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A^mls of Wyommg 

LUME 29 

APRIL 1957 


Official Publication 

of the 


Published Biannually 
\ by 




Fred W. Marble, Chairman Cheyenne 

Mr. James Bentley JSheridan 

Mr. Henry Jones Hanna 

Mrs. Lora Jewett Pinedale 

Mrs. Esther Mockler Dubois 

Mrs. Leora Peters Wheatland 

Mrs. Margaret E. Hall Moorcrojt 

Mrs. Lorraine Stadius Thermopolis 

Attorney-General George F. Guy, Ex-officio 


President, Dr. DeWitt Dominick Cody 

First Vice President, Dr. T. A. Larson Laramie 

Second Vice President, Mr. A. H. MacDougall Rawlins 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Miss Lola M. Homsher Cheyenne 

Wyoming State Historical Society life membership $50.00, joint life 

membership (husband and wife) $75.00; annual membership, $3.50, 

joint annual membership (two persons of same family at same 

address) $5.00. 


Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Deputy 

Reta W. Ridings Head, Research Services 

Mrs. Lillian V. Stratton Secretary 


Lola M. Homsher Editor 

Reta W. Ridings Co-editor 

The Annals of Wyoming is published semi-annually, in April and 
October, and is the official publication of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. It is received by all members of that Society as a part of their 
dues. Individual copies of the current issues of the Annals of Wyoming 
may be purchased for $1.00 each. Available copies of earlier issues are 
also for sale. A price list may be obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor will 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 


Copyright, 1957, by the Wyoming State Archives and Historical 

i/imals of Wyoming 

Volume 29 April 1957 Number 1 

Zable of Contents 


Virginia Cole Trenholm 

THE OLD CHURCH, a poem 32 

Helen Cook 


Clarice Whittenburg 


Kenneth E. Crouch 


Thelma Gatchell Condit 


Compiled by Maurine Carley 


Dale L. Morgan, editor 


DeWitt Dominick.. President 


L. C. Steege 


Vaughn, With Crook at the Rosebud 1 1 1 

Stone, Men to Match My Mountains 112 

Billington, The Far Western Frontier 1830-1860 113 

Brown and Felton, Before Barbed Wire 114 

Woodward, Feud on the Colorado 115 

Frink, Jackson, Spring, When Grass Was King 116 

Roberts, Salt Creek, The Story of a Great Oil Field 117 

Fish, The Running Iron 119 




Wheatland's First Church 2, 7, 12, 18, 30 

Bedford and Its Namesakes 38 

The Hole-In-The-Wall 42, 45, 52, 58 

Stone Artifacts 108 

Maps: Middle Fork of the Powder River 64 

Oregon Trail Trek No. Four 66 

" * T^ -^are-SB"** 

Wheatland's first church, the Union Congregational, and parsonage 

Rev. and Mrs. A. A. Brown, Sr. (seated), Rev. and Mrs. J. M. Brown and 
son Herbert (standing) 

Wheatland's Tirst Ckurek 


Virginia Cole Trenholm 


Memories were kindled and untold tales of the past were 
recounted while a committee of senior members of the Union 
Congregational Church compiled its history. Many events of con- 
sequence were never recorded. Others have been forgotten, and 
yet letters and reminiscences have supplemented the fragmentary 
records until it has been possible to preserve a chronological story 
of the church, of its people and of its influence in the community. 

Fortunately, one of the church members, J. H. Whitmore, post- 
master at Wheatland, not only realized that a permanent record 
should be written, but he also insisted that this be done while 
there are those still living who can fill in the missing links in the 
chain of progress. 

Jennetta Niner Drummond, now in her eighties and the only 
living charter member, has been able to supply us with valuable 
records, including an account of the dedication of the church, 
July 7, 1895. The Wheatland World carrying the news of this 
event is among those missing in the library files, and the only 
mention of it in the church records is in a letter to several churches 
and ministers requesting their presence at the dedicatory and 
ordination services. 

Hazelle Ferguson, who has corresponded with many of the 
early day members in an effort to collect information vital to the 
church history, found a reprint of the dedicatory service from the 
Wheatland World in a leaflet, "In Memoriam," published at the 
death of the Rev. J. M. Brown in 1905. This was sent to her by 
Mrs. Drummond, who has preserved it all of these years. The 
only other known copy was found among the cherished souvenirs 
of another charter member, Mrs. Drummond's mother, Mrs. F. L. 
Niner, who died in March 1956 at the age of 100 years and 10 

Besides Mrs. Ferguson, those serving on Mr. Whitmore's com- 
mittee have been Louise Natwick, furnishing an excellent history 
of the choir; Irma Hester, Dorcas; Claudine Artist and Bertha 
Kenty, Ladies' Aid; Mrs, Artist, Missionary Society; Ina Franzen, 
Dorothy Blow and Mrs. Natwick, Sunday School; Mrs. Del Lan- 
don, Dorkettes; Rev. Alan Inglis, Pilgrim Fellowship; and Mr. 


Whitmore, Men's Club. It has been my privilege to work with 
this group in writing the church story and in coordinating the 
accounts of the various branches for a complete church record. 


Though the First Congregational Church was never the official 
name of the Union Congregational Church, this title has crept into 
the records, perhaps for the reason that it was the first church in 
the new and promising community of Wheatland, Wyo. Its story 
is the story of the pioneers in a unique farming settlement, the 
first large scale irrigation project in the state. 

The long list of firsts which could be claimed by the church 
and its charter members begins with Esther and Caldwell Morri- 
son, the first settlers on the Wheatland Flats in 1885. Their son, 
Milton, was the first child born here. Mrs. Morrison also had 
the distinction of being the first baker and volunteer fireman in 
the community. Her bakery was in a three-room shack, where 
on a small cookstove, she baked forty loaves a day for the men 
working for the Wyoming Development Company. 

She is said to have saved Wheatland's one room school house 
from destruction by fire in 1890. Since she was a small woman, 
scarcely more than five feet tall, a Mrs. Lambert, another early 
settler, had no difficulty boosting her onto the roof from her shoul- 
der. The fire had started near the chimney. With Mrs. Lambert 
handing her buckets of water, she soon extinguished the blaze, 
which did little damage to the building. 

Another charter member, the first church Clerk and Treasurer, 
was F. L. Niner, who owned the first general mercantile store in 
Wheatland, located in a small frame building on the lot where 
the Golden Rule Store now stands. Mr. Niner's store and several 
residences were moved into town from their first location, about 
where the railroad crosses No. 2 ditch, where the inhabitants 
thought the town would be located. 

In 1893, there was but one structure of consequence on the 
present town site, the Wyoming Development Company building, 
which served as office, hotel and boarding house as well as the 
home of M. R. Johnston, superintendent. It was later moved 
back to make room for the Pioneer Pharmacy. A small bunk 
house, still standing on its original location just north of the drug 
store, was occupied by the workmen. A tar paper shack, across 
the street south of the present post office, housed the first residents 
of the town, the R. D. Robinson family, 1886-1887. Mr. Robin- 
son helped construct the Development Company building. 

By the end of the year 1894, Wheatland boasted of two general 
stores (Niner's and the Wheatland Mercantile, managed by L W. 


Gray); a depot; a drug store (the Pioneer Pharmacy), operated 
by H. Tisch and Sons; a lumber yard (McCallum and Grain) 
furnishing building material and coal; two blacksmith shops (one 
operated by John Jesse and the other by F. L. Belcher); a barber 
shop (Milo Renfro, barber); a brickyard, operated by G. W. 
Goodrich; a new hotel; a newspaper (The Wheatland World, 
owned, published and edited by I. O. Middaugh); a school house; 
and a doctor (D. B. Rigdon) for the medical needs, but no church 
for the spiritual needs of the community. 

Whether farming or in business, the hardy pioneers realized the 
importance of a church to their community life. So on March 3, 
1895 a group of devout Ghristians "entered into covenant" with 
the Union Gongregational Ghurch at their meeting at the school 

The nine charter members who formed the pillars of the church 
were Mr. and Mrs. E. F. Hurdle, Lula King, Mr. and Mrs. Gald- 
well Morrison, Fanny Kerns, Mr. and Mrs. F. L. Niner and their 
daughter Jennetta, better known as Jennie. Mr. Hurdle was elect- 
ed Deacon and Mr. Niner, Glerk and Treasurer, to serve until the 
first annual meeting. 

The Niners and the D. McGallums, who were among the first 
to join the church, had taken an active interest in a Methodist 
Society, formed in Wheatland a year before. The meetings of the 
society, held the third Sunday of each month, were conducted by a 
Gheyenne minister. 

The Gongregationalists settled two important details at their 
first meeting, namely, to call Mr. J. M. Brown (March 10, 1895 — 
Nov. 24, 1897) at an annual salary of $700. In the event of his 
acceptance, the Trustees (not named) and the Deacon were in- 
structed to apply to the Gongregational Missionary Society for a 
grant of $500 to "assist in his support." 

The F. L. Niners lived in the little house (later known as the 
Arnold house), which is at present the office unit of the Wheat- 
land General Hospital. Their daughter, Jennie, who was only 
eighteen when the church was built, still recalls running down the 
alley to services. She gave unselfishly of her time and talent, 
and the church profited by her youthful devotion. 

The memoirs of Jennetta Niner Drummond, of Englewood, not 
only include an account of the dedicatory service and record of 
the first choir, but also the original minutes of the first Sunday 
School, which Mr. Drummond carried in his Bible many years. 

Quoting from one of her most interesting letters, "I can remem- 
ber that I was kept busy at the httle old parlor organ ( at the dedi- 
catory service) and from then on until we moved away in the 
winter of 1897, I was organist and most of the time the choir. On 
special occasions we were able to get together a quartet of singers." 

She might have added that she served her church in many 


capacities. Besides being organist, choir leader and chairman of 
the music committee, she served the Sunday School as Secretary 
and Treasurer. Her name was the first to appear on the list of 
delegates chosen to represent Wheatland at the Association meet- 
ing in 1896. Her "boy friend," U. G. Drummond, soon joined 
the church and became an ardent worker. He succeeded her as 
Secretary of the Sunday School, served on her music committee, 
and was clerk of the church the year they moved away. He had 
a good tenor voice, and he and Jennie frequently sang duets. 
Theirs was the first choir romance. They were united in marriage 
at the Niner home by the Rev. J. M. Brown, whose memory she 
holds dear. 

Rev. Brown, who had been in charge of the Cheyenne South 
Side Missions, serving employees of the Union Pacific Railway, 
received his training at Dakota University. He preached his first 
sermon in Wheatland March 10, 1895. Though little is known of 
his father, the Rev. A. A. Brown, it is apparent that he had a great 
deal to do with the founding of Wheatland's first church. As 
superintendent of home missions at Cheyenne at the time, he 
visited Wheatland frequently and took part in church affairs. 
Quoting from the World (March 29), "The residence which Rev. 
Brown has been having built is now completed and his son. Rev. 
J. M. Brown, of Cheyenne, is expected here with his family this 
week to take the pastorate of the Congregational organization." 

Even before the young minister and his family were settled in 
their new home, the charter members ( March 25 ) voted to build 
a church. They also voted to ask a grant of $700 from C.C.B.S. 
(the Congregational Church Building Society), to be secured by 
a mortgage on the church property, and to take annual collections 
for the society. 

The first record of a resident minister in Wheatland is found in 
the World (April 5). "Rev. J. M. Brown and family arrived 
Tuesday from Cheyenne and are now cozily located in their new 
residence on the west edge of town. Rev. Brown is here to accept 
the pastorate of the Congregational Church to which he has been 
called. The World wishes him a pleasant and profitable field for 
his labors." 

On April 1 1 , an energetic building committee was appointed, 
consisting of Rev. J. M. Brown, F. G. Niner and D. McCallum. 
They wasted no time, for according to the World, April 12, "Con- 
tractor McCallum commenced work yesterday morning on the 
new Congregational Church, the society having decided to build it. 
The building will be sufficient size to fully meet the necessities of 
the present and will be so built that it can be remodeled and 
enlarged at any time in the future, should additional room be 

The first members to be taken into the church were Rev. and 
Mrs. J. M. Brown (by letter), and Samuel R. and Josie Yeagar. 


Jennie Niner (Drummond) and U. G. Drummond at the time the church 

was organized. 

The official name, Union Congregational Church, appears in the 
paper the first time (April 26) with the announcement that the 
church will hold services in the school house next Sunday morning 
at 11 o'clock. "Subject: The Great Temptation.' Evening ser- 
vice at 7:30. Sub'ect: 'The Phantom Ship.' A cordial invitation 
is extended to all." 

The first mention of the Ladies' Aid Society appears in the 
World (April 26) with this announcement: "The Ladies' Aid will 
give a crazy social at the Wheatland School house Wednesday eve, 
the 15th. A good supper will be served for 25 cents and a nice 
time is being planned by the ladies who are getting it up. Every- 
body is invited to come and have a good time." Living in this 
inflationary age, we have difficulty trying to imagine having a 
good time on 25 cents. 

In the month of May, plans were made for building Wheatland's 
second church, the Methodist Episcopal. The cornerstone was 
laid in August and the church was dedicated the first day of 

While the Congregational Church building was under construc- 
tion, five new members were added to the church roll: Mr. and 
Mrs. D. McCallum, William W. Pitman and Margaret E. and Mary 
Hines. A fund raising, midweek social was held which, according 
to the World (May 17), "was well attended, a number being 
present from the country as well as nearly all of the town people. 
Receipts were over $19." 

The local paper reports the progress of the building (May 24). 
"Contractor McCallum has a force of men employed this week 
on the new Congregational Church, and the work of erection has 


been pushed very rapidly. The building will be 24x50. . . . One 
hundred opera chairs have been ordered with which to furnish 
the new edifice. The windows will be stained glass and the inside 
of the building will be nicely decorated." 

On June 7, mention is made of the Sunday School's Children's 
Day program to take the place of the Sunday morning service. 
Rev. J. M. Brown will have for the subject of his evening's dis- 
course, "The Struggle for Life." No doubt Mr. Brown had reason 
for choosing this subject, for ill health forced him to leave Wheat- 
land. From here he went to Washington, where the wet weather 
proved injurious, forcing him to return to the Black Hills in April 
1898. Recovering a measure of health, he held pastorates in 
South Dakota, Wisconsin and Nebraska. 

An editorial in the Butte (Nebr.) Gazette, Sept. 22, 1905, at 
the time of his death, states in part: "Mr. Brown was a good 
preacher, a fast friend and in love with his work; a man who 
towered above us in intellect and spirituality; broad-minded, highly 
educated and, although physically weak, a mental giant." 

The Constitution and By-laws of the church were adopted at a 
meeting June 13. At the same time, more officers were elected to 
serve until the first annual meeting. They were: Deaconesses, 
Mrs. D. McCallum and Mrs. J. M. Brown; Sunday School Super- 
intendent, Mr. Hurdle; Vice Superintendent, Mrs. J. M. Brown. 
For the Sunday School: Treasurer, John McCallum; Secretary, 
Miss Jennie Niner; Organist, Miss Dotty Jesse. 

On June 14, the church Clerk wrote a letter to the following 
churches: Cheyenne 1st, Cheyenne South, Douglas, Lusk, Man- 
ville, Crawford (Nebr.), Hot Springs (S.D.), Big Horn and to the 
Revs. A. T. Lyman and A. A. Brown, inviting them to an 
ecclesiastical council, to be held the 6th day of July at 2 P. M., 
and asking their assistance in the dedicatory and ordination ser- 
vices to be held the following day. 

Oddly enough, nothing further appears in the church records 
until July 1 8, and no account is given of the council or the dedi- 
catory service, one of the most important steps in the church's 

Mention is made of plans for this service in the World (June 
21). "The Union Congregational Church will dedicate their new 
building on Sunday, July 7. The morning service will be deUvered 
by Rev. E. E. Smiley' of the First Congregational Church of Chey- 
enne, the evening sermon by Rev. A. A. Brown of Hot Springs, 
S. D." No copies of the Wheatland World can be found for June 
28 through August 2. 

1. Rev. Elmer E. Smiley, a New Yorker, became the fourth president of 
the University of Wyoming, July 1, 1898, serving until August 31, 1903. 


The dedication, the first milestone in the history of the church, 
is so important that we quote in full as it appears in the leaflet 
honoring the first minister. 


A more beautiful morning than last Sunday could not have been 
wished for the dedication of the new Congregational Church. The 
sun shone brightly, but not too intensely for comfort, and everyone 
felt that it was a most favorable omen for the future prosperity of the 
new church. 

The church is of ample proportions and beautifully finished inside 
and out. The auditorium is seated with opera chairs, which add very 
much to the comfort of the audience, and matting covers the aisle. 
A neat carpet covers the rostrum, and the organ and pulpit furniture 
are of light wood, which with the oiled woodwork of the inside of the 
building, gives a very bright and cool effect. Several stained glass 
windows let in an abundance of light by day, and large brass lamps 
permit of the building being brilliantly lighted at night. On this 
occasion the church was tastefully adorned by vases of cut flowers 
and potted plants, and everyone pronounced it perfect in all of its 

A large audience gathered to witness the dedicatory services, many 
being present from neighboring towns. Ushers met the people at the 
door and handed them neat printed programs, containing the order 
of exercises for both morning and evening services. A double quar- 
tette, composed of Mesdames Drummond, Tisch, Slafter, Miss Jesse, 
and Messrs. Slafter, Pittman, Goyne Drummond, and U. G. Drum- 
mond, led the singing and rendered several anthems appropriate to 
the occasion in a very pleasing manner. The dedicatory sermon by 
Rev. E. E. Smiley, of Cheyenne, was a very able one and highly 
enjoyed by all. 

Although the weather became very unpleasant by night, a large 
audience again assembled to witness the ordination of the pastor of 
the new church, the Rev. J. M. Brown. He had passed the examina- 
tion before the council of ordination on Saturday and now it remained 
only to publicly proclaim him a minister of the gospel. The double 
quartet sang as in the morning, assisted in the hymns by the congre- 
gation. Rev. A. A. Brown, father of the young pastor, preached the 
ordination sermon. 

After a very impressive prayer by Rev. John Jeffries, Rev. Smiley 
spoke a few words of counsel to the pastor that were full of wisdom 
and helpfulness. Rev. A. T. Lyman then spoke to the people, urging 
them to give their pastor all the support and encouragement they can, 
and in so doing they will not only help him, but will enable him to 
do more for them. A hymn was then sung by the choir and congre- 
gation, after which Rev. J. M. Brown pronounced the benediction. 

I. O. Middaugh filled his paper with state, national and world 
happenings, with only a column or so reserved for local news 
which he handled like personals. No matter the nature of the 
news, it does not rate a heading. Some of the items tell about 
the latest cattle shipments, a farmer who has brought new machin- 
ery to the flats, who the latest merchant is to put up his sign, with 
frequently a bit of gossip on the latest romance to add spice to the 
column. Judge J. M. Carey, Buffalo Bill, T. B. Hord, the "Hon." 


John Hunton and other personages of the time are frequently 

Though no longer an open prairie, Wheatland was still wind- 
swept, if we are to believe the story which tells that D. M. Carley, 
conductor on the train going through Wheatland, was literally 
blown from the coach. At the time the paper went to press, he 
was recovering from his injuries. 

Everything about the new minister and the new church proved 
to have news value. Some of the sermon titles listed in Mr. Mid- 
daugh's column include: "The Staff of Life," "Ecce Homo," 
"Deliverance," and "America, God's Chosen Country." 

The Ladies' Auxiliary (Ladies Aid) is mentioned for the first 
time August 2, 1895 with the announcement that it will give a 
"ten cent shadow social" at the church the following Thursday 
evening. Junior (Christian) Endeavor makes its first appearance 
in the news August 16. In the next issue: "The young peoples' 
society (C. E.) enjoyed a pleasant Tuesday night at the home of 
Mr. and Mrs. D. McCallum. The usual games and amusements 
were indulged in." 

In the fall of '95, the church board decided to hold a series of 
"protracted" meetings and to ask the assistance of the Revs. 
Lyman and A. A. Brown. Though the World implies that the 
meetings were not too fruitful, with only "two or three conver- 
sions" being made, those listed in the church records from August 
through to the end of the first year would indicate that the revival 
spirit was in the air and that the church, under the leadership of 
the Rev. J. M. Brown, was growing with the community which it 

The new members added to the church roll before the end of 
the year include: Mrs. Martha Allen, Mr. and Mrs. Henry N. 
Paddock, Wesley A. and Mary E. Strong, Mary J., Henry A. and 
Lurla Phelps, Grant and Nora West, Mrs. George Lord, Elmer K. 
Niner (Jennie's brother), Katie Allen (daughter of Mr. and Mrs. 
A. C. Allen), Alice and Blanch Morrison (daughters of the Cald- 
well Morrisons), Mrs. Martha Catlin, Mercy Forrey and Mr. and 
Mrs. Reed. Mrs. Allen, whose name appears as Martha J., M. J., 
Mrs. A. C, served many years as church Clerk and was faithful 
at all services. Since Wheatland had treacherous open ditches, 
conveying irrigation water along the streets, she always took the 
precaution of carrying her lantern to services on dark nights, 
though she lived only a block away. 

In October '05, Mrs. McCallum accompanied the Revs. A. A. 
and J. M. Brown to Cheyenne as a delegate from Wheatland to 
the Congregational Association. An invitation was extended and 
accepted to hold the meeting the following year in Wheatland. 
"This is a decided victory for the delegates from Wheatland and 
an important recognition of our town." (World, Oct. 25) 


The first Christmas season in the new church was a gala affair, 
with the Sunday School presenting the first Christmas cantata. 
"Come and hear about Santa Claus's Mistake," the World urged. 
(Dec. 20) This is followed in the next issue by a quaint account 
of what took place. z z 

Santa Claus reigned supreme at the Congregational Church Tuesday 
evening when a cantata and Christmas tree exercises were given. The 
entertaining features of the evening were good, in fact excellent, and 
were much enjoyed. The tree and pulpit were tastily decorated and 
the whole presented an animated scene of joy and pleasure, in which 
there were reasons for about everyone to smile and be happy. The 
little folks had special reasons for retaining pleasant memories of the 
occasion as their numerous wants and wishes had all been given 
dutiful attention. 

A complete list of officers was elected at the first annual meet- 
ing, Jan. 1, 1896, with the addition of chairmen for the following 
permanent committees: Music, Pastoral, Social. 

The church records show no reason for the optimistic statement 
in the World (Jan. 3, 1896) that the Treasurer's report at the 
annual meeting showed an indebtedness of "only" $200, a portion 
of which was raised during the meeting. The records list the 
cost of the church building and fixtures as follows: 

Building cost _ ._ _ $1,093.26 

lamps ..._ 11.99 

matting 6.00 

stove _ _. 28.80 

chairs _ 217.49 

organ 132.30 

bell and tower 244.15 

In an undated entry, prior to October 7, the church voted to 
make application to the Home Missionary Society for $450. One 
of the new members taken in at this time was Mrs. Mora Hunton, 
who served long and faithfully. Mrs. Mary Arnold, another active 
worker for many years, joined soon after. 

Records of the annual meeting in 1897 show that though con- 
fronted with financial problems, it was voted that "delinquent sub- 
scribers be forgiven." 

Wheatland, still growing, was now boasting of a new and 
up-to-date Roller Mill, built by the Wyoming Development Com- 
pany. Besides being the largest enterprise in the community, it 
received recognition at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition (1904) 
for its quality flour. 

In November, the town's first resident minister received his 
formal dismissal and letters of recommendation, after having re- 
signed three months before. 



Mr. and Mrs. D. McCallum 

We quote one of these letters, which speaks as much for the 
Clerk as it does for the pastor. 

"We consider Rev. J. M. Brown a man of thorough Christian char- 
acter; an exemplary young man; a fluent speaker. His style is 
flowery; his words carefully chosen. He is loved and respected by 
all who know him. He left this place from his own choice and not 
the will of the people." 

M. J. Allen, Clerk, Wheatland Congregational Church 

According to the World, "Rev. F. L. Sanborn, (Oct. 1, 1897 — 
April 1, 1898) late of Yorkville, 111., occupied the Congregational 
pulpit Sunday (Oct. 22) and has been called to the pastorate of 
the church. His family is now visiting in Longmont, Colo. Rev. 
Sanborn comes well recommended and will no doubt be found to 
be a pleasant Christian gentleman." 

One of his official duties a few days after his arrival was to unite 
in marriage Miss Emma Sutherland and Patrick Daly at the home 
of Mrs. M. L. McCormick on the Laramie River. The week be- 
fore Christmas, Rev. Sanborn gave a lecture at the school house on 
"American History is an Interesting Study." The Sanborns took 
an active part in church affairs, with Mrs. Sanborn serving as 
chorister and a member of the social and visiting committees and 
Rev. Sanborn as Sunday School Superintendent. At this time, 
Mrs. Hunton was Superintendent of Christian Endeavor, and her 
son John, who served many years on the faculty at the University 
of Wyoming, was Sunday School organist. 

Apparently the original Constitution and By-Laws were out- 


grown, for they were annulled at the annual meeting, Jan. 30, 
1898, and a church manual, prepared by Rev. James Tompkins of 
the First Congregational Church of Minneapolis, was adopted. 

The World (April 1, 1898) tells us that "Rev. Sanborn has 
decided to move his family to Colorado and will shortly return to 
Illinois for a brief visit. He has not fully decided upon a location 
yet, but expects to remain in the West. During his residence here 
as pastor of the Congregational Church, Rev. Sanborn and his 
estimable family have made many warm personal friends who will 
greatly regret his departure. Rev. Sanborn will be found to be a 
true Christian gentleman, worthy of full confidence and high 

Rev. A. A. Brown then returned to Wheatland to be of assis- 
tance, financially and otherwise. He "kindly promised," according 
to the record (April 4) to furnish $400 from the Missionary fund 
to be applied on the salary of J. M. Blanks (June 2, 1898 — June 
1, 1899), whom the church voted to call. 

Rev. Blanks, at the time a student in the Oberlin Theological 
Seminary, was unable to take over the pastorate until June. Un- 
married and a vigorous worker, the young man began holding 
services regularly at Grant, Wyo., which is no longer listed as a 
post office. A week after his arrival in Wheatland, the church 
voted him the power to administer the sacrament. It must have 
been heart warming when at the annual meeting, Jan. 4, 1899, the 
Treasurer reported the church out of debt, the minister's salary 
paid, and money in the treasury. 

Mrs. C. C. Clark, who succeeded Jennie Drummond at the 
church organ, also became choir director. The ushers who had 
first been listed as Kate Allen and Alice Morrison (morning ser- 
vices) and Fred Allen and Ray Catlin (evening services) sim- 
mered down to two. Dean Hunton and Fred Allen, the latter also 
serving as janitor at 50 cents a month. 

Rev. Blanks was well liked by the young people, who gave a 
farewell party in his honor. The surprise party was held at the 
home of Mr. and Mrs. McCallum, which was always the center of 
social activities of the church. "The evening was very pleasantly 
spent at games, and dainty refreshments were served. At a late 
hour the guests took their departure, only regretting that the 
evening was so short." (World, June 30) 

Rev. Blanks left Wheatland, July 6, 1899, for Pine Bluff, Tenn., 
for a visit with friends before re-entering college in the fall. Ac- 
cording to the World, he left with "the best wishes of a large hst 
of friends." 

. Just where Rev. D. L. Thomas (June 1, 1899 — Jan. 22, "01) 
was from is not recorded. He was a bachelor, who came for two 
months trial, with a view to permanency. The congregation was 
so well pleased with him that he was given a call to the pastorate 
before he had been in Wheatland a month. 


The proceeds from a Fourth of July "ice cream table and other 
monies secured in different ways" were used to complete the pay- 
ment on the bell tower. In August, both the Methodist and 
Congregational churches had to call off services because of a 
threatened diphtheria epidemic. 

In January 1900, the new Superintendent of Missions, Rev. 
W. B. D. Gray, conducted a series of meetings. He was accom- 
panied by his wife, who died in October of paralysis. The records 
include a letter of condolence to Mr. Gray. 

Two events of interest were recorded during the year. At a 
prayer meeting in July the church accepted a gift from Mrs. Al 
Bowie, "a beautiful collection plate made of Olive wood from 
Jerusalem.'' In November, Mrs. F. N. Shiek helped give an 
entertainment, the nature of which we do not know. It netted 
the church $50.85, which was to be used for painting the outside 
of the church. It was slate grey in color. 

Rev. Thomas was one of the most enterprising ministers the 
church had yet known. He not only did the actual work of repair- 
ing the church building, but he also contributed financially, 10 
cents toward the fund for cleaning the organ, $35.64 for fencing 
and $1.75 for the express on the racks to hold the newly acquired 
song books. It might be added that only 10 cents was needed in 
addition to a small amount left over from the bell tower fund 
and the "take" from the gramaphone concert. 

Besides extending to the minister a vote of thanks for his 
"substantial" aid, the church members also showed their gratitude 
(May 7, 1900) by voting to raise his salary (from $700) "if need 
be" to keep him another year. Though it was not stipulated, his 
salary was probably raised to $800 since that is the figure men- 
tioned for the next minister. 

Rev. Thomas is deserving of further mention for his appreciation 
of church records. In his bold handwriting we find, for the first 
time, a listing of the marriages (13), funerals (9) and baptisms 
(6), some of which prove interesting. At the marriage of Miss 
Jeanie Grant and Charles Lawrence (at the Duncan Grant home, 
June 1901), Rev. J. M. Brown, then of Keystone, S. D., assisted. 
This is the only mention of his ever returning to Wheatland. 
Though the first wedding in the Congregational Church in Wheat- 
land is not known, Rev. Thomas lists the marriage of Levi B. 
Moody and Anna Nolan as the first to take place in the Congre- 
gational Church in Guernsey. Among the well remembered 
couples married by Rev. Thomas were the Southworths, the Andy 
Neilsons, the Charles ("Doc") Morrisons, the Pate Shepards, and 
the Walter Pattersons. Rev. Thomas records baptism of the 
following infants: Louise Ebert, Robert and Leo Trenholm, and 
the McDougall children, (John Clay, Don Alexander Bowie, and 
Jeanette Alice) at the Two Bar, the last named being "sprinkled" 
by Rev. Blanks. 


The funerals include that of "a pauper from Albany County," 
who died at the hotel, a death from typhoid, one from whooping 
cough and one from drowning. 

In the Clerk's account of the prayer meeting (May 16, 1900), 
an invitation was read to attend the organization of the Union 
Congregational Church at Guernsey. Mr. and Mrs. McCallum, 
who represented Wheatland, later reported the organization of the 
Guernsey church with a membership of 2 1 . 

Though a motion was made at a called meeting, August 12, to 
give a Rev. H. Rice an invitation of two weeks "on trial," for which 
he was to be paid $20, and another motion was made (Sept. 5) 
to consider the advisability of caUing a pastor, it remained the will 
of the majority to retain Rev. Thomas until Jan. 22, 1901. On 
that date there was the single entry, "Rev. D. L. Thomas started 
away today." 

In 1901, Wheatland had its first operation, an appendectomy 
performed on a dining room table in a private home by Dr. C. C. 
Croskery, a member of the Congregational Church, with Dr. 
Rigdon assisting. 

The next minister. Rev. George W. Crater (May 2, 1901 — 
May 1, 1903), kept a "missionary diary," a copy of which has 
been furnished through the kindness of his daughter, Mrs. Edna 
Crater Haymes of San Diego. Mrs. Haymes says that her father, 
a New Yorker, worked under Rev. W. B. D. Gray in South 
Dakota. When he came to Wyoming, Rev. Crater followed, com- 
ing first to Douglas, then to Wheatland. Mrs. Crater, who was 
also ordained, helped with services at Glendo, Cottonwood and 
Guernsey. They had four children, Ernest, a student at the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming; Edna, who attended school at Chadron, 
Nebr., a Congregational Academy then; Rollo, 9; and Neta, 3. 
This family of interesting children brought new life into the church. 

Mr. Crater's diary is much more enUghtening than the church 
records. He painstakingly lists all meetings, giving the scripture, 
the title of the sermon, and a record of attendance. He called 
tirelessly upon the members and friends of the church, whose 
names are given on each date. Occasionally a personal note 
creeps in. For instance, Rev. Crater borrowed the McCallum's 
horse and buggy (which the ministers often did) and took Edna 
and Neta calling in the country with him one day. They visited 
the Max Eberts, the John McKinnons (Miskimmins), the Nylan- 
ders and the Nelsons. 

The next day, the whole family attended a Missionary Tea at 
Mrs. McCallum's home. He reports about 75 in attendance. 
"Cash received at 10 cents per dish of ice cream and cake, about 

On July 3, he bought his horse, "Prentis," for which he paid 
$30. The next day, he recorded the saddest chapter in his life, 
his account of the drowning of his son, Ernest, and Dr. and Mrs. 


Rigdon's son, John, at Festo Lake. This was the third son the 
Rigdons lost in as many years. Ernest, who was President E. E. 
Smiley's secretary at the University, was working at the Wheatland 
Mercantile Store and staying with his parents during the summer 

Only two Sundays before his death, his contribution to the 
program at Christian Endeavor had been the quotation, "I know 
not where the islands lift their fronded palms in air. I only know 
I cannot drift beyond His love and care." President Smiley, who 
preached his funeral service, stated that if he were to name the two 
young men in Wyoming whose lives promised most for the future, 
he would have named Ernest Crater and John Rigdon. 

Mr. Crater was so stunned, he recorded the events of the day 
with precision, bordering on stoicism, commenting only, "May our 
faith fail not, for without it, we could not bear this terrible blow!" 
He did not stop work, for it helped him to bear up, and although 
everyone was sympathetic and understanding, there was much to 
be done. Having made an appointment for the evening at Mrs. 
Allen's to unite George Allen and Emma Myers in marriage, he 
did not disappoint them. "How wonderfully are mingled life and 
death and joy and sorrow!" he comments. 

Edna Haymes' account, written more than fifty years later, is 
filled with cherished memories. She was fifteen, Ernest twenty, 
when the tragic accident occurred. Both versions may be found 
in the complete history of the church. 

The benevolences for 1901 include contributions to the Jack- 
sonville fire sufferers, the W. C. T. U., the China famine sufferers 
and to the Children's Home. 

A few brief items of interest were recorded in 1902. (March 9 ) 
"There was read in church today, a letter from Scotland recom- 
mending Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Neilson to any church with which 
they may wish to unite." At the same time, a lot adjoining the 
church property was purchased for $100. Mr. and Mrs. David 
Gordon were accepted as church members "in full connection" 
(April 6) and were gladly welcomed. The Gordons had previous- 
ly lived on a ranch on Horseshoe Creek west of Glendo, where 
they were instrumental in founding and building the Union Church 
in 1 897, which for many years was served by Wheatland ministers. 
Mr. Gordon also helped organize the Congregational Church in 
Torrington, June 20, 1903. 

Dave Gordon, who came directly to Wyoming from his native 
Ireland, was a cousin of Johnny Gordon, of Uva, who conceived 
the idea of the Wheatland irrigation project. Mrs. Gordon, as a 
young woman, came to America to take care of Mr. Gordon's 
six children, whose mother died before they left Ireland. She 
lived a consecrated life of service. She and Mr. Gordon had one 
daughter, Mary, now living in California. 


In 1900, a council was held for the ordination of Miss Annette 
Beecher and a Mr. Erwin. Some time between then and March 
30, 1903, Miss Beecher became the second wife of Supt. W. B. D. 
Gray. Together they served the churches in this region many 

The annual meeting for the year 1902 heard the Treasurer 
report $442.17, collected during the year, with $440.59 paid to 
the pastor, far short of the salary of $800 he was supposed to have 
received. The balance in the treasury was $1.08, in the Ladies' 
Auxiliary $44.30. The Missionary Society raised $20 and the 
"Blessing Society" $9.95. This is the only mention in the records 
of the "Blessing Society." 

The members, who had never kept a minister longer than two 
years, were due for a change. The treasury was at a financial low, 
few members were being added to the church, more were with- 
drawing or being dropped because they had moved away and had 
"evinced no desire within the last two years" to continue their 
membership. Those needing someone to blame, quite naturally 
settled on the pastor. 

There were many W. C. T. U. workers in the church. In fact, 
at various times Rev. Thomas had turned the pulpit over on 
Sunday morning to temperance speakers. A notation in Rev. 
Crater's diary suggests that he might have shocked some of his 
members. (June 21, 1901) "Called at the one saloon in Wheat- 
land to leave cards of invitation to services. Called at both black- 
smith shops and both livery barns." The last entry was logical 
for he was interested in horses, but a preacher in a saloon! Such 
had never been heard of in Wheatland before. Then, too, there 
were those who could not forget that John Rigdon whom they 
knew so well had lost his life to save his friend whom they did not 

It is apparent that after Rev. Crater withdrew from the annual 
meeting (Jan. 1903), the matter was freely discussed. It was 
moved that those in favor of retaining Mr. Crater as pastor of the 
church vote, "Yes." Those opposed, "No." When the ballots 
were counted, the negative carried. 

The following notice was read at the next Sunday morning 
service: "I will close my labors on this field on the last day of April 
next, the end of this my second year as pastor of this church. The 
church is at liberty to seek and to call my successor. That you 
may be guided by the Holy Spirit to make a wise choice, you have 
my prayers." (signed) George W. Crater. 

Rev. W. B. D. Gray served as Moderator at a meeting March 
30. While a motion to accept the resignation of Rev. Crater was 
carried, it was also voted that a paper presented by Mr. Gordon 
be copied in the church records. It read as follows: "We the 
undersigned members of the Congregational Church do not wish 
to accept the resignation of our pastor, Mr. G. W. Crater, believing 



Mr. and Mrs. Caldwell Morrison 

that he has been the most efficient and faithful minister ever in 
charge of our church," signed by twenty-one of the church's most 
active workers. The Craters' loyal Wheatland friends gave a 
monument for Ernest's grave as a "going away present." 

At the March meeting, a motion was made and carried to call 
Rev. J. W. Moore (July 12, 1903— Mar. 1, 1907) of Woodstock, 
111., to the pastorate at a salary of $800. The church extended an 
invitation to Mrs. Annette B. Gray, general missionary, to supply 
the pulpit until Rev. Moore could take over. Rev. Crater accepted 
a call to the state of Washington. 

Mrs. Gray is fondly remembered by some of the old timers as a 
"missionary type" with a heavenly face. She was a forceful wo- 
man, with expressive hands, and she wore a robe when she deliv- 
ered her sermons, something different in the pulpit in Wheatland. 

At the Easter Sunday morning service in 1903, Mrs. Louise 
Merrill, grandmother of Hazelle Ferguson, was received into full 
membership. Thus began a family interest in the church that has 
carried into the fifth generation. This was the year of Wheatland's 


big fire, when the elevator burned, destroying 60,000 bushels of 

In 1904, Mrs. F. N. Shiek was elected the first woman Trustee, 
to fill a vacancy when one of the members moved away. Though 
Mrs. Shiek did not transfer her membership from her church in 
Massachusetts until the next year, she was actively interested in 
every branch of the local church. She also had the distinction of 
being the first president of the W.T.K. Club, which was organized 
at the Congregational Church Jan. 18, 1904, from its predecessor 
theLiterary Clubof '01. 

The Trustees were authorized to borrow $800 from C.C.B.S. 
in April 1 904 for the purpose of building a parsonage. The mort- 
gage was executed in November, with the Trustees serving as the 
building committee. 

In February 1905, Mrs. W. H. Morrison earned the titb of 
"lady booster for the Wheatland Colony" after writing an enthus- 
iastic account for her home town paper in Mt. Olivet, Ky. J. R. 
Mason, promoter for the Wyoming Development Company, was so 
impressed that he used reprints in leaflet form in his advertising 
campaign. We quote: 

Just think of five hundred families or more bound together by 
bonds of water, and it holds longer than pledges in a stronger liquid! 
Wheatland is a model, clean little city, remarkably free from immor- 
ality. The town is unincorporated, has no police protection other 
than that furnished by justice court, and has never felt the need of 
any better protection. 

This place is noted for its pretty homes, beautiful lawns and 
gardens. Nearly all of the residences and business houses are of 
brick. It has four business blocks. Three nice churches, the Meth- 
odist Episcopal, Congregational and Catholic, a public library building 
which contains over six hundred volumes, two good hotels, and a 
roller mill with a capacity of 150 barrels. Its flour is of such a 
superior quality that it received the gold medal award at the St. Louis 
World's Fair. 

The climate here is ideal, but one must live in the West to compre- 
hend its charms. While we still love our old Kentucky home, yet 
after two years' residence in the West, the metropolitan East seems 
like a dream, for the West holds you in thraldom. It is so broad and 
generous. And again, it is such a relief not to see baking powder and 
patent medicine staring you in the face from every rock by the way- 

Wheatland's third church, St. Patrick's Catholic, was built by 
Rev. James Keating in 1898. The original building, now much 
improved, is still being used for services. According to the Rev. 
Thomas Aeschbacher, mass was celebrated in the Wheatland area 
by the Rev. Francis Nugent in the home of Patrick Mullin on the 
Laramie River as early as 1885. The Parish of St. Patrick was 
incorporated Aug. 12, 1905, the incorporation papers being signed 
by Casper Rowse and John Mullin. The Rev. Patrick Long, the 
first resident pastor of the Catholic Church, was in Wheatland 


from February 1907 until July 1910. He also took charge of the 
missions at Guernsey, Sunrise, Hartville, Torrington and Glendo. 

Mrs. Morrison might have added to her story that the local 
smokers about this time were lighting up with a "Two Bar Cigar" 
from the Wheatland Cigar Factory and that the young people were 
dancing to the tune of the Dearinger Orchestra. The musicians 
were Frank Dearinger, cornet; Harry Dearinger, violin; and E. M. 
Norton (first telephone manager) harp. Many of the early set- 
tlers, who classified smoking and dancing with the ma^or vices, 
were not too happy over either. 

Though Mrs. Morrison is not on the list of charter members, 
she and her husband were active in the Christian Church move- 
ment from its inception in 1904. Two years later the organization 
was complete with 32 charter members. On June 14, 1908, the 
Christian church building was dedicated. Wheatland had reason 
to be proud of its first four churches, whose members are num- 
bered among its pioneers. 

In Rev. Moore's letter of resignation as pastor of the Congre- 
gational Church (Dec. 29, 1906), he says, "It is now three and a 
half years since we began work together here. They have been 
years of pleasantness to me, and I think have not been without 
benefit to us all. During this time our church property has 
doubled in value. Our membership has increased from 51 to 89. 
We have been together in joy and sorrow." 

Rev. Moore's daughter, Mary Moore Hawes was only three 
years old when the family moved to Douglas, where her father 
was accidentally killed by a train. According to one of her letters 
written from her home in Fairbanks, Alaska, Rev. Moore was an 
athletic sort of person. He loved to ride horseback and play 
baseball and tennis. Though she does not remember him, she has 
often been told that "he had a fine voice and was considered 

Though the first mention of the Ladies' Auxiliary did not appear 
in the records until 1901, it was the oldest woman's organization 
in the church, dating back to August 2, 1895. With its larger 
membership and fund raising programs, it overshadowed the Mis- 
sionary Society (first mentioned Dec. 1902) though the latter 
lasted thirty years. The Auxiliary was primarily concerned with 
local finances, while the Missionary Society stressed the foreign 
field. The Ladies' Auxiliary became the Ladies' Aid in December 

Rev. James E. Butler (April 7, 1907— March 28, 1909), of 
Lowell, Michigan, was next called at a salary of $800, parsonage 
rent free. He was graduated from the Chicago Theological Sem- 
inary in the '80's and had preached in Illinois, Indiana and Michi- 
gan before coming to Wyoming. Rev. Moore and Rev. Butler had 
been friends since childhood. 

The Butler family consisted of three children, Ellen, 12; Victor, 


9; and Lou, 7. Mrs. Butler's mother, who accompanied the fam- 
ily to Wheatland, passed away a few weeks later. While Rev. 
Butler died many years ago, his widow, now in her nineties, still 
corresponds with her Wheatland friends. The reminiscences of 
Mrs. Butler, Victor and Ellen (Butler) Cole of San Diego are 
filed with ths church history. It is apparent that they still have a 
warm spot in their hearts for Wheatland. 

Mrs. Butler, who helped organize the Reading Circle, was also 
an early member of W. T. K. Club. When Rev. Butler discon- 
tinued preaching in 1909, he moved his family to a farm about 
three miles from town, near the lake. Lou is still remembered 
as "the pop corn boy," as he earned $600 by means of selling pop 
corn to help pay for a house the Butlers built in Wheatland. It is 
now known as the George Wain residence. The story, written by 
Mrs. Butler, was placed in a tin box and built into a newel post, 
where it was found when the house was remodeled. 

Mrs. W. B. D. Gray (April 4, 1909— Aug. 30, 1909) was 
accepted as temporary pastor, "with all the privileges and salary 
of a regular pastor until such time as a suitable pastor be found." 
He was Rev. C. H. Gilmore (Oct. 1, 1909— Dec. 23, 1910), who 
was called at an increase in salary to $1,000. On October 3, he 
preached his first sermon as regular pastor. 

His report appears in full in the church records as it was given 
at the annual meeting, January 3, 1910. It is straightforward and 
to the point. During his first three months, he had the "Grippe," 
lasting two weeks. Nevertheless, he made 1 16 calls, preached 38 
sermons, attended 8 prayer meetings and 13 sessions of Sunday 
School. He received two into the church on Confession of Faith, 
preached one funeral and solemnized one marriage. He also 
received $ 1 60 on his salary. While receiving the kindest reception 
by the people, he frankly admitted he had no doubt that some had 
been disappointed in him. He comments, "We do not expect to 
meet with the commendation of all the people, for that is more 
than the Savior himself did while on earth." 

There are records to show that more than once the men of the 
church showed their appreciation by a rising vote of thanks for 
the splendid work of the women's organizations. One such occa- 
sion was Jan. 3, 1910 when the women were so honored for their 
work in paying off the mortgage on the parsonage. 

Mr. Gilmore did a great deal of calling, using the McCallums' 
well-fed chestnut sorrel, always at the disposal of the ministers. 
He drove about the country-side and visited far and wide. A good 
mixer, he spent quite a bit of time in the barber shop, exchanging 
jokes with his friends, much more time than some of his parishion- 
ers deemed proper. 

Although the motion to call Rev. Gilmore for another year car- 
ried, thirty to eight, he submitted his resignation November 13. 


Again he did not mince words. "I hereby tender my resignation 
to take effect on and after the Lord's day morning (services) in 
December (23), 1910." 

A significant notation appears in the minutes of the December 
meeting. A discussion transpired regarding the kind of minister 
needed. "A motion was made and carried that we ask for a 
strictly orthodox Christian minister. A motion was made that we 
ask Mr. Gray to send us a young man and that he come on trial 
for three or four Sundays before being called. Motion lost." 

Again Mrs. Gray was asked to serve as a supply minister. This 
she declined because of a previous arrangement to go East. She 
did. however, preach a sermon on the morning of February 5 and 
call a meeting for the purpose of helping select another pastor. 
After reading the credentials of several prospective ministers, the 
members decided to call Rev. R. F. Paxton (May 1, 1911 to 
December 31, 1915) of Staples, Minnesota. This time the congre- 
gation offered to pay one-half of the moving expenses. Mr. 
Paxton was hired for an indefinite period of time. 

On Oct. 9, 1911, the Union Congregational Church of Wheat- 
land took another important step in its history. It voted to erect 
a new church home. In order to do this, the Trustees were author- 
ized to apply to the C. C. B. S. for a grant of $2,000 and a loan of 
$1,500. Again the Trustees were asked to serve as the building 
committee and empowered to appoint "others outside to act with 

The Christian Church graciously allowed the Congregational 
Church free use of its building while the old church was still unfit 
for services after being moved. 

The new church was dedicated, Sunday, Aug. 10, 1913, with 
the activities beginning at the Sunday School at 9:30 in the old 
building, where the crowd assembled to march to the new church 
to hear the Rev. S. B. Long, of Lusk. The concluding service on 
Wednesday was a "Home Gathering," honoring Rev. and Mrs. 
W. B. D. Gray. 

The formal Sunday morning dedicatory service included: Scrip- 
ture, Rev. Annette B. Gray; Prayer, Rev. William Flammer, 
Douglas; Sermon, Rev. John J. Shingler, Cheyenne; Prayer of 
Dedication, Rev. W. B. D. Gray; and Benediction, Rev. S. B. 
Long. The music was furnished by the choir and by Mrs. O. O. 
Natwick, soloist, and Wade Cramer, of Cheyenne, violinist. The 
Dedicatory Hymn, printed on the program and sung at the formal 
service, was composed by the Rev. R. F. Paxton. 

We quote from one of the local papers, "The new church build- 
ing is a handsome and imposing structure and would be a credit 
to any city many times the size of Wheatland. The total cost of 
the building is ($9,000 plus $500 for furnishings, according to 
one clipping in the records and $10,500 according to another). 
It is reported free of debt" (with the exception of $500 for furnish- 


ings). Those in the congregation who cared to donate toward a 
sum to "clean up the balance due on the church ' were given on 
opportunity to do so before the close of the services, with about 
$1,300 being raised in this manner in a few minutes. When the 
offering was taken, it was announced that over $ 1 1 had been 
deposited in the collection plates. 

The newspaper item concludes with a tribute to the efforts of 
the pastor. "Rev. Paxton is deserving of more than ordinary 
praise for his untiring efforts during the past year in assisting in 
the work of soliciting subscriptions, and also for manual labor per- 
formed in assisting with the construction work, as without his 
good work, it is doubtful if the new building would have been 
built at the time." 

A letter from Mr. Paxton's widow, now Mrs. Arthur Nettleton 
of St. Cloud, Fla., speaks of Mr. Paxton's diary, a copy of which 
we hope to add to the church records. She says that she used to 
hear Mr. Paxton say of the church, "It seems as if 1 know the 
cost of every brick and timber that went into it." 

The C.C.B.S. apparently granted $3,000 outright and loaned 
$2,000, according to Mr. Paxton's records, for he says that the 
Ladies' Aid assumed the debt ($2,000 to run 10 years, with $200 
to be paid annually) and that in the subsequent 10 years they 
never failed to pay promptly their annual assessment of $200. In 
October, the church asked C.C.B.S. for $500 to complete the 
basement, agreeing that the sum be paid back at the rate of $50 
a year without interest. 

Mrs. McCallum's name failed to appear in the minutes of the 
annual meeting in January 1914, either as an officer of the church 
or as a member of an important committee. A church record 
(January 19) says simply, "The funeral of Mrs. D. McCallum 
was held in the church, which was filled to its full seating capacity, 
and the flowers, tokens of esteem from many friends, were many 
and very beautiful." This was followed by a long resolution ex- 
pressing deep regard for "beloved sister, Anna McCallum" and 
paying tribute to her for her great work in the church, in the Sun- 
day School and in the community. 

Mrs. Dave Gordon made a motion (October 1915) that Rev. 
Paxton's resignation not be accepted. Her motion lost, and his 
resignation took effect, though he was recalled to this church to 
serve again in 1923. 

Again the W.B.D. Grays were called upon for help. This time 
Rev. Gray wrote the letter, dated "Midnight," to Rev. Arthur T. 
Evans (Mar. 15, 1916 — Jan. 1, 1920) of Fairmont, Nebr., whom 
the congregation voted to call. In it, he stipulated a salary of 
$1,200 and parsonage. Rev. Evans was installed as pastor and 
preached his first sermon March 5. He, Mrs. Evans and three of 
their children were received into fellowship with Rev. Gray offi- 


Two months later, Rev. Evans read a long statement from 
C.C.B.S., explaining the reorganization of the missionary agencies 
under the direction of the National Council and the adoption of a 
more businesslike method of distributing missionary aid. This 
simmered down to the fact that the churches desiring aid must first 
do everything in their power to help themselves. 

Plans for handling the finances of the church by the budget 
system were formulated in October. The following month, the 
matter was still under discussion and the question was to be pre- 
sented to the affiliated societies of the church for consideration. 

One cannot repress a chuckle over the Clerk's record (July 9, 
1916), which reads, "At the quarterly business meeting, held in 
the church parlors, a goodly number had assembled and after 
satisfying the needs of the animal man, there was scripture reading, 
etc." When this report was read at the next meeting. Rev. Evans 
objected to being reminded that man is an animal. 

Apparently the budget system presented difficulties, for Mr. 
Evans pointed out a discrepancy of $289, but according to the 
records, "after recess, there was only $82 shortage." The minister 
was asked to help straighten out the budget system, which appar- 
ently proved too complicated for some of the members. 

The Dorcas Society, which was formed by the younger members 
of the Ladies' Aid in 1914, made its first report at the annual 
meeting, January 3, 1917. Thereafter, the annual report of the 
Dorcas was a highlight at the yearly meetings. The last mention 
of Ladies' Aid appeared in January 1943. 

The estimated budget for the year 1919 was $1,749.50, with the 
notation that the church raised $2,784 the previous year, including 
the amount paid on the debt on the parsonage, incurred by remod- 
eling. "We all rejoice that the debt is paid," the Clerk states 
with pride. 

In Rev. Evans' desire to organize the church finances on a bus- 
iness like basis, he was outspoken and aggressive. His plan for a 
budget system caused confusion, and his suggestion that the mon- 
eys of the church go through three hands, the pastor's, the clerk's 
and the treasurer's, for a complete checkup was new. The trea- 
surer resigned, and, for the first time the record shows an audit of 
the books. At the same time. Rev. Evans gave a short personal 
talk "apropos to his relations with the church." His fourth year 
as pastor terminated Jan. 1, 1920. From here, the Evans went to 
Lander where Mrs. Evans died not long afterwards. It is believed 
that the Evans came to Wyoming because of her health. 

A singular incident occurred in March. Rev. Will R. Johnson 
preached his "trial sermons" and wrote a letter stating the condi- 
tions on which he might accept the pastorate, all of which were 
met with the exception of his request for a Detroit "Vapo" stove. 
In an undated entry prior to July 6, we learn that Mr. Johnson 


declined the call "for reasons which he considered good and suffi- 
cient," and he recommended a friend to take his place, Rev. 
Charles A. Nash (May 9, 1920— Oct. 1, 1922) of Waterloo, la. 
Rev. Nash, an Australian by birth, was the first minister hired 
sight unseen. He proved to be tall, good looking and shy. He was 
quiet spoken and well liked. The Nashs had no children. 

Rev. Nash was instrumental in having the local church adopt 
the Constitution of the national organization of the Congregational 
Church in place of the one being used. He also introduced the 
envelope system for collections. Further, in February 1922, he 
stated a willingness to accept a cut of $200 in salary for the re- 
mainder of the year. This naturally added to his popularity. 

The bleakness of the '20's was apparent when, in July 1922, 
the minutes of the church Clerk read, "The following motion was 
made and approved: That the constituency of the church be 
notified that the doors of the church will be closed in three months' 
time unless some means can be found to finance it to the end of 
the year." Upon Mr. Nash's resignation in October, he was again 
offered the pulpit at a reduction in salary, which he declined. 
Times were so pressing, it was decided that, rather than pay a 
minister, the church should pay $10 a Sunday for a substitute 
preacher and rent the parsonage for a year. 

Several plans were proposed, namely ( 1 ) sharing a minister 
with Glendo, not advisable because of financial reasons; (2) merg- 
ing the Christian, Baptist and Congregational churches with one 
minister serving the three, not feasible for many reasons. Rev. 
McCracken, from a mission in South Dakota, and Rev. Paxton, 
who had continued to live on his homestead east of Wheatland, 
served as substitutes, with Mr. Paxton being called back to the 
pulpit December 1, 1923, this time serving a period of two years. 

While the budget of 1921 had called for $3,250, it now (De- 
cember 1924) was down to $2,250. The following year Mr. 
Paxton was re-elected but granted a four months' vacation. The 
interim minister was a brilliant, young student, A. Gladstone 
Finnic of the New York Theological Seminary, who "gave us a 
very profitable summer with excellent sermons." 

At the annual meeting (Jan. 6, 1926), it was moved and car- 
ried by rising vote that Mr. Caldwell Morrison be made a perma- 
nent Deacon and that Mrs. Morrison be made permanent Deacon- 
ess. During the summer, after Rev. Paxton and his family moved 
to DeLong, 111., the substitute ministers were W. A. Bunker and 
Rev. G. Craig Watt, with Rev. D. Powell (Dec. 1, 1926 — June 1, 
1928) accepting the pastorate in December. 

Though the records do not show it, the D stood for Dalmanutha, 
according to one of his old friends who resides at Lusk. He says 
of Mr. Powell, who came to Wheatland from Jireh, Wyoming, 
"Do I remember Dalmanutha Powell? His homestead cornered 
ours. Carpenter, blacksmith, farmer and minister — but no bus- 


iness man. He died some twenty years ago at Worland, where his 
wife, now in her 90's still lives. He was a self taught man, and he 
did a fair job of it, too. Many people owe more to 'Dally' Powell 
than they will ever know." He was a pastor at Jireh Church which 
served the college by that name. 

Mention of Jireh College evokes fond memories among some 
of the older residents of the Manville-Lusk area. It was a small 
denominational college (Christian), founded in 1908 and dedi- 
cated in 1909. It had a good teaching staff, offering a complete 
Course for high school and the first two years of college — art, 
music, the sciences. The Language course was said to have been 
one of the best ever offered in Wyoming. While the campus 
boasted of two buildings and about 200 acres of land, there were 
probably never more than 75 or 80 students. Financial condi- 
tions during World War I forced the closing of the school. 

Although Mr. Powell received only $1,500 a year, the next 
minister. Rev. Robert Hoffman (Sept. 1, 1928 — Sept. 27, 1929), 
of Chicago, was offered the pastorate at $2,000, indicating that 
times might be improving, though how much he actually received 
is not clear. Rev. and Mrs. Hoffman had seven children, the 
largest family ever to occupy the parsonage. He resigned a year 
later with his resignation taking effect at once, rather than three 
months later, which had long been a custom. He is said to have 
left the ministry to become a prison chaplain. 

Rev. Riley E. Morgan (Dec. 1, 1929— Apr. 1, 1936), of Tren- 
ton, Nebr., was next called at a salary of $1,800, with transpor- 
tation and moving expenses allowed, not to exceed $100. Mr. 
Morgan remained as faithful pastor of the church more than six 
years at substantial cuts in salary. The drouth of the early '30's 
was as telling on the church finances as the depression of the 
'20's. Rev. and Mrs. Morgan reside in Boulder, Colo., and their 
talented daughter, Rachel, is secretary to the president of a college 
in Atlanta, Ga. 

In one of his recent letters. Rev. Morgan pays tribute to the 
choir of the Wheatland Congregational Church. "All the years 
my family and I were with the church, the choir seemed to us to 
be the outstanding phase of the work. I believe all would agree 
with me that the choir under Mrs. Natwick and Tom Hunton 
made a distinct contribution to the influence of the church. To me 
it always seemed to be a leavening influence for good in the com- 
munity. The congregation always rallied around the choir. Good 
music well sung gets pretty close to the heart of religion, so it 
seems to me. And that is what we always got from our choir, 
whether Mrs. Natwick or Tom Hunton was responsible for direct- 
ing the music. When the Yuletide came, the music was appro- 
priate to the season, likewise when Easter came. Those two 
seasons have always been great occasions in the life of the church, 
and I trust that they may be so always." 


Th3 salary offered the next minister, Rev. L. W. Flenner (June 
1, 1936 — Sept. 1, 1942), still indicates hard times. He was 
offered $1,200 and $100 for moving expenses. The parsonage 
became the meeting place for all of the children in the neighbor- 
hood, as the Flenners had a way with young people. When Rev. 
Flenner made his report at the annual meeting in January 1942, 
he gave a brief summary of the history of the church, which was 
entered in the records. In it he says, "Although there is no 
definite record, this church must have ceased from missionary aid 
some time in 1917." 

In August, Rev. Flenner tendered his resignation with the re- 
quest that he be released by the first of September so that the 
family might reach their new charge in Oregon in time for the 
opening of school and college. Ellen and Bud Flenner, who were 
graduated from Wheatland High School, later received their de- 
grees from Pacific University in Forest Grove, Ore. They and 
their younger sister, Betty, are married and live in the state of 
Oregon. Rev. and Mrs. Flenner reside at Cornelius. 

He writes, "Our years in Wheatland were some of the happiest 
we ever spent in any parish, and our children all hold fond mem- 
ories of those years and were very unhappy when we left. I have 
thought often of the people of the church and also many others 
that I was able to minister to, especially in time of the death of 
someone in the family. We have been very happy to know that 
the church has progressed since we left there and wish for it the 
very best in years to come." 

Rev. Clifford S. Higby (Nov. 15, 1942— Apr. 19, 1945), of 
Hemingford, Nebr., was called at the same salary, with $40 toward 
moving expenses and a promise of a clean and repaired parsonage. 
His ordination service was held at the annual meeting of the Wyo- 
ming Conference at Wheatland, June 2, 1943. 

A notation in November of that year states that the members 
and friends of the church gathered in the church parlors for a 
covered dish supper honoring Mrs. Esther Morrison, "our only 
living charter member" on her birthday. While she was deserving 
of all honor accorded her, it should have read that she was the 
only living charter member still residing in Wheatland. Appar- 
ently, the church had not kept in touch with the Niner family. 

The reminiscences of Rev. and Mrs. Higby, of Boulder, Colo., 
will be found in the complete history of the church. Because of 
lack of space, we are able to quote only a few excerpts from Rev. 
Higby's most interesting account. 

My memory of Wyoming Congregationalism goes back to the '90's, 
when the state superintendent would stop at our sod house on the 
homestead. First, there was the Rev. Mr. Lyman — he of the tre- 
mendously big black beard. No face at all except eyes, nose and 
ears! How could he eat? My brother and I forgot our food to watch 
the feat! And he made it! The big black mustache curled out and 


up, and way under there was a big red mouth. Then there was my 
hero, Dr. W. B. D. Gray. He was missionary superintendent a long 
time, and he visited us on the homestead many, many times. And 
when he came, my brother and I dropped everything and sat at his 
feet for whatever the length of his stay. 

Dr. Gray was a big man, had been boxing coach at college. He 
was not hesitant in using his fists for advancing the Kingdom of God. 
What delighted us boys was Dr. Gray's generosity in sharing in detail 
his adventures since his last visit. ... A few years after the first Mrs. 
Gray died, Dr. Gray married a very remarkable woman, much young- 
er than he. She was pastor of the First Congregational Church of 
Cheyenne. As the years passed and Dr. Gray began to fail, Mrs. 
Gray took more and more of the load, making many of the trips over 
the state by herself. 

Rev. Higby tells of ths active part his mother, Mrs. Nina W. 
Higby, played in the establishment of the early Carnegie libraries 
in the state. As Wyoming state president of the W. C. T. U., 
she saw "the curse of the saloon, but also the need it filled as a 
club room for idle hours. So as she traveled over the state she 
urged local groups to provide reading rooms." At one of the 
national conventions she attended, she learned of Carnegie's plan 
for public libraries. According to Rev. Higby, "She wrote to him 
direct and challenged him with the need of Wyoming's frontier 
folk. It gripped his imagination, and they corresponded, with the 
result that Carnegie allocated funds for five libraries in Wyoming, 
to be placed at mother's suggestion. Wheatland was first on the 

Rev. Higby explains the use of "Union" in the names of various 
Presbyterian and Congregational Churches as follows: 

As our mission work followed — or accompanied — the pioneers 
across the plains, the Presbyterians and Congregationalists worked 
together in more harmony than most other groups. Because of this 
and also because of the difference in administrative control of the 
local churches in the two denominations, we lost to the Presbyterians 
approximately fifty churches by the time we reached the Missouri 

Therefore, it was agreed between the two denominations that where 
one had pioneered in an area, the other would stay out. I remember 
that some of our most dependable members in Wheatland were from 
Presbyterian background. The same no doubt could be said of the 
Union Congregational Churches of Green River, Rock Springs, Buf- 
falo, and from Douglas east to the Nebraska line. 

Conversely, the opposite probably is true of the Union Presbyterian 
Churches of Laramie, Rawlins, Sinclair, Saratoga, Encampment, 
Evanston, Cody and many others. 

In January 1945, Rev. Higby made a trip to Mayo's where his 
case was diagnosed as a diverticulum in the esophagus. Surgery 
and a long period of convalescence followed. 

In this connection 1 want again to express our appreciation of the 
many kindnesses shown us by the Wheatland church during that trying 
time. I remember the host of letters, cards and good wishes; the 
knowledge that many were praying in our behalf; the salary checks 


that came regularly from January first when we went to Mayo's until 
April 10, when I resigned to take an extended period of convalescence 
in Arizona. How good it was to have Mr. and Mrs. (Wick) Hopkins 
walk into my hospital room in Rochester; and then they sent me a 
wonderful spray of American beauty roses. 

In addition to all this, many gifts came our way; among them 
checks from the Sunday School and Dorcas and two from individuals, 
one for $100 and another for $50, the latter all the way from Hawaii. 
Also while we were at Mayo's the church raised my salary $300 a 
year. And when we came home, and I tried to carry on and found 
I could not, you voted (at a called meeting Sunday morning after 
church) to give me as long a leave of absence as I needed. However, 
after careful consideration, we decided that the only fair thing to do 
was to leave the church free to call another minister, so I resigned. 

Rev. W. J. Hoare (Sept. 24, 1945— Mar. 1, 1952), of Anoka, 
Minn., visited Wheatland and filled the pulpit two Sundays before 
being hired at a salary of $1,800 to start and $500 for moving 
expenses. At the annual meeting in '47, Rev. Hoare's salary was 
raised to $2,100. 

As no official copy of the church Constitution could be found 
in the records, a special meeting was called, Nov. 14, 1948, with 
Rev. Harry W. Johnson, superintendent at large, presiding. The 
chairmen of the boards of Trustees and Deacons were authorized 
to appoint a committee to draw up a new Constitution and By-laws 
to be presented at the annual meeting. They were adopted Jan- 
uary 9, 1950, and a copy was pasted in the Clerk's book for 
permanent record. At this time, a vote of thanks was extended to 
Wick Hopkins for "time, money and materials" spent on repairing 
the church and to Ted Terman for donating and installing a 
hearing aid system. 

One of the most remarkable accomplishments of the church was 
the completion of the payment on the Hammond Electric Organ, 
with money to spare. The memorial fund for the organ, amount- 
ing to only about $750 the year before, grew miraculously. The 
organ committee, composed of Hazelle Ferguson and Margaret 
Haeberle, reported (Jan. 23, '49) that the organ and chimes were 
paid for in full with a balance on hand of $68 and approximately 
$150 yet to be returned by the manufacturers of the organ. A 
Memorial Book was purchased, listing the names of all of the 
donors, and the balance of the money was returned to the Dorcas 
Society, which worked hard to raise the necessary funds. 

Rev. Hoare will long be remembered for his elaborate pageants 
which he wrote and directed, the stage settings and scenery he 
painted, and the many costumes which he furnished for the char- 
acters who performed. A native of Titchfield, England, he served 
in the British Army for a time before coming to America. He died 
of a heart attack at Alliance, Nebr., Feb. 9, 1957. 

Rev. Alan Inglis (July 1, 1952 — Jan. 1, '57) came to Wheat- 
land direct from the Divinity School at Yale. He brought with 















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him a youthful enthusiasm and faculty for organization. Under 
his leadership, the Men's Club and Pilgrim Fellowship (the youth 
group) became active branches of the church. Rev. Inglis, his 
wife and three children bade farewell to their Wheatland friends 
in January for their new home in Flasher, N. D., where Rev. Inglis 
is serving five neighboring churches by means of an airplane. One 
of his most difficult assignments in our church was his funeral 
service for John K. Phifer, who was killed in a tractor accident. 
It was the fifth accidental death in the Phif3r familv, as Mr. 
Phifer's parents. Dr. and Mrs. F. W. Phifer, and their son, Wood, 
and his wife lost their lives in a highway accident during a flood 
in 1935. The death of the Phifers was an irreparable loss to the 
church and to the community. 

Since Rev. Inglis' departure, the church has been served by 
Rev. E. D. Forssell, interim minister. Although the building, the 
dream of the Ladies' Aid which was made possible through the 
efforts of Rev. Paxton and many loyal members and friends, looks 
much the same on the exterior, countless changes have taken 
place within. The basement, with its modern kitchen and attrac- 
tive auditorium, now has a clever nursery, or "Cry Room," the 
work of the Dorkettes, the younger branch of the ever faithful 
Dorcas Society. The sanctuary, with its rose beige walls and new 
light fixtures, has, as its focal point of interest, an intricately carved 
cross, the work of Dr. Bill Rosene's father. In the background, 
rich textured drapes add warmth and dignity. 

The Communion Table, with its inscription, "In Remembrance 
of Me," brings back hallowed memories of the Dast, for it was a 
gift of the W. B. D. Grays. 

In concluding the story of the Union Congregational Church of 
Wheatland, we would like to borrow a statement from Rev. Flen- 
ner's report at the annual meeting fifteen years ago. "Back of 
this brief record is the unrecorded story of happiness and sorrow, 
accomplishments and failure, hopes realized and hopes thwarted. 
Through it all runs the bright thread of loyalty to the church and 
to the loving God that it represents." 

Zfie Old ehurck* 


Helen Cook 

I like to sit alone in the old church before the others come, the 
cheerful throng who seek their favorite pews and join in prayer and 
make the echoes ring with hearty song. 

I said, "Alone." Yet, I am not alone. Another congregation 
gathers here; their presence seems to fill the shadowed room; their 
rusthng footsteps stir the quiet air. 

It seems I hear once more the dear old hymns, forgotten now, the 
ones they loved the best. I hear the feeble tones of white haired 
saints, and sweet young voices mingle with the rest. 

And now His table's spread, and through the years old elders come 
again to humbly pray and serve the loaf and cup with gnarled 
hands and trembling reverence in the age-old way. 

The pulpit rings anew with passioned pleas, young preachers set 
on fire by holy flame. With penetential tears, the converts come 
and here are born anew in Jesus' name. 

And now the scene is one of solemn joy. In come virgin brides 
with measured tread, and now the sorrowing. His comfort find, 
and bravely here earth's last farewell is said. 

Yes, this old church is holy ground to me. Each crumbling stone, 
the steps for decades trod, the aisles, the pews are hallowed by the 
faith our fathers had, who here have worshipped God. 

* Reprinted by permission. 

Portrait oj an 'Vrdimry'' Woman 

SUza Stewart ^oyd 


Clarice Whittenburg 

"Miss Stewart, you have the honor of being the first woman 
ever called upon to serve on a court jury!" Sheriff N. K. Boswell 
announced to the thunderstruck little schoolmistress who answered 
his knock. 

The time was March 9, 1870. The place was Wyoming Terri- 
tory, town of Laramie. The leading lady was 37-year-old Eliza 
Stewart who had come alone to the Territory a little more than a 
year before from her birthplace at Evansburg, Crawford County, 
Pennsylvania. \ 

Today, eighty-seven years later, her daughter, Mrs. Elwin W. 
Condit of Laramie, frequently refers to her as "quite an ordinary, 
unassuming little woman." 

Unassuming? Yes, no doubt! Ordinary? One wonders! Or- 
dinary, perhaps, in general appearance. Blue-eyed, brown-haired, 
somewhat short and stocky of build. Rather droll in conversation, 
yet not particularly witty. A woman with a quick mind and a 
ready memory but not unlike her nextdoor neighbor in outward 
particulars. Measured by the standards of her day, however, what 
a truly adventurous soul she must have possessed! Alone, she left 
the security of family and friends in an established eastern state to 
make her home in the unknown West. Alone, she came to face 
a raw, rough, roisterous Wyoming tent-and-shack town, so recently 
"end o' track" for the Union Pacific railway. 
' Eliza had been one of nine children in her Pennsylvania home^ 
It was soon after her fourteenth birthday that her mother had died.J 
Did it not take courage for her to assume, as the oldest daughter 
still living in the home, the job of caring for her young brothers 
and sisters? Was it an easy task to attain the honor of being 
valedictorian of the 1861 class at Washington Female Seminary in 
Washington, Pennsylvania? During several winters she had taught 
local schools so that she might attend the seminary during the 
following summers. 

For twenty-three years Eliza's loyalty to her family had held 
her but, when the first transcontinental railway became a reality 
instead ofa dream, she had set her eyes toward the adventurous 


West. Why she came, or whether her family had objected, we 
have no way of knowing. In later years she did remember with 
amusement the scandalized look on the face of the Pennsylvania 
agent from whom she had bought her railway ticket. 

And here she was, a full-fledged western schoolma'am, one 
of the two first schoolmistresses in Laramie! Not only a school- 
mistress, but also, according to Sheriff Boswell's astounding an- 
nouncement, the very first woman in the whole world to be called 
upon to serve as a juror! 

Only in Wyoming Territory could this have happened^ then and 
there it had been made possible simply because Wyoming had 
led the nation in 1 869 by adopting woman suffrage. 

Five other women were impanelled to serve on the mixed grand 
jury which met in March, 1 870, at Laramie. They were Mrs. 
Amelia Hatcher (a widow), Mrs. G. F. Hilton (wife of a physi- 
cian), Mrs. Mary Mackel (wife of a Fort Sanders clerk), Mrs. 
Agnes Baker (wife of a merchant), and Mrs. Sarah W. Pease 
(wife of the deputy clerk of the court). 

At first Eliza, like her sister jurors, was not inclined to take her 
summons very seriously. Although a rather ardent advocate of 
woman's rights, she assumed that when court convened, the women 
jurors would merely beg to be excused and that would make an 
end to it. Speculation is still rife among historians as to whether 
the original woman suffrage bill was introduced as a huge joke, 
whether it was planned in all sincerity, or whether it was intended 
largely as an advertising scheme. 

Chief Justice Howe, who presided over that first mixed jury, 
had definite ideas of his own. He overruled the prosecuting attor- 
ney's challenge to the six "good women and true." When they 
had been impanelled, sworn and charged, along with their six male 
contemporaries, he addressed them all in stirring tones as "Ladies 
and Gentlemen of the Grand Jury!" He insisted there was no 
impropriety in women serving as jurors. He promised that they 
would receive the full protection of the court. He declared that 
the eyes of the world were focused upon them. 

How very true! Within twenty-four hours. King William of 
Prussia cabled a congratulatory message to President Grant. Re- 
porters and artists from far and near swarmed into Laramie with 
their pencils and their crayons. Eliza and her five women com- 
panions were amazed and hurt to find they were the objects of 
barbed ridicule in the nation's press. Cartoons and couplets in 
the illustrated weeklies were the cause of much laughter throughout 
the land. 

! Heavily veiled, and refusing to be photographed, the six women 
went to and from the court. They served with dignity for three 
weeks on cases which involved horse and cattle stealing, illegal 
branding and murder. The effect upon the male jurors was indeed 
startling! Gambling and drinking (common practice among them), 


even smoking and chewing, were inhibited. In a later written 
statement, Chief Justice Howe commended the women foj their 
"careful, painstaking, intelligent and conscientious" attitude. 

Once more a private citizen, Eliza Stewart rejoined her fellow- 
teacher, a Miss Sophronia Vaughn, in instructing the youth of 
Laramie. Together, in one unplastered room, these two women 
had opened the town's first public school in 1869 with 63 pupils 
enrolled. Inside of three months the enrollment had numbered 

Miss Stewart's reminiscences of the first schoolhouse relate how 
a calico ball provided the roof. When finances ran out before 
the building was covered, the ladies of the community came to 
the rescue by planning a dance. The one dressmaker in town 
sent out calls for outside help in making yards and yards of 
ruffling necessary for the calico creations she designed. 

The ball was a success and the roof was raised but, alas, the 
school board had overlooked the need for textbooks! Old trunks 
in the homes of the pupils were searched for books and the two 
schoolma'ams wrote all of their assignments on the blackboard. 

Both ladies began to feel their services deserved much more 
compensation than the fifty dollars per month for which they had 
contracted. After some haggling, they received the promise of an 
extra twenty-five dollars monthly but the promise did not mater- 
ialize. The tax collector suddenly left town forever after embez- 
zling some of the funds entrusted to his care. 

The year 1870 was indeed a memorable one for Eliza Stewart. 
It was on July 2 1 that she married Stephen Boyd, who had moved 
from his native home at Oxford Mills, Ontario, Canada, to a 
location on the Platte River near Denver in May, 1868. Their 
marriage took place in Cheyenne and the ceremony was performed 
by the Rev. J. W. Kephardt, a pioneer Presbyterian minister of 
that city. 

The couple decided to make Laramie their permanent home. 
Mr. Boyd served first as a Union Pacific fireman and later as a 
machinist in the railway shops there. 

The first of their three daughters died in infancy. The other 
two were reared in their native town. 

Eliza Stewart Boyd's name appears again and again in the writ- 
ten accounts of Laramie's early history. When the Wyoming 
Library and Literary Association was organized in 1870, she 
became its first secretary. Five vears later the association boasted 
of a library containing "1000 volumes of standard, scientific and 
literary books, besides nearly all of the best magazines and per- 
iodicals of the day." 

In August, 1873, sixty Albany County women published a call 
for a mass meeting to nominate a candidate for the legislature. At 
this meeting Eliza Stewart Boyd was asked to serve as secretary^ ( 


She and Mrs. Esther Hobart Morris were drafted as candidates 
for the state House of Representatives from the new Woman's 
Party. Mrs. Morris withdrew her name before the end of the 
month. Mrs. Boyd's name remained on the ticket but she received 
only five votes and the Woman's party died a natural death within 
a month. 

As a charter member of the Laramie Presbyterian Church and 
Missionary Society, Mrs. Boyd's community endeavors were far 
more successful. Both she and her husband gave their church a 
consistent, wholehearted support throughout their lives. 

In spite of her outside activities, at no time did she neglect her 
home. If no more urgent or strenuous home duty demand her 
attention, she could be found, sitting near the window, placidly 
piecing quilts or knitting garments for her little family. 

Although several visits were exchanged with her eastern brothers 
and sisters and she regretted the distance which normally lay 
between them, her adopted West claimed her as its own. 

In later life she joined "The 60 Club," a group of pioneer 
Laramie women who had reached the age of 60 and enjoyed meet- 
ing purely for pleasure. 

A fall on a slippery pavement in her seventy-ninth year caused 
a fractured hip and rendered Mrs. Boyd helpless. Death came to 
her a few mornings later, on March 9, 1912, to be exact, just 42 
years from the day Sheriff Boswell had announced, "Miss Stewart, 
you have the honor ." 

An ordinary pioneer woman! One wonders what a truly extra- 
ordinary woman of her day would have been like. 



Pease, Sarah Wallace, "Women as Jurors," Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, 
November 28, 1895, p. 7. (Reprint in Collections of the Wyoming 
Historical Society, Vol. I, 1897, pp. 240-246.) 


Beach, Cora M., Women of Wvomin^^, Casper: S. E. Boyer and Co., 1927, 

pp. 24-25. 
Hebard, Grace Raymond, The First Woman Jury, Laramie, 1913. 
Linford, Velma, Wyoming Frontier State, Denver: The Old West Publishing 

Company, 1947, pp. 221-22. 
Trigg, J. H., History and Directory of Laramie City, Wyoming Territory, 

Laramie City: Daily Sentinel Print, 1875, p. 47. 


Condit, Mrs. Elwyn W., Laramie, Wyoming, January 23, 1954; January 26, 
1954, January 30, 1954. 



Denver Post, March 9, 1912. 

Laramie Daily Boomerang, February 22, 1912; March fe4§1912; March 9, 

1912. ' ■* 

Laramie Daily Bulletin, October 29, 1929; October 12, 1938; November 17, 

Laramie Republican-Boomerang, March 5, 1929; March 22, 1929; March 

26, 1943. 
Laramie Weekly Sentinel, January 25, 1890. 

Unpublished Material '♦ 

Chapman, Miriam Gantz, "The Story of Woman Suffrage "in Wyoming, 
1869-1890", Unpublished Master's thesis, Graduate School, University 
of Wyoming, August, 1952, pp. 21-30. 

Fourth Duke of Bedford by Thomas 
Gainsborough. Courtesy British In- 
formation Services 

Bishop W. B. Preston. Courtesy 

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- 

Day Saints, Salt Lake City 

Mford amd Jts J^amesakes 

Kenneth E. Crouch 

"Go west, young man, go west" led a son of the Blue Ridge 
Mountains of Virginia to Utah and Wyoming where he became 
a prominent leader in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day 
Saints (Mormons) and founded a settlement in the Rocky Moun- 
tains of Wyoming which he named in honor of his native Bedford 
County, Virginia, because of the similarities in scenic mountains 
and farming interests. 

William Bowker Preston was born Nov. 24, 1830, in Bedford 
County, Virginia, a son of Christopher and Martha Mitchell Clay- 
tor Preston who were married in Bedford County, Virginia, Dec. 
20, 1824. 

In 1852 he settled as a farmer in Yole County, California, and 
in February, 1857, was baptised into the Church of Jesus Christ 
of Latter-day Saints. 

Settling in Payson, Utah, he colonized the Cache Valley and 


was among the principal founders of Logan, Utah. On Nov. 14, 
1859, he was ordained Bishop of Logan. 

Bishop Preston in 1871 was named vice president and assistant 
superintendent of the Utah and Northern Railroad. At the general 
conference April 6, 1884, he was named the fourth presiding 
bishop of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints and 
retained that position until December, 1907, when he was released 
because of ill health. He died Aug. 3, 1908. 

On Feb. 24, 1858, he was married to Miss Harriet A. Thatcher 
of California. He represented Cache County in the General 
Asembly of the Utah Territorial Legislature in 1862-1864, 1872, 
1876, 1878, 1880 and 1882. 

From 1865 to 1868, Bishop Preston was on a mission in 
England for the Mormon church conference. From 1901 to 1907 
he was vice president of the State Bank of Utah. 

About 1 877 part of the Salt River Valley on the Idaho-Wyoming 
border, now in the Bedford area, was used 'as a herd ground for 
cattle of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Bishop 
Preston advised the young men herding the cattle to take up land 
in the locality and with his son, W. B. Preston, Jr., and three other 
men he was the first to take up land there. 

The first two houses were built at the expense of Bishop Preston 
on Strawberry Creek, about a half-mile east of the present town- 
site. The permanent settlement of Bedford took place in 1 890. 

The main industry in the Salt River range is dairying and sheep 
raising with forests being abundant. North of Bedford, Wyoming, 
in the Wyoming range is 10,143 foot Virginia Peak. 

When it came to naming the new Wyoming town. Bishop 
Preston suggested that it be named for his old home in Virginia. 
Mrs. Frane Wilkes, a grand-daughter of Bishop Preston, and her 
husband live on the Preston estate at Bedford, Wyoming. 

Bedford County, Virginia, was formed in 1754 from Lunen- 
burg County with New London as the county seat. When Camp- 
bell County was formed the village of New London was included 
in that area and Liberty in 1782 was established as the county 
seat of Bedford. Liberty was incorporated in 1839, the name 
changed to Bedford City in 1890 and to Bedford in 1912. 

It is famous for the location near Forest of "Poplar Forest", 
the summer home of Thomas Jefferson. The scenic Blue Ridge 
Mountains form the northern boundary of the county and in this 
range is included the famous twin Peaks of Otter, 4,001 foot Flat 
Top and 3,875 foot Sharp Top. 

Bedford County, Virginia, was named for John Russell, the 
fourth Duke of Bedford. He was Secretary of State of England 
for the Southern Department (which was responsible for the 
British colonies) from Feb. 13, 1747-48 to June, 1751. 

Bedford, Wyoming, according to 1950 census figures, is the 



smallest of the eighteen places bearing that irame in the United 
States. The places so named are as follows: 


Population Founded For Whom Named 


New York 





New Hampshire 







12,562 1825 Bedford County, Tennessee 

10,888 1681 Bedford, England 

9,213 1837 Man named Bedford 

9, 1 05 1813 Bedford, New York 

4,061 1782 John Russell, Duke of Bedford 

3,521 1751 John Russell, Duke of Bedford 

2,400 1750 John Russell, Duke of Bedford 

2,000 1853 Bedford, England, or a surveyor 

1,407 1647 Probably Bedford, England 

533 1816 Gunning Bedford, Jr. 

450 1876 Bedford County, Tennessee 

374 1890 Bedford County, Virginia 

Bedford Hills 

New York 11,000 1680 Probably Bedford, England 

Massachusetts 109,189 
Pennsylvania 650 

Illinois 200 

Ohio 125 



New Bedford 

1652 John Russell, Duke of Bedford 

1818 Dr. Nathaniel Bedford 

1834 Ford across the river 

1825 Bedford County, Pennsylvania 

West Bedford 

1817 Bedford County, Pennsylvania 

There are three counties in the United States named Bedford, 
they are as follows: 

Pennsylvania 40,775 1771 Unknown 

Virginia 29,627 1754 John Russell, Duke of Bedford 

Tennessee 23,627 1807 Capt. Thomas Bedford, Jr. 

Bedfordshire, England, has a population of 307,350, was found- 
ed 1011 but the origin of its name is unsettled. The town of 
Bedford, England, has a population of 54,400 and its date of 
founding and naming is not known. 

There are Bedford's in Canada, Africa and Australia; varying 
from towns to creeks, rivers bays etc. 

Three ships of the U. S. Navy have born the name Bedford, 
the cargo ship USS Bedford Victory (AK-231), named for Bed- 
ford, Indiana; the USS Perseverance (PYC-44), formerly known 
as the Bedford and Condor; and the USS YP-435, formerly known 
as the Bedford. 

Zhe Mole-'m-the- Wall 

Thelma Gatchell Condit 


Seventy-seven years ago the dust of the trail-herds rose blind- 
ingly over the Powder River Country as the long line of gaunt, 
sweat-caked, thin-rumped longhorns moved wearily over the open 
range lands in Wyoming to this big place that was to become their 
home. Beyond the trail-tracks a vast grassland stretched away on 
every side to the far horizon, its hills and valleys as lacking in 
identity as the clouds in the sky. The "big" cowman gazed with 
joy upon this scene, for surely here was the longed-for land he 
could possess for the taking — here he could, with little output, turn 
the wasting grass into beef on the hoof and build a vast fortune. 

There was something distinctly elemental, something irresistibly 
impressive about this scene — it was as perfectly in harmony with 
this unconquered land as the buffalo and Indian had been before 
them — for the longhorn cows, swaying heads hung low and nostrils 
wide-flung for the smell of water, were as restless and wild as the 
buffalo they were to supplant; and who could better cope with 
them in this rugged Powder River country than the grimy, hard- 
riding, hard-shooting punchers who were as tough and capable 
and as untamed in spirit as the valuable horseflesh under them. 

However, the "big" cattleman though possessing both money 
and brains, didn't know then that, even as our last great frontiers- 
man, his try at holding this Powder River country was to prove as 
futile as the Indians, and that after a brief period of intoxicating 
profits and high adventure he, too, was destined to follow the 
Indian over the horizon. 

From the beginning the Middle Fork of the Powder River 
country has held a strange fascination for beast and man. It is 
almost unbelievable that the first "big" cattlemen on the Powder 
were English noblemen, who loved this wild land as much as did 
the Indian. In 1878 the Frewen Brothers, Moreton and Richard, 
younger sons of a socially prominent south England family, came 
here to hunt "big game." Being adventure-loving, mettlesome men 
they became so intrigued with the wild beauty of this place that 
they stayed to found the first big cow outfit and to build a home. 

1. The old NH ranch of Plunkett and Roche at mouth of Beaver Creek 

2. NH ranch house, old hired man and dog 

3. Old Bar C ranch house (Peters and Alston) 

4. Cowboys gambling in old NH ranch bunk house, playing poker 

5. NH corral and "weaner calves", showing how cattle of Johnson County 
have been improved since the 1800's. 

— Courtesy Thelma Gatchell Condit 


They formed the Powder River Cattle Company — branding the 

The site of their home, called Frewen Castle, is 4 miles below 
Kaycee on the north bank of Middle Fork, a little east of the 
junction of the North and Middle Forks. It is possible today to 
stand there and feel as the Frewens felt as they gazed upon the 
scene, even though the castle itself and the brief grandeur it repre- 
sented are themselves gone; for there is nothing even now to 
detract from the lonely beauty of the spot. 

What an ideal place for a cattle ranch, with the wide, richly- 
grassed valley near at hand over which wild game wandered at 
will; and what a magnificent place to stir the imagination, with 
the shining Big Horn Mountains in the near distance to the west, 
whose mysterious beauty stood forever a challenge to the inner 
man, bringing forth longings to be and to do great things. It was 
a perfect setting for both pleasure and business. 

So it was that southern Johnson County became the headquar- 
ters of two large, foreign-owned cattle companies; for, it is 
believed, the Frewens' glowing tales of the Powder River country 
with its virgin ranges and bench lands of native grasses enticed the 
wealthy Sir Horace Plunkett, a widely and favorably known Irish 
leader and member of the English Parliament (son of Lord 
Dunsany) to come to Wyoming in 1879 and establish himself 
on a ranch behind the red wall in partnership with other young 
Irishmen, including Beau Watson, and Alexis and Edmond Roche, 
brothers of Lord Fermoy. This became the Union Cattle Com- 
pany — branding the NH. (The site of the former L. R. A. Condit 
ranch — now the Harry Roberts ranch [[) outfit] ) 


And thus it came to pass, however fantastic it may seem, that 
this red wall country became for a short time the setting for an 
elegant social whirl similar to the gay English society to which 
these noblemen belonged. The Frewens built themselves a famous 
two-story log mansion with huge fireplaces and mantels and wind- 
ing stairways, (reminiscent of the stately English homes) whose 
luxurious furnishings were imported and brought by mule-team 
from Rock Creek, the nearest railroad point (near Laramie). 
Practically all the high-ranking nobility of that time were enter- 
tained here, with gay parties and balls and thrilling big-game hunts 
in the Big Horns. \ 

The Frewens' ranching business was as enormous as their social 
life was gay; they ran between 60,000 and 70,000 head of cattle 
and employed over 75 cowboys. It took nothing less than plain 
audacity to commence operations on such a grandiose scale here 

\. The 76 brand had a personal significance, representing the year 
Moreton first came to America — 1876. 


in the midst of this -emptiness, in a place whose only occupants 
were wandering tribes of Indians, with an attitude not entirely 
friendly, and old rugged trappers and prospectors and rough 
outlaw characters whose reactions were never predictable. How- 
ever the Frewens dispensed their fancy imported canned foods and 
champagne to all who stopped and lavishly prepared themselves 
for a right jolly business venture. 

In order to present a clearer picture of the times, it should not 
be amiss to pause for a moment to describe briefly the notorious 
old Powder River Crossing stage stop, which was located 20 miles 
below Frewen Castle (to the east). It was situated on the old 
Bozeman Trail crossing of the Powder on the east side of the river 
just north of the junction of the Powder and Dry Fork. It was 
here (only on the west bank) that old Fort Connor stood at the 
mouth of Dry Fork. Later, after Fort Reno was abandoned, Can- 
tonment Reno was established near the same place. 

Geographically this spot had been of importance as a ''resting- 
place" on the Bozeman Trail; for here, along the banks of the 
river, were huge, spreading cottonwoods offering welcome shade 
after the glare and dust of the trail. Here washings were done, 
equipment repaired and animals rested and reshod. It was a 
natural place for a stage stop or road ranch and for many years 
was a popular hangout for freighters, trappers and all the others — 
it being their only, easily-available contact with the rest of the 

Powder River Crossing consisted of a large, long building, 
(store, saloon and living quarters all in one) stables and black- 
smith shop and numerous old dugout cabins.' Here to be had 
were whiskey and prostitutes (who came and went), fresh horses 
and tobacco, conversation and companionship — the best the land 
afforded, at least. One can still locate the building sites of the 
old blacksmith shop and saloon from the now half-buried clutter 
of old bottles and iron scraps and debris. 

Bill Hathaway ran the store and saloon which was located 
directly east of the dry gulch at the edge of the little patch of 
timber. In connection with his road-ranch operations he ran quite 
a bunch of horses, for there was money to be made in supplying 
fresh mounts for those in need of an exchange. Hathaway was a 
man worthy of the frontier, strong and powerful physically and 
quite equal mentally to the tasks before him. His saloon arrange- 
ment was uniquely designed to fit the turbulent times — the bar 

2. The latter, no doubt left from the days when the forts were there, 
were made by building roofs over excavations in the ground. Sometimes 
they were dug out of the side of a hill with only the front side timbered. 
As wood was hard to get, such dwellings were easy to construct and proved 
quite durable and adequate. 


Roundup on the Powder in the early 1880's. (Picture was given to Jim 
Gotchell by the daughter-in-law of Robert Foote, early Johnson County 


counter, behind which he always stood when dispensing his Hquid 
wares, was shoulder-high, enabling him at all times to have com- 
plete command of the situation. All men were requested to de- 
posit their shooting-irons behind the counter when entering, so 
Hathaway's gun barrel, thrust over the top of the bar, meant 
business in no uncertain terms and ended promptly all drunken 
disputes without any danger to himself. If stern in disciplinary 
measures, he was very accommodating and considerate otherwise, 
especially to transients, allowing them to spread their bed rolls on 
the large barroom floor whsn it was bad outside and no other 
shelter was available. 

Many interesting things happened at Powder River Crossing and 
many odd characters came there for various reasons. This story 
is told about two burly men, who, though the best of friends under 
normal conditions, one night got into a violent drunken disagree- 
ment — whose settlement required a two-day hand-to-hand fight. 
Being crude, animal-like fellows neither could quite outdo the 
other — so they fought inside the saloon, and they fought outside 
on the ground and around the buildings until both were thoroughly 
winded, badly bruised and bloody. Nobody paid much attention 
to them — it was their own particular fight — they had started it, so 
let them finish it. That was the prevailing philosophy — every man 
for himself. Finally ,"one of the men, who had a mad crush on a 
prostitute then living in one of the dugout cabins, came to the 


conclusion that he was done for and was about to die. He crawled 
over to the side of the store building, where fumbling around he 
finally found the end of an old wooden beer keg upon which he 
laboriously and painfully wrote in mournful words his farewell 
message to "Big Alice." However the incident did not end on 
this dramatic note, for both men fully recovered and returned to 
their prospecting and trapping as good friends as before with 
apparently no hard feeling between them. 

Big Nose George (the outlaw who was later hanged in Rawlins) 
used to hang out around Powder River Crossing. He used to stay 
for months at a time in a nearby dugout (located on the way to 
Pumpkin Buttes). He and a fellow named Tom Welch used to go 
around together some. Tom was a most spectacular person — his 
body was completely tatooed with snakes. He looked tough and 
was tough. One time a band of Shoshoni Indians camped near 
the dugout and one morning a big husky buck Indian rode up and 
made signs that he was a pretty tough fellow and could whip any- 
body — just anybody at all. After much boasting it finally was 
learned that he wanted to sell them a tanned deer hide for $3.00. 
Big Nose said he'd give $1 and that was all he'd give. A hot 
argument ensued during which the Indian reached for his knife- 
but George was too fast for him and clobbered him mightily over 
the head with a broken wagon spoke he found laying on the ground 
in front of him. Tom and Big Nose George then broke the blade 
of his knife and hit his gun-barrel over a log, bending it ruinously, 
after which procedure they revived the badly bleeding buck by 
dashing cold water on his face, helped him onto his horse, handed 
him his now useless weapons and headed him back toward the 
Indian camp, calling loudly after him, "Big Indian no good!" This 
must have been convincing for they never saw the buck again. 

A. M. Keith, a puncher for the "76" in 1885, told of meeting 
Big Nose George on the fall beef roundup on lower Powder River. 
Quote: "We were caught in a snow storm and as we were camped 
for dinner three men rode into camp. One was very large and 
very red and was called Big Nose George. They were tough- 
looking and not the cowboy type. They rode good horses but 
their saddles and clothes denoted more of the trapper or packer 
or bullwhacker than anything else." 

Another peculiar character appearing spasmodically at Powder 
River Crossing was an old Sioux half-breed called "Chief Coman- 
che." An old-timer described him thus. "Old Chief Comanche 
knew these mountains better than God Almighty from Cloud's 
Peak on down. He was about 5' 1'' tall and weighed around 160 
pounds and was the roughest man I ever met in my life. Just an 
old tramp-mountaineer, trapper and prospector — one of the oldest 
human beings in this country — always carried his grub and bedroll 
with him and stayed wherever he was. He wore his hair long and 


never had a bath in his hfe. He told nobody nothin' and always 
had money — he panned a lot of gold but nobody knew where.'" 

This was the Middle Fork of the Powder in the late 70's, a 
fantastic, widely-scattered conglomeration of humanity from the 
crudest rascal to the most refined gentleman, all coming periodi- 
cally to Powder River Crossing for mail which arrived irregularly 
on the run between Ft. Fetterman and Ft. McKinney. A telegraph 
Hne also went through here. Actually, for most or them ths mail 
didn't count for much; getting tobacco was of far greater impor- 
tance and became a serious matter indeed in the spring of the 
year when the Powder was on the rampage. At that time even the 
foolhardy thought twice before forcing a horse into the rolling 
flood, so the old trapper (or whoever it might be) would yell 
across and make signs for somebody to throw him some tobacco, 
which was done. 

It was even rougher up behind the wall where Sir Horace 
Plunkett came to ranch, for he was in a decidedly isolated spot. 
He arrived October 15, 1879, in his 25th year and built his head- 
quarters at the mouth of Beaver Creek Canyon, which was 25 
miles west of Frewen Castle. We quote from Margaret Digby's 
Horace Plunkett': ". . . he went in search of timber up the beautiful 
Crazy Woman Canyon where, among crags and gulches, some one 
had built a sawmill." 

Though of the nobility and very wealthy, Plunkett's manner of 
living and conducting business was quite different from the 
Fre wens'. By nature very conservative and with a background of 
sound agricultural knowledge, he came to Wyoming with well- 
formulated plans for successfully combating the inevitable obsta- 
cles confronting him in this wholly new venture. He realized from 
the start that this would be no easy job. He was unquestionably a 
most remarkable man, with that rare ability to see into the hearts 
of men, wherever found, and judge them (and himself, also) for 
what they were worth. He possessed that keen analytical mind 
which enabled him at all times to think impartially and wisely. He 
came here determined to be and to live western; he tried very hard 
to understand the American viewpoint. He wore regular cowboy 
clothes, checked shirt, neck bandana, chaps, wide hat and boots, 
and tried to make himself a hand wherever needed on the ranch. 
He'd sail from Ireland early in the spring, attend to business in 
New York (for Wyoming ranching was only one of the many 
American businesses he was engaged in) then go to Cheyenne 

3. Chief Comanche's grave is in Crazy Woman Canyon on the top of 
the canyon wall. To locate the spot, cross the first bridge, then continue 
on the road until you reach the camp ground (one with grates, toilets and 
tables). The grave is in the pines to the right at the top of canyon, just 
above where the table stands. 

4. Published by Basel, Blackwell & Mott, Great Britain, 1949. 


and from there to the Powder by stage and buggy — a hectic trip 
with streams in flood, rain and mud to fight and the horses often 
stuck in the mire necessitating walking part of the time. 

Sir Horace was frail physically, suffering from the family mal- 
ady, tuberculosis (another reason for his coming to Wyoming), 
and he was frequently troubled with a severe digestive disorder. 
However, in spite of this, he drove himself hard, hating for anyone 
to think him inferior in hardihood to these brawny westerners. He 
actually did more than most of them and often drove them harder 
than they wanted to be driven. 

On one occasion in Cheyenne Sir Horace bought an old horse 
and a young horse for $200 — and played cards ($80 worth) for 
an old buggy and harness. Even though allowing themselves to 
be hitched together the two horses didn't exactly take to each other, 
but Sir Horace started out for Powder River anyway, stubbornly 
determined to prove his ability as a true western handler of horses. 
Everything went fairly smooth until the neckyoke came off. This 
was all the horses needed to show their intense dislike for each 
other and away they went, the young one kicking wildly every 
jump. Outwardly completely undaunted Sir Horace stayed with 
them, finally getting them stopped and the harness repaired — 
then on to the ranch. He found it most distasteful stopping at 
the roadranches and said, "I shared a bed last night with a 
thousiand bugs." 

And, according to his diary, arrival at the ranch was not much 
more pleasurable. "In our absence the cowboys had treated our 
house very badly, and we found it in a filthy condition. Spent 
the whole day doing housemaid's work. . . . Hope the cowboys 
won't shoot [the new cook]." Try as he would he could never 
completely reconcile himself to the way people lived out here, with 
no family servants, no table manners and such horrible food. It 
was indeed a rough, violent society as shown by this quotation. 
"A corpse might turn up 'killed some four or five days ago on the 
ragged bluffs on the North side of Powder R[iver] where Red 
[Fork] comes in . . . shot, and snaked by the heels . . . and 
thrown into a gulch'." 

His description of various ranch foremen gives a good idea of 
the times and also illustrates aptly Sir Horace's ability to analyze 
character. Of one Jack Donaghue he said, "He was a strange 
character, a desperado by nature and education. But he had his 
good points, too. He had no respect for anyone, and was very 
intractable. . . . His strange Western humour — terribly profane 
and blasphemous at times — was generally amusing. He thorough- 
ly understood the expressiveness of the Western language and some 
of his sayings will long be remembered by Plunkett, Roche & Co." 

Of another, a certain Roach Chapman he wrote. "Admirable 
at his work, [but] did not prove a wholly fortunate choice . . . 
arrested for horse stealing. . . . Believe . . . wanted for murder," 


In this instance Plunkett was very willing to hire a lawyer to defend 
his foreman, but before the trial Chapman broke jail and took off 
for parts unknown. 

Plunkett admired bold characters and had complete contempt 
for anyone who deteriorated and soured under hardship. He made 
very few allowances for human weaknesses and unfortunately 
expected to find his own honor and high standards in other men. 
If he decided a man was doing more good at his job than harm 
he stayed with him and vice versa; if he found that his judgment 
was wrong, no tie of friendship or any feeling of embarrassment 
on his own part would cause him to keep that man in a position 
of trust. This constant analyzing naturally cut him off from easy 
friendships and he often felt he had no real admirers among his 
punchers. The resulting loneliness and the everlasting need for 
hard work were truly depressing; thus Sir Horace was never entire- 
ly sure in his own mind whether he liked this country and his 
ranch or not. , 

Johnny Pierce was the only foreman entirely pleasing to Plunkett 
("the most faithful of all foremen I have known"). Johnny's 
loyalty was his greatest asset; he stood behind the outfit he worked 
for and everyone knew it and respected him for it. He was a big, 
square shouldered, dare-devil, happy-go-lucky fellow. No door- 
way was quite big enough for Johnny, but it wasn't just his 
physical bigness that attracted attention, there was something about 
him that made his presence felt — he was good to have around. 
He had a careless, sleepy-sort of manner, which gave no inkling 
of the hidden energy and coolheaded nerve underneath. He could 
handle men and animals in a friendly manner, but if he ran into 
trouble his smile could become as deadly as his six shooter. When 
Johnny was boss, he bossed, and everybody knew it was going to 
be that way; or if he didn't know it, he soon found out. 

The cowman had a difficult time keeping help, for the cowboy 
was a born drifter. Always on the frontier beyond organized 
society, he made laws of his own to meet his immediate require- 
ments and enforced them at the end of a six-shooter, if he felt it 
necessary. He was usually honest, as he himself reckoned honesty 
and, for the most part, made an expert hand. Owning nothing but 
his horse and its trappings, his rope and six-shooter, he put down 
no roots and was free to come and go as he pleased. He worked 
hard and played hard, spent his money recklessly, and created his 
own fun whenever an opportunity presented itself. 

Plunket usually went on the round up, suffering untold hard- 
ships just to prove his stamina. They lasted months and covered 
a large area; of them he said, "Round-Up life is pleasant enough 
for a change, but I am not really strong enough for the life. . . . 
My nerves are my weak point." He used to ride over the hills 
stripped to the waist when the weather permitted, thinking the 


sunburn would benefit his lungs. He wrote another time: "Had to 
sleep three in a bed. I slept — or rather lay — in the middle. The 
man on right snored terribly, and man on left ground his teeth. It 
was like going to bed with a blast furnace at one ear and a grist 
mill at the other." 

He always rode his favorite horse "Brownlow." He and the 
horse nearly drowned in the Nowood River (near present day 
Tensleep) when the spring floods were on the river at that time 
being over 25 yards across. Plunkett said of high spring waters, 
"it just didn't swim our horses, only filled our boots." 

Often the round-up outfit would be held up by bands of Indians, 
who traded them buffalo hump and tongue (rare delicacies) for 
tobacco or whiskey. Sometimes the cowboys would stop along 
a stream and catch fish for supper. After a cloud burst they fre- 
quently were unable to safely cross a creek and so would set up 
camp until the water subsided. The punchers always entertained 
themselves at such times — sometimes running horses races with 
the Indians and always playing cards far into the night by the light 
of a big camp fire. These card sessions frequently resulted in 
violent quarrels and bloodshed. When two men in an outfit be- 
came openly antagonistic toward each other, both got fired. This 
was a common practice in those days, time and again making the 
outfit short-handed, for it wasn't the easiest thing finding hired 
hands on the spur of the moment. 

Rattlesnakes were thick and snakebite a common occurrence 
for both men and horses. Plenty Bear and his band of Cheyennes 
used to hang around the red wall country a lot. He was very skill- 
ful at treating snakebite and unusually successful in lancing the 
swollen heads of bitten horses. He was always willing to help his 
white friends. 

In fact, accidents of all kinds were common (and most care- 
lessly treated) especially during the branding. Sir Horace de- 
scribed a cowboy in the act of branding as "hair, dust and cor- 
ruption." He could never understand the prevailing casual accep- 
tance of tragic happenings. If some one got killed, he had just 
died and that was it; no one seemed upset and work or pleasure 
went on as usual. 

Keeping ranch accounts proved difficult and confusing, too. 
How could any sort of systematic report be made of such an item 
as this? "[My] Foreman swaps a firm horse for one of the cow- 
boy's private horses, gives $5 and two plugs of tobacco to boot." 

The NH ranch headquarters itself was a homey, domestic place, 
in spite of the fact that it was strictly bachelor quarters. They 
milked four cows, churned butter, raised chickens and had a 
garden. There always was a yard full of pets to be fed on a bottle, 
such as young foals, pups, young deer and elk. Plunkett and 
Roche also owned the original EK Ranch at Mayoworth, just 


over the wall to the east, where Alexis Roche stayed most of the 
time. (The site where the buildings stood are on the Clark Condit 
ranch.) (See map) Alexis had brought a greyhound named 
Paddy over from Ireland with him. Paddy was like one of the 
family and led a most exciting life, being the self-appointed 
guardian of all the ranch pets. It was a common sight seeing old 
Paddy and the "wild" pets roaming over the hills together. Alexis 
also had a pet goat over on the EK who became a constant source 
of annoyance to the old man who tended the garden and chopped 
the wood, for the goat was determined to feed upon the vegetables 
in the garden. One day the old fellow ordered a lot of woven wire 
and completely fenced in the garden spot, even on top. There- 
after the goat spent most of his time nimbly stepping along the 
planks on top of the fence trying to figure out why he was now 
unable to get at the food of his choice. 

Regarding old Paddy's death Sir Horace wrote: "He had lived 
a hard life. Badly poisoned once; torn by wolves and badgers, 
scalded by prickly pears, his fighting days had been full of adver- 
sity. He was the most amiable and bravest of dogs, the latter 
quality 1 did not think could appear in a greyhound." 

Plunkett and Edmund Roche each took turns cooking, churn- 
ing, milking, chopping wood and gardening besides working at a 
hay camp they had down the valley (south) where much native 
grass was put up for feeding saddle horses and the milk cows. 
The old NH was indeed a busy, interesting place. 

In 1881 Peters and Alston first filed on the present — C hold- 
ings. Alston was a burly Scotchman and T. W. Peters an English- 
man, the latter being nicknamed "Twice-Wintered." These men 
had been in the cow business in Nebraska and brought their herds 
of cattle up from the North Platte area. They were a huge outfit 
with the following cattle brands: FU, VU, UV. Their horse 
brands were KC on the left hip and — C on the left shoulder. 

( Hank Devoe was their cow foreman. Hank and his three broth- 
ers George, Charlie and Clark grew up in Marysville, Kansas, and 
all came west early in life. Clark stayed around Cheyenne but 
the others signed up with freight outfits operating between Rock 
River and Fort Fetterman. George ended up staying around Glen- 
rock. He was a big man, 6' 4" weighing 24(3 pounds. There 
wasn't any fat on George either, he was all muscle and bone — so 
strong he could pick up a man in each hand and set them on the 
bar at the same time. He served as a deputy sheriff in early times. 
George had a crippled knee, which he said was the result of walk- 
ing so many miles in the mud behind freight trains. ) 
. (Charlie located on a homestead on Crazy Wom^n Creek just 
above^the John R. Smith place and below the Barney Long home- 
stead. ) 

[in 1878 Hank located at the foot of the mountains in northern 
Johnson County about 10 miles above Ft. McKinney. He and his 


wife lived in a tent that winter while Hank hauled logs to the fort 
for Ed Chapline who had the wood contract. In 1881 the Devoes 
moved to the Bar C. 

Hank was a tall, wiry, well-built man with a square jaw and 
very round expressive eyes (two outstanding characteristics of the 
Devoes on down through successive generations. They were all 
handsome men.) 

Mrs. Devoe was the only white woman behind the wall at that 
time, so became quite an important person; for, no matter how 
rough men are, most of them enjoy and are willing to accept the 
things a good woman can do to soften frontier living. And odd 
as it may seem, a woman was completely safe then, as far as men 
were concerned. She was highly respected and never molested, 
notwithstanding tales to the contrary. 

May Devoe was a tall, straight-up-and-down, very plain-looking 
woman, but what she lacked in beauty she made up for in liveli- 
ness. When she talked, "she made the funniest faces" to empha- 
size the mood of the conversation; so folks just automatically felt 
better for seeing her. A very capable, sensible woman she fitted 
in perfectly with this rough man's place. Unfortunately not enough 
of praise has been given these frontier women who so courageously 
lived a life beset with both big and little difficulties; with never a 
word of complaint and apparently with not the slightest feeling 
of self-pity. Even their own husbands were thoughtless and incon- 
siderate (though probably unintentionally), if judged by modern 
standards and if the following story told of the Devoes is true. 
One day an Englishman hadsgone hunting up the canyon above the 
Bar C. Later on a huge mountain lion ran out of the creek bed 
and headed for the house, followed by the hunter who appeared 
on the scene just as the frightened lion leaped through the kitchen 
window. Hank was leaning lazily on one elbow against the corral 
post smoking his pipe. When he made no movement whatever 
toward the house, the EngUshman could contain himself no longer 

Mountain lion, common in red wall country in early days. 


and blurted out, "My God, man, isn't your wife in there?" Hank 
replied, "Reckon she is." 

Englishman: "Aren't you going to do something?" 

Hank, "Hell, man — we out here ain't got no use for them pesky 
critters and danged if I'm going to help him out. Let him get 
out o' there the best way he kin." 

May was equal to any emergency and soon became very useful 
in time of sickness and trouble. She administered to red and 
white alike, her sunny disposition and skill bringing much comfort 
at such times. She'd climb on her bay mare, which she rode 
side-saddle, grab her little black satchel of remedies and go wher- 
ever needed, near or far, day or night. She told about a time a 
cowboy was accidentally shot over on Poker Creek Flats at the 
start of the fall roundup. "Mr. Devoe had a man sent to the 
ranch and I sent a spring wagon and mattress and had the man 
brought to the house where I took care of him for 9 days, when 
he died. The men made a coffin from some boards (Hank had 
sent to Cheyenne for to make a top box for the mess wagon) and 
covered it with my black alpaca riding skirt and lined it with 
sheets, and buried him down on Powder River." 

The Arapahoe and Shoshoni Indians were thick around here 
then, coming every winter to this Powder River country to kill 
buffalo, dry meat for summer, and tan hides to sell to the whites. 
They always camped just below the Bar C house, four or five 
hundred in a band, with squaws and all. The cowboys were 
always dickering with the Indians, trading tobacco and whiskey 
for hides and horses; and May become well acquainted with the 
squaws of Chief White Horse and Chief Eagle Breast. She often 
took care of their ailing papooses and they came to respect her 
and depend upon her for help and advice. 

One day May happened to be all alone on the ranch; all the 
men were to be gone for the night, too. Some old white villain, 
who thought everything deteriorated wtih age except himself and 
whiskey, visited the Indian Camp with his jugs of liquor and he 
and the bucks proceeded to get hilariously intoxicated. By night- 
fall the place was in a riotous, howhng uproar. May felt much 
concerned, for drunken Indians could be a threat to the entire 
ranch, their being still in the semi-savage stage. She couldn't 
decide just what to do and was racking her brain for a sensible 
solution when she heard a gentle tap on the door. It was White 
Horse's squaw who'd come silently to tell her not to be afraid, 
for the squaws had securely tied all the bucks with rawhide thongs 
and put them in the tepees where they were to remain until all 
right again. She said the bad white man was also tightly bound. 

Not long after this the opportunity came to repay the squaw, 
whose young married daughter with a newborn papoose had be- 
come violently ill with a high fever. May faithfully nursed the 


sick girl for 2 weeks and her recovery was complete. The squaw 
mother soon after that brought May a yard of calico and a big 
spoon to let her know she was deeply grateful. 

Soon after the Devoe's arrival at the Bar C a mail route was 
established from Powder River Crossing to the Bar C, going on 
over the mountain to the Basin country. Hank Devoe and Fred 
Hesse had the contract and May was postmistress for six years. 
At that time the mail was carried horseback twice a week (down 
one day and back the next). 

Mrs. Bert Devoe of Kaycee has in her possession the old day 
books in which Hank Devoe, as foreman, kept the ranch accounts 
of Peters and Alston. (Her late husband Bert was a son of George 
Devoe, Hank's brother. ) A perusal of these old books provides 
extremely interesting glimpses into early day life. From them we 
learn that Hank, as foreman, drew $300 a month and that the best 
cowboys drew $50. Cowboys drew wages according to their 
ability — from $50 on down to $15 per month. Here are a few list- 
ings from the years 1881, '82 and '83 (picked at random). 

1881 1- 

July 13 

pair chaps 


" 27 

4-# tobacco 


Sept. 16 

one horse 


Oct. 5 

paid Chapplin for vegetables 


'.' 5 

paid Conrad'' for groceries 


" 5 

stable bill at Buffalo 


" 5 

grain bill at Buffalo 


" 5 

sack of oats at Trabing" 


" 5 

hotel bill for Dutchey 


" 5 

recording brands 


Oct. 29 

20 days work for John Nolan 


Nov. 15 



Dec. 8 

gun sling 


Dec. 31 

repair on wagon 



Mar. 18 

sugar and coffee 


" 18 

bacon and sugar 


" 18 

50 # flour 


Oct. 4 

3344;t cabbage of Chapplin 


Aug. 24 

telegraphing Peters 


June 15 

paid Frewen Brothers 


Dec. 6 

dinner caster 


5. Conrad had the first store in Buffalo. 

6. Trabing's was a roadranch on Crazy Woman Creek. 



Mar. 13 dues to Stock Assn. 3.00 

" 13 whip 4.00 

In those days fellows often went by nicknames (very evident in 
day books). They may have had special reasons for purposely 
not using their real names but probably most of them had been 
given a special one by their joke-loving fellow cowboys who thor- 
oughly enjoyed playing pranks on one another, (a tendency not 
altogether appealing to the tenderfoot.) Here are a few of the 
nicknames. (What fun it would be to know why or how each 
earned the name.) Chicken Charlie, Bronco Smith, Bull Dog 
Bill, Less-leg Davison, Black Henry, Long-back Charlie, Old 
Good-Eye, Coyote John, Butter-Knife Ben, Hairy-Vest Ike, Bea- 
vertooth Barney, Nosey O'Brien, Hog Davis, Dirty Jack and many 
others, some of which certainly cannot be considered entirely 

This incident taking place on lower Powder River in 1880 
illustrates the habit of nicknaming. An old-timer related, 'T had 
brought quite a string of unbroken horses up the trail to sell. I 
established a horse camp on Powder River, built a corral and set 
the boys to work breaking horses. I had quite a bunch of punchers 
with me — all good riders and in a short time had a good string of 
horses ready to sell. However, there was one horse in the bunch 
that was an outlaw and there wasn't a man in the outfit that could 
ride him. . . . Along about grub time one evening a stranger blew 
into camp and, as was the custom, found himself a, tin plate and 
cup and proceeded to put on the nose-bag. There wasn't anything 
strange looking about the stranger, he was just a cowboy looking 
for a job; but what took my eye was his outfit. He was riding a 
flea-bitten cayuse and his saddle was the most nondescript thing it 
had ever been my luck to look at. Nearly all the leather was 
gone, the stirrups were suspended by rope; the horn was bare; in 
fact, you had to stretch your imagination to call it a saddle at all." 
He gave the stranger a job and, it being obvious he'd have to be 
staked to a good horse, he continued, "So I told the boys to pick 
him out a horse. What was my surprise when they brought out 
the outlaw. I didn't like it and told them to rope another horse 
and told the stranger none of my boys had been able to ride that 
horse. He said he didn't care — he'd ride him, so I said for him 
to pick out a good saddle from the supply tent — for I was afraid 
his own wouldn't stand the strain. But he said he'd use his own 
because he was used to it. . . . This outlaw was a peculiar sort of 
critter — he made no objection to being saddled and might go a 
mile or two without bucking, but when he did let go, he was hell 
on wheels. This time was no different and we'd gone about a 
mile when the outlaw , broke loose and used every trick a long 
successful bucking career had taught him; but this time he'd met 


his Waterloo. The stranger was a rider. He didn't pull leather 
because there wasn't any to pull — he rode him straight up, 
thumbed him and fanned him with his hat, and gave him his head. 
. . . That horse was hard to conquer. He'd rest awhile and then 
go after it again, but always with the same result. By the time 
we got where we were going he was a broke horse." So the 
stranger whose name was John Morrison became "Pack Saddle 
Jack" until his death.' 

Along about 1 884 or '85 a man named Coable filed on land at 
the mouth of Blue Creek Canyon and started a horse ranch (site 
of present Blue Creek Ranch Company) in partnership with a 
certain Brown Parker. They were easterners, hailing from Penn- 
sylvania, and were also bachelors. As an old-timer said, "They 
came in with quite a bit of money and lost it all, of course; done 
just like all the Englishmen — lived in town a lot and tried to run 
a ranch." Parker was a surveyor by trade and his services were 
much in demand as the country began to settle up. He was a 
tall, rather stoop-shouldered fellow of medium complexion with a 
fancy mustache — folks didn't like him very well, for he was in- 
clined to be somewhat over-bearing. 

In the late '80's the post office was moved from the Bar C to 
the Coable ranch which was given the name Riverside (because 
the cabin stood on the bank of the beautiful little stream Blue 

Another big cow outfit had started up east of the Hole-in-the- 
Wall on the South Fork of the Powder and was operated by Tisdale 
and May, (site of the present TTT ranch) They came to River- 
side for their mail. In 1885 Owen Wister was a house guest of 
the Tisdales (there were 2 brothers), having come west on the 
advice of his doctor. Never having been west of Pennsylvania, 
Wister's experiences in Wyoming were a great revelation to him, 
in a way determining his career as a writer, for at that time and 
on each successive visit he began to jot down descriptions of hap- 
penings peculiar to this life and this country, (which provided the 
background for his famous book. The Virginian ) . 

Wister often accompanied Tisdales to Riverside for the mail 
and he became thoroughly fascinated with the beauty of the place 
and with the people he met there while waiting for the mail. Due 
to the uncertainty as to the exact arrival time of the horseback 
mail-carrier (flooded streams often delayed him) the fellows 
usually came prepared to stay all night, if necessary, spreading 
their bed rolls out under the stars. Coable and Parker were gone 
a lot, but they left the key to the mail sack hanging by the door 
and, whoever wanted his mail, unlocked the sack and took out his 

7. The late Dr. Wm. Frackleton of Sheridan told many stories about 
this heroic man, who eventually settled around Sheridan. 


own letters. If hungry he cooked himself a meal and made himself 
thoroughly at home. So Riverside became quite a "visiting place" 
and hangout for loafers and newcomers. 

Wister became so intrigued with Riverside that one summer he 
stayed in a cabin there and wrote his "Lin McLean" book. During 
his stay at Blue Creek he was an eye-witness to much western life 
in the raw, and, like Sir Horace Plunkett, never inwardly became 
reconciled to the harsh code and seeming cruelty of this early west. 

Even the roughest of the men had a sense of right and wrong, 
perverted as it appeared to outsiders, and often meted out justice 
(among themselves) as they saw it; This is so aptly illustrated by 
the following incident which was witnessed by Wister himself. It 
seems that a certain young puncher had committed some cowardly 
act, causing him to be held in supreme contempt by all the cow- 
boys. It was decided, since he was quite youthful and his crime 
directed against no one in particular, that instead of "dry gulching" 
him they'd give him a 50-50 chance of survival. They'd let him 
live and leave the country if he could ride the worst outlaw horse 
on the ranch. Not even a coward wanted to be considered cow- 
ardly, so the kid rode the horse and he was a good rider. After 
all, he really was given no choice. Instead of a bridle he put on a 
rope hackamore and climbed into the saddle, so swift and sure 
that the amazed bronc stood still for a split-second, then sprang 
headlong into the air. As he lengthened out the boy suddenly 
reached down and caught the hackamore short, close up by the 
mouth, and jerked the horse around quick and hard. The horse 
skidded in a blind zigzag, rolling over and over in the red dust. 
After a mighty tussle he came to his feet again and took off 
toward the red wall, the boy still in the saddle but hanging limply 
over the horse's neck. When the horse stopped and the "self- 
appointed judges" rode up they saw that the kid was dead, hanging 
on by his spurs which were caught in the cinch. His neck must 
have been broken in the fall, no one knew exactly; no one could 
tell, they just saw that he was dead. So they made a crude box 
coffin and buried him over under the wall. Nobody now knows 
who he was, but his grave is still there and his story still told by 
the Blue Creek people. 

Wister left a kerosene lamp in his cabin which successive owners 
cherished down through the years, calling it the "Owen Wister 
lamp." It represented Atlas holding the world on his shoulders. 
Atlas was of black pewter, the world was purple glass (holding 
the oil, over which the chimney fitted), the base was also black." 

Even before the big cowmen began exploiting the range with too 
many cattle, Harmon Fraker was living in the red wall country up 

8. In recent years the lamp was stolen. "Someone wanted it worse 
than we did," said Mrs. Ed Taylor who now owns the Blue Creek outfit. 

Augustus Fraker's cabin (still standing). Gus Fraker harrowing with 
harrow made from gun barrels salvaged from Dull Knife fight. 

2. Mr. and Mrs. Augustus Fraker and children Mable and George. 

3. Interior of Harmon Fraker cabin with George Fraker and two cousins, 
Verna and Johnny Fraker of Wisconsin. The gun hanging on the wall 
is now in the Jim Gatchell Collection in Buffalo and was made by 
Harmon Fraker. — Courtesy Thelma Gatchell Condit 


under Fraker Mountain in the little hidden valley the Cheyenne 
Indians had loved so well. He had come in the spring of 1877 
following the Dull Knife fight of the preceding winter. 

Harmon was born and raised in the timberlands of Wisconsin 
and was most skillful in the use of the axe. He came to Wyoming 
in the role of buffalo hunter and trapper. He was a short, rather 
heavy-set man with a luxuriant beard, and he wore a buckskin 
outfit that was very showy. His few belongings were packed in a 
light wagon to which were hitched a pair of buckskin-colored 
horses. They were fine animals, his pride and joy, next to his 
gun, of course, and could be used as saddle horses, too. After 
considerable wandering here and there Harmon decided that this 
Red Fork place was exactly to his liking so he unpacked his wagon 
and set about making it his home. He filed on the land as soon 
as it was possible to do so. 

After the cowmen arrived Harmon got his nickname. One 
evening he made camp by a little spring on top of the slope. He'd 
spent a strenuous day going over his trap line and both he and his 
team were about played out. As all kindhearted men will do at 
times (and regret afterwards) Harmon turned the buckskins loose 
that night thinking with the grass so abundant and fresh water at 
hand and in their "bushed" condition they'd stay close to camp. 
But as all good horses will do one time or another, they took off 
for fresher grass and next morning try as he would Harmon could 
not find his team. Berating himself for being a stupid fool, he 
picked up his gun and axe and started home afoot. He knew 
better than "to leave those blamed horses unhobbled"; "never 
trust a horse or a woman" was pretty sensible thinking, proving 
true time and again. 

It was quite a stretch down to Red Fork but Harmon plodded 
along getting madder by the minute. Toward evening he came 
upon a cow-camp cabin. A tall, slim-faced old puncher was sitting 
in front of the door whittling on a piece of wood and chewing 
slowly on a sizeable chunk of tobacco. After letting loose with a 
big spurt of juice he look up and drawled, "Waal, if here ain't old 
Daniel Boone hisself." So from then on Harmon v^^as known as 
"Daniel Boone Fraker." 

He was a most interesting person, a typical pioneer, frugal and 
practical, his gun and his broad-axe his only tools. He tanned the 
hides of the deer he killed and made his own buckskin clothing. 
His gun was most unusual, it weighed 16 pounds and shot 45-145 
cartridges. It was such a cumbersome piece that Harmon rigged 
up a special sling on his saddle horn to carry it up in front of him, 
when he rode horseback. It was mighty useful, shooting a slug 
that would penetrate a huge log, the size used for cabins at that 
time. There were only two such guns in the country; Wild Cat 
Sam Abernathy had the other one. 


Harmon lived in a tent while he was building his cabin. Return- 
ing one day with a big load of logs, he found that a huge grizzly 
bear had entered his tent during his absence; after pawing and 
nosing around over everything and eating what struck his fancy, 
he had apparently become mildly confused and couldn't rediscover 
the flap where he had entered. When Harmon stuck his bearded 
face under the flap, the bear decided to leave anyway and, in so 
doing, ripped out the whole side of the tent. Grizzly bears were 
common in those days. (The Fraker family still have an old 
homemade cupboard with huge slashes down its sides made by a 

The bear situation made it understandable how Bear Trap Creek 
got its name. Up on the mountains near the head of Bear Trap 
Canyon three log bear traps had been built at intervals, one of 
which is still there. It is believed Harmon built them, although this 
fact has not been proven. They were cute little cabins about 4' 
by 6' or 8' built of heavy logs on three sides and the front left open. 
The open side had a sUding door made of arm-size poles, latticed 
together and fitting into wide grooves on either side of the front. 
A large wooden pin held the door up when the trap was set; to 
the pin was attached a rawhide thong which extended along under 
the roof and down into the back end of the interior. The bait was 
fastened on the end of the thong — usually a piece of bacon or 
"home-smoked" meat. The bear, smelling the bait, walked into 
the little house, and when he grabbed the bait the thong was pulled, 
which released the pin and down slid the door and the bear was 
neatly trapped. The house had to be small — just big enough for a 
bear — otherwise with room enough for leverage he would tear it 
apart. Bears have tremendous strength and can drag a freshly- 
killed, full-grown cow off into the brush. The captured animal 
could easily be shot by poking the gun barrel through an opening 
between the pole lattice-work. 

Harmon, being domestically inclined, had built himself a "smoke 
house" to cure his wild meat for summer use. This was a drawing 
card for bears for how they loved this meat! First the meat was 
cut up into quarters and put into a large barrel full of salt brine 
where it soaked for 10 or more days, then it was hung up to drip 
dry. The final stage in the curing was the smoking in the little 
house which was narrow and tall and looked like a "privy." It 
always stood on a small knoll or on the edge of a cut bank under 
one side of which a little tin-covered tunnel led down to the fire- 
pit where a green boxelder fire smouldered, also under a tin 
covering. The green wood burned slowly and smoked profusely, 
the smoke going up the tunnel into the smoke house (and also 
out the cracks in all directions). The smoke caused the meat to 
put on a hard, dry coating which not only preserved the meat but 
also gave it that delicious smoked taste. It took constant vigilance 
to keep the fire going slowly enough to prevent setting the house 


afire, and yet fast enough to keep up a steady flow of smoke. This 
smoked meat could be wrapped up and kept like a ham. The 
pioneers smoked all kinds of meat this way. Harmon was never 
the least bit wasteful, and like the Indians before him, wasted 
none of the meat he shot. 

There were other predators. One day after Harmon had his 
chicken coop made he went out to feed the hens, and as he opened 
the door a huge mountain lion jumped at him (see picture of lion). 
He ran to get his gun, but when he fired he missed the animal. 
That night he poisoned one of his dead chickens and used it for 
bait and sure enough the next morning the lion was in the trap. 
(They were very stupid about walking into traps.) After hitting 
it in the head with his axe he noticed a grooved place on one hind 
leg; his shot had been that close. 

Harmon's first cabin was only three 30-inch logs high and still 
stands at Barnum. (Although re-modeled somewhat, the original 
part is yet intact — it is the ranch home of Mr. and Mrs. Frank 
Graves.) As mentioned before Harmon was a broad-axe man 
and the huge logs he used are a source of amazement even now. 
No nails were used, the logs simply being notched and expertly 
fitted together. On the mountain above Graves' can still be seen 
an old fence built by Harmon. Some of the logs in this fence are 
50 to 60 feet long; it was all put together without a nail or wire 
and is truly a work of art. Harmon's folks said he was a sickly 
man, he had stomach trouble. Seeing the immense logs he handled 
and made useable, one can't help wondering what he would have 
done had he been a "well" man. But Harmon really did begin 
to lose his health and he urged his brothers Will and Augustus 
to come to Red Fork." 

Gus Fraker filed on the land (about one-half mile) just below 
Harmon's, and they built another cabin down there which is there 
now and is worth anyone's time to go see. 

The Frakers liked this country and began putting down roots, 
getting together a little bunch of cattle and horses and breaking 
up the land for crops. They continued to trap and hired out as 
hands to get together the necessary money. 

But before much could be done with the land, the debris of the 
Dull Knife fight had to be cleared away — it was a terrible clutter — 
but all this time Harmon had been sorting it out at odd moments, 
saving every useable thing he found. As can be imagined he col- 
lected quite a pile of old gun barrels. While MacKenzie's orders 
had been "to render every article unuseable" the army hadn't 

9. George Fraker, now an old man who lives in Sheridan, Wyoming, is 
the son of Augustus. George's son, Martin, works for the D (D + ) 

Cattle Company owned by Harry Roberts at the present time, so there 
still are Frakers in the red valley. 


reckoned with the ingenuity of Harmon Fraker. From the sal- 
vaged material he. found enough pieces of broken guns to make 
several new rifles.'" These guns were completely useable and as 
good as any' new gun. 

Harmon also made a harrow out of old gun barrels (see picture) 
which he and Gus used to break up the sod. The corral gates 
and numerous other things around the ranch had salvaged iron 
pieces used on them and some are there yet on corral posts. Har- 
mon made a big scoop which he used with his team to drag all the 
stuff he couldn't use off into Red Fork where it washed down 
country during high water time. 

While the Fraksrs were busy in the extreme northern end of 
the red wall country, a fellow by the name of Ed Houk was starting 
a ranch on the extreme southern end, at the mouth of Buffalo 
Creek Canyon. Ed was also a bachelor, big and nice-looking, and 
"had the name of being a good, honest man." He had en enor- 
mous ranch, his operations spreading out to the south into present 
day Natrona County. He came in with plenty of money and 
equipped his place quite lavishly. He ran a sort of roadranch and 
bred blooded horses, besides his cattle herd. He had water pipes 
running all over the place — even faucets in the main house, which 
was considered something in those days. He spent a lot of money 
building a big ditch trying to make use of Buffalo Creek water for 
irrigation purposes. (The big ditch is still to be seen but it didn't 
work out satisfactorily — at least no one has used it since. ) The 
cowboys called his ranch "Fort Houk," its pretentious outlay of 
buildings being quite, as imposing as a real fort. Ed Houk was 
different from the other big operators; his main ambition was to 
do something interesting, not just make money fast. He liked the 
Hole-in-the-Wall country and came to stay. (More about him in 
the next installment of this series) 

By the middle '80's tjietbig cowman was in trouble and no one 
knew it any better than he did. His wonderful dream of amassing 
a vast fortune in the range cow business had suddenly, after a few 
years, turned into a sort of nightmare. In his planning he had 
failed to take into consideration the duplicity of this Powder River 
Country. He didn't realize that this big "grassiness" and rugged 
beauty could, overnight, turn into a burning, dry ugliness and a 
blinding blizzardy coldness which was to leave many of his cows 
starving and dead. He was face-to-face with many upsetting 
things that weren't plainly seen in the beginning. 

Some of the things he was facing were unwittingly of his own 
creating, like overstocking the range until the very grass itself was 

10. One of these guns is in the "Jim Gatchell collection in Buffalo," 
for Harmon, when an old man and leaving this country, presented it to 
Mr. Gatchell as a trophy from the Dull Knife Battle, (see picture) 


complaining. (For who could say with authority, when the range 
was overstocked, since the land was free to everyone?) And, like 
running his business slackly with no system, organization or judg- 
ment, really doing it more or less on the "absentee" plan, where 
his only tallies were kept on a corral post and his only record of 
loss was shown on his check stub. Unpredictable forces of nature 
coupled with the inevitable weaknesses of large management ex- 
hausted even the greatest of fortunes. 

Few of the big outfits had any money invested in land, nor did 
they attempt to fence. The great range was unsurveyed and titles 
could not, at first, be had. Then, all at once, before anyone hardly 
realized it had happened, "little" cowmen, (following the example 
of the Frakers) began filing on the most advantageous water- 
places and surveying little acreages and putting them under fences. 
Who, now, could positively establish ownership of cattle? Dis- 
honest men (as they have done from time immemorial) began 
arriving to take sly advantage of the laxness on the range. It was 
only a step from "mavericking" to changing brands; and even 
otherwise honest men's consciences now became dangerously elas- 
tic and they felt no compunction whatever in burning their brand 
on the hide of a calf following a cow belonging to a man who lived 
in England most of the time. An intense feeling of resentment 
toward these luxurious living and spending outsiders sprang up — 
these foreigners who'd never seen the tough side of life and whom 
they felt (and quite justifiably too) had no lawful hold on this big 

A decided undercurrent of unfriendliness was brewing. As Sir 
Horace Plunkett ably described, "These bad times have robbed 
the cattle business of its old careless geniality. Even our ranch is 
not the happy family it has been." When Sir Horace rode on the 
1886 roundup he said, "They were not cordial at all. They'd 
been talking of shooting me all winter, as I have been made scape- 
goat of the attempt to reduce wages. I think I'll outlive it — but 
it is unpleasant being scowled at and talked at by the blackguards 
. . . they feel our intrusion. They say, 'You have a social position 
and we have hardly any — so we don't compare favorably with your 
society. But we're just as good as you are, though you don't 
know it'." 

These men found many little complaints against the Englishmen; 
for one thing, they cut their horses' tails off square, above the end 
of the tail bone, and used check reins on the bridle, both very 
shocking procedures. They carelessly set fire to grass meadows on 
their gay hunting sprees, which was a scandalous waste of good 
animal food. 

The big cowmen couldn't combat the severe storms and dry 
weather, but they could lash out angrily at these little cowmen 
who so persistently spoiled things. Trouble was in the making 
for a final showdown in 1892. 




The former (big cowman) now had two alternatives, either 
liquidate his holdings and leave or reorganize his outfit to meet 
the changing time, which meant buying and fencing land and feed- 
ing in winter. Some stayed and some left. In 1886 the Frewens 
went broke. In 1889 the Bar C closed out and sold what was left 
to the NH outfit. Sir Horace carried on until some time after 
1 890 when he, too, sold out and returned to Ireland where family 
responsibilities and other big financial ventures were becoming 
pressing. We cannot repress a feeling of intense admiration for 
Sir Horace when we read: "Spent day packing up. ... I burnt 
papers by the bushel. . . . Left NH Ranch. This may be the last 
I see of it, and I had some of the feeling which life is so unfor- 
tunately full of — the feeling of saying goodbye to friends, animate 
and inanimate, that I have known and made part of my life for 
some years. ... I don't think my ten years in the west wholly 
wasted — though doubtless they might have been better used. ... I 
have gained much experience of men and affairs — more valued is 
my understanding of the vast, sprawling energy, the idealism, the 
crudity and the generosity of a country like America." 

And Frewen Castle Rock" (named by the Frewens long ago 
and looking from a distance like one of their own beloved castles 
in England) still stands a silent, lasting memorial to the gay 
Frewen Brothers, "who had such a wonderful time here and lost 
200,000 pounds between them." 

We also must remember that it was these Englishmen who 
brought Johnson County into the limelight in England and France. 
Johnson County was then as well known in London as Washington, 
D. C, and cowboys from Powder River were a common sight on 
the streets of London. These same English cattlemen made 
Powder River beef famous throughout the world for its texture 
and flavor. 

The big cowman played an important role in western history. 
He brought millions of dollars of foreign capital into the "Great 
American Desert", paving the way for the development of our 
present livestock business. His venture proved that the grama, 
the sod or bunch and the mountain blue stem grasses covering 
our rangeland sticking up so withered-like and yellow through the 
snow, was exceedingly valuable as winter feed for livestock. He 
brought to light the hitherto undiscovered fact that our dry climate 
has a most beneficial effect in curing these grasses on the ground, 
giving them high nutritive value. The big cowman proved what 
California Joe, an old trapper and scout, so aptly said years ago, 
"There's gold from the grass roots down, but there's more gold 
from the grass roots up." 

IL Frewen Castle Rock is plainly visible from hiway 87, several miles 
west of the Middle Fork of Powder River bridge. 



September 26, 19S4 

Maurine Carley 


: 'i£* 




Idaho Terrifory 
By Bugler C, Moellmari, nth Ohio Cav. 

Oregon Zrail Zrek J^o, Jour 

Compiled by 

Maurine Carley, Trek Historian 

September 26, 1954 

Caravan 46 cars 

Note: Numbers preceding "M" indicate miles on the map west 
from the Nebraska-Wyoming line. This trek began at old 
Fort Casper, crossed to the north side of the river, followed 
the river route for 2Vi miles, branched to the right and 
followed the middle route for 1 Vi miles, took the ridge road 
to Emigrant Gap, and from there followed the north route. 
More than 90% of the emigrant roads are visible today, 
but fences and ditches make it necessary to use the present 
highx^ays for the most part. 


Gen. R. L. Esmay ...In command of military escort. 

Col. Wm. P. Bradley ..Captain of caravan. 

Maj. H. W. Lloyd Registrar. 

Frank Murphy Wagon boss. 

Lyle Hildebrand Assistant wagon boss. 

Maurine Carley Historian. 

Keith Rider Photographer and Press. 

Col. A. R. Boyack ...Chaplain. 

9:00 A.M. Following a salute by a firing squad at the Fort 
Casper Cemetery, the Chaplain, Colonel Boyack, led the group in 

9:10 A.M. The caravan left old Fort Casper (153 M. south 
side and 138 M. north side road. From this point the south side 
mileage is used.) 

9:15 A.M. Arrived at 155 M. on top of a ridge. Halted ten 
minutes to examine old ruts. Here one branch of the old road 
turns to the right. The so-called Red Buttes Battle was probably 
fought on this ridge. 

Mr. Lester Bagley gave the following interesting facts about this 
part of the country. 

We have proceeded approximately two miles from Fort Casper, 
the location of Old Platte Bridge. We are now on one branch of 
the old Oregon Trail. Just as we topped the ridge a short distance 


back, another branch of this trail took off northwest. This road 
can be seen if we look to the north a short distance. There was 
another^- Voad — sometimes called the "River Road" which was 
down closer to the river. It was this road that was probably 
used first and was the one used bv the Mormon Pioneer company 
of 1847. 

Before proceeding with further detailed description of this area, 
permit me to return to Fort Casper and the old Platte Bridge loca- 
tion. From 1847 to 1859 this place was known as the Mormon 
Ferry. From 1859 to 1865 it was known as Platte Bridge. In 
1865, following the death of Lieutenant Caspar W. Collins, it was 
re-named Fort Casper. 

This area is very rich in history. It is probable that the first 
white men to traverse this river were members of the Robert 
Stuart party as they returned from Astoria in 1812. 

A continuous parade of trappers, traders and home-seekers 
passed this point for the next fifty years. In the early summer of 
1836 the first white women came West over this Trail. They 
were the wives of Dr. Marcus Whitman and H. H. Spaulding, who 
were missionaries en route to the Pacific Northwest. 

Father DeSmet, Catholic priest and missionary, passed this way 
in the early summer of 1840, proceeding on to the Green River 
where he conducted the first Catholic Mass in the State of Wyo- 
ming at the rendezvous near the present town of Daniel. 

The first large migration started in the spring of 1843. At this 
time there were some of the emigrants headed for California as 
well as the Northwest. 

The first ferry was operated at Fort Casper, probably a short 
distance above the Platte bridge location. The first ferry consisted 
of two rude rafts upon which the wagons were pulled across by 
ropes. Within a few days a ferry was constructed upon which a 
wagon could be driven or rolled and taken across with load intact. 

A bridge was built below this point and known as the Reshaw 
bridge. The famous Platte bridge was built during the winter of 
1858-59 by Louis Guinard at an original cost of $30,000.00. It 
was estimated that an additional $30,000.00 was spent on the 
bridge before it was abandoned on October 19, 1867. The bridge 
was burned by the Indians a few days later. 

In 1858 a small fort named Platte Bridge was located where the 
present restoration of Fort Casper now stands across the river. A 
small garrison was placed here but was withdrawn in 1859 and 
not replaced until 1862. 

On July 26, 1865, Lieutenant Caspar W. Collins led a relief 
party from Platte Bridge Station to the aid of a wagon train from 
the Sweetwater Station. Platte Bridge Station was surrounded by 
a large force of Indians who attacked Collins and his party. The 
young lieutenant was killed in the ensuing skirmish, and the post 


was renamed in his honor. Through an error in the War Depart- 
ment orders the name of the fort was spelled Casper, the spelling 
still used today. 

9:20 A.M. The caravan continued on left of river road to the 
bottom of the hill, then took the right hand present-day dirt road 
to intersect the center branch. 

9:40 A.M. Arrived on the center branch where there are 20 
gravestones and a cemetery with no graves. The Red Buttes 
Battle marker is located here. 

Mr. W. W. Morrison related the story of the sad fate of Ser- 
geant Custard and his men. 

At about 11 :00 o'clock, on the morning of July 26, 1865, some 
men stationed at Platte Bridge Station saw a wagon train coming 
toward the Fort from the west. The train was then on a hill some 
4 or 5 miles distant. 

A short way ahead of the wagon train were 5 men on horseback, 
acting as advance guard. This was the wagon train of Sgt. Amos 
J. Custard, and 23 men who had started from the Sweetwater 
Station and were making their way to Platte Bridge Station. 

The soldiers at Platte Bridge Station knew they could not make 
their way through the thousands of Indians to help them, so in 
order to warn those in the wagon train of the danger which lay 
ahead they fired an old brass cannon twice. The men in Sergeant 
Custard's wagon train heard the warning, but almost at the same 
time they saw a great many Indians coming toward them. 

The wagon train kept on coming, however, with all possible 
haste, until it reached a point about 4 miles due west from the 

The advance guard of 5 men, in charge of Corporal James W. 
Shrader, made a run for the river, which was about a quarter of a 
mile to the south. 

The diary of Lieutenant Y. Drew, who took an important part 
in the activities at the Fort on this unforgettable day, is as follows : 
"From the roof of the Station and with the aid of a large spy-glass, 
we had a pretty good view of what was going on at the train. The 
train had stopped on a side hill and with three wagons they had 
formed three sides of a square with one front facing up the hill 
to the north, one facing east and one south. The west side was 
open. The first Indians that came on to the scene of action 
charged right on to the train, but was repulsed, and as more of 
them arrived they again made a charge, but were again driven 
back. After this for a long time there did not seem to be much 
action going on; and every once in a while we would see a puff of 
smoke from the wagons or from the side hill below the wagons 
which showed that the fight was still going on, but we could not 
tell with what results, though we noticed that the puffs of smoke 


from the hillside on the south were getting closer and closer, and 
we felt that the end could not be far off. Never, never in all our 
services as soldiers had we ever experienced anything like this 
before. To know that about twenty of our comrades, with whom 
for nearly three years we had been soldiering in the South, were 
now within two and a half miles of us, surrounded by an over- 
whelming number of enemies, determined on their destruction, 
and were not able to do anything for their relief. Some of us 
went to Major Anderson and requested that about forty or fifty 
of us might be allowed to volunteer and go out on foot to attempt 
their rescue, but the ma^'or, while feeling deeply for the gallant 
fellows that were making such a good fight against the tremendous 
odds opposed to them, yet realizing how futile would have been 
our attempt for their relief, and the probability that all who started 
out would have shared the same fate as those with the train, and 
that then the garrison would have been so weakened that after our 
destruction it would have been an easy matter for the Indians to 
have taken the station and massacred all that were left. . . . 

"Just about the time Lieutenant Walker's party had started from 
the station, [which was shortly after 3:00 P.M. with 20 men to 
go east of Platte Bridge Station 2 miles to repair the telegraph 
lines] we noticed that the firing had ceased at the train, and very 
soon a large smoke arose, and we saw that the wagons were 
burning. We knew then that the fighting was all over, and that 
the brave men who had so well defended themselves were all dead. 
They had made a gallant fight for four full hours, but had been 
overpowered at last. 

"The Indians stayed about the place where the train had been 
until nearly nightfall, and then a great many of them moved back 
to the bluff north of the river." 

S. H. Fairfield, who was detailed as a clerk in the Quarter- 
master's Dept. was stationed at Deer Creek, and was among those 
who reached Platte Bridge Station on July 27, 1865. In his diary 
he writes: "On the afternoon of the 27th, twenty-five of us boys, 
under Lieut. Paul Grimm, went out in search of Sergeant Custard 
and his men. We followed the telegraph road among the hills. 
Several miles from the bridge we came to a washout, where the 
boys had made a stand. 

"On three sides the embankment was three or four feet high, 
but on the west there was only slight protection. Onto this wash- 
out they had driven one of their wagons, and from behind such 
meager embankments the poor fellows fought for their lives for 
five long hours. Here we found the mangled and mutilated bodies 
of Sereeant Custard and his eighteen men. Seventeen of them had 
been left lying upon their faces, their bodies pinioned to the ground 
^vith long SDcars. They had been stripped and cut up in a shock- 
ing manner. The wagoner was strapped to his feed-box, and hot 
irons from the hubs of the wagon-wheels were placed along his 


back, apparently when he was ahve. The charred remains of one 
man were among the coals where the wagon was burned. The 
next day another detail of twenty-five men, under command of 
Lieutenant Hubbard, went out and buried the poor fellows where 
they had sacrificed their lives so dearly. A long ditch was dug 
and lined with blankets. In it the dead were laid side by side, 
with rubber blankets spread over them, and then the bodies were 
covered with sands of the desert." 

Now back to the advance guard of five msn with Corporal 
James W. Shrader in charge. These men reached the river, and, 
plunging their horses into the stream, started for the south bank. 
One of the men, James Bellew, was shot and fell from his horse 
when he was about thirty yards from the south bank. His body 
was never found. The remaining four crossed over, and had gone 
less than a mile when one of them, Edwin Summers, was shot and 
killed. The three remaining men. Corporal Shrader, Bryan Swain 
and Henry Smith continued to work their way toward the Fort. 

When about half way to the Fort they came in contact with 
four or five Indians. The men shot two of them, and then turned 
their horses toward the southeast and rode hard and fast until they 
came to a deep ravine with some brush on the banks. There they 
abandoned their horses and started working their way down 
through the brush and ravine which led in the direction of the Fort. 
While working their way in this ravine. Corporal Shrader, raised 
his head to look out and was struck in the top of his skull with a 
bullet. He dropped, but the other two men restored him to con- 
sciousness by bathing his head. 

The next time they took survey of the situation by looking out, 
they could see no Indians in sight, except two or three who were 
standing about three-quarters of a mile away. They made a run 
for the last gully nearer the Fort. It was then that some of the 
soldiers at the Fort noticed them, and some fifteen started on foot 
to help them. As the men started on foot to assist the three men 
some fifteen or twenty Indians came up out of the gully in which 
the soldiers had just left and attempted to head the three men off. 
The men coming from the Fort called to the three to head down 
the ravine. It was not long until they came out of the ravine and 
were running toward the soldiers from the Post. 

On July 28 th Corporal Shrader was sent out on the South side 
of the river to find and bury the bodies of Summers and Bellew. 
He found the body of Summers about a mile south of the river, 
where he dug a grave and buried it. The body of Bellew was 
never found. The exact spot where Sergeant Custard and his 
brave men were buried is not known. Sixty-one years after the 
massacre, Corporal Shrader returned to the scene and attempted to 
locate the spot, but the condition of the country had changed so 
much that he could not do it. 

Records in the War Department designate this massacre as the 


"Wagon Train Fight of Sergeant Custard." Colonel Dennison who 
was with the Eleventh Kansas Cavalry at the time says the battle 
ground where the men fell, and where they were buried was given 
the name of "Custard's Hill" by their comrades. Sometimes it is 
called "The Battle of Red Buttes" which ought not to be. Some- 
where here, near where we are now standing, nineteen fine young 
Americans fought three thousand Indians for more than four hours 
before the savages finally closed in on them. It was one of the 
bravest and most gallant battles ever fought on American soil, or 
on foreign soil as far as that goes. 

Today, after 89 years, we pay tribute to those brave men and 
to the other brave men who lost their lives in this vicinity on that 
July day in 1865 — twenty-seven in all. The very soil here is 
stained with their blood. May we remember them evermore. 

9:50 A.M. Departed from this spot on the center route to 
ISHVi M. where the river road from the S. W. enters, and one 
branch goes S. W. to where Poison Spider Creek enters the Platte 
near the old Goose Egg Ranch House. We took the right hand 
road along the Emigrant Gap ridge to Emigrant Gap. At about 
160 M. a plain branch road enters from the S. W. 

10:20 A.M. , Arrived at Emigrant Gap 163i4 M. Here Mr. 
Clark Bishop made a short talk in which he explained that a 
branch of the old road came along near the Poison Spider road 
from Casper and joined the ridge road at this point. We then 
continued S. W. on Poison SDider road about 3V^ miles. (The old 
Emigrant Road left this road to the S. W. at 164V^ M., then turned 
south one mile on what is known as Bessemer Bend road. Then to 
S. W. on so-called Oregon Trail road to 171 1/2 M. where we again 
entered the old Emigrant road. At llSVi M. we were in Rock 
Avenue as described in some of the Diaries.) 

11 :45 A.M. Arrived at Willow Springs 175 1/2 M. 

Mrs. Clark Bishop read a paper written by Mr. Paul Henderson^ 
who was unable to be present. 

Today we are having lunch at Willow Springs, an old camping 
ground and an outstanding spot on the old Oregon-Mormon- 
California Trail. They all came this way. To them it was an 
"Oasis in the desert" where good cold water, fine grass and some 
trees were found out in the center of a semi-desert region on a 
natural "cut off route between the old upper crossing or Mormon 
Ferry site on the North Platte river and Independence Rock, on 
the Sweetwater river. 

Those springs, like Ash Hollow in Nebraska, received their 
name from the native trees found growing here. They were dis- 
covered by the early fur traders and trappers more than a century 
and a quarter ago. 

From the early diaries and copies of Emigrant Guide books we 


find the following, giving these springs their place in the itinerary 
of the natural landmarks along the way in this section of the 
country : First from the Upper Crossing of the Platte were : Mineral 
Springs and small creek, Rock Avenue, Alkali Springs, Willow 
Springs, Prospect Hill, Alkali Swamp, Greasewood Creek, Inde- 
pendence Rock, and Sweetwater River — approximately 49 miles 
from rvier to river with Willow Springs about midway. 

Let us take a quick glance in the past at some of the scenes that 
have transpired here. 

Two hundred years ago we would find the Crow Indians here, 
claiming the country, as well as some Shoshones. In the 1820-30 
period we would see the early fur traders and trappers, and a little 
later some of the fur brigades with pack animals loaded with 
Indian trade goods bound for the rendezvous grounds. In a later 
caravan we would see the Whitmans and Spaldings, and shortly 
thereafter the beginning of the covered wagon emigrant trains. 
The Latter Day Saints followed this trail to the Salt Lake valley, 
as did the '49'ers who were enroute to the gold fields of California. 
Detachments of troops, the stage coaches, the Pony Express riders, 
the great bull outfits with their heavy ox-drawn freight wagons, all 
paused for a rest and to "water-up" before commencing ascent of 
the "Hill one mile up." In 1861 came the "singing wires" of the 
transcontinental telegraph. Willow Springs has witnessed all this. 

After grace by the Chaplain lunch was enjoyed, although it was 
hot and there were no trees. At 11:30 A.M. we continued up 
Prospect Hill for about 1 V2 miles. At 186 M. we passed to the 
north of what was Poison Springs. 

At 18614 M. we left the old road to our south, and continued 
to 189V^ M. where it appeared on the south of our road. From 
there we crossed and recrossed it several times to 193 M. where 
it crossed Horse Creek some 500 feet north of the road. We con- 
tinued on or near the old road to about 198 M. where we left the 
old trail to our left then took the oiled highway. 

1:00 P.M. Arrived at the Sweetwater Station site where Edness 
KimbaU Wilkins gave the following interesting account of the old 

Sweetwater Station should be very close to the hearts of us 
Casper people, and to all of us who live along the trail we have 
just covered, because here was the official station of young Lt. 
Caspar Collins who was killed in battle leading a forlorn hope 
against the Indians near the Platte Bridge Station. Fort Casper, 
and our own city and mountain and Casper Creek, are named in 
his honor. 

You remember the story: He had left Sweetwater Station on a 
journey to Fort Laramie, to draw more horses for his men, and 


on his return stopped over night at Platte Bridge Station ( later 
Fort Casper). 

At the same time. Captain Bretney and ten men arrived there 
from the Sweetwater Station where we now stand, on his way to 
meet the paymaster and receive the pay for the men. 

And again this Sweetwater Station enters the story, because 
the Custard Wagon Train, with Sergeant Custard and 23 men, 
was returning from this Station where we now stand. It was this 
train that Lt. Collins was ordered to rescue, although he was not 
stationed at Platte Bridge nor was he under command of Major 
Anderson, the new Commanding officer. 

Also that day at the Platte Bridge Station was Caspar's best 
friend, John Friend, the telegrapher from this Sweetwater station. 
John Friend and Captain Bretney tried to dissuade young Collins 
from obeying orders, pointing out that he was not attached to that 
post, that the men he was to lead were strangers to him, and that 
it was very bad judgment on the part of Major Anderson. Collins 
knew all of these things well, and knew undoubtedly that he was 
facing certain death, but he said he was a soldier and the son of a 
soldier and must obey an order. So he made his last farewell to 
John Friend and Captain Bretney, borrowed Bretney's pistols, 
mounted a strange horse, and, dressed in his new uniform, gallantly 
led the 27 men against a horde of thousands of Indians. He and 
four of the men he was leading were killed. Sergeant Custard and 
19 of his men were killed. The order had been a tragic mistake 
made by Major Anderson who was apparently new to the Indiap 
country and resentful of advice from experienced but younget 

The establishment here of the Sweetwater Station, and others 
along the Overland Trail, was the result of the building of the 
telegraph line. You have been hearing earlier of the Oregon Trail 
and the migration of half a million people over this route on their 
way to California or Oregon. One of the great problems of the 
early days on the frontier was lack of communication with the 
East. Letters to various army posts were usually sent to Fort 
Leavenworth, and then forwarded whenever possible. Many never 
arrived. A stage line for mail was finally established in 1851, 
carrying mail and packages from St. Louis to Salt Lake City. The 
Government contract required the round-trip journey to be made 
in 42 days, and after a time the trip was made twice a month. 
Passengers were also carried. 

With the great emigration and settlement of the West, military 
protection was required, and to supply the soldiers at the various 
posts and transport provisions to the settlers and emigrants, big 
freighting outfits were organized. One company, by 1858, had 
at work on the western plains 3500 wagons, 40,000 oxen, and 
4,000 employes. This company bought the stage line, and by 
spring of 1 859 had a daily passenger and mail service operating. 


A new empire was building in the West — California. But back 
beyond the Mississippi, Civil War was ready to burst into flame. 

A struggle to hold California in the Union was underway, but 
2000 miles of unsettled land stretched between. Fast communica- 
tion was needed — and so the Pony Express was formed; the trip 
from St. Joseph, Missouri, to Sacramento, California, was now 
made in less than 10 days. The mail schedule had been cut in 

But still faster communication was needed, so the Government 
offered a subsidy of $40,000 a year for 10 years to the builder of 
the first telegraph line across the plains. It was completed Octo- 
ber 24, 1861, and sounded the knell of the Pony Express. The 
dashing figure, flying from station to station in face of storm and 
death itself, became only a memory. 

Telegraph stations were built at many places across the present 
State of Wyoming, which was then known as Idaho Territory, and 
here where we stand today was one of them — Sweetwater Station. 

The Indians soon realized the value of the telegraph line to the 
white man, and the threat to themselves, and they were constantly 
cutting the wires, tearing down the poles, burning the stations 
and killing the men. It was necessary to station soldiers at the 
telegraph stations along this route. 

In 1861 the Civil War took the regular soldiers from their sta- 
tions in the West to fight in the South; the Indians that had been 
attacking in small groups now formed into large bands; they 
attacked the stage lines and telegraph stations, captured the horses, 
mules and stores, killed the agents and settlers. 

Colonel Collins, father of Caspar Collins, back in Ohio volun- 
teered for service in the Civil War and was appointed a colonel of 
volunteer cavalry commanding troops from Ohio. But instead of 
fighting in the South as he had expected, he was sent with his 
troops to fight Indians in the Far West. Caspar, a boy of 16 or 
17, went with his father. His letters to his mother are filled with 
the enthusiasm of a boy over the wild game, the birds and the 

[In illustration Mrs. Wilkins read a letter written by Caspar 
Collins from Sweetwater Bridge June 16, 1862. The letter is 
quoted in full in Caspar Collins by Agnes Wright Spring, Columbia 
University Press, 1927, pages 116-119.] 

Two years later Caspar Collins had entered the army and was 
commissioned a second lieutenant. He was then nineteen years 
old. He was in charge of four stations, with headquarters here at 
Sweetwater, protecting the telegraph line and escorting emigrant 
trains, and here is the description he sent his Uncle, December 13, 
1864, written from Fort Laramie: 

"I am now stationed on Sweetwater River, a tributary of the 
Platte. I have four block stations under my charge. The first is 


Sweetwater Bridge, the bridge by which the emigrants cross the 
river on their way to Cahfornia and Oregon; the second is Three 
Crossings of Sweetwater; the third, Rocky Ridge; and the fourth 
is South Pass. I make my headquarters at the first. I was sum- 
moned down here on a court-martial and came down in five days, 
two hundred and twenty miles, by myself most of the way, but I 
had places to sleep at night. . . . 

"From my station to the upper one, it is one hundred and four 
miles, and I have to ride it and back about every two weeks, so it 
keeps me pretty busy. We have plenty of game up there by riding 
about 20 or 25 miles for it. There are buffalo, elk, mountain 
sheep, black-tailed deer and antelope. There is plenty of antelope 
close by the station, but they have lived so much on sage brush 
that they taste of it. . . . 

( Lieutenant Collins in this letter enclosed a sketch of the Sweet- 
water Station and a description of almost every detail of the sta- 
tion and its surroundings) his letter continues: 

"The post was built by Co. D and intended as quarters for forty 
men. But I have only twenty there now. It is situated on a hill 
about 50 yards from the Sweetwater River and overlooking the 
bridge. The second assistant surgeon of the regiment is stationed 
with me. The next station above is Three Crossings and is situated 
on the same river forty miles above. . . . 

"It is also surrounded by a palisade, varying from 12 to 15 feet 
high, and surmounted by a large lookout and block house that 
sweeps the surrounding country. The next post above, thirty-nine 
miles, is Rocky Ridge or Saint Mary's. Although it is the depot 
station of the telegraph company, it is not surrounded by a pali- 
sade. But it is a place never visited by Indians, hostile or friendly. 
Twenty-five miles above is the last military station in the depart- 
ment. It is situated on the same river near a rapid Rocky Moun- 
tain Stream . . . and in the center of the renowed South Pass. I 
made the first trip from Sweetwater to Souht Pass and back in 
five days — going the first night to Three Crossings; the second to 
Rocky Ridge; the third to South Pass and back to Rocky Ridge; 
the fourth back to Three Crossings; and the fifth, home. . . .'" 

On April 18, 1865, Caspar Collins wrote from Sweetwater 
Bridge Station to his mother, "There is now a very large number 
of troops on the road coming out here. The 11th Kansas is 
between here and Fort Laramie. We have this post well defended. 
I had the men at work for several weeks, and it is now invulnerable 
to the "noble" aborigines of this section. Twenty-six men are 
stationed here. General Connor, of California, is now in com- 

1. Caspar Collins by Agnes Wright Springs, Columbia University Press, 
1927. pages 158-161. 


mand of this department. One of the men belonging to this post 
was killed about the middle of March, between here and Platte 
Bridge — Philip Roads, son of Henry S. Roads, of Paint Township, 
Highland County [Ohio]. He and another man were coming up 
with a load of rations with a four-mule team. The escort that was 
with them, having passed what the commander of the squad 
thought the dangerous part of the ground, turned back. Four 
Indians, who claimed to be Arapahoes, came up to the wagon and 
commenced talking with them. The Irtdians suddenly fired in 
concert, and killed him instantly and, strange to say, the other boy 
escaped with nothing but a ball or arrow hole through his blouse. 
He seized a gun and kept the Indians at bay for the balance of 
the afternoon. As he had two Spencer rifles, the Indians kept on 
the brow of the hill and contented themselves with firing from a 
safe position, filling the wagon body full of bullet holes. At dark 
he saddled the horse that was with the team and struck for this 
post, thirty miles distant, under cover of night. He arrived here a 
little after midnight, when we started in pursuit. It was so 
intensely cold that we had to walk much of the way. We arrived 
at the scene of action about daylight, but the Indians had fled, 
after stripping the dead man and wagon and loading the mules 
with plunder. We followed the trail until a windstorm came on 
and obscured it entirely. I do not think I ever suffered so much 
with the cold in my life. Two of the men were so nearly frozen 
that we had to take them off their horses, leaving only two of us 
for duty. . . . 

"I would write oftener, but it is almost impossible to get letters 
from here to Fort Laramie, the road being unsafe for mail carriers, 
and large bodies of men cannot be spared from the posts on this 
road. . . . 

A postscript added "If anything happens to me, I will telegraph: 
C. W. C" 

It was a prophetic ending, for three months later he was dead. 

In the meantime the station had been attacked time after time 
by the Indians. 

You will remember that he mentioned in this letter that more 
troops were expected, but the great increase did not materialize. 
His own and many other small garrisons were fighting against 
tremendous numbers of Indians, an almost hopeless war. 

The Civil War had ended, and the demand was underway for 
economy, for cutting down the army, for demobilizing the men 
who had enlisted for the duration of the Civil War. Many troops 
mutinied against being kept in the army to fight the Indians in the 
West. Great leaders had developed among the Indians. They had 
little trouble holding their own against the inferior numbers of the 

2. Ibid., pages 168-171. 


white troops. They had secured vast amounts of guns and ammu- 
nition from their attacks on the wagon trains, stage coaches and 
stations along the mail routes. Some of their plunder was traded 
to the Mormons in Utah for guns and ammunition. (The Mor- 
mons were attempting to found a government of their own, fight- 
ing the United States Government.) The Indians felt that they 
were becoming masters of the situation against the white man. 

General Connor, who was one of the greatest of the soldiers 
fighting against the Indians, kept warning the Government against 
its policy of appeasing the Indians, and also warning against the 
Mormons in Utah. He claimed that Brigham Young had more 
influence with the Indians than the entire United States Govern- 
ment. (I bring in this sidelight because Robert B. David of 
Casper recently mentioned to me that the soldiers here at Sweet- 
water Station used to pan gold out of the river and send it East to 
their families. ) That was one of the interesting policies developed 
by General Connor. He encouraged the search for gold along 
here, in the hope that the lure of gold would bring into the country 
a large number of settlers who would help hold the Mormons in 

Gold seekers did flock in. The Indians ran off their stock time 
after time and killed and scalped the miners and settlers, freighters 
and supply parties. Parlies were held with the Indians, treaties 
signed and broken. Troops were withdrawn, and the power of 
the Government in this country became weaker and weaker. In 
three months time, over 5000 head of stock were run off and over 
100 settlers were killed by the Indians. 

The Government in Washington, and the people in the East, 
were sick of the Civil War and of all wars — especially the Indian 
wars that seemed so far away. Politics and politicians entered the 
picture. The cry was for economy, and, as usually happens after 
a war, the economizing was on the army. Platte Bridge Station, 
which had now been named Fort Casper, in honor of young Caspar 
Collins, was ordered abandoned, and the telegraph stations were 
left without protection of troops — burned, forgotten. 

Sweetwater Station and this western country had again become 
the property of the Indians, who remained in control for ten long 
years, and then discovered that they had killed the golden goose. 
For the rental was no longer received for use of the land that once 
held the telegraph line; the rich wagon trains and freight trains 
no longer came over the Oregon trail to be pillaged and plundered; 
the army, with its herds of horses to be stolen, was no longer in 
the North — and starvation faced the Indians. 

At Independence Rock (205 M.)> Hazel Noble Boyack related 
the story of the Proud Shrine of Wonderful Wyoming: 

Today we stand at one of the great natural monuments along 
the route of the combined and celebrated Oregon-Mormon-Cali- 


fornia Trail, and the best authorities in historical research also 
agree that Independence Rock ranks among the great landmarks 
of our beloved America. 

So today we of this interested party of Oregon Trail trekkers 
are also making history. As our caravan of modern prairie 
schooners labored this morning over the rough and rugged seg- 
ment of the Old Trail that brought us to this historic mound, one 
gains a more profound reference and high regard for the caliber 
of men and women who broke this historic pathway to the West. 
Francis Parkman, author of The Oregon Trail, said, "By the 
strength of their arms and the valor of their hearts did they achieve 
this task." In this I think all of us can concur. 

Independence Rock fairly vibrates with the history of the past. 
The many hundreds of names inscribed upon its granite form 
bear silent testimony of a mighty migration of people who passed 
this way. We ask ourselves, "How came this famed landmark to 
bear its patriotic name?" To answer this question we turn back 
the pages of history to the early eighteen twenties. On the out- 
skirts of the frontier hamlet of St. Louis, Msisouri, there lived a 
distinguished gentleman by the name of William H. Ashley. In 
1822 he organized his first fur brigade known as the Ashley- 
Henry Expedition. In this and later expeditions were men who 
were destined to write their names on the geography of the great 
West: James Bridger, then an eighteen year old youth; Jedediah 
Strong Smith, perhaps the greatest explorer ever to come West; 
Thomas Fitzpatrick; Etienne Provot; William Sublette and many 
others whose names are well known in the annals of Western 

The commonly accepted story is that as the first Ashley trapping 
party made its way West, it camped at this rock on our nation's 
natal day. After a celebration, befitting, no doubt, the freedom 
and abandon of the early West, the rock was christened "Indepen- 
dence Rock", the name it has borne for more than a century. 

Independence Rock marks the entrance into the beautiful 
Sweetwater valley. The famous river for which the valley is 
named flows placidly near the southern base of the great rock. 
The Pioneer caravans drank freely from this sylvan stream because 
of its clear and sparkling waters, free from the biting alkalis of the 
desert they had so recently traversed. 

Yes, Independence Rock was an inviting camp spot. Here, as 
the summer sun sank to rest over the low western hills, caravans 
of weary travelers made camp by its sheltering form. As the 
evening campfires were lighted and the simple repast over, merry 
notes from the fiddle or the guitar floated out on the warm desert 
air, and soon the feet of happy dancers kept rhythm to the music. 

But sadness and sorrow also entered into the picture. Loved 
ones, for whom the western journey had been too great a struggle, 
were laid to rest here by the rock, the journey scarcely half over. 


These many events caused Independence Rock to be kept in vivid 
memory by the Pioneers, and is often referred to in their diaries. 

In 1832 Captain B. L. E. Bonneville, who left Fort Osage on 
the Missouri River with a caravan of trappers, noted the great 
rock "in shape of a half globe of imposing appearance rising out 
of a lonely landscape". 

Fremont, "the Pathfinder", tells of his profound impressions of 
the Rock and that he left a symbol of the Christian faith, the 
Cross, engraven upon the rock one thousand miles from the 
Mississippi River. 

To Father Pierre Jean De Smet, famous Catholic missionary to 
the Indian tribes of the West, Independence Rock appeared as a 
great "registry of the desert". To other it was referred to as "The 
Emigrant's Post Office." The surface of the rock was searched for 
a name or names of some loved ones who had passed along the 

As the famous Mormon Vanguard Company of 1847 traveled 
westward, two of their Scouts, Wilford Woodruff and John Brown, 
were traveling ahead of the Company and were the first to arrive 
at the Ro^k. Evening was coming on and a party of Missouri 
emigrants camped nearby invited them to spend the night. This 
they did. The next day, Mr. Woodruff records in his diary, they 
rode around the Rock, staked their horses and climbed to the top. 
On the highest point they offered up their morning prayers. As 
this scene of devotion was going on, the company of Missourians 
were burying one of their number, Rachel Morgan, a young wo- 
man twenty-five years of age, the third member of her family to 
pass away on the hard journey. 

Enroute to Oregon in 1862 were twenty members of the Ma- 
sonic Brotherhood. The company paused at this famous camp 
site and held a historic meeting that resulted in organizing the first 
Masonic Lodge in this part of the Rocky Mountains. Of the 
many bronze tablets that decorate the north face of the Rock, one 
commemorates this event. 

Adding a touch of interest and lustre to the immediate area sur- 
rounding Independence Rock was the Sweetwater Station erected 
some two miles to the East. This outpost first served as a Pony 
Express and Telegraph Station. In the mid 1860's it became a 
garrison where soldiers were quartered to help protect emigrant 
trains from marauding Indians. 

Coming West in 1 870 was Dr. Ferdinand V. Hayden, a founder 
of the United States Geological Survey. With this party of 
scientific explorers came Mr. William Jackson, famous artist and 
photographer of those early years. To Mr. Jackson we are 
indebted for the first pictures of Independence Rock. Dr. Hayden 
not only climbed the rock but took with him his faithful horse, 
perhaps the first and the last animal to climb the mound and to 
be photographed there. 


As the years passed by silence again returned to the prairie 
stretches surrounding Independence Rock. The grinding wheels 
of covered wagons were no longer heard. The romantic period 
of travel and adventure by ox teams to the West was at an end. 
Instead, iron rails had spanned the distance West and the shrill 
whistle of the Iron Horse broke intermittently the stillness of the 
desert regions. 

But Independence Rock was not forgotten! In the minds and 
hearts of many people it was held vividly in memory. On July 
3, 4, and 5, 1930, the year of the Covered Wagon Centennial, the 
famous landmark was chosen as a fitting site for a national cele- 
bration. Cooperating in this event was the Wyoming Historical 
Landmark Commission and the officers and citizens of Natrona 
County in which county the landmark is located. 

As the time drew near for the celebration, a thousand Boy 
Scouts from many parts of America were present. Indians from 
the Reservation at Lander gave a realistic touch to the occasion. 
A thin line of Pioneers honored the gathering with their presence. 
Amid song, story and oratory, the Old Rock was formally dedi- 
cated as a national monument to the courage, fidelity and faith 
of our Western Pioneers. 

For Christmas in 1953, Colonel Boyack and I featured Inde- 
pendence Rock on our Christmas cards. I wrote the following 
lines in memory of the great landmark. 

Historic old Rock Independence, 
Proud shrine of Wyoming land. 
In the heart of these vast western prairies, 
A memorial in granite you stand. 

By a broad winding emigrant highway, 
Famed path to the early West, 
You stood like a sentinal courageous, 
In view of the grand Rocky's crest. 

As the shadows of evening lengthened. 
Weary emigrants paused on their way. 
And by the light of their flickering campfires. 
Gave thanks to their God for the day. 

Here fond lovers were joined in wedlock. 
As they trekked on the long journey West, 
Here courageous and brave hearts were saddened. 
As loved ones were laid to rest. 

Deep in your ice polished surface, 

Many an Emigrant recorded his name. 

Which made you the "great register of the desert". 

With added lustre and romance and fame. 


Storied old Rock Independence, 

In the cycles of time yet to be, 

May our faith and resolve for life's journey, 

Be firm and as steadfast as thee. 

1 : 40 P.M. We proceeded on the oiled road to the TOM SUN 
RANCH (212 M.), crossing the old road several times. 

The Tom Sun Ranch, one of the oldest in the country, was 
begun by Thomas de Beau Soli, a French trapper, whose name 
has been Americanized to Tom Sun. In 1 872 he built a one room 
log cabin on the Sweetwater River. This cabin has had several 
additions until it is a low, attractive, sprawling, log building under 
beautiful big shade trees. The latest addition is a museum which 
houses valuable antiques belonging to the family as well as many 
Indian artifacts found in the neighborhood. 

Mrs. Sun told us that Tom Sun, Senior, camped on this spot 
with hunting parties before he decided to settle here. By the time 
Mrs. Sun came in 1883 he had added all the rooms except the 
museum. The old gate was built in 1880 and was in constant use 
until 1952. 

The graves across the highway were there when Mrs. Sun came. 
She could count forty at that time. 

The children buried at the Rock (Independence) died from 
diphtheria in 1898. One of them was Ross Merrill, aged four. 
He was the son of the stage drvier who lived at the Rock. Another 
child was the little three-year-old daughter of a freighter who lived 
at the Soda Works. Her name was McCorkle. 

2:15 P.M. Departed from the Sun ranch and drove back to 
the Goose Egg Service Station. From there we traveled dirt roads 
to the historic GOOSE EGG RANCH. 

Although nothing is left of the Goose Egg ranch building 
Virginia Trenholm recreated the lively times once enjoyed there. 

In our trek along the Oregon Trail, we have dealt exclusively 
with fact. True it is, there is untold history at or near the Goose 
Egg Ranch. Mr. Bishop tells us the old government maps show 
a crossing of the river just above here. But the old stone house 
which stood many years has been toppled over, and there is little 
left to mark the location. 

The story of the Goose Egg is more fictitious than real, though 
it is historical none-the-less. It has its setting near the famous 
trail followed by the Oregon settlers, the Mormon pioneers and 
the California gold seekers. By the time the Goose Egg was at 
the height of its glory, however, the Union Pacific had become a 
reality, and the historic trail was little more than a local stage and 
freighting road and a path over which the vast trail herds were 
driven eastward from Oregon. 



Fortunately, we have the early record of this ranch preserved 
for us by W. P. Ricketts, of Gillette, in a letter to Bob Irvine, 
Douglas, in 1937. I shall quote the letter in part. 

"On my arrival [in Cheyenne], I found many cattle owners and 
their foremen in the lobby of the Inter-Ocean Hotel, talking cattle 
and roundups. This was in the spring of 1876. Roundups would 
soon begin, and I was not long in finding a place to work for 
Searight Brothers, who owned a ranch on Chug water, 50 miles 
north of Cheyenne. . . . 

"I was employed on this ranch during '76, '77, and until May 
'78, when Searight Bros, sold their cattle to the Swan Land & 
Cattle Co. This was just after the blizzard of March '78. Alex 
Swan bought them on book account and later on had some regrets. 

"From June 1, '78, I worked for your father, Billy Irvine, on his 
Y ranch near Bridgers Ferry at mouth of Shaw-Nee Creek. On 
March 1, '79, Searight Bros, employed 32 men to go to Oregon 
to drive seven trail herds of cattle back to the Goose Egg Ranch 
near Casper. I was one of those men who experienced the thrills 
of this long trip. 

"Searight Bros, had planned to establish a ranch at the mouth 
of Poison Spider Creek and range their cattle on the Casper and 
Salt Creeks and other tributaries of the North Platte River. To 
carry out their plans during the summer of '79, they built a bunk- 
house, storage house, kitchen and barn on the first bench of the 
Poison Spider Creek, right near its mouth. These log buildings 
were all still standing two years ago when I saw them last. When 
I first saw them in the summer of 1880, a man by the name of 
Blue Hall was in charge of the ranch known as the Goose Egg. 
The spring of '80 was the real beginning of the range work of the 
Goose Egg outfit on the North Platte River. 

"In 1881, I succeeded Blue Hall as foreman of this outfit. It 
seemed to me things were moving along smoothly, and we had 
shipped thousands of the big Oregon steers that sold well con- 
sidering the market and what we had paid for them in Oregon. 
The Searights had made money, built nice homes in Cheyenne. 
Prosperity seems to cause some individuals to allow their ambition 
to run away with their good judgement. This to me was verified 
when the owners of the Goose Egg outfit conceived the idea of em- 
ploying a range manager, drawing a big salary. Not only that, but 
they built and furnished him a big stone house. In those days a 
range manager was called a "buggy-boss". Jim Lane was the 
fortunate one. 

"I was advised of this move in the late fall of '81, when G. A. 
Searight wrote me as follows: T am loading some freight teams in 
Cheyenne with material for building a home for Jim Lane and 
wife, who will occupy same or be our range manager. With this 
outfit will come a carpenter, two stone masons, and you start 
some teams hauling rock.' 


"I had plowed corn, milked cows, punched cows on the range 
and over the Oregon Trail, but to think of superintending the 
building of a two story rock building out on the rim of civilization 
was just going too far! When I called all cow hands into the log 
bunkhouse and told them the latest orders, consternation and dis- 
may befell them. They thought of bruised fingers and toes ii cold 
weather handling and quarrying the rock and hauling it for miles 
to the site of the house. All of this brought forth much profane 
language. This proved to be a winter of much discomfort and 
discontent for the cowboys. Excavation of the basement and rock 
hauling done, the stone masons and carpenters did their part. By 
spring this widely known structure, the Goose Egg Ranch home, 
was completed and ready for occupancy. The "buggy-boss" and 
wife arrived from Cheyenne in a shiny, brand new buggy drawn 
by a well groomed team with shiny new harness. 

"Jim Lane was a likeable fellow and fit into the position quite 
well. I continued on as range foreman running a wagon and over- 
seeing all range work until '85, when Searight sold out to J. M. 
Carey to whom I tallied the cattle. 

"In recent years, 1 have seen pictures of the Goose Egg ranch 
home, the walls and roof still standing, but unless they are pro- 
tected from stock entering the house and rubbing the walls, in a 
short time there will be little left as a reminder of this notable 
cattle ranch operated in the 80's when the north Platte River and 
its tributaries were used as an open range for some of the largest 
herds in the State of Wyoming." 

Mr. Rickett's prophecy was correct. Today there is little in a 
material way to remind us of the part the old Goose Egg played 
in the glamorous cattle period. But its spirit will live as long as 
there is a yen for western literature, for it has been immortalized 
by the fluid pen of Owen Wister in The Virginian. 

Wister was a close friend of Dr. Barber, early day physician at 
Fort Fetterman and later acting Governor of Wyoming. The Dr. 
Baker at Drybone, in The Virginian, is no doubt a counterpart of 
Dr. Barber, who furnished many ideas for the story. While The 
Virginian is supposed to be a work of fiction, the author shows 
plainly the influence of Barber, who befriended the prominent 
stock growers in their difficulties with the so-called rustlers. 

After hearing Mr. Ricketts' account of the handsome rock ranch 
home on the "Rim of civilization" we are not surprised that it 
intrigued Owen Wister. Whether or not the barbecue, about 
which he writes, ever took place is a matter of conjecture. At any 
rate, he gives the reader a glimpse of the social life which undoubt- 
edly did take place here. We quote from The Virginian. 

"Inside the Goose Egg kitchen many small delicacies were pre- 
paring, and a steer was roasting whole outside. The bed of flame 
under it showed steadily brighter against the dusk that was begin- 
ning to veil the lowlands. The busy hosts went and came, while 


men stood and men lay near the fire glow. Chalkeye was there, 
and Nebrasky, and Trampas and Honey Wiggin, with others, 
enjoying the occasion, ..." 

As to the authenticity of the Virginian, we will let Wister 
answer. This is his comment in 1902: 

"Sometimes readers inquire, Did I know the Virginian? as well, 
I hope, as a father should know his son. And sometimes it is 
asked. Was such and such true? Now to this I have the best 
answer in the world. Once a cowpuncher listened patiently while 
I read him a manuscript. It concerned an event upon an Indian 
reservation. "Was that the Crow reservation?" he inquired at 
the finish. I told him that it was no real reservation and no real 
event; and his fcae showed his displeasure. "Why," he demanded, 
"do you waste your time writing what never happened, when you 
know so many things that did happen?" 

So the Virginian may have been a mythical or composite char- 
acter, a creature of imagination or mental off-spring. Whoever 
he was, his story of the switching of the babies at the Goose Egg 
Ranch did more to preserve the romance of the old cattle ranch 
than the stone walls could ever have done. 

We then followed the river route to the divide northwest of Fort 
Casper, where the Chaplain gave a final prayer. After seeing 
everyone on the Poison Spider Road the caravan disbanded. 

Washakie and Zhe Shoshom 

A Selection of Documents from the Records of the Utah 
Superintendency of Indian Affairs 

Edited by 

Dale L. Morgan 

PART VIII— 1863-186 


James Duane Doty, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. 

Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Telegram dated 

Salt Lake, July 6, 1863.'"' 

Your letter dated June 6th is received on my return from Bridger 
Gov [James W.] Nye is not here nor heard from. Pokatelle sends 
word that he wishes to treat for peace Sanritz [Sanpits] & Sagoity 
[Sagowits] have fled north of Snake River. The Utahs also wish 
to treat 1 wait your instructions 


James Duane Doty, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. 

Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 

Lake City, July 18, 1863."'^ 


Herewith I transmit the original copy of the Treaty concluded 
at Fort Bridger on the 2nd. inst. by Agent Mann & myself with 
the Shoshonees — a duplicate of which was forwarded from that 
place on the 3d inst. 

The Commissioner will please to add to that copy the name of 
the Chief Bazil who signed his name to this but did not arrive 
with his Band until that copy had been mailed. 

I have just received word from Pokatello that he wishes to 
meet me in his country north of Bear River to make peace. With 
Genl. [Patrick Edward] Connor I shall meet him as soon as the 
place can be designated. . . . 

191. D/147-1863. 

192. D/ 174- 1863. Endorsed: "Treaty Sent to Sec. of Intr. for transmis- 
sion to the President to be laid before the Senate for its action thereon. 
Dec. 30. 1863." 



James Duane Doty, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. 

Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 

Lake City, July 18, 1863/"' 

Sir: On the 7th of this month Genl. Connor and myself made 
a Treaty of Peace with "Little Soldier" and his Band of "Weber 
Utes," who have assembled at a point in the vicinity of this City 
indicated by us for their Camp, about twenty miles distant. We 
found with him individuals of several other Bands, who attended 
our meeting to ascertain, it is presumed, if we were sincere in 
accepting Little Soldiers proposals for peace, and if so, to let us 
know that the disposition of other Bands was favorable to peace. 
All who were present participated in the presents of provisions 
and goods which I made to Little Soldier and which were distrib- 
uted by him; and promised to cease all further depredations and 
faithfully to maintain peace and friendship with all white men. 

The other Bands of Utahs, to whom messengers had been sent, 
proposed to meet us at Spanish Fork, at an early day to be 
appointed, for the purpose of making peace. The 14th. instant 
being the time selected by Genl. Connor, we met there on that 
day, all of the principal men of those Bands, excepting two who 
sent word by others that they would abide by whatever terms were 
agreed upon. 

It was agreed that hostilities should cease immediately; that the 
past should be forgotten; that the Utahs should give up any stolen 
horses in their possession; that no further depredations should be 
committed by them; that they would remain peaceable and quiet 
in future; and if any of their people should hereafter murder white 
men, or steal their horses, they would make every exertion to arrest 
the offenders and deliver them up for punishment. 

We promised them liberal presents of provisions and clothing, 
and that these presents would be continued to them by the gov- 
ernment as long as they kept their word — but no longer. We 
assured them that if any act of aggression upon the whites was 
committed by them, the soldiers would immediately enter their 
country and pursue the culprits until redress was obtained — to 
which they assented. We also assured them that if any injury 
was done to them by white men, the offenders should be punished, 
if they made complaint and gave the proper information to Genl. 
Connor, or to the Superintendent. 

They appeared to be very anxious for peace, and to have their 
friendly relations with the government restored; and I feel confi- 
dent the troubles with the Utah nation (in this Territory) are now 

193. D/173-1863. Printed in: 38th Congress, 1st Session, House Exec- 
utive Document 1 (Serial 1182), pp. 513-514. 


terminated. The large presents which I have made this Spring, 
and on this occasion, have undoubtedly contributed to this result; 
but I think the government is mainly indebted for it to the able 
Commanding officer of this military Department, Genl. Connor, 
and the efficiency and bravery of the officers and soldiers under 
his command. 

These Treaties were made orally, and not reduced to writing, 
being without instructions from the Department; and our only 
purpose being to obtain peace with these Indians, and to stop 
further hostilities on their part — for the present at least. 

They appeared to be very thankful for the food and clothing 
which I gave them; and I promised them, when the goods arrived 
which are now on their way, further presents would be made them 
— if they remained good. This I consider the best application 
of the Funds under my control for the general service, which 
could be made, for the benefit of the Indians, the security of 
Emigrants and of the Telegraph & Overland mail Lines, and the 
interests of the government. When they are assembled again to 
receive presents of provisions & goods, I think a Treaty may be 
effected with them upon such terms as the Department may desire. 

I can but repeat the recommendation which 1 have heretofore 
made, that the Utah Bands ought to be collected on the Uintah 
Reservation, and provision made for them as herdsmen. Genl. 
Connor informs me that some of the Troops under his command 
can be employed (peace being now established with the Sho- 
shonees) in settling and protecting them there, and in aiding them 
in erecting their houses and making other improvements for per- 
manent homes. In this manner government may soon obtain 
perfect control over this nation, and with a less expenditure of 
money than is now required to maintain the very unsatisfactory 
and imperfect relations existing at present. . . .'"'* 

194. In a parallel letter to Lieut. Col. R. C. Drum, Asst. Adjutant- 
General. San Francisco, dated Great Salt Lake City, July 18, 1863, General 
Connor described these same events. The meeting with Little Soldier 
Connor placed in "the valley of the West Mountain, about twenty-five 
miles west of this city," i.e., Tooele Valley. The Utes who conferred with 
him and Doty at Spanish Fork on July 14 included the chiefs "Antero, 
Tabby. Canosh, Ute-Pete, Au-ke-wah-kus, and Black Hawk," San Pitch 
being the only principal Ute chief not present. (Note that there were two 
chiefs by this name, one Shoshoni, one Ute, a circumstance which has 
sometimes baffled historians.) The consequence of the recent Shoshoni 
treaty-making, Connor added, was: 

The several bands have been once more united under the chieftainship 
of the peaceful Wa-sha-kee, and are living in quiet contentment near 
Bridger, under the charge and guardianship of the Indian Department. 
Since the date of the Snake treaty I have received a message from 
Pocatello, the celebrated Snake chief, begging for peace and asking 
for a conference. He says he is tired of war, and has been effectually 
driven from the Territory with a small remnant of his once powerful 



James Duane Doty, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. 

Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 

Lake City, August 30, 1863/'' 


Acknowledging your Letter dated July 22"^, I have to request 
that two or more copies of the Map lately prepared at the General 
Land Office may be procured and sent to me, that I may be 
enabled to show the boundaries of the Country ceded by the 

The most accurate map which I have of this Country is the 
Military Map of Utah; but this does not exhibit the northern part 
of the Shoshonee Countrv — . . . 

band. He now sues for peace, and having responded favorably to 
his request I will meet him at an early day, and will conclude with 
him what I have no doubt will be a lasting peace. Thus at least I 
have the pleasure to report peace with the Indian on all hands, save 
only a few hostile Goshutes west and north of Deep Creek. ... I may 
therefore confidently report the end of Indian difficulties on the 
Overland Stage Line and within this district, from the Snake River, on 
the north, to Arizona, on the south, and from Green River to Carson 
Valley .... (U. S. War Department, Official Records of the War of 
the Rebellion [Washington, 1897], Series I, Volume L, Part II, pp. 

Another echo of these times and events is found in the narrative of 
William Elkanah Waters, an army surgeon who traveled out to Utah in the 
spring of 1866. In his anonymously-published Life Among the Mormons, 
and a March to Their Zion, New York, 1868, pp. 204-205, Waters writes: 
The Shoshone (or Snake) tribe have their favorite hunting-ground in 
the Wind River Valley, and travel south and west during the summer 
months. These two tribes [Utes and Shoshoni] are now at peace 
with the white man, and receive their annual presents from the Gov- 
ernment. Only three years ago [i.e., from 1866] the Snakes were at 
war with the troops stationed in Utah, but after a severe battle on 
Bear River, in which they were severely punished, and sustained a 
great loss, they in the dead of winter, and in an almost starving con- 
dition, begged for peace, and for subsistence. When they arrayed 
themselves against the white men in the territory, it was in opposition 
to the advice of their chief Washiki, who is the finest specimen of an 
Indian I ever saw. He abandoned the leadership of the tribe, rather 
than indulge in a war which he knew must prove disastrous to the 
red man. For their folly they elected another chief, and paid for it 
in the disaster to which I alluded. During the war, Washiki, with his 
squaws and a small party, camped in the vicinity of Fort Bridger, and 
after its termination the tribe were only too glad to reinstate him in 
his former official position. 

These various accounts considerably elaborate Grace Raymond Hebard's 
discussion of this critical era in her Washakie, pp. 106-109. 

195. D/203-1863. The requested maps were forwarded from Wash- 
ington on Sept. 22. 



Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to James Duane Doty, 

SuPT. OF Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger, 

Sept. 21, 1863."" 

Sir please find Enclosed Receipts for goods Sent me for distri- 
bution to Indians You will please inform me whether they are 
to be distributed for Treaty purposes by you as disbursing agent of 
said commission or whether I shall place them on Property return 
as received by you and disbursed by myself as Indian Agent 
I have purchased Beef to feed the Indians agreeable to your Tele- 
graph and have Paid for part of it out of my own money will it 
be charged to Treaty fund and paid by you as disbursing agent of 
said commission please inform me fully in the matter and greatly 
Oblige. . . . 

[Endorsed:] Answered "property to go in to his own accts as 


James Duane Doty, Commissioner, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, October 21, 1863."' 

Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a treaty with the 
Shoshonee bands of the Goship tribe, which was concluded at 
Tuilla [Tooele] valley on the 12th October. I had previously 
made a verbal treaty of peace (on the 5th October) with the 
remaining portion of the southern bands who are connected with 
the Pahvont tribe. They gave their assent to all the provisions 
contained in this treaty. The largest portion of these bands have 
been killed by the troops during the past season. Also a treaty 
of peace and friendship with the mixed bands of Shoshonees and 
Bannacks of the Shoshonee (or Snake) River valley, concluded at 
Soda Springs, in Idaho Territory, on the 14th of October."' In the 
month of September I advised Governor [Lew] Wallace, by letter, 
of the proposed treaty, and of the time and place of holding it, 
and, agreeably to your suggestion, invited him to be present, but 
received no answer. I presume my letter did not reach him. 

As many of these Indians, as also others with whom treaties 
have been made this season, have been engaged in hostilities, I 
deemed it proper that General Conner [Connor], who commands 
this military district, and has been personally in the field against 

196. Utah Field Papers, 1863. 

197. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), pp. 317-318. 

198. This particular treaty was never perfected. A copy of it is in 
Unratified Treaties File, 1/463-1863. 


them, should unite with me in the councils which have been held 
with them, and in forming the treaties of peace. He has rendered 
great service to the government in punishing and subduing them. 
By the rapid and skilful movement of his troops, and their repeated 
successful attacks, he has been mainly instrumental in bringing 
the Indians to acknowledge, for the first time, that the "Ameri- 
cans" are the masters of the country. 

I hope these treaties, and the councils which have been held 
with the tribes with which I was not authorized to make formal 
treaties, will receive the approbation of the President. 

My duties as commissioner being now terminated by the con- 
clusion of treaties with all the bands of the Shoshonee nation, my 
accounts for treaty expenditures will be prepared and forwarded 
as soon as possible. 

Allow me to congratulate the department upon the successful 
negotiation of these treaties, and the restoration of peace with all 
the tribes within this Territory. ... 


James Duane Doty, Commissioner and Brig. Gen. P. Edward 

Connor to A. J. Center, Treasurer, Overland Mail 

Company, New York, dated Great Salt Lake City, 

October 21, 1863."*' 

Sir: Treaties having been concluded with all the hostile tribes 
of Indians in this country, and peace restored, we deem it proper 
to inform you of the fact, and to express the opinion that all the 
routes of travel through Utah Territory to Nevada and California, 
and to the Beaver Head and Boise river gold mines, may now be 
used with safety. 

No fears of depredations or molestation need be apprehended 
from the Shoshonee, Utah, Goship, or Bannack nations, judging 
from the feelings manifested by them, and their strong professions 
of friendship and desire for peace at the signing of the treaties, 
the last of which was made with the Bannacks of the Shoshonee 
River valley, at Soda Springs, on the 14th instant. . . . 


James Duane Doty, Acting Supt. of Indian Affairs, to 

William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated 

Great Salt Lake City, October 24, 1863.'™ 

Sir: In compliance with the regulations of the Indian depart- 

199. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), p. 317. 

200. 38th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1182), pp. 539-540. 


ment, I have the honor to present the following annual report for 
the year 1863. Its earlier transmission was impracticable, having 
been engaged in the performance of my duties as commissioner to 
treat with the Shoshonees until this date. 

I beg leave to refer to the annual estimate for this superinten- 
dency which was submitted last year as proper for the coming year, 
and also to respectfully recommend that the goods for presents, 
farming implements, &c., be purchased in New York and shipped 
as early as practicable in the spring, as it is difficult to obtain 
them in this city, and only at extravagant prices. 

Several of the Utah bands are both willing and desirous to 
become settled, as herdsmen or husbandmen, on the Uinta reser- 
vation. It is now unoccupied, except for hunting during the 
winter. It would be advantageous to the government to comply 
with their wishes, and it is again suggested that treaties be made 
with them for their removal and location there. They would then 
be withdrawn from the present routes of travel though this Ter- 
ritory, and peace insured hereafter with a people strongly inclined 
to agrciultural pursuits, but who have, from unknown causes, at 
several times this season, attacked the stages and killed the drivers. 

Their friendship cannot be relied upon whilst they are in the 
immediate vicinity of the white settlements; and for this as well 
other reasons it is believed that all expenditures upon the farm 
at Spanish Fork are a waste of public money; that the farm ought 
to be abandoned, and the agency removed to Uinta valley, where 
all improvements made would have a permanent value. The 
inhabitants at Spanish Fork, as also in other quarters, for their own 
security against depredations, seek to maintain friendly relations 
with the Indians, as in previous years the government has not 
been able to give them adequate protection.""' 

During the year 1862 and the winter months of this year many 
of the Indians in this superintendency manifested decided evi- 
dences of hostility toward the whites. The numerous murders 
and depredations upon property whcih they committed, as also 
their language, indicated a determination to stop all travel upon 
the overland routes and upon the roads leading to the gold mines 
in Idaho Territory. It became unsafe even for the Mormon 
settlers to go into the canyons for wood; and the Bannack prophet 
said the Indians would combine and drive the white men from the 
country. This was his advice to the Shoshonee bands.'"" 

201. Many small reservations for Utes and Paiutes had come into being 
in the 1850's. In October, 1861, as we have seen, President Lincoln set 
aside the Uinta Basin as a reservation on which the Utes might be gathered, 
and the smaller reservations were in course of being liquidated. The Utah 
Legislature in January, 1864, memorialized Congress to have the Spanish 
Fork Reservation disposed of, and this was done by legislation passed the 
same year. 

202. See Doty's prior letter of August 5, 1862, Document LXVL 


The battle with the Shoshonees on the bank of Bear river in 
January, and the subsequent engagements with the Utahs on Span- 
ish Fork, and with the Goaships in their country,"" effectually 
checked them, and severely and justly punished them for the 
wanton acts of cruelty which they had committed. The fight on 
Bear river was the severest and most bloody of any which has 
ever occurred with the Indians west of the Mississippi. One band 
that of Sanpitz) was almost exterminated. It struck terror into 
the hearts of the savages hundreds of miles away from the battle- 

As soon as it was ascertained that any of the bands were inclined 
to peace they were met by General Connor and myself at places 
selected in their own country, and treaties of peace and friendship 
entered into with them — a service which, in some instances, was 
regarded as both difficult and hazardous. These negotiations have 
been communicated to the department from time to time as they 
occurred, as also other treaties formed by Governor Nye, Agent 
Mann, and myself, with the eastern and western bands of Sho- 
shonees. These treaties could not have been made without the 
aid of the appropriations made by Congress for this superinten- 
dency, which have been wholly applied to the great object of 
restoring peace; and also to the presence of the military, who have 
rendered distinguished and lasting service to the government in 
subduing the Indians throughout this Territory. 

It appears now as though peace was again permanently estab- 
lished with all of the tribes in this country, and that no danger 
from them is to be apprehended by emigrants moving in trains 
or singly, nor of an interruption in future to the overland stage 
or telegraph lines. They now acknowledge the Americans are 
the masters of this country. But peace can only be secured by 
regular, liberal, but just appropriations, and by the continuance 
of a strong military force upon the main routes of travel through 
this city, and especially on the routes north of it. 

It was only by the judicious application of the appropriations 
made by Congress at its last session for the Indians in Utah that 
this department has been so successful in restoring peace, not only 
throughout this Territory, but in the southern part of Idaho also. 
It is believed that Congress will not be called upon for like appro- 
priations again if the treaties are ratified and the goods required 
for the annuities are purchased and forwarded from the Missouri 
river early in the spring. It must be observed that it will take 
about three months' time to transport them to the places where 

203. These troubles between March and June, 1863, are reported in 
U. S. War Department, Official Records of the War of the Rebellion 
(Washington, 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Part K, pp. 200-208, 229. A sum- 
mary appears in Fred B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland, San Francisco, 
1938, pp. 88-94. 


they are to be distributed. If this is done, this country can be 
prospected for its minerals, and the northern gold mines worked 
with safety and increased advantages. . . . 


William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to J. P. 

Usher, Secretary of the Interior, dated 

Oct. 31, 1863. Extract."" 

* * * 

With the exception of a report from Agent Hatch, who is in 
charge of the Spanish fork reservation in Utah, and Agent Bancroft 
in Washington Territory, no reports have been received from any 
of the respective superintendents of Arizona, Utah, Nevada, Wash- 
ington, and Idaho; consequently I can present but httle information 
in regard to the wants and requirements of the Indian service 
within the limits of each."" * * * 

Treaties of amity and peace have been concluded with the 
Shoshones, of Utah and Nevada, as follows, viz: At Fort Bridger, 
July 2, 1863, by Governor Doty and Agent Mann, as commission- 
ers on the part of the United States, and the eastern bands of said 
Indians; at Box Elder, July 30, by Governor Doty and General 
Connor, on the part of the United States, and the northwestern 
bands; and at Ruby valley, October 1, by Governors Doty and 
Nye, on the part of the United States, and the western bands. 
These Indians have long been a scourge to the citizens of Utah and 
Nevada, and a terror to the emigrants and travellers over the 
routes leading through those Territories. From the representations 
made by Governor Doty, we have reason to believe that those 
treaties have been entered into by the Indians with a sincere 
desire for peace, and I have no doubt that the friendly relations 
thus inaugurated may be maintained by wise and judicious action 
on our part. The scarcity of game in these Territories, and the 
occupation of the most fertile portions thereof by our settlements, 
have reduced these Indians to a state of extreme destitution, and 
for several years past they have been almost literally compelled 
to resort to plunder in order to obtain the necessaries of life. It is 
not to be expected that a wild and warlike people will tamely 
submit to the occupation of their country by another race, and to 
starvation as a consequence thereof. It was perhaps unavoidable 
that, in taking possession of these Territories, hostilities should 
ensue between our own people and the Indians, as the latter knew 
but little of the vast disparity between their resources and power 

204. 38th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1182), pp. 155-156. 

205. The Utah report came in belatedly and was appended to the Com- 
missioner's Annual Report; see Document XCVIII. 


and our own, and consequently would not listen to any reasonable 
propositions on our part. Much credit is due to General Connor 
and the forces under his command, for their prompt and efficient 
services in chastising these Indians for their outrages and depre- 
dations upon the whites, and in compelhng them to sue for peace. 
Now that this desideratum has been attained, I respectfully recom- 
mend that measures be taken for the negotiation of further treaties 
with the Indians, having for their object the extinguishment of 
their title to the soil, and the setting apart of a suitable portion 
of the public domain upon which they may be concentrated, and 
so provided for that they need not be compelled to resort to 
plunder in order to sustain life. 

James Duane Doty, Commissioner to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Nov. 10, 1863.'" 


The Map transmitted to me by the Department is herewith 
returned, with the exterior boundaries of the Territory claimed 
by the shoshonees in their recent Treaties, as also the lines of the 
country occupied by different portions of ths Tribe, indicated 
upon it as correctly as the map will allow. They fixed their 
Eastern boundary on the crest of the Rocky Mountains; but it is 
certain that they, as well as the Bannacks, hunt the buffalo below 
the Three Forks of the Missouri and on the headwaters of the 
Yellow Stone and Wind rivers. 

As none of the Indians of this country have permanent places 
of abode, in their hunting excursions they wander over an immense 
region, extending from the Fisheries at and below Salmon Falls 
on the Shoshonee river, near the Oregon line, to the sources of 
that stream, and to the buffalo country beyond. The Shoshonees 
and Bannacks are the only nations which, to my knowledge, hunt 
together over the same ground. 

Replying further to your Letter, dated July 22°^, 1863, I beg 
leave to refer to my Letter to the Commissioner, dated February 
7^^, 1862, in relation to the Indian Tribes in this Superintendency; 
and to add, that the Bands represented at the Treaty of Fort 
Bridger, on the 2"*^ day of July last, it was estimated numbered 

206. D/290-1863. Printed rather carelessly in: 38th Congress, 2nd 
Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 1220), pp. 318-320. 


between three and four thousand souls, over a thousand of whom 
were present at, and immediately after, the conclusion of the 

They arz known as Wau'shakee's Band (who is the principal 
chief of the nation; 

Won'apitz Band, 

Shau'wuno's " 


Pee'astoa'gah's " 


A?h"ingodim'ah's " He was killed at the battle on Bear River. 

Sagowitz " Wounded in the same battle. 

O'retzim'awik " 


Sanpitz " The bands of this chief and of Sagowitz were 

nearly exterminated in the same battle. 

The chiefs at this treaty in fact represented nearly the whole 
nation; and they were distinctly informed — and they agreed — that 
the annuities provided in this treaty and such others as might be 
formed, were for the benefit of all the Bands of the Shoshonee 
nation who might give their assent to their terms. And this has 
been the understanding at each treaty. 

At the Treaty concluded at Box Elder on the 30'^ of July, the 
first object was to effect and secure a peace with Pokatel'lo; as the 
road to Beaver Head Gold Mines, and those on Boise river, as 
well as the northern California and southern Oregon roads, pass 
through his country. There were present 

Pokatello's Band 

Toomont'so's " 



Bear Hunter's " All but 7 of this Band were killed at Bear 
river battle. 

Sagowitz " This chief was shot by a white man a few 

days before the treaty, and could not come from his Weekeeup to 
the Treaty ground, but he assented to all of its provisions He, 
and Sanpitz endeavored to be at Ft. Bridger, to unite in the treaty 
there, but did not arrive in time. 

The chiefs of several smaller bands were also present and signed 
the treaty, which is considered of more importance than any made 
this season, in saving the lives and securing from depredations 
the property of our citizens — Emigrants as well as others. These 
bands are generally known as "The Sheep Eaters"; and their 
number is estimated at one thousand. 

At the Treaty concluded at Ruby Valley, on the 1st. of October, 
the Western Shoshonees were represented by the two principal 


Bands — the Tosowitch (White Knife) and Unkoah's. From the 
best information I could get, 1 estimated the Western Bands — 
sometimes called "Shoshonee Diggers-" — at twenty five hundred 
souls. But the Bands on the lower Humboldt and west of Smith's 
Creek, are not included in this estimate. Govr. Nye proposed to 
meet some of them at Reese river, on his return to Carson from 

At the Treaty at Tuilla Valley, on the 1 2th of October, with the 
Goaship or Kumumbar Bands, who are connected with the Sho- 
shonees and are chiefly of that Tribe, there were three hundred and 
fifty present. Others, from Ibapah, Shell creek, and the Desert, 
would have joined them but for their fear of the soldiers. They 
number about one hundred more; and there is also a portion of 
this tribe who are mixed with the Pahvon'tee tribe, and occupy 
the southern part of the Goaship country, amounting to two hun- 
dred more. They are the poorest and most miserable Indians I 
have met. They have neither horses nor guns. I have seen several 
of them at work for farmers at Deep Creek and Grantsville, and 
therefore conclude that they would soon learn to cultivate the 
ground for themselves and take care of stock, if they were assisted 
in a proper way. They have expressed a strong desire to become 
settled as farmers, and I should be glad to see them located as such, 
at a distance from the Overland Mail route. More than a hundred 
of them have been killed by the soldiers during the past year, and 
the survivors beg for peace. It was the intention & understanding 
that all of the Goaship Tribe shall participate in the benefits of 
the treaty. 

At the Treaty of Soda Springs on the 14th of October, with the 
mixed Bands of Shoshonees and Bannacks roaming in the Valley 
of Shoshonee river, there were one hundred and fifty men present 
with their families. Tindo'ih and the chiefs of several other bands 
sent word that they assented to the Treaty, and desired to be 
considered parties to it; but they could not remain, as it was so 
late in the season they were compelled to leave for their buffalo 
hunting grounds. I had seen these bands, on Snake river, in the 
mounth of May last, in council, found them peaceable and friendly, 
and explained to them the objects for which it was proposed to 
hold a treaty before the snow fell. 

Those now present were — Toso-kwan'beraht, the princiDal 
Chief of the Bannack nation, commonly known as "Grand Co- 
quin": Tah'gee: — Mat'igund, and other principal men. This last 
chief and his band live at the Shoshonee river Ferry, where he 
meets all the travellers to and from the mines.""' He has alwavs 

207. This ferry was at present Idaho Falls. 


been friendly to them; and all of these Bands can render great 
service to the Emigrants, or do them great injury. They number 
about one thousand souls, as near as I can ascertain. 

The whole number of Shoshonee, Goaships, and Bannacks, who 
are parties to these Treaties, may be estimated at Eight thousand, 
six hundred and fifty. 

The amount to be paid to them annually in goods, &c., is — to 
the Shoshonees & Bannacks, twenty thousand dollars; and to the 
Goaships one thousand dollars, for the term of twenty years. 
This last sum I think ought to be increased to two thousand dollars, 
especially if they are to be settled as husbandmen or herdsmen. 

The importance of these Treaties to the Government and to 
its citizens, can only be appreciated by those who know the value 
of the Continental Telegraph and Overland Stage to the commer- 
cial and mercantile world, and the safety and security which peace 
alone can give to Emigrant Trains, and to the travel to the Gold 
Discoveries in the North which exceed in richness — at least in 
the quality of the gold — any discoveries on this Continent. . . . 


William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to J. P. 
Usher, Secretary of the Interior, dated Dec. 30, 1863.'"' 

Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith, for your considera- 
tion, and if approved by you, for transmission to the President of 
the United States, to be by him laid before the Senate for its 
constitutional action thereon, the following named treaties with 
certain Indian tribes, viz: 

With the eastern bands of Shoshonees, July 2, 1863, at Fort 

With the northwestern bands of Shoshonees, at Box Elder, July 
30, 1863; 

With the western bands of Shoshonees, at Ruby valley, October 
1, 1863; 

With the Goship bands of Shoshonees, at Tuilla valley, October 
12, 1863; 

With the mixed bands of Bannacks and Shoshonees, at Soda 
Springs, October 14, 1863. 

I also enclose a copy of a letter of Governor Doty, relating to 
the Indians, parties to the foregoing treaties,"™ with a copy of a 
map furnished by that gentleman, showing the territory ceded. . . . 

208. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), p. 318. 

209. See Document C. 



J. p. Usher, Secretary of the Interior, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Washington, D. C, 

March 12, 1864."" 


I herewith transmit to you: 

1 . A treaty with the Mixed Bands of Bannacks and Shoshones, 
concluded on the 14" of Oct°. 1863, together with a resolution of 
the Senate of the 7th instant, advising and consenting to the 
ratification of the same with an amendment.'" 

2. A treaty with the Shoshone Nation of Indians, of the Eastern 
Bands concluded on the 2**. of July 1863 — with a resolution by 
the Senate of the 7th inst, advising and consenting to the ratifica- 
tion of the same with an amendment. 

3. A treaty with the North wetsern Bands of Shoshone Indians, 
concluded the 30'*^ of July 1863, together with a resolution of the 
Senate of the 7th inst. advising and consenting to the ratification 
thereof with an amendment. 

4. A treaty with the Shoshone-Goship Bands of Indians, con- 
cluded on the 12th of October 1863, together with a resolution 
of the Senate, of the 7th instant, advising and consenting to the 
ratification of the same with an amendment. 

To the end that these amendments proposed by the Senate, may 
be presented to the tribes of Indians named, for their accep- 
tance. ... 


James Duane Doty, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to C. M. Mix, 

Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated New York, 

April 21, 1864."^ 

Dear Sir 

Mr. Dole authorise me to ask of you to send to me here, by the 
Express, two of the Small medals for Chiefs — I wish them for 

210. 1/463-1864. 

211. The substance of the amendment in each case, was: "Nothing 
herein contained shall be construed or taken to admit any other or greater 
title or interest in the lands embraced within the Territories described in 
Said Treaty in Said Tribes or Bands of Indians than existed in them upon 
the acquisition of said Territories from Mexico by the laws thereof." 

212. D/399-1864. 


Waushakee and Dindoah- Please send them before Monday, if 
you can — . . . 


William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to James 

DuANE Doty, Governor and Ex-Officio Supt. of Indian 

Affairs, dated May 17, 1864.''' 

Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith four treaties nego- 
tiated with the mixed bands of Bannacks and Shoshonees, the 
eastern band of Shoshonees, the northwestern bands of Shosho- 
nees, and the Shoshoneee Goship bands of Indians, respectively, 
to each of which treaties the Senate has made an amendment. 

You will please cause these several treaties, as amended, to be 
laid before the respective tribes, and endeavor to secure their 
assent thereto at as early a day as practicable, and return the same 
to this office. 

As there is no fund from which to defray the expenses incidental 
to calling the Indians together for the express purpose of procuring 
their assent to the amendments, you can, for this purpose, probably 
improve the occasion of their assembling for their payments; 
otherwise the expense will have to be paid out of such funds as 
are at your disposal for the incidental expenses of your superin- 
tendency. ... 


James Duane Doty, Governor and Ex Officio Supt. of 

Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian 

Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake City, June 13, 1864.'" 

Sir. — I have the honor to acknowledge your Letter dated May 
17*^ '64, with its enclosures — being four Treaties with the mixed 
Bands of Shoshonees and Bannacks, with instructions to procure 
their assent to the amendments proposed by the Senate. 

Having lately returned to the Territory I have not learned where 
these Bands are now to be found — except Washakee's Band (the 
North Eastern Shoshonees) who I am informed are on the Wind 
river Mountains, where they have lately encountered the Crows 
in several battles, the occasion for which, it is represented, was an 
attempt made by the Crows to steal the horses of the Shoshonees 
who were hunting the Buffalo in the vicinity of those Mountains. 

As funds will be required for the purposes indicated in your 

213. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), p. 323. 

214. D/449-1864; now filed in Ratified Treaties File. 


Letter, as also for the current expenses of the Superintendency 
(without which the duties cannot be performed) I hope to receive 
soon a notice of a deposit to my credit with the Assistant Treasurer 
N. Y. of such sum as you may deem ad^equate for those objects 
until the arrival of the Superintendent." " -Whether he has left the 
Missouri is unknown to me. I infer from your Letter that the 
Department desires that I should as Governor of the Territory, 
continue to perform the duties of Superintendent. 

The best time to procure the assent of these Bands to the 
Amendments, will be on the arrival of the goods which are to be 
received by them under the provisions of the Treaties. It is very 
desirable that I should be informed when the goods are to be 
delivered by the Freighters at the places where the Treaties were 
held, that I may be able to give due notice to the Bands who are 
to receive them. As they are scattered over a country several 
hundred miles in extent, it will take several weeks to assemble 

Having just passed through about eleven hundred miles of the 
Indian country from the Missouri to this place, I am enabled to 
state to the Department that there were but few Indians upon the 
Overland Mail Route, and that they were entirely peaceable and 
friendly to the whites. . . . 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to James Duane Doty, 

Acting Supt. Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, 

June 20, 1864."" 

Sir One of Washakees Indians brought to this place Nineteen, 
19, head of Horses Said to have been Stolen from the Miners at 
Beaver Head [Montana] by a party of Too Coo Rekah or Sheep 
Eater Indians they make the Excuse that they did not know that a 
Treaty had been made with the Whites After being informed of 
that fact they delivered to One of Washakees Indians the Horses 
who brought them here by whom Shall they be received the 
Military here or by myself The Act to regulate trade and inter- 
course with the Indians appears to make it the duty of the agent 
Section Seventeen of the act requires that all aplications for redress 
or recovery of the Stolen property Shall be made to the agent 
please confer a favour by giving me instructions in the matter and 
greatly Oblige . . . 

215. The new superintendent was O. H. Irish, Doty having in 1863 been 
elevated to the governorship. 

216. D/461-1864 End. 



James Duane Doty, Ex Officio Supt. of Indian Affairs, to 

Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, June 23, 1864/" 

Sir: Your Letter dated June 20, in relation to 19 Horses Stolen 
by the Sheep Eaters & delivered by them to Waushakee, is received 
this morning. It is proper that you as Agent should receive them 
of the Indian having them in charge, and immediately give notice 
to the parties from whom they have been taken that they are in 
your charge, and requesting them to come forward and prove 
their property and take them away after paying expenses. A 
proper reward should be given by them to the Indian who has 
brought them to you, as well as to Waushakee — 

If the Claimants are unknown, it seems proper that you Should 
give notice in the Settlements on Beaver Head in some public 
manner, that these horses are in your possession. 

I shall forward your Letter to the Commissioner, and request 
of him to give you further Instructions if required. . . . 


James Duane Doty, Ex Officio Supt. of Indian Affairs, to 

William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated 

Great Salt Lake City, June 23, 1864."'' 


I enclose herewith a Letter from Agent Mann in relation to 
Horses stolen in the Beaver Head country (Montana) by the Sheep 
Eaters, and surrendered by them to Waushakee on being informed 
by him of the provisions in the Treaties made last season - Also 
my Letter to Mr. Mann; wishing such further Instructions may be 
given him by the Commissioner as the case may require. 

This is one of the benefits derived from the Treaties of last 
year, and shows the determination of Waushakee to maintain 
peace with the whites . . . 

217. D/461-1864 End. 

218. D/461-1864. 

Wyoming State Mlstorical Society 


DeWitt Dominick 


The year 1957 marks the 150th Anniversary of John Colter's 
solitary trek through the Northwestern part of Wyoming. 

It seems fitting that the Wyoming State Historical Society should 
commemorate the Anniversary. This will be done in cooperation 
with the Park County Chapter at the Historical Society's Annual 
Meeting in Cody, Wyoming, September 27, 28, 29. 

There are many John Colter enthusiasts whose imaginations are 
captured by the terrific personality of this true American explorer 
and early mountain man. There are expert historians who have 
spent meticulous research in an attempt to piece together the few 
unknown facts about this man. 

During the search for facts controversy has arisen among the 
expert historians concerning specific details of Colter's route in 
1807-1808. Such controversy is healthy; it stimulates further 
search for truth and some day may bring together the several 
missing parts of the fascinating story. Such controversy also fires 
the imagination of amateur historians, and like the writer of this 
article stimulates and allows for conjecture and study. 

The purpose of this short report, however, is to confine ourselves 
to some of the established facts, first considering Colter himself, 
and second concerning his route near Cody, Jackson and Yellow- 

For these facts we refer specifically to Stallo Vinton's book, 
John Colter Discoverer of the Yellowstone; and to Burton Harris's 
book, John Colter. These fine books review material set down 
by Lewis and Clark in their journals and delve into hosts of other 
authoritative references. 

It is quite well agreed that John Colter was born in Virginia, 
near Staunton, sometime between 1770-1775. We can safely say 
that he was a man of about 35 years when he made his famous 
trek through Northwestern Wyoming. It is well established too 
and no one can deny that he was intelligent and resourceful and 
must "have been driven by some overmastering power" according 
to Vinton. 

He stood probably 5 feet 10 inches tall, was thin, wiry, alert, 
strong and quick with an obvious ability to overcome extremes in 


weather and terrain. He'd learned to hunt and shoot before 
joining the Lewis and Clark expedition. He had also learned how 
to improvise in order to preserve himself in difficult situations in 
the wilderness. Our imagination can picture much more about 
this man as we unfold his exploits but there are no photographs 
and very few personal facts to help give us a clearer picture. As 
Vinton says "there still remains an aura of mystery" about John 

Quoting Vinton again, "because of this irresistible daemon of 
adventure" burning in his breast Colter chose to return to the 
wilderness, turning back from near civilization on the Missouri. 
He was granted permission to leave the expedition by Lewis and 
Clark at Mandan on the expedition's return trip. 

He started back up the Missouri with two beaver trappers, 
Dixon and Hancock, and eventually reached with them, according 
to Harris, the mouth of Clark's Canyon on the Clark's Fork, where 
they spent some time trapping. We next learn that Colter was at 
Manuel's Fort in the fall of 1807. Manuel's Fort was located 
below the present site of Billings, Montana. He was commissioned 
by Manuel Lisa to look for friendly Indians south and west of the 
Fort. This was to be an attempt to bring Indians to trade their 
furs at the Fort. Thus he left Manuel Lisa some time in the fall 
of 1807. 

His pack was small, perhaps 30 pounds in weight; the essentials 
included salt and one blanket; his dress was what he had on his 
back and feet; his knife, gun, powder, and ball were his main tools 
for existence. 

We know he came to the present site of Cody in 1807; he either' 
came up the Clarks Fork, leaving present Montana and following 
it to the Wyoming line, then over to the Shoshone; or he came up 
the Big Horn River through Pryor Gap. In any event we know 
he passed Heart Mountain and stopped at the present DeMaris 
Springs then called "Stinking Water". 

There is no doubt as to his route from then on until he reached 
the Wind River because historians do seem to agree that he went 
up the present Southfork of the Shoshone, which was then called 
by the Indians "Salt Fork", and in so doing he passed the "Boiling 
Tar Springs", now somewhere under the present Buffalo Bill 
Lake, at the junction of the present North and Southfork of the 
Shoshone. He'd been told, probably by the Indians, that a "14 
days hike" would bring him to the Salt Caves, famous to the 
Indians and even known to the Spaniards. It seems logical that 
he dropped over into the Wind River country at the head of the 
Southfork passing through Bliss Meadows. Those of us who have 
pack tripped in this area know the natural path to the south and 
east of BHss Creek. All of this travel was accomplished in winter 
by Colter and he by necessity had to resort to the use of snow 
shoes; the art of making these he had learned from the Indians. 


Colter was apparently inspired to press on during the obvious 
winter difficulties for at least three reasons. 1) He was looking 
for the Salt Caves. 2) He was looking for friendly Indians, per- 
haps wintering in the neighborhood, with whom he could trade 
and fulfill Lisa's wish to persuade to trade at Manuel's Fort. 
3) To find the headwaters of the "Pierre Jaune" known now as 
the Yellowstone. 

Those of us who have experienced sub zero weather in the hills 
can appreciate the hardships a single man would experience with 
scanty equipment. We suffer considerable despite all modern 
equipment and canned foods. Only Colter's impelling tenacity 
and rugged physique could have withstood these extremes. Some 
of us, recently, spent a night in a cabin near Yellowstone Park; 
the temperature dropped to 30 degrees below zero; it was a strug- 
gle with dry wood and electric heaters to bring the temperature up 
to zero in the cabin. Water from the stove froze before one could 
brush one's teeth. How incongruous and soft this would have 
seemed to Colter. 

There is no question that John Colter found his way into Jack- 
son's Hole, either by the Union Pass leading to the Green River 
and north to the Gros Ventre, or by Togwotee Pass. He passed 
through the Jackson Hole valley and over onto the west slopes 
of the Tetons going over Teton Pass. This brought him well into 
the year of 1808 and could make authentic the famous Colter 
Stone which was found on the west slopes still within borders of 
the State of Wyoming. This stone, shaped in the form of a man's 
head, with John Colter on one side and 1808 on the other carved 
deeply into the stone, is under dispute as to its authenticity. 

Colter must have known now that the headwaters of the Yellow- 
stone had to lie north and east of his present position. This caused 
him to cross back over the Tetons either retracing his steps over 
Teton Pass or going further north and crossing a pass which led 
him to the upper end of Jackson's Lake, then called "Lake Bid- 
die"; he must have passed this lake at its north end giving Colter 
Bay its name. 

He crossed the Snake River above the Lake, then following a 
well marked Indian trail he found his way to Shoshone and Heart 
Lakes and from there thence to Yellowstone Lake, called "Lake 

The Indians had told Captain Clark "that there was a place 
where the earth trembled and frequent noises like thunder were 
heard, a place where their children could not sleep". Colter no 
doubt knew of this and perhaps he knew he was near the famous 
Geyser Basin near Old Faithful and the Norris Basin. Some his- 
torians dispute the fact that he ever saw these Basins; again, we 
can not be sure, but the facts do show that he eventually travelled 
north through the present Yellowstone Park and came upon the 
well known Bannock Trail which leads North and East crossing 



Yellowstone River a little way below Tower Falls. It then passes 
to the Lamar River, up Soda Butte Creek, and finds its way near 
the present site of Cooke City. By this time we think that Colter 
probably was being guided by friendly Indians, either the Bannocks 
or the Shoshones, who by taking this trail avoided the hostile 
Blackfeet to the north. In any event Colter followed down the 
Clarks Fork and soon found himself in familiar territory. He 
seemed to know the Sunlight Basin. Harris believes he explored 
this when he was trapping near there with Dixon and Hancock, 
having come up through the mouth at Clarks Fork Canyon or 
over Dead Indian Hill in 1806 and '07. 

According to Burton Harris he chose to return to the "Stinking 
Waters" back over Dead Indian Pass before returning down to 
Manuel's Fort and thus he completed the circle. 

This was a fascinating and exciting exploration done on foot, 
the hardest terrain in winter, by a man who for the most part was 
completely alone. It is difficult to comprehend the seemingly 
impossible feat. His place in Western History is gradually reach- 
ing the stature it deserves. He was truly "driven by some over- 
mastering power, some irresistible daemon of adventure". 

Wyoming At'ckaeological J^otes 



L. C. Steege 


Since it is envisaged that the American Archaeologist, both 
amateur and professional, will persist in using the term "blade" 
in a very broad and classificatory sense as a catch-all for a goodly 
amount of finished artifacts, I will not attempt to deviate from this 
common practice either. 

At the beginning, any sharp edge of a thin flake was considered 
sufficient for a good cutting edge. When the edge became dulled 
and chipped from use, the flake was discarded and another picked 
up either as found in nature or struck off from some suitable 
material. There was no standard for size or shape; the main 
requirements were that it be large enough to be held in a hand and 
sufficiently thin, sharp and strong enough to cut skin, tlesh and 
wood. This type of cutting artifact undoubtedly lasted for a long 
period of time. By blunting one edge of the flake, a great deal 
more pressure could be applied to the flake without injuring the 
hand holding it. A slight convex cutting edge ending in a point 
added considerably to the efficiency of this flake knife. In our 
knives today, even with their many specialized functions in our 
modern lives, we see very little change in the shape of the metal 
blade over the stone flake knives of ancient origin. 

The evolution of the flake into a blade came with the develop- 
ment of flaking technics. At this stage we have a somewhat rough 
unifaced or bifaced implement with a strong irregular V-shaped 
cutting edge. These blades were discoid or ovate in form and 
were considerably larger than most flake knives. (Figure lA) 

Through the medium of pressure flaking, edges could be thinned 
and straightened causing a much sharper cutting edge. Some 
blades were pointed (Figure IB) which I classify as "Points". 

Leaf shaped blades (Figure IC) and triangular shaped blades 
(Figure ID) were used very efficiently as knives. These types 
are found almost everywhere in North America. Many show 
very careful exacting workmanship with finely retouched edges. 

The more highly specialized types of knives are the "tang 
knives". (Figures 2 A and 2B). These are not a very common 
form and consequently are choice pieces for collectors. At first 
these tang knives were found only in Texas but occasionally one 




FiQure I 





Leaf^vShi^ecy rriAncfuld.) 

Corner Ta-n^ 


Single. Gra.vcr /^u/ti^/e- G^aver 



has turned up in other Western States. Some very beautiful 
specimens have been found in Wyoming. 

The purpose of the tang is for the attachment of a short handle. 
This handle was for better control of the blade as well as enabling 
the user to have an unobstructed view of the cutting operations, 
especially while cutting a definite pattern. If the truth were 
known, I believe that a good many of the larger off-center arrow- 
heads, which are found everywhere, would fall into this tang knife 
classification rather than into a class of projectile points. Just 
where the line of distinction should be drawn is strictly the opinion 
of the individual collector. . 

"Slitters" (Figure 2C) are a relatively new classification. These 
may be typed as a tang knife, however; they are single notched and 
have but one barb which is the cutting edge. These tools which 
were mounted on a short handle were very effective skinning 
knives. The point was inserted through the skin of a bird or 
animal and the tool rotated until the barb was brought beneath the 
skin. Then by drawing the barb along at an angle under the skin, 
the latter was easily cut and the flesh beneath it was unharmed. 
It was very easy to follow a straight or curved line since the tool 
was always held in place by the barb which extended ahead of 
the cut. With this tool it was a simple task to remove the thin 
tender skins of birds. 

Not all single notched artifacts can be classified as "slitters". 
Barbs were often broken off projectile points by accident. A care- 
ful examination of single barbed points often reveals a sharp 
retouched edge which indicates a definite cutting function. 

Occasionally a person finds a blade which has a deeply serrated 
edge. (Figure 3A). These artifacts are the precessors to our 
modern steel saws. They were not too practical except for use 
on soft material. They were used for grooving and notching soft 
wood and for rasping and leveling of high spots on wood and 
bone. "Saws" were not common in the Plains Regions. They 
were used by some of the Pueblo cultures of the Southwest area, 
but their greatest concentration seems to be in the States of Mis- 
souri and Arkansas. 

Gravers (Figures 3B and 3C) are incising tools. The main 
feature of a graver is a stubby, sharp point formed on the edge of a 
flake or a flake artifact. The point is formed by pressure flaking 
directed from a single side of a flake resulting in the point being 
unworked and flat on one face. The points nearly always show 
a slight bevel or twist and were usually formed on a dorsal ridge 
where it tapers to the edge of a flake. 

Although not a common artifact, gravers are found throughout 
all of the United States. They were found at the Lindenmeier 
Site on the Wyoming-Colorado border forming part of the Folsom 
Complex. They were found in New Mexico in the Sandia Cave. 
They are associated with the Clear Fork Complex in Texas. 


Gravers have been found in Paleo-Indian sites in Pennsylvania 
and Massachusetts and with Archaic Cultures in Louisiana, Illinois 
and Wisconsin. 

Gravers had many uses. The most common was the engraving 
of bone, shell, wood and soft stone. Examples of this engraving 
art on bone were found at the Lindenmeier Site. These little tools 
could certainly be used for piercing operations such as tatooing 
and sewing. The eye in a bone needle could be carved with a 
graver. They were always used in a gouging fashion, that is by a 
forward, pushing movement with the tool held in the same manner 
as a chisel. Multiple pointed gravers are not uncommon. 

This important little artifact is often overlooked by many ama- 
teur archaeologists due to the simplicity in design. If you find 
a flake with a small point or spur, study it closely; perhaps you 
have found a graver. 


The following corrections should be made in the October 1956 
issue of the Annals of Wyoming: 

"Oregon Trail Trek No. Three" page 187, second paragraph, 
4th line: 

"One of the victims had 50 steel-pointed arrowheads still 
embedded in his spine; another had two arrowheads in his 
jawbone and several others deep in his backbone. All of the 
sad little group had been riddled by arrows." 

"Riverton: From Sage to City," page 128, paragraph four: 
"The land drawing, . . . took place at Shoshoni." 
Page 129, paragraph four, the first street named should have 
been Park; paragraph five, the information that Fourth Street 
was changed to Broadway should be added. 

"Twentieth Century Pioneering," (review), paragraph one: W. 
S. Adams and Goyne Drummond made the survey of River- 
ton, not Frank H. Allyn. 

JSook Keviews 

With Crook at the Rosebud. By J. W. Vaughn. (Harrisburg, 
Pa.: The Stackpole Company, 1956. 245 pp. lUus. $5.00.) 

With Crook at the Rosebud is the most comprehensive treatment 
of this important preliminary to the Battle of the Little Big Horn 
that has been written, and should be of great interest to the legion 
of Indian War readers. 

The author writes clearly of the Crook campaign from Fort 
Fetterman to the return to Goose Creek, inclusive, giving the 
reader an excellent, broad picture of the march to battle, the 
engagement itself, and the withdrawal and licking of wounds. 
There are contained in the volume also some two dozen pages of 
notes, 40 pages of appendix, a bibliography and index. Within 
the front and rear covers are sketches of the battle area showing 
terrain features, troop positions and routes of movement. The 
sketch would be more helpful, to some at least, if it were con- 
toured. However, one of imagination can visualize, to an appre- 
ciable extent at least, this omission. 

Not only does the author embody the product of broad research, 
but is able to supplement extensively through a personal ground 
reconnaissance aided by a metal detector which permitted him, 
by cartridges, cartridge cases and expended lead locations, to 
corroborate research with physical evidence of considerable relia- 
bility. Certainly every effort was made to write with the greatest 
authority available, and, although some conjecture must of neces- 
sity be indulged in, this has been reduced to a minimum. The 
net result is a factual dissertation of conviction. The few good 
illustrations contribute little except the boast of the only published 
picture of Crazy Horse, the documentation of which is not too 
convincing and doubting Thomases are certain to register their 
lack of conviction as to its authenticity. 

The text is rather extensively footnoted to material in the back 
of the book which will be disconcerting to footnote haters; there 
are also lengthy quotes with which some will find themselves in 
discord. However, on the whole, the author is to be commended 
on a well written, clearly described, and broad review of one of our 
much neglected historical military incidents, and the publishers 
have put his manuscript together in an excellent and attractive 
publication to grace the libraries of the great horde of collectors 
of better things in the field of Indian Wars and Western Ameri- 
cana, well worth the five bucks requested. 

Laramie, Wyoming . Alfred M. Pence 


Men To Match My Mountains. By Irving Stone. (Garden City, 
N. Y.: Doubleday and Company Inc. 1956. 435 pp. index; 
end maps. $5.95) 

Mr. Stone gives us humor, pathos and tragedy in his tale of 
men and mountains. He is even brutally frank in places, but his 
frankness makes for readability. 

I found many familiar names in this book, but with intimate 
details attached to them that change them from just names to real 
people as I read. 

John Charles Fremont the map-maker; the dreamer Adolph 
Heinrich Joseph Sutro who, after years of heartbreak, filled his 
lungs with fresh air gushing up from his tunnel; John Sutter who 
had a vision; Lucky Baldwin; Pancake Comstock who insisted 
on getting a bill-of-sale with his wife when he bought her from her 
husband; Theodore "Crazy" Judah; the Big Four, Crocker, Hunt- 
ington, Hopkins, Stanford; H. A. W. Tabor who was a United 
States Senator for thirty days, these become more than men who 
made and lost millions. 

Many pages are devoted to Utah, Brigham Young and the Mor- 
mons and their practical religion. I like this passage. "Within 
two hours of their arrival they were plowing, and within four hours 
having found the soil so hard it broke two plows, they had dug 
irrigation ditches and were bringing water to the earth in which 
tomorrow they would plant their communal potatoes and corn." 

There are women who match mountains in this book too. Some 
of the outstanding ones are Jessie Benton Fremont, Tamsen Don- 
ner of the Donner Party tragedy, Leah Sutro, Augusta Tabor, 
Phoebe Woodruff who gained the vote for Mormon women, Juliet 
Brier and Baby Doe Tabor. 

The search for GOLD runs through the entire story. Denver, 
when a lusty infant, reports this: "At the first funeral service, Pat, 
standing with the mourners, leaned down to examine the dirt 
shoveled from the grave and instantly staked out a claim." 

Denver and her sisters Leadville and Central City, Virginia City, 
Nevada, with her short but colorful life. Salt Lake City, San Fran- 
cisco and Sacramento, those two hardy queens, were busy making 
history while Los Angeles rested in the sun. But in 1887 the 
Santa Fe and Southern Pacific railroads waged a transportation 
price war, and for a few days it was possible to ride from Kansas 
City to Los Angeles for a dollar bill and her mushroom growth 

This account of the opening of the far west, Colorado, Utah, 
Nevada, and California, from 1840 to 1900 is a book to read and 
read again. 

Wheatland, Wyoming Leora Peters 


The Far Western Frontier 1830-1860. By Ray Allen Billington. 
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956. 292 pp. Illus. 

This volume is part of the New American Nation Series of 
40-odd volumes being published under the general editorship of 
H. S. Commager and Richard B. Morris. 

Billington is a Northwestern University professor of history 
whose best known previous publication is an 800-page volume, 
Westward Expansion, which is sometimes used as a textbook in 
westward movement courses. 

If the other volumes in the New American Nation Series turn 
out to be as good as this one, the set may quickly relegate ths old, 
28-volume American Nation Series to the dead storage shelves of 
our libraries. A. B. Hart edited the original series some fifty 
years ago. There has been much clarification of our history in 
the interim, and a marked shift from major emphasis on political 
history to a balanced treatment of political, economic, social and 
intellectual developments. 

Covering the West 1830-1860 in less than 300 pages requires 
ruthless condensation and omission. In this part of the West, 
for example, Billington omits mention of such more or less impor- 
tant items as Father De Smet and his work, Francis Parkman's 
1846 visit, the Grattan Massacre, the Sioux Indians, the battle of 
Ash Hollow, Chief Washakie and his Shoshoni Indians, the Ft. 
Laramie Treaty Council of 1851, Capt. William F. Raynolds, 
Capt. Howard Stansbury, Capt. Randolph B. Marcy, and F. W. 
Lander and his Lander Road. To be sure, some of these may 
show up in overlapping volumes in the series, though one might 
expect them to be mentioned in a book with this title. 

BiUington focuses attention on twelve main themes, such as 
"The Overland Trails" and "Manifest Destiny." He handles the 
twelve themes clearly and entertainingly. He ventures no really 
new interpretations, but effectively summarizes the best of the 
vast literature on the special topics to which he addresses himself. 
Footnotes on almost every page and a 19-page bibliographical 
essay serve to tie down his narrative. 

The editors state that Billington employs "scientific objectivity 
and critical acumen" in dealing with the history of the West, which, 
they say, "is, peculiarly, the happy hunting ground of the romanc- 
ers and the myth-makers." Certainly Billington does have the 
total pattern of American History well in mind, and he keeps 
western developments in perspective. 

The use of striking detail enlivens the narrative. In dealing with 
the mountain men, for example, he tells how they scalped their 
enemies: 'Taking firm hold of the scalp with the left hand, they 
made two semicircular incisions with and against the sun, loosened 
the skin with the point of a knife, and pulled with their feet against 


the dead man's shoulders until the scalp came loose with a char- 
acteristic "plop." ' The mountain men, he says, at mealtime pre- 
ferred buffalo chips to wood "because of the peppery flavor im- 
parted to the meat." And at the rendezvous they "indulged in 
sexual orgies with passively indifferent Indian maidens." 

Again, when dealing with the mining frontier, he quotes an 
explanation for the origin of the name "tarantula juice" whisky: 
"When the boys were well charged ... it made the snakes and 
tarantulas that bit them very sick." 

Laramie, Wyo. T. A. Larson 

Before Barbed Wire. By Mark H. Brown and W. R. Felton. 
(New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1956. 254 pp. Illus. 

L. A. Huffman came to Montana in 1878 to apply for the 
unpaid civilian position of photographer at old Ft. Keogh, Mon- 
tana Territory. Once he had secured the position and gained 
permission to use a rough building at the post, he bought his 
predecessor's equipment and set up shop. 

Huffman immediately started recording in pictures the story of 
the Indian, the hide hunters, soldiers, scouts, bull whackers and 
jerkline teamsters. These pictures form the pictorial background 
of the book The Frontier Years, published by authors Brown and 
Felton in 1955. 

Huffman's difficulties were many in these early days, for the 
camera he used was large and bulky and it was necessary to use 
wet plates which had to be coated and sensitized before using and 
developed before the sensitized material dried. In 1885 he began 
using a dry plate, thus eliminating some problems; but the "Instan- 
taneous" film was slow and the camera weighed nearly fifty 
pounds. The excellence of his pictures, however, illustrates the 
excellence of the photographer, for in spite of many handicaps 
Huffman captured with his lens the spirit of the time and the way 
of life of the frontier West. 

Before Barbed Wire takes up the story of the frontier with the 
passing of the first stage of change — the disappearance of the 
buffalo, the setting up of Indian reservations and the coming of 
the permanent settlers and the cattle herds. 

Huffman was thoroughly familiar with the big open country, 
and he chronicled with lens and a descriptive pen the day-by-day 
life of the people who were settling the new land. This book is 
the story of the open range and the life of the ranchman and the 
cowboy. The book is illustrated with 124 Huffman photographs, 
which are supplemented by his own descriptive notes; they include 


the cowboy at work and play, early ranches, roundup scenes and 
the story of sheep in early Montana. > 

Authors Brown and Felton have accompanied the pictures with 
an excellent narrative describing the social and economic life of 
the era. Glimpses of Montana history are given, including a 
tantalizing section entitled "The Stranglers," hinting at the sup- 
pressed story of the struggle between the cattlemen and the rustler 
element. The vigilante cattlemen won this battle by reportedly 
hanging or shooting sixty-three men over a period of several years. 
The later unsuccessful raid of Johnson County, Wyoming, by the 
Wyoming cattlemen in 1892 was probably patterned after the 
earlier Montana "cleanup." 

Huffman's notes on his pictures and the authors' footnotes are 
both to be found in supplementary sections at the end of the book. 
If a criticism is to be made, this reviewer found it disconcerting 
to be constantly turning to the back of the book to these notes. 

Students of the western range cattle history will find an excellent 
bibliography in the book and the reader will find the attractive 
end maps of Montana Territory and northern Wyoming Territory 

Cheyenne, Wyoming Henryetta Berry 

Feud on the Colorado by Arthur Woodward. (Los Angeles: 
Westernlore Press, 1955. 165p. $4.75) 

"Since the 1 6th century to the presen tday men have risked their 
lives attempting to ferret out the secrets in the roily reaches of the 
Colorado river." Yet the most fascinating period in the struggle 
with nature is the adventure of the steam vessels of the 1850's 
and the desire of the captains to gain wealth by carrying pay 
cargoes up the river. 

Feud on the Colorado records this struggle with nature and the 
men who lived and fought for the riches that went with adventure 
and boldness. John Glanton was only one of the desperate char- 
acters who, having killed in Texas, decided to make a fortune 
ferrying immigrants and what have you across the river for ex- 
tortionate prices. In 1850 he and a group of his followers met 
their end at the hands of the Yumas. Such a lucrative business 
did not go wanting for successors even though chances of being 
ambushed by Indians could not be ignored. 

Into such a surrounding came George Alonzo Johnson, a young 
New Yorker, seeking his share of the West's gold. Through a 
chance item in a Los Angeles paper he learned about the Glanton 
massacre, thus whetting his interest in becoming a Colorado ferry 
captain. In a few years Johnson and his boat. Uncle Sam, became 
familiar sights on the river. 


Into such a scene also arrived a young, ambitious officer Lt. 
Joseph C. Ives and his orders from the government "to explore 
the upper reaches of the Colorado by steam". The plot thickens 
for Johnson also wanted such a disposition. Both men set out to 
be the first, thus for years a bitter controversy has been waged, 
for Ives claimed that he, with his little government steamboat. 
Explorer, was first up the river, refuting Johnson's argument that 
he and his General Jesup preceded Ives upstream by a comfortable 
margin of two months. 

Through Arthur Woodward's research into the controversy, the 
matter has been settled, for the long buried and forgotten report 
of Lt. J. L. White and party, who rode the General Jesup on its 
eventful voyage is brought to light. The White Report establishes 
the Johnson claim beyond doubt, thus closing another chapter in 
the story of the Colorado. Woodward's treatment of Ives makes 
him a rather despicable individual who through influential relations 
kept the White Report from becoming public. Of the three — 
Ives, White and Johnson — only the latter lived to an advanced age 
with considerable security. 

Woodward includes a vivid picture of the life and hardships 
at Fort Yuma — an outpost harassed by Indians, the shortage of 
food and A.W.O.L. soldiers. He captures a lost era presenting 
an exciting and delightful scene of a river — its steamboats, military 
life and savage Indians. 

Fargo, N. D. Albert G. Anderson, Jr. 

When Grass Was King. By Maurice Frink, W. Turrentine Jack- 
son and Agnes Wright Spring. (Boulder: University of 
Colorado Press, 1956. 465 pp. Illus. $8.50.) 

In 1944 the Western Range Cattle Industry Study, financed by 
a Rockefeller Foundation Grant, was initiated to conduct a con- 
centrated study of the cattle indusrty in the western states, prin- 
cipally New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming and Montana, for the 
period 1865-1895. A great bulk of records including manuscripts, 
correspondence, documents, diaries, company reports and other 
business papers, photographs, books, periodicals, pamphlets, and 
newspaper articles was collected. These materials are located at 
the State Historical Society of Colorado where they are now 
available to researchers, students and writers. 

Mr. Frink has served as director of the Cattle Study since June 
1954 and at the same time as executive director of the State His- 
torical Society of Colorado. As head of the Study his task has 
been to organize and catalog the collected records and to prepare 
a one-volume discussion of the cattle study. When Grass Was 
King is the result of this assignment. 


Since only eighteen months were allotted for the writing of this 
work, Mr. Frink obtained the assistance of W. Turrentine Jackson, 
professor of history at the University of California at Davis, and 
Mrs. Agnes Wright Spring, State Historian of Colorado, each of 
whom have authored sections of the Study. 

This book is divided into three parts. Mr. Frink, in Part I, 
ably covers the background story of the days of the open range 
from its beginning to its end. In a chronological account he relates 
the status of the industry and the main developments which took 
place each year from 1865 to 1895. 

Part 11 is devoted to an account of British and Scotch invest- 
ments in the western livestock business. Dr. Jackson discusses in 
great detail the causes of the rise and the decline of foreign invest- 
ments and the resultant effects. In addition to the records collect- 
ed by the Cattle Study, Dr. Jackson was able to study records in 
England and Scotland while a Fulbright professor of history at the 
University of Glasgow. 

Mrs. Spring, a well known historian of both Colorado and Wyo- 
ming and author of a number of books on Wyoming in particular, 
has authored Part III of this Study, the biography of John W. Iliff. 
Iliff was one of the first "comers" to the open range and developed 
in southern Wyoming and northern Colorado one of the largest 
and most successful cattle outfits of the 1 870's. 

In 1865 he left Ohio with $500.00 and within twenty years 
through hard work, good judgment and tenacity he built this into 
a fortune. His story was proof that there was money to be made 
in the cattle business and offered a practical inducement which 
funneled eastern and foreign capital into the western industry. 

Thirty-five rare old photographs illustrate the volume, and end 
maps of the western plains and Rocky Mountain states showing 
the main landmarks, the railroads and trails are of assistance to 
the reader. Of particular help to researchers and students will be 
the fine bibliographies which each of the authors have included. 
Publication is a limited edition of 1 500 copies. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

Salt Creek, The Story of a Great Oil Field. By Harold D. Roberts 
(Denver: W. H. Kistler Stationery Co., 1956. 213 pp. 
Illus. $5.50.) 

Salt Creek is indeed, as the author states, the story of a great 
oil field. Nearly 400,000,000 barrels of crude oil have come from 
the wells of Salt Creek, and it is still a producing field with many 
years of production remaining. Historically this oil field had an 
important effect upon the growth of the State of Wyoming and 
particularly the growth of the Casper area. The rugged history of 


this fi3ld is indeed a saga of one important aspect of Wyoming's 
economy. No other area can equal nor exceed in the number of 
rugged individuaHsts who developed this Salt Creek field. Not 
only is it a story of these examples of individualism but of the 
obstacles that confront the individualist. 

Technically the research that went into this book was obviously 
of considerable quantity and is reflected in the quality of the 
narrative. This quality bears adequate testimony to the careful 
ascertaining of minute details by the author and indicates an 
intimate knowledge of the subject and more particularly of the 
real life characters he so wonderfully portrays with word pictures 
that show the complete charm of the individuals and the manners 
of the times. A clear concise narrative is drawn of the complex 
operations in the history of the Salt Creek field. As the author 
mentions "a great variety of people from sober economists to 
wild-eyed fanatics" complicated the history related both on a local 
basis and on the national level when, under the administration of 
Theodore Roosevelt, Congress became concerned with "conserva- 
tion'" and their. actions so completely effected this Wyoming area. 
Every acre of -unpatented land was withdrawn. This "bombshell 
of a major size" led to still further complications of "discord, 
confusion and uncertainty". From a simple beginning in the days 
when the Indians utilized the oil seeps for ointments and paints, 
through the period of promotion, discord and violence, the author 
skillfully relates his story of a frontier as wild and wooly as any 
frontier in history. The progress, profits and the steps towards 
peace are equally well handled and the history then becomes that 
of the field's development, with its technical problems and its 
lengthy litigations. 

"Since its instigation 16 years ago (referring to unitization), the 
story belongs in engineering reports", the author relates, and "of 
these problems there is no end and their magnitude is a challenge 
to anyone." 

Although not a publication of great general interest, it is a 
valuable book for those interested in the developmental history of 
Wyoming and for those particularly interested in oil exploration. 
It is more importantly a particular history of a part of the opera- 
tions of Standard Oil of Indiana and its wholly owned subsidiary, 
Stanolind Oil and Gas Company. The incidents narrated within 
this book are extremely fascinating from the standpoint of histor- 
ical significance as well as from the standpoint of personality 
characterizations drawn by the author. As an underlying narra- 
tion to the history of this great oil field is the story of the life and 
times of central Wyoming. 

Regarding the author, Harold D. Roberts, his personal knowl- 
edge of many of the individuals concerned gives great additional 
weight to his characterizations and results in many apt descriptions 
of various individuals. Mr. Roberts died within hours after the 


final proof went to the printers. Had this undertaking been de- 
layed the material contained herein "would have been lost with 
the passage of time and men". The book is a fitting memorial to 
a fine lawyer, historian, naturalist and public servant. 

The author himself provided an excellent book review in just a 
few lines. 

"The pioneers of Salt Creek came from many different walks of 
life, drawn by chance or unflagging purpose. It was in their hands 
that Salt Creek gained recognition as a great oil field. 

"If this book can reclaim a few of that motley crew from oblivion 
and show them in the setting of the problems with which they strug- 
gled, it will have served its purpose." 

There can only be added these words it was a good job well 

done, for the author did accomplish what he sought to do. Would 
every author be as successful. 

I recommend its reading as a sound commentary on a saga of 
one of Wyoming's great industries. 

Cheyenne, Wyoming Bob Steiling 

The Running Iron. By Rachel Ann Fish. (New York: Coward- 
McCann, Inc. 1956. 380 pp. $3.95.) 

The novel opens under a cloud of dust on the trail out of Texas 
to Abeline. Under the dust are the longhorns, the leather skinned 
cowboys, Robert Forge, Confederate colonel, and his fatihful 
Negro, Rock. Holly Morgan is there too, and makes her status 
clear when she says, 'T ain't a fancy." 

Mrs. Fish then takes her story to the South and the last shot 
of the Civil war; to the home of Colonel Forge, the central figure, 
and his pampered wife, Fonella, and their family. The author's 
portrayal of America's major crisis is skillfully handled. She has 
smoothly worked the significant details of the times into her story. 
The principal characters are distinctive, and seem to live and 
breathe. She moves into their minds, and into the minds of the 
secondary characters, with the ease of a clairvoyant. The inter- 
lude between the war's end and the Colonel's home-coming builds 
the crisis of the tale. 

The story shifts to the Wyoming home ranch on the Chugwater, 
the next setting for the Colonel and his family. One of his sons, 
a secondary personality, kicks over the traces. Holly Morgan 
marries and is there too. Mrs. Fish vividly portrays the Chugwater 
valleys: ". . . and in summer cloudbursts can make the Chugwater 
a rolling muddy river . . . destructive . . ." "In the spring the 
water feels the soft breast feathers of the Mallards, Canvas- 
backs . . ." "On either side of the creek are rolling hills . . ." 
She covers the history of the earlier West briefly, and in the rich 


cadence of a poem shows the suffering of the Indian soul, and the 
pride of the victors, or settlers. 

Colonel Forge becomes a cattle baron. He builds an elegant 
town house for Fonella who now recovers from self pity and 
spitefully bears him a son. The Colonel's love for his youngest 
is pitted against his lifelong ambition for a political career. The 
"Running Iron," of course, is used by the cattle rustlers who with 
the influx of the small farmer cause the Colonel's crown of success 
to become a torture. 

Chevenne Alice M. Shields 


Mrs. Thelma Condit, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. T. J. Gatchell, 
is a native of Wyoming. She has lived in the Hole-in-the-Wall 
country for 21 years and her husband, Clark H. Condit, has lived 
there nearly all his life. Mrs. Condit taught school for 15 years 
in the Barnum, Kaycee, Sussex and Mayoworth communities. 
For a number of years she has collected the history of Johnson 
County and the Hole-in-the-Wall country. Mr. and Mrs. Condit 
are the parents of three children: James G. Condit of Kaycee, 
Richard H. Condit of Buffalo, and Carolyn Knapp (Mrs. David). 

Kenneth E. Crouch is a staff member on the Bedford (Vir- 
ginia) Democrat, a position he has held since 1944. He is the 
author or several historical articles relating to Bedford, the Thur- 
man family and the history of the Palestine and Peck's Baptist 
Churches in Bedford County, Virginia. 

Dale L. Morgan, prominent western historian and author, was 
born in Salt Lake City and is a graduate of the University of 
Utah. Mr. Morgan served on the staff of the Department of 
Information of the OPA from 1942-46. In 1948 he became acting 
editor of the Utah Historical Quarterly. More recently he was 
Acting Archivist of the Utah State Historical Society, 1953, and 
since 1954 has been on the Bancroft Library staff. Since 1953 
he has also been a specialist in Indian Claims research. 

Mr. Morgan has written a number of books, the first of which 
were The Humboldt: Highroad of the West (1943) and The Great 
Salt Lake (1947). More recent publications are Life in America: 
The West (1952), a juvenile geography; Jedediah Smith and the 
Opening of the West ( 1953 ) ; Jedediah Smith and His Maps of the 
American West, in collaboration with Carl I. Wheat (1954); 


Pioneer Atlas of the American West (1956); and he is currently 
working on The West of William H. Ashley, a book of documents, 
which is to appear later in 1957. 

Louis C. Steege, a native of Burns, Wyoming, and a resident 
of Cheyenne, is a postal transport clerk, a position he has held 
since June 1941. He has been a student of archaeology for a 
number of years and is a member of the Society for American 
Archaeology, the Loveland Chapter of the Colorado Archaeologi- 
cal Society, and was appointed the Archaeologist of the Wyoming 
State Historical Society in 1956 and reappointed in 1957. He is 
past president of the Laramie County Chapter of the Wyoming 
State Historical Society. He served as chairman of the Archaeo- 
logical Committee for the State Society in 1955-56 and worked 
with other groups to have the Frontier Creek petrified forest area 
in Wyoming preserved. Mr. Steege gives volunteer service to 
the Wyoming State Museum and has cataloged much of the 
Indian artifact collection in the museum and assisted with setting 
up some of the displays. In 1939 he was married to Berenice J. 
Merrick and they are the parents of three children. Sherry Lou, 
Janice Elaine and Tommy Dale. 

Virginia Cole Trenholm is a native Missourian, with B. J. 
and M. A. degrees from the School of Journalism, University of 
Missouri. She began her teaching career as Instructor in English 
and Journalism and Director of Publicity at Stephens College. 
She also served as a member of the English Deparmtent at Park 
College before coming to Wyoming to make her home. 

Now the wife of Robert S. Trenholm, a native son, she does 
free lance writing as a hobby. She is the author of Footprints 
on the Frontier and co-author, with Maurine Carley, of Wyoming 
Pageant. Mr. and Mrs. Trenholm, who reside on a ranch near 
Glendo, are the parents of two children, James R. and Mrs. Vir- 
ginia Phillippi, of Bordeaux. 

Clarice Whittenburg was born at Marshfield, Missouri, and 
came to Wyoming in 1930, at which time she became a member 
of the faculty at the University of Wyoming where she now holds 
the position of Professor of Elementary Education in the College 
of Education. She holds a degree of B. S. in Education from 
Central Missouri State College and an M. A. from the University 
of Chicago. 

iA^mls of Wyommg 

JME 29 



Official Publication 

of the 


Published Biannually 



Fred W. Marble, Chairman Cheyenne 

Mr. James Bentlby Sheridan 

Mr. Henry Jones Hanna 

Mrs. Lora Jewett Pinedale 

Mrs. Esther Mockler Dubois 

Mrs. Leora Peters Wheatland 

Mrs. Margaret E. Hall Moorcroft 

Mrs. Lorraine Stadius Thermopolis 

Attorney-General Thomas O. Miller, Ex-officio 


President, Dr. T. A. Larson JLaramie 

First Vice President, A. H. MacDougall Rawlins 

Second Vice President, Mrs, Thelma Condit Kaycee 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Miss Lola M. Homsher Cheyenne 

Wyoming State Historical Society life membership $50.00, joint life 

membership (husband and wife) $75.00; annual membership, $3.50, 

joint annual membership (two persons of same family at same 

address) $5.00. 


Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Deputy 

Reta W. Ridings Head, Research Services 

Mrs. Lillian V. Stratton Secretary 

Lewis K. Demand Assistant Archivist 


Lola M. Homsher Editor 

Reta W. Ridings Co-editor 

The Annals of Wyoming is published semi-annually, in April and 
October, and is the official publication of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. It is received by all members of that Society as a part of their 
dues. Individual copies of the current issues of the Annals of Wyoming 
may be purchased for $1.00 each. Available copies of earlier issues are 
also for sale. A price list may be obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor will 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 


Copyright, 1957, by the Wyoming State Archives and Historical 

Ama/s of Wyoming 

Volume 29 October 1957 Number 2 

Zable of Contents 


Ake Hultkrantz 


Charles A. Myers and Mrs. Marion Paschal 


Colonel Norman D. King 

THE HOLE-IN-THE-WALL, Part V, Section 1 161 

Thelma Gatchell Condit 


Compiled by Maurine Carley 


Dale L. Morgan, Editor 




Whetstone, Frontier Editor 232 

Lamar, Dakota Territory 233 

Sprague, Massacre 234 

Aberle and Stewart, Navajo and Ute Peyotism 236 

Hayden, From Trapper to Tourist in Jackson Hole 237 

Manfred, Riders of Judgment 237 

Sandoz, The Horsecatcher ;... 238 



Indians in Yellowstone Park 124, 130, 136 

Over My Shoulder 150 

The Hole in the Wall 160, 166, 172 

Oregon Trail Trek No. 5 178, 182, 186 

Washakie and the Shoshoni 214 

Stone Artifacts 228 

Maps: Hole in the Wall 162 

Oregon Trail Trek No. 5 176 

Indian Tribes, by Doty 199 

INDEX 242 

Lower Falls of the Yellowstone, January 1887 
Photo by F. Jay Hayncs, Courtesy of Jack Ellis Haynes 

Zhe Mians in yellowstonc Park * 


Ake Hultkrantz 


Comparatively late the wonderland at the source of Yellowstone 
River was taken into possession by white men. The explanation 
is probably partly its protected position between such high moun- 
tain ranges as the Absaroka and Gallatin as well as its inaccessible 
passes and severe climate, and partly insufficient information from 
the Indians about the geological uniqueness of the region. Prob- 
ably the first white man to have seen the future national park was 
John Colter ( 1 807 ) , a previous member of the famous exploring 
expedition led by Lewis and Clark. Intermittently from the 
1820's occasional trappers and traders stayed in the park, and 
amongst them the well-known trapper and scout, Jim Bridger. 
At this time, those visits were in all likelihood combined with the 
exploitations of the beaver trappers in western Wyoming, and 
with the prevalent "rendez-vous" in the valley of Green River. In 
the middle of the last century the Yellowstone plateau was trav- 
ersed by a few missionaries, soldiers and scientists. But the first 
official discovery of the region is attributed to General Henry 
Washburn and his expedition of Montana residents in 1870.^ 
Shortly afterwards, in 1872, Congress established the first national 
park of the United States, Yellowstone National Park. From that 
time on, the hidden land of the geysers has constituted an eldorado 
for tourists from all over the world. 

But for those Indians living in the Rocky Mountains no vital 
discovery had been made. For generations and centuries the 
Indians undoubtedly had traversed the park. The first white men 
already had Indian guides and wandered on more or less trodden 
Indian paths. The name Yellowstone is of Indian origin. The 
Indian tribes moving about in the Yellowstone River area named 
the river Rock Yellow River after its colorful walls in its upper 
canyon flow, a name which in the language of the French beaver 
hunters was Roche Juane or Pierre Jaune. David Thompson, in 
1798, wrote Yellow Stone, and this English term was adopted in 

* This is a preliminary and introductory survey. More detailed accounts 
will be published in the future. This article was translated from Swedish 
by Astrid Liljeblad. It originally appeared in the Swedish Journal YMER 
1954, No. 2, pp. 112-140 including a two page summary in English. 


the report of Lewis and Clark and subsequently got into common 
usage. - 

Though it has been evident to the American scientists ever since 
the first discoveries, that Yellowstone Park consists of old Indian 
territory, the region has for a long time been a terra incognita 
from an ethnographical viewpoint. The reasons appear to have 
been the following: First, the traces of Indian settlements seem 
comparatively few. With regard to the old Shoshone inhabitants 
in the park, Superintendent Norris writes that they "left fewer 
enduring evidences of their occupancy [of the park] than the 
beaver, badger and other animals on which they subsisted."^ 
Second, ever since their removal from the park in the 1870's, 
these Shoshones have been mixed with other Shoshones in Idaho 
and Wyoming, and since then the anthropologists have not felt 
able to identify their culture.^ Third, the historically better known 
and famous Plains Indians in the neighborhood only occasionally 
visited the park. The history of the National Park certainly tells 
about Indian guerilla bands now and again fighting each other 
or molesting the white pioneers. But these Indians usually came 
from areas outside the Park: they had their main camps in the 
valleys intersecting the surrounding plateaus. The encroachment 
on the Yellowstone basin has been of transitory nature. 

It is, however, possible to gain a relatively complete picture of 
the cultural history of the Indians in Yellowstone Park by thorough 
search of different documents, by ploughing through the ethno- 
graphic and archaeologic literature, by comparative studies and 
by direct field research. The author has tried to follow this 
outline, and in the following is a presentation of the general results 
of his research. It is his intention to show what part Yellowstone 
Park played to the Indians up to the time immediately after the 
act of establishing the National Park, that is, up to the time ending 
the national independence of the Indians. We shall find that the 
park contains many old Indian traditions, and that still at the end 
of the last century the park in different ways remained a resort 
for Indian groups of people: partly it functioned as a hunting 
ground and outlying area for a number of tribes, who then lived 
there periodically; partly it constituted the main territory for a 
hitherto little known, but very interesting group of definitely 
mountain Indians. Lastly, there is also an exposition of the raids 
of the Nez Perce Indians in the park in 1877.'' 


The Indian's cultural history within the Park is more under- 
standable if the character of the geographical environment is 
taken into consideration.*' 

As is well-known, Yellowstone Park is a high plateau with an 


average altitude of 2500 meters (8,125 feet) above sea level. It 
consists of extensive lava flows of ryolite and basalt, in the east 
superseded by volcanic tuffs of breccia, which spread over the 
wild and inaccessible Absaroka rnountgiins. In the middle of this 
extensive area, where the lava is a thousand meters (3,250 feet) 
thick in places, is situated Yellowstone Lake, which is a remainder 
of the glaciers of the last ice period/ The entire basin is surround- 
ed by a tremendous mountain range which in the east has gran- 
diose alpine formations. 

Climatically the National Park belongs to the Taiga. ^ It is 
cool the year round, and the winter shows great temperature drops. 
In February, 1933 a temperature of — 66 °F. was noted at River- 
side Ranger Station at the western entrance. The snow during 
the winter is deep; it begins early and remains for so long that the 
park is open for visitors only from the middle of June to the middle 
of September. Summer, counting from the last frost in the spring 
to the first one in the fall, is not more than thirty days. 

Plant and animal life within the park is best characterized by 
reference to the Merriam regional system: The main part comes 
under the Canadian zone, the rest under the Hudsonian zone. 
Coniferous trees of many kinds, some deciduous trees (birch, 
aspen, willow, etc.) and several kinds of berries belong to the 
flora of this region, while the fauna is foremost represented by a 
lot of bigger and smaller fur bearing animals. Among the larger 
animals there are the grizzly bear, the black bear, moose, wapiti, 
and bighorn. Also deer, antelope and buffalo. 

Against the background of these tentative data it is possible to 
give a rough estimation of the means available to the Indians in 
exploiting the Park. These resources changed, however, quite 
naturally with the cultural status and activities of the exploiters. 

1. The area controlled by primitive gatherers and hunters. 
A primitive hunting people may easily be well-off here, in spite 
of the character of the country, the high elevation and the severity 
of the winter. Rivers and lakes contain plenty of fish (especially 
several kinds of trout, in Yellowstone River, also whitefish), 
forests and mountains shelter fur-bearing animals and edible wild 
game, and there are also in places an abundance of berries. Such 
sources for sustenance may, however, also be attractive to people 
with technically more advanced culture (see below under 2), and 
the gatherers would then be forced up into the mountains, where 
the bighorn is the best game. 

2. The area controlled by hunting peoples with a more devel- 
oped culture, e.g., mounted plains tribes. When such peoples 
confine their hunting to buffalos»and other hoofed animals, their 
interest in the park region must be fairly hmited. One can expect 
that only at certain hunting seasons — and then only in connection 
with the wanderings of the buffalos — they stay in the park, espe- 
cially in its more open and lower situated areas. It is here that the 


horses get along better, and it is here that those animals dwell 
which are most important in the economic system of the Plains 

The mounted Indians raiding the Park in order to plunder or 
fight hostile groups may reasonably also be referred to this group 
of exploiters. Military aggression was intimately associated with 
the ideological structure of the Plains culture.^ 

3. The area controlled by agricultural Indians. It may seem 
superfluous to consider this alternative, because the shortness of 
the summer season does not leave a broad margin of existence for 
a people Uving from agricultural products. It is unlikely that any 
farming was done in Yellowstone Park; the findings of prehistoric 
pottery within the Park do not confirm anything to this effect, as 
the former ethnological concept of simultaneous dissemination of 
pottery and agriculture long since is disproved." On the other 
hand, agricultural Indians may very well temporarily have stayed 
in the national Park in order to hunt, quarry obsidian, etc. 

4. The area controlled by Indians exploiting the natural 
resources of the park for export. It seems very likely, for instance, 
that Indians from far and near went to the Park area to quarry its 
obsidian. In the Park there is plenty of obsidian available which 
was formed when the volcanic lava rapidly cooled off. Another 
desirable article for trade may have been the teeth of grizzly 
bears, which were used as ornaments and amulets by the Indians 
from the Woodlands and the Plains. 

The above survey shows, that already before the white people 
entered Yellowstone, the Park with all likelihood may have been 
the environment for three different forms of primitive economy. 
However, it will be noted that only a people on the level of gath- 
erers and primitive hunters could entirely subsist on the means of 
support existing in the Park. 


Archaeological and historical data show that the three forms 
of exploitation, considered as possible, have really existed within 
the National Park in ancient times. During several periods they 
have existed simultaneously, as for instance during the 18th cen- 
tury. Let us review them: 

1. Since time immemorial the Park has presumably been the 
habitat of primitive hunters and gatherers, whoever those people 
may have been. In the last centuries a Shoshonean mountain 
people, dukurika, apparently lived within the area. 

2. The last Indians who controlled the Yellowstone Park were 
Plains Indians, and from them the white authorities officially 
bought the territory. Until the end of the 1870's the Plains 
and Plateau Indians operated within the Park area hunting, fight- 
ing and robbing. The Plains Indians who considered the Park as 


their direct sphere of interest were: the Shoshones, the Bannocks, 
the Crows and the Blackfeet Indians. 

3-4. In the early days agricultural Indians from the east visited 
the Park and obtained obsidian, horns of mountain sheep and 
teeth of bear, all valuable items within their cultures. Later the 
Shoshones and perhaps also other Plains Indians arranged for the 
export of these goods, as well as for various' prodiiets of hide (for 
example the hide of mountain sheep), which were bought by white 

In the following historical survey of the National Park in 
aboriginal Indian days, the different cultures, will be treated in 
chronological order. 


As has been indirectly stated in the preceding survey, the area of 
the Yellowstone's headwaters must be considered as a region which 
is both relatively unimportant and inaccessible for a primitive 
people with a technically complicated culture. Characteristically 
enough, in the 19th century the country was an outlying area in 
the intersection of several Indian territories, namely those of the 
Blackfeet, the Crows, the Bannocks and the Shoshones. It must 
have been different in older times, when people with a relatively 
uncomplicated culture (e.g., the dukurika) could use the park area 
as their main hunting-grounds. 

Far back in time, Yellowstone Park undoubtedly has been an 
important region to the Indians. This is evident by its geographic 
position, which must have appeared both central and protected, 
from the point of view of the hunters and gatherer. If we adhere 
to the thesis of the aboriginals migrating over the Bering Straits, ^^ 
the main direction of migration southward ought to have gone past 
Yellowstone Park, possibly on both sides of it. The "high western 
plains" and the "intermountain region" were passable entries 
which the migrators traversed a couple of ten thousands of years 
ago.^- Much later, probably five or six hundred years ago, the 
Athabascans followed either of these routes, and in the end of the 
1 7th century the Kiowas and the Comanches migrated towards the 
south along the old eastern trail. ^-^ Between these main passages, 
protected but not isolated, the largest region of geysers in the 
world was situated as a fortress on the crest of the Continental 

The archaeological findings are comparatively few. In any 
case, for the distant past no evidences have been found of any 
form of Indian settlements. Accprding to research into older 
climatic conditions in North America, it seems possible that the 
National Park constituted an effective place of refuge for surround- 
ing groups of Indians during the so-called Anathermal period 
(5000-2500 B.C.)i* The prevalent dry and hot climate forced 



Buffalo Herd, Yellowstone National Park 
Stimson photo, Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

a considerable part of the population from the present deserts and 
plains in the middle of the North American continent. This popu- 
lation vacuum seems to have prevailed in the Great Basin area> 
also during the following Medithermal period to the last centuries 
B.C.^'" During these milleniums the region of the glacial lakes in 
Yellowstone must have been the refuge for Indians from both the 
west and the south. 

In close proximity to the National Park, several sites from this 
period have been discovered. They represent the oldest cultures 
of buffalo hunters, the Folsom culture about 8000 B.C. and the 
Yuma culture about 6000-4000 B.C.^'' Grooved arrow heads or 
spear points, typical of the Folsom period, have been found near 
Helena, Montana.^" At Sage Creek near Cody, Wyoming, Yuma 
points from about 5000 B.C. have been discovered and dated 
through the new Carbon 14 method. ^'^ Yuma points have also 
been found together with artifacts from a later period at the site 
of Red Lodge in southern Montana as well as in the lowest cultural 
strata of Pictograph Cave near Billings, Montana.^"' Other sites, 
some distance away from Yellowstone Park, could also be men- 
tioned. But in this connection they are of less interest. 

The hunters from the Yuma period, living in the vicinity of the 
National Park — and possibly within the Park — were gradually 
succeeded by other peoples. East of the Park, along the Shoshone 
River, several smaller encampments have been discovered, con- 


taining a cultural complex which in part seems typical of horizon 
II in Pictograph Cave. The amount of metates, the scantiness of 
projectile points and bones from animals indicate that the inhabi- 
tants were gatherers, subsisting on vegetables. There are several 
signs pointing to the fact that these gatherers had their refugs in 
large parts of the Wyoming Basin.-" Very likely they also had 
camps in Yellowstone Park. It has not yet been possible to state 
the origin and age of this prehistoric culture of gatherers. Pending 
more detailed reports, the following interpretation remains hypo- 
thetical. If the culture of the gatherers has a certain, though slight, 
affinity with Pictograph Cave II, and, as Mulloy pointed out, the 
latter in its turn to a great extent is identical with Signal Butte II 
in western-most Nebraska,^'^ we acquire a vague background for 
the dating of the culture of the gatherers, for Signal Butte II 
followed Signal Butte I, which has been dated before or about 
1000 B.C.-- Griffin's conclusion, stating the age of Signal Butte 
II as about 700 A.D.,-"^ does not appear reliable, since only 
period III has ceramics; and, so far as is known, pottery came 
into the Plains (from the East) several centuries B.C.-^ Every- 
thing suggests that the old culture of gatherers in Wyoming already 
existed before the beginning of our pottery chronology. 

Further data about this particular culture are not known. Sim- 
ilar cultures with metates may have existed at this time, both in 
the Great Basin and around the lower part of the Missouri. 

A certain contact existed possibly simultaneously between the 
Missouri and Yellowstone. People from the great river basin in 
the east have come wandering along the Platte River and camped 
in the Sweetwater country, where the pictographs in Castle Gar- 
dens, with the characteristic drawings of the big water turtle, testify 
about their presence. -•"* In all likelihood these Indians brought 
pottery and fishing tools from the eastern woodland culture to 
Yellowstone Park. 

From this time and some centuries onward the earliest archaeo- 
logical finds from the Park area itself originate. About 1880 
fragments of a big clay vessel were found in the park. According 
to Holmes' description, the vessel is ornated with a series of 
circular bulges and incisions immediately under the upper edge. 
Holmes shows, that as regards the ornamentation, the vessel has 
certain analogies with the pottery found in Naples, Illinois. -"^ In 
reality, complete identity in style exists: The finding from Yellow- 
stone must be referred to the cord-market ceramic group which 
was manufactured during the middle and later Hopewell period 
in Naples, Illinois, and, to a certain degree, in Weaver.-^ The 
dating of the Hopewell period is rather doubtful. Perhaps this 
culture belongs to the time around the birth of Christ and the 
following centuries.^^ 

But why did the agricultural HopeweU Indians want to go to 


Yellowstone Park? Apparently because they wished to exploit 
those natural resources in the Park, which held the greatest attrac- 
tion for a distant high culture: the obsidian mines. It is well 
known that the Hopewell Indians undertook long journeys and 
that they, more than other ancient cultural groups, made use of 
obsidian."" Undoubtedly they visited the Rocky Mountains, 
where there are several places containing obsidian which was 
mined by prehistoric Indians.-^" Shetrone thinks that the HopeweU 
Indians outfitted special expeditions to get obsidian and teeth of 
the grizzlies from Yellowstone Park.-^^ There are indications that 
Obsidian Cliff, the huge mountain of obsidian in the northwestern 
part of the Park, east of the Gallatin Range, was neutral ground 
to Indians looking for material for arrow heads — perhaps holy 
ground in the same way as the well-known mines of catlinite at 
Coteau des Prairies:^'- Among those getting obsidian from Yellow- 
stone Park we find the Hopewell Indians from Illinois. The proofs 
are the above mentioned potsherds and the findings of obsidian 
in the Naples site.-^'^ 

Possibly the Hopewell Indians brought plummets to the National 
Park. These egg-shaped stones with a scooped out groove or hole 
in the narrower end existed in the Woodland cultures in the east 
several centuries B.C.'^^ In the Illinois area for instance, they 
appeared in the Baumer culture.-^'' It is possible that these stones 
were used as sinkers while fishing. It is not known whether they 
were used with net or with line and drag.'^*' The plummet found 
in Yellowstone Park is made of quartz and mica and is described 
as eliptic, pointed at both ends and perforated in the one end.'^' 

The Hopewell Indians probably retained contact with Yellow- 
stone Park to the very end. Their interests and privileges were 
taken over by the Upper Republican in Nebraska and Kansas, a 
culture developed in the periphery of the Hopewell area. This 
semi-settled culture, showing a certain affinity to the culture of 
the Pawnees, who lived within the same region in historic time, 
probably disappeared in the 15th century. So the last possible 
contact broke off between Yellowstone Park and the agricultural 

However, at least one fact shows that an indirect contact re- 
mained. Lewis and Clark relate that, in 1 804, the Mandans and 
the Arikara in North Dakota produced beads from pulverized 
blue glass, an art which they said they had learned from the Snake 
Indians (Shoshones). It is to be noted that the glass referred to 
apparently had been imported by white people.''" However, Mat- 
thews relates having been told by the Indians that in the old days 
they got the glass back "in the hills". ^" Ball considers it likely that 
the glass in question was obsidian and that the finding place must 
have been Yellowstone National Park.^^ It is not far fetched to 
believe that in the 18th century the Shoshones, controlling both 
the Yellowstone area and the great plains north-east of it, traded 


with the Mandans and the Arikara, which also meant export of 
obsidian. The settlements of the last mentioned tribes on the 
upper Missouri were the places on the northern and central Plains 
mostly used for trading, and they were not least used for trade by 
tribes from the Rocky Mountain area.^- The Shoshones were 
extremely skilled in working with obsidian. ^-^ Probably therefore 
they supplied the village tribes at the upper Missouri both with 
obsidian and the art of manufacturing it. 

When historic time dawned upon Yellowstone Park, the Park 
was inhabited by Shoshones who probably already had been there 
for a long time. 


The prehistory of the Shoshones is little known. Before 1800 
their history west of the Continental Divide is practically unknown, 
as the Great Basin and its peoples are not described in any docu- 
ments before this date, and the archaeological findings within the 
region, only in some cases, can be brought back to Shoshone 
Indian groups. ^^ The branch of the Shoshonean family, which in 
historic time lived around Yellowstone Park, namely the northern 
and eastern Shoshones, probably had their centers in eastern 
Idaho, northeastern Utah and southwestern Wyoming.^"' In these 
areas one form of the Basin culture presumably prevailed, closely 
related to that culture which in historic times existed among the 
West Shoshones in Nevada and among their neighbors to the West, 
the Northern Paiutes. Successively, the eastern Shoshones pene- 
trated into Montana, Wyoming and Colorado, and in so doing 
they also took possession of Yellowstone Park. 

It is impossible to fix an approximate date for the eastern 
expansion of the Shoshones. Mainly relying on linguistic calcula- 
tions, Shimkin states the time to be about 1500 A.D.^'' The date 
is likely, but rather uncertain. The archaeological findings east 
of the Rockies yield no clear answer. For instance, Birdshead 
Cave, a site at Owl Creek Mountains some miles northwest of 
the present city of Shoshoni, has several cultural strata of apparent 
western origin: the strata IV-VI show a culture related to that of 
the West-Shoshones, based on hunting of bigger mammals.^''' 
Some primitive Basin Shoshones have apparently maintained this 
culture; and according to evidences in the same cave, it superseded 
the primitive gathering culture mentioned before. But on the 
one hand these cultural levels are undated (stratum II may be 
both 3000 and 5000 years old), and on the other hand it is 
uncertain whether the gatherers of vegetables (strata II and III) 
have not been identical with the Shoshones at least during the later 
periods. The problem of timing the Shoshone migration remains 

The primitive Shoshone hunters and gatherers, who sometime 


in the past migrated over the Rocky Mountains, soon spread over a 
region to the north as far as Saskatchewan and to the east to the 
Dakotas and the prairies of Nebraska, as documentation from the 
middle of the 18th century shows. ^•'' But long before this time 
Yellowstone Park undoubtedly was under the control of the Sho- 
shones. And while the Shoshones who roamed on the plains 
changed into mounted nomads during the 1 8th century and more 
or less took over the culture traditionally connected with the Plains 
Indian, the Shoshones of the forests and mountains kept to that 
which was essential of their ancestral Basin culture. To these 
Shoshones the Dukurika in Yellowstone Park belonged. 


Dukurika, meaning "sheepeaters'' in Shoshone, is the collective 
name for all the groups of Shoshones who in historic time roamed 
as primitive hunters in eastern Idaho and western Wyoming, 
mainly pursuing the wild mountain sheep, Ovis canadensis. Com- 
peting for the wild game with the mounted Plains Indians, the 
Dukurikas who did not change their old forms of existence were 
forced further up into the inaccessible mountain ranges; one of 
their last entrenchments was Yellowstone Park.^" As these prim- 
itive Shoshones are the only known Indians from later time who 
actually lived within the Park, a rough outline of their culture may 
be of interest. The information is derived from my Indian inform- 
ants (Dukurikas) on Wind River reservation in Wyoming, and. 
from manuscripts in archives and older literature."'" 

These primitive Indians of relatively short stature have also 
seemed to be a puzzling people to their tribesmen from the Plains. 
Though marriages between Dukurika and the Plains Shoshone 
occurred not infrequently, the former maintained their secluded, 
isolated life, distrustful of strangers, and seldom being seen. Pos- 
sibly a fear for the Plains Indians coupled with a feeling of isola- 
tion in the mountain region contributed to this mentality. Once 
restricted to the mountains, the Dukurika were forced to higher 
regions for economical reasons: Here roamed the wild mountain 
sheep of the Rockies, the most edible game as well as the most 
useful one in general, in an otherwise most unfertile mountain area. 
In a way the mountain sheep became as important to the Sho- 
shones in the mountains as the buffalo to the Plains Shoshones. 
Their life was adapted to the demands of their game, the mountain 
sheep. The Mountain Indians had to adapt themselves to an un- 
favorable climate and a rugged nature. This meant both cultural 
stagnation and cultural specialization. 

In several important ways the culture of the Yellowstone Sho- 
shones may have been identical with the culture of their ancestors, 
scattered over the entire western Wyoming. Not only the moun- 


tain sheep but also other big game and not a httle of small gams 
served them as food. Deer, antelope and sheep were shot with 
bow and arrows with obsidian arrowheads; bear were caught in 
pitfalls, groundhogs were smoked out their holes, etc. Where 
there were waters abounding in fish, fishing was pursued; and a 
lot of vegetables were gathered, though probably not as much as 
among the western Shoshones in the Great Basin: there were 
many berries of all kinds, but also roots which were dug out with 
the help of digging sticks. Antlered and horned animals supplied 
the material for clothing. The shelters were probably mostly 
cone-shaped, covered by tules or bulrushes and branches of pine, 
sometimes — especially during the summer — simple grass huts. In 
some places also caves and tents from hides may have been used. 
Disregarding the more involved kinship system the social structure 
was very elementary, the family group being both th^ social and 
political unit. The religion was dominated by a primitive shaman- 
ism coupled with a belief in various nature spirits; one essential 
spirit was the invisible dwarf spirit nynymbi, which was considered 
to cause the more serious illnesses. 

As before mentioned, the culture of the Dukurika was special- 
ized, because for their support they were dependent on the moun- 
tain sheep or the bighorn, Ovis canadensis. These sheep were 
hunted by dogs on isolated cliffs and shot with bow and arrow. 
The use of snow shoes in winter time facilitated hunting in the 
snowcovered mountains. The game was butchered and packed in 
bags of hide, loaded on travois, and pulled by large dogs (the race 
is now extinct). Hunting mainly mountain sheep possibly re- 
shaped or modified the Shoshone culture; there are reasons to 
suspect that both the completeness of the dress, the varied material 
for shelters, and the lack of real tribal organization constitute 
adaptations to the type of nature where the pursuit of mountain 
sheep took place. In the same manner the mentality of the 
Dukurika was possibly formed as has already been stated. 

The Dukurika were a peaceful people, almost timid. They 
stayed away in the mountains, but as the Sioux Indians and other 
marauding Plains tribes assaulted them and smallpox diminished 
their number, they went down to their tribesmen on the plains 
in Idaho and Wyoming and joined them on the reservations set 
apart for them. In 1879, probably, the last Dukurika Indians 
left Yellowstone Park. 

One of the last independent Sheepeater Indians, Togwotee, 
became a chief among the Plains Shoshone (under Washakie), 
and he was a trusted and famous guide during the end of the 
Indian wars. He was also a feared medicine man. Togwotee 
Pass in the Teton National Forest close to Yellowstone Park is 
named for him. When in 1883, President Chester Arthur with 
his attendants rode from Washakie Springs to Yellowstone Park, 



Obsidian Cliff, Yellowstone National Park 
Stimson photo, Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

he passed along Indian paths and animal trails, and the guides 
were some Dukurika Indians conducted by Togwotee. 

As to the exact dwelling sites of the Dukurika Indians in the 
National Park, we know very little. Probably they roamed over 
the whole region. Indian paths cross the valleys of the Park in 
all directions; probably from the very beginning they were trodden 
by the Sheepeaters, though we got to know them as passages for 
other peoples (cf. below). Traces of Dukurika culture such as 
simple shelters and enclosures for hunting have been found every- 
where in the Park. Obsidian Cliff, mentioned previously, probably 
is the place where the Dukurika suppleid themselves with material 
for arrowheads and spearheads, skinscrapers and knives. Not far 
north of Obsidian Cliff along the Gardner River towards Undine 
Falls, there are the longish Sheepeater Cliffs and Sheepeater Can- 
yon. In this region Superintendent Norris (1877-1882) discov- 
ered the "ancient but recently deserted, secluded, unknown 
haunts" of the Dukurikas. It is possible that also many of the 
Indian camps, found around the shores of Yellowstone Lake, 


are traces from the Dukurika Indians. In that case they would 
have been in seasonal use as bases for hunting and fishing. 

The most remarkable relics of these Indians have otherwise been 
discovered outside the National Park. Scientists as well as Indians 
have considered that the primitive wooden huts in Shoshone 
National Forest, the mystical stone construction Medicine Wheel 
in the Big Horn Range, and the pictographs at Dinwoody in the 
Wind River Range, all may originate from the Dukurika Indians. 


I mentioned that the Dukurika Indians hid themselves in the 
forests and mountains of Yellowstone Park. However there are 
indications that they never were the sole owners of the region. 
Down in the valleys and along the rivers there roamed other 
Indians, belonging to tribes having their main hunting grounds 
outside the Park proper. There are reasons to beUeve that these 
heavily armed Indians had forced the Dukurikas from the valleys 
and the plains. For all, the transformation of the Plains Indians 
to mounted nomads must have had fatal consequences for the 
Dukurikas living in the lower regions of the Park. The change 
of living among the surrounding Plains Indians can be fixed to 
the time after 1700.^1 

But how could mounted Indians force themselves into an 
inaccessible area such as Yellowstone Park? The passes are 
difficult to traverse, the forests are thick with heavy brushwood, 
and the mountain ranges — especially in the east — are insur- 
mountable. Still more, a frosty climate prevailed and a thick 
cover of snow closed off the Park from mounted visitors through 
the main part of the year. It is remarkable that mounted Indians 
on the whole succeeded in entering the Park. They were, however, 
well acquainted with the passes, and there were paths to follow, 
though usually poorly trodden. Some of these old Indian trails 
are nowadays used by the tourists. ^^ 

So the hardened and agile Plains Indians defied the obstacles of 
nature. But why did they go to all this trouble; the hunting 
grounds outside the Park area were better, and from the point of 
view of the Plains Indians this region must have been less attractive 
and almost frightening — evil spirits lived In the geysers according 
to the Shoshones, the Bannocks and the Crows. ^^ But do not 
forget that even the nomads of the Plains could find things of value 
in Yellowstone Park. There was obsidian for weapons and tools, 
there lived many wapiti, and there they could obtain the sought 
for hides of beaver and mountain sheep which were used in trading 
with the white people. According to my information, the Sho- 
shones also got power for medicine and relief from rheumatism 
from the hot springs. 


Besides this, the Park was the home of three herds of buffalos. 
Norris' account of the buffalo stock in 1880 showed that in sum- 
mertime a herd of two hundred animals lived furthest north be- 
tween Crevice Creek and Slough Creek, and in wintertime they 
grazed at Lamar and Soda Butte farther southeast. A second herd 
of a hundred animals had their summer grazing in the center of 
the eastern parts of the Park, from Hoodoo Basin to Grand 
Canyon and toward Yellowstone Lake; those grazed during the 
winter at Pelican Creek and Lamar. Last, a third herd of three 
hundred animals, divided in different groups, grazed in the summer 
on the Madison Plateau and Little Madison River in the center of 
the western parts of the Park; these animals probably stayed over 
the winter west of the Park.-"^^ In all likehhood, these herds had 
already been reduced — the number of individual buffalo appears 
very small, and the buffalos on the Plains were being extinguished 
at this time. Not until 1894 was it definitely forbidden to hunt 
buffalos in the Park.""-^ Probably there has never been any greater 
number of buffalos in Yellowstone. The information I received 
from the Dukurika Indians concerning a great number of buffalo 
in the mountains probably refers to regions somewhat further 
south. Significantly enough, the Bannocks living west of the Park 
went eastward across the Park (via the so-called great Bannock 
trail) in order to hunt buffalos east of the Big Horn mountains."'*' 

The herds in the National Park must have gained in importance 
as the buffalos on the plains "went underground". In 1880, at 
Miller Creek Springs, i.e., in the most eastern edge of Yellowstone 
Park, but at the same time with the buffalo grounds within reach," 
Norris found the relics of about forty Indian lodges, which appar- 
ently had been in use the previous year. Hidden amidst the moun- 
tains and with excellent grazing in several adjoining canyons, this 
camping ground was a very good place for marauding Indians. 
There were plenty of traces showing frequent usage in summer 
time. "Fragments of china-ware, blankets, bed-clothing, and 
costly male and female wear-apparel here found, were mute 
but mournful witnesses of border-raids and massacres", Norris 

Incidentally, it was suggested that the National Park also ap- 
peared to be the thoroughfare for Indians from the West. Without 
doubt this traffic was intensified in the nineteenth century, when 
the West Shoshones and mounted Indians of the Plateaus changed 
to hunting buffalos east of the Rocky Mountains. The Dukurikas, 
who already earlier had been ousted from the Plains, were now 
entirely isolated in the mountains, and on all sides surrounded 
by mounted nomads. The raiding into the Park by the Plains 
Indians should, however, not be overestimated. One member of 
the Washburn expedition reports in 1870 (a year when the whole 
West was in latent war) that "a party of three can travel with 


perfect safety, so far as Indians are concerned, in any part of this 
district" (Yellowstone Park)."^ 

Nevertheless, the following survey of the activities of different 
tribes will show that the Park was the scene for many hostile acts 
from the Plains and Plateau Indians. 


In his recent handbook on the North American Indians, Swan- 
ton shows on a map that the Kiowas in the middle of the 17th 
century held the northern parts of Yellowstone Park.'"'' The 
reason for locating them there seems to be the statement by 
Mooney that the Kiowas, who in historic time lived in Colorado 
and Oklahoma, have a tradition saying that they earlier had lived 
where the Jefferson, Madison and Gallatin forks meet, close to 
Virginia City, Montana/'*^' There is no reason not to believe the 
truth of this tradition. But the Kiowas have hardly more than 
occasionally stayed in the Park which in all likelihood already at 
this time was inhabited by the Dukurikas. 


For the mounted groups of Shoshones in Wyoming, Yellowstone 
Park was outlying land which they seldom visited. The tribe as a 
whole moved (in general) between Wind River Valley and Black's 
Fork in southwestern Wyoming. In the early spring and in the 
early fall, hunting of buffalos took place in any one of the river 
valleys in the northern part of the state or in Montana; territories 
close to the National Park, such as the valleys around Shoshone 
River and Yellowstone River (in its lower flow) were then fre- 
quented by the Washakie Shoshones. But to Yellowstone Park 
itself they never came as a group; the Park was moreover at these 
times of the year a closed area. 

The Shoshones were, however, very loosely organized, and 
single family groups stayed at times within the Park. Visits were 
also made in wintertime. Washakie's band — one of the main 
groups belonging to the tribe — sometimes passed the winter at 
the springs of Greybull not very far from the southeastern corner 
of the National Park. Small groups of Shoshones on snowshoes 
would then leave the base camp where often starvation was im- 
pending for Yellowstone Park in order to hunt mountain sheep, 
wapiti and beaver. During the summer smaller groups of Sho- 
shones, momentarily independent from the tribe, would scour the 
Park area, where they quarried obsidian, "pipestone" (steatite), 
etc. From their relatives, the Dukurikas, they acquired the hides 
of big horn sheep in order to sell them to the white traders with 
good returns. How they used the hot springs for medical and 
religious purposes has already been mentioned. In all likelihood 


they also fished in Yellowstone Lake. This lake has an excep- 
tional abundance of fish, and numerous Indian camping grounds 
have been found along its shores. It is true that according to 
Shimkin the Shoshones did not fish in Yellowstone Lake to any 
great extent.*'- It seems to me, however, that Shimkin here 
misunderstood his informants. As Shimkin also has noted, it is 
evident that the Plains Shoshones in Wyoming counted the area 
around the lake as their region of interest. *'- 

In the middle of the 19th century some groups of Shoshones 
from Lemhi River in Idaho traversed Yellowstone Park each sum- 
mer on their way to the buffalo country in the east. According to 
Teit, the Shoshones, usually called the Lemhis, began these 
journeys when they got horses.'''^ But this cannot be correct. The 
ancestors of the Lemhis roamed around on the western Plains 
already before they owned any horses."^ And when they were 
pushed back to the Rocky Mountains and the region west of them, 
they surely were mounted, but they did not to any greater extent 
try to return to the Plains.''"' Only after the year 1840 did they, 
during the summer, more generally undertake hunting expeditions 
to the buffalo grounds east of the Rockies. The reason for these 
seasonal expeditions probably were that the buffalo at this time 
was extinct in Idaho."*' 

After 1840 and for the same reasons did the Bannocks who 
were related to the Shoshones traverse the mountain range to the 
buffalo country in Montana and Wyoming in company with 
Shoshones from Fort Hall. These expeditions began when the 
leaves fell in the fall.'" According to reports from the 1860's the 
Bannocks hunted buffalo below the Three Forks of the Missouri 
River and along the source-streams of Yellowstone and Wind 
Rivers. •''"' The most notable of all the Indian paths leading through 
Yellowstone Park was the Great Bannock Trail: it went from 
Henry Lake in Idaho over the Gallatin Mountains to Mammoth 
Hot Springs, continuing over the plateau to the ford just above 
Tower Falls, along the valley of Lamar River to Soda Butte, and 
lastly along Clark's Fork and Shoshone River to the valley of the 
Big Horn. Chittenden reports that this trail was very old and 
well-trodden. It had made definite traces in the grass-rich hill- 
sides, and in several places it was still visible twenty-five years 
after the last Indians had used it."'^ Bannock Trail was the special 
trail of the Bannock Indians leading from their home area around 
Henry Lake to the buffalo country east of Big Horn."*' 

The Bannock Indians were the last Indians raiding in Yellow- 
stone Park. In the summer of 1878 the Bannocks left their reser- 
vation in Idaho and raided, inter alia, in the National Park. They 
were, however, soon defeated by General Howard, and within the 
Park area the marauding Indians were only guilty of stealing 
horses.'^ Still in 1879 smaller bands of thieving Indians stayed 


in the Park, and their entrenchments from the preceding year 
made of wood and stone could be seen in places. ^- 


Three or four centuries have probably passed since the Crow 
Indians first appeared in the northern and eastern border districts 
of Yellowstone Park/-^ According to tradition they once were 
one tribe with the Hidatsa Indians but had separated from the main 
group of Hidatsa at the Missouri River and had gone westward 
until they occupied the country around the Big Horn range and 
Yellowstone River (which they called Elk River). Several things 
point to the fact that during their wanderings they pushed away 
the Dukurikas living in the mountains. 

Apparently two bands of Crows, the one identical with the River 
Crows, the other being a part of the Mountain Crows, have had 
closer contact with Yellowstone Park. About 1855, according 
to Dsnig, a band of Crow Indians under Two-Face roamed over 
the mountainous Wind River area and traded with employees of 
the American Fur Company along the Yellowstone. Another 
band led by Bear's Head wandered along the valley of the Yellow- 
stone, from the mouth of the river to its source. They sometimes 
spent the winter with the Assiniboin Indians and traded at Fort 
Union. Each summer the entire nation had rendezvous when 
they traversed the mountains in order to exchange goods for 
horses. Denig says, "This traffic is carried on with the Flat Heads 
in St. Mary's Valley, or with the Snake (Shoshones) and Nez 
Perce Indians on the headwaters of the Yellowstone."''^ For the 
Crows as well as the Plains Shoshones the Park area may have 
been a distant outlying land of the tribe's territory. When in 1882 
they denounced their interest in the Park, they only received re- 
muneration for its most northern part — the strip belonging to 
Montana. This does not mean that they did not ever so often 
visit the more southern parts of the National Park. General 
Washburn's expedition in 1870 found traces of Crow Indians and 
relics of fifteen of their tipis close to Tower Falls. '^■"'' And in 1863 
when an exploring expedition was robbed ©f all their horses by 
Indians at Cache Creek in the northeastern part of the Park,^^ 
it was in all likelihood the Crows who did it. The Crow Indians 
were horse thieves par prejerance in this part of the Wild West. 

In the middle of the 1 9th century the Crow Indians were pushed 
away from their more eastern hunting grounds by the Teton 
Dakotas, their distant language relatives and their bitter enemies. 
The front bands of the latter, the Oglala, occupied the Powder 
River country sometime between 1825 to 1850. The American 
historian. Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard, maintains that the Da- 
kota Indians — popularly called the Sioux — exterminated the Du- 


kurika.'' Evidently they did penetrate clear into the ranges of 
the Rockies. Their visits to the Yellowstone Park were however 
probably very infrequent. There were two possibilities for inva- 
sion: the valleys of Yellowstone or Gallatin. The latter valley, 
in the 1860's and 1870's used by white cowboys, was violently 
devastated in repeated attacks by the Sioux who had reached it 
from the Flathead Pass (east of Three Forks, north of Bozeman, 
Montana) — the same pass used by the Flatheads and the Ban- 
no :;ks when on their way to the buffalo districts at Musselshell, 
Missouri and lower Yellowstone.''^ According to contemporary 
reports, the valley of the Yellowstone River was swarmed by 
Sioux in the 1870's. 


From about 1800 the Blackfeet Indians have made invasions 
into Yellowstone Park. During the latter part of the 1 8th century 
they continued to advance southward from their domains just 
south of North Saskatchewan River, and pushed the Shoshones 
ahead of them all the time.^-' Gradually single bands of Blackfeet 
reached the Yellowstone Park (probably along the Gallatin and 
Yellowstone), and in the middle of the 19th century they claimed 
the plains next to the Rocky Mountains clear down to Yellowstone 

The Blackfeet Indians were a warlike tribe, well known because 
of their sneaking, deceitful warfare. They fought all tribes but, 
the Sarsi and the Atsina, and in the years 1806 to 1870 the whites 
(who supported the Crow Indians) also were attacked. About 
1830 the Blackfeet displayed their greatest military activity; it was 
then they molested white people and Indians in Yellowstone Park. 
In the following, two accounts will be given of the Blackfeet raids 
within the Park. 

In September 1827 The Philadelphia Gazette published a letter 
from a trapper or trader who earlier that year had been surprised 
by Blackfeet Indians in the area of Yellowstone's springs. The 
Indians pursued him and his companions all the way to the 

In August 1839 the trapper Osborne Russell and his colleague 
were surprised by Blackfeet Indians at the northern end of Yellow- 
stone Lake. "The woods seemed to be completely filled with 
Blackfeet, who rent the air with their horrid yells." Having 
resisted for a while the rain of arrows behind trees and bushes, 
the two white men succeeded in dragging themselves to the lake 
without being discovered, and here they could tend their wounds. 
The following day the Indians still swarmed around in the sur- 
roundings. The two white men found a third trapper who said 
that their common base camp had been attacked by Indians. 


Slowly all of them succeeded in getting away from the dangerous 

The bands of Blackfeet appearing now and then within the 
National Park were fairly large; 275 Indians were counted in the 
band which in 1845 pursued Shoshonean horse thieves to the 
area of the geysers.^-^ 


It is not stated with any certainty when the many Indian groups 
in the northwest — the Plateau Indians — for the first time got 
acquainted with the geyser country amongst the mountains. It is 
known that the Kalispel Indians and the Nez Perce visited it 
sporadically, but it is also testified by white observers that these 
Indians felt at a loss and uneasy in those peculiar surroundings 
and that they had not known the trails or the country of the 
Park.^"^ And still the Plateau Indians more than others have given 
Yellowstone Park a name in the Indian history of war. 

In June 1877 the Nez Perce Indians, a mounted tribe in western- 
most Idaho, southeastern Washington and northeastern Oregon, 
belonging to the Shahaptian family, had dug up the war axe. They 
were discontented with the whites' proposition that they should 
denounce a large part of their ancestral hunting grounds. Nez 
Perce in Wallowa Valley rebelled against the whites under the 
leadership of the extraordinary Chief Joseph, a remarkable Indian 
character. At last he was forced to retreat before General How- 
ard's attacks, and undertook a splendid march with warriors, 
women and children, all mounted, crossing plains, wild mountains, 
tablelands and forests towards the looming buffalo country east 
of upper Missouri. This masterly conducted escape that has been 
compared with the retreat of the ten-thousand under Xenophon, 
ended unfortunately in northern Montana, close to the Canadian 
border, where Joseph and his little band were surrounded by the 
whites and had to surrender.^-'^ 

In these dramatic events also the recently created National Park 
was drawn in. The Nez Perce Indians passed through the Park 
area in the end of August. Via Targhee Pass (close to the West 
Entrance) they marched into the Park, following Madison River 
and Firehold River to the Lower Geyser Basin, where they cap- 
tured a company of tourists from Radersburg, Montana. G. F. 
Cowan, the leader of the tourists, was badly injured and left 
behind for dead; he was, however, later rescued by General How- 
ard's pursuing group. The redskins continued their journey east- 
ward via Nez Perce Creek, Mary Mountain and, probably. Trout 
Creek, until they reached Yellowstone River. Here the main body 
of the Indians sought the nearest ford over the river, at Mud 
Geyser, while a small party of young, pugnacious Indians con- 
tinued northward along the western shore. At Otter Creek they 


surprised a company of tourists from Helena, Montana, and killed 
one man; the rest of the tourists escaped in different directions, 
most of them to Mammoth Hot Springs. The young marauders 
continued their devastating course along Yellowstone River via 
the road around Mt. Washburn, burning Baronett Bridge close to 
Tower Falls, and continuing northward close to three miles north 
of the border of the Park. Here they turned back and attacked 
Mammoth Hot Springs where some of the tourists from Helena 
still remained; one of them, a professor Dietrich, was killed 
outside the hotel. 

The way the Nez Perce Indians took from Mud Geyser has 
not been ascertained. It seems likely that after having crossed 
the ford they followed the right side of the Yellowstone river up 
to the lake, and then continued northward along Pelican Creek and 
Lamar River, from where they went east towards Clark's Fork 
either along Miller Creek or along Cache Creek (and Crandall 
Creek). General Howard, on the contrary, turned northward at 
Mud Geyser following the Lamar from Tower Junction, and 
passed out of the Park via Soda Butte Creek. '^^ 

Not only tourists but also miners from the Black Hills were in 
all likelihood killed during the raid. The skeletons of miners and 
their horses were found together with blankets and other field 
equipment close to the Indian line of retreat.'^^ Otherwise the 
posthumous reputation of the Indians is very good. For example. 
Superintendent Norris states this: "The selection of their camp 
sites, and their rude but effective fortifications, their valor in 
conflict, and their omission to scalp the dead or maltreat the living 
who fell into their hands, indeed, their conduct in all respects, 
proves that the Nez Perces are not wanting in courage, chivalry, 
or capacity, and that they are foemen not unworthy of the noted 
military officers, Howard, Miles, Sturgis, and others, who have 
battled against them."^'^ 


From the American side several counteractions were imme- 
diately put into effect when the many conflicts with the Indians 
in the end of the 1870's shook the position of the whites in Yel- 
lowstone Park, such conflicts as the war of the Sioux in 1875 to 
1877, rebellion of the Nez Perces in 1877, and the raids of the 
Bannocks in 1878. Norris had defensive arrangements made 
against possible new attacks; for instance, the headquarters of 
the superintendent on Capitol Hill, Mammoth, was constructed 
as a fortress. At the same time, the evacuation of Indians in the 
Park was hastened, and the Park was officially bought from the 
old "owners", the Shoshones and the Crows. While the new 
fortifications were construed as a protection against invasion from 
unreliable or hostile tribes outside the Park area, the other mea- 


sures were against those peoples who permanently or occasionally 
stayed in the Park, and who always had shown friendliness towards 
the whites, the Plains Shoshones, the Crows and the Dukurika. 
It was hardest for the latter as the forests and mountains of the 
geyser country was their homeland proper. 

Our sources do not give any unanimous one way information 
about the departure of the Dukurikas because the documents do 
not distinguish between these Indians and their fellow tribesmen 
of the same denomination outside Yellowstone Park: the Indians 
in the mountains of Idaho, the Indians in Wind River Mountains 
in Wyoming, etc. In all likelihood the Dukurikas from the Na- 
tional Park have been brought both to the Lemhi reservation 
and to the Wind River reservation. Possibly they belonged to 
those Dukurikas who in 1867 asked the government's help in a 
difficult situation. '"^^ One information says that the Dukurikas 
from Yellowstone Park belonged to those Indians who about 1871 
arrived at the Wind River reservation in Wyoming whi::h had been 
established three years earlier."*' Some years later, in 1875, an 
executive order was given according to which the Shoshones, 
the Bannocks and the Dukurikas should go to the Lemhi reser- 
vation in Idaho close ot the Montana border which had been 
prepared for them."^ In all likelihood, this order has also referred 
to those Dukurikas, who still hved in Yellowstone Park — it is 
even likely that the main body of those Dukurikas were brought 
to Lemhi. '^- At the same time there is positive information that 
the last Dukurikas of Yellowstone Park in 1879 were moved from 
the Park to the Shoshone Reservation in Wyoming. ^'^ 

The evacuation from Yellowstone Park of the Indian people 
aimed at "averting in future all danger of conflict between these 
tribes and laborers or tourists." Norris was very active in trying 
to make a treaty between the Government and the Indians in 
question. In order to bind the Crows, the Shoshones, the Ban- 
nocks and the Dukurikas to the new Indian policy he stayed in 
1880 in Washington; shortly after he visited the Indians on their 
reservations and got their promise to renounce the Park and not 
to enter the area beyond Heart Lake (south of Yellowstone 
Lake).^'^ The treaties were ratified by the Congress in 1882. 

In this way ended the Indian domination of Yellowstone Park. 
Certainly, it had not been very noticeable in the last decade, with 
exception of the raids by the Bannock and Nez Perce Indians. 
In 1870 a member of the Washburn expedition noted, "The only 
traces of Indians we had seen were some shelters of logs, rotten 
and tumbling down from age, together with a few poles standing 
in the former summer camps; there were no fresh trails whatever. 
Appearances indicated that the basin had been almost entirely 
abandoned by the Sons of the forest."^^ In August, 1877, imme- 
diately before the invasion of the Nez Perce Indians into the Park, 


General Sherman, inspecting the area, wrote, "We saw no signs 
of Indians . . . Some four or five years ago parties swarmed to 
the Park from curiosity, but now the travel is very slack. '"•' Norris 
States, that in 1 879 still some Dukurikas, Bannocks and Shoshones 
remained in the Park.-'' But his important report from the year 
1880 testifies in several ways about the complete final evacuation 
of the last Indians. 


1. See the diary of the expedition, "The Discovery of Yellowstone Park, 
1870," written by the first Superintendent of the Park, N. P. Langford 
(1905). Another famous expedition was undertaken in 1871 to 1872 by 
the U. S. Geological Survey under the leadership of Dr. F. V. Hayden. 

2. See H. M. Chittenden, The Yellowstone National Park (1918), p. 1 ff. 

3. P. W. Norris, Ann. Rep. of the Superintendent of the Yellowstone 
National Park for the Year 1880 (1881), p. 36. 

4. Cf. R. H. Lowie, The Northern Shoshone (Amer. Mus. of Nat. His- 
tory, Vol. 11:2, 1909). p. 206 and J. H. Steward, Culture Element Distri- 
butions XXIII, Northern and Gosiute Shoshoni (Anthropol. Records 8:3. 
1943), pp. 263 f. 

5. My report is based partly on studies from literary sources (manu- 
scripts; official documents; historical, archaeological and ethnological works; 
accounts of travels, etc.), partly on fieldwork in Yellowstone Park and 
Wind River Valley (Wyoming), 1948 and 1955. Reports from my field 
trip to Wyoming can be found in Ymer 1949, No. 2 and Ymer 1956, No. 3. 
The fieldwork took place in the Park in August, 1948, and August, 1955. 

6. The following sources have been used: C M. Bauer, Yellowstone — 
Its Underworld (1948); C. W. Thornthwaite, The Climates of North 
America According to a New Classification (The Geographical Review 21, 
1931); Chittenden, op. cit.; M. Cary, Life Zone Investigations in Wyoming' 
(North American Fauna 42, 1917). 

7. Any more remarkable climatic fluctuations do not seem to have 
occurred since the birth of Christ, that is, since the time when farming 
spread over the central parts of North America. Cf. W. R. Wedel, Some 
Aspects of Human Ecology in the Central Plains (Amer, Anth. 55:4, 1953). 
p. 500. 

8. See for instance R. Benedict, Patterns of Culture (1946), p. 70. See 
further M. W. Smith, The War Complex of the Plains Indians. Proceed, 
of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 78:3 (1937). 

9. A. D. Krieger, New World Culture History: Anglo-America (in 
A. L. Kroeber, Anthropology Today, 1953), p. 254. 

10. Though nothing yet has been published about the archaeology of 
the Park, it is likely that the National Park Service, United States Depart- 
ment of Interior. Washington, gradually will publish orientation about it. 
See International Directory of Anthropological Institutions (1953), p. 383 f. 
Every information about time given in the following must be considered 
hypothetical; this refers not in the least to the diagnosis made with radio- 
active charcoal (C^'*). 

11. See for instance D. Jenness, Prehistoric Culture Waves from Asia 
to America, Smithson. Rep. for 1940. An American archaeologist has 
recently wanted to dismiss the hypothesis about Bering Strait because of 
negative data from Alaska. See F. Rainey, The Significance of Recent 
Archaeological Discoveries in Inland Alaska (Mem. 9 of the Society for 
American Archaeology, 1953), p. 43 ff. 

12. Cf. P. S. Martin, G. I. Qnimby, and D. Collier, Indians Before 
Columbus (1948), p. 20 f., 81. 


13. About the migrations of the Athapaskans, see J. P. Harrington, 
Southern Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins, Divisions, and Migrations, 
(Smiths. Misc. Coll., 100), 1940, and B. H. & H. A. Hitscher, Athapaskan 
Migration via the Intermontane Region (Amer. Antiquity, VIII: 1), 1942. 
About the Kiowas, see below. 

14. See E. Antevs, The Great Basin, with Emphasis on Glacial and 
Post-Glacial Times; Climatic Changes and Pre-White Man (Bull, of the 
Univ. of Utah, 33:20, 1948). 

15. R. F. Heizer, An Assessment of Certain Radiocarbon Dates from 
Oregon, California, and Nevada (Mem. 8 of the Soc. for American 
Archaeology), p. 23 ff. Cf. also the description of the Bonneville culture 
by G. Willey and Ph. Phillips in Amer. Anthropologist 57 (1955), p. 733, 
742, 749 f. 

16. Cf. /. B. Griffin, Radiocarbon Dates for the Eastern United States 
(in Griffin, Archeology of Eastern United States, 1952), p. 367 f. 

17. E. H. Sellards, Early Man in America (1952), p. 132. 

18. Sellards, op. cit., p. 74, 145. Cf. Griffin, op. cit. p. 365. Concerning 
the new method of dating, see the short resume in S. Linne, Radiocarbon 
Dates (Ethnos 1950:3-4). 

19. W. Miilloy, The Northern Plains (in Griffin, Archeology of Eastern 
United States, 1952), p. 126. 

20. Mulloy, op. cit., p. 128. Cf. E. B. Remind, Archaeology of the 
High Western Plains (1947), p. 29, 104. 

21. Mulloy, op. cit., p. 127. 

22. W. D. Strong, An Introduction to Nebraska Archeology (Smiths. 
Misc. Coll., 93:10, 1935), p. 224 ff. See also Griffin, op. cit. p. 366. 

23. Griffin, Archeology of Eastern United States, fig. 205. 

24. Krieger, op. cit., p. 254. 

25. Renaud, op. cit., p. 64 ff. 

26. W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States 
(Bur. of Amer. Ethnology, Ann. Rep. 20, 1903), p. 194, 201. 

27. See Griffin, Archeology of Eastern United States, fig. 72 C; cf. also 
fig. 72 A, 73 E and 76 H. 

28. See the speculations in Griffin, Radiocarbon Dates .... p. 369. 
Dr. Griffin has personally informed me that the vessel from Yellowstone 
rather has been brought in by the Crows after the separation from the 
Hidatsa (in the 16th century A.D.?) and refers to the Hagen investigation 
by Mulloy. But the pottery brought in by the Crows to the upper Yellow- 
stone area is the type Mandan-Hidatsa, though in a very simplified form 
(see Mulloy, op. cit., p. 131 f). And how would it be possible for the 
Crow Indians to retain a pattern which had existed a thousand years 
earlier in Illinois? 

29. Cf. Martin, Quimby and Collier, op. cited., p. 72; J. B. Griffin, 
Culture Periods in Eastern United States Archaeology (in Griffin, Archeol- 
ogy of Eastern United States, 1952), p. 360; S. H. Ball, The Mining of 
Gems and Ornamental Stones by American Indians (Bur. of Amer. Eth- 
nology, Bulletin 128, 1941), p. 52 ff. 

30. See W. H. Holmes, Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities, 
Part 1 (Bur. of Amer. Ethnology, Bulletin 60, 1919), p. 214 ff. 

31. H. C. Shetrone, The Mound-Builders (1930), p. 65. 

32. /. C. Alter, James Bridger (1925), p. 381. Cf. Ball, op. cit., p. 49. 
About Obsidian Cliff, see also /. E. Haynes, Handbook of Yellowstone 
National Park (49th ed., 1947), p. 57 f., and C. M. Bauer, Yellowstone- 
Its Underworld (1948), p. 37 f. 

33. D. E. Wray, Archeology of the Illinois Valley: 1950 (in Griffin, 
Archeology of Eastern United States), p. 154. Unfortunately there has 
been no geological determination of the place where the current finds of 
obsidian were quarried. 

34. Griffin, Culture Periods, etc., p. 355 f. 


35. Martin, Qidmby and Collier, op. cit., p. 291. 

36. S. W. Pennypacker, The Problem of the "Plummet-Stone" (Amer. 
Antiquity IV: 2, 1938), p. 145. 

37. G. Fowke, Stone Art (Bur. of Amer. Ethnology, Ann. Rep. 13, 
1896), p. 112. 

38. Cf. W. R. Wedel, Culture Sequences in the Central Great Plains 
(Smiths. Misc. Coll. 100, 1940), p. 311. 

39. Krieger, op. cit., p. 255. Cf. Wedel, op. cit., p. 328 ff., 346. 

40. W. Matthews, Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians 
(1877), p. 19 ff., 23. 

41. Ball. op. cit., p. 52. 

42. /. Jahlow, The Cheyenne in Plains Indian Trade Relations (Mono- 
graphs of the American Ethnological Society, XIX, 1951), p. 21 ff.; 
/. C Ewers, The Indian Trade of the Upper Missouri before Lewis and 
Clark: An Interpretation (Missouri Historical Society, Bull. 10, No. 4, 

43. See R. H. Lowie, Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography (Anthrop. 
Papers of the Amer. Mus. of Natural History, 20:3, 1924), p. 225. 

44. /. H. Steward, Native Cultures of the Intermontane (Great Basin) 
area (Smiths. Misc. Coll. 100, 1940), p. 463, 465 f., 477. 

45. D. B. Shimkin, Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations (Pro- 
ceed, of the 6th Pac. Sc. Congr., vol. 4, 1940), p. 20. 

46. Shimkin, op. cit., loc. cit.; cf. also Steward, op. cit., p. 479. 

47. W. L. Bliss, Birdshead Cave, A Stratified Site in Wind River Basin, 
Wyoming (Amer. Antiquity XV: 3, 1950), p. 187-196. 

48. See the accounts in Shimkin, op. cit., p. 22, and in /. A. Teit, The 
Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus (Bur. of Amer. Ethnol., 44th Ann. 
Rep., 1930), p. 304-305. 

49. Hoebel refers these Indians to a special category, doyiane, "moun- 
taineers", and separates them thus from the Dukurika (E. A. Hoebel, Bands 
and Distributions of the Eastern Shoshone, Amer. Anth. 40:3, 1938, 
p. 410). But the "mountain people" in Yellowstone Park are properly 
a branch of the Dukurika. 

50. I intend to publish a more extensive, technical account of these 
Indians and their culture. This is the main reason why I have not here 
given an account of my literary sources. 

51. Cf. F. Haines, The Northward Spread of Horses among the Plains 
Indians (Amer. Anth. 40:3, 1938), fig. 1, p. 430. 

52. Chittenden, op. cit., p. 7 f. 

53. A. Hultkrantz, The Indians and the Wonders of Yellowstone 
(Ethnos 1954: 1-4, Stockholm). 

54. Norris. op. cit., p. 6, 38. 

55. J. E. Haynes, Handbook of Yellowstone National Park (1947),. 
p. 130. 

56. Norris, op. cit., p. 28. 

57. Norris, op. cit., p. 7. 

58. L. C. Cramton, Early History of Yellowstone National Park (1932),. 
p. 137. 

59. 7. R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America (Bur. of Amer. 
Ethnology, Bull. 145, 1952), map 4, p. 186. Cf., however, R. H. Lowie, 
Alleged Kiowa-Crow Affinities (Southw. Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 9, 
No. 4, 1953). 

60. See /. Mooney in Bur. of Amer. Ethnology, Bull. 30:1 (1907), 
p. 699. 

61. D. B. Shimkin, Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography, AnthropoL 
Rec. 5:4 (1947), p. 268. 

62. Shimkin, op. cit., p. 247. 

63. Teit, op. cit., p. 305. 


64. /. B. Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations 
in Western America, 1784-1812 (Publ. of the Champlain Society, vol. 12, 
1916), p. 327 ff. Cf. A. Hultkrantz, in Ymer 1956:3, p. 166 f. 

65. J. H. Steward, Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups (Bur. 
of Amer. Ethnology, Bull. 120, 1938), p. 188, 191. 

66. Steward, op. cit., p. 191. 

67. Steward, op. cit., p. 201, 203 f. 

68. Steward, op. cit., p. 207. 

69. Chittenden, op. cit., p. 8. 

70. Norris, op. cit., p. 28; Cramton, op. cit., p. 119. 

71. See Ann. Rep. of the Superintendent of the Yellowstone National 
Park . . . for the Year 1878 (1879). 

72. Norris, op. cit., p. 33, 35. 

73. Cf. R. H. Lowie, The Crow Indians (1935), p. 3 f. 

74. E. Th. Denig, "Of the Crow Nation" (Bur. of Amer. Ethnol., Bull. 
151, 1953), p. 24 f. See also F. V. Hayden, Contributions to the Ethnog- 
raphy and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri Valley (Trans- 
actions of the Amer. Philosoph. Society, XII, 1863), p. 394. It emerges 
that Hayden word by word has cited Denig (but without mentioning his 
source), as pointed out by the editor of the Denig paper, Dr. J. C. Ewers 
(op. cit., p. 17 f.). 

75. Cramton, op. cit., p. 118. 

76. Chittenden, op. cit., p. 58. 

77. G. R. Hebard, Washakie (1930), p. 118. 

78. F. V. Hayden, Sixth Ann. Rep. of the U. S. Geological Survey of 
the Territories ... of Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, and Utah, 1872 (1873), 
p. 75. 

79. J. C. Ewers, The Story of the Blackfeet (1944), p. 17 ff. 

80. Ewers, op. cit., p. 29. 

81. Cramton, op. cit., p. 5 f. 

82. Osborne Russell's Journal of a Trapper, ed. by A. L. Haines (1955), 
p. 101 ff. 

83. V. Linford, Wyoming Frontier State (1947), p. 251. 

84. See for instance Chittenden, op. cit., p. 37 ff., 125, 132 footnote. 

85. For the war in general see O. O. Howard, Nez Perce Joseph (1881), 
and /. Mooney, The Ghost-Dance Religion (1896), p. 711 ff. 

86. The different routes used in the war have been reconstructed accord- 
ing to information in the following works: Howard, op. cit., p. 239 ff., 
Chittenden, op. cit., p. 122 ff., Ann. Rep. of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs (1877), p. 10 ff., Norris, op. cit., p. 33. Cf. also Bauer, op. cit., 
p. 83 f., with the sources cited, and M. D. Beal, The Story of Man in 
Yellowstone (1949), pp. 165 ff. 

87. Norris, op. cit., p. 33. 

88. Norris, op. cit., loc. cit. 

89. Hebard, op. cit., p. 118. 

90. A letter by Superintendent Haas from the year 1929, now kept in 
the agency at Wind River Reservation. 

91. C. Royce, Indian Land Cessions in the United States (Bur. of Amer. 
Ethnology, Ann. Rep. 18:2, 1902), p. 878. 

92. Cf. Norris, op. cit., p. 26. 

93. D. G. Yeager in a letter from 1929, now kept in the archive of the 
agency at Wind River Reservation. 

94. Norris, op. cit., p. 3, 25. 

95. Cramton, op. cit., p. 137. 

96. Cramton, op. cit., p. 36. 

97. Norris, op. cit., p. 33. 

Myer Brothers Ranch, Uinta County 
Stimson photo, Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

0(/er My Shoulder 

Dictated by 

Charles A. Myers 

to his daughter, Mrs. Marion Paschal 

EDITOR'S NOTE: In 1857 John Walker Myers settled on Bear 
River at what was later known as Myers Crossing in present-day 
Uinta County, Wyoming. Mr. Myers first used a horn brand for 
his oxen, but as he acquired a small herd of cattle he felt the need 
of a permanent brand. J. V. Long, a friend from Salt Lake City, 
suggested that for Myers it would be appropriate to use the M 
Hook in Pittman Shorthand. Since that did not seem to be 
sufficient, to this was added a quarter circle which was later em- 
bellished with an upturn at each end. Known as the Mill Iron 
Open 9, this brand is now being used by the third generation and 
is credited with being the oldest -brand in Wyoming which has been 
in continuous use by one outfit. ' 

To commemorate the One-hundredth Anniversary of the found- 
ing of the Myers ranch, which is probably the oldest Wyoming 
ranch continuously owned by one family, we publish here the 
following excerpts from a longer manuscript which Mr. Charles 
A. Myers dictated to his daughter while in a Salt Lake City 
hospital in 1951. All rights to this manuscript and article are 
reserved by Mrs. Paschal. 


Coyotes very often frequent a ranch during the hours of dark- 
ness, looking for meat scraps, offal of any kind. Just before 
daylight they indulge in one soul-satisfying howl, and disappear 
into the hills. 

As a boy, I used to listen to them in the hour before daylight 
and think, "As soon as it's light, I'll be out there and get one." 
That was before I learned that they don't locate themselves by 
howling until they are just ready to leave the vicinity. 

Following this philosophy , I am not jotting down these memoirs 
until the gathering years forewarn that I must soon leave these 
familiar fields for the Heavenly Range — where no one can take 
a shot at me! 

: For years my old friends like Russell Thorp and Elmer Brock 
have said to me, "You should write down some of your experiences 
and your yarns and ranch history." 

And I have as often replied, "I don't want to get to looking 
back over my shoulder too much, lest I lose my hold on the 


But, laid up for three months in a hospital, my daughter Marion 
has finally overpowered me— and here are some of the happenings 
that have enlivened the past eighty years. 

Charles A. Myers 

My father was an Englishman, most of whose early life was 
very hazy to me. I know that he was born in the village of 
Ardsley in Yorkshire, March 5, 1825. When John came of 
proper age, 13 or 14 years old, he was apprenticed to a black- 
smith; but six months or so later father and son came to the 
conclusion that the smith was being too harsh with him and broke 
the apprenticeship, contracting another with a master carpenter. 

I know that he came to America, then up the Mississippi to 
St. Louis where he got a job as a carpenter, later moving on up 
the river as work developed and building several houses for a rich 
old farmer at some point in Illinois. He worked this way for a 
number of years. I always take pride in the fact that his work 
was so satisfactory as to bring it in continued demand. 

All except a few of the major facts of this early life in "the 
States" are entirely unknown to me. But somewhere along the 
line he accepted the Mormon faith and got interested in migrating 
to the Utah valleys, finally getting three yoke of cattle and a wagon 
outfit together and driving them across the plains in the summer 
of 1855. No details are in my memory of his settling, except that 
he built a cabin and a stable for his pony. 

The pony had to be stabled at night and locked in because . 
Indians wanted ponies, not slow moving cattle useful only for 
meat! They had plenty of other meat — deer, elk, antelope, sage 
chickens and for many years prairie hens, as distinct from sage 
hens, also grouse of many varieties, which solved the meat problem 
as far as the summertime was concerned. 

There were no buffalo in the Bear River Valley even at that 
early date, though skeletons were quite plentiful. When my father 
talked to such Indians as old Chief Washakie they gave him to 
understand that the buffalo had all died one hard winter when 
the snow was a fanciful number of "Indians" deep, and had never 
reoccupied the range. This date was definitely fixed as 1837. 
There were plenty of buffalo further east and south, but none 
within the area where they would winter on the Muddy and the 
branches of the Green and summer on the upper reaches of the 

One of the opportunities for making money that my father 
observed came from the fact that at times in the spring the Bear 
River got dangerously high, and being a stream that falls from 
65-75 feet to the mile at the ranch and further up the river, it 
drives along with terrific force. Any reasonably careful driver 
would prefer to pay a fair sum to cross safely on a bridge, rather 


than venture into the stream. So my father and his partner com- 
menced to whipsaw timber for a bridge. 

Personally I am sure I could build an equally strong bridge 
and leave all the timbers rough. But my father was a carpenter 
and used to having things look right, so he "sawed out" the floor- 
ing to the bridge. To the cultured youth of today who may not 
know anything about whipsawing, I will say that to accomplish this 
purpose a log is placed crossways of a pit deep enough to have 
the saw extend the full length into the hole. Then one man 
stands on a scaffold above the pit and another in the pit. They 
saw lengthwise of the log and produce a rough edged board — 
for this purpose not less than three inches thick. You can imagine 
that there was a lot of sweat that went into that bridge, but by 
spring Father had it finished and ready for traffic. 

There was a lot of snow in the timber and the rise of the stream 
was sure to be high, but until that time came the wagon trains 
(which were plentiful) forded the river without trouble. 

I wouldn't have you think for a moment that my father was one 
of the blustering, roistering, six-shooter type of man. He distinctly 
was not. But he had a lot of what Winston Churchill would call 
"blood, sweat and tears" in that bridge. 

One evening a train of two hundred wagons came to the river 
just at dusk. They looked, camped and hoped — for a recession 
in the waters. But when morning came the river raged even more 
wildly. So the wagon boss thought he'd try another tack. 

He went to Father who was at the bridge and said that he was 
going across that bridge and wasn't going to pay anything. He 
said he'd heard back on the trail that there was "a certain fella 
up a ways who claimed he'd built a bridge across the Bear and 
was charging $1.50 a wagon to cross." 

He had two hundred wagons in that train and something more 
than two hundred teamsters. They weren't use to having anything 
put over on them and didn't propose to now. Two hundred to 
one would seem to be sufficient odds for having their way, and 
yet they didn't have it. 

Father remembered the story of an Irishman penned in a 
stockade during a certain riot, while a mob outside was thirsting 
for his blood. But the fellow inside had an Irish mind, and just 
before they closed in on him he shouted at them, "I kin only kill 
one of yez, but I have me eye on the wan I'm goin' to kill!" 

Father thought it might work with this outfit. He said, "Of 
course there are enough men here to take this bridge away from 
me — but the first man that sets foot on this bridge dies!" - 
; Nobody set foot on the bridge. They backed away and the 
boss said he didn't believe him; but he paid the bridge toll of 
$1.50 a wagon. This news traveled by grapevine just as fast in 
the old days as now, and he had no more trouble collecting the 
toll that spring. vJ have heard some of the fellows who knew him 


in those old days say that he had to come home three times a day 
to empty his pockets. 

My father has told me that in the winter of 1858 he worked as 
a carpenter on the construction of the fort at Bridger, known as 
Fort Bridger. Where old Jim Bridger and his two squaws were 
at the time I do not know. 

Where my father's original cattle came from I do not know. 
I do know that the main part of the bunch that he moved to 
Milliard and back to the ranch were of Shorthorn blood, or, as 
they used to be called, "Durhams". These came from a well 
bred bunch of cattle that were being driven through the country 
west from Colorado, probably headed for California. The owner 
had quite a number of sore-footed cows and calves. These he 
traded to father for yearhngs, mostly steers, a cow and a calf for 
each yearling. 

At the ranch he didn't seem to have much trouble wintering 
them. The hills immediately to the east of us produced a lot of 
grass; and being reasonably steep and facing the sun, grass could 
normally be obtained at any time of year. Also, he put up a 
small amount of hay. 

The few years that we were at Hilliard, Father used to hire the 
cattle taken sixty miles to Henry's Fork of the Green River each 
winter. A French Canadian by the name of Joe Pierette drove 
them to his place in the fall, ran them with his cattle all winter, 
and brought them back in the spring. 

I remember that one spring he failed to bring one yearling home, 
so he replaced her with a yearling heifer of his own. She even- 
tually grew as wild a set of Texas horns as I ever saw. These 
horns went up and made almost two complete turns before they 
quit growing! We had this cow for many years — clear down 
into my active life. She had many calves and I doubt not that 
her blood, diluted ad infinitum, flows in the veins of many of our 
present herd. She was known as "Old Joe" for her original owner. 

At another time the man who had hauled Father's original stuff 
from Hilliard back to the ranch (Johnson) had a blue-roan heifer 
running with our cattle. He came to the ranch one morning 
riding one of his work horses and carrying a rifle and went over 
on the Millis Mountain to kill her for beef. He put in the whole 
day trying to get close enough to shoot her and came back to our 
ranch that night much discouraged. He made Father some kind 
of a proposition to trade the heifer for something he could get 
close to — a quarter of beef, or something of that nature! So 
father added another heifer to our herd. 

This heifer presented no problem to the Myers boys for we 
expected all our cattle to run from us on sight — maybe a quarter 
of a mile distant. She was known as "Blue Johnson" and I 
never remember her staying in a corral over night. We could 
drive her in and readily keep her calf, but somehow before morning 


she always managed to jump or break out. She also had many 
calves, and the calves were not so wild. 

It must be understood that when my father moved back to the 
Bear River Ranch [from Hilliard where he had been in business] 
the Valley was still unsurveyed. Consequently, although the 
Homestead Law had been passed in 1862, all Father had was a 
"squatter's right", but that was enough to insure him 160 acres. 
That was before the days of barbed wire. He fenced 40 or 50 
acres with what was known as a stake-and-rider fence, that any 
able-bodied cow could push over. However, the rails made great 
race tracks for the chipmunks, which one rarely sees now on the 
ranch, but which at that time inhabited it by the thousands. 

It was in this way, and with the natural increase of the Shorthorn 
stuff, that we finally, after many years, came to have a fairly 
numerous holding. But I well remember the poverty stricken 
years when with low prices and larger needs the family was strug- 
gling to get the number of hvestock to a place where they would 
really support us. 

: Years later, in 1887 to be exact, my father took me (a boy 16 
years old) with him (to Evanston?) and traded a number five 
set of bob sleds to Coughman and Morse for our first Hereford 
bull. Two years later he traded to the same outfit four two-year- 
old heifers and their calves for two purebred Hereford bulls that 
were of Funkhauser breeding. Funkhauser was a well known 
breeder of Plattsburg, Missouri. 

Joe Coughman of the firm of Coughman and Morse had been 
born and raised in Missouri on a farm close to the Funkhauser 
farm. When the urge came for better cattle in our neighborhood. 
Coughman brought them in. 

I was so imbued with belief in the whitefaces that the Myers 
Land and Livestock Company (as it was later known) never 
turned back to Shorthorns. 

We used to ship one load of cattle or more to Omah^ annually 
On one of these annual trips, I went on to Plattsburg and got 
acquainted with Funkhauser. I bought a bull calf from him 
which he crated and put on the cars for me. On reaching home, 
and in subsequent months, I realized that this bull wasn't what 
we wanted. So the following year I went to Funkhauser at 
Plattsburg again. I bought a bull called Hesiod 56 by Hesiod 2nd. 
Hesiod 2nd at that time had more of his sons heading purebred 
herds than any bull in the United States. Hesiod 56 was indeed 
a beautiful calf. 

Cattle were tragically cheap at that time, but I had shipped 
eight head of my privately-owned three-year-old steers and one 
cow to the Omaha market a few days before. These steers 
weighed a little better than 1300 pounds and were shipped in 
with a load belonging to my father. They netted me right at 


$50.00 a head. I put the whole eight head — $400.00 — into the 
calf, Hesiod 56. The price of the cow got him home! 

I believed, and still believe, that Funkhauser was doing me a 
real favor to sell him to me at this price; but he seemed to be 
very much interested in what I was able to tell him of our plans. 
That bull did us more good than any animal that ever came to 
the ranch. 

In relation to the price of my eight fat steers, I would like to 
quote an item on the front page of an Omaha market paper on the 
date of their sale (this is one of the most interesting things in the 
whole deal) which said, "The market is not to be judged by the 
sale of these Myers cattle. They were a strictly fancy bunch, and 
brought a strictly fancy price." 

We cut out a bunch of our best cows, tattooed a number in their 
ears, and hand-bred them to this little bull the following year. 
He actually got us 43 calves that year, although he was only an 
April yearling, and we bred the cows in July and August. In the 
following years we handled him very carefully and, as I say, got 
more good out of him than any animal that ever came to the ranch. 

The Myers ranch has three "oldest" firsts of which it may be 
proud — the oldest brand, ranch and water right. Such men as 
David Miller of Rock Springs, who was our water master for 
southwestern Wyoming, says that the 1 862 water right for the 
older portion of the Myers ranch is the oldest water right in the 

The original ranch consisted of four forties in a string. As I 
think I said somewhere else, it was taken up five years before the 
homestead law — which came out in 1862 — so it was taken up 
under what was termed "squatter's right". When, a number of 
years later it was finally surveyed, all that was necessary to make 
it conform to the government survey was to drop off about 1/8 
mile at the north end, add that much at the south, and, of course, 
go through the form of entry under the Homestead Act. 

I don't know that it's any credit to an outfit to say that they 
have stayed ninety-four [1951] years in one location, but it 
shows that they must have been reasonably honest or they would 
have been run out of the country before this time. 

Old Wyoming Postoffiees 

Colonel Norman D. King 

Many of Wyoming's old and now defunct postoffiees were 
named after geographical features. Little Horse Creek (Lara- 
mie), Hatcreek (Niobrara), Big Sandy (Sublette), Wind River 
(Fremont), Bearcreek (Converse), Boxelder (Converse), and 
Badwater (Natrona) are old postoffiees named after streams. 
Coldspring in Converse county was just that, a cold spring. Slide 
in Teton County was at the site of the famous Gros Ventre slide 
on the river of the same name. Kortes Dam, an office of short 
life, was at the Kortes Dam in Carbon County, and of course all 
travelers remerriber the Split Rock near the Sun Ranch on the 
Sweetwater. That was the site of the Split Rock postoffice. 

Several old postoffiees were named after cattle ranches of the 
old days. There was Anchor (Hot Springs), Goose Egg (Na- 
trona), Pitchfork (Park), Dumbell (Park), Circle (Fremont), 
Camp Stool (Laramie) and Painter (Park) to mention a few. 

It is also interesting to know that some modern postoffiees had 
predecessors of the same name but different location. There 
was a Midwest in Hot Springs County, and Douglas in Carbon 
County, both preceding the offices of today. Atlantic City in 
Fremont County was defunct in the 1923 scheme but thirty years 
later it was back and active. Lost Spring in Converse County 
is gone but is now known as Lost Springs. They must have found 

Military posts gave their names to many old postoffiees. Prob- 

AUTHOR'S NOTE: The early history of Wyoming prior to 1925 is 
reflected in the old postoffiees which once dotted the land. When it was 
suggested that I might write an article about these early offices, I was 
intrigued by the idea but it immediately became a challenge. As an 
Examiner for the Railway Mail Service prior to entering military service, 
I had accumulated much data on these early offices, by research and by 
the kindly help of two Wyomingites who were associated with the early 
development of the postal service in this state. I refer to William G. Haas 
and Hugh Coffman. If this article need be dedicated to anyone, it is 
dedicated to them, and for their kindly assistance. Others who contributed 
were WilHam M. Goss, David R. Kinport, Albert J. Miller, Walter H. 
Yeager, and others. Unfortunately, the list so prepared was lost during 
the war years, and now I must rely on research second hand, and a not- 
too-good memory to try and restore some of this information. I realize 
that I run the risk of being reminded that such and such a statement about 
such and such a postoffice is wrong, but in so doing, we shall get the facts. 
And so to work. 


ably the oldest post offices in the state now active are at Fort 
Bridger and Fort Laramie, although the military posts which gave 
them their names have long since gone. Fort McKinney (John- 
son), Fort Mackenzie (Sheridan), Camp Brown (Fremont), Fort 
Fetterman (Converse), Fort Sanders (Albany) and Fort Russell 
(Laramie), all once knew the bugle call and the military cadence. 
And Fort Russell (now known as Francis E. Warren Air Force 
Base) is still a military post, but the others have long ceased to 
function as military establishments. Of Fort Reno there is no sign, 
but Fort Caspar has a park and reproduction to remind us of the 
Iri)dian days. 

i Mining produced many postoffices now long since abandoned, 
while South Pass City and Atlantic City remain, where is Miner's/ 
/ Delight and Pacific Springs, all in the same area? And where is 
[ Hecla in Laramie County?\ Or Frederick in Goshen County? In 
Hhe early 190()'s the Encainpment area was active. How many 
recall the old overhead tramway that brought the ore down? Or 
the old post offices that served that mining area? Battle, above 
Battle Lake where Edison is reputed to have discovered the fila- 
ment for his incandescent lamp, and Copperton. Or Dillon, 
Riverside and Rambler. And somewhere in this area, so "Bill" 
Haas used to tell me, was the mining town known as Rudefeha 
and named after the 3 Irishmen (Deal, Ferris and Haggarty) who 
with James Rumsey founded the mining town and gave it as its 
name the first two letters of each name. And in Sheridan County 
three old mining towns were Monarch, Dietz and Carneyville. 
And below Kemmerer in Lincoln County was Cumberland, 
Blazon, Glencoe and Wyotah. 

When the railroads came, the post offices came also and when 
the railroad folded, some postoffices did likewise. When the 
C&NW from Chadron west gave up the ghost, with it into limbo 
went Bucknum (Natrona), Waltman (Natrona), Vonnie (Fre- 
mont), Wolton (Natrona), and Careyhurst (Converse). And 
Jireh (Niobrara) too. But then Jireh was already on its way out, 
after the ilifated attempt to found a university 'in that small settle- 
ment. When the railroad to the Salt Creek oil fields folded, the 
ilifated North and South Railroad, with it went llico- (from a 
trade name) in Natrona County. Other small lines folded and 
with them went many a postoffice. The Bellefourche & Aladdin, 
the Cambria & Newcastle, Kemmerer & Cumberland, are gone 
and more recently the Clearmont & Buffalo was discontinued. 
Famous Uva in Platte County, long a stage station on the Laramie 
River, is no more, and on the same line of the Colorado & 
Southern went Bordeaux and Diamond. 

Indian names are not prominent in the old postoffices that have 
died. But there was Inyankara (Crook) which was named after 
Inyankara Butte. On No Wood Creek in Washakie County, 


only Ten Sleep remains, since No Wood and Big Trails have long 
since bit the dust. 

People prominent in Wyoming history have given their names 
to our old postoffices. Underwood (Laramie), Bishop (Natrona), 
Knight (Uinta), Metzler (Fremont), Mondell (Lincoln), Gramm 
(Albany), Labonte (Converse), and Gallio (Laramie) were all 
names of people famous in the state. "Albin" Anderson, founder 
of Albin in Laramie County, told me that Gallio was named after 
Gallio C. Connolly an early settler. Lavoye, a company oil town 
(Natrona) was named for Louis Lavoye, an original homesteader 
of the area, and Lindbergh, less than 20 miles away, was founded 
in the 30's and named for "you know who!" 

When the Union Pacific drilled the Aspen Tunnel through the 
mountain in Uinta County, a postoffice was founded at each end, 
Akwenasa at the west and Aspentunnel at the east end, both now 

An apocryphal story but very likely true. At least "Bill Haas 
told me and he should know. When the settlers on the Gros 
Ventre River in Lincoln County applied for a postoffice and the 
inspector came, they told him they wanted it named "Gros Ventre" 
but they pronounced it "Grovont" which he wrote down, and 
which it became. So rather than argue, 1 guess they left it at 

And of course Teapot in Natrona County was named after the 
famous Teapot Dome. 

But many unusual post office names remain to intrigue our 
curiosity. What was the origin of Pleazel in Goshen County? 
And was Braae in Converse County named by a Scotsman? Or 
Tipperary in Fremont by an Irishman? Parco, a company town 
in Carbon County, was of course an abbreviation for Producers 
& Refiners Corporation which founded it. Was Goldsmith in 
Laramie named after Oliver? Or Verse in Converse by a poet 
iOr did they just take 5/8 of the county's name? Poposia^ a Crow 
Indian word for "head waters", in Fremont County was no doubt 
named for the springs on the Popo Agie River. Another curiosity 
was Alta in back of the Tetons, and accessible only thru Idaho. 
Other odd names confront us — where and how did they get their 
names? Readers may help. Divide in Laramie County. Punteney 
in Hot Springs. Bonnidee in Johnson. And Neble (Fremont), 
Emigh (Campbell), Rex (Albany), Difficulty (Carbon), and 
Nefsy (Weston). That last one has always puzzled me. 

But having considered the old post offices, the active ones also 
have played their part and are still on the scene. Jay Em is of 
course a ranch. Veteran alludes to the veteran land filing in 
Goshen county. And now I see that Hell's Half Acre is with us. 
And with that we should close. 

1. Remains of outlaw corral on Middle Fork of the Powder. 

2. Outlaw corral on Backus Creek 

3. Outlaw corral hidden in trees 

4. Outlaw fireplace on Eagle Creek 

5. Old dugout used by Butch Cassidy gang, Middle Fork of Powder River. 

6. Cowboys using a "running iron." 

— Courtesy Thelma Gatchell Condit 

Zhe Mole-iH-the- Wall 

Thelma Gatchell Gondii 


The Middle Fork of the Powder River country in the late '80's 
and early '90's had again become a battleground — no longer was 
it the isolated grassland of the big cow-outfits, where the long- 
horns grazed at will — no longer was it a vast public domain to be 
exploited for big cattle profits. Suddenly it had ceased to be the 
last frontier. A new type of thing had come, an unbeatable thing. 
Again men fought for the land — this time, white men against 
white men; but now with a difference, a good difference; for the 
home-making, "settling-down" type of men had put in an appear- 
ance with taking up land in mind. After the excitement and period 
of unrest following the Indian Wars and the Texas Trail days many 
men decided, and rightly, that the Powder River country was a 
place valuable in itself, where men might live and prosper mod- 
estly, where they could establish a home and have a family and 
settle down to normal living. 

Many of these men were cowboys out of work, who wanted to 
get together a Uttle bunch of cattle of their own. This was hard 
to do, for the big cattlemen had all the political and financial 
advantage, the laws were his laws, the towns springing up were 
his towns, and he proposed to be boss over all he surveyed. How- 
ever, he could not afford to buy this vast expanse of land upon 
which his cattle grazed, and he could not then lease the public 
domain. It was sticking to these isolated areas that was important, 
for when his isolation was greatest, his financial rewards were 
most satisfying. 

The big cowman fought hard to keep the land, but from the 
beginning he was doomed to failure. Times were changing and 
his downfall was inevitable. Two things which he failed to see 
were his undoing. First, he didn't fully understand the cow 
business, and secondly he under-estimated the deep purpose of 
these little cowmen, who were for the most part skilled cowhands, 
who not only knew cow and horse critters, but also knew every 
inch of the ground over which they grazed. 

The year 1892 was one never-to-be-forgotten in Johnson Goun- 
ty. It was the year of the Gattlemen's War. This time it was 
an unofficial, undeclared war, fought without the consent of the 
Government, but no less deadly for all of that. It was a "class" 
war, a struggle between big cowmen and small landowners and 



small cowmen. Both sides, naturally, believed they were right. 
The big outfits called the small ranchers rustlers, and the small 
outfits charged the big ones with illegally pre-empting all the 
grazing country and starving them out. 

Under such circumstances there grew to be an antipathy so 
bitter between the two factions that it soon was regarded semi- 
ethical to prey relentlessly upon the opposing side. The small 
cowmen, filing on the land, were now right on the very ground, 
and their individual activity coupled with their staunch resolve 
made up for what they lacked politically and financially. It was 
a simple case of divergence of feeling and a difference of aims 
so wide that anything was considered fair which operated to the 
disadvantage of the opposing side. 

The Powder River was the scene of events and killings which 
created upheavals beyond belief between neighbors and in the 
very families themselves. Those in the two opposing factions, or 
most of them, were courageous, honest men fighting for what 
they believed were their just rights. Grievous as were many of 
the things that happened on both sides, justification is due in 
part because of the sincerity of purpose. On a smaller scale, 
of course, this period is comparable to slavery and Civil War 
days in the south; both sides partly right, both sides partly wrong, 
and it has left deep, never-to-be healed scars along the Powder. 

It is unwise, as well as futile, to moralize or try to find sense 
to it. All that should be stressed is the intense turbulence of the 


times, and a realization that it took ruthless measures to survive 
during that period. Every man, whoever he was, was caught in 
an unfavorable situation, where he had to decide himself, often 
against his better judgement, what course he'd take, whether good 
or bad. The frontier was gone, the glamorous wolfing & trail- 
herd days were over, and a change was in the making. 

Then to add more fuel to the already flaming blaze, as is 
always the case in times of basic economic trouble, a really lawless 
element arrived, with no honest part in the fuss and no cause to 
fight for — just the rough-neck characters who live on excitement 
outside the law and are ever seeking newer, "farther-removed" 
places for their shady deals. These men might easily b3 dubbed 
the "carpet-baggers" of the West. 

Unfortunately, during and after the "Invasion", Johnson County 
was acclaimed far and wide as a den of thieves, rustlers and 
outlaws, who brazenly scoffed at any semblence of conformity to 
law and order. In the intense frenzy of the times the little cow- 
men, the homesteaders, and the rustlers and outlaws became 
synonymous. All small operators immediately became objects of 
suspicion as being in "cahoots" with all that was wrong with things. 
The very fact that they had a cabin and a cow automatically made 
them a rustler willing to harbor the worst of outlaws. In spite 
of any argument to the contrary, no one person will ever know 
the whole truth. Why, a man couldn't tell for sure whether his 
neighbor was friend or foe; he couldn't even swear that his own 
son was not a rustler or horse thief; and no doubt, he found 
himself wondering why he, too, was doing some of the things 
he did. 

Then it was that the grossly exaggerated tales of the infamous 
Hole-in-the-Wall were spread far and wide. It became known as 
the impregnable hide-out of the most lawless element in the entire 
Rocky Mountain area. Regardless of the magnification of reports 
and rumors certain facts did stand out clearly and truthfully about 
this place. Never was there a more perfect setting for an outlaw 
gang than the Hole-in-the-Wall. It was "God-made", it seemed, 
just for cattle rustling, full of box and blind canyons for hiding 
animals; plenty of easy escapes and high places for seeing all the 
surrounding country. It was made specially to hide in, and fight 
"Indian-style". These reckless-living cowboys would have missed 
an ideal opportunity had they failed to make use of such a place, 
since they were bent on leading this kind of life, anyway. There 
is ample verification for saying that there is no place in the world 
like the Hole-in-the-Wall country; and for a very short time it 
was used advantageously by men who matched its ruggedness, by 
men who deliberately chose reckless, dangerous, hard living, and 
who were indeed quite capable of facing and using the toughest 
envrionment. It certainly isn't necessary and perhaps not even 


desirable to think of the right or wrong of the thing; nor is it 
essential to either approve or disapprove. These men should be 
admired, even if grudgingly, for taking advantage of a particular 
environment at an opportune time and doing a thoroughly good 
job of what they set out to do. They were rugged individualists 
who asked no favors and expected none in return. 

In short, they were the fellows who didn't want to give up the 
adventuresome life — they just couldn't settle down to calm living, 
they couldn't bear to conform. They were like the Negro woman 
who said, "The trouble with life, it's so darned daily". They 
wanted to pep it up with excitement and were willing to work 
hard at rustling or thieving in order to provide themselves with 
that seemingly desirable dangerous living. And don't think for 
a minute that this kind of life was an easy way to make money — 
it wasn't. It was beset with danger and the most laborious work, 
all of which they figured was worth it in order to spend freely 
and gayly, perhaps all in one night at some road-ranch or saloon. 
They were a peculiar bunch. They didn't want money for money's 
sake, just for the fun of getting it in an exciting way. Another 
unusual thing — good cowboys were thus associated with real out- 
laws and everything was all mixed up. Who was doing what and 
why? And where? 

The first rustlers and outlaws on the Powder were out-of-work 
cowboys — some good, some bad — most of them Texans by birth 
"all born behind a cow with a six-shooter in their hand". As 
said before they knew the cow and the "cow-country" and they 
knew every divide and creek and canyon, every draw and gulch " 
and water-hole by heart; born and raised on large open ranges, 
isolated from practically everything but cattle, they came to under- 
stand the habits and traits of cow critters as no one else did. They 
led a rough life with a very limited chance to better their moral 
or mental condition. They were really in a class by themselves 
with a philosophy of life all their own — truly a frontier product, 
reluctant to obey any law but their own; and far too independent 
to conform to laws and restrictions they saw no sense in. 

They brought many Texas customs to the Powder River country, 
as told by Granville Stuart in his Forty Years on the Frontier 
(Vol. 2) Quote: 

"In the early range days the Texas system of everybody's placing 
his brand on every calf found unbranded on the range, without 
even trying to ascertain to whom the animal belonged, was in full 
vogue. ... It was only a step from "mavericking" to branding any 
calf without a brand and from that to changing brands. Cowboys 
permitted to brand promiscuously for a company soon found that 
they could as easily steal calves and brand them for themselves. 
If we are to believe the stories that floated up from Texas to our 
range, a goodly number of big Texas outfits had their beginning 


without capital invested in anything save a branding iron." . . . 

So these cowboys, no longer having a job and denied the means 
of honestly providing themselves with a start in cows, turned to 
stealing. They had to live, and all in the world they had to earn a 
living with was a cow pony, a rope, a bed roll, a running iron and 
a vast knowledge of cows. They probably salved their consciences 
by saying to themselves that if they didn't brand these calves 
somebody else would (and they would) and somehow that made 
it seem right (if it did have to seem right — which often was 
doubtful). Thus it was that indirectly and certainly unintention- 
ally the big cowmen were making horse and cattle thieves out of 
their cast-off employees. What they failed to realize in time was 
that these fellows knew the cow business and the cow country 
too well — far too well. 

The real genuine, dyed-in-the-wool outlaw cowboys took great 
pride in their appearance and trappings. The latter consisted of a 
fine heavily silver-studded saddle, silver mounted bridle and spurs, 
a fancy quirt, also silver decorated, a fine rawhide rope, a pair of 
leather chaps (usually plain) and a cartridge belt with silver 
buckles. Often their six-shooters were pearl-handled and elab- 
orately decorated. They carried 30-30 rifles on their saddles. 
Many had fancy hatbands of dressed rattlesnake skin on their 
expensive stiff -brimmed light felt hats. Brilliantly colored hand- 
kerchiefs were knotted about their necks. The most spectacular 
part of their regalia were the exquisitely fitted (often skin-tight) 
high-heeled boots which were usually made to order. 

The vest was much in vogue, any kind it seemed — even a cow- 
hide one with hair left on. "Hairy-vest" Jumbo wore a red cow- 
hide vest with the hair outside. He also had a couple of saddle- 
bags slung on behind his saddle made of the same stuff in which 
he carried extra ammunition. He came in and out of the Hole- 
in-the-Wall and was a queer sort — had little eyes and a big nose — 
couldn't tell much about his mouth for the whiskers, except that 
it could open and shut very expertly. When he laughed, which was 
suddenly like a clap of thunder with no beginning and no end, 
he'd just open his mouth big and the laughter came out. You 
couldn't tell for certain whether he was amused or not. Jumbo 
was a big fellow — always rode his horse loose and sloppy — with 
grimy hands on the horn. His hands were big, with fingers fat 
and pointless, hke weenies. He always seemed much too big for 
the horse he rode. The only thing anybody knew for sure about 
Jumbo was that he drowned in the flooded North Fork of the 
Powder, horse, vest, saddlebags and all. Everybody thought the 
poor horse felt drowning was easier than packing Jumbo any 

Each one owned one or more fine pure-blooded saddle horses. 
They always had the best of horse flesh under them — it was 
vitally necessary to do so. They chose animals of endurance and 

1. Hole-in-the-wall cabins on Buffalo Creek. Main house at left. 

2. Close view of main house 

3. Cowboy snaking in wood. 

— Courtes\ Thelina Gatchell Condit 


speed and spent much time training them to respond instantly to 
the needs of their trade. Much could be said of these horses and 
what part they too played in these days of rustling. Their skill 
and intelligence were almost human; often more than human. 

Some of these outlaw cowboys could draw a gun like lightning, 
some were expert, fancy-ropers and some could ride any horse no 
matter of what disposition or temperament; but the best and most 
successful ones could do all three things well. Also it is well to 
bear in mind that these Texas cowboys and their Texas cow ponies 
contributed a great deal indeed to the Wyoming cattle raising; and 
when the drifters came into the Hole-in-the-Wall the worst offend- 
ers and those most difficult to apprehend, were those previously 
connected with the range cow-business, all had experience neces- 
sary for their trades and most important of all, they had the nerve 
to go with their skill. 

Presumably the headquarters for the Hole-in-the-Wall gang was 
the cabin on Buffalo Creek (see picture and map). Sanford 
(Sang) Thompson was supposed to have built it, for he was 
coming in and out of the Hole many years before the "Invasion". 
Nobody ever seemed to know what his business was — but ob- 
viously it wasn't legitimate. Sang was a good-looking fellow of 
medium height, with a somewhat sandy complexion. He wasn't 
too awfully bad because he had sort of nice eyes — kind of "half- 
laughing" eyes. When you looked at them you like him. It was 
unfortunate for him that you sometimes forgot and looked at all 
of his face, for altogether there was something wrong with it. 
It was hard to describe just exactly what was wrong, but it was 
there and you knew it. Whenever you saw him you couldn't for 
the life of you make up your mind whether he was good or bad. 
Sang had a crippled foot resulting from a badly-set broken ankle. 
(In his later outlaw career in a brush with the law he gave himself 
away by his crooked boot-track in the mud. ) 

His cabin was originally one-roomed, with a shallow ridge-roof, 
about 16' X 24'. Later, as more visitors (?) came and went a 
10'xl2' bunk room was added on the rear of the main cabin. (See 
picture) Somewhat later another smaller cabin was built nearer 
the creek. A good, strong, small corral was there, but seldom 
used, for mostly the horses were hidden in small canyons out of 
sight. There never was much sign of life around the place, pur- 
posely. To the casual passer-by it appeared infrequently used, 
as did all other places occupied by the outlaws and rustlers. 

There was nothing much inside either, for the wants of these 
men were few. A long table, crudely home-made, stood in the 
right corner of the bigger room, sort of sideways near the doorway. 
Behind it, in the corner itself, was a cook-stove. Double-decked 
bunks for bed-rolls and rough homemade chairs, some covered 
with cowhide, and two small tables filled the back of the room — 
these latter for the card games so vital a part of a cowboy's life. 


Here and there haphazardly nailed to the wall were reward notices 
for various outlaws. Some cowboy with a flare for the artistic had 
drawn spectacles, mustaches, etc. on the faces or scrawled humor- 
ous remarks below. Wooden pegs along the walls held chaps, 
rifles and full cartridge belts for the single-action 45 Colts used 
by the fellows. You never found hats on the pegs, for the cowboy 
seldom parted with his hat, even for his occasional ablutions. 
The hat was the first apparel donned in the morning. It wasn't 
at all unusual to see one of the men parading around in his long 
underwear with his hat perched on his head. 

There wasn't much grub around — just the staples like flour and 
coffee — these men lived mostly "off the land". They ate meat, 
and good meat, sometimes even raw. Like a fellow up there they 
called "Old Tex". He was a big, brawny Texan, very dark com- 
plexioned with quite a sophisticated air about him. He always 
had a quid of tobacco in his cheek and wore gaudy boots that 
came clear to his knees. A lot of the younger fellows mimicked 
him, thinking he really knew all the answers, and he did give that 
impression. He came in one day from a hard day's ride and said 
he was plenty hungry and wanted a big, juicy beefsteak. No one 
made a move to do any cooking — just went on playing cards. Old 
Tex looked at the wood-box. If there was anything the average 
run of cowboy hated, it was getting in or chopping wood. He 
would condescend to rope a snag and drag it in, if in a pinch, 
but he just couldn't see doing anything that he couldn't do on 
horseback. (See picture) When he saw that the wood-box was 
empty Old Tex said, "Hell, you fellows don't need to bother' 
cookin' me none. I'll just eat her raw" and he proceeded to go 
outside, take down a quarter of beef hanging in the tree outside 
wrapped in a tarp, and cut himself a sizable chunk and ate it with 
seeming relish. He'd roll an old tobacco can full of cigarettes 
to carry with him so he wouldn't "have to roll 'em in the wind 
and get his hands cold." 

The Hole-in-the-Wall cabin was strictly bachelors' quarters; 
it was a man's country and none of the gang were ever hampered 
by female entanglements. They were free as the breezes to come 
and go, answering to no one for what they did. It was a wonderful 
set-up. They were in perfect accord with the geography of the 

The country around Salt Creek and the head of Murphy Creek, 
east of the red waU country, was considered more or less neutral 
ground. None of the big outfits ever thoroughly worked it or 
actually even claimed the use of it. For one thing it was mostly 
unfavorable kind of land — full of bog holes, etc., but it led straight 
into the Hole-in-the-Wall trail. It gave the outlaws clear sailing 
to pick up little bunches of cattle and slip them behind the Wall, 
and for a long time no one was ever the wiser. Contrary to general 


opinion the rustlers never got away with big bunches of stock 
at any one time, it was the frequent gathering of small numbers 
which were easily disposed of that escaped detection. Mostly 
cows and calves would be taken in, and at weaning time the calves 
cut away from their mothers, which were then turned back out 
into the Murphy Creek country. There was a cleverly hidden 
corral in the "Hole" on Buffalo Creek on a little piece of ground 
tight up against the red wall. When you looked there all you 
saw was a bunch of willows. It seemed impossible that a pole 
corral (no nails, no fence posts or wire) was there. It no doubt 
has held many a critter at needful times. In fact, it's still there 
and entirely useable. (See picture). 

Further up on the slope were two more corrals (See map) — 
both works of art in that they were made by simply cleverly piling 
up tree trunks and tree roots to make the enclosure — no nails, 
no wire — just dead trees. They also are still there. In addition 
to the ingenuity used in their construction is the shrewd choice of 
location. The big one on Middle Fork is cleverly hidden in trees 
and there is no obvious trail leading to it or signs of anything 
around. The first thing they knew, a bunch of horses were in 
the corral and that was that. Anyone wandering around up there 
today can suddenly find himself in the corral, too, and feel the 
same puzzled bewilderment experienced by the horses. It's a little 
mysterious and spookish as are many things found in the Hole-in- 

Farther down the Powder River, below the Bar C and east 
several miles, is an old "dug-out" used by the outlaws. (See 
picture) Actually the cabin on Buffalo Creek was more or less 
of a blind. When an outlaw really was decidedly on the dodge 
he took to a secret hideout in Eagle Creek Canyon. This was 
again a natural, seemingly special-made place for them with a 
four way escape formed by Eagle Creek Canyon itself and two 
cross canyons disecting it. They had built a stone fireplace in 
the center of the canyons (see map and picture) where the place 
rounded out into a cozy little open place. Here was wood, water, 
and horse feed and protection. What else was needed? Each of 
the four little canyons were heavily grassed and boxed in. 

An outlaw slept up each canyon — no two in the same spot, 
with his horse and bedroll hidden. If the law did happen to get 
that far into the Hole-in-the-Wall country he'd never be able to 
get more than one outlaw, for the others could be up and gone at 
a moment's notice. The way in and out of these places was rough 
and hazardous and only a skilled rider and a good horse could 
use it advantageously and quickly. 

On the slope immediately north of this hideout is what is called 
the "Dry V", it being a V-shaped bench, cut off from the rest 
of the mountain. Stolen cattle or horses could be run up there 
(for a short time only, as there was no water there.) The one 


entrance blocked off and there the cattle were, ready to be slipped 
off and over into the Basin country or wherever they were to be 
headed. If any interfering parties arrived and found cattle there, 
the culprits could be miles away by the time anything could be 
decided or planned. It was indeed an ideal set-up; all the men 
had to do was furnish the brains and courage to make use of it. 

Now we come to that unanswerable question — who were the 
men in the Hole-in-the-Wall gang? Nobody now will ever find 
out. It's hard to realize the constant "coming and going" of men 
at that time. They didn't stay long in any one place. It's very 
doubtful if people living right there at the time knew who was in 
the gang, for men who frequented the Hole-in-the-Wall came from 
everywhere and who could know them all or what they did? One 
thing is very certain: no one permanent gang ever stayed in any 
particular section for any length of time. Their activities took 
them far and wide and, as is true in any walk of life, some got 
killed, some reformed and some just never used this place again, 
went \yith another gang, took off for Montana or Canada, or just 
plain disappeared. Perhaps in this instance, the mystery sur- 
rounding these men adds to our desire to find out more about them 
and certainly a good way to do this is to try to understand the ones 
we can find out something about. For a lot of people did know 
some of the fellows — knew them in a friendly, neighborly sort of 
way. Perhaps it would be truer to say that they found the outlaws 
friendly and neighborly in their contacts with them. Any man 
has many sides, and it's only natural to judge him by your own 
personal experiences with him. If your relationship and contacts, 
have been favorable to you, your opinion of him will be a friendly 
one, no matter what some one else thinks or says about him. 
Besides, in the West a man was accepted (or rejected) and no 
questions asked. He wasn't expected to give a report of himself 
and his past. That is why we know so little of so many of them 
— we get only a glimpse and that's all. Often he didn't even use 
his right name. Nobody had time to wonder about a man's 
heredity and breeding. The very fact that he was here on the 
Powder at this time meant that whoever he was, he was quite able 
to take care of himself or, if he wasn't, would suffer the conse- 
quences. It's most difficult for us to understand these impersonal 
relationships. A fellow would be friendly and stick with you in 
a tough situation and the next instant seem as remote and distant 
as the very sky itself. If you thought for a minute he'd lie awake 
at night and tell you his troubles or innermost thoughts, you were 
mistaken. He'd spin yarns and relate past happenings, but just 
for conversation's sake — never because he wanted to be close to 
you or have you know his personal feelings. A mian who needed 
that sort of "human closeness" didn't come West. 

Even when he got married, as some of them finally did, his wife 
had to take a lot for granted — she couldn't pin him down, either. 


or understand him inside any more than she could understand the 
Hole-in-the-Wall country itself. She couldn't run him, that was 
certain, as he was too used to looking out over big spaces to ever 
concentrate on a garden, milk-cow or wood-box. She never could 
quite reach this man of hers and so learned to accept him and 
attempt, often with much heart-ache and sometimes periods of 
bitterness, to take him the way he was, for she finally came to 
know that he could no more change than could the red wall itself 
ever be like other walls. 

It is very appropriate at this time to describe another early-day 
post office where the outlaws got their mail, for here we are able 
to get a fairly clear picture of some of their doings and ways. 
Riverside on Blue Creek, while still a favorite gathering place for 
outlaws, and everybody, in fact, was no longer a postoffice, and 
Powder River Crossing was no more. The mail now came to the 
red wall country from Mayo worth (from Buffalo and then on west 
over the mountain). The first Mayo worth postoffice was estab- 
Hshed in 1888 to serve those settling on the North Fork of the 
Powder. A Mrs. Morgareidge was postmistress. She lived on the 
Griffith Jones ranch about 16 miles (maybe less) from present-day 

In 1893 (or maybe a year or two before) it was moved to EK 
mountain and Mrs. A. L. Brock was appointed postmistress. She 
was the mother of the late J. Elmer Brock, and never could mere 
words alone describe the comforting, deep-rootedness of this 
gracious woman. At the very peak of the unrest and reputed 
evilness of the times she came to this homestead on EK (See 
picture and map) where she and her husband established a home 
on the edge of the very worst outlaw and rustler country. 

The Brock family had previously homesteaded on Kelly Creek 
to the north (Oct. 12, 1884). Here they remained six years, when 
they moved to the EK place near the North Fork of the Powder^ 
In the midst of the Cattle War and the upheaval before and after 
it, they were able to carry on their ranching activities and maintain 
friendly relations with everybody. This was perhaps even more 
difficult than being on one side or the other — this being neutral. 
As said before, each man took a stand and the not-to-be forgotten 
thing was this very fact. No matter what was decided it took 
courage to follow it through and the men had the fortitude to 
abide by their decisions, come what may. In those days a man 
saw to his shooting-irons, kept good horses and learned to think 
straight and quick, and most of all, to attend to his own business. 
It was indeed a brave thing to be neutral — to take a place apart 

1. It was at this place and immediate vicinity they stayed to found a 
cattle ranch on the sound and sensible economic basis upon which our 
present-day cow-business is based. 

1. A. L. Brock Ranch at EK Mountain about 1892. 

2. Early day cowboys roping and branding on the open range. 

3. Mrs. A. L. Brcck, postmistress at EK ranch during the Invasion. 

— Courtesy Tlielina Gatchell Condit 


and at the same time gain and keep the respect of both factions. 
This the Brocks did. 

Mrs. Brock (JuHa) was one of those completely unselfish per- 
sons so rarely found. She was so sweet and rich within herself 
that she looked only at the good in others. Her wonderful per- 
sonality reached out to all types alike. She was charitable towards 
all — a born lady. Their little log cabin became a place of such 
hospitality that everybody looked forward to getting the mail; 
in fact, they came early and stayed late on mail day, which was 
Thursday. It was more than mail day — it was a social event. It 
was not at all unusual to have forty persons for supper that day. 
The family hurried about making necessary preparations. The 
kerosene lamps had to be filled, wicks trimmed and food, much 
food, prepared. An ovenful of bread was baked and considering 
the huge cookstoves then in vogue, that meant a lot of bread. 

Genie Brock, the second child, tells many interesting things 
about their Life at EK. (She is now Mrs. T. W. Harper and lives 
in Florida). Her mother put up wild plums in five-gallon cans. 
The top would be cut off a 5 gallon kerosene can; a cloth was 
tied securely over the jam and the cans were then placed in the 
cellar, which was dug out of the side of the hill back of the house. 
So it was a sure thing that the mail-night guests would have fresh 
bread and plum jam. (Genie said she got so tired of plum jam 
she'd let no means of persuasion go untried at school to swap her 
plum-butter sandwich for a chokecherry jelly one.) 

She also told of the hogsheads of molasses shipped up from 
Missouri. Cakes and puddings were made with this — it was the 
main cooking sweetening. A little hatchet was used to chop it 
out of the keg when it became hardened and too thick to run 
out the bung-hole. 

One time the two oldest Brock children decided their place 
might just as well be a road-ranch, too, as well as a postoffice. 
This name seemed very exciting to their youthful imaginations. So 
they took great pains fixing up a big sign speUing out "Road- 
Ranch" and named a now forgotten price for meals and lodging. 
They hung it over the gate and waited rather impatiently for their 
first customer. Unfortunately this person was Mr. Brock himself 
who was quite demonstrative in his objections to their newly- 
formed idea. The sign came down and that was the end of that. 

In the face of back-breaking, everlasting household tasks one 
never ceases to marvel that a woman could or would find time 
to have a flower garden and hollyhocks in the yard, but Julia 
Brock did. She also found time for many little extras that les- 
sened the severity of this kind of life — she gave so very freely of 
herself in warmhearted service to those she loved and to all those 
with whom she came in contact. 

Her postoffice was in the southeast corner of the livingroom. 
The desk she used for mail is now (on loan) in the Jim Gatchell- 


Johnson County Memorial Museum at Buffalo, Wyoming. The 
flat top lifts up and discloses a hidden compartment for special 
secret things. The desk front opens to form a little table, behind 
which are the pigeon-holed shelves where the sorted letters were 
placed. The inside of the desk shows considerable usage, but 
the outside is still very presentable. 

One would naturally suppose it would have been somewhat 
frightening, if not downright dangerous, to deliver mail to outlaws, 
but it wasn't that way at all. Even the most hardened ones took 
their gunbelts off and hung them outside the door before entering 
the house and were courteous and friendly while there, for they 
all respected this warm-hearted little postmistress who not only 
greeted them graciously, but fed them as well and even went so 
far as to personally show them her precious flower garden. One 
big raw-boned, bumpy-knuckled outlaw was genuinely intrigued 
with the delicate little moss roses. He'd kneel down, squatting 
on his spurs to scrutinize them closely. Each one of these men 
felt happier when in her presence and one cannot help wondering 
if the course of their lives might not have taken a better turn had 
there been more good women in this world of theirs. For rough 
as they were they had genuine regard for a good woman and 
always treated her with utmost respect. She would have been 
completely safe even if all alone in a remote cabin on the slope. 
Mrs. Brock treated the outlaws as if they were the nicest of men 
and they would have granted any favor had she asked it of them. 
Often she had as much as $400 in her postoffice, and not once 
was even a dime stolen, nor anything else, for that matter. 

One time when the family had to be gone for several months 
it was an alleged outlaw who stayed at the ranch to care for things. 
When Mr. Brock returned he found the fellow very low on grub 
and asked him why he hadn't used potatoes and vegetables from 
the cellar. The man replied, "I didn't want to — they weren't 
mine." He had in no way taken advantage of their faith in him. 

"Flat-nosed" George Curry, the notorious horse thief and cattle 
rustler, was head of the Hole-in-the-Wall gang before Butch Cas- 
sidy took over. When you met Curry you knew right away that 
it took more than reckless nerve and foolish bravado to be a leader 
of outlaws. You had to have brains, too. Curry was a strong 
believer in planned organization, and he was loathe to kill just for 
killings' sake. His racket was a matter of expert maneuvering 
and outwitting rather than love of taking human life. He was 
neither mean nor cruel. He was just a young chap when he came 
to the EK postoffice. He wasn't too big a fellow and had a 
pugnose, not disfiguring however (hence the nickname), and a 
happy smile and was really fun to visit with. 

One day when he came for the mail young Genie had a face 
swollen all out of shape with a toothache. He felt very sorry 



for her indeed, and the next day brought her some pretty blue 
hair ribbons. 

Another time while out horseback riding Genie lost her scarf. 
Curry later found it laying on the ground and promptly returned 
it to her. Her mother insisted that she thank Mr. Curry for his 
though tfulness and kindness in bringing back the lost scarf; but 
Genie very saucily tossed her head and repUed, "Why should I 
thank him, it's mine." She later said that this remark pleased the 
outlaw — he liked her spunk and she thought he was very nice. 

In reminiscing about her EK childhood Genie relates a most 
unusual experience, one which has remained the highlight of her 
childhood memories. She says she still takes great pleasure in 
telling it to people she meets in various places in her travels over 
the world. They look at her with mingled awe, disbelief, and 
admiration, and perhaps secret envy when she says that she 
actually visited the Hole-in-the-Wall gang at their headquarters on 
Buffalo Creek, and was a very special guest of theirs for several 
days — she and the girl who was at the time helping Mrs. Brock 
with her housework. The children had a perfectly wonderful time 
being the absolute center of attraction. When trying to recall 
this time Genie says, "There was an awfully big bunch of men, 
but I can't possibly remember all their names, or how they looked. s 

I was just a child, you know." | 

The Harris Boys were there. They were half-breed Indians I 

and really bad; there was Ladigo Bill and Saul Terrell, both nice | 

looking, slim fellows and good cowboys; and Sang Thompson, the 
horse thief; and Driftwood Jim (Jim McCloud), who was willowy ,, 

and tall and very, very graceful in the saddle — no one would even | 

suspect he was an outlaw. 

Genie remembered the beautiful horses they had — sleek and 
shiny and well-cared for. They allowed the girls to ride some of 
their top cow-ponies. This was indeed heaven, for to quote Genie, 
"The horse I rode at home was named Poddy. He was a little 
mouse-colored pony with weak knees. He fell down so often I 
still wonder why I didn't get my neck broken." 

The outlaws put up swings for the little girls and they'd swing 
up to the highest treetops. Genie said, "I remember we had lots 
of good beef to eat". In the evenings it was always card-playing ^ 

time; the men taught Genie to play poker and "riffle" the cards | 

in true card-shark fashion. She still astounds staid bridge partners "^ 

by "riffling" the cards. Their eyes open wide when she calmly 
remarks, "I learned to do this in the Hole-in-the-Wall when I 
visited Curry's 'Wild Bunch'." 

At one time a letter came addressed to George Curry in a 
Western Union envelope. Mrs. Brock, thinking it must be of 
extreme importance, got a man who knew where Curry was to 
deliver, the letter to him 30 miles away in a secret hideout. She 
begged the fellow to ride fast and he did. At the first opportunity 



George himself returned to EK and personally thanked her for 
her thoughtfulness. Once she asked him, "George, why do you 
do these things that cause us worry?" and he replied, "Oh, I don't 
know — just the fun of it, I guess. It ain't the money — just the fun, 
just the fun,'' and he looked at her seriously several moments and 
then burst into merry laughter and rode off south into the Hole- 

(To be continued) 

^u4/ /Z /9SS 

Three Crossings Pony Express and Stage Station on Sweetwater River 
By W. H. Jackson 

Oregon Zrail Zrek J^o. Twe 

Compiled By 

Maurine Carley, Trek Historian 

July 17, 1955 

108 Participants 42 cars 


Colonel W. R. Bradley of Hiway Patrol.... Safety Officer and 

Captain of Train 

General R. L. Esmay _ Commander of 

Military Escort 

Major Henry Lloyd. Registrar 

Frank Murphy _ ____ Wagon Boss 

Tom Sun _. Assistant Wagon Boss 

Lyle Hildebrand.-.. Assistant Wagon Boss 

Maurine Carley Historian 

Pierre La Bonte, Assonet, Mass .....Photographer 

Frances Seely Webb... Photographer and Press 

Colonel A. R. Boyack ._ Chaplain 

Note: Numbers preceding "M" indicate miles north and west on 
the Oregon Trail from where the south branch of the main 
Emigrant Road enters Wyoming. Vi. Laramie is 33 M., 
Ft. Casper 153 M. on the south road. The Tom Sun 
Ranch, starting point for Trek 4^5, is 212 M. The north 
side road from Ft. Laramie to Ft. Casper is 1 7 miles longer. 
9:30 A.M. Met at the Tom Sun Ranch and inspected their 
Museum, then registered for the trek. 

Prayer by Colonel Boyack 

Our Father in Heaven — 

As we are about to begin another trek in our series, we give 
thanks to Thee for all Thy blessings. We thank Thee for this 
goodly land and for the freedom we enjoy in it. Especially are 
we grateful this day for the heritage bequeathed to us by the men 
and women who made this Oregon-Mormon-California Trail a 
pathway of destiny. 

Give us Thy protection on our journey. May we fully appre- 
ciate that every foot of the way we go has been dedicated by the 
toil and tears and tragedies of thousands. We bless their memory 
and pray that in our hearts shall be written living memorials to 
their heroic sacrifices. 

We pray Thy blessings upon those who by their planning and 
painstaking research make possible these treks into the past. May 


we learn this day lessons of faith, courage and devotion that will 
serve us well in the present. 

We pray for the spirit of brotherhood amongst us, for we know 
that by serving each other, we serve Thee. Now may the blessings 
of peace be upon us, we ask in Jesus' name, Amen. 

10:10 A.M. Departed from the Tom Sun Ranch. 212 M. 

The site of the old Seminoe Robinette Stage Station and Stock- 
ade was pointed out in the meadow about 300 feet south as the 
caravan left the Sun ranch. This was seen before the highway 
crossed Pete Creek. 

After crossing Pete Creek, the old Emigrant Road was plainly 
visible on the south side of the Highway until it crossed to the 
north just before the Martin Cove Marker. From there it was 
plain for some distance, but cannot be traveled because of fences 
and washouts. 

10:15 A.M. Arrived at the Martin Cove Historical Marker. 
214 M. The site of the Hand Cart Company tragedy is IVi 
miles north. 

Mrs. A. R. Boyack gave the following sympathetic account of 
the Mormons at Martin Cove. 


Annals of history will be searched in vain for a more colorful 
pageant of human endeavor than the march of Handcarts along 
the Trail in 1856. It was the answer of a devoted people to the 
call of gathering made by the President of the Latter-Day Saints 
Church in Salt Lake City. This newly devised method of emigra- 
tion was to enable thousands of eager converts, recruited from 
the Scandinavian countries and the British Isles, to journey West 
to the Zion of their hopes in the heart of the mighty Rockies. 

It all came about this way: The Perpetual Emigration Fund, 
created in Salt Lake City in 1849, to aid those who were unable 
to finance the westward journey, had been taxed beyond its limits. 
Said President Young through the medium of the Millenial Star — 
"Let the Saints who can, gather up for Zion and come while the 
way is open before them. Let the poor also come, whether they 
receive aid from the P. E. Fund or not; let them come on foot 
with handcarts or wheelbarrows; let them gird up their loins and 
walk through and nothing shall hinder or stay them." Iowa City, 
then the end of rails to the West, was selected as the best out- 
fitting post. It was here that the great drama of Handcarts Along 
The Trail began. 

Five companies, including more than sixteen hundred men, 
women and children, formed the Handcart Brigade to Utah in 
1856. The first three, led respectively by Edmund Ellsworth, 
Daniel Mc Arthur, and Edward Bunker, were eminently successful. 
Out of eight hundred souls only eight deaths had occurred along 


the line of march, a lower mortality rate than among those who 
travelled by ox teams. They had averaged about twenty miles 
per day, were not encumbered by slow-moving ox-drawn wagons 
and many extra cattle, and had arrived in the valley by early 
October, 1856. 

As these foot soldiers of Zion made their way down Emigration 
Canyon, a welcoming pageant was there to greet them. Presidents 
Young, Kimball and Wells, with military and band escorts, paid 
homage to these gallant and fearless folk. When they entered the 
city people came running from everywhere eager to catch a ghmpse 
of the long-looked-for handcarts. Tears ran down the cheeks of 
many as they looked upon these victors of the Plains and Moun- 
tains in their epic march of thirteen hundred miles. If the curtain 
of History could be drawn at this point for the year 1856, we 
would not be standing by this monument today. 

Of the last two companies of handcarts, led respectively by 
James G. Willie and Edward Martin, three major factors entered 
into the picture which brought many deaths and near disaster to 
the parties. These were: delay, over-zealousness to get to the 
valley, and the snows of early winter. The combined numbers in 
the two companies was about one thousand souls. Edward Martin 
had the largest number, five hundred seventy-six persons, with 
one hundred forty-six handcarts, seven wagons for extra supplies, 
fifty cows for beef cattle. The Willie Company numbered four 
hundred and four, with eighty-seven carts, six yoke of oxen with 
wagons, thirty-two cows for beef. 

The good ship Horizon did not debark from Liverpool, England, • 
until the end of May. It was early July before the emigrants 
assembled at Iowa City, only to find that their handcarts were not 

It might be of interest to know just how one of these carts was 
constructed. In length the side pieces, or shafts, were about six 
or seven feet long and made of Iowa oak or hickory. These were 
connected by a cross-piece to serve as a bar or handle for pulling. 
Three or four other cross-pieces about a foot apart served as the 
bed of the cart. Under the center was fashioned a wooden axle 
without iron skeins. On the center cross-pieces was a box made 
of wood or leather, in which provisions and clothing could be 
stored. The weight of the cart was about sixty pounds, and the 
width that of a wagon, so as to roll easily in the ruts of the Old 
Trail. Seventeen pounds was the load limit for each adult, and 
ten pounds for children. 

On the 15th of July, the Willie Company began its westward 
march. The Martin Company did not leave until July 26th. The 
trek across the green-rolling prairies of Iowa was not too difficult. 
Extra food was obtainable. One kind-hearted merchant gave the 
Willie Company fifteen pairs of boots. The summer sun bronzed 
the skin of these travelers and toughened the muscles. The Com- 


panics arrived at Florence, Nebraska, on August 1 1 th and 22nd 

Here an important mass meeting of the two companies was 
called. They must determine whether to continue the journey so 
late in the season or wait at the old site of Winter Quarters for 
the return of another Spring. Eager voices in the group clamored 
to go ahead; the more cautious warned of the difficulties that 
might beset them. Levi Savage, a veteran of the Old Trail and a 
returning missionary, counseled the old and sickly to remain until 
another Spring. Tears rolled down his cheeks as he foresaw that 
if such took the journey that late in the season, their bones would 
strew the way. 

Certainly these emigrants were anything but seasoned veterans 
for such a journey. Recruited from the milder climates of Europe, 
they would be marching into altitudes from five thousand feet at 
Devil's Gate to eight thousand feet at the top of Big Mountain. 
But the final decision was made. They would go on! There was 
merriment and laughter as they began the westward trek. A 
marching song, sung to the rhythm of the step, helped them forget 
the intense heat of an August sun and the stifling dust. It went 
like this: 

For some must push and some must pull. 

As we go marching up the hill. 

As merrily on our way we go. 

Until we reach the Valley Oh. 

Gradually the landmarks of the Old Trail disappeared behind 
them. Ash Hollow, Chimney Rock, that proud sentinel of the 
Platte Valley, Scotts Bluff, and then Fort Laramie. At the Fort 
many bartered trinkets for extra food. Up to this time the daily 
ration of flour had been one pound per person. From now on it 
would be necessary to cut the rations to three-fourths and later 
to one-half pound. *^ 

It was early October now. Heavy frosts covered the tents and 
blankets of those who slept out on those bleak plateaus. Deaths 
were occurring more frequently. The collapsing carts became 
a bitter trial to those whose steps were already faltering because 
of short rations, fatigue and exhaustion. 

The Willie Company was about two weeks' travel ahead of the 
Martin. On October 18th the Martin Handcarters reached the 
last crossing of the North Platte at Red Buttes. They waded the 
stream and when scarcely across, rain, hail and sleet began to fall. 
Here the elements took their first heavy toll from among the 
weakened party. The storm raged unabated for three days. A 
caravan of six wagons, carrying flour and other supplies, and led 
by C. H. Whellock, Dan Jones and Abel Garr, reached them here. 
It was a time of rejoicing — but not for long. 

There was a foot of snow on the ground. The Emigrants must 


go on. Their patient, dull plodding must continue until some 
place of refuge from the storm was found. As we stand here at 
this monument (The Martin Handcart) and look directly East 
toward those low bluffs, there is a place known as Martin's Cove. 
Here the people huddled together to await help or die. The same 
storm had halted the Willie Company at Rock Creek, enroute 
over South Pass. 

In Salt Lake City, President Brigham Young knew nothing of 
these last two companies of Pilgrims belatedly coming to the 
Valley until returning missionaries brought the sad tidings. It 
was October Conference time. All meetings were promptly ad- 
journed. Urgent calls were issued for men, teams, wagons, warm 
bedding, food. When the last call was answered, one hundred four 
wagons and more than two hundred fifty teams were on the road 
to bring relief to these stricken people. 

The bright side of this chapter in westward emigration is the 
way the Mormon people responded to the call from those in 
distress. Men driving the wagons scarcely took time to eat or 
sleep. The head wagons in this rescue party met Captain Willie 
and companions who had gone in search of help. 

The rescuers reached the Willie Camp first. Great fires were 
built, food, clothing and bedding distributed. "Eat all you want", 
they told the Camp, "more is on the way". Said one handcarter 
"Angels from the Courts of Glory could not have been more wel- 
come than these brethren who had come to their rescue". 

Part of the rescue party pushed ahead to aid the Martin Com- 
pany, encamped about two miles north and east of Devil's Gate. 
The camp had become a veritable graveyard. But help had come 
at last. There was warmth and food and shelter in the wagons. 
The handcarts and personal belongings of the Martin Company 
were left at Devil's Gate in charge of twenty men. The first con- 
tingent of the rescued reached Salt Lake City on November 9 th. 
It was a day of rejoicing and of many tears. The Martin pioneers 
arrived November 30th. Every relief that shelter, food, clothing, 
kindness and devoted attention could bring from the people of 
Salt Lake Valley was afforded them. 

The casualties in the Willie Company numbered sixty-six. 
Those in the Martin Company numbered one hundred thirty-five, 
or a total of two hundred and one persons. 

As we hastily scan the pages of Western History, there is no 
instance in all the migrations westward where greater faith in a 
cause, the courage to endure, and a determination to fight through 
to the end, was more boldly demonstrated than by those valliant 
folk who proved themselves the bone and sinew and the un-sung 
heroes of the lands from which they came. 

10:35 A.M. Departed from Martin's Cove. 

1 1 : 00 A.M. Arrived at the site of the Plont Pony Express and 


Stage Station (21 71/2 M.) where Jack Slade killed 2 men. The 
Jackson Ranch was located a short distance to the north. 

Mrs. Tom Sun Related the Story of the Plont Pony Express 
and Stage Station. 

There is no record, as far as I know, of the dates this old 
Plont Stage and Pony Express Station was operated by a French- 
man named Plont. Jack Slade, who operated the stage stations 
through this area at that time, was hung in Virginia City, Montana, 
in 1864, not for any of his more vicious misdeeds, but for riding 
his horse into the general store. The dates for the station were 
earlier than that. 

It was known that Slade used various high handed and unethical 
methods to dispose of his enemies. At this Station, about the year 
1 862, Jack Slade and his hirelings killed two men and buried them 
near this Station. (He claimed they were going to hold up the 
stage). Later, probably about 1875, a man by the name of A. M. 
Jackson started a ranch here. His buildings were just north of 
here on the south bank of the Sweetwater River. 

The story is told that thirteen years later a man by the name of 
Hall, working for Jackson in digging a cellar, found the remains 
of these two men. They were covered over with earth and poles 
and their bodies were in a good state of preservation. The earth 
was replaced over the poles and the cellar dug in another place. 

The following letter, written to Mrs. Tom Sun, Sr. in 1935, 
sheds some light on the time Mr. Jackson operated this ranch : 

Sioux City, Iowa 
November 29, 1935 
Mrs. Tom Son: 
My dear Mrs. Tom Son: 

I am in receipt of a letter from Mr. Mcintosh and in it he spoke 
about you. 

Mrs. Son I knew you before you were married to my good 
friend, Tom Son. I threw the first herd of cattle into the Sweet 
Water valley. My ranch was about 6 miles up the Sweet Water 
from Mr. Son's ranch. This was over 50 years ago (before 1885). 
Your husband (Tom Sun, Sr.) was always a staunch friend of 
mine, and some of my friends hke Boni Ernest, Frank Ernest and 
Jim Cantlin of Sand Creek were often with me at Mr. Son's ranch 
at Devils Gate. I never expect to have such friends as these 
gentlemen again. It is a pleasure for me to write to you and I hope 
that you are well and will be spared many, many years. 

Wishing you a merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, I am, 
your friend of over 50 years ago. 

(Signed) A. M. Jackson 


When Durbin Bros, bought the ranch from A. M. Jackson they 
moved the buildings about one-half mile west, where we will turn 
north from the old Emigrant road on which we are now. The 
Plont Station was just south of the old road and the Jackson 
buildings a few hundred feet north. There is very little evidence 
of any human habitation at any of these places today, as you 
can see. 

I regret that we do not know the exact dates of the foregoing 
information but believe the basic information, which has been 
furnished by my husband, Tom Sun, Jr., to be substantially correct. 

11:15 A.M. Departed 2IIV2 M. In one half mile paused at 
location of Durbin (successor to Jackson) Ranch buildings then 
detoured south-west leaving the old road to our right, as it was 
not practical to travel it the next AVi miles. At 2221/2 M, re- 
entered the old road near location of an old Stage Station V4 mile 
west of Turkey Track Ranch. The road forks here. We took 
the right or north branch. 

12:10 P.M. Arrived opposite location of old Split Rock Pony 
Express and Stage Station (230 M). The old buildings were 
in what is now a meadow below a ditch some 500 feet north of 
our stop. The south branch from 222^/2 M. joins the north 
branch here. 

Miss Lola Homsher prepared a paper on the Split Rock Pony 
Express and Stage Station. This was read by Mrs. Daley from 

The history of the majority of the stations on the old Pony 
Express and Stage lines is yet to be written, and only scattered 
mention can be located about them. 

Split Rock station is mentioned in government mail contracts 
for the stage and pony express line as one of the stations oa the 
central mail route. It apparently was not one of the "home 
stations", and it seems to have but little recorded history. 

According to the Wyoming Guide issued by the Wyoming 
Writers Project in 1941, the station was erected by Russell, Majors 
and Waddell in 1859, at which time their freighting and stage 
business was at its height, and the year before the Pony Express 
was started. 

Quoting from the Guide, we learn that "Deep in the Shoshone 
country, the station escaped the wrath of the eastern and northern 
tribes. But, in March, 1862, the traditionally friendly Shoshone 
went on the warpath, striking simultaneously at every station 
between Platte Bridge and Bear River. Drivers, station attendants, 
and guards, taken completely by surprise, permitted them to 
capture every horse and mule belonging to the company in this 
area; coaches laden with passengers and freight were left standing 
where encountered. At President Lincoln's request, Brigham 


Young sent the Mormon Battalion, 300 volunteers under the com- 
mand of Captain Lot Smith, to quiet the Indians. 

"The Shoshone killed nobody, except at Split Rock. Here they 
ordered a Negro, who had lived only among the Pennsylvania 
Dutch, to prepare a meal. When he did not understand, the 
Shoshone killed him and helped themselves to the larder." 

Split Rock Station existed between the years 1859-1862. But, 
although recorded history of this particular stage station is scanty, 
much of the area's early history passed in review at this point: 
the trappers, traders, missionaries, the '49'ers, the settlers, the 
freighters, the early stage line of John M. Hockaday and William 
Liggett, the later great stage and freight line of Russell, Majors 
and Waddell (who bought out Hockaday in 1859), the Pony 
Express, the overland telegraph hne, all passed within sight of the 
famous landmark for which the station was named. The central 
route and the stations were abandoned as a practical line to the 
West in 1862 because of Indian hostilities, at which time the 
southern Overland Trail became the great road to the West. 

Jule Farlow added interest by telling the following story. 

In the spring of '68 when the gold excitement was at its height 
in South Pass and Atlantic City, there was a party made up of 
miners and teamsters in Fort Laramie who wanted to go to South 
Pass City. On the 10th day of March in 1868 fifteen men, one 
woman, two children, and eight wagons mostly drawn by ox teams 
left Fort Laramie to go to South Pass. In this party of western 
men was W. P. Noble who was driving an ox team for Jules 
Lamoreaux. Mitch Seminole was also along. Lamoreaux told 
me of this trip more than once. W. P. Noble also verified his 

Here is the story as told by Mr. Noble: "We started out on a 
fine morning and there was a lot of feed for the cattle. I flrove 
three yoke of cattle hitched to two wagons for Jule, and he drove 
four yoke hitched to two wagons. When we got near the spot 
where Orin Junction is now located we were attacked by Indians 
in the day time. They rode to the hills at some distance from us 
and shot at us but were too far away to harm us. This seemed 
to be a small party and they soon left us. Again, when near the 
present site of Casper we were attacked, so corralled our wagons 
and remained in this position all night. In the morning no trace 
of Indians could be seen and we resumed our journey. Near 
Split Rock on the Sweetwater we were suddenly surrounded by a 
large war party and it looked as though our time had come. We 
hastily corralled our wagons and got ready for the fight of our 
lives, so it seemed. The Indians were all around us and within 
two hundred yards. There was shouting and yelling by the 
Indians with arrows flying and now and then a bullet hitting our 


"Wc thought it was all over — that it would be our last fight, 
when all at once Mrs. Lamoreaux, a Sioux woman whose name 
was Woman Dress, began shouting at the top of her voice. She 
climbed down out of the wagon in which she and her two children 
were riding. She had a strong voice and she had recognized our 
assailant's voices as Sioux. She stepped boldly out in sight and 
this is what she said, M am Woman Dress, sister of your chief. Gall. 
Beware lest you harm me and my two children here. Go away 
or you will rue it.' They told her to step out where they could see 
her. She did and the attack, was over. The whole party owed 
their lives to this brave Indian woman. 

Her little daughter, Lizzie, told me she remembered this fight 
and wanted to peek out of the wagon to see the battle but her 
mother gave her a good spanking to keep her down in the box. 

Noble said they pulled in on Willow Creek below South Pass 
on the 24th of April. On the 25th Jules' wife presented him 
with another boy. He was born under a bunch of willows so they 
called him, WILLOW. Later it was changed to Willie who was 
our Bill Lamoreaux. 

The Lamoreaux family were real pioneers of Wyoming. The 
family consisted of four boys and four girls. Jules Lamoreaux 
died in December, 1914; Mrs. Lamoreaux died in April, 1908; 
George Lamoreaux died in December, 1916; Phoebe died in 
October, 1923; and Lizzie in August, 1932. I don't know when 
Dore, Mary, or Dick died. Bill Lamoreaux was also known as 
Smiling Fox by the Indians. 

12:30 P.M. Departed from Split Rock and drove two miles 
(232 M) to an old CCC Camp where the Caravan stopped forty 
minutes for lunch. 

1 :20 P.M. The trek continued on the Highway across Cotton- 
wood Creek, where we turned north to enter the old road. At 
(235 M) the ruts in the sandstone were nearly two feet deep. 

IVIaurine Carley told about the ruts and the so-called Castle 
Rock, which is visible a few miles to the south east. 

It is indeed remarkable that these ruts in the sandstone are plain 
after not being used for nearly 100 years. While there is no way 
to check on the number of wagons that passed here between the 
lH30's and the 1870's it was certain that they numbered in the 
hundreds of thousands. 

The four pairs of plain wagon-wheel ruts here are concrete 
evidence of the fact that when possible the caravans traveled four 
abreast. Over much of the distance across Wyoming there were 
many separated roads, but at this point there was only one, as far 
as anyone knows today. No other trail crossed West. All 
traveled here, cutting these ruts. 

The so-called Castle Rock which you see about one mile to the 


southeast was named because of the type of structure which resem- 
bles room enclosures ;md it gives the general effect of a castle. 
(I his Castle Rock is not to be confused with ;i lielter known one 
bearing the s;ime n;inie near (ireen River.) 

Niinies have been c;irved on all sides of this castle but the 
oldest na/iics are found on the north lace. I he oldest name found 
there is that of W. K. Sublette June 17, IK49. He was not one 
of the famous Sublette brothers for whom Sublette County has 
been named. Their names were Andrew, SoloiTion P., Milton 
Cj., Pinkney W., and William L. 

W. K. Sublette— 1849 — could not have been W. L. Sublette 
even if the second initial is not too clear as W. I,, died in 1X45 
and was buried in St. Louis. Today I can find no reference to 
W. K. Sublette in the Historical Departnient in Cheyenne. He 
n)ay have been related to the famous brothers. He may never 
have heard of them. He probably was a gold seeker as the date 

Other names carved in the rock and still legible are William 
.lennings .lune 15, IK53; f). L. Ihomas -.June 10, IS63- Wis.; 
A. Craig May 28, 1850; A. Kraft— Aug. 23, 1884; and C. Kraft— 
Aug. 21, 1881 and Aug. 23, 1884 

A few hundred feet to the north east is a similar but smaller 
promontory but of softer sandstone where a few names and dates 
are at present partly legible. It is too bad that many of these 
names are disappearing. What can be done to preserve these 
authentic bits of history for the distant future? 

2:00 f^.M. The party left the sandstone ruts and continued on 
its way. 

2:30 P.M. The caravan arrived at 241 M. opposite crossing 
Number 2, which is Number I of the three famous f hree Crossings 
of the Sweetwater. 

Mr. Lester Barley addres.sed the Kroup on I'he Three Cross- 

We are now near the point which was designated on tlie old 
trail as 'Ihe Three Crossings. The Three Crossings Station was 
about 3/4 mile north of this point, just south of the gap which 
you see in the distance. It was so nanied because as the Sweet- 
water River nears the gap to the north it winds back and forth 
across the narrow valley, making it necessary for travellers to 
ford the river three times within a very short distance. 

The trail divided near Ihe Three Crossings. C)ne branch went 
through the gorge which you see directly to the north and another 
cut out to the west around the hill. Although both of these roads 
were used, it is believed that the one which passes through the gap 
was used most by early migrations. Ihe emigrants kept to the 
stream in order to have water and forage for their animals. 'Ihe 


road which branches to the northwest became the much used 
freight road. 

The first Pony Express station was built here in the fall of 1859 
and was used during the Pony Express period which began April 
3, 1860, and was discontinued October 24, 1861. It may be of 
interest to note that only valuable and important mail was carried 
by the Pony Express, the rate being $5.00 for each one-half ounce. 
With the connecting of the overland telegraph at Salt Lake City 
important messages could be telegraphed as cheaply and more 
rapidly, and the Pony Express was put out of business. 

Ben Holladay, the famous "stagecoach king" received the con- 
tract to carry the Overland stage from St. Joseph, Missouri, to 
Salt Lake City. The first coach left St. Joseph on July 1, 1861. 
The Three Crossings Station was one of the principal stage stops. 
This stage line was transferred to a more southern route via the 
South Platte, LaPorte, Virginia Dale and Bridger Pass on July 
18, 1862. 

Holladay operated the stage past this point for slightly over a 
year, during which time he sustained heavy losses as a result of 
Indian depredations. During that time The Three Crossings 
Station was burned, three oxen were stolen from Holladay, two 
coaches were damaged in an Indian battle, four horses were taken, 
39 sets of stage harness, and 38 mules were taken, for a total 
loss to him of $14,490.00. 

In July of 1861 The Three Crossings Station was designated 
as a United States Post Office. 

Due to the nature of the terrain and the gap just ahead, this was 
a spot frequently selected for raiding parties by both Indians and 
road agents. One of the most prominent encounters occurred on 
April 17, 1862, near this point. A mail party, consisting of nine 
men and two coaches, left Atchison on April 2, 1862. On the 
17th they were attacked by the Indians. Mr. T. S. Boardman, 
one of the party, writes of the engagement: 

"We drove to the top of a slight elevation to the left of the road; 
the other coach was driven up along side, distant about ten feet; 
mules badly frightened; one of them was shot through the mouth, 
and the bullets whistling rapidly among them it was thought best 
to let them go. They were accordingly cut loose and were soon 
driven up a canon to the southwest of the road, by some ten or 
twelve Indians. Everything that could afford protection, mail 
sacks, blankets, buffalo robes, etc., were thrown out of the 
coaches and from the front boots, and were placed upon the north 
and south sides between the coaches, against the wheels and along 
the east side of us, behind which we barricaded ourselves. James 
Brown who was standing by the hind wheel of one of the coaches, 
then received a shot in the left side of the face . . . Lem Flowers 
(Division Agent) was then struck in the hip . . . Phil Rogers 
received two arrows in the right shoulder . . . James Anderson 


was shot through the left leg, and William Reed through ths small 
of the back . . . 

"The bullets pattered Uke hail upon the sacks that protected us. 
We returned the fire with our rifles and revolvers whenever we 
got sight of any of the foe, reserving most of our revolver shots 
for their charges. They charged upon us twice, but the volleys 
that we poured upon them repelled them. About four o'clock 
p.m. they withdrew in parties of two and threes . . . We soon 
determined to get away if we could, with the wounded to the 
next station." 

They uncoupled one of the coaches, spread some blankets on 
the running gears and attempted to draw the wounded to safety 
upon this improvised ambulance. However, this process was slow 
and hard and was soon given up. Instead, the wounded were 
helped along by a man on each side. 

"After a fatiguing walk of eight miles we reached the station of 
Three Crossings. Here we found the station keeper, wife and 
three children, and the men employed by the Company, who 
informed us that Indians — probably the same band — had stolen 
all the mules and eight head of cattle the night before." 

Here the station house and stable were made into a fort. Some 
of the cattle returned, and on the 21st these were yoked to a 
wagon and the party moved westward, reaching Fort Bridger on 
the 2nd of May, where the wounded were properly cared for in 
the hospital. 

The Three Crossings Station is rich in the history of many 
exciting episodes. It is to this station that Bill Cody claimed he 
galloped on his Pony Express ride from Red Buttes, only to find 
that the station had been burned and the station master killed. 
After securing a fresh mount which had not been driven away 
by the Indians, he rode on to Rocky Ridge station and returhed 
to Red Buttes, having ridden a distance of 322 miles in 21 hours 
— a feat unequalled in recorded history. 

Jackson, "picture maker of the old west", gives the following 
information about one of his pictures of this station: 

"Near the abandoned Station was this grave of a United States 
soldier, killed at Three Crossings during the Indian raids in April, 
1862. Washakie and his Shoshones were accused of these opera- 
tions against the line of the Overland Stages between Fort Laramie 
and Green River, but that wily chief established his innocence. 
Later on, it appeared that the attacks were the work of wandering 
hostiles from several tribes under the leadership of renegade 

During the stage coach period The Three Crossings Station was 
rebuilt of stone and logs. The main part of the building was a 
large stone structure which was flanked by log houses and sur- 
rounded by a stockade to the south. A lookout was erected on 
the northwest corner. 


On May 20, 1865, Indians attacked this station, reportedly 
500 to 600 in number. The telegraph line was cut but the station 
withstood the seige. It was during this attack, so the story goes, 
that Bill Cody, the former Pony Express rider, drove the stage 
coach. Years later in his great wild west show he often enacted 
the scene of the stage coach being attacked by Indians. 

During part of the stage coach period The Three Crossings 
Station was looked forward to as a place of rest and good food. 
Many stories tell of the very fine venison and other wild meat 
which was made available to those who stopped at the station for 
a meal. 

Some of the earliest whitp men to traverse this area were mem- 
bers of the Ashley-Smith expeditions of 1822-1829. The follow- 
ing account appears in "The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the 
Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific" : 

"In February 1 824 they decided to attempt a more southerly 
crossing and so moved up the Popo Agie to the vicinity of the 
present town of Lander, whence they went south to the valley of 
the Sweetwater just above the so-called "Three crossings." With 
the breaking up of winter the expedition cached part of their 
powder and lead, and in the last days of February 1824 started 
westward through a barren land where their only water was 
secured from melting snow. They discovered shortly that they 
had crossed the main divide when they reached the banks of the 
Sandy. On the twentieth of February they were on Green River. 
This is the first recorded use of the South pass from east to west. 
The returning Astorians had apparently been unaware of its 
existence until they actually came through it in the opposite direc- 
tion nearly twelve years before." 

The old emigrant road (South branch of the Oregon Trail) that 
we took from 241 M. to Home on the Range (246V2 M) was 
sandy in places and some of the cars got stuck, causing a loss of 
one hour. 

The 22 remaining cars drove on the Highway direct to Ice 
Slough Creek (257 M.) thereby missing several miles of the old 
trail that we had planned to travel. 

Mr. Clark Bishop addressed the group as follows: 

The south branch of the old emigrant road crossed at this point 
on the Highway. Looking to the northeast you can plainly see 
the scar left by the thousands of teams, wagons and people that 
traveled there. The distance from here to the fourth crossing of 
the Sweetwater River is five and one half miles east, and the fifth 
crossing is 1 2 miles west making the distance between the 4th and 
5th crossings 17V^ miles. The Emigrant Guide shows the distance 
from the 4th crossing to the Ice Spring to be five and three quarters 


miles which makes the spring come about a quarter of a mile west 
of here. The south branch of the old road that we left at Home 
on the Range enters this main branch at 252 Vi M or five miles 
east of here. 

The slough you see here, which at present is nearly dry, was 
known as Ice Slough. Some of the old diaries relate that ice was 
found at a depth of 18 inches. 

We are fortunate in having with us today, Mr. Bruce McKinstry 
of Riverside, Illinois, whose grandfather, Byron McKinstry, trav- 
eled this road in 1852. I am asking Mr. McKinstry to say a few 
words and read from the diary of his grandfather. 

Mr. McKinstry read the following from the Byron N. McKin- 
stry diary: 

"July 6th Saturday. (1852) Cool in the morning, hot sun, 
then a Thunder and wind shower in the afternoon — the dust 
sufficient to smother one. Forded the river in 6 miles and then 
take to the hills in 6 miles farther, came to the famous ice springs. 
These are in a long wide Slough or Swamp, mirey and covered 
with a fine coat of grass but the cattle cannot get at it. In the 
Swamp I noticed numerous little elevations with higher grass on 
them with Springs boiling up in their centre. The coldest water 
that I ever saw, and the worst tasted. I could shake the grass 
for three or four rods around me. It is a perfect quagmire. The 
guide says that Ice may be found by digging down two feet. But 
I found none, though I had nothing to dig with but I ran my arm 
into the mud in many places, and though the mud was as cold 
as Ice I could find none of the latter. The mud has a bad smell 
and I should not like to drink much of the water for fear of its 
being poisenous. We nooned here, our cattle got nothing. In 
V^ m. we came to an Alkali Lake with some beautiful incrustati6ns 
three inches thick of pure white Seleratas (or nearly so). Came 
to the river after leaving it for 16Vi m, finding neither grass nor 
water, heavy rough roads, Sand & Sage. When we got to the 
river at Ford No. 5 we found no grass, all eat into the ground. 
So we tied up our cattle without their having anything to eat, 
though they had travelled 22 m. without anything. We overtook 
Miller, Wm. Jackson very sick, also Mrs. Hall. Hibbard no better. 
The Mountains in the N. W. show finely, covered with snow 
almost to their bases. To the South the snow lays in patches 
near the top and covers but a small part of the Mountains, while 
those in the N. W. are perfectly white. Made 22 miles." 

Mr. Bishop thanked Mr. McKinstry then explained it had been 
necessary to skip eleven miles of the old road between Home on 
the Range and Ice Slough because of sand. The old road is plain 
from here to the fifth crossing of the Sweetwater but the last five 
miles are too rough for auto travel. 


The next trek will start just west of the river near the fifth 
crossing and will probably go to Pacific Springs. 

The group, which was assembled on the north side of the High- 
way about 100 feet east of the ice slough, lingered for an addi- 
tional half hour and did their best to finish the excellent lunch 
of fried chicken and the trimmings left over from noon. Pictures 
were taken and the party disbanded at five o'clock. 

Following is a short summary of Trek No. 5 by Mrs. P. E. 
Daley, Rawlins, Wyoming and Frances Seely Webb, Casper, 

On July 17 after visiting the interesting Tom Sun Ranch, one 
hundred Oregon Trailers of '55 traveled in a forty car cavalcade 
along passable portions of the old Oregon Trail for fifty-one miles 
as far west as the Ice Slough. 

Preceded and followed by Highway Patrol Officers, the caravan 
was well-protected. 

Mrs. A. R. Boyack gave a paper on the tragic experiences of 
the Hand Cart company as the group stopped near the site of 
their camp at Martin's Cove. Here they were caught by an early 
storm, and many of them perished for lack of food and warm 
clothing. Many of them were newly arrived English converts to 
Mormonism, and all of them totally unprepared for this rigorous 

Other historical spots visited were the Plont Pony Express 
Station, old Split Rock Pony Express and Stage Station, and the 
Durbin-Jackson ranch site. Among the most interesting stops 
was that at the spot near Castle Rock, where the deeply cut wagon 
ruts in the sandstone are still visible near the Three Crossings of 
the Sweetwater. 

Washakie and Zke Skoshoui 

A Selection of Documents from the Records of the Utah 
Superintendency of Indian Affairs 

Edited by 

Dale L. Morgan 

PART IX— 1864-1866 


James Duane Doty, late acting Supt. of Indian Affairs, to 

William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated 

Great Salt Lake City, September 11, 1864.-'" 


Mr Irish, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Utah Territory, 
arrived in this City on the 26th of August. He desired me to, 
continue to perform the duties of Superintendent — there being 
then several parties of Shoshonees and Utes here — until the 31st., 
which I did; and on that day delivered to him all the public 
property in my hands belonging to the Indian Department, for 
which his receipts were taken. 

My account and Return, up to that date, will be forwarded in 
a few days. . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Sept. 26, 1864.-^ 

Sir: In compliance with the regulations of the Indian depart- 
ment, I have the honor to make the following report of the con- 
dition of Indian affairs within this superintendency, so far as I 
am able to obtain information in the short time I have been here, 
less than one month. 

I took possession of what property there was on the first of 
September, and relieved Governor Doty from the further per- 
formance of duty as acting superintendent of Indian affairs. . . . 
[A considerable discussion of Ute affairs follows.] 

... I have to-day received a telegram from the operator at 

219. D/551-1864. 

220. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document I (Serial 
1220), pp. 313-315. 


Shell creek, two hundred miles southwest, that the Indians are 
gathering in, demanding their annuity goods, and out of humor by 
reason of the delay. Another despatch from Fort Bridger informs 
me that Shoshonees are in large numbers at Bear lake, one hun- 
dred and forty miles north, impatient because they are not paid, 
so that they can go to their winter hunting grounds on Wind river. 
I also subjoin a copy of a letter handed me the 16th instant, 
from his excellency Governor Doty and Brigadier General Conner, 
late commissioner for negotiating the treaties with those Indians, 
urging me to make some provision to pay them now, and not wait 
the arrival of the annuity goods: 

Great Salt Lake City, 
Utah Territory, September 15, 1864. 

Sir: The undersigned trust that their long connexion with the 
Indian service of this Territory will excuse tham in addressing 
you, who have but recently assumed the duties of your office here, 
on matters which we consider of great importance connected with 
your department. 

You are aware that treaties were made in the year 1863 with the 
Shoshonee Indians and mixed bands of that nation, by which they 
were to receive a certain sum annually, in such articles of property 
and presents as the President of the United States should think 
best for them. 

Our Indian relations, so far as maintaining peace along and in 
the vicinity of the overland route, and generally throughout this 
rich mining country, is concerned, have been and still are so 
delicate, and the interests involved in the preservation of peace 
so important, that, in our opinion, the greatest care should be 
taken on the part of the government in strictly complying with 
its obligations with these Indians. 

The time has already passed when they had a right to expect 
their annuity for this year. They will soon leave for their winter 
hunting grounds, some four or five hundred miles from this place. 

Should they not receive their annuity before their departure, 
dissatisfaction and disturbance may be the result. 

It is understood that the presents that the government is for- 
warding to them carmot arrive here until quite late in the fall, 
and so late that it will be impossible to deliver them to the Indians 
this season. 

We therefore respectfully but urgently recommend that you 
make some other provision to fulfil the obligations assumed by 
us on behalf of the government in these treaties at an early day, 
and before they depart for their hunting-grounds. 

The pecuhar circumstances with which we are surrounded in 
this country, the fact that we are cut off from communication 
with the department at Washington, and the generally disturbed 


condition of the Indians throughout the whole country, will, in 
our opinion, justify you in assuming the responsibihty. 

Very respectfully, &c., 

James Duane Doty, 
Governor and late Commissioner. 
P. Edward Conner, 
Brigd. Gen. U. S. V., Commanding District Utah. 

Hon. O. H. Irish, 

Superintendent Indian Affairs. 

I have accordingly sent a messenger after Washakee, with a 
present of some tobacco, and a letter inviting him, with four other 
chiefs, to comt in and consult with me as to what had better be 
done. I cannot determine until I have seen these Indians, and 
have so informed Governor Doty and General Conner. 

The difficulties of our situation cannot be appreciated by any 
one not here to share them. I have not received a letter from 
any eastern correspondent dated since the 6th of last July, and I 
cannot, owing to the condition of the mails, expect therefore to 
be advised by you as to what to do in the emergency. 

The goods were, I am informed, shipped from Nebraska City 
about the 18th of August, and I have not heard of them since. 
They cannot reach their destination before the 18th of November, 
and that is doubtful, as snow fell in the mountains on the 22d 
instant, while I was traveUing between here and the Spanish Fork 
farm. While I am anxious to keep the peace among the Indians 
in the mountains, I am still determined not to overreach appro- 
priations and embarrass the department by making it necessary 
to beg from Congress money to make up deficiencies. 

I have written you from time to time, since my arrival in tjiis 
Territory, as to my movements, and it will be seen that I have not 
had the opportunity as yet to inform myself fully as to the con- 
dition of Indian affairs within this section of the country, as is 
necessary to making a full report. 

After my council with Washakee, I will send such further report 
as circumstances may require. I will endeavor to make up for 
the deficiency in this in my subsequent communications. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 
City, Oct. 1, 1864.221 

I have the honor to inform you that I have this day appointed 

22L 1/696-1864. 


Dimick Huntington U. S. Indian Interpreter for this office in 
place of Joseph A. Gebow, removed for seUing Indians Liquor, of 
which offence he has recently been convicted. I have also to 
inform the Department that I have employed temporally, until 
Agent [L. P.] Kinney takes possession, George [Washington] 
Bean as U. S. Indian Interpreter at the Spanish fork Agency to 
commence his services the 1^' of October, in place of Mr. Ells- 
worth who cannot speak the Utah Language fluently enough for 
the purpose for which an Interpreter is required at that Agency. . . 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to O. H. Irish, Supt. of 
Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, Oct. 5, 1864.—^ 

Sir: In compliance with the regulations of the Indian depart- 
ment, I have the honor to submit the following report relative to 
the affairs of this agency for the past year. I take pleasure in 
bearing testimony to the uniform good conduct of the eastern 
bands of the Shoshonee Indians towards the white citizens living 
in, as well as all emigrants travelling through, this country during 
the past year. All with whom I have conversed have expressed a 
very strong desire to fulfil their treaty obligations, and report to 
me any depredations committed by any of the tribe with great 
vigilance. About the first of June a party of Loo-coo-rekah or 
Sheep-Eater Indians stole and brought into camp nineteen head 
of horses belonging to a party of miners at Beaver Head, Montana 
Territory. Washakee, the chief, informed them that a treaty had 
been made with the whites. They surrendered the horses to him, 
and he sent them to Fort Bridger and turned them over to the 
military authority of the post. A large number of the tribe visited 
this agency and were very anxious to receive their presents before 
leaving for their hunting-grounds, (the valley of Wind river.) 
I was unable, however, to give them any information at what time 
they would arrive. They were induced to leave the agency without 
them, under the promise that, should the goods arrive, I would 
retain them and distribute them in the spring, which appeared to 
satisfy them. In order that such an occurrence may not again 
arise, I would recommend that in the future all supplies designed 
for this agency should be forwarded as early as practicable, that 
they might reach their destination by the first of August each 
year. It would thus give the agent time to collect the Indians, 
who from necessity are scattered over a very large extent of 
country, distribute their presents, and send them to their hunting- 

222. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), pp. 316-317. 



Map prepared by Doty which accompanied Treaties to Senate.223 
Courtesy National Archives 

grounds early, thereby enabling them to collect their food for the 
winter. I have been unable, for the want of proper faciUties, to 
take an enumeration of the Indians under my charge during the 
present year; from all the information that I have been able to 
obtain, however, I believe there are about fifteen hundred souls. 

The hunting-grounds of the Shoshonee Indians being in a 
section of country where the whites, during the last year, have 

223. Map transmitted by James Duane Doty to William P. Dole, Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, Dated Great Salt Lake City, Nov. 10, 1863. 
This map was referred to in Document C, page 95, Vol. 29 No. 1, April 
1957 Annals of Wyoming. The map was not received in time from the 
National Archives to be included earlier. 


been in search of gold, their game is becoming exceedingly scarce, 
much of it having been killed and a great deal of it driven from 
the country; hence it will be absolutely necessary in the future to 
feed them during the winter months. In view, then, of the scat- 
tered condition of the Indians, and their almost extreme destitu- 
tion, I would recommend that some suitable measures be taken 
to locate them upon a reservation where they might be protected 
by the government until they could be taught to take care of 
themselves. I would respectfully urge that an appropriation be 
made by Congress for that purpose. I am happy to be able to 
state that the introduction of whiskey has been much less during 
the past year than formerly; enough, however, still finds its way 
into the nation to cause considerable trouble. The Indians find 
no difficulty in procuring what they desire. It is generally obtained 
in the settlements. My attention has been called to a case that 
occurred lately in the vicinity of Cache valley, where, to obtain 
a buffalo-robe, one of the citizens of that locality sold to an Indian 
whiskey, which caused him to become intoxicated, causing some 
trouble, and finally in the shooting of the Indian, mortally wound- 
ing him. He is at this agency in a very critical condition. 

I would most respectfully urge upon the department the neces- 
sity of erecting an agency building. I am at present entirely 
dependent upon the military authority of this post for shelter. 
I have been destitute of an office a large portion of the year. 
I would also urge upon your department the necessity of furnish- 
ing the agent with an ambulance and mules for the use of his 
agency. I would ask for an appropriation of $2,000 for the 
above purposes. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affars, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Oct. 13, 1864.--' 


I would respectfully call your attention to that portion of my 
Annual Report made under date of the 26th of Sept. last, which 
refers to the matter of paying the ShoShonies their Annuity Goods; 
You will observe therein that I had sent for Washakee the prin- 
cipal Chief to see what arrangements could be made to enable 
them to reach their hunting grounds. 

I have now the honor to report that Washakee finaly came in 
after a good deal of difficulty to Fort Bridger, and then in company 

224. 1/707-1864. 


with one other Indian and Agent Mann he took the stage and 
came into the city.-^^ 

He refuses absolutely to start on the hunt now at all, says he 
cannot go over the Mountains with his Women and Children, it 
is too cold; That they are affraid of the Souixs, and that they will 
leave their families in the vicinity of Ft Bridger for safety, and 
will hunt in that neighborhood and do the best they can, but that 
they depended upon their Great Father helping them to live now 
that the White Men have driven off their game and that he must 
give them some provisions for the Winter or they will starve. 

He further says that they do not need all of the presents in 
Blankets, Calicoes, Shirts, &C. That they want provisions first 
and Clothing next; He insists upon this. Agent Mann [Acting] 
Governor [Amos] Reed and all others whom I have had the 
opportunity of consulting, and who are familiar with the matter 
say that Washakie is right; That they must have help in Subsist- 
ance, that there is not game enough to sustain them in the country. 

I have urged as urnestly as possible, that they Should go to 
their hunting grounds, but it is of no avail, and useless to say 
more; I told them that the Great Father had sent them goods of 
such things as he thought best for them, and that when they 
arrived, I would see that they received them; He again said that 
they did not want them all, wanted me to keep back part of the 
goods, and give them something to eat, that they did not want to 
hear Blankets again but wanted meat — This was his answer to 
all my propositions, and I promised to lay the matter before you, 
and ask you for your instructions by Telegraph. 

He went away apparently greatly dissatisfied at not having 
some understanding now. 

I am entirely satisfied that we will be under the necessity of 
furnishing those Indians provisions; and that the cost of doing so 
should come out of their Annuity, for if taken out of the funds for 
"Incidental Expenses of the Indian Service in Utah" it would be 
drawing directly from the resources upon which we must depend 
for aiding those Indians who receive no stated Annuities from 
Government, and who have claims as just and urgent as the 

225. Mann to Irish, Dec. 3, 1864, Estimate of funds . . . for the quarter 
ending December 31, 1864, an enclosure in Irish to Dole, Dec. 23, 1864 
(1/765-1864), has among the items: 

Expence in Sending Messenger to Washakee 22 50 

Fare of Washakee to Salt Lake & Back ~ 60 00 

Fare of One other Indian " " " " 60 00 

Fare of Myself to Sah Lake & Back 60 00 

Expense incurred o nround Trip 37 00 

The exact date does not appear. 


The [blank] ShoShonies are entitled to $10,000 in pres- 
ents, this is double the amount in proportion to their numbers, 
which we will under present approp[r]iations be able to give the 
other Indians of this Superintendency. 

I would therefore respectfully request that $4,000, from the 
appropriations for the "Incidental Expenses of the Indian Service 
in Utah" be set aside for the purpose of furnishing them provisions, 
and that this amount of goods be taken out of those sent to them 
and distributed among the Indians who would otherwise have to be 
provided with goods from the appropriation out of which the 
$4,000. is taken. 

This would be fulfilling the Treaty Stipulations by giving them 
the $10,000 in presents as follows. Viz. $6,000. in goods $4,000. 
in provisions; And the withdrawal of this sum from the resources 
of the Department for aiding the Southern Indians would be made 
good by permitting me to retain that amount out of the goods 
originally intended for the ShoShonies, and distributing them to 
the other Indians not provided for by Treaties as their necessities 
required it. 

This plan if admissable will enable us to comply with the 
demands of these Indians, quiet all apprehensions of difficulties 
from that source, and at the same time avoid any danger of 
increased liabilities. Agent Mann says that he can help them 
through the Winter with that Sum. 

I promised the Indians that I would ask you to Telegraph me 
whether I might do this or not. It is highly important that I 
should receive an answer as soon as possible; So earnest were 
they in the matter that they refused all presents for the people 
except provisions. Refused even some small presents I offered 
them individually; I desire however to say in their favor that they 
gave not the sligh[t]est intimation of an unfriendly spirit; They 
evidently feel that the neccesities of their people are such that 
they should make the request, and persist in it even if they seemed 
obstinate; They tried to make this apparent in such a manner 
as to give me no offence. 

I have written the foregoing in the absence of any official infor- 
mation, as to the quantity of goods purchased, but upon what 
Hon J F. Kinney, told me at Nebraska City, you intended doing, 
Viz. Expending in the purchase of goods, all of the appropriations 
of $16,000 made for fulfilling the obligations of the Treaties nego- 
tiated by Governor Doty, Ten Thousand going to the ShoShonies, 
$6000 to other Indians. 

I presume the same question will occure as to those to whom 
the $6,000. is to be paid; they will want provisions in part, and 


the same necessity will exist in their case, as there does in this 
they have not talked with me directly upon this subject; but enough 
has been said to satisfy me that they will make the same demands; 
I have simply informed them that when the wagons come, I would 
go and see them, and give them their goods; That they should be 
patient, and make an honest living until then. 

If I am misinformed, and you are not sending the whole amount 
in goods, and there are unexpended balances of the appropriations 
made for carrying out these Treaties, I would urgently request 
that said balances be at once placed at my disposal for Winter is 
upon us, and arrangements must be made now, and I cannot buy 
on credit in this market. 

It is during the approaching winter months we will need the 
most of the funds for the remainder of the fiscal year for all pur- 
poses; save the settlements of the Indians in the Uinta Valley, and 
the regular and contingent expenses of the Service; from the 15th 
of October to the P* of June is the time when provisions, and 
clothing are more necessary than at any other season of the year; 
with the appropriations made by Congress, if I can have them to 
expend from time to time, as circumstances may require, I am 
confident peace will be maintained within this Super intendency, 
and the Indians will feel the practical benefits of the humain policy 
of the Indian Department. 

I am greatly embarrassed from the want of Mail facilities, I have 
received no letter from the Indian office since the 6th of July; 
No information from Indian Goods. We are informed that the 
route is open, but I don't see it at present writing; we get no 
Mails, and I presume some of these will never come to hand. 
The press of business is such that we will not be able to depend 
upon them for some time; Hence I would the more urgently request 
(that I may act understandingly in all of these matters) informa- 
tion by Telegraph as follows. Viz. How much funds can be 
placed to my credit with the Assistant Treasurer in New York 
under the following appropiations, Viz. 

P* For paying Annuities under the Treaties negotiated by Gov- 
ernor Doty. 

2nd por the "Incidental Expenses of the Indian Service in Utah." 
3^'^ The appropriation for deficiency under which it was under- 
stood arrangements were to be made for transportation of 1000 
Sacks of Flour. Having no Mails I am not informed whether 
arrangements were made for the purpose of purchasing, and 
transporting it or not, if it has not been done I can use the money 
to advantage here; will buy some flour, but principally wheat and 
have the Indians boil it, if the suggestion meets your approval. 

By responding by Telegraph to these questions, refering to 


them as they are numbered, I can with the copy of this letter before 
me understand your wishes.--" 

In this connection I beg leave to say that we are called upon 
to minister in this Superintendency to the wants of Indians residing 
not only within its limits but numerous bands roaming on the 
frontiers in the adjoining Territories not understanding jurisdiction; 
They seem to make this a central point, not being governed at all 
by the boundary lines of the Territories as designated by the laws 
of Congress but by the natural divisions of the country marked out 
by the Rivers, and Mountains which they have for Generations 
regarded as the boundaries of the lands belonging to their respec- 
tive Tribes, and through this throws them principally into other 
Territories, yet because a corner of the land they claim to occupy 
runs into my jurisdiction they consider themselves under my care, 
and do not in any instance as I can learn seem to know that they 
should apply to other Indian Authorities over the Mountains, 
East or West. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Oct. 18, 1864.--' 

Sir: I have the honor to herewith enclose the annual report of 
Agent Luther Mann, jr., received at this office on the 15th 

I would respectfully recommend to the favorable consideration 
of the department that portion of his report referring to the locat- 
ing of the Shoshonees on a reservation. The Indians, in all this 
mountain country, cannot live any longer by hunting; the game 
has disappeared, the old hunting-grounds are occupied by our 
people to their exclusion. We must instruct them, therefore, in 
some other way of making a living than the chase, or else support 
them ourselves in idleness, or leave them to prey upon the emigra- 
tion pouring into the country. For starving Indians will steal, 
pillage, murder, and plunge the frontier, from time to time, into 
all the horrors of savage warfare. Thus the country demands 

226. The Commissioner wired Irish on November 10 and wrote him 
on Nov. 14 to say that $4,000 had been placed to his credit in New York, 
and he could apply that amount in provisions for the Shoshoni in place 
of the same amount in goods. In effect, he would buy $4,000 in pro- 
visions from the fund for Incidental Expenses of his Superintendency, and 
trade it for the same amount of goods bought with Shoshoni annuity funds, 
distributing such goods to his non-Shoshoni Indians. Office of Indian 
Affairs, Record Copies of Letters Sent, Vol. 75, pp. 411, 427-428. 

227. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), p. 315. 

228. See Document CXII. 


from government defence, retribution, and often the extermination 
of the starving savages, at a cost of milhons of dollars to the 
national treasury, when thousands would have sufficed if placed 
in the hands of the Indian department to be used in settling them 
in homes and instructing them in the peaceful arts of industry. 

The farmer, with the plough, hoe, and axe, will, if used at the 
first, be more efficient in keeping peace on our frontier than the 
soldier with cannon, muskets, and bayonets. With the tribes in 
these mountains, the first means should be directed to locating 
them on reservations, and I feel that we cannot too strongly 
recommend the policy suggested by Agent Mann as to the Sho- 
shonees, but that it should be carried out as to all the tribes 
in these mining Territories. Herein lies economy, peace and 
safety. ... 


Brig. Gen. P. Edward Connor to O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian 

Affairs, dated Head Quarters District of Utah, Camp 

Douglass, Utah Territory, near Great Salt Lake City 

Nov. 4, 1864.—' 


I have to inform you that I have this day received a letter from 
Ben Holladay Esq. Proprietor of the Northern [Overland] Stage 
Line, on whose complaint the Indian Chief "Pocatello" was 
arrested by me. Mr. Holladay informs me that on further exam- 
ination he finds that the alleged offences of "Pocatello" are not 
of that serious character he at first apprehended and understood 
them to be, and requests that no further action be taken by me. 

Under those circumstances, I deem it proper to transfer the 
prisoner "Pocatello" to you, for such action in the premises, under 
the treaty and the laws, as you may regard necessary to maintain 
friendly relations with the Indian tribes and for the prompt punish- 
ment of offenders. . . . 
[1/735-1864 End.] 


O. H. Irish, Supt, of Indian Affairs, to Willlvm P. Dole, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Nov. 9, 1864.^30 

Refering to my communication of the 29^*^ ulto, I have the 
honor to report that Genl. Connor has sent the Indian Chief, 

229. 1/735-1864 End. Marked "Copy." 

230. 1/735-1864. 


"Pocateilo" to the office, with a letter explaining his reasons for 
so doing, a copy of which I herewith enclose. 

The Northern Bands of the Shoshonees upon learning of Genl 
Connors intention of hanging Pocatello had gone to the Mountains 
with an intention of preparing for war as soon as he was turned 
over to me 1 sent him to Box Elder [Brigham City] from which 
point he will start in search of his people and will bring them to 
Box Elder to meet me in Council next week. 

If the Military authorities will allow me to manage these Indians 
without any further interference, I am satisfied that by a judicious 
use of the appropriations made I can maintain peace. . . . 


Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Nov. 15, 1864. Extract-^^ 


At the date of my last annual report advices of the negotiation 
of treaties of peace and friendship with several of the tribes of 
Indians of Utah, as well as of Idaho, whose range lies along the 
great overland route, had been received, and the annual report of 
Governor Doty, in relation to the affairs of his superintendency, 
and particularly in reference to these treaties, was received in time 
to be published in the Appendix. In addition to the treaties, 
verbal or written, referred to in my last report, as having been 
already made, and from which great good was expected to result 
in securing a peaceable transit of emgirants throughout the great 
routes of travel, two other treaties were forwarded by Governor 
Doty, under date of October 21, 1863, having been effected by 
him, in conjunction with General Conner, commanding the United 
States forces in Utah Territory, to whose energy and good judg- 
ment, combined with the bravery of his troops in their previous 
operations against the Indians, great credit is due, as having 
impressed the latter with a wholesome idea of the power of the 
white man, and disposed them to seek for peace. The two treaties 
referred to were made - the one October 12, 1863, at Tuilla 
valley, with the Shoshonee bands of the Goship tribe, and the 
other October 14, at Soda Springs, Idaho Territory, with the mixed 
bands of Shoshonees and Bannacks, of Snake River valley. After 
negotiating these two treaties. Governor Doty and General Conner 
had the pleasure of announcing that there remained no hostile 
tribe along the routes of travel to Nevada and Cahfornia. In a 
later letter from Governor Doty, much valuable information is 
given in relation to the various bands and tribes of Indians whom 

231. 38th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1220), pp. 160-161. 


he had visited, and with whom he had treated, and an approximate 
estimate of their numbers is given. 

The various treaties thus made were transmitted to the Senate 
in due course. They were all returned from the Senate, confirmed, 
but with amendments, which amendments were forwarded to 
Governor Doty with instructions to obtain the assent of the Indians 
to them. There is not in our files any acknowledgment by him of 
their receipt, neither does Superintendent Irish, who succeeded 
Governor Doty, allude to them in his report. In the letter of 
instructions sent with the amendments to the treaties, it was 
suggested that, inasmuch as there existed no appropriation to 
defray the expenses of getting the Indians together to obtain their 
consent thereto, the object might be attained at the time of the 
payment of their annuities. 

The subject of abandoning the several small reservations in 
Utah, and concentrating the Indians upon one large reservation, 
known as the Uintah valley, has been frequently urged upon the 
attention of this office, but for want of proper information as to 
the locality and its resources, and on account of the hostility of 
and pending military operations against, several of the tribes, 
nothing has yet been accomplished in that direction. In January, 
1 864, a memorial was received from the legislature of Utah, asking 
that the smaller reservations might be surveyed and opened to the 
whites for settlement, and by the act of Congress approved May 5, 
1864, provision was made for their survey, and for the permanent 
reservation of Uintah valley as a home for the Indians of Utah. 
An appropriation of $30,000 was also made for the purpose of 
preparing homes on the reserve for those Indians who should be 
removed to it, and for aiding them in becoming self-supporting, by 
means of agriculture. The Uintah valley had been by order of*' 
the President, as recommended by this office, set apart for the 
exclusive occupation of the Indians as long ago as October, 1861, 
but in the imperfect geographical knowledge of the country, its 
exact limits could not be defined. The tract set apart by following 
what are supposed to be dividing ridges, so as to include the whole 
region traversed and drained by the Uintah river and its upper 
branches down to its junction with the Green river, is understood 
to be ample in extent, containing two million acres, abounding 
in valleys of great fertiUty, with all the necessary water-power for 
mills, and having an abundance of timber; indeed, as being 
admirably adapted for the purposes of a large Indian reservation. 
Many of the Indians exhibit a desire to be placed upon it, and 
undertake in earnest the pursuit of agriculture. A difficulty pre- 
sents itself in the want of accurately surveyed lines, so that, by the 
exclusion of whites from them, the Indians may be left in undis- 
turbed possession, and I recommend that application be made to 
Congress for an appropriation for the purpose of making this 
survey; but meantime the superintendent has been directed to 


warn all white settlers now on the tract to leave it, (describing 
it as fully as possible,) and to notify all other white persons, who 
may be found upon the reservation when its limits shall be def- 
initely established, that they will be required to remove. The 
superintendent has further been instructed to prepare and submit, 
as soon as possible, a plan for removing the Indians from the old 
reservations to the Uintah valley. It is confidently expected that 
the most gratifying results will follow the completion of the plans 
thus set on foot for the concentration of the Indians in their new 

Superintendent Irish, who succeeded Governor Doty in charge 
of Indian affairs in this Territory, did not arrive at Great Salt 
Lake City until August 25, having waited some time at Nebraska 
city, in the expectation of taking with him the annuity goods, upon 
the prompt distribution of which much seemed to depend in 
regard to preserving peace with the Indians. It is to be regretted 
that, in consequence of apprehended danger of Indian hostilities 
upon the plains, the goods were not shipped from Nebraska city 
until late in August, and were therefore not expected to arrive 
at their destination in less than three months, if indeed they are 
not delayed on the way until spring. Some apprehension is there- 
fore felt lest the Indians, who have kept their faith and observed 
the terms of the treaties made with them, should become dissatis- 
fied and hostile, some symptoms of such feeling having exhibited 
themselves already; and the superintendent was urged by Governor 
Doty and General Conner to make, if possible, some temporary 
arrangements in advance of the arrival of the goods, so as to 
prevent an outbreak. At the last dates received Mr. Irish had sent 
presents to the principal chief, and invited him, with four others, 
to come and see him, when, it was hoped, some satisfactory 
arrangement would be effected. . . . 


James Duane Doty, Commissioner, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Nov. 25, 1864.-^2 

Sir: — On the 18th of this month the Northwestern Bands of 
Shoshones were met by Col. Irish and myself, by invitation, at 
Box Elder in this Territory; and their Treaty as amended was 
submitted to them, and their assent was given to the proposed 
Amendments of the Senate, by adding Article 5 to the Treaty; and 
their Agreement, duly executed according to your Instructions, is 
herewith transmitted. 

232. D/586-1864. Printed in: 39th Congress, 1st Session, House Exec- 
utive Document 1 (Serial 1248), p. 326. 


One of the principal men who signed the Treaty, and whose 
name does not appear to this agreement, died during the past year; 
and another was absent on a hunt, as was reported. 

There was however, between four and five hundred of these 
Bands present, who gave their assent freely to the Senates Amend- 
ment, and joyfully participated in the annuity provided by the 
Treaty. It is beheved the only individuals of these Bands who 
were absent on this occasion, were those of five lodges — to one 
of which it is supposed the absent chief belonged — on the Goose 
Creek Mountains, who refused last year to unite with these in 
their Treaty. With these Lodges it is hoped the Superintendent 
may be instructed to open negotiations during the winter, or 
spring, as they are on the northern California road, and near the 
newly traveled road to Boise from this City. 

The Treaty with the Shoshonee-Goship Bands, as ratified by the 
Senate, was submitted to those Bands at Tuilla Valley on the 24th 
instant; and their assent was given to the Senate Amendment by 
an Agreement adding Article 8 to the Treaty, which was duly 
executed by the Chiefs and principal men, according to your 
Instructions, and is herewith transmitted. Harrynup, who signed 
the Treaty had died last winter; and Dick Moni, one of their 
principal and best young men, now signed in his stead as a chief. 

Col.° Irish as the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in this Terri- 
tory, joined by my invitation in these Councils and negotiations; 
and the funds for holding intercourse with these Bands being in 
his hands — none having been received by me for this special 
service — he has paid all of the expenses incurred. 

The North Eastern Bands of Shoshonees who were treated 
with at Fort Bridger, and the mixed Bands of Bannacks and 
Shoshonees treated with at Soda Springs, had left for their Buffalo 
hunt near the Wind river Mountains in the Territory attached to 
Nebraska, before the arrival of the Superintendent; and it is not 
probable they can be met until Spring, when the Senates amend- 
ments will be submitted to them; and from what I have learned 
of their feelings have no doubt of their acceptance. They could 
not be negotiated with at an earlier day, for the reasons stated in 
my Letter to the Commissioner of the 1 3th, of June last. . . . 


[Certificates of Issue, 1865]^^^ 
[The Utah Field Papers for 1866 contain three certificates of 

233. The record does not show whether there was any extensive 
distribution of provisions to the Shoshoni in the winter of 1864-1865. Any 
major distribution presumably would have been through Superintendent 
Irish. Issues of wheat and a beef ox by Mann, as attested herewith, were 
too slight to have much bearing on the problems which had preoccupied 
Irish in the autumn of 1864. 


issue for the first three quarters of 1865. The first, signed by 
Jack Robertson, Interpreter, and Harry Rickard, Fort Bridger 
Agency, March 29, 1865, certifies that they were present at the 
distribution by Agent Luther Mann of certain articles. The issue 
dates were Jan. 16, 29, Feb. 8, and March 5, 1865, and were for 
various dry goods except for 2 bushels of wheat on Jan. 16, the 
same on Jan. 29, 4 bushels on Feb. 8, and on March 5 a beef ox 
and 6 bushels of wheat. On the verso of this document appears 
the certificate: "We the undersigned Chiefs Head Men and 
Delegates of the Eastern Bands of ShoShonee Indians and duly 
authorized by them to represent Said Bands do hereby Certify 
that we have received from Luther Mann Jr. U. S. Indian agent 
the Within named Goods and Provisions being a portion of the 
amount due our Said Bands for the Year A. D 1864 under the 
Fifth article of Our Treaty made with the United States at Fort 
Bridger U. T. dated the Second day of July A D. 1863." Dated 
"]^ort Bridger Agency U. T. July 16th 1866," and signed by mark 
by Washakee, Wanapitz, Toopsapowet, Pantoshiga, Narkawk, 
Taboonshea, Neeranga, Tortsaph, and Bazil. 

[A second such certificate, for the second quarter, 1865, at- 
tested by Jack Robertson, Interpreter, and L. B. Chapman, shows 
issues on April 10, 26, May 7, and June 20, exclusively of dry 
goods, certified by the same chiefs, July 16, 1866. A certificate 
for the third quarter, signed by Robertson and P. [?] V. Lauder- 
dale, A. A. Surgeon, U. S. A., attests issues on Sept. 17, 1865, 
all of dry goods except 54 bushels of wheat and 94 lbs. of tobacco. 
Again signed by the chiefs, July 16, 1866.] 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to William P. Dole, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, August 4, 1865.--^^ 


Yesterday (3'* inst) I received the following telegram from 
Agent Mann Jr at Fort Bridger, Viz "I learned this morning that 
a large party of the ShoShonees are preparing to leave that Agency 
for the purpose of fighting the hostile Indians who are Engaged 
in committing depredations on the Overland Mail Line and Tele- 
graph Lines, Shall I permit them to leave if I can avoid them? 
Please answer at once and oblige Washa-Kie and his band here." 

I answered immediately as follows "With the concurrence of 
and by placing themselves under direction of the Military Author- 
ities I am willing they should fight the bad Indians. Let them 
be good Soldiers that the Great Father may think well of them." 

234. 1/1254-1865. 


I have entire confidence in the fideUty and efficiency of the 
ShoShonee Indians and beUeve they will do good service at this 
time. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt Lake 

City, Sept. 9, 1865. Extract.-^-' 

Sir: I have the honor to submit my annual report of the general 
condition of Indian affairs within the Utah superintendency for 
the past year. 

The tribes included within this superintendency are the eastern 
and northwestern bands of Shoshonees and the mixed bands of 
Bannacks and Shoshonees, the Goships, the Cum-umbahs, the 
Utahs, Utes, Pah Vants, Pi Edes, and Pah Utes. 


The eastern bands of Shoshonees and mixed bands of Bannacks 
and Shoshonees number upwards of four thousand souls. These 
bands are under the control of Wash-a-kee, the finest appearing 
Indian I have ever seen. He is justly regarded as a firm friend 
of the government and the whites, and steadily refuses to hold 
communication with bad Indians. He offered his services with 
his warriors to fight against the hostile Indians on the plains, as 
I informed you by letter of the 4th ultimo. 

The treaty negotiated by Governor Doty, at Fort Bridger, on 
the 2d day of July, 1863, was with the eastern bands of the 
Shoshonee Indians. 

The treaty negotiated at Soda Springs on the fourteenth day of^. 
October, of the same year, was with the mixed bands of the 
Bannacks and Shoshonees, in which it was agreed that the latter 
bands should share in the annuity provided for by the Fort Bridger 
treaty with the eastern bands. These Indians have not, since the 
making of the treaties referred to, received their presents as 
promptly as they expected them, owing to the burning of some of 
the goods on the plains, and the lateness of the season when the 
balance were received for last year, it being after most of the 
Indians had gone on their winter hunt. This year, all but the 
old men and some of the women and children have gone on the 
hunt without their presents, for fear they would suffer the same 
disappointment as last year, the goods not having come to hand 
yet, and there being no prospect of their arrival until the snow 
falls in the mountains. These bands range through the north- 
eastern portion of Utah Territory and that portion of southern 

235. 39th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 1 (Serial 
1248), pp. 310-216. 


Idaho lying along and south of Snake river. They generally 
inhabit the Wind River country and the headwaters of the North 
Platte and Missouri Rivers. Their principal subsistence is the 
buffalo, which they hunt during the fall, winter and spring, on 
which they subsist during that time, and return in the summer to 
Fort Bridger and Great Salt Lake City to trade their robes, furs, 
&c., for such articles as they desire and can obtain in the market. 
The only portion of their country suited for agricultural purposes 
is Wind River valley, in which they are desirous that government 
should set aside a reservation for them. 

These Indians do not properly belong to this superintendency, 
their country being north and northeast of Utah, principally in 
Idaho Territory and Wyoming,--^*"' (now attached to Dakota.) 
With their agency located in Wind River valley, as they desire it 
should be, they would remain away from the white settlements, 
the mail and telegraph lines. They have repeatedly asked that this 
should be done. The reports of Agent Mann of last year, con- 
curred in by the superintendent, recommended a compUance with 
their wishes. 


There are three bands of Indians known as the northwestern 
bands of the Shoshonees, commanded by three chiefs, Pocatello, 
Black Beard, and San Pitch, not under the control of Wash-a-kee; 
they are very poor, and number about fifteen hundred; they range 
through the Bear River [and] lake. Cache and Malade valleys, 
and Goose Creek mountains, Idaho Territory, and should be 
under charge of the superintendent of Indian affairs for that 
Territory. They come into Box Elder and the northern settle- 
ments, within this Territory, for the purpose of Uving off the 
people, but their country is almost entirely outside of our limits. 

Governor Doty negotiated a treaty with them at Box Elder, 
Utah, on the 30th day of July, 1863, by which the government 
agreed to pay them a yearly annuity of five thousand dollars 
($5,000.) They have kept the treaty, as a general thing; but, 
owing to their country being so much of it occupied by the whites, 
the game almost entirely destroyed and driven away, they suffer 
frequently from hunger, and I have been compelled to assist them 
a great deal during the past winter, or else they might have felt 

236. One of the earliest allusions to Wyoming by its present name. The 
previous January a Pennsylvanian, James M. Ashley, had introduced in 
the House of Representatives a bill to provide "a temporary government 
for the Territory of Wyoming," referred by the House to the Committee 
on Territories. So late in the session, the bill never got out of committee. 
Abortive proposals in 1866 and 1867 were for a Territory of Lincoln, but 
the name Wyoming was revived when on the initiative of the Senate a 
Territory was actually created in 1868. 


themselves compelled to commit depredations upon the stock of 
settlers in order to keep themselves and families from starving. 

I made an arrangement early in the winter with the leading 
citizens of the northern portion of the Territory to employ chief 
Black Beard and his band to, herd their cattle, and pay him in 
flour and beef. This, with relief I furnished enabled them to get 
through the winter. 

But they should be attached to an agency in Idaho, and in- 
structed in farming. They would like a reservation on the Snake 
river, in the southwestern corner of Idaho.--" Though they are 
called Shoshonees, they are an entirely separate and distinct people 
from those under the control of Wash-a-kee, and while they are 
friendly they are not disposed to associate together. . . .--^^ 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to O. H. Irish, Supt. of 

Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, 

Sept. 28, 1865.-^9 

Sir: In compliance with the regulations of the Indian depart- 
ment, I have the honor to submit the following report relative to 
affairs at this agency during the past year: 

The Territory over which my surveillance extends is bounded 
on the north by Snake river, east by the Sweet Water and North 
Platte rivers, south by Yampa and Bear mountains, and west by 
the valley of Salt lake.-^'^ The Indians occupying this tract are 

237. Such a reservation was never set aside. President Andrew Johnson, 
by Executive Order on June 14, 1867, had created a reservation for the 
Boise and Bruneau bands of Shoshones and Bannocks, "Commencing on 
the south bank of Snake River at the junction of the Port Neuf River with 
said Snake River; thence south 25 miles to the summit of the mountains 
dividing the waters of the Bear River from those of Snake River; thence 
easterly along the summit of said range of mountains 20 miles to a point 
where the Sublette road crosses said divide; thence north about 50 miles 
to Blackfoot River; thence down said stream to its junction with Snake 
River; thence down Snake River to the place of beginning." This, the 
Fort Hall Reservation, embracing about 1,800,000 acres as estimated, was 
situated in southeastern rather than southwestern Idaho, and it was here 
that the so-called mixed bands of Shoshoni and Bannacks were eventually 

238. Irish's further remarks, on the Goships or Goshua Utes, Cum- 
umbahs or Weber Utes, Utahs, Pi Edes, and Pah Utes are omitted in the 
present printing. 

239. 39th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 1, (Serial 
1248), pp. 326-328. 

240. As Mann describes his jursidiction, it extends far beyond the 
boundaries of Utah Territory on the north and east, the jurisdiction being 
tribal rather than geographical, except that he leaves out of account the 
Wind River country where the Shoshoni now lived most of the year. 


Luther H. Mann, Shoshoni Agent at Fort Bridger, 1861-1869 
Original given to Bancroft Library by Dr. Edward F. Corson 

known as the eastern band of the Shoshonee tribe, under the 
acknowledged leadership of Wash-a-kee, an Indian chieftain who 
has never been known to have held hostile relations with the 
whites, and who, when a portion of his tribe deserted him to join 
a band of insurrectionists, remained firm in his allegiance, though 
bound to keep the peace by no treaty stipulations. 

In my report of last year I estimated the number of these Indians 
at fifteen hundred souls. No enumeration could be made this 
year, but from the best data I am able to obtain I should set the 
population at eighteen hundred — men, women, and children. In 
addition to the natural increase by births, there have been additions 
from neighboring tribes by old deserters coming back, and those 
individuals who, attracted by Wash-a-kee's rising home [i.e., 
fame?] have cast their lot with him. 

This tribe is entirely nomadic; and there being no reservation 
on land which they can call their own, they spend about eight 
months of the year among the Wind River mountains and in the 


valleys of the Wind river, Big Horn and Yellowstone. Here they 
subsist entirely by chase — buffalo, deer, elk, and the mountain 
sheep affording them their only food. They are tolerably well 
provided with comfortable lodges, perhaps one hundred and fifty 
in all. They clothe themselves almost exclusively with the skins 
of the deer, sheep, and buffalo, made into garments of a style 
peculiarly their own. The leggings and breech-cloth are not very 
soon to be replaced by the pantaloons worn by the whites. I 
observe a marked improvement each year in their means of pro- 
tection against the inclemency of the weather. This people have 
never turned their attention to agricultural pursuits, nor can it be 
expected of them until they are placed upon a reservation where 
they can have the necessary protection. If they are not provided 
with such a home, they are destined to remain outside of those 
influences which are calculated to civilize or christianize them, 
as has been done in many parts of our country to tribes not one 
whit more susceptible of being rendered useful members of 
society. Wild Indians, like wild horses, must be coralled upon 
reservations. There they can be brought to work, and soon will 
become a self-supporting people, earning their own living by their 
industry, instead of trying to pick up a bare subsistence by the 
chase, or stealing from neighboring tribes with whom they hold 
hostile relations. -^^ I trust this matter will engage the serious 
attention of the department. 

As I have said, this tribe live entirely by hunting wild animals, 
because their only source of revenue is derived from the sale of 
skins. The result of the past year's hunt might be stated approxi- 
mately at eight hundred buffalo robes, five hundred beaver skins, 
and four hundred elk and mountain sheep skins. These products 
of their only industry are either bartered with other tribes for 
ponies, or with white traders for small articles of merchandise — 
paint, beads, and trinkets. 

The Shoshonees are friendly with the Bannacks, their neighbors 
on the north, and with the Utes on the south, but are hostile 
toward the tribes on their eastern boundary, viz: Sioux, Arapahoes, 
Cheyennes, and Crows, between whom there is more or less steal- 
ing continually going on. Wash-a-kee feels himself too weak to 
engage in any aggressive movements against either of these tribes, 
but says that if he should be attacked he would give them battle. 
When the tribe arrived at this agency, in June last, some fifty of 
the braves hearing of General Connor's expedition against the 

241. The history of a tribe even so peaceably disposed as the Shoshoni, 
as brought out in these documents, shows that the acculturation of Plains 
Indians was far more difficult than such idealism as Mann's could well 


Sioux,-^- presented themselves armed and equipped, eager to join 
the troops in a campaign against their old foes. The lack of a 
suitable military organization moving from this point alone pre- 
vented the acceptance of their services. 

The sanitary condition of the tribe is good; no epidemics have 
visited them and vaccination never has been thought necessary. 
They mingle so seldom with the whites that they are not exposed 
to their diseases. Pulmonary affections are infrequent, and deaths 
from any cause whatever are comparatively rare. 

On the seventeenth of this month 1 turned over to Wash-a-kee 
the annuity goods for last year, which came too late for delivery. 
These, consisting of blankets, calicoes, butcher knives and tobacco, 
were distributed to the most needy ones, and seemed to give 
universal satisfaction. The time had arrived for the tribes to 
return to their hunting grounds and make preparations for winter, 
or I should have insisted on their remaining until the goods for 
the present year came to hand, which would have made their 
outfit more complete. 

It affords me pleasure in stating that the Indians belonging to 
this district are peaceable and well disposed; that all their acts 
have been in strict accordance with the friendly relations which 
have heretofore existed between themselves and the white resident 
population of this Territory, as well as those passing through. In 
many instances they have aided persons seeking to develop the 
mineral resources of the country by pointing out valuable deposits 
of silver and coal or oil springs. 

No outbreak has come to my knowledge; few, if any, trespasses 
have been committed, and no incursions have been made by them, 
and I am proud to say that they remain true to their treaty 

242. Indian troubles, rising in intensity through the sixties, led the War 
Department in March, 1865, to merge the districts of Utah, Colorado, and 
Nebraska into a single District of the Plains, with General Connor in 
command. He garrisoned key posts along the overland trail, and after a 
number of bitter local engagements, in one of which Lieut. Caspar W. 
Collins met a celebrated death, sent four columns north into the Sioux 
country. This "Powder River Expedition," as it has become known, has a 
complex history but was on the whole a failure. Grace Raymond Hebard 
and E. A. Brininstool wrote a detailed account of the campaign in The 
Bozeman Trail, Cleveland, 1922, 2 vols.. Vol. 1, pp. 131-200, 237-261; 
and another appears in Fred B. Rogers' Soldiers of the Overland, pp. 
146-246. Col. Rogers, pp. 244-245, contributes a military critique of the 
campaign, and on p. 167 notes from a contemporary Denver newspaper 
Washakie's premature judgement, voiced at the outset of the expedition, 
that the hostile Indians could not escape. 

Washakie's interest in a successful campaign is evident from what is 
said in various of our documents concerning pressure upon his people in 
this climactic era of Sioux power on the Plains. 


Some dissatisfaction has been expressed by them that the 
annuity goods do not reach this agency in time enough for distri- 
bution to let them get to their winter hunting grounds before the 
snow prevents their progress thither. I would therefore urge upon 
the department the recommendation made in my last annual 
report, that all goods designed for this place be shipped at the 
earliest practicable moment, in order that they may reach the 
agency in time for such distribution. 

I would again most respectfully urge upon the department the 
necessity of erecting an agency building. I am at present entirely 
dependent upon the military authority of this post for shelter.-^^ 
I would also urge upon your department the necessity of furnishing 
the agent with a pair of mules for his ambulance. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 
Lake City, Oct. 9, 1865.244 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a communication 
from the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs under date of 1 3* 
ulto granting me leave of absence to visit Nebraska and Washing- 
ton in which I am requested to advise you of the probable time 
of my arrival in the latter place. 

I am at this time unable to say when I can in justice to the 
public service leave, but will advise you as soon as I can do so. 
The delay in the receiption of the annuity goods is going to 
operate more unfavorable than I anticipated. We have had heavy 
snows in the mountains already, and a large proportion of our 
goods are now, as near as I can learn at least 400 miles distant. 
One train is expected here in about five days, whether I will 
receive by it a sufficient assortment of goods so that I can proceed 
to distribute, I will not be able to determine until it arrives. 

The North Western Sho-Shonees are now in the neighborhood 
of Box Elder waiting for their annuities and if the goods are not 
on this train, I do not see any other way for us to do than to get 
goods to supply deficiencies of the merchans here, to be paid 
for out of the goods to arrive. If I do not make some such 
arrangement I must either subsist these Indians, until the goods 

■ 243. Troops had been stationed in the Fort Bridger area since the fall 
of 1857, and a military reservation was created in 1859. Most of the 
troops were withdrawn in 1861, with the outbreak of the Civil War, but a 
sergeant's guard remained, and in December, 1862, the post was re- 
garrisoned by Connor. Fort Bridger was maintained as an army post 
till 1890. 

244. 1/1347-1865. 


come which our limited resources will not warrant or send them 
away without them which they would regard as a violation of the 

The Eastern Bands of ShosShonees have gone to their hunting 
grounds. I arranged with them satisfactorily. I gave them pres- 
ents amounting to $2487.- and then they proceeded to Fort 
Bridger where Agent Mann gave them what goods he had over 
from last year, and they were satisfied with the assurance that 
they would receive the balance of their annuities for the year, on 
their return next spring. 

I am informed that the unforeseen delay in the arrival of the 
goods is occasioned by the difficulties on the plains that the train 
was attacked by hostile Indians and some of the stock run 
off, and one man killed. 

Under ordinary circumstances the goods cannot be got here 
as early as the necessities of the service requires them, so long as 
the present plan of transportation is adhered to. In this connec- 
tion I beg leave to refer you to my letter of the SC^ of January 
1865 and other communications refered to therein as well as to 
mt annual report dated the 9*^ of September last. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Washington, 

D. C, Dec. 15, 1865.-^5 

I have the honor to enclose herewith a Treaty made with the 
Eastern bands of Sho-Sho-ne Indians, in which they give their 
assent to the amendment proposed by the Senate on the 7^*^ of 
March AD 1864, to the Treaty made and concluded at Ft Bridger 
Utah Territory on the 2'^ day of July AD 1863, by and between 
the said Indians and the United States, represented by James 
Duane Doty and Luther Mann Jr. Commissioners. . . . 
[Endorsed:] Enclosure sent to Secretary with report May 31, 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Washington, 
D. C, March 2, 1866.-^« 

I would respectfully suggest that a large Medal [inserted with 

245. 1/1393-1865. 

246. 1/128-1866. 



caret, apparently in another hand: of President Johnson] be given 
to Washakee the principle Chief of the Shosho-mees. There is 
no more deserving Chief Among all the Indians — 

I have a safe opportunity of transmitting it to him by the hand 
of W A Carter Esq Special Mail Agent for Utah. . . . 


O. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Nebraska 

City, N. T., April 3, 1866.-^' 


I have the honor to herewith transmit the original Treaty, nego- 
tiated with the Eastern Band of the Shoshonee Indians which was 
recently found among the late Gov. Doty's papers and forwarded 
to me here. . . .-^'^ 

[Endorsed:] Treaty and amendments sent J. Duane Doty Mar 
18 1864 

Endorsed treaty sent to Secretary with report May 31, 1869 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Supt. of 
Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger, June 9, 1866.^^^ 

Dear Sir 

... I have word this Morning that Washakee the Head Chief 
of the Eastern Band of Sho.Sho.nee Indians will be here this 
Week I Should be much pleased to receive your Contemplated 
Visit on his arival or the arival of the Goods designed for this 
agency I have nothing to feed them on their arival and Stay at 
this place. It would be very desirable that the Goods for this 
agency should reach here at the Earliest practicable opportunity 
as it will be imposible for them to subsist for any length of time 
in this locality. . . . 

247. 1/222-1866. 

248. Governor Doty died in office in Great Salt Lake City June 13, 
1865. As an exception among Territorial officials, he had been liked by 
the Mormon people, who would also have been gratified had Irish been 
appointed his successor. For the Indian Office memorandum filed with 
the present letter, see Document XC, note 189. (Annals of Wyoming 
Vol. 28 No. 2, p. 205.) 

249. Utah Field Papers, 1866. 



Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Supt. of 
Indian Affairs, telegram dated June 14, 1866.^"^ 

By Telegraph from Bridger 

WashaKee the Head Chief of Eastern Bands Shoshonee Indians 
Arrived this morning-^^ 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Supt. of 
Indian Affairs, telegram dated June 18, 1866^^^ 

By Telegraph from Bridger 

Washakee desires to know if the ute Indians are friendly — 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Supt. of 
Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger, July 26, 1866.-^'^ 


The Within Bill of Provisions was received by Mr James on 
his departure from this place you will please retain from any 
Money due him the amount and remit by letter $14.50 

The following amount was furnished James and the Indians 
with him on their arival here the day you left Bridger Sugar Tea 
Bread Beef Amounting to $10.50 which was paid for by me if 
that amount Could be paid for by you it would releive me please 
write me on the Subject and greatly Oblige ... 


F. H. Head, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 

Lake City, August 13, 1866.25* 


Washakee, the chief of the Eastern Bands of Shoshonees, with 

250. Ibid. 

251. While at Fort Bridger on this visit, Washakie and other Shoshoni 
chiefs acknowledged certain issues made the tribe in 1865. See Document 

252. Utah Field Papers, 1866. 

253. Ibid. 

254. H/340-1866. Printed in: 39th Congress, 2nd Session, House 
Executive Document 1 (Serial 1248), p. 128. 


some 300 of his men came in a few days since to make me a visit. 
He wears about his neck the medal which you sent him by Judge 
Carter of F.' Bridger and with which he is exceedingly pleased — 
The enclosed photograph [not present] was taken at the time of 
his visit, and is a very good hkeness. He is by far the noblest 
looking Indian I have ever seen, and his record is untarnished by 
a single mean action- In your last report you recommend that 
medals be given Washakee and Kanosh Chief of the Pah Vents 
who is equally deserving of such a testimonial, or present.-''"' 
I beg you will send me a medal to be presented to Kanosh. 
I shall visit his tribe in about six weeks if the new goods arrive 
when I expect them and would like to take it with me — It would 
be safely transmitted by mail. . . . 


Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Supt. of 

Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, 

Sept. 15, 1866.-''" 

Sir: In compliance with the regulations of the Indian depart- 
ment, I have the honor to submit the following report relative to 
the affairs of this agency: 

About the 20th of September, 1865, the season being far ad- 
vanced and game scarce, the Shoshones immediately set out for 
their winter hunting grounds across the mountains, if possible to 
reach there before the snow fell. 

The whole tribe accompanied Chief Washakee thither, with the 
exception of five or ten lodges, who passed the winter on Green 
river, about fifty miles from here, where they subsisted on the' 
small game there to be found, and making no demands upon me 
for assistance. The main portion of the tribe proceeded to the 
valleys of the Pawpawgee [Popo Agie] and Wind rivers, where 
they spent the winter hunting the buffalo, deer, elk, and mountain 
sheep. They procured during the season upwards of one thousand 

255. In his annual report, Oct. 31, 1865, the Commissioner had re- 
marked : 

I recommend that medals and presents be given to Washakee, chief 
of the northeast Shoshonees, and to Konosh, chief of the Pah-Vants, 
as a special testimonial of appreciation by the department of their 
good conduct and good influence over their people. Washakee 
recently asked permission to take part in the campaign against the 
western Sioux, and this was granted, subject to the arrangements to 
be made with the military commander of the district of the Upper 
Platte .... (39th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 1 
[Serial 1248], p. 187.) 

The medal was sent out to Washakie in March; see Document CXXV. 
A similar medal was sent to Kanosh on Sept. 1, 1866. 

256. 39th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1 , (Serial 
1284), pp. 126-127. 


buffalo robes and a few dressed skins of other named animals, a 
much larger collection than during any previous year. They also 
secured a good supply of dried meat. Although the past was the 
severest winter on record for the past ten years, the Indians of 
my agency never fared better nor looked so fat and healthy as they 
did on their arrival here this summer, proving conclusively that 
they had fared sumptuously every day. Such well-fed Indians 
could not be otherwise than healthy, so that the mortality among 
them has fallen far below the average. 

I did not have a favorable opportunity for taking the census 
of the tribe this year, but estimate the number of Shoshones at 
nineteen hundred. Aside from the natural increase by births, 
which has not fallen short of former years, there has been a con- 
siderable addition from neighboring tribes. About four hundred 
Bannocks, under a chief named Tahgay, (a very worthy Indian, 
and in whom I fully repose confidence,) who have been residing 
in the vicinity of Soda Springs and along the Snake river, passed 
over into the Wind River valley and located themselves adjacent 
to the Shoshones, with whom they are at peace. They also accom- 
panied the Shoshones on their visit to this agency, and, from all 
that I can learn of them, I think they desire to be on the most 
friendly terms with the whites. I did not have any presents for 
them, and was informed that they had not received any from the 
Great Father in times past. The neglect, if any, must be owing 
to their being so far removed from any agency. I supplied them, 
however, with a few articles of food for their immediate wants 
out of my own pocket, and would recommend that such provision 
be made for them in future that they too may receive a share of 
the annuity goods with their neighbors, the Shoshones. 

These Bannocks will undoubtedly return to this agency once 
or twice during the year. 

The supply of presents for the Indians of this agency reached 
me in due time, was ample in quantity, and gave universal satis- 

Shordy before the distribution I had the pleasure of meeting, 
in company with Superintendent Head, Washakee and his chiefs 
in council, on which occasion the superintendent made them a 
speech, and the best of good feeling prevailed. Washakee has 
lately received, under the pledge of friendship from the President, 
a fine large silver medal, bearing the image and superscription 
of the Great Father. 

There were present at the distribution about one hundred and 
fifty Utes from the Uintah agency, who came for the purpose of 
trading with their neighbors, the Shoshones. ^'^^ Some of my 

257. Although there were intermittent periods of bad relations between 
Utes and Shoshoni, Utes had frequented the Fort Bridger area for purposes 
of trade from the time the fort was founded, in the early forties. 


Indians were dilatory in coming in this season, but I did not 
distribute the goods until all, or nearly all, had arrived. The 
cause of this delay is the scarcity of game and the consequent 
difficulty in maintaining an independent sustenance at this post, 
for they have but little money to buy food with. I would here 
observe that the location of this agency is a bad one, and for this 
reason: the Indians are obliged to come a long way from their 
hunting grounds to receive their presents, and by the time they 
reach me their stock of provisions is weU-nigh exhausted, and 
for them to maintain themselves in this vicinity without an abun- 
dance of game is an impossibility, and discourages some from 
coming at all. I would therefore recommend that a portion of 
their annuities be given them in money, to enable them to defray 
the expenses of subsistence during their visit at this agency. 

In this connexion I would again recommend the plan of locating 
this tribe upon a permanent reservation and establishing thereon 
an agency, and make such other arrangements as I have heretofore 
suggested for improving their condition. 

The valley of the Wind River mountains is the territory which 
the tribe have selected for their home, and this is the place where 
such a reservation should be set apart and an agency established. 

The country abounds in game, has a very mild climate, and 
possesses agricultural advantages which make it a great desidera- 
tum to the white man. Numerous oil springs have been discovered 
and located in the valley of the Pawpawgee,-^® but this tribe are 
strongly opposed to any invasion of their territory by the whites. 

I greatly fear that these mineral and agricultural resources of 
the country will turn out to be a bone of contention between the 
whites and the reds, and would therefore urge that the tribe have 
a reservation staked out which may be held sacred to them, and 
not be encroached upon by the whites. 

Several of our citizens are looking toward the Wind River 
country with a view to its development, and I give you a few 
extracts from a letter written by one who passed the winter and 
a part of the spring in the valley. He says: "The air is pure, the 
water of the best, the climate mild and regular. The soil is not 
second in fertility to that of Illinois or Iowa, farming land enough 
to support a population of two hundred thousand persons, the 
climate well adapted to the growth of small grain and fruit, espe- 
cially apples and vegetables. There is plenty of timber for build- 
ing and fencing purposes. The scenery is most beautiful and 
picturesque. There are two oil springs in the valley, one of which 
pours forth one hundred barrels per day. There are good indica- 

258. These springs had been known since the earHest days of the 
mountain men, recorded on maps by Jedediah Smith, Captain Bonneville, 
and others, and their value has been realized in the Lander oil field. 


tions of stone-coal and iron, with numerous quarries of limestone 
suitable for building purposes. The foot-hills and valleys are 
covered, winter and summer, with a luxuriant growth of nutritious 
grass, making the finest grazing region west of the Missouri. The 
mountains give indications of mineral deposits. But little snow 
fell, and what did fall soon disappeared. Stock can be wintered 
without any feeding. Buffalo, and other game, abounds," &c., &c. 

As long as our Indian tribes are permitted an existence in the 
land, I contend that they should have a territory assigned them 
where they can procure a living, instead of being driven away to 
the poorest tracts of country, where a white man, with all of his 
superior knowledge, would fail to make a living. Washakee and 
his tribe deserve a permanent and exclusive reservation in the 
valley of the Wind river, and 1 pray you to let them have it at 
once. The subject demands serious attention, and I hope it will 
receive a proper consideration. The Indian must be reclaimed 
from his wild ways, or he will continue to be an expense to the 
country so long as he lives; and no plan of rendering him a self- 
supporting and law-abiding citizen is so effectual as that one which 
civilizes, educates, and christianizes him, and this work cannot 
be done save on a reservation. 

The Shoshones have not been engaged in any warfare, offensive 
or defensive, during the past year with neighboring tribes, have 
been at peace among themselves, and, I am proud to say, continue 
faithful to their treaty stipulations. . . . 


F. H. Head, Supt. of Indian Affairs, to D. N. Cooley, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Great Salt 

Lake City, Sept. 20, 1866. Extract?-''^ 

Sir: I have the honor to submit my annual report of the general 
condition of Indian affairs within the Utah superintendency for 
that portion of the year past during which I have been acting as 
superintendent. The Indian tribes within this superintendency 

1. The eastern bands of Shoshones and the mixed bands of 
Bannocks and Shoshones. These bands all recognize Washakee 
as chief. They number about four thousand five hundred souls. 

2. The northwestern bands of Shoshones. These Indians 
number about eighteen hundred. Pokatello, Black Beard, and 
San Pitz are the principal chiefs. 

259. 39th Congress, 2nd Session, House Executive Document 1, (Serial 
1284), pp. 122-126. 


3. The western Shoshones. These Indians number about two 

4. The Goships or Gosha-Utes. These Indians number about 
one thousand. 

5. The Weber-Utes or Cum-umbahs. These Indians number 
about six hundred. 

6. The Utahs. These Indians are now principally consolidated 
into two bands, one under the control of Tabby, who has suc- 
ceeded to the chieftainship made virtually vacant by the old age 
and infirmity of Sow-i-et. This band is composed of the Tim-pa- 
nogs, the Uintas, and the San-pitches, and numbers about four 
thousand. The other Utahs are known as Pah-Vants, and are 
controlled by Ranosh [Kanosh], and number about fifteen hun- 

7. The Pah-Edes. These Indians number about six hundred. 
Their principal chief is Tut-sey-gub-bets. 

8. The Pah-Utes. These Indians number about sixteen hun- 


These Indians are under the special supervision of Agent Luther 
Mann, whose annual report is herewith transmitted [document 
CXXXII]. They are the most wealthy of any Indians in the 
Territory, owing to their hunting grounds embracing much terri- 
tory still frequented by the buffalo. The robes taken by them 
on their hunting excursions form an article of traffic of consider- 
able importance, and enable them by the sale of their surplus skins 
to purchase ponies, ammunition, &c. During the year these 
Indians have been entirely friendly. Washakee, their chief, is 
the noblest Indian, both in act and appearance, that I have ever 
known. When young he spent much of his time for many years 
in company with the famous Kit Carson, then an adventurous 
trapper among the Rocky mountains. Carson and his companions 
had frequent skirmishes with hostile savages, and the familiarity 
which Washakee thus acquired with the arts of civilized warfare 
enabled him to rise to the chieftainship of his tribe.-^*^ It is his 

260. It is difficult to judge the correctness of these comments. Although 
Head may have been reporting something said to him by Washakie, Carson's 
fame had been spread abroad by Fremont as early as 1845, and he had 
recently been much praised for his campaign against the Navajos in the 
Canon de Chelly, in January, 1864. Head may thus have been disposed 
to play up an acquaintance between Carson and Washakie, though Carson 
did not enter the Shoshoni country until the fall of 1831, and it v^'as some 
time after this that he attained prominence among the mountain men. 


boast that he has jiever shed the blood or stolen the property of a 
white man. The propriety of soon locating these Indians upon a 
suitable reservation is discussed at large in the report of Agent 
Mann, and his views are such as meet my entire approbation. 
The Wind River valley, which is the favorite hunting ground for 
these Indians, will be the most suitable locality, unless it shall be 
found to be rich in mines of gold and silver and springs of 
petroleum. Should this be the case, it would not perhaps be the 
policy of the government to prevent the development of its mineral 
resources by setting it apart as a reservation. Its location, too, 
is a considerable distance from the usual lines of travel, and would 
render the transportation of supplies, presents, &c., somewhat 
inconvenient and expensive. The miners are, however, already 
prospecting this valley, and the results of their researches will 
soon be known. The rapid development of the surrounding terri- 
tory will soon render the isolation of the valley less complete, and 
should it not be valuable for mining an exploration of the same 
should be made, and the Shoshones permanently located thereon. 
These Indians receive an annuity of $10,000, according to the 
provisions of the treaty of July 2, 1863. This amount is usually 
sent in goods, and is ample to comfortably clothe the Indians in 
connexion with the proceeds of the sales of their surplus robes 
and furs. 


These Indians are very poor, their country affording but little 
game. They are peaceably disposed, and will probably become 
merged in the eastern bands within a few years, should Washakee 
live and retain his popularity and influence. A considerable 
number of these Indians, including the two chiefs Pokatello and 
Black Beard, have this season accompanied Washakee to the Wind 
River valley on his annual buffalo hunt. These Indians receive 
an annuity of $5,000 in goods by the provisions of the treaty of 
July 30, 1863. This is sufficient to clothe them comfortably, but 
it is necessary to furnish them, during the winter season especially, 
a considerable amount of provisions to keep them from starving. 
Neither these Indians nor the eastern bands have as yet displayed 
any inclination to agriculture, or an abandonment of their nomadic 


There are no schools of any kind yet established among the 
Indians in Utah. The wealth of the Indians consists almost entirely 
in horses, of which some bands have a considerable number. No 
accurate report can be made in respect to the number owned by 


the different bands, but from the best information I can obtain 
I should place it as follows: 

Eastern bands of Shoshones 500 

Northwestern bands of Shoshones 100 

Weber-Utes .-- 50 

Goships -.. 20 

Utahs 400 

Total number of horses 1,070 

The horses are all of the breed usually known as Mustangs, 
being very small, but capable of great endurance. Their average 
value would be probably about $30, making the wealth of the 
tribe in the Territory $32,100. 






Wyoming Mc^iaeologlcai J^otes 


L. C. Steege 


One of the most controversial of all the stone artifacts to be 
classified are the drilling types. Collectors will readily agree as 
to the identification of these artifacts, but, how many of these 
stone tools actually show any use as a drill? 

An iron-clad classification as to the limits of size and form is 
impossible for these artifacts. From a mechanical and technical 
standpoint in order to be practical, the stem of a drill would have 
to be made quite thick to withstand the downward pressure and 
the twist in addition to the resistance of the object being drilled. 
Thin-stemmed drills would never stand up under such use. 

The drilUng of hard objects such as stone and slate would 
naturally impart a ground surface on the point of a stone drill. 
The drilling of softer materials such as wood or bone would 
eventually leave a glossy polish on the drill point, yet upon close 
examinations of these so-called drills, I have still to find ray first 
evidence of such usage. 

It is my opinion that these implements with the long, slender 
stems (Figure 1; A, B, and C) were used as pins or fasteners for 
robes, cloaks and blankets and not for drilling purposes as here- 
tofore believed. 

Perforators and borers are the small short-stemmed tools of the 
"drilling" classification. (Figure 1; D, E, and F). These may 
be described as a short, sharp, and tapered point made on a flake 
or blade of flint and having a flat base which was easily grasped 
between the thumb and the folded index finger. The cross section 
of the point is roughly lozengic with sharp edges which add 
abrasion to the penetrating power of the tip. These perforators 
were used with a twisting, reaming motion with downward pres- 
sure applied for penetration. Holes could be made in buckskin, 
wood, shell, bone, steatite, slate and soft stones. 

Occasionally one may find an object which had been too thick 
to drill from one side only. In such a case the drilling was 
restarted on the opposite face with a result that the hole is roughly 
shaped Uke two hollow cones joined at their apices — not always 
too correct due to deficient workmanship or a slight mis- 
calculation on the part of the operator. 


Drills ("Pins"), and perforators are found throughout the 
United States. Wherever chipped implements abound in numbers, 
you can expect to find these interesting stone artifacts. 

Wyoming State Mis tor I cat Society 


Fourth Annual Meeting 

September 27-28-29, 1957 

Cody, Wyoming 

Friday September 27 Registration: Buffalo Bill Museum 

11 : 00 Exhibition Flint Lock Shoot by members of the 

National Muzzle Loading Association 

1:00 Historical Tour to John Colter's camp site of 


4:30- 6:00 Tea at the Buffalo Bill Museum, sponsored by 
the Trustees of the Museum and Mrs. Mary 
Jester Allen and Helen Cody Allen. 

Saturday September 28 

8:30-10:00 Annual Business meeting of the Wyoming State 
Historical Society. 

10:15 Tour of Historical sites north and west of 

Cody. Ned Frost and E. E. Newton in 

12:00 noon Barbecue at Cody City Park. 

1:30 Parade in costume of 1807 period; line of 

march from Cody City Park to site of 

2:30- 4:00 Fa.gQa.nt John Colter. Site of pageant just west 
of Cody. Presented by the Park County 
Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society, Lucille Patrick, Chairman. 

4:30 Committee meetings; Executive meeting. 

7:30 Banquet at Cody Auditorium. 

L H. Larom, Toastmaster 

Introduction of Distinguished Guests 

Speaker: Mr. Merrill J. Mattes, Regional 
Historian, National Park Service. 


DEBATE: Authenticity of the Colter Stone 
Burton Harris (positive side) 
W. K. Cademan (negative side) 
Moderators: Dr. T. A. Larson 

Mr. Frank Oberhansley 
10:00-Midnight Square Dancing 

Sunday September 29 

9:30 Tour to Valley Wyoming. Dedication of plaque 

to John Colter. 
11:45 Buffet lunch at Valley Ranch as guests of Mr. 

and Mrs. I. H. Larom. 


A full account of the Fourth Annual Meeting will be given in 
the April 1958 issue of the Annals of Wyoming. 

Mook Keviews 

Frontier Editor. By Daniel W. Whetstone. (New York, Hastings 
House, 1956. 287 pp. $4.50.) 

Daniel W. Whetstone is owner and publisher of a weekly news- 
paper. The Pioneer Press of Cut Bank, Montana. He has been a 
citizen of this small town at the edge of the Rockies and the Black- 
feet Indian Reservation, not far from the Canadian border, since 
June of 1909 when it was a rough, tough, delayed-frontier outpost. 
The title would indicate that the book was an autobiography, but 
it is not — may I say, regretfully, not nearly enough of D. W. 
Whetstone is in its 287 pages. 

Essentially this is a volume of thumbnail sketches of the char- 
acters, good, bad, and mixed, who sparked Cut Bank and helped 
to bring about or suffered through its transition from a raw, wide- 
open, completely uninhibited community of people who wanted to 
keep it that way, to its present status as an oil and wheat center 
with a way of living which makes it much like other towns of its 
size in the West. As a chronicle of a developing community this 
is an observant man's report and of value to all readers and 
students of Western Americana. 

While Mr. Whetstone was making up his mind to settle in Cut 
Bank and establish a newspaper, he received no encouragement 
from the citizenry: "Here there was unhidden evidence of hostility 
— with one and only one exception . . . Richard Ramsland, the 
banker, builder and real estate operator". Being stubbornn, Mr. 
Whetstone stayed and this book covers his forty-six years of cover- 
ing the ups and downs of Cut Bank. One meets a rare assemblage 
of saloonkeepers, bartenders, elbow benders, bootleggers. Orien- 
tals, cattlemen, sheepherders, homesteaders, land commissioners, 
wheat ranchers, promoters and oil men. Much of the drama 
centers in the "Cannibal Islands", the saloon district. 

The following paragraphs epitomize much of the history of 
towns in the Northern Great Plains: "The little annals of the little 
towns on the Northern Plains, on and off the railways, went some- 
thing like this: In the period when the livestock interests consti- 
tuted the major industry these hamlets grew to a size that supplied 
all needs — solid and liquid — and then remained in a sort of sus- 
pended animation. In most cases this was the way the business 
people wanted it. 

"When the homestead invasion filled the land these towns, 
regardless of the wishes and sentiments of the business elements, 
quickly expanded; new blood, merchants, bankers, hotelmen, 
saloonmen, food dispensers, liverymen, itinerant, excitement-loving 


boomers rushed in, in the hope of making an easy dollar or two. 
Ministers and other moral uplifters followed later. 

"When in later time proven commercial oil development took 
place in many parts of the plains this produced newer and greater 
enthusiasm and excitement. It brought a needed stimulation to 
sections that had experienced dark days after high hopes had 
vanished. The stock towns that became wheat towns — each with 
no less than a half dozen grain elevators and a surplus of business 
places — were falUng apart after periods of drought, grasshoppers, 
cutworms and accompanying ills. Now they had a new and more 
substantial revival. 

"Those attracted by the oil explorations and developments were 
a new type, not at all like the sober-minded and little-travelled 
ruralists and townspeople; they were a rather romantic breed of 
roamers who had flitted from place to place ... It was cosmo- 
politanism invading provincialism." 

Mr. Whetstone's two great interests are writing and politics. 
(He has been Republican National Committeeman from Montana 
for almost ten years). He has been identified with the activities 
of Cut Bank from the days when it was a roistering hamlet of 
400 to the present when it is a hustling town of 5,000. There is 
some nostalgia as he looks back to the old frontier days, but not 
much: "Hardly one old timer took advantage of the oil develop- 
ment or the other chances that came with it. A great many of 
them are pensioners or spending their last days in old people's 
homes. Like the Indians they failed to adjust and fell before the 
acquisitive invaders." As for Mr. Whetstone: "As the hill slopes 
westward — and I'm hoping not too abruptly — I pause to recall 
that speech of Spartacus of Thrace . . . 'Oh, Rome, Rome, thou 
hast been a tender nurse to me' ". 

Bozeman, Montana Mrs. Lois B. Payson 

Dakota Territory, 1861-1889; a study of Frontier Politics. How- 
ard Roberts Lamar. (New Haven, Yale University Press, 
1956. 304 pp. $4.50.) 

Political histories do not invariably radiate interest; but this 
remarkable book is a vivid presentation, full of local color, of 
the exigencies inherent in a territory unique in western history 
in that it had a political organization before it had an economic 
basis. It is many books in one. On the local level it is a story 
of frontier politics in the two Dakotas — a rough and tumble 
political eye-gouging counterpart of the six-gun frontier during the 
wide-open days — and a story of the settlement of Dakota territory 
that catches brilliantly, if briefly, the flavor of the early Dakota 
towns. It is a story of Dakota personalities done with a deft touch 


and a broad eye to the significance of certain types of personalities 
in the settlement of the frontier. It is, along the way, a story of 
the place of the recently and not quite thoroughly defeated Indians 
in the expanding west, and the complex motives of the frontiers- 
men in determining their destiny. 

So much alone would make the book rich, but this is local 
history seen in very broad perspective. If any of the younger 
historians is capable of attaining the breadth and depth that char- 
acterize Walter Prescott Webb's approach to western history, 
Lamar is the man to watch. Consequently, the politics of early 
Dakota is seen in all its gruesome detail as a reflection of the 
lowered public morality that pervaded the country after the Civil 
War. This is a study of the interaction of frontier politics and 
national politics during the most corrupt period in our nation's 
history. It is, above all, a book with a thesis that provides one 
more qualification, a major one, to Turner's concept of the frontier 
as the breeding ground of democracy. 

In the settlement of Dakota, Lamar sees forest man launched 
by expansive forces into a semi-arid area before he understood 
its nature. The concept of the Great American Desert hampered 
agricultural development, the railroads were slow in coming, and 
in the interim the prairie farmers and politicians set up a crude 
kind of state sociahsm. Before the territory had a sound economic 
basis, government and politics were its first industry. The gov- 
ernment sold or gave the farmer his land, helped him build rail- 
roads, bought his produce through Indian agencies or army posts,, 
and supported his newspapers through public printing contracts. 
As a result, the people came to view government as a means of 
solving social and economic problems. Lamar finds this habit of 
mind reflected in the unfolding of successive stages in the terri- 
tory's political history, as he does in the fact that today a larger 
percentage of the population of North and South Dakota work for 
the government than that of any other state. The argument is 
thoroughly documented and valid beyond questions. Historians 
should now determine to what degree the same terms apply to 
the politics of the rest of the western frontier. 

Colorado College Ellsworth Mason 

Massacre: The Tragedy at White River. By Marshall Sprague. 
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1957. 364 pp. Illus. 
Endpaper maps. $5.00.) 

The tragedy at White River Agency in northwest Colorado was 
the massacre on September 29, 1879, of Nathan Meeker, agent to 
the Ute Indians, with all his employes, and the capture by the 


Indians of his wife and daughter and another girl. The history of 
the West is full of massacres and captures, but there was no other 
that had exactly the same dramatic values that this one had. And 
Sprague's writing ability, plus careful research, brings these dra- 
matic values out in all their intensity. 

The book is an outstanding example of the contribution that 
a scrupulous writer can make to the understanding of history. 
Sprague tells the sensational story, and tells it well. But beyond 
this, he sets it in its historic background, and he does so with a 
fidelity to the facts that is too often lacking in popular writing. 
Sprague is conscientious as well as talented. He cites his sources 
but he does so unobtrusively so that no footnotes get in the way 
of his narrative. But the footnotes are there, lending authority 
to the work. 

Both plot and characterization are skilfully handled as in a 
well-knit novel. The unique personalities of the idealistic Meeker 
and the members of his family and entourage are emphasized. 
So is the factual background — the land hunger of the white men, 
the corruption of the government men deaUng with the Indians, 
and the Indians' devotion to their homeland. Sympathy for the 
oppressed and misunderstood savages is evident, as is sympathy for 
those who misunderstood them. Meeker himself is the most 
notable of these, and his pitiful but determined attempt to convert 
the Utes overnight from savagery to civilization is shown as the 
culminating cause of the tragedy that eventually overwhelmed them 

Several Wyoming figures play their parts in the drama: Major 
Thomas T. Thornburgh, commander of the ill-fated troops from 
Fort Steele who died with him at Milk River on their belated ride 
to Meeker's rescue; Thornburgh's guide, Joe Rankin of Rawlins; 
and Rawlins' "first citizen," James France, whose warnings Meeker 
disregarded because Meeker thought the pioneers "exaggerated 
everything" in an effort to compensate for the boredom of border 

But of all the dramatis personae in the book it is perhaps the 
women who stand out the strongest. To just what extent the 
women prisoners of the Utes found their captivity painful and to 
what extent they looked back upon it as a unique and even pleasant 
experience is left pretty much for the reader to decide for himself. 
Sprague seems to feel that the women themselves looked upon at 
least some phases of their experience with mixed emotions. 

This is a carefully written book, and it v/ill richly repay the 
careful reader. 

Denver, Colorado Maurice Frink 


Navajo and Ute Peyotism: A Chronological and Distributional 
Study. By David F. Aberle and Omer C. Stewart, {University 
of Colorado, Series in Anthropology, No. 6. 1957. Boulder: 
Univ. of Colorado Press. 129 pp. $2.50.) 

This study provides new and reliable information on an im- 
portant phase of the history of the peyote cult. It deals with the 
transmission of the cult from the Dakota to the Northern Ute 
and thence to the Southern Ute and eventually to the Navajo. 
Also described is the spread of the cult over much of the Navajo 
country and the present distribution in this area. It is essentially 
an historical exposition largely concerned with a description of 
events in this particular slice of American history. 

The peyote cult has been of interest to students of diffusion and 
other cultural processes and a considerable literature about it is 
gradually developing. It is a widely diffused religious movement 
including both native American and Christian elements. Impor- 
tant rituals involve the ingestion of the peyote cactus (Lophophora 
williamsii) which produces a variety of psychological effects. 

The effective introduction of the peyote cult to the Northern 
Ute from the Dakota took place in 1914 through missionary work 
by Samuel Lone Bear who was originally from Pine Ridge, South 
Dakota. Earlier travels between 1906 and 1908 by White River 
Ute to the Dakota appear to have acquainted the former with the 
cult and facilitated later proslytizing. 

Transmission to the Southern Ute took place by several instru- 
ments. A Northern Ute convert named Wee'tseets brought the 
cult to Towaoc between 1914 and 1917. Ignacio seems to have 
been visited by Lone Bear also between 1914 and 1917. Earlier 
contacts with peyote from Oklahoma and from the Arapaho may 
have taken place. 

The cult was introduced to the Navajo from the Towaoc Ute. 
Some Navajo groups north of the San Juan may have gotten it 
before 1920. It does not appear to have been widespread until 
after 1930. Probably in the early 1930's there developed in the 
Mancos Creek area a group of Navajo peyote priests. A number 
of Navajoes also made contact with the cult through employment 
on C. C. C. projects on the Southern Ute reservation between 
1933 and 1938. Before 1935 there are only scattered reports of 
the peyote cult south of the San Juan and after 1937 there was a 
great increase in number of meetings reported. By 1940 the cult 
was widespread enough to have action taken against it by the 
Navajo Tribal Council. Rapid development was apparently re- 
lated to the increase in economic and other personal problems 
involved with difficulties developing out of government stock 
reduction programs and similar activities. Peyote is still spreading 


and numbers of converts are growing. In 1951 12 to 14 percent 
of the Navajo were involved. Distribution is still spotty with 
some areas and communities having larger proportions of members 
than others. 

The distribution of the peyote cult and especially the matter of 
its acceptance or non-acceptance by particular groups has long 
been of interest as an indication of variation in cultural ethos. 
Though these authors are primarily interested here in history, they 
present an interesting consideration of patterns of spread on the 
Navajo Reservation as related to different intensities of general 
contact and special appeal to specific individuals. The conclusions 
are that intense contacts are more important and special cult 
appeal less important than some students might expect. 

Taken as a whole this work represents a careful bit of crafts- 
manship and a real contribution to the growing literature of peyote. 

University of Wyoming William Mulloy 

From Trapper to Tourist in Jackson Hole. By Elizabeth Wied 
Hayden. (Paper-bound pamphlet, 1957. 47 pp. Price 

The volume is well annotated, with sixty-six references, which 
shows the author has made a review of the literature of the region. 
There are seventeen sub-headings, dealing with the Geology, The 
Discovery of the Hole, The Astorians, The Expedition of 1816, 
The Mountain Men of 1822, The Fur Trade Era of 1832, The 
Prospectors, Sheep Men Warning, Some of the Expeditions into 
the Region, The Settlers of Jackson Hole, Indian Trouble of 1895, 
Early Days in Jackson, The Elk Herd, The Gros Ventre Slide, 
and The Preservation of the Area by the Rockefeller interests. 

This small pamphlet will serve the purpose of giving a glimpse 
into the historic past of one of America's most scenic wonderlands. 

This small book has neither introduction nor index, but there 
are three excellent reproductions from the collection of H. R. 
Crandall, one of the great scenic photographers of the West. 

Denver, Colorado Nolie Mumey, M.D. 

Riders of Judgment. By Frederick Manfred. (New York: Ran- 
dom House, 1957. 368 pp. $3.95.) 

"Riders of Judgment," is a surprisingly realistic novel of the 
Middle Fork of the Powder River Country in the late '90's, giving 
a vivid, historically-sound picture of Wyoming cow-outfits, cow- 


boys and events leading up to, and through, the Johnson County 
Cattle War. 

Manfred has done much more than relate dramatic happenings. 
He has made this colorful period and these places come to life 
through his keen, deep analysis of each character. His cowboys 
are cleverly drawn, definitely individualistic as they actually were, 
a queer combination of strength, courage, cruelty and carefreeness, 
roughness and softness. He has brought out clearly the geo- 
graphical phase of this rough country, where men of all types, 
confronted with the harsh code and seeming cruelty of the early 
west, had to adjust, each in his own individual, good or bad, way. 

He has shown the great confusion of the time (always present 
when a change takes place) when a man didn't know for certain 
who was friend or foe, when brother was pitted against brother 
and family against family; as in Civil War days, when a man had 
to accept violence and friendship, and chart his own course alone, 
under normal conditions in order to survive. 

The ending of the book shows Manfred's skillful ability as a 
writer. It closes with a sense of great humility, leaving a broader 
understanding of mankind and a feeling of reluctance to judge the 
actions of any man, whether honorable or dishonorable, — for 
each, of necessity, meets his destiny — bravely, cowardly, weakly 
or strongly — each fallen victim to the turbulence within himself, 
thus paying the price for living the Ufe he chose and making the 
decisions he made. 

Over Manfred's keen insight into human hearts is the beautiful 
descriptions of nature, giving a final touch of reality, an added 
meaning to the story. This meticulous care in bringing out little 
details shows the author is a careful observer of nature and under- 
stands the things he writes about. 

It is a great book, not like the average "western" which is read 
and cast aside. The reader will long remember Cain Hammett, 
the cowboy's personal bravery and staunch code of living. 

Kaycee, Wyoming Thelma G. Condit 

The Horsecatcher. By Mari Sandoz. (Philadelphia: The West- 
minster Press, 1957. 192 pp. $2.75.) 

In her latest book. The Horsecatcher, Mari Sandoz has contin- 
ued her writing of the American Indian which she began with 
Crazy Horse (1942) followed by Cheyenne Autumn (1953), two 
works which deal with the Indian in his native life and as he came 
into association and conflict with the white man in American 
history. In this new work, however, she has left history as such 
and has written a brief, imaginative novel, but the work she did 
to gather the material for her histories has without doubt made the 


writing of this novel possible and has given it its obvious truth- 
fulness — truthfulness to Indian life, character, and psychology. 
The dedication of the book would indicate that she has, as she 
had for Miss Morissa (1955), living models for her fictional horse 

The Horsecatcher is essentially a simple story, one which is 
quite likely to be thought of as a book for teenagers, and it is. 
But it is more than that. It is one more serious contribution to 
our understanding of the Indian; and though it is fiction, it is like 
history in that it illuminates the past. Further, it can have mean- 
ing for both adolescents and adults in this age of conformity. 
For Young Elk, the Cheyenne boy who is the center of the novel, 
was a genuine non-conformist — a rarity in his day and society as 
in ours, unless one equates eccentricity with non-conformity. His 
non-conformity was in those things that matter, a deeply felt 
rebellion against the tribal pattern which required every young 
brave to earn his place by deeds of war, by killing, and by courage 
and daring which were too much their own ends. "I cannot go 
on the warpath," he told the Bowstrings, the tribal warrior society, 
when they asked him to join. Instead, he would earn his standing 
by catching and taming the wild horses which dotted the land. His 
was the hard choice because he must be thought by the tribe to be 
a coward and weakling, yet it was more dangerous than the usual 
course and required more real courage as he had always to be 
alone and often far in enemy territory, unarmed, the victim of 
ruthlessness if he were caught. But he was faithful to his choice. 
Once he was forced to kill an enemy to protect the village, but he 
never ceased to mourn the deed. During the months he was 
away from the tribe, by himself, living without tribal comforts 
close to the earth as he searched out the wild horses, his firm 
belief was strengthened "that all things of the earth and sky were 
a part of him. True it was necessary to kill game to feed the 
people — buffalo for meat, but when a man died he returned to the 
grass which in its turn fed the buffalo. So it was all one great 
holy circle, a round, as all great things are round — the moon, the 
sun, the earth's far horizon." 

The novel, then, is the story of Young Elk's struggle against 
destruction and his victory, tribal acceptance on his terms. As it 
progresses, Miss Sandoz, as usual, gives us a few memorable char- 
acters in a brief space, Y'oung Elk's father, the elder Horsecatcher, 
the women — people of great affection, delightful humor, and 
genuine dignity. 

"The Horsecatcher," though less pretentious than either "Chey- 
enne Autumn" or "Crazy Horse," deserves to stand with them 
because it is filled with the same insight into the Indian character 
which has made those earlier books classics and because it is 
written in that same distinctive style, a prose of great simplicity, 


dignity, and beauty. This is a way of writing which has its origin 
and takes its life from the way Mari Sandoz regards the American 
Indian, with great sympathy, understanding; admiration, and a 
true sense of his tragic past. In the foreword to "Crazy Horse" 
she has written: "In it [Crazy Horse] I have tried to tell not only 
the story of the man but something of the life of his people through 
that crucial time. To that end I have used the simplest words 
possible, hoping by idiom and figures and the underlying rhythm 
pattern to say some of the things of the Indian for which there 
are no white-man words, suggest something of his innate nature, 
something of his relationship to the earth and the sky and all that 
is in between." She has tried to do the same thing in "The Horse- 
catcher" and has succeeded again, this time writing only of the 
Indian. The white man and the tragedy he brought are remote 
and unconsidered. 

This is a slender but beautiful little book, and it should remind 
its readers once more, if they are affected by beauty and by under- 
standing of universal human nature, that Mari Sandoz is not just 
a writer of books about the Indians and the West, but a creative 
artist of the first rank, one who knows people, and, like the poets, 
knows how to put the very best words in the best possible order. 

University of Wyoming Richard Mahan 


Dr. Ake Hultkrantz, assistant professor at the University of 
Stockholm, Sweden, received his Ph.D. from that institution in 
1953. In 1948 and 1955 Dr. Hultkrantz visited Wyoming for 
anthropological and historical research, investigating the Arapaho 
and Shoshoni Indians, their culture and their history. He is cur- 
rently preparing a book on the Mountain Shoshoni or Sheepeater 
Indians of Wyoming. In August 1957 he again visited the Wind 
River Reservation in Wyoming to continue his research. Dr. Hult- 
krantz is a member of a number of societies in Sweden, and in 
the United States is a Foreign Fellow of the American Anthro- 
pological Association and a Councilor of the American Folklore 

Norman D. King, Colonel in the U. S. Army, was an examiner 
in the railway mail service, stationed at Cheyenne, Wyoming, from 
1926 to 1940, at which time he entered the Army as a Captain. 
He was born in Cleveland, Ohio, where he attended the public 
schools and Western Reserve University. He was graduated from 


the Command and General Staff College in 1943. During his 
service he has spent four years in the Okinawa Ryukyu Islands, 
and twelve years in Washington, D. C. He is the author of two 
booklets written for the Federal Government, "How to Recognize 
a German Soldier in Six Easy Lessons" (1944), and "Ryukyu 
Islands", now in the third edition. His present address is Arling- 
ton, Virginia. 

Mrs. Marion Myers Paschal was born in Evanston, Wyo- 
ming, and received her education in the schools of Evanston and 
at the University of Wyoming. Following her marriage in 1929 
to James L. Paschal, she has lived in Ithaca, N. Y., where Dr. 
Paschal obtained his Ph.D. degree from Cornell University, in 
Las Cruces, New Mexico, Denver, Colorado, and from 1944-57 
in Fort Collins, Colorado, where Dr. Paschal was on the faculty 
of the Colorado State College A. & M. Dr. and Mrs. Paschal are 
currently living in LaPaz, Bolivia, where he is Chief Economic 
Advisor to the Bolivian Department of Agriculture. They are 
the parents of three children. 

(Charles a. Myers was born on his father's ranch in Uinta 
County, Wyoming, on November 23, 1871, and his early life was 
spent in the now disappeared town of HilHard, Wyoming, where 
he attended school. 1 His formal education ended when he was 
about twelve years old, but his mother assisted in his continued 
study for a number of years following that. Mr. Myers was an 
active member of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association, serv- 
ing on the executive committee for many years and as President 
from 1940-42. He was a member of the American National 
Cattlemen's Association for more than fifty years. He was a 
Senator in the State Legislature of Wyoming for twelve years, a 
member of the Wyoming Live Stock and Sanitary Board, and 
President of the Stock Growers National Bank of Evanston. In 
1948 the University of Wyoming bestowed upon him an honorary 
degree in recognition of his outstanding service to the State. Mr. 
Myers passed away at the home of his daughter in California on 
^May 11, 1952. He is survived by a son, J. W. Myers of Evanston 
who is also a Wyoming State Senator, Sand two daughters, Mrs. 
Paschal and Mrs. Edna Duncan of Elverta, California. 

Mrs. Thelma Condit. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 29, 
No. 1, April 1957, page 120. 

Louis C. Steege. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 29, No. 1, 
April 1957, page 121. 

Dale L. Morgan. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 29, No. 1, 
April 1957, pages 120-121. 

Qeneral hdek: 


Aberle, David F., and Stewart, O.C., 
Navajo and Ute Peyotism, re- 
viewed by William Mulloy, 236- 

Abernathy, "Wild Cat" Sam, 59. 

Account books (Peters and Alston) 
sample of, 54. 

Akwenasa, Wyo., 159. 

Albin, Wyo., 159. 

Alkali Lake (near Ice Slough) 193. 

Alston, Mr., 51, 54. 

Alta, Wyo., 159. 

Anchor, Wyo., 157. 

Anderson, Albert G., Jr., review of 
Feud on the Colorado, by Arthur 
Woodward, 114-115. 

Anderson, Albin, 159. 

Anderson, James, 190. 

Anderson, Major, 70, 74. 

Arthur, President Chester, 135. 

Artifacts, See Indian artifacts. 

Ash Hollow Spring, Neb., 72. 

Ashley, James M., 212. 

Ashley, William, at Independence 
Rock, 79. 

Ashley-Smith expedition, 192. 

Aspentunnel, Wyo., 159. 

Atlantic City, Wyo., 157, 158. 

Badwater, Wyo., 157. 

Bagley, Lester, addresses group on 

Three Crossings, 189-192; gives 

facts about Fort Casper, 67-69. 
Baker, Mrs. Agnes, 34. 
Bancroft, Mr. (Indian Agent) 94. 
Bannock Indians: See Indians: 

Tribes, Bannock. 
Bannock trail, 138; route of, 140. 
Bar C ranch, 51, 56, 65, 169; illus. 

Barber, Dr. A. W.. 84. 
Barnum, Wyo., 61. 
Battle, Wyo., 158. 
Battle Lake, 158. 
Battle of Bear River, 1863, 93. 
Battle of Red Buttes, 1865, 67, 69- 

Bean, George Washington, 198. 
Bear River, 152. 

Bear River Battle, 1863, 93. 

Bear River Ranch, 155. 

Bear Trap Creek, 60. 

Bearcreek, Wyo., 157. 

Beau Soli, Thomas de, 82. 

Bedford, Wyoming, 38-40. 

Bedford and its Namesakes, by Ken- 
neth E. Crouch, 38-40. 

Before Barbed Wire, by M. H. 
Brown and W. R. Felton, re- 
viewed by Henryetta Berry, 114- 

Bellefourche & Aladdin railroad, 

Bellew, James, 71. 

Berry, Henryetta, review of Before 
Barbed Wire, by M. H. Brown 
and W. R. Felton, 114-115. 

Bessemer Bend road, 72. 

"Big Nose George", See Parrot, 
"Big Nose" George. 

Big Sandy, Wyo., 157. 

Big Trails, Wyo., 159. 

Billington, Ray Allen, The Far 
Western Frontier, 1830-1860, re-, 
viewed by T. A. Larson, 113-114. 

Birdshead Cave (Wyo.) 133. 

Bishop, Clark, talks on Poison Spi- 
der road, 72. 

Bishop, Mrs. Clark, 72. 

Bishop, Wyo., 159. 

Blackfeet Indians, See Indians: 
Tribes, Blackfeet. 

Blazon, Wyo., 158. 

Blue Creek Canyon, 56. 

Blue Creek Ranch Company, 56, 

Boardman, T. S., 190. 

Bonneville, Capt. B. L. E., 80, 223. 

Bonnidee, Wyo., 159. 

Bordeaux, Wyo., 158. 

Boswell, N. K., 33, 36. 

Box Elder, Utah (Brigham City) 

Boxelder, Wyo., 157. 

Boyack, Col. A. R., 67, 177. 

Boyack, Mrs. A. R. (Hazel Noble) 
gives account of Mormons at 
Martin Cove, 179-183; relates 
story of Independence Rock, 78- 
82; writes poem on Independence 
Rock, 81-82. 



Boyd, Eliza Stewart, 33-37. 

Boyd, Stephen, 35. 

Braae, Wyo., 159. 

Bradley, Col. W. R., 67, 177. 

Brands (cattle). Mill Iron Open 9, 

151; oldest in Wyo., 151, 156. 
Bretney, Capt., 74. 
Bridge fare, Bear River, c.1855, 

Bridger, Jim, 125, 154. 
Bridger's Ferry, 83. 
Brigham City, Utah (Box Elder) 

Brock, Mrs. A. L. (JuHa), 171-176; 

port. 172. 
Brock, Genie (Mrs. T. W. Harper) 

Brock, J. Elmer, 151, 171. 
Brown, John, 80. 
Brown, Mark H. and Felton, W. R., 

Before Barbed Wire, reviewed by 

Henryetta Berry, 114-115. 
"Brownlow" (horse) 50. 
Bucknum, Wyo., 158. 
Buffalo, in Bear River valley, 152; 

in Yellowstone Park, illus., 130. 
Buffalo Creek (headquarters, Hole- 

in-the-Wall gang) 169, 175. 
Buffalo Creek Canyon, 62. 
Bunker, Edward, 179. 

Cambria & Newcastle railroad, 158. 

Camp Brown, Wyo., 158. 

Camp Stool, Wyo., 157. 

Cantlin, Jim, 184. 

Cantonment Reno, 44. 

Careyhurst, Wyo., 158. 

Carley, Maurine, 67, 177; compiler, 
Oregon Trail Trek, no. 4, 67-85; 
no. 5, 177-194; gives talk on 
Castle Rock and ruts (near Split 
Rock) 188-189. 

Carneyville, Wyo., 158. 

Carson, Kit, 225. 

Carter, W. A., 219. 

Caspar, misspelling of, 69. 

Cassidy, Butch, 174; dugout of, 
illus., 160. 

Castle Gardens, Wyo., 131. 

Castle Rock (near Split Rock) 188- 

Cattle brands, oldest in Wyo., 151, 

Cattle industry, Wyoming: Powder 
River country, 41-66; Uinta coun- 
ty, 150-156. 

Cattle ranches, Wyoming: Frewen 
Bros. (Powder River Cattle Co., 
76 brand) 41-44; Myers Bros. 
(Uinta county) 150-156; Peters & 
Alson (Bar C) 51-55; Horace 
Plunkett's (NH) 47-51. 

Cattlemen, Wyoming, 41-65; 161- 
163; resentment against, 63. 

Center, A. J., letter from J. D. Doty 
and General P. E. Connor, 91. 

Chapline, Ed., 52. 

Chapman, L. B., 210. 

Chapman, Roach, 48. 

Circle, Wyo., 157. 

Clearmont & Buffalo railroad, 158. 

Coable, Mr., 56. 

Cody, William F. (Bill) drives stage 
coach, 1865, 192; pony express 
rider, 191. 

Coffman, Hugh, 157. 

Coldspring, Wyo., 157. 

Collins. Caspar W.. 68-69. 73-78, 
216; letter to mother. Je 16. 1862, 
75; April 18, 1865, 76-77; letter 
to uncle, Dec. 13, 1864, 75-76. 

Colter, John, 125; biography, 103- 

Condit, Mrs. Elwin W., 33. 

Condit, L. R. A., 43. 

Condit, Thelma Gatchell, The Hole- 
in-the-Wall, pt. 4, The Big Cow 
Outfits, 41-65; pt. 5, sect. 1, 
Outlaws and Rustlers, 161-176; 
review of Riders of Judgment, by 
F. Manfred, 237-238; biography 
of, 120. 

Connolly, Gallio C, 159. 

Connor, General Patrick Edward, 
76, 78, 86, 87, 88, 196, 197, 206, 
208; command of District of the 
Plains, 1865, 216; expedition 
against Sioux, 1865, 216-216; let- 
ter to A. J. Center, Oct. 21, 1863, 
91; letter to Lt. Col. R. C. Drum, 
July 18, 1863, 88-89; letter to 
O. H. Irish, Nov. 4, 1864, 205. 

Conrad, Mr., 54. 

Cook, Helen. The Old Church, 
poem, 32. 

Cooley, D. N., letters from F. H. 
Head, 220-221, 224-227; letters 
from O. H. Irish, 211-213, 217- 
218, 219. 

Copperton, Wyo., 158. 

Coughman, Joe, 155. 

Coughman and Morse, 155. 

Covered Wagon Centennial, 1930, 



Cowan, G. F., leader of tourists, 

injured by Indians, 1877, 143. 
Cowboys (Wyo.,) 161-167; illus. 42. 

166, 172; living quarters, Hole-in- 

the-Wall, illus. 167-168. 
Craig, A., 189. 
Crouch, Kenneth E., Bedford and 

its Namesakes, 38-40; biography 

of, 120. 
Cumberland, Wyo., 158. 
Curry, "Flat-nosed" George, 174- 

Custard, Sergeant Amos J., 69-72, 

Custard Wagon Train, 74. 
Custard's Hill, 69-72. 

Dakota Territory, 1861-1869, by H. 
R. Lamar, reviewed by Ellsworth 
Mason, 233-234. 

Daley, Mrs. P. E., summarizes Ore- 
gon Trail Trek, no. 5, 194. 

"Daniel Boon" Fraker, See Fraker, 

Deal, Robert, 158. 

Deer Creek, 70. 

Dennison, Col., 72. 

De Smet, Father Pierre Jean, 68, 80. 

Devil's Gate, illus., 186. 

Devoe, Mrs. Bert, 54. 

Devoe, Charlie, 51. 

Devoe, Clark, 51. 

Devoe, George, 51. 

Devoe, Hank, 51-54. 

Devoe, Mrs. Hank (May) 52-54. 

Diamond, Wyo., 158. 

Dietz, Wyo., 158. 

Difficulty, Wyo., 159. 

Dillon, Wyo., 158. 

Dinwoody pictographs, 137. 

Divide, Wyo., 159. 

Dole, William P., letters from J. D. 
Doty, 86, 87-88, 89. 90-94, 102, 
195, 208-209; letters from O. H. 
Irish, 195, 197-198, 200-204; let- 
ter from J. P. Usher, 99. 

Dole, William P., letter to J. D. 
Doty, May 17, 1864, 100; letter 
to O. H. Irish, Oct. 18, 1864, 
204-205; Nov. 9, 1864, 205-206; 
Aug. 4, 1865, 210-211; letter to 
J. P. Usher, Oct. 31, 1863, 94-95; 
Dec. 30, 1863, 98; telegram from 
J. D. Doty, July 6, 1863, 86. 

Dominick, DeWitt, President's mes- 
sage on John Colter, 103-106. 

Donaghue, Jack, 48. 

Doty, Gov. James Duane (Utah) 
29: 94, 101, 195, 196, 197, 202, 
206, 207, 208, 218; death, 219; 
(as Acting Indian Agent) letter 
from W. P. Dole, 100; letters 
from Luther Mann, Jr., 90, 101; 
letter to A. J. Center, Oct. 21, 

1863, 91; letter to W. P. Dole, 
July 18, 1863, 86, 87-88; August 
30, 1863, 89; Oct. 21, 1863, 90- 
91; Oct. 24, 1863, 91-94; June 23, 

1864, 102; Sept. 11, 1864, 195; 
Nov. 25, 1864, 208-209; letter to 
Luther Mann, Jr., June 23, 1864, 
102; letter to C. M. Mix, April 
21, 1864, 99; telegram to W. P. 
Dole, July 6, 1863, 86; presents 
1863 report, 91-94. 

Douglas, Wyo. (Carbon county) 

Drew, Lt. Y., 69-70. 

Driftwood Jim (Jim McCloud) 175. 

Drum, Lt. Col. R. C, letter from 
Gen. P. E. Connor, 88-89. 

"Dry V" Slope, 169. 

Dukurika Indians, See Indians: 
Tribes, Dukurika; Indians: Tribes, 
Sheepeaters; Indians in Yellow- 
stone Park. 

Dull Knife fight, 59, 61. 

Dumbell, Wyo., 157. 

Durbin Bros., ranch of, 185. 

EK ranch, 50, 51. 171-176, illus. 

172; postoffice, 173-176. 
Eagle Creek Canyon, 169. 
Elk River, 141. 
Ellsworth, Mr. (Indian interpreter) 

Ellsworth, Edmund, 179. 
Emigh, Wyo., 159. 
Emigrant Gap, 72. 
Encampment, Wyo., 158. 
Ernest, Boni, 184. 
Ernest, Frank, 184. 
Esmay, Gen. R. L., 67, 177. 

Fairfield, S. H., 70. 

The Far Western Frontier, 1830- 
1860, by Ray Allen Billington, 
reviewed by T. A. Larson, 113- 



Fares for crossing bridge, Bear Riv- 
er, C.1855, 153. 

Farlow, Jule, tells story of Lamor- 
eaux family, 187-188. 

Felton, W. R. and Brown, M. H., 
Before Barbed Wire, reviewed by 
Henryetta Berry, 114-115. 

Ferris, George, 158. 

Feud on the Colorado, by Arthur 
Woodward, reviewed by Albert 
G. Anderson, Jr., 115-116. 

First woman jury, Wyoming, 33-37. 

Fish, Rachel Ann, The Running 
Iron, reviewed by Alice M. 
Shields, 119-120. 

Flathead Pass, 142. 

Flower, Lem, 190. 

Folsom culture, 130. 

Fort Bridger, 154, 158, 217; Indian 
Agency, 213-217, See also Wash- 
akie and the Shoshoni. 

Fort Casper, 67-68, 158; ordered 
abandoned, 78. See also Platte 
Bridge Station. 

Fort Connor, 44. 

Fort Fetterman, 158. 

Fort Hall Reservation, Ida., created, 
1867, 213. 

"Fort Houk", 62. 

Fort Laramie, 158, 181. 

Fort Mackenzie, Wyo., 158. 

Fort McKinney, Wyo., 158. 

Fort Reno, 44, 158. 

Fort Russell, 158. 

Fort Sanders, 158. 

Fort Union, Mont., 141. 

Frackleton, Dr. William, 56. 

Fraker, Augustus, 58, 61. 

Fraker, George, 58, 61. 

Fraker, Harmon, 57-62. 

Fraker, Martin, 61. 

Fraker, Will, 61. 

Francis E. Warren Air Force Base, 

Frederick, Wyo., 158. 

Freighting, Oregon Trail, 74. 

Fremont, John C., 80. 

Frewen, Moreton, 41-44. 

Frewen, Richard, 41-44. 

Frewen Bros., 41-44, 65. 

Frewen Castle, 43. 

Frewen Castle Rock, 65. 

Friend, John, 74. 

Frink, Maurice et al.. When Grass 
Was King, reviewed by Lola M. 
Homsher, 116-117; review of 
Massacre: The Tragedy at White 
River, by Marshall Sprague, 234- 

From Trapper to Tourist in Jackson 
Hole, by Elizabeth Wied Hayden. 
reviewed by Dr. Nolie Mumey, 

Frontier Editor, by Daniel W. Whet- 
stone, reviewed by Mrs. Lois B. 
Payson, 232-233. 

Funkhauser, Mr. (of Mo.) 155-156. 

Gallio, Wyo., 159. 

Garr, Abel, 181. 

Gebow, Joseph A. (Indian interpre- 
ter) removed from office, 198. 

Geysers in Yellowstone, evil spirits 
of, 137. 

Glencoe, Wyo., 158. 

Gold Miners, Sweetwater Station, 

Goldsmith, Wyo.. 159. 

Goose Egg, Wyo., 157. 

Goose Egg Ranch, 82-85; house, 72. 

Goss, WiUiam M., 157. 

Gramm, Wyo., 159. 

Graves, Frank, 61. 

Graves of, McCorkle child, 82; Ross 
Merrill, 82. 

Great Bannock Trail, See Bannock 

Grimm, Lt. Paul, 70-71. 

Grovont, Wyo., origin of name, 159. 

Haas, William G. (Bill) 157, 158, 

Haggarty, Ed, 158. 

"Hairy-vest" Jumbo, 165. 

Hall, Blue, 83. 

Hand Cart Company, 179. 

Handcart brigade to Utah (Mor- 
mons) 1865, 179-183. 

Harris Boys (half-breed cowboys) 

Hatch, F. C. (Indian Agent) 94. 

Hatcher, Mrs. Amelia, 34. 

Hatcreek, Wyo., 157. 

Hathaway, Bill, 44-45. 

Hayden, Elizabeth Wied, From 
Trapper to Tourist in Jackson 
Hole, reviewed by Dr. Nolie 
Mumey, 237. 

Hayden, Ferdinand V., 80. 



Head, F. H., letters from Luther 
Mann, Jr., 219, 220, 221-224; 
letter to D. N. Cooley, Aug. 13, 
1866, 220-221; Sept. 20, 1886, 
224-227; telegram from Luther 
Mann, Jr., June 14, 1866, 220; 
June 18, 1866, 220. 

Hecla, Wyo.. 158. 

Hell's Half Acre, Wyo., 159. 

Henderson, Paul, paper on Willow 
Springs, 72-73. 

Hildebrand, Lyle, 61, 177. 

HiUiard, Wyo., 154. 

Hilton, Mrs. G. F., 34. 

Hole-in-the-Wall, by Thelma Gatch- 
ell Condit, pt. 4, The Big Cow 
Outfits, 41-65; pt. 5, sect. 1, 
Outlaws and Rustlers, 161-176. 

Hole-in-the-Wall, cabins, illus. 166; 
map, 64, 176. 

Holladay, Ben, 190, 205. 

Home on the Range, Wyo., 192, 

Homsher, Lola, paper on Split Rock 
Pony Express and Stage Station, 
185-187; review of When Grass 
Was King, by Maurice Frink, et 
al., 116-117. 

The Horsecatcher, by Marie Sandoz, 
reviewed by Richard Mahan, 238- 

Houk, Ed, 62. 

Howard, Gen., 140, 143, 144. 

Howe, Chief Justice, 34, 35. 

Hultkrantz, Ake, The Indians in 
Yellowstone Park, 124-149; biog- 
raphy of, 240. 

Huntington, Dimick (Indian inter- 
preter) 198. 

Ice Slough, 193. 
Ice Spring, 192-193. 
lilco, Wyo., 158. 

Independence Rock, story related by 
H. N. Boyack, 78-82; poem on, 

agencies, 1864-1866, See Washa- 
kie and the Shoshoni. 
agricultural, 128. 
annuities, 96, 198-200; 1863, 87- 
88, 90, 93; 1864, 200, 208, 211; 
1865, 209-210, 217-218; 1866, 
222-223, 225. 
artifacts, 228-230, in Yellowstone 

Park, 129-130; borers, 229-230; 
cutting, 107-110; drilling types, 
229-230; gravers, 109-110; per- 
forating, 229-230, illus. 229- 
230; plummets in Yellowstone 
Park, 132; points, 107-109; 
saws, 109; slitters, 109; tang 
knives, 107-110. 

beads, 132. 

Chiefs and individuals: 

Antero, 88; Aukewahkus, 88; 
Bazil, 86, 96, 210; Bear Hunt- 
er, 96; Bear's Head, 141; Black 
Beard, 212, 213, 226; Black 
Hawk, 88; Canosh, See below 
Kanosh; Comanche (Sioux half- 
breed) 46-47; Eagle Breast, 
squaw of, 53; Harrynup, 209; 
Joseph, 143; Kanosh, 88, 225, 
medal for 221; Little Soldier, 

87, 88; Narkawk, 210; Neer- 
anga, 210; Pantoshiga, 210; 
Plenty Bear, 50; Pocatello, 86, 

88, 96, 205, 206, 212, 226; 
Sagowitz, 96; San Pitch, 88, 96, 
212; Smiling Fox (Bill Lamor- 
eaux) 188; Tabby, 88, 225; 
Taboonshea, 210; Tahgay, 222; 
Togwotee, 135-136; Toopsa- 
powet, 210; Tortsaph, 210; To- 
sokwanberaht, 97; Tutseybug- 
bets, 225; Two-Face. 141; Ute- 
Pete, 88; Wanapitz, 210; Wash- 
akie, 88, 89, 96, 100, 139, 152, 
191, 211-213, character of, 
211-213, 221, 225, receives 
medal from government, 1865, 
218-219, 221, 222, wants pro- 
visions before blankets, 201, 
See also Washakie and the Sho- 
shoni; White Horse, squaw of, 
53; White Knife, 97; Woman 
Dress (Mrs. Jules Lamoreaux) 

condition of 1863, 94, 97, 212- 
213; 1864, 198-204. 

depredations, 78, 92-93; on Lam- 
oreaux family, 187-188; Three 
Crossings Station, 191, 192, 

education, in Utah, 1866, 226. 

gifts to. See annuities above. 

horses of, number, 226-227. 

hunters, 127, 130, 134. 

medals, for Chief Kanosh, 221; 
for Chief Washakie, 218-219, 
221, 222. 

pictographs, 131; Dinwoody, 137. 

primitive gatherers, 127, 131. 



Indians : 

relations with government, 196. 
See also Washakie and the Sho- 

reservation, suggested for Sho- 
shoni, 198-200, 204-205, 207, 
223-224, 226. 

Treaties, Treaty at Box Elder, 
Utah, July 30, 1863 (North- 
western Shoshoni) 94, 98, 99, 
212; Treaty at Fort Bridger, 
July 2, 1863 (Eastern band) 
86, 94, 95-96, 98, 99, 217; 
Treaty at Ruby Valley, Oct. 1, 
1863 (Western band) 94, 96-97, 
98; Treaty at Soda Springs, 
Oct. 14, 1863 (Shoshoni and 
Bannocks) 90, 91, 97, 99, 206, 
211; Treaty at Tuilla (Tooele) 
Valley, Oct. 12, 1863 (Shoshoni 
and Goship) 90-91, 97, 98, 99, 
206; Treaty with Shoshoni and 
Goship, Nov. 24, 1864, 209; 
Treaty with Shoshoni, 1863, 94, 
196; Treaty with Utahs, July 
14, 1863, 87-88; Treaty with 
Weber Utes, July 7, 1863, 87- 

Tribes, map, 199; Arapahoes, 53, 
215; Assiniboins, 141; Ban- 
nocks, 97, 137, 140-141, 211, 
213, 215, 222, in Yellowstone 
Park, 129, raids in 1878, 144; 
Black feet, character of 142, in 
Yellowstone Park, 129, 142- 
143; Cheyennes, 215; Coman- 
ches, 129; Crows, 137, 141, 
215, in Yellowstone Park, 129, 
141-142, steal Shoshoni horses, 
100; Cumumbahs, 97, 211, 213; 
number, 1866, 225; Dakotas, in 
Yellowstone Park, 141 - 142; 
Dukurikas, 129, 134-137, 138, 
139, 140, 141, 142, 145, 146, 
depart from Park, 145, food of, 
134-135, origin of name, 134, 
religion of, 135, shelters of, 
135, 136, See Also Sheepeaters 
below and Indians in Yellow- 
stone Park; Goships, 97, 211, 
213, number, 1866, 225; 
Hidatsa, 141; Hopewell, 131- 
132; Kalispel, 143; Kiowas, 
129, in Yellowstone Park, 139; 
Kumumbar, See Cumumbahs 
above; Lemhis, See Shoshoni 
below; Loocoorekahs, See 
Sheepeaters below; Nez Perce, 
126, attack tourists in Yellow- 

stone, 143-144, escape through 
Yellowstone Park, 1877, 143- 
144, rebellion, 1877, 144; 
Oglalla, in Powder River coun- 
try, 141; Paiiites (Pah-Edes, 
Pah-Utes, Pi-Edes) 211, 213, 
number, 1866, 225; Pah Vants 
(Pahvontee) 97, 211, 225; 
Plains, 137-139, in Yellowstone 
Park, 127, 128; Plateau, in Yel- 
lowstone Park, 143; Sanpet 
(Sanpitches) 96, 225, almost 
exterminated. Bear River Bat- 
tle, 93, 96; Sheepeaters (Tuku- 
arika, Dukurika) 96, 101, 102, 
129, number, 1863, 96, steal 
horses, 198-200, See also Du- 
kurikas above and Indians in 
Yellowstone Park; Shoshoni, 
53, 89, 96, 126, 137, 139-141, 
195-226, annuities, 200-204, 
211-217, 221-222, early immi- 
gration of 133-134, life of, 
211-217, number of, 1866, 222, 
224, offer to fight other tribes, 
1864, 215, 221, at Split Rock 
Station, 185-187, in Yellow- 
stone Park, 129; Shoshoni, 
Eastern Band, 211-212, descrip- 
tion of, 225-226, number, 1864, 
214; Shoshoni, Northwestern 
Band, 211, 212-213, 226, num- 
ber, 1864, 212; Shoshoni, West- 
ern Band, 96-97; "Shoshoni 
Diggers" See Shoshoni, West- 
ern Band above; Sioux, 215, in 
Yellowstone Park, 141-142, 
wars in 1875-1877, 144; 
Teton Dakotas, 141; Timpaia- 
vats (Timpanogs) 225; Tussa- 
wehe (Tosowitch) 97; Unkoahs, 
97; Utahs, 87-88, 92, 211, 213, 
number in 1866, 225; Utes, 
195 211, 215, 222; Weber Utes, 
87, 213, number in 1866, 225. 

wealth of, in horses, 216-211 . 

whiskey obtained, 198, 200. 
Indians in Yellowstone Park, by 

Ake Hultkrantz, 124-149. 
Inyankara, Wyo., 158. 
Irish, O. H., 101, 207, 208, 209; 

letters from Luther Mann, Jr., 

198-200, 213-217; letter to Gen. 

P. E. Connor, Nov. 4, 1864, 205; 

letter to D. N. Cooley, Sept. 9, 

1865, 211-213, Oct. 9, 1865, 217- 
218, Dec. 15, 1865, 218, Mr. 2, 

1866, 218, April 3, 1866, 219; 
letter to W. P. Dole, Sept. 26, 



1864, 195, Oct. 1, 1864, 197-198, 
Oct. 13, 1864, 200-204, Oct. 18, 
1864, 204-205, Nov. 9, 1864, 205- 
206, Aug. 4, 1865, 210-211. 

Irvine, Billy, 83. 

Irvine, Bob, 83. 

Jackson, Andrew M., 184-185; 

ranch of, 184-185. 
Jackson, W. Turrentine, et al.. When 

Grass Was King, reviewed by L. 

M. Homsher, 116-117. 
Jackson, William H., 80. 
Jay Em, Wyo., 159. 
Jennings, William, 189. 
Jireh, Wyo., 158. 
Johnson, Pres. Andrew, creates Fort 

Hall Reservation, Ida., 213; gives 

medal to Chief Kanosh. 221, 225; 

gives medal to Chief Washakie, 

218-219, 221, 222. 
Johnson County Invasion (Wyo.) 

1892, 161-162. 
Jones, Dan, 181. 
Jones, Griffith, ranch of, 171. 

Keith, A. M., 46. 
Kelly Creek, 171. 
Kemmerer & Cumberland railroad, 

Kephardt, J. W., 35. 
King, Col. Norman D., 157; Old 

Wyoming Postoffices, 157-159; 

biography of, 240. 
Kinney, J. F., 202. 
Kinney, L. P., 198. 
Kinport, David R., 157. 
Knight, Wyo., 159. 
Kortes Dam, Wyo., 157. 
Kraft, A., 189. 
Kraft, C, 189. 

La Bonte, Pierre, 177. 

Labonte, Wyo., 159. 

Ladigo Bill, 175. 

Lamar, Howard Roberts, Dakota 
Territory, 1861-1889, reviewed by 
Ellsworth Mason, 233-234. 

Lamoreaux, "Bill", See Lamoreaux, 

Lamoreaux, George, 188. 

Lamoreaux, Jules, 187-188. 

Lamoreaux, Mrs. Jules (Woman 
Dress) 187-188. 

Lamoreaux, Lizzie, 188. 

Lamoreaux, Phoebe, 188. 

Lamoreaux, Willow (Willie) 188. 

Lane, Jim, 83-84. 

Laramie, 1870, 33-37. 

Larson, T. A., review of Far West- 
ern Frontier, 1830-1860, by Ray 
A. Billington, 113-114. 

Lauderdale, P.(?) V., 210. 

Lavoye, Louis, 159. 

Lavoye, Wyo., 159. 

Liljeblad, Astrid, translates Indians 
in Yellowstone Park, by A. Hult- 
krantz, 124-149; biography of, 

Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, sets aside 
Uinta Basin as reservation for 
Utes, 1861, 92. 

Lincoln, territory of, 212. 

Lindbergh, Wyo., 159. 

Little Horse Creek, Wyo., 157. 

Lloyd, Major Henry, 67, 177. 

Long, Barney, 51. 

Long, J. v., 151. 

Longhorns in Wyoming, 41. 

Lost Spring, Wyo., 157. 

Lost Springs, Wyo., 157. 

Lower Falls, Yellowstone Park, 
illus. 124. 

McArthur, Daniel, 179. 

McCloud, Jim (Driftwood Jim) 

McCorkle child, grave of, 82. 

Mackel, Mrs. Mary, 34. 

McKinstry, Bruce, 193. 

McKinstry, Byron N., 193. 

Mahan, Richard, review of The 
Horsecatcher, by Mari Sandoz, 

Mails, 1864 (Utah Indian Agency) 

Manfred, Fred, Riders of Judgment, 
reviewed by Thelma G. Condit. 

Mann, Luther, Jr., (Shoshoni agent. 
Fort Bridger, 1861-1869) 94, 210, 
218, 225; port. 214; letter from 
J. D. Doty, 102; letter to J. D. 
Doty, Sept. 21, 1863, 90, June 20, 
1864, 101; letter to F. H. Head, 
June 9, 1866, 219, July 26, 1866, 
220, Sept. 15, 1866, 221-224; 



letter to O. H. Irish, Oct. 5, 1864, 
198-200; Sept. 28, 1865, 213-217; 
telegram to F. H. Head, June 14, 
June 18, 1866, 220; telegram to 

0. H. Irish, Aug. 3, 1865, 210. 
Martin, Edward, 180. 

Martin Company (Handcart Bri- 
gade) 180-183. 

Martin's Cove marker, 179. 

Martin's Cove, Wyo., 183. 

Mason, Ellsworth, review of Dakota 
Territory, I86J-1889, by H. R. 
Lamar, 233-234. 

Masonic Lodge, in Wyo., 80. 

Massacre: The Tragedy at White 
River, by Marshall Sprague, re- 
viewed by Maurice Frink, 234- 

May, Mr., 56. 

Mayoworth, Wyo., 171. 

Medicine Wheel (Wyo.) 137. 

Men to Match My Mountains, by 

1. Stone, reviewed by Leora Pe- 
ters, 112. 

Merrill, Ross, grave of, 82. 

Metzler, Wyo., 159. 

Middle Fork, Powder River, See 

Midwest, Wyo. (Hot Springs Coun- 
ty) 157. 
Mill Iron Open 9 brand, 151. 
Miller, Albert J., 157. 
Miller, David, 156. 
Miller Creek Springs, 138; relics of 

Indian lodges, 1880, 138. 
Miner's Delight, 158. 
Mix, C. M., letter from J. D. Doty, 

Monarch, Wyo., 158. 
Mondell, Wyo., 159. 
Moni, Dick, 209. 
Morgan, Dale L., editor, Washakie 

and the Shoshoni, pt. VIII, 1863- 

June, 1864, 86-102; pt. IX, Sept. 

1864-1866, 195-226; biography 

of, 120-121. 
Morgan, Rachel, 80. 
Morgareidge, Mrs., 171. 
Mormon Ferry, 68, 72. 
Mormon Handcarts, 1856, 179-183. 
Mormons, 78; in 1847, 80. 
Morris, Esther Hobart, candidate on 

new Woman's Party, 36. 
Morrison, John (Pack Saddle Jack) 


Morrison, W. W., relates story of 
Sergeant Custard and his men, 

Mountain sheep, 139; in Yellow- 
stone Park, 134-135. 

Mulloy, WilHam T., 131; review of 
Navajo and Ute Peyotism, by D. 
F. Aberle and O. C. Stewart, 

Mumey, Dr. Nolle, review of From 
Trapper to Tourist in Jackson 
Hole, by E. W. Hayden, 237. 

Murphy, Frank, 67, 177. 

Murphy Creek, 168, 169. 

Myers, Charles A., Over My Shoul- 
der, 150-156; biography of, 241. 

Myers, John Walker, biography of, 

Myers Bros, ranch, Uinta county, 
illus., 150. 

Myers Crossing, Wyo., 151. 

Myers Land and Livestock Com- 
pany, (Wyo.) 155. 

NH ranch, 43, 50, 51, 65; illus. 42. 

Names, Geographical, Wyoming, 

Navajo and Ute Peyotism, by D. F. 
Aberle and O. C. Stewart, re- 
viewed by W. T. Mulloy, 236-237. 

Neble, Wyo., 159. 

Nefsy, Wyo., 159. 

No Wood, Wyo., 159. 

No Wood Creek, Wyo., 158. 

Noble, W. P., 187-188. 

Norris, Philetus W., 126, 136, 138, 
144, 145, 146. 

North and South railroad, 158. 

Nye, Gov., 93, 94, 97. 

Obsidian, 137, 139; in Yellowstone 

Park 132 
Obsidian Cliff, illus. 136. 
Oil springs (Popo Agie Valley) 223. 
The Old Church, poem by Helen 

Cook, 32. 
"Old Tex" (cowboy) 168. 
Old Wyoming Postoffices, by Col. 

N. D. King, 157-159. 
Oregon Trail, military protection 

required, 74; ruts near Split Rock, 

Oregon Trail Trek, compiled by 

Maurine Carley, Trek, no. 4, 67- 

85, map, 66; Trek no. 5, \11-\^A, 

map, 176, members of, illus. 178. 



Outlaws (Wyoming) 161-176. 
Overland stage line, transferred to 

southern route, 190. 
Over My Shoulder, by C. A. Myers, 


"Pack Saddle Jack" See Morrison, 

Pacific Springs, 158. 
Painter, Wyo., 157. 
Parco, Wyo., 159. 
Parker, Brown, 56. 
Parrot, "Big Nose" George, 46. 
Paschal, Mrs. Marion, edits Over 

My Shoulder, by C. A. Myers, 

150-156; biography of, 241. 
Payson, Mrs. Lois B., review of 

Frontier Editor, by D. W. Whet- 
stone, 232-233. 
Pease, Mrs. Sarah W., 34. 
Pence, Alfred M., review of With 

Crook at the Rosebud, by J. W. 

Vaughn, 111. 
Perpetual Emigration Fund, 179. 
Pete Creek, 179. 
Peters, Leora, review of Men to 

Match My Mountains, by L 

Stone, 112. 
Peters, T. W., 51, 54. 
Peters and Alston, account book, 54. 
Pictographs, See Indian pictographs; 

Dinwoody Pictographs. 
Pierce, Johnny, 49. 
Pierette, Joe, 154. 
Pierre Jaune, 125. 
Pitchfork, Wyo., 157. 
Platte Bridge, 68; Platte Bridge 

Station, 69, 70, 73, See also Fort 

Pleazel, Wyo., 159. 
Plont, Mr. (Frenchman) 184. 
Plont Pony Express and Stage Sta- 
tion, 184-185. 
Plunkett, Sir Horace, 43, 47-51, 57, 

63, 65. 
Poison Spider Creek, 72, 83. 
Pony express. 75. 

Popo Agie Valley, oil springs, 223. 
Poposia, Wyo., 159. 
Portrait of an "Ordinary" Woman, 

Eliza Stewart Boyd, by Clarice 

Whittenburg, 33-37. 
Postoffices, Wyoming, 157-159. 
Powder River Cattle Company, 41- 


Powder River Country, 161; out- 
laws and rustlers in, 161-176; See 
also Hole-in-the-Wall. 

Powder River Crossing, 171; stage 
stop, 44-47. 

Powder River Expedition, 216. 

Preston, William Bowker, 38-39, 
port. 38. 

Prospect Hill, 73. 

Punteney. Wyo., 159. 

Railroads, Wyoming, discontinued, 

Rambler, Wyo., 158. 
Red Buttes Battle, 1865, 67, 69-72. 
Reed. William, 191. 
Reshaw bridge, 68. 
Rex, Wyo., 159. 
Rickard, Harry, 210. 
Ricketts, W. P., 83, 84. 
Rider, Keith, 67. 
Riders of Judgment, by F. Manfred, 

reviewed by Thelma G. Condit, 

Riverside, Wyo., 56-57, 158. 
Riverside (on Blue Creek) 171. 
Roberts, Harold D., Salt Creek, 

The Story of a Great Oil Field, 

reviewed by Bob Steiling, 117- 

Roberts, Harry, 43. 
Robertson, Jack (Indian interpreter) 

Robinette, Seminoe, Stage station, 

Roche, Alexis, 43, 51. 
Roche, Edmund, 43, 50, 51. 
Roche Juane, 125. 
Rocky Ridge Station, 76. 
Rogers, Phil, 190. 
Rudefeha, Wyo., origin of name, 

Rumsey, James, 158. 
The Running Iron, by R. A. Fish, 

reviewed by Alice M. Shields, 

Russell, Osborne, 142. 
Russell, Majors and Waddell, erects 

Split Rock Express Station, 185. 
Rustlers (Wyoming) 161-176. 

St. Mary's Station, 76. 
Salt Creek, 168. 



Salt Creek, The Story of a Great 
Oil Field, by H. D. Roberts, re- 
viewed by Bob Steiling, 117-119. 

Salt River Valley, 39. 

Sandoz, Mari, The Horsecatcher, 
reviewed by Richard Mahan, 238- 

Savage, Levi, 181. 

Searight Bros., 83. 

Seminole, Mitch, 187. 

Settlers, Johnson county, Wyo., 161. 

76 brand, 43, 46. 

Sheepeater Canyon, 136. 

Sheepeater Cliffs, 136. 

Sheepeaters (Indians) See Indians: 
Tribes, Sheepeaters; Indians : 
Tribes, Dukurikas; Indians in Yel- 
lowstone Park. 

Sherman, Gen., 146. 

Shields, Alice M., review of The 
Running Iron, by R. A. Fish, 

Shoshone Indian Reservation, 145. 

Shoshoni Diggers, 97. 

Shoshoni Indians, See Indians : 
Tribes, Shoshoni. 

Shoshoni River ferry, 97. 

Shrader, Corp. James W., 69-71. 

Slade, Jack, 184. 

Slide, Wyo., 157. 

Smallpox diminishes number of In- 
dians, 135. 

Smith, Henry, 71. 

Smith, John R., ranch of, 51. 

Smith, Capt. Lot, 187. 

South Pass City, 158. 

Spanish Fork farm, 92. 

Spanish Fork Reservation, Utah, 
92, 94. 

Spaulding, Mrs. H. H., 68. 

Split Rock, illus. 186. 

Split Rock, Wyo., 157. 

Split Rock Pony Express and Stage 
Station, 185-187; site of, illus. 

Sprague, Marshall, Massacre: The 
Tragedy at White River, reviewed 
by Maurice Frink, I'iA-l'iS. 

Spring, A. W., et al.. When Grass 
Was King, reviewed by L. M. 
Homsher, 116-117. 

Steege, Louis C, Stone Artifacts, 

. 107-110, 228-230; biography of, 

Steiling, Bob, review of Salt Creek, 
The Story of a Great Oil Field, 
by H. D. Roberts, 117-119. 

Stewart, Omer C, and Aberle, D. 
F., Navajo and Ute Peyotism 

reviewed by W. T. Mulloy, 236- 

Stone, Irving, Men to Match My 

Mountains, reviewed by L. Peters, 

Stone Artifacts, by L. C. Steege, 

107-110, 228-230. 
Strawberry Creek, 39. 
Stuart, Robert, 68. 
Sublette, Andrew, 189. 
Sublette, Milton G., 189. 
Sublette, Pinkney W., 189. 
Sublette, Solomon P., 189. 
Sublette, W. K., 189. 
Sublette, William L., 189. 
Sublette brothers, 189. 
Summers, Edwin, 71. 
Sun, Tom, 177, 184-185; ranch of, 

82, 177. 
Sun, Mrs. Tom, relates story of 

Plont Pony Express and Stage 

Station, 184-185. 
Surgeon, A. A., 210. 
Swain, Bryan, 71. 
Swan Land and Cattle co., 83. 
Sweetwater River, 79; crossings of, 

189, 192. 
Sweetwater Station, 73-78, 80; de- 
scription of, 1865, 76; sketch of, 

1865, 66. 

TTT ranch, 56. 

Targhee Pass, 143. 

Taylor, Mrs. Ed, 57. 

Teapot, Wyo., 159. 

Telegraph line, 73, 75. 

Ten Sleep, Wyo., 159. 

Terrell, Saul, 175. 

Thomas, D. L., 189. 

Thompson, David, 125. 

Thompson, Sanford (Sang) 167, 

Thorp, Russell, 151. 

Three Crossings Station, history of, 
189-192; illus. 176; raided by In- 
dians, 1862, 190; post office, 190. 

Tipperary, Wyo., 159. 

Tisdale, Mr., 56. 

Togwotee Pass, origin of name, 135. 

Tooele (Tuilla) Valley, 88. 

Trabing's road ranch, 54. 

Trenholm, Virginia Cole, speaks on 
Goose Egg ranch, 82-85; biog- 
raphy of, 121. 

Turkey Track Ranch, 185. 



Uinta reservation, 92. 

Uinta Valley, suggested for reserva- 
tion, 207-208. 

Underwood, Wyo., 159. 

Union Cattle Company, 43. 

U. S. Indian Affairs, 1864-1866, See 
Washakie and the Shoshoni. 

Usher, J. P., letters from W. P. 
Dole, 94-95, 98; letter to William 
P. Dole. Mr. 12, 1864, 99. 

Utah Indian Agency, See Washakie 
and the Shoshoni. 

Uva, Wyo., 158. 

Vaughn, J. W., With Crook at the 
Rosebud, reviewed by A. M. 
Pence, 111. 

Verse, Wyo., 159. 

Veteran, Wyo., 159. 

Vonnie, Wyo., 158. 

Wagon Train Fight of Sergeant 
Custard, 66-72. 

Walker, Lt.. 70. 

Waltman. Wyo., 158. 

Washakie, Chief, See Indians: Chiefs 
and individuals. 

Washakie and the Shoshoni, A se- 
lection of Documents from the 
Records of the Utah Superintend- 
ency of Indian Affairs, edited by 
Dale L. Morgan, pt. VIII, 1863- 
June, 1864, 86-102; pt. IX, Sept. 
1864-1866, 195-226. 

Washburn, General Henry, 125, 
138, 141. 

Water right, oldest in Wyo., 156. 

Waters, William Elkanah, account 
of the Shoshoni tribe and Chief 
Washakie, 89. 

Watson, Beau, 43. 

Webb, Frances Seely, 177. 

Welch, Tom, 46. 

Whellock, C. H., 181. 

When Grass Was King, by Maurice 
Frink, et al., reviewed by L. M. 
Homsher, 116-117. 

Whetstone, Daniel W., Frontier 
Editor, reviewed by Mfs. Lois B. 
Payson, 232-233. 

Whiskey and Indians, 198, 200. 

Whitman, Mrs. Marcus, 68. 

Whittenburg, Clarice, Portrait of an 
"Ordinary" Woman, Eliza Stew- 
art Boyd, 33-37; biography of, 

Wilkes, Mrs. Frane, 39. 

Wilkins, Edness Kimball, gives ac- 
count of Sweetwater Station, 73- 

Willie, James G., 180. 

Willie Company (Handcart brigade) 

Willow Springs, Wyo., 72-73. 

Wind River, Wyo., 157. 

Wind River country, description of, 
1866, 223-224. 

Wister, Owen, 56, 57; The Virginian, 

With Crook at the Rosebud, by J. 
W. Vaughn, reviewed by A. M. 
Pence, 111. 

Wolton, Wyo., 158. 

Woman jury, first in Wyoming, 33- 

Woodruff, Wilford, 80. 

Woodward, Arthur, Feud on the 
Colorado, reviewed by A. G. An- 
derson, Jr., 1 15-1 16. 

Wyoming Archaeological Notes, 107- 
110, 228-230. 

Wyoming Library and Literary As- 
sociation (Laramie) 35. 

Wyoming State Historical Society, 
President's message, 1957, by De- 
Witt Dominick, 102-106; Pro- 
gram, 1957 meeting, 230-231. 

Wyoming territory, created, 212. 

Wyotah, Wyo., 158. 

Yeager, Walter H., 157. 

Yellowstone, origin of name, 125. 

Yellowstone Lake, 127. 

Yellowstone National Park, animals 
in, 127, 134-135; artifacts in, 
129-130; buffalo in, 138, 139; 
established, 125; geysers' evil 
spirits, 137; Indian cultures in, 
126-149; obsidian in, 132, 139; 
steatite (pipestone) in, 139; tem- 
perature in, 127; travel across, 
138, 140. 

Young, Brigham, 179, 180; influ- 
ence with Indians, 78; with Mor- 
mon Battalion, 187. 

Yuma culture, 130. 


The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department has as its func- 
tion the collection and preservation of the record of the people of Wyoming, 
it maintains a historical library, a museum and the state archives. 

The aid of the citizens of Wyoming is solicited in the carrying out of its 
function. The Department is anxious to secure and preserve records and 
materials now in private hands where they cannot be long preserved. Such 
records and materials include: 

Biographical materials of pioneers: diaries, letters, account books, auto- 
biographical accounts. 

Business records of industries of the State: livestock, mining, agriculture, 
railroads, manufacturers, merchants, small business establishments, and of 
professional men as bankers, lawyers, physicians, dentists, ministers, and 

Private records of individual citizens, such as correspondence, manuscript 
materials and scrapbooks. 

Records of organizations active in the religious, educational, social, 
economic and politcial life of the State, including their publications such 
as yearbooks and reports. 

Manuscript and printed articles on towns, counties, and any significant 
topic dealing with the history of the State. 

Early newspapers, maps, pictures, pamphlets, and books on western 

Current publications by individuals or organizations throughout the 

Museum materials with historical significance: early equipment, Indian 
artifacts, relics dealing with the activities of persons in Wyoming and with 
special events in the State's history.