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L^LAK Tt£ 

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of Wyoming 


Stimson Photo 
Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 



Fred W. Marble, Chairman Cheyenne 

E. A. Littleton Gillette 

Henry Jones Laramie 

Mrs. Dwight Wallace Evanston 

E. W. Mass Casper 

Mrs. Wilmot C. Hamm Rock Springs 

Mrs. William Miller Lusk 

Paul Stadius Thermopolis 

Attorney-General Norman Gray. Ex-Officio 



Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Assistant Director 

Mrs. Ruth J. Bradley Chief, Historical Division 

Mrs. Bonnie Forsyth Chief, Archives & Records Division 


The Annals of Wyoming is published semi-annually in April and 
October and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.00 each. 
Available copies of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be 
obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyright, 1962, by the Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 

Mnals of Wyoming 

Volume 34 

April 1962 

Number 1 

Lola M. Homsher 

Ruth J. Bradley 
Assistant Editor 

Katherine Halverson 
Assistant Edi tot- 

Published Biannually by the 


Official Publication 

of the 



OFFICERS 1960-62 

President, Mrs. Edness Kimball Wilkins Casper 

First Vice President, Vernon K. Hurd Green River 

Second Vice President, Charles Ritler Cheyenne 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Miss Lola M. Homsher Cheyenne 

Past Presidents: 

Frank L. Bowron. Casper 1953-1955 

Wiixlwi L. Marion, Lander 1955-1956 

Dr. DeWitt Dominick, Cody 1956-1957 

Dr. T. A. Larson, Laramie 1957-1958 

A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs. Thelma G. Conor, Buffalo 1959-1960 

E. A. Littleton. Gillette 1960-1961 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. County Historical 
Society Chapters have been organized in Albany, Big Horn, Campbell, Car- 
bon, Fremont. Goshen. Johnson. Laramie, Natrona, Park, Platte. Sheridan, 
Sweetwater. Washakie. Weston, and Uinta counties. 

State Dues: 

Life Membership $50.00 

Joint Life Membership (Husband and wife) 75.00 

Annual Membership 3.50 

Joint Annual Membership (Two persons of same family at 

same address.) 5.00 

County dues are in addition to state dues and are set by county organ- 

Send State membership dues to: 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Executive Headquarters 
State Office Building 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Zable of Contents 


Elizabeth J. Thorpe and Mable E. Brown 


Mary Olga Moore 


Burton S. Hill 


J. K. Moore, Jr. 


Mae Urbanek 



Elizabeth Keen 


Nancy Fillmore Brown 

THE HOLE-IN-THE-WALL. Part VIII. Section 4 95 

Thelma Gatchell Condit 

POEMS - Petroglyphs. Shelia Hart 59 

Wyoming Memories. Dick J. Nelson 112 


President's Message by Edness Kimball Wilkins 


Todd. Recollections of a Piney Creek Rancher 1 18 

Van Nuys, The Family Band 119 

Sandoz, These Were the Sioux 120 

Eggenhofer, Wagons, Mules and Men 121 

Atherton, The Cattle Kings 121 

Bonney, Bonney's Guide 123 

Severy, America's Historylands, Landmarks of Liberty 123 

Johnson, Pioneer's Progress 124 

Elston, Treasure Coach from Deadwood 125 

Urbanek, Songs of the Sage; The Second Man 126, 129 

Fitzpatrick, Nebraska Place Names 126 

Adams. The Old-Time Cowhand 128 



Main Street, Newcastle. Wyo.. 1903 Cover 

May Nelson Dow 4, 14, 29 

Frontier Lawyer _ 44, 47 

The Hole-in-the-Wall 96, 98 

Map: May Nelson Dow 19 




URAMiE 82071 

A. M. Nelson (Alfred) 1913 Mary Caroline (Dalton) Nelson 

Dick J. Nelson - May's younger Sarah Pettigrew - Mary Dalton 

brother Nelson's sister 

Courtesy Elizabeth J. Thorpe and Mabel E. Brown 

May Nelson Dow 



Elizabeth J. Thorpe 
Mable E. Brown 

"I remember, I remember, 
The house where 1 was born — " 

This is May Nelson Dow's story taken from her treasury of 
memories which extend into the past beyond the house where she 
was born through the stories of her parents and grandparents 
which cover three generations of westward wanderers. 

We shall begin with Nancy Melinda Collier, May's grandmother, 
who was, at the age of fourteen, trim, tiny, but very grown-up. 

Nancy had a mind of her own. In addition, she was in love. 
However, the Colliers thought fourteen a bit young for marriage 
even in the 1840's in Louisville, Kentucky, when early marriages 
were not too unusual. They opposed it firmly. They had no 
objection to young Lloyd Nelson except that his feet were restless 
and they considered Nancy still a child. They should have been 
forewarned, having lived with Nancy's independence for fourteen 
years, but they didn't realize how little they had understood the 
depth of her feelings until it was too late. 

One balmy southern night, with the help of an older sister, 
Nancy climbed out of her second story window, slid down two 
bed sheets the girls had tied together and seated herself accurately 
behind Lloyd who was waiting nervously in the shadows on his 
horse. Into the darkness they rode, leaving Nancy's home and 
family far behind. 

This was the beginning of a trek that took Nancy as far as 
Glenwood, Iowa, where she and Lloyd settled down for many 
years and raised their children. She must have been in touch 
with her family and, we hope, forgiven, for later her sister, Dru- 
cinda Collier, came to live with them. Drucinda never married 
but stayed and helped Nancy the rest of her life. 

It was not until Nancy and Lloyd were grandparents that Lloyd's 
restless feet bothered him again. Two of their sons, Henry and 
Alfred, had enlisted when the Civil War started. They were with 
Company B of the 29th Iowa Infantry. At the time of enlist- 
ment, Alfred had given his age as eighteen, but he was really only 
seventeen. James, their youngest boy had been injured as a child 


and was lame. He was not accepted in the service but through in- 
fluential friends he obtained a position and spent the war years 
there in Washington. Although Henry spent some time in Ander- 
sonville prison, both of the boys came home when the war ended 
and both were soon married. Henry married a girl named Eliza. 
Alfred met and courted Mary Caroline Dalton who had been born 
in Illinois but had come with her family to Glen wood before the 
war. They were married in 1867. Martha Nelson, the boys' 
sister, married a man named Morton Noah. 

So when Lloyd and Nancy decided to follow the trail west again 
they were accompanied by the Henry Nelsons, the Morton Noahs, 
the Alfred Nelsons and Charles and Sarah Pettigrew, Sarah being 
Mary Nelson's sister. Alfred and Mary, or Molly, as he called 
her, by this time had three children, Nancy Melinda, born in Mill 
County, Iowa in 1864; Ida J. in 1869; and Frank Ellen, born in 
Glenwood in 1871 . 

As they set out from their homes in Iowa in the fall of 1871 
their party consisted of six wagons. They journeyed toward Kan- 
sas. Most of the time the families enjoyed traveling in spite of 
the fact that the way was long, often uncomfortable and sometimes 
dangerous. One time the Noah's wagon was the last to cross an 
icebound stream. They were nearly across when the ice began to 
give way. Martha, sitting in the back of the wagon, could hear 
it snapping and cracking. She shouted at her husband, "Morton, 
drive up quick before we are all drowned!" They made it safely, 
but another time when fording a river the Alfred Nelson's wagon 
was the last in the train. The far bank had become very muddy 
and slippery by the time the other wagons had been pulled up. 
As Alfred's oxen lurched out of the water, slipped and jerked 
ahead again, the extra strain broke the king pin which held the 
tongue in place. The oxen were plunged into the mud. The 
wagon rolled back into the water, tipping over on its side. Mary 
Nelson with the two little girls and the baby, Frank, were inside. 
The men rushed back to help them out and set the wagon on its 
wheels. As they dashed into the water one of the men on horse- 
back noticed the baby's blanket floating downstream. Blankets 
were precious. He prodded his horse and splashed after the bob- 
bing thing, reached for it and gasped. Then he made a frantic 
grab and caught it to him. The baby was still wrapped in it! He 
was, however, unhurt and not even very wet. It had all happened 
so quickly. 

They went into Kansas as far as southwestern Cloud County 
where they took up land under the "Timber Claim" law on the 
Solomon River about eight miles south of Beloit. 

Four of the families, the Lloyd Nelsons, the Henry Nelsons, 
the Noahs and the Pettigrews built one large cabin located where 
the four corners of their four plots of land met. Each family had 


its own corner of the cabin and lived there. As grandmother of 
the group, Nancy seemed to feel justified in being a little different. 
She had a rock floor in her corner which she took pride in keeping 
immaculately clean. 

The Alfred Nelsons built a cabin of their own. It was a good 
thing they did, for in the next six years they had three more chil- 
dren. Orpha May was born March 19, 1873; Dick, May 29, 
1875; and Laura, Oct. 23, 1877. Nine years later, in 1886, Ge- 
neva was born. Ida died at the age of eight, just a month before 
Laura was born. 

Through seventeen years of a developmental period in Kansas 
they experienced the hardships, griefs and rewards of frontier life. 
They knew the disastrous "grasshopper year ', years of cyclones 
and hot winds, and occasional years of plenty and prosperity. 
There were times when they lived in the towns of Beloit and James- 

Living as she did on the outposts of civilization, Mary Dalton 
Nelson became a tower of strength to those of her friends and 
neighbors with whom she came in contact. She dressed the new- 
born babies, closed the eyes of the dead, fed the hungry, cared for 
the sick and clothed the needy. She had the only washing machine 
and sewing machine for miles around and willingly shared both 
with any neighbor who could get to her home. Tired mothers 
brought baskets of garments ready to be stitched on the machine 
or quilts to be washed in the back saving washer while Mary Nel- 
son took care of visiting babies as well as her own. Her talent for 
nursing developed as her experience widened and she was always 
in demand. 

Funny things happened, too, that grew funnier with re-telling, 
like Grandmother's visiting Indian. 

One day Nancy, working in the big cabin, heard a sound out- 
side. The door had a wooden latch and a tiny round peephole 
where a knot in the wood had fallen out. She tip-toed over and 
put her eye to the peephole, only to find that she was staring 
directly into the eye of a curious Shawnee. Grandmother, used to 
Indians and always friendly, unlatched the door and invited him 
in. The only thing she had to offer him in the way of refreshments 
was some fresh buttermilk. She looked around for something to 
put it in because he looked pretty dirty to her and she didn't want 
him drinking out of one of her cups. Her worried glance fell on 
the wash basin. She poured the buttermilk into it and handed it 
to Grandfather who offered it to the Indian. With great polite- 
ness he grunted, "You drink, too." So Grandfather, silently thank- 
ful for Nancy's cleanliness, drank first, then handed the basin to 
their guest. 

In 1876 when the discovery of gold was luring people to the 
Black Hills an emigrant train of eighteen wagons left northwestern 
Kansas bound for the sold fields. This was known as the Petti- 


grew party since Charlie Pettigrew had been made wagon boss. 
Many in the party, like the Pettigrews, were not gold-seekers but 
desired relief from the drouth in Kansas. 

When Charlie, a giant of a man, and Sarah, a large, laughing 
woman and their fourteen children departed with the big train it 
was a sad day for the Nelsons. They were not yet ready to leave 
Kansas. Later when they received letters from Sarah telling of 
the experiences of these people, they were glad they had stayed 
home. They wept over Sarah's story of the death of their young- 
est child, six year old Freddie, who was crushed under a wagon 
wheel near Kimball, Nebraska. The eyes of the children sparkled 
over several tales of minor encounters with Indians in spite of the 
mounted guard that accompanied the train. And, most hair-rais- 
ing of all, was her letter describing the ambush at Beulah on Sand 
Creek. The members of the train who were not gold-seekers had, 
after a brief look at Deadwood and vicinity, decided that it was 
no place for farmers. Six or eight families, including the Petti- 
grews, decided to go on to Montana which they thought would be 
more like the farm land they were used to. In spite of warnings 
that it was dangerous to go because of Indians, the party pro- 

It was a beautiful land after they left Deadwood Gulch. The 
arms of the hills spread out, opening vistas of vast prairies of red 
soil, shadowed canyons and wooded hills in the distance. Spear- 
fish Creek was a wide, clear, rushing stream that watered the 
broad, fertile Spearfish Valley. But they kept going. It wasn't 
like Kansas. Perhaps because of the somber warnings they were 
unusually apprehensive and the rugged beauty of the place didn't 
appeal to them. 

At Beulah their fears seemed to materialize. They were sur- 
rounded by Indians who had no intention of letting them go fur- 
ther into their territory or of permitting them to return the way 
they had come. They had no choice but to defend themselves the 
best they could. 

The men hurriedly put the wagons in a ring and started digging 
small pits from which to fight and a large one where the women 
and children would be safe. The Indians seemed determined to 
hold the party there until all either starved to death or were killed. 

They were there almost a week. To the women the hole in 
the ground became home. They accepted it just as they had all 
the other discomforts and hardships of living on the trail or in a 
camp. They had a certain measure of security. Their men were 
protecting them. 

Their mode of living in the hole had organization. There was 
a fireplace in one corner where they prepared meals. Even the 
children had helped pick the stones for this out of the sides of 
the hole. Their sleeping quarters were in another corner. In a 


third corner the men dug a deeper hole, throwing the dirt up high 
around it for the accommodation of their physical needs. 

One night toward the end of the week a rider managed to slip 
out in the darkness and get to Deadwood for help. A day or two 
later the soldiers came and the Indians were driven away. After 
such an experience the people were willing to concede that it was 
too dangerous to go on. They retraced their trail into the peaceful 
Spearfish Valley and stayed there. Some settled along the creek. 
Others went into the little town of Spearfish. 

With feelings of relief and thankfulness the Nelsons read in 
later epistles that the wanderers found it a good land in spite of 
the terrifying and unhappy episode which had forced them to stay 
in it. So good that they began a written campaign urging the 
Nelsons over and over to leave Kansas and come on along to the 
Black Hills. 

It took twelve years of eloquence to dislodge any of the family 
from the Kansas plains but at last Alfred who had, perhaps, in- 
herited a touch of his father's restlessness succumbed to the 
temptation to go west once more. 

Nancy, Grandmother Nelson, had died and after several years 
of being lonely and living with various members of the family, 
Lloyd had married again. The grandchildren learned to call this 
lady "Grandma Ann". She and Lloyd lived in Jamestown, but 
had, daringly, gone twelve miles to Delphos to be married! 

Alfred and Mary's oldest daughter, Nancy, was married by this 
time to Charles Donielson. Frank was a young man and already 
working as printer's devil on a newspaper. May, Dick and Laura 
were what we would now classify as teenagers — they were no 
longer small children but they weren't quite grown-up, either. 
Neva was still a babv not much more than a year old when they 
began planning to leave and making preparations. 

One of the first arrangements was to see that all unbaptized 
children were baptized for this journey into a strange land. The 
family belonged to the First Christian Church. May (and prob- 
ably Dick and Laura ) were of the group which went solemnly 
down to the river on an early spring day. It was not very warm. 
There was still some ice on the river. Steps had been built down 
to the baptistry at the edge of the water and on these mothers 
waited with blankets. As each child was immersed and stepped 
out he was wrapped warmly and hurried home. Not a single one 
caught cold that day and after baptism in such icy water they felt 
ready for anything! 

In the spring of 1888 they came by train to Whitewood, Dakota 
Territory, which was at that time the end of the railroad. Frank, 
May, Dick, and Laura climbed out of the train and stood close 
to their parents and the baby on the station platform in the land 
of the Black Hills for the first time. It was more than a thousand 
miles away and many years ago that Nancy Collier had slid out of 


the upper story window of her childhood home to run away with 
the man she loved and start this family whose destiny was to move 
west as pioneers. In all the years of living in Iowa and Kansas 
and on the trails in between, none of them had ever seen anything 
like these pine and spruce covered hills. The children were 
speechless with wonder, especially May, who was delighted with 
the excitement of this new life. It was a wonderful adventure. 
It was LIVING, and she knew that she would never forget a 
minute of it. Dick and Dot (which Laura was called because she 
was a tiny dot of a girl) also were filled with the wonder of be- 
ginning life on a new frontier. The three of them were old enough 
to remember and enjoy everything that happened to them and 
young enough to be unimpressed by the discomforts and hard- 
ships which their parents undoubtedly knew. 

The stagecoach which went from Whitewood to Spearfish was 
owned and operated by a man called Uncle Harvey. He was an 
exciting figure to the Nelsons who were amazed at the wildness of 
his horses. He assured them that everything was all right. He 
helped them into the coach which they found already occupied by 
two men carrying carpetbags and whose conversation indicated to 
Mrs. Nelson that they were Swedes. Alfred and the boys decided 
it was pretty crowded inside so they climbed up on top with the 
driver. Trying to be calm, Mrs. Nelson got out the lunch basket 
and prepared to feed the children when suddenly the train whistled 
a shrill blast. The wheel horse reared and came down astraddle 
of the tongue. The other horses were nervous and jumping around 
as if they were standing in a pool of hot water. Mrs. Nelson was 
frightened but tried to be merely polite as she leaned out of the 
window to ask, "Shall we get out?" 

"Just keep your seat, lady," Uncle Harvey said reassuringly, 
"it's just that that bronc was never hitched up till two hours ago!" 

Mrs. Nelson smothered a gasp and shrank back inside, wonder- 
ing what would happen to all of them. 

Within a few minutes the men had unhitched the horses, 
straightened them out, hitched them up again and they were on 
their way. They went at a dead run all the eighteen miles to 
Spearfish. By the time they reached there, the bronc was thor- 
oughly "broke". 

As they went around the end of Deadwood one of the strange 
men remarked, "Py kolly, I don't see anyting gold in tose Hells!" 

May had never heard an accent before and it struck her so 
funny that she began to giggle. Her mother reprimanded her 
severely for laughing at the oddities of others. 

By the time the Nelsons arrived all the land in the Spearfish 
Valley was taken. They farmed the Bob Evans ranch near Charles 
Pettigrew on shares that first summer, but it was not quite what 
they had hoped for. So, late in the fall when news of a coal dis- 



covery at Cambria in Wyoming Territory reached Spearfish, they 
decided to seek their fortune on the western edge of the Hills. 

Alfred went over into the country, picked his location and came 
back, stopping at Sundance, which was at that time the county 
seat, to file his claim. He bought an ox team and wagon into which 
they once more packed all their belongings. It was ten degrees 
below zero on December 12th as they came down over Lookout 
Mountain at the beginning of the eighty-five mile journey to their 
claim in Wyoming Territory. The loaded wagon creaked along 
behind the slow moving oxen. No one seemed to mind the cold 
too much. Mrs. Nelson had made long red flannel pants lined 
with calico for the girls to wear under their dresses! 

They made it to Beulah that first night and stayed with the Tom 
Hewes family, remembering, no doubt, what had happened to the 
Pettigrew party there. By the next night they were in Sundance 
with some of the many Pettigrew relatives. Frank, May's older 
brother, decided to stay in Sundance and find work. He was 
immediately successful. Judge Joseph Stotts of the Sundance 
Gazette felt very fortunate in finding an assistant with even a min- 
imum of experience in the newspaper business. 

While it was fun visiting with friends and relatives along the 
way, nothing kept the travelers from pushing on each morning. 
The third night found them at "Cap" Young's place. "Cap" and 
Mr. Nelson did all the visiting that night — refighting the Civil War. 

The fourth night they expected to stay at a cabin that "Boz" 
Gupton had built between Sundance and Nels Holwells. They 
kept looking for it as the day grew dark and colder but it was 
farther away than they had figured. Two year old Neva was 
tired and couldn't hold back the tears. Mrs. Nelson comforted her 
by saying, "Don't cry, honey, you'll have a nice warm cabin to sleep 
in tonight." At last the cabin came in sight. Near it was a little 
stream at which they stopped long enough for Mr. Nelson to 
break the ice and get water for coffee. When the wagon finally 
stopped they climbed stiffly out, went up to the cabin and pushed 
open the door — only to find that another family had found it 
first — a mother skunk and two kittens! The mother protested the 
disturbance by perfuming the place so suffocatingly that no one 
could stand to stay in it. So, Neva, instead of a "nice, warm 
cabin" had a tarp for shelter that night with a campfire in front 
of it. They were warm and slept soundly in spite of mama skunk. 

The next night they spent at the Brewer place which later be- 
longed to Sirene Hoist for many years. May especially enjoyed 
being there because the Brewers had a daughter, Nellie, who was 
about her age. Even though they had never seen each other 
before they had a good visit. 

A few hours of traveling the next day brought them to the land 
on Oil Creek which was their own. The country was big and 


empty. Oil Creek was a small stream wandering southward from 
the hills out into a wide, rolling plains country covered with sage- 
brush and grass just now almost buried under snow. Sundance, 
five or six days of traveling away, was the nearest town. There 
were a few families on Beaver Creek about eight miles east and 
there were the LAK and the YT ranches, one five miles east and 
the other about four miles north. Custer, though not quite as 
far away as Sundance, was almost impossible to reach in the winter 
because of its barrier of hills and deep, snow-filled canyons. 

With them the Nelsons had a year's supply of food, seed grain 
for the spring planting, the ox team, a couple of cows, two pigs 
and a dozen chickens. They needed shelter immediately from the 
bitter cold weather. Alfred set to work (with some help from the 
family) and made a dugout in the north bank of the creek which 
would have to do them until they were settled and spring brought 
better weather for getting out logs with which to build a cabin. 
He did get a few logs and small pines for the front and roof of 
the dugout from the hills about a mile away. 

The room in the bank was twelve feet square with a great center 
pole in the middle which, with the back wall, supported the ridge 
pole, a stout log over twelve feet long. From the ridge pole to the 
side walls were laid shorter logs close together with the small and 
large ends alternating. Over these was a thick layer of the prairie 
grass and on top of that a good eighteen inches of dirt. The 
door in the center of the log wall had a window in it, the only 
lighting, but, as May remembers, it was so cozy and warm in the 
dugout that the door stood open most of the time even in the 
winter. As it faced south, the winter sun streamed in most of the 

The children helped chink the log wall with mud from the creek. 
Outside of the front door there was a shelf above the creek which 
was their yard. 

Inside Alfred drilled holes in the center post and inserted pegs 
on which to hang their clothes. Some very special pegs not too 
far from the floor were for Neva's small things. They had brought 
bedsteads, a feather bed, a stove, pictures and an organ box which 
made, when fitted with shelves, a roomy cupboard. For the 
children's beds they stuffed straw ticks with sweet dried grass. 
They set up the stove and Alfred built a woodbox which the chil- 
dren were instructed to keep filled. Before long he had a table 
made and some chairs and benches which could be pushed under 
when not in use. Mrs. Nelson had her precious Singer sewing 
machine, indispensable article, at the back of the room between 
the beds. 

On the other side of the creek and a few feet south of the dug- 
out were four or five big boxelder trees that hung out over the 
stream and up over the bank. The children found those trees 
the best of playhouses. They could climb the far bank and walk 


into the trees on the branches. With scraps of logs and lumber 
they build a platform in one of them — a tree house with leaves 
for a roof. 

It was Christmas by the time they were settled in the dugout. 
The neighbors at the YT ranch sent a cowboy with an invitation 
to spend Christmas there. This was accepted with a great deal 
of pleasure and excitement. Friends were all they needed to make 
their first Christmas in a new land one of perfect joy. 

One of the highlights of their life on Oil Creek was the visit of 
the circuit rider. May has told this story so many times as one 
of her favorites that it is quoted directly here from a newspaper 

"One cold winter day we spied him coming over the snowy 
prairie from the direction of Elk Mountain. As he approached we 
were surprised to see a small Indian pony carrying a rider so tall 
that the man's feet were dragging in the snow. It was Reverend 
Curran, the circuit rider from Custer. He had heard about th; 
new families in this region and had come all that way to visit us. 
He was a tall, dark man of the Abraham Lincoln type, very pious, 
deliberate and slow. He had an unusually long beard and his 
features were narrow and sharp, just a typical "long-faced Presby- 
terian". He wore a broad black hat and a frock coat and carried 
a Bible under his arm in the regular circuit rider style. Our visitor 
had arrived just before dinner, but we had plenty of wild game 
cooked. We made him welcome and he stayed with us and held 
services. At night he slept on the spare bed roll that was laid 
out on the dirt floor. The next day he went on to visit some folks 
on Black Thunder Creek, and we watched him ride away over 
the prairie, zigzagging back and forth to avoid the snow-filled gul- 
lies. We never heard from him after that until we went to Tubb- 
town. After Newcastle was established he came walking in there 
one day. He preached a few sermons in the church, but his views 
were rather too straight-laced. He disapproved of donations to 
the church by saloon keepers, calling the contributions 'blood 
money'. So naturally he wasn't very popular with the people of 
the progressive new town." 

By spring Mr. Nelson and Dick had cleared the sagebrush, 
greasewood and cactus from five acres of land. It was easier to 
clear the land in winter when the brush was brittle from cold and 
broke off easily. They found that the cattle relished cactus plants 
after the spines had been burned off. May helped with the work 
almost as much as Dick did. In the spring when her father broad- 
cast seed oats on the new soil, she harrowed them with the ox team. 
This was the first stand of oats raised in Weston County, though 
it was still Crook County at that time. 

That spring also a great roundup corral was built near the ranch. 
Hundreds of cowboys gathered up droves of cattle from all over 
the country and brought them there to be branded. Many cow- 



* 3 

a. faj 


boys came to the Nelson's place. Roundup time was a lively 
season. The ruins of the old corral may still be seen and the 
stout snubbing post that stood in the center is still there. 

One day when the weather was nice they had company. Mr. 
M. J. Coyle and Mr. Frank Mondell rode over to the dugout and 
had dinner with the Nelsons. Mr. Coyle was a young married 
man with a wife and two small sons who were living in the Bear 
Butte Valley over near Sturgis. He had land at the foot of the 
hills north of the Nelsons and was building a home there for his 
family. Mr. Mondell was a single man, described many years 
later by Dot Nelson Hart as the "pioneer heart-throb". He had 
been employed by the Kilpatrick Brothers and Collins, a railroad 
construction firm, to look for coal in this area and had discovered 
it in a canyon in the hills to the north. His interest in this new 
country was unbounded and his love for it as vast as the country 
itself. That particular day, however, his enthusiasm soared over 
Mrs. Nelson's sour cream biscuits. During the visit Mr. Nelson 
asked for and was given permission to get logs for a cabin from 
Mr. Coyle's land. 

There was an oil spring on this land, back near the foot of 
the hills. In order to develop it, Mr. Coyle, Mr. Mondell, Billy 
Fawcett. Fred Coates, Beaver Creek ranchers J. C. Spencer of the 
LAK and perhaps others had formed the Eagle Oil Co. They had 
dug a pit about six feet square and made steps in the dirt down into 
one side of it. The logs for the cabin were to come from the land 
around the oil pit. 

Mr. Nelson dug a well that spring before he started on the 
cabin. They needed a better water supply. Oil Creek water was 
very hard and almost impossible to use for washing, though Mrs. 
Nelson did use it. Her greatest hope was that the water in the 
new well would be soft. The children helped with the digging at 
first. When the hole got deep they had to make a ladder of small 
poles which they would lower into the pit so their father could 
get down to dig, then pull it up with a rope so he would have room 
to use the pick and shovel. One morning when the hole was about 
twenty feet deep they had hardly pulled the ladder up and gone 
off a little way to play when they heard their father call, "Molly, 
oh Molly, come here!" 

Mrs. Nelson came hurrying out of the dugout and the children 
ran back to the hole. Looking down they could see that where 
the shovel had made the last bite in the bottom, water was boiling 
up. They hurried to put down the ladder so the victorious digger 
could bring his tools and climb out. Mrs. Nelson sent one of the 
children to the dugout for the wash pan and soap so she could 
see if the water was soft. To her delight it was. It made a fine 
lather when soap was used in it, but the next morning they were 
all dismayed to find that it was just as hard as the creek water 


and they could only resign themselves to using it. For the stock 
they made a watering trough out of half a barrel. 

One morning soon after this Mr. Nelson and Dick took a lunch 
and left in the wagon, heading for the timber to get out logs. A 
little later in the day May rode her pony, Bess, over to see the 
place. When she arrived there were some men there and a big 
wagon loaded with four great barrels. She watched while one of 
the men put on high rubber boots, picked up a sort of double 
dipper made by nailing a kerosene can to either side of a long, 
narrow board and went down the steps into the oil pit. He filled 
the dipper with oil and handed it up to another man who poured 
it into one of the barrels. They filled all four this way. May 
watched for a long time, then went to where her father and Dick 
were working. When she asked Mr. Nelson what they did with 
the gooey black stuff he told her it was hauled to Lead City and 
used in the mines for lubrication and was also mixed with pulver- 
ized mica as grease for wagon wheels. 

They made many trips to the timber that spring, most of them 
uneventful, but one trip will never be forgotten by May or Dot. 
not because they went along, but because they were left at home. 
The Nelsons took Dick and Neva with them one morning, leaving 
the older girls home to see that the cattle (milk cows) didn't stray 
and get mixed with the range cattle. Old Shep, the cattle dog, 
was left to help them. By evening, their parents not home yet, 
the girls went about getting ready for night. They had shut up 
the chickens and were doing the chores when they thought they 
could hear voices — dogs barking and children crying. It was 
already dusk and when the girls looked up toward the divide, low 
hills west of the ranch, they could see little fires all along the top 
of it and knew, to their horror, that a party of Indians was setting 
up camp. They learned later that their land lay nearly in the 
path of an old Indian trail used by the Sioux and Crow tribes as 
they went back and forth to visit each other. 

The girls were terrified. They took Shep, crossed the creek and 
went up the branch of the big tree to the platform over the stream. 
It was completely hidden by the thick leaves. They sat down with 
the dog between them and spent a good part of the night there. 
Once they heard horses snorting underneath and splashing in the 
creek. Shep started to growl so they held his mouth shut to keep 
him quiet. Peering out through the leaves they could barely make 
out two Indian boys who, after letting the ponies drink, rode over 
toward the dugout. They rode around it several times, but didn't 
seem to bother anything and finally rode away. 

After what seemed an endless time the girls heard the chuckle 
of the wagon as it came down the trail. They got down out of 
the tree, still holding Shep's mouth shut, and went up the road 
to meet their parents. After hearing their story, Mr. Nelson sat 


up the rest of the night watching, but early in the morning the 
Indians departed and didn't come that way again. 

They got out all the logs they needed that spring to build a 
large, two-roomed cabin, twelve by twenty-eight feet. They had 
made arrangements to have their furniture shipped from Kansas 
when they were ready for it. The nearest railroad station was at 
Buffalo Gap in Dakota Territory. Mr. Nelson hitched the oxen 
to the wagon one fine day, took Dick and May with him and went 
after the load of furniture. Coming back through HelFs Canyon 
it was rough going with such a top heavy load, but they had a tarp 
over it that was tied down well and they eventually crawled up 
out of the steep rock-sided canyon and brought everything safely 
home. Among the articles of furniture was the organ belonging to 
Nancy, their married daughter, the first to come into this part of the 
country. For years afterward it was an important part of their 
home life and served faithfully at church services, funerals, wed- 
dings and dances. The box in which it had been shipped was made 
into another cupboard for the cabin. 

The railroad was crawling slowly northward from Alliance. 
There was much speculation as to the course it would take after 
it crossed the line into Wyoming Territory. Deloss Tubbs of Cus- 
ter, South Dakota, made a fairly shrewd guess that it would follow 
the valley of Stockade Beaver, turn west at Jenney Stockade and 
pass by Salt Creek near the ford on the old Custer-Belle Fourche 
trail. With this thought in mind he started a small settlement on 
the east bank of Salt Creek where the trail crossed the ford. He 
had previously built a log cabin on the west bank of the creek as 
a supply point along the trail and from here he ordered enough 
lumber to build a store from a sawmill on Stockade Beaver a few 
miles above the Jenney Stockade. The mill, owned by Tom Sweet, 
Fod Hansen and Davis, was powered by a big water wheel in the 

Tubbs 1 store was scarcely up before another Custer business 
man had followed his example. F. R. Curran set up his bar first 
out in the open and continued to do business while the building 
was constructed around it. 

Alfred Nelson, seeing an opportunity to establish himself as a 
business man as well as a rancher, went to a farming section of 
Nebraska, bought some milk cows and drove them to Mr. Tubbs" 
town, officially named Field City. Neison had obtained permis- 
sion to live in Tubbs 1 two room log cabin on the west bank of 
the creek. It was occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Hershan White at 
the time, so giving them time to find other accommodations. Mr. 
Nelson built a temporary enclosure for the cattle and then went 
to the homestead to pack up his wife and family. 

It was a cold gloomy day that they spent loading the wagons. 
Black clouds hung over the hills. Rain at the homestead was in- 
termittent and they kept at their work between showers. Late 


in the afternoon they were ready but decided to wait until morn- 
ing when perhaps the sun would be shining. 

There were tears in May's eyes the next morning as she watched 
them roll off over the muddy prairie into the watery spring sun- 
shine without her. Mrs. Nelson, feeling that May, almost sixteen, 
was at a very impressionable age, had decided to leave her on 
the homestead with her older sister Nancy and her young husband 
who had come from Kansas by covered wagon a few weeks before. 
She and Alfred both knew that the frenzied activity of the new 
little town was attracting a motley assortment of people. Clean 
honest business men were rubbing elbows with gamblers, outlaws 
and fancy women — all hoping to reap large profits by sitting on 
the right of way of the railroad. It was raw, bawdy and wild. 
They agreed that May, attractive and unspoiled, should be shield- 
ed from as much of its wickedness as possible. Dot and Neva 
were not old enough to be much affected (they hoped) and Dick, 
well, he was a boy and they felt they could keep him busy. It 
was hard for such a close family to be parted from one child and 
it later must have proved neither desirable nor possible for May 
made many visits to Tubbtown while her parents lived there. 

When the Nelsons arrived at the log cabin they found that the 
rains of the day before had sent a flash flood rolling down Salt 
Creek and the Whites were weltering in mud. The dirt roof, along 
with many gallons of rain water, had washed into the cabin. To 
give the Whites a little more time to pick themselves out of the 
mud and Alfred a chance to put a new roof on the cabin, Mr. 
Tubbs offered them the use of a tiny room back of his store. 

Mary was against staying there but there was no other place 
to go. There were saloons on both sides of the place and since 
the building was built of upright boards, loosely battened, they 
could see the lights through the cracks all night. Even worse, they 
were regaled with drunken laughter and anything but genteel con- 
versation from the patrons. 

Early the next morning the children were awakened by shooting, 
shouting and the sound of running horses. Mr. Nelson was talking 
to Tubbs. Mary, who was slicing bacon for breakfast, started 
toward the front door to see what was going on. Alfred got there 
first and called back to her, "Stay back, Molly. This is not a 
thing for women and children to see! 1 ' 

Mary's eyes blazed with indignation as she marched back into 
the tiny room. With one foot she kicked the crude pine door 
shut and with a violent, exasperated gesture sent the long-bladed 
knife she was still holding hurtling across the room. It stuck in 
the wall, vibrating, as she stood glaring at it and breathing hard. 
Then, as though unconscious of the shocked and incredulous stares 
of her three children, she jerked it from the wall and viciously 
attacked the side of bacon. 

"I have never been so furious," she told Alfred later. "To 

CffOQk COUH T / 

LiHU Oil C*^fc-M«r <*IW 
CmI C»**fc «m4 

Courtesy Elizabeth J. Thorpe and Mable E. Brown 


think that I've brought my children to a place so vile it's not even 
safe to look outside!" 

Mr. Nelson no doubt hurried with the roof, for they moved into 
the cabin across the creek soon after that and Mary never went 
into town unless it was absolutely necessary. Alfred sold miik, 
cream and butter to the steadily increasing citizenry. 

How the women learned that Mrs. Nelson was a skilled seams- 
tress was a puzzle, but one day one of them approached Alfred 
about his wife making some dresses for them. 

Mary was horrified, but since they really needed the extra 
money, she unbent, only however, to the extent that she would 
sew anything they cut and sent over by Alfred. She would not 
have them coming to her house. So, when he delivered the milk 
in town he gathered up the bundles of materials. Mary stitched it 
up, sent it back and was always well pleased with the prompt and 
generous payment. Once one of the women tripped across the 
bridge and invaded Mary's privacy further. Mary sent the chil- 
dren to play in the pines behind the cabin until "that woman" 
left, did the work requested of her and afterward scrubbed her 
hands and arms as if she'd been up to her eblows in deadly poison. 

The name, Field City, descriptive of the town's location on a 
comparatively level flat between the hills and the creek, was soon 
lost in the wild, haphazard bustle of the place and evolved almost 
immediately into Tubbtown. It had grown adjacent to Tubb's and 
Curran's places of business, straddling the old trail that ran east 
and west along the foot of the hills. 

By July 1st in addition to these and the milk ranch almost every 
kind of business was represented: a dry goods store run by Leo 
Roderick, a small drug store, two restaurants, one run by a Mr. 
Babcock, a post office, three saloons, gambling halls and dance 
halls and a roofed counter where meat was sold after being killed 
and dressed on the open range. 

Frank Nelson, then eighteen years of age, was sent over from 
Sundance by his employer, Judge Stotts, to start a paper, the Field 
City Journal or Stockade Journal. He came on horseback, carry- 
ing with him a cigar box full of tvpe wrapped in his slicker and a 
small, hand-operated army cylinder printing press tied on behind 
his saddle. He set up his business in the building nearest the 
creek on the south side of the trail and proceeded to get his paper 
out. He found that the noise and other disturbances of Tubbtown 
which never let up, night or day, so distracted him that he occa- 
sionally took to the hills to do his writing in a clump of pines. 
While he was ad man, editor and back shop man, he taught his 
sisters, Dot, and May, when she was there, to set type and be 
"printers devils". They learned to spread ink onto a marble slab 
and work it smoothly over the surface with a tool similar to a 
rolling pin. Then they passed the roller lightly over the type in 
the form, laid the paper on, pulled a lever and made the impres- 


sion. The sheets were small, about the size of typing paper. Only 
one sheet could be printed at a time. In this way they printed 
the first paper in what was to be Weston County. It came out in 
time to chronicle the first and only political rally in Tubbtown. 
Frank Mondell was running for state representative and a lot of 
the "boys" were beating the drum for him. This was in late Au- 
gust. In the second edition published the first week in Septembsr, 
1 889, the big news was of the lots that would go on sale September 
10th in the town of Newcastle at the mouth of Cambria Canyon 
where the railroad would meet the spur to the mines. The rail- 
road had swung west of Beaver Creek Valley and missed Tubb- 
town by two miles! 

The few real families in Tubbtown lived as far away as they 
could from the turmoil of the business places — mostly on the west 
side of the stream. The children were kept strictly to their side 
by eagle-eyed mothers. Still, regardless of age, they could not 
have been unaware of the gaudy life going on just across the way. 
They were taught to fall to the floor, according to May Nelson, 
if any shooting started, particularly if they happened to be in a 
tent house where the floors and part of the sides were of boards 
and the upper half of the sides and the roof were of canvas. More 
than once the wild shots of the gamblers ripped through canvas. 
No one, however, was ever killed in Tubbtown. 

Hershon and Addie White had put up a tent house across the 
creek from the Nelsons, but back behind the point of the hill, 
a location which put part of the hill between them and the main 
part of town. The ladies could wave to each other if they hap- 
pened to be out of doors at the same time. Mrs. White was a 
sweet and delicate little lady with a pronounced lisp. She and 
Mary Nelson had much in common. Like Mary, Addie was also 
a seamstress and had been pressed into service by the dance hall 
girls. Neither of them liked the way in which their customers 
earned their living. They were respectable women with an earnest 
desire to combat the wickedness surrounding them. The only 
other family with children were the McLaughlins, so Mrs. White 
and Mrs. Nelson organized a Sunday School in the Nelson's cabin, 
attended by six McLaughlins and four Nelsons. Occasionally 
Reverend Curran from Custer would come to direct the Sunday 
School and hold services for the adults as well. 

One of the few times Mrs. Nelson deviated from her resolve to 
never step foot on the other side of the creek was on May's six- 
teenth birthday. For both it turned out to be a most memorable 
occasion. She had decided that, as May had reached the status 
of a young lady, it was high time she was corseted. Although 
May was slender as a reed and felt she not only didn't need a 
corset but didn't want one, her mother insisted. It is possible 
that she thought the corset would restrain May's free and torn- 


boyish ways. The same thought had occurred to May. Her 
protests were many. She acted like a lady — her mother had seen 
to that. But she loved the outdoors and her pony. She had helped 
her father with his work too long to want to be confined like a 
lady. The argument which probably defeated her was, "But 
Mother, I can't run and jump on Bess if I have to wear a corset!" 
Her mother was adamant. They proceeded to Tubbtown for 
this rather dubious birthday gift. 

March 19, 1889, was a warm spring day. The rutted trail and 
the raw board buildings lay bathed in sunshine. While May was 
still objecting to the idea of the corset she couldn't help being 
happily aware of her surroundings as they climbed out of the 
wagon and walked across the footbridge to the general store. 

Mr. Roderick, a plump man, was asleep on the rough board 
counter, his head on a couple of feather pillows he had for sale. 
His round stomach rose and fell as he breathed and from his 
open mouth issued peaceful but mighty snores. To May's alarm, 
there were flies buzzing around his head in the warm atmosphere 
of the shack. With each deep inhalation they seemed drawn to- 
ward the moist, pink abyss. She watched, fascinated, as they 
stood there, not knowing just how to make him aware of their 

When he finally heard them — or sensed their proximity — he 
rolled off the counter a bit sheepishly, smoothed down his heavy 
blonde hair and inquired politely what he could do for the ladies? 

Mrs. Nelson said she'd like to see one of the corsets he had on 
the shelf. He had two boxes of them which he took down, lifted 
out a corset, unwound it, all with a very solemn face, and held 
it out awkwardly for them to inspect. May was embarrassed be- 
yond words, but no more so than was he. She thought she had 
never seen such an enormous garment — -even the strings reminded 
her of lariat ropes! 

While Mrs. Nelson was admiring it and May was trying to pre- 
tend that this wasn't happening to her, a freight outfit rumbled to 
a stop in front of the store. The humdrum air of the place was 
suddenly charged with excitement. Through the open door they 
could see the big freight wagon and hear the voices of other store- 
keepers along the street. May caught the mumble of a deep voice 

saying, "By , that's Calamity Jane!" and about the same time 

she saw a woman swing down from the high seat. There was a 
flash of booted feet and black-stockinged legs under a full, rusty 
brown skirt of some heavy material that caught on the wagon 
wheel. The woman swore as she snatched the skirt loose and came 
on in the store. She gave the impression of bigness with her 
attitude of taking command. Her eyes swept the entire store at 
a glance — customers, proprietor and the contents of the shadowed 
shelves. Her gaze was caught and held by the one spot of color 


in the place — a bolt of bright pink china silk. As she demanded 
to see it May half shrunk behind her mother, amazed that she was 
looking at Calamity Jane, and a little afraid, too, though why, 
she didn't know. Mr. Roderick obligingly brought the bolt down 
from the shelf and held it up off the counter so the delicate silk 
wouldn't catch on the rough boards. He rippled out about a yard 
of it so she could behold its beauty. Her eyes snapped. Turning 
to Mrs. Nelson she said, "Lady, don't you think that would make a 
pretty wrapper?" 

"It surely would." Mrs. Nelson answered. 

"How much do you think it would take?" 

"That would depend on how you wanted to make it," Mary told 

"I want it with Watteau pleats and a stand up collar," the wo- 
man said dreamily, " — real full." 

Mrs. Nelson thought a moment. "In that case it would take 
about fifteen yards," she said. 

So, Calamity Jane bought fifteen yards of the silk and strode 
out of the store with her package, apparently enjoying her sur- 
prised audience, yet at the same time ignoring it. May, remem- 
bering the boots as Calamity Jane had vaulted from the wagon, 
couldn't help picturing them protruding from the folds of pink 
silk and the vivid pink ruff framing the brown, weather-beaten 
and somewhat sunburned face. She smothered a giggle. After- 
wards when asked how Calamity Jane looked she said, "I had 
often heard it said that Calamity Jane was mannish in voice and 
manner but she did not impress me as being so masculine appear- 
ing. She was medium in height with a rawboned look and a skin 
so tanned and weather-worn that it looked like leather." 

They watched while Calamity Jane returned to her perch on 
the freight wagon, cracked her long bull whip over the backs of 
the leaders, and slowly continued her wabbling, creaking course 
down the road. 

May hoped that her mother had been distracted from the awful 
corset, but not so. Mrs. Nelson returned her attention to the ar- 
ticle and purchased it for $1.50. Vowing silently that she'd not 
wear the thing unless her mother was around, May didn't say a 
word. She was afraid her mother would remember her giggle 
and reprimand her. After all, it was her birthday. 

Dick, who was fourteen by this time, was in Tubbs' store one 
day when "Club-foot Bill", the proprietor of a five stool lunch 
counter in the back end of Blackwell's saloon, came into the 
store to make a purchase. Seeing a boy standing at the counter, 
he said, "Son, you are the fellow I'm looking for. I need some- 
one to help wash dishes and sweep out. I'll pay you three dollars 
a week and give you board and room. You can use my bed. 


I don't need it — I cook all day and play poker all night. What 
do you say?" 

Dick explained that he would like the job but would have to 
have his parents' permission. 

"Get it then," said Bill. And Dick took off like a jack rabbit 
for the cabin across the creek. It took some consideration and 
discussion but at last Dick was allowed to accept the job. He 
found that his other duties were to peel the spuds, serve the ham, 
hot cakes and coffee — no tea. All the men were he-men and 
there were few women. 

Dick paid strict attention to his work and offered the ultimate 
in courtesy to each customer. This brought another offer of em- 
ployment. Hunter Bowen, the foreman of the Kilpatrick Broth- 
ers and Collins sawmill came in to the saloon one day to get 
(of course) a cup of coffee. After being served so well by Dick 
he offered the boy a place as kitchen and dining room "mechanic' 
at the mill at $6.00 per week and room and board. The astound- 
ing offer, after more discussion with his parents, was accepted. 
After Dick worked there a while he was promoted to work in the 
mill itself, feeding the lath machine. From there he was sent up 
to Cambria where the mines were being opened. There his first 
job was to carry hand tools and drills from Davey Forbes, the 
blacksmith, to the miners driving the first entry on the Antelope 
side of the canyon. His next job was helping K. O. Hurt, the first 
commissary man and timekeeper, in various ways, such as sizing 
the pine logs cut from the canyon sides to be used to build the 
first tipple for loading the railroad cars. He also helped in the 
commissary, selling the men tobacco, cotton sox, underwear (red), 
gloves, overalls, snuff, hard water soap, Carter's Little Liver Pills, 
Castor Oil, and Perry Davis' Pain Killer, as well as other staples. 

Next he was transferred as a clerk to the first KB&C commis- 
sary in Newcastle the day the town lots were put on sale there. 
Harry Clark was in charge of the Commissary. Later Dick 
worked under Walter Schoonmaker in commissaries at Minne- 
kahta, Moorcroft and Gillette when those places were at the rails' 
end. He also served Frank Mondell when he was State Senator 
and for as long as he managed the Kilpatrick business interests 
in Northeastern Wyoming. 

In 1895 Dick succumbed to his fascination for the railroad and 
went to work for the Burlington and Missouri and spent the next 
forty-five consecutive years on the "Burlington Lines". He re- 
tired on November 1, 1939. 

With Dick employed, May was evidently allowed to stay in 
Tubbtown part of the summer. In her own words she tells: 
"From our house in the trees we could easily see without any 
special observation the wickedness, wretchedness and many strange 
things that went on in the town. There were three saloons and 
several dance halls and gambling dens. A band of some thirty 


or forty sporting women lived around the saloons. There were 
Big Maude, Old Humpy, Jimmy the Tough and dozens of others. 
Jimmy the Tough was a pretty little thing, reckless and wild. One 
time we saw her run from a saloon half clad in a chemise and 
leap onto the back of a bronc that belonged to some cowboy. She 
raced around through the timber for a while and then rode back 
to the saloon. No doubt she had taken a dare to ride the wild 
horse. It was a frequent sight to see a group of these girls, clad 
only in their birthday suits, bathing in Salt Creek. People of all 
classes flocked to this region and rubbed shoulders in the new 

During the late summer grading had been going on at the site 
of Newcastle for both the town and the railroad. By September 
10th the lots were all laid out and went on sale. Most of the 
people of Tubbtown had been waiting for this moment and were 
prepared to move when the day arrived. With the inhabitants 
of Tubbtown moving en masse, Newcastle seemed to spring up 
overnight. In May's words, "The people scurried back and forth 
like ants." According to Dick Nelson one of the saloons "knocked 
out the whole front of the building that housed it, loaded the back- 
bar and bar on the running gears of a heavy wagon and started 
for its new place of hope. The bartender served drinks all the 
way to those on horseback. When the 'four up' was stopped to 
'blow', the driver got his chance to 'lift one\ The bar was taken 
to the lot in Newcastle where the bank now stands (now Newcastle 
Men's Store), unloaded, blocked and leveled up and service never 
stopped while its new covering was being constructed. . . . The 
teamster and bartender of the moving job bragged that not a glass 
was broken or cracked and not a drop spilled in this . . . transition." 

Mr. Nelson moved the milk ranch to the west side of Newcastle. 
He built a log house there about where the Sioux Refinery is now. 
He was made the first Justice of the Peace. 

While Alfred was busy with the ranch and meting out justice 
to the townsfolk, Mary was no less busy. She had officiated at 
the birth of the only child born in Tubbtown, William Hough, 
son of one of Mr. Curran's saloon employees. So, it was fitting 
that only a few nights after the exodus from Tubbtown the first 
child born in Newcastle made his appearance with Mary Nelson 
in attendance in a tiny room back of the Meyer Frank dry goods 
store where the father, George M. Durett, was a clerk. The 
mother, Cora, was formerly of Sundance. In Mrs. Nelson's per- 
sonal reminiscences she tells of that night: 

"Next door to the dry goods store stood the famous — and in- 
famous — Jimmy Wheeler's dance hall and saloon. Sounds from 
there came clearly through the flimsy board walls. Sometime 
during the night some one of the hilarious crowd next door called 
for a song from a woman known as 'Old Dode' whose beautiful 


voice was a drawing card for the resort. The raucous music was 
stilled and the lovely voice rang out in the refrain: 

There was no one to welcome me home. 
No one to welcome me home, 
God in his mercy will answer and say, 
There was no one to welcome me home.' ' 

When Newcastle was a few weeks old a diphtheria epidemic 
took the lives of several people, most of them children. The 
Nelson's little Neva, who was three, caught it. In spite of Mrs. 
Nelson's constant care she died. Some of the boys who worked 
on the ranch built a little coffin. May helped her mother line 
it with a sheet. They laid her out as nicely as they could and held 
the funeral the next afternoon, a mild day in November. They 
took the little casket out in the yard for the services. About 
twenty-five friends and neighbors had gathered, but everyone was 
so afraid of the disease that they preferred not to be shut up in a 
house which they thought contained it. 

As the last prayer was said a tall, handsome stranger stepped 
forward and laid a lovely American Beauty rose on the casket. 
This man afterward became well known to them as a prominent 
Newcastle attorney. 

They buried the child in a sheltered spot in the pines not far 
from the house. Soon after the funeral Mrs. Nelson went to the 
house of a neighbor to nurse the twin girls there who were also 
sick with diphtheria. Both of these children died, too, and were 
laid beside the Nelson baby. Later when the second cemetery was 
made ready in Newcastle, the bodies of all three children were 
removed to it. 

May said years later, "When I remember that sad and difficult 
time, I realize that we experienced some of the hardships of real 
pioneering as well as the elation of being among the first in a 
new country." 

There was work to be done everywhere. Mr. Nelson had his 
office as Justice of the Peace in a building on Seneca Street, just 
off Warren Avenue or Main Street. The family had living quar- 
ters there also for a while. These were separated from the office 
by heavy curtains. May helped at the ranch part of the time, 
washing the big milk cans, a job she detested. She found work 
at a restaurant run by several women in Newcastle. This she 
liked very much. The women were very kind, good people and 
liked May, although her mother never really approved, and felt 
that May was associating with all sorts of unsavory characters. 
Mary Nelson was expecting another child, so May spent some 
time helping her, too. She was boarding several young men at 
the time and needed help during the dinner hours. 

May was a popular young lady and took an active part in the 


town's social activities. Dick called her a "willowy town marti- 
net". She represented one of Wyoming's counties in the long and 
colorful parade which celebrated Wyoming's admission to the 
Union in 1890 and Weston County's organization. 

When the Newcastle City Hall was completed in 1891 a Grand 
Ball was held. May was chosen to lead the grand march with 
the town's handsome young mayor, Frank Mondell. She is still 
proud that she was asked to do this, for not only was Mr. Mondell 
an outstanding citizen and the Mayor of Newcastle, but he was 
Weston County's first representative to Wyoming's first State Leg- 
islature and later was for twenty-six years Wyoming's sole repre- 
sentative in Congress. He was the kind of young man who caused 
much heart fluttering among the young ladies, too, but was, for 
the most part, unaware of his effect on them. 

May wore to the ball a lovely gown of white muslin with inser- 
tion at the neck, wrists and hem that was laced with black velvet. 
She knew she looked especially lovely and was dancing in the 
clouds when she was jolted suddenly back to earth. Someone 
had stepped on her beautiful dress and torn a three cornered hole 
in it! 

Terribly disheartened, May retired to the ladies' room to esti- 
mate the damage and see if repairs could be made. If not, she 
felt she would have to leave — a major disaster on a night which 
had begun so wonderfully. 

But Mrs. Kilpatrick came to the rescue with a little mulatto 
maid she had brought with her from the "big house on the hill". 
The girl's dark fingers mended the tear so deftly that it could not 
be seen and May returned to the ballroom and a memorable eve- 
ning. In 1 959 May's niece wore the white dress when Newcastle 
celebrated her 70th anniversary. 

While May was growing up in Kansas and experiencing the 
wonders of a pioneer life on Oil Creek and in Tubbtown, a young 
man was growing up in Red Cloud, Nebraska. 

Charles Dow, born February 29, 1868, was the son of George 
W. Dow and Fannie Walters Dow. His parents had come from 
the east to Iowa and had met and married there. George Dow 
was a blacksmith. He worked at this trade in West Union, Iowa 
until 1884 when he took his family to Red Cloud. There he 
became City Treasurer and remained in this office nearly all of 
the years while Charles was growing up. In 1887 Charles grad- 
uated from high school and learned the carpenter trade. He 
worked in Red Cloud until 1889 when he became twenty-one. At 
this time his father said to him, "Son, you're twenty-one years of 
age and it's time to get out on your own." 

Charles thought this over. He inquired around about the new 
country opening up farther west and decided that his future lay 
in that direction. 

When the first train came into Newcastle on November 1 8. 


1889, Charles Dow with his suitcase in one hand and his tool 
chest in the other alighted from it. He looked up the dreary, 
rutted expanse of Warren Avenue (Main Street) and knew that he 
had come to the right place. There was much to be done here. 
This place needed him. 

Looking for a place to live was a hopeless task. People had 
made temporary homes in the backs of their business houses. 
They lived in tents, tent-houses and even dugouts in the banks 
of Little Oil Creek (Coal Creek or Cambria Creek). No one 
had a place for a young man. There wasn't a hotel yet. Inevi- 
tably he met Judge Nelson on the street and his problem was 
solved. Alfred took him to their temporary quarters behind the 

May remembers peeking out from behind the heavy curtains 
and seeing Charles Dow for the first time. She thought what a 
nice appearing young man he was and was very pleased when he 
joined the other young men who boarded with Mrs. Nelson. 

Charles had no trouble finding work. Store buildings were 
going up as fast as the bricks could be dried in the brickyard kiln 
run by Tom Howie and lumber could be hauled from the sawmills 
up Cambria Canyon and out on Beaver Creek. When he wasn't 
working on business houses he was building residences. Many of 
the oldest houses in Newcastle today were built all or in part by 
Charles Dow. 

At the Nelson's he was happy. He had never lived any place 
but at home and this was as much like home as it could be. Mrs. 
Nelson was an excellent cook. And then, there was May. Sweet- 
ly sixteen, she was the prettiest girl he had ever seen. After a 
very little while Charles knew she was the only girl for him. He 
sought out her father to see how he would feel about having his 
daughter courted by a newcomer and was encouraged when both 
Judge and Mrs. Nelson approved of him. A few months later he 
knew that he must confront May with a declaration of his love 
and a proposal of marriage. 

He cornered her late one evening in the parlor. She was curled 
up on the sofa reading by lamplight. He pulled up a little folding 
rocker that had come from Kansas close to May and sat down. 
She was both thrilled and startled when he began pouring out his 
love and affection for her, but became apprehensive as, the more 
nervous he became in trying to convince her, the closer he sat on 
the edge of the chair. While trying hard to appreciate what this 
wonderful young man was saying. May was impishly fascinated 
by what she knew was bound to happen. She sat there speechless 
and entranced, but helpless. Suddenly the chair folded and 
Charles went over into May's lap! Before either of them could 
recover, Mrs. Nelson stood in the doorway in her long-sleeved, 
high-necked nightie. One look at the folded rocker and Charles 
with his head in May's lap told her what had caused the commo- 



tion. She began to laugh so hard that all they could do was join 

Such a proposal could only be accepted. May Nelson and 
Charles Dow were married on October 11, 1891. The ceremony 

Charles W. Dow 

May Nelson Dow 

First Couple in Newcastle to be married by an ordained minister, the Rev. 
Arnold Lutton, of the Episcopal Church, Oct. 11, 1891. 

Courtesy Elizabeth J. Thorpe and Mabel E. Brown 


was performed in May's home by the Reverend Arnold Lutton, 
a minister of the Episcopal Church. While Alfred, Judge Nelson, 
had performed other marriages, May and Charles were, as far as 
is known, the first young couple to be married by a minister in 

At first they had a little house out in the country, but they 
bought a lot on Winthrop Street near the Episcopal Church which 
was at that time still in the planning stage. Charles started build- 
ing their house. They had chosen this particular lot because it 
was on the edge of a deep hollow and would require very little 
excavation. Even so it took many months to build because they 
could only work on it evenings, holidays and Sundays. May 
didn't do much carpenter work, just helped in any way she could. 
When their first daughter, Pearl, was born August 19, 1892 in 
the front bedroom of this house it still was not quite finished. 
They had lived in it for some time, however. May could look 
out of her windows and see Charles working on the church win- 
dows. He did not have the contract for the church but had been 
hired to work on it. 

Charles supported his family well by working at his trade until 
in 1912 he was appointed postmaster of Newcastle by the presi- 
dent, Woodrow Wilson. He held office until 1916 when he es- 
tablished the Dow Motor Company. To house his new business 
he built the largest garage in Weston County, located at the head 
of Warren Avenue and modern in every respect. He had the 
Ford agency. On the hill just above the garage overlooking all 
of Newcastle he bought the Jay Baird home. 

After establishing the garage, Charles Dow became more and 
more prominent in city, county and state affairs. He served as 
a member of the City Council for five terms and as Mayor for 
one term. For twelve years he gave much time and energy to 
School District No. 1 as treasurer of the Board of Education. In 
November, 1928, he was elected to represent Weston County in 
the State Senate to fill out an unexpired term, taking office in 
January, 1929. The following November he was re-elected to 
this office. He had remained as president of the Dow Motor 
Company until January 15, 1930, at which time he sold his in- 
terest. From 1926 to 1930 he was Vice President of the Securi- 
ties State Bank of Newcastle. When this concern sold to the First 
State Bank of Newcastle he became President. He continued in 
this office until his death on December 3, 1932. 

May has outlived her husband by many years. After his death 
she learned to drive a car and traveled all over the country to 
see what the rest of America was like. She went to Alaska by 
plane and ship and stayed four months one summer. It reminded 
her some of her pioneering days. She met several people from 
Wyoming there, including one old friend from Newcastle! 

Next year May will be ninety years old. She lives alone on the 


hill in an apartment behind the home her husband bought in 1916. 
From her front door she can look down Main Street and beyond 
toward the old homestead. From her north window where a pair 
of field glasses lie on the sill she can look up Cambria Canyon 
which now appears almost exactly the way it did in 1887. The 
old trail to the Home Ranch and Cambria is only a dim scar on 
the face of the hill. No railroad twists and turns up the canyon 
whose steep, rocky walls have changed very little with the years. 
It is wonderful to have such a store of memories, for one of 
May's great pleasures is in holding an audience of small and med- 
ium sized great grandchildren wide-eyed and spell-bound while 
she tells them the tales of "olden times" that they have begged for. 


Beach, Mrs. Alfred Holmes (Cora M.) ed.. Women of Wyoming, Vol. 1 
Casper. Wyo. 1927 

Chamblin. Thomas S., ed.. Historical Encyclopedia of Wyoming, Vol. 1 
Wyoming Historical Institute 195 
History of Weston County — May Nelson Dow and Sheila Nelson Hart 

Dow, May Nelson, Personal Reminiscences, Personal Interviews, Clippings 
from News-Letter Journal, Newcastle, Wyo. 

Hart, Sheila Nelson (Laura, "Dot") The Rise and Fall of Tubbtown 
Empire Magazine — Denver Post 

Nelson, Dick J., Only a Cow Country 
San Diego, Calif., 1951 

Zke Cegend of Cake "DeSmet 


Mary Olga Moore 

This story was written when the author was about twelve years old, 
attending school in Sheridan. According to Mrs. Arnold, "The story 
grew, I think, out of some exercise written for classwork. ... It was 
printed by the Sheridan Post Printing Company." Mrs. Arnold, whose 
biography appears in this issue of the Annals, has since become one 
of the state's best known writers. "The Legend of Lake DeSmet" 
was made available to the Wyoming State Archives and Historical 
Department by Thelma Gatchell Condit, of Buffalo. 

An Indian seldom, if ever, is found in the Red hills, and why? 
In the midst of these old hills, with their rock-crowned heads and 
sage-clad sides, lies, according to the red man's superstition, 
the home of Satan and all his imps; and this terrible place of awe 
and dread is none other than Lake DeSmet. 

Yes, and there is something weird and wild in this great body of 
water, with its strange, mysterious romance, over which many 
have worked and puzzled; with its deep, unfathomed depths of 
water; with its picturesque shores, from which rise the great 
majestic hills of red with their beds of purest coal, plainly proving 
that, in the prehistoric days, now past and gone forevermore, great 
forests of strange, gigantic trees graced the shores of Lake DeSmet. 

I should have loved to have seen it then, wouldn't you? To 
have seen it hundreds, yea, thousands of years ago, as it lay 
enthroned midst hills and forests, a queen of waters, a priceless 
gem of the boundless unknown west. To have stood upon its 
beach 'neath the shade of a giant tree, with a bird of brilliant 
plumage twittering o'er my head, and watch the white-capped 
waves advance and dash to spray upon the shore, while over on 
yon beach, an animal of the prehistoric past laps the waters of 
Lake DeSmet. 

On every side stretched away the forests, with trees and trees 
and countless trees, equal even to those of sunny California in 
size and beauty. While sheltered in their mighty branches were 
the nests of tropical birds. The hills were clad in jungles of trees 
and vines and shrubs, in short, every form of plant life ever 
found in the tropics. 

Yes, scientific men, by different discoveries and theories, have 
proved that Wyoming was once a tropical country. 

I imagine the solitude and silence was intense, broken only by 
the scream of a many-colored parrot, or the agonized groaning and 


creaking of the underbrush as some frenzied beast crashed his 
way through, while on the azure-tinted waters floated or swam 
great sauria, the skeletons and petrified remains of which one 
sometimes sees in the museums. 

But that was the Lake DeSmet of yesterday. The Lake DeSmet 
of today is a dead world. The forests have given way to long 
vistas of sage brush, and the hills no longer bear their weight of 
verdure, but rise bare and grim, rearing their mighty heads in 
indescribable grandeur, silent sentinels of the past. Instead of 
jungles, one sees great wastes of red terra cotta, while herds of 
horses and cattle trod the earth where once prehistoric monsters 
lived and died. The solitude and silence still remains, however, 
occasionally punctured by the song of a meadow lark, or the war 
cry of some range bull. 

And yet, and still there are for us some messengers, messengers 
who tell us of that wonderful world, now receding back into the 
farthermost pages of history; of the death and desolation that 
befell it: of the countless years it lay buried, hidden from any 
human eye, till at last science unearthed and displayed to the 
present day its secrets and untold mysteries. Who are these mes- 
sengers' 7 Friends, I prithee, take yourselves to some hillside, and 
there, securely fastened in their beds of terra cotta, lie the ghosts 
of the former forests, a number of time worn petrifactions. 

Ah, those huge branches and trunks, once mighty trees, growing 
in a land of beauty unsurpassed, now lifeless stones, telling better 
than all the words of the language of men, the story of death. 
The death that befell the forests; the death that robbed the hills 
of their clinging vines and stalwart oaks; the death that killed the 
sauria; they tell us of all this. 

But look! Look at their beauty; see the crystal formation 
covering some of them, see the huge knot holes, and see, oh ye 
men of science, their size, unexcelled by any tree growing in the 
civilized world of today. 

Time is a grim, rough factor, hard to deal and struggle with. 
He reduces the fine old buildings of yore to a pitiful heap of 
weather-beaten ruins. He wrinkles the brow and turns the golden 
hair to gray and he alone can turn the living jungle to a mass of 
blackened coal. But these petrifactions, these silent messengers 
of the Wyoming gone before, have well withstood his ravages. 
They look the same now as they did then, except that instead of 
living trees of bark and sap they are old gray stones, otherwise 
they are unchanged. 

Nor is this the only wonder of the red hills country. Near Lake 
DeSmet is a burning coal mine. The flames have long since died, 
but smoke still rises. On still days one can watch it smoking, 
smoking, ever smoking, never tiring, never dying, burning its very 
heart away. 

Many theories have been advanced as to how it caught on fire. 


Some say the miners were cooking dinner, and while laughing and 
joking, the flames spread to the utmost corners of the mine, 
causing the underground heroes to flee for their lives. Others 
claim that the catastrophe was brought about by gas escaping 
from a room of useless slack. Just how long it has been burning 
no one seems to know. 

But in spite of all these sad changes of land and time, ye cannot 
change the romantic mystery of Lake DeSmet. 

This legend first originated in the days when the red man ruled 
supreme monarch over the land he loved, the land now dotted with 
villages and ranches. In the days when the buffalo roamed o'er 
the prairie and the antelope bounded o'er the rocky cliffs of the 
great red hills. Those were the days when the region of Lake 
DeSmet was renowned for the abundance of game it afforded, 
and the Indian had possession of all. The braves going forth to 
fight their battles and hunt their food, while back in the wigwams 
that lined the picturesque shores of the famous lake, the squaws 
cooked the meat and tended the wants of the dusky papoose. 

Now, as you probably know, an Indian is no Indian unless he 
has long since mastered the art of swimming, and mastered it 
well; and whence they got their training? 

It is the custom of the black-eyed wives of the red men, upon 
arriving at a new camping ground, to toss their children into the 
stream, river or pond, whichever they are camping by, and then, 
with a catlike grace, run and spring in themselves about a hundred 
yards below the child. Thus, you see, the waters carry it straight 
into the outstretched arms of its mother. Naturally, in these rides 
down stream the babe quickly learns to swim. 

Now it so happened that a papoose already educated in the 
science of swimming was cast by the loving hands of his dusky 
mother into Lake DeSmet, there to display his prowess and skill 
before the eyes of his father, a warrior just returned home from a 
mighty war in which he had covered himself with glory and won a 
name of great renown. But look; lo and behold, the papoose, the 
darling of his mother's heart, the pride of his father, has disap- 
peared down into the shadowy depths of Lake DeSmet, never to 
rise again. 

The air was filled with the wailing of the women, and when 
Aurora, with a rosy flush, heralded the dawn of another day, only 
the desolate hills looked down upon a scene where once children 
had played and squaws had worked, where dogs had barked and 
horses had whinnied. Now only the mournful yelp of a coyote 
rose on the morning air. 

To this day no Indian will go near Lake DeSmet, for it is their 
firm belief that the wily Satan, with his hands of sin, had snatched 
the little red child, and the same fate will befall any one who 
haunts the country of Lake DeSmet, for who is there with soul so 
vile, that would endanger himself to the Master of Evil. While 


grass and sage brush grew over the ground where once the council 
fires blazed. Thus was founded the legend of Lake DeSmet. 

Years rolled by, and then one day a white man stood on the 
brink of the mighty lake, gazing down at the laughing waves and 
wondering what mystery they contained. This man, this son of 
faraway France, was a young priest. Father DeSmet. The greater 
part of his courageous, God-fearing life had been spent among the 
children of the sun, trying to convert them from their superstitious 
beliefs to a life of righteousness. And now he realized, as he stood 
there, that he was the first white man to set foot on the brink of 
the beautiful western lake and henceforth Lake DeSmet proudly 
bears the name of its noble discoverer, that young French priest 
who left the land of sunny France for the Indians of the northwest, 
hoping thereby to save their souls and teach them to be loyal 
disciples of the Great White Father who sits above and dwells 
thereafter in love divine. Another lapse of time and the country 
was filled with the martial tread of soldier's test, while the red 
men rose in bitter revolt against the intruding paleface settlers. 

Oh, the days of war and bloodshed that followed. Many were 
the books and poems written of the heroism of the scout and 
soldier, but not a word in praise of the Indian. 

The struggle was bitter and fierce. Then followed days of 
terrible sorrow for the red man, for the government claimed the 
plains, the hills and the mountains where once they had lived and 

Once more Lake DeSmet awoke to the vibrating pulse of human 
life, for the rollicking cowpuncher on his wild-eyed bronch dashed 
by or stood his lonely vigil neath the starlit heavens of wild Wyo- 
ming, watching over a herd of long-horned steers. Wandering 
bands of prospecters and huntsmen scaled the rugged hills, while 
troops of daring soldier boys filled their canteens with the sparkling 
waters of many springs, which leaped and tumbled and laughed, 
coursing their way down the terra cotta sides of the great red hills. 

The enchanted spell of moonlight lay soft on the land, not even 
the shadow of a sound broke upon the silver silence. The great 
hill monarchs loomed black against the moonlit heavens. The 
rugged outline shown in vivid contrast with the silver sky, while 
down in the numerous valleys, the hush of night lay over all. The 
waters of Lake DeSmet lay spellbound, for down upon their glassy 
surface the moon had shed her mantle of silver light, while in the 
dense black shadow of the shore the spark of a camp fire glowed. 

Watching this scene of loveliness with sorrowful eyes sat white- 
haired Father DeSmet, still loyal friend of the Indian. Before him 
lay the lake, his lake, and behind him rose the lofty hills. His 
godly heart burned sore within him and his thoughts were those 
of righteous wrath. Why could not the white man live in peace 
and happiness within the bounds of Europe and eastern America? 
Why did he push westward, robbing the childlike children of 


nature of their dearest treasure, freedom? How could they expect 
him to save their souls, when they broke their faith and destroyed 
their confidence? Oh, it was hard, too hard; and the venerable 
white head buried itself in a pair of withered hands while the camp 
fire flickered low. 

He had come to America in his early manhood, this noble son 
of France, with a band of fur traders, and after a year of wander- 
ing had settled down as the head of a Catholic church in West 
Virginia. But his heart was ill at ease and the call of the untamed 
savage lured him ever westward, until at last he abandoned his 
position and journeyed to the land of the Sioux and Cheyenne, 
the land for which his soul yearned. Oh, many were the hearts 
he led to God. and many were the lives into which he inspired the 
valor of true righteousness. He wandered over the greater part of 
the Rocky mountains north of Denver, always searching for a 
good work and always finding it. While on the lips that once 
hissed the war cry the prayer of love broke forth. 

But now; now all was changed; the Indian hearts no longer 
responded to his appealing words of wisdom but turned away in 
hatred. Not long ago a mighty chief replied to his urgent appeal: 
"White father no like us. He take our land, we no pray to him." 
"Yes," he told himself fiercely, as he sat there, white head bowed, 
"the latter part of my life has been a failure, a miserable, terrible 
failure, through no fault of mine, thank God. All I have accom- 
plished has been undone, but with the help of my Heavenly Father 
I will right this wrong." So saying, he arose with renewed vigor 
and strength. 

Suddenly the silence was broken by the roar of many waters 
and the heretofore calm surface of Lake DeSmet was lashed into 
myriads of mighty waves, as a huge tawny body plowed its way 
through the seething, swirling waters. The other members of the 
party, aroused by the sudden noise and confusion, stared in 
unbelieving wonder. Only a minute, then the great monster disap- 
peared, down into the treacherous depths of Lake DeSmet, and 
the night settled back to her usual calm. 

But not so with the little group of government men watching 
on the shore. On the morrow, in company with Father DeSmet, 
they were to go forth in a tiny row boat and lower the measure, 
thereby hoping to learn the depths of the lake. But now the 
superstitious ones rebelled against this throwing themselves straight 
into the jaws of death. To make matters worse, some lover of 
mischief recalled to their minds the old Indian story of Satan and 
the papoose. Therefore many and bitter were the words of pro- 
test; but the officials and Father DeSmet were firm. They had 
been ordered to go, and go they would. 

When "Old Sol" smiled down upon the earth he saw, floating, 
like a bit of airy thistledown, upon the azure surface of the lake, 
a wee brown boat, manned by a handful of excited soldiers. On, 


on they went and on, rowing with swift, firm stroke, until at last 
the little craft rocked in the center of the broad bluish-green bosom 
of Lake DeSmet; and then, oh, triumphant moment of moments, 
the knotted line, with eager haste, sank down into the restless 
waters. Down, down the dark lead sank, and down, but no bot- 
tom. Down, down, down, and the knots on the wire counted one 
hundred fifty, still the tiny bit of lead rested not on its downward 
flight. Down, still down, and the telltale knots announced that 
two hundred fifty feet had been passed, still no bottom. Another 
breathless wait and the figures ran up to three hundred. Down, 
down, down, and the eager, watching eyes counted three hundred 
fifty, but the lead swerved not, neither did it rest. And so on, 
number after number sank out of sight down into the hungry 
waves, where no human eye could follow, until the line was 
exhausted, but the floor of this legended lake was still unknown 
to man, and so with puzzled, wondering hearts, into which the 
worm of superstition was crawling, the soldiers landward turned 
their boat. Lake DeSmet was bottomless. So the story ran from 
mouth to mouth, from ear to ear, the settlers learned to look upon 
the gem-set lake with fearful awe. 

The night was bleak and cold and wintry, a few pale stars 
shivered in the setting of cold, dark sky. The great, black rocks 
which crowned the stately heads of the desolate hills were wrapped 
in a sheen of silver frost, while a coat of thinnest ice imprisoned 
the mischievous waves of Lake DeSmet. In the winding yellow 
roadway that ran to the south, a small brown horse plodded 
through the drifting sand and on his back, alert and watchful, rode 
a splendid type of western manhood, though, I regret to say, he 
had just recieved a little too much inspiration in the barroom at 
Buffalo. He drew the faithful sheepskin coat closer about the 
mighty shoulders, that could bear great burdens unflinchingly. 
The night was cold, yes, very cold, and the mournful wind which 
swept across the country without mercy, without ceasing, sounded 
not unlike the howling of a pack of distant wolves. A sudden 
thought siezed him and he glanced in apprehension at a ridge of 
rocky cliffs surmounting a huge red hill where he suspected the 
lank gray tyrants of waiting their chance to send some unsuspect- 
ing heifer on her road to eternity. He was wondering if the victim 
in question bore his brand. 

Some unseen hand had cast a decidedly weird speli over the 
land that night. The huge frost-clad rocks reminded one of — 
shall I say it? — sheeted ghosts. The rugged hills; the whispering 
wind; the strange, weird silence of the ice-bound lake; the stern, 
erect figure of the man on the small brown horse; the howling of 
the wolves; all made one think there might be something to the 
legend of Lake DeSmet. 

A crash, a roar, the sound of splintered ice and angry waters, 
a hissing, swirling noise, and the cattlemen turned in time to see 


the lake a seething, foaming cauldron of angry waters and clouds 
of flying spray. He also turned just in time to see a monster, the 
size of which his fertile brain had never dreamed of before, whose 
eyes were burning lobes of flame. The scales upon its wondrous 
back were thrice the size of his terrified mount. The open jaws 
appealed to his awed imagination as some far-famed cavern and 
the teeth as terrible unsheathed swords. And this horrible creature 
of fiery eyes and gleaming scales possessed the head of a raging 
lion, the like of which mortal beast ne'er bore, and the body of a 
fabulous lizard. 

With one stroke of his mighty tail he caused waves to form that 
would have dashed to ruin any row boat ever built, while the 
clouds of flying spray and shivered ice well-nigh obscured the 
wintry sky. 

Writhing and contorting, lashing the indignant waters with his 
slimy tail, the monster of far-famed horrors disappeared beneath 
the floating ice and foamy waves, down into the unfathomed 
depths of the lake that has no bottom. 

Delighted at the prospect of having an interesting story to tell to 
the "boss" and his comrades, the homeward bound traveler turned 
on his solitary way. His courage failed him, however, when he 
came in sight of the log ranch house, as he thought of the ridicule 
and unbelief he was likely to excite. Neither were his forebodings 
wrong, for his brilliant recital called forth scorn and much laugh- 
ter. The cowboys hooted at the idea of any creature with a lizard's 
body and a lion's head invading Lake DeSmet, and accused him 
of indulging in too much "booze." 

The next personality to witness the wonders of this strange lake 
was a healthy, prosperous young farmer of modest, refined tastes, 
whose greatest ambition was to cultivate his picturesque ranch 
into an estate of great value and beauty, which would bring its 
owner wealth and luxury and cause him to be looked upon with 
respect by those who knew him. His thoughts all ran to winter 
wheat, irrigation, good horses and profitable beef cattle. So you 
see he had no time to reflect upon some uncanny mystery. He was 
very happy that morning, and why shouldn't he be? His last herd 
of beef cattle had yielded him a handsome profit and the last rain 
had moistened his land to the right degree for fall plowing. Yes, 
Providence surely had favored him. 

It was a lovely autumnal day. The far distant mountains hid 
behind the soft, sweet haze of Indian summer, far and wide, 
wherever the human eye could reach, the land was clad in a 
strange soft veil. Lake DeSmet was a body of lovely mist, sur- 
rounded by enchanted hills, whose rough red color was trans- 
formed, as if by magic, into the softest of soft pearl gray. On the 
shore of the lake a dreamy-eyed cow stood sentinel over the body 
of her sleeping calf. The atmosphere seemed laden with a warm, 
soft sweetness which visits the land only in the days of Indian 


summer. Any artist or poet might have sighed with rapture over 
the sweet, still beauty of the scene. 

Even the big black stallion on which our prosperous young 
friend rode seemed inspired and influenced by the dreamy silence, 
for the prancing, restless feet now trod the delicate sand with a 
loving reverence and the tossing head and the curved neck were 
stilled, as if the never dying finger of lovely peace had touched the 
flying mane and dilated nostril, causing even the dumb beasts of 
wild Wyoming to look upon her with gracious tenderness. Little 
did he dream that in a few minutes the event of his life would 
occur. Poor charger, how I pity thee! In less than five minutes 
your horse nerves will be racked by a strange, new terror, a deep, 
unfathomed mystery, and your trust in human beings destroyed 
forever, never to be redeemed again. Hark ye! Do not haste; 
listen: From the center of the lake issues a queer, bubbling 
noise. The farmer of western fields and meadows found a strange, 
unaccustomed thrill run through his body in spite of his cool 
nerves and level head. He glanced at Blackbird, his steed, and 
found him quivering violently, with erect ears and dilated nostrils. 
The dreamy-eyed cow started up and her eyes assumed a strange, 
new look of terror that was dreadful to behold, while the slumber- 
ing calf awoke and bounded to his feet like a hunted creature. 
The sound grew louder, then developed into a mystic thrilling 
hiss. The calm surface of Lake DeSmet is chopped into myriads 
of tiny gray waves. Higher and higher grew the waves, louder 
and louder grew the hissing call. In sheer desperation our gallant 
friend urged the trusty Blackbird on, but, oh, terrible horror of 
horrors, that noble animal was on the brink of hysteria; so violently 
was he trembling that he could not lift one hoof, while his eyes, 
fascinated by some weird spell, were glued to the center of the 
lake, from whence clouds of spray and foam were rising. And 
then, oh, ye gods, what happened next? 

Our ranchman never knew. When at last he revived he found 
himself prostrate on the cold, wet sand, with a roar which human 
soul had ne'er heard of before sounding in his ear, and the air, 
once so soft, so sweet and hazy, was clear, tense and vibrating. 
Upon raising his head he saw a raging torrent of storm-tossed 
waters, but that, ah, that was sunk in oblivion by a creature of 
most horrible size and quality, so terrible and yet so beautiful, 
it in a fair way dazed the eye. The head was that of a monstrous 
swan, graceful beyond comparison, yet horrible and repulsive, 
being of a weird, ghastly blue, mottled by flashes of most vivid 
red, and the body in form of a huge reptile flashed burnished gold 
in the sunshine. 

Unlike the other monsters, he did not leap or lash the waters 
with his tail. No, on the contrary, he was strangely mild and 
pacific, turning over and over and coiling his mammoth, beautiful 
body into a series of brilliant folds or stretching out full length in 


the sparkling waters as if seeking comfort and luxury in the 
gracious presence of the autumn sun. At last he reared his won- 
derful neck to its full height of fifteen feet and, gathering the tense 
coils of his golden body, much the same way as the panther does 
when crouching for a spring, he gave one desperate hissing rush 
and disappeared from the wondering gaze of earthly eyes, and the 
waves, as they closed over him, looked strangely black and terrible 
to the awestruck man on the shore, who, as he heaved a sigh, 
turned away from that scene of terrible happenings, alone and on 
foot, for Blackbird had gone, human intellect knows not where! 
Oh, the miles were long and weary, but at last our red hills friend 
arrived at the historic old cow town of Buffalo, where he told his 
story in the simple straightforward manner which inspires no 
doubt and causes no disbelief. 

The rosy, mystic hues of a sunset glory bathed the land of rough 
red hills. A glorious amber sky, faintly mottled with soft-hued 
orange, screened it from the rest of the world like a curtain of 
eternal beauty. A few delicate wild rose petal clouds shimmered 
on high, casting their blushing light with sweet reverance full upon 
the mighty monarch head of Hiatosa, as he reared his great majes- 
tic height far above the rock-crowned heads of his rugged com- 
rades over whom he reigned supreme, unconquered. Hiatosa of 
the red hills, guardian monarch of them all. The golden beauties 
of that love-laden sunset sky shaded into soft brown; a few scat- 
tered spruce, standing like erect soldiers upon their firm foothold 
of rocky cliffs; the midsummer valleys were filled with an amber 
peace; on the pine log roof of a settler's cabin shimmered the last 
rosy glow of the dying sun, while over the enchanted surface of 
Lake DeSmet hung a veil of golden beauty, though the waters 
reflected lights of glorious magenta and shades of delicate orange. 
The few patriarchal old box elder trees that fringed the southern 
shore deepened into a soft warm bronze outlined by the clear 
wonders of that exquisite amber sky. 

The winding yellow roadway was again the scene of action, for 
it was now traversed by a span of sleek gray Indian ponies, draw- 
ing a neat little leather-topped carriage, the occupants of which 
numbered two, an old-time pioneer of Wyoming, a man who had 
built his home and lived far out here in the great unbroken chain 
of red hills, and his old-time pioneer wife. They were on the way 
to Buffalo, to that little metropolis of the Big Horn mountains, 
and as they passed this lake of renowned legend they smiled with 
silent rapture, for the lake had never appeared prettier than it did 
now, in the waning beauty of the sunset sky, shining like a bit of 
heaven on earth glorified. 

Suddenly there was a little rippling movement, a little murmur- 
ing splash, and then, while the golden mist wavered and then grew 
bright in its own delicate mystic way, the sound of a sweet bird's 
note thrilled and fell on the listening air. Was that a symbol of 


what was to come? What mystery and romance were woven 
around that liquid song? Surely it was not that of a common bird. 

Slowly the beauty of a new presence stole over the land at that 
sunset hour, the golden mist shimmered faintly and then took the 
form of a thousand fairy-winged creatures, beautiful, marvelous 
in their exquisite grace as clasping hands, they fluttered in one 
wide circle of elfin beauty to the wonder-tinted crest of Lake 
DeSmet, where they executed a dance unrivaled by any e'er 
danced before. Oh, the enchantment of those radiant creatures of 
mist, floating and tripping on that sea of ethereal rose and golden 

In all their delicate charm, this host of golden sprites fluttered 
and bowed, advanced and retreated, a thousand phantoms of 
sunset they, elves of wonderland cloud, lovely creatures of a fairy 
mist, they danced on and on, uttering never a sound until again 
the air was thrilled by the liquid call of that unknown bird. 

Instantly the tiny figures receded to the margin of the lake, 
while to the surface rose the head and shoulders of a most wonder- 
ful being, a young and beautiful maiden. 

Oh, the witchery of that wild wonder maid, appearing as she 
did in that sea of sunset glory. She seemed a part of that wild and 
beautiful landscape, grave, radiant, yet tender, like one of the 
many primroses growing on the terra cotta sides of those great 
wilderness lords, the red hills, and yet, oh, so different; not a 
creature of land she deemed, but a nymph from the dim, romantic 
wonders of the salt sea caverns. Her features were unmistakably 
Indian. In the dark unfathomed depths of her great black eyes 
there burned the perpetual fire of melancholy. Her tresses of 
midnight hue rose and fell and curled in fantastic designs o'er the 
surface of mystery's lake; her skin was of a warm, reddish tan, 
made more dark by the glow of the setting sun, whom the red men 
worshiped in those years long ago when this was a land of freedom 
and romance. The delicate lines of a beautiful chin, the dainty 
curve of arched eye brow, the perfect nose, the graceful throat 
and haughty brow, all gave proof of her Indian reality, tho' her 
jewelry differed far from the beaded trinkets worn by the Indian 
maiden of today, for on her head there gleamed a small, quaint 
cap of pink sea shells and twined about her neck and arms were 
ropes of pearl and coral. A robe of sea weed clung about her 
shoulders, exquisitely ornamented with tiny shells of the most 
beautiful and varying tints. 

Then, swaying and rocking on the murmuring tide, she smiled a 
smile so brilliant and wonderful, so full of enchantment and mys- 
tery, that it dazzled the eyes and took away the breath of those 
human spectators on the shore. 

Lifting high in the sunset air one slender, tawny arm, she beck- 
oned for them to come, smiling the while in a wild Indian triumph 
until, seeing they obeyed not her strange, inhuman wish, she dis- 


appeared with a look of tender sadness on her dark and beautiful 

And as the lighted waves closed over her vanishing form, the 
host of sunset elves rose in one great cloud had changed back to 
mist again and the colors faded from the sky, while through the 
darkening air there rang the mournful cry of the whippoorwill. 

With slow and nerveless hand the man turned the horses toward 
home: shattered was the faith of these two pioneers in all the 
possibilities of the earth and of mankind, yes even in the law of 
gravitation. Onward and on sped the ponies, drawing nearer 
every second to the whitewashed cabin amid its grove of waving 
cottonwoods; the mansion of the hills. 

Oh. Lake DeSmet, with your sparkling, laughing waves flirting 
with the starlit summer skies, tell us of your past; of your future 
mortal man may write, but tell, oh, tell us of the dim romantic 
wonders of the ages gone before. 

Is there, can there be any truth in the old Indian belief? If not, 
why should this strange lady of the lake be a member of that fast 
vanishing race? Who are these great monsters, Lake DeSmet, 
who inhabit your shadowy depths? Are they creatures of the 
sea or can it be that they are the ghosts of those terrible dinosauria 
and sauria who lived and dwelt upon this earth in the childhood 
of America? Tell us, Lake DeSmet, for we crave full knowledge 
of you and your mysteries. 

You may laugh and you may sneer, ye men of science, you say 
that these wonderful happenings are but the visions of an imagina- 
tion overwrought, but tell us, have we any reason to doubt the 
words of those favored few who have witnessed these wonders? 
Are they persons of such remarkable mentality that they can con- 
jure up before them without a moment's warning the sights of 
such far-famed horrors, or, on the other hand, beauties? Have 
we any reason to doubt the tried and true farmer and his wife, 
who were the chosen mortals to witness one of the most beautiful 
scenes in traditional history? 

People of world-wide renown and wisdom may call it mere 
foolishness or may even go so far as to deem it child's play to 
believe in mythological demons and elves, or a story to the effect 
that you are possessed of no great subterranean sea floor, but, 
Lake DeSmet, we, the settlers' children and even many of our 
fathers who dwell in thy wild, lonely hills, doubt not the soundness 
of your legend. 

frontier Cawyer 



Burton S. Hill 

Father, a Kentuckian, a lawyer not yet thirty, and recently 
married, wanted a location. The time was early in 1888, when 
Judge Micah Chrisman Saufley was commencing his tenure as 
associate justice of Wyoming Territory. The judge was likewise 
a Kentuckian, and a friend of the Hill family. He had left his 
native state to accept the appointment of President Cleveland to 
the Wyoming Supreme Court. Judge Saufley had served with 
distinction as an officer in the Confederate army during the War 
Between the States. And afterwards, even in the North, he was 
recognized as a man of force and character, with strong, courag- 
eous convictions. He was able as a lawyer, of genial disposition, 
and otherwise well suited for his duties in the new, raw territory. 

Intrigued with the thought of a very special experience, Father 
addressed a letter to Judge Saufley asking about Wyoming Ter- 
ritory. An answer was not long in coming from Laramie, head- 
quarters of the Territorial Second Judicial District. But Father 
was not urged to leave Kentucky. In fact, the Judge rather dis- 
couraged it, but promised his utmost assistance if needed. He 
did not recommend Cheyenne or Laramie, as Father hoped he 
might, but stressed the advantages of Buffalo, in Johnson County, 
which he described as the most promising town north of the Union 
Pacific Railroad. He also added the encouraging touch that John- 
son County would be needing a deputy clerk of court, and thought 
it might be arranged for Father to have the office. The salary was 
to be $50.00 per month until he could get a start practicing law. 

Encouraged by his Kentucky bride to make the break, arrange- 
ments were made for Father's departure. When Judge Saufley 
was advised of these plans, he wrote that he would not be holding 
court in Buffalo until June, but enclosed letters of introduction 
to James M. Lobban, a banker; to Charles H. Burritt, an attor- 
ney of prominence, and to Charles T. Gale, the Clerk of Court. 
Thus armed. Father left Kentucky shortly after the middle of April. 
1888, and got to Douglas, in Wyoming Territory, on the 29th. 

Douglas had come into being two years earlier through the 
construction of the Chicago & Northwestern Railroad, that branch 
then being known as the Fremont, Elkhorn and Missouri Valley. 
Word had gone forth that there would be a rush to the abandoned 



T. P. Hill. 1888 

Lucy B. Hill, li 

is picture of T. P. Hill was taken, according to the calendar, on August 

21, 1907 

Courtesy Burton S. Hill 


Fort Fetterman, turned into a large trading center, and immed- 
iately a tent town sprang up a few miles away. It was called 
Douglas, after Stephen Arnold Douglas, the brilliant Illinois Sen- 

From Douglas, Patrick Brothers conducted a stage line to Buf- 
falo, and Fort McKinney three miles west, and from there to 
Junction City, Montana. At the Douglas stage office, Father was 
tersely informed to be on hand at six-thirty the following morning. 
After a wakeful night at the primitive hostel, sponsored by the 
stage company, he was there. The day was springlike and balmy. 
In complete readiness stood three teams of sleek horses harnessed 
in tandem to a large, Concord type stage coach, with ample boots 
front and rear. A resolute looking fellow holding a shotgun was 
already mounted on the drivers seat, while Harry Nichols, the 
driver, arranged the baggage and mail sacks in the rear boot. 
But he left his work long enough to motion for Father to climb 

Inside were seated two other passengers on opposite sides, facing 
each other. One was a frail appearing young woman, probably 
about twenty-three, wearing a simple calico dress. Over her 
shoulders was draped a gray shawl, and a plain white scarf held 
back a wealth of brown hair. In her arms, wrapped in a small 
blue blanket, she clutched a restless, whimpering infant, at which 
she gazed with a tired, worn expression. The other passenger 
was a slender young fellow, wearing a new, wide brimmed, low 
crowned Stetson without dents or creases. His blue overalls fit 
him rather snugly, with the bottoms turned up showing neat high 
heeled boots. When Father glanced his way, he smiled broadly, 
offered his hand, and genially announced himself as, "Johnnie 
Greub of Trabing, twenty-two miles south of Buffalo." Father, as 
genially, acknowledged the introduction, then took a seat beside 
his new companion. From that moment, a friendship commenced 
which lasted fifty-four years. 

Presently, the sharp crack of a whip from the stage coach top 
and a shout to the horses, set the vehicle in motion towards the 
swirling Platte; and in a short time horses and stage coach were in 
the midst of it. While the horses plunged forward through the 
dashing current, the heavy coach weaved, bobbed, and twisted, 
but never faltered under the professional hand of Harry Nichols. 
When Father expressed grave concern, Johnnie Greub assured 

"He'll make it all right — don't worry too much". 

The girl passenger held her baby closer, and was only heard 
to emit a deep, relieved sigh when the horses finally plunged up 
on the other shore. 

After the Platte crossing, the continuing journey seemed quite 
without event. At Sage Creek, four hours later, Nichols ordered 
a short rest, and at Brown Springs fresh horses were harnessed. 


During this process, Johnnie took Father aside to express his 
doubts concerning the girl passenger. 

"She's hungry," he said, "and so's the baby." 

It was then time to eat, or so they thought, when Nichols an- 
nounced that a meal would be served at Antelope Springs, about 
five that evening. 

Somewhat slow in getting started, it was actually five-thirty 
when the heavy coach pulled up to the station at Antelope Springs. 
From the open door came the bracing aroma of fresh, hot coffee, 
and soon appeared Mrs. Lee Moore, the gracious proprietress. 
Then, while helping the girl from the stage, Johnnie ventured with 
polite caution: 

"Ma'm, me and my friend here want ta help ya. We think ya 
an' the baby must be hungry." 

With this show of kindness the girl cast her gaze to the ground, 
and with a wan smile managed to murmur: 

"The baby and me would thank ya. We would a lot." 

Mrs. Moore was quick to sense the situation and graciously 
took charge. With fresh, warm milk the baby peacefully fell 
asleep, and the mother, refreshed and revived, for the first time 
began to show an interest in her surroundings. There was ample, 
well prepared meat and potatoes, plenty of steaming coffee, and 
tasty apple pie. The cost for each was thirty-five cents. 

Enroute again after about an hour, it was ten-thirty when the 
lights from the windows of the Seventeen Mile station began to 
appear. Inside there were sandwiches and coffee which helped 
to fill in the time, since repairs had to be done to the coach by 
lantern light. This took about two hours, which meant something 
of a delay in reaching Powder River crossing at old Cantonment 
Reno. It was about three-thirty on the morning of May 1st when 
the coach pulled up in front of the station door. The girl's hus- 
band had been waiting there, and hardly before she had time to 
collect herself and the baby, he had them loaded on a buckboard 
and away in the darkness. Father never saw them again. 

After a run of five hours the same morning, bacon and eggs 
were served at Trabing, at Crazy Woman Crossing, and after 
breakfast John Greub hurriedly bid adieu, promising to be in 
town soon. Enroute again in the course of an hour, it was fully 
two in the afternoon when the stage coach pulled up in front of 
the Occidental Hotel, in Buffalo. Inside, an inquisitive, fiddling 
clerk finally got around to assigning Father a room, to which he 
hurried without ado. But, rested and refreshed several hours 
later, he felt ready to inspect his surroundings outside. 

In front of an inviting, well kept front, Father walked in through 
the open door, not knowing he had entered Dannie Mitchell's 
popular Cowboy Saloon. Presently, he became aware that the 
hum of conversation from visiting groups stationed about and at 
the bar had ceased, and that all eyes were turned on him in his 



city suit and derby hat. Feeling that something should be said, 
and that he should say it, with polite hesitation he announced: 

"Gentlemen, I'm T. P. Hill, from Kentucky". 

The quiet was finally broken by Dannie Mitchell, himself, who 

"Nothing's wrong with being from Kentucky." 

This brought a more relaxed atmosphere, along with several 
courteous introductions. But, when offered a drink at the bar, 
there was unrestrained amusement when Father ordered sarsapa- 

"And you from Kentucky," one fellow howled. And there was 
more merriment. It was quite late when Father finally withdrew, 
feeling that he had made a good start in Buffalo. 

Yet, in the days to come when Mr. Burritt dwelled upon the 
economic setback caused by the devastating winter of 1886-7, 
Father had reason for serious reflection. With half the cattle on 
the range lost to the elements, business had reached an alarming 
low; many cowboys were unemployed, and there was extreme 
unrest, to the point of lawlessness in some quarters. This was 
the situation when Judge Saufley arrived in June to open his first 
judicial term. 

Before the judge made his appearance, some expressed mis- 
givings but their fears were 
arrested when they saw him. 
Straight and erect in his long, 
black frock coat, and of more 
than average height, he aroused 
immediate respect. Yet behind 
a huge mustache and heavy goa- 
tee type beard the face was not 
stern and not unkindly. 

Before ten o'clock in the 
morning of June 25th, the first 
day of the term, the large court 
room in the new Johnson Coun- 
ty court house was well filled, Jk 
and on the extreme front row, 
just behind the rail, sat an er- 
rant, disorderly crew obviously ., 
bent on disturbing and heckling 
the Court. Promptly at ten. 
when Judge Saufley made his 
appearance, everybody respect- 
fully arose while he mounted 
the rostrum; that is, all except 

the front row occupants. But Jud S e Micah Chrisman Saufley as he 
the judge appeared not to notice looked in J888 

the insult, until there burst Courtesy Burton S. Hill 


forth from that quarter a round of loud, raucous laughter, and 
taunting howls. Thereupon, his usual calm expression turned 
deadly serious, and, still standing, glowering with anger, Saufley 
struck a resounding blow with his gavel, and thundered: 

'On your feet out there, and quick!" 

That is all it took. Without hesitation the bully boys were up, 
and there followed a piercing stillness. After a deliberate pause, 
the judge continued, with severe austerity: 

"I'll fine any one or all of you in contempt of Court for another 
show of disrespect. And all the fines will be collected, so help 

With that, everybody was seated, and the business of the Court 
was taken up as though nothing had happened. But that evening 
after Court when Judge Saufley attempted to enter the Occidental 
Hotel, he found the entrance blocked by some of the same mis- 
creants, now wearing guns. They did not know it then, but the 
judge was also wearing a gun, a pearl-handled Colt forty-five. 
The boys were noticeably chagrined when he pushed back his 
long frock coat with his right hand and grasped the weapon with 
a meaning they understood. Without a word, they moved on. 
Judge Saufley was not again molested in Buffalo. 

Father was admitted to the bar on June 29th, and on July 3rd 
assumed his duties as deputy clerk of court, which took up only 
part of his days. The rest of the time he was trying to establish 
himself as an attorney. While he did not consider himself estab- 
lished by the following October, he had mother join him. Upon 
her arrival, she was a house guest at the Lobban home until a 
suitable dwelling could be located. 

One of Father's first and most memorable cases involved a 
water right, wherein a villainous bully known as Arapaho Brown 
was on the other side. When Father won the case, Brown threat- 
ened to kill him. This caused real concern on the part of some 
of his friends, who insisted that Father arm himself. However, 
nothing happened except more threats. At all events, before 
"Rap" could get around to enforce his minaciousness, he, himself, 
was murdered in a lonely Powder River ranch house. Although 
shot through the neck and mortally wounded by two companions, 
he almost managed to avenge himself on them, but died too soon. 
Ironically, his remains were cremated that night by his murderers 
in a blazing haystack. 

On another occasion, the noted outlaw, Tom O'Day, sought 
Father's help. While Father did not consider himself a criminal 
lawyer, that did not disturb Tom, who was in jail accused of 
horse stealing. But, when Tom came up with an honest alibi, he 
went free. He never forgot the help he got. Even years later 
Tom sought Father's advice after he became older and a respected 
rancher in another state. 

By 1892 Father was beginning to think of himself as quite 


well established, when almost everything was changed for almost 
everybody by the Johnson County War. Father wisely said very 
little and kept to himself. But, finally he was called upon by a 
deadly serious delegation to express his loyalty either to the cattle 
companies or the rustlers. It was a situation bound to happen, 
but the day was saved by Charles J. Hogerson, First National 
Bank president. He maintained that any man who preferred to 
remain neutral should be allowed that privilege, and won his point. 
At least, Father was never again waited upon. 

Father survived the Johnson County War, and many other 
vicissitudes down through the following years, but remained in 
Johnson County to enjoy a long and successful career. The law 
firm he established in 1888 is still active and conducted by the 
Hill family. 

Cander Cutoff 

J. K. Moore, Jr. 

In the Spring of 1857 an expedition left Fort Leavenworth, 
Kansas, to construct what was really to be a government road from 
the Missouri River through to Oregon. 

Congress had made an appropriation the year before for the 
building of the road to be known as the Fort Kearney, South Pass 
and Honey Lake Wagon Road. 

A man by the name of William M. McGraw was awarded the 
contract for building the road with the understanding that the road 
builders would be accompanied by a military escort to give pro- 
tection while the work was going on. 

The work of building the road started at Fort Kearney. The 
route was west by the Overland Trail and for most of the way 
little work had to be done. 

Their course was via Ash Hollow, Chimney Rock, Fort Lara- 
mie, Independence Rock, and Devil's Gate. 

Arriving at Rocky Ridge, near South Pass, late in the season, 
when winter had set in, the matter of going into camp at such a 
place was out of the question. 

The Government guide recommended the Wind River Valley 
as a desirable wintering place, so the soldiers and road builders 
turned north, and wading through deep snow finally reached the 
valley where winter quarters were selected on the Popo Agie River 
at a point about two miles north of where Lander now stands. 

The location has long been known as Fort Thompson, or Camp 

Here the encampment was surrounded with abundant winter 
feed for horses and mules, and game of all kinds was plentiful. 

In the Spring of 1858 Col. F. W. Lander arrived and took com- 
mand of the expedition relieving the contractor, William F. Mc- 
Graw of the command of the camp, and the road work to be done. 

On June 1st Col. Lander moved south to Rocky Ridge and took 
up the work of building the road on across Wyoming, and to the 
west coast. 

Before leaving Col. Lander negotiated a treaty with Chief 
Washakie of the Shoshone Tribe for a right of way through the 
country claimed by him extending westward from the Sweetwater 
to Fort Hall. 

The Indians were paid on the spot in horses, firearms, ammuni- 
tion, blankets, and many other articles prized by Washakie and the 
chief men of his nation. The route for Fort Hall, and the Oregon 


country left the Overland Trail at Burnt Ranch on the Sweetwater 
in a northwesterly course through a rough country. 

The road went by the name of the Lander Cut-off in honor of 
Col. Lander who surveyed and superintended the building of the 

The name of the road had absolutely nothing to do with the 
naming of the town of Lander, as there was no connection. 
Lander was not established until more than a decade later than the 
the construction of the Cut-off Road. 

An early settler in the Popo Agie Valley by the name of B. F. 
Lowe homesteaded upon the site of what is now the town of 

Mr. Lowe had been a guide in Col. Lander's employment on the 
expedition. He and the Colonel became good friends, and because 
of his friendship, and respect for the Colonel, when it came to 
naming the new town Mr. Lowe decided to call it Lander in 
honor of Col. Lander. 

And that is the story of how Lander, Fremont County, Wyoming 
got its name. 

It had its first settlement in 1 869 when it was named Fort 
Augur, in honor of a Civil War hero. In 1870 it became Camp 
Brown honoring the name of Capt. Frederick Brown of the 15th 
Infantry who was killed by the Indians on the Bozeman Trail in 
December, 1866. 

In 1878 the name of Camp Brown was changed to Fort Washa- 
kie in honor of Chief Washakie. 

Fort Washakie was abandoned by the military force in 1909, 
and was immediately taken over by the Office of Indian Affairs 
as headquarters for the Shoshone Indian Agency, now known as 
the Wind River Indian Agency. 

1852 Oh Zke Oregon Zrail 


Mae Urbanek 

Just one hundred and ten years ago, the land that is now within 
the boundaries of Wyoming was then marked on maps as Indian 
Country. It was more commonly known as The Great American 
Desert. Daniel Webster, the statesman, described it as "not worth 
a cent; a region of savages, wild beasts, shifting sands, whirlwinds 
of dust, cactus and prairie dogs." 

It was a land without law or government; without buildings. 
Across it thousands of ox-drawn wagons were tracing and retracing 
the Oregon Trail. Gold had recently been discovered in California, 
then a state two years old, and the only state west of the Missouri 

Slavery was the political topic of the day. Uncle Tom's Cabin, 
that history making novel of Harriet Beecher Stowe, was published 
in 3 852. Millard Fillmore was president. 

On April 7, 1852 a company of neighbors started from Wis- 
consin, a state then four years old, to trek their way across the new 
state of Iowa, and the vast Indian Country west of the Missouri 
River to the free gold in California. On this long journey James 
C. David kept a detailed diary until he became sick soon after 
passing Fort Laramie. 

His granddaughter, Mrs. Hazel Harness of Lusk has this diary 
which is in an excellent state of preservation; the ink is as clear and 
bright as it was a hundred years ago. Mrs. Harness also has the 
hand-embroidered Chinese silk shawl that her grandfather bought 
in California and sent back to her grandmother in Wisconsin. For 
this perilous journey the shawl was sealed in a tin can. A hundred 
years have not weakened the heavy silk fibers, and the shawl is 
still strong and beautiful. 

James David did not stay in California, but soon returned to his 
home at Boscobel, Wisconsin. In 1888 he and his family came by 
immigrant train to Custer County, Nebraska, where he filed on a 
homestead near Merna. Here he was killed when a team ran away 
throwing him from the wagon. 

As his ox team inches westward to California in 1852, the daily 
entries in Mr. David's diary become shorter, less descriptive, less 
philosophical, and more concerned with grass and water. The 
diary opens thus: 

"On the seventh day of April 1852 we started for California. 
Company consisting of 3. . . James C. David, Oliver P. David and 
A. G. Sherraden. It was a painful matter to leave friends and 


acquaintances perhaps for the last time. No trial perhaps so great 
as starting, and probably many would have backed out had they 
not have fixed [made arrangements] and fear of ridicule makes 
many a person go to California that would not have gone. Ridicule 
is a powerful weapon and is sometimes used, though very wrongly, 
for argument. How many useful reforms are put down by Ridi- 
cule. Thousands have lost fortunes and what is vastly of more 
worth, their souls, by this keen edged tool. 

"Great and stout must be the resolution of a man who can 
withstand its attacks. But it is right and proper to use it to dis- 
suade any man from going to California. How much better it 
would be for many if it were more used. We have 4 yoke of oxen 
in tolerable plight, little on the wild order; travelled on a very 
brisk pace for a long trip. . . . We got as far as Belmont; camped in 
regular style. Very little said; rather low spirited; gloomy faced. 
Mac joined us in the evening and was duly installed cook with 
all the honor and perquisites. Made 12 miles. 

"Thursday 8th. This morning got fair start from the borders 
of home; all feel somewhat relieved. Roads heavy. Saw several 
teams bound for the Land of Gold. Had an application from an 
old Lady to take her son; everybody wants to go, seemingly. Oh, 
thou Almighty Dollar how precious thou art; but stingy with thy 
favors; and with what Zeal thy Devotees worship 

"Friday 9th. Passed over a rough and hilly road through a wild 
rough looking country to the Mississippi, that Father of Waters 
and should be an American's pride in his Nile. It teaches gratitude 
to that Beneficent Being who has provided and cast his lot in a 
country of such vast advantages, so bountiful in nature's gifts free 
for high and low, rich and poor; where every man can have his own 
home and enjoy liberty, not abuse it; worship his Creator. Thou 
Mighty river when thou refuses to flow then and not until then 
may our country be divided and our government cease to exist. 
The river is about three-fourths of a mile wide here at Eagle Point. 
Road tolerably good; steep gulch to go down to River to cross. 
There is a steam ferry; cost $1.25 to cross 

"Sat. 17. Raining; cold and very disagreeable; laid by. Boys 
went hunting; killed three squirrels and had some fresh meat. 
Sun. 18. This being Sunday concluded to stop a day longer. Mac 
went to meeting; some went hunting and others did their washing 
and letter writing. Absent friends were not forgotten especially 
the boys' sweethearts; many were the fine, soft things written today. 
When all were collected will be quite a load for Eli Clayton's old 
mare or the Black Vacks weekly mail route. 

"Laying by is an irksome matter for Californians [all traveling 
to California were called thus] ; it gives them the blues. It is 
amazing to hear all the plans and several projects in view, when 
we all get our piles. Many are the Castles built in air; piles of 
money, splendid farms, fine little wives and pretty children. No 


happiness without Gold according to our ideas. If only half could 
be realized. . . . 

"Sat. 24 ... . Went to a cotillion party; Sylvester to fiddle; 
found three girls; four married women, four large children, five or 
six smaller growth. Young men, mostly Californians, danced all 
night without intermission; surprising what legs these Iowa girls 
have. Supper, pork, corn bread and pumpkin pies. Went home 
with the Gal in the pink dress; a little stuck up. Mac gave us a 
lecture on dancing in general and Iowa ho-downs in particular; 
washed, fed and went to bed. . . . 

"Wed. May 12. Last night formed a corral which is done by 
making a circle of wagons and putting the cattle within, and such 
a devil of a time we had of it. Such pushing, hooking, crowding, 
and bellowing I never heard. It took all hands all night to watch. 
We were heartily sick of the operation and hereafter we resolved 
not to get into another such a scrape. An old Californian was the 
means of getting us unto it. Some men are always trying to show 
off. We got our cattle off minus a good deal of hide. Finally got 
a start. Road leads over a prairie country; bad places poorly 
bridged. No water only in creeks. Never out of sight of emigrant 

"Sat. 15. Went to Kanesville to buy our flour and balance of 
outfit. Flour $16 a barrel; things high except whiskey, which is 
cheap as dirt. Kanesville is a Mormon town of about 800 inhab- 
itants. It is on the east side of the Missouri about 160 from Des 
Moines. There is considerable trade done between Mormons and 
Indians; is also a rendevous for trappers. The Mormons are 
selling off to move to Salt Lake and property is selling low. Indians 
are plenty around here, mostly Omahas; they are great beggers 
[sic] and will steal anything they can lay hands on. They own 
the territory opposite here. A heavy auction business in horses 
and cattle at Kanesville. Emigrants generally selling horses and 
buying cattle." [cattle, meaning oxen, were considered best for 
traveling since they could live on less feed, travel farther without 
water, and were less apt to stray off or be stolen by the Indians.] 
"Grass scarce and water poor; teams in every direction. . . . camped 
in a slough a mile and a half from the river [the Missouri] Some 
of the boys went down to see about crossing; no prospect for 
several days. 

"Monday 17. Luckily we got an emigrant who had a barge 
to ferry us across. We immediately drove down and commenced 
ferrying. We could take a wagon and load at one trip. We com- 
menced about two o'clock at night and by daylight we had our 
wagons across. We then swam our cattle across; each man taking 
a steer by a rope fastened to his horns; take from six to eight across 
at a time. Some were ferrying in skiffs. Got all safely over about 
nine o'clock after hours of hard labor as we had the rowing to do. 
Cost us one dollar for each wagon and twenty cents a yoke for 


cattle. The Missouri here is very swift but the current runs to 
the west bank which assists the boats in ferrying. The water is 

very sandy and dirty. Good landing on each side The 

boats used in ferrying are flats and rowed by hand which is very 
hard work, and can't run at all when the wind is high. One or 
two had sunk and several lives had been lost. Traders Point is 
an old Indian trading post; one or two stores, post office. It is a 
poor site for a town; river overflows and banks are continually 
washing in. [Traders Point is now Omaha] "Opposite on west 
bank is Council Bluffs, an Indian village and store and blacksmith 
shop. Indian agency for Sioux, Pawnee, Omahas. The store is 
kept by I. A. Larpey. Camped one and a half miles below on 

"Monday 17. [sic] Laid by; got some letters from home. Some 
went to town; some sauntered around to see Indian sights. Saw 
Indian chiefs talk, some four or five chiefs dressed out in all their 
Indian sundry. It would have been a stinging rebuke to some of 
the white assemblies to have seen the grave and orderly like de- 
portment of the chiefs in camp in contrast to the wild and boister- 
ous conduct of our solons. Then a drove of Omaha braves came 
in riding through on good ponies strung with bells; the riders yelling 
and whooping like so many devils. The scene was truly ludicrous." 

On Friday, May 21, [Mr. David describes a typical camping 
scene on the Platte River when many wagon trains clustered to- 
gether near the all important water. ] "A very disagreeable eve- 
ning; all confusion; women scolding, men swearing, children crying; 
dogs barking; cattle bellowing; wolves howling; fiddles in almost 
every camp; boys eyeing and ogling the girls cooking; some laugh- 
ing; some praying; some crying; coyotes yipping; guns cracking. . . . 
so you have some idea of an encampment of California men from 
all the world; a heterogeneous mass all for the gold regions; old 
grey headed men with families; old, bent, rheumatic matrons; a 
young couple who have just launched their frail bark on life's 
boisterous ocean; the minister; the gambler; the merchant; the 
clerk; the statesman, and the clodhopper all have forsaken home, 
kindred, and friends for gold. The larger portion thinking of 
returning when they make their pile. Scarcely any thinking of 
making the far west their home. But how few will ever return; 
how many will find their graves in the wastes of the American 
Sahara. Many will find that all is not gold that glitters; that piles 
are few and far between. Some perhaps may get back with their 
piles but will it pay for broken health, dissolute habits and broken 
ties? Oh, is there a place beyond the mists of eternity where the 
soul will be content and rest? I doubt it. 1 1 Vi miles. " 

[ In 1 852 Hosea Horn published an "Overland Guide to Cali- 
fornia." Trading posts were listed and described, also good 
camping spots. The distance between places are tabulated, also 
the distance of of each place from Council Bluffs. Mr. David, 


no doubt, got his daily information about distance traveled from 
such a guide. Many of his entries are devoted to the lack of grass 
and fuel, and the poor alkali water which resulted in many deaths 
from cholera and diarrhea. Buffalo chips were often used for fuel. 
Deer and antelopes and some buffalo were seen but were too wild 
for the emigrants to shoot.] 

"Saturday, June 5. Passed over heavy deep sandy roads. . . . 
overtook several large trains from Missouri and Illinois. Most all 
affected with the cholera; one train laid up for a half day; had a 
birth in it last night. Laid up to rest the mother. They also had 
a birth in it sometime previous. Passed six new graves today. 
Cool and team traveled well. Some of the boys out hunting; killed 
nothing. Good camping places and passed several fine ones. As 
usual in the evening had trouble in finding a camp. Camped on 
Rattlesnake River, a fine stream. Several camps in view. 25 
miles. . . . 

"Tuesday June 8. Got an early start; grass poor all day. The 
Bluffs are high and abrupt; the bottoms wide and sandy; the 
elevation is very rapid and the river [the Platte] is very high and 
swift. Grass is scarce. There has been considerable late burning 
done which has destroyed considerable grass. A man that would 
set the prairie on fire would murder his grandmother. . . . Met 
the express, a private one, Bladget and Co. Paid 250 for a letter 
to carry to the states. The Bluffs in the neighborhood of the 
Indian mound are full of curiosity. They are about one hundred 
feet high. The view from them is both pleasing and instructive. 
The Bluffs on the south side are high; some cedar timber on the 
hills. The view here extends far up and down the river and Chim- 
ney rock can be seen in the west. [Chimney Rock is a well-known 
landmark located east of the Wyoming-Nebraska state line on the 
Platte River.] The rocks in the Bluffs are hard and ragged; some 
are entirely of sand. The whole has an appearance of an old 
fortification. Grass poor where we camped tonight. We passed 
four fresh graves and two cases of cholera. 20 miles. 

"Wed. June 9. . . . This morning Sylvester's team left us. They 
got mad because we told them they did not do their part in watch- 
ing, driving up cattle, etc. There is more or less quarreling in 
every train which is much to be regretted. The fault is in persons 
not doing their share of work. The best way is for every one to 
lend a helping hand until all is done. Camping is another source 
of dissension; and driving, taking care of teams. Men are more 
irritable here than any place in the world. I was sorry the boys 
should leave but could not help it. We had loaned them a yoke 
as they had broken theirs. We had to take it from them. An ox 
of Smith's team was lame today. Camped about two miles east 
of Chimney rock; grass good; buffalo chips plenty; river beginning 
to look smaller; made 15 miles today. 

"Thursday 10. Got very early start. . . . good grass all along 


the river. The road leaves the river but it should run along it 
as the grass is better and the ground is better for a road. There 
is no water but river water which is colder than usual though 
dirty as ever which is caused by the sandy country through which 
it flows. Chimney Rock is quite an interesting natural curiosity. 
The mound on which it stands covers an area of about twenty 
acres. The rock which runs up from the top resembles a chimney. 
The top of the rock from the river is about 125 feet. The chimney 
is about 55 feet higher. There are high bluffs on the south side 
of the river running up to Capital Hills, or Scotts Bluffs. Ham 
seems to have made a mistake in distances along here. Light 
shower this evening; quite warm and appearance of rain. Prickly 
pears plenty. Good grass on river; no buffalo chips. Roads 
gravelly and hard. 21 miles. 

"Friday 11.... Water so strong of alkali you can smell it some 
distance. . . . could see Laramies' Peak all day to the west; can 
say we have seen the Rocky Mountains. Our cattle have scours 
badly from eating bad grass and water. Passed five new graves 
today, died recently; saw some camped for reasons of sickness. 
Sylvester joined us today again; much all right; everything goes 
off smoothly. Cattle no doubt will be well taken care of now. 
The reconciliation of old friends is always gratifying. 24 miles. 

"Sat. 12 Next place of importance today Blue Rock in the 
Bluffs to the right; fair camping; roads good along here; Bluffs 
come near the river; roads hard on cattle feet. Fair camping along 
road where joins river near Raw Hide creek; no water in it when 
we passed. Camped near the river about four miles from Fort 
Laramie; plenty of timber; grass indifferent. Saw several Sioux 
Indians today. They are finely formed and intelligent looking; 
very numerous and of warlike disposition. They are of lighter 
complexion than most of the tribes in the west and cleanly; seem 
to have an abundance of Indian property, good horses, etc. 

"All as busy as bees this morning; a general resurrection of 
California goods. Lightening up everything for Black Hills. [In 
the early days, pioneers as well as historians referred to the Lara- 
mie Range in Wyoming as the Black Hills J Cut off the wagon 
beds and coupled shorter for the Black Hills. Threw away every- 
thing useless. Got everything in order and started again. Some 
of us went to the Fort and the teams started on. There is a Ferry 
opposite the fort above the mouth of Laramie River. Ham says 
there is one below the Laramie river but 1 did not see it. This ferry 
is a very poor concern; some had difficulty in getting over; appears 
to be badly conducted. They do not cross any wagons over or 
cattle. The river is deep and narrow and runs very swiftly. 

"The Fort is on the west side of Laramie River. There are a 
number of buildings around the fort. The fort is built of Spanish 
sun burnt bricks and looks like a pile of dirt. It is built in a form 
of a square with an open space or court in the center. It looks 


as though it was in a ruinous condition. The barracks are large 
and seem to be good ones. There is a large vacant house, a very 
good one, but not good enough for Uncle Sams officers. They 
have built a new one which must have cost a large sum of money. 
Several other houses and a large store. They sell goods very 
reasonable. There is a large amount of government property 
destroyed here every year. They bring out supplies and throw 
away the wagons and fatten and kill the oxen. They have some 
fine mules and horses here. There are about eighty soldiers com- 
manded by Captain Ketchum. In the evening in crossing the river 
the boat came near sinking, it being rather heavy loaded. There 
was great stripping of linen and drawing of boots and some pale 
faces; but finally got over without going down which if we had 
done, would have been several lives lost. Went on to a stream of 
water about six miles from ferry. Some facilities for camping; 
water good. Nine miles." 

When the U. S. government bought Fort Laramie in 1849, a 
new officers' quarters later known as "Old Bedlam" was built from 
lumber hauled eight hundred miles by wagon from Fort Leaven- 
worth. Kansas. This two story building with porches across the 
front of both first and second stories cost about $70,000. No 
wonder Mr. David considered it an expensive structure at that 
time. The territory of Wyoming was not created for another six- 
teen years (in 1868). Cheyenne did not exist until 1867 when 
Major General Grenville M. Dodge, chief engineer of the Union 
Pacific railroad, chose that location as the site of a terminal town. 
Casper was not founded until 1888. 

But back to 1852 and the diary of James David: "Monday 14. 
Road leaves the river and we begin to ascend the far famed Black 
Hills. They are a ridge of high and rocky hills on either side of 
the Platte. On the south side they run up the river for fifty odd 
miles; on the north side only about twenty miles. They are very 
high and rocky, hard on cattle feet and wagon. They are spurs 
of the Rocky Mountains and the ascent is very rapid. Some deep 
gulches in them afford water and is generally good, but feed is 
scarce. In evening camped after a hard day's drive of eighteen 
or twenty miles; got over the hardest part of the hills; road joins 
the river, grass poor, wood plenty. 

"Tuesday 15. . . . Taylor was here taken very suddenly and 
bad with cholera; procured medical aid immediately. Some of our 
teams left us not wishing to stay; not thinking him sick enough to 
lay by. We thought hard of them. Now only three teams of us. 
This was the first sickness we had and we were in hopes it would 
be the last. Some of the boys are badly scared. The whole theme 
is to get along and every impediment thrown in the way seems 
nearly to set the boys crazy. Sherraden went back two miles to 
wash and we had one of the bad times of it. A great many teams 


passed this afternoon. Went into camp as tired as ever I was in 
my life. Taylor dangerous". 

After this David himself became ill and only brief notes are 
written in his diary at intervals of three and four weeks. What 
Wyoming history he might have written, what descriptions of the 
prairies and mountains he might have recorded but for the dys- 



Sheila Hart 

Why did you carve them, Primitive Man, 
On cliffs and rocks in a primeval land; 
Outlines of deer and elk and bird 
And a buffalo great and a lizard low 
That crept over the Earth long ages ago? 

How did you carve them, Primitive Man — 
With a harder rock in your unschooled hand? 
You had no metal, no tool save stone; 
Did you carve these symbols, patient and slow. 
As a history of life in the Long Ago? 

When did you carve them, Primitive Man? 

Was it after The Flood that your life's short span 

Ended, with only these records we cannot heed — 

From your lines and circles we cannot read 

The pattern of life in that Long Ago: 

When you carved these signs we do not know. 

Alias T>an 'Davis- 
Alias Dan Morgan 

Old Bittercreek Ranch Episode on the Powder River circa 1904 
As Told By Mrs. "Doc" Daisy Spear to R. H. (Bob) Scherger 

I was alone and working in the kitchen. Little Horatio and 
Mary were both taking their naps. Then, I noticed out the kitchen 
window a man riding hard down the hill in front of our ranch 
house. He pulled up, and I noticed right away his horse was 
lathered something terrible! Two belts were across his chest and 
he had six-shooters on each hip. 

I was scared — because I could tell he was an outlaw! I saw 
him get down off his horse and walk around the side of the house. 
He came back and I met him at the door. "Where's the men?" 
he asked. "They're scattered in the hills looking for cattle," I 

"1 want something to eat, and I want it damned quick," he 

"Yes, Sir," was my reply. 

I was afraid, but I knew if I'd look him right straight in the eye 
he wouldn't hurt me or the children. I noticed his horse's sides 
still heaving. The poor animal was near rode to death, and this 
man, I knew, was riding for his life. I went to the pantry where 
I'd put some chickens I'd just cooked. They were packed in ice, 
and I brought them out and poured him some coffee. He started 
to sit down, but his chair was with its back to the window so he 
moved it to the other side. 

I stood back and waited and watched out of the corner of my 
eye for the men to get back, but they didn't come. It was near 
half an hour since they'd left. 

The outlaw ate fast then got up — he looked tired. His eyes 
were like steel as he asked, "Where's the horses?" I looked at 
him square and said, "there's none here," yet trying with all my 
heart to keep from showing fear. He wiped his mouth with his 
sleeve and walked out the door leaving it ajar. 

I could see him mount his horse and ride up the road to the 
top of the ridge. He looked back — then was gone. 

Wyoming s frontier Newspapers 

Elizabeth Keen* 


Wyoming's frontier newspapermen were a vital part of the west- 
ward movement that gathered momentum in the latter half of the 
nineteenth century. All but one of the seven editors to be dis- 
cussed in this chapter were born in eastern seaboard states — three 
in New York, one in Virginia, one in Maine, and one in Pennsyl- 
vania. Illinois was the birthplace of the seventh. Four of the 
men were born relatively close together in time — between 1839 
and 1 843 — so that they would be ripe to feel the effects of Colo- 
rado's mining boom in 1859, and the one in Wyoming nine years 
later. At least four of these men seem to have been drawn west- 
ward by the prospect of business opportunities stemming from the 

They were also men of education. Four of the seven had had 
some college training; their editorials and other writing show that 
they took west with them the standards of the settled, cultured 
areas and fought to re-establish them in the new territory. Versa- 
tile as well as educated, they excelled in a number of professions. 
One had been the first president of the University of Washington. 
At least three were practicing lawyers, and one of these had studied 
medicine seriously. Some had taught school before turning to 
journalism. One was an experienced agriculturist. Yet, despite 
their extraordinary talents and their devotion to journalism, few 
of these editors and publishers accumulated more than "a small 
competence," and while these few modestly prospered, not a single 
one "reached the $100,000 mark." 1 

Between edition times they actively participated in public af- 
fairs: they were local officers, such as mayors, aldermen, justices 
of the peace, city and county attorneys, district and county judges; 
they were territorial officers such as auditors, penitentiary com- 

* This article is Chapter II of Miss Keen's master thesis. University of 
Wyoming, 1956. 

1. W. E. Chaplin, "Some of the Early Newspapers of Wyoming," Wyo- 
ming Historical Society Miscellanies (Laramie, 1919), p. 9. An exception 
probably should be made to Bill Nye, who is known to have achieved a state 
of considerable affluence. However, Nye made his money after leaving 


missioners, legislators; they were national officers such as post- 
masters and commissioners having charge of selling public land. 
Such widespread influence would indicate that Wyoming's news- 
papermen were leaders to whom people looked for guidance. 

They were men of unquestioned resourcefulness and influence. 
They were often shrewd politicians, sensing which side of a public 
issue would appeal to the electorate. They possessed enough 
courage to state boldly and unmistakably their attitude on public 
questions. Unrestrained by any kind of libel law, 2 they could 
express their personal hatreds in type without fearing legal retalia- 
tion, although before them was often the prospect of a beating, a 
ducking, or perhaps a shot from a Colt's six-shooter, a favored 
weapon of the period. Merris C. Barrow, acidulous editor of 
Bill Barlow's Budget in Douglas, was once given a "sound beating" 
by the citizens of that town, and on another occasion, while attend- 
ing a convention in Casper, he escaped a ducking in the Platte 
River only when his host grabbed a rifle and told Barrow's enemies 
that he would shoot the first person who dared put a foot inside 
the gate. a But since most readers of territorial newspapers were 
either advertisers and subscribers, or potential advertisers and 
subscribers, editors on the whole, since they had to make a 
living, prudently restrained their writings. Not always successful, 
frontier editors were often plagued by debts. According to Chap- 
lin, "Small population and magnificent distances made their finan- 
cial lot difficult, but they did not complain and followed the usual 
bent of the small town purveyor of news in giving the reader more 
than [was] warranted by the patronage." 4 

Wyoming's best-known newspapermen in the period under in- 
vestigation were Nathan A. Baker, James H. Hayford, Edward 
Archibald Slack, Charles W. Bramel, Edgar Wilson [Bill] Nye, 
Asa Shinn Mercer, and Merris C. Barrow [Bill Barlow]. Doubt- 
less there were other editors and publishers of the period worthy 
of inclusion here, but because of lack of any positive information 
about them, this discussion has been confined to seven men on 
whom some source material exists. 

2. Wyoming territorial legislators in March. 1890, finally approved libel 
and slander laws, under which provision was made for fining the guilty 
"not more than $1000, to which may be added imprisonment in the county 
jail for not more than three months." See Session Laws of Wyoming 
Territory, Jan., 1890, Sec. 33. 

3. Margaret Prine, Merris C. Barrow, Sagebrush Philosopher and Jour- 
nalist (Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1948), pp. 124-5. 

4. Chaplin, p. 9. A printer who advanced from the back shop to the 
desk of editor and publisher at a time outside the period under investigation, 
Chaplin worked with and knew well many of the early newspapermen. To 
his colorful recollections of vivid personalities this study is greatly indebted. 



Wyoming's pioneer newspapermen, Nathan Addison Baker, was 
a man of many accomplishments: he was a school teacher, law 
student, journalist, accountant, "artistic printer," agriculturist, hor- 
ticulturist, miner, real estate dealer, and, in 1864, a member of 
the Governor of Colorado's Guard."' Above all, he was a man 
of great fortitude in the face of disaster, and one who had un- 
quenchable faith in the future of the West. He lived to be 

Baker was born August 3, 1843, in Lockport, New York. His 
family emigrated to Denver by way of Racine, Wisconsin, in 
March, 1 860. Two years later Baker opened the Ferry Street 
School in Denver, where for a year he taught thirty-six pupils. 
The following year, when the city's first public school was estab- 
lished, Baker went to work in the business office of the Rocky 
Mountain News, and it was there in 1864 that he barely escaped 
with his life when the great Cherry Creek flood swept away the 
News building. ,; By the summer of 1867 Baker had saved enough 
money to start his own newspaper, the Colorado Leader. The 
first issue came out July 6, but the newspaper did not prosper 
because "business conditions were not good." 7 It was then that 
Baker and his friend Gates, the printing expert, set forth by wagon 
for Cheyenne, taking along the Leader's plant. Many years later 
Baker recalled the precariousness attending the birth of the Chey- 
enne Leader: 

The conditions on our arrival Tin Cheyenne] were these: a young 
city in the feverish excitement of early making. The Union Pacific 
road had not yet reached Cheyenne, but was there a few weeks later. 
Building of stores and shops were [sic] very active, and for many 
days was carried on days, nights, and Sundays. 

There was but one building in town that yet had a floor in it. This 
the writer was able to secure for the Leader. This was a log building, 
with a store front in it belonging to E. A. Allen. 

On Thursday. September 19, 1867, we were able to issue our first 
number of the Cheyenne Leader. There were on the street opposite 
the post office . . . 300 men, all eager to get a copy of the first 
paper, for each of which was paid 25 cents. 

This was a fine thing for the writer, as it had taken all his money 
to pay for his team transportation to the Magic City. He could now 
pay for his board at the Bell House, and pay his assistants on the 
paper. s 

5. An interview with N. A. Baker, Wyoming State Tribune-Chexenne 
State Leader, July 27, 1933. 

6. Newspaper clipping file. University of Wyoming Archives. 

7. Ibid. 

8. Wyoming State Tribune-Cheyenne State Leader, July 20, 1929. Cop- 
ies of the Cheyenne Leader starting with Vol. 1, No. 1, September 19, 1867, 
are in the files of the Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, 


The Cheyenne Leader did so well that Baker, as has been noted, 
was able to branch out from Cheyenne and establish the Laramie 
Sentinel May 1, 1869, and the South Pass News "about the same 
time." 9 He himself remained in Cheyenne, never living in South 
Pass City or in Laramie where he had picked capable men to 
manage his papers, but he did travel to these places "in connection 
with the newspapers and some politics." 1 " All went well with 
his fortunes until the night of January 1 1, 1870, when the worst 
fire in the town's history "laid nearly one-half the business portion 
of Cheyenne in ashes," 11 destroying the Leader plant and all its 
supplies. The Wyoming Tribune, after criticizing the fire depart- 
ment for its slowness and ineptitude, estimated Baker's losses at 
five thousand dollars and said he had no insurance. 11 ' The Leader 
of January 13, 1870, 1:! was silent on the matter of insurance, but 
put its losses at twice the Tribune's estimate and was altogether 
more gallant about the efforts of fire fighters to put out the blaze: 

It has been thought that the labors of the firemen could have been 
rendered more efficient by proper direction. But we cannot say. 
It is easy to criticize and find fault after the danger and excitement is 
all over. The engine might have been a few minutes earlier but it 
seems that for many weeks there has been no suitable provisions for 
such an emergency. There was no fuel. Then again the supply of 
water soon gave out. . . . Before the fire had reached the Fort House 
the entire force of the office was busy in removing the material of the 
LEADER. A party from the TRIBUNE office soon came to our 
assistance and rendered brave and generous service. In a few minutes 
all the material as well as the household furniture belonging to Mr. 
Baker . . . was removed across the street, where it was hoped it 
would be safe. . . . The last article removed was the Gordon (power) 
press which was got outside the building just as the flames were issu- 
ing in the rear and almost over the heads of the brave men who 
labored to the last moment with untiring energy. The press had to be 
abandoned on the sidewalk in consequence of the heat which was now 
too intense for human endurance. In a few moments the building 
fell in and a tornado of flames swept across the street with resistless 
fury, rendering all our efforts abortive and destroying all that had 

9. Newspaper clipping file. University of Wyoming Archives. 

10. Letter of N. A. Baker to Grace Raymond Hebard, April 2. 1927, 
in the University of Wyoming Archives. 

11. Wyoming Tribune, lanuary 15, 1870, Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 

12. Ibid. 

13. In an unsigned, unpublished MS. dealing with Baker in the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming Archives he is quoted as saying that the Leader "never 
missed an issue" following the fire. However, the bound files of the Leader 
in the Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department for 1870 include 
no copies of the newspaper between Monday. lanuary 10, and Thursday, 
lanuary 13, the latter issue containing a full account of the fire. Baker was 
an elderly man when the unknown historian interviewed him, and it is 
possible that his memory may have betrayed his sense of accuracy. 


been previously removed by so much exertion. The entire outfit of 
the office, which was one of the most complete and extensive in the 
West, together with a large quantity of paper and other stock, was 
consumed in less time than one can write an account of it. The 
LEADER'S loss will not fall short of $10,000 . . . 

Following the fire. Baker lost no time in re-establishing his 
plant. While makeshift headquarters were set up in the office of 
the defunct Argus, Baker himself journeyed to Chicago to buy 
new equipment and supplies. Thirty days later the Leader was 
being published in a new and better plant. 14 

For reasons this investigation has been unable to establish. 
Baker sold all his Wyoming interests in 1872, went to Denver, 
and there embarked on a publishing business that turned out 
"artistic printing." 1 '' At some time in the early 'seventies he began 
a fish hatchery at Baker's Springs, the quarter-section in the West 
Denver lowlands that his father had homesteaded in 1 860, and for 
a time the former newspaperman raised mountain trout. Still 
later he engaged in the real estate business, and for a time was a 
"calculating expert" employed by the United States mint in Den- 
ver. 1<; He died in the Denver home of his daughter May 27, 
1934. ,T 


While a legion of Wyoming editors came and went during the 
territorial period, their names living but briefly on the mastheads 
of their newspapers, James H. Hayford's lively and sometimes 
acrid prose distinguished the columns of the Laramie Daily and 
Weekly Sentinels for twenty-six years. For most of those years 
he was considered the pioneer newspaperman of Wyoming, since 
Baker, the original pioneer, chose to spend the greater part of his 
life in Colorado. The excellence of Hayford's editing and report- 
ing was appreciated in many places besides his home town. The 
Daily Sentinel of May 10, 1870, for instance, contains "numerous 
compliments paid us by our contemporaries" on the disclosure 
that Baker had sold the paper to Hayford and Gates. The 
Atchison [Kansas] Patriot characterized the Sentinel as "one of 
the liveliest and spiciest dailies in the West . . ." The Council 
Bluffs [Iowa] Nonpareil said it was "a lively little sheet and we 
hope it may be compelled to enlarge before another year." The 
Colorado Tribune, calling the Sentinel "the best daily for a little 
one on our exchange list," expressed the hope that "the success 
of these gents will be equal to their efforts." 

14. Unpublished, unsigned MS. in the University of Wyoming Archives 

15. Newspaper clipping file. University of Wyoming Archives. 

16. Ibid. 

17. Ibid, 


Hayford must have been a man of singular modesty, for no 
accounts of his life are contained in the various biographical 
compendiums of the day. Chaplin left a slight sketch of the man 
as a personality, ls but he gave few biographical details and made 
no reference at all to Hayford's life before his arrival in Wyoming. 
However, on Hayford's death, July 28, 1902, his old enemy, the 
Boomerang, the newspaper with which he had feuded for so many 
years, came out the following day with a full obituary, and on 
subsequent days with rather eulogistic commentaries. 

Hayford, according to the Boomerang's obituary, was born 
December 26, 1826, in Potsdam, New York, and was first married 
at the age of nineteen. He earned his living for a time by teaching 
school in New York, Ohio, and Illinois, but while he was still a 
young man left teaching to attend and graduate from the Uni- 
versity of Michigan medical school. Apparently Hayford con- 
sidered all knowledge to be his province, for 1855 found him 
established in Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, studying in a judge's law 
office. He was later admitted to the bar of that city, where for a 
time he practiced law. Some time later Hayford journeyed to 
Colorado, where he engaged in mining and practiced law. It was 
in 1 867 that he moved to Cheyenne, went to work for Baker on 
the Ltader, and was "one of the first to build a substantial resi- 
dence in the tent city." 11 ' While living in Cheyenne he was sent 
as a delegate to Washington to urge the separation of Wyoming 
from Dakota and its organization as a territory. He was active 
in the formation of the new territory, for several years he was a 
penitentiary commissioner, and for eight years he held office as 
territorial auditor, making, in 1871, the first report on public 
instruction in Wyoming.-" 

His years in Laramie were not given over solely to being a 
newspaper editor. He was secretary of the first University of 
Wyoming Board of Trustees, and for eight years he was Laramie's 
postmaster. He was chairman of the meeting of newspaper editors 
who convened at the Inter-Ocean hotel in Cheyenne May 15, 
1877, to organize themselves as the Wyoming Press Association.- 1 
As justice of the peace he heard 1,856 cases, and no higher court 
ever reversed a Hayford decision. In 1 895 he was appointed 
judge of the second judicial district to fill a vacancy caused by 
death. And in addition to all this, Hayford was a good Republi- 

18. Pp. 22-23. 

19. Laramie Boomerang, July 29, 1902. 

20. I. S. Bartlett, History of Wvominq (Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing 
Co., 1918). I. P. 432. 

21. Cheyenne Daily Leader, May 16. 1877. Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 


can, "a substantial member of the Presbyterian Church," the hus- 
band of three wives, and the father of eighteen children. 22 

Hayford's was a brilliant and tireless mind. His old political 
enemy. Judge Bramel, once said that Hayford "could sling more 
mud with a teaspoon than he [Bramel J could with a scoop- 
shovel."-' 1 Bramel was doubtless referring to Hayford's penetrat- 
ing irony and his fearlessness in saying what he had to say. Some- 
times, as the Boomerang noted in its issue of July 30, 1902, 
Hayford's words stung: 

Mr. Hayford was strong in many directions. No one who knew 
him would deny his claims to the title of politician. He himself 
believed it the duty of every man to be one in the best sense and in his 
political activities he was a partisan because he believed his party was 
right. In his character as editor for so many years of a party paper 
he struck hard. He meant to do so. That he conceived to be his 
business, and sometimes his words rankled in the minds of his political 
opponents who felt that they were often unnecessarily harsh. . . . 

Perhaps Hayford's most devastating weapon was that of quoting 
a victim and convicting the unfortunate by his own, ill-judged, 
ridiculous words. A notable example of this method of attack 
is found in the Laramie Daily Sentinel of December 16, 1871, it is 
quoted at length here because it illustrates Hayford 's adroit and 
unique way of dealing with those he was sure were wrong. Hay- 
ford, who had been to Cheyenne to attend a meeting of the Wyo- 
ming legislature, had witnessed the attempt of one of the legisla- 
tors, S. F. Nuckolls, to start a movement for the repeal of the act 
granting suffrage to Wyoming women, an act which Hayford him- 
self had championed from the beginning. Angry and contemp- 
tuous, he wrote: 

We listened night before last to the argument in the Council upon 
the motion to pass the act over the Governor's veto, repealing the 
act enfranchising women in this Territory. As our readers generally 
did not enjoy this rare intellectual treat, we propose to give them a 
little outline of what was said. 

Mr. Nuckolls introduced the motion and made a speech in its 
favor. Mr. Nuckolls is no speaker, and when in his normal condition 
he has sense enough to be conscious of the fact and hold his tongue, 
but on this particular occasion he was conscious that something "had 
to be did," and fortified himself accordingly. 

The leaders of the scheme knew they lacked one vote in the Coun- 
cil. They had moved heaven and earth to secure that one vote. They 
had approached one of our members, who. in a spirit of waggishness. 
had encouraged their advances, and made him more and greater 
promises than the Devil did the Savior. They had agreed to make 
him President of the Council at first, and would give him everything 
from the next delegateship to Congress up to a thousand dollars in 

22. Laramie Boomerang, July 29. 1902. 

23. Chaplin, p. 22. 


cash afterwards, if he would only fall down and worship them by 
helping disenfranchise the women. All the facts in the case and the 
names of the interested parties to these efforts will be given to the 
public at no distant day, and they will find it interesting, too, but just 
now we have something else to chronicle. . . . 

Mr. Nuckolls said: "I never saw the sun go down upon an election 
day when I had been engaged in a political contest, struggling to 
secure the triumph of my principles and party, that I did not feel that 
I had been engaged in a dirty, disreputable business; such business 
as no woman could be engaged in without morally degrading herself. 
... I think women were made to obey men. They generally promise 
to obey at any rate, and I think you had better either abolish the 
female suffrage act or get up a new marriage ceremony to fit it." 
He closed his eloquent appeal with the entirely original remark, "I 
don't think women ought to mingle in the dirty pool of politics." 
Here the venerable ex-member of Congress sat down, evidently 
overcome by his feeling. . . . 

The narrow-gauge member from Cheyenne flies to the rescue. His 
head is very small, but what he lacks in brains is made up by thickness 
of skull. . . . 

Mr. [W. R.] Steele said: "The Governor hadn't got no right to 
veto this bill. He hasn't got no right to veto this bill nor nothin' that 
we pass unless it is somethin' witch after it has passed it shall appear 
that it is wrong or that there is somethin' wrong by witch reason it 
had ought not to become a law, accordin' to my reasonin'. I am 
willin' every old woman shall hev a guardian if she wants one and 
kin git it. . . . 

"It ain't no party question this bill ain't. / wouldn't let it come up 
in that shape. I would know better than that. This woman suffrage 
business will sap the foundation of society. Woman can't engage in 
politics without losin' her virtue." (As the gentleman's wife was 
quite an active politician during the campaign, we leave him to 
settle the above question with her. — Ed.) 

"No woman ain't got no right to set on a jury unless she is a man 
and every lawyer knows it, and I don't bleeve it anyhow. I don't 
think women juries has been a success here in Wyomin'. They watch 
the face of the judge too much when the lawyer is addressin' 'em. 
That shows they ain't fit for jurors in my way of thinkin'. . . . 

"The Legislature hadn't got no right to let the women vote in the 
first place. ... If those who hev exercised this debasin' and demoral- 
izin' right can't hev it took away from 'em now we can at least 
present anymore of 'em from gittin' it and thus save the unborn 
babe and the girl of sixteen. . . ." 

Hayford was not always the victor during his long career as a 
newspaperman. As has been shown, the Sentinel had become a 
weekly paper by the time the Boomerang was established, and 
although both were Republican in politics, the Boomerang as a 
daily "had the backing of the Republican organization of the 
county and took from the Sentinel practically all the public patron- 
age."- 4 Hayford apparently found this loss of revenue so hard to 
accept that in 1882 he consented to run on the Democratic ticket 
for justice of the peace, at the same time agreeing with the Repub- 

24. Chaplin, p. 22. 


lican county committee to write some blistering articles in aid of 
the Republican cause. He was exposed in this dual role by the 
Boomerang, and the revelation lost him the Democratic vote. 
Bill Nye, at whom Hayford had been sniping ever since the 
humorist began editing the Boomerang,- 7 ' referred to Hayford's 
humiliating defeat in his now-famous letter of resignation in 1883 
as Laramie's postmaster. 

Acting under the advice of Gen. Hatton a year ago. I removed 
the feather bed with which my predecessor. Deacon Hayford, had 
bolstered up his administration by stuffing the window, and sub- 
stituted glass. Finding nothing in the book of instructions to post- 
masters which made the feather bed a part of my official duties, I 
filed it away in an obscure place and burned it in effigy, also in the 
gloaming. This act maddened my predecessor to such an extent that 
he then and there became a candidate for justice of the peace on the 
democratic ticket. The democratic party was able, however, with 
what aid it secured from the republicans, to plow the old man under 
to a great degree. . . . 26 

According to an unsigned editorial in the Boomerang of July 30, 
1902, Hayford liked nothing better than to argue theology with 
someone well versed in the field, since he was '"naturally more of a 
theologian than a politician, more of a moralist than a judge. . . ." 
In a final assessment of Hayford's character, the unnamed writer 
found that, on the whole, "he was a fine example of a man born 
and reared in a religious atmosphere wholly different from that of 
today, and imbued with the thoughts and feelings of more than half 
a century ago, who nevertheless had kept his face to the future, 
and had brought to bear the new ideas upon the old conceptions 
in such a way that while clinging to the original framework he 
had held to little else than the framework." And forgetting any 
acrimony that might have been bred by the Sentinel-Boomerang 
feud, the newspaper concluded, "Judge Hayford with his pen 
moulded much of the progress of the period, and from the columns 
of the Sentinel may be read much of the history of the state." 


The newspaper career of Edward Archibald Slack, whose asso- 
ciates and friends call him "colonel" because of his service with the 
Grand Army of the Republic, lasted for twenty-nine years — from 

25. A typical example of how Nye fared in the columns of the Sentinel 
is this item appearing May 6, 1881: "Mrs. Judge Nye and children left this 
week for the east for quite a protracted visit. We saw Nye around the 
streets yesterday and hardly knew him. He has had his head shaved and 
sandpapered, he wore a standing collar and white cravat, with black kid 
gloves, white silk stockings and red morocco pumps. He also had on 
sawdust calves and is evidently fixing himself up for a gay deceiver." 

26. Quoted by Chaplin, p. 20. 


the time he bought the South Pass News in 1869 to 1898, the year 
he relinquished control of the Cheyenne Sun-Leader upon his ap- 
pointment as receiver of the United States land office in Chey- 
enne.- 7 Slack, as has been shown, founded the Laramie Daily Inde- 
pendent in 1871, moved it to Cheyenne five years later and consoli- 
dated it with the Cheyenne Daily News. In 1895 he bought the 
Cheyenne Leader, and for the remainder of his years as a news- 
paperman published the Sun-Leader. 28 

Slack was born in Oswego, New York, October 2, 1842. His 
father was a civil engineer of some distinction and the close friend 
of General G. M. Dodge, the man in charge of building the Union 
Pacific Railroad west from Omaha. His mother, who later was 
widowed and remarried, was Esther Hobart Morris, a dynamic 
worker for women's suffrage and the nation's first woman justice 
of the peace. 1 ' 9 Slack began to learn printing in Peru, Illinois; he 
continued with the trade in Chicago until his apprenticeship was 
interrupted by the Civil War and his three years of service with 
the Northern forces. Upon his release from the army he attended 
Chicago University for a time. 3 " He emigrated to South Pass City 
in 1868, engaged for a time in mining and in the operating of a 
sawmill, bought the South Pass News from N. A. Baker, and, 
eventually, became clerk of the district court. It was in the latter 
capacity that in 1 870 he swore in his mother as justice of the 
peace. 31 Slack was married early in 1871 to Sarah F. Neeley, 
sister of the wife of General John M. Palmer, at the time governor 
of Illinois. The wedding took place in the governor's mansions- 
William Chapin Deming, who later was to become one of Wyo- 
ming's best-known newspapermen, described Slack as "a powerful 
man physically, energetic to the nth degree, but with little or no 
control of his temper. This together with the fact that he had not 
only been a crusader but was also quite partisan [Slack was at 
different times politically a Republican and a Democrat] resulted 
in a good many enemies, such as an active newspaperman usually 

27. Chaplin, p. 23, gives the date Slack ceased being a newspaperman 
as 1905, but Bartlett, p. 452, says that upon Slack's government appointment 
Capt. Harry A. Clark became a partner in the ownership of the newspaper 
with Wallace C. Bond, Slack's son-in-law, who had hitherto been associated 
with Slack in the publication of the Cheyenne-Sun-Leader. Since Bartlett 
himself was a member of the company which in 1906 bought the Leader 
(by which time the word "Sun" had been dropped from the masthead) 
from Bond and Clark, his date is presumed to be correct. 

28. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming (Chicago: A. W. Bowen, 
1903), p. 220. 

29. Ibid., p. 220. 

30. Ibid., p. 220. 

31. Mrs. Wallace C. Bond. "Sarah Frances Slack," Annals of Wyoming, 
IV (Jan., 1927), 355. 

32. Ibid., p. 356. 


finds camping upon his trail. " :!:: Chaplin, however, softened the 
portrait, for while stating that Slack "never hesitated to call things 
by their proper names," he recorded that the "colonel' 1 was fond 
of and even lavish with his entertaining, that he basked in the 
fraternal aura of the annual Wyoming Press Association meetings, 
and that he enjoyed giving philosophical advice to his apprentice 
printers. ' ,4 

An examination of his newspapers shows that Slack was in the 
front of the fight for statehood and in the crusade for free text- 
books for Wyoming schools, that he was active in the formation of 
the Wyoming Editorial Association which at one time he headed, 
that he was the organizer of the Pioneer Association from which 
stemmed the idea of holding annual Frontier Day celebrations in 
Cheyenne, that he was an advocate of water, sewer, and electric 
street lighting systems for the Magic City, and was a strong cham- 
pion of higher salaries for public school teachers. 

Chaplin says that a few years before March 23, 1907, the day 
on which Slack died, he "seemed to come to a realization of the 
necessity for accumulating some money to leave his family." 35 
Hitherto he had put his profits back into his newspaper, so that he 
had made only a "bare living" for himself and his family.' 1 " At 
the turn of the century, then. Slack began "erecting not only a 
number of medium-sized office buildings on the southwest corner 
of Capitol avenue and Seventeenth street, in Cheyenne, but . . . 
also ... a large and commodious building just north of the Inter- 
Ocean Hotel on Capitol avenue . . ." , "' 7 So it was that upon his 
death he was able to leave his wife and two daughters "a compe- 
tency of about $45,000." 38 


None of the newspapers with which Charles W. Bramel was 
associated survived for any great length of time, yet Bramel him- 
self should be included in any record of early Wyoming journalism 
if only for his incurable addiction to printer's ink. When, as has 
been shown, the Laramie Daily Sun did not prosper, Bramel sold 
it to E. A. Slack and began publishing the Laramie Daily Chron- 
icle. When the Chronicle lost the county printing to the Sentinel, 
Bramel sold it and began publication of the short-lived Laramie 
Daily Times. As Chaplin was to remark later, the man was "so 

33. Agnes Wright Spring, William Chapin Deming of Wyoming (Glen- 
dale. California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1944), p. 95. 

34. Chaplin, p. 23. 

35. Ibid., p. 23. 

36. Ibid., p. 23. 

37. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming, p. 221. 

38. Chaplin, p. 23. 


constituted that it seemed impossible for him to keep out of the 
newspaper business." 39 

Bramel was born in Virginia August 11,1 840, grew up in St. 
Joseph, Missouri, and graduated from Bloomington college, Mis- 
souri, at the age of eighteen. 4 " After practicing law in St. Joseph 
for a number of years. Bramel, like so many other bright men of 
that period, resolved to seek his fortune in the new country opening 
up in the West. Accordingly in 1 867 he went to the Colorado 
mining town of Georgetown, then booming, and there began prac- 
ticing law. 41 A year later he was elected probate judge of Clear 
Creek county, of which Georgetown was the seat. In 1 869 
Bramel moved to Laramie and there he continued to follow the 
legal profession. He was Albany county prosecuting attorney for 
two terms. During the sessions of 1874 and 1876 he served as a 
member of the territorial council of Wyoming. 4 - In 1877 and 
1878 he was secretary of the territorial council, in his spare time 
interesting himself in the affairs of the Cheyenne Daily Gazetted 
In subsequent years Bramel was a member of the Laramie city 
council, city attorney of Laramie, judge advocate on Governor 
John E. Osborne's staff, Albany county prosecuting attorney once 
more, and finally judge of the second judicial district, comprising 
Albany, Natrona, and Fremont counties. 44 

Unfortunately for the historian, only one or two single copies 
of newspapers edited by Bramel have been preserved, making it 
necessary to turn to Chaplin for what meager information there is 
about his journalistic days: 

Judge Bramel hit hard licks, but always acknowledged that he was 
unable to throw as much mud as Editor Hayford of the Sentinel. On 
one occasion while publishing the Chronicle he became engaged in a 
controversy with the Rev. Edmonston, at that time pastor of the 
Methodist church. One article appearing in the paper relating to 
Edmonston was headed. "A Pestiferous, Pious Politician Pointedly 
Peppered." The controversy ended in a street fight. Bramel had 
gone to the telegraph office to get some report and met the preacher 
at the corner of Second and Thornburg. A wordy war ensued until 
the divine shook his fist at the judge and said: "Bramel, I am not 
afraid of you." The remark was immediately followed by a blow 
from Bramel's right that sent the minister to the gutter. Upon his 
arrival at the printing office the judge nonchalantly remarked, "I 
licked the Methodist preacher while I was out." 

Judge Bramel was arrested and fined for a breach of the peace, 
but the crowd assembled in the justice court immediately paid the 
fine as a testimonial of their regard and faith in his integrity. 45 

39. P. 11. 

40. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming, p. 162. 

41. Ibid., p. 162. 

42. Ibid., p. 162. 

43. Chaplin, p. 12. 

44. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming, p. 162. 


From Chaplin's remarks and from the files of the Laramie 
Sentinel itself, it is possible to deduce that Bramel and Hayford, 
in the journalistic custom of the day, constantly exchanged insult- 
ing remarks about each other and about their respective newspa- 
pers. How serious these comments were in intent it is impossible 
to say. Yet at some period of their lives, possibly after both men 
left the newspaper field, they must have become friends, for when 
Hayford was given his Masonic funeral, Bramel was one of the 
honorary pallbearers. 4(: 


Of all territorial Wyoming newspapermen, Edgar Wilson Nye 
was the one who made the largest fortune and achieved the greatest 
fame. When he died of a stroke at the age of forty-five, the 
founder of the Laramie Boomerang was known all over the country 
as Bill Nye, humorist and author of fourteen books, and a popular 
lecturer who read his funny sketches on the same platform James 
Whitcomb Riley used for reciting his folksy poems, as a spellbinder 
of audiences even in Great Britain, and as a valued contributor to 
the New York World, for which he covered the Paris Exposition 
in 1889 at a reported salary of one thousand dollars a week. His 
admirers have made a national shrine of his grave in Fletcher, 
North Carolina. 47 

Nye was born August 25, 1850, in Shirley, Maine, a small town 
he was later to recall with noticeable ambivalence: 

A man ought not to criticize his birthplace. I presume, and yet, if 
I were to do it all over again, I do not know whether I would select 
that particular spot or not. Sometimes I think I would not. And yet. 
what memories cluster about that old house! There was the place 
where I first met my parents. It was at that time that an acquaint- 
ance sprang up which has ripened in later years into mutual respect 
and esteem. It was there that a casual meeting took place, which has, 
under the alchemy of resistless years, turned to golden links, forming 
a pleasant but powerful bond of union between my parents and 
myself. For that reason. I hope that I may be spared to my parents 
for many years to come. 4s 

Nye's father was a lumberman whose life was full of hardships. 
When only two years old, the son, pondering the difficulties of an 
existence that kept his father away from home for the duration 
of winter, took his parents by the hand, and, telling them Pisca- 

45. Chaplin, p. 12. 

46. Laramie Boomerang, July 31, 1902. 

47. Bill Nye. His Own Life Story, Continuity by Frank Wilson Nye 
(New York: The Century Co., 1926), illustrations facing p. 408. This 
book is probably the best source of material on Nye because many of the 
Boomerang's bound file were destroyed by fire September 8, 1889. 

48. Ibid., p. 3. 


taquis county was no place for them, he boldly moved the family 
to Wisconsin where the Nyes settled on a farm at Kinnic Kinnic. 49 

Nye attended the River Falls Academy. Shortly after his eight- 
eenth birthday he decided to become a miller, "with flour on my 
clothes and a salary of $200 per month.""'" Actually, the salary 
proved to be twenty-six dollars a month, and Nye, by his own 
account, was not very efficient, for "one day the proprietor came 
upstairs and discovered me in a brown study, whereupon he cursed 
me in a subdued Presbyterian way, abbreviated my salary ... to 
$18 and reduced me to the ranks. . . . , *"' 1 

At the age of twenty-four Nye left milling to study law, but from 
all accounts he was unable to grasp the opinions of English jurists 
and found it difficult to digest the voluminous reports of cases in 
American law books. At length he turned to teaching school at a 
salary of thirty dollars a month. 52 

During these later years in Wisconsin Nye dabbled in journal- 
ism, sending in personal paragraphs and funny stories to small- 
town newspapers published near Kinnic Kinnic. His first taste of 
fame came when one of the items was reprinted in the Chicago 
Times. The heady satisfaction of seeing his work in a large news- 
paper may have brought about a turning-point in Nye's life: when 
he was twenty-six he quit school-teaching and tried to get a job 
on the metropolitan dailes in both Minneapolis and St. Paul. He 
was not successful. 

It was at this time, the spring of 1 876, that Nye, unable to find a 
satisfactory niche for himself in the Middle West, boarded a train 
for Cheyenne, where John J. Jenkins, in whose Chippewa Falls 
office the boy had read law, was United States attorney for the 
territory of Wyoming. It was Jenkins who sent him to J. H. Hay- 
ford. The Laramie editor gave the newcomer a job on the Daily 
Sentinel, a job which Nye found congenial, if not highly paid: 

The opportunity to do reporting came to the surface, and I im- 
proved it. The salary was not large; it was not impressive. It was 
not calculated to canker the soul. By putting handles on it every 
Saturday evening, I was enabled to carry it home by myself, the dis- 
tance being short. I used it wisely, not running through it as some 
would have done. ... He THayford] gave me $12 a week to edit 
the paper — local, telegraph, selections, religious, sporting, fashion, 
political, and obituary. He said that $12 was too much, but, if I 
would jerk the press occasionally and take care of his children, he 
would try to stand it. Perhaps I might have been there yet if I 
hadn't had a red-hot political campaign and measles among the 
children at the same time. You can't mix measles and politics. So 
1 said one day F would have to draw the line at measles. 

49. Ibid., pp. 9-10. 

50. Ibid., p. 26. 

51. Ibid., pp. 26-27. 

52. Ibid., pp. 28-33. 


I collected my princely salary and quit, having acquired a style of 
fearless and independent journalism which I still retain. I can write 
up things that never occured with a masterly and graphic hand. 
Then, if they occur afterward, I am grateful; if not. I bow to the 
inevitable and smother my chagrin. '''■' 

Chaplin states that as a newsgatherer Nye was not a great 
success, that his mind ran more to "lurid glare" than to facts. For 
a week at some time during 1 877, Nye and James P. C. Poulton. 
city editor of the Cheyenne Daily Sun, changed places just for the 
fun of it. But Nye, according to Chaplin, neglected the local items 
that were Poulton's specialty and that made the Sun "an exceed- 
ingly interesting local paper," so that "a week of Billy Nye was all 
that Colonel Slack, the editor of the Sun, desired. . . . Nye had no 
conception of the value of the personal item or the short para- 
graphs that go to make up the grist of news that makes a local 
paper popular with its readers.""' 4 

After he had managed to pass the bar examinations in Laramie 
in 1877, Nye left the Sentinel to devote all his time to the practice 
of law. Later he engaged in mining, became a justice of the peace 
and United States Commissioner. In 1882 he succeeded Hayford 
as postmaster in Laramie. In addition to all these activities, Nye, 
as has been mentioned, was chosen by Laramie Republicans to 
be the editor and manager of their new newspaper, the Laramie 
Daily Boomerang. It was Nye himself who gave the newspaper 
its name in honor of a stray mule which he had adopted as a 
mascot. rr ' Years after leaving Laramie Nye described his exper- 
ience as editor of the Boomerang to a national convention of 

It wasn't much of a paper, but it cost $16,000 a year to run, and 
it came out six days in the week, no matter what the weather. We 
took the Associated Press news by telegraph pail of the time, and 
part of the time we relied on the Cheyenne morning papers, which 
we procured from the conductor on the early morning freight. We 
received a great many special telegrams from Washington in that way. 
And when the freight train got in late. I had to guess at what Congress 
was doing and fix up a column of telegraph the best I could. There 
was a rival evening paper there [Laramie Daily Times] and some- 
times it would send a smart boy down to the train and get hold of 
our special telegrams. Sometimes the conductor would go away on a 
picnic and take our Cheyenne papers with him. 

All these things are annoying to a man who is trying to supply a 
long felt want. There was one conductor, in particular, who used to 
go into the foothills shooting sage hens and take our cablegrams with 
him. This threw too much strain on me. I could guess at what 
Congress was doing and make up a pretty readable report, but foreign 
powers and crowned heads and dynasties always mixed me up. . . . 

53. Ibid., pp. 43-44. 

54. Chaplin, p. 19. 

55. Bill Nye, His Own Life Storx, p. 77. 


There were between two and three thousand people [in Laramie] and 
our local circulation ran from 150 to 250, counting deadheads. 56 

In the third year after the founding of the Boomerang an attack 
of meningitis forced Nye to resign as editor and as postmaster. 
Late in 1883 his doctor old him he could not live in a town of 
Laramie's altitude. For a time Nye stayed with relatives of his 
wife in Greeley, Colorado; later he bought a small house in Hud- 
son, Wisconsin, not far from his parents' farm. In 1885, his 
health restored, Nye began his public lectures and a weekly letter 
to the Boston Globe. Success followed success in this country 
and abroad until his premature death, February 22, 1896, in the 
imposing, towered house he had built for his family on Buck 
Shoals Hill, near Fletcher, North Carolina. The last thing he 
wrote appeared on the day of his death, and, by a coincidence, 
it contained this paragraph: 

Sometimes it is perfectly tiresome waiting for a man to die so that 
you will feel safe in saying what you think of him, but if he happens 
to be a large, robust man. it certainly pays to do so." 7 


There was not a hesitant, compromising bone in Asa Shinn 
Mercer. It was because of his utter fearlessness in printing what 
he thought to be right that he lost his thriving Cheyenne Weekly, 
the Northwestern Livestock Journal, and the home he had made 
in the capital city from which he and his family were virtually 
hounded. The story behind this expulsion is this: Mercer for 
some time had been concerned with the Johnson county range 
wars between the cattle barons and the grangers. The wars began 
in the eighteen-eighties. In October, 1892, Mercer printed in full 
a confession by George Dunning. The account gave in detail the 
means by which the Wyoming Stock Growers Association had 
hired gunmen, of whom Dunning was one, to kill off the settlers; 
it described in full the cattlemen's attack on and murder of a 
number of Johnson county ranchers. 58 In publishing the con- 
fession, Mercer showed great bravery, since his newspaper was 
written for and supported by the very people whom he was now 
exposing — the rich and powerful cattle lords. Mercer must have 
foreseen that the cattlemen would react, but he could not have 
anticipated the full extent of what these reactions would bring 
about: his arrest on a charge of criminal libel, his imprisonment. 

56. Ibid., pp. 80-81. 

57. Ibid., pp. 405-6. 

58. A. S. Mercer, The Banditti of the Plains (Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1954), pp. 151-195. Actually it was members of the 
Association and not an official action of the Wyoming Stock Growers Asso- 
ciation. — Ed. 


the seizure of his printing office, and the withholding by the Chey- 
enne postmaster of all copies of the paper containing the confes- 
sion on the grounds that they constituted "obscene matter," and 
were therefore unfit to be carried by the United States mails. In 
a foreword to a recent reprinting of The Banditti of the Plains 
which Mercer wrote two years after publication of the Dunning 
confession, William H. Kittrell says that charging Mercer with 
obscenity was "an accusation palpably as false as charging Queen 
Victoria with lewdness or St. Francis of Assisi with disorderly 
conduct.**"' 1 ' For the fact is that Mercer was the most proper of 

He was born in Princeton, Illinois, June 6, 1839.' 1 " Little has 
been recorded of his early life before the summer of 1861, when 
he left Franklin College, Ohio, with a bachelor's degree, headed 
west to Seattle to visit his older brother. Judge Thomas Mercer, 
and fell in love with the Northwest. ,!1 His first job was that of 
president and sole teacher at the newly-founded territorial Uni- 
versity of Washington. He was engaged for five months, begin- 
ning November 4, 1861, at a salary of two hundred dollars. ,! - At 
the end of this period he ordered some printed circulars, hired 
two Indians with a canoe, and traveled about four hundred miles 
visiting all the logging camps he could find from Bellingham to 
Olympia, in an attempt to induce young men to go to Seattle and 
study at the university. By these personal efforts he recruited 
twelve additional male students. 63 To cut down the expenses of 
his students, Mercer ordered wholesale groceries from San Fran- 
cisco and opened a boarding house where undergraduates could 
live for three dollars a week. 

In 1863 Mercer made the first of his now-famous expeditions 
to the East to get young women to return with him as prospective 
wives for the white men of the West who were marrying squaws, 
a state of affairs that was said to be producing "outlaws. " 64 The 
following year he returned to Seattle with eleven young women 
from Lowell, Massachusetts. Although he found jobs for all of 
them, soon they were married and starting families. Encouraged 
by his success, Mercer made a second recruiting trip to the East 
in 1865, but this venture was full of disappointments: 

Lincoln has been assassinated. Mercer had intended to ask Lincoln 
for a discarded warship to transport his emigrants to the west coast. 

59. Ibid., p. xxiv. 

60. Clipping file. University of Wyoming Archives. 

61. Delphine Henderson, "Asa Shinn Mercer, Northwest Publicity 
Agent," Reed College [Portland, Oregon] Bulletin, XXIII (Jan., 1945), 21. 

62. Ibid., p. 21. 

63. Ibid., p. 22. 

64. Ibid., p. 23. 


Now it looked as though there were to be no emigration. However. 
Mercer decided to see the governor of Massachusetts and President 
Johnson. But it was not until General Grant had heard his story that 
Mercer received any active support. It has been said that Grant, as 
an officer stationed at Fort Vancouver, had missed the feminine 
touch. Anyway, Grant saw to it that Mercer received an order for a 
ship. Now the promoter met with a second disappointment. Quar- 
termaster General Meigs failed to comply with Grant's order. The 
legend goes that Meigs was in a bad humor when Mercer called on 
him. Later the Quartermaster General changed his mind and offered 
to sell the 1600-ton steamer Continental to Mercer for $60,000. 
Although this was a good buy, the latter did not have the money. 
Ben Holladay, ship and railroad king, quickly took advantage of the 
opportunity to buy the steamer at such a bargain, and agreed to trans- 
port five hundred emigrants at a reasonable fee. Mercer was now 
ready to launch his campaign. The publicity he received was enor- 
mous. . . . Mercer . . . collected about one hundred passengers in all. 
. . . Because Mercer had failed to get the number agreed upon in the 
contract, Holladay considered it void and demanded the regular fare 
from the one hundred passengers. 

The Continental sailed February 6, 1866, and reached San Fran- 
cisco ninety-six days later. . . . Mercer spent his last three dollars on a 
telegram to Governor Pickering asking for money to transport the 
women to Seattle. . . . Much to his dismay the governor sent him a 
telegram ($7.50 collect) praising him for his effort. . . . 65 

Mercer was able to get out of his difficulties only by selling some 
farm machinery he had bought in the East with funds entrusted to 
him for that purpose by a number of Northwest settlers. He was 
able to land his charges in Seattle finally, but his troubles were 
far from being at an end. Easterners who had paid him for 
passage on the Continental, but who had decided not to travel west 
in the ship, brought attachment suits against him. It was said that 
large sums of money that had been given him by relatives and 
friends for different purposes had all been diverted into the emi- 
gration scheme. 1 '" But, according to Miss Henderson, Mercer was 
well thought of by the people of the Northwest despite all the 
criticism, and eventually Mercer Island was named in his honor." 7 

After settling his second group of emigrant women, Mercer, who 
by now had served a term as joint councilman in the Washington 
territorial upper house assembly, moved on to Oregon where, ac- 
cording to Bancroft, he built the first grain wharf in Astoria and 
"originated the project of shipping direct to the east by sailing 
vessels. " 6S The governor of Oregon appointed him special com- 

65. Ibid., pp. 26-7. 

66. Ibid., pp. 27-8. 

67. Ibid., p. 28. 

68. Hubert Howe Bancroft. Bancroft's Works, XXV, History' of Nevada, 
Colorado, and Wyoming, 1540-1888 (San Francisco: History Company, 
1890), p. 799 n. 


missioner of immigration. 60 Mercer wrote a number of pamphlets 
on the new country, and in 1 875 he began publication of the 
Oregon Granger.'" But a year later, for reasons unknown, he left 
Oregon for Texas where he lived in cattle towns for seven years, 
busily publishing four newspapers: the Wichita Herald, the Vernon 
Guard, the Bowie Cross Timber, and the Mobeetie Panhandle. 11 

In 1883, again for reasons unknown, Mercer sold out his Texas 
interests and went north to Cheyenne, where, as has been shown, 
he began publication November 23 of the Northwestern Livestock 
Journal in partnership with S. A. Marney. The Cheyenne Demo- 
cratic Leader of July 22, 1884, described Mercer as "a gentleman 
who is above the medium in size, of comparatively little rotundity, 
but with a wealth of golden hair confined principally to his face, 
and like angels' visits on the top of his head." 

Apparently, all went well for Mercer until the day he published 
the Dunning confession. It is not possible to know, as Kittrell 
says, that he rued the day he did so, 7 - since no evidence has been 
found recording any such regret. Moreover, since Mercer was 
apparently a man of principle, it is hard to think that he repented 
his action, especially since on the title page of The Banditti of the 
Plains he wrote that the Johnson county range wars were "the 
crowning infamy of the ages." 

When he was forced to leave Cheyenne, he took his family to 
Hyattville in northern Wyoming and settled on a ranch which he 
was to develop into "one of the finest in the state. " 73 There, in 
virtual obscurity, he spent the last twenty-three years of his life. 
When he died August 10, 1917, the Buffalo Bulletin passed over 
Mercer's Cheyenne ordeal and made no mention of his authorship 
of the controversial Banditti, but said with the conventional kind- 
ness of the day that during his Wyoming residence "Colonel Mer- 
cer has been actively engaged in the arduous occupation of trying 
to build up and develop the great country of his adoption, and his 
efforts will live forever." 7 ^ 


A man of vast energy often in trouble of one kind or another, 
Merris C. Barrow began his newspaper career as a printer. Born 
in Canton, Pennsylvania, October 4, 1857, the son of a Christian 
Church minister, Barrow lived in Missouri and Nebraska before he 

69. Henderson, p. 29. 

70. George S. Turnbull, History of Oregon Newspapers, (Portland, 
Oregon: Binfords & Mort, 1939). p." 295. 

71. Henderson, p. 29. 

72. The Banditti of the Plains, p. xvi. 

73. Clipping file. University of Wyoming Archives. 

74. Ibid. 


settled in Wyoming. 7 "' It was in Tecumseh, Nebraska, that he 
learned to set type, a skill that eventually led him to lease for a 
short period the Tecumseh Chieftain. At some time in 1878 he 
became a United States postal clerk, working on trains out of 
Omaha; shortly after the appointment he was transferred to Lara- 
mie, sorting mail on trains between that city and Sidney, Nebraska. 

Barrow's first serious misfortune occurred in January, 1870, 
when he was arrested on a charge of robbing the United States 
mails. Leading citizens of Laramie provided bail and Barrow 
was eventually acquitted, yet the arrest plagued him all his life 
and gave rival editors the ammunition with which they were always 
able to humiliate him in the relentless battles of words that were 
characteristic of frontier journalism. 7,i On the other hand, this 
early trouble returned Barrow, now a husband and father, to the 
newspaper career he was to follow until his death: he was given 
a job, pending his trial, on the Laramie Daily Times as compositor 
and reporter. After his acquittal he was made its city editor. 
Chaplin says that Barrow "was a good news gatherer and made 
the Times a very readable paper." 77 

Early in 1881 when he learned that Bill Nye was planning to 
start the Boomerang, financed by a number of Laramie's leading 
citizens to combat the influence of the Democratic Times, Barrow, 
himself a "stalwart Republican," 7 * applied for and was given a 
job as compositor. 7 '-' Six years later when he had established his 
newspaper, Bill Barlow's Budget, in Douglas, Barrow, with his 
own characteristic kind of humor, described in it the birth of the 

A small room above a boot store, a Washington handpress, on 
which have just been placed the forms of what constitutes the first 
number of the Laramie Daily Boomerang. Bill Nye — then a com- 
paratively unknown man outside of Laramie — stands near, a smile of 
eager anticipation on his genial phiz and his "high forehead" shining 
like a mirror. Beside him Bob Head, the city editor. More Kingsford, 
Billy Kemmis and myself — "Slug 2," "slug 3" and "slug 4" — bring 
up the rear, interested but not excited. Will Chaplin, the foreman 
with his hand on the tympan awaits the inking of the forms which is 
being done by Jimmie Mulhern, the devil, under the immediate super- 
vision of George Garrett, the job printer. The tympan falls with a 
bang, the bed slights beneath the platen, the devil's tail plays with a 
double knock against the press-post, the bed returns to the end of the 

75. Prine, p. 12. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming, p. 499, 
gives the date of Barrow's birth at 1860. However, Mrs. Prine's date is 
doubtless correct, since in writing her life of Barrow she had access to 
family records. 

76. Ibid., pp. 19-20. 

77. Chaplin, p. 24. 

78. Progressive Men of the State of Wyoming, p. 500. 

79. Chaplin, p. 24. 


track, the tympan is raised, and Chaplin, with a smile, hands Nye 
the first paper. 80 

When illness forced Nye to resign from the paper, Barrow took 
on the editorship, a post which he held until early in 1884, when, 
for reasons which this study has been unable to determine, the 
Boomerang management fired him. Barrow himself only hinted at 
the story behind the dismissal in the Boomerang of March 19, 
1884, the last issue under his editorship: 

With this issue the writer retires from the position of chief muti- 
lator of truth on this great moral and religious journal. Though not 
as old in the harness as some of our newspaper brethren, we have ex- 
perience enough to warrant our remarking right here, that it is a 
thankless job — that of editing a paper. It is a "demnition grind," 
which wears out body and soul. We drop the [pen] . . . mentally 
resolving rather than resume it again, to wield a long-handled pitch- 
fork or shorthand writer in some second-class livery stable, or monkey 
with brake wheels at $65 per month . . . 

Barrow's next job was as editor of the Rawlins Wyoming 
Tribune, mentioned earlier as a Republican newspaper established 
in September, 1884. Although he remained with this paper for 
only eighteen months, he is said to have "whooped her up plenty," 
to have made it "a treasure and necessity in scores of homes in 
and out of old Carbon county," and to have reached six hundred 
"good-natured and patient" readers. sl 

According to Chaplin, it was in Rawlins that Barrow was first 
"seized with the idea that the Northwestern Railroad [at first 
incorporated as the Wyoming Central Railroad Company] was 
going to bring central Wyoming rapidly to the front." 82 Early 
in 1886 Barrow, using some money his wife had only recently 
inherited, bought printing equipment and supplies in Chicago, had 
it shipped by rail to Chadron, Nebraska, which was as far as the 
railroad had been built at that time, put the machinery on a 
mule train bound for Fort Fetterman, and on June 9, in a small 
shack that was later used as a chicken coop, printed the first 
number of Bill Barlow's Budget. In August he moved the plant 
to nearby Douglas. s:: 

From its beginning the Budget was popular with its readers. 
As the town grew, so did Barrow's newspaper: in the spring of 
1887 he was able to order a thousand pounds of new type and 
machinery; in the following September he enlarged the building 
housing the plant. As Douglas continued to grow, Barrow be- 
came its town clerk, a member of the school board, and, finally. 

80. Bill Barlow's Budget, March 23. 1887. 

81. Prine, p. 25. 

82. Chaplin, p. 24. 

83. Prine, pp. 34-35. 


on May 13, 1890, its mayor. In his editorial columns, in the 
meantime, he had pleaded for an up-to-date water system, a fire 
department, and campaigned for cleaning up the town and for 
planting trees and shrubs; he had, as noted previously, waged 
fierce battles with rival newspapers and blazoned abroad their 
deaths. But busy man though he was, he seldom lacked the time 
or space in which to proclaim the virtues of Douglas as a com- 
munity with a future, and of the Budget as a newspaper without 
peer. The following item is a typical example of Barrow's 

Envy, jealousy and anger may prompt the assertion that Douglas 
is a dead town; but the Budget itself — every issue of it — proves con- 
clusively to the contrary. No "dead town" could support a newspaper 
as the Budget is supported; no "dead town" could long maintain such 
an establishment. In fact the history of the Budget, dating from the 
hour of its birth, furnishes ample evidence that the town of Douglas 
is alive, wideawake, growing and prosperous. The paper has made 
money from the day of its inception. While two would-be rivals 
winked out through sheer starvation, the Budget prospered . . . 
Hence I maintain that the Budget is a monument erected by the 
people of Douglas and central Wyoming which stands today as indis- 
putable evidence of their own prosperity. s4 

Very often, however, Barrow could be bitter and would name 
names in the columns of the Budget, a personal indulgence that 
led to the beating and threatened ducking mentioned at the begin- 
ning of this chapter. 

In January, 1904, he began publication of Sagebrush Phil- 
osophy, a thirty-two-page monthly magazine containing jokes, 
maxims, and humorous articles on topical events and national 
figures. A little over a year later he told his readers that the 
magazine had achieved a national circulation of twelve thousand 
copies, and that advance orders were increasing beyond that fig- 
ure. sr ' His readers and his friends, including Chaplin, were com- 
paring his style and humor with that of Elbert Hubbard. s,i He 
continued his writing until his death of heart failure October 9, 
1910. The citizens of Douglas showed the esteem in which they 
held him by closing the schools and giving him the biggest funeral 
in the town's history. 

Eight years before his death Barrow had written in the Budget: 

The Wyoming newspaper man is an optimist, if there ever was one. 
Even in his sober moments — and he has 'em — he sees things. Given 
a country store or two at an isolated cross-roads and he builds a 
city: ... a forty-dollar addition to your modest shack makes it a 
mansion, and his town is the only town, and the best ever. He is 

84. Bill Barlow's Budget, March 21, 181 

85. Prine, pp. 157, et. seq. 

86. Chaplin, p. 24, and Prine, pp. 178-9. 


always willing to fudge a little in handling cold fact, and as prophet 
he simply skunks Elijah and all his ilk. ... Of necessity he is some- 
times a liar; but to sorter toy with the truth in prophetic spirit for the 
good of the country or community in which he lives is with him a 
labor of love, and by reason of a special dispensation granted him 
direct from Deity, these trifling idiosyncrasies which we of the pro- 
fesh term "essential errors" are not charged up against him in the 
Big Book. In many cases he is snubbed and sinned against — by the 
man who has mental mumps, the mossback and the miser — of whom 
we do have a few rare specimens . . . when he sets out to paint the 
rose for you, his pencil can cough up colors they've never yet been 
able to find in the kaleidoscope. ST 

It was a description that fitted not only Barrow himself but all 
the other Wyoming newspapermen, who, amidst the worries and 
triumphs of political campaigning, despite disasters and threats 
of disaster, composed, printed, and distributed their newspapers 
throughout the length and breadth of the new frontier. 


Information from our readers relating to WYOMING'S FRONTIER 
NEWSPAPERS in the October.. 1961 Annals of Wyoming: 

Mrs. Leland Harris of Lovell has written in regard to one early news- 
paper that was not mentioned. It was the Otto Courier, published in Otto. 
Big Horn county, editor, Lou Blakesley. 

The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department has in its files 
one issue of the Otto Courier, Vol. 5. No. 48, for October 1. 1898. 

Elsa Spear Byron, of Sheridan, writes relative to the Big Horn Sentinel. 
On page 158 of WYOMING'S FRONTIER NEWSPAPERS it is stated. 

" the Big Horn Sentinel, a forerunner of the present Buffalo Bulletin, 

made its appearance in 1887." Mrs. Byron says, "This is incorrect. Mama 
[Virginia Belle Benton Spear] says in her diary that the first issue of this 
paper at Big Horn was Sept. 13. 1884. I do not know the exact date 
when it was moved to Buffalo, but 1 have a copy of it (Big Horn Sentinel) 
published in Buffalo with the date Aug. 7. 1886." 

W. L. Marion, of Lander, in reference to northern Wyoming's early news- 
papers discussed on page 155, writes. "On January 1 of the same year, 1883. 
Isaac Wynn began publishing the Wind River Mountaineer-- he published 
it for two years, and then sold it to Ludin. Wynn went to California, was 
there for two years and then came back to Lander and started publishing 
the Fremont Clipper. He and his son Ed published it until old Isaac died 
in 1898. Frank Smith took over the ownership with the help of his brother- 
in-law. O. L. Knifong. 

"Carl Graves entered the picture, and in 1904 John W. Cook bought out 
the paper and changed the name from the Fremont Clipper to the Wyoming 
State Journal. 

" — the Wyoming State Journal was never published while Wyoming was 
a territory, consequently the Journal and the Clipper were not contemporary. 
The Clipper was the dad of the Journal. Cook published the paper until he 
sold it to L. L. Newton, L. L. turned the paper over to Ernest [Newton] 

87. Bill Barlow's Budget, Oct. 19, 1903. 


about 1939. Ernest sold it to Edward [J.] Breece and he in turn sold to 
Roger Budrow, the present owner and publisher." 

It is difficult, on the basis of newspapers available in the Wyoming 
State Archives and Historical Department for this early period, to completely 
follow the various changes in publishers, editors and titles, but the papers 
on file show the following history of the present Wyoming State Journal: 
The Fremont Clipper was published from Sept. 17. 1887 (Vol. I, No. 4) 
to April 10, 1896 (Vol. IX, No. 32). Isaac Wynn was the first editor, with 
E. R. Wynn assistant editor for a time. The publisher for most of that time 
was the Clipper Publishing Company. 

The Clipper, published from April 17, 1896, (Vol. IX, No. 33) through 
Jan. 29, 1904, was published bv the Clipper Publishing Co. 

Editor of The Clipper from' July 30. 1897. to Aug. 25, 1899 was C. G. 
Coutant. W. E. Coutant and C. E. Hank were managers during that time. 
W. E. Coutant was listed as publisher until January 17, 1902, with Frank 
S. Smith as edtior and proprietor, and O. L. Knifong as city editor. 

The Lander Clipper was published from Feb. 5. 1904, through Nov. 18, 
1904, with Frank S. Smith as proprietor. After Nov. 25, W. A. Hoskin 
was manager. From Feb. 25 to May 5, 1905, Smith alone was listed, as 
proprietor. From May 5 until Sept. 1, 1905, N. H. Lewis was the publisher 
and Smith was proprietor. John W. Cook then became editor and pro- 
prietor. The last Lander Clipper was published on April 5, 1907. 

On April 12. 1907. the Wyoming State Journal and Lander Clipper first 
appeared, with Cook as editor and proprietor. The first issue showing only 
the Wyoming State Journal in the masthead is for Sept. 4, 1908 (Vol. XXII, 
No. 2) with Cook shown as editor and publisher. — Editors. 

Qirlhood Kecollectiom 
Of Caramie in J $70 and J $71 


Nancy Fillmore Brown 

The following article is one of a series of reprints from early vol- 
umes of the Annuls which are now out of print. It first was published 
in the Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 1. No. 3, January 15, 1924. 

"We shall not travel by the road we make. 
Ere, day by day, the sound of many feet 

Is heard upon the stones that now we break 

We shall be come to where the cross-roads meet. 

For them the shade of trees that now we plant 
The safe, smooth journey and the final goal. 

Yea, birthright in the land of covenant — 
For us day labor; travail of the soul. 

And yet — the road is ours as never theirs! 

Is not one joy on us alone bestowed? 
For us the Master-Joy, O Pioneer: 

We shall not travel but we make the Road." 

— Friedlander. 

It seems only a very short time ago yet five decades have passed 
since that memorable tenth day of June, 1 870, at about two p.m. — 
and a gloriously bright, sunny day it was, when our family of eight 
members arrived in Laramie. We came for a visit but that visit 
has proven a sojourn of more than fifty-three years on my part. 
I am the only member of the family whose lot has been cast on 
the crest of the wonderful Rocky Mountains; I alone am left to 
tell what to me is a most interesting experience. 

My father, Luther Fillmore, and my only brother, Millard Fill- 
more, had preceded us; my father about two years before and my 
brother a few months. Fresh from college and just past twenty-one 
my brother came and plunged boldly into a very tragic experience 
which hurried our coming. After being here a week or so my 
brother for some reason was sent out over the Union Pacific 
Railroad as a special conductor. He was to make only the one trip 
— and a memorable one it was. A few miles east of Fort Steele 
at a station I think then called St. Mary's, two soldiers who had 
been out hunting and tired of walking got on the train to go to 


Ft. Steele. One of them had money enough to pay his fare, the 
other had none and was told he could not ride, so the train was 
stopped and he was put off. My brother and the soldier friend 
stood looking out of the door window of the car, my brother in 
front, when the soldier from the outside fired through the door 
shooting my brother through the thigh, making a flesh wound. 
The same bullet passed into the body of the soldier friend, killing 
him instantly. The train was quickly run to Ft. Steele where my 
brother was taken to the Army Hospital until he recovered. 

One day J was standing with my brother on the hotel platform 
when a fine looking man came along. I asked who he was and 
was told that he was Judge Brown, the lawyer who defended the 
soldier that shot my brother. I immediately said, "I never want 
to meet him." Strange to say in about four years' time I married 
that very man and we are expecting to celebrate our golden wed- 
ding next year. 

I have realized more and more as the years have passed what a 
trying ordeal it was for my dear mother to come out to this strange 
and new country, almost fearing she might have to make it her 
home, and I, fearing we might not. The pioneer blood of ancestors 
was coursing through my veins and I longed for adventure. Com- 
ing from an old aristocratic town, as old as Philadelphia, it was 
quite remarkable that conditions in this new country pleased and 
satisfied my father, my brother and myself. My three sisters were 
too young to care about the change. Of course we were lonely 
many times but I can truly say I have never felt regret. There 
were no trees or flowers to greet us and we missed them more 
than I can tell, but we had the wonderful mountains and beautiful 
hills to behold. 1 had seen great mountains but never such hills. 
They were a constant source of wonder and delight and 1 can say 
after fifty-three years of acquaintance with them they have never 
lost their pristine beauty to me. I truly believe much of my 
happiness and joy have come from lifting my eyes unto them. We 
went on a picnic to them a short time after we arrived. We went 
in government ambulances with an escort of soldiers and had a 
beautiful day. I forget the members of that party excepting one, 
Mr. Joseph Cornell, the Episcopal clergyman. I suppose I remem- 
ber him because of a lapsus linguae he made. I asked him why 
we were so long getting to the hills, they seemed so near. He said, 
'The reason is, that the 'lead devil' of the plains causes them to 
seem nearer than they really are." Of course he meant "dead 
level", everyone laughed and so did I, immoderately. A girl of 
sixteen can see almost too much fun in things. 

We were always afraid of meeting Indians somewhere but we 
never did. In fact, I have never seen one in or near Laramie 
excepting those who have come with exhibitions of some sort. 
There was an Indian scare soon after we came at Lookout Station. 
The Indians came into the place consisting of a telegraph station 


and section house. No one was home so the visitors did all the 
mischief they could, pouring molasses into the feather beds and 
emptying all the groceries they did not want over the floor. The 
people living in small places like Lookout had cellars or rather 
tunnels concealed into which they could hide, something like the 
cyclone cellars people have nowadays. 

The mountains at the west of us were majestic and glorious. 
The wonder and beauty of the Laramie Plains have ever increased 
to me until now I am not happy away from them. I recall how 
beautifully green they were when I first saw them and when I first 
rode over them and saw the thousands of head of cattle — one time 
five thousand head together, my wonder was almost beyond me. 

The antelope we saw at that time in large herds were a magnifi- 
cent sight. They were graceful and beautiful. The prairie dogs 
were new to us, their little villages seemed everywhere. I was 
always looking for the little owl and rattlesnake I had heard bur- 
rowed with them; but I never saw them tho I know they did all 
live together in the early history of this country. The antelope 
I had seen before for we owned two in our home in Pennsylvania — 
Bill and Eliza great pets that my father brought to us on his first 
visit home from this country. They became so domesticated 
they would do all sorts of things for us. They [would] rather be 
fed from our hands than [any J other way. People were always 
coming to see them but they were very exclusive and knew only our 
family. They were very funny when we would tie a straw hat on 
Bill and a shaker on Eliza, immediately they would trot proudly off 
to make us laugh and run after them. Over fields and brooks we 
would fly and then all lie down together to rest. We felt very sad to 
give them up. Father presented them to Governor Packer of 
Pennsylvania for his beautiful private park. I always felt so sorry 
when I saw the beautiful herds of them that Eliza and Bill had 
ever been taken from their native haunts. To see them in such 
numbers and so beautiful seemed like a fairy tale come true. 
Fortunately the Fillmore family were all lovers of nature. Every- 
thing we saw here seemed to us the very desire of our hearts. 

1 recall our first visit to the Hutton and Alsop ranches. It was 
at the time of the summer round-up and such a sight as that was. 
I remember Mr. Edward Creighton of Omaha was one of our party. 
It was through him I believe that Mr. Hutton began the business 
of cattle raising. At that time the breed of cattle here was entirely 
Texas — their long, wide spreading horns were very threatening. 
They stood in groups curiously looking at us. I never felt com- 
fortable near them. I expected them to start running at us. If 
they ever had it would have been good-bye to us. 

The first visit to Mr. Hutton's ranch was wonderful but the next 
one was even more so for we found out what ranch life really was 
in those days. When Governor Campbell and his lovely Wash- 
ington bride came they were taken out to visit Mr. Hutton's ranch. 


I was invited to be one of the party. I felt quite like an old timer — 
'sour dough' they call them in Alaska — showing Mrs. Campbell 
about the place. I remember she asked me a great many questions. 
I think I answered them all satisfactorily and felt quite puffed up 
with pride. Finally Mrs. Campbell said, "I wonder if we could 
have a glass of milk?" 1 said, "Oh, yes, of course/' I found Mr. 
Hutton and asked him if we might have some milk and bread. 
I never will forget his astonished gaze when he said, "Milk? Why 
we never have milk or bread. We always have biscuit. Go and 
see if there are not some cold ones in the cupboard." We went 
on a voyage of discovery. All we found was half of an uncooked 
ham. We both exclaimed "Old Mother Hubbard." I asked Mr. 
Hutton why they never had had milk with thousands of cows 
around. Surprised at me again he said, "We never had time to 
milk a cow. And besides the calves must have all the milk there 
is." There were a number of men standing and lying in the shade 
of the corrals. After a good dinner they were resting. The cooks 
were in the bunk house asleep. Mr. Hutton insisted upon calling 
them and having a dinner cooked for us but we would not hear 
to it. After that time we always took our own lunch basket with 
us for we learned the business of a ranch in those days was raising 
cattle and nothing else. Ranching was then in its infancy. Women 
were rarely seen about at all. Today, ranches have become lovely 
country homes — some of them almost luxurious. 

Mr. Hutton was a peculiar man and a most unique and original 
one. He was as interesting to us children as Santa Claus. He and 
my father became very dear friends. His presence in our home 
was always hailed with delight. He was one of the very bright 
spots in our new life and was as unusual as the many other things 
we had met. He truly belonged to the Laramie Plains. He was a 
part of them. If his business ability had been half equal to his 
good humor and kindness of heart he might have been a great 
cattle king. 1 doubt if any man ever had a better opportunity. 
I shall never forget his merry laugh and twinkling blue eye or the 
splendid philosphy of his life which was enough to make him 
envied. It never seemed right to me that he died a poor man. 
Some one said to me in the early days that Charlie Hutton was his 
own enemy and the only one he had. I hope some one who knew 
him better than a young girl could write a sketch of his life. I 
know that he came out here from Iowa before the Union Pacific 
Railroad was built and was employed in building the Western 
Union Telegraph line. 

Dr. Latham was also a most interesting character whom I recall 
of the early days. He was a tall, erect person and was the Union 
Pacific surgeon in charge of the hospital here. He was full of 
antecdotes and a charming talker, a man of culture and education. 
He and his lovely wife helped us to be happy many times after 
the novelty of arriving was over. He too is a man who could be 


well written up. Years after he left here 1 met him in California. 
He was then managing Mrs. Hurst's large estate. Previous to that, 
after leaving here, he held some important educational commission 
in Japan. 

We lived for some time at the Union Pacific Hotel and enjoyed 
it very much for the proprietor, Mr. Philo Rumsey and his sons. 
Captain Henry Rumsey and James, or Jim as we called him, did 
everything possible to make us feel at home. We have always felt 
very grateful to them. Mr. Henry Rumsey's wife was a most 
charming woman, one I shall never forget. Edith, the sister of 
Henry and James, was near my own age, though much more 
sophisticated than I. My life had been spent in a quiet, Quaker 
town, and school. I had had never been out in society and Edith, 
it seemed to me, had always been in society. She had quite a 
charm of manner and we were good chums. The other girls of 
my acquaintance in the early days were Alice Harper ( Mrs. Robert 
Marsh) and her sister. Nellie (Mrs. John Gunster), Eva Owen 
(Mrs. Stephen Downey), and her sister Etta (Mrs. Roach), Hattie 
Andrews (Mrs. Phillips), Cora Andrews (Mrs. Brees), Ella Gal- 
braith (Mrs. Charles Stone), and Minnie Arnold (Mrs. Eurgens), 
and Maggie Ivinson (Mrs. Grow). 1 also recall Nellie Hilton 
(Mrs. Locke). Her father was a physician, also a Methodist 

One of my very early recollections is of two beautiful brides 
calling upon us, both gorgeously attired. Their distinct types 
interested me. Mrs. Donnellan was a handsome brunette and Mrs. 
Abbott a perfect blonde. I remember in detail just how they 
looked and fascinated me. They both became very dear friends of 
mine in later years. 

One of the very interesting events of our first summer was seeing 
several trainloads of Chinamen pass through Laramie. They 
stopped long enough to cook their rice which took them an incred- 
ibly short time. We watched them with great curiosity and interest. 
When the train stopped almost instantly the cooks jumped from 
different cars along the train with large kettles. They quickly 
built fires and boiled water into which they poured quantities of 
rice and it seemed no time until those kettles were filled to over- 
flowing with large kernels of cooked rice. Then out of the cars 
came forth swarms of Chinamen all sizes, each with his bowl and 
chop-sticks. They were served with all they could eat and how 
quickly they did eat it! The chop-sticks played a tune, and how 
they all jabbered at once all the time. They soon began piling 
back into the cars and seemed like a swarm of bees. Finally all 
was quiet and the cooks cleaned out their kettles quickly and 
jumped onto the different cars from which they came out. Not a 
word had been spoken by those cooks that 1 could see. They 
attended strictly to business. The discipline of that occasion was 
truly marvelous. After they had gone 1 could hardly realize what 


I had seen. I felt as if the earth had turned over and I had seen 
China on top. Those people in their native dress with their large 
hats and hair in queues were too much for my imagination. 

Those Chinamen were being taken to New England where they 
were going to work in shoe factories and the men in charge told 
us they had eaten only rice seasoned with salt, no sugar or butter 
or tea, from San Francisco to Laramie, and that their diet would 
be the same to the end of their journey in New England. Some 
time after this I met Ah Say, the agent and interpreter for the 
Chinamen employed on the Union Pacific Railroad. Ah Say was 
often in our home in consultation with my father. He was a 
gentleman, intelligent, and most interesting and spoke very good 
English. He was always bringing us presents of Chinese fruit and 
nuts and very often more costly and rare gifts. He came one day 
looking very happy and said he was soon to be married and wanted 
us to see his wife some time. He told me rather quietly that she 
was a little-footed woman. I suppose he did not want to boast 
too proudly of his great fortune so told only me about it. I always 
hoped we might see Mrs. Ah Say but it was never our good fortune. 
I believe they lived in Evanston upon their return from China, but 
my father had become a cattle man before their return. Chinese 
were not very long employed after that time but I know they 
served very faithfully and satisfactorily while they were permitted 
to stay. 

We met many noted people in the summer of 1870. Most of 
them from New England who in some way were interested in the 
Union Pacific Railroad and were going over it to see whether it 
was a reality or a myth. I recall one party in particular which 
we were invited to join on a trip to Salt Lake City. My father and 
mother and I went with Colonel Hammond in his private car on 
that occasion. Colonel Hammond was an officer of the Union 
Pacific Railroad. Our party consisted of Colonel and Mrs. Ham- 
mond, Dr. and Mrs. Hurd of Galesburg, Illinois, and Mr. and Mrs. 
Meade of Quincy, Illinois. We had a wonderful time, the whole 
trip particularly through Echo and Webber Canons was interesting 
to us all. When we arrived at Salt Lake City, Brigham Young 
gave a reception to the party and we were taken about the city in 
royal style. In the evening we attended the theater and saw 
Brigham Young come in with all his wives (it was said). I really 
think all nineteen were there. The husband looked perfectly com- 
posed and the wives not at all disconcerted. The play I forgot 
all about but the circumstances attending it I never can, they were 
too unique. I had always thought of Brigham Young as sort of a 
Bluebeard but after seeing his kindly face and pleasant smile con- 
cluded that he was just trying to be another King Solomon. I have 
made many trips to Salt Lake City since but the thrill of the first 
visit has never been eclipsed. 

Laramie was a queer looking place in the early days, no trees 


or flowers, but one thing it did have that was most attractive was 
clear, running water along either side of the streets much like the 
beautiful brooks at home. On a quiet night one could hear their 
merry ripple. Most people used the water from them for ordinary 
purposes but for drinking we had water brought from the river 
which was quite expensive. People often sank barrels in the 
ditches and so had a quantity to dip from but those barrels were 
very treacherous on a dark night, one was liable to step into them. 
My sister-in-law, in getting out of a carriage one night very agilely 
jumped right into one. The worst of it was she had on a beautiful 
new gown her mother had sent her from Philadelphia. She was a 
sorry sight when we got her out, and her new gown completely 
ruined. I often got my feet wet stepping into the ditches but never 
got into a barrel. There were no sidewalks to guide one and the 
ditches were level with the streets so it was quite a feat to keep 
out of the water. I often wonder now how mothers ever kept their 
children out of those attractive ditches for there were no fences 
around the shacks or houses people lived in. 

The houses had tent backs and pretentious frame fronts, some- 
thing like the ones 1 heard Bishop Robert Mclntyre describe as 
houses with Queen Anne fronts and Mary Anne backs. They were 
certainly unique and interesting. 

The second week after our arrival 1 met Mr. F. L. Arnold, the 
Presbyterian minister. He called to know if I would play the organ 
for him the next day. He was to hold services at the school house 
which was the meeting place alternate Sundays for the Methodists, 
Baptists, and Presbyterians. I said no, Fd rather not. I was such 
a stranger he'd better find some one else, and he very pitifully 
said, "My dear child, there is no one else to find, for there is no 
one here who will play for me." My dear father was present and 
said, "Yes, she will play for you. She must do her part in this new 
country and that is one thing she can do." So I mustered up 
courage like a dutiful child and did my part, I finally ended by 
playing at all the services of each denomination that I have men- 
tioned. They also had a union Sunday School for which I sang 
and played for I always had to do both. When the different 
churches were built I played at the dedication of each one. Mr. 
Mr. Arnold became one of the dearest friends of my life and my 
memory of him is most sacred. One Sunday after church he asked 
me to go with him to sing at Fiddler Bill's funeral. We started off, 
he with his Bible and I with my Hymn Book. We went to a little 
shack dirty and miserable in every way. The house was crowded 
to overflowing with the flotsam and jetsam of the town. I had 
never seen or heard of such looking people both men and women, 
blear eyed and sodden. Mr. Arnold stood just outside the door 
and made a beautiful talk to those poor people. I sat outside on a 
sawbuck with a board laid across it and sang several times, too 
often but Mr. Arnold said afterwards he thought the singing would 


do them more good than what he could say. I recall how miserably 
I felt because I was too dressed up. I apologized to Mr. Arnold 
for being so unsuitably dressed. (No doubt my subconscious 
mind had suggested sack cloth and ashes for the occasion.) Mr. 
Arnold and I had many experiences similar to that one but none 
that ever impressed me more seriously. 

Mr. D. J. Pearce, the Baptist minister, came later in June. Mr. 
Pearce was a remarkable man, most industrious and earnest. He 
soon built a church on the site of the present attractive one and 
opened a school in the basement. He called his school Wyoming 
University. He was ably assisted in his work by his young wife 
and their school was a great credit to Laramie. I was a member 
of their Latin class, Mr. C. P. Arnold was also a member. If 
there were others I do not now recall them. Mr. Pierce was a 
man of vision. He told me our beautiful University of Wyoming 
of which our state is so justly proud would stand just where it does. 
There was a cemetery there then. I said, "Impossible, Mr. Pearce. 
It is Laramie's cemetery/' He replied, "You will live to see that 
moved farther up the hill." So I have. I often wish Mr. Pearce 
could have lived to see our present University and be able to dream 
with us its great future. 

Mr. Brooks, the Methodist minister, soon came and took charge 
of the Methodist services. He was a young unmarried man, won- 
derfully active and insisted upon very ambitious music. Since I 
was the only person so far who could or would play and sing it was 
rather hard on me. 1 never can understand why the people in 
Laramie would not sing in those days. I often shed tears over it. 
I believe people finally felt sorry for me for they did find their 
voices and helped me all they could. 

Right here I wish to subscribe a tribute to a Mr. Crancall [sic]. 
He was a painter and a hard working man but when he could he 
always came and helped me at the Sunday services. He had a good 
voice and quite an understanding of music. 

I remember Chaplain McCabe sang at the dedication of the 
Methodist Church. I assisted him. He had a wonderful voice and 
rejoiced my heart for he was the first singer I had heard since com- 
ing to Laramie. I think Bishop McCabe preached the dedicatory 
sermon. I am not quite sure about this, any way I heard him 
preach in the new church and recall his powerful sermon and 
wonderful stories. I also heard Bishop Joyce in the old Methodist 
church. He was one of the most saintly looking men I have ever 
seen, also I think the most powerful preacher 1 have ever heard. 
Methodist bishops have always impressed me as being great 

Rev. Joseph Cornell of the Episcopal church was here when we 
came and the church built. My father often wrote us how he was 
helping to dance the roof on the new Episcopal church. Not 
being a dancing man we always laughed about his help. But our 


dear friend Mrs. Ivinson told me that she had gotten father to 
take a few steps. Now we have the beautiful Cathedral standing 
near the site of the little old church of the early days. 

The Catholic church was also built when we came and is the 
only one so far that has not been rebuilt. Father Cusson was in 
charge of it. He was a Frenchman and a man the whole town 
respected and loved. Laramie was a good town and striving up- 
ward all the time. The churches and the schools showed their 

Mr. Harrington was the principal of the public school; and my 
father was a member of the School Board. The building has been 
transformed into Root's Opera House and stands on the same site 
where it was erected. I think in some way it should always be 
kept as a memorial to the early work it was privileged to begin. 

It is true there was still many saloons and gambling places left 
in Laramie. It was a common thing to hear some one call out 
loudly something about a key. It seemed to me sometimes like a 
song a man was singing inside the building but I soon learned it 
was a game they played called Keno. But those days did not last 
long. Public sentiment required at least more quiet in the places 
that were once so open and noisy. 

The terrible days of lynching were past though I'm sorry to say 
two cases have occurred since that time that I remember, but the 
early cases were before our time. 

The first large party of my life was one given by Mr. and Mrs. 
Ivinson shortly after our arrival. It was a great event to me and 
I recall it as a very beautiful one. I have attended a great many 
parties given by these same dear friends in the past fifty-three years 
in more spacious and costly surroundings but none more beautiful 
to me than that first one in 1870 when they lived over and back 
of their store. After all it is what we put into our hospitality of 
our very selves that seems to count most. My mother became 
somewhat reconciled to her exile in Laramie and gave the second 
large party of my remembrance in honor of my brother and his 

There were plenty of social affairs. It kept one quite busy at- 
tending them. I recall a reception given by the young men of 
Laramie in honor of Governor Campbell and his bride which could 
not have been outdone by anyone anywhere. Those young men 
were wonders particularly when they gave parties. Colonel Down- 
ey, Colonel Donnellan, Mr. Ora Haley, Mr. Charles Wagner, and 
Judge Brown were the moving spirits. Social life in Laramie as 
I knew it was of high and lofty character in those early days and 
my remembrances of it all are most delightful and happy. 

In August of 1870 my father decided that we had better remain 
a year at least and occupy a new house the Railroad Company 
had built for him if he desired it, or in other words could persuade 
his family to remain. The house was a commodious one painted 


white. It is still standing where it was built on the north side of 
Fremont and Second street. 

When we were finally settled in our house we were very com- 
fortable and most of us happy. I wanted a piano very much. The 
story of how I got it is to me very interesting and I think worth 
relating. A merchant in Laramie saw an advertisement in a New 
York paper of what he thought were toy pianos selling at nine 
dollars and seventy-five cents. He (good friend of mine) sent for 
two to be sent immediately by express. The firm sent one but 
advised having the other one shipped by freight. The one that 
came by express instead of being nine dollars and seventy-five 
cents was nine hundred and seventy-five dollars with express 
charges. My father bought the instrument for seven hundred 
dollars. I knew nothing about it until one day I came home from 
a visit I had been sent to make and found a beautiful piano in our 
home. My joy knew no bounds, it was to me almost a miracle. 

When Mr. Sidney Dillon who was an old friend of my father's 
became president of the Union Pacific Railroad he persuaded 
father to come with him and help him in some plans he had for 
the reconstruction of the road. Father had suffered a serious 
breakdown in health during the Civil War and a change had been 
recommended for him by our dear old family physician, Dr. Reeves 
Jackson, (who by the way is the Doctor Mark Twain in his 
"Innocents Abroad" writes of so humorously) so he with Mr. 
Dillon recommended the high mountain country as the very best 
possible change that could be made. Father liked the idea of going 
west so in a very short time he was off for what became his abiding 
place for several years. 

Here he regained his health and was very happy particularly 
after he became the owner of a ranch and cattle. Mr. J. J. Al- 
bright, an old time friend of father's from Scranton, Pennsylvania, 
became his partner in the cattle business. Mr. Harry Albright, 
his son, came out with his charming family to assist father. To- 
gether they had a very successful and pleasant experience, but the 
cold winters and exposure told on father's health again and he was 
obliged to seek the more congenial climate of California. 

If this simple story of mine will interest the readers of the His- 
torical Bulletin I am very happy in having told it for them as well 
as for my grandchildren, for whom it was originally intended. 

Zke Mole~in~tke~ Wall 


Thelma Gatchell Condit 



One of the most interesting sections of Johnson County in the 
early days was the Barnum community and the country located 
west of Kaycee behind the Red Wall. It settled up fast because 
of its rich native feed for livestock, its plentiful water supply and 
its rare beauty. The very nature of the place gave the inhabitants 
a community closeness even in the early days. A feeling of 
"substantialness" was there, as if the settlers were putting down 
roots and intending to stay. The cabins were sturdily built of 
unusually large hand-hewn logs, durable and tough like the people 

Most of the homestead cabins and first homes had dirt roofs. 
While no doubt adequate, they were most annoying, for dirt 
particles were always falling down from between the cracks in 
the ceiling boards. This, of course, mattered little to the men; 
dirt sprinkling down on stove, table and food wasn't half as bad 
as being wet and cold or being out in all kinds of weather. But 
when wives began to arrive an end was put to this by stretching 
strong unbleached muslin across the room top to serve as a lower 
ceiling. The strips of muslin were stitched together and firmly 
tacked along the top sides of the walls. However, this did not 
prevent dirt from falling onto the muslin throughout the year and 
by spring the muslin ceiling would be full of sags and lumps no 
matter how tightly it had been stretched. While unsightly, it 
was much better than forever cleaning up ceiling dirt and floor 
dirt. Goodness knows enough mud was tracked in to keep any 
woman plenty busy without adding any from the ceiling. A part 
of every house cleaning job in the spring was taking down and 
washing the muslin and white washing the log walls. Each year 
or two men hauled more dirt for the roof tops. All summer 
sparse grass and weeds grew on the dirt roofs, and if a tall, high- 
dancing cowboy hit a sagging lump of ceiling he thought nothing 
of it. 

There was no such thing at the old NH ranch, it being strictly 
bachelor quarters, and no one now remembers much about that 
dance in the summer of '94 (or '95) when Jim Stubbs paid 



(Uncle) Jim Stubbs 

Grandpa and Grandma Stubbs Rap Harrell on 2 wheel "stacker cart" 

Courtesy Blue Creek Ranch 


Cassidy $1500 in gold pieces for the Blue Creek ranch. The 
exchange apparently was the most important event of the evening. 
It was significant in that it marked the end of the Hole-in-the-Wall 
gang in the Barnum country; at least, it meant that they no longer 
had legitimate holdings on which to carry on their horse-raising 
operations and so no lawful reason for being there any more. 

But this didn't mean that rustling days were over in the Hole- 
in-the-Wall. People always thought that Jim Stubbs was a U. S. 
Marshal or stock detective employed by the Cattlemens' Ass'n., 
or maybe privately hired by important big cattlemen to see who 
was branding what and just exactly what was going on up there 
behind the Red Wall. Some of the family think that the big 
cattlemen put up the money for Jim to buy the Blue Creek outfit, 
so they'd have a place to get their cattle out of the Hole-in-the- 
Wall, for this spot was a hot bed for rustlers and just everybody 
didn't have the nerve to meddle around much up there. And 
while Jim was not noted for bold or daring deeds, they felt his 
being in that locality had a good effect. William Deane ( Billy ) ' 
and George Wellman- had both been sent earlier and had both been 
bolder and more daring men, but neither had lived long enough to 
accomplish much. One old-timer said, "It is my supposition that 
as a stock detective Jim may have hidden his 'tie-up' and there may 
be no record of it at all. I don't know of any arrests he ever made 
while there, or later, but I'm sure there was some connection until 
some time after he settled at Blue Creek. Pinkerton and other such 
detectives used to come to Blue Creek to see Jim." 

1. William Deane (Billy) was appointed deputy sheriff in 1897 b\ 
Johnson County Sheriff Al Sproul, when the County Commissioners wanted 
a man to go to the Kaycee and Hole-in-the-Wall area as a special deputy to 
stop rustling activities there and make necessary arrests. "He was a nervy 
man, never had any fear of anything." In April 1897 he was at the Grigg 
post office and the Logan brothers of Cassidy's gang tried to kill him, but 
Mr. Grigg grabbed the rifle and the shot was fired into the ceiling. On 
April 13th Deane was at the Jesse Potts homestead a few miles west of 
Kaycee standing in the yard when a rustler shot him in the arm, breaking 
it, the second shot killed him. both fired from the rifle of the rustler hiding 
in a gulch to the north. 

2. George A. Wellman was foreman of the Hoe Ranch located on Pow- 
der River below the mouth of Nine Mile, 50 miles south of Buffalo. In 
May 1892. shortly after taking over the foreman job, he was also made a 
special U. S. Deputy Marshal by Deputy Craig (of Gillette). Wellman's 
instructions as Marshal had been received in a letter from Marshal Rankin 
of Cheyenne. He was to take an active part in assembling evidence to 
prove that herds of absent cattlemen were being rustled. (All this to 
receive from Washington D. C. a declaration of martial law for Johnson 

Shortly after this while on his way to Buffalo from Powder River 
Crossing, when about 12 or 15 miles south of the George Harris ranch on 
Crazy Woman Creek, he was dry-gulched and killed. (Ed Star, an outlaw 
rustler who'd as soon shoot a man as a coyote, fired the fatal shot.) 



Charlie Stubbs 1862 

Courtes\ Blue Creek Ranch 

It was the habit of a few cow thieves in the late summer to drift 
cows with big, unbranded calves following them down to the 
mouth of Backus and Keith Creeks and Powder River Canyon and 
then cut the calves away from their mothers and throw the cows 
out over the rough trails, which left no tracks, then closing the 
trails and weaning the calves which now bore their own illegal 
brands. Jim, upon finding calfless cows of this kind would inves- 
tigate and try to locate the calves before they were branded and 
turn them back with their mothers where they belonged, and then 
brand them according to the cows they were following. 

Some of the most brazen rustlers up there added cruel tricks 
to the rustling game, like cutting out eight or nine month old 
calves and splitting their tongues so they couldn't suck the cows, 
and then hiding them out in little secret corrals and later branding 
them for themselves. Or if they met up with an obstreperous cow 


who didn't handle so easy while being separated from her off- 
spring, they'd just put a bullet through her head and leave her 
for buzzard food. 

Speaking of Backus Creek Canyon and obstinate cows brings 
to mind the time some Barnum cowboys on fall roundup were 
working this canyon which is the last word in roughness and 
ruggedness. One cow critter was really wild, and they'd been 
fighting her all the way all day long and were getting plenty tired 
of her stupid antics. When they had her just about out of the 
canyon, she suddenly quit the bunch on the trail and decided to 
climb out over a ledge to the left. She was having a frustrating 
time of it, too, but after much slobbering and struggling and 
grunting she got her belly on the ledge and seemed about to 
teeter over the top, but couldn't quite make it. Church Firnekas, 
the cowboy who'd ridden onto another ledge above to head her 
off in case it was necessary, saw the predicament she was in and, 
crazy-like without thinking, quickly threw his rope over the cow's 
head hoping to help her on up; but before he could even blink an 
eye she jumped straight off the ledge and just hung there in mid-air 
as there wasn't enough rope to let her clear down to the bottom 
of the canyon. 

Church was riding a Bar C horse called Tar Baby; he weighed 
about 1 1 50 pounds and was coal black and had short sturdy legs 
as he was part Percheron. Tar Baby just stood there trembling, 
with his feet braced on that narrow place, and held that cow until 
Church could get out his pocket knife and cut the tight rope. The 
cow fell 30 feet and landed broadside on the rocky bottom and 
was killed. If either Church or Tar Baby had lost their heads all 
three would have plunged to death below. In a predicament of 
that kind a man's weight in the saddle is a lot of help to a horse, 
and Church, addlepated and nervy at the same time, knew it and 
stayed in the saddle. After it was all over, all he said was, "By 
the gods of war, (his favorite expression) a man must be plum 
out of his mind to pull a stunt like that and, by God, ought to 
have his head examined," and rode off down the mountain behind 
the herd singing "Cremation of Sam McGee" through his nose. 

Church was always roping something. When at the ranch and 
he'd open the gate to let the milk cows' calves out, "they'd lay 
back their ears and run like hell for the nearest brush before he 
could rope them." 

Church was always pulling something like that and sometimes 
it wasn't really his fault; like the time in Powder River Canyon 
when his horse spooked and started bucking where there wasn't 
any place to buck, so he just dumped off into a big deep hole in 
the creek. Church and horse both disappeared in the water, the 
hole was that deep. The other fellows thought sure both were 
"goners," but pretty soon up they bobbed and the bronc climbed 


out on the other side with Church still astride, and went along 
as if such happenings were of daily occurrence. 

Barton Jefferson Stubbs and Sally Avery, born and married in 
Georgia, were the parents of the Stubbs clan. They had eight 
children, Rachel, James, Charles (Bud), Martha Sarah (Sally), 
Elizabeth, William Avery (Bill), Amelia and Isaac (Ike). Some- 
time through the years the family moved to Texas; maybe some 
of the children were born there (no one remembers.) 

When a young man in the early 1 880's, Jim came north several 
times with Texas Trail herds. Later the whole family moved to 
eastern Wyoming and settled near Lusk, about 20 miles north, at 
the Hat Creek post office. The boys, Jim, Bud and Ike, worked 
out as cowhands most of the year and supported the family. Bud 
and Jim worked for the 4J outfit, Bud as shipping boss who went 
to Chicago with the beef, and Jim as roundup wagon boss and 
trail boss when Keelines trailed cattle up from Texas. They were 
handsome young men. Bud cut quite a figure walking up the 
streets of Lusk "with his spur rowels rolling along behind him 
like wheelbarrow wheels, they were that big." Bud always said, 
"Whenever you patch up a bridle rein you've ruined it." He was 
just that fussy about his things. 

Jim was a six-footer and rather heavy set, very slow motioned 
and seemingly easygoing, but had an air of authority about him 
that gained him respect wherever he went. He had a good busi- 
ness head on his shoulders and knew all along "where he was going 
and what he would do with his life." He had a way of always 
chuckling to himself as he went about his work, a likeable, inti- 
mate sort of habit that inspired confidence and good will. Bud 
and Jim were both good reliable men, "as honorable and good 
men as could be in those times when everything was a battle, when 
a man had to fight for everything he got, when every bloomin' 
thing was a struggle and hard work, when both nature and people 
made lots of trouble." They saved their money; they didn't throw 
it around, as soon as it was earned, in loose living like so many 
did. They weren't like the cowboy who said to the saloon keeper, 
"Leave me alone, will you, this is my money I'm drinkin' up - when 
I get broke I'll go back and make a good hand." And this type 
did go back and make a good hand until next pay day; but he 
never put any roots down or left much of a mark to justify his 
existence on this earth. Bud and Jim felt a sense of responsibility 
toward their family. There was always some of them needing 

Around 1897 Jim came into Johnson County and bought the 
Billy Hill ranch over on Red Forks, now the upper end of the 
Alfred Brock ranch. (Tom Gardner was living where Brocks 
now live. ) The old folks and Bud and Ike then moved up here 
and were there when Jim bought the Blue Creek spread. After 


buying it he leased the place to Billy Brock (an uncle of J. Elmer) 
and the Stubbs continued living on the Red Fork place. 

At this time a fellow called "Latigo" was homesteading the 
land about 50 yards above the lower Blue Creek bridge. Some 
of the buildings he put up are still there. Latigo was sandy-haired, 
and rather stoop-shouldered and didn't associate much with any- 
body - and nobody knew much about him, so just called him 
Latigo and let it go at that. When he proved up Jim bought his 
160 acres for $300 and added it to his Blue Creek holdings. 

A few years later Billy Brock bought Jim's Red Fork place 
and the Stubbs clan moved to Blue Creek. The Stubbs and their 
nephews, the Taylors from Texas, have been ( and still are ) an 
important part of the Barnum community. They surely are a 
mixed lot for character study and have added much to the local 
color of the area. 

Around 1875 Sally Stubbs married John Wesley Taylor, a 
buffalo hunter on the Cherokee Strip. He went to the Great 
Staked Plains in the northern panhandle of Texas and helped kill 
the last of the great herd of buffalo in that area. Sally's folks 
objected violently to this man John Taylor, for in Texas a buffalo 
hunter was considered flighty and not likely to settle down long 
enough to make a woman a good husband. So, loving each other 
like they did, they were forced to elope. They took off horseback 
one night and father Stubbs sent brother Jim after them. He was 
hot on their trail and all for nipping this affair in the bud, until 
they came to the Red River which was slightly swollen and not 
particularly good crossing at any time at that point. When Jim 
saw them abandon one horse, which they likely thought unfit for 
such a swim, and both take to the churning water on one horse, 
he gave up and turned back, thinking (and rightly) that if their 
love was that reckless and heedless of consequences he'd just be 
wasting his time to ever even think he could bring them back and 
prevent this thing; for there'd always be another time and another 
place and another plan. He couldn't understand love like that, 
but he came to respect it that night. So, the wedding ceremony 
was performed some place north of the Red River without benefit 
of family. 

Sally and John had seven children, Ed, Will, Bert, Rose, Emma, 
Homer and Talton, of whom we'll hear more later. Rose, when 
still a small child, was blown away in a cyclone. The Indians 
warned the white people that a cyclone was due and coming, that 
every twenty years it came without fail, but nobody took this 
omen seriously. However, right on time it came and went and 
took little Rose with it, never to be seen again. Some of the 
Stubbs felt that this was a punishment inflicted upon Sally for 
having so openly defied her family and married a buffalo hunter. 
In fact, the Stubbs were always inclined to have it in for the 
Taylors — not in big things that really counted, for they at heart 


were a clannish people, but in little obnoxious, spiteful, trifling 
ways that'd get under a fellow's hide. They acted at times as if 
they were hoping to see some of that buffalo hunter's blood show- 
ing up along the line, so they could pounce on it and have sound 
reason for proving that Sally's marriage was bad. 

Amelia Stubbs married Sumner Richardson at Lusk some time 
around 1890. A few years later he was killed by a bolt of light- 
ning, and Bill and Ike moved Amelia, her son and household goods 
and cattle, up into Barnum country where she took up a home- 
stead over south near the Hole-in-the-Wall. She was the first 
woman to live in those parts, which was quite a distinction, people 

Ike Stubbs took up a homestead over south, too, about 100 
yards from where Eagle Creek and Buffalo Creek come together. 
He built a two-room cabin covered on the outside with red tin — 
so the place was always called the Red Cabin, and became quite a 
landmark in the community. People would say "over by the Red 
Cabin" just like they said "over by the Pumpkin Buttes." It stood 
by the road on a bleak and lonely spot where in the summer time 
the sun boiled down unmercifully on the red dirt and the red tin. 
To its back was Eagle Creek Canyon and trees and water, but a 
place not easy to get in and out of. It did, however, make a 
beautiful background if one took the time to look. 

That's the way ranches spread out and became big outfits in 
those days. Relatives and friends (and sometimes just people) 
would take up homesteads and when they proved up, they'd sell 
to the ranches. 

Ike was the "most human of the Stubbs," the most likeable and 
also the tallest and darkest. He had a black mustache and was 
more inclined toward feminine company than the others, and he 
didn't mind at all getting roaring drunk and shooting up the town 
at times. He also was a bronc rider and a good one, too. In 
later years he fell in love with a school teacher who taught at 
Willow Creek (over south of Buffalo Creek). She was neither 
young nor beautiful, but Ike wanted to marry her. He'd bring 
her to the dances and seemed to enjoy her company a lot. Most 
of the people were of the opinion that she was horrible. They 
made fun of her looks, because of her big large nose and tall 
skinny frame. Some of the cowboys nicknamed her "Old Rough- 
lock," the inference being that such a nose would make a good 
roughlock for blocking a wheel going down a steep hill. This was 
rather farfetched, because all of the Stubbs had bigger than normal 
noses and nobody remarked about them. Anyway the older 
Stubbs brothers thought Ike shouldn't marry - "Boy, discontinue 
this idea of marriage, for how can you take care of her? As soon 
as she gets you hooked, she'll always be wantin' something, that's 
the way a woman is, always wantin' something." Being older 
they felt that Ike should always be ready and willing to take their 


advice on any and all subjects. Whether Ike got too tired of 
listening to this perpetual dictating and felt he couldn't stand it any 
more or for some other reason, nobody knows, but one night when 
he and Bud were over at the Red Cabin (this was after their 
mother had died) Ike got up and said, "I'm going where mother 
is," and went outside by the door of the cabin and shot himself 
in the head. Ike was closer to his mother than the other boys, 
and he worried a lot about her and I imagine she did have a hard 
time of it with her bachelor sons. In discussing Ike's suicide with 
an old-timer, I remarked that overly bossy older brothers didn't 
seem a very logical reason for a man's killing himself, and the old 
fellow spoke right up and said, "Well, you didn't know the Stubbs. 
The Stubbs were Stubbs and you can't get around that." 

It seemed at times that the Stubbs couldn't stand each other. 
When they'd go to town, or any place in fact, even just to the 
mail box, they'd ride apart, a mile apart maybe. Bud, then Bill 
and Jim bringing up the rear, or vice versa. When they got to 
town they'd all stay and eat at different places or at different times. 

All the Stubbs men as they grew older became slightly stoop- 
shouldered, big-faced, big-nosed and heavy-headed with little to 
show in way of a neck; their heads seemed to sit on their shoulders. 
Bill more so than any of the others. While the other three boys 
were fundamentally honest and law abiding, Bill was not. He 
was always on the fringe of society, that is respectable society, 
and ornery and mean as the day was long. As one fellow said, 
"Bill Stubbs was the meanest man on earth if he didn't like you, 
but if he liked you and you remembered not to cross him in any 
way, there was no end to what he'd do for you." Another one 
remarked, "When Bill was in a sociable frame of mind he could 
be the most entertaining liar you ever met." Bill's favorite ex- 
pression was "By doggies" - he began every sentence with it and 
sometimes put two or three in between; it was one entirely orig- 
inal - no one ever heard it used by anyone else. Bill had a big 
hearty laugh and could be most jovial at times and likeable for 
the moment, thoroughly likeable. 

When he first came to Blue Creek he was married to a woman 
"off the row." She was quite nice looking, and quite willing and 
ready to be a good wife and housekeeper for Bill. But she was 
neat and clean, and Bill was not, as a usual thing. The first thing 
they quarreled about was Bill wouldn't take his socks off when he 
went to bed, said his feet got cold. When she finally did get him 
to remove them they'd be so dirty and sweaty, next morning would 
find them as stiff as if they'd been shellacked (and smell, how 
terrible they would smell). When dry they were so brittle it was 
just like stepping on egg shells. That's why men didn't want to 
take them off. 

Which brings to mind an old fellow who lived up the slope who 
used to ride by Blue Creek on his way home in the afternoon; 


he'd sit and visit until supper time and then decide to stay for 
supper (anybody was always welcome); then he'd light up his pipe 
and sit around and smoke and talk until bedtime and say he 
guessed he'd just stay all night, since it was so late. This didn't 
bring any repercussion until one time, after a visit of this kind, 
a hired hand came in early to breakfast mad as a hornet and said, 
"If that old codger ever comes here and sleeps in the bunk house 
again I'm quittin'. Last night the old fool came in stumbling 
around in the dark walkin' over everybody's boots and blamed if 
he didn't bust the whole toe-end outa my best sock." 

Bill and his wife lived in a sheep wagon down in the pasture 
between the Latigo place and the Blue Creek ranch. One time in a 
spurt of generosity Bill bought her a nice, high priced sewing 
machine, which was a mighty fine thing to own in those days 
and she was very, very proud of it and happy with Bill because 
he'd bought it for her. One day Bill came in with a pair of heavy 
denim overalls and wanted her to alter them a bit on the new 
sewing machine. She sweetly but flatly refused saying that the 
cloth was too heavy and she feared to damage the machine if she 
tried to sew it, but hastened to say she'd sew it by hand right away, 
which would really be better and stronger. But Bill didn't think 
so, and puffing up in typical Stubbs style, lugged the machine all 
the way out to the wood pile and proceeded to chop it to pieces 
with the axe, which in turn so disgusted Mrs. Stubbs that she took 
the stage next morning and left Barnum forever. 

She later married a stockman in Montana and together they 
built up a 75,000 sheep business. Everyone said she had the 
business head of the family - anyway they prospered and became 
very well-to-do. One time while visiting back east in Vermont 
they became acquainted with a man who thought he was in the 
sheep business in a big way himself. He proudly stated that he 
ran 500 head of sheep. The Montana man spoke up with his 
thumbs in his suspenders and said, "Hell, man, I have more sheep 
dogs than that." 

Bill didn't stay at Blue Creek much - went here and there and 
from time to time pretty regularly got mixed up in shady deals, 
like the time down in Box Butte County in Nebraska in the early 
'90's when a man by the name of Watson had a contract for fur- 
nishing beef for a grading crew on the Burlington railroad. Bill 
and a partner (whoever he was) subcontracted from Watson to 
do the rounding up and butchering. Bill kept the crew well fed 
during the summer and when fall came he found that Watson had 
collected and spent all proceeds from the railroad pay; and Bill 
and partner found that they were flat broke. 

Now Watson was the owner of a better than average race horse, 
so Bill and partner purloined the horse, moved him 200 miles up 
to Lusk, Wyoming, matched him in several races and made some 
quick money. When they stole the horse they killed the other 


horse in the barn and burned the barn down, dead horse and all, 
to throw off suspicion. Jim Stubbs, so the story goes, was sent a 
warrant for Bill's arrest, but Jim turned the job over to another 
stock detective, as he did not want to be a party to sending his 
brother to the pen. Anyway, that's where Bill went for a year. 

Another time Jim got a $200 reward for turning Bill in for 
more horse stealing, and then turned right around and used the 
reward money to hire a lawyer to clear him of the charge. (It was 
the same lawyer Cassidy used when he needed legal help. ) 

Later Bill was again sought by the law, being described as a 
"long, lean, lantern-jawed, big-nosed, thick-necked renegade, the 
ugliest man in Wyoming." Bill said, "By doggies, that's the first 
time I've heard of a man being arrested for his looks." This time 
he hid out in a dugout in the Hole-in-the-Wall somewhere and 
the law didn't find him. 

Another time while evading the law he received a shot in the 
leg which broke the bone. This time he hid out in a haystack all 
winter until the leg healed. His friends brought food to him at 

As can be surmised he was pretty much the renegade of the 
family, but lived to be 100 years old (lacking only three days.) 
He often told of how when a young boy he sat on a rail fence and 
watched Sherman's army march on Atlanta. 

Grandpa and Grandma Stubbs were real characters, too, very 
individualistic. The family said that in later years Grandpa was 
scared to death of Grandma; said "she'd eat a man for breakfast," 
she was that bad-tempered at times. Her disposition was like a 
barrel of gunpowder and one never knew what would touch it off, 
or when. The Stubbs men were confirmed bachelors at heart and 
no doubt she had to use stringent measures to get her just dues, 
and make a noticable place for herself in the household. It gets 
pretty monotonous being just taken for granted; makes a woman 
develop all sorts of complexes, at times. 

One old-timer said, "They all stepped down on old man Stubbs 
a little," and when things got too unbearable and out-of-hand, 
he'd just hitch his yellow ponies to the old buckboard, throw a 
bed roll and some grub behind, and take off for Texas. It'd 
usually take him a couple of years to make the trip and when he 
got back everyone, including Grandma, was glad to see him again. 

The old fellow made himself useful around the ranch — he'd 
raise a nice big vegetable garden in the summer and do a lot of 
coyote trapping in the winter. He was painfully and annoyingly 
frugal — he'd gather up all the horse hair he could find around the 
corrals and barn and put it in sacks. He'd pick up all the rusty 
nails and bolts and pieces of wire and string, thinking they'd come 
in handy for something some time. One day he came in lugging 
a water-soaked cowhide carrying the wrong brand ( a rustled cow ) . 
Bill had had his hired hand grubbing willows and sage brush half 


a day along Buffalo Creek trying to burn the hide up. After much 
sweating effort they saw that the green, bloody hide was not going 
to burn, so they carelessly threw it in the creek. But the water 
wasn't high enough to float it out of sight and in a day or two 
here came Grandpa who spied it and fished it out and toted it 
home, saying, "By God, now boys, there's no sense in wasting all 
this good rawhide." 

Grandpa had a little brown mare that he rode. He was short- 
waisted and long-legged and didn't exactly make a pretty picture 
on the little horse, looked awkward and out of proportion, but 
they got along fine. Grandpa'd ride her to Buffalo with a couple 
of gunny sacks of coyote hides and horse hair tied on to sell. 
When 82 years old he was still riding her around. One day he 
happened onto a sheep wagon while riding on the mountain and 
the herder didn't know who he was; so he introduced himself 
thus. "Howdy, sir, I'm one of the Stubbs boys." 

Grandma Stubbs was rather big and tall. She had a room of 
her own built on extra. The partition walls hadn't been put clear 
to the ceiling, so there was a space of several boards' width left 
at the top of the side adjoining the other room. Grandma always 
kept her door securely locked (and carried the key in her apron 
pocket) whether she was in or out of the room. This began to 
puzzle Grandpa, for he couldn't figure out why she'd have to lock 
the door, unless she had something in there she shouldn't. So one 
day when she was gone his snoopy instinct could be denied no 
longer, and he decided to climb over the partition space at the top 
and see what (if any) little trinkets she had collected. He and 
Tommy Porter, another old fellow there, got a ladder and climbed 
over, getting down inside with considerable difficulty. To their 
keen disappointment they found nothing, absolutely nothing, to 
warrant the locking of the door. Suddenly realizing that they'd 
probably stayed in forbidden territory too long already, and fearing 
Grandma's return, they hurried too fast climbing out and tipped 
the ladder over. So there they were huddled astride the partition 
top with no way to get down. Luckily one of the boys returned 
before Grandma did, or Grandpa likely would have been com- 
pelled to set out for Texas again to save face. 

When Grandma got mad at the boys or Grandpa, or anyone 
else for that matter, she'd lock herself in her room and pull down 
the blinds and stay in there not making a sound or even answering 
anyone for days at a time, until Jim would lug in a ladder and 
climb up and look over the partition to see if she was still alive. 
She liked this kind of attention; it made her feel important; it 
was good to have someone finally worrying about her. 

When Jim got older and his rheumatism got to bothering him, 
he'd pack up and go down to Hot Springs, Arkansas, and spend 
the winter months and take the hot mineral baths. By this time 
the Taylor boys, his nephews from Texas, had arrived and were 


getting located in the cattle business and he could leave knowing 
things would be taken care of at home. 

Johnny Tisdale was cowboying for him at this time, and he'd 
take Johnny down to Arkansas with him each winter because he 
liked him and enjoyed his company. That's the way the Stubbs 
were, big-hearted and generous to excess if their mood was right. 
Like the time during a hard, long winter, Jim sold hay he himself 
needed and could use to his neighbors down the creek who were 
completely out of feed and having a hard go of it to even make 
food ends meet. Jim sold them enough hay at $4.00 a ton to get 
them through the rest of the winter — he was like that — a good 
citizen and a good neighbor, solid and dependable. 

Jim and Johnny had exciting times in Hot Springs, it being a 
favorite winter resort town for cowmen and outlaws alike. It 
was here Johnny met up with Ross Gilbertson, who was in the 
cabin above the Bar C with Nate Champion the time big cat- 
tlemen first tried to kill him. Ross was now in the saloon and 
dance hall business sporting a big diamond ring and fancily attired. 
However, he was decidedly reluctant to discuss how he'd promptly 
rolled under the bed when Nate was fired on and made no attempt 
to help him. This was where the Johnson County Invasion was 
hashed and re-hashed and feelings ran high and heated arguments 
sprang up among the winter guests as it did in Johnson County 
itself, for here were a lot of the men who'd been participants on 
both sides of the fence, and most of them knew what they were 
talking about, which made the talking a little dangerous. 

Here it was that Johnny gained applause and renown as an 
exhibition bronco-buster. These rides were made on the stage of 
the opera house. It wasn't exactly easy for either the horse or 
the rider to be cutting up bronc riding capers on a slick floor, but 
Johnny was a showman and a good rider and afraid of nothing on 
earth. He'd already had practically every bone in his body broken 
at one time or another, and was used to riding the most knot- 
headed horses on the range, so what did this matter? What did 
he have to lose? One more broken bone or a cracked head 
wouldn't be much of a catastrophe to Johnny. He'd already 
been through the mill. 

It was here that Jim, when 70 years old, met his future wife. 
Aunt Lois, as everybody called her at Barnum. She was a nurse, 
probably employed at some of the health establishments (hot 
springs or bath houses ) . Anyway, he met her and enjoyed her 
company upon many occasions, however never with the slightest 
matrimonial intention. Bud and Jim both liked female company, 
but backed off from any responsibility along that line. They liked 
women all right, but didn't want to be obliged to support one. 
Bud said he figured "women wanted to get married only so they 
could cast their burdens on a man." But Aunt Lois was very 
sweet and unassuming and was very good to Jim. 


One winter she told him sadly that she'd always wanted to see 
Yellowstone Park; she'd heard it was so beautiful, but it was so 
far away, and she knew she'd never get to see it. She was so 
wistful and sort of forlorn that when spring came Jim decided he'd 
just take her to the Park — after all it wasn't much to do and he'd 
probably enjoy seeing it himself. When they got to Blue Creek 
they hopped into his Model T Ford and took off for the Yellow- 
stone country. 

When they returned via Casper Jim drove up to the depot to 
buy her return ticket to Arkansas, but Aunt Lois became very firm 
in her refusal to return to Hot Springs alone. Very gently she told 
Jim that she felt that he had put her, all unintentionally, of course, 
in a rather compromising position and she thought under the cir- 
cumstances, being a true gentleman, he should by rights marry her. 
Jim, completely taken aback at the mild rebuke, thought the 
situation over awhile and decided that she could very well be 
right; so out of the kindness of his heart and with no further 
pressure, he married her. After all, what did a man of 70 have 
to lose one way or another, and she was a sweet little person. 

So they went back to Blue Creek, but Aunt Lois didn't particu- 
larly like country living and she wasn't a very capable housewife, 
so they took to spending more and more time in Arkansas, coming 
to Blue Creek only a short while each summer. 

When folks came to visit Aunt Lois (the door of the two-room 
cabin opened into the kitchen) she always smoothed down her 
hair and her apron and said, as if realizing it for the first time, 
"Oh! my, I don't know why this kitchen floor is so dirty — I swept 
it good day before yesterday." 

Jim died in Arkansas when 84 years old and his body was 
shipped back to Buffalo for burial. He had by this time sold his 
Blue Creek ranch to his nephew Ed Taylor. Aunt Lois, much to 
the family's disgust, took her widow's third of Jim's estate plus 
two wheat farms in Kansas which he owed. The relatives thought 
she'd just married Jim for his money and maybe she had. 

Before Jim died he'd said to Ed, 'Tve taken the lead for the 
Stubbs family and you're going to have to take the lead for the 
Taylors." And Ed did (more of him later). One old-timer said, 
"If it hadn't been for Jim all the Stubbs would have starved to 
death. Wherever he went his relatives followed and he found 
places for them and staked them to ranches, etc. They paid him 
what they could and he crossed off what they couldn't pay." He 
always stood by ready and able to help when times were tough. 
He had a keen, level-headed business sense and made money with 
no apparent effort to do so. (Ed Taylor had the same knack.) 
Jim never hurried around setting the world on fire, but always 
got things done at the right time, even if it did appear as if he 
weren't overly hard working, or too ambitious. As I said before 


he was a man who knew what he was going to do and did it. The 
only thing he hadn't planned on was marrying Aunt Lois. 

The first time the Barnum people saw Rap Harrell, a half-breed 
Pottawatomi Sioux Indian, was when he appeared at Blue Creek 
carrying the deed to the ranch. Cassidy was unable to deliver it 
himself and told Rap, "Now don't give this to anyone but Jim 
Stubbs. Deliver it personally, no matter where you have to go to 
do it, so there'll be no trouble and no mistakes made." Cassidy 
trusting Rap this way made people feel right away that he was 
honest and reliable and he was, and soon afterwards he became a 
permanent fixture in the Barnum country. His real name was 
Lemon David Harrell. He was called Rap because one winter 
he'd lived with an Arapahoe squaw on the Indian Reservation; 
this when times were tough and he couldn't get a job. When work 
was scarce and money short. Rap would work any place for just 
his room and board. 

At one time he was a freighter for the government, and while 
doing this he was in the Wounded Knee Battle. He said it was 
such a horrible experience that, when he saw a squaw run up 
with a big butcher knife and cut the nose off a soldier, slashing 
open his whole face, he "just cut me a mule out of the traces, 
jumped on and went to whipping and took off. Couldn't stand 
any more of it." 

During Invasion time Rap was working for the Ogallala outfit 
getting out logs on the Pine Ridge. After Ed Taylor got Blue 
Creek, Rap and his brother Ray took up homesteads on the Dry V 
over in the Hole-in-the-Wall country, and when they proved up 
Ed bought the land and gave them jobs on the ranch and gave 
them a start in cattle. 

Rap was a rather slight, five-feet-seven-inches, 1 40-pound man. 
dark-complexioned with one bad eye. He said he fell in a camp- 
fire when a small boy and burned the eye, which caused the upper 
lid to hang down and droop in a peculiar way, and the lower lid 
also hung down and open, showing the red inside. He had no 
control whatever over the eye. Folks said it looked like an eagle's 
eye and the Indians called him "Eagle Eye." 

When at Blue Creek Rap had a black mustache shot with gray 
and he was plenty dirty most of the time. He smoked a pipe 
which seemed constantly in his mouth. He ordered his tobacco 
out of Kentucky — "long green" it was called. It came in long 
leaves and was so strong one whiff would make a bull blink his 
eyes. Rap would tear off pieces of the stuff and put them in his 
hip pocket along with his false teeth and pipe. Sitting, riding and 
moving about working, ground the leaves up fine enough for pipe 
smoking. Rap was one to avoid all extra exertion at all times — 
that was the Indian in him. He was slow-moving and unexcitable. 
He had a pleasant, soft, low monotone sort of voice and used 
pretty fair English. He really was quite intelligent, lots smarter 


than Ray, who was taller and cleaner and looked more "Indian-y" 
in spite of his blue eyes. 

Rap could argue current events and politics; he was a man 
"who worked on his reading and was a good talker," and he had 
good, sensible ideas about things. He and Bud Stubbs used to 
argue about the Johnson County Invasion, one on one side and 
one on the other. Bud liked nothing better than a good argument; 
he would argue about the most trivial subjects just for argument's 
sake, argue and spit. He used to lift up the lid on the side of the 
cook stove, and spit inside. This was a long, narrow opening, 
only wide enough to put in a whole stick of cookstove length 
wood; which was much handier than trying to poke a piece of 
long wood into a round stove-top lid opening. Bud would get so 
excited arguing, nine times out of ten he'd miss the opening and 
hit the pancake griddle on top of the stove. This was really very 
funny unless you had to eat the tobacco-spewed hot cake; but 
ordinarily out-of-doors working men weren't too particular about 
their victuals. 

Along about this time a lot of the Barnum cowboys were playing 
the rodeos which usually took more money than they won, so 
they'd borrow the money from Rap and pay him back when they 
got it later. He automatically became their banker. People used 
to say they "didn't know where Rap got his money, but he always 
had some." One reason was that he never spent much money 
himself; if he had $500 he'd spend $100 and save $400. Also 
he'd built up a nice little bunch of cattle, had the money from his 
homestead, and he'd bought a couple of rental properties in Casper 
which brought him a monthly sum. This, of course, was when 
he was old and was just "chore boy" at Blue Creek for his board 
and room. 

Rap used to drive a stacker team during haying season, but he 
refused to walk back and forth behind the teams like most men 
did; so Ed rigged up a two-wheeled cart for him to use. That 
was the Indian in him coming out again. 

About the time Rap took up his homestead a little slim-built 
fellow by the name of Frank Spangler took up one on the Ghent 
slope. He was a queer one with small, sharp, beady eyes. He liked 
to roam around prospecting for gold, and also he was always 
trying to put into practice his own religious philosophy. He was 
one of those kind of fellows who believed in giving every single 
living being a fair chance. He wouldn't shoot a coyote unless he 
was running and had a fifty-fifty chance of getting away. He was 
an excellent shot with a rifle, too, and even a fast-moving coyote 
didn't have much of a get-away chance if Frank really intended 
to kill him. 

Spangler had an old horse which he said was a "one man horse." 
He was a chunky animal and ornery-natured, and if he didn't feel 
just right would buck viciously for a short distance. He didn't 


pull any tricks, though, bucked the same every time and no cow- 
boy in his right mind would ever want him, for as a mount he had 
very little to offer. However, every fellow who went by heard the 
same tale, "I'll give you this horse if you can ride him 50 yards 
away from the corral. - " All newcomers to the Hole-in-the-Wall 
and others besides took up the challenge; and some stayed on and 
some didn't, but nobody ever took the horse. Frank liked this 
idea of his because he felt that he was taking a fifty-fifty chance 
of losing the animal. 

Spangler was also full of peculiar ideas about food. Off and 
on he'd go on a special diet of his own concocting. One time he 
went on a pecan and banana diet. He'd bring out five pound 
boxes of pecans and fifteen pounds of bananas at a time and 
that's all he'd eat until they were gone. But in spite of all his 
theories about proper food intake, he always felt poorly and com- 
plained about it incessantly. 

One night Rap stopped by the cabin and old Frank was in bed, 
but at once began grumbling about his aches and pains to such an 
extent that Rap thought maybe the old fellow was in a bad way. 
So he sat there with him, not knowing anything else to do, and 
pretty soon all was quiet in the bed. Rap said, "When he quit 
complainin' and laid so still, I figured he'd died, so pulled the 
sougan up over his face and rode home thinking we'd have a 
burying next day, but we didn't." 

As more people began coming into the Red Wall country — 
homesteaders, school teachers and wives — homes and school- 
houses just weren't large enough for dance crowds; so the Barnum 
people decided to build a community hall big enough to accommo- 
date all their needs along that line. L. R. A. Condit donated the 
site for the building, a part of the Coppingen place, north of the 
road just outside the entrance to the valley. 

As we think of these Barnum people a quotation of Channing 
comes to mind, which says, "No man should part with his own 
individuality and become that of another." 

(To be continued) 

Wyoming Memories 

Dick J. Nelson 

After living forty-three years in that 'splendid' 

state that lies above - Wyoming - 
And now being retired and reaching that point in 

life some call life's 'gloaming', 
1 enjoy going back into my gallery of memories 

to live again the wonderful past, 
To recall happenings, people, places, and thoughts 

that will always last; 

To reverie in a mood of my early manhood time, 
Of friends, neighbors, and conditions that now 

seemed always sublime, 
Of ranches, cattle, hills, valleys and flowers 

as nature displayed her best, 
Of the sun and moon which rose and set among the 

mountains highest crest, 
Of antelope, deer and elk, well nourished on 

luscious grass, 
With a background of dark green timber reflected 

as if in a polished looking glass 
In the snow-made streams that flowed from their 

canyons grand, that wind 
Until the Snake, Green, Powder, Big Horn, Platte, 

Tongue, Cheyenne, and other outlets they find; 
Of the men who rode the range 
With their 'strings' of horse-flesh tough from 

which to make a change, 
Of the 'beef round-ups' and the drive to the railroad 

Thoughts of this vanishing spectacle will not fade 

until my life ends. 

I see again those cowhands who rode with poise and grace, 
Roping, branding and in the 'to the Chuck Wagon race' 
In their incomparable outfits - boots, spurs, chaps, 

six guns and the famous Stetson hats - 
They rode and dressed, not for display, 
But did far out-class the great Cinema stars of today; 
And too, I see, the livery stables which were the 

rendezvous for men. 


I remember those wide-open dramatic 'cow towns' 

that never locked a door 
Twenty-four hours round the clock and many could 

have used more, 
And the plenty that was doing - excitement galore. 
The people - a mixture of creed and class - 
The 'dealers' in the many games of chance, 

with cunning and skill unsurpassed. 
The 'gun plays' - feuds, loves and hates often 

settled by 'range land law' 
The one who survived was the fastest on the 'draw'. 

Then too I remember the coming of the railroad's 

revenue hunting rails, 
With trains to replace stages to carry passengers 

and freight, and to expedite the mails, 
The 'kids' that hired out to the railroads to fire 

and brake 
Soon to get promotion to 'pull the throttle' and 

the train tickets take. 
The men who worked in the shops, on the track, 

and the clerks at office desks, 
Alert, efficient, politely answering questions 

and carrying out patrons requests, 
The dispatchers, the train and engine men of 

each crew 
Who fought severe elements and conditions to have 

their trains arrive when due. 

Now I think about the people on the ranches 

and in the villages and towns 
Who served in the banks, offices and stores - 
And those unforgettable country doctors - 
Thoughts of all these people and up my estimation soars 
Of the men and women who were honorable, trying 

a life of helpfulness to fulfill, 
People of sterling qualities and characters 

displaying their good-will 
There were those with hearts of gold 
All honor to the many whose virtues went untold. 

Now my reverie has passed. 

I can vision that great state of today with its 

unbelievable contrast, 
Oil wells, refineries, banks - money flooded - 
Cattle, sheep, horses - all blooded - 


Mills, factories, mines, transportation, schools 

and churches - the best - 
Yes, Wyoming is now an outstanding progressive state. 

Just thought I would write from my 'back log' of 

wonderful memories, a heritage from the past, 
Before it is too late. 

Wyoming State historical Society 



Edness Kimball Wilkins 

More and more the people of Wyoming, in areas all over the 
state, are becoming aware of the priceless ( and glamorous ) his- 
torical heritage we have within our borders. Our history in recent 
years has been brought into the world-wide living room of every 
person who owns a television set. Western stories have been 
featured, many of them mentioning the colorful names of Wyoming 
towns, creeks, mountains, ranches, law officers or badmen. The 
rough appearance and furnishings of our early day saloons have 
been glamorized into very large, handsomely furnished barrooms, 
with mahogany bars and glittering crystal chandeliers. "Maverick" 
has become the symbol of those long-ago gamblers who were 
once an important part of our citizenry. 

It is not only in the "Westerns", however, that Wyoming is tele- 
vised. Recently, in one of the most moving incidents of a popular 
doctor-hospital series, a famous scientist-explorer was asked what 
he remembered as the most beautiful place in the world. His 
description of a lovely little valley in the Tetons was one that every 
one of us who calls Wyoming "home", should obtain and treasure 
in our hearts forever. 

Wyoming's stories, traditions and folklore must be written down 
so that it will be available as a reservoir of information for use 
and guidance of future researchers and authors. Every item of 
pioneer life that has been told by our forefathers or their friends 
should be noted for posterity. Verification of dates and details 
can come at a later time, but it is urgent that all of these "tales 
our fathers told" be put on paper before they are forgotten. The 
suggestion has been offered and I relay it to you, that you should 
carry a small notebook in your pocket or purse, and jot down 
every bit of information that comes into your mind. 

I have such a book, with the title "Unwritten History Notes." 
Each time I open it, I am surprised at the amount of information 
I have entered, and the variety of subjects. For instance, there 
is a list of some of the old-timers who had descriptive nicknames; 
and some notes about the first "hospital" in Casper; a hilarious 
incident about Sam Bass, when my father and some of the boys 
framed Sam; notes about the "phantom ship" that sailed up the 
Platte, and was visible for about two hours, having been seen by 


many people. ( It was just about the time of the spinal meningitis 
epidemic among the children of early Casper). There are many 
interesting details about Cattle Kate and Jim Averell and A. J. 
Bothwell, the final item being that the skulls of Kate and Jim were 
sent to a medical school for examination to see if they were 
abnormal. (Those were the days of phrenology.) From the 
details, and the source of the story, I am certain it was true. 

Here is an instance of how fast and completely our way of life 
has changed, and how the details of an earlier age can be lost 
from our memories. A Casper woman wanted to refer to the iron 
weight that was used in "horse and buggy" days to keep a horse 
or team standing without being tied. You doubtless remember 
seeing the driver get out of the wagon or buggy, lift out the iron 
weight that was fastened to the bridle by a long leather strap, and 
drop it on the street or edge of the board sidewalk, thus tethering 
the horse. But what was it called? The inquiring lady asked many 
people without getting an answer. She wished she could find an 
old-time catalog of harness, saddles and other necessities of trans- 
portation used in the pre-automobile era. 

Do you remember those long, plodding string-teams that freight- 
ed supplies from the railroad terminals to other isolated parts of 
the State? Only a small number of people are now living who 
saw that method of transportation and remember the details of 
the intricate harness, the types of wagons, the long bullwhip that 
snaked out across the backs of eighteen or twenty or more horses, 
to snap at the lead team; the descriptive language of the freighter 
when the wheels sank down into the heavy sand, and the horses 
leaned into the collars and pulled until their sides heaved with 
the strain - and the wagons would not budge. One summer after- 
noon when I was very small, I attended a birthday party of a little 
wind and sun-browned girl. Clutching a present, I remember 
climbing up into the "cooster" wagon that was her home. The 
wagons were "parked" on land now occupied by a fine business 
establishment just south of the Trigood Oil Company building, on 
South Center and Railroad. Fortunately for future researchers, 
one of our historian-ranchers has been gathering on paper the 
details of those freighters and their way of life. 

Stories handed down by the earliest settlers in central Wyoming 
have placed the Robert Stuart cabin in a slightly different location 
from the site near Poison Spider Creek as interpreted by several 
editors, from Stuart's Memoranda. The location pointed out by 
the pioneers almost a century ago, appears logical and fits into 
the pattern of distances traveled and of Stuart's description of the 
scenery and surroundings. It will be a fine addition to our historic 
landmarks if the stories from the early settlers finally determine 
the exact spot of the first white man's cabin in Wyoming. 

Word has come from the Esther Morris Commission that plans 
are developing for placing the Esther Morris statue at the State 


Capitol, and the Wyoming Historical Society will be invited to 
cooperate with the Commission in planning and carrying out the 
details of the ceremony. The date will probably be sometime in 
June. It is expected to be an impressive event, exemplifying the 
achievements of Mrs. Morris, and giving our people who visit 
Cheyenne an opportunity to see a replica of the great work of art 
that represents Wyoming in our national capitol. We anticipate 
that the dedication will be one of the most important historical 
events of recent years, and hope that it will be attended by all 
citizens who are interested in Wyoming's proud history of equality. 
Many incidents in the Esther Morris story were written and told 
after the passing of time. They have, however, rounded out the 
picture of those stirring events, and have added interest and under- 
standing to the parts that were recorded during Wyoming's first 
territorial legislature, emphasizing again how important it is that 
each person should write down the stories he heard in earlier years 
from the pioneers who helped in the building of Wonderful Wyo- 

ftook Reviews 

Recollections of a Piney Creek Rancher. By Fred J. Todd. 
(Quick Printing Co., Sheridan, Wyoming. 1961. illus. 85 
pp. $3.50.) 

This is a story with around thirty photos of Hard Leather Rides, 
Sagebrush Trails and other experiences of a typical cowhand who 
came to Wyoming in 1901 to fence in a ranch, marry and raise 
his family on Lower Piney Creek near Sheridan, Wyoming. 

Gladys Wilcox who was to be his bride was a young school 
teacher who left Missouri to come West. They were married in 
November 1906 and after a short honeymoon in Missouri returned 
to Wyoming in February 1907 to establish their ranch home. 

It is an excellent story of their humble beginnings, the trials and 
tribulations encountered in those early days of ranching, and it 
should be most interesting to all who read it, not just the folks 
who happened to have lived on or near Piney Creek. 

Because the book spans fifty-four years of happily married life 
there is much to tell of many celebrations, hard work, violence, 
outlaws, long winters, roundups, runaways, stage coach trips, 
rodeos, "Odds and Bits," along with some interesting things about 
two of Wyoming's Ghost towns, Ucross and Ulm. 

Fred and his wife Gladys were of the plain ordinary stock of 
pioneer homesteaders who settled the hills of northern Wyoming 
during the first half of the century, and he felt his greatest accom- 
plishment of all was the happy life with his wife and seven children. 

This is the type of writing we are happy to see and hope that 
it may encourage others over the state of Wyoming to write about 
their families and early life in their respective communities. 

The first edition of this book, which started out only as a private 
printing, has completely sold out. It proved so popular that the 
Sheridan Library has limited its lending to one week. A second 
edition is to be printed with only a few stories added to the "Odds 
and Bits" section and should be on sale sometime in May. It may 
be purchased at the Sheridan Stationery Store in Sheridan, Wyo- 
ming, or The Buffalo Bulletin office in Buffalo, Wyoming. 

Che\enne Ruth J. Bradley 


The Family Band. By Laura Bower Van Nuys. (Lincoln. The 
University of Nebraska Press. 1961. 256 pp. $4.50.) 

Music made by the members of Calvin and Keziah Bower's fam- 
ily band echoed from one boundary of Dakota Territory to the 
other. Having migrated from Wisconsin to Vermillion, D. T. in 
1 870, the Bowers and their eight children, comfortable and fairly 
prosperous, considered themselves settled until in 1881 two events 
occurred which changed their lives completely. One was the great 
flood of the Missouri in April which wiped out nearly the whole 
community including the Bower home and possessions. The other, 
which had, perhaps, an even greater influence on the family, was 
the marriage of their beloved oldest daughter, Od (Rhoda Alice), 
to Joseph B. Gossage, proprietor of the Rapid City Black Hills 

With little left to bind them to Vermillion and a desire to be 
near Od drawing them toward the hills, around June 20, 1885, the 
family, having said their many goodbyes, turned westward via 
covered wagon loaded with a minimum of worldly goods. A 
melodeon was one of the few articles of furniture they carried 
with them. 

Northwest through the Crow Creek Indian Reservation to Pierre 
and thence west to Rapid City they journeyed, traveling slowly. 
At Tripp they picked up the Rose family whose mother, Maria, 
was Keziah Bower's sister. There were six Rose children. From 
this time, the evening camps were more delightful than ever with 
games and much music and singing. 

They stopped in Rapid City only long enough to be welcomed 
by Od and her husband, then headed for lower Battle Creek thirty- 
five miles south and a little east to Papa's claim. As many close 
relatives either followed or preceded the Bowers to this vicinity, 
they had a well "related" community. 

It took fortitude, ingenuity and a great deal of tolerance and 
good humor, not to mention back-breaking labor, to weather the 
next few years, but weather them they did. The catalytic agent 
was the family band which included even Laura, the drum-beating 
youngest. It took some juggling of the family finances to get the 
band ready to perform, for without presenting a concert they could 
not become known, yet they could not possibly play a concert 
with old, dented instruments. Father finally solved the problem, 
procured the instruments, and practice sessions went on every 
spare moment. The extra money they earned helped considerably 
but one feels they would have had the band whether it had profited 
them or not. It was a source of pleasure to family, friends and 

The writer, Laura Bower Van Nuys, was the youngest child. 


She gives an endearing picture of the closeness of her family life, 
the personalities of her parents, brothers and sisters, as well as 
many fascinating moments of the early history of nearby places — 
Rapid City, Custer, Sheridan, Keystone and Hot Springs — as var- 
ious members of the Bower clan lived in these towns. Her story 
reminds us that while pioneer life may have been a struggle for 
survival, it was also a time of celebration, gaiety and sociability 
which made the hard work and sorrows of living somehow worth 

The Family Band is Volume V in the Pioneer Heritage Series. 

Newcastle, Wyo. Elizabeth J. Thorpe 

These Were The Sioux. By Mari Sandoz. (New York: Hastings 
House Publ. 1961. 118 pp. illus. $3.50.) 

If the white man could have understood the Indian mores, cer- 
tainly he could have learned much from him and perhaps benefited 
in his own customs and beliefs had he accepted some of them. 
Certainly such an understanding might have made unnecessary 
much of the tragic history of the Indian wars on the western 
frontier. The Indian, far from being a wild man, had an unwritten 
law and a fine nomadic civilization of his own which is seldom 

Mari Sandoz, who lived among the Sioux as a child, learned 
much from them, and as she grew older she developed a deep 
respect for these people. 

In this small volume Miss Sandoz covers the customs and 
beliefs of the Indian, particularly the Sioux, from birth to death. 
In simple and understanding words she states the belief of the 
Indian and gives an explanation of the why and wherefore of his 
belief. No one who wishes to study Indian character and life can 
afford to overlook this study. 

The book is attractively illustrated with sketches from the works 
of Amos Bad Heart Bull and Kills Two, both Oglala Sioux. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 


Wagons, Mules and Men. By Nick Eggenhofer. (New York: 
Hastings House Publ. Inc. 1961. index, illus. 184 pp. 

Born in Gauting, Bavaria, in 1 897, Nick Eggenhot'er came to 
the United States as a youth in 1913. By 1919, after working at 
various trades, having gained experience as an apprentice litho- 
grapher, and taking evening art classes, he began drawing illus- 
trations for popular magazines. Gaining knowledge and exper- 
ience through study and travel, his work became in demand and 
he began illustrating books and stories on the west. His works 
should be familiar to all who have read much on the West in 
recent years. His illustrations are, like those of Russell and 
Remington, startlingly real and accurate. 

In this work Mr. Eggenhofer has turned author as well as illus- 
trator. His subject is transportation before the era of the motor 
car, with emphasis on the West. He has woven together history, 
detailed description of types of vehicles and the paraphernalia 
used, beautifully illustrated with his own detailed drawings. 

He covers the subjects of horses and mules and their saddles, 
pack saddles and other appurtenances, all types of drawn vehicles 
as the conestoga wagon, freight wagon, cart, army vehicles, sheep 
wagon and buggies, illustrating his narrative with details of their 
construction and use. Mr. Eggenhofer has made certain that such 
details will not be lost for posterity. 

Mr. Eggenhofer has recently changed his residence from New 
Jersey to Cody, Wyoming. Wyomingites welcome him to his new 
home and hope that he will, in his new surroundings, be inspired 
to record many other aspects of our frontier period. 

Cheyenne Henryetta Berry 

The Cattle Kings. By Lewis Atherton. (Bloomington: Univer- 
sity of Indiana Press. 1961. illus. end maps, introduction 
and index, xii plus 308 pp. $6.95.) 

The Cattle Kings should appeal especially to those already ac- 
quainted with names such as Murdo Mackenzie, Richard King, 
John W. Iliff, Joseph M. Carey, John B. Kendrick, Charles Good- 
night, Dan Casement, Alexander Swan, Fred G. S. Hesse, and 
others equally well known in the days of the Western range cattle 

Believing that such men as these made cattle ranching the great 
pioneer industry that it was, Author Atherton decided to give them 
due recognition for the part they played in upbuilding the West. 
Convinced that fiction writers had obscured the true history of 
the West by giving cowboys, badmen, and super-marshals leading 


roles in fanciful dramatizations, while the real principals — the 
rugged cattlemen — had been relegated to minor positions, the 
author, two years ago, began intensive research. The result is 
this book. 

Dr. Atherton stresses the fact that western cattlemen — both 
owners and managers — were men who recognized the value of 
discipline and who enforced rules of order in the interest of good 
business. For instance, some of the big outfits forbade their 
employees to carry arms or to drink. Proof is cited of owners 
and operators of large ranches who were careful to show respect 
to small neighboring ranchmen. 

The Cattle Kings is not just a collection of biographies. It is 
basically a comparison of the personal characteristics, habits, re- 
ligious beliefs, family life, successes and failures of individual, 
outstanding cattlemen. The persons discussed become "colorful, 
complicated personalities." Historical evidence shows that in 
flesh-and-blood these cattlemen deeply impressed contemporary 
observers, despite the fact that novelists often depicted them as 
merely wooden "types" devoid of individuality. 

One of the book's most interesting chapters is entitled, "Cattle- 
man and Cowboy: Fact and Fancy." Says Dr. Atherton, "The 
cowboy constitutes the best known and possibly the most signifi- 
cant contribution of the cattle kingdom, and his fame grows even 
greater as his environmental surroundings recede into history. 
Ironically, the cattleman rather than the cowboy was the central 
character on the ranching frontier. Without him there would be 
no cowboys." 

Among other chapter headings are: "Why Be A Cattleman", 
"The Moderating Hand of Women," and "God's Elect." 

Although the author's extensive footnotes indicate that the bulk 
of his material was obtained from printed works, he did, during 
a period of two years, also consult innumerable theses and un- 
published biographies, interviews, newspaper files, and articles in 

Dr. Atherton concludes his carefully documented, scholarly, 
and entertaining work with a statement that since an ephemeral 
and cosmopolitan frontier helped shape the course of American 
life to a surprising degree, the time may come to pass when the 
Cattle Kings will share in the acclaim showered on their currently 
more popular employees — the American cowboys. "Certainly," 
he says, "thoughtful liberals and conservatives alike can find much 
to admire in cattlemen's code of values." 

Using forty-nine timely illustrations, the Indiana University 
Press has produced an exceedingly fine piece of publishing. The 
printing is clear; the binding, substantial; and the jacket is eye- 

Denver Agnes Wright Spring 


Bonner's Guide. Written and published by Orrin H. Bonney and 
Lorraine G. Bonney, (Houston 2, Texas, 1961. 136 pp. 

Bonney' s Guide, Jackson's Hole and Grand Teton, a paper-back 
•written and published by Orrin H. and Lorraine G. Bonney, 
Houston 2, Texas, 1961, is strung on many strands — sixteen sug- 
gested trips through the Jackson Hole country. Mileage from 
each starting point is accurately given, and geological data, refer- 
ence to early expeditions, and tales of early settlers inform the 
tripper as he drives along. When used as a guide book to be kept 
in hand for reference while making the suggested trips, it is a 
most useful and informative book. If used in any other way, the 
information and resulting conception of Jackson Hole is discon- 

The stories about old-timers, necessarily gained by interviews 
with the older residents in the valley, should be taken as about 
fifty per cent fiction or legend. There are a number of inaccura- 
cies: the Teton fault occurred about three million years ago during 
the Cenozoic age, not during the Laramide Revolution of the Cre- 
taceous age, sixty or seventy million years ago; the information on 
John Carnes' Indian wife Millie does not check with the records 
of the Ft. Hall Indian agency; Dr. C. W. Huff came to Jackson 
Hole in 1913, not 1916; and ranchers do not summer cattle on 
the National Elk Refuge. But these mistakes are few considering 
the immense amount of industry and research that went into the 
making of the guide. Not enough discrimination is made between 
primary and secondary sources and just plain yarning. Though a 
guide book may not justify footnotes, credits should be given 
somewhere for material that has previously appeared in print. In 
several instances this was not done. 

Maps, drawings and many interesting cuts aid much in making 
Bonney' s Guide, Jackson's Hole and Grand Teton the useful guide 
book that it is. 

Jackson, Wxo. Elizabeth Wied Hayden 

America's History lands, Landmarks of Liberty. Prepared by the 
National Geographic Book Service, Merle Severy, Chief. 
(National Geographic Society, Washington, D. C. 1962. 
illus. index. 576 pp. $11.95.) 

This is a companion volume to America's Wonderlands, an 
earlier publication of the National Geographic Society, which dealt 
with our National Parks. The purpose of this publication is per- 
haps best given in the words of Conrad Wirth, Director of the 


National Park Service, in his introduction to the book in which he 
states, "A vigorous and growing nation such as ours must pre- 
serve its historic heritage and pass it on to succeeding generations. 
This heritage tells the story of America's growth, trials, accom- 
plishments, and goals. It provides the key to understanding the 
present and planning wisely for the future. How well we safeguard 
and interpret this priceless legacy will determine the kind of nation 
we shall be tomorrow." 

The book is beautifully illustrated with a total of 676 pictures, 
463 of which are in color. Thirty-eight maps, including 2 insert 
maps, "Civil War Battles" and "Historical Map of the Contermi- 
nous United States," enable the reader to follow the narrative and 
locate sites of outstanding importance on the continental United 

America's Historylands is organized around major themes rather 
than chronological or regional events for better continuity and 
interest. It covers the period of American History from the first 
explorers to the present, ending on the theme of the space age and 
Cape Canaveral. Outstanding authors and scholars who have 
keynoted and introduced sections of the book include Carl Sand- 
burg, John Bakeless, Louis R. Wright, Donald Barr Chidsey, John 
Anthony Caruso, David Lavender, Earl Schenck Miers, William C. 
Everhart, Stewart H. Holbrook and Frank Freidel. 

For an overall view of America's heritage, this is an excellent 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

Pioneer 's Progress. By Alvin Johnson. (A Bison Book, Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press. 1960. 413 pp. $1.85.) 

Alvin Johnson was born in northeastern Nebraska of Danish 
immigrant parents in 1 874. He was a remarkably talented man 
and this is his interesting story of a long and active life. 

After graduation from the infant University of Nebraska John- 
son served in the army during the Spanish - American War and 
went directly from the army to Columbia University from which 
he ultimately received the Ph.D. in Economics. In the course of 
his long academic career (ca. 1898-1945) Johnson studied under 
and worked with many of the most famous people in the field of 
the social sciences during that era. Nicholas Murray Butler, Thor- 
stein Veblen, Charles Beard, John Bates Clark, Edwin R. A. Selig- 
man - these and dozens of other names of equal calibre continually 
appear in the course of this book. Johnson taught at Columbia, 
Bryn Mawr, Nebraska, Texas, Stanford, Cornell and Chicago. 

Johnson's interests ransed far outside the classroom. He was. 


at various times, editor of the "New Republic' ', editor of the 
"Encyclopedia of The Social Science", head of the New School 
for Social Research and head of the University in Exile in New 
York during the second World War. In addition to all this he 
found time to write widely and to serve as an economic adviser on 
several boards and commissions for the federal government. 

Wyoming readers will be interested in the chapter entitled 
"Adventures in Land Reclamation" in which Johnson describes 
his experiences as economic adviser to Elwood Mead in the 1920's. 
Mention is made of the now controversial Riverton project. 

It has often been noted that the West has historically been a 
colonial area sending its natural wealth to the East and enriching 
the nation while not enriching - indeed, while impoverishing - 
itself. If this has been true in the case of coal, oil, uranium, gold 
and silver, it has also been true in the case of western brains and 
talent. The life of Alvin Johnson is an illustration of this some- 
what lamentable fact. 

Toning ton Walter L. Samson, Jr. 

Treasure Coach from Deadwood. By Allan Vaughan Elston. 
(Philadelphia and New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1962. 
224 pp. $2.95.) 

Allan Vaughan Elston's latest western novel has as its authentic 
setting Deadwood, South Dakota, and its environs. Once again 
Mr. Elston has carefully researched into the background for his 
story, and he includes such real personalities as Scott Davis, shot- 
gun messenger for the Cheyenne-Deadwood Stage Co., and stage 
employees Jesse Brown and Boone May, both famous in their own 

This is the story of a gang of hold-up men and of buried treasure 
which was not recovered. Should some readers read more fact 
than fiction in this novel, the Wyoming State Archives and His- 
torical Department may once again receive requests for stories of 
stolen and buried gold. Such requests come in at fairly frequent 
intervals, and this reviewer remembers one which is perhaps un- 
forgettable. The writer, and from his letter and penmanship one 
had to assume he had passed middle age some time ago, assured 
us that if we could tell him within 200 feet where a buried treasure 
was located, that whether it was gold, silver, or currency, he could 
find it. The staff promptly decided that if we could locate such a 
treasure that closely ourselves, we would take time out to go look 
for it. At any rate we hope Treasure Coach from Deadwood will 
not start another gold rush. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 


Songs of the Sage by Mae Urbanek. ( Denver, Big Mountain Press, 
1962 Illus. 242 pp. $3.50.) 

This is a collection of poems on a variety of subjects, mostly 
historical. Of these, several have previously been printed in the 
Annals of Wyoming. 

Part of the beauty of these poems is in their brevity. The 
author condensed the life of Buffalo Bill into three four-line 
stanzas, after she had studied three books about him. Yet this 
twelve-line poem gives him plenty of stature and romance. The 
last stanza reads: 

"I, Pahaska, ride forever, 
On old Brigham, swift and wise; 
Westward to unbranded mountains, 
Where the untamed eagle flies. " 

Briefly beautiful is also the poem "John Colter," whose heroic 
exploits are condensed into one page. This poem was especially 
written for the annual meeting of the Historical Society held in 
Cody, Wyoming, in 1957. Berneice Bird, a resident of Niobrara 
County, did an excellent drawing of John Colter gazing in wonder- 
ment at Old Faithful. 

Songs of the Sage is a compilation of new poems and poems 
previously published in the brochures: Niobrara Breezes, Wyo- 
ming Winds, and Highlights of the Hills. It is well illustrated by 
Elsie Christian of Lusk; Norman Evans of Gillette, and Berneice 
Bird of Lusk. 

The poems range from pre-historic "God's Sundial," known to 
us as Devil's Tower, to the downright delightful "REA": 

"So the waters light the prairies; 
Every farm yard has its star, 
On the hill tops, in the valleys, 
Flouting darkness near and far." 

Presidents, Indian chiefs, sky-pilots, cowboys, even homemakers 
are included. There are also several songs with music: "Oh Pine- 
Clad Hills" and "I Love A Garden". If "variety is the spice of 
life" you will find it in Songs of the Sage. 

Lusk Irma White 

Nebraska Place Names. By Lilian L. Fitzpatrick. (Lincoln, Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1960. 227 pp. $1.50). 

This is an interesting little book. Besides giving, though often 
sketchily, the origins of the place names in Nebraska, it contains 


many bits of history and many pleasant and often amusing details 
of choices of names. The first portion, by Lilian Fitzpatrick, is 
devoted to the origins of the names of Nebraska counties and 
towns. The counties are arranged in alphabetical order and the 
towns of a particular county follow, arranged also in alphabetical 
order. To facilitate the use of the book there is at the end of 
this first half an index of towns in alphabetical order, each town 
followed by the county it is in. Unfortunately there is, however, 
no listing of towns or counties by page number. 

The only defect perhaps is that for too many names Miss Fitz- 
patrick has either assembled only inadequate information or in- 
cluded in her account the fewest facts possible. This would indi- 
cate that she held back material she thought not important or 
failed to follow her leads to the end — I say this in spite of her 
statement in the preface that the study was as exhaustive as she 
could make it. For example, she gives fairly full information 
about Blair in Washington county: '"The history of Blair dates 
back to 1 869 when the town was platted. It was named in honor 
of John I. Blair (1820-1899), of New Jersey, the great railroad 
builder and controller of railroad operations, who owned the land 
on which the town is located. At one time Mr. Blair was president 
of the Sioux City and Pacific Railroad Company. He was well 
known for his philanthropic work. Blair is the county seat of 
Washington county/' But she leaves Bushnell in Kimball county 
up in the air: "Bushnell in Bushnell precinct, was named for a 
civil engineer on the Union Pacific railroad. " For historical pur- 
poses, Bushnell, whoever he was, is as important as Mr. Blair, 
"the great railroad builder." 

Other names that in themselves are intriguing are neglected — 
for example, Tonic in Holt county. All Miss Fitzpatrick offers is 
that it is "An inland village and a former post office in the south- 
western part of Deloit precinct." Or Eclipse in Hooker county. 
Miss Fitzpatrick writes: "The name was selected by three or four 
ranchers meeting at the home of A. J. Gragg. It is thought that 
the office was named independently, not after any other place or 
person." It seems to me that she should have known more if she 
knew that much — why would the name "Eclipse" or "Tonic" be 
chosen? There was undoubtedly a story in the naming which 
could have been found. 

Some selections from J. T. Link's Origin of the Place Names 
of Nebraska comprise the second half of this book. The sections 
deal with the names of military establishments, rivers, lakes, topo- 
graphical features, state parks, etc., thus complementing the work 
done by Miss Fitzpatrick on the names of towns and counties. 
The material he includes is adequate and often interesting, but his 
presentation is less successful than Miss Fitzpatrick's. Her towns 
and counties are listed in a kind of dictionary form — the name of 
the place in heavy type followed by a paragraph of information. 


But Link has attempted to include his in connected paragraphs of 
expository writing. As a result there are some dull stretches and 
some obvious striving after connectives. 

As a reference work, however, this little book will serve a useful 
purpose for anyone interested in the subject it deals with. It is 
worth owning and the modest cost makes that possible. 

University of Wyoming Richard Mahan 

The Old-Time Cowhand. By Ramon F. Adams, with illustrations 
by Nick Eegenhofer. (New York, N. Y.: The McMillian 
Company, 1961. 354 pp. $7.50.) 

Here, at last, is the complete story of the cowboy; his ideas, his 
ideals, his religion, his humor, his work, his equipment — in short, 
whatever you want to know about the old-time cowhand you can 
find out by referring to Mr. Adams' book. 

It is to be hoped that this volume will be widely read for it is an 
authentic and accurate presentation of what the old-time cowhand 
was really like as compared with the idea of cowboys which the 
public at large has which is, of course, based upon "western" 
novels and stories and what may be seen at the neighborhood 
movie palace or on the wee screen of the idiot box in the corner 
of the living room. 

For it is apparent that Mr. Adams has studied the subject in 
detail and at length and, so far as this reviewer is concerned, what 
he has to say about the old-time cowhand may be regarded as 

Mr. Adams writes in the vernacular of the cowhand. He justi- 
fies doing so as follows: "Book writin\ I reckon, should be 
brushed and curried til it's plumb shiny and elegant. In writin' 
this'n, 1 could maybe slick up my grammar some, but because it's 
'bout the old-time cowhand I want to write it in his own language 
jes' like he talked at the old chuck wagon. It seems more friendly, 
and it shore gives more flavor." One's first reaction to this style 
of writing may not be sympathetic but one is soon drawn in by 
the skillful manner in which the author uses it and would have it 
no other way. 

The only shortcoming of the book is the lack of any index. Mr. 
Adams defines and explains the origins of many, many words, 
phrases, customs, and practices, many of which have become a 
permanent part of American life. With no index, however, it is 
difficult to track down a certain word or custom which, one is 
confident, Mr. Adams has thoroughly explained somewhere in the 
book, if one could only find it. 


Nick Eggenhofer's excellent drawings are liberally sprinkled 
throughout the book and add much to its flavor. 

All in all, it is a painstaking, thorough, and accurate picture of 
the much misunderstood and caricatured cowhand. Anyone in- 
terested in the history of the west will enjoy it. 

Green River Vernon K. Hurd 

The Second Man by Mae Urbanek. (Denver: Sage Books, 1962 
Illus. 183 pp. $3.50.) 

Did Laramie Peak which dominates the landscape in eastern 
Wyoming and western Nebraska influence the lives of the pre- 
historic and pre-Indian inhabitants of the plains? How did they 
live? What God or Gods did they worship? 

In the stony pits and huge stone dumps of the Spanish Diggings 
located where Platte, Goshen and Niobrara Counties meet, is 
silent evidence of the first organized industry in what is now 
Wyoming. These pits, twenty to thirty feet deep, were mined 
in quartzite with stone wedges. The brittle upper layers of these 
purple and golden rocks were dumped in discard piles down the 
hillsides. The lower layers were fashioned into crude tools. 
Thousands of tipi rings, small in size, are scattered in village 
groups over sections of adjoining land. 

No Indians since the discovery of America worked so hard to 
dig stone, or chipped such rough implements. These first makers 
of artifacts needed the more easily worked quartzite for their 
primitive efforts. Their pits were first discovered by cowboys 
who thought the Spaniards had dug there for gold, and misnamed 
them "Spanish Diggings." Scientists from several universities 
explored these pits, picked up all available artifacts, and declared 
them the workings of prehistoric people. 

Inspired by the dominating presence of Laramie Peak, and the 
sight of the now empty hills that once swarmed with busy people, 
Mae Urbanek has written a novel revealing how they might have 
lived, and loved, and worshipped. In The Second Man, Laramie 
Peak becomes La-la-luma, the home of the Gods. Ula, an ambi- 
tious young woman, who is filled with passion for progress away 
from the primitive, superstitious ways of stone age culture, changes 
the lives of Neesha's tribes. She steals the science of curing 
sickness away from the Keela-Koo-Koos, the painted medicine 
men. From Rumbo's hand Ula takes the great whip, symbol of 
his ruling power, and replaces it with the bow and arrow. 

This drama of man's upward struggle is told in simple, compel- 
ling style that shows a keen understanding of human nature, spiced 
with sly humor. A quotation follows: 


"Heavy fingers closed more tightly around the magic rock. 
Noiselessly the naked arm withdrew into the shrubbery of the 
river bank. A pheasant cock stepped into the clearing, puffed 
out his breast, and jauntily walked in circles. He did not see the 
crouched hulk of the naked man, whose black eyes burned through 

a mop of black hair streaming about his face Like a 

catapult the arm of the man swung forward, releasing the rock .... 
the rainbow bird fell .... the woman now came forward, carrying 
the child. Easing her burden to the ground, she snatched the 
denuded bird from the hands of the man; and slit it open with a 
savage thrust of her small fingers. She ran back to the child, knelt 
and held the quivering liver to its mouth. The child showed no 
interest in food. Its eyelids fluttered, but did not open; fluttered 
again and then stilled forever." 

The book is filled with a great love of nature and the open plains 
dominated by Laramie Peak. Quoting again: "Ula reached the 
crest. With a dull thud the heavy robe fell. She straightened and 
stood free, the wild wind catching her tangled hair and blowing 
it back from her face. The sky was glory-brushed with more spirit 
fires than Ula had ever seen. Calmly in the midst of all their 
blazing beauty rose La-la-luma, the sacred blue hill, filling the 

distance, a living, quivering thing calling, calling, ever 


Using all known facts and conjectures about these primitive 
'■first" people, Mrs. Urbanek has written this colorful novel filled 
with action, mother love, and romance. In the ever-powerful 
presence of La-la-luma, Laramie Peak, is told the first great love 
story of Wyoming, The Second Man. 

Lusk Irma White 


Olga Moore Arnold, one of Wyoming's nationally recognized 
writers, was born in Buffalo, attended schools there and in Sheri- 
dan, and received her B. A. degree from the University of Wyo- 
ming. She has published two books, Windswept and /'// Meet You 
in the Lobby, and has had short stories published in many maga- 
zines including the Saturday Evening Post, Ladies Home Journal, 
Good Housekeeping and McCalls. One story was filmed by RKO 
as "You Can't Beat Love". Her husband was the late Carl Ar- 
nold, former dean of the University of Wyoming law school. He 
was later associated with the Federal Communications Commission 
in Washington, D. C. Mrs. Arnold makes her home in Washing- 
ton where she writes for the United States Information Agency. 

Dick J. Nelson was born in Mitchell County, Kansas, in 1875, 
and came to Crook County, Wyoming, with his family in 1888. 
His father, a rancher, was a member of the first board of county 
commissioners of the newly created Weston County. Dick Nelson, 
in addition to ranching, worked for the C. B. and Q. Railroad 
for 45 years, retiring as division superintendent at Sheridan in 
1939. He has since lived in San Diego, Calif. He is the author 
of several historical booklets on Wyoming, "Only a Cow Country", 
"Wyoming and South Dakota Black Hills", "The Old West and 
Custer's Last Stand", and "Wyoming's Big Horn Basin of Merit". 
More information about him is included in the story of May Nel- 
son Dow in this issue of the Annals. 

Laura Nelson Harl has lived in Wyoming since 1888. Her 
parents, the Alfred Nelsons, were among the earliest settlers in 
present Weston County. Her first job was as a printer's devil 
for her brother Frank, who put out a newspaper in Tubbtown. 
now a ghost town near Newcastle. She married James Franklin 
Hart, who, in 1914, became the first automobile dealer in northern 
Wyoming. They later operated a cattle and dude ranch near 
Riverton, which is still owned by her son. After her husband's 
death, Mrs. Hart moved to Lander. She is interested in Wyoming 
history, archaeology, anthropology and geology. Several of her 
poems and historical articles have been published under the pen 
name of Shelia Hart. She is a sister of May Nelson Dow, whose 
story appears in this Annals of Wyoming. 

Burton S. Hill, Buffalo attorney, is a native Wyomingite. He 
is a graduate of the University of Nebraska and received his law 
degree at the University of Michigan. Hill is a veteran of World 


Wars I and II. He and his wife have two sons, Burton, Jr., of 
Albuquerque, N. M., and Robert A., who is associated with his 
father in the law firm of Hill and Hill, of Buffalo. The study of 
western history is one of Hill's hobbies. He is a member of 
Masonic organizations, the Elks and the American Legion. 

Mabel Brown is a native of Colorado, but has lived in Wyo- 
ming since she attended high school in Newcastle. Her husband, 
Wesley Brown, was born in Cambria, and is a member of a pioneer 
Wyoming family. They have two married daughters. Mrs. Brown 
is a free lance writer and newspaper correspondent, and is a mem- 
ber of the Press Women. A charter member of the Weston 
County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society, she has 
served as president, and as chairman of numerous committees in 
the chapter. She has been very active in 4-H Club work and has 
received several awards in recognition of her leadership and par- 
ticipation. As a qualifying candidate for Mother of the Year in 
1959, she holds a special membership in the Wyoming Mothers' 
Association. Her hobbies include history, photography, leather- 
craft, nature study, collecting books on Western Americana and 
collecting sun purpled glass. 

Elizabeth J. Thorpe was born in Newcastle where she and her 
husband, Dr. V. L. Thorpe, and their five children now make their 
home. She attended San Diego State College and was graduated 
from the University of Wyoming in 1941. She taught school for a 
year before her marriage. She is a member of the Weston County 
Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society, the Twentieth 
Century Club of Newcastle and the P. E. O. Sisterhood. Her 
hobbies are writing, history and painting. 

Mrs. Thelma Gatchell Condit. See Annals of Wyoming, 
Vol. 29, No. 1, April, 1957, pp. 120-121. 

Elizabeth Keen. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 33, No. 2, 
October, 1961, p. 240. 

Mae Urbanek. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 27, No. 2. 
October, 1955, p. 251. 

J. K. Moore, Jr. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 27, No. 2, 
October. 1955, p. 250. 


The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department has as its func- 
tion the collection and preservation of the record of the people of Wyo- 
ming. Ft maintains a historical library, a museum and the state archives. 

The aid of the citizens of Wyoming is solicited in the carrying out of its 
function. The Department is anxious to secure and preserve records and 
materials now in private hands where they cannot be long preserved. Such 
records and materials include: 

Biographical materials of pioneers: diaries, letters, account books, auto- 
biographical accounts. 

Business records of industries of the State: livestock, mining, agricul- 
ture, railroads, manufacturers, merchants, small business establishments, 
and of professional men as bankers, lawyers, physicians, dentists, ministers, 
and educators. 

Private records of individual citizens, such as correspondence, manuscript 
materials and scrapbooks. 

Records of organizations active in the religious, educational, social, 
economic and political life of the State, including their publications such 
as yearbooks and reports. 

Manuscript and printed articles on towns, counties, and any significant 
topic dealing with the history of the State. 

Early newspapers, maps, pictures, pamphlets, and books on western 

Current publications by individuals or organizations throughout the 


Museum materials with historical significance: early equipment, Indian 
artifacts, relics dealing with the activities of persons in Wyoming and with 
special events in the State's history. 


L^LAK "ft£ 

6 oinr 

Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

October J 962 


Fred W. Marble. Chairman Cheyenne 

E. A. Littleton Gillette 

Henry Jones Laramie 

Mrs. Dwight Wallace Evanston 

E. W. Mass Casper 

Mrs. Wilmot C. Hamm ..Rock Springs 

Mrs. William Miller Lusk 

Paul Stadius 7 hermopolis 

Attorney-General Norman Gray, Ex-Officio 



Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Assistant Director 

Mrs. Ruth J. Bradley Chief, Historical Division 

Mrs. Bonnie Forsyth Chief, Archives & Records Division 


The Annals of Wyoming is published semi annually in April and 
October and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.00 each. 
Available copies of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be 
obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyright, 1962, by the Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 

Mnate of Wyoming 

Volume 34 

October 1962 

Number 2 

Lola M. Homsher 


Ruth J. Bradley 
Assistant Editor 

Katherine Halverson 

Assistant Ed i tot- 

Published Biannually by the 


Official Publication 

of the 



OFFICERS 1962-1963 

President, Charles Ritter Cheyenne 

First Vice President, Neal Miller Rawlins 

Second Vice President, Mrs. Charles Hord Casper 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley -Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Miss Lola M. Homsher Cheyenne 

Past Presidents: 

Frank L. Bowron, Casper 1953-1955 

William L. Marion, Lander 1955-1956 

Dr. DeWitt Dominick, Cody 1956-1957 

Dr. T. A. Larson, Laramie 1957-1958 

A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs. Thelma G. Condit, Buffalo 1959-1960 

E. A. Littleton, Gillette 1960-1961 Kimball Wilkins, Casper ... 1961-1962 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. County Historical 
Society Chapters have been organized in Albany, Big Horn, Campbell, Car- 
bon, Fremont, Goshen, Johnson, Laramie, Natrona, Park, Platte, Sheridan, 
Sweetwater, Washakie, Weston, and Uinta counties. 

State Dues: 

Life Membership $50.00 

Joint Life Membership (Husband and wife) 75.00 

Annual Membership 3.50 

Joint Annual Membership (Two persons of same family at 

same address.) 5.00 

County dues are in addition to state dues and are set by county organ- 

Send State membership dues to: 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Executive Headquarters 
State Office Building 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Zable of Contents 


John Dishon McDermott 


Gordon S. Chappell 


Howard Lee Wilson 






Hans Kleiber 

SADDLES 2 1 3 

A. S. (Bud) Gillespie 


Elizabeth Keen 


Trek No. 13 of the Emigrant Trail Treks 
Compiled by Maurine Carley 


Branch, The Cowboy and His Interpreters 250 

Whitman, The Troopers 251 

Hine, Edward Kern and American Expansion 252 

Laramie County Historical Society, Early Cheyenne Homes, 

1880-1890 253 

Collins, Great Western Rides 254 

Moore, Souls and Saddlebags '.. 255 

Thorpe, Brown, —and then there was one, the Story of Cambria, 

Tubbtown and Newcastle 256 

Mattes, Colter's Hell and Jackson's Hole 257 

Smith, Cow Chips V Cactus 258 

Bison Books and Yale Books Reprints 258-260 



Sketch, Fort Laramie, 1860's Cover 

Fort Laramie's Iron Bridge 136 

The Bishop Who Bid For Fort Laramie 164 

Albert Charles Peale 176, 181. 186 

Pattee, The Lottery King 196, 202, 203 

Saddles 212 

Map: Overland Stage Trail-Trek No. 3 234 

Jort Carattiie 's Iron Bridge 

John Dishon McDermott 

Before the completion of transcontinental railroads, emigrants 
followed the rivers when they wound their way westward. Occa- 
sionally, they found it necessary to cross from one side of a river 
to another, and during flood season the maneuver was always 
difficult and sometimes perilous. In the beginning, men with cattle 
and horses usually swam the streams or built crude rafts to trans- 
port women, children, and goods over them. A few enterprising 
men established ferries and operated them for a price, and, finally, 
there were bridges which made the crossings simple and comfort- 

One of these western bridges spans the North Platte River about 
two miles from old Fort Laramie. Constructed in 1875, the bridge 
is the oldest such structure in the state of Wyoming and is believed 
to be the oldest existing military bridge west of the Mississippi 

Fort Laramie was about halfway between St. Louis and the West 
Coast so most emigrants wished to stop there to replenish their 
supplies, mail letters back to the states, and repair their wagons. 
Those who wished to visit the post had to cross either the Laramie 
or the North Platte depending on the trail they had taken through 
Nebraska and southern Wyoming. 

In the 1 840's, 50's, and 6CTs, most emigrants traveled on the 
south bank of the North Platte and, consequently, had to cross the 
Laramie to reach the post. A few pioneers, namely the Mormons, 
blazed a trail on the opposite side which left the North Platte 
between them and the fort. Since the greater number chose to 
journey on the south bank, the first bridge builders concentrated 
on spanning the narrower tributary. In 1851, two traders erected 
a bridge over the Laramie and charged from $2.50 to $3.00 per 
wagon. 1 In 1873, a second bridge crossed the Laramie a little 
farther upstream. 2 

Before 1 875, emigrants either forded or ferried the North Platte. 
During the spring and early summer, the river was in flood stage 

1. Merrill J. Mattes and Thor Borresen, "The Historic Approaches to 
Fort Laramie" (1947), 30. Manuscript at Fort Laramie National Historic 

2. Plan of Fort Laramie in 1873, Records of the War Department, 
National Archives. Hereafter cited as RWD. 


and extremely difficult to cross without loss of property or life. In 
June, 1850, at least six men drowned in attempted crossings, and 
one pioneer described the river as being 250 yards wide and 12 
feet deep. 8 

With the completion of the Union Pacific Railroad in 1869 came 
the end of the great covered wagon migrations. Interest turned 
from spanning the Laramie to bridging the Platte, for Montana and 
South Dakota produced gold and the Sioux settled temporarily on 
reservations in northern Nebraska which had to be supplied by 
wagons from Cheyenne and other U.P. stations. 

The citizens of Cheyenne took the initiative in the movement to 
persuade the government to build a bridge over the Platte near Fort 
Laramie. Cheyenne served as the great freight outfitting capital 
of the region. Between fifteen and twenty million pounds of gov- 
ernment goods passed through the city each year, and freighters 
purchased their supplies from Cheyenne businessmen before whip- 
ping their teams over the dusty trail to the agencies and forts. 4 

In 1873, rumors swept Cheyenne that the freighters might move 
their headquarters to the rival U.P. towns of Sidney and North 
Platte because they found it difficult to ford the Platte on the 
Cheyenne trail."' At first the townspeople tried to induce the 
county to construct a ferry over the river, but the commissioners 
declined. 6 

Next the townspeople hit upon the idea of a government spon- 
sored bridge and enlisted the aid of their territorial delegate to 
Congress, W. R. Steele. On February 24, 1874, Steele introduced 
a bill in the House which read as follows: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled. That there shall be located 
and constructed, under the direction of the Secretary of War, a gov- 
ernment military bridge across the North Platte River at or near Fort 
Laramie, in the Territory of Wyoming; and the Secretary of War is 
hereby authorized to expend for the building of said bridge any sum 
of money necessary therefor, not exceeding fifteen thousand dollars. 7 

Two days later, Steele wrote the Secretary of War, W. W. Bel- 
knap, asking support for the bill. He reminded Belknap that the 
bridge would enable the troops at Fort Laramie to control the 
Sioux north of the river and facilitate the movement of men and 
supplies should hostilities occur at Red Cloud or Spotted Tail 
agencies. Steele suggested that Belknap write General Ord, com- 

3. Mattes and Borresen. "Historic Approaches", 29. 

4. J. H. Triegs, Historv of Cheyenne and Northern Wyoming (Omaha, 
1876), 16. 

5. Cheyenne Daily Leader, February 12, 1873. 

6. Cheyenne Daily Leader, February 14, 1873. 

7. House of Representatives Report No. 2178, 43rd Congress, 1st session. 


mander of the Department of the Platte, for further information 
concerning the necessity for a bridge at that point. K 

Following Steele's suggestion, Belknap contacted Ord who re- 
plied to the proposal in the affirmative. He pointed out that the 
North Platte was not fordable for two or three months every year 
and the ferry was often carried away during high water, virtually 
isolating Fort Laramie from the agencies. If a plan to establish 
military camps near the agencies materialized, Ord felt the bridge 
would be needed to transport men and supplies into the region. 1 ' 

Belknap wired the appropriations committee on June 4 and 
requested $15,000 to build the bridge. 10 Congress passed the bill 
on June 23, and the following day Belknap ordered Lt. General 
Sheridan, commander of the Division of the Missouri, to secure 
plans and estimates. 11 

Sheridan referred the matter to the Department of the Platte in 
Omaha which advertised for bids. The following notice appeared 
in local newspapers: 

Plans and estimates, with bids, for the construction of an open truss 
bridge and roadway for heavy wagons, across the Platte river near 
Fort Laramie, Wyoming, will be received at the office of Gen. A. J. 
Perry, Chief Quartermaster, Department of the Platte, until 1 1 a.m., 
Monday, August 10th. 

The distance from bank to bank is about four hundred and ten (410) 
feet; from the deepest part of the river to top of bank is about fifteen 
(15) feet: the bottom is coarse gravel and cobble stones; current swift 
and unchangeable; water in deepest place is about three and one-half 
(3Vi) feet, when at ordinary stage. 

Bidders will submit their own plans, and separate bids will be received 
for the substructure and superstructure. In awarding the contract, 
the plans best suited for the purpose will be duly considered; each bid 
must state the time required for the construction of the bridge, accord- 
ing to the plans submitted, and will state the period within which the 
bidder will complete the bridge, and the character of substructure 
which should be of crib-work or piling resting on mudsills. Pine 
timber in abundance is within forty-five (45) miles of the point. 12 

The Department of the Platte received eleven bids on August 
10. Three of these were from regular bridge builders and con- 
sidered worthy of a second look. Assistant Quartermaster Daniel 
H. Rucker forwarded the papers to the Division of the Missouri on 
August 15 and recommended that the bid of the King Bridge and 
Manufacturing Company of Cleveland, Ohio, be accepted. 18 

8. Steele to Belknap, February 26, 1874, RWD. 

9. E. O. C. Ord to Headquarters, Division of the Missouri, March 12, 
1874, RWD. 

10. W. W. Belknap to War Department, June 3, 1874, RWD. 

11. W. W. Belknap to Lt. General Sheridan, June 24, 1874, RWD. 

12. Newspaper clipping found in RWD. 

13. Rucker to Assistant Adjutant General, Division of Missouri, August 
15, 1874, RWD. 


Owned by Zenas and James King, the King Bridge Company had 
been in business since 1858. 11 John K. Manchester represented 
the company and delivered the bids in Omaha. The King plan 
called for an iron truss bridge of three spans which would total 
420 feet. Priced at $25 per lineal foot, the bridge would cost 
$10,500, and Assistant Quartermaster Rucker felt the $4,500 left 
over from the appropriation would more than cover the cost of the 
substructure and other additional expenses. Rucker also recom- 
mended that an army engineer supervise all work done by the 
contractor and the government. 15 

General Sheridan forwarded the bids to the War Department on 
August 17, recommending that the King proposal be accepted, 16 
and on November 12, Chief Quartermaster Perry signed a contract 
with the Kings for the bridge. 17 

After the contract had been awarded, one of the unsuccessful 
bidders, Henry T. Clarke of Bellevue, Nebraska, wrote his con- 
gressman and charged that undue influence had been used by the 
King Company. 18 He based his charge on a letter received from 
another unsuccessful bidder, A. W. Hubbard of Omaha, who re- 
counted a meeting with John Manchester on the evening of Novem- 
ber 1 in the Grand Central Hotel. Hubbard stated that Manchester 
told him that he was personally acquainted with the officers who 
opened the bids and had "set up champagne" for them in return for 
which they promised to do all they could for the King Company 
proposal. 19 

Representative Crounse of Nebraska wrote Belknap and de- 
manded an investigation. If undue influence had been used, 
Crounse wanted the bidding reopened. 20 In subsequent corre- 
spondence between the War Department and the parties involved, 
Manchester denied the accusation as did J. H. Belcher, an assistant 
quartermaster who opened the bids in the absence of General Perry 
of August 10. 21 The War Department dropped the matter at that 
point and confirmed the validity of the contract. 

The King Company shipped the fabricated bridge by rail to 
Cheyenne, and in early February, 1875, wagons filled with iron 
beams and girders headed for Fort Laramie. 22 According to the 

14. Information supplied by the Postmaster of Cleveland, Ohio. 

15. Rucker to Assistant Adjutant General, August 15, 1874. 

16. General E. D. Townsend to War Department, August 21, 1874, 

17. Contract in RWD. 

18. Henry T. Clarke to S. Crounse, December 10, 1874, RWD. 

19. A. W. Hubbard to Henry T. Clarke, December 3, 1874, RWD. 

20. S. Crounse to W. W. Belknap, December 15, 1874, RWD. 

21. John R. Manchester to General A. J. Perry, February 10, 1875; J. H. 
Belcker to General Perry, February 15, 1875, RWD. 

22. Agnes Wright Spring, The Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage and 
Express Routes (Glendale, California, 1949), 53. 


editor of the Cheyenne Daily Leader, work on the piers and abut- 
ments would have to wait until after high water so the bridge would 
not be completed until August or September. However, he assured 
freighters that the Platte could still be crossed safely as the quar- 
termaster of Fort Laramie was getting a ferry in readiness.- 15 

Fort Laramie's commanding officer received instructions from 
the Assistant General of the Department of the Platte to quarry 
stone for the substructure of the bridge when requested to do so 
by the Chief Quartermaster.- 4 Work on the substructure probably 
began in late July when the level of the North Platte returned to 
normal. Captain William S. Stanton of the Army Engineers super- 
vised the construction.-"' 

Operating under rather primitive conditions, workers ran into 
considerable difficulty. One span broke loose and had to be 
raised from the waters of the Platte.-" Most free hands in the 
neighborhood found the prospect of panning for gold in the Black 
Hills more stimulating than working for wages, and the army had 
to furnish twelve men as laborers in mid-October to insure com- 
pletion of the bridge. 27 

On November 20, the editor of the Leader proclaimed that the 
bridge over the Platte should be considered a thing accomplished 
for the second span had been raised on the 1 2th and the third span 
would be in place by the end of the month. - s The editor reported 
on the 30th that the army had finished the bridge except for the 
approaches from each shore which he estimated would take another 
six days. He stated that wagons could use the structure on Decem- 
ber 8 and praised Delegate Steele for his "unyielding efforts" in the 
state's behalf. He felt that Cheyenne was stepping into an era of 
great material development, for the bridge would make the city 
"the great entrepot for all who are in the new gold regions and all 
others who propose to go to the Black Hills in the future. " 29 

During the middle of December, Engineer Stanton inspected the 
bridge by leaving thirteen army wagons loaded with stone on each 
of the arches for several days. According to the Cheyenne news- 
paper, "the bridge stood this severe test without showing a sign 

23. Cheyenne Daily Leader, February 22, 1875. 

24. Assistant Adjutant General to Fort Laramie Commanding Officer, 
May 10, 1875, Department of the Platte File Book 26, Records of Adjutant 
General, Washington, D. C. 

25. Maynard C. Allen, "1875 Bridge", in Engineers Bulletin (January, 
1940), 1. 

26. Interview of Johnny O'Brien by Merrill Mattes, Fort Laramie, June 
28, 1946. 

27. L. P. Bradley to Adjutant General, Department of the Platte, October 
12, 1875, Letter Book 70, Department of the Platte, RAG. 

28. Cheyenne Daily Leader, November 20, 1875. 

29. Cheyenne Daily Leader, November 30, 1875. 


of weakness." 30 The army, however, didn't officially accept the 
bridge until February. 31 

The completed bridge found favor in the eyes of emigrants and 
soldiers. Three spans humped the river, and each was 140 feet in 
length. The trusses were about 12 feet from center to center. The 
three top chords were made of 8 inch channels riveted to two 3/8 
inch by 10 inch plates while the bottom chords were common I 
bars. Web members were cross shaped and adjustable. Workers 
formed the piers out of four 8 inch I bars sloped from bottom to 
top. 32 

The bridge bolstered the claim that the Cheyenne to Deadwood 
route was the best one to the Black Hills, and assuaged the fears of 
those who thought the government might not open the gold regions 
for settlement. It had been one thing to sneak into the Hills on 
foot, but it was an entirely different matter for wagons to rumble 
across the new bridge and the sacred hunting grounds. 33 Lt. John 
Bourke commented on the increase in travel past Fort Laramie 
soon after the bridge had been accepted: 

From this point and on the road saw many adventurers journeying to 
the Black Hills their wagons and animals looked new and good as a 

general thing The reason the Cheyenne route is preferred is the 

new iron bridge across the North Platte . . . which gives us secure 
passage not found on the other trails leading out from Sidney, North 
Platte and elsewhere. H4 

The iron bridge also influenced the establishment of a stage line 
soon to become immortal in the annals of the West. 35 The safe 
passage the bridge afforded lured stage magnates toward Cheyenne, 
and on February 3, 1876, the first coach of the Cheyenne and 
Black Hills Stage, Mail, and Express line rolled out of the territorial 
capital and for eleven years carried adventures over the bridge and 
into the promised gold fields. 

Cheyenne businessmen, aware of outfitting profits, advertised 
the route and assured customers that the road was well guarded. 
The Union Pacific Railroad representative in Omaha added his 
voice in agreement. The ticket agent, Thomas L. Kimball, pre- 
pared a circular which praised the road over those leading from 

30. Cheyenne Doily Leader, December 20, 1875. The newspaper may 
have stretched the point a bit for John Hunton claimed that one of the piers 
settled slightly under the tremendous weight and had to be rebuilt. L. G. 
Flannery, ed.. John Hunton's Diary, 1873-75, Vol. I (Lingle, Wyoming, 
1956). 52. 

31. Spring, Cheyenne and Black Hills Sta^e, 42. 

32. Allen, "1875 Bridge", 1. 

33. Spring, Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage, 76-77. 

34. Quoted in J. W. Vaughn, The Reynolds Campaign on Powder River 
(Norman. Oklahoma, 1961), 16. 

35. Spring, Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage, 42. 


Sidney and North Platte. Kimball mentioned the bridge and gave 
additional reasons for advocating the Cheyenne route. He stated 
that it was presently the main road to the Black Hills, four military 
forts or encampments guarded its length, the telegraph which had 
to be protected paralleled it, and stage companies had constructed 
little stations about every ten or fifteen miles all the way to Dead- 
wood. 3e He forgot to mention the fact that the railroad fare from 
Omaha to Cheyenne was greater than the fare from Omaha to 
Sidney or North Platte. 

In the beginning, the army exacted tolls from non-government 
users. The commanding officer of Fort Laramie felt that since 
fully one-half of the travel would consist of citizens engaged in 
freighting, and since the heavy wagons would cause a great deal 
of wear and tear on the bridge, a fee should be charged. The 
money collected could be used for making necessary repairs. 

On February 17, the Secretary of War informed Congress that a 
system of tolls had been established and requested that a law be 
passed giving the post commander authority to use the money for 
repairs on the bridge. Normally, fees collected by government 
agencies automatically returned to the general treasury. 37 Con- 
gress denied the request. 38 

By May 1 , Chief Quartermaster Meigs and other high officials in 
Washington agreed that it was a blunder to charge a fee for the use 
of the bridge. General Sherman recommended that the toll be 
abolished, the Secretary of War concurred on the 7th, and shortly 
thereafter citizens crossed without charge. 39 

The bridge served the army faithfully for fifteen years. By 
1890, Fort Laramie had outlived its usefulness. Covered wagons 
were a thing of the past, railroads bypassed the post, and Fort 
Robinson dominated Indian control. On March 2, the last regular 
garrison left Fort Laramie for Fort Logan, Colorado, and on April 
9, the army sold the buildings and fixtures at public auction. 40 

On April 13, J. M. Carey, Wyoming's territorial representative, 
wrote Redfield Proctor, Secretary of War, and asked that the iron 
bridge together with two wooden bridges over the Laramie be 
turned over to the county. Carey remarked that the bridges would 
probably bring little if sold and they would be indispensable in the 
movement of troops between Fort Russell and Fort Robinson. 41 

36. Circular attached as fold out to back page of Triggs, History of 
Cheyenne and Northern Wyoming. 

37. Senate Executive Document No. 27, 44th Congress, 1st session. 

38. House of Representatives Report No. 829, 44th Congress, 1st session. 

39. General Sherman to Secretary of War, May 1, 1876. RWD. 

40. Leroy Hafen and Francis Young, Fort Laramie and the Pageant of 
the West, 1834-1890 (Glendale, California, 1938), 394. 

41. Mattes and Borresen, "Historic Approaches", 55. 


Proctor wired the Department of the Platte to request that the 
bridges be withdrawn from sale. 42 He received a reply on April 16 
informing him that although the auction had already taken place, 
the bridges had not been sold. 43 

Proctor wired the Secretary of the Interior, John Noble, on May 
3, informing him that he planned to issue a revocable license and 
wished to know if there were any objections. 44 Secretary Noble 
replied on May 1 5 supporting the move. 45 Proctor sent the neces- 
sary papers to Carey on May 20, and after the signatures of county 
authorities had been obtained, the license was granted on June 5. 4(i 
The President of the United States transferred the Fort Laramie 
military reservation to the Department of the Interior on June 10. 47 

The citizens of Laramie County wished to obtain more formal 
control of the bridges and managed to get a bill introduced in 
Congress for the purpose. On June 4, 1894, Congress passed the 
bill which donated the bridges to Laramie County on the condition 
that the county keep them "in repair and open, free of charge, for 
the use of the traveling public and the military authorities of the 
United States." If the county failed to conform to the provisions 
of the law, the bridges automatically reverted to the United States. 48 
In 1911, when Goshen County was formed out of Laramie County, 
the bridge came under its jurisdiction. 

The bridge over the Platte functioned perfectly for many years; 
in fact, automobiles and heavy trucks crossed the structure until 
1958 when Goshen County constructed a new concrete bridge a 
few yards north. On September 6, 1961, the Goshen County com- 
missioners, in a public spirited move, waived all rights to the 
bridge so it would revert to the United States. 4!l The bridge is now 
under the jurisdiction of the National Park Service at Fort Laramie 
National Historic Site where it will be preserved and protected for 
the benefit of the American people. 

42. Secretary Proctor to Quartermaster Gillis, Department of the Platte, 
April 15. RWD. 

43. Quartermaster Gillis to Secretary Proctor, April 16, 1890, RWD. 

44. Secretary Proctor to Secretary Noble, May 3, 1890, RWD. 

45. Secretary Noble to Secretary Proctor, May 15, 1890, RWD. 

46. Secretary Proctor to Representative Carey, June 6, 1890, RWD. 

47. General Orders No. 60, Headquarters of the Army, June 10, 1890, 

48. 28 Stat., 91 of June 4, 1894. 

49. Original at Fort Laramie National Historic Site. 

Zke fortifications 
of Old fort £ a ramie 


Gordon S. Chappell 

In the turbulent years of peace following the War of 1812, the 
leaders of the United States formulated new policies, both domestic 
and foreign, which were to govern the Nation's actions for many 
years to come. In the military sphere two new ideas developed 
which were intended to encircle the country with a defensive ring 
of fortifications. 

The first of these ideas — coastal defense — was a reaction to 
successful British landings on our shores in the recent war, in par- 
ticular, the British invasion of Chesapeake Bay and the attacks on 
Fort McHenry, Baltimore, and the Nation's capitol. New forts 
were planned to guard every bay, inlet, and river that emptied into 
the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. 

The second new facet of military strategy developed more slowly 
as a result of more obscure events, but became equally fixed and 
dogmatic in the Nation's mind. This was the concept, doomed 
even before it was completely formulated, of a "permanent" west- 
ern frontier centered along the Mississippi-Missouri Basins and 
stretching from Lake Superior to the Gulf of Mexico. It was 
partially a result of the equally ridiculous notion that all of the 
land immediately west of this line, because it seemed to consist 
largely of treeless, grass-covered plains and barren deserts, was 

This article is a by-product of the author's work as a seasonal ranger- 
historian at Fort Laramie National Historic Site in 1960 and 1961. It could 
not have been done without the wholehearted cooperation of National Park 
Service personnel. Superintendent Charles Sharp not only made possible 
the research, which I did on my own time in addition to my formal duties, 
but also provided great encouragement. Mr. Merrill Mattes. NPS Historian 
for Region Two, based in Omaha, was kind enough to read the article and 
provide many valuable suggestions towards its improvement. Vigorous and 
stimulating discussions of architectural matters with Dr. Robert H. Gann 
were, more than any other factor, responsible for my starting work in the 
first place. Recent work by Fort Laramie Historian John McDermott pro- 
vided new insight into many facets of Fort Laramie's history. Museum 
Curator Rex Wilson afforded valuable archaeological assistance. I must 
also mention Sally Johnson, William Jeffreys, Lois Woodard, and Slim 
Warthen, all of whom played supporting roles in this endeavor. My sincer- 
est thanks to them all. 

— Gordon S. Chappell 


infertile or sterile, entirely unsuited to farming. The eastern farmer 
and settler had found it necessary to cut acres of trees and burn out 
the stumps; had found it necessary to clear the land before he could 
farm. He equated fertility with virgin forests, sterility with treeless 
ground. Now he faced a new land and was fooled by it; thus 
Americans could ignore the fertility of the plains which was evident 
in their rich though treeless growth. This western land, the people 
and their shortsighted leaders decided, could be deeded permanent- 
ly to the Indians, since it was inconceivable that Americans would 
ever want it or could ever use it. Indeed, even eastern Indians, 
such as the Cherokees and the Seminoles, could be forcibly moved 
into this country, and a military frontier of strong forts could sep- 
arate it from the civilized portion of the Nation. 

Even as this policy was being implemented there were portents 
of its failure in the Western fur trade, the rich trade across the 
Santa Fe Trail with Mexico, and the growing American settlement 
of Texas. And in Oregon Country, Americans discovered another 
land like that they had known, a land of rolling tree-covered hills, 
incredibly fertile, they believed, free for the asking and the cost 
of the trip across half a continent. So wagons cut their way across 
the fertile soil of the prairies, the alkali of the deserts, and the rocks 
of the mountains, and the deepening scar on the land was called 
the Oregon Trail. 

By 1 846, ownership of Oregon Country was disputed by En- 
gland and the United States. Congress quickly authorized three 
military posts, Forts Kearny, Laramie, and Hall, along the Oregon 
Trail. Their mission was to guard a military line of supply to 
Oregon as well as to protect and encourage emigration. Congress 
also established a special regiment of cavalry, to be known as the 
"Regiment of Mountain Rifles", which was intended to build these 
three posts, garrison them, and seize and hold Oregon against the 

Before this task could be accomplished, statesmen worked out a 
temporary compromise with England, and at the other end of the 
western border, failed to work out a compromise with Mexico. 
The Mounted Rifles became involved in the Mexican War and it 
was not until this war was concluded, in 1849, that the Rifles could 
turn to their original task. The treaty with England had post- 
poned, not resolved, the argument over Oregon, and meanwhile 
there were emigrants to help and protect from the Indians. 

This was a new Army, using new tactics; it had been tempered 
and tested in Mexico, but though it had won, it still had faults. It 
had an element of senility, and also the youthful vigor of Southern 
gentlemen in its cadre of officers. Cavalry had been abolished 
after the War of 1812 but had been reintroduced in 1833 in the 
form of dragoons, and now the Dragoons and Mounted Rifles had 
perfected their tactics and were effective and impressive. Yet 
commanders did not know how to use their mounted troops against 


the Indians. They believed that the dragoons and rifles should 
march and patrol the wilderness in the summer, but return to 
civilization and hibernate during the winter. 

The old form of stockaded military post was no longer universal- 
ly practical on the frontier. The old building materials — logs for 
stockades and buildings — were seldom abundant at new military 
sites. Fort Laramie was to be one of the first of these new military 
posts in the Trans-Mississippi Frontier, and its evolution set, in 
many respects, the pattern for the western military posts yet to be 
built. Fort Laramie lacked permanent fortifications, and its con- 
struction, particularly in the realm of defensive measures, provides 
a general picture of the western frontier military post as well as a 
fascinating view of men and ideas facing a new frontier. 

On June 17, 1849, Major Winslow F. Sanderson, Regiment of 
Mounted Rifles, rode up to the eroded adobe walls of the fur trade 
post called Fort Laramie with troops for its first military garrison. 
He knew that he was not the first Army officer to arrive there; he 
knew that 1st Lieutenant Daniel P. Woodbury, Corps of Engineers, 
had preceded him up the old Oregon Trail. 1 

These two officers were under orders to locate a suitable site 
and begin construction of a new military post somewhere in the 
vicinity of the existing American Fur Company establishment on 
the Laramie River. Two days after his arrival at this decaying 
center of the fur trade, Major Sanderson reported to the assistant 
adjutant general in St. Louis: "'This was found to be the most 
eligible (site) for a Military Post, and was purchased at my request 
on the 26th Inst, by Lieut. Woodbury, at a cost of Four Thousand 
Dollars from Mr. Bruce Husband, Agent of the American Fur 
Company . . . ." 2 

The old fur company fort had been built in 1841 to replace an 
even earlier cottonwood log structure, and was named Fort John, 
after John Sarpy, a member of the fur company. Later it was 
known as Fort John-on-the-Laramie, a cumbersome name which 
either passers-by or a confused fur company clerk simply shortened 

1. Daniel Phineas Woodbury was appointed to the Military Academy on 
July 1, 1832, and graduated sixth in his class. Commissioned a 2d lieuten- 
ant in the 3d Artillery on November 1, 1836, he was eventually attached 
as a brevet 2nd lieutenant to the exclusive Corps of Engineers. Woodbury 
was promoted 1st lieutenant in the Corps on July 7, 1938. Francis B. Heit- 
man. Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army. Wash- 
ington: Government Printing Office; 1903. When he came to Fort Laramie 
in 1849, Woodbury was also in charge of the construction of Fort Kearny, 
Nebraska. See letter from Asst. Adjutant General D. C. Buell to Maj. W. F. 
Sanderson, in Fort Laramie Correspondence, 1849-1874. Typescript file at 
Fort Laramie National Historic Site, Wyoming. 

2. LeRoy Hafen and Marion Young, Fort Laramie and the Pageant of 
the West, 1834 - 1890. Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Co.; 1938. Pp. 


to Fort Laramie. Fort John 3 was situated on a small bluff or 
plateau and the Laramie River, from which the fort tooks its later 
name, ran around the south and east sides, flowing a mile down- 
stream into the North Platte. Lieutenant Woodbury measured 
Fort John and found it was 157 feet on an east- west axis and 111 
feet wide, exclusive of the blockhouses on the northeast and south- 
west corners, each about 12 feet square. 4 Old Fort John's rec- 
tangular adobe wall was about fifteen feet high, and by 1 849 it was 
in very poor condition. 

It was evident from the beginning that a post this small and in 
such poor shape could not serve the Army as a military fort. Thus 
the officers planned to use the old fort only temporarily as store- 
houses, stables, and living quarters. Lieutenant Woodbury imme- 
diately began to lay out a military post that would be much larger 
than Fort John. 

The first task was to supply living quarters for military person- 
nel. The first permanent military building to be erected in 1849 
was a two story double block of officers' quarters. Later used as 
bachelor officers' quarters, the building was nicknamed "Bedlam". 5 

On September 1 8 of that year, a second engineer officer arrived 
at Fort Laramie to relieve Lieutenant Woodbury of some of his 
terrific work load. The newcomer was Brevet 2nd Lieutenant 
Andrew J. Donelson. 6 These two, Woodbury and Donelson, were 
the military architects who in the next year and a half designed and 
began construction of a far more impressive military fort than ever 

3. Hereafter, the term "Fort John" will designate the remains of the 
old adobe fur trade post in order to distinguish it from the rest of the 
military post, though at this late date the old name was largely forgotten. 

4. Plan Lar-2106 in the Fort Laramie N.H.S. map file. This plan of the 
post was drawn up by Woodbury in 1851. 

5. This building had quarters or "sets" for four bachelor officers, two 
upstairs and two downstairs, but until 1867 the southern half served as 
commanding officers' quarters and post headquarters. At Fort Leavenworth 
and presumably at many other military post of that period, bachelors' 
quarters commonly bore the sobriquet "bedlam" since they were often quite 
noisy and boisterous. It was natural that soldiers coming to Fort Laramie 
from Leavenworth should bring that nickname with them. The original 
main block of Fort Laramie's "Bedlam" stands today. Further information 
is contained in "Old Bedlam", by Jess Lombard, Annals of Wyoming, April, 
1941, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 87-91, and in a manuscript by Merrill J. Mattes in 
the National Park Service files, entitled "Surviving Army Structures at Fort 
Laramie." At the present time, the National Park Service is restoring the 
Old Bedlam structure and furnishings to its heydey of the 1860's. 

6. Andrew Jackson Donelson was appointed a cadet at the military 
academy on July 1, 1844, and graduated second in his class. On graduation, 
his high standing entitled him to assignment to the elite Corps of Engineers. 
Since at that time there was probably no vacancy in the Corps he was 
attached as a brevet second lieutenant until there was a vacancy which per- 
mitted his promotion to full second lieutenant, which occurred on October 
16, 1852. Heitman, op. cit., p. 378. 


was completed. If Fort Laramie never completely deserved the 
title "fort", it was certainly not the fault of the two engineer 

In the overall plan for the post which they developed in the next 
1 8 months, Lieutenant Woodbury and his subordinate envisioned a 
wall or picket stockade around Fort Laramie. The northern adobe 
wall of old Fort John corresponded with a portion of the southern 
wall of Woodbury's plan, but Woodbury's fort was much larger, 
enclosing an area 550 feet wide and 650 feet long, with the longer 
axis running slightly northwest-southeast. In a letter Lieutenant 
Woodbury wrote to explain his plan of the post, he said in part: 

The enclosure may be made by a fence 9 feet high or by a rubble wall 

of the same height laid in mortar, at the discretion of the commanding 

officer. If a fence, the posts should be about 10 feet apart, average 

12 inches in diameter and enter four feet into the ground. The boards 

should be nailed on upright, close together, to three horizontal ribbons, 

in pieces 4 inches wide, IVi inch thick, and pointed at the top. 

If a wall the average thickness need not exceed 18 inches. 7 

tion. Each was to have a lower story with rough stone walls 17 

inches thick. Only one doorway and one window opened into this 

ground floor, both facing inside the stockade. Woodbury planned 

a small powder magazine in each blockhouse, which he described 

in the accompanying letter: "In the lower story the magazine only 

Woodbury estimated the cost of this wall — "1200 cubic yards @ 
$10"— would be $12,000. 

The engineers planned that the guardhouse would form the 
northeast corner of the fortification, and this building was actually 
erected in 1850. The lower story was stone and contained five 
solitary confinement cells. 8 In the upper story, of frame construc- 
tion, were a court room and a guard room. Diagonally across the 
post, there was to be no building at the southwest corner; but at 
the other two, the northwest and southeast, the architects planned 
blockhouses 40 feet long and 30 feet wide. !l 

Woodbury submitted detailed plans for the construction of these 
two blockhouses. 1 " They were to be identical, except in orienta- 

7. This undated letter accompanied Woodbury's 1851 plan (Lar-2106) 
and was received in Washington D.C. in August. A negative photostat of 
the letter accompanies the plan in the National Historic Site map file. There 
are two general plans for the post, both dated 1851, in that map file. No. 
2105 was drawn by Lieutenant Donelson and No. 2106 was drawn by 
Lieutenant Woodbury. Donelson showed the planned blockhouses with 
their longer side running east-west, while Woodbury oriented them north- 

8. The brick outlines of these cells can be seen in the ruined foundations 
of that building today. 

9. Plan Lar-2106. 

10. Plan Lar-2108 in the N.H.S. map file. Unless otherwise cited, the 
description of the blockhouses is from this plan. 


is to be floored. The ceiling over the magazine must be made 
perfectly tight and covered with several inches of sand. The walls 
of the magazine must also be made tight." 11 Each magazine was 
to be 6 feet 5 inches by 12 feet IVi inches. Near the magazine, an 
interior stairway would give access to the upper story. 1 - 

The upper story was to be of frame construction and would 
overhang the lower story on all sides by 20 inches. This upper 
floor was to be divided into two rooms, one 18 feet long and the 
other 19 3/4 feet. Each room was to have an artillery piece on 
a casement carriage. The southeast blockhouse would have one 
cannon to fire to the south, another to fire to the east, and the 
northwest blockhouse would have cannon to fire to the north and 

In addition to the two cannon embrasures in each blockhouse, 
Woodbury provided an ample number of loopholes for rifles. 
These covered not only the outside of the fort, but extended all the 
way around each blockhouse so as to cover the interior of the 
enclosure as well. This made each blockhouse independent to a 
certain degree, for if an enemy got over the wall and inside the 
stockade, each blockhouse could protect itself from that quarter 
also. In addition, this made the blockhouse a stronghold in case 
the wall or stockade was never built. 

The extra loopholes would also serve an important function in 
providing ventilation, which would be quite a problem when sol- 
diers were firing rifles and cannon within the structure. A great 
deal of powder smoke would collect in the upper rooms. When 
not needed, Woodbury wrote, "All the loop-holes, except one or 
two on the sides without (cannon) embrasures, may be closed by 
weather-boarding . . . which may be cut away when necessary. 18 
Thus he provided protection from the weather while leaving an 
opening on each side for observation. The weatherboarding (by 
this Woodbury meant the same type of siding he had used on 
Bedlam ) would be nailed on the outside and soldiers on the inside 
could knock it away from the loopholes with the butts of their 
rifles when necessary. 

Rifle loopholes and cannon embrasures were not the only means 
of defense of these blockhouses. Between the floor joists where 

11. Woodbury's letter to accompany the 1851 plan (Lar-2106). 

12. Woodbury planned and built in 1850 a much larger magazine to 
serve the post. As this main magazine appears on the same plans that show 
the blockhouses, it is evident that the small magazine in each blockhouse 
was intended to render each blockhouse independent of the main ammuni- 
tion store. The larger magazine is another early building which survives 
at the National Historic Site. 

13. Woodbury's letter to accompany the 1851 plan (Lar-2106). 


the upper story overlapped the lower, Woodbury planned "Machi- 
coulis" 14 or machicolations, a term applied originally to the open- 
ings in ancient castles from which the defenders could drop molten 
lead, stones, or burning oil directly on the attackers below. At 
Fort Laramie these openings would serve a similar purpose as rifle 
ports through which the troops could fire vertically down on any 
Indians who attempted to gather under the overhang in order to 
set fire to the upper floor from this supposedly protected position. 
In addition, like the loopholes, these openings would provide 
needed ventilation. 

Although the upper story of both blockhouses was to be of frame 
construction, Woodbury planned to fill the spaces between the 
studding with adobe bricks. 1 "' This he had already done in 
Bedlam, and some of the original adobe bricks remain today in the 
frame walls of that structure. The adobe undoubtedly provided 
some insulation from the weather, but it is also likely that it was 
intended to insulate defenders from enemy bullets. Woodbury 
did not rely on adobe alone for this purpose, for he specified on 
his plans that the walls inside were to be covered with one inch 
thick boards to a height of at least six feet. 

Woodbury and Donelson had created a fine plan for Fort Lara- 
mie, but in addition to the $12,000 wall, each blockhouse would 
cost an estimated $2,500, and the total cost of Woodbury's pro- 
posed structures he estimated would be $60,000. 1G At the time 
this plan was completed, there were insufficient buildings to house 
the garrison already stationed at Fort Laramie, and it was more 
important to get a roof over the soldiers and their supplies. 
Natural elements, not Indians, were the main enemy during Fort 
Laramie's first years. 

Lieutenant Woodbury's plan for Fort Laramie was traditional. 
The main elements of the plan were the blockhouses and the 
stockade, and these had been the main elements of frontier military 
posts for a hundred years. But up to this time most frontier posts 
had been built in heavily wooded country, where trees had to be 
cleared and the stumps burned out before even post vegetable 
gardens could be planted. Trees had always been handy for con- 
struction purposes. 

At Fort Laramie, lumber had to be hauled some distance. A 
few trees did grow in sheltered ridges and bluffs along the rivers, 
but none of these sources was very close. The nearest dependable 
supply of timber was more than forty miles west on the slopes of 
Laramie Peak. 

14. Woodbury's spelling in Plan Lar-2108. 

15. Plan Lar-2108. 

16. Woodbury's letter to accompany the 1851 plan (Lar-2106). 


New conditions dictated new solutions. The garrison wall and 
the two blockhouses were never built. It was possible to build 
them, but it was neither practical nor economical. 

There was an additional reason why the fortifications were never 
completed. In November, 1850, responsibility for construction at 
Fort Laramie was transferred from the Corps of Engineers to the 
Quartermaster Department, apparently with Woodbury's whole- 
hearted approval. 17 Nevertheless, Lieutenant Woodbury contin- 
ued work until he had completed his plans for the post, though 
some of this was done in the East. It was a ruinous division of 
authority to have planning in the hands of one department and 
execution of plans in the hands of another. It is little wonder that 
Fort Laramie never met the expectations of its original architects. 

Since Woodbury's fortifications were never built, Fort Laramie's 
only defense was the decrepit old adobe Fort John. At least it 
could serve as a redoubt in an emergency. But for several years 
peace continued, and there seemed no urgent need for defenses. 

On the afternoon of August 19, 1854, a glory-hunting brevet 
second lieutenant named John Lawrence Grattan took a detach- 
ment of 29 infantrymen out of Fort Laramie to arrest an Indian 
who had killed and eaten a Mormon's cow. Between the two of 
them, Grattan and the drunken interpreter managed to precipitate 
a fight in which the command was totally destroyed. That left a 
garrison at Fort Laramie, about eight miles west of the battle site, 
consisting of only 42 soldiers. 18 Oddly enough, the Brule Sioux 
chiefs tried to restrain their young warriors from attacking the fort, 
fearing reprisal. 11 ' 

The day after the engagement, August 29th, L. B. Dougherty 
wrote: "The old American Fur Company fort is fixed up for a 
last resort. A small blockhouse is being erected which held by ten 
men, will add greatly to the strength of the Post and protect the 
frame buildings from being fired." 20 If a new blockhouse was 
built, it could not have been a very substantial structure, for it does 

17. In a letter to General J. C. Totten, the Chief Engineer, dated August 
2, 1851, Woodbury argued that the Quartermaster Department was prepared 
to undertake construction of buildings in the far West, whereas in his 
opinion the Corps of Engineers was not. He wrote that ". . . such assign- 
ment of Engineer officers is not consistent with public convenience and 
economy." This letter, incidentally, was written by Woodbury while he 
was at Fort Macon, North Carolina. Fort Laramie Correspondence, 1849 — 

18. Hafen and Young, op. cit. p. 231. 

19. Heitman, op. cit., II, p. 401. 

20. Hafen and Young, op. cit., p. 230. A typescript file of the Dougherty 
Papers, including the rest of the letter which Hafen does not quote, is in 
the research file at the National Historic Site. 


not appear on a plan of the post made only two years later. 21 It is 
more likely that one of old Fort John's blockhouses was hastily 
repaired, although it is possible that the troops temporarily used 
some other structure, such as the stone powder magazine, for a 

The man who most likely became the backbone of any defense 
preparations was Ordnance Sergeant Leodegar Schnyder, a re- 
spected old soldier who was to serve at Fort Laramie for more 
than 37 years. 22 

The Army retaliated for the Grattan affair with a strong expedi- 
tion the following year under General Harney, and Fort Laramie's 
garrison was substantially strengthened. Again old Fort John was 
allowed to fall apart, and did so very quickly. Lieutenant Kelton's 
plan of the post in 1856 shows huge gaps in the wall and crumbling 
buildings. An 1858 photograph shows two of the walls still 
standing, but one of them was heavily braced in four places. The 
last portion of the fur trade post was demolished in 1862 and the 
adobe bricks were supposedly used in other construction. 23 During 
the final years of the Civil War, Fort Laramie was without any 
formal fortifications and did not have even a redoubt to which the 
garrison could retreat in time of need. 

After the Civil War broke out, the Regular Army detachments 
at Fort Laramie gradually diminished and were replaced by volun- 
teer troops. Fort Laramie was maintained by volunteer units from 
Kansas, Iowa, Ohio, Nebraska, California, Michigan, Missouri, 
and as far away as West Virginia. By 1 864 they had their hands 
full, for the Indians were going on the warpath. 

Fort Laramie's defenseless position was clearly demonstrated 

21. Plan Lar-2109 in the Fort Laramie N.H.S. map file. This plan is 
undated and was originally thought to have been drawn in 1854, however it 
was signed by 1st Lieutenant J. C. Kelton. His promotion to 1st lieutenant 
did not come until 1855 (Heitman, op. cit., I, 590), and he appears to have 
been at Fort Laramie for the first time in 1856 (Fort Laramie Correspond- 

22. Schnyder was born at Sursee, Switzerland, on April 29, 1813. He 
worked as a draftsman and book binder until 1837 when he joined the 6th 
Infantry and was sent to the Seminole War in Florida. Schnyder was 1st 
sergeant of Company G when that company was sent to Fort Laramie in 
1849. On Dec. 1. 1852, he was appointed Ordnance Sergeant for Fort 
Laramie. See Louise Nottingham, Sergt. Leodegar Schnyder, 2 page typed 
manuscript at Fort Laramie. Company sergeants and regimental sergeants 
moved with their outfits from one post to another, but ordnance sergeants 
were assigned to military posts and remained there until transferred or 

23. Schell, H. S., Medical History of Post, Records of the Office of the 
Adjutant General. Typescript copy at Fort Laramie N.H.S. This portion 
of the Medical History was written in 1868, largely from information sup- 
plied by Ordnance Sergeant Schnyder. 


one day in late summer of 1864. A cavalry detachment returned 
to the post after a three day scout of the surrounding country, 
dismounted, and let their horses roll and play on the parade ground 
while they returned the saddles and bridles to the stables. While 
the soldiers reported to the commanding officer that there were no 
Indians within 25 miles of Fort Laramie, a band of about 30 
Indians dashed through and stole the horses right off the parade 
ground, in the middle of the astonished garrison, and completely 
escaped. 1 ' 4 This was not a serious attack, and there were no 
casualties on either side, but it certainly illustrated the defenseless 
condition of the post. Needless to say, a garrison wall or stockade 
would have made that raid impossible. 

After a fanatic colonel named John Milton Chivington attacked 
a peaceful village of Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians near the 
Arkansas River in Colorado Territory in November, 1864, the 
Cheyenne Nation went to war and with its allies started moving 
north toward the hunting grounds of the Powder River country. 
The hostile warriors sacked and burned the entire town of Jules- 
burg, attacked nearby Fort Rankin, and generally tore up all 
travel and communication along the Platte River. 

On February 4, 1865, the Cheyennes and their Sioux allies 
attacked the small telegraph station at Mud Springs, which at that 
time contained nine soldiers and five civilians. 25 The telegrapher 
pounded out a call for help and the response at Fort Laramie was 
immediate. The nearest help for Mud Springs was 55 miles away 
at Camp Mitchell, near Scottsbluff. At Fort Laramie, 50 miles 
further west, Colonel William Oliver Collins was the ranking 
officer. Collins immediately telegraphed Camp Mitchell and 
ordered Lieutenant Ellsworth to march with all the men he could 
spare — 37 soldiers as it turned out. 

Colonel Collins himself rode out of Fort Laramie at 7 p.m. that 
evening at the head of a strong detachment of 120 cavalrymen. 
The troops rode all night through the freezing cold, but had to rest 
the next day. Collins then gallantly pressed ahead of his main 
command with 25 picked men and after a forced march, arrived 
at the station at 2 a.m. on the 6th of February. He found the 
situation more serious than he had imagined, and shortly before 
the Cheyennes cut the wire, he telegraphed to Fort Laramie for 
reinforcements and an artillery piece. 

Collins had left Major Thomas L. Mackey in command of a 

24. Eugene F. Ware, The Indian War of 1864. Topeka: Crane & Com- 
pany; 1911. Pp. 286-290. An officer of the 7th Iowa Cavalry at the time, 
Ware witnessed the attack and took part in the pursuit of the Indians. The 
pursuit was fruitless. 

25. Agnes Wright Spring, Casper Collins. New York: Columbia Uni- 
versity Press; 1927. p. 61. 


greatly reduced garrison at Fort Laramie, and Mackey took steps 
to tighten up the post. The day after Collins left he relieved 17 
men from duty that was not absolutely necessary and ordered them 
to report immediately to their companies.-" He ordered company 
commanders to see that each man was properly armed and supplied 
with ammunition. 27 On the following Monday, February 6th, 
Collins' telegram was received and Lieutenant Brown left with one 
of Fort Laramie's four cannon and a command of 52 men. 2 * 

The departure of this second detachment left Fort Laramie with 
a dangerously reduced garrison. Major Mackey decided to fortify 
the post as well as he could. Commencing at once, his troops con- 
structed in the succeeding days three battery emplacements, and 
probably at this time linked the defense batteries together with a 
defense trench. 

One battery was constructed under the command of Ordnance 
Sergeant Leodegar Schnyder, always a man who could be relied 
upon in time of danger, and it was quite appropriately named after 
him. Soldiers from companies "C" and "I", 1 1th Ohio Volunteer 
Cavalry, began work on this battery on the same day that Collins' 
telegram reached Fort Laramie. On the following day, Tuesday, 
the battery was manned by nine men; it was apparently ready for 
action. 29 

Another artillery emplacement was built at the same time under 
the direction of Quartermaster Sergeant J. C. Cummings, for whom 
it was named. Like Battery Schnyder, Battery Cummings was 
manned on February 7, by ten men. 80 

There is no indication who directed construction of the third 
battery, which was ready a day later than the other two. It was 
called Battery Harrington, however, and following the practice of 

26. Orders No. 148. Feb. 5, 1865. In Fort Laramie Orders, Oct. 1864 
to Feb. 1865. Typed file copy at Fort Laramie N.H.S. 

27. Orders No. 147. February 5, 1865. 

28. Orders No. 152, February 6, 1865. A howitzer battery of four 
pieces was brought up from St. Louis with the 2nd Battalion of the 1 1th 
Ohio Volunteer Cavalry and was manned by Lieutenants Humphreyville 
and Collins and 48 non-coms and soldiers. The cannon were commonly 
parked southeast of the flag staff on the parade ground. Spring, op. cit., 
p. 146. 

29. Orders No. 151, Feb. 6. and No. 157, Feb. 6. "Battery Schnyder" 
was manned originally by Sergeant Walker and Privates Lagenby, Courtney, 
and Shoemaker of Company L, and Corporal Plyly and Privates Plyly, 
Mauery, McCierry and Heakman, Company C, all of the 11th Ohio. 

30. Orders No. 158. February 7. Originally called "Ft. Cummings," this 
battery was manned by Privates Berry, Hamerick and Botkin of Company 
A; LaBorde, Williams, and Crips of Company I, Hugh and Whitesides of 
Company L, and Corporal Smith of Company C, all 11th Ohio Volunteer 


the other batteries, one may assume that the officer or sergeant in 
charge was named Harrington. 31 

Teams of horses were apparently used to help move earth in 
constructing either the batteries or digging the trench, beginning 
on Monday. 3 - On Tuesday, Major Mackey ordered the acting 
assistant quartermaster, Lieutenant Averill, 

to furnish as many sacks of corn as may be required to form suitable 
barricades at such point, within the Garrison, as it shall seem practi- 
cable to protect in such manner: the precaution of erecting barricades 
rendered necessary by the threatened incursions of hostile Cheyenne 
Indians and the Post being weakened by withdrawal of troops upon 
expedition to Mud Springs, and being wholly without fortifications. 33 

The exact nature of these battery fortifications must be deducted 
from scanty evidence. During the Civil War, any small entrenched 
field fortification consisting of one or more cannon behind earth- 
works and fascines 34 was likely to be called a "battery". More 
elaborate earthworks were known as forts, and the naming of these 
emplacements was informal and sometimes very capricious. Earth- 
works might be strengthened by logs, by fascines, by bags of sand, 
or by any other means handy. At Fort Laramie fascines would 
not have been available, but it is clear that sacks of corn were used 
in the manner of bags of sand. Isolated batteries were seldom 
constructed; the common practice was to connect batteries and 
field fortifications with systems of trenches. No trenches are 
described in Fort Laramie orders, but it is very likely that they 
were dug at this time. 35 

If the exact nature of these 1865 field fortifications is obscure, 
their location is even more so. It seems likely from an examination 
of the topography of the post that they were to the north. The 
batteries certainly would not have been in the post proper, for the 
buildings would obscure their field of fire. To the east and the 
south, the Laramie River afforded a degree of natural protection, 
and any attempted crossing of the river by hostiles could have been 

31. Orders No. 160, February 8. "Battery Harrington" (also spelled 
"Herrington") was manned by Corporal Lacke and Privates Lietzinger, 
Donovan. Smith, Brown and Crawford, all of Company E, 11th Ohio 

32. Orders No. 154, February 6. "Lieut. H. E. Averill A.A.Q.M. will 
instruct all teamsters having teams now at this Post in Q.M. Dept to report 
with their teams without wagons to Sgt. Powell Co. "C" 11" O.V.C. imme- 

33. Orders dated February 7th, number riot known. 

34. A fascine is a long bundle of wooden sticks tied together which was 
used primarily in military engineering for raising batteries, filling ditches, 
strengthening ramparts, etc. 

35. Without trenches full of infantry to support the batteries, mounted 
Indians could outflank and surround each battery. Furthermore, trenches 
definitely existed a year later. 


hotly contested. To the west the land drops suddenly behind 
officer's row to form a large flat, evidently once carved out of the 
bluffs by the river. Troops could see Indians while they were still 
some distance off and take advantage of the natural height to repel 

But to the northeast, downstream along the river, the land is 
level and low, with no natural defense; and to the northwest it 
rises to a second plateau above the plateau on which the fort 
proper is located. Here the enemy has the advantage of height. 
Here, north of the post, is the area which most desperately needed 
artificial fortifications. 

Assuming one were to try to hold this upland, where would bat- 
teries be most effective? If only three cannon were available, it 
seems most logical to place one on each end of the line to be 
fortified and one in the center, connecting all with trenches to 
prevent them from being outflanked by mounted Indians. 

The cannon on the left (west) end would command most of the 
upper plateau as well as a portion of the low land to the west. 
The cannon in the center would command all of the upper plateau. 
The cannon on the right, near the river, would command the low 
river bottom downstream as well as the road which came up from 
the North Platte Valley and Camp Mitchell. This is exactly where 
a line of earthwork fortifications appears on maps drawn two 
years later. 30 

At the time it was built, this field fortification was a strictly 
temporary measure. It was not the duty of the volunteer troops 
to plan permanent fortifications for Fort Laramie. Their work 
was immediate and entirely functional. It was designed to meet a 
specific threat at a specific time, and the degree of maintenance of 
the field fortifications was probably directly proportional to the 
commanding officer's anxiety about Indian attack. It is clear from 
the threat posed by the Cheyenne war that fortification was not 
only justified but desperately needed. 

After the Civil War, the volunteer troops were mustered out of 
the service and in the spring of 1866, United States Regulars re- 
turned to Fort Laramie. The new garrison consisted largely of 
soldiers of the 18th Infantry and the 2nd Cavalry. 

Responsibility for construction, as far as the Regular Army was 
concerned, still rested with the Quartermaster Department, which 
faced the same problems that it had faced in the 1850's — lack of 
fortification, desperate need for new buildings, and distant sources 

36. Plan Lar-2114. This general plan of 1867 is accompanied by de- 
tailed floor plans and elevations of every military building on the post and 
may have been executed in Omaha or Washington from measurements made 
at the post. 


of construction supplies. The new Regular post quartermaster was 
a captain and assistant quartermaster named George Dandy. 37 

Dandy found that the post lacked adequate quarters for its 
garrison, and except for the temporary earthworks built by the 
volunteers a year earlier, it was still defenseless. 

Captain Dandy began planning improvements to the post includ- 
ing, among the many new structures, barracks for five companies. 
Two of the other new structures were designed and placed for 
defensive purposes. The first of these was a new guardhouse 
located east of the parade ground along the Laramie River. 88 It 
was a two story stone building set in the bank of the bluff. The 
lower story could be entered only from the river side. Here there 
were two doors and a window between them. Bars in the window 
were made from old iron wagon tires, straightened out by a black- 
smith. Two small wooden cells, their walls strengthened by iron 
strips, served as solitary confinement while most prisoners were 
kept in a larger room. The upstairs was entered from the west or 
parade side by two front doors. Upstairs there was a room for the 
officer of the day and one for the guard detachment. In this story 
there was a window at each end of the building and there were two 
windows on each side, in front between the doors. The substantial 
stone walls were designed to make the building a stronghold in 
case of attack. 

Captain Dandy had promised the post commandant, Major 
James Van Voast, that a new sawmill would turn out lumber by 
August 1 , but the major was skeptical. Van Voast decided to put 
the men to work on the stone guardhouse in the meantime. He 
was right. The sawmill was not in operation when it was supposed 
to be, but he was able to report on September 1 that the guard- 
house "will soon be finished as far as Masons can finish it." 39 It 
was completed by October 6. 4 " 

The second new unit of defense was a fortified adobe redoubt 
which, when not needed as a fortification, could serve as a corral 
for Quartermaster Department animals and as quarters for the 
teamsters. By September 1 , adobe bricks were being made. 41 By 
September 13, 1866, every available man at the fort was on duty 

37. George Brown Dandy attended the Military Academy from July, 
1849 to July, 1852. He was commissioned a 2d lieutenant in the 3rd Artil- 
lery on February 27, 1857. After 1875 he served with the Quartermaster 
department. He was retired from active army service in 1894. 

38. Letter from Major Van Voast to the Asst. Adjt. General, Dept. of 
the Platte, dated Oct. 6, 1866. In Fort Laramie Letters From Sept. 1865 
to Dec. 1866. Typed file at Fort Laramie National Historic Site. 

3 C >. Letter from Major Van Voast to the Asst. Adjt. General dated Sept. 
1st. In Fort Laramie Letters etc. 

40. Letter from Van Voast, etc.. dated Oct. 6. (See footnote 36.) 

41. See footnote 38. 


with the Quartermaster Department, either on the guardhouse or 
on the new redoubt. The redoubt was being erected by a fatigue 
detail of the 2nd Cavalry. It consisted of an area of about 2 acres 
enclosed by an 8 foot high adobe wall with two blockhouses. 
These blockhouses, at the northwest and southeast corners of the 
enclosure, were entirely unlike the earlier blockhouses designed by 
Lieutenant Woodbury, and were probably much cheaper to build. 
Each blockhouse was a perfect hexagon, and both were single story 
buildings. Their adobe walls were more than three feet thick. 
One side of each blockhouse was inside the enclosure and had a 
door and a dormer window in the roof. The other five sides were 
outside the adobe walled enclosure and each of these sides had a 
single cannon or rifle embrasure. The roof was hexagonal also, 
and was supported by a single center post and a system of rafters. 
The blockhouses, if not the wall, were built on stone foundations, 
and the whole redoubt was surrounded by a trench three feet deep 
which served as drainage to keep water away from the adobe walls, 
and also made it more difficult for any enemy to scale the walls. 4 " 
There were three significant and revealing differences between 
this redoubt and Woodbury's planned fortification — size, material, 
and design. 

The new redoubt was only a quarter the size of Woodbury's 
planned fort. Woodbury's concept was to enclose and protect the 
whole garrison, including almost all the buildings. This was 
exceedingly expensive, particularly since the walls would require 
a great deal of construction material that was not easily obtained. 
Dandy's concept was more economical; he planned to protect 
people, not buildings. His redoubt was to be a refuge, a last 
retreat in time of need, a stronghold. He no doubt assumed that 
the chances of a serious Indian attempt to destroy the whole fort 
were rather small, for their tactic was to hit and run. If he was 
wrong, his concept of defense would cost the government thousands 
of dollars in destroyed buildings, but if he was right, he would 
save as much money by not enclosing the whole sprawling post with 
a wasteful, expensive wall. More important, a wall or stockade 
enclosing the whole military complex would require a huge garrison 
to defend it adequately. The small adobe redoubt Dandy was 
building would be large enough for the people to use when neces- 
sary, yet small enough to defend easily. 

The new redoubt was constructed of adobe bricks which could 
be made right at the fort. Woodbury had planned a wall either 
of stone or wood. Large quantities of stone or timber would 

42. The description of the blockhouses and the redoubt, unless otherwise 
cited, is from Plan Lar-2125 which shows floor plans and elevations of the 
structures. This is one of the plans which accompanied the general plan 
of 1867. 


have to be hauled a good distance — the lumber particularly — at a 
good expense. Furthermore, the lumber had to be cut; stone had 
to be quarried. Adobe bricks, on the other hand, could be made 
simply and easily nearby, creating no additional problem of trans- 

This new redoubt had blockhouses that were much simpler in 
design than Woodbury's. His blockhouses combined stone, lum- 
ber, and adobe in a complicated fashion which required a skeletal 
frame. Woodbury's walls were half stone and half framed lumber 
with an adobe brick fill. Dandy's redoubt made use of the same 
materials in a simpler fashion. The walls were entirely of one 
material — adobe. Dandy used stone only for foundations and he 
used lumber only for the roofs and their supporting rafters and for 
the window or embrasure frames. 4 ' 1 

Of course Dandy's redoubt was not as substantial or permanent 
as Woodbury's proposed fort, for weather destroys adobe while it 
only damages wood and largely ignores stone. But down through 
the years a permanent redoubt was not really needed, and even the 
adobe structure outlived its usefulness for so long that its original 
purpose was entirely forgotten. Dandy's redoubt was more perma- 
nent than the field fortifications of 1865, but only in relative terms. 

Since there was no immediate and compelling need for this 
redoubt — the post was not under siege or threatened attack — the 
enclosure was used as a corral for Quartermaster Department 
horses and mules and the two blockhouses served as teamsters 
living quarters, with a temporary kitchen haphazardly tacked on to 
one of them. 44 The original intention of Captain Dandy in building 
this redoubt is unmistakable, both from the design of the structure 
and in the statement of Assistant Surgeon Schell two years later 
that "The Qr. Mr's corrall encloses about 2 acres with an adobe 
wall 10 ft high and 2 feet thick, it has strong bastions at two 
diagonal corners and would serve as a stronghold in case of an 
attack by Indians." 4 '"' 

On the 1867 plan of the post, a long trench with two battery 
emplacements or "lunettes" appeared in conjunction with this 
redoubt. 4 ' 1 The puzzling question is whether this was the fortifi- 
cation directed by Major Mackey in that time of peril in 1865, or 
something new built by Captain Dandy in 1866 along with his 
adobe fort. A plan of the post in August, 1866, executed by Lieu- 
tenant Brent under Captain Dandy's direction, shows no such 

43. Ibid. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Schell, op. cit. Schell arrived in late 1866 and certainly should have 
known what he was talking about. 

46. Plan Lar-2114. 


trench or emplacements. 47 But a month earlier, an emigrant pass- 
ing through Fort Laramie entered in his diary under the date July 
18 that "Laramie has no fortifications, except a ditch"* 8 Regulars 
had been stationed at Fort Laramie only since May of that year, 
and there is no record in existing post files that they undertook 
such work as digging a trench. It seems a safe assumption that the 
earthwork with two battery emplacements which appears for the 
first time on the 1 867 plan is the remnant of the field fortification 
erected under the orders of Major Mackey in February 1865. No 
third battery appears on the 1867 plan because by that time the 
adobe redoubt or "Quarter Master's Corral" had been built on the 
same site. Because the earthworks had been built only as a tem- 
porary and emergency measure by the volunteers, the post quarter- 
master saw no reason to include it in his August 1866 plan. As 
Indian hostilities increased, Captain Dandy decided to make it a 
more permanent feature and integrated it into his future plans. 

Together, these earthworks and the adobe redoubt (or corral) 
constituted the only real fortifications that ever were built at Fort 

The old military post remained an important frontier installation 
until 1877, but thereafter dwindled in importance as new military 
posts pushed the frontier northward, and as the Sioux and Chey- 
ennes were driven in ultimate and inevitable defeat to the reserva- 

The earthwork defense with its two battery sites was maintained 
only until the early 1870's. It appeared on an 1870 map of the 
fort, but the following year was omitted. 411 It had served during 
the Bozeman Trail War, 1866-1868, but soon thereafter was re- 
garded as unnecessary. It was not filled in — just abandoned. 
After the new lime-concrete hospital was constructed near it in 
1 873, a portion of the old trench was used as a dump for medicine 
bottles and other trash from the hospital. In 1884 a new lime- 
concrete barracks for six married sergeants and their families was 
constructed right over the trench just west of the center battery, 
and a portion of the ditch was filled in there. Eventually the army 
built a water system at Fort Laramie, and the tanks were located 
near the west battery emplacement. Ditches for water pipelines 
paralleled and crossed the old field fortification."'" 

The army abandoned Fort Laramie in 1890 and the buildings 

47. Plan Lar-2112. 

48. George Fox, "Diary." Annals of Wyoming, January, 1932; VIII, 3; 
p. 589. Italics mine. 

49. The 1870 plan is Lar-2140; the 1871 plan is Lar-2142. 

50. The trench for water pipes is quite clear today both on the ground 
and on aerial photographs. Furthermore, this shallow trench for pipe is 
shown on Lar-2148, the plan of the post drawn in 1888. 


were sold to civilians. Some farmed the old post, but others merely 
bought buildings for the lumber they contained and ripped them 
apart, leaving gaunt concrete pillars reaching roofless towards the 
Wyoming sky. Rains came and eroded a gully along the west 
bluff, cutting through the old trench and exposing green fragments 
of old medicine bottles once dumped in it. 

But the ravages of time and man could not completely obliterate 
the old trench. The State of Wyoming restored Fort Laramie 
to Federal ownership in 1938, and on a 1940 aerial photograph the 
part of the earthworks on the hill, even where once filled in near 
the sergeants 1 quarters, stood out as clear and sharp as on the 1867 
plan. Even today, west of the hospital ruins, a long shallow de- 
pression marks the work of the soldiers, and even today the visitor 
can trace the angular outline of the west battery. 

The old fortified adobe redoubt did not fare half as well. It was 
never needed for the purpose for which it had been built. The 
army called it "the old Fort" 51 and by 1 876 its real origin was so 
clouded and obscure that the wife of an officer wrote that it had 
been "built by a fur company before the post was established." 52 
It continued to appear in photographs and plans until 1883, and 
some time in the next six years completely disappeared. Perhaps 
the flood of 1883 weakened or destroyed it; perhaps several floods 
were required to do the job. 

For 41 years the military post on the Laramie River sent its 
patrols and expeditions out into the West. This important base 
was the typical frontier military establishment, and yet it existed 
as an often defenseless scattering of buildings on the Wyoming 
plains. The term "fort" was misused. "Camp Laramie" or per- 
haps "Laramie Barracks" would have been far more justifiable 

51. Merrill J. Mattes, Indians, Infants and Infantry. Denver: Old West 
Publishing Company; 1960. P. 188. 

52. Cynthia J. Capron, The Indian Border War of 1876. (Reprinted 
from the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, January, 1921.) 
p. 4. 

Zke bishop 
Who Kid for Jort Caramie 


Howard Lee Wilson 

On November 27, 1915, the Right Reverend Nathaniel S. 
Thomas, second Bishop of the Episcopal Church in Wyoming, 
wrote the following letter to Mrs. J. Hall Browning of New York: 

Dear Mrs. Browning: 

I am writing to ask if you will consider laying the foundation of 
the Browning School, at Fort Laramie, Wyoming, by the purchase, at 
a cost of $57,500.00 to the founder of this famous Post with all its 
buildings - the most historic in the United States, together with 1240 
acres of fenced, irrigated irrigable land - which controls a range as 
large as one of your counties, the same to act as a perpetual endow- 
ment for the school. 

I am overwhelmed over the opportunity to develop (sic) this great 

If interested at all - read the mass of material I am sending with 
this - otherwise don't bother your dear head with the matter. 

N. S. Thomas 

This letter, written by hand, and containing a few corrections of 
composition, may have been typed by a secretary and sent on. If 
so, Mrs. Browning did not bother her "dear head with the matter,' 1 
for there is no reply in the Missionary District's files, and the 
Bishop began a carefully planned campaign to achieve the objec- 
tive outlined in the letter to Mrs. Browning. 

Bishop Thomas had already commenced preliminary inquiries. 
He had ascertained that three ranches bordered upon and/or 
included the Fort Laramie site. 1 These were the Joe Wilde, John 
Hunton and Neumann 2 ranches. Both Hunton and Wilde were 
willing to sell to the Bishop, and, according to reports submitted 
to the Bishop, the Neumann ranch would go with the others since 
all water rights were controlled by the Wildes and Huntons. 

1. The properties in question largely consist of parcels in Sections 19-21 
and 27-30, Township 26 Range 64 West. 

2. Almost all of the correspondence refers to this rancher as "Newman," 
but a description of the properties from the County Clerk of Laramie 
County (undated but presumably in the early Fall of 1915) lists the spelling 
as "Neumann." I have used this spelling in preference. Many of the letters 
in the file contain numerous misspellings. 


Barracks Building 

Commissary Store 

'-'■--' - . lit 


Officer's Double Quarters, Quarters Occupied by John Hunton, 
Original Post Trader's Store 

Courtesy of The Venerable Howard Lee Wilson 


The Bishop had heard that other interests were seeking to pur- 
chase some of this land and he decided that the time for action had 

Already he had corresponded with Wilde and Hunton. Wilde's 
reply of October 10, 1915 indicates that he was willing to make 
considerable effort on the Bishop's behalf: 

My Dear Mr. Thomas 

I received your letter of the 7 and in reply will state if I was sure 
you would take the place then I woulden minde if it took all winter 
as I surely like to see you get it rather than to sell to any one ells, 
but I have a chance to sell to other partys and I don't want to lose 
the sale but if you will let me know and say you will take it I then 
will hold it for you as to the time we can agree on that hoping to 
hear from you at an early date 

Respectfully yours. 
Joseph Wilde 

Bishop Thomas worked rapidly. He secured blueprints of the 
area from the office of the State Engineer; sent Robert Toole of 
Dixon (who was a brother to one of the Bishop's clergy in the 
Little Snake River Valley) to look over the Hunton property; 
checked with Cheyenne attorney John Clark concerning tax exemp- 
tions for the project; received a written report from George Foxton 
of Glendo regarding the present state and future possibilities of 
the lands in question; and, finally, while on a trip to New York, 
received a telegram from Cheyenne architect William Dubois esti- 
mating the cost of renovating the original Fort Laramie buildings. 
The cost reported was eighty thousand dollars! 

The text of Dubois' telegram breaks down the figures: 


WILLIAM DUBOIS October 21, 1915 335 p.m. 

Dubois followed this information with a portfolio of descriptions, 
sketches and several photographs taken of the buildings as they 
looked in 1915. 

Later estimates by Harry E. Crane of Cheyenne suggested that 
the sum of $47,645.00 would be required to purchase the necessary 
lands which meant that some $130,000.00 would be needed to 
acquire the land and to restore the buildings. The letter to Mrs. 
Browning was an effort to begin by possessing and consolidating 
the land. 

Bishop Thomas now turned his attention to another phase of his 
plan for a boys' school: the composition and curriculum of the 

A series of identical letters were despatched beginning in April 


1916 to the headmasters of several of the well-known eastern pre- 
paratory schools for boys — some of them closely affiliated with the 
Episcopal Church. 

None of the letters alluded to the Fort Laramie plan. The 
Bishop's approach is that President Duniway of the University of 
Wyoming has discussed with the Bishop the possibility of erecting 
a Hall in Laramie where boys could live in a Christian atmosphere 
and pursue their studies at the University High School. 

The Bishop respectfully requests the opinions of the profession- 
als in the field. "The idea is novel," states the Bishop, "and I am 
by no means sure whether it is practical. What is your best judg- 
ment on the scheme?" 

The Rev. Dr. Endicott Peabody, of Groton School, Groton, 
Massachusetts replies encouragingly on May 6, 1916. He merely 
wonders where one would attract a headmaster for such an ar- 
rangement, but hopes that the plan would be tried. 

The Rev. William Thayer, D.D., of St. Mark's School, South- 
borough, Massachusetts on May 8 asserts: 

. . . Though I have no doubt that such a school would be of value 
and meet a need, I advise strongly against your undertaking it . . . 
>St. Mark's School with its buildings given and with charges of $900. 
a year has hard work to make both ends meet. ... If, on the other 
hand, you can get President Duniway to assume all financial respon- 
sibility or get any other men to stand behind the school, you might 
go ahead, but with all due respect, I venture to warn you that you 
are undertaking a costly experiment. 

Dr. Frederick L. Gammage of New York's Pawling School 
wastes no words in his answer of June 14. "Don't touch it," he 
begins. He feared over-control and usurpation by the State and 
recommends that the Bishop devise his own school, curriculum and 

The Rev. Drs. William B. Olmstead of Pomfret School in Con- 
necticut, and H. G. Buehler of Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Con- 
necticut, give a passing approbation to the plan. 

The Bishop acknowledged all the replies. To Thayer he indi- 
cated that he intended, "at least for the present, (to) dismiss it 
from my mind." To Gammage: "Your view seems to be in a 
majority, and I am about determined to act upon your recom- 
mendation. I thank you for it." 

Indeed, it only confirmed the Bishop's previous ideas and he 
once again looked to an evaluation of the lands about Fort 

On June 22, 1916, Mr. Harry E. Crane, a Bank Examiner in 
Cheyenne, submitted to the Bishop an exhaustive 14 page report 
in which he appraised not only the lands of Hunton, Wilde and 
Neumann, but also recommended the purchase of small acreages 
owned by a Mr. O'Brien and Mrs. Hattie Sandercock. 


Of the O'Brien property (SWV4 of SWV4 of Sec. 22) Crane 

This is a barren piece of land, has never had water on it, and is in 
its natural state, but should you purchase this property I would rec- 
ommend that by all means you get this piece. It is the original loca- 
tion of the old Fort in the early thirties, or rather, late twenties. 

Crane also notes that the "United States Government is building 
one of their large ditches on the south side of the Platte River .... 
This work. I understand, is costing about a Million dollars .... 
Their canal is 45 ft. wide on the bottom, so you will see the magni- 
tude of the proposition. " 

Crane's report is not merely a recital of the facts and figures: 

On the Wilde property that I spoke of regarding the old hospital, 
a part of these walls still stand and it looks like the ruins of King 
Solomon's Temple. They stand up as perfect as the day they were 
built, — that is, the portion that is still left standing. 

Crane was enthusiastic about the possibilities of the land for 
purposes of cultivation and no doubt his report had much to do 
with influencing the Bishop to hope that the profits from working 
the land would offset a good share of the operating costs of the 
projected school. 

Returning to the academic aspect of the school, Bishop Thomas 
had made an effort to secure the "right man" for the school as 
suggested by Dr. Peabody. The original letter to the Rev. Remsen 
Ogilby is not available, but his reply, written on the "Empress of 
Asia," enroute to the Philippines supplies the details. Remsen 
Ogilby was headmaster of the Episcopal Church's Baguio School 
in the Philippines. Bishop Thomas, learning that he was in the 
States, had invited him to stop off in Wyoming on his return home. 
He was unable to do so and writes to say that he could not entertain 
any possibility of taking over the Bishop's school in Wyoming: 

I hardly see how I could take over your scheme and work it out; 
for my idea is to transplant Baguio School back to this country 
somewhere, when our work in the Philippines is over. 

(The Baguio School is still operating, and Remsen Ogilby's son, 
Lyman, is Bishop of the Philippines). 

In November 1916 Bishop Thomas rounded out his inquiries to 
determine the number of accredited high schools in Wyoming. 
Edith K. O. Clark, Superintendent of Public Instruction cannot 
give him the answer. She states that she has written Dr. Butter- 
worth at the University and has learned that the University has no 
listing of accredited high schools in Wyoming. 

The Bishop turns again to Dr. Thayer of St. Mark's School. 
Although it was he who had given such dire warnings in reply to 
the Bishop's original proposition, Bishop Thomas had a high 


regard for Thayer as an educator, and considered his school to be 
the best of the Prep Schools in New England. 

The proposal which Bishop Thomas makes to Thayer is as 
audacious as his first bid for support from Mrs. Browning. The 
Bishop requests Thayer to convene St. Mark's Board of Trustees 
when he, the Bishop, will be in Boston. His hope is to interest 
them in helping to build the school. Thayer answers to the effect 
that he does not know if the Board can be convened for this pur- 
pose but suggests that a meeting of the Standing Committee will be 
held after the first of the year, at which session the Bishop 
would be welcome. 

The reply is a remarkable one. A conflicting engagement makes 
it impossible for the Bishop to meet the Standing Committee, but: 

If I cannot meet the Committee I should like to meet with you — 
in fact. I must. Your Committee has never had a more important 
proposition to consider since the founding of St. Mark's, and I am of 
the opinion that it is quite worthwhile calling a special meeting — 

For six months I have been gathering data and now have material 
from architects, land agents, ranchers and others, of about 100 pages. 
... To sum up what I want in just one word. I wish to purchase old 
Ft. Laramie with all its history and romance, with 1000 acres of land 
controlling a range of fifty miles on which enough cattle can be run 
to endow the institution, and create a school of the highest order, 
after the model of St. Mark's. I am audacious enough to hope that 
you yourself will come out for one year and launch it, then put in 
your masters and develop the greatest school in the West, using it as 
the overflow for your own boys, sending thereto such boys as would 
benefit by a change of climate, making it a school in the west for 
eastern boys, as well as a school for western boys. 

1 can demonstrate the need of such a school. There is no such 
school in the State. I can demonstrate the advisability of making old 
Ft. Laramie into such a school. It is historically the most important 
spot in the West and possibly in America, as no one place has had so 
much to do with the development of the nation during a period of 
nearly 75 years, as has Ft. Laramie. In my library alone I have over 
100 volumes referring to this marvellous fort. Read Parkman, for 
instance, and Washington Irving, and all the rest. 

I should not think of undertaking the school unless it can be the 
most perfect school that can be made and my model is St. Mark's. 
I have spoken to no one else and shall speak to no one else, for the 
sort of a school I want is a St. Mark's and not a Groton or a St. Paul's 
or a Pomfret. 

1 am bringing with me my exhibit and should mightily like to make 
a speech of an hour to your Board. It is a proposition which needs 
not only inauguration but continued care. I should be willing per- 
sonally to launch the scheme but I cannot take the responsibility of 
developing the school of the sort I want. I am not a schoolmaster 
and I know it and I want to keep my hands off. 

It was over a month before Dr. Thayer made answer to this 
fiery plea. Despite the confessed audacity Thayer says he is 
interested in the project, but cannot arrange a special meeting. 

The Bishop arranges a visit while in the East, and answers some 


questions about the church at Dubois where Thayer visited during 
the previous summer. 

In preparation for his arguments for the school the Bishop then 
wrote up a memorandum (probably in December of 1916. It is 
not dated. ) which builds upon the enthusiastic vision described in 
the letter to Thayer. 

Besides amplifying the points made to Thayer by Bishop Thom- 
as, one or two other opinions and predictions are worthy of note: 

Whatever may be said for a girl's school, it is generally conceded 
that a boy's school should be in the country. ... It should be well 
located with reference to railroad transportation. In a western school 
it should be in the eastern part of the State, as the educational drift 
is eastward. It has been proven in Nebraska, Kansas, Minnesota 
and the Dakotas that it is difficult to get boys and girls living east of 
the place where the school is located, to attend that school. 

. . . The through line of the Chicago. Burlington and Quincy is not 
only a trunk line from Puget Sound eastward but it goes through the 
state diagonally, and traverses the richest portion of our State, and 
one in which the greatest development of the future must lie. More- 
over this portion of the State has the least educational advantages as 
yet developed and would tap Montana, Northern Idaho and Eastern 
Oregon, as no boys' school lies anywhere along this railroad for a 
thousand miles more or less. 

The Bishop had retained a clipping to the effect that on Dec. 2, 
1916 a story of a projected relocation of the Union Pacific tracks 
from North Platte, Nebraska to Medicine Bow, Wyoming via 
Wheatland, was being aired. 

Possibly this was a part of the exhibit with which the Bishop 
hoped to secure Eastern capital for his project. 

Along with statistical studies pointing the necessity of a school, 
the Bishop further relates in his memorandum how he first saw 
the site: 

... In riding with the Rev. Mr. (Frank) Chipp, our missionary in 
Torrington and Guernsey some time ago. I said to him, "I have never 
seen old Fort Laramie. Would you mind taking me over there?" He 
did. (and) I was never more surprised in my life. I had no idea of 
the beauty of the place, as related to the country roundabout and as 
I stood on the mesa overlooking the valley I could well understand 
how Col. Inman in his "Great Salt Lake Trail" should have written 
(and here the Bishop quotes at length). ... It came upon me like a 
flash that this v/as the place for the location of the school which I 
had so long had in my mind. Here sentiment and romance on the 
one side and practical considerations on the other, unite. 

There are two drafts of this memorandum showing that the 
Bishop exercised particular care in making every word count 
toward the attainment of his goal. 

His final proposal is that a stock company be formed (he called 
it the Fort Laramie and Livestock Company to start with) with the 
school itself, as a corporation, holding fifty-one per cent of the 
stock. The school would directly hold the 240 acres incorporating 


the fort site and would also control the ranch operation. The 
Bishop estimated that $34,000.00 worth of calves could be sup- 
ported on the land, thus providing the endowment. 

A copy of this undoubtedly went to Thayer, but it was still not 
persuasive enough to convene a special meeting of the Trustees of 
St. Mark's. Thayer himself could and would meet with the Bishop, 

Somewhat resignedly Bishop Thomas accepts the situation (and 
also hints at his own estimate of Thayer) : 

. . . All right, I know you are the main push anyway, and am going 
to talk to you. But I should have liked to have spoken to a group of 
financiers as well as to the Thomas Arnold of America. (Jan. 20, 

Some weeks later, the meeting between Thayer and Bishop 
Thomas having taken place, Thayer writes his considered opinion 
of the scheme which has been laid before him: 

The more I think over your plan the more strongly I feel that it 
cannot be worked out in the way you have suggested. Even if I could 
bring the Trustees to a sympathetic hearing of your plan, I doubt 
very much if it could be carried out in practice, nor do I think it would 
be the best thing for your school if it could be done. I am a little 
doubtful of the Fort Laramie scheme . . . which would bring the 
expense I should judge up to the neighborhood of $75000. For that 
sum of money I believe you could build new and appropriate buildings 
which would be much more servicable and certainly more appealing 
to parents than any made over buildings could possibly be. . . . 

... if you could get such a man as Remsen Ogilby you would find 
that Dr. Drury and Dr. Peabody would be sending boys as eagerly and 
willingly as I should. These men, good friends of mine as they are, 
would not be particularly interested in a St. Mark's School Annex. 

The Bishop accepted this dictum in March but by July had taken 
another tack. He sounded out Mr. George Brimmer of Rawlins 
on the possibility of forming a Wyoming corporation to purchase 
the land he desired. 

His proposal was that ten men be secured to put up five thou- 
sand dollars each. The Bishop and Mrs. Thomas would each 
invest five thousand. Robert Toole, of Dixon, (who had made one 
of the early surveys of the property) would also invest and further 
would manage the operation. 

Could Brimmer get Will Daley and George Bible together in 
Rawlins to meet with the Bishop and discuss the matter? Brimmer 
replied that Daley was out of town and that it would be some time 
before all concerned could get together. Brimmer wanted to have 
all the facts about the land and its capabilities before committing 

But Bishop Thomas was not content to keep but a single iron in 
the fire at a time. While continuing correspondence with Brimmer 
(they never did get together, and Brimmer was reluctant through- 


out) Bishop Thomas, on July 18, 1917 wrote to Mr. George C. 
Thomas, Jr. of Chestnut Hill, Pennsylvania. 

He had heard from George's mother that George had planned to 
purchase a ranch in California, then decided against it. The Bish- 
op paints a glowing picture of his proposal for buying Fort Lara- 
mie. He admits that this is no time to start a school (the country 
is now at war) but he desires to gain possession of the land now 
lest it be lost for the future. 

He appeals to George Thomas' patriotism to use the ranch as a 
part of the war effort and invites him to come look it over. 

Thomas replies that he is busy at his mother's place and cannot 
make the trip: 

... at this time I am not only tied up with preparing specifications 
for the greenhouses and gardens, hut also have some work I have been 
doing for the Signal Corps in Washington. 

In the midst of this feverish activity George has no time to sign 
his letter. It is initialed by a secretary. 

The Bishop responds courteously, stating that it is a "chimerical 

After one more failure to arrange a meeting with Brimmer, 
Daley and Bible (who by now are of the opinion that the price for 
the land is too high and the general plan unsound ) the negotiations 
languish until May of 1918. 

At this point another young man, Rollin Batten, of Caldwell, 
N.J., comes to the attention of the Bishop and the proposal is made 

Batten indicates that he is interested, but his overriding desire is 
to get a commission in the Remount Service, and will the Bishop 
be good enough to furnish a character reference? 

The Bishop now feared that John Hunton, being advanced in 
years, would soon be gone, thus precluding any purchase from a 
sympathetic party. He also tries to urge Batten that now is the 
time to buy for there is rumor of oil being found in the vicinity and 
action is necessary before land prices go out of reach. 

None of these pleas is sufficient, however, and there is another 
gap in the correspondence until January, 1919. The final bid by 
the Bishop for Fort Laramie is about to be made. 

From the Delta Kappa Epsilon Club in New York City Bishop 
Thomas begins a note on the club stationery to Mr. Erie Reed, 
Attorney, in Torrington. He starts to tell him that the money is 
in sight for the purchase providing the Wilde, Hunton and New- 
mann lands are still available for a fair price. Reed is to draw on 
the Bishop's account for fee and deposit to obtain a ninety day 
option. Then, in haste, the Bishop condenses it all into a telegram 
and asks for the asking price to be wired him at the Hotel St. Louis 
in New York. Reed answers by letter, stating that an agent for 
some Chicago men have offered Wilde $33,000.00 for his land. 


He feels that Hunton's acreage is too large for the corporation to 

On January 17 Reed wires the Bishop that the Hunton land is 
available and that he has an option on it until February 15. He 
has also secured an option on the Wilde property. He feels that 
Hunton's asking price (twenty thousand dollars for 600 acres) is a 
bit high, but that Wilde's price (26 thousand for another 600 
acres) is compensatingly low. 

Reed follows the telegram with a letter stating his adventures in 
chasing over Goshen County to confirm the options. He states 
that although the Bishop had requested a 90 day option he could 
only obtain options for 30 days in view of the fact that by March 1 
the ranchers needed to make provision for tenancy or further sale. 

This may have been the critical factor of this final phase. 

On February 1 3 an agreement form was drawn up in New York 
whereby a group of subscribers were to invest varying sums of 
money and turn them over to a Trustee resident in Wyoming who 
would act on their behalf to purchase land for the establishment 
of a school at Fort Laramie. 

It becomes clear that at least one of these potential subscribers 
was William Robertson Coe, a friend of Bishop Thomas, a some- 
time resident of Cody, Wyoming, and a benefactor to other Wyo- 
ming Episcopal schools and hospitals, and to the University of 

On March 7, 1919 Coe writes the Bishop (who is in Fort 
Myers, Florida) that the agreement is faulty to the extent that it 
does not provide a limited liability clause to protect the subscribers. 
He indicates that when this is done the matter may proceed. He 
inquires as to who will be Trustee. They had hoped that it would 
be John Hay of Rock Springs, Wyoming. The Bishop answers 
that if Hay does not accept he will ask Coe to assume the title. Coe 
apparently declines, for on April 17, 1919, Mr. A. H. Marble, 
President of the Stockgrowers National Bank in Cheyenne agrees 
to become Trustee, and his name appears on a revised copy of the 
original subscriber's agreement. 

But by this time the 30 day option had expired and the oppor- 
tunity had passed. 

On December 27, 1919 Bishop Thomas received a letter from 
Albert Bartlett of Glendo who understands that the Bishop is 
looking for ranch property and gives information on the Hans 
Christiansen Ranch on Horseshoe Creek near Glendo. 

The Bishop responds, but not with his former zeal. Only when 
he understands (mistakenly) that the Town of Glendo will pur- 
chase the ranch does his interest spark. When this proves to be 
unfounded the Bishop terminates the negotiation. He is preparing 
to leave for England to attend the Lambeth Conference of 1920. 

But the Bishop's dream did not die completely. In June of 1920 


he is writing his friend Thayer again inquiring about setting up a 
boarding school for boys. 

In July appears the first correspondence from Mrs. Mary Sher- 
wood Blodgett of Greene, New York. Five years later Mrs. 
Blodgett gave a total of two hundred thousand dollars for the con- 
struction and upkeep of a building to house 60 boys and complete a 
dream of Bishop Thomas born ten years before. The building 
now houses the Cathedral Home for Children and is located on 
Cathedral Square in Laramie. 

While this is a chronicle of an unsuccessful venture on the part 
of the Rt. Rev. Nathaniel Thomas - at least to the extent of his 
acquiring the Fort Laramie site - it should be clear that the Bishop 
himself was a remarkable and creative person. 

He was involved in organizing the building of hospitals at Jack- 
son and Lander; developing the Cathedral School for Girls and 
the Cathedral Flome for Children in Laramie; completing St. 
Matthew's Cathedral in Laramie; securing the franchise for the 
operation of one of Wyoming's pioneer radio stations, KFBU, with 
the help of E. H. Harriman; and raising nearly a million dollars 
for the construction of a complex of buildings on the Wind River 
Reservation. Most of these plans were at some stage of develop- 
ment while the Fort Laramie effort was being made. 

Many were completed with the same careful planning and per- 
sonal persuasion aimed at wealthy Churchmen in the East. 

As can be seen from this narrative, the Bishop was to be found 
in almost any part of the United States at a given moment, and yet 
he kept his dreams and plans alive, and executed the greater part 
of them. At the same time he continued to administer his 
churches in Wyoming, served on National Committees and was a 
preacher much in demand throughout the country. He was a man 
of exceptional energy and ability. 

The present writer cannot escape the temptation of wondering 
for a moment "what if . . .?" Suppose the Bishop could have made 
his financial arrangements complete? Suppose he had known Mrs. 
Blodgett five years sooner? 

To the Bishop's credit, I believe, he planned to restore old Fort 
Laramie. He had a sense of history and his vision was an early one 
concerning what could - and ought - to be done with the then 
ramshackle buildings. 

I suspect that he would approve what is now being done with the 
fort, but I think he would have liked to try his school as well. It 
might well have been a failure, but it would have been a glorious 

A Postscript: The source for this document consists of a file of corre- 
spondence covering the years 1915-1921. There are a few letters missing. 


but letters in reply give a good indication of the subject matter of those 
missing letters. 

William Dubois' sketches and photographs plus a poster announcing a 
July Fourth Celebration at Fort Laramie (to help observe the new irrigation 
canal mentioned by Harry Crane) are included. 

Perhaps the most unique aspect of this incident is the fact that no mention 
of it appears in the official proceedings of the Convocations of the Mission- 
ary District of Wyoming, nor is there reference to it in the contemporary 
issues of The Wyoming Churchman. 

Two possible explanations occur. First, that there were so many other 
projects in process at the time that it would not have been advisable to add 
another which even the Bishop himself (albeit in a time of frustration) had 
referred to as "chimerical." 

Secondly, it was probably wise to keep such a plan relatively secret lest 
the intent become known generally and others be tempted to prevent the 

Surely Hunton and Wilde were well aware of what was intended, and 
there was no effort made to classify the plan as "Top Secret." Perhaps 
there were other motives, but on the basis of the evidence available, these 
suppositions may be acceptable. 

Albert Charles Peak 



Fritiof Fryxell 

When Dr. F. V. Hayden, geologist-in-charge of the Geological 
and Geographical Survey of the Territories, in the summer of 1871 
undertook scientific exploration of the Yellowstone country, on his 
staff was Albert Charles Peale, a young physician who had just 
graduated from the Medical School of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. Dr. Peale served as mineralogist of the 1871 expedition, 
and thus became collaborator with Dr. Hayden in the first system- 
atic geological investigations within what is now the Yellowstone 
National Park. 

Albert Charles Peale was the great-grandson of Charles Willson 
Peale (1741 - 1827), the eccentric but lovable portrait painter of 
Revolutionary War times, and friend of Washington, Madison, 
Adams, and other notables of the period. He was, therefore, scion 
of one of America's most remarkable families, a family which 
through generations contributed leaders to art, science, and other 
cultural activities in America. 1 Dr. A. C. Peale, unlike his illus- 
trious great-grandfather and some of the other "Philadelphia 
Peales," rarely made himself conspicuous in public affairs, seem- 
ing, rather, to have shunned personal publicity. Yet Dr. Peale 
experienced more of adventurous living than most of his family, 
and his career entitles him to a significant place in western history. 
Only one brief memorial to Dr. Peale was ever published, and that 
long ago and in an obscure periodical. 1 ' In view of his contribu- 
tions to science and exploration, it is remarkable indeed that 

1. The literature on the Peale family is very voluminous. Particular 
mention may be made of two splendid biographies: Charles Willson Peale, 
by Charles Coleman Sellers, a two-volume work published by the American 
Philosophical Society in 1947; and Titian Ramsay Peale, 1799-1885, and his 
Journals of the Wilkes Expedition, by Jessie Poesch, a volume of 214 pages, 
also published by the American Philosophical Society, in 1961. The latter 
work is well illustrated, and contains a comprehensive annotated bibliog- 
raphy of published and manuscript sources. Important also is the article. 
The Peales, by Oliver Jensen, which appeared in The American Heritage. 
April, 1955. This article is profusely illustrated with reproductions in color 
of oil paintings. 

2. [Memorial to] "Albert Charles Peale, M. D.", Transactions of the 
American Climatological Association, volume 30 (1914), pages xxiii-xxiv, 



further recognition of Dr. Peale's stature should not come until 
almost a century after his initial work in the Yellowstone. 

Dr. A. C. Peale was born in 
Heckscherville, Pennsylvania, 
on April 1, 1849. He was the 
son of Charles Willson Peale 
(1821 - 1871 ) 3 and Harriet 
Friel Peale; and the grandson of 
Rubens Peale (1784 - 1865) 
(manager of the historic "Peale's 
Museum" in Philadelphia) and 
Eliza Burd Patterson Peale. 
Young Peale was educated in 
Philadelphia, receiving the de- 
grees A. B. in 1868 and A. M. 
in 1873 from Central High 
School. After three years of 
advanced study at the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania he received 
the degree M. D. in 1871. His 
preceptor in the medical school 
was J. Burd Peale, M. D.; his 
thesis ( still in the library of the 
University of Pennsylvania) was 
on the subject, "Emotions and 
Secretions." On December 23, 
1875, he married Emily Wis- 
well, daughter of the Reverend 
and Mrs. George F. Wiswell. The Peales had no children, and 
Mrs. Peale predeceased her husband. Dr. Peale died at the Ger- 
man Hospital in Philadelphia, on December 5, 1914, following a 
stroke, at the age of 65. He was survived by a sister, Mrs. Charles 
K. Mills of Philadelphia, and by his mother, of Washington, D. C. 
Such are the bare outlines of Dr. Peale's life, and for certain 
periods of that life it is now difficult, after the lapse of almost five 
decades since his death, to ascertain the details. For other periods, 

C. Peale About 
Courtesy F. M. Fryxell 

with portrait. The Transactions was evidently published in a very small 
edition; the only copy of this volume known to the author is in the library 
of the College of Physicians, at Philadelphia. The memorial, prepared by 
Dr. Guy Hinsdale. Secretary and Treasurer of the Association, is based on 
a typed two-page sketch of Peale's life that was written by George P. 
Merrill on Dec. 23, 1914, at the request of Dr. R. Rathbun, Assistant Secre- 
tary of the Smithsonian Institution, for use by Dr. Hinsdale. The typewrit- 
ten sketch and correspondence relating to it are on file in the Office of 
Correspondence and Records of the United States National Museum, at 

3. Dr. A. C. Peale's father was no doubt named after the famous Charles 
Willson Peale of colonial times. (See Sellers, op. cit., volume 2, page 420.) 


however, the record is surprisingly complete. This is particularly 
the case with the eight years that Dr. Peale spent on the staff of 
the Hay den Survey - and for Dr. Peale, as for many another man 
who participated in Hayden's western work, this was the happiest 
period of his life. The results of his scientific endeavors are duly 
recorded in technical papers published, for the most part, in the 
annual reports and bulletins of the Hayden Survey. The human 
interest side of these years is set forth in a series of very readable 
accounts that Dr. Peale contributed, from the field, to the Phila- 
delphia Press, the Christian Weekly, and the New York Times. 
These appeared anonymously, being signed simply "Mineralogist. " 
An intimate personal record is to be found in several of Dr. Peale's 
diaries and field notebooks that, happily, were preserved. 4 There 
are also a large number of Peale's letters, in the National Archives 
at Washington, D. C. and in other collections - letters distinguished 
by their graceful penmanship, flawless composition, and dignified, 
courteous tone. Finally, mention may be made of the recollections 
of those few contemporaries of Dr. Peale who were still living 
when information for this account was obtained. Thus it is pos- 
sible to reconstruct an authentic sketch of Dr. Peale, and the 
emerging picture is one that commands thorough respect for the 
man and his work. 

As was commonly the case in the last century, A. C. Peale 
entered upon a career in natural science through the corridors of a 
medical school. Though he became a physician, there is no 
evidence that he ever intended to devote his life primarily to the 
practice of medicine. However, his diaries show that he was not 
infrequently called upon to use his medical training while in the 
field, sometimes in emergency cases; and the sub ! ect that became 
one of his major scientific specialties, the study of mineral waters, 
clearly reflected his early medical training and interest in thera- 

Nothing very specific is known about the time and manner in 
which Peale's interest in natural history was awakened; however, 
the intellectual climate among the Peales encouraged curiosity 
about every field of knowledge, not least so science. Undoubtedly 
he must have received inspiration from the example of his gifted 
granduncle, Titian R. Peale, who, when a youth of barely twenty 
(in 3 819 - 1820), accompanied the expedition of Major Long to 
the Rocky Mountains as assistant naturalist, and later (in 1841 - 
1 842 ) was naturalist with the Wilkes Expedition in the South 

4. Most of Peak's 1871 diary and his 1872 diary are in the library of 
Yellowstone National Park. Part of his 1871 diary, his field notes from 
1873 and 1875, and his 1878 diary are in the Field Records File of the 
United States Geological Survey at Denver. 


Pacific."' It is quite certain, however, that the particular direction 
given to Peale's bent toward science resulted from his contact with 
Dr. F. V. Hayden, at the University of Pennsylvania. After the 
Civil War, Dr. Hayden - then 36 years old, already the veteran of 
eight years of western exploration (1853 - 1860), and recently 
brevetted Lieutenant Colonel for his meritorious service in the 
Union Army as a Surgeon of Volunteers - was appointed Professor 
of Geology and Mineralogy at the University of Pennsylvania. 
Here, so far as is known, the paths of Hayden and Peale first 
crossed. This was Hayden's first and only professorship; it did 
not last long, nor did it, evidently, interfere greatly with what had 
been, and continued to be, his consuming interest: scientific 
investigations in the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains. At 
the first opportunity, in the summer of 1866, Hayden resumed 
his western work by returning to one of his favorite haunts, the 
Dakota badlands, under sponsorship of the Academy of Natural 
Sciences of Philadelphia. A year later, acting under direction of 
the General Land Office and with an appropriation of $5000 from 
Congress, he began his work as "U. S. Geologist" in Nebraska, 
and in so doing, as George P. Merrill has stated, "laid the founda- 
tion for the U. S. Geological Survey as it exists today." For years 
Hayden had labored indefatigably, and largely alone, in the West, 
despite great physical hardships and dangers; it is not surprising 
that now, having won federal recognition and financial support, his 
Survey prospered to the extent that it soon demanded his undivided 
attention, so that in 1872 he resigned from the University. Hayden 
was afterward more often addressed as "the Doctor" than as 
"Colonel" or "Professor," though all these titles appear in his 

That Hayden was successful during his brief career as a pro- 
fessor might be expected, in view of his rich field experience, his 
boundless enthusiasm, and the intensity with which he threw 
himself into his enterprises. In letters to Spencer F. Baird of the 
Smithsonian Institution and others, he wrote with characteristic 
optimism about his academic work, and tangible evidence of his 
effectiveness as a teacher may be found in the fact that A. C. 
Peale, the young medical student, found geology contagious and 
chose to follow in Hayden's footsteps. Appointment of Peale to 
the Survey in 1871, following his graduation from the university, 
is indicative of the regard that Hayden had formed for this youth. 
The esteem was reciprocal. The collaboration and friendship 
between these two men, one twenty years the senior of the other, 
proved to be lifelong. Indeed, Peale came to be closer to his chief, 
in a personal way, than any of the other "Hayden men;" his loyalty 

5. Jessie Poesch, op. cit. 


amounted to filial devotion that never flagged and that was touch- 
ingly manifested on many occasions. 

Though a full-fledged doctor of medicine, Peale was only 22 in 
the spring of 1871 when he first took to the field and became 
campmate with a group that included, besides other new appoint- 
ees like himself, a score of men already seasoned in the western 
work. Among them were James Stevenson, Hayden's genial and 
resourceful administrative assistant; Cyrus Thomas, entomologist; 
Anton Schonborn, topographer; Henry W. Elliott, illustrator; and 
William H. Jackson, whose photographs of the West had already 
captured favorable attention, and, during his years of association 
with the Survey, were to make him famous. Those getting their 
first taste of life in the West included a guest artist, Thomas Moran, 
who also was to be influenced profoundly by the experiences of 
this summer. With an appropriation of $40,000 for that year, 
Hayden was able to maintain a field party of about thirty-five men 
in the remote and still difficultly accessible Yellowstone region. 

"It was with tremendous enthusiasm that we prepared for the 
invasion of this wonderland,' 1 Jackson wrote in an autobiography 
nearly sixty years later. Other accounts, Peale's among them, 
breathe this spirit. Like Jackson and Peale, almost all of the party 
were young men from the east, eager and sensitive to the high 
adventure of exploration in a region known to contain geological 
features so extraordinary as to have unique importance. 

To Hayden their entry into the Yellowstone was an event fraught 
with deepest satisfaction; for in June, I860, as geologist with a 
military expedition headed by Captain W. F. Raynolds, he had 
been in a party that James Bridger had guided to within actual 
sight of the Yellowstone plateau, only to be stopped from entry 
into the fabulous region (already familiar to Bridger and other 
trappers ) because the expedition's rigid schedule would not permit 
time for finding passage through the snow barriers of the adjacent 
ranges. Raynolds had to report, "we were compelled to content 
ourselves with listening to Bridger' s marvelous tales of burning 
plains, immense lakes, and boiling springs, without being able to 
verify these wonders." Raynolds' disappointment at being so 
cheated was great; but Hayden's must have been even greater. 
Verification of Bridger's vivid tales came after the Civil War - in 
1869 by the private Folsom-Cook-Peterson party, and in 1870 by 
the semi-official Washburn-Langford-Doane party - but the de- 
tailed systematic exploration of the Yellowstone region by scientists 
remained unaccomplished until 1871; eleven years after his trip 
with Raynolds and Bridger, Hayden arrived on the scene with a 
competent staff, well prepared for the undertaking. 

Chittenden has stated that "with the close of the expedition of 
1 87 1 , the discovery of the Yellowstone wonderland was made 
complete," and that the chief value of the 187 1 work was "in the 
large collection of accurate data concerning the entire region." 


Narratives and descriptions had already been given wide publicity, 
but these were now supplemented by maps and technical reports, 
sketches and photographs, and various kinds of scientific collec- 
tions made for the Smithsonian Institution. Such materials "played 
a decisive part in the winter of 1871 - 72," in the historic move- 
ment to establish Yellowstone National Park, successfully con- 
cluded on March 1, 1872, when President LJ. S. Grant signed the 
bill that created the world's first national park. 

The park bill, according to Chittenden, was drawn up by the 
delegate to Congress from Montana, William H. Clagett, and 
Nathaniel P. Langford, except for description of boundaries, which 
was furnished by Dr. Hayden. "Dr. Hayden occupied a command- 
ing position in this work, as representative of the government in 
the exploration of 1871. He was thoroughly familiar with the 
subject, and was equipped with an exhaustive collection of photo- 
graphs and specimens gathered the previous summer. These were 
placed on exhibition, and were probably seen by all members of 
Congress. They did a work which no other agency could do, and 
doubtless convinced every one who saw them that the region where 
such wonders existed should be carefully preserved to the people 

Obviously the large measure of credit which Chittenden and 
other historians have given Dr. Hayden must be shared also with 
the members of his 1871 staff. The geological data were of major 
importance, and it is well to remember that these were the product 
of the joint efforts of Hayden and Peale. They were incorporated 
in Hayden's Annual Report for 1871 (the fifth in his series of 
annual reports, and the only volume in the series to be printed in 
quarto as well as the usual octavo form). The volume includes a 
chapter entitled, "Preliminary Report of Dr. A. C. Peale on 
Minerals, Rocks, Thermal Springs, etc. of the Expedition." This, 
Dr. Peale's first scientific publication, marked not only the begin- 
ning of his own studies of thermal springs, but also the starting 
point for the investigation of these phenomena in Yellowstone 
National Park. 

Work of the Hayden Survey in succeeding years can be touched 
on but briefly, and only as it has bearing on Dr. Peale. Success of 
the 1871 season was so great that the next annual appropriation 
for the Hayden Survey was nearly doubled, amounting to $75,000, 
and this figure was matched in each of the succeeding years, until 
the Survey was terminated, with the exception of one year, 1876, 
when the amount was $65,000. With augmented funds, Hayden's 
program became increasingly comprehensive, his organization cor- 
respondingly more complex, and his staff much enlarged. 

In developing the program of his Survey, Hayden continued to 
manifest what certainly was one of the main reasons for his suc- 
cess: an uncanny knack for searching out promising young men, 
and, while entrusting them with responsibility, giving them also 



great freedom to express their talents and specialized skills, to the 
advantage of all concerned. The roster of the Hayden Survey 
came to include many names, besides those already mentioned, 
that added luster to American science: for example, the remark- 
ably versatile genius, William Henry Holmes, who served the 
organization with great distinction as geologist, ethnologist, arche- 
ologist, artist, and editor; the geologists Archibald Marvine, Orestes 
St. John, F. M. Endlich, and Charles A. White; the topographers 
Henry Gannett, James T. Gardner, and A. D. Wilson; the orni- 
thologists Elliott Coues and C. Hart Merriam; and the botanists 
John M. Coulter and T. C. Porter. Such men - and more could be 
named - were Peale's associates during the following years; and 
from 1871 to 1879 Peale's story is, very largely, the story of the 
Hayden Survey. 

In 1872, Hayden continued investigations in the newly estab- 
lished Yellowstone National Park and nearby areas. For the 
performance of the work he divided his staff into two parties. The 
one, under his immediate direction, returned to the park region 
to develop the studies begun in 1871 . Dr. Peale was in this party, 
again as mineralogist; with it also, and beginning their long and 
notable connection with the Hayden Survey were W. H. Holmes 
and Henry Gannett. The other and larger party, under James 
Stevenson, approached the park from the southwest, making a 
survey of a route which followed, in general, the Snake River. 
On August 16th. according to prearranged plan, all of the members 
of both parties united in the Lower Fire Hole Basin in Yellowstone 
Park. This grand reunion brought together for a few days about 
sixty men and more than a hundred horses and mules. At the 
conclusion of the season, Peale prepared for the 1872 Annual 

W. H. Jackson, Dr. A. C. Peale, Dr. Turnbull, Dixon (photographer's assist- 
ant). Probably Taken in 1871 or 1872, the Only Year These Men Were 


Courtesy F. M. Fryxell 


Report a section of nearly one hundred pages. Besides presenting 
new data on the thermal springs and related features of the park, 
this section also dealt with such problems as geologic structure and 
stratigraphy, which, during the next few years, were especially to 
engage his attention. 

In 1873 investigations were transferred to Colorado, in part 
because of Indian hostility in the Yellowstone region. Study first 
was focused on the eastern portion of the mountainous part of 
Colorado, and in the three subsequent seasons, 1874 to 1876, was 
extended throughout other portions of the state. For each season 
from 1873 on, Hayden followed a plan of operations that was 
increasingly perfected. The area to be surveyed was subdivided 
into several divisions, and a party was assigned to each. Key men 
in each party were the topographer, responsible for mapping the 
division, and the geologist, who worked closely with or followed 
after him, in order to delineate the geology on the map - a pro- 
cedure that essentially is that still followed by the United States 
Geological Survey. Assigned also to the various parties were other 
scientists, such as botanists, zoologists, and meteorologists. Jack- 
son's photographic division had a roving assignment that took it 
from section to section as necessary, and there were the members 
of the administrative staff, correspondents, and special scientists, 
too, whose duties cut across divisional lines. 

In 1873, the area was divided into three units. Dr. Peale was 
appointed geologist of one of these, the South Park division; the 
other divisions were investigated by Archibald Marvine and F. M. 
Endlich, geologists new to the Survey. In 1 874 Peale investigated 
a division south of the Eagle and Grand Rivers; Marvine, Endlich, 
and Holmes served as geologists of other divisions. In 1 875 Peale 
was geologist of the Grand River division, but his work was halted 
on August 15th by Indian trouble, which cost him all of his col- 
lections. That year Endlich and Holmes again served as geologists 
of other divisions; Marvine's absence from the ranks was due to 
illness, which a few months later claimed his life when he was only 
28 years of age, prematurely terminating a brilliant career. In 
1 876 Peale was back in the Grand River division, and his geolog- 
ical colleagues assigned to other divisions, were Endlich, Holmes, 
and Charles A. White. 

The field work in Colorado was now completed, and the data at 
hand for compilation of the Atlas of Colorado, published in 1877 
and reissued in a second edition in 1881. This work, which is still 
of monumental importance in western geology, won unstinted ad- 
miration, even from competitors and critics of the Survey. Turn- 
ing its pages, one marvels at the imagination, careful planning, and 
industry which it entailed, and particularly the close team-work 
required to produce it by administrators, topographers, geologists, 
and others. The six sectional geological maps bear the names of 
the five geologists who accomplished this huge job of reconnais- 


sance mapping; and the names of Peale, Holmes, and Endlich 
appear on no less than four of the six maps. 

Long after this period, Professor Charles Schuchert of Yale 
University observed, "Doctor A. C. Peale never geologized in the 
Rockies without having in his outfit a copy of Dana's 'Manual of 
Geology, ' and each night he identified as best he could by the aid 
of this book the fossils he had gathered during the day. And Peale, 
even as a pioneer geologist on the Hayden Survey, made no glaring 
errors. " e 

For 1877, operations of the Hayden Survey were shifted to the 
region lying north of th,at investigated by the 40th Parallel Survey 
under Clarence King, and thus were conducted in Utah, Idaho, and 
Wyoming. The geological work of various parties was headed by 
Peale, Endlich, and Orestes St. John. Peale's assignment was the 
Green River division in southern Wyoming; Endlich's the Sweet- 
water division; and St. John's, the Teton division. In 1927, G. R. 
Mansfield of the U. S. Geological Survey published a detailed 
report on the geology of part of southeastern Idaho, and in his 
volume appraised the work of Peale and St. John as follows: "This 
work, though of reconnaissance grade, was of a high standard . . . 
For much of the region covered by these [Mansfield's] surveys 
the reports of Peale and St. John still constitute the principal 
sources of information." 7 

In 1878 the work was conducted entirely in Wyoming, Peale 
and Holmes being reassigned to Yellowstone National Park, to 
round out the survey of that region, while St. John and White 
worked in areas farther south. In the Park, Peale completed his 
studies of the geyser basins and hot spring localities, and Holmes 
devoted his attention to general geology. The Annual Report for 
1878 was not published until 1883; by far the largest of the twelve 
annual reports of the Hayden Survey, it comprises two large octavo 
volumes, with a total of more than 1300 pages, and an accompany- 
ing portfolio of maps and panoramas. Volume II is devoted en- 
tirely to Yellowstone National Park; it contains the geologic con- 
tributions of Peale and Holmes, and a section on topography by 
Henry Gannett. The beautiful illustrations (many of them chro- 
molithographs) by Holmes, "the greatest field artist America has 
produced, " s make the volume exceptionally attractive. 

The greater part of this volume, almost four hundred pages, is 

6. "The Relations of Stratigraphy and Paleogeography to Petroleum 
Geology," by Charles Schuchert. American Association of Petroleum Geol- 
ogists, Bulletin 3 (1919), Page 289. 

7. "Geography, Geology, and Mineral Resources of Part of Southeastern 
Idaho," by George Rogers Mansfield. U. S. Geological Survey, Professional 
Paper 152, 1927, page 5. 

8. "Cope, Master Naturalist," by Henry Fairfield Osborn. Princeton 
University Press, 1931, page 200. 


devoted to Peale's final report on "The Thermal Springs of Yellow- 
stone National Park," a work that always will hold an important 
place in Yellowstone literature. In Part I of the monograph, Peale 
tabulated and described the springs and geysers of the park - over 
2000 of the former, and 71 of the latter. Of this section, Hayden 
wrote, "It ought never to be necessary to repeat this preliminary 
work in the Park. What remains to be done is to start a series of 
close and detailed observations protracted through a number of 
consecutive years, with a view to determine, if possible, the laws 
governing geyseric action/' In Part II Peale dealt with "the 
thermal springs of the globe, tracing their connection with volcanic 
action, dwelling more particularly on the Iceland and New Zealand 
regions.' 1 In Part III Peale considered "the general subject of 
thermal springs, the color of water, sources of heat, etc., comparing 
Yellowstone Park with other hot-spring areas/' Additional chap- 
ters relate to "the analyses of the waters and deposits from the 
springs of the Park," and "the special consideration of geysers, 
giving the theories and treating of the peculiarities of their erup- 
tions and the influences modifying them." Finally, the biblio- 
graphical appendix cites references on the Yellowstone National 
Park, Iceland, and New Zealand, and authorities for thermal 
springs throughout other parts of the world; the mineralogical 
appendix lists minerals of the park and the analyses of several of 
the great variety of igneous rocks found within its limits. 

Since the period of the Hayden Survey, the hydrothermal phe- 
nomena of Yellowstone National Park have held perennial interest 
for scientists, and have received much attention. Most important 
of later studies are those made by E. T. Allen and Arthur L. Day, 
under auspices of the Carnegie Institution of Washington and pub- 
lished in 1935. Concerning Peale's pioneer work, these authors 
stated, 1 ' "Peale explored a wide expanse of territory in a day when 
transportation was slow and difficult; his observations are generally 
accurate, and his statements are not exaggerated. His book 
abounds not only in description but in measurements of tempera- 
ture, in numerous and careful observations on geysers, and in 
scattered information of other kinds which is of value, but on the 
whole he lacked the systematic data necessary for the solution of 
his problems. The time at his disposal, three comparatively short 
summers, was inadequate for its collection ... it is clear from the 
context of his report that Peale was fully aware of its preliminary 
character. It is, in fact, the first attempt at definite location and 
scientific description and the earliest guide to the thermal features 
of the Park. Furthermore Peale's descriptions with Jackson's 

9. "Hot Springs of the Yellowstone National Park," by E. T. Allen and 
Arthur L. Day. Publication No. 466, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 
1935. 525 pages. Pages 3-4. 


photographs, Holmes' drawings and Mushback's sketch-maps, es- 
tablish many points from which to judge the permanence or varia- 
bility of hydro thermal activity during the last half century." 

Though Peale published many other papers in subsequent years, 
his final Yellowstone report stands as his most important scientific 
work. It brought his contributions to the Annual Reports of the 
Hayden Survey, during the eight years of his continuous service on 
the staff, to a total of nearly 1000 pages. In addition he published 
sundry papers in the Bulletins of the Survey and elsewhere. 

The field season of 1878 proved the last for the Hayden Survey, 
as thereafter it lost its separate identity when Congress consolidated 
all federal surveys into one organization, the United States Geo- 
logical Survey. Official termination of the Hayden Survey took 
place on June 30, 1879. The political maneuvering that preceded 
this event resulted in the appointment of Clarence King as the first 
director of the United States Geological Survey. King took office 
on July 1, 1879, and on July 8th he wrote to the Secretary of the 
Interior, Carl Schurz, recommending a small staff to form the 
nucleus of the new organization. Five men were appointed to the 
rank of full geologist, and Hayden was one of these (the others 
were Samuel F. Emmons, Arnold Hague, Grove K. Gilbert, and 
Raphael Pumpelly ) . Peale did not become a member of the 
Geological Survey immediately. Not much is known about his 
activities from 1879 to 1883, though from a few letters it appears 
that he resided at Schuylkill Haven, Pennsylvania, devoting his time 
to the Yellowstone report. Hayden, meanwhile, took up residence 
in Philadelphia, near his wife's home and the Academy of Natural 
Sciences, where the best of library facilities were at his disposal, 
and he concentrated on winding up the affairs of his Survey, 
particularly the publication of its final volumes. This was a diffi- 
cult task, and with his failing health he could not have completed 
it but for the aid of others, especially Holmes and Coues. Probably 
Peale, too, assisted Hayden with this work, though to what extent 
is not known. 

After a year, King resigned as director of the Geological Survey, 
and he was succeeded by the capable John Wesley Powell. The 
staff of the Survey was enlarged rapidly, and in the "plan of opera- 
tions" that he submitted to the Secretary of the Interior on June 19, 
1883, Powell proposed placing in the Upper Missouri region "a 
small party under Dr. F. V. Hayden, with A. C. Peale as assistant, 
for the purpose of prosecuting the work formerly begun by Dr. 
Hayden in Dakota on certain Cretaceous and Tertiary formations, 
and making collections of the fossils of the same." From Hayden - 
Peale correspondence it is clear that in this arrangement Peale 
again willingly chose to cast his lot with Hayden; and so it came 
about that in July, 1883, the two men journeyed to Montana for 
field work together in areas long familiar to both. For Hayden it 
meant a return to the very localities he had first visited in the 




i l ">'M.'h J^ ^.??^4*i;2' k - 


Kubel Sketches: Looking East From Camp, August 4, 1877 



<f*& iUtfT 


: *- : *s 

Deep Caldron, About 1800 Foot Slope and 3000 Feet Deep 

Courtesy F. M. Fryxell 


1850s, three decades before. Then he had traveled afoot, by river 
boat, or on horseback, into regions unexplored geologically, where 
warlike Indians were a constant threat, and bison still grazed in 
immense herds. Now, as they went by train, it was through greatly 
changed scenes. And Hayden, too, had changed; he was no 
longer young, and he was ailing. When illness necessitated cutting 
short his field work, and forced his return to Philadelphia in early 
September, Peale stayed on to work alone. Hayden, though crip- 
pled and extremely frail, was able to return to Montana with Peale 
and work with him to some extent three more summers. It is of 
great interest that in the summer of 1886, when Hayden made his 
final trip to the West, his party included, as a young assistant, 
George P. Merrill, who in later years became Head Curator of 
Geology at the United States National Museum and, while in that 
position, the historian of American geology. Hayden was long 
bedfast, and his death occurred on December 22, 1887. 1 " Peale 
continued the work in Montana, and in time completed his map- 
ping. The main result of this field work was the Three Forks Folio 
of the Geologic A tlas of the United States. Though this folio was 
not published until 1896, and became number 24 in the series, it 
had the distinction, according to Merrill, of being the first geolog- 
ical folio to be completed in manuscript. 

The Three Forks region, it may be noted, includes geological 
features of great complexity, and it presents very difficult prob- 
lems. In the most recent of many studies of the region, published 
in 1961, the author, G. D. Robertson, nevertheless observed that 
"A. C. Peale (1896) mapped virtually the whole Three Forks 
basin, at a scale of 1 : 250,000. Many of his observations and ideas 
on basin geology are still useful." 11 

Along with other types of research, Peale continued his study of 
mineral waters, his investigations in Yellowstone Park having made 
him an authority on the subject. For eighteen years (1883 to 
1901 ) he contributed to the annual volumes on Mineral Resources 
of the United States, and to the Annual Reports of the Geological 
Survey, the sections devoted to mineral waters. Other papers re- 
sulting from continued work on this subject are: The Classification 
of Mineral Waters (1887); Lists and Analyses of the Mineral 
Springs of the United States ( Bulletin 32 of the Geological Survey, 
a volume of 235 pages) ; the Natural Mineral Waters of the United 

10. All too little specific information is available about the period 1883- 
1886, during which Hayden and Peale worked together in Montana. Their 
letters make mention of the "friends in Bozeman," but the efforts of Dr. 
J. V. Howell and the author to identify these friends, and fill out this part 
of the Hayden-Peale story, have not been very fruitful. Students of Mon- 
tana local history may be able to give valuable assistance in this search. 

11. "Origin and Development of the Three Forks Basin. Montana." 
Geological Society of American Bulletin, volume 72, (1961), page 1005. 


States ( 1 894) ; and Classification of Mineral Waters ( 1902 ) . Af- 
ter affiliation with the American Climatological Association, in 
1887, he was appointed to the Committee on Mineral Springs of 
that organization, published several papers in the Transactions, 
and came to be one of the valued members of the Association. In 
1913, the Secretary of the Association, Guy Hinsdale, M. D., noted 
in the Transactions, "We believe we are indebted to Dr. A. C. 
Peale ... for the best and most comprehensive classification" 
[of mineral waters]. Dr. Peale also continued to publish papers 
on other subjects. 

In 1898, Dr. Peale was transferred from the Geological Survey 
to the United States National Museum, where he was put in charge 
of the paleobotanical collections. Here he remained at work until 
a few months before his death. As an illustration of Dr. Peale's 
activities during this final period of his life, one of his projects may 
be singled out because of its unusual nature. For the geological 
exhibits of the Museum he prepared a "Structure Section Across 
the North American Continent," based on data taken from various 
surveys and reduced to common scales (the horizontal scale being 
two miles to the inch, and the vertical scale 4000 feet to the inch). 
This section, made along a line extending from San Francisco 
through Colorado Springs and St. Louis to the Atlantic Coast (at 
Pamlico Sound, North Carolina), was done in color and was over 
125 feet long. Displayed on the north wall of the Hall of Fossil 
Invertebrate Animals, it remained for decades one of the most 
striking and informative geological exhibits of the Museum. 

To Dr. Peale, as to his mentor, failure in health came all too 
early, before retirement age. He suffered several strokes and, 
toward the last, found walking increasingly difficult. A lonely 
little man, who rarely spoke about himself or his past, and shuffled 
to and from the laboratories of the Museum, he may have aroused 
the interest and sympathy of those who noticed him; but it is 
doubtful that many were aware that he was one of the country's 
pioneer geologists, or had any realization of the fact that, in his 
vigorous youth, he had participated in some of the most stirring 
chapters of American exploration. But his erstwhile assistant, 
George P. Merrill, was fully cognizant of this, and in gathering 
information for his history of American geology, he had enlisted 
Dr. Peale's intimate acquaintance with men long gone and events 
all but forgotten. And later he paid Dr. Peale this tribute: "His 
work throughout a period of upwards of forty years of service was 
characterized by enthusiasm and conscientious attention to detail 
rarely equalled." Another colleague who admired Dr. Peale 
greatly, the late Edwin Kirk, spoke of him in like terms, and de- 
scribed him as "a gentleman of the old school" and "a true 

Dr. Peale never sought or attained the scientific leadership 
achieved by some of his old friends, like Holmes, Gannett, and 


Coues, but he had an extremely keen mind, and his interests were 
exceptionally broad. This is evidenced not only by his affiliation 
with the American Climatological Association but also with the 
American Chemical Society, the Academy of Natural Sciences of 
Philadelphia (of which Charles Willson Peale and Titian R. Peale 
had been active members before him), the Philosophical, Geologi- 
cal, and Chemical Societies of Washington, the Cosmos Club, and 
other organizations. An omnivorous reader, he was especially 
interested in literature and history - and understandably so in 
colonial and western history, as well as in the genealogy of his own 
distinguished family. Delving into the records of his illustrious 
forebears, he wrote biographical accounts of his great-grandfather, 
Charles Willson Peale, and Titian R. Peale. For many years he 
served as surgeon and registrar of the Society of Colonial Wars in 
the District of Columbia, and he prepared the Register of that 
Society, a beautiful volume published in 1904. 

After Peale's death, his diaries for 1871 and 1872, together with 
some of the correspondence between the Peales and the Haydens, 
were saved from destruction through the thoughtful alertness of 
Edwin Kirk. Dr. Kirk presented the diaries to Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park, and made the correspondence available to the author. 
This correspondence reveais how close and warm was the friend- 
ship between the Haydens and the Peales. In the long period 
during which Dr. Hayden was incapacitated by illness, Dr. Peale 
faithfully kept him informed about their mutual friends in Wash- 
ington, and supplied him with news from scientific circles in the 
capitol city, subjects that keenly interested Dr. Hayden up to his 
death. It was especially to Dr. Peale that Mrs. Hayden turned for 
assistance when she was widowed. Many years later, in a letter 
written on January 13, 1908, Dr. Peale had occasion to report to 
Dr. Merrill, in all brevity, "I had to do with the closing out of Dr. 
Hayden*s private matters, including the disposition of his books 
and papers." This Dr. Peale did. to be sure, but he did far more: 
setting himself to the task of writing Dr. Hayden's biography, he 
painstakingly assembled the basic information (much of it gleaned 
through several years by extensive correspondence ) and then pre- 
pared a memoir suitable for publication. Instead of publishing 
this, however, he placed it at the disposal of others more prominent 
than himself. Thus it followed that Peale's manuscript served as 
the basis for the definitive biography of Dr. Hayden by Charles A. 
White, published as a Memoir of the National Academy of Science, 
and for that by J. W. Powell, published in the Annual Report of the 
United States Geological Survey, as well as for other accounts. 
Peale himself published only a condensation of his biography; 1 - 

12. "Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden," by A. C. Peale. Philosophical 
Society of Washington, Bulletin 11, pages 476-478 (1890). 


his larger manuscript was placed on open file in the library of the 
National Museum, where it still remains. The incident well illus- 
trates both Dr. Peale's self-effacing nature and his complete devo- 
tion to Dr. Hayden. 

Dr. Peale's generous and friendly ways, albeit retiring disposi- 
tion, made him well-liked among his campmates and other col- 
leagues, and these were pleased to bestow his name on the geo- 
graphical features of several widely-separated localities. "Peale 
Island'" is the most southerly island in Yellowstone Lake, Yellow- 
stone National Park, Wyoming. "Mount Peale" (altitude 12,721 
feet) is the highest peak of the La Sal Mountains ("Sierra la Sal"), 
in eastern Utah, near the Colorado border. 13 The "Peale Moun- 
tains'* are in southeastern Idaho. Of these mountains G. R. Mans- 
field wrote (1927), li "The largest mountain group of the subdi- 
visions of the Idaho-Wyoming Chain represented in this region 
[southeastern Idaho] is named in honor of Dr. A. C. Peale, chief 
of the Green River division of the Hayden surveys, who first 
sketched in broad outlines the geology of these mountains. The 
group includes the Preuss Range and its numerous subdivisions, 
Webster Range, and the outlying Grays Range, together with a 
group of lesser ridges . . . Together they [the Peale Mountains] 
occupy an area 65 miles in length and about 25 miles in maximum 

Dr. Peale gave little heed to popular acclaim, and allowed fame 
to pass him by. Yet, as one reviews his accomplishments and sums 
up his life, it is manifest that his record is one that stands firmly 
on its own merits. He should be remembered for what he 
achieved, and no less so for his personal integrity. 

The unique relationship between Dr. Peale and Dr. Hayden, 
too, deserves remembrance, and one may recall it with pleasure. 
These two men — student and teacher to begin with, afterwards 
co-workers and staunch friends through many years — were both 
doctors of medicine who found their careers in the study of natural 
science. They labored together in closest harmony, ardently pur- 
suing the work of their choice. Wealth came to neither, but their 
calling brought them other rewards: the enduring satisfactions to 
be found in wholehearted dedication to creative and worth-while 


This article is one of the by-products of a comprehensive study 
that Dr. J. V. Howell and the author have been conducting, for a 
number of years, relating to the history and personnel of the Hay- 

13. "Origin of Certain Place Names in the United States," by Henry 
Gannett. United States Geological Survey, Bulletin 258 (1905), page 240. 

14. Mansfield, op. cit., page 24. 


den Survey. As such it has benefited from the financial support 
granted the larger investigation by the John Simon Guggenheim 
Memorial Foundation, the National Science Foundation, and 
Augustana College. 

The author is greatly indebted to Mrs. Elizabeth Mahan, Dr. 
J. V. Howell, and Mr. Roald Fryxell, his son, for constructive 
reviews of the manuscript. Dr. Howell, the leading student of the 
Hayden Survey, furnished information on important points, and 
provided the illustrations. 

The figure of Albert Charles Peale, as here portrayed, owes not 
a little to conversations the author was privileged to hold, many 
years ago, with those splendid patriarchs of the Hayden Survey, 
William Henry Jackson and William Henry Holmes; and, more 
recently, with two senior members of the Geological Survey, Edwin 
Kirk and John B. Reeside, - men now deceased. Dr. Kirk, who 
had been closely associated with Dr. Peale, expressed great regret 
that his memory had suffered unmerited eclipse, because of the 
man's modest and reticent nature, and because in his later years, 
when he was sorely stricken by ill-health and bereavement, few 
co-workers got to know him with sufficient intimacy to appreciate 
the true worth of the man. Dr. Reeside concurred in these views. 


United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories ( Hay- 
den Survey, 1867 - 1879): Annual Reports, Bulletins, and other publications. 

Endlich. Frederich, S. N. D. - Pealite: A New Mineral Described in the 
Sixth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey [Hayden Sur- 
vey. Annual Report for 1872, pages 153 - 154]. Private publication, 2 
pages. Circa 1873. Describes a mineral discovered in Yellowstone Nation- 
al Park by A. C. Peale and named after him by F. M. Endlich. Pealite is 
listed in Dana's System of Mineralogy, 6th edition, page 196, as a variety 
of geyserite. 

Powell, John Wesley - [Memorial to] Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden. United 
States Geological Survey, Ninth Annual Report ( 1889), pages 31 - 38. 

Peale, Albert Charles - Biographical Sketch of F. V. Hayden, M. D. With 
Bibliography. Manuscript in library of United States National Museum, 
Washington, D. C. Circa 1889. 

White, Charles A. - Memoir of Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden, 1839 - 1887. 
Read before the National Academy, November, 1894. National Academy 
of Science, Memoirs, volume 3, pages 395 - 413. 1893. 

Peale, Albert Charles - Charles Willson Peale and his Public Services during 
the Revolution. A paper read before the Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution in the District of Columbia. Read December 15, 1896. 31 

Kisch, Enoch Heinrich - Balneology and Crounotherapy. Translated by 
A. A. Eshner. With notes for America by Guy Hinsdale, and an introduc- 
tory chapter on the classification of mineral waters, with especial reference 
to those of the U. S., by A. C. Peale. In: Cohen, S. S., Editor, System of 
Physiologic Therapeutics (1902), volume 9, pages 297-503. This publi- 


cation by Dr. Peale is not listed in Geologic Literature on North America, 
1785 - 1918. It is in the library of the College of Physicians, Philadelphia. 

Schmeckebier. L. F. - Catalogue and Index of the Publications of the Hay- 
den, King, Powell, and Wheeler Surveys. United States Geological Survey, 
Bulletin 222 (1904). 208 pages. 

Register of the Society of Colonial Wars in District of Columbia, 1904. 
Prepared for the Society by Dr. A. C. Peale, the Registrar, and edited by 
Dr. Marcus Benjamin, the Deputy Governor, under the Committee on Pub- 
lications. 214 pages. Washington City, 1904. Genealogy of the Peale 
family on page 144; portrait of Dr. A. C. Peale facing page 1 12. 

Peale. Albert Charles - Titian R. Peale, 1800- 1885. Philosophical Society 
of Washington, Bulletin 14 (1905), pages 317 - 326. 

Merrill. George P. - Contributions to the History of American Geology. 
United States National Museum, Annual Report for 1904, pages 189-733. 
1906. Refers to Peale's work with the Hayden Survey; portrait on page 
600; biographical note on page 708. 

Obituary notices of Dr. Albert Charles Peale: 

The Washington Post. Sunday, December 6, 1914, page 6. 
Philadelphia Public Ledger. Sunday. December 6, 1914, page 5. 

Who's Who in America. Albert Charles Peale is listed in volumes 1 - 8 
(1899-1915); also in Who Was Who in America, volume 1 (1897-1942). 

Nickles. John M. - Geologic Literature on North America, 1785-1918. 
United States Geological Survey, Bulletin 746, Part I, Bibliography (1923), 
1 167 pages. Bulletin 747, Part II, Index (1924), 658 pages. Lists most of 
Peale's geological publications. 

Chittenden, Hiram Martin - Yellowstone National Park, Historical and 
Descriptive. 1924 edition, published by J. E. Haynes, Saint Paul, 356 pages. 
1933 edition, revised by Eleanor Chittenden Cress and Isabelle F. Story, 
published by Stanford University Press, 286 pages. 

Merrill. George P. - The First One Hundred Years of American Geology. 
Yale University Press, 1924. 773 pages. Refers to Peale's work with the 
Hayden Survey; portrait on page 519. 

Jackson. William Henry, in collaboration with Driggs. Howard R. - The 
Pioneer Photographer. World Book Company. 1929. 314 pages. 

Jackson, William Henry - Time Exposure. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1940. 341 

BeaL Merrill D. - The Story of Man in Yellowstone. The Caxton Printers, 
Ltd.. Caldwell. Idaho, 1949. 320 pages. 

Ewan, Joseph - Rocky Mountain Naturalists. The University of Denver 
Press. 1950. 358 pages. Brief biographical sketch of Peale on pages 280- 


Howell. J. V. - Geology plus Adventure: the Story of the Hayden Survey. 
Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, volume 49 (July, 1959), 
pages 220 - 224. 

Letters by Albert Charles Peale in records of the Hayden Survey, National 
Archives; in George P. Merrill papers. Library of Congress; in Merrill Auto- 
graph Collection, United States National Museum. All in Washington, 

b. c. 

Early records of the United States Geological Survey, in National Archives. 

Pat tee, the Cottery King 


Philip Gardiner Nordell 

The lotteries run in Omaha in the early 1870's and those almost 
immediately following based in Laramie City, as it was then called, 
and Cheyenne,* form the chief episodes at the height of the spec- 
tacular career of James Monroe Pattee, a prolific schemer with a 
Midas touch. The word "based" is used because Pattee, an out- 
sider, merely utilized Wyoming as a legal base for his countrywide 

His Omaha lotteries, while showering him with additional riches, 
seem to have been conducted for the most part without deception. 
In contributing to worthy institutions they won the plaudits of 
prominent citizens. To the contrary, the Wyoming Lottery and 
the Cheyenne State Lottery, beyond payment of county license 
fees, and amidst charges of fraud, wrought no public benefit what- 
soever. Then, shifting to mining swindles among other things, and 
embellishing his circulars with stories of imminent riches surpass- 
ing those of the Comstock Lode, he utilized the tiny prizes won in 
his lotteries as bait to lure the suckers a second time. 

To place these enterprises of Pattee's in their proper niche, a 
brief sketch should be given of the status American lotteries had 
reached by that time. During the second half of the 18th century 
and the early 19th, about 2000 of them were launched for a variety 
of objectives. For example, excepting only the Quakers and some 
minor sects, about 400 were set on foot by or for the Presbyterians, 
Episcopalians, Lutherans, German Reformed, Congregationalists 
and Baptists, including a few for other denominations, then small, 
particularly the Catholics and Methodists. Frequently in the ap- 
peals to buy tickets it was stated that their purchase would promote 
religion. Each of the ten present-day American colleges that 
taught at the collegiate level before the end of the colonial period 
ran one or more lotteries — -five by Princeton, two of which raised 
much of the cost of erecting its historic Nassau Hall. All of the 

* I want to acknowledge my deep gratitude to Miss Lola M. Homsher, 
Miss Henryetta Berry, Miss Jean Batchelder and Miss Mary Elizabeth Cody, 
all of whom, some years ago, and more recently Mrs. Katherine Halverson, 
gave me their enthusiastic cooperation in combing source material in Lara- 
mie and Cheyenne for data concerning these Wyoming lotteries. 


topnotch Founding Fathers participated in lotteries in one way or 
another. George Washington signed tickets, he bought tickets on 
speculation, he had charge of a drawing and, when President, he 
gave a ticket to a young child. Martha, when the first First Lady, 
bought a ticket for a Christmas present. 

While it is true, in later years, that a change in moral standards, 
specifically in the identification of the lottery principle, not only as 
gambling, but as the most pernicious type of gambling, did play an 
important role in casting lotteries into bad repute, another essential 
reason lay in their perversion by the very conditions that brought 
them into being. 

Each State authorized as many lotteries as it chose, regardless 
of other States, and more often than not put no time limit on the 
grants. The result was that by the mid-1790's a chronic glut of 
tickets hung over the market. Sufficient tickets to insure a profit 
could not be sold and when the drawings started they often were 
stretched out for more than a year. Sapping away the strength of 
the lotteries themselves, parasitical gambling became rife as to what 
numbers would be drawn on specific days. Profits sank. Amateur 
managers, no longer daring to take the risk, gave way to profes- 
sional contractors. In the ensuing competition between them, not 
only were hundreds of times as many tickets to raise a given sum 
thrown on the market, with only a minute fraction of them sold, 
but the percentage of money, which adventurers had paid for tick- 
ets, returned to them in the form of prizes, sank from around 85%, 
common in the 18th century, to two-thirds or a half. 

During the 1820 , s and early 1830's, lotteries were subjected to 
such a heavy bombardment by the dedicated reformers that by 
1834 they had been prohibited (but the purchase of tickets could 
not be abolished) by some of the northern States, particularly 
Massachusetts, New York and Pennsylvania. But in other States 
well managed lotteries supervised by State officials had their 
defenders. And in the aftermath of the Civil War, hundreds of 
them sprang up most everywhere, generally masquerading as gift 
concerts or other forms of gift enterprises. 

During the 1870's, covering the period of Pattee's lottery activi- 
ties in Omaha and Wyoming, a growing revulsion gained strength 
most everywhere against all forms of the gift enterprises as well as 
against all the regular lotteries running as such. Several of the 
latter were still operating on grants made in the 1830's, with only a 
pittance of the profits going to the beneficiaries. The contractors, 
buying and selling their vested rights among themselves, were piling 
up fortunes. Having excluded lottery advertising from its columns 
in 1873, the New York Times declared in 1879, "Gambling at best 
is a disease, and if it cannot be wholly extirpated, the area of its 
ravages can be limited. When this disease takes the aspect of a 
lottery, it affects men, women, and children, and the pestilence 
should be stamped out as though it were the Russian plague." 


To fully understand the workings of the Wyoming lotteries, 
something must be explained concerning a radical alteration in the 
manner of drawing that had become common in the 1 820 1 s. In 
practically all of the old lotteries run before that time, the tickets 
were numbered consecutively from one to say 5000 or 50,000, or 
whatever number of tickets was in the scheme. In the drawing, 
as the number of each ticket on a rolled piece of paper was taken 
from one wheel, simultaneously another paper was taken from a 
second wheel, designating what, if any, prize had been won. Even 
if only the slips for the prizes, perhaps a third of the total, were put 
into the wheel, it was a slow process. 

The new method was based on what was called the ternary or 
3-number system, in contrast to the former single-number system. 
Obviously, among the numbers say running from l to 75, many 
combinations of three of these numbers can be made, as 9.23.74. 
In a scheme based on 75 numbers, each of these combinations, in 
this instance 67,525 in all, would be put on a different ticket. To 
determine which tickets won certain prizes, the 75 numbers or 
ballots, each rolled separately, were placed in a wheel and a few 
drawn out, say 12. Depending upon what numbers were drawn, 
certain combinations of three of them, previously published, would 
win certain prizes. The whole drawing, then, instead of consuming 
many hours spread out over weeks or months, would be over in a 
few minutes. 

For example, the person holding the ticket with the above num- 
bers, 9.23.74, would quickly see if one, two or three of them were 
among the few drawn. If in the rare chance they happened to be 
the first three, not necessarily, but as a general rule, he would 
win the top prize. If only one of his numbers was drawn, ordi- 
narily he would receive a small prize, perhaps the cost of the ticket. 
or even nothing if a comparatively few prizes were in the scheme. 
In the 1 850"s the single-number schemes staked a revival and 
thereafter, as a rule, a few of them were interspersed with the 
commoner ternaries. 

Born in 1823, the son of a New Hampshire farmer, Pattee, 
having accumulated several thousand dollars as a writing teacher, 
threw off such a slow method of making money and, at the age of 
30, went west and quickly laid the foundation of a fortune in 
successful land speculation. 1 Back east, illustrative of his so- 

1. Biographical sketch of Pattee through his second Omaha lottery 
enterprise is in A. C. Edmunds, Pen sketches of Nebraskans with photo- 
graphs (1871), pp. 362-5, but it is so eulogistic as to suggest the book is 
one of those compilations soon to become common in which the write-ups 
depended upon what was paid for them. 



termed restless, roving disposi- 1 
tion, living successively in New 
Haven, Philadelphia and New 
York, the several directories of 
the period list his occupations 
as land speculator, gentleman, 
publisher, printer, banker, brok- 
er, "mining and "mer." (mer- 
chant?). By 1868 he owned a 
fine brownstone mansion at 322 
West 56 Street, New York, and 
there, presumably, his wife and 
two daughters lived while he 
engaged in successful mining 
operations in California. While 
in Nevada City in 1 870 and 
1871 he raised, by means of a 
"Grand Fair" type of lottery, a 
sufficient sum to pay the debts 
of the local school district and 
thus enable the public schools 
to reopen.- 

With this experience in be- James Monroe Pattee, from Pen 
coming, as described by the Sketches of Nebraskans, by A. C. 
New York Times, "a speculator Edmunds 

on the credulity of the public," 
in the latter year he moved on 
to Omaha where, it is said, he became known as the Lottery King. a 

His first Omaha enterprise, to help establish a public library, 
consisted of a scheme of 90,000 tickets offered at $2, or 3 for $5, 
from the proceeds of which, 2310 "gifts" totaling $100,000, from 
one of $20,000 down, were to be distributed. It was drawn on 
November 6 or 7, 1871, at the Academy of Music, crowded to 

The next "Great Public Drawing," to aid the Mercy Hospital 
operated by the Sisters of Mercy, was held on June 27, 1872, at 
Redick's Opera House, presided over by Nebraska's Governor 

Courtesy Philip Gardiner Nordeli 

2. Same, p. 365. The enterprise seems to have been the Cosmopolitan 
Benevolent Association of California Grand Fair, advertised extensively in 
the Nevada City Daily National Gazette commencing Aug. 23, 1870, and 
described as "in aid of Washington School and liquidating debt of the 
Nevada School district." Names of managers do not include Pattee, but 
he often employed front men. 

3. Thus termed in Alfred Sorenson, The story of Omaha, 3rd ed. (1923), 
p. 487. On p. 488 is a likeness of Pattee with dark and piercing eyes, prob- 
ably touched up. I see nothing concerning him in the first edition (1876) 
of this work and very little in the second (1889). 


James, with an outpouring of prominent citizens on the stage in- 
cluding former Governor Saunders. J. B. Geggie of St. Louis, 
winner of the top prize of $50,000 in gold, received a check on 
July 2 for $54,790, the equivalent in greenbacks. 

Pattee's "Third Legal Enterprise," to erect the Nebraska State 
Orphan Asylum, for destitute persons as well as orphans, was 
drawn on November 6, 1872. The fourth, also for the asylum, 
with a top prize of $75,000, was drawn on May 20, 1873. Adver- 
tised frequently in the New York Herald, an indication of the 
distance Pattee had thrown his net survives in the form of a legal 
agreement entered into by ten Boston citizens, each of whom 
bought a ticket, to share any prizes they might win. 

Temporarily, Pattee appears to have run into trouble. While 
his earlier enterprises seem to have been approved from the start 
by the city council, this body on February 25, 1873, denied the 
fourth had been endorsed by any of its members and declared it 
to be fraudulent. Perhaps Pattee had assumed that the endorse- 
ment of his first asylum drawing covered any future one for the 
same objective. The matter must have been ironed out in view of 
an apparently impartial account in a history of Omaha published 
in 1 894, 4 wherein it is stated this second asylum drawing, conduct- 
ed at the opera house before a large audience, was supervised by a 
committee including four members of the council and Judge John 
R. Porter. General S. A. Strickland introduced Pattee, who re- 
sponded with a speech. 

The same volume states that a month later Pattee was arrested 
upon a charge, by one of his clerks, that he had carried on a 
fraudulent lottery by issuing duplicate and triplicate tickets, without 
any hint in the book as to the outcome. In any event, Pattee in 
August of the same year advertised in the Herald the "Grand 
Temple Gift Concert," to be drawn at Omaha on the 30th. 5 Mean- 
while an act prohibiting lotteries in the State, to take effect on 
September 1, had become law without the governor's signature. 
It appears the drawing never took place, probably from an insuf- 

4. James W. Savage and John T. Bell, History of the City of Omaha 
Nebraska (1894), pp. 145, 257-8, 303. Data on all four drawings in follow- 
ing circulars: Omaha Herald Extra at Am. Ant. Soc. Worcester, Mass.: 
The Times Illustrated in writer's lottery collection, hereafter designated as 
PGN Col.; The Laramie News in Bella C. Landauer Collection at NY Hist. 
Soc, hereafter designated as BCL Col., and in PGN Col. Other details on 
individual lotteries as follows: (1) Library: Nebraska City Morning Chron 
icle, Oct. 27, 1871; circulars in BCL Col. and at AAS. (2) Hospital: 
Morning Chronicle, Oct. 31, 1871, Feb. 22, 1872; circular in BCL Col. 
(3 and 4) Orphan Asylum: NY Herald, Jan. 1, 3, Feb. 27, April 22, May 
13, 14, 1873; MSS. concerning Boston citizens in PGN Col. 

5. NY Herald, Aug. 12 and fol., 1873. 


ficient sale of tickets, forcing Pattee to seek other ground where he 
might exercise his talents. 

$: :J: ^ :|c % >;: ^ s|« 

Early in 1875 Pattee distributed through the mails a most extra- 
ordinary circular, resembling at first glance a pictorial tabloid 
newspaper. Entitled, The Times Illustrated, dated at New York 
March of that year and issued again with the date changed to April, 
but in both cases designated as Vol. II, No. 15, and ostensibly 
published by The American Gold & Silver Mining Co. of Montana 
with its office at 63 Wall Street, it consisted of a folded sheet mak- 
ing four pages, each 19 inches by 12. (! 

At that time a sensational scandal rocked the country. The Rev. 
Henry Ward Beecher, whose pulpit had become virtually a national 
platform, stood accused by Theodore Tilton of having had improp- 
er relations with the latter's wife. At the top of the first page are 
competently drawn likenesses of Beecher and Mrs. Tillon and at 
the bottom of Tilton and Francis D. Moulton, described elsewhere 
as the "Mutual Friend. " In the center is a cartoon depicting the 
roof of Beecher's famous Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, upon 
which three cats with arched backs and raised tails, labeled Beech- 
er, Moulton and Tilton and lit by a smiling full moon, are yowling 
at one another. 

The back page is covered with an assemblage of participants 
and others. There is Mrs. Beecher, apparently much older than 
Mrs. Tilton; one Fullerton is depicted reading "the 'Nest-Hiding' 
Letter"; a fashionably dressed young woman reporter from San 
Francisco is there; and among other vignettes, a crowd of bustled 
young women in the corridor of the courthouse are attempting to 
rush by some policemen to gain admittance to the trial. 

Elsewhere are several medical ads, one of pure Newfoundland 
cod liver oil and another of Red Cloud's Great Indian Blood 
Purifier, a sovereign remedy for venereal diseases, loss of memory, 
lost manhood, consumption and fevers of every description. Or- 
ders for the latter were to be sent to Messrs. Lohman & Co. at 
Laramie City. (On July 28 the partnership at Laramie between 
H. L. Lowman and Pattee was dissolved. 7 ) An ad of the above 
mentioned mining company cited "mountains of gold and silver 
ore" and predicted an investor "may any morning wake up and 
find himself independent for life." 

Interspersed throughout are glowing accounts of Pattee's four 
Great Legal Drawings (without any hint of their Omaha origin), 
a long list of winners, and large ads of the Wyoming Monthly 
Lottery and of the "Fifth Extraordinary Drawing" of the Wyoming 

6. Both March and April issues in PGN Col. 

7. Laramie Daily Sentinel, July 29, 1875. Presumably the medicine 
man. The name is spelled Loman in the Laramie Daily Sun, July 31. 


Lottery (different divisions of the same enterprise), as if continu- 
ing the Omaha series. Investors are directed to obtain tickets from 
Pattee at Laramie City, where it was understood all of the draw- 
ings would take place. A purported reprint from the "Daily 
Union' 1 eulogizes his successes. He is described as a man true to 
his friends, perfectly reliable, whose "word is better than a bond 
from one-half of mankind." By means of his keen perception and 
wonderful foresight, it is stated he was then worth more than half 
a million dollars. 

The following year a similar pictorial circular entitled The Lar- 
amie News* was distributed, containing sketches of the Centennial 
buildings at Philadelphia, a likeness of Charley Ross (the kid- 
napped Philadelphia youngster) and others, and again, medical 
ads, laudatory references to Pattee's previous drawings and his 
current Wyoming lottery schemes. 

;•; $i sj« sfs 3js 5f: $z >|: 

In the spring of 1 875 Pattee entered the office of a struggling 
newspaper publisher in Laramie with a weekly payroll of $27, 
gave him an order for 40,000 circulars, and hired from 1 5 to 20 
clerks. Soon, Pattee had his mail collected from the post office 
in a clothesbasket and, it was reported, he deposited up to $4000 
or even $5000 a day in the bank. And he did not overlook con- 
tributions to the local churches. 9 

All of the major advertisements stated the lottery was authorized 
by "an act of the legislature" of Wyoming, but, as it turns out, it 
was not a specific act granted to him to accomplish a useful pur- 
pose. In the course of a territorial act concerning county licenses, 
approved December 9, 1 869, any person or company was per- 
mitted to run a lottery upon payment to the sheriff of $100 for a 
license good for three months. What the legislators no doubt had 
in mind were small, short-lived affairs, the kind that sprang up 
everywhere, confined to the local population. By paying only 
$400 a year for the privilege, 1 " Pattee thereupon proceeded to sell 

8. See note 4. 

9. Wyoming State Tribune and Cheyenne State Leader, July 20, 1929. 
2:2; MS article, Paul Armstrong, "History of the Post Office at Laramie, 
Wyoming" (1936); Velma Linford, author of Wyoming Frontier State, 
in a letter to me dated Aug. 2, 1950, attributing the clothesbasket item to 
C. D. Spaulding, whose father worked in the post office at the time; record- 
ed interviews with Mrs. Mary Bellamy, June 18, 1947, and Sept. 28, 1950, 
made by Lola M. Homsher and in the Archives of the University of Wyo- 

10. At the Albany County Courthouse in Laramie there are now no 
records of licenses issued before 1878. However, it can hardly be doubted 
Pattee's authorization originated in such a license. Not only did Mrs. 
Bellamy in the 1950 interview (see note 9) feel sure he obtained one issued 
by the county, but the Laramie Daily Sentinel of Dec. 15, 1875, cited as 


in the first year as many tickets as he could in schemes totaling 
about $7,000,000. Late in 1875 Governor Thayer vetoed an act 
that would have raised Pattee's annual license to $800, as a favor, 
it was said, 11 to his old friend. 

Each of the Monthly schemes was based on the ternary or 
3-number combinations described above, formed not among 75 
or 78 numbers, as had been utilized in other lotteries for decades, 
fixing the number of tickets at 67,525 or 76,076 respectively, but 
among 150, thus raising the number of tickets to the vast total of 
551,300! They were offered at $1 each, 6 for $5, or 20 for $16. 
In each scheme there were 70,755 prizes totaling $200,000 in 
some months and $275,000 in others. 1 - The ratio of the number 
of prizes to tickets at first glance might not seem so bad, but 
70,000 of the former were of only 50c each. Including a top prize 
of $50,000 net, only 35 were above $100 each. During the heyday 
of American lotteries, a scheme offering such a poor chance would 
have been scorned and left to wither on the vine. 

In what Pattee was pleased to number his 5th, 6th and 7th 
Extraordinary drawings, to be conducted on the single-number 
plan, there were 500,000 tickets in each at the same choice of 
prices, with a top prize of $100,000 net. la With 51,025 prizes 
totaling $350,000 in each of the 5th and 6th, 50,000 of them of 
$1 each were to be decided, according to a then common expedient, 
by the last digit in the number of the ticket winning the top prize. 

As a mail order shark Pattee learned his lessons well. The more 
agents the merrier for him, but why pay their commissions in cash? 
Starting at the latest in early 1 876, he gave tickets to agents, in 
place of cash commissions, for special all-prize schemes and adver- 
tised one such agents" special scheme would be drawn in conjunc- 
tion with each regular Monthly and Extraordinary drawing. 

For instance, to adventurers who had already bought six tickets 
for $5 in drawings not yet held, he mailed a circular and letter, 
dated April, 1 876, 14 in which he confided to each of them he was 

mentioned in my text the Governor's "refusal to sign the bill to raise Mr. 
Pattee's license" from $400 to $800 a year. The NY Times article of Dec. 
18. 1876, cited below in text, states that after Pattee arrived in Laramie 
from Omaha "he immediately began to work upon the members of the 
Territorial Legislature," soon won them over, "and they issued a charter 
for the formation of a company to operate a lottery . . ." Without further 
evidence, I feel this is guesswork based on the legend on the tickets, etc.: 
"By authority of an Act of the Legislature." The article contains several 
factual errors. 

11. Laramie Daily Sentinel, Dec. 15, 1875. 

12. The Times Illustrated; The Laramie News; broadside of scheme to 
be drawn Aug. 30, 1875, in Yale Univ. Lib. 

13. Scheme of 5th Extraordinary in The Times Illustrated; of the 6th in 
Laramie Weekly Sentinel, Feb. 14, 1876. partial data in NY Herald, Feb. 
23. 1876. 

14. BCL Col. and PGN Col. 


anxious to have a large prize go into his locality. This was an old 
trick, but here Pattee altered it. If the recipient would accept the 
proffered agency and buy 14 more tickets for $10 down, leaving a 
small balance to be deducted from the prizes, Pattee would give 
him two agents' commission all-prize tickets and, if they should fail 
to draw at least $100 in an Agents' Special Prize Drawing, he 
would send five tickets free in the next Extraordinary drawing. 
In this case it was the 7th, with a scheme of 500,000 tickets and 
100.370 prizes, of which, however, 50,000 were of $1 and 50,000 
of 5O0, 1 "' thus giving to each participant the chance of the prover- 
bial snowball of making more than a few cents in profit. 

Of course, such huge schemes were not devised to entice the 
sparse local population. Mrs. Mary Bellamy, attending high school 
in Laramie at the time of the lottery, was asked some questions 
concerning it in 1947 and 1950, when her mind was still clear and 
her memory, as seen from corroborative evidence, generally re- 
liable. li: However, although it could be true, as she said in 1950, 
that the license did not permit tickets to be sold in Wyoming, a 
more plausible reason why none of them, certainly, were sold 
locally and probably not in the territory, or possibly not even in 
that section of the west, lay in Pattee's precaution to keep anyone 
whom he might fleece at a safe distance. 

In any event, Wyoming Territory served simply as a safe and 
legal base. Apart from the widespread mail order business con- 
ducted by Pattee in Laramie, frequent advertisements of the lottery 
signed by him or by Allen & Co. at 79 Nassau St., N. Y., appeared 
in the New York Herald. 

Commencing, it seems, on May 31, 1875, if not a month earlier, 
the Monthly drawings continued at least through that of June 29, 
1876, 17 while the 5th Extraordinary took place on July 28, 1875, ls 
the 6th on February 28 (or 29), 1876, 1!l and the 7th was scheduled 
to be drawn on May 31 and may well have been. 

15. The Laramie News. In addition to the Monthly, Extraordinary and 
Agents' schemes, fragmentary data refer to some others. The NY Times, 
Nov. 7. 1875. and the NY Herald, Dec. 1, 1875, state the lottery was cur- 
rently drawing on the 15th and 30th of each month, and the latter paper, 
Feb. 16. 23, March 1, 1876. indicates a scheme with 66,000 prizes totaling 
$150,000 was drawn on Feb. 21 and another of the same size was sched- 
uled for March 10. 

16. See note 9. 

17. The "Official Drawn Numbers" of the Monthly drawings were pub- 
lished regularly in the Laramie Weekly Sentinel. The editor stated, March 
6, 1876. he did not publish the prize list of the then last Extraordinary 
because it would take up the whole paper, but said Pattee sent it to ticket 

18. The Laramie News. 

19. Same. Two advance ads, one in NY Herald, Feb. 23, 1876, state 
the drawing would take place on Feb. 29. 




7th Extraordinary Drawing, U 

\B^,.„ y ,/^y CAPITAL PRIZE, a* **.!*****. 

. A 

t iuentinixl u> such Prixe as may be drawn by HsN.m.t,. 
fl*U|ltt£~ Tickets, SI Each, or 6 for 55. 

! /;>TE&2AKIE CITY. ■WTCMINO. J. IE PATTEE, Manager, , jgS, 

\ fttftt J^tfaordisnary'. ffirawing| , ; 

r Hr ' I'l l '!!■ ' . r ^H-i r ;' ' : 



/?y *.uti(fnri£y of am art */" 

t Ltfitiaturc of Wyming;. 

jj' Agents' Commission PWie Tidket 

Of th« 9th Quarterly Drawing. 

■ Bwy Ttek«* draw* a Prise. 

T&» Tir.ket entitle* fliu hoMpr to sach'PrWe" as ai&y b4 ttta*tf Vy Ifr jtfvnfttXJrt " 

J. M PATTEE, Manager,- •' - Uvapt^CM^, Wyoming. «, 

](I^<^/4* ^QffiKii^CKSMNNCSBlM $f#^$ 

ty of mi Act of the Leyr 

Cap ital Prize, $5o, 

!'«vra»l "f Mwh Priw a* may he rlrawci l,y otoiv* S 
l« inmnuiKt-.ltiv Hie 

.//w,„i- -^ A ?» BANE OP CHE*©!?* 

M Aft&HAl.l. K VIKK. /Vr.t Setts t)a*k. rhrymn: Wtftnni»g 



According to a federal statute approved in 1872, it was declared 
unlawful for anyone to mail letters or circulars "concerning illegal 
lotteries . . . intended to deceive and defraud the public," and then 
on July 12, 1876, the act was amended by striking out the word 
"illegal." Pattee had depended upon the legality of the county 
license to see him through, but now, not eager to tangle with the 
federal government as to whether or not he conducted his schemes 
in a deceptive or fraudulent manner, he had to seek out a loophole. 

In its August 21. 1876, issue, the New York Times carried an 
article on the "new swindling device" by which Pattee, who some 
weeks earlier had stopped his Laramie operations, proposed to 
evade the new postal law. According to the paper, in a circular 
letter mailed to the recent winners of both the small $1 and 500 
prizes, he informed them that while he would send the prizes 
higher than these by express, the express charges on the small 


PRAWS MARCH 31st, 1876, 




Lottery Tickets 
Originals in Collection of Philip Gardiner Nordell 
Courtesy New York Historical Society, New York City 


prizes would cost the winners more than they had won. There- 
fore, as a means of paying them, he had persuaded an "old miner," 
who had discovered one of the most extensive gold mines on the 
continent, to organize the Bullion Gold and Silver Mining Co. and 
to each such small winner he (Pattee) was enclosing as payment a 
full share of capital stock worth $10, urging them to act as agents, 
sell other shares at $2 each and obtain a free share for every five 

As for the mining property (located in the Ferris Mountains 
district of Wyoming), he pronounced it "the largest body of gold 
ore on the continent" and in an enclosed circular said it seemed as 
though the mine was "a mountain of rich gold quartz," some speci- 
ments of which has assayed $47,000 to the ton. To make the story 
plausible to the yokels, it was explained money had to be raised 
to buy machinery to work the mine. And according to Anthony 
Comstock, to be introduced later, the fancy stock certificates 
flattered the recipients and the circulars beguiled them. 

News of the article quickly reached Laramie by wire. Some 
weeks later, on September 1 1 , the Laramie Weekly Sentinel de- 
nounced Pattee's new mining enterprise as "a most abominable 
fraud and swindle." A letter signed "Miner" in the same issue 
declared the lottery was "one of the biggest swindles that ever 
existed" and added that everyone there in Laramie knew Pattee 
had "made an immense fortune in his lottery mill." 

Pattee had moved over to Cheyenne late in July, where on 
August 5 two commissioners supervised a "Great Special Monthly 
Drawing" of the State Lottery. The official list of drawn numbers, 
which they certified, was published two days later in the local Daily 
Leader. It is seen there were 100,376 prizes, ranging from one of 
$50,000 down to 50,000 of $1 and 50,000 of 500. But from out- 
ward appearances, Pattee had no more to do with the affair than 
as if he ha drocketed to the moon. According to a statement on 
the tickets, orders were to be sent to Marshall S. Pike, president of 
the "State Bank of Cheyenne," which guaranteed payment of the 
prizes. And according to circular letters enclosing tickets mailed 
from Cheyenne to prospective agents, suggesting to each recipient 
he might win a prize of $1000, all communications were to be 
addressed to the bank. 20 

Any one or two of several motives may have induced Pattee 
to shift his lottery operations to Cheyenne : ( 1 ) In view of the 
altered postal law, he may have decided it was high time to 
abandon the Laramie affair he knew to be pockmarked with fraud 

20. Broadside and circular letter in BCL Col.; different circular letter in 
PGN Col. 


and operate a new one circumspectly so that he could again use 
the mails safely; or (2) if he had no intention of running it hon- 
estly, to hire front men willing to take the rap for him, a procedure 
he uniformly employed from this time on in his many future ven- 
tures. (3) There is the element of novelty. He must have accu- 
mulated an immense mailing list, and the more attractive bait of 
an enterprise run by the president of a "State Bank ' would lure a 
larger catch of suckers, both old and new. 

Commonly known later as the Cheyenne State Lottery, the 
tickets and advertisements regularly asserted it was authorized 
by the Wyoming legislature (probably by the same or another 
county license) and managed by Pike. The complete record of 
the schemes and drawings cannot as yet be told. Among others, a 
drawing with $722,243 in prizes, as stated on the tickets, was 
scheduled for December 30, 1876, 1 ' 1 and another was to be held the 
following January 30. Presumably both took place. A surviving 
ticket in the latter-- states the lottery "Draws Monthly." 1 The last 
known of the venture concerns an all-prize "Fourth Quarterly 
Drawing*" and an all-prize agents' drawing, both scheduled for 
March 26, 1877, 2:i but stopped in their tracks, it seems, before that 
day arrived. 

Although, so far as has been discovered, Pattee's name never 
appeared in the lottery's advertisements, etc. (and I for one am 
sure it never did), it cannot be reasonably doubted he ran the 
affair and merely used Pike and his bank as puppets. The first 
actual State bank in Wyoming was not organized until 1893 and 
hence this one must have been a private bank and the possibility 
cannot be ruled out that it was a fly-by-night affair started by 
Pattee, himself. 

Several of Pattee's prominent contemporaries knew he pulled the 
strings. The New York Times, for one, in a scorching exposure- 4 
of several of his "swindling devices," asserted, although he denied 
the fact, that he was the "backer" of the Cheyenne lottery and went 
on to say that by means of his "great wealth" he kept in his service 
"the most skillful rogues that ever avoided State Prison." 

Orange Judd, editor and proprietor of the American Agricul- 
turalist, held equally positive views. For many years at this time 
he had been including in the magazine a section called "Sundry 
Humbugs." In the February 1877 issue he let loose against the 
Cheyenne affair. "If any one supposes that the Wyoming lottery 

21. As seen in reproduction of ticket in Anthony Comstock, Frauds 
Exposed (1880), p. 137. 

22. BCL Col. 

23. Comstock (as in note 21), pp. 133-7, has reproduction of ticket in 
the former and circulars of both. 

24. Dec. 18, 1876, 8:1-2. 


is dead while Pattee still lives," Judd asserted, "he has small 
knowledge of the nature of things. It still waves its banners, but 
they are now inscribed The Cheyenne State Lottery.' '" And 
finally he lamented, "Poor Wyoming, were not the grass-hoppers 
enough? "' 

If these statements were merely suppositions based on hearsay, 
there remains one man who knew the truth from personal investi- 
gation. To many persons nowadays the name of Anthony Corn- 
stock conjures up the image of a fanatical and somewhat ludicrous 
reformer, racing around New York City with a Bible in one hand 
and a search warrant in the other, on a par with Carry Nation 
brandishing her hatchet. 

However, apart from his preposterous excesses as chief agent 
of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, he was a 
special agent of the Post Office Department and up to the time he 
wrote his Frauds Exposed in 1880, had busied himself for seven 
years in smoking out the sharpers and "beasts of prey" who used 
the mails to plunder the public. In the book, excusably muddled 
at times because he had to piece it together in odd moments, he 
devotes more than 50 pages to some of Pattee's "bogus" mining, 
lottery and banking schemes. He said he had no space to describe 
many others. 

Comstock, and he should have known, explained Pattee's meth- 
ods at the time were ". . . . to open an office, in which he would 
place as stool-pigeons, some of his old clerks. While he furnished 
the money and the brains necessary to form these schemes, and 
get them started, he had a corps of willing confederates, who did 
the office work, and shared the profits. They were to take the 
chances of arrest, and prosecution, and screen Pattee, while he was 
to take the money and pay the bills, and their salaries, and provide 
bondsmen and counsel for them, in case of arrest."- 5 

According to Comstock, the Cheyenne circulars and tickets were 
printed in Maiden Lane, New York City, where the bulk of Pat- 
tee's printing was done, and were distributed in part by Read & 
Co., "brokers," of the city. Back in 1854 Pattee had married 
Eunice D. Read, a member of a leading New Haven family. The 
head of the firm was N. ("Nate") Sherman Read, his brother-in- 
law.- 1 ' Another main agency for the lottery in New York City was 
Emory & Co.- 7 

As a result of exposures made by the Times, Comstock on 
March 9, 1877, in conjunction with the police, raided numerous 
lottery offices in the city. At Reed & Co. they seized 3000 ad- 

25. Comstock, p. 132. 

26. Same, pp. 115, 132-8; Edmunds (as in note 1). 

27. An ad of the firm is in NY Herald, Jan. 2, 1877, and a broadside in 
BCL Col. See note 28. 


dressed envelopes, 18,150 Cheyenne tickets and about 14,000 
circulars, among which tickets and circulars may well be those 
Comstock reproduced in his book. Both Read, and E. N. Carr 
in charge of the Emory office, where similar material was seized, 
were convicted of violating the postal laws and were compelled to 
return all letters pertaining to the lottery to the senders. - s 

Of course, these agencies violated the New York State laws, 
but lottery offices in New York City through the years had a way 
of rebounding from raids and reopening. In this case, however, 
Comstock's seizures and arrest of Read, whom he termed Pattee's 
right bower, may well have induced Pattee to drop the Cheyenne 
enterprise forthwith, before the scheduled March 26 drawings. 

Pattee, an industrious man, sometimes ran as many as three or 
four enterprises at a time, each under an assumed name. By 1879 
he had put his fertile brain to work and hatched another lottery, 
the Royal New Brunswick Gift Soiree, and arranged for Nate Read 
to run it, beyond Comstock's reach, at St. Stephen, just over the 
Canadian border from Calais, Maine. By 1882 it had turned into 
the Royal New Brunswick Distribution of Cash Gifts.-'* Running 
full blast late in 1 884, according to the papers, it was, at least then, 
a giant swindle, with no drawings held and no prizes paid, con- 
tributing, however, nearly $40,000 a year from postage to the 
Dominion revenue on circulars sent to the United States. At last 
the Dominion government took action and, with the arrest of Read 
on December 10 of that year, it was announced the lottery had 
collapsed.' 1 " While Comstock had it from Pattee"s own lips he 
started it, :il no evidence is available as to how long he remained 
the power behind the throne. 

Judd repeated in his August 1876 issue what a Kansas editor, 
who had talked with Pattee, said of him: " 'He seems to delight in 
boasting of his own villainy in swindling weak human nature. He 
said his conscience did not trouble him, that the people wanted to 

28. NY Times, March 10. 1877, 2:5-6, March 25. 7:1; Comstock. pp. 
139-40. Comstock said that Pattee had a "clerk" named E. N. Carr. alias 
"Emery & Co." at 31 Park Row, where he was arrested. Emory & Co. (the 
correct spelling) was an agent for the Maryland State Lotteries in 1854 
and for one of the two big Delaware lotteries in 1860, while E. N. Carr & 
Co. was an agent for the other in the same year. While Carr may well 
have been running the Emory firm in 1876, I believe he was at the time 
an independent agent for the Wyoming Lottery and not a clerk in the 
employ of Pattee. 

29. Comstock, pp. 150-60, has reproductions of some circulars and 
tickets; some original tickets and broadsides of schemes, 1879-84, in both 
BCL Col. and PGN Col. 

30. NY Times, Oct. 10, 1884. 2:3, Dec. 17, 3:5. 

31. Comstock, p. 151. 


be humbugged, and it was his business to do it.' " This seems to 
be a fair characterization, and yet not all of the charges made 
against his management of the Wyoming Lottery can be substan- 
tiated. Among them, the "Miner" in his letter cited above asserted 
the lottery "never had a drawing" and the Times 32 said a drawing 
in it had never been officially reported and implied no prizes were 
paid. The lottery was termed a swindle more than once, but it 
must not be forgotten that in the eyes of the moral monitors of 
that time every lottery was a swindle. 

On the other hand, Mrs. Bellamy in the 1950 interview said, 
"They had a big wheel that they turned to see who got the prizes" 
and though she never saw it, it was "up where the men worked" 
(on the second floor of the building at the southeast corner of 
Second and Ivinson Streets). Month after month the 15 drawn 
numbers upon which the prizes in the Monthly schemes were based 
were published in the Weekly Sentinel. In a printed handbill 33 
of the April 29, 1876, drav/ing at Laramie, the "officially drawn" 
numbers are given and attested to by two commissioners. 

By itself, however, this evidence may well have been, and I 
believe it was. just so much window dressing. As it turns out, 
G. H. Hildreth, serving as a commissioner at least as late as the 
above April drawing, may have been at that time one of Pattee's 
employees, in view of the fact that in August of that year he became 
secretary of Pattee's Bullion Mining Co. and signed the stock 
certificates. 34 And even if the numbers were taken from the wheel, 
the bare fact means nothing. Pattee, a proven scoundrel as seen 
from his mining operations, upstairs in his quarters, safe from 
prying eyes, could easily have rigged the drawings to evade paying 
any of the high prizes. The prime rule in any lottery is that the 
numbers should be taken from the wheel in public under the super- 
vision of responsible officials not beholden to those making a profit 
out of it. 

But it is not necessary to rely upon memory or conjecture. In 
every ternary scheme honestly run, tens of thousands of them 
before this time, besides the many brief excerpts of high prizes 
and prices of tickets, the managers published, at least once, a 
complete official full scheme of prizes, and underneath a complete 
statement of which 3-number combinations on particular tickets 
would win those prizes. An exact correspondence between the 
prizes listed in the scheme and the statement always prevailed. 
Adventurers, with faith in the management, would then examine 
the subsequently published bare list of drawn numbers to see what, 
if anything, they had won. 

32. Aug. 21, 1876, 8:3. 

33. Rare Book Room, Lib. Cong., portfolio 189, no. 39. 

34. Comstock illustrates one of them on p. 126. 


But if Pattee ever published such statements with his ternary 
Monthly schemes in advance of the drawings, none has survived. 
He published the complete schemes of prizes, but, impressive as 
they may have been to the uninitiated, without such a statement 
the subsequently published bare list of drawn numbers would mean 
nothing. Without it, an adventurer might see that one, two or all 
three of the numbers on his ticket had been drawn, intimating he 
had won a prize, but he would have no idea how much, if anything. 
Assuming Pattee was cheating and had not already rigged the 
drawing, or even if he had not held any drawing at all, he could 
send to inquirers a subsequently prepared fictitious full statement 
of the winning combinations, taking care the numbers assigned to 
high prizes were those of tickets he held. 

Even assuming Pattee had published in advance such statements 
of which combinations would win, the fact remains that in his 
complete scheme, announced for the Monthly drawings in 1876, a 
total of 70,755 prizes are listed, whereas the surviving full prize 
list for the April 29 drawing of that year, with not only the 1 5 
drawn ballots but a full statement of the winning combinations, 
accounts for a total of 150,305 prizes. This explicit total is not 
given, but when, for instance, it is explained in the statement that 
"all tickets with only one drawn number on them win 50 cents 
each," the number of such prizes is easily determined by rigid 
mathematical principles. It is evident, then, that the list of prizes 
published in advance and the list of winning combinations are 
utterly irreconcilable. Pattee could not have been unaware of 
this. It is obvious something was rotten. Since he could not have 
been so ignorant or thoughtless, the only reasonable explanation is 
that he deliberately chose to play a crooked game. 

A baffling piece of evidence consists of a printed circular letter 8 "' 
dated at Laramie, August 31, 1876, signed by John W. Blake, 
later a judge and member of the territorial legislature, along with 
two others, all former employees of Pattee's. It was mailed to 
numerous prize winners. The writers promised, on receipt of a 
dollar, to send "a full and complete statement, showing how this 
nefarious business has been conducted; the amount of prize money 
actually paid, and the names of the lucky ones; the parties present 
at the so-called drawings ... In fact, a most complete exposure of 
this 'arch swindler's' manner of defrauding the public . . . and 
especially how he proposes to foist upon those who have won good 
prizes in' his last drawings, AMONGST WHOM WE SEE YOUR 
NAME, certain stock certificates . . ." 

Unfortunately, no copy of what would be this vitally important 
testimony from insiders can be found. So many circumstances, 

35. BCL Col. 


however, point to fraud in Pattee's management of the Wyoming 
lotteries that in this field beyond a reasonable doubt he should be 
labeled a swindler. And if only half of the charges concerning his 
exploitations in other fields are true, he may have been, even 
stronger than Blake put it, the arch swindler of his generation. 

Only seldom did Comstock meet Pattee face to face. In 1 879 
the latter and one Barrett organized the "old and reliable" banking 
and brokerage firm of Simpson & Co., ostensibly to operate a 
mutual fund in the stock market on a similar pattern to those com- 
mon today. Having received orders to investigate the company, 
Comstock paid a call and while talking to the bookkeeper noticed 
"a little gray-haired old man with gold spectacles on," bob out of a 
room and dodge back, closing the door. Comstock pushed it 
open and, to let him describe what happened, "Lo! I stood face to 
face with J. M. Pattee. He instantly reached out his hand to shake 
hands, and becoming very much excited, repeated over and over 
again . . . stuttering out, 'Well — I — am— devilish — glad to see 
you.' " 36 

Comstock said Pattee was "a remarkably nervous man, and 
seems to be always in fear; having at times a wild, frightened look, 
as though he expected to be arrested every moment." In May, 
1 879, Comstock, "a brisk little man with mutton-chop whiskers," 
went to Saratoga Springs to address the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church. Upon his arrival, ascending the hotel steps, 
Pattee, out on the porch, espied him, ran "like a deer," darted 
through the office, down the porch steps on the opposite side, and 
fled down the main street "as hard as he could run." Convinced 
at last that Comstock at the time meant him no harm, he returned 
to his family and the two men occupied adjoining cottages. 87 

Not later than 1885 Pattee moved to a good neighborhood in 
St. Louis, where he died on December 19, 1888. Comstock had 
called him a "sly, sneaking old fraud." And yet, whether through 
his "magnetic presence" or the power of his wealth, he made 
friends easily. The Times regarded him as "hearty in manner, a 
good talker, and altogether the sort of man who is usually described 
as 'a hail fellow, well met.' " 8S 

Over the years there were numerous American lottery kings. 
While it is true that Yates & Mclntyre, the Gregory partners, James 
Phalen, J. W. Maury, Richard France, C. H. Murray, Z. E. Sim- 
mons, John A. Morris and others vastly surpassed him in the 
routine volume of business, and true that he never approached 

36. Comstock, pp. 102-9. 

37. Same, pp. 1 13-4. 

38. As in note 24. 


Thomas Hope and Ben Tyler in the clever virtuosity of their adver- 
tising, yet in the sheer audacity and effrontery of his lottery opera- 
tions no one ever equaled Pattee. For a brief period he deserved a 
crown, tarnished though it was. 

Zo Zke Cittle %ig Mom 


Hans Kleiber 

Of all the clear streams that flow from the Bighorns, 
Little Horn River, you come nearest my heart, 
I love your green banks with their roses and hawthorns, 
And the craggy, blue crests that mother your start. 

In your evergreen forests deer and elk browse, 
From your meadows I hear the lark's liquid lay, 
And softly, shy mourning doves coo in the boughs, 
While tramping beside you this balmy June day. 

You plunge over rapids, you roar and you shout, 
Then eddy and murmur in pools at the bends, 
As I the refrain hum while casting for trout, 
"This river and I shall forever be friends". 

But gently, you wind in the valleys below, 
Between shaded banks of old cottonwood trees, 
While letting your waters their blessings bestow, 
On pastures and hayfields that wave in the breeze. 

Your days were not always as peaceful as this, 
Many a brave warrior fought here and bled, 
Til death touched their brows with a merciful kiss, 
And put them to rest in their last earthly bed. 

Of all the old hunting grounds in the far west, 
Your country was treasured by red men the most, 
When fate turned them down, after doing their best, 
Stemming the tide of an invading white host. 

Now red and white lovers tryst on your banks, 
Who pay little heed to the warriors that fell, 
Love with its tenderness old quarrels outflanks, 
And where hearts beat as one, they peaceably dwell. 



Parts of A Saddle 



10. Fender 



11. Stirrup 



12. Stirrup leather 



13. Front tie strap or cinch strap 



14. Front jockey and seat jockey, one 


Back housing 


back jockey piece 


Lace strings 

15. Wool lining 


Dee rings 

16. Rope strap 


Leather flank 


17. Pommel 

Drawing by Christy Page 


A. S. "Bud" Gillespie 


The most prized possession of a cowboy is his saddle. Next in 
order are his bed, boots, chaps, spurs, rope and yellow slicker. 

People in the range could not operate without a saddle. It adds 
much to the comfort of riding and as a security for a man remaining 
on a horse's back when he is going through his bucking contortions. 
Then a man has to have a saddle when he is roping the thousands 
of calves to be branded during the year, as well as roping wild 
grown cattle and horses. If he did not have the saddle horn to tie 
to or take his "honka-dinkies" around he would soon be minus his 


On down through the many years that saddles have been used 
the designs have been changed from time to time. There was one 
saddle they had called the "form fitter". All a fellow had to do 
was to get into it and "shut the door" to stay on a bucking horse. 
The models they are making today are not easy riding saddles. 
Neither are they made so a rider could sit down deep and keep his 
seat when a horse is bucking. Most of the ones put out today are 
known as roping saddles. Riders buy them whether they can rope 
or not. They have a narrow fork and a low cantle, and are not 
made so a rider can get a grip on a horse. 

A man can ride the saddle that he learned to ride in. He can 
learn to ride on his balance, and hook his spurs in the horse's sides 
to keep him from slipping up and falling off. 


The saddle makers in the range states adopted their ideas from 
the Spaniards in Mexico. They brought their first saddles over 
from Spain about 1519. 

Those saddles as well as the Mexican saddles had a horn on them 
as large as a saucer. 

A saddle is made on a tree made of the best and strongest wood. 
The tree is made in three parts and fastened together by screws. 
Those parts are namely the fork or pommel, that is the front, cantle 
or seat, and the side boards which rest on the horse's back. The 
horn was first made of wood but later of steel and is fastened 


on the pommel with screws. Then the wood is all put together and 
cowhide, or mostly bull hide, is soaked in water until it becomes 
very soft, a pattern is made just the right size to cover the tree and 
is cut out to exactly fit the tree, when it is sewed together. When 
a saddle is made for heavy duty a double cover of rawhide is put 
over the tree. 


The most important part of the saddle is the rigging. That 
arrangement is made to hold a saddle on a horse and must be 
secure. On the first saddles that were made the rigging was put on 
top of the leather on the pommel. One strip of leather about four 
inches wide went from one latigo ring to the other over the pommel 
in front of the horn, and another was put along the side of the first, 
but one wrap was made around the horn. That was for the front 
cinch to be fastened to. For the back cinch a strip of leather about 
four inches wide was taken from the rear latigo ring up over the 
rear end of the saddle boards behind the cantle. The front and 
rear latigo rings were fastened together by a double piece of 
leather about one and one half inches in width. That was for a 
double rig saddle or one with two cinches. 

The rigging for a center-fire saddle was put on the tree the same 
way over the saddle, but came together on both sides to one latigo 
ring under the rider's leg. Not many saddle makers could make a 
center-fire saddle that would ride on the horse's back. Those 
saddles were most successfully made by D. E. Walker of San 
Francisco, the Oregon saddles and G. G. Garcia of Elko, Nevada. 

A later rigging was made by the Montana saddle makers which 
was known as the three quarter rig. 

Another saddle maker came up with a different idea for rigging 
which was called the five eighths rigging. It did not prove so 

The double rig which had two cinches was the best to stay on a 
horse's back when doing heavy roping, or staying on a horse's back 
when a rider was riding up or down steep hills, but it was the worst 
to make cinch sores that were caused by the skin rolling over the 
front when he was walking, or trotting. The three quarter rig was 
really the best, especially before Hamley and Company of Pendle- 
ton, Oregon, came out with a new rig which they called the flat 
plate rigging. A person doing heavy roping would step off and 
cinch up, but for ordinary roping he would never have to go to 
that trouble. That rigging would not make sores on a horse's side, 
neither would it cause white hairs to grow in the same place. Some 
people who used double rig saddles would take off the rear cinch, 
but that would cause the saddle to kick up behind and was hard 
to ride when a horse bucked. 



The first saddles made in Wyoming Territory were made by 
T. R. Meanea, of Cheyenne, Wyoming Territory. Later Frank A. 
Meanea took over. He followed the saddlery business longer than 
any other maker in Wyoming. He had demand for his saddles. 
Most all of the riders for the Swan Land & Cattle Company used 
Meanea saddles. So did the riders for the Diamond Cattle Com- 
pany and many others. They had a good reputation far and wide. 
None ever hurt a horse's back. The writer never knew of any of 
the Meanea saddle trees or rigging breaking when heavy roping 
was done from them. Meanea made the first saddle trees in the 
United States. His plain saddles sold for $40 and the hand-tooled 
flower stamped saddle sold for $55. 

The first saddle maker around Laramie was little Bobbie Gard- 
ner. He sold saddles as fast as he could make them. He was in 
business in the 1880's and early 1 890's. 

The next saddle makers in Laramie, Wyoming, were Lohlein 
and Sigwart. They opened for business during the middle of the 
1890's and closed their business in about 1908. Lohlein had the 
best pattern for chaps and made the best angora chaps of any 
maker. They made good saddles. 

The W. H. Holliday Company followed them in making saddles 
They kept saddles in stock for many years, and employed saddle 
makers. Among them were Otto Steiger and Bill Doescher. 

J. S. Collins and Sons opened up a saddle shop in Cheyenne, 
in 1886. They got their share of the business as they made good 

Scoville Saddlery established a business soon after the turn of 
the century in Wheatland, Wyoming. He built a well made saddle 
with a good grip and seat. He operated at that location for many 
years and did a good business. 

Knox and Tanner opened up a saddle shop in Rawlins in the 
1 890's. They made a very good saddle that met the favor of many 
cowboys. They were engaged in business for many years. 


The first saddles the writer has record of being made in the 
United States were made by P. Sickles, Saint Louis, in 1836. The 
next were made in New Jersey in 1840, and by Collins Brothers 
Saddlery of Omaha. Nebraska, in 1864. 

E. L. Gallatin was another early day saddle maker. In 1860 
E. L. Gallatin made the $350 saddle which was presented to 
Colonel Leavenworth. Presentation occurred at Camp Weld, and 
was made by his officers. 

D. E. Walker made the best of all saddles. It was the lightest 
and strongest and longer lasting. He trimmed the leather thin. 


doubled the leather and hand sewed it close to the edge. That kept 
the jockeys, skirts and fenders from coiling up. He soaked the 
leather in neafs-foot oil, which made the leather everlasting. He 
used endless stirrup leathers which made them very popular. The 
leather was hand tooled. Most all of the saddles he made were 
full flowered stamped. He started his saddle business in 1876 
in San Francisco. This company later was sold and exists today 
as the Visalia Company in Sacramento and Calgary. 

Gallup and Frazier of Pueblo commenced making saddles in 
1870. Frazier had the honor of making the $500 saddle for the 
Union Pacific Railroad Company to present to the world's cham- 
pion bronc rider at Cheyenne Frontier Days. 

Hamley and Company first operated their saddle shop in South 
Dakota and in 1883 moved to Pendleton, Oregon, where the third 
generation is still in the saddlery business. They were the first 
to use flat plate rigging. 

Victor Harden made saddles in The Dalles, Oregon, in 1890. 
The Oregon saddles were made different from any other saddles. 
The seat was closed. You had to take hold of the horn to throw 
it on a horse. There were no holes below the horn to get your 
fingers through to get a hand hold. Neither was there a place for 
the stirrup leathers to come through. 

E. L. Gallatin Saddlery operated in Denver in 1889, and was in 
business there for many years. 

N. Porter Saddlery operated in Phoenix, Arizona, in 1875 and 
the firm is still operating under that name. 

C. E. Cogshell operated in Miles City, Montana, in 1890 and 
on into the next century. He built a deep seated saddle with a 
high pommel and cantle. It had a good grip in it, and a man 
couldn't fall out of it. 

The Flynn Saddlery of Pueblo, Colorado, started making saddles 
in 1875. 

H. H. Heiser started making saddles in Central City, Colorado, 
in 1853. In 1858 he established his business in Denver, Colorado, 
and it is still operating under that name. That firm made a very 
popular, serviceable saddle which is still being made, and the 
Denver Dry Goods Company have their saddles made by this firm. 

H. H. Heiser made many of the saddles that were used by the 
Pony Express riders in 1861 and 1862. 

Noble, of Hepner, Oregon, made a neat center-fire saddle in 
1 895 and for years after. 

Cornish and Watson Saddlery of Ogden, Utah, were early day 

O. S. Snyder operated a saddlery in Denver, Colorado, during 
the early part of the 1900's. There was a good demand for his 

A Mother Hubbard saddle is one that is completely covered 
over with a solid piece of leather, excepting the horn. 


Other South Dakota saddlers not mentioned before are E. C. 
Lee Company of Pierre, Duhamel of Rapid City, and Streeter of 
Buffalo Gap. 

The saddle makers of Texas are as follows: Joe Edelbrock and 
Sons of Fort Worth made saddles in 1876 until 1944, then Don 
Ryon took over and that firm is still operating; Schoelkoph started 
making saddles in Dallas, Texas, in 1 869 and after ninety-three 
years the firm is still in business in 1962, and the Speedy Stirrup 
Pin Company which made saddles in Salt Lake City, Post Office 
Box 2527. 

For reference to saddle types refer to the book. Cowboy At 
Work by Fay E. Ward, page 195, and for reference to saddle trees 
and rigs refer to the same book on page 199. 

Wyoming 's frontier Newspapers 

Elizabeth Keen 



If judged by mid-twentieth-century standards, Wyoming's early 
newspapers typographically seem dull and gray and atrociously 
made up. Printers setting headlines used nothing larger than 
eighteen-point type; very often they used much smaller letters. In 
multiple-deck heads they mixed type faces with abandon, and it 
was not unusual for a compositor to set the body of a news story 
in almost illegible six-point with no leads between the lines to make 
things easier for the reader. As many as five or six columns of 
solid advertising were used on front pages, and more often than 
not type faces were mixed without restraint within one advertise- 
ment. Illustrations were limited to an occasional logotype in an 
ad; it was not until the late eighteen-seventies that awkwardly 
large woodcuts began to make an appearance. Nor was there any 
variety in advertisements, which often appeared for months at a 
time without change. Small advertisements known as readers, 
which in today's newspapers are confined to the "classified" col- 
umns, were scrambled in among news items with no warning at all 
to the reader that the excellence of somebody's oyster house or the 
fact that "Mrs. Dr. Frank will pay particular attention to female 
diseases of all kinds no charges will be made for consultation," 1 
were paid advertisements and not truly legitimate news. 

Sports reporting was confined to describing, not always impar- 
tially, town ball games held on the Fourth of July and sometimes 
on election days. There were no comic strips or cartoons; instead 
the reader was offered many columns of jokes, often stale, clipped 
from exchange newspapers.- Crime news comprised lurid accounts 
of street shootings, and laconic items of a line or two: 

Dr's Calder and Finfrock report the man who was shot by Madam 
Ledbetter, at Dale City, is recovering from his wound. 8 

Offenses against property, such as thefts, were often printed in the 
advertisement columns. Men who deemed themselves falsely 
accused sometimes wrote in to the newspapers in attempts at self- 

1. Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 30, 1870. 


vindication. One of these men, who signed himself "Daniel Cun- 
ningham," wrote to the Cheyenne Leader: 

Having heard that I was implicated in a robbery that took place 
some few days ago at or near Dale City, I wish to state that I have 
been at North Platte, and have never been near Dale City for three 
weeks, and why my name should be connected with any robbery is a 
mystery to me; and I want it understood that any person circulating 
any such reports about me will be persecuted with the utmost vigor 
of the law. 4 

If the news content of the earliest newspapers was negligible, the 
paucity of readable matter was doubtless due to the fact that fron- 
tier editors in the beginning had a difficult time establishing them- 
selves and their publications. Writing the news, clipping and 
pasting up national events and the inevitable jokes, soliciting ad- 
vertising, setting type, making up, printing and distributing the 
paper, making out and collecting bills, and placating creditors 
were all tasks sometimes performed by one man alone, or by one 
man assisted in his multiple duties by his wife or by a printer's 
devil. But as editors felt their roots taking hold, they tended to 
improve their newspapers, so that as the life of a newspaper 
lengthened, its news columns mirrored a clearer and more vivid 
picture of the territory as a whole, and of various small communi- 
ties growing up in the new country. 

In one important respect, however, the territorial newspaper for 
many years was defective as a reflection of frontier life: it afforded 
scarcely a glimpse of women's activities. To cite the Laramie 
Daily Sentinel as an example, the newspaper had ample space 
during the summer of 1870 in which to print frequent references 
to fishing trips with "the boys," to lodge meetings, baseball games, 
and masculine parties "above the bakery." There was virtually 
no news about women because to make the news columns in those 
days women had really to exert themselves. One of the rare bits 
of news concerning women to be found in the early Sentinel 
was buried in a general story about the Republican election victory 
of September, 1870. It was written by J. H. Hayford himself: 

... A characteristic incident of the energy and pluck of our pioneer 
ladies was illustrated by Mrs. J. W. Meldrum, who rode all the way up 
here from Colorado, some sixty miles, on horseback yesterday, and 
got here in time to put in a straight Republican ticket. . . . 5 

2. The earliest issues of the Cheyenne Leader contained matter clipped 
from the Chicago Tribune, New York Herald, Denver News, Iowa State 
Register, Boston Post, Denver Tribune, Dayton Journal, Montana Post, Cin- 
cinnati Commercial, Omaha Herald, Grand Rapids Democrat, Springfield 
Republican, and a number of other newspapers. 

3. Fontier Index, March 6, 1868. 

4. March 16, 1868. 

5. Laramie Daily Sentinel, Sept. 6, 1870. 


Since Hayford was a fervent Republican, it is questionable, had 
the lady been a Democrat, whether he would have thought her not 
inconsiderable ride worthy of mention at all. 

In another respect, too, the frontier newspaper editor tended to 
cloud for later historians the clarity of the picture of those early 
days: he was so enthusiastic about the riches, the beauties, and 
the commercial possibilities of the new country, that he very often 
wrote about them without restraint. In fact, he frequently bragged 
to a degree that today seems comic if not, perhaps, pointless. But 
there was a point: if eastern exchange newspapers reprinted stories 
about Wyoming's untold wealth, a wealth that was awaiting devel- 
opment, about the territory's "unsurpassed climate," about its 
unmatched beauties and other virtues, eastern capitalists, as 
financiers in those days were called, might be induced to go west 
to the new country and there invest some of their millions. But 
in extolling the wonders of Wyoming, the early-day editor, if he 
hoped to be believed, sometimes overshot his mark. The Freeman 
brothers of the Frontier Index were possibly the most hyperbolic 
of all early editors. When the "Press on Wheels" put out the first 
issue datelined Laramie City, the newspaper contained this char- 
acteristic editorial: 


We have it — Laramie City; it has jumped into existence. The rail- 
road towns between Omaha and the Rocky Mountains which have 
been built up within the last two years, are alive and flourishing, but 
none of them have one-hundredth part of the natural advantages that 
Laramie boasts of. Look yonder . . . timber . . . iron and copper . . . 
coal cropping out . . . splendid beds of gypsum . . . positive prospects 
of rich gold and silver mines . . . attractive farming lands. . . . How 
can Laramie get around being a permanent town of much wealth and 
extensive growth? There is no possible way to dodge it; it will prosper 
and become the pride of western people. Here we will have large 
manufactories, rolling mills, quartz mills, saw mills, planing mills, 
besides many other outside improvements; U.P.R.R. will be compelled 
to build at this point. 

Do you ask why it is necessary to put up all of these conveniences 
and facilities at Laramie? We answer it is the most suitable location 
on the road, and the only natural inexhaustible locality between the 
Missouri River and Salt Lake. . . . 

Laramie City has commenced its bold and promising career. The 
young Nineveh is already lifting its steeples high above the encompass- 
ing mountain chains, and will, in a few weeks, look definitely over 
the crumbling peaks, and beckon eastern emigration — by thousands, 
now searching new western homes — to come hither and shake hands 
with freedom and fortune. 

Laramie, beyond all question of doubt, is the great interior railroad 

The Freemans tended to distribute their eulogisms wherever they 

6. April 21, 1868. 


paused to publish their migratory newspaper. Tribute followed 
tribute until, as already noted, they arrived at Bear River City, 
where, before their printing shop was sacked and burned, they 
published one of their most imaginative panegyrics. 

But others besides the Freeman brothers wrote in this fantastic 
vein. Nathan A. Baker was one of many who printed gushing 
tributes to the newly-opened frontier. Possibly smarting from his 
abortive attempt to establish the Colorado Leader in Denver, 
Baker managed to combine jibes at the Colorado capital with the 
editorial bragging so typical of the period: 

Perserverance and sweet oil will do more to abrade and even the 
asperities of life, but mines of coal, iron, etc., and petroleum, will do 
more to overcome the inconvenience of poverty for the fortunate dis- 
coverers of these deposits, no less than for the country in general. 

Another is added to the list of resources being almost daily devel- 
oped, in the shape of oil springs, some eighteen miles west of Chey- 
enne, discovered during the present week. . . . Mr. Rollins has shown 
us a sample of the article, which is said to freely exude from springs 
... in plenteous quantities. Who next? What next? Can't some- 
body find some diamond deposits "in mass and position" underneath 
Cheyenne? Denver, look well to your laurels, Cheyenne and adjacent 
sections are outstripping you in all the developments of material 
wealth. We will here incidentally mention that we can furnish that 
burg with a neat and substantial tombstone upon its approaching de- 
mise, and we will make it out of a fine quality of marble, recently 
discovered in the Black Hills, specimens of which may be seen here 
on application. 7 

Nor was editorial exaggeration limited to the earliest years of 
frontier journalism. As late as 1887 the Cheyenne Daily Tribune, 
on the reported discovery of copper, gold, and silver at Silver 
Crown, not far from the capital city, printed the following com- 

A time will come, perhaps, when the world will cease to wonder, 
but that period is in the far future. For many years parties have pros- 
pected and opened mines in the Silver Crown district with a moderate 
yet satisfactory degree of success, but as evidenced by a discovery of 
yesterday not one hundredth part of the wealth of the district is as yet 
imagined. It has been a well known fact for the past two years that 
beneath the eternal hills, which in their grandeur rise above the 
"Magic City of the Plains," there lies enough copper to supply the 
world, gold sufficient to adorn the breasts, ears and hands of our 
50,000,000 people and silver enough to build bells to chime the 
world. . . . s | 

Farther north at about the same time E. H. Kimball was doing 
his umtost to attract capital and settlers to Glenrock: 

Many lots have been sold, some thirty or forty, since our last issue 
. . . and numerous buildings are in process of erection, all of which 

7. Cheyenne Leader, Oct. 3, 1867. 

8. Sept. 14, 1887. 



tends to cause the new site to be taking on the appearance of a 
booming town. Many strangers seeking an investment are arriving 
every day, and dozens of buildings will probably be in process of 
erection next week. Glenrock will surely be THE TOWN of this 
section of country. 

Come on. ye capitalists and speculators, and parties desirous of a 
good business location! Glenrock has the inducements to offer, and 
room for thousands of people." 

In spite of editorial weaknesses and rumblings, newspapers of 
the period reflect the growth of communities and of the territory 
itself; and they mirror the preoccupations, the manners, the tastes, 
and, sometimes, the emotions of the Wyoming pioneer. 


Construction of the Union Pacific railroad was the greatest 
single factor in the opening up of territory that now comprises 
Wyoming. The railroad's agents furthered the westward expansion 
of empire by staking out towns along the right-of-way, and soon 
thereafter the settlements were bursting with sturdy fortune-seekers 
and the inevitable riff-raff, gamblers, cutthroats, and prostitutes, 
who followed the construction workers. Only two newspapers, the 
Cheyenne Leader and the Frontier Index, appeared ahead of the 
railroad. The pages of both publications reflect the eagerness and 
enthusiasm with which frontier people watched the Union Pacific's 
rapid progress. 

In its very first issue published September 19, 1867, the Chey- 
enne Leader noted: "The track of the U.P.R.R. is finished to 
within fifty-five miles of Cheyenne, and it is expected that it will 
be completed to this point about the middle of October." But 
although the construction workers at that time were laying between 
five and six miles of track a day, 10 they did not reach Cheyenne 
until a month later. Meanwhile, the Leader joyfully announced 
from time to time that "the Cars are coming," coming, coming. 
Finally, when the first passenger train from Omaha steamed into 
Cheyenne November 14, 1867, the Leader gave the following 
picture of the historic and festive occasion: 

A vast assemblage of citizens and railroad men convened . . . Eddy 
Street and the City Hall were splendidly illuminated. The large 
transparency near the speakers' stand bore the mottoes: "The magic 
town greets the continental railway." "Honor to whom honor is due." 
"Old Casement, we welcome you;" which last, if relating to the Gen- 

9. Glenrock Graphic, Sept. 30, 1887. 

10. Charles Griffin Coutant, The History of Wyoming from the Earliest 
Known Discoveries, I (Laramie, Wyoming: Chaplin, Spafford and Mathi- 
son. Printers, 1899), p. 679. Coutant points out that "when it is understood 
that it took 2,580 ties, 352 rails, 5,500 spikes, 704 fishplates and 1,408 bolts 
to complete a mile of road, the rapidity of the work will be appreciated." 


eral's years, is certainly a misrepresentation; but if to the accomplish- 
ment of a lifetime, few men have ever done so much. . . . 

Speech-making was not his (Casement's) forte, and with a "Gentle- 
men, good-night," he disappeared as nervously and suddenly as if 
there was a night job on hand, of laying four or five miles of track. 
We have not space even to name the distinguished speakers that 
addressed the jolly, uproarious and jubilant crowd. 11 

In successive issues of the Leader and the Frontier Index the his- 
torian can trace the progress of the railroad's westward construction 
from Cheyenne to Fort Russell and Dale City, up the eastern slope 
of the Laramie mountains to the peak of Sherman Hill, at which 
point the outside world was informed by telegraph that the highest 
eminence on the roadbed between the Missouri and the Pacific 
Ocean had been conquered, 11 ' down the western slope, and across 
the plains to Laramie City, where the first train was welcomed May 
4, 1868. 13 

The pages of both the Leader and the Frontier Index reflect, and 
doubtless fanned, the bitter rivalry between Cheyenne and Laramie 
City, born in the spring of 1868. Which town had the greater 
future? Which would be chosen by the Union Pacific as the site 
for its most important buildings? Which would eventually have the 
larger population? The controversy was fought out in the pages 
of both newspapers. Two weeks before the first train arrived in 
Laramie City, Baker in the Leader noted with concern the decline 
in Cheyenne's population that followed the westward construction 
of the line, 14 and he could not have read unmoved the exuberant 
announcement of the Freeman brothers that "several railroad 
chieftains" had arrived in Laramie City about that time to let 
contracts for machine shops, round houses, and "other very ex- 
tensive buildings to be built of stone and to compare with any other 
R.R. buildings on the continent," that in the future Cheyenne 
would be "solely dependent for her . . . greatness upon the Denver 
branch road," and that the remains of the "Magic City" henceforth 
would consist solely of "two saloons, two dance houses — and 
another saloon!" 15 

The day after the first train puffed into Laramie City the Free- 
mans gleefully noted that the town already had a population of two 
thousand persons and that "several railroad buildings are in the 
course of construction in this city, some of which are nearly com- 
pleted. " 1<; Back and forth the battle waged: the Freemans taunted 
the Leader with the most outrageous prophecies, while Baker in a 

11. Cheyenne Leader, Nov. 16, 1867. 

12. Ibid., April 8, 1868. 

13. Ibid., May 5, 1868. 

14. Ibid., April 24, 1868. 

15. Frontier Index, April 28, 1868. 

16. Ibid., May 5, 1868. 


series of editorials endeavored to assure his readers that Cheyenne 
would remain an important town even if the Union Pacific were 
torn up and never replaced: 

We have faith in the place, and shall contribute all we can to make 
it a permanent and prosperous settlement. We follow no railway 
nor other excitements, but came to Cheyenne knowing it to be a 
favored location, and with Cheyenne we are content to remain. 17 

Meanwhile, the cause of the controversy, the Union Pacific, the 
Frontier Index its vanguard, rapidly pushed westward through a 
series of settlements that no longer appear on any map and through 
others that do — Rock River, Medicine Bow, and Green River City. 
The Frontier Index in its issue of September 3, 1868, published at 
Green River City, noted: 

The Railroad Telegraph is completed to Green River, and the track 
is now finished to within forty miles of the same place. Colonel 
Wanless is getting ready for the bridge over Green River. The stone 
taken from the extensive cuts at Carmichael's five miles east of here 
has ignited from its own combustible matter and has been burning 
for a number of days past. It is apparently sandstone, saturated with 

As the railroad passed through and beyond Green River City, 
someone, possibly Baker, who may have traveled west to have a 
look at the new town, observed with characteristic disparagement 
in the Leader: 

The history of the rise and fall of Green River City is ready to be 
written. To be both brief and logical this place is played out. Mon- 
day next there will not be twenty-five persons remaining in this once 
famous city. The business portion of the community consists of one 
hash house, one whiskey well, a billiard table and an outfitting store 
which is already packing up to leave. . . . 

The end of the track is now beyond Granger's sixty-five miles west 
of here, and going on at a lively rate. On Monday last Casement laid 
seven and three-fourths miles of track, and would have completed 
more were it not that the water in the tanks he was carrying gave out. 
He had three dry engines at one time, it was impossible for a while to 
move his train, besides getting one engine off the tracks he had bad 
luck generally. For that day's work he allowed each of his men three 
days wages. 18 

Working with feverish speed toward their goal, Promontory, 
Utah, where the Union Pacific would join the Central Pacific Rail- 
road, then being built eastward from the Sierra Nevada mountains, 
the tracklayers pushed on beyond Granger, through Carter and 
Fort Bridger, to Bear River City, a town of about two thousand 
persons. Here was an unsavory settlement which both the Fron- 

17. Cheyenne Leader, June 17, 1868. 

18. Ibid., Sept. 26, 1868. 


tier Index and the Cheyenne Leader pictured as full of cutthroats 
and other ruffians. 19 

The burning of the Frontier Index by Bear River City rioters 
November 20, 1868, as previously noted, had, of course, no effect 
on the railroad's progress westward. However, for a description 
of the ceremony May 10. 1869, when the Union Pacific and Cen- 
tral Pacific railroads were officially joined as Leland Stanford, 
governor of California, drove a golden spike into a tie of polished 
laurel, the historian must look to newspapers then published in 
Salt Lake City and Ogden, Utah.-" 


Even before the building of the railroad, mining fever had begun 
to swell the population with a frenetic crowd in search of gold. 
Miners were to contribute little to a stable territorial development; 
the boom itself turned out to be an abortive business that ran the 
course from prosperity to ghost town more rapidly than was usual 
on mining frontiers. The newspaper picture of the Wyoming gold 
boom is fragmentary because the rush began in the early eighteen- 
sixties before the establishment of any long-lived newspaper in the 
new country. South Pass town site was laid out in 1867 following 
the organization there of the first mining district in what is now 
Wyoming.- 1 The following January Baker of the Cheyenne Leader 
began trying to open the eyes of his readers to the possibility of a 
lucrative trade with the new town and the surrounding Sweetwater 
mining country: 

Let us not sleep on this matter, but look at it seriously in the light 
of dollars and cents. If, next fall and winter, a few hundred thousand 
dollars worth of the precious metal finds its way into this place, there 
will then be no indifference in trying to get hold of some of the shining 

It is not, however, until an examination is made of existing 
copies of the Sweetwater Mines that anything like a picture of the 
early South Pass boom emerges. In the earliest issue extant, that 
of March 21, 1868, the newspaper noted considerable building 
activity and reported that already a large general store, a hotel, a 
saloon, and a warehouse had been erected. A week later it pub- 
lished a report of an impending large migration of fortune-hunters 

19. Frontier Index, Sept. 30, Nov. 6, 1868; Cheyenne Leader, Nov. 14, 
Nov. 15, Nov. 16, Nov. 18, 1868. 

20. J. Cecil Alter, Earh Utah Journalism (Salt Lake City: Utah State 
Historical Society, 1938), pp. 142-143. 

21. Frances Birkhead Beard, Wyoming from Territorial Days to the 
Present (New York: American Historical Society, 1933), I, pp. 126-129. 

22. Cheyenne Leader, Jan. 16, 1868. Baker, as previously noted, found- 
ed the South Pass News in 1869. 


and their pack animals bound for the Sweetwater mines from Salt 
Lake City. The newspaper suggested that the venture might well 
prove hazardous since the snow was still too deep for safe travel- 
ing.- 8 

The Cheyenne Leader of April 1, 1868, announced that the 
first shipment of gold had been made to the "Magic City" from the 
Sweetwater country — ten ounces of the "shining stuff" sent in a 
buckskin bag along with a letter to the editor: 

I do not tell these things through excitement nor to excite you, but 
I think there is no chance for this country to prove a "bilk."' Should 
the placer diggings turn out good it will be a year or two before there 
is much money in circulation here; during which time many that 
come here with the expectation of making a fortune in a single night 
will go away disappointed and damning the country, while those who 
remain to do what they may will undoubtedly prosper. This South 
Pass City has many resources besides gold and silver. It is generally 
believed that the Union Pacific Railroad will run near this place, which 
is really the centre of this mining country, and is surrounded by beds 
of coal which with the agricultural resources of Wind river valley, 
together with the oil springs which abound in that vicinity, can not fail 
to make this the centre of those mines. 

By June the Sweetwater Mines reported an acute shortage of 
currency, although great wealth in gold had been taken from the 
mines, and an immediate need of a broker who would buy the 
shining dust with minted coins. The same issue of the newspaper 
described the gala opening of the Magnolia Saloon where the main 
attraction was a dazzling mirror costing fifteen hundred dollars. 24 
Toward the end of June power machinery was being used for the 
first time to crush ore, and frenzied townspeople, high on cham- 
pagne and beside themselves with enthusiasm, were prevented from 
damaging the crusher only by the timely intervention of the oper- 
ators' friends.-"' A week later the newspaper was reporting that 
more than one hundred Sioux Indians had attacked a band of seven 
miners prospecting along Big Wind River, and that only three of 
the prospectors had escaped.-" All copies of the Sweetwater Mines 
that have been preserved contain glowing accounts of the mineral 
wealth of the region, reports that were doubtless intended to attract 
more and more settlers and capital to the region. By the summer 
of 1869 the community had become sufficiently important to be 
included in the traveling circuit of the Carter Troupe, for one mild 
June evening the company put on Lucretia Borgia and Our Gal 
in the Overland Exchange Hall. The same issue saw a Mrs. Barber 
ready to start a "select" school on Grand Avenue; the newspaper 

23. Sweetwater Mines, April 1, 1868. 

24. Ibid., June 10, 1868. 

25. Ibid., July 3, 1868. 

26. Ibid., July 11, 1868. 


observed that she was well qualified to teach both elementary and 
higher grades.- 7 It was at this point that the Sweetwater Mines, 
because of financial difficulties previously noted, ceased pub- 

While the South Pass News, the second paper published in the 
mining town, reflected a picture of continuing prosperity in the 
Sweetwater region, extant issues also mirror in considerable detail 
the white man s attitude toward the warfare of this period between 
settlers and Indians. One copy of the South Pass News is partic- 
ularly noteworthy :- s almost entirely devoted to the "massacre" 
March 31, 1870, of twenty-six Sweetwater miners and mill men by 
Indians, it affords a typical example not only of the way the settler 
felt about the Indian, but of the way in which he reacted to concern 
in the East for some fair and peaceful settlement of the Indian 
problem. Gold mining and the Indian at this time were inextri- 
cably bound up in the eyes of miners and other settlers: they felt 
that the government was pursuing a flabby and altogether shameful 
policy in its dealings with the red man, especially when Washington 
made treaties reserving certain lands — lands that might conceivably 
contain rich gold from which the miner was forever barred — as 
hunting grounds for the Indian. To the settler, it is apparent, the 
Indian was not as other humans were: 

It is now generally believed that the Arapahoe Indians committed 
the murders. Capt. H. G. Nickerson, of Hamilton City, was in the 
Arapahoe camp about the time of the commission of the outrages, 
and states that most of the warriors were out of camp at the time, 
and the Indians stated that they were hunting on Sweetwater. He also 
states that most of the Indians wanted to kill him and it was only 
through the intercession of Friday that he escaped. They said they 
had been told that the whites were coming to fight them, that the 
Capt. was a chief of the whites, and they stated that they believed he 
was a spy. ... It will be remembered that a number of the chief men 
of the tribe were, a few weeks ago, in our town professing friendship 
with the whites and being feasted by our citizens. These professions 
of amity were taken by our citizens with many grains of allowance, 
and the result shows that they were right. All experience teaches that 
the Indians only observes Lsic] his treaties and acts in good faith with 
the whites when afraid to do otherwise. The Shoshones and Bannocks 
are the only Indians in Wyoming that can be trusted, and the reason 
is the terrible chastisement they received at Bear River . . . and their 
great dread of their mortal enemies, the Sioux, which drives them to 
seek the aid of white men for their own protection. The men raised 
by Mr. [J.W.] Anthony under the authority of his appointment of 
Lieut. Col. of militia, are now enroute for the Arapahoe camp, 200 
strong, and if they succeed in reaching the camp before the Indians 
take alarm and leave, there will be more work for . . . the Quaker 
commission and more tears to be shed by our philanthropists in the 
states on behalf of the poor abused Indian. 21 * 

27. Ibid., June 19, 1869. 

28. April 9, 1870. 

29. South Pass News, April 9, 1 870. 


Another newspaper picture of mining fever, showing the way in 
which men infected with the malady disregarded all obstacles in 
the way of their goal, emerges in the files of the Cheyenne Leader. 
In the autumn of 1869 reports were circulated in Cheyenne of 
fabulous wealth waiting to be dug out of the Big Horn mountains;*" 
that winter the Big Horn Mining Association was organized to 
penetrate country which, by the treaty signed at Fort Laramie April 
29, 1868, was legally reserved for the Indian. 81 Gold-seekers 
from as far east as Chicago began arriving in Cheyenne to join the 
expedition, which postponed its departure past the middle of May 
in hopes that the government would lend its approval to the 
intended invasion of Indian territory. When official sanction did 
not come, the prospectors decided to approach the Big Horns in a 
roundabout way, and left Cheyenne May 20, 1870. 82 The party 
was a failure. It split up into factions, a number of prospectors 
were killed by Indians, and only a small fraction of the original 
expedition returned to Cheyenne August 22. 33 The government's 
policy toward the Indian, rather than the absence of gold in the 
Big Horns, was blamed for the fiasco. 84 History was later to show 
that 1870 marked the close of one period of the territory's mining 


A more promising picture of permanent settlement emerges from 
the concern of early newspapers with the development of stable 
communities — such as Cheyenne and Laramie. The first few 
issues of any frontier newspaper reflect a preoccupation with such 
material matters as the price of lots, the establishment of new 
businesses, the endeavor to attract both settlers and capital to a 
new and struggling country. But sometimes, too, a vivid glimpse 
of the new town itself emerges from a buried paragraph, as in the 
following item describing early-day trading in Cheyenne: 

A multitude of arrangements are employed to facilitate business 
operations in this city. Dry goods boxes are dumped from wagons 
and their contents taken therefrom, and ranged to display upon the 
boxes, on each business street of town. And this influx of merchants 
is not of temporary sojourners, as might be inferred from the above. 
Nearly all such, with whom we have conversed, are intending to 
construct large commodious buildings as soon as lumber can be ob- 
tained, and large stocks of goods are en route for most of these parts. 35 

High prices were paid by the consumer for these goods, for accord- 

30. Cheyenne Leader, Sept. 13, 1869. 

31. Ibid., Jan. 3, 1870. 

32. Ibid., May 21, 1870. 

33. Ibid., Aug. 23, 1870. 

34. Ibid., Aug. 22, 1870. 

35. Cheyenne Leader, Sept. 24, 1867. 


ing to the Cheyenne Leader of September 26, 1 367, cans of peach- 
es and raspberries cost seventy-five cents each, "ships" were 
twenty-five dollars a keg, candles were fifty cents a pound, and 
nails brought a price of twenty-two dollars a keg. Since the great 
influx of population poured into Cheyenne during the late summer 
and early fall, there had been no time to plant vegetables for use 
during the winter; accordingly in October the newspaper warned 
its readers: 

We notice the arrival, in our streets, of wagons from different por- 
tions of the adjoining Territory of Colorado, loaded with vegetables, 
such as potatoes, onions, cabbages, etc., and we would remind our 
citizens that this is the proper time to lay in a supply of such articles 
for the approaching winter, which may be long and dreary. Vege- 
tables, which are so beneficial as antiscorbutics, may be difficult to 
find and expensive to pay for. Fill your cellars. 36 

There were other worries besides high prices and possible food 
shortages to plague settlers: 

High winds have prevailed for the last three days. On the morning 
of Oct. 9th the storm had increased almost to a hurricane. The prair- 
ies were on fire north of us, and the black masses of smoke whirling 
away before the gale were well calculated to excite apprehension for 
the safety of the city. The special police were out on duty and used 
all possible precautions to prevent a calamity so fearful. 

Later. The struggle of an army of our citizens to ward off and 
subdue the rapidly approaching flames is at last decided. They were 
driven back into the city limits and the danger of a general conflagra- 
tion, for some time, was most imminent, but the gunny bag outfit came 
off victorious and deserve the thanks of all who were not there to 
assist, but who ought to have been.-' 57 

But alongside a preoccupation with survival and making money 
there soon appeared in frontier newspapers a concern for the 
education and general welfare of families who had arrived and for 
those who were still to come. The first Wyoming editor to deplore 
the lack of schools was Cheyenne's N. A. Baker. Less than a 
month after he had given the town its first newspaper, he wrote a 
page-one editorial urging the foundation of a school system: 

We have been engrossed almost night and day with building shops 
and preparing for the winter; we have strained nerve and muscle, and 
have, for our reward, a beautiful city, not merely of '"magnificent dis- 
tances," but of magnificent proportions! And now there is coming 
upon us a population of families — let us welcome them, not only by 
welcoming words, but by instituting those means that can only render 
them happy, useful and intelligent. What is a town without schools 
and churches? Answer, Julesburg. Is Cheyenne to be such a town? 
No, sir. Families are what we want. Homes, with mothers and 
children in them, to restrain, and give tone to our social fabric. 

The American people demand schools for their children, and are 

36. Ibid., Oct. 5, 1867. 

37. Ibid., Oct. 10, 1867. 


unwilling to live where they are not to be had. It was long since 
established by our fathers that the only solid foundation for permanent 
prosperity is in the virtue and intelligence of the people; therefore, 
every great free State, and almost every Territory, early directed their 
attention to laying the foundation of the common school system. 
There is scarcely any wisdom superior to this. . . , 38 

Less than three months later, on January 5, 1868, nearly all of the 
citizens of Cheyenne turned out to celebrate the dedication of the 
first school building in Wyoming. 

Another concern, that of preserving the public peace, is reflected 
in early-day community newspapers. The Cheyenne Leader, for 
instance while commending the city council for its action in for- 
bidding the carrying of concealed weapons, warned its readers that 
the burden of making the town a peaceful community "where the 
humblest and weakest may go forth at any hour of the day or night, 
unarmed and alone, and without fear or trembling," rested on 
individual citizens. 39 It was a burden soon to be individually 
assumed, but not in the way that the Leader meant. That winter 
about two hundred outraged citizens organized themselves as 
vigilantes, donned black masks, and set about maintaining law 
and order among what were then called "camp-followers" of 
Union Pacific construction workers. The vigilantes hanged sev- 
eral men and forced others to leave town. 40 The Cheyenne Leader 
bitterly assailed the vigilantes for bypassing proper legal procedures 
and taking the law into their own hands. 41 At the same time, the 
picture of Cheyenne that emerges from the Leader's columns is far 
from pretty: 

The modern institutions of crime and pleasure are on the increase in 
this vicinity, and can stand a sharp looking after. Between bad whis- 
key and the rule of the wantons, the sophisticated and unsophisticated 
are fleeced with unerring regularity and system. Extraordinary in- 
ducements are thrust forth to lure men with their money into these 
plundering dens, where the vilest of both sexes do congregate, and 
the luckless man, who escapes therefore without being cut, or shot or 
beaten up, and minus his money is fortunate for the occasion. 42 

In the course of time Cheyenne was able to control its disorderly 
element; as the years passed its newspapers reflected a picture of 
the town's gradual metamorphosis into a peaceful city of homes 
and gardens and fine state buildings. In a limited study of this 
nature it is not possible to trace the development of one city 
through each of the twenty-seven years comprising the period under 
investigation. But it should be pointed out that in September. 


Cheyenne Leader, Oct. 24, 1867 


Ibid., Oct. 13, 1867. 


Ibid., Jan. 11, Jan. 20, 1868. 


Ibid., Jan. 21, 1868. 


Ibid., Feb. 15, 1868. 


1885, the Cheyenne Sun brought out a special edition illustrated 
with pictures of churches, schoolhouses, thirty-two fine homes, 
and a number of "amusement halls. " Cheyenne, by this time, 
boasted wide streets shaded by leafy trees and a library that 
housed nearly a thousand books. The men of Cheyenne were 
enjoying a brick club house that had cost forty thousand dollars 
to build, and people who were sick could go to the county hospital, 
which had cost twenty-one thousand dollars. Electric street-light- 
ing kept Cheyenne bright at night, and a well-organized fire 
department presumably guarded it from the kind of disaster that 
in January, 1870, laid nearly half the town in ruins. The Wyoming 
Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters had been fostering culture 
for three years, and a territorial library had been started. A num- 
ber of Union Pacific machine shops had been built, and so had 
some small factories that produced boots and shoes, wagons and 
harnesses; two breweries had gone up, and one enterprising busi- 
ness turned native metals and stone into jeweled ornaments. 

Over the mountains in Laramie City, the Sentinel was recording 
a similar community development. The year 1 868 was full of 
events: Patrick S. Seane, the town's first white baby, was born 
June 21; Miss Jennie Wright started a Sabbath school July 15; 
citizens formed a vigilantes committee in August to rid the town 
of crime; Rev. Joseph C. Cook of Cheyenne in October established 
the Episcopal church, Laramie's first. On February 15, 1868, 
Miss Eliza Stewart opened Laramie's first public school. 4:s 

By the spring of 1 870 the columns of the Sentinel were reflecting 
a picture of a pleasant town with civic-minded citizens where 

"A" Street ... is a beauty, now being lined with shade trees on both 
sides, and also bounded by beautiful clear streams of spring water. 
The force of its example is beginning to be felt, too. People on the 
other streets see how much better it looks, and have gone to work on 
their own. 44 

But two days later there was trouble in the Garden of Eden: 

. . . the hogs in this city are becoming an unbearable nuisance. We 
like hogs, they are a good thing to have in a family, town or commun- 
ity. But here in the city where we want to keep our streets looking 
decent, and our water courses clear and clean, so that the people can 
use the water, and want to be let alone generally, fifteen hundred or 
two thousand hogs rooting up the streets, wallowing in the ditches. 

43. These facts are taken from a retrospective review published in the 
Laramie Weekly Sentinel May 5, 1883, with Hayford's explanation that 
since the files of the Sentinel for the first year of its existence had been 
"badly scattered or destroyed," he had decided to gather "from the remains 
of the files of the first year many historical events of public interest . . ." 
Since this investigation has failed to turn up any copies of the Daily Sentinel 
before that of May 2, 1870, Hayford's later account has been used of 

44. Laramie Daily Sentinel, May 11, 1870. 


converting our clear running spring brooks into disgusting mud holes, 
destroying shade trees, and poking their noses into everything in reach, 
is getting it in a little too thick for either profit or pleasure. We 
understand the commissioners are authorized by law to put a stop to 
it, and we frantically call upon those official gentlemen to stand be- 
tween us and the hogs. 4 - 1 

The commissioners did indeed "stand between 11 Hayford and the 
roaming hogs; eleven days later the Sentinel ran a Board of County 
Commissioners' order warning hog-owners that they must keep 
their animals from "running at large" or risk a fine of one hundred 
dollars. 4 ' 1 

Toward the end of the following year the Sentinel's pages re- 
create for the reader a picture of a frontier Christmas. For gifts 
there were advertised mouth organs, accordions, wearing apparel, 
and gems "both imported and home cut." 47 To eat there were 
new chestnuts, oysters, chickens, turkeys, corn-fed pork and mut- 
ton, California and "foreign" fruits, and "pure sweet Michigan 
cider. " 4S Even the merchants by that time were going in for 
Christmas decorations: 

. . . Fox has gone to work and ornamented his market in a fitting 
manner as becomes the holidays. The beef and mutton is as white as 
the drifted snow with fat, and is ornamented with many colored 
rosettes in truly national and patriotic style. 49 

The day after Christmas the newspaper reported that the biggest 
holiday celebration had been a party at the Methodist Church, 
where the Christmas tree "could not be made to hold one half the 
presents brought there to be bestowed by friends upon friends" 
for there were over twelve hundred presents in all. Then the Lara- 
mie citizenry came in for some criticism. Finding them "altogether 
too practical and utilitarian, lacking half enough of pleasure, 
amusement, and recreation," the Sentinel prophesied that "if we 
had and enjoyed a dozen such holidays a year, we would be better, 
happier, wiser and wealthier.""'" 

Severe winters produced conditions which affected the daily lives 
of the people in Laramie and other Wyoming communities, al- 
though an examination of the newspapers of the period shows their 
tendency to suppress accounts of any climatic rigors, probably 
because so many of the papers went to eastern and western ex- 
changes. Occasionally, however, stories would appear revealing 
how difficult the weather could be: 

Yesterday morning. Superintendent Fillmore started from here at 

45. Ibid., May 13, 1870. 

46. Ibid., May 24, 1870. 

47. Ibid., Dec. 22, 1871. 

48. Ibid., Dec. 23, 1871. 

49. Ibid., Dec. 23, 1871. 

50. Ibid., Dec. 26, 1871. 


daylight with over one hundred men, to clear the road west. At mid- 
night last night, they had reached to within three miles of the snow- 
bound trains west of Carbon, and were still at work. By the time they 
got through, the wind had risen and blown all the cuts full again 
between here and there — fuller and harder than ever before. Now 
they are working back this way, followed by the trains, but it is impos- 
sible to tell just when they will reach here."' 1 

Three days later the Sentinel stated that "several large forces of 
men'* had been sent off to dig out nineteen engines stalled by drifts 
between Cheyenne and Rawlins, and reported that there was no 
truth at all in rumors of stranded passengers suffering from hunger 
because they "are at all points abundantly supplied with provisions, 
mainly at the expense of the company. "■"'- 

Laramie, in common with other Wyoming communities, con- 
tinued to grow and to expand, although its development seldom 
seemed to keep pace with the Daily Sentinel's prophecies. For 
instance, in May, 1875, the newspaper was predicting that within 
ten years the town would have extensive iron works, street rail- 
roads, woolen mills, glass works, soda works, and competing rail- 
roads. In June of that year Hayford wrote, "We have about three 
years to go . . . and our prophecy may be realized." 53 

The town would not have the streetcars, woolen mills, or com- 
peting railroads forecast by the starry-eyed Hayford. But even if 
its growth was not spectacular, all newspaper accounts indicate that 
it was steady, with farming, stock-raising, timber-cutting, and the 
Union Pacific Railroad contributing to a modest prosperity. A 
decade after Hayford's pronouncements the Laramie Daily Boom- 
erang was proudly running large cuts showing Holliday's Opera 
House, the soda works, the rolling mill,"' 4 and the Laramie National 
Bank."'" 1 The eastern house of Studebaker was advertising "ranch, 
freight, and spring wagons, buggies, buckboards & carriages," and 
the Trabing Commercial Company was stocking its shelves with 
tins and jars that by no exercise of the imagination could be con- 
sidered staple pioneer fare: four kinds of imported champagne, 
six different Rhine wines, claret, Gotha truffled liver sausage, fried 
smelts, Vienna and Carlsbad wafers, Cross & Blackwell's calvesfeet 
jelly, stuffed olives, Prince of Wales salad sauce, Batty's Nabob 
sauce, anchovies in oil and salt, Hamburger asparagus, Cross & 
BlackwelPs Yarmouth bloaters, pineapples, Roquefort and Edam 
cheese. •"' ,; 

51. Ibid.,Dec. 23, 1871. 

52. Ibid., Dec. 26, 1871. 

53. "Review of Laramie City from May 1, 1875, to May 1, 1876," 
Laramie Weekly Sentinel, June 16, 1883. 

54. Established by the U.P.R.R. in 1875, the mill was destroyed by fire 
in 1910. 

55. Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 10, 1885. 

56. Ibid., June 18, 1885. 

.'V V 2J1 i £L& 

Overland Stage Zrail- Zrek flo. 3 

Trek No. 13 of the Emigrant Trail Treks 

Sponsored by 



Sweetwater County Historical Society and Uinta County Historical 

Society under the direction of 

Paul Henderson, Lyle Hildebrand, Maurine Carley 

Compiled by 

Maurine Carley - Trek Historian 

July 14-15, 1962 

Caravan — 23 cars 69 participants 


Captain.... Col. Wm. R. Bradley, head of the Wyoming 

Highway Patrol 

Scout._ Paul Henderson 

Guides John Dickson - Black Buttes to Green River 

Adrian Reynolds - Green River to Ham's Fork 


Charles Guild - Ham's Fork to Fort Bridger 

Wagon Boss ..Lyle Hildebrand 

Historian Maurine Carley 

Topographer H. M. Townsend, U.S.G.S., Denver 

Photographers Charles Ritter, Paul Henderson 

Press Adrian Reynolds 

Registrars Paula Waitman, Fred Hildebrand 

Cooks. ..Elizabeth Hildebrand, Fran Heuton, Vera Ritter 

NOTE: Numbers preceding M in the schedule indicate distances 
on the OVERLAND TRAIL from Virginia Dale Stage 
Station. We start with 245M at Black Buttes Station. 
Most of this trek was made on oiled roads except from 
Black Buttes to Rock Point and from the Green River 
Crossing up through Rabbit Hollow to Lone Tree Station. 


This trek, approximately 130 miles, was on the old Overland 
Trail as nearly as it was possible to travel from Black Buttes Sta- 
tion to Fort Bridger. For the trail from Fort Bridger to Needle 
Rock Station on the Wyoming-Utah state line, which was covered 
by Trek No. 9, refer to Annals of Wyoming, October, 1959. 


The Overland Trail, originally called the Central Overland Cali- 
fornia and Pike's Peak Express, ran stages daily for about five 
years. It was the greatest stage line on the globe carrying the mail, 
passengers and express, and was also the safest, quickest way to 
get across the western plains and over the mighty mountain ranges. 

The first daily stages left St. Joseph, Missouri and Placerville, 
California July 1, 1861. Both coaches reached their destination 
on the 1 8th, thereby cutting off six days from the southern Butter- 
field route. In September, Atchison, Kansas, fourteen miles far- 
ther west, was made the starting point. 

After Ben Holladay took possession of the mail route late in 
1861 he became the "Stage King" and the route the "Overland 
Stage Line." He employed the most skillful stage men in the 
country; he bought the finest horses and mules suitable for staging; 
he purchased dozens of first-class Concord coaches; he built addi- 
tional stations, and added other features to make the long, tedious 
overland trip (2000 miles) a more pleasant one. 

After five years he sold out to Wells, Fargo and Company who 
operated it until the iron rails were stretched across the continent. 


Virginia Dale, Colo 752 Laclede 983 

Willow Springs, Wyo 767 Big Pond 995 

Big Laramie 782 Black Buttes 1009 

Little Laramie 796 Rock Point 1023 

Cooper Creek 813 Salt Wells ..1037 

Rock Creek 824 Rock Spring 1051 

Medicine Bow 841 Green River 1066 

Elk Mountain 849 Lone Tree 1080 

Pass Creek 863 Ham's Fork 1098 

North Platte 889 Church Buttes 1110 

Sage Creek 903 Millersville 1118 

Pine Grove 913 Fort Bridger 1131 

Bridger's Pass 922 Muddy 1143 

Sulphur Springs 932 Quaking Asp Springs 1153 

Waskie 943 Bear River 1163 

Duck Lake 956 Needle Rock, Utah 1173 

Dug Springs 968 

Saturday - July 14 

9:00 A.M. The breeze was brisk and cold as the caravan 
assembled at Bitter Creek railroad station, which is thirty-two miles 


west of Wamsutter on Highway 30, and seven miles south on an 
oiled road. 

9:30 A.M. After the introduction of officers, Mrs. L. C. Bishop 
gave a short prayer in memory of the pioneers who traveled the 
Overland one hundred years ago. The sun came out, promising 
good weather for the trek, and we left on a country road which 
formerly was the old trail. 

9:45 A.M. One mile to the west we arrived at Black Buttes 
Stage Station (245M) where partial walls of stone are still 

By John Dickson 

Black Buttes Station was laid out following the plans for all 
stations - blockhouse, a powder house and a compound for the 
horses. Here you see the crumbling ruins of the house made from 
native sandstone and can trace the outline of the compound on a 
level flat to the north. The powder house was across the trail to 
the south. Such stations cost approximately $1,000. 

This station was named for the large butte which stands dark 
against the sky five miles to the west. It was there the men had to 
go over the dry desert flats for fuel, and logs for the roofs of the 
buildings and posts for stockade and corrals. 

Bitter Creek ran close by the compound but its brackish waters 
were so distasteful that oatmeal was often mixed with it to make 
it drinkable. An old cemetery was located a short distance west 
of the station but it can no longer be recognized as a train wreck 
some time ago completely destroyed all evidence of the graves. 

Bitter Creek country was the horror of the overland drivers. 
For a distance of 100 miles it was one of the most despised regions 
on the trail. The men and animals struggled through the beds of 
soda and sand under a scorching sun by day and shivered with 
cold at night in the 7,000 feet elevation. 

From Bitter Creek west the Overland Trail, the Union Pacific 
Railroad and the Lincoln Highway now form close parallel lines. 

10:20 A.M. We left Black Buttes Station on a semi-graded 
road that is generally in and out of the old trail. The country is 
somewhat interesting with queer and colorful formations along the 

10:40 A.M. After 12.5 miles we arrived at ROCK POINT 
STATION (266.5M) on the left bank of Bitter Creek at the pres- 
ent site of Point of Rocks railway station. These buildings are 
made from brown native sandstone and are partially ruined. Some 
repair work has been done as they have been used as living quarters 
and a barn. They stand at the lower end of granite that slopes 
down and stops within 50 feet of the station ruins. (Rock Point 
was the original name, Point of Rocks came with the railroad.) 


By John Dickson 

The builders of Rock Point Station were lucky, as rock was at 
its very door step. Other stations had to gather material for miles. 
Although more sturdily built than many of the others it is fast 
falling into shambles. 

Some old timers say it was once known as Almond Station but 
that name was soon lost as Point of Rocks seemed much more 
appropriate and descriptive. [Early listings of stage stations give 
the name as Rock Point.] It was a relay point for the Overland 
and one of the few stations where the stage and railroad met. 

The bluffs on both sides of the place are coal rock or white sand- 
stone with coal outcroppings. Bridger advised the Union Pacific 
officials to locate the railroad through here and he also pointed out 
the coal deposits. It is interesting to know that Bridger's judgment 
was so sound that the tracks through here have never been moved. 

Only two graves are still visible in the cemetery up on a nearby 
hill. One has a fence around it and the other a small stone as a 
marker, but no names can be found. 

A red man who merits mentioning in connection with the Over- 
land is Chief Washakie of the Eastern Shoshones. When the Sioux 
and other warlike tribes tried to drive the white men from the 
Oregon Trail, Washakie welcomed the traders here. His friendship 
made it possible for the Union Pacific to plan its route through 
southern Wyoming, thereby cutting through the richest coal beds 
in the state. 

The old 1867 Sweetwater Mines Road led northward from Point 
of Rocks railroad station to Atlantic City in the gold fields. 

1 1 :00 A.M. We left Rock Point Station on Highway 30 west- 
ward. The surrounding hills are extremely interesting with varie- 
gated colors and shapes. Coal outcroppings can be seen on the 
sides of the bluffs. 

An interesting story was told by Mrs. Walter Lambertsen as we 
rode west of Rock Point. She had been told that many years ago 
an elderly couple came from the East every year by train to a spot 
a few miles west of Point of Rocks. When the train pulled to a 
stop they stepped to the prairie, walked a short distance and placed 
flowers on a grave, then boarded the next train from the West. 

This ceremony was carried on for several years then suddenly 
stopped. Who were they? What grave brought them so far on 
their yearly pilgrimage? Who stopped two passenger trains on 
this lonely prairie? 

1 1 :30 A.M. Because of the heavy traffic on Highway 30 the 
trek captain advised us not to turn left to the site of Salt Wells 
Station (280M). However we pulled off the road and looked at a 
green meadow a mile distant where the station had once been 


By Maurine Carley 

It is almost impossible to find anything about many of the sta- 
tions along the Overland. Unless something spectacular happened, 
the history of many stations was lost. The days were monotonous, 
the workers busy, the occupancy short and it all happened so 
long ago. 

The country surrounding Salt Wells Station is an uninviting 
valley with water which is brackish and in places very salty. The 
country is desolate and covered with greasewood and sagebrush. 

Mr. James Knox Polk Miller made the following entry in his 
diary on Oct. 4, 1 864. "Supper finished by 1 2 and started. Spent 
the remainder of the night vainly endeavoring to sleep. Reached 
La Clede head of Bitter Creek at two, 55 miles from Sulphur 
Springs. Rode until 9 o'clock when 1 again tried to sleep. The 
driver asserted that I snored tremendously. At Salt Wells 54 miles 
from La Clede & 209 from Halleck, where we arrived at 4 o'clock, 
made some cakes of flour and water. Fried some antelope meat 
and this, with some salt wells water, constituted our Bill of Fare. 
The water here is very strongly impregnated with salt, three wells 
having been dug before finding one fit to use. The water is miser- 
able and in many places can not be used, being fatal to man and 
beast owing to the alkali beds through which it runs. 

"Reached Rock Spring at about 1 1 o'clock, 1 5 miles from Salt 
Springs. Bought a pint of whisky for which 1 paid $5 and spilled 
3/4 of it. Weather warm. No people in mail station, no plant 
but sage. We meet hundreds of people almost daily coming from 
Virginia City out of provisions, some in starving condition." 

Some general information which could be appropriate for any 
station probably fits Salt Wells, too - 

The drivers blew loud blasts on a bugle about three miles before 
they arrived at a station so the relays would be ready. A driver 
almost held his whip sacred, and hated to loan it even to his most 
intimate friend and companion driver. 

A mounted patrol accompanied each stage, and at each station 
there was a corporal, or other non-commissioned officer, and from 
6 to 10 privates who went along as a mounted escort to the next 

This popular poem was sent up and down the Overland Trail - 

Dried Apple Pies 
I loathe! abhor! detest! despise! 
Abominate dried-apple pies: 
I like good bread; I like good meat, 
Or anything that's good to eat; 
But of all poor grub beneath the skies 
The poorest is dried apple pies. 
Give me a toothache or sore eyes 
In preference to such kind of pies. 


1 ! : 30 A.M. As we continued on west the hills closed in, mak- 
ing a little canyon only wide enough for the trail, the railroad and 
the creek. The rippled sandstone cliffs soon widened out and 
framed an arid plateau which continued for miles. 

12:00 P.M. We arrived at the site of original Rock Spring and 
Station (294M). 

By John Dickson 

Well over a hundred years ago early fur trappers searching for 
beaver discovered a fine spring of water issuing forth beneath a 
sandstone ledge on the Killpecker tributary of Bitter Creek. Sur- 
prisingly this was good water, a rarity in this section of the country. 

While seeking a route for a transcontinental railroad in 1850, 
Captain Stansbury also mentioned this fine spring issuing from 
beneath the point of a jagged ledge of rocks. From the reports of 
Lieutenant Bryan, surveyor of the Overland Trail, early travelers 
learned of this good spring, so made it a camping site. 

When the stage line was planned in 1862 the government sanc- 
tioned the establishment of many stations along the trail. Rock 
Springs was a natural due to the good water and a proper distance 
from the Green River. 

Tn addition to the customary buildings the stage company built a 
very primitive rock hotel to serve as a resting place for the passen- 
gers. No trace of any of the buildings can be seen today, and the 
spring has been dry for many years. The location of the old station 
is shown by a marker which is on the edge of the present city of 
Rock Springs. 

12:30 P.M. For lunch journeyed into Rock Springs to the 
city park. 

2:00 P.M. We left Rock Springs on Highway 30 for Green 
River, fifteen miles away, where we turned south at the second stop 
light, and went under the railroad to stop at the Overland Trail 
marker across Green River. The marker reads: 


Station Site 

350 yards East 


By William Hutton 

Members and friends of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 
I feel greatly privileged to be here on this very special occasion 
and honored that I was asked to participate in the dedication of this 


marker designating the Overland Stage Station route which oper- 
ated from 1862 to 1865. The Green River Division Station site 
was about 350 yards east. This monument was erected by the 
former Historical Landmark Commission of Wyoming, the work 
of which has been placed under the State Archives and Historical 

I had driven an iron stake in this site many years ago when the 
road was clearly visible so that in the future there would be no 
question as to the center of the trail. 

We are here today to dedicate this marker out of respect to all 
those pioneers who passed this way seeking new frontiers, and to 
Ben Holladay and his company for their decision in selecting this 
route through our part of the country. It was inaugurated on 
August 11, 1862. Our first claim to fame stems from the stage 
coaches passing along this route. Therefore, the name Overland 
Stage Trail and Ben Holladay are closely linked with the earliest 
history of this section of Wyoming and we must not forget this fact. 

The dedication of this marker could not have come at a more 
appropriate time than during this trek across the Overland Trail, 
and we, the citizens of Green River City, are happy to be a part 
of this final trek over the trail. 

3:00 P.M. We turned to the left a short distance to stand on 
the site of Green River Station No. 2 (309M). This is an ideal 
spot for picture taking with the river and Castle Rock in the back- 

By Adrian Reynolds 

If you want to be exact about such matters, Green River today 
is Green River No. 4. Green River No. 1 was not even close to 
present day Green River. You are now standing on the site of 
Green River No. 2. Green River No. 3, north of the river, was 
established before the railroad arrived and was incorporated as 
Green River City, Dakota Territory, through resolution of the 
county commissioners of Carter County, Dakota Territory, in the 
summer of 1868, before the arrival of the railroad. 

Green River No. 4, the Green River of today — really came into 
being when the railroad moved its division point back from Bryan. 
Files of the county clerk of Sweetwater county, Wyo., contain a 
copy of a plat, filed by S. I. Fields, in 1 872. An earlier plat, 1 868, 
in existence several years ago, cannot now be located. It had been 
made in 1 869 by a member of the Major Powell river exploration 

Green River No. 1 was the famous Green River crossing and 
ferry of the original emigrant trail, some 30 or 35 miles upstream. 
It was there that the Pony Express and the original stage and freight 


lines crossed. This crossing can still be seen today, with scant 
tracings of the old stage station buildings still existent on the west 
bank. Also remaining is the stub of a telegraph pole. The military 
telegraph line of the army from Ft. Bridger to Ft. Stambaugh was 
used up to the time of abandonment of the latter post, and it has 
been stated that the first news of the Custer massacre went out 
over the military telegraph line. 

But I mention the north passage because too many persons make 
the error of referring to the Pony Express as having passed through 
Rock Springs, and Green River. The Pony Express was non- 
existent by the time the New Overland route was established. 

Green River, as in the case of Rock Springs, came into existence 
solely because of the Indian menace that had stopped operation of 
the older route to the north. That history has been reviewed many 
times in the treks covering this route, so needs no further mention 

This station, headquarters for the Green River division of the 
Holladay lines, was apparently abandoned when the railroad ar- 
rived and began serving the area with mail, freight and passenger 
service. In the Frontier Index, at the time of the arrival of the 
railroad in October, 1868, reference was made to the desire of the 
Wells Fargo agent to have the station moved across the river to 
the new town because of the inconvenience of getting passengers, 
mail and express across the Green to the stage station. 

Evidently a large number of persons and businesses arrived in 
Green River No. 2 ahead of the railroad and expected the town to 
be "end of the rails" for the 1868-69 winter. Persons attached to 
the railroad in various ways apparently were selling the lots in 
the townsite and when they found the land already platted here, 
moved on to promote Bryan. But even Bryan was doomed for 
disappointment, for the rails pushed on to the Bear river for winter 
headquarters. Much of the town of Green River's population also 

The famous pioneer photographer, W. H. Jackson, has told me 
that when he preceded the rails to Green River one weekend, and 
made the first and now famous photographs of the rock formations 
you see across the river from where we are standing, the stage sta- 
tion appeared to be a fairly large establishment. Apparently 
Adobe Town, now covered by the huge cinder piles just north of 
here across the river, was built during that period. Use of some 
of these buildings continued until the late 90's, and the mounds 
marking the deteriorated adobe building sites existed until the early 
1 940 , s, when they were covered by cinders from the railroad. 

Many have given the impression that the Mormons operated the 
"toll gate" just west of town. I must dispute this, as this toll gate 
was operated when a stage line ran from Green River to South 
Pass, up river. A granddaughter of the operator, Mrs. Lucinda 
Bramwell, still resides here. According to her recollections as told 


to the family, no toll was charged for mail stages. The gate, a 
heavy chain across the road at a natural gate, was destroyed several 
years ago in a highway change. In 1872, county commissioner 
records show, a man by the name of Matthews was given permis- 
sion to operate and build a toll road which went up the canyon 
back of the present day high school. This route is still used. Per- 
mission was granted to operate between Green River City and 
Pacific Springs. 

Overland travelers continued to use the Ferry and Ford at Green 
River until 1896 when the first wagon bridge to bs built over the 
Green River was completed as a joint venture between the town 
and the county, each paying $2,500. This bridge later served the 
original Lincoln highway, which followed the Overland trail west 
and was not abandoned until about 40 years ago, when the highway 
department built the US 30 bridge three miles west of town and 
rerouted the highway completely. The bridge was still in use until 
the mid-1950's after the concrete bridge over which you passed a 
few minutes ago was completed. The old bridge was condemned 
and then torn down by the county. For 60 years it was Green 
River's only connection with the area south towards the Uinta 
mountains. If you look upstream, you can still see the remnants 
of one of the piers. 

Around 1907, an attempt was made to navigate the Green with 
a steamboat, the Comet. This was unsuccessful, except for excur- 
sion trips near town. The hull lies buried in the sand somewhere 
in the river just below the point upon which we now stand. 

Green River's first century depended entirely upon transporta- 
tion activities — the stage line, freight and mail service into the 
Uinta mountain and Brown's Park areas, up river into the Big 
Piney country and the lines to South Pass. Because of this it 
figured also in the early livestock history and had as its visitors 
famous outlaws. The next century is starting with a new birth in 
the chemical, tourist and agricultural industry, "entirely alien to the 
time that Green River was merely a stop on the river. 

Oh, in parting, let me ask you not to confuse the present town 
of Green River with the fur history. The first rendezvous of the 
Ashley mountain men was on the Henry's Fork, 50 miles from here 
— the Green River Rendezvous which made history were all on the 
upper Green River. Compared to much of the West, our Green 
River No. 4 has had a pretty peaceful history. 

3:30 P.M. On the way up Rabbit Hollow, so named by Stans- 
bury in 1850, we followed the old trail which became the original 
Lincoln Highway. Not only must the emigrants have had a strug- 
gle to get to the top, but also it is hard to understand how the early 
cars made it. For sixty years, from 1862 to 1923, this winding, 
steep road was a part of the transcontinental highway. 

Half way up we stopped to view the Cream and Sugar Bowl 
formations to the north. It was his picture of these fantastic rocks 


which made W. H. Jackson famous, and won for him the contract 
to become the official photographer for the Union Pacific. 

A stop was made on the divide ( 3 1 6M ) where the only thing we 
could see for 100 miles in every direction was Pilot Butte, twenty 
miles away to the northeast. In 1812 Robert Stuart mentioned this 
same Butte in his diary as he saw it from the other side. 

4:15 P.M. After traveling a short distance we came to a little 
cemetery on Black's Fork which was once the site of Lone Tree 
Station. Allen's Guide (1858) shows a crossing here but Mr. 
Reynolds can find no evidence of it on the south side. 

By Adrian Reynolds 

As with many of the way stations of the Overland stage days, 
there is little to say about Lone Tree, which records show to have 
been 1,078 miles from Atchison and 12 miles from Green River 
As we see, the only remains today are the little graveyard where 
even the headstones have been destroyed by time and vandals. I 
have seen some surmise as to a river crossing here or nearby, but 
actual evidence does not bear this out. 

As we came down the little canyon onto this flat, you could see 
the vanishing traces of the stage road. It has been about 30 years 
since I commenced tracing the old roads across this area — and all 
indications are that the main road stayed north of the river. Until 
time erased the crossings of some arroyas, this heavily marked road 
could be followed to Granger. A short distance east of Granger 
at least two pioneer graves were still to be found about 20 years 
ago. I have not seen them in recent years. Because of its short 
distance from Bryan, it is safe to presume that the stages picked up 
their mail, express and passengers at that point, because of the 
closeness to Lone Tree, during the short time that Bryan was end 
of the rails. The only mentions of stage service to South Pass refer 
to Bryan as the stage point on the railroad. 

4:20 P.M. We took a little detour to the railroad station of 
Bryan named for the Lieutenant Bryan who surveyed the Overland 
Trail in 1856-57. This town was the end of track for only a short 
time. Here mail was piled high for the stages to pick up and take 
on west. 

4:45 P.M. We returned to Lone Tree, then took an oiled road 
to Highway 30 and on to Granger (341M). 


By Mrs. George Graf 

( Mail and stage stations were dotted throughout Wyoming in the 
early days. Some of these were called home stations and some 


relay stations. Ham's Fork Station, as this was originally known, 
was a home station. The first site was four miles from here. Some 
ruins have been discovered that are believed to have been part of 
the old Ham's Fork Station. As the routes were changed, the 
Ham's Fork Station was moved here. These home stations were 
from forty to fifty miles apart. Drivers were changed, meals were 
served and sleeping accomodations were available and supplies 
carried for the thousands of emigrants who passed by each year. 
Some of the home stations had gardens in the summer time so fresh 
vegetables were available. Whether Ham's Fork Station was one 
of these can only be guessed at as there is no record. As you can 
see there is not much left of the buildings here. In 1 850 they were 
built of stone and later covered with adobe mortar with the main 
building having a lean-to shed. 

The first record of this being called Granger Station was in 1 862. 
It was on the first transcontinental stage line until the stage was 
superseded by the railroad in 1869. It was also a Pony Express 
station and later a telegraph station. 

The first white men to use the route we are following were Wil- 
liam Ashley and a group of his trappers in 1825. Fremont fol- 
lowed the same trail in 1 843. In 1 849 a party of Cherokee Indians 
headed by Captain Evans, of Arkansas, went to California over 
the same route so afterwards it became known as the Cherokee 
trail. In 1862 Ben Holladay purchased the contract and transpor- 
tation facilities from Russell, Majors and Waddell. He was a man 
with great business ability and determined to make his stage and 
mail line the greatest on the globe. He bought the best mules and 
horses, improved the stations and ordered the best stages available. 
Some of his Abbott-Downing stages were large enough to carry 
twelve to fifteen passengers besides the express agent, the mail and 
the driver. 

In November, 1862, when one hundred horses belonging to 
trappers and traders were stolen between Granger and Ft. Bridger, 
Colonel Connor began placing soldiers on east bound coaches for 
the protection of mail, express and passengers. On December 2. 
1 862, he decided to garrison Granger Station and Ft. Bridger and 
did so until the following July. At that time the soldiers had a 
new duty assigned to them at the Granger station, that of admin- 
istering the oath of allegiance to the United States Government to 
all persons leaving for the east as there was trouble in the Mexican 
Territory at that time. 

As this is the Centennial year for the name "Granger", we who 
are making this trek today wish to pay special tribute to all the 
brave men and women who passed this way. 

6:00 P.M. Soon the campers were at home on a high mesa 
overlooking Granger. Fires were lighted and supper was cooked. 
The less hardy folk went to Little America for the night. 


Sunday - July 15 

7:00 - 8:00 A.M. Everyone met at the campsite for a real 
western-style breakfast, an annual courtesy extended by Albert 
Sims, one of the organizers of the treks. Three cheers were given 
for the cooks, for Mr. Sims and for Colonel Bradley for his expert 
flapjack maneuvers. 

After the dishes were done and the camp cleaned, Paul Hender- 
son read a paper. 

By Helen Henderson 

Yesterday we followed a portion of an early stage coach and 
wagon road commonly referred to as the Overland Trail. One hun- 
dred four years ago, in July, 1858, the Sixth Infantry officially 
opened it from the headwaters of Muddy Creek to Fort Bridger, 
with restrictions that heavily laden wagons could not use the frail 
bridges over Muddy Creek and several other smaller streams. In 
those days it was not considered safe for the emigrant to pass 
through the common war grounds of the Utah, Crow and Arapahoe 
Indians that extended between the Medicine Bow River and 
Bridger's Pass. 

As compared with the older wagon roads leading west from the 
Missouri River the Overland was somewhat a youngster, and it 
only had a short span of life, as it was soon terminated by the 
building of the Union Pacific railroad in 1869. However, during 
its existence it was a very important link in the transcontinental 
wagon road system, as it opened a western outlet for the new 
settlements in the Colorado country, or at least brought them 
nearer to the transcontinental mail service. 

A number of ancient trails converged in this general area. When 
the Overland road came into being it junctioned with the older 
wagon roads near where we stand at the old Ham's Fork Station 
on the South Pass road. The route of the Overland trail was 
seriously considered as a line for the first transcontinental railroad 
as early as 1850. From 1856 to 1858 the railroad surveyors were 
quite active from the South Platte River to Fort Bridger, and it was 
from these surveys that the Overland was adopted as a practical 
stage coach line until such a time as a railroad would be built. 
However, it was the long gradual ascent up the Lodgepole Creek 
valley to the highlands of the Cheyenne country and on up to the 
summit of Sherman Hill that cheated the old Oregon Trail, with its 
South Pass, and the Overland Trail, with its Bridger's Pass, out 
of a railroad line along either of their courses through the Rocky 

In 1862 the Overland Stage route was changed. Instead of 
following the old Oregon Trail along the North Platte and Sweet- 
water rivers through the South Pass and down to Fort Bridger, it 


came up the South Platte river from old Julesburg to Latham. 
From there it turned northwestward to the Virginia Dale station 
and continued on around the northern end of the Medicine Bow 
mountains to take a westerly course through Bridgets Pass and via 
the Muddy and Bitter Creek valleys to cross the Green River near 
the mouth of Bitter Creek. From the river crossing it again fol- 
lowed northwesterly to Black's Fork and on up to a junction with 
the Oregon Trail about seven and one half miles east from Ham's 
Fork Crossing (Granger). 

From records we find that the Overland Trail crossed Black's 
Fork thirteen miles after leaving the Green River, evidently at the 
Lone Tree Station site. It then went ten miles farther to cross it 
again, then two and one half miles to the junction with the South 
Pass road, and then 5 miles to the Ham's Fork crossing and gov- 
ernment bridge. Five miles east of here it came into the South 
Pass road and a total of seven and one half miles east of here it 
crossed to the north side of the stream, after having come ten miles 
from its first crossing at Lone Tree Station. 

Some say that the stage coaches went around the bend of the 
creek and did not make these two crossings. It is possible that the 
coaches did not follow the original survey in this particular case. 

8:00 A.M. In good spirits the party left the camp on High- 
way 30 for Church Buttes (353M), a spectacular arrangement of 
rocks appropriately named. Charles Ritter read a paper. 

By Hazel Noble Boyack 

The covered wagon Vanguard of Mormon Pioneers had left the 
site of Winter Quarters, Nebraska, in early April of 1847 for the 
West. The objective of this band of men, women and children was 
to seek out a favorable location for a new home. They wanted this 
new home to be in some unclaimed area of the Rocky Mountain 
region. Thousands of exiled Latter-day Saints waited on the banks 
of the Missouri River for the results of this quest. 

Brigham Young, leader of the party, was credited with having 
the best organized Company on the entire Old Emigrant Trail. A 
president and two counselors presided over the entire band. After 
this a captain of one hundred, a captain of fifty and then captains 
of ten were chosen, all responsible to the head leaders. 

This Pioneer cavalcade consisted of one hundred forty-three 
men, three women and two children. The men were a skilled 
group of artisans. There were carpenters, masons, wheelrights, 
blacksmiths, brick layers, farmers, printers, scientists, educators 
and doctors. The seventy-three wagons were heavily laden with 
tools, farming implements, seeds and food. This caravan of 
wagons was slowly drawn over the prairies by fifty-two mules, 
sixty-six oxen and ninety-three horses. 


As these home-seekers slowly chartered their way over the 
uneven landscape of western Wyoming, they passed the present 
site of Granger, Wyoming. Beyond this point they directed their 
course a little south and west. After a few miles in a westerly 
direction, and on the south side of the Trail, there stood a curious 
formation known today as Church Buttes. This huge mound, 
streaked by winds and rain, stood alone in a sandy, sage brush 
plain and made a conspicuous landmark along the Mormon Trail. 
The Pioneers reached these Buttes early in July, 1847, possibly 
between the 4th and 7th of the month. As the Pioneers never 
traveled on Sunday no doubt one of these days must have been the 
Sabbath because legend has it that religious services were held at 
the landmark. 

As the laboring animals drawing the seventy-three heavily laden 
wagons lumbered by on the hard earth by the Buttes, the sounds 
of travel must have echoed and vibrated through the grotesque 
caverns within the mound, breaking the dead silence of so many 
centuries. But many, many thousands more of Pioneers would, in 
subsequent years, re-enact this scene and follow the roadway char- 
tered by this hardy band. 

Today nothing but a marker remains to tell the story of this great 
western migration that once brought life to this silent and secluded 
spot and aided so much in the settlement of the early west. The 
road that passes by the Buttes was once a main segment of High- 
way 30. A traveler today, as he views the countryside, the shifting 
sands and arid stretches is led to exclaim, "What faith those home- 
less exiles must have possessed". They traveled on, trusting in 
their God to lead and guide them to a place of more fertile and 
verdant acres. 

For many years an old church bell stood atop the Buttes, having 
been placed there by the owner of the landmark. In 1930 the 
Latter-day Saint Church in Salt Lake City placed a bronze plaque 
on the north side of the Buttes, near the roadway. The inscription 
reads : 


Erected July 24, 1930. In Honor of The Mormon Pioneers 

Who Passed This Point in Early July, 1847, And in 

Subsequent Years. 

8:45 A.M. The caravan departed from the unique, natural 
landmark where pictures of the group were taken. 

9:00 A.M. We turned to the right to cross Black's Fork and 
visit Register Rocks, (355M) which were high vertical cliffs of 
sandstone. During the 1860's many of the early travelers painted 
their names on the rocks with axle grease which has resisted the 
elements quite well, rendering them legible and suitable for photo- 
graphing. Other early names were carved in the sandstone. 



This site proved a very interesting spot for all, as Charles Guild 
pointed out segments of the old trail and extraordinary landmarks, 
such as toad stools and balanced rocks on pinacles of black clay. 

9:45 A.M. A halt was made to read the Bee Hive Monument 

10:00 A.M. Thickets of brush prevented a close inspection of 
Millersville Station. (361M). However, Mr. Guild pointed out 
the old road and the lay of the land so that every one gained a good 
knowledge of the location of that station. 

10:55 A.M. The caravan arrived at Fort Bridger (374M) 
where all enjoyed visiting the historic buildings and taking pictures. 

After lunch under the trees two resolutions were passed — (a) a 
desire to follow the Bozeman Trail in 1963 was stated, (b) a vote 
of thanks was extended to the Wyoming State Historical Society, 
Sweetwater and Uinta Chapters for sponsoring this interesting and 
informative trek. 



Col. and Mrs. W. R. Bradley 
Mr. and Mrs. Charles Ritter 
Mrs. Clark Bishop 
Mr. and Mrs. Grant Willson 

and children 
Mr. and Mrs. Leonard Lowry 
Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Mclnerney 
Maurine Carley 
Jane Hunt Houston 
Rosalind Bealey 
Mrs. J. H. Carlisle 
Katherine Townsend 


Mr. and Mrs. Ward Cook 

Mr. and Mrs. Walter Lambertsen 

Mr. Harry Lambertsen 


Mr. and Mrs. W. E. Ence 


Mr. and Mrs. Lyle Hildebrand 
and Fred 

Bridgeport, Nebr. 

Mr. and Mrs. Paul Henderson 
Mr. and Mrs. John Waitman 
and Paula 


Mr. Ed Bill 

Mr. Richard Eklund 


Charles Guild 

Denver, Colorado 

Mr. and Mrs. H. M. Townsend 
and Mark 

Rock Springs 

Mr. and Mrs. John Dickson 
Mary Dickson 

Green River 

Mr. and Mrs. George Graf 

Mrs. Don Heuton and Rae 

Mrs. Ernest Nott 

Mr. Adrian Reynolds 

Mr. Willian Hutton 

Eunice Hutton 

Mr. and Mrs. G. E. Wright 


Mr. Butler Hilton and family 
Randy Reed 

ftook Keviews 

The Cowboy And His Interpreters. By Douglas Branch. New 
York, N. Y., Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1961. 277pp. 

This interesting book gives a broad survey of the cowboy and 
his depiction by writer, novelist and script writer. 

To the writer, the books by Andy Adams and Will James ring 
true in describing the motives and methods of the cowboy on the 
range. The non-fictional stories of John Clay, along with those of 
other authors, make it a delightful experience to read the Christmas 
issues of the Breeder's Gazette at the turn of the century. 

A recent book on the equipment of the cowboy and its use, by 
Ward, is among the vanguard of much-needed factual information 
on "how and why the Cowboy ticked". Recent cartoonists such as 
Williams and Reid have added much humor and fact, in showing 
the daily reactions of cowboys and stockmen. 

Lomax made a singular contribution in handing down to pos- 
terity the songs of the rangeland, in which the cowboy played a 
leading part. Other writers such as Clark, Kiskaddon, Carr and 
Thorp have given us the aspirations of the cowboy expressed in 
verse as well as song. 

To get back to the interesting book by Branch, there are some 
errors of fact or omission which should be pointed out. Although 
the writer has included the reference by Nimmo in his bibliography, 
his treatment of the start of the cattle industry on the northern 
ranges (page 107) does not agree with this reference nor with the 
known facts reported later in the story of the Newman Ranches 
(See Montana, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1961, pp. 28-36.) 

Another statement plays up the sheepmen vs. cattlemen wars in 
western Wyoming (page 114) and the total lack of footnotes and 
references makes it difficult for readers to check further into these 
interesting items. The episode attributed as reported by John 
Clay (page 123) is another one which needs a reference. 

Mr. Branch reports in a masterful way, the appeal and motiva- 
tion of the western stories which during the past fifty years have 
constantly been a popular article for the newstand frequenter. 
A book of this type with a standard plot can be fitted to many 
historical backgrounds. 

One interesting series of such stories are those by Elston, many 
of which have authentic Wyoming backgrounds. "Gun Law in 
Laramie" is quite accurate in its locale, although the usual roman- 
ticism has been sprinkled in for reader interest. 

The book "The Cowboy and his Interpreters" has much valuable 


material on the motivation of different writers in giving their par- 
ticular picture of the American Cowboy. Its serious defect for a 
student of history is its lack of documentation and references. 

University of Wyoming R. H. "Bob" Burns 

The Troopers- An Informal History of the Plains Cavalry 1865- 
1 890. By S. E. Whitman, with Drawings by Nick Eggen- 
hofer. (New York. Hastings House. 1962. illus. index. 
256 pp. $4.95) 

When asked to review this book, I looked forward to it with 
great anticipation. From a military point of view, and with an 
obviously biased opinion in favor of Wyoming, I can sincerely 
state that 1 enjoyed it; there are so many references to customs 
and traditions, old sayings and salty G.I. terms that are still around 
today. The informal history is broad in scope and brings many 
interesting facts to the reader's attention; uniform of the day, live- 
stock and rolling stock, weapons, Brass Button homes. There are 
several such statements as " — was seldom the sort of thing one 
reads in novels or sees on TV or in the movies." I wholeheartedly 
agree with the author's attempt to set the record straight, although 
I disagree with some of his facts. 

My family now resides in Quarters 6 in the old Fort D. A. 
Russell portion of Francis E. Warren Air Force Base. Our quar- 
ters were built in 1885, and I have seen the original blue prints 
showing this set of quarters listed as captain's quarters. It has two 
living rooms, five bedrooms, two baths, dining room, kitchen, 
pantry and basement, a total of 1 3 rooms and three fireplaces. 
This is completely contrary to Brass Button homes described by the 
author. It may have made a difference to be an eight-room 
officer at Ft. Lyon, Colorado, as told on page 138, or it may have 
occurred that lieutenants were given one room and fodder at some 
posts of the old west. 

T feel I must also point out another distorted historical reference. 
In Chapter 2 the various regiments were discussed, and I quote 
regarding the Second Cavalry, from page 30: "In '84 the Second 
was sent to the Pacific coast and served there until '90 when it was 
transferred to Arizona and New Mexico." The Second's service 
at Ft. Russell is commemorated in a plaque across from present 
Base Headquarters which reads, "In 1 867 Fort D. A. Russell was 
established near the present west gate. Composed of units of the 
30th Infantry and 2nd Cavalry and commanded by Brevet Briga- 
dier General John D. Stevenson, Colonel, U.S.A., to defend work- 
ers on the Union Pacific Railroad and the Overland Trail against 


It came as somewhat of a disappointment to find only one refer- 
ence to Fort D. A. Russell. "Then there was Fort D. A. Russell, 
just outside Cheyenne, Wyoming, with the Union Pacific Railroad 
running past the reservation. There the army wives found some 
comfort in remarking, "At least there's one good thing about this 
post — a train a day going East." 

To omit Fort Bridger, being immortalized by the fine work of 
the Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department; to leave 
out any mention of Fort Laramie and the renovation of "Old 
Bedlam" and other buildings being accomplished by the National 
Park Service, left the reader somewhat confused. Needless to add, 
this book will not be popular in Wyoming. 

S. E. Whitman, son of an army officer, who was born at Fort 
Sheridan and grew up in the Cavalry posts of the west, speaks 
with some authority. But he missed the "big show" when he 
overlooked Wyoming. There is enough history around here to 
write several volumes. With his talent, background and devoted 
interest in the U.S. Cavalry, I sincerely hope he finds the time. 

F. E. Warren Air Force Base Major John C. Hayes 

Edward Kern and American Expansion. By Robert V. Hine. 
(Yale University Press, 1962. illus. index. 180 pp. $6.00.) 

Robert V. Hine, associate professor of history at the University 
of California, has written about part of Edward Kern's life as it 
was interwoven with America's expansion, which occurred in the 
acquisition of new land, resources, and trading privileges. The 
principal parts of the book are twofold: (1) America's expansion 
on the Continent, and (2) trips to the Far East. 

In part one, Professor Hine relates Edward Kern's role as artist, 
topographer, and cartographer on John C. Fremont's Third Expe- 
dition, on the eve of the war with Mexico, to the Sierra Nevada 
Mountain Range by the rivers of the Arkansas, Rio Grande, and 
Colorado; it ended in California where Edward Kern was placed 
in charge of Fort Sutter. Edward Kern was also with Fremont's 
Fourth Expedition which was made in the winter with the purpose 
of finding a southern railroad route to the Pacific. 

In part two, Edward Kern crossed the Pacific Ocean to the Far 
East, principally Japan, and plotted navigable harbors and sea 
lanes, in order to help make travel and trading safer. 

Edward Kern's maps, sketches and drawings not only were 
utilized by other travelers and adventurers but must have been 
appreciated by the greater number of stay-at-home people as well. 
He quite vividly depicted animal and human life (Indians and 
Orientals) that provided a greater understanding of the trans- 
Mississippi West and the Far East. 


The book is written in correct thesis form, and is aptly illus- 
trated by Edward Kern's, as well as his brother Richard's sketches 
and drawings. The principal weakness of the book is the lack of 
maps which could display routes taken by Edward Kern. If a 
comprehensive atlas were to be used in conjunction with reading, 
this aid would more greatly help one understand the material 
encompassed. The greatest strength of the book is the author's 
ability, sometimes almost poetically, to put down in descriptive 
words the vivid impressions that Edward Kern saw and felt and 
oftentimes captured on canvas. The book is also deserving of 
praise because Professor Hine uses a myriad of primary sources: 
diaries, journals, correspondence, et cetera. 

This reviewer got the pleasant sensation of feeling that he was 
getting to know Edward Kern as a real person who had flesh and 
blood and is not simply a name to be committed to memory. The 
general reader might not be as interested in this book as would be 
the student of American history, particularly in American expan- 
sion, but it is a rewarding book to read. 

The 162 pages of content do not consume more than one eve- 
ning of reading but will provide much food for later thought. 

Cheyenne George W. Paulson 

Early Cheyenne Homes. (Laramie County Historical Society, 
Cheyenne, 1962. illus., index, 79 pp. $1.00.) 

Laramie County Historical Society has produced a fascinating 
chapter of Wyoming history, through pictures of many of the first 
homes in Cheyenne, the capitol city. The stories of these homes, in 
brief, are gathered together in a volume of great historical impor- 
tance, which the society offers for sale to the public. 

The book covers the era from 1880 to 1890. In these years a 
number of fabulously elaborate houses were built in the western 
frontier town, by men representing some of the most prominent 
families in the United States and Europe. 

Strangers in Cheyenne were surprised to find there the mansions 
which were homes of Cheyenne leaders. In the western territorial 
city grew up a cultured society, their homes reflecting the best of 
their time. 

Of the 60 homes described in this delightful book, many are 
gone, razed to make way for progress; some are now serving as 
business locations; some have been moved to other locations, and 
some are still home to Cheyenne families. 

A remarkably fine job has been done in the commentaries ac- 
companying the pictures of the early day homes; they bring back 
the romance of the early days in Cheyenne, much of the adventure 
and some of the tragedy as well as the personalities of the era. 


The notes speak of the first owners, and often of the builders 
as well as the architects, and follow up the histories of these pic- 
turesque houses by noting subsequent owners, bringing the history 
of each home up to date. 

Glimpses of rich furnishings of the period, notes on entertaining 
on the grand scale, notable visitors who were guests in these homes, 
including Theodore Roosevelt, are of interest. Three of the homes 
had ball rooms, and they all had, as a matter of course, large barns 
to house their fine horses and carriages. Some of the homes served 
as Governors" Mansions, during the terms their owners held that 
high state office. 

Included in the history of this era is the exclusive Cheyenne Club 
which gained world-wide fame. 

Ferguson Avenue (now Carey) was known as "Millionaire 
Row", as many of the large homes were built on this street. The 
builders of many of the elegant mansions were the early day cattle 
barons, and even though engaged in some mercantile venture, or 
other line of endeavor, many of the early day residents were also 
in the cattle business. 

Misfortune struck many early day owners of these homes, during 
the disastrous blizzard of 1886-87 and the collapse of the cattle 
companies in 1889 following the great losses sustained during this 
bad winter. The panic of 1893 saw the end of others. 

A committee of the Laramie County Historical Society was in 
charge of this significant publication. There are 41 contributors 
listed in the book as assisting with the gathering of the facts cor- 
related into this book, and the pictures which illustrate it. 

Pioneer residents of the area will thrill as they peruse this book 
so reminiscent of the early days they knew; newcomers will wel- 
come this history and the information it contains concerning Wyo- 
ming's capitol city. 

Casper Frances Seely Webb 

Great Western Rides. By Dabney Otis Collins. (Denver, Colo., 
Sage Books, 1961. illus., index, 277 pp. $4.75.) 

The reader of Great Western Rides is not sure if the man or the 
horse is the hero of each episode. Quite possibly, the author 
intended that hero honors should be equally shared by the two. 
Not only does Collins know horses, he obviously likes and respects 
them as well. His account of these twelve emergency rides in the 
history of the West points up the interdependence of men and 
horses, and the fact that early day life in the West would hardly 
have been possible without the horse. 

The book is supplemented by an excellent section of photographs 


and descriptions of the horses used in the rides — thoroughbred, 
mustang, quarter horse, Arabian and cayuse. 

From California eastward across the plains, the rides recounted 
were undertaken for vastly different reasons. 

Dr. Marcus Whitman rode from Oregon Territory to Boston to 
promote interest in settling the northwest, that it might be assured 
as United States territory, and the ride of James Haslam was made 
in a vain effort to prevent the Mountain Meadows Massacre in 

On the other hand, a long and devious ride by Butch Cassidy 
and some of his companions of the outlaw Wild Bunch was made 
to elude a posse. 

Portugee Phillips 1 ride from Fort Phil Kearny to Fort Laramie, 
widely commemorated in Wyoming history, is included in the 
book. In this account, as in all the stories, the author's thorough 
research is apparent. According to bibliographical notes, Collins 
covered on foot many of the routes followed by the riders. This is 
reflected in the detailed descriptions of terrain, ranging from tim- 
bered mountains to desert wastes. 

The twenty excellent illustrations for this enjoyable book are by 
Nicholas Eggenhofer, whose work is noted for its vigor and 
authenticity. Both Collins and Eggenhofer are transplanted West- 
erners. Collins, a native of Alabama, came west as a young man, 
and for many years has lived in Denver. He has written more 
than 300 stories and historical articles on the West. Eggenhofer 
has recently moved to Cody from New Jersey. 

Cheyenne Katherine Halverson 

Souls and Saddlebags, The Diaries and Correspondence of Frank 
L. Moore, Western Missionary (1888-1896), edited by Au- 
stin L. Moore. (Bie Mountain Press, Denver. 207 pp., 

Souls and Saddlebags, the diary and correspondence of Frank 
L. Moore, is a true record of a God-inspired youth, and his efforts 
to bring some semblance of religion to a raw frontier. His efforts 
were somewhat nebulous. He does not spare himself, his converts, 
or the settlers who accepted him as a traveler and gave him shelter 
of sorts. He tried his utmost to bring a breath of devotion of a 
Supreme Being into the actions and lives of a new country. 

Moore arrived in Cheyenne, Wyoming, in 1888 from Michigan, 
and was immediately disillusioned by dirt, squalor and frequent 
gunbattles. Few, if any, of the transient population were desirous 
of living a better life. The abrupt change from a Midwestern 
civilization to frontier life was almost beyond his sensibilities to 
accept, at any price. 


He moved on to Rawlins to work for the Presbyterian Church, 
under the direction of Rev. John W. Linne. His duties were to 
start Sunday Schools and to bring a semblance of religion to a 
rough and uncultured land. His letters to his financee, Carol 
Leigh, are a treat. He was torn between his devotion to duty and 
a strong desire to live, as best he could. His circuit-riding, either 
by horseback, stage or freight-teams, through Carbon County, the 
Little Snake River, the Yampa and many places in between, are a 
delight in his letters and diary. He was not always happy with his 
surroundings, but his conscience kept him dedicated to his work. 

He later married Carol Leigh, and their experiences in bringing 
the Gospel to the untouched in Lander, the Big Horns and North- 
ern Wyoming are momumental in the many and diverse difficulties 
they had to overcome. 

Moore's father, Merritt Moore, a revivalist of the period, and a 
complete failure in anything he attempted, tried to inspire his son 
to greater heights. His diatribes to his son are not pleasant, and 
the fact that Frank Moore sent money to his father taken from his 
ministerial pittance, is a disturbing thing. The reverse should have 
taken place. 

The book is excellently composed. The footnotes carried along 
with the manuscript are magnificent. Your reviewer knew many 
of the characters, either at first-hand or by reputation. This de- 
lightful narrative is most interesting to any who might be con- 
cerned with early missionary history, particularly in the areas 

Rawlins P. E. Daley 

—and then there was one, The Story oj Cambria, Tubb Town and 
Newcastle. By Mabel E. Brown and Elizabeth J. Thorpe. 
(Privately published, Newcastle, Wyoming. 1962. 16 pp. 

Wyoming's history to a large extent remains unwritten. It is 
heartening, therefore, to see a publication appear telling some of 
the local story of a part of Wyoming. All too little has been writ- 
ten on the history of northeastern Wyoming and Mrs. Mabel 
Brown and Mrs. Elizabeth J. Thorpe have started out to remedy 
this situation. For some time they have been assiduously collecting 
the history of Weston county and environs, and this little pamphlet 
is their first attempt to share their research and findings with others. 
The authors write in an interesting and sympathetic style, and their 
stories show the results of their extensive research. 

This pamphlet. "And then There Was One", is the story of three 
towns, Cambria, Tubb Town and Newcastle. Only Newcastle 
remains at the present time. The general history of each is given 
here, and it is hoped that the authors will enlarge upon these stories 


in future works, including many incidents of interest which oc- 
curred in these communities. 

Cambria was a town of which its former citizens speak with 
nostalgic memories. It is the people who are important in a place, 
but the people of Cambria had something special, something they 
lost as a group when they were forced to move away because the 
coal veins gave out. After all the years since its abandonment, its 
former citizens still recall the strong bonds they formed there. 

Tubb Town, "naughty little precursor of Newcastle" as the 
authors entitle it, lived high for a short period. It left its print on 
the scene only through the stories people tell of it. When the 
railroad by-passed Tubb Town, it died as quickly as it was born, 
and its populace quickly moved on to Newcastle. 

Newcastle was so located that its future could be assured. It 
was fostered by the railroad, fed by the industry of Cambria, and 
absorbed the former citizens of Tubb Town. It has grown from a 
small community in 1889 to a first class city in 1962. 

Through the story of the towns also runs that of Frank Wheeler 
Mondell who for many years served Wyoming as its United States 
Congressman. His accomplishments need more recognition by his 
Wyoming compatriots. 

This little booklet is recommended to all who are interested in 
Wyoming history, and we look forward to additional publications 
by Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Thorpe. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

Colter's Hell and Jackson's Hole. By Merrill J. Mattes. (Yellow- 
stone Library and Museum Association and The Grand Teton 
Natural History Association, 1962. 87 pp. $1.00.) 

Colter's Hell and Jackson's Hole, the Fur Trappers' Exploration 
of Yellowstone and Grand Teton Park Region, by Merrill J. Mattis, 
published by the Yellowstone Library and Museum Association 
and the Grand Teton Natural History Association, is an excellent 
and authentic history of these regions. This condesnsed book is 
read by both historians and the tourists who are interested in the 
history of these areas. Our sales of the book show this to be true. 

Most tourists think of Yellowstone National Park as Colter's 
Hell; in this book they learn the actual location of Colter's Hel! 
which was near Cody, Wyoming. 

I find no new notes in the book, but it is well written, and the 
interesting illustrations give a fine history of the fur trappers' 
exploration in both the Yellowstone and Teton regions. 

Jackson Hole Museum W. C. Lawrence 


Cow Chips 'ri Cactus. The Homestead in Wyoming. By Florence 
Blake Smith. (New York: Pageant Press, 1962. 118 pp. 


Cow Chips V Cactus is more than just another book. It is a 
pep pill, a shot in the arm, a good laugh, a brisk Wyoming breeze. 
Any doctor or psychiatrist might well write: "Diagnosis: depres- 
sion, grief, illness, loneliness, insomnia. Prescription: read Cow 
Chips 'n Cactus — aloud to someone else if possible — and as fast 
as possible, stopping only for laughs, and perhaps to reminisce 
about your own experiences on Wyoming's young prairies. Repeat 
monthly as necessary." 

It is only after you finish the book that you realize that here is 
grass roots reality on a frontier only a little less raw than it was 50 
years before 1921, when the events in the book took place. The 
incidents and the atmosphere could be background material for a 
strong regional novel or a rollicking musical comedy. But the 
sense of humor overrides the rest of the book's qualities 

The first page or two, the writer's free-wheeling with the English 
language, her lack of chapters — and sometimes even paragraphs — 
may bother you, if you are a purist. You'll soon forget all that, 
as in Suds In Your Eye, in the ebullience of the adventure, the 
courage and tenacity of the young woman who came out to Wyo- 
ming from Chicago at the age of twenty-one to prove up on a 
homestead, miles from town or neighbors, with only a dog, a Vic- 
trola and a typewriter for company. She stayed most of her life. 
How she did it is for you to read and enjoy. 

If you don't need a boost in the morale, buy a few copies to send 
to friends in the hospital instead of flowers. 

Cheyenne Grace Logan Schaedel 


The University of Nebraska Press and Yale University Press are 
performing a valuable service in the field of Western Americana. 
Many books on the West have been out-of-print, difficult and 
expensive to obtain for a number of years. Nebraska and Yale are 
making such items, many of which have become classics, available 
again and at reasonable prices. 

The following reprints in paperback editions are now off the 
press and may be obtained through bookstores. 


Bison Books, Paperback Editions. 

Reminiscences of a Ranchman. By Edgar Beecher Bronson, with 
introduction by W. D. Aeschbacher, Director Nebraska State 


Historical Society. (Reprint from A. C. McClurg & Co. 
edition.) 1962 370 pp. $1.50. 

Blackfoot Lodge Tales, The Story of a Prairie People. By George 
Bird Grinnell. Reprint prepared from Charles Scribner's 
Sons edition. ) 1962 311pp. index $1.50. 

Plenty-Coups, Chief of the Crows. By Frank B. Linderman. 
(First published as American: The Life Story of a Great 
Indian, Plenty-coups, Chief of the Crows, copyright 1930 by 
Frank B. Linderman.) 1962 324 pp. index $1.50. 

Old Jules. By Mari Sandoz. (Reprinted by arrangement with 
Hastings House Publishers, Inc.) 1962 424 pp. illus. 

The Hunting of the Buffalo. By E. Douglas Branch, with intro- 
duction by J. Frank Dobie. (Reprinted by arrangement with 
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.) 240 pp. illus. index $1.40. 

The Wild Horse of the West. By Walker D. Wyman, illustrated 
by Harold E. Bryant. (First published in 1945 by Caxton 
Printers, Ltd. ) 348 pp. Bibliog. index $1.60. 

Wooden Leg, A Warrior Who Fought Custer. Interpreted by 
Thomas B. Marquis. (Originally published as A Warrior 
Who Fought Custer. Copyright first by the Midwest Co.) 
384 pp. Maps. $1.90. 


Yale Western Americana Paperbound 

Trail to California, the Overland Journal of Vincent Geiger and 
Wakeman Bryarly. Edited and with an Introduction and new 
Preface by David M. Potter. (First published by Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1945.) 1962 266 pp. bibliog. index $1.75. 

A Canyon Voyage. The Narrative of the Second Powell Expedi- 
tion Down the Green-Colorado River from Wyoming and the 
Explorations on Land, in the Years 1871 and 1872. By 
Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, with a Foreword by William H. 
Goetzmann. (First published in 1908 and 1926 by F. S. 
Dellenbaugh.) 277 pp. index illus. $1.95. 

By Cheyenne Campfires. By George Bird Grinnell, with a Fore- 
word by Omer C. Stewart. (First published in 1926 by Yale 
University Press.) 305 pp. $1.95. 


Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into Mexico: Diary of Susan Shelby 
Magoffin. Edited by Stella M. Drumm, with an Introduction 
by Howard Lamar. (Published in 1926 by Yale University 
Press.) 294 pp. index $1.95. 

An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology. By 
Alfred Vincent Kidder, with an Introduction by Irving Rouse. 
(First published in 1924 by Yale University Press.) 377 pp. 
bibliog. illus. $1.95. 

The Fur Trade in Canada. By Harold A. Innis, with a Foreword 
by Robin W. Winks. (First published in 1930 by Yale Uni- 
versity Press.) 446 pp. bibliog. index $1.95. 


Philip Gardiner Nordell, an alumnus of Dartmouth College, 
has done considerable research in early American lotteries and is 
writing a history of the subject. Several advance articles on some 
of the lotteries have been or soon will be published. Since, as he 
says, there can hardly be an end to research in this largely neglected 
field, he hopes that anyone with knowledge of important unpub- 
lished source material and of original tickets will communicate 
with him at R. D. 1, Ambler, Pa. 

Fritioff Fryxell has authored or edited numerous books on 
geology, the National Parks and western history. Recently he 
completed five posthumous works of the late Francois E. Matthes, 
four of which have been published. A geologist, he took his B. A. 
degree at Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois, his M. A. at the 
University of Illinois and his Ph. D. at the University of Chicago. 
Since 1923 he has been on the faculty of Augustana College, and 
also does part time work with the U. S. Geological Survey. During 
leaves of absence he has been acting naturalist of Grand Teton 
National Park, geologist on the museum planning staff of the 
National Park Service, has engaged in geological explorations in 
the Philippine Islands for the commonwealth government, and dur- 
ing World War II he was a member of the Military Geology Unit, 
with which he served overseas in England, the Philippines and 
Japan. He is married and has two sons, Roald H. and Thomas W. 

The Venerable Howard Lee Wilson, Archdeacon of the 
Diocese of Wyoming, who was born in Peoria, Illinois, has lived 
in Wyoming for the past fifteen years. He was graduated from the 
University of Wyoming in 1950, where he had majored in history 
and was elected to membership in Phi Beta Kappa. For nine years 
he has been a clergyman in the Episcopal Church in Wyoming, and 
has served at Casper, Dubois and Crowheart. He assumed his 
present post as assistant to the Bishop in Laramie in July, 1958. 
As the recently appointed historiographer for the Church, he edits 
the Church newspaper, The Wyoming Churchman. 

John D. McDermott has been Supervisory Park Historian at 
Fort Laramie National Historic Site for the past two years, where 
his duties include the direction of all interpretive activities, long 
range planning and technical assistance for the restoration and re- 
furnishings programs. His article in this issue of the Annals, "Fort 
Laramie's Iron Bridge", was prepared as part of a report which 
forms the basis for the restoration of the bridge in the coming year. 


Mr. McDermott received his bachelor's degree from the University 
of South Dakota in 1957 and his master's from the University of 
Wisconsin in 1959. He and his wife live in Torrington at the 
present time. 

A. S. (Bud) Gillespie gained his knowledge of ranching activ- 
ities through first hand experience. He was born in Albany Coun- 
ty, and has lived in Wyoming all his life. He was a cowpuncher 
and later a cattle rancher from 1901 until his retirement in 1948. 
Since then he and his wife have lived in Laramie. Mr. Gillespie 
competed in Cheyenne Frontier Days steer roping events in the 
early 1900's and consistently won top money. His hobbies include 
cowpunching, research and writing. He is co-author with R. H. 
Burns and W. G. Richardson of Wyoming's Pioneer Ranches, pub- 
lished in 1955. 

Gordon S. Chappell served as Seasonal Ranger-Historian with 
the National Park Service at Fort Laramie National Historic Site 
during the summer of 1960 and the summer and fall of 1961. He 
was graduated from the University of California in 1961. Mr. 
Chappell's interests include frontier and military history and Indian 
wars, and collecting frontier army uniforms and miscellaneous 
railroadiana. In recent years he has photographed, in movies, 
color slides and black and white, numerous operating steam 
locomotives. A resident of Sacramento, he is currently on duty 
with the U. S. Army, stationed at Fort Ord, California. 

Elizabeth Keen is presently on the faculty of Tuskegee Insti- 
tute, Tuskegee, Alabama, teaching English. For further informa- 
tion see the Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 33, No. 2, October, 1961, 
p. 240. 

Hans Kleiber. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 33, No. 1, April 
1961, p. 115. 

General Judex 

Abbott-Downing stages, 34:2:245 

Abbott, Mrs., 34:1:89 

Academy of Music, 34:2:198 

Academy of National Sciences, 34: 
2:185, 189 

Adams, Ramon F., The Old-Time 
Cowhand, review, 34:1:128-129 

Adobe Town, 34:2:241 

Ah Say, Mrs., 34:1:90 

Albany County, 34:1:72 

Albert Charles Peale, Pioneer of the 
Hayden Survey, by Fritiof Fryx- 
ell, 34:2:175-192: 175, 176, 177, 
178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 
187, 188, 190, 191; photos, 176, 

Albright, J. J., 34:1:94 

Alias Dan Davis - Alias Dan Mor- 
gan, as told by Mrs. "Doc" Daisy 
Spear to R. H. (Bob) Scherger, 

Allen, E. T., 34:2:184 

Allen & Co., 34:2:201 

Almond Station, 34:2:238 

Alsop ranch, 34:1:87 

American Chemical Society, 34:2: 

American Climatological Associa- 
tion, 34:2:188, 189 

American Fur Company, 34:2:147 

American Gold & Silver Mining Co., 

America's History lands. Landmarks 
of Liberty. Prepared by the Na- 
tional Geographic Book Service, 
Merle Severy, Chief, review, 34: 

An Introduction to the Study of 
Southwestern Archaeology, by Al- 
fred Vincent Kidder with an In- 
troduction by Irving Rouse, 34: 

—and then there was one. The Story 
of Cambria, Tubb Town and 
Newcastle, by Mabel E. Brown 
and Elizabeth J. Thorpe, review, 

Andrews, Cora. See Mrs. Brees 

Andrews, Hattie. See Mrs. Phillips 

Antelope Springs, 34:1:46 

Anthony [J. W.], Lieut. Col., 34: 

Arapahoe Brown, 34:1:48 
Arapahoe, squaw, 34: 1 : 109 
Arnold, C. P., 34:1:92 

Arnold, F. L., 34:1:91, 92 

Arnold, Minnie. See Mrs. Eurgens 

Arnold, Olga Moore, 34:1:131 

Ash Hollow, 34:1:50 

Ashley, William, 34:2:245 

Atchison \ Kansas] Patriot, newspa- 
per, 34: 1 :66 

Atherton, Lewis, The Cattle Kinqs, 
review, 34:1:121-122 

Atlantic City, Wyo., 34:2:238 

Averell, Jim, 34:1:116 

Avery, Sally, 34:1:100 

Backus Creek, 34:1:98; canyon, 99 

Baird, Jay, 34:1:30 

Baird, Spencer F., 34:2:178 

Baker, Nathan A., 34:1:62, 63, 65, 

70; 34:2:221, 223, 224, 225, 229 
Baker's Springs, Colo., 34:1:65 
Banditti of the Plains, The, 34: 1 :77, 

Barber, Mrs., 34:2:226 
Bar C, ranch, 34:1:99, 107 
Barnum country, 34:1:97, 101, 102, 

104, 107, 108, 111; cowboys, 99, 

Barrett, — , 34:2:210 
Barrow, Merris C, 34:1:62, 79, 80, 

8 1 -82 83 
BartlettV Albert, 34:2:172 
Bass, Sam, 34:1:115 
Batten, Rollin, 34:2:171 
Bealey, Rosalind, 34:2:249 
Bear Butte Valley, 34:1:15 
Bear River City, 34:2:221, 224, 225 
Beaver Creek, 34:1:12, 28, valley, 

Bedlam, 34:2:148, 151 
Bee Hive Monument, 34:2:249 
Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, 34:2: 

198; Mrs., 198 
Belcher, J. H., 34:2:140 
Belknap, W. W., 34:2:138, 139, 140 
Bellamy, Mrs. Mary, 34:2:201, 204 
Berry, Henryetta, review of Wagons, 

Mules and Men, 34: 1 : 121 
Beulah, Wyo., 34:1:8, 11 
Bible, George, 34:2:170, 171 
Big Horn Mining Ass'n., 34:2:228 
Big Horn mountains, 34:1:40; 34:2: 

Big Piney country, 34:2:243 



Bill Barlow's Budget, newspaper, 

34:1:62, 80, 81, 82 
Bill. Ed, 34:2:249 
Bishop Who Bid for Fort Laramie, 

The. by Howard Lee Wilson, 34: 

Bishop. Mrs. L. C, 34:2:237, 249 
Bitter Creek railroad station, 34:2: 

236; Creek, 237, 239, 240; coun- 
try. 237; valley, 247 
Black Buttes Station, 34:2:236, 237 
Blackfoot Lodge Tales, The Story of 

a Prairie People, by George Bird 

Grinnell. 34:2:259 
Black Hills. 34:1:7, 9, 58 
Black Hills Stage. Mail and Express, 

Black Thunder Creek, 34: 1 : 13 
Black Vacks. 34:1:53 
Black's Fork, 34:2:247, 248 
Blackwell's saloon, 34:1:23 
Bladget and Co.. 34:1:57 
Blake. John W.. 34:2:209, 210 
Blodgett, Mrs. Mary Sherwood, 34: 

Blue Creek, 34:1:101, 110 
Blue Creek ranch, 34:1:97, 100, 

103, 104, 109 
Blue Rock. 34:1:57 
Bonney. Orrin and Lorraine G., 

Bonney's Guide, review, 34:1:123 
Bonney's Guide, by Orrin H. and 

Lorraine G. Bonney, review, 34: 

Boomerang, newspaper, 34:1, 66, 

68, 69 
Boston Globe, newspaper, 34:1:76 
Bothwell, A. L. 34:1:116 
bourke, Lieut. John, 34:2:142 
Bowen. Hunter. 34:1:24 
Bowie Cross Timber, newspaper, 

Box Butte County, Nebr., 34:1:104 
Bozeman Trail, 34:1:51; 34:2:249; 

War, 61 
Boyack, Hazel Noble, 34:2:247 
Bradley, Ruth J., review of Recol- 
lections of A Piney Creek Ranch- 
er, 34:1:118 
Bradley. Col. Wm. R., 34:2:235, 

246; Mrs., 249 
Bramel, Judge Charles W., 34:1: 

62. 67. 71. 72 
Bramwell, Mrs. Lucinda, 34:2:242 
Branch, E. Douglas, The Hunting of 

the Buffalo, 34:2:259 
Brees, Mrs., 34:1:89 
Brent. Lieut., 34:2:160 
Brewer, Nellie, 34:1:11 
Bridger, James, 34:2:179 

Bridger's Pass, 34:2:246, 247 
Brimmer, George, 34:2:170, 171 
Brock, Alfred, ranch, 34:1:100 
Brock, Billy, 34:1:101 
Brock, Elmer J., 34:1:101 
Bronson, Edgar Beecher, Reminis- 
cences of a Ranchman, 34:2:258- 

Brooks, —,34:1:92 
Brown, Capt. Frederick, 34:1:51 
Brown, Judge, 34:1:86, 93 
Brown, Lieut., 34:2:155 
Brown, Mable E., May Nelson Dow, 

A First Lady of Newcastle, 34:1: 

5-30; 132 
Brown, Nancy Fillmore, Girlhood 

Recollections Of Laramie in 1870 

and 1871, 34:1:85-91 
Brown Springs, 34:1:45 
Browning, Mrs. J. Hall, 34:2:163, 

165, 168 
Brown's Park areas, 34:2:243 
Bryan, Lieut., 34:2:240, 244 
Bryan, Wyo., 34:2:241, 244 
Buck Shoals Hill, 34:1:76 
Buehler, Rev. Dr. H. G., 34:2:166 
Buffalo Bulletin, newspaper, 34:1: 

Buffalo Gap, D. T., 34:1:17 
Buffalo Creek, 34:1:102, 106 
Buffalo, Wyo., 34:1:40, 43, 45, 47, 

Bullion Gold and Silver Mining Co., 

Burlington and Missouri R. R., 34: 

Burlington railroad, 34:1:104 
Burns, R. H. "Bob", review of The 

Cowboy And His Interpreters, 34: 

Burnt Ranch, 34:1:54 
Burritt, Charles H., 34:1:43, 47 
Butterworth, Dr., 34:2:167 
By Cheyenne Campfires, by George 

Bird Grinnell with foreword by 

Omer C. Stewart, 34:2:259 

Calamity Jane, 34:1:22, 23 
California Trail, 34:2:245 
Cambria, W. T., 34:1:11; Wyo., 31; 

Canyon, 21, 24, 28, 31 
Campbell, Gov., 34:1:87, 93; Mrs., 

Camp Brown, 1878, 34:1:51 
Camp McGraw, 34:1:50 
Camp Mitchell, 34:2:154, 157 



Camp Weld. 34:2:215 
Cantonment Reno, 34:1:46 
Canyon Voyage, by Frederick S. 
Dellenbaugh, with foreword by 
William H. Goetzmann, 34:2:259 
Capital Hills. See Scotts Bluffs. 
Carbon County, 34:1:81 
Carbon, Wyo.. 34:2:233 
Carey, J. M., 34:2:143, 144 
Carley, Maurine. 34:2:235, 239,249 
Carlisle. Mrs. J. H., 34:2:249 
Carmichael's, 34:2:224 
Carr, E. N., 34:2:207 
Carter County, 34:2:241 
Carter Troupe, 34:2:226 
Carter, Wyo.. 34:2:224 
Casement. — . 34:2:222, 223 
Casper, Wyo.. 34:1:58, 62, 108 
Cassidy, — . lawyer. 97, 105, 109 
Castle Rock. 34:2:241 
Cattle Kate. 34:1:116 
Cattle Kings, The, by Lewis Ather- 

ton, review, 34:1:121-122 
Cattlemen's Ass'n., 34:1:97 
Central High School, 34:2:176 
Central Overland California and 
Pike's Peak Express. See Over- 
land Trail 
Central Pacific, 34:2:225 
Champion. Nate, 34:1:107 
Chaplin. Wm. E„ 34:1:62, 71, 72, 

73, 75. 80, 81, 82 
Chappell, Gordon S., The Fortifica- 
tions of Old Fort Laramie, 34:2: 
145-162; 262 
Cherokee Strip, 34:1:101 
Cherry Creek, Colo., 34:1:63 
Cheyenne Daily Leader, newspaper, 
34:1:63, 64". 65, 70; 34:2:141, 
222, 223, 225 226 228 229 230 
Cheyenne Daily Gazette, newspaper, 

Cheyenne Dailv News, newspaper. 

Cheyenne Daily Sun, newspaper, 

34:1:75; 34:2:231 
Cheyenne Dailv Tribune, newspa- 
per, 34:2:221 
Cheyenne Democratic Leader, news- 
paper, 34: 1 :79 
Cheyenne, postmaster, 34:1:77 
Chevenne State Lottery, 34:2:193, 

Cheyenne Sun-Leader, newspaper, 

Cheyenne, Wyo., 34:1:43, 58, 63, 

64, 71, 79; 34:2:223, 224, 228, 

229; first school building, 230, 


Chicago & Northwestern Railroad, 

Chicago Times, newspaper, 34:1:74 
Chimney Rock, 34:1:50, 57 
Chipp, Rev. Frank, 34:2:169 
Chivington, John Milton, 34:2:154 
Christian Weekly, newspaper, 34:2: 

Church Buttes, 34:2:247, 248 
Clagett, William H., 34:2:180 
Clark, Edith K. O., 34:2:167 
Clark, Harry, 34:1:24 
Clark, John, 34:2:165 
Clarke, Henry T., 34:2:140 
Cogshell, C. E.. 34:2:216 
Collins Brothers Saddlery, 34:2:215 
Collins, J. S. and Sons, 34:2:215 
Colorado Leader, newspaper, 34:2: 

Colter's Hell and Jackson's Hole, by 

Merrill J. Mattes, review, 34:2: 

Comstock, Anthony, 34:2:204, 206, 

Comstock Lode, 34:2:193 
Connor, Col., 34:2:245 
Cook, Rev. Joseph C, 34:2:231 
Cook, Mr. and Mrs. Ward, 34:2:249 
Cornish and Watson Saddlery, 34: 

Cosmos Club. 34:2:189 
Cones, Elliott, 34:2:181, 185, 189 
Coulter, John M., 34:2:181 
Coir Chips 'n' Cactus, by Florence 

Blake Smith, review, 34:2:258 
Cowboy And His Interpreters, The, 

by Douglas Branch, review, 34:2: 

Crane, Harry E., 34:2:165, 166, 167 
Clayton, Eli, 34:1:53 
"Club-foot Bill", 34:1:23, 24 
Coates, Fred, 34: 1 : 15 
Coe, William Robertson, 34:2:172 
Collier, Drucinda, 34:1:5 
Collier, Nancy Melinda, 34:1:5, 6, 

9, 18 
Collins, Col. William Oliver, 34:2: 

154, 155 
Colorado Leader, newspaper, 34:1: 

Colorado Tribune, newspaper, 34: 

Company B, 29th Iowa Infantry, 

Condit, L. R. A., 34:1:111 
Condit, Thelma Gatchell, Hole-in- 

the-Wall, Part VIII, Section 4, 

34:1:95-111; 132 
Continental, steamer. 34:1:78 
Cornell, Rev. Joseph, 34:1:86, 92 



Council Bluffs [Iowa] Nonpareil, 

newspaper, 34:1:65 
Cowboy Saloon. See Dannie 

Coyle, M. J., 34:1:15 
Crancall, — , 34:1:92 
Crane, — , 34:2:167 
Crazy Woman crossing, 34:1:46 
Creighton, Edward, 34:1:87 
Crook County, 34:1:13 
Crounse, — , 34:2:140 
Cummings, Sgt. J. C, 34:2:155 
Cunningham, Daniel, 34:2:219 
Curran, Rev. F. R., 34:1:13, 17, 20, 

Curran's saloon, 34:1:25 
Cusson, Father, 34:1:93 
Custer-Belle Fourche trail, 34:1:17 
Custer County, Nebr., 34:1:52 
Custer, So. Dak., 34:1:12, 13, 17 
Custer, Wyo., 34:1:21 

Daily Leader, newspaper, 34:2:204 
Daily Sentinel, newspaper, 34:1:65, 

Dale City, 34:2:219, 223 
Daley, P. E., review of Souls and 

Saddlebags, 34:2:255-256 
Daley, Will, 34:2:170, 171 
Dandy, Capt. George, 34:2:158, 

159, 160, 161 
David, James C, 34:1:52, 55, 58, 

David, Oliver P., 34:1:52 
Davis, — , 34:1:17 
Day, Arthur L., 34:2:184 
Deadwood Gulch, 34: 1 :8 
Deadwood, So. Dak., 34:1:8, 9, 10 
Deane, William (Billy), 34:1:97 
Dellenbaugh, Frederick S., Canyon 

Voyage, 34:2:259 
Delphos, Kans., 34:1:9 
Deming, William Chapin, 34:1:70 
Democratic Times, newspaper, 34: 

Dept. of the Platte, Omaha, 34:2: 

139, 144 
DeSmet, Father, 34:1:35, 36 
Devil's Gate, 34:1:50 
Diamond Cattle Company, 34:2: 

Dickson, John, 34:2:235, 238, 240; 

Mr. and Mrs., 249; Mary, 249 
Dillon, Sidney, 34:1:94 
Division of the Missouri, 34:2:139 
Dixon, — , photo, 34:2:181 

Dodge, Maj. Gen. Grenville M., 

34:1:58, 70 

Doescher, Bill, 34:2:215 

Donelson, Bvt. 2nd Lieut., 34:2: 
148, 151 

Donielson, Charles, 34:1:9; Mrs. 
Nancy, 9; Neva, 9, 11, 12 

Donnellan, Mrs., 34:1:89 

Dougherty, L. B., 34:2:152 

Douglas, Stephen Arnold, 34:1:45 

Douglas, Wyo., 34:1:45, 81, 82 

Dow, Charles, 34:1:27, 28, 30; 
photo, 29 

Dow, Fannie Walters, 34:1:27 

Dow, George W., 34:1:27 

Dow, May Nelson, 34:1:5, 9, 11, 
12, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 
25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31; photo, 29 

Dow Motor Co. 34:1:30 

Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into 
Mexico: Diary of Susan Shelby 
Magoffin. Edited by Stella M. 
Drumm, with introduction by 
Howard Lamer, 34:2:260 

Downey, Col., 34:1:93; Mrs. Steph- 
en, 89 

Dry V Creek, 34:1:109 

Dragoons and Mounted Rifles, 34: 

Drumm, Stella M., Down the Santa 
Fe Trail and Into Mexico: Diaiy 
of Susan Shelby Magoffin, 34: 

Drury, Dr., 34:2:170 

Dubois, William, 34:2:165 

Dug-Out on Oil Creek, plan of, 
sketch, 34:1:14 

Duniway, — , Pres., Univ. of Wyo., 

Dunning, George, 34:1:76, 77, 79 

Durett, Corett, 34:1:25 

Durett, George M., 34:1:25 

Eagle Canyon, 34:1:102; Creek, 102 

"Eagle Eye", 34:1:109 

Eagle Oil Co., 34:1:15 

Eagle Point, 34:1:53 

Eagle River, 34:2:182 

Early Cheyenne Homes, by Laramie 
County Historical Society, review, 

Echo Canon, 34:1:90 

E. C. Lee Company, 34:2:217 

Edward Kern and American Expan- 
sion, by Robert V. Hine, review, 



Edelbrock. Joe and Sons, 34:2:217 
Eggenhofer, Nick, Wagons, Mules 

and Men, review, 34:1:121 
1852 On The Oregon Trail, by Mae 

Urbanek, 34:1:52 
Eighteenth Infantry, 34:2:157 
Eklund, Richard, 34:2:249 
Eleventh Ohio Volunteer, Com- 
panies "C" and "I", 34:2:155 
Elk Mountain, 34:1:13 
Elliott. Henry W., 34:2:179 
Ellsworth. Lieut., 34:2:154 
Elston. Allan Vaughn, Treasure 

Coach from Deadwood, review, 

Emmons, Samuel F., 34:2:185 
Emory & Co.. 34:2:206 
Ence, Mr. and Mrs. W. E., 34:2: 

Endlich, F. M., 34:2:182, 183 
Episcopal Church, 34:1:30; 34:2: 

231, Laramie's first, 231 
Eurgens, Mrs.. 34: 1 : 89 
Evans. Bob, ranch, 34:1:10 
Evans, Capt., 34:2:245 
Evanston. Wyo., 34:1:90 

Family Band, 7 he, by Laura Bower 
Van Nuys, review, 34:1:119-120 

Fawcett, Billy, 34:1:15 

Ferris Mountains, 34:2:204 

Fiddler Bill's funeral, 34:1:91 

Field City. 34:1:17, 20 

Field City Journal or Stockade Jour- 
nal, newspaper, 34:1:20 

Fields, S. I., 34:2:241 

Fifteenth Infantry, 34:1:51 

Fillmore, Millard, 34:1:52, 85 

Fillmore. Supt., 34:2:232 

Firnekas. Church, 34:1:99, 100 

First Christian Church, 34:1:9 

First State Bank of Newcastle, 
Wyo.. 34:1:30 

Fitzpatrick. Lilian, Nebraska Place 
Names, review, 34:1:126-128 

Flynn Saddlery, 34:2:216 

Forbes, Davy, 34:1:24 

Fort Augur. 34:1:51 

Fort Bridger, 34:2:224, 236, 242, 
245, 246. 249 

Fort Fetterman, 34:1:45, 81 

Fort Hall, 34:1:50; 34:2:146, 148, 
149, 152, 153 

Fort Kearney, 34:1:50 

Fort Kearny, 34:2:146 

Fort Laramie, 34:1:50, 52, 57, 58; 
34:2:137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 
142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 161, 
162, 163, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 
172, 228; site, 173; photo, 164 

Fort Laramie and Livestock Com- 
pany, 34:2:169 

Fort Laramie National Historic Site, 
34:2:144, 145 

Fort Laramie's Iron Bridge, by John 
Dishon McDermott, ' 34:2:137- 

Fort Leavenworth, Kans., 34:1:50, 

Fort Logan, Colo., 34:2:143 

Fort McHenry, 34:1:145 

Fort McKinney, 34:1:45 

Fort Myers, Fla., 34:2:172 

Fort Rankin, 34:2:154 

Fort Robinson. Nebr., 34:2:142, 

Fort Russell, 34:2:143, 223 

Fort Stambaugh, 34:2:241 

Fort Steele, 34:1:85, 86 

Fort Thompson, 34:1:50 

Fort Washakie, 34:1:51 

Fortifications of Old Fort Laramie, 
The, by Gordon S. Chappell, 34: 

4J outfit, 34:1:100 

Foxton, George, 34:2:165 

France, Richard, 34:2:210 

Frank, Mrs. Dr., 34:2:218 

Frauds Exposed, 34:2:206 

Freeman Bros., 34:2:220, 221, 223 

Fremont County, 34:1:51, 72 

Fremont, Elkhorn and Missouri 
Valley railroad, 34:1:43 

Fremont street, 34:1:94 

Frontier Day celebrations, 34:1:71 

Frontier Index, newspaper, 34:2: 
220, 222, 223, 224, 225, 242 

Frontier Lawyer, T. P. Hill, by Bur- 
ton S. Hill, 34:1:43 

Fryxell, Fritiof, Albert Charles 
Peale, Pioneer of the Hayden 
Survey, 34:2:175-192; 261 

Fryxell, Roald, 34:2:191 

Fur Trade in Canada, The, by Har- 
old A. Innis, 34:2:260 

Galbraith, Ella. See Mrs. Charles 

Gale, Charles T., 34:1:43 
Gallatin, E. L., 34:2:215; Saddlery, 




Gallup and Frazier, 34:2:216 

Gammage, Dr. Frederick L., 34:2: 

Gann, Dr. Robert H., 34:2:145 

Gannett, Henry, 34:2:181, 183, 188 

Garcia, G. G., 34:2:214 

Gardner, Bobbie, 34:2:215 

Gardner, James T., 34:2:181 

Gardner, Tom, 34:1:100 

Garrett, George, 34:1:80 

Gates, — , 34:1:63. 65 

Geggie, J. B., 34:2:197 

Gilbert, Grove K., 34:2:185 

Gilbertson, Ross, 34:1:107 

Gillespie, A. S. '"Bud", Saddles, 34: 
2:213-217; 262 

Gillette, Wyo., 34:1:24 

Girlhood Recollections Of Laramie 
in 1870 and 1871, by Nancy Fill- 
more Brown, 34:1:85-91 

Glendo, Wyo., 34:2:172 

Goshen County, 34:2:144 

Grand Central Hotel, 34:2:140 

Grand River, 34:2:182 

Graf, Mrs. George, 34:2:244; Mr. 

and Mrs., 249 
Granger, (Granger's), 34:2:224, 

244, 245 
Granger, Wyo., 34:2:244, 245, 248 
Grattan, Bvt. 2nd Lieut. John Law- 
rence, 34:2: 152 
Grays Range, 34:2:190 
Great Western Rides, by Dabney 

Otis Collins, review, 34:2:254- 

Great White Father, 34:1:25 
Green River, 34:2:240, 241, 247 
Green River City, Wyo., 34:2:224, 

241, 243 
Green River ferry, ford and stage 

station, 34:2:241 
Green River Marker, dedication, 

Green River Station, 34:2:241; site, 

240, 241 
Gregory partners, 34:2:210 
Greub, Johnnie, 34:1:45, 46 
Grinnell, George Bird, Blackfoot 

Lodge Tales, 34:2:259 
Grinnell, George Bird, By Cheyenne 

Campfires, 34:2:259 
Grow, Mrs., 34:1:89 
Guild, Charles, 34:2:235, 249 
Gunster, Mrs. John, 34:1:89 
Gupton, "Boz", 34:1:11 

Hague, Arnold, 34:2:185 

Haley, Ora, 34:1:93 

Halverson, Katherine, review of 

Great Western Rides, 34:2:254- 

Hamley and Company, 34:2:214, 

Hammond, Col. and Mrs., 34:1:90 
Ham's Fork Station, 34:2:243, 244, 

245, 246, 247 
Hans Christiansen Ranch, 34:2:172 
Hansen, Fod, 34:1:17 
Harden, Victory, 34:2:216 
Harness, Mrs. Hazel, 34:1:52 
Harney, Gen., 34:2:153 
Harper, Alice. See Mrs. Robert 

Harper, Nellie. See Mrs. John 

Harrell, Lemon David, 34:1:109 
Harrell, Rap, 34:1:109, 110; photo, 

Harriman, E. H., 34:2:173 
Harrington, — , 34:1:93 
Hart, Laura Nelson (Dot), 34:1:7, 

9, 10, 15, 18, 20; 131 
Hart, Sheila, Petroglyphs, 34:1:58 
Hat Creek, post office, 34:1:100 
Hatton, Gen., 34:1:69 
Hay, John, 34:2:172 
Hayes, Maj. John C, review of The 

Troopers, 34:2:251-252 
Hayden, Elizabeth Wied, review of 

Bonnev's Guide, 34:1:123 
Hayden, "Dr. F. W., 34:2:175, 178, 

179, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 190; 

Mrs., 189 
Hayden Survey, 34:2:180, 181, 183, 

184, 185, 190, 191 
Hayden 's Annual Report, 1871, 34: 

Hayford, James H., 34:1:62, 65, 66, 

67, 68, 69, 73, 74, 75; 34:2:219, 

220, 232, 233 
Heiser, H. H., 34:2:216 
Hell's Canyon, 34:1:17 
Henderson, Helen, 34:2:246 
Henderson, Paul, 34:2:235, 246; 

Mr. and Mrs., 249 
Herald, newspaper, 34:2:197 
Heuton, Fran, 34:2:235 
Hewes, Tom, family, 34:1:11 
Hildebrand, Elizabeth, 34:2:235; 

Fred, 235, 249; Lyle, 235; Mr. 

and Mrs., 249 
Hildreth, G. H., 34:2:208 
Hill, Billy, ranch, 34:1:100 
Hill, Burton S., Frontier Lawyer, 

T. P. Hill, 34:1:43; 131 
Hill, Lucy B., photo, 34:1:44 



Hill, T. P., 34:1:43, 44, 47; photo, 

Hilton, Nellie. See Mrs. Locke 
Hinsdale, Guy, M. D., 34:2:188 
Head, Bob, 34:1:80 
Hogerson, Charles J., 34:1:49 
Hole-in-the-Wull, by Thelma Gatch- 

ell Condit, Part VIII, Section 4, 

34:1:95-111; 109, 111 
Hole-in-the-Wall gang, 34:1:97 
Holladay, Ben, 34:1:78; 34:2:236, 

241, 245 
Holliday, W. H. Company, 34:2: 

Holliday's Opera House, 34:2:233 
Holmes, William Henry, 34:2:176, 

181, 182, 183, 185, 188, 191 
Hoist, Sirene, 34:1:11 
Home Ranch, 34:1:31 
Homsher, Lola M., review of Amer- 
ica's Historylands, Landmarks of 

Liberty, 34:1:123-124; review of 

Treasure Coach from Deadwood, 

Hope, Thomas, 34:2:211 
Horn, Hosea, 34:1:55 
Hough, William, 34:1:25 
Houston, Jane Hunt, 34:2:249 
Howell, Dr. J. V., 34:2:190, 191 
Howie, Tom, 34:1:28 
Hubbard, A. W., 34:2:140 
Hubbard, Elbert, 34:1:82 
Hueton, Mrs. Don and Rae, 34:2: 

Hunting of the Buffalo, The, by E. 

Douglas Branch, 34:2:259 
Hunton, John, 34:2:166, 171; ranch, 

Hurd, Vernon K., review of The 

Old-Time Cowhand, 34:1:1 28- 

Hurd, Dr. and Mrs., 34:1:90 
Hurst, Mrs., 34:1:89 
Hurt, K. O., 34:1:24 
Husband, Bruce, 34:2:147 
Hutton, Charlie, ranch, 34:1:87, 88 
Hutton, Eunice, 34:2:249 
Hutton, William, 34:2:240, 249 
Hyattville, Wyo., 34:1:79 

Independence Rock, 34:1:50 

Chiefs and Individuals: 
Red Cloud, 34:2:138 
Spotted Tail, 34:2:138 
Washakie, 34:1:50; 34:2:238 


Arapahoe, 34:2:246 

Cheyenne, 34: 1 :36 

Crow, 34:1:16; 34:2:246 

Ogallala, 34:1:109 

Omaha, 34:1:54, 55 

Pawnee, 34: 1:55 

Pottawatomi, 34:1 : 109 

Shoshone, 34:1:50 

Sioux, 34:1:16, 36, 55, 57, 109 
Inman, Col., 34:2:169 
Innis, Harold A., The Fur Trade in 

Canada, 23:2:260 
Inter-Ocean Hotel, 34:1:66, 71 
Ivinson, Mr. and Mrs., 34:1:93 
Ivinson, Maggie. See Mrs. Grow 

Jackson, William Henry, 34:2:179, 

191, 242, 244; photo, 181 
James, Governor, 34:2:197 
Jeffreys, William, 34:2:145 
Jenkins, John J., 34:1:74 
Jenney Stockade, 34:1:17 
Johnson, Alvin, Pioneer's Progress, 

Johnson County, 34:1:43, 95, 100; 

court house, 34:1:47 
Johnson County Invasion, 34:1:107, 

Johnson County range wars, 34:1: 

Johnson County War, 34:1:49 
Johnson, Sally, 34:2:145 
Joyce. Bishop, 34:1:92 
Judd, Orange, 34:2:205, 207 
Julesburg, Colo., 34:2:154, 229, 247 

Kaycee, Wyo., 34:1:95 

KB&C Commissary, Newcastle, 34: 

Keen, Elizabeth, Wyoming's Fron- 
tier Newspapers, 34:1:61-84; 131; 

Keith Creek, 34:1:98 

Kemmis, Billy, 34:1:80 

Ketchum, Capt., 34:1:58 

KFBU, radio station, 34:2:173 

Kidder, Alfred Vincent, An Intro- 
duction to the Study of South- 
western Archaeology, 34:2:260 

Killpecker tributary, 34:2:240 

Kilpatrick Brothers and Collins, 
34:1:15; Mrs., 27; sawmill, 24 



Kimball, E. H., 34:2:221 

Kimball. Thomas L., 34:2:142, 143 

King Bridge and Manufacturing Co., 

34:2:139. 140 
King. Clarence, 34:2:183, 185 
King. James. 34:2:140; Zenas, 40 
Kingsford. More, 34:1:80 
Kirk, Edwin. 34:2:188, 189, 191 
Kittrell, William H., 34:1:77, 79 
Kleiber. Hans, To The Little Big 

Horn, poem, 34:2:211; 262 
Knox and Tanner, 34:2:215 

LaClede, 34:2:239 

LAK, ranch, 34:1:12, 15 

Lake DeSmet, 34:1:32, 33, 34, 35, 

36. 40. 41. 42 
Lambertsen, Harry. 34:2:249 
Lambertsen, Mr. and Mrs. Walter, 

34:2:249; Mrs., 238 
Lambeth Conference, 34:2:172 
Lamer. Howard, introduction to 
Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into 
Mexico, 34:2:260 
Lander. Col. F. W., 34:1:50, 51 
Lander Cutoff, by J. K. Moore, Jr., 

34:1:50. 51 
Lander. Wyo.. 34:1:50, 51 
Langford. Nathaniel P., 34:2:180 
Laramie City, 34:2:193, 198, 220, 

Laramie Daily, newspaper, 34:1:65 
Laramie Dailv Boomerang, newspa- 
per. 34:1:73. 75, 80, 81 
Laramie Dailv Chronicle, newspa- 
per. 34:1:71 
Laramie Daily Independent, news- 
paper. 34: 1 :70 
Laramie Dailv Sentinel, newspaper, 

34:1:67, 68, 69, 73; 34:2:219 
Laramie Dailv Sun, newspaper, 34: 

Laramie Dailv Times, newspaper, 

34:1:71. 75', 80 
Laramie National Bank, 34:2:233 
Laramie News, The, newspaper, 34: 

Laramie Peak, 34:2:151 
Laramie Plains, 34:1:87, 88 
Laramie Range in Wyoming (Black 

Hills), 34:1:57 
Laramie River, 34:1:57; 34:2:147, 

148, 156, 158, 162 
Laramie Weekly Sentinel, newspa- 
per. 34:2:204. See Sentinel 
Laramie. Wyo., 34:1:43, 64, 72, 75, 
80. 89. 90, 91. 92, 93; 34:2:233 

Laramie's Peak, 34:1:57 
Larpy, I. A., 34:1:55 
LaSal Mountains, 34:2:190 
Latham, 34:2:247 
Latham, Dr., 34:1:88 
"Latigo", 34:1:101, 104 
Latter-day Saint Church, 34:2:248 
Lawrence, W. C, review of Colter's 

Hell and Jackson's Hole, 34:2: 

Leavenworth, Col., 34:2:215 
Legend of Lake DeSmet, The, by 

Mary Olga Moore, 34:1:32-42 
Lincoln Highway, 34:2:237, 243 
Linderman, Frank R., Plentv-Coups, 

Chief of the Crows, 34:2:259 
Little, Horatio, 34:1:60 
Little Oil Creek (Coal Creek or 

Cambria Creek), 34:1:28; map, 

Little Snake River Valley, 34:2:165 
Lobban, James M., 34:1:43 
Locke, Mrs.. 34:1:89 
Lodgepole Creek, 34:2:246 
Lohleim and Swigart, 34:2:215 
Lohman & Co., 34:2:198 
Lone Tree Station, 34:2:244; site, 

Long, Maj., 34:2:177 
Lookout Mountain, 34:1:11 
Lowe, B. F., 34:1:51 
Lower Fire Hole Basin, 34:2:181 
Lowman, H. L., 34:2:198 
Lowrv, Mr. and Mrs., 34:2:249 
Lusk, Wyo., 34:1:100, 102, 104 
Lutton, Rev. Arnold, 34:1:30 

McCabe, Chaplain, 34:1:92 
McDermott, John Dishon, Fort Lar- 
amie's Iron Bridge, 34:2:137-144; 
145, 261 
McGraw, William F„ 34:1:50 
McGraw, William M., 34:1:50 
Mclnerney, Mr. and Mrs. W. H., 

Mclntyre, Bishop Robert, 34:1:91 

Mackey, Maj. Thomas L., 34:2:154, 
155, 160, 161 

Maham, Richard, review of Nebras- 
ka Place Names, 34:1:126-128 

Mahan, Mrs. Elizabeth, 34:2:191 



Manchester, John K., 34:2:140 
Mansfield. G. R., 34:2:183, 190 
Marble, A. H., 34:2:172 
Marsh, Mrs. Robert, 34:1:89 
Marvine. Archibald, 34:2:181, 182 
Mattes, Merrill, 34:2:145 
Matthews, — , 34:2:243 
May Nelson Dow, A First Lady of 

Newcastle, by Elizabeth J. Thorpe. 

Mable E. Brown, 34:1:5-30 
Mead, Mr. and Mrs., 34:1:90 
Meanea, Frank A., 34:2:215 
Meanea, T. R.. 34:2:215 
Medicine Bow mountains, 34:2:247 
Medicine Bow River, 34:2:246 
Medicine Bow, Wyo., 34:2:169, 224 
Meigs. Chief Quarter Master, 34:1: 

78; 34:2:143 
Meldrum, Mrs. J. W., 34:2:219 
Mercer, Asa Shinn, 34:1:76, 77, 78. 

Mercer Island, 34:1:78 
Mercer, Judge Thomas, 34:1:77 
Merna, Wyo.. 34:1:52 
Merrill. George P.. 34:2:178. 187. 

Meyer, Frank, dry goods, 34:1:25 
Miller, James Knox. 34:2:239 
Mills, Mrs. Charles K., 34:2:176 
Mitchell. Dannie, 34:1:46, 47 
Mobeetie Panhandle, newspaper, 34: 

Mondell, Frank, 34:1:15, 21. 24. 27 
Moorcroft, Wyo., 34:1:24 
Moore, J. K., Jr., Lander Cutoff, 

34:1:50-51; 131, 132 
Moore, Mrs. Lee. 34:1:46 
Moore, Olga Mary, The Legend of 

Lake DeSmet, 34:1:32-42 
Moran, Thomas, 34:2:179 
Mormon Trail, 34:2:248 
Morris, Esther Hobart, 34:1:70 
Morris, John A., 34:2:210 
Mother Hubbard saddle, 34:2:216 
Moulton, Francis D., 34:2:198 
"Mount Peale", 34:2:190 
Muddy Creek, 34:2:246; valley, 247 
Mud Springs, 34:2:154, 156 
Mulhern, Jimmie, 34:1:80 
Murray, C. H., 34:2:210 
Mushback, — , 34:2:185 

National Geographic Book Service, 
Merle Severy, Chief, America's 
Historylands, Landmarks of Lib- 
erty, review, 34:1:123-124 

National Park Service, 34:2:144 
Natrona County, 34: 1 : 72 
Nebraska Place Names, by Lilian 

Fitzpatrick, 34:1:126-128 
Needle Rock Station, 34:2:236 
Neeley, Sarah F., 34:1:70 
Nelson, A. M. (Alfred). 34:1:5, 6, 

7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 

20, 26, 28, 30; photo, 4 
Nelson. Charles. 34:1:30 
Nelson, Dick J., 34:1:7, 9, 10, 13, 

16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 25, 27. 131; 

photo, 4; Wyoming Memories, 

poem, 34: 1 : 1 12-1 14 
Nelson. Eliza, 34: 1 :6 
Nelson, Frank Ellen, 34:1:6. 9, 11, 

Nelson, Geneva, 34:1:7 
Nelson, Henry, 34:1:5, 6 
Nelson. Ida J., 34:1:6 
Nelson, James, 34:1:5 
Nelson, Lloyd, 34:1:5, 6 
Nelson, Martha, 34:1:6 
Nelson, Mary Caroline (Dalton), 

34:1:6, 7, 9, 11, 18, 20. 21. 23, 

25, 26, 28; photo, 4 
Nelson, Nancy Melinda, 34:1:6, 7. 

9. 17 
Nelson, Neva, 34:1:16, 18, 26 
Nelson, Orpha May, 34: 1 :7 
Nelson, Pearl, 34:1:30 
Neumann, — , 34:2:177; ranch, 133 
Newcastle, Wyo.. 34:1:13. 21, 25, 

New York Herald, newspaper. 34:2 

197. 201 
New York Times, newspaper. 34:2 

177, 194. 196, 203, 205 
New York World, newspaper. 34:1 

NH ranch, 34:1:95 
Nichols, Harry, 34:1:45 
Nickerson, Capt. H. G., 34:2:227 
Noah, Morton, 34:1:6 
Noble, John, 34:2:144, 216 
Nordell, Philip Gardiner, Pattee, the 

Lottery King, 34:2:193-211; 261 
North Platte River, 34:2:137. 147. 

North Platte Valley, 34:2:157 
Northwestern Livestock Journal, 

newspaper, 34:1:76, 79 
Northwestern Railroad. See Wyo- 
ming Central Railroad Company 
Nott, Mrs. Ernest, 34:2:249 
Nuckolls, S. F., 34:1:67, 68 
Nye, Edgar Wilson [Bill], 34:1:62, 

73, 74, 75, 76, 80, 81 



O'Brien. — , 34:2:166, 167 

Occidental Hotel. 34:1:46, 48 

O'Day. Tom, 34:1:48 

Ogilhy, Bishop Lyman, 34:2:167 

Ogilhy. Rev. Remsen. 34:2:167, 170 

Oil Creek. 34:1:27 

Old Bedlam. 34:1:58 

Old Emigrant Trail, 34:2:247 

Old Jules, by Mari Sandoz, 34:2: 

Old-Time Cowhand, The, by Ramon 

F. Adams, review, 34:1:128-129 
Olmstead, Rev. Dr. William B., 34: 

Ord. Gen.. 34:2:138, 139 
Oregon Granger, newspaper, 34:1: 

Oregon Trail. 34:1:52; 34:2:146, 

147. 246, 247 
Osborne, John E., Gov., 34:1:72 
Overland Exchange Hall, 34:2:226 
Overland Guide to California, 34:1: 

Overland Stage Line, 34:2:236, 246; 

Station, 241 
Overland Stage Trail - Trek No. 3, 

Overland Trail, 34:1:50, 51; 34:2: 

235. 236. 237, 240, 241, 246, 247 
Owen. Etta. See Mrs. Roach 
Owen. Eva. See Mrs. Stephen 


Pacific Springs, 34:2:243 

Packer, Gov., 34:1:87 

Palmer, Gen. John M., 34:1:70 

Patrick Brothers, 34:1:45 

Pattee. James Monroe, 34:2:193, 
194. 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 
204. 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211; 
photo. 196 

Pattee, the Lottery King, The Oma- 
ha and Wyoming Lotteries, by 
Philip Gardiner Nordell, 34:2: 

Pattee's Bullion Mining Co., 34:2: 

Paulson. George W., review of 
Edward Kern and American Ex- 
pansion, 34:2:252-253 

Peabody, Dr. Endicott, 34:2:166, 

Peale, Albert Charles. See Albert 
Charles Peale 

Peale, Charles Willson, 34:2:175, 

Peale, Eliza Burd Patterson, 34:2: 

Peale, Harriet Friel, 34:2:176 

Peale Island, 34:2:190 

Peale, J. Burd, 34:2:176 

Peale, Rubens, 34:2:176 

Peale, Titian R., 34:2:177, 189 

Peale, Young, 34:2:176 

Peale's Museum, 34:2:176 

Pearce, D. J., 34:1:92 

Perry, Gen. A. J., 34:2:139, 140 

Pettigrew, Charlie (Charles), 34:1: 
6, 8, 10, 11 

Pettigrew, Freddie, 34:1:8 

Pettigrew party, 34:1:7 

Pettigrew, Sarah, 34:1:6, 8; photo 4 

Petroglyphs, poem, by Sheila Hart, 

Phalen, James, 34:2:210 

Philadelphia Press, newspaper, 34: 

Phillips, Mrs., 34:1:89 

Pickering, Gov., 34:1:78 

Pike, Marshall S., 34:2:204, 205 

Pioneer Association, 34:1:71 

Pine Ridge, 34:1:109 

Pioneer's Progress, by Alvin John- 
son, review, 34:1:124-125 

Platte River, 34:1:55, 57, 58, 62; 
crossing, 45; 34:2:154, 166 

Plenty-Coups, Chief of the Crows, 
by Frank R. Linderman, 34:2:259 

Point of Rocks, 34:2:237, 238; 
railway station, 237, 238 

Poison Spider Creek, 34:1:116 

Popo Agie River, 34:1:50; valley, 

Porter. Judge John R., 34:2:197 

Porter, T. C, 34:2:181 

Porter, Tommy, 34:1:106 

Potter, David M., Trail to Califor- 
nia, the Overland Journal of Vin- 
cent Geiger and Wakeman Brvar- 
Iv, 34:2:259 

Poulton, P. C, 34:1:75 

Powder River crossing, 34:1:46, 60; 
canyon, 98, 99; country, 34:2:154 

Powell, John Wesley, 34:2:185, 189 

Powell, Maj., 34:2:241 

Preuss Range, 34:2:190 

Proctor, Redfield, 34:2:143, 144 

Pumpelly, Raphael, 34:2:185 

Pumpkin Buttes, 34:1:102 

Quartermaster Department, 34:2: 

158, 159, 160 
"Quarter Master's Corral", 34:2:161 



Rabbit Hollow, 34:2:243 
Rattlesnake River, 34:1:57 
Raw Hide creek, 34:1:57 
Rawlins, Wyo., 34:1:81; 34:2:233 
Rawlins Wyoming Tribune, newspa- 
per. 34:1:81 
Raynolds, Capt., W. F., 34:2:179 
Read, Eunice D., 34:2:206 
Read, Nate, 32:2:207 
Read, Sherman, 34:2:206, 207 
Read & Co.. 34:2:206 
Recollections of a Piney Creek 

Rancher by Fred J. Todd, review, 

Red Cabin, 34:1:102, 103 
Red Forks. 34:1:100 
Red River. 34:1:101 
Red Wall. 34:1:95, 97; country. 111 
Redick's Opera House, 34:2:196 
Reed, Erie. 34:2:171, 172 
Reed, Randy. 34:2:249 
Reeside. John B„ 34:2:191 
Reeves. Dr., 34:1:94 
Register Rocks, 34:2:248 
Reminiscences of a Ranchman, by 

Edgar Beecher Bronson, 34:2: 

Reynolds, Adrian, 34:2:235, 241, 

244, 249 
Richardson. Sumner, 34:1:102 
Riley, James Whitcomb, 34:1:73 
Ritter, Charles, 34:2:247; Mr. & 

Mrs., 235, 249 
Roach, Mrs.. 34:1:89 
Robertson. G. D., 34:2:187 
Rock Point Station. See Point of 

Rock River. Wyo., 34:2:224 
Rock Springs, Wyo., 34:2:239, 240, 

Rockv Mountain News, newspaper, 

Rocky Ridge, 34:1:50 
Roderick. Leo, 34:1:20, 22, 23 
Rollins, Mr.. 34:2:221 
Root's Opera House, 34:1:93 
Ross, Charley, 34:2:199 
Rucker, Daniel H., 34:2:139, 140 
Rumsey, Edith, 34:1:89 
Rumsey, Capt. Henry, 34:1:89 
Rumsey, James (Jim), 34:1:89 
Rumsey, Philo, 34:1:89 
Rumsey, Mrs., 34:1:89 
Russell, Majors and Waddell, 34:2: 


Sac/dies, by A. S. "Bud" Gillespie, 

Sagebrush Philosophy, magazine, 

Sage Creek, 34: 1 :45 
St. John, Orestes, 34:2:181, 183 
St. Mary's station, 34:1:85 
St. Matthew's Cathedral, 34:2:173 
Samson, Walter L., Jr., review of 

Pioneer's Progress, 34:1:124-125 
Sand Creek, 34:1:8, 17, 18, 25 
Sandercock, Mrs. Hattie, 34:2:166 
Sandoz, Mari, Old Jules, 34:2:259; 

These Were The Sioux, review, 

Salt Wells Station, 34:2:239 
Sanderson, Maj. Winslow F., 34:2: 

Sarpy, John, 34:2:147 
Saufley, Judge Micah Chrisman, 34: 

1:43, 48: photo. 47 
Saunders, Gov.. 34:2:197 
Schaedel, Grace Logan, review of 

Coir Chips 'n' Cactus, 34:2:258 
Schell, Assistant Surgeon, 34:2:160 
Scherger, R. H. (Bob), Alias Dan 

Davis - Alias Dan Morgan, 34:1: 

Schnyder, Sgt., Leodegar, 34:2:153, 

Schoelkoph. — , 34:2:217 
Schonborn, Anton, 34:2:179 
Schoonmaker, Walter, 34:1:24 
Schuchert, Prof. Charles, 34:2:183 
Schurz, Carl, 34:2:185 
Scotts Bluffs, 34:1:57 
Scoville Saddlery, 34:2:215 
Seane, Patrick S., 34:2:231 
Second Cavalry, 34:2:157, 159 
Second Man, The, by Mae Urbanek, 

review, 34:1:129-130 
Securities State Bank of Newcastle, 

Sentinel, newspaper, 34:1:75; 34:2: 

231, 232, 233 
Seventeen Mile station, 34:1:46 
Severy, Merle, America's History- 
lands, Landmarks of Liberty, re- 
view, 34:1:123-124 
Sharp, Charles, 34:1:145 
Sheridan, Lieut. Gen., 34:2:139, 140 
Sherman Hill, 34:2:223, 246 
Sherman, Gen., 34:2:143 
Sherraden, A. G., 34:1:52 
Shoshone Indian Agency, 34:1:51 
Sickles, P., 34:2:215 
Silver Crown, 34:2:221 
Simmons, Z. E., 34:2:210 
Simpson & Co., 34:2:210 
Sims, Albert, 34:2:246 



Sioux Refinery, 34:1:25 

Sixth Infantry, 34:2:246 

Slack, Edward Archibald, 34:1:62, 

69, 70, 71, 75 
Snake River, 34:2:181 
Snyder, O. S., 34:2:216 
Songs of the Sage, by Mae Urbanek, 

review, 34: 1 : 126 
Souls and Saddlebags, edited by 

Austin L. Moore, review, 34:2: 

South Pass and Honey Lake Wagon 

Road, 34:1:50 
South Pass City, 34:1:50, 70: 34:2: 

225, 226, 243, 246 
South Pass News, newspaper, 34:1: 

64, 70; 34:2:227 
South Pass road, 34:2:247 
South Platte River, 34:2:246, 247 
Spangler, Frank, 34:1:110, 111 
Spear, Mrs. "Doc" Daisy, Alias Dan 

Davis - Alias Dan Morgan, 34:1: 

Spearfish Creek, 34:1:8; Valley, 8, 

9, 10 
Speedy Stirrup Pin Company, 34: 

Spencer, J. C, 34:1:15 
Spring, Agnes Wright, review of The 

Cattle Kings, 34:1:121-122 
Stanford, Leland, 34:2:225 
Stansbury, Capt., 34:2:240 
Stanton, Capt. William S., 34:2:141 
Steele, W. R., 34:1:68; 34:2:138, 

139. 141 
Steiger, Otto, 34:2:215 
Stevenson, James, 34:2:179, 181 
Stewart, Eliza, 34:2:231 
Stockade Beaver, valley of, 34:1:17 
Stockade Journal, newspaper. See 

Field City Journal 
Stone, Mrs. Charles, 34:1:89 
Streeter, — , 34:2:217 
Strickland, Gen. S. A., 34:2:197 
Stuart, Robert, 34:1:116; 34:2:244 
Stubbs, Amelia, 34:1:100, 102; Bar- 
ton Jefferson, 100; Bill, 102, 105; 

Charles (Bud), 100, 103, 110; 

Charlie, photo, 98; Elizabeth, 100; 

Grandma, 105, 106, photo, 96; 

Grandpa, 105, 106, photo, 96; 

Isaac (Ike), 100, 102, 103; James, 

100, 101; Jim, 95, 97, 100, 101, 

103, 106, 107, 108, 109, photo, 

96; Lois, 107, 109; Martha 

(Sally), 100, 101; Rachel, 100; 

William Avery (Bill), 100, 103 

Sturgis, Wyo., 34:1:15 
Sulphur Springs, 34:2:239 
Sundance Gazette, newspaper, 34:1: 

Sundance, Wyo., 34:1:11, 12, 25 
Sun-Leader, newspaper, 34:1:70 
Swan Land & Cattle Co., 34:2:215 
Sweet, Tom, 34: 1 : 17 
Sweetwater County, 34:2:241 
Sweetwater Mines, newspaper, 34: 

2:225, 226, 227 
Sweetwater Mines Road, 34:2:238 
Sweetwater River, 34:2:246 
Sylvester, — , 34:1:54, 57 

Taylor boys, 34:1:106 

Taylor, Bert, 34:1:101: Ed, 101; 

Emma, 101; Homer, 101; John 

Wesley, 101; Rose, 101; Sally, 

101, 102; Talton, 101; Will, 101 
Taylor, — , 34:1:58, 59 
Tecumseh Chieftain, newspaper, 34: 

Thayer, Rev. William, D. D., 34:2: 

166, 167, 169, 170, 173 
Thayer, Gov., 34:2:200 
These Were The Sioux, by Mari 

Sandoz, review, 34: 1 : 120 
Thomas, Cyrus, 34:2:179 
Thomas, George C. Jr., 34:2:171; 

Mrs., 170 
Thomas, Rt. Rev. Nathaniel S., 34: 

2:163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 

170. 171, 172, 173 
Thorpe, Elizabeth J., May Nelson 

Dow, A First Lady of Newcastle, 

34:1:5-30; 132 
Thorpe, Dr. V. L., 34:1:132 
Tilton, Mrs., 34:2:198 
The Times Illustrated, newspaper, 

Tisdale, Johnny, 34:1:107 
Todd, Fred J., Recollections of 

Pinev Creek Rancher, review, 34: 

Toole, Robert, 34:2:165, 170 
To The Little Big Horn, by Hans 
Kleiber, poem, 34:2:211 
Townsend, H. M., 34:2:235; Mr. & 

Mrs. and Mark, 249 
Townsend, Katherine, 34:2:249 
Trabing Commercial Company, 34: 




Trabing, Wyo.. 34:1:45 

Traders Point (Omaha). 34:1:55 

Trail to California, the Overland 
Journal of Vincent Geiger and 
Wake man Bryarly, Edited and 
with an Introduction and new 
Preface by David M. Potter, 34: 

Treasure Coach from Deadwood, by 
Allan Vaughn Elston, review, 

Trigood Oil Company, 34:1:116 

Troopers. The, by S. E. Whitman, 
review. 34:2:251-252 

Tubbs. Deloss. 34:1:17, 18 

Tubb's store, 34:1:17, 23 

Tubbtown. Wyo., 34:1:13, 18, 20, 
21 22 24 25 27 

Turnbull' Dr..~photo. 34:2:181 

Tyler, Ben, 34:2:211 

Union Pacific Hotel, 34:1:89 
Union Pacific Railroad, 34:1:43, 
58, 70. 85. 88. 90, 94; 34:2:137, 
142, 222. 223, 225, 226, 233, 237, 
238' _ 
University High School, 34:2:166 
University of Wyoming, 34:1:92 
Urbanek. Mae, 1852 On The Ore- 
gon Trail, 34:1:52; Songs of the 
Sage, review. 34:1:126; The Sec- 
ond Man. review, 129: 132 

Van Nuys, Laura Bower, The Fam- 
ily Band, review, 34:1:119-120 
Van Voast, Maj. James, 34:2:158 
Vernon Guard, newspaper, 34:1:79 
Virginia Dale Station, 34:2:247 
Visalia Company, 34:2:216 

Wagner, Charles, 34:1:93 

Wagons, Mules and Men, by Nick 

Eggenhofer, review, 34:1:121 
Waitman, Mr. and Mrs., 34:2:249; 

Paula, 235 
Walker, D. E.. 34:2:214, 215 
Wamsutter, Wyo., 34:2:237 
Wanless. Col., 34:2:224 
Warthen. Slim, 34:2:145 

Washburn - Langford - Doane party, 

Watson, — , 34:1:104 
Webb, Frances Seely, review of 

Early Cheyenne Homes, 34:2: 

Webber Canon, 34:1:90 
Webster Range, 34:2:190 
Weekly Sentinel, newspaper, 34:1: 

65; 34:2:208 
Wellman. George, 34:1:97 
Wells Fargo and Company, 34:2: 

Weston County, 34:1:13, 21, 30 
Wheatland. Wyo., 34:2:169 
Wheeler. Jimmy, dance hall and 

saloon. 34: 1 :25 
White, Addie, 34:1:21 
White, Charles A., 34:2:181, 182, 

White, Hershon, 34:1:17, 18, 21 
White, Irma, review of Songs of the 

Sa%e, 34:1:126; review of The 

Second Man, 34:1:129-130 
Whitewood, D. T., 34:1:9 
Whitman, S. E., The Troopers, re- 
view, 34:2:251, 252 
Wichita Herald, newspaper, 34:1:79 
Wild Horse of the West, The, by 

Walker D. Wyman, illustrated by 

Harold E. Bryant, 34:2:259 
Wilde. Joseph, 34:2:163, 165, 166, 

Wilkins, Edness Kimball, President's 

Message. See Wyoming State 

Historical Society 
Willow Creek, 34:1:102 
Willson. Mr. and Mrs. Grant. 34:2: 

Wilson, A. D., 34:2:181 
Wilson, Howard Lee, The Bishop 

Who Bid for Fort Laramie, 34: 

2:163-174; 261 
Wilson, Rex, 34:2:145 
Wind River Indian Agency, 34:1:51 
Wind River Reservation, 34:2:173 
Wind River Valley, 34:1:50 
Wiswell, Emily, 34:2:176 
Wiswell, Rev. George F.. 34:2:176; 

Mrs., 176 
Woodard, Lois, 34:2:145 
Woodbury, Lieut., 34:2:148, 149, 

150, 151, 152, 159. 160 
Wooden Leg, A Warrior Who 

Fought Custer, Interpreted by 

Thomas B. Marquis, 34:2:259 
Wounded Knee Battle, 34:1:109 
Wright, Mr. and Mrs. G. E., 34:2: 

Wright. Miss Jennie, 34:2:231 



Wyman, Walker D., The Wild 
Horse of the West, 34:2:259 

Wyoming Academy of Science, Arts 
and Letters, 34:2:231 

Wyoming Central Railroad Com- 
pany, 34:1:81 

Wyoming Editorial Association, 34: 

Wyoming Memories, poem, by Dick 
J. Nelson, 34:1:112-114 

Wyoming Press Association, 34:1: 
66, 71 

Wyoming State Historical Society, 
34:1:115-117; 34:2:249 

Wyoming Stock Growers Associa- 
tion, 34:1:76 

Wyoming Supreme Court, 34:1:43 

Wyoming Territory, 34:1:11, 17, 43 

Wyoming Tribune, newspaper, 34: 

Wyoming's Frontier Newspapers, by 

Elizabeth Keen, 34:1:61-84; 34: 


Yates & Mclntyre, 34:2:210 
Yellowstone National Park, 34:1: 

108; 34:2:175, 180, 181, 183, 

184, 187, 189, 190 
Yellowstone Lake, 34:2:190 
Young, Brigham, 34:1:90; 34:2:247 
YT, ranch, 34:1:12, 13 


The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department has as its func- 
tion the collection and preservation of the record of the people of Wyo- 
ming. It maintains a historical library, a museum and the state archives. 

The aid of the citizens of Wyoming is solicited in the carrying out of its 
function. The Department is anxious to secure and preserve records and 
materials now in private hands where they cannot be long preserved. Such 
records and materials include: 

Biographical materials of pioneers: diaries, letters, account books, auto- 
biographical accounts. 

Business records of industries of the State: livestock, mining, agricul- 
ture, railroads, manufacturers, merchants, small business establishments, 
and of professional men as bankers, lawyers, physicians, dentists, ministers, 
and educators. 

Private records of individual citizens, such as correspondence, manuscript 
materials and scrapbooks. 

Records of organizations active in the religious, educational, social, 
economic and political life of the State, including their publications such 
as yearbooks and reports. 

Manuscript and printed articles on towns, counties, and any significant 
topic dealing with the history of the State. 

Early newspapers, maps, pictures, pamphlets, and books on western 

Current publications bv individuals or organizations throughout the 

Museum materials with historical significance: early equipment, Indian 
artifacts, relics dealing with the activities of persons in Wyoming and with 
special events in the State's history.