Skip to main content

Full text of "Annals of Wyoming"

See other formats

Mnals of Wyoming 

Vol. 16 

January, 1944 



Reproduced in reduced size from July 10, 1858, issue of Frank Leslie's Illustrated News- 
paper. The line at the bottom reads "Fort Bridger, Utah Territory. — From a 
Sketch Made Expressly for 'Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper.' " 
Below this appeared the line "Fort Bridger, Utah Territory — 
From Our Own Correspondent," who the author 
believes was undoubtedly Capt. Gove. 

Published Bi-Annually 



Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Atwals of Wyoming 

Vol. 16 January, 1944 No. 1 



WYOMING, 1895 5 


The Utah Expedition, 1857-58 . 35 

By Dominie A. Brosnan 

Territorial Papers of Wyoming in the National Archives 45 

By W. Tmrentine Jackson 


Vanished Frontiers 57 

By C. P. Arnold 

George Mitchell, an Interview at the H R Ranch, Uva 62 

By Virginia Cole Trenholm 

Bill Nye 's Experience 65 

By Bill Nye 


By Dee Linford 

By M. Wilson Rankin 









Printed by 


Cheyenne, Wyoming 

The State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board 
and the State Historical Department assume no responsibility for any 
statement of fact or opinion expressed by contributors to the 

The Wyoming State Historical Department invites the presentation 
of museum items, letters, diaries, family histories and manuscripts of 
Wyoming citizens. It welcomes the writings and observations of those 
familiar with important and significant events in the State 's history. 

In all ways the Department strives to present to the people of 
Wyoming and the Nation a true picture of the State. The historical 
magazine, ANNALS OF WYOMING, is one medium through which the 
Department seeks to gain this objective. All communications concerning 
the ANNALS should be addressed to Mary A. McGrath, Wyoming His- 
torical Department, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

This magazine is sent free of charge to all State Historical Board 
members, the State Historical Advisory Board, Wyoming County Libraries 
and Wyoming newspapers. 

It is published in January and July, subscription price $1.50 per year. 

Copyright, 1944; by the Wyoming Historical Department. 


Lester C Hunt, President - Governor 

Mart T. Christensen Secretary of State 

Wm. ' < Scotty ' ' Jack State Auditor 

Earl Wright State Treasurer 

Esther L. Anderson Superintendent of Public Instruction 

Mary A. McGrath, Secy. State Librarian and Historian Ex-Offieio 


Mrs. Mary Jester Allen, Cody 

Frank Barrett, Lusk 

George Bible, Rawlins 

Mrs. T. K. Bishop, Basin 

C. Watt Brandon, Kemmerer 

J. Elmer Brock, Kaycee 

Struthers Burt, Moran 

Mrs. Elsa Spear Bvron, Sheridan 

Mrs. G. C. Call, Afton 

Oliver J. Colyer, Torrington 

William C. Deming, Cheyenne 

E. A. Gaensslen, Green River 

Hans Gautschi, Lusk 

Burt Griggs, Buffalo 

Jack Havnes, Yellowstone Park 

D. B. Hilton, Sundance 

Mrs. Joseph H. Jacobucci, Green, River 
P. W. Jenkins, Big Piney 
W. C. Lawrence, Moran 

E. A. Logan, Cheyenne ' 
Howard B. Lott, Buffalo 
Mrs. Eliza Lythgoe, Cowley 
A. J. Mokler, Casper 

Mrs. Elmer K. Nelson, Laramie 

Charles Oviatt, Sheridan 

Mrs. Minnie Reitz, Wheatland 

Mrs. Effie Shaw, Cody 

John Charles Thompson, Cheyenne 

Bussell Thorp, Cheyenne 






Mary A. McGrath, Editor . State Librarian and Historian Ex-Officio 
Marie H. Erwin, Co-Editor Assistant Historian 


Housed in the new Supreme Court and Library Building 
in Cheyenne, with vault space and fireproof protection, the 
Museum provides for the preservation and display of the 
prized possessions of Wyoming pioneers. 

Perpetuate your family name by placing your historical 
collections and relics in your State Museum, where they may 
be permanently preserved and enjoyed by the thousands of 

Everything that is presented to the Museum is numbered, 
labeled, recorded and card indexed, thus insuring permanent 

Jndian Disturbances 
Jn "flackson Mole" Country, Wyoming, 1895 

The following taken from the 1895 report of D. M. Browning, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, discredits alarming reports that Indians 
were guilty of depredations against the whites in Jackson JLoie mid 
Marysvale, western Wyoming. 

Since my last annual report relative to complaints by 
whites in regard to Indians off their reservations hunting and 
"wantonly killing" game, serious trouble has occurred between 
the Bannock Indians and the whites in what is known as the 
''Jacksons Hole" country. Wyoming. A full report of 
entire affair was made to the Department August 17, 1895, the 
substance of which is as follows, some of it being quoted 
from my report of last year: 

For more than a year past complaints have been made 
to this office that Indians of the Shoshone Reservation, Wyo., 
were wantonly slaughtering elk and deer that had been driven 
down from the Rocky Mountains by the deep snows and severe 
weather. The agent of the Shoshone Agency was at once in- 
structed to report the facts to this office, and to take such 
action as would entirely stop any wanton killing of game by 
those Indians in the future. He replied that, to his knowledge, 
no elk or deer had been aimlessly slaughtered by the Indians 
belonging to that agency, but that it was reported that roving 
parties of other Indians had killed game outside of the reser- 
vation ; also that the Indians reported that white men were 
continually going on hunting expeditions through the country 
adjacent to their reservation, and killing game merely for the 
pleasure of hunting. Reports from other Indian agents in 
that country sustained this charge, the whites claiming they 
had as good right as the Indians to kill game; and the State 
officers, in some instances, stating that they did not feel justi- 
fied in prosecuting white men for violating State game laws. 
while the Indians were allowed to hunt. 

Subsequently more complaints were received from Idaho. 
Wyoming, and Montana that parties of Indians were continu- 
ally leaving their reservations with passes from their agents 
to make social and friendlv visits to other reservations: that 

f TL S. Cong. Doc. 54th Cong., 1st Sess., H. E, Doc. 5. pp 60-80, Serial 3382. 


en route they slaughtered game in large quantities merely for 
the sake of killing and, for the hides, particularly in the country 
adjacent to the Yellowstone National Park and the Shoshone 
Reservation, Wyo., and that if such depredations were al- 
lowed to continue it would probably result in a serious conflict 
between the white settlers and the Indians. 

In view of the above complaints, the office, on May 22, 
1894, addressed a letter to the Indian agents in Idaho, Montana, 
Wyoming, Utah, and the Dakotas, instructing them to call 
together in council the Indians of their respective agencies 
and again put before them the instructions contained in office 
circular of November 1, 1889, and to notify them that the 
restrictions as to hunting contained in that circular must be 
strictly complied with; also that should they obtain passes 
ostensibly for making friendly visits to other reservations and 
then engage in hunting while en route, their passes would be 
recalled by this office and they would not be allowed to leave 
their reservation again. 

The circular referred to reads as folloAvs: 


"Frequent complaints have been made to this Department 
that Indians are in the habit of leaving their reservations 
for the purpose of hunting ; that they slaughter game in large 
quantities in violation of the laws of the State or Territory in 
which they reside, and that in many instances large numbers 
of wild animals are killed simply for their hides. 

"In some cases Indians, by treaty stipulations, have the 
guaranteed right to hunt, upon specified conditions outside 
their existing reservations. The Secretary of the Interior has 
decided that the privilege of hunting under such treaty pro- 
visions is the right to merely kill such game as may be neces- 
sary to supply the needs of the Indians, and that the slaughter 
of wild animals in vast numbers for the hides only and the 
abandonment of the carcasses without attempting to make use 
of them, is as much a violation of the treaty as an absolute 
prohibition on the part of the United States against the exercise 
of such privilege Avould be. This fact should be impressed upon 
the minds of the Indians who have such treaty rights, and 
they will be given to understand that the wanton destruction 
of game will not be permitted. And those not having the 
reserved treaty privileges of hunting outside of their existing 
reservation should be warned against leaving their reservation 
for hunting, as they are liable to arrest and prosecution for 
violation of the laws of the State or Territory in which offenses 
may be committed. 


"In view of the settlement of the country and the conse- 
quent disappearance of the game, the time has long since gone 
by when the Indians can live by the chase. They should aban- 
don their idle and nomadic ways and endeavor to cultivate 
habits of industry, and adopt civilized pursuits to secure the 
means for self-support." 

All the agents addressed reported that they had complied 
with office instructions, and had taken extra precautions to 
prevent the Indians under their charge from wantonly killing 
game or leaving their reservations for such a purpose. 

Captain Ray, U. S. A., acting agent to the Shoshone 
Agency, in his report of May 29, 1894, relative to the above 
instructions, stated as follows : 

"I find that article 4 of the treaty with the Eastern Band 
of the Shoshone Indians, made July 3, 1868, gives the Indians 
the right to hunt on all the unoccupied lands of the United 
States, and they have certainly availed themselves of the 
privilege, but not a single case of wanton destruction of wild 
animals has ever come to my knowledge, nor will I ever permit 
such practice. 

"In connection with this matter I wish to call attention to 
the fact that the present ration for Indians on this reservation 
(one-half pound of flour and three-fourths pound beef, net 1 ) 
is not sufficient to ward off the pangs of hunger, and they must 
supplement this allowance in some way or suffer. In absence 
of paid employment, which will enable them to purchase food, 
they will resort to desperate methods before they will go hun- 
gry. Unless they receive sufficient food on the reservation, 
no power can prevent them from killing game or cattle." 

Complaints, however, continued to be made by the gov- 
ernor of Wyoming, the prosecuting attorney of Fremont Coun- 
ty, and many others from the region south of the Yellowstone 
National Park. These complaints were referred to the re- 
spective Indian agents for their information and with instruc- 
tions to be especially careful to prevent any wanton destruc- 
tion of game by Indians in their charge. From some of their 
reports it is clear that the Indians had not been justly com- 
plained of, and that in many instances the charges against 
them were either altogether false or grossly exaggerated, 
sometimes willfully so. For instance. Captain Ray, U. S. A., 
the then acting Indian agent of the Shoshone Agency, re- 
ported that hordes of white hunters infested the country (Yel- 
lowstone Park region) entirely unmolested. 

A full report as to these complaints was made in letter of 
November 8, 1894, of which the concluding paragraphs were 
as follows : 

"It is my intention to write again to the agents of the 
Fort Hall (Idaho) and Wind River (Wyoming) agencies, di- 


recting them to be watchful to the end that their Indians give 
no cause for complaint in this matter; but I think it would be 
well if some attention were paid to the foreign and native 
tourists and others, who go into that country to hunt without 
let or hindrance. 

"It is a well-known and admitted fact that the extermina- 
tion of the buffalo and other large game in the West was the 
work of the whites, principally, and not the Indians, and 
even now the well-supplied curio shops and taxidermists obtain 
their supply of heads, antlers, horns, etc., entirely from the 
former, or very nearly so, at least." 

No further complaints were received until in the latter 
part of June last, when Governor W. A. Richards, of Wyoming, 
addressed a letter to the Department stating that he was in- 
formed that Indians were then hunting and killing large game 
in the northern part of Uinta County and the western part of 
Fremont County, Wyo. ; that most of these Indians were from 
Idaho, some, however, being from the Shoshone Reservation, 
Wyo. He inclosed a copy of the State of Wyoming Fish and 
Game Laws, 1895, and requested that action be taken which 
would restrict Indians from leaving their respective reserva- 
tions for the purpose of hunting in Wyoming. 

July 17, 1895, Governor W. A. Richards telegraphed the 
Department as follows : 

"Have just received the following telegram, dated Marys- 
vale, Wyo., July 15, via Market Lake, Idaho, July 16 : 

"Nine Indians arrested, one killed, others escaped. Many 
Indians reported here; threaten lives and property. Settlers 
are moving families away. Want protection immediately. 
Action on your part is absolutely necessary. 

"Frank H. Rhodes, 

"Justice of the Peace. 
"Wm. Manning, Constable. 
(And three others.) 

"I have received other advices by mail representing situ- 
ation as serious. The Indians are Bannocks from Fort Hall, 
Idaho. Arrested for the illegal and wanton killing of game. 
My letter to you dated June 17 relates to the matter. Can you 
take immediate action for the. protection of our settlers?" . 

This office, on July 17, 1895, therefore telegraphed Teter, 
Indian agent at Fort Hall, Idaho, as follows: 

"Governor Richards, of Wyoming, telegraphs this date 
that nine Bannock Indians belonging to Fort Hall Agency 
were arrested and one killed on or about 15th instant, at 
Marysvale, Uinta County, Wyo., for wantonly killing game ; 
that many other Indians are there threatening lives and prop- 
erty, and settlers are moving families away. Proceed at once 


to scene of trouble and do all in your power to prevent further 
disturbance and to return absent Indians to reservation. If 
troops are needed to protect settlers or prevent open conflict, 
advise immediately. If you have any information now tele- 
graph same to me before starting." 

The same date the following telegram was sent to the 
acting Indian agent, Shoshone Agency : 

"Serious trouble reported in neighborhood of Marysvale, 
Uinta County, Wyo. Nine Bannock Indians from Fort Hall 
Agency arrested and one killed for violation of game laws. 
Settlers said to be fleeing for their lives. If any of your 
Indians are absent in that region have them returned to reser- 
vation at once. Have ordered Fort Hall agent to scene of 
trouble. Cooperate with him to fullest extent of your ability 
in every possible way. 

The agent of Fort Hall Agency replied by telegraph the 
next day as follows : 

"Will state on 13th instant, upon receipt information In- 
dians were killing game unlawfully in Wyoming, I sent the 
entire police force to Wyoming to bring back Indians belonging 
to this reservation. Captain Indian police sent back policeman, 
who arrived this day, stating that one Indian killed by settlers. 
Other sources, several Indians killed. I leave for scene of 
trouble at once." 

The same day the Shoshone agent also telegraphed : 

"Police sent days ago to bring absent Indians back to 
reservation. (Inly one Indian reported absent now. Reports 
indicate that none of my Indians were concerned in Marysvale 
trouble. Will act for Fort Hall agent Avhenever possible."' 

Then followed the sensational and alarming newspaper 
reports of an Indian outbreak in the Jackson Hole country ; 
the Bannocks on the warpath ; the killing of many settlers by 
the savages ; homes burned to the ground ; whites fleeing for 
their lives; and the appeal to the Government that United 
States troops be hurried to the seat of war to stop the fiendish 
work of devastation and murder of whites by the redskins. 

July 23 the Fort Hall agent telegraphed this office as 
follows : 

"Have investigated trouble between Indians and settlers 
in Wyoming, and will advise troops be sent there immediately 
to protect law-abiding settlers; lawless element among settlers 
being determined to come into conflict with Indians. Settlers 
have killed from four to seven Indians, which has incensed 
Indians, who have gathered to number of 200 to 300 near Fall 
River in Uinta County and refuse to return to reservation. 1 
find Bannock Indians have killed game unlawfully according 
to laws of Wyoming, though not unlawfully according to treaty 
of Bannock Indians with United States, usurping prerogative 


of settlers in that respect, which caused the trouble, and noth- 
ing but intervention of soldiers will settle difficulty and save 
lives of innocent persons and prevent destruction of property." 

This office replied as follows : 

"Send word to absent Indians as coining direct from me 
that I want them to return peaceably to their reservation be- 
fore the soldiers arrive. Say that I send this message to them 
as their friend and urge prompt compliance, knowing it is 
for their best interest and welfare. ' ' 

Agent Teter carried oat the above instructions, and July 
28 telegraphed the following : 

"On 27th instant I met Sheriff Hawley near Rexburg, re- 
turning from Jacksons Hole, where he had been sent to ascer- 
tain if settlers have been killed by Indians. Hawley states 
settlers have not been molested by Indians. Indians are sup- 
posed to be in camp 40 miles from settlements in practically 
impregnable position." 

The Secretary of War on July 24, 1895, upon Department 
request for military aid, ordered Brigadier-General Coppinger, 
commanding Department of the Platte, to proceed at once to 
the scene of disturbance in Wyoming and to order such move- 
ment of troops as might be necessary to prevent a conflict be- 
tween the Indians and settlers and to remove the Indians to 
their proper reservations. 

Governor Richards, on July 31, telegraphed the following : 

"Reliable information that 200 Indians supposed to be 
Utes were seen yesterday near South Pass, Fremont County; 
also 47 Siour on Bad Water Creek, same county ; all were 
mounted, armed, and without women or children. The people 
of Fremont County are under arms and wire me for assistance. 
Can not these and all other Indians in Wyoming be recalled 
to their reservations'?" 

This office at once telegraphed the agents of Pine Ridge 
(S. Dak.), Shoshone (Wyoming), Lemhi (Idaho), and Uintah 
and Ouray (Utah) agencies to have absent Indians returned 
to their respective reservations. The Shoshone and Uintah and 
Ouray agents replied that none of their Indians were absent, 
and that no trouble was feared. 

August 2, 1895, Agent Teter reported by telegram as 
follows : 

"I have returned from Jacksons Hole. Everything quiet 
there. I will recommend that you request the Department of 
Justice to investigate killing of peaceable Indians by lawless 
settlers in Uinta County, Wyo., with a view to the prosecution 
of the guilty parties." 

On the following day he further telegraphed : 

"All Indians absent from reservation have returned. Had 
big council. Requested me to telegraph you their hearts felt 


good. Had not harmed a white man, and would start haying, 
leaving their grievances to the justice of the white mail." 

To the latter message this office replied August 7 as follows : 

' ' Your telegram August 3 received. Exceedingly grati- 
fying to me and to all friends of the Indians everywhere that 
they have returned peaceably to their reservation and gone 
to work, having committed no acts of violence against the 
persons or property of the whites, which will certainty be to 
their lasting credit. Tell them so, and that office will do all 
in its power to have faithful investigation of the killing of the 
Indians and to see that justice is done. Am looking for full 
report from you giving details of the whole affair." 

I now quote in full the official reports that have reached 
this office giving details of the trouble, as follows : 

Report, dated July 20, 1895, from Capt. R. II. Wilson. 
U. S. A., acting Indian agent, Shoshone Agency, "Wyo. : 

"In regard to the recent disturbances near Marysvale, 
Wyo., resulting from Indians killing game out of season, I have 
the honor to report that the Indian police sent to that point 
to bring back absentees have returned without having been 
able to effect anything of importance. They report that two 
of my Indians have been found guilty of the offense in ques- 
tion, fined $75 each and costs, and in default of payment of 
their fines have been taken to Evanston to serve out sentences, 
of what duration I am not informed. 

"Their horses and equipments were seized to satisfy costs. 
No other Indians are now absent from this reservation with- 
out authority, and I do not anticipate any further trouble in 
this respect. The scene of the disturbance is so remote and 
inaccessible that it is difficult to obtain reliable reports in 
regard to it, but I am inclined to believe that the whole matter 
has been greatly exaggerated. I have been trying to instruct 
my Indians in the provisions of the game laws, of which they 
have been entirely ignorant, They have hitherto considered 
that the provisions of their treaty give them the right to hunt 
on unoccupied lands whenever they please. I shall, however, 
in future try to make them comply with the law in regard to 
killing game in Wyoming, without regard to their treaty, as I 
consider that this course will be less likely to cause a recur- 
rence of similar trouble." 

Report, dated July 20. 1895, addressed to Adjutant-General. 
U. S. A., from Capt. J. T. Van Orsdale. V. 8. A., late acting- 
Indian agent, Fort Hall Agency, Idaho : 

"1 have the honor to make the following report bearing 
upon the account (newspaper) of the arrest and killing of 
Indians in Jacksons Hole country, Wyoming, by citizens of 
said State : 


''In the treaty made with the Bannocks and Shoshones 
at Fort Bridger in 1867 or 1868 they were granted the 
privilege of hunting on any unoccupied public land. Being 
short-rationed and far from self-supporting according to the 
white man's methods, they simply follow their custom and 
hunt for the purpose of obtaining sustenance. It would seem 
that the killing of Indians under the circumstances is nothing 
more or less than murder. They are not citizens of the State, 
and are entitled to the protection of the General Government 
so far as the rights and privileges granted by treaty are con- 

"While acting agent at Fort Hall Agency, Idaho, I had 
occasion to look into this matter, and while trying to prevent 
hunting by Indians during the season unauthorized by State 
law I took the opportunity to let those making complaints 
know that the Indians were within treaty rights, and I believe 
the fact is well known and understood. Further, I believe 
there is no 'wanton' slaughter of game by these Indians, while 
it is a notorious fact that hundreds of animals are killed by 
white men for nothing more than heads and horns. There 
are men in that country who make it a business to pilot hunt- 
ing parties from the East and the Old Country which not 
only slaughter elk but capture and ship them out of the country. 
The killing of game by Indians interferes with their business. 
Another fact about the Jacksons Hole Basin, it is inaccessible 
in winter on account of deep snow on the mountains, and game 
can only be got at by outsiders during the summer or early 
autumn. If it be the desire of the Government to restrain 
the Indians and cause them to conform to state laws, steps 
looking to the change or modification of treaty would seem 
to be in order. Indians can hardly be expected to submit 
more quietly to the killing of their people while engaged in 
the occupation which they think they have a right to follow 
than white men, and a failure by the Government to take 
proper action is liable to result in serious loss of life and 

"Having obtained knowledge of affairs in the manner 
indicated I believe it a duty to make this report." 

(First indorsement.) 

Fort Logan, Colo., July 23, 1895. 
Respectfully forwarded. 

I have known the Shoshone Indians since 1873, when I was 
at their agency, and had twenty-five of them for scouts on a 
trip I made from Camp Brown through the Yellowstone Park. 


I heartily concur in what Captain Van Orsdale has written. 
They are among the best of all Indians I have known. 


Lieutenant-Colonel Second Cavalry, Commanding Post. 

(Second indorsement.) 

Headquarters Department of the Colorado, 

Denver, Colo., July 25, 1895. 
Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant-General of the 

The writer has had exceptional opportunity to familiarize 
himself with the Bannock and Shoshone Indians. 

From my knowledge of these Indians in 1872, and again 
in 1879, I feel an interest in this matter, and hope that Captain 
Van Orsdale 's recommendations and views may he favorably 

Brigadier-General, Commanding. 

Report, dated July 24, 1895, from Thomas B. Teter, United 
States Indian agent of Fort Hall Agency, Idaho : 

"I have the honor to inform you that upon receipt of tele- 
graphic instructions of the 17th instant I immediately pro- 
ceeded to Marysvale, Uinta County, Wyo., and report as 
follows upon the condition of affairs I found existing between 
settlers and Indians from this and other reservations hunting 
in that vicinity : 

''I ascertained the number of Indians in the vicinity of 
Marysvale to be from 200 to 300, about 50 of whom were Ban- 
nock Indians from this reservation, all encamped in Hobacks 
Canyon, or near Fall River, at a distance of 35 miles south- 
east from Marysvale, in the Jackson Hole country. 

"The Indians have for many years gone to the Jackson 
Hole country in search of big game, and it is only since the 
business of guiding tourists in search of big game has become 
so remunerative that objection has been made to their hunting 
in Wyoming. 

"The treaty of the Bannock and Shoshone Indians with 
the United States gives said Indians the right to hunt on the 
unoccupied lands of the United States so long as game may 
be found thereon and so long as peace subsists among the 
whites and Indians on the borders of the hunting districts, 
and the simple Indian mind can not grasp the idea that the 
State of Wyoming can prevent the fulfillment by the United 
States of the treaty with them. 

"I ascertained that settlers last year stated that if Indians 
returned for big game this season they would organize and 


wipe them out, the settlers looking upon big game as their 
exclusive property and considering every elk killed by an 
Indian a source of so much revenue lost to them. From re- 
liable informants I have no hesitation in stating that for every 
elk killed unlawfully by Indians two are killed unlawfully 
by settlers (in this connection I will state I was fed upon 
fresh-killed elk meat during my entire stay in the Jackson 
Hole country), and were these Indians citizens and voters in 
Wyoming enjoying similar privileges to settlers, their killing 
game unlawfully would never be questioned. 

"There are a few good citizens ranching in the Jackson 
Hole country, the majority of the citizens being men 'who 
have left their country for their country's good,' the Jackson 
Hole country being recognized in this country as the place 
of refuge for outlaws of every description from Wyoming, 
Idaho, and adjacent States. 

"The Indians killed by these settlers were practically 
massacred. The Indians, to the number of 16, having been 
arrested and disarmed, were taken before a justice of the 
peace, naturally in sympathy with settlers, and fined $75 each. 
The Indians being unable to pay the fine were herded like 
sheep and treated in a manner calculated to arouse their re- 
sentment, and which would not be tolerated by white men 
similarly situated. One batch, disarmed, were being driven 
by a body of armed settlers, and in passing over a trail where 
the Indians had been accustomed to ride in freedom, made a 
break for liberty, whereupon the guards opened fire at once 
and killed from four to seven Indians, going on the principle 
'a dead Indian is a good Indian.' 

' ' The men who committed this crime should be prosecuted 
to the fullest extent of the law and receive the severest penalty 
the law can give, not only as an example to other lawless set- 
tlers, but as a preventive of future disturbances between set- 
tlers and Indians, for if justice is not done the Indians in this 
case the Indians will seek revenge and a continuous border 
warfare will be the result. 

"A certain element among settlers in Jackson Hole coun- 
try seems determined to drive the Indians from that section at 
whatever cost, not recognizing any law themselves but that 
which serves their interests; and when I left Marysvale 75 of 
these men had organized, not for protection, but to attack the 
Indians. I warned them to desist, and requested all good 
citizens to use their influence to prevent this attack, stating 
I would advise the Department immediately of the true situ- 

"I, upon reaching telegraphic communication, advised you 
to send troops to scene of trouble at once, considering if law- 


less settlers carried out their intention of attacking Indians 
innocent persons would suffer — Indians as well as whites — 
and much property be destroyed ; considering also that the 
ill feeling existing between settlers and Indians could not be 
allayed without the presence of troops. 

''I consider the Jackson Hole affair a preconcerted scheme, 
on the part of a certain element among the settlers, to adopt 
measures to induce the Department to prevent Indians from 
revisiting Jackson Hole country ; settlers having informed me, 
while I was in Marysvale, that Indians visiting Jackson Hole 
country kept out hunting parties of tourists, which resulted 
in a loss to them of many dollars ; a settler stating to me he 
had made $800 last season guiding hunting parties, and that 
the continual hunting by Indians in Jackson Hole country 
would ruin his occupation." 

Report, dated August 7, 1895, from Agent Teter : 

''I have the honor to respectfully submit the Indian 
version of the killing of Indians by settlers in Uinta County, 
Wyo., on or about the 15th ultimo, and other matter in con- 
nection with the affair. 

"A hunting party of nine Indians, with their families and 
camp equipage, encamped on the banks of a stream in Uinta 
County, Wyo., were surrounded by an armed body of settlers, 
numbering twenty-seven, who demanded of the Indians their 
arms. The Indians, upon surrendering their arms, were sepa- 
rated into two parties ; the males, under a guard, were placed 
in the advance, while their families, pack animals, etc., also 
guarded, were placed in the rear about 50 yards. 

"The Indians, roughly treated, were driven throughout 
the day they knew not where, and as evening closed in the 
party approached a dense Avood, upon which the leader of the 
settlers spoke to his men, and they examined their arms, 
loading all empty chambers. The Indian women and children, 
observing this action, commenced wailing, thinking the Indian 
men were to be killed, which idea prevailed among the Indian 
men, who passed the word one to another to run when the 
woods were reached. 

"Upon reaching the woods the Indians, concluding their 
last hour had come, made a break for liberty; whereupon the 
settlers without warning opened fire, the Indians seeing two 
of their number drop from their horses. During the melee the 
Indian women and children scattered in every direction, aban- 
doning their pack animals. 

"The following morning the Indians, having gathered 
together, found they were minus two men and two papooses, 
and revisiting the scene of the shooting, could not find their 
people or their belongings, upon which they returned to the 


reservation, very fortunately meeting with other Indians who 
provided them with food. 

"One of the two men supposed to have been killed was 
recently discovered by scouts. He had been shot through the 
body from the back, the ball lodging in his left forearm, and 
he had crawled to a point several miles distant from the place 
of the shooting, subsisting for seventeen days upon the food 
which he had in his wallet at the time he was shot. 

"The body of the dead Indian was discovered in the 
woods near the place of the shooting, and, upon my recent visit 
to Jacksons Hole, Indian scouts were sent to bury the body. 
The Indians state of the man killed, an old man, that his 
horse's bridle was seized by a settler whilst another settler 
shot him down. 

' ' Of the two papooses lost one was found alive and taken 
to Fort Washakie by some Mormons; the other papoose, being 
only six months old, has undoubtedly perished. 

"A man named Smith reports having killed two Indians 
in Jacksons Hole. The truth of this report I was not able to 
ascertain, the settlers evincing an intensely bitter feeling to- 
ward me, threats of hanging me, etc., being made, and refusing 
to give me the desired information. 

"General Coppinger stated he would thoroughly investi- 
gate the Smith affair before he left Jacksons Hole, for me. 

"I have the names of the 27 settlers who were engaged 
in the killing of the 15th instant, and I will respectfully 
recommend that this affair be investigated by the Department 
of Justice with a view to the prosecution of the guilty parties. 

"I have recently given much thought tending to a per- 
manent solution of this vexed Indian question, and can reach 
no definite conclusion which would not require Congressional 

"The governor of Wyoming assuring settlers that they 
would be backed by him in their efforts to drive the Indians 
out and in keeping the Indians out of Wyoming, in my opinion, 
renders some decisive action imperatively necessary before 
the troops leave Jacksons Hole. The Indians, considering their 
treaty rights give to them the privilege of hunting in certain 
sections of Wyoming, will go hunting after harvest with or 
without my consent." 

No report has yet been received from the authorities of 
the State of Wyoming as to this matter, but for the purposes 
of history I deem it proper to quote at length an article in 
New York Evening Post of August 2, which purports to give 
a true account of the killing, as follows: 

"It turns out as we had anticipated. At all events a war 
correspondent of the World, who has penetrated to the seat of 


hostilities, so reports. He has interviewed a number of people 
at Jacksons Hole, including the man who did the shooting 
or ordered it to be done. From these sources of information 
it is learned that on the 7th of June a report came in that 
certain Bannocks were shooting elk in violation of the game 
laws of Wyoming. A warrant was issued for their arrest and 
placed in the hands of Constable William Manning, who se- 
lected twelve deputies and started out to find the trespassers. 
They found one Indian, named George, with several green 
hides in his possession. He was brought in, put on trial, con- 
victed, and fined $15. The fine was paid, and the hides were 

"On the 24th of June news came of further hunting by 
Indians. Another expedition was fitted out for their arrest, 
but they were found to be in such large numbers that it was 
deemed imprudent to attempt to bring them in. The constable 
and his men, however, moved freely among them and ordered 
them to desist, but according to the report which they brought 
back the trespassers were saucy and said they would hunt 
as much as they pleased. 

"Another attempt to arrest them was made on the 10th of 
July, when Manning started out with twenty-five deputies. 
They surprised an Indian camp at Fall River basin and ar- 
rested the male members, ten in number. All the parties, con- 
stables and Indians, and also the squaws, were mounted. The 
Indians were disarmed and placed in such a way that each one 
was preceded and followed by an armed white man, while 
armed white men rode alongside at certain intervals. Manning 
says that he had reason to think that the prisoners would try 
to escape, and that he gave orders if they did so to shoot their 
horses. Being asked if he gave orders to shoot the horses but 
not the Indians, he said 'No; I said nothing about the Indians 
themselves ; I simply said to shoot the horses first. The men 
understood that they had a right to shoot the Indians if there 
was no other means of preventing an escape.' Then the follow- 
ing colloquy took place, which puts the matter in a perfectly 
clear light: 

"Do I understand that these Indians were arrested, charged 
with an offense the maximum penalty for which is a fine of 
$10 and three months' imprisonment; that the men had not 
been tried, and that you consider that, in the event of their 
attempting to escape from your custody, vou had the right 
to kill them? 

"I would consider that my right, particularly with Indians, 
they being savages and likely to do harm themselves and to 
resist with arms. I believe I would have the right, considering 
this, to order the men to shoot them. 


"But I understand you to say you had satisfied yourself 
that they had no arms upon them? 

"That is correct as near as we could determine as to their 
having arms. 

"The sequel is already known. An attempt was made to 
escape. The Indians were shot, some killed, some wounded, 
but no horse was hurt; that would have been a wanton waste 
of property. 

"This is the white man's side of the case. The Indians 
have not been heard yet, except that one of them who was 
wounded tried to conceal the fact lest he should be put to 
death also. If the facts are correctly reported this was a case 
of massacre with premeditation. We trust that all .the means 
at the disposal of the Indian Rights Association as well as the 
means at the disposal of the Government will be employed to 
bring the assassins to justice. As to the 'Bannock War,' there 
is no such thing. The Bannocks are only a handful, and they 
have lived at peace with the whites for seventeen years. The 
survivors of them are only anxious to save their own lives, 
and well they may be, considering how the white man's law is 
executed in Wyoming." 

From unofficial sources it is known that the Indians re- 
turned to their reservation before the United States troops 
reached the "scene of devastation." 

As the truth became known, there came a rapid change of 
public sentiment in favor of the Indians, who were found to be 
the wronged parties, and against the lawless whites who had 
done all the killing that occurred at Jacksons Hole. Instead 
of the Bannocks declaring war, massacring whites, burning 
homes, with settlers fleeing for their lives, etc., they have, in 
the opinion of this office, been made the victims of a planned 
Indian outbreak by the lawless whites infesting the Jacksons 
Hole country with the idea of causing their extermination or 
their removal from that neighborhood. The Bannocks while 
peaceably hunting in that country were arrested by whites, 
who disarmed them and killed or shot several while they were 
trying to escape. Much to the credit of the incensed Indians, 
they returned peaceably to their reservation without retaliat- 
ing in any manner upon the whites. Not a white person was 
harmed, nor did they indulge in any act of violence toward 
the settlers. 

The newspapers throughout the country and many promi- 
nent and philanthropic persons have denounced this killing 
of Indians by the whites in Jacksons Hole as" an outrage and 
murder which should not be allowed to go unpunished, and 
they have urged that a searching official investigation be made 
by the government of this entire affair, to the end that the 
guilty whites may be brought to justice. 


The Bannocks themselves have repeatedly been promised 
that their wrongs should be thoroughly investigated and justice 
done them by the Government, and doubtless these assurances 
have had much to do in keeping them quiet thus far. There 
are, however, some of them that are eager for revenge upon 
the whites for the killing of their people, as is shown by the 
following telegram of August 14 from Agent Teter : 

"Certain Indians state they will go to Jacksons Hole for 
purpose of hunting as soon as haying season is over, claiming 
they will starve during the coming winter if they do not kill 
game at this season for winter subsistence, and that they have 
a right to hunt in Jacksons Hole. In my opinion it is abso- 
lutely necessary to keep the Indians on the reservation even 
if they are justified in going to Jacksons Hole, as they seem 
determined to have revenge upon settlers. Will go prepared 
for that purpose, and are discussing plans to that end. 

"The best solution of this affair I can present is to enter 
into the contract for the big ditch on the reservation as soon 
as possible, which will give the Indians employment and an 
opportunity to earn money with which to provide for them- 
selves through the winter. The Indians must be given employ- 
ment or increased rations, as they cannot subsist without food 
obtained from hunting until water is put on the reservation, 
when they will be practically self-supporting. 

"Will request you to wire me what I can state to the 
Indians relative to increased rations or employment should 
they remain on the reservation. -> 

In reply this office telegraphed the agent, August 16, the 
following : 

"Tell the Indians I do not want them to go off the reser- 
vation hunting this summer or fall, but want them to remain 
at home and continue their work, and if they will do this, I 
will increase their rations when needed and called for by you 
to keep them through the winter. 

"I also want to have work on Idaho Canal begun before 
long so that Indians can get employment and be paid for it. 
The friends of the Indians all over the country are watching 
the conduct of the Indians with deep interest and are anxious 
that they comply with my wishes and plans, knowing that I 
will do what is best for them. If they break away from me 
and do not permit me to manage for them, they will lose their 
friends and the mistake will be disastrous to them." 

In reply to the above telegram the agent reported. Au- 
gust 20, as follows : 

"In reply to your telegram of the 16th instant relative to 
increasing the Indians' rations and giving them employment, 
I have the honor to respectfully recommend that the Indians 


of this agency be given increased rations at once and employ- 
ment as soon as possible. 

"The Indians at present receive the following rations 
weekly: 2,880 pounds of flour; 4,800 pounds beef, gross, or 
2,300 pounds beef, net; 150 pounds sugar; 75 pounds coffee. 

"According to the census taken for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1895, the Indians on this reservation number 1,440, 
and I will respectfully recommend the above table of rations 
be increased as follows, on the basis of weekly issues: 5,040 
pounds flour, or 3% pounds per individual; 14,400 pounds 
beef, gross, or about 5 pounds net, per individual ; 480 pounds 
sugar, or one-third pound per individual; 240 pounds coffee, 
or one-sixth pound per individual. 

"Should the recommended increase in rations meet with 
your approval, I will respectfully request you to telegraph me 
authority to issue same." 

This office, in reply to the agent's request, sent him the 
following telegram, August 31 : 

"Issue rations as requested in your letter of 20th. Report 
how long increase is to continue, how long present supply will 
last at increased rate. Estimate for what additional supply 
will be needed." 

The agent, as requested, made the desired estimate for the 
additional supply of rations on September 3, and was advised 
by this office September 12, 1895, as follows : 

"You are advised that the superintendent of the New 
York Indian warehouse has this day been directed to order, 
under existing contracts, the following articles (called for in 
your estimate of 3rd instant), and to ship them to your agency 
(for issue to Indians during current fiscal year) at the earliest 
practical date, viz: 13,000 pounds sugar; 6,500 pounds coffee; 
540 pounds baking powder, in one-quarter pound tins. 

"The Honorable Secretary of the Interior has also been 
requested to authorize you to publish an advertisement invit- 
ing proposals for furnishing and delivering the gross beef 
and flour called for in said estimate, and when said authority 
shall have been granted you, you will be duly notified. 

"The gross beef and flour contracts will be increased 25 
per cent, as requested, and you will be informed when con- 
tractors are notified." 

The authority above referred to was granted in Depart- 
ment letter of September 14, and the agent duly notified of 
the same September 17. 

To briefly summarize the facts in the case so far as is 
shown by the official reports that have reached this office : 
The Bannock and Shoshone Indians have been in the habit 
for many years past of going to the Jackson Hole country to 
hunt game for subsistence. They have been guaranteed by 


treaty with the United States the right to hunt upon the 
unoccupied lands of the United States so long as game may 
be found thereon and so long as peace subsists among the 
whites and Indians on the borders of the hunting districts. 
The settlers of the country bordering this game region have 
looked upon the said hunting grounds as their own exclusive 
property, and for the past two years have been steadily com- 
plaining through official and unofficial sources to this office 
to the end that the Indians might be kept out. The Indians, 
through their respective agents, have been repeatedly warned 
against the wanton killing of game. Further, the settlers 
have claimed that the Indians hunted and killed game in 
violation of the game laws of the State of Wyoming ; and it 
would appear that they had at last organized a scheme to 
drive the Indians from these hunting grounds regardless of 

The first serious affair occurred on or about July 15, 1895, 
when a hunting party of nine Bannocks with their families, en- 
camped on the banks of a stream in Uinta County, "Wyo., were 
surrounded by an armed body of settlers, numbering twenty- 
seven, who disarmed all of the Indians and "drove" them 
all day in single file closely guarded. In the evening the 
Indians, who had been roughly treated during the day, became 
frightened, and supposing they were all to be shot, made a 
dash for their liberty. The settlers without any warning fired 
upon them, killing one outright and badly wounding another. 
Two papooses were lost, one of which was afterwards found 
alive, the other no doubt having perished, or been killed. 

The Shoshone and Bannock Indians have the right under 
their treaty 1 of July 3, 1868 (15 Stats., 673), to hunt on unoc- 
cupied lands of the United States, the fourth article of which 
treaty provides as follows : 

"The Indians herein named agree, when the agency house 
and other buildings shall be constructed on their reservations 

1. The language used in treaties with the Indians should never be 
construed to their prejudice. * * * How the Avords of the treaty were 
understood by these unlettered people rather than their critical meaning 
should form the rule of construction. (Worcester v. Georgia, 6 Peters, 

A treaty is the supreme law of the land, binding upon the courts 
as much as an act of Congress. (United States v. Peggv, 5 U. S., 103; 
Strother v. Lucas, 12 Peters, 410.) 

In this respect a treaty with an Indian tribe, or with two or more 
Indian tribes, stands with treaties with foreign countries. A treaty with 
an Indian tribe is the supreme law of the land. Courts can not annul its 
effect or operation. (Fellows v. Blacksmith, 19 How., 366.) 

Every treaty made by the authority of the United States is superior 
to the constitution and laws of any individual State. If a law of a 
State is contrary to a treaty it is void. (Ware v. Hylton, 3 Dall., 199; 
Hauenstein v. Lynham. 100* U. S., 483.) 


named, they will make said reservations their permanent home 
and they will make no permanent settlement elsewhere; but 
they shall have the right to hunt on the unoccupied lands of 
the United States so long as game may be found thereon and 
so long as peace subsists among the whites and Indians on 
the borders of the hunting districts." 

The Shoshone and Bannock Indians knew nothing about 
what is known now in the game laws of the various States as 
a "closed season," during which hunting is prohibited by law. 
Their treaty must be construed therefore as to mean that these 
Indians should have the right to hunt on unoccupied lands of the 
United States where game may be found and at any and all 
times of the year. The laws of the State of Wyoming which 
prohibit hunting within the State for certain kinds of game 
during certain months must be construed in the light of the 
treaty granting rights to these Indians to hunt on the unoc- 
cupied lands within the State, so far as they apply to the 
Shoshone and Bannock Indians. It is not competent for the 
State to pass any law which would modify, limit, or in any 
way abridge the right of the Indians to hunt as guaranteed 
by the treaty. The fact, as shown in the official correspondence 
above quoted, that the Bannock Indians, against whom com- 
plaint was made and against whom the people of Jacksons Hole 
country have been so theatening in their demonstrations, were 
encamped 35 or 40 miles from any settlement in a wild and 
almost impenetrable country would indicate that this section 
of the country was unoccupied lands of the United States, and 
that the Indians therefore had a perfect right, and violated 
no law, in being there to hunt game for subsistence. 

It is shown by the official reports from Agent Teter and 
army officers that the Bannock Indians were not engaged in a 
wanton killing of game, but that they were in that section of 
country for the purpose of hunting for subsistence and to pre- 
pare against the approaching winter. This they had a perfect 
right to do, and the action of the authorities of Wyoming in 
arresting some of them under provisions of the laws of that 
State and imposing fines under said laws was unlawful, as 
was held by the Supreme Court in Hauenstein v. Lynham : 
"If the law of a State is contrary to a treaty it is void." 
Therefore for the purpose to which the laws of Wyoming were 
applied by the authorities of that State, viz, to prohibit the 
Bannock Indians from hunting on unoccupied lands of the 
United States therein and to punish them therefor, the game 
laws of the State of Wyoming are absolutely null and void, 
and the authorities of the State took this action on their own 
responsibility and were trespassers on the rights of the Indians 
to that extent. (See Poindexter v. Greenhow, Virginia coupon 
cases, 114 U. S., 270.) The fines imposed upon them. 


the confiscation of their property, and the imprisonment of 
some are all illegal, for which the United States would seem 
to be responsible to the Indians under article 1 of the said 
treaty of 1868, which provides, among other things, as follows : 

If bad among the whites, or any other people subject to 
the authority of the United States, shall commit any wrong 
upon the person or property of the Indians, the United States 
will, upon proof made to the agent and forwarded to the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs at Washington City, proceed at 
once to cause the offenders to be arrested and punished ac- 
cording to the laws of the United States, and also reimburse the 
injured person for the loss sustained. 

If, as seems to me to be the case under the decisions of 
the Supreme Court, the laws of the State of Wyoming under 
which these arrests were made, and fines, confiscations, and 
imprisonments imposed, are void for the purpose, the acts of 
the authorities of Wyoming in this regard are to lie construed 
in the same light as if they had been the acts of persons not 
holding any official relation to the government of the State, and 
as wrongs committed upon the person and property of the 
Indians by the people subject to the jurisdiction of the United 
States, and therefore this Government might be held responsi- 
ble under the treaty. 

It appears from reports that the Indians not only suffered 
arrests, fines, loss of their property, and imprisonment, but 
that, at least, one of them lost his life at the hands of these 
white people, alleged officers of the State of Wyoming ; another 
was wounded and one child was lost, probably perished in the 
forests. The killing of this Indian can not be held to be any- 
thing less than murder, for it appears from the most reliable 
accounts received in this office that the so-called deputy sheriffs 
had, in anticipation of an attempt to escape, agreed between 
them to shoot their prisoners, although they had been arrested 
and charged with simply a misdemeanor punishable by a small 
fine under the laws of the State. The Indians say that when 
they made their break for liberty they were led to believe by 
the action of their captors that they were preparing to kill 
them, and it seems from the newspaper clipping above quoted 
from the New York Evening Post, that the apprehensions of 
the Indians were not without some ground, for the officer in 
charge of the deputies stated that he considered that he had 
a right to kill an Indian who had been arrested for an offense 
the maximum penalty for which is a fine of $10 and three 
months' imprisonment if such Indian attempted to escape, 
even though he had not been tried. 

Recommendation was made in my report of August IT. 
1895, that the entire matter be referred to the Department of 
Justice with the request that a thorough and exhaustive in- 


vesigation be made into the affair with the view to taking- 
such action as might be deemed expedient and lawful for the 
punishment of the parties guilty of wronging the Indians. 

The case was submitted to the Attorney-General of the 
United States, who stated, August 23 last, that he had tele- 
graphed the United States attorney for Wyoming, directing 
him to apply for writs of habeas corpus in case any Indians 
were confined at Evanston by the State authorities ; and that he 
was not aware of any law under which the Department of 
Justice could assist in obtaining redress for the Indians who 
had paid their fines, "or in punishing, civilly or criminally, 
the persons who have done them injury, even the murderers." 

August 30, 1895, the Acting Attorney-General stated that 
he was informed by the United States attorney for the district 
of "Wyoming August 23, 1895, that he had been unable to learn 
that any Indians were then under confinement for alleged 
violation of Wyoming game laws, and that the Bannock In- 
dians who had been imprisoned had been allowed to escape 
by the authorities at Marysvale. In regard to a report con- 
cerning the outrages on the Indians made to him by one of 
the Government employees in Wyoming, whom he regarded as 
capable, observant, and trustworthy, the district attorney said : 

"From the statements made by him, and from other sources 
of information, I have no doubt whatever that the killing of the 
Indian Ta ne ga on, on or about the 13th of July, was an atroci- 
ous, outrageous, and cold-blooded murder, and that it was a 
murder perpetrated on the part of the constable, Manning, 
and his deputies in pursuance of a scheme and conspiracy on 
their part to prevent the Indians from exercising a right and 
privilege which is, in my opinion, very clearly guaranteed to 
them by the treaty before mentioned. ' ' 

The Acting Attorney-General, in closing, said : • ' There is, 
however, unfortunately no statute of the United States under 
which this Department can afford any assistance." He in- 
closed a copy of the report in the case forwarded by the United 
States district attorney, which reads as follows : 

"A careful investigation of the whole affair will, I am 
certain, result in showing the correctness of the following 
statements, which are made after personally interviewing a 
number of the leading participants in the trouble, both among 
the Indians and the Jacksons Hole settlers, and by noting the 
exact condition of affairs in the region relative to the habits 
of the Indians, the settlers, etc. 

"First. I desire to state that the reports made by settlers 
charging the Indians with wholesale slaughter of game for 
wantonness or for the purpose of securing the hides of the 
animals killed have been very much exaggerated. During my 
stay in Jacksons Hole I visited many portions of the district 


and saw no evidence of such slaughter. Lieutenants Gardner, 
Parker, and Jackson, of the Ninth United States Cavalry, who 
conducted scouting parties of troops through all portions of 
Jacksons Hole, also found this to be the case. No carcasses or 
remains of elk were found in quantities to justify such charges. 
On August 12, I visited a camp of Bannock Indians who had 
been on a hunting trip in Jacksons Hole until ordered by the 
troops to return to their reservation. I found the Indian women 
of the party preparing the meat of seven or eight elk for winter 
use, drying and ' jerking ' it. Every particle of flesh had been 
taken from the bones, even the tough portions of the neck be- 
ing preserved. The sinews and entrails were saved, the former 
for making threads for making gloves and clothing, and the 
latter for casings. The hides were being prepared for tanning ; 
the brains had been eaten ; some of the bones had been broken 
and the marrow taken out and others were being kept to make 
whip handles and pack-saddle crosstrees. In fact every part 
of the animal was being utilized either for future food supply 
or possible source of profit. 

"Second. In connection with the troubles between the 
Indians and the whites, I spent some time inquiring into the 
causes for the unconcealed hostility of the Jacksons Hole 
people against the Indians, I found little or no complaint among 
the settlers of offensive manners on the part of the Indians. 
Except in rare instances they have kept away from the houses 
of the settlers and have not been in the habit of begging. In 
no instance has there ever been a well-authenticated case where 
a settler has been molested by an Indian. 

"About twenty-five of the Jacksons Hole settlers are pro- 
fessional guides for tourists and hunting parties visiting the 
region from other States and from abroad. The business is 
very profitable, guides sometimes making sufficient money in 
the short hunting season to keep them through the remainder 
of the year. These guides, while most of them have small 
ranches, make stock raising, or the cultivation of their places, 
a secondary consideration, and make the business of guiding 
tourists, or 'dudes' as they are called in the region, their prin- 
cipal occupation. The killing of game by the Indians and by 
the increasing number of 'dude' hunters threatens to so deplete 
the region of big game, deer, elk. moose, etc., as to jeopardize 
the occupation of the guides. 

"It was decided at the close of last season to keep the 
Indians out of the region this year, and the events of this sum- 
mer are the results of carefully prepared plans. Mr. Petti- 
grew, United States commissioner at Marysvale. said: 'At our 
last election the question of keeping out the Indians was the 
most important one we had to deal with, and the township 
officers elected, constable and justice of the peace, were selected 


because we knew they would take decided steps to help us 
keep the Indians out.' Constable Manning said: 'We knew 
very well when we started in on this thing that we would bring 
matters to a head. We knew someone was going to be killed, 
perhaps some on both sides, and we decided the sooner it was 
done the better, so that we could get the matter before the 
courts. ' 

"Third. If a full investigation of the Jacksons Hole affair 
should be had the fact will be established that when Constable 
Manning and his posse of 26 settlers arrested a party of In- 
dians on July 13 and started with them for Marysvale, he and 
his men did all they could to tempt the Indians to try to escape 
in order that there might be a basis of justification for killing 
some of them. On July 4 a party of eight Bannocks was ar- 
rested on Rock Creek near the head of Green River and taken 
to Marysvale, where six of the party were fined $75 each and 
costs, the total amount of fine and costs being about $1,400. 
This the Indians were unable to pay, and they were placed 
under guard to await instructions as to their disposal. The 
county authorities from whom the information was asked 
failed to reply to the inquiries of the Jacksons Hole officers, 
who at once relaxed guard duty over the Indians who escaped 
from custody. 

"The next arrest of Indians was made July 13. Constable 
Manning and 26 deputies surrounded a camp of 10 bucks and 
13 squaws at night, and early in the morning with guns leveled 
at the Indians made the arrest, the Indians offering no resis- 
tance. The arrest was made on Fall River, 55 miles from 
Marysvale. The warrant was for Bannock and Shoshone In- 
dians, the names and number of the Indians to be arrested not 
being stated. After the arrest was made, the arms, meat and 
other articles in the possession of the Indians were taken from 
them. Constable Manning also took their passes, ration checks, 
etc. These papers gave the names and residence of most of the 
Indians. From an interview with Nemits, an Indian boy, who 
was one of the party of Indians arrested and shot, and from in- 
terviews with several of Mr. Manning's posse, I learned that 
the constable and his men told the Indians some of them would 
be hung and some would be sent to jail and that this was be- 
lieved by the Indians. The constable also said in the hearing of 
the Indians, some of whom understood English, that if the 
Indians attempted to escape the men should shoot their horses. 

"If the truth of the matter can be reached it will be found 
that the captors did not care particular^ about getting their 
prisoners safely to Marysvale, where the same formality of 
fining them and then having to let them escape would result, 
as in the previous case, but on the contrary tempted the Indians 
to try to escape, first, by making them believe if they tried to 


escape their horses only, and not they, would be shot. The 
Indians are in many respects like children, and are very 
credulous. They believed the threats of being sent to jail 
and of being hung were true, and they saw no trick in Man- 
ning's instructions, given in their hearing, to shoot their 
horses if they tried to get away. 

"In an interview with Constable Manning he was asked 
why he did not tie the Indians on their horses and thus effec- 
tively prevent their escape. He said in reply : ' The trail was 
a dangerous one and if a horse fell the Indian tied on might 
get hurt and I would have been censured.' Asked why it was 
necessary to kill the escaping prisoners when he knew their 
names and addresses and could have subsequently obtained his 
prisoners by going to the Fort Hall Agency for them, he said : 
'The agent would probably refuse to give up the Indians if 
any demand were made for them.' 

"From Mr. Manning I learned that none of the horses of 
the escaping party of Indians were shot, notwithstanding his 
order, but that at least six' Indians were hit by bullets. Of 
these, Timeha, an old man, was killed ; Nemits, a boy of about 
20, was wounded so that he could not escape, and the others 
got away. Constable Manning said to me: 'The old Indian 
was killed about 200 yards from the trail. He was shot in the 
back and bled to death. He would have been acquitted had 
he come in and stood his trial, for he was an old man, almost 
blind, and his gun was not fit to kill anything.' 

"When the body of this old, sick, blind man was found 
after lying unburied in the woods for about twenty days it Avas 
found he had been shot four times in the back. The boy. 
Nemits, who was wounded, was shot through the body and 
arm. He was left on the ground where the shooting occurred, 
and remained there, living on some dried meat for ten days. 
He crawled for three nights to reach a ranch of a man friendly 
to Indians, and was seventeen days without medical attendance. 

"The whole affair was, 1 believe, a premeditated and pre- 
arranged plan to kill some Indians and thus stir up sufficient 
trouble to subsequently get United States troops into the region 
and ultimately have the Indians shut out from Jacksons Hole. 
The plan was successfully carried out and the desired results 
obtained. It would, however, be but an act of simple justice 
to bring the men who murdered the Indian, Timega, to trial. 
I would state, however, in this connection that there are no 
Officials in Jacksons Hole — county. State, or national — who 
would hold any of Manning's posse for trial. Either the anti- 
Indian proclivities of these officials or the fear of opposing the 
dominating sentiment of the community on this question 
would lead them to discharge all of these men should they be 
brought before them for a hearing." 


August 19, 1895, Agent Teter telegraphed this office as 
follows : 

"Bannock Indians are very sullen and very much dissatis- 
fied. Have recently had several brawls with whites, and if 
another Indian is killed an outbreak is liable to occur ; and I 
will advise as a precautionary measure that soldiers be sta- 
tioned on reservation until Indians quiet down. Signal fires 
have been burning on the highest points of the reservation for 
several nights. 

"Your telegram promising Indians increased rations and 
employment did not placate them. They still demand privi- 
lege of hunting." 

The War Department was thereupon advised of this in- 
formation, which was transmitted to Brigadier-General Cop- 
pinger, who stationed a small military force on the reservation, 
to remain until the Indians become quieted down. 

On August 26, 1895, the agent telegraphed: 

"Consider it necessary for purpose of allaying discontent 
among Indians to send party of Indians into Jacksons Hole to 
obtain their property held by settlers, and will request author- 
ity to have an employee accompany them. Answer." 

This was also submitted to the War Department for an 
opinion as to the advisability of allowing these Indians to go 
to the scene of the late troubles for the purposes indicated. 
The Secretary of War, September 7, 1895, stated that the mat- 
ter had been referred to Brig. Gen. J. J. Coppinger, command- 
ing Department of the Platte, who reported as follows : 

"These Bannocks have an undoubted right to seek their 
property illegally held by white men in Jacksons Hole. If 
the Bannocks go there without proper guard they run the risk 
of being again shot at, or again arrested under cover of war- 
rant, by the rustlers. The commanding officer of the troops 
now at Fort Hall Agency can furnish the necessary men for 
guard or escort. If these Bannocks go to Jacksons Hole they 
should be placed in charge of a discreet and experienced em- 
ployee of the Indian Bureau ; one accustomed to deal with 
both Indians and rustlers; this in order to guard against 
further bloodshed and consequent complications." 

The Secretary of War concurred in the views expressed 
by Brigadier General Coppinger, and this office therefore in- 
structed Agent Teter, on September 11, 1895, that a party of 
not to exceed eight Bannocks might be permitted to make the 
proposed trip to recover their property taken by whites, pro- 
vided they were accompanied by himself or a trusted and 
competent agency employee, and by a proper escort of soldiers. 
Recommendation was therefore made that the War Department 
be requested to issue such orders as might be necessary for 
the required escort of United States troops. 


In view of the provisions contained in Article I of the 
treaty of the United States with these Indians, this office, Au- 
gust 27, 1895, addressed the following letter to their agent : 

Article 1 of the treaty with the Eastern Band of Shoshones 
and the Bannock tribe of Indians, concluded July 3, 1868 (15 
Stats., 673), provides as follows: 

* * * "If had men among the whites, or among other 
people subject to the authority of the United States, shall 
commit any wrong upon the person or property of the Indians, 
the United States will, upon proof made to the agent and 
forwarded to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Wash- 
ington City, proceed at once to cause the offender to be ar- 
rested and punished according to the laws of the United 
States, and also reimburse the injured person for the loss 
sustained.'' * * * 

I desire you to obtain, at the earliest practicable date, 
such proof as you may be able to procure of the wrongs com- 
mitted upon the persons and property of the Bannock Indians 
in the Jacksons Hole country, and forward the same to this 
office. Affidavits of the Indians against whom the offenses 
were committed and of eyewitnesses or persons knowing to 
the facts, will answer the purpose. 

The agent replied September 3, 1895, transmitting two 
affidavits from certain of the Indians, which read as follows: 

COUNTY OF BINGHAM, State of Idaho, ss: 

Personally before me appeared Eavenel Macbeth, who, 
being duly sworn, deposeth and says that he is employed as 
chief clerk at Fort Hall Agency, Idaho, and while on duty 
in that capacity he accompanied U. S. Indian Agent Thomas 
B. Teter to Marysvale (Jacksons Hole), Uintah County, Wyo- 
ming, to assist in conducting an investigation relative to the 
killing of certain Bannock Indians by citizens of the State of 
Wyoming ; that in an official conversation with one Frank H. 
Rhoads, justice of the peace, he (Rhoads) said to me that before 
issuing warrants for the arrest of the Bannock Indians who 
were hunting in Wyoming, he (Rhoads) wrote to Governor 
Richards, of Wyoming, requesting instructions and asking if 
he (Rhoads) could depend upon him (Governor Richards') to 
protect him (Rhoads) in the event of trouble with the United 
States authorities over the arrest of said Bannock Indians: 
and that said Governor Richards wrote him (Rhoads), " direct- 
ing him to enforce the laws of Wyoming, to put the Indians 
out of Jackson's Hole, and to keep them out at all costs, to 
depend upon him for protection, and that he (Governor Rich- 
ards) would see him through,*' whereupon he (Rhoads) acted. 
Further deponent saith not. 



Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3rd day of Sep- 
tember, 1895. 

P. H. RAY, 
Captain, Eighth Infantry, Summary Court Officer. 
Witness : 


Captain, Eighth Infantry. 
Fort Hall Agency, Idaho. 

COUNTY OF BINGHAM, State of Idaho, ss: 

Personally appeared before me Ben Senowin, a Bannock 
Indian, who, being duly sworn, deposeth and says: That he is 
the head of a clan, and that on or about July 15, 1895, while 
hunting on unoccupied Government lands east of Jacksons 
Hole, in the county of Uinta, State of Wyoming, under a pass 
from the U. S. Indian agent at Fort Hall Agency, and provi- 
sions of article 4 of the treaty with the Shoshones (Eastern 
band) and Bannock Indians, dated July 3, 1868, and ratified 
February 16, 1869, in company with Nemuts, Wa ha she go, 
Ya pa ojo, Poo dat, Pah gob zite, Mah mout, Se we a gat, 
Boo wah go, thirteen women and five children, all Bannock 
Indians, were, while in camp, feloniously assaulted and by force 
of arms attacked by a party of twenty-seven white men, and 
having been made under threat of death to give up all of their 
arms, consisting of seven rifles and ammunition, were marched 
thirty miles, more or less, in the direction of the white settle- 
ment ; that during the afternoon of the aforesaid date, while 
passing through a belt of timber, the deponent saw several 
of the white men placing cartridges in their rifles and believ- 
ing his own life and the lives of the members of his party to 
be in danger, called upon his people to run and escape, where- 
upon the white men, without just cause or provocation, com- 
menced to fire with rifles loaded with ball cartridges upon 
him, the deponent, and his people ; that he, the deponent, saw 
one Indian named Se we a gat fall dead, killed by said fire, 
and one Nemuts wounded, and that one infant was lost while 
they were escaping and has not since been found ; and deponent 
further saith himself and his party were by force of arms of 
said party of white men and by threats of instant death feloni- 
ously deprived and robbed of the following articles of per- 
sonal property, to wit : Seven rifles, twenty saddles, twenty 
blankets, one horse, nine packs of meat, and nine tepees, more 
or less ; and deponent further saith that neither he or any of 
his people were told why or by what authority they were as- 
saulted ; that he is not aware that either he or any of his party 
had committed any offense against the laws of any State or 
the United States; or that he or any of his party ever at- 


tempted or offered any violence, or had made any threats 
against the life or property of any white man ; that the white 
man never gave him or his party any hearing, or asked him or 
his party any questions through an interpreter or otherwise; 
that neither he or any of his party were ever called upon to 
answer or plead in any court of justice or make answer to 
anv charge whatsoever. 

BEX (his x mark) SENOWIN. 
Witness : 


Sworn and subscribed to before me this 1st day of Sep- 
tember, 1895. 

P. H. RAY, 
Captain, Eighth Infantry, Summary Court Officer. 
Fort Hall Agency, Idaho. 

I certify on honor that the following names were given 
me by Frank H. Rhoads, J. P., as the names of the men who 
committed the assault put forth in the foregoing affidavit : 
J. G. Fisk, Ham Wort, Steve Adams, Joe Calhoun, William 
Crawford, Ed. Crawford, Martin Nelson, Joe Enfinger, W. 
Hunger, Ed. Hunter, Frank Woods, Frank Peterson, Jack 
Shive, George Madison, Andrew Madison, M. V. Giltner, 
Charles Estes, James Estes, Tom Estes, George Wilson, John 
Wilson, Erv Wilson, Victor Gustavse, Steve Leek, William 
Bellvne and John Cherrey, and William Manning. 

Thos. B. Teter, U. S. Indian Agent. 

COUNTY OF BINGHAM, State of Idaho, ss: 

Personally appeared before me Nemuts, Boo wah go, 
Ya pa ojo, Mah mout, Wa ha she go, Poo dat, and Pah goh zite, 
Bannock Indians, who being duly sworn, deposeth and say that 
they have heard the interpreter read to them the foregoing 
affidavit of Ben Senowin ; that they were present and know 
of their own knowledge the statement set forth is true to the 
best of their knowledge and belief. 

NEMUTS (his x mark). 

BOO WAH GO (his x mark). 

YAPA OJO (his x mark). 

MAH MOUT (his x mark). 

WA HA SHE GO (his x mark). 

POO DAT (his x mark). 

PAH GOH ZITE (his x mark). 
Witnesses : 



Sworn and subscribed to before me this 1st day of Sep- 
tember, 1895. 

P. H. RAY, 
Captain, Eighth Infantry, Summary Court Officer. 

Fort Hall Agency, Idaho. 
Witness : 


Captain, Eighth Infantry. 

Report was thereupon made to the Department Septem- 
ber 11, 1895, inclosing a copy of the above affidavits. 

As shown by Article I, heretofore quoted, of the treaty 
of these Indians with the United States, concluded July 3, 
1868 (15 Stats., 673), this Government is bound, under the said 
treaty provisions, to cause the offenders' arrest and punish- 
ment according to the laws of the L^nited States, and also to 
reimburse the injured persons for loss sustained. The proof 
necessary, as stipulated in the said Article I, is now before the 
Department, and, in the opinion of this office, no means should 
be left untried and no efforts be spared by the Department 
to the end that the treaty provisions with these Indians may 
be faithfully carried out and good faith kept with them on the 
part of the Government. 

In view of the above, and of the fact that these Indians 
are still sullen and very much dissatisfied with the action 
already had in the case, and urge that the guilty whites be 
punished, it was submitted in my said report of September 
11. 1895, whether or not something could be done by the De- 
partment of Justice toward punishing the offenders. 

In the Report of the Board of Indian Commissioner, AVash- 
ington, D. C, January 1896, we find the following: 

Jacksons Hole* 

The details of the troubles at Jacksons Hole, Wyoming, 
are so fully set forth in the reports of the Commissioner and 
Secretary and in the public press that we need not dwell 
upon them at length. It is now well understood that the alarm- 
ing reports spread abroad of threatened massacres by the 
Bannock Indians were false ; that no white persons were in- 
jured or in danger, and that the only victims of the disturbance 
were Indians, one of whom was cruelly murdered in cold blood, 
and, as the district attorney affirms, ' ' in pursuance of a scheme 
and conspiracy to prevent the Indians from exercising a right 
and privilege which is very clearly guaranteed to them by 
treaty." This right to hunt has been sustained by the United 

*Ibid., p. 991. 


States district court, which, in a test case, decided and "held 
the laws of Wyoming- invalid against the Indians' treaty." 
It is also gratifying' to know that the Department of Justice 
has taken under consideration the question of prosecuting the 
whites who committed the outrages upon the Indians, and has 
instructed the United States attorney to indict the parties 
and prosecute the case with vigor. We are sure that all upright 
citizens agree with us in commending the earnest and vigorous 
efforts of the Interior Department to vindicate the rights of 
the Indians and to justly punish the perpetrators of the outrage. 


It was about 1889, that Owen Wister arrived at Medicine 
Bow station by the Union Pacific R. R. from New York. Over 
the late-mentioned round up territory he gathered inspiration 
for the writing of his popular novel, "The Virginian. " His 
pen drifted north as he wrote. He reached trails' end with 
imaginary herds of cattle, gathered from the wilds, for ship- 
ment to Chicago markets by way of the Northern Pacific- 
Railroad from Montana. 

The principal characters of his drama, The Virginian, Judge 
Henry, The Schoolmarm, Cipico and Trampas, were not known 
in the Medicine Bow area at that time, as The Rider recalls. 
A few years later a hotel was built at Medicine Bow and named 
The Virginian, in remembrance of the author. 

M. Wilson Rankin. 

Documents and Cetters 

V,'-.. . .i' .■,.:••■> • , ,,'<.":-:'■ . 



1 w- -■■■ { ,*. k-*+- 


Frifi its CamiHenersieiit to tfe Ttmnt Tim, 

« \ mw%>mn$, s? tut r*h.wtk».' 


r; •:<*'-* 


By Dominic A. Brosnan* 

The caption at the head of this article is the title of Vol- 
ume 12, New Hampshire Historical Society Collections, edited 
by Otis G. Hammond, published at Concord, N. H., 1928. 

Today when the public is urged to contribute books of real 
value to men in the armed services — outside of the Bible and 
books that inculcate man's duty to God, his neighbors, and 
himself — I know of none of such outstanding merit and attrac- 
tion likely to prove of interest and be of educational value to 
our youth in uniform as this. The book contains the letters 
of Capt. Jesse Augustus Gove, 10th Infantry, U. S. A., of Con- 
cord, N. H., to Mrs. Gove, and special correspondence of the 
New York Herald. The book is in two parts, the Gove letters — 
202 pages; and the New York Herald correspondence, biograph- 
ical references, and index — 240 pages. 

I am the fortunate — I may say proud — possessor of the 
majority of the envelopes that carried the Gove letters, written 
between June 22, 1857 and August 5, 1858. The original letters 
consist of 700 pages. The envelopes are franked with 3e 1851 
and 1857 stamps. Many of the cancellations are of unusual 
interest to philatelists. The outstanding one is a straight 
lined cancellation; FORT BRIDGER, U. T., March 1. 1858, 
illustrated below. 

*Dominie Aloysius Brosnan was born in London, England, of Irish 
parentage in 1868. 

Attended Saint Charles College and Saint Joseph 's College in London, 
until 14 years of age, when his father, having financial reverses could 
no longer continue his schooling. 

He began stamp collecting at the early age of ten, when in 1S7S, 
with the help of two American boys, schoolmates, he developed a keen 
interest in stamp collecting. At the age of IS years, he had become ac- 
quainted with many great English collectors, notably T. K. Tapling, 
member of Parliament, whose great collection was donated to the 
"British Museum in London. 

He visited the capitals and large cities of continental Europe be- 
tween 1890 and 1900 where he saw all the important stamp collections 
and collectors. In 1900 gave up stamp collecting. 

Came to the United States in 1904 at the invitation of a western 
financier to enter the banking business, but ill health detained him in 
the east. 

Between 19141918, was engaged in expedition machinery production 
for export to the allies in Europe. 

In 1919 again took up stamp collecting, establishing a business in 
Boston. An accident compelled him to retire in 1931. 

He is a Roman Catholic. Married Emma M. Lauson, R. X.. in 1920, 
who was a native of Canada. 



This cancellation ties a pair of 3c 1851 to the cover. The 
cancellation is also struck diagonally on the left of the enve- 
lope. I found the covers in the collection of the late Major 
Lynde Sullivan, of Durham, N. H., which I purchased in Sep- 
tember 1924. The envelopes were addressed to Mrs. J. A. 
Gove, or Mrs. Capt. J. A. Gove. 

In trying to arrange the envelopes chronologically I was 
beset with difficulties. The writer seemed to be an ubiquitous 
person who was able to mail his letters at various points hun- 

One of the envelopes from the Gove letters from the collection of the 

author. This one bears the straight line Fort Bridger, U. T. 

cancellation, dated March 1, 1858. 


dreds of miles apart at or about the same time. I wrote in 
September 1924 to Major Lynde Sullivan, asking if he could 
help me in the matter by giving me some information as to 
the letters that had been in the envelopes. This he was re- 
luctant to do. However, I soon located the letters in the 
archives of the New Hampshire Historical Society. On Octo- 
ber 7, 1924, I received the following letter from Otis G. Ham- 
mond, Director of the Society. 

"Dear Sir: 

We have a large number of letters and papers of Capt. Jesse A. 
Gove, II. S. A., and shall be glad to have you examine them at any time. 
We have also a photograph of him, 

(Signed) Otis G. Hammond." 


The above letter was in answer to my letter inquiring as 
to Gove letters. . 

I made a trip to Concord, and spent two glorious days 
reading Capt. Gove's letters to his wife, making notes, etc. I 
found that the covers from Major Sullivan's collection were 
practically a complete set covering the letters to Mrs. Captain 
Gove during the Mormon Campaign, with the exception of 
letters from Camp Floyd, Utah, July and August, 1858, prior 
to Capt.. Gove's return home on leave of absence. The latter 
Mrs. Hammond's daughter, Priscilla, kindly let me have later 
to complete my set. All are postmarked Salt Lake City, Utah. 

The last letter from Camp Floyd, August 5, 1858, before 
Capt. Gove's departure from home, was contained in a 6e 
green stamped envelope, 1857, cancelled Aug. 7, '58, the only 
cover in the series bearing other than 3c stamps. The letter the 
envelope contained is typical of Capt. Gove's literary style: 

' < Camp Floyd, II. T., 
August 5, 1858. 

"Dear Maria: 

What do you think I have been doing today — well I have been an- 
noyed and disturbed by having a clearing out of my tents. It is a 
disagreeable duty but those things must be done; but it is useless to 
try to keep things in order and repair, but those who enjoy must suffer — 
so when a man gets a leave of absence to start for the States in two 
days, he ought to suffer — Dunovant sits here scolding me that I don't 
tell you directly that we both have got the documents in our pockets; 
and in other words we have got a leave of ABSENCE — Now don't ery, 
says Dunovant; so say I — but if there is any virtue in mules and horses 
we shall be on the borders of civilization by the first October next. 

Write me at Fort Leavenworth in care of Col. Bich, P. M. Dunovant 
says that I shall see Charlie by the 20th September, but I don 't believe 
that. We have both of us been to N. Y., Washington, and had several 
frolics — all in imagination. Col. Alexander, Capt. Gardner, Tidball (sick) 
Maynadier — Dunovant — Grover & Gove from the 10th — all are coming in. 

We shall travel about 35 or 40 miles per day. Excellent outfit — 
only four in the fort team — Capts. Marcy & Grover, Dunovant & myself — 
Don't be too sanguine — I have two horses, ambulance and 6 mule team 
to each officer — Carroll is temporarily transferred to D Company which 
goes to Bridger & Murry to mine — In haste — 

Jesse. (Capt. Gove). 

I am a regular mountaineer on riding, and the twelve hundred miles 
must be done up quickly — I have lived on a horse the last year." 

Mr. Hammond was kind and cooperative, and called my 
attention to the biography of Capt. Gove, History of Norwich 
University 1819-1911, pages 449-151. He undertook to furnish 
me with typewritten copies of the letters, and photostats of 
any pages I desired. Possibly my interest was a factor in the 
eventual publication of "The Utah Expedition" in 1928. giving 
the Gove letters. 

In the ensuing two years I did considerable research work, 
aided by my friend Dan, who is in the War Department in 


Washington. I exhibited the covers with some historical data 
at the International Philatelic Exhibition in New York in 1926, 
Exhibit 273, pages 182-183 in the Exhibition catalog. It was 
ignored by the judges, and received but scant attention from 
the visitors to the Exhibition. Paraphrasing Kipling, 

"Oh, the years we waste and the money we spend, 
And the work of our head and hand 
Belongs to the public, who do not know why, 
Seeing at last that they can never know why, 
And never can understand." 

The exhibit was again shown in 1930 at the Boston Exhibi- 
tion. I still have it intact. 

Regarding the book referred to in the commencement of 
this article, "The Utah Expedition," I note that it does not 
appear to be copyrighted. It is probably a scarce book. Mr. 
Hammond presented me with a copy when it was published in 
1928. I had to pay $8.00 for a second copy. It does not have 
a preface nor the biography of Capt. Gove, which if included 
would be a tremendous help, enabling readers to form a true 
estimate of a forgotten hero. The inclusion of Capt. Gove's 
military record, which I have, would also help. If the book 
were reprinted with these additions and sold at a popular 
price, I feel sure it would receive wide acclaim, and that many 
who have sons or relatives in military service would be only 
too glad to present a copy to camp libraries, as well as to their 
relatives in service. . . . 

I would appreciate if any readers of STAMPS who know 
of a 3c stamp 1857 envelope with a straight lined cancellation 
Camp Scott 

at Bridgers Fort U. T. 1858 
would communicate with me. My address is East Natick, Mass. 


I notice in a number of Harper's Weekly which has reached 
the camp, some cuts purporting to be representations of this 
position, which are so grossly incorrect that it has induced 
me to subscribe to your paper that I might discharge a duty I 
owe to the army and the public, by sending you some drawings 
that will represent the fort as it is, and not as it is supposed 
to be. And here I must allude to the miserable caricature of 
Gen. Johnston which was published in the same paper, and 
which does so little justice to our noble commander that the 
perpetrator should be sued for damages and fined for pictorial 
libel! A person familiar with the brave general's features 

*Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, July 10, 1858, No. 136 — 
Vol. VI. 


might perhaps trace a resemblance, but it can be called a portrait 
only by extraordinary stretch of exaggeration. 

Fort Bridger is represented as it was in the winter, when 
two companies were camped here, viz., Company B, Fifth Regi- 
ment, Captain Robinson ; and Company S, Tenth Regiment, 
Captain Gove ; with two brass field-pieces under command of 
Lieutenant Howard, Fourth Artillery ; the whole force under 
command of Captain Robinson. 

The lodge and wagons on the left are those of Russell and 
Waddell, and near them are three tents occupied by S. H. 
Montgomery, M. S, N. Next are three rows of tents belonging 
to the two companies of infantry ; behind them are tents used 
by the commissary of the post, two canvas houses for camp 
women, and an old common tent on the right. All the wood 
used for fuel has been hauled by hand to the hollow square, 
around which the fort is built. The area is of some ninety feet 
front, with a wall of cobblestones eighteen feet high and a 
corral about the same size, in the near corner of which is the 
Fifth Infantry's sutler establishment. This was erected during 
the winter by A. P. George, and afforded a comfortable retreat 
in the long winter evenings for the few officers of the post. 

The two bastions on the angles were thrown up during the 
winter by Lieutenant Webb, of the Fifth, and Lieutenant Ken- 
sel, Fourth Artillery. 

You will notice that I have not represented officers in full- 
dress and men in heavy marching order ; for however pictur- 
esque the appearance may be, it is not in accordance with fact. 
Blanket wrappers were used all through the winter by the 
entire force. Comfort was far more studied than good looks. 



pp. 449, 450, 451 

Col. Jesse Augustus Gove, B. L. 

Jesse A. Gove was born in Weare, N. H., Dec. 5, 182-i, and 
was killed in battle June 27, 1862. In his youth he showed 
great ardor for warlike pursuits and was accordingly sent to 
the University in 1845. In March, 1847, he was appointed 
second lieutenant in the 9th United States regulars. Col. T. B. 
Ransom's regiment; was promoted first lieutenant Dec, 1847. 
and served in the Mexican war. At the close of the war he 
resumed his studies and graduated B. L. in 1849. 

In 1851 he was admitted to the bar. From 1850 to 1855 he 
was Deputy Secretary of State. In 1858 he was made Captain 
of Company I, 10th United States Infantry, and was ordered to 
Minnesota Territory and was stationed at Forts Snelling and 
Ripley, where he did active service against the Sioux Indians. 


In 1857 he was ordered to Utah Territory soon after the 
"Mountain Meadow Massacre" and served there under Gen. 
Albert Sidney Johnston until the Civil War, when he was se- 
lected by the government to take command of the 22d Massa- 
chusetts Volunteers. He took command of the regiment at 
Yorktown, and the 22d Massachusetts scaled the ramparts in 
advance of all, Colonel Gove being the first Union man on the 
fortification after the war opened. On June 27, 1862, at the 
battle of Gaines' Mills, the 22d Massachusetts, under his com- 
mand, occupied the center of the battle line and a great portion 
of the time was in the hottest of the fight and among the last 
to leave the field. Here, as he was rallying the regiment, he was 
shot through the heart by a minnie ball, a noble end to a noble 

On the retreat that followed, Sergeant Marshall Pike passed 
the body and recognized it, but was unable to remove it, and 
the remains were never removed. 

"He sleeps where he fell 'mid the battle's roar, 

With his comrades true and brave; 
And his noble form Ave shall see no more, 

It rests in a hero's grave; 
When the rebel foe in his might came forth 

With all his power and pride, 
And our gallant men from the rugged North 

Like the Patriots fought and died. ' ' 

Hon. Henry Wilson says : 

"I am anxious that Colonel Gove's name shall be placed among the 
noble sons of our country in the Annals of time. If I had eared less 
for the men over whom I placed him I should months ago have seen 
to it that he was made a brigadier general. ' ' 

Brig.-General Philip St. George Cook, U. S. A., writes : 

' ' I can say with truth rarely have I met so zealous, energetic and 
accomplished an officer. He was the soul of honor, generosity, and hos- 
pitality. I was with the Colonel in his last battle. He fell at the head 
of his regiment: certainly a 'glorious death'." 

Headquarters of the Armv, 
New York, June 29, 1857. 

The letter which I addressed to you in the name of the general-in- 
chief, on the 28th ultimo, his circular to the chiefs of staff departments 
same date; his general order No. 8, current series, and another now in 
press, have indicated your assignment to the command of an expedition 
to Utah Territory, and the preparatory measures to be taken. 

The general-in-chief desires me to add in his name the following 
instructions, prepared in concert with the War Department, and sanc- 
tioned by its authority, whenever required. 

The community and, in part, the civil government of Utah Territory 
are in a state of substantial rebellion against the laws to be designated, 
and to be charged with the establishment and maintenance of law and 


order. Your able and energetic aid, with that of the troops to be placed 
under your command, is relied upon to insure the success of his mission. 

So well is the nature of this service appreciated, and so deeply are 
the honor and the interest of the United States involved in its success, 
that I am authorized to say that the government will hesitate at no 
expense requisite to complete the efficiency of your little army. The 
employment of spies, guides, interpreters or laborers may be made to 
any extent you may think desirable. 

The' general-in-chief desires to express his best wishes, official and 
personal, for your complete success and added reputation. 

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Lieutenant Colonel Aid-de-Camp. 
Brevet Brigadier General W. S. Harney, 
Commanding Officer, 
Fort Leavenworth, K. T. 


Letters of Capt. Gove of Historical Value 

Rare Cancellations, Postmarks, on Envelopes of Collection 

Valuable historical sidelights on a little-known episode in 
American history have come to light this week as the result of 
research conducted by Dominic A. Brosnan, collector and 
stamp dealer, 62 Pemberton sq. in connecton with an exhibit at 
the International Philatelic Exhibition in New York this week. 

Mr. Brosnan acquired, recently, 50 letters written by 
Jesse A. Gove of New Hampshire, an officer in the Regular 
Army before the Civil War. Most of them were sent to his 
wife, who lived in Concord, N. H., while her husband was on 
duty in the West. To a collector like Mr. Brosnan, the letters 
are valuable because of the stamps and cancellations on their 
envelopes. Some, bearing manuscript cancellation and post- 
marks from forts, are believed to be very rare. 

This collection shows cancellations from a Postoffice at 
Fort Bridger in February and March, 1858, whereas United 
States postal records show no office there before August, 1858. 
Neither do War Department archives show an Army Postoffice 
there during the time when Capt. Gove was writing, but the 
officials do not deny that their records are very possibly in- 
complete. Tn that case these cancelled envelopes present a 
more authentic historical record than the Government records. 
So rare are they, in fact, that no other philatelist to whom Mr. 
Brosnan has written claims any acquaintance of them. 

Copies of Letters in Exhibit 

hi addition to this interest, however, the letters have a 
real historical significance. The originals are now in the 
archives of the Concord, N. H. Historical Society, more than 
700 pages of manuscript. By Mr. Brosnan 's efforts they have 

'From the Boston Globe, October 18. 1926. 


been copied into typewritten form and will constitute part 
of the exhibit. Mr. Brosnan is very grateful for assistance re- 
ceived in this work to Otis G. Hammond, director of the Con- 
cord Historical Society, and to his daughter, Miss Priscilla 
Hammond, who gave four envelopes from her own collection 
to complete this series. 

The letters cover the period from June 22, 1857, to Aug. 5, 
1858, and deal with the almost-forgotten expedition sent against 
the Mormons of Utah by President Buchanan. 

Gove, at this time, was captain of I company, 10th United 
States Infantry. He was already, although still young, a 
veteran of the Mexican War and had spent some time at border 
posts iii the West. 

The expedition against Salt Lake City was the outgrowth 
of the defiance of the Government by Brigham Young, prophet 
of the Mormon "Saints." Orders to the commander of the 
invading army, issued from headquarters at New York, stated 
the object of the campaign thus: 

"The community and, in part, the civil government of 
Utah Territory are in a state of substantial rebellion against 
the laws and authority of the United States. A new civil 
Governor is about to be designated, and to be charged with 
the maintenance of law and order. Your able and energetic- 
aid, with that of the troops to be placed under your command, 
is relied upon to insure the success of his mission. ' ' 


New York, October 16th to 23d, 1926 

Fort Bridger and the Army of Utah, 1857-8 

"The Army of Utah passed the winter, 1857-8, amid pri- 
vations no less severe than those endured at Yalley Forge 
eighty-one years before.'' — Bancroft. 

The envelopes in this exhibit contained letters of Colonel 
Jesse Augustus Gove, U. S. A., B. L. — the author of Utah arti- 
cles signed "Argus" in the New York Herald of 1858 — during 
his services as Captain with the Army of Utah, dating from 
the muster of the army at Fort Leavenworth, Mo., July, 1857, 
and embracing the period of its services on its march — 1050 
miles — to Fort Bridger, U. T., its sojourn at the Fort and Camp 
Scott nearby, during the winter, 1857-8, its march to Salt Lake 
City, U. T., and its arrival at Camp Floyd, U. T., June and 
July, 1858. 

This exhibit is intended to illustrate the educational value 
of the branch of Philately which deals with the study of 
stamps and their cancellations from the Historical standpoint. 


The envelopes cancelled Saint Louis, Mo., February 20th, 
1858, and marked Army of Utah, and Fort Bridger, March 1st, 
1858, furnished the necessary clue for the research work, 
which established the Historical importance of the envelopes, 
forwarded as they were during one of the most stirring epochs 
in the history of Utah. The original letters, comprising 700 
pages, are in the Archives of the Historical Society, Concord, 
N. H. Typewritten copies — 220 pages — together with some His- 
torical data form part of this exhibit not displayed. The study 
of the envelopes in conjunction with the letters is necessary in 
order to appreciate their Historic importance and Philatelic 


The Mormons here passed the several commands in small 
parties, claiming to be returning from California, but at Green 
River they threw off all disguise, and sought not to cloak their 
intentions, where they burned three of our provision and bag- 
gage trains. And I must in justice here remark, that but 
for the want of energy, and decision, on the part of those 
officers in command at this time, this calamity may have been 
obviated. Our loss on this occasion was considerable and was 
felt severely throughout the division ; depriving us as it did 
of all our salt, a great portion of our meat, bread, tools, axes, 
and other implements necessary for such an expedition ; and 
they pursued our march with a degree of tact and perseverance 
that to us seemed a little astonishing — stealing our animals or 
anything else they could lay hands on, until that efficient and 
talented officer, Col. Johnson arrived with his dragoons, when 
they dispersed at once, leaving some little of their plunder 
behind them. 

We were in this part of the expedition probably nonplussed 
more than any where else during the campaign as we had no 
horses to oppose against their ponies prior to the arrival of 
Col. Jobnson, but finding eventually, they were overpowered 
they proceeded at once to Fort Bridger, where they set fire to 
the buildings contained within the Fort and entirely consumed 
them ; and as though they could carry their demoniacal fury 
no further, they proceeded to fire the grass for miles along 
our route, but in this they had very little success. On our 
arrival we encamped about a mile from Fort Bridger. where 
there was abundance of wood and grass. 

Fort Bridger is rather a small fortification, having been 
originally intended for the protection of the traders frequent- 
ing the plains, but nevertheless it has very substantial walls 


and answers the purpose of an inland military post well enough. 
The walls are built of small cobble stone, well laid up with 
lime and mortar, about eighteen feet high, and about one hun- 
dred feet square ; inside is a fine place for military and com- 
missary stores, and in which all such are kept. A fortification 
was constructed on the east and west corners. 




October 23, 1924. 
Mr. D. A. Brosnan, 
East Natick, Massachusetts. 
My dear Sir: 

In reply to your letter of the 15th instant you are informed that the 
post office at Fort Bridger, Utah, was established on August 6, 1858. 
I am unable to state whether it was customary for Army posts to 
postmark letters if there was no post office at the point but as you 
state that an envelope in your possession bears the postmark of Fort 
Bridger, Utah, March 1, 1858, it would appear that this action was taken 
as there was no post of ice at Fort Bridger on that date. 

The stamped envelope which you transmitted is returned. 
Sincerely yours, 

/s/ Chas. F. Trotter, 
Acting First Assistant Postmaster General. 


"A short distance from the station to the southward is 
the site of the old deserted city of Green River, near the old 
emigrant crossing. The city was laid out in July 1868 and in 
September contained 2,000 inhabitants and many substantial 
wood and adobe buildings and presented a permanent appear- 
ance. At that time it was thought by the citizens that the 
railroad company would erect their division buildings near the 
town and that it would become an important station. But 
the railroad company opposed the town company, bridged the 
river, and as the road stretched away to the westward, the 
town declined as rapidly as it arose, the people moving on to 
Brj^an, where the railroad company built their city." 



By W. Turrentine Jackson* 

The government of the Territory of Wyoming, like that 
of all the territories of the United States, was supervised by 
the federal government. Between 1868 and 1890 the more 
important officials of Wyoming were appointed by the Presi- 
dent of the United States and each appointee, whether terri- 
torial governor, secretary, or judge, was charged with the 
responsibility of reporting periodically on territorial affairs. 
Copies of these reports, together with the official and unofficial 
correspondence of the territorial officers, were preserved by 
the executive departments in Washington, D. C. These official 
records of the federal relations of the Territory of Wyoming 
are now deposited in The National Archives. Many letters 
from private citizens of Wyoming either complaining or re- 
joicing about the effects of a decision in Washington or in 
Cheyenne have also been retained. The government of the 
United States has thus preserved a tremendous volume of his- 
torical source material dealing with Wyoming. 

Several of the executive departments were concerned 
witli territorial affairs during this period. The War Depart- 
ment was responsible for organizing the defense against the 
Indian tribes and the construction of military posts. The Post 
Office attempted to speed mail deliveries by improving post 
roads. The territorial courts and their officers received au- 
thority from the Department of Justice. Although the archives 
of these departments are rich in source materials, the manu- 
scripts of greatest historical value, including the bulk of the 
reports and correspondence of territorial officials, are secured 
in the State or Interior Department Archives. 

Until 1873, the responsibility for the political administra- 
tion of the territories was vested in the Department of 
State. Each of the territorial secretaries was required by law 
to send copies of the executive proceedings of the territories 
to the State Department biannually. These officials always 
corresponded with the Secretary of State relative to the more 
important territorial affairs and occasionally forwarded a 
complete copy of the proceedings of a territorial legislature. 
Van Tyne and Leland in their Guide to the Archives of the 
Govei'nment of the United State* in Washington recognized the 

*For Mr. Jackson's autobiography see Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 15. 
No. 2, p. 143. 


importance of these State Department records and wrote of them 
as being "of considerable value," and as furnishing "docu- 
ments not to be found in the archives of the states that were 
formerly territories.'' 1 In 1911, David W. Parker published a 
Calendar of Papers in Washington Archives Relating to the 
Territories of the United States to 1873. 2 The territorial records 
in the State Department Archives were included among the 
documents which he listed, and provided the largest single source 
of manuscripts described. 3 The Wyoming materials in the 
State Department are extremely limited, however, for the ter- 
ritory had been in existence only four years when the re- 
sponsibility for territorial affairs was transferred from the 
Department of State to the Department of the Interior. 

From 1873 until 1890, the Interior Department was^su- 
pervising political affairs in Wyoming, and the official re- 
ports, executive proceedings, and correspondence of this period 
have been preserved with as great care as the records of an 
earlier date. Although Van Tyne and Leland considered 
these manuscripts to be of "comparatively small value," 4 the 
writer has examined the territorial papers in the Department 
of the Interior Archives and has found them to contain in- 
formation which should be of utility to the historian of the 
American West. These records will be of assistance in ex- 
panding and explaining the information in the annual reports 
of the territorial governors which the Secretary of the Interior 
printed in his own annual report. A summary of the organiza- 
tion and content of the Wyoming records, moreover, will reveal 
the general nature of the territorial records secured in the 
National Archives and perhaps assist Wyoming historians with 
specific research problems. New sources of information may 
be revealed. 

1. Van Tyne, Claude Halstead and Waldo Gifford Leland, Guide to 
the Archives of the Government of the United States in Washington 
(Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1907), 35. 

2. Carnegie Institution, 1911. 

3. The more valuable documents listed by Parker, along with other 
source materials in Washington, D. C, are now being edited by Clarence 
Edwin Carter, outstanding authority on the territories of the United 
States. Doctor Carter is editing the documents of each territory accord- 
ing to the date of its admission into the Union. One or more volumes of 
these territorial papers on each of the territories will be published by 
the Department of State. At the present time, (1943) ten volumes deal- 
ing with six territories have been published. Carter has told the writer 
that the records of the territories of the Northwest, with the exception 
of Oregon Territory, will not be prepared for publication for several 
years. It is doubtful that the records published by the State Depart- 
ment will extend bevond 1873. 

4. 202. 


In State Department Archives 

Organization and Content of the Wyoming Territorial Papers, 1868-1873. 

The so-called "territorial papers" of Wyoming which 
include the incoming correspondence to the State Department 
from 1868 to 1873, have been arranged chronologically, flat- 
tened, and bound into a single volume. This volume contains 
only a small percentage of the Wyoming materials in the 
State Archives. The outgoing letters from the department to 
Wyoming officials are found in the Domestic Letter Books; 
letters recommending or condemning various candidates for ter- 
ritorial positions are in the Appointment Papers. The Domestic 
Letter Books are a chronological series and each volume contains 
an index. The Appointment Papers are filed under the names 
of individual applicants. 

Administration of J. A. Campbell, 1869-1875. 

The correspondence of the first years of the Campbell ad- 
ministration deals chiefly with the disorganized state of the 
territory, the assembling of the first legislature, and the mes- 
sages of the governor. 5 Letters in the Appointment Papers 
written by outstanding generals as W. T. Sherman and Phil 
Sheridan indicate that Campbell "s appointment came as a reward 
for his services in the Union Army. Details of Republican Party 
conflicts in these beginning years, as well as the controversy 
between Governor Campbell and H. Glafcke, Territorial Secre- 
tary and editor of the Cheyenne Daily Leader, are recorded in 
the unofficial letters. Glafcke was removed in 1873 by Presi- 
dent Grant on the grounds that the secretary had supported 
Horace Greeley and the Liberals in the election of 1872. John 
B. Brown of Indiana was appointed Glafcke 's successor. 

In Interior Department Archives 

Organization and Content of the Wyoming Territorial Papers, 1873-1890. 

Iii the Department of the Interior Archives the records corre- 
lative to the bound volumes of territorial papers in State Archives 
are referred to as the Executive Proceedinys of the Territories. 
The incoming correspondence of the Patents and Miscellaneous 
Division, which had jurisdiction over the territories, was ar- 
ranged by subject until 1881, and after that date was arranged 
chronologically. Papers dealing with the various territories 
have been culled fromthese two series of incoming letters ami 
a separate collection established for each of the territories in 
existence after 1873. The bulk of these collections are the 

5. David W. Parker has listed and described these manuscripts in his 
Calender of Papers in Washington Archives Relating to the Territories of 
the United States to 1873. 


biennial reports submitted by each of the territorial secretaries 
on the executive proceedings within their territory. All cor- 
respondence to the Department, reports, proclamations and 
messages of the territorial officials have also been included. 
The materials assembled on Wyoming are more extensive than 
those on any other territory. 6 

The tremendous collection of Appointment Papers in the 
Interior Archives is given a chronological division: the first 
sector is from 1849-1878; the second from 1878-1885. Succes- 
sive divisions are made at the beginning of each presidential 
administration. Manuscripts in each of these chronological 
sectors are segregated according to the position applied for, 
such as territorial governor or secretary. The Appointment 
Papers relating to a territorial office of any given period are 
finally classified by individual territories. This classification 
of manuscripts makes it possible for the researcher to study 
the records referring to the appointment and reappointment 
of a single territorial official as well as to study all the cor- 
respondence pertaining to unsuccessful candidates for any spe- 
cific territorial office or in any particular period. 

The Charges File is a very valuable collection of source ma- 
terials in the Appointment Division of the Interior Archives. Up 
until 1885 charges against officials were scattered among the 
Appointment Papers, but after that date they are a separate 
series, filed in blocks like the Appointment Papers, and broken 
down by Presidential Administration. These papers are ex- 
ceptionally useful in explaining the political intrigues of the 
Wyoming Territory during the administrations of Governors 
George W. Baxter, F. E. Warren, and Thomas Moonlight. 

Although the official letters of the Department of the Inte- 
rior addressed to territorial officials do not provide a large 
amount of factual information on conditions within the terri- 
tories, an occasional letter will reveal an important adminis- 
trative decision affecting political and economic affairs in a 
particular territory. Letter books containing the answers to 
correspondence received by the Appointments Division are 
known as the Special Letters. The outgoing correspondence of 
the Patents and Miscellaneous Division is found in the Miscel- 
laneous Letters. The volumes of these letters have been arranged 
chronologically, and an index listing both subject matter and 
names of addresses has been prepared to accompany each volume. 

6. The records for the Utah, New Mexico, and Dakota territories 
are also voluminous. 


Administration of John M. Thayer, 1875-1878. 

The records of this administration are scant. None of the 
official letters or proclamations of Governor Thayer are to be 
found in the Executive Proceedings of the Wyoming Territory in 
the Interior Archives. Apparently the Secretary of the Interior 
did not require Thayer, or the territorial secretary, George W. 
French, 1875-1879, to transmit these records to Washington. 
John W. Iloyt, who succeeded Thayer, mentioned in his first bi- 
annual report that the official correspondence which he was for- 
warding was limited because his predecessor had not been called 
upon to report and that he himself had not understood the im- 
portance of providing the Interior Department with copies of 
his letters. A few letters written by Governor Thayer relative to 
routine matters are filed in the Appointment Papers of the Wyo- 
ming Governors. French, 7 the secretary, had the misfortune of 
becoming involved in a personal quarrel with other federal of- 
ficials in the territory and the secretarial appointment papers 
of the period are to a large extent devoted to this controversy. 8 

Administration of John W. Hoyt, 1878-1882. 

The extant correspondence of Governor Hoyt 9 reveals the 
wide scope of his interests and activities. Among other things. 
Hoyt recognized the importance of Yellowstone National Park 
to the Wyoming Territory and for several years sought army 
support for the construction of a wagon road which would 
improve travel from the Wyoming settlements to the park. 
Detailed letters on this subject were addressed to the Park 
Superintendent, to members of Congress, and to army officers 
in charge of the western military districts. Letters to Sidney 
Dillon, President of the Union Pacific, evidence the governor's 
recognition of the value of the railroad to the development of 
Wyoming. One of these letters, eighteen pages long, sum- 
marizes the general economic situation in the territory during 
1880. Other letters of historical interest were written by Hoyt 
on the subjects of the Indian depredations in northern Wyo- 

French was from the State of M; 

^wiufi ui it 1 1 1 1 o h Il & iiit ut uuia ui iiit ,iiitiii «i i tr a, v .1 1 ui i»it. 

9. Hoyt was a college professor who had been interested in agri- 
cultural education in the State of Wisconsin. He was Secretary of the 
Wisconsin State Agricultural Society; founder of the Wisconsin Academy 
of Science, Arts, and Letters; and responsible for the reorganization of 
the University of Wisconsin to include courses in agriculture. He was a 
vigorous opponent of slavery and had worked for the Republican Party 
during its formative decade of the ISoO's. After his term as Governor 
of Wyoming, Hoyt was recalled to the territory to become first President 
of the University of Wyoming. See Joseph Schafer, A History of Agricul- 
ture in Wisconsin. (Madison, 1922). 


ming in 1878, the organization and maintenance of the territorial 
militia, the improvement of the mail service, the publication 
of P. V. Hayden's reports on the United States Geological 
Survey of Wyoming, and the organization of various Wyoming 
counties. 10 The governor was personally interested in estab- 
lishing a society for "historical research, scientific investiga- 
tion, and the advancement of industry in Wyoming. ' ' He wrote 
dozens of letters to citizens throughout the territory asking for 
suggestions relative to the creation of the society and to the 
possibility of calling a meeting for interested parties. 

The Appointment Papers of this period are devoted to the 
political controversy between Governor Hoyt and A. Worth 
Spates, secretary from 1879-1880. ll Spates was succeeded by 
E. S. N. Morgan 12 and during Morgan's two terms as secretary, 
1880-1888, the executive proceedings forwarded to Washington 
were more detailed and, as a result, have greater historical 
value. 13 The Appointment Papers of the Wyoming Governors 
reveal that Hoyt was not reappointed in 1882 because he was 
accused of being "half-breed 1 " supporter of Horace Greeley 
and Carl Schurz. Some Wyoming Republicans claimed he had 
provoked quarrels, divided the party, and permitted M. E. 
Post, a Democrat, to be elected to Congress. They requested 
the appointment of a "stalwart" — a strong party man. Hoyt 
was later recalled to Wyoming to serve as first president of 
the University. 

Administration of William Hale, 1882-1885. 

Although the records of the Hale administration are ex- 
tensive as those of the Hoyt period, they deal chiefly with the 
routine procedures of the governor's office. Hale was likewise 
interested in Yellowstone Park, and through his efforts speci- 

10. Johnson County and Crook County. 

11. Spates had resided in Baltimore/ Maryland. He got into dif- 
ficulty because of his personal habits and through the North Park Min- 
ing Company in Colorado, a mining scheme which Governor Hoyt and 
other federal officials did not consider a legitimate business adventure. 
A bitter personal fight resulted. The Appointment Paper files on Spates 
are more voluminous than those of any other Wyoming Secretary. Spates 
made a desperate effort to be retained. Charges and counter-charges 
were filed, supported by affidavits, and Spates prepared over twenty 
statements which he forwarded to Washington summarizing his 
activities. When Spates realized that he had lost the fight, he wrote 
President R. B. Hayes that he understood that either he or Governor 
Hoyt must be removed, asked that he be sustained, but, if not, that 
his resignation be accepted. Hayes refused to accept the resignation 
and insisted that he be suspended from office. 

12. Morgan was from Pennsylvania. 

13. Morgan served as secretary during the administrations of 
Hoyt, Baxter, Warren, and Moonlight. On several occasions between 
administrations or in the absence of the chief executive he served as 
Acting Governor of Wyoming Territory. 


mens of the physical phenomena of the Yellowstone were 
exhibited at the New Orleans Exposition. He vigorously op- 
posed a Congressional bill which provided for the extension of 
the boundaries of the Montana Territory to include Yellow- 
stone Park. As a humanitarian, the governor was interested in 
the care of criminals and the insane, and his correspondence 
shows that the case of each individual was a matter of his 
personal concern. Hale's official correspondence with the Eighth 
Legislative Assembly of Wyoming, with P. H. Sheridan rela- 
tive to Indian cattle raids in the Powder River region, and 
with the Postmaster General concerning mail routes from 
Laramie to points in Colorado will provide historians with 
valuable source materials on those subjects. 

The Appointment Papers disclose that Hale was an Iowa 
politician who had rendered valuable assistance to the Re- 
publican Party in that state. Being enthusiastically endorsed 
by a Senator and the Governor of Iowa, he was the "stalwart" 
chosen to succeed Governor Hoyt. The administration was no- 
torious for the harmony which existed among the federal of- 
ficials in the territory. 

First Administration of Francis E. Warren, 1885-1886. 

The executive proceedings of the Warren administration 
that have been retained in the National Archives are of greater 
historical value than those of any other Wyoming governor. 
According to his own reports, Warren preserved and forwarded 
to the Interior Department a copy of every official letter written 
during his administration. He used a separate letter book for 
each six months' period. Toward the end of his first administra- 
tion the governor began having his correspondence typed, and 
after that date carbon copies were forwarded to Washington. 
Among the more noteworthy records are the letters of Gover- 
nor Warren pertaining to the cattle business in the territory 
and to the enforcement of quarantine regulations in 1885-86. 
He corresponded with Union Pacific Railway officials who 
complained at the restrictions on the railroad, with state gov- 
ernors who protested the prohibition of cattle shipments from 
their states, and with individual shippers concerning the in- 
spection of their cattle. 14 Warren's first administration was 
marred by the clash between the miners and Chinese laborers 
at Rock Springs. The so-called "Rock Springs Massacres" 
attracted national attention, and, upon request, the governor 
forwarded a special report of the affair to the Secretary of the 

14. These source materials are being; edited by the writer and will 
be published in a later issue of the Annals of Wyoming. 


Interior which was printed in the secretary's report of 1885. 15 
Several interesting letters which were omitted in the official 
report may be read in the Warren letter books. The governor 
was a champion of woman suffrage in Wyoming and his an- 
swers to inquiries relative to the success of the experiment 
reveal the extent to which Wyoming was pioneering in this 
political field. 16 Warren's complete correspondence with the 
Wyoming legislature during February, 1886, is available. 
Several letters giving detailed descriptions of the city of 
Cheyenne in 1885 and papers concerning the beginning of the 
University of Wyoming in Laramie will be of great interest to 
the Wyoming historian. The business ability of Francis War- 
ren is disclosed by the content of many of his letters such as 
his correspondence with President Benjamin Harrison on the 
indebtedness of various Wyoming counties and the refinancing 
which would be necessary before statehood could be obtained, 
by letters to individuals referring to Wyoming land which 
was available for ranches, and to the success of the cattle 
business in the territory. Through a study of these source 
materials, one may obtain an insight into the personality of 
Warren and into the general development of Wyoming during 

The Appointment Papers of the Wyoming Governors ex- 
plain the change of administrations. Governor Hale had died 
in January of 1885 and Francis Warren was appointed gover- 
nor by Chester A. Arthur at the close of his administration 
after Cleveland's election to the Presidency. Immediately 
upon the inauguration of Cleveland, the friends of Warren 
attempted to prove that he was a non-partisan. Joseph M. 
Carey and Morton E. Post, political and business colleagues 
of Warren who had Congressional influence, worked cease- 
lessly for his retention, but Cleveland preferred to appoint a 
Democrat. George W. Baxter of Tennessee was appointed to 
the governorship in 1886. 

Administration of George W. Baxter, 1886. 

In the records of the Appointment Papers and Charges Files 
of the Wyoming Governors are to be found the historical facts of 
the brief political career of George Baxter, who served as 
Wyoming Governor for the month of November, 1886. The 
Democrats of Wyoming, who had long awaited the election of 
a Democratic president and the appointment of a Democratic 

15. "Special Eeport of the Governor of Wyoming to the Secretary 
of the Interior Concerning Chinese Labor Troubles, 1885," Report of .the 
Secretary of the Interior, II (Washington, 3 885), 1223-1234. 

16. W. Turrentine Jackson, "Governor Francis E. Warren, A 
Champion of Woman Suffrage, Letters in The National Archives," 
Annals of Wyoming, XV (April, 1943), 143-149. 


governor, were divided into two groups, one supporting Mor- 
ton E. Post for the governorship, the other George W. Baxter. 
As soon as Baxter was appointed he was accused by his ene- 
mies of illegally fencing government land. Before he could 
prepare an adequate defense, a clique of the Republican Party, 
personal and business friends of Post, joined the Post faction 
of the Democratic Party and secured the removal of Baxter. 
The upshot of the political controversy was the appointment 
of a Democrat from outside the territory to the governorship 
and the loss of "home rule" in Wyoming. 17 In several long 
letters Baxter has written his autobiography including his 
career before he arrived in Wyoming, his political aspirations, 
and his defense against the accusations of his political enemies. 
The extensive correspondence and newspaper clippings in the 
Appointment Papers and Charges File on Francis Warren and 
Morto:i E. Post present the viewpoints of those opposed to 

Administration of Thomas Moonlight, 1885-1889. 

The official correspondence of Governor Moonlight in the 
Executive Proceedings of Wyoming is voluminous. A large per- 
centage of his letters are devoted to a discussion of economic 
conditions in Wyoming. The governor was convinced that the 
economic progress of the territory necessitated the breaking 
up of large ranches, less emphasis on cattle ranching, and the 
encouragement of mining and agricultural ventures. He wrote 
dozens of letters in an attempt to encourage the immigration of 
farmers to Wyoming. The University of Wyoming was opened 
during his administration, and the Moonlight records prove that 
the governor was opinionated concerning the financial ad- 
ministration of the institution and over the selection of the 
trustees, president, and faculty. Inquiries relative to the effec- 
tiveness of the cattle quarantine continued to be received by 
the chief executive, and Moonlight wrote detailed explana- 
tions to each correspondent. Many of his unofficial letters dealt 
with politics, an absorbing interest of the governor. The crea- 
tion of new Wyoming counties, the appointment of territorial 
officials, the election of Congressional representatives, and the 
activities of party conventions were political affairs which he 
discussed at length in his official reports to Washington. Moon- 

17. The writer has prepared a paper, "The Governorship of Wyo- 
ming, 1885-1889, A Study in Territorial Polities," which will soon be 


light, as a non-resident of the territory, 18 had never been popu- 
lar with the majority of Wyoming people, and his attention to 
partisan polities antagonized the Republicans of the territory. 
A publicity campaign was organized by that party through 
the Territorial and County Republican Committees for the 
purpose of discrediting the Moonlight administration and sup- 
porting the reinstatement of Francis E. Warren. Hundreds of 
letters, petitions, and speeches, along with newspaper clippings 
from every paper in the territory* were forwarded to the De- 
partment of the Interior and to the White House. ]9 The War- 
ren boom had gained such momentum that his appointment was 
inevitable when Harrison, a Republican, was returned to the 
White House. 

Second Administration of Francis E. Warren, 1889. 

The second Warren administration existed during the clos- 
ing months of the territorial period and the archival materials 
emphasize the approaching statehood for Wyoming. A manu- 
script copy of Warren's inaugural address of April 9, 1889, 
preserved in the Interior Archives, deals for the most part 
with the political and economic adjustments necessary before 
statehood could be attained. For the use of the Wyoming 
historian, a complete file of letters and telegrams has been re- 
tained pertaining to the proclamation calling the state consti- 
tutional convention, the convention's activities, the actions of 
Congress on the state constitution, and the final proclamation of 
statehood. Although the Executive Proceedings emphasize the 
the subject of statehood, the governor's official correspondence 
reveals a continuation of his interest in the suffrage question, 
the university, the cattle and sheep business, and the utiliza- 
tion of the territory's natural resources such as the improve- 
ment of Wyoming lands through irrigation projects. 

The Appointment Papers for 1889 tell of the role of the 
Republican Party in securing the appointment of Warren as 
governor and John W. Meldrum of Laramie as territorial secre- 
tary prior to the achievement of statehood, and of the success 
of the party in the first state election. 

18. Moonlight was a citizen of Kansas and had the support of the 
ex-Confederates in that state. Samuel D. Shannon, a South Caroliniau 
who had been recommended by Governor Fitzhugh Lee and Senator 
Wade Hampton of South Carolina, served as territorial secretary for 
this four year term. 

19. These records are available in the Appointment Division of 
the Interior Department Archives. 


The Penitentiary Papers, 1870-1890. 

In the Executive Proceedings of each of the territories, 
the records dealing with the construction of public buildings, 
such as the territorial capital or penitentiary, have been segre- 
gated and bound together as a separate collection. The 
Penitentiary Papers of the Wyoming Territory are in two sec- 
tions. The first collection of manuscripts, dated from 1870- 
1878, relate to the Congressional appropriation for the con- 
struction of the penitentiary, its location by the territorial 
legislature, the selection of a superintendent of con- 
struction, the preparation of building specifications, the receipt 
of bids, the awarding of contracts, and the monthly reports of 
the superintendent on the progress of construction. Prepara- 
tions were made for the enlargement and remodelling of the 
Wyoming penitentiary between 1886 and 1889 and the second 
series of manuscripts deals with the necessity for improvements, 
the granting of contracts, the progress reports on construction, 
and the final report of the committee appointed to inspect and 
accept the building for the federal government. No less than 
a hundred detailed reports, diagrams, specifications, and let- 
ters have been retained in this collection. 

Wyoming Scrap book 



Reading from left to right: Patrick Burns, came to Wyoming in 1868, 
an employee of the IT. P. Railroad; James O'Brien, born at Fort Fetter- 
man, his father being a member of the garrison; Malcomb Campbell, came 
to Fort Laramie in 1867; C. P. Arnold, president, of the Pioneer Associa- 
tion, in 1869 came to Laramie with his father, Rev. F. L. Arnold; John R. 
Smith, dean of pioneers spent first winter in Bates Hole, Wyoming, in 
1866; Bert Wagner, came to Laramie in 1869 with his father Henry Wag- 
ner; James Abney, an arrival in 1867, came with his father on the first 
construction to Cheyenne. 



"The vanished frontier was a sparsely settled 
region of the earth's surface where the men 
were men and the women were glad of it." 

Did you ever stop to think of artistocracies — so many 
and so varied? There is the aristocracy of birth, to escape 
from which our republic was founded. There is the aristocracy 
of wealth, the ascendency of which has always marked the 
decline and fall of nations. There is the aristocracy of office. 
with its transient lure. There is the military aristocracy, 
whose blind adherents have scattered war and wreck along 
the paths of men. And then there is that other artistocracy 
— the aristocracy of the pioneer — which we salute today. Look 
at his environment. 

In 1869, when a boy barely nine years old, I exercised that 
dominion which characterizes the rule of childhood in an 
American home and induced my reluctant parents to migrate 
to the then Territory of Wyoming, bidding fond farewell to a 
prairie state, where the culture of Iowa, flanked by pungent 
rag weed, rose above the bottomless mud of the Mississippi 
valley to spread her earliest bloom. The first transcontinental 
railroad had just decorated the frontier with ribbons of steel 
when my father, a Presbyteran preacher, took advantage of the 
elevated platform of a mountain plateau to point out for men 
the path to Heaven. Nowhere in the wide world was there such 
desperate need for a servant of the Most High, although it 
must be said that nothing could be done to save the souls of 
the officials who manipulated the Union Pacific railroad. 

I wish I could draw the picture of life on that frontier — 
a paradise for a boy ! No artist with words or pigments can 
ever get it all in — the construction trains, coming and going, 
loaded with plows, scrapers, ties, railroad iron and railroad 
crews — the ox teams, long-horned, wending their way into the 
sunset — the emigrant's wagon, with its white dome and rattling 
tone — the Concord stage coach, emerging from one billow of 
dust to change horses and disappear in another — the shacks 
with false fronts — the tents of nomads — and that motley crowd 
of adventurers blown hither by all the winds of earth. 

Statute law, including game laws, hadn't been invented. 
It was before the days of rapid-fire shotguns and automatic 
rifles. Antelope, so many that they were countless, grazed 
over the Laramie Plains. More than one variety of deer came 
down into the foot hills when winter snow drove them from 
the heights. Bands of elk pastured in many a mountain 

f From a Pamphlet, "The Vanished Frontier," by C. P. Arnold. 


park, with a sentinel on guard to give, when clanger came, 
the whistle signal for them to disappear in the tall timber, 
laying antlers back on untamed shoulders as they ran. Covies 
of grouse and sage chickens blended the color of plumage with 
the tints of bush, rock and tree. The wildcat and the mountain 
lion had no need to travel far for food, and the cinnamon bear 
contested with his big brother, the grizzly of the Sierras, and 
his still bigger brother, the brown Alaska bear of the Aleutian 
Archipelago, for the proud title of being the most dangerous 
antagonist of man. 

Life, back there, was an Odyssey, with an Anglo Saxon 
background. Things moved. Hard upon the heels of the 
moccasined trapper with his pack, came the homesteader with 
his ax, and hard upon the heels of the homesteader with his ax 
came the school-teacher with his spelling book. The log school- 
house rose on the frontier — primeval logs, cut, hewed, and laid 
by lonesome pioneers. It stood on Front street, which ended, 
both ways, just where the unfenced illimitable began. The 
day of vocational training had not dawned upon a startled 
world. Elective courses as yet had not been catapulted down 
the slopes of education. We were taught the three R's, "read- 
ing, 'riting, 'rithmetic. " There were no architectural gym- 
nasiums. Boys practiced athletics in street fights "just around 
the corner." Indoor swimming pools with tiled floors and 
furnace-heated water had never been heard of. We learned to 
swim at the river's bend in the big pool, floored with white 
sand and fed by a mountain stream, where the only towels we 
used, shivering on the bank, were furnished by the west wind. 

That school was the "common school" of primitive Amer- 
ica — the best institution of learning ever put on the boards — 
and twice a week on the side, the Baptist preacher inoculated 
my savage soul with the love of Latin. 

We learned how to spell, those of us who ever could 
learn, standing up in a row with the best speller at the 
head, and my fixed position was third from the top. There 
were just three of us in the class. A girl stood at the head. 
Her name was May, and she was well named. Hers were the 
eyes of springtime. May, like every good speller, was con- 
scious of her inherent superiority and looked down with well- 
bred condescension on the little boy who stood at the foot of 
the row. And yet hers was "the pride that goeth before de- 
struction and the haughty spirit that precedes a fall. ' ' The 
time came when I stood at the head of the class. It was the 
sweetest triumph in my life. 

The schoolteacher, spelling book in hand, gave out the 
word "Frontier." 

"F-R-O-T-E-I-R," said May. 

"Wrong," said the teacher. "Next." 


The next boy was William Crout, a big, red-headed boy, 
who lived out on Sand Creek. He knew all about horses and 
was practiced in the pioneer art of throwing a lariat to catch 
the wildest bronco that ever loved the freedom of the plains. 
Bracing himself for the effort William coiled his mental rope, 
carefully estimated the distance between himself and the 
word, and threw the circling noose. 

"F-R-O-N-T-E-E-R," said WiUiam. 

"Wrong again," howled the teacher. ''Next." 

At last the moment had come, the supreme opportunity 
that comes in silence and never comes but once. That silence 
was appalling. You could have heard a pin drop. Everybody 
looked at me. Summoning every resource to my aid I gazed 
around the schoolroom for help and to gain time asked the 
teacher to pronounce that word again. He did so, looking at 
the book to be sure he could spell it right himself. Suddenly 
my wandering eyes were glued to the big door of the old- 
fashioned wood stove which stood in the middle of the room. It 
was a box-shaped stove, manufactured in St. Louis for the 
western trade, to take in a stick about three feet long, and 
there, on the stove door, in cast-iron letters four inches long, 
I saw the word "Frontier." It was the name of the stove. 

"F-R-O-N-T-I-E-R" I shouted at the top of my voice, 
and marched to the head of the class. 

Into this colorful, alluring, vacant land, rimmed by self- 
reliance, came the pioneer. Without knowing it, he was an 
actor in a play — the oldest ever staged — the drama of migra- 
tion. The curtain rose on difficulty and adventure. Loneliness 
tented on the plain. Hunger lay entrenched in many a moun- 
tain pass. Death lurked in many a forest ambuscade. There 
he played his part, trying to get somewhere no one else had 
ever been before, and do something no one else before had 
ever done — the last survivor of "The American Idea." 

The first settlers in Wyoming, unlike those of sister states, 
did not move in social, political or religious groups. They 
were individualists, the product of an environment never to 
return. They stood out from the common herd. The pioneer 
had personality. His mentality was a complex not to be 
defined. Back of him lay the past haunted with tradition. 
Before him stretched an untrodden way wrapped in the 
glamour of romance. His soul was a battleground where two 
shapes — old homesickness and new home-building — struggled 
for supremacy, until he built with his own hands a home 
of his own. 

Long ago as the West counts time, at the call of a great 
political party, then and now in the minority, Horace G. Alger 
of Sheridan, who was a candidate for Governor and I a candi- 
date for Congress, were summoned to carry the standard of 


Jeffersonian democracy over the plains and mountains of 
Wyoming in a futile attempt to rescue civilization. It was 
before the days of the automobile — thank God — and the "hello 
girl" still slept in a lap of a time to come. We invaded the 
wilderness with a team of half-broken broncos hitched, when 
things went well, to a rattling buckboard, and camped one 
night at a blacksmith shop just above the Cottonwood grove 
where the sparkling La Prelle tumbles into the North Platte. 
In the early morning, when the dew was still on the grass, 
an emigrant showed up with two empty halters. He was look- 
ing for his team, which had made a get-away during the night. 
He spoke in the soft accents of the southland, and as nearly 
as I can reproduce it, this is what he said : 


Say. have you seen two hosses. Mister, a-gohr on the lope, 

That are branded on the shoulder Circle U? 
The gray mare's bruk her 'obbles, and the bay 'er picket rope, 
An' las' night they tuk back tracks fer 01' Missou. 
Lit out fer 01 ' Missou : 
We're a-foot, I'm tellin* you. 
In the moonlight pale they hit the trail, 
And left, fer 01' Missou. 

We're a'goin' across the mountains to a place in Idaho, 

Whur my wife's sister's 'usband's got a staht. 
An' Ave 're camped down in the bottom, not so very far below, 
The greasewood flat that bruk our hosses' haht. 
S' back t' 01' Missou, 
The farm team fairly flew — 
They couldn't stair Wyomin' san', 
Raised back in 01' Missou. 

The peaks a-head kept foolin' us, and as far as we could see, 

Each day they backed up farther in the blue. 
Can you wonder thet them hosses got locoed with the thought, 
That our traipsin' hed no hoss sense end in view? 
Fer back in 01' Missou, 
Worn road and by-path new, 
Led soon or late to farmyard gate. 

When day, and toil wuz thru. 


As I left the camp at sun-up on this mornin's round-up job, 
Muh woman's eyes wuz brimmed with homesick dew, 
And she said with just a quaver that was half-way to a sob, 
"Them hosses lied more sense than we-uns knew." 
For the 'ome in 01' Missou, 
Tugged at her heart-strings, too, 
And mother cried, while the bacon fried, 
For the home in 01' Missou. 

That's the home-sick side. But what modern psychologist 
has ever adequately appraised the satisfaction of the creative 
instinct when the first settler took out his first ditch to irri- 
gate his frontier homestead. To awaken the abundant fertility 
of a thirsty soil and scatter the bounty of a mountain stream 
over gentle slopes is to paint a landscape with a higher artistic 
and economic value than ever any old master has ever put 
on canvas. This is what we are trying to say: 


Dad, he likes to cogitate, 

Reuben loves to play 
With a pack of greasy cards, 

When he's feelin' gay. 
Sis adores to tango whirl, 

Where the fiddles play, 
But I prefer t' irrigate, 

A-making of the hay. 

Dutch just talks about the war, 

As any neutral may ; 
Windy Jim is great on sport — 

That's a cowboy's way. 
Aunt Lucile is daft on dress — 

Uncle 's got to pay ; 
But my main holt's t' irrigate, 

A-making of the hay. 

I know folks who live in books, 

Or what the papers say; 
'N' dubs who dote on politics — 

Meet 'em any day. 
Then thur's some who practice art, 

A-trying to portray ; 
But shucks! I like t' irrigate, 

A-making of the hay. 


Just above the ditch's line, 

Fields are dry and gray. 
Where I take the water out, 

Blooms are bright and gay. 
Gladsome sheen has meadow green — 

Green, because I stay, 
Here — on muh job — 'n' irrigate — 

A-making of the hay. 

The best description of the frontier ever given is this — 
"The west is a sparsely settled region of the earth's surface, 
where the men are men and the women are glad of it." 

Is that west "wild and wooly?" Freedom's feet are in 
those wilds and of such wool her flags are made. 

President of the Wyoming Pioneer Association, (1929) 


By Virginia Cole Trenholm* 

When I received a recent invitation to spend the week- 
end at the George Mitchell ranch, I accepted eagerly, because 
I had hoped that sometime I might have the privilege of 
spending an evening at this ranch home, and listen to Mr. 
Mitchell's delightful stories. I had wondered why an adequate 
biography had never been written of this interesting pioneer. 
I found that Mr. Mitchell is very reticent when being ques- 
tioned about himself and does not care for interviews. 

The "untamed West" has left little imprint on the man- 
ners of this pioneer, Charles A. Guernsey well said of him in 
his book "Wyoming Cowboy Days". He is Scotch from the 
"rind to the core." 

George Mitchell, of Uva, Wyoming, was born in Aberdeen- 
shire, Scotland, April 28, 1859, of Scotch parents, George and 
Barbara (Shives) Mitchell, also natives of Aberdeenshire. 

George Mitchell grew to manhood and received his edu- 
cation in his native town ; at the age of twenty he left Scotland, 

*Mrs. Virginia Trenholm was born in Missouri; attended the schools 
and the University of Missouri from where she received her degree in 
Journalism. Was publicity director and instructor in English and Jour- 
nalism at Stephens College for two years. Free-lancing during this pe- 
riod, she contributed to metropolitan newspapers and feature magazines. 

Came to Wyoming in 1931. Married Eobert S. Trenholm, a native 
of Platte County, Wyoming. The Trenholm family reside on a ranch 
near Glendo, Wyoming. 

Mr. and Mrs. George Mitchell, Pioneers of Uva, Wyoming 


came to America, settling at Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for about 
two years, when in 1881 he moved to Wyoming ; in 1882 he or- 
ganized a joint stock company, known as the Milwaukee and 
Wyoming Investment Company. He becanie% stockholder and 
manager of the Company. He bought the Heck Reel ranch on 
the North Laramie, west of Uva, where he engaged in the cattle 
industry on an extensive scale. In 1889 he resigned as manager 
of the HR ranch, moved to Casper, bought an interest in a lum- 
ber company, having yards in Casper, Douglas and Dusk. He 
erected the first building in Casper, occupying it both as an 
office and as a residence. He was instrumental in helping to 
raise funds to build the first church in Casper. 

In 1886 was elected as member of the House, to the Terri- 
torial Degislative Assembly. 

In 1890 was elected first mayor of Casper, also appointed 
one of the Commissioners to organize Natrona County. In 
1892 he disposed of his lumber business and returned to 
Scotland, being called by the death of his father; he remained 
in his native land for about two years, during which time he 
was united in marriage to Miss Jeannie Moir, native of Aber- 
deenshire, on April 30, 1894. Mr. Mitchell returned to AVyo- 
ming, accompanied by his wife, in 1894. Upon his return he 
purchased the entire capital stock of the cattle company he 
had organized in 1882, and to this day has been a successful 
cattle man. 

The Mitchells, members of the Presbyterian Church, were 
charitable, public spirited pioneers. Mr. Mitchell is affiliated 
with the Masonic fraternity, being a thirty-second degree 
Mason, and a member of the Commandery of Knights Templar, 
No. 1 and of the Consistory, No. 1 of Cheyenne. Was elected 
to the House of the State Legislature 1935. 

He was president of the Stock Growers Bank of Wheat- 
land for a number of years ; was trustee of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association from 1908 to 1924, served as vice presi- 
dent of the Association in 1924, and treasurer from 1925 to 

To this union was born four children, Mrs. Ruth Fancher, 
Uva ; Jeannie Wilson, Casper ; George Robert Mitchell, Uva ; 
Margaret Wilson, Glendo. 

The Mitchell familv was saddened bv the sudden death 
of Mrs. Mitchell April 25, 1942. 



By Bill Nye* 


Wyoming enjoyed the distinction of having Edgar Wilson 
Nye (Bill Nye) among its honored citizens from 1876 to 1883. 
While editor of the Laramie Boomerang he achieved world-wide 
reputation as the most popular humorist of the day. He was 
particularly happy in depicting scenes of Western life, and the 
following sketch is no doubt largely based upon his actual 
experience : 

A well-known editor in South Dakota writes: "We shall 
have to vote on the question of female suffrage here next fall. 
Will you kindly publish the results of your own experience 
during your eight years' residence in Wyoming, and also tell 
us what you know of the Legislature which framed the bill for 
that Territory? By doing this you will greatly oblige a num- 
ber of us who have no knowledge of the practical working of 
the law. 

Female suffrage, 1 may safely and seriously assert, ac- 
cording to the best judgment of the majority in Wyoming Ter- 
ritory, is an unqualified success. An effort to abolish it would 
be at once hooted clown. Its principal opposition comes from 
those who do not know anything about it. I do not hesitate 
to say that Wyoming is justly proud because she has thus 
early recognized woman and given her a chance to be heard. 
While she does not seek to hold office there or act as a juror, 
she votes quietly, intelligently and pretty independently. More- 
over, she does not recognize the machine at all, never goes to 
caucusses much; votes for the men who are satisfactory, re- 
gardless of the ticket, and thus scares the daylights out of 
rings and machines. 

*Bill' Nye was born in Sheiiey, Maine, August 25, 1850. His 
family moved west and settled in St. Croix County, Wisconsin when 
he was about two years old. He remained in Wisconsin until 
his twenty-sixth year; during this time he established a district 
school where he secured a considerable part of his education; 
studied law at an academy and a military school in River Falls; 
came to Wyoming settling- in Laramie in 187(5; here he became identified 
with the Sentinel, and later became editor and manager of the Boomerang, 
which paper he named after his mule. 

He wrote several books, plays and contributed to many newspapers 
and magazines. 

He married Clara Frances Smith on March 7. 1877. Their first 
children were born at Laramie. 

Poor health necessitated his leaving Wyoming in 1883. 

He passed away at Buck Shoals, North Carolina, February "2*2, 1890. 


In saying this, I am not in any way compromising this 
paper. I am simply giving my own experience of eight years, 
during which time I have lived peaceably in the house with a 
fellow-citizen who did not, always vote my way. We did not 
agree on religious matters, either, I being, perhaps more strict 
than my wife in such matters. 

So much for the general impressions I still have of the 
practical workings of the law in a new Territory, when elec- 
tion day would shame the polls of any cultivated city of the 
effete East, where the day wore a Sabbath serenity. No rum 
was sold, women rode to the polls in carriages furnished by 
the two parties, and every man was straining himself to be a 
gentleman because there were votes at stake. A Wyoming 
election, as I recall it, was a standing rebuke to every Eastern 
election I ever saw. 

The correspondent asks, however, for some desultory re- 
marks on the passage of the bill and other attendant circum- 
stances, and I gladly reproduce some of the speeches made in 
favor of the measure in order to show the originality and 
independence of thought, characteristic of the early Legislature. 

A member whom I will call Mr. Bigsby, partly because I 
need a name for him and partly because that was not his name, 
was elected by the railroad men of the southern part of the 
Territory, and was a railroad man himself. He said in the 
course of his remarks: "Gentlemen, this is a pretty important 
move. It's a kind of wild train on a single track, and we've 
got to keep our eye peeled or we'll get into the ditch. It's 
a neAv conductor making his first run. He don't know the 
stations yet, and he feels just as if there were a spotter in 
every coach besides. Female suffrage changes the manage- 
ment of the whole line, and may put the entire outfit in the 
hands of a receiver in two years. We can't tell when Wyoming 
Territory may be side-tracked with a lot of female conductors 
and superintendents and a posse of giddy girls at the brakes. 

I tell you we want to consider this pretty thorough. Of 
course, we members get our time check at the close of the 
term, and we don't care much, but if the young Territory gets 
into a hot box, or civilization has to wait a few years because 
we get a flat wheel, and thus block the track, or if by our 
foolishness we telescope some other Territory, folks will point 
us out and say, 'there's where the difficulty is.' We sent a 
choice aggregation of railroad men and miners and cattle men 
down there to Cheyenne, thinking we had a carload of states- 
men for to work up this thing, and Ave are without airy law 
or airy gospel that we can lay our jaw to in the whole domain. 
However, Mr. Speaker, I claim that I've got my orders and I 
shall pull out in favor of the move. If you boys will couple 
onto our train, I am moderatelv certain that Ave v\ r ill make no 


mistake. I regard it as a promotion when I go from the 
cattle train of male ward polities to take charge of a train with 
a parlor car and ladies belonging to the manifest." (Applause.) 

The next speech was made by unusual Barnes, owner of 
the Bar G Brand horse ranch and the crop mottle and key Q 
monkey wrench brand cattle on the Upper Chugwater. He said: 
"Mr. Chairman, or Speaker, or whatever you call yourself, I 
can cut out a steer or put my red-hot monogram on a maverick 
in the darkest night that ever blew, but I'm poorly put up to 
paralyze the eager throng with matchless eloquence. I tell 
you, talk is inexpensive, anyhow. It is rum and hired help 
that costs money. I agree with the chair that we want to be 
familiar with the range before we stampede and go wild like 
a lot of Texas cattle just off the trail, traveling 100 miles a day 
and filling their pelts with pizen weed and other peculiar 
vegetables. We want, to consider what we're about and act 
with some judgment. When we turn this maverick over to 
the Governor to be branded, we want to know that we are cor- 
ralling the right animal. You can't lariat a broncho mule with 
a morning glory vine. Most always, and after we've run this 
bill into the chute and twisted its tail a few times, we might 
want to pay two or three good men to help us let loose it. 
However, I shall vote for it as it is, and take the chances. 
Passing a bill is like buying a brand of cattle on the range, 
anyhow. You may tally away ahead, and you may get ever- 
lastingly left with a little withered bunch of Texas frames 
that there ain't no more hopes of fattening than there would 
be of putting flesh on a railroad bridge/' 

The Legislature now took a recess, and after a little <|iiiet 
talk at Colonel Luke Murrin's place, reassembled to listen to a 
brief speech by Buck Bramel, a prospector, who discovered the 
Pauper's Dream gold mine. Buck said: "Mr. Cheersman. I don't 
know what kind of a fist the women will make of politics, hut 
I'm prepared to invest with surface indications. The law may 
develop a true fissure vein of prosperity and progress, or a 
heartbreaking slide of the mountain. We cannot tell till we go 
down on it. All we can do is to prospect around and drift and 
develop and comply with the United States laws in such cases 
made and provided. Then two years more will show whether 
we've got 'mineral in place' or not. If it works, all right, the 
next shift that comes to the Legislature can drift and stope and 
stump and timber the blamed measure so as to make a good 
investment of it for future history. We don't expect to de- 
clare a dividend the first year. It'll take time to show what 
there is in it. My opinion is that women can give this territory 
a boom that will make her the bonanza of all creation. 

"We've got mighty pretty blossom rock already in the in- 
telligence and brains of our women ; let us he the means of her 


advancement and thus shame the old and mossy civilization of 
other lands. Thus in time we may be able to send missionaries 
to New England. I cannot think of anything more enjoyable 
than that would be. I was in California years ago, up in the 
hills, looking for a place, and I ran into a camp in a gulch 
there, where the soft foot-fall of women had never mashed 
the violet or squoze the fragrance from the wild columbine. 
At first the boys thought it was real nice. Everything was so 
quiet and life was like a dream. Men wore their whiskers 
flowing, with burdock burs in them. They got clown at the 
heel. They got so depraved that they neglected their manicure 
sets for days at a time and killed each other thoughtlessly at 
times. They also wore their clothes a long time without shame. 
They also bet their dust foolishly, and the rum pathologist of 
the Little Nasal Dye Works got the wages of the whole crew. 
Bye and bye Yankee school inarms and their brothers came up 
here, and everything was lovely; the boys braced up and had 
some style about 'em. It was a big stroke of good luck to the 

"I believe that the mother of a statesman is better cal- 
culated to vote than a man that can't read or write. I may 
be a little peculiar, but I think that when a woman has marched 
a band of hostile boys all the way up to manhood and give 'em 
a good start and made good citizens out of 'em, with this 
wicked world to buck agin all the time, she can vote all day, 
so far as I'm concerned, in preference to the man who don't 
know whether Michigan is in Missouri or St. Louis. I am in 
favor of making the location and going ahead with our assess- 
ment work, and I'll bet my pile that there hain't been a meas- 
ure passed by our august body this winter that will show 
more mineral on the dump in five years than this one. ' ' 

The closing speech was made by Elias Kilgore, a retired 
stage driver. He also favored the bill, and spoke as follows: 

"Mr. Speaker — The bill that's before us, it strikes me, is 
where the road forks. One is the old guv-ment road that has 
been the style for a good while, and the other is the cut-off. 
It 's a new road, but with a little work on it, I reckon it 's going 
to be the best road. You men that opposes the bill has got 
ezzication — some of you — some of you ain't. You that has got 
it got it at your mother's knee. Second, the more Godlike we 
get, gentlemen, the more rights we will give women. The closter 
you get to the cannibals the more apt a woman is to do chores 
and get choked for her opinions. I don't say that a woman has 
got to vote because she has the right, no more than our local 
vigilance committee has got to hang the member from Sweet- 
water county because it has a right to, but it is a good, whole- 
some brake on society in case you bust a holcl-back or tear off a 
harness strap when you are on a steep grade. The member from 


Sweetwater county says we ort to restrick the vote privilege 
instead of enlarging it. He goes on to say that too many folks 
is already 'ntitled to vote. That may be. Too many maudlin 
drunkards that thinks with a fung-us growth and reasons with 
a little fatty degeneration which they calls brains till they 
runs against an autopsy, too many folks with no voting quali- 
fication but talk and trowsiz, is allowed to vote, not only at the 
polls, but to even represent a big and beautiful county like 
Sweetwater in the Legislature. 

"So we are to restrick the vote, I admit, in that direction 
and enlarge it in the direction of decency and sense. Mr. 
Speaker, men is too much stuck on themselves. Becuz they 
was made first, they seem to be checked up too high. The fact 
is that God made the muskeeter and the bedbug before he 
made man. He also made the mud-turtle, the jackass and the 
babboon. When he had all the experience he wanted in creat- 
ing, he made man. Then he made woman. He done a good 
job. She suits me. She fooled herself once, but why was it? 
It was Monday. She had a picked-up dinner. Adam wanted 
something to finish off with. Eve suggested a cottage pudding. 
'Oh, blow your cottage pudding, ' says Ad. 'How would you 
like a little currant jell?' says she. 'No current jell, if you will 
excuse me,' says Ad. 'Well, say a sauceful of "tipsy parson," 
with a little coffee and a Rhode Island pudding'?' 'Don't talk 
to me about Rhode Island gravies," says Ad. 'You make me 
tired. Wash day here is worse than the fodder we had at the 
Gem City house on our wedding tower. I haven't had a thing 
to eat yet that was fit to feed to a shingle mill. Give me a fillet 
of elephant's veal. Kill that little fat elephant that eats the 
blackberries nights. Fix up a little Roman salad, ' he says, 
'and put a quart of Royal Berton sec on ice for me. I will then 
take a little plum duff and one of those apples that the Lord 
told us not to pick. Do that for next wash-day, Evie,' says Ad, 
'and draw on me." 

"These was Adam's words as regular as if he had been 
reported, I reckon, and that's how sin come into the world. 
That's why man earns his bread by the sweat of his brow, and 
the tooth of the serpent bruises the woman's heel. Eve rustled 
around the ranch to get a little fresh fruit for Ad., and lo ! 
the Deluge and the Crucifixtion and the Revelation and the 
Rebellion has growed out of it. 

"Proud man, with nothing but an appetite and sidewhis- 
kers, lays out to own the earth because Eve overdrawed her 
account in order to please him. And now, because man claims 
he was created first and did not sin to amount to anything, he 
thinks that he has got the brains of the civilized world and 
practically owns the town. 


"I talk with prejudice, Mr. Speaker, because I have no 
wife. I don't expect to have any. I have had one. She is in 
heaven now. She belonged there before I married her, but for 
some reason that I can't find out she was throwed in my way 
for a few years, and that recollection puts a lump in my throat 
yet as I stand here. I imposed on her because she had been 
taught to obey her husband, no matter how much of a dam 
phool he might be. That was Laura's idea of Christianity. 
She is dead now. I drive stage and think. God help the feller 
that has to think when he 's got nothing to think of but an angel 
in the sky that he ain't got no claim on. 

"I've been held up four times, and I drove right along 
past the road agents. Drove rather slow, hoping that they'd 
shoot, but they seemed kind of rattled, and so waited for the 
next stage. 

"It's funny to me that woman who suffers most in order 
that man may come into the world, the one, Mr. Speaker, that 
is first to find and last to forsake him, first to hush the cry of a 
baby Savior in a Jim Crow livery stable in Bethlehem, and last 
to leave the cross, first at the sepulchre and last to doubt the 
Lord, should be interested with the souls and bodies of gen- 
erations and yet not know enough to vote." (Applause.) 

I give the above simply to show the style of rhetoric in 
those days. 

Wyoming Stream flames 

By Dee Linford 


NOTE — Below is presented the last of the articles whose purpose 
was to examine the historical significance of names applied to principal 
Wyoming streams, at present and in the past. 

The term Popo Agie (pronounced popo-zsha) undoubtedly 
was originated by the Crow Indians who once lived along the 
important Wind River tributary which bears the name. There 
is disagreement, however, as to the words' meaning. Washing- 
ton Irving translated them as "Head Water" or "Head River," 
and most later writers — including Philip Ashton Rollins — ac- 
cept this interpretation. But an authoritative dissenting opinion 
is found in Coues (1898), in a quoted letter from Dr. Washing- 
ton Matthews, late eminent Indian anthropologist and linguist. 
and author of the now rare Hidatsa Dictionary. 

"Popo-agie is a Crow name," Dr. Matthews wrote. "As you 
know, Crow and Hidatsa (Sioux) are closely allied tongues; 
and as you know also, the sounds of 'o' and 'u' are easily 
interchanged in any language, English included. Now look at 
my Hidatsa Dictionary for the words 'pupu' and 'azi' (ahzhee), 
and put them together; then look for the word 'head' and see 
if you can make 'Head River' out of this name. Pupa is. I 
believe, the common reed, Phragrnites communis." 1 

Coues, on this authority, prefers the translation "Reed 
River" to Irving 's "Head River." Still another interpreta- 
tion of "popo" or "pupu" is listed by Clough as "bundles 
of rye grass, such as Indians used to shed rain from the wooden 
wickiup." This is not "reed" or "river reed," but the two 
types of plants could easily have been linked in the Indian 

The Wyoming Guide Book traces the names Bull Lake 
and Bull Lake Creek, both tributary to Wind River, to a 
Shoshone legend of a white buffalo bull which was chased into 
the lake by hunters who coveted his white robe. The bull 
drowned, and in winter the ice covering the water was said 
to rise and drop with a moaning, grumbling sound — which 
sound the Indians interpreted as the white bull 's spirit roaring 
in anger. Because of this belief, they are said to have called 
the water both Bull Lake and "Lake That Roars." 

At least two conflicting opinions account for the naming 
of Badwater Creek, one of the last affluents acquired by the 
Wind River before entering the can von where it becomes the 


Big Horn. One says the quality of its water inspired the 
stream's name, another relates that Indians bestowed the ap- 
pellation after floodwaters from a cloudburst had swept away 
an encampment near its mouth. 

Kirby Creek, according to the Hilliard S. Ridgely papers 
(Thompson), derived its name from J. R. Kirby, first settler 
to locate on its banks, in 1880. The names Xowater and 
Nowood are descriptive. The term Tensleep, applied to a 
major fork of the Nowood, commemorates an Indian custom 
of reckoning time and distance in ' ' sleeps. ' ' A favored camp- 
site along the stream's banks was said to have been "ten sleeps' ' 
travel from Port Laramie in one direction and a point in 
Yellowstone Park in the other. 

The Greybull River was named, according to the "Wyo- 
ming Guide, for Indian Pictographs on a cliff overhanging the 
water which depicted a great buffalo bull with an arrow 
through its body. A second legend says the name was inspired 
by an old grey buffalo bull which ranged the river's banks. 
The former version appears to be the more probable. At any 
rate, the name is very old; Irving more than a hundred years 
ago listed the stream as "Bull River." Meeteetse Creek, 
tributary to the Greybull, has an Indian name translated both 
as "far away" and "near by" (Clough). 

Shell Creek's name, to quote from Clough, is "by some 
attributed to a cowboy, Dick Shell, who picked the town site ; 
but the presence of a Shell River on Irving 's 1837 map, as 
well as of a Sheik Creek on Colton's map of 1869, and on maps 
of the 70 's (where a Shell River farther south is also found 
once or twice), would seem to cast doubt on the legend of a 
cowboy, or give credence to the suggestion that the name came 
from shells along the stream." 

White Creek, a branch of the Shell, was named for a 
Charley Smith, trapper, who was murdered on its banks in 
1880 (Ridgely papers). 

The Shoshone River, last tributary of note acquired by 
the Big Horn River in Wyoming, was known prior to 1901 
as the Stinking Water. The name is shown on Clark's map 
of the Northwest, of 1814, and was apparently bestowed by 
John Colter who discovered the river in 1807. A Wyoming 
Legislature arbitrarily declared its name to be "Shoshone 
River" in 1901, at the behest of finical citizens who de- 
sired a more euphonious and less descriptive title for their 
river. The term "Shoshone," applied to the river from the 
Indian nation most commonly associated with Wyoming, is 
said to mean "abundance of grass" and "grass lodge people" 

Carter Creek was said by Ridgely to have been called for 
Charlie Carter, early Big Horn Basin settler, who founded the 


famous Bug Ranch in 1880 on the creek which now hears 
his name. 

Sunlight Creek, tributary to Clark's Fork, is said ((Tough) 
to have been named by prospectors who, lost in a fog, sud- 
denly looked down into the creek's basin, and found it flooded 
with sunshine. 

The Tongue and Powder Rivers — last two important trib- 
utaries received by the Yellowstone River from Wyoming — 
both find headwaters on the east slope of the Big Horn Moun- 
tains. Both titles date back to Lewis and Clark, and both 
undoubtedly are translations of Indian names, applied before 
the coming of the whites. 

Clark's journal recording his journey down the Yellow- 
stone in 1806 tells of camping on a stream ''called by the 
Indians 'Lazeka, or Tongue River.' " On Lewis' map of the 
Northwest, the form of the Indian term is rendered "la-ze-ka." 
The explorers make no attempt to account for the unusual 
appellation. There is a legend which says the stream was so 
styled for a tongue-shaped mountain near its head, but verifi- 
cation of this appears to lie lacking. 

Record of the naming of Powder River is even less satis- 
factory. "The water is very muddy," the Lewis and Clark 
Journal reports, "and like its banks is of a dark brown color. 
Its current throws out great quantities of red stones; which 
circumstance, with the appearance of the distant hills, induced 
Captain Clark to call it the Redstone, which he afterwards 
found to be the meaning of its Indian name, "Wahasah' ". 

Clark did not list the name "Powder River," even as an 
alternative title. But Lewis, who did not visit the stream, 
identifies it on his map as the "War-rak-sash or Powder R." 
Clark's "Wahasah" and Lewis' "War-rak-sash" undoubtedly 
are variations of the same Indian term, and Clark elsewhere 
varied his spelling even closer to. Lewis', with " War-har-sop," 
still insisting on the translation "Redstone." But in 1811. 
only five years after Clark had discovered the stream. Wilson 
Price Hunt referred to it as "Powder River." without quali- 
fication or explanation — indicating that the latter name was 
well established at that time, three years before Clark's map 
was published. 

Thus, the significance of the term "Powder River." which 
has come to be somehow symbolic of the whole romantic notion 
of the West, is not known. Some suggest it may have been 
named, like the Cache de la Poudre of Colorado, from some 
early trapper's cache of gunpowder. But Clark's statement 
that the Indian name "Redstone" was inspired by the stream's 
flow, and Lewis' translation of the same Indian term to mean 
"Powder," promote belief that the appellation Powder River 


was applied out of regard for the river's sandy banks and 
sand-laden waters. 

The Powder, reputed by legend to be a mile wide and an 
inch deep, and to run uphill, arises in Natrona County and 
acquires numerous tributaries from three other counties before 
crossing the State-line, to join the Yellowstone in Montana. 
Names of many of these forks are as arresting as that of the 
parent stream, and their origins are likewise as obscure. 

Crazy Woman Creek, according to an item appearing in 
the Wyoming Leader of July 26, 1877, was the "haunt of a 
crazy old squaw . . . On moonlight nights the old squaw was 
often seen seated in her light canoe, shooting its rapids, jump- 
ing its numerous falls, and thus leaping from village to vil- 
lage like a very spirit. The Great Spirit had laid his hand 
upon her ; hence she was not molested by any of the tribe, and 
her comings were looked upon as good medicine, and were 
often followed by the successful chase, or a victorious battle 
with their (the Sioux's) old-time enemies, the Crows, whose 
home was in the adjacent (Big Horn) mountains." 

This legend of the demented squaw makes its first appear- 
ance in the report (Coutant) of Captain H. E. Palmer of the 
Seventh Iowa Volunteer Cavalry, who accompanied General 
P. E. Connor on the bloody "Powder River Expedition" from 
Fort Laramie in 1865 ; it has been repeated, with variations, 
in many later works. There is, however, another version of 
the meaning of this name. Coues (1898) lists the word witkowin 
as the Indian equivalent of prostitute, and gives its literal 
translation as "fool woman." Prom this, some sources take 
the view that the stream was known to Indians as "Prostitute 
Creek," and that whites in adopting the name lost its true 
significance — as often was the case in such adaptations. 

The presence of a second Crazy Woman Creek in Wyo- 
ming (tributary to the Cheyenne River) implies that the term 
may originally have had some such general significance to 
the Indian mind, and did not arise from a specific incident, 
such as that reported by the legend of the demented squaw. 

Teapot Creek and Castle Creek take their names from 
suggestive rock formations along their courses : Teapot Dome, 
which achieved national notoriety in the oil scandals of the 
1920 's, takes its name from the creek. The terms Clear, Salt, 
Alkali, Dry, Bitter, Red, etc., as applied to Powder River tribu- 
taries, are descriptive. Spotted Horse, Wildhorse, Rawhide. 
Wildcat, date back to early times, and — like most salty western 
place names — they seem to have no definite beginning. 

Ke minis cences of frontier J) ays 

By M. Wilson Rankin 

The following are excerpts from M. Wilson Eankin's book, "Kenii- 
niscences of Frontier Days ' ' which was produced from his diary written 
for private use only. Because of many requests for copies of the diary, 
a limited number of these books were printed. 

A Distributing and Supply Point 

When construction of the Union Pacific Railroad was com- 
pleted through Wyoming in 1868, Rawlins was located at 
Rawlins Springs, named in honor of John A. Rawlings who 
was in command of a military expedition of exploration that 
camped at the springs for some time in 1857. From 1868 sup- 
plies were shipped to Rawlins annually by the government 
for delivery to the White River Ute Indian Agency, Shoshone, 
and Arapahoe Agency, and the military post of Fort Washakie. 
All of these except the White River Agency were located in 
the Popo-agie and Wind River Valley 150 miles northwest of 
Rawlins. Mail was delivered to these agencies by horseback; 
semimonthly in winter and weekly in summer. 

A description of the route from Rawlins to the White 
River Agency is included as a background to assist in the 
description of later activities along the route. (Thirty miles 
south of Rawlins the road crossed Muddy Creek , and the 
Denver, Salt Lake and Overland stage road, and frequently 
referred to as the Bitter Creek route, j 

I By 1862, mining had come into prominence in Colorado. 
Denver was growing; Indians had become more troublesome 
to stage and immigrant travel on the North Platte route. The 
stage line and practically all traffic between Missouri River 
points. Salt Lake and northwest territory, was shifted to the 
I iitter Creek route. ) 

Fort Morgan was established on the line at the crossing 
of the South Platte River and the junction of the Denver 
branch. Fort Halleck was also established on the line at the 
foot of Elk Mountain on the same date. The stage line was 
operated by Ben Holladay. ' 

At Muddy Creek crossing was Sulphur Springs Stage 
Station, with a history of Indian depredations such as attacks 
on stage coaches traveling on the route within its radius. On 
the hillside a few hundred yards from the station were eight 
markers representing fatalities. From information passed along. 


five persons were killed by Indians, one was killed during a 
drunken carousel, and two immigrants died from natural 

The following information was obtained from Herman 
Haas who was a long-time resident of Cheyenne. He had been 
a private soldier at Fort Laramie in 1862, and one of an escort 
of soldiers when stage coaches and other stage equipment was 
being transferred from the North Platte route for service on 
the Bitter Creek route by way of Independence Rock, Devils 
Gap on the Sweetwater River, and through a gap in the Ferris 
Mountains. At this point the escort found two soldiers who 
had dropped out of an escort of soldiers who had preceded 
them on a similar mission. They were lying beside the road- 
side in a stupor from liquor. The officer in charge poured out 
their supply of liquors from bottles, got them on their horses. 
and started them on the way to overtake their troop. From 
this occurance, the pass received the name of Whiskey Gap. 

Five miles farther south the escort found another soldier 
of the same party as the other two. He had fallen by the 
wayside at a spring branch. At his awakening from a stupor, 
with a befuddled brain, he was bewildered and lost, not know- 
ing in which direction to go to find his comrades. He was 
directed on his way by the officer in charge. From this inci- 
dent/ the spring branch was given the name of Lost Soldier. 

(The Holladay stage line was abandoned shortly after the 
completion of building of the Union Pacific Railroad which 
paralleled the stage route. Immigrant travel- continued, but 
gradually dwindled to a mere dribble by 1885. ) 

Sixteen miles south of Sulphur Springs, the agency road 
crossed the old Cherokee trail. From history we learn the 
Cherokee Indians disposed of their lands in southern Georgia 
in 1853, and with horse and ox teams, herds of cattle and 
other belongings trekked their way across plains and moun- 
tains without road or trail to guide them on their way to 
California in search of gold and a country where they could 
make homes for their people. The trail at this point, and for 
many miles, is plainly visible and can be traced in many places 
across southern "Wyoming at the present time, although it is 
three-quarters of a century since it was traveled. 

Judging from their zigzag trail which passed through 
rough mountain country, the Cherokees were poor guides. 
Their trail at several points within Wyoming being six to ten 
miles south of the more feasible and later-established Denver 
and Salt Lake Route. They possibly selected the mountainous 
route with a view to prospecting for gold where conditions 
seemed favorable. 


Continuing south fifteen miles. Muddy Creek forms a 
junction with Little Snake River. The latter stream derived 
its name from the Snake Indians (one of the Shoshone tribes). 
who, because of a tribal custom, were noted for their weird 
snake dance, and who inhabited this valley until driven out 
by Arapahoe and Ute Indians. 

Besides the Arapahoe and Ute Indians claiming the 
Snake River country for their hunting ground, the Sioux and 
other Indian tribes drifted, at times, to these parts for a hunt. 
/Two miles south of the above mentioned junction the road 
crossed the Colorado-Wyoming line and followed the course of 
Four Mile Creek to the divide, thence along the course of 
Fortification Creek to the mouth of Little Bear Creek where 
the road bore to the east across the mesa to Bear River at the 
junction of Elkhead Creek. From Bear River Crossing the 
route was in a southwesterly direction over ^a high divide to 
Williams Fork (a tributary of Bear River), ) thence crossing 
near the head of Deer and Morapos Creek to Stinking Gulch, 
so named because of sloughs where black mulch with bad-smell- 
ing odors arose. At this point the road was joined by a trail 
from Bear River Road Crossing. It was a short-cut on the 
route by way of lower Morapos Creek, and was known as the 
Morapos trail. It was first traveled by Indians, and later all 
horseback travel, including the U. S. mail, went over this trail. 
Many years later the "lies Oil Dome" was discovered in the 
Stinking Gulch district. 

The agency road continued over a low divide and along 
the north side of Milk creek to where the Creek turned north 
through a canyon in the Danforth Hills. This string of hills 
was named after Ute Indian Agent H. E. Danforth who had be- 
come lost during a snow storm, spending one night out while 
on a hunt for deer. From Milk Creek Crossing, the route fol- 
lowed Beaver Creek, which is a narrow ravine. At Milk Creek 
Crossing a short-cut trail led straight ahead over hills, joining 
the road on Beaver Creek, thence over a low divide following 
the downward course of Coal Creek. This creek took the name 
after a coal vein had been opened to supply fuel for the first 
White River Agency, which was six miles east of the mouth of 
Coal Creek and situated near the foot of the mountains at the 
east end of White River Valley, where the history-making 
trail ended 165 miles from Rawlins. 

During the life of the White River Ute Indian Agency, a 
number of men had been assigned to the position of agent, bin 
owning to the roving and unruly disposition shown by the Vies 
and isolated location of the agency, each became dissatisfied 
or was removed for cause, leaving the job after a short Term 
of years. Names of these agents were A. J. Beck, Charles X. 


Adams, J. S. Littlefield and H. E. Danforth, who was succeeded 
by Nathan Cook Meeker. > 

The names of some of the first to carry the mail by 
horseback from Rawlins to the White River Agency were 
Jerry Huff, Charlie Lowry, Joe Rankin and Joe Collom. 


Gold was discovered by Joseph Hahn and Captain George 
R. Way, who bad come from Illinois in 1860. They spent 
part of that season prospecting on the eastern slope. Leaving 
Empire with pack burros late in the season to prospect on the 
western slope, they arrived at the peak late in the fall, where 
they found gold in gulches at the foot of the peak. Heavy 
snows came before -much prospecting could be done. They had 
but a small supply of provisions, so they returned to Empire 
and to the states for the winter, expecting to return to the peak 
in the spring. During the winter, they entered into an agree- 
ment with William Doyle, a friend and neighbor, to join them 
and renew the search for gold. 

In 1861 the civil war began. Way and Doyle enlisted and 
served three years in the army. After their discharge from 
the army, Hahn and Way renewed their former agreement 
with Doyle to return to the peak and begin mining on their 
discovery. Late in the summer of 1864 they again outfitted 
at Empire for their journey to the peak. They arrived again 
too late to prospect or to build a cabin and prepare for winter. 
Having but a small supply of provisions for three men. Cap- 
tain Way returned to Empire with the burros, expecting to 
return with supplies. 

Deep snows came and he could not return. The snowfall 
was heavy about the peak. Deer and elk that were in the 
vicinity when they first came and of which they expected to 
get the greater part of their food supply for the winter, had 
drifted to the lower altitude during the first snows. 

Early in March, after much privation (their provisions 
being exhausted and starvation threatening them), Hahn and 
Doyle started to Empire on foot over crusted snow which 
broke through part of the time. They got as far as the head 
of Muddy Creek, a few miles below Rabbit Ear peak, when 
Hahn became exhausted and sick. Lying down in the snow, he 
could go no farther. Doyle stayed with him for some time, 
but Hahn became worse. Doyle, in fear of losing his own life 
by further delay, left Hahn to die and made his way toward 


Empire, stopping at Gus Header's trapping camp in upper 
Middle Park. He stumbled in, completely exhausted from cold 
and hunger. 

After a rest and recovery of strength, he made his way 
to Empire. At the break of spring, Doyle and Way returned 
to look after Halm's remains. They never returned to the 
peak. Later, when mining began at the peak, it was named 
Halm's Peak, and the gulch in which gold was first discovered 
was named Way's Gulch. 


as told by- 
Bill Slater and Bibleback Brown 

The first mining done at Halm's Peak was in 1869 by Wil- 
liam (Bill) Slater and partner, known to pioneers of Snake 
River by no other name than Bibleback Brown. Slater had 
lived in Denver. He joined the third Colorado Cavalry in 
1863. He was with Colonel John M. Chivington in the battle 
of Sand Creek against a band of 300 southern Cheyenne In- 
dians, forty miles north of Fort Lyon, in November, 1861. 
During the thick of the fight. Slater followed one of the tribe 
a considerable distance along a deep wash-away from the 
battle-ground before getting a chance to kill. When return- 
ing by the same route, he found a small Indian boy who had 
wondered away from the camp during the fight. He took the 
boy on his horse, thinking to save the youngster's life. Before 
he got to where the slaughter was going on, he thought of the 
instructions given by the stern commander Chivington, that 
"nits become lice" — that young and old must be exterminated. 
He left the boy alive by a cotton wood tree, never knowing 
what became of him afterwards. 

In 1868 Slater was employed on construction work of the 
Union Pacific Railroad in Wyoming. During the winter months 
he was employed at U, P. construction at Rawlins. Brown at 
that time was camping twelve miles north of Rawlins in the 
brakes of a spring branch which later was named Brown's 
Canyon (by the citizenry). He had been furnishing game meat 
for the Union Pacific Railroad construction crews. He had 
been trapping in the Snake River and Halm's Peak country 
two years before, where he found mining tools and other 
indications of prospecting that had been done by Halm and 

Slater was about 40 years of age ; Brown five years older. 
(According to frontier custom, when meeting in a saloon they 


became pals by joining socially with many drinks). When 
tuned to the point, Brown confided his secret of gold discovery 
to Slater. '.In the spring of 1869, they joined in outfitting with 
saddle and^ackhorses, provisions and necessary prospecting 
equipment, and went to work on the prospect. The greater 
part of the season was spent prospecting. They found gold in 
other places about the peak. They collected some gold by 
panning. They built a cabin and made preparations for min- 
ing the next season. When deep snow came, they moved to 
Snake River Valley, and built a cabin near the mouth of Savery 
Creek. Brown went to Rawlins for winter provisions and his 
traps, which. he had left at Rawlins. They did some trapping 
that winter./ 

In the spring of 1870 they returned to their claims and 
began mining by sluicing over riffles and flume of crude con- 
struction. They were joined later in the season by Dave Miller 
and George Howe, who wandered in while on a prospecting 
trip from east of the range. They located claims on Poverty 
Hill, a short distance from Way's Gulch. The only other 
changes in the monotony of their isolated job was when they 
were visited by bands of Ute Indians while on their customary 
ramblings when hunting each season. In their clean-up of the 
season, Slater and Brown had enough of the yellow metal to 
pay them well for their season's labor. Miller and Howe 
joine'd them in going to the valley for winter quarters. 

(^During the mining season of 1871 the four miners were 
joined in search for gold by I. C. Miller and W. R. Cogswell. 
They had come from Rawlins. They also located claims on 
Poverty Hill. At the close of the mining season, Miller and 
Cogswell returned to Rawlins for the winter while the other 
four went to their winter cabins in the valley, and Brown 
went to Rawlins for winter provisions. While at Rawlins. 
Brown met Noah Reader who was camped at Rawlins Springs. 
He was on his way west from Missouri with his family of 
wife and three sons, George, William and Albert. They were 
traveling by ox team and covered wagon with a small herd 
of cattle. During their conversation Reader told Brown he 
was looking for a country in which to make a home for him- 
self and family. Brown told him that Snake River Valley was 
a good place to winter his stock, and if he wished to go, that 
he himself was going out next day and would be glad to show 
him the way. Reader's stock being footsore and tired, he 
decided to go with Brown. He located by a wall^rock ledge 
near where Brown and Slater spent their winters, J 

Reader set about at once to erect a cabin of Cottonwood 
logs for a home. Brown and Slater assisted him to build. The 
Reader family were permanent settlers and the first to build 


a home in Snake River Valley. Slater later homesteaded on 
a creek south of Snake River, which was given the name of 
Slater Creek. Brown was the scout and first to travel the 
short-cut route from Snake River by way of Five Buttes and 
Pine Grove, to Rawlins. A steep hill on the route between 
Snake River and Five Buttes was named Brown's Hill. 

In 1872, Will G. Reader (second son of Noah Reader) was 
employed at mining at Halm's Peak by Brown and Slater. 
After a busy season of panning and sluicing, the seven miners 
felt well paid for their labor. Other prospectors joined in the 
hunt for gold about the peak during the season. 

Brown and Slater were good pals ; honest whole-souled, 
and fond of drink from the cup that cheers. The little brown 
jug of tonic was often included in their stock when purchas- 
ing provisions for their camp. The gold pan served the pros- 
pector to mix his bread: as wash pan, and many other camp 


to the 


August 2, 1943 to December 31, 1943 

Miscellaneous Gifts 

Woman 's Relief Corps, J. F. Reynolds No. 9 donor, through Mrs. Eliza- 
beth S. Graeber, and Mrs. Elizabeth Braunschweig, of an American 
Flag, and W.R.C. No. 9, badge attached. 

Braunschweig, Mrs. Elizabeth, Cheyenne, Wyoming, donor of two framed 
photographs; one of Thomas Castle and John C. Argesheimer, and 
one of Arthur Mahar and Thomas Castle. Large knife brought from 
the Philippines after World War I by a Mr. Poster and presented 
to Thomas Castle. 

Gould, Charles A., 1228 16th Street, Washington, D. C, donor of eight 
snapshots of old buildings at Port MeKinney. 

Beach, Major Alfred H., donor of seventeen long photographs of World 
War I scenes; five photographs, military groups, World War I; 60 
picture post cards mostly French scenes; eight pamphlets, thirteen 
articles, typewritten and longhand; ten old State newspapers; sixty- 
four newspaper clippings of people and places in Wyoming. 

Gereke, A. J., of Cheyenne, Wyoming, donor of seven cuts, one of the 
Central School, one of Theodore Roosevelt, the signatures of Frank 
Emerson, James B. True, Samuel Corson, A. W. French, Mrs. V. S. 
Glafeke Flower Shop sign; two imprints of these seven cuts; photo- 
graph of Hugh L. Patton, U. S. Marshal; photograph of the dog 
''Tony" used by Mr. Ripley in his newspaper article ''Believe it 
or not"; letter by Mr. Gereke to Mr. Ripley and a postcard from 
Mr. Ripley; two 1910 baseball posters; one poster advertising an 
aviation meeting 1911. 

Davis, Mrs. James, Laramie, Wyoming, donor of one group picture of 
Patrick Burns, James O'Brien, Malcolm Campbell, C. P. Arnold, John 
R. Smith, Bert Wagner, James Abney; a sea horse; The Vanished 
Frontier, pamphlet; Court House scene at Laramie 1886; two photo- 
graphs of Dale Creek Bridge; two photographs of a wreck on the 
Union Pacific Railroad. 

Brosnan, Dominic A., East Natick, Massachusetts, donor of a print of 
Fort Bridger 1858; poem, "Man to Brother Man" by Mr. Brosnan. 

Books — Purchased 

Johnson, Allen — The Historian and Historical Evidence, New York, Scrib- 
ners, C 1926. $1.80. 

Emmons, Delia Gould — Sacajawea of the Shoshones, Portland, Oregon, Bins- 
ford & Mort, C 1943. $1.80. 

Annals of Wyoming 

Pol. 16 

July, 1944 

No. 2 

Or,. ' 
7 '<e 



En front of the Office are Frank Barrow, Mrs. Merris C. Barrow, M. C. Barrow, Sam 
ilaymaker, and one of Mr. and Mrs. Barrow's daughters. The sign on the second building 
s, "Henry Rokahr, Harnesses, Boots, Shoes and Farm Implements." The Law Office is, 
is near as we can ascertain, the law office of Alex Buttler, a lawyer in old Douglas. 
(For history of paper see Page 166.) 

Published Bi-Annually 


Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Annals of Wyoming 

Vol. 16 July, 1944 No. 2 


THE MEEKER MASSACRE, from Reminiscences of Frontier Days... 87 
By M. Wilson Rankin 


Wyoming Cattle Quarantine, 1885 147 

By W. Turrentine Jackson 


Company ''H'' of the Girl Militia, Statehood Celebration 162 

Rawlins Cycling Clubs of the Gay Nineties, 1892 and 1897 264 

Bill Barlow's Budget Office 1886 166 

By D. C. Cook 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS in Annals of Wyoming Vol. 3 to Vol. 16.... 168 


INDEX TO VOL. 16 175 







Printed by 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 

The State historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board 
and the State Historical Department assume no responsibility for any 
statement of fact or opinion expressed by contributors to the 

The Wyoming State Historical Department invites the presentation 
of museum items, letters, diaries, family histories and manuscripts of 
Wyoming citizens. It welcomes the writings and observations of those 
familiar with important and significant events in the State 's history. 

In all ways the Department strives to present to the people of 
Wyoming and the Nation a true picture of the State. The historical 
magazine, ANNALS OF WYOMING, is one medium through which the 
Department seeks to gain this objective. All communications concerning 
the ANNALS should be addressed to Mary A. McGrath, Wyoming His- 
torical Department, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

This magazine is sent free of charge to all State Historical Board 
members, the State Historical Advisory Board, Wyoming County Libraries 
and Wyoming newspapers. 

It is published in January and July, subscription price $1.50 per year. 

Copyright, 1944; by the Wyoming Historical Department. 


Lester C. Hunt, President Governor 

Mart T. Christensen Secretary of State 

Wm. ' ' Seotty ' ' Jack State Auditor 

Earl Wright State Treasurer 

Esther L. Anderson Superintendent of Public Instruction 

Mary A. McGrath, Secv State Librarian and Historian Ex-Officio 


Mrs. Mary Jester Allen, Cody 

Frank Barrett, Lusk 

George Bible, Rawlins 

Mrs. T. K. Bishop, Basin 

C. Watt Brandon, Kemmerer 

J. Elmer Brock, Kaycee 

Struthers Burt, Moran 

Mrs. Elsa Spear Byron, Sheridan 

Mrs. G. C. Call, Afton 

Oliver J. Colyer, Torrington 

William C. Deming, Cheyenne 

E. A. Gaensslen, Green River 

Hans Gautsehi, Lusk 

Burt Griggs, Buffalo 

Jack Havnes, Yellowstone Park 

D. B. Hilton, Sundance 

Mrs. Joseph H. Jacobucei, Green River 
P. W. Jenkins, Big Piney 
W. C. Lawrence, Moran 

E. A. Logan, Cheyenne 
Howard B. Lott, Buffalo 
Mrs. Eliza Lythgoe, Cowley 
A. J. Mokler, Casper 

Mrs. Elmer K. Xelso;], Laramie 

Charles Oviatt, Sheridan 

Mrs. Minnie Reitz, Wheatland 

Mrs. Effie Shaw, Cody 

John Charles Thompson, Cheyenne 

Russell Thorp, Cheyenne 






Mary A. McGrath, Editor . State Librarian and Historian Ex-Officio 
Marie H. Erwin, Co-Editor Assistant Historian 


Housed in the new Supreme Court and Library Building 
in Cheyenne, with vault space and fireproof protection, the 
Museum provides for the preservation and display of the 
prized possessions of Wyoming pioneers. 

Perpetuate your family name by placing your historical 
collections and relics in your State Museum, where they may 
he permanently preserved and enjoyed by the thousands of 

Everything that is presented to the Museum is numbered, 
labeled, recorded and card indexed, thus insuring permanent 

Zke Meeker Massacre 



By M. Wilson Rankin* 

The Secretary of the Interior, after receiving the resig- 
nation of H. E. Danforth, to take effect July 1, 1878, when 
casting around about to find a man for the job, learned of 
Meeker and of his success in establishing the Union Colony; 
his interest in Indian affairs, and his ideals for civilization 
and education of the Indians. He was appointed agent. He 
was a dreamer of higher ideals. He visioned the Indians could 
be civilized and become self-supporting by teaching them 
how to farm. 

Nathan Cook Meeker was sixty-four years old. He had 
been one of the editorial staff of the New York Tribune for 
several years. With advice and financial assistance from 
Horace Greeley, he organized the Union Colony, which was 
incorporated in the name of Greeley. 

He moved with his family to Colorado in 1870. He estab- 
lished and was editor of the Greeley Tribune. 

Meeker arrived at the White River Agency from Greeley 
in the latter part of June, 1878, to take the job of agent. He 
traveled by rail to Rawlins, and south to the agency by 
buckboard mail stage. 

Meeker Decided to Move the Agency 

The Agency was situated near the mountains where the 
snowfall was heavy. Meeker inspected the lands adjacent to 
the agency, as to whether suitable for agriculture. A few tons 
of wild hay had been cut each season for winter nse, but no 
farming had been done. 

He looked over the entire White River Valley within the 
reservation. He selected the Powell Bottom, twelve miles down 
the river from the old agency, as the most suitable place for 
the agency to farm. He made his decision known to Chief Doug- 
las, who, with his several sub-chiefs, held council and made 
strong protest, declaring that the Powell Bottom furnished 
the best winter grazing for their ponies, and if the agency was 

*Mr. Eawlins designated himself as ''The Rider" all through his 


moved there, the grass would all be used in the summer, and 
they would not adhere to the idea. Regardless of the chief's 
objections, Meeker went ahead with his plan. He started 
employees at moving the buildings which were composed of 
rough cottonwood and pine logs. 

Powell Bottom derived its name from Major J. W. Powell, 
who, with a party of scientists, camped on the bottom for 
several months during 1869. They were engaged in exploring 
the rims of the Colorado, Green, and Bear River canyons and 
other sections for minerals. Since it was a government expe- 
dition, they were permitted to camp within the reservation 

Activities at the White River Agency in 1878 
Confirmed by Joe Collom 

A New Mail Contract Was Let 

Meeker applied to the postoffice department for an in- 
crease in mail service to the Agency, and the weekly mail be- 
tween Dixon and the Agency was increased to semi-weeklv, 
July 1st, 1878. 

Meeker's Family Moved to the Agency 

When Joe Collom arrived at the Agency with the last mail 
of the Collom-Dutch Bill weekly mail contract between Dixon 
and the Agency, he was open for a new job. He was intro- 
duced and recommended to Mr. Meeker as a reliable man, by 
Mrs. H. E. Danforth, postmistress at the Agency, and wife of 
the retiring agent. 

He was employed by Meeker. His first job was to drive 
an Agency mule team with camp equipment to Rawlins and 
bring back Mrs. Teresa Meeker, aged sixty-seven, and daughter 
Josephine, aged twenty, and Windfield Fullerton, a young man 
of Greeley, who was a visitor. 

The second night from Rawlins on their way to the Agency, 
they camped at Cold Springs near Fortification Rocks, the 
noted rattlesnake den. They found a number of rattlers coiled 
under sage brush near the spring. They all joined in exter- 
minating all that could be found near camp. Although not 
having the protection of a tent, they were not molested during 
the night. 

They arrived at Powell Bottom the following day, and 
joined Mr. Meeker in camp where the buildings of the old 
Agency were being erected for the new Agency. 


Ute Customs 

It was a custom of the roving Ute bands (Colorow, "Wash- 
ington, Sowawic, Cup-Ears, Jack and others), while hunting 
each season in the Bear and Elk Rivers, North and Middle 
Park country, to join in camping in Upper Middle Park, 
where they engaged in sports such as horse-racing and foot- 
racing among themselves. At times they were joined in 
their sports by the whites. 

From this camp, leading chiefs with small parties would 
visit at mining towns and at Denver, to view the sights, tramp 
the streets, and sit on the curb for a few days. 

If they had a grievance at the Agency, they would seek a 
conference with the Big Chief (governor), relating their trou- 
bles and asking his aid in securing relief for them through 
the Washington government. 

Tabashie Killed 

In August, 1878, the several Ute bands had congregated 
in camp on Frazer Creek below the Cousin's ranch, and near 
the Junction ranch which received the name because of being 
located at the junction of the Empire and Blackhawk roads. 
The ranch was owned by Wm. Hamil of Georgetown. John 
Turner was in charge. 

Chief Washington and Piah, with a band, had been on a 
roving and foraging trip on the South Platte and plains east 
of Denver, where they harrassed settlers, shot and wounded 
one, McLane. 

They had returned to Frazer Creek, locating their tepees 
on the Junction ranch meadow. Turner was mowing hay. 
He was angered by their trespassing, and ordered them to 
move. He was greeted by a tirade of abuse in the Ute tongue. 
Advancing in a threatening manner, a band of eight Utes, led 
by a young buck named Tabashie Nee-Tab-cht, (grandson of 
old Chief Yarmony) and known to the whites by the name of 
Sugarlip, literally cut the harness from the team with their 
hunting knives. The Utes, being armed. Turner was powerless 
to make resistance. 

With a view to complying by law for protection of his 
property. Turner sent a courier post-haste to notify Sheriff 
Mark Bessy, at Sulphur Springs, who organized a posse of 
eight special deputies to accompany him. The names of some 
of these were Frank Anderson, George Clark, Frank Byers. 
John Turner, Charley Rover, and Frank McQuery. 

When the posse arrived at the Junction ranch and Ute 
camp, the Utes were horse-racing a quarter of a mile away. 
They had left their rifles in their tepees. The posse seized 
the rifles and held them under guard at the Junction ranch. 


Since the race-track was out of view of the camp, the bucks 
were notified by one of their tribe. A band of bucks appeared 
at the Junction ranch and demanded the rifles, which were 
refused them by the sheriff. Sugarlip, who was leader in the 
harness cutting, made a break to seize the rifles. He was shot 
dead by Frank Anderson. With the leader dead, Sheriff Bessy 
decided it was not good policy to make arrests at that time. 
After the sheriff had talked with some of the older chiefs, 
the affair quieted down and the rifles were returned. 

Junction ranch is now the townsite of Tabernash, from 
the above mentioned incident. It was given the name by 
E. A. Meredith, chief engineer of the Moffat Railroad when 
it was built in 1902. 

The Utes Kill Old Man Elliot 

The same band of Utes, when on their way to the Agency, 
killed old man Elliot, living on the Blue River. They held a 
grievance against Elliot, from the year before when he re- 
fused them food. Some settlers thought the murder was to 
avenge the killing of Tabashie. Elliot was killed while chop- 
ping wood by the side of his cabin. When the news reached 
Sulphur Springs, Sheriff Bessy, with a posse, went to the 
Blue River in search of the murderers, but failed to find them. 
They had fled toward the Agency. A few days later Sheriff 
Bessy, with three special deputies, went to the White River 
Agency to arrest the guilty Utes. Agent Meeker was not at 
headquarters when they arrived. He was at work a few miles 
out on the reservation. The sheriff made it known to Mrs. 
Meeker that he wished to see Mr. Meeker on important busi- 
ness. Pah-viets, a trusty Indian, was sent to call Meeker. 
When he arrived the sheriff told him his mission and asked 
his assistance in finding the criminals. Meeker called Chief 
Douglas, and they conferred with him in the matter. Douglas 
said that no Utes could be arrested on the reservation by 
civil authorities. Nothing was done at that time to avenge 
the murder of Elliot. 

Pah-viets and Jane 

In September, 1878, work was progressing at the Agency. 
Living quarters had been completed. The agent and family 
had moved in. Pah-viets and his squaw, Jane, were helpful 
with the work. Jane, when a small girl of six years, was 
adopted by Judge Carter, post-trader at Fort Bridger, from 
the Uintah tribe. The Carter family bestowed on her the 
name Jane. While living with the Carter family, Jane learned 
to talk and understand English and to do house-work. When 


at a marriageable age, Pah-viets of the White River tribe won 
her for his squaw. Jane acted as interpreter and reporter for 
the Utes at the White River Agency. 

Meeker, in order to encourage the Indians in gardening 
and raising vegetables for their own use, had his men prepare 
the ground and help Jane plaid vegetable seeds. She took 
care of the plants by the advice of the agent and raised a 
fair crop. 

Roving Bands Return to the Agency 

In September, 1878, roving bands were drifting to the 
Agency and setting up their tepees in the form of a village 
near the new Agency, and near the river bank. Chief Johnson 
had spent the greater part of the summer at the Agency, he 
being chief medicine man, with some influence in the tribe. 
He was about fifty-five years old, of stocky build, with slovenly 
and greasy make-up. He had two wives. The older one was 
named Susan, and she was a sister of Chief Ouray. The 
younger squaw was named Cooz. 

Meeker made known to the chiefs his plans for farming 
and requested the assistance of all Utes with the work. The 
chiefs did not take kindly to his advice and discouraged it with 
others of the tribe. Meeker, in order to demonstrate his good 
intentions for their welfare, had a house built for Johnson, near 
the Agency. He told others of the tribe that they could all 
be living in a house like Johnson's if they would assist with 
the work and learn to farm. (To live in a house was no induce- 
ment for an Indian to work"). 

John Collom, a brother of Joe Collom, was employed by 
Meeker at the Agency. Being a young man of twenty years, he 
was apt in learning the Ute tongue. Besides general agency 
work, he acted as interpreter between Agent Meeker and 
the Utes. 

Josephine, Meeker's daughter, had won the good graces 
of the Indian children and was teaching them in school and 
Sunday school as well. 

Meeker Contracts Building of Ditch 
In September, 1878, Ed. E. Clark, civil engineer of Gree- 
ley, was employed by Meeker to survey a ditch from White 
River to furnish water for irrigation of Powell Bottom lands. 
About the same time. Meeker contracted with Bill Lisco of 
Bear River to build the ditch early in the spring of 1870. 

Clark, while employed at the Agency during tbe survey, 
spent evenings in the Indian camp. He sang songs and per- 
formed antics which pleased the Indians, and was much in 
demand for his entertainment. 


Ukatats Killed by Jenkins 

Jenkin's squaw had been sick for some time. Ukatats 
had administered to her needs as medicine man. The squaw 
died. Jenkins placed the cause of her death on Ukatats. Joe 
Collom was at work a short distance from their tepees. He 
heard a shot. Looking up, he saw Jenkins mount his pony 
at a fast pace, and head down the river. Chief Douglas sent 
Pah-viets and two other trusty Utes to follow and bring Jen- 
kins back. The chiefs of the tribe held council to affix a 
penalty on Jenkins for the killing of Ukatats. The verdict of 
the council was that Jenkins should kill ten of his ponies at 
the grave of Ukatats, thus squaring accounts. 

The Agency Cattle 

There were about five hundred government cattle on the 
White River reservation from which the beef supply for the 
agency, including the Indians, was drawn. They ranged prin- 
cipally on Strawberry and Piceance Creeks. The range brand 
was I D, indicating Interior Department. The tribe privately 
owned about four hundred and fifty small horses, and one 
small band of Mexican sheep. 

Several of the sub-chiefs were much interested in horse- 
racing, and had added several speedy ponies to their racing 
string by trading six, eight or ten of their common stock to the 
whites for one of speed, when the opportunity presented itself. 

The contract for the delivery of supplies to the White River 
Agency in 1878 was not fulfilled. The contractor, located in 
Laramie, failed to meet his obligations. Only a small part 
of the supplies were delivered by local freighters from Rawlins 
before the roads became blocked with snow, thus causing much 
dissatisfaction among the Indians. 

October 25th, new settlers bad located in the Bear River 
Valley during 1878. Hulett Brothers (Charley and Dyer) and 
Hugh Torrence, moved their herd of cattle from the Huerfano. 
They were branded H L, and their headquarters was located 
four miles below the agency road crossing. 

George lies made homestead location near his brother Tom. 

Jerry Huff, after several years trapping and carrying mail, 
was raising horses on Elkhead Creek. The dirt floor of his 
cabin, like many of the pioneer cabin floors, was covered with 
dry elk, deer and antelope hides, used as rugs. 

During the general election in Routt County in Novem- 
ber, 1878, a ballot was taken in contest between Hay den and 
Hahn's Peak in which each aspired for the prize, Halm's Peak 
being the winner. The Peak, being snow-bound for the winter, 
the county records were moved from Hayden to the Peak in 
May, 1879, by John Reynolds and Jimmy Dunn. 


July 1st, 1879, George Gordon, freighter of Rawlins, was 
awarded the government contract to deliver Indian supplies 
for 1879, to the White River Agency. The freight was due to 
arrive at Rawlins on or before September 1st. 

It was on July 1st, 1879, that a weekly mail route was es- 
tablished between Sulphur Springs and Steamboat Springs, 
and connected with the Rawlins and White River line at Peck's 
store on Bear River, where a postoffice was established named 
Windsor. Burgess and Lee, of Sulphur Springs, had the 

Ellis Clark, at the age of 17, carried mail on this route. 
He later became a prominent stockman of Routte County. 

There were no settlers north of the White River reserva- 
tion line in 1879 closer than Snake River, which was 75 miles, 
except the Morgan Brothers and Joe Collom. The few settlers 
on Bear River were from forty to sixty miles east of the res- 
ervation line. 

Agency Supplies 

Ed. W. Bennett, of Rawlins, had the government contract 
for delivering annual supplies for the Indians at White River 
Agency, from 1872 to 1877. Bennett moved the freight with a 
string of bull teams. In 1872, Bennett, when delivering freight 
at the Agency, in checking out his load, was short two cases 
of Gail Borden Eagle Brand condensed milk, a special order 
for Agent Littlefield. The milk had been lost from his freight 
wagons while on the move. A band of White River Utes. 
returning to the Agency from a hunting trip, found the milk, 
which they immediately consumed near a then un-named creek. 
From this incident, the creek was named Milk Creek. Bennett, 
with Prank Ernest, was engaged in operating a ferry at the 
immigrant road crossing of the North Platte River, six miles 
below Saratoga Springs, during the late 70s and 80s. 

In 1878, W. H. Peck and family from Denver, established 
a store on Bear River for trading with the Indians, one mile 
below the crossing of the agency road. 

Peck, on Bear River, enlarged his stock of trading sup- 
plies, including rifles. It was said that he accommodated his 
customers, including the Ute Indians, when requested, with a 
bottle of "fire-water." It was a fact that no trading sTmv 
stock was complete without a supply of liquor to help bring 


A New Mail Contract Was Let 

On July 1, 1878, a new mail contract was awarded E. E. 
Bennett, on the route between Rawlins, Dixon, Halm's Peak 
and the White River Agency, under postal regulations known 
as the Star Route Mail Service. 

Trading stores along the White River route competing for 
business, Perkins, in order to fill up his large, new store 
building, put in a large supply of general merchandise, which 
included late model Winchester rifles. 

Activity and Much Grievance 

At the agency, April, 1879, Bill Lisco, with a crew of men, 
was at work moving dirt on the Powell Bottom ditch survey. 
Eugene Taylor left the Agency for a job with Charley Per- 
kins. Joe Collom and brother John had left the Agency job 
to live on their homesteads on Collom Creek. 

Agent Meeker employed an entire crew of farmers, young 
men from Greeley, to help at the Agency. Their names were : 
W. H. Post, bookkeeper ; Ed. L. Mansfield, Frank Dresser, Harry 
Dresser, Fred Shepherd, George Eaton, Arthur Thompson, E. 
W. Eskridge ; E. Jasper Price, as blacksmith and handy man, 
and his wife Flora ; Ellen Price, to assist Mrs. Meeker with 
the housework, and Price's two children Mae, of two years, 
and John, less than one year. 

The party came from Greeley by railroad, and by Agency 
wagon conveyance from Rawlins to the Agency. The men 
were employed in the regular routine of ranch work, such as 
farming, ditch work, building fence, Agency out-buildings, 
and riding to care for the Agency cattle. 

June, 1879, the Indians, seeing their pasture lands being 
plowed and fenced, were aggravated to the point of near hos- 
tility. The chiefs held councils ; they protested to Meeker and 
told him where he should not plow and fence. One tract of 
land in particular, which was very desirable for farming, on 
which the Utes had a corral and race-track, should positively 
not be plowed or fenced. 

Chief Douglas, Pah-viets and Jane, who formerly were 
agreeable and helpful about the Agency, joined the sub-chiefs 
in protesting to Meeker against farming, saying, "Utes no 
like work. Ponies get cut on wire. No grass," and many 
other complaints. Ute children, whom Josephine had taught in 
school and others whom Mrs. Meeker had treated when they 
were sick and at times given meals and sweets, all had been 
taught to disrespect Josephine and Mrs. Meeker by spitting 
at them, making ugly faces and doing mean things. 

On one occasion, when a plowman had turned a few fur- 
rows on the tract of land in which the race-track and corral 


were situated, a ball from a Ute rifle whizzed close by the 
plowman's head. No more plowing was done. The shot was 
intended by the Utes as a warning to intimidate the employees 
and the agent, so no more plowing would be done on that 
particular tract of land. 

In June, 1879, the sub-chiefs each with his band of fol- 
lowers, were leaving the reservation in separate bands for Elk 
River, Egeria, North and Middle Park, on their customary 
rambles of hunting and camping. Chief Douglas, with his horde 
of older bucks, squaws and children, went north to his favorite 
hunting grounds on Muddy and Savery Creeks in Wyoming. 

Johnson remained at the Agency to protest Meeker's farm 
policy, and to see that no plowing was done on the race-track 

Meeker, in fear for the safety of himself, his family and 
employees, wrote Secretary of the Interior Carl Schurz, for 
soldiers for their protection. 

Settlers of Bear River and Middle Park Become Alarmed 

About July 18, 1879, the Utes, agitated and resenting their 
grievances at the Agency, were committing depredations. They 
burned hay belonging to S. D. N. Bennett on Elk River. They 
burned Tyler's corral in Egeria Park, and camped on settlers' 
meadows in the Blue River and Middle Park country. 

Because of the marauding disposition shown by the In- 
dians, the settlers became alarmed, and thought they were in 
danger of losing their lives. Complaints were made by a 
number of settlers ; a protest was formulated and forwarded 
to Washington, setting forth a serious situation. An officer 
was sent out to investigate. The result was that General Pope, 
commanding the army in the Department of Missouri, with 
headquarters at Port Leavenworth, was notified. He instructed 
General McKenzie, in command of Fort Garland, to dispatch 
troops for the protection of settlers. 

Captain Clarence Dodge (Company C, 9th Cavalry), Lieu- 
tenant Hughes, White and a troop of forty-four negro cavalry 
with four supply wagons, left Fort Garland for Middle Park, 
arriving at Sulphur Springs, August 14, 1879. They made 
camp twelve miles below Sulphur Springs at Long Riffles on 
the Grand River, one hundred and fifty miles from the White 
River Agency. Captain Dodge's assignment was to protect 
settlers and keep in touch with developments at the Agency. 
should his services be required there. 


Ute Sub-Chiefs Seek a Conference With the Governor 

About August 28, 1879, Colorow, Jack, Piah, Sowawic and 
other less influential Indians of the Ute tribe, composed a party 
from their camps where they had congregated in upper Middle 
Park, visited Denver to seek a conference with the governor 
and put before him their grievance at the White River Agency, 
asking his assistance in getting a new agent. The conference 
was of short duration. Nothing was accomplished, and no 
satisfaction given the Utes. 

Ute Jack had a sly way of getting information. If he 
saw two or more whites in conversation on the street or other 
convenient place, he would stick around, pretending not to 
be interested. If he were spoken to, he would shake his head 
and grunt, pretending to "no savvy." 

Utes Burning Grass and Timber 

When the Ute delegation returned to camp in Middle 
Park from Denver with no encouragement from the governor 
about getting a new agent, they started for the agency, giving 
vent to their feelings by setting fire to the grass and timber 
in the Blue River, Egeria Park and Elk River country, where 
a large acreage of timber was burned, and hay belonging to 
Sam Reid. The most damage was done in the timber near 
the head of White River. This was directly on the route to 
the agency. They knew the presence of the Negro soldiers in 
Middle Park, and named them "Buffalo Soldiers." They ar- 
rived at the agency several weeks earlier then was their 
custom. Their annuity supplies were not due for distribu- 
tion until October 15th. 

Chief Douglas' band had not yet arrived at the agency. 
They had slaughtered and tanned "heap buckskin " at their 
camp on the head of the Muddy Creek in Wyoming. 

The Rider, in his daily pursuit as cowboy, had talked with 
Douglas at his camp, and frequently met small bands when 
riding the cattle range. When meeting, the Ute w r ord "How" 
was passed; "Where come, where go?" If the white man was 
a stranger to them, they were persistent in finding out where 
he was from, and what his business was. 

Jack, Colorow and Piah met the Douglas party at Snake 
River when Douglas was moving toward the Agency. After 
Jack and Colorow had counciled with Douglas, "some trading" 
was done with buckskin, for rifles and ammunition, by Jack 
and Douslas at the Perkins store. 


Trouble Brewing 

Trouble had been brewing at the agency more or less all 
summer. Johnson had frequent clashes with the agent, and at 
other times, Jane spoke her mind to Meeker. During one of 
these rows, Johnson administered a severe beating to Meeker. 
By this time, Meeker had come to realize his danger, and 
again wrote government authorities for his need of soldiers 
for protection. His communications of this nature were passed 
to Governor Pitkin, who, by wiring the contents to Washing- 
ton, and through his influence, prompt action was expected. 

About September 15th, 1879, roving bands, after return- 
ing to the agency, were making life miserable for the agent, 
opposing him on every turn. Meeker attempted to send out 
a courier to meet Captain Dodge and his Negro soldiers, to have 
them come to the agency. He was prevented from doing so 
by the Utes. He attempted to take his family out by wagon, 
but was prevented in this move. 

Jack asked Meeker when the soldiers were coming. 
Meeker replied that he did not know, but said if they did 
come, they would do no harm. 

The Utes were active, going to the different stores to 
trade for rifles and ammunition. At the same time, they were 
adding to their grievances by tuning up with liquor. Per- 
kins had more than the usual Ute trade for the season. Peek 
traded his last rifle to the Utes. Peck realized from the Ute 
attitude that trouble was near, and witli his family moved to 
Rawlins. Perkins' branch stores had a fair share of the Ute 
trade. Trading for rifles was limited. The roving bands had 
but a small amount of buckskin or cash to make large pur- 
chases, and the stores would not accept ponies in trade. 

Uncompahgre renegade Indians had been incited to join 
the White River Utes in war should the soldiers come to 
White River. 

There were nine rough-neck Utes, from the Uintah res- 
ervation. They had come to visit and horse-race with the 
White River Utes. Their stay was longer than expected. It 
was making inroads on the chief's food supply. Jack asked Mr. 
Post, who was in charge of annuity supplies, to issue the Uintah 
Utes provisions. Post replied that he could not issue supplies 
to other than the White River Indians, and to them only on 
regular dates of issue. From this answer. Jack and other 
chiefs became enraged, which added to their already fancied 
grievances. It later became known that Jack was holding the 
UinUh Utes until the soldiers came. 


Captain Dodge 's First Move 

Captain Dodge, camped at Long Riffles, received his mail 
at Sulphur Springs, advising him of a serious situation at the 
White River Agency. Dodge engaged Sandy Mellen, the cow- 
boy mail carrier of Middle Park, to bring his mail to him a 
few days later, and left with his troop of Negro cavalry to 
go near the agency where he could learn the situation there. 

He traveled over the Gore Range and through Egeria 
Park. He camped one night at Steamboat Springs. (John 
Crawford, at that time a small boy, and now clerk of Routt 
County, recalls the colored troops and the sound of the bugle 
call). They arrived at the Bear River crossing of the agency 
road at noon the next day after leaving Steamboat Springs. 

Ed. Collom, the mail carrier, was on the way from Dixon 
to the agency. Dodge waited at Windsor for the carrier's 
return from the agency, and learned from him that, although 
there had been trouble, all seemed peaceful during his night's 
stay. Then Dodge returned to Middle Park, where he ex- 
pected teams with supplies from Fort Garland. 

Horse-Racing at the Agency 

September 24, Frank Byers of Sulphur Springs, accom- 
panied by Charles Rover, had gone to the White River Agency 
to horse-race with the Indians. During their three days racing, 
Byers and Royer won ten ponies and a number of beaver hides. 
Byers rode and won a race for Chief Cup-Ears, riding against 
Chief Sowawic's pony. Byers realized from complaints he 
heard and from the attitude of the Utes, that they were much 
opposed to Agent Meeker. Byers, in a conversation with 
Meeker, stated what he had heard. Meeker replied that the 
Indians always had more or less complaints and grievances. 

Tom and Billy Morgan came over the Danforth hills from 
their ranch the same day that Byers and Royer left the agency, 
September 27th, to see the new agency, and to horse-race with 
the Utes. Meeker chastised them for coming there to race 
with the Indians. 

Josephine, with Ute children, sat on the corral fence 
watching the races. Since there was much agitation and dis- 
satisfaction among the Indians, the Morgan boys did not stay 
long. They returned to their home. 

An official of the postoffice department arrived at the 
agency the same day the Morgans left, going by horseback from 
Perkins'. He was challenged by the Utes on the road near 
Milk Creek. He was thoroughly questioned as to his busi- 
ness. When the Utes learned he was from Washington, he 
was allowed to proceed. After a one-night stay he returned 
to Rawlins and Denver. 



Thornburg With Troops to Protect Employees at the Agency 

September 19th, 1879, Major Thomas T. Thornburg, com- 
manding the military post of Fort Steele, fifteen miles east of 
Rawlins, was notified by General Crook, commanding the 
U. S. Army in the Department of the Platte, to proceed to 
White River Agency with a detachment of troops for protection 
of employees at the agency. 

Thornburg was on a fishing trip at Battle Lake when the 
message arrived. A courier was sent to notify him of the 
message. The fort had a small garrison of soldiers ; one com- 
pany of cavalry and two of infantry. 

Thornburg left Port Steele September 22nd, with Com- 
pany P of the 3rd Cavalry with Captain Joseph Lawson in 
command ; and Company I of the 4th Infantry, with Lieutenant 
Price in charge — Thornburg's own, as he was an infantryman 
and not a cavalryman. 

He was accompanied by Lieutenant C. A. Cherry, in- 
fantryman of the officer's staff, a volunteer. Thornburg, ex- 
pecting to be in the field for an indefinite time, took a supply 
train of twenty-eight wagons and one ambulance. 

J. W. Hugus, post-trader at Fort Steele, sent John ('. 
Davis and F. E. Blake, employees, with a wagon load of goods 
for a "suttler store" along with the expedition. 

At Rawlins, Thornburg was joined by Companies F, and 
D, 5th Cavalry, sent from Fort D. A. Russell, with Captain 
Scott Payne in command of Company F and Lieutenant J. V. 
S. Paddock in command of Company D. Neither of the Thorn- 
burg units were full companies, each troop having from forty 
to forty-five men. Troop D had only twenty-seven men. 

The U. S. Army at that time was equipped with Spring- 
field rifles, which replaced the needle-gun rifle used by the 
army prior to 1877. 

Neither Thornburg nor any of his men were familiar with 
the road to the agency. Joe Rankin, stableman of Rawlins, who 
formerly carried mail to the agency by horse-back, was em- 
ployed by Thornburg as scout. 

September 24th, 1879, Thornburg left Rawlins, traveling 
leisurely. On the way south, Rankin advised him of Charley 
Lowry (living on Snake River) as being a man who was 
friendly with the White River Utes. When the expedition 
arrived at Snake River, Lowry was employed. Dressed in 
buckskin, he traveled with the command as far as the mouth 
of Little Bear Creek, where Thornburg sent him ahead to the 
agency (September 28th N ) to learn conditions there, and the 


sentiment of the Indians, with instructions to return and report 
to him next day on the road. 

Thornburg left Company I, 4th Infantry at the mouth of 
Little Bear Creek, as a reserve and guard for supplies. At Bear 
River Crossing, the expedition was met by Colorow, Jack, Piah, 
Johnson and four others of the tribe. They appeared friendly 
and wanted to talk. Jack, as spokesman, readily recognized 
Thornburg as the big chief, and said, "Where you go?" Thorn- 
burg replied they were going to White River. Jack asked, 
"What you do there?" To this question Thornburg replied, 
"Just to see the country." When Jack was asked where he 
was going, he replied, "Utes hunt deer." The band rode away 
in the hills. 

This call was for the purpose of sizing up the strength of 
Thornburg 's army. 

When the troops reached William's Fork, where they 
camped for the night, the same eight Indians appeared. The 
evening meal was being served, and the Utes were invited to 
eat. After cleaning up all prepared food in sight, Jack ap- 
proached Thornburg and said, "Utes no want soldiers go to 
White River. ' ' He made a proposition that Thornburg take 
five of his men as an escort, and he, Jack, would take five Utes, 
and together they would go to the agency and talk with the 
agent. Thornburg discussed the matter with his officers. Scout 
Rankin, who was strong in opposition to Jack's request, said 
the Utes might be laying a trap for them. 

The same evening, Black Wilson was going from his store 
on Spring Gulch, six miles to Thornburg 's camp on William's 
Fork, expecting to sell him some hay for his stock. When 
two miles from his place, he was met by five Utes, and told to 
go back home. "Utes fight soldiers; no wanna kill oo." 

The Utes Were Active 

On September 28th, the Utes were busily engaged in se- 
curing ammunition. They deliberately took possession of what 
ammunition was at the Peck store, which consisted of one case 
of cartridges. 

The Utes told Eugene Taylor to move out from Milk 
Creek with his store, as there was going to be trouble when 
the soldiers came. 

On September 27th, a party of Utes demanded of Black 
Wilson all rifles and ammunition he had in stock at the Per- 
kins' store on Spring Gulch — without remuneration. Wilson 
and Mike Sweet talked them out of their demand. After the 
Utes left, Wilson talked the matter over with Joe Collom, as 
to what was best to do with the rifles and ammunition so 
that the Utes would not get them. They decided to bury the 


stock where there was loose dirt from an excavation of a cellar, 
and a brush heap was placed over the cache. 

Jack headed a band of reckless Utes that came on Sep- 
tember 28th with the intention of taking rifles and ammuni- 
tion by force, Jack demanded the stock. Wilson replied that he 
had sent the stock to Perkins' store on Snake River. Jack 
looked around for wagon tracks which he did not find ; then 
said to Wilson, "Heap d — d lie," but decided to give up the 
hunt. After the Utes had gone some time, all the trading store 
stock was loaded on Joe Collom's wagon and taken to Perkins' 
store at Snake River daring the night. 

On September 28th, the mail carrier, on the way from 
Perkins' to the agency, was stopped a few miles north of Bear 
River by a small band of Utes and told to go back; that no 
more mail should go to the agency. 

On September 28th, the Utes made temporary base on the 
mountain one and one-half miles south from Milk Creek 
Canyon, where supplies and pony reserves were held. There 
were Ute scouts on the high peaks between Milk Creek and 
Bear River, with field glasses, to watch the movements of the 
soldiers and others on the road and on Morapos trail. Keep- 
ing out of view themselves, Lowry, being a particular friend, 
was allowed to go to the agency unmolested. By his buckskin 
suit and his horse, they could recognize him at a considerable 

Main Ute Camp Moved 

At the agency, September 28th, the squaws and children 
were moved with their tepees from their camp at the agency 
to the head of the east branch of Pice-ance Creek, twelve miles 
south of the agency, where they made cam]), which was known 
as "Squaw Camp." Four tepees were left standing at the 
agency where ninety-four had been. One of these was Doug- 
las' tepee. 

At dusk, September 28th, Meeker succeeded in starting 
out Ed. Mansfield, an employee, to find Captain Dodge and 
his soldiers to have them come to the agency. Watching his 
chance while the Utes were guarding the road toward Milk 
Creek, Mansfield slipped away in the opposite direction, going 
west and then by way of Strawberry trail and Coyote basin. 

Lowry at Agency 

Lowry arrived at the agency a short time after Mansfield 
left. Peace had prevailed during the day. although he found 
Agent Meeker in a nervous state, suffering from the effects of 
a beating administered by Johnson. 

Later in the evening, a band of eight Utes came to the 
agency from Milk Creek. They reported to a small number 


of Utes at the agency, the approach of the soldiers. After 
holding council, they all joined in a wild demonstration of 
war whoops," fierce yells and danced around Meeker's quarters. 
Meeker attempted to quiet them, but was jeered at by the 
Utes. Finally, Lowry intervened, and succeeded in quieting 
them after a half hour. 

The Utes were astir in the early morning. Lowry was 
ready to return to meet Thornburg. E. W. Eskridge, agency 
employee, was to accompany Lowry. They were detained a 
short time while council was held by the Utes as to whether 
they would let Eskridge go. He was allowed to go with an 
escort of Utes. When one mile from the agency the Utes 
turned him back, while Lowry was allowed to continue on to 
meet Thornburg. Eskridge had gone but a short distance 
toward the agency when he was killed, and left nude in the 
road near the agency coal mine. 

Government Supplies Were Nearing the Agency 

George Gordon, freight contractor, in order to move the 
greater part of the annual supplies for the agency at the first 
trip, engaged private teams to assist in moving the freight, 
and were nearing the agency the evening of the 28th. 

Carl Goldstein, known at Rawlins and to settlers along 
the route, as the "Jew freighter," and his teamster Julius 
Moore, made camp by the road along Coal Creek five miles 
from White River. John Gordon, in charge of ox teams, 
camped near the road crossing of Milk Creek. George Gordon, 
in charge of horse and mule teams, camped on Stinking Gulch 
near the Milk Creek divide. Al. McCarger and son made camp 
at the road crossing of Deer Creek three miles west of Wil- 
liam's Fork. 

The Trap Was Set 

Thornburg 's troops left William's Fork for the agency 
on the morning of September 29th. All freighters were alarmed 
at the actions of the Indians the day before, and were waiting 
in camp until the soldiers came, so they might have the assur- 
ance of moving to the agency in safety. As the troops were 
nearing the crossing of Milk Creek, they met Charley Loaviw. 
He reported to Thornburg the situation at the agency. 

After crossing Milk Creek where the trail left the road, 
Rankin led the troops by way of the short-cut trail. There 
were two low ridges in the rough country between the trail 
and Beaver ravine road with a scattering growth of cedar, 
sarvisberry bush and aspens. Rankin and Frank Secrist, a 
private soldier, were one and a half miles from the crossing, 
and a quarter-mile in the lead of Thornburg, who was riding 


along' with Captain Lawson at the head of Troop E ; and Cap- 
tain Payne, leading' Troop F in the rear. Lieutenant Paddock, 
with Troop D was escort for the wagon train, which was two 
miles back on the road. 

When nearing the head of sarvisberry draw, which the 
trail followed, Rankin and Secrist saw abont twenty-five 
mounted Indians leave other Indians on the second ridge which 
bordered on the Beaver ravine one thousand yards on the 
right, and make a dash as though to head them off on the 
trail a short distance ahead. They turned back and met the 

Rankin said, "Boys, we are going to have a fight right 

A halt was called, and a short conference took place. (It 
was a standing order of the war department to officers who 
were called to quash riots, Indians or other outbreaks, not to 
fire a shot unless attacked by the enemy). Thornburg himself, 
was without firearms of any kind and was attempting to go to 
the agency peaceably, if possible. 

Rankin said to Thornburg, "Fire on the redskins. It is 
our only show, as the trail and road ahead for several miles 
leads through thickets, and in places scattered growths of 
sarvis bush and aspens along the narrow Beaver and Coal 
Creek draw. 

To this request, Thornburg replied, "My God! I dare not. 
Joe. My orders are positive." 

Lieutenant Cherry's Peace Move 

Tt was about ten-thirty a. m. when Thornburg ordered 
Lieutenant Cherry with ten men of Captain Lawson 's troop to 
go within hailing distance of the Indians as a peace measure. 
and if possible to learn their strength back of the ridge. Cap- 
tain Lawson was ordered, with the rest of his men, to follow 
six hundred yards in the rear of the first ridge and await 

As Cherry approached within hailing distance, he waved 
his cap over his head, indicating friendliness. The Indians 
moved back and greeted him with a volley of shots over the 
brow of the ridge. The Utes, at a much higher elevation, 
overshot. No one was injured. Cherry moved back. Lawson. 
taking in the situation, advanced, inching up his men who 
were with Cherry and followed up the attack, gaining the 
ridge five hundred yards to the right and overlooking the 
Beaver ravine. A large number of Indians were waiting back 
of the rocks and thickets back of the ridge. They had expected 
the soldiers to travel by the road ami had selected an ideal 
spot for an ambush to anihilate the troops, and were surprised 


when they discovered the soldiers on the trail. Lawson's men 
advanced along the ridge on foot, driving the Indians under 
cover of bush and rocks, and holding the ridge. 

In the meantime, Thornburg sent Scout Rankin back to 
have the wagons stop and corral. Thornburg had also ordered 
Captain Payne with his troop to advance along the trail. At 
1000 yards, they were fired upon by Utes in ambush from bush 
and rock. They dismounted and left their horses back where 
protected. They exchanged shots for twenty minutes. Private 
Michael Fireton was killed and Private Oscar Cass was slightly 

Payne and men withdrew, leading their horses until they 
met Thornburg. Lawson, who had been holding the ridge for 
some time, fighting Indian style, with their horses held back in 
protected places, withdrew to where they met Thornburg and 
Payne, and where new orders were given by Thornburg. 

Lawson was ordered to gradually withdraw. Being short 
of ammunition, he sent John Donovan, one of his men, to the 
wagons for ammunition. About twenty Indians were seen 
dismounted, sitting on a ridge, one thousand yards to the south. 
They had not been taking part in the fight. They were merely 
waiting for an opportunity of 'vantage. Thornburg ordered 
Payne, with his men, to approach them to learn their attitude, 
and if not challenged to fight, to fall back and assist Lawson 
to withdraw toward Milk Creek. When Payne advanced 
within rifle range, the Indians mounted their ponies and fled 
under cover of the ridge, and began shooting. Payne, no doubt 
fearing a repetition of his previous attack, and being in view 
of the wagon train which was being corraled three-quarters 
of a mile distant, and where a fierce attack was being launched 
by the Utes, he rushed to join the fight there. 

Rankin met the wagon train a distance of eight hundred 
yards from the crossing on the north side of Milk Creek. He 
assisted wagonmaster McKinstrey in parking the wagons in a 
three-quarter circle, with the tongues on the inside, and with 
the open space bordering on the banks of Milk Creek, at an 
elevation of twelve feet above the creek bed. 

Thornburg Killed 

Thornburg, who was waiting at the end of the ridge, ob- 
serving Payne's movements, started for the wagons, riding 
fast. Shots from the same band of Indians that fired on 
Payne's men, apparently wounded Thornburg and his horse, 
which slackened speed. The Indians, seeing he had no fire- 
arms, swooped down from the hill and surrounded him. Pri- 
vate Tom Nolan, one of Lawson ^s men, who was holding horses 
while the troops were fighting, at a considerable distance, saw 


the Indians drag Thornburg from his horse and beat him. His 
horse was fatally wounded and died a few hours after. It 
was about one thousand yards from the wagons. (Apparently, 
it had been Thornburg 's idea to, withdraw all his men to the 
wagons, where he could attempt a treaty, or make a strong 
fight. This opinion was expressed later by Dillon, of Com- 
pany E). John Donovan, on his way from the wagons with 
ammunition for Lawson, saw Thornburg, dead. 

In the meantime, shooting from the Indians under fire of 
Lawson 's men had slowed down, except for the occasional shot 
which no doubt was intended to keep him interested at that 
point, while the main force had slipped away through thickets 
to attack at other points. Lawson, when told by Donovan of 
Thornburg 's death, and Payne's flight to the wagons, speeded 
up his withdrawal. 

Fight at the Wagons 

While the wagons were being corraled, a large number of 
Indians gathered and were shooting from points where protec- 
tion was available, a large number firing over the brow of a 
knoll on the north side of the creek and road, five hundred 
yards distant and at an elevation of 125 feet. Others were 
shooting from behind the creek bank, the soldiers directing 
their shots at the point designated by the smoke. 

Lieutenant Paddock, with his twenty-seven men wagon es- 
cort, attempted to charge the Indians on the hill. The hill, being 
very steep, he was driven back. One horse was killed and two 
horses and himself slightly wounded. Indians that disappeared 
in the thickets at Lawson 's attack, and left him in doubt, had 
fled down the deep beaver ravine and joined in the fight at 
the wagons. Then a continuous volley of shots poured in. 
Mules were being unhitched; some were tied to the wagons; 
others, with harness on, and horses with saddles on, broke 
loose from the wagons when wounded. Some of them drank 
at the creek and others milled around from excitement or 
from pain. 

While arranging the wagon corral, Wagonmaster MeKin- 
strey was killed, and Captain Payne's force rushed in, under a 
strong barrage. Two of his men were wounded and one horse 
killed near the entrance to the corral. All was in a turmoil 
within the enclosure. 

During Lawson 's withdrawal, all horses were led. while 
moving from the rough country near Beaver Creek, and small 
bands of Indians were attempting to cut him off from the 
wagons. At the end of the ridge near Milk Creek, one of his 
men. Sergeant James Montgomery, was severely wounded. 


With assistance, he was mounted on his horse and brought 
to the wagons. 

Lawson reached Milk Creek, where some protection was 
afforded by cottonwoods and the creek bank. Indians were 
shooting from the bluffs and gulleys on the north side of the 
creek. Lawson and his men were held back for a short time at 
the bend of the creek, because of heavy shooting at the wagons. 
They routed the Indians from beneath the benches along the 
creek, and made their way inside the enclosure, after almost 
two hours of continuous fighting. Payne learned from Dono- 
van of Thornburg's death, Donovan being the only man up 
to that time who saw him dead. 

Donovan was later awarded a medal by the war depart- 
ment for bravery for carrying ammunition to Lawson under 

John Gordon and his three men, "Bull whacker Jack," 
Hamilton and Hornbeck, camped near the crossing of Milk 
Creek. Realizing their danger, they left their freight wagons for 
protection with the soldiers. 

Captain Payne in Command 

The next officer in rank to take command was Captain 
Payne. The most effective shooting was done from beneath 
the bench along the creek. Because of heavy firing, the men 
were unable to get tools from the wagons to dig trenches. 
The greater number of men huddled beneath the wagons while 
others dropped behind dead horses and mules, which in some 
instances had fallen on top of others. With dead and wounded 
men, it presented a horrible sight. Sergeant John Dolan, of 
Payne's troop, was killed while ordering his men from beneath 
the wagons to assist in getting rolls of bedding and sacks of 
corn from the wagons to build protection. When the men 
were slow to respond, Dolan said, "If you don't get out and 
help, I will kill you myself. ' ' 

About 3 p. m., the Indians, in order to rout the soldiers 
from their position, set fire to the grass and growth of short 
sagebrush three hundred yards below on the bench, which 
burned and spread toward the wagons and to the northeast, 
fanned by a light wind. The men fought the fire with blouses, 
burlap sacks, and with their scabbard knives dug and spread 
dirt on the flames. A wagon sheet caught fire. Private James 
Hickman, on the outside of the corrals, while under fire of 
the Indians, pulled off the sheet, which prevented destruction 
of the wagons. For this act he was later awarded a medal by 
th war department, for bravery. While putting out the fire, 
Captain Payne was slightly wounded, and Private Evershell 


was twice wounded. A third shot pierced his clothing under 
the arm pit. 

The same fire burned over the entire east end of Danforth 
Hills, an area of twenty square miles. During the excitement 
caused by the fire, the Utes kept up a fierce bombardment. 
Scout Charley Lowry was fatally wounded. When assistance 
was offered him, he said, "Never mind me; I am done for." 

At dusk, a band of eight or ten mounted Indians dashed 
from behind the ambush ridge on the north. They stampeded 
and gathered about thirty head of horses and mules on the 
creek bottom, running them toward White River, the soldiers 
shooting at them at long range with apparently no effect. 
Continuous shooting was kept up by the Utes until after dark, 
when heavy shooting ceased. Signal lights were seen on the 
surrounding mountain sides. Groans from the wounded indi- 
cated they were suffering severely. 

Surgeon R. M. Grimes, who was slightly wounded, gave 
some assistance to the other wounded. Liquor was obtained from 
the suttler stock, which helped to stimulate and relieve their 

The soldiers got picks and shovels from the wagons and 
were hustling to make trenches and remove dead horses and 
mules. Dead men were wrapped in canvas or blankets and 
covered with the dirt from the trenches. Trenches of eight or 
ten feet in length, four feet deep and four to five feet wide, 
were made around the circle near the wagons. Three large 
trenches were made in the center for the wounded. 

Captain Payne, in consultation with Captain Lawson. 
asked Lawson to take command. Since Lawson thought Payne 's 
wound of little concern, he refused. Payne then remarked he 
would move camp toward Rawlins. "How will you do that 
with our horses and mules killed?" asked Lawson. %, I will stay 
right here with my wounded men," said Lawson. 

The Couriers Ride fcr Relief 

A short council was held between the officers. Scout Ran- 
kin, and John Gordon, about ten-thirty p. m. Rankin mounted 
on a cavalry horse (his own horse was killed during the first 
siege at the wagons), and with John Gordon and a private 
soldier from Company D, they slipped from the enclosure and 
made their way through the Indian guard line. When they 
came near where George Gordon was camped, they saw the 
wagons with agency supplies, largely machinery (a binder 
and thresher), had been fired and were still burning. John 
Gordon and the soldier stopped to investigate and found Gor- 
don's brother George and two teamsters lying dead about the 


Rankin did not stop. From this point he went by way of 
the Morapos trail, riding as fast as possible for safety over the 
rough trail in the night. He reached the Hulett and Torrence 
cattle camp on Bear River in the early morning, where he 
procured a fresh mount by going out on the range for a mile 
or more and driving the ranch saddle-horse band to the corral. 
Crossing Bear River at this point, he went by way of Fortifica- 
tion Creek, reaching the road near the Thornburg reserve 
camp, where he advised Lieutenant Price of the disaster. 

He arrived at Frank Harrah's ranch at the Bagg's Cross- 
ing of Snake River. While eating a lunch, the saddle-horse 
band was driven to the corral from the pasture. Harrah fur- 
nished him with a horse of staying qualities named Joe Busch 
(one used in the Rider's string while in Harrah's employ). 

The courier arrived in Rawlins at two a. m., October first. 
The distance is approximately one hundred and fifty miles. 
The time, including stops, was twenty-seven and one-half hours. 

News of the disaster was immediately wired General 
George Crook at Fort Omaha. Army officials at Washington 
were also notified. Crook instructed General Wesley Merritt, 
in command of Fort D. A. Russell, Wyoming, to go to the relief 
of Thornburg 's men. 

The Settlers Given Warning 

John Gordon and the soldier, after investigating the wreck 
at George Gordon's camp, went by way of the road. At Deer 
Creek, they routed McCarger and son from bed. They had two 
horses on stake, and six others of their teams hobbled on the 
range. Each McCarger mounted a bareback horse. They looked 
for the hobbled horses a short time but did not find them. 

All four men rode to Tom lies' ranch on Bear River, at 
daybreak. Soon after their arrival, the soldier's horse fell 
dead from exhaustion. McCarger borrowed the soldier's sad- 
dle. He and his son continued to Snake River, while Gordon 
and the soldier stopped at lies'. 

Mansfield, the courier sent out from the agency by Meeker 
to bring Captain Dodge and his colored soldiers to the agency, 
lost his way during the night ride (being a gardener and not 
a rider). He arrived at lies' ranch late the evening of the 29th. 
He related a description of Meeker's troubles with the Utes 
up to the time he left the agency. 

Sam Reid, living on Elk River, learning of the Indian 
trouble, came to lies' place the evening of the 29th to learn if 
the settlers were in danger. Upon learning from Gordon of the 
Thornburg fight, Sam gave the alarm to settlers along Bear 
River as far as Hayden ; then went on to Elk River to protect 
his family. 


Jimmy Dunn volunteered to carry the news to Crawford, 
at Steamboat Springs. Dunn was also instructed to notify 
Captain Dodge. Dunn, on his way to Steamboat, met Ed. 
Clark on horseback (surveyor from Greeley). He had stopped 
at Crawford's for the night. He was on his way to the agency 
to do more surveying for Meeker. 

Since Clark had not seen or heard of the Negro troops on 
the way, Dunn decided the troops were coming by way of 
Twenty-Mile Park, as they were expected any hour on their 
way to the agency. Clark agreed with Dunn to meet Dodge 
on the Twenty-Mile Park Road. Being much alarmed be- 
cause of the Indian scare, Clark failed to venture far from 
the Hayden settlement. Going a short distance on the Twenty- 
Mile road, he wrote a note and left it tied, dangling from a 
tall sage brush which leaned over the side of the road. Clark 
continued to lies' place, where he met Mansfield and settlers 
gathered there. 

Four families, settlers of the Hayden Valley, went to 
Steamboat, where they fortified themselves at Crawford's 

George Fuhr, of Slater Basin, was at Frank Harrah's 
ranch when Rankin, the courier was on the way to Rawlins. 
He gave the alarm to the settlers in the Snake River Valley. 
(A Paul Revere, as it were). The horse he rode collapsed from 
the strenuous ordeal. Six families moved up the Muddy Creek 
fifteen miles, where they made camp. Others went to Rawlins. 
Others, not much alarmed, held the fort at Perkin's store. 

At the Corral and Trenches, September 30th 

Men had worked steadily during the night completing 
trenches for protection, with only an occasional shot from 
the Utes on guard on the ridge. When the soldiers started fire 
to make coffee, there was a volley of shots, and the fire was 
put out. 

Gordon's freight wagons with agency supplies, one thou- 
sand yards distant, were burned during the night. 

Captain Dodge's Movements Partly Governed by Letter Mail 
On September 26th, Captain Dodge, on his way from Wind- 
sor postoffice to Middle Park, as previously mentioned, met 
Sanely Mellen at Hayden, bringing his mail as pre-arranged. 
Sandy returned with Dodge's troop by way of Twenty-Mile 
Park. On their way through Egeria Park, they met Zene B. 
Maudlin, Adrian R. Marshall and family, and Fred Hodges, 
moving in to settle on Bear River. 

Dodge moved to the east side of the Gore range where 
he met teams with supplies, sent to him from Fort Garland. 


The supply train consisted of three, six-mule teams in charge 
of Henry Meder. They had come by way of Poncha Pass and 
Fairplay. (Henry Meder is now living on his ranch near 
Fort Garland). 

Making camp, Dodge sent Sandy Mellen to Sulphur 
Springs for his mail. Near Dodge's camp, James P. Maxwell, 
of Boulder, Colorado, civil engineer, had S. E. Bivens and other 
surveyors in the field, sub-dividing unsurveyed lands in Grand 
County. His two sons, Clinton and Mark, were assisting in 
the survey. 

When Sandy Mellen returned with the mail, which indi- 
cated their services were needed at the agency, Dodge again 
started for the agency, on September 29th, by way of Twenty- 
Mile Park. 

When nearing Hay den, October 1st, Sandy Mellen, riding 
with Dodge in advance of the troop, discovered a slip of paper 
tied to a sage brush at the side of the road. It was addressed 
to Captain Dodge, and read, "Thornburg killed. His men in 
peril; rush to their assistance." 

The troop moved with speed to Tom lies' place at the 
crossing of Bear River, where a short stop was made for lunch. 

Dodge knew from John Gordon's condition that he had 
got liquor at Peck's store which was one mile down and across 
the river. He sent Sandy Mellen and three Negro soldiers to 
destroy any liquor that might be there. 

Leaving his seven wagons for the teamsters to move to 
Thornburg 's reserve camp on Fortification Creek, Dodge took 
one pack mule. The troop was joined by Gordon. They left 
by way of Morapos trail late in the evening. 

They arrived to within five hundred yards of the trenches 
a short time before daybreak, October 2nd, where a halt was 
made. Sandy Mellen and Gordon advanced, with shouts from 
Gordon, whose voice was recognized. There were loud shouts 
of rejoicing from the men in the trenches. They climbed out 
of the pits and greeted Dodge and his Negro soldiers with a 
glad hand. They were especially glad to learn that the cour- 
iers had got out safely and that more relief troops would soon 
reach them. Dodge's horses were tied within the enclosure. 
Stillness had prevailed during the night. Most of the Indians 
had gone to their emergency camp one mile south, for rest, 
food and change of mounts. Dodge and his troop had slipped 
into the trenches at a time least expected by the Utes, as they 
were not seen by the Ute scouts with field glasses, as they 
were coming on the river route the day before. 


Captain Dodge Proposes an Attack 

Shouts of the men had aroused the Indians. They were 
soon in position on the ridge and creek hank. At daylight, a 
rain of shots began. Dodge proposed to charge the Indians 
on the ridge, but was persuaded that it would merely terminate 
in the loss of more men, for the steep hill was all to the ad- 
vantage of the Indians, and the men were fairly well pro- 
tected in the trenches. 

Dodge, by this time, realized he was in a trap with Thorn- 
burg's men. From the open space in the enclosure, it was 
about ninety feet to water in the creek. Horses and mules 
that were severely wounded within the enclosure were shot 
to end their sufferings. Each night dead horses and mules were 
dragged to and dumped over the creek bank. Some horses, 
when shot by the Indians, but not fatally, would lunge back, 
break their tie ropes and stagger about the trenches. One 
horse, when lunging back, broke his tie rope and fell into the 
trench with wounded men. Quick action by men in close-by 
trenches soon dragged him out with ropes, without serious 
injury to the wounded. 

During the night, men ventured outside the enclosure to 
gather sagebrush to make fire in the trenches to make coffee. 

The first night after Dodge arrived, more shooting was 
done than on any other one night. It was thought this out- 
burst of shooting was done to kill horses, and to intimidate the 
newcomers so that no attempt to escape the trap or to build 
protection would be made. The same night, when Private Eizer 
went to the creek for water, he was shot in the side of the face. 

Ute Jeers 
There were several Indians who could talk understand- 
able English. Some of these were Piah, Cojo, Henry dim (an 
interpreter). Jack, Charlie (an Uncompahgre Ute), and John- 
son. At times during the day, it was sport for the Indians to 
jeer the soldiers. Jeers from the ridge, because of great dis- 
tance, were not always clearly understood. Others from the 
creek bank at closer range called, "Come out, you sons of 
b — s and fight like men." Others yelled. "Utes kill o^^v 'orse 
and mool, and kill oo." One Ute beneath the creek bank, 
togged in a red shirt, was thought to have done most of the 
sharp-shooting, killing the largest number of horses ami mules. 
Although "Red Shirt" was seen at times at close range by a 
few, his name was not known by the soldiers. It was then- 
first time in the Ute country. After relief came, two hundred 
45-70 shells were found where "Red Shirt" had done most o\' 
his shooting. Later, it was learned. Chief Johnson was given 
credit for most of the horse and mule killing with his Sharps 


rifle. When a hat was raised on a stick above the trenches, it 
became a target and was riddled by volleys of shot. 

Negro Soldiers Intruding 

Captain Dodge, a short time after his arrival, feeling his 
Negro soldiers might be intruding on the white soldiers in 
the already crowded trenches, during a lull in Ute shooting, 
started some of his men to digging trenches for themselves, in 
daylight, within the enclosure. They had just started to dig, 
when a rain of shots hit the ground and wagons about them. 
Dropping their tools, a soldier of Troop E, 3rd Cavalry, de- 
scribing their movements, said, "They made ten feet every 
jump and leaped head first into the trenches like frogs." 
Looking on the humorous side, amusing incidents occur even 
in battle. A private soldier of Troop D, described a burly 
Negro soldier climbing from a trench during a lull in the 
shooting, with rifle in hand, and saying in bravado style, 
"Show me a Ute." Since there was none in sight, of course, 
he sat down on a wagon-tongue.- About the same instant, a 
ball hit the corner of the wagon bed, one foot from his head. 
He jumped into the trench and "mum" was the word, while 
others about him who saw the incident had a laugh. 

The Indians were seldom seen within rifle range since they 
did their shooting from protected points at all times. The 
soldiers learned to know when the Indians were coming in the 
morning by crows and magpies that came at first break of day 
to feast on dead horses and mules. When the crows and mag- 
pies began to caw and fly away about sunrise, the Utes were 
getting into position for shooting. 

By noon of the second day after Dodge arrived, but seven of 
his cavalry horses remained alive. One hundred and forty-eight 
horses and mules, within and near the trenches, were killed. 
Five horses and two mules, within the corral, missed the rain 
of Ute lead. Several head of Gordon's oxen were slaughtered 
by the Utes for food at their emergency camp one mile and 
one-half south of the battlegrounds. 

The men in the trenches knew nothing of what was going 
on at the agency, twenty-five miles away. The Utes were in 
communication with their separate camps at all times. Runners 
were moving back and forth between Milk Creek, the agency, 
and the squaw camp. Douglas, "Big Chief," and too old to 
take part in the strenuous ordeal of the fight at Milk Creek, 
with a few other of the older Indians, were on guard at the 

McCarger's two freight wagons, abandoned on Deer Creek 
the first night of the fight, were ransacked, presumably the 
next day. Flour, soap, sugar; and there were several cases of 


small hatchets supposed to have been ordered by Meeker as a 
play tool for Ute children — all were scattered around. An at- 
tempt was made to fire the wagons and contents. There being 
but little inflammable material, the damage was not great. 


The Massacre at the Agency 

Description of the scene of slaughter at the agency in de- 
tail will depend on the story told by Mrs. Price and Josephine 
to General Adams and reporter, at the time of their rescue ; 
and the personal conversations of The Rider with Mrs. Price, 
several months later. 

On the morning of September 30th, the second day of the 
Milk Creek fight, fifteen or more Indians left the Milk Creek 
area for the agency, taking with them the government horses 
and mules they had captured the evening before. On their 
way down Coal Creek where Carl Goldstein and teamster Julius 
Moore were in camp at their freight wagons, they killed the 
two men. Moore was later found lying nude in the road. 
Goldstein was thirty feet from the wagons, where he had fallen 
in the sagebrush. The Indians robbed the wagons of blankets 
and such articles as they could pack with them, and set fire to 
other supplies, such as flour, salt pork, etc. Tliey drove Gold- 
stein's teams along with the government loot. 

"The band arrived at the Douglas' camp a short time be- 
fore the noon hour," said Mrs. Price. The herd of stolen 
horses was not brought into view of the agency employees, 
who were working on new buildings and at other odd jobs 
nearby. No suspicion of immediate treachery was anticipated 
by the employees, who had not yet learned of the fight with 
the soldiers nor heard from the two courier employees, Mans- 
field and Eskridge, who had been sent out from the agency. 

While the agency help were partaking of their noon meal. 
Chief Douglas came to the door of the dining room and talked 
with the women and men. Mrs. Meeker, with her customary 
hospitality, invited him to eat, since Douglas, Johnson, Jane, 
and many others of the tribe had many meals at the agency 
table. While sitting at the table, Douglas talked and joked 
with the men and seemed in an unusually jovial mood. After 
his meal, he went outside, looked around the buildings; then 
went to his tepee, three hundred yards away, near the river. 
The men were again at work on and about the buildings, and 
the women were washing dishes in the kitchen. A few minutes 
later shooting began. 


The Utes had planned their attack after Douglas reached 
the tepees. They had stolen the employees' rifles from the 
bunkhouse during the forenoon, when the men were busily en- 
gaged on the opposite side of the buildings. The shooting came 
furiously from about twenty Indians. Mrs. Price looked out- 
side and said, "My God, the Indians are killing everybody. 
"What shall we do?" 

About that time Frank Dresser staggered in at the kitchen 
door, wounded in the side of the head. Josephine handed Frank 
Mr. Price 's rifle, which was in the kitchen. He shot and killed 
Johnson's brother, Ita. Mr. Post, the bookkeeper, ran out 
fifty yards from the office building where he was shot down. 
Meeker was shot down at his living quarters, but was found 
fifty yards from there near the store building. A trail of blood 
indicated he had been dragged with a heavy rope which was 
left tied around his neck. An iron tent stake was driven 
through his mouth and neck ..into the ground. Meeker and 
Post were stripped of clothing. The other men lay about the 
building where they had been working. 

In the meantime, the women and two children and Frank 
Dresser ran from the kitchen to the milk house thirty yards 
north. The' Indians, who were busily engaged in looting the 
living quarters and setting fire to buildings, saw the women 
run to the milk house. Though not intending to murder them, 
and knowing Frank Dresser had a rifle, they got wood from 
a pile nearby and set fire to the side of the milk house. It was 
composed of large cottonwood logs chinked and 'dobed, and 
was slow to burn. The Indians then turned their attention to 
the storeroom, a large, one-room log building fifty yards south 
of the living quarters. At the same time they kept an eye on 
the progress of the fire at the milk house. They carried blan- 
kets and other loot from the storeroom to their tepees, where 
others were engaged in packing the loot on government mules 
and Ute ponies. 

When the fire at the milk house was making headway, and 
smoke coming in ; and while the Indians were busily engaged 
in carrying out supplies, the women and Dresser decided it 
was their opportunity to escape to the tall sagebrush, a short 
distance from the milk house and north of the irrigating ditch. 
Before reaching the brush, the Indians pied them. Dropping 
their loot, they ran with their rifles, shooting close about the 
women and children and calling, "Heap good squaw. Utes no 
kill good squaw." They were shooting to kill Frank Dresser 
as he disappeared in the tall sagebrush with Price's rifle. The 
shots fired about the women were intended by the Utes 
to intimidate, so they would submit to their demands. The 


women, when being jostled back through the irrigating ditch, 
got very wet. 

At least two of the Utes taking part in this act were Per- 
snne and Cojo, young renegades (both Uncampahgre Utes). 
Persune was dressed in a U. S. officer's uniform, cap and all, 
which was later identified as Thornburg's outfit. The women 
were taken to where the loot was being packed on mules and 

By this time it was sundown. It had been a warm day and 
the women and children were thinly dressed. The nights were 
cool, so Mrs. Meeker insisted to Douglas that they nrust have 
more clothing. She was allowed to go back to the smouldering 
buildings where she found some of their clothing which had 
not yet burned, and got coats and wraps for the women and 
children. In the meantime, there was a quarrel between Doug- 
las and Persune, as to which should take charge of Josephine. 
They, with others, had been drinking. Persune had taken 
charge of Josephine and assisted her to mount his pony which 
was prepared with a saddle, but Douglas insisted she should 
be his "squaw." With an outburst of the Ute tongue, they 
came near to blows. 

Night Ride to the Squaw Camp 

Mrs. Meeker, at the age of sixty-eight, was not a strong 
woman, and the night ride to the squaw camp taxed her en- 
durance to the limit. She was taken in charge by Douglas and 
mounted on a pony, with blankets for a saddle. "When too 
weak to ride alone, she was tied on with a rope, and at times 
rode behind Douglas. Mrs. Price was taken in charge by Cojo, 
and mounted on a pony with blankets for a saddle, with her 
baby boy in her arms. Josephine was the only one furnished 
with a saddle. It was a government saddle, taken from the 
horse that Thornburg rode. Mrs. Price's three-year-old girl 
rode behind Josephine, tied on with a blanket. 

With their caravan of pack ponies and government pack 
mules, they crossed White River to the south, going by the 
rough mountain trail to the squaw camp. 

During the night ride, the Utes were hilarious, ami drink- 
ing from bottles of liquor. One greasy and uncouth-looking 
Indian rode alongside Josephine and said, "Good squaw. You 
my squaw." 

From the loot, the captives were furnished with sufficient 
blankets for bedding. Some of the squaws assisted them to be 
comfortable. Susan wept, and felt sorry for them. The next 
day Jane and Douglas' squaw, "Quana." went back to the 
agency garden to get vegetables. 


Ouray Learns of the Fight 

Johnson's squaw, Susan, who was a sister of Ouray and 
who had been opposed to the Utes fighting the soldiers, quietly 
sent a Ute boy from the squaw camp, the next day after the 
fight began, to notify Ouray that the White River Utes were 
fighting the soldiers. Ouray was on a hunt in the mountains 
when the message arrived and was not expected home for sev- 
eral days. Chipeta, like Ouray, ever mindful of her loyalty 
to the government and of keeping peace within the Ute tribe, 
mounted her pony and rode to the mountains, where she found 
and informed Ouray of the situation at White River. 

Ouray, angered by the hostility of the White River tribe, 
which he had at all times hoped to prevent, at once returned 
to Los Pinos, and arranged, October 3rd, with the agent, Major 
W. M. Stanley, to send an* employee, Joe Brady, with a note 
from Chief Ouray to Douglas and other hostile chiefs of the 
White River tribe, to stop fighting. 

As an escort for Brady, Ouray selected his most trusted 
sub-chief, Sapavanero, who was a brother of Chipeta, and 
who, like Ouray and others of the older southern Utes, could 
talk and understand both English and Mexican languages. 
Shaveno, Aguila, and two other trusted Indians of the Uncom- 
pahgre reservation, were in the party. 

The distance from Los Pinos to Milk Creek by the Ute 
trail was approximately one hundred and forty-five miles. 

First Report of the Massacre at the Agency 

October 2nd, two men by the names of Bill Meadows and 
J. A. Warefield, prospectors with wagon and saddle horse, 
who had been prospecting for some time in the Blue Mountain 
country during the season, were on their way back to Clear 
Creek County, prospecting at times on the way. They crossed 
the divide from Bear River by way of Coyote Basin and Straw- 
berry Trail to White River, not knowing they were within the 
limits of the White River reservation. They had not heard of 
the Indian trouble. (They were merely passing through an 
unfamiliar country). 

About three o'clock p. m. when within half a mile of the 
agency, they saw smoke arising from the smouldering build- 
ings. They stopped the wagon, while Meadows, with saddle 
horse, went to investigate. He saw the dead men lying about 
the ruins. Realizing it was the White River Agency, he made 
haste to the wagon to inform his partner of the horrible sight. 

They turned on the back trail to Bear River, where they 
made camp late in the night. Knowing of the settlement on 
Snake River, Meadows, the next day, reported at the Bagg's 
ranch what he had seen. The news was not carried further, as 


Rankin, the courier, had gone to Rawlins three days before with 
the report of the Thornburg disaster, and troops were ex- 
pected any hour on their way to the relief of the entrenched 
men, and would look after conditions at the agency. 

Range Cattle Moved In 

October 3rd, 1879, George Hangs and Denny Gaff, who had 
driven a herd of cattle from the Arkansas valley to the Bear 
River country, one week before, made their camp at a spring in 
Big Gulch, which later was known as Brazzle Spring. Leaving 
a young man. Freeman Ray, in charge of the camp. Hangs and 
Gaff went to the lower country to look for winter range for 
their stock. 

When they returned late in the evening, they found Ray 
in the wagon. He had been shot in the side of the face. A 
horse which was on stake near camp, had become excited. Fear- 
ing he might break away, Ray went to quiet him, and was shot, 
supposedly by a renegade Ute in ambush back of a ridge. Ten 
head of their work and saddle stock on the range, near camp, 
were stolen. Ray, suffering severely from his wounds, was 
taken to Tom lies' cabin on Bear River. He was treated by 
Surgeon Kimmel of Merritt's command, when they were on 
their way to relieve Thornburg 's men. 


General Merritt received his orders at eight o'clock on the 
morning of October 1st. The message Avas wired to Cheyenne 
and rushed by courier to Merritt at Fort D. A. Russell, two 
miles distant. Merritt at once summoned his orderly to sound 
the assembly bugle call. When all officers and privates gath- 
ered at his quarters, he informed them of the Thornburg dis- 
aster, and gave orders to make ready to move as soon as 

Horses and mules and the larger part of their field equip- 
ment Avere at Camp Carlin, one mile away. (Camp Carlin was 
established in 1867, as a temporary military post for tin 1 pro- 
tection of the Union Pacific Railroad construction while Fort 
D. A. Russell was being built. It was later used as a supply 
base for military posts. The site is now in the resident dis- 
trict of Cheyenne). 

Merritt's forces were shipped to Rawlins in two special 
trains. The Union Pacific officials and trainmen cooperated 
in every way to speed the troops on their mission. Tom 
Moore, chief packer, was in charge of loading. The first 
train left Cheyenne at two p. m. The second train followed 


three hours later. The specials were given the right of way 
on the main line with double header and pusher over the 
Sherman hill. To keep the stock in condition for the strenuous 
ordeal, a stop was made at Laramie for food and water. The 
trains arrived at Rawlins in the early morning of October 2nd. 

All troops were active in preparation for the long march. 
Merritt 's command was made up of Companies I, A, B and M, 
of the 5th Cavalry. Each company composed a troop of about 
forty-five men. The names of his staff officers were Captain 
J. A. Auger, Troop A ; Captain Kellogg, Troop I ; Captain 
Montgomery, Troop B; Captain Babcock, Troop M ; First Lieu- 
tenant William B. Weir, an ordnance officer in charge of giov- 
ernment rifle repair works at Camp Carlin, a volunteer ; Gap- 
tain Hall, an ordnance 'officer. 

Paul Humme, rifle tester at .the repair works (a volunteer), 
was appointed chief scout by Merritt, and Colonel Compton (a 
volunteer), and Surgeon A. J. Kimmell, made up the official 

The equipment for the march was composed of fifty pack 
mules, each with a light pack of provisions to allow speedy 
movement, and in charge of Tom Moore. While packing the 
mules at Rawlins, Moore was approached by a young lad of 
nineteen, with a six-shooter hanging from his belt. He had 
smuggled in on the same train with the soldiers from Laramie 
during the night. He asked to be taken along with the expedi- 
tion. Moore scrutinized him carefully and decided he might be 
useful in assisting the cooks and packers. He was furnished a 
mule to ride and allowed to go along with the expedition. 

Each cavalryman was equipped with a blanket, cavalry 
rifle, and small knapsack containing hardtack (similar in size 
and appearance to the commercial dog biscuit), and a canteen 
of water or coffee, slung to their saddle and back. 

While the men were preparing for the march, General Mer- 
ritt was in conference with Joe Rankin, to learn the particulars 
of the situation at Milk Creek. Rankin advised Merritt to 
employ Jim Baker, and with Colonel Compton, he left Rawlins 
one hour in advance of Merritt, to engage Baker, who lived 
twelve miles up Snake River from the road crossing, to go as 
scout for the expedition. 

Rankin accompanied the expedition from Baggs Crossing 
to the trenches ; then returned to Rawlins to take care of his 
stable business. He was later appointed U. S. Marshal of Wyo- 
ming, by President Harrison. 

Merritt was joined at Rawlins by John C. Dyer, who was 
sent from Denver by Colorado state officials as reporter for 
the New York World and the Chicago Tribune. 


Merritt's forces, with pack train, left Rawlins at ten-thirty 
a. m., October 2nd. A train of fifteen wagons with supplies 
followed several hours later with John McAndrews as wagon- 

Dyer, the reporter, was mounted on a spirited horse en- 
gaged from Rankin's livery stable. On the way, his mount 
forged ahead of the cavalrymen. He was called to hold up, 
more than once, by the officer in command during the trip. 

At Bagg's crossing, Merritt was joined by Jim Baker, who 
was dressed in buckskin, with his Sharp's rifle slung to the 
pommel of his saddle. He was riding "Brownie." Tom Duffy, 
a cowboy volunteer, also joined the troops. Fleeing settlers 
who camped on the Muddy Creek at the first alarm, moved to 
their homes feeling safe as Merritt's troops went south. 

When Merritt arrived at the Thornburg reserve camp on 
Fortification Creek, Lieutenant Price with Troop I, of the 4th 
Infantry, and Captain Dodge's mule teams with supply wagons, 
were taken along. At Bear River, Merritt's command was 
joined by Bill Lisco and a small party from the lies' ranch. 
Arriving at William's Fork the evening of October 4th, they 
made camp until two a. m., when they moved to the trenches. 

A]i advance guard of eight men, with Chris Madsen in 
charge, was one-half mile in the lead. When they came near 
the trenches, a bugle call was given. It was received with 
shouts of joy from the men in the trenches, and the cry, "Old 
Wesley is here." It was five o'clock a. m., about one hour 
before daylight on the morning of October 5th, when General 
Merritt came up with the command. They advanced to the 
trenches. There had been no shooting by the Indians during 
the night. The men in the trenches were expecting Merritt 
for relief, Fort Russell being the nearest military post where a 
strong garrison of cavalrymen was available. 

Although it was dark, men from the trenches rushed to 
meet their rescuers with a hearty greeting. No time was lost. 
A short consultation between General Merritt and officers. 
Payne, Dodge and Lawson took place. Preparations for action 
were quickly made. Surgeon Kimmel was engaged in treating 
the wounded. Lieutenant Price, Sandy Mellen and a small 
party were sent to bring in Thornburg 's body. He had been 
scalped and left entirely nude. 

Merritt Arranges His Men for Battle 
At daybreak, Merritt was shown the stronghold of the 
Indian ambush. He at once arranged his men for a charge in 
case of an attack. One troop of the nth Cavalry was ordered 
to the south side of Milk Creek to scout cautiously the foot- 
hills on the southwest. A large troop, composed of the 4th 


Infantry and of the relieved, entrenched men, was ordered to 
advance along the ridge that had been held by the Utes as a 
stronghold, and along the bluffs on the north side of Milk 
Creek. Merritt held the main body of his men in reserve a 
short distance from the trenches. 

It was clear daylight when Indians were seen to concen- 
trate in a body by small bands on the bench where the fight 
started. Utes were coming from different directions. Merritt 
waited and watched their movements. The infantry on the 
north side fired several shots from the bluffs at a small band 
which was moving toward the group. The Utes retaliated with 
a few shots. This shooting was done at long range and neither 
party was in real danger. Apparently, the main body of the 
Utes' fighting force was gathered for council. Their number 
was estimated to be from one hundred seventy-five to two 
hundred Indians. 

After waiting a few minutes, a lone rider was seen to 
leave the group and move toward Merritt 's men, on the gallop. 
As the rider came closer, he was seen to carry a small white 
flag. Approaching Merritt, he told his mission and passed 
him a note. A stranger to all — he was Joe Brady, from Los 
Pinos Agency. The note was from Ouray to the leading chiefs 
telling them to stop fighting the soldiers. Brady had arrived 
at the hostile camp late the evening before. The chiefs had 
seized the opportunity to have Brady present their note to 
Merritt ; to show their good intentions to quit the fight, and 
also to advise Merritt they wanted a new agent, and wishing 
to live in peace on their reservation. Merritt advised Brady 
to go back to Los Pinos ; that he, Merritt, would look after 
the Indians. 

When Brady returned to the group of Indians from which 
he had emerged, with no encouragement for them as a result 
of the conference with Merritt, other than the delivery of 
Ouray's note, the Indians, accompanied by Brady, left the 
Milk Creek country for the squaw camp. 

Merritt Orders the Trench Camp Moved 

Because of the Indians quitting the fight and the stench 
about the trenches being unbearable, Merritt ordered, the camp 
with the wounded men moved up Milk Creek, one mile to the 
east, where there was grass for the stock. Details of troops 
scouted the surrounding hills during the day. 

From this camp, Captain Auger, with an escort of his cav- 
alrymen and a detail of workers, was ordered to bury the dead. 
A list of wounded had been taken by Officers Payne and Law- 
son. The names of those killed were as follows: Major Thomas 
T. Thornburg, 4th Infantry ; Michael Fireton, Company F, 5th 


cavalry ; John Burns, Company F, 5th Cavalry ; Sergeant John 
Uolan, Company F, 5th Cavalry ; Amos D. Miller, Company F. 
5th Cavalry ; Samuel McKee, Company F, 5th Cavalry ; Charles 
Wright, Company D, 5th Cavalry ; Dominic Caff, Company E, 
5th Cavalry ; Teamster Thomas McGuire ; Wm. McKinstrey, 
wagonmaster ; Scout Charles Grafton Lowry. Of these, all 
were buried near the trenches except Major Thornburg. 

Scout Lowry, who was fatally wounded at the time of the 
fire, was thought to have been dead when trenches were being 
dug in haste during the night. He was covered with a part of 
a tent canvas and dirt from a trench. After five and one-half 
days, the bodies were being removed for burial, and he was 
found to be alive. With assistance, he sat up, although not 
being able to speak. He sipped some coffee when a cup was 
held for him. Surgeon Kimmel was called, and while he was 
probing for the ball, Lowry passed away. 

A small party of infantry, with M. W. Dillon in charge. 
and Chris Madsen in charge of a troop of 5th Cavalry as an 
escort, was sent to bury George Gordon and his two teamsters. 
J. H. Brigham and son, at the ruins of their freight camp on 
Stinking Gulch. 

The number of wounded men, in all, was thirty-eight. The 
larger number of these were slightly wounded. Some of those 
most painfully, but not seriously wounded, were : Sergeant 
James Montgomery, Troop E, 3rd Cavalry, wounded in the 
ankle ; Private John Mahoney, Troop E, 3rd Cavalry, Avounded 
in the thigh ; Private F. Simmons, Troop F, 5th Cavalry, 
wounded in the arm ; John C. Davis, in charge of suttler sup- 
plies for J. W. Hugus, wounded in the heel ; Private J. H. Nich- 
olas, Troop D, 5th Cavalry, wounded in the side ; and Captain 
Payne, a skin abrasion over the abdomen. 

Rescued Men on the Way to Fort Steele 

Wagons and other preparations for moving were made 
ready, and on the morning of October 7th the wounded and all 
entrenched men, with Captain Dodge in charge, were on their 
way to Fort Steele. Thornburg 's body, after being treated 
by Surgeon Kimmel, was sewed in canvas. From Rawlins it 
was shipped east for burial. All settlers who volunteered their 
services with Merritt returned home from this camp. Merritt 
rested his stock for two days and awaited arrival of his sup- 
ply train. 


Official Expressions Regarding Ute Precaution 

During their restful hours in camp, Jim Baker, General 
Merritt and some of his official staff expressed their opinions as 
to why the Utes had quit the fight. The first and most logical 
one was that the Ute scouts (with field glasses), had seen Mer- 
ritt 's troops on the road the evening before, and had decided 
to keep out of their way. The next opinion was that Ouray's 
note held some weight. The third opinion expressed was that 
the Utes were short of ammunition. 

Merritt 's Record March 

General Merritt 's time from Rawlins to the trenches, in- 
cluding stops to feed, two-hour stop at Thornburg's reserve 
camp, and eight hours at William's Fork, was sixty-six and 
one-half hours, breaking all records filed by the war depart- 
ment for distance and time in a forced march of cavalry troops. 

Colorado and Wyoming legislatures passed resolutions of 
thanks, complimenting Merritt and his men for their prompt 
relief of the entrenched men. 

Merritt 's Forces Moved to White River 

On October 8th, Merritt moved his forces to White River. 
On their way down Coal Creek Canyon, a teamster from Fort 
Union named Brown, one of Dodge's men, when passing the 
old agency coal mine, discovered the body of a man in the 
mouth of the mine. A halt and investigation was made. From 
the note found in his pocket, he was identified as Frank Dresser, 
who had escaped wounded, during the slaughter at the agencj 7 . 
It was later determined he had walked and ran the fifteen 
miles during the night and had lost a great quantity of blood, 
and become exhausted. His coat was folded and placed under 
his head for a pillow. Price's rifle, which he had when last 
seen at the agency, was not found. It was presumed to have 
been taken by the Utes when on the way to the squaw camp. 

A few miles farther down Coal Creek, Merritt 's men 
passed the dead bodies of Carl Goldstein and Julius Moore, 
and the ruins of their freight wagons. One mile farther on, 
the troops met Joe Morgan. Joe, after hearing of the Thorn- 
burg disaster while at his home on Snake River, started with 
his brother, Dave, to go to Morgan Canyon, where three 
younger brothers were living. He found them gathering their 
horse band to move them north of Snake River, as their horse 
range had been burned over by the fire started at the trenches. 
Since Joe had been quite friendly with the White River Utes, 
he had no fear of them. He, being curious to know, had gone 
to the agency to see for himself the conditions there, and was 
returning by way of Coal and Milk Creeks. 


Merritt, not knowing Morgan, and believing he might be 
a renegade spying for the Indians, ordered him disarmed and 
held under arrest. At White River, Merritt made camp one 
mile below the month of Coal Creek and within four miles of 
the agency. When Jim Baker, who was on scont duty during 
the march, came to camp, he identified Morgan as his near 
neighbor on Snake River, and Morgan was released. 

Merritt spent three days at this camp. A supply of I. D. 
Beef was gathered in from the range. A party was sent to 
bury Dresser, Goldstein, and Moore. Lieutenant Weir, with an 
escort, was in charge of a detail of soldiers to bury the men 
at the agency, including Eskridge, who was killed and left 
nude in the road. 

Scouting parties were sent out each day, mainly on the 
White and Grand River divide, to watch the movements of 
skulking Indians, who, with field glasses, were spying on sol- 
diers, and to view a route over the divide to the south on 
which to move their wagon stock and pack train, as there was 
no wagon road leading south from White River. 

Additional Troops Had Been Ordered 

Following the ordering of General Merritt to the relief of 
the Thornburg men, additional troops were ordered by Gen- 
eral Crook, as a precautionary measure, to be in readiness at 
Rawlins should their services be needed. 

Of these there were two troops of infantry from Fort 
Snelling, Minnesota, in command of Colonel Gilbert, and one 
troop of infantry from Fort Douglas, Utah. On their arrival, 
they made camp at Rawlings Springs, awaiting further orders 
to move south. Two troops of cavalry were ordered from Fort 
McPherson. The order was countermanded before the troops 
reached Rawlins. 

One troop of the 3rd Cavalry left Fort Laramie in com- 
mand of Major Henry, traveling overland. At the same time. 
First Lieutenant C. A. H. MeCauley was sent from Fort Omaha 
to Rawlins to take charge of transportation in forwarding sup- 
plies to Merritt 's headquarters, and also to establish a courier 
line to convey war department messages between Rawlins and 
General Merritt. 

Joe Brady arrived at Los Pinos Agency by way of the Ute 
squaw camp, where he learned of the killing at the agency, and 
saw the captive women and children. Chief Douglas told Brady 
that if the white men came to him who were friends of the Utes, 
they would surrender the women and children to them un- 
harmed. This message was wired October 8th. from Los Pinos 
to Denver and Washington. Car] Schurz, Secretary of the 
Interior, communicated by wire with Charles X. Adams, special 


agent of the postoffice department, located in Denver. Adams 
previously served as agent at White River and at Los Pinos. 
Schurz, knowing of his faithful and efficient service to the gov- 
ernment and of his experience in dealing with the Ute Indians, 
appointed him to look after special work, with instructions to 
proceed at once to plan the rescue of the captive women and 

Squaw Camp Moved to Grand River 

On the same day Brady left the squaw camp, the camp 
was moved ; the first day to Parachute Creek, and the next day 
to Grand River, near the mouth of Roan Creek. 

Courier Line Established 

The Rider arrived in Rawlins one day in advance of Lieu- 
tenant McCauley, after the close of the cowboy job with Frank 
Harrah — and with two cowboys who arrived in Rawlins from 
a job on the trail with cattle herds driven from Oregon to 
Wyoming (owned by George Lang and Matthew Ryan of Fort 
Leavenworth), and with Hy Armstrong of Rawlins, the four 
cowboys were employed by McCauley as couriers, each assigned 
to a station on the line. 

A carload of cavalry horses was shipped from Camp Carlin 
to Rawlins, from which the couriers selected their mounts. Be- 
sides heing branded U. S. on the left shoulder they were 
branded I. C. under the overhanging mane (which indicated 
"inspected and condemned.") 

Lang and Ryan drove eight herds, 16,000 stock cattle, from 
the Owyhee, John Day and Malheur Rivers, Oregon, in 1879. 
They were classed, sold and distributed in small herds to ranch 
settlers in the Laramie and Cheyenne districts who were en- 
gaging in the cattle business. 

About the same time, General Adams received instructions 
to proceed with the rescue of the captive women. General 
Merritt was wired a message from the war department. On 
the morning of October 9th, three couriers left Rawlins for the 
south, each leading their extra mount. Armstrong was as- 
signed the Rawlins to Sulphur Springs ride. With an occa- 
sional change of mounts, the three arrived the same evening at 
Perkins' quarters on Snake River, the station to which Billy 
Thomas was assigned. 

Jack Davis had just arrived from the trenches. The main 
body of men from the trenches had gone by way of Baggs Cross- 
ing. Davis was moving about with the aid of crutches, nursing 
his wounded heel. Davis ordered a new stock of suttler's sup- 
plies at Perkins' store to be sent to Merritt 's headquarters. He 
later was manager for J. W. Hugus & Co. chain stores. 


On the arrival at Tom lies' cabin on Bear River (bachelors 
hall), arrangements were made for the third courier station 
to which Alex. Hasson was assigned. Norris Brock, a neigh- 
bor homesteader, had congregated with others at the lies 
ranch during the Ute scare. He was impressed as a cook. 
During conversations at this station it was noted that Jerry 
Huff, Bill Lisco and lies had joined Merritt's troops, going as 
far as the trenches. Clark, the surveyor, and Mansfield, the 
agency employee, left lies' for Greeley. The Rider, continuing 
with the Merritt message at two o'clock a. m. by way of Mora- 
pos Trail, saw, when passing the scene of slaughter, at the 
trenches, that bears, coyotes and magpies were having the 
feast of their lives on dead horses and mules. 

At the crossing of Milk Creek, Sergeant Thomas, of Com- 
pany E, 3rd Cavalry, a survivor of the trenches, was met. He 
had gone with Merritt's forces from Milk Creek to White 
River, for the purpose of carrying out to Rawlins, Merritt's 
message reporting conditions found at the agency and to be 
wired to Washington. He was leading an extra horse, which 
appeared to be a good one. The courier's mount, being of 
condemned stock, was weary, and he requested an exchange 
for the fresh mount. This was agreeable with Thomas, who 
remarked that the horse's name was "Humdinger." He also 
stated that Merritt's command was starting to move south 
from White River when he left. 

After a few strenuous jaunts over the courier route, it was 
evident that "Humdinger" made good for that which the 
slang term applies — "the best." From Merritt's abandoned 
camp on White River, the trail was followed, and the expedi- 
tion overtaken at the head of Flag Creek. The caravan had 
stopped. Passing by the long line of wagons and pack mules, 
soldiers in the lead were found working like beaver, clearing a 
road through the quakenasp, through which to move their 
supply train. General Merritt Avas at the head directing road 
work. An advance guard of two cavalry troops was doing 
scout duty on the divide, one-half mile in the lead. 

After reading the message, Merritt was grieved, showing 
great disappointment because of being halted in his effort to 
engage the Indians in battle. His first remark was, "Oh, hell: 
here 1 am, tied hand and foot." The message read: "Stop fur- 
ther efforts to engage the Indians: an effort to rescue the cap- 
tives is being made from the south. Camp in the vicinity of 
the agency until further developments." Road work was 
stopped. A short time was taken for lunch, which consisted 
of coffee, hardtack, and a liberal "help-yourself " to I. D. 
beef, roasted on a stick held over eampfire coals. The Rider 
joined in the feed. The army returned to White River the 


same afternoon, making camp on the same grounds they had 
left in the morning, and awaited developments. Merritt's men 
showed as much disappointment as Merritt himself. 

Chris Madsen, of the 5th Cavalry (one of Merritt's men 
who was an eye witness to the struggle between Buffalo Bill 
and Chief Yellow Hand, and years later U. S. Marshal of Okla- 
homa), in a conversation with the Rider, remarked that if 
Merritt and his men had known the contents of the message 
before it was delivered, they would have paid to have the 
courier hog-tied or killed before the delivery of the message 
could have been made. Chris Madsen, at present time, is living 
at his home in Guthrie, Oklahoma. 

The Rider Views the Ruins of the Agency 

Accompanied by Lieutenant William B. Weir, the ruins 
of the recently built agency were viewed. Weir, who was in 
charge of a detail of soldiers that buried the unfortunate men 
four days before, described the scene. Of the nine men whose 
names have already been mentioned herein, and whose bodies 
were laid to rest beneath a grove of Cottonwood trees between 
the river and the agency, Mansfield was the only male employee 
who escaped with his life. All buildings were burned except a 
wagon shed and the large store building which had been fired. 
It had recently been built of green, hewed cottonwood logs 
which did not burn. Three tons of flour that was stored therein 
had been dumped on the floor and the sacks taken by the In- 
dians. The flour was burned to a crisp over the top. The 
agency flag pole, from which the stars and stripes floated, 
representing a government institution, was not molested. Sol- 
diers, freighters and agencv emplovees, in all, 27 men, were 

Through the courtesy of General Merritt, a special tent 
was provided alongside his official tent, with bedding for the 
accommodation of the reporter, Scout Jim Baker and couriers, 
who were assigned to "mess" with Captain Kellogg 's troop. 
The "mess" was composed of choice viands and other delica- 
cies, from salt pork, hardtack, snitts (dried apples) and coffee. 
The regular morning mess was sowbelly, chopped fine, fried in 
the dutch oven, then crumpled hardtack and water was added, 
and the whole allowed to simmer a few minutes. It was named 
s-of-a-h by the soldiers. Some of the burned agency flour was 
used by the soldier cooks, but after a consultation was held by 
General Merritt, and Surgeon Kimmel, (whose decision was 
that the flour might contain poison) its use was forbidden. 

The wagonload of suttler store supplies from Perkins' 
store arrived at Merritt's camp with Al. Durham as teamster, 
and Wilber Hugus in charge of supplies. 


The young man, Bill Marston, picked up at Rawlins by 
Tom Moore, was having the time of his life. He had taken on 
the appearance of a full-fledged frontiersman. Seeking further 
adventure, he begged to be allowed to join cavalry troops de- 
tailed for scout duty. Moore nicknamed him "Colorow Bill." 

Major Henry Arrives 

Major Henry, with one troop of 3rd Cavalry, arrived at 
Merritt 's camp, making the trip overland from Fort Laramie. 
He made camp for one night at Mountain Meadows. Joe Col- 
lom, (who was living in the vicinity of the Meadows and who, 
during the hay season, had put "in stack" one hundred tons 
of native hay which he later sold to Kirk Calvert and Bill 
Aylesworth) was on the hunt for one of his oxen, strayed from 
his camp. He happened to stop at Evan's camp. 

Major Henry, not knowing him, suspected he was spying 
for the Indians. He said to his sergeant, "Hold this man un- 
der guard." After a considerable length of time and much 
explanation, Joe convinced Evans he was a settler living one 
mile away in the canyon. Joe was released. He became a 
prominent stockman of that section, and was the original lo- 
cater and owner of the Mount Streeter Coal Mine. 

Major Henry's troop was mounted on a "gray horse" cav- 
alry, forty-seven, all dapple grays. To horse lovers, they were 
a beautiful lot. 


General Adams to the Rescue of the Captive Woman 
and Children 

General Adams arrived at Los Pinos October 18th. He was 
accompanied by Count Von Doenhoff, a special reporter. Adams 
was soon in conference with Chief Ouray. Assisted by Agent 
Stanley, they at once made preparations for the ninety-mile 
trip. A wagon with provisions and camp equipment, and a 
light wagon were taken along so that the women and children 
could ride with more comfort than to travel by horseback. For 
an assistant, Adams engaged his old-time friend ami frontiers- 
man, Captain W. M. (Tine, who was keeping a small trading 
store on the Cimarron Creek fifteen miles away, ami near the 
east line of the Uneompahgre reservation. He knew the Indians 
well. George P. Sherman, bookkeeper at the agency, volunteered 
to go. Ouray selected his sub-chiefs Sapavanero, Shavano and 
eight other trusted Indians of the Uneompahgre reservation. 

The route traveled was by way of the old Mormon road 
to a point on the Gunnison River. The party was unable to 
proceed farther with their wagons. Sapavanero sent two of his 


Indians ahead to the hostile camp on Grand River to notify the 
chiefs of the coming of the party, and their mission. 

In the meantime, Colorow, Jack, Johnson, Piah, and Per- 
sune had moved their tepees and the captive women and chil- 
dren sixteen miles south of Grand River, on the mesa of 
Plateau Creek — after the Ute scouts had seen Merritt's forces 
moving south from White River. Adams and escort were trav- 
eling by horseback some distance in the rear. Douglas, at the 
Grand River camp, sent Henry Jim, Lavero, and Co jo to meet 
the Adams party, and to tell them where to find the hostile 
chief's camp, which they reached the same day, October 19th. 

The hostile chiefs had been notified of the party 's approach 
and had closed up the tepees occupied by the women and they, 
themselves, kept under cover. With the help of the good scout, 
Sapavanero, who took the lead with Captain Cline and Adams, 
they looked into each tepee. They found Mrs. Meeker in John- 
son's tepee, but she had previously been kept in Douglas' 
tepee. Mrs. Price and her baby boy were found in Johnson's 
tepee, but she had previously been kept in Jack's tepee, most 
of the time. Josephine and Mae Price, the three-year-old girl, 
were found in Persune's tepee, where they had been held dur- 
ing the twenty-three days. They had all been kept in widely- 
separated tepees. 

When the women had been located, they were very much 
elated, saying, "We are glad you have come for us," General 
Adams and Sapavanero found and consulted with Jack, Colo- 
row, Johnson, and Persune, who were not inclined to give up 
the women. Piah was scouting on the divide. Chief Douglas, 
when informed of the presence of the Adams party, left for 
the warring chief's camp, arriving late in the evening. 

A stormy council was held, which lasted the greater part 
of the night. Because of Merritt's attempt to move south 
from White River, the chiefs had become alarmed, and moved 
south as far as they dared go. Ouray had previously forbid- 
den the White River Utes to hunt or camp on the Uncompah- 
gre reservation. Adams, Sapavanero and Shavano took part 
in the council. Several hours' conference followed, the chiefs 
at times making hostile threats, and Sapavanero using harsh 
words and threats in a persuasive argument for the release of 
the captives. Johnson's squaw, Susan, who had been taking 
part in the "pow-wow, " became enraged. She burst out with 
a strong plea, demanding that the women be set free, as it was 
Ouray's orders that they must be released. After this de- 
mand, the chiefs gradually began to weaken. Chief Douglas 
made a proposition to Adams, that if he would go to White 
River and stop the soldiers from coming farther south, they 
would give up the women. As Adams had no authority to in- 


terfere with Merritt's plans, he at first declined the proposi- 
tion, but later decided it would be a quicker and easier way 
out, to have the women released. He accepted Douglas' terms. 
The women were told of their release, and to make ready for 
the journey to Los Pinos. With Captain Cline, in charge of 
the party, George Sherman and eight of Sapavanero's Indians, 
they started in the early morning by horseback to the wagons 
on the Gunnison River. 

General Adams Accompanied by the Reporter, Doenhoff 
Douglas, Sapavanero, and Shavano went to the main camp 
on Grand River in the early morning to have a short rest and 
feed. It was October 20th when Adams, with Chiefs Sowawic, 
Savinah, Pah-viets, Worzets, Charlie, and eight other of the 
White River Indians, selected by Douglas for the escort, went 
to Merritt's camp on White River to advise him of Chief Doug- 
las' message. Adams had remembered Sowawic from the time 
he was agent at White River, and felt safe with him in charge 
of the escort. They went by way of the Roan and Yellow 
Creek trail. 

At Merritt's Camp, October 20th 

A detail scout troop, composed of Captain Hall, Chief 
Scout Paul Humme, Lieutenant Weir, Jim Baker, Colorow 
Bill, and eight private soldiers, was scouting near the divide 
and in the brakes of Pice-ance and Yellow Creeks. Scout 
Humme and Lieutenant Weir had left the main party, follow- 
ing and killing a deer several hundred yards away, back of 
the ridge. Weir was killed near the deer carcass. Humme 
was killed three hundred yards away in the aspens. On hear- 
ing the shots, Hall and his men appeared on the ridge over- 
looking the scene. Humme 's mount was severely wounded. 
Weir's mount was recovered, uninjured. 

Jim Baker and Colorow Bill, who were traveling sepa- 
rately from the party on a ridge six hundred yards to the 
south, fired several shots at three Utes they had seen making 
their get-a-way over a ridge to the south. The incident oc- 
curred about 3 p. m. The party was late getting to Merritt's 
headquarters to report the calamity. 

Jim Baker reported to General Merritt that Colorow Bill 
killed the Indian who shot Lieutenant Weir. This report could 
not be confirmed, as the party left the scene without investi- 
gating among the aspens, for fear of being ambushed by 
the Utes. 

Three troops of cavalry left Merritt's camp the same 
evening to recover the bodies. When ten miles down the 
river, on the Yellow Creek Trail, at dusk, they suddenly came 


in view of what they thought to be a band of hostile Indians 
coming on the trail. The soldiers halted and prepared for an 
attack. The supposed hostile Indians seemed to be alarmed 
and were seen to scatter. Presently two of the party ad- 
vanced showing a white flag. They were General Adams and 
Sowawic. The Ute escort had stopped and was greatly ex- 
cited, some of them fleeing under cover of a nearby ridge, 
until Adams and Sowawic, with difficulty, persuaded them 
there was no danger. 

The cavalry troops recovered the body of Lieutenant 
Weir after dark, but did not find Scout Humme's body until 
a cavalry troop returned the next day. 

When the Adams party arrived at Merritt's camp, Adams 
and the reporter were received at Merritt's headquarters. 
Merritt would not allow the Ute escort in Camp. They were 
given provisions, and made camp for the night among the cot- 
tonwoods nearby. From Adams and the reporter, Merritt and 
his men, including The Courier, had first direct information 
from the hostile Ute camp. Jim Baker talked with Chief 
Sowawic, leader of the escort, getting some information in 
regard to their movements and camp. 

A Second Party to the Rescue of the Women and Children 

When the women were yet in the Grand River camp, Jo- 
sephine wrote a note and sent it by a grandson of the old war- 
rior chief, "Black Hawk." This grandson was one of the 
Uintah Utes who were leaving the hostile camp for their home 
reservation. The note was addressed to Agent E. B. Crichlow 
at White Rocks Agency, requesting his assistance in the re- 
lease of the captive women. The Indians also told the agent 
that Chief Douglas had said that if white men came who were 
friends of the Utes, the Utes would give up the women, but 
would murder them rather than release them to the soldiers. 

Two young men employees of the agency, named P. S. 
(Pete) Dillman, and Clint McLane, volunteered to go with 
Black Hawk's grandson and five other Uintah Utes as an 
escort. They went to the hostile camp on Grand River, after 
a two-days' delay in getting a sufficient number of horses for 
the occasion. When they arrived at the Grand River camp, 
they learned that General Adams had been there, and had sent 
the women and children to Los Pinos, and that Adams had 
gone to Merritt's camp on White River. 

When Adams returned to Grand River from Merritt's 
camp, he met Dillman and McLane. At first sight, he mistook 
them to be renegate whites assisting the Indians. They con- 
vinced him who they were by a note carried from Agent 


Crichlow. Adams said, "You're lacky if you get out of here 

After Adams left the camp for Los Pinos, Douglas in- 
sisted on Dillman and McLane going to Merritt's camp to tell 
him, "Utes heap sorry," and ask Merritt to help them get a 
new agent, as they wanted to go back to their reservation. 

When Dillman and McLane appeared at Merritt's camp, 
with an escort of Indians, Merritt (showing the same disregard 
for the welfare as the Adams escort), would not allow the 
Indians in camp for fear of cooties. The men reported their 
mission, which like Adams' mission, had no significance other 
than to satisfy Douglas. Merritt could promise them nothing. 

In the meantime, Captain Cline of the rescue party, and 
the captive women and children, arrived at the Los Pinos 
Agency. They were affectionately received by Ralph Meeker, 
son of Agent and Mrs. Meeker, Major Pollock, and Agent 
Stanley. The women Avere taken to the home of Chief Ouray 
where they remained for two days. Ouray treated them with 
great kindness. Chipeta wept, and was much grieved for them. 
They were given all the comforts of a well-furnished ranch 
home. Ralph Meeker had been in school in the East when he 
heard of the White River Agency disaster. He joined Major 
Pollock, who was sent out from Washington as special in- 
vestigator of the White River Indian trouble. 

From Ouray's, the women were accompanied by Ralph 
Meeker. They went by mail stage to Alamosa, where they 
rested two days with friends. They then went by train to 
Denver, where they stopped with friends, and where they were 
interviewed and questioned by reporters. From there, they 
went to their home in Greeley, where they were received witli 
great joy by their friends. 

Josephine was given a position in Washington as secretary 
for Senator Teller, and at the request of Secretary Schurz, she 
gave lectures in Washington and other eastern cities of her 
knowledge of the Ute Indians. She died early in life because 
of pulmonary affliction. 

Women Describe Treatment Received While in Captivity 

Mrs. Meeker, describing treatment she received while in 
custody of the Indians, said Douglas was drinking. He treated 
her badly, taunting and threatening her with violence, and 
pointing a rifle at her. At one time, he stood over her with 
drawn butcher knife, when she was so weak and exhausted 
from long rides on the bare back of a pony. She said that Doug- 
las' squaw treated her mean, tormenting her and at times not 
letting her have food for thirty-six hours. She admitted being 
repeatedly harrassed by their indecent proposals, but escaped 


assault. Mrs. Meeker and Josephine were each allowed a life 
pension from the government by Congress. She lived to a 
ripe old age, at her home in Greeley. 

Mrs. Price, with her baby boy in her arms, rode behind 
Cojo part of the time, and behind Johnson the rest of the time, 
when moving camp. In camp, she was compelled to divide 
her time between Jack and Johnson's tepees, and to cook for 
them and others of the tribe. She suffered all the indignities 
against which womanhood revolts. Rifles were pointed at her ; 
at times with threats to shoot. She gave credit to her children 
for not having been treated with more brutality. The children 
romped and played with the Indian children. In a way their 
antics amused the older Indians. One Indian wanted to trade 
her three ponies for her boy, and when she refused, they tried 
to steal the boy from her. 

Persune had shown much courtesy and kind treatment 
toward Josephine, although he had a squaw of his own. He 
was in possession of stolen government blankets. He gave 
certain squaws each a present of a blanket. The captive women 
were given blankets from which they made dresses for them- 
selves and children. 

The women had not learned from the Indians coming from 
Milk Creek, about the fight with the soldiers, except they 
learned the soldiers were in holes in the ground. The women 
had nothing but praise for the good squaw, Susan. 

After the squaw camp had been moved to Grand River, 
the young bucks who had taken part in the Milk Creek fight 
celebrated their victory with a war dance. Dressed in paint, 
feathers and other war regalia, they danced around a large 
sagebrush fire they had made for the purpose, filling the air 
with fierce yells and war whoops, and went through imitations 
of killing soldiers. 

Political Propaganda 

Sensational rumors were afloat about Denver, which spread 
to other parts, including Washington, of Ute Indian depreda- 
tions ; that the Southern Utes had made hostile demonstra- 
tions ; that the entire Ute tribes were preparing for war ; that 
three hundred Arapahoe Indians were on their way to join 
Jack, and the White River Utes in their fight with the soldiers ; 
and that many Indians and 250 horses and mules had been 
killed in the Milk Creek fight. 

These rumors were carried to the extent that the Colorado 
State Militia was ordered to the northern border of the South- 
ern Ute reservation. Requests were made to the war depart- 
ment for additional troops for protection in case of emergency. 
General McKenzie, from Fort Garland, with three troops of 


the 4th Cavalry, was on guard at Lake City, a newly-estab- 
lished mining camp. Other troops were stationed at Animas 
City, with a strong reserve at Port Garland. 

Chief Douglas, after learning that Chief Ouray had been 
appraised of their fight, sent a message to Ouray, stating that 
the fight his tribe was having with the soldiers was a fight of 
their own, and requested that there be no interference by other 
tribes. So far as was known, no Southern Utes participated 
in the Milk Creek fight. 

Ouray, when questioned by government officials as to the 
peaceful attitude of the Ute Indians, replied that the Uncom- 
pahgre Utes were satisfied and peaceful, although minor depre- 
dations had been committed on the Southern Ute reservation 
by a small band of renegades led by Sapavanero, Osapaw, Red 
Jacket, and a few followers, against the miners and settlers 
of the San Juan basin area, during the season. But at that 
time all was peaceful, and that the White River tribe was dis- 
satisfied with their agent — but a general hostile outbreak was 
not expected. 

Washington News 

In spite of persistent efforts of Colorado Representatives 
Belford, Akins, and Teller, for three years, the bill for removal 
of the Ute Indians from Colorado had not received recognition 
from eastern congressmen, since the majority of them were in 
sympathy with the Indians. Governor Pitkin personally made 
a plea before Congress for passage of the bill. 

November, 1879. The Government's Peace Policy 
The captive women being restored to their homes, the 
government undertook to bring the chiefs responsible for the 
massacre to justice, through a peace policy, rather than attempt 
to arrest them by military authority. Carl Sehurz, Secretary 
of the Interior, appointed a commission composed of General 
Edward Hatch, who was in command of the U. S. army in 
New Mexico, General Adams, and Chief Ouray, to investigate 
the recent trouble at White River. 

It was surmised by Secretary Sehurz that, through the in- 
fluence of Ouray, the guilty Indians could be persuaded to 
come in where they could be opiestioned by the commission, 
and the crime placed upon those responsible for the murders. 
Ouray sent messengers to the hostile camp, ordering the 
leading chiefs to come to Los Pinos Agency. After several 
days' delay, Johnson, Douglas, Washington, Piah and four 
less important Utes came in, and were examined. All appeared 
in a sullen mood. Douglas seldom answered questions, ami 


when he did, spoke in an angry tone. All positively denied 
knowing anything of the killings. 

The meeting was held in an abandoned log store building, 
which at that time was being used as a stable. 

Billy Burns, "white," an employee of the Southern Ute 
Agency, served as interpreter of Ute, Mexican, and English. 
The hostile chiefs were armed, and at one time the commission 
seemed to be in danger of their lives because of the hostile dis- 
position shown. The meeting continued two days. The com- 
mission decided that no conclusion could be reached as a result 
of the examination. 

Ouray suggested that the chiefs go to Washington and 
treat with the Secretary of the Interior. This seemed to be 
satisfactory to the hostile chiefs, and early in December, a 
party composed of Ouray, Chief Douglas, Johnson, Sowawic, 
Piah, the commission, and a small military escort, went to 
Washington. After several days of examination and parleying, 
the Utes denying all questions implicating them in the mas- 
sacre, Secretary Schurz decided nothing could be accomplished 
without all of the hostile chiefs. The delegation was ordered 
to return to Los Pinos. 

Washington Conference 

On January 20th, 1880, a second attempt was made by the 
Secretary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, through the commission, 
to bring the guilty Indians to justice. Chief Ouray went per- 
sonally to the camp of the White River Utes on Grand River 
to persuade all of the hostile chiefs to come to Los Pinos, 
where the delegation would be taken to Washington for a 
conference with the secretary. The chiefs were sullen and 
caused several weeks' delay before Ouray finally succeeded in 
gathering them in. 

General Hatch arranged with Buckskin Charlie, Ignacio's 
leading, influential sub-chief of the Southern Utes, for him to 
bring in the leaders of the Uncompahgre renegades, who had 
taken part in the Milk Creek fight. General Hatch and Adams 
went to stop with Captain Cline on the Cimarron, while Ouray 
was gathering in the hostile Indians. Many messages passed 
between Adams, Hatch, and Secretary Schurz, who had about 
lost all faith in getting the guilty chiefs to come in. 

Adams and Hatch complained to Secretary Schurz that 
Agent Stanley was interfering with their plans to gather in the 
guilty Indians. Schurz wired Stanley to attend to his own 
business and to assist, rather than interfere with the work. 

As a consolation for the hostile Utes, supplies were furn- 
ished them from Los Pinos, February 15th, 1880. 


Douglas, Jack, Johnson, Sowawic and Piah came in from 
the hostile camp. Colorow, the old Spalpeen, and a leader in 
making' trouble, would not submit to an examination. Buck- 
skin Charlie succeeded in bringing in Gueno, Waro, and Billy, 
of the Uncompahgre renegades who took part in the massacre. 
Persime, the dominant character who took charge of Thorn- 
burg's outfit, Josephine and the stolen blankets, could not be 
found. Neither could Co jo be located. 

The commission, which included Ouray, with seven of the 
principals who were leaders in the hostilities, started for Wash- 
ington February 28th, 1880. 

Douglas was in the same sullen mood as before. The dele- 
gation went by way of Fort Leavenworth, where Douglas was 
placed in the federal prison until the case was decided, and 
the excitement of the White River tragedy had quieted down. 

During the investigation, all the Indians were sullen, ex- 
cept Ouray. When questioned, they shook their heads and pre- 
tended they knew nothing about the matter. Jack, when ques- 
tioned by Secretary Schurz as to whether or not he was im- 
plicated in the Thornburg fight, pretended he did not know 
what Schurz was talking about. When questioned in Spanish, 
he made no reply. After more questioning, he replied in plain 
English, saying that he had had nothing to do with it. The 
investigation continued three weeks. The government insisted 
on two points: The relinquishment of the leaders responsible 
for the murders, and removal of the Indians from Colorado. 

Ute Jack, when questioned by General Adams why the Utes 
murdered the men at the agency, replied that they were killed 
because twenty Utes had been killed during the Milk Creek 
fight. This reply was given little credit, and was in keeping 
with many other answers made by the Utes during the investi- 
gation and which were known to be false. 

The Utes, being very sullen, several days were spent par- 
leying. Even Ouray was loathe, at first, to sign an agreement 
calling for their removal and exchange of reservation lands. 
Ouray was accompanied by Chipeta on this trip. She received 
many presents from Secretary Schurz and other admirers 
while in Washington. 

Press news from Washington, March 6th, 1880 stated: 
"The Ute Indians sign bill today ceiling their lands to the 
government. " 

The investigation was a farce so far as bringing the guilty 
Indians to justice was concerned. 

A few years later. General Adams' death was caused by a 
gas explosion in the Gomery Hotel. Denver. 


Chief Douglas Attempts Escape from Prison 

Chief Douglas, a short time after he was confined in the 
federal prison at Fort Leavenworth, made an attempt to escape, 
when a prison guard took him out on a second floor porch of 
the prison quarters for an airing. The guard returned to the 
building to answer a call. Douglas, seizing the opportunity, 
climbed over the rail, slid down a post and disappeared. When 
the guard returned and found Douglas gone, he notified two 
mounted guards who took up the trail, and overtook Douglas 
a few blocks away. 


Military Operations at a Standstill 

December 5th, with the Indian situation in the hands of 
the interior department, military operations were at a stand- 
still, awaiting developments. Communication between General 
Merritt and army headquarters had slowed down. The Rider 
was making occasional trips with messages. On one of these 
trips he stopped at the trenches to count the dead horses and 

About the only relief from the monotony at the camp were 
stories told by Jim Baker of his experiences about Bridger's 
Fort and among the different tribes of Indians while loafing 
at the suttler tent ; pitching of horse shoes by the soldiers and 
the braying of pack mules for the bell mare. (A brief explana- 
tion). Since all government wagon and pack transportation 
moved by mule power, the white "bell" mare was a necessity 
with expeditions on the frontier. The peculiarities of the mule 
you perhaps know (especially the kick). Mules readily be- 
come attached to a white mare, along with the tinkling of 
the bell, which prevented straying when not hitched, grazing 
or moving on the trail ; the actions being similar to a hen with 
a brood of young chicks. 

General Merritt was relieved of his command on White 
River about December 5th, to resume his duties as commander 
of Fort D. A. Russell. 

Merritt was accompanied on the way by John Dyer, a re- 
porter, who was returning to his home in Denver, there being 
no news of interest to report. (Dyer later operated a saloon 
in Rawlins for many years). 

Merritt 's troops were left in charge of his official staff, 
and the camp was thereafter known as the White River Mili- 
tary Camp. Major Henry, in command of Company H, 3rd 


(the gray horse) Cavalry, was ordered to Fort Laramie, his 
home post. 

Major Evans was sent out from Fort Omaha as commander 
of Fort Fred Steele to fill the vacancy caused by the deatli 
of Major Thornburg. 

Infantry reserve troops, camped at Rawlings Springs, 
were ordered to their home posts. 

The Transportation Problem 

In the meantime, Lieutenant McCauley was solving the 
transportation problem. Tent stations were established at 
suitable points on the route, for the convenience and comfort 
of teamsters, packers and stock. One of these stations was 
Baggs' Crossing of Snake River. It was used as a transfer 
station, with Captain Gillis in charge. 

From Baggs' Crossing, the old road by way of Fortification 
and Milk Creek was abandoned on account of deep snow. A 
route with less snow must be found. Lieutenant McCauley 
employed the old time mountainer, Bibleback Brown, to pilot 
him over a new route by way of Timberlake Springs and Jack 
Rabbit Springs to the junction of the draw with Big Gulch, 
where a station was established. At the same time, Tom Emer- 
son was building a house in the Jack Rabbit draw and was 
making preparations to operate a saloon and road ranch. The 
route continued by way of Spring Gulch and Nine Mile divide 
to White River. A station was established at Spring Gulch 
with C. H. Hauser of 5th Cavalry in charge. 

December 20th, deep snow and severe cold made scouting 
on the divide unnecessary. Some riding was done by cavalry- 
men looking after I. D. cattle, from which source the beef 
supply for the camp was obtained. 

Indians from the hostile camp stole fifty head of I. D. 
cattle from the White River range, moving them over the 
divide to Grand River ; thus assuring them of their winter meat 
supply. Deep snow prevented them from drifting back. 

The camp was made as comfortable as possible with avail- 
able material at hand. There was no hay on White River. 
Snow was from twelve to twenty-four inches deep. The two 
hundred and fifty horses and mules had to be provided for. 
Twenty-five per cent of the less serviceable stock was sent 
to Fort Steele for the winter. Pack mules and wagon stock 
were in service, moving supplies. Cavalry horses at the camp 
were fed ground corn from a mill, operated by hand. Twice 
daily. Cottonwood trees were cut down. The bark and 
branches were given the stock for browsing during the night. 
All horses not in service were taken out under herd, each day. 
to forage on the hillsides. 


Father Meeker was an economist of the old school, with no 
former experiences in dealing with Indians, and no doubt was 
too deeply interested in his plan to civilize and educate the 
Indians to become self-supporting, to realize the danger of 
their treachery. His threat to call the soldiers was his doom. 

General Merritt and General Crook were men of cool 
judgment, with strong convictions, and were brave soldiers, 
with many years of experience in dealing with hostile Indians. 

Thornburg had the reputation of being a brave soldier. He 
was a crack pistol shot, the equal of Buffalo Bill in breaking 
glass balls and hitting pieces of coin and other small objects 
when tossed into the air. Although men in the trenches were 
subjected to extreme danger and suffering, the facts did leak 
out, and resentment was shown when it became known that 
disobedience to Thornburg 's orders left him exposed to the 
onslaught of the hostile Indians. 

Captain Lawson, having served with General Crook dur- 
ing the Apache war in Arizona in 1873 and 74, was lieutenant 
of Company E, 3rd Cavalry during Crook's campaign against 
the Sioux Indians in 1875 and 76. He was first officer in rank 
next to Captain Payne, eligible to take command. He was 
sixty years of age at that time. 

Foreign Born 

It may be of interest to note that fifty per cent of the 
men of Company E, 3rd Cavalry, were foreign-born Irishmen. 
The other fifty per cent were largely American, with a sprink- 
ling of foreign-born Germans and Swedes, and under command 
of Captain Lawson, whom they respected, they made good 
soldiers. A number of them were honorably discharged from 
the army while garrisoned at Fort Steele, and became promi- 
nent citizens of Wyoming, engaging in stock ranching and 
other pursuits. 

Charley Williams, Company E blacksmith, rounded out 
fifty years at the blacksmith trade in Rock Springs, Wyoming, 
after his discharge from military service at Fort Steele in 1881. 

The many foreign-born soldiers in the U. S. army at that 
time may be accounted for as follows : At the close of the 
civil war the U. S. army was at a low ebb, because of a shortage 
of native American men as recruits. A large army was needed 
to cope with the Indian situation in the west. Treaties were 
to be made with the various Indian tribes, and negotiations 
completed to locate them on reservations. Military posts were 
to be established for the protecion of railroad building, miners, 
and settlers. European men for enlistment, and laborers for 
railroad work, of which the Irish predominated, were solicited 
by the government. 


Courier Facts 
Scout Joe Rankin, John Gordon, and McRea, a soldier of 
Company U, 5th Cavalry, were the only men to leave the 
trenches during the six-day siege. (The foregoing note is 
intended to correct false statements that have been made and 
many times published by the press of Colorado, since 1879, 
stating that others had made strenuous rides from the trenches 
to Fort Steele for relief. The truth of the statement made in 
the beginning of this paragraph may be verified by a number 
of men who were soldiers in the trenches, and by pioneer set- 
tlers within the area who knew the facts. Other articles have 
been published stating that Rankin ran the entire distance 
from the trenches to Fort Steele on foot. Dreams of personal 
fame by way of idle talk). 

Courier Line Abandoned 

The Cowboy courier line was abandoned by order of Lieu- 
tenant McCauley, January 8th, 1880. The Rider, accompanied 
by Jim Baker (who was also discharged from his scout job), 
left Merritt's camp by way of the new route for Rawlins. 

Cavalrymen carried the few messages and mail between 
Merritt's camp and Baggs', where they connected with the 
Rawlins mail line. 

W. H. Peck, Indian trader at Bear River, was hauled be- 
fore the governor and federal officers in Denver in an investi- 
gation in regard to his sale of rifles and liquor to the Indians. 
He escaped prosecution, however. 

Troop I, 4th Infantry, from Merritt's force, was assigned 
to guard duty at the Baggs ranch. 

W. Gr. Reader furnished range beef for the Baggs camp. 
Hay was scarce on Snake River. Captain Gillis, with difficulty, 
secured a few half-ton loads at $40 per load. 


No story is complete without its hero, heroine, or romance. 
In this case, it's romance. 

After Merritt's forces had passed Snake River on their 
way south to relieve the entrenched men, Al. McCarger (fami- 
liarly known as Old Mack), left his home and followed in 
their wake, feeling safe from hostile Indians, to look for his 
teams, stolen from his freight camp on Deer Creek. While 
Mack was gone. Bill Humphrey, driver of the backboard car- 
rying mail to Rawlins, in a love arrangement with Margaret 
McCarger (Mack's youngest daughter), persuaded her to go 
with him to Rawlins and get married. 

The story was afterwards told by Captain Gillis, when 
introducing McCarger to his acquaintances at the transfer sta- 


tion, where Mack was delivering freight. He would say, ' ' This 
is Mr. McCarger. While he was hunting for his stolen horses, 
the mail carrier stole his daughter." 

On January 1, 1880, the newlyweds took charge of the 
road ranch at Sulphur Springs, relieving the Dave Lambert 
family. Carrie McCarger assisted her sister with the work. 

Government Supply Transportation Inadequate 

January 10th, 1880, the winter was exceptionally severe 
with snow and cold. The government was short of mules to 
move supplies to White River. Fifty large, sleek, fat mules, 
with close-sheared manes and tails, were bought at the sales 
stables in St. Louis, and shipped direct from comfortable 
stables to Rawlins for service in moving supplies to Merritt's 

Because of the change from the lower altitude to the 
higher, and severe cold in the open, the majority of them were 
stricken with colds and pneumonia. While moving freight, 
one or more mules of the team might become affected and die 
on the road, or while tied to the wagon during the night camp, 
others, developing pneumonia, chilled and froze to death. 

About twenty-five per cent of them were saved by moving 
them to the government stables at Fort Steele, where they 
were under the care of the post veterinarian. Private teams 
were engaged for moving supplies, and by shoveling through 
many snowdrifts, got as far as Baggs' Crossing, government 
camp, with their freight. There it was transferred to pack 
mules to be moved to Merritt's camp. The "Aparajo" (a 
leather, pocket apparatus hung to the pack saddle), was used 
in all government pack transportation. 

Horses Stolen 

The Ute Indians scare was yet in the air when eighty-five 
head of George Baggs' range horses were stolen from his cor- 
ral, where they were being held during the night to prevent 
theft, as suspicious characters had been seen in the neighbor- 
hood. Two months later, sixty-eight head were recovered from 
the open range in the Green River country, ninety-five miles 
distant. No arrests were made as the thieves could not be 

Rawlins Was a Hot Town 

Rawlins, with a population of about 800, largely railroad 
employees, had six saloons. The town was filled to overflowing 
with the class of men who drift to excitements of this nature; 
government mule skinners, soldiers, bull-whackers, gamblers of 
the better class down to the tinhorn type. Gambling and 
drunken^brawls were a regular nightly occurrence. 


Lavin Brothers' saloon, on the south side, was the most 
notorious dive in town. For seven successive mornings there 
was a dead man, (but not for breakfast.) Frank Kanuth and 
two teamsters were murdered by knife or pistol during drunken 
brawls in the Lavin saloon. One man was killed in the less 
notorious saloon of John Foote ; one a suicide in a redlight 
dive. A teamster died of pneumonia after drinking during a 
carousal, when he spread his shakedown in the stall of an old 
stable. There were others who passed out with their boots on 
in a similar manner in the Lavin saloon. 

A government mule-skinner named Clark, crazed by des- 
perate liquor, held men in suspense in the business section of 
town in daylight, taking shots with a Winchester rifle at one 
and all who appeared on the street within his range. Finally, 
the sheriff dispatched the desperate lunatic with a rifle. 

Pat 'Grady, section boss at Filmore, twenty-two miles 
west, came to Rawlins (as Avas his custom after receiving his 
monthly pay check from the Union Pacific pay-car), to lay in 
another month's supply of provisions for his family and sec- 
tion crew of five. While making the rounds for purchases, he 
had served his thirst with "Rawlin's Best" at the different 
saloons, and was toting a gallon jug of the beverage, for home 
emergency, and had about exhausted his pay-check roll. Call- 
ing at Perry Smith's meat market, where he had previously 
ordered a quarter of beef, he remarked, "Perry, I can't pay 
you-all for that beef until next pay-day." "Well, Pat," said 
Perry, "how much can you pay down." "D — d little, if any," 
said Pat. Perry, being one of the liberal sort, could not deny 
Pat, who was a regular customer. When a small payment was 
made, Pat left with his monthly meat supply. 

Distinguished Visitors 

No less a personality than "Calamity Jane." with a some- 
what less notorious companion, ''Cotton Tail," a "dizzy 
blonde," from Cheyenne, Sidney and the Black Hills area, 
made Rawlins a few days' business call during the height of 
the Ute excitement. "Little Van," with one eye directed at 
the ceiling, the other at the floor, presided at the bar of the 
Foote saloon; beloved by all, for he was just one of the boys. 

Paul Fuhr, with his family, moved from his ranch to Raw- 
lins during the Indian scare. In order to recover losses in cattle 
caused by the hard winter, he took up his former occupation 
of dealing cards from the silver box. 

Joe B. Adams was Union Pacific agent at Rawlins. R. W. 
Baxter, who, at the age of fifteen, learned to manipulate 
the telegraph keys at the Rawlins Office while employed as 
messenger boy, was day-train dispatcher, and Henry E. Flavin 


was night dispatcher. They took care of messages and gov- 
ernment freight shipments during the Ute trouble. Baxter 
was later superintendent of the St. Louis & Southwestern R. R. 

As there was no bank in Rawlins, arrangements were made 
for having government vouchers and Union Pacific pay checks 
cashed at the Jim France store. 

Jim Baker secured cash for his government voucher and 
spent several days in Rawlins (it being his custom when- in 
town for ranch supplies). The livery stable office and saloons 
provided the only public loafing places in town. As a surprise 
for Jim, he met his old-time friend of trapping days, Jack 
Sheard, who had come to Rawlins from Laramie to look for a 
job moving freight. With an occasional drink while compar- 
ing notes, they recalled former experiences about Fort Lara- 
mie and Bridger's Fort. Each had a hearty laugh, and many 
a trickle of tobacco juice spread over Jim's chin as their tales 
were greatly enjoyed by all congregated to hear them. Jim 
was not a blower or a chronic boozer, but would take a drink 
with the boys any old time, and it was possible for Jim to 
become "three sheets (or more) to the wind" occasionally, 
when going the rounds with a jolly bunch having a night out. 

General Crook Directs Transportation 

January, 1880, General Crook came to Fort Steele and 
Rawlins from Omaha, and personally assisted in directing 
transportation. A route with less snow was sought between 
Rawlins and Sulphur Springs. 

Second Lieutenant W. D. Beach, a tenderfoot recruit from 
West Point Military School, was put in charge of a wagon 
and camp equipment drawn by six white mules accompanied 
by an escort of soldiers with Bill Hawley, Hat Creek cattleman, 
as pilot. He was sent from Fort Steele, to select a route by 
way of Bridger Pass. The mercury was forty below at the 
time. (Lieutenant Beach, now a retired Brigadier General, 
lives at San Diego). 

Sandy Mellen, who accompanied Captain Dodge to the 
trenches, was stable-boy, taking care of stock at Fort Steele 
during the winter. He later engaged in stock ranching on 
Buffalo Creek in North Park, the creek taking the name because 
of wild buffalo ranging there. Later, he, in conversation with 
The Rider, when addressed as Mr. Mellen, remarked, "Just 
call me Sandv. " 


Conductor E. S. Peck Frozen to Death 

On January 8th, 1880, freight conductor Peck of the 
Rawlins-Green River division of the U. P. Railroad, and his 
hrakeman brother Will, and Tom Branson, vacationed from 
their regular run to hunt antelope. 

Going' by train to Creston station, thirty miles west of 
Rawlins, they -hunted for two miles south of the U. P. tracks. 
The conductor became separated from the brakemen. A severe 
snow blizzard came along, which made hunting antelope impos- 
sible. The two brakemen found their way to Creston station. 

The blizzard continued until late next day. Fourteen inches 
of snow, piled high in drifts, had fallen. As the conductor had 
not returned, the brakemen reported him lost. A dozen horse- 
men from Rawlins hunted the country over for two days, but 
failed to find him. The Union Pacific officials offered a reward 
for the finding of Peck's body. Mike Sweet and The Rider, 
who had just arrived from the courier line, undertook the job. 
The Union Pacific Company furnished a box car for transporta- 
tion of saddle horses and camp equipment and delivered the 
party to Creston station. 

The second day, January 16, the body was found within 
five hundred yards of the U. P. tracks, two miles east of the 
station. Peck had attempted to start a fire in a clump of 
sagebrush by lighting a match to fire a letter taken from his 
pocket, but failed. His rifle was near the body. His face had 
been eaten and disfigured by coyotes. "Rawlins Best." of 
which he had a small supply left in a bottle, failed to overcome 
the icy attack of Boreas. 

Merritt's forces, after spending the seven winter months 
at the White River camp, were relieved in April, 1880, by other 
cavalry troops. 

In April, 1880, the government, through a program of con- 
struction, built bridges over Snake and Bear River crossings. 
Contracts were let to a number of freighters. Building ma- 
terial and supplies were on the way to White River, where a 
temporary military post was established, and designated White 
River Camp. 

A telegraph line was built from Rawlins to the new post. 

End of Ute Jack 
April, 1880, Jack returned from Washington in the same 
frame of mind that had prevailed with the Utes while at Wash- 
ington, caused by fear of punishment and loss of their cherished 
home reservation. He went north, with three others of the 
tribe, to the Shoshone-Arapahoe reservation on Wind River. 


It "was said by some (but not confirmed) that he had in- 
tended to persuade the Arapahoe Indians to join in war on the 
whites. The story of the killing was told by John Burns, of 
Lander, Wyoming-, who was an employe at the agency and an 
eye witness to the affair. 

Colonel Smith, in command of Fort Washakie, which 
adjoined the reservation, learned of Jack's presence. With 
Jack's record of hostilities fresh in mind, he decided Jack 
was there to make trouble. He wired to Washington about the 
situation, and received instructions to arrest Jack. Sergeant 
Brady, with a detachment of soldiers of the 7th Cavalry, was 
ordered to make the arrest. 

The soldiers met Jack, with rifle in hand, near his tepee. 
When surrender of his rifle was demanded, Jack shot and 
killed Sergeant Brady; then immediately dodged into his 
tepee while others of his tribe ran to Arapahoe tepees. The 
soldiers withdrew to a safe distance from rifle shot. Colonel 
Smith ordered a mountain howitzer (a small cannon) from the 
fort, which was trained on, and riddled, the tepee, thus ending 
the career of Jack. 

Since that time, numerous articles have been published in 
the press of Colorado lauding Ute Jack as captain ; a compli- 
ment he had not known during his life. (It is just too bad for 
Jack that he had been dead too long to appreciate the honor). 

The Ute Indian, "Hanna," captured when a small boy by 
a band of Arapahoe Indians when engaged in war with Utes 
over disputed hunting grounds in the Snake River country, 
in 1865, died at the Shoshone-Arapahoe Agency April, 1932. 
He had been ever loyal to the Arapahoe tribe. During his 
entire time with the Arapahoes, he never visited the Utes. 

The Thornburg Monument 

A monument to the memory of Thornburg and his men 
who lost their lives in the Milk Creek fight was erected October 
20th, 1881, by order of the war department. A block of Indiana, 
gray colite granite, weighing nine tons, was carved in Chicago 
with a list of the names of the killed and wounded. It was 
shipped to Rawlins in two sections, and freighted to Milk 
Creek by Sam Fairfield, with bull teams. 

The monument stands one-half mile from the road and its 
view is obstructed by Cottonwood trees. (This note is written 
as a plea, hoping that it may awaken public interest among 
the citizens of Colorado, that they petition proper authorities 
of the government to provide means whereby a public road 
may be opened by way of the pioneer and natural route on the 
north side of Milk Creek, placing the monument on the map, 
and in view of travelers who pass that way). 


During- the summer of 1880, Agent Meeker's remains were 
removed from their resting place at the site of the hurned 
agency, and interred at Lin Grove Cemetery at Greeley. 

A marker to the memory of the Dresser brothers, Frank 
and Harry, was placd in Lin Grove Cemetery, but their remains 
were not removed from White River. 

The remains of Lieutenant Weir and Paul Humme, scout, 
were removed to the government burial grounds at Fort Lara- 
mie, for interment. 


In those early days when expeditions for discoveries in 
sciences were sent out by the Smithsonian Institution, it was 
necessary as well as customary that they travel under the 
protection of the Military. 

In the Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the 
Smithsonian Institution for the year of 1858 we find : 

Wagon road construction through tlie South Pass, under Wm. If. 
Magraw. — This expedition was fitted out in the spring of 1857, with Dr. 
.1. G. Coorjer as surgeon, and Mr. C. Drexler as hospital steward and taxi- 
dermist. Dr. Cooper returned to Washington before the beginning of the 
year, bringing large collections with him. Mr. Drexler continued with Mr. 
Magraw 's party, and wintered on Wind River. In March he crossed to 
Camp Scott, near Eert Bridger, where, remaining until June, he made a 
very extensive collection of birds, illustrating very fully the ornithology 
of the Rocky Mountain region, and throwing much light on the geographical 
distribution of the species. His success in this was mainly due to the \ pro- 
tection and aid afforded by General A. E. Johnston, in command of the 
forces, by whose direction every facility was afforded him. 


The factual account of George Mitchell which appeared in the last 
issue of the Annals of Wyoming was prepared by the editors from an inter- 
view, by Virginia Cole Trenholm, and supplemented by material from a 
previously published biography. The interview, containing Mr. Mitchell 's 
reminiscences, was not published because of lack of space. 



Secretary, Wyoming Stock Growers Association 


"Documents and Cetters 


By W. Turrentine Jackson* 

The cattle industry of the Great Plains reached its most 
successful stage of development during the 1880 's, and the 
rancher of the Cattle Kingdom, proud of this achievement, zeal- 
ously protected the interests of the industry and carefully guard- 
ed his own stock. Among his greatest anxieties was the fear 
that contagious disease might spread among the herds of cattle 
on the range. Since the beginning of the "long drive" of Texas 
cattle to the northern plains in the 1860 's, the stockman had 
known that cattle from the southern section of that state border- 
ing the Gulf of Mexico were likely to be infected with a disease 
commonly known as "Texas fever" but also spoken of as 
"splenic" or "Spanish fever." 

The cause and exact nature of Texas fever were unknown 
and this tended to increase the fear of the disease. As long as 
the Texas cattle remained in the Gulf area, the fever did not 
appear among them ; but when they were driven into Kansas 
and Nebraska, the cattle of the northern plains became infected 
as a result of walking over or feeding upon the trails along 
which the Texas cattle had passed. Although the Texas cattle 
apparently were immune to the deadly effects of this disease 
which they were communicating, they were most likely to spread 
the disease within two or three months after leaving their native 
range. 1 Thus herds which were driven slowly were not as apt 
to transmit the disease as those pushed rapidly through northern 
Texas, Oklahoma, and Kansas into the northern plains; and 
experience soon proved that the most probable period for the 
disease to be spread Avas during the months of June, July. 
August, and September. 2 As a result of this knowledge, the 

*For Mr. Jackson's Autobiography see Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 1-'. 
No. 2, p. 143. 

1. The fever was transmitted by ticks which the southern eattle car- 
ried on their bodies to the northern range. Ticks, often left on the grass 
or in the brush along the trail, were picked up by the northern eattle. How- 
ever, in 1885, cattlemen did not know the manner in which their stock 
became diseased. 

2. Joseph Nimmo, "The Range and Ranch Cattle Business in the 
United States,'' Report of the Internal Commerce of the United States, 
1885 (Washington, 1885), 118-120, An excellent explanation of Texas 
fever is fcund in these ] ages. 


earliest laws to protect the cattle of the northern plains pro- 
hibited the introduction of Texas cattle during these months or 
provided a period of quarantine for those which did arrive dur- 
ing the summer and fall. 

Kansas was the first state to pass a law restricting the move- 
ment of Texas cattle. During the summer months, herds were 
barred from entering the eastern counties of the state where 
they would contact the local stock. As Kansas farmers moved 
westward, the area where the Texas cattle might be driven was 
reduced and quarantine regulations established for the period 
from June to November. Drivers of the herds had to follow 
the trails farther and farther to the west. 3 The northern drive 
was seriously checked by the Kansas quarantine regulations of 
1884 and 1885, for in the latter year the state was placed under 
quarantine from March to December. As cattle could not be 
driven northward during the three winter months, the practical 
result was that all Texas cattle had to be retained in quarantine 
for a specified period before being permitted to cross Kansas. 4 

Missouri, Colorado, Nebraska, and Dakota passed similar 
laws regulating the northern migration of Texas cattle between 
1875 and 1880, but Wyoming and Montana took no action. The 
Wyoming Stock Growers' Association reported that "Texas 
cattle brought from the southern part of Texas are dangerous 
to our cattle for about sixty days from the time they leave their 
native ranges and that the same cattle can be brought among 
our stock after sixty days have elapsed with entire safety. ' ' 5 
Joseph Carey, at one time Wyoming's delegate to Congress and 
president of the Stock Growers' Association, felt that it was 
"perfectly safe to admit to our ranges Texas cattle which are 
driven on the trail. By the time they reach Wyoming and Ne- 
braska, when moved in that way, they appear to lose entirely 
their liability to impart the so-called Texas fever." 6 

The quarantine laws of Kansas, Missouri, and Colorado 
made it possible for those states to regulate the commerce in 
cattle between themselves and Texas. This control over inter- 
state commerce was not permissible under the federal constitu- 
tion and the constitutionality of the Missouri statute was soon 
challenged in a case before the Supreme Court. The court 
decided that a general restriction against all Texas cattle was 

3. Ernest Staples Osgood, The Bay of the Cattleman (Minneapolis, 
1929), 162-163. 

4. Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry (Norman, 1930), 
70, 106. 

5. Quoted by Nimmo, op. cit., 120. It was believed that infected Texas 
cattle could transmit the fever for only a short period after they left the 
native range. After two months, the possibility of infection was very 

6. Ibid. 


illegal, but that a state, after an expert inspection of the cattle, 
might place quarantine restrictions on those suspected of dis- 
ease. This right was based upon the police power of the state 
to protect the general welfare of its citizens. The outcome of 
this judicial decision of 1877 was the establishment of veterinary 
services in the states and territories of the Cattle Kingdom, and 
Wyoming was among those appointing a veterinarian empowered 
to inspect the cattle arriving on the territorial range. 7 

As early as 1881, a fear of Texas fever had been expressed 
by the Wyoming cattlemen in the meetings of the Stock Grow- 
ers' Association. 8 The following year the territorial legislature 
responding to the requests of the association, passed a law em- 
powering the governor to appoint a territorial veterinarian who 
would be recommended to him by the executive committee of 
the Stock Growers' Association. The veterinarian was charged 
with the responsibility of notifying the governor of any disease 
among the cattle of the territory, and the governor, in turn, 
was required to issue a proclamation forbidding the transfer 
of any animal from the locality in which the disease was prev- 
alent. The governor was to prohibit the importation of cattle 
from other states or territories where disease existed. Dis- 
eased areas were to be announced by official proclamation. After 
the governor's proclamation was issued, any individual or cor- 
poration that should receive or attempt to transport cattle from 
infected areas was subject to a fine from one to ten thousand 
dollars for each offense and also liable for all damages which 
resulted to other Wyoming stockgrowers. 9 In pursuance of 
this law, the governor appointed James D. Hopkins as terri- 
torial veterinarian. 10 At the annual meeting of the Stock Grow- 
ers' Association for that year, Thomas Sturgis, the secretary 
and an outstanding cattleman in the territory, proposed that 
the association appoint committees to go to Nebraska, Colorado, 
and Iowa, during the next session of the legislatures of those 
states to secure the passage of laws providing for quarantine 
inspections similar to the Wyoming statute of 1882. ll 

7. Osgood, op. tit,, 163-164. 

8. Louis Pelzer, The Cattlemen's Frontier (Glendale, 1936). 103. 

9. ''An Act to Suppress and Prevent Dissemination of Contagious 
ami Infectious Diseases Among Domestic Animals," Chapter 41, Laws •' 
W nomine/, 1882. 

10. "Report of Thomas Sturgis, secretary of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers' Association,"' By-Laws mid Reports of tin Wyoming Stock 
Growers' Assoeiation, April 4, 1882, 17. 

11. Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Wyoming Stoi-k Growers' 
Association, April 3, 1SS2. Russell Thorp, Secretary-Chief Inspector of the 
Wyoming Stock Growers' Association, has generously provided the author 
with copies of the minutes of the association relative to the participation 
of the Wyoming cattlemen in the movement for national quarantine regu- 
lation and in the organization of the National Live Stock Association. 


During 1883, an epidemic of pleuropneumonia broke out 
among the cattle of several states east of the Mississippi. This 
contagious lung disease had been introduced into the United 
States from Europe and had existed to a limited extent in the 
states along the eastern seaboard prior to 1880. Late in 1883 
the contagion was carried to Ohio, and from there cattle in 
Illinois, Missouri, and Kentucky became infected. 12 Like all 
stock owners in the United States, the Wyoming cattlemen were 

Although the secretary reported that no cattle disease ex- 
isted in the territory during 1883, 13 the Wyoming cattlemen who 
assembled for the annual meeting of the association were appre- 
hensive over the failure of states where contagious disease ex- 
isted to control the movement of infected stock. Convinced 
that federal legislation was necessary, the association adopted 
a resolution to appoint "a committee of five to unite with stock 
associations and state agricultural societies of the different states, 
in calling a congress of stock growers to meet in Chicago, Illi- 
nois, in the month of September, 1883, for the consideration of, 
and securing of, such national legislation as will prevent the 
spread and stamp out contagious pleuro-pneumonia from the 
states now infected." 14 The association sent its committee to 
Washington, D. C, and outlined to the Commissioner of Agri- 
culture, George B. Loring, the importance and necessity for 
national control and requested that he attend the Chicago con- 
vention. Twelve delegates were sent to the national meeting 
by the Wyoming Association, and they constituted two-thirds 
of the representatives from the High Plains. At Chicago, the 
cattlemen adopted resolutions recognizing the presence of 
pleuro-pneumonia east of the Mississippi River and that the 
disease could not be extirpated without the cooperation of the 
federal government. When a committee was chosen to prepare 
a bill and urge its passage by Congress, Sturgis, who had been 
chosen secretary by the convention, and Carey, Wvoming's 
Congressional delegate, were chosen to represent the Wyoming* 
stockgrowers on this body. 15 The upshot of the activities of 

12. Special Report on Diseases of Cattle (Washington, 1942), 326. 
This report by the Bureau of Animal Industry, Derartment of Agriculture, 
states that the disease has been eradicated from the United States. Many 
sources of information on Texas fever and pleuro-pneumonia are ava^ln> 1 e 
such as Special Report on Contagious Diseases of Domesticated Animals 
(Washington, 1881), 196-282, 291-298; "Report of the Chief rf the Bur?au 
of Animal Industry," Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1885 
(Washington, 1885), 431-568. 

13. Pelzer, op. >cit., 104. 

14. Minutes of the Tenth Annual Meeting, Wyoming Stock Growers' 
Association, April 2-3, 1883. 

15. "Report of Thomas Sturgis, secretary of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers ' Association, ' ' Eleventh Annual Meeting, April 7-9, 1884. 


the committee was the passage of a law creating the Bureau 
of Animal Industry in the Department of Agriculture. One 
of the functions of this bureau was to make rules and regu- 
lations to suppress infection from disease and to cooperate 
financially with any state or territory attempting to eliminate 
communicable diseases in its stock. The Wyoming Stock 
Growers' Association was forced to exert its tremendous eco- 
nomic power to assure the passage of this measure in Con- 
gress. 16 Before adjourning, the Chicago convention of 1883 
passed a resolution authorizing the call of another meeting in 
Chicago during November, 1884, to establish a permanent cat- 
tleman's organization to be called the National Cattle Growers' 
Association. 17 

In addition to the anxiety over pleuro-pneumonia, Texas 
fever was becoming a much greater threat due to the shipments 
of Texas cattle by rail as far as Ogallala, Nebraska. Hopkins 
explained to the Stock Growers' Association that the three or 
four months which Texas cattle spent on the "long drive" 
lessened the possibility of Wyoming cattle becoming infected 
and that the elimination of this time factor by rapid rail trans- 
portation would produce a real menace. 18 Sturgis, in his an- 
nual secretary's report to the association for 1884, called at- 
tention to the fact that a considerable part of the one hundred 
thousand head of Texas cattle contracted for by the Wyoming 
and Nebraska cattlemen would be shipped by rail, and insisted 
that some adequate quarantine regulations be enacted to pro- 
tect the northern cattle industry. 19 The events of the summer 
proved that his alarm was certainly justified. The first ship- 
ment of Texas cattle by rail arrived at Ogallala in May and 
within a few weeks splenic fever appeared among the Nebraska 
cattle which grazed near the unloading point. Trails leading 
north and northwest of Ogallala became infected and large 
numbers of cattle died of disease. Herds of five thousand head 
or more trailed into Wyoming losing from thirty to fifty head 
daily. Cattle being imported from the eastern states and cattle 
being shipped from Wyoming to the Chicago market became 
contaminated as they crossed the trail of the Texas cattle. 
The executive committee of the association sent the territorial 
veterinarian to ascertain the cause of the death of the cattle. 

16. Osgood has explained the work of this first national convention 
of stockmen, 169-173. 

17. "Report of Thomas Sturgis, secretary of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers' Association," Eleventh Annual Meeting, April 7-9, 1S84. 

IS. Nimmo, "Opinion of Dr. James V. (D.) Hopkins, territorial vet- 
erinarian of Wyoming, in regard to the relative liability to disease result- 
ing from the movement of cattle from Texas by rail and by trail," lor. cit., 

19. Osgood, op. cit., 164. 


and he reported that evidence everywhere showed unquestion- 
ably that it was splenic or Texas fever. 20 Convinced that more 
stringent measures had to be adopted, the executive committee 
of the Wyoming Stock Growers' Association prepared a revi- 
sion of the Quarantine Law of 1882 which required that all 
cattle shipments into Wyoming must be accompanied with a 
certificate recording the residence of the cattle for ninety days 
previous to shipment and stating that no other cattle had been 
added to the herd within that time limit. A veterinarian's 
certificate testifying to the health of the cattle was of no value. 
If residence in a non-infected area could not be proven, the 
territorial veterinarian was required to place the shipment in 
quarantine until he was certain that the cattle were not dis- 

In April, 1885, Hopkins, the veterinarian, notified Francis 
E. Warren, Wyoming governor, that contagious pleuro-pneu- 
monia and Texas fever had again appeared among the cattle 
of several states and territories to the east and south of Wyo- 
ming. 21 To avoid the disastrous developments of 1884, Warren 
issued a proclamation on April 4, 1885, prohibiting the impor- 
tation of cattle into Wyoming from certain counties in Con- 
necticut, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, Illinois, Ohio, Missouri, and the District 
of Columbia. Furthermore, Texas cattle could not be admitted 
until after the first of November if they had been brought any 
part of the way from Texas by rail. All cattle east of the 
Missouri River were to enter the territory only by railroad, be 
unloaded in the cattle yards at Cheyenne, and there be in- 
spected by the territorial veterinarian. According to Warren's 
proclamation, unless the veterinarian was convinced by the 
owners that the shipment had not originated in a restricted 
area or come in contact with any cattle from one of these 
sections, the entire shipment was to be placed in quarantine 
for ninety days. 22 

Cattle being shipped to the Wyoming range or in transit 
through the territory averaged over 50,000 head annually and 
the responsibility for inspection placed a tremendous burden 
upon the veterinarian and his assistants. During April, the 
owners of four herds of cattle shipped from Illinois were unable 
to present satisfactory proof that they had not been exposed 

20. Nimmo, ' ' Extract from the Annual Report of the Executive Com- 
mittee and Secretary of the Wyoming Stock Growers ' Association for the 
Year 1885," loc. cit., 233-234. 

21. James D. Hopkins, Report of the Territorial Veterinarian in the 
' ' Annual Report of the Governor of Wyoming, ' ' Report of the Secretary 
of the Interior, 1885 (Washington, 1885), II, 1209-1210. 

22. The original proclamation of Francis Warren is in the Interior 
Department Records, The National Archives. 


to disease and their stock was detained. Two of these herds, 
which numbered twenty and thirty-two head, were being 
shipped into Wyoming- ; one was destined for Utah Territory ; 
the fourth for Idaho Territory. 

As soon as the news of the action in Wyoming reached 
the surrounding states and territories, there was an uproar of 
criticism from the railroad, interested shippers, and speculators 
in cattle. The executive committee of the Stock Growers' 
Association resolved that the territorial quarantine regulations 
must be rigidly enforced to safeguard the welfare of the cat- 
tlemen of Wyoming. Fortunately for the interests of the 
stockmen, the territorial governor, Francis Warren, was a 
member of the executive committee of the association and an 
owner of large ranching interests. Complete cooperation ex- 
isted between the governor and the stockgrowers, and through 
Sturgis, secretary of the association, Warren officially trans- 
mitted all matters relative to the enforcement of the quaran- 
tine law to the executive committee for action. Governor War- 
ren was so active in enforcing the cattle quarantine that a large 
percentage of his official correspondence is devoted to the 
subject. 23 

The week following the issuance of his first proclamation, 
the governor was called from the territory for twenty days, 
and E. S. N. Morgan, territorial secretary, became acting gov- 
ernor. The first correspondence protesting the quarantine 
reached the executive offices on April 22, 1885, and Morgan, in 
accordance with his instructions, forwarded all letters to Stur- 
gis or to Hopkins, the veterinarian. The executive committee 
of the association learned that the state of Missouri was not 
quarantining counties where pleuro-pneumonia had broken out 
or restricting the movement of cattle within that state in any 
manner, and, as a result, Morgan issued a proclamation on 
May 2, 1885, stating that all cattle from Missouri or which had 
passed through that state would be quarantined upon reaching 
Cheyenne. 24 One herd of eighty-nine bulls shipped from Mis- 
souri was detained the day the proclamation was issued. To- 
ward the end of the month, a shipment of two hundred eleven 
head of Missouri cattle destined for Dakota was likewise re- 
tained in Cheyenne. 

The governor returned to Wyoming the last week in May. 
and immediately turned his attention to urgent requests from 
Union Pacific officials that cattle shipments on the railroad 

23. This Warren correspondence is available in the Executive Pro- 
ceedings of Wyoming, Department of the Interior Records, The National 
Archives. All Warren letters used in this article are in manuscript form 
in this collection. 

24. Original proclamation of Morgan is in the Interior Department 
Records, The National Archives. 


not be delayed. He wired the Salt Lake supervisor, ' ' No cattle 
blocade here. . . . Expect to throw no obstacles in the way of 
shipments over the Union Pacific if shippers comply with 
Quarantine Proclamation. . . . Am anxious to start those now 
detained and will do so soon as satisfied of safety." 25 To 
Thomas L. Kimball, general traffic manager of the Union Pa- 
cific in Omaha who had protested the quarantine of cattle being 
shipped into Idaho, the governor wired, "You have been mis- 
informed entirely. More than nine-tenths of the cattle shipped 
have passed through without quarantine. Everything stopped 
for inspection at Cheyenne. Desire in no way to divert busi- 
ness from Union Pacific. Am of the opinion the law will fully 
protect you for delayed shipments." 26 
Warren later wrote Kimball in part 

I am aware that vigorous protests will be made by 
those who submit to quarantine regulations and perhaps 
the fewer detained the more violent will be these com- 
plaints, and I regret exceedingly that we must intercept a 
single hoof of cattle in transit, but it does seem as if we 
had better suffer some inconvenience and loss now than be 
subject to contageous [sic.] diseases and ruinous losses 
later on. ... To insure safety of our herds shall be the only 

The Executive in issuing quarantine proclamations 
does so in abayance [sic.] to law, with no intention to make 
law and I wish to assure you that this office will not un- 
willingly allow unnecessary loss to accrue to the Union Pa- 
cific Railway or to shippers of cattle. [Relative to] legal 
points, you are perhaps better informed than I can possibly 
be as you doubtless have all the laws before you and have 
in addition many precedents likewise established by Rail- 
road expressions which are inaccessible to me ... I as- 
sure you every effort of this Territory through this office 
shall be to protect your corporation. 

In conclusion, I beg to thank you in behalf of the cattle 
owners as well as on the part of the Territory for your ex- 
pressed wish to aid in the protection of the western cattle 
ranges. 27 

Vigorous protests continued to be received from Salt Lake, 
and Warren finally wrote the railroad executives in disgust 
There is no occasion for complaint on the part of the 
people west of us ... To say that Wyoming is "blocading" 
the shipment of cattle to favor and profit some few indi- 

25. Warren to C. F. Annett, May 23, 1885, Telegram. 

26. Warren to Kimball, May 23, 1885. Telegram. 

27. Warren to Kimball, May 26, 1885. 


victuals is a charge too absurd and petty to deserve a mo- 
ment's notice. The Government and the people of Wyo- 
ming have no necessity to resort to such means, but will 
protect their interests in Livestock matters as well as in all 
others ; regardless of unfavorable comment by those from 
outside who will not inform themselves of either our actions 
or our motives ... if the safety of herds seem to demand 
the detention of some one or more suspicions shipments, 
we will be compelled to put them in quarantine however 
much we may deprecate the necessity. 28 

The railroad men within Wyoming were much more in 
sympathy with the quarantine regulations than the officials in 
Salt Lake and Omaha. The Wyoming legislature of 1885 had ad- 
journed without making an appropriation for the construction 
of yards wherein the diseased cattle could be quarantined, so 
the divisional superintendent of the Union Pacific authorized 
the temporary use of the railroad's stockyards in Cheyenne 
for this purpose. Both the governor and the veterinarian re- 
alized that these yards were unsuitable because all shippers 
had to unload their stock where they might be exposed to 
pleuro-pneumonia or Texas fever by the herds in quarantine.- 9 
The veterinarian soon appealed to the executive committee of 
the association to provide adequate quarantine yards for the 
territory, and an appropriation was immediately granted. Lo- 
cated near the railroad a mile east of Cheyenne, the new yards 
included twenty-nine acres enclosed by a barbed wire fence. 
Nine corrals in which 3,000 cattle could be quartered were 
supplied with water from Cheyenne, and several sheds were 
constructed for shelter to the north. 30 The Union Pacific Rail- 
road bore the expense of building a switch from the main line 
leading to the new quarantine yards, and local railroad men co- 
operated with the veterinarian in disinfecting the Cheyenne 
railroad stockyards and the cars in which diseased cattle had 
been transported. 31 The new yard was completed the first week 
in June, 1885. 

Governor Warren, concerned over the welfare of shippers, 
personally corresponded with some of the men whose cattle 
had been detained in Cheyenne. C. Jackson of Mountain Home, 32 

28. Warren to Aimett, June -4, 1SS5. 

29. Warren to Kimball, May 23, 1885; Warren to James D. Hopkins. 
June 4, 1885. The diseased herds were separated from those undergoing 
inspection only by a board fence. 

30. Pelzer, op. tit., 104-105. 

31. Hopkins, Eeport of the Territorial Veterinarian in the "Annual 
Report of the Governor of Wyoming, 1885," toe. cit. (Washington, 1885), 
II, 1209-1210. 

32. Mountain Home is located in Alturas Count v. 


Idaho Territory, had protested the retention of his shipment 
of twenty-one head in April and his complaints to Union Pacific 
Officials in Salt Lake had instigated much of their criticism 
of the restrictions. Jackson wrote directly to Governor War- 
ren in June asking the immediate release of his cattle. The 
letter was referred to the territorial veterinarian who notified 
the governor that the Jackson shipment could not be released 
"with safety to the territory" until June 21, sixty days after 
their first confinement. The governor wrote a lengthy explana- 
tion to Jackson. 33 Another shipment confined in April had be- 
longed to John B. Hunter of Illinois. Hunter arrived in Chey- 
enne the first of June, 1.885, with a letter of introduction from 
R. J. Oglesby, Governor of Illinois, requesting that his cattle 
be liberated even if special consideration was necessary. War- 
ren wrote the Illinois governor 

Hunter has been in consultation with me regarding 
his stock, and I believe he is fully convinced that I am do- 
ing all that is possible, under the law, for the Executive to 
do. Our territorial law leaves the Governor of Wyoming 
no discretion whatever as to individual lots of cattle. 

Under our laws the Governor must issue his proclama- 
tion scheduling and quarantining all localities where dis- 
ease is reported to exist, and also all near localities where 
the cattle may have been exposed. . . . The Governor hav- 
ing issued his proclamation, cannot, under our law, make 
exception in certain cases, and can only revoke his proc- 
lamation, and in that event to revoke would not liberate 
those already in quarantine. 34 

Cattlemen in several states from which shipments were 
curtailed by the all-inclusive language of Warren's proclama- 
tion of April 4, 1885, protested to their governors, and several 
of these executives endeavored to prove that pleuro-pneumonia 
did not exist in their states. Henry B. Harrison, Governor of 
Connecticut, wrote Warren in May submitting statements from 
the Connecticut Commission on Diseases of Domestic Animals 
denying the presence of disease in Connecticut. Warren for- 
warded the communication to Sturgis with a note, "What are 
your views in relation to withdrawing the quarantine regard- 
ing Connecticut?" 35 With the approval of the Stock Growers' 
Association, Governor Warren issued a proclamation on June 
4, 1885, revoking that part of his proclamation of April 4 which 

33. Warren to Jackson, June 5, 1885. 

34. Warren to Oglesby, June 6, 1885. 

35. Warren to Sturgis, June 3, 1885. 


applied to the state of Connecticut and notified Governor Har- 
rison to that effect. 36 

When Illinois' governor R. J. Oglesby wrote a letter of 
introduction to Warren for John B. Hunter, Illinois shipper 
whose cattle had been quarantined in Cheyenne, he stated 
that there was no pleuro-pneumonia in the Illinois county from 
which the cattle were shipped. The Wyoming governor sub- 
mitted this statement to Sturgis with a request for informa- 
tion. 37 In replying to Oglesby, after conferring with Sturgis, 
Warren wrote 

I note with much satisfaction your statement: 'There 
is no pleuro-pneumonia in Sangammon County nor is there 
at the present time,' but I do not understand this to mean 
that there has been none ; for, if the latter, Sangammon 
County has certainly been 'sinned against' and misrepre- 
sented. The 1884 report of the Bureau of Animal Industry 
names that county as being infected, and various other 
sources give that information. 38 

Warren asked Oglesby to communicate with him when fur- 
ther information was available, and in October the Illinois 
governor sent to Cheyenne a Report of the Board of Livestock 
Commissioners for the State of Illinois wherein detailed data 
on cattle disease within Illinois were presented. Warren wrote 
Oglesby, "I have submitted the report to the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Stock Growers' Association for their consideration 
and advice. As nearly one-third of all taxable property in 
Wyoming consists of cattle, I desire to confer fully with the 
direct representatives of that industry." 39 After receiving 
the report of the committee. Governor Warren issued a procla- 
mation on October 20, 1885, relieving the state of Illinois, with 
the exception of DuPage County, from quarantine regulations. 
All shipments of cattle from that state, however, were to con- 
tinue to be inspected in Cheyenne according to the rules ami 
regulations established for all stock shipped from east of the 
Missouri River. 40 

The Veterinarian of the state of Missouri wrote Warren 
in June requesting detailed information concerning the effect 
of the Wyoming quarantine law on stock shipments from Mis- 
souri. Warren forwarded all of his proclamations to the vet- 

36. Warren to Harrison, June •">, 1885. The original proclamation of' 
June 4, 1885, is in The Interior Department Records, The National 

37. Warren to Sturgis, June '■'<, 1885. 

38. Warren to Oglesby. Jnne (3, 1885. 

39. Warren to Oglesby, October lib 1885. 

40. The original proclamation is in the Department of the Interior 
Records, The National Archives. 


erinarian with the statement that they contained "all the 

information necessary." He wrote further 

All cattle from Missouri are subject to quarantine; 
this for the reason that according to the best opinions 
obtainable, your state has been affected with Pleuro-Pneu- 
monia, in certain sections ; and the authorities of the state 
seem to have failed to prevent the free traffic, transporta- 
tion and movement of cattle, throughout the infected as 
well as the unaffected regions. 

"1 have endeavored in my official capacity," continued the 
governor, "as well as an owner of livestock in a private capac- 
ity to keep well informed of the methods of our quarantine 
regulations and practices here; and the best evidences that 
the duties of the officials have been conscientiously and hon- 
estly performed is that those whose ;cattle have been, or are 
now in quarantine, have no serious charges to prefer." 41 The 
following month two herds of Missouri cattle being shipped to 
the Wyoming range were confined in the quarantine stock- 
yards by the territorial veterinarian. Strobridge and Andrews, 
Wyoming cattlemen whose shipment of thirty bulls had been 
detained, protested immediately and requested Missouri's gov- 
ernor, John S. Marmaduke, to intercede in their behalf. Mar- 
maduke wired Warren asking for the liberation of the cattle 
and the revocation of the prohibitions against Missouri cattle. 
The executive board of the Stock Growers' Association, meet- 
ing at Warren's call, denied the Missouri governor's requests. 42 
As a means of explanation, Warren wrote Marmaduke : 

Our laws regarding this [quarantine] were enacted in 
obedience to universal desire and demand on the part of 
our people, for the reason that the largest and most im- 
portant industry is that of cattle raising, and from the 
nature of our open ranges and our mode of handling cattle, 
the danger and exposure is very great. It is next to im- 
possible to restrict the movements of cattle within our 
borders [and] in adjacent states and territories, where cat- 
tle movements are equally free. Should contagious Pleuro- 
pneumonia break out within our borders it would surely 
cripple us most severely if it did not bankrupt the Terri- 
tory. The causes that led to quarantine against Missouri 
cattle were the reports from various sources : official re- 
ports from the Department [of Agriculture] at Washing- 
ton ; reports from cattle associations ; and from various 
veterinary inspectors to the effect that disease existed in 
that state. 43 

41. Warren to P. Paguin, June 30, 1885. 

42. Warren to Marmaduke, July 21 and 24, 1885. 

43. Warren to Marmaduke, July 23, 1885. 


After enumerating further specific sources of information rel- 
ative to the spread of cattle diseases in Missouri and explaining 
the nature of pleuropneumonia and the failure of Missouri 
officials to adequately safeguard against it, Wyoming's gov- 
ernor explained to Marmaduke the importance of the Missouri- 
Wyoming cattle commerce. 

I assure you in my opinion [wrote Warren] it is not 
the state of Missouri which suffers, as it is the Territory of 
Wyoming, from this stoppage of the shipment of cattle 
from Missouri to Wyoming. Our stockmen here, have 
since 1881, made heavy purchases of Missouri cattle, ex- 
pending for them more than a million dollars, and we still 
want Missouri cattle, and there is still an opening for a 
very large trade in that direction, whenever we may feel 
assured that we may take no chances from trading with 
the stockmen of Missouri. Should the disease become fully 
extinct there, and should you be able to issue your proc- 
lamation declaring the state to be entirely free, and fur- 
ther that it has been free for a sufficient time to assure its 
non-appearance, then this Territory would be guaranteed 
against disease . . . and there would again be a renewal of 
trade advantageous to both this territory and the state of 
Missouri. 44 

In closing his lengthy communication to the Missouri governor, 
Warren expressed a personal concern over the termination of 
the commerce in stock between Missouri and Wyoming by 

1 beg to assure you in perfect candor that I will co- 
operate with you to remove all barriers at the earliest mo- 
ment I can feel safe in so doing, and can satisfy the stock- 
men of our Territory that they will no longer be taking 
serious risks. ... As we have an active and powerful asso- 
ciation to assist in protecting the cattle interests, I am in 
constant communication with their executive committee, 
and feel in duty bound to assist them in all reasonabh 
efforts to protect these great interests. 1 trust that Mis- 
souri will adopt such rules, and enact such laws as are 
necessary to protect herself and us in our future cattle 
commerce. 45 

Immediately upon the receipt of this letter. Governor Mar- 
maduke sent Colonel Robert McCulloch to Cheyenne to present 
the interests of the Missouri cattlemen before the executive 
committee of the Wyoming Stock Growers' Association. Mc- 

44. ma. 

45. Ibid. 


Culloch's mission was apparently successful, for on August 1, 
1885 Warren issued a proclamation revoking previous restric- 
tions against Missouri cattle and permitting all but six Mis- 
souri counties to ship cattle into Wyoming. In forwarding 
copies of this proclamation to Governor Marmaduke, he ex- 
pressed the desire to remove soon all restrictions against these 
remaining six counties. 46 Not until the next season, however, 
could the Missouri governor certify that pleuro-pneumonia did 
not exist within the state. 47 Warren immediately removed the 
last restriction on the cattle commerce between Wyoming and 
Missouri by proclamation. 48 

During the summer of 1885 while the territorial veter- 
inarian and his associates worked long hours at the stockyards 
inspecting cattle, the governor was answering dozens of in- 
quiries which came to his office from interested shippers rela- 
tive to the possibility of their consignment of cattle immedi- 
ately passing the inspection. The greatest number of letters 
came from Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and Illinois. 49 On occa- 
sions, the patience of the governor was strained to the break- 
ing point. One Iowa cattleman inquired if all Jersey cattle 
were to be quarantined, and Warren wrote back emphatically, 
and perhaps impatiently, "I don't understand that all Jersey 
cattle are quarantined, but rather all cattle coming from New 
Jersey. 50 Warren received bitter protests from cattlemen west 
of Wyoming. General J. S. Brisbin, Vice-President of the 
National Cattle and Horse Association, wrote from Boise City, 
Idaho, suggesting that there existed no basis for the alarm 
about the spread of disease in Wyoming and stated that the 
Wyoming stockgrowers were "more scared than hurt." He 
complained that it was very difficult for cattlemen who be- 
lieved their stock to be healthy to accept their detention for 
inspection and that the method of inspection in Cheyenne 
worked a great hardship upon some individual shippers. In 
answering the general, Governor Warren recognized these 
criticisms as valid, but very tactfully explained the necessity 
for stringent measures and his unwillingness to deviate from 
them in any case. 51 The correspondence and reports of War- 
ren reveal the significant contribution which he made in en- 

46. Warren to Marmaduke, August 7, 1885. 

47. Warren to Marmaduke, July 27, 1886. 

48. S. B. Tuttle to Marmaduke, July 28, 1886. Tuttle was Warren's 
private secretary. 

49. For example, letters from E. A. Poney, St. Louis, Missouri, June 
6, 1885; Levi F. McConnor, Wilber, Kansas, June 11, 1885; George S. El- 
wood, Greenleaf, Kansas, June 19, 1885; J. N. Smith, Fairfield, Iowa, June 
18, 1885; Howard Jones, Fort Dodge, Iowa, June 23, 1885; and W. W. 
Bryan, Abingdon, Illinois, June 18, 1885. 

50. Warren to Gideon Blackstone, Red Oak, Iowa, May 23, 1885. 

51. Warren to Brisbin, June 30, 1885. 


forcing- the Wyoming quarantine regulations. During his first 
term he gradually had become the spokesman, rather than the 
representative, of the executive committee of the Wyoming 
Stock Growers' Association which was meeting every week 
during the shipping season of 1885 to consider the welfare 
of the cattle interests of the territory. 

During 1885, 52,791 head of cattle were brought into Wyo- 
ming Territory from seventeen states and Canada. Of these. 
9,964 head were imported from Texas and 15,170 from the 
nearby New Mexico and Indian Territories. None of these 
southern shipments were detained. Only eight herds, totaling 
485 head from Illinois and Missouri, were quarantined during 
the entire season. The inspection of stock from the region 
east of the Missouri had been so thorough, nevertheless, that 
the veterinarian could report to the governor the non-existence 
of contagious disease among the cattle of Wyoming during 
1885. 52 

Not only had the stock of the Wyoming range been pro- 
tected from disease, but the inspection of shipments did not 
seriously disrupt or diminish the cattle commerce. Governor 
Warren reported that during the season of 1886 more than 
50,000 head of cattle had arrived in the territory, and Hopkins, 
the veterinarian, wrote 

The interruption to trade Avas therefore trifling, and 
the inconvenience to individuals far slighter than could 
have been anticipated, considering the volume of business 
transacted. The inconvenience and expense, such as it 
was, fell chiefly upon the residents of the Territory who 
were bringing valuable stock from the states east of the 
Missouri, and was felt by them generally to be a small 
burden for the immunity from danger thus secured. 53 

Thomas Moonlight, who succeeded Warren as Governor 
of Wyoming, recognized the work of the stockgrowers in his 
report of 1887. "There is no State or Territory where animals 
are more healthy than in Wyoming," lie stated, "and there is 
no State or Territory where more care is taken to prevent the 
introduction of contagious or infectious diseases among the 
domestic animals. ' ' 54 

52. Hopkins, Report of the Territorial Veterinarian in the •'Animal 
Report of the Governor of Wyoming, 1885," loc. tit., 1210-1212. 

-53. Warren, "Report of the Governor of Wyoming," "Report of the 
Secretary of the Interior (Washington, 1886), II. 1019-1020. 

54. Moonlight, "Report of the Governor of Wyoming," Report of Hie 
Secretary of the Interior (Washington, 1887), I. 1061. 

Wyoming Scrap book 




Company "H" of the Girl Militia was actually mustered 
into the United States Army for the Wyoming Statehood cele- 
bration ; they were disbanded after the celebration was over. 
They were drilled for two months, their drill masters being 
Lieutenants Walker and Ruhlen of Fort Russell. (Fort Francis 
E. Warren). 

The second company of Girl Guards, Company "H" were 
the Guard of Honor to the Statehood car, a magnificent float 
carrying young girls dressed in red, white and blue representing 
the States in the Union, (except Wyoming and Idaho). 

The members of Company "H" had an entertainment and 
dance to raise funds for their uniforms which were of black 
broadcloth with facing of gold cord draped in front. The cap 
was the regulation fatigue cap ; they wore white gloves. 

It was during this festival, Company "H" was mustered 
into the United States Army. Company "H" was under the 
command of Captain Argesheimer. 

As far as can be ascertained, the only living members of 
Company "H" are Mrs. Osgood Johnson (Minnie Gape, No. 3) ; 
Miss Jennie Tupper (No. 5) ; Mrs. Walter Yeager (Mabel Tup- 
per, No. 7) ; Mrs. Bertha Boomer (Bertha Wedemeyer, No. 9) ; 
Mrs. Leo L. Leffler (May Oakley, No. 14) ; Mrs. James Sweeney 
(Maude Post, No. 16) ; Mrs. Tom O'Neil (Mattie Thompson, No. 
10) ; Mrs. Adah Boice (Adah Haygood, No.- 17). 

Miss Dora Adair and Miss Frankie Moore, members of 
Company "H" are not in the photograph. 






In the horse and buggy clays, it was the fashion to organize 
cycling clubs, and Rawlins was not to be outdone. 

In February, 1892, the Rawlins gentry organized "The 
Rawlins' Cycling Club of 1892." The members of the club are 
included in the photograph below: 

Prom left to right: Bottom row: Chas. Batsford, Jas. A. Eendle, Thos. 
Rendle, Ernest L. Brown and Benjamin Knox. 
Second row: E. E. Fordan, C. P. Hill, Ernest Sundin, A. McMicken 
and Chas. E. Brown. 

Back row: H. B. Fetz, Thos. G. Maghee, Jr., W. E. Heckenlively, 
H. S. Brodt and Jas. M. Eumsey. 

Mr. E. A. Durant of the Rawlins National Bank who has 
resided in Rawlins for the past 60 years, knew all the above 
men and has identified each member. They have all passed on. 



Another Cycling Club was organized in 1897, the members 
from left to right in the photograph below, are: E. Durant, W. S. 
Anderson, H. Larsen, W. A. Heath, Richard Dailey, Ole Larsen, 
Frank E. Froling, Tom Ready and Snider. Two of these mem- 
bers, F. E. Froling and Bing Price (who is not in group above) 
are still with us and living; in Rawlins. 

•BEER ftAbJu-J 

The Rawlins' Cycling Club of 1897 



By D. C. Cook 

The Douglas Budget, one of the oldest weekly newspapers 
in the State, was established as "Bill Barlow's Budget" at 
Fort Fetterman, eight miles northwest of the present site of 
Douglas, Wyoming, in June 1886, by Merris C. and Minnie F. 
Barrow, who came to Douglas from Laramie City where Mr. 
Barrow had served for a number of years on the Boomerang. 

With the advent of the railroad coming into this part of 
the country, the Barrows moved from Fort Fetterman to the 
old temporary town of Douglas on Antelope Creek, on the north 
edge of present Douglas. It was only a few months, appar- 
ently, that these buildings (see cover of this issue) were moved 
a half mile or so to the present and permanent site of Douglas, 
as lots were being sold by the railroad company in August, 1886. 
It is reasonably certain that The Budget has been in its present 
location since the latter part of 1886. 

Mr. Barrow wrote under the pen name of "Bill Barlow." 
The Barrows published the paper until Mr. Barrow's death in 
1910. Mrs. Barrow continued to hold controlling interest until 
January, 1914, but took no active part in the publishing of the 
paper, but leased the shop to others. Mrs. Minnie F. Barrow 
is still living making her home in Thermopolis, where she moved 
some twenty years ago. 

During this period the flag-staff bore the following : Clyde 
L. Clark, editor and publisher in 1911 ; L. Merton Prill, editor 
and publisher, 1912 to March, 1913 ; from 1913 to January, 1911, 
Wm. F. Phlaeging was "Manager" for parties unknown; in 
January, 1914, the paper was purchased -by A. A. Clough, Bar- 
row's former shop foreman, and M. R. Collins. 

The Budget was begun as a republican paper and remained 
such until 1914. Under the management of A. A. Clough and 
M. Pi. Collins it became a democratic paper. It has continued 
as such, and is still democratic under the present management. 

In December 1914, the Budget was aa'ain sold to Thomas 
F. Doyle, of Omaha, who edited and published the paper until 
February 1938, when he passed away. Mr. Doyle changed the 
name from "Bill Barlow's Budget" to "The Douglas Budget" 
upon acquiring possession. 

Three months later, Mrs. Doyle sold the Budget to D. C. 
Cook and George R. Curry, present publishers. 

s \ 



A Glance of the Office Wherein Is Printed 
Fetterman's Pioneer Paper 

That The Budget has implicit confidence and an abiding 
faith in the future of Fetterman and Central Wyoming, is fully 
evidenced by the character of the establishment wherein the paper 
is printed. Every piece of machinery and material — every type, 
lead and rule — is direct from the well-known Chicago foundry 
of Marder & Luse, and never knew the stain of printer's ink 
until now. The paper is printed on a cylinder press of a ca- 
pacity of 1000 an hour, and that the newspaper department is 
complete and first-class is evidenced by the bright, clean and 
typographically perfect pages which confront the reader. A 
fine job press, of an improved pattern — used yesterday for the 
first time — together with a select assortment of job type em- 
bracing all the latest faces and styles in plain and ornamental 
job letters, enables us to turn out on short notice everything in 
the line of commercial work, executed in a manner sure to please. 

Thus it will be seen that The Budget is no foreign scheme, 
nor is it a catch-penny institution representing ninety-nine per 
cent of wind and gall and one of office material ; but that it is 
a bonafide business venture calculated to become a prominent 
factor in building up, developing, and advancing the interests 
of Fetterman, the Platte vallev and central Wyoming. 

*(From the first issue of Bill Barlow's Budget, June 9, 
1886, printed at Fetterman, Wyoming.) 



Vol. No. P. 

Elk Mountain in Carbon County 3 1 83 

In the Valley of the Green River 3 2 117 

Lincoln Highway just west of summit of Sherman 

Hill looking west 3 3 157 

Highest point on Lincoln Highway looking east— 3 3 157 

J. D. Woodruff's cabin 187i. First Dwelling House 

in the Big Horn Basin 3 4 195 

The Advent of the Rotary Snow Plow— 1890 3 4 196 

View of Clear Creek Valley, Copp's Ranch 4 1 236 

Rocks on Tongue River, near Custer Battlefield 

Highway 4 1 236 

Pen sketch by A. G. Clayton, Forest Ranger 4 2 277 

Brooks Lake Country 4 2 291 

Wind River Mountain Range 4 2 294 

James M. Sherrod 4 3 324 

America's First Woman Governor at Oldest Ranger 

Station in U. S. Wapiti, on Oldest National For- 
est, Shoshone 4 4 373 

Holy City in Shoshone National Forest, Park County.... 4 4 377 

Seth E. Ward 5 1 4 

Fort Halleck, Wyoming 5 2 45 

Old Guard House and Commission, Ft. Bridger, 1857 5 2 55 

Ella Holden, Judge Holden and Minnie Holden 5 2>&3 44 

Note: There are no illustrations in Wyoming Historical Bulletins, Vols. 

1-2, preceding the Annals of Wyoming which began with Vol. 3. 
Mrs. Roney Pomeroy and great-great grandchild, 

Frances Marguerite Tomlinson 5 2&3 64 

Mt. Owen and the Grand Teton 5 2&3 78 

Fort Halleck, Wyoming 5 2&3 90 

Deadman's Bar. View looking toward Teton Range 5 4 138 

Sketch of Portion of Jackson Hole 5 4 145 

Col. H. C. Ericsson and William Crawford at 

Deadman's Bar 5 4 148 

Separation Lake, Seminoe Mtn 's., and Dry Lake. 6 1&2 169 

Old Powder House at Fort Steele, Carbon Co., Wyo 6 1&2 203 

Scenes taken at Dedication of New Grand Teton 

National Park, Wyoming 6 3 248 

The Grand Teton 6 3 250 

Wm. Gilman, Dr. F. M. Fryxell and Ranger Phil Smith.. 6 3 253 

Ranger Smith, taking his turn at packing the tablet 6 3 254 

Gilman and Smith preparing to fix tablet on the 

Grand Teton 6 3 256 




Unveiling the Tablet by Dr. Fryxell and Ranger Smith.. 6 
Tablet Commemorating First Ascent of the Grand 

Teton, Aug. 11, 1898 6 

Map of Converse County 6 

Deer Creek Station during the 60 's 7 

Sketch of County Divisions 7 

Horseshoe Station, 1865 7 

Fort Phil Kearney in 1867 7 

LaBonte Stage Station, 1863 7 

Bill Hooker and Malcolm Campbell 7 

Sketch map of Bill Hooker's and other rancher's 

locations 7 

Frank Emerson, Governor of Wyoming, 1927-1931 7 

Hot Water Falls 8 

Chief Washakie 8 

Sharp Nose, Chief of the Arapahoes 8 

F. G. Burnett 8 

The Region where Bonneville Trapped, 1832-1835 8 

Fort Laramie in 1889 9 

Pen Sketch by Olive Wills..... 9 

Sketch "All about Wyoming artists" 9 

John W. Deane, 1882 9 

Senator John B. Kendrick 9 

Dedication tablet to John B. Kendrick 9 

John Colter's map in Clarks map 1814 10 

Colter's map 10 

Map of the Yellowstone River 10 

Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard 10 

Chief Yellow Calf 11 

Supreme Court and Library Building 11 

Judge W. A. Carter 11 

Map, Route of Judge W. A. Carter 11 

Home of Judge W. A. Carter, 187<> 11 

Artist's impression of Fort Bridger, 1873 11 

Jesse W. Crosby 11 

Last Black Hills Coach leaving Cheyenne, Feb. 1887... .11 
Cheyenne-Deadwood Stage and Station, Silver Cliff. 

Wyoming, 1876 1 1 

Territorial Governors, 1869-1890 11 

Map, Texas 1845 11 

Five County Map of Wyoming, 1869 11 

The Historical Landmark Commissioners and 

Governor Nels H. Smith 11 






























52 s 

































i 3 




























Vol. No. 

Winter at Wyoming's State Capitol, 1940 ..12 

Seal of Wyoming Golden Anniversary, 1890-1940. 12 

Laying the Corner Stone of the New Capitol at 

Cheyenne - 12 

The Proposed New Capitol at Cheyenne 12 

First State Governors, 1890-1899 12 

Esther Hobart Morris 12 

Woman Suffrage in Wyoming Territory, Scene at the 

Polls in Cheyenne 12 

Freight Oxen at Eest, Buffalo, Wyoming 12 

State Governors, 1899-1915 12 

Massacre of Chinese at Rock Springs, 1885.. 12 

First Frontier Committee — 1897 .12 

Constitutional Convention Delegates, Albany Co 12 

Constitutional Convention Delegates, Laramie, Fremont 

and Johnson Counties 12 

Constitutional Convention Delegates, Laramie Co 12 

Miss Louise S. Smith, 1889 ....12 

State Governors, 1915-1924 12 

Map, Upper Clark 's Fork of the Yellowstone River 12 

Old Dead Indian Hill Road to Sunlight Valley and 

Upper Clark's Fork 12 

The Courageous Pioneers 12 

Governor Nels H. Smith 12 

The Unique Texas Trail Monument 12 

State Governors, 1925-1939 12 

Delegates to Constitutional Convention of 1889, 

Carbon and Converse Counties 12 

Delegates to Constitutional Convention of 1889, 

Converse, Crook, Sheridan and Sweetwater 

Counties -12 

Delegates to Constitutional Convention of 1889, 

Sweetwater and Uinta Counties 12 

Therese A. Parkinson Jenkins 12 

Mary G. Bellamy 12 

Dedication of Idaho-Wyoming Monument, 1940 12 

John W. Meldrum, and his residence at Mammoth 

Hot Springs 13 

John W. Meldrum 13 

Morris Ranch along Sage Creek, 1900 13 
































Vol. No. P. 

Sharp's Ten-Horse Plow Team in action 13 1 52 

Edwin J. Smalley 13 1 58 

Bedlam, Quarters of the Single Officers and Social Front 

Center of Fort Laramie 1880 13 2 Cover 

Two Views of "Old Bedlam" 13 2 86 

Two Views of Fort Laramie, 1862 and 1876 13 2 90 

Nannie Clay Steele, 1876 13 2 92 

John W. Meldrum and T. Paul Wilcox 13 2 104 

Rev. John Roberts at the Grave of Sacajawea and Front 

her Sons, Baptiste and Bazil 13 3 Cover 

Monuments of Sacajawea 13 3 162 

Dr. Hebard and Susan Perry 13 3 167 

Pandora Pogue 13 3 176 

Quintan Quay 13 3 176 

Record of the Indians at the Shoshone Agency, 1877 13 3 1S2 

Dr. Charles A. Eastman 13 3 186 

William G. (Billy) Johnson 13 3 202 

Irene Large and Gloria Isis, granddaughter of Front 

Sacajawea, unveiling marker at Fort Washakie 13 4 Cover 

William G. Bullock . y 13 4 236 

Sutler's Store at Fort Laramie, 1937 13 4 246 

Fort Fred Steele, 1878 13 4 344 

Musical Program Printed at Fort Bridger, 1874 13 4 348-49-50 

Wyoming's First Museum, 1867 13 4 365 

Wyoming's State Museum, 1941 13 4 366 


Colonel William Frederick Cody 14 1 Cover 

Wyoming State Museum, 1942 14 1 4 

Presidential Party, 1883, in Yellowstone Park 14 1 32 

Route of Presidential Expedition, 1883 14 1 35 

Camp Bishop, Wind River, Packtrain trip of 

President Arthur, 1883 14 1 36 

The Tepee Rings 14 1 52 

The Medicine Wheel 14 1 57 


Norris Hotel, Yellowstone Park 14 2 Cover 

Lower Falls of the Yellowstone 14 2 88 

Party at Obsidian Cliff 14 2 90 

Upper Geyser Basin from Castle Geyser 14 2 92 

Canyon Hotel, 1887, Yellowstone Park 14 2 94 

Party at Yancy Cabin, Pleasant Valley, Yellowstone 

Park, 1887 14 2 97 

Mr. and Mrs. Willis M. Spear 14 2 99 

Wyoming Museum, 1942 14 2 162 




Sioux Indian Children 14 

Wyoming State Museum, 1942 14 

Mr. and Mrs. William Scanlon 14 

Tombstones of Toussaint Charboneau and his wife, 

Marie L. Laviolette ....14 

Mr. and Mrs. Allen Williams 14 

Members of United States Geological Survey, 1872 14 

Sidford Hamp, 1872 14 

Meeting of the U. S. Geological Survey of the 

Territories in Fire-Hole Basin, 1872 14 

Bear River City, Wyoming, 1868 14 

Wyoming State Museum, 1942 14 

Swan, Wyoming, 1892 15 

William Franklin Swan 15 

L7 Ranch Buildings 15 

Sketch, Snake River Ranch 15 

Roundup on the North Platte in the Eighties 15 

Wyoming State Museum, 1943. 15 

Thomas Moran 15 

Beaver Dick (Bichard Leigh) and His Family 15 

Teton Mountains, Wyoming 15 

Court House, 1868, Cheyenne 15 

Wyoming State Museum, 1943 15 

Buildings in Cheyenne, 1867 15 

The Opera House, 1882, Cheyenne 15 

Program, Opening Night of Opera House, 1882 15 

The Sweetwater Stage Company Advertisement .....15 

Sherman Station, Union Pacific Railroad 15 

Wyoming State Museum 15 

Cheyenne Indian Chief, Ne-hee-o-ee-woo-tis, 

(Wolf on the Hill) 15 

Cheyenne Indian Woman, Lis-see-woo-na-tis, 

(she who bathes her knees) 15 

An Incident on the Plains, 1870 15 

Town of Lander, Fremont County, 1885 15 

Map, Military Forts and Camps, Wyoming, 1849-1858.... 15 

Wyoming Pioneers, Jim Abney and F. G. Burnett 15 

Rawlins First School Building, 1888 15 













































































Vol. No. P. 


Fort Bridger, Utah Territory, 1858 16 1 Cover 

Wyoming State Museum 16 1 4 

Fort Bridger, Cobble Stone and Mortar Wall, 1858 16 1 34 

Envelope Showing a Fort Bridger 1858 Cancellation 

mark 16 1 36 

Group of Wyoming Pioneers at the Wyoming 

State Fair, 1929 16 1 56 

Mr. and Mrs. George Mitchell, Pioneers of 

Uva, Wyoming 16 1 63 


Budget Office, 1886, Douglas, Wyoming 16 2 Cover 

Thomas Sturgis, 1876-1887 16 2 146 

Company "H" of the Girl Militia of Wyoming 

State Guard, 1890 16 2 163 

Rawlins' Cycling Club, 1892 16 2 164 

Rawlins' Cycling Club, 1897 16 2 165 


to the 


January 1, 1944 to May 15, 1944 

Miscellaneous Gifts 

Eoddis, Mrs. Charles, 1725 Central Ave., Cheyenne, Wyoming — donor four 
letters of World War I. 

Schaedel, Mrs. John, 609 East 27th St., Cheyenne, Wyoming — donor of 
old clock (Seth Thomas). 

Forde, Thomas, 3806 Reed Ave., Cheyenne, Wyoming — donor of ten 
World War II emblems from the Italian and Sicilian fronts. 

Schmehl, Walter T., 400 S. 13th St., Laramie, Wyoming — donor of three 
copies of Indian Paint Brush, a Shoshone Indian Magazine ; one copy of 
the Wyoming State Journal, July 4, 1938; one large 1857 souvenir 
medal given to an Indian Chief on visit to Washington, D. C; one 
Camp Brown post traders 25c coin; one 1899 souvenir medal for 
international peace; one 1904 Frontier Days badge; one 1898 Omaha 
Exposition medal; one victory liberty loan coin made from a German 

Barry, J. Neilson, Portland, Oregon — donor of four maps and manu- 
scripts depicting John Colter 's travels in Yellowstone Park. 

Stock Growers ' Association, Cheyenne, Wyoming — An agreement be- 
tween Union Pacific R. R. and the Cheyenne and Northern Railway 
Company; ten newspaper clippings giving Territorial election returns 
(no dates). 

Cook, D. C, Douglas, Wyoming — donor of a photograph of "Budget 
Office, 1886." 

La Fontaine, Mrs. Robert, 2720 Capitol Ave., Cheyenne, Wyo. — donor of 
cap and coat of the Wyoming National Guard of the Spanish Amer- 
ican War period. 

Allen, George W., 2505 Central Ave., Cheyenne, Wyo. — donor of three 
gold specimens from the Crescent Mine, Cripple Creek, Colorado. 

La Fontaine, Mrs. R. N., 2720 Capitol Ave., Cheyenne, Wyo. — donor of 
a cap and coat of the Wyoming National Guard of Spanish Amer- 
ican war period; 25 personal cards of members of Battery "A"; 
photograph of Alger Light Artillery; two issues of ''The Wave" 
magazine, June 25, July 28, 1898. 

Books — Purchased 
Baber, D. F. The Longest Rope, Caldwell, Idaho. Caxtcn, 1940. $1.33. 


Morris, Robert C. Collections of Wyoming Historical Society, 1897, gift of 
Governor Lester C. Hunt. 

The World's Columbia Exposition, 1893, gift of Mrs. Chas. Roddis. 

Burtscher, William J. Man Afoot, Los Angeles, California, Wetzel Pub- 
lishing Co., c 1941. 

Volume 16. 

Accessions, 16:1:82; 16:2:174. 

Arnold, C. P.. The Vanished Frontier, 16:1: 57-62. 

Bill Barlow's Budget Office, 1S86, by D. 0. Cook, 16:2:166-167; Alex 
Butler, lawyer, 166; Henry Rokahr, merchant, 166; Douglas Budget 
Office, front cover; established at Fort Fetterman, 166; Merris C. 
Barrow, 166; Minnie F. Barrow, 166; Douglas on Antelope Creek, 
166; ''Bill Barlow'' pen name, 166; names of different editors and 
publishers, 166; politics of paper, 166; D. C. Cook and George R. 
Curry, present publishers, 166; "The Budget'' article from the 
first issue, 167; Bill Nye's Experiences by Bill Nye, 16:1:65-70; Bill 
Nye 's biography, 65 ; Woman Suffrage, 65-70. 

Brosnan. Dominic A., The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858, 16:1:35-44. 

Cattle Quarantine, 1885, Wyoming, by Turrentine Jackson-see: Wyoming 
Cattle Quarantine, 1885, 16:2:147-161. 

Company "H" of the Girl Militia of Wyoming State Guard, 16:2:162-163, 
names of members of Company ' ' H ' ', 162-163; took part in statehood 
celebration, 162; mustered into U. S. Army, 162. 

Douglas Budget, "Bill Barlow's Budget, 1886" by D. C. Cook, 16:2:166- 


Green River, "Old Town," 16:1:44; Green River deserted city, 44; Bryan, 


Indian Disturbances in JacJoson Hole Country. From Report of Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs, 1895, 16:1:5-33; Bannock Indians falsely 
accused of wanton slaughtering elk and deer, 5, 6, 7. 8. 9. 22. 24; 
food ration for Indians, 7, 19-20; Captain Ray, U. S. A.. 7: Indian 
right to hunt by treaty provisions, 6, 7, 11. 12. 13. 16. (f.n) 21. 22. 
29; W. A. Richards, Governor of Wyoming, 7. 8. 9. 10. 16. 29; Marys- 
vale, Uinta Co., Wyoming, 8, 9, 11, 24, 25, 26; Frank H. Rhoads. S. 


29; Wm. Manning, 8, 17, 24, 26, 27; Fort Hall, Idaho, 8, 9, 27, 28 
29; Indians killed, fined and arrested by whites, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 16 

21, 24, 26, 27; Thomas B. Teter, Indian Agent, Fort Hall, Idaho 
8, 10, 13; report July 24, '95, 13-15; same Aug. 7, '95, 15-16; 19 

22, 28, 29; settlers not molested by Indians, 10; Sheriff Hawley, 10 
Secretary of War requests military aid, 10; Brigadier-General Cop 
pinger, Dept. of the Platte, 10, 16, 28; Pine Bidge, S. Dak., 10 
quiet in Jackson Hole, 10; Dept. of Justice to investigate killing 
of Indians, 10; report of C'apt. B. H. Wilson, TJ. S A., 11; Capt 
J. L. Van Orsdale, U. S. A., 11, 13; no wanton slaughter by Indians 
12; hunting parties from east and Old Country, 12; indorsements 
12, 13; Henry E. Noyes, Lieutenant Colonel, 13; Frank Wheaton 
Brigadier-General, 13; newsjiaper accounts, 11, 16-18, 23; Camp 
Brown, 12; whites threaten to organize against Indians, 13, 14 
U. S. troops, 18, 25, 27, 28; Indian employment on Idaho Canal, 19 
Case referred to Dept. of Justice, 23-24, 33; Lieutenants Gardner, 
Parker, and Jackson, 25; Wm. Pettigrew, 25; hunting season profit- 
able to whites, 25; election of township officers, 25-26; Attorney- 
General reviews the case, 24-27; Bavenel Macbeth, 29; Indian affi- 
davits and eye witnesses, 29, 30, 31, 32; Beport of Board of Indian 
Commissioners, 1896, 32. 

Jackson Hole, Wyoming, Indian Disturbances, from Indian Commissioners 
Beport, 1895, 16:1:5-33. 

Jackson, W. T'urrentine, Territorial Papers in the National J rehires, 
16:1:45-55. Wyoming Cattle Quarantine, 1885, 16:2:147-161. 

Linford, Dee, Wyoming Stream Names, (con't. from vol. 15.) 16:1:71-74. 

List of illustrations in the Annals of Wyoming: Vols. 1 to 16, inc., vol. 

Meeker Massacre, The, by M. Wilson Bankin, 16:2:87-145; H. E. Dan- 
forth, 87; Nathan Cook Meeker, 87, 88, 90, 91, 94, 95, 97, 101, 138, 
145; Union Colony, 87; Powell Bottom, 88; Powell Bottom named 
after Major J. W. Powell, 88; Agency moved, 87, 88; activities at 
White Biver Agency, 88; mail service between Dixon and Agency, 
88; Joe Collom, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 100, 101, 127; Mrs. Meeker and 
family moved to Agency, 88, 94, 115, 128, 131, 132, 133; Mrs. E. H. 
Danforth, Postmistress at Agency, 88; Utes, 88, 89, 90, 95, 96, 97, 
98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 120, 122, 128, 130, 
131, 132, 133, 134, 140; Tahashie (Sugarlip) killed, 89; Wm. Hamil's 
Banch, 89; Chief Washington and Piah harrass settlers, 89; John 
Turner, 89; Mark Bessy, Sheriff, 89, 90; posse of eight special depu- 


ties, names given, 89; Tabernash-townsite, 90; E. A. Meredith, 90; 
Utes kill old man Elliot, 90; Chief Douglas, 87, 88, 90, 91, 94, 95, 

96, 101, 112, 113, 114, 115, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136; 
Pah-viets and Jane, 90, 91, 94, 113; Judge Carter, 90; roving bands 
return to Agency, 91; Chief Johnson, 91, 97, 100, 111, 113, 128, 132, 
133, 134, 135; Susan, 91; Chief Ouray, 91, 116, 120, 127, 131, 132, 
133, 134, 135; Cooz, 91; John Collom, 91; Josephine Meeker, 88, 
91, 94, 113, 114, 115, 128, 130, 131, 132; Meeker contracts building 
of ditch, 91; Ed. E. Clark, civil engineer, 91; Bill Liseo, 91, 94, 

118, 125; Ukatats killed by Jenkins, 92; Agency cattle, 92; range 
brand ID (Interior Dept.), 92; Hulett Brothers (Charley and Dyer), 
92; lies Brothers, (George and Tom), 92, 108, 110, 117, 125; Jerry 
Huff, mail carrier and trapper, 92; John Reynolds, 92; Jimmy Dunn, 
92; George Gordon, freighter, 93, 102, 107, 108, 109, 121; mail 
route — Sulphur Springs and Steamboat Springs, 93 ; Windsor, Post 
Office, 93; Burgess & Lee, mail contract, 93; Ellis Clark, mail car- 
rier, 93; Morgan Brothers, ranchers, 93; Agency supplies, 93; Ed. 
W. Bemett, 93; naming of Milk Creek, 93; Frank Ernest, 93; 
Ferry at immigrant road, crossing the North Platte in the late '70s 
and early '80s, 93; W. H. Peck, establishes a store on Bear River 
"Fire-Water," 92, 93, 97, 110, 139, 143; new mail contract let, 
94; Star Route mail service, 94; Perkins trading store, 94, 97; 
activity and much grievance, 94; Eugene Taylor, 94; farmers from 
Greeley at White River Agency homes, 94; Ellen Price, 113, 114. 
115, 128, 132, 133;- Indians aggravated, their lands plowed, 94; 
Utes warn the plowmen, 94, 95; Ute depredations. 94, 95; Fort 
Garland, IT. S. troops, 95; settlers of Bear River and Middle Park 
become alarmed, 95; General Pope, U. S. A., 95; General McKenzie 
at Fort Garland, 95; Captain Clarence Dodge, U. S. Troops, 9r>, 

97, 98, 101, 109, 110, 111, 112, 118, 119, 121, 142; Ute sub-chiefs 
seek conference with Colorado Governor, 96; no satisfaction given 
Utes, 96; Utes burn grass and timber, 96; trouble brewing. 97; 
Governor Pitkin (Colorado), 97; horse-racing at the Agency. 97, 
98; the way it turned out, 99; Major Thomas L. Thornburg, 99. 
100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 111, 115, 119. 135, 138, 144: 
Fort Steele, 99; General Crook, U. S. A., Commander of the Dept. 
of the Platte, 99, 108, 123, 138, 142; Captain Joseph Lawson. in 
command of cavalry, 99, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107. 119. 138; Lieut. 
Price in charge of infantry. 99; Lieut. C. A. Cherry, 99; .1 . W. 
Hugus— post trader, Ft. Steele, 99; F E. Blake, volunteer. 99; 
J. C. Davis, volunteer, 99; Fort D. A. Russell (now Fort Francis E. 
Warren), 99; Capt. Scott Payne, 99, 103. 107. 138; J. V. S. Paddock, 
99; Joe Rankin, 99, 100. 102. 103, 104. 107. 108, 109, 117. US. 

119, 139; Charley Dowry, 99, 101, 102. 107. 121; Ute Jack and 7 
other Utes meet, 143, 144; Black Wilson. 100; the Utes were active. 
100; Mike Sweet, 100; Utes stop mail to White River Agency, 101; 
Main Ute Camp moved, 101; "Squaw Camp." 101; Ed. Mansfield, 


101; E. W. Eskridge — killed, 102; government supplies nearing the 
Agency, 102; Carl Goldstein, "Jew Freighter," 102; Julius Moore, 
teamster, 102; John Gordon, freighter, 102, 106, 107, 108, 110, 112, 
139; Al. McOarger, teamster, 102; the trap was set, 103; Lowry 
reports conditions at Agency to Thornburg, 102; Lieut. Paddock, 
103; Frank Secrist, private soldier, 103; troops encounter Utes, 
103; Lieut. Cherry's peace move, 103-104; Utes attack, 103-104; 
Private Michael Fireton killed and Oscar Cass wounded, 104; 
John Donovan, 104; McKinstrey, wagonmaster, 104; Private Tom 
Nolan, 104; fight at the wagons, 104, 105; "Bullwhacker Jack" 
Hamilton and Hornbeck, 105; Utes set fire to grass and brush, 
106; James Hickman, private, awarded medal by War Dept., 105; 
Private Evershell, 106; fire twenty square miles, 107; Surgeon 
R. W. Grimes, aids wounded, 107; couriers ride for relief, 107; 
Hulett & Laurence Cattle Camp, 108; Frank Harrah's Ranch, 108; 
General Wesley Merritt, Ft. D. A. Russell, 108, 117, 118, 119, 
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 131, 136, 138, 139, 
140, 143; Sam Reid warns the settlers, 108; Jimmy Dunn, warns 
settlers, 109; George Fuhr, warns Snake River settlers, 109; at 
the corral and trenches Sept. 30, 109; Zene B. Maudlin, Ardrian 
R. Marshall and family and Fred Hodges move to settle on Bear 
Creek, 109; Henry Meder, 110; James P. Maxwell, 110; S. E. Bineus, 
110; Sandy Mellen, 110; Private Eizer, 110; "Red Shirt," 111; 
Massacre at the Agency, 113; Frank Dresser — at Agency, 114; Ita, 
Ute Indian, 114; Mr. Post, agency bookkeeper, 113; night ride 
to "Squaw Camp," 115; Susan, sister of Ouray, 118; Major W. M. 
Stanley, 116; Joe Brady — takes note from Ouray to Douglas, 116; 
first report of the massacre at White River Agency, 116; Bill 
Meadows and J. A. Warefield, prospectors, first to find the evi- 
dence of the massacre, 116; range cattle moved in, 117; George 
Hangs and Denny Gaff, cattlemen, 117; Freeman Ray, herder, 117; 
Surgeon Kimmel of Merritt 's command, 117; Captain J. A. Auger, 
118, 120; Captain Kellog, 118; Captain Montgomery, 118; Captain 
Babcock, 118; First Lieut. William B. Weir, 118, 123, 126, 129, 
130, 145; Staff Officers, Captain Hall, Ordnance Officer, 118; Paul 
Hume, rifle tester, 118; Colonel Compton, 118; Jim Baker, scout 
and guide to General Merritt, 118, 119, 122, 123, 126, 129, 130, 
136, 139, 142; John C. Dyer, reporter, 118, 119; John McAndrews, 
wagonmaster, 119; Tom Duffy, cowboy volunteer, 119; Chris Mad- 
sen, in charge of advance guard, 119; arrange for battle, 119, 120; 
names of those killed, 120-121; wounded men, 121; rescued men 
on way to Fort Steele, 121 ; official expressions regarding Ute pre- 
cautions, 122; record march, 122; forces move to White River, 
122; Brown, teamster for Capt. Dodge, 122; additional troops or- 
dered, 123; Colonel Gilbert, 123; Fort Snelling, Minnesota, 123; 
Fort Douglas, Utah, 123; Fort McPherson, 123; Fort Laramie, 123; 
Major Henry, 123, 127, 136; First Lieut. C. A. H. McCauley, 123, 


137, 139; Carl Schurz. Secretary of the Interior, 123; Charles N. 
Adams, of the Denver Post Office, 123-124; Squaw ('amp moved to 
Grand River, 124; courier line established, 124; George Lang and 
Mathew Ryan, cattle herders, 124; Hy Armstrong, 124; Oregon cattle 
sold in small herds to Wyoming ranchers, 124; Billy Thomas, a 
courier, 124; Jack Davis, 124; Norris Brock, homesteader, 125; 
Alex Hasson, a courier, 125; Jerry Huff, and lies brothers join 
Merritt's troop, 125; Sergeant Thomas, 125; Chris Madsen, 125; 
ruins of the Agency, 12(3; 27 men killed, soldiers, freighters and 
agency employes, 126; Al Durham, teamster, 126; Kirk Calvert 
and Bill Aylesworth, ranchers, 127; the rescue of captive women 
and children, 127; Count Von Doenhoff, reporter, 127; Agent Stan- 
ley, 127; Captain W. M. Cline, ran a small trading store, 127; 
George P. Sherman, bookkeeper at reservation, 127; a second party 
to the rescue of women and children, 127-128, 130 ; "Black Hawk," 
130; E. B. C'richlow at White Rock Agency, 130; Pete Dillman and 
Clint McLane, 130; Ralph Meeker, a son of agent and Mrs. Meeker. 
131, 132, 133; Major Pollock, 131; Chipeta, 131; women describe 
treatment while captives, 131-132; Government's peace policy, 133; 
investigation as to who were responsible for the murders, 133-134; 
General Hatch, 133; Buckskin Charlie— sub-chief, 134; Utes cede 
their lands to the government, 135; military situation, comments, 
transportation and episodes, 136; ''White bell" mare, 136; Gray 
Horse Cavalry, 137; White River Camp, 136; transportation prob- 
lem, 137; Tom Emerson — saloon keeper, 137; C. H. Hauser — station 
agent, 137; foreign born composed different companies, 138; prom- 
inent citizens of Wyo., 138; Charley Williams, blacksmith at Rock 
Springs, 138; romance — Bill Humphrey, mail carrier, marries Mar- 
garet MeCarger, 139-140; Carrie McCarger, 140; Dave Lambert. 
140; Courier facts, 139; courier line abandoned, 139; mules dies 
of pneumonia, 140; "Aparajo," 140; horses stolen, 140; Rawlins 
a. "Hot Town," 140-141; distinguished visitors, ''Calamity Jaiv," 
141; "Cotton Tail," 141 ; John Foote Saloon. 141; Perry Smit.i's 
meat market, 140; Joe B. Adams— XL P. R. R. Agent. 141; R. W. 
Baxter and Henry E. Flavin, telegraph dispatchers, 141, 142; Jim 
France store, 142; Jack Sheard — freighter, 142; General Crook 
directs transportation, 142; W. D. Beach — a West Pointer, 142; 
a telegraph line built from Rawlins to new post. White River Camp, 
143; end of Ute Jack, 143-144; John Burns— Lander. 144; Sergeant 
Brady killed by Ute Jack, 144; Colonel Smith, 144; .1. W. Crawford, 
editor of Saratoga Sun, 144. 

Mitchell, George, An Interview at tin HE "Ranch, Uva by Virginia Cole 
Trenholm, 16:1:62-64; 16:2:145, Biography of V. C. Treiiholm, 62. 


Ornitliolopv of the Rocky Mountains 1857, 16:2:145. 


Pioneers of Wyoming : Patrick Burns, James O 'Brien, Malcolm Campbell, 
C. P. Arnold, John E. Smith, Bert Wagner and James Abney, 16:1:56. 

Bankin, M. Wilson, The Virginian, 16:1:33; Excerpts from Reminiscences 
of Frontier Days, 16:1:75-81; The Meeker Massacre, 16:2:87-145. 

' ' Rawlins Cycling Clubs of the Gay Nineties. ' ' Names of members of the 
first Cycling Club, 1892, of the second club, 1897, 16:2:164-165. 

Reminiscences of Frontier Days, by M. Wilson Bankin, 16:1:75-81; Raw- 
lins, Wyoming, a distributing and supply point, 1868, 75-78; route 
between Rawlins & White River Agency, 75-77; naming of Rawlins, 
75; Bitter Creek Route, 75, 76; Fort Morgan, 75; Fort Halleck, 75; 
Ben Holladay, 75, 76; Sulphur Springs Stage Station, 75; Herman 
Hass, 76; Naming of Whiskey Gap, 76; naming of Lost Soldier 
Creek, 76; Cherokee Indians & trail, 76-77; Arapahoe, Ute & Sioux 
hunting grounds, 77; Maropas Trail, 74; Danforth Hills, 77; H. E. 
Danforth, Ute Indian Agent, 77; agents to White River Agency, 77- 
78; mail carriers between Rawlins and White River agency, 78; dis- 
covery of gold and first mining at Halm's Peak, 78-79; Joseph Halm, 
78-79; Capt. George R, Way, 78-79; William Doyle, 78-79; Naming 
of Halm's Peak & Way's Gulch, 79; Gus Reader, 79; first mining at 
Hahn's Peak, 79-81; William Slater, 79, 80, 81; Biblebaek Brown, 79, 
80, 81; Fort Lyon, 79; naming of Brown's Canyon, 79; Dave Miller, 
80; George Howe, 80; I. C. Miller, 80; W. R. Cogswell, 80; Noah 
Reader and Sons, George, William and Albert, 80; naming of Brown's 
Hill, 81; Will G. Reader, 81. 

Territorial Papers of Wyoming in the National Archives, by W. Turrentine 
Jackson, 16:1:45-55; letters of Wyoming citizens, 45; administration 
of territories rested in the Dept. of State, later in Dept. of Interior, 
45, 46, 47, 48; calendars of papers in Washington Archives relating 
to the Territories of the U. S. to 1873, by David W. Parker, 46, 47; 
Territorial Papers by Dr. Clarence E. Carter (f.n.) 46, Wyoming 
material in State Dept. limited, 46, 47; administration of J. A. Camp- 
bell, 47; in Interior Department Archives, 47-48; administration of 
John M. Thayer, 49; of John W. Hoyt, 49-50; of William Hale, 50- 
51; first administration of Francis E. Warren, 51-52; administration 
of George W. Baxter, 52-53; of Thomas Moonlight, 53-54; second ad- 
ministration of Francis E. Warren, 54; The Penitentiary Papers, 55. 


Thornburg, Major Thomas L., The Meeker Massacre, 16:2:87-145. 

Trenholm, Virginia C, George Mitchell, An Interview at the HE Ranch, Uva, 


Utah Expedition, The, 1857-1858, by Dominic A. Brosnan, 16:1:35-44; D. 
A. Brosnan 's biography, 35; Captain Jesse Augustus Gove, 10th In- 
fantry, U. S. A., 35, 38, 39; biography of, 39, 40, 41, 42; Gove let- 
ters, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42; Fort Bridger, U. T. 35, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43; 
stamps and cancellations, 35, 36, 37, 41, 43; Major Lynde Sullivan, 
36, 37; Otis G. Hammond, 36-42; New Hampshire Historical Society, 
36; Camp Floyd, Utah, 37, 42; International Philatelic Exhibitions, 
38, 42; Camp Scott, Utah Territory, 38; General Johnston, 38, 43; 
Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 38; Russell and Waddell, 39; 
History of Norwich University, 39; Hon. Henry Wilson, 40; Philip 
St. George Cook, Brigadier-General, U. S. A., 40-41; Expeditions 
against Mormons, 41; Army of Utah, 42; "Argus'', in New York 
Herald, 42; photostat from a rare pamphlet, 43; Charles F. Trotter, 
acting first asst., Postmaster General, 44. 

Vanished Frontier, The, by C. P. Arnold, 16:1:57-62; Arnold family migrate 
to Wyo., 57 ; first settlers of Wyoming, 59 ; Back Tracks, poem, 60-61 ; 
Irrigating poem, 61-62. 

Virginian, The, M. Wilson Rankin, 16:1:33; Medicine Bow Hotel named, 
33 ; Owen Wister, 33 ; principal characters of ' ' The Virginian ' ', 33. 


Woman Suffrage, Bill Nye, 16:1:65-70. 

Wyoming Stream Names by Dee Linford, (con't from vol. 15.) 16:1:71- 
74; Popo Agie, 71; Hidatsa Dictionary by Washington Matthews. 71: 
Bull Lake & Bull Lake Creek, 71; Badwater Creek. 71-72: Kirbv 
Creek, 72; No Water, No Wood, Tensleep. Greybull, Meeteetse, Shell. 
White Creeks, 72; Shoshone River (Stinking Water) 72; Carter 
Creek, 72-73; Sunlight Creek, 73; Tongue River, 73; Powder River. 
73-74; Crazy Woman, Teapot, Castle, Clear, Salt, Alkali, Dry. Bitter. 
Red, Spotted Horse, Wildhorse, Rawhide and Wildcat Creeks, 74. 

Wyoming Cattle Quarantine, 1885, by W. Turrentine Jackson. 16:2: 
147-161; Texas fever, 147, (f.n. 46), 152; Splenic or Spanish Fever. 
147; causes of Texas fever. 147 (f.n.): Texas cattle, 148; period of 
disease, 148; quarantine laws, 148; Kansas first state to restrict 
diseased cattle, 148; other states pass quarantine laws. 148; Wyo- 
ming Stock Growers Association. 148. 149, 151. 153. 156. 157. 158. 170; 
Supreme Court decision on quarantine restrictions. 1 S7 7. 148-149; 


veterinarian service in states, 149; Territorial Veterinarian, 149; 
severe fine for offense against quarantine laws, 149; Thomas Sturgis, 
149, 150, 151, 153, 156; association seeks legislative cooperation with 
other states, 149, 150; Reports and Minutes of Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association, 149, (f .n.) ; Congressional legislation for quar- 
antine of pleuro-pneumonia, 150; Bureau of Animal Industry, 151 
pleuropneumonia, 150, (f.n.) 12, 150, 151, 152, 153, 157, 158, 160 
James D. Hopkins, 150, 151, 152, 161; cattle shipments by rail, 151 
cattle losses, 151; revision of Quarantine Laws, 1882, 152; first national 
convention of stockmen, 151 (f.n. 16); Francis E. Warren, 152, 153, 
154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161; Warren's 1885 proclamation, 
152; correspondence 153, (f.n. 23); 50,000 head annually, 152, 161; 
E. S. N. Morgan, 153; Union Pacific R. R., 153-154, 155, 156; ex- 
cerpts from Gov. Warren's letters, 154; stockyards, 155; diseased 
herds, 155, (f.n. 29); C. Jackson, 155, 156; John B. Hunter, 156-157; 
R. J. Oglesby, 156, 157; Henry B. Harrison, 156; Strobridge, 158; 
Andrews, 158; John S. Marmaduke, 158, 159, 160; Missouri officials, 
158, 159; Colonel Robert McCulloch, 159, 160; letters from shippers 
to Gov. Warren, 160, (f.n. 49); J. S. Brisbin, 160; cattle shipped 
into Wyoming from seventeen states, 161; Thomas Moonlight, 161.