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A^^als of Wyoming 

Vol.21 January 1949 No. 1 


Photo by A. E. Carlstrmn 

Published Biannually by 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 


Lester C. Hunt, President 

Arthur G. Crane 

Everett T. Copenhaver 

C. J. "Doc" Rogers 

Edna B. Stolt . Superintendent of Public Instruction 

Mary A. McGrath, Secy State Librarian and Historian Ex Officio 


-Secretary of State 

State Auditor 

State Treasurer 


Mrs. Mary Jester Allen, Cody 
Frank Barrett, Lusk 
George Bible, Rawlins 
Mrs. T. K. Bishop, Basin 
C. Watt Brandon, Kernmerer 
J. Elmer Brock, Kaycee 
Struthers Burt, Moran 
Mrs. Elsa Spear Byron, Sheridan 
Mrs. G. C. Call, Afton 
Oliver J. Colyer, Torrington 
William C. Deming, Cheyenne 
E. A. Gaensslen, Green River 
-Hans Gautschi, Lusk 
Burt Griggs, Buffalo 

Herbert T. Harris, Basin 

D. B. Hilton, Sundance 

Joe Joffe, Yellowstone Park 

Mrs. J. H. Jacobucci, Green River 

P. W. Jenkins, Big Piney 

W. C. Lawrence, Moran 

Mrs. Eliza Lythgoe, Cowley 

A. J. Mokler, Casper 

Charles Oviatt, Sheridan 

Mrs. Minnie Reitz, Wheatland 

Mrs. Effie Shaw, Cody 

John Charles Thompson, Cheyenne 

Russell Thorp, Cheyenne 




Mary A. McGrath, Editor . State Librarian and Historian Ex Officio 
Catherine E. Phelan, Co-Editor Assistant Historian 

Copyright 1949, by the Wyoming Historical Department 


A^^a/s of Wyoming 

Vol. 21 January 1949 No. 1 


The Far West in the '80's . 3 

By John James Fox. 

Kiskadden-Slade 89 

By Perry W. Jenkins. 

Texas Trail Monuments in Wyoming 93 

By Louise Love. 


Texas Trail Monument at Pine Bluffs Cover 

John James Fox 2 

Frank Hadsell 12 

Mrs. Frank Hadsell 44 

Frank Hadsell Ranch 10 

Dedication of Texas Trail Monument at Pine Bluffs 94 

Reverse side of Texas Trail Monument at Pine Bluffs 98 

Printed by 


Cheyenne, Wyoming 

.Tohn James Fox, 1942 

Zke 7ar West in the '80 's 


Edited by T. A. Larson* 

The following account was written by John James Fox, 
1866-1944, who came to Wyoming Territory from England 
in the spring of 1385. He remained in Wyoming until 1887, 
when he returned to England. In the early '90's he came 
to the United States a second time, and settled on a citrus 
ranch in San Diego County, California. Later he spent some 
time in Guadalajara, Mexico, before returning again to 
England. For a time he managed a small sheep ranch in 
Udimore, Sussex, but America called him a third time, and 
this time (1904) he settled in California for good. 

John Fox became a prominent farmer and stock raiser. 
He served on the Horticultural Commission of Napa Count;/ 
for three years, was appraiser for the Federal Land Bank 
for eleven years, and was horticultural editor for various 
farm papers. He wrote a Manual of Rural Appraisement 
which was published by the Pacific Rural Press, San Fran- 
cisco, 1923. 

In Wyoming John Fox worked in 1885 for Frank Had- 
sell, prominent resident of Carbon County, who died in 
1927. Frank Hadsell's son, Kleber, who lives in Rawlins, 
Wyoming, has an account book left by his father, which 
includes the following entries: 

John Fox, 1885 

April 23 overalls 
30 Tobacco 

June 11 cash per 




Commenced work April 1 1th 
June 11 by work $40.00 

June 14 by Gus 3.00 


To check 



John Fox left school in England at the age of fifteen, 
but he continued to educate himself thereafter, particularly 
in the fields of history, literature and music. In the narra- 

*T. A. Larson is Professor and Head of the Department of History 
at the University of Wyoming. For biography see Annals oj Wyo- 
ming, Vol. 14: 1: 5. 


tive which follows Fox has written authentically and en- 
tertainingly of the life in southeastern Wyoming in the 
days of the open range. The story was written in the 1930's, 
about fifty years after the events which Mr. Fox describes. 
In editing the manuscript the punctuation has been simpli- 
fied, but otherwise little change has been found necessary. 
The author's vocabulary was extensive, and he used some 
words which are not in common usage in this country, but 
they are nevertheless used correctly and add color to the 

Three sons of John Fox now live in California. One 
of them, Denis L. Fox, a member of the faculty of the Uni- 
versity of California, turned over his father's manuscript 
to the History Department of the University of Wyoming, 
and authorized its publication. 


The high lights of early experiences stand out in one's 
memory and perhaps become hallowed and idealized by 
time. They are like old port — though covered with cob- 
webs, they improve with age. Rather a mixed metaphor 
that, but let it stand. Nevertheless, those memories are 
valuable because they form the basis of a comparison be- 
tween widely separated periods of time. 

We sailed from Glasgow in February 1885, in a sort 
of hybrid steamer that also carried huge sails; a walloping 
old tub that rolled like a porpoise. I was intent on becom- 
ing a cowboy in the Far West, so was braced to stand any- 
thing. I will pass over the horrors of the journey out on 
a crowded emigrant ship, and the herding of its passengers 
at Castle Garden in New York. These impressions have 
been written elsewhere and are not good reading. How- 
ever, the first sight of the Statue of Liberty stirred me 
deeply, as it must all men of imagination. 

It brings to mind, in a jumbled way, all those events 
of which one has read — the winning of the wilderness from 
the savages by the early pioneers; the war of the revolu- 
tion; the clearing of the forests and the building of cities 
and states; the manumission of slaves, and the still living, 
unbounded freedom of the frontiersmen, the hunters, the 
trappers and the cattlemen of the Far West. 

When we landed in New York it was bitterly cold and 
all the busses and cabs were on runners — a mode of vehicle 
I had never seen before. I could hardly believe that all 
the muddy looking heaps on both sides of the street were 
composed of snow. The mackinaw caps, pulled down over 
the driver's ears, their heavy mackinaw coats, high boots. 


and the bearskin or buffalo robe wraps over their knees, 
made me feel that I was already getting close to the wild 
life of my dreams. 

The policemen on the street corners looked threatening 
or challenging. Coming from the British Isles, where the 
police are not allowed to show their truncheons except in 
emergency, the sight of these men, twirling their business- 
like clubs, made me think that they were looking for 
trouble and that it was imminent. 

My ticket from .New York to Chicago cost only $1.00, 
as there was a railway war going on and the rate cutting 
had reached that ridiculous figure. I liked the nice long 
compartment trains with all their conveniences after the 
wretched little compartments we had in England. Also 
the fact that our baggage was checked, and that we had no 
further concern with it, was wonderful. 

The neat houses built of wood instead of brick or stone 
were a novelty. From the car windows snake fences were 
everywhere visible — fences of split rails, and to think that 
a president of this country had split such rails and built 
such fences. Here was democracy for you! 

Everybody seemed to wear knee-boots — a very novel 
sight. The farmers' boots were of stout cowhide, roughly 
made and with the tabs sticking boldly out of them, while 
the business men's boots were of kid or kip hide and were 
worn beneath the trousers. 

In Chicago, State Street had a cable car system of 
which the city was justly proud. All the other cars were 
either horse or mule drawn. Two years later the whole 
street car system was electrified, horses being used only 
on the outskirts of the city. While there I was astonished 
to hear that a street car had been held up at Dearborn and 
Madison Streets at 10 o'clock in the morning, the passen- 
gers robbed and robbers evaded arrest. After that, when 
walking to my lodgings at night up some of the dark streets, 
I kept a revolver in my coat pocket with my hand on it 
all the time. 

The next thing that shocked me was that a boy had 
been shot down while running away, trying to escape arrest 
for thieving and nothing was done to the policeman who 
shot him. The most amazing thing of all was hearing that 
murderers or other vile criminals, even though caught 
in flagrante delicto, could get out of durance "on bail" if 
they had money or friends to supply it, while witnesses to 
the crime could be held if there was any likelihood of their 

This was quite a blow; but it seemed to explain quite 
clearly why "lynch" law was in evidence in the less civil- 


ized communities and why vigilance committees could be 
organized as I had read of them in San Francisco. For, I 
thought, a vigilance committee's actions show a desire on 
the part of the law-abiding to do their best to make up 
for the slackness v/ith which the law was administered, 
and to render what they considered justice, for the safety 
of their own communities. It was not that the vigilance 
committees were lawless or bloody minded; it was the pal- 
tering with justice by accepted authority that engendered 
"lynch" law. This was driven home to mie later in Wyoming. 


After two weeks spent in Chicago I heard that a big 
cattlemen's convention^ was to be held in Chej^enne and, 
as Wyoming had been my objective, off I went, not knowing 
anything but that I must get work on a cattle ranch. Through 
a friend I had been offered an office job with the C. B. and Q. 
Railroad at fifty-seven dollars a month. Two hundred would 
not have tempted me, with the plains calling. 

I had expected to find Cheyenne City quite a large 
place, for it was known as the wealthiest city in the Far 
West, and doubtless it was. Yet instead of being disap- 
pointed, I was much pleased to find it the cattle metropolis 
of my dreams. The saloons all had wooden platforms in 
front of them, furnished with several chairs, all well braced 
with wires beneath to withstand the constant tilting of 
them by the users. Cow ponies were standing at the hitch- 
ing rails and a few blanket Indians were seen about. The 
whole atmosphere of the town was of cattlemen. I walked 
all around the little berg in an hour. One could stand in 
the center of town and see the prairie all around it. The 
city claimed 7000 inhabitants, but I doubted there could 
be so many as that. 

The streets were uneven and unpaved for the most 
part and the sidewalks, where there were any, were wooden. 
Quite a number of men had long hair and beards or large 
moustaches. The chaps of most of the cowboys were fringed 
at the sides and one saw a few fringed buckskin shirts, 
though these were mostly of blue serge or black sateen or 
moleskin. Bright colored silk or bandana handkerchiefs 
were worn round the neck in loose fashion, sometimes two 
or even three of different colors. Most of the hats were 
wide brimmed Stetsons or "billycocks" and many of the 
men were armed with business-like heavy revolvers. 

■"This was evidently the spring meeting of the Wj^oming Stock 
Growers Association. 


The finest store in Cheyenne was the saddler's. Besides 
an enormous array of saddles, bridles, riatas, whips, quirts 
and light and heavy harness, it had a fine long show case 
containing bits, spurs and ornamental martingales, all gay 
with silver conchas or brass letters. This shop was the 
rendezvous and the haunt of cowboys. A huge stove stood 
in the middle of the store with chairs set around it and 
boxes of sawdust for the convenience of tobacco chewers. 
On the show case was a large sign, "Wanted 50 cowboys to 
lean on this case." It was quite effectual and the case was 

The very first thing I did in Cheyenne was to buy a 
blue flannel shirt, a pair of blue jeans overalls (usually 
pronounced "overhauls"), a stiff brimmed cavalry hat and 
cowboy boots. I had arrived there wearing a new brown 
Derby or bowler, a white collar, English riding breeches 
and leggings (box leggings) and had never attracted so 
much attention in my life. After the change, the :naen 
where I boarded were not only approachable but "friendly. 
They pointed out different men at the hotels who were 
cattle kings. A young fellow who had come out on the 
train with me let the boys know that his father was a 
Chicago alderman. 

"Oh! Then he is a saloonkeeper, isn't he?" said one of 
the boys. 

The young man said, "Yes." 

"I knew it," returned his questioner, looking round at 
the group. "Chicago is ruled by a board of aldermen and 
they are all saloonkeepers. It is policed by ward-heelers 
and strong-arm men and the folks have got to vote as they 
are ordered to. The greatest center for crooks and grafters 
the world has ever seen." 

"They're not all saloonmen on the board of alderman," 
said the youth, reddening. 

"Is that so?" asked the cowboy banteringly. "Which 
one ain't?" 

"I guess a saloonman is just as respectable as anyone 
else, ain't he?" said the youth in defense of his father. 
"My old man runs a clean joint; he don't run no dive." 

"Sure a saloonman's respectable, kid. Wish my old 
man was one 'stead o' bein' a trapper. Then I could go in 
and rinse me mouth out any time I wanted to 'thout havin' 
to worry about the price." 

I drifted out and after trying several men, I was finally 
hired by Frank Hadsell, a horseman from Elk Mountain, 
at the Medicine Bow emigrant crossing. We left on the 
midnight train and drew into the little town of Carbon 
just at dawn. 


The depot was a short distance from the town and we 
had to thread our way round pits and sunken areas, where 
mine cave-ins had caused a subsidence at the surface. 

Carbon was a little coal mining and cow town-, con- 
sisting of one main street and a few beginnings of laterals. 
It lay then along the main track of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road. There were a few frame houses, but many were 
built of logs. There were also som.e dug-outs on the hill 
sides, faced up in front with logs or lum.ber and roofed 
with poles and sods. The railroad depot had originally 
been right in front of the general store and Johnny Conner's 
saloon, which stood some 40 yards back. But it had been 
found practically impossible to keep the cowboys xrom 
shooting at every new notice that appeared on its walls. 
The raw-hide bottomed chairs were always on the saloon 
platform in good weather and idle guns had to have practice. 

The occasional shooting made the telegraph operator, 
who was also train dispatcher, freight clerk and general 
factotum, nervous; and, after several of them had suc- 
cessively resigned for the same reason, the district super- 
intendent had the little depot hoisted on to flat-cars and 
moved outside of town. 

The first little incident that thrilled me as we entered 
its precincts at daylight was the sight of a cowboy and a 
girl dashing down the street on horses, yelling, the man 
firing several shots in the air. He was evidently well 
■'lit up" and the noisy female rode astride her pony, her 
long hair streaming behind her. She had on nothing but 
a cheniise: 

To a very green young man, born and raised in the 
sleepiest, most conservative little country town in Wessex, 
this was Life with a capital L. How my eminently re- 
spectable Victorian training leapt to meet it. I would fain 
have "whooped" too. The man was a very decent sort, 
whom I met and worked with later. The woman was, of 
course, an "entertainer." 

At the hotel I met a Dr. R.,-^ who was an Englishman. 
He was the only surgeon in the district and was regarded 
Math the utmost respect, especially by the miners. I sup- 
pose that he was typical of the frontier doctor of the 
period. His manners were gruff, to put it mildly, and his 

-In his longhand first draft Fox included the following com- 
ment: ''I have said that Carbon was a cow town and so it was. 
But it was also a mining town and the coal miners were half 
Finlanders and about half Cornishmen so there were two saloons, 
naturally, and the Finns kept to themselves." 

3This may refer to Dr. Ricketts who was in Carbon County 
at the time. 


English accent lent distinction to his choice assortment of 
purely American oaths. He was at times a bit reckless at 
the card tables. I describe him because he was a very 
important member of the community, and seemed to fit in 
with frontier life without seeming out of place. 

Of course he had a good permanent practice. I under- 
stood that he was paid fifty cents a month by each of the 
miners, which sum ensured them medical attention without 
further charges. His two-room log cabin was near the 
main adit of the coal mine, down towards the depot, so 
that an injured miner could be landed on his platform 
from the handcar. The front room was his surgerj^ and 
the back his bedroom. He took his meals at the hotel, 
being a bachelor. 

One morning the doctor had just retired to rest, having 
spent the night in a poker game, and two men banged at 
his door, just as he had dropped off to sleep, about six a. m. 
One of them unwrapped his injured hand, which was still 
bleeding, and holding it up for inspection, said "Tore it on 
a rusty nail on the handcar, doctor! I was afraid it might 

The doctor looked at the hand and was furious. He 
stepped nimbly out, clad only in his underclothes, and with 
one punch on the jaw he knocked the "patient" off the 
platform, clear across the little track, saying, "There now! 
If you ever come and wake me up in the middle of the night 
again for a scratch like that, I'll kill you. Put some more 
turpentine on it and come back at ten o'clock!" 

"I treat 'em rough and make 'em like it. That's the 
sort of a hairpin I am," said the doctor. "Once let those 
miners think you're soft and they'd be bothering you for 
attention all the time on the slightest pretext. What do the 
blighters expect for fifty cents a month — a hospital cot? 
They know that some of them have to look at my knives 
and lancets every week and they are going to take no 
chances with me. No know'ns when their turn will come 
and how do they know but what I might cut an extra chunk 
out of 'em for revenge if they rile me? Always a good thing 
for a 'medic' to stand on his dignity with such a crowd. 
Keep 'em guessing, darn 'em. The shorter and sterner you 
are with them the better they obey orders about keeping 
their dressings clean." 

Dignity and a short arm punch on the jaw! More 
power to his elbow. 

"Doc" was a public spirited man who did not believe 
in hiding his light under a bushel. A woman sharpshooter 
came to the town one day and gave an exhibition at the 
"Opera House," which was a long barn-like structure with 




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a dirt floor. I think it was built of logs. It had a seating 
accommodation for about two hundred if the benches were 
set close together. The footlights were small flat lamps. 

After the usual exhibition of shooting out the flame of 
a candle, of smashing a potato swinging on a string, and 
putting out the candle behind it with one shot, and shooting 
objects from all angles, she asked for a volunteer to step 
up onto the stage and have a potato shot from off his head, 
called the William Tell act. "Doc" immediately hopped 
up and submitted himself for the stunt, refusing to allow 
his eyes to be bandaged and promising not to duck. 

These incidents are small sidelights on his character. 
He "drank his whiskey straight," as the saying went, and 
I suppose that other men were attracted to him as I was. 
For there was a doctor of medicine, a man of great 
learning, whose hands held the keys of life or death, a man 
who knew all there was to know about human ailments 
and how to cope with them. That he should condescend 
to risk his life on a bet seemed nothing short of foolhardy 
to me. Yet I saw him bet a man flve dollars that he couldn't 
shoot the ash off his cigar at twelve paces. The man had 
bragged that he could, after seeing the woman at the Opera 
House shoot. I saw him stand in the doorway of the saloon 
and stick his whole face out, while the gun wielder took 
up his station at the corner of the building outside. After 
throwing the revolver round his flnger half a dozen times, 
the "expert" fired and smashed the cigar. 

Instantly "Doc" dashed out of the doorway like a de- 
lighted schoolboy, holding out his hand and saying, "You 
smashed the cigar and you lost. See, come on now! Ante 
up the five bucks and look pleasant about it. You said 
the ash.'" 

The bet was paid and as quickly spent over the bar. 
Who could help liking a man like that, even if he did lack 
"the bedside manner?" 


Hadsell's foreman met us at Carbon with the spring 
wagon and a lively team, but there seemed to be a lot of 
shopping and pottering about to do. so we did not start 
for the ranch 'til the afternoon. The ranch was situated 
on the Medicine Bow River on one side of the old emigrant 
toll bridge, and the Elk Mountain post office was on ihe 
opposite side. Besides being the postal center for the Elk 
Mountain district, it was the general store, boarding house 

Frank Hadsell 


for travelers, saloon and livery barn. The owner^ also 
had a large bunch of brood mares, besides a stable of stal- 
lions. The whole area of land, from Carbon out to the 
ranch, was either government land or (every alternate 
section from the railroad, for 10 miles"') belonging to the 
Union Pacific. There was not a single ranch taken up 
between Elk Mountain post office and the edge of the 
Laramie plains on the old trail, except the Hashknife. That 
was, I think, about 25 miles. 

There was a good deal of snow on the ground when 
we arrived in the afternoon and, after depositing my dun- 
nage on an unoccupied bunk in the bunkhouse. I was imme- 
diately put to work on some harness and gear in the barn. 
It was nearly dark when I went across to the bunkhouse. 
The other men were already inside and had a fire going. 

It was a long log building v/ith bunks ranged along on 
both sides of it. The furniture consisted of half a dozen 
rawhide seated chairs, a rough deal table and a couple of 
hanging lamps. A large homemade stone fireplace occu- 
pied one end of the room. 

I heard the boys laughing and talking hilariously, but, 
as I kicked my boots against the lintel to knock the snow 
off, the laughter suddenly ceased and a few remarks were 
made in a low voice. "Here is where you are due for some 
sort of practical joke," I said to myself, and made ready 
to meet it without getting rattled. 

The boys were gathered in a semi-circle round the 
hearth, where a cheerful blazing fire was lighting up the 
whole scene. I noticed my smart little brown Derby had 
been dented in at the crown so as to make it stand up and 
that it was being used as a smoker's and tobacco chewer's 

The foreman sat in the middle, tilted back in his chair. 
He looked up at me sideways with a quizzical grin, as much 
as to say, "Well, Mr. Freshman, and what are you going to 
do about it?" 

So I said "Well, gentlemen, since that used to be my 
property I suppose you have no objection to my contrib- 

"Help yourself, kid! Help yourself!" he broke in, with 
a gesture of both hands toward the little bowler, after 
taking a shot at it, and joining in the general laughter, as 
I tossed a cigaret butt into the despised headgear. 

"Tell you what that reminds me of," I said quickly and 
managed to get off the story of a schoolboy prank. This 

4Johnny Jones (J. S. Jones) according to the longhand manu- 

^'This should read 20 miles. 


kept their little joke within due bounds, kept it from string- 
ing out, so to speak. 

Somehow this small incident seemed to establish me 
on a friendly footing with the boys at once, an intimacy 
that was never lost or abused. It was unwise of me to 
take that stupid little hat into the cow country, though it 
served a useful end. It had cost me seven and sixpence in 
Glasgow less than six weeks before and seven and six is 
seven and six, Scotchman or no Scotchman. 

Frank Hadsell was very good company. He was a tall, 
lean, wiry man, full of exuberant life and high spirits, 
which shone from his dark blue eyes. How they sparkled 
as he recounted some story or event in the legislature'' 
or an extra good yarn that he had heard. The dinner 
table was always very much alive when Hadsell was 
present. He was only thirty-three years old and had al- 
ready established himself in a business worth probably 
$30,000, off his own bat, so to speak. 

He was intensely interested in English stories and in 
English life, but was essentially a man of the West, though 
he was born in Massachusetts, in the Berkshire Hills. The 
Hadsell homestead there, still in the family's name, was 
acquired from the Crown of England, so it is natural that 
Frank should be interested in the stock from which his 
family sprang. 

One night at the table, on my remarking that none of 
the ranches I had seen had locks on their doors but only 
latches, he said, "Ah! Wyoming is the safest, most law- 
abiding territory in the Union, probably in the world. 
Think of it. We have no penitentiary, no police and only 
five men have been hanged in the whole history of the 
territory since it was formed, seventeen years ago!" 

This impressed me very deeply for I felt that he was 
telling me the truth. However, during that spring several 
bunches of cattle rustlers and horse thieves were captured 
and disposed of summarily. This seemed to demand some 
sort of explanation,, so I asked Frank one evening, "How 
is this? You told m.e that only five men had been hanged 
in the whole history of the territory, yet about fourteen 
men have been hanged, if all accounts are true, between 
the Chugwater and Jackson's Hole and around the Black 
Hills. How about it?" 

"Oh, well!" he replied, "they were rustlers. We make 
no record of them. If we did not take prompt measures 
to punish such vermin as they, none of us would be safe. 

^'Hadsell was elected to the Council of the Territorial Legis- 
lature in 1886 and served in the Assembly in 1888. 


Here everyone's cattle and horses range together at large 
on these wild lands. Everything that we own is invested 
in livestock. We have no police and no patrol but we 
have to see that our brands are respected, and since there 
is nobody else to do it we have to do it ourselves, though 
I have never had to be in on a hanging. You HAVE to 
hang rustlers. It's a ground-hog case!" 

"Yes, but," I persisted, "why don't they get a trial?" 

"They do," he responded. 

"Yes, but trial by 'lynch' law is pretty nearly a fore- 
gone conclusion, isn't it?" 

"It's all right. It works," he said shortly. "It makes 
our frontier civilization safe and it's fair. Besides, you're 
new and don't know what our law courts are. If we gave 
all the rustlers a trial in court, it would cost more than 
our herds are worth and then maybe half of them would 
get off. The few taxpayers there are in the territory 
couldn't stand it. The rustlers could put up enough money 
to hang up a case interminably, and finally they would 
get off, probably on some error, appeal, insufficient evidence 
or something like that and start all over again. When 
we hang them they're done, and it discourages others from 
shooting our cows and misbranding our calves." 

"But what about those five that you said v/ere legally 
hanged?" I was seeking enlightenment. 

"Oh! they were just plain skunks, murderers. We had 
to put them through, though it cost the taxpayers a heap 
of money," said Frank thoughtfully. "There isn't such 
strong feeling about a miurderer, unless the victim happens 
to be a popular fellow with lots of friends. Then the trial 
don't take long." 

"But you said there was no Territorial Penitentiary." 

"Ah, There you are," said Frank quickly. "It's a darn 
sight cheaper, when taxpayers are few and money scarce, 
for a criminal to be dead than for us to have to board him 
out in Illinois or Colorado.' It costs over six hundred 
dollars a year to board out a convict in addition to the costs 
of the trial, and the population of Wyoming is only about 
25,000 today, including Indians." 

I waited. 

"But the main thing is," he went on, "that prompt and 
stern justice discourages the low-down, no-'count loafers 
from interfering with our brands. Besides, our homes are 
safe, our women folks are dead safe, no matter where they 

'A few federal prisoners were kept in Laramie, but generally 
other prisoners were sent to Joliet until the State Penitentiary 
at Rawlins was completed in 1898. 


go, and our taxes are reasonable. Isn't that better than 
playing with a criminal, like they do in more 'civilized' 
countries, and then living in a state of fear and suspense 
all the time? It sure is. Why the criminal element would 
swamp us in no time. If we didn't make short work of 
'em they'd swarm in here. As it is they keep awaj^ — those 
who have any regard for their health," he added pleasantly. 

This conversation was very enlightening to me and 
the words sank in. I had glimpsed the citizen's point of 
view and the taxpayers' point of view, and to this day I 
cannot see how they could do other than they did with the 
vermin who drove off their stock. Instead of shooting them 
on sight thej^ were at least given a decorous hearing. 

It was again demonstrated that '"Justice is swift" if it 
is to be efficacious and that the sacredness of life and prop- 
erty were best secured by a virile community whose ideals 
were high. 

No sob-sisters in Wyoming. Neither did I ever hear a 
case of assault against a woman or a girl. An assaulter 
would assuredly have met with short shrift at the hands 
of the nearest man. And these safe conditions prevailed 
right in the old Sioux hunting grounds, only nine years 
after the Custer Massacre. 


"Here comes old Stonewall Jackson," Frank said one 
day, as a fierce looking old wreck of a man passed along on 
a deplorable old grey cayuse. He wore an old gre\^ billy- 
cock hat that was full of holes; his grey hair was long and 
shaggy, coming down over his collar; and his unkempt 
grey beard stuck out every which way. Though worn and 
bent, he still looked fierce and untamed. 

"How do, Stonewall!" Frank hailed, as the old man 

The old man glared round, gave a curt nod, thum_ped 
his pony with his heels and said, "Gid up!" 

"The old rip hasn't very much use for me," said Frank. 
"I hired him once but had to let him out directl3^ He's too 
dirty and ornery for anything." 

"But," I said, amazed, "I thought 'Stonewall' Jackson 
was a very celebrated Confederate General. Surely that 
old ruin — " 

"No relation, kid. This old bird got the nickname prob- 
ably because he is so fond of Stonewall whiskey. No, this 
old boy has had a very hard life, including a year in Ander- 
sonville prison during the war. And to do him justice, he 


doesn't know the name of fear, even if he is an old whiskey 
soak." And Frank told me of the time he had hired him 
in Cheyenne. 

They were to go out on the midnight train, and Frank, 
knowing old Jackson's weakness, had hunted around town 
for him about eight o'clock in the evening. But none of 
the saloons yielded any knowledge of him. So Frank went 
to the jail and sure enough the sheriff had an old drunk 
answering the description. Frank went in and identitied 
him as he lay asleep and asked the sheriff to let him out 
and see that he got down to the train at midnight, as it was 
hard to get another cook in town. This the sheriff agreed 
to do. 

Then Frank said, "Listen, Larry, "^ just throw a scare 
into the old stiff when you let him out. I don't want him 
to come back again." 

Larry said afterwards to Frank, "Say, Frank, that was 
a nice trick to play on me, telling me to throw a scare into 
old Jackson." 

"What did he say? Did he make a pass at you?" 

"Why!" said Larry, "I said, when I let him out, 'Now 
look here, old man, I'm letting you off to catch that train 
because Hadsell's a friend of mine, but if I ever catch you 
in this town again, I'll give you sixty days on the stone pile'." 

"How'd he take that?" Frank asked. 

"How'd he take it! He looked me up and down as 
insulting as ever a man looked; then he spat savagely on 
the ground snd said, 'The hell you will! Say, Whiskers, 
are you king of Cheyenne? YOU'LL give me sixty days 
on the stone pile. Why you cocked-up bonehead, you got 
no right to turn me loose. Where's your papers, eh? Where's 
yer papers? You're a-breakin' the law to turn me loose, 
ye dum-gusted turnkey'." 

"And then," said Larry, "he cussed me till he got out 
of sight." 

One night that spring the old man cam^e past the 
ranch on his mustang after we had all gone to bed. At 
that time Hadsell's house and the old log bunkhouse were 
adjoining. We heard the old man singing as he came over 
the bridge and he stopped his horse as he was opposite and 
began hurling the most offensive abuse at Hadsell. 

We boys were chuckling away inside, wondering what 
Frank would do. He finally got out of bed and went to 

^In his longhand first draft Fox wrote that he thought the 
sheriff's name was Larry Fee. The Wyoming Historical Blue Book, 
however, lists no Larry Fee as Laramie County sheriff, but does 
list a Lawrence Fee as unsuccessful candidate for Constable in 
the City of Laramie in 1884. 


the door with a lantern in his hand and said, "That's about 
enough now, Stonewall. You're not so drunk but that you 
know what you're doing. There's women folks in here can 
?iear you — ain't ye shamed? Now you beat it or I'll take 
a shot at you." 

"Bing," came a bullet from the old man's Colt and hit 
the logs close to Hadsell's head. The light vanished sud- 
denly and Hadsell retired, while Stonewall, after another 
terrible tirade, as a sort of paean of victory, rode off singing 
his old song in a maudlin quaver, "When you and I were 
young, Maggie," or som.ething like it. 

The next year Stonewall was cook for the "Quarter 
Circle F" outfit on the beef roundup. The outfit had 
camped at a deserted log house, and when the boys came 
in for dinner about eleven o'clock nothing was prepared. 
Stonewall had found a large bottle of spirits of camphor 
(I think it was) and was in no condition to do anything. 

The foreman said, reproachfully, "Now Stonewall! Ain't 
you the no 'count old stiff. Here's all the boys hungry and 
expectin' a meal, a good hot dinner, and you've throwed 
'em down." 

"Now ain't that too bad!" said Stonewall, beginning 
to weep and weaving to and fro on the ground. 

"Oh, well!" said the foreman, "you better go in and 
sleep it off and then you can go and roll your blankets (the 
sign of dismissal) ; I'll attend to the dinner myself." 

"All right, Ed, all right," sobbed the old man, "Poor 
boys! poor boys! an' I throwed 'em down. They relied on 
me an' I done throwed 'em down. Won't you brew me a 
cup o' tea, Ed? I do want a cup o' tea right bad." 

So Ed had to sling up a meal for the men himself and 
then took some tea to the old man, who appeared about 
four o'clock with his blankets rolled and his old cayuse 
saddled. He went away a picture of penitent misery. And 
well he might, for the boys said nothing, which must have 
hurt him more than a volley of reproof. 

One more incident may be of interest and serve to set 
off the redeeming qualities of this remarkable old wreck. 
He had a quarter section of land (160 acres) that he called 
his "Home" because it had a log cabin on it, with a lean-to 
shed for his horse. The whole was surrounded by a lodge- 
pole corral. 

On going home after he had been fired by the "Quarter 
Circle F" he found there a pair of escaped convicts from 
Colorado, both weak from starvation and exposure. Poor 
old Stonewall had nothing in his provision bag but a little 
flour, bacon, lard and beans, and here were some men in 


distress. So he took his rifle and went out and killed a 
range steer. 

According to his story he kept those two convicts at 
his cabin for a couple of days and fed them up. Then he 
gave them an old blanket and all the cooked meat they 
could carry, advising them to try to climb a freight train 
at Lookout. 

Stonewall had no more sense than to hang the green 
hide of the slain steer on his corral fence with the brand 
showing plainly, and one of the boys going by a little later 
spotted it and reported it to the owner. A couple of boys 
were sent to investigate and they brought Stonewall down 
to the cross-roads, while word went around that a rustler 
had been caught. This was interesting and quite a number 
of men assembled to attend the "trial." 

The old man told his story and was so earnest, aggres- 
sive and vituperative in the examination and cross-examina- 
tion that the assembled punchers were in a constant giggle. 
Stonewall did not like that. He was solemnly sentenced 
to death for cattle stealing. His arms were pinioned, a 
lariat placed round his neck and thrown over the limb of 
a Cottonwood tree and he was stood on a barrel. 

The judge then solemnly said, "Stonewall Jackson- 
Have you anything to say before sentence of this court is 

"YES! By the iumped-up jiminy crickets, I have!" the 

old man bellowed. "You— " and he let out the 

most terrible stream of invective and insulting epithets 
it is possible to conceive, his eyes burning with anger. 

"WELL! If that's all you got to say, we may as well 
go ahead. Kick away the barrel. Bill Hickman," said the 

The old man turned quickly to Bill Hickman and said, 
"You dasn't to kick away that barrel, Bill Hickman, I bet 
you two and a half you dasn't to kick it away." And it was 
Bill's turn to be consigned to perdition. 

After the laughter of the crowd had subsided following 
this sally, the owner of the slain steer said, "Stonewall! If 
we let you off this time, will you promise never to kill 
another range steer?" 

"I will not!" bawled the old man. "Them convicts was 
starvin', haven't I been atelling ye, an' I had nothin' to 
feed 'em. If a starvin' man comes to my house an' I'm 
broke, I'd kill another o' yer durned steers, by G — ! Why, 
what d'ye take me fur? Which is worth more — a human 
or a critter? Ye lunk-head!" 


''Well," said the owner, "if we let ye off this time, will 
ye come over to my ranch and work out the price o' that 

"Yes, I can do that much," he replied. 

So Stonewall was untied and stepped down from the 
barrel. He walked through the group with an air of injured 
innocence. On his way to the barn to get his old mustang 
he would stop every ten yards or so to hurl insults at all 
and sundry of the crowd, while tears of anger rolled down 
his cheeks. 

He never did work out that steer though — the old rip. 


Wyoming in the early '80's was part of that frontier of 
civilization known in eastern America as the "Far West." 
It was a very new territory with very few settlers, con- 
sidering its area. Most of the vast area of the plains and 
mountains was government land. Comparatively few women 
were to be found in the territory, outside the towns (I 
heard at the time that the ratio was one woman to thirty 
men), and there were practically no old people. Pioneer 
stock has to be young, healthy, inured to hardship and 
prepared to meet any conditions of privation, weather and 

It did not take me long to learn that toleration and 
consideration were qualities that were necessary. They 
were engendered by the interdependence of this sparsely 
settled country. The man whose behavior was offensive 
or the man who always carried a chip on his shoulder found 
himself isolated. He was left alone. He had to leave the 
country or win back again by mending his ways. The 
thing was automatic — spontaneous, not calculated. A de- 
liberate complainer was, I believe, an anomaly amongst 
the pioneers. 

These papers are by no means chronological. Such 
events as are set down here will allow the reader to judge 
for himself what manner of people are those described. 

I was in the general store at Carbon one day to make 
some purchases, and a man called "Riley" was with me. 
I do not know what his real name was, but one of his eyes 
was a "blank;" so he was named after the hero of a ribald 
song of the period, called One-eyed Riley. 

While we were standing about waiting for our pur- 
chases to be put up, a smart, nice looking girl walked b}" 
and nodding, said, "Hello, Riley!" 


He touched his hat with his finger in salute and said 
"Hello, Mary!" Then, as she passed on with a large parcel 
under her arm, he called after her, "How's Pearl, Mary?" 

The girl's eyes were moist as she looked down and 
rubbed a knot in the floor board with her toe. "That's 
what brought me over here today, to get this cheese cloth 
for her," indicating the parcel. 

"Well," said Riley, "We all got to go sometime, I guess 
an' you girls been mighty good to little 'Sore-eyed Pearl'." 

"And why wouldn't we?" she flared. "I bet every one 
of us saw ourselves a-lyin' there where Pearly is — in our 
minds. Man! She rotted to death!" And Mary sniffed 
hard, and turned to go. 

"Hold on a minute, Mary. What about a fiver towards 
funeral expenses or flowers or sump'n? I'd like to be in 
on this." 

"Well now, that's man's talk, Riley. Flowers it is," said 
Mary, as she held out her hand for the five dollar gold 
piece. "She wanted a church funeral., Pearly did. And she's 
goin' to get it too, for we got the priest over from Laramie 
and he give her absolution before she passed out yesterday." 

"Fine," said Riley. "My regards to the girls." This 
time he raised his hat as the girl left us. She tied the parcel 
on to the back of her saddle and went off out of town in a 
cloud of dust. 

"Who's that girl?" I asked Riley, innocently, for it was 
hard to believe that this gentle voiced, distressed girl was 
anything but decent. 

"Why, she's just one o' the bunch over at Number Five," 
said Riley. 

"Was this Pearl her sister or a relative?" 

"Nope. Just one o' the bunch. When she got real sick, 
they give her a cabin to herself and fixed it up nice and 
they've alv/ays took turns to wait on her and give her the 
news. Most o' them girls is pretty good-hearted to a down- 

"Funny things, women," he continued. "I asked Pearl 
how she was a-gettin' on a few weeks ago, when I was over 
there. She was behind a screen 'cos she didn't like nobody 
to see her face, the girls said. But her laugh was a fright, 
like scratchin' on a winderpane with a rusty nail. It give 
m.e the shivers. An' yet she said that she was happier than 
ever she was in her life — and her dyin'." 

"How old was she, Riley?" 

"Probabl}^ 'bout twenty-five, should cal'late." 

How surprised Riley would have been if he had known 
my thoughts. Christ and the Magdalen. And the thought 
that a despised woman of the town, dying of a loathsome 


disease, was given happiness at her end by the conscious- 
ness of the friendship and care of her companions in 

"Come on, kid. Let's go down to Johnny Connor's and 
I'll throw you 'horses' for the drinks, 'fore we have dinner," 
said Riley, as we gathered up our purchases and put them 
in a sack. 


Hadsell had a foreman bj^ the name of Jeff Groves, who 
was also his chief handler of bad horses — -the "Bronco- 
buster." He had been sent over into eastern Oregon to 
bring back a bunch of cayuse mares that Hadsell had bought 
cheap and had returned very tired and out of humor after 
the long and arduous trip. 

In Jeff's string of saddle horses was one tough little 
brute — a splendid cow pony, with feet of iron; an animal 
that was never sick nor sorry, but with a most evil dispo- 
sition. He could buck half a minute longer than any other 
horse on the ranch, and half a minute is an awful long 
period to the rider at such a time. 

But it w&s when handling the critter at saddling lime 
that he bluffed everyone. He was a wicked biter and as 
quick to strike with a forefoot as he was to squirm around 
and try a blow with his heel. And so nobody but Jefi 
wanted him. In wickedness he was unbelievable, bu: he 
was also indestructible. 

Jeff had ridden him every day on the Oregon Trail 
in order to subdue the devil in him, with indifferent success. 
The pony was standing alone in the big branding corral 
one day, idly switching the flies with his tail and looking 
the picture of innocent strength and contentment, when an 
emigrant, whose saddle pony had gone lame, happened 
along with his covered wagon. 

Now every emigrant that crossed the plains had to 
have at least one or two saddle horses. The\^ were needed 
for rounding up the work oxen mornings or for looking 
for good camp sites and water. The man whose pony had 
gone lame was getting tired of having to round up his ani- 
mals every morning afoot. It was dangerous too, if there 
were any range cattle about, for a man to be afoot. So he 
called at our ranch to try and trade for another saddler. 

Hadsell took him out to the corral and showed him 
Jeff's "lamb." Here the two men sat, on the top rail of the 
big corral and whittled. The emigrant regaled Frank with 
an account of his arduous days through the mountains, 
while his listener replied with a long and detailed story 


of the difficulties yet in store for him, which might be 
epitomized as "The worst is yet to come." 

"The further you go north," said Hadsell, "the more 
you have to rely on a good saddle horse, an animal in whose 
powers of endurance you can absolutely rely. Man, your 
very lives may depend on it when you get over to Wind 
River. The Shoshones are masters at driving off stock — 
good work stock — maybe many miles in a single night. And 
without a cow pony, a good one, mind you, what can you 
do? You're stuck." 

"Now, that sturdy little mustang there," he continued, 
"has just come over the trail with a cavy from eastern 
Oregon, the very road through Boise City that you will 
take going to Washington. My man says that he rode him 
four or five hours every day on that trip. He's tough as 
pinwire, quick as a cat and knows his business, either 
roping, herding, or cut out work. And bitted! He'll turn 
on a dime with a packthread." 

"Well, what d'ye want to sell him fer, then?" said the 

"WANT to sell him! Do tell, didn't you come to me 
and ask me to help you out? I got three carloads of 'made' 
horses going to Nebraska next week. I shall have them 
in off the range tomorrow, if you want to wait over. I'll 
let you have the pick of them for the same price as I'm offer- 
ing you this buckskin. They're all colts, but have all been 
ridden several times." 

"I dunno about waitin' over," began the emigrant, 

"Hello!" said Hadsell, raising his voice a little for Jeff's 
benefit. "Here's my man coming now. He's the fellow that 
rode this horse over the Oregon Trail." 

Jeff came sauntering up to the corral, rolUng a cigaret 
and supposed that Hadsell was enlarging on the demoniac 
qualities of the buckskin. When he came up, Hadsell intro- 
duced him to the emigrant and he climbed up and roosted 
between them. 

"Young man," the emigrant said, turning to Jeff, "I 
understand that you rode this horse down from eastern 
Oregon — all the way — is that right?" 

"Sure is," said Jeff, shortly. He was probably a bit 
nettled at being addressed as "young man." It was a new 
experience for him to be patronized. 

"He must be a tough bit o' stuff to stand that," remarked 
the emigrant. 

" 'Tough' is right," Jeff replied, looking at Hadsell for 
an answering grin to his own, which was not forthcoming. 


"Then he is really a pretty good saddle-horse, eh?" the 
Kansan persisted. 

"Bet your sweet life he's a good saddle horse," said 
Jeff, disgustedly, "an' I'll bet you two an' a half that YOU 
can't ride him or saddle him." 

As the emigrant's covered wagon disappeared, trailing 
a lame saddle pony, Jeff was repeating in extenuation, 
"But, billyell! Frank, I never dreamed as you was tryin' 
to sell him that hellion! I thought you was paintin' the 
little pie-biter a gleamin' red, so's to make his fishy eves 

At the bunkhouse Frank told us the whole story just 
about as it is set forth here, while Jeff looked sheepish. 
Then he said, "Well boys, the drinks are on me AND Jeff. 
Let's go across the bridge." 

For a long time thereafter, whenever Jeff put in an 
appearance, somebody would shout, "Hello, here he comes! 
The deal is off." But it would have been out of place for a 
stranger or a new acquaintance to have made the remark. 


At my first dance at the Elk Mountain schoolhouse, the 
boys up at the "UL" prevailed on me to attend, dressed as 
a girl. I was only nineteen years old and my face was 
innocent of hair. Mrs. Jones at the store promised to lend 
me a white skirt trimmed with lace, a Dolly Varden hat 
(that tied under the chin with ribbons), with a fringe of 
hair sewed into it, and a nice turkey red Mother Hubbard 
dress, as the basques worn then would have been quite out 
of the question for a man devoid of hips. There were so 
few women about to liven things up that it seemed to me 
to be quite a brilliant idea. I was strong for it by the time 
we got things going. 

Mrs. Jones entered into the spirit of the thing and 
brought out the largest pair of corsets to be tound in the 
store and a fine pair of cotton stockings, all brightl}^ striped. 
I wore my English riding breeches for "undies." The white 
skirt was a bit too small around the waist, so she tied a 
piece of string to the button-hole and looped it over the 
button. Trust an American woman for resourcefulness, 
even though her judgment in some things be a little shaky. 

The Mother Hubbard dress was a gorgeous affair of 
Turkey red, a red that warmed up the whole atmosphere, 
and Mrs. Jones made a sash for it for my more or less dainty 
jimp waist. I had, by good luck, a pair of English dancing 
pumps, and when the Dolly Varden hat was tied on with 


ribbons beneath my chin and a frizzy fringe of hair covered 
my forehead, Mrs. Jones gave me a kiss, to the huge dehght 
of the boys who stood around making remarks. She said 
that I looked too sweet for any use and that she expected 
me to prance around "like a heifer with the warbles" and 
she would chaperone me. 

I had to ride side-saddle down to the schoolhouse, as 
was the custom with women then. The little snubhorn 
on my stock saddle was very comfortless on that wild ride, 
as we went lickety-split over the rocks and sagebrush. 
The modern woman has much to be thankful for, even if 
she has discarded much of her fascinating mystery for 
frank display. 

I went in on the arm of Dexter Jones and was intro- 
duced to some people I did not know as Miss Ferguson from 
Scotland. I endeavored to be very gracious, not to say 
condescending, and really succeeded to taking in one or 
two people for a few minutes. It was a pity that the flour- 
ing of my nose had been forgotten, as it had peeled from 
exposure to the sun and wind and Dexter said it looked 
like a "grog-blossom." I strode along thoughtlessly with 
a cowboy's lurching stride, till Dex admonished me, "Step 
short, man! Step short and dainty, for crime sakes." 

One young lady, the daughter of a large stock rancher, 
had just returned from an Eastern "Finishing School," 
where culture was dispensed; and, as Dexter said, she "put 
on more airs than a stud-horse" to show her aloofness. 
When I was presented she looked at me coldly but curiously 
and gave a stiff little salutation — not even a simper. I do 
not know if she was waiting for somebody that failed to 
show up, but she refused all offers of partners for the 
Lancers and, as it happened, she was seated just behind me 
after the announcer had shouted "EV'RYBODY GET YOUR 
COUPLE RIGHT AND LEFT!" The fiddle struck up the 
Arkansas Traveler — a dandy air for a square dance. That 
old fiddler of ours could make a cripple dance with his 
Turkey in the straw. 

Just as we had finished the first figure of Lancers, that 
wretched piece of string that secured my white lace-trimmed 
underskirt broke and down the silly thing came in billowy 
folds around my feet. Now it is probable that if I had been 
a woman, such a thing might in those days, have been 
very embarrassing indeed — quite a catastrophe, but to me 
it meant nothing at all. I simply stepped out of the mess, 
rolled it up and deposited it on a vacaat chair beside Miss X, 
the finished one. 


She drew up her skirts in horror and disdain, moving 
her chair well away from the accursed thing. She gave 
me, in modern slang, "such a dirty look" that it made me 
realize that something must be the matter. My seven part- 
ners in the set kept on jollying about it so, that after the 
dance was over, I left the room, reached my overalls and 
blue shirt from the back of the saddle and changed back 
to a man again. 

On re-entering the room I was re-introduced to Miss X, 
who was not only most gracious to me, but actually thawed 
out and became human with the bunch. That eastern 
silver plating was very thin. She was born on a cattle 
ranch the very year that Wyoming became a territory and 
had been raised on horse back. Even an eastern "Young 
Ladies' Seminary" could not piffle that off. 

At that dance I saw the most graceful couple of waltzers 
I have ever seen. The lad}'' was Hadsell's very efficient 
cook and the man was foreman for the "Hashknife" outfit. 
I had seen him earlier at the hotel as he got down from 
his horse after a twenty-eight mile ride. He was covered 
with alkali dust, even to his eyelashes; his hair was grown 
below the collar of his shirt and turned up at the ends like 
a drake's tail. He wore a beard, at least a month old and 
that was all grey with dust. 

When he said "Well, I've come over for the big dance," 
I could have laughed, as he untied his dunnage from the 
back of his saddle. His huge bearskin chaps nearW hid 
his toes and he walked like a bear, stiff and stradley, as 
every long distance rider does when he first dismounts, 
especially v/here the boot heels are four inches high and 
are set beneath the instep like a woman's. 

But before he came to the dance, he had had a good 
bath, a hair-cut and a shave and was the only man on the 
floor wearing a linen collar and shirt (a biled shirt) and 
woolen clothes. The easy and dignified yet joyous move- 
ments of this couple fascinated me more than any I had 
watched on an English ballroom floor. 

At these frontier "hops," square dances and waltzes 
were the favorites, though polkas, schottishes and gallops 
had a look in, and there was always one "country dance" 
(Sir Roger de Coverley, as known in England). Because 
of the scarcity of women many of the entire sets of square 
dances were composed of men and so called "Stag" sets, 
who tried to step as gracefully as if women were their 
partners. A clumsy man or one who made mistakes in the 
figures was unmercifully jeered. All the movements were 
loudly called in proper time and sequence, by a caller or 


If any townsmen came out to these country dances, they 
had to behave with decorum as long as any women were 
present. Also, if any man absented himself many times 
from the floor, in order to "hit the jug," he somehow did 
not return to the floor. He had to take his liquor some- 
where else. As soon as a man began to talk loud, indi- 
cating that he was getting lit up, a couple of husky cowboys 
would get him oft' by himself, and he disappeared so unos- 
tentatiously that the assembly often knew nothing about 
it, and the erring man had nothing to feel ashamed of or 
sore at afterwards. 

The explanation of this decent code of manners is that 
most of the pioneer stock was purely American, largely 
from Missouri and the southern states, self-respecting men, 
who demanded that due deference be shown to their woman- 
kind — an unspoken demand but unmistakable. 

The public town dances that were attended chiefly by 
women of easy virtue, were probably no better and no 
worse than they are today, and they did nothing to typify 
the genuine character of the new West. Owen Wister, in 
his book The Virgiman is the one man who has written of 
Wyoming's cow country as the writer knew it in the '80's. 
He knew and appreciated his characters. 

One thing is certain. No woman of that period in Wyo- 
ming, no matter what her age or condition, could have been 
violently abused or man-handled, as is so often shown now- 
a-days in the screen stories of the Wild West. And that is 
why, as Frank Hadsell said, Wyoming was the most law- 
abiding territory in the Union. It was an unhealthy climate 
for malefactors of any kind, yet its people were most tol- 
erant — especially to the weaknesses and foibles of their 
fellows. This seems to have been characteristic generally 
of the pioneer stock who invaded the wilderness of the 
Far West. 

Human nature never seems to vary much in its oas- 
sions and its strong feelings, but I must offer the following 
incidents as typifying the desire to overcome hard feelings 
and to preserve harmony in a frontier community. In a 
new and sparsely settled district, if you are "at outs" with 
your neighbor, there is nobody to take his place. You are 
interdependent whether in trouble or in need of social 
intercourse. The children are reared on this custom of 
tacit respect for neighbors. A workable harmonious con- 
dition results. 

Frank Hadsell came home one evening wearing a black 
eye and frown. Nobody said anything as he unsaddled 
and whacked his saddle up onto its peg with a slam and 
strode off in silence to the house. I guess we figured that 


it would be wiser to let him give the wife an earful first 
and then he would feel better. 

So when we went into supper, Frank and his wife 
were both smiling, which encouraged the foreman to ask, 
pleasantly, "Who gave you the shiner, Frank?" 

At this question both he and his wife laughed. "Well," 
he said, "I went up to the 'T Bar' this afternoon to have 
it out with neighbor Tom, about that filing of Clara's that 
his man had jumped. 'Course he had a perfect right to do 
it, but I didn't like the sneakin' unneighborly way it was 
done and I told him so. The son-of-a-gun never said a 
word but he slammed me in the eye, as quick as a flash 
and we went to it. 

"Finally he picked up a steel hand-bar and stood me off. 
And on top of that, his wife appeared at the door with a 
gun and darned if she didn't take a shot at me as I rode off." 

The amazing part of the little incident is that the lady 
who had taken a shot at Frank in a heated moment, called 
on his wife about ten days later, just as though nothing 
had happened and asked to borrow her green riding habit 
for a pattern! 


I have spoken incidentally of the "Hashknife" brand 
and outfit. Johnny B., foreman of that ranch, gave me a 
little history of the origin of that brand. 

"When old man H. first came here his brand was the 
'Lazy H.' He was mighty proud of his brand and had it 
advertised in four counties. 

"He always kept his ranch house pretty neat an' trim. 
The pictures as he cut o' the magazines to stick up on the 
wall was always pictures of women or 'homey' pictures 
with nice women in 'em. None o' yer leggy 'chippies' or 
half-naked dancers like you seen in the P'lice Gazette for 
him. He liked dutchesses and queens and mothers — all 
dignity and grace. 

"Well, the time come when he figured as he ought to 
be gettin' him a wife. Maverick women bein' scarce in 
Wyoming, he went back to Iowa; where his folks lived an' 
pre-empted one. A school-marm an' a good manager she 
was an' a mighty good cook. The old man certainly picked 
a 'pippin.' 

"You wouldn't think that a classy woman, comin' out 
from a respectable, church-goin' community in Iowa could 
ever buckle down to the raw conditions of a cattle ranch 
an' be satisfied. But she did. Kep' things nice, fed the 
men fine and played the piano evenings. She would even 


go SO far as to 'muck out' the bunkhouse once in awhile, 
which made us a bit more careful how we left it. 

"She sure was a practical little body, but she was mighty 
sentimental too, and she got Hank to change his brand. 
She says, 'I would like our brand to be an anchor, because 
it is an emblem of Hope an' Faith.' She drawed out an 
anchor on paper for the blacksmith to make some irons 
from. Always one to go right to the bat when she wanted 
anything, she was. She wasn't a wisher — she was a go- 

"O' course, whatever she said went, but Hank, as he 
took the drawin' over to the blacksmith, said as he hated 
to let the old brand go — ^the old 'Lazy H,' but to have the 
anchor made as near like it as was possible. 

"He done his best. In the 'Anchor' iron, as the black- 
smith made it, the stock was twice too long; the shank was 
four times too short an' the arms was too straight an' 
without flukes. The next season's crop o' calves was 
branded with it, an' not knowin' the story or the name o' 
the brand everybody called it the "Hashknife,' an' you 
can't make nothin' else out of it. They say the good lady 
was wild when the name fust come up, but shucks! it didn't 
take long afore she called it that herself, like the wise 
little 'guinea' she was." 

So that was the romance of the "Hashknife." A beau- 
tiful sentiment gave it being and the cow puncher bestowed 
a workable, everyday name on it. Glory be! 

"Then there was the 'Crooked X.' I heard as that was 
started by a young bride too. Don't it beat all how women 
folks always want to change things around?" Johnny con- 
tinued, reflectively. He hated to let go when he had a good 
appreciative audience — even as you and L 

"What is there romantic about a 'Crooked X?' " I asked. 

"Blamed if I know," he replied, "but she said as she 
wanted a 'Watchticker.' What do you know about that — a 
'Watchticker!' She drawed it out an' it was a circle with 
a cross in the middle, something like this," and he made a 
figure in the dust somewhat resembling a swastika. "Well, 
o'course you couldn't make a brand like that, 'cause every- 
thing inside the circle with that cross in it would rot out 
an' leave nothin' but a lumpy scar. So the blacksmith 
made the nearest thing to it, except joinin' up the ends 
of the cross, an' the young woman had to be satisfied 
with that. But who could tell as the thing meant a 'Watch- 
ticker?' A 'Crooked X' it was and you can't make nothin' 
else out of it. 

"But o' course," he added, "you always got to humor 
a woman, especially when she's first shakin' down in a 


new country. Give 'em anything they want, long as they 
don't fly too high. Later on they gener'ly learn to be 
reasonable." A remark that showed that Johnny was wise 
in his generation, like most of his fellows. 

"Then there's the 'Lazy Y' brand," he went on, glancing 
at me sideways. But I had already been had on that silly 
myth, so I shut him off. 


It is perhaps a little difficult to realize today what life 
on a cattle ranch was in the '80's. We had no telephone, 
phonograph, radio or movie; no automobile, library or 
daily news, though the mail used to come in twice a week 
on horseback. Our old tin lanterns were hard to keep 
alight in a gale of wind and many used candles in them — 
tallow candles, which gave about enough light to make 
darkness visible. Our house lamps were smoky and dim, 
for kerosene was of poor quality. 

Evenings, the boys would play cards — draw pedro, 
euchre, draw and stud poker, for chips at a nickel a score. 
Some played chequers, others the mouth-organ or har- 
monica, and sometimes we could get a singer to oblige. 
Some would cut up strips of rawhide and braid riatas, 
bridles, reins and hackamores with it or with horsehair; 
some would read papers or paper-covered novels or tell 

The man who could tell a good story was especially 
appreciated. Some of the boys with the help of a trained 
imagination contrived to deliver a story with quite a wealth 
of interesting sidelights — "corroborative details to give ar- 
tistic verisimilitude to an otherwise bald and unconvincing 
narrative," as Pooh-Bah said. 

The chief point was to get the listeners highly inter- 
ested, and when the occasion v/as ripe to pin the silly 
climax on one particular person in the crowd, and make 
him look ridiculous. To lead up to a point where one 
selected man in the group should be made to ask a par- 
ticular question required brains and tact. 

To illustrate this, I must recount an especially nne 
incident which took place in a saloon bar. It was the more 
impressive because back in the '80's, when every man 
packed a gun, men were more tolerant and considerate 
toward their fellows than they are today. Wherein they 
showed wisdom. 

At this particular period, the cattle men and the sheep 
men were at bloody war over range rights up in Johnson 


County" — the cattle men claiming that the sheep fed ihe 
range so close that the buffalo grass and bunch grass was 
destroA^ed. What was not burnt out by the sun and wind 
in summer was frozen out in winter for lack of a protective 
growth. These grasses were the special fatting grasses 
of the cattlemen, who further claimed that the sheep were 
replacing them with trashy stuff, such as foxtail, squirrel- 
tail and bronco grass. And so hatred for the sheepmen 
grew and grew resulting in the conflicts that have become 

But to proceed. There was a sheepherder in the saloon, 
who was just drunk enough to be nasty and to want to 
provoke a quarrel with somebody. He chose a husky but 
good natured cowhand, Fred H., as the object of his offensive 
remarks, which grew particularly low and objectionable. 

One of the boys said, "Call his hand, Fred. He ain't so 
drunk, he don't know what he's sayin.' He called you a liar!" 

"I know he did," said Fred. "Ain't that bad enough 
without me askin' him to prove it? Tell you what he 
reminds me of — " 

He removed a large 'chaw of tobacco from his mouth, 
threw it away and cleared his throat loudly— the well- 
known signs that a good one was coming. Fred was a 
wonder, an artist at pinning a label on an opponent by 
means of a yarn. He squared his shoulders, leaned back 
against the bar, and, sticking his fingers into the belt of his 
chaps, he began: 

"You all know that draw that comes down through 
the snowshed, right east of here? Well, when the old 
U.P. road begun runnin' its first trains over the line, the 
wild things didn't like it a little bit. It disturbed 'em and 
made 'em nervous. 

"Now, up that draw I was tellin' ye about, there was 
an old skunk had his pre-emption. He had filed on it afore 
the U.P. was built. He had married an' raised a fam'ly 
there. Had a fine view an' a hole in the rocks, all safe from 
coyotes an' bob-cats. He felt that the whole durned draw 
belonged to him, same as an old settler what's took up a 
water hole thinks as the whole township around belongs 
to him, 'thout his havin' to file on it. 

"Well, little Billy Skunk thought as the railroad were 
a-crowdin' his range, pretty nigh like jumpin' his claim, 
an' nobody with the pluck of a louse is a-goin' to stand for 

^The conflict in Johnson County culminating in tlie Johnson 
County War in 1892 was essentially a struggle between large 
cattlemen and small cattlemen. There were some sheep in John- 
son County in the '80's, but cattlemen and sheepmen do not appear 
to have been "at bloody war" at that time. 


that. His old woman was always a-beefin' about the noise 
o' the trains too. an' nobody likes to hear his woman 
a-crabbin' all the time. In course o' time it got under the 
hide like it always does. 

"He mulled his troubles over in his little skunk mind 
so much, that finally, one day v/hen his wife was a-whinin' 
an' complainin' o' the usual headache, he got sore as a 
boil. After dancin' up an' down an' cussin' for quite awhile, 
mad as a fresh branded steer, he says to his wife, seze, 'I 
just cain't stand it no longer. I'm a-goin' to stop that ere 
train a-runnin' by here or bust a gut. You watch my smoke!" 

" 'Now, don't you do nothin' desprit, Bill!' says his wife. 
'You got to remember me an' the kids, m.ind.' 

"But Bill never answered her. He flipped off out the 
front door an' trotted down the trail, sometimes a-lopin' 
an' then trottin' again, till he gets down to the metals. His 
little bushy tail was hooked over back'ards, an' he kept 
a-twitchin' it, like he had a hard time to hold his nre till 
the train come — he was that mad. He trotted up an' down, 
up an' down, his teeth a-chatterin' an' fairly frothin' at 
the jaws. 

"At last the train hooted real loud, just before she went 
into the first bit o' the snow-shed, an' pretty soon she drawed 
in sight. The skunk hopped up, right spry, and straddled 
a rail." Here Fred looked 'round with a serio-comic look 
of apprehension and noted the quarrelsome man leaning 
across the end of the bar, with his mouth open, intensely 
interested and listening with all he had. 

"Poor little Bill!" Fred continued. "As the train drawed 
nigh, he stood right east an' west, just a-darin' that train 
to come on, an' — WHIFF! — in a flash poor little Bill was 
just a grease spot. 

"But, hold on, there! Poor little skunk! He wasn't 
near as important as what he thought he was. Nobody'd 
have even knowed he'd been there if he hadn't kicked up 
such a heck of a stink." 

Then, pointing with his thumb at the quarrelsome one, 
he said casually, and almost with sadness in his tones, "Same 
with that feller, a-hangin' his tripe over the end o' the bar, 
there — only difference bein' as the skunk were a little 
gentleman," he added. 

It was not till the whole crowd turned their eyes and 
their boisterous laughter on the sheepherder, that he real- 
ized that he was the butt of the little story. Someone had 
thoughfully removed his gun, but he rushed at Fred and 
collected what was coming to him. After which he was 
carried out to the bunkhouse and left in peace. Fred got 


a sprained thumb out of the argument, so not very much 
damage was done. 

It will be apparent from the above incident that there 
was sound philosophy to be learned on the frontier in 
pioneer days". They were not much on "book larnin' " per- 
haps, but they had highly developed faculties of natural 
observation and comparison. A good story was never inter- 
rupted, unless some "smart Aleck" from the east were 
present, and he never did it but once. 

It seemed to me that story tellers of Fred's type took 
the place of the bards of olden days. They were compara- 
tively few but they were appreciated. I never knew Fred 
caught in the toils of a yarn but once, and he was never 
allowed to forget that. It may be worth relating. 

Fred came from Arkansas (always spoken of in the west 
as Arkansaw) and we had all heard him tell of the great 
drought sometime in the '70's, when cattle died by thou- 
sands, feed was burnt up, grasshoppers were rife and the 
river was so low that the steam ferry was laid up and 
people had to cross the river in row boats. 

In the spring of '86 a man had been hired at the Fort 
Halleck ranch who hailed from Arkansas. When he came 
down to the Elk Mountain post office looking for mail, the 
boys found this out and they primed him. They told him 
about Fred and asked him to wait awhile as Fred would 
be along pretty soon for his mail. They told him what 
Fred's favorite story was and that he would 'be easy money 
to a man from his own home state. 

The man from Arkansas felt complimented and said 
that he would do his best. And sure enough, Fred camie 
jog-trotting up the trail almost before the man was primed. 
He rode up to the front of the post office and dropped his 
reins in front of his pony, when he was hailed into the 
saloon next door by one of the boys. 

"Come on in here, Fred, and meet a countryman of 
yours. Just come out from Arkansaw an' he used to live 
in your old home town years ago, he says." 

Fred hurried in and was introduced to the man from 
his home state, his eyes alight with anticipation. 

"I sure am glad to meet up with a man from my old 
home state," said Fred, heartily. "Dexter," (to the bar- 
keeper) "jfind out what they'll have. This is my treat." 
Fred never drank anything stronger than coffee himself, 
but he never shirked his hospitality, contenting himself 
with a cigar. 

The new man had a long heavy jowl, beetling brows, a 
"Wellingtonian Roman nose and a huge moustache, which 
drooped at the ends. With his lack of any particular ex- 


pression except wooden solemnity, he reminded one of an 
aged Hampshire Down ram. 

"The boys b'en telhn' me that you hail from my old 
home town. B'en there long?" asked Fred of the new arrival. 

"Well, not in late years I haven't," drawled the Arkan- 
saw traveler slowly. "But we moved in there a few years 
before the big drought, an' had to move out agen just a'ter 
that, 'count o' hard times. Then we moved — " 

"Was you there the year o' the big drought?" Fred 
broke in excitedly. "The boys here won't believe as things 
was as bad as what I tell 'em." 

"Couldn't be much wuss, I cal'late," ventured the new 
man, gloomily. 

"What was your name, again?" said Fred. "I didn't 
quite ketch it." 

When he had been enlightened, he said, "Well, I don't 
seem to remember your face nor your name an' I thought 
as I knowed everybody in that little berg in them days." 
(A pause.) "What was you doin' down there, the year o' 
the big drought?" 

The ram-like one looked to see that we were all listen- 
ing, and then he drawled sadly, 'T Vv^as a-haulin' water so's 
to run the ferry boat when the river dropped." Just as easy. 

Fred's face grew as red as fire. It was the nrst time 
he had ever been caught, and by a stranger too! When 
the big laugh at his expense had subsided sufficiently for 
him to make himself heard, he pointed at the man and then 
.slapped him heartily on the shoulder, saying, "Sure! I 
remember you now, stranger. 'Cause I was a-haulin' steam 
to run the engynes on that same ferry boat." It was a noble 
effort to retrieve a reputation for alertness, hitherto un- 
sullied. But he had to set 'em up again — which being inter- 
preted, means that liquid refreshment was supplied to the 
assembly at his expense. 

I liked Fred. He seemed to be typical of the great West 
in character, although he was from the South. During the 
war he had been in the "Kansas Irregular Horses" or some 
such name and he showed me a picture of himself at twenty 
years of age, in his "regimentals." Fred said it was like 
organizing a band of thieves (referring to his own regiment) 
because of their poor discipline and loose semi-attachment 
to the regular army. He told me that he beheved all the 
members of his old company that had not been shot or 
hanged by the close of the war were in jail. 

Here is a little glimpse of his home. He was 42 or 43 
years old when I knew him. He had married his niece, a 
fine woman about ten years his junior. They had three 
children and once, when I was there to supper, the mother 


spoke sharply to one of them and told it to come to her. The 
little one ran to Fred's shielding" arms as he sat by the stove 
and he said, "Don't be too rough with her, mama. She's 
awful little." And he cuddled the tiny one to his great big 
breast, and grinned. 

"See? That's just how he spoils 'em," she said to me, 
with her hands held out. "How can a mother train her 
children with a man like that around?" — and she bustled 
away with a motherly smile. 

Fred looked across at me and winked, grinning happily. 
His ranch was right on the Medicine Bow River and he 
had a small band of cattle, but he made most of his living 
as a cow hand and ranch blacksmith. 

One Sunday, it was in the depth of winter, he came 
to me in great distress, saying, "Kid, I wonder if you would 
come and stay a coupla days with me? I'm sorta in a bad 
fix an' I don't know who else to ask." 

"Sure, I'll come!" I said and went to get my horse. The 
poor chap had been weeping, I could see, and the general 
store was no place to ask questions. The news was around 
that his baby had died. 

As we rode down the river road together, he told me 
his story. The baby had had a rash on its neck or some 
sort of breaking out and the mother had sent Fred to the 
store for a bottle of arnica or liniment to cure it. However, 
after she had used it the child had died in convulsions, ap- 
parently from the effects of the arnica. 

Anyway the mother was beside herself with grief and 
repeated over and over again to Fred that he was a mur- 
derer, that he was responsible for not getting the right 
stuff to put on; and he was afraid that she would "go 
nutty" if she didn't let up. 

And so I went into that sad home and was met with a 
reiteration of the same raving story. Poor woman! and 
poor old Fred, whose children were the very apple of his 
eye. When she went into the kitchen, Fred said, "She's 
out of her head with grief, poor kid." And his own eyes 
were moist. "I'm goin' out to the barn, so's you can have a 
talk with her. She likes you. Let her tell it all out, son. 
I want you should stay with us and help me bury the poor 
mite if you will." And off he went to the barn. 

When the poor girl came in, she told me the story all 
over again and I got hold of her hand. I told her of my 
admiration of the pioneer women and the courage they 
showed under all adversity, and I figured that she was as 
good as any of them; that she knew as well or better than 
we did, that Fred was a prince. How about her carrying 
her half of the load? That I had come down to stay with 


them a couple of days if it was not an intrusion (I felt a 
bit of a prig, doing the preacher act). 

"Intrusion! I should say not. You got to stop now and 
help us out. The ground's froze as hard as a bone. You 
must help Fred bury my baby." And she wept afresh. 

"Well, all right then, Mary. I'll stay. But buck up 
for godsake and help old Fred out. He feels just as badly 
as you do." 

She shook her head as she went out, but her husband 
had no more scenes to put up with while I was there, for 
she was not present when we laid away the little one. It 
took a couple of days and a lot of firewood to get a small 
hole in that frozen ground,, but we erected quite a cairn of 
loose rock where that baby lies buried in a corner of the 
hom.e pasture. 


I suppose that it is an accepted fact all over the world, 
civilized or savage, that women's attitudes in life determine 
the attitudes of men towards women and among themselves. 
If the lives of women in any community are lax, so are the 
men in that community; for the decent ones have to leave. 
If the lives of women are loose, their menkind are more 
or less vile. Women who are high-handed, critical and 
intolerant, are simply ignored or avoided by most men, 
though they may be useful in keeping weak sisters up to 
an appearance of "the mark." Let 'em live! 

The woman who is unpretentious, gracious, cheerful 
and tolerant, keeps the whole moral atmosphere bright and 
clear. If she has taste and culture in addition, then you 
have a gem of the fii'st water. 

It was the pioneer woman of the '80's that taught a very 
verdant and unsophisticated young Englishman to knov/ 
somewhat of the unadulterated American woman's charac- 
ter, with all her sterling qualities of courage, tolerance, hos- 
pitality, attention to duty and the making of a home, and, 
above all, a genuine sense of humor. I do not remember 
a single one in those far-off days that wasted any of her 
soul in self-pity. She would certainly have been out of 
luck in that sparsely settled wilderness. So I suppose that 
the weak ones died and they were certainly not missed. 

Perhaps it was because I had never before been in a 
house where no servants were kept, that I was amazed at 
the prowess of the western frontier housewife. She did 
all the family washing and mending, as well as much of 
the making of shirts and children's clothes. She prepared 
the most wondei'ful meals three times a day, and if she 


wanted to visit a neighbor or go to the store, thought noth- 
ing of saddUng her own horse or hitching up to the buck- 
board, if there was no man around to ask. And yet she. 
never appeared fussy or hurried. Generally she had the 
poise, dignity and self-control so often lacking in many a 
well-to-do and educated city woman. 

The tremendous influence of women was imprinted the 
more forcibly on my mind every time I returned from a 
camp to where there were women about. Where there is 
a crowd of hardy young men, in the pink of condition, living 
a most active life, in a highly stimulating climate, and 
consuming quantities of beef, three times a day, there is 
bound to be a lot of rough horse play, much variegated 
profanity, ribald songs and highly seasoned stories. But, 
if any of those young men went into a house where there 
was a woman — young or old, married or single, in town or 
in the poorest log cabin — they were always decent and 
well-behaved, at least in my experience, though so many 
of the women were called by their given names. 

A new ranch foreman on one of the ranches that 1 
worked at had brought out a young wife with him from 
Iowa. She had with her on her arrival a baby of only a 
few months, but she certainlj^ knew how to cook and set 
things on the table, without making that baby an excuse at 
any time for delay. The boys all took to her right away 
because of her brightness and kindliness, as well as for 
her cooking and her comeliness. 

Her husband, Ed, was only the ranch foreman. He had 
nothing to do with the riders except under special orders. 
All he had to do was to milk a few cows and keep us in 
butter and cream, 'tend the poultry and hogs, kill a beef 
once in awhile and do fencing, repairing and errands. He 
was a decent enough fellow, but the boys all despised him 
for "close-herding" that womanly little wife of his, as though 
she and the boys were not to be trusted. 

Therefore there was great joy to two of us when, one 
Sunday, Ed took a big fall in trying to show his young wife 
what he could do. 

We had had about a dozen bulls brought in that were 
losing hair in large patches, like mange on a dog, and Ed 
was instructed by the range foreman to take what help he 
wanted and dress those bulls well with sheep-dip. So we 
drove them into the big square stock corral next to the 
round horse and branding corral. Ed took his wife out and 
perched her and the baby on the dirt roof of the log horse 
barn, so that she could see the fun. A certain rider named 
Tom and the writer were the only two men on the ranch to 
help, the other men being away gathering horses from the 


range. So Ed was able to be "boss" of some men for once 
and he undertook to rope the first bull, which he did and 
headed it toward where his wife was, so that she could see 
and marvel at her hero. And then he purposely dropped 
the rope, so that his wife could see him retrieve it on the 
run. But, as he reached down for it his feet slipped and 
he tumbled right over in front of her, and Tom picked up 
the rope and snubbed the bull and headed it back again. 
As soon as the bull saw Ed afoot he made for him with a 
dash and Ed went up that eight foot pole corral and on to 
the roof beside his wife, like a fireman, leaving Tom to be 
the hero— the life saver. 

Tom was grinning "all over his face and half-way 
down his back," as the saying is. "That's what comes of 
showing off before the girls," he said, gaily. "A fall goeth 
before a climb." Tom was a wag. Ed looked sheepish and 
his wife laughed. 

About a week later, Ed cam.e to me and said, "Say kid, 
I got to take Hilda home today." Hilda was a strapping 
big Swedish girl who had been helping Ed's wife do some 
sewing. She lived about ten miles down on the Bow. 

"What time are you going?" I asked. 

"Well — " he shuffled, "I s'pose I ought to take her back 
this morning." 

I was the only man on the ranch that Sunday and .1 
was a bit nettled. If he wanted me to go, why didn't he 
come out and ask me like a man. 

"Fine girl, Hilda," I remarked. 

"Sure," he said perfunctorily, "she's all right." 

I resumed my reading. 

"I kinda didn't want to go today, but Hilda said that 
she prom.ised her mother for today," he went on. 

No rise. 

"So I promised m.y wife I'd see what I could do. She 
wants I should help her in the house today," he almost 

"Well, go and catch up the team then and I'll take her 
down," I said, none too graciously, for that meant that I 
would have to brush up and change my clothes for Hilda's 
mother would insist upon my staying for a meal. 

So I drove Hilda home. Hilda, with her two thick 
braids of tow colored hair over each shoulder. Hilda with 
her polka-dot print dress and pink sun bonnet, her strong 
capable hands clasped o^^er a buiky bandana handkerchief 
bundle. The imperturbable Hilda with her large mouth 
and blue eyes, beaming a perennial smile of good nature. 

I was glad I went, but I wonder what spirit of mischief 
possessed me. Perhaps it was that I was aggrieved at 

THE FAR WEST IN THE '80's- 39 

being deprived of my quiet Sunday reading, or it may have 
been to see if the girl was eradicably smooth tempered. 
Anyway, I said, "I am not going round the road, Hilda. I 
shall strike across the mesa." 

"Vot you like," she said, pleasantly. 

Nothing but a mountain buckboard with two-inch rim 
wheels, one and a half inch axles and a mountain tread 
would have kept upright on that ride, or even remained 
whole. The mountain buckboard's bed rested immediately 
on the solid axle, only the seat being supported on the long 
elliptical springs. 

Away we went over the rocks and sagebrush, that big 
team of greys never breaking a trot, but such a gallant trot. 
Down ravines and washes we went, across rocky ledges 
and boulder strewn water courses but not a peep of dismay 
or caution could I get out of Hilda. 

So my heroic stunt fell a bit flat when Hilda got down at 
her mother's door and said I must come in and meet the 
f'amJly and stay to dinner. And I must rest and feed the 
team too. She said that she thought it was very kind of 
me to bring her home and she had never enjoyed a ride so 
much. And all the time she had that level, kindly smile, 
absolutely free from guile, or I should have thought she 
was reproving me in this way for a rough inconsiderate 
cavalier. Come to think of it, maybe she was stringing me 
a bit. In any event, I hope she found a good husband and 
raised a family, for she was of good stock — an' I learned 
about women from 'er! 

The range foreman of the "UL," Ed McB., and I, had 
three carloads of Hereford bulls, newlv imported to take 
out and string on the range. At noon the first da}' out we 
arrived at a ranch and decided to stop there for dinner. 
So we turned our bulls into the paddock, took our horses 
to the barn for feed and water and then went to the ranch 
house, as we saw nobody about and nobody had come out 
to greet us. 

What was our surprise, when we stuniped up onto the 
porch to find a very attractive young woman open the door 
and give us greeting! For the owner was a bachelor and 
we hadn't dreamed of meeting a woman at his place. 

So Ed said, "Is Al anywheres around, marra?" 

"Why, no," she replied, "he went to Carbon this morn- 
ing. But I am expecting him back any minute," she added, 
rather nervously, I thought. 

"Well," said Ed, "we are from the 'UL' and we just 
called to see if we could get a bite to eat. We expected to 
find Al here." 


"Surely, I'll get you some dinner right away," she said, 
"Sit down and make yourselves at home," and off she bustled. 

Ed sized up our hostess right away. "Now I wonder 
who she is?" he said. "Maybe his sister. Anyway, she's 
an easterner, not very long out and I'd say she was a 
schoolmarm. Wonder if Al snuck off on the quiet an' got 
married? The old son-of-a-gun!" 

"See how scared she seemed when she said she ex- 
pected Al back any minute? I'll bet she took us for a 
coupla bandits or something, like they have back P]ast." 

That young woman set forth a wonderful meal for us, 
such as our range cook had never attained to, especially 
the coffee, so different from our ranch decoctions. And 
it had real cream m it. We never saw anything but Ar — ^" 
at 18 cents a pound. As for her hot biscuits, — Ah! 

We took our time over the meal and then went out and 
sat on the porch for ten minutes with cigarettes. The 
young woman kept out of sight in the back of the house 
except when she was serving us the grub. When it was 
time to be moving on, Ed rapped on the door and when the 
hostess appeared, to my horror he asked her, "How much 
do we owe you, madam?" 

"Well," she said, "I don't know; I am new to this coun- 
try. Al and I have only been married a week. I'm from 
Iowa. Whatever the customary charge is will be all right 
with me." 

Now neither of us had a red cent. We did not need it 
— no place to spend it where we were going. So Ed said, 
"Well, Madam, it isn't the custom to charge a visitor any- 
thing in this country. When any of your boys are over 
our way we put 'em up — an so on." 

"Oh, well!" she said, getting very pink, but smiling in 
spite of it, "in that case, of course, I shan't charge you 
anything. I am new to the country and want to learn the 
customs as soon as possible. Come in any time — both of 
you. Al will be sorry to have missed you, Mr. — ?" 

"Name of McB., foreman of the 'UL,' " said Ed, "and 
this is John Fox." 

"Pleased to have met you, gentlemen — call again," she 
said graciously. And we departed. 

As we went to the barn to get our horses, I was feeling 
very uncomfortable and mad, and I said, "Well, Ed. ain't 
you the pinhead! What did you want to ask her what we 
owed her for?" 

"She was a stranger, an' a feller's got to be polite," 
he answered. 

i'''Arbuckle coffee was in general use. 


"But you knew that neither of us had any money. Al 
would have told her it was all right. See how you made 
her blush — you silly ass!" 

"I never thought of that," he replied and then laughed 
so loud that I had to punch him in the ribs and say, "Shut 
up you idiot! She'll hear you and guess what we are 
talking about." 

So Ed subsided, but sniggered from time to time for 
the rest of the day. 

Mrs. Jones, whose husband^ ^ kept the store, hotel, 
saloon and post office at Elk Mountain, (he was also Notary 
Public, Justice of the Peace and Deputy Sheriff) — Mrs. 
Jones was a right good sport and lady of the frontier. She 
was in her early forties and was the only woman I knew 
who used rouge and powder. There was no mistake at all 
about her coloring, for she fairly plastered it on and joked 
about it. She was a good cook, a good wife and mother and 
a good hostess; also she certainly knew and loved horses. 
What more do you want? And she was always "on the 
ball" without fuss or ostentation if anyone was sick or in 
trouble. As one of the boys said of her "She's all wool and 
a yard wide," even if she wasn't much to look at. 

One Sunday morning I went over to the store and she 
said to me, "Just the boy I want. Tom, (a brother-in-law) 
is going to take the new school-marm for a ride up to the 
Johnson's this afternoon. I have to go along as chaperone, 
as she is staying with me. How'd you like to go along as 
my escort, so as to give 'em a chance?" 

"Fine and dandy!" I replied. "What time do we start?" 

"Right after dinner," said Mrs. Jones. "Put my saddle 
on 'Lady.' Dexter said I could have her." 

Now "Lady" was a fiery little nag that Dex Jones used 
in cowpony races. She was gentle but waxed quite excit- 
able if any horse near her went faster than a lope. How- 
ever, after the mid-day meal — called "dinner" in those days, 
I saddled "Lady" up with Mrs. Jones' side saddle; the 
schoolmarm had a very gentle lady's pony, for she was 
newly out from the East, hence the demand for a chaperone, 
and I had my own trustworthy mount. 

But Tom wanted to show off a bit, as is the way of 
young men before fair maids. And so he had no more sense 
than to saddle up a bronco that he had only ridden once, 
and that was not even bridle wise. We helped the ladies 
up and then I mounted. Tom had his colt all ready, with 
his eyes covered with a blind. He hopped up and raised 

11 This was apparently J. S. Jones. He was also member of 
the House for Carbon County in the Territorial Legislature of 1882. 


the blind. Instantly, the cayuse started to buck frantically. 
He dashed past Mrs. Jones, whose mare became excited 
and lit out. 

So the pretty schoolmarm and I loped along at a gentle 
amble and we had quite a nice time together, for she was 
only "sweet seventeen or eighteen" and I barely twenty, 
with a natural delight in pretty maidens. Tom's bronco 
would balk and then come up to us again; then balk till 
Tom jammed him roughly with the spurs and then off he 
would fly again, in any direction — for he was being ridden 
with a hackamore (headstall and noseband) only; no bit. 
But we were not particularly interested in his capers except 
to laugh at them. Mrs. Jones was a mere speck in the 
distance, still going strong. 

After a very pleasant ride, during which Tom had only 
appeared a few times, we arrived at the Johnson's and 
found Mrs. Jones there. Her nicely frizzed bangs or fore- 
head fringe was all out of curl and plastered down. The 
rouge and the facepowder were furrowed and blotchy with 
her own dewy moisture and her natural skin was as red 
as a beet. She was grinning broadly and shook her finger 
archly at the schoolmarm and me when we entered, and 
pretty soon Tom came in, dusty and sweaty and cross. Why 
he should be glaring at me I could not imagine, but I finall}^ 
had the sense to get up and let him sit beside his pretty 

Now, Tom was a first rate horseman and a good bronco 
buster and had always a pretty ready wit among men in 
bunkhouse or barroom banter. But when ladies were 
around he was rather tongue tied and shy. So he sat up 
the whole time we were in the Johnson's parlor, as crimson 
as a sunset and wearing a sickly strained smile, while the 
two married women jollied him. 

Hilda (Mrs. Johnson) said, "Veil, Tom! I haff my 
opinion of a man vot lets a English boy take avay his 
bestest girl, right under his nose." 

And Belle (Mrs. Jones), turning to nie, said, "And I 
have my opinion of an escort who deliberately leaves me 
in the lurch and goes off with another woman. I might 
have been killed for all he cared. I'll never ask him to 
take me out again." 

"I only took up the duty that you ran away from, Belle," 
I replied. "How could I leave that helpless young lady 

"That's right, too," said Mrs. Jones, "Tom was playing 
around all over the prairie, like a spaniel nosing for rabbits. 
You did quite right to stay with Rose." 


"Vouldn't you like to take a bat', Torn?" said Hilda. 
"I vill lend you vun off my husband's shirts an' a clean 
towel. You look so varm and svetty." 

Warm! Tom's face was as fiery as ever and his shirt 
was wringing with perspiration. Our buxom young hostess 
was warming up to the game of man baiting. "You sure 
worked your vay up here," she laughed. 

"Tom's a good rider," added Belle. "Now that he's 
shown Rose what he can do, maybe next time he takes her 
out for a Sunday call, he'll use a 'made' horse." 

"Sure!" said Hilda, promptly. "Dat iss, if dere iss a 
next time. Maybe Rose looses heart alretty vit such care- 
less beau. Maybe she's int'rested in de English boy. Young 
people vorks fast dese days." 

With true Norwegian hospitality^ Hilda trotted out 
some coffee, cheese, cakes, flaky biscuits and butter — a 
charming little feast, I thought it, and Tom tried to bravely 
choke dov/n some of it, though I knew he felt like anything 
but dainty fingering of trifles. 

When we got out on the porch, preparing to leave, Toin 
grabbed me aside and said in a hoarse whisper, "Kid! You 
got to ride that 'dingaty-ding' colt home and let me have 
your horse. You see how it is, can't you, old man?" 

"Nothing doing, Tom, absolutely nothing doing!" 

"Well, but — see here, kid — I asked Rose to come with 
me and — ." 

"Belle asked me to escort her, to chaperone Rose, Tom. 
How can I escort a lady on a raw cayuse?" 

"Escort/' he angrily shouted. "How did you escort her 
coming? She was here ten or fifteen minutes ahead of 
you, and by jiminy — " 

Then Belle came out of the house and shouted to me, 
"Now then, kid, you and I will have to change saddles, and 
you stay right with me. I'm not going to ride 'Lady' back. 
Too much like hard work." 

So that settled it. 

Tom's beautiful but rather uninteresting schoolmarm 
was in direct contrast to a native daughter living near us, 
Mattie N. This girl was only about seventeen and she 
lived with her folks along the foothills. Her father was a 
horse raiser in a verj^ modest way and her brother was a 
puncher, working out for wages. 

One day I was at the ranch alone and I saw a small 
figure come riding up from the lower pasture at a smart 
pace. It looked like a boy from the distance but the head- 
gear was peculiar — just a white bunch. As the rider drew 
near, I could see that it was a girl riding astride on a man's 
saddle — the second time I had ever seen a girl riding this 


Mrs. Frank Hadsell 


way. When I could see underneath the big sunbonnet, lo, 
it was Mattie, in blue denim overalls and cowboy boots. 

She dismounted in a very matter of fact way and said 
"How do, Jack." 

"How do, Mattie. Come in and sit down and let me 
give your horse a feed," I said. 

"Now, what on earth has she come up here for?" I 
thought. I soon found out, there was no beating about the 
bush, for when I returned to the kitchen she came right to 
the point at once. 

"I've come up to c'lect that fifteen dollars that you 
owe Dunk (her brother) on the saddle you bought off him. 
He traded the debt to me as part payment on a colt I sold 
him. What's the chances?" 

"Well, Mattie," I boggled, feeling a bit embarrassed, 
"I haven't a cent now but as soon as the foreman returns, 
I'll strike him for a check and leave it at the store for vou. 
Will that be all right?" 

"Sure thing," she said. 

"You'll stop and have a bite, won't you? It's nearly 
noon," I said hoping that she would refuse, for I hated 
cooking, especiall}^ for a girl. 

"Sure, I will," she replied. "No point in going away 

"Well, I guess I'll have to make a batch of biscuits 
then," I said; for I only had a couple left — hoping that she 
would offer to do it for me. 

"Go to it!" said the girl. "B'lieve I'll take a wash." 
And out she went, on to the porch, to wash her hands 
and face. 

That was all right, but when she came back and sat on 
the edge of the table watching me mix the dough, build 
a fire and prepare potatoes and steak, I wished her in Halifax. 
Finally I said, "Can't you set the table, Mattie?" 

"Sure!" she responded, with a smile. "You only got to 
ask. I'd made the biscuits for you if you'd wanted. What 
d'ye take me for — a mind reader?" and she laughed. That 
cleared the air for me. 

"Are you going straight home, Mattie?" I asked, "or 
down to the Bow?" 

"Home," she said, shortly. "Just on my way back 
from Saratoga." 

And then she told that her brother, Duncan — "the dirty 
bum" — had been home while she was away; and had taken 
one of her colts that she had just broken for herself — "and 
broke gentle and kind, too, if I do say it as shouldn't" — and 
that he had left one of his jaded horses in its place. 


She found out he had gone to Saratoga, on the Platte 
River and had promptly followed him, much to her mother's 
dismay. She had found he was in the saloon she expected 
him to be in, playing poker. She had not disturbed him, 
but went to the livery corral and got her own colt, leaving 
Duncan's cayuse in its place and was then on her way 
home, after a sixty mile ride. She had started the day 
before and had slept out in the Pass on her way home. 

This is only intended for a slight character sketch of a 
girl of the period — a really nice girl with an unusual direct- 
ness of manner and speech. The sunbonnet she wore was 
to protect her face from sunburn and she wore gloves for 
the same reason. Ranch girls of the '80's liked to preserve 
a white skin, yet they did not at all approve of pigments 
or cosmetics. The men would not have countenanced it and 
the work would not permit it. Belle Jones was an excep- 
tion. Only women of the underworld painted. 

These slight sketches may serve to shed some light on 
the life of a pioneer woman in the cow country, so as to 
correct a growing impression that she was a colorless, un- 
happy creature, who was always trailing along in a covered 
wagon, accompanied by rather dirty and unkempt mea, 
who wore fuzzy beards like some of the emigrants that 
passed through and of whom mention has been made in 
these notes. There is always a hero in those old myths, 
Vs^ho is shown alternately galloping up and down the line 
of wagons on an exceedingly well-appointed and well- 
groomed and conditioned horse, eternally beckoning to 
the rear wagons and pointing ahead, or making love to a 
very plainly dressed and rather unresponsive heroine. 

It is true that the old pioneer stock of both sexes were 
of heroic makeup, though they would have been sur- 
prised to hear it. But they were anything but melodra- 
matic. God bless 'em! 


At this period the spring (or calf) roundup was the 
most important thing in Wyoming Territory. The whole 
country was laid off into districts and the chief owners in 
each district cooperated in the formation of a district calf 

As most of the land was owned by the United States 
Government and was unfenced, everybody's cattle ranged 
at large, just as the buffalo had done only a very few years 
previously. The only way in which an owner could identify 
his animals was by the brand on them. So every spring 


each large owner contributed a four horse cook wagon, a 
four horse bed wagon, a cook and horse wrangler and a 
dozen cowboys under a foreman. Smaller stockmen would 
run a wagon between them, each bearing his own relative 
expenses. The whole camp was put under the management 
of a capable stock and business man, who directed the oper- 
ations and kept accounts of brandings, etc. He was the 
captain of the roundup. Each day he directed the itinerary 
of each bunch of men to ride on the "circle" — foremen 
and all — and determined the site of the next camp where 
all were to meet with the cattle they gathered, for his 
knowledge of the range was wide and intimate and he 
knew about what every part of it was likely to carry, in 
the way of stock at different periods of the year. 

In gathering cattle from the range, the men extended 
by groups, covering a wide line. They would range along 
the hill tops and draws, and the cattle, wild as deer, would 
run together at the first "Whoopee!" and then gathering 
recruits as they went, they were simply headed in the 
direction of the next camp. Riding the circle might be 
likened to a pack of hounds, drawing a covert. 

By ten o'clock in the morning, bunches of cattle would 
begin stringing into camp and before noon, most of the 
riders would be in with their contributions. The big bunch 
of cattle thus assembled was called a "cavvy." 

After dinner two good "cut-out" men from each outfit, 
on well trained, alert, well-bitted horses entered the herd 
and, working in pairs, the cattle were cut out into separate 
groups according to brands. 

After the big herd was so divided into half-a-dozen 
distinct bunches, each outfit built its own fires and branded 
its own calves — a long, tiring job, wrestling calves. It 
seemed rough on the poor brutes, for a male calf was not 
only branded and altered, but bits were cut from its ears, 
for distinguishing earmarks and some owners also cut one, 
two or three strips of skin on the dewlap so that they hung 
down and became tassels or tags and the animal could be 
identified a long way off. 

After all the calves were branded, the entire bunch of 
cattle was turned loose in the direction from which we had 
come and a new strip of terrain was "drawn" the next day. 
After the whole district had been thoroughly covered, the 
calves were all supposed to have been branded. Yet many, 
perhaps hundreds of them, would naturally drift in behind 
us and be missed. 

So the following year, having left the mother who was 
usually nursing a new calf, the unbranded animal was no- 
body's property, a yearling without a brand. Such an 


animal was called a maverick and was supposed sold 
by the roundup captain to the highest bidder, the money 
going to the Stock Association, I was told. 

Nevertheless, many a nice herd of cattle was said to 
have been started by cowboys who, finding such an animal 
would rope it and brand it and then turn it loose. It did 
not take long to rope and hog-tie a small "critter," make a 
little fire of sagebrush and stick a brand on. 


The characters of horses are perhaps as variable as 
those of mankind, and in many ways very similar. They 
are all great bluffers — no other word expresses this quality 
so well. For instance, when almost any horse sees a saddle 
or harness being brought to him, he will throw back his 
ears, raise his nostrils and sidle over threateningly. Yet 
at the word of command, "Stand over there!" he quickly 
comes to attention, though he cannot help biting his crib 
or the fence rail or snapping his teeth as the cinch is 

Unlike horned stock, the horse prefers to stick to his 
own locality, and nothing but shortness of feed will lure 
him away from his own range. Cattle will keep on drifting 
and drifting, especially in a storm, and are not so keen on 
coming back. For this reason it was not so difficult to find 
and round up the saddle horses for the spring work, after 
their three or four months of idleness in the winter on the 
government range. When they were first brought in and 
corraled, the boys would sit on top of the corral fence and 
look at them by the hour — each man probably setting his 
heart on which ones he should like for his string. Each 
rider in the spring roundup was allotted a string of from 
seven to ten horses by the foreman. He could ride these 
and no others, riding two a day so that each animal could 
get three or four days rest. 

The cut-out men and expert ropers were given the first 
pick. Bronco-busters had any outlaws or spoiled horses 
and were paid extra, and the horse wranglers took what 
they could get. 

The horse wrangler's duties were to drive his outfit's 
herd of spare horses from camp to camp and take care of 
them all day, to find the best feed to be had for them, to 
help butcher a beef when it was his outfit's turn to kill, 
and to rustle wood and water for the cook. He also looked 
after unharnessing the cook's team at the new camp. A 


beef was butchered nearly every day, the cooks using what 
they wanted and the coyotes had the rest. 

The night herder (always called Nighthawk, with his 
brand in front for a distinguishing sign) took over the 
wrangler's herd of horses after supper and herded them 
til four o'clock A. M. He drove the bedwagon to the next 
camp and was then free to rest or do what he liked till the 

There were six such herds of horses in the roundup I 
wrangled for, as there were also two wagons and a cook to 
each of the six outfits. As soon as the captain had desig- 
nated the location of our next camp, each horse-wrangler, 
after the boys had caught their mounts, would get his herd 
on the move as soon as possible, for the first wrangler in 
the new camp could get the pick of the feed for his horses. 
His standing with his fellows was somewhat governed by 
his abilit}' and push in the matter of doing his horses well. 

Each herd had to be kept separate, of course, and it 
was quite exciting to have two bunches abreast — each 
wrangler trying to get the lead on the trail. Once there, 
there was no passing. 

One thing that struck me as peculiar was that all of the 
horses on the roundup were geldings. The foreman ex- 
plained this by saying, "That's easy! Wherever there's fe- 
males, there's sure to be trouble. And we don't want no 
more trouble in a cow camp than what the Lord sends us." 

The man who spends from twelve to fourteen hours a 
day with a bunch of a hundred horses is bound to learn 
something of their peculiarities. A large number of them 
have one particular friend that the wrangler gets to recog- 
nize. Every day when the boys unsaddle to change horses, 
as the used animal trots towards the herd whinnying, his 
friend will trot out to meet him with a like greeting and 
off they go together quite contented. If they are not to- 
gether at any time, you may be perfectly sure that the 
absent one is on duty. 

There were always several old horses in the herd. It 
always seemed to annoy them whenever a couple or three 
youngsters got to romping, rearing, pretending to bite or 
kick, or racing about and nearly bumping. Then these old 
chaps would put back their ears, bare their teeth and rush 
at the youngsters with outstretched necks. I used to think 
of them as peevish old men, who could not brook the 
boisterous capers and the exuberant spirits of youth. 

A horse with a Roman nose, bulging narrow brow, a 
ewe neck, a goose rump and small fiat eyes could be classed 
as a "crook," usually a very poor specimen. He had a mean 
untrustworthy disposition, generally no ambition to please 


in his work so he never worried; therefore he lasted too 
long. A good many of these ill-bred cayuses came from 
eastern Oregon, the result of interbreeding for many gener- 
ations in a wild state. 

But there were plenty of good home bred cow ponies 
that were positively amazing in their cow work and their 
quickness to know what was wanted of them — like well- 
trained polo ponies. The good points of a cow pony were: 
A well-ribbed barrel with plenty of depth at the girth 
(behind the shoulder), denoting roomy lungs and the works 
to supply them. He should be high at the withers, lean 
of shoulder, short in the back with muscular loins and not 
be too short in the neck. His legs should have plenty of 
bone, flatfish and of good quality and they must be well 
set under him; a cow-hocked horse could not handle himself 
on the short turns, yet one with too straight hock would 
not last. The one would be liable to develop a "curb" and 
the other a "spavin." There is no work so hard on a horse 
as strenuous cow work, quite apart from the roping and 
handling of steers, which is not often necessary. 

The cow pony's feet must be small and the hoof dense 
and preferably of dark color, because, as the ponies gener- 
ally went barefoot, soft white horn cracks or wears down 
too quickly and the animal becomes tender-footed. He 
should have a fine tapering muzzle and large nostrils — 
that is, nostrils that will open up wide under stress of work. 
Good, full eyes, with plenty of width between them — the 
forehead slightly dished. A large jaw and small ears that 
are alert and move quickly and a thin mane and tail. 

A horseman reading this description will think, "Why, 
this is meant for a weight carrying hunter." It is far more 
than that. These horses only averaged about 900 to 1000 
pounds in weight and they had to carry a man of one hun- 
dred and sixty pounds, plus forty or more pounds of saddle 
and equipment, for four or five hours a day. And I must 
admit that very few horses had all the wonderful points 
that I have enumerated. 

Such a horse, when broken by a real stockman, is a 
perpetual treasure and pleasure to his owner. Broken 
with a hackamore (i.e., with a noseband halter only) and 
later bitted carefully, he stops or turns at the least pressure 
of the rein, and takes as much pains to please his rider in 
cow work, as a sheep dog does for his shepherd master. 

If cattle run out from the herd and have to be headed 
back, a good cow horse turns short the instant that the 
cow does, whether the rein touches his neck or not. Which 
has often occasioned unpleasant surprise to a new hand, 


unused to such work. It is a humiliation to be unseated 
in such a manner. 

A cowboy may at times use his spurs more than he 
should, under excitement, but he never, never strikes his 
pony over the head. And so a ridden cow pony never 
dodges the whirled rope, the uplifted quirt or the black- 
snake, because he knows that it is not intended for his 
head. Ponies broken by the Indians were generally of small 
value, being spiritless and dull. This was said to be due to 
their being handled too young and then alternately starved 
and run hard, till all spirit and all ambition died in them. 
It seemed to be a reasonable explanation. 

The bays and browns were favorite colors for horses. 
Next came dark sorrel, buckskin and blue roan. White 
horses with black skins were liked, but white horses with 
white skins were disliked. These latter had also pink noses 
and "glass" eyes, (blue eyes, showing the whites all round 
— generally with inflamed lids). Light sorrels, strawberry 
roans, light chestnuts, were supposed to be of delicate con- 
stitution and so were not favored. A good pinto or paint 
horse, either skewbald or piebald, v/as always favored. 

If I have become tiresome and prosy over this horse 
talk, be it remembered that it was a daily subject on the 
range and one of never-ending interest. If in the present 
day, automobile owners love to talk car, which is only of 
incidental importance in their lives, how much more should 
the stockman talk of horses, when they were his most 
important adjunct for ten or more hours a day? Without 
a horse, he was helpless — useless. With a poor horse his 
best efforts were fettered. With a good horse, he was 
always vying with his fellows for supremacy in the dailj^ 


This somewhat discursive description of a western cattle 
roundup must find its excuse in the reminiscent narrative 
form. It is intended to constitute a record of that period 
of far western history, just before the settlers came in, in 
large numbers and fenced up those vast public ranges. 
But it is necessary to include possibly trivial incidents in 
order to give life to the story. Without these incidents it 
would be incomplete and uninteresting. 

If the writer has idealized his characters, either the 
men or the women of the period, it has been done uninten- 
tionally. The impressions of them, gained by daily inter- 
course, when he was a very young man, were true enough 


to influence his whole Ufe and to make him a better citizen 
than he might have been otherwise. 

The personnel of the spring roundup was not up to 
that of the permanent cow hands. Extra men had to be 
hired from the towns, drifters, tin-horn gamblers, saloon 
bums and such, as well as new settlers, who wanted to earn 
some money with which to develop their new holdings. 

In '85 all the six outfits of No. 27 were to meet at 
Breden's corral, near Rawlins City, some sixty miles from 
our ranch. Two or three of the outfits were already there 
when we arrived. And here occurred the first unpleasant- 
ness I had met with. 

A man from one of the ranches, a stranger recentty 
hired, had gone into a saloon and had drunk enough "red- 
eye" to become a nuisance. With his gun unlimbered, he 
was making the bar keeper set up free drinks to every- 
body that came into the bar room. Word was sent to the 
sheriff and his assistance asked. When he came in, with 
his thumbs in the armholes of his vest and his star thrust 
well forward he marched straight up to the drunk and 
said, "Now, then, Monty! You better get back to Seven 
Mile. You've had enough. Come on, now!" 

But the voice of authority did not carry far enough. 
Monty trained his Colt on the sheriff and, with many ex- 
pletives, ran him out of the place. Thereupon, everybody 
drifted quietly out, leaving only Monty and the bar keeper, 
tete-a-tete. The sheriff went to his office and returned 
shortly armed with a short old fashioned carbine of half- 
inch caliber. He kicked open the swinging doors and en- 
tered. Monty was leaning over the bar talking to the bar 
keeper, his back to the door. 

"Now 'en, Monty! Back to Seven Mile!" rasped the 
sheriff, peremptorily. The bar keeper fell on his knees 
below the line of fire while Monty v/as foolish enough to 
reach for his gun. 

At the inquest on Monty that same afternoon, it did 
not take more than twenty minutes to bring in a verdict 
of "Justifiable Homicide," and I heard that the jury added 
a rider, commending the sheriff for the prompt and efficient 
manner he had shown in carrying out his official business. 
Justice was swift and sure on this wonderful frontier. Piffling 
technicalities were ruled out where a man was caught 
red-handed. That is why it seems that the criminal lawyers 
of today — as a body — are a far greater menace to the nation 
than the criminals themselves. 

Rawlins was quite a little town — said to claim 1000 
inhabitants. It had one main street with the railroad run- 
ning through it and some small streets on each side, as I 



remember it; also some dug-outs and log cabins on the 

A freight train was pulling out as I rode into town 
with the foreman. As it was gathering speed, I saw a man 
run from under the water tank and apparently hurl himself ' 
beneath the wheels. I was horror struck and grabbing Ed's 
arm, I shouted, "Look! Look, Ed! There's a man commit- 
ted suicide over there! I saw him throw himself under 
the train." 

How Ed laughed. I did not hear the last of that for 
many a day. It was simply a hobo stealing a ride on the 
brake beams, the commonest way of traveling for tramps 
and dead-beats. 

How interesting the life of a horse wrangler seemed to 
me then. Thirty dollars a month and board seemed to be 
a very handsome recompense for such work. There was so 
much to see and learn. 

A good wrangler will spare himself no trouble to see 
that his animals find the best feed attainable, even if he 
has to go a mile or so from camp to get it. For the horses 
must be kept in good condition at any cost. While he is 
roaming around amongst his charges or sitting on the hill- 
side doing nothing, he sees everything and has time to 
watch it. Every eagle, hawk or buzzard that enlivens the 
air is on some quest and you wonder what he has marked 
down. Antelope were ubiquitous — they could be seen daily, 
as one sees jack rabbits today. Prairie dog villages were 
very entertaining to watch, though we avoided them. To 
work cattle near a prairie dog colony was a nuisance, as the 
horses are looking at their work and prairie dog holes have 
broken many a leg. 

Perhaps no one but a person whose duties keep him so 
busily idle, like a horse wrangler or a sheep herder vor 
instance, has the opportunity to take in the vastness, the 
fullness and the beauty of the plains. I have never been 
lonesome there, not even when camped alone. The clearness 
of the mountain air is still amazing to me. The details of 
mountains thirty or forty miles distant are often so clear 
that they seem to be not more than ten or twelve miles 
away. At night the whole firmament seems to be doubled 
in size and brilliancy, the stars seem to be so large, pure 
and scintillating, against the soft blue background of the 
skies. Distant sounds come over clear and distinct, without 
reverberations, except in mountain valleys, where they 
excel in reproduction of sound. I loved to hear the singing 
of the coyotes at night — the blending voices on the long 
rising call, each ending with sharp fox-like barks. Two or 
three coyotes can sound like a pack in continuous song. 


They sounded to me as the jolHest wags of animals I ever 

When driving, I Hked to see the golden haze made by 
the sun on the cloud of fine dust that enveloped my horses, 
and to see other distant clouds of dust that told me of die 
movement of mj^ brother wranglers' herds. It is not at 
all surprising that the Indians have always been so awed 
and impressed by the Great Spirit, for the whole visible 
universe, by day or by night, is alive and instinct with life 
in these high mountains and plateaus. 

At those altitudes, 6000 to 7000 feet of elevation, the 
climate is stimulating and our calling was stimulating, as 
was the food. How tired one gets of beef three times a 
day. We had youth and health, no carking cares or re- 
sponsibilities that were not equally shared by others. We 
slept in the open, without even a tent, rain or shine. If 
any man nursed a grouch, he had to cork it up or get out 
of camp. A perennial crab was not tolerated. 

Which reminds me of a cook we once had for six weeks. 
Our own jolly roundup cook was taken ill and had to be 
sent to town and an old German was hired. He was about 
fifty years old and had never been on trail before, but we 
had to take him because it was no easy matter to get roundup 
cooks. A man that caters for twelve or fourteen men three 
times a day in the open earns his money. All the cooking, 
including bread, had to be done in Dutch ovens, which need 
hot coals beneath and hot coals on the covers. 

On looking back, it is not surprising to me now, that 
"Dutch" was nervous and irritable, though youth makes 
no excuses for those evils. Who does? In the first place, 
there was the driving of the cook wagon from camp to 
camp each day. Dutch had never driven four horses before, 
and mountain trails are not always easj^ to negotiate. So 
he used to tie the wheelers' lines to the gate-stake at his 
feet and just drive the leaders. Going down steep grades 
he had to grab for the wheelers' lines, and he would jam 
on the foot brakes for all he was worth. I never saw such 
a man for wearing out brake blocks. All he had to do. so 
far as the team was concerned, was to drive his wagon from 
one camp to another, for his team was harnessed and hitched 
for him and the wrangler took care of the unhitching, and 
the care of his brakes. But Dutch was no and 
that daily drive doubtless haunted him. 

Then, he had to turn out soon after three o'clock in the 
morning to make hot pone, hash and steaks ready to eat by 
four or soon after. To do this with poor fuel, even in good 
weather, is a task. 


After breakfast he had to wash up the tin plates, cups 
and "sich," stow his paraphernaUa, chmb onto his seat and 
Hght out. Arrived at the new camp, he had to go right to 
work again, make bread, boil potatoes and have roast beef 
ready by the time that the boys showed up — by ten thirty, 
when the first men might arrive with cattle. Then he had 
to keep the stuff warm till the last of the men would trail 
in — maybe at noon or after, when he generally had to face 
a few joshing remarks about the stuff being burnt up or cold. 

Sometimes he would make three or four pies in the 
afternoon, using dried apples for the filling, or evaporated 
blackberries. These two fruits, stewed, were the only 
dessert (except the pies) obtainable on the roundup. They 
kept us in good condition, notwithstanding the purely beef 
diet. We had no fresh vegetables at all except potatoes. 
Dried pink beans (called Arizona strawberries) were al- 
ways appreciated, but we rarely had them because they 
took such an eternity to cook at that altitude. 

The poor cook never had any milk or butter to use on 
the roundup. It was as unobtainable as caviar. On the 
other hand he had no sponge to lay for hght bread. The 
nights were too cold for that, so all the bread was m.ade 
with baking powder or saleratus. Dutch could get a couple 
of hours rest in the afternoon and he always turned in al 
seven, after the supper dishes were washed up. This com- 
pletes a summary of his life from day to day, so now to get 
on with the story. 

Dutch complained about something from the very day 
he started. We had been over on the Big Mudd}'', in the 
alkali country, and good firewood had been very hard to 
obtam. Some days I had dug greasewood and brush 
roots, but had to supplement them with buffalo chips or 
dried cow dung. The latter smouldered and smouldered, 
m_aking lots of smoke but little heat in spite of his continual 
fanning. Good hot glowing coals are needed to cook with in 
Dutch ovens and, though brush roots provided such coals 
and buffalo chips do not, I could not dig enough of them. 
It was hard to keep Dutch supplied with good fuel. Small 
firewood is soon burnt to ashes and yields no coals. 

So after two or three days of constant complaints we 
reached the Platte river, where there is always plenty of 
Cottonwood, willow and aspen. After securing a nice grassy 
bottom for my herd, I noticed a good dry log that had drifted 
on to the bank and was lying there. So I dismounted and 
put the loop of my "skin line" over the end of it and snaked 
it up to camp. 

"There you are, cook," I said. "You've been shouting 
for wood for a week (which was stretching it a little) — 


now let's see you whet your teeth on that," and I turned 
to go. 

Dutch looked at that log and then glared at me "Py 
Gott! I vouldn't cut it up! Vat you t'ink?" he bellowed. 
"I vant vood now — right avay — you hear? I got no time 
to cut locks!" 

"Please yourself, Dutch," I said, glad to get back at him 
at last. "There's the wood and there's the axe. I have to 
'tend my horses." 

Just then, Johnny W. — captain of the roundup came 
riding by. Dutch shrieked out, "Looky here. Cap! Jes' 
look vot dat dog-gone wrangler toted in for me to get dinner 
mit," and he pointed indignantly at the log, "Ain't it his 
job to cut vood for de cook?" 

Johnny looked at me and grinned. He sized up the 
situation, no doubt. He said, "The man's right, kid. I guess 
you're elected. It's your job to put the wood in shape for 
him to use if he demands it," and he rode on. 

Well! One does not question an order from ihe chief 
or the referee, and this seemed to settle it. So I dismounted, 
took the axe and went to work on that log. And the joke 
was certainly on me. All the time I was chopping it into 
firewood, that wretched old cook was sneering. "H — Hm! 
You vould bring me big locks to get dinner mit — Hein! 
Monkey bizness don't vork mit me, I tell you. Who's boss 
o' diss kitchen anyvay? De cook or de wood cutter, answer 
me dat? My! Vot a great — big — hard — lock! Glad I 
vouldn't haf to cut id," and so on ad nauseam. 

There wasn't anything to say, so I said nothing. No use 
bandying words with an old woman. But I noticed that 
he had set out four pies on the tail of his wagon — cooked 
the previous afternoon. They were tough and leathery but 
they were pies. So, as soon as I had cut enough wood for 
him to get dinner — and no more — I mounted my horse, rode 
up to the tail of the wagon and lifted a pie. 

It was really a marvel that he was not seized with 
apoplexy. He looked murderous. Of course at dinner time 
he dispensed the pies himself with the aid of a large butcher 
knife and would not let me have any. He could not help 
telling the boys all about it, in loud indignant tones. They 
had been robbed by that greedy wrangler, etc. But their 
reception of his story was not calculated to mollify his 

At the end of about six weeks he had to be fired, as 
the boys were tired of his eternal sighings and beratings. 
In even a small community, one man cannot oppose himself 
to all the other members and expect to continue to live 
with them. In western idiom, "It don't pay to buck the 


crowd" — except on a matter of principle and then only if 
occasion demands it. 

Our next cook was rather dirty and casual and he gave 
us no pies. However he was always "there" with a good 
natured repartee and the grub was well cooked and plenti- 
ful. His smile would have covered a multitude of short- 
comings. Moreover he was a good horseman and teamster 
so never had to ask for help to cross a bad ford or get over 
rough places with his team. It was a pleasure to rustle 
wood and water for him. He always had something to say. 

In sparsely settled communities every man must con- 
tribute to the gaiety, if only to applaud. Harmony is most 
certainly the strength and support of such a society in far 
greater measure than in a large communitj^ because there 
is no alternative to be sought. 

Even today in modern business it is evident that a 
trouble-maker, a man who cannot get along with his fellows, 
is not wanted. He is discharged and becomes an I.W.W. 
or a Communist, who imagines he has a grievance — that 
he has been badly used and the world is going to the dogs, 
and "what's the use of anythin'?" If it were suggested 
that he was a shirker, incompetent, lazy or bad tempered, 
he would feel grossly insulted, no matter how true it were. 
So, usually, a man with a grievance is a poor man to hire. 


It was only when I was out with a man alone, that I 
could get him to talk about himself. Each man thought 
his own experience very common-place and matter of fact; 
but to me many of these little life stories were thrilling 
romances. But sometimes peculiar developments took place 
during the couple of hours we squatted around the xire of 
an evening before turning in. 

One evening, in the course of talk regarding General 
Miles' campaign against the Apaches under Geronim.o, I 
happened to revert to the Napoleonic wars and, finding that 
I had some interested listeners, I bucked up and entered 
into my subject with zest — superficial and meagre as my 
knowledge of the subject was. 

Alas! "A little knowledge is a dangerous thing." Every 
audience may contain one man who knows more about the 
subject than the speaker. And such was the case with me. 
In the midst of my story I made a statement regarding the 
lineage of Napoleon wherein I was a bit mixed. A voice 
from the other side of the fire said, "You're wrong there, 


kid. When you're running off a pedigree, whether of a 
man or a horse you got to get it right." 

"All right. You tell it then, CUff," I said, a bit nettled. 
"Maj^be you know more about it than I do." 

"Maybe I do," he replied, "that's my meat. I majored 
in history at the University." 

We sat up till nine o'clock that night, and Cliff rolled 
off the genealogies of the Bourbons, the Hapsburgs, the 
Dukes of Brandenburg and the German and English Royal 
houses — what they did and what it led to, in a quick suc- 
cession of lightning sketches. 

I was not humiliated after the first fall — not even when 
Cliff looked over at me with a quizzical smile and said, 
"Now, Professor." 

"You win. Cliff," I said, with an answering grin. 

"You have a fair smattering, kid," he said, "but only a 
smattering. Stick to your English." 

This was not done in a patronizing way. It was a simple 
statement of fact. We remained sitting over the fire for 
some time after the boys were rolled in their blankets. 
Cliff told me that after he left college, he mixed with a 
rather wild bunch of fellows and became too fond of whiskey 
— the old, old story of the wastrel; that he simply drifted 
out west to get away from old and lost associations. He 
was only about thirty-five then, but there was not a vestige 
of the professor in his features, his voice, or his language, 
which was always well-peppered with unedifying adjec- 
tives. His walk was the inevitable cowboy lurch, but 'round 
the fire that night his sketches had been clear and in well- 
ordered sequence. He was a good cow hand and I never 
saw him depressed in spirits, though he must have been, 
after each recurring bout of drinking. 

A cow camp is no place for vain introspection or fatuous 
regrets and self-pity. At the end of each season. Cliff went 
to town, bought himself new clothes or any new gear that 
he needed, and then handed the balance of his pay-check 
to the saloon keeper asking him to "tell me when it is 
all gone." 

When he had run the gamut, he would return to the 
range and be a good boy until he had accumulated another 
stake and work was slack. He never got drunk on the 
roundup. The old saloon keeper would ne^7er let him have 
any of his money to play cards with when he was drunk, 
nor let anyone best him, — a pretty wise old banker for such 
a character. 

I liked thst old saloon man. He was kindlj^ and human 
but would not tolerate a sot. No drunk or derelict was 
allowed to hang around his 'joint,' for the saloon was che 


only club the West had, and he kept his as decent as he 

One day, when nobody else was in there, as I drifted 
in from the restaurant, which was in a back room, he said 
to me, "Come over here while I show you a few tricks." 

Then he took three walnut shells and a pea and nimbly 
demonstrated how the thimblerig was manipulated. Then 
he showed me three-card monte, throwing down the cards 
so slowly and altering their positions so deliberately, that 
I was quite sure that I could spot the right card. But, of 
course, I could not. 

Next he brought out a small ivory top and said, "Now, 
let's bet." He twirled the little top, which had ten facets 
on the sides, marked from one to ten. "You can bet what 
you like before I spin the top," he said, "from one to five 
or from six to ten." 

So I bet a dime that the face showing up would be live 
or under. It turned up six. After I had lost three times on 
the low call, I changed my betting and lost all my money. 

"It's all off, Johnny, I'm broke," I announced. 

He grinned and pushed my small cash back saying, 
"Take it, kid, I don't want to beat you." 

"Nothing doing," I said indignantly, pushing the sixty 
cents back again. "You won it fairly. What d'ye take me 
foj'*!* I'mi not a child nor an object of charity." 

"No, but I didn't win it fairly, kid," he said. "That 
top's a cheat. I push the little peg over slightly through 
the top — so little that you can't notice it — and the face that 
turns up is five or under. If you bet five or under, I pull it 
back again with a slight pressure and the face number will 
be six or over." 

I took the money in silence and waited. 

"Now," continued Johnny, "I have showed you some 
of the cheating devices that you may meet with some place. 
They are never permitted in my place of business. Also 
a crooked faro dealer can't operate here, and it don't take 
me very long to get on to the phoney ones. I used to be a 
gambler myself — before I became respectable," he added. 

"But now you know as there's lots of games of chance, 
that ain't games of chance at all. I've showed you on'y 
some of 'em. An' so for your own good, I sa}^ 'never have 
anything to do with any of 'em.' Don't 'Buck the Tiger' 
(as betting on Faro or Keno was called) , nor risk one 
nickel on the turn of a card outside yer own bunkhouse or 
with fellers you know well. The professional gambler plays 
a 'skin' game, first, last an' all the time. The lecture bein' 
now over, vou are entitled to a drink on the house — what 
shall it be?" 


"The best you've got is none too good," I returned 
promptly, and forthwith drank to his health with the friend- 
liest thoughts. 

Though a saloon keeper, Johnny was honest, kindlj^, 
hospitable and altogether human. His business was legiti- 
mate and well managed as a frontier place of entertain- 
ment could possibly be. He conducted a restaurant as well 
as a bar, with meals at stated times. 

If, as sometimes happened, a mellowed cowboy felt 
moved to shoot a few necks from the bottles behind the 
bar, Johnny depended on others to gradually steer the 
wayward one away and simply sent in the bill of damages 
to the erring puncher's foreman or 'boss.' 

The foreman would say, "I have a bill from Johnny 
against you for ten dollars, for bottles he says you smashed 
behind his bar last Tuesday. How about it? All right for 
me to pay the bill?" 

The puncher would probably reply, "I guess it's all 
right, Bill. Whatever Johnny says goes with me. He 
wouldn't charge me with no more damage than what I 
done." And the bill would be paid 

One evening, on the Fourth of July. I sauntered into the 
back room of the saloon (the card room) and Jqhnny called 
me aside, saying, '"Kid! Old Pingree's in the bar. He sold 
a big bunch of beaver pelts lately and has been lushin' up 
for two days and I want him away. He's gettin' the 'jim- 
jams.' Wonder if you could steer him off for me, bein' a 
fellow countryman of .his?" 

So I went into the saloon. Pingree was in a verv ner- 
vous state, jammed right up in a corner by himself. He 
sat up with a start when I tapped him on the shoulder, 
and began to babble away about nothing. So I said, "Come 
on, Ping. Let's go to bed! I'm tired." 

"All right, kid. But you got to stay with me!" he 
gasped, peeping about. 

"Sure thing, partner — right in the old bunkhouse. Come 
on, I'll shake down your blankets for you." 

So I grabbed his arm and we went out to the bunk- 
house. I lit a candle — a tallow dip, that was stuck in a 
bottle, and grabbed the first bundle of blankets I came to, 
untied it and spread the covers on the floor. Then I pulleci 
off his long boots and took off his jacket. 

That poor, dismal candle created shadows which became 
almost black at the end of the long log bunkhouse, with 
its double row of bunks ranged on each side — one above the 


other. Pingree grabbed me fearfully by the shoulder and 
began pointing at the darkened corners. "A— ha!" he 
shouted, with a catch in his throat. "I see you sneakin' 
away there. Don't you go makin' mouths at me, you devils. 
Look at that one, kid. Lookut him. Look! Look! Look!" 
— with a sobbing laugh that made my hair fairly move on 
its scalp. He was pointing at all the dark corners and under 
the bunks, till I could pretty nearly see things myself. 

"Don't you take any notice of 'em, Ping!" I said, giving 
him a rough shake. "What do you care? Let's go to sleep." 

"I can't lie down. I can't! I can't!" he bawled. "My 
head's afire. Can't you see the flames?" 

So I rubbed my hands vigorously over his scalp and 
told him it was all out, and kept on smoothing and rubbing 
his head when he lay down, till finally he dropped off to 
sleep. If he moved or grabbed, I rubbed him some more. 
Not a soul showed up till early morning. Everybody was 
celebrating the glorious Fourth. It was a most dismal night, 
but Johnny gave the old boy an eye-opener the next day 
and told him to get back to camp, which he did. 

Poor old Pingree. He had married a Paiute squaw and 
lived in an Indian tent, the year 'round, moving from place 
to place. He made his living as a trapper, and beaver were 
plentiful, as well as martens. Between seasons he trapped 
coyotes, and other "varmints" or did a bit of hunting for the 
market. Some months after the "jim-jam" episode, I passed 
near his camp, where he and his squaw were busy. I 
shouted out "Howdy, Ping!" and was going on, when he 
bawled out, "Hey, there! Kid, come on over here while I 
give ye a tobacker sack." 

So I rode over to his tepee, where his squaw was scrap- 
ing, stretching and drying peltries, and he handed me a 
good sized doeskin tobacco bag, beautifully trimmed with 
beads and wampum, daintily fringed at the bottom, and 
closed with a fine-pleated, split deer sinew string. The 
deer skin was as soft as velvet. His squaw must have 
chewed it for hours to get it so soft. 

"There," he said, "I want you should have this. My 
squaw made it for me, but shucks! — I hain't got no use for 
gewgaws like that." 

I looked at the squaw, who gave the ghost of an enig- 
matic smile and then looked wooden and expressionless 

"Go on, take it," he said. I hesitated. "She don't care. 
She'll make me another one if I want it." 

So I took the bag and went away, wondering what 
constituted the daily intercourse of such a pair, beyond 
following the trap lines. For old Pingree, a Scotchman, 


was quite a reader of magazines. His squaw could not 
read, but she understood the handUng and value of furs. 
Moreover, she was not more than half his age. 


The American "little red school house" was a marvelous 
institution. Next to the home it was the foundation upon 
which American character was built up. In conjunction 
with the home, it formulated and made concrete the high 
but unwritten code of ethics, whereby America became 
a great nation. It was the cradle of splendid Americanism. 
of which foreigners and casual visitors can know little. 

I do not pretend to know what the children learned 
of mere facts in the country school, but their demeanor 
towards their parents and in other people's houses was par- 
ticularly noticeable to a fellow who had never attended a 
'"mixed" school, or lived in any but a strictly conservative 
and class-ridden Victorian atmosphere. The children all 
had little chores to do on their return home and most of 
them went to and from school on horseback, sometimes two 
or even three on a horse. 

This alone gave them an air of confidence and respon- 
sibility, both in the care and management of an intelligent 
animal and, for older children, the care of their younger 
brothers and sisters, a tacit authority which never seemed 
to be questioned, splendid training for future responsibility. 
The parents would see that such leadership never developed 
into tyranny. 

The little home chores led to regular habits of living 
and doubtless created in the child a feeling that he was an 
important member of the household, for mutual service 
breeds self respect. It was this child's job to stack in 
stovewood for his mother, that child's job to get in the 
cow and perhaps milk it, another's to feed the poultry or 
hogs, or help the mother in the kitchen or bring water from 
the spring. There was plenty of time for them to play, 
but the assistance rendered was a great aid to the parents 
and of great benefit to the children. It was important 

All the little meetings, whether religious, social or po- 
litical were held at the little red schoolhouse. The "school- 
marm" might not be very learned but she was usuall}^ 
wise and capable with young people or she would not be 
there for long. She boarded at one of the ranch houses 
and was regarded with deference, a kindly intimate sort 
of deference by young and old, if her personality demanded 


it. It generally did, for she was a daughter of the same 
class of people as her hosts and therefore tolerant and 
circumspect. It was this close association between the 
school and the home in these small communities that was 
chiefly instrumental in giving this pioneer stock its sterling 

The children of yesteryear were not much different 
from those of today, but their training was different, at 
least in Wyoming. 


The life of a sheepherder was the most lonely it was 
possible to conceive. No wonder such a large proportion 
of them became insane, sooner or later. They had just 
their camp wagon, a team and saddle horse, three or four 
dogs, and were left to themselves in a way that a modern 
herder, with his regular tender, would not stand. 

They made rough corrals of brush for bedding down 
their flocks at night, and the dogs watched them. If a 
bear, lion or coyote came too close, the dogs gave notice 
and the herder had to come out with his rifle. They had 
to cook all their own meals, which must have been always 
flavored with the sheep smell. The monotony of that smell 
and sheep sounds, day and night without change, without 
companionship, and in the sordid filth of a fly-infested, 
barren, itinerant sheep camp is appalling to think of. One 
can stand almost anything if there is a sharer of the dis- 
comfort, but to be alone for weeks, and even months, must 
have been desolating. 

Think of it! No mail, no newspapers, constant moving, 
nothing to do but the daily round of feeding horses and 
dogs, cooking meals (including bread), occasional washing 
of clothes, cutting a little firewood and bedding the sheep. 
All this work had to be done regularly, hopelessly, with 
but one thing to look forward to, the appearance of the 
owner or camp tender with a new supply of bacon, coffee, 
flour, potatoes, lard, chewing tobacco, and magazines. No 
wonder they used to grow "queer" and lose the faculty 
of flowing human intercourse. 

I was riding over the Laramie plains once, from Rock 
Creek ford to Lookout, joggmg along at that slow dog-trot 
that is tiring to neither horse nor rider, but which eats up 
the miles, when I saw a man tearing across the plains, evi- 
dently to intercept me for he was waving his hat. Thinking 
that it was somebody who wanted a letter mailed or a 
message carried, I slowed down and waited for him to 
come up. 


It was a sheepherder. He pulled up and nodded, "How 
do, sir." 

"How do, sir," I replied, and waited. 

He blew a chew of tobacco from his mouth, coughed 
and then said, "You goin' to Lookout?" 

"I am," I replied. "Is your herd over the rise?" 

His gaze wandered over the plain in the direction I 
indicated, and he nodded. 

After a pause, I asked. "Are you wanting me to bring 
you anything or mail a letter?" 

"No," he replied, absently. "Just rode over here, 
that's all. So long!" And he turned and trotted slowly 
away without meeting my eyes again. 

Poor devil! He just wanted to come over and talk to 
somebody and then found that he had nothing to say. 
Probably only his dogs kept the spark of whatever it is 
alive in his brain. 

On another occasion, I was camped for the night on 
Rock Creek, where it emerges from the mountains and 
comes out onto the plains. I had tethered my saddle horse 
and hobbled my pack animal and, having finished supper, 
was lying against a tree trunk, enjoying the post-prandial 
pipe, when I heard somebody coming through the brush 
behind me. 

As it was a man afoot that I heard, I thought that it 
might be Bill Williams, an old Government Scout, who 
lived near the ford. But I heard him heel his dog, and I 
knew it must be a sheepherder, which it was, a fuzzy-wuzzy 
sheepherder, a man about forty, with a bushy tangled 
beard and taggy hair reaching to his shoulders. I greeted 
him without getting up and he squatted contentedly down 
by the remains of my fire and eyed my gear. 

"I seen you ride in here," he said, "an' I thought I'd 
stop over an' get in a little visit. It gets mighty lonesome 
in a sheep camp." 

"Doesn't your tender show up every week or two?" 
I asked. 

"Ought to, but he don't," he replied. "They haven't 
be'n anigh my camp for goin' on six weeks and I'm might' 
nigh out o' everything, 'cept flour an' a little lard, no pig- 
meat, no canned stuff nor nothin', not even coffee." 

"Well, you don't need to go hungry. You always have 
plenty of mutton handy," I suggested. 

"Mutton, Mister, mutton!" he burst out, disgustedly, 
"I couldn't eat mutton, not if I was starvin'. An' more, you 


couldn't ef you had the smell o' sheep in yer nose all day 
an' all night. I'm a-goin' to quit, soon as the boss shows 
up, that's what I'm a-goin' to do. It ain't a square deal, 
leavin' a man this-a-way," and he kept on eyeing my skillet. 

"Had your supper yet?" I inquired. 

"No, I hain't," he answered, I thought, a trifle hope- 

"Could you do with a ham steak and some cold biscuit, 
then? I'm just through." 

"Could I! Why, I smelled you half a mile away." 

So I cut off a good thick ham steak that filled my skillet, 
stirred the hot embers of my fire and set the coffee pot 
on again. It was enough ham for two good hungry men, 
but he polished the lot and then ran his biscuit round and 
round the pan till not a vestige of fat was left in it. He 
finished all my bread and emptied the coffee pot, then sat 
back and sighed and smiled. His face shone with content- 
ment and ham fat. 

"I hain't had sich a meal as that in many a long day an' 
I thank you kindly, stranger. This yer camp, comp'ny an' 
all, is sure like livin' again," and he pulled out a little 
black stubby pipe and began gently knockin it's bowl in 
his palm. 

"Want some of my 'baccy?" — offering him my sack. 

He grabbed it, his eyes aglow, "Well now, stranger, 
that's mighty kind of you. I been out o' tobacker for a 
week, an' what do them wasters care? I been smokin' 
wormwood leaves for a hull week an' this yer 'Bull' sure 
looks good to me," and he settled himself down for a good 

"How about the sheep?" I asked. 

"I bedded them a bit early tonight," he said, "when I 
seen you cross the ford. The dogs'll take care of 'em till I 
get back. Don't get a chance o' good comp'ny like this 
very often." 

And so we sat talking till 'way into the night. It must 
have been nearly ten o'clock before he tore himself away, 
with half a sack of tobacco in his pocket and a light heart. 

He told me all about himself, how he had a few sheep 
and his wife was taking care of them over in the Big Horn 
Basin. He was working out, so as to have some ready 
cash to go on improving the new holding. Yes. His wife 
was a good sheepman and could take care of things while 
he was away for the summer. He ought to have a letter 
and some reading matter from her, when that unfragrant, 
hybrid and otherv/ise highly qualified camp tender showed 
up. And when that happened he was determined to "speak 
his piece and not be mealy-mouthed about it either." 


After having unbosomed himself of his wrongs and 
warmed up on the subject of his wife, his new home and 
ambitions for the future, he blossomed out into a few hu- 
morous anecdotes and started back to his camp, whistling. 

If that sheepherder's camp tender had arrived on his 
return, there is no doubt that he would have slapped him 
on the back, given him a good welcome and busied himself 
starting a fire for the entertainment of the delinquent. 
Such is the result of a good well-relished meal and a sym- 
pathetic listener. 

I found on the frontier, that a hasty word spoken 
BEFORE a meal, was ignored as being a physical weakness 
only. But if a man was grouchy AFTER a good dinner, 
then he is either sick, worried or ornery. If the latter, one 
has a right to ask, "What's eatin' you'^" or to admonish with 
"Get it off your chest." 

These recollections of the Far West in the '80's seem to 
be degenerating into what Tay Pay would call "Anecdotage.'' 
Yet the personal incidents that have been related are 
chiefly for the purpose of expounding the qualities of the 
characters presented, and to some extent, their mode of 
living. When these events occurred Wild Bill Hickok, 
Buffalo Bill, Calamity Jane, Billy the Kid, the McCandless 
gang and the James boys were still being talked about; 
the Custer massacre, an almost local happening, was only 
nine years history; Colonel Nelson A. Miles was still clean- 
ing up Apaches in Arizona, Geronimo's Apaches; barbed 
wire was beginning to replace "buck" fences, but most of 
the new settlers still built "buck" fences because they 
could get the poles for nothing and barbed wire cost money; 
cut nails were used for nailing the "bucks" and rails, but 
they had to be put in a fire first to anneal them, otherwise 
they would break if once bent and you tried to straighten 
them; most of the ranch houses and barns of the settlers 
were built of logs and roofed with poles, haj^ and sods or 
gravel over the clay. 

Wagons and buckboards had a wide tread, five feet two 
inches, with beds resting on the solid axle, but springs, 
long elliptical springs, supported the seats. Everybody had 
buffalo robes or bear robes for driving in the winter. 

Stetson hats were almost universally worn by the best 
punchers. They had stiff wide brims (like a present day 
American cavalryman's hat), the two-gallon hat of the 
present day being unknown. It seems to be a sort of hybrid 
importation from Mexico or the border. A soft wide brim 


would have covered a man's eyes half the time in the 
strong winds that prevailed in the mountains. As it was, 
a leather string under the chin and another under the poll 
was necessary to secure one's headgear on a windy day. 

The chaps, or leather pants of the cowboys, were either 
trimmed at the sides with a leather fringe or simply laced, 
except such as were bearskin or goatskin sides. Nobody 
wore cloth pants on the roundup except in the winter, only 
blue overalls. 

Every puncher wore a neckerchief and carried a tooth- 
brush in his breast pocket. The latter was used after each 
meal, a very good custom, perhaps taken from the Indians 
who used a frayed stick for the same purpose. 

Many men used "taps" or long stirrup covers made of 
leather, a foot or more long, to protect the toes of their 
light boots from injury when riding through heavy brush, 
an unnecessary addition to an already heavy equipment. 
A yellow oilskin pommel-slicker kept off the rain in wet 

How we all hated the wet weather when we were on 
the roundup. In the first place our beds were always muddy 
and wet when we rolled them up to throw into the wagon, 
in spite of the canvas sheet used to wrap them in. And 
then they became sticky and smelly when our bodies warmed 
them up the next night. 

When it rained the ground became very slippery, es- 
pecially in alkali sections, and there were many sprawling 
falls of men and horses while working the cattle under 
these conditions. Then, when we came into meals, we 
had to squat on our heels to eat, when the ground was 
muddy and the rain dripped from the rims of our hats into 
the food. Not so good! 

But as soon as the weather cleared, all blankets were put 
out over the bushes to air and sweeten up. Growled curses 
changed to singing and foolery, for creature comforts count 
high in a primitive community, especially among the young 
animals that constitute a cow camp. After all, nobody 
but a saint disdains them, and we have our doubts even 
about the saintly ones. It seemed natural to reach for the 
choice cuts when they passed our way. The frontiersman 
who is not a good forager soon finds that he is out of luck. 
On the other hand, if he is a greedy person, it is quickly 
noticed and the matter is clearly and unmistakably pointed 
out to him. He has to mend his ways or pass on to other 

It seems to me that democracy, in its social sense, was 
practiced in its best and purest form at this time and place. 
It was not a cult; it was a natural condition, a mode of life 


that had grown up among generations of Americans of the 
country districts — more or less God-fearing men whose 
daily intercourse was based on the golden rule, self-control 
and self-respect, by example. 

All seemed willing to help one another, though that 
help was rarely sought except when absolutely necessary, 
and never, if it was only to save the seeker the trouble of 
doing a thing himself. Even the wealthy owners of the 
big ranches unstrapped and laid out their own blankets 
and saddled their own horses on the rare occasions of their 
appearance on the beef roundup. They were also addressed 
by their given names by the old hands. 

Discipline was good as there was no necessity to en- 
force it. No man's self-respect was wounded unless he 
needed a lesson, and even then it was not rubbed in. The 
foreman's orders would be something like this: 

" 'Rooster!' They seem to be a bit short-handed over at 
the 'Goose-egg.' You and 'Soapy' better go over there 
right away, I guess. Better take along two horses apiece 
and your blankets and stay as long as Bud wants you. Want 
any cash or tobacco or anything?" 

"Ye-ah. Give me a plug o' eatin' tobacker an' maybe 
five dollars'll be all I'll want," might be the reply. An ar- 
bitrary, masterful manner was never used among the cow- 
men, so far as I saw. The best "hands" would not have 
stood it. 

One of their stories was apropos of this, and it never 
failed to win applause. There was an Englishman named 
Sartoris who had a large ranch over toward the Freeze Out 
Mountains, probably the first dude ranch in the west. Some 
titled Britisher was going out there one day on a horse 
that he had hired from a livery stable in town, and he met 
one of the cowboys on the road. He pulled up as they 
met and said: 

"Is this the way to Mr. Sartoris' ranch?" 

"Yes, sir. Keep right on this road and you can't miss it." 

"Do you work for Mr. Sartoris?" 

"Yes, sir. I'm his foreman." 

"Oh!" said the Englishman, "You see I'm just dropping 
in unexpectedly. Is your master at home?" 

"No, sir!" said the puncher, with a piercing glare at 
his questioner, "the son-of-Belial ain't born yet." And he 
rode on, leaving his visitor speechless and mystified. 

I learnt my little lesson in a small incident that oc- 
curred just after the calf roundup started. I had come to 
the tail of the wagon for my dinner, had poured out a cup 

THE FAR WEST IN THE '80's , 69 

of coffee and heaped my tin plate with beef and potatoes, 
when a hne-rider from an adjoining roundup rode up with 
a string of horses. 

"Hello, Mike!" someone shouted. "Ain't you off your 
beat? Just in time for 'chuck.' Get off." 

"I been detailed to your outfit," said Mike. "Where's 
the horse-wrangler?" 

"Here he is," T said, without getting up. "What can I 
do for you?" 

"Take my string up to the herd, kid," he said, and dis- 

"Well, say!" I broke in, "I'm just eating dinner. Can't 
you take them up? The herd's only a little way up the 
creek. I'll take your packhorse up after I'm through." 

He paused and looked at me quizzically until I felt 
uncomfortable. Then he said pleasantly: 

"Yes, kid. I'll do that little thing. You're new to the 
game, aren't you? Sure. I'll take 'em up." And he re- 
mounted and rode off' with his horses. 

The foreman looked around at the bunch and said, 
"Well, I'll be dog-goned. What do you know about that? 
Here's a stranger as has rode thirty miles, comes to our 
camp all tired and hungry, an' then you tell hiin to wait 
on hisself. Is that yer English idea o' hospitality?" turning 
to me. 

"Well," I said, nettled at the reference to English hos- 
pitality, "I'd have done as much fer him or any of you under 
the same circumstances and you know it." 

"That ain't the point," Ed replied. "You was thinkin' 
o' your own convenience an' not his. An' anyway — ain't 
there plenty more meat in the kettle if yours is spoiled? 
Tend to a guest first an' then settle down to yer own com^- 
fort afterward— same as what you'd do in yer own house." 

"This is certainly a lesson in manners," I said, weakened 
with vexation. 

"Yer manners is all right. Everybody has a right to 
their own manners, long as they don't interfere with other 
people. It's customs a man gets to learn in a new country." 

"Shut up, Ed, gol-darn it! Nuff said," put in one of the 
boys; and the lecture turned into some good-natured banter 
before Mike returned. Then I thanked him, unpacked his 
gear and unsaddled for him, saddling up the fresh horse 
that he had brought back and took the used animals back 
to the herd. 

And so it behooved me to watch carefully and see how 
everything was done, without asking too many fool ques- 
tions. Then, if I made mistakes, there was only good- 


natured banter about it, followed by friendly expl:inations 
as to how to go about it. 

I took turns cooking one winter for a few weeks in a 
cabin in Rattlesnake Pass. There were four of us. I could 
cook meat and potatoes, but had not yet learned to make 
bread, though I had watched the biscuit m.aking closely. 

So when my turn came to cook saleratus biscuits, I 
thought that if half-a-teaspoonful of soda made them light, 
more would make them lighter. So I doubled the amount 
of soda and slopped in twice the amount of lard. 

When I heard the boys at the barn, I put the biscuits in 
the oven. In fifteen minutes, all was ready and I hailed 
them to supper. I proudly dumped my pan of tall golden rolls 
onto the table, and they were seized and broken open but 
they could not be eaten. They tasted like soap with all 
that soda and fat, and though golden without, they had a 
greenish tinge inside. 

Of course there was much laughter and jeering, but 
one of the boys had some "bullwhacker" pone ready in 
another fifteen minutes. Later on I had lessons in the prepa- 
ration of "salt-rising," "sour-dough," and saleratus bread, 
also baking-powder biscuits. 

No pan was used in mixing the dough. A depression 
was made in the flour right in the mouth of the sack, water 
poured in, and the dough taken out after it had been thor- 
oughly mixed by hand. It took about an hour to boil 
potatoes at that altitude (6000 feet) and more if they were 
large ones. Beans could not be cooked at all, without the 
addition of some soda, and then they took a long time. 

Speaking of cooking beans, I was told of a certain 
Englishman, who was also new to the culinary art, who 
undertook to put up a mess of beans in the absence of a 
cook on one of the ranches. He had been told about the 
soda. As all his pots were dirty or in use, and as he did 
not want to wash up, he put the beans in a large tea-kettle, 
about two-thirds full, which he then filled with water and 
placed on the stove. Ten minutes later, he came back and 
found the lid raised by the swelling beans, so he squashed 
it down and put a thick block of stovewood between the 
lid and the kettle handle, in order to keep it down. 

Inside of five minutes, the poor little beans began com- 
ing out of the spout, one by one, so he placed a pot beneath 
it to catch them. When he was found bj^ one of the boys, 
he was said to have drawn his chair close up to the stove 
and was watching with pop-eyed interest as the beans 
continued their solemn procession and dropped from the 
spout. According to Buck, there must have been half a 
bushel of them. And, after all the water was gone, there 


was a wad of burnt beans on the bottom of the kettle. This 
King Alfred was said to be an Oxford graduate. Not so good. 

It takes brains, attention, forethought and savoir faire 
to prepare a meal that is to put everyone in a good humor. 
God bless our cooks! Anybody can open a tin. 

Men of the outposts will respond to this "toast." 

The use of a sobriquet instead of a man's own proper 
name seems to be a sort of primitive custom such as pre- 
vailed formerly at public schools. Long ago, I spotted an 
old schoolfellow on the platform at Paddington station in 
London, and when I went over to meet him, I could not, 
for the life of me, think of any other name than "Bunny," 
his sobriquet at school. He seemed to be delighted at the 
old tag, though he had grown to be a Harley Street physi- 
cian, and was dressed for the part. 

Very often the nickname was attached to a fellow be- 
cause he had a long, hard name to remember, because of a 
physical oddity or mannerism or even for a deformity. As 
examples in Wyoming: 

"Jerky Bill" was subject to periodic contractions or 
spasms of the neck muscles, when he would shoot out his 
jaw and jerk his head sharply to the left. I once saw him 
being shaved at Medicine Bow, and in the midst of the 
operation he said to the barber, "Hold on a second, I'm 
goin' to have a jerk." The barber paused, with poised 
razor; the jerk was satisfactorily disposed of and Bill said, 
"Go ahead." 

"Tapes" was a name that I could not fathom and so I 
was obliged to inquire of one of the boys. 

"Why, that's the short for 'Tapeworm'," he explained. 
"Hain' you never seen him eat? Ravenous ain't the word 
fer it. He can stow away more grub at a settin' than any 
two men in the outfit, little an' skinny as he is, an' then 
get hungry fer more while he's a pickin' of his teeth." 

"Chalk-eye" had a white square mark in the brown 
iris of one eye, which looked like a chalk mark. 

"Rattlesnake Dick" earned his name from his love of 
rattlesnake rattles. He had a whole band of them sewn 
around his hat and some more stitched onto the browband 
of his bridle. He was an inoffensive, quiet sort of chap, 
helving the terror of his name. 

'"Whiskey Cliff," "Long John," "Missouri John," "Red 
Jake," "Shorty," are all self-explanatory. Two Mexican 
brothers were called "Big and Little Tamales," and their 
father, a grizzled old man of forty-five, was called "Old 


Doby" from adobe. The old boy proudly told me that his 
name was Vallanzuela. But what good was a name like 
that in a cow camp? 

"Bloody Bill" was a Yorkshireman, who earned his 
sobriquet by using this sanguinary adjective to qualify 
everything in his whole monotonous conversation. He was 
very bitter against the country of his birth and very 
rough with his horses, from which I judged that he had 
earned whatever penalty had begotten his bitterness. An 
unpleasant character who could never hold a permanent 
job. He knocked down his pony with a club one day be- 
cause it had nipped him a little, while he was cinching his 
saddle. Our cook immediately jumped him and gave him 
a thorough good whipping — this cook was a real horseman 
and a good fellow. So Bloody Bill was fired by the fore- 
man for deliberate injury to the company's property. He 
had to "hoof it" ten miles to the nearest town, with his 
saddle and blankets on his head, and nobody said "Good- 
bye" to him. 

The name "Pan" did not mean a sylvan god. He came 
from the Panhandle of Texas. "Bucktooth" had an under- 
hung prognathous jaw and prominent incisors. "Humpy" 
was a powerful dwarf with an enlarged shoulder and a 
very short neck. "Ruby" was a Mexican, whose name 
was Rubio. 

"Mormon Joe" was a Mormon, of course, and inci- 
dentally a peddler of the most salacious and disgusting 
stories I ever had to listen to. He was suspected of being 
a Danite or "Destroying Angel" as they were called then. 
I happened to mention the Danites to him one day and he 
was furious, declaring that there had never been any such 
body of men and that it was a foul calumny that had been 
raised against his religion. I had thought, from his loose 
talk, that he was a renegade and that he might tell me 
something, but I profited nothing. Anyway, he looked the 
part of a man that would stick at nothing, and he had no 

Then there was "Jimmy, the Dude," or simply, "The 
Dude," a youth who spent all his earnings on as fine ap- 
parel and gear as the calling allowed. He was slow and 
not a very valuable man, despite his airs of self-confidence. 
As "Buck" Taylor said, "He's got wonderful high action, 
but it don't get him anywheres. Showy to look at, but 
no speed." 

Another temporary man called "Boots" (an ex-cavalry- 
man) was evidently a bit of a shirker on the circle, for 
Buck said, "He's one o' them old soljers as on'j'^ remembers 
how to mark time. I never seen him so much as put a 


stick o' wood on the fire. He's a good waiter, on the other 
feller, as you may say." A pretty good summing-up of 
character in a few words. 


Many fanciful stories have been written about the 
wonderful prowess of Westerners with the rifle and re- 
volver. It is not remarkable that they excelled with arms 
at which they had so much practice, and it is true that 
many good rifle shots existed, especially at point blank 

But I personally knew only one man who could use 
two revolvers, one in either hand, and keep a tin can rolling 
with successive alternate shots. He could shoot the head 
off a bluebird at fifteen yards, but he was said to spend 
nearly all his wages on shells and revolvers. Just as soon 
as the rifling showed wear enough to make his shooting 
inaccurate, he bought a new Colt, always a .45 caliber. 
It was no wonder that he was an expert. Though he was 
only a little man, with a southern soft drawl in his speech, 
he was a highly respected member of the community. 

He was a bronco-buster for Frank Hadsell and I camped 
with him for a short time in Rattlesnake Pass. He had 
five bunches of mares there, and every day we went out to 
give the five stallions a feed of grain. It was necessary to 
keep the bunches well apart, out of sight of each other to 
obviate horse fights, so they had to be driven back to their 
respective ranges if they drifted too close. 

One day we had visited our respective herds. I had 
been to two and was on my way back to camp, when I 
spied Jimmy in the distance, not far from the narrow belt 
of timber that outlined the course of Pass Creek. I saw 
him dismount and crouch on the ground. Before I heard 
his shot, I noticed an animal that I thought was a cow, rear 
up on its hind legs. It was a bear and Jimmy's horse 
promptly ran off and left him. 

I waited, expecting to hear another shot, for the bear 
seemed to be coming toward Jimmy, but none was forth- 
coming. I rode over as fast as I could and caught Jim's 
horse and took it to him. 

"What's the matter? Why didn't you give him another 
shot, Jimmy?" I asked. "Where did he go?" 

"Rifle jammed and I was trying to get the shell out 
with my knife. That's the worst o' worn rims," he said. 
He had not tried to run when he found his rifle jammed, 


neither do I think he was perturbed, for if the animal had 
continued coming, Jim would doubtless have plugged him 
with his Colt. 

"I hit him," said Jim, "and hurt him bad. I don't 
believe he's gone far. He was afraid to leave the timber. 
Bears is always scary if you ketch 'em out in the open. 
Le's go an' find him." 

So we rode over to the timber, a good two hundred 
yards away, and the bloody trail led into thick underbrush 
of wild raspberries, dog-roses, willow scrub and buckbrush. 
I wasn't strong for crawling in there, but Jim went in and 
found the bear dead in a pool of blood beside the creek, 
shot well up in the lungs. This incident showed me the 
confidence a man has in himself when he is dead sure of 
his shooting. Jim was nothing special with a rifle — just 
average. It was the revolver shooting at which he was 

Now, old "Bald Charlie" who lived only five miles 
from Jim's temporary camp, was a real rifle shot. He killed 
game for market, the year round; though he used to do 
some trapping too, chiefly of 'varmint' such as coyotes, 
mountain-lions, lynxes, and occasionally bears. 

The first time that I saw him I had been out hunting 
antelope — unsuccessfully, for though there were plenty 
to be seen, I had not been able to get within half a 
mile of them. The old man was driving a team attached 
to a light wagon. He stopped as I approached and passed 
the time of day. 

After an exchange of introductions, saying who we 
were and why we were there and various little personal 
things, in the course of casual remarks, I told him that we 
were out of meat and that I was on my way to the sheep 
camp to get some mutton, as there were four hungry men 
depending on my prowess. 

"Aw, shucks!" he said. "Don't eat that stuff. I got an 
elk in the back o' the wagon an' you're welcome to a quarter. 
I'll take it up to camp for ye." Which he did, and would 
not take anything for it, either flour, bacon, coffee, or any- 
thing else, saying, "You got to be neighborly. You'd do 
the same for me." That chunk of elk must have weighed 
close to two hundred pounds. 

Thereafter I always called on Charlie whenever I was 
near his place, and occasionally took him a bottle of whiskey, 
which pleased him greatly. He was a confirmed old bachelor 
and he lived in a one-room log cabin with a small log barn 
adjacent. His cat and his dogs were his only companions, 
besides the pony team and he was always talking to theni. 


He had built a dam across the httle stream that ran past 
his place, which was full of trout. These he fed regularly 
with chopped meat. 

"Come and see my pet fish," he said, the first time I 
was there. Taking a little plate of food, he went to the 
edge of the pond and, reaching down, he tapped the water 
gently with his fingers and the little fish swarmed towards 
him. Old Charlie beamed with pleasure, looking at me for 
signs of approval. 

The old man — he was old to me, though still in his 
fifties — regaled me with many hunting and Indian stories. 
Some of his tales were rather tall, but I did not weigh or 
scrutinize them too closely. He told me of one man in 
Laramie, who had commissioned him to obtain an un- 
scathed lion skin for mounting. This he had promised to 
do, thinking that he would have to set out a poison bait, 
to which he strongly objected. A trapped animal would 
show scars of the trap, while a bullet or two would show 
in the smoothness of the skin. 

"Well, one mornin','' he said, "I was poundin' the trail 
up round that spur you see yonder, with a forty pound 
bear trap on my shoulder and just afore I came to the point, 
there was a big 'painter,' right square in the middle o' the 
trail, 'bout a hundred yards av.^'ay. I dropped the trap and 
drawed down on him an' he opened his mouth just as I fired. 
When I got up to him, there wasn't a sign of a bullet wound 
on him, not even a cracked tooth. An' the ball had gone 
clean through his heart. Now., that were not on'j^ a streak 
o' luck, it were darned profitable shootin'. I drawed down 
twenty dollars for that 'ere pelt an' skull." 

I asked him if he ever went out with any eastern 
sportsmen, who were interested in big game hunting. 

"I do not," he said, with decision. "An' what's more, 
I don't want to see any of 'em around my territory. I hear 
as they come 'round and shoot maybe three or four bull elk 
or even antelope an' mountain sheep, just so's to carry off 
the heads to nail up, an' then leave most o' the meat for 
the varmint. Why, that's as bad as the Indians as kill cow 
elk just so's to take the calves out of 'em for a tidbit, tho' 
it ain't offen as they kills to waste. Not the Paiutes don't." 

At this time the Medicine Bow range of mountains was 
simply alive with game elk. deer (black tail and mule) , bear, 
panther, lynx, and on one mountain, mountain sheep. The 
buffalo had gone, though their bones and skulls still lay 
everywhere on the ground, but the plains were plentifully 
supplied with antelope. Yet, old Charlie did not like to 
see one useful animal killed wantonly. Coyotes, timber 
wolves, the "cats" and other "varmint" certainly, when- 


ever opportunity offered, but not even a sage-hen or grouse 
should be killed unless it were wanted for food. 

Charlie got the weekly newspaper and occasional mag- 
azines, but the only books he had in his cabin were the 
Bible, Pilgrim's Progress, and Plutarch's Lives. The last 
book seemed to fascinate him, as it was history. I wonder 
what he got out of it. 

This little sketch may give impressions of a professional 
hunter of his period, the only excuse for presenting it. 
z\fter all, it is the people who are of lasting interest, as 
shown by Charlie's choice of literature. Events may be 
dramatic, but apparently our interest lies in their lasting 
effects on mankind. 

Perhaps most men who live an active life, close to 
nature, especially where conditions are somewhat primi- 
tive, prefer history to any other reading, provided it records 
events of personal prowess under conditions that they can 
understand. In this they resemble matured minds who, 
having sickened of fiction, turn to history and biography. 

Once, when I was journeying from Vera Cruz to New 
Orleans, we took on a rather surly pilot at the mouth of 
the Mississippi, who was to take charge of us up to the 
Crescent City, some twelve miles up the river. 

I gave him a cigar and the good word. When I thought 
the time was auspicious, I asked him if he had read Mark 
Twain's Mississippi Pilot. 

"Naw!" he replied, disgustedly. "All as he wrote was lies. 
What's the use o' readin' lies, or fiction as they do call it?" 

"But you must have been a contemporary of Mark's. 
Didn't you know him?" I asked. 

The second mate, who was present, answered for him. 
"No, sir. This is the most distinguished pilot on the Father 
of Waters. He has been a pilot for forty years and is the 
only one on the river who did not either teach Mark Tw^ain 
his business or learn it under him." 

"Why should a man read lies, when there's honest-to- 
god history to read, about real men and women? Give me 
the truth every time," said the pilot. "I never seen Clemens 
'cause he was a up-river pilot an' I on'y operate twixt 
N'Orleans an' the Gulf, so we got nothin' to get chummy 
over. I like the Bible, 'cause it's God's own truth an' 'fects 
us all." 

I found that the cowboys like history, though they 
were not narrow like the old pilot. They would listen, 
time after time, to the same accounts of the Mountain 
Meadow Massacre, to the story of Brigham Young's great 


migration and settlement in Utah, and even to the retelUng 
of the Custer massacre, which had taken place only a decade 
in the past. But it was living history. History and bio- 
graphical sketches of virile men were devoured. They 
could follow the wanderings and vicissitudes of the Hud- 
son Bay Company's hunters and trappers and the difficul- 
ties encountered by Kit Carson, Daniel Boone, and the 
Pony Express riders, because they knev/ the life of the 
frontier. The War of Independence was a grand epic. 
Incidents of the Civil War were constantly spoken of, though 
it was twenty years in the past. 

It was amazing to find cowmen who liked to read even 
ancient histories. At one ranch, the only bound book I saw 
(except paper covered novels) was the Works of Josephus. 
I never saw an encyclopedia in the West, as I suppose that 
nobody could afford one. But how it would have been 
thumbed on a cattle ranch. 

Bill Nye was read regularly. They liked his broad 
humor, some of which appeared each week in the paper. 
Artemus Ward was still read with as much gusto as when 
he was living. The humorous things were often read aloud 
to the bunch and such readings were highly appreciated. 
They held the boys' attention as long as a good reader 
would oblige. It seemed to be the correct thing, after a 
successful reading, for the reader to close the book with a 
bang and slam it down on the table, with the expression, 
"Aw, shucks!" or something like that; as much as to say, 
"All this is very puerile, but you fellows seem to like it," 

Sea stories went down well and so did good virile 
poetry. But the precious meaningless vaporings of a pasty 
poetaster were anathema and the reader would be told to 
"tie it outside." Yet they could be stirred with the most 
blatant melodrama, provided it contained no glaring anach- 
ronisms within their ken. They could be moved to sniffing 
by what I considered the most maudlin songs about home 
and mother or tripe on the Mistletoe Bough order. 

Music was highly appreciated and a great inany of the 
boys carried a mouth organ or harmonica in their pockets. 
A harmonium or an old square piano was looked upon as 
a treasure in a ranch house, but such instruments were 

It is strange how easily men living an arduous, primi- 
tive life can be rendered silent, contemplative and even 
tender, by sentimental songs as find a ready response in 
their hearts and, directly afterwards, burst into peals of 
raucous laughter at some atrocious, ribald ditty. But so 
it was, as I witnessed time and again. 


A great many of the sentimental songs were written 
in the minor, and they seemed to be in harmony with the 
Ufe and surroundings. But when it came to music, waltzes, 
leels, hornpipes, strathspeys, and vigorous marches were 

The air of the Dying Cowboy's Lament was very beau- 
tiful, though the song as a whole is not for polite ears. It 
recounts the man's downfall, owing to gambling and indul- 
gence in the coarse pleasures of the town. The chorus as 
we all sang it was: 

Then roll the drums merrily and play the fifes lively, 
And carry me out with a dance and a song 
Upon the lone prairie and bury me deeply; 
For I'm a poor cowboy and I know I've done wrong. 
Every man was silent during the singing of this song. 

Twinkling Stars was a favorite, though only few men 
had the hardihood to sing it. 

Round the camp-fire, almost any song with a good 
chorus to it was pleasing. It seemed to me to have response 
in the clear bright air, as though the wood nymiphs and 
the spirits of the mountains were rejoicing too. The old 
Turkey in the Straw was a universal favorite as dramatic 
art could be introduced by the singer. It went — 
O! — a possum he jump' in a racoon's nes' 
An' de racoon got up an' bit um on de bres' — 
He twe-e-e-e-ested his tail round a hickorye stump; 
An' he rai''d an' he pitched but he couldn't make 
a jump! 
This presents the picture of an animal, with his tail 
made fast, trying to leap and break in futile rage. 

Turkey in the straw! Ye-e-e-e-s! Turkey in the 

Twe-e-e-s' about an' turn about, a high turkey paw; 
An' a shake 'em up a toon called 'Turkey in the 

A bullfrog jump' in de bottom o' de spring; 

But de water was so cold dat he could not swim — 

A m-on-key was settin' in a pile o' straw, 

A-winkin' at his mother-in-law. 
Though the words are darky nonsense, the air is stir- 
ring and lively, and the chorus invariably met with gen- 
erous support. 



"I'd a heap ruther have a genuine crook around me than 
a lazy man," Buck T. remarked to me once. "You're al- 
ways onto a crook and know as he ain't to be depended 
on in a deal. But. with a lazy man, you don't know where 
you're at — to say nothin' o' the aggravation o' havin' him 
putterin' around. An' they most gen'rally talk big too, as 
if they was always right up and a'comin'. There 'tis! They 
have to blow off their gaff, to try to make up for what 
they don't do — dod rot 'em. 

"Take old 'Belly-go-fust,' " he continued (alluding to 
a saloon-keeper's fat brother-in-law, who was a sort of 
parasite — a doer of small chores). "He always was a chesty 
kind, from a boy, an' he never amounted to a row o' pins. 
I knowed him back in Missoura. Eats as much as any two 
men, he does, an' then sets aroun'. No wonder he got a 
paunch on him like a cow. He has to throw his shoulders 
back in order to pack it aroun'. A wonder he don't have 
to chew a cud! Looks important, don't he?" said Buck, 

"Well, anyway he's honest, Buck," I suggested. 

"Honest? Sure, prob'ly is, fur as I know," said Buck. 
"He never put anything over on me, if that's what you 
mean. He hain't got anythin' to be dishonest about. An' 
if he had, 't would be too much trouble to use what he calls 
his brains. If he was my brother-in-law an' wanted to 
board on me, he'd have to cut a cord o' stove wood a day 
an' stack it in, or go hungry." 

In a new country, where any duties shirked by one 
man must be carried out by another, it may be realized 
how such a parasite would be despised by the whole com- 
munity. Fortunately they were very few and they did 
not count as folks, any more than a cat at the fireside. 
Which simile is perhaps unjust to the cat, for she does earn 
her keep and does not intrude in men's talk. 

It was interesting to see the emigrants that passed 
through Elk Mountain on their way to Washington Terri- 
tory, as it was then. As has been remarked, Elk Mountain 
post office was just across the old toll-bridge over the 
Medicine Bow River. Johnny Jones, the postmaster, col- 
lected the tolls on all wagons and prairie schooners crossing 
the bridge and the emigrants were always poor people 
with very little cash. Sometimes a train of three or four 
wagons was held up for hours, while the emigrants were 
trying to wriggle out of paying toll. 


Many would take a saddle horse and go down the 
river prospecting for a ford, but they had to come back 
and dig up some cash or else produce something of value 
that Johnny was willing to take in trade. Johnny would 
squat on that bridge with his rifle across his knees — some- 
times with a man or two to support him if it were a very 
large train — and his deputy sheriff's badge well in evidence. 
He would talk pleasantly to the emigrants, but always col- 
lected his dues. He almost always had a cigar in his mouth, 
which he never lit but always chewed and chewed until 
the whole was chewed up. 

These emigrants, with their canvas-covered wagons, 
looked very much like the ones seen in the cinema today, 
except that one never saw them thrashing or ill-treating 
their live stock, or traveling faster than about two miles 
an hour. Also, saddle horses were generally tied at the 
tail of the wagon unless they were needed for some special 

Almost all the children of the emigrants that we saw 
were barefoot and barelegged — even the girls of seventeen 
or eighteen, with their long hair hanging in plaits and 
their heads covered with the inevitable sunbonnet. Some 
of these girls and women chewed tobacco and liked to trade 
their long, green, homegrown stuff for a plug of manu- 

They all seemed to be quite happy, except some of the 
men upon whom responsibility rested. The wagons con- 
tained an assortment of poor household goods and farm 
tools. It was easy to keep the caravan in meat, for game 
was plentiful and there was no closed season on anj^thing — 
no game laws to check them from filling the larder. They 
carried tubs of home-rendered lard with them and lots of 
beans, so their expenses were few — a little coffee, flour and 
sugar being the chief purchases. The women with babies 
were the only ones I felt sorry for, though the growing 
children were good in helping. But how these young 
mothers must have longed for a cabin and four walls, and 
a place other than the creek to wash in — a chance for a 
little privacy. 

We used to hear wonderful stories of Washington Ter- 
ritory — of the richness of the soil, of the lush timothy and 
clover pastures, the denseness of the timber and the im- 
mensity of the rivers and water courses, the large produc- 
tive wheatfields and the plentiful supplies of fish and game 
and — last but not least — a climate free from blizzards, tor- 
nados or intense cold. 

To these emigrants, both men and women, it was doubt- 
less the constant contemplation of this land of promise, 


that rendered them obhvious to the discomforts of weary 
months on the Overland Trail. It must have been faith, 
hope and ambition that tided them over many a dreary 
mile. These emigrants laid a course for themselves and 
steered for it steadfastly. There were few drifters, to be 
carried hither and yon by every changing breeze and cross- 
current. No matter what their disappointments and vicis- 
situdes, at the end of the trail, their wanderings have been 
valuable and constructive. Their enterprise, stamina, and 
fortitude constitute the character foundation of the go- 
ahead people they have left behind them. 

It is wonderful what foolish questions a green youth 
will ask, in strange surroundings, when the answers to them 
are self-evident. 

One day in riding up through the timber toward the 
headwaters of the Medicine Bow River, before coming to 
the tie-camp, we passed through a clearing among the 
pines, and I looked with surprise to see that the stumps 
in this clearing were about twelve feet high from the ground. 
So I asked my companion how they managed to cut them 
off so high up and what was the reason for it. 

"Why, kid," he said, looking at me in some surprise, 
"don't you know as they always cuts trees for ties in the 
winter time when the snow is on the ground? Them stumps 
mark just how deep the snow was when the ties was cut. 
Then they haul their stuff over to the river bank on the 
snow and hew 'em into ties with a broad-axe. Then they're 
all ready to dump into the river when the snow melts, 
and the water is strong enough to carry 'em down to the 
boom at the railroad." 

"Who does the 'drivin' of the ties on the river?" was 
the next question. 

"Why, them as cuts the ties, o'course," said Buck. 
"Them men is driving on the river four or five weeks, an' 
the men are never dry from the time the drive starts, till 
the last tie reaches the boom." 

"That is a man's life," I remarked. 

"It's a dog's life," said Buck. "An' what's more, them 
tie-punchers is a dirty outfit. They're most alius 'crumby.' 
If you ever have 'casion to stop over in their camp, you 
take my tip and bed down out in the woods. Don't trust 
yer blankets on their bunks or you'll be et up. That's one 
reason why cow-punchers and woodsmen don't mix. We 
may be a bit rough at times, but goldarn it, we're clean. 
I've heard said that they think as we put on dog, 'cause 
we're mounted and they're afoot. But it ain't so." 


"That's a pretty sweeping statement for a whole body 
of men, Buck." 

"Well, maybe 'tis," he said, "maybe 'tis. I know some 
mighty able men up here as earns good money an' lives 
decent. But most o' the decent ones has their own shacks. 
There's old Bill M. for instance. He's the best an' neatest 
tree-faller on the river, an' they say as he can hew the two 
sides of a log as smooth as if 'twas sawed. Why, he can 
sharpen a pencil with his broadaxe, an' I wouldn't be sur- 
prised as he could shave with it!" 

One of the men interested in the Swan Land and Cattle 
Company was a fine young Scotchman named Charlie An- 
derson. I believe the name of the company was later 
changed to the Anderson Land and Cattle Company, though 
everybodj^ called it the Swan outfit. 

Everybody liked Charlie. Though he was a good mixer 
with the crowd, nobody ever "got too darned familiar" — as 
he would have put it. He was no Chesterfield, but he acted 
on the maxim, "Be thou familiar but by no means vulgar." 
And so Charlie stood ace-high. It was through him that 
I was first employed at the "UL," for he heard of a new 
Britisher down at the Bow and rode down to see me, when 
I promptly signed on. 

The first time I met him and in the course of "getting 
my number" so to speak, he asked me if I had ever met 
a man named Roosevelt, who had a ranch up in South 
Dakota. I replied that T had never met nor heard of 
the man. 

"Well," said Charlie, "if you ever do go up there, call 
and see him. If you get an invitation to stay — which you 
will — be sure and take it. He is a good sportsman, an 
excellent host and utterly reliable — democratic in the 
best sense, and the finest American I have ever met." 

I never had the opportunity to even see Theodore 
Roosevelt, but he did develop, as all the world knows, into 
the greatest American and the greatest all-around MAN 
of his generation. R.I.P. Perhaps, some day I shall get 
a chance to meet him in the Happy Hunting Grounds. It 
will be interesting to see what sort of activity he has ap- 
plied himself to, in what we know as "The Great Beyond." 
Whatever it is, it will be well worth while. 

A man was truly in a parlous state who became seri- 
ously ill on the roundup, for there was no shelter, no rest 
from the flies and dust, no food for invalids, continuous 
moving and no quiet. 

THE FAR WEST IN THE '80's 83. 

Poor Charlie developed a heavy cold, when he had 
been on the road only three day. But he kept on though 
for a day or two more, till he looked corpse like and had 
to admit that he was sick. So he took Tom H. with him 
to bring back his saddle horse and rode off into town. Tom 
said that he never spoke a word all the way and that he 
stopped in the middle of the main street in Rawlins and, 
dismounting, left without a word, just waving him off. 

As it happened. Doctor R. of whom I have spoken 
earlier, was to be in Rawlins that day and, the two being 
great friends, he went over to speak to him and see what 
was the matter, for it was quite clear that something was 

Charlie did not know him — he was already delirious. 
Doc took him down to Carbon in the first caboose that came 
along. But in three days he was dead from typhoid pneu- 
monia. I think that he was only about twenty-five years 
old, but a capable man of the best type. 

How he hated a drunken man. — "I will not have them 
around," he said to me once, — "There is no necessity for it. 
Any decent man knows v/hen he has had enough." And 
yet the old boy could get away with a pint of Scotch in an 
evening, without any apparent effect, — which was enough 
to have bowled me out, as I told him. 

"Yes, but every man knows his own capacity. You've 
got to be decent," he replied. 

He was the only man on the range who wore English- 
cut riding breeches, (excepting myself) and the only one 
who wore English hunting boots. As he was a sort of 
manager and had an interest in the Company, he could get 
away with this without comment. 

Charlie spoke very deliberately, as all Scotchmen must, 
in order to give that sonorous value to their R's that custom 
demands. But his cultured voice and well-chosen words 
were pleasing to my ears in that land so far removed from 
musical diction. 

He also disliked remittance men,^-^ that is, young Eng- 
lishmen who were 'rotters' and had no ambition; men who 

13 A remittance man was one who lived chiefly on remittances 
from home. Prof. Denis L. Fox writes about his father's use of 
the term: "I feel quite certain that my father did not employ the 
term in its frequent British connotation, namely men who were 
in the manner of being characteristic idlers or ne'er-do-wells, and 
who were therefore paid remittances by the parents to keep them 
going, but away from home. Certainly he could not, I think, have 
considered either Mr. Brackenbury, who was remarkably success- 
ful out there, or the admirable chap who wore the mask, as remit- 
tance men in the common sense of the word, although it is more 
than probable that they received support at first." 


had been sent abroad to get them out of the way, with a 
monthly or quarterly cheque from home to pay for their 
subsistence. There were not so many of them in the United 
States as in Canada, but we had a sprinkling. Wherever 
they went, they did not add to English prestige. 


There was one remittance man who was taken on as a 
cowhand at the Horse Creek Ranch. He could ride, cer- 
tainly, but he had no heart in the hard work of handling 
stock. He would get tired and then slack off. On the 
circle he would ask the foreman to let him go on with 
the first bunch of cattle gathered, so as to be able to lie 
down and smoke and take it easy. No American would 
ever ask such a personal privilege. So the foreman always 
took him to the very outside and he was always the last to 
drift into camp. 

Once he complained and the foreman, who had got very 
tired of him said, "So! You roll your blankets and get 
back to the ranch. You're more trouble than you're worth, 
ye lazy hound. You can call for your cheque when I send 
in a report," and the foreman turned his back and walked 
away, without waiting for any reply. 

This was, of course, a summary dismissal. S. rolled 
his blankets and went merrily off, apparently not in the 
least ashamed. 

More than two months later, when the Horse Creek 
outfit returned to headquarters, there was S. sitting out 
on the stoop, perfectly happy and unruffled. 

The foreman asked him shortly what he was doing there. 

■'Why," he replied, brightly, "you sent me back to the 
ranch and here I am." 

He had been there all the time, doing nothing except 
riding into town when the spirit moved him, to get reading 
matter and whiskey, and getting three square meals a day 
without doing a lick of work. 

In the face of the foreman's amazement and his short 
order to the shamless beggar to "Beat it pronto, and don't 
come back," he pleaded poverty and begged to be allowed 
to stay on, until finally the foreman let him do it. He had 
to do chores, such as sweeping out the bunkhouse, mucking 
out the stables, preparing wood and vegetables for the cook 
and attending the milk cows and hogs. But he did not 
last long even at this work, as his monthly remittance 
was co-incident with a monthlv debauch. 


I met a very fine ex-remittance man later in California, 
who had snapped out of it and become a very useful and 
respected member of our circle. We sat up late one night 
comparing notes. He had come down from British Colum- 
bia, where he had been one of a number of remittance men. 
Some of the fellows were of quite good stock, he said, and 
triflers only because of their poor training at home. Hear- 
ing about them is sometimes funny, but living with them 
or being in frequent contact with them would be unbearable. 

Thank heaven that the day of English remittance men 
has gone forever. Fathers have more sense nowadays 
than to subsidize erring sons in order to evade annoyance 
and responsibility by getting them out of the way. 

D. and I talked the matter over several times. We 
agreed at that time, that something was lacking in an 
English boy's education (of that period) to fit him for inde- 
pendent action and an ability to cope with life's problems, 
excepting the Army, the Navy, the Church or the Civil 
Service. The English boy was good to obey orders when 
placed under authority, but all initiative had been denied 
him, and such as he might have been born with was atro- 
phied for lack of development or a life governed by too 
many petty rules, yet served by too many menials. 

Think of a boy coming from a well-ordered English 
home, where every possible personal service was to be 
obtained by ringing the bell, where pocket money or al- 
lowances were gratuitously provided by the parents, and a 
semi-public or good private school education was the me- 
dium of preparation for the battle of life, where trades- 
people or small merchants as we call them here, were 
really regarded as very inferior persons indeed, and as for 
the day-laborers — well, they should be willing to put them- 
selves to any inconvenience or abasement for a little con- 
descension. Such really appeared to be the mental attitude 
of many of the remittance men. 

But, to go on, the father of such a son, finding that his 
boy not only lacks ambition to do anything at all, but 
strongly objects to it (why should he, when all his life he 
has been taught that anything he wants is his without 
effort?) and finding that he is, in reality, a loafer, a para- 
site and a loose person, then that father pitchforks his 
worthless son into a half-civilized country and expects him, 
in some mysterious way, to make his fortune. 

Is it any wonder that so many of them fell down? They 
had no training in character to fit them for such a fight. 
They were helpless in attending even to their own persons 
and personal attire, some of them getting indescribably 
filthy. What! Wash their own shirts and underclothes? 


I should say not! Therefore it was no wonder that so many 
of the poor beggars degenerated into squaw-men and saloon 
bums. No wonder that, in some localities in Canada, when 
men were needed for the harvest, many farmers said, "No 
Englishmen wanted." 

I have met, in the West, men from Clifton, Marlboro, 
Chatham, Blundell, Harrow, Stoneyhurst and Reading. Few 
of them have done as well as the average American of the 
same class, who has had a far less costly schooling but a 
far more efficient training. Oh, well! The superior and 
often snobbish respectability of the Victorian era seems to 
have followed the top-hat and the frock coat into limbo — 
thank heaven! D. and I agreed that the above explanation 
covered the case of the remittance men, to show that they 
were not altogether to blame for dwindling into rotters. 

Well-trained English, Scotch and Irishmen are now 
looked upon with favor by American business houses. It 
is not only because they are well-trained, but because they 
can be relied upon to play the game. That's it. They are 
reliable. Of course, an equally well-trained iVmerican is 
given first choice. Everything considered that is natural. 
Besides, it is easier to check up on his credentials. 

There was a young fellow on Sand Creek, a Dick B.^"' 
whom I used to meet, though I was at his ranch only twice. 
He had a comparatively small ranch and raised horses, 
range-herding them. His father, I believe, was commander 
of an important British fortress, and his brother had just 
attained his majority in an Indian Cavalry Regiment. He 
himself had failed at Sandhurst and did not relish getting 
a commission through the militia; did not care lor the army 
at all, really, and had only tackled it to "please the Guv'ner."' 

He had come to the United States, feeling rather a 
failure, I gathered, to which feeling the disappointed Colonel 
had doubtless contributed. He went to a British colony in 
Tennessee first, found it being exploited by a "superior" 
dictator, who won recruits (with a handsome emolument 
with each) on the strength of his family connections, and. 
Dick being disgusted, had come on out to where I found 
him. He had a little money from home still, but was trying 
to make a success of things and stand on his own feet. 

Dick had a sort of partner, a little bald-headed, red 
bearded carpenter from Wiltshire, who did the cooking 

i-'Dick B. refers to Richard Brackenbury according to Denis 
L. Fox, who writes that Brackenbury is now 84, lives at La Jolla, 
California, and has authorized the use of his name. E. N. Went- 
worth in his American Sheep Trails has several references to 
Brackenbury, and describes him, P. 608, as the leading sheep com- 
mission agent at the Denver market for many years. 


and any mechanical work necessary. The Uttle man seemed 
to be very proud of being hooked up with a fellow of Dick's 
caliber. He merits no further mention here. 

But staying with them was a young man who, Dick 
said, was given a handsome allowance. It was the saddest 
case I had ever seen. We will call him 'Nemo.' I never 
saw his face. He had left England (and a most charming 
home, Dick said) at his own express wish, just to be able 
to get into the wilderness. He was an old school chum of 
Dick's, so he was probably not more than twenty-five or 
twenty-six years old. But a terrible lupus had destroyed 
one side of his face and his nose, and so he always wore a 
complete black silk mask. 

Dick had already told me about him, but still, when 
he came into the room to meet me, it was a distinct shock. 
A beautiful head of wavy brown hair, then the black, silk 
mask, with only one sparkling brown eye to be seen. But 
he had a strong able body, for he sawed and chopped wood 
and rode daily in order to keep fit and happy. 

But when he spoke and laughed it was, I thought, the 
most beautiful voice I had ever heard, and at som.e joke of 
Dick's, he broke into a musical laugh. It sounded such a 
happy laugh, too, that I could scarcely realize that its 
maker was hiding a horror behind that black silk. 

Good old British pluck! I could imagine this fellow 
as a most lovable companion, son and brother. Yet he 
had doubtless laid out a course for himself in order to m.ake 
the best of things. To relieve his own family from the 
depression and embarrassment of his constant presence, 
to enjoy what he could and not be a wet blanket to others, 
and to escape so far as possible, from being regarded with 

And so, out there on Sand Creek, he used to laugh and 
sing to the .banjo, and enjoy taking part in conversations 
when possible, though he used to take his meals in his own 
room. Modern surgery could have prevented such a tragedy 
as his. That seems the pity of it. 

Here were two remittance men who were far and away 
above type. Both of them made me feel that I should have 
some climbing to do before I could reach their high levels. 

Richard Sherlock, father of Peter Sherlock of South 
Pass City, built one of the first public bath houses in Wyo- 
ming in 1868. The tubs were built of 21-inch planks. There 
were two water tanks, also made of wood. One tank, with 
an iron bottom, could be heated from a fire underneath. 
The charge was $1.00 per bath. 


Some Historical Incidents Recalled 

Carlyle is the county seat of Clinton County, in the 
"Egypt" section of Ilhnois. The Slade family was one of 
the best in town. To this family about 1829 was born a 
son, Joseph Alfred, who from early boyhood was to be 
known as "Jack." As a boy Jack was a bright and likable 
lad, making many friends and holding the respect of all 
his neighbors. 

At the outbreak of the Mexican War, in 1846, Jack 
volunteered in the company of Captain Killman. By his 
bravery and keen observation he soon gained the confidence 
of his commanding officer and was selected, one of twelve, 
for important scout duty. 

He served with honor and distinction throughout the 
war but there contracted a habit that made a wreck of his 
later career. When sober he was a mild mannered friend 
of all, but when intoxicated, flew into a violent rage and 
knew no restraint to his demoniacal conduct. Returning 
to Carlyle at the close of hostilities, he found employment 
in various capacities until, at the age of twenty-six, in a 
violent quarrel, he killed a man and was compelled to flee 
from home and take refuge from the sheriff's posse in 
Texas. Here he met and married Virginia Marie, a beau- 
tiful and attractive young lady. 

In 1859 they were living in Missouri where he was em- 
ployed in guiding emigrant parties and conducting wagon 
trains. His enterprise and efficiency attracted the attention 
of Ben Holladay, the "stage coach king." Along the moun- 

*Perry Wilson Jenkins was born at Mount Carmel, Indiana", April 
5, 1872, and was educated in the public schools of Ohio. He re- 
ceived his A. B. and A. M. degrees from Miami University, Ohio 
and later an A. M. degree at Columbia University. He taught 
mathematics and astronomy at several Universities and was a 
fellow and research student at the Yerkes Observatory of the 
University of Chicago. In 1906 his health broke and he came to 
Wyoming where he settled at Cora. He began ranching and served 
in the state legislature from 1919 to 1929 as a member of both 
houses. Mr. Jenkins is Delta Kappa Epsilon, Phi Beta Kappa, 
Phi Beta Kappa Associate (the only Wyoming member), a member 
of the American Engineering Society, National Geographic Society, 
the Methodist Church, and a 32nd degree Scottish Rite Mason. At 
present he resides in Salt Lake City and is president of the Colo- 
rado River Water Users Association. 


tain divisions of the stage line continual losses were sus- 
tained through Indian depredations, outlaws and dishonest 

Slade was made superintendent of this division by 
Holladay and with his wife, Virginia, located near the site 
of the present town of Glendo, Wyoming. Here he built a 
comfortable home, suitable and well protected quarters for 
the stage equipment. This was commonly known as the 
Horseshoe Creek Station, and from here Jack worked east 
and west along the route, overseeing the movement of the 
stages and the shipment and storage of supplies. Those 
who knew him at this time state that he was strictly honest, 
attentive and faithful to his employer. True he had to be 
watchful, bold and quick in action, but "with gentlemen, 
he was a gentleman," as recorded by Mark Twain in his 
Roughing It. 

One of the stage stations was on the Platte River at 
the headquarters of Jules Reni (now called Julesburg) , 
Jules, a violent French Canadian, was known to be dis- 
honest with the stage company and was jealous of the 
authority of Slade. Trouble arose between them and Jules 
shot and dangerously wounded the Superintendent. Jules 
was hanged for his cowardly attack but before life was 
extinct was cut down by some of his friends. 

After Slade's recovery and return to his division, Jules 
made further threats against his life. He was warned by 
the commandant of Fort Laramie to take no chances with 
the Frenchman. Jules was located at one of the stations 
and while tied to a post was shot and killed by Slade in a 
drunken rage. Circumstances connected with the killing 
brought censure from the public. 

In 1862, Denver had become an important town of the 
Rocky Mountain region. The stage line was detoured to 
accommodate this increasing traffic. In order to have a 
more direct and less dangerous route, the contract with the 
government for carrying the mail was changed from the 
South Pass Road, to one leading over Bridger's Pass, known 
as the Overland Trail. This led across the Laramie Plains, 
by the foot of Elk Mountain and down Bitter Creek to 
Green River. Slade was made agent for the division be- 
tween Denver and Green River. 

A beautiful site was chosen for the home station on 
the low pass over the Laramie Range and was called Vir- 
ginia Dale from the agent's charming wife. Although 
Slade kept the stages running regularly his drunken sprees 
became more frequent and violent. Within a year Holladay 
was compelled to discharge him. 


After losing his job the Slades went east to Carlyle but 
only for a short time. The Alder Gulch gold discovery 
was causing thousands to seek a quick fortune in the new 
Eldorado. Soon after reaching the gold field, Slade secured 
a ranch in Meadow Creek Canyon, where he built a stone 
house resembling a castle more than a home. Twelve 
miles distance was a mushroom town, at first called Varina 
from the wife of Jefferson Davis, but later changed to 
Virginia City, it is said, in honor of the beautiful Mrs. Slade. 

Jack's conduct now became more flagrant. He gambled, 
insulted and bullied without respect of person. His name 
caused law-abiding men to fear his presence and avoid his 
company. The Vigilantes, of which he was at first a mem- 
ber, were called to try to check his lurid career. He held 
up Judge Davis with a gun and tore up a warrant for 
his arrest. 

Slade was seized by the Vigilantes on March 10, 1864, 
and told to prepare for his execution. He broke down and 
begged to see his wife, whom he dearly loved, but the 
leaders knowing her temper and fearing her presence might 
lead to more deaths, hastily prepared to carry out the 
sentence. After giving him time for prayer, he was mounted 
on a large store-box under the bar over a gateway. The 
noose was then fitted and the rope secured to the bar. At 
the order "Do your duty men," the box was jerked from 
under him and he was launched off into eternity. 

When Slade was seized one of his friends rode out to 
the ranch and informed Virginia of what was taking place. 
She mounted her horse and rode into town as fast as pos- 
sible but was too late to see her husband alive. As soon 
as Slade was pronounced dead his body was taken down 
and laid out in an inn. After a paroxysm of grief, Virginia 
had the body taken to the ranch. An elegant casket w^as 
made lined with tin. After placing Jack's body therein, it 
was filled with alcohol and hermetically sealed. When 
the spring had freed the mountains of snow and the roads 
were again passable, the casket was loaded into a vehicle 
and conveyed four hundred miles to Salt Lake City. There 
on July 20, 1864, Slade's body was interred and there it 
lies today. The city has crept up the hill and now sur- 
rounds the beautiful City Cemetery. The sexton's book 
for 1847-1864 records the following entry: 

''No. 67, from Bannack, Montana mines, J. A. Slade, 
buried July 20, 1864 on lot B, single. Killed by the Vigi- 
lantees Committee, To be removed to Illinois in the fall." 

But the body was never disinterred. Virginia, the 
southern beauty, had met a man of charming appearance 
and fine manners, well dressed and altogether attractive. 


To this man, James Harry Kiskadden, she was married on 
March 22, 1865, and lived with him only six months, when 
she left her Salt Lake City home for St. Louis, never to 
return to her husband. Jim Kiskadden appeared in the 
court of Salt Lake County and asked for a divorce. On 
October 29, 1858, a decree of separation was granted and 
thereafter Virginia Marie is lost to history. 

At the age of sixteen, in 1865, Asenath (Annie) Adams, 
the daughter of Barnabas Adams, a prosperous Mormon 
business man, was making a name as an actress in the old 
Salt Lake Theatre. She became enamored by the personable 
James Kiskadden. The father objected to their contem- 
plated marriage on account of both her age and Kiskadden 
being a Gentile. To delay an early union Annie was sent 
on a visit to her grandparents in Clark County, Missouri. 
This exactly fitted into the young girl's plans. Kiskadden, 
who was then thirty-three years of age, followed her there 
and there they were married, August 15, 1869. 

The couple soon returned to Salt Lake City, Kiskadden 
being interested in mining in Utah. Ethel Paul tells the 
story of her father's ride of twenty-five miles to the Alta 
mines at the head of Cottonwood Creek, to inform Jim 
Kiskadden that he was needed at home. He hurried down 
to the city to usher in the coming of his baby girl on No- 
vember 11, 1872. The little miss received the name, Maude 
Kiskadden, but during her stage career she used her moth- 
er's maiden name of Adams. Maude first appeared on the 
stage at the early age of eight months. 

The family moved to San Francisco, but as soon as 
Maude was old enough to go to school she was enrolled in 
the old Salt Lake Collegiate Institute, now Westminister 
College. James Kiskadden died in the Golden Gate City 
and his body was sent to Salt Lake for interment. The 
Sexton's record for Mt. Olivet Cemetery states that he 
"died of pneumonia in San Francisco and was buried .in 
section A, Lot 17." The daughter, Maude, had one of the 
granite slabs, left in Little Cottonwood Canyon by the 
builders of the great Mormon Temple, prepared and placed 
over his grave bearing the inscription James H. Kiskadden, 
Born May 24, 1836— Died September 19, 1883. The wife 
and mother, Asenath (Annie) Adams Kiskadden, born No- 
vember 9, 1848 and died March 17, 1916, lies buried by the 
sidq^ of her husband. 

i James Kiskadden had a brother William, who seems 
to have had excellent business connections, as we find in 
the Reminiscences of Alexander Toponce: 'Tn July 1868, 
John W. Kerr, Governor Durkee and Bill Kiskadden, uncle 
of Maude Adams, the actress, took a contract to furnish 


100,000 ties to the Union Pacific to be delivered at Hilliard, 
Wyoming. They had the ties cut on the headwaters of 
Bear River. I think they got 80 cents apiece for them." 

The Vigilantes ceased to function after 1865 and with 
the advent of a transcontinental railroad lawlessness in the 
west was well under control by state and territorial gov- 

Concerning Maude (Adams) Kiskadden we need say 
but little. She has her name in Who's Who in America and 
her place in the hearts of the American people. She has 
never forgotten her natal city of Salt Lake. In the state 
capitol are three life-sized portraits of the state's most 
famous actress presented by her to the people of the state. 
Now at the age of seventy-five she is still teaching in 
Stephens College at Columbia, Missouri. The fame she won 
in The Little Minister, Joan of Arc and Peter Pan will 
ever endear her to those who have seen those marvelous 
performances and for her, have won the honorary LL.D 
degree from the great University of Wisconsin. 

Authorities consulted: 

Vigilante Days and Ways by Langsford; Vigilantes by 
Dimsdale; Forty years on the Frontier by Stuart; Ben 
Holladay by Frederick; The City of the Saints by Burton; 
Roughing It by Mark Twain; Research Notes by Roderick 
Korns; Sexton's records of the City and Mt. Olivet ceme- 
teries of Salt Lake City; grave markers; marriage records 
of Virginia City, Montana; records of Salt Lake County, 
Utah, and Clark County, Missouri; divorce records of Salt 
Lake County, Utah. 

John Stratton, a carpenter, who worked at Gold Hill 
in the Medicine Bow Range during the excitement in the 
1890's, used to borrow expensive tobacco from a neighborly 
prospector. Later Stratton drifted to Cripple Creek where 
he made the strike that devoloped into the Independence 
Mine. Ultimately he was worth $25,000,000. Each Christ- 
mas for many years he sent a $100 bill to his Wyoming 
prospector friend. 

The dry work in the court of Col. Luke Murrin, first 
mayor and justice of the peace in Cheyenne after the city's 
incorporation by the Dakota Legislature, was relieved by 
the judge's habit of exacting 25 cents extra from each person 
fined, for the purchase of liquid refreshments for the court. 
It was the judge's custom to inflict a fine of $10 on any 
person shooting at another within the city limits "whether 
he hit anyone or not." 

Zhe DedicatioH of 
Zexas Zrail Moyiuments in Wyommg 


Wyoming's early cattle men and the drivers of the old 
Texas Trail were honored at three impressive ceremonies 
in southeastern Wyoming, August 1. On that day old-time 
cowboys who remember the swirling dust and bawling 
cattle of the trail drives of the '70's and '80's gathered with 
members of the American Pioneer Trails Association and 
residents of the three communities to dedicate monuments 
in memory of the far-seeing cowmen who created a great 
cattle empire on the vast, empty plains of the West and 
of those dogged, valiant cowpunchers who trailed the cattle 
up the long way from Texas to the Indian infested range 
lands of Wyoming and Montana. 

The three monuments mark the route of the old Texas 
Trail through Wyoming, along which the Trails Association, 
led by its president Dr. Howard R. Driggs of New York, 
made a commemorative trek. Two were newly dedicated, 
one at Pine Bluffs, where the Lincoln Highway intersects 
the route of the old trail, and one at the mouth of Rawhide 
Creek between Torrington and Lingle at a point where the 
path of the oft stampeding cattle crossed the present loca- 
tion of U. S. Highway 26. The third monument, which 
marks the route of the old trail as it traversed the site of 
modern LaGrange, had been dedicated seven years pre- 
viously and was rededicated and formally presented to the 
state August 1. 

The erection of the monument at Pine Bluffs was spon- 
sored by the local Lions Club, the Wyoming Stock Growers 
Association, the families of D. H. and J. W. Snyder and the 
citizens of the city. One surface of the marker portrays a 
scene on the trail, with cowboys pointing the Texas long 
horns across a gulch, while Indian smoke signals rise in 

*Louise O'Leary Love was born in New York but as a young child 
came to Cheyenne, where .she attended the public schools. She 
graduated with honors from the University of Colorado receiving 
an A. B. degree. In 1929 she married Captain Ralph F. Love, 
U.S.A. and spent a number of years in the Philippines and Hawaii. 
After the death of Colonel Love in the Pacific Theater in World 
War II she and her son, Thomas Wilfred, returned to Cheyenne. 
She is a reporter and feature writer for the Wyoming Eagle at 

Dedication of Texas Trail Monument, Pine Bluffs, August 1, 1948. Henry 
Swan, Dr. M. L. Morris, Dr. H. O. Brayer, Mrs. E. A. Dahlquist, E. A. 
Dahiquist, Col. E. N. Wentworth, Governor L. C. Hunt, Russell Thorp, 
Dr. Howard R. Driggs, A. A. Smith, W. D. Gordon, Mary A. McGrath, 
Clarence Jackson, Major Proctor. 


the background, and in the lower right hand corner is a 
map tracing the route of the trail through Wyoming. On 
the reverse side is pictured a longhorn steer carrying the 
LF Connected brand, which was on the first herds to be 
grazed in Wyoming in 1867. This was the Snj^der brand 
and was used here in partnership with John Iliff. Sur- 
rounding the likeness of the LF animal is a collection of 
other Texas Trail brands. 

In dedicating the monument Mr. Russell Thorp, Secre- 
tary of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association, made the 
following address: 

"It is entirely fitting and proper that a memorial be 
placed on this spot, as Pine Bluffs in the early days was 
the largest live stock shipping point on the Union Pacific 
railroad; not only thousands of Wyoming cattle trailed to 
Pine Bluffs to load for market, but many thousands were 
trailed from southern Montana and northern WVoming 
through Kessler's Gap to the northwest to this station. 

"Wyoming has alwaj^s been a cattleman's country, and 
the state will continue to be a cowman's stronghold. 

"The story of the cattle business in Wyoming is one of 
glamour and romance, of tragedy and heartbreak, of hard 
work and splendid accomplishments. It is a story of years 
of af^uence, prosperity and boom days almost beyond the 
realm of imagination; a story of unbelievable blizzards, 
drought and erosion, business 'panics' and depression, and 
great financial losses. It is also a story of cattle rustlers, 
sheep and cattle wars, struggles against so-called bureau- 
cratic encroachment. It is a story of a satisfactory way of 
living, gained through a continual struggle to preserve the 
right to enjoy the freedom so cherished by every rugged 

"The days of great herds of Texas longhorns grazing 
on unlimited acres that lay uninhabited and unclaimed until 
the cowman built his small ranch buildings and corral, have 
given way to an era of fenced-in pastures, limited ranges, 
modern ranch buildings and purebred herds. But despite 
the great continually changing background of Indians, rust- 
lers, stock detectives, land sharks, and extremes of weather, 
the cattleman has survived because Wyoming offers the 
natural habitat and surroundings for his calling. He has 
created Wyoming's greatest industry. 

"By 1868 the great migration of men and cattle from 
the south was well under way. Three hundred thousand 
cattle each year left Texas for the northern ranges with 
more than eight hundred thousand at the peak in 1884. 
From that time on, the numbers decUned to the one last 
through herd in 1897, although about nine years prior to 


that time the rail connections had been completed to Orin 

"'In reviewing the news items from the early files 
of the Lusk Herald, I find in 1887: 

'A Hash Knife outfit from Texas is driving a herd of 
2,300 cattle through the country.' 

"And again in later issues: 
'Two herds of Matadore cattle, numbering 4,500 head Y 
brand, passed through Lusk last Monday on the way to 

'Two herds, numbering 4.300, passed through Lusk last 
week. They belonged to Lee and Scott and were being 
driven to Montana.' 

'A Hash Knife herd of 2,000 head passed through Lusk 
on the way to ranges near Stoneville, Montana.' 

"August 18, 1892, the Herald recorded: 
'Probably the last trail herd of the season passed through 
here Sunday from the south bound for the northern ranges. 
It was the OX outfit consisting of 2,000 head.' 

"The last record we find is dated June 24, 1896: 
'Another XIT trail herd struck this town the first of the 
week on its way to Montana ranges.' 

"Author J. Evetts Haley, eminent historian, records: 
'In 1897 only one syndicate (XIT) herd, and its last, made 
the long trek. The coming of the nester, his control of 
waterings and his network of barbed wire fences brought 
to an end the greatest and most spectacular pastoral move- 
ment of all time.' 

"I have in my records a log of the Texas Trail as kept 
by Ealy Moore, trail boss, in which he recorded his day 
by day movements from Texas to Montana. For example: 

June 14, 1892. Camped fifteen miles of Pine Bluffs, Wyo. 

June 15, 1892. Passed by Pine Bluffs. Rained that eve- 

June 16, 1892. Camped twenty mile from Pine Bluffs. 

June 17, 1892. Got to Horse Creek. 

June 18, 1892. Got to Hawk Springs on Horse Creek. 

June 19, 1892, Camped three miles north of Horse 
And here is the interesting part: 

June 20, 1892. Camped 3 miles of North Platte River. 
Helped a N — N herd and Chris across today. 

June 21, 1892, Assisted Jim Vaughn to cross his herd 
in the forenoon, and tried to cross mine in the afternoon, 
but failed. 

June 22,1892. Assisted Jack Horn to cross. 

June 23, 1892. Helped to cross Mil's, my own and Dan's 
herds. Camped one mile from the river. 


June 24, 1}j92. Camped 8 miles up Rai\' Hide from the 

June 25, 1802. Made a cut off of about 4 miles and camped 
just below Coffee's ranch. 

June 26, 1892. Camped 10 miles of Lusk. 

June 27, 1892. Passed through Lusk, Wyo., and camped 
6 miles beyond. 

"Thus we find it required four days to swim seven herds 
of cattle, aggregating fifteen thousand head, across the 
Platte River at the mouth of Rawhide. 

"I desire to commend and pay tribute to the Lions 
Club, Dr. Morris, and citizens of eastern Laramie County 
and the Wyoming Stock Growers Association, in erecting 
this beautiful, substantial monument to preserve for pos- 
terity a memorial to the Texas Trail drivers, and to mark 
permanently the Texas Trail over which passed that great 
procession of Texas longhorns that laid the foundation for 
the future of Wyoming and the great northwest. It is 
significant that the State of Wyoming gives appropriate 
recognition to this historic event." 

Mr. Thorp quoted from a letter written by the late 
Senator John B. Kendrick, who first came to Wyoming as 
a Texas Trail driver and later became Governor, United 
States Senator and one of the leading cattle men: 

"Another interesting thing I might mention is that I 
do not remember coming in contact with or seeing a wire 
fence between Fort Worth, Texas and the head of the 
Running Water in Wyoming," Senator Kendrick wrote. 
"The most hardened and unobservant cowboy could not 
help but be impressed with the beautiful and ever varying 
scenery on the way. The element of danger that was a 
part of almost every day's experience did not detract from 
the fascination of the trip, you may be sure — the danger 
from Indians and the holding of a large herd of cattle in 
a night so dark that no ray or glimmer of light was to be 
seen, and when the most insignificant incident or the slight- 
est accident — a stumbling horse, a flash of lightning, the 
smell of a wild animal, might cause a stampede that would 
last for hours. After such a night of hardship and terror 
the men would be exhausted and utterly discouraged with 
their lot, but a good night's rest would cause them to look 
upon life in the same cheerful way again. 

"What at one time was the great highway traversed 
by great herds of cattle in charge of capable men and ac- 
companied by thousands of horses, has been abandoned 
and lives now, if at all, only as a part of the history and 
development of the great West." 

Reverse side of Texas Trail Monument at Pine Bluffs, Wyoming 


As a first hand description of life in Wyoming when the 
livestock industry was in its infancy, Mr. Thorp read a 
most interesting letter from the late Col. C. F. Coffee, who 
also trailed into Wyoming with the longhorns and remained 
to help establish ranching in the state. 

The colonel related how he had hired out to D. H. and 
J. W. Snyder to drive a herd of cattle from Texas to Wyo- 
ming Territory in 1871. 

"They were driving ten herds with about 1,500 head to 
the herd. In those days driving thru was a hardship, as 
we had to break the trail, fight Indians, and scare buffaloes 
out of the way to keep them from stampeding our cattle. 
There were thousands of them after striking Kansas and 
Nebraska. . . . Well, we got thru to Cheyenne along in 
August, after three months on the trail." 

Following the dedication at Pine Bluffs the party moved 
on to LaGrange where the monument of the Texas Trail 
was rededicated and deeded to the Wyoming Historical 
Landmark Commission. This marker was originally dedi- 
cated on July 4, 1941 and was erected by the citizens of the 
community and the Wyoming Stock Growers Association. 

The monument at the mouth of Rawhide Creek is sim- 
ilar to the one at Pine Bluffs except that the reverse side 
bears sketches of four longhorns with the following brands: 
OW (Kendrick), 010 Bar (Coffee), JK (Warren Live Stock 
Co.), and HILL (Hill family). The Lions Clubs of Torring- 
ton and Lingle, the Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 
the Warren Live Stock Company and the families of Sen. 
John B. Kendrick, Col. C. F. Coffee and Mr. Hill sponsored 
the erection of this memorial. 

Among the speakers at this dedication was Dr. Driggs 
who pleaded to have the story of the real cowboy given to 
the young people of the country. He believes that there 
is as much, or more heroism and romance in the true history 
of the West as there is in the radio and movie versions 
which are presented to the boys and girls today. He 
stressed the worth of real history in preserving America's 
traditions and ideals, and declared: "There is only one 
sure cure for Communism, and that's Americanism." 

It is fitting that the long neglected story of the early 
cattlemen be placed before this and future generations. 
The organizations and individuals who have participated in 
the erection and dedication of these monuments deserve 
our heartfelt congratulations and cooperation. 

The first postmaster at Banner lived on Prairie Dog 
Creek at the foot of Massacre Hill on the Bozeman Trail. 
His outfit had a flag as a brand, hence the name Banner. 



The caption beneath cover illustration in the ANNALS 
OF WYOMING, Volume 20, No. 2, July 1948, is in error. 
The Yellowstone Park chronology for 1890 indicates that 
"the first steamboat, the Zillah, was hauled by horses from 
Cinnabar to the Lake. The boat was built in Dubuque, was 
in service on Lake Minnetonka, then taken to the Park by 
Captain Waters." The steamship began operations in July 
1891 between Lake Hotel and West Thumb, making the 
round trip and stopping enroute at Dot Island where a zoo 
was maintained which included Big Horn sheep, bison, 
wapiti and antelope. 

D. Harvey Attfield of Walford, England, who made a 
special trip to the United States in 1891, with the intention 
of purchasing soda lakes in Sweetwater County, arrived in 
Rawlins in February. After traveling from Rawlins to the 
lakes in a buckboard, a distance of sixty miles or more, over 
rough roads and through the severe cold, he decided to 
return to England without making the purchase. 

An Indian maiden and her lover, following an eagle 
feather that had been blown from her hair by a gust of 
wind, discovered the giant Hot Springs at Thermopolis, 
according to an ancient Indian legend. Another legend has 
it that any feather dropped at the head of Wind River 
Canyon will float on the ever prevailing wind down to the 
Hot Springs at Thermopolis. 

The first sheep sheared by the steam shearing method 
in this country was sheared by Mrs. J. B. Okie in 1894 at the 
Okie ranch at Lost Cabin. J. B. Okie operated the nrst 
steam sheep shearing plant in the United States. Before 
a large group of shearers, sheep owners, wool buyers and 
Casper citizens, Mrs. Okie sheared her sheep in less than 
five minutes. 

Beaver Dick Lake in Grand Teton National Park was 
named for Richard Leigh, a well known hunter, trapper 
and guide of the area. Leigh received his nickname, 
"Beaver Dick," not because of his expertness at trapping 
beaver, but because of his striking resemblance to the rodent 
given him by two abnormally large upper front teeth. 

The first bicycle tour of Yellowstone National Park was 
made by W. W. Owens in 1883 on an old time high wheel 



to the 
Wyoming- Historical Department 

May 15, 1948 to November 6, 1948 

Torrey, Mrs. Sarah and Hodge, Wallace B., West Plains, Missouri: 
Gold and ivory gavel presented to Col. J. L. Torrey as speaker 
of the House of Representatives in 1895. May 19, 1948. 

Brown, Mary A., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Picture of Edith K. O. 
Clark, Mrs. John B. Kendrick; certificate of election of Edith 
K. O. Clark. June 1, 1948. 

Christian, Mrs. Elsie, Lusk, Wyoming: Large oil painting of Hat 
Creek Stage Station with which Mrs. Christian won 1st prize 
at the 1947 State Fair. June 5, 1948. 

American and British Commonwealth Association through Archie 
Allison of Cheyenne, Wyoming: Fragment of British House 
of Commons bombed in 1941. June 1948. 

Peilman, Gerald, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Rocks and artifacts. June 
5, 1948. 

Plummer, Roy O., San Diego, California: Six Pliocene fossils. June 
18, 1948. 

Hawkins, Ralph C, Casper, Wyoming: One piece of Indian pot- 
tery. June 29, 1948. 

Ft. Laramie National Monument, Ft. Laramie, Wyoming: Piece of 
siding from "Old Bedlam" removed during restoration process. 
July 13, 1948. 

Newton, A. A., Chicago, Illinois: Map showing passes in Conti- 
nental Divide in Wyoming. July 13, 1948. 

Kendall, Jane, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Large m^ap of Laramie County, 
1916. July 13, 1948. 

Wolf, Mrs. Frank, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Indian drum band, pipe, 
moccasins, scrapper, beads, mano and metate. August 1, 1948. 

Peters, Orin, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Old fashioned sterling silver 
dressing table accessories. August 5, 1948. 

Richardson, Laura and Valeria, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Nine strings 
of beads. August 6, 1948. 

Meyers, E. D., Cheyennne, Wyoming: Five books with early im- 
prints; fossil fish. August 10, 1948. 

Mui'phy, Edward, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Complete private's uni- 
form from World War I. August 5, 1948. 

Legler, Jerry, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Japanese gas mask, World 
War II. August 5, 1948. 

Van Valin, Mrs. J. F., Powell, Wyoming: Picture of Bald Mountain 
City. August 20, 1948. 


Morris, Jess, Dalhart, Texas: Song Ridin' oV Paint an' leadin' oV 
Ball together with letters regarding the song. August 20, 1948. 

Department of the Army, Washington, D. C: Gas mask, flame 
thrower, apparatus decontaminating, portable chemical cyl- 
inder. August 23, 1948. 

McCulley, Wayne, Casper, Wyoming: Cannon ball, bayonet, trowle 
bayonet found near old Ft. Brown. August 20, 1948. 

Ekdall, A. B., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Piece of ribbon barbed wire 
used to fence in the '70's. September 15, 1948. 

Cooper, James F., Denver, Colorado: Picture of settlers in Wyo- 
ming between 1860-1870 and those between 1870-1890 taken at 
State Fair in 1914. Sept. 15, 1948. 

Carlisle, Bill, Laramie, Wyoming: Laramie Boomerang, Jan. 26, 
1891; large piece of petrified wood from Medicine Bow. October 
1, 1948. 

Mashek, Mrs. Grace, Lusk, Wyoming: Picture of first couple mar- 
ried at Lusk in 1896 and picture of Congregational Church at 
Lusk. Sept. 25, 1948. 

Robinson, Mrs. Lance, Rock River, Wyoming: Pair of liigh laced 
ladies' shoes and old style black silk gloves. October 10, 1948. 

Hendreschke, John, Farson, Wyoming: Old padlock found at Big 
Sandy Crossing on Oregon Trail. October 10, 1948. 

Rietz, Mrs. Minnie A.: Photograph of 1897 countrj^ school class. 
October 4, 1948. 

Books — Purchased 

Mirsky, Jeannette, The westward crossing. Knopf, New York, 1946. 
Price $2.67. 

Pikes Peak Guide, 1859, (Map reprint). Parker & Huyett, 1859. 
Price $3.00 

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Swartwout, A. F., Missie, historical biography of Annie Oakley. 
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Wentworth, E. N., America's sheep trails. Iowa State College, 
Ames, 1948. Price $5.60. 

Nve, Nelson C, Outstanding modern quarter horse sires. Morrow, 
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White, John, Sketclies from A7nerica. Sampson Low, London. 1870. 
Price $7.50. 

Hafen, LeRoy, Overland routes to the gold fields. Clark, Glendale. 
1942. Price $7.50. 

Thwaites, R. G., Early Western Travels, Vol. 21. Clark, Glendale, 
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Spring, Agnes W., ed., William Chapin Deming. vols. 3 and 4. 
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Rollinson, J. K., Wyoviing cattle trails. Caxton, Caldwell, 1948. 
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Mills, Harlow B., Bugs, birds and blizzards. Collegiate press, 
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Cook, James H., Longhorn cowboy. Putnani, New York, 1942. 
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Westerners Brand book. Los Angeles. Vv''esterners, Los Angeles, 
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Williams, Ralph B., and Matteson, Clyde P., Jr., Wyoming haiuks. 
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Ah mis of Wyoming 

July-October, 1949 

Nos. 2-i^ 



Published Bi-Annually by 


Cheyenne, Wyoming 



A^mls of Wyoming 

Vol. 21 July-October, 1949 Nos. 2-3 



Journal of William A. Empey, May 7- August 4, 1847 HI 

Transcribed and edited by Dale L. Morgan. 

FORT LARAMIE, a poem 168 

By Mae Urbanek. 


WESTERN HISTORY, 1834-1849 170 

By Hazel Noble Boyack. 


By Lola Homsher. 


By Jens K. Grondahl. 

QUOTE AND UNQUOTE; the contributions of Russell 

Thorp to the Wyoming cattle industry 216 



Spring. Reviewed by Lola Homsher 225 



ACCESSIONS to the Wyoming State Historical Department 238 


William A. Empey 110 

Road Sign: Fort Laramie National Monument. 

(Photo by Col. A. R. Boyack.) Cover 

Agnes Wright Spring 224 

Copyright 1949, by the Wyoming State Historical Department 


Arthur G. Crane, President (Acting) Governor 

Everett T. Copenhaver State Auditor 

C. J. "Doc" Rogers State Treasurer 

Edna B. Stolt Superintendent of Public Instruction 

Ellen Crowley, Secretary State Librarian & Ex-Officio 

State Historian 

Mary Elizabeth Cody, Assistant Historian 


Mrs. Mary Jester Allen, Cody 
Frank Barrett, Lusk 
George Bible, Rawlins 
Mrs. T. K. Bishop, Basin 
C. Watt Brandon, Kemmerer 
J. Elmer Brock, Kaycee 
Struthers Burt, Moran 

Herbert T. Harris, Basin 

D. B. Hilton, Sundance 

Joe Joff e, Yellowstone Park 

Mrs. J. H. Jacobucci, Green River 

P. W. Jenkins, Big Piney 

W. C. Lawrence, Moran 

Mrs. Eliza Lythgoe, Cowley 

Mrs. Elsa Spear Byron, Sheridan A. J. Mokler, Casper 

Mrs. G. C. Call, Afton 
Oliver J. Colyer, Torrington 
E. A. Gaensslen, Green River 
Hans Gautschi, Lusk 
Burt Griggs, Buffalo 

Charles Oviatt, Sheridan 

Mrs. Minnie Reitz, Wheatland 

Mrs. Effie Shaw, Cody 

John Charles Thompson, Cheyenne 

Russell Thorp, Cheyenne 

Published Bi-Annually by 



State Librarian and Ex-Officio State Historian 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 

The State Historical Board, the State Historical Advisory Board 
and the State Historical Department assume no responsibility for 
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Printed by the Wyoming Labor Journal 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 


HAZEL NOBLE BOYACK was born in northern Arizona and ob- 
tained her early schooling there. Her parents and grandparents 
trekked over the Oregon Trail to the West in 1847-1862 and through- 
out their lives did extensive colonization work in the intermountain 
region. Mrs. Boyack attended the Brigham Young University from 
which she was graduated, the University of Utah, the University 
of Southern California and the University of Iowa. Since her 
marriage to Colonel A. R. Boyack in 1923, she has lived in Wyo- 
ming where she has done considerable research in Wyoming his- 
tory and has been a leader m various civic activities. She is the 
mother of three children, Elnora, member of the B. Y. U. faculty; 
Virginia, graduate nurse; and Robert, Marine veteran and univer- 
sity student. Mrs. Boyack's article utilizes materials which she is 
collecting for a Master's Degree thesis in Western history. She 
has written other articles on the same subject which have appeared 
in various newspapers and magazines. 

JENS K. GRONDAHL was editor of the RED WING DAILY RE- 
PUBLICAN in Red Wing, Minnesota from 1913 to 1938. He wrote 
numerous poems, sketches and songs, including "Fighting for Cuba,'' 
and the anthem, "America, My Country," which was selected for 
national community singing, and adopted for schools by educational 
departments of several states. He was prominent in state journal- 
istic and political affairs and served three terms in the Minnesota 
State Legislature. 

LOLA HOMSHER, Archivist, University of Wyoming, received her 
B. A. degree from Colorado State College of A. & M. in 1936, and 
her M. A. degree from the University of Wyoming in August 1949. 
From 1941 to 1943 she was Assistant Historian in the Wyoming 
State Historical Department. As a contributor to the Mississippi 
Valley Historical Review in September 1946, she wrote concerning 
the Archives of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association. 

DALE L. MORGAN. The introduction and notes to the diary of 
William A. Empey illustrate, to some degree, Mr. Morgan's dual 
historical interests: Mormonism and the Far West. Research and 
writing in the historical field have occupied Mr. Morgan ever since 
his graduation from the University of Utah in 1937, when he 
became historical editor for the WPA Historical Records Survey. 
He was appointed director of the Writers' Project in 1940. 

Born in Salt Lake City in 1914, this native Westerner has pub- 
lished two books of his own on western history. The Humholdt: 
Highroad of the West (1943) in the Rivers of America series, and 
The Great Salt Lake (1947) in the American Lakes series. He has 
contributed to three other books and numerous magazines and 
historical and literary reviews, and has edited various publications 
for the Historical Records Survey and the Writer's' Program. 

Mr. Morgan is currently working on the final chapters of the 
first volume of the history of the Mormons for which he began 
research in 1947, with the aid of a fellowship granted by the John 
Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation. He carried on extensive 
research for this history in Washington, D. C, where he served from 
1942 through 1946 on the staff of the Department of Information of 


the OPA. After leaving Washington, he sought further information 
for his book in libraries from Massachusetts to California, and fin- 
ally returned to Salt Lake City in April 1948. Serving now as acting 
editor of the Utah Historical Quarterly, and carrying on several 
other projects relating to the history of the Mormons and the West, 
Mr. Morgan plans to complete the first book of his Mormon history 
this fall. Two other books will complete the history, all of which 
is to be published by Rinehart and Company. 

AGNES WRIGHT SPRING, for biography see Annals of Wyo- 
ming, Vol. 13, p. 237. 

MAE URBANEK, a resident of Niobrara County since 1931, was 
accorded nation-wide recognition this year when six of her poems 
were published in a collection entitled. Important American Poets 
and Songwriters. Her poem, "Fort Laramie," in this issue of the 
Annals, was written by special request for the centennial of 
Old Fort Laramie which was celebrated August 9, 1949. Her 
husband, Mr. Jerry Urbanek, recited the poem to open the pageant 
at Fort Laramie. 

A graduate of Northwestern School of Journalism, Mrs. Ur- 
banek has been active with such organizations as the Niobrara 
Homemakers' Council, The Wyoming Clubwoman, the Lusk Wom- 
an's Club, and the 4H Clubs. 

She has been writing poetry for her own pleasure since child- 
hood, and her work has appeared in the Lusk Herald, and The 
Wyoming Clubwoman. A collection of Mrs. Urbanek's poetry, 
Niobrara Breezes, was published in 1946, the proceeds from the 
sale of the pamphlet going to the Lusk Community Building Fund. 


(Courtesy of Mrs. Ida Terry Empey) 

The original photograph from which this print was made is 
inscribed by William A. Empey, August 10, 1890, just nine days 
before his death. 

Zhe Mormon Jerry oh the J^orth Platte 

The Journal of William A. Empey 
May 7— August 4, 1847 


The nine men Brigham Young detailed in 1847 from his 
Pioneer party to remain at the Upper Crossing of the North 
Platte and operate a ferry for the benefit of the Saints and 
the convenience of the Oregon and California immigration 
established a famous institution in the history of the Over- 
land Trail. There had been ferries to serve overland trav- 
elers before this time, across the Missouri and the Kaw, but 
the Mormon ferry at the Upper Crossing of the Platte 
marked the beginning of commercial ferry operations in the 
Rocky Mountains, foreshadowed similar ferries across the 
Green and Bear rivers, and for six years played a prominent 
role in the westward movement. 

During 1847 and 1848 the Mormons had a monopoly in 
the operation of ferries at the North Platte, though immi- 
grants sometimes stayed on at the river for a time to pick 
up an extra dollar or two by ferry work. The gold rush to 
California broke up the Mormon monopoly, such as it was, 
rival companies finding it to their advantage to come out 
from the States to compete for the business. The ever- 
growing stream of overland travel finally rendered the 
ferries obsolete, by underwriting the investment required 
to bridge the river. 

The journal of William A. Empey, as here published 
with supplemental extracts from the journal of Appleton 
M. Harmon, presents an almost complete picture of the 
operations of the Mormon ferry during its first year. No 
such records exist for the following years, but a general 
picture of the ferry can be gained in 1849 and 1850, and at 
least one reference is to be found to the Mormon ferry as 
late as 1852, the last year before John Richard's bridge 
permanently swept the ferries from the river. 

The nine men selected to run the Mormon ferry as 
first established were Thomas Grover, John S. Higbee, 
William A. Empey, Appleton M. Harmon, Edmund Ells- 
worth, Luke Johnson, Francis M. Pomeroy, James Daven- 
port, and Benjamin F. Stewart.^ After the greater part of 
the Oregon and California immigration had passed, Grover, 


Ellsworth, Pomeroy, and Stewart turned east to meet their 
families, who were coming along with the great migration 
following in the track of the Mormon Pioneers. Of those 
who waited at the ferry, three were to be disappointed in 
any expectations they may have had that their own fam- 
ilies would be along, and these three, Empey, Harmon, and 
Johnson, after the Mormon immigration passed by, rode on 
down the Platte to wait at Fort Laramie for the Pioneers 
returning from the Great Salt Lake. Harmon found em- 
ployment at the fort as a blacksmith, and stayed there until 
March, but Johnson and Empey journeyed on back to the 
States. All three men appear to have migrated to Utah 
with the immigration of 1848, and of the three only Harmon 
had any further connection with the Platte ferry. 

Although little is known about their experiences or 
identity, a company of Saints journeyed to the Platte in the 
spring of 1848 for the dual purpose of operating the ferry 
and of taking East teams for the year's Mormon immigra- 
tion. It is probably these of whom Eliza R. Snow writes 
in her diary on May 18, "Hancock, Ellsworth & others start 
with teams to meet the immigrants." And again on May 
23, "Another com[pany] start with 35 Vv^agons to meet the 
immigrants." In August, she and others having gone on an 
excursion up into the mountains above Salt Lake Valley, 
she noted that they returned in company with, "Ellsworth 
& Hancock who came up with us on Mon[day] from the 
Platte, & arriv'd in the valley on Fr[iday] the 18th."- 
From these notations, it would seem that Edmund Ellsworth 
and Levi Hancock were among those who served the ferry 
in 1848. The identity of the others is not easily established. 

It was a forceful precedent that the ferrymen this year 
came from the West rather than from the East. After 
1848, each year till the Platte Bridge was built, a company 
set out from Great Salt Lake City to reach the river in 
advance of the year's immigration. The overland journals 
of 1848 are few in number, and only one daily diary of an 
Oregon or California immigrant is known. Riley Root, 
headed for Oregon, arrived at the ferry on June 15 to find 
a group of Saints already there. "The Mormons from Salt 
Lake," he commented, "had arrived a few days previous, 
and prepared a raft for crossing." He crossed the river 
next day, though whether ferried by the Saints he neglects 
to say.^ 

Six weeks later, when the Mormon immigration reached 
the Upper Crossing, their brethren were awaiting them. 
Hosea Stout wrote in his journal on August 4, "several 
from the Valley , . . had come to meet us & had been also 


ferrying the Oregon Emegrants over the Platte."^ Their 
presence was welcome, not so much in crossing the river, 
which by August could usually be forded, as in the fresh 
teams they had ready to take up the burden from the failing 
oxen of the immigration. 

Rather more is known about ferry operations in 1849. 
Appleton Harmon was one of a company of nine who trav- 
eled to the ferry, and in his autobiography he gives a con- 
densed account of their experiences. They arrived, he says, 
on the 27th of May, "and commenced ferrying the 28 a very 
heavey emegration ware passing to California and in July 
2 battalions of U. S. troops crossed at our ferry on their 
way to Oreigon-"^ and one Company of our own emegrants 
going to the Valley, a bout the last of July and after the 
river became fordable we having earned and divided $646.50 
cts to each of us. we bought each of us a waggon and oxen 
to draw it and Started to the valley."** 

Besides Harmon, the ferrymen this year were Charles 
Shumway, Madison B. Hableton, James Allred, John Greene, 
Andrew Lytle, one Potter, and two others whose names do 
not appear. Shumway was evidently in charge, for a letter 
from him in the archives of the Church, written apparently 
at the end of May from the "Upper Platte Ferry," advises 
that his company "arrived there on the 27th, raised their 
boats, and found them in good order. . . . On the 29th the 
first company of emigrants for the California gold mines 
reached the ferry, who stated that the road thence to the 
Missouri river was lined with emigrant wagons for the same 

Numerous overland journals of 1849 make mention of 
the Mormon ferry. Among the earliest was William G. 
Johnston, who noted in his journal on June 3, "Contrary 
to expectation, based upon the common reputation of these 
Latter-Day Saints, we found those in charge of the ferry 
men of respectable appearance, well informed, polite, and 
in every way agreeable. They showed us specimens of 
California gold, the first we had seen, and their accounts as 
to the Eldorado were as extravagant as any we have had."^ 
William Kelly, who came along a day later, adds that the 
ferrymen were "strong^ entrenched in a heavy timber 
palisading, for their own protection and the security of 
their animals," the Crows just then being troublesome in 
the extreme. As Kelly describes the ferryboat, it was 
similar in all respects to that of 1847; it was perhaps the 
same craft, even, consisting of a large platform constructed 
on two dug-out canoes. "This structure they worked with 
three large oars, one at each side, and one as a rudder, 


getting over smoothly enough, but at a terrible slant, which 
gave them hard labour in again working up against the 
stream, even with the assistance of two yoke of oxen pulling 
on the bank as on a canal.'"-* 

William Johnston's cordial opinion of the Saints at the 
ferry was echoed by a Dr. Caldwell, who came along on 
June 27. "Entered our names to cross," his diary says, 
"when our turn comes. This is 5 miles below the old cross- 
ing, of Fremont & others. They have but one boat here, 
which is a good one, & very careful hands. The Mormons 
appear honest so far as dealing with them They conduct 
matters very well here, & have a smithery with 2 forges, 
but charge high. They are numerous at this place. Swim 
the cattle, & charge $3.00 per wagon for ferrying. "^"^ 

But* the Mormon ferrymen did not fare so well in every 
passerby's opinion. Israel F. Hale remarked on June 24 
that the Saints apparently had "removed the ferry a few 
miles lower down that the emigrants may cross and leave 
the grass unmolested for their Mormon friends"^ ^ to arrive 
later in the summer. More violently stirred was J. Golds- 
borough Bruff , on July 16, who found the Saints so impor- 
tunate in drumming up trade for their ferry that he threat- 
ened to blow a hole through one of the brethren.^- 

This struggle for business is more understandable when 
it is realized that rival ferries were operating all the way 
from the Mormon ferry site to Deer Creek. Amos Batch- 
elder, who crossed on July 17 by the ferry just above Deer 
Creek, noted that it was maintained by a small company 
made up of men, women, and children, with three wagons 
and several cows, butter from which was an un'ixpected 
luxury. ^-^ Captain Howard Stansbury on July 25 crossed 
by this same ferry, paying $2 per wagon, which he thought 
by no means extortionate, considering that "the ferryman 
had been for months encamped here in a little tent, exposed 
to the assaults of hordes of wandering savages, for the sole 
purpose of affording this accommodation to travelers." He 
was informed that 28 men had been drowned trying to ford 
the river this year, though he received the information 
with all due skepticism.'^ Stansbury was near the tail end 
of the immigration, and the river was about to become 
fordable, hence it is quite possible that the Mormon ferry 
was abandoned by the time he passed its site. 

In 1850 Appleton Harmon was destined for England as 
a missionary, rather than for the North Platte as a ferryman, 
but his journal is nevertheless once more a useful source 
on the ferry. The company of missionaries of which he was 
a member left Salt Lake Valley on April 20, and soon over- 


took "Captain Andrew Lytles Company who ware goin to 
establish a ferry on the platte river." This year the Cah- 
fornia immigration had got the jump on the ferrymen, 
being met by the eastbound Saints as early as May 15, and 
as far west as the Dry Sandy. 

Under date of May 25 Harmon writes: "we camped 
on the Platte bottom the river being verry high and our 
oxen being some what fatienged, we thought to Stop a 
fiew days and recruit. Capt. Lytles Co. ware here one day 
before us and had commenced a flat boat, we took hold 
and helped them and suceded in launching one on the 28 
Tuesday and with that commenced operations in ferring 
this boat was maned with a crew, while the remainder of 
us went to work and Built a larger one. they went to the 
mountain for the gunwhales, and brought them down to 
the river and sawed plank out of the Cotton wood and put 
it together with wooden pins. Calked and pitched it." 

Finally, on June 3, "we launched this big boat and 
commenced ferrying with it. it worked nice and the eme- 
grants were anchously waiting to give us $4 a waggon to 
take them over the Platte was about 10 feet deep and 
one hundred and fifty yards wide, during this delay we 
had exchanged our oxen and waggons for four horses 
harness and wagon. . . . Capt Lytle gave us $125 for what 
we had done on the Boats, this we divided equally be- 
tween us and we Crossed the River with our new team on 
the new Boat, took leave of Capt Lytle and Company and 
Started." 1^' 

Jesse W. Crosby, who also was enroute to the English 
mission, and who also had helped in the boat building, says 
there were 16 in the party left at the ferry, and adds that 
the boats "were managed by means of large ropes stretched 
across the stream, then v/ith puUy blocks working on the 
before named rope, then Guy ropes attached to each end 
of the boat, and to the two blocks with pulleys, then drop 
one end of the boat so that the force of the current pressing 
against it will push the boat across, then reverse the process 
and the boat will recross and make in about five minutes. "^^ 

Evidence of continued stiff competition for business is 
preserved in the year's overland diaries. Lorenzo Sawyer, 
arriving June 3, found "four boats running, one of which 
belonged to the Mormons."^" Madison Berryman Moorman, 
on June 29, clarifies this somewhat by explaining that there 
were "four boats belonging to two parties: — one called the 
'Missouri Ferry' & the other the 'Mormon Ferry.' The lat- 
ter had but one boat & and the former three — all Buoy- 
boats. They are decidedly the best boats I ever saw — much 


better than steam on as rapid a stream as this foaming 
Platte. . . . The Mo. Ferry, as I was told by the ferryman — 
averages about three hundred wagons a day at five dollars 
each, besides multiplied hundreds of oxen — horses & mules 
at from fifty cents to one dollar a piece. "^''* Sawyer had 
found the fees slightly m.ore moderate than Moorman, $4 
per wagon and 25 cents per head for animals. These prices 
marked a stiff advance over those which prevailed in the 
first year of the ferry, and are evidence of the pressure 
upon the ferry facilities. This year, as in 1849, it seems to 
have been necessary for immigrants to register and wait their 
turn at the ferry.^^ 

For the last two years the Mormon ferry presumably 
was maintained, little information seems to have survived. 
Although I have not searched the overland journals ex- 
haustively, I have not seen a Mormon ferry mentioned in 
1851, and only by the Clark-Brown party in 1852. John 
Hawkins Clark wrote on June 22, 1852, that his company 
paid $32 for the passage of the river, adding plaintively, 
"these plainsmen do not forget to charge. All have to 
ferry their wagons, but most of the immigrants swim their 
stock. Many cattle have been lost at this point and the 
ferryman has a record of fifteen men drowned within the 
last month. The boatman had, I think, located this ferry 
on a difficult place in the river in order to force custom 
over it." Clark does not say specifically that the ferry 
was run by Mormons, but Godfrey C. Ingrim, a member 
of the party whose reminiscences are quoted by Louise 
Barry in editing the Clark journal, says that "there was 
some Mormons that had a ferry here they charged five 
dollars a wagon and men had to swim their teams or stock. "-" 

The end of the Platte ferries was foreshadowed in 1851, 
when the first mention of a bridge appears in the overland 
journals.-^ John S. Zeiber, on July 12, 1851, noted the 
presence of a bridge one mile above Deer Creek, or some 27 
miles below the site of the original Mormon ferry, but as 
he himself was here traveling up the north bank of the 
river, a route first used by wagons in 1850, he had no occa- 
sion to resort to either bridge or ferry.-- Albert Carrington, 
who had gone east in the fall of 1850 with Captain Stans- 
bury, and who was enroute back to Utah, commented on 
this bridge on August 2, 1851, but he too was traveling up 
the north bank and did not use the bridge. -^ Robert Robe, 
who was one of those to travel up the south bank this year, 
wrote in his journal on June 22, "Travelled from Deer 
creek, which is a good camping place and arrived in the 
evening at the upper Ferry. There is a bridge over Platte 


at Deer creek but this does not seem to be much used. 
There is also an intermediate ferry but this [i.e., the upper 
ferry] is generally used."-^ 

A year later another traveler coming up the north bank 
of the Platte wrote in his journal on June 29, "Our camp 
tonight is a few miles above the crossing of the North Platte, 
where the emigrants who traveled on the south side of the 
river crossed over to the road of those who traveled on 
the north side of the Platte. We understand that there is 
a bridge at this crossing of the Platte."-^ This diarist did 
not himself see the bridge, and his hearsay information 
does not permit an authoritative answer to the question 
whether the bridge actually was at the Upper Crossing or 
near Deer Creek. 

The idea has been prevalent that the first substantial 
bridge across the North Platte was built in the winter of 
1858-59, but the universal testimony of the overland jour- 
nals is that such a bridge existed from 1853 on.-'' The later 
bridge is supposed to have been built by John Richard, but 
he was probably concerned in the bridge from the beginning. 
The 1853 diaries I have examined do not specifically men- 
tion Richard, but his name appears early enough in the 
overland journals to make it a reasonable certainty that 
the Platte Bridge was his enterprise from its inception. J. 
Robert Brown wrote in 1856, "The brothers Richards (pro. 
Rashaw) own the post and bridge here, and are coining 
money from it; they have made over $200,000 apiece, but 
that demon, gambling, keeps them down. They appear to 
be very clever men. They are from Florisant, [Missouri]. "2''' 

A correspondent of the Missouri Republican, writing 
in that paper as early as November 2, 1853, called the Platte 
Bridge a "substantial" affair, but it is not inconceivable 
that it was replaced by another structure early in 1858, for 
a later correspondent of the Repuhlican, writing from Rulo, 
Nebraska, under date of August 22, 1858, comments, "Our 
fellow-citizens, Charles IVTartin and Wm. Renceleur, have 
just arrived from the Platte Bridge. They made the trip 
to this place in seventeen days. Their partner in the bridge, 
John Richards Esq., came with them."-"' They brought news 
of the high excitement over the Pikes Peak gold discov- 
eries, which doubtless gave a healthy fillip to their business. 

But it is not my purpose to pursue the history of the 
Platte Bridge, noted as it became in the history of Wyoming. 
A more useful object will be served by providing some 
biography of William A. Empey as an introduction to his 
diary of 1847. 


William Adam Empey was born July 4, 1808, at Ossna- 
brook, Storment County, Canada, the son of Adam and 
Margaret Steenbergh Empey. His parents and grandpar- 
ents were born in upper New York, but at some indeter- 
minate date before William's birth moved to Canada. It 
is not known just when William became a member of the 
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Mormon 
Church, but it was at some time anterior to the death of 
Joseph Smith, the Mormon prophet. 

In accordance with Mormon doctrine of the time, before 
the evacuation from Nauvoo Empey was "sealed" to Brig- 
ham Young as an "adopted son," and subsequently he often 
signed his name "William Y. Empey." When Brigham 
Young set out from Winter Quarters in 1847 to find an 
abiding place for the Saints, Empey was enlisted as a mem- 
ber of the fifth company of ten. After the formation of a 
night guard became prudent, he was one of 50 men selected, 
a distinction he found onerous, as the entries in his diary 
make plain. He had a reputation as a sober, conscientious, 
entirely dependable person, and his journal exhibits all 
these quaUties. 

The first pages of his journal are missing, the record 
beginning on May 7, three weeks after the journey com- 
menced, and a week after the Mormon Pioneers came down 
to the north bank of the Platte near Grand Island. The 
laconic, somewhat monotonous entries made in the early 
pages of the diary do not compare in interest with other 
records of the Mormon Pioneer party. But fortunately, just 
where Empey's diary has most to offer, with the inception 
of the Mormon ferry, it becomes richest in detail. Though 
some pages are gone, depriving us of his record of the 
events of June 27- July 10, information about which m.ust 
be had from the journal of Appleton M. Harmon, his journal 
is our sole record of the ferry from July 14 to August 4, 
Harmon's journal not extending beyond July 13. 

With four others, Empey stayed on at the ferry until 
the arrival of the Mormon family immigration in mid- 
August of 1847. His journal would lead one to think that 
he had expected his family with the Second Company. If 
so, he was disappointed, and accordingly journeyed back to 
Winter Quarters during the fall. 

It is not known absolutely when Empey settled in Salt 
Lake Valley, but he is included by the Daughters of Utah 
Pioneers with their lists for 1848,^^ and this seems reason- 
able because a Great Salt Lake City ordinance of November 
10, 1849, appointed him from the Fifteenth Ward as one of 
a number of assistant supervisors of streets, which prob- 


abl}^ would not have happened had he just arrived in the 
Valley.-^" In February, 1850, he was given by the legisla- 
ture of the State of Deseret a franchise for a ferry across 
the Bear River, and he was active at this business during the 
spring and summer of 1850.^^ The following winter he 
volunteered or was "called" for the Iron County Mission 
which settled Parowan, in southern Utah,^- but evidently 
he retained an active interest in the operation of ferries, 
for the first legislature of the Territory of Utah, meeting 
during the winter of 1851-52, granted to him, Joseph Young, 
John Young, and David Fullmer the ferry rights for Bear 
River — meaning of course the lower river above its mouth 
in Great Salt Lake, rather than the upper river in present 

In the summer of 1852 he was one among the Saints 
called to serve a mission in England — a mission principally 
interesting because it was the first sent out after the pubUc 
avowal of the principle and practice of plural marriage, 
and had the duty of defending that doctrine to the world. 
The only other diary by Empey known to exist, apart from 
the one here printed, describes this mission, beginning with 
his departure from Great Salt Lake City on September 15, 
1852, and ending April 20, 1854, when he was again on the 
frontier preparing to set out for Utah. 

Following his return to Utah, he again became associ- 
ated in the operation of a ferry across the Bear River, but 
in 1862 was one of those called to strengthen the "Cotton 
Mission," and the remainder of his life was spent in Utah's 
"Dixie" country. He established a farm at Tonaquint, at 
the junction of the Virgin and Santa Clara rivers, and sub- 
sequently a ranch between Central and Pine Valley. His 
last years were devoted to viticulture. He died at St. 
George, Utah, August 19, 1890, at the age of 82. A Saint 
who practiced as well as preached the doctrine of plural 
marriage, he had three wives, Mary Ann Morgan (b. 18-?, 
d. February 24, 1891), whom he married in 1840 and by 
whom he had 10 children; Mary Harriet Porter (b. January 
4, 1832, d. March 24, 1869), whom he married October 27, 
1855, and by whom he had 6 children; and Martha Fielding 
(b. April 20, 1833, d. February 12, 1912), whom he married 
March 17, 1857, and by whom he had 9 children.^-* 

The journal here reproduced has been deposited by his 
daughter-in-law, Mrs. Ida Terry Empey of St. George, Utah, 
in the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California, 
and is printed with her permission and that of the library. 
The manuscript is a loosely sewed notebook 24.8 x 19.5 cm., 
apparently consisting originally of 16 leaves of 32 numbered 


pages. Pages 1-8 and 19-22 have been lost, while p. 32 is 
blank. The first part of the extant manuscript, to p. 18, is 
written in blue ink, with the last part in brown. 

In writing his diary, Empey ran all the first section of 
it together, with no paragraph breaks whatever until the 
entry for June 26. To make this part of the diary more 
easily read, arbitrary paragraphing has been enforced upon 
it, though without eliminating his characteristic use of the 
conjunction "and," which is left at the end of many a para- 
graph. After June 26, perhaps influenced by the example 
of Appleton Harmon, from whose journal Empey seems 
at times to have copied, Empey characteristically wrote the 
date centered on the page, with the entry under it, an 
arrangement which has also been altered slightly in this 

The important hiatus in the Empey diary for the period 
June 27-July 10 has been filled, in the interests of a com- 
plete record of the Mormon ferry during 1847, from a tran- 
scription of the Harmon journal in the possession of the 
Utah State Historical Society, obtained through the courtesy 
of Harmon's daughter, Mrs. Julia Kessler, of Bountiful, 
Utah. Harmon's journal, itself incomplete, has recently 
been printed by Maybelle Harmon Anderson as Appleton 
Milo Harmon Goes West (Berkeley, 1946) , though unfor- 
tunately with some excisions and some not always well- 
considered corrections of his spelling. The original of Har- 
mon's diary is in the custody of the L. D. S. Church His- 
torian's Office. 

Other records of the Mormon Pioneer party which have 
been used in editing the Empey diary include William- 
Clayton's Journal (Salt Lake City, 1921) ; Howard Egan's 
Pioneering the West (Salt Lake City, 1917) , used in con- 
junction with Egan's original manuscript diary, now in the 
Coe Collection at Yale; the Autobiography of Pioneer John 
Brown (Salt Lake City, 1941) ; Matthew Cowley's Wilford 
Woodruff, His Life and Labors (Salt Lake City, 1909) ; Orson 
Pratt's "Interesting Items Concerning the Journeying of 
the Latter-Day Saints from the City of Nauvoo, Until Their 
Location in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake," printed 
originally in the Liverpool Milleiinial Star, 1849-50, vols. 
XI-XII, and lately reprinted separately at Salt Lake City 
by N. B. Lundwall as Exodus from Modern Israel; the diary 
of Erastus Snow, first published in Improvement Era, 1911- 
12, vols. XIV-XV, and subsequently reprinted in part and 
evidently with greater fidelity to the original manuscript 
in the Utah Humanities Review, 1948, vol. II; the diary of 
Lorenzo Dow Young and his wife Harriet, in Utah Historical 


Quarterly, 1946, vol. XIV; the diary of Heber C. Kimball, 
published incomplete (because of the suspension of that 
magazine in 1940) in Utah Genealogical and Historical Mag- 
azine, 1939-40, vols. XXX-XXXI; and the extracts from the 
diary of Horace K. Whitney published in Improvement Era, 
1947, vol. XLIX. Some diaries in manuscript which have 
also been used, from typed transcriptions in the collection 
of the Utah State Historical Society, include the important 
record by Norton Jacob, the no less important diary kept 
by Albert Carrington for Amasa Lyman (Carrington kept 
another, almost identical, for George A. Smith,^-^ which — 
like the original of the Lyman diary — is in the custody of 
the L. D. S. Church Historian's Office), and the journal of 
Levi Jackman. Other diaries of the Pioneer party, not 
normally accessible to students, are in the possession of 
the Historian's Office. 

Information helpful in the editing of William Empey's 
diary has been provided by Mrs. Juanita Brooks of St. 
George, who first brought the record to my attention, Mrs. 
Ida Terry Empey of St. George, Utah, Mrs. Effie Miller, 
Payson, Utah, and Mrs. Ruth Gubler, Panguitch, Utah, 
grand-daughters of Empey; Mr. Everett D. Graff of Chicago 
and Mr. Thomas W. Streeter of Morristown, N. J., well- 
known Chicago book collectors who examined certain rare 
titles in their collections for my benefit; Mrs. Brenda R. 
Gieseker, Librarian of the Missouri Historical Society, St. 
Louis, Missouri; Miss Priscilla Knuth, Research Associate 
in the Oregon Historical Society, who searched the manu- 
script collections of the Society for information and clues 
to information about the 1847 Oregon immigrants, and who 
also sent me numerous helpful references from Sarah Hunt 
Steeves' Book of Remembrance of Marion County, Oregon, 
Pioneers (Portland, 1927) ; and the Utah State Historical 
Society, which has been helpful in more ways than I could 
hope to list. Numerous references to contemporary news- 
papers in the notes are from transcripts in my possession, 
gathered in connection with my researches for a larger his- 
tory of Mormonism, for which I must express an obligation 
to a fellowship granted me by the John Simon Guggenheim 
Memorial Foundation. 



1. Brief biographies of all these men are printed by Andrew 
Jenson in his Latter-day Saints' Biographical Encyclopedia, vols. 
2 and 4, though it will be seen in the light of the information in 
Empey's journal that most of these biographies are faulty insofar 
as they relate to the ferry. 

2. "Pioneer Diary of Eliza R. Snow," Improvement Era, April, 
1944, vol. XLVII, p. 239. 

3. Riley Root, Journal of Travels from St. Josephs to Oregon 
(Galesburg, 111., 1850), p. 20. 

4. Hosea Stout, Journal No. 4, typed transcription in the WPA 
Collection of the Utah State Historical Society. 

5. See the narrative by Osborne Cross, as edited by Raymond 
W. Settle, The March of the Mounted Riflemen (Glendale, 1940), 
pp. 110-112. The army officers found it more expedient to have 
their wagons ferried across by the Mormons at $4 each than to 
build rafts and hazard their wagons to them. The river was 
crossed July 2-3, 1849. 

6. Appleton M. Harmon, Autobiography, typed transcription 
in the WPA Collection of the Utah State Historical Society; 
printed in Appleton Milo Harmon Goes West (Berkeley, 1946), 
pp. 53, 54. 

7. Documentary Historv of the Church. 1849, p. 85, MS. in 
L. D. S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah. 

8. See Johnston's Experiences of a 49er, (Pittsburgh, 1892), 
or the edition printed at Oakland, 1948, under the title, Overland 
to California. 

9. William Kelly, Acrosa the Rocky Mountains, from New 
York to California (Second Edition, London, 1852), pp. 126, 127. 
The first edition, An Excursion to California over the Prairie, Rocky 
Mountains, and Great Sierra Nevada (London, 1851), has different 

10. Diary of [T. G.?] Caldwell, printed as an appendix to the 
diaries of J. Goldsborough Bruff in Georgia Willis Read's and Ruth 
Gaines' Gold Rush (New York, 1944) vol. II, p. 1255. 

11. "Diary of Trip to California in 1849. Written by Israel 
F. Hale," Quarterly of the Society of California Pioneers, June, 
1925, vol. II, p. 85. 

12. Read and Gaines, op. cit., vol. I, p. 46. 

13. Amos Batchelder, Journal of a Tour Across the Continent 
of North America from Boston, via Independence, Missouri, the 
Rocky Mountains, to San Francisco in 1849, MS., typed transcrip- 
tion in my possession. 

14. Howard Stansbury, Exploration and Survey of the Valley 
of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, Including a Reconnaissance of a 
New Route Through the Rocky Mountains (Washington, 1853), 
pp. 60, 61. 

15. Appleton M. Harmon, Autobiography, MS. cited in Note 6. 

16. "History and Journal of the Life and Travels of Jesse W. 
Crosby," Annals of Wyoming, July, 1939, vol. XI, pp. 187, 188. 

17. Lorenzo Sawyer, Wayside Sketches (New York, 1926), 
p. 39. 

18. The Journal of Madison Berryman Moorman 1850-1851 
(San Francisco, 1948), p. 33. 

19. C. S. Abbott, Recollections of a California Pioneer (New 
York, 1917), pp. 40, 41. 

20. "Overland to the Gold Fields of California in 1852," 
Kansas Historical Quarterly, August, 1942, vol. XI, p. 257. 


21. Irene D. Paden, in The Wake oj the Prairie Schooner 
(New York, 1943), p. 198, remarks that in 1849 "a few travelers 
noted a precarious bridge tljree miles below the site of the later 
bridge near the ferry," built by a fur company, and "apparently 
of no importance or use to the emigrants." She does not cite a 
source and I have seen no reference to a bridge across the Platte 
before 1851. 

22. "Diai'y of John S. Zeiber, 1851," Transactions of the 
Forty-Eighth Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 
1920 (Portland, 1921), p. 317. 

23. "Diary of Albert Carrington," in Daughters of Utah Pio- 
neers, Heart Throbs of the West (Salt Lake City, 1947), vol. 
VIII, p. 121. 

24. "Robert Robe's Diary While Crossing the Plains in 1851," 
Washington Historical Quarterly, January, 1928, vol. XIX, p. 53. 

25. "Diary of E. W. Conyers, a Pioneer of 1852," Transactions 
of the Thirty-Third Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Associa- 
tion, 1905 (Portland, 1906), p. 453. 

26. See, e.g., the diaries of 1853 kept by Orange Gaylord, 
Transactions of the Forty-Fifth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 
Pioneer Association, 1917 (Portland, 1920) ; Celinda E. Hines, Trans- 
actions of the Forty-Sixth Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer 
Association, 1918 (Portland, 1921); Velina A. Williams, Transac- 
tions of the Forty-Seventh Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer 
Association, 1919 (Portland, 1922); John (or David) Dinwiddle, 
The Frontier, March, 1928; and Thomas Flint, Annual Publica- 
tions of the Historical Society of Southern California (Los Angeles, 

Flint wrote on July 29, 1853, "Passed a bridge across the 
Piatt — a very strong one built of hewn timbers. Reported to have 
cost $14,000." 

27. J. Robert Brown, A Journal of a Trip Across the Plains of 
the U. S., from Missouri to California, in the year 1856 (Columbus, 
Ohio, 1860), pp. 51, 52. 

28. St. Louis Missouri Republican, September 1, 1858. 

29. Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Heart Throbs of the West 
(Salt Lake City, 1948), vol. IX, p. 484. 

30. Utah Historical Quarterly, 1940, vol. VIII, pp. 237, 238. 

31. Ibid., p. 99; Journal of Lt. John W. Gunnison, MS., typed 
transcription in my possession. 

32. George A. Smith, Journal of the Iron County Mission, 
MS., typed transcription in the Utah State Historical Society's 
WPA Collection. 

33. Laws of Utah, 1852, pp. 167-169. 

34. Biographical details when not otherwise documented are 
from a manuscript biogranhical sketch of Empey's life in the pos- 
session of Mrs. Ida Terry Enipey. A copy is in the Utah State 
Historical Society. 

35. Extracts from the diary of George A. Smith are being- 
printed in The Instructor, organ of the Deseret Sunday School 
Union of the L. D. S. Church, and as this issue of Annals of Wyo- 
ming goes to press (July, 1949), The Instructor has reached the 
beginning of Smith's account of the Pioneer journey of 1847. 



May 7-August 4, 1847 

noon it is a valley of dry bones for it looks as thousands 
of buffalows killed in the big platt it is a Delight ful country 
it appears as though there were milions of buffelows killed 
on this place The platt is about one mile in weadth and is 
about 2 feet and a half on a everage some of Brother Brig- 
ham teams give out on account of the of the pararie being 
burnt and the buffalow being so numerous that they have 
eaten the pararie bare we have averaged a bout 10 miles 
per Day, up to this preasant time being being the 7th of the 

we Started as usesial on the 8 and all was peace and 
quietness but our teams bing gun to fail the weather is 
cold for the time of the year we saw some hundreds of 
buffalow this morning where we camped at night near the 
Big platt^ and we was a blige to sent out men to keep the 
buffalow from our cattl wee had a good nights rest and 

persued on our jurney on the 9 [8] of the [?] we saw 
severl thousands of buffalow they would follow us for miles 
and we would set out Dogs on them to see them run. some 
times they would fight the dogs we this Day saw a bout 50 
thousand but if I would com to the in particalar I think I 
could say with in bounds that there were 1.00 thousand 
we travled 14 [IIV4] miles and they were so thick in places 
that that no person could see through them, for they were 
like a cloud strung along both sides of the river and in [?] 
every ille Ian [i.e., island] a long the platt- the woolfs are 
so numers that as son as you shoot a calf or buffalow that 
before you can get to the camp and back to fetch the meat 
the wolves has got persession of them; no grass for our 
teams on account of buffalows there is many Lies Dead I 
think on account of faood [?], we have made an estament 
of the distance up to this presant Date up to the bluffs 
being the 9 of May, thea numbrs of miles is 3,39 miles ;-'^ we 
rested this night in peace and 

we arose as usesial by the sound of the bugal being the 
sabbath day and made preperations for a march on account 
of no food for our teams it being the 9 [10] of the month 
traveled 5 [31/2] miles and camped, the brethren took a rope 
and run up to a buffalow caught him around the horns and 
Drove him for a little Distance and let him go we enjoided 
our selves well through the Day we had a meeting Br Amasy 
Lyman opined the meeting by prayer and Brother Orson 
pratt give us a fine Lecture on the good feelings that existe 
amoungst the Brethren he said he traveled to far west but 


he never traveled amongst so many men that observed so 
good ordar and he new that the spirit of god weighs [?] in 
the camp Brother Amasy Lyman followed by making some 
good remarks that was applicable to our case and so Did 
Brotherly woodruff and Br Benson^ 

On May 10 we jurney on and and traveled 10 [9%] 
miles and campeped"' Shot one buffalow and one Deer and 
rested in peace and 

on the 11 we started on wards to wards the mountains 
the weather is fine and we had but one shower of rain the 
season peares [?] to be verry Dry we are now a bout the 
south faulk [fork] and north faulk on the big platt near 
the bluffs we are enjoining good health through the camp 
and all peace except Zebedee Coulter [Coltrin] he and 
Brother [Sylvester H.] Earl separated this morning; Coulten 
has Done all the Rangling in the camp; with in a few excep- 
tions he is counted by the majority of the camp a quarles 
some man Brother Earl appears to be a fine man and is well 
thought of by the camp of Pioneers the north Faulk a 
bout 1 mile in weadth the water is like the Masuira [Mis- 
souri] water we camped for the night and rested in peace 
we traveld 8 [SV2'\ miles*^ and 

on the 12th we started by the sound of the bugal and 
saw severl flocks of buffalow and also saw were the Indians 
killed severl and took the hides and skin and tongs And 
leff the meat Lie on the perarie the food is Citing better on 
account of the buffalow is not so numers it apears that the 
Indians has hunted them a great deal the Land where we 
traveled to Day we traveled 12 miles campped for the night ;'^ 
the hunters Shot 1 buffalow and we had to use buffalow 
chips for fewel to cook with the weather is verry Disagree- 
able it is cold for the season of the year; we have traveled 
riseing of 300 and 50 miles and have not traveled 25 rods 
through the timber so you may perceive that there is verry 
little timber; we rested in peace for the night, and 

made ready for to persue on our jurney it being the 13 
of the month we traveled a bout 5 miles and bated our teams 
one our and then made our way on our jurney and came 
to the bluff, conjunction fork river*^ we traveled 12 miles 
and camped for the night and rested in peace 

we arose as usesial by the sound of the signal and paid 
our Devotions to to our Father in heaven; and had to clime 
the bluffs a bout 3 miles this Day we Shot 2 antilopes and 
2 buffalow this was on the 14 of the month we traveled 11 
[8] miles and 3 quarters and camped'^ about 11 o clock at 
night one of the gard [Rodney Badger] shot at what he 
supposed to be an Indian he said he was a bout to take 


hold of one of the mules we all gathered our teams and 
rested in peace for the night, and 

on the 15 of the month we started and traveled a bout 
3 [21/4] miles and camped on account of rain it cleared off 
and then we started on and traveled about 8 [6] miles and 3 
quarters and camped for the night^*^ we Shot 1 buffalow 
and 2 antilopes the weather is getting a little mileder this 
was Done on the 15 of may we rested in peace for the 
night and 

on the 16 of thee month we rested on the sabath Day 
in peace the hunters shot 1 buffalow and 1 antilope Brother 
[Willard] Richard [s] and B heber [C. Kimball] and some 
others preached to the camp telling them the importance 
of our mishion, and the responsibility that rested on us as 
peoineers in keeping the commandments of god, he said he 
traveled to far west with a bout 2 hundred but he said he 
never traveled with a company that keept so good order and 
he feelt theat god was with us and he knew that the angels 
was continualey a round and a bout us to open our way to 
the place where god Desire for the saint to have a resting 
place where kings and quenn and all the rich would come 
to hear the word of the Lord and we as peioneers would be 
look on as angels of god and many more blessings to nu- 
merous to mention^^ this Day and night pased in peace and 

on the 17 we prepareed to start on our jurney we passed 
severl butifull springs which came out of the bluffs and we 
traveled a bout 2 miles over the bluffs and came to a buti- 
full flatte^" and the hunters shot 3 buffalow and 1 antilope 
and we camped for the night and we traveled 12 miles and 
3 quarters and we rested from our Day travel and paid our 
Devotions to almighty god for his kind care over us; and 

we arose as usesial by the sound of the bugal and pre- 
pared to take our march brother Brigham called the 
capttians to gether and addressed them teling them the evil 
of killing so much ganie and wounded so many buffalow 
and wasting so mutch aminution and teling the camp to 
be care full of the meat that they had on hand they should 
not shoot any birds of any kind without orders from him; 
the bugle sounded and we started as usesial a long the 
platt we crossed a butifull stream of water wich proceded 
out of the bluffs'^ we also passed a little island wich was 
full of read sedar [red cedar] and on the opposite side of 
the river the bluffs [Cedar Point] came to the waters edge 
wich was butifull ly a dorrend with butifull read sedar and 
the cliffs of rocks we traveled 7 miles and a half and 
bated our teams the game is plenty buffalow antilopes 


Deers and fowls & hares we traveled 15 miles and 3 quar- 
ters and camped for thee night and rested in peace and 

a rose at the sound of the bugal at 5 o clock and started 
and traveled 3 miles to git better food for our teams we 
bated on our and refreshed our selves with a good breakfast 
and started on our jurney as usesial and came to the blufls^'^ 
were we crossed the bluffs was a mile and a quarter and 
came to the platt on the leavel the wather bein rather wet 
and rainy we halted for about 3 ours and started on and 
when started it began to rain we halted for the night and 
camped in a half a circle we traveled 8 miles it being the 
19 of the month, and 

on the 20 we arose and made ready for our jurney and 
started at the sound of the bugal and traveled 7 miles 3 
quarters and bated our teams 1 our we have traveled a bout 
90 miles without seeing on the north side of the platt a tree 
large anught for a hand spike till to Day we passed a read 
sedar a bout 3 feet a cross the stump the bluffs on both sides 
of the north bank is bluffs with legges of rocks and on the 
opposite side is groves of read sedar and mulbry trees and 
a fee scrubs of brush I have benn chosen as a Capt of ten 
for the purpose of night gard and have to stand every 3 
night witch makes it purtey Sevear but it is nessay for it 
to be so^^ we camped to Day at noon the boys took skiff 
and crossed the platt and found where the road came Down 
from the south platt as [?] across to the north right opposite 
of us the place is knon b}^ the nane of it is the ash hollow 
there an Indian killed a white man for his horse and Brother 
Brown helped to berry him/'^ so we prepared to start and 
crossed cassel Creek a butifull Stream and sand bottom^'^ 
we traveled 15 miles and 3 quarters and camped for the 
night and rested for the night; an 

made ready for a start on the 21 of may and crosse an 
nother Creek [Lost Creek] and travele 7 miles and 3 quar- 
ters and halted and bated our teams one our and Started on 
our jurney as usesial the weather being in our favour it 
was arfine Day and the bluffs and legges of rock on the 
opposite sid of fork. We camped for thee night in a circle^^ 
there came 3 Indians to us Dressed in mens clothing they 
started back on their horses over the bluffs their horses 
appeared to be team horses^'* we rested in peace for the 

on the 22 we started as usesial by the sound of the bugal 
to persue our jurney the weather being fine and pleasant; 
the sous Indians has caves in the legges rocks of the bluffs 
so that you come up on them un a wares it is not safe for 
one man to leave the Camp we traveled a bout 15 and a half 


a bout 6 miles was over a Dessert place a bout 2 miles over 
the bluffs we passed severl Dry creeks there were a butifull 
groves on the opposite side of the river we camped for 
the night and rested in peace-^ and 

arose on the 23 of thee month on the sabbath Day and 
rested and had Brother Brigham preach to us and said 
that he was sasfied with the Brothren for their be haveiour 
was good fore he said that he never asked them or required 
any request but what it was done the weather Darkened 
and it began to thunder and lighting and the wind began 
to blow and Rain and hail it was a Disagreeable night it 
being the 23 of the month and 

on the 24 we arose and made ready for a start it being 
colder then I ever saw at this time a year it snowed a 
Little the bluffs was 2.35 feet a bove the Level of the water 
we started at the sound of the bugal on our iurney and 
traveled 10 miles and bated our teams and while we were 
taken our Dinner there came 2 Indians up to the camp and 
we gave them some Dinner they went off and a bout 2 
ours after there came 35 Indians and squaws [Here inter- 
lineated is: We traveled 15 miles Vz] Dressed in the most 
genteal manner-^ we gave them their suppers and they 
camped with us all night we risted in peace and in quieeness-- 

we arose in the morning and made ready for our jurney 
being the 25 of the month thoes were the sous Indians we 
travele 12 miles and camped and rested in peace a little 
below Chimley [Chimneyl rock this rock is 2.60 feet in 
height and 10 by 12 in seadth on the top-^ 

we arose as usesial being the 26 of the month the hunters 
shot 5 antiopes and camped and took our Dinners and started 
on the bluffs is a great height no wood growing on this 
side of the platt in situ the weather is pleasant but cold 
nights we reached Chimley rock wich is 2.60 feet in height 
it is a Delightfull country the atmus phere is pleasant and 
clear, we traveled 12 [I2V4] miles and camped for the night-'^ 
and rested in peace, and 

started on the 27 and traveled 6 miles and bated our 
teams one our the mountains is a great height there is one 
lone thwer [i.e., tower] on the opposite side of the river the 
hunters killed 4 antilopes; we travele 13 miles and 3 quarters 
and camped in a circle for the night-'' and rested in peace; 

a rose by the sound of thee bugal as usesial and made 
ready for our jurney it being 28 of the month it rained a little 
through the night and at Day Light there was a fine mist of 
rain the country is in Different places Dersert and barren ex- 
cept what they call Devils toungs which grows on a Dersert-*' 


the mountains is a great height a Long the platt the country 
is a Live with woolves & it rained till 10 oclock be fore we 
started on our jurney and had a fine Day for traveling we 
Drove 11 miles and a half and camped for the night-'^ I 
planted my men on gard as usesial and at 12 oclock it began 
to rain a litle and 

at Day light we a rose as usesial and paid our Devotions 
to our Father in heaven it being 29 of of the month it keept 
on raining a so it hindered us from starting at our regular 
our we was called together and Brother Brigham addressed 
us with the Word of the Lord to repent of uur sins and and 
folleys wich we was giltey of before the Lord sutch as 
Dansing and Dice playing and card playing wich [?] jump- 
ing Loud Lafter and all such babbits wich was a bomation 
in the sight of god and was a stink in his norstels he went on 
to tell us our Duty towards our god that we might better 
Spend our Luiser moments in prayer or in reading some 
good Books or in structing each other in rightousness for 
he knew that if we did not reform and turn to the Lord 
and repent that we would be cut of and would not have a 
preavilege to go on the mishion that we was appointed to 
be called for the [?] the cats [i.e., captains] of tens to call 
out their men for he said he was not in a hurry nor would 
not go with men that had such a trifeling spirit he then 
called for a vote and a covnant of all thoes that would 
sererve the true and Living god he called on the twelve 
first wich was unanimous then on the high priest and then 
on the seventies and then on the elders and all and all 
thoes that that was not willing to reform would have the 
privileg to go back and he request all sutch would go we 
all as a man covenanted before god and man that we would 
reform and serve the true and Living god he then requested 
us as to morrow was the sabbath that we would fast and 
pray that god would have mercy uppon us and wood give 
us more of his holey spirit he then pronounced the blessing 
of god uppon us as his people and many others blessings 
that is to numers to mention and said that we was Dis- 
charged and every man to his waggon to start it being 9 
oclock when we started-' we traveld over a Dersert 4 miles 
and came to where there were grass and we passed horse 
Creek on the opposite side of the platt wich is 40 miles 
from fort Larama we traveled 8 miles and a half the weather 
being rainy we camped for the night in peace and in Love 
one with another we retired as usesial by the sound of the 
bugal and paid our Devotions to god and rested in peace-'' 

we a rose as usesial called on the Lord and had a meet- 
ing at 8 oclock and the good Lord was preasan and blessed 


US our meeting brok up at 10 and commenced at 11 and we 
per took of the Lords supper there, when good instructions 
to all and our prayers was offered up in the behalf of all 
saints under all surcumstances that they might recieve 
more of the spirit of god to gide them in all truth; it com- 
menced raining a littl a bout 3 o clock this Day being 30 of 
the month we rested in peace and called on the Lord as 

we arose in the morning at 4 oclock and returned 
thanks to almighty god for his Loveing kindness to wards us 
as his servants we then started at 9 oclock and traveled 10 
miles and bated our teams and took our Dinners it being 
the 31 of may we started and traveled over a Dersert all 
after noon we traveled 16 miles and 3 quarters and camted 
for the night a loung side of a creek called Raw Hide"" 
we rested in in peace and 

started at 9 oclock it being the first Day of June the 
weather pleasant and fair we traveled 12 miles and V2 half 
[12] an came to the fort — Larramie^^ and camped for the 
night in peace and found some of our Brethren from the 
missippie 3 famleys 9 men 5 women and 3 children wich 
came out in the year 1836 [1846] they went to fort perbolo 
and wintered and came to meet the rest of the saints in the 
spring^^- we hired a boat and ferried our teams and wag- 
gons'^-^ part of them on the 3 of June and visited the fort 
they treated us with kindness, and 

on the fort 4 of June we finished f erring through the 
night it rained Rappedly; the jentle men of the fort said 
they had no rain for 2 years before this spring it is a Delo- 
ate country by all appearances thoes jentle men has got 
squass for their companions we gathered quite a quantity 
of beads on the pis aunts houses; the fourt is made of large 
green [unburnt] brick and is 100 and 68 [?] by a 1.00.16 in 
weadth and also an old fort a bout the same sise^^ we 
started about 11 oclock and traveled a bout 8 miles a halted 
and rested in peace for the night^' and 

started on our jurney on the 5the of June and we saw 
and traveled a long thee black hills [Laramie mountains] 
it is al Seder and pine and ash and some other kinds of 
timber we traveled on till a bout 12 oclock and halted by 
the warm spring wich preceded out of the IVEountain^*^ while 
we bated our teams tliere came a 11 waggons in company 
for oragon and passed us'"' we then started as usesial and 
over took the same company and camped for the night we 
traveled 17 miles, and rested in peace^^ and 

got up by the sound of the bugal and paid our Devotions 
to our Father in Heaven it being the Sabbath Day; we fasted 


and prayed one with another and Spoke of the goodness 
of god to wards us as a people wich was rejected from the 
jentiles nation I can sureley say that god poured out his 
spirrit up on us and we enjoided our selves well while at 
meeting there was reported that there was an nother com- 
pany our meeting was brought to a close and there passed 
19 waggons 72 yokes of cattle besides the Loose stock and 
horses^'^ this [?] we then made preperations to start to it 
being the 6 of the month to travel 6 miles to a good camping 
place we starte and over took one of the camps that went 
by us the same Day and we camped we trave 5 miles and 
rested in peace""^ and 

arose at the sound of the bugal being the 7, of the month 
there is four companys behind in about 20 miles the coun- 
try a pears to be helthy and pleasant the Land in the flats 
is good the mountains is a great height my gard is a blight 
toe Stand every 3 night half of the of the night we are 
united in Love and in harmany the spirit of the Lord is 
with us continuley we started as usesial by the sound of 
the bugal on our jurney and traveled 7 miles and a half 
and bated our teams oposite of fourt John [Laramie] peak 
it is a chain of the rockemountains wich is south west course 
there is quitee a quantity of snow on the mountains; while 
we were a bating our teams there passed a 13 waggons and 
teams going to oragon from Illinois^ ^ this is the 3 company 
that has passed us in going 40 miles they said that the waar 
is still going on in Illinois one side a gainst annother^^ we 
traveled 13 miles and camped for the night a Long horse 
shoe creek'*^ the hunters shot 2 Deer the Deer has black 
tails and one antilope wich suplied our wants for the preas- 
ant we took our suppers and paid our Devotions to our 
god and rested in peace for the night the mountains is cov- 
ered with pine and all over the bluffs a Long thee creeks 
is thee broade Leaf willow and cotton wood 

we started on our Jurney on the 8 Day of June the 
weather being verry cold we traveled 25 miles and a half 
and camped for the night a Long side of big timber Creek'** 
the hunters shot 2 antilopes and one Deer & there came 6 
traders from the mountains with 5 teams Loded with furs*^ 
we rested in peace for the night and 

arose on the 9 of the month and started at sun rise to 
go to better feed and camped and took our break fast and 
started on as usesial the Day is pleasant but cold wind from 
the mountain we trave 10 miles and bated our teams and 
started on our way and Tiaveled in all 19 miles and a quar- 
ter and camped a Lonng side of Alapier Creek^^ were we 
enjoided our selves in peace and in Love and 


started on in the morning it being the 10 of the month 
we sent of on the 9. 18 waggons and some horse men to 
secure the bull hide boat that the traders gave us the privi- 
ledg of crossing with there were so many companys a head 
that we knew that if we Did not send some a head we would 
be Deaiad [delayed]^" we traveled over the black and read 
hills on the 9 & we traveled 8 miles and a quarter and bated 
our teams a Long side of Fourche Boisce Creek; we then 
started on and traviled this 17 miles and 3 quarters and 
camped a Long side of Deer creek it is a Delightful place 
situated a Long side of the Piatt we left the platt 18 miles 
a bove Ft. John on the 5 of June and we traveled over the 
Black and read hills and came to the platt on the 10 of the 
month; we rested in peace and in quiteness and 

started on the 11 of jane at the sound of the bugal the 
country is more beautiful then we saw it since we Left 
winters quarters; Brother B Young say he will have a few 
famley farm it on Deer Creek for it is a Delightful place^-*^ 
we found a coal mind a half a mile Long and 10 feet thick 
of first quality of coaP'-* we traveled 9 miles and a quarter 
in the fouer noon a long side of the platt in cotton wood 
grove and we traveled in the after noon 7 miles and 3 quar- 
ters which makes 17 miles and camped a Long side of the 
platt in a butifuU valley'*" we rested in peace for the night 
I for got to say that I shot one antilope on the 11 and there 
were 7 or 8 shot the same Day shot 

we started on our jurney as usesial by the sound of the 
bugal it being the 12 of iune we traveled and Traveled 11 
miles and a quarter and came to were our company was 
ferreying the Emmagrants a cross the platt'' ^ we had a 
Dollar and a half a waggon for 22 waggons we got flour 
at 2 Dollars and a half per hundred and bacon at 6 Dollars 
per hundred. '"•- we rested in peace for the night and 

on the 13 of the month was the Sabbath we held a 
prayer meeting and had Br Kimble Speak to us and also 
Br Young we truley was blessed with the spirit of the Lord 
was in our midst after melting Br young counciled us to 
take one team to each ten and a few men with guns and 
axes and go to the mountains [Casper Range] and cut pine 
poles for ferrying a cross the Platt so we Started and went ac- 
cordingley and Got to the mountains and there we found 
plentey snow on the 13 of June we washed our faces with 
snow we came back with our poles at 9 oclock at night it 
being 7 miles to the mountains opposite of of the ferry on 
the platt and 

on the 14 of June we commenced ferriing a cross the 
platt takeing 2 waggons side of each other and put holes 


[poles] under the the waggons and Lashed them fast and 
took a Long rope a cross the stream and some [worked] 
on raffs and as we come menced our opperations we soon 
found that this would not Do we then made 4 or five raffs 
and we on the 15 of the month we got a bout 2 thirds a cross 
the platt the weather being rather to our Disadvantage it 
being stormmey''^ on the 16 of the month in the four noon 
we passed over severl waggons and the the wind began to 
blow and the water began to rise some did not not do much 
in the after noon but prepair our craffs on [?] for the night 
there come too companyes of emagrants one was from iVla- 
sura and the others from ohiwa and came to us to make 
a bargan for to have us to Cross them we a greed to Do so 
for pay^^ Br Young then thought it would be wisdom for 
some of our Brethern to go to work and make toe canoes 
and make a ferry and pint some good faith full men to stay 
at the platt and cross all the companeys that would come 
so we might get means to sustains thee saints and he would 
not have any men to stay that would not come on when our 
Brethren came that we might go on with them The wind 
a bated a bout 4 oclock in the after noon and we ferried 
over severl teams and rested in peace for the night and 

on the 17 of the mont we commenced ferriing and 
ferryed over severl waggons and then the wind commenced 
blowing so we was a blige to stop we got too canoe made 
to ferry with and too rafts the canoes worked first rate so 
we Laid by the rafts and worked with the canoes we fin- 
ished f erring our teams and waggons on the 17 of the 
month ;^*^ and on the 19 of June the camp started on their 
jurney; we ferried a cross the platt besides our teams of 
the Emagrants 64 waggons wich a mounted to 94 dollars 
wich we took provishions for flower at 2 Dollars and 50 
cents per hundred, and pork at 6 per hundred; on the 18 
we ferried all Day for the emagrants and on the 19 we 
ferried 16 waggons wich finished ferring for them the twelve 
set in council and appointed 9 men to stay and ferry till 
our Brethren the 2 camp came up so that we might assis 
them in crossing and we might have all we made in ferring 
we then was called together thoes that where chosen to 
stay and Brother Brigham young gave us in struct how to 
proceed with the jentiles 

North Fork of Platt River Upper Ferry: Juene 18; 1847 

125 miles west of Fort 

Laraie or St john-^'^ 

Instructions to Thomas Grover John J [S] Higbee Wm 
Empey; appleton m Harman. Edmund Elsworth. Luke John- 
son Francies. m. Pomera, James Devenport & Benj amine 


F Stewart: Brethren as you are a bout to stop at this place 
for a little season for the purpose of passing Emagrants 
over the river, and assisting the saints. We have thought 
fit appoint Thomas Grover Superintendent of the ferry, and 
of your Company; which if you approve; we want you to 
agree that you will follow his council implicitly and, with- 
out gainsaying; and we desire that you will be agreed in 
all your operations, actions in Concert keeping together 
continually, and not scatter to hunt, &c, and at your leisure 
moments put up a comfortable room that will afford your- 
selves and horses protection against the Indians should a 
war partey pass this way; but, first of all, see that you 
boat is propperley coupled; by fastining Raw Hides over 
the tops of the Canoes, or some better process. Complete 
the Landings and be carefull of the Lives and property of 
all you labour for, remem.bering that you are responsible 
for all accidents though your carelessness or negligence 
and see that ye Retain not that which belongeth to the 

For one wagon . . Familey &. you will charge $1.50 fo 
payment in Flower and Provisions at state prices; or three 
Dollars in cash, but you had better take young stock at a 
fair valation in stead of cash. and. a team if you shall 
want the same to remove 

Should generl Emagration cease before our brethren 
arrive — Cachet your effects and return to Laramie and wait 
thier arrival and come on with them to the place of location 
and we promis you that, the superintendent of the Ferry 
shall never lack wisdom or knowledge to devise and council 
you in righteousness and for your best good; if you will 
always be a greed; and in all humility watch and pray 
without ceasing 

When our Emigration companies arrives: if the river 
is not fordable, ferry them, and let them who are able pay 
a reasonable sum, the the council of their camp will decide 
who are able to pay. 

Let a strict account be kept of every mans labour also 
of all Wagons and teams &c ferried and of all receipts and 
expenditures allowing each according to his labor and 
justice; and if any one feels aggrieved let him not murmur; 
but be patient till you come up, and let the council decide 
and the way not to be aggrieved is for every man to Love 
his brother as him self 

By order, and in behalf of the council 

We remain your Brethren in Christ 

Brigham Young President 


we the Subscribers whose names inserted in the foregoing 
instructions fully concur therein and cheerfuUey agree that 
we will implicitly follow the Council theirein contained; 
and that of our Superintendent according to best of our 
ability relying on our Heavenly Father continually for his 
assistance in testimony whereof we have here unto set set 
our hands at the time and place above specified 

Thomas Grover Edmund Ellsworth 

Appleton M. Harmon James Devenport 

John S Higbee Benjamin F Stewart 

Frances m Pomeray Luke Johnson 


on the 20 we finished Ferying the company^^ and on 
the 21 Capt grover chosed too men to go to Deer creek for 
a load of coals at Deer creek the Distance of 30 miles Wm 
Y Empey and steward was appointed to go wich was Disa- 
greeable on account of Indians but we went"'''^ we traveled 
within 2 miles of Deer creek and there we on 22 we got 
our Load of coal and returned on our jurney on the 22. and 
on the 23 we arrived to our Ferry;"" 

on the 23 there came 4 Canadian Traders and one squaw 
with 6 horses and they stopped all night with us"^ and 

on the 24 there came 2 men in a carriage and got some 
work done in the Line of black smithing they told us that 
there were severl Companies between St John and were 
we was at the ferry the Companies of our Brethren from 
Furbelow was on there way to California on our rout 

Friday the 25th in the morning we ferried John Bat- 
tice*'- & 3 of his companions french men & one squaw they 
had 10 horses with them Capt Wm Vaugn"^ & his company 
arived a bout noon & imploy us to Ferry him & company 
not with standing a man from the upper ferry met them some 
8 miles below here & proffered them the use of the Ferry 
boat gratis we ferryed 5 of their waggons & way obliged to 
stop on a count of winds blowing. Capt Hodge arived with 
with 11 waggons*^^ we a greed to ferry them for 5 [50] cents 
a waggon thinking if we gave the uper ferry no chance of em- 
ployment they would not remain Long, a bout 5 oclock P. M. 
John Higby discovered the baby [i.e., body] of Wesley T 
Dustin'^'^ fioting down the river that was drowned June 
the 19. 2/2 [21/2] ms a bove here at Hill Ferry"'^ Capt bounyn 
[Vounyn?] went with the boat picked up the corpes, he 
was interd by Capt Vanghns Company near our ferry their 
was found in his possessian a pocket knife & a dollar and 
60 cents cents in money wich a jentle man Said he would 
forward to his parents that ware a head 


Saturday the 26th we ferried this day 40 waggons which 
ampleted the 2 companies a bout $15.00 dollars worthe of 
black smithing in the after noon the ferry boat that was 
a bove us came floating down past us Cut to peices the 
companies that had went up they all got across & they 
seeing no chance of specalation dis troyed their boats & 
went a head our arrangement for Labour for this Day is 
as follows for this Day is as John Higbee^^" 

[Extract from the Journal of Appleton 

M. Harmon, June 26- July 10, 18471 

Amasa Lyman Roswell Stephens Thomas Wolsey & 2 of the 

soldiers arrived a bout 6 P. M. having left Capt [James] 

Brown & his battalion a few miles back*^^ 

Sunday the 27th a Company of 11 wagons drove up Mr 
Cox foreman^''-^ ferryed them for $16.00 in cash & done $3.75 
worth of blacksmithing for them Capt Brown arived with 
his Battalion a bout 8 A. M. Capt Saunders"^' company 
arived a bout 2 P. M. and refused to pay us 75 cts a waggon 
for ferrying them & got a raft that was left thare by Some 
of the former Companies & commenced operations Some 
Jobs of Smithing Commenced for Capt Browns Company 
7 of Capt Saunders Co got Sick of raft ing & returned to 
us &■ we ferryed them for 75 cts a wagon the morning of 
the 28th 

Tuesday June 29th we then ferryed Br [Elam] Ludding- 
ton for $1.00 2 waggons for Thomas Willeams $2.00 1 wag- 
gon for [William or Benjamin] IVIatthews $1.00 & one wag- 
gon for Mis [Mrs. Nicholas] Kelly gratis making 75 wag- 
gons during the day 

Wednesday the SOeth Capt Brown & his Detachment 
Started as all So Amasa Lyman' ^ we ferryed Capt Saunders 
Co or the remainder of it who had refused to give us 75 
cts a waggon they havein worked 2 days & got 2 waggons 
a crost only, & then returned to us & wated until we fer- 
ryed 90 waggons that ware a head of them & they paid us 
$1.00 a waggon for the 12 waggons remaining we then 
ferryed Capt Higgins Co of 23 waggons for $23.00 in cash'- 
allso Capt McCloys [?] Co of 23 waggons '^ & Capt Taylors 
Co of 12 waggons'^^ & Capt Patter Sons Co of 16 waggons'^^ 
& done $6.50 worth of black Smithing this day we have 
ferryed 73 waggons & made 2 extra trips, 2 of the trips 
Namely, [Jonathan] Pugmyer & [Marcus] East man Stade 
here on a furlow'*' 


Thursday July the 1st we ferryed Capt F A CoUards 
Co of 18 waggons,' ' Capt Turpens Co mulkey Pilof^'* of 23 
waggons Capt Elisha Bidwells Co of 15 waggons"'-* & done 
$12.85 worth of blacksmithing making 56 waggons this day 
& we ware all very tiard & wanted rest Capt Palmers Co 
of 35 waggons*^*^' went up a bove & we afterwards learned 
that they crossed on our raft 

Friday July the 2ond we ferryed Capt Snooks Co of 
17 waggons/^^ Capt Dodsons Co 11 waggons*- Capt Daniel 
Putman Co of 11 waggons*^ & done $7.60 worth of black- 

Saturday the 3rd Weather rather clowdy & a Strong 
wind from the South Mr. James Bridger of Bridgers fort^'* 
arived bout 11 A. M. & brought a line from prest Young 
as follows 

June 29, 1847 Little Sandy 

Mr Thomas Grover and Company 

we introduce to your notice Mr James Bridger who we 
expected to have seen at his fort he is now on his way to 
Fort Laramie we wish you to cross him & his 2 men on 
our a count B Y 

he was agoing to Laramie & expected to return to 
his fort in in time to Pilot the Pioneers through to Salt 
Lake he said that he could take us to a place that would 
Suit us, thare ware 4 of our Soldiers form Browns detach- 
ment came back with Mr Bridger on a furlow & was 
agoing to the States,*^ we ferryed Capt Ingersols Co of 11 
waggons & 1 extra load for $12,*^^ the Oregon mail arived 
a bout Sun down thare ware 8 men of them & several 
pack horses & mules they had been ever since the 5th of 
May on the rout they came by way of California, we fer- 
ryed their packs for $1.00*^^ I wrote a line by the request 
of Capt grover to our next Co Notify fying them that we 
ware here keeping a ferry & intended to .stay until they 
came up giving them all so the latest news we had from 
the Pioneers, & sent it by mr Bridger to Laramie Ingerslos 
Co ware agoing to Calafornia 

Sunday July the 4th 1847 morning Clowdy & apearnce 
of rain I wrote a letter to my wife several of the breathering 
wrote to their wives or relatives & sent the letters by 
Makas [Marcus] Eastman who went back with the 4 a bove 
mentioned they Started a bout 10 A. M.^* F. M. Pumeroy 
bought a horse of one of them for $25.00 we ferreyed Capt 
John McKinneys Co of 27 waggons for $27.00 & done $2.35 cts 
worth of blacksmithing-'^'^ 

Monday the 5 of July we ferryed 6 waggons for Retford 
& BodalP" for $4.00 each 


Tuesday the 6th we ferryed Capt Wards Co of 18 
waggons'^ ^ for 50 cts a wagon & 3 of them went of with 
out paing their ferage we done $3.63 cents worth of black- 
smithing for them Capt Whitcoms Co of 22 wagons^- went 
above to ford which could be done by raising their waggon 
beds for the river hass been for Some days falling verry 
fast Capt Hocketts Co of 20 wagons-^^ arived here & got 
Some work done 

Wednesday the 7th 1847 we ferryed Capt Magones Co 
of 36 wagons for $1.00 a waggon 8 waggons of the same Co 
went above to ford making 44 waggons in Said Co''"* I 
furnished Capt Magone with the Names of the Captains of 
all the Companies & the Number of wagons, which he said 
would be published thare was a catholick bishop & 7 priests 
in Capt Magones Co 2 of their names ware Blachets the 
others I did not learn,'' '"^ — 8 men from Oregon arived with 
pack horses & mules'"^ we ferryed them & their packs for 
$1.00 & done $7.75 cts worth of blacksmithing Capt Hocketts 
Co went above to ford 

Thursday the 8th thare was done $6.40 cts worth of 
black Smithing & Some other jobs commenced Luke John- 
son got $3.00 for cleaning teeth & Doctoring which was 
put into the jineral pile 

Friday the 9th our men ware imployed this day in 
the following manner T Grover Wm Empey John Higbee 
— Johnathan Pugmyer worked at Black Smithing Setting 
tyer &c JAM Harmon put in an exaltree for Elsworth, & a 
hown for 1 of the emegrants & assisted in putting on tyer 
&c L Johnson Doctor ing & cleaning teeth B. F. Stuart 
at herding Cattle F m Pumeroy hunting his horse Elsworth 
& Devenport sick — done this day a bout $30.00 worth of 
blacksmithing $2y2 worth of waggon work $3.00 Doctoring 
&c Capt Whiles [White's] Co of 50 w^aggons passed up 
a bove us to ford'^'^ 

Saturday the 10th $7.20 cts worth of blacksmithing 
done, L Johnson Shot a buffalo a bout 3 ms from here 1 of 
the emegrants that ware camped here brought it in the 
Company all together bought about $100.00 worth of goods 
of Mr H. QuelUng a Quaker'^''' — he had a Rhoadometer on 
1 of his waggons — Capt Bonsers Co of 12 waggons'-^*"* 

X[The Journal of Wilham A. Empey resumes on July 11.] 
Sunday 11 the^^'*' Received for Blacksmithing $16. 
Dol and 45 cents worth for waggon work $1 Dol for Ferry- 
ing 12 waggons of Capt Bonser Co $10.55 cents in cash 
we ferryed a nusery of 700 Trees they ware apple peach 
plumb pare Curnd Grapes rasberry and cherryes all grow- 


ing in a clover patch and were owned by Mr H Lieuelling 
a Quaker from Salim Iowa & Phineous Young Aaron Faf, 
Gorge Wodward Herrick Glines Wm Waker, John Cazar 
arrived from the Camp of Pioniers they Left the camp at 
Green River July the 4the & got here a bout 10 A M they 
were a going back to pilot our Brethrening through that 
ware a coming^'^'^ the rive is fordable the Emagrants is 
nigh done for this year Emagration & our Bretheren, that 
were at the ferry thought it adviseable to go back with 
thoese that had come from the campt to meet their famleys 
Capt Grover stated that he thought that we would Devide 
our substance of what we had gained equally amoung us 
it was a greed so to do 

Monday the 12the the Bretrening ware prepareing 
to go back to Larama When, we Discovered 2 buffalow 
on the north side of the platt river coming towards us. 
Luke Johnson & Phineous Young started off persuity [?] 
of them and soon killed one of them Luke Johnson gave 
him the Death wound and we fetched the bufialow to the 
campt and Dryed the meat for our Brethren and our selves 

Theusday the 13 the Capt Grover Called together 
our company and addressed us as our capt in the most 
feeling manner how the Lord had prospered us on the 
mishon thatt the presadent had appointed to us and said 
that he was a bout to Leave for a short time to go to meet 
his famley and he would nomiate Wm Y Empey for Capt 
in his Abscence till his return it was second and carried 
there were six of us to stay nameley John Higbee Who is 
quite sick Luke Johnson james Devenport A M Harmon and 
Br Glines, and after they went off we went to work at 
cuting up our meat to Drye it for the compy Devenport 
refused to work and said that if we moved his tools he 
would not set them up a gain to work he told Br Glines 
that if he went to work he would hire a man he told Br 
Luke Johnson the same Br Appleton harmon the same 

Wensday the 14 the we moved our waggons to the 
upper Ferry were there was good feed for our teams and 
stock on the platt river according to Council of our capt^"- 
and shorteley after there came 24 waggons and teams of 
Emagrants and Capt McGee at their head'^*-^ they camped 
a Long side of our camp and we went to work at setting 
tyre we sot 15 for 15 Dollars and some other work. 

Thirsday the 15 the We finished moveing our effects 
and made preperations to take care of our meat and so passed 
the Day working at Diferent work at bawling coals Sz'^'^'^ 

Friday the 16 the month^"^ We arose as usesial in 
good helth and in good spirits although in a strange Land 


and in a willderness the Lord has benn verry mercifull 
towards us and blessed us with health to labour and gain 
a sustanance for our selves and famlej^s we went to work 
at chopping coal wood while Luke Johnson cooked Deven- 
port and Br A. M harmon at blacksmithing Br John Higbee 
herding cattle Br Glines and my self chopping coal wood 
for to kee the work a going on so we might have all things 
in readeness when our Brethren comes & about sunset 
there came fourteen men in company from oragon with 
40 horses and mules a going to ohio thef told us that 
could not get through this season they started from oragon 
the 6 of may and reached here on the 16 of the month 
of julyi»« 

Satterday the 17the month We a rose in good health 
and strenght and went about our work as usesial we went 
to Drawing wood for a coalpit and set it up and covered it, 
and sot it a fire while the rest of Brethren were a bout their 
work & Capt McGee started on their jurney a bout 4 
oclock in the Evening which Left us a lone 6 men of us 

Sunday the 18the July the 12 waggons a bove men- 
tioned started & and we enjoid a short season of rest I 
would here mention that 2 or 3 of the last Co. have lost 
a great No of their Cattle which the say is occationed by 
the murrin but I think it is over driving & going with out 
water as the Last Emagrants have Lost some hundred 
head of cattle 

Capt, Mc Kees Co Lost 7 head with in the Last 30 miles 

Monday the 19 the Month of July Luke Johnson & 
Erick Glings went a hunting — 

A. P. M Harmon J Devenport Staed at home My Self 
and Brother Higbee went down to the old Ferry ground 
to secure thee boat a bout 2 PM. Luke Johnson & Eric 
Glines rreturned to the Camp with the meat & hide of a 
large Griselly Bear & tells the following story they had 
been up near the foot of the mountain each of them on 
horse back Dr Johnson had his 11 Shooter they as yet 
having Seen no game within shot had turned their Course 
home ward & ware following down a little Crick or Spring 
branch when all of a sudden their horses took fright at 
some thing to their riders un seen but thought it either was 
Indians or a bear but keeing a good Loukout soon Discov- 
ered a young cub through a thicket of under woods they 
road a round to an opening which Lead in to the thicket 
where they Discovered the Damb Diging roots for the cubs 
within 50 feet of them Dr Johnson sliped Carefully of of 
my mare & perpared for the Combat the mom.ent he struck 
the ground the bear Discovered him & came to wards him 


at the top of her Speed with her mouth wide open & each 
Jump a companied with an awah awah oo the Dr let go 
my mare that he might not bee in cumbered & it not until 
the bear was within 20 feet of him with 3 of her cubs at 
her heels coming in the Same fright in ful position, with 
that he fired with un uring aim at his antagonist which 
Cause her to turn & run som 8 rods & fell Dead the ball 
having struck her in the breast passed through the heart 
Lights liver &c. 

Tuesday the 20the James Devenport & A. P. M Har- 
mon went down the river in search of our cattle they having 
strayed of the Evening previous they followed their tracks 
down the road some 10 or 11 miles until they met met a 
Company of Emagrants of 33 waggons formely belonging 
to Capt Davis Co.^"" they had picked up our cattle some 
7 miles below where we met them a ware of Driving them 
a Long they took our cattle & drove them to the campt & 
Dr Johnson Erick Glines and my self went in search of the 
cubs that they had seen the Day before but did not find 
them Dr Johnson wounded a buff alow but did not get him 
& all is peace but no word of our company 

Wednesday the 21eth a Company of 18 men from 
oragon with 60 horses & mules a going to the states passed 
us 2 of them that Came by way of Fort Bridger said they 
saw the campt of peioniers at the fort there ware in their 
Company 1 famley a going back on horse back 3 of them 
Famley were woomin'""^ & Devenport done 65 cts worth 
of black smithing for the com. a bove mentioned Com of 
33 waggons passed us about 10 A. M. the remainder part of 
the Day passed a way verry Lonesom we being in a strange 
Land and far from our homes and famleys being near to 
us we would often talk what we would give if we oneley 
knew the situation of them it gave a many a Lonesome 
our medtetation & 

Thirsday the 22the we a rose in good spirits and in 
good helth the Day being pleasant and fair we took breck- 
fast and we happended to cast our eyes towards the moun- 
tains we saw 2 buffalo w Dr Johnson said if I would get my 
mares he would go and try and Shoot one of them so him 
and Br Glines went they went of together they Did not 
return till Dark and they shot 2 buffalow and fetched part 
of them home & there came a company of 10 men from 
oragon with a bout 40 ponies and mules there were also a 
famley with them going to the states^ ^"^ & Devenport bought 
a poney and started with them back to winters quarters on 
Friday^^" they started on their jurney there came a com- 
pany of 19 waggons & Capt Fredrick Company 17 in com^^^ 


& Capt Smith 24 waggons in com^'- & Br Johnson and Br 
Ghnes went out a hunting and came back but Did not suc- 
ceed in geting a game to Day Devenport Done some Black- 
smithing a mounted to $400 as near as I could find out he 
said to them that he would go to council bluffs with them 
& pilot them the road if they would sell a horse & waitt 
until the next morning till he could get ready they con- 
cluded to do so and in the Evening I said james Devenport 
as you are a bout to leave us it be comes my duty to have 
a Settlement with you to have our our substance Eaquley 
Devided a moungts the company according to council of 
our supeiriors I them Called upon Br A. P. M Harmon he 
being the clerk for the company and stated to him to read 
the a mount over that we have earned since Cap Grover 
Left us it was Done accordingly the a mount $29.85. Cts 
with the exception of what he had Done that Day a bout 
$4.00 I said that I was willing that he should keep that 
providing the rist of the Bretheren was willing rather 
then to have any hard feelings a bout it, it was a greed 
that he should have the 4 Dollars extra but I wanted an 
Eaquel Division of the $29.86 Cets [?J for we all helped 
to earn it but Br Devenport was not willing to Do so saying 
that was robing him of his Earnings & he would not stay 
with such a people & as we Done the coking and burned 
the coal and helped him at the shop we herded his cows 
and it being according to greement &c thought ourselves, 
justifiable in Shareing equal with him there were a part 
of it earned other wise be sides Blacksmithing we pressed 
[?] to make an equal Division all tho he was not satisfied 
Br John Higbee bought his cow & gave him $10.00 for her 
it being $2.00 more than he gave & all he asked for her & 
A P M Harmon bought some salt he could not carry Brother 
Johnson bought his trunk Some other things 

Friday the 23d 1847 James Devenport started having 
bought a horse for $25.00 a saddle & Larett for $4.00 and 
the Com was to pack his things for him through to council 
Bluffs he went of dissatisfied and refused to tak 50. cts 
that was tendered to him to make an equeal Division of 
our Last Earnings & he went and told Co that he was going 
with that we robed him; Erick Glines heard it & told them 
the circumstances &c Capt Freddericks Co bought a stear 
of Luke Johnson belonging to E. Elsworth; Co [? lo?] he 
had Lost his whole 5 yoke of oxen & 2 horses they ware 
run of by the buffalow he said as I under stood some 20 
head of horses [were lost] at the same time in the same 
way & there was a widdow moving in the same company 
belonging to our church a going to oragon with her 



Brother^ '^ She said she would go to the church the first 
oppertunity She had she was acquainted with Br Higbee 

Satterday the 24th there passed here 4 men from 
Cahfornia with 12 mules & 1 horse a going to the States 
they saw the camp of peioniers with in 4 Days travel of 
the salt Lake on the 10 Day of july^^^ they met the soldiers 
at green river & Capt Chapman Co of 16 waggons passed 
here on their way to oragon^^"' they said that they ware 
the Last Co this Season that is they Knowed of no others 
on the road they had lost all their horses since they Left 
the States there started 17 head ran of at 1 time a mongst 
the buffalow &c for the Last week the Companies that have 
past says that the buffalow ware tremendious thick a Long 
on thee south platt they crossed from the north platt over 
the river to the south the rest of the companies saw none 
at tall 

Capt Chapmans Co said that 40 head of their stock ran 
off with with the buffalow & they hunted 2 Days but Did 
not git them a tall 

Sunday the 25th July 1847 John s Higbee bought a 
cow for which he paid $4.00 She was a little Lame he 
bought her of mr Canfield^^*^ from Oskaluey of Capt Chap- 
mans Co & this Day passed of verry Lonesome as we can 
get no news of or from the Long expectted co of our 
Breathering & the matter for journalism is rather Scarce 
of this Day unless I sould record the expreshsions of anx- 
iety now & then droped from the breathering of the Long 
looked for appearance of our Comp from Winters Quarters 

Monday the 26 1847 A heavey Shower last night 
attended with thunder & light ning, which raised cannon 
Creek^^" full to the edge of the banks the Days pleasand 
butt the nights cool 

Nothing more worth recording to Day 

Thursday the 27th my Self Br A. P M harmon and 
Br Johnson went a hunting & tokk with us waggon & 
went a bout 10 ms up cannon Creek on the north side of 
the platt we saw a large herd of buffalow we wounded 2 
but did not git them Br Johnson Killed 2 antelopes & we 
returned back to our camp 

Wednesday the 28th We a rose in good helth and at- 
tended to our antilopes that we killed we put it out to day 
and Dressing the Skins, this evening Cold & Clowdy & 
and Severl panthers has been seen with in a few Days past 
, & our ears has been Saluted with their terific yells by night 

Thursday the 29the 1847 we arose in good helth and 
strenght and we a greed that Eric Glines and A. P. M. 
Harmon went a bout 15 ms down the river with the horses 


and waggon after the Iron of an old waggon that was left 
there by the Emegrants they got it. Br Luke Johnson took 
my Grey mare and went up the river a bout 3 or 4 ms to 
hunt his Knife and gun strap that he Lost the Day before 
on his return he saw an antilope wich caused him to follow 
to the river he spied a trail where Indians traveled a bout 
2 or 3 ours before he turned a bout and came to wards the 
camp at Lenght he heard a report of a gun towards our 
camp he then thought within him self that the Indians had 
got to us he then gave speed to the mare and came in haste 
and it being off of the road made suspect it was a war 
party of Indians at this juncture he heard a gun fire in the 
direction of our camp by Jorge says he to him self I dont 
know but hostilities has commenced & if so they will want 
my help he took a straight short cut for home & he said 
that my mare tail Stuck out be hind Like a skillet handle 
& he soon joined us and told us the kness we had not as 
yet Discovered the party & soon Discovered his apprehen- 
tions to us we loaded all our guns & pistols Cashed our 
best goods and more esspecially our purses Br Johnson 
made a kind of breast work of some Chests & boxes with 
19 shots al ready & amuition at his hand my self with 6 
shots posted in a tree as a spy to watch the 1st appearance 
of the enemy I soon Discovered 2 men on the opposite Side 
of the river riding up & Down it at Length 1 of them crossed 
the river at the ford & came to wards our camp which at 
that Distance had the appearance over the hills of an Indian 
at at this June ture Gen Carny made his appearance over 
the hills some 2 ms Distant with 40 men & about 140 head 
of Anamials which at that Distance we could not tell but 
what they were Indians I then mounted my mare by the 
council of Br Luke Johnson and B Higbee to goo and Look 
to the cattle before I reached the cattle I had got of a bout 
a Vz a mile when I looked back and saw the a bove mentioned 
personage approaching on horse back at full speed riding 
after me Spanish custom I turned back as quick as my 
horse could go and met him at the waggons Brother Higbee 
with 3 Shots ready he went and met him without arms a 
few rods from the waggons and behold it was Br Binley^^'^ 
& it was not until he was with in a few steps of him that 
he did distinguish whather it was a White man or an In 
dian and behold their a mag anry antagonists ware proved 
to be Gen. Carney & severl of our breathrn and many other 
officers from the Battalion^ ^^ Col Fremont Soon hove in 
sight be tween us & the mountains having Crossed the 
river a bove the old ford with a bout 200 head of animals. 
Spanish horses & mules passed down by us a bout 1 mile 


from the road^-'* our boys came home at Dark and all was 
well Br Binley stated that he saw ware some 50 souls of 
the Emmagrants had perished Last winter a crossing thee 
[?] mountains he helped to berry severl one women in 
paticular she was sawed to peaces her head was sawe 4 
peaces her legs was sawed of by her body one of the men 
was a Long that was in that awful situation and told how 
they was a blige to eat each other to keep a Live some of 
them made their escape to the settlement and got releif 
from them the snow was so Deep that may souls perished^-^ 

Friday the 30th Br Binly got his Discharge from Gen 
Carney and Stoped here with us to wait until his famley 
Should Come up for he expected them with the camp we 
sold major Sword [Thomas W. Swords] $200 worth of 
Dryed buffalow meat Br Binley stoped here with us he also 
bought him self a horse [lower quarter of p. 30 left blank] 

Saturday the 31st 1847 I and Brother A. P. M. Harmon 
worked a little at Blacksmithing &c mad some pickets pins 
&c towards morning had quite a gale of wind from the west 
13 head of our cattle went off our hole stock is 24 head of 
horned cattle 2 calves and 4 head of horses we have for our 
night guard 5 dogs &c I set a trap and caught a wolf in the 
Evening for we wanted the oil to Dress our Antilopes Skins 
with &c 

August the 1847 Sunday, the 1st of August a 
storm of wind from the S. W. Brother Glines went off on 
horse back after our cattle that went off in the storm &c 
we begin to think that Some aciident has happened our 
Brethren that they Do not Come for when we stopped here 
we Suposed 3 or 4 weeks at the out side would bring them 
here^-- as Br Glines returned a bout Noo with the cattle 
he found them a bout 8 ms below Where we camped &c it 
seems some Like the fall of the cold nights and cold high 
winds we feel verry Lonesome to Day in a barren wilder- 
ness severls hundred miles from any in habitance but the 
wild men of the forest and all kinds of wild Animals roar- 
ing at Knight time 

Monday the 2.ond quite a pleasant morning Br Luke 
Johnson & Br Binley went up to wards the mountains a 
hunting Br Luke killed a Large fine fat antilope, he shot 
him Through the heart at the Distance 1.95 yards the re- 
turned in the after part of the Day with 5 feasants & the 
above mentioned antilope &c I and Br harmon went to work 
at Blacksmithing set 3 tyre & Done some other Little jobs 

Tuesday the 3d Done some little jobs of Blacksmithing 
Br Luke Johnson. Eric Glines & Br Binley went down the 
river a hunting &c — 


Wednesday the 4th we a rose in good helth the Day 
being pleasant Brother Luke Johnson & Br Binley went a 
hunting up Canno Crick, for that is the name of the Crick 
that comes in on the north side of the river as we ware in 
formed by Gen Carneys Guide it having arrived its name 
from the fact that a cannon was cashed on east as I under- 
stand on said Creek a bout 4 years a go by a Co of dragoons 
under col Carney &c^^^ 


1. The night encampment was 6 miles northwest of the site 
of Gothenburg, Nebraska. On this day William Clayton made 
the first effort at mechanical measurement of the distance traveled, 
an idea which had its fruition a few days later in the roadometer 
built by Appleton M. Harmon to Orson Pratt's specifications. From 
May 8 the distances traveled were measured. 

2. The Saints were enormously impressed with the buffalo, 
which they first encountered on May 1. "No pen nor tongue," 
William Clayton wrote, "can give an idea of the multitude now in 
sight continually, and it appears difficult to keep them away from 
the wagons." Their numbers presented a serious problem in ob- 
taining feed for the Mormon livestock, as Empey notes in his entry 
for May 10. The whole face of the earth, Norton Jacob commented, 
was "eat up here by the thousands upon thousands of buffalo." 

3. By William Clayton's reckoning, posted up for the Mormon 
companies that were to follow, the distance from Winter Quarters 
(north of present Omaha) was 300 miles at the end of this day's 
travel. The encampment was 9V2 miles northwest of present 

4. The most interesting account of the day's discourses is 
that of Norton Jacob. Orson Pratt, Jacob writes, "said that some 
had supposed that we should be able to get over into Bear River 
valley in time to put in spring crops, but he had not thought so, 
but we must prepare for difficulties that we should be in condition 
to cope with whatever circumstances we should be thrown into 
and make the best of it. If we do not get there in time enough to 
return next fall we must winter there and make the best of it." 
In the journal Albert Carrington was keeping for Amasa Lyman, 
he writes that Lyman "spoke upon the principle of learning all 
the time to be patient in the school we are in, which would be 
better to us than gold or silver." This theme of the necessity for 
obedience occupied the Mormon leaders throughout the journey. 

5. The night's camp was made approximately 8 miles south- 
east of present Pawnee, Nebraska. 

6. The encampment was on the site of Pawnee, Nebraska. 

7. On Whitehorse Creek, 4 miles north and slightly west of 
the present city of North Platte, Nebraska. 

8. Empey's language is somewhat confused. The night's en- 
campment, at the end of a 10% mile journey, was on Bird wood 
Creek, 5 miles north and a little east of present Sutherland, Ne- 
braska. Variant names are applied to Birdwood Creek in the 
Mormon journals: Conjunction Fork River, Junction Bluff Creek, 
or, as Brigham Young preferred. North Bluff Fork. 

9. This night's encampment was made on the bank of the 
Platte 6 miles northwest of Sutherland, Nebraska. 


10. On the Platte about 14 miles east of present Keystone, 
Nebraska. The whole day's travel was 6% miles, not 11%, as 
Empey's language would suggest. 

11. Kimball's allusion is to the march of Zion's Camp from 
Kirtland, Ohio, to western Missouri in 1834, for which see his 
"Journal," Times and Seasons, vol. VI, p. 770 ff. Nine members 
of Zion's Camp were in the Pioneer party. 

12. The "butifull flatte" is the site of Keystone, Nebraska. 

13. The stream was Whitetail Creek, named by Brigham 
Young "Rattlesnake Creek." Immediately west of the stream rise 
bluffs which, the Mormon journals note, were called by Fremont 
in 1842 Cedar Bluffs. The encampment this night was on Sand 
Creek, 13 miles farther west. 

14. These bluffs, lying immediately west of Otter Creek, a 
stream Brigham Young named "Wolf Creek," extend to the bank 
of the Platte. Camp was made near the river, three-quarters of 
a mile east of present Clear Creek. 

15. This appointment to the guard was not made on this night, 
as Empey's language might indicate, but on April 17. He was 
captain of the second ten in the guard. 

16. The reconnaissance across the Platte, made at William 
Clayton's suggestion to aid the Saints in orienting themselves in 
relation to Fremont's map, was by Orson Pratt, Amasa Lyman, 
Luke Johnson, and John Brown. The year before. Brown had led 
west along the Oregon Trail a small company of Saints from Mis- 
sissippi, who had hoped to meet somewhere in the Platte Valley 
the large Mormon immigration out of Nauvoo. When the Missis- 
sippi Saints, here at Ash Hollow, on July 2, 1846, met James 
Clyman's eastbound company from California and learned that 
no Mormons were ahead of them on the trail, the 43 persons who 
comprised Brown's party went on in some perplexity to Fort Ber- 
nard, a few miles below Fort Laramie, and then south to Pueblo, 
on the Arkansas River, where they wintered in company with the 
Sick Detachment of the Mormon Battalion. Brown himself, once 
his company was settled at Pueblo, journeyed down the Plains to 
the States, returning to the mountains with the Pioneer party of 

The reference to Brown's having helped bury a man is not 
understood. Neither Brown nor the records of 1846 refer to such 
an incident, though at Ash Hollow Brown's party lost a few horses 
to Pawnees. Perhaps the man killed was Edward Trimble, but 
this happened farther east. See Joel Palmer's account in his 
Journal of Travels over the Rocky Mountains (Thwaites edition, 
1906), pp. 251-255. 

17. Castle Creek, now Blue Creek, was so called by the Saints 
because the bluffs along its west bank, which they named Castle 
Bluffs, seemed so much to resemble "the rock on which Lancaster 
Castle is built." The night encampment was 5 miles northwest of 
present Lewellen, Nebraska. 

18. On the bank of the Platte near the mouth of Mutton Creek, 
the day's travel being 15% miles. 

19. There were two, not three, Indians, a brave and a squaw. 
They were Sioux, and Appleton Harmon identifies them as Sants. 
The editor of Harmon's journal (Appleton Milo Harmon Goes West, 
Berkeley, 1946) has metamorphosed this to "Saints" and called 
them "Mormon Indians." 

20. The encampment was at the Remsburg Ranch near present 
Lisco, Nebraska. 


21. Clayton says of them, "They are all well dressed and very 
noble looking, some of them having good clean blankets, others 
nice robes artfully ornamented with beads and paintings. All had 
many ornaments on their clothing and ears, some had nice painted 
shells suspended from the ear. All appeared to be well armed 
with muskets. Their moccasins were indeed clean and beautiful. 
One had a pair of moccasins of clear white, ornamented with beads, 
etc. They fit very tight to the foot. For cleanness and neatness, 
they will vie with the most tasteful whites. They are thirty-five 
in number, about half squaws and children. They are Sioux and 
have two recommends certifying as to their friendship, etc." 

22. This night's camp was on the Platte 2 miles southeast of 
present Northport, Nebraska. 

23. They encamped about 3 miles southeast of Bayard, Ne- 
braska, which is just east of the meridian of Chimney Rock. 

24. The night's encampment was approximately a mile south- 
east of Minitare, Nebraska. The lone tower Empey refers to in the 
next day's entry was evidently Castle Rock, which the Saints 
passed on the afternoon of the 26th. 

25. The campsite was 3 miles northwest of the site of the 
modern town of Scottsbluff, Nebraska, on the north bank opposite 
the famous Scottsbluff, now a National Monument. 

26. Empey's "Devil's Tongue" was described by Orson Pratt 
in his journal for May 8. "On the top of some of these sand hills, 
in the driest places, grew a vegetable, the top of which very much 
resembled a pineapple; one being dug, the root was about one and 
a half inch in diameter, and two feet in length. It was called by 
some of the company, a Spanish soap weed. The roots being 
pounded up, they make a very good suds, and are used in Mexico 
for washing raiment, etc." The plant is a variety of yucca, fa- 
miliar throughout the Southwest as Spanish bayonet or "oose." 

27. This night's encampment was on the bank of the Platte 
immediately south of Morrill, Nebraska. 

28. This memorable dressing down Brigham Young gave the 
Saints electrifies every Mormon journal of 1847. 

29. The encampment was nearly on, perhaps a little west of, 
the present Wyoming-Nebraska state line. 

30. The Rawhide, still so called, had been named by the fur 
traders, how early is not known, but very likely after the estab- 
lishment of Fort Laramie in 1834. The encampment was about 
8 miles northwest of present Torrington, Wyoming. 

31. The camp remained on the north bank of the Platte about 
three-quarters of a mile above its confluence with the Laramie 
River. They stayed there over the next day while Brigham Young 
and others crossed the river to visit the fur company's establish- 
ment at Fort Laramie, situated on the Laramie River, two miles 
farther south. 

32. The little detachment of the Mississippi Saints here men- 
tioned had come on in advance of their brethren from Pueblo. 
They consisted of Robert Crow, his wife and 8 children, a gentile 
son-in-law, two grandchildren, and three unattached men. One of 
these latter, Lewis B. Myers, was a inountain man who had joined 
the Crows at Pueblo; he acted as their hunter, and he was to play a . 
part in the establishment of the Mormon ferry at the upper crossing 
of the Platte. 

33. The traders at the fort had a flatboat which the Saints 
rented for $15. The average time to get a wagon across, according 
to William Clayton, was 11 minutes. 


34. The "old fort" was a rival post called Fort Platte, estab- 
lished in 1840 or 1841 and abandoned in 1845. It was located on 
the south bank of the North Platte, three-quarters of a mile above 
the confluence with the Laramie, or nearly opposite the point where 
the Mormons crossed the river. Ground plans of both forts, as 
drawn by Thomas Bullock, clerk to the Mormon camp, are repro- 
duced in L. R. Hafen and F. M. Young, Fort Laramie (Glendale, 
1938), p. 127. 

35. The night's encampment was on the south bank of the 
North Platte, some 8 miles northwest of Fort Laramie. 

36. The Warm Spring was a famous watering place on the 
Overland Trail. The Saints reached it by following the bank of 
the Platte to the mouth of Warm Springs Canyon, then ascending 
that canyon to where the spring broke out. 

37. This is Empey's first mention of the year's Oregon immi- 
gration, but a pack party had brought news of the immigration to 
Fort Laramie June 2, before the Saints resumed their journey 
west. Orson Pratt wrote in his journal on June 3, "Yesterday 
afternoon we saw with our glasses three or four white men coming 
in on horseback; they were on the opposite side of the Platte, and 
soon arrived at the fort. This morning brought us the news that 
they were from the States, having made the journey in seventeen 
days, passing about 2,000 wagons in detached companies on their 
way to Oregon. One small company is expected in to-morrow, 
another larger the next day, and one still larger the day following. 
We understand that these emigrants are principally from Missouri, 
Illinois, and Iowa." Howard Egan says that these men, four in 
all, had come from St. Joseph. Erastus Snow says they estimated 
5,000 immigrants to be with the 2,000 wagons, but William Clayton 
exhibited some skepticism at these numbers, a skepticism well 
justified, as the year's Oregon and California immigration did not 
total more than 1,000 wagons. 

None of the Mormon journals name the captain of this com- 
pany which had overtaken the Saints at the Warm Spring, but 
Clayton noted that they had left Independence April 22 and in- 
tended to stay ahead of all companies on the road. They brought 
news that two more companies had arrived at Fort Laramie as 
they were leaving, and that three other companies were within 
20 miles of the fort. Albert Carrington, in the journal he was 
keepmg for Amasa Lyman, noted that these Oregon immigrants 
were mostly from Illinois, not far from Chicago, and that the 11 
"wagons" Empey refers to consisted in reality of 9 wagons, 1 cart, 
and 1 handsome 2-horse carriage. With them, Carrington observed, 
was "one Gabriel Priedeaum . . . who belongs at the missionary 
station on St. Mary's, a tributary of the Columbia, A'^/z days ride 
on horseback from Ft. Hall." This man, he was interested to learn, 
had been over the trail before. As a matter of fact, in Gabriel 
Prudhomme, Carrington was talking to a person of some distinc- 
tion in the history of the West. He was the half-breed interpreter, 
"Gabriel," who had served Father De Smet so well in 1841-42, and 
taken him down the Missouri to St. Louis. He had then returned 
to the mountains, for De Smet had found him at the Catholic 
mission station on the St. Mary's (Bitterroot) River in Montana 
on returning there in 1844. Probably he had again taken De Smet 
to St. Louis in the fall of 1846 and was on his way back to the 
mountains. Prudhomme's death at Fort Owen, January 15, 1856, 
is recorded in The Journals and Letters of Major John Owen (New 
York, 1927), p. 115. 


38. On Cottonwood, or as it was sometimes called, Bitter 
Cottonwood Creek, a little south of present Wendover, Wyoming. 

39. The Mormion journals are not in entire agreement, but 
evidently this second Oregon company consisted of 19 wagons and 
2 carriages. Carrington says they were from Illinois and Missouri; 
Levi Jackman adds that they had all ox teams, from 3 to 5 yoke 
to the wagon; and Norton Jacob comments that they had a large 
drove of cattle and horses. Anybody from Missouri was regarded 
with grave suspicion by the Saints, and the members of this com- 
pany were no exception. See Clayton's journal. 

40. The night's camp was on a run called Bear Creek, some 
5 miles south of Cassa, Wyoming. It was not the practice of the 
Saints to travel on Sundays, but an exception was made in this 
case because it was more than a day's journey from Cottonwood 
Creek to the next water west of Bear Creek. 

41. The other Mormon journals agree that this company was 
not from Illinois but from Andrew County, Missouri. 

42. Agitation by the anti-Mormons did not die down in Illinois 
immediately, even after the formal expulsion of the Saints from 
Nauvoo in September, 1846; and in Massac County a species of 
civil war was being carried on by and against some "Regulators." 

43. The stream is still so named. The camp site was some 
4 miles southwest of present Cassa, Wyoming. 

44. Empey's "Big Timber Creek" is more readily recognizable 
as LaBonte Creek or River. 

45. The Saints had been looking for this party from the 
mountains ever since their departure from Fort Laramie. Brigham 
Young's journal records, "Met James H. Grieve, William Tucker, 
James Woodrie, James Bonoir and six other Frenchmen from whom 
we learn that Mr. Bridger was located about 300 miles west, that 
the mountaineers could ride to Salt Lake from Bridger's Fort in 
two days and that the Utah country was beautiful." The Mormon 
journals disagree considerably as to how many actually composed 
this company, the discrepancy presumably arising because the 
traders' encampment was west of that of the Mormons, and not 
all of the mountain men visited the Saints. Albert Carrington 
notes that a squaw was included among their number and that 
they had 3 carts and 1 wagon loaded with furs. Appleton Harmon 
says the men "ware a goin to fort John from thare to fort Lookout 
on the missouri river with 3 waggon loads of peltry from thare I 
under stood that one of them would go to Councilbluffs by water 
thare ware Some letters sent by them." 

The meeting with these traders led directly to the establish- 
ment of the Mormon ferry at the upper crossing of the North 
Platte. William Clayton writes that they "had left a kind of 
ferry made of three buffalo skins [i.e., a bullboat] hung in a tree 
on the Platte and wanted Brother Crow's company to have it." 
This generous inclination undoubtedly was born of their prior 
acquaintance with Lewis B. Myers, the mountain man who had 
rallied to the fortunes of the Crow family. 

46. Present-day La Prele Creek, probably given originally 
the French name "a la prele," most recurrently appears in the 
Mormon journals as Alapier or a la Pierre. 

47. See Note 45 above. William Clayton writes concerning 
this party, "It was decided to send a company ahead to overreach 
the Missouri companies and get the ferry before they could arrive, 
and also build a raft for us to cross on, kill game, etc. . . . 
Nineteen wagons were sent ahead and about forty men to attend 
to this business. All of Brother Crow's company went, Aaron 


Farr, J. Redding, the cutter [the Saints' leather boat, the Revenue 
Cutter], etc., being five wagons from the 1st division and fourteen 
from the 2nd." They were commanded by John S. Higbee. John 
Brown was one of those sent ahead to the ferry, but of their 
experiences he says only, "A company of us were detached and 
sent on to get the boat before the emigrants got it. We reached 
the ferry first but could find nothing of the boat. We turned out 
and killed a fine lot of meat by the time the camp came up." 
Ferrying of the Oregon immigrants, nevertheless, began imme- 
diately on the arrival of the advance party at the river, the Revenue 
Cutter being employed. 

48. Such a settlement was actually made by the Saints, but 
not until 10 years later, as a station for the short-lived express 
company established by Brigham Young. The settlement, like 
the express company, was broken up in the summer of 1857 by 
the affair of the Utah Expedition. 

49. The coal outcropping was discovered by Albert Carring- 
ton who says that it was "the first ever found to our knowledge 
on the Platte or any of its tributaries, it rests upon a fine grit 
sandstone, commonly called grindstone, grit of excellent quality 
of a whitish or light grey color, except where stained by sulphuret 
of iron, then yellowish, as far as it shows, from the creek to coal 
bed is from 40 to 50 ft. thick, then the coal bed, probably from 
6 to 10 ft. thick traced nearly 1 mile, then overlaid by a brown 
micaceous slate, could not determine its thickness without mine- 
ing. . . ." The coal was subsequently used by the Mormon black- 
smiths at the ferry but found to be of less than first quality. Coal 
had been noted here at least as early as 1846. 

50. The night's encampment was about 8 miles east of the site 
of Casper, Wyoming. Here, William Clayton writes, "we came 
to a halt on account of seeing a number of wagons about a half 
mile ahead which proved to be two of the Missouri companies 
camped on the banks of the river and preparing to cross here. It 
was also ascertained that there is no camping place beyond them 
unless we go some distance. . . . These Missourian companies inform 
us that the regular crossing place is twelve miles farther and that 
our brethren are gone on there and also the balance of the Mis- 
sourian companies. These men have got a light flat boat with 
them and have already got one load over." Orson Pratt says of 
these same immigrants, "A short distance above us, two small 
companies which had passed us a few days before, were encamped; 
they were building a raft to cross at that place. The day before 
their teams took a fright by the running of a horse, upsetting two 
of their wagons; one woman and two children considerably in- 
jured, but no bones broken: some crockery, &c destroyed." 

51. On the morning of June 12 the Saints traveled 7 1/4 miles 
to the vicinity of Casper, where, Norton Jacob makes note, "there 
is an excellent fording place which has been much used by emi- 
grants." James Case and Stephen Markham forded the river 
experimentally here, finding the water about AVz feet deep in the 
channel, and the current very swift. "Of course it could not be 
forded with loads in the wagons," William Clayton records, "but 
the loading would have to be ferried in the boat. They made a 
report of this kind on their return to camp and about the same 
time Brother [Alexander] Chesley came down from the brethren 
ahead and reported their progress and the nature of the crossing 
place, etc. A number of the brethren in company with Elder 
Kimball and Chesley went to the river opposite the camp to decide 
whether to cross here or go on. Brother Markham and Case again 


went over, but it was finally concluded to go up to the other ferry." 
The Saints moved on up the river 4 miles and made their night 
encampment half a mile below where the provisional Mormon 
ferry was being operated, which was some 3% miles above present 

52. William Clayton writes, concerning the inception of the 
ferry, that the brethren sent ahead had arrived at the river about 
noon of the 11th. "Two of the Missourian companies arrived 
about the same time. The brethren concluded that a raft would 
be of no use on account of the swiftness of the current. The Mis- 
sourian company offered to pay them well if they woud carry their 
company over in the boat and a contract was made to do so for 
$1.50 per load, the brethren to receive their pay in flour at $2.50 
per hundred. They commenced soon after and this evening [June 
12] finished their work, and received the pay mostly in flour, a 
little meal and some bacon. They have made $34.00 with the cutter 
all in provisions which is a great blessing to the camp inasmuch 
as a number of the brethren have had no bread stuff for some 
days. . . . The Missourian company seem to feel well toward us 
and express their joy at having got across the river so soon." 

53. Experiment proved that attempting to take across more 
than one wagon at a time, so far from saving time and energy, 
multiplied the problems and resulted in serious damage to the 
wagons. When the Saints quit work on the 14th, Clayton makes 
note, 23 of their wagons had been ferried over the river. "There 
was no difficulty in getting the freight over for one man can 
carry it in the cutter faster than all the rest of the camp can get 
the wagons over." On the 18th the Saints put into service a ferry 
boat to replace their makeshift rafts, and it was this craft that 
served the immigration through the rest of the season. Appleton 
Harmon describes it as "built of 2 dugouts 23 feet long & ties 
a crost they being placed 6 feet apart and run plank lengthwise." 

54. William Clayton remarks that on this day it was con- 
cluded "to leave several brethren here to make a boat and keep a 
ferry till the next [Mormon] company comes up. By that means 
they will probably make enough to supply a large company of 
emigrants coming up on the north side of the Piatt above Grand 
Island. There are doubtless some of our brethren and if so they 
will probably reach us before we get through." The rumor Clay- 
ton alludes to was without foundation — the Mormon Second Com- 
pany of 1847 on this date was just setting out from Winter Quar- 
ters, on the Missouri River, but the rumor played its part in the 
establishing of the ferry. 

The company of Missourians referred to is noted by Appleton 
Harmon as being "an oregon company of 18 wagons commanded 
by Capt Smith . . . Judge Kimsey with him." It would seem likely 
that the Captain Smith referred to was Doctor Smith, the father 
of Moses Ira Smith. Sarah Hunt Steeves writes concerning the 
son, in her Book of Rememhrance of Marion County, Oregon, 
Pioneers (Portland, 1927), pp. 118, 120: "Doctor Smith and his 
wife, Nancy Scott-Wisdom Smith, were his parents. Doctor was 
just a given name. . . . Moses' father had been elected captain of 
the train, that started out with about thirty wagons, and others 
joined them, until in time there were two hundred white-covered 
wagons. ... At the second crossing of the Platte (North Platte) 
they overtook Brigham Young, the great Mormon apostle, who 
was camped here with his many followers and five hundred wagons 
[actually, 77 wagons and 1 cart], preparing to cross the river, on 
their way to the Great Salt Lake. He had sent men to the timber 


in the hills about fifteen miles away, where they dug up whole 
trees and from them made dug-out canoes. By fastening two of 
these together as a basis for rafts, they would carry a loaded 
wagon across in safety, returning again for another. Brigham 
Young was very kind to the immigrants in many ways. He pro- 
posed to take their train across on his rafts, before he did his 
own and only charged at the rate of fifty pounds of flour per 
wagon for this service. Moses' father had known Brigham in 
Missouri, and no doubt these two men were glad to renew their 
old acquaintance and enjoyed talking over things in old Missouri. . ." 
Doctor Smith, captain of this train, died at Green River. 

55. It is difficult to disentangle the companies of the Oregon 
immigration during this and the next couple of days — perhaps 
because, as Norton Jacob declares, "there was one hundred eight 
emigrant waggons within four miles all wanting to cross the river." 
Some, he adds, "hired us to cross them at $1.50 paid in flour and 
at $2.50 per hundred, and others crossed themselves." Although 
the 16th was principally occupied in getting across the Saints' 
own wagons, Appleton Harmon says that "a company of ten 
[Oregon] wagons came up and we engaged to ferry them for 
$1.50 per waggon." 

Historians of the overland trail having commented on Brig- 
ham Young's great shrewdness, if not tight-fistedness, in fixing 
the ferry fees at low States' prices for the provisions accepted in 
payment, it is worth noting that the standard fee was established, 
by bargaining between the Oregon immigrants and the Saints sent 
to the ferry, before Young arrived on the scene. 

56. William Clayton adds a footnote which illustrates the 
ingenuity of the Saints in turning an extra dollar. After the last 
Mormon wagon was got over, there remained two Missouri com- 
panies which had made application to be set over at $1.50 per 
load. "When the contract was made with the first company to 
be sent across as soon as our wagons were over, the other company 
of ten wagons offered to pay the brethren 50('' per man extra if 
they would set them over first, making $5.00 over the stated price 
for ferriage being ten of the brethren to work at it. Colonel 
[Albert] Rockwood [commanding the second division] had made 
a contract to the above effect with the first company and did not 
like to break it. However, he received a hint that this was Colonel 
[Stephen] Markham's day for the use of the boat and consequently 
Colonel Markham [commanding the first division] had a right 
to take the last offer if he chose. He took the hint and they went 
to work forthwith at a dollar and a half a wagon in provisions at 
Missouri prices and 50<?' extra per man in what they preferred for 
themselves. . . . The ferrying was continued all night and till day- 
light at which time many of the Missourians' wagons in the two 
companies were over." 

57. The nine men named to stay at the ferry were Thomas 
Grover, John S. Higbee, William Empey, Appleton Harmon, Ed- 
mund Ellsworth, Luke Johnson, Francis M. Pomeroy, James Dav- 
enport, and Benjamin F. Stewart. A tenth man, Eric Glines, 
stayed on without Brigham Young's sanction. Of him William 
Clayton wrote on June 18, "The President . . . referred to Brother 
Glines who was wishful to stay but the president said he had no 
council for him to tarry, but he might do as he had a mind to. 
Some explanations followed by Glines, but the unanimous feeling 
of the brethren was to have him go on." Glines remained at the 
ferry until the 23rd, but then had a change of heart and set out 


after the Pioneer party, which he overtook on the 26th, three 
days' journey west. 

58. For this date Appleton Harmon's journal has an amusing 
entry showing that the benefits of competition in free enterprise 
were no more appreciated in 1847 than they have been in many a 
year since: "br Empy & Sturart Started with 4 horses & a 
waggon after coal back to Deer crick 28 ms a companied by F. M. 
Pumeroy & glines who went to rekanorter the ferry below & see 
if it could be chartered for laramie post they returned Jest at 
evening & reported that the boat was on the opposite Side the 
river & 3 men thare with a waggon apearent ly waiting for a 
nother company Luke Johnson, Edmund Elsworth, went down 
on the north Side to inake a more close examination but returned 
about day light having found it well guarded & a faith ful 
watch dog" 

59. Harmon's journal, as quoted in Note 58, would indicate 
that Empey and Stewart set out on the 20th, rather than the 21st. 
While they were gone, Harmon records (June 21) an important 
change in the affairs of the Mormon ferry: 

"I arose early & in company with John Higbee by the request 
of Capt grover went down to the lower ferry hunting horses & to 
see how long those men ware to Stay there, they sed that they 
expected to Stay until a company of 27 waggons should bee crossed 
that they expected they would git thare to night, we got our 
things together finished blacsmithing got a cow in pay ment put 
our things most of them on to the boat Capt Grover my Self 
J. Higbee, F. M. Pumeroy & J Debenport, shoved of with the ferry 
boat & leather skift leaving. Luke Johnson & Edmund Elsworth 
with the 2 waggons & things that remain thair while we fioted 
down the river in quest of a ferrying ground below those a bove 
mentioned we Stuck on 2 Sand bears but got of with but verry 
little difficulty we halted a short time at their ferry Capt grover 
asked them if they ware willing for us to fery at the Same place 
with them, and working in concert with them but they seemed to 
choose to run the risk a lone of gifting what they could So we 
moved on down the river a bout 2 ms & landed on the South Side 
the river in a grove of Scatering cotton woods close by the road 
whare the feed is good & a good Cite for a ferry after a few 
moments consultation we unamously agreed that this should be 
the Spot We acordingly unloaded our things br debenport put 
up his black Smith tools &c Herick glines Started with the cattle 
to drive them down to whare we ware a going, but when we landed 
we found that he was a head of us, we Set up some punchaon & 
bords that we had on the boat to break the wind offrom us & 
made our beds on the ground, we ware called to gether by capt 
Grover & returned thanks to the God of Jacob as usial & retierd 
to our lodging." 

It would appear that the rival ferry was something over a 
mile below Casper, and the reestablished Mormon ferry from 2 
to 2V2 miles farther down. 

60. Harmon's journal says that Empey and Stewart were 
gone from the 20th to noon of the 22nd, whereas Empey makes 
it from the 21st to the 23rd. Being more full, Harmon's journal 
is presumably more reliable. Harmon adds that the two men 
put up an advertisement at Deer Creek as follows: 


To the ferry 28 ms the ferry good & isafe maned by experi- 
enced men black Smithing horse & ox Shoing done all so a 
wheel right 



Thomas, Grover, 

The 28 miles given as the distance from Deer Creek was correct 
for the original location, but now of course the Mormon ferry was 
about 7 miles closer. 

61. The 4 French traders, so Harmon writes, "enformed us 
that the Soldiers [Sick Detachment of the Mormon Battalion] from 
Peublo ware at fort John [Fort Laramie] when they lift & would 
be here in a few days." 

62. John Battice, or Jean Baptiste, figures often in the annals 
of Fort Bridger, trading in association with Jim Bridger. 

63. Vaughn's company is not clearly distinguished in the 
Oregon annals, but is mentioned in a report of the 1847 inmmigra- 
tion in the St. Joseph Gazette, May 28, 1847. The Gazette's inform- 
ant met "Vaughn's company," then consisting of 48 wagons, on 
May 17, apparently on the Little Blue. Empey's journal entry for 
the 25th is almost word for word the same as Harmon's indicating 
that one diarist copied from the other. 

64. Captain Hodge was possibly Jesse Monroe Hodges, or his 
son, D. R. Hodges. Bancroft notes in his History of Oregon (San 
Francisco, 1886), vol. I, pp. 628, 629, "Jesse Monroe Hodges was 
born in Melbourne Co., S. C, Dec. 18, 1788. In 1811 he married 
Catherine Stanley of N. C. He served in the war of 1812, and 
fought under General Jackson at Horse Shoe Bend. In 1817 he 
moved to Tenn., thence to Ind., and thence in 1839 to Mo., making^ 
his last remove to Oregon in 1847, and settling in Benton County. 
He died at the residence of his son, D. R. Hodges, March 27, 1877. 
His mental condition was sound up to his latest moments, though 
over 88 years of age." 

65. Harmon had written on June 20, before the change in 
location of the ferry, "A Young man got Drowned 5 ms below here 
by the name of Wesley Tustin aged 18 years while Swiming a 
horse he was not found." Albert Carrington, who heard of the 
incident on the trail two daj^s later, was informed that the young 
man was from Morgan Co., Illinois. Harmon and Carrington 
spelled the name Tustin, which was evidently right; the Oregon 
Historical Quarterly, March 1919, vol. XX, p. 139, records the 
death of Caleb S. Tustin, born in Illinois in 1830, came to Oregon 
in 1847, died at McMinnville, February 11, 1919. Caleb was appar- 
ently Wesley's younger brother. 

66. The name, "Hill Ferry," is explained by an entry in Har- 
mon's journal of June 23, to the effect that James Davenport had 
"Done some black Smithing for Mr. [Henry?] Hill that has re- 
mained 2 miles a bove us with the ferry above mentioned." 

67. At this point two leaves are gone from the manuscript, 
comprising pp. 19-22 and the entries from June 26 to July 10. 
Fortunately the gap can be filled with an extract from Appletort 
Harmon's journal. In Harmon's own journal, however, the first 
part of the entry for June 26 is evidently missing. 

68. Amasa Lyman, Roswell Stevens, and Thomas Woolsey, 
together with John H. Tippetts, had been detached from the Pio- 
neer party at Fort on June 3, to go south and meet the 
Mississippi Saints and the Sick Detachment of the Mormon Bat- 
talion. They met on June 11, according to a letter now in the 
Church archives, written by Lyman on June 28 from "Grover 
Ferry, on Fork of Platte." John Steele was a member of the 
detachment commanded by Brown, and he writes, "On the 27th 
of June came to the crossing of the Platte, found there Brother 
Groves & Co. ferrying missionaries across the river on their way 
to Oregon and Charging $1.50 for crossing. . . . There are hundreds. 


of emigrants here and find the Mormons a God-send to help them 
across the river. We crossed over July 1st, 1847." See Steele's 
journal, Utah Historical Quarterly, January, 1933, vol. VI, p. 16. 

69. The company was evidently that of Thomas Cox, alluded 
to as the Chicago company, and consisting originally of some 14 
wagons. Bancroft (op. cit., pp. 629, 630) writes of him that he 
"was by birth a Virginian. When but a small child he removed 
with his parents to Ross Co., Ohio. In 1811 he married Martha 
Cox, who though of the same name was not a relative. He removed 
with his family of three children and their mother to Bartholomew 
Co., where he built the first grist and carding mills in that 
place. He afterward removed to the Wabash River country, and 
there also erected flour and carding mills at the mouth of the 
Shawnee River. He also manufactured guns and gunpowder, and 
carried on a general blacksmithing business. In 1834 he made 
another remove, this time to Illinois, where he settled in Will 
County, and laid out the town of Winchester, the name of which 
was afterward changed to Wilmington, and where he again erected 
mills for flouring and carding, and opened a general merchandise 
business. During the period of land speculation and 'wild-cat' 
banks. Cox resisted the gambling spirit, and managed to save his 
property, while others were ruined. In 1846 he made preparations 
for emigrating to Oregon, in company with his married son, 
Joseph, and two sons-in-law, Elias Brown and Peter Polley." Cox 
settled in Salem and set up a store with goods brought aci'oss the 
Plains. Later he turned to fruit-raising, and died at Salem Octo- 
ber 3, 1862. See also Ralph C. Geer's account in Transactions of 
the Seventh Annual Re-Union of the Oregon Pioneer Association 
for 1879 (Salem, 1880), p. 40, which says the Cox store at Salem 
was tlie first such establishment south of Champoeg. 

70. If "Captain Saunders" was L. W. Saunders, he was from 
Oskaloosa, Iowa, subsequently taught school at Waiilatpu, and was 
killed in the Whitman Massacre, leaving a widow and 5 children. 
It is more likely that L. W. Saunders was a member of the Chap- 
man company. See Note 115. 

71. Brown and Lyman carried west a letter, now in the 
Church archives, from Thomas Grover to Brigham Young: 

Platte river, June 29, 1847. 
President Young. 

Dear Sir. Having an opportunity of communication a few 
lines to you by Brother Amasa Lyman, we embrace the same. 
We are all well at present, but are rather lonesome since you 
left us. We have just finished ferrying Capt. Brown and company 
consisting of 19 wagons, four extra loads, three dollars per trip, 
and also 150 men and women, who are in the United States service 
at twelve and a half cents and also for Blacksmithing. 


Capt. Brown has left with us six oxen that could not be driven 
any further for us to bring on if they should be able to travel 
when our brethren come on with a promise to settle the bill as you 
say is right when we come on. 

We remain as ever, your brethren, 

Thos. Grover. 
Grover's arithmetic would seem to have been somewhat faulty, 
but not his adherence to a long-established American practice, of 


soaking the government twice as much as a private individual for 
services rendered. At rates charged the Oregon immigration, 
the fee for ferrying the 19 wagons and four extra loads would 
have been $34.50. 

72. At first glance Captain Higgins most plausibly would 
seem to be Captain Nelson Higgins of the Mormon Battalion, since 
no Higgins appears in the lists of the year's Oregon and California 
immigration. The 23 wagons, however, is so unaccountably large 
a number for him to be captaining, even if some of them belonged 
to the Mississippi Saints, as to suggest that the name may have 
been Wiggins rather than Higgins. William Wiggins seems to 
have started out from Independence as guide to the contingent 
with which the Blanchets traveled. His party was belated on the 
trail, and he attempted to get through to California by a route 
substantially that of the Lassen Cutoff of 1849, but he had to turn 
north into Oregon and finally reached California by sea. The 
safety of his company was a constant theme of anxiety for the 
California newspapers during the fall and early winter of 1847-48, 
especially so because of the tragic experiences of the Donner 
party in the mountains the year before. 

73. Captain McClay or McCay is not identifiable. A John 
McCoy is listed by Bancroft as an Oregon immigrant of this year. 

74. I cannot distinguish which Taylor this may be. Christopher, 
John F., and L. Taylor were Oregon immigrants of 1847. There 
may have been others. 

75. In To Oregon by Ox-Team in '47 (Portland, n. d.), Fred 
Lockley develops the history of the Hunt family, wnose train Elijah 
Patterson captained, as told by a grandson, Jeptha Hunt. The 
Hunts were from Indiana, and Jeptha says, "At Independence 
grandfather [J. S. Hunt] met a young man, Elijah Patterson, who 
was anxious to go to Oregon but did not have sufficient money 
to outfit himself for the trip. An arrangement was made whereby 
Elijah Patterson would furnish a yoke of oxen and a yoke of 
young cows in exchange for his board while crossing the plains. 
At Indian Grove a wagon train consisting of 21 wagons was or- 
ganized and Elijah Patterson was elected captain of the train. . . . 
On the North Platte they overtook a large company of Mormons 
enroute for the Great Salt Lake. . . ." Jeptha adds that in 1851 
his grandfather married Mrs. Nancy Smith, the widow of Doctor 
Smith (see Note 54). 

Sarah Hunt Steeves, op. cit., p. 97, quotes George Washington 
Hunt, Jeptha's father, as saying, "After we arrived at Independ- 
ence, Mo., my father's money running short, he took in an excellent 
young man from Texas by the name of Elijah Patterson. . . . 
From Independence we made our way to Indian Grove, our next 
camp on the line of the Indian Territory (now Kansas). Here 
Patterson was elected captain of 21 wagons and we rolled out 
for Oregon. . . . The Mormons crossed us over North Platte in a 
rather loose affair called a ferry." 

76. Jonathan Pugmyer, Jr., and Marcus N. Eastman were 
members of the Mormon Battalion evidently furloughed to meet 
their families coming along in the Second Company, or to return 
to the States. See Harmon's journal entry for July 4. 

77. Felix A. Collard is listed in the pioneer index of the Ore- 
gon Historical Society. He was born in Kentucky in 1810, settled 
in Illinois, and then journeyed to Oregon in 1847; he was a farmer, 
merchant, blacksmith, and member of the Oregon legislature. 

78. Captain Turpen presumably was William Turpin, in- 
cluded in Bancroft's list of the 1847 immigrants. The Oregon 


Historical Society has a typescript of reminiscences by Cyrenius 
Mulkey, "Eighty-One Years of Frontier Life," which relates that he 
and his family crossed the plains in 1847, when he was only 15. 
His father, a preacher whose given name does not appear, or his 
father's brother, Johnson Mulkey, might have been the Mulkey 
referred to as pilot for "Captain Turpen." They started from 
Missouri and of course traveled the North Platte. The Transac- 
tions of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Reunion of the Orgeon Pioneer 
Association for 1901 (Portland, 1902), contains an address of wel- 
come by "Frederick W. Mulkey, son of Marion F. Mulkey and 
grandson of Mulkey, pioneers of 1847," but this contains no infor- 
mation on the family and does not supply the given name of the 
grandfather. The only Mulkey appearing in Bancroft's list is 
Johnson Mulkey, but "Westly Mulkey" has been listed with the 
immigration of 1844. 

79. Elisha Bidwell, the E. Bidwell of Bancroft's list, is pre- 
sumably the Elisha Bedwell who appears in the pioneer index of 
the Oregon Historical Society, though without any evidence that 
he came as captain of a company. He was born in La Fayette 
County, Missouri, September 9, 1819, moved to Texas, returned 
to Missouri, and started across the plains April 12, 1847, arriving 
in Oregon the following October. He settled in Yamhill. 

80. Joel Palmer was the most significant figure in the Oregon 
immigration of 1847. He went to Oregon in 1845, returned east 
in 1846 to publish his famous Journal, and then immediately re- 
turned to the Pacific at the head of an immigrant company. 
Palmer set out from St. Joseph, and the Gazette of that place on 
May 28, 1847, printed the report of an informant who had met 
Palmer's party of 99 wagons on May 18, then the ninth company 
in line along the trail. "Capt. Palmer had taken the census of 
his company, which was as follows: — 129 males and 72 females 
over 16 years of age; and under 16 years, 85 males and 83 females. 
His company had also 1012 head of cattle, 66 horses, 2 mules, and 
45 sheep." After the usual fashion of immigrant companies, by 
the time Palmer reached the Mormon ferry, his company had split 
up into smaller segments. The Oregon Spectator, August 19, 1847, 
printing news of the oncoming immigration, was pleased to learn 
of Pahiier among them. "Mr. Palmer, who, but a short time since, 
was a citizen of this country, and has numerous friends here, we 
are happy to learn, is on his return, and has been honored with 
the command of a large company of wagons, principally from 
Missouri. . . ." 

81. Captain Snooks remains unidentified. A person of this 
name was mentioned by James Clyman as among his fellow way- 
farers to Oregon in 1844, and Charles L. Camp has suggested that 
he may be the P. Snooks who was wounded in the Cascade fight 
in the Yakima war of 1856. Bancroft, op. cit., vol. II, p. 457, al- 
ludes to a major of the 68th Ohio Regiment during the Civil War 
as "a former resident of Oregon named Snooks, of the immigration 
of 1844." Possibly all these are one and the same man. 

82. The only name resembling Dodson in the lists of the 
immigration is D. D. Dostins, but there were Dodsons in Oregon 
as early as 1845. 

83. The pioneer index of the Oregon Historical Society lists 
a Daniel B. Putman, born in Illinois April 15, 1810, who came 
overland to Oregon in 1847, arriving October 3; he was a mill 
wright who settled at Oregon City. 


84. Jim Bridger, eastbound to Fort Laramie, had met the 
Mormon Pioneer party at the Little Sandy on June 28. He and 
the Saints interrupted their journey for a long conference through 
the afternoon and evening, the remarkable account of which is 
found, in particular, in the journals of William Clayton and Norton 
Jacob. It was then thought that Bridger would return to his fort 
in time to aid the Saints in finding a location. These plans, how- 
ever, did not work out. 

85. Who the four furloughed Battalion members were does 
not appear. 

86. Chester Ingersoll wrote apparently the only contempo- 
rary account of the year's California immigration, in 10 letters 
published in the Joliet [111.] Signal, reprinted in 1937 at Chicago 
by Douglas C. McMurtrie as Overlajid to California in 1847. Inger- 
soll's letters, sent back as opportunity offered, are in effect an 
intermittent journal of the trip. He set out from Independence, 
embarking upon the plains on May 10. There were 78 wagons in 
the company originally, but this number was unwieldy, and split 
up into smaller detachments, Ingersoll's section consisting of "30 
wagons, and 45 able bodied men, with a guide that has traveled 
the route eight times." He writes on July 2, ''Travelled 18 miles 
to the place of crossing the river which was too high to be forded, 
but we found a company of Mormons at the ford with a boat. 
They ferried us over for one dollar per wagon." Next day, "Most 
of the day was occupied in crossing the river." From Harmon's 
notation as to the size of the company, it had undergone some 
further fission since mid-May. Ingersoll reached Johnson's Ranch, 
above Sutter's Fort, on October 2. Bancroft's index of the Cali- 
fornia pioneers records that Ingersoll died in San Francisco in 
1849, leaving a family. 

Additional notes on the California immigration of 1847 were 
published by Charles L. Camp in "William Alexander Trubody 
and the Overland Pioneers of 1847," California Historical Society 
Quarterly, vol. XVI, June, 1937. The Trubody family reached 
California under the guidance of Charles Hopper, but if Hopper 
commanded a company east of Fort Hall, the record does not 
appear in the Mormon journals kept at the Platte ferry. The 
total number of wagons that reached California this year seems 
to have been 70. 

87. There are some difficulties about identifying the east- 
bound parties from Oregon in 1847 because they all seem to have 
split up and recombined in a greater or lesser degree. These 8 
men were evidently those who had been encountered by the 
Mormon Pioneer party at South Pass on the night of June 26, 
their guide at that point being the famous mountain man, Moses 
"Black" Harris. Clayton observes that they had "over twenty 
horses and mules with them mostly laden with packs of robes, 
skins, etc.," while Orson Pratt remarks that they had left the 
Oregon settlements on May 5. 

They were evidently one division of the company of 19 men 
guided by Levi Scott who left the Rickreal Valley on May 5 and 
came east by the Applegate Cutoff, the so-called southern or 
"California" route to which Harmon's journal alludes. Their de- 
parture was noted in the Oregon Spectator, April 15, May 13, and 
June 10, 1847. Levi Scott went, evidently, only as far as Fort Hall, 
since he guided back to Oregon by the Applegate Cutoff some 60 
wagons of the year's immigration, his return noted in the Spectator 
of October 14, 1847. Where the party split up is not certain, but it 
is reasonably clear that the second party from Oregon whose 


passage Harmon notes on July 7 was a subdivision of the larger 
party by the Applegate Cutoff. The Mormon leader in California, 
Sam Brannan, who crossed the Sierras in May, in a letter of June 
18 written from Fort Hall, remarks that a company from Oregon 
had arrived at the fort the day before and that he had sent letters 
in their care (Millenial Star, October 15, 1847, vol. IX, pp. 304, 
305), but otherwise gives no information about them. 

Niles' National Register, August 14, 1847, vol. 72, p. 370, records 
the arrival on the frontier of Messrs. Shaw, Bolden, and Thompson, 
"direct from Oregon, having left the frontier settlement on the 
5th of May, and made the trip to St. Joseph's in 83 days." 
They had met Brannan at Fort Hall, which makes it likely that 
they were the party by the Applegate Cutoff. The St. Louis Daily 
Union, August 5, 1847, notes the arrival last night of Mr. Huber, 
who "left the principal settlements in Willamette Valley on the 
7th of May, and arrived at St. Joseph, Mo., on the 28th of July. 
He was accompanied by fourteen men." Evidently 15 men were 
in the Oregon company (whose arrival at St. Joseph on July 28 
was noted in the Gazette of July 30.) If the 16th man was Black 
Harris, this would indicate that the two parties of 8 recombined in 
traveling through the Sioux and Pawnee territory, Harris remain- 
ing behind. 

88. It is difficult to trace the movements of these 5 men, 
except for what may be learned from a letter by Orson Hyde, 
dated St. Louis, August 5, 1847. "In coming from the [Council] 
Bluffs to St. Joseph's, about five days ago, I met five of our bat- 
talion of soldiers returning. They came to fort Laramie, from 
Purbelo, in company with about 150 others. . . . Upon their arrival 
at the fort, the soldiers, all except these five whom I met, went on 
with brother Amasa after the pioneers. A small party from Ore- 
gon overtook our five returning soldiers. They met our pioneers 
beyond the 'south pass' in the mountains. All well." The 5 Bat- 
talion men may thus have been with the company which reached 
St. Joseph July 28. (Millennial Star, September 15, 1847, vol. IX, 
pp. 272, 273.) 

89. Sarah Hunt Steeves, op. cit., pp. 137, 138, writes: "Rev. 
John McKinney was born in Tennessee, April 3, 1798. . . . From 
Tennessee the family moved to Jackson county, Missouri. . . . 
Of the party to start across the plains from the McKinney farm 
in 1847, many came from St. Joseph and other places. Of this 
company were a Mr. Doty; John and Hugh Harrison, with their 
families; Hadley Hobson and family; Mr. Thompkins and family; 
Dr. Pretty man and family; the two McKinney s; Rev. John Mc- 
Kinney, William McKinney and wife Matilda; a Mr. Davis, who was 
hauling a set of mill burrs across the plains; Mr. Luellyn who had 
planted an embryo nursery in a wagon bed . . .; Dick Adams, and a 
Major Magoon, with many others. The company numbered about 
one hundred wagons, with Major Magoon in charge. . . Very soon, 
however, dissension arose over who should be officers . . . caused 
the train to divide into ten groups of ten wagons each, with Major 
Magoon as head over all companies. Each ten wagons elected a 
captain and thus they were enabled to travel with more harmony. 
. . . Rev. John McKinney was chosen captain of the ten wagons 
comprising the two of the McKinneys, Mr. Davis . . ., Mr. Doty, 
the Harrisons, Hobsons, Dr. Prettyman, Thompkins, the Luellyn 
family with the nursery stock and Major Magoon." When his 
father was sick, William McKinney acted as captain. 

90. Retford and Bodall are unidentified. 



91. Ward also for the present defies identification. 

92. Whitcom is presumably Lot Whitcomb, whose name is 
found in Bancroft's list of the year's Oregon immigration. The 
St. Joseph Gazette, May 28, 1847, referred to Whitcomb's as hav- 
ing been on May 20 the twelfth company in line on the trail, con- 
sisting then of 109 wagons. 

93. Captain Hockett is not readily identifiable. He may have 
been the J. C. Holgate on Bancroft's list, "identified with the early 
histories of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho," and killed in a 
mining difficulty at Owyhee in March, 1868. 

94. The "Reminiscences of James Jory," Oregon Historical 
Quarterly, September, 1902, vol. HI, pp. 271-283, describe the ex- 
periences of Joseph Magone's company, which started from Inde- 
pendence. "Magone was from New York, an unmarried man, 
young, handsome, and deservedly popular. He had hired his 
passage with the train, and was out for an adventure, but when 
it was represented that he was the best man for captain, being 
free-handed and well-informed, he set aside personal considera- 
tions and accepted. He proved to be one of the best emigrant 
captains ever on the Plains, alert, cheerful, watchful of the needs 
of every one, and promising all that he would see the last one 
through safely to the banks of the Willamette, and he most bravely 
redeemed his promise. . . . Magone was married after reaching 
Oregon to a Miss Tomlinson that he met on the Plains; and long 
afterwards, indeed after the railroad was built, illustrated his 
original love of adventure by walking back East for a visit." See 
also Note 89. 

95. The Catholics alluded to by Appleton Harmon were 
Francis Norbert Blanchet, newly consecrated archbishop of Ore- 
gon, his brother, A. M. A. Blanchet. who on reaching Oregon 
was to become the first bishop of Walla Walla, and six others 
whose names are not recorded. F. N. Blanchet had opened Catholic 
missionary activity in Oregon in 1838, returning to Quebec by 
sea in 1845 to receive his ordination as archbishop. He had then 
gone to Europe to raise funds and was now returning to his 
vicariate. Chester Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 17, on setting out from 
Independence early in May, noted the presence of the 7 priests 
and the bishop among his fellow travelers. A. M. A. Blanchet's 
account of his journey (Rapport sur les Missions du Diocese de 
Quebec, Quebec, April, 1849, p. 19), mentions his arrival at the 
Mormon ferry on July 6, the Mormon blacksmithing operations, 
and the fact that many of his fellow immigrants preferred to go 
up the river 8 miles and ferry themselves across than to pay the 
Mormon fee: "Apres avoir passe la Riviere aux Chevreuils, nous 
etions a la nouvelle traverse de la Platte. Des Mormons y avaient 
etabli une forge pour reparer les chariots, et un bac pour les 
transporter sur la rive gauche. Nous fumes contents de donner 
une piastre pour chacun des notres; mais plusiers de nos compag- 
nons prefererent aller traverser, a 8 milles plus haut." The 
Catholic travelers reached Walla Walla on September 5. 

96. See note 87 above. 

97. White was, according to a member of his company, Loren 
B. Hastings, a Methodist preacher, but his first name does not 
appear. (Bancroft lists a Luther, a Rev., and a Thomas White.) 
Hastings' journal, published in Transactions of the Fifty-first An- 
nual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1923 (Portland, 
1926), is a document of considerable interest. White was elected 
captain on May 20, shortly after the departure from St. Joseph. 


Hastings does not say how many wagons they had on setting out, 
but this information is supphed by the St. Joseph Gazette, May 28, 
1847, which gives the number as 37, and their place 13th in the 
line of travel. Hastings writes: 

"July 9. This day arrived at the Mormon ferry and black- 
smith shop; the 20 wagon (Captain Bonsers Co. as it is called) had 
gone ahead: but we found them here; my company (called Cap- 
tain Whites Co.) went ahead; myself and some others remained 
with Captain Bonsers Co. to set our wagon tires, etc. 

"July 10. This day the Mormons set my wagon tire; the boys 
killed a buffalo. 

"July 11. This day, Sunday, intended to move, but some of 
our cattle were minus. Mr. Taylor and myself went out on mules 
to hunt our cattle. . . . Six wagons went up to the ford on the 
south side of the river, crossed over and camped. The Mormons 
ferried over the balance at the shop and we moved up on the 
north side of the river and camped three miles below the other 

98. Henderson Luelling, a Quaker from Salem, Iowa, is mem- 
orable in the immigration of 1847 for the "traveling nursery" he 
took along. Ralph Geer (op. cit., pp. 40, 41) recalled that Luelling 
made two boxes 12 inches deep, and just wide and long enough 
to fill the wagon bed, filling them with a compost composed prin- 
cipally of charcoal and earth, into which he planted about 700 
trees and shrubs, from 20 inches to 4 feet high, protected from 
the stock by a light but strong frame fastened to the wagon box. 
He permitted no one to discourage him in the undertaking, and 
reached The Dalles with his nursery about October 1. "That load 
of trees contained health, wealth and comfort, for the old Pioneers 
of Oregon. It was the mother of all our early nurseries and 
orchards. . . . That load of living trees and shrubs brought more 
wealth to Oregon than any ship that ever entered the Columbia 

Harmon's mention of a roadometer on one of Luelling's 
wagons is interesting, for Harmon was the mechanic who con- 
structed the first Mormon roadometer. Credit for absolute inven- 
tion and first use of the roadometer for Plains travel has long 
been given to the Mormons, but Luelling's device makes it obvious 
that roadometers were simultaneously evolved in several places 
to answer the exigencies of trans-Plains travel, and that the 
question of first use must be left open. 

99. Luelling traveled as a member of Stephen Bonser's com- 
pany. As seen in note 97, Loren B. Hastings consistently referred 
to Bonser's as being a company of 20 wagons rather than 12, as 
here recorded. Bonser was one of those who set out from St. 
Joseph. Geer says that he "brought a herd of fine cattle and 
improved the herds of the Columbia bottoms vastly." 

100. Here William Empey's journal again picks up the story 
from Appleton Harmon's. The entries in the two diaries from 
July 11 to 14, however, are so strikingly alike as to make it 
obvious one journal is based upon the other. The style being more 
characteristic of Harmon, it is likely Empey was the copyist. 

101. Phineas Young, Aron Farr, George Woodard, Eric Glines, 
and Rodney Badger were detached from the Pioneer party on the 
west bank of Green River, on July 4, to go back and meet the 
Second Company of the Mormon immigration. Just as they were 
setting out, 13 men of the Sick Detachment of the Mormon Bat- 
talion overtook the Pioneer party, and one of their number, Wil- 
liam Walker, turned back with the other five to meet his wife. 


Rodney Badger did not go as far as the Platte ferry, turning about 
instead to guide the Mississippi Saints and the Sick Detachment 
of the Battalion. Evidently John Cazier of the Battalion was 
furloughed to take his place. 

102. Harmon says under this date, "we prepaired to move 
our effects up the river to whare thare is better feed acording to 
Capt Grovers request Br Empy went up with 1 waggon at a 
time, Makees Co of 24 Wagons arived a bout noon & wanted 
some work done &z as the feed was poor they thought best to 
assist in moving the black Smith tools up whare we ware a going 
they acordingly done so Br devenport set up his tools a gain 
at our camping place 6 ms a bove & commenced work setting 
tyer &c I assisted him Br glines assisted a bout moveing Br 
Higbee is a gifting Somebetter Luke Johnson Stayed at the old 
camp to watch the things until to morow." 

From these remarks, the third location of the Mormon ferry 
was very near its original site, from ZVz to 4 miles above present 

103. Variously named McGee, Makee, and McKee by Empey 
and Harmon, the captain of this Oregon company was possibly 
Joel McKee, listed by Bancroft. 

104. Harmon gives a fuller account of the day's activities: 
"my Self & James Devenport went to work at the Black Smith 
shop Br Glines went below after some Coal & the ballance of 
the things that ware left there Br Empy & Higbee took care of 
the Buffalo meat & Cattle &c I would here mention that Br luke 
last night while watching our buffalo meat &c below was mutch 
troubled by the wolves & had ocation to fire on them he wounded 
one reloaded & fired again the the gun bursted, it burnt his face 
& arm & hand Considerable & Slightly wounded his hand & arm, 
a piece of the lock or Something alse passed through his hat with 
great violinc which closely graced his head." 

105. This day's journal entry terminates Appleton Harmon's 
record of the Mormon ferry: "worked at black smithing &c Capt 
McKees Co Stil remained here gifting work done near evening 
a young man by the name of Jacob Cooper was married to Kittean 
Huckelbee by ex Squire Tullis of said Company from the State 
of Indiana a Company of 14 men arived from oregon with 50 
pack horses & mules a going to the States a part of which came 
by way of fort Bridger & met our Company of Pioneers with in 
15 ms of that place 

Doct L Johnson Cook 

J. Devenport Black Smith 

A. M. Harmon BlackSmiths assistant 

Wm Empy & Erick glines Coliers 

John Higbee Herdsman, is the order of this day 

Quite a Shower Came up some vapers of clowds hung of between 

us & the Mountains" 

106. This company from Oregon seems to be that described 
in the St. Louis Missouri Republican, August 24, 1847: "On Satur- 
day evening, Captain T. G. Drake, of the British ship Modeste 
. . . and Mr. John G. Campbell, arrived in this city from Oregon. 
They left Oregon on the 6th of May, and travelled to Fort Hall 
in company with a brigade of the Hudson Bay Company. They 
left Fort Hall with only four men, but overtook another party of 
seven, and arrived in the settlements with a party of fourteen. 
. . . Between Fort Hall and Soda Spring, they were overtaken 
by a party of four men from California. This party left California 
on the 4th of June." 


Ralph Geer (op. cit., p. 35) gives the names of two others 
with Drake and Campbell, presumably the whole group which 
set out from Oregon together: "At the snow bank we met J. G. 
Campbell, of Oregon City, and Wm. and Samuel Campbell, who 
were going back east for their father and family." The Oregon 
Spectator of June 10 reported that Captain Drake and J. G. Camp- 
bell had reached Fort Wallawalla on May 23 and started forward 
early the next morning. Although Harmon's journal says this 
company had met the Mormon Pioneer party within 15 miles of 
Fort Bridger, singularly enough not one of the journals of the 
Pioneer party mentions such an encounter. 

107. Bancroft's list includes an Albert G., C, Eli, Henry W., 
and a Leander L. Davis. I cannot determine which if any might 
be "Captain Davis." A more likely choice may be D. D. Davis, 
from Green Bay, Lee County, Iowa. The Oregon Historical So- 
ciety has a letter from James N. to Daniel Harty, dated "Piatt 
River, June 29th 1847," which alludes to the election of Davis as 
Captain of Harty's company. At the time, there were apparently 47 
wagons and 75 men in the company. The Oregon Spectator, Novem- 
ber 25, 1847, indicates that 11 wagons under a Captain Davis took the 
Applegate Cutoff. See also Note 89. 

108. This company from Oregon may, from the language 
used, have been constituted from two or more smaller groups. 
From the reference to the Mormon Pioneers at Fort Bridger, one 
of their number was Colonel William Finley, who had gone out 
to Oregon in 1845, for in a letter Brigham Young wrote Amasa 
Lyman from the fort on July 8, a letter now in the Church 
archives, he commented, "Col. Findley left here this morning for 
the states, direct from Oregon, doubtless you will see him." There 
is frequent mention of Finley's intended departure east in the 
Oregon Spectator, and in the diary of George Gary at Oregon 
City (see Oregon Historical Quarterly, December, 1923, vol. XXIV, 
pp. 398-401). The Spectator, of June 10 reported that Finley's 
party had reached The Dalles on May 30 and left next day. How 
it happened that only one or two of this group went by way of 
Fort Bridger is not clear. Perhaps some of Finley's original group 
were among those who arrived at St. Joseph with Drake and 

Loren Hastings, who had met this party 5 days earlier on the 
Sweetwater, commented, "In the company was a man and his 
wife and family. They were going back to Adams County, Illi- 
nois. The woman rode with one foot on the one side of her pony 
and the other foot on the other side. This is the greatest curiosity 
I have seen yet, it knocks everything else into the shade." Per- 
haps this is the same family Ralph Geer tells of (op. cit., pp. 35, 
36), though Geer recalled the man as being from Missouri: "At 
the last crossing of Sweetwater, we met a man by the name of 
Grant, with his whole family on his way back to Missouri. When 
asked what his objections to Oregon were, he said: 'In the first 
place they have no bees there; and in the second place, they can't 
raise corn, and whar they can't raise corn they can't raise hogs, 
and whar they can't raise hogs they can't have bacon, and I'm 
going back to old Missouri whar I can have corn bread, bacon 
and honey.' " 

109. When Nathaniel V. Jones, with Kearny's escort, overtook 
this company at Wolf River on August 19, almost a month later, 
he observed that among them "was a missionary by the name of 
Little- John." ("The Journal of Nathaniel V. Jones," Utah His- 
torical Quarterly, January, 1931, vol. IV, p. 23) P. B. Littlejohn 


had gone to Oregon with his wife in 1840 as an independent Pres- 
byterian missionary, and during the seven years he was there, 
appears frequently in the correspondence of Narcissa Whitman. 
In one of her last letters, under date of August 23, 1847, she com- 
mented, "Mr. Littlejohn and family have gone home to the States; 
they started this spring. . . . [Mrs. Littlejohn] was Adeline 
Saddler. . . . She was very unwilling to leave the country, but 
her husband has become such an hypochondiac that there was no 
living with him in peace. He wanted to kill himself last winter. 
It is well for him that he has gone to the States, where he can 
be taken care of." (Transactions of the Twenty-First Annual Re- 
union of the Oregon Pioneer Association for 1893 [Portland, 1894], 
p. 213) George H. Gary's diary (op. cit., p. 399), on May 6 noted 
that the Littlejohns with their 2 children were leaving. Loren. 
Hastings wrote concerning him on July 18, "Met another return- 
ing company from Oregon. In the company was a missionary 
who had been in Oregon seven years and his family with him. 
His ladies rode like the ladies we met yesterday (that is, astride). 
A little child not old enough to talk was lashed on to a pony 
and they drove the pony before them." 

110. Although Davenport left with this party evidently on 
the understanding he would serve them as a guide to Winter 
Quarters, the company kept to the route south of the Platte, and 
when overtaken by Kearny, as seen in the previous note; had 
nearly reach St. Joseph. Jones noted the presence of Davenport 
with this group. Notwithstanding his falling out with his brethren, 
Davenport maintained his fellowship with the Saints, migrating 
to Utah in 1848 and living there until his death at Richmond 
about 1885. 

111. Captain Frederick remains unidentified. 

112. Captain Smith was Cornelius Smith, as identified by 
the disappointingly laconic journal of a member of his party, Mrs. 
Elizabeth Dixon Smith, later Mrs. Geer, published in Transactions 
of the 35th Annual Reunion of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1907 
(Portland, 1908). Although her company crossed the Platte on 
either July 22 or 23, in her diary she merely notes that they trav- 
eled 15 miles on the one day, and 16 on the second. She herself 
was from LaPorte, Ind. It is not clear whether Cornelius Smith 
was her husband. 

113. One of the unsolved, and perhaps insoluble mysteries 
of Western history is how many Mormons went West before the 
organized Church immigration to Utah began. C. G. Coutant, 
History of Wyoming, (Laramie, 1899), p. 341, relates a purported 
reconnaissance of the Great Salt Lake country by Mormons in 
1846, but his source has been printed in Annals of Wyoming, 
July-October, 1929, vol. VI, p. 240, and this is just the maundering 
of an old mountain man. Nevertheless, it seems certain that Mor- 
mons passed through Salt Lake Valley in 1846 as members of the 
Harlan-Young and Donner-Reed parties. There are fugitive glimpses 
of some others in California in 1846-47. Several dozen of the 
Saints, in all, may have anticipated Brigham Young in coming west. 

114. These 4 men had come east from California with Miles 
Goodyear the red-headed mountain man who built the first home 
on the site of Ogden. They met the Mormons at Bear River, some 
6 miles southeast of present Evanston, on July 10. Learning that 
the Oregon immigration was earlier than usual, Goodyear and his 
two Indian helpers separated from the others, going on down 
Bear River to intersect the immigration where it came down 


Bridgers Creek to the Bear Valley. The four who continued on 
east were a Mr. Craig of Ray County, Missouri, a Mr. Truete of 
Shelby County, Illinois, and two others, names not given. Craig 
was the John Craig who with Larkin Stanley got the first immi- 
grant wagons to California in 1846 (see Edwin Bryant, What I 
Saw in California, New York, 1848, pp. 210, 373; and Maude A. 
Rucker, The Oregon Trail and Some of Its Blazers, New York, 
1930, p. 240). Craig and Stanley joined Fremont's California 
Battalion, but Stanley died of typhoid on the march south. Next 
spring, in the California Star, April 3, 1847, Craig announced his 
intention of going east, and the New Helvetia Diary on May 22 
notes his departure. The records do not disclose who his com- 
panions were, except that the "Mr. Truete" remarked on by Albert 
Carrington may have been Samuel Truitt. 

115. Sarah Hunt Steeves, op. cit., p. 143, writes concerning 
Wiley Chapman, "Born in Tennessee, he married a young girl of 
the same place. . . . They then moved to Pike county, Illinois. . . . 
Illinois was only the frontier at that time, and they had not much 
to leave behind, so these young folk decided to cast their lot with 
an immigrant train of about 40 wagons, made up of Isaac Baker, 
the Canfields, Robinsons, Wrights, Matlocks, Truesdales, Saunders 
and others. . . . The train was known as the Oscaloosa, Iowa, 
train. . . ." Chapman was chosen captain. See also Fred Lockley, 
"Reminiscences of James E. R. Harrell," Oregon Historical Quar- 
terly, June, 1923, vol. XXIV, pp. 186-192. 

116. Possibly Robert or W. D. Canfield. 

117. Casper Creek. See Note 123. 

118. John Binley, one of the 15 members of the Mormon 
Battalion included in Kearny's escort. The discharge given him 
next day was granted, Nathaniel Jones remarks, because he was 

119. General Stephen W. Kearny had left Sutter's June 16. 
There were 64 in the party, increased to 66 on June 17 when Edwin 
Bryant and his servant joined the company. Their guide, accord- 
ing to the official report of the march written by Kearny's aide. 
Captain Henry A. Turner, was a Mr. Murphy. They picked up 
Black Harris in the Bear River Valley apparently on July 19. They 
reached Fort Leavenworth August 22. Under date of July 28, 
leaving the Sweetwater, Turner writes in the report, "Met the 
rear-most party of emigrants; who seemed to despair of getting 
farther than Fort Hall this Season — Cool. With very few excep- 
tions the entire emigration this year is to Oregon: a few families 
were destined to California; a good deal of pains having been taken 
to obtain correct information, the following statistical list is the 
result & may be relied on: 1336 Men — 789 women — 1384 both 
sexes under 16 years of age — 929 Horses & Mules — 7946 Cattle — 
469 Sheep — 941 Wagons." (Journal of Gen. Kearny's Return from 
California in 1847, Records of Adjutant General, War Department, 
National Archives, filemark 249 Kearny Sept: 30/47.) Notwith- 
standing Turner's pains with his statistical table, it was defective 
to the extent that it could not have included those who were late 
on the road and took the branch of the trail via Fort Bridger, 
Kearny having taken the Greenwood or Sublette Cutoff. 

120. Under technical arrest, Fremont was proceeding east for 
the famous court martial that grew out of his conflict with Kearny. 
He had asked permission to be relieved from all connection with 
his topographical party of 19 men, and allowed to return to the 
States with a small party made up by his private means, but in 


a letter of June 14, 1847, dated "Camp near New Helvetia, Calif.," 
Kearny brusquely refused. (Kearny Letterbook, 1846-47, pp. 164, 
165, MS. in Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis.) Seemingly, 
Fremont crossed the Platte above the old ford which was near 
the Red Buttes. 

121. Nathaniel V. Jones's journal gives a graphic picture of 
conditions at the Donner camp in the Sierras when Kearny's force 
marched past. Empey declares that a member of the Donner 
party was actually in Kearny's escort. It is difficult to say who 
this might have been. Though the guide was a Mr. Murphy, and 
though Murphy is a famous name in the annals of the Donner 
party, the sons of the widowed Lavinia Murphy were only in their 
early teens in 1847. 

122. The brethren at the ferry still had a long and lonesome 
wait ahead of them. It was not until August 18 that the Second 
Company reached the Platte ferry. See the journal of Jesse W. 
Crosby in Annals of Wyoming, July, 1939, vol. XI, p. 178. 

123. This explanation of the derivation of the name "Cannon 
Creek," as applied to present Casper Creek, is the last entry in 
the diary. The allusion is evidently to Kearny's dragoon expedi- 
tion to South Pass in 1845. Two howitzers were taken along, but 
none of the journals or reports mention caching one of them. 

Jort Caramie 

Two hundred years ago this was 

La-no-wa, Land of Paradise, 

Land of the grass-clothed plains and blue, ^ 

Majestic mountains capped with icq. 

Here Indians, camping by the bend 

Of the river, dried their buffalo meat, 

And in the smoke of camp fires danced 

To the boom, ta ta boom of the tom-tom beat. 

Then to this Red Man's paradise 

Came change, as bearded men explored 

The streams or climbed the mountain heights, 

Blazed trails and marked the river ford. 

Sometimes with Indians they smoked 

A pipe of peace and promised wealth 

In stocks of glittering ornaments. 

Their frauds provoked the native stealth. 

Here La Ramee explored and trapped, 

And, massacred, he left his name 

To dot Wyoming's map. And here 

The long, grass-covered mounds acclaim 

The last of those first buildings made 

In this vast wilderness, where trade 

And treaty with the Indians 

Brought need for force and armed brigade. 


In eighteen forty-nine The Stars 

And Stripes were raised above a fort, 

That stood where rivers blend and flow 

Together; in seas of grass a port 

Half way to California 

And Oregon where tired and worn, 

The weary caravans could rest. 

And resting find their dreams reborn. 

To eastward lay the dusty miles, 
The heat and hunger, broken wheels. 
The stone-marked graves along the trail; 
The disappointments life reveals. 
To westward rose the dim blue peak 
Of Laramie, lone mountain scout. 
That promised them the gold they sought. 
And freedom for the more devout. 

The plodding caravans are gone. 
In rocks their tracks may still be seen. 
Some of the palisade's old walls 
Still stand, although they seem to lean 
And crumble with a century's weight. 
Bare rivers now are edged with trees. 
While homes surround an ancient fort 
Immortalized with memories. 

Mae Urbanek 

Lusk, Wyoming 
July, 1949 

Mist otic ?ort Caramk. Zke Mub of Sarly 
Western Mistory — 18S4-1849 


The history of the early West Hves again in the fascinat- 
ing story of that historic landmark, Old Fort Laramie! Its 
founding came at an important moment in history, when 
the great drama of western colonization was getting under 
way with a mighty, surging wave of humanity coming from 
the east to the west, home-hungry, land-hungry, liberty- 
hungry. The ox-drawn covered wagon, symbol of these 
pioneers, would pass in review before this wilderness out- 
post, a pivotal point that served first as a central trading 
post, the capitol of this early western empire, and later as 
a military garrison on the old Oregon Trail. Under the 
Stars and Stripes, the fort administered authority over an 
area with a radius of many hundreds of miles, its period 
of usefulness ending only with the passing of the western 


Genius and geography entered into the choosing of this 
strategic spot for the location of a fort. In eastern Wyo- 
ming the waters of the tranquil North Platte and Laramie 
Rivers unite. Here in this borderland region between 
mountain and plain, a network of western trails would 
converge and like the spokes from the hub of a great wheel, 
radiate again onto the high plateaus and beyond the shining 
mountains of the great west. 

Nourished in the bottomlands of the Laramie grew 
luxuriant, natural grasses. Along the stream's margin were 
thick growths of cottonwood, boxelder, ash and willow. 
The broken expanses of prairie uplands surrounding this 
spot were carpeted with thick tufted buffalo grass, while 
here and there grew hedges of wild roses interspersed with 
waving fields of blue and white daisies. It was an inviting 
domain for the large herds of buffalo, deer and antelope 
that came to feast upon the lush vegetation. The Redmen, 
always alert to the hunt, swarmed along intersecting trails 
which led to this hunter's paradise. 

For many years the white man had frequented this 
western wilderness, traversed the rivers which interlaced 
its forests, and conquered those rugged barriers, the Rocky 


Mountains, by finding a delightful pass that led to the 
shores of the Pacific. 


The early trappers and traders were the men who com- 
posed the vanguard in the movement to the west. Seasoned 
to hardship, they cared little for wind or weather, nor were 
they apprehensive of the dangers that lay in wait to destroy 
them. The toils and perils of the period receded into unim- 
portance matched with the fascinating pursuit of skins. One 
cannot disparage the tenacity of purpose and the hardiness 
which carried the traders and trappers through this inhos- 
pitable period of the west. 

In the early days of Western America the wealth of 
the wilderness was reckoned in the furs of wild animals, 
of which the beaver was chief. It has been said by writers 
that the history of the west could be written on a beaver 
skin. The direct results of the Lewis and Clark expedition, 
which told of rich fur-bearing streams, first stirred the 
youth of America and other countries to action. From 
France, England and Spain, as well as the United States, 
they came. If it were adventure which these frontiersmen 
were seeking, the wilderness could provide enough to sat- 
isfy the most daring, and as the Seven Cities of Cibola lured 
Coronado, so the elusive "pot of gold" in the fur country 
called the trapper, acting as a driving force that sent him 
to hunt for a fortune in the wilderness. 

The French were among the first to frequent these 
western wilds, to navigate the streams and to explore the 
mountains and forests. They joined Indian tribes, married 
the dark maidens of the forest, and adopted Indian dress 
and customs. The names of many of these rugged fron- 
tiersmen appear in the pages of Fort Laramie history. 

A hardy French Canadian, Jacques la Ramie, entered 
Wyoming Territory in the early 1820's. As a free and rest- 
less trapper of the period, he sought his fortune in the 
streams of the West. While thus engaged, he met death at 
the hands of an Arapahoe band. His arrow-pierced body 
was found in a lonely cabin he had built beside a small 
stream that later bore his name. Many other landmarks 
were to be christened in honor of this romantic character, 
chief of which was old Fort Laramie, watchful defender 
and guardian of the frontier for more than half a century. 

The fur trade had written a thrilling chapter in western 
history. In this virgin land of yesterday many intrepid fur 
traders and trappers of note had come and gone leaving the 


streams depleted by their rich catches of beaver, otter, mink, 
and fox. The buffalo, the monarch of the plains, however, 
still roamed in countless numbers over the grass-mantled 
prairies. Bryant wrote of him: 
"Twice twenty leagues 
Beyond remotest smoke of hunter's camp. 
Roams the majestic brute, in herds that shake 
The earth with thundering steps."^ 

Alert frontiersmen saw in those vast herds a fortune in 
buffalo hides, and plans were made for an established 
trading post to handle the traffic in this free commodity of 
the western prairies. 

At this period in our story, two buckskin-clad pioneers 
enter the scene. Their names were already familiar to west- 
ern lore. One of them was William Sublette, a native of 
Kentucky and one of a family of five brothers, all of whom 
had tasted the fortunes of the West. William, however, 
was to become the most famous. Gifted with an astute 
mind and the qualities of leadership, he was quick to note 
that a transition period had reached the West. Fashion 
had decreed the end of the beaver hat and with it would go 
the companies of trappers and that colorful western show, 
the annual rendezvous. In the new era a storage place for 
the bulky buffalo hides would be the first requirement. 


Robert Campbell, a man of Irish descent and one who 
had come west with William H. Ashley in 1824, became 
Sublette's partner and together they founded the first fort 
on the Laramie in June 1834. It was christened Fort Wil- 
liam in honor of Mr. Sublette. 

The post was rectangular in shape and constructed of 
hewn Cottonwood logs, to a height of about fifteen feet. A 
large gate midway in the wall gave entrance. A smaller 
gate on the opposite side provided a private entrance. Bas- 
tions were set at diagonal corners and provided with loop- 
holes for defense. Inside the rectangle, rooms were built 
against the walls with windows and doors opening into the 
enclosure. These rooms were used for storage and living 
quarters. On one side was a corral for horses and mules. 
The main court was clear. C. G. Coutant, early historian of 
Wyoming who interviewed many old trappers, gives the 
following details: 

"The force was completely organized. A detach- 
ment was sent to the woods for timber, and a band 


of hunters supplied buffalo, elk, deer, and mountain 
sheep. By the time winter approached, there was 
an abundant larder and plenty of fuel had been gath- 
ered to keep up cheerful fires during the long winter 

No sooner had the walls of the fort begun to rise than the 
pageani of western history began to pass before this lonely 


Up to this period, missionaries among the Indian tribes 
were practically unknown. It was startling when four chiefs 
of the northwest tribes came to St. Louis in 1832 and in- 
quired about the "White Man's Book of Heaven," asking 
that it be sent to them. The request was widely circulated 
in the press and instantly caught the imagination of readers, 
stimulating Christian men and women to answer the de- 
mands of and to administer to the Indians. Among the 
first to enter the field were Jason and Daniel Lee and 
Samuel Parker. The missionaries to the West became a 
part of the westwardly moving caravan as they labored 
over sunny knolls and along the winding course of the 
Platte. Valiant men and women were these missionaries 
in the wilderness who performed their chosen vocation at 
great sacrifice, even at the loss of their lives. 

Among the outstanding pioneers in the field were Dr. 
and Mrs. Marcus Whitman and Reverend and Mrs. Henry 
Spalding, notable because Narcissa Whitman and Eliza 
Spalding were the first white women to cross Wyoming and 
the Rocky Mountains. This party joined a caravan of 
traders at Loup Fork who were being led by that veteran 
trapper and guide, Thomas Fitzpatrick. The party reached 
Fort William (Laramie) in June 1836. Here they were 
greeted by a motley group characteristic of the fort, trap- 
pers, traders, their Indian wives and many children. The 
fort, erected on rising ground, lay silhouetted against the 
western sky and presented a welcome sight to weary trav- 
elers. In the course of hundreds of miles from the Missouri 
frontier it was the first building, the first touch of home. 
Within its protecting walls they might sleep at night. There 
would be tables and chairs, yes, even chairs on which to sit. 

Sunday morning, June 17, 1836 dawned warm, tranquil 
and bright. Reverend Spalding was asked to address a 
large group which had assembled in the shade of the trees 
at the Fort. His audience gave rapt attention to his topic, 
"The Prodigal Son."-^ Many other missionaries were to 
pioneer in this western field, chief among them being 


Father Pierre Jean De Smet who labored diUgently and 
zealously among the various Indian tribes. Thus was 
launched the missionary movement, and the trading post on 
the Laramie witnessed its inception as these true Christians 
passed through on their way west. 

In the meantime, the fort had passed into other hands. 
About a year after its construction, the property was sold 
to Thomas (Brokenhand) Fitzpatrick, Milton Sublette and 
James Bridger, who in turn, sold it to the American Fur 
Company which was directed by that great financial genius 
and greatest of all American fur merchants, John Jacob 
Astor.^i Under this new ownership it was rebuilt and en- 
larged at a cost of $10,000. Adobe (sun dried bricks) re- 
placed the Cottonwood logs. The walls were about four 
feet thick, whitewashed and picketed. Over the entrance 
was a tower provided with loop holes as were the bastions 
that stood diagonally at the corners. The sturdy, new post, 
rechristened "Fort John" after John B. Sarpy, official of 
the American Fur Company, was still not permanently 
named. Mail addressed to "Fort John on the Laramie," 
or to the "Fort on the Laramie," soon brought into usage 
the title it bore for some fifty years. Fort Laramie. 

The fort had become the fur capitol of the Rocky Moun- 
tain area. A contributing factor in the attainment of this 
position was the appearance of the Sioux tribe in that por- 
tion of the country. "The iVmerican Fur Company, in 1832, 
in order to extend their business and make it as profitable 
as possible decided to organize the Indians to work for furs 
and chose the fort for a central post. Accordingly, they 
sent Keplin and Sabille to Bear Butte and the Black Hills 
of Dakota to persuade the Sioux Indians to come over and 
hunt their game and live in the vicinity of the Fort. The 
ambassadors returned with one hundred lodges of the Ogal- 
lala Sioux under the Chief, Bull Bear. This was the first 
appearance of the Sioux nation in that portion of the coun- 
try. These Indians were well impressed with the hunting 
ground and sent back for more of their tribe. After be- 
coming established near Fort Laramie they expanded north- 
west into that fertile hunting ground in Northern Wyoming 
and into the Big Horn basin. They soon overran the coun- 
try and drove away the Cheyennes, Pawnees and Crows 
and later were the most hostile Indians with whom the 
soldiers had to deal."^ 

It has been established that $75,000 worth of buffalo 
robes were shipped from Fort Laramie at one time. These, 
together with small bales of beaver pelts, found passage 
down the Platte when the stream was navigable, but usually 


the furs were shipped by wagon train to the fur emporium 
of the West, St. Louis. 

Historians have said that in character, volume and rate 
of progress, the westward movement in America is not 
paralleled elsewhere in the history of the world. Conquer- 
ing hordes have swept over many lands, but nowhere has 
so large a section been settled in so short a time. It was a 
period of "Go v/est, young man." Stories of fertile acres 
ready to be reclaimed and made productive, of forested 
coastal valleys, of a delightful climate, were told around 
the hearthstones at night and plans laid for a journey west 
in the spring. These anecdotes sent thousands of emigrants 
to the fertile valleys of Oregon, the golden shores of Cali- 
fornia and the desert stretches of Utah. 

In May 1841, a small band of home-seekers and mission- 
aries left the Missouri frontier and entered upon the dim 
trail toward the setting sun. This road was fast becoming a 
national highway, one that history would recall as the Old 
Oregon Trail. Road of destiny? Yes. And the people who 
trod it were people of destiny. The Oregon Trail held a 
unique place in the story of westward expansion. It was 
the longest trail in history.^ Along its route were great 
natural barriers. The trail wound through arid wastes, 
deep rivers blocked its course and snowcapped mountains 
rose like giants in its path. Despite these difficulties, it 
became a highway thronged with eager, adventurous spirits, 
a pathway of romance, daring, courage, human misery and 
death. The deep imprints in the rock, sandstone, and sod 
along the course of the trail, made by the thousands of 
covered wagons as they rolled westward, will preserve this 
pathway forever as a symbol of heroism, patriotism and 
courage of a pioneer era. 

The year 1843 brought a migration of 1000 souls to the 
Oregon country. Fort Laramie stood beside the Oregon 
Trail and always entered into the plans for a journey to 
the West. At the fort, repairs could be made on the wagons, 
and fresh oxen obtained for the journey ahead. In the 1843 
migration were health seekers, hunting parties of which 
Sir William Drummond Stewart was a member, and ex- 
plorers led by John C. Fremont, known to history as the 
"pathfinder." In one group was the famous artist, Alfred 
J. Miller, who had made some very worthy sketches of Fort 
Laramie as early as 1837. 

During the "fabulous forties" the caravans increased. 
Horace Greeley wrote: 

". . . the white covering of the many emigrant and 

transport wagons dotted the landscape giving the 


trail the appearance of a river running through 
great meadows with many ships sailing on its 

The creaking and grinding of wagon wheels, the report 
of rifle shots as game were slaughtered for food and 
sport, made strange and foreboding music to the Redman 
as he surveyed grimly the invasion of his domain. The 
Indian had given little trouble up to that period, but echoes 
of a growing resentment were heard at Fort Laramie. 


The first movement of United States troops over the 
Oregon Trail occurred in 1845 when Colonel Stephen W. 
Kearny and his five companies of dragoons came to Fort 
Laramie. Ideal camping grounds were found three miles 
west of the post. About 2000 of the Sioux tribe had pitched 
their lodges near by. The situation was ideal for impressing 
upon the Indians the fact that they must submit to the 
"long knives" invasion of their ancestral lands. To accom- 
plish this mission, the chiefs were visited, the peace pipes 
smoked, and presents distributed. The pledge of peace 
was conducive to optimistic expectations of amicable rela- 
tions with the Redman. 


In February 1846, out of the little city of Nauvoo, Illi- 
nois, began a migration of people who were to write a most 
remarkable chapter in western colonization. It was not a 
matter of waiting until the grass was green on the prairies 
or the warmth of spring arrived. The Mormons were liter- 
ally forced from the frontiers of civilization because of their 
religious beliefs. So rigid was the weather that February 
day in '46, that these exiles crossed the Mississippi river on 
ice and entered onto the wind-swept prairies of Iowa. Fam- 
ilies huddled together in tents and covered wagons to es- 
cape the driving sleet and rain, but despite the hardships, 
they moved gallantly forward. 

These folk were unlike those who had trekked west 
before them. They cared not for the lure of exploring the 
wilds or a fortune in furs or gold. Bound together by a 
religious ideal, they sought a refuge where they might 
worship God in peace. 

In the fall of 1846, under the leadership of Brigham 
Young, the Mormons founded a city of the plains near the 


present site of Omaha, Nebraska and named it Winter Quar- 
ters. In hastily built sod and log houses, some 15,000 people 
spent the winter of 1846-1847. Their sufferings were in- 
tense. The long march, exposure, and lack of food caused 
many deaths. On a green hillside near the camp, 600 new 
graves were made. 

In early April, 1847, Brigham Young, together with 
142 men, left for the Rocky Mountains to locate a place 
suitable for settlement. Their route lay along the north 
bank of the Platte River until Fort Laramie was reached 
on June 1, 1847. Here wagons were ferried across the 
stream and camp made at the fort for three days. James 
Bordeaux, superintendent of the post, commented upon the 
manly decorum of the band. They would go nowhere with- 
out permission. Their portable blacksmith shop was set 
up and wagons repaired.^' Orson Pratt, scientist of the 
party, took the measurements of Fort Laramie. In his 
journal entry for June 1, 1847, he records the measurements 
of the exterior of the fort as being 168 feet by 116 feet. 
Inside were eighteen rooms occupied by the men and their 
families. Mr. Pratt also estimated the latitude and longi- 
tude of its location and the height of Laramie Peak about 
forty miles to the west. Dr. Luke Johnson attended some 
who were sick at the fort and was repaid by the exchange 
of moccasins and skins. 

The Mormon Vanguard Company obtained the use of a 
flat boat from the agents of the American Fur Company 
for the sum of $18 and on June 2, for two days thereafter, 
they ferried their 73 wagons across the Laramie, in readi- 
ness for the journey ahead. Up to the advent of the rail- 
road in 1869, more than 80,000 Mormon pioneers had trekked 
past this wilderness outpost. It was used as an important 
half-wav station between Winter Quarters and Salt Lake 

During the years of heavy emigration to the West a 
register was kept at Fort Laramie, and the train captains 
were asked to enter the names of all adult members of 
their parties. Many prominent people were listed during 
the year 1846, among them being W. H. Russell of freighting 
fame and later father of the Pony Express; ex-Governor 
L. W. Boggs and family from Missouri enroute to California; 
Edwin Bryant, the journalist; and Francis Parkman, the 
Bostonian, who gave to us one of our finest works on the 
Oregon Trail. ^ This was the year also of the ill-fated Don- 
ner-Reed party who, too long delayed, were caught in the 
heavy snows of the high Sierra range. Of the 81 in that 
party only 45 survived that dreadful winter. 



An event occurred in Sacramento Valley, California, 
in 1848 that echoed around the world. A Swiss adventurer, 
John August Sutter, had secured a large tract of land in 
that region and erected a fort upon it called New Helvetia. 
A sawmill was needed to supply timber for the project and 
James W. Marshall, one of the workmen at Njew Helvetia, 
set about building one. In an effort to deepen* the tail-race 
to the mill, he flooded it with water each night: The morn- 
ing of January 24, 1848, he stepped down into tt^e ditch to 
see what progress had been made when he ndlljiced some 
bright, shiny nuggets lying on the bed-rock. It proved to 
be gold. Gold discovered on the American River in Cali- 

People from every land and clime came to California 
in search of the metal. It was reported that between De- 
cember 1848 and the end of January 1849, sixty-one vessels 
carrying passengers from all over the world set sail from 
Atlantic ports. The largest number of people, however, 
were to come by land. It was easier to trade for wagons, 
acquire teams and food supplies than to get the required 
money for ocean passage. Many routes west were followed, 
but the greatest movement was along the Oregon-California 
Trail, up the Platte, past Fort Laramie, and over South 
Pass to Fort Bridger. Here the emigrants had the choice 
of two roads, one the Mormon Trail to Salt Lake City thence 
to the Sacramento Valley. The other road led to Fort Hall 
enroute to the coast. Stories of the fabulous gold finds in 
California led one man to say: "I believe I'll go. I know 
most of this talk is widely exaggerated but I'm sensible 
enough to discount it and disbelieve absurd stories. If I 
don't pick up more than a hatful of gold a day I'll be satis- 
fied." During the early part of 1849, George A. Smith, a 
Mormon missionary writing from Iowa said that 12,000 
wagons had crossed the Missouri River below Council Bluffs 
and that 40,000 men were on their way to the gold fields. 

Added to the ordinary hazards of the journey, the '49ers 
suffered from an outbreak of cholera that became the scourge 
of the trail. Many fresh graves soon dotted the prairie and 
the camping places. It was a year of heartbreak for hun- 
dreds of emigrants; in fact, the Oregon Trail has been 
called one of the greatest cemeteries of the West.'^ Those 
who escaped the misfortunes of the journey pushed on with 
all haste in their eagerness to arrive at the gold fields. 
They abandoned all expendible furniture, food, and imple- 
ments of all kinds. The carcasses of dead animals, broken- 


down wagons and carts bespoke the haste and distress of 
the gold-seekers. 

The surging waves of gold-hungry people in 1849 taxed 
to the limit the resources of the fort. It also brought again 
into the limelight the urgent need for military posts along 
the route of the Oregon Trail. For many years this matter 
had been vigorously urged. Thomas Fitzpatrick, Indian 
agent for the Plains Tribes, counseled such action with the 
congressmen in Washington. John C. Fremont, in 1842, 
had made a plea for the establishment of military posts as 
a means of protection to the emigrants. Senator Benton, 
fiery representative from Missouri and chairman of the 
Military Affairs Committee, exerted his influence in sup- 
port of the measure. Francis Parkman, who had been in 
the region of Fort Laramie, noted the insolent attitude of 
the Indians and warned of trouble ahead. Consequently, 
in May 1846, a law was enacted providing for military forts 
in the West. At this time war clouds were hanging heavy 
over the country and a call to arms had been sounded to 
settle the difficulties with Mexico, hence action on the 
matter was delayed. In 1849, however, with the rush of 
the gold-seekers to California, immediate action came from 
the Army. 

The strategic location of Fort Laramie made it ideal 
for a military garrison. There was an abundance of build- 
ing material available within a short distance. From the 
Laramie River a constant supply of good water was assured. 
Lush grasses grew in the valley of the Laramie, and plenty 
of fuel for warmth could be secured with little effort. Then 
too, the post was already regarded as important because it 
was located in the midst of several powerful tribes of 
Indians, the principals of which, the Sioux and the Crows, 
had never been friendly to the whites. Consequently, 
on June 16, 1849, Major Winslow F. Sanderson of the United 
States Army, together with four other officers and fifty- 
eight men, arrived at the fort. Lieutenant Daniel P. Wood- 
berry of the Engineer Corps was authorized to purchase 
the adobe structure from Mr. Bruce Husband, the pro- 
prietor, for $4,000. Additional troops soon arrived, fol- 
lowed by a supply train of 400 wagons out of Fort Leaven- 

In the meantime Congress had appropriated $18,000 
with which to begin construction on much needed build- 
ings. The area about the fort became a hive of industry. 
The sound of the hammer, saw and ax amid the shouts of 
busy men, echoed in the near by hills. By winter the troops 
were comfortably housed in their new quarters. 


Thus the flag of the United States was unfurled five- 
hundred miles from the frontiers of civilization, and Fort 
Laramie, ushered into her new role as the outstretched hand 
of the government, was to see her greatest period of service 
on the frontier of the Great West. 


1. Francis Parkman. California and Oregon Trail. (New 
York, n.d.) p. 58. 

2. C. G. Coutant. History of Wyoming. (Laramie. Wyoming, 
1899) Vol. 1, p. 300. 

3. LeRoy R. Hafen. Fort Laramie, and the Pageant of the 
West, 1834-1890. (California, 1938) p. 42. 

4. Clyde Meehan Owens, "The Fur Traders," State of Wyo- 
ming Historical Department Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. 2 (January 
15, 1925), p. 44; W. H. Powell, "Fort Laramie," Collections of the 
Wyoming Historical Society, (Cheyenne, Wyoming, 1897) Vol. 1, 
p. 177. 

5. Grace Raymond Hebard. The Pathhreakcrs from, River 
to Ocean . . . (California, 1940) p. 122. Comparing the Oregon 
Trail with the Santa Fe Trail, Dr. Hebard declared that the Ore- 
gon Trail, two thousand twenty miles long, "was very much the 
longer and more difficult, but it was proportionately more useful 
in the development of the far West." 

6. B. H. Roberts. Comprehensive History of the Church of 
Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. (Salt Lake City, Utah, 1936), 
Vol. 3, p. 192. 

7. Hafen, op. cit, p. 120. 

8. Alexander Majors. Seventy Years on the Frontier. (Den- 
ver, 1893) p. 259. 

Mistory of Mbany County to 1880 


With the purchase of Louisiana in 1803, the area which 
is now known as Albany County, Wyoming, passed from the 
hands of the French into the possession of the United States. 
Although this portion of the Great American Desert was 
but little known, the French had apparently gained some 
idea of the terrain. At least it has been claimed that a 
Paris map of 1720, which showed the western regions, 
marked plainly the Laramie and Medicine Bow mountains 
and the Laramie Plains, though no details were given.^ 
C. G. Coutant devotes a chapter to possible Spanish entry 
into present Wyoming, but if the Spanish entered this 
region, they left no known records which would substan- 
tiate his story.- Nor did the nomadic Indian tribes which 
traversed the country leave many permanent marks on it. 

Southeastern Wyoming, in the later period, was the 
home of a branch of the Algonquian family of the American 
Indians, whose western division comprised three groups: 
the Blackfoot, the Cheyenne and the Arapaho.-^ Lewis 
and Clark found the Cheyenne, whose original habitat was 
in Minnesota, in the Black Hills region of present South 
Dakota. Pressure by the Sioux had driven them west,"* 
and by the middle of the century both the Sioux and 
Cheyenne were in the Laramie Plains region. 

The Indians were interested in this area for two reasons: 
from the "Good Medicine Bow" forest they obtained fine, 
straight poles for their teepees, and the Laramie Plains 
were a summer home of the buffalo.^ That the plains were 

1. Francis Birkhead Beard, 'Wyo-ming Frora Territorial Days 
to the Present, Vol. I (Chicago, 1933), p. 2. 

2. C. G. Coutant, History of Wyoming, Vol. I (Laramie, 1899), 
pp. 23-32. Breed disagrees with Coutant's theory and states that 
the Spanish advanced no farther than the forks of the Platte River 
in present Nebraska. He further contends that if Spanish trade 
goods were found in this territory they probably came here indi- 
rectly through a second trader, possibly the Blackfeet. Noel J. 
Breed, "Wyoming, 1873-1852, The Road to the West" (University 
of California, n.d.), pp. 1-5. 

3. Frederick Webb Hodge, Ed., Handbook of American In- 
dians, Vol. I (Washington, D. C, 1912), p. 39. 

4. Ihid., p. 251. 

5. Coutant Notes, Albany County file, Hebard Collection, lo- 
cated in the Archives and Historical Manuscripts Division of the 
University of Wyoming Library. 


also the natural home of an abundance of other wild life, 
even in a later period, is attested to by some of the geo- 
graphic designations which still remain: Antelope Creek, 
Badger Lake, Bear Lake and Bear Creek, Beaver Dam 
Creek, Blacktail Creek, Bluejay Mountain, Bobcat Creek, 
Bull Creek, Coyote Canyon, Deer Creek and Deer Canyon, 
Duck Creek, Elk Creek, Foxpark and Fox Creek, Grouse 
Creek, Jackrabbit Creek, Sheep Mountain, Wild Cat Can- 
yon and Silver Tip Creek.^ 

The Indians early in the nineteenth century began to 
have white visitors who came among them to remain and 
to trap the beaver. In Europe the beaver hat had become 
popular, and as the demand for beaver pelts grew, so 
Europe's demand began to change and to tame the West. 
Inroads were made upon the habitats of the Indians, who 
began early to feel the impact of Western civilization and 
to attempt to stem the tide. 

The Laramie Plains and bordering mountains were not 
on the main line of travel. From the south it was easier 
to stay to the east of the Laramie Mountains, and the plains 
were not safe as, according to C. G. Coutant, this area was 
the battleground between the northern and southern tribes 
of Indians." However, trappers did come into the area, 
either through the easy access from the north or because 
a path through the mountain heights shortened the length 
of the journey to their advantage. 

According to Coutant the first white men to enter the 
area were Ezekiel Williams and his eight companions about 
1807 or 1808. His story relates that Williams and his party 
had traveled to the headwaters of the Yellowstone River 
and its tributaries, where they successfully trapped for a 
time. But the Blackfeet, traditional enemies of the whites, 
drove them south. In the first battle against the Indians 
five of the party were killed, and in succeeding encounters 
with other tribes in their retreat, eight more lost their 
lives. It is possible that in making their way to safety 
the remainder of the group entered this region, crossed the 
range to the south, and went into present Colorado.^ 

Breed, however, discredits this story. He states that 
Williams was merely one of Manuel Lisa's trappers who 

6. Raymond C. Emery, "A Dictionary of .A.lbany County 
Place-Names" (Thesis submitted to the Department of EngHsh and 
Committee on Graduate Study at the University of Wyoming, 
1940), pp. 97-98. 

7. C. G. Coutant, op. cit., p. 298. 

8. Ihid., pp. 70-73. Much of this story is based upon the book 
The Lost Trappers by D. H. Coyner (Cincinnati, 1859). Breed 
calls the whole thing a "newspaper story" by "a journalist writing 
western tales for a Virginia newspaper." Breed, op. cit., p. 69. 


was on a trading expedition with the Arapaho. According 
to his findings the party in which Wilhams was a member 
went south from Fort Manuel in 1810 or 1811 and followed 
the North Platte to its source in North Park.'' If this is 
true, Williams probably did not enter present Albany 

The legendary figure of Jacques la Ramie^*^ was pos- 
sibly the next trapper to enter the area. According to John 
Hunton, a pioneer of the Fort Laramie region who knew 
Jim Briager and claimed to have heard the story directly 
from him, la Ramie came to that country at the head of a 
number of independent trappers about 1817. These men 
trapped along the Platte River and north, Jim Bridger 
being with them. In 1820 la Ramie went up the Laramie 
River, against the advice of the others and failed to return 
in the spring. A few years later the trappers learned that \ 
he had been killed by Indians and his body stuffed under 
the ice in a beaver pond.^^ Although the details of this 
story can probably never be confirmed Laramie did leave 
to the region the legacy of his name. 

The Laramie Plains, soon after their bloody christening, 
were to be crossed by one of the most famous of the western 
fur barons, General Ashley, who broke the path for the 
later Overland Trail. Leaving Fort Atkinson at the mouth 
of the Platte River on November 3, 1824, Ashley and his 
party followed the river to the forks, where he chose the 
southern branch. Following the general course of the Long 
expedition of 1820, he turned in the vicinity of present-day 
Fort Collins, crossed the range to the north and entered 
the Laramie Plains, arriving about March 10, 1825.^- Ash- 
ley was pleased with the valley and gave the first known 
description of it: 

. . . [he] was delighted with the varigated [sic] scenery 
presented by the valleys and mountains, which were en- 
livened by innumerable herds of buffalo, antelope and 
mountain sheep grazing on them, and what mostly added 

9. Breed, loc. cit, p. 72. 

10. The name is variously spelled as la Ramee, la Ramie, 
Larame, and Laramie. Most sources agree that he was a French 

11. Agnes Wright Spring, "Old Letter Book," Annals of Wyo- 
ming, Vol. 13 (October 1941), pp. 240-41; John Hunton, "Jim 
Bridger's Recollection of Jacques La Ramie about 1819 or 1820," 
First Biennial Report of the State Historian of the State of Wyo- 
ming, with Wyoming Historical Collections. (Laramie, 1920), p. 
154. Hiram M. Chittenden gives the date of his death as 1821. 
H. M. Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. 
I (New York, 1935), p. 468. 

12. Beard, op. cit., p. 33, and W. J. Ghent, The Road to Oregon 
(New York, 1929), p. 19. 


to their interest to the whole scene were the many small 
streams issuing from the mountains, bordered with a thin 
growth of small willows and richly stocked with beaver. is 

The prospects were so exciting that his party moved slowly, 
trapping as they went, and remained on the plains until 
March 24.1"* 

Yet another trapper was to leave an imprint upon this 
area. La Bonte, for whom a stream in the northern extreme 
of the county is named, trapped in the area in the 1840's. 
George F. Ruxton, an Englishman who spent a short time 
among the trappers of the Rocky Mountains at that date, 
recorded that the country where La Bonte and his com- 
panions were trapping 

... is very curiously situated in the extensive bend of the 
Platte which includes the Black Hill range on the north, 
and which bounds the large expanse of broken tract known 
as the Laramie Plains, their southern limit being the base 
of the Medicine Bow Mountains . . .i^ 

Although others may have also trapped this area, for beaver 
were plentiful, they have left no known records of their 

After Ashley's journey in 1825, there was some travel 
along the later Overland Trail, ^"^ but the first official ex- 
ploration of this area was made by Captain John C. Fremont. 
In 1842 he had explored the South Pass country, and in 1843 
he took the southern route, following General Ashley's 
trail of 1824-25. The party consisted of thirty-nine men, 
principally Creoles and Canadian French and a few Ameri- 
cans. Thomas Fitzpatrick acted as guide to the party ^''' and 
Kit Carson was also a member.^ ^^ 

On July 30, 1843, Fremont's party encamped on a high 
prairie, broken by buttes and boulders and forming the 
dividing crest between the Laramie and the Cache la Poudre 
rivers.^'' By the following evening the party had reached 
the Laramie River proper. Commenting on the Laramie 
Plains, Fremont expressed himself much as had Ashley 
eighteen years earlier: 

13. Beard, Loc. cit. 
. 14. Ihid. 

15. George Frederick Ruxton, In the Old West, Horace Keo- 
hart, ed. (.New York, 1924), p. 131. 

16. Beard, op. cit., p. 121. 

17. Captain J. C. Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedi- 
tion to the Rocky Mountains in the year 1842 and to Oregon and 
North California in the years 1S43-44, 2S Congress, 2nd Session, 
Senate 174 (Washington, D. C, 1845), p. 105. 

18. Ihid., p. 116. 

19. Ibid., pp. 365-66. 


As we emerged on a small tributary of the Laramie 
River, coming in sight of its principal stream, the flora 
became perfectly magnificent; and we congratulated our- 
selves, as we rode along our pleasant road, that we had 
substituted this for the uninteresting country between 
Laramie hills and the Sweet Water valley. We had no 
meat for supper last night or breakfast this morning, and 
were glad to see Carson come in at noon with a good 
antelope. -"^ 

Although Fremont spent but three days on the Laramie 
Plains,"^ he proved that it was a part of the practicable 
route which in two decades hundreds of emigrants would 
follow, and across which the Overland Stage would thunder. 

Six years were to elapse before the next military ex- 
ploration was to include the Laramie Plains and vicinity 
again. On September 26, 1849, Captain Howard Stansbury 
and his party entered the area from the northwest and 
crossed southeasterly to the headwaters of Lodge Pole 

Excitement attended Stansbury's crossing, for on the 
second day eleven scouts in the party gave an alarm that 
Indians had been sighted. Immediately the train was halted. 
As no natural defense was available, the pack-mules and 
loose animals were caught and led by halters, the men 
formed into two lines behind the wagon, between which 
the led animals were driven, and the whole closed up by 
a guard m the rear.-^ When the alarm proved false, the 
party moved on, but an appearance of Indians a short time 
later made it prudent to stop on the banks of the Laramie 
River where an enclosure could be made. 

In this situation Jim Bridger, the guide, proved of great 
value. The Indians, it was discovered, were a band of 
Ogallala Sioux who had believed the soldiers to be Crows. 
With the exchange of gifts and some slight thievery by the 
Indians, the two parties passed on without further moles- 
tation, Stansbury's party crossing the Laramie Mountains 
via Lodge Pole Creek, -^ a later emigrant route. 

During this same year a party of Cherokee Indians, 
bound for California under Captain Evans of Arkansas, 
entered the Laramie Plains from the south, rounded Elk 
Mountain at the north end of the Medicine Bow Mountains, 

20. Ihid., pp. 122-23. 

21. Ibid., pp. 365-68. 

22. Howard Stansbury, Exploration and Survey of the Great 
Salt Lake of Utah, Special Session, March 1851, Ex. No. 3 (Wash- 
ington, D. C, 1853), p. 251. 

23. Ihid. 

24. Ibid., pp. 253-58. 


and continued west. This event gave the name of Cherokee 
Trail to a part of the later Overland Trail.-^ 

In 1854 the plains area saw its first private pleasure 
expedition, that of Sir George Gore of Sligo, Ireland. This 
wealthy peer had with him forty retainers, fourteen dogs, 
six wagons, twenty-one carts, twelve yoke of oxen and 112 
horses. "^^ Coutant states that his first pleasure excursion 
was through the Black Hills,-" across the Laramie Plains 
and into North Park. This same account relates that one 
of Gore's men washed out some gold from a stream on the 
Laramie Plains, which would be the first recorded discov- 
ery of that mineral in present Albany County. Gore imme- 
diately moved camp to prevent a stampede of desertions 
from his ranks and kept the discovery from his men.-'' 

The Laramie Plains area did not see much of perma- 
nent importance transpire until 1862. Because of Indian 
depredations along the old Oregon Trail, which made travel 
dangerous and expensive, and because of the gold rush in 
the present Denver area, Ben Holladay found it economic- 
ally advantageous to change the route of his overland stage 
from the more northern route to one which went into 
present-day Colorado and then turned to cross the southern 
part of what is now Wyoming.-'^ The new line, which was 
shorter, followed the South Platte River to the Cache la 
Poudre and up the valley to Virginia Dale. The line then 
crossed the Black Hills, traversed the Laramie Plains and 
rounded Elk Mountain, following closely the Cherokee Trail. 
The road, however, now took on the name of the stage 
company and became the Overland Trail. 

Stations were built along the new line, and a table of 
distances indicates those located in present-day Albanv 
County i'^^ 

25. Ghent, op. cit., pp. 156-57; Beard, op. cit., p. 121; Le Roy 
Hafen, Overland Mail (Glendale, 1926), p. 230. 

26. Hubert Howe Bancroft, Bancroft's Works, Vol. XXV (San 
Francisco, 1890), pp. 695-96. 

27. The Laramie Mountains were often called the Black Hills 
because of their dark appearance on the eastern slopes, caused by 
heavy forests. Louis C. Coughlin, District Forest Supervisor, Lara- 
mie, April 3, 1949. Chittenden, op. cit., p. 728. 

28. Coutant, op. cit., pp. 324-25; Bancroft, op. cit., pp. 695-96. 
states only that Gore's party went north of Fort Laramie and 
makes no mention of a trip southwest of the fort. 

29. Hafen, op. cit., p. 231; Beard, op. cit., p. 121. 

30. Frank A. Root and William E. Connelley, The Overland 
Stage to California (Topeka, 1901), p. 102. 


Virginia Dale [Colorado], to Willow 

Springs, [Wyoming] 15 miles 

Willow Springs to Big Laramie 15 miles 

Big Laramie to Little Laramie 14 miles 

Little Laramie to Cooper Creek 17 miles 

Cooper Creek to Rock Creek [Carbon County] 11 miles 

Emigrants soon clianged their course across country 
also, and in 1864 Dr. J. W. Finfrock, acting surgeon at Fort 
Halleck on the southern Overland Trail in present Carbon 
County, recorded the following numbers had passed that 
point: "Waggons 4264; Stock, 50,000; Men &c. 17,584."3i 

The move to the south was fairly safe for a few years, 
but in 1865 a great deal of trouble was experienced on the 
Cherokee Trail section of the overland route A number 
of raids were made by the Indians, seriously interrupting 
both stage and emigrant travel. 

On June 8, 1865, a stage station near Ft. Halleck was 
attacked and five of the seven men stationed there were 
killed.^- In August trouble again occurred between Fort 
Collins and Fort Halleck, and on August 4 twelve whites 
were killed and two captured between the Big Laramie 
and Rock Creek stage stations. N. E. Lewis, a hospital 
steward at Fort Halleck, later related how one of the cap- 
tured men had been scalped, tied to a wheel of a wagon, 
bacon piled around him, and "he was burned in its flames."^* 

To carry out the mail contract, Frank A. Root, an em- 
ployee of the Overland Stage Company, related how Bob 
Spotswood and Jim Steward, division agents, evolved a 
plan which proved successful: 

. . . (The plan), while it did not protect them from attack, 
still made victory rather difficult for the savages. Each 
allowed seven days' mail to accumulate at the headquar- 
ters of his division; the passenger travel, owing to the 
troubles, being very light. An escort of ten to fifteen 
cavalrymen, supplied from Fort Collins, went along, and, 
with this retinue, the seven coaches, and ten or a dozen 
men about the station, the two trains, west and eastbound, 
would forge along towards each other and meet midway. 
Among the prominent drivers of the coaches were Jim 
Enos, Bill Opdyke, Jake Hawk, Hank Brown, and several 
others, all more or less skilled in the "art" of fighting 
Indians. When everything went smoothly, it would only 
take a short time to exchange the mail and a few fright- 
ened passengers; then the teams and coaches would be 
turned back. Strange as it may seem, all the traveling in 

31. Diary of Dr. J. W. Finfrock, 1864, last page. Finfrock 
Collection, archives and Historical Manuscripts Division of the 
University of Wyoming Library. 

32. Hafen, op. cit., p. 268. 

33. Ihid., p. 269; W. L. Kuykendall, Frontier Days (privately 
printed, 1917), p. 96. 


this way was done at night, as it is a custom of the Indians 
seldom to fight except in the daytime. For over 200 miles 
all the stations were abandoned, and the stage men con- 
gregated for these expeditions at Virginia Dale and Sul- 
phur Springs.34 

The emigrants fared little better than did the stage 
employees. This same summer a party of thirty-five, re- 
turning from the west, were attacked, and a running battle 
ensued while the party attempted to reach Rock Creek 
Station. A woman and her two daughters, aged ten and 
sixteen, were killed while the remainder of the party were 
rescued by a large freight outfit. A white woman, who had 
been captured earlier by this party of warriors, was turned 
loose at this time, but nothing could be gleaned from her 
as she had lost her mind.^^ 

Another battle occurred about the same time between 
a small detachment of soldiers and Indians. Sergeant 
Cooley of the First Colorado Cavalry and a detail of nine 
men, who were escorting two government supply wagons, 
saw a band of Indians approaching and ran for Phil Man- 
del's stage station on the Little Laramie. One soldier was 
killed and Sergeant Cooley, while holding the Indians from 
the rest of his party, also lost his life. The others of the 
group were aided by the station employees and escaped. 
A few days later it was discovered that the Indians had 
feasted on Mandel's cattle.^*^ 

Small parties were in grave danger during this year, 
and in spite of warnings they often attempted to travel to 
the west. One man, his wife and mother-in-law disregarded 
the warnings at La Porte and continued on. About seven 
miles from Mandel's station on the Little Laramie a party 
of Indians appeared, killed the mother-in-law, captured 
the wife and left the husband for dead. Being stunned 
only, he soon attracted the attention of a coach which had 
a military guard and had turned back to the Big Laramie 
to escape the Indians. The fate of the wife was never 

Al Huston and Jim Enos were stationed at Virginia Dale 
as hunters. Huston, feeling that the danger was too great 
in the timber, brush and rocks which surrounded the station, 
requested and secured a transfer to the Big Laramie sta- 

34. Root, op. cit., pp. 255-56. Sulphur Springs was a station 
just beyond Bridger Pass. 

35. Kuykendall, op. cit., pp. 92-94. 

36. Ibid., pp. 95-96. 

37. Ibid., pp. 96-97. No evidence seems to connect this with 
the story previously related of the woman who lost her mind. 


tion. Enos remained at his post and was killed shortly 

With travel increasing over the Laramie Mountains 
via the Lodge Pole route and over the Overland Trail, it 
became expedient to have a military post erected near the 
junction of these two routes which lay in the center of the 
Indian disturbances. Consequently 1866 saw the first per- 
manent structures, other than the rude station houses, 
erected upon the Laramie Plains. 

On June 19, 1866, Captain Henry R. Mizner assumed 
command of Fort Halleck under orders to dismantle it and 
remove it to a suitable site on the Big Laramie River and 
as near to the Overland Stage Route as possible.^'^ 

Mizner proceeded to obey instructions and reported on 
July 12, 1866, to Major J. P. Sherburne, Assistant Adjutant 
General, Department of the Missouri, that he had located 
the post so as to have a commanding position within a mile 
of Lodge Pole Creek route "over which the bulk of the 
emigration passes."^*' 

In spite of instructions to locate close to the Overland 
Stage route, Mizner chose a spot on the east side of the 
river, six miles from the stage line, because, as he wrote. 

It would be impossible to complete the work assigned 
me, even by November, had I located on the westerly side 
of the river, especially as it is past fording, and I should 
be compelled to use the bridge of the Overland Stage Com- 
pany at the same extortionate rates as characterize the 
Company or its employees in the charges to Emigrants, 
Freighters, &c. wherever a stream is met with, who freely 
declare more dread of these extortions than of the In- 
dians. Already my Qr. Mr. has been notified that a charge 
is made against my command of $2.50 per wagon — over 
$1.00 for crossing on the bridge, and I cannot conscien- 
ciously approve such claim. . .-*! 

A further difficulty arose with the Overland Stage 
Company when it claimed all hay for a breadth of twenty- 
five miles along its route.^- This would have included all 
the good hay grounds near the military reservation, which 
occupied an area six miles square. To settle this question, 
Mizner ordered that the reservation be enlarged to nine 
miles square so that it would include the springs, which 

38. Ihid., p. 97. 

39. Mizner to Bvt. Maj. General L. Thomas, Adj. Gen. U.S.A., 
Washington, D. C, June 19, 1866. This and following correspond- 
ence regarding Fort Sanders was obtained from the National 
Archives on microfilm by the Archives and Historical Manuscripts 
Division of the University of Wyoming Library. 

40. Mizner to Sherburne, July 12, 1866. 

41. Ibid. 

42. Mizner to Sherburne, July 29, 1866. 


were the source of Spring Creek, and the hay grounds.'*^ 
Both difficulties were amicably settled when Mizner's order 
was carried out and the stage company moved its route so 
that it would be closer to the post.'*^ 

The post, originally intended for four companies, was 
named Fort John Buford when it was established, and it 
retained that name until September 1866 when it was 
changed to Fort Sanders in honor of Brig. Gen. W. P. 
Sanders. "^-^ 

Difficulties of many kinds harassed Captain Mizner 
during the construction of the post. On September 14 he 
reported that a band of thieves on the Lodge Pole Creek 
route had run off several hundred horses and mules in a 
thirty-day period, one outfit losing nearly eighty animals. 
He complained that whites and Indians were both appar- 
ently causing trouble, but that while the post was under 
construction he did not have enough men to do anything 
about it.'**^ 

An incident which may have been related to this re- 
port was the experience of William L. H. Millar, a one-time 
messenger for the Overland Stage Company. In July of 
1866 Millar had started for Salt Lake as a "mule whacker" 
driving a six-mule team. When the outfit reached Lodge 
Pole Creek the redskins stampeded all the mules, eighty- 
four head, and surrounded the party for five days. Gov- 
ernment teams finally came to their relief and took them 
to Fort Sanders where the owners contracted with Abner 
Loomis to take them to Salt Lake with ox teams,'*''' 

About this time W. L. Kuykendall reported that while 
looking for a hay site north of the reservation he barely 
escaped a band of Indians who fled to the hills when he 
reached the safety of the fort. 

A few days following this encounter an owner of a 
large mule train encamped for dinner near old Fort Wal- 
bach and was financially ruined when the Indians ran off 
his stock.^'^ 

A nuisance to the post commander was Jimmie Ferris, 
a former soldier, who established a road house at the Big 
Laramie overland stage station and planned a second one 

43. Mizner to Maj. H. G. Litchfield, Aide-de-camp [Omaha], 
Sept. 19, 1866. 

44. Ihid. 

45. "Record of Medical History of Posts No. 308, 1868-1872." 
(Located in the A.G.O. Division of the National Archives), p. 1. 

46. Mizner to Litchfield, Sept. 14, 1866. 

47. Root, op. cit., p. 80. Abner Loomis was later a prominent 
stockgrower in northern Colorado. 

48. Kuykendall, op. cit., pp. 101-102. 


at Seven Mile Creek. When soldiers began obtaining whis- 
key from Ferris, he was arrested and detained in the guard 
house, and temporarily at least this problem was solved.^^ 
Although there were but a handful of people who had 
settled in present Albany County by choice in 1866, the 
area had become an important link in the east-west line of 
communication, and the foundations for a more secure fu- 
ture had been laid. The military post gave some assurance 
to those who wished to remain. A telegraph line, built by 
Ed. Creighton and C. H. Hutton in that year from Denver 
to Salt Lake City, gave instant communication with the 
outside world and removed a barrier to the region's isola- 
tion.-^" The transcontinental railroad, long discussed, was 
already approaching the territory and would soon cross 
the Laramie Mountains and the Laramie Plains. Its re- 
quirements would cause a permanent population to settle 
here. Political recognition was in the very near future, 
and the area would soon be able to take its place as a po- 
litical entity on the map of the West. 


From 1821 to 1834 the Albany County area lay in the 
Unorganized Country of the Louisiana Purchase, for which 
there was no central government. During this period the 
territory was technically under the military supervision of 
the Western Department of the United States Army and 
under the administrative authority of the Upper Missouri 
Agency. This agency had been established in 1818 at Coun- 
cil Bluffs and apparently had in its territory all Indian 
tribes in the area drained by the Missouri River and its 

In 1834 all lands both east and west of the Mississippi 
River which were not within the boundaries of any state or 
territory were named Indian Country. A Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs under the auspices of the War Department 
was given the power to regulate all intercourse and trade 
with the Indian tribes and to see that peace was maintained 
on the frontier. Under this status the future Albany County 
remained until 1854.-*- 

While government could not affect the Albany County 
area because of its remoteness, the region was a part of 
three successive territories between 1854 and 1868. The 

49. Ihid., pp. 99-100. 

50. Coutant Notes, op. cit. 

51. Marie H. Erwin, Wyoming Historical Blue Book (Denver, 
1946), p. 114. 

52. Ibid. 


first of these was Nebraska Territory whicii was created in 
1854. Although a change in the territorial status of the 
northern half of present Wyoming was made in 1861, present 
Albany County was not affected until 1863 when it became 
a part of Idaho Territory.-'''^ In 1864 a change was again 
made and the area became a part of Dakota Territory,^* 
remaining under this jurisdiction until the Territory of 
Wyoming was created on July 25, 1868, when President 
Andrew Johnson signed the Organic Act for the new ter- 

. Government was by 1867 beginning to encroach upon 
the Laramie Plains area, for on January 9 of that year 
Laramie County was created with the county seat located 
at Fort Sanders. This new political division of Dakota in- 
cluded all of what is now Wyoming with the exception of 
the present Uinta, Lincoln, and Teton counties and Yellow- 
stone Park. These were then a part of the territories of 
Utah and Idaho.^^ 

W. L. Kuykendall, one of the first County Commission- 
ers, gave as a reason for the creation of the new county that 
"The harsh exercise of military authority caused the Leg- 
islature of Dakota at its session the winter of 1866 to pro- 
vide for the organization of Laramie County , . ."^'^ Un- 
doubtedly the vastness of the area and its isolation from 
the Dakota Territorial government also influenced the legis- 
lature in making the change. 

Although the basis for the beginning of a form of gov- 
ernment had been laid by the legislature, nothing was done, 
for, as Kuykendall explained: 

Hinman, Hopkins and myself were named as County 
Commissioners. We did not organize the county, for in 
the spring of 1867 there were not more than two hundred 
civilians all told and not a real settler in what is now Wyo- 
ming (unless Phil Mandel could be classed as such), very 
few having any property not exempt from taxation. The 
most potent reason, however, was our getting together 
somewhere on account of the Indians, as we were widely 
separated from each other. . .^s 

Failure to organize a government was not of great im- 
portance, however, for civilization was rapidly approach- 
ing on iron rails, and with the founding of Cheyenne in 
that year the Dakota Legislature redefined the boundaries 


Ihid., p. 116. 




Ihid., p. 128. 


Ihid., p. 406. 


W. L. Kuykendall, Frontier Days (privately printed, 1917), 

p. 101. 


Ihid., p. 101. 


of Laramie County, cutting it down to make Carter County 
in the western half and moving the county seat from Fort 
Sanders to Cheyenne on January 3, ISBS."*'* The Laramie 
Plains area thus continued as a part of Laramie County, 
but the new county of Albany was soon to be created. 

Laramie City was established in May of 1868 and on 
December 16 of that year Albany County was formed out 
of the western part of Laramie County with Laramie as 
the county seat. Albany County was, upon the establish- 
ment of Wyoming Territory, one of the four original coun- 
ties,"" although its government was not organized until 
after the creation of that territory. *^^ 

When the first territorial legislature of Wyoming met 
in 1869, the eastern boundary of Albany County as defined 
by the Dakota laws was accepted, but the western boundary 
was changed."- The boundaries as defined by law extended 
Albany County from the Colorado boundary on the south 
to the Montana boundary on the north. The eastern bound- 
ary lay on a north-south line which was indicated as lying 
through Bufort (sic) station of the Union Pacific Rail- 
road."^ The western boundary, also on a north-south line, 
lay one-half mile east of Como station of the Union Pacific."'* 

The Laramie County legislators of the Second Terri- 
torial Legislature, however, were not content with the 
defining of their western boundary, and on November 24, 
1871, Council File number 15 was introduced,"-'' which moved 
the boundary west of Buford so that it began in the center 
of Dale Creek Bridge on the Union Pacific Railroad and 
ran due north."" The second reading of the bill took place 
on November 27, at which time it was referred to the com- 
mittee of the whole."' On December 5 the committee re- 
ported on the bill, recommending that it "do pass," which 
it did bv a vote of to four. J. E. Gates and S. W. 

59. Erwin, op. cit., p. 407. 

60. Ihid., p. 408. 

61. I. S. Bartlett, History of Wyoming, Vol. I (Chicago, 1918), 
p. 503. 

62. Erwin, op. cit., p. 409. 

63. General Laws, Memorials and Resohitions of the Terri- 
tory of Wyoming, Passed at the First Session of the Legislative 
Assembly, convened at Cheyenne, October 12, 1869 (Cheyenne, 
1870), pp. 388-89. 

64. Ibid., p. 387. 

65. Council Journal of the Legislative Assembly of the Terri- 
tory of Wyoming, Second Session. (Cheyenne, 1872), p. 49. 

66. General Laws, Resolutions and Memorials of the Terri- 
tory of Wyoming, Passed at the Second Session of the Legislative 
Assembly (Cheyenne, 1872), pp. 124-25. 

67. Council Journal, Second Session, p. 50. 


Downey, the Albany County representation, both voted 
against the measure.^^ 

The House received the bill on December 5 and on that 
date it was rushed through the first and second readings. ^^ 
On December 6 the bill was read the third time and passed. '''^ 

The Laramie Daily Sentinel immediately set up a cry 
at the action of the "rump" of the legislature, for at the 
time of the action by the House all of the Albany County 
representatives, M. C. Brown, T. J. Dayton and Ora Haley, 
who had returned home for the Thanksgiving holiday, were 
snowed in at Laramie and could not return to Cheyenne. '^^ 

On December 14 Governor Campbell returned the bill 
to the Council with a veto message. He had been petitioned 
t(3 do so by citizens of Albany County, by two-thirds of the 
Council and by a majority of the House who asked that it 
be returned for reconsideration."- Twenty-four citizens of 
Sherman presented a petition for its recall claiming that 
the action "was predicated on a bogus and fraudulent peti- 
tion, presented by a member of the House of Representa- 
tives from Laramie County."^^ 

In spite of this action the Council passed the bill over 
the governor's veto on the day it was returned. The Al- 
bany County Council delegates split their votes with Gates 
voting against and Downey voting for it."^ On the follow- 
ing day the House also passed the bill over the veto with 
the Albany County delegation voting solidly against it.'''^ 
The bill then became one of the regular laws which appeared 
in the 1871 statutes and was signed by the Speaker of the 
House Sheeks and Council President Nuckolls as passed 
over the governor's veto.'^^ 

The area under dispute contained some $200,000 worth 
of taxable property, not an inconsiderable amount at that 
date,'^" and Albany County refused to give it up. The ques- 
tion was immediately brought before the Supreme Court 
and, on November 12, 1872, a decision was handed down 
by that body which declared that the act of the legislature 

68. .Ibid., pp. 61-63. 

69. House Journal of the Legislative Assemhly of the Terri- 
tory of Wyoming, 2nd Session (Cheyenne, 1872), p. 91. 

70. Ibid., p. 92. 

71. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December 7, 1871, 3:3. 

72. Council Journal, Second Session, p. 99. 

73. House Journal, Second Session, p. 166. 

74. Council Journal, Second Session, p. 99. 

75. House Journal, Second Session, p. 165. 

76. General Laws, Second Session, pp. 124-25. 

77. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December 7, 1871, 3:3. 


was not in accordance with the organic act and consequently 
was illegal and void.'^^ 

The railroad had meanwhile paid the tax on its assets 
between Buford and Dale Creek to Laramie County, and 
Albany County was anxious to collect this amount. The 
Albany County Commissioner appointed Ludolph Abrams, 
Chairman of the Board, to collect the money from the 
Union Pacific Company for taxes for the year 1872 on prop- 
erty in this area "which has been in dispute between the 
counties of Laramie and Albany. "^^ In 1881 the Albany 
County Commissioners attempted to settle all future bound- 
ary differences by asking Laramie County to defray half the 
expense for a survey and marking of the boundary.^" 

In 1873 a second dispute arose between Albany and 
Laramie counties with Carbon County also involved. Lara- 
mie County brought suit against the other two counties in 
an attempt to recover a portion of the indebtedness existing 
against Laramie County at the time of the organization of 
Albany and Carbon counties, "^^ amounting to some $18,000.^^ 
The suit was dismissed in the Territorial Supreme Court 
upon the ground that the court had no power to levy a 
contribution upon the defendants to pay this indebtedness 
in the absence of any legislative act authorizing the col- 

The suit was eventually carried to the United States 
Supreme Court where a decision was handed down against 
Laramie County in 1876. Albany County disclaimed any 
responsibility and claimed that the indebtedness was in- 
curred before there were either people or taxable property 
in Carbon and Albany counties,^^ though it would be reason- 
able to assume that some expense must have accumulated 
during the eleven months that these counties were a part 
of the larger Laramie County. 

While the population of Albany County was centered 
in the southern section, and the northern portion was in 
the Indian Territory north of the Platte River which was 
closed to all settlement by whites, very little consideration 
was given to the northern end of the county. Attempts 

78. Ibid., November 13, 1872, 3:2. 

79. County Commissioners Record, 1871-1882 (Albany County 
Clerk's Office, Laramie), February 24, 1873, p. 120. 

80. Ihid., February 16, 1881, p. 484. 

81. Laramie Daily Sentinel, March 13, 1873, 3:1. 

82. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, March 27, 1876, 2: 1. 

83. Laramie Daily Sentinel, March 13, 1873, 3:1. 

84. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, March 27, 1876, 2:1. W. C. 
Bramel and W. W. Corlett handled this case before the U. S. 
Supreme Court for Albany County. County Commissioners Record, 
1871-1882, May 6, 1874, p. 166. 


were constantly being made to force the government to 
abrogate the treaty with the Indians, and in 1876 this became 
an accomplished fact. Anticipating the transfer of the 
jurisdiction of this area from the Indian Bureau to the 
Territory and a resulting influx of population, Governor 
Thayer m his message to the Fourth Legislative Assembly 
recommended that new counties in this area be provided 
for. As reasons for this suggestion he pointed out that the 
new centers of population would be located at great dis- 
tances from the county seats, especially in Laramie, Al- 
bany, Carbon and a part of Sweetwater counties, all of 
which would be affected, and this would consequently vastly 
increase the cost of all public business and in a large degree 
deprive these new settlers of the protection and assistance 
of the government.'''^ 

Following this advice, the legislature, on December 8, 
1875, formed two new counties, Pease and Crook, the latter 
of which was taken from the northern portions of Albany 
and Laramie counties. This changed the northern bound- 
aries of the old counties from the parallel of 45° north lati- 
tude, the northern boundary of Wyoming Territory, to the 
parallel of 43° 30' north latitude,^*^ breaking for the first 
time the longitudinal boundary lines of four of the five 
original counties. 

The act also provided that the new counties would be 
organized only upon petition of 500 electors residing within 
the limits of the counties.'''^ Settlers were slow to move 
into the Crook County area and the county was not organ- 
ized until January 22, 1885. Laramie therefore remained 
the nominal seat of government for part of the area until 
that date.^^ 

Albany County citizens made no objections to the cut- 
ting off of the northern portion of their land, for they were 
at this same time interested in the more pressing problem 
of their southwestern boundary. As the editor of the daily 
newspaper stated the proposition: 

There is one matter to which we wish to call the atten- 
tion of the Legislature, which is, to change the western 
boundary line of Albany county, so as to include the Cen- 
tennial mining district in this county. We here have no 
wish to encroach upon the railroad or other taxable prop- 
erty of Carbon county, but these mines are, so far as now 
discovered, owned and worked by the residents of this 

85. John M. Thayer, Message of Gover7ior Thayer to the 
Fourth Legislative Assemhly of Wyoming Territory, Convened at 
Cheyenne, November 2, 1875 (Cheyenne, 1875), p. 7. 

86. Compiled Laws of Wyoming (Cheyenne 1876), pp. 198-201. 

87. Ihid., p. 199. 

88. Erwin, op. cit., p. 1164. 


county and city, and this place is where they want to come 
to make their filings and do their business. 

If they are to be compelled to go clear to Rawlins they 
must come here to Laramie City and then go 140 miles 
from home to do their business, which will subject them 
to great cost and inconvenience. And before the meeting 
of another Legislature there is liable to be a large popu- 
lation there — large enough, in fact, to outvote all the rest 
of Carbon county, and even bring the county seat of that 
county to them instead of going clear to Rawlins to 
transact their business.^-' 

No change of this kind was forthcoming in 1875, how- 
ever, but as mining in the Keystone and Jelm area con- 
tinued to grow in importance, more agitation secured a 
change in this boundary in the Ninth Wyoming Legislative 
Assembly in 1886, and Albany County lost its longitudinal 
character when it detached from Carbon County a rectangle 
of territory.^*^ 

Albany County was to experience but one more change 
in her boundaries. On March 9, 1888, the Tenth Wyoming 
Legislative Assembly created and defined the boundaries 
of Converse County, cutting the northern boundary of Al- 
bany County to the Seventh Standard parallel north.®^ 


Albany County contains an area of 2,824,720 acres,^- 
a large portion of which is occupied by the Laramie Plains, 
an area approximately ninety miles long and thirty miles 
at its greatest width. The surface of this plains area is 
gently rolling with broad valleys along the principal streams 
separated by low, flat-topped ridges. A number of depres- 
sions are to be found, the largest of which is Big Hollow, 
an area about nine miles long and three miles wide with a 
maximum depth of about 200 feet below its rim, located 
on the divide between the Laramie and Little Laramie 
rivers. Big Basin, northwest of Laramie, is similar in 
character but smaller. Both depressions contain small al- 
kaline ponds. Cooper Lake and James Lake in this vicinity 
form two other depressions which are much smaller. In 

89. Laramie Daily Sentinel, November 23, 1875, 3:1. 

90. Revised Statutes of Wyomijig, In Force January 1, 1887 
(Cheyenne 1887), p. 235. 

91. Session Laws of Wyoming Territory passed by the Tenth 
Legislative Assembly, convened at Cheyenne on the Tenth Day of 
January, 1888 (Cheyenne 1888), p. 217. 

92. J. F. Deeds, Depue Falck, E. R. Greenslet, R. E. Morgan 
and W. L. Hopper, "Land Classification of the Central Great 
Plains, Part 3, Southeastern Wyoming" (U.S.G.S. mimeographed 
pamphlet No. 25654, N.D.) , p. 27. 


the southern part of the county are to be found numerous 
other small lakes and ponds,^^ including Hutton, Creighton, 
and George lakes, all of which contain pure water, and 
Steamboat Lake which is impregnated with alkali.'''^ 

To the south, east and north of the plains the Laramie 
Mountains curve along the boundary line, forming a great 
semicircle which cuts the Laramie Plains from the Great 
Plains area. To the west of the plains lie the Medicine Bow 
Mountains, curving away from the plains about two-thirds 
of the way up from the southern boundary and forming a 
natural pass to the west. The altitude of the entire county 
is high, ranging from about 7,000 feet^-^ to 10,274 feet, the 
summit of Laramie Peak.^^ 

The county lies in the drainage basin of the North and 
South Platte Rivers. The Laramie River enters the area 
between the Laramie and Medicine Bow Mountains in the 
southwestern corner and flows northward across the Lara- 
mie basin, eastward through the Laramie Mountains and 
across the high plains to the North Platte. It is fed by 
tributaries from both the Medicine Bow and Laramie 

The northeastern corner of the county is drained by 
tributaries of the Medicine Bow River, also a tributary of 
the North Platte. The southeastern corner of the area lies 
within the drainage basin of the tributaries to the South 
Platte River, with Lodgepole and Crow creeks the prin- 
cipal streams.^^ 

Because of the extreme altitude of the entire area, the 
climate is rather severe. At Centennial records kept 
1899-1907 and 1911-1926 indicate that that immediate area has 
a growing season of eighty-nine days and an annual pre- 
cipitation of 17.43 inches. At Fox Park tabulations kept 
1910-1926 record frost every month. The rainfall measured 
at this point for that period was 17.82 inches, most of which 
drains off into the Platte River drainage basin. Rock River 
records 1913-1918 indicate an average growing season of 
ninety-six days and a precipitation of 12.14 inches. At 
Laramie the average growing season is 111 days, long enough 
for the growth of a number of crops, but the average 

93. Ibid., pp. 5-6. 

94. Laramie Daily Sentinel, September 22, 1871, 3:3. 

95. Wyoming Highway Map, 1947. 

96. Deeds, op. cit, pp. 28-29. 

97. Ihid., p. 6; U.S.G.S. Base Map compiled by R. B. Marshall 
Chief Geographer, and A. F. Hassan, Cartographer, 1913. 

98. Ibid. 


rainfall of 11.33 inches, measured for the years 1869-1926, 
is one of the principal factors adverse to agriculture.^^ 

In the Laramie Plains area the soils consist mainly of 
clay or sandy loam mixed with gravel. In the depressions 
excess quantities of alkali salts have been deposited from 
the run-off which has entered the areas and evaporated.^"^ 
In the adjacent mountain area the soil is principally a 
granitic gravelly loam.^*'^ 

The vegetation of the county plains area consists chiefly 
of gama grass, nigger wool, prairie June grass and wheat 
grass. On the better soils needle grass is found, and tripple 
awn is noticeable on dry gravelly benches. Rabbit brush, 
mountain sage and match weed are found in widely scat- 
tered areas. Where the soil is alkaline, particularly in the 
depressions, salt grass and greasewood dominate. The west- 
ern boundary of the Laramie Plains marks approximately 
the western limit of the short-grass vegetation in Wyoming, 
and along this line the short-grass gives way to a shrub 
type, and species of both are found intermingled.^*^- 

99. Deeds, op. cit., pp. 16-17. 

100. Ibid., p. 7. 

101. Ihid., pp. 28-29. 

102. Ihid., pp. 14-15. 




The sale of lots in Laramie began about April 20, 1868. 
Anticipating large profits through lot speculation, between 
two and three hundred people had, for nearly a month 
prior to that date, been camped on the plains surrounding 
the site which the Union Pacific had platted for the town. 
Within the first week over four hundred lots were sold or 
contracted for, and in less than two weeks five hundred 
structures were erected.^ Buildings were crude and of a 
temporary character, composed of logs, cross ties stood on 
end with canvas roof, tents and boards, all of which could 
be easily taken down and moved to a new point on the 
road.- But a new town had been born, and when the rail- 
road entered it on May 10, 1868, a gala crowd was at hand 
to cheer it onward.^ 

The first population was in the aggregate composed 
largely of the flotsam and jetsam of humanity which fol- 
lowed the railroad. According to Triggs, early historian 
of Laramie, the population grew to about 5,000 in the first 
three months,^ but as the railroad extended westward the 
majority followed it, and two years later the census showed 
a population of only 828 in Laramie and the immediate 

An early attempt was made for city government, and 
on May 8, 1868, a mass meeting was held at which the fol- 
lowing officers were nominated: M. C. Brown for Mayor, 
John Gurrelle for Marshal, E. Nagle, J. C. Chrisman, G. P. 
Drake, and M. Townsley for Trustees, and P. H. Tooley for 
Clerk. The entire slate was elected on May 12, and an 
effort was made to form a strong and efficient government. 
But the rough element of the new town was too strong, and 
by the end of third week in office the newly elected gov- 
ernment began resigning, leaving the town with no gov- 
ernment whatsoever.^ 

1. J. H. Triggs, History and Directory of Laramie City, Wyo- 
ming Territory (Laramie, 1875), pp. 3-5; Mrs. Cyrus Beard, "Early- 
Days in Wyoming Territory," Annals of Wyoming, Vol 10, No. 2 
(April 1938), p. 92. 

2. Triggs, op. cit., p. 5. 

3. Ihid. The Cheyenne Leader on May 5, 1868, reported that 
the first train reached Laramie May 4 and that "Real estate went 
up as the fluid extract of corn went down, and the value of city 
lots exceeded greenbacks." 4:3, Most sources gave May 10 as the 
date of entry of the first train into Laramie. 

4. Ihid. 

5. Statistics of the Population of the United States, Ninth 
Census, Vol. I (Washington, D. C, 1872), p. 295. 

6. Triggs, op. cit., p. 7. 


The wild element ruled without interference until Au- 
gust, when a vigilance committee, composed of about twenty 
members, organized in an attempt to bring some order out 
of chaos and make the town safe for honest people. Their 
one action, the hanging of a young man known as the 
"Kid," quickly organized the lawless element who boasted 
of their strength and the vengeance they would inflict upon 
those who complained. The crime wave, however, grew 
to such proportions that a second vigilance committee num- 
bering several hundred was formed. 

The vigilantes laid their plans carefully, and on the 
night of October 18 planned to strike simultaneously at all 
the gambling halls. Although the plan miscarried and the 
dance hall "Belle of the West" was attacked before the given 
time, the raid was successful from the standpoint of results. 
Three men were killed, one of the committee, a member 
of the band and a noted desperado, and about fifteen were 
wounded. Three of the leading roughs, Con Wager, Asa 
Moore and Big Ed were hanged that night and the next 
morning Big Steve joined them on a nearby telegraph pole. 
The majority of the lawless element left town within a 
few days and the remainder joined the vigilance committee.'^ 

With the restoration of a kind of order, the majority 
of substantial citizens dropped from the vigilance group, 
leaving it to the rougher element which had joined it. As 
a result unsettled and somewhat lawless conditions re- 
mained until the new territorial government became effec- 
tive. With the appointment of the territorial court and with 
the services of N. K. Boswell, first sheriff of the county, a 
greater security was established.^ 

The citizens of Laramie had a second cause of inse- 
curity: they could not perfect titles to their lots. The rail- 
road company had platted the townsite not upon their own 
land, as was usually the case, but upon the Fort Sanders 
Military reservation which occupied part of a section the 
Union Pacific should have received. The company had 
sold lots without the legal right to do so, and the citizens 
of Laramie who had paid their money in good faith did 
not know whether or not they would be allowed to keep 
their property. Agitation was begun in 1870 for the cutting 
down of the reservation, and it was urged that the title be 
given to the company by Congress. If this were not done. 

7. Ihid., pp. 7-11. Editor Hayford later kept the skull of Big 
Neck (Ed Buston) on his desk, Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 1, 

8. Ibid., p. 13-17. 


it was feared that the land might be thrown open for settlers, 
and titles obtained from the company would be worthless.^ 

Nothing was done in regard to reducing the reservation 
until 1874. While the question was being discussed in Con- 
gress, a number of persons jumped claims and fenced lands 
on the townsite, with the hope that the land would not re- 
vert to the railroad company. They were warned against 
this practice and, when the act was passed and approved 
June 9, 1874, were forced to move from it when the land 
became the property of the company. ^'^' 

In 1871 an act providing for the election of two justices 
and three constables had been passed by the Territorial 
Legislature, but no provision was made under which the 
town could form a city government.^ ^ This situation was 
not too satisfactory, and agitation for an act allowing the 
city to incorporate secured the passage of such a law in 
December of 1873.^- 

Laramie began its career of city government in Janu- 
ary, 1874, with the election of five trustees: Dr. William 
Harris; Dr. J. H. Finfrock; Robert Galbraith, Division Mas- 
ter Mechanic of the U.P.R.R.; T. J. Webster of the firm of 
Slack and Webster, Laramie Independent; and James Vine, 
furniture dealer. ^^ Dr. Harris was elected chairman of 
the board and ex ojficio Mayor. The new board appointed 
as city officers John McLeod, Clerk and Assessor; M. A. 
Hance, Marshal; and L. D. Pease, Treasurer.^'^ Immediate 
organization was affected and city ordinances were passed. 

Satisfaction was expressed in regard to the new gov- 
ernment for it was believed that it would not cost more 
than under the old arrangement whereby citizens paid fifty 
cents or a dollar a week for a night watchman and were 
forced to buy all water without hope of a city government 
to aid in supplying that commodity.^ ^ Salaries were set at 
$75 per month for marshal, and $50 per month for city clerk, 
treasurer, assessor and policemen. ^^ 

Laramie had not been entirely without public services, 
although as indicated the people had furnished them with- 
out the aid of government. Agitation for the organization 

9. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December 12, 1870, 2: 1. 

10. Laramie Daily Sentinel, June 20, 1874, 3:3. Prices of lots 
ranged from $25 on the outskirts of town to $250 in the business 
district, May 30, 1875, 3:4. 

11. Ibid., December 30, 1871, 3:2. General Laws, Second 
Session (Cheyenne, 1872), pp. 91-101. 

12. Ibid., December 26, 1873, 3:1. 

13. Ibid., January 14, 1873, 3: 1; Triggs, op. cit, p. 17. 

14. Ibid., January 20, 1874, 3:2. 

15. Ibid., June 23, 1874, 3:1. 

16. Ibid., January 21, 1875, 3:1. 


of a fire-fighting company was begun in 1870, but it took a 
fire to bring home to the people their needs in that regard. 
On January 9, 1871, Laramie was visited by its first fire 
and two buildings were badly damaged.^ '^ Citizens were 
warned to be careful of chimneys and coal oil lamps, as it 
was pointed out that Laramie might have been completely 
destroyed had a wind been blowing. 

Working quietly N. F. Spicer immediately collected a 
sum of money with which he purchased four long ladders 
with hooks and trails, three hooks, one truck wagon, four 
axes, eighteen buckets and ropes and chains.^** A perma- 
nent volunteer fire company was organized which served 
the community until the government took over that func- 

A second public service which was supplied to the 
townspeople by private initiative was the furnishing of 
water. Water was taken from the city springs east of Lara- 
mie and brought through town by means of ditches. This 
proved to be a source of convenience and danger, conveni- 
ent as one had to but step to the street to draw a bucket of 
water for his use, but dangerous for small children at any 
time and to adults at night. Mrs. M. C. Brown related that 

Most people used the water from the ditches for 
ordinary purposes, but for drinking we had water 
brought from the river which was quite expensive. 
People often sank barrels in the ditches and so had a 
quantity to dip from, but those barrels were very 
treacherous on a dark night; one was liable to step into 
them. My sister-in-law, in getting out of a carriage 
one night very agilely jumped right into one. The 
worst of it was she had on a beautiful new gown her 
mother had sent her from Philadelphia . . . There were 
no sidewalks to guide one and the ditches were level 
with the streets so it was quit a feat to keep out of the 
water. I often wonder how mothers ever kept their 
little children out of those attractive ditches for there 
were no fences around the shacks of houses people 
lived in.2<^ 

The ditches gave to Laramie one advantage over many 
other plains towns; they enabled people to plant trees and 

17. Ihid., January 9, 1871, 2: 1-2. 

18. Ihid., January 24, 1871, 3:1; October 20, 1871, 3:2. 

19. County Commissioners Record, 1871-1882 (Albany County 
Clerk's Office) May 7, 1873, p. 128. 

20. Hebard Collection, Albany County, Archives and Historical 
Manuscripts Division, University of Wyoming Library. 


to water gardens, giving to the town a more attractive 
appearance than it might otherwise have had. 

In 1871 a company took charge of the water supply and 
ditches under the charge of N. F. Spicer, Henry Hodgman, 
Ira Pease and their associates. They proposed to lay wooden 
pipes, deep enough to be safe from frost, to Laramie from 
the springs and to pipe it to individual homes.- ^ One thou- 
sand logs were cut for this purpose,-- but the work was 
apparently never accomplished. 

The Board of County Commissioners regulated the rates 
charged by the company and established the following: 

Ranches for irrigating purposes $ .25 per week per acre 

City lots, for irrigating purposes .10 per week per lot 

Stone and brick masons 1.00 per week each 

Stores .25 per week each 

Saloons -— .50 per week each 

Hotels 1.00 per week each 

Restaurants .50 per week each 

Bakeries .50 per week each 

Private houses .25 per week each 

'Blacksmith .50 per week each^s 

Complaints were often made about this water supply. 
The farmers east of town broke the ditches to irrigate their 
crops, cutting the supply to town completely off.-^ The 
townspeople were careless about throwing rubbage into 
the ditches with the result that they became filthy. They 
were also careless about the rubbage which piled up in the 
streets and about their homes, and it became almost impos- 
sible to keep that from the ditches when the wind blew.-^ 
The company changed hands several times and finally the 
government was forced to take it over and regulate both 
the upkeep of the ditches and the distribution of the water. 
Because of the growth of the town and the needs of the 
farmers, the town was divided into six districts, with one 
district being served each day. The Board of Trustees fur- 
ther passed an ordinance which stated that any person 
placing a barrel, tub or receptacle for water in the "street, 
alley or side walk without keeping it covered (was) liable 
to a fine of five to fifty dollars and deemed guilty of a 

21. Laramie Daily Sentinel, April 8, 1871, 3:2. 

22. Ibid., June 24, 1871, 3:2. 

23. County Commissioners Record, 1871-1882, July 17, 1871, 
p. 35. 

24. Laramie Daily Sentinel, June 13, 1871, 3:2. 

25. Ibid., May 20, 1874, 1:1. 

26. Ihid., May 21, 1873, 3:1. 


The water supplied by private individuals from the 
river for drinking purposes was often unsatisfactory also. 
Complaint was made of it that it was "filthy, rily water, 
which washes all the barnyards, corrells (sic) and dead 
sheep and cattle on the river bottom between here and the 
mountains."-"' But the people did not feel that the city 
springs water was pure, and until the rolling mills piped 
the water into town they continued to buy it by the barrel 
for drinking purposes.-'^ 

The people of Laramie were not without cleanliness 
however, as an advertisement in the Sentinel in 1874 would 

Cleanliness next to Godliness. C. A. Jones' Bath 
House. Now open to the public with all the improve- 
ments and modern conveniences. 

Hot Baths, 50 cts. 
Cold or Plunge Baths, 25 cts. 
Saturdays till 4 p. m., exclusively for Ladies. 

Rooms South of Machine Shops. 
Cigars and Soda Water for refreshments.^^ 

Water was piped to Laramie by the Union Pacific com- 
pany at the time they built the rolling mills in 1875, and 
some individuals were quick to take advantage of the new 
convenience. Editor Hayford on April 3, 1875, expressed 
his gratitude to Mr. Joseph Richardson for the privilege 
of being ahead of everyone else in getting water piped into 
his residence. -'^ This was not generally true, however. In 
1876 the railroad company offered to lay pipes at cost on 
streets where there were enough residents who were willing 
to pay for the work and the water, and individuals were 
restrained from tampering with pipes for their own use.^*^ 

The Laramie water situation was finally settled when a 
bill was passed by the Territorial Legislature which gave 
control of the water works and the supply to the city.^^ 
This bill was introduced at the suggestion of the railroad 
officials who had expressed a willingness to turn them over 
to the city authorities who thereafter became responsible for 
their upkeep. ^^ 

27. Interview with Mrs. Mary Bellamy, Laramie, February, 

28. Laramie Daily Sentinel, June 8, 1874, 3:4. This ran in 
the paper for many months. 

29. Ihid., April 3, 1875, 3:3. 

30. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, May 22, 1876, 2:4. 

31. Revised Statutes of Wyoming, 1887 (Cheyenne 1887), 
pp. 137-38. 

32. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, December 24, 1877, 2:4. 


The Union Pacific Railroad Company had suppUed the 
town of Laramie with the services of a hospital at the time 
of its founding. This was the only hospital on the main 
line of road at that date and it was designed to accommodate 
all the sick or wounded among its employees. Laramieites 
were certain that the Laramie Plains had been chosen be- 
cause of the "peculiar healthiness of the locality and the 
salubrity of the air and water, . . ."^^ The company hospital 
was maintained until early in 1871 when it was discon- 
tinued as a result of a new plan under which the company 
cared for the sick and wounded on each separate subdivi- 
sion of the road.^'* 

For the next few years the question of a hospital was 
one which troubled the people of Laramie, and several 
attempts were made to attract religious orders whose mem- 
bers cared for the sick and afflicted. The first of these nego- 
tiations took place in 1871 between the Railroad Company 
and Father Paulus of the Alexandrine Brothers. Father 
Paulus was interested in the possibilities of a hospital at 
Laramie, and stated that if the advantages of the country 
would justify it, he would also interest himself in locating 
German colonies in the valley.^ -^ Apparently an agreement 
could not be reached, for the German Monks did not come 
to Laramie. 

A second attempt to establish a hospital was made by 
Father Cusson of the Catholic Church, which was very suc- 
cessful. Arrangements were made with Mother Xavier 
Rose of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas, for 
a group of the Sisters to organize and run the former Union 
Pacific hospital.^*' Four Sisters of Charity arrived in Lara- 
mie in December of 1875 to begin the work of getting the 
hospital ready for use. The citizens of the town were called 
upon to contribute to the necessary means to furnish it,^''' 
but the railroad company, at its own expense, completely 
repaired and rearranged the building into convenient wards 
and rooms.^® On February 1, 1876, Sister Joanna, Sister 
Martha, Sister Mary Agnes and Sister Mary de Pazzeii 
opened the hospital for patients.^^ 

Laramie's first medical insurance plan was begun on a 
voluntary basis when it became established that the Sisters 

33. Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 4, 1871, 3:2. 

34. Ibid., September 16, 1870, 3:1; January 3, 1871, 3:1. 

35. Ibid., May 9, 1871, 3:2. 

36. Patrick McGovern, History of the Diocese of Cheyenne 
(Cheyenne 1941), p. 120. 

37. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December, 14, 1875, 3:1. 

38. Ibid., December 31, 1875, 3:3. 

39. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, January 31, 1876, 2:2. 


were to open and have charge of the hospital. Citizens 
circulated papers which were extensively signed under 
which the signers agreed to pay a monthly stipend of about 
one dollar per month in consideration of which the signer 
was to have free care at the hospital in case of sickness or 
accident.^" For the same purpose the railroad company 
made plans to levy a tax of perhaps fifty cents per month 
on all employees who did not have homes and families in 
Laramie.^ ^ Whether or not this plan was carried into 
effect is not known, although each of the rolling mill em- 
ployees did contribute that amount monthly.'*- 

The hospital which the Union Pacific had furnished 
soon proved inadequate, and a new building was planned. 
Colonel Downey, feeling that the institution should be built, 
at least in part, by a public tax, introduced a bill in the 
Territorial Legislature in 1877 which provided for the ap- 
propriation of $3,000 to aid in its erection. The cornerstone 
for the new building was laid on August 31, 1878, with 
appropriate ceremonies,'*^ but before its completion it was 
destined to meet with great difficulties. By January, 1879, 
the building was but half completed, the organization was 
$5,000 in debt, and $15,000 more was required for its com- 
pletion. Construction was halted for a considerable time, 
and it was not until 1883 that the three-story brick building 
known as St. Joseph's hospital was ready for occupation.'*'* 

Laramie was early supplied with business houses of 
all descriptions and many of the earliest merchants became 
prominent citizens of the town for many years to follow. 
The Laramie City Business Directory in May of 1870 listed 
the following establishments: 

Banking: Rogers & Co. 
Bakery: A. T. Williams 
Clothing and Gent's Furnishing Goods: Silverstein Bros., 

H. Frank, L. T. Wilcox 
Crockery and Glassware: Shuler & Spindler, L. T. Wilcox 
Dry Goods: Mrs. Amelia Hatcher, Silverstein Bros. 
Drugs and Medicines: O. Gramm 
Groceries and Provisions: E. Ivinson, M. G. Tonn, H. H. 

Richards, L. T. Wilcox 
Hardware: Shuler & Spindler, C. R. Leroy, L. T. Wilcox 
Hotels: European Hotel, New York House, Frontier Hotel 

40. Laramie Daily Sentinel, September 19, 1875, 3:4. 

41. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, January 31, 1876, 2:2. 

42. Ihid., August 7, 1876, 1:4. 

43. Ihid., August 31, 1878, 2:4. 

44. McGovern, op. cit., p. 123. This building is now the prop- 
erty of the University of Wyoming and is known as Talbot Hall. 


Jewelry: Miller & Pfeiffer, L. T. Wilcox 

Liquors and Tobacco: H. Altman, Dawson & Bros. 

Livery: John Wright 

Meats and Vegetables: Hutton & Co. 

News and Stationery: T. D. Abbott 

Painting: C. Kuster45 

Before the end of the year A. Vogelseng had opened 
a shoe business in which he advertised himself as a manu- 
facturer and wholesale and retail dealer in boots, shoes 
and leather.^*^ McFadden & Bishop opened a photo studio 
and advertised "Pictures taken in all styles and sizes of the 
art, up to a full life-sized portrait. Pictures iinished in 
India Ink or Oil Colors."'*" A. T. Williams' Soda and Ice 
Cream rooms at the Eagle Bakery were opened and offered 
a man a place he could go "with his lady friends and sit 
down in the cool quiet rooms and have a dish of strawberries 
and cream, a glass of Soda or iced lemonade, and any quan- 
tity and variety of cooling tropical fruits. "^^ N. C. Worth 
entered the dry goods, grocery, liquor and tobacco busi- 
ness, ^^ but he was later better known for Worth's Hotel 
which he ran for many years. •'''^' 

Other merchants who opened businesses in Laramie 
during the 1870's and whose families are either still in busi- 
ness or are yet well remembered were: W. H. HoUiday & 
Co. whose lumber yard was started in Laramie in 1871;^^ 
Simon Durlacher, who opened a clothing store in 1872;^- 
James Vine, furniture dealer ;'"'3 Fred Bath, who opened a 
brewery and beer garden near the railroad bridge ;^^ Mrs. 
William Cordiner who opened a millinery and dress making 
establishment in 1874;'^"' S. M. Hartwell, photographer, who 
established himself in Laramie in 1875;^'''*^ and Dr. J. H. 
Finfrock who opened his drug store in the same year.^'' 

Henry Wagner has been given credit for being the 
first merchant to come to Laramie. In February of 1868 
he brought a small stock of clothing and dry goods to the 

45. Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 10, 1870, 3:1. 

46. Ihid., June 2, 1870, 3:3. 

47. Ibid., May 26, 1870, 2:2. 

48. Ihid., June 24, 1870, 3:2. 

49. Ihid., November 25, 1870. 

50. Ihid., January 14, 1873, 3:4. 

51. Ihid., January 23, 1871. 

52. Ihid., April 10, 1872, 3:2. 

53. Ihid., June 6, 1871, 3:1. 

54. Ihid., June 9, 1873, 3:1. 

55. Ihid., September 30, 1874, 3:5; November 10, 1874, 3:2. 

56. Ihid., August 17, 1875, 3:1. 

57. Ihid., July 29, 1875, 3:5. 


vicinity and opened up a business in a tent near the creek. 
In April of the same year he built a cabin, the first building 
to be put up in Laramie, and began business in the new 
town. In 1869 he put up a two story frame building which 
he occupied until he completed the first brick building in 
Laramie September of 1871, when his store was moved into 
the new quarters. '^'^ 

The banking business changed hands rapidly the first 
few years of Laramie's existence. Posey S. Wilson and 
Company followed Rogers and Company, and in May, 1871, 
Mr. Edward Ivinson bought out the Wilson Company. ^^ 
Both Rogers and Wilson were Cheyenne bankers, and it 
was with relief that Laramie felt she would no longer have 
to "depend for . . . stability upon the fortunes of war be- 
tween rival and foreign Bankers, nor upon the caprice or 
financial condition of citizens of a rival town." Mr. Ivinson 
had been one of the first citizens of Laramie, one of its 
most important business men, and was highly respected. ^^^ 

Editor Hayford and Edward Ivinson were not on good 
terms during much of the 1870's, and Hayford took every 
opportunity, beginning in 1873, to vilify him^^^ and to urge 
the establishment of a second bank. This was not accom- 
plished until June of 1877 when Wagner and Dunbar opened 
their banking concern. '^^- By August 20 Hayford solemnly 
declared that 

Their bank, during the brief period since it com- 
menced business here, has reduced the price of exchange 
one-half and of interest one-third. . . . The need of good 
healthy competition in the banking business has long 
been felt here, and we trust the new bank will receive 
liberal patronage and encouragement from our busi- 
ness men.^^ 

Professional services were at hand for Laramie from its 
founding, also. The professional directory of 1870 listed 
the following professional people, the majority of whom had 
been here since 1868: 

A. G. Swain — Notary Public and Commissioner of Deeds 
L. D. Pease — County Clerk and Recorder and Justice of the 

58. Ihid., September 20, 1871, 3:2; October 26, 1874, 3:2. 

59. Ibid., May 29, 1871, 3:3. 

60. Ibid., May 29, 1871, 3:3. 

61. Ibid., May 31, 1873, 3:2; August 5, 1873, 3:1; May 29, 
1874, 3:1. 

62. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, June 11, 1877, 3:1. 

63. Ibid., August 20, 1877, 3: 1. 


M. C. Brown — Attorney at Law 

E. L. Kerr — Attorney and Counselor at Law 

L. P. Cory — Attorney at Law 

Dr. G. F. Hilton — Physician, Surgeon & Oculist 

Stephen W. Downey — Attorney and Counselor at Law and 

Solicitor in Chancery, Prosecuting Attorney 
J. H. Finfrock— M. D. 
H. Latham, M. D. — Physician and Surgeon for U.P.R.R. 

J. J. Clark — Dentist. Teeth extracted without pain. All 

operations warranted. ^-i 

C. W. Bramel, Attorney at Law, added his name to the pro- 
fessional directory of Laramie in September 1872, and he 
was for many years a prominent citizen of the town.^^ 

Laramie grew rapidly, but not as rapidly as was claimed 
for it. In 1871 she claimed nearly twice the population she 
actually had,*"'*^ but she was making progress. By 1872 she 
could report that the "old land marks are fast disappearing 
in our city. The old buildings that are so familiar to us, 
are being taken down one by one to give place to more sub- 
stantial, and imposing edifices."*^^ Nearly forty-six build- 
ings were in the process of erection in that year.*^* By 
1874 W. O. Downey, county surveyor, called to the attention 
of the residents the fact that Front and Second streets were 
built up nearly solidly on each side for a full mile in 
length.^^ By 1875 Laramie claimed a population of 2,698,^° 
and if this were true no growth was experienced between 
that date and 1880 when the U. S. Census gave the town a 
population of 2,696.'^^ 

Laramie had advanced rapidly in morality, also, and 
Editor Hayford was proud to point out by 1870 that 

Now our streets are filled with hard-working, in- 
dustrious people, intent on business. Vice, idleness and 
debauchery, if they exist at all, are driven into ob- 
scurity, and are no longer able to brave the indignation 
of the virtuous. On Sunday, the stores are all shut up, 
the churches all open, the streets quiet and orderly, and 
our town wears the garb of a staid New England village. 
The laws are respected, the Courts are in perfect opera- 

64. Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 11, 1870, 1:1. 

65. Laramie Daily Sentinel, September 21, 1872, 3:4. 

66. Ibid., January 10, 1871, 1:2. 

67. Ihid., May 24, 1872, 3:3. 

68. Ibid., October 11, 1872, 3:1. 

69. Ibid., October, 21, 1874, 3: 1. 

70. Ihid., February 24, 1875, 3: 1. 

71. Tenth Census, op. cit., p. 375. 


tion; and morality, religion and justice give the tone 
and character to society J^ 

Although Hayford would occasionally complain about 
the recurrence of crime, he scrupulously refrained from 
printing any details of it. He believed in Laramie and its 
future and would have no part of anything detrimental to it. 


The majority of small centers of population in Albany 
County were to be found along the Union Pacific Railroad 
line, for it was necessary that the company have stations 
and side tracks at regular intervals. 

Buford was the first among these stops as the railroad 
entered the county from the east. In 1869 this point on 
the road consisted of a water-house and three buildings.''^^ 
It was a regular side-track station and a storage place for 
much of the lumber which was taken from the surrounding 
mountains.'''^ Water for the station had to be elevated from 
springs in a ravine to the south.'^-'' 

Seven miles beyond Buford was Sherman, the highest 
point on any railroad in the United States at that time. By 
1869 it was a lively place with twelve buildings, a good 
station-house and a population of between 150 and 200 
inhabitants.'^*^ Among the merchants located at this point 
then were: Baldwin & Epsy, shoemakers; D. Crawford, con- 
tractor; Oilman & Carter, merchants and contractors; Har- 
mon & Teats, merchants; Holt, Reed & Rhoades, carpenters; 
Mrs. Larmier, photographer; W. J. Larmier, contractor; A. 
G. Lathrop, lumber dealer; L. E. Layton, hotel; Charles 
Marsh, station agent; William Rea, blacksmith; D. W. Trout, 
merchant and contractor; J. H. Teats, grocer and postmaster; 
Underwood & Co., boots and shoes; Uncle John & Co., pro- 
prietors of the Summit House, bakery and saloon; and N. T. 
Webber, lumber dealer,'^''' 

Although the population and importance of Sherman 
declined for a few years, probably because of the disap- 
pearance of nearby timber resources, it was again completely 

72. Laramie Daily Sentinel, October 11, 1870, 2:1. 

73. C. E. Brown, Brown's Gazetteer oj the Chicago and North- 
western Railway, and Branches, and of the Union Pacific Rail Road 
(Chicago 1869), p. 20. 

74. George A. Crofutt, Crofutt's Trans-Continental Tourist's 
Guide (New York), 1872, p. 60. 

75. George A. Crofutt, Crofutt's New Overland Tourist and 
Pacific Coast Guide (Omaha, 1880), p. 78. 

76. Brown, op. cit., p. 20. Sherman has since been moved 
from its first location which was near the site of Ames Monument. 

77. Ihid., p. 313. 


occupied in 1878,'^^ and by 1880 the station had grown 
slightly so that it included a comfortable station, a small 
repair shop, a round-house of five stalls, a post office, tele- 
graph and express offices, one store, two hotels, two saloons, 
and about twenty houses. ^^ 

For a short time in 1872 Sherman had hopes of having 
established there a government observatory which was to 
have become one of the principal signal stations in the 
storm signal system of the government. ^*^ The work was 
under the direction of the Coast Survey Department to 
whom an appropriation of $5,000 had been given by Con- 
gress for the purpose of investigating sites. General R. D. 
Cutts led an expedition of scientists to Sherman and for 
several months they made a number of experiments. Pro- 
fessor B. A. Colonna of the party informed the editor of the 
Sentinel that it was "felt a spectral analysis of the sun 
would be more satisfactory than at sea level, and if this 
theory proved correct there is to be a national observatory 
built . . . and a corps of scientific men stationed there per- 
manently."®^ Apparently the experiments were not suc- 
cessful, for the observatory was not mentioned again. 

A few miles beyond Sherman at the site of the Dale 
Creek Bridge, Dale City sprang up for a brief but rowdy 
existence. With the founding of Laramie and the comple- 
tion of the bridge, the population moved on en masse.^- 
Ten years later the only vestige which remained of the 
defunct town was a line of tumble down chimneys marking 
the once lively main street.®^ 

Tie Siding, six miles beyond Sherman, began its exist- 
ence in 1874. J. S. McCoole, a business man from Colorado, 
built the first general store at this site, and he was followed 
almost immediately by several other merchants and saloon 
keepers. Tie Siding soon became an extensive shipping 
point for railroad ties, telegraph and fence poles and tim- 
ber of every description.®^ By the 1880's it had a permanent 
population of about fifty and was powerful enough to help 
swing some of the county elections.®^ 

78. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, July 20, 1878, 1:6. 

79. Crofutt, 1880, op. cit., p. 78. 

80. Laramie Daily Sentinel, June 7, 1872, 3:2. 

81. Ihid., July 8, 1872, 2:1-2. 

82. W. L. Kuykendall, Frontier Days (privately published 
1917), p. 124. 

83. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, August 31, 1878, 3:3. 

84. Laramie Daily Sentinel, February 3, 1874, 3:1; Board of 
Immigration, The Territory of Wyoming Its History, Soil, Climate, 
Resources, etc. (Laramie, 1874), p. 37. 

85. Interview with Mrs. Hugh Moreland, Laramie, June, 1947; 
Hebard Collection, op. cit. 


Red Buttes, one of the small stations on the Union 
Pacific, was the object of Mr. McCoole's next venture. In 
1875 he built a store at that place and hoped to make it as 
much of a tie depot as Tie Siding had become.^^ Although 
several other buildings were erected at Red Buttes, he was 
not able to make it important. 

At Wyoming Station the Union Pacific Company had 
platted a townsite and in May, 1868, had sold a few lots.^'^ 
For a short time it was important as a receiving point for 
ties floated down the Laramie River, but the point never 
gained much more prominence than being a station en 
route. *^ 

Rock Creek was the last station of any importance on 
the line of the railroad in the county. Until 1870 it was 
of little importance other than being a station on the rail- 
road. At that date, however, a mail line was established 
from that point to Fort Fetterman which was continued 
until the building of the railroad to the fort in the middle 
1880's.'^*^ Rock Creek was also the starting point for much 
of the freight which was hauled to northern Wyoming over 
the government road also established that year.^" 

During the 1870's small villages sprang up at two min- 
ing centers. In 1876 the Centennial Mining Company built 
a large store, a residence for the superintendent and offices, 
and Messrs. Little and Coolbroth erected a comfortable 
hotel at the site.^^ The village took its name from the min- 
ing company. At Douglas a small center was established 
which was discussed in Chapter III. 

Frederick B. Goddard in 1869 wrote that "The durability 
and growth of these avant couriers of civilization and de- 
velopment, depend much upon the local advantages of soil, 
climate and mineral productiveness — sustaining forces with- 
out which a vigorous and healthy existence can not long 
be enjoyed."^- Laramie had, at least, withstood the test 
and could by 1880 look forward to a prosperous and secure 

86. Laramie Daily Sentinel, October 2, 1875, 3:1. 

87. Marie M. Frazer, "Sonie Phases of the History of the 
Union Pacific Railroad in Wyoming" (Thesis submitted to Dept. 
of History, University of Wyoming, 1927), p. 35. 

88. Crofutt, 1872, op. cit., p. 70. 

89. Coutant Notes, Hebard Collection, op. cit. 

90. Larainie Daily Sentinel, November 17, 1870, 3:1. Rock 
Creek Station was moved ten miles southwest of the original site 
and renamed Rock River in 1902 when the railroad changed its 

91. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, May 15, 1876, 4: 6. 

92. Goddard, Where to Emigrate and Why (Philadelphia 1869) , 
p. 544. 

Zke Slaughter of the Kison 

(Red Wing Daily Republican, June 7, 1926.) 

Salt Lake City — (By Associated Press) — What probably 
will be the largest buffalo hunt since the days when Colonel 
Bill Cody had the contract to furnish meat for the construc- 
tion crews building the Union Pacific railroad, is being or- 
ganized by A. H. Leonard of Port Pierre, S. D. It will un- 
doubtedly be the last hunt of its kind in history. Many of 
the big game hunters of the country have been invited to 
participate, one incentive being a signed and sealed certifi- 
cate that the possessor had killed a buffalo, which can be 
framed and handed down to posterity. 

The doomed herd of the majestic beasts that were so 
plentiful in the central western plains during the pioneer 
days, numbering upwards of 300 head, now roams Antelope 
island in Great Salt Lake. 

The herd was purchased some months ago by Leonard, 
whose original plan was to ship the animals to his ranch 
at Fort Pierre. However, Wm. Powell, a Sioux Indian, 
long employed by Leonard has reported after three months' 
study of the herd, that they are "Too Wild to be caught 
and shipped." 

7^ Slau^tcfi a^ t^ ^c^<M. 


The Invitation 

"Come on, ye Nimrods, known the world around, 
Famed for your daring and for deadly aim, 
E'er and anon prepared to kill or maim — 
Come on I bid ye. At the trumpet's sound 
The bisons' corral all ye braves surround. 

Already trapped, hemmed in by salten sea, 
The noble beasts by us destroyed shall be. 
And it will be a royal sport — no shame 
To crown your prowess with so great a game. 


"Three hundred bisons, what a mighty herd! 
Too proud to yield their freedom to my will, 
Too wild for me to tame — these shall we kill — 

So I invite ye. Ah, upon my word, 

Our triumph, sires, shall not be long deferred. 
Graven on steel, embossed in gold I send 
This message to each valiant huntsman friend, 

That your brave souls again may taste the thrill 

Of blood and bone that mingle in the kill. 

"Red-blooded man in chance and chase delights, 
Bellowing brutes are music to his ear, 
Nostrils aflame with madness and with fear 

Inspire his manhood to divinest heights — 

Yea, this is chivalry and we the knights. 
So, fellow huntsmen, gather ye betimes 
On sabbath morn when toll the solemn chimes. 

Beseech ye the Great Spirit to the feast 

To bless the last great slaughter of the beast." 

* * * 

The Response 

"Save for the herds that o'er the prairies roamed, 

Pioneer and plainsman would have perished there, 
But food and raiment met them ev'rywhere. 

Then driven, slaughtered — to extinction doomed, 

The bisons bound not where the wild rose bloomed. 
And this great nation impotent stands by 
Watching the noble remnants foully die. 

What butchering hand where bisons now shall bleed 

Covets a parchment to record the deed? 

Cursed be the eye that sights the fatal aim, 
Palsied the hand that raises arm to fire — 
Who draws a bead for lust of blood or hire, 
To you and yours who play the ghoulish game — 
Be yours forevermore the badge of shame. 

Ah, sport debauched, and sportsmanship defiled 
By all the land your "hunt" shall be reviled. 
Kill thou the bison that thou canst not tame, 
And history shall e'er deride thy name." 

(Reprinted by permission of the Daily Republican. Eagle) 

Quote and Unquote 

In June, 1949, following the 77th Annual Convention 
of The Wyoming Stock Growers Association, the resignation 
of Russell Thorp, secretary-treasurer and chief inspector 
of the association for 19 years, was accepted "regretfully."^ 
To quote Mr. Thorp, "The Wyoming Stock Growers As- 
sociation ... is probably the most typically characteristic 
of Wyoming among all groups in the State. An outgrowth 
of the State's paramount industry and a guardian of that 
industry through the years, it was largely responsible for 
the development of Wyoming territory and for the winning 
of Wyoming's statehood before the population really justi- 
fied it."- The contributions of Russell Thorp to this "influ- 
ential organization"^ and his services to the state of Wyo- 
ming are of no mean importance and magnitude. "In recog- 
nition of his outstanding services to the Association and 
the industry, he was elected an honorary life member of 
the Wyoming Association by the executive committee at 
the closing session of the (77th) state convention."^ He 
is the fifteenth person to be so honored in seventy-seven 

During the week of June 7, 1949 the newspapers in 
Wyoming reported on the activities of that convention. 
The Sheridan Press issued the STOCK GROWERS EDITION 
devoted to valuable historical material as well as important 
news items about the current projects of the Association. 
These newspaper articles provided the impetus for the 
following article. Newspaper stories lose their historical 
value when they are not presented as a unified whole. In 
the aggregate they assume a significance hitherto unrealized. 

The Wyoming Stock Growers Association originated 
when a small group of stockmen were prompted by the 
shibboleth, "United we stand; divided we fall." The his- 
tory of this association has been effectively presented by 
Dan Greenburg in Sixty Years, and by Agnes Wright 
Spring's book. Seventy Years; a Panoramic History of the 
Wyoming Stock Groioers Association, which paid tribute 
to the Wyoming Stock Growers Association on the seven- 
tieth anniversary of that organization. As the annals of this 
association and the minutes of its meetings are examined, 
the five words conspicuous through repetition are: 

". . . and Russell Thorp was reelected . . ." 

"Mr. Thorp was first elected to membership in the Stock 
Growers Association in 1902 and served on the executive 


committee in 1927. He became field secretary in 1930 and 
was elected secretary and chief inspector in 1931. . . ."'^ 
In 1932 when elected Executive Secretary and chief in- 
spector, he brought to his new position a wide background 
of experience in the cattle business. In June, 1946, he was 
elected secretary, chief inspector and treasurer. A "veteran 
cattleman himself and owner of the celebrated "Damtino" 
brand, and son of the founder of the R-Bar-T layout of 
Raw Hide Buttes near the present site of Lusk, Wyoming"*"' 
Russell Thorp was well qualified for his work as secretary 
of the Association. Experience, not hearsay, taught him 
that "it is much simpler to train a welder, a ship builder, 
a mechanic, or even a soldier than to train a good livestock 
hand, who has to grow up with the business."''' He is re- 
sponsible for the publication of COW COUNTRY, the official 
bulletin of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association "issued 
for the information of our members." "With characteristic 
fairness, the Association's Secretary opened the columns 
of COW COUNTRY to the members and printed some of 
the letters on the so-called 'trespass or herd law'."^ With 
a keen sense of fair play "Secretary Thorp gave everyone 
an equal chance to express opinion. He did not hesitate to 
publish letters from those who did not agree with the 
Association's policies."*^ 

As perhaps one of the most qualified persons to expound 
the accomplishments of Russell Thorp, Agnes Wright Spring 
has stated: 

"Mr. Thorp has exceptional foresight and the ability 
to organize. He stimulates loyalty and team work 
among his staff and the members of the Association. 
Through hard work, thoroughness and unusual ex- 
ecutive ability he has built up the finest system of 
stock inspection of any state in the union. As a 
devotee of western history he has assembled one of 
the best collections of museum pieces and documents 
pertaining to cattle industry, now extant. 

"Russell Thorp is what is known in newspaper par- 
lance as 'Good Copy.' He has a keen sense of humor 
and has a nose for a good publicity story with the 
human interest angle. He has brought to the Wyo- 
ming Stock Growers Association a wealth of good 
publicity, quite unsolicited on his part. 

"Ralph E. Johnson writing for COUNTRY GEN- 
TLEMAN, September 1941, said, in part: 'Thorp 
drives about 30,000 miles annually in line of duty; 
his auto tires know their way along every highway, 


trail and cowpath in wide Wyoming. . . . Range 
riders and cattlemen like to help Thorp add to the 
museum in the association offices, and they send him 
an odd assortment of things they find. . . . 

"Thorp is modest about what he has done. *I have 
the support and advice of able men as officers and 
executive committee members,' he points out. 'A 
lot of credit is due them'."^*^ 

"From the beginning of his work as Field Secretary, 
Mr. Thorp began to wage relentless war against rustlers."^^ 
In January, L936 he was appointed "Chairman of the na- 
tional committee on brand inspection, thefts, and truck 
depredations. The main purpose of the committee was to 
bring about unity of action in brand inspection between 
states, as well as between peace officers within the states. "^^ 
He advocated stiff penalties for convicted rubber tire rust- 
lers whose depredations harassed the ranchers despite the 
inspection service maintained by the association, coopera- 
tion with county sheriffs, small fines, and even zero weather. 
In November, 1936, Russell Thorp announced that the Stock 
Growers Association "which has waged a struggle with the 
cattle rustler for more than 60 years, will ask the legislature 
to establish ports of entry on all main Wyoming highways, 
to increase the state highway patrol to at least 23 men and 
to regulate auction sale rings. . . . The Wyoming association 
pays $500 for information leading to the arrest and convic- 
tion of a rustler."^^ 

The drought of 1934 seriously threatened the economic 
welfare of Wyoming. Russell Thorp declared that "Ranch- 
ers are selling off the old cow which produces the calf which 
produces the wealth of this state. . . . Many stockmen are 
reduced far below their normal carrying capacity and 
thereby will be unable to meet the necessary cost of oper- 
ating their ranches. . . . This will ultimately reflect on the 
tax revenues of Wyoming, a state dependent to a large 
extent on the revenues of the livestock industry to main- 
tain its government." ^•^ He "called upon the members of 
the Executive Committee who resided within the affected 
areas to take immediate action. He informed them that 
lists of available pastures could be obtained from railroads, 
county agents and Association headquarters. With char- 
acteristic foresight he also filed application for emergency 
draught rates on feed, which were granted. The Govern- 
ment buying of cattle, at the markets, was started. "^^ 

Reliance on the leadership and counsel of Russell Thorp 
was well placed during the trying days of the blizzard of 


'49. Everyone was concerned about the plight of the 
ranchers and their stock in the stricken areas. As execu- 
tive chairman of the six-man panel established to meet the 
problems of the blizzard, Russell Thorp received requests 
that the roads be opened from Colorado to Montana. Shortly 
after the first impact Governor A. G. Crane appointed Mr. 
Thorp chairman of the state emergency relief board. 
He rounded up machinery to be used in the distressed areas 
and continued to report on the conditions of the roads. The 
board was in "almost constant session for many days."^^ 
One month after the storm struck Wyoming, Mr. Thorp 
praised the "clear cool thinking of Governor Crane," de- 
claring that we should be thankful that "Wyoming was 
organized shortly after the first big blizzard hit on January 
2, 3 and 4, 1949."^^ Reporting on "Operation Snowbound," 
General R. L. Esmay, Adjutant General of Wyoming, Wyo- 
ming National Guard, commended Russell Thorp saying 

"We operated under the direction, not of any Federal 
military authority, but under the direction of your 
own hard, winter-beaten, wise and efficient execu- 
tive secretary, Mr. Russell Thorp. I have worked 
under many commanders, but none has ever turned 
in as superb a job as Russell Thorp turned in as the 
chairman and officer-in-charge of the Wyoming 
Emergency Relief Board. We all owe him a vote of 
confidence, appreciation, and gratitude for his skill- 
ful leadership during Wyoming's greatest civil emer- 

Russell Thorp, being "a native, pioneer resident of the 
state" and "well informed on the ramifications of the cattle 
industry, due to a lifetime in the Wyoming cow country,"^** 
was well aware of the necessity of the proper kind of legis- 
lative action to support organizational planning. During 
1931-1932 he was "an able lieutenant of President Brock in 
working out the details for the formation of county tax 
leagues which has resulted in a statewide tax association."^^ 
"Proposed legislation, sponsored by the Association to curb 
rubber-tired rustling became law in 1931. By this law the 
drivers, operators or those in charge of trucks, automobiles, 
and other motor or horse drawn vehicles transporting live- 
stock, poultry, or carcasses of livestock were required to 
exhibit to peace officers upon demand, written permits or 
written statements for conveyance of such."-" 

"As a member of the Wyoming Agricultural Council, 
Russell Thorp was appointed chairman of its Live Stock 
Legislative Committee. He assisted in formulating a Legis- 


lative Petition setting out items of proposed legislation and 
asking sympathetic and helpful consideration by the Legis- 
lature of the needs of the livestock industry. His com- 
mittee did some especially effective work in preventing the 
passage of three bills that were introduced in the 1935 
legislative session. These bills pertained to the right of 
way for fishermen to enter ranch property, a herd law 
involving fencing, and the removal of tax on oleom.arga- 
rine."-^ "On December 7 (1936) Secretary Thorp repre- 
sented the Association at the Governor's State Grasshopper 
Control Commission, which later was successful in getting 
a legislative appropriation of $65,000 for grasshopper and 
Mormon cricket control."-- 

Not only Wyoming, but the entire Rocky Mountain 
region bears the imprint of Russell Thorp's attention. In 
1937, in addition to attending the brand inspection meetings 
in Cheyenne, he also "represented the Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association at many other meetings of importance 
including the Sublette County Cattle Growers Association 
in the early summer; Doctor Davis' rustler meetings at 
Greeley, Colorado; a state meeting of stockmen and peace 
officers at Denver; hearings of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission at Denver on the railroad classification of 85% 
stocker and feeder rate; a hearing on the Farm Bill before 
a subcommittee of the U. S. Senate; the annual convention 
of the Nevada State Cattle Growers Association at Elko, 
Nevada; the Livestock and Sanitary Board meeting in 
Cheyenne; the statewide conference of the Wild Life Fed- 
eration; the annual meetings of the State Farm Bureau and 
of the Board of Equalization; and the Rock Springs Cattle 
Growers Association. . . . Among the many expressions 
of appreciation of the work of Secretary Thorp, at this 
time, was the following letter from Max D, Cohn, Presi- 
dent of the Idaho Cattle and Horse Growers Association: 
'You are what I call a Good Friend and a very unusual 
secretary, because you not only take care of your own as- 
sociation, but you give every help possible, to your neigh- 
boring state associations'."-^ The citizens of La Grange 
and Eastern Goshen County invited Russell Thorp to deliver 
an address on July 4, 1941 at the dedication of a monument 
in memory of the Texas Trail Drivers. His sympathy with 
the Trail Drivers was expressed in 1940 when Wyoming 
was celebrating her Golden Jubilee. At the dedication of 
the unveiling of the Texas Trail monument near Lusk, he 
exclaimed, "The Texas Trail was no mere cow path. It 
was the Course of Empire !"^^ 


Through its journal, COW COUNTRY, the Wyoming 
Stock Growers Association encouraged the preservation 
and collection of mementos, the true and living symbols 
of the history of Wyoming, when it featured an article which 
explained that "The association has carefully preserved 
all records, executive orders, letters, brand books — every- 
thing pertaining to the association from the time of the 
first minute book in 1873. These records are systematically 
and expertly filed and kept in a fireproof vault. In addi- 
tion to the preservation of written records, the association 
is eager to have an extensive collection of relics in order 
to round out the source material relative to the cattle indus- 
try of Wyoming and the West. In the collection which was 
started by Russell Thorp, executive secretary of the associa- 
tion, there are manuscripts by old timers, photographs of 
early day ranches, cowmen and cowboys, frontier towns, 
stage stations and settlements; there are first-hand accounts 
of early herds, ranches, etc.; and there are all kinds of 
relics, including running irons, guns, branding irons, spurs, 
bridles, picket pins, a treasure chest from the old Cheyenne- 
Black Hills-Deadwood stage line, etc. These are all cata- 
logued and attract much attention on display in the win- 
dows of the headquarters in Cheyenne. Additions from 
all parts of the state are desired! All contributions sent 
in to this collection will be permanently preserved and will 
add materially to the history of the cow country, and will 
round out the history of the cattle business in Wyoming 
and eventually become a part of the state historical col- 

Russell Thorp was as good as his words. In' May, 1945 
he presented to the Wyoming State Museum what is ac- 
knowledged as "perhaps the most valuable contribution 
ever made."--' His interest in collecting these souvenirs 
or monuments of the past, is not inspired by a possessive 
instinct nor is it prompted by personal ambitions. The 
purpose for such a collection and its importance as a mu- 
seum display are best described in his own words at the 
occasion when the presentation was made: 

"... A study of the cattle business of our great West 
should furnish inspiration and incentive to all young 
Americans, especially those who have been and 
still are fighting for the principles embodied in the 
Constitution of the United States. 

". . . Therefore, anything we can do to bring the 
history of our country and state to their attention 
should be worth while. In addition to the use of 


textbooks and the teaching of history in schools and 
colleges, it seems to me there is a tremendous op- 
portunity to present our history through attractive 
museum displays. . ."^'^ 


1. Sheridan Press, June 10, 1949, p. 1. 

2. Sheridan Press, Stockman's Edition, June 7, 1949, p. 2. 

3. Ibid., p. 16. 

4. Sheridan Press, June 10, 1949, p. 1. 

5. Greenburg, Dan W. Sixty Years, a Brief Review of the 
Cattle Industry in Wyoming. 1st ed. (Cheyenne, 1932) p. 61. 

6. Wyoming Stockman Farmer, November 1935, p. 3. 

7. Agnes Wright Spring. Seventy Years; a Panoramic History 
of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association. (Cheyenne, 1942) 
p. 109. 

8. Ihid., p. 211. 

9. Ihid., p. 145. 

10. Ihid., p. 109. 

11. Ihid., p. 111. 

12. Ihid., p. 151. 

13. Wyoming Stockman Farmer, November, 1936, p. 8. 

14. Id., December, 1936, p. 6. 

15. Agnes Wright Spring, Seventy Years, (supra) p. 154. 

16. Wyoming State Trihune, January 23, 1949, p. 2. 

17. Id., February 2, 1949, p. 1. 

18. Greenburg. Sixty Years, (supra), p. 61. 

19. Ibid. 

20. Spring. Seventy Years, (supra), p. 111. 

21. Ibid., p. 146. 

22. Ibid., p. 157. 

23. Ibid., pp. 165-166. 

24. Ibid., pp. 204-205. 

25. Wyoming Stockman Farmer, April 1937, p. 7. 

26. Cow Country, Vol. 73, No. 1, July 7, 1945. 

27. Ihid. 


"Use your dollars, your talents, and your efforts to save 
Americanism," urged Dr. Howard Driggs at the dedication 
of the new wing of the Scottsbluff, Nebraska Museum, 
August 8, 1949. 

Acting on this principle today are many individuals in 
isolated communities in the Rocky Mountain states. In 
June of this year, at Ash Hollow, Nebraska, a group of school 
children and townspeople from nearby Lewellen dedicated 
a monument to mark the grave of Rachel E. Pattison, who 
was buried there 100 years ago. Students of Lewellen 
High School provided a bronze plaque for the monument 
which was designed by Mr. W. W. Morrison of Cheyenne, 
Wyoming. Purchase of materials and construction of the 
monument was carried out entirely by the residents of 

Mr. Morrison hopes, through the designing of such 
memorials, to immortalize the story and spirit of the old 
West. He plans next to restore the grave of Elva Ingram, 
marked 1852, near the old trail northwest of Guernsey, 
Wyoming. It is hoped that others of hardy pioneer stock 
will be inspired to locate and mark the graves of our 
ancestors who succumbed during the westward trek and 
to whom we owe our heritage. These memorials will 
endure for many years and stir the imaginations of gen- 
erations to come. 

On August 1, 1948, there were ceremonies in honor of 
the pioneer cattle men and the Texas Trail drivers. 

At the dedication of the Texas Trail Monument at Pine 
Bluffs, members of the Wyoming Historical Landmark 
Commission were present, including Mr. Warren Richard- 
son, Chairman of the Commission, Mr. Joseph Weppner, 
Secretary, Mr. Ernest Dahlquist and Mr. Russell Thorp. 
Mr. Richardson formally dedicated and accepted the monu- 
ment on behalf of the State of Wyoming. 

Mr. R. E. MacLeod presided at the dedication of the 
monument at the crossing of Rawhide Creek between Tor- 
rington and Lingle. Mr. Joseph Weppner, Secretary of 
the Wyoming State Landmark Commission, officially dedi- 
cated and accepted it on behalf of the State of Wyoming. 


Zke Cheyeme and Mlack Mills Stage 
and Szpress Koutes 

By Agnes Wright Spring. (Glendale 4, California: Ar- 
thur H. Clark, 1949. 418 pp. Acknowledgments, illus., 
app., index. $7.50.) 

In this new work, the sixth of the "American Trails 
Series," Mrs. Spring has done much to remedy a serious 
omission in Western Americana. She has entered a field 
practically untouched by other authors and has collected 
and presented material formerly scattered and unavailable 
to students of frontier lore. 

The account begins with the announced discovery of 
gold in the Black Hills region in 1874, and ends with the 
advent of the railroad into that area and the subsequent 
death of the stage company in 1887. It describes the strug- 
gle by the government to keep the miners out of the Indian 
territory, "Men knew that orders had been issued by the gov- 
ernment forbidding them to enter the Hills, yet, with about 
the same amount of reason as each individual hoped to pick 
up huge gold nuggets along every stream bed, each hoped 
that Washington would play the role of an expert locksmith 
and would swing open the the doors of the Hills over 
night." The story pictures the competition between the 
infant Cheyenne and Sidney, Nebraska, to become the 
"jumping off" point for the gold fields, and it pursues Chey- 
enne's progress to its ultimate position as a substantial 

Upon the opening of the Indian territory north of the 
Platte River, the stage line to the Black Hills became a 
reality. With great precision and detail Mrs. Spring follows 
its fortunes and numerous changes, for the trail was not a 
single track, and its course was changed and branches added 
as each new situation developed. In guide-book fashion, 
the stage stations and their keepers are described as if to 
resurrect for twentieth century consumption and apprecia- 
tion the locale and personages who contributed to the ad- 
vancement, of our civilization. Related to these stop-over 
and relay stations are the events which inspired their in- 
auguration, and which created their significance and caused 
their eventual extinction. An excellent map drawn by 
the author enables the reader to follow this part of the 
story with keener comprehension. 


As the staging operations grew in importance and as 
wealth began to pour from the hills, there arose outlaw 
bands to plague the stage companies. The author writes a 
full and matter-of-fact story of this reign of terror. From 
these "Knights of the road" is stripped their cloak of 
glamour which has alw^ays pervaded and unbalanced so 
much of the story of the West. 

The author has not limited her narrative to the stage 
and freighting route from the "Magic City of the Plains" 
to Deadwood. Interpolated in the story of Luke Voorhees' 
preparations for his stage line is a fine description of the 
old Concord coaches. Many familiar names and nicknames, 
such as Calamity Jane, H. E. (Stuttering) Brown, John 
(Jack) T. Gilmer, Persimmon Bill, Johnny Slaughter, C. P. 
(Dub) Meek, contribute to this historical mosaic. The inno- 
vation of the freighting teams was accompanied by a great 
and new business, and by famously talented bull-whackers. 
The valuable whip and the use made of it were accorded 
detailed treatment by the author. Discouragement over 
the necessity for military protection could not deter the 
"steady, progressive development" of Joseph M. Carey, Alex 
Swan, Francis E. Warren, and Judge William L. Kuykendall. 

The elements of nature which, throughout the era, 
militated against ambitions and progress are not treated 
comprehensively, but neither is their importance minimized. 
Great hardships were suffered because of heavy snow in 
December of 1876, which made the roads almost impassable 
but did not prevent continual Indian rampages. The severe 
hailstorm in Cheyenne on August 10, 1878, resulted in run- 
aways and great excitement. The blizzard of '48-'49 caused 
suffering "almost beyond description." 

Permanent imprints were made by the miners, the 
merchants, the stage drivers, the "Hillers," the wheelers, 
and the gold hunters. Their contributions will live forever. 
The result of Mrs. Spring's research will also make a lasting 
impression on the history and literature of the West. As 
history it will be an important source book. Its readers 
will not forget soon the awe arising from the breathless 
succession of facts. On a remarkable, but not the least 
unusual, page the reader is apprised of "five thousand miles 
of daily stage lines in operation;" of the extent of the 
monthly payroll of the drivers, of the Christmas chinook 
which caused the mercury to skyrocket "to forty-two degrees 
above zero in just one hundred and twenty minutes;" of 
the sixty-two miles an hour "breeze" in Cheyenne, of the 
New Year which was ushered in with "a little random 
shooting," and of the fact that Governor and Mrs, Hoyt 
were "at home" on New Year's day. 


Included in the book are four appendices containing 
valuable information about the owners and some of the 
employees of the stage company; descriptions of the coaches 
which are now museum pieces and also of the markers on 
the Cheyenne-Deadwood routes; and excerpts from the 
diary of George V. Ayres in which he recorded his trip from 
Cheyenne to Custer City in 1876. A comprehensive index 
contributes to the importance of this work. 

The late William H. Jackson painted two water colors 
especially for this volume. There are also seventeen sepia 
illustrations of old portraits and western scenes. 

Despite the abundance of facts which are woven into the 
narrative, Mrs. Spring has avoided a pedantic and unin- 
teresting presentation. The spirit of the West is integrated 
into the fabric of her facts, for she is a native of the West 
to which she has dedicated her life and for which she has 
a genuine affection. This volume gives mute testimony to 
years of research. The author has gathered her information 
from the reminiscences of those who played a part in the 
events she describes. Opportunely she interviewed Mrs. 
Thomas F. Durbin, P. A. Gushurst, Mrs. Anna Maxwell 
Scott, and others who were able to relate hitherto unpub- 
lished accounts of their experiences. We are indebted to 
Mrs. Spring's foresight in gathering much of her data be- 
fore these pioneers had passed beyond the Great Divide. 
She was fortunate to have had access to the records of the 
library of Russell Thorp, and to the vast store of narratives 
told to him by his father, an owner of one of the great 
stage lines. 

Although Mrs. Spring now resides in Denver, Wyoming 
claims her for its own. The daughter of a pioneer Colorado 
and Wyoming stage owner, she grew up on a Wyoming 
ranch on the Laramie Plains and was graduated at the 
University of Wyoming. She was formerly the Wyoming 
State Librarian and State Historian. A prolific writer, 
Caspar Collins and Seventy Years, Cow Country rank 
among her best known works. 


Ll/yomlno s i^o'w-QjeWes 

c/Suxiiiary to 

Ll/yomino Dtock Orowers 

"All the pursuits of men 
are the pursuits of women 
also, and in all of them a 
woman is only a lesser man." 

— Plato, The Republic. 
Bk. IV, sec. 455. 


On June 7, 1949, Mrs. Joe H. Watt, President of the 
Wyoming Cow-Belles' Association, addressed the Wj^oming 
Stock Growers Association's 77th annual convention in 
Sheridan, Wyoming: 

"Any organization to survive must accomplish some 
useful purpose. The Cow-Belles are no exception to this 
rule, and I should like to explain our purpose as an auxiliary 
to the Wyoming Stock Growers. It has long been an ac- 
cepted practice for successful ranchers to keep in contact 
with each other in order to learn more efficient and profit- 
able ranch operations and for the broadening of their busi- 
ness and marketing experiences. The Wyoming Stock 
Growers' Association is an ideal place for such an exchange 
of views and opinions. 

"It is equally important for their wives to have a central 
meeting place where they may broaden their views and 
opinions also. Any woman will be of more value to her 
family and community if she will keep mentallj^ alert. 
Traditionally, the ranch women stay home more than the 
men and do not always have the opportunity^ to contact 
other women who have the same interests. We ranch 
women appreciate this chance of making new friends and 
renewing old acquaintances. Friendship is a very real com- 
modity, one without price. 

"It is a heart warming experience to walk into conven- 
tion headquarters and to be able to greet almost everyone 
by name. The Cow-Belles have formed warm and lasting 


friendships through their associations at these meetings 
and often have influenced similar relationships among the 
husbands. You ranchers should be proud that your wives 
will take the time and interest to go with you whenever 
possible. Any interest shared draws a family closer together 
and makes a happier and more contented life. The good 
times we share with you at our convention mean pleasant 
memories for both the Stock Growers and Cow-Belles. 

"However, it is not alone for social activities we like to 
come to this convention. We too, are vitally interested in 
all problems pertaining to the live stock industry. What 
woman here has not been reading anxiously the proposed 
farm program of Secretary Brannan and wondering what 
effect it will have on cattle prices? I know I speak for a 
large majority when I say we women are opposed to any 
over-all grants of authority that will tend to regulate our 
ranching activities. Who among us does not follow care- 
fully the experiments to control grasshoppers and other 
pests, reseeding of the range, the recent outbreak of the 
hoof and mouth disease or anything that affects the cattle 

"Every Cow-Belle last winter took her place beside 
her husband in fighting the blizzards and hazards of that 
terrible six weeks. Perhaps it was only having hot, nour- 
ishing meals ready, and a warm, comfortable house, but 
who would underestimate their importance when you came 
in hungry, cold, and tired? 

"We have also, in a small way, given wide-spread 
publicity to the Wyoming Stock Growers through the pub- 
lishing of the Wyoming's Cow-Bell Cook Book. This book, 
to our delighted surprise was a sell-out and was sold from 
Florida to California. 

"Inquiries from Florida, Kansas, Arizona and California, 
have come to me asking for a copy of our constitution and 
by-laws that they might organize a Cow-Belle Association 
in their states. We hope we are contributing our share to 
the solidification of cattle growers everywhere. 

"May I remind you that in union there is strength, and 
any organization dedicated to the best interests of the stock 
industry should be a help." 

Francis Carpenter, formerly associated with the Record 
Stockman, has described the activities of several women 
who have contributed their time and efforts to the cattle 
industry in Wyoming. 

We extend oar condolences to the family and friends 
of Mrs. Dugald Whitaker who died on February 27, 1949; 


and of Mrs. R. S. Van Tassell who died July 25, 1949; and 
of Mrs. John L. Jordan who died July 18, 1949. 

With the permission of the Record Stockman, we are 
reprinting a portion of the following article which appeared 
in the 1948 Annual Edition of the Record Stockman, p. 114: 


There is possibly no industry in the United States in 
which so many women are engaged in "big business" as 
in livestock industry. Only a very small percent of these 
women have invaded this ultra masculine occupation of 
raising cattle, sheep and horses by their own choosing. 
They have been left these great ranches in the estates of 
their husbands so that their having become ranch owners 
and operators certainly has not been of their choice. 

Wyoming is probably as typical as any of our great 
western states in ownership of ranches by women. At 
the last count 90 women, who own and operate their ranches, 
were members of the Wyoming Stockgrowers Assn. Be- 
sides being active in the association, most of them now 
belong to the association auxiliary, the Cow-Belles. 

Many of these women had enjoyed no business ex- 
perience, as men are accustomed to think of such work, 
before they had to assume the great responsibilities which 
accompany ownership of a stock ranch. 

Probably two factors have contributed to the rather 
phenomenal success of these women in the livestock-raising 

First, the ranch managers who had managed for their 
husbands have in many cases remained as managers when 
the women have had to take over the operation. And these 
women owners are unstinting in their praise of these men 
who have continued to manage their properties and herds, 
usually ending with the statement: "I could never have 
carried on after my husband's passing had Mr. and Mrs. 
(then she names the manager and his wife) not remained 
on the ranch." 

Second, these women who at one time or another lived 
on their ranches, probably during the early years of their 
marriage, learned much of ranch operation and herd man- 

One well-known Wyoming ranchman says it this way, 
"You know, we ranch people have to live pretty much to 
ourselves. And when we as ranchers have a problem 
that's worrying us, we've got to talk to someone. That 
'someone' is our wife because she is the only one we can 
use as our sounding board. Naturally, thru the years, she 


has seen and heard many a knotty ranching problem solved, 
and has experience in and knowledge of ranching she little 
realizes she possesses until she has to use it." 

Most impressive is the respect for the ability of these 
women of the ranges that is shown by men in the same 
industry. These women have not been given quarter in 
the industry because of their sex. Business is business, 
and each has had to work out her own salvation in stock 
raising, and in many cases also keep up her home. Each, 
you will agree, is a full-time occupation. 

Of the hundreds of women in the West, as indicated 
by the number in Wyoming, who are operating ranches 
from a few thousand to many thousands of acres, many 
are typical of the successful woman rancher. 

To name a few, there are Mrs. Thomas Hunter, Mrs. 
R. S. Van Tassell and Mrs. Dugald R. Whitaker, all of 
Cheyenne, Wyo., and Mrs. Essie Davis, Mrs. Helen Hager 
and Mrs. Ellen Moran of the far-famed Nebraska Sandhills 
country, with Hyannis as their post office. 

Perhaps Mrs. Van Tassell has the most difficult ranch- 
ing operation to manage of the women named. The Van 
Tassell properties cover some 40,000 acres, but are in four 
separate ranches. The original Van Tassell ranch is at 
Van Tassell, Wyo., east of Lusk on the Wyoming-Nebraska 
border, snd a h-^lf day's drive from Mrs. Van Tassell's home 
in Chevenne. The second of the ranches is as Islay, Wyo., 
27 miles north of Cheyenne, while the other two are west 
of the state's capital city, 20 and 35 miles, respectively. 

Mrs. Van Tassell, who was Maude Bradley before her 
marriage in 1913, was born in Chicago, but fortunately was 
reared in Cheyenne, next door to the great cattle ranges. 
It is nearly 17 years since she had to take over the opera- 
tion of the Van Tassell properties on the death of her 
husband in 1931, but she had been closely in touch with 
the business during her husband's life time so was familiar 
with the operation of the famous "Quarter Circle V" 
ranches. Hereford cattle are run on all four places. 

Mrs. Hunter and Mrs. Whitaker both became ranch 
operators in the middle 1930's — in the midst of the depres- 
sion, the bottom of the deepest drouth known in eastern 
Wyoming, and when it was a full-time job to ascertain the 
meaning of the agricultural regulations emanating from 

To Mrs. Hunter, whose home since her marriage has 
always been the delightful Colonial frame house at 320 
East Seventeenth St., Cheyenne, Wyo., the running of a 
ranch was entirely new, save the bookkeeping. The book- 
keeping for the Hunter ranch at Meriden, Wyo., has been 


a "first love" of Rule Aitken from the time she became 
Mrs. Hunter. 

"Keeping the books gave me some insight into the 
operation of the ranch and, of course, was no burden to 
continue," Mrs. Hunter recalls, "but I give our foreman, 
William Scoon, the credit for the successful carrying on 
of the Hunter ranch." 

Mr. and Mrs. William Scoon had taken residence on 
the ranch eight years before Mr. Hunter's death in 1935 
and before him his father, Alfred Scoon, had managed the 
ranch for Mr. Hunter and his father, Collin Hunter, as the 
Hunter family bought the place from Johnny Gordon, about 
the turn of the century, after having been in partnership 
with him. This is why the Hunter Herefords are known 
for their JG brand. 

Altho Mrs. Hunter has not learned ranching by living 
on a ranch, she takes an active interest in the property. 
She visits the ranch weekly during the summers and al- 
ways runs the tally at branding time. 

But with greatest pride, Mrs. Hunter and Mr. Scoon 
point to the 95 per cent calf crop attained since they began 
nine years ago to inoculate the heifers against Bang's 

"We have worked hard, as have most ranchers, to bring 
our herd up to par and feel we are getting there as our 
two-year-old steers averaged 1,055 pounds when sold this 
fall," Mrs. Hunter says. 

Besides being left a ranch to operate, Mrs. Hunter had 
two sons on the threshold of their careers at the time of 
Mr. Hunter's passing. One son, Richard, to become a doctor, 
and the other, James, like his father, to become a lawyer. 
Home from the war, James is now settled in Cheyenne 
and preparing to take over the strenuous operation of the 
ranch from his mother. 

Altho Mrs. Whitaker will take little credit for success- 
fully carrying on the operation of the Whitaker ranch 
northwest of Cheyenne on Horse Creek, yet she inherited 
the property in the midst of the worst drouth man has seen 
in eastern Wyoming. 

In her first year as head of the Whitaker ranch, famous 
for its "grout" buildings erected during the Carey owner- 
ship of the land, Mrs. Whitaker had to buy hay to feed the 
cattle. This was the first time in the history of the ranch 
that hay was bought, because the ranch has been developed 
as a hay and cattle ranch. 


Mrs. Whitaker, who was Elizabeth Smith before her 
marriage in 1901, came to Cheyenne with her mother and 
sisters in 1884; she and Mr. Whitaker made their home on 
the ranch for several months after their marriage while 
their home was being built in Cheyenne, and they always 
spent the summers there, but, besides giving full credit to 
Paul Dearcorn, foreman on the place for 18 years, Mrs. 
Whitaker attributes the successful management of the 
ranch since Mr. Whitaker's death to her daughter, Mrs. 
Robert G. Caldwell of Cheyenne. 

"Elizabeth," Mrs. Whitaker will say, "was always with 
her father and learned ranch operation first hand from him." 

The ranch was the proud heritage of 40 years' develop- 
ment by Mr. Whitaker, who came to Wyoming and entered 
the livestock business in 1893, immediately after his gradu- 
ation from Oxford. 

Besides the ranch, Mr. Whitaker left his widow and 
daughter a wealth of friends among Wyoming stockmen, 
for he had been active in the Wyoming Stockgrowers Assn. 
more than a quarter of a century and was association presi- 
dent at the time of his death. Too, Mrs. Whitaker has had 
close association with the cattle-raising industry through 
her sister, Alice Smith, who was secretary of the Wyoming 
Stockgrowers Assn. for 25 years. She was, herself, an 
early president of the Wyoming Cow-Belles. 

"Conditions have changed in the 11 years my daughter 
and I have operated the ranch," Mrs. Whitaker comments. 
"We now feed cake through the winters on the meadows 
and we can no longer find the good Shorthorn stock out 
here to use with our Herefords that we used to have. For 
this reason we are getting registered Hereford bulls to use 
on our commercial cow herd." * * * 


On June 21, 1949 the third annual Armour and Company 
tour brought to Cheyenne women writers, nutritionists, 
economists, and educators. Greeted by representatives of 
the cattle industry, they visited the Warren Live Stock 
Company and were escorted to the Fred D. Boice and Sons 
PO ranch where they were treated to a round-up chuck 
wagon supper. Upon returning home, Alta Maloney, Trav- 
eler Staff Reporter expressed her enthusiasm for her visit 
West in the following newspaper article which appeared 
in the Boston Traveler on June 28, 1949: 



Three Typical Wyoming Women 
Live 'Rough' Despite Luxuries 

"These wonderful Wyoming women" is a phrase you 
hear a lot around these parts, and Eastern women hearing 
it are likely to elevate their noses and eyebrows until they 
find out that the day of the pioneer woman is not over. 

Wyoming men are used to expecting a lot of their 
"women folks," and the women seem to thrive on living 
up to those expectations. Take, for instance, just three of 
the well-coifed, beautifully dressed "Cow-Belles" who 
turned out to greet the group of Eastern women who landed 
here near the end of the Armour and Company meat and 
livestock industry tour to study the ranchers' problems. 

There was Mrs. Fred Boice, whose diamond-crusted 
fingers held a crooked cane and whose soft silk print dress 
and sable trimmed coat were covered with a flour apron. 
There was Mrs. P. J. Quealy, whose quick eye could tell 
how much a steer weighed a quarter of a mile away. And 
there was Mrs. Bert McGee, whose sparkling blue eyes and 
plump pink cheeks looked as if she never had seen anything 
but green pastures. 

Out in the country, where "a stranger is someone you 
never met," you find out a lot about people in a short time, 
and none of it is ever meant for publication. But the stories 
of these three women who have watched Wyoming grow 
through 40 or more years is in a way a history of the state. 

Mrs. Boice, for one, gives a nod of recognition to East- 
ern "culture." As Marguerite Mcintosh, she went to Welles- 
ley College, class of 1908, and later spent eight years on 
the concert stage and as a singer, with studios in Copley 
Square, Boston. She went home to marry and started living 
on the ranch outside the capital city. Her early life there 
with its lack of electricity and water was not easy, but it 
seemed like a breeze in comparison, when several years 
later her husband was hurt and handed to her the job of 
running the ranch and raising their two small boys. 

"Pestering" her county agent for help, she got him to 
arrange for her "a bear of a course" at the State University, 
where as "the oldest living undergraduate," she studied 
animal husbandry and the modern methods of farming. 

Until a few years ago when she permanently injured 
herself by dragging a broken hip through snow drifts for 
more than a mile to get help for a friend in a wrecked car 
on a lonely road, Mrs. Boice continued to build the ranch 
through blizzard and drought, good times and bad, until 
today her sons are running one of the most profitable outfits 


in these parts. With all that, she has found time to be a 
"clubber" and has been prominent in the State Federation 
of Women's Clubs, as well as an organizer of the "Cow 
Belles," a group of 500 or more ranchers' wives. 

Mrs. Quealy is a thorough-going Westerner, and if you 
spent days with her, she could not cover all of the activities 
which have crowded her life. A soft-spoken woman with 
large, expressive eyes and a small frame, she met her hus- 
band at 15 when she was "back east" in Omaha. Her hus- 
band became one of the leading citizens in Wyoming, and 
she still lives in Kemmerer, one of the four towns he founded 
on the western side of the state. Since his death, she has 
run the ranches and within the past few years was the 
first woman ever elected an official of the American Live- 
stock Association. 

She is president also of a bank, is Democratic state 
committee woman and until a few weeks ago when she 
lay awake one night worrying about what John Lewis was 
going to do, was the owner of a coal mine. 

And they say that when she expresses the wish to go 
to New York, the Union Pacific Railroad goes off the track 
to pick her up. She was the originator of an award which 
goes annually to the m.ost outstanding woman in each 
Wyoming county who has managed to overcome the rigors 
of prairie life, but she has never won it herself. 

Mrs. McGee was born on Columbus avenue, Boston, 
and went west on a stretcher, "dying" of tuberculosis. Her 
brother had just died and her father was dying so the 
mother decided that the young girl might just as well die 
on the train as in Boston. She met her cowboy on a blind 
date and married him within a year, gradually learning 
from him everything a rancher's wife has to know, such 
as washing butter with cold water and not hot. 

Though she says that she and other Wyoming women 
are "uncomfortable" about the amount of prosperity the 
past few years have brought them, she still makes her own 
butter and cooks the big outdoor meals for the hands at 
branding time. 

To all of these women who are in a position now to 
enjoy the fruits of their hard lives, the chief interest is still 
the problems of the cattle business — the amount of rain, 
the market prices and haying. And to the Eastern women, 
who never even had to contend with the minor difficulties 
of hard water, they seemed just as "wonderful" as their 
men thought they were. 

^ ^ ^ 

"There is a woman at the beginning of all great things.'^ 

— Lamartine. 

''M^fcr ZmiH 

Wyoming accepted its own special car of the "Merci" 
train on February 15, 1949 at ceremonies which took place 
in front of the State Capitol building in Cheyenne. The 
gifts in the Wyoming car came, as did those in the other 47 
cars, with the heartfelt thanks of the people of France for 
the American "Freedom Train," which carried food to the 
French when their country was poor and hungry as a result 
of World War II. 

The French gifts to Wyoming were loaded, in their 
boxcar, upon a trailer and carried from the Union Pacific 
depot to the Capitol with the accompaniment of a band 
from Fort Francis E. Warren, a police escort, and an honor 
guard. Governor A. G. Crane, President of the Senate, 
George Burke and Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
Herman Mayland received the gifts on behalf of the state 
of Wyoming. The proceedings were broadcast over station 
KFBC and relayed to France through world-wide broad- 
casting facilities. 

The French gifts were first exhibited to the public 
during the last week of March, in two rooms set aside for 
the purpose at National Guard Headquarters in Cheyenne. 
General R. L. Esmay, executive chairman of the state dis- 
tributing committee for the "Merci" train, clarified at that 
time the significance of the "Thank you" gifts. He said, 
"The French people gave more than we did. We gave from 
our abundance; they gave from their poverty." 

The tokens of appreciation presented by the citizens of 
France to those of the United States were given by a people 
who had lost many of their material possessions. The gifts 
were given, though perhaps at a real sacrifice, freely and 

The state distributing committee, in charge of dividing 
the gifts among the 23 counties of Wyoming, classified all 
the articles into four categories. Each county received, as 
a loan, an approximately equal share of the articles in each 
category. In this way the committee intended to distribute 
the gifts throughout the state, where it is hoped that 
they will promote good will and international understand- 
ing in our citizens toward those of France. The Wyoming 
State Museum has arranged a permanent exhibit of some 
of the gifts. 


Acting on the recommendation of the state committee, 
each county formed a supervisory group which arranged 
for the display of its portion of the gifts in local schools, 
libraries, or museums. Represented on the county com- 
mittees, under the chairmanship of the county superintend- 
ent of school, are the county commissioner, county library, 
county museum, and local veteran's and men's and women's 

With the "Merci" train gifts so widely distributed 
throughout the state, everyone in Wyoming will have an 
opportunity to examine some of the French remembrances 
and thereby develop a more intimate feeling for his neigh- 
bors in France. Some will see a red, white and blue cord 
with an inscription which will perhaps arouse in them the 
feeling which prompted the sending of the "Merci" train. 
The inscription reads: "This cord, symbol of French-Ameri- 
can friendship, has been woven from the tissues of the 
American and French flags which were flying from the 
Eiffel Tower in Paris on the day of liberation in 1944." 


to the 
Wyoming State Historical Department 

From November 7, 1948 to August 15, 1949 

Covert, Dean, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Framed picture of Governor 
Deforest Richards and Staff; picture of Governor Chatterton 
and a staff of nine; picture of Governor Chatterton and a 
staff of five; picture of the launching of the monitor "Wyo- 
ming"; Governor Richards and staff, taken in San Francisco; 
two pictures of a parade in San Francisco on the occasion of 
the return of the Wyoming boys from Manilla after the 
Spanish-American War; picture of the transport which brought 
Wyoming soldiers of the Spanish-American War home from 
Manilla; chartered tug boat which Deforest Richards hired 
to meet Wyoming boys returning from the Spanish-American 
War; Governor Deforest Richards on the tug boat; two pictures 
— Governor Deforest Richards and a staff at a meeting of 
Wyoming troops returning from the Spanish-American War; 
Governor Deforest Richards and lady on a transport; General 
Hansen and lady on a transport; three pictures of the launch- 
ing of the monitor "Wyoming"; souvenir of luncheon given 
to the Wyoming governor and his staff, by Governor Henry 
T. Gage of California at the Palace Hotel, September 10, 1900; 
picture of Governor B. B. Brooks; picture of Clarence T. Johns- 
ton, State Engineer, 1907; two pictures of the Board of Control 
under Governor Brooks. 

Cheyenne Senior High School, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Collection 
of 78 birds, mounted by Frank Bond in about 1898, with 
large case. October 1948. 

Laramie County School Board, District No. 2, Cheyenne, Wyoming: 
Large case containing a collection of Wyoming birds, num- 
bering 76. These were collected and stuffed by Frank Bond 
in about 1895. October 1948. 

Phelan, Elizabeth, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Picture of Cheyenne 
Little Symphony Orchestra, February 27, 1938, Junior High 
School; Music Study Class, 1938, Junior High School; cam- 
paign badge of F. D. Roosevelt, issued by the state of Virginia; 
War Production Board pin, 1943; O.P.A. pin; Russian War 
Relief pin. November 1948. 

Robertson, John, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Approximately 100 arrow 
heads and scrapers, mostly unfinished. Picked ud on the 
Laramie Plains. November 1948. 

Pennington, Mrs. Julia Ann, Las Animas, Colorado: Copy of a 
letter written by F. A. Moore to his wife, Julia Moore, July 
6, 1850, as he was crossing Wyoming. November 1948. 

Fullerton, Ellen Miller, Los Angeles, California: Short sketch of 
the life of David Miller, written by his daughter; two photo- 
graphs of David Miller; newspaper clippings, some concerning 
David Miller; poem on David Miller's letterheads by W. P. 
Carroll. November 1948. 


Garber, Mrs. Elizabeth, Evanston, Illinois: Handkerchief case made 
from a dress which was worn by Mrs. William F. Cody about 
1900. November 1948. 

Winters, Wayne, Douglas, Wyoming: An aerial photograph of the 
site of old Fort Fetterman. November 1948. 

Ford, Irene, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Oil painting; picture of the 
signing of the Compact in the Cabin of the Mayflower. No- 
vember 1948. 

Governor's Office, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Letter written in 1869 
by J. A. Campbell, first Wyoming Territorial Governor, to 
Mr. Norris J. Frink; also in the same frame is an explanatory 
letter by Amelia Frink Redfield, written in 1939; original sketch 
of "Bucking Horse" designed by Governor Lester C. Hunt and 
copyrighted by him and used on the state license plates since 
1936. November 1948. 

Rothwell, John P., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Arsenic healing ball 
found by J. F. Dillinger on the North Fork of Powder River. 
March 1949. 

Thorp, Russell, Cheyenne, Wyoming: A kettle which was brought 
up the Texas Trail with Snyder Brothers and John Iliff herds. 
Found at Iliff pens south of Cheyenne by Mrs. Dean Prosser 
and presented by her to the Wyoming Stockgrowers Associa- 
tion; two branding irons used by G. H. Snyder of Snyder 
Brothers, Texas, in the late 1860's and 1870's, presented to 
the Wyoming Stock Growers Association by Mrs. John Ken- 
drick; fly chaser, used in the old days in the hotel at Carbon, 
Wyoming (1860's and 1870's); prospector's pan; ox yoke used 
by Beckwith and Quinn, old time railroad contractors and 
cattlemen, used in the construction of the Oregon Shortline 
railroad; tree stump cut down by beavers; hitching post used 
in the 1870's, presented to the Wyoming Stock Growers As- 
sociation by Russell Dietz Thorp. March 1949. 

Anderson, Mrs. Ida B., Newcastle, Wyoming: Flute owned by 
Corydon C. Olney, a Civil War veteran; affidavit dated 1865, 
which gives a brief history of the duties of C. C. Olney during 
Civil War times; shoulder decoration of Colonel Barkwell, 
Spanish-American War officer. March 1949. 

Carey, Charles D., Jr., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Four Moro knives 
brought to this country from the Philippines by his father, 
Charles D. Carey, Sr. March 1949. 

Bretney, H. Clay, Jacksonville, Florida: Indian chief's coat with 
bead work; hand drawn roster, Company G, 11th Regiment 
Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, reported to have been painted by either 
Caspar Collins or Charles F. Moellman. Brought to Wyoming 
by Lt. Henry C. Bretney, the donor's father, 1886. April 1949. 

Rockafield, Mrs. Bertha Bulla, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Kerosene 
lamp owned by Homer Skinner of Galesburg, Illinois, grand- 
father of Mrs. Rockafield. Bought in 1860 and used continu- 
ously for over 50 years. April 1949. 


Petersen, Allen, Moorcroft, Wyoming: Confederate money. Five 
dollar bill dated February 17, 1864 bears the imprint, "The 
Confederate States of America." Given to Mr. Allen in 1947 
by Mrs. E. W. R. Wilson, who was born in Pennsylvania in 
1845. This money came into her possession while she was a 
maid in the White House during Abraham Lincoln's presi- 
dency. April 1949. 

Mead, George S.: Picture frame and copy of Charles M. Russell's 
print, 1897, "Cold Springs Harbor Hold-Up;" handcuffs pre- 
sented to Mr. George Mead by a friend who used them on 
Big Nose George. Presented by Mrs. Lulu Goins in memory 
of her father, Mr. George S. Mead, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 
May 1949. 

Provines, Kate Ellena, New York, N. Y.: City Council cards for 
the years 1882, 1883, 1885, 1887; hand written appointment 
and official oath of W. G. Provines as Special Master, March 
1876; commission of William G. Provines as Civil Engineer of 
the City of Cheyenne, January 18, 1887. May 1949. 

Fuller, E. O.: Nine pieces of Japanese paper money, of denomina- 
tions from one cent to $1000. June 1949. 

Caldwell, Mrs. Robert G., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Wyoming's Cow- 
Belle Cook Book; two souvenir pins; copy of the address Mrs. 
D. R. Whitaker gave at the Cow-Belle Convention in 1943. 
June 1949. 

Union Pacific Railroad, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Large unframed 
picture of the Teton Mountains, presented by W. W. Morrison. 
June 1949. 

"Merci" Train: Wedding gown, veil, wreath; two sabers; hand 
carved cabinet of the Renaissance period; iron plaque of Na- 
poleon III era; three cork screws; glass ash tray; set of door 
knockers and gate ornaments; bronze plaque with this inscrip- 
tion: "Box Car used in 1st World War presented by the French 
national railroads to the State of Wyoming in gratitude for 
the help given to France by the American people;" Marie 
Bataillou style picture of 1864; pewter plate and cream pitcher; 
vase with red designs; hand painted platter; friendship knot 
made from the ravelings of an American Flag; wooden statue; 
musket powder horn; wine colored petit point slippers; set 
of scales to weigh small coins; an old oil lighter; an iron hook 
with rings, used in a very old fire place for cooking; hand made 
bracelet of the Louis Philippe era; ink-well, old padlock; 
original etchings by Admond La Joux, "Chaffeurs Alpins" or 
"Les Diables Blues;" one hundred illustrations of Paris-Lyon- 
Marseille Rail Road; books: Louise Dulay de Geradmer, An- 
theor Poems; la lyre harhelle; an edition taken from the I'flag 
XXI Schuhin by Jean Bouvier; Poster, Le President. June 1949. 

Roberts, Charles D., Chevy Chase, Maryland: Picture of the officers 
of the 17th and 21st Infantry Garrison of Fort Bridger, Wyo- 
ming, 1888, in front of Carter store and residence; picture of 
the bridge in the parade ground at Fort Bridger, 1890. July 1949. 


Wilde, A. E., State Director, United States Savings Bonds Division 
of United States Treasury Department, Federal Building, 
Cheyenne, Wyoming: Navy blue German coat; navy blue 
German blouse and cap; grey German coat; Minute Man ban- 
ner; four scrap books; book on National Conference from 
1941-1946; emblem, "schools at war;" four banners numbered 
199170-3: The U. S. Flag is at the top, and below it is written 
an inscription in seven different languages: Frqnch, Annamese, 
Thai, Chinese, Korean, Japanese and Lao; three banners for 
a bond drive, one red and two blue; American flag; 'three 
buttons of the Defense Saving Staff; Manuscript of talks by 
Morris M. Townsend to Bankers Association in eleven states; 
five magazines: Schools at Work and at War; forty-three issues 
of the Minute Man Magazine; three posters, "This Time It's 
You!", "Speaking of Bonds" and "Willy Jeep." July 1949. 

Wallace, Mrs. Hershill G.: Four pieces of paper money: ten cen- 
tavos, one peso, ten pesos, one thousand pesos. July 1949. 

Smalley, Edith A. (Mrs. E. J.), Cheyenne, Wyoming: Framed 
picture of Mrs. E. J. Smalley; framed picture of Mrs. B. H. 
Smalley; the Lariat for the years 1924 through 1929. July 1949. 

Keith, Dr. M. C, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Frame with 136 arrow 
heads and three spear heads arranged in a star design; frame 
with 82 arrow heads and spear heads; frame with 76 arrow 
heads and spear heads, hatchet heads, stone charms, awls, and 
scrapers; frame with 10 metal arrow or spear heads, and 109 
stone arrow heads, awls, scrapers, and spear heads, arranged 
in a tree design; frame with 57 spear heads, hatchet heads, 
scrapers, knives, arranged in a star design; frame with 25 spear 
heads, knives, and scrapers, and 38 small arrow heads ar- 
ranged in a swastika design; frame with 18 large hammer heads 
and axes; frame with 33 scrapers and knives; frame with 13 
large scrapers, hammers and knives; frame with 86 points, 
arrows, spears from Hell's Half Acre and 10 fieshers, 7 knives 
from Central, Wyoming; frame with 50 awls, scrapers and 
knives; frame with 126 awls and arrow heads and one charm 
with identification shown; frame with 65 hammer heads, axes, 
scrapers and knives; frame with 3 obsidian knives, 6 awls, 9 
scrapers, 2 spear heads and 10 arrow heads; framed photograph 
of Chief Washakie; box of mixed arrow heads and scraper 
fragments; 7 pipes; 2 bone handled stone knives; charm (hole 
in stone); stone knife with handle; 16 war clubs; 5 polished 
axes with hammer heads; two small black grinding bowls 
with grinders; dish of polished stone; stone moccasin; 9 frag- 
ments of arrow heads; bottle of beads picked up in ant hills 
near the site of Old Fort Casper Bridge, Casper, Wyoming; 
1 box of Peyote buds; beaded belt with silver buckle; beaded 
leather case; 2 strings of stone and bone beads; 2 woven bands; 
toy papoose carrier; toy hammer; 6 pairs of beaded moccasins; 
1 large flat and 2 deep grinding bowls. Presented by Mrs. 
M. C. Keith in memory of her husband. Dr. M. C. Keith. 
July 1949. 

DeTilla, George M., Braymer, Missouri: United States Flag with 
14 stars. August 1949. 


Stephens, G. A., Cheyenne, Wyoming: Badge of the Durant Fire 
Company No. 1, Cheyenne, Wyoming; Certificate of Member- 
ship for G. A. Stephens Duran Fire Company No. 1, of the 
City of Cheyenne, Wyoming, April 2, 1902. August 1949. 

Hay good, Allen W., Granite Canyon, Wyoming: Ox yoke, pre- 
sented by his son Henry R. Haygood. August 1949. 

Krakel, C. D., Fort Collins, Colorado: Two pieces of petrified 
alga. August 1949. 

McGee, Mr. and Mrs. Bert, Cheyenne, Wyoming: Silver cowbell 
souvenir, designed for the 9th meeting of the Wyoming Cow 
Belle Association, Sheridan, Wyoming, June 1949; Souvenir 
Booklet oj the Midwest, glimpses of Cheyenne Frontier Days, 
1896-1902; Cheyenne, The Magic City, Booklet of photographs 
c. 1890, C. D. Kirkland photographer. September 1949. 

Books — Gifts 
October 1948-August 1949 

Shoemaker, Floyd C. Semicentennial History, 1898-1948. Missouri 
State Historical Society, 1948. Donated by the Missouri State 
Historical Society. 

Eberstadt, Edward. William Robertson Coe Collection of Western 
Americana. Privately printed, 1948. Donated by W. R. Coe. 

Drury, John. Old Illinois Houses. State of Illinois, 1948. Donated 
by the Illinois Historical Society. 

Books — Purchased 
October 1948-August 1949 

Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Index 1914-1929, Vols. 1-15. 
Mississippi Valley Historical Association, 1932. 

Meek, Stephen Hall. A Mountain Man. Glen Dawson, Pasadena, 
California, 1948. 

Schmitt, Martin F. Fighting Indians of the West. Scribner's, 
New York, 1948. 

Adams, James T. Album of American History. Vol. 4. Scribner's, 
New York, 1948. 

Price, George F. Across the Continent with the 5th Cavalry. Van 
Nostrand, New York, 1883. 

Adams, Ramon F. Charles M. Russell, Biography. Trails End, 
Pasadena, California, 1948. 

Yost, Karl. Charles M. Russell, Bibliography. Trails End, Pasa- 
dena, California, 1948. 

Wyoming-Idaho Sampler. Harbinger. 


Lavender, David. The Big Divide. Doubleday (Prairie) Garden 
City, N. Y., 1948. 

Spring, Agnes Wright. Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage and Ex- 
press Routes. Arthur H. Clark, Glendale, California, 1948. 

Beasley, Norman. Main Street Merchant. McGraw-Hill, New 
York, 1948. 

Augspurger, Marie M. Yellowstone National Park. Naegele-Auer, 
Middletown, Ohio, 1948. 

Muller, Dan. My Life With Buffalo Bill. Rilly & Lee, Chicago, 1948. 

Bauer, Clyde M. Yellowstone, Its Wonderworld. Permission of 
National Park Service, Albuquerque, University of New Mex- 
ico Press, 1948. 

West, Ray B. ed.. Rocky Mountain Cities. Norton, New York, 1949. 

Tierney, Luke. Gold Discoveries on the North Platte River. Pub- 
lished by Authors, Pacific City, Iowa, 1949. 

Eyre, Alice. Famous Fremonts and Their America. Fine Arts, 1948. 

Clark, Dan E. West in American History. Crowell, New York, 1937. 


Volume 21 
Compiled by Mary Elizabeth Cody 

Abbott, C. S., Recollections of a California Pioneer, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Abbott, T. D., 21:2 & 3:208. 

Abrams, Ludolph, 21:2 & 3:194. 

Across the Rocky Mountains, from New York to California, Kelly, 
William, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Adams, Asenath (Annie), 21:1:91; Barnabas, 91. 

Adams County, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Adams, Dick, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Adams, James T., Album of American History, 21:2 & 3:242. 

Adams, Maude, 21:1:91. 

Adams, Ramon F., Charles M. Russell, Biography, 21:2 & 3:242. 

Advent of the railroad in the Black Hills area, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Aitken, Rule, see Hunter, Mrs. Thomas, 21:2 & 3:232. 

Alapier Creek, 21:2 & 3:131, 150. 

Albany County, 1866 to 1880, 21:2 & 3:191, et seq. 

Alder Gulch gold discovery, 21:1:90. 

Alexandrine Brothers, religious order, 21:2 & 3:206. 

Algonquin Indians, 21:2 & 3:181. 

Allred, James, 21:2 & 3:113. 

Altman, H., 21:2 & 3:208. 

American "Freedom Train," 21:2 & 3:236. 

American Fur Company purchased Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:174, 177. 

American Sheep Trails, 21:1:86. 

"American Trails Series, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Americana, Western, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Anderson, Charlie, 21:1:82. 

Anderson, Mrs. Ida B., Gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Anderson Land and Cattle Companj^ See Swan Land and Cattle 

Anderson, Maybelle Harmon, 21:2 & 3:120. 

Andrew County, Missouri, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Annals of Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:122, 165. 

Annual Publications of the Historical Society of Southern Cali- 
fornia, 21:2 & 3:123. 

Antelope Island, Utah, 21:2 & 3:214. 

Applegate Cutoff, 21:2 & 3:159, 160. 

Appleton Milo Harmon Goes West, 21:2 & 3:122, 147. 

Appleton Milo Harmon Goes West, Maybelle Harmon Anderson, 
21:2 & 3:120. 

Arapahoe Indians, 21:2 & 3:181. 

Arkansas River, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Armour and Company meat and livestock industry tour, 1949, 
21:2 & 3:233, 234, 

Ash Hollow, 21:2 & 3:127, 147, 223. 

Ashley, William H., on the Laramie Plains, 21:2 & 3:183, came 
West 1824, 172. 

Astor, John Jacob, director of the American Fur Company pur- 
chased at Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:174. 

Attfield, D. Harvey, 21:1:100. 


Augspurger, Marie M., Yellowstone National Park, 21:2 & 3:243. 
Autobiography of Pioneer John Brown, 21:2 & 3:117, 120. 
Ayres, George V., 21:2 & 3:227. 

Badger, Rodney, 21:2 & 3:162. 

Baker, Isaac, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Baldwin & Epsy, 21:2 & 3:211. 

Bancroft's index of pioneers to California, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Bancroft's list of Oregon immigrants, 21:2 & 3:161, 164. 

Banking business, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:209. 

Baptiste, John, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Bartholomew County, Ohio, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Barry, Louise, 21:2 & 3:116. 

Batchelder, Amos, 21:2 & 3:114, 122. 

Bath, Fred, 21:2 & 3:208. 

Bath Houses, 21:1:87. 

Battic, John or Jean Baptiste, 21:2 & 3:135, 155. 

Bauer, Clyde M., 21:2 & 3:243. 

Bayard, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Bear Butte, 21:2 & 3:174. 

Bear, Grizzly, 21:2 & 3:140. 

Bear River, 21:2 & 3:165; ferry across, 119; ferry rights, 111, 119; 

Valley, 166. 
Beasley, Norman, 21:2 & 3:243. 
Beaver Dick Lake, 21:1:100. 
Beaver pelts, at Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:171. 
Bedwell, Elisha, 21:2 & 3:158. 
"Bell of the West" dance hall, 21:2 & 3:201. 
Benson, Brother, 21:2 & 3:125. 
Benton, Thomas Hart, 21:2 & 3:179. 
Bernard, Fort, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Bidwell, Captain Elisha, his company, 21:2 & 3:137, 158. 
Big Basin, Albany County, W. T., 21:2 & 3:197. 
"Big Ed," 21:2 & 3:201. 

Big Laramie, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:187, 188, 189, 190. 
"Big Steve," 21:2 & 3:201. 

"Big Timber Creek" (La Bonte Creek or River), 21:2 & 3:131, 150. 
Binely, Brother, 21:2 & 3:144, 145, 146; John, 166. 
Birdwood Creek, 21:2 & 3:146. 
Bison, slaughter of, 21:2 & 3:214. 

Bitter Cottonwood Creek (Cottonwood Creek), 21:2 & 3:150. 
Bitterroot River (Saint Mary's River), 21:2 & 3:149. 
Blackfoot Indians, 21:2 & 3:181. 
Black Hills, 21:2 & 3:130, 132; advent of the railroad, 225; discovery 

of Gold, 225. 
Black Hills of South Dakota, Cheyenne Indians, 21:2 & 3:181, 186. 
Black Hills, stage line, 21:2 & 3:225. 
Blacksmithing, 21:2 & 3:135, 136, 137, 138, 142, 145. 
Blanchet, Francis Norbert, first bishop of Walla Walla, 21:2 & 

Blizzard of 1949, 21:2 & 3:219. 
Blue Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Board of Equalization, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Boat, Bull hide, 21:2 & 3:132. 
Bodall, 21:2 & 3:137, 160. 

Boggs, L. W., registered at Fort Laramie in 1846, 21:2 & 3:177. 
Bolden, 21:2 & 3:160. 


Boice, Fred D., and sons P O Ranch, 21:2 & 3:233, 234; Mrs. 
Fred D., 234. 

Bonoir, James, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Bonser, Captain, His company, 21:2 & 3:138, 162. ^ 

Boston Traveler, 21:2 & 3:233. 

Boswell, N. K., 21:2 & 3:201. 

Bountiful, Utah, home of Mrs. JuUa Kessler, 21:2 & 3:120. 

Boyack, Hazel Noble, biography, 21:2 & 3:108; Historic Fort Lara- 
mie, the hub of Early Western History, 1834-1849, 21:2 & 3:170. 

Brackenbury, Richard, 21:1:86. 

Bramel, W. C, 21:2 & 3:194, 210. 

Brand Books, 21:2 & 3:221; inspection, 218. 

Brands, 21:1:28-29. 

Brannon, Sam, 21:2 & 3:160. ^ 

Bretney, H. Clay, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Bridge, across the Platte in 1849, 21:2 & 3:111, 123. 

Bridge, John Richard's, 21:2 & 3:117. 

Bridger, Fort, 21:2 & 3:137, 141, 150, 155, 163, 164, 166; Creek, 166. 

Bridger, James, 21:2 & 3:137, 150, 155, 158, 183, 185; sold Fort 
Laramie to American Fur Company, 174. 

Bridges, 21:2 & 3:212. 

British Ship Modeste, 21: 2 & 3: 163. 

Brooks, Mrs. Juanita, the Empey diary, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Brown, Brother, 21:2 & 3:127, 136, 137, 155, 156; Clark, Brown 
party, 116; Elias, 156; H. E. (Stuttering) 226; Hank, 187; party, 
147; John, pioneer, Autobiography, 117, 120; John, 147, 151; 
J. Robert, Journal of 1856, 123; M. C, 194, 200, 203, 210. 

Bruff, Goldsborough J., 21:2 & 3:114; diary in Gold Rush, 122. 

Bryant, Edwin, registered at Fort Laramie in 1846, 21:2 & 3:177; 
What I Saw in California, 166. 

Buffalo, 21:2 & 3:126; in Fort Laramie area, 171; last hunt, 214; 
robes, shipments from Fort Laramie, 174. 

Buford station, 21:2 & 3:193, 194, 211. 

Buildings, early, in the city of Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:200; first 
brick, 209; in Laramie, W. T., 210; Sherman, 211. 

Bull Bear, Indian Chieftain, 21:2 & 3:174. 

Bullock, Thomas, plans for Fort Platte and Fort Laramie, 21:2 
& 3:149. 

Burke, George, President of the Senate, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Business establishments, Laramie City, 1870, 21:2 & 3:208; Sher- 
man, W. T., 211. 

Cache la Poudre river, 21:2 & 3:186. 

Calamity Jane, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Caldwell, Dr., 21:2 & 3:114. 

Caldwell, Mrs. Robert G., 21:2 & 3:233, 240. 

Caldwell, (T. G.?) 21:2 & 3:122. 

California, 21:2 & 3:111-115, 135, 157, 166, 167, 169, 178. 

California Battalion, Fremont's, 21:2 & 3:166. 

California Historical Society Quarterly, 21:2 & 3:159. 

California Star, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Camp, Charles L., 21:2 & 3:158, 159. 

Campbell, Governor, 21:2 & 3:194. 

Campbell, John G., 21:2 & 3:163. 

Campbell, Robert, at Ft. Laramie, 21:2 & 3:172. 

Campbell, Samuel, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Canada, Ossanabrook, Storment County, 21:2 & 3:118. 



Canadian Traders, 21:2 & 3:135. 

Canfield, 21:2 & 3:143, 166. 

Cannon Creek, 21:2 & 3:143, 146, 167. 

Capitol Building, Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Carbon County, Wyoming Territory, taxable property, 21:2 & 

3:187, 196, 197. 
Carbon, town of, 21:1:8; 21:1:7, 9. 
Carey, Charles D., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 
Carey, Joseph M., 21:2 & 3:226. 
Carney, General, 21:2 & 3:144, 145, 146. 
Carpenter, Francis, Women on the Range, 21:2 & 3:229. 
Carrington, Albert, 21:2 & 3:116, 121, 146, 149, 150, 151, 155, 166. 
Carson, Kit, 21:2 & 3:183. 
Cascade fight, 21:2 & 3:158. 
Case, James, 21:2 & 3:151. 

Caspar Collins, Spring, Agnes Wright, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Casper, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Casper Creek, 21:2 & 3:167. 
Casper Range, 21:2 & 3:132. 
Casper, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:151, 152, 154. 
Cassa, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:150. 
Castle Bluffs, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Castle Creek, 21:2 & 3:127, 147. 
Castle Rock, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Catholic Church, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:206. 
Catholics, 21:2 & 3:161. 
Cattle rustlers, 21:2 & 3:218. 
Cazar, John, 21:2 & 3:139. 
Cazier, John, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Cedar Point, 21:2 & 3:126. 
Centennial Mining Company, 21:2 & 3:213. 
Centennial mining district in Albany county, 21:2 & 3:198. 
Central Valley, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Champoeg, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Chapman, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:143, 156. 
Chapman, Wiley, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Cherokee Trail, 21:2 & 3:186, 187. 
Chesley, Alexander, 21:2 & 3:151. 
Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage and Express Routes, Spring, Agnes 

Wright, reviewed by Lola Homsher, 21:2 & 3:225. 
Cheyenne Indians, 21:2 & 3:174, 181. 

Cheyenne Senior High School, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 
Cheyenne, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:225, 226, 227, 236. 
Chicago company, going west, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Chimney Rock, 21:2 & 3:128, 148. 
Chinook, Christmas, 21:2 & 3:226. 
Chuck wagon supper, 21:2 & 3:233. 
Chrisman, J. C, 21:2 & 3:200. 
Clark-Brown Party, 21:2 & 3:116. 
Clark, Dan E., 21:2 & 3:243. 
Clark, John Hawkins, 21:2 & 3:116. 
Clark, J. J., 21:2 & 3:210. 

Clayton, William, 21:2 & 3:129, 146, 147, 148-153, 159. 
Clear Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Clyman, James, 21:2 & 3:158; eastbound company from California, 

21:2 & 3:147. 
Cody, Bill, 21:2 & 3:214. 
Coe Collection at Yale, Howard Egan's diary, 21:2 & 3:120. 


Coffee, Col. C. F., 21:1:99. 

Cohn, Max D., 21:2 & 3:220. 

Collard, Captain F. A., his company, 21:2 & 3:137, 157. 

Colonna B. A., 21:2 & 3:212. 

Colorado Cavalry, first, 21:2 & 3:188. 

Colorado, Denver, 21:2 & 3:227. 

Columbia River, 21:2 & 3:162. 

Concord Coaches, old, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Conner, Johnny, 21:1:8. 

Converse County, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:197. 

Conyers, E. W., 21:2 & 3:123. 

Cooley, Sergeant of the First Colorado Cavalry, 21:2 & 3:188. 

Cooper Creek, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Cooper Lake, 21:2 & 3:197. 

Copley Square, Boston, 21:2 & 3:234. 

Cordiner, Mrs. William, 21:2 & 3:208. 

Corlett, W. W., 21:2 & 3:194. 

Cory, L. P., 21:2 & 3:210. 

"Cotton Mission," 21:2 & 3:119. 

Cottonwood Creek (Bitter Cottonwood Creek), 21:2 & 3:150. 

Coulter, Zebedee, 21:2 & 3:125. 

Council Bluffs, 21:2 & 3:150, 160, 191. 

Country Gentleman, 21:2 & 3:217. 

Coutant, C. G., 21:2 & 3:165, 172. 

Covert, Dean, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Cow-belles, 21:2 & 3:228; Cow-helles Wow Sisters from Back East, 

by Alta Maloney, 21:2 & 3:233. 
Cow Country, 21:2 & 3:217, 221. 
Cowley, Matthew, Wilford Woodrujf, His Lije and Labors, 21:2 

& 3:120. 
Cox, Joseph, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Cox, Martha, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Cox, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Crow Indians, 21:2 & 3:113, 148. 
Cusson, Father, 21:2 & 3:206. 
Custer City, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Cutts, R. D., General, 21:2 & 3:212. 
Craig, John, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Crane, Arthur Griswold, Governor, 21:2 & 3:219; receives gifts in 

Wyoming car of "Merci" train, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Crawford, D., 21:2 & 3:211. 
Creighton, Ed., 21:2 & 3:191. 
Creighton Lake, 21:2 & 3:198. 
Crime, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:201. 
Crook County, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:196. 
"Crooked X," a brand, 21:1:29. 
Crooked X Ranch, 21:1:11-16. 
Crosby, Jesse W., 21:2 & 3:115, 167. 
Cross, Osborne, 21:2 & 3:122. 
Crow, Brother, 21:2 & 3:150; Creek, 21:2 & 3:198; Indians, 21:2 & 

3:174, 179; Robert, 21:2 & 3:148. 


Daily Republican Eagle, 21:2 & 3:215. 

Dakota Territory, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Dale City, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:212; Creek, 194; Bridge, 

193 212. 
Dahlquist, Ernest, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Dalles, The, 21:2 & 3:162. 
Damfino brand, 21:2 & 3:217. 
Dances, 21:1:26-27. 

Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 21:2 & 3:118. 
Daughters of Utah Pioneers, "Diary of Albert Carrington," 21:2 

0, '^•123 
Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Heart Throbs of the West, 21: 2 & 3: 123. 
Davenport, James, 21:2 & 3:111, 133, 135, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 

153, 154, 163, 165. 
Davis, 21:2 & 3:160. 
Davis, Albert G., 21:2 & 3:164. 
Davis, C, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Davis, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:141. 
Davis, D. D., Iowa, 21:2 & 3:164. 
Davis, Eli, 21:2 & 3:164. 
Davis, Mrs. Essie, 21:2 & 3:231. 
Davis, Leander L., 21:2 & 3:164. 
Dawson & Bros., 21:2 & 3:208. 
Dayton, T. J., 21:2 & 3:194. 

Deadwood, freighting route from, to Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:226. 
Dearcorn, Paul, 21:2 & 3:233. 

Death of William A. Empey, St. George, Utah, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Dedication of Texas Trail Monximent at Pine Bluffs. Illustration., 

Deer Creek, 21:2 & 3:114, 116, 117, 132, 135, 154, 155. 
Defending the doctrine of plural marriage, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Denver, Colorado, 21:2 & 3:227; Gold rush, 185. 
Deseret, State of. Legislature, 21:2 & 3:119. 
De Smet, Pierre Jean, Missionary work among the Indians, 21:2 

& 3:149, 174. 
DeTilla, George M., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:241. 
"Devil's Tongue," described by Empey, W. A., 21:2 & 3:148. 
Diary, (T. G.?) Caldwell, 21:2 & 3:122. 
Diary, Albert Carrington, 21:2 & 3:116. 
"Diarv of Albert Carrington" in Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 21:2 

& 3:123. 
"Diary of E. W. Conyers, a Pioneer of 1852," 21:2 & 3:123. 
Diary, Amasa Lyman, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Diary, George A. Smith, 21:2 & 3:121. 

"Diary of a Trip to California in 1849," Hale, Israel F., 21:2 & 3:122. 
Dinwiddle, John (or David), The Frontier, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Discovery of gold in the Black Hills, 21:2 & 3:225. 
Distributing committee for the "Merci" train. General Esmay, chair- 
man, 21:2 & 3:236. 
"Dixie" country, Utah's, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Doctrine of plural marriage, practiced by William A. Empey, 21:2 

& 3:119. 
Doctor Davis' rustler meetings at Greeley, Colorado, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Documentary History of the Church (Mormon), 21:2 & 3:122. 
Dodson, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:137, 158. 
Donner Camp, 21:2 & 3:167. 
Donner-Reed Party, 21:2 & 3:165-177. 


Dostins, D. D., 21:2 & 3:158. 

Doty, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Douglas, W. T., 21:2 & 3:213. 

Downey, S. W., 21:2 & 3:194, 207, 210. 

Dragoons, 21:2 & 3:146. 

Drake, G. P., 21:2 & 3:200. 

Drake, Captain T. G., 21:2 & 3:163. 

Driggs, Dr. Howard R., 21:1:93; 21:1:99; 21:2 & 3:223. 

Drought, 21:2 & 3:218, 232. 

Drury, John, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 

Dry Sandy, 21:2 & 3:115. 

Durbin, Mrs. Thomas F., 21:2 & 3:227. 

Durkee, Governor, 21:1:91. 

Durlacher, Simon, 21:2 & 3:208. -^ 

Dustin, Wesley T., 21:2 & 3:135. 


Eagle bakery, 21:2 & 3:208. 

Earl, Brother, 21:2 & 3:125. 

Eastman, Marcus, 21:2 & 3:137, 157. 

Eberstadt, Edward, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 

Egan, Howard, 21:2 & 3:149; his diary in Coe Collection at Yale, 

21:2 & 3:119; Pioneering the West, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Eiffel Tower, 21:2 & 3:237. 

Eighty-One Years of Frontier Life, Mulkey, Cyrenius, 21:2 & 3:158. 
Eldorado, 21:2 & 3:113. 
Elevation, Albany Co., 21:2 & 3:211. 
Elk Mountain, 21:2 & 3:186. 
Elk Mountain post office, 21:1:11. 

Ellsworth, Edmund, 21:2 & 3:111, 112, 133, 135, 138, 142, 153, 154. 
Emergency relief board, blizzard, '49, 21:2 & 3:219. 
Emigrants, 21:2 & 3:132, 133, 134; for California gold mines, 21:2 

& 3:113. 
Empey, Adam, 21:2 & 3:118. 
Empey, Mrs. Ida Terry, 21:2 & 3:119; granddaughter of W. A. 

Empey, 21:2 & 3:121; possession of biography of W. A. Empey, 

21:2 & 3:123. 
Empey, Margaret Steenbergh, 21:2 & 3:118. 
Empey, William A., 21:2 & 3:112, 117, 118, 133, 135, 138, 139, 153, 

154, 162, 167. 
Empey, William A., biographical sketch in possession of Mrs. Ida 

Terry Empey, 21:2 & 3:123; diary, 21:2 & 3:119, 120. 
Empey, Wilham A., his journal, 21:2 & 3:111, 119, 123, 155, 163; 

viticulture, 21:2 & 3:119. 
England, 21:2 & 3:114, 119. 
Enos, Jim, 21:2 & 3:187, 188, 189. 
Esmay, R. L., General, 21:2 & 3:219, 236. 
European Hotel, 21:2 & 3:207. 
Evanston, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:165. 

Exodus from Modern Israel, Lundwall, N. B., 21:2 & 3:120. 
Experiences of a '49er, Johnston, 21:2 & 3:122. 
Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of 

Utah, Including a Reconnaisance of a New Ro^ite Through the 

Rocky Mountains, Stansbury, Howard, 21:2 & 3: 122. 
Extract from the Journal of Appleton M. Harmon, June 26- July 10, 

1847, 21:2 & 3:136. 
Eyre, Alice, Famous Frem,onts and Their Am,erica, 21:2 & 3:243. 


Faf, Aaron, 21:2 & 3:139. 

The Far West in the '80's by John J. Fox, 21:1:3. 

Farm, William A. Empey's at Tonaquint, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Farr, Aaron, 21:2 & 3:162. 

Fee, Larry or Lawrence, 21:1:17. 

Ferry, Missouri, 21:2 & 3:115, 116. 

Ferry, Mormon, 21:2 & 3:152, 153. Ferrying over the Platte River, 
21:2 & 3:116. 

Fielding, Martha, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Finfrock, Dr. J. W., 21:2 & 3:187, 202, 208, 210. 

Finley, Colonel William, 21:2 & 3:164; the first bicycle tour of 
Yellowstone National Park, 21:1:100. 

Fire-figliting company, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:203. 

Fire, first in Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:203. 

First home in Ogden, Utah, built by Miles Goodyear, 21:2 & 3:165. 

First Postmaster at Banner, 21:1:99. 

The first sheep sheared by the steam stearing method, by Mrs. 
J. B. Okie, 21:1:100. 

The first steamboat, the Zillah, 21:1:100. 

Fitzpatrick, Thomas, urges creation of military post at Fort Lara- 
mie, 21:2 & 3:173, 174, 179, 183. 

Flat boat, 21:2 & 3:115. 

Flint, Thomas, diary, 21:2 & 3:123. 

Florisant, Missouri, 21:2 & 3:117. 

Ford, Irene, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Fork River, 21:2 & 3:146. 

Fort Bernard, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Fort Bridger, 21:2 & 3:137, 141, 150, 163, 164, 166, 178. 

Fort John Buford, 21:2 & 3:190. 

Fort Collins, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Fort Fetterman, 21:2 & 3:213. 

Fort Francis E. Warren, band from, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Fort Hall, 21:2 & 3:149, 160, 163, 166, 178, 187. 

Fort Halleck, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Fort John, 21:2 & 3:132, 133, 155. 

Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:112, 129, 130, 133, 137, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
155, 159, 160, 172, 173, 174, 177, 179. 

Fort Laramie, a poem, Mae Urbanek, 21:2 & 3:168. 

Fort Leavenworth, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Fort New Helvetia, founded by John August Sutter, 21:2 & 3:178. 

Fort Owen, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Fort Platte, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Fort Sanders, 21:2 & 3:190, 192, 193, 201. 

Fort Walback, 21:2 & 3:190. 

Fort Wallawalla, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Fourche Boise Creek, 21:2 & 3:132. 

Fox, Denis L., 21:1:4. 

Fox, John James, 21:1:3-4; portrait, 21:1:2. 

Fox Park, 21:2 & 3:198. 

France, sends gifts in "Merci" train to Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Frank, H., 21:2 & 3:207. 

Fredrick, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:141, 142, 165. 

"Freedom Train," American, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Freighting teams, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Fremont, 21:2 & 3:114; California Battalion, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Fremont, Colonel, 21:2 & 3:144, 147, 175, 179. 

French, Americans send them food in "Freedom Train," 21:2 & 3:236. 


French traders, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Frontier, The, Dinwiddle, John (or David), 21:2 & 3:123. 

Frontier Hotel, 21:2 & 3:207. 

Frontier living, 21:1:4, 5, 6. 

Fuller, E. O., gift to miiseum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Fullerton, Ellen Miller, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Fullmer, David, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Fur trading in Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:171. 


Gaines, Ruth, Gold Rush, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Galbraith, Robert, 21:2 & 3:202. ^ 

Gambling devices of the early '80's, 21:1:59. 

Garber, Mrs. Ehzabeth, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Gary, George, 21:2 & 3:164, 165. 

Gates, J. E., 21:2 & 3:193. 

Gay lord. Orange, his diary of 1853, 21:2 & 3:123. 

Geer, Mrs. (Elizabeth Dixon Smith), 21:2 & 3:165; Ralph, 162, 164. 

George Lake, 21:2 & 3:198. 

Giant Hot Springs at Thermopohs, 21:1:100. 

Gieseker, Mrs. Brenda R., Librarian of Missouri Historical Society, 
21:2 & 3:121. 

Gifts in the French "Merci" train for Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Oilman & Carter, 21:2 & 3:211. 

Gilmer, John (Jack) T., 21:2 & 3:226. 

Glasgow, Scotland, Fox sailed from in Feb., 1885, 21:1:4. 

Glendo, Wyoming, 21:1:89. 

Glines, Erick, 21:2 & 3:139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 153, 154, 162, 163. 

Goddard Frederick B., 21:2 & 3:213. 

Gold, 21:2 & 3:111, 117, 178, 225. 

Gold Rush, Read, Georgia Wilhs, and Gaines, Ruth, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Goldseekers, 1848, number of vessels, 21:2 & 3:178; in 1849, number 
of wagons and men crossing the Missouri River, 21:2 & 3:178. 

Goodyear, Miles, 21:2 & 3:165. 

Gordon, Johnny, 21:2 & 3:232. 

Gore, George, 21:2 & 3:186. 

Gory, James, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Goshen County, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Gothenburg, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:146. 

Government, city of Laramie, 1868, 21:2 & 3:200. 

Governor and Mrs. Hoyt, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Governor's office, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Governor of Wyoming, A. G. Crane, 21:2 & 3:236 

Graff, Everett D., Chicago book collector, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Gramm, O., 21:2 & 3:207. 

Grand Island, 21:2 & 3:118, 152. 

Graves, old, marked in Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Great Salt Lake, 21:2 & 3:112. 

Great Salt Lake City, 21:2 & 3:118. 

Great Spirit, 21:2 & 3:215. 

Greeley, Horace, remarks about the "fabulous forties" and west- 
ward migration, 21:2 & 3:175. 

Green Bay, Lee County, Iowa, 21:2 & 3: 164. 

Green, Ralph C, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Greenburg, Dan, Sixty Years, 21:2 & 3:216. 

Greene, John, 21:2 & 3:113. 

Green River, 21:2 & 3:111, 139, 153, 162. 

Greenwood River, 21:2 & 3:166. 


Grieve, James H., 21:2 & 3:150. 

Grondahl, Jens K., biography, 21:2 & 3:108; The Slaughter of the 

Bison, 21:2 & 3:214. 
Grout buildings, 21:2 & 3:232. 
Grover, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:111, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 142, 153, 

154, 155, 156, 163: superintendent of the Mormon ferry, 21:2 

& 3:133. 
Groves, Jeff, 21:1:22. 
Guadalajara, Mexico, 21:1:3. 

Gubler, Mrs. Ruth, granddaughter of W. A. Empey, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Guernsey, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Gunnison, Lt. John W., journal, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Gushurst, P. A., 21:2 & 3:227. 
Gurrelle, John, 21:2 & 3:200. 


Hadsell, Frank, 21:1:3, 7, 12, 14, 22. 

Hadsell, Mrs. Frank, portrait, 21:1:44. 

Hadsell, Kleber, 21:1:3. 

Hafen, L. R., Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Hager, Mrs. Helen, 21:2 & 3:231. 

Hailstorm of 1878, Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Hale, Israel F., 21:2 & 3:114; "Diary of a Trip to California in 

1849," 21:2 & 3:122. 
Haley, J. Evetts, 21:1:96. 
Haley, Ora, 21:2 & 3:194. 
Hall, Fort, 21:2 & 3:149, 160, 163, 166. 
Hambleton, Madison B., 21:2 & 3:113. * 

Hance, M. A., 21:2 & 3:202. 
Hancock, Levi, 21:2 & 3:112. 
Harmon A,ppleton, 21:2 & 3:111-115, 118, 120, 122, 133, 135, 138-148, 

150, 152, 153, 155, 159-164. 
Harmon & Teats, 21:2 & 3:211. 

Harrell, James E. R., reminiscences of, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Harris, Black, 21:2 & 3:159, 160, 166. 
Harris, Dr. William, 21:2 & 3:202. 
Harrison, Hugh, 21:2 & 3:160; John. 
Hartwell, S. M., 21:2 & 3:208. 
Harty, Daniel, 21:2 & 3:164; James, N., 164. 
"Hashknife," name of a brand and also an outfit, 21:1:28, 96. 
Hastings, Loren B., 21:2 & 3:161, 162, 164. 
Hatcher, Mrs. Amelia, 21:2 & 3:207. 
Hawk, Jake, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Hayford, editor, Laramie Daily Sentinel, 21:2 & 3:205, 209. 
Haygood, Ruben, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Heart Throbs of the West, 21:2 & 3: 123. 
Hickman, Bill, 21:1:19. 
Higbee 21:2 & 3:139; Brother, 21:2 & 3:140, 143, 163; Brother John, 

21:2 & 3:144; John, 21:2 & 3:133, 135, 136, 138, 151; John S., 

21:2 & 3:111, 153, 154. 
Higgens, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:136; Captain Nelson, 

21:2 & 3:157. 
Highest point on any railroad in U. S., 21:2 & 3:211. 
"Hill Ferry," 21:2 & 3:155. 
Hill, Henry, 21:2 & 3:155. 
"Hillers," 21:2 & 3:226. 
Hilton, G. F., 21:2 & 3:210. 
Hines, Celinda E., diary, 21:2 & 3:123. 


Hinman, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Historian, Wyoming State, 21:2 & 3:227. 

Historian's Office of the Church of Latter Day Saints, diaries, 

21:2 & 3:121. 
Historic Fort Laramie, the Huh of Early Western History, 1834-1849, 

by Hazel Noble Boyack, 21:2 & 3:170. 
History of Albany County to 1880, by Lola Homsher, 21:2 & 3:181. 
"History and Journal of the Life and Travels of Jesse W. Crosby," 

Annals of Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:122. 
Hobson, Hadley, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Hockett, Captain (Holgate), 21:2 & 3:161; his company, 21:2 & 3:138. 
Hodge, Captain, 21:2 & 3:135; (possibly Jesse Monroe Hodges or his 

son D. R. Hodges), 21:2 & 3:155. 
Holgate, J. C, (Hockett), 21:2 & 3:161. 
Holladay, Ben., 21:1:88; 21:2 & 3:186. 
Holliday, W. H. & Co., 21:2 & 3:208. 
Holt, Reed & Rhodes, 21:2 & 3:211. 
Homsher, Lola, biog., 21:2 & 3:108; review of The Cheyenne and 

Black Hills Stage and Express Routes, Spring, Agnes Wright, 

21:2 & 3:225: History of Albany County to 1880, 21:2 & 3:181. 
Hopkins, 21:2 & 3:192. 
Hopper, Charles, 21:2 & 3:159. 
Horse Creek, 21:2 & 3:129. 
Horse Shoe Bend, 21:2 & 3:155. 
Horse Shoe Creek, 21:2 & 3:131. 
Horseshoe Creek Station, 21:1:89. 
Horticultural Commission, 21:1:3. 

Hospitals, Laramie, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:206. 
House of Representatives, Speaker, Herman Mayland, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Hoyt, Governor and Mrs., 21:2 & 3:226. 
Huber, 21:2 & 3:160. 
Hucklebee, Kittean, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Hudson Bay Company, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Hunter, Colin, 21:2 & 3:232; James, 232; Ranch, 232; Richard, 232; 

Mrs. Thomas, 231. 
Huntington, Henry E., Library, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Hunton, John, 21:2 & 3:183. 
Husband, Bruce, proprietor of Ft. Laramie, sells to Lt. Daniel P. 

Woodberry, 21:2 & 3:179. 
Huston, Al, 21:2 & 3:188. 
Hutton & Co., 21:2 & 3:208. 
Hutton, C. H., 21:2 & 3:191. 
Hutton Lake, 21:2 & 3:198. 
Hyannis, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:231. 
Hyde, Orson, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Idaho, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Idaho Cattle and Horse Growers Association, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Idaho Territory, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Illinois, 21:2 & 3:131. 

Illinois, Morgan County, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Immigrants, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Impressions of a Bostonian, 21:2 & 3:233. 

Improvement Era, 21:2 & 3:120-122. 

Indian Grove, 21:2 & 3:157. 

Indiana, 21:2 & 3:165. 

Indians, 21:2 & 3:128, 179, 181. 

Ingersol, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:137. 


Ingersoll, Chester, 21:2 & 3:159, 161. 

Ingram, Elva, grave of, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Ingrim, Godfrey C, 21:2 & 3:116. 

Instructor, The, organ of the Deseret Sunday School Union of the 

L.D.S. Church, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Insurance, Medical, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:206. 
"Interesting Items Concerning the Journeying of the Latter Day 

Saints from the City of Nauvoo, Until Their Location in the 

Valley of the Great Salt Lake," Pratt, Orson, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Iowa, Salem, 21:2 & 3:139, 162. 
Iron County Mission, 21:2 & 3:119; journal of, Smith, George A., 

21:2 & 3:123. 
Islay, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:231. 
Ivinson, Edward, 21:2 & 3:207; Co., 21:2 & 3:209. 

Jackman, Levi, 21:2 & 3:150; diary, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Jackson, General, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Jackson, William H., 21:2 & 3:227. 

Jacob, Norton, 21:2 & 3:150, 151, 153, 159; buffalo, 21:2 & 3:146; 
diary, 21:2 & 3:146; important record kept by him, 21:2 & 3:121. 

James Lake, 21:2 & 3:197. 

Jelm area, W. T., 21:2 & 3:197. 

Jenkins, Perry W., 21:1:88. 

J G brand, 21:2 & 3:232. 

John, Fort, 21:2 & 3:132, 155. 

John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Johnny Slaughter, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Johnson, Andrew, Latter-day Saints' Biographical Encyclopedia, 
21:2 & 3:122. 

Johnson, Brother, 21:2 & 3:139, 140, 142, 143, 144. 

Johnson County, 21:1:30-31; war in 1892, 21:1:31. 

Johnson, Mrs. Hilda, 21:1:42. 

Johnson, Luke, 21:2 & 3:111-112, 133, 135, 138, 147, 153, 154, 163. 

Johnson, Ralph E., 21:2 & 3:217. 

Johnson's Ranch, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Johnston, Experiences of a '49er, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Johnston, Overland to California, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Johnston, William, 21:2 & 3:113-114. 

Joliet, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Joliet Signal, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Jones, 21:2 & 3:163; Mrs. Belle, 21:1:42; Johnny, 21:1:13, 79; Na- 
thaniel, 21:2 & 3:164, 166, 167. 

Jordon, Mrs. John L., 21:2 & 3:230. 

"Journal of the Iron County Mission," Smith, George A., 21:2 
& 3:123. 

"Journal of Lt. John W. Gunnison," 21:2 & 3:123. 

The Journal of Madison Berryman Moorman, 1850-51, 21:2 & 3:122. 

"Journal of a Tour Across the Continent of North America from 
Boston, via Independence, Missouri, the Rocky Mountains, to 
San Francisco, in 1849," Amos Batchelder, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Journal of a Trip Across the Plains of the U. S. from Missouri to 
California, in the year 1856, Brown, J. Robert, 21:2 & 3: 123. 

Journal of Travels over the Rocky Mountains, Palmer, Joel, 21:2 
& 3:147. 

Journal of Travels from St. Josephs to Oregon, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Journal of William A. Empey, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Junction Bluff Creek, 21:2 & 3:146. 



Kansas Historical Quarterly, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Kaw River, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Kearney, Col. Stephen W., 21:2 & 3:164, 166, 167, 175. 

Keith, Mrs. M. C, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:241. 

Kelly, Mrs. Nicholas, 21:2 & 3:136. 

Kelly, William, 21:2 & 3:113, 122. 

Kemmerer, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:235. 

Kendrick, John B., 21:1:97. 

Keplin, commissioned by the American Fur Company to entice 

the Sioux into the fur trading business, 21:2 & 3:174. 
Kerr, E. L., 21:2 & 3:210. 
Kerr, John W., 21:1:91. 

Kessler, Mrs. Julia, daughter of Appleton Harmon, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Keystone area in Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:197. 
Keystone, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:147. 
KFBC, station, 21:2 & 3:236. 

"Kid," hanging of, in Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:201. 
Kimball, Heber C, 21:2 & 3:121, 126, 132, 147, 151. 
Kimsey, Judge, 21:2 & 3:152. 
Kirtland, Ohio, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Kiskadden, James Harry, 21:1:91. 
Kiskadden, Maude (Adams) 21:1:92. 
Kiskadden-Slade, 21:1:88-92. 
Kiskadden, William, 21:1:91. 
Knuth, Miss Priscilla, Research Asst. in Oregon Historical Society, 

21*2 & 3'121 
Krakei, C. D., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Kuster, C, 21:2 & 3:208. 
Kuykendall, Judge William L., 21:2 & 3:187, 190, 192, 226. 

La Bonte River ("Big Timber Creek"), 21:2 & 3:150; trapper, 183. 

La Fayette County, Missouri, 21:2 & 3:158. 

La Grange, Wyoming, 21:1:93; 21:2 & 3:220. 

Lancaster Castle, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Land of Paradise, Lo-no-was, 21:2 & 3:168. 

Landmarks, 21:2 & 3:223. 

La-no-was, Land of Paradise, 21:2 & 3:168. 

La Porte, 21:2 & 3:165, 188. 

La Prele Creek, 21:2 & 3:150. 

La Ramee, Jacques, 21:2 & 3:168, 171. 

Laramie City, established, 21:2 & 3:193, 196, 200. 

Laramie County, 21:2 & 3:192, 193, 194, 196. 

Laramie County School Board, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Laramie, Fort, 21:2 & 3:129, 130, 134, 137, 147, 148, 149, 155, 159. 

Laramie, hospitals, 21:2 & 3:206. 

Laramie Mountains, 21:2 & 3:181, 185, 188, 191. 

Laramie Peak, 21:2 & 3:131, 169. 

Laramie Plains, described by Ashley, 21:2 & 3:181, 186, 189, 191, 

192, 198, 199, 227. 
Laramie, population, 1871, 21:2 & 3:210; in 1875, 21:2 & 3:210; in 

1880, 21:2 & 3:210. 
Laramie River, 21:2 & 3:148, 149, 197. 
Laramie, Wyoming Territory, city of, 21:2 & 3:200. 
Larmier, W. J., 21:2 & 3:211. 
Larson, T. A., 21:1:3. 


Lassen Cut-Off, 21:2 & 3:157. 

Last big buffalo hunt, 21:2 & 3:214. 

Latham, 21:2 & 3:210 . 

Lathrop, A. G., 21:2 & 3:211. 

Latter Day Saints' Biographical Encyclopedia, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Latter Day Saints Church has custody of diary of George A. Smith, 

21:2 & 3:121; diaries, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Lavender, David, The Big Divide, 21:2 & 3:243. 
Laws of Utah, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Layton, L. E., 21:2 & 3:211. 
Leavenworth, Fort, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Lee County, Iowa, 21:2 & 3:164. 
Lee, Daniel, early missionary of Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:173; Jason 

Lee, 173. 
Legislation, livestock, 21:2 & 3:218. 
Legislature, Second territorial, 21:2 & 3:193. 
Leigh, Richard, 21:1:100. 
Leonard, A. H., 21:2 & 3:214. 
Leroy, C. R., 21:2 & 3:207. 
Lewellen, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:147, 223. 

Lewis and Clark, Cheyenne Indians, Black Hills region, 21:2 & 3:181. 
Lewis, N. E., 21:2 & 3:187. 
Librarian, Wyoming State, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Library, Henry E. Huntington, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Lieulling, H., 21:2 & 3:139. 
Lincoln County, 21:2 & 3:192. 
Lisco, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Litchfield, H. G., Major, 21:2 & 3:190. 
Little Blue River, 21:2 & 3:155. 
Little and Coolbroth, hotel, 21:2 & 3:213. 
Little-John, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Littlejohn, Mrs. (formerly Adeline Saddler), 21:2 & 3:165. 
Littlejohn, P. B., Presbyterian missionary, 21:2 & 3:165. 
Little Laramie, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:187, 197. 
Little Sandy, 21:2 & 3:159. 
Livestock industry, women in, 21:2 & 3:230. 
Livestock Legislative Committee, 21:2 & 3:219. 
Livestock, Mormon, feeding problem created by buffalo, 21:2 & 

Livestock and Sanitary Board, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Lockley, Fred, 21:2 & 3:157, 166. 
Lodge Pole Creek, 21:2 & 3:185, 189, 190, 198. 
Loomis, Abner, 21:2 & 3:190. 
Lost Cabin, 21:1:100. 
Lost Creek, 21:2 & 3:127. 
Louisiana purchase, 1802, 21:2 & 3:181, 191. 
Love, Louise O'Leary, 21:1:93. 
Luddington, Brother Elam, 21:2 & 3:136. 
Luelling, Henderson, 21:2 & 3:162. 

Luellyn, planted a nursery in a wagon bed, 21:2 & 3:160. 
Lundwall, N. B., Exodus from Modern Israel, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Lusk, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:217. 

Lyman, Amasa, 21:2 & 3:136, 146, 147, 149, 155, 156, 160. 
Lyman, Brother Amasa, 21:2 & 3:124, 125, 136; his diary kept by 

Albert Carrington, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Lytle, Andrew, 21:2 & 3:113, 115. 



"Magic City of the Plains," Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Magone, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:138. 

Magoon, Major, 21:2 & 3:160, 161. 

Maloney, Alta, Cow-Belles Wow Sisters from Back East, 21:2 & 

Mandel, Phil, 21:2 & 3:188, 192. 
Manners, 21:1:24, 25, 27. 

Manual of Rural Appraisement, See John Fox, 21:1:3. 
March of the Mounted Rifleman, Cross, Osborne, 21:2 & 3:122. 
Markham, Stephen, 21:2 & 3:151, 153. 
Marking old graves in Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Marriage, plural, defending the doctrine, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Marsh, Charles, 21:2 & 3:211. 
Marshall, James W., found gold in 1848, at Fort New Helvetia, 

21:2 & 3:178. 
Massac County, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:150. 
Martin, Charles, 21:2 & 3:117. 
Matlock, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Matthew, William or Benjamin, 21:2 & 3:136. 
Maverick, 21:1:48. 
Mayland, Herman, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Mead, George S., gift to the museum, 21:2 & 3:240. 
Medical insurance plan, first in Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:206. 
Medicine Bow Mountains, 21:2 & 3:181, 185, 198. 
Medicine Bow River, toll bridge, 21:1:79. 
Meek, C. P. (Dub), 21:2 & 3:226. 

Meek, Stephen Hall, A Momitain Man, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Merchants, Laramie, 1868, first, 21:2 & 3:208. 
"Merci" train, car received by Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:236; gift to 

museum, 21:2 & 3:240. 
Methodist preacher, Hastings, Loren B., 21:2 & 3:161. 
Mexico, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Military forts in the West, 21:2 & 3:177, 179. 
Millar, Wilham L. H., 21:2 & 3:190. 
Millennial Star, Liverpool, 21:2 & 3:120, 160. 
Miller, A. J., 21:2 & 3:175. 

Miller, Mrs. Effie, granddaughter of W. A. Empey, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Miller & Pfeiffer, 21:2 & 3:208. 

Miners, keeping them out of the Indian territory, 21:2 & 3:225. 
Mining, 21:2 & 3:213. 
Minitare, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Missionaries at Fort Laramie after 1832, 21:2 & 3:173. 
Mississippi River, 21:2 & 3:130, 191. 

Mississippi Saints, Mormons, 21:2 & 3:147, 148, 155, 157, 163. 
Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Index, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Missouri companies going west, 21:2 & 3:151, 152. 
Missouri Historical Society, 21:2 & 3:121, 167. 
Missouri Republican, 21:2 & 3:117, 123, 163. 

Missouri River, 21:2 & 3:111, 112, 117, 125, 133, 152, 153, 158, 178. 
Mizner, Captain Henry R., 21:2 & 3:189, 190. 
Modeste, British ship, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Monument at La Grange, 21:1:99. 

Monument at the mouth of Rawhide Creek, 21:1:99. 
Monuments, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Moore, Asa, 21:2 & 3:201. 

Moorman, Madison Berryman, 21:2 & 3:115, 116. 
Moran, Mrs. Ellen, 21:2 & 3:231. 


Morgan, Dale L., biography, 21:2 & 3:108; editor of the journal of 
William A. Empey, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Morgan County, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Morgan, Mary Ann, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Mormons, 21:2 & 3:112, 118, 120, 137, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 159, 
162, 164, 165, 176, 220. 

Mormon Battahon, 21:2 & 3:162, 166. 

Mormon Battalion, Sick Detachment, 21:2 & 3:147, 155, 162. 

Mormon ferry, 21:2 & 3:111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 123, 147, 152, 153, 
154, 155, 163; superintendent of, 21:2 & 3:134; Mormon monop- 
oly of, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Morrill, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Morrison, New Jersey, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Morrison, W. W., 21:2 & 3:223. 

Mother Xavier Rose, Sister of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas, 
21:2 & 3:206. 

Mulkey, Cyrenius, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Mulkey, Frederick W., 21:2 & 3:158. 

Mulkey, Johnson, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Mulkey, Marion F., 21:2 & 3:158. 

Mulkey, Westley, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Muller, Dan, 21:2 & 3:243. 

Murphy, Lavinia, 21:2 & 3:167. 

Murrin, Col. Luke, 21:1:92. 

Museum collection of Wyoming historical items, 21:2 & 3:221. 

Museum, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Mutton Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Myers, Lewis B., 21:2 & 3:148, 150. 


McCay, 21:2 & 3:157. 

McClay, 21:2 & 3:157. 

McCoole, J. S., 21:2 & 3:213. 

McCoy, 21:2 & 3:157. 

McFadden & Bishop, 21:2 & 3:208. 

McGee, Mrs. Bert, 21:2 & 3:234. 

McGee, Mr. and Mrs. Bert, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 

McGee, Captain, 21:2 & 3:139, 140. 

Mcintosh, Marguerite, (see Boice, Mrs. Fred D.), 21:2 & 3:234. 

McKee, Captain Joel, his company, 21:2 & 3:163. 

McKinney, Captain, his company^ 21:2 & 3:137. 

McKinney, Rev. John, 21:2 & 3:160. 

McKinney, Matilda, 21:2 & 3:160. 

McKinney, William, 21:2 & 3:160. 

McClay, Captain, (possibly McCay), 21:2 & 3:157. 

McLeod, John, 21:2 & 3:202. 

MacLeod, R. E., 21:2 & 3:223. 

McMinnville, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:155. 

McMurtrie, Douglas C, Overland to California in 1847, 21:2 & 3:159. 



Nagle, E., 21:2 & 3:200. 

Napa County, 21:1:3. 

National Guard Headquarters, Cheyenne, 21:2 & 3:236. 

National Monument, Scottsbluff, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nauvoo, 21:2 & 3:118, 147. 

Nauvoo, expulsion of Mormon Saints, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Nauvoo, Illinois, Mormon exodus, 21:2 & 3:176. 

Nebraska, Bayard, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nebraska, Lewellen, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Nebraska, Minitare, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nebraska, Morrill, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nebraska, Northport, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nebraska, Sandhills, 21:2 & 3:231. ^ 

Nebraska, Scottsbluff, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Nebraska, Scottsbluff Museum, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Nebraska, Sidney, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Nebraska Territory, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Nevada State Cattle Growers Association, 21:2 & 3:220. 

New York House, 21:2 & 3:207. 

Nighthawk, 21:1:49. 

N He s' National Register, 21:2 8i 3:160. 

Nimrods, 21:2 & 3:214. 

North Bluff Fork, 21:2 & 3:146. 

North Park, 21:2 & 3:185. 

North Platte, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:146. 

North Platte River, 21:2 & 3:111, 150, 198. 

Nuckolls, President, 1871 Council, 21:2 & 3:194. 

Nye, Bill, 21:1:77. 


Ohio, 21:2 & 3:133, 155; Regiment, 158. 

Okie, J. B., 21:1:100; Mrs. J. B., 100. 

Opdyke, Bill, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Operation Snowbound, 21:2 & 3:219. 

Oregon, 21:2 & 3:111, 130, 157, 158, 159, 161, 169. 

Oregon-California Trail, 21:2 & 3:178. 

Oregon City, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:164. 

Oregon emegrants, 21:2 & 3:112. 

Oregon Historical Quarterly, 21:2 & 3:161, 166. 

Oregon Historical Society, 21:2 & 3:121, 158. 

Oregon Immigration, 21:2 & 3:157. 

Oregon Immigrants, 21:2 & 3:113. 

Oregon Spectator, 21:2 & 3:158, 159, 164. 

Oregon, To Oregon by Ox-Team in '47, Lockley, Fred, history of 

the Hunt family, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Oregon Trail, 21:2 & 3:147, 186. 
Orego7i Trail and Some of Its Blazers, The, Rucker, Maude A., 

21:2 & 3:166. 
Oregon Trail, strategic location of Fort Laramie on, 21:2 & 3:170. 
Oregon Trail, first movement of U. S. troops over in 1845, 21:2 

& 3:176. 
Organic Act creating Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:192. 
Oskaloosa, 21:2 & 3:156, 166. 

Ossanabrook, Storment County, Canada, 21:2 & 3:118. 
Otter Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Outlaw bands, plague the stage lines, 21:2 & 3:225. 


Overland to California, Johnston, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Overland to California in 1847, McMurtrie, Douglas C, 21:2 & 3:159. 

"Overland to the Gold Fields of California in 1852," 21:2 & 3:122. 

Overland journals, 21:2 & 3:112, 116, 117. 

Overland Stage Company, 21:2 & 3:187, 189, 190. 

Overland Trail, 21:1:89; 21:2 & 3:111, 149, 183, 187, 189. 

Overland travel, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Owen Fort, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Owen, Major John, his letters and journals, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Owens, W. W., 21:1:100. 

Owhyhee, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Oxen, 21:2 & 3:113, 114, 115. 

OX outfit, 21:1:96. 

Paden, Irene D., The Wake of the Prairie Schooner, 21:2 & 3:123. 

Palmer, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:137, 147, 158. 

Parker, Samuel, early missionary at Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:173. 

Parkman, Francis, refers to Indian insolence, and urges establish- 
ment of military post at Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:179. 

Paris, 21:2 & 3:237. 

Parkman, Francis, registered at Fort Laramie in 1846, 21:2 & 3:177. 

Parowan, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Patterson, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:136. 

Party, pioneer. Mormon, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Pattison, Elijah, 21:2 & 3:157. 

Pattison, Rachel E., grave of, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Paul, Ethel, 21:1:91. 

Paulus, Father, 21:2 & 3:206. 

Pawnee Indians, 21:2 & 3:147, 160, 174; Nebraska, 146. 

Peak, Laramie, 21:2 & 3:131. 

Pease County, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:196. 

Pease, L. D., 21:2 & 3:202, 209. 

Penitentiary, State at Rawlins, completed in 1898, 21:1:15. 

Pennington, Mrs. Julia Ann, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Persimmon Bill, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Petersen, Allen, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:240. 

Phelan, Elizabeth, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Pike County, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Pine Bluffs, Wyoming, 21:1:93. 

Pine Valley, 21:2 & 3:119. 

"Pioneer Diary of Eliza R. Snow," 21:2 & 3:122. 

Pioneer journey. Mormon, of 1847, 21:2 & 3:123, 137. 

Pioneer Party, Mormon, 21:2 & 3:154; Pioneers, Camp of, 21:2 
& 3:139. 

Platte, 21:2 & 3:125, 129, 132, 133. 

Platte Bridge, 21:2 & 3:112, 116, 117. 

Platte ferry (Mormon), 21:2 & 3:159, 163. 

Platte, Fort, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Platte, North, 21:2 & 3:112, 113, 114, 117. 

Platte, North, River, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Platte River, 21:2 & 3:118, 147, 148, 149, 152, 155, 157, 158, 164, 
165, 167, 225. 

Platte River, Coal discovered for first time, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Platte River, ferrying, 21:2 & 3:113. 

Platte Valley, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Polley, Peter, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Pomeroy, 21:2 & 3:154. 


Pomeroy, Francis M., 21:2 & 3:111, 112, 133, 135, 137, 153. 

Pony Express, Father of, W. H. Russell, 21:2 & 3:177. 

Population, city of Laramie, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:200. 

Population, Laramie, 1871, 1875, 1880, 21:2 & 3:210. 

Population, Sherman, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:211. 

P O Ranch, 21:2 & 3:233. 

Porter, Mary Harriet, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Port Pierre, South Dakota, 21:2 & 3:214. 

Postmaster, at Banner, first, 21:1:99. 

Potter, 21:2 & 3:113. 

Powell, William, 21:2 & 3:214. 

Prairie Dog Creek, 21:1:99. 

Pratt, Brother Orson, 21:2 & 3:124, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 159, 
177, 214. 

Pratt, Orson, "Interesting Items Concerning the Journeying of the 
Latter Day Saints from the City of Nauvoo, Until their Loca- 
tion in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake," 21:2 & 3:120. 

President of the Senate, George Burke, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Prettyman, Dr. and family, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Price, George F., Across the Continent with the 5th Cavalry, 21:2 
& 3:242. 

Prices of merchandise purchased in 1885 by John Fox, 21:1:3. 

Priedeaum, Gabriel, 21:2 & 3:149. 

"The Prodigal Son," topic of sermon given by Rev. Henry Spauld- 
ing at Fort Laramie, on July 17, 1836, 21:2 & 3:173. 

Professional services, Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:209. 

Provines, Kate Ellena, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:240. 

Prudhomme, Gabriel, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Pueblo, 21:2 & 3:147, 148, 155. 

Pugmyer, Johnathan, 21:2 & 3:136, 138, 157. 

Purbelow, 21:2 & 3:135. 

Purbelo, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Putman, Captain Daniel, his company, 21:2 & 3:137, 158. 


Quaker, 21:2 & 3:138, 139, 162. 

"Quarter Circle F," 21:1:18. 

Quarter Circle V ranches, 21:2 & 3:231. 

Quarters, Winter, 21:2 & 3:118. 

Quealy, Mrs. P. J., 21:2 & 3:234. 

Quelling, H., 21:2 & 3:138. 

Quote and Unquote, biog, of Russell Thorp, 21:2 & 3:216. 


Rafts replaced by ferry boats, Mormons, 21:2 & 3:152. 

Railroad in the Black Hills area, advent of, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Ranch, Frank Hadsell's, Illustration, 21:1:10. 

Ranches and ranching, women managers, 21:2 & 3:230. 

Rattlesnake Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Raw Hide Buttes, 21:2 & 3:217. 

Rawhide Creek, 21:1:93. 

Raw Hide Creek, 21:2 & 3:130; River, 148. 

Rawlins, State Penitentiary, completed in 1898, 21:1:15. 

Rawlins, Wyoming, 21:1:3, 52. 

Ray County, Missouri, 21:2 & 3:166. 

R-Bar-T ranch, 21:2 & 3:217. 


Rea, William, 21:2 & 3:211. 

Read, Georgia Willis, Gold Rush, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Real Property, value in Laramie, W. T., 1875, 21:2 & 3:201. 

Recollections of a California Pioneer, Abbott, C. S., 21:2 & 3:122. 

Record Stockman, 21:2 & 3:229. 230. 

Red Buttes, 21:2 & 3:167, 213. 

Redding, J., 21:2 & 3:151. 

Red Hills, 21:2 & 3:132. 

Red Wing Daily Republican, 21:2 & 3:215. 

Reed, Donner-Reed Party, 21:2 & 3:165. 

"Regulators" in Illinois, 21:2 & 3:150. 

Relay stations, stage lines, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Religious orders in Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:206. 

Reminiscences of Alexander Toponce, 21:1:91. 

Remittance Men, 21:1:83-84. 

Remsburg Ranch, near Lisco, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Renceleur, William, 21:2 & 3:117. 

Reni, Jules, 21:1:89. 

Retford, 21:2 & 3:137, 160. 

Revenue Cutter, the Mormon's leather boat, 21:2 & 3:151. 

Richard, John, 21:2 & 3:117. 

Richards, H. H., 21:2 & 3:207. 

Richards, Brother Willard, 21:2 & 3:126. 

Richardson, Joseph, 21:2 & 3:205. 

Richardson, Warren, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Richmond, Utah, 21:2 & 3:165. 

Ricketts, Dr., referred to as Dr. R., an Englishman and Frontier 
Dr. in Carbon, 21:1:8, 9. 

Rickreal Valley, 21:2 & 3:159. 

River, Bear, ferry across, 21:2 & 3:119. 

River, Laramie, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Roberts, Charles D., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:240. 

Robertson, John, gift to the museum, 21:2 & 3:238. 

Robinson, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Rockafield, Mrs., Bertha Bulla, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Rock Creek, 21:2 & 3:213. 

Rock River, 21:2 & 3:187, 188. 

Rock Springs Cattle Growers Association, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Rocky Mountains, 21:2 & 3:111. 

Rocky Mountain States, 21:2 & 3:223. 

Rockwood, Col. Albert, commanding the second division of Mor- 
mons in the migration, 21:2 & 3:153. 

Rogers and Co., 21:2 & 3:207, 209. 

Roosevelt, Theodore owned a ranch in South Dakota, 21:1:82. 

Root, Frank A., 21:2 & 3:187. 

Root, Riley, Journal of Travels from St. Josephs to Oregon, 21:2 
& 3:112, 122. 

Rothwell, John P., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 

Roughing it, 21:2 & 3:89. 

The Roundup, 21:1:46, 52. 

Ross Country, Ohio, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Rubber tire rustlers, 21:2 & 3:218. 

Rucker, Maude A., The Oregon Trail and Some of Its Blazers, 
21:2 & 3:166. 

Rulo, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:117. 

Russell, W. H., registered at Fort Laramie in 1846, 21:2 & 3:177. 

Ruxton, George F., described the Laramie Plains, 21:2 & 3:183. 


Saddler, Adeline (Mrs. P. B. Littlejohn) 21:2 & 3:165. 

Salaries of officials of early government in city of Laramie, W. T., 

21:2 & 3:202. 
Salem, Iowa, 21:2 & 3:139, 162. 
Salem, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Salt Lake, 21:2 & 3:143, 150. 
Salt Lake City, 21:2 & 3:112, 119, 191. 
Salt Lake Country, Great, 21:2 & 3:165. 
Salt Lake Valley, 21:2 & 3:114, 118. 
Sand Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Sanders, W. P., Brig. Gen., 21:2 & 3:190. 
Sanderson, Major Winslow F., arrived at Fort Laramie on June 16, 

1849, 21:2 & 3:179. 
San Diego County, California, 21:1:3. 
San Marino, California, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Santa Clara River, Junction with the Virgin River, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Sarpy, John B., official of the American Fur Company, after whom 

Fort Laramie was rechristened Fort John, 21:2 & 3:174. 
Saunder, Captain, 21:2 & 3:136, 156, 166. 
Sawyer, Lorenzo, 21:2 & 3:115, 116, 122. 

Schmitt, Martin F., Fighting hidians of the West, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Schoolhouse, 21:1:62. 
Scoon, Alfred, 21:2 & 3:232. 
Scott, Mrs. Anna Maxwell, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Scott, Levi, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Scottsbluff National Monument, 21:2 & 3:148. 
Scottsbluff Nebraska Museum, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Senate, President of, George Burke, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Settle, Raymond W., 21:2 & 3:122. 
Seven Mile Creek, 21:2 & 3:191. 

Seventy Years, by Agnes Wright Spring, 21:2 & 3:216, 227. 
Shawnee River, 21:2 & 3:155. 
Sheepherders, 21:1:63. 
Sherburne, Major J. P., 21:2 & 3:189. 
Sheriff, first in city of Laramie, W. T., 21:2 & 3:201. 
Sherlock, Richard, 21:1:87. 

Sherman, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:194, 211. 
Shoemaker, Floyd C, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Shuler & Spindler, 21:2 & 3:207. 
Shumway, Charles, 21:2 & 3:113. 
Sidney, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:225. 
Sierras, 21:2 & 3:160, 167. 
Silverstein Bros., 21:2 & 3:207. 

Sioux Indians, 21:2 & 3:128, 147, 160, 174, 179, 181. 
Sixty Years, by Dan Greenburg, 21:2 & 3:216. 
Slack and Webster, firm, 21:2 & 3:202. 
Slade family, 21:1:88-92. 
Slade, J. A., 21:1:90. 

Slaughter of the Bison, The, Grondahl, Jen K., 21:2 & 3:214. 
Smalley, Mrs. E. J. (Edith A.), gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:241. 
Smith, Alice, 21:2 & 3:233. 
Smith, Captain Cornelius, 21:2 & 3:165. 
Smith. Captain (Doctor), father of Moses Ira Smith, 21:2 & 3:152 

Smith, Elizabeth Dixon (later Mrs. Geer), 21:2 & 3:165. 
Smith, Elizabeth, see Whitaker, Mrs. Dugald, 21:2 & 3:233. 
Smith, George A., 21:2 & 3:121, 123, 178. 


Smith, Joseph, Mormon Prophet, 21:2 & 3:118. 

Smith, Moses Ira, 21:2 & 3:152, 153. 

Smith, Nancy Scott-Wisdom, 21:2 & 3:152, 157. 

Smith, Wisdom, 21:2 & 3:152. 

Snook, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:137. 

Snooks, Captain, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Snow, Eliza R., 21:2 & 3:112. 

Snow, Erastus, 21:2 & 3:120, 149. 

Snyder, D. H. & J. W. and families of, 21:1:93. 

Sobriquet, 21:1:71. 

Soda Lakes in Sweetwater County, 21:1:100. 

Soda Spring, 21:2 & 3:163. 

South Dakota, Port Pierre, 21:2 & 3:214. 

South Pass, 21:2 & 3:159, 167, 178. 

South Platte River, 21:2 & 3:186, 198. 

Spalding, Eliza, first white woman to cross Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:173. 

Spalding, Rev. Henry, at Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:173. 

Spanish, 21:2 & 3:144. 

Spanish bayonet, Oose, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Spanish soap weed, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Spanish in Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:181. 

Speaker of the House of Representatives, Herman Mayland, 21:2 
& 3:236. 

Spicer, N. F., 21:2 & 3:203. 

Spotwood, Bob, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Spring, Agnes Wright, Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage and Ex- 
press Routes, 21:2 & 3:243. 

Spring Creek, 21:2 & 3:189. 

"Stage coach King," 21:1:88. 

Stage lines, plagued by outlaw bands, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Stanley, Catherine, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Stanley, Larkin, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Stansbury, Captain Howard, 21:2 & 3:114, 116, 122, 185. 

State of Deseret, legislature of, 21:2 & 3:119. 

State Historical Society, Utah, 21:2 & 3:121. 

Station KFBC, 21:2 & 3:236. 

Steamboat, the first, 21:1:100. 

Steamboat Lake, 21:2 & 3:198. 

Steele, John, 21:2 & 3:155, 156. 

Steeves, Sarah Hunt, 21:2 & 3:121, 157, 160, 166. 

Stephens, G. A., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:242. 

Stephens, Roswell, 21:2 & 3:136, 155. 

Steward, Jim, 21:2 & 3:187. 

Stewart, Benjamin F., 21:2 & 3:111, 112, 133, 135, 153. 

Stewart, Sir William Drummond, member of party led by John C. 
Fremont in the 1843 migration, 21:2 & 3:175. 

St. George, Utah, Death of William A. Empey, 21:2 & 3:119. 

St. John, 21:2 & 3:135. 

St. Joseph, 21:2 & 3:160, 164. 

St. Joseph Gazette, 21:2 & 3:155, 161, 162. 

St. Joseph's hospital, Laramie, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:207. 

St. Louis Daily Union, 21:2 & 3:160. 

St. Louis, Missouri, fur emporium of the West, 21:2 & 3:178. 

St. Mary's River, Missionary station on (Bitterroot River), 21:2 
& 3:149. 

St. (Mormon), 21:2 & 3:111, 112, 114, 118, 119, 147, 150, 165. 

St. (Mississippi), 21:2 & 3:147, 148, 155, 157, 163. 

Stonewall Jackson, 21:1:16-20. 


Storment County, Canada, 21:2 & 3:118. 

Stout, Hosea, 21:2 & 3:112, 122. 

Stratton, John, 21:1:92. 

Streeter, Thomas W., 21:2 & 3:121. 

Stuart, B. F., 21:2 & 3:138. 

Sublette County Cattle Growers Association, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Sublette Cutoff, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Sulpher Springs, 21:2 & 3:188. 

Summit House, 21:2 & 3:211. 

Sutherland, Nebraska, 21:2 & 3:146. 

Sutter, John August, founded Fort New Helvetia, 21:2 & 3:178. 

Sutter's Fort, 21:2 & 3:159. 

Swain, A. G., 21:2 & 3:209. 

Swan, Alex, 21:2 & 3:226. 

Swan Land and Cattle Company. (See Anderson Land and Cattle 

Company), 21:1:82. 
Sweetwater County, 21:2 & 3:196. 
Sweetwater River, 21:2 & 3:164, 166. 

Talbot Hall, 21:2 & 3:207. 

Taylor, 21:2 & 3:136, 157, 162. 

Teats, J. H., 21:2 & 3:211. 

Tennessee, 21:2 & 3:160, 166. 

Teton County, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Texas Trail Drivers, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Texas Trail Monument, near Lusk, 21:2 & 3:220; near Rawhide 

Creek, 223; in Wyoming, 21:1:93, 99. 
Thayer, Governor, message to the Fourth Legislative Assembly, 

21:2 & 3:196. 
Thermopolis, 21:1:100. 

Thomas, L. Thomas, Bvt. Maj. General, 21:2 & 3:189. 
Thomkins family, 21:2 & 3:160. 
Thompson, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Thorp, Mr. Russell, 21:1:95; 21:2 & 3:216, 217, 218, 221, 227, 239. 
Tierney, Luke, Gold Discoveries on the North Platte River, 21:2 

& 3:243. 
Tie Siding, Wyoming Territory, 21:2 & 3:212. 
Times and Seasons, journal of Mr. Kimball, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Tippetts, John H., 21:2 & 3:155. 
Tomlinson, Miss, 21:2 & 3:161. 
Tonaquint, Empey's farm, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Tonn, M. G., 21:2 & 3:207. 
Tooley, P. H., 21:2 & 3:200. 
Torrington, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Towns and villages, Albany County, to 1880, 21:2 & 3:200. 
Townsley, M., 21:2 & 3:200. 
Traders, 21:2 & 3:155. 
Trail Drivers, 21:2 & 3:220. 

Train, "Merci," with gifts for Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Transactions of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association for 1901, address of welcome by Frederick 

W. Mulkey, son of Marion F. Mulkey and grandson of Mulkey 

pioneers of 1847, 21:2 & 3:158. 
Transactions of the Thirty-Third Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Transactions of the Thirty -Fifth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:165. 


Transactions of the Forty-Fifth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Transactions of the Forty-Sixth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Transactions of the Forty-Seventh Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Transactions of the Forty-Eighth Annual Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, Zeiber, John S., 21:2 & 3:123. 
Transactions of the Fifty-First Anmial Reunion of the Oregon 

Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:161. 
Treute, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Trimble, Edward, 21:2 & 3:147. 
Trout, D. W., 21:2 & 3:211. 
Trubody family, 21:2 & 3:159. 
Truesdale, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Truitt, Samuel, 21:2 & 3:166. 
Tucker, William, 21:2 & 3:150. 
Tullis, Squire, 21:2 & 3:163. 
Turner, 21:2 & 3:166. 

Turpens, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:137. 
Turpm, Captain William, 21:2 & 3:157, 158. 
Tustin, Caleb, S., 21:2 & 3:155; Wesley, 155. 
Twain, Mark, 21:1:89. 


Udimore, Sussex, 21:1:3. 

Uinta County, 21:2 & 3:192. 

Uncle John & Co., 21:2 & 3:211. 

Underwood & Co., 21:2 & 3:211. 

Union Pacific, 21:2 & 3:213; depot, 236; railroad, 211; used buffalo 

meat to feed crews, 214; hospital service in Laramie, W. T., 

206; gift to museum, 240; entered Laramie, W. T., 200. 
University of Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:227; buildings, 191, 207. 
Upper Missouri Agency, 21:2 & 3:191. 
Urbanek, Mae, Fort Laramie, a poem, 21:2 & 3:108, 168. 
Utah, 21:2 & 3:112, 116, 119; Bountiful, home of Mrs. Julius Kessler, 

21:2 & 3:120. 
Utah's "Dixie" country, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Utah Expedition, 21:2 & 3:151. 
Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine, diary of Heber C. 

Kimball, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Utah Historical Quarterly, Lorenzo and Harriet Young, 21:2 & 3: 120. 

123, 125, 155. 
Utah Historical Society, Norton Jacob, diary of Amasa Lyman 

kept by Albert Carrington, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Utah Hximanities Review, diary of Erastus Snow, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Utah, Panguitch, 21:2 & 3:121; parowan, 21:2 & 3:119; Payson, 

21:2 & 3:121; pioneers. Daughters of, 21:2 & 3:118; Saint George, 

119, 121; State Historical Society, 21:2 & 3:121. 


Van Tassell, Mrs. R. S., 21:2 & 3:230, 231. 

Vaugn, (Vaughn), Captain William, 21:2 & 3:135, 155. 

Vigilance committee. City of Laramie, 1868, 21:2 & 3:201. 

Vigilantes, 21:1:90, 92; 21:2 & 3:201. 

Villages, Albany County, to 1880, 21:2 & 3:200. 

Vine, James, 21:2 & 3:202, 208. 

Virginia Dale, 21:1:89; 21:2 & 3:186, 187, 188. 

Virginian, The, 21:1:27. 

Virgin River, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Viticulture, 21:2 & 3:119. 

Vogelseng, A., 21:2 & 3:208. 

Voorhees, Luke, 21:2 & 3:226. —- 


Wabash River country, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Wager, Con, 21:2 & 3:201. 

Wagner and Dunbar bank, 21:2 & 3:209. 

Wagner, Henry, 21:2 & 3:208. 

Waiilatpu, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Wake of the Prairie Schooner, The, Paden, Irene D., 21:2 & 3:123. 

Waker, Wilham, 21:2 & 3:139, 162. 

Walla Walla, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Wallace, Mrs. Hershill G., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:241. 

Ward, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:138, 161. 

Warm Spring, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Washington, 21:2 & 3:161, 225. 

Water, city of Laramie, 1874, 21:2 & 3:203. 

Watt, Mrs. Joe H., 21:2 & 3:228. 

Wayside Sketches, Sawyer, Lorenzo, 21:2 & 3:122. 

Webber, N. T., 21:2 & 3:211. 

Webster, T. J., 21:2 & 3:202. 

Wellesley College, 21:2 & 3:234. 

Wendover, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:149. 

Wentworth, E. N., 21:1:86. 

Weppner, Joseph, 21:2 & 3:223. 

West, Ray B., Editor, Rocky Mountain Cities, 21:2 & 3:243. 

Western Americana, 21:2 & 3:225. 

Western Department of the U. S. Army, 21:2 & 3:191. 

What I Saw in California, Bryant, Edwin, 21:2 & 3: 166. 

Whitaker, Mrs. Dugald, 21:2 & 3:229, 231, 232, 233. 

Whitcom, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:138; Lot, 161. 

White, Captain, his company, 21:2 & 3:138, 162. 

White, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Whitehorse Creek, 21:2 & 3:146. 

Whitetail Creek, 21:2 & 3:147. 

Whitman, Dr. Marcus at Ft. Laramie, 21:2 & 3:173. 

Whitman Massacre, 21:2 & 3:156. 

Whitman, Narcissa, 21:2 & 3:165, 173. 

Whitney, Horace K., extracts from the diary of Improvement Era, 

1947, 21:2 & 3:121. 
Why Cow-Belles? by Mrs. Joe H. Watt, 21:2 & 3:228. 
Wilcox, L. T., 21:2 & 3:207. 
Wild Life, 21:1:75. 
Wild Life Federation, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Wilde, A. E., gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:241. 


Will County, Illinois, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Willamette River, 21:2 & 3:161. 

Willamette Valley, 21:2 & 3:160. 

Williams, A. T., bakery, 21:2 & 3:207-208. 

WilHams, Bill, 21:1:64. 

Williams, Ezekiel, first white man in Albany County area, 21:2 

& 3:181. 
Williams, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:136. 
Wilhams, Velina A., diary, 21:2 & 3:123. 
Willow Springs, Wyoming, 21:2 & 3:187. 
Wilson, Posey S. & Co., 21:2 & 3:209. 
Wmchester, Ohio, 21:2 & 3:156. 
Winter Quarters, 21:2 & 3:118, 132, 143, 152. 
"Winter Quarters," name of city founded in 1846 by Brigham Young, 

21:2 & 3:177; half-way station between, and Salt Lake City, 

21:2 & 3:177. 
Winters, Wayne, gift to museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 
Wister, Owen, 21:1:27. 
"Wolf Creek," 21:2 & 3:147; River, 164. 
Wolsey, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:136. 
Wolves, 21:2 & 3:124. 
Woolsey, Thomas, 21:2 & 3:155. 

Women of the Range, by Francis Carpenter, 21:2 & 3:230. 
Woodberry, Lieutenant Daniel P., authorized to purchase Ft. Lara- 
mie, 21:2 & 3:179. 
Woodrie, James, 21:2 & 3:150. 
Woodruff, Brother, 21:2 & 3:125. 
Wilford Woodrujf, His Life and Labors, Cowley, Matthew, 21:2 

& 3:120. 
Woodward, George, 21:2 & 3:139, 162. 
World War II, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Worth, N. C, 21:2 & 3:208. 
Worth's Hotel, 21:2 & 3:208. 
Wright, John, 21:2 & 3:208. 
Wyoming, Custer City, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Wyoming, Governor, A. G. Crane, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Wyoming Historical Landmark Commission, 21:2 & 3:223. 
Wyoming-Idaho Sampler, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Wyoming, receives car of "Merci" train, 21:2 & 3:236. 
Wyoming-Nebraska state line, 21:2 & 3:148. 
Wyoming station, 21:2 & 3:213. 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 21:1:93, 95, 97; 21:2 & 

3:228, 233 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, (Russell Thorp), gift to the 

museum, 21:2 & 3:239. 
Wyoming State Farm Bureau, 21:2 & 3:220. 
Wyoming State Historian, 21:2 & 3:227. 
Wyoming State Librarian, 21:2 & 3:227. t 

Wyoming State museum, 21:2 & 3:221. 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 21:1:93, 95, 97; 21:2 & 3:216, 

221, 228, 233, 239. 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, records, executive orders, 

letters, brand books, relics, 21:2 & 3:221; gift to museum, 239. 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 77th annual convention, 

Sheridan, Wyoming, June 1949, 21:2 & 3:216. 
Wyoming Territory, boundaries, 21:2 & 3:192, 193. 
Wyoming, Torrington, 21:2 & 3:148. 
Wyoming, University of, 21:1:4; 21:2 & 3:227. 



XIT trail herd, 21:1:96. 

Yakima, war of 1856, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Yale University, Coe Collection, Howard Egan's diary, 21:2 & 3:120. 

Yamhill, Oregon, 21:2 & 3:158. 

Yellowstone National Park, 21:2 & 3:192, 243. 

Young, Brigham, 21:2 & 3:111, 118, 124, 126, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 

137, 146, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 155, 164, 176, 177. 
Young, F. M., Fort Laramie, 21:2 & 3:149. 
Young, Harlan-Young Party, 21:2 & 3:165. 
Young, Harriet, Utah Historical Quarterly, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Young, John, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Young, Joseph, 21:2 & 3:119. 
Young, Lorenzo Dow, 21:2 & 3:120. 
Young, Phineas, 21:2 & 3:162. 
Young, Phineous, 21:2 & 3:139. 
Yost, Carl, 21:2 & 3:242. 
Yucca, 21:2 & 3:148. 

Zeiber, John S., Transactions of the Forty-Eighth Annual Reunion 

of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 21:2 & 3:116, 123. 
Zillah, 21:1:100. 
Zion's Camp, 21:2 & 3:147.