by Edward
the Sixth to St. George's College, as already mentioned. *' But it
seems/' says Ashmole, " this work was not begun till the last of
February anno 3 and 4 Ph. and Mary and finished the 25 of
September anno 5 and 6 of the same King and Queen the charge
whereof came to £2747 7^. Mr^

'' The stone for building was brought from Reading, the timber
from several places in the forest, and the lead and apparels for
chimnies from Suffolk Place in Southwark." ^

In recorapence of charges and pviding and conveying of wainscot

from Southwarke to Brookes wharfe and so to Winds' . 13^. - 4id.

The Expences of Rich: Woodward paymaster for 182 dayes . 701. : 10^.
The Expences of Jo: Norris Esq. for 120 dayes . . 30:

« A +'fl /^^- I^ussell M*" Carpenter
Artmcers ^ ^^^ BuUock, M-" Mason."

(Ash. MSS., No. 1125, f. 68—71.)

* ' Order of the Garter,' citing Lib. Compot. penes-Harris, nuper de Windesor.
^ Ibid. The following details of the works are taken from the Ashmolean MSS. :

" Excerpted out of the first Booke of Accounts of ye Charges of building and Ereccon of
the Almes Knights lodgings, wthin the honour and castle of Wyndesor. As well
of the 7: upp Lodgings (whereof the Tower is one) as also the 6 nether Lodgings
beneth the said Tower, and one Roome for the hall, the kitchen and the pastry,
w*=^ said 6: upp Lodgings were wrought by the day, and the said 6 nether Lodgings
the HaU kitchen and pastry were new built out of the ground and wrought to
taske in greate. Made and done by the appointm* of the Q-ueenes Matie and set
forth by the right ho'''® W™ Lord Marquess of Wynchester Lord Treasurer of
England into the charge of Rich: Woodward Clearke of the said Honor and Castle
and Roger Amice Esq. Surveyor of the same.
" The Total of all Charges from the last of Febr: a° 3: and 4 Ph. and Mary to the

25: of Dec: next foil were as followeth.

Day wages

. 653

. 6

Taske worke

. 323

Exempco~ns and p>isions

. 557 •

Caryages ....

. 258

Necessary expences

. 018

. 8

The officers expenses

. 125

. 00

1935 : 14 : 9 : ob.

606 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

At a chapter of the Order of the Garter held on the 1st of
June, 1557, three houses being then nearly completed, a discussion
took place as to placing poor knights in them by the following

" Some p~ticulars, that are included in the former totall

" Reading. — The stones for the build^ were fetched from Redding Abbey by water,
Windsor. — Masons spoyling the wiudowes of the howses above

the Tower by ye day .... lOd.

Reading. — Carpenters viewing the Roofes at Reading and

Wallingford by the day ... 12rf.

Windsor. — Laborers digg^ the foundacon of the new howses

beneath the square Tower by ye day . . 6d.

Windsor. — Labourers digg^ the cellers in the old works above

the square Tower by ye day ... Id. ^

Reading. — Masons taking downe the greate Stones of the
dores and windowes in the Chappell of o^" Lady
there by the day . . . . 12fi?. &c.

Windsor. — Labourers digging and scowring the sellers in the

new worke beneath ye square Tower . . Id.

Masons hewing Stones for the old lodgings above

the square Tower p die . . . V^d. &c.

Labourers in tlie old howses digging and breaking
the walls for roome for the chimneys and the
Windsor / Jaques p diem .... 7^.

Carpenters framing the Tymber w*4n the Castle for

the floores of the old workes p diem . . Yid. &c.

Masons hewing of Stones in the old worke for

dores and windowes .... \1d. &c.

Labourers digging Stones out of the walls there

p diem ..... lid.

Masons Chusing of Stones there p~ diem . 10^.

Labourers breaking of Walls in the old Lodgings

p diem ..... Id.

^ Plombers covering the new Lodgings p~ diera \1d. \\d. and %d. and Id.
Reading. — Labourers digging of Cane Stone out of the win-
dowes for ye Batlem** in the new Lodgings
p diem ..... ^d.

I Carpenters working upon the partico~ns in the upp
lodgings and making of force Dores for the

nether Lodgings p diem . . 12c?. and 11^. and 10^/. and 8(f.

for scowring the Seller of the upp Lodging next

the Lieuten** tower .... 7*. ^d.

for scowring the 2: 3: 4 and 5: Sellars from ye

Lieuetenants Tower . . . . 1-15-4

for digging the Trench in the wall to carry up the
chimney of the Kitchen and Hall up through
\y the square Tower . . . . 1-2-0

Reading <

Windsor <

Windsor \

6/. -

135.

-id.

-14.

• 0

- 2

-9

TO A.D. 1558.J DWELLINGS OE THE POOR KNIGHTS. 607

Michaelmas. It was thereupon ''ordered that the Marquis of
Winchester, Lord Treasurer, should assign Lands for their mainte-
nance, that not anything might be wanting to finish so pious a

" Timber for the npp lodgings was brought out of the sev all places foil. Ashinge,
Hurste, Bynfeild, Water Cheley, Sunning hill pke, Wokefeld.

" Timber feld and hewed out of Bagshot pke, Cranbourne Chase, More pke, for
the same Lodgings.

" 12: Fudders of old Lead in peeces bought at Suffolke place in Southwerke.

" 20: old Apparraills for Chimneys bought at Suifolke place for the
Almes Knights Lodgings ....

to 6 Labourers for helping to take the s* 20: Apparraills downe

Elmen Tymber carryed out of Underhoure grove to Wyndsor

Itm for expences of Rich: Woodward in all the tyme daily riding and
attending the s*^ workes himselfe w*^ 2 Servants 3 Horses alwaies
riding and send^ for necessaries and stuff to the workemen and
paying for it, and also their wages, by the space of 258 dayes at
bs. the day . . . . . . . 64/. - lOs,

Itm for the Expences of Roger Amice Esq. Surveyor of the Queenes
Lands in Coin' Buck, assigned to survey view and ov see the s**
works for the Costs charges paines and travaile of himselfe 2 men
and 3 horses attend^ to view ov see and survey the s^ workemen
by the space of 130 dayes at 7s. the day . . . 45/. - 305.

" These p~ticulars I extracted to observe whence the mat ialls were
fetched, and what things may be taken notice of in seTlall pts of
the buildings.

"John Puncherdon SEiant plumer
John Russell M"" Carpenter
Hen: Bullok M' Mason
Patrick Kelley M"^ Plasterer"

(Ash. MS., No. 1125, f. 66, 66 b.)

"Extracted out of the 2^ Booke of the Charges of ye build" of the Almes K*^ Lodgings
w*Mn the honor and Castle of Wyndesor, from the 13th of March a'^ 4 and 5
Ph. and Mar. to the 25: of Sep* foil, viz* annis 5 and 6 d. 9= and R''^

" Day wages

. 242

: 9

: 0

Taske worke

. 66 :

: 4 ob. q

Empco'^ns and pvisions

. 403

- 7 ob. q

Carreages

. 35

: 11

- 0

The officers expences

. 63

- 8

811 : 12 : 8 ob.
" Some few pticulars, w'''' are included in the afores^ account.
" Carpenters framing the upp floores and pulling downe

the old pticoi? p die^ . . . .1*. and lOd. and 9d.

608 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXI.

work. And towards the completing of all, the Queen had nomi-
nated nine of the thirteen designed Alms-Knights, namely James
Crane, Michael Whiting, Silvester Clessop, Hugh Johans, Robert
Case, John Brigby, George Fothergill, George Thackwell, and
William Berd : but she fell sick of a fever in August following, and
so a stop was put to this business." ^

Masons hewing stone to cope the Batlem*^ of the old

Lodg^^ p dip ..... Is. and lie?.

Carpenters pulling downe the old Roof and framing a

new for the old lodg" . . . .1*. lid. lOd. 9d. 7d.

Bricklayers rearing the Tonnells of the Chimnyes in ye

s* Lodg^^ p diem .... 1^. 11^.

Plumbers taking the Lead from ye old roofe and new

cast^ ye same p diem .... lid. and 9d.

Carpenters floor^^ the lofte and framing the upp Tower

p diem ...... 10c?.

Bricklayers rearing Chimneys in the Square Tower . I2d. and lid. and 6c?.
Carpent^ framing the ptico~ns of the square Tower and

floors" the same p diem . . . . 12c?. and lie?, and 10c?.

Masons rearing the vice in the square Tower p diem . 12c?. and lie?.

Masons finishing and coping the vice of the square tower

p dig . . . . . . 12c?. and lie?.

Plasterers finishing the sealing of the new Lodgings

p diem ...... 12e?. and lie?, and 9c?. and 8d.

Plasterers seeling the upp lodgings p diem . . 10c?. and 8 c?.

Plumbers covering the vice and finish^^ the square Tower

p diem ...... lie?, and 7d.

Masons hew^ stone to cope the wall at ye nether gate

p diem ...... 1*. .

Bricklayers laying the foundacon of the same wall

p diem ...... Is. and lie?.

Plasterers seeling the square Tower p diem . . 12e?. and lie?, and lOe?. and 8^.

To Henry Carrant carver in Stone for sett^ up and mak^

the Armes of England and Spaine w*^ the treales to

the same oy the midle of the square Tower . lOli.

for digging and clensing one face of greate Stone in

greate at the late Abbey of Eedd^" conteyn*^ 24: loads II. -Is. - M.

For hewing 87 foote of Ashler in greate for ye rear^ of

the Vice in the square Tower at Ic?. ^"^ the foote . 95. ob qr (?)

Glasiers worke done aswell in and upon the Almes K*'

lodges* as the Exchequer .... 21£ - 6^. - lie?, ob

The Expences of Rich: Woodward paymaster for 168

dayes . . . . . . 42£ - 0*.

The Expences of Rog* Amyce Esq. Surveyor for 52 dayes 18 - 4."

(Ash. MSS., No. 1125, f. 67.)

' Ashmole's * Order of the Garter.'

TO A.D. 1558.] MANOR OP CLEWEH BROCAS. 609

These buildings are situated on the inner side of the castle wall,
between Henry the Eighth's Gateway and the Lieutenant's Tower,
and are still inhabited by the knights. The square tower and
some portion of the structure to the east of it were previously
standing.^ Ashmole describes them as containing " thirteen rooms,
besides a hall, a kitchen, and pantry.''

The following boundaries of the manor of " Clewer Brocas"
appear in the survey taken by Roger Amys, the king's surveyor, in
the second and third years of Philip and Mary :

" The Mannour of Clewer Brocas, beginneth at a Tenement called
the Goate against the Bell Tower otherwise called Clewer Tower ; and
boundeth upon the Towne of Windsor unto the Thames and then
boundeth upon Windsor Water to a place called Beckes Crosse : And
then boundeth on the County of Buck unto the Parish of Windsor
called the Bey, Didworth Maunces^ and Diclworth Lowring and the
Parish of Bray on the west, and the Parish of Wingfeild at a place
called the three stakes on the south west, and the Mannour of the
Moate on the east,^ and so to the Burrowe of Windsor to a greate house
now Robert Francklins where some times stood two Crosses for bounds
betweene the Liberties of the Burrowe and the seven hundreds,* and
payeth Lostfield silver^ xvij. viij.c?."*^

^ Poy liter.

^ Didworth Maunsell.

^ See an account of the Moat Park, post, Vol. II, chapter i.

^ The seven hundreds of Cookham and Bray.

^ Lostfield or Lose field silver appears to have been a sum paid annually for some
right of common. In the same MS. as that from which the text is taken there is the
following —

" Note of the severall Annuall fines of diverse Townes paid for herbidge called Losefeild

Silver, yearely.
" The Towneshipp of Clewer . . . xvij.5. 8t/.

The Ditching of Didworth Mansell . . vj.5. ij.d.

The Tithing of Didworth Loring . . . yj.s. i].d.

The Mannour of Underour within y^ Parish of New

Windsor . . . . . xij.r/.

The To wneshipp of ould Windsor . . . ij.s.

The Towneshipp of Nuptan in Warfield . . xij.^.

The Townshipp of Winckfeild . . . xviij.^.

The Towneshipp of Ascott .... iiij.^.
The Towneshipp of Ingelfeild in Surrey . . ij.s.

" Summa totalis 41^. vj.d."
(Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 126 5.)

« Extracts from Day's Book, Ash. MS., No. 1126, f. 52 b,

610

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chaptee XXI.

The manor of Clewer Brocas acquired its name from the family
of Brocas, as has been already observed in an earlier part of this
work.^ The foregoing boundary is of interest, as proving the
identity of the Bell Tower with the Clure or Clewer Tower men-
tioned in a writ of the reign of Edward the Fourth.^

1 See ante, pp. 263, 264.

^ See ante, pp. 72 and 372. It is evident that Ashmole and Mr. Poynter are in error
in supposing the Clure Tower was destroyed by Edward the Fourth, and consequently
that the statement adopted at p. 72 on their authority must be corrected.

Old House at the lower end of Peascod Street.

CHAPTER XXII.

WINDSOR IN THE EEIGN OF ELIZABETH.

Constables of the Castle.

A.D. 1562. LOED HOBERT DUDLEY (aETERWAUDS EaRL OF LeICESTEK).

A.D. 1590. Chaules Earl of Nottingham, K.G.

Deans of St. George's Chapel.
A.D. 1559. George Carew. a.d. 1595. Robert Bennett, S.T.P.

A.D. 1572. William Day, B.D. a.d. 1602. Giles Thompson, D.D.

Members of Parliament.

A.D. 1558. Thomas Welden and Roger Amyce.

A.D. 1562. Richard Gallys and John Gresham.

A.D. 1571. John Thompson and Humfry Michell.

A.D. 1572. Edward Docura and Richard Gallys, succeeded by

Humfry Michell,
a.d. 1584. Henry Nevill and John Crooke, Jun.
A.D. 1585. Henry Nevill and George Woodwarde.
A.D. 1588. Edward Nevill and Edward Hake,
a.d. 1592. Henry Nevill and Edward Nevill.
A.D. 1596. Julius C^sar and John Norrys.
a.d. 1600. Julius Caesar and John Norrys.

Provosts of Eton.
A.D. 1559. William Bill, D.D. a.d. 1562. William Day, D.D.

A.D. 1561. Richard Bruerne, B.D. a.d. 1596. Sir Henry Savile, Kt.

St. George's Eeast — Corporation Accounts — The Queen visits Windsor — The Cross —
Sale of Church Goods — Proclamation respecting Singers — Regulations respecting
Trading in the borough — The Priests' Wives expelled from St. George's College
— Revenues of the College — Poor Knights — Visitation of Eton College — Richard
Gallys — Removal of the Queen to Windsor in consequence of the Plague —
De Eoix, the Erench Envoy, placed under restraint at Eton— The Queen's Studies
and Amusements — Marriage of Lady Mary Gray — Installation of Charles the
Ninth by proxy— Statute respecting the celebration of St. George's Eeast —
Degradation of the Duke of Norfolk — Members for Windsor — Resolution of the
Corporation — Works in the Castle — St. George's Eeast — The Queen's Illness at
Windsor.

The first recorded event connected with Windsor in the reign
of Ehzabeth is the Feast of St. George held there on the 6th of

612 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

June, 1559. "The Earl of Pembroke was the Queen's substitute.
There were installed at that time the four noblemen that were
lately elected into the Order. There was great feasting ; and that
day the communion and English service began to be celebrated
there/'^

The four recently elected knights were Thomas Howard, Duke
of Norfolk ; Henry Manners, Earl of Rutland ; Sir Robert Dudley,
afterwards Earl of Leicester; and William Parr, Marquess of
Northampton, who, having been restored to the peerage by parlia-
ment, was re-elected into the Order.^

Lord Robert Dudley was soon afterwards appointed constable
of Windsor Castle and Forest, and keeper of the Great Park,
during life.

By the statute 1 Eliz., c. 4, s. 8, "the Deane and Canons of
the Free Chappell of St. George the Martyr within the Castell of
Windesoure, and all the possession and hereditamentes of the same
free chappell Deanrye and Canons by whatsoever name or names
they be incorporated or knowen/' were exempted from tenths and
first fruits; and by the same statute the similar exemption by
Henry the Eighth, of Eton College, was confirmed.

Sir H. Nicolas observes that "it is remarkable that the motives
which induced King Edward the Sixth to adapt the statutes of the
Order of the Garter to the religion of the state did not cause
Queen Elizabeth to revive her royal brother's code, or, at all events,
to have divested them of such ordinances and ceremonials as were
inconsistent with the Protestant faith." ^

The propriety of altering the statutes of the Order, however,
induced the queen, in a chapter on the 23d of April, 1560, to
issue a commission to the Marquess of Northampton, the Earls of

^ Strype's 'Annals ;' Nichols' 'Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, p. 68. "Though
the public prayers were by the late act of parliament to be said only in the vulgar tongue,
that all the people might understand ; yet upon the petition of the universities of Cam-
bridge and Oxford, and the two Coll. of Winchester and Eaton, that for the farther
improvements of their members in Latin they might use the same form of public prayer
in Latin, the Queen, by her letters patents, dated at Westminster, the 6th of April, in
the 2d year of her reign, granted the same." (Strype's ' Annals.')

2 Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 187.

3 Ibid., vol. i, pp. 186-7.

TO A.D. 1572.] COEPORATION ACCOUNTS. 613

Arundel and Pembroke, and the Lord Howard of Effingham,
empowering them " to read over and consider them, and to con-
sider with a watchful care and dihgence if any of them were dis-
agreeable to the Religion, Laws, and Statutes of this Realm, and if
any such were found, the same to be faithfully represented to the
Sovereign, to the end that she, with the Knights Companions,
might establish such Decree concerning them as she should think
fit ;" but nothing appears to have been done.^

The following are extracts from the account of Gabryell Hylle,
mayor, dated the " Morrow of St. Edward 1 Elizabeth, for year
ending at Michaelmas preceding :"

^' Payments.
" The same doth accounte in allowance for Pent payed

to Mr. Wodward for the Gravell Pyttes . iiij.5.'^

Mr. Woodward is described elsewhere as " clerk of the Castell
of Wyndesor."

" And payd to the sam BaylyfFs for the rent of the water
of the sev'all unto theym appoynted by the
com'on counsell of the seyd town for the advaunce-
ment of theyr ofFycys . . . x\.s.

And payed Redford for keping the legge of

the brydge & gatheryng the barge money for
hys ffe thys yere y^.s. viij.c?. and in Rewarde in
consyderacon of hys paynes takne xiij.5. iiij.^. xx.s, hys reward

And payd James Calk for hys ffe being of counsell w*^'
the seyd town in the exchequer by the yer pt x.^.
and for off'ers in the saii? Exchequer at Mi helm's
Anno Regno nup ©"ino n" Philippe R. & Marie
Regine q''in & sexto vj.5. viij.c?. . . xvj.^. viij.t/.''

'^ The Expence] And payd Mr. Hanley being Purges of

of the burg'es f> the plyament for hys expenses ther

of plyament J being by the space of Syx days . vj.5/^

William Hanley succeeded Richard Hoord in 1557, as before
stated. He was an inhabitant of Windsor, and mayor of the town
about this period. He sat in parhament for only one year, for in
the first of Elizabeth, Thomas Welden and Roger Amyce were
returned.

1 Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' and Ashmole, p. 195.

614

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chapteh XXII.

'' And payd to the Collector for the subsydy ^

dew to the Queries ma*^ . . xxvj.^.viij.c?.

And payd the Quenes Collector for the xv*^^
and tenth of the mann) of Underhowre . xxj.5. J

" And payed Ry chard Redford for Iron work for the legge
of the brydge ij.s. and for nayles vj.c?.
And payd Nicholas Bartlett for a seaceryt Boke xiiij.c?.
and for a Markett Busshell xviij.c?. and for mendyng
the bords by the Grate dore in the prison iiij.c?.

"And payd for byllets gevein Almes to the Almose
ffolkes xxiiij.5. . . . . .

And payd the Goodwyff Keward for feedyng
of Swans .... xvj.c?.

And payd John Whetly for ffeydyng of
Swannes ij.5. and for three busshells of
Otes iij.^. . . . . \.s.

*'And payd Nicholas Bartlet goyng to Mr. ffytzwyllyams
^th Thorn's Coks confessyon

" And payd the same Nicholas goyng to ffyfeld w^^ the

news of the Quenes ....

And payd the same Nicholas in Reward to be dylygent

in hys ofFys
And payed the Constabulls in reward goyng w*^ the

Sowdyers to Mr. Bullok ....
And payd Mr. Gabryell Hylle for an^ Jurney to Readyng

for the dyscharge of the xv^^^ of Underowre .
And payed for Expences in sendyng to London for the

mace and the cups ....

And payed the baylyffe in Reward for makyng clene

the place of the cage ....

xlvij.^.viij.c?.

ij.5. vj.c?.

nj.5

xxnij.5.

vj.*. iiij.c?.''

f And payd at John Whetleys for a
drynkynge to the clerks when
Te deS was songe at the quenes
comyng in and at the pclamacon xxvij.5.
And payed the xij*^^ day of May for
the chargys of a dynn at Whet-
leys xxvj.5. & Bestowyd uppo'
Mr. Warde iij.5. vj.c?. . . iix\x.s.\].d.

iiij.^.

iiij.c?.
iiij.5.
iiij.^.

xij.^.
ij.s.
x.s. m].d.'

TO A.D. 1572.]

CORPOUATION ACCOUNTS.

615

"Expence in

Enterteynyng

the quenes

Comyssyoners
& others v'

And payed at Mr. Whetleys for a
dynn^ geven to Mr. Norrys &
Mr. Amice xiiij.^. . . xiiij.^.

And payed the saiff for a dynn

x.li. ix.5."

"Swan-
uppyng
Expence.

when Mr. Nevell & the comys-

syon s wher her for the subside li.s. \i.s.

And payd Mr. Ally for a drynk-
yng at Mr. Whetleys when Nevell
was a nother tyme iiij.5. x.^. . iiij.^. x.d.

And payd at a nother tyme for
the Expense att the eatyng of
Yenyson . . . xxx.5.

And payed JohnWhetle for the rem-

nat of a dynn the last yere xvj.5. xvj.*.

And payd the same fo dynn the
compte day being the morrow
after Seint Edwards day A° 1559
xxxvj.5. viij.c?. . xxxvj.5. viij.c?.^

^And payd John Whetley for the

charge and expence of the up-

pyng of the Swans uppon Cowl-

ney Strem as apperythe by hys

by 11 iiij.5. y.d, ^ . . iiij.5. v,d.

And payd the sam John Whetley

for hys expence uppyng the I

Swannes from London brydg

upward a long the Temys as fare

as Taplow myll as apperythe by
V hys byll xxviij.5. ix,d. . . xxviij.5. ix.^

" The Stok of V,,, ,^ ^
^ 1 1 T Whvffhte Game . . . xvi

Swanns declaryd "^

by Mr. Whetley

uppon the
allowance of his

Expence.

The account of William Hanley, mayor, from Michaehnas day,
1 Eliz., to the same day, 2 Eliz., follows, but contains no item of
interest. This is the last account in the vohime,^ and the books

* With respect to the handwriting of the accounts in this volume, it may be observed
that the best and neatest is that of the reign of Edward the Sixth and part of Mary's.
The latter part of Mary's reign is the most careless, improving considerably, however, in
the two years of Elizabeth.

> xxxiij.5. ij.G?.^^

Grey Game beinge x whereof there be
vij markyd owte and three taken to
fFat and re may nth

vij

xxnj.

616 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

containing the subsequent accounts down to the year 1635 are
unfortunately lost. They were in existence when Ashmole collected
materials for the History of Windsor, and some extracts made by
him are preserved in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Those
extracts are of a scanty nature, and only serve to make it evident
that in the loss of these account-books we are deprived for a length
of time of materials of great value to the local historian.^

It appears that Queen Elizabeth was at Windsor early in
September 1559, hourly expecting the arrival of Eric King of
Sweden to solicit her hand. The king came not, however, but
sent his brother John, Duke of Finland, as his representative.^
The duke was received with royal honours, and flattered with
delusive hopes ; but, making no progress, was supplanted by an
ambassador. At length the King of Sweden's patience was ex-
hausted ; and he consoled himself for his disappointment by
marrying a lady who, though unequal in rank to Elizabeth, could
boast of superior beauty, and repaid his choice by the sincerity of
her attachment.^

This was probably the first visit of Elizabeth to Windsor as
queen.

In the accounts of " William Hanley late Maior made the
morrow after St. Edwards day King and Martyre anno 2 Elizabeth,''
there is a charge of £8 10s. 6d. "for a cup double guilt for the
Queene, being a present against her first coming to Wyndsor." *

^ These intervening accounts were contained in two volumes marked B and C,
for Ashmole entitles his extracts as from *' out of a Booke of the Accounts of the Guild,
the Chamberlains &c. Lib. B and C."

^ Strype. A letter from Trances Alen to the Earl of Shrewsbury, dated 3d of
September, 1560, speaks of the King of Sweden being then daily expected at Windsor.
(Lodge's ' Illustrations,' vol. i, p. 423, 2d edit.)

^ Lingard.

'' Ash. MSS., No. 1126. A proclamation w^as issued from Windsor at this time, to
which Strype thus refers: " Eor the conclusion of this year" (a.d 1559), says Strype,
" I will take notice of two proclamations the queen issued out. The one bearing date
Sept. 19 from Windsor, was against defacing monuments in churches, and taking away
bells and lead. In which I do guess the archbishop had a great hand, being so great a
lover of antiquity, and so sore an enemy against the spoil of the monuments of our fore-
fathers and of the churches ; and the proclamation itself being so excellently and fully
expressed as though it were done by his pen or direction." (Strype's 'Annals.' See the
proclamation in Fuller's ' Church History.')

TO AD. 1572.] CHURCH GOODS. 617

From the accounts of the second year of the queen's reign,
Ashmole has extracted entries of the payment of £1 8s. lOd. "for
380 foote of Boards oakin quarters and other things about making
of the Armory," and £2 6s. lOd. for workmanship about the cross,
including 40s. for painting it.

This is the cross erected in 1380,^ and of which future men-
tion will be made in the reign of Charles the First. The Armory
Chamber was taken down in the third year of the queen's reign,
and 4^. received for the materials, which, Ashmole remarks, cost
£1 Ss. IQd, only a year before.

In the third year, John Wells, bridge- warden, " gave in his
account of the issues and profits of the Bridge of New Windsor, for
one whole year ending the morrow after St. Edwards day, before
John Wheteley then Maior." "The issues and profits of the same
bridge coming of the Toll received of Bargemen of the bridge for
this year" came to £16 4^. Sd. The accomptant's fee "for gather-
ing the same was £1." In the same year " the reparations of the
Guildhall and Market house amounted to £11 8<^. Qd.''^

The account contains entries of the sums of £1 1^. paid for the
fifteenth and tenth of the manor of Underower, and £2 16^. 11^.
paid for the fifteenth and fourth of the town.^

In 1564 the rood loft was sold to Mr. Gaily s for the sum of
two pounds, and the pall to John Woodward for two shillings.*

The following " church goods" were delivered to Richard
Woodward, Richard Bereman, and Christopher Bartlet, the newly
elected churchwardens, in the first year of this reign : — " A chalice
with a paten duble gilt ; a pall of purple velvet with Cross of Gold ;

^ See ante, p. 234,
2 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

' The following are the only extracts made by Ashmole between the fourth and
eighteenth of Elizabeth :
Anno 4 Eliz. " The Towne Clearks annuall fee .

Allowed to the Maior for keep^ of Swannes
Allowed to him for entertainments
„ 6 Eliz. " Reparations done to the Bridge
„ 11 Eliz. " The Bridgewarden his fee

Humphry Michell Clearke of the honor and Castle

0 13

0 8

8 0

4 18

0 13

" ^^" ) of Windsor for building and repairing five years

and 15 Eliz. ) ^f the bridge . . . . 59 11 8

^.Extracts from the Churchwardens' Account-book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

618 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

a white damaske cope bordered with gold; a vestment of blew
damaske with Cross and brest plate of gold, with altar &c. ; a vest-
ment of blew satten of Bruges with altar &c. ; 2 new Towells of
6 Ells a peece ; 1 ould one of M*"^ Lekins guift ; 2 awlter clothes ;
a deske of Brass ; a missall ; 2 Antiphories ; 2 processionalls ;
2 Candlesticks ; a Crismatory."

The "expences upon the Church" in the following year
amounted to £4 Ss. Id,

The " stuff of the Church delivered to the Churchwardens at the
account made 30 Nov: a° 4 Eliz." was as follows :

" A chalice w*^ a paten duble gilt, and the Chalis Cloth.

A Chrismatory of Tynn made a standish

A Church box of Iron w*^ a key.

A pall of velvet w*^ a cross of gold.
sold 2 Stooles of velvet 4id.

A cushion of Cloth of Gold.
sold A holy water pot and a censer 2^. 6c?.

4 Towells

A Cov' of the Comunion table of Blew Damaske

One oth^ of red worsted,

A pulpet cloth of red worsted w*^ garters

Another of purple Damaske
sould A Cross of Latyn w*^ Mary and John Zs. 4c?.

A Comunion Table and the Cloth of lynnin for the same

A Deske of Latyn w*^ an angell upon him

A Bason for the Offering . ^

sould A lenten cloth for the Rode 1^.

2 Sirplices of lynin cloth

2 Homilies a new and old.

2 new Psalters

2 Comunion Bookes

A Bible and a paraphrasys."

Besides the articles marked in the margin, the following " stuff
belonging to the Church" was sold this year :

"Wainscot

. 5

Alter Stones (?)

. 2

Banners

. 5

Copes sold to Mr. Whetley

. 46

2 19 0'

TO A.D. 1572.] rOREIGN TBADERS IN THE BOROUGH. 619

St. George's Chapel appears to have suffered further losses at
this period. "In 1560/' says Anthony Wood, "one Edmund
Johnson, schoolmaster of St. Anthony's in London, became canon
of Windsor, and then by little and little (as one [John Stow in his
survey of London, Printed in fol. p. 191 a\ observes) followed the
spoil of St. Anthony's hospital. He first dissolved the choir, con-
veyed away the plate and ornaments, then the bells, and lastly put
out the almesmen from their houses, allowing them portions of
12^. per week, which also in short time vanished away." ^

The following proclamation occurs in March 1559-60 -?

"Elizabeth R.

" Whereas our Castle of Windsor hath of old been well furnished
with singing men and children. We, willing it should not be of less
reputation in our days, but rather augmented and increased, declare
that no singing men or boys shall be taken out of the said Chapel by
virtue of any commission, not even for our Household Chapel ; and we
give power to the bearer of this to take any singing men or boys from
any Chapel, our own Household and St. PauFs only excepted. Given
at Westminster the 8th day of March, in the 2d year of our Reign.

"Elizabeth R.^^

Very curious illustrations are afforded at this time of the great
power exercised by corporations with regard to carrying on trades
in a borough.

On the 12th of April, 1560 (2 Eliz.), "at a common speech,"
the shoemakers of Windsor petitioned " W"" Henley Maior, ye
Bailiffs and Burges, yt forasmuch as they among oth'^ Artyficers
wthin the Towne are charged w*^ Taxes paym*^ watch and ward
yet forrainge Shoemakers, resort^ to the Towne on the m^ket dayes
make open sayle of their wares, to their greate hinderance, and
therefore pray they may be avoyded. Whereupon it was debated
whether it was for the Comon weale of the s'^ Towne to have the

1 Wood's 'Easti Oxoniensis,' ed. Bliss, p. 165.

2 Donation MSS., No. 4847, f. 117, Brit. Mus. ; Ash. MSS, No. 1113, f. 252;
inserted in Nichols' ' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, p. 81, with this reference :
" Ashm. MSS. ]113. The original in the Chapter-house at Windsor. In the same MSS.
(1124) is a confirmation (16 Sept. ] Edw. VI) of a similar privilege of King Henry VIII.
In another (1124) the like Privilege confirmed, and in the very words of Queen Elizabeth."

620 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XXII.

s^ forrainers avoyded on market dayes and weeke dayes, and con-
cluded and decreed it was, faires only excepted, upon paine of
forfeiture of 205." At " a consultation" on the SOth of January,
1566-7, it was "ordered and decreed that no person shal be
admitted into the liberties unless skilful in his trade and of honest
report, and that by the Maior and six aldermen or the more [major]
parte of them at their Common Speech or Consultation upon
advice for such reasonable fyne as shall be expressed by them, to
the best profit of the Common chest;" and ''upon information
then given by the Shoemakers that Henry Dale exercising the same
occupation was not skilful in the same, and upon examination
being found true, the Maior, &c., decreed that he should not exer-
cise the said occupation there longer than the morrow after Ash-
wednesday following." ^

Nor were the regular traders of the borough exempt from the
liability of being deprived of the right to carry on business, as a
penalty for offences. On the 3d of June, 1560, Philip Stockwell,
draper, was " expelled the fellowship and cleerely disfranchised not
to open shop windowes, but be taken as a forrainer upon paine of
5£ for slanderous Reports and false surmises ag* the Maior and
others ; He being an unquiet man, and hav^ had 2 form admo-
nishions for his misdemeanors and unquiet lyfe towards the Maior
Company and others, and once expelled the Company for the

same.^'

Reynold Reading was ''then also expeld the Company and
fellowship of the same towne, for concealing the s^ slander, sav^ yt
he may occupy as a franchised man in the s'^ Towne, because he
hath formerly lived as a quiet man, and not knowne otherwise to
behave himselfe."

On the 25th of June "the s"^ Philip did contumeliously [con-
tumaciously] open his shop, wherefore he hath forfeited 5/. besyed
by 2 wollen Clothes."

On the 4th of August following, however, " the s*^ Readd^ upon
his humble submission is restored by the Maior Bailifs and Bur-

' Ash. MSS., No. 1126, "Excerpted out of the Booke called the Maiors Booke of
New Wyndsor begimimg a*' 1559."

TO AD. 1572.] THE CORN MARKET. 621

gesses into the fellowship and Corporacoi?;'' and on the 6th of
March, 1560-1, "upon the s'^ Stockwells submission, and paym* a
fine of 4 05. he is restored to the libte^ of the Burrough."

"At the before mentioned speech of the 3d of June 1560
Christopher Bust (?) one of the Aldermen for that he is daily
attendant upon the Queens household, is tolerated not to be elected
Mayor during life, unless he be content to take on him the said
office ; so that at his being at home in Wyndsor, he be henceforth
assistant to the Maior, and keepe his place both in Church and
hall/' ^

The following orders occur at subsequent periods :

"2 July 13 Eliz. A° 1571 Ordered yt Edmund Harris shall have
during lyfe the sett° and placing of the Hall stand°^ and boohs betweene
the Corne m^ket and the George Inn w^^ is granted to him in consi-
deracon of 12^^ a weeke before pd to him out of the hall. And yt no
forrainer shall have any shop or stall wthin the limits afores*^ but only
of him, and in the place appointed for that purpose among the rest of
his occupacon /^

" Ult Apr. 1571. Jo. Wells one of the Brothers and Burgesses of
the Towne for his manifest contempt and disobedience ag^ M^ Maior
and the good statutes and ordere of the Towne and guild hall, and for
refusing to come before the Maior &c. when sent for, and after p mise
to be conformable, is expelled out of the Brotherhood in corporacon
fellowship and Company of the s'^ Towne.^^ ^

Windsor appears to have had a good corn-market at this period.
In the statute 18 Eliz., c. 6, "for the Maintenance of the
Colledges in the Universityes, and of Winchester and Eaton,"
directing that on leases of lands of those places one third at least
of the rent should be reserved in corn, to be delivered or the value
paid, such value, so far as related to the rent to be paid at Eton,
was directed to be ascertained by the price of the best wheat and
malt in the market of Windsor ; and it continues to be so ascer-
tained to the present day.

On the 20th of September, 1561, "a commandment came
from the Queen unto the College of Windsor, that the priests
belonging thereunto that had wives should put them out of the

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126, mpra.

2 Extracts from the Mayor's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

622 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

College ; and for time to come to lie no more within that place.
And the same to be observed in all Colleges and Cathedral
Churches; and likewise in both the Universities."^

Regulations were made for the disposition of the revenues of
St. George's College, particularly with regard to the " new lands"
granted by Edward the Sixth in pursuance of his father's will.^

By an indenture bearing date the 30th of August in the first
year of Elizabeth, made between the queen of the one part and
the dean and canons of the other part, the dean and canons cove-
nanted for themselves and their successors to distribute and employ
the rents and profits of their lands in the manner set down in a
book, signed with the queen's sign-manual and annexed to the
deed. In this book the total revenue is reckoned at the ancient
value of £661 6s, Sd. ; and the annual charges and disbursements
by the college amount to £430 19^. 6d. The balance of £230 7^. 2d.
is assigned for the payment of tenths to the crown, vicars' and
curates' annual stipends, officers' fees, reparation of the premises,
and for the relief of the dean and canons and their successors in
maintenance and defence of the said lands.^

The accounts were ordered to be investigated yearly, at
St. George's Feast, by the queen's lieutenant and the knights
companions of the Order of the Garter, "and that one of the
officers of the Order should from time to time yearly put her lieu-
tenant in mind thereof." *

Elizabeth also confirmed the appointments by her sister, Queen
Mary, of the nine alms knights,^ and made up the number of thir-

^ Strype's ' Annals ;' Nichols' ' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, p. 104.

^ See ante, p. 573,

^ See the ' Antient Kal. and Invent, of the Exchequer,' edited by Sir E. Palgrave,
vol. ii, p. 328.

"* Ashmole's ' Order of the Garter.' " Which order," says Ashmole, " was renewed
in a Chapter of the Garter held April 24 ami. Jac. Reg. 21, and the Chancellor of the
Order appointed to be the Uemembrancer : and in obedience thereunto, the Account of
these new Lands (which begins annually at Lady-day, as that of the Old Lands doth at
Michselmas) was afterwards exhibited in Chapter, and in particular that account, pre-
sented by the Dean of Wiiidesor, and submitted to the Sovereign and Knights-Companions
consideration, (the 6. of November anno 9 Car, 1 .) was referr'd to the perusal and inspec-
tion of the Knights-Commissioners, appointed at the same Chapter to consult the affairs
of the Order." (Ibid., p. 174.)

^ See ante, p. 608.

TO A.D. 1572.] VISITATION OP ETON COLLEGE. 623

teen, according to their father's will, by adding to them four other
persons, viz., Thomas Kemp, William Barret, William Cowper,
and John Acton.

The queen also, in the deed of the 30tli of August, made rules
for the maintenance and governance of the alms knights, and these
rules are in force to the present day.^

The annual allowance to each of these knights upon this new
establishment was £18 5^., to be paid by the Dean of Windsor,
besides a gown or coat of red cloth, and a blue or purple cloth
mantle, with the badge of St. George embroidered on the left
sleeve. The governor of the knights was allowed, in addition,
£3 6s. Scl a year.

James the First doubled the income of the knights, by granting
them each a pension of £18 5^., payable quarterly out of the
Exchequer.

Eton College did not escape the scrutiny exercised over all
similar institutions at this period.

Under the visitation of Queen Elizabeth, a.d. 1559 (to enforce
certain articles and injunctions, and to inquire into the doctrine
and forms of worship used in dioceses, &c.), commissioners were
appointed to visit *' Eton College and the University of Cambridge,
and to take their oath of allegiance to the Queen and of her supre-
macy. These were Sir Will. Cecyl, chancellor of the s^ University,
Matthew Parker, S.T.P. Will. Bill, S.T.P. and the queen's great
almoner, Walter Haddon, Esq. master of the requests. Will. May,
LL.D. and dean of St. Paul's, Tho. Wendy esq. physician to the
Queen, Rob. Home, S.Th.P. and James Pilkinton, S.Th.P. This
commission bore date at Westminster the 20 of June, in the first
year of the queen [a.d. 1559]." ^

It appears to have been under this commission that Dr. Cole,
the Provost of Eton, was deprived of his provostship, on the 5th of
July, 1559. Dr, Bill, Dean of Westminster, Master of St. John's
College, Cambridge, and the queen^s chief almoner, and moreover
one of the commissioners on this very inquiry, was on the same
day appointed to the vacant office. Dying, however, on the 15th

^ Ashmole, p. 162. ^ strype's 'Annals.'

624 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

of July, 1561,^ he was succeeded on the 25th of the same month
by Richard Bruerne, who held the provostship only a few weeks,
for he was ejected by the visitors upon a royal visitation, 9th of
September, 1561. Dr. Day, then Mr. Day, afterwards Bishop of
Winchester, was elected on the 5th of January, 1562, and held the
office initil his preferment, a period of thirty-three years. ^

A few days after his appointment as provost, namely, on the
13th of January, 1562, Mr. Day preached at St. PauVs before the
convocation of the clergy in which the Thirty-nine Articles were
framed and agreed upon.^

In the third year of her reign, Eton College obtained a grant
from the queen of a pipe of red Gascoin wine annually ; Henry the
Sixth having made a grant of two pipes annually.^ In 1566,
Elizabeth, by a letter of dispensation, granted permission to the
fellows to hold, in addition to their fellowships, one living each, not
exceeding forty marks in yearly value.^

In 1562 Richard Gallys and John Gresham were returned as
members for Windsor. The first named was mayor of Windsor,
and he appears to have been not altogether a silent member in the
ensuing parliament, which met in January 1563.

" The very first thing they set about in the house of Commons,"
says Strype, " was the succession to the crown ; and (in order to
that) the queen^s marriage with some fit person, for heirs of her

^ According to Strype, lie died ou the 20tli of July.

^ Cheney, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, was desirous of this appoiutment on the
vacancy in 1561. Strype, in his 'Annals' of that year, speaking of Richard Cheney,
" a learned man," " incumbent of a parish called Halford, in Warwickshire," says — " The
same year Eaton College wanting a provost (the former having been deprived at a visita-
tion) the archbishop put the secretary (Cecil) in mind to recommend him to the Queen
for that preferment, styling him 'a good, grave, priestly man.' But failing of that, he
was preferred the next year to the bishopric of Gloucester."

^ Strype's 'Annals,' vol. i, part i, p. 316. Mr. Day also signed certain requests con-
cerning points upon which the lower house were not agreed ; amongst others, " that the
sign of the Cross used in baptism might be left off, as likewise the use of copes and
surplices and the abolition of all saints feasts and holy days." (Ibid , p. 335.)

^ Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 10. See also Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 5755. Another
grant of the queen was perpetuated by this inscription, indelibly cut in capital letters
on the wainscot near the west end of the north side of the chapel : " Queen Elizabeth
ad nos gave October x 2 Loves in a mess 1562." (Ibid., No. 4843, f. 95.)

' Sloane MS., No. 4843, f. 10.

TO A.D. 1572.] THE PLAGUE. 625

body to inherit her kingdoms: for January the 16th which was
but the next day after the speaker was chosen and accepted, a
burgess (viz. the mayor of Windsor) moved for the succession/' ^

In consequence of the plague appearing in London and else-
where, the queen removed to Windsor. On her way she appears
to have been addressed by the Eton boys.^

On the 23d of September, 1563, the Marquis of Winchester,
Lord Treasurer of England, writes thus to Sir William Cecil, who
was with the queen at Windsor, " whence, for the danger of infec-
tion, he advised that she removed not :" ^

'' I thinke no howse of the Queene^s about London within twelve
myles meet for her Grace^s accesse to, before the feast of All Saints.
Then I note you theis howses after wrytten to serve if need require.

" Hatfeld.
" Graftone.
" The Moore.
" Woodstock.

* Strype's ' Annals.' Aslimole, describing the monuments and inscriptions in the old
parish church of Windsor, says ('Antiquities of Berkshire,' vol. ii, p. 70) — "In the
middle of the [south] lie lyes a gravestone, whereon (in Brass plates) are the figures of a
man in a gown, and a woman in-the habit of the Tymes, vailed ; beneath their feet this
inscription :

" Here lyeth vnder this the body of Ricliard Gallis gentleman who was learned and
liv'd a godly lyfe, and was thrice Maior of this Towne of Newe Windsor which office he
commendably executed, and worthily purchased praise by his discrete Government. He
did many charitable Deedes and at his death he gave to the Poore of this Town four
nobles yearly to continew for ever. Heare also resteth Alice his wife by wlionie he had
10 sons and 2 daughters. He dyed on S* Andrews Day An° Dn~i 1574. in ye sixty and
nyth Yeare of his age. And she deceasd the 24'^ of January An° 1580, when she had
liv'd 57 Years."

In the vestry room of the parish church of Windsor, hanging against the wall, is a
wooden frame, containing a coat of arms and nearly the same inscription on a pannel.
(See the arms of Richard Gallis, inserted at the end of this chapter.) The absence of
any allusion to his having twice represented Windsor in parliament seems to show that
it was considered rather a burden than an honour.

John Gallis, one of his sons, who was a citizen and goldsmith of London, made an
addition to his father's bequest to the poor of Windsor.

- See the Latin oration, followed by seventy-two epigrams in the same language, by
the " GrexEtonensius," in a tract in the King's MSS., 12 A xxx , Brit. Mus., referred to
in Nichols' 'Progresses,' vol. i, p. 142.

^ Note by Strype in the margin of the original letter.

626 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

" Langley, uo good wynter howse, and yet my Lady's of War-
wycke for tearme of life. Homewards from Langley I cannot bryng
the Queene but by Reding and by Newberie, where they die. Wherin
may be great perill, more than I wish shold be.

" I think her Majestie's best waye, where her Highnes now is
in Wyndsore, if health there continewe : though the howse be colde,
which may be holpen with good fyres. And if her Hignes shal be
forced to remove, as God forbid, I think then best the houshold be
put to boarde wages, and certayne of the counsell appointed to wayt,
and herselfe to repayre to Otland/ where her Majestic may remayne
well, if no great resort be made to the howse, and by this doing the
perill of all removes shall be taken away, and the great charge that
thereof followeth ; and there is at hand Hampton Court, Richmond,
and Eltone, large houses for rooms, and good ayre. And nowe colde
wether and frosts will bringe helthe, with God's helpe. The rest of
the houses the Surveyor can name you.

*^ Your frend,
"^ "Winchester.''^

The queen followed the advice contained in this letter, and
remained at Windsor during the winter.

The plague continued to rage in London for some time.

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, who was despatched by Elizabeth
to France, to present, in union with Sir Thomas Smith, the resi-
dent ambassador there, a project respecting the restoration of
Calais to her and the relinquishment of Havre, having been arrested
and thrown into prison, in July 1563, the English queen, by way
of retaliation and to obtain his liberty, placed De Foix, the French
envoy, under restraint at Eton.

Sir William Cecil, writing to Sir Thomas Smith, from Windsor,
20th of August, 1563, says'—

" Sir, sence Barloo's* arryvall here, the 23 of this month, we can
here of no manner of letters or message brought to the French Am-
bassador, who lyeth here at Eaton, better lodged than ever he was in

Oatlands.

2 MS. HarL, No. 6990, f. 15 ; Wright's ' Queen Elizabeth and her Times,' vol. i,
p. ]M.

3 MS. Lans., No. 102, f. 41 ; Wright's ' Queen Elizabeth and her Times,' vol. i,
p. ]37.

'^ Barlow, Sir T. Smith's servant.

TO A.D. 1572.] PRENCH HOSTAGES AT WINDSOR. 62/"

England, at liberty to walk and ryde wher he will, and so he useth to
ryde much abrode. And therfor if he do not make very good report,
he doth not deserve so good handlyng. He percase thynketh that
somebody regardeth him, but he is not thereof sure.

'^ My Lord of Hertford and my Lady Catharine, because of the
plague, are thus delyvered : he with his mother, as prisoner, she with
her uncle my Lord John Grey/^^

Some hostages, given by the French for the delivery of Calais,
were at this time at Windsor.

They were afraid of the plague, and it was intended to remove
them, as appears from a passage in the letter of Sir William Cecil
just cited :

" The hostages, also being afrayd of the plague, shall be put to
some custody abrode, but not as prisoners. I thynk two of them to
Sir Richard Blunt's howse, nere Reddyng, the other to Mr. Kenelm
Throgmorton and Mr. Caroo.^ All our determinations depend upon
such matter as we shall here from this French Ambassador, who semeth
much to muse that he can here nothyng.^^

These hostages, however, do not appear to have been removed
as intended, for they were liberated at Windsor on the 23d of
April following.^

During their captivity, they had on the 19th of June, 1563,
attempted to escape, and " were taken, going away with John
Ribald." '

John Ribald or Rybault was a Frenchman, who seems to have
been taken prisoner on his return from Florida. He was a man of
" experience and knowledge,'^ and was favorably treated by Queen
Elizabeth, and became her pensioner at Windsor; but in con-
sequence of his attempt there to get the hostages off, he was placed
in confinement.^

Other prisoners were lodged at Windsor about the same time.

* In whose custody she died no long time after, and then the Earl of Hertford was
set at liberty. (Wright.)

" Perhaps one of the family of the Carews of Beddington in Surrey, (W^right.)

^ ^G,e post, p. 631.

'* Wright's ' Queen Elizabeth and her Times/ vol. i, p. 137.

^ Vide Letter of Sir Henry Norris to Sir William Cecil, cited in the next page.

628 ANNALS OE WINDSOR. [Chaptek XXII.

On the 27th of November, 1563, Thomas Stukeley,^ having made
a voyage to Florida, came to the court at Windsor " with certen
French captayns whom he tooke coming from Florida. They wer
the Frenchmen whom John Rybault left last yere in Terra Florida,
which perceaving that Rybault cam not, thought best to come from
thence in a vessell made by themselves." ^

The French ambassador was still at Eton. On the 16th of
December, 1563, Sir Wilham Cecil writes to Sir Thomas Smith
as follows :

" The French ambassador desyring audience on Monday e, was
differed^ ad incerium diem, which he taketh greevously. But 1 thynk
he shall be herd this daye or tomorrow. Of late he hath conceaved
some offence to me uppon this occasion. Stuckley staying uppon his
voyadg into Florida, and sendyng some of his shipps to the sea, to
aventure agaynst Frenchmen, took certen Frenchmen that wer out of
Florida, being of the nombre which Rybault left there. And being
here at the court with the chieffest, he putt hym to liberty uppon his
fayth, conditionally, that he shuld speake with no Frenchman. But
yet the prisoner stole to Eaton to speke with the ambassador, and
Stuckley hearyng therof, sent for hym, and beat him ; wherwith the

* " Stukeley," says Fuller, *' Jmving prodigally misspent his patrimony, he entered on
several projects, (the issue general of all decaied estates,) and first pitched on the
peopling of Florida, then newly found out in the West Indies. So confident his ambition,
that he blushed not to tell Queen Elizabeth, that he preferred rather to be a soveraign of
a mole-hill, than the highest subject to the greatest king in Christendom ; adding, more-
over, that he was assured he should be a prince before his death : — I hope (said Elizabeth)
I shall hear from you, vi^hen you are instated in your principality. — I will write unto you,
(quoth Stukeley.) — In what language ? (saith the Queen). — He returned: In the stile of
princes : To our dearest sister."

Haynes has printed an order of the queen to the Earl of Sussex, then in Ireland,
dated June 30th, 1563, stating that " our servant Thomas Stuckly, associated with sondry
of our subjects, hath prepared a nomber of good shipps well armed and mann'd, to pass
to discover certen lands in the west towardes Terra Florida, and by our licence hath
taken the same voyadg," and ordering that he should be received in Ireland, if driven
there by stress of weather, " which, if he shall, he hath agreed to doo any manner of
service ther, that shall be thought agreeable by you for our purpose." It appears that a
part of Stukeley's commission was to take French ships, which were to be lield until the
intentions of the French king were better seen. According to Fuller, his Florida project
failed for want of money. (Wright's 'Elizabeth and her Times,' vol. i, p. 150, note, where
see further particulars as to Stukeley.)

2 Letter from Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith, MS. Lans., No. 102, f. 44 ; Wright, vol. i,
p. 150.

2 Deferred.

TO A.D. 1572.] THE FEENCH AMBASSADOE AT ETON, 629

ambassador being offended sent to me to complajaie^ and I rebuked
Stuckly therfor roundly, although he did reasonably justify it, &c.
The daye following the ambassador's secretary cam to know what I
had done. I told hym how I had rebuked Stuckly, and what his an-
swer was. ^Well/ quoth the Secretary, 'my master will advertise
the Kyng, who will revenge it.' ' What,' quoth I, ' Monsieur, ye are
too hoote, ye speke herin but foolishly,' using the word sottement.
' Why,' quoth he, ' call ye me a foole ?' ' No,' quoth I, ' but I tell
you what I thynk of your words.' Hereuppon he departed furiously,
and so the ambassador conceaveth much offence agaynst me ; but I
must wear it away."^

It has been suggested that the '' audience on Mondaye" desired
by the rrench ambassador was on occasion of a brawl he had had
with the Provost of Eton College,^ the amusing particulars of which
are thus narrated by Strype :

"The French ambassador lodged in Eaton College, near the
Court at Windsor ; where it happened that he and the provost of
the said College had a great falling out. The provost was a little
before commanded to keep his gates shut, according to the order
of the house. Malvisier,^ an agent from France, being with the
ambassador half an hour after eight, and the gates shut, the
ambassador sent to the provost for the keys : who answered, that he
would not break the orders of the house. But after a multiplica-
tion of language on both sides, Malvisier departed to the back gate
and climbed over, to go to his lodgings. Two or three others,
disposed to do the like, came back to the provost's door with the
ambassador's servants, and brake open his door upon him perforce
with a form ; and the ambassador, with a sword in his hand,
though not drawn out of the scabbard, was the first that entered,
and Du Bois, his secretary with another sword ; and took the
provost violently out of his chamber, having but one young scholar
in his company, and took the keys, and opened the gates at their
pleasure.

'' In the morning the ambassador sent two of his servants unto

1 MS. Lans., No. 102, f. 46 ; Wright's ' Elizabeth and her Times,' vol. i, p. 153.

2 Wright ut supra, note.
^ Mauvissiere.

630 ANNALS OT WINDSOB. [Chapter XXII.

the secretary, to complain of the provost, fashioning a tale of the
provost's refusal : with a remembrance, by the way, that they were
forced to break open the door. The secretary answered, that he
would send for the provost, and hear him also ; and if it should
appear that he used himself otherwise than became him, he should
bear the blame. Which speech of his they liked not ; but said, he
was partial to the provost, and suddenly departed. Being scarcely
gone from the chamber, they met the provost coming to the secre-
tary to complain, as he had cause. And the Frenchmen passing
out of the castle [of Windsor] met with two of the provost's men,
whose hearts, as it seems, did rise against them for misusing their
master ; and so they fell to some quarrelling, and drawing of their
swords. But there was no hurt on either part. Upon this the
Frenchmen came back to the Secretary's chamber with another cry;
and finding the provost with him, who knew nothing of the matter,
the secretary sent for the knight marshal, to examine the matter ;
and if he saw cause, to commit the provost's men to prison : which
though the marshal found no great cause, yet it was ordered so to
be. After this fray, the ambassador sent to have audience, alleging
that he desired to speak with the Queen before Malvisier should
depart : and perceiving that it was but about that brabbling matter,
be was deferred until Monday, considering the festival days of
Christmas. Wherewith he was nettled, and sent Malvisier away.

" Upon this it was meant, that the ambassador should be
removed from Eton, and be taught to provide his lodgings with his
own money, as the English ambassador did in France." ^

The French ambassador appears to have been set at large some
time before the treaty with France entered into in April 1564.^

Sir William Cecil, writing to Sir Thomas Smith, from West-
minster, on the 27th of April, says —

" Mr. Somer and Malvaser^ came to Wyndsor the 30*^ of this
month and the treaty^ must take place the 23^"^ which was a very short

^ Strype's ' Annals.'

^ He appears to have been at liberty at the time of his dispute with the Provost of
Eton^ December 1563. Lingard gives the date of De Foix's release, in the margin, as
August 30th, 1563.

^ Mauvissiere, '' With France.

TO A.D. 1572.] THE queen's STUDIES. 631

tyme to procure knowledg to our western sea coasts, or to Ireland, but
what could be done in such a case was expedited. It was proclaymed
in London the 22"^^, and on the 23^'^ a notable good sermon made at
Pooles,^ with Te Deum and all incident solemnities. The same daye
it was published at Wyndsor,^ in the Queue's Majestie^s presence
going to the church, having with her Majesty the French Ambassador,
so as nothyng wanted to shew contentation, and yet her Majesty, in-
wardly to me and other her counsellors, showed much mislyking,
specially, as I guess, because the money was no more, for honor's
sake.

'' On that daye the French Kyng was chosen of the Order,^ and so
was the Erie of Bedford, and Sir Henry Sydney. I thynk my Lord
of Hunsdon shall bryng the order into France, and so shall have com-
mission to require the oathe joyntly with you.

" The treaties are in new wrytyng and engrossyng to be here
ratifyed. Wherin all the hast is made that can be, because Mr.
Throgmorton's return dependeth theruppon.

^^ The hostages wer put to liberty the 23^"^^ at Wyndsor, where her
Majesty challenged Nantoillet, for his practices in Oxford, provokyng
evill subjects to be worse in Popery. But her Majesty concluded
that she wold wrapp up all such with oblivion because of peace. As
soon as I can possibly, I will procure the ratification to be sent thither,
for I trust to have it sygned and sealed before to-morrow at night.

'' Malvasyr hath a chayne waying three score and ounces

of gold : he hath bene well used here.^'^

John Rybault was liberated about the same time with the
hostages, at the special request of the King of France, who, six
years afterwards, was appealed to by the English minister, to release
English prisoners, in consideration of Rybault's former release.^

Elizabeth, meanwhile, during the past winter, *' still followed,"
says Strype, *' her studies in a constant course with her school-
master Ascham, who was so extremely taken with his royal mis-

» St. Paul's.

2 "This year (1564) the 13th of April, an honorable and joyful peace was concluded,
betwixt the Queen's Majesty and the French King ; their realms dominions and subjects :
and the same peace was proclaimed with sound of trumpet, before her Majesty in her
Castle of Windsor ; then being present the French Ambassadors." (Holinshed ; Stowe.)

^ Of the Garter.

"* MS. Lans., No. 102, f. 49 ; Wright's ' Queen Elizabeth and her Times,' vol.i, p. 171.

^ Vide Sir Henry Norris to Cecil. (Calig., c. vi, p. 31 ; Wright, vol. i, p. 305.)

632 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

tress's diligence and advancement in learning, that once he brake
out, in an address to the young gentlemen of England, ' That it
was their shame, that one maid should go beyond them all in
excellency of learning and knowledge of divers tongues. Point
forth (as he made the challenge), six of the best given gentlemen of
this court; and all they together shew not so much good will,
spend not so much time, bestow not so many hours daily, orderly
and constantly, for the increase of learning and knowledge, as doth
the queen's majesty herself.' "^ *' I believe," says Ascham, ''that
beside her perfect readiness in Latin, Italian, French and Spanish,
she readeth here now at Windsore more Greek every day, than
some Prebendarie of this church doth read Latin in a whole weeke.
And that which is most praiseworthy of all, within the walls of
her Privie-chamber she hath obteyned that excellence of learning,
to understand, speak and write, both wittily with head and faire
with hand, as scarce one or two rare wittes in both the universities
have in many years reached unto." ^

The following letter, written from Windsor about this period,
by Lord Robert Dudley to Archbishop Parker, presents Ehzabeth
in a different aspect, and illustrates the out-of-door amusements of
the queen, and the manners of the age :

" To the right honorable, and my singular good Lorde, my L. of
Cantbries Grace, geve these.

"My L. The Q. Ma*'"^ being abroad hunting yesterday in the
Forrest, and having hadd veary good Happ, beside great Sport, she
hath thought good to remember yo^ Grace, with P* of her pray, and so
comaunded me to send yo^ from her Highnes a great and fatt Stagge
killed with her owen Hand. Which because the wether was woght,
and the Dere somewhat chafed, and daungerous to be caryed so farre,
wowt some Helpe, I caused him to be p^ boy led in this sort, for the
better p^servacon of him, w'^^^ I doubt not but shall cause him to come
unto yo'' as I wold be glad he shuld. So having no other matter
at this psent to trouble yo'' Grace w^all, I wyll comytt yo"" to

1 Strype's ' Annals.'

2 Roger Ascliam's ' Schoolmaster's Epistle to Sir G. Cheke/ p. 70, cited in Nichols'
' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, Preface, p. ix, note, edit. 1823.)

TO A.D. 1572.] THE ORDER OE THE GARTER. 633

tValmiglity, and w* my most harty comendacyons take my Leave in
Hast.

" At Wyndsor this iiii*^ of September

"Yo'"^ G assured

" R. Dudley/'^

On the 9th of September, 1563, Lord Robert Dudley, master
of the horse, and constable of the castle, and keeper of the Forest of
Windsor, was appointed by the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses,
chief seneschal of the borough.^

In August 1565, Lady Mary Gray, the third and youngest
daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk, by marrying Henry Keys, the
queen's gentleman porter, created a sensation in the court at
Windsor.

Sir William Cecil, writing to Sir Thomas Smith, from Windsor,
the 21st of August, says — " Here is a unhappy chance and mon-
struoos. The Serjeant Porter, being the biggest gentillman in this
Court, hath marryed secretly the Lady Mary Grey, the lest of all
the Court. They are committed to severall [separate] prisons.
The offence is very great." ^

The lady, it appears, was deformed, and died without issue.*

In January 1565-6, Holinshed tells us — "Monsieur Rambulet,
a Knight of the Order of France, was sent over into England, by
the French King Charles, the ninth of that name, with the Order :
who at Windsore was stalled in the behalfe of the said French
King, with the Knighthood of the most honorable Order of the
Garter. x\nd the four and twentieth of January, in the chappie of
her majesty's palace of Whitehall, the said Monsieur Rambulet
invested Thomas duke of Norfolk, and Robert earl of Leicester,
with the said Order of S. Michael." ^

A statute of the Order of the Garter was made in 1567 which
in effect abolished the annual feast at Windsor, and, in the words

^ Printed in the * Antiquarian Repertory,' vol. iii, p. 179, from the original in the
Library of Bennet College, Cambridge.

2 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

^ Ellis' ' Letters,' 2d series, vol. ii, p. 299 ; where see letters from Lady Mary Gray to
Sir William Cecil on the subject, written from Chekers.

4 Sandford.

^ Holinshed.

634 ANNALS Or WINDSOR. [CnArTEii XXII.

of Ashmole, "gave the greatest and almost fatal blow to the
growing honour of this no less famous than ancient Castle of
Windsor, and severed the Patron's Festival from the Place ;" ^ for
during the remainder of Elizabeth^s reign only one anniversary of
Saint George was kept there with the ancient solemnities. " At a
Chapter, in the 9th year of Queen Elizabeth, the day of Saint
George, for certain great causes, it was ordained, that if the Feast
was not celebrated at Windsor, the day and even of St. George, as
hath been accustomed, it should suffice, that the observation thereof
should be kept in what place that the Sovereign were at that pre-
sent, whereat the rest of the Knights and Companions should be
holden no less to be present, as though the Feast were to be cele-
brated at Windsor. And further, that no other Celebration in the
name of the Feast of St. George, should from henceforth, be
solemnized and kept at Windsor, except the Installation of some
noble personage, at the commandment of the Sovereign." ^

On the 24th of June, 1567, the following order was made by
the corporation :

'^ Decreed yt as the Maior before this tyme for the tyme being
hath hen yearely allowed c£10 for all his allowances and no more, In
consideracon whereof it is at this speech considered yt the Maior shall
beare and pay for the charges of all Com^^ and other bankets and
entertainments of gentleme and rewards Queenes serv*^, and such like
at the only cost and charg of the s'^ Maior and shall have no other
allowance, other than pesents to the Q. Ma^^^ and noblemen and costs
in the law only excepted to be at the Costs and charges of the Com-
mon chest.

'' Decreed then that all psons yt refuse to watch or to pay for the
same shall pay for the first offence 3^. M. the 2*^ Qs, Sd. and the 3^
105. to be distrained upon their goods and chattells, and pay the
charges of him yt shall watch for them.^^^

In August 1567 we find the queen at Windsor, from whence
she removed to Oatlands, where she was on the 18th. On the

» * Order of the Garter,' p. 474.

' Existing Statutes, p. 51 ; Sir H. Nicolas' ' Orders of Knighthood,' vol. i, p. 193,

3 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

TO A.D. 1572.] THE queen's STUDIES. 635

21st she was at Guildford ; on the 25th at Farnham ; and on the
9th of September she was again at Windsor.^

The arrest of the Duke of Norfolk, for his supposed traitorous
alliance with Mary Queen of Scots and her adherents, took place
at Burnham, three miles from Windsor, on the 11th of October,
1569.^ The duke was then, against the advice of his friends, on
his way to the court at Windsor, in compliance with the peremp-
tory order of EHzabeth, to whom his intrigues were known. ^

The open insurrection of the Earls of Northumberland and
Westminster a few days later, in the same unfortunate cause, led
to the proclamation for the degradation of the former earl as a
Companion of the Garter, which was issued from Windsor in
November of this year. He was there proclaimed a traitor by the
sound of trumpet and the voice of the heralds ; and the next day,
the sentence of degradation being publicly read, his achievements
were taken down, and spurned out of the west door of the chapel
into the castle ditch.*

Elizabeth appears to have held her court at Windsor the whole
of the autumn. The despatches of Secretary Cecil in October and
November, are dated from the castle.^

Speaking of the queen's residence at Windsor in 1570, Strype
again tells us that, " besides the public and weighty affairs of the
state, she customarily set apart some hours every day in her privy
chamber in learned studies ; as in reading Greek, in conversing
with ancient authors of philosophy and divinity, and in fair writing,

* Nichols' 'Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, p. 252, citing Lord Burghley's
Diary.

2 Stow's ' Annals.'

^ See Lingard.

^ Ashmole, p. 621, cited by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 193. In striking contradistinction to
the degradation of this Earl of Northumberland was the installation of his successor in
the same reign, celebrated by a poem of George Peele with the following title : — " The
Honour of the Garter displaied in a poem gratulatorie. Entituled to the worthie and
renowned Earle of Northumberland, created Knight of that Order, and installed at
Windsore anno Regni Elizabethe 35, die Junii 26 By Geo. Peele, Maister of Arts, in
Oxenford, London : Printed by the Widow Charlewood, 1593"

^ Nichols' ' Progresses,' vol. i, p. 263. Another proclamation against the Earl of
Northumberland is dated at Windsor, 24th of November. (See Strype's ' Annals,' vol. i,
p. 586.)

636 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXII.

and indicting letters and discourses in divers languages. Wherein
she used the conduct of the learned and ingenious Roger Ascham :
which he looked upon as one of the greatest felicities of his life.
And reproached the young gentry of the nation, nay, and many of
the elderly divines, by her example. And with what words he
addressed himself to them upon occasion of the Queen's studies,
to excite them to learning, is set down elsewhere." ^

On the 13th of March, 1570-1, John Thompson and Humfry
Michell, Esqrs., were chosen burgesses of parliament for Windsor;
succeeded in the following year (12th of April, 1572) by Edmund
Dockwra, Esq., and Richard Gaily s, who had sat before.^ Richard
Gaily s dying in 1574, was succeeded by the former member,
Humfry Michell.

Mr. Dockwra, or Docura, was recommended to the burgesses
by a letter from the Earl of Leicester; and either this or some
similar attempt to interfere with the free choice of the electors,
called forth a resolution, at a meeting of the corporation on the
12th of February, 1574-5, " that when the Burgesses of the parlia-
ment be chosen, a Townesman shall be chosen for one." ^

Although various orders were issued in 1562 to the surveyor of
the queen^s works at Windsor,* the earliest report upon the works
of the castle during this reign, occurs in 1570, when a thorough
repair of the chapel (probably, as Mr. Poynter suggests, the private
chapel within the castle adjoining St. George's Hall) was under-
taken, the ultimate cost of which amounted to £1900, including

* Strype. See ante, sub anno 1563. Sir William Cecil, writing to the Earl of
Shrewsbury, dates "from Windsor, the 26th of October 1570." (See Lodge's 'Illustra-
tions,' vol. i, p. 519.) The privy council was also held there in that month (see letter
to Mr. More, in Kempe's Loselly MS., p. 233) — evidence, of course, of the queen's resi-
dence in the castle at that period.

^ See ante, p. 624.

^ Ash. MS., No. 1126, extracted from the Mayor's Book. The previous subserviency
of the corporation to the court is shown by the language of the entry in the Mayor's
Book : — "18 July 12 Eliz. Mr. Edmund Docura Esq"" at the request of the said Maior
Bailiffs and Burgesses was contented to be elected as one of the Burgesses and being so
elected was sworne to the liberties of the Towne." (Ash. MS., No. 1126.)

^ See "Orders concerning the Queen's works at Windsor to be observed by the
Surveyor of the same, March 1 and 2, with Sir W"* Cecill's remarks ; also the Surveyor's
charges for work done, 1562 and 1563." (Lansdowne MSS., No. 6, art. 4.)

TO A.D. 1572] THE OEDER OE THE GARTER. 637

the addition of a vestry and a closet for the queen. One of '' the
four great turrets" was this year taken down and rebuilt, a large
new window and staircase made to the great chamber, and some
ordinary repairs done to the apartments and alterations to the
offices. The report from which these particulars are extracted
concludes with a statement of the works to be done in 1571, the
most important of which is the repair of a tower near the keep,
facing the queen^s apartments. This probably refers to the build-
ing now containing the housekeeper's apartments, adjoining the
entrance to the keep and communicating with the south tower of
the upper gateway, which still retains its original architecture, in a
style fixing it to this date. In the following year, the Garter
Tower, the Winchester Tower, the keep, and the tennis-court are
all reported in want of considerable repair, and a survey is ordered
to be made of the apartments, particularly the constable's lodging,
which, " standing against the Queen's bedchamber, is evil favoured
and in great decay." In aid of these repairs 20,000 bricks are
ordered to be made. In 1573 the sum of £698 1^. '6d, was
expended on the ordinary repairs, among which appears the
stopping up of all the holes and broken places " to keep out the
choughes and piggins, that doe muche hurte to the Castle.'' ^

The small gateway on the castle hill, toward the town, taken
down by George the Fourth, was built by Ehzabeth, and bore the
inscription — ** Elizabethse Reginae XIII. 1572."^

On the 18th of June, 1572, the Feast of St. George, says Stow,
" was holden at Windsor, where the French Ambassadours were
royally feasted, and Francis duke of Montmorenci was stalled
knight of the most honourable order of the Garter.'' ^

The other ambassadors were Paul de Foix, a privy councillor of
the French king, and Bertrand de Saligners, Lord de Mothefenalon.
They came over to procure the confirmation of a treaty of peace
between Elizabeth and the King of France, which was done at
Whitehall on the 1 5th of June.*

^ Poynter's ' Essay on Windsor Castle.'

^ Pote, p. 46 ; Poynter.

3 Stow's * Annals,' p. 673, edit. 1631; Holinshed.

' Ibid.

638

ANNALS or WINDSOR.

[Chapter XXII.

The Duke de Montmorency had been on the 24th of April
elected a Knight of the Garter, together with Walter Devereux,
Viscount Hereford (afterwards Earl of Essex) ; William Cecil, Lord
Burghley, first minister of the crown ; Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton,
and Edmund Brydges, Lord Chandos ; and at the investiture, the
queen, as a mark of her special grace and favour, adorned Lord
Burghley with the garter with her own hands.^

On the 28th of June the ambassadors left London for France.^
The queen, after her visit this year to Warwick, Kenilworth,
and Compton, ended her progress on the 22d of September at
Windsor,^ where she was soon after unwell. Her illness showed
symptoms of the smallpox, which she described in a letter to the
Earl of Shrewsbury, written at Windsor on the 22d of October,
1572.*

^ Sir H. Nicolas' ' History of the Orders of Knighthood.'
^ Holinshed.

3 Nichols' 'Progresses,' vol. i, p. 321. Strype says the 24!th of September, (' Annals/
vol. ii, p. 214.)

^ See the letter, ibid., p. 322, and Lodge's 'Illustrations/ vol. i, p. 552.

Arms of Richard Gallis of Windsor.

(See ante, p. 625, note 1.)

YIN DES ORI V M ceffSerrimum MjCi^ cctf^ru m focu S
amoen^irmis-ceSficia. majti^ca/Jrli/icipfa!^^^ sej>ulchra:
S^ifCnS^is Caretterioru) cauitmn. Sccietas mcmrmfc retidwiij

VVINDSOK CASTJ.K IN TllK UKICVX OF KLIXAUKTIT , FROM liOEi" K AOLKS EXGKAVIKG IX BKAI'

N'S CIVITATES OKBIS TKHRARril.

CHAPTER XXIII.

WINDSOR IN THE BEIGN OP ELIZABETH.

{Continued.)

Formation of the North Terrace — Other Works in the Castle — The Plague at Windsor —
Proceedings of the Corporation with reference to "Foreigners" — Jurisdiction of
the Corporation — Visits of Dr. Dee to the Queen at Windsor — Works in the
Castle — Apartments of the Maids of Honour — Members for Windsor — Statutes, &c.,
of the Guild— Henewal of the Charter — Act of Parliament for Paving the Town —
Erection of a Market-house — Restraints on Trade — Regulation of the Standard
Measures — Appointment of Bridge-keeper — Address of the Corporation to the
Queen, and Celebration of Her Majesty's Birthday — Members for Windsor —
Entertainment of the Viscount Turenne — Compulsory Support of the Poor —
Festivities on the Anniversary of the Queen's Coronation — Apprehensions of the
Queen on account of the Plague — Her Translation of Boethius — Appointment of
Steward and Deputy-Steward of the Borough — Visit of the Queen to Sir Edward
Coke at Stoke Pogis — Appointment of Sir Henry Savile to the Provostship of
Eton — Salaries, &c., of Officers connected with the Castle — Churchwardens'
Accounts — Parish Registers — Earliest Descriptions and Representations of the
Castle.

"A TASTE for architecture/^ observes Mr. Poynter, "was too
expensive to suit a sovereign so calculating and economical as
Queen Elizabeth, and few have done less to encourage it. Windsor
Castle nevertheless owes to her one of its most striking, peculiar,
and magnificent features — the Terrace." -^ Previously to the forma-
tion of the terrace as a walk^ and its support by a wall, there
appears to have been a wooden railing and fence to keep up the
bank. Hoefnagle's view of this side of the castle, engraved in Bruin's
' Civitates Orbis Terrarum,' published about 1575 (and probably the
oldest existing view^), doubtless represents this old fence, as the

^ " On the north side, next the river, Queen Elizabeth added a very pleasant terrace."
(Camden's * Britannia.')

^ Cough's ' British Topography.'

640 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XXIII.

new terrace could scarcely have been formed so early in Elizabeth's
reign. A report from the clerk of the works in 1572 states the
terrace to be in a very bad condition, the timber being so much
decayed that it would not last another year.^ Very shortly after
this period the terrace was carried on the north side of the castle
to its present extent, a plan of the improvements and alterations
made by Queen Elizabeth, dated in 1576, being extant, in which
the north terrace is laid down, and described as " the new walk
not yet finished." The terrace at this time was carried out beyond
the wall facing the scarp of the hill, upon cantalivers of timber,
and protected by a wooden rail.^

From an abstract drawn up in 1575, it appears that the sums
expended upon the castle during six years amounted to £6600,
In the letter accompanying this document, addressed to Lord
Burghley, Humfry Michell, the clerk of the works, asks leave to
resign his office, on account of the difficulties and opposition he
meets with in discharging his duties, and the delays in procuring
money and passing his accounts. The effect of this remonstrance
appears to have been his appointment as superintendent of all pay-
ments for repairs done to the castle, under a warrant from the
constable, the Earl of Leicester, which at the same time nominates
Henry Hawthorne to be surveyor of the works. The salary of each
of these officers was two shillings per day.

In 1576 a new gallery and banqueting-house were in contem-
plation, and were erected shortly after. The latter was placed at
the eastern extremity of the terrace. It is shown in Norden's
drawing as an octagon building with a cupola, and the plan of the
terrace before mentioned proves it to have been a sort of pavihon,
with windows all round, twenty-two feet in diameter. Queen
Elizabeth's gallery, occupying the space between Henry the Seventh's
building and the upper gate, has had the singular good fortune to
escape the alterations which nearly obliterated everything original

^ Mr. Poynter does not seem to have been aware of this print, and thinks the new
terrace may have been commenced in a former reign, so as to admit of the decay of the
timber as early as 1772. But it is certainly more probable that the report in question
refers to the old railing seen in Hoefnagle's view.

^ Poynter.

TO AD. 1G03.] THE PLAGUE AT WINDSOR. 641

about the castle after the restoration of Charles the Second. In
the late improvements it has not only been respected, but its deco-
rations have been restored with scrupulous fidelity, and it remains
(says Mr. Poynter) a perfect and highly ornamented specimen of
the Anglo-ltahan architecture of the sixteenth century. It now
forms a portion of the Library.

By a report in 1577, the works during the preceding seven
years amounted to £7800, of which £1800 had been laid out upon
the terrace. By a subsequent account it appears that every ten feet
of the terrace w^all^ twenty feet in height, and six feet thick at the
basCj gradually sloping in to three feet at the top, cost £125 16^. 8</.
In the same year a letter from the surveyor to Lord Burghley
suggests an alteration at the end of the terrace next the college,
'' to prevent persons in the dean's orchard seeing into the queen's
walk."^

Another work projected by Queen Elizabeth was a new garden,
1500 feet in length, for which the estimate, including the inclosure
wall and planting, or, as it is termed, " makinge the garden per-
fecte with hearbes growing," amounted to £418 14.9. 8d.^

During the residence of the queen at Windsor in November 1575
it seems the Earl of Essex paid her a visit.^

Windsor was visited with the plague in 1576, as appears by
a proclamation of the corporation, pubhshed 21st of July, 18 Eliz.,

^ Poynter. Several arched chambers, remains of Queen Elizabeth's works, were
discovered under the north terrace in 1843. (See the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xx»
new series, p. 303.) Harrison, writing in the reign of Elizabeth, says, speaking of
castles — •■' Eor strength Windlesor or Winsor is supposed to be the cheefe, a castell
builded in time past by King Arthur, or before him by Aruiragus, as it is thought,
and repared by Edward the third, who erected also a notable college there. After him
diverse of his successours have bestowed exceeding charges upon the same, which notwith-
standing are farre surmounted by the queenes majestic now living who hath appointed
huge summes of monie to be emploied upon the ornature and alteration of the mould,
according to the forme of building vsed in our dales, which is more for pleasure than for
either profit or safeguard." (Holinshed, vol. i, p. 329, edit. 1807.)

^ Poynter. Nichols speaks of the " meanders and labyrinths" of this garden as " still
faintly discernible ;" but this must be an error : it is Queen Anne's garden, of which
traces may occasionally be seen in the Home Park. {See post, Vol. II.)

^ A letter from Sir Francis Walsingham to Lord Burghley, dated at Windsor, 18th of
November, 1575, speaks of the earl as being then expected at Windsor. (Wright's
' Elizabeth,' vol. ii, p. 27.)

6^2 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

directing "that all persons dwelling nere any bowses which are, or
for a moneth past, have been infected, and being now in Windsor
do dep* hence, and that all such persons do forbeare to come thither
until further notice be published to the contrary. And that Inn-
keepers &c. forbeare to harbour any such upon paine of Imprison-
ment." ^

In the following year the towai appears to have been free from
the disease, although it prevailed in London, for in the summer of
1577 the queen was advised not to remain nearer London than
Windsor, on account of the plague.

The Earl of Leicester, writing to the Earl of Sussex, in July in
that year, in answer to an invitation by Sussex to the queen,
says —

" My good Lord, I have shewed your letter to her Majesty, who
did take your great care to have her welcome to your house in most
kind and gracious part, thanking your Lordsliip many times : albeit,
she saith very earnestly, that she wil hy no meanes come this time to
Newhal, saying it were no reason, and less good manners, having so
short warning this year to trouble you ; and was very loth to have
come into these parts at al, but to fly the further from the infected
places, and charged me so to let your Lordship know ; that by no
means she would have you prepare for her this time. Nevertheless,
ray Lord, for mine own opinion, I believe she will hunt and visit your
house, coming so neer. Herein you may use the matter accordingly,
since she would have you not look for her.

"And now my Lord, we all do what we can to persuade from any
progress at all, only to remain at Winsor, and therabouts. But it
much misliketh her not to go somewlier to have change of air. So
what will fal out yet, I know not, but most like to go forward, since
she fancieth it so greatly herself. ^^ ^

The efforts made early in this reign to prohibit " forreigners"
from selling their wares in the town were again renewed.

On the 19th of February, 1576-7, "upon Informacon of the
Mercers Draps Haberdashers Grocers and oth'" Retaylers of the
greate decay and poverty already growen, by reason that forraine
Ketaylers are permitted upon n?ket dayes,It is ordained for a law that

' Extracts from the Mayor's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

2 Laus. MS., No. 25, f. 28; Ellis' 'Letters,' 1st series, vol. ii, p. 272; Wright's
'Queen Elizabeth and her Times,' vol. ii, p. 61.

TO A.D 1603] EESTEICTIONS ON TRADERS. 643

from henceforth no Draper Mercer Haberdasher Hatseller, Grocer,
petty Chapman or oth"" Retailer and Victualler of all sorts (the like
whereof are not made or traded in this Towne only excepted) shall
shew or sell upon the market and weeke day (except faire dayes)
any of the before menconed wares upon forfeiture (after reasonable
admonition) [of] all such wares &c. The one halfe to the BaylifFs
and the other halfe to the inhabitants as shall trade and sell such
wares &c. and by the Bailiffs or inhabitans to be seised from tyme
to tyme. Provided that if the Maior shall for any first offence
(after reasonable admonicon) appoint any corporall punishm* or
fine to be sustained or paid by the p^^ offending, then the forfeiture
to be pardoned."

Again, on the 23d of November, 1582, it was "moved and
concluded" that '' fforrainers should be kept out upon market
days ;" but it is stated that this order " took no effect," " because
the Mercers being required to contribute something to the Bailiffs
for the loss of their Stalls, refused." ^

1 Extracts from the Mayor's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126! The following additional
orders of about the same period, from the same source, are not devoid of interest :

" 16 Sept: 18 Eliz. W^hereas the ordinary Courts called the Towne Corts have been
heretofore uncertainely kept and w*^ very long adjourm*^ continued fro day to day
namely sometymes monthly sometymes 5 weekes fr5 the last continuance, to the greate
hinderance and delay of Justice. It is therefore ordeyned and for a law made that the
s'' Cor' shall from henceforth be kept and continued from fortnight to fortnight, unless in
case of urgent necessity, w*'^ nevtheless shall not alter or abridge this ordinance, but yt it
may and shall abyde ppetuall any Interupcon so occasioned upon necessity notwithstand-
ing. And yt the Bailiffs dinners shal be kept from moneth to moneth as they have been
lawdably used and accustomed heretofore.

"And that no Bailife henceforth make intermission of the usuall feasts or dinners by
him during the tyme of his office to be kept upon paine to forfeit not only the moiety of
all his profitts casualties and Emolum*^ of the ofi&ce of Bailiff from the tyme of his inter-
mission unto the end of the yeare But also 20 nobles for a fyne, to be levyed at the
discrec^on of the Maior and Bench, and shall nevtheless stand charged as Bailiff to the
end of his yeare.

"Also whereas there is a decent place built in the parish Church for the Maior Aldren
and Burgesses to sit in comely order, whereby their necessary p^'^sence may be knowne
to the good example of others, and from whence they may behold the behaviours of dis-
ordered persons, It is enacted and ordained yt if any Alderma or Bencher (shall at any
preach^ obstinately absent himselfe from the s*^ place, or refuse to sitt orderly therein,
shall forfeit 12d. for evy offence, to be levyed and imployed at the discrec~on of the Maior
or his Deputy. And ev y oth"" Broth'" offend^ in forme afores*^ shall forfeit for evy
offence 6r/.

"Mr. Ed. Hake then supplying the place of Eecorder, and Jo: Aughton one of tlio

644 ANNALS OF WINDSOE. [Chapter XXIIl.

At a "consultation" in the guildhall, held the 16th of June,
1578, "this following precept was shewed, forth to R. Redford
Maior's deputy the Aldermen Bailiffs and Burgesses :"

" These are to will you and in her Majesties name to comand you
to warne to appe before us at Windsore Castle wthin the Cort house
there on Tuesday next by 8: of the Clock in the forenoone these men
whose names are under written, which faile you not to doe and also
they to be there upon perill which may hereafter ensew. Dated this
IStii of June 1578.

" Henry Nevell. W. Page. H. Westfalinge."

The persons' names followed ; and the directions were " to the
Constables of the Towne of New Wyndesor and to every of them
and in their absence to their Deputies there geve this."

" Which pecept being read and considered, all the psons under-
named, in the name of the Maior Bailiffs and Burgesses &c.,
ordered,

" First because the persons were warned to appear out of the
precincts of the Burrow contrary to the auncient priviledges thereof,
therefore the Constables &c. to be restrained to execute the precept.
And that if they or the inhabitants named in the precept should be
molested fined or sued for their defaulte, of not executing or not

Bailiffs being reproved by the Maior &c. for not continuing his Bailiffs feasts as had been
accustomed, made a speech shew^' the reasons, conveniency and comendableness why they
were and ought to be kept.

" The next day the s*^ Jo: Aughton hav^ submitted for his said offence, p^ 6/. 13^. 4id.
for his fyne."

" 20 Sept: In consideration yt by buid^ the poarch at the Staires foote of the Guild-
hall the light of Rich: Needharas house is stopped, therefore the pcell of ground \y^
betweene the new porch of the hall and the back yard of the s*' house is gr*"^ to the
s*^ U. Needham fro Mich: next, for 99 yeares, Rend^ Id. p ann rent."

"13 Dec. 19 Eliz. Rich: Mellish one of the Bretheren for his manifold misdemeanors
and contempts towards the Maior, and abusing the Steward w^^' contumelious words and
taunts in open Co'*, and for his greate stubbornes and unseemely behaviour towards the
whole Bench, Is adiudged to pay 10,?. fyne or oth''wise to make his humble submission
the next Cou. day, else to be expelled fro'~ the brotherhood and fellowship."

" 10 Jan: 19 Eliz. The Chamblaines fee being before this tyme but Is. 8d. a yeere is
now increased to 3s. 4:d. a yeere, and the account day for ev^ hereafter appointed to be
Thursday after All Soules day."

•' Ult. reb^". 19 Eliz. Ordained that no Inhabitants receive any Inmate upon paine to
foifeit for evy offence 20s. and the Inmates to be removed by Midsou? next upon like
paiue." (Extracts from the Mayor's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126.)

TO A.D. 1603.] DR. DEE, THE ASTROLOGER. 645

app% Then they should be saved harmeles by the Maior Bailiffs
and Burgesses, and their successors, and their charges and expences
allowed them, yt should be thereupon occasioned. [Signed] Ricli:
Radford, W™ Gwyn, Ric: Needham, Jo: Martingley, Ed: Hake
(Bailiffs) W™ Jacob, Nich: Slade, Jo: Wyght, Edmond Ludway,
Tho: Heele, Tho: Clyftone, Walter Jones."

The corporation was extremely jealous of all its privileges, but
of none more so than its exclusive jurisdiction. About twelve
years later, namely, on the 27th of February, 1589-90, we find
" Thomas Gabrell alias Hills, one of the brethren of the Guildhall,
expulsed, for that contrary to his oath of a Brother and duty of a
Townsman, he had refused to be ordered by authority of the Maior
and had sought to [maintain] the authority of the Justices of peace at
large directly against the liberties, and for refusing to yield himselfe
faulty and so to regaine favor of the Maior." ^ In 1586 there is a
payment of 12^. "for a dinner on [to?] the water bailiff and
Justice for relinquishing his Jurisdiction to the Mayor of this
Towne notwithstanding the appearance of the Country before
them." ^

Dr. Dee, the philosopher and astrologer of Mortlake, visited
Windsor, and had interviews with Queen Elizabeth. The following
entries occur in his diary for 1577:

"Nov. 22nd. 1 rod to Windsor to the Q. Majestie. Nov. 25th. I
spake with the Quene hora quinta. Nov. 28th. I spake with the Quene
hora quinta ; I spake with Mr. Secretary Walsingham. I declared to
the Quene her title to Greenland, Estetiland and Friseland.

"Dec. 1st. 1 spake with Sir Christopher Hatton; he was made
knight that day. Dec. 1st. 1 went from the Cowrte at Wyndsore.^' ^

Queen Elizabeth had many interviews with Dr. Dee, calling on
him at Mortlake in her rides on horseback from Riclimond.*

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

2 Ibid. This justice "sat also by autliority of a commission under the great seal to
inquire of divers statutes."

3 The 'Private Diary of Dr. John Deo,' &c., edited by Ilalliwell, 4to, printed for the
Camden Society, 1812, p. 4.

■* Ibid., p. 9, &c.

646 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

Certain of the items in the report upon the works at the castle
for 1580, illustrate in a curious manner the state of some parts of
the building, and the indifferent manner in which the decent com-
fort of the attendants was cared for in the court of Queen Elizabeth.
One relates to the apartments of the maids of honour, who " desire
to have their chamber ceiled, and the partition that is of boards
there to be made higher, for that the servants look over.'' In
another, " Sir Edmund Carey desires to have a part of the chamber
being appointed for the Squires of the body to be ceiled overhead,
and boarded under foot, for that it is so ruinous and cold." The
former of these requisitions was at least partially granted, although
the most urgent repairs seem about this time to have been impeded
for want of money. In 1588 all the works had been suspended
for three years on this account, but, £500 being then in hand, it is
proposed to finish the Constable's lodgings, and to appropriate the
remainder for the repairs of the conduit pipes, and the roofs of the
castle, " where the rain beateth in." ^

On the 25th of November, 1584, Henry Neville, Esq., and
John Crooke, jun., Esq. (being previously admitted burgesses), were
elected members of parliament for Windsor. On the 26th of
September in the following year Henry Neville was again elected,
with Mr. George Woodward, " though'' (as a minute in the
Mayor's Book says) '* the statute of 1 Hen. 5, and an act of their

^ Mr. Poynter, citing a series of reports on the works at Windsor Castle in the State
Paper Office. There is a tradition that Queen Elizabeth complained of the dinners at the
castle being served up cold, and that she was told the reason was that the meat had to be
brought all the way from the bakehouse in Peascod Street. (On the information of
Mr, Snowden, of Windsor. The anecdote is also given by Mr. Stoughton, in his ' Windsor
in the Olden Time,' p. 141.) The remains of what is called the " Royal Oven" still exist
in Peascod Street, as shown in the woodcut at the end of this chapter. The fees of the
bakehouse occur in the Household Book of Queen Elizabeth. (See 'Ordinances and
Regulations of the Royal Household,' 4to, 1790, p. 282.) It may be observed that the
bakehouse of the Palace of Sheen (Richmond) appears to have been at some distance
from the Palace. (See "Account of the Old Palace of Richmond in Surrey," 'Vetusta
Monumenta,' vol. ii.) It is more probable, however, that the bakehouse in Peascod
Street was a public one, wliich the inhabitants of the manor were accustomed and obliged
to make use of, in the same way as they were to grind their corn at the lord's mill. (See
a reference to a bakehouse of this kind in Sir Geoige Farmer's case, cited in 8 Coke's
Reports, 127 ; 3 Modern Reports, p. 128.)

TO A.D. 1603.] RENEWAL OE THE CHARTER. 647

owne for appointing a Bencher to be one of the Burgesses, was read
to the Company.^' ^

"Edward Fines, Lord Clinton, Earle of Lincoln, and Lord
Admiral of England, Knight of the Garter, and one of her Majesty's
privy council, a man of great years and service as well by Sea as by
Land, was buried at Windsor in January 1585." ^

In the twenty-second year of this reign the " Statutes and
Ordinances" of the guildhall were collected and amended. They
are, however, too long to be inserted here.^

Steps were also taken about this time to have the charter
renewed, and also to obtain an act for paving the streets of the
town. The following minute occurs in the entry in the mayor's
book of proceedings on the 23d of November, 1582 :

" The renewing of our Charter was moved and the pavyng of the
Towne, it was concluded that Mr. Bagshaw should first obtsyne a coppy
of a supplication which Mr. Temple made to be exhibited to the Queen,
and is now remaining with Sir Henry Neville ; and touching paving of
the Towne it is thought good that Sir Henry Neville and other our
worthy friends be first moved therein, as well for the obteyning of it.^' *

From the following items in the corporation accounts of this
period^ as extracted from the Ashmolean Manuscripts, it seems that
as early as 1578, the town expected the renewal of their charter :

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126. (See ante, p. 636.)

2 Stow's 'Annals,' p. 700, edit. 1631; Holinshed.

* See Ash. MSS., No. 1126. The following was the form of " the oath of any gentle-
man or other brother that shall be admitted into the corporation" at this period :

" Ye shall be true liege man unto our Sov aigne Ladye the Queues Maicstie Elizabetli
by the grace of God Queue of Englande France and Ireland defender of the faith &c. and
to her heires and successors Kings and Princes of this Eealme renowncing all forren
powre and Jurisdiccon : Ye shalbe ayding and assisting unto the Maior of this Towne and
Borrough of New Wyndesor for the tyme being and to his successors Maiors, tlie
Cowncell of the Guildhall, ye shall truly keepe and reveale and declare the same to none
other but to the Brethren of the same. And in all Causes that may sownde to the
Comon weale and profitt of the said Guild ye shalbe truly aiding and assisting and helping
both wth yo*" owne pson and goods to yo*" powre. The good ordinances and auncient
Statuts heretofore made for the good ordre and Regiment of the saide Towne ye sliall
uphold maintaine and pforme to yo'" good wyll and understand^, so helpc ye God and as yc
trust to be saved by the merritts of o"" Lord and Saviour Jhs Ciirist. And as for yo'' fyuo
lo pay it accordingly." (Ash. MSS., No. 1126.)

4 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

0^'

618 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

" A° 20 Eliz. For dravviDg the new Charter being 81 sheetes,

searching in the Rolls and Abstracts of Records of

divers Charters there to frame the booke by, and

other incident charges

Reparations of the bridge

To Mr. Atorneyes Clearke for engrossing the Charter

" There are in this yeares account/' says Ashmole, " many
other expenses touching the charter as Intertainem*^ Rewards &c."
And in the accounts of the twenty-third year of EUzabeth there is
a charge of £1 paid to Mr. Richard Temple^ the mayor, " for his
riding divers tymes to Court to my Lord of Leicester about the
charter," and in the following year a payment of sixteen shillings
to Mr. Hake '' for drawing a Booke of Statutes and orders for this
Towne." ^

Notwithstanding these efforts^ no charter was granted to the
town until the commencement of the reign of James the First.
There is evidence nevertheless that the corporation tried every
means to procure it at an earlier period. There is an entry of a
payment of 16^. M, to "Mr. Coade/' in 1602, "to follow the
suite about the charter;" and, also in the same year, the large
sums of £59 85. (Sd. and £12 \Q>s. 4^. were expended in "Rewards,
entertainments, and other charges about renewing the Charter." ^

" The book of Statutes and Orders, with additions partly by
imitation of the Statutes of the Town of Reading and partly by
other advice and direction," was presented at the Berkshire assizes,
in 1592, to Mr. Justice Wyndham, by Sir Henry Neville, knight,
the high steward, for confirmation and allowance.

Li the twenty-seventh year of the queen's reign an act was
passed for paving the town. As it is an unprinted statute, it is
given here at length.^

"An Act for the paving of the Towne of New Windesor in the County

of Berks.

" Whereas the Streetes of the Queenes Ma*^^^^ Towne and Burrough
of New Windsor in the County of Berks are yearely ympaired and

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126. 2 jbjj^

^ The coj)y is taken from the extracts from Matthew Day's Book, Ash. MSS.,
Ko. 112G.

TO A.D. 1603.] ACT EOR PAVING THE TOWN. 649

made noysome and foule by reason of the greate and daily carriages
and recariages that are made to her Ma*'^^ Castle there as well at such
tymes as her Ma*'^ doth make her abode ther as also during all the
time of hir Highnes Workes, to ye greate annoyance as well of the
honorable and others attendant upon her Highnes person as also of the
inhabitants and others frequenting the same Towne. For reformac'on
whereof Bee it enacted by our said Soveraigne Lady the Queene's
Ma^^*^ the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons in this psent
parliam* assembled and by aucthority of the same that all and every
pson and psons bodies polatique and corporate their heires and suc-
cessors which now bee or which hereafter shall bee immediate owners
Land Lprdes or terretenants of any Howses, Lands or tennauntes in
any wise adjoyning to any of the streets within the said Towne or
Burroughs bee yt on the one side or on the other, of any estate or
estates in fee simple, fee tayle for terme of life or yeares, shall by such
tymes and dayes as shall be lymited and appoynted by the Maior of
the said Borough with the advise and consent of the Constable or
Lieuetennante of her Majesties honour and Castle of Windsor for the
tyme being so that the sayd appoyntment bee openly published within
the said Towne eight mounthes at the least before the said daies and
times in forme aforesaid to be limitted j well and sufficiently pave or
cause to bee paved with good paving Stones every person along from
and against his or their houses, lands and tenements adjoining to any
of the streets ther so much of the sayd streets in length as his or their
sayd Housses Lands or Tenements so adjoyning, extendith unto ; And
in breadeth during all the said length foure yardes of full measure upon
payne to loose and forfeit for every yard square not sufficiently paved
by the said tymes so to bee lymitted and appointed in forme aforesaid,
the same being presented before the Maior BaylifiPes and Burgesses of
the said Towne for the time being by the oathes of twelve honest and
substantial! men of the said Towne or Burrough being sworne for that
purpose, twelve pence of lawfull money of England, and shall also from
and after the said daies and times so to bee lymitted and appointed as
aforesaid the same being published in manner and forme aforesaid well
and sufficiently from tyme to tyme repayre and mayntaine the same as
often as it shall bee needfull with like stone in such and like manner
as above is declared upon paine to forfeit for every yard square not
sufficiently repaired and amended as often as any such default shall bee
the same being presented before the Major Bayleffs and Burgesses of
the said Towne for the time being in manner and forme aforesaid,
eight pence of like money all which defaultes shall and may bee en-
quired of and presented at the Leetes to bee holden within the said
Burrough and the forfeitures for every such default there presented

650 ANNALS OI' WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

shall and may bee levyed by the Major Bayliifes and Burgesses of the
said Towne for the time being and ther ministers as Fynes and amerst-
ments in Leetes are by the Law to bee levied and shall bee Im ployed
from tyme to tyme upon the paving of the said Towne ; provided alwaies
that if the Lessees for yeares or Tennants at will of the said howsses
Lands or Tenements, or if any of them doe sufficiently pave or repaire
before their mansions or dvvelling places the streets and wayes aforesaid
or any part thereof, that then they and every of them shall and may
defalke abate and retaine in his or their hands so much of the Rents
due to the Lessors or others to whom the ymediate Reversion of their
said housses Lands or Tenements doe belonge as they can duely prove
to have bine expended by them upon the same paving. And so much
defalked shall bee to all intentes accompted as paid to their Lessors or
others to whome the ymediate reversion of their said housses Lands or
Tenementes doe belong in such forme as by their Leases or graunts is
appoynted to be paid, and the said .Lessors, or they to whom such
Rents shall bee due [not ?] to have an Accord or Tytle of re-entrie for
or by reason of the non payment of so much of the same Rent as shall
bee so ymployed except the said Lessors [Lessees ?] or Tennants have
otherwise covenanted and shall hereafter covenante to make the said
pavement at their owne Costes and Charges or to beare or save harm-
lesse ther Lessors of all charges payments or duties issuing out of or to
bee imposed upon such their housses lands or Tenements.^'

These vigorous measures for the improvement of Windsor did
not rest here. Hie next step was to erect a new market-house.
Mr. Hake, the mayor, seems to have been an active person in
promoting the welfare of the town. At a meeting on the 7th of
January, 1585-6, "the mayor renewed the motion for the market
house, earnestly calling upon the company for the same, and
whereas the difference of opinions about the place where it should
stand, seemed to be the hinderance of the going forward thereof,

at the breaking up of this meeting Mr. Maior went to view the

" 1
same.

The usual feasts of the corporation were curtailed, and the

sums allowed for them were appropriated to the building. The

following entry occurs in the mayor's book under the date of

21st December, a*^ 29 Eliz. : ''Decreed that the Bailifs yt now be

^ Extracts from the Mayor's Book, Ash. MSS., No. ll^G.

TO A.D. 1603.] THE NEW MAEKET-HOUSE. 651

shall bring £5 a yeere to be discharged of their Cort day dinners
except the Dinners upon the 2 law dayes And yt Mr. Bagshaw
the p'esent maior be discharged from his present Christmas dinner
if he pay 6/. 13^. 4^. towards build" of the market house." And
again, on the 20th of September, a° 30 EHz., '' In consideration
that Mr. Maior allowes 8£ towards building the market house the
whole company agree to discharge him of his charges on St.
Edwards Day, Christmas Day, and Midsom Eve. The 2 Bailyes
pay £10 to Mr. Maior to be discharged of their dinners except 2
law dayes and 2 oth'^ Cort dayes w'^^ the maior shall appoint." ^

On the 3d of January, 1586, "Mr. Gwyn delivered to Mr.
Bagshaw maior £5 which he received of Mr. H. Vust (?) in parte of
payment of £40 which Mr. Dollin did bequeath unto the Towne of
New Wyndsor towards building of the market howse ;" and the
year following, Richard Needham, chamberlain, paid £10 more to
Mr. Gwyne, then mayor, for the same purpose.^

We find the following " ffree guifts towards build^ of the
ii?ket house" in the thirtieth year of the queen's reign :

Sr. Hen: Nevill . . 40^.
Mr. Jenys .... 40^.
Reginald Tliornbury . 205.
Mr. Brooke .... 10^.
Mr. Hall (?) and others 3/. 3^.'' ^

The building w^as not finished for several years, for on the 30th
of September, 1591, it was " determined and agreed that the two
Chamberlains with Mr. Masselyn and Mr. Alden shall see the
bestowing of the moneys for finishing the market house ;" * and on
the 13th of October, 1594, it was ''decreed that Mr. Maior shal
be discharged of Entertainments of the Company at Christmas,
and during his tyme, and in considerac^on thereof he to allow 8/.
of his fee towards finishing the mket house and the bridge ;" ^ and

1 Major's Book, Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

2 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.
' Ibid.

'^Earle of Leic: . .

. 405.

Mr. Belamy

. 40

Mr. Maslyn . .

. 20s.

Mr. Wyndesor .

. lOs.

Mr. Brightridge

. lOs.

652 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

at the same time " the BaiKfFs to be discharged of all Court Dinners
except the two law days, they allowing £10 towards finishing the
market house and 6s. Sd. every Court day towards Mr. Mayors
and his Companys dinner, and Mr. Maior to allow \2d., every one
of the Bench 6d., and every other Brother 4^., whether present or
absent ;" and a similar regulation was adopted in the following
year.^

In 1588 the charges and expenses for timber, lead, carpenters',
masons', and plumbers' work, &c., for the market house, amounted
to £79 11^. 11^. ; and in 1596 there is a charge of £77 16^. 4d
for the same purposes. There were doubtless various intermediate
sums paid, which have not been noticed by Ashmole.

At the meeting of the corporation on the 7th of January,
1585-6, at which the question of the site of the market place was
discussed, " sundry Commoners made complaint to the Maior that
Maidenhead market newly erected was a great hinderance to the
market of this Towne, whereupon he offered to seeke lawful
redress." ^

Measures were again adopted for the purpose of restraining the
trade of the town to the residents. On the 4th of August, 1588,
it was '' decreed that six persons, Taylors and Drapers, should have
agreement by Indenture under the Towne scale that no forrainer of
that occupation shall be admitted into the freedome of the Towne
hereafter, without their con sen te, they paying yearely to the Maiors
owne use ten shillings." A similar resolution was adopted with
regard to all trades, for on the 13 th of October, 1581, there is an
entry in the mayor's book of *' an Indenture sealed between the
Maior and three of the mercers or salesmen that no forrainer of yt
occupation shal be admitted without their consent, they paying ten
shilhngs per annum to the Maior. And this was done by force of
a general agreement heretofore made by the Maior and Company
for all Trades whatsoever within this Towne/^ ^

Similar indentures of agreement were entered into with the
glovers on the 2d of March, 1589-90; and on the 27th of July

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

2 Ibid.
-' Ibid.

TO A.D. 1603.] APPOINTMENT OP BEIDGE-KEEPER. 653

following, indentures were sealed " to two of the Barber Surgeons
Company that no forreigner be admitted without their consents,
they paying five shillings per annum to the Mayor/' On the 3d
of September in the same year, '' Symon Stokes of Westminster
Apothecary is admitted into the liberties, to use his Trade at the
princes being here only," upon payment of a fine ; and the same
permission was given to John Stokes, merchant tailor, '' during the
princes stay." On the 14th of January, 1591-2, the restraint on
the trading was by the usual agreement extended to the cord-
wainers/

In 1586, "at the pitifull Complaint of divers of the Com-
monalty of this Towne for the redress of the smalnes of the market
bushell, Edward Hake gentleman, then Maior, travailed to Greene-
wich and thence to Westminster divers Journies till he found the
Clearke of the Market, carrying with him the brazen Gallon, and
obteyned the amending of the Bushell." ^

The following curious appointment to " the office of keeping of
the Key of the Legg of Windsor Bridge" was made in 1586 :

"Edw: Hake gentleman Maior of the Burrough To all &c.
Whereas W" Jacob late one of the Aldermen of this Burrough had
and enjoyed the office of keep^ of the Key of the legg of Windsor
Bridge and the oversight of the same bridge, together with ye receipt
of the toll or custome thereof as well by land as by water, answering to
the Maior Bailifs and Burgesses by the yeare, 12/.: or otherwise the
gd -y^m ^^^ have been accomptable to the Guild haule for the s*^ Receipt
as to the s^^ Maior &c. should have been thought expedient. Now
forasmuch as he being decked, the keep^ of the key w^^ the oversight of
the bridge, ye receipt of the toll and custome thereof is wthout delay
to be committed and conferd, as being an office of such daily and con-
tinuall attendance as y*^ may not for any time be unsupplied. There-
fore the said Maior to whome of right the guift and disposicon' of the
s^ office doth ap"teine in regard of the speciall trust and fittnes w'^^^ he
knoweth to be in Mathew Alley one of the Burgesses of the guild hall
by his right and authority in y^ behalfe hath comitted conferd and
given, and by these pats doth comitt confer and give to the s^ Math.
Alley the said office w*^' all pfitts comodities and advantages belonging

^ Ash. MSS,, No. 1126. The term "prince" appears to be used here as synonymous
with " sovereign."
2 Ibid.

654 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapteb XXIII.

thereunto To have and exercise the same by himselfe or his serv*^ only
from the day of the date hereof during his sev'all lyfe if he shall so
long be continually residing and dwelling wthin the said Burrough.
Yeilding &c. 12/. p ann, or otherwise yearely rendering to the Maior
&c. a true and iust account of the same^ as to the s^ Maior &c. shalbe
thought expedient. Dat. i Aug. 28 Eliz :" ^

On the 10th of August, 1586, the queen, being at Windsor,
was received there in state by the corporation of that town, and
was thus addressed by Edward Hake, of Gray^s Inn, gentleman,
at that time mayor of Windsor, who presented his official mace :

^^ With that sincere and faithfull obedience (most renowned Queue)
not which law hath commaunded^ but whiche love hath procured, wee,

1 "Extracts out of the Maiors Booke begining 1559," Ash. MSS., No. 1126. The
following are some other entries in the same book about this period :

" 23d Nov'' anno 25 Eliz: Ordered and Concluded yt John Matingley shalbe removed
from liis place upon the Bench untill it shall seeme good to the Maior and Company to
call him thereunto againe. The Considerac~on whereof was for that he had failed of his
purgacon in the cryme whereof he was accused. M^ that this order extendeth not to
the making of any president [precedent] for the remov^ of any Alderman for any such
cause, for yt heretofore they have been in these cases exempt."

" 27 Sept. a° 25 Eliz: S*" Hen. Nevill and D"" Day hav^ written to the Maior &c. on
the behalfe of olde Rob* Dale sometymes a Brother, whoe now was very olde, fallen into
decay and poore, to make the rent of a certaine water (w*'*' was 135. M. p ami) up 40^.
p aun du^ his lyfe,

" They agreed the Maior Aldern) Burgesses and Bayliffs should give unto him 4r/.
qHerly. That ev Broth'' should give him 3^. q'terly, and if any refused their names to be
pesented to the Maior and the Bench."

" 7 Jan: 28 Eliz. Ordered that the fees of the Co''* should be considered of rated and
set downe in writing by Rich Temple and Hen. Harris betweene this and the next day.

" Ordered that another mace should be made for another Serjant to serve for the
Towne, to Joyne w*^ Tho: Bedford, in arrests only.

John Wescot, subbaily sworne, to se yt all psons yt shal be sutors at any Cort, shall
behave themselves re^ ently in the Cort during their continuance there : and if they be
not reformed to bring them to y*" Maior."

"14 Sept. 28 Eliz. Decreed that M'' Rob' Bagshaw shall not be brought downe, nor
be in elec~on of Maior for the yeare coming, because matters layd to his charge by
M'' Math: Alley are not yet cleared, of his unbrotherly misbehaviour and misdemeanor
contrary to the lawes and ordinances of the Towne."

Notwithstanding this, the young company brought down Mr. Bagshaw and Mr. Clifton,
and Mr. Clifton being chosen mayor, he gave £4 to Mr. Bagshaw, and by that means he
was made mayor for the year following.

"15 Jan. a° 29 Eliz. John Yorke expulsed out of the company and brotherhood for
slanderous words spoken ag* the Maior."

" 30 Aug. 1587. John Mattingly upon his sute rec*^ to the Bench againe, yet so as
to be youngest, and not to claime any oth'' seniority,"

TO A.D. 1603.] MEMBERS EOU WINDSOR. 655

your poore townesmen, inhabiting this your auntient burrow of Windsor,
doe here present ourselves before your Highnes ; offering up unto the
same, not only this small peece of Government which we sustaine and
exercise under your Majestic, but ourselves also, and all that we have,
freely, not coarctedly, joyfullie, not grudgingly, to be for ever at your
gratious disposing ; wishing, and from our harts praieng the King of
Kinges, that your Majestic may long live a Queue to enjoy the same,
and that wee, your subjectes, may never live a people to denyc the
same/^ ^

The mayor, at the conclusion of this address, presented her
majesty with a petition in writing on behalf of the town.^

On the 7th of September following, being the queen^s birthday,
the mayor delivered a long oration in the guildhall, " conteyning
an expostulation, as well with the Queues Highnesse faithful sub-
jects, for their want of due consideration of God's blessings enjoyed
by means of Her Majestic ; as also with the unnatural English,
for their disloyaltie and unkindnesse towards the same their
Soveraygne."

The oration was printed soon afterwards, but it is too prolix for
insertion here.^ The queen, at her departure from Windsor some
weeks afterwards, sent the mayor her gracious thanks for the two
speeches.

Mr. Hake was two years afterwards elected a member for Wind-
sor to the parliament summoned for the 12th of November, 1588.

The queen was at Windsor in October 1586; for a proclama-
tion against the Queen of Scots, dated at Richmond, 4th of
December that year, recites a commission under the Great Seal,
dated at Windsor Castle the 6th of October previously.'^

On the 20th of September, 1588, Sir Henry Neville, knight,
was appointed chief seneschal or high steward of the borough.^
On the 10th of October, Henry Neville, Esq., and Mr. Edward
Hake were elected as members of parliament for Windsor ; but the
former being subsequently returned for Sussex, Edward Neville,

^ See Nichols' ' Progresses,' vol. ii, p. 460.

2 Ibid.

^ Printed in 1587. See a reprint in Nichols' ' Progresses of Elizabeth/ vol. ii, p. 461.

* Holinshed, vol. iv, p. 941, edit. 1808.

5 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

656 ANNALS OT WINDSOR. [Chaptee XXIII.

Esq., son and heir of Lord Abergavenny, was elected in his stead
at Windsor on the 24th of October, but, his father dying and he
succeeding to the peerage before the meeting of parhament, he did
not take his seat.^

EHzabeth was at Windsor in October and November 1590.^
In the latter month she there entertained the Viscount Turenne
(afterwards Duke of Bouillon).

" The Queen for health," says John Stanhope, writing to Lord
Talbot, *' is wondrous well, God be thanked, this day coming from
Windsor, where on Sunday last she entertained the Viscount of
Turenne openly, though he had access to her in her gallery over-
night, divers Lords and Ladies being by. He is very welcome, in
all open shows, and if his errand do not too much importune a
present supply of money, I think his entertainment shall be the
better ; though in Truth her Majesty be not without good telling
how she and her estate be interested in the French king's prosperity
or fall.^^ '

The object of the viscount's visit was, as the writer surmised, to
obtain a loan for the French king, Henry the Fourth. The atten-
tion paid to the French peer, and the uncertainty which prevailed
as to his real object, caused some jealousy. " The great honour
done to this nobleman," however, " was in respect of his long and
constant profession in religion, as well as for his place and calling,
and the love he beareth to this estate, which deserveth no less than
he hath/' *

On the 23d of December, 1591, " Mr. Lister of the Litle parke

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

^ " Her Majesty is at Windsor. Of her coming hither no word. Marry it is thought
to Westminster or St. James, the remove will be against the 7th of November and not
before." (Thomas King to Lord Talbot, writing from London, 23d of October, 1590,
Talbot Papers, vol. H, f. 115, Lodge's 'Illustrations,' vol. ii, p. 415, 2d edit.)

^ See the letter (which is without date), Talbot Papers, vol. K, f. 208, Lodge's
' Illustrations,' vol. ii, p. 421, 2d edit. See also letter from Richard Brakinbury to Lord
Talbot, November 20th, 1590. (Ibid.)

"* Francis Needham to the Earl of Shrewsbury. Speaking of the application for the
loan, the writer says it " will be an unseasonable motion, though it be most needful ;
but considering how things stand, we could rather like to maintain our own people than
to be at so great expense upon so faint and faithless a warring people," &c. (See Lodge's
'Illustrations.')

TOA.D. 1603.] POOE-LAWS. 657

sent downe by Mr. Cleyton ten shillings to the use of the poore
with this message that he would pay nothing by way of Taxation
being no householder, but as he gave this of free will, soe would he
hereafter give at his pleasure, otherwise not, which money was
accepted by Mr. Cleyton and reported the matter as aforesaid." ^

In 1592, Henry Neville, Esq., and Edward Neville, Esq., were
chosen members of parliament for Windsor. In J 596, Julius
Caesar, LL.D.,^ and John Norrys, Esq., were returned, and were
again elected in 1600.

In 1591 we find the first allusion to the compulsory support of
the poor of Windsor. A minute in the mayor's book, under the
date of the 20th of February, 33 Eliz. (a.d. 1590-1), directs 'nhat
all the Bretheren of the hall and all other Inhabitants shall be
assessed according to their ability by the subsidie after the rate of
12^. in the pound, towards levying of a stock to set the poore on
worke, and Mr. Gwyn and Mr. Harris appointed Gov nours of the
poore for the first yeare. And Mr. Massy and Mr. Alden
Collectors of the Money to be levyed.'* ^

Although the memorable statute (43 Ehz., c. 2), which is the
foundation of our present system of poor-laws, was not passed until
ten years subsequently, yet by an act passed in the fourteenth year
of this reign, power was first given to Justices to make a general
assessment; and it was doubtless under this enactment that the
above provision for the poor of Windsor was raised.

The following is an extract from the * Memoirs of Robert Gary,
Earl of Monmouth -/ *

'' My Father wrote to me from Windsor, (1592) that the Queene
meant to have a great Triumph there on her Coronation-day, and that
there was great preparation making for the course of the Field and
Tourney. Hee gave me notice of the Queens anger for my marriage,
and said it may bee I being so neere, (at St. Alban's) and to retourne

* Lodge's * Illustrations.*

2 Dr. (afterwards Sir) Julius Csesar, an eminent civilian and a friend of Bacon, was
the eldest son of Caesar Dalmainos, a Venetian, and physician to the Queens Mary and
Elizabeth.

3 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

^ Cited in Nichols' 'Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. iii, p. 214.

658 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

(to Carlisle) without honouring her day, as I ever before had done,
might be a cause of her further dislike ; but left it to myselfe to do
what I thought best. My businesse of Law therefore being ended, I
came to Court, and lodged there very privately ; only I made myselfe
known to my Father and some few friends besides. I here tooke
order and sent to London to provide mee things necessary for the
Triumph. I prepared a present for her Majestic, which, with my
comparisons, cost me above four hundred pounds. I came in to the
Triumph unknown of any. I was the forsaken Knight, that had
vowed solitarinesse ; but hearing of this great Triumph, thought to
honour my Mistresse with my best service, and then to retourne to pay
my wonted mourning. The Triumph ended, and all things well passed
over to the Queene-'s liking, I then made myselfe knowne in Court ;
and for the time I stayed there was daily conversant with my old com-
panions and friends ; but I made no long stay.'^

On the 1st of August, 1 593, the queen, with her court, was at
Windsor, and continued there till November, on the 21st of which
month Mr. Standen informs Mr. Bacon " that the death of a Page
of Lady Scroop (so near the Queue's person as of her bedchamber)
of the Sickness the last night, and that in the Keep within the
Castle, had caused a great alteration there ; so that it was not to
be doubted but that her Majesty would remove within a day or
two at the farthest, though it was not resolved whither, but the
Earl of Essex thought to Hampton Court." Two days after, he
adds, from Windsor, " that the Lords and Ladies, who were
accommodated so well to their likings, had persuaded the Queen
to suspend her removal from thence, till she should see some other
effect; so that, though carts were warned to be ready for the
Monday following, yet it was constantly believed that her Majesty
would not remove till after Christmas." ^

The queen fulfilled the expectation, and remained at Windsor,
occupying her time in the translation of Boethius.

^' The Queens Majestic being at Windsor, in the 35th yeere of her
Raigne, upon the iOth of October, 1593, began her translation of
Boethius de Consolatione Philosophic, and ended it upon the eight of

1 Birch's * Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. i, pp. 153-4, cited by Nichols, ' Pro-
gresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. iii, p. 277.

TO A.D. 1603.] THE queen's TRANSLATION OE BOETHIUS. 659

November then next following, wliich were 30 dayes. Of which tyme
there are to be accompted 13 days, parte in Sondayes and other holy
dayes, and parte in her Majestic ryding abrode, upon which her Majestic
did forbeare to translate. So that 13 dayes being deducted from 30
remaynith 17 dayes, in which tyme her Majestic finished her transla-
tion. And in those 17 dayes her Majestic did not excede one houer
and a half at a tyme in following her translating. Whereby it apperith,
that in 26 houers, or thereabout, her Majestic performed the whole
translation.^^

A second account is given by Mr. Bowyer, keeper of the records
in the Tower :

" The computation of the dayes and houres in which your Majestic
began and finished the translation of Boethius : Your Majestic began
your translation of Boethius the tenth day of October 1593, and ended
it the fifth of November then next immediately following, which were
fyve-and-twenty dayes in all. Out of which 25 days are to be taken,
fowre Sondayes, three other holly dayes, and six dayes on which your
Majestic ryd abrode to take the ayre ; and on those dayes did forbeare
to translate, amounting togither to thirtcne dayes. Which 13 being
deducted from 25 remaynith then but twelve dayes. And then
accompting twoo houres only bestowed every day one with another in
the translating, the computation fallith out, that in fowre-and-twenty
houres your Majestic began and ended your translation.^^ ^

On the 15th of January in the thirty-fifth year of the queen's
reign (a.d. 1592-3), '' Charles Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham,
Knight of the Garter, Lord High Admiral, Constable of the honour
and Castle of Windsor and Keeper of the Forest," was appointed
chief seneschal of Windsor.^

On the 7th of December, 1595, it was "decreed that a petition
shall be made to the Lord Admirall for his favour and good liking
that we may take some learned man to keepe our Courts and assist
the Mayor and Incorporation in the place of Mr. Bedish who

^ Nichols' 'Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. iii, p. 564, note.

^ This grant contains the following clause, which Ashmole observes " was not in the
former patents :" " Sciatis &c. insup, nos prefatos Maior Balivus et Burgenses unaninii
assensu et concensu nostri dedidisse ac pp'u tes Confirmasse p^fat. Carolo ofEc^m sen' et
senescalcie cur. manerij de Underover infra Burgu" predict, existe'u et jacent. infra villa
de Nova Wyndesore p~ed in diet, comitat. Berk." (Ash. MSS., No. 1126.)

660 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

(beside his continual absenting himself) is not thought to be a man
meet and sufficient for the place/'

Mr. Redish or Reddish was the deputy steward, whose duties
had for many years been discharged by Mr. Edward Hake before
mentioned] and the corporation appears to have made various
efforts by a friendly arrangement to get Mr. Reddish superseded.
The appointment, however, being, as it appears, for life, those
efforts seem to have been unsuccessful, although at one time he
had actually surrendered his patents.^

On the 13th of August, 1601, the queen came to Windsor.^

During her visit on this occasion " she made a step to Mr.
Attorney's at Stoke (Sir Edward Coke's), where she was most
sumptuously entertained, and presented with jewels and other gifts,
to the amount of a thousand or twelve hundred pounds.'' ^

Stoke Pogis, in Buckinghamshire, about three miles north of
Windsor, appears to have been held by Coke under the crown for
many years. About the year 1621 King James granted the manor
in fee to him, he being then chief justice. In 1625 this celebrated

^ On the lOili of August, 26 Eliz., John Reddish, gent., " understeward and Town
Clerk of all Acts and Decrees," had licence to appoint " Mr. Temple his deputy of both
oiSces."

10th of September, 26 Eliz. Decreed that Mr. Edward Hake "shall have the revsion
and next avoydance of the office of Under Steward? of this towne after the decease or
surrender of Jo. Reddish gen. during his life, and shall serve the same for £1 Qs. Sd.
p amr ;" with a covenant by Hake to serve the " office of Understewardship during the
life of the s^ Reddish (or till he surrender) without fee." " The like grant in Reversion
of the Towne Clerkship with the like fee Condico~ns and Coven ts was made to Ric.
Temple."

" 19 Sept. a° 26 Eliz. That the Maior &c. should be bound to Jo. Reddish gent in
£30 to pay yearely to him his Ex^ or ass £4 untill £28 be fully p'^ in cons^on of 2 offices
vizt. UnderstewardP and TowneclearkP w'^'' he hath surrendered into their hands to the
use of Ed. Hake and Ric. Temple. Edw: cov*^ to serve the office of UnderstewardP for
7: yeares wthout fee, and after to have £1 6^. Sd. p amr and Rich: Temple to exercise
the Towne Clearks place for 20^. for 7 years and after to have £1:6:8 dur^ lyfe.

" M^ that then the s*^ Jo: Reddish surrenderd both his patents and the others were
admitted into the s*^ offices."

Previous appointments of Edward Hake to the understewardship had been made on
the 21st of May, 18 Eliz., and on the 20th of September, 21 Eliz. ; but probably they
were not carried out at the time.

^ Nichols' ' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth,' vol. iii, p. 564.

^ Ibid., p. 568.

TO A.D. ]603.] SIR EDWARD COKE. 661

lawyer, having quitted his high station, and being out of favour
with the court, was obhged, much against his will, to serve the office
of sheriff for the county ; and it was thought by his friends a great
degradation, that he who had filled one of the highest situations on
the bench should attend on the judges at the assizes. Coke died
at Stoke in 1634, Sir John Villiers, elder brother of the Duke of
Buckingham, married Sir Edward Coke's only daughter ; and, this
manor (then held by lease) having been settled on him at the time
of his marriage, he was in 1619 created a peer by the title of
Baron Villiers, of Stoke Pogis, and Viscount Purbeck. He suc-
ceeded to the estate on the death of his father-in-law. The house
appears, however, to have been settled on Lady Coke, who was
relict of Sir William Hatton. There was little harmony between
the chief justice and his lady. During the latter part of his life
they lived separately ; and so eager was she to take possession of
Stoke, that upon a premature report of his death she hastened
down, with her brother, Lord Wimbledon, for that purpose, but
meeting his physician near Colnbrook, and learning from him
tidings of her husband's amendment, she returned disappointed to
London.^

The manor-house in which Coke resided was pulled down in
1789, when the modern house was erected. It stood about a
quarter of a mile north-east of the present house, and a few yards
north of Stoke Church. The windows were filled with arms of the
family of Hastings and its alliances, those of Sir Edward Coke, and
many of his great contemporaries in the law.^

In the park there is a colossal statue of Sir Edward Coke (by
Rossi), on a fluted pedestal sixty-eight feet in height.^

The Earl of Leicester also appears to have had a residence in

^ Lysons' ' Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 636. Soon after the death of Lord Purbeck, the
manor of Stoke was sold by his heirs to John Gayer, Esq., whose elder brother, Sir
Robert Gayer, K.B., afterwards possessed it. It was purchased of the Gayers in 1724
by Edward Halsey, Esq., one of the representatives of the town of Buckingham, whose
daughter Anne married Lord Cobham. Stoke House and the manor were sold by her
heirs to Thomas Penn, the son of VTilliam Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania. (Ibid.,
and Lipscombe's 'Buckinghamshire,' vol. iv, p. 554.) It is now the property of the
Bight Hon. Henry Labouchere.

^ Lysons. ^ jj^jj^

662 ANNALS OP WINDSOU. [Chaptek XXIII.

the neighbourhood of Windsor. A letter from him to the Earl of
Shrewsbury bears date " From Sonning Hill, near Windsor/^ ^

In the following month of September (1601) Elizabeth left
Windsor, and w^ent as far as Basing, the seat of the Marquis of
Winchester. The queen's first remove from Windsor on this
occasion was to Mr. Warder^s, and then to Reading.^

She appears to have been at Windsor again in the autumn of
1602, for there is evidence of her being at Burnham on a visit to
Sir William Clarke. Her progress was in the first place from
London to Sir William Russell's at Chiswick, thence to " Ambrose
Copinger's," thence to the lord keeper's at Harefield, and so to
Burnham. We are told that ''Sir William Clarke so behaved
himself that he pleased nobody, but gave occasion to have his
misery and vanity spread far and wide.^^ ^

Dr. Day, Provost of Eton, having been made Bishop of Win-
chester in 1595, Queen EHzabeth, on the 3d of June, 1596, nomi-
nated her preceptor, Henry (afterwards Sir Henry) Savile, to the
vacant post.^ He held the provostship for a period of twenty-six
years, and established a printing press at Eton for the publication
of his renowned edition cf St. Chrysostom. An account of this
performance will be found in a subsequent part of this work.

The annual expense and salaries of the officers connected with
the Castle of Windsor in the reign of Queen Ehzabeth was as
follows ;^

WINDSORE, COM. BARKS,

" Constable of the castle ; fee
Lieutenant of the castle and forrest ; fee
Keeper of the castle keyes ; fee
Keeper of the great park ; fee

' Fide Lodge's 'Illustrations/ 2d edit., vol. ii, p. 235.

2 "Nichols' ' Progresses of Queen Elizabetli/ vol. iii, pp. 566-7.

^ Ibid., citing letter of the chamberlain, dated October 2d, 1602.

'' See a letter from " Mr. Hen. Savile to the lady Hussel, praying her interest with
the lord treasurer for the provostship of Eton," in Strype's 'Annals,' vol. iv, p. 228. See
also Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 6177; and Sloane MSS., No. 4840, f. 235, 236, and
No. 4841, f. 217.

^. Queen Elizabeth's Annual Expense, Civil and Military. ('Ordinances and Eegula-
tions for the Government of the Royal Household, 4to, 1799, p. 216 ; see also Peck's
* Desiderata Curiosa,' part i, book ii.

TO A.D. 1603.]

THE PARISH REGISTERS.

663

Porter of the utter gate ; fee
Keeper of the leads ; fee
Clark of the castle ; fee .
Keeper of the little park under the castle ; fee
Master plummer of all the works in the castle ; fee
Keeper of the garden under the castle ; fee
Keeper of the woods ; fee
Keeper of the butts ; fee
Rainger of the fforest ; fee
Poor knights of Windsore, 10 ; fee apeece
and their howses rent-free/'

Among the extracts made by Ashmole from the churchwardens'
accounts of this reign, and not hitherto mentioned, are the
following :

" A° 4 Eliz. p^ this yeare by the Churchwardens for Smock

farthings^ . . . .3

for smock pence at Michaelmas last . 3

for the Homilie booke . . .1

'' 19 Eliz. Rec* in money gathered by the wives upon Hop-
mondaye^

'' 22 Eliz. Given to Mr. Vicar out of the Pascall money of

benevolence towards his better releife . 13 : 4^^

'^ 24 Eliz. To the viccar of benevolence out of the pascall
money
mending the church wyndowes this yeare

" A° 1583. Rec^ for our organ pypes .

The Churchwardens charge themselves as

gained cleare by their pastime at Whit-

sontyde all things discharged'^
for reparacon of the Steeple, Bells &c. this

yeare . . . . 21 : 11

p^ for smock farthings . . . 0-5

given to the Vicar for benevolence . 1.8

8
8
0'^

12 : 10 '^

1 : 6

2 : 4

: 14 :

8
6^'

17 : 4:7

6
0

^ As to smoke silver and smoke penny, see Blount's ' Law Dictionary/ title " Smoke
Silver." See also 'Brand's Popular Antiquities,' by Ellis, vol. i, p. 46 and p. 210.
" Smock money," however, was a name applied at a subsequent period to a bequest by
Henry Eranklyn, in this reign, of 6^. Sd. to two of the poorest couples married in
Windsor.

2 See 'Brand's Popular Antiquities,' by Ellis, vol. ii, pp. 1 — 15.

^ Ibid., vol. i, p. 276.

' Ash^MSS, No. 1126.

664 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIII.

The existing registers of baptisms, marriages, and burials com-
mence with the year 1559, but the entries down to the end of the
sixteenth century appear to be merely transcripts, being all in one
text hand.^ Down to 1590 the yearly christenings averaged about
50, and an equal number of burials. The marriages varied : in
1563-4 there were 8, in the next year 5, and in the next 24, while
in 1580-1 there were only 9.^

Among the burials in September 1594 there is the following
entry :

'^ Sept. 18 Mr. Nicoles ]

18 Mr. Goodluck

TO T>- Aij -J Drowned

18 Ric. Aldridffe \ , -r^ , , ,,
irk i-i ^ tT at JJatchett

19 Laptayne rower / ^ ,j
19 Mr. Meade i^errye.

19 Mr. Smarte

On one side of a leaf between the entries for the year 1600
there are memoranda of licences by the vicar, George Bard, to inha-
bitants of Windsor, to eat flesh in Lent. About this time a general
licence for the same purpose was granted to St. George's College.^

In this reign we meet with the earliest existing representation
of the castle, in Hoefnagle's curious drawing in Bruin's ' Civitates
Orbis Terrarum,^ already mentioned, an exact copy of which has
been engraved for this work.'* The woodcuts in the early editions
of Eox^s ' Martyrs' have been also already alluded to.

The first detailed description of the castle is probably that
attributed to Stowe, and which will be found at the end of the
first chapter of the second volume of this work. Some further
notice of Windsor and Eton occur in the description of the Duke

^ The first volume brings the entries down to June 1696. The first few pages of this
volume are (1854) imperfect, apparently eaten by rats. A few loose leaves of parchment
continue the entries to July 1702. From 1702 to 1792 they are contained in a bound
folio volume in good preservation.

2 The number of inhabitants at Windsor in 1555, according to an account taken by
order of Cardinal Pole, was only 1000. (See Lysons' 'Magna Brit.,' vol. i, p. 435.)

3 MS. Sloane, No. 4840, f. 318.

'^ See ante, p. 639. See some observations on the dress of the figures in the fore-
ground of this view, in the 'Archseologia,' vol. xxxi, p. 470. An original pencil drawing
of apparently the same age, and from nearly the same point of view, was in the possession
of the late Mr. Ralph Bernal, and sold at the sale of his collections in 1855.

TO A.D. 1603.] EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OE THE CASTLE.

665

of Wurtemburg, who visited Windsor in 1592/ as well as in the
travels of Paul Hentzner, a German, six years later.^

^ This work (in German) was printed at Tubingen in 1602, and extracts from it were
first given in English by Mr. Charles Knight, in his ' Pictorial Shakspere.' The entire
narrative, so far as relates to Windsor, has been since supplied by Mr. Halliwell, in the
second volume of his folio edition of Shakespeare.

^ ' A Journey into England by Paul Hentzner in the year 1598,' 8vo, Strawberry
Hill, 1757, and reprinted in Dodsley's 'Fugitive Pieces.'

Remains of the Royal Bakehouse, in Peascod Street.

CHAPTER XXIV.

LOCAL ILLTJSTEATIONS OP SHAKESPEARE's ' MEEUT WIVES OP

WINDSOR.'

Origin and Date of the Play — The Garter Inn and " Mine Host of the Gaiter" — Pord's
House— Names of Page and Pord in the Parish Registers — The "Contrary
Places" for the meeting of Dr. Caius and Sir Hugh Evans — " The Pields" —
" Pittie Ward"— Sir John Palstaff's " o'er reaching" in Datchet Meade—" Hog
Hole"— Heme's Oak—The Pairy Pit.

The termination of the reign of Elizabeth seems to be the
proper place to introduce some notice of Shakespeare's play of
* The Merry Wives of Windsor/ ^

Notwithstanding the minute investigation, as well by way of
illustration as of criticism, to which almost every line of the English
bard has been subjected, it will be found that the Local Illustra-
tions of this play have been very deficient, simply in consequence
of the materials for such a task remaining either concealed or so
scattered as to elude observation. Mr. Charles Knight, one of the
most able of Shakespeare's commentators — a native of Windsor,
and possessed of a perfect knowledge of the localities — has been
forced, for this reason, to substitute conjecture for positive state-
ment with reference to some of the most striking local allusions.
Heme's Oak is the only subject that has hitherto elicited diligent
research, but even that has been left, until very recently, in a state
of uncertainty.

Before entering upon these local illustrations, it is necessary to

^ The principal part of tlie present chapter was written before the issue of the second
volume of Mr. Halliwell's magnificent folio edition of Shakespeare, and I had much
pleasure in placing my materials at tiiat gentleman's disposal. This will account for the
identity of a few of the illustrations employed in both works. [J. E, D,]

* THE MERUY WIVES OF WINDSOR.' 667

give a concise account of the play. The first sketch of it (which
differs considerably from the present text) was printed, it is con-
jectured piratically, in 1602; and the play is stated in the title-
page to have been " divers times acted by the right Honorable
ray Lord Chamberlaines servants, Both before her Majestic and
elsewhere." ^

It has been said that this comedy was written by command of
Queen Elizabeth, and that *' she was so eager to see it acted that
she commanded it to be finished in fourteen days ; and was
afterwards, as tradition tells us, very well pleased at the repre-
sentation." ^

Mr. Knight, on account of certain allusions in the play, which
will be noticed hereafter, thinks that it was written subsequently to
September 1592 and before 1596 ; and Mr. Halliwell adopts that
notion, and has suggested January 1593, when the queen had
masques and tournaments at Windsor Castle, as the probable
period of the first production of the play. Shakespeare was then
in his twenty-ninth year.

The play, in its present shape, was first printed in the folio
edition of Shakespeare's plays published in 1623, after his death.
There is some internal evidence that the amended play received its
final touches after the accession of James the First in 1603; and
if Mr. HalliwelPs conjecture be correct, that the * Merry Wives of
Windsor' which was acted before the king in November 1604 was
the amended play, its date is closely ascertained. This is an
important point with reference to the " local illustrations,'^ for it is
evident, from the distinction between the original sketch and the
play in its present shape, that Shakespeare in that interval obtained

' The following is a copy of the title-page : " A most pleasaunt and excellent con-
ceited Comedie, of Syr John Ealstaife, and the Merrie Wives of Windsor. Entermixed
with sundrie variable and pleasing humors of Syr Hugh the Welch Knight, Justice
Shallow, and his wise cousin M. Slender. With the swaggering vaine of Auncient
Pistoll, and Corporall Nym. By William Shakespeare. As it hath bene divers times
acted by the right Honorable my Lord Chamberlaines servants. Both before lier Majestic,
and else-where. London Printed by T. C. for Arthur Johnson, and are to be sold at his
shop in Powles Church-yard, at the signe of the Mower de Leuse and the Crowne.
1602."

^ Dedicatory epistle, by John Dennis, to the 'Comical Gallant,' published in 1702.

668 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIY.

that "perfect knowledge of the localities of Windsor" which,
Mr. Charles Knight observes, he possessed.

The more difficult task of considering this comedy in connexion
with the historical plays of Shakespeare in which the same cha-
racters are introduced forms no part of the present labour ; for
although the incidents of the play are undoubtedly supposed to
belong to the early part of the fifteenth century, the manners and
language throughout are properly stated to be those of the time of
Queen Elizabeth.^ It is to Windsor as existing in the time of
Shakespeare and as known by him, and not to Windsor in the age
of Sir John FalstafF, that enquiries and observations must be
directed, in order to obtain the illustrations we are in search of.

Of the general state and condition of the town, the 'Annals'
during the reign of Elizabeth and in the early part of the reign of
James the First will afford abundant illustrations, and further par-
ticulars will be found collected in the Description of Norden's
Bird's-eye View of the Castle.^ We shall therefore proceed at
once to notice the local allusions in the play in the order in which
they occur.

The Garter Inn and the Host of the Garter form the first points
for comment and illustration,

" Mine host of the Garter" is introduced in the third scene of
the first act; but in the first scene of the amended play allusion is
made to him as one of the " three umpires" who Sir Hugh Evans
describes as having been selected to hear and end the charge made
against FalstafF and his followers of " picking Master Slenders
purse."

" Now let us understand : There is three umpires in this matter,
as I understand : that is — master Page, fidelicet, master Page ; and
there is myself, fidelicet, myself; and the three party is, lastly and
finally, mine host of the Garter.^'

When the host himself appears in the third scene, he is repre-
sented as talking very freely with FalstafF, his guest^ who lived at
an expenditure of ten pounds a week.

^ Halliwell.

^ See the next volume.

THE GAETER INN. 669

With regard to the Garter Inn, although there is no longer any
inn at Windsor bearing that sign, there is the most satisfactory
evidence, not only of its existence, but of its precise position in the
days of Shakespeare.

In a table or schedule of " The Rents Resolutes &c. belonging
to the corporation in the Burrough of Wyndesor payd out of ye
lands and Tenements in the seide Burrough Benewed and Reges-
tred the 21st of July an° Dm'i 1561 by Richard Galys then Maior
there according to right and as they were then paid/' there is the
following entry :

*^Et de Ricus Galys p uno Mess; sive Hospicis vocat le

Garter . . . . . 1^. Od.

Et p le Sygne et Stulpis ibm . . .02''^

The loss of the corporation accounts from the commencement of
the reign of Elizabeth until 1635, and of the churchwardens'
accounts until 1615 (with the exception of some extracts preserved
in Ashmole's manuscripts), deprive us of the means of acquiring
many particulars on this and other interesting subjects connected
with Windsor. It is not until 1633 that any further mention of
the Garter Inn is to be found in existing documents. In the
churchwardens' accounts for that year this sum is charged :

c( pd £qj, wyne and beere w^^ doctor Tooker at the garter

twyce . . . . .5s," d.'' ^

And again, in the same accounts for 1636 :

" Paid for a breakfast for Doctor Tooker at the
Garter, Mr. Maior and others of the Com-
pany^ beinge there about busines concerninge
the Church . . . .0-10-0"

In the chamberlain's accounts from Michaelmas 1662 to
Michaelmas 1663 the following entries occur:

c< pd £qj, ^2 quarts of Renish Wyne and a Sugar
Loafe given to the Lord Maior of London
and p*^ at ye Garter . , . 1 - 3 - 0 ''

1 Ash. MSS., No. 1126.

2 See, as to Dr. Tooker and this payment, post, Vol. II.
^ Members of the corporation.

670 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Cha?teb XXIV.

'^P^for 12 bottells of Sacke and 12 bottells of
Renish wyne and a sugar loafe wayiiig
6 pound given to Sir Ric. Braham . 2 - 6 - 0 ^^

Again, in 1674 :

'^ P^ at ye Garter upon Mr. Mayor^s Return from

London . . . . GO - 08 - 00 '^

Having thus established the existence of a Garter Inn at
Windsor during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, let us see
what evidence there is of its precise situation.

In the accounts of Theodore Randue, chamberlain of Windsor,
for the year ending the 2d of January, 1687-8, the following items
occur among the sums received : ^

" Of Mrs. Starkey one half years rent for three

Tenements over against ye old Garter . 001 - 06 - 00 ^'

'^ Of Mr. Isaac Gierke two years and a halfe Rent

for ye White Hart Inn . . . 002 - 10 - 00

" Of Mr. Isaac Clerk the fine of his Lease for
those two Houses where the old Garter Inn
stood the sume of two pounds and one
years rent for ye said Houses, one pound
in all . . . . . 003 - 00 - 00 ''

And in the following year :

" Of Mr. Isaac Clark one years Rent for ye
White-Hart Inn and likewise one years
Rent for those 2 houses where the old
Garter stood . . . . 002 - 00 - 00 '*

The same entry is thus divided in the accounts for 1689 :

" Clarke, Isaac for the front of the White harte . 01-00-00
More for the ffront of the two next houses

anciently the Garter Inne . . 01 - 00 - 00 ''

Thus it is clearly shown that the Garter Inn stood in High
Street, nearly facing the " Castle Hill,'' and that it adjoined the
present White Hart Inn ; for there is no doubt that the latter inn

*' MINE HOST OP THE GAETER."

671

has occupied the same spot from the period of these entries down
to the present time. On referring to Norden's Bird's-eye View of
the Castle, made in 1607 (forming the frontispiece to the present
volume, and a small part of which is repeated below), it will be
seen that two inns are represented by the sign-posts and cross-
beams in the precise position that we should expect to find them
from the above entries. It is clear that they denote the Garter
and White Hart Inns, and that the former is the identical house
known to Shakespeare. The Garter was that nearest Peascod
Street, and the furthest from the spectator looking at Norden's
view. It had a massive porch, with a courtyard in the rear, and
was probably one of those Elizabethan structures of which there
is scarcely a trace remaining in Windsor.

So much for the inn itself; now for a few words on "Mine
Host."

The absence of the corporation accounts, as already mentioned,
deprives us of all knowledge of the landlord of the inn in Shake-
speare's time; but of Richard Gallis, the landlord some thirty
years before, a few particulars will be found by referring to the
last chapter, under the year 1562. Richard Gallys, or Gallis, it
will be seen, was in that year elected one of the members of parlia-
ment for Windsor. At that time it was the laudable custom of
the inhabitants to elect a townsman as one of their representatives,
and on this occasion Mr. Gallys, the mayor, was chosen with John

673 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapter XXIV.

Gresham. He seems to have occupied a high position among his
fellow-townsmen, being thrice chosen as mayor. He is described
in his monmnent in the parish church as "learned;" and as he
took an active part in parliament it may be fairly assumed that he
had some education. He died in 1672, leaving, apparently, consi-
derable property, with a portion of which he founded one of the
charities of his town.^ His son, John Gallis, became a citizen and
goldsmith of London.^

That Richard Gallis was the occupier, and consequently the
host of the Garter in 1561, appears clear from the rent roll already
cited, the names in all cases referring to the tenant or occupier.
The landlord of the principal inn is indeed just the person who
would be chosen mayor- and in subsequent years, and down to
the present day, the landlords for the time being of the White Hart
and Castle Hotels are found in the list of mayors of Windsor.

The proof of the character and position of the host of the
Garter among his fellow-townsmen has an important bearing on
the play ; for assume " mine host" of Shakespeare's acquaintance
to have been in an equally good position with Richard Gallis, and,
instead of there being anything extraordinary in his talking freely
to his guests, it is precisely the course he would adopt.

Mr. Charles Knight thinks that when the host, addressing him-
self to PalstafT, enquires " What says my bully-rook ?" he could
not by that term, mean, as Mr. Douce says, " a hectoring cheating
sharper,^' because a host would not apply such terms to FalstafF,
who sat "at ten pounds a week," and in his expense was "an
emperor;" but, even assuming that the term bore the meaning
attributed to it, would a wealthy, independent man, like Richard
Gallis, be so very careful to treat his guest with deference ? Is it
not much more characteristic of the age and of such a man to
speak freely without giving or intending to give offence^ and, being
himself " learned," to admonish his guest to speak " scholarly and
wisely?" Mr. Halliwell, however, has shown that the term
" bully-rook^' was not the offensive expression it has been heretofore
considered.

^ See the 32d Report of the Charity Commissioners (a.d. 1837), p. 94.
^ Ibid. See also ante^ p. 625.

TOED's HOrSE. 673

The next subject in the way of " local illustration" of this play
involves more of mere conjecture than the question of the identity
of the Garter Inn. There is a tradition that Ford's house was
situated in the upper end of Thames Street, on the castle side, and
opposite the White Hart, and consequently nearly opposite the
Garter Inn. Previously to the recent removal of all the houses on
the castle side of the street, there was a modern brick house occu-
pied by Mr. Woolridge the chemist, and that house was assigned
as standing on the site of Ford's house. ^ Such a tradition of
course involves the assumption that the characters of Ford and his
wife were intended to represent real personages ; apparently a most
improbable notion, as it is difficult to conceive how tlie selection
from actual life of the characters of Mrs. Ford and her husband, or
of Mr. and Mrs. Page, could be otherwise than invidious and calcu-
lated to give offence, even in the age of Elizabeth. The natural
supposition certainly is that these characters could not have had
any foundation in real life — at least, not in the town of Windsor —
and that Shakespeare would be particularly careful to prevent the
possibility of any identification, by using names unknown at
Windsor. Recollecting, however, the customs and manners of the
time, it may be doubted whether there is anything, except the
suspicious nature of Ford's character, that would have given offence
to the actual persons represented by Ford and his wife. One thing
seems quite certain — namely, that Shakespeare did not use a name
unknown at Windsor, for there was at least one family in the town,
of the name of Ford, at the end of the sixteenth century.

On examining the parish registers of Windsor, we find among
the christenings in January 1597-8 the name of " Ehzabeth fforde;"
and in December following, " Margaret fforde." In November 1600
there is the burial of " Henry fforde."

The churchwardens' accounts now in existence commence with

* This tradition is given on the authority of Mr. Snowdon, one of the most respected
inhabitants of Windsor. I attach greater weight to it, because Mr. Snowdon correctly
pointed out to me the precise situation of the Garter Inn long before I had an oppor-
tunity of verifying it by the more satisfactory evidence stated in the text. It is to be
observed that Norden's Bird's-eye View proves that houses did exist at this period
opposite the Garter Inn, and on the spot to which tradition points. [J. E. D.]

674 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

the year 1616 ; and among the sums received for burials in that
year is two shillings for the burial of "John fFord." In 1619
there is the sum of one shilling received for the burial of " Henry
Ford ;" and the name occurs in subsequent years.

Nor are other names of the characters in the play altogether
wanting. The name of Page, although not to be found in the
registers at the close of the sixteenth century, is met with in 1623.
The churchwardens' accounts for that year contain the names of
Ford and Page, fees being entered for the burials of " Richard
Page" and "Anne Ford.''

The next subject which particularly challenges the notice of a
local illustrator, is connected with the " contrary places'' appointed
by the merry host of the Garter for the meeting of Dr. Cains and
Sir Hugh Evans. From the spot where Dr. Cains waited for
Sir Hugh, the host directs Shallow, Page, and Slender to go
through the town to Frogmore, he himself saying he would " bring
the doctor about by the fields," and following this up by saying to
the doctor, as soon as Page, Shallow, and Slender have departed,
" Go about the fields with me through Frogmore ; I will bring
thee where Mistress Ann Page is at a farm house, a feasting : and
thou shalt woo her."

" The fields," by which they were to arrive at Frogmore, seem
to refer to fields in the vicinity of Windsor, over which, about this
period, the inhabitants of Windsor exercised rights of common at
certain periods of the year. These common fields were familiarly
known as " the Fields." For instance, certain regulations respect-
ing the depasturing of cattle on them, made on the 2d of January,
1610, are thus headed: "Orders and By Lawes concerning the
fieldes." ^ If the position of these fields could be ascertained with
precision, we should possess an important datum connected with
the present inquiry. The places where these rights of common were
exercised, comprised the Mill Mead or common lying between the
north terrace and the river Thames, and so called from adjoining
the town mills, and also Datchet Mead, lower down the river. On
the west or Clewar side of the town there is no evidence of the

' See also ante, p. 592.

'*THE FIELDS." 675

existence of common rights ; but at some distance to the south
there were rights of common on "Spital Hill" and ''Hog Common/'
the latter situated near Norris' Lodge, afterwards Lester's Lodge,
which in the age of Elizabeth was the northern entrance into the
Great Park. Both " Spital Hill" and ''Hog Common" were,
however, too far removed from Windsor and Erogmore to form an
element in the present investigation. At Frogmore, common fields
existed, known as "Frogmore Fields." For example, in "a parti-
cular of all the Lease Rents'' belonging to the corporation in 1613,
the sum of two shillings is entered " for a yeares rent for three
rods of land in Frogmore fields lett by Lease to Mr. Gwinn."

From a map of Frogmore and Shaw, "taken in the year 1697
by Robert Hewitt," ^ it appears that these common fields lay
beyond Frogmore House on the Old Windsor road, and included
the ground now occupied by the royal gardens. This locality
corresponds with the description of the spot where Sir Hugh Evans
was waiting for Dr. Caius ; for although the host, after directing
Shallow, Page, and Slender to go through the town to Frogmore,
says, in reply to Page's question, that Sir Hugh is there, it is
evident from the subsequent scene (the first scene of the third
act) that Evans and Simple have taken up their position, not
immediately at Frogmore, but further from Windsor than the
houses called Frogmore. This plainly appears from Simple's ex-
clamation, "There comes my master, master Shallow, and another
gentleman from Frogmore, over the stile, this way." Now we
know, from the instructions given by the host of the Garter, that
Shallow and Page proceeded through the town of Windsor to
Frogmore. The then road from Windsor to Frogmore was iden-
tical with the road which was in existence down to the year 1851,
as may be seen at once by reference to Norden's plan of the Little
Park. The road is there shown dividing the " Litle Park" from
" Creswells walke," the ground of which was then divided into
fields, and has so continued until very recently, when the hedges
were removed in order to add the land to the park. It may be
well to observe here that this part of " Creswells walke," although

^ In the possession of John Seeker, Esq., clerk of the peace for Windsor.

676 ANNALS 01^ WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

forming part of that extensive district called Windsor Forest, had
none of the popular attributes of a forest. The ground or soil
belonged to various persons, but over it the king exercised forestal
rights. It differed from the parks within the forest, such as the
Little Park, the Great Park, the Moat Park, and various others
described in Norden's map of the Forest, which were enclosed by
park paling.

Returning to the description of the Frogmore road, it is to be
observed that down to the year 1851 this road was also the road
to Old Windsor and Staines ; but, by the recent alterations in the
neighbourhood of the castle, the public road to Old Windsor has
been diverted, and now^ lies along Sheet Street and across the Long
Walk south of the castle, and for the former road to Frogmore,
a private way to Frogmore House and the royal gardens has been
substituted. The old road, however, is still familiar to every one
acquainted with Windsor. The street leading to it from the town,
now called Park Street, was known as Moor Street until the close
of the seventeenth century — a name apparently derived from its
leading to Frog Moor. It was then changed to Pound Street,
because a pound stood where the road makes a slight turn to the
right. After the Long Walk was formed. Pound Street became
the approach to it, and consequently also to the " Great Park," and
so gradually acquired the present name of Park Street. In CoUier's
map, however, published in 1742, it is still called Pound Street.

Assuming, therefore, that Sir Hugh Evans waited for Dr. Cains
beyond Frogmore, and consequently in or near " Frogmore fields,"
the spot we feel inclined to assign as the *' contrary place"
appointed for the doctor is "the Mill Common," or at least some-
where on the north side of the castle : and that from there the host
of the Garter, instead of going through the town, took him along
Datchet Mead and the meadows lying between the Little Park
and the river, and so reached Frogmore fields by almost as near a
way as the road through the town taken by Page, Shallow, and
Slender.

That the way by "the fields" was somewhat further than
through the town seems to be implied by the host's saying "1 will
bring the doctor adout by the fields." To say that a road " is a

''PITTIE WARD." 677

great way about'' is frequently used to mean that it is an indirect
line from one place to another,

Mr. Knight, however, truly observes that it is not easy to define
the spot where Dr. Caius waited for Sir Hugh Evans. He is
inclined to place it in the meadows near the Thames on the west
side of Windsor, apparently, merely because he supposes from that
spot mine host and Dr. Caius might have made their way by fields
to Frogmore while Shallow and Page went through the town ; and
certainly, unless the expression of " the fields" was intended to
signify *' the common fields/' that position might do very well.
One thing seems certain— namely, that the former stage direction
of " Windsor Park," with reference to the third scene of the second
act, is inaccurate; for, as Mr. Knight says, "had Caius waited in
Windsor Park he would have been near Frogmore, and it would
not have been necessary to go through the town or through the
fields."

At the commencement of the third act there is a local allusion,
which does not at present admit of satisfactory solution. Sir Hugh
Evans (waiting, as has been shown, in the vicinity of Frogmore)
says to Simple, " I pray you now, good Master Slender's serving-
man, and friend Simple by your name, which way have you looked
for Master Caius, that calls himself Doctor of Physic ?'^ Simple, in
reply, says, *' Marry, Sir, the pittie-ward, the park ward, every
way; Old Windsor way, and every way but the town way.^^ As
Dr. Caius was expected from the town, it seems evident that the
point of the reply is to show the folly of Simple in looking every
way but in the most obvious and natural direction ; but what is
meant by "the pittie ward?'^ Capell proposed Cityward; and
Stevens, unable to explain it as it stood, adopted that alteration,
and thought it meant "towards London,'^ as if Windsor, as
Mr. Charles Knight observes, were as near the city as Whitechapel.
Mr. Knight says — " Pittie-ward is undoubtedly right, and is of the
same import as petty ^d^xdi. A part of Windsor Castle is still
called the lower ward, and in the same way another part might
have been known as j??<^r/^-ward.'' Mr. Halliwell says — "Petty, little,
is so very common in the names of localities, there can be little
doubt of its correctness.''

678 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

A Latin deed of the reign of Henry the Eighth appears to
throw some light on the point. Margaret Olyver, by indenture
bearing date 1st of May, 30 Hen. VHI, granted to Robert
E-obinson and Ceciha, his wife, a certain close of meadow, lying in
the parish of New Windsor, abutting on a close of William
Symonds^ on the east and west parts, on the king's highway,
called " Puckks^^ Lane, leading from New Windsor to the Great
Park of the king on the south, and a certain footpath, in an open
field there, called the Warde, on the north, to hold after the death
of the said Margaret, to the said Robert Robynson and his wife,
and the heirs of the said Robert, upon condition that the said
Robert and Cecilia, and the heirs of the said Robert, shall freely
give or cause to be given to the poor, viz., " the almous folks/^
dwelling or thereafter to dwell in the said lane, called Puckk^s
Lane, on every Friday weekly, Id. in money, or the value of Id. in
bread, or in four cart-loads of wood, to be delivered in Puckk's
Lane aforesaid, for ever, at the Feast of St. Michael, or within
seven days before or after the said feast ; and if default should, at
any time thereafter, be made by the said Robert and Cecilia, or
the heirs of the said Robert, in the donation, either in delivery of
the said Id., or the value thereof in bread, or the aforesaid four
cart-loads of wood, in form aforesaid to be delivered, then it should
be lawful for the mayor and bailiffs of the said town, for the time
being, to enter upon the said close, and the same, to them and
their successors for ever, to hold and possess, paying the aforesaid
penny, or the value of the same, or the said four cart-loads of
wood, in manner and form aforesaid, annually and weekly, to the
poor and their successors inhabiting the same lane for the future.-^

The Commissioners of Charities, in 1837, could not obtain any
information respecting this charity ; and Mr. Eglestone, a gentle-
man then more than seventy years of age, and who was for thirty
years chamberlain of the corporation, stated that he never heard of
the land above given, nor of the donation, and that he was unable
to trace the premises. It is evident, however, that the footpath
through the " Warde^^ might very well have been an indirect way

^ See the 32d Report of the Charity Commissioners, p. 99.

DATCHET MEAD. 679

of reaching the spot where Sir Hugh Evans was waiting. If
*' pittie" were used in the sense of petty, that name might have
been given it to distinguish it from other fields and places called
Wards. " Ward'' was not an unfrequent term ; a part of Eton, for
instance, was known as " Le Warde/'

Another local reference to which we shall call attention is con-
nected with the ridiculous position in which Ealstaff w^as placed by
the contrivance of the ''merry wives, '^ prior to his final "o'er
reaching" at Heme's Oak. We allude to his being carried in the
basket of clothes from Ford's house to Datchet Mead, and there
thrown into the Thames. .

In the original sketch the account of this transaction is not so
circumstantial as in the amended play. Mistress Ford merely
directs the men to tell her husband that they are carrying the
basket to the " launderers ;" and Falstafi* subsequently complains
of being " throwne into the Thames like a barrow of Butcher's
ofi*al."

In the amended play, Mrs. Ford directs her servants to trudge
with the basket in all haste, " and carry it among the whitsters in
Datchet Mead, and there empty it in the muddy ditch close by the
Thames side."

Datchet Mead was the tract of land occupying the low ground
lying between Windsor Little Park and the river Thames, and
consequently on the opposite side of the river to the village of
Datchet. Frequent reference is made to Datchet Mead in the
local records of Windsor, and its exact position is laid down in the
" map of Frogmoor and Shaw" made in 1697 by Robert Hewitt.
It was at that time divided into fields ; but on referring to Norden's
map of the Little Park, in which the ground opposite Datchet and
adjoining the ferry is shown, it appears that Datchet Mead was in
Shakespeare's time an open field or meadow. The inhabitants of
Windsor " bearing Lott and Scott" within the town, and holders of
land, had certain rights of common in Datchet Mead, as appears
by the following bye-law and order made (amongst others) at the
Guildhall on the 2d of January, 1610, "touching the common
fields, meadows pastures and lands within the said parish and
Burrowe :" " Item that no person at any time hereafter shall putt

680 ANNALS OF WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

any sheepe to depasture in Datchet Meade, before the feast of
St. Michael the Archangell yearely/' &c/

The road from Windsor to Datchet is shown in Norden^s
map. Branching out of Thames Street, it proceeded easterly,
separating the royal domain from common fields adjoining the
river. The road then gradually inclined towards " Datchet Ferry e."
Datchet Bridge was not erected until the reign of Queen Anne.
The road, or at least that part of it nearest the town of Windsor,
was (as it is to the present day) called " Datchet Lane ;" and hence
it is that FalstafF, in describing the incident to Ford, says — " Being
thus crammed in the basket, a couple of Ford's knaves, his hinds,
were called forth by their mistress, to carry me in the name of foul
clothes to Datchet laneT

Mr. Knight, with reference to Mrs. Ford's instructions to empty
the basket " in the muddy ditch, close by the Thames side," says
that probably some creek flowed into the river, which she so deno-
minated. This supposition is certainly borne out by fact. Precisely
such a ditch or creek existed in Datchet Mead previously to the
reign of Queen Anne, and was known by the name of " Hog hole.''
This ditch was situated close to the river side, and about four
hundred yards above Datchet Ferry. When Queen Anne, in carry-
ing out the alterations made by William the Third, created a
bridge in lieu of the ferry at Datchet, compensation was claimed by
and allowed to the corporation of Windsor for the loss of toll at
Windsor Bridge, and the sum of twenty pounds was granted to
Thomas Bryer, one of their undertenants, " who had mended the
way at Hog hole before ^^^^passable," and effected other improve-
ments. The " way" here alluded to is the road close to the bank
of the river between Datchet Bridge and Windsor, and lying out-
side the wall built by Wilham the Third to inclose the Home Park.
The bridge recently erected over the Thames above old Datchet
Bridge is close to " Hog hole,^' and the embankment raised to form
the approach to the bridge, destroyed the last vestige of the hole, toge-
ther with the small brick arch erected over it. It may be objected

' Ash. MSS., No. 1120, "Excerpted out of a folio Bookc writen by the haud of
Mr. Mathcw Day, of Windsor."

DATCHET MEAD.

681

that the spot in question is further from Windsor than would be
naturally sought for by the '' Whitsters," as they could reach the
river at a point higher up and nearer the town. Norden's plan of
the Little Park, however, seems to show that there was no open
way from Datchet Lane to the river near the town, a number of
inclosed fields intervening. But whether this was the case or not,
it is clear that the scene of EalstafF's immersion was in Datchet
mead. Now, Datchet Mead did not, as Mr. Knight seems to
suppose, occupy the whole of the flat ground lying under the north
terrace, and now known as the " Home Park ;" Datchet Mead was,
as already stated, the part in the vicinity of the ferry, and was
separated, at least in name, and perhaps, even at that period, by an
actual boundary, from the '' mill common" lying near the old town
mills, which stood where the engine was subsequently erected for
the supply of water to the castle. The nearest point of the river in
Datchet Mead to the town of Windsor may, and indeed must, have
been the vicinity of Hoghole. There is, moreover, an observation

c^'n

682 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

of Falstaff 's which, it is conceived, shows that the spot to which
he was carried, was near Datchet Ferry. When Mrs. Quickly
announces herself as come to his worship from Mistress Ford, he
exclaims — " Mistress Ford ! I have had ford enough : I was thrown
into the ford," &c. Is not this a reference to the ford or ferry of
Datchet ?

An original drawing of Datchet Ferry, made in 1686, showing
the mead on the Windsor side, is preserved in the Sutherland
Collection in the Bodleian Library. The woodcut in the preceding
page is from a sketch of Hoghole, with its almost buried arch,
taken a short time before its obliteration by the erection of the new
Victoria bridge.

There are few subjects connected with Windsor which have
excited greater interest than the question of the position and
identity of *' Heme's Oak." It is scarcely necessary to observe
that the interest attached to the point is founded on a certain
tradition, and the allusion to and employment of that tradition in
this play, viz., that Heme, one of the keepers of the forest, was to
be seen after his death, with horns on his head, walking by night
" round about an oak" in the vicinity of the castle. It is said that,
having committed some great offence, for which he feared to lose
his situation and fall into disgrace, he hung himself upon the oak,
which his ghost afterwards haunted.^

The first reference to the tradition occurs in the fourth scene of
the fourth act. Mrs. Page says —

" There is an old tale goes, that Heme the hunter,
Sometime a keeper here in Windsor Forest,
Doth all the winter time, at still midnight,
Walk round about an oak, with great raggM horns ;
And there he blasts the tree, and takes the cattle,
And makes milch-kine yield blood, and shakes a chain
In a most hideous and dreadful manner :
You have heard of such a spirit ; and well you know.
The superstitious idle-headed eld
Received, and did deliver to our age.
This tale of Heme the hunter for a truth.

^ Ireland's 'Views ou the Thames/ vol. ii, pp. IG, 17.

HEENE's oak. 683

Page, Why, yet there want not many that do fear
In deep of night to walk by this Heme's oak ;
But what of this ?

Mrs, Ford, Marry, this is our desire
That Falstaff at that oak shall meet with us.^^

In the first sketch of the play the tradition is more briefly
narrated, and without any mention of the tree in connection with
it. Mistress Page says —

" Oft have you heard since Home the hunter dyed,
That women to affright their litle children
Ses that he walkes in shape of a great stagge/'

The indefinite allusion to '* Home the hunter'' was the mere
tradition as it had reached the ears of the dramatist. The details
were the result of inquiries and observations on the spot.

No allusion to the leo;end has ever been discovered in any other
writer of the time, and the period when Heme or Home lived is
unknown.^ In a manuscript, however, of the time of Henry the
Eighth, in the British Museum,^ the industry of Mr. Halliwell has
discovered *' Rycharde Home, yeoman,^' among the names of the
''hunters whicbe be examyned and have confessed'' for hunting
in his Majesty's forests ; and he suggests that this may have been
the person to whom the tale related by Mistress Page alludes,
observing that " it is only convicting our great dramatist of an
additional anachronism to those already well known of a similar
character, in attributing to him the introduction of a tale of the
time of Henry the Eighth into a play supposed to belong to the
commencement of the fifteenth century." ^

The name in the MS. certainly agrees with that in the original

^ 'The first sketch of Shakespeare's Merry Wives of Windsor/ edited by J. O.
Halliwell, Esq., 8vo, London, printed for the Shakespeare Society, 1842, Introd., p. xxxi.
Ireland says that Heme " was keeper of the forest in the time of Elizabeth." (' Yiews on
the Thames.') The authority for this statement does not appear. A writer of the pre-
sent day (Mr. Harrison Ainsworth) has employed the tradition of Heme the Hunter, and
made that personage play an important part in the romance of ' Windsor Castle/ a curious
combination of fiction with distorted fact.

2 MS. Bib. Reg-., 17 C, xvi.

^ Fide Introduction, cited above.

684 ANNALS OF WINDSOll. [Chapter XXIV.

sketch of the play ; and, as Mr. Halliwell observes, Shakespeare
there makes Mistress Page speak of Home as no very ancient
personage.

^' Oft have you heard since Home the hunter dyed.^^

In the remodelled play Shakespeare has taken pains to throw the
legend back.

'' There is an old tale goes/^ &c.

" The superstitious idle-headed eld
Received and did deliver to our age
This tale/' &c.

If Mr. Knight's supposition be correct, that the original sketch
of the * Merry Wives of Windsor' was written before the historical
plays in which Falstaff and the other characters of the comedy are
introduced, it certainly confirms Mr. Halliwell's suggestion that the
Richard Home of the reign of Henry the Eighth is identical with
Home or Heme the Hunter ; for then we get rid to a great extent
of the anachronism above referred to, as until the production of
those plays there was no necessity for referring the incidents of the
' Merry Wives of Windsor' to the reigns of Henry the Fourth or
Henry the Fifth. On the contrary, the manners and language of
the play throughout are, as Mr. Halliwell states, those of the time
of Queen Elizabeth. When the historical plays rendered it
necessary to refer the comedy to the same age, Shakespeare could
not reject the modern tradition of Heme or Home the Hunter,
upon which so much of the plot turns, but would naturally give to
it a more ancient character.

The change of the name from Home in the original sketch to
Heme in the amended play is evidently not merely accidental.
Shakespeare may have found that the latter was the traditional
mode of pronunciation ; but, without any direct evidence, the
change of name can scarcely be considered as an argument against
the supposition that Rychard Home was the individual referred to
in the tradition.

That Heme's Oak is no longer in existence seems beyond all

HERNe's oak. 685

reasonable cloubt.^ It stood in the Little Park, on the right of the
footpath which, until very recently, led from Windsor to Datchet.
Its precise position is pointed out in Collier's map of the Little
Park, in which it is called '' Sir John Falstaff 's Oak/^ ^ This map
was made in 1742, and is the earliest notice of the tree subsequent
to Shakespeare's time, yet discovered. By referring to this map it
will be seen that the recent path from Windsor to Datchet did not
then exist. " The footway to Datchet" was under the south
terrace of the castle, and over " Dodd's Hill." The path out of the
Old Windsor road, made in 1815, lay on the castle or north side
of " Queen Elizabeth's w^alk," and by " a keeper's lodge" at the
southern extremity of Dodd^s Hill, where Queen Adelaide's Lodge
now stands.

The woodcut in the next page of part of Collier's map on the
original scale, with the hand pointing to the tree, shows beyond a
doubt that it stood at the edge of a pit or depressed part of ground,
and outside the avenue of trees. This corresponds precisely with
the statements of the position of the tree by those who can still
recollect it, that it stood about six yards outside the present north
row of the avenue, and upon the very edge of the pit.^

A footpath from the castle towards the ranger's lodge passed
almost close to the south side of this dell.^ The dell, although
nearly obliterated, may be still traced; and there is little doubt

^ This point has excited considerable discussion, originating with Mr. Jesse, and taken
up by Mr. Croker, Mr. Charles Knight, Dr. Bromet, Mr. HaDiwell, &c. See Jesse's
'Gleanings,' 2d series; 'Quarterly Review,' vol. Ixii, p. 352; Knight's 'Pictorial
Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 208 ; ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vols, xi, xiii, xv, xxii,
new series ; Jesse's ' Scenes and Tales of Country Life ;' Halliwell's ' Merry Wives of
Windsor,' &c. The statements in these various authorities are frequently referred to in
the ensuing pages.

^ TJie fact that in this map the tree is represented as " Sir John Falstaff's oak" is a
circumstance worthy of note, as leading to the inference that at that period (1742) the
tree was known and respected on account of its mention by Shakespeare, rather than on
account of any intrinsic interest attached to the legend of Heme the Hunter.

^ See Dr. Bromet (under the signature of ''Plantagenet"), 'Gentleman's Magazine,'
vol. XV, new series, p. 373 ; Rev. A. E. Howman, ibid., p. 600.

"* The present private path from the castle to the dairy, which is the site of the
Ranger's lodge, lies nearer the edge of the park, and along the avenue of trees near the
road from Windsor to Frogmore, and consequently further removed from the pit than the
path referred to in the text.

686

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[Chapter XXIV.

that this is the pit
which Shakespeare in-
tended to represent as
that in which " sweet
Anne Page" as the fairy
queen, and Sir Hugh
Evans Uke a satyr, with
Mrs. Quickly, Pistol,
and the other members
of the troop, lay con-
cealed.^

The oak was much
decayed and hollow,
but bore acorns as late
as 1783/ and was alive
in 1788 and had a
small portion of foliage.
In the following year
it put forth a few leaves,
and in 1790 it ceased
to vegetate.^

^ Gough laments that "there
is no painting of Heme the
Hunter's oak and the Tairy
Dell mentioned by Shakespeare,
and still to be seen in Queen
Elizabeth's walk in the Little
Park." (Gough's 'British To-
pography,'2 vols., 4to, London,
1780, vol. i, p. 174.)

^ Dr. Bromet, ' Gentleman's
Magazine,' vol. xv, new series,
p. 373. A correspondent of
Dr. Bromet says that, when a
singing boy at Windsor in
1786, he often got into the
old hollow tree called Heme's
Oak by his father, a native of
Datchet.

* Statement of the Rev.

HERNE S OAK.

687

It was cut down in the spring of 1796, " most seriously to the
regret of all who were interested in the subject.^' It was under-
stood at the time that King George the Third had directed all the
trees in the Little Park to be numbered ; and upon the representa-
tion of the bailifT, whose name was Robinson, that certain trees
were dead and incumbered the ground, a general order was given
to cut them down, and Heme's Oak was amongst the con-
demned.^

Benjamin West, the president of the Royal Academy, was at
Windsor at the time, and took great interest in the subject. He
traced the oak to the spot where it was conveyed, and obtained a
large piece of one of its knotty arms, which Mr. Delamotte, the
professor of landscape drawing to the Royal Military College,

A. E. Howman, of Henlej-on-TliamBs. (See ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series,
p. 600.)

^ Ibid. ; Knight's ' Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 204.

688

ANNALS or WINDSOE.

[Chapter XXIV.

Sandhurst, and formerly a pupil of Mr. West, states he has often
seen.^ Other persons also obtamed relics of its "hard dark wood."^
A correspondent of Dr. Bromet states that his father, " as foreman
in the park, assisted in cutting down and grubbing up the
tree."^

The earliest drawing of Heme's Oak seems to be one by Paul
Sandby, and of which the woodcut in the preceding page is a
copy.

In the second volume of Ireland's ' Views on the Thames,'
published in 1802, but from the date of the dedication (1792)
evidently written many years before, there is an engraving of

Heme's Oak. The principal number of the drawings for this work
are stated in the preface to have been taken in the summer of
1790.

Ireland says — *' Not far from this place [Queen Elizabeth's
Lodge] are the remains of that venerable tree, known by the name

^ Knight's * Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 204, confirmed by Mr, Howman,
' Gentleman's Magazine,' supra.
- Ibid.
^ See letter from Dr. Bromet, ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 375.

HEUNe's oak. 689

of Heme's Oak, which has been iramortahzed by our divme bard,
Shakspeare, in his Merry Wives of Windsor. . . . Some idea
has prevailed of an intention to cut down this celebrated tree,
which it is much to be wished may not be true. The dell near it
has in part been recently filled up. As I do not know that any
engraving has been made of this tree, the annexed view may
possibly afford some pleasure to the curious reader." ^

In the first volume of the ' Beauties of England and Wales,'
published in the year 1801, there is a woodcut of Heme's Oak,
and these remarks : " The view of the oak in the last page was
executed by Mr. Anderson, from a drawling taken but a few days
previous to its being cut down • and we are assured by a gentle-
man of Windsor, who was present at the making of the sketch,
that it is an exact delineation of the tree as it then stood. Various
tea-caddies, and other small articles, made from the remains of the
oak, are preserved by some of the inhabitants of Windsor.-'^ ^

In 1788 the Rev. A. E. Howman, of Henley-on-Thames, then
residing at Windsor, made a drawing of the oak, from which
Mr. Francis Nicholson made a copy in 1820, which was litho-
graphed.^ Mr. Ralph West, the eldest son of the painter, also
made a drawing of the tree before it was felled ; and Mr. Delamotte
in 1800 made a copy of it,* which is engraved in Mr. Charles
Knight's ' Pictorial Shakspere.' ^

The five drawings above mentioned evidently represent one and
the same tree ; but that in Mr. Knight's ' Shakspere' appears to
have been taken some time before the sketch made for the ' Beauties
of England and Wales,' as the former has a branch which is not
shown in the latter.^

' Vol. ii, pp. 15—18.

^ 'The Beauties of England and Wales/ by John Britton and Edward Wedlake
Brayley, vol. i, p. 266.

^ See the Rev. Mr. Howman's letter, ' Gentleman's Magazme,' vol. xv, new series,
p. 600.

* Knight's * Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 209.

^ Comedies, vol. i, p. 197.

^ Mr. H-Owman admits that, to give his drawing a marked character, he took a little
liberty by introducing the castle, although, from the direction in which the tree was
drawn, it could not be seen. (' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 603.)
Tiie castle is also introduced in the drawing in Knight's ' Shakspere,' from Mr. Delamotte's

690 ANNALS OP WINDSOE. [Chapteb XXIV.

In Lysons' 'Magna Britannia/ published in 1806, the oak is
spoken of in the past tense. " In this [the Little] Park stood the
celebrated Heme's Oak/' &c.^

In the ' Whitehall Evening Post' of the year 1796 there is
an ode " upon Heme's Oak being cut down in the spring of
1796/' 2

Ireland states that the dell near the oak had been, at the time
he wrote, recently filled up. Mr. Knight^ describes the state of
this dell as he recollected it at the commencement of the present
century. In this little dell long rank grass and fern and low
thorns grew in profusion, and near it stood several venerable oaks,
but Heme's Oak was not there then, having been cut down, as
before stated, in 1796. A path, diverging from the footway to
Datchet and leading towards the dairy at Frogmore, passed close
by this dell.*

Mr. Knight visited the spot about forty years subsequently, and
thus describes its appearance : " Our sensations were not plea-
surable. The spot is so changed that we could scarcely recognise
it. We lamented twenty-five years ago that the common footpath
to Datchet should have been carried through the picturesque dell,
near which all tradition agreed that Heme's Oak stood ; but we
were not prepared to find that, during the alterations of the castle,
the most extensive and deepest part of the dell, all on the north of
the path, had been filled up and made perfectly level. Our old
favorite thorns are now all buried, and the antique roots of the old
trees that stood in and about the dell are covered up. Surely the
rubbish of the castle might have been conveyed to a less interest-
copy of Mr. Ralph West's sketch, and also in the woodcut in the ' Beauties of England
and Wales ;' but, as Mr. Knight observes, the position of the castle in the engraving
given by him perfectly corresponds with the situation of the tree as already described.
(' Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 205.) It appears that in Mr. Howman's
drawing the pit and the trees in the avenue are shown, but were omitted by Mr. Nicholson
when he copied the sketch.

^ Lysons' ' Magna Britannia,' vol. i, p. 433.

' The ode is inserted by Mr. Halliwell in his ' Original Sketch of the Merry Wives of
Windsor.'

^ * Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 202.

'^ This is the path represented in Collier's map, leading from the castle to the ranger's
lodge.

HERNE's oak. 691

ing place of deposit. The smaller and shallower part of the dell,
that on the south of the path, has been half filled up, and what
remains is of a formal and artificial character." ^

Subsequent to the date of this last recorded visit of Mr. Knight,
the character of the spot was still further altered. The path to
Datchet was sunk, and the ground on the left side, or that next
the castle, raised, so as to intercept the view of the foot passengers
in that direction. The chalk and earth removed to lower the path,
still further encroached upon and filled up the dell, which, however,
has been recently re-excavated south of the path, and some thorns
planted under the directions of Mr. Ingram, of the Royal Gardens,
serve to mark the spot.

The testimony here adduced as to the position and fate of
Heme's Oak has been confirmed by many former inhabitants and
visitors of Windsor, some of whom are still living. Among those
who either recollected the tree and its precise locality, or who
received the account from others at the time, were Mr. Francis
Nicholson, the artist ; Dr. Lind, many years a physician at Windsor,
and Fellow of the Antiquarian Society ; Bishop Goodenough, some
time Canon of Windsor, also a Fellow of the Antiquarian Society ;
Colonel Rooke, a resident in Windsor Castle -^ Dr. Fisher, Bishop
of Salisbury, formerly a Canon of Windsor -^ Mr. Bethell, the pre-
sent Bursar of Eton College ; Mr. Seeker, Clerk of the Peace for
Windsor, &c., &c.

Notwithstanding this mass of evidence as to the real position
and identity of Herne^s Oak, various opinions have been put forth
on the subject.

A dead oak situated in the row of elms forming the north side
of the avenue, and a few yards to the right of what was, down to the
year 1851, the public footpath from Windsor to Datchet, is still
considered by many persons as the original Heme's Oak ; and its
claims to be so considered have been ably advocated by Mr. Jesse,
in his ' Gleanings,' and elsewhere.

^ 'Pictorial Sliakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 204.

2 Dr. Broniet, ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 373.

2 Kev. A. E. Howman, ibid., p. 600.

692

ANNALS OP WINDSOR.

[CHAPTEKXXn.

This tree is easily recognised. It is now quite dead^ and is the

only oah in the avenue, for all the other trees are elms-. It is,

^' moreover, surrounded by paling,^ and a slab of

^^ wood is nailed to the trunk, inscribed with five

lines from the play, commencing with —

4 «J
el. ai

'^ There is an old tale goes/^ &c.^

The present state of the old avenue, and the
precise position of every tree, may be seen in the
plan in the margin, made from actual mea-
surement, for the purpose of elucidating the
question now under consideration. The
dots represent the position of the trees,
and the so-called Heme's Oak is distin-
guished by paling round it. A shaded
curved line represents the site of the old
pit or dell.

On comparing this plan with the part
of Collier's map, it will be seen that the
tree now bearing the honours must be one
of the trees in the avenue, and adjoining
the path which led from the castle to the
ranger's lodge, and south-west of the true
'' Sir John FalstafF's Oak.'' The spot where
that tree stood, the false tree, and another
oak between it and the public path to
Datchet, must have formed a triangle, having a
line between the two latter trees for its base. It
is clear beyond a doubt that the tree in Collier's
map was not in the present avenue, and that
the false tree is in it.

^■5-

•^■

^ There is, however, another tree on the north side of the public footpath which is
also surrounded by paling, which in both cases seems to have been placed for the purpose
of protecting the ivy planted round the trees.

2 This inscription was affixed at the instigation of Mr. Jesse, and therefore is not in
itself any evidence of the authenticity of the tree.

HERNE's oak. 693

The drawings of Heme's Oak, already mentioned, represent the
tree as a pollard, i. e., that its top had been lopped at some time.
This is the case with all the very old oak trees in the vicinity of
the dell in the Little Park, while the false oak is a maiden tree, as
will be seen on reference to the woodcut at the end of this chapter.^
The old trees were lopped in the winter season, and the boughs
given to the deer to feed upon the bark when the ground was
covered with snow. This practice was of course discontinued, in
regard at least to the trees in the vicinity of the castle, as soon as
they were valued on account of their ornamental character; and
therefore we may fairly assume all the pollard oaks in the Little
Park to be of considerable antiquity, and the solitary maiden oak
and the elms forming the avenues to be of comparatively recent
growth. ^\\Q false tree is not of any great size, and it was alive in
1796, when the real tree was cut down.^

Mr. Knight says in his own recollection '* this tree was unpro-
tected by any fence, and its upper part only was withered and
without bark. So far from Heme the Hunter having blasted it,
it appears to have suffered a premature decay within the last twenty
years. This tree is of small girth compared with other trees
about it. It is not more than fifteen feet in circumference at the
largest part, while there is a magnificent oak at about 200 yards
distance whose girth is nearly thirty feet.'' ^

The claims of the existing tree to be called Heme's Oak are
founded on the following circumstances :*

1. That George the Third denied that the real tree was cut

^ This is a copy of a drawing made for this work by Mr. G. R, Jesse in 1846. The
view is from the north-east side of the tree, and the depression in the foreground repre-
sents the existing traces of the " pit." An excellent engraving of this tree is given in
Knight's 'Pictorial Shakspere/ Comedies, vol. i, p. 202. The top was then more perfect,
showing that the tree is certainly not a pollard. The woodcut at p. 113 of Jesse's
* Summer Day at W^indsor,' &c., does not bear much resemblance to the present appear-
ance of this tree. It is evidently from a drawing made several years ago, and corresponds
with an engraving of the same tree given in the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xiii, new
series, p. 243, from a drawing taken in 1822.

* See Dr. Bromet's letter to the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 373.

3 'Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 203.

^ See letter of Mr. Jesse, 'Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xiii, new series, p. 380.

694 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

down, and pointed out the present as the real Kernels Oak, and
moreover gave particular orders to Mr. Engall, the then bailiff and
manager of Windsor Little Park, to preserve it ; and that George
the Fourth asserted that the trse which was cut down was not
Kernels Oak.

2. The supposed statements and opinions of the late Sir Herbert
Taylor, Sir David Dundas, and the former and present bailiff of
the Little Park and their labourers, and of some inhabitants of
Windsor.

3. That the avenue in the Little Park is narrower towards the
west end, whence it has been inferred that it was constructed in
order to take in this tree as part of it ; and that this was a proof
that WiUiam the Third, who planted the avenue, preferred distort-
ing it to cutting down the tree.^

The first argument is considerably weakened by the following
statement of Mr. Francis Nicholson, the artist, as communicated to
Mr. Crofton Croker: "About the year 1800 he was on a visit
to the Dowager Countess of Kingston, at Old Windsor ; and his
mornings were chiefly employed in sketching, or rather making
studies of the old trees in the Forest. This circumstance one dav
led the conversation of some visitors to Lady Kingston to Heme's
Oak. Mrs. Bonfoy and her daughter, Lady Ely, were present ;
and, as they were very much with the royal family, Mr. Nicholson
requested Lady Ely to procure for him any information that she
could from the King respecting Heme's Oak^, which, considering
His Majesty's tenacious memory and familiarity with Windsor, the
king could probably give better than any one else. In a very few
days Lady Ely informed Mr. Nicholson that she had made the
inquiry he wished of the King, who told her that * when he (George
the Third) was a young man,^ it was represented to him that there

^ Letter of Mr. Jesse, 'Times' newspaper of November 30th, 1838 ; 'Gentleman's
Magazine,' vol. xi, new series, p. 48

^ There is some inconsistency in this part of the statement, as pointed out by
Mr. Jesse (' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xiii, new series, p. 380), with the fact that
the tree was cut down in 1796; but it does not affect the general credibility of the
story.

HERNe's oak. 695

were a number of old oaks in the park which had become unsightly
objects, and that it would be desirable to take them down ; he gave
immediate directions that such trees as were of this description
should be removed ; but he was afterwards sorry that he had given
such an order inadvertently, because he found that, among the
rest, the remains of Heme's Oak had been destroyed/ ^^ ^

It has been also suggested that the regret of the king upon
finding that the tree was cut down caused him to feel annoyed, as
he is said to have been, whenever the fact was mentioned, and led
him to contradict the opinion that that tree was the real Kernels
Oak. These facts, and His Majesty's lamented malady, diminish
the weight which would otherwise attach to his statement to
Mr. EngalL'

In answer to the argument drawn from the statement of certain
other persons, it is to be observed that not one of these statements
was made at the time the real tree was in existence.^ They
have all arisen since its destruction, and great allowance must be
made for a natural and praiseworthy wish to keep such an inte-
resting memorial in existence, and the consequent bias on the
judgment arising from that circumstance. The assertions of park-
keepers and labourers, moreover, as has been observed,^ should
be cautiously received, for reasons which will be sufficiently
apparent.

As to the third and last reason assigned, a careful examination
of Collier's map will show that there is no foundation for it.

In that map the trees forming the avenue are marked as they
were originally planted by King William.^ It will be seen that the
western portion of the avenue consists of two narrow rows of trees ;
the eastern end of the avenue in question, extending from near the

^ Kuiglit's ' Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, p. 204.

2 See letter of Dr. Bromet, ' Gentleman's Magazine/ vol. xv, new series, p. 374.

^ The Rev. Mr. Howman sajs, indeed, that there were two opinions, but that the
best informed persons were decidedly satisfied that the tree sketched by him (see an^e,
p. 689) was that described by Shakespeare, and that such was the general belief.

^ Dr. Bromet, ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 374.

^ It is probable, from the name, that there was a private walk here frequented by
Queen Elizabeth, although no trace of it is indicated on Nordeii's map of the Little Park.
The avenue was certainly not formed until the reign of William the Third.

696 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

Thames, is, on the other hand, wider than any other avenue in the
Little Park. It will be seen that the change from the narrow to
the wide avenue is not gradual, nor, on the other hand, is there an
abrupt transition at the point of contact ; but the narrow avenue is
continued about half way, and the northern row of the wide avenue
does not cease, but is extended or produced for a considerable dis-
tance westward as far as the edge of the pit, so as to form three
rows of trees, the northern or inner row of the narrow part forming
a centre line. Three rows of trees, apparently the remains or com-
mencement of an avenue, diverge here at right angles, in a
northerly direction, towards Dodd's Hill ; and, as the three rows
in Queen Elizabeth's Walk extend east and west for about the
same distance as this north avenue, a degree of uniformity is
obtained in this triangle which possibly may have been the object
in view when the trees were planted.

Although this avenue has since been much tempest-torn, the
gaps were chiefly made in 1796 by Mr. Frost, then bailiff of the
park, who not only cut down and grubbed up every dead tree in it,
but perpetrated such havoc by lopping and topping this once
fashionable promenade, that it was a theme of regret and con-
demnation to all Windsor.^ The object is said to have been to
obtain a view of the river from the " lodge'' in which the king and
the royal family were then residing.

The whole south row is still nearly perfect, except where a great
opening was made for a vista from the castle by WilHam the Fourth,
about the year 1833, when all the remaining middle row eastward
of the pit was removed, and this then triple avenue deprived of its
original character.^ Consequently the three rows of old trees can
be no longer traced at any one part of the avenue ; and, without
Collier's map as a guide, it might be naturally supposed that the
narrow part of the avenue terminated where the wider commenced,
and vice versa. Hence the assumption that the avenue was con-
tracted in order to take in the so-called Heme's Oak, standing in
the northern or inner line of the narrow avenue. If the contraction

^ Dr. Bromei, ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 370.
" Ibid.

HERNe's oak. 697

of the avenue at the western end was the result of any local circum-
stance, it is more probable that the irregularity of the ground
forming the " dell '^ was the cause, preventing the line, commencing
near the Thames, from being completed.^

Besides the tree in the avenue^, it appears from Mr. Knight's
recollections of Windsor as it was about forty years previously to
the time of his writing (1839), that there was a second tree which
was sometimes called " Heme's Oak." He says — " There was an
oak whose upper branches were much decayed, standing some
thirty or forty yards from the deep side of the dell ; and there was
another oak, with fewer branches, whose top was also bare, standing
in the line of the avenue near the park wall. We have heard each
of these oaks called Herne^s Oak, but the application of the name
to the oak in the avenue is certainly more recent.'^ ^ This second
tree must be one of the oaks standing on the left or north side of
the (until recently) public footpath leading across the Little Park
from Windsor to Datchet.

Pye, in his comments on the commentators on Shakespeare,^
alludes to a tree nearer the castle than either of those above men-
tioned. He says — " The tree which the keepers show as Heme's
Oak is also in the Little Park, not much more than a hundred
yards from the castle ditch, and in the middle of a row of elms,
obviously above a century its juniors ; it is in a state of decay, and
might well have been an old tree in the time of Shakespeare. I do
not affirm this is the tree, but the other could not be the tree ; for
Page proposes to couch in the castle ditch till they see the light
of the fairies ; and that this was not far from the tree appears
from their laying hold of PalstafF as soon as he rises from the
ground."

Mr. W^ilson Croker appears to have entertained the belief that

^ Mr. Knight and Dr. Bromet meet this part of Mr. Jesse's argument in a different
way. They account for the want of uniformity in the avenue by supposing that it
followed the ancient boundary of the Little Park (' Gentleman's Magazine/ vol. xxii, new
series, p. 151) ; but there does not appear to be any ground for the notion that at the
period when the avenue was formed, the park was either bounded or subdivided at this
part.

- Knight's 'Pictorial Shakspere,' Comedies, vol. i, pp. 202, 203.

' 8vo, London, 1807, pp. 13, 14.

698 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chaptek XXIV.

the real tree was not even near the avenue. He says — "The oak
which Mr. Jesse would decorate with Shaksperian honours stands
at a considerable distance from the real Simon Pure.'^ ^ Mr. Jesse
replies that the tree alluded to by the reviewer stood near the
castle, but was in truth an elm.

We believe that a tree near Adelaide Lodge is even now some-
times called Heme's Oak. It seems, however, to be admitted by
all parties that, of existing trees, the one having the best claim to
be considered Heme's Oak is the one selected by Mr. Jesse ; and
having, as we believe, clearly demonstrated that that tree has no
claim to the title, it consequently follows that the site and nothing
more of the true oak can be now pointed out.^

^ * Quarterly Keview,' vol. Ixii, p. 352.

^ The reader will be surprised to learn that Dr. Bromet, after collecting', to use his
own words, " so multitudinous a mass of respectable testimony" as to the position of this
oak, and calling attention to Collier's map, which he denominates an irrefragable record
of its locality a hundred years ago, comes nevertheless to the " lame and impotent con-
clusion" that the real tree may have stood " on the north bank of the dell," or, if not
there, " nearer to the castle ditch than the dell." We give Dr. Bromet's own comments
on this point : "This dell was, within these twenty years, almost eighty yards square,
and if of that extent (as I believe) in Shakspeare's time, could never have concealed the
fairies as he represents. Besides, Mrs. Page expressly says that tlie fairies were to rush
' from forth a saw-pit,' although our local commentators on the subject have either over-
looked it, or else boldly supposed that a saw-pit was too small to have contained all the
fairies ; but who, not amounting to more than eight or nine, might therein have
sufficiently obscured their lights — which I maintain they could not have done in the dell,
however overgrown with tliorns and underwood it might then have been. It is, however,
not improbable that in this formerly secluded corner of the park a saw-pit once existed,
and that, on account of this seclusion, the conscience-stricken ' Home' selected one of the
oaks there for his suicidal purpose.

" The great distance of the dell from the castle ditch, wherein Page and his proposed
son-in-law couched, while Falstaff and the Merry Wives passed to their rendezvous, may
also, reasonably enough, be supposed to weaken the pretensions of any tree near this
dell. Por Page's party would certainly have been nearer the place of their proposed
enterprise, could they have found any other fit concealment. But as they were to remain
in the castle ditch from ten to twelve o'clock, is it not probable that Heme's Oak was so
near the ditch that they could not have quitted it without being heard or seen by
Falstaff?

" This circumstance inclines me, therefore, to doubt whether, after all our specious
ratiocination, the true locality of Shakspeare's scene be not on the north bank of the dell,
where, about seventy years since, was a ' Heme's Oak,' and behind or southward of
which bank concealment might have been more effectual; or, from what 1 have said just
above, that it should be sought for nearer to the castle ditch than the dell so long
supposed to be the true locality. And I confess that the discovery of an ancient saw-pit

HERNE's oak. 699

It has been already noticed that the original sketch of the play
does not contain any allusion to an oak or tree in connexion with

' bard by' tbe remains or well autbenticated site of some very aged oak, and not far from
tbe castle ditcb, would easily convert me from tbe opinion to wbicb, for want of docu-
mental authority to tbe contrary, I now evidently lean, viz., tbat tbe destroyed tree bad
mucb better claims to tbe title wbicb Collier's map gave it a bundred years ago — and so
multitudinous a mass of respectable testimony since — tban tbis present pretending rival.
And sucb a tree, I understand, was blown or cut down many years ago near tbe old path
to Datcbet by Dodd's Hill, not far from tbe ancient chalk-pit tliere, and wbicb also so
far bore the character of Heme's Oak as to have been danced about in tbat belief.
Moreover, is it in nature possible tbat tbe oak of Sbakspeare, wbicb be says was supposed
by the ' superstitious idle-headed eld' to have been repeatedly blasted by the spirit of
Heme, could have ' contended with tbe fretful elements,' so as to have remained, almost
to this day, not only standing, but alive and bearing fruit ?" (Dr. Bromet's letter, of
March 1841, ' Gentleman's Magazine,' vol. xv, new series, p. 377.)

Before proceeding to notice these objections, we must premise tbat it is not fair of
Dr. Bromet to make use of Collier's map as an irrefragable record against Mr. Jesse, and
then to throw it completely overboard, and form his own opinion of tbe position of tbe
tree, as though Collier's map were not in existence. If Collier's map is evidence (and
we think it is very cogent evidence indeed) to show tbat the tree called by Mr. Jesse
" Heme's Oak" is not the real oak, because another spot is pointed out as tbe situation
of tbe tree, the map is equally strong evidence to prove tbat no other tree or spot is to be
sought foi as Heme's Oak than that indicated in the map itself. On the other hand, if
we are at liberty to seek for tbe precise position of Heme's Oak without reference to
Collier's map, it is evidently illogical to use that map against the present tree. Dr.
Bromet, by so doing, is blowing hot and cold. Dr. Bromet's doubts are partly founded
upon a very minute comparison of the locality with tbe words of Shakespeare. So minute
is the criticism, that it is difficult to resist the idea that the doctor bad studied tbe
subject until at last he believed tbat the whole plot of the Merry Wives was actually
carried into execution, or at least that Shakespeare himself bad conducted and super-
intended a rehearsal of bis play, having the whole town of Windsor and the Little Park
for his stage. Were tbe point in dispute tbe precise locality of some undoubted fact and
occurrence in history, narrated by the most accurate of contemporary chroniclers or by
eye-witnesses, the species of microscopic examination indulged in by Dr. Bromet would
be out of place ; but to apply tbis " rule and compass" sort of examination to a play of
Shakespeare is surely unworthy of so discerning a critic as Dr. Bromet has shown himself
in the previous portion of bis inquiries.

If we can show that there is a general consistency and agreement between the spot
where Heme's Oak stood (as pointed out by Collier, and confirmed by general report
and tradition) and tbe plot of the play and tbe local facts brought in aid of that plot by
Shakespeare, we carry our evidence as far as can be reasonably expected — nay, as far as
we ought to be permitted to proceed. We believe, indeed, that Shakespeare has been
more than usually careful in conforming bis plot to the place, or rather that he has
brought a greater number of local details to bis assistance in tbe 'Merry Wives of
Windsor' tban in his other works. We are convinced, moreover, tbat be had in view, in
tbe composition or perfecting of tbe play, some one particul ir individual oak, and that in
the selection of that tree be was guided by the local tradition of tbe period.

700 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIY .

Heme the Hunter. Neither is there, in that edition, any mention
of the " pit hard by Heme's Oak/^ or of the " castle ditch/^ There
are no expressions from which the place of assignation of Falstaff
and the " merry wives" can be even referred to the park. All the
reference in the ' Sketch of the Play^ to the locality is contained in
these lines. Mistress Page says —

" Now for that FalstaflFe hath been so deceived,
As that he dares not venture to the house,
Weele send him word to meet us in the field,^^ &c.

• •••••

'^ Then would I have you present there at hand,
With little boys disguised and dressed like Fairies
For to affright fat Falstaff in the woods''

Assuming the printed edition of 1602 to be a correct or nearly
correct transcript of the play as composed by the author, all the
local circumstances and incidents inserted in the amended play
must have been the result of actual and careful examination and
selection by the poet.

The distance of the dell from the castle ditch has been made
the ground of an objection by Dr. Bromet to the authenticity of
the spot near Queen EHzabeth's Walk.^ This objection has been
raised by other critics. Pye, as has been already seen, asserts that
the oak must have stood nearer the castle than Queen Elizabeth's
Walk. He says — " Page proposes to couch in the castle ditch till
they see the light of the fairies ; and that this was not far from the
tree appears from their laying hold of Falstaff as soon as he rises
from the ground.'' ^ Mr. Halliwell also says — " It will be remem-
bered that Mrs. Page says that the fairies were to rush ' from forth
a saw-pit,' and that Page, Shallow, and Slender must ' couch in
the castle ditch, till they see the light of our fairies.^ This passage
affords a strong presumption that the saw-pit was near the castle
ditch, and that Heme's Oak was not far removed from either, else

* See the * Gentleman's Magazine/ vol. xv, new series, p, 377.

^ A similar objection to the genuineness of the tree at the dell is made in the descrip-
tions annexed to a work published in 1804, called ' Select Views of London and its
Environs,' 2 vols., 4to.

iierne's oak. 701

why should they have considered it necessary to take these precau-
tionary measures ?" ^

There cannot be any doubt whatever that the " pit" was near
the oak. Mrs. Page, in answer to an inquiry of Mrs. Ford as to
where " Nan and her troop of fairies and the Welsh Devil, Hugh,"
then were, says, " They are all couched in a pit hard by Heme's
Oak, with obscured lights ; which at the very instant of FalstafF's
and our meeting they will at once display to the night."

The fairies could only be apprised of the meeting of Falstaff
and the " merry wives" by hearing or seeing them, and this on a
dark night.

The inference that the tree and the pit were very near the castle
ditch does not appear to be supported by a careful examination of
the facts. In the text. Page says to Shallow and Slender — " Come,
come, we'll couch i' the castle ditch, till we see the light of our
fairies/^ Shallow afterwards remarks, *' It hath struck ten o'clock.'^
The meeting between Falstaff and the " merry wives" was at mid-
night. We must turn to Norden's map of the Little Park to illus-
trate the position of the parties. That map was made in 1607,
and therefore show^s the state of the Little Park as nearly as
possible as it must have been seen and observed by Shakespeare.
The ''castle ditch" was on the east and south sides of the castle.
It can be traced in the map of the Little Park, but it is expressly
so called and more clearly shown in Norden's map of the castle.
A public footpath from Windsor to *' Datchet Ferrye" passed along
the south side of the castle close to the ditch, and so on into the
Little Park. From this path another diverged, near the entrance
into the Little Park, to " the Lodge.^' The " dell,'' and the spot
where Heme's Oak is supposed to have stood, would lie to the
right of " the Lodge," and between that and the Old Windsor
road, and where trees are represented in the map, a distance of
about four hundred yards from the castle ditch. ^ Those per-

^ Halliwell's ' First Sketch of the Merry Wives of Windsor/ p. 70. See, however, a
correction of this statement in the folio edition of Shakespeare, voL ii.

- No oak is denoted in Norden's map as "Heme's Oak;" but Norden was employed
by James the Eirst on account of his skill as a mapper and surveyor, and not on account
of his local knowledge, which may have been imperfect.

702 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIV.

sons who are acquainted with the locality know that the ground
gradually slopes from the castle in this direction, and a light
" displayed " near the oak would be easily discernible from the
edge of the castle ditch.

The reason for Page and his companions couching in the ditch,
and proceeding thither some time before the period when they
were to take an active part in the plot, may have been the fact that
FalstafF must pass close to the ditch on his way to the oak. That
a public path lay by the ditch might be another reason for conceal-
ment.

Pye argues that Page, Shallow, and Slender must have been
near the oak, because they lay hold of FalstafF *' as soon as he rises
from the ground." But the signal for Page to come forward was
the light of the fairies ; and between the display of their lights and
his appearance a considerable time elapses. A prolonged scene
intervenes, including a lengthy exordium from Mrs. Quickly, a
dance and a song by the fairies, affording ample time for the
traverse of the space intervening between the castle ditch and the
spot where we believe the oak to have stood.

Mr. Halliwell, finding a timber-yard in Norden's Plan of the
Castle, at one time conjectured that there was a saw-pit there, and
that this was the saw-pit alluded to by Shakespeare ; but such a
supposition entails greater difficulties than that sought to be
removed. There is no tradition of a tree existing so near the
castle and other buildings, nor is there any probability of one
having stood there ; and the belief that Heme's Oak was close to
the pit is founded on the direct and positive statement in the play.
'' The superstitious idle-headed eld," moreover, would not select a
spot so close to the habitations of man for their tradition. The
timber-yard, too, was evidently an inclosed space, not accessible to
the public, or a spot where Shakespeare could consistently assemble
Sir Hugh Evans and his tribe of fairies.

That Shakespeare had in view a locality some distance from the
town of Windsor is evidenced by what Mrs. Page says :

" The truth being known,
We'll all present ourselves ; dis-horn the spirit,
And mock him home to Windsor.''

THE FAIUY PIT. 703

Upon a consideration of all these facts, we think there can be
little doubt that the spot where the oak stood which was known in
Shakespeare's time, and adopted by him as Heme the Hunter's
Oak, is that denoted in Collier's map, and distant only a few yards
from the dead tree now standing in the avenue, and which was
supposed by Mr. Jesse to be the real tree. As a necessary con-
sequence of this opinion, it follows that in the dell now nearly
filled up was the pit which Shakespeare intended to represent as
that in which Anne Page as the Pairy Queen, and Sir Hugh Evans
like a satyr, with Mrs. Quickly, Pistol, and the other members of
the troop, lay concealed.

We cannot conclude these remarks without expressing a regret
that in a map made by the Royal Engineers, for the purpose of
assisting the Health of Towns Commissioners, the tree now standing
in the avenue is called " Heme's Oak." The surveyors were pro-
bably misled by the quotation from Shakespeare affixed by Mr. Jesse
to that tree.

In discussing the question of the identity and position of
Heme's Oak, reference has been made to the supposed fairy pit or
dell, traces of which may be still seen close to the site of the tree.
There is some reason for believing that this pit, which is marked in
Collier's map, is of very great antiquity ; and a recent examination
of it leaves no room for doubting that it was originally formed by
chalk and flints having been dug out at that spot.

At a forest court held at Windsor Castle, on the 25th of
September, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Charles the First,
before Henry Earl of Holland, Chief Justice in Eyre of all the
king's forests, chaces, parks, and warrens on this side Trent, the
mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of New Windsor appeared, by Edward
Offley their attorney, and claimed to have, for themselves and their
successors, certain privileges, franchises, and liberties within the
Forest of Windsor. The privileges claimed by them chiefly con-
sisted of those granted by James the First in his charter, which
they produced in support of their claim. They also claimed the
privilege of sending two members to parliament for the borough^
and liberty to dig and carry away chalk and flints at all times of
the year at their pleasure, in a certain place called the "Chalkpitts"

704 ANNALS OP WINDSOR. [Chapter XXIY.

in the Little Park of Windsor, wHich privilege and liberty they
claimed to have exercised from time immemorial. Sir Edward
Littleton, the king's solicitor-general, who attended on behalf of the
king, prayed an adjournment as to the privilege of sending mem-
bers to parliament; and as to the claim of digging chalk in the
Little Park, he prayed judgment against the mayor, bailiffs, and
burgesses, on the ground that they had not made out any sufficient
legal title in respect of it ; and judgment was given by the court
against the borough. As to the claims made under the charter of
James the First, they were admitted by the solicitor-general and
confirmed by the court.^

The reasons for supposing the " Chalk Pitts" mentioned in the
preceding claim to be identical with the pit marked by Collier, may
be stated in a few words.

Windsor Castle stands on the brow of a chalk ridge, forming
part of the great chalk formation of Oxfordshire and Buckingham-
shire on the north and west, but separated from it by a deep
covering of sand and gravel occupying the valley of the Thames,
while on the south and east the chalk is overlaid by clay. It there-
fore merely occupies a small patch at Windsor, comprising the site
of the castle and the highest part of the Little Park. The " Chalk-
pitts," therefore, could not have been in the low ground towards
Frogmore, or in that part of the Little Park lying under and north
of the castle, and now called the " Home Park,'' although, as the
inhabitants of Windsor exercised rights of common and of digging
gravel there until the reign of William the Third, any one unac-
quainted with the geological structure of the neighbourhood might
have been inclined to refer the chalk-pits to that locality. On the
other hand, it is very improbable that such a right would have been
claimed close to the walls of the castle on the south or east sides.
If, then, we are driven to select a place where chalk occurs at or

* These particulars are extracted from a copy of the record of the Forest Court in a
MS. volume in the possession of Mr. Snowden, of Windsor, entitled ' Burgus de Nova
Windsore.' The page where the copy of the document in question is given, is thus
headed : "Exempl. record. Sessiones Itineris Foreste D~ni Regis de Windsor &c. E carta
originali penes Majorem et Ballivos de Windsor." Tlie deed, however, appears to liave
been lost, as it is not to be found in the corporation chest.

THE PAIRY PIT.

705

near the surface, easily accessible to the town of Windsor and yet
not close to the castle, we find that spot must necessarily have been
near " Heme's Oak ;'' and as the hollow^ place marked in Collier's
map was evidently occasioned by the abstraction of chalk and flint,
it is a legitimate conclusion to assign it as the identical ** Chalk-
pitts'' of the claim.

The Oak in the Elm Avenue.

(See atite, p. G92.)

END or VOL. I.

J. B. ADIAED, PBIITTEB. BABTHOLOMBW CLOSE,

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Full text of "Annals of Windsor : being a history of the castle and town : with some account of Eton and places adjacent"

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