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OF  THE 

University  of  Wyoming 

LARAMIE,  82071 


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Wyoming  State  Archives  <tiul  Historical  Department 


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WYOMING  STATE  LIBRARY,  ARCHIVES  AND 
HISTORICAL  BOARD 

Fred  W.  Marble.  Chairman  Cheyenne 

E.  A.  Littleton  Gillette 

Henry  Jones Laramie 

Mrs.  Dwight  Wallace  Evanston 

Mrs.  Frank  Mockler  Lander 

Mrs.  Wilmot  C.  Hamm  Rock  Springs 

Mrs.  William  Miller  Lusk 

Gordon  Brodrick  Powell 

Atlorney  Gener\l  John  F.  Rapf.r.  Ex-Officio 


WYOMING   STATE  ARCHIVES  AND   HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

STAFF 

Lola  M.  Homsher  Director 

Henryetta  Berry  Assistant  Director 

Mrs.  Katherine  Halverson  Chief.  Historical  Division 

Mrs.  Bonnie  Forsyth  Chief,  Archives  &  Records  Division 

ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Annals  or  Wyoming  is  published  semi-annually  in  April  and 
October  and  is  received  by  all  members  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society.  Copies  of  current  issues  may  be  purchased  for  $1.00  each. 
Available  copies  of  earlier  issues  are  also  for  sale.  A  price  list  may  be 
obtained  by  writing  to  the  Editor. 

Communications  should  be  addressed  to  the  Editor.  The  Editor  does 
not  assume  responsibility  for  statements  of  fact  or  of  opinion  made  by 
contributors. 


Copyriglit,  1964,  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department. 


Annals  of  Wyoming 


Volume  36 


April,   1964 


Number  1 


Lola  M.  Homsher 
Editor 


Katherine  Halverson 
Assistant  Editor 


Published  Biannually  by  the 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 


Official  Publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

OFFICERS   1963-1964 

President,  Neal  Miller ...Rawlins 

First  Vice  President,  Mrs.  Charles  Hord  Casper 

Second  Vice  President,  Glenn  Sweem  Sheridan 

Secretary-Treasurer,  Miss  Maurine  Carley  Cheyenne 

Executive  Secretary,  Miss  Lola  M.  Homsher  Cheyenne 

Past  Presidents: 

Frank  L.  Bowron,  Casper  1953-1955 

William  L.  Marion.  Lander  1955-1956 

Dr.  DfWitt  Dominick.  Cody  1956-1957 

Dr.  T.  A.  Larson,  Laramie 1957-1958 

A.  H.  MacDougall,   Rawlins  1958-1959 

Mrs.  Thllma  G.  Condit.  Buffalo  1959-1960 

E.  A.  Litllelon,  Gillette  1960-1961 

Edness  Kimball  Wilkins,  Casper  ..1961-1962 

Charles  Ritter,  Cheyenne  1962-1963 


The  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  was  organized  in  October  1953. 
Membership  is  open  to  anyone  interested  in  history.  County  Historical 
Society  Chapters  have  been  organized  in  Albany,  Big  Horn,  Campbell,  Car- 
bon, Fremont,  Goshen,  Johnson,  Laramie,  Natrona,  Park,  Platte,  Sheridan. 
Sweetwater,  Washakie,  Weston,  and  Uinta  counties. 


State  Dues: 

Life   Membership   $50.00 

Joint  Life  Membership  (Husband  and  wife) 75.00 

Annual    Membership 3.50 

loint  Annual  Membership  (Two  persons  of  same  family  at 

same  address.)    5.00 

County  dues  are  in  addition  to  state  dues  and  are  set  by  county  organ- 
izations. 


Send  State  membership  dues  to: 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Headquarters 
State  Office  Building 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming 


Zablc  of  Contents 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER— LEODEGAR   SCHNYDER  5 
John  Dishon  McDermott 

PRICES  AND  WAGES  AT  FORT  LARAMIE,   1881-1885   19 

Robert  A.  Murray 

FOSSIL  HUNTING   IN  THE   BIG   HORN   BASIN   22 

Edited  by  Austin  L.  Moore 

NOTES  ON  THE  EARLY   LIFE  OF   CHIEF  WASHAKIE  35 

Edited  by  Don  D.  Fowler 

BOZEMAN    TRAIL   TREK    43 

Trek  No.  14  of  the  Emigrant  Trail  Treks 
Compiled  by  Maurine  Carley 

SEVENTY   YEARS    AND    MORE    AGO    77 

Dick  J.  Nelson 

SWEETWATER   JOURNALISM    AND   WESTERN    MYTH 79 

Jay  Gurian 

WYOMING   STATE   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

President's  Message  by  Neal  Miller  89 

Minutes  of  Tenth  Annual  Meeting,  September  7-8.   1964  90 

BOOK  REVIEWS 

Vaughn,  The  Battle  of  Platte  Bridge  104 

Schlebecker.  Cattle  Raising  on  the  Plains  1900-1960  105 

Kleiber.  Songs  of  Wyoming  107 

National  Park  Service,  Soldier  and  Brave 108 

Hart.  Old  Forts  of  the  Northwest  109 

Andrews,  Indians  as  the  Westerners  Saw  Them  1  10 

Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild,  Tales  of  the  Seeds-Ke-Dee  1  1  1 

Colonna-Ford,  Jireh  College-Stirred  Embers  of  the  Past  1  1  1 

Beebe,   The  Overland  Limited 113 

Steinheimer,  Backwoods  Railroads  of  the  West  114 

Morgan.  Diesels   West!  114 

Robertson.  Fort  Hall-Gateway  to  the  Oregon  Country  1  15 

Burroughs,  Where  The  Old  West  Stayed  Young  117 

Bogue.  From  Prairie  to  Corn  Belt 118 

Roripaugh,  Honor  Thy  Father  120 

Columbia  Records.  The  Badmen  122 

University  Press  Reprints  122 

CONTRIBUTORS    124 

ILLUSTRATIONS  ACCOMPANYING   ARTICLES 

Cloud   Peak  Cover 

Leodegar  Schnyder  c.    1890  4 

Fort  Laramie  in  1849  9 

Almanac  for  the  Year  1849  12 

Noncommissioned  Officers'  Quarters.   1884  16 

Picnic  by  the  Laramie  River.   1889  17 

Chief  Washakie.    1865    34 

Bozeman  Trail  Trek.  Map  46-47 

Start  of  the  Trek 58 

Trekkers  at  Wagon  Box  Fight  Monument  58 

South  Pass  City.  1870  78 


Fort  Laramie  Collections 
LEODEGAR  SCHNYDER  c.  1890 


Jort  Caramie  }s  Silent  Soldier 
Ceodegar  Schnyder 

By 
John  Dishon  McDermott 


Leodegar  Schnyder  saw  thousands  of  emigrants  pass  by  Fort 
Laramie  during  the  peak  years  of  travel  over  the  Oregon-California 
Trail;  he  manned  the  post  during  the  exciting  and  fateful  Grattan 
Fight  which  began  the  Indian  Wars;  he  witnessed  the  coming  of 
the  Pony  Express  and  the  Pacific  Telegraph;  he  heard  Red  Cloud 
tell  Colonel  Carrington  not  to  fortify  the  Bozeman  Trail;  he  was 
there  when  Portugee  Phillips  rode  up  to  Old  Bedlam  with  news  of 
the  Fetterman  Disaster;  he  stood  by  when  the  government  signed 
monumental  treaties  with  the  Plains  Indians  in  1  85  1  and  again  in 
1868:  he  watched  Charlie  Reynolds  gallop  in  with  the  news  that 
gold  had  been  discovered  in  the  Black  Hills;  he  listened  to  the 
rumble  of  the  Cheyenne  to  Deadwood  stage  as  it  crossed  the 
army's  iron  bridge  over  the  Platte.  He  experienced  these  things, 
but  what  he  thought  of  them  we  will  never  know  for  Leodegar 
Schnyder  was  Fort  Laramie's  silent  soldier.  He  didn't  keep  a 
diary,  and  he  wrote  few  letters.  An  occasional  reference  in  the 
memoirs  of  others  who  lived  at  the  post,  a  few  official  documents, 
a  newspaper  clipping,  and  a  short  biographical  sketch  by  his 
daughter  are  all  that  remain.  The  historian  must  grope  for  frag- 
ments, stumbling  over  stray  chips  from  the  quarry  of  the  past,  to 
tell  the  story  of  a  man  who  served  at  Fort  Laramie  for  thirty-seven 
years,  longer  than  any  other  soldier. 

Leodegar  Schnyder  was  born  on  April  29,  1814  in  Sursee, 
Switzerland.1  In  1829,  his  family  crossed  the  ocean  and  settled  in 
Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania,  where  Schnyder  became  apprenticed  to  a 
book  binder.1'  He  also  received  training  as  a  draftsman,  and  one 
of  the  few  personal  documents  he  left  behind  was  a  beautifully 


1.  Louisa  Schnyder  Nottingham,  "Sergeant  Leodegar  Schnyder,"  MS, 
Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Department.  Cheyenne;  Discharge 
Certificate  of  Leodegar  Schnyder,  Private  Company  H  First  Infantry,  June 
24,  1840,  Schnyder  Collection,  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site.  Mrs. 
Nottingham  gives  the  date  of  Schnyder's  birth  as  April  29,  1813,  but  his 
discharge  papers  show  that  he  was  born  in  1814. 

2.  Nottingham.  "Sergeant  Schnyder." 


6  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

drawn  almanac  for  1859.    Tiring  of  his  trade,  he  joined  the  army 
in  1837  at  the  age  of  twenty-three. :i 

First  Lieut.  Hannibal  Day  of  the  Second  Infantry,  who  as  a 
major  commanded  Fort  Laramie,  signed  Schnyder' s  enlistment 
papers  on  June  24  at  the  Pittsburg  recruitment  station.4  The  army 
assigned  the  young  Swiss  to  Company  H  of  the  First  Infantry  then 
stationed  at  Jefferson  Barracks  outside  of  St.  Louis.  Schnyder 
stayed  in  Missouri  only  a  short  time,  for  by  the  end  of  July  the 
First  Infantry  was  marching  south  to  fight  the  Seminoles  in 
Florida."' 

War  with  the  Seminoles  broke  out  in  1  835  because  of  resistance, 
under  Chief  Osceola,  to  removal  westward  into  Indian  Territory. 
Hostilities  began  in  December  when  extremists  murdered  their 
agent  and  an  army  officer  and  ambushed  a  detachment  of  troops. 
Schnyder  probably  had  his  first  taste  of  battle  on  December  25, 
1837,  when  a  combined  force  under  Colonel  Zachary  Taylor 
clashed  with  a  Seminole  band  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Okeechobee. 
Taylor  held  the  First  Infantry  in  reserve,  and  the  regiment  didn't 
get  a  chance  to  show  its  pluck  until  near  the  close  of  the  fight." 

During  the  next  four  years,  Schnyder  saw  a  lot  of  Florida  but 
few  Indians.  The  Seminoles  avoided  direct  warfare,  and  army 
scouting  parties  roamed  the  countryside  in  search  of  them  with 
little  success.  During  this  period,  Schnyder  changed  regiments. 
After  being  discharged  at  Fort  Macomb  in  Middle  Florida  on  June 
24,  1 840,  he  re-enlisted  at  Fort  Harriet  on  July  25  as  a  private  in 
Company  G  of  the  Sixth  Infantry."  His  discharge  papers  described 
him  as  being  five  feet  eight  and  three-quarters  inches  tall  with 
sandy  hair,  a  ruddy  complexion,  and  gray  eyes.* 

The  Sixth  Infantry  remained  in  Florida  until  peace  was  restored 
in  1842.  Early  in  the  year,  the  regiment  traveled  north  by  way 
of  New  Orleans  and,  on  March  20,  reached  Jefferson  Barracks. 


3.  C.  G.  Coutant,  The  History  of  Wyoming  (Laramie,  Wyoming:  Chap- 
Jin,  Spafford  &  Mathison,  Printers,   1899),  686. 

4.  Leodegar  Schnyder,  "Statement  of  Enlistments  and  Discharges  of 
Ordnance  Sergeant  Leodegar  Schnyder,  U.  S.  Army,  from  June  24,  1837 
to  March  31,  1890,"  MS,  Schnyder  Collection.  Hereafter  cited  as  "Enlist- 
ments and  Discharges." 

5.  William  Addleman  Ganoe,  The  History  of  the  United  States  Army 
(New  York:  D.  Appleton  and  Company,   1932),   181. 

6.  "The  First  Infantry,"  in  The  Army  of  the  United  States  edited  by 
Theodore  F.  Rodenbough  and  William  L.  Haskins  (New  York:  Maynard, 
Merrill.  &  Company.  1896),  404. 

7.  Schnyder,  "Enlistments  and  Discharges." 

8.  Discharge  Certificate  of  Leodegar  Schnyder,  June  24,   1840. 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER  7 

From  there  the  Sixth  scattered,  Company  G  ending  up  at  Fort 
Gibson.  Cherokee  Nation.'1 

Schnyder  spent  a  rather  uneventful  six  years  at  Fort  Gibson. 
It  was  a  quiet  time  with  little  to  do  except  wage  war  against  inter- 
mittent fever.  Between  July  I,  1843,  and  June  30,  1847,  army 
doctors  treated  2,252  cases  at  the  post,  and  since  the  average 
strength  of  the  garrison  during  the  four  year  period  was  944,  the 
fever  rate  rose  to  238  per  cent.1" 

The  Sixth  headquartered  at  Fort  Gibson  until  the  United  States 
declared  war  on  Mexico.  Leaving  only  companies  G  and  I  behind, 
the  regiment  joined  General  Winfield  Scott's  army  at  Puebla, 
Mexico,  in  July  1847.11  Company  G  remained  at  Fort  Gibson 
for  the  duration  of  the  war. 

Although  it  was  often  dull  and  he  missed  a  war,  Schnyder  could 
take  solace  in  the  fact  that  while  he  was  at  Fort  Gibson  he  ad- 
vanced rapidly  in  rank.  He  made  corporal  on  September  1,  1844, 
sergeant  on  June  1,  1846,  and  first  sergeant  on  October  1,  1848.1- 

Late  in  1848,  Company  G  received  orders  to  move  to  Fort 
Leavenworth.  They  arrived  on  December  10.  Schnyder  reached 
the  post  shortly  after  the  outbreak  of  cholera  which  spread  west- 
ward, killing  many  emigrants  in  L849.13 

On  April  9,  1849,  Brevet  Ma^or  General  David  E.  Twiggs  at 
St.  Louis  issued  an  order  which  was  to  affect  the  life  of  Leodegar 
Schnyder  for  the  next  thirty-seven  years: 

There  will  be  a  post  established  at  or  near  Fort  Laramie.  Its  garri- 
son will  consist  of  companies  A  and  E.  Mounted  Riflemen,  and  Com- 
pany G,  6th.  Infantry,  under  the  command  of  Maj.  W.  F.  Sanderson, 
Mounted  Riflemen  ....  Major  Sanderson  will  leave  Fort  Leavenworth 
by  the  10th  of  May,  with  Company  E  .  .  .  and  will  proceed  to  locate 

a  post  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Laramie The  remainder  of  the 

garrison  for  this  post  will  follow  on  the   1st  of  June,   with   the  years 
supplies  already  ordered  for  their  post.14 


9.  Charles  Byrne,  "The  Sixth  Regiment  of  Infantry,"  in  Army  of  the 
United  States,  485.  The  army  built  Fort  Gibson  in  what  is  now  State  of 
Oklahoma  in  1824.  Located  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Grand  River  about 
two  and  one-half  miles  from  its  confluence  with  the  Arkansas,  the  fort 
protected  settlement  advancing  along  the  Arkansas  and  Red  River  valleys 
and  was  an  important  outpost  in  Indian  Territory  for  many  years. 

10.  Statistical  Report  on  the  Sickness  and  Mortality  in  the  Army  of  the 
United  States  (Washington:  A.  O.  P.  Nicholson,  Printer.  1856).  267-268. 

11.  Byrne.  "The  Sixth  Infantry,"  485-486. 

12.  Schnyder,  "Enlistments  and  Discharges." 

13.  Elvid  Hunt,  History  of  Fort  Leavenworth,  1827-1927  (Fort  Leaven- 
worth. Kansas:  The  General  Service  Schools  Press,  1926).  81-82.  232. 
Located  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Missouri  near  the  mouth  of  the  Little 
Platte,  the  post  gained  prominence  during  the  Mexican  War  and  served  as 
the  outfitting  post  for  the  Army  of  the  West. 

14.  Quoted  in  LeRoy  R.  Hafen  and  Francis  Marion  Young,  Fort  Lara- 
mie and  the  Pageant  of  the  West,  1834-1890  (Glendale,  California:  The 
Arthur  H.  Clark  Company.  1938),  140-141. 


8  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  fort  referred  to  was  the  adobe-walled  fur  trading  post 
christened  Fort  John  by  the  American  Fur  Company  but  known  to 
most  as  Fort  Laramie.  Built  in  1841,  Fort  John  replaced  Fort 
William,  the  first  fort  on  the  Laramie  erected  by  Robert  Campbell 
and  William  Sublette  in  1834.  Fort  Laramie  had  been  recom- 
mended for  military  status  at  various  times  by  such  respected 
authorities  as  John  Fremont,  Francis  Parkman,  and  Thomas  Fitz- 
patrick.1"'  President  Polk,  in  a  message  to  Congress  on  December 
2,  1845,  called  for  the  establishment  of  military  posts  along  the 
"usual  route  between  .  .  .  frontier  settlements  and  the  Rocky 
Mountains"  and  the  raising  of  a  regiment  of  Mounted  Riflemen 
to  guard  and  protect  those  using  the  trail.1"  Polk's  wish  became 
law  on  May  9,  1846,  but  the  Mexican  War  diverted  the  army's 
attention,  and  it  wasn't  until  after  the  restoration  of  peace  in  1848 
that  official  eyes  focused  on  the  Emigrant  Road.  Fort  Kearney 
on  the  Lower  Platte  became  the  first  station  on  the  Oregon  Trail, 
and  Fort  Laramie  on  the  Upper  Platte  was  to  become  the  second. 

Major  Sanderson  was  to  select  the  site  for  the  new  post  and 
become  its  first  commander,  but  Lieut.  Daniel  P.  Woodbury  had 
the  authority  to  purchase  any  buildings  that  might  be  deemed 
necessary.17  Some  thought  that  it  would  be  better  to  select  a  fresh 
site  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Laramie  than  to  purchase  the  adobe- 
walled  trading  post  which  had  seen  better  days  and  leaned  heavily 
on  wooden  supports.  With  this  idea  in  mind,  General  Don  Carlos 
Buell  ordered  Sanderson  to  make  a  thorough  reconnaissance  of  the 
area  before  making  a  decision.18 

Sanderson  and  Woodbury  reached  Fort  Laramie  on  June  16, 
and  during  the  next  few  days  traveled  at  least  seventy-five  miles  up 
the  Platte  looking  for  a  better  site.1"  None  could  be  found.  At 
Sanderson's  request,  Woodbury,  on  behalf  of  the  government, 
bought  Fort.  Laramie  from  Pierre  Choteau  Jr.  &  Company  on  June 
26  for  $4,000.-"  Almost  immediately,  the  army  began  erecting 
other  buildings  so  that  in  a  decade  Fort  Laramie  became  a  sprawl- 
ing military  post  too  large  to  encompass  by  a  wall  and  too  strong 
to  invite  Indian  attack. 


15.  Merrill  J.  Mattes,  Fort  Laramie  and  the  Forty-Niners  (Estes  Park, 
Colorado:  Rocky  Mountain  Nature  Association,  1949),  10-11. 

16.  James  D.  Richardson,  A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and  Papers 
of  the  Presidents,  1789-1897,  IV  (Washington:  Government  Printing  Office, 
1900),  396. 

17.  Hafen  and  Young,  Fort  Laramie,  140. 

18.  Buell  to  Sanderson,  April  19,  1849,  War  Department  Archives,  Fort 
Meyer,  Virginia.     Hereafter  cited  as  Fort  Meyer  Archives. 

19.  Sanderson  to  Adjutant  General  Roger  Jones,  June  27,  1849,  Fort 
Meyer  Archives. 

20.  Record  of  the  Deed  of  Sale  of  Fort  John,  June  28,  1851,  Fort  Meyer 
Archives. 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER 


Drawing  by  Frederick  Remington 
From  A  Sketch  by  Charles  B.  Gillespie 
in  Century  Magazine 

FORT  LARAMIE  IN    1849 

Schnyder  and  Company  G  left  Fort  Leavenworth  on  June  16-'1 
and  finally  arrived  at  Fort  Laramie  on  August  12,  having  been  on 
the  road  nearly  two  months.--  Perhaps,  when  he  saw  his  new 
home,  Schnyder  experienced  the  same  dismay  as  did  an  Irishman 
named  Kelley  who  viewed  the  post  about  three  months  earlier: 

.  .  .  my  glowing  fancy  vanished  before  the  wretched  reality — a 
miserable,  cracked,  dilapidated,  adobe  quadrangular  enclosure,  with  a 
wall  about  twelve  feet  high,  three  sides  of  which  were  shedded  down 
as  stores  and  workshops,  the  fourth,  or  front,  having  a  two-story 
erection,  with  a  projecting  balcony,  for  hurling  projectiles  or  hot  water 
on  the  foe,  propped  all  around  on  the  outside  with  beams  of  timber, 
which  an  enemy  had  only  to  kick  away  and  down  would  come  the 
whole  structure.-3 

Or  he  might  have  been  pleasantly  affected  as  was  Alonzo  Delano 
on  June  12: 

Fort  Laramie  is  simply  a  trading  post,  standing  about  a  mile  above 
the  ford.  ...  Its  neat  whitewashed  walls  presented  a  welcome  sight 
to  us  .   .   .   and   the   motley  crowd  of  emigrants,   with   their  array   of 


21.  Hunt,  Fort  Leavenworth,  232. 

22.  Hafen  and  Young,  Fort  Laramie,  141-142. 

23.  William  Kelley,  An  Excursion  to  California  (London:  Chapman  and 
Hall,  1851),  154-155. 


10  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

wagons,  cattle,  horses  and  mules,  gave  a  pleasant  appearance  of  life 
and  animation.-4 

Whatever  his  thought,  he  certainly  did  not  contemplate  spending 
nearly  four  decades  of  his  life  by  the  Laramie  River. 

About  22,500  people,  most  of  them  goldseekers  headed  for 
California,  preceded,  accompanied,  and  followed  Schnyder  over 
the  trail  to  Fort  Laramie  in  1849.  During  the  next  year  about 
45,000  made  the  trip  West,  and  in  1852,  the  peak  year,  52,000 
streamed  by  the  post.1'"'  Until  the  completion  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  in  1 869,  Schnyder  watched  the  hardy  pioneers  drive  their 
wagons  and  stock  along  the  North  Platte  River,  and  his  work 
played  a  part  in  their  success. 

The  first  mention  of  Schnyder  in  the  post  records  appears  in 
1851.  On  September  17,  Captain  William  Scott  Ketchum  ap- 
pointed the  sergeant  assistant  librarian  for  the  post.2"  His  ability 
as  a  book  binder  probably  got  him  the  job.  According  to  his 
daughter,  Louisa,  his  interest  in  books  went  beyond  their  covers; 
and,  in  later  life,  his  friends  considered  him  a  well-read  man.27 

In  October,  1 852,  Schnyder  applied  for  the  position  of  Ordnance 
Sergeant  for  Fort  Laramie.  The  army  was  very  strict  in  its  re- 
quirements for  ordnance  positions.  According  to  the  Regulations, 
the  judicious  selection  of  ordnance  sergeants  fullfilled  three  pur- 
poses: 

.  .  .  while  the  law  contemplates,  in  the  appointment  of  these  non- 
commissioned officers,  the  better  preservation  of  the  ordnance  and 
ordnance  stores  in  deposit  in  the  several  forts,  there  is  the  further 
motive  of  offering  a  reward  to  those  faithful  and  well-tried  sergeants 
who  have  long  served  their  country,  and  of  thus  giving  encouragement 
to  the  soldier  in  the  ranks  to  emulate  them  in  conduct,  and  thereby 
secure  substantial  promotion.28 

The  applicant  had  to  be  a  veteran  of  eight  year's  service,  and 
his  commanding  officer  had  to  write  a  letter  of  recommendation 
which  filtered  through  channels  to  the  Adjutant  General  of  the 
Army  for  final  approval.2"  On  October  15,  First  Lieut.  Richard 
B.  Garnett  wrote  to  his  superiors  on  Schnyder's  behalf: 


24.  Alonzo  Delano,  Across  the  Plains  (New  York:  Wilson-Erickson, 
Inc..  1936),  29. 

25.  George  R.  Stewart,  The  California  Trail  (New  York:  McGraw-Hill 
Book  Company,  Inc.,  1962),  232,  296,  303. 

26.  Irder  No.  56,  1851,  Records  of  the  War  Department,  Fort  Laramie, 
Wyoming,  Record  Group  98,  National  Archives.  Hereafter  cited  as  Post 
Records. 

27.  Louisa  Nottingham  to  John  Hunton,  June  6,  1927,  Hunton  Collec- 
tion. Coe  Memorial  Library,  Laramie,  Wyoming. 

28.  Regulations  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  1857  (New  York: 
Harper  k.  Brothers,  Publishers,  1857),  18. 

29.  H.  L.  Scott,  Military  Dictionary  (New  York:  D.  Van  Nostrand, 
1864),  444. 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER  I  I 

As  an  Ordnance  Sergeant  is  required  at  this  Post,  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  ordnance  and  ordnance  stores  which  are  here  in  consider- 
able quantity,  I  would  respectfully  and  urgently  recommend  Sergeant 
Leodegar  Schnyder,  1st  Sergt.  of  "G"  Company  6th  lnfy..  now  sta- 
tioned at  Fort  Laramie,  to  fill  that  position. 

The  applicant  has  served  a  long  time  in  the  army,  and  has  always 
sustained  as  far  as  I  know,  and  have  heard,  from  his  former  company 
commander.  Captain  W.  S.  Ketchum,  the  highest  character  for  hon- 
esty, fidelity,  and  intelligence,  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties. 

His  great  neatness,  legibility,  and  correctness  as  a  clerk.  I  should 
think,  would  eminently  fit  him  for  the  office  for  which  he  has  the 
honor  to  apply.30 

Schnyder  received  appointment  on  December  1,  1852."  He 
was  responsible  for  the  preservation  of  field  pieces,  small-arms, 
side-arms,  ammunition,  and  the  supplies  and  tools  necessary  for 
their  care.  He  issued  the  items  when  requested  and  prepared  the 
requisite  returns.  Unlike  company  and  regimental  servants  who 
moved  with  their  units  from  one  place  to  another,  the  army  as- 
signed him  to  the  post,  and  he  had  to  remain  there  until  trans- 
ferred. 32 

Schnyder  married  sometime  in  the  early  fifties.  The  name  and 
origin  of  his  first  wife  remains  a  mystery.  She  probably  worked 
at  the  post  as  a  laundress  or  maid.  To  this  union  were  born  two 
children,  Florence  and  Mary.  Florence,  whom  one  soldier  called 
"a  prairie  flower  for  sure",'1"'  was  born  in  1853,  and  Mary  followed 
in  1862.'54 

The  problem  of  raising  a  family  on  the  frontier  was  a  difficult 
one  that  Schnyder  faced  time  after  time.  On  October  8,  1853, 
he  wrote  the  only  official  letter  that  survives,  and  it  concerned  the 
dilemma: 

Having  lately  been  appointed  Ordnance  Sergeant  at  this  Post,  (and 
having  a  family  to  support),  I  find  it  almost  impossible  to  subsist 
on  the  ration  allowed  by  the  Regulation,  and  I  am  therefore  compelled 


30.  Garnett  to  Brigadier  General  Newman  S.  Clarke,  October  15,  1852, 
Records  of  the  Ordnance  Department,  National  Archives. 

31.  Schnyder,  '"Enlistments  and  Discharges." 

32.  Scott.  Military  Dictionary,  436-437,  444;  Instructions  for  Making 
Quarterly  Returns  of  Ordnance  and  Ordnance  Stores  (Washington:  Govern- 
ment Printing  Office,   1863),   14. 

33.  Myra  E.  Hull,  ed.,  "Soldiering  on  the  High  Plains:  The  Diary  of 
Lewis  Byram  Hull,"  Kansas  Historical  Quarterly,  VII  (February,  1938),   18. 

34.  "Census  Taken  at  Fort  Laramie  on  August  20,  1870."  Copy  at  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site.  Hereafter  cited  as  1870  Census.  Schnyder 
sent  Florence  to  Ohio  to  be  schooled  on  August  4,  1864  with  Catharine 
Collins,  but  by  1870  she  had  returned  to  Fort  Laramie.  See  Agnes  Wright 
Spring,  ed.,  "An  Army  Wife  Comes  West:  Letters  of  Catharine  Wever 
Collins  (1863-1864)."  The  Colorado  Magazine,  XXXI  (October,  1954).  27. 
Florence  later  married  a  Mr.  McGill  and  lived  near  Valentine,  Nebraska 
for  many  years.  Mary  became  Mary  Schnyder  Haskett.  Letter  from  Mrs. 
Angela  Weber,  Denver.  Colorado.  February  19,  1963. 


12 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Fort  Laramie  Collections 


ALMANAC  FOR  THE  YEAR  1849 
DRAWN  BY  LEODEGAR  SCHNYDER 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER  13 

lo  purchase  provisions  from  the  Commissary  Department  at  cost  and 
transportation  added  thereto.  The  transportation  being  so  great  as 
to  exceed  the  actual  cost  of  most  of  the  articles  composing  the  ration. 
You  will  find  upon  consideration,  that  my  pay,  (calculating  other 
necessary  expenses)  is  insufficient  for  the  support  of  myself,  &  my 
family. 

The  great  distance  from  the  settlements  prevents  an  open  market, 
and  therefore  I  am  under  the  necessity  of  purchasing  all  my  provisions 
from  the  Commissary  Department. 

I  therefore  address  myself  to  the  Commanding  Officer  at  this  Post, 
as  being  well  aware  of  all  the  facts  above  referred  to,  that  I  may  be 
permitted  to  purchase  such  Subsistence  stores  as  are  actually  necessary 
for  tht  support  of  myself  and  my  family,  at  the  actual  cost  without 
the  transportation  added  thereto. 

I  respectfully  request  the  Commanding  officer  for  a  favorable 
endorsement  on  the  above  petition  and  that  it  may  be  transmitted  to 
the  Commissary  General  of  Subsistence  for  his  consideration  by  him 
to  the  Hon.  Secretary  of  War.:J>r' 

Schnyder  and  his  family  stared  death  in  the  face  at  Fort  Laramie 
in  late  August,  1854.  On  the  19th,  Lieut.  John  Grattan,  twenty- 
nine  soldiers,  and  an  interpreter  left  the  post  to  arrest  a  Miniconju 
brave  called  High  Forehead  who  had  killed  and  feasted  on  a  stray 
cow  from  a  Mormon  caravan.  They  never  came  back.  Arriving 
at  Conquering  Bear's  camp  of  Brule  Sioux  about  eight  miles  south- 
east of  the  post,  Grattan  attempted  to  arrest  the  visiting  Miniconju 
and  precipitated  a  fight  in  which  he  and  his  men  were  killed. 36 
The  loss  of  Grattan  and  his  force  left  Fort  Laramie  with  forty-two 
defenders  including  Schnyder.HT  While  the  aroused  Sioux  plun- 
dered the  countryside,  the  small  party  huddled  in  the  adobe-walled 
fort.  One  author  states  that  the  Indians  attacked  the  post  on 
August  28,  but  the  details  of  the  alleged  attack  have  never  been 
uncovered.3s 

At  the  time  of  the  Grattan  Disaster,  there  were  three  or  four 
women  living  at  the  post  including  Schnyder's  wife.  They  were 
naturally  frightened  and  fearful  that  the  Indians  would  storm  the 
adobe  fort.  Schnyder  concentrated  them  in  a  group  so  that  they 
could  be  more  easily  defended  and  by  doing  so  kept  them  from 
becoming  hysterical. 39  A  soldier  who  came  to  Fort  Laramie  in 
1882  heard  that  the  veteran  sergeant  took  command  of  the  post 
during  the  affair  and  placed  Lieut.  Hugh  Flemming,  the  command- 
ing officer,  in  the  guardhouse  because  he  wanted  to  surrender  the 


35.  Schnyder  to  Lieut.  Richard  B.  Garnett,  October  8,  1853,  Fort  Meyer 
Archives. 

36.  For  the  best  account  of  the  Grattan  Fight  see  Lloyd  E.  McCann, 
"The  Grattan  Massacre,"  Nebraska  History,  XXXVII   (March.   1956).   1-25. 

37.  Hafen  and  Young,  Fort  Laramie,  231. 

38.  Francis  B.  Heitman,  Historical  Register  and  Dictionary  of  the  United 
States  Army  From  Its  Organization,  September  29,  1879  to  March  2,  1903, 
II  (Washington:  Government  Printing  Office,   1903),  401. 

39.  Coutant,  History  of  Wyoming,  686. 


14  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

garrison  to  the  Sioux.4"  The  story  is  undoubtedly  false,  but  it 
serves  to  illustrate  the  high  esteem  and  awe  that  soldiers  held  for 
Schnyder  in  later  years. 

On  September  17,  1859,  the  Postmaster  General  of  the  United 
States,  Joseph  Holt,  appointed  Schnyder  garrison  postmaster. 
After  posting  bond  and  taking  the  oath  of  office,  Schnyder  assumed 
his  new  duties  on  October  l.41  He  served  as  postmaster  until 
1  876, 4-  and  during  the  period  he  operated  his  post  office  in  four 
different  territories,  a  feat  duplicated  by  few  of  his  contemporaries. 
Eighteen  fifty-nine  found  Fort  Laramie  located  in  Nebraska  Terri- 
tory. On  March  3,  1863,  it  was  included  in  Idaho  Territory,  on 
May  26,  1864  in  Dakota  Territory,  and  on  July  5,  1868  in  Wyo- 
ming Territory.48 

Schnyder  was  a  very  methodical  man,  and  he  quickly  established 
a  set  of  rules  for  dispersing  and  delivering  the  mail.  He  believed 
that  rules  were  not  made  to  be  broken,  and  those  who  transgressed 
learned  the  power  of  his  wrath. 

Citizens,  enlisted  men,  and  non-commissioned  officers  had  to 
pick  up  their  mail  at  the  post  office,  and  unless  they  saluted  on 
approaching  the  window,  Schnyder  ordered  them  to  the  rear  with 
terse  instructions  to  discipline  themselves.  He  delivered  the  offi- 
cers' mail  to  their  homes  beginning  with  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  post  and  ending  with  the  lowest  second  lieutenant  according 
to  the  system  of  seniority.  This  probably  meant  doubling  back  on 
many  occasions,  but  Schnyder  believed  it  was  better  to  sacrifice 
his  feet  than  his  principles.  Should  an  officer  meet  the  sergeant 
on  his  route  and  accost  him  for  the  mail,  he  was  informed  that  he 
would  receive  it  at  the  proper  time  and  in  the  proper  place.  Some 
officers  pulled  the  trick  just  to  test  him,  but  the  results  were 
invariably  the  same.44 

One  day  an  officer  went  too  far.  Impatiently,  he  marched  into 
the  business  half  of  the  post  office  and  began  mixing  up  the  mail 
in  an  attempt  to  find  his  own  letters.  Schnyder  politely  asked  him 
to  remove  himself  from  behind  the  barrier,  but  the  man  refused, 
stating  that  he  was  a  commissioned  officer  and  as  such  had  certain 
rights  and  privileges  and  among  them  was  the  right  to  get  his  own 
mail.     Schnyder  replied  that  he  as  postmaster  also  had  certain 


40.  Interview  of  James  Nolan  by  David  L.  Hieb,  March  25,  1954,  MS. 
Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site. 

41.  Certificate  of  Appointment,  Schnyder  Collection. 

42.  Nottingham.  "Sergeant  Schnyder." 

43.  Harry   L.    Fine,    "Fort   Laramie    Postal    Markings,"    Montana:    The 
Magazine  of  Western  History,  XI  (Summer,  1961),  53. 

44.  Harry  Young,  Hard  Knocks  (Chicago:    Laird  &  Lee,   Inc.,    1915), 
91-92. 


FORT  LARAMIE'S  SILENT  SOLDIER  15 

rights  and  privileges  and  proceeded  to  help  the  officer  over  the 
railing  with  great  swiftness.45 

Sehnyder's  postal  problems  sometimes  reached  beyond  the  con- 
fines of  the  fort.  Once,  for  example,  he  found  himself  in  competi- 
tion with  another  firm.  Upon  reaching  the  North  Platte  River 
crossing  a  few  miles  from  Fort  Laramie,  those  traveling  westward 
in  1864  discovered  what  they  were  led  to  believe  was  a  post  office. 
A  shabby  tent  stood  near  the  river  bank  and  dangling  from  it  was 
a  sign  which  read  "Post  Office  -  Letters  to  the  States  50c."  Two 
men  were  on  hand  to  greet  travelers,  and  soon  they  were  busy 
making  change  and  "making  up"  the  mail  for  delivery.  Suddenly, 
in  the  distance,  the  travelers  saw  a  rider  approaching  at  great  speed. 
After  fording  the  river,  the  rider  galloped  up  to  the  tent,  went  to 
the  back,  and  shouted,  "Can't  wait,"  "Behind  time,"  etc.  The  two 
"postmasters"  quickly  handed  him  the  mail  bag,  and  he  spurred 
his  horse  toward  the  east  as  if  his  life  depended  upon  it.  When  he 
was  beyond  the  sight  of  the  letter  writers,  the  rider  slowed  down 
to  a  more  leisurely  pace  and  at  the  first  opportunity,  dumped  the 
letters  in  the  river.  When  another  group  of  travelers  appeared, 
the  play  was  re-enacted.  As  Schnyder  put  it,  "It  was  nothing  but 
a  damn  schwindle,  but  dey  made  a  pushel  o'  money  mit  it."4" 

During  the  Civil  War,  volunteer  troops  replaced  regulars  at  Fort 
Laramie.  Schnyder  as  Ordnance  Sergeant  remained  at  the  post. 
According  to  one  newspaper.  President  Lincoln  tendered  Schnyder 
a  captaincy  in  the  Union  Army,  but  he  declined  stating  that  he  felt 
he  would  be  of  more  use  on  the  frontier  fighting  Indians. 

Schnyder  did  do  some  fighting  during  the  Civil  War,  but  it  was 
with  a  white  man  rather  than  with  Indians.  For  many  years  one 
of  his  duties  was  to  raise  the  colors  every  morning  at  sunrise  and 
lower  them  every  evening  at  sunset.  One  day  a  man  on  horseback 
rode  into  the  post  and  began  firing  at  the  flag.  Schnyder  ran  to 
the  storehouse,  secured  two  dragoon  pistols,  and  with  one  in  each 
hand  opened  up  a  cross  fire  on  the  intruder.  The  man's  horse  fell 
dead,  and  he  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life,  receiving  a  wound  in 
the  arm.17 

Sehnyder's  first  wife  died  in  1862  or  1863.  The  circumstances 
of  her  death  are  not  known.  On  October  20,  1864,  Schnyder 
married  for  the  second  time.  His  new  wife,  Julia,  had  been  born  in 
Ireland  and  was  probably  employed  as  a  post  laundress  at  the 
time.4s    Lewis  Bram  Hull  tells  of  the  marriage  in  his  diary: 


45.  Chicago  American,  February  10,  1910. 

46.  John  S.  Collins.  Across  the  Plains  in  '64  (Omaha:  National  Printing 
Company.  1904).  Part  I.  22. 

47.  Chicago  American,  February  10,  1910. 

48.  "Census  Taken  at  Fort  Laramie  on  June  24,   1880."     Copy  at  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site.     Hereafter  cited  as  1880  Census. 


16 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Fort  Laramie  Collections 


NONCOMMISSIONED  OFFICERS'  QUARTERS,   1884 
SCHNYDER'S  HOME   1884-1886 


Wedding  "down  street."  Sergt.  Schnyder  to  cross-eyed  Julia.  Band 
serenades  them.  Big  supper.  Must  be  going  to  have  a  cold  winter 
as  weddings  are  all  the  rage.49 

Leodegar  and  Julia  had  three  children:  Louisa  born  on  Sep- 
tember 14,  1867;"'°  Charlotte  born  in  July,  1870;  and  Charles  born 
sometime  in  1873.51  Including  Florence  and  Mary,  Schnyder  had 
five  children  to  support,  and  the  expense  prompted  him  to  ask 
for  a  transfer  in  1876.  Major  Edwin  F.  Townsend  wrote  to  the 
Adjutant  General  of  the  Army  for  Schnyder  on  October  7: 

I  desire  to  state  that  I  have  had  a  conversation  with  the  Ordnance 
Sergeant  Schnyder  today,  and  he  informs  me  that  he  has  been  sta- 
tioned at  this  post  for  27  years,  and  has  to  provide  for  a  large  family, 
and  expresses  himself  desirous  of  being  transferred  to  some  other  post 


49.  Myra  Hull,  ed.,  "Soldiering  on  the  High  Plains,"  25. 

50.  Nottingham  to  Hunton,  June  6,  1927.  Married  to  James  Notting- 
ham, Louisa  died  childless  in  1935.  Letter  from  John  H.  Thompson,  Sac 
City,  Iowa,  February  14,  1963. 

51.  1870  Census;  1880  Census.  Charlotte,  who  married  James  Hamilton 
Thompson  in  1891,  died  in  1944.  The  Thompsons  had  seven  children: 
Albert,  Paul,  Lloyd,  Ross,  Julia,  Angela,  and  John.  Charles  died  unmarried 
in  1895.    Letter  from  John  H.  Thompson,  February  14,  1963. 


FORT  LARAMIES  SILENT  SOLDIER 


17 


nearer  the  Rail  road  where  he  could  live  more  cheaply,  and  I  recom- 
mend that  this  be  done."'1 

Nothing  came  of  the  request. 

The  last  mention  of  the  Schnyders  occurred  in  the  post  records 
in  1883.  In  March,  Post  Surgeon  D.  G.  Caldwell  wrote  Fort 
Laramie's  Commanding  Officer: 

A  stray  shot  fired  by  some  man  at  target  practice  in  rear  of  the 
Company  barracks  passed  through  the  school  house  door  and  slightly 
injured  the  Daughter  of  Ordnance  Sergeant.  I  would  therefore  re- 
spectfully recommend  that  a  different  locality  be  selected  for  future 
practices  and  that  the  butts  were  made  larger  and  more  secure."'"' 

On  September  24,  1886,  the  Adjutant  General  ordered  Schnyder 
to  the  Fort  at  Clark's  Point,  New  Bedford,  Massachusetts.  When 
the  old  soldier  left  Fort  Laramie,"'4  it  was  in  the  winter  of  its  life; 
in  less  than  four  years  the  army  sold  the  buildings  and  opened  the 


Fort  Laramie  Collections 


PICNIC  BY  THE  LARAMIE  RIVER,  1889 

'He  had  also  seen  it  decline,  after  1876,  into  quietness, 

vine  covered  trellises,  and  picnics  on  the  lawn." 


52.  Townsend  to  the  Adjutant  General,  October  7,  1876,  Post  Records. 

53.  Report  for  March,    1883,   Medical  History  of  Fort  Laramie,  Wyo- 
ming. Adjutant  General's  Records,  National  Archives. 

54.  Special  Order  No.  223,   1886,  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Adjutant 
General's  Office,  Washington.  Schnyder  Collection. 


18  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

military  reservation  for  settlement.  Schnyder  had  seen  it  grow 
from  a  creaking  adobe  quadrangle  into  one  of  the  strongest  military 
posts  in  the  West.  He  had  also  seen  it  decline,  after  1876,  into 
quietness,  vine  covered  trellises,  and  picnics  on  the  lawn. 

Schnyder  went  to  Massachusetts  by  train.  It  was  a  new  exper- 
ience for  him  as  he  had  ridden  in  an  ox  drawn  wagon  when  he 
came  to  Fort  Laramie  in  1849/"' 

The  Fort  at  Clark's  Point  was  no  longer  active,  but  the  army 
left  ordnance  stores  behind  which  had  to  be  protected.  Schnyder's 
duties  consisted  of  accounting  for  the  property  and  transferring 
it  to  other  posts  when  requested  to  do  so. 

On  November  1 2,  1 890,  upon  his  own  application,  the  army 
placed  the  grizzled  veteran  on  the  retirement  list.r,t!  Schnyder  and 
his  wife  settled  on  a  farm  near  Tobias,  Nebraska,  where  he  spent 
the  rest  of  his  life,  dying  on  December  19,  1896.r'7 

His  family  buried  him  in  his  best  uniform,  a  gift  from  some 
trappers  who  sought  shelter  in  Fort  Laramie  after  the  Grattan 
Fight.  According  to  Louisa  Schnyder,  the  trappers  sent  to  New 
York  for  the  uniform  and  paid  $800  for  it.r,s 

A  soldier  who  knew  Schnyder  during  the  Civil  War  characterized 
him  as  follows: 

He  was  a  true  soldier,  brave  and  modest.  He  was  the  most  pains- 
taking and  conscientious  man  that  I  ever  knew.  He  spoke  the  English 
language  brokenly,  but  he  composed  it  perfectly.  He  wrote  a  hand 
almost  like  a  copper  plate  and  was  an  expert  draughtsman.59 

The  facts  of  Schnyder's  life  do  not  contradict  the  characteriza- 
tion; in  fact,  they  enlarge  upon  it.  Schnyder  did  his  work  and  did 
it  well.  He  believed  in  organization.  He  was  exact  and  thorough 
as  a  draftsman  should  be.  He  was  consistent.  He  followed  orders 
and  accepted  responsibility.  He  lived  by  a  code.  He  was  a  man 
of  tested  courage  and  balanced  judgement.    He  was  a  good  soldier. 


55.  Nottingham,  "Sergeant  Schnyder." 

56.  Special  Order  No.  265,   1890,  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Adjutant 
General's  Officer,  Washington,  Schnyder  Collection. 

57.  Chicago  American,  February   10,   1910.     Julia  died  in   1911   and  was 
buried  with  her  husband  at  Tobias. 

58.  Nottingham,  "Sergeant  Schnyder." 

59.  Chicago  American,  February  10,  1910. 


Prices  and  Wages 
at  fort  Caramie,  1881-1885 

By 
Robert  A.  Murray 

The  price-wage  structure  of  a  given  locale  and  time  can  be 
highly  useful  to  students,  readers,  and  interpreters  of  history.  Such 
figures  are  not  always  available,  but  recent  research  has  made  it 
possible  to  compile  such  data  for  Fort  Laramie  in  the  years  I88l- 
1885. 

Military  pay  was  the  most  stable  figure  for  the  period,  being 
fixed  by  act  of  Congress. 

In  the  enlisted  ranks,  the  base-pay  of  privates  was  $13  per 
month,  corporals  $15,  and  sergeants  from  $17  to  $34,  depending 
on  specialty  and  assignment.  All  ranks  received  $1  per  month 
extra  for  each  5  years  of  service.1  In  addition  each  enlisted  man 
received  per  day  the  standard  ration,  consisting  of: 

One  pound  and  a  quarter  of  beef  or  three-quarters  of  a  pound  of 
pork,  eighteen  ounces  of  bread  or  flour,  and  at  the  rate  of  ten  pounds 
of  coffee,  fifteen  pounds  of  sugar,  two  quarts  of  salt,  four  quarts  of 
vinegar,  four  ounces  of  pepper,  four  pounds  of  soap,  and  one  pound 
and  a  half  of  candles  to  every  hundred  rations, - 

A  much  greater  gap  existed  between  enlisted  and  officer  pay 
than  is  the  case  today.  The  lowest  paid  commissioned  officers, 
the  second  lieutenants,  received  $1400  per  year.  First  lieutenants 
received  $1500,  captains  $1800,  majors  $2500,  lieutenant-colonels 
$3000,  and  colonels  $3500.''  There  was  additional  pay  of  10% 
for  each  five  years  service  up  to  a  maximum  of  40% .  At  this  time 
officers  were  furnished  housing  but  not  rations.4  At  western  posts, 
forage  for  officers'  horses  was  usually  furnished  in  kind."' 

The  Commissary  of  Subsistence  at  each  post  sold  a  standard 
stock  of  items  in  addition  to  the  ration  items  to  officers  and  to 
married  enlisted  men  and  to  company  messes.  These  latter  made 
purchases  with  company  funds  when  available.''1 

At  Fort  Laramie,  as  at  other  sizeable  posts,  there  were  salaried 
civilian  employees  of  the  Quartermaster  Department.  In  this 
period,  typical  positions  and  salaries  were: 

engineer,  $90  per  month 

chief  carpenter,  $150  per  month  (seasonal) 

blacksmith,  $75  to  $80  per  month 

wheelwright,  $75  to  $80  per  month 

Quartermaster  Agent.  $75  to  $83.33  per  month 

wagonmaster.  $55  per  month 

teamsters,  $35  per  month 

Certain  civilian  employees  were  also  entitled  to  draw  rations. s 


20 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


It  is  difficult  to  determine  other  wages  with  precision.  $20  to 
$40  per  month  and  keep  was  a  common  wage  for  cowboys  at  the 
time.1'  Skilled  workmen  earned  up  to  $3.50  per  day.10  Many 
artisans  were  paid  on  a  piece  work  basis,  notably  blacksmiths  at 
such  rates  as  "$2  for  shoeing  a  horse"  and  "$5  for  setting  a  buggy- 
tire."  n 

With  such  wages  in  mind,  it  is  somewhat  easier  to  evaluate  the 
prices  in  the  following  table  :12 

TABLE  OF  RETAIL  PRICES 


ME  A  T: 

beef  (fresh)   lie4  to  150  per  lb. 

1  soup  bone  800 

veal  (fresh)  20p  per  lb. 

pork  ( fresh )  200  per  lb. 

pork  sausage  200  per  lb. 

bacon  140  to  240  per  lb. 

ham  180  to  200  per  lb. 

FISH: 

(kind  unspecified)  250  per  lb. 

POULTRY: 

chicken  250  per  lb. 
turkey  250  per  lb. 

LARD:     171/20  to  230  per  lb. 

DAIRY  PRODUCTS: 

milk  (small  can)  330  to  350  per  can 
butter  350  to  380  per  lb. 
cheese  121/2f  to  250  per  lb. 

STAPLES: 

dry  beans  10c4  per  lb. 

flour  4'/2  0  to  60  per  lb. 

sugar  140  to  200  per  lb. 

salt  40  to  61/2  0  per  lb. 

baking  powder  500  to  600  per  lb. 

yeast  520  per  lb. 

soda  15c  per  lb. 

cornmeal  41/2  0  per  lb. 

oatmeal  140  per  lb. 

crackers  150  per  lb. 

macaroni  250  per  lb. 

vermicelli  25<i  per  lb. 

coffee  160  to  300  per  lb. 

tea  850  to  $1  per  lb. 

SPICES: 

pepper  200  to  250  per  14  lb.  box 
vinegar  65e  to  750  per  gallon 
mustard  (dry)  250  per  !4  lb.  box 
mustard  (bottled)  340  per  4-oz.  bottle 
ginger  200  to  250  per  Va  lb.  box 
cinnamon  250  per  Va  lb.  box 
cloves  250  per  Va  lb.  box 
allspice  250  per  Va  lb.  box 
flavoring  extracts  380  per  2-oz.  bottle 
cream  of  tartar  450  per  lb. 


CANNED  FRUIT  & 
VEGETABLES: 

tomatoes  (2  lb.  can)  230  to  300  per 

can 
peaches  271/2  0  per  can 
beans  271/2  0  per  can 
jelly  (  1  lb.  can)  33c  per  can 

DRIED   FRUIT: 
apples  210  per  lb. 
prunes  180  per  lb. 
peaches  180  per  lb. 
raisins  300  per  lb. 
citron  500  to  600  per  lb. 

FRESH  FRUIT  AND 
VEGETABLES: 

potatoes  40  to  60  per  lb. 
lemons  $1  per  dozen 

MISCELLANEOUS   GROCERIES: 

soap  12Vi0  per  bar 

lye  250  per  can 

gelatine  271/2  0  per  box 

pickles  $1.37  to  $1.65  per  gallon 

syrup  $1.05  to  $1.75  per  gallon 

MEDICINALS: 

soothing  syrup  600  per  bottle 

St.  Jacobs  Oil  $1  per  bottle 

LIQUORS: 

beer  (draft)   100  per  large  glass 
beer  (24-oz.  bottle)  400  to  500  per 

bottle 
beer  $19  per  barrel 
whiskey  150  per  shot 
whiskey  $1.50  per  pint 
claret  150  per  glass 
champagne     (Peiper    &    Heidseick) 

$1  per  12-oz.  bottle 
straight  grain  alcohol  $2  per  quart 
TOBACCO  PRODUCTS  AND 
ACCESSORIES: 

chewing  tobacco  800  to  900  per  lb. 
Durham  tobacco  800  per  lb. 
smoking    tobacco    (unspecified)    $1 

per  lb. 
cigars  31/>0  to  100  each 
pipes  500  to  750 


PRICES  AND  WAGES  AT  FORT  LARAMIE.   1881-1885 


LIGHTING    SUPPLIES   AND 

EQUIPMENT: 

matches   1 00  per  box 

candles  250  per  lb. 

lamps  $2  each 

lamp  reflectors  400  each 

lamp  chimneys   10c  to   150  each 

kerosene  50c  per  gallon 

GRAIN: 

corn  30  per  lb. 
oats  40  per  lb. 

HARDWARE: 

fishhooks  200  per  dozen 

lead  shot  20c  per  lb. 

nails  10c  per  lb. 

padlocks  600  each 

rim  locks  600  to  $2.25  each 

hinges  35c  per  pair 

canteens  $1  each 

frying  pans  850  each 

tin  plates  100  each 

coffee  pots  650  each 

camp  kettles  750  each 

tin  cups  150  each 

water  buckets  600  each 

knives    and    forks,    25c    for    one    of 

each 
dutch  ovens  $2.25  each 
washboards  500  each 
can  openers  500  each 
half-gallon   kerosene  cans  600  each 
brooms  50c  each 
water  kettles  $1.25  each 


tin  pans  450  to  600  each 
butcher  knives  75c  to  $1.25  each 
scissors  750  to  $1  per  pair 
two-gallon  kegs  750  each 
whip  staff  550 
whip  lashes  $2  each 

MEN'S  CLOTHING: 

hats  $5  to  $6  each 
overalls  $1.75  per  pair 
trousers  $8  per  pair 
suspenders  $1   per  pair 
drawers  $1.75  per  pair 
socks  500  to  750  per  pair 
shirts  $3  each 
coats  $5.50  each 
handkerchieves  250  each 
shoes  $3.75  per  pair 
boots  $6  to  $8  per  pair 
overshoes  $2.50  per  pair 

WOMEN'S  CLOTHING: 

shoes  $2  to  $7  per  pair 
hats  $1.50  to  $4  each 
hose  450  per  pair 
corsets  $1.25  each 
corset-steels  250  per  pair 

CLOTH  AND   THREAD  ITEMS: 

flannel  200  per  yard 
canton  flannel  200  per  yard 
calico  10c  to  12'/2C  per  yard 
towelling  250  per  yard 
ribbon  120  to  350  per  yard 
collarette  $1.15  per  yard 
thread   10c  per  spool,  6-for-5O0 


NOTES 

1.  Thomas  M.  Exley,  A  Compendium  of  the  Pay  of  the  Army  from 
1785  to  1888.  Washington.  Government  Printing  Office.  1888,  pp.  40-41.  54. 

2.  Revised  Statutes  of  the  U.S.,  1878  edition,  section   1  146. 

3.  Exley,  op.  ci!..  pp.  48-49. 

4.  Exley.  op.  cit.,  p.  55. 

5.  Revised  Statutes  of  the  U.S..   1878  edition,  sections   1270,   1271,   1272. 

6.  Dr.  Don  Rickey.  Forty  Miles  a  Day.  Oklahoma  University  Press. 
Norman,  pp.  1  16-122. 

7.  Fort  Laramie  Post  Returns.   1881-1885.  RG98,  National  Archives. 

8.  Revised  Statutes  of  the  U.S..  1878  edition,  section   1137. 

9.  Edward  Everett  Dale,  The  Range  Cattle  Industry.  Oklahoma  Univer- 
sity Press.  Norman,  1960,  pp.  6,  49-50. 

10.  Letter.  "Stewart"  to  John  London,  April  26,  1884,  in  the  John 
London  Papers,  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site. 

11.  Bills,  George  Walker  to  John  London,  October  4  and  November  2. 
1882,  in  the  John  London  Papers,  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site. 

12.  This  table  was  compiled  by  analysis  of  bills,  receipts,  statements, 
inventories,  annotated  orders  in  the  John  London  Papers,  Fort  Laramie 
National  Historic  Site. 


fossil  Munting 
in  the  Big  Mom  Basin 

THE 
DIARY  OF  FRANK  L.  MOORE 

1899 

Edited  by 
Austin  L.  Moore 

In  the  summer  of  1899  a  party  sponsored  by  Christopher  W.  Hall, 
of  the  University  of  Minnesota's  department  of  Geology  and  Miner- 
alogy, visited  the  Big  Horn  Basin  in  Wyoming  to  collect  fossilized 
prehistoric  animals.  Professor  Hall  did  not  accompany  this  expedi- 
tion, but  it  was  through  his  efforts  that  financial  backing  was  procured 
from  businessmen  in  Minneapolis  and  St.  Paul.  The  party  included 
Dr.  F.  W.  Sardeson,  a  geologist  at  the  University  of  Minnesota  who 
directed  the  field  work,  W.  B.  Stewart,  a  senior  at  the  University, 
and  Frank  L.  Moore,  pastor  of  Oak  Park  Congregational  Church, 
Minneapolis.  In  the  years  1893,  1894,  and  1896  Frank  Moore  had 
served  as  circuit  rider  under  the  Presbyterian  Board  of  Missions  for 
the  towns  of  Hyattville,  Shell,  Otto,  and  Warren  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin. 
His  knowledge  of  the  topography  of  the  Big  Horn  Basin  and  his  many 
contacts  with  the  residents  of  that  area  probably  account  for  his 
inclusion  in  the  party. 

Unfortunately,  most  of  the  records  of  this  fossil-hunting  trip  have 
disappeared.  Diligent  search  has  brought  to  light  Professor  Hall's 
summary  of  the  accomplishments  of  the  group,  addressed  to  President 
Northrop  of  the  University  of  Minnesota,  and  a  short  article,  "Geo- 
logical Expedition'',  contributed  by  W.  B.  Stewart  to  the  February  10, 
1900,  issue  of  the  University's  publication,  "Ariel".  To  the  editor's 
knowledge,  the  only  other  extant  records  of  the  trip  are  a  diary  and  a 
single  letter  written  by  Frank  Moore. 

Frank  Moore's  work  and  adventures  as  a  Sunday  School  missionary 
and  circuit  rider  in  Wyoming  are  recorded  in  Souls  and  Saddlebags, 
the  Diaries  and  Correspondence  of  Frank  L.  Moore,  Western  Mission- 
ary, 1888  -  1896,  edited  by  Austin  L.  Moore.  Big  Mountain  Press, 
Denver,  1962. 

DIARY 

Blue  Creek,  Mont.,  July  12,  1899 
Arrived  [Billings,  Montana]  at  3  a.m.  one  and  one-half  hours 
late  on  account  of  freight  wreck.  Good  sleep.  .  .  .  Met  Mr.  O.  J. 
Palmer  of  Hyattville,  L Wyoming].  He  could  take  us  in  for  mod- 
erate price.  Bought  provisions  and  outfits.  Got  dinner  in  camp, 
bacon,  coffee,  pan  bread,  tomatoes,  peas,  milk.  After  dinner 
packed  up  trunk  and  grub  box.  .  .  .  Tooth  ache.     Hope  to  get 


FOSSIL  HUNTING   IN  THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN  23 

along  with  it.  .  .  .  Billings  good  town.     Business.     Drove  thirteen 
miles  from  Billings  in  p.m. 

FRANK  MOORE  TO  CORAL  MOORE 

Big  Horn  Basin,  Wyo.,  July  16,  1899. 

Sunday  a.m.  Here  we  are  inside  the  [Big  Horn]  Basin.  Our 
camp  is  on  Piney  Creek  just  where  it  empties  into  Sage  Creek,  60 
miles  from  Billings.  We  are  getting  along  very  slowly.  Have 
made  but  little  headway  toward  our  destination.  Consequently 
Stewart  frets  a  little  but  we  are  a  congenial  party.  We  camp  for 
Sunday  here.  If  they  had  not  had  a  preacher  along  I  think  they 
would  have  pushed  on.  I  am  chief  cook.  They  are  rather  helpless 
about  a  camp  fire.     I  get  up  some  wonderful  concoctions.  .  .  . 

You  ought  to  see  the  change  in  the  appearance  of  our  party.  We 
are  all  burned  as  red  and  brown  as  the  Indians  we  saw  Friday.  .  .  . 
1  wear  a  handkerchief  about  my  neck.  .  .  .  My  face  is  so  sore  that 
I  shall  not  dare  shave  for  a  time. 

Where  am  I  as  1  write?  On  a  sand  stone  ledge  fifty  feet  above  a 
crystal  stream.  .  .  .  Sage  brush  is  my  only  shade,  locusts  my  music. 
There  is  a  gentle  hum  from  the  stream  and  occasionally  a  bird's 
song.  But  I  have  the  feeling  of  being  alone,  alone  yet  not  alone. 
How  beautiful  the  rocks,  brown,  gray,  yellow,  and  covered  with 
lichens  so  delicate  in  shape  and  color.  Would  that  I  could  paint. 
To  the  north  Pryor  mountain.  Seven  or  eight  large  patches  of 
snow  have  not  yet  yielded  to  the  sun  but  send  their  daily  supply  of 
water  to  the  ranches  in  the  valley.  .  .  . 

Friday  we  crossed  the  Crow  Indian  reservation  [in  Montana]. 
Valleys  dotted  with  tepees.  Indians  everywhere.  Prosperous, 
contented  looking  for  Indians.  Large,  stalwart,  fine  looking  men. 
Good  rigs,  good  horses,  good  clothes.  They  are  superior  to  the 
western  tribes  I  have  seen  before.  At  night,  Friday,  we  camped 
at  Pryor  Gap  near  twenty  or  more  large  piles  of  stones  that  mark 
the  sight  [sic]  of  a  great  battle  between  the  Sioux  and  Crow 
Indians  many  years  ago. 

DIARY 

Stinking  Water  River,  July  17,  1899. 

Hot,  slow,  dry,  alkali  flats,  .  .  .  salt  sage.  Much  land  good  if  it 
could  be  watered.  Prof,  killed  rattlesnake.  Stewart  shot  sage 
hens,  two  with  one  shot.  Cloud  Peak  loomed  up.  Snow  there. 
Prof,  and  Stewart  went  geologizing  to  west.  Supper  by  candle 
light.     Bed  at  10  o'clock. 

Big  Horn  River  near  Sheep  Mountain  Canyon,  July  1 8,  1  899. 

My  [thirty-third]  birthday.  Up  at  4.  Ready  to  start  on  at  6 
o'clock.  Came  to  ferry  and  found  it  stuck  on  a  sand  bar.  Left 
Palmer  at  ferry  and  got  over  in  two  trips.     Drove  to  ranch  and  got 


24  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

hay.  9  a.m.  Stewart  is  taking  a  picture  of  the  red  gypsum  hills. 
Big  Horn  river  in  distance.  Triassic  eroded  hills  in  fore  ground. 
.  .  .  Bald  Mountain  and  range  all  in  view  to  Black  Mountain  back 
of  Hyattville  and  beyond.  Cloud  Peak  very  dim  in  far  distance. 
Prof,  and  Stewart  walked  several  miles  and  picked  up  quantities 
of  belemnites  and  oyster  shells.  Jurassic  zone.  Sheep  Mountain 
in  view.  Noon.  Camp  by  sand  stone  ledge.  After  dinner  took 
walk  and  collected  belemnites  and  lamellibranch  and  oyster  shells. 
Hot.  Mail  drove  by,  four  men.  First  we  have  seen  today.  On 
ridge  west  of  Sheep  Mountain  Stewart  took  picture  of  Triassic, 
red,  and  Jurassic,  brown.  ...  In  canon  that  .  .  .  twists  so  much 
that  teams  can  hardly  get  through.  .  .  .  Next,  south  side  of  Sheep 
Mountain.  .  .  .  Colors  .  .  .  remarkable,  reds,  grays,  creams,  purples 
.  .  .  Far  .  .  .  ahead  looking  South  east  .  .  .  bad  lands  between  Shell 
and  Nowood.  Camped  [at  sundown]  on  Big  Horn  River  above 
Sheep  Mountain  canon.     Scorpion  in  bed. 

Belemnites  are  conical,  squid-like  fossils  belonging  to  an  extinct 
family.  Lamellibranch  are  plate-like  fossils  of  the  class  of  mollusks 
which  include  mussels,  clams,  and  oysters.  Both  are  commonly  found 
in  Jurassic  and  Cretaceous  rocks. 

Otto,  Wyo.,  July  19,  1899. 
On  hot  road  all  a.m.  Reached  Greybull  at  12:30.  Camped 
near  Mr.  Alderdice's  ranch.  Good  milk  and  butter,  hay  for  horses, 
but  awful  alkali  water.  In  p.m.  drove  up  north  side  of  Greybull 
River  to  Otto.  Drove  one  steep  pitch  so  bad  it  was  a  wonder  we 
did  not  break  the  reach.  Two  foot  jump  at  the  bottom.  Near  Otto 
came  to  a  bridge  so  badly  washed  out  on  one  side  that  we  had  to 
unhitch  the  team  and  lead  the  horses  singly  over  and  then  draw 
wagon  over.  .  .  .  Camped  at  Otto.  Met  Blakesley,  Mr.  Wood  and 
wife,  Mrs.  H.,  and  others.    Camp  at  9:30. 

Brown's  Ranch  near  Otto,  Wyo.,  July  20,  1899. 
Forded  Greybull  River  with  water  so  deep  as  to  run  into  wagon 
box.  At  9:30  arrived  at  [Joe]  Brown's  ranch.  Found  good  hay 
and  good  board.  In  p.m.  Brown  took  us  out  into  hills  and  we 
found  the  remains  of  a  large  animal.  Took  a  few  bones  from  the 
pile.  The  hill  [was]  badly  eroded  in  which  we  found  it.  Camped 
in  cabin  on  Brown's  ranch. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  21,  1899. 
Walked  to  hills  2l/i  to  3  miles  from  ranch.  Found  bones  of  two 
animals.  Stewart  found  head  and  feet  of  phenacodus  horse,  five 
toed.  Prof.  [Sardeson]  found  good  jaw  and  vertebrae.  I  found 
fore  leg  bone  of  "horse"  and  a  large  tooth,  also  bone  in  rock.  Prof, 
and  Stewart  dug  it  out.  We  find  the  bones  on  talus  slopes.  Find 
isolated  pieces  then  trace  them  up.  So  far  have  had  no  success 
except  where  there  is  an  escarpment  of  sand  rock.  Very  hot 
except  where  we  could  find  caves  or  overhanging  banks.     Quite  a 


FOSSIL   HUNTING   IN  THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN  25 

shower  .  .  .  last  night.  Sharp  lightning.  P.M.  Stewart  patching 
his  "horse"  up.  We  are  getting  settled  in  our  room  and  Prof,  is 
making  packages  of  our  fossils. 

The  phenacodus  was  a  small-brained,  five-toed,  slender-bodied, 
arch-backed,  long-tailed,  herbivorous  mammal.  It  appeared  early  in 
the  Paleocene  and  reached  its  culmination  of  development  followed 
by  extinction  in  the  Eocene.  The  two  best-known  complete  skeletons 
were  discovered  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin  in  1K81  and  have  the  size, 
respectively,  of  a  tox  and  a  pig. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  22,  1899. 
Terribly  strong  wind  last  night.  Blew  trees  down  in  river  bot- 
toms, tore  hay  stacks  down,  made  log  cabin  tremble.  Brown's 
folks  got  up  and  were  ready  to  go  into  cellar.  Went  to  the  hills 
at  7:30.  Walked  perhaps  four  miles  south.  Followed  gulch  and 
found  only  broken  pieces.  Some  good  teeth  and  tusks.  Stewart 
found  two  good  spear  heads  and  a  jaw  in  the  sand  rocks.  P.M, 
Hunt  resulted  in  the  find  of  one  tusk  and  one  tooth  by  myself  and 
the  teeth  and  some  of  the  vertebrae  of  a  phenacodus  by  Stewart. 
Explored  country  so  much  that  we  know  better  than  before  where 
to  look.  We  need  fresh  erosion  and  in  this  locality  low  horizon. 
Cool  tonight.    Moon  full.    Am  writing  by  moonlight. 

A  Geologic  Time  Chart  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  this  article. 

Browns  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  23,  1899. 
Sunday.  Went  across  Greybull  River  to  Burlington.  .  .  .  Arrived 
.  .  .  and  hitched  horse.  Went  to  a  Sunday  School.  Many  classes, 
orderly  school.  Went  into  a  Bible  class  and  was  handed  a  .  .  . 
Latter  Day  Saint  book!  1  had  got  into  the  wrong  school.  Heard 
the  lesson  read.  .  .  .  They  were  very  cordial  afterward.  Bishop 
Pollock  asked  me  to  go  to  dinner  with  him.  .  .  .  Beautiful  day. 
Quiet,  calm.  Sabbath  rest. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  24,  1899. 
Mr.  Palmer  came  after  his  horses.  Trip  into  hills  resulted  in  find 
of  several  good  teeth,  two  pieces  of  jaw.  One  with  two  teeth, 
phenacodus.  .  .  .  Stewart  found  good  portions  of  a  young  coryph- 
odon  and  Prof,  the  greater  part  of  a  phenacodus.  1  did  up  bones 
and  washed  my  clothes  in  p.m.  Not  feeling  real  well.  Just  tired. 
The  day  absolutely  cloudless  until  4  p.m.  when  some  cirrus  cloud 
fans  rose  from  mountains  west.  Last  night  could  see  the  entire 
sweep  of  the  Big  Horns  by  moonlight. 

Coryphodons  were  at  the  time  of  their  appearance  in  the  Paleocene 
mammals  of  about  the  size  of  a  large  sheep.  They  developed  rapidly 
and  in  the  Eocene  were  the  largest  of  American  land  animals.  The 
size  of  the  specimens  discovered  by  Professor  Sardeson's  party  varied 
from  that  of  a  present-day  tapir  to  that  of  an  elephant,  and  the  skulls 
of  some  of  them  bore  horn-like  protuberances.  The  feet  of  these 
monsters  were  heavy,  plantigrade,  and  five-toed.  Their  cheek  teeth 
were  low-crowned  and  small:  their  canine  teeth  tusk-like.     The  largest 


26  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

canine  tooth  measured  by  Professor  Sardeson  was  nine  inches  in  length 
and  three  and  one-half  inches  in  circumference.  The  cause  of  the 
extinction  of  these  dull-witted,  swamp-dwelling,  herbivorous  creatures 
which  occurred  at  the  close  of  the  Eocene  is  unknown. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  25,  1899. 

Trip  of  four  hours  in  field.     Stewart  found  leg  and  foot  of  one 

coryphodon.     I  found  vertebrae  and  some  joints  of  another.     I 

found  12  teeth  today,  four  back  teeth,  .  .  .  and  one  "horse."    Rode 

Snip  to  Otto.  ...  10  miles  afoot,  18  miles  horseback.    Cool. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  26,  1899. 
Cool  in  a.m.  Saddled  horses  and  rode  .  .  .  four  miles  or  so. 
Am  writing  under  a  rock  where  I  have  taken  shelter  from  the  rain. 
So  far  this  a.m.  I  have  found  a  rib,  a  jaw  of  coryphodon,  and 
three  or  four  good  joints.  The  strata  here  are  puzzling.  Can 
hardly  trace  them  up  one  after  another  as  we  could  back  nearer 
the  river.  There  are  great  stretches  here  where  there  are  no  hills 
with  rock  escarpment.  Rather  smooth,  hard  places  like  a  pave- 
ment. The  fossils  are  broken  up  much  more  when  found  in  such 
places.  Our  best  chance  is  to  find  fossils  in  the  sand  rock.  Under 
such  circumstances  we  are  likely  to  find  more  entire  skeletons.  We 
have  found  enough  so  far  to  show  us  that  they  are  in  the  hills, 
although  it  will  take  long  search  and  much  ground  must  be  cov- 
ered to  make  a  success. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  27,  1899. 

Three  leg  bones  of  a  coryphodon.    Went  over  by  Dorsey  Creek. 

Found  the  three  bones  on  way  over.     Went  way  down  to  hills 

nearly  south  of  Otto.     Rained  and  got  under  rock.     Dinner  in 

hills.    All  tired.    Three  jaw  pieces,  12  teeth  in  all  today. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  27,  1899. 
Mr.  Brown  took  us  out  to  the  field  across  Dorsey  Creek.  Found 
fine  bad  land  erosion.  Picked  up  jaws  with  many  teeth.  Also 
five  other  little  pieces  of  jaws.  One  phenacodus  jaw,  teeth  fine. 
Big  loads  going  home.  Dinner  in  hills.  Found  65  or  more  teeth 
today. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  28,  1899. 
.  .  .  This  a.m.  started  up  bad  land  peak.  It  rises  800  to  1000 
feet  above  valley.  Chased  rattlesnake  into  hole.  Could  not  dig 
him  out.  Prof,  killed  one  a  little  later.  Ponies  carried  us  a  good 
distance  up  into  the  hills.  Found  a  few  bones.  The  trip  chiefly 
photographic.  Successive  bad  land  gulches  cut  through  strata 
leaving  great  grooves  and  caves  and  overhanging  ledges.  Color 
mostly  dull  reds,  greys,  purples,  yellows,  creams.  Pryor  mountains 
north,  Big  Horns  east.  Hart  Mountain  west.  We  found  clams  and 
snails  and  picked  many  up.  Started  on  and  supposed  we  had 
found  the  main  range.  Instead  only  a  spur.  Down  again  and  on 
to  point  where  bad  lands  stretch  away  in  grey  and  purple  and  red 


FOSSIL   HUNTING   IN   THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN  27 

layers.  Cliffs  of  rock  and  cliffs  of  clay,  caverns,  shelves,  perched 
rocks,  and  sage  brush  slopes.  Peaks,  sugar  loafs,  ridges,  hogbacks, 
all  in  a  miscellaneous  colored  heap.  Erosion  in  bad  lands  slow, 
but  weathering  slower.  Saw  1 2  hawks  tonight  flying  away  from 
storm  against  the  wind.  Catching  bugs.  Sunshine  away  to  south. 
Cloudless. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  30,  1899. 
A  quiet  Sunday  at  the  ranch.     Read,  slept,  wrote  home.     Hot  in 
a.m.     Windy  and  cloudy  p.m. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  July  31,  1899. 

Went  to  Otto  in  a.m.  .  .  .  Gave  out  notice  of  preaching  next 

Sunday.    To  hills  from  Otto  across  Dorsey  Creek.     Rained  a  little. 

.  .  .  Found  about  100  teeth  today.     Pretty  good  sets  of  seven  jaws 

and  bones  to  match.  .  .  . 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  August  1,  1899. 
Left  for  hills  south.  Put  double  rig  saddle  on  Billy.  Goes  O.K. 
Made  long  ride  in  hills  and  found  nothing.  Explored  about  the 
head  of  Dorsey  Creek.  Wrote  on  Article  No.  I  in  p.m.  Saw  most 
beautiful  sunset,  golden,  purple,  and  blue  effect  on  clouds,  moun- 
tains, and  sky.  As  sun  sinks  lower  the  intensity  of  the  gold 
increases  until  it  flows.  Rays  shoot  high  to  zenith  and  cirrus 
clouds  over  mountain  show  creamy.  Directly  toward  the  west  the 
heat  waves  make  the  whole  scene  have  a  rippling  motion.  Crickets 
chirp,  mourning  doves  call  one  another,  the  river  roars  over  its 
rocky  bed.  .  .  .  Nature  goes  to  sleep. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  2,  1899. 
Worked  gulches  near  butte  this  a.m.     I  found  37  teeth.     One 
head  well  preserved.     Also  leg  bones  shorter  than  common. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  2,  1899. 
Worked  near  Willow  Creek.     Found  37  teeth  from  one  head, 
70  in  all.     Dinner  in  hills.     Hot. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  3,  1899. 

Early  start.     Up  toward  butte.     Found  one  jaw  and  isolated 

teeth.     Found  large  buffalo  head  and  deer  and  elk  horns.     Wrote 

on  Article  I  when  1  got  home.     Rain  in  p.m.     Billy  jumped  up  the 

bank  of  a  ditch  and  almost  tumbled  back  in. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  4,  1899. 

1  write  from  midst  of  bad  lands.  Wonderfully  silent.  There  is 
a  great  sand  rock  at  my  back  furnishing  fine  shade.  ...  In  p.m. 
finished  Article  I  and  got  it  ready  to  mail  to  Prof.  Hall.     1  1  teeth. 

The  editor  has  been  unable  to  locate  any  of  the  four  articles  which 
Frank  Moore  wrote  and  mailed  to  Professor  Christopher  W.  Hall. 


28  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  5,  1899. 
Sunday.    Ready  to  go  to  church.    Beautiful  morning.    Feel  first 
rate.      Mr.   and   Mrs.    Brown,    Prof.,    and   I   drove   to   Otto.      I 
preached.    Home  in  p.m. 

Winslow's  Ranch,  Otto,  Wyo.,  Aug.  7,  1899. 

Rode  black  horse.     Went  to  hills  in  a.m.     Rained  and  we  got 

wet.     In  evening  I  rode  to  Otto.    Got  paper  and  rode  to  Winslow's 

ranch.     Dr.  Johnson  there.     Staid  over  night  there.     Thirty-four 

teeth  found.    Five  different  animals  represented. 

Tatman  Mountain,  Wyo.,  Aug.  8,  1899. 
In  camp  on  Tatman  Mountain.     Dry  camp.     Supper  of  baked 
beans,  coffee,  bacon,  bread.     Horses  hobbled.  .  .  . 

Tatman  Mountain,  Wyo.,  Aug.  9,  1899. 
Moved  camp  fat]  8  a.m.  .  .  .  Fifty  foot  steep  slide.  Mountain 
sheep  track.  Hunting  water.  .  .  .  Driving  pack  horse.  Pack  horse 
almost  over  steep  ledge.  No  shoes  on  horses.  Acres  of  ground, 
no  water.  Buffalo  head  [and]  hide.  Can't  stop  in  fertile  fossil 
region  for  want  of  water.  Elk  trail  winding  down  gulch.  Sliding 
down  hill  on  horse.  Rained.  Shelter  under  horse's  neck.  Wa- 
tered horses  in  muddy  red  water.  Slid  down  hill  50  feet.  Jumped 
ditch  3  feet  across,  7  feet  deep.  P.M.  We  camped  at  water  holes. 
Dinner  at  1  o'clock.  At  2:30  started  on.  Fine  success  for  me, 
leg  bone  [of  a]  coryphodon.  Whole  jaw  of  small  animal.  Three 
jaws  and  head  bones  of  coryphodon.  Best  found  yet.  Twenty- 
one  teeth  of  small  animal  besides  head  and  whole  jaw.  Bad  lands 
.  .  .  deeply  eroded,  colored  brightly.  Fine  shelves  for  bones. 
Tired  from  hunting.  Five  minutes  rest  on  flat  ground.  Total 
relaxation  and  on  again.  Evening.  In  camp  about  fire.  Cool. 
Beautiful  starlight. 

Tatman  Mountain,  Wyo.,  Aug.  10,  1899. 
Up  early  4:30.  Breakfast  and  off  after  horses.  Stewart  and 
Prof,  went  hunting  fossils.  Brown  and  I  started  for  horses. 
Trailed  them  six  or  seven  miles  straight  toward  gap  in  mountains. 
Caught  them  at  9:30.  .  .  .  Rode  bare  back  down.  Back  at  noon. 
In  p.m.  Stewart  and  Brown  went  out  and  killed  an  antelope.  Prof, 
and  I  went  after  fossils.  I  found  .  .  .  over  30  vertebrae,  also  12 
teeth.  About  400  teeth  to  date.  Back  to  camp  late  and  supper 
by  fire  light.    Cool  breeze.    Twenty  shooting  stars. 

Tatman  Mountain,  Wyo.,  Aug.  11,  1899. 
Up  at  5  o'clock.  Breakfast  in  cool.  Out  on  trip.  Wild  horses 
ran  from  us  when  they  saw  us  three  miles  away.  Ran  along  edge 
of  butte.  ...  In  field  under  rocks  resting.  Hot.  .  .  .  Camp  [is] 
safe  when  we  go  away  and  leave  it.  Found  jaw  of  coryphodon, 
three  teeth  in  front  welded  together.     In  p.m.  rode  up  gulch  with 


FOSSIL   HUNTING    IN   THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN  29 

Brown.     Found  12  vertebrae  of  coryphodon  and  fish  scales.     Sup- 
per by  fire  light. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  12,  1899. 
Wakened  in  night  by  my  horse.  Caught  him  and  tied  him  up. 
In  morning  he  was  loose.  Saddled  him  before  sun  up  for  our 
other  horses  were  gone.  Found  them  four  miles  away  headed  for 
home.  Hard  work  heading  them  off.  Ran  them  back  to  camp. 
Left  camp  at  9  o'clock.  Top  of  Tatman  Mountain  at  noon.  At 
ranch  by  3  p.m.  Tired.  Packs  rode  well.  Tied  them  on  with 
squaw  hitch.  .  .  .  Saw  big,  fine  eagle  on  Tatman  Mountain.  He 
flew  to  valley  and  lit  on  bad  land  point.  .  .  . 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  13,  1899. 
Sunday.     A  quiet  day  at  the  ranch.     Tired  and  resting.     Wrote 
letters  home. 

Brown's  Ranch,  Wyo.,  Aug.  14,  1899. 
At  ranch.    Wrote  Article  II  for  Prof.  Hall  and  began  III.     Prof. 
[Sardeson|   packed  boxes.     Clearest  of  days.     Wrote  Prof.  Hall. 
Sunday  saw  turtle  dove  in  nest.     Got  close  up  to  it,  3  feet. 

W.  Gould's  Ranch  near  Otto,  Wyo.,  Aug.  15,  1899. 

.  .  .  Wrote  Article  III  and  finished  correcting  II.     Dinner  at 

Brown's  and  off  to  Otto.     At  3  there.  .  .  .  Went  into  bad  lands 

near  Otto  and  got  little  tooth,  large  teeth,  and  large  pile  of  bones. 

Met  W.  Gould  on  road.  At  house  at  5:30. 

Russell  H.  Austin's  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  16,  1899. 
Up  at  6.  .  .  .  Left  W.  Gould's  at  8:30.  Called  one-half  hour  at 
J.  Gould's.  .  .  .  Then  out  on  road.  .  .  .  On  bench  found  a  few 
fossils.  To  Basin  City  at  1  1  o'clock.  .  .  .  Horse  shod.  Called 
about  town  till  4:30.  Left  then  for  Shell.  .  .  .  Rode  up  to  Shell 
Creek  in  2  hours.  To  Austin's  3Vi  hours.  Mail  from  Coral  and 
Prof.  Hall.     Beautiful  here  on  creek. 

Austin's  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  17,  1899. 

Up  early  and  rode  to  Mr.  Hardy's  to  head  off  Mr.  Patten. 
Found  |  Mr.  Patten  J  and  he  consented  to  make  a  visit  to  dinosaur 
fields.  The  great  discovery.  Left  ranch  at  9:30.  At  10:30 
mounted  hill  and  looked  down  into  valley.  Escarpment  of  yellow 
sand  stone.  Purple  beneath.  Chalky  or  white  lime  stone  ledge 
eroded  into  purple  and  gray  bad  land  hills.  Saw  shoulder  bone  of 
dinosaur  six  rods  away.  Bones  cover  several  acres.  Bones  3  to  5 
feet  long  and  shoulder  bone  15  inches  across  top.  Mr.  Patten 
kindly  let  me  see  it  all  and  he  left  for  home  at  1  1 .  I  put  my  mark 
up  on  the  ground  on  a  stone.  Must  be  remains  of  several  dino- 
saurs here.  Rode  around  point  and  discovered  another  bed.  Here 
found  tooth  fully  preserved.     Returned  to  upper  creek.     Dinner 


30  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

at  Bertha  Solan's.  Charles  there.  Up  to  Austin's  and  told  of  the 
find.  Brought  two  vertebrae  and  a  tail  piece  along.  Rested  and 
visited  in  p.m. 

During  the  Mesozoic,  a  period  of  some  130  million  years,  flying, 
marine,  and  land  reptiles  were  masters  of  the  world.  Dinosaurs  of 
many  varieties  and  sizes  originated  in  the  Triassic  era,  reached  their 
zenith  of  development  in  the  Jurassic,  and  disappeared  near  the  end 
of  the  Cretaceous.  Mammals,  which  in  the  succeeding  Cenozoic  per- 
iod were  to  replace  reptiles  as  the  dominant  species,  were  small,  scarce, 
and  primitive.  In  western  America,  including  Wyoming,  the  Rocky 
Mountains  had  not  yet  been  uplifted  and  vast  areas  were  occupied  by 
rivers,  lakes,  lagoons,  and  an  inland  sea.  The  climate  was  warm, 
rainy,  and  humid.  Lush  tropical  vegetation  provided  abundant  fodder 
for  a  variety  of  herbivorous  dinosaurs,  including  Brontosaurus,  the 
largest  four-legged  creature  ever  to  live  on  earth.  One  of  these 
monsters  found  near  Medicine  Bow,  Wyoming,  in  1898  measured 
fifteen  feet  two  inches  in  height  and  sixty-six  feet  eight  inches  in 
length.  The  herbivorous  dinosaurs,  in  turn,  were  preyed  upon  by  the 
carniverous  Allosaurus  and  the  even  more  predatory  Tyrannosaurus 
rex.  Late  in  the  Cretaceous  era  dinosaurs  became  extinct  partly  as  a 
result  of  climatic  changes.  When  tropical  zones  became  temperate  or 
cold,  dinosaurs  lost  their  customary  food  supply.  Their  over-special- 
ization and  perhaps  their  stupidity  prevented  them  from  adapting  to 
the  changed  conditions. 

Austins  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  18,  1899. 
In  a.m.  rode  through  hills  south  in  search  of  more  dinosaurs. 
Didn't  find  any  trace  although  I  rode  along  the  Jurassic  up  lift  for 
miles.  Back  to  ranch  at  noon.  In  p.m.  called  on  Mrs.  Smith  and 
Sam.  Couldn't  ride  farther  on  account  of  horse's  foot.  Wrote 
letters  to  Prof.  Hall  and  others. 

Austin's  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  19,  1899. 

Called  along  Shell  Creek  on  Ed.  Smiths,  McKenzies,  Kershners, 

Charles  Lampman,  Al  Lampman,  Grandma  Lampman,  Robert  R., 

and  Eldridge  Hatten.     Back.     The  men  came  in  at  6  o'clock. 

General  prosperity.     Six  hundred  tons  of  hay  on  Horse  Creek. 

Austin's  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  20,  1899. 

Preached  to  70  people  at  school  house.  In  p.m.  baptized  child 
at  Mr.  McKenzie's. 

Camp  on  Shell  Creek,  Wyo.,  Aug.  21,  1899. 

Went  down  Shell  Creek  and  began  work  on  fossils.  Large  and 
well  preserved.  .  .  .  Dug  at  big  bone.     In  camp  late  at  night. 

Camp  on  Shell  Creek,  Wyo.,  Aug.  23,  1899. 

Out  in  hills  early.  Brown  and  I  worked  on  big  bone  all  a.m. 
Chipped  out  from  beneath  the  bone.  Pasted  cracks  with  flour. 
Gunny  sack  overtop  soaked  in  flour  paste.  Dried  in  sun.  Hard- 
ened. Dug  other  bones  out  under  the  end  of  the  large  bone. 
Large  bone  5  feet  3  inches  long  and  1 8  inches  across  large  end. 


FOSSIL   HUNTING   IN  THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN  31 

Austin's  Ranch,  Shell,  Wyo.,  Aug.  23,  1899. 
Wrote  Article  IV  and  sent  it  to  Prof.  Hall.  In  p.m.  called  at 
Charles  Lampman's.  Supper  there.  Returned  to  Austin's.  Fire 
in  fireplace,  like  old  times.  Robert  brought  mail.  Letter  from 
Coral,  Baby  sick.  Decision  in  10  minutes.  Robert  to  ride  with 
me  to  railroad.  Packed  sack.  Saddled.  Off  at  9:45  p.m.  Rode 
Snip  to  Charles  Lampman's  and  got  horse  of  him.  .  .  .  Trail 
through  hills  to  red  gulches. 

The  letter  which  Frank  Moore  received  from  his  wife.  Coral,  con- 
tained the  disturbing  news  that  Alice,  the  fourteen  month-old  daugh- 
ter of  Frank  and  Coral,  was  seriously  ill  with  pneumonia.  At  this 
juncture  Frank  immediately  decided  to  return  with  all  possible  dis- 
patch to  Minneapolis.  The  story  of  his  horseback  journey  across  the 
Big  Horn  Mountains  to  Parkman,  Wyoming,  and  from  there  by  rail  to 
Billings,  Montana,  and  to  Minneapolis  is  the  closing  episode  of  his 
18^9  Wyoming  journal. 

En  route  to  Parkman,  Wyo.,  Aug.  24,  1899. 
Twelve  midnight.  On  up  and  up.  Beautiful  moonlight,  rocks 
clear  cut.  Hunt's  at  1  o'clock  a.m.  Past  Hudson  Falls  to  Beaver 
Creek.  .  .  .  Foot  of  steep  trail  at  2  o'clock.  Long,  hard  climb.  To 
place  where  George  Sabin  was  thrown  over.  Place  where  little 
Sender  girl  was  killed.  Up  and  up.  Chilly.  Saw  outlines  of 
mountains  far  away.  Bald  Mountain  trail.  .  .  .  Steep  gulches  in 
wagon  trail.  Through  trees  and  on  top  at  3  o'clock.  Road  at 
3:30.  Foot  wet  in  Beaver  Creek.  Cold.  Snow  Vi  mile  away. 
.  .  .  Frost,  ice,  walked  to  keep  warm.  Stars  clear.  Bald  Mountain 
road  3:50.  Morning  star  at  4  o'clock.  Faint  light  at  4:30.  Sun- 
rise at  5:15.  Clear,  rosy  on  lime  cliff,  on  snow.  Dead  horse  by 
the  way.  Our  horses  doing  nicely.  Fine  riders.  At  six  o'clock 
at  ranch  on  mountain.  Breakfast  there.  Met  forest  preserve 
warden.  Rested  3  hours.  At  9  a.m.  on  road.  Nine-thirty  at 
Fool's  Creek.  .  .  .  Ten-thirty  saw  valley  from  summit.  .  .  .  At  1  1 :30 
at  fort.  .  .  .  Twelve  forty-five  p.m.  at  Parkman.  Sixty-five  miles 
in  15  hours,  1 1  Vi  actual  hours  of  travel.  Dinner.  Resting.  Sent 
message.  Three  forty-five  boarded  train.  Passed  Custer  battle- 
field on  Crow  Reservation.  .  .  .  Arrived  in  Billings  at  7:05  p.m. 
Found  telegram  from  Coral  that  baby  is  better.  .  .  . 

Billings,  Mont.,  Aug.  25,  1899. 
Wired  Coral  when  I  will  be  home. 

The  fossils  discovered  by  Professor  Sardeson  and  his  assistants  were 
studied  and  classified  at  the  University  of  Minnesota.  Their  value,  based  on 
prices  demanded  for  such  specimens  on  the  mineral  market,  was  estimated 
to  be  not  less  than  3000  dollars.  The  inventory  of  findings  as  presented  by 
Professor  Hall  on  April  3,  1900,  to  President  Northrop  reads  as  follows: 

A.  A  number  of  invertebrates  of  different  types. 

B.  Parts  of  the  skeletons  of  vertebrates: 

1.  Three  or  four  species  of  crocodiles  from  the  Tertiary. 

2.  Three  species  of  turtles  from  the  Tertiary. 


32 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


3.  One  or  two  species  of  monkey  from  the  Tertiary. 

4.  One  species  of  creodont. 

5.  One  or  more  species  of  five-toed  horse,  phenacodus. 

6.  One  or  more  species  of  three-toed  horse,  and  one  or  two  probably 
related  species. 

7.  Four  or  five  species  of  coryphodon. 

8.  Bones  of  an  archaic  rodent. 

9.  One  or  more  species  of  birds. 

10.  Nearly  100  bones  of  huge  dinosaurs  from  the  Jurassic. 

GEOLOGIC  TIME  CHART 


PERIOD 

EPOCH 

RECORD  OF  LIFE 

YEARS 

CENOZOIC  ERA 

Quaternary 

Recent 
Pleistocene 

Modern  man. 
Early  man. 

11,000 
1,000,000 

Pliocene 


Supremacy  of  mammals. 


Tertiary 


Miocene  Appearance  of  racoons,  weas- 

els, and  mastadons.  Develop- 
ment of  the  horse.     Common 
occurrence  of  rhinoceroses, 
camels,  cats,  and  dog-like 
carnivores. 

Oligocene  Disappearance  of  archaic 

mammals.  Appearance  of  a 
primitive  anthropoid  ape,  ele- 
phants, dogs,  cats,  saber  tooth 
tigers,  beavers,  squirrels,  mice, 
camels,  giant  hogs,  and  rab- 
bits.    Development  of  the 
horse  and  rhinosceros. 

Eocene  Mammals  included  ancestral 

horses,  tapirs,  coryphodons, 
camels,  pigs,  rhinoceroses, 
rodents,  monkeys,  and  whales. 

Paleocene  Mammals  became  dominant 

and  included  archaic  flesh- 
eating  creodonts,  primitive 
coryphodons,  insectivores,  and 
marsupials.  70,000,000 


MESOZOIC   ERA 


Cretaceous 


Presence  of  crocodiles,  turtles, 
snakes,  lizards,  and  marine 
invertebrates.     Appearance  of 
marsupials  and  placental 
mammals.     Maximum  devel- 
opment followed  by  extinction 
of  dinosaurs  and  flying  rep- 
tiles. 


130,000,000 


FOSSIL   HUNTING    IN   THE   BIG   HORN    BASIN 


53 


Jurassic 


Dominance  of  reptiles  on 
land,  in  the  sea,  and  in  the  air. 
On  land  saurians.  including 
dinosaurs,  abounded.     Mam- 
mals were  small  and  scarce. 
Birds  made  their  first  appear- 
ance. 


1 60,000, 000 


Triassic 


Decline  of  amphibians.     De- 
velopment of  reptiles,  includ- 
ing dinosaurs.     Existence  of  a 
few  small,  primitive  mam- 
mals. 


100.000.000 


PALEOZOIC    ERA 


Permian 

Carboniferous 

Devonian 

Silurian 

Ordovician 

Cambrian 


Development  of  reptiles. 
Appearance  of  small  reptiles. 
Fishes  abounded  and  am- 
phibians appeared. 
Earliest  land  animals  and 
plants. 

Appearance  of  primitive 
fishes. 

Appearance  of  marine  inver- 
tibrates. 


500,000,000 


34 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


* 


Courtesy  Edward  O.  Parry 
(Savage  &  Ottinger  Photo) 


CHIEF  WASHAKIE,  1865 


fiotes  oh  the  Early  £ife 
of  Chief  Washakie 

TAKEN  DOWN  BY  CAPTAIN  RAY 

Edited  by 
Don  D.  Fowler 

FOREWORD 

In  his  initial  article  in  the  series  "Washakie  and  the  Shoshoni" 
published  in  the  Annals,*  Dale  L.  Morgan  calls  attention  to  the  fact 
that  "scarcely  a  beginning  has  been  made  in  reconstructing  the 
history  of  the  Shoshoni."'1  Mr.  Morgan's  collecting  and  publish- 
ing of  the  numerous  documents  relating  to  the  Shoshonis  was  itself 
a  major  contribution  to  that  history.  The  present  article  is  con- 
siderably smaller  in  scope,  presenting  as  it  does,  a  single  document. 
Yet  this  document  is  of  some  historical  interest  since  it  reports 
some  of  Chief  Washakie's  reminiscences  of  his  life  prior  to  the 
advent  of  reservation  times.  Further,  it  provides,  in  Washakie's 
own  words,  corroboration  of  some  aspects  of  Shoshoni  culture 
prior  to  the  reservation  period — in  this  instance,  the  location  of 
settlements  and  patterns  of  warfare— as  well  as  Washakie's  re- 
membrances of  significant  events  in  the  history  of  his  tribe  and  of 
Wyoming.  Thus  the  "Notes"  are  of  interest  both  to  the  historian 
and  the  anthropologist,  in  that  they  provide  a  narrative  of  events 
as  well  as  some  insight  into  Shoshoni  cultural  patterns  in  the  early 
19th  century. 

The  "Notes"  came  to  light  during  the  present  writer's  research 
of  historical  materials,  at  the  Bancroft  Library,  University  of  Cali- 
fornia, toward  a  study  of  Shoshoni  ethno-history,  which  is  pres- 
ently in  preparation. 


*  I  wish  to  acknowledge  the  permission  granted  by  the  Bancroft  Library 
to  publish  the  manuscript.  Also,  I  wish  to  gratefully  acknowledge  a  fellow- 
ship from  the  Wenner-Gren  Foundation  for  Anthropological  Research  which 
made  my  research  at  the  Bancroft  Library  and  at  the  Wind  River  Reserva- 
tion, Wyoming,  possible. 

1.  Dale  L.  Morgan,  "Washakie  and  the  Shoshoni,  Pt.  1",  Annals  of 
Wyoming,  Vol.  25.  No.  2,  1953.  p.  141. 

2.  Information  contained  in  a  brochure  in  the  Ray  Papers  entitled, 
"Military  Record  of  Brigadier  General  P.  H.  Ray.  U.S.  Army  Retired. 
1861-1906." 


36  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  "Notes"  on  Washakie's  life  herein  presented  were  taken  down 
in  longhand,  apparently  from  dictation  by  Washakie,  by  Captain 
(later  Brigadier  General)  Patrick  Henry  Ray.  Captain  Ray  was  com- 
mander of  Company  I  of  the  8th  Infantry,  U.S.  Army,  stationed  at 
Fort  Washakie  on  the  Wind  River  Indian  Reservation  from  April, 
1891  to  August,  1893  and  from  August,  1893  until  April,  1895  he 
served  as  Indian  Agent  at  the  Fort.2  The  "Notes"  were  made  some- 
time during  this  period  but  it  could  not  be  established  exactly  when. 
The  original  manuscript  together  with  other  of  Ray's  papers  were 
later  donated  to  the  Bancroft  Library. 

In  editing  the  notes  we  have  made  no  deletions  or  changes  in  the 
narrative,  adding  only  two  periods  at  the  ends  of  sentences. 

CHIEF  WASHAKIE 

Washakie  was  born  in  the  tribe  known  as  "Flatheads."  He  was 
very  poor  when  he  was  young  and  after  he  grew  up  to  be  a  tall 
young  man  he  joined  the  Shoshones  at  the  age  of  16.8  At  that 
time  he  first  knew  Bridger  who  was  a  little  older  than  himself.  A 
short  time  after  his  marriage  the  soldiers  came  (Albert  Sydney 
Johnston)  which  set  the  year  at  1858.4  Bridger  built  a  cabin. 
The  first  white  man  seen  by  Washakie  was  a  French  man  who 
built  a  log  house  on  the  Green  River  and  commenced  trading  with 
the  Indians  and  at  Fort  Bridger.  Washakie  went  trapping  with 
Bridger  many  years  along  the  Snake  and  Green  Rivers.  He  re- 
mained with  Bridger  and  the  French  traders  until  he  had  a  family 
of  four  children.  He  was  not  full  chief  at  that  time.  A  com- 
missioner came  and  asked  him  to  bring  all  his  Indians  into  Fort 
Bridger."'  The  tribes  were  then  divided,  some  were  afoot  and 
some  were  on  horses,  but  few  of  the  horse  Indians  are  now  left. 
At  that  time  they  asked  Washakie  who  was  chief  of  the  Shoshones. 
All  the  Indians  were  scattered,  some  hunting  for  buffalo.  The  real 
head  chief  was  with  the  party  hunting  buffalo,  his  name  Gah-na- 


3.  Washakie's  joining  the  Shoshoni  at  age  16  would  appear  to  conflict 
with  Hebard's  view  (Grace  Hebard,  "Washakie"  Cleveland,  1930)  that 
Washakie,  with  his  mother  and  siblings,  joined  the  Lemhi  Shoshoni  band 
when  Washakie  was  4  to  5  years  old,  after  his  father  was  killed.  If,  on  the 
other  hand  "Shoshonies"  here  refers  to  the  Shoshoni  of  the  Fort  Bridger 
area,  there  is  again  conflict  with  Hebard's  account  since  she  places  his 
joining  this  group  sometime  between  1826  and  1832,  which,  according  to 
her  estimation  of  Washakie's  age  (b.  ca.  1798)  would  have  made  him  be- 
tween 28  and  34  years  old.  Bridger  arrived  with  the  Ashley  party  in  the 
early  1820's  at  which  time  Washakie  would  have  been  in  his  early  or  late 
20's  if  Hebard's  estimation  of  his  age  is  correct. 

4.  Here  again  there  is  an  inconsistency,  unless  we  assume  that  Washakie 
did  not  marry  until  he  was  in  his  fifties.  Traditionally,  Washakie  is  said  to 
have  been  married  about  1833  or  34,  according  to  popular  literature  and  to 
his  descendents  at  Wind  River  whom  the  writer  interviewed  in  the  fall  of 
1961.    The  date  for  the  arrival  of  Johnston's  Army  should  be  1857. 

5.  This  was  probably  Jacob  H.  Holeman  who  was  at  that  time  Indian 
Agent  for  the  Utah  Territory.  See  Morgan,  "Washakie  and  the  Shoshonis, 
Annals  Vol.  25,  No.  2,  p.  163. 


NOTES  ON   THE   EARLY   LIFE   OF  CHIEF   WASHAKIE  37 

cum-ah,  and  there  were  a  number  of  war  chiefs.  Oh-ho-mag- 
we-ah,  who  was  chief  medicine  man,  introduced  the  Sun  Dance 
among  the  Shoshonies.  He  belonged  to  a  band  of  Shoshonies  who 
are  extinct  now,  perishing  from  the  small  pox.  They  lived  along 
Bear  River.  Snake  and  Green  Rivers.  Up  to  that  time  he  had  not 
seen  any  soldiers  and  he  heard  that  soldiers  were  in  the  Arapahoe 
country  calling  in  representatives  of  all  tribes.  The  commissioner 
said  they  must  not  fight  anymore  among  themselves  but  must  make 
friends.  The  Shoshones  were  at  war  with  the  Ute,  Sioux,  Arapa- 
hoe and  Cheyennes.  Flatheads  were  friends  and  also  ths  Ban- 
nocks. He  was  sent  to  all  the  Shoshones  to  tell  them  there  should 
be  no  more  wars  and  all  the  bands  were  to  be  at  peace.  The 
Shoshones  all  met,  had  a  big  talk.  Bridger  was  there  and  some 
white  men  with  wagons.  Their  meeting  took  place  on  the  Sweet- 
water near  where  old  St.  Mary  stage  station  was  established/' 
This  was  the  first  white  man  who  ever  came  to  give  them  council. 
George  Terry,  a  Mormon,  was  there.  Washakie  told  them  all 
what  the  commissioner  said  and  they  slept  on  it  all  night  and  in  the 
morning  when  they  got  there  [sic]  were  a  great  many  buffalo  in 
sight.  Some  stopped  to  kill  buffalo  and  then  went  with  Bridger. 
They  had  not  gone  far  when  they  were  met  by  an  emigrant  train 
who  told  them  that  a  Shoshone  and  his  boy  had  been  killed  by 
six  Indians,  and  asked  Washakie  to  go  and  look  at  them.  Then 
the  commissioner,  Bridger  and  Washakie  all  saw  the  dead  Indians 
and  they  all  felt  very  bad,  just  when  peace  was  near.  They  found 
that  the  Cheyennes  had  killed  them.  They  pursued  them  but 
could  not  overtake  them.  They  held  a  council  and  asked  the 
commissioner  if  the  Shoshones  were  the  first  he  had  talked  with, 
if  he  had  not  lied  about  all  making  peace.  They  held  a  council 
for  three  days  and  all  the  Shoshone  chiefs  were  not  in  favor  of 
going  any  further  with  the  commissioner.  On  the  morning  of  the 
4th  day,  Bridger  came  to  his  lodge  and  woke  him  and  told  him 
he  was  going  to  leave  them,  that  if  they  were  afraid  to  go  with  him, 
he  was  going  back  to  his  store.  His  goods  were  being  wasted  and 
he  was  going  back.  Bridger  told  Washakie  that  he  must  be  chief, 
the  others  had  gone  back  and  that  he  must  get  the  young  men  in 
and  he  did  so.  He  called  in  all  the  young  men  who  had  been  to 
war  with  him  and  told  them  he  was  going  to  stay  with  the  white 
men  and  they  must  make  up  their  minds  to  go  or  stay,  and  they 
all  said  they  would  stay.  There  were  a  good  many  of  them.  They 
selected  Washakie  as  their  war  chief.  Bridger  and  all  were  well 
pleased.  The  young  men  said  they  would  fight  the  Cheyenne,  the 
Arapahoes  and  Sioux.  The  next  day  they  left  their  lodges  and 
went  down  the  river  with  the  whites  to  Fort  Laramie.     There  they 


6.  This  is  corroborated  by  letters  written  by  Holeman  dated  Aug.    11, 
1851  and  Sept.  21,  1851.     See  Morgan,  op  cit. 


38  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

found  a  great  many  Sioux,  Mandans,  Arapahoes,  etc.  He  never 
before  saw  so  many  lodges  and  his  people  were  frightened  and 
expected  to  be  killed.  There  were  no  soldiers  at  Laramie  at  that 
time.  He  met  old  Friday  there.  They  camped  near  the  fort  and 
Friday  and  he  went  and  saw  soldiers  for  the  first  time.  They  were 
in  camp  and  were  the  first  men  he  ever  saw  in  black  coats  (To- 
quash-ho).  Bridger  said  they  were  chiefs  and  Indians  must  do 
what  they  said.  All  made  friends  with  the  Sioux  and  Arapahoe. 
There  were  Mandans  there  called  the  corn  eaters.  The  soldiers 
told  them  not  to  be  afraid,  that  they  would  help  the  Shoshones  if 
the  Cheyennes  attacked  them. 

The  next  day  the  Cheyennes  came  mounted  for  a  fight.  They 
came  in  full  array  with  war  bonnets  and  coo  sticks,  the  same 
Indians  that  killed  the  two  Shoshones  on  the  Sweetwater.  They 
shouted  and  sang.  Washakie  got  ready  to  fight  them  and  the 
soldiers  got  ready  to  help  him.  Four  officers  went  out  to  meet 
the  Cheyennes  and  stopped  in  front  to  look  at  them  (reconnoiter). 
And  when  the  Cheyennes  saw  the  soldiers  were  ready,  they  drew 
off.  The  Shoshones  then  went  with  the  soldiers  to  old  Fort  Mitch- 
ell at  the  Mouth  of  Horse  Creek,  where  they  were  to  meet  a  train 
loaded  with  presents.  They  waited  until  the  leaves  began  to  fall. 
Wagons  finally  came.  That  was  when  he  was  made  chief.  He 
and  the  soldiers  camped  together  and  the  Sioux,  near  Ft.  Mitchell. 
He  there  got  his  first  tea.  He  knew  about  coffee  but  never  before 
saw  tea.  Some  of  the  Indians  thought  it  was  a  new  kind  of 
powder  and  were  afraid  to  drink  it.  They  did  not  know  what 
bacon  was.  They  said  it  was  not  bear  or  deer  fat.  Bridger  told 
them  it  was  different  from  the  Buffalo  or  bear  and  was  a  lard. 

The  Cheyennes  came  in  and  made  peace  and  gave  up  the  scalps 
taken  on  the  Sweetwater.  They  gave  them  all  the  provisions  they 
could  carry  and  all  agreed  to  be  good  friends.  He  is  the  only  one 
who  kept  his  word —  their  ears  were  bad  and  they  soon  forgot. 
They  all  broke  camp  and  went  home.  He  came  back  to  the  Sweet- 
water and  they  had  barely  got  back  when  a  war  party  of  Crows 
came  down  and  stole  a  lot  of  Shoshone  horses.  The  Shoshones 
followed  and  killed  two  Crows.  Washakie  was  not  there.  All  the 
others  broke  the  treaty  and  he  has  fought  them  ever  since. 

War1.  The  first  fight  was  before  I  was  married,  I  was  a  boy.  It 
was  with  the  Blackfeet.     There  were  eight  in  the  party,  all  on 


7.  It  is  difficult  to  assess  when  the  events  described  herein  took  place. 
If  we  accept  the  traditional  dales  for  Washakie's  birth  (about  1798)  and 
marriage  (about  1833)  the  internal  evidence  would  then  indicate  that  the 
various  raids  took  place  between  ca.  1820  and  1840.  Despite  the  lack  of 
precise  dates  the  account  furnishes  interesting  evidence  that  the  Shoshonis 
raided  for  horses,  guns  and  captives  and  took  scalps  in  typical  Plains  Indian 
fashion. 


NOTES  ON   THE   EARLY    LIFE   OF  CHIEF   WASHAKIE  39 

foot.s  We  went  until  we  found  five  lodges  of  Blackfeet.  We  cap- 
tured all  the  horses  in  sight,  I  getting  nine.  We  captured  one 
woman  and  two  children.  The  woman  refused  to  go  and  one  of 
the  men  killed  her.  It  was  in  the  summer  and  in  the  day  time. 
All  the  people  ran  away  but  others  came.  We  surprised  them. 
We  crawled  up  and  got  their  horses  this  being  the  first  they  knew 
of  it.  The  Crows  had  a  great  many  Buffalo  and  beaver  skins  and 
horses.  We  killed  several  Blackfeet.  We  came  from  Bear  River 
to  the  Blackfoot  country.  We  found  them  three  day  [sic]  north 
of  Yellowstone  near  Three  Buttes.  We  all  came  back  safe.  The 
Shoshones  had  very  few  horses.  Some  were  armed  with  rifles  and 
some  with  bows  and  arrows  and  spears.  Oh!  We  were  no  good 
long  ago,  we  were  rattle-headed. 

Ever  since  1  was  a  boy,  we  the  Shoshones,  always  stood  alone 
except  for  the  Bannocks  and  Flatheads.  We  fought  everybody 
and  everybody  fought  us.  The  Bannocks  and  Flatheads  were  only 
friends.  We  are  not  the  same  people,  we  do  not  talk  alike. 
2nd  The  next  time  we  went  to  war  was  against  the  Blackfeet. 
There  were  ten  of  us.  We  met  six  Blackfeet  coming  to  make  war 
on  us.  all  were  on  foot.  We  were  lying  concealed  behind  a  hill 
and  saw  them  a  long  way  off.  We  had  six  guns  and  the  Blackfeet 
had  four.  We  charged  them  on  foot  and  the  Blackfeet  threw  off 
their  robes  and  ran  into  a  stream  that  was  deep,  up  to  their  waists. 
1  killed  one  Blackfoot  and  took  his  scalp  and  one  of  our  men  killed 
another.  The  other  four  ran  into  the  timber.  I  captured  two 
guns.  They  were  trade  guns  cut  off —  flint  locks.  We  got  two 
scalps  and  the  other  four  got  away.  We  got  what  we  went  for, 
hair.  We  then  returned  to  our  country.  Bear  River,  with  our 
scalps  and  the  two  guns,  but  we  did  not  get  any  horses. 

3rd  The  next  was  also  against  the  Blackfeet.  We  were  looking 
for  their  hair.  We  crossed  the  Yellowstone  and  went  to  the  south 
of  Three  Buttes.  There  were  eleven  of  us,  two  mounted  and  the 
rest  on  foot.  We  saw  in  the  distance  a  great  many  Blackfeet  mov- 
ing their  village.  We  lay  concealed  behind  a  hill  and  watched  them 
pass  and  saw  them  go  into  camp  about  two  miles  away.  While  we 
were  watching  one  man  mounted.  The  man  came  toward  us  and 
I  said  now  keep  still  and  we  will  cut  him  off.  He  came  back  on 
the  road  riding  rapidly.  He  had  lost  a  looking  glass.  After  he 
passed  us  we  cut  him  off  from  his  camp  and  I  killed  him.  I  shot 
him  with  my  gun  and  took  his  scalp.    They  did  not  hear  or  notice 


8.  Going  to  raid  for  horses  on  foot  even  when  there  were  other  horses 
available  was  a  widespread  pattern  among  the  Northern  Plains  tribes.  See 
Bernard  Mishkin,  "Rank  and  Warfare  Among  the  Plains  Indians,"  Mono- 
graphs of  the  American  Ethnological  Society  HI,  New  York,  and  the 
sources  cited  therein. 


40  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

us  in  the  village  though  we  fired  several  shots.  I  fired  one  shot 
and  wounded  him.  He  ran  and  I  chased  him  on  my  horse  and 
killed  him  with  my  knife.  We  then  left  with  the  horse  and  one 
scalp. 

4th  The  next  was  a  large  war  party,  a  great  many  Shoshones.  We 
saw  the  Blackfeet  running  Buffalo  of  which  there  were  a  great 
many.  It  was  to  the  east  of  Three  Buttes.  We  watched  them  until 
they  had  dressed  all  their  meat  and  while  some  were  still  cutting 
up  their  meat  and  some  were  still  in  their  lodges.  We  watched 
until  most  of  the  hunters  had  passed  to  the  lodges.  We  saw  them 
running,  two  on  one  horse,  and  their  horses  heavily  loaded  with 
meat.  We  charged  them.  I  captured  one  young  man  who  is  now 
with  the  Crows.  I  sold  him  to  the  Crows  for  a  horse,  a  gun  and 
some  blankets.  He  cried  when  I  captured  him  but  by  signs  I  told 
him  I  would  not  kill  him.  The  other  two  escaped  into  the  brush. 
We  captured  and  used  the  horses,  and  all  the  meat.  I  left  the  boy 
with  my  party  and  with  another  man  followed  the  men  who  had 
run  into  the  brush.  Two  Blackfeet  fired  at  us  and  missed  us,  they 
were  very  close  but  they  missed.  I  killed  one  with  my  knife  and 
the  other  Shoshone  killed  the  other  with  his  gun.  We  got  both 
scalps.  The  Blackfeet  found  the  dead  men  and  followed  our 
trail.  We  ran  and  came  into  a  Crow  village.  We  ran  through  the 
village  and  left  the  Crows  to  fight  the  Blackfeet.  The  Blackfeet 
thinking  it  was  the  Crows  who  had  killed  their  young  men  fought 
fiercely  and  in  the  fight  we  got  clear  off  and  returned  to  our  country 
with  the  horses  and  scalps.  We  could  hear  them  fighting  and 
laugh  much  to  hear  our  enemies  killing  each  other. 

5th  We  were  all  in  camp  on  Green  River  when  a  great  many 
Shoshones  went  to  war  against  the  Blackfeet.  There  were  a  great 
many  of  us  all  on  horses.  We  passed  north  to  the  west  of  the 
Teton  range,  crossed  the  Snake  and  struck  a  trail  in  what  the  White 
calls  Teton  Basin.  We  followed  it  to  the  Missouri  and  below  the 
canon  [sic]  and  there  we  saw  a  great  many  Blackfeet  lodges. 
They  were  along  the  Missouri  river,  all  strung  along.  We  attacked 
the  village  and  all  the  Blackfeet  came  out  to  fight  us.  We  fought 
a  long  time  and  the  Blackfeet  were  too  much  and  whipped  us  and 
drove  us  off.  We  saw  the  village  first  the  day  before  and  held  a 
council  and  decided  to  fight  and  attack  at  day  light  the  next  morn- 
ing. We  charged  the  main  village  and  captured  about  one  half  of 
their  horses  and  fought  until  about  noon.  We  got  the  horses  all 
away.  During  the  fight  five  Shoshones  were  killed  and  we  fought 
hard  to  keep  the  Blackfeet  from  getting  their  scalps  but  could  not 
save  them.  We  killed  four  Blackfeet  but  got  only  one  scalp.  The 
Blackfeet  then  made  signs  that  they  wanted  to  stop  fighting  and 
make  peace  and  we  agreed  and  separated.  The  Blackfeet  went  to 
their  lodges  and  we  returned  to  our  own  country,  and  brought  back 
all  the  captured  horses. 


NOTES  ON   THE   EARLY    LIFE   OF  CHIEF   WASHAKIE  41 

6ih  At  this  time  Bridger  had  a  store  on  Green  River  and  from 
there  I  made  up  my  war  parties.  I  started  again  to  hunt  for  a 
Blackfoot  village  on  the  same  trail  as  before,  through  Teton  Basin. 
I  found  a  village  on  the  Missouri  above  the  canon  [sic],  1  had 
about  forty  men,  all  on  foot.  We  met  them  running  out  from  the 
village  hunting  Buffalo,  the  buffalo  being  between  us  and  the 
Blackfeet,  but  the  Blackfeet  got  the  buffalo  in  a  small  basin  and 
killed  a  great  many  and  while  we  were  watching  the  hunt,  we  were 
oined  by  a  party  of  our  own  people  who  had  followed  us  on 
horses.  We  held  a  council  and  I  said  if  your  horses  are  not  too 
tired  we  will  leave  all  men  on  foot  and  charge  the  Blackfeet,  they 
were  still  chasing  buffalo  and  made  a  great  dust.  Many  buffalo 
were  wounded  and  the  Blackfeet  were  killing  those  who  are  very 
hard  to  kill  when  they  are  mad.  We  charged  through  the  dust, 
many  who  were  dressing  buffalo  were  off  their  horses  who  were 
stampeded  and  started  the  main  herd  and  all  ran  away,  so  fast 
we  could  not  catch  them.  The  Blackfeet  turned  out  after  us  and 
we  turned  back  to  our  people  who  were  on  foot.  They  followed  us 
and  fought  us  but  we  fought  our  way  back.  There  were  only 
thirteen  of  us,  against  them  all,  our  men  on  foot  had  been  left  a 
long  way  back.  We  got  into  the  cottonwood  timber  when  I  called 
my  men  to  tie  their  horses  and  fight  on  foot.  After  fighting  some 
time  I  saw  that  the  Blackfeet  were  not  very  brave.  They  stayed 
so  far  away  that  a  strong  man  could  not  shoot  an  arrow  to  them 
so  I  determined  to  charge  them,  which  we  did  and  drove  them  off 
when  they  rallied  and  drove  us  back.  We  did  this  often,  until  the 
Blackfeet  horses  got  tired  when  one  young  Shoshone  pursued  a 
Blackfoot  and  killed  him.  After  we  got  his  scalp  and  the  Black- 
feet saw  it,  we  made  a  sign  to  stop  fighting  and  they  let  us  draw 
off.  We  found  our  men  on  foot  and  we  all  returned  to  Green 
River,  having  only  one  scalp. 

7th  I  soon  got  tired  of  staying  at  home  and  made  up  a  war  party 
of  twelve  men.  One  named  Comanche  now  living  here,  was  with 
us.  We  were  all  on  foot.  We  found  them  in  camp  in  the  same 
place.  I  was  married  now.  We  stopped  in  the  hills  as  close  as  we 
could  get  and  watched  them.  We  heard  them  firing  and  a  herd 
of  mountain  sheep  ran  past.  Now  I  said  if  they  have  killed  a 
sheep  we  may  catch  them  cutting  it  up  and  get  a  scalp.  We  turned 
to  the  right  and  all  hid  and  we  had  it  fixed  when  a  fool  got  up, 
walked  up  in  sight  and  the  man  got  on  his  horse  and  ran  away. 
I  now  went  up  in  a  mountain  in  a  strong  place  and  waited  for  them 
to  attack  me  but  they  did  not  come.  I  challenged  them  by  flashing 
my  mirror  but  they  dare  not  come.  1  now  said  keep  quiet  until 
night  and  we  will  go  to  their  village  and  when  it  was  dark  started. 
They  were  all  singing  and  beating  drums.  We  crept  close  and  lay 
behind  a  little  hill  and  watched  them.  I  asked  all  who  had  a  brave 
heart  to  go  with  me  into  the  village  and  cut  some  horses.     They 


42  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

were  camped  in  two  big  circles  with  their  horses  inside.  I  found 
two  with  hearts  big  enough  to  go  and  when  they  were  all  asleep 
we  began  to  creep  up,  when  the  dogs  began  to  bark.  We  cut  loose 
[more]  than  twenty  horses.  Now  I  sent  two  more  in  another 
direction  after  securing  all  we  had  captured.  Two  more  men  had 
gone  and  while  we  were  waiting  for  them  we  saw  two  men  ap- 
proaching on  horseback.  We  could  not  tell  who  they  were.  They 
proved  to  be  Blackfeet  who  took  the  horses  all  back  and  their  dogs 
soon  smelled  us.  They  shouted  "our  horses  are  being  stolen"  and 
we  ran  away  and  did  not  fight.  It  was  soon  daylight  and  we  ran 
fast  and  soon  got  into  the  mountains  and  came  home  poor — we 
got  nothing.  We  were  glad  to  get  off  and  when  we  got  to  the 
mountain  we  rested  and  watched. 


ftozenian  Zrail  Zrek 

Trek  No.  14  of  the  Emigrant  Trail  Treks 

Sponsored  by 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 

DEPARTMENT 

WYOMING   STATE   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY 

Johnson   County   Historical   Society,    Sheridan   County    Historical 

Society  and  Natrona  County  Historical  Society 

under  the  direction  of 

Paul  Henderson,  Lyle  Hildebrand,  Maurine  Carley 

Compiled  by 

Maurine  Carley  -  Trek  Historian 

July  13-14,  1963 
Caravan — 47  cars 103  participants 

OFFICERS 

Captain: Lt.    Fred   Wickam,    Wyoming   Highway 

Patrol 
Scout  and  Topographer      Paul  Henderson 

Wagon  Boss ...Lyle  Hildebrand 

Announcer. Charles  Ritter 

Guides Jim    Moore,    Dick    Eklund,    Wilbur    F. 

Williams,  Glenn  Sweem 

Historian ...Maurine  Carley 

Photographers Pierre  LaBonte,  Charles  Ritter 

Press Gertrude  Spomer 

Registrars Paula  Waitman,  Fred  Hildebrand 

Cooks Elizabeth    Hildebrand,    Vera    Ritter, 

Thelma  Condit,  Helen  Henderson 

NOTE:  Computing  miles  for  this  trek  start  at  0  at  Fort  Fetter/nan. 

It  was  especially  appropriate  to  retrace  the  old  Bozeman  Trail 
this  year  as  1963  marks  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  its  inception. 

In  1851  at  the  Horse  Creek  Council  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment promised  the  Indians  the  Powder  River  Country  if  they 
would  stop  their  attacks  upon  the  travelers  on  the  Oregon  Trail. 
Unfortunately,  soon  after  this  promise  was  made  gold  was  dis- 
covered near  Virginia  City,  Montana,  and  the  mad  rush  was  on. 


44  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

There  were  several  routes  to  the  Montana  gold  fields,  but  they  all 
took  too  long  for  the  eager  gold  seekers.  In  1863  John  Bozeman 
traveled  down  the  east  side  of  the  Big  Horns,  thereby  blazing  the 
shortest  route,  but  it  ran  right  through  the  promised  Powder  River 
Country.  The  Bozeman  Trail  then  became  the  battleground  of 
the  angry  Sioux,  and  Red  Cloud  warned  that  he  would  kill  every 
white  man  he  found  on  it. 

As  the  trail  was  constantly  under  siege,  the  government  finally 
found  it  necessary  in  1868  to  close  the  forts  along  the  way  and 
abandon  the  road.  It  later  became  an  emigrant  road  for  the 
settlers  who  found  the  beautiful  country  in  northern  Wyoming  a 
good  place  to  ranch. 

Saturday  -  July  13 

Guides  -  Dick  Eklund,  Jim  Moore 

8:00  A.M.  On  a  bright,  clear  morning  a  large  caravan  assem- 
bled at  Fort  Fetterman  for  introductions  and  registration. 

FORT  FETTERMAN  AND  THE  OLD  HOG  RANCH 

By  Claude  McDermott 

The  place  where  we  are  standing  today  was  once  an  active  mili- 
tary post  established  July  19,  1867  by  the  government.  It  was 
named  Fort  Fetterman  in  honor  of  Col.  W.  J.  Fetterman  who  was 
killed  December  21,  1866,  at  the  Fetterman  Massacre  near  Fort 
Phil  Kearny. 

After  the  other  forts  along  the  Bozeman  were  abandoned  Fetter- 
man became  the  last  outpost  on  the  Indian  border  so  it  was  en- 
larged and  equipped  as  a  supply  base.  Several  expeditions  of  the 
seventies  set  out  from  here.  Among  those  was  one  led  by  Gen. 
George  Crook  on  his  way  to  meet  Gibbon  and  Custer  in  the  fateful 
campaign  of  '76.  Fort  Fetterman  was  abandoned  as  a  military 
post  in  1882. 

Many  fine  cattle  and  sheep  ranches  were  situated  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  fort.  The  Andalusian  cattle  from  Spain  were  found  to  be 
hardy  enough  to  survive  the  cold  winters.  After  the  Indians  were 
subdued  a  few  soldiers,  who  had  been  stationed  at  Fetterman, 
returned  to  the  locality  and  established  fine  ranches  near  here. 

HOG  RANCH 

The  military  decreed  that  the  civilians  who  followed  the  army 
must  locate  across  the  Platte  River  so  a  settlement  was  made  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort.  Emigrants,  moving  all  the  time, 
created  such  unsanitary  conditions  that  the  name  "Hog  Ranch" 
was  given  to  the  conglomerate  settlement. 

A  few  markers  may  be  found  today  which  locate  the  saloon  and 
a  hotel  where  the  soldiers  enjoyed  themselves  in  true  frontier 
fashion  when  off  duty. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  45 

8:45  A.M.  One  mile  from  the  fort  we  crossed  the  North  Platte 
River  near  the  old  fording  place.  At  1.5  miles  the  location  of  the 
Hog  Ranch  was  pointed  out  on  the  north  bank  of  Fetterman  Creek 
and  the  crossing  of  the  Oregon  Trail.  The  old  trail  is  plainly 
visible  at  7  M. 

9: 10  A.M.  At  16M  we  came  to  a  big  bend  in  Sage  Creek,  now 
dry,  where  the  Sage  Creek  Station  was  located.  No  evidence  of 
the  station  remains  but  it  was  an  ideal  spot. 

SAGE  CREEK  STATION 

By  Lyle  Hildebrand 

Sage  Creek  Station  was  built  in  the  period  after  the  forts  along 
the  Bozeman  were  abandoned.  It  served  as  a  stage  station  between 
Douglas  and  Ross  (Ogalalla  Ranch).  Previous  to  that  the  stage 
route  ran  from  Dry  Cheyenne  Crossing,  about  one  and  a  half  miles 
below  where  the  bridge  is  now  located,  to  Ross  and  on  north. 

Billie  Powell,  a  popular  and  well-known  old  timer,  carried  the 
mail  at  different  times  between  1887  and  1907.  The  year  after 
the  station  was  established  Joe  Hazen,  sheriff  of  Converse  County, 
was  killed  here  by  an  outlaw,  who  was  headed  for  the  Hole-in-the- 
Wall  Country  with  his  gang,  who  had  just  held  up  a  Union  Pacific 
train  near  Rawlins. 

Mrs.  Carrington's  diary  shows  that  she  spent  the  night  here  on 
June  24,  1868,  and  found  some  water  and  plenty  of  sagebrush 
and  buffalo  chips. 

9:25  A.M.  Traveling  again  we  looked  for  Hold  Up  Hollow 
(20  M  ) ,  the  first  deep  pitch  north  of  the  divide.  Here  a  stage  was 
held  up  and  gold  being  shipped  from  Montana  to  Denver  was 
boldly  taken  by  road  agents.  At  22  M.  we  made  a  sharp  turn  for 
three  hundred  feet  then  followed  the  old  trail  for  a  quarter  of  a 
mile.    Today  a  road  at  27  M.  leads  east  to  uranium  mines. 

9:45  A.M.  We  arrived  at  the  ruins  of  Brown  Springs  Station 
(28.8  M),  a  well  known  ranch  and  halfway  house.  Bill  Henry, 
the  present  owner  of  the  88  Ranch,  pointed  out  a  flat-top  rock 
where  names  carved  on  it  by  soldiers  can  still  be  seen,  and  a  knoll 
where  Lieut.  Brown  was  buried. 

BROWN  SPRINGS  STATION 

By  Mrs.  Will  M.  Henry 

Mike  Henry  was  with  the  cavalry  in  1876  when  the  Indian  bat- 
tles were  fought  along  the  Bozeman  Trail  between  Brown  Springs 
and  the  Cheyenne  River  Crossing.  Troops  were  camped  here  on 
the  rocky  hill  near  the  flowing  spring  above  the  present  ruins  of 
these  old  log  buildings.  Their  horses  and  mules  grazed  in  the  lush 
native  grass  in  the  meadows  below  where  they  were  camped. 

The  Indians  came  in  the  night,  hid  themselves  in  the  tall  grass 
in  the  meadows  and  awaited  the  appearance  of  the  troops.     Very 


46 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


early  one  morning,  a  boy  who  was  with  the  cavalry  to  wrangle 
horses,  was  sent  down  in  the  meadows  but  was  soon  caught  and 
scalped  by  the  Indians.  His  screams  were  heard  by  the  troops 
who  immediately  went  into  action.  Will  M.  Henry  remembered 
hearing  his  father  say,  "My  God,  how  that  boy  screamed." 

This  incident  was  the  beginning  of  the  skirmishes  that  lasted  for 
several  days.     Many  Indians  were  killed  as  well  as  soldiers.     The 

Courtesy  Paul  Henderson 


c^ 


F"o  rt   R«no|  := 

sFoRT  !  -i 

■   i 


SO 


Seventeen    nilt-Sta. 


t^ap 
of  -the. 

E>oz:E-rn  a  n  "Trail. 

J  u  IjJ     13  -  \  4- 
TRE.K.    No-  I  4- 

nap  No.i;  of  2. 


OAnt«lope  Cr-«e£  S+a 
f06  Ranch    ' 


»o   Sand  Ci-eeK  S-Lo.- 


jfr  Facts 

O  Stage  Stations 
■  Ranches 
A  fl  onum  e.n-t.% 
-+   G*-a  v  e.  s 
X  Bat^e-f-  iclds 
O  "T"o  w  n  s 
...    Hi^hwa3s 
•  Q>  It        W— 


Bear  Creet  "Garv&h 


o  Cheuenne  Hwer 

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Scale 

"Paul     Wer>d%.r»on 


liver      "~    ~~ 

Fort    Fe.-t-te!rtr»ar» 


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BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK 


47 


Indians  were  driven  north  toward  Sand  Creek  and  Pine  Ridge  but 
returned  at  night  and  retrieved  many  of  their  dead  and  buried  them. 
The  soldiers  and  some  of  the  Indians  were  buried  in  the  meadows, 
but  their  bodies  were  later  removed  from  the  graves  that  could  be 
found  and  buried  elsewhere.  Lieut.  Brown  was  killed  at  this  time 
and  buried  on  a  rocky  hill  farther  north  from  where  the  troops 
camped.     It  is  assumed  that  his  body  was  also  removed. 

The  cavalry,  following  the  trail  north,  was  with  the  main  body 
of  troops  three  miles  from  the  Custer  battle  on  June  25,  1876. 

While  he  was  stationed  with  the  cavalry  along  the  Bozeman  in 


d  OWIA  MA_ 

I  WYOMING 


RANCHLSTE.R 


Battl«    oy~  Torque    Rivth,ifl65 
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x  ^  and 

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n^p  No.  s.  of  & 

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AMD 

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48  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

1  876,  Mike  Henry  saw  and  liked  the  location  of  the  88  Ranch  site. 
In  1878  he,  his  wife  and  six  children,  which  included  the  new  baby 
boy,  Will  M.  Henry,  left  their  temporary  home  at  Fort  Laramie 
and  squatted  on  this  site  where  they  built  their  log  buildings  and 
established  the  first  ranch  north  of  the  Platte  River. 

In  the  early  '80's  the  Henrys  ran  a  roadhouse,  giving  accommo- 
dations to  travelers  on  the  trail.  This  was  also  a  stage  stop,  where 
horses  were  changed.  Many  times  the  occupants  of  the  stage 
spent  the  night  while  waiting  for  repairs  to  be  made  on  the  stage 
at  the  complete  blacksmith  shop  before  continuing  on.  Wagon 
trains  also  often  stopped  and  camped  for  several  days. 

Travelers  stopped  at  the  station  for  medicine  and  help  for  their 
sick.  Catherine  Henry  cared  for  them  and  prepared  many  bodies 
for  their  last  resting  place.  Grown-ups  as  well  as  children  suc- 
cumbed to  the  hardships  of  the  trail.  The  Henry  children  and 
their  mother  often  made  markers  for  the  graves  beside  the  road. 

Many  celebrities  stopped  off  the  stage  for  meals.  Owen  Wister 
was  a  guest  at  the  ranch  while  writing  his  book,  The  Virginian. 
Colonel  Van  Horn  and  his  family  stopped  off  for  a  visit  on  their 
way  to  the  forts  farther  north.  Will  M.  Henry  remembered  that 
the  two  Van  Horn  boys  had  a  large  English  bulldog  which  was  very 
aggressive  and  not  very  friendly  to  have  around,  until  he  met  up 
with  the  Henry  children's  pet  deer  who  soon  put  him  in  his  place. 

Groceries  and  supplies  came  from  Cheyenne  in  large  wooden 
barrels  and  boxes,  and  the  Henrys  always  kept  plenty  on  hand. 
After  the  Indians  were  subdued  they  became  friendly  and  on  their 
hunting  trips  would  often  stop  at  the  ranch  store  to  bargain  for 
groceries  and  other  articles  that  caught  their  eyes.  The  Henrys 
procured  many  Indian  ponies  this  way. 

Buffalo  and  big  gray  wolves  were  plentiful  long  ago.  One  time 
the  family  stood  on  their  front  porch  and  saw  a  pack  of  wolves 
attack  a  cow  that  had  just  given  birth  to  her  calf.  She  kept  the 
calf  beneath  her  and  fought  with  her  long  sharp  horns,  but  there 
were  too  many  wolves  to  ward  off  and  before  the  boys  could  reach 
them,  they  had  hamstrung  the  calf. 

Many  herds  of  Texas  Longhorns  were  trailed  past  the  ranch 
on  their  way  to  Montana.  The  Henry  boys  picked  up  many  dollars 
helping  to  herd  the  cattle  while  they  grazed  and  rested. 

George  Pike,  an  outlaw,  and  his  gang,  who  had  their  rendezvous 
near  the  Cheyenne  River  Crossing,  lived  on  Bear  Creek.  George 
had  a  small  enclosed  pasture  where  he  kept  the  strays  he  picked 
up  now  and  then.  He  was  a  good  neighbor  and  often  visited  the 
Henrys.  Once  when  Will  was  eight  or  nine  he  rode  his  Indian 
pony  over  to  visit  George.  He  noticed  a  large  number  of  calves 
and  only  one  cow.  He  said,  "George,  how  come  you  have  so 
many  calves  and  only  one  cow?"  George  laughed  and  said, 
"There's  an  old  mare  over  there." 

There  are  many  tales  of  the  Henry's  ranch  life.     One  day  the 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  49 

children  were  playing  a  distance  from  the  house  when  a  big  buffalo 
bull  spied  them.  They  hurriedly  climbed  on  top  of  a  haystack 
pulling  three  year  old  Will  after  them.  The  buffalo  pawed  the 
stack  for  some  time  before  Mike  Henry  and  the  hired  men,  who 
were  cutting  wild  hay  nearby,  came  to  their  rescue.  They  chased 
the  bull  up  Brown  Springs,  shot  him  and  preserved  the  hide  and 
horns.  A  few  years  ago  Will  gave  the  horns  to  Clark  Bishop  to 
place  in  a  museum. 

Near  the  Cheyenne  River  Crossing  on  the  east  side  of  the  road, 
now  enclosed  in  the  Henry  land,  is  the  site  of  the  old  roadhouse 
that  was  used  by  the  Shoestring  Gang  as  a  place  to  keep  their 
horses  and  also  as  a  cache  for  stolen  goods.  They  had  many 
spirited  horses  that  were  kept  groomed  and  shod,  ready  to  be 
changed  at  a  moment's  notice.  Many  riders  came  and  went,  but 
the  caretaker  was  very  quiet  and  gave  out  information  to  no  one. 
The  law  finally  caught  up  with  them  and  a  number  were  sent  to 
prison.  Jewelry,  watches,  rings,  etc.  were  found  in  the  old  cotton- 
wood  trees  along  the  river. 

Some  of  the  gang  died  in  prison,  and  only  one  ever  came  back 
to  look  around.  He  borrowed  a  spade  at  the  ranch,  saying  his 
brother  was  buried  down  there,  and  he  wanted  to  find  his  body. 
He  was  gone  all  day  so  they  surmised  he  was  looking  for  buried 
loot.  Some  of  the  James  and  Younger  brothers  were  also  seen  at 
this  hideout.  All  that  remains  to  be  seen  at  the  site  now  are  rusty 
horseshoes  and  old  broken  bottles. 

For  a  number  of  years  the  Henrys  had  a  post  office  which  they 
named  Theresa  in  honor  of  their  youngest  daughter,  Grace  The- 
resa. Many  pieces  of  foreign  mail  arrived  at  this  little  office  as 
two  Englishmen  lived  a  few  miles  away.  There  were  no  schools 
for  the  Henry  children  so  their  early  education  was  acquired  from 
their  parents,  from  their  English  neighbors  and  from  travelers. 

10:45  A.M.  Ruins  of  an  old  stockade  and  bridge  still  mark 
the  location  of  Sand  Creek  Station  (45  M  ). 

SAND  CREEK  STATION 

By  Bill  Morgan 

This  station,  so  important  to  travelers  long  ago,  seems  forlorn 
today  as  the  country  is  barren  and  dry,  as  is  the  creek.  However, 
it  was  a  convenient  stopping  place  for  the  large  military  forces 
which  halted  here  on  their  way  to  vanquish  the  Indians. 

In  1 865  Gen.  Patrick  E.  Connor  stopped  here  with  994  men 
which  included  six  companies  of  the  6th  Michigan  Cavalry  and  a 
band  of  Pawnee  scouts  under  Capt.  Frank  North.  Besides  there 
were  teamsters,  wagon  masters  and  185  wagons.  Nearby,  on  a 
ledge  of  sandstone,  can  still  be  seen  names  carved  by  Connor  and 
his  officers. 

When  Gen.  George  Crook  camped  at  Sand  Creek  he  had  2000 
men  in  his  command.     There  were  ten  troops  of  the  2d  and  3d 


50  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Cavalry,  a  part  of  the  4th  Infantry,  86  supply  wagons  drawn  by 
mules  and  400  pack  mules.  Major  Ostrander,  who  was  with 
Crook,  mentioned  camping  here  for  several  days  in  November, 
1876  in  his  book,  An  Army  Boy  in  the  '60 's.  On  Thanksgiving 
Day  a  severe  windstorm  knocked  down  all  their  tents. 

Several  diaries  mention  Sand  Creek.  One  records  that  on 
August  6,  1 865,  the  creek  seemed  dry,  but  cracker  boxes  and 
barrels  were  sunk  into  the  creek  bed,  and  sand  was  scraped  from 
the  inside.  This  produced  water  which  could  be  dipped  out  by 
cupfuls. 

Another  diary  reports,  "You  could  tell  what  kind  of  flour  was 
used  by  reading  the  brand  on  the  sacks  used  for  reseating  the 
soldier's  trousers.  Many  an  officer  washed  his  underclothes  in  the 
river,  sitting  on  the  bank,  wrapped  in  meditation,  while  they  were 
drying." 

10:55  A.M.  We  continued  on  the  trail  for  two  miles  then  trav- 
eled on  a  good  county  road  for  five  miles. 

1  1 :20  A.M.  We  arrived  at  the  Ogalalla  Ranch  (52  M).  The 
old  Antelope  Creek  Station  is  in  a  field  three  miles  below  the  ranch, 
but  it  was  pointed  out  by  Eddie  Moore,  the  present  owner.  He 
related  that  the  Ogalalla  Cattle  Company  was  organized  in  1887 
and  the  place  was  called  Ross.  His  mother,  Amanda  Moore,  was 
the  first  postmaster  (1889).  Interestingly  enough,  there  were  a 
lot  more  people  in  the  country  at  the  turn  of  the  century  than  now. 

ANTELOPE  CREEK  STATION 
By  Edith  Thompson 

The  old  timers  often  duplicated  the  same  name,  and  Antelope 
ranked  high  as  a  favorite.  For  instance,  Douglas  (1886)  was 
originally  named  Antelope,  and  it  was  located  at  the  mouth  of  a 
stream  which  also  bore  the  name  Antelope  Creek. 

At  this  Antelope  Creek  Station,  which  was  located  three  miles 
below  the  present  Ross  Road  Crossing,  weary  emigrants  stopped 
and  rested  on  the  trail,  which  was  opened  without  the  sanction  of 
the  government.  Here  they  found  a  haven  of  rest  and  precious 
drinking  water — luxuries  in  this  land  of  grass,  sagebrush  and  hos- 
tile Indians. 

The  travelers  were  constantly  on  the  alert  for  war  bonnets  along 
the  Bozeman,  for  the  Sioux  watched  and  attacked  with  such  fre- 
quency that  the  trail  soon  became  known  as  The  Bloody  Bozeman. 
Through  this  station  also  passed  mail  and  government  documents 
on  the  way  to  the  forts.  For  this  dangerous  job  a  mail  carrier 
earned  ten  dollars  a  day. 

This  land  which  was  to  become  the  Ogalalla  Ranch  was  home- 
steaded  by  a  Mr.  Mattison  who  sold  it  to  Paxon  Irvine.  In  turn 
Mr.  Irvine  sold  it  to  Mr.  Dell  Pierce  who  eventually  sold  it  to  Mr. 
Bill  Moore  in  1945. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  51 

We  learn  from  an  article  written  by  Irvine  that  on  November 
1883,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Leroy  Moore  and  son,  Lee,  moved  to  Antelope 
Springs  and  operated  the  Stage  Station.  Once,  when  a  stage  was 
stopping  at  the  station,  Lee  roped  a  nearby  buffalo  for  the  amuse- 
ment of  some  English  gentlemen  on  board.  Bull  Gulch  derived 
its  name  from  that  incident. 

Frieda  and  Dell  Pierce  recall  that  when  they  lived  on  the  ranch 
from  1925  to  1945  they  had  to  haul  their  drinking  water  from 
Spring  Draw  across  the  creek.  They  also  remember  a  few  rem- 
nants of  ruins  of  the  old  station.  They  found  rusted  ox  shoes  and 
wagon  wheel  spokes  and  rims  which  indicated  that  the  station  must 
have  included  a  blacksmith  shop.  That  the  emigrants  quenched 
their  thirst  with  other  than  spring  water  was  evidenced  by  the 
presence  of  many  long-empty  whiskey  and  beer  bottles.  Mrs. 
Pierce  remembers  that  she  was  concerned  at  times  that  her  children 
might  cut  themselves  as  they  played  among  the  broken  glass 
bottles. 

In  time  the  Ogallala  Ranch  supplanted  the  need  for  Antelope 
Creek  Station.     Flood  waters,  too,  contributed  to  its  oblivion. 

1  1  : 30  A.M.  After  these  two  interesting  talks  we  continued  on 
our  way  with  Pumpkin  Buttes  looming  up  in  the  distance.  At 
56  M.  we  left  Converse  County  and  entered  Campbell  County. 
At  61  M.  we  crossed  Nine  Mile  Creek  to  detour  through  Simons 
Draw  to  Highway  387,  then  west  eleven  miles  into  Johnson 
County.  At  the  Linch  sign  we  turned  right  to  Sussex.  One  half 
mile  past  Sussex  we  took  a  gravel  road,  then  no  road  at  all  to 
the  site  of  old  Fort  Connor  (68  M. ).  Because  of  the  rough  terrain 
and  washouts,  long  detours  were  necessary. 

12:55  P.M.  After  Mr.  D.  F.  Skiles  welcomed  the  trekkers  to 
this  historic  spot,  lunch  was  enjoyed  under  the  trees. 

THE  POWDER  RIVER  FORTS:     CONNOR  AND  RENO 
by  Edith  Thompson 

When  Brig.  Gen.  Patrick  E.  Connor  was  given  command  of  the 
Powder  River  Expedition  in  the  early  summer  of  1 865  at  Fort 
Laramie,  there  was  no  military  post  on  the  Bozeman  Trail.  He 
was  ordered  to  explore  the  surrounding  regions  of  the  Bozeman 
Trail  which  ran  through  the  hunting  grounds  of  hostile  Sioux 
Indians,  and  told  to  build  a  fort  on  Powder  River  for  the  protection 
of  emigrant  travel  to  the  Montana  gold  fields. 

Under  command  of  General  Connor,  the  expedition  was  divided 
into  three  columns:  one  under  General  Connor;  another  under 
Colonel  Cole;  and  the  third  under  Colonel  Walker.  The  columns 
of  Cole  and  Walker  were  to  march  over  separate  routes  to  the 
north  of  the  Black  Hills,  combine  there,  and  then  march  to  the 
Powder  and  join  Connor  who  would  supervise  the  building  of  the 
fort  at  that  place. 


52  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  General,  himself  under  orders  to  "impress  the  Indians," 
issued  a  similar  ultimatum  to  Cole  and  Walker:  "You  will  not 
receive  overtures  of  peace  and  submission,  but  will  attack  and 
kill  every  male  Indian  over  twelve  years  of  age." 

On  July  30th,  Connor  left  Fort  Laramie  and  headed  for  the 
Powder.  Accompanying  his  troops  were  Indian  scouts  of  Omahas, 
Winnebagos  and  Pawnees,  bitter  enemies  of  the  Sioux.  To  these 
Indian  spies,  the  spoiled  army  rations  were  ample  reward  for  the 
chance  given  them  to  lift  scalps  of  the  enemy  who  disputed  their 
passage. 

Connor  built  his  fort  on  the  Powder,  northwest  of  the  famous 
Pumpkin  Buttes,  and  named  the  fort  after  himself.  Leaving  part 
of  his  regiment  at  the  garrison,  Connor  marched  northward  attack- 
ing Indian  encampments  and  skirmishing  with  lone  bands  along 
the  way.  Then  he  tried  to  meet  Cole  and  Walker,  but  he  never 
found  them. 

The  combined  columns  of  the  two  colonels  had  become  hope- 
lessly lost  in  the  eastern  Powder  badlands.  Their  orders  to  impress 
the  Indians — at  first  carried  out  by  attacking  and  burning  several 
villages — had  now  backfired.  Other  bands  constantly  hung  at 
their  flanks,  stealing  horses  and  cutting  troopers  off  from  their 
comrades.  Food  ran  low.  One  of  the  troopers  later  recorded, 
"1  tightened  my  belt  to  keep  my  guts  from  rattling."  After  many 
weeks  of  aimless  wandering,  the  half-starved  troopers  stumbled 
at  last  into  Fort  Connor.  The  Powder  River  Expedition  was 
considered  a  failure. 

A  year  later,  when  Col.  H.  B.  Carrington  and  his  troops  marched 
in  from  Fort  Laramie,  General  Connor  was  relieved  of  his  com- 
mand at  the  fort  and  recalled  in  partial  disgrace.  Carrington,  who 
had  been  sent  to  build  two  more  forts  farther  north,  moved  Fort 
Connor  a  few  miles  downstream  and  re-christened  it  Fort  Reno 
after  Jesse  Reno,  a  Civil  War  hero. 

The  following  excerpt  was  taken  from  Army  Life  On  the  Plains 
by  Frances  C.  Carrington,  the  Colonel's  second  wife.  "Fort  Reno 
was  sufficiently  safe  at  that  time,  except  from  marauding  Indians 
who  would  drive  off  stock  at  every  available  opportunity.  These 
Indians  were  willing  to  pledge  themselves  not  to  disturb  Reno,  if 
the  soldiers  would  simply  occupy  that  post  and  neither  go  nor 
build  additional  forts  beyond  that  point.  Our  safety  from  moles- 
tation on  the  last  day's  march  to  Reno  was  wholly  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  tribes  further  north  were  preparing  a  great  rally,  to  go  upon 
the  warpath  in  great  force  against  Fort  Phil  Kearney." 

After  the  Fetterman  Massacre  in  1866  and  the  abandonment  of 
Phil  Kearny,  the  "hated  fort  on  the  Piney,"  in  1868,  Fort  Reno 
was  also  abandoned. 

However,  Cantonment  Reno,  three  miles  north  of  the  abandoned 
Fort  Reno,  was  established  as  a  supply  depot  in  1876  after  General 
Crook's  advance  was  stopped  by  Sioux  warriors  who  defeated 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  53 

Custer  on  the  Little  Big  Horn.  In  the  spring  of  1  877,  Cantonment 
Reno  was  moved  from  Powder  River  to  Clear  Creek  where  it  is 
knowq  today  as  Fort  McKinney,  the  Wyoming  Soldier's  and 
Sailor's  Home. 

2:30  P.  M.  From  here  to  Buffalo  the  Bozeman  paralleled  the 
graded  road  practically  all  the  way.  Typical  Wyoming  scenes  of 
rolling  prairies  and  beautiful  blue  skies  were  enjoyed. 

3: 15  P.  M.  At  1  16  M.  a  courtesy  car  led  the  caravan  from  the 
road  through  a  field  to  the  Crazy  Woman  Creek  Battlefield  Monu- 
ment ( 1 17  M.). 

THE  CRAZY  WOMAN  CREEK  INDIAN  BATTLE 
By  Burton  S.  Hill 

The  Crazy  Woman  Creek  Battlefield  is  on  a  plateau  at  Trabing, 
Wyoming,  between  Crazy  Woman  Creek  and  Upper  Dry  Fork,  just 
east  of  the  Crazy  Woman  Creek  bridge. 

A  party  consisting  of  twenty-six  persons  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.  A.  H.  Wands  left  Fort  Reno  on  Powder  River  early  in  the 
morning  of  July  20,  1  866,  headed  for  the  post  known  for  a  time  as 
Fort  Carrington  on  Piney  Creek,  but  officially  named  Fort  Phil 
Kearny.  In  the  party  were  two  women,  one  the  wife  of  Lieutenant 
Wands,  and  the  other  the  wife  of  an  enlisted  man.  Other  members 
of  the  party  were  Lieutenants  James  H.  Bradley,  P.  M.  Skinner, 
George  H.  Templeton  and  Napolean  H.  Daniels.  There  was  also 
ex-Captain  Marr,  late  of  the  Civil  War,  and  two  civilians,  Chaplain 
David  Wright,  and  assistant  surgeon  Heintz,  who  had  joined  the 
party  at  Fort  Reno. 

For  the  comfort  of  the  detachment,  five  wagons  and  two  ambu- 
lances had  been  provided,  besides  four  saddle  horses  for  the  use 
of  the  officers.  One  was  a  very  fine  stallion  belonging  to  Captain 
Marr.  who  was  also  the  owner  of  a  Henry  rifle. 

At  nine  o'clock  that  morning,  the  train  had  just  topped  the  hill 
on  the  Bozeman  Trail  overlooking  Crazy  Woman  Creek  when  they 
saw  what  appeared  to  be  a  herd  of  buffalo  on  the  flat  to  the 
northward  beyond  a  line  of  trees  bordering  the  banks  of  the  stream. 
A  pair  of  field  glasses  seemed  to  make  it  quite  certain  that  the 
objects  in  the  distance  were  actually  buffalo. 

At  this  juncture,  it  was  decided  that  Lieutenants  Daniels  and 
Templeton  should  ride  ahead  and  turn  the  buffalo  southward 
towards  the  train  so  that  everybody  with  a  rifle  could  get  a  shot, 
and  also  for  the  purpose  of  having  fresh  buffalo  meat  for  the 
journey.  As  the  train  descended  the  hill  in  a  northeasterly  direc- 
tion, sight  was  lost  of  the  two  officers  then  beyond  the  line  of  trees, 
and  upon  reaching  the  sandy  bottom  of  Upper  Dry  Fork,  they  were 
surprised  by  an  attack  of  a  band  of  yelping  Indians.  But  having 
the  rifles  ready  for  the  buffalo,  the  party  was  able  to  ward  off  the 
attack  and  no  one  was  injured. 


54  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

With  some  difficulty,  the  train  pulled  out  of  the  sand  of  Upper 
Dry  Fork  onto  the  level  above,  and  there  corraled  the  wagons. 
While  waiting  for  another  attack,  Lieutenant  Daniels'  riderless 
horse  came  running  into  the  corral  with  the  saddle  almost  slipped 
off.  The  horse  was  profusely  bleeding  from  several  arrow  wounds. 
Very  quickly  following  came  Lieutenant  Templeton  in  a  badly 
wounded  condition.  He  had  time  before  losing  consciousness  to 
say  that  Lieutenant  Daniels  had  been  lost,  and  the  objects  seen 
were  not  buffalo,  but  Indians. 

With  trees  so  close  at  hand  where  the  Indians  could  hide,  Lieu- 
tenant Wands,  an  experienced  Civil  War  officer,  realized  that  the 
position  of  the  party  was  untenable,  and  must  be  removed  to 
higher  ground.  Thereupon,  the  wagons  were  strung  out  with  the 
ambulances  between,  and  a  dash  was  made  up  a  small  hill,  and 
further  beyond  about  a  half  a  mile  to  the  west  end  of  the  wide 
plateau  under  another  hill.  Here  the  party  corralled  again,  and 
rifle  pits  were  prepared  just  outside  the  corral.  But  while  these 
preparations  were  being  made,  a  fusillade  of  arrows  came  from  a 
deep  draw  running  up  from  the  Creek,  previously  unobserved,  the 
head  of  which  was  only  a  few  yards  from  the  corral.  Several 
members  of  the  party  were  wounded,  including  Chaplain  Wright, 
but  only  slightly.  He  was  much  more  angry  than  injured,  and 
volunteered  with  Private  Fuller  to  clear  the  ravine  of  Indians. 
The  Chaplain  had  a  pepper  box  pistol,  which  was  heard  to  dis- 
charge in  the  ravine,  making  a  sound  similar  to  a  machine  gun. 
All  of  the  chambers  had  gone  off  at  the  same  time.  However,  the 
ravine  was  cleared  and  two  Indians  killed. 

The  greatest  suffering  of  the  party  during  the  day  was  from 
thirst,  since  the  Indians  held  the  creek.  The  wounded  suffered 
most  intensely.  Finally,  however,  a  detail  offered  to  try  to  make 
the  creek  for  water.  This  was  accomplished,  and  all  the  canteens 
and  water  buckets  were  filled  and  returned.  The  entire  party  was 
greatly  refreshed  with  the  water,  and  some  was  given  to  the  thirsty 
horses.  The  Indians  were  surprised  at  the  new  fighting  vigor  of 
the  riflemen,  and  Captain  Marr  used  his  Henry  rifle  with  telling 
results. 

Later  in  the  afternoon,  it  was  decided  that  two  in  the  party 
would  make  a  dash  to  Fort  Reno  for  help.  For  this  venture,  Cap- 
tain Marr  offered  his  fine  stallion  for  the  ride,  and  Lieutenant 
Wands  tendered  his  horse  for  the  same  purpose.  Chaplain  Wright 
and  Private  Wallace  volunteered  to  make  the  heroic  ride,  and  were 
able  to  escape  the  Indians  as  they  passed  from  sight  over  the  hill 
to  the  south. 

Scarcely  had  they  been  lost  to  view  when  a  cloud  of  dust  was 
observed  to  the  northwest,  which  was  taken  to  be  Indian  reinforce- 
ments, when  presently  a  solitary  horseman  came  in  view.  As  he 
approached,  an  order  was  given  for  him  to  halt,  which  he  did, 
assuring  the  party  that  he  was  Jim  Bridger,  a  friend,  and  he  was 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  55 

allowed  to  find  his  way  up  the  ravine  and  to  the  corral.  Upon 
arrival,  he  said  that  he  had  read  the  signs  on  buffalo  skulls  along 
the  way  and  had  ascertained  thereby  that  an  Indian  fight  would 
occur  at  Crazy  Woman  Creek  that  day.  He  was  so  sure  of  it  that 
he  prevailed  upon  Captain  Burroughs,  with  two  hundred  mounted 
soldiers  riding  to  Fort  Reno  for  supplies,  to  make  a  forced  march 
to  Crazy  Woman.  This  saved  the  detachment  from  annihilation, 
although,  besides  Lieutenant  Daniels,  Sergeant  Ferrel  had  been 
killed.     He  was  buried  nearby. 

The  following  morning,  after  Lieutenant  Daniels'  badly  muti- 
lated body  was  recovered,  the  detachment  started  back  to  Fort 
Reno  with  it.  The  following  day  the  lieutenant's  remains  were 
buried  at  the  fort  with  military  honors.  Within  a  very  short  time, 
the  party  came  upon  the  relief  detachment  coming  to  their  aid 
from  Fort  Reno.  Upon  reaching  Fort  Reno,  preparations  were 
made  for  a  second  attempt  to  reach  Fort  Carrington,  which  was 
accomplished  without  incident.1 

4:00  P.  M.  One  mile  farther  on  we  stopped  near  a  Bozeman 
Trail  marker  two  hundred  feet  to  the  left  of  the  road  in  a  field. 
This  marked  the  location  of  the  August  Trabing  Trading  Post 
(118  M.). 

THE  TRABING  TRADING  POST 
By  Burton  S.  Hill 

The  Trabing  Trading  Post  was  established  early  in  1878  at  a 
location  several  hundred  yards  north  of  the  present  Crazy  Woman 
Creek  bridge.  At  that  time,  however,  the  crossing  of  Crazy 
Woman  Creek,  on  the  Bozeman  Trail,  was  about  a  mile  and 
a  quarter  east  of  the  present  crossing.  After  fording  the  stream, 
the  trail  took  a  northwesterly  course  over  a  large  area  of  bottom 
land,  and  from  there  kept  the  same  direction  for  approximately 
three  miles  before  turning  northward. 

August  Trabing  erected  quite  a  large  building  for  his  operations 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  original  crossing.  The  spot  can 
still  be  located  some  thirty-five  yards  east  of  the  Bozeman  Trail 
marker  to  be  seen  just  west  of  a  wire  fence  along  the  county  road. 

During  the  following  eighteen  months,  Trabing  did  a  thriving 
business.  He  was  able  to  supply  practically  everything  the  emi- 
grants and  the  early  settlers  would  be  in  need  of.  This  would 
include  staple  food  stuff  such  as  bacon,  flour,  corn  meal,  coffee 


1.  In  1908  an  account  of  this  engagement  was  furnished  by  Mr.  S.  S. 
Peters,  formerly  an  enlisted  man  of  the  18th  U.  S.  Infantry,  and  a  survivor 
of  the  battle.  His  text  will  be  found  in  Army  Life  on  the  Plains,  by  Francis 
C.  Carrington,  and  from  what  has  been  learned  from  others  who  were 
acquainted  with  Private  Peters  at  Fort  Phil  Kearny,  his  account  is  accurate. 


56  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  such  items  as  dried  prunes  and  apricots.  He  was  also  able  to 
furnish  many  items  of  clothing,  including  boots  and  hats.  A 
quantity  of  liquor  was  also  on  hand,  which  consisted  mostly  of 
whiskey  and  ordinary  wine. 

The  trading  post  soon  became  known  as  Trabing,  and  rapidly 
became  a  social  center  and  congregating  place  for  emigrants, 
early  ranchers,  soldiers  and  any  others  who  happened  to  be  in 
the  vicinity.  At  times  Mr.  Trabing  was  also  visited  by  marauding 
road  agents,  who  robbed  him  of  the  best  of  his  wares,  which  had 
to  be  replaced  from  Rock  River,  or  other  depots  on  the  Union 
Pacific.  These  wares  had  to  be  hauled  by  bull  team  over  the 
Bozeman  trail,  which  took  many  arduous  and  tedious  days  of 
travel. 

On  one  occasion  at  Trabing,  these  robbers  laid  in  wait  for  a  man 
by  the  name  of  Tillotson,  who  was  supposed  to  have  been  in 
possession  of  $22,000,  for  the  quartermaster  at  Fort  McKinney, 
an  army  post  twenty-two  miles  northward  on  Clear  Creek.  How- 
ever, Mr.  Tillotson  realized  what  might  happen  along  the  way,  so 
instead  of  carrying  the  cash,  he  brought  a  bank  draft,  and  thereby 
foiled  the  road  agents.  At  this  same  time,  the  agents  robbed  Mr. 
Andrew  Snyder,  a  brother  of  E.  U.  Snyder,  then  the  post  sutler 
at  Fort  McKinney.  He  was  on  his  way  to  visit  his  brother  when 
the  robbers  took  his  fine  gold  watch.  But  after  he  had  been  at 
Fort  McKinney  for  several  days,  the  watch  was  returned  to  him 
from  some  mysterious  source.  It  was  never  known  exactly  how 
this  came  about. 

After  the  town  of  Buffalo  got  its  start  along  Clear  Creek,  three 
miles  east  of  Fort  McKinney,  Mr.  Trabing  became  interested  and 
decided  to  move  his  store  to  the  new  settlement.  He  appears  to 
have  had  considerable  encouragement  in  making  the  move  from 
Mr.  Charles  Buell,  then  one  of  the  builders  of  the  Occidental  Hotel 
in  Buffalo,  constructed  in  1 880.  Mr.  Trabing  reached  Buffalo 
some  time  during  the  late  summer  or  early  fall  of  1879,  and  with 
the  help  of  Mr.  Buell,  built  his  store  on  the  location  now  occupied 
by  the  First  National  Bank  of  Buffalo  and  Masonic  building  on 
South  Main  Street.  However,  he  did  not  remain  long  before  being 
bought  out  by  John  H.  Conrad  and  Company.  It  is  believed  that 
he  returned  to  Laramie,  Wyoming,  which  had  been  his  former 
home. 

His  building  at  Trabing,  on  Crazy  Woman  Creek,  was  used  by 
the  stage  companies  on  the  Bozeman  Trail  for  a  considerable 
time.  Just  how  long  it  was  used  has  not  been  recorded,  but  the 
building  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1895.- 


2.  Very  few  records  have  been  kept  concerning  the  Trabing  Trading 
Post.  What  is  known  of  August  Trabing  and  his  operations  on  Crazy 
Woman  Creek  have  been  handed  down  from  early  day  pioneers  who  knew 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  57 

4:30  P.  M.  At  130  M.  once  stood  the  Buffalo  Creek  Station, 
probably  named  for  the  many  buffalo  wallows  found  nearby.  At 
133  M.  we  entered  Highway  87  and  drove  to  Buffalo  (141  ML). 

7:30  P.  M.  The  Johnson  County  Historical  Society  graciously 
entertained  the  trekkers  at  a  social  hour  in  the  Jim  Gatchell  Mu- 
seum. All  enjoyed  the  hospitality,  the  museum  and  the  abundant 
refreshments. 

The  night  was  spent  in  Buffalo,  where  space  was  available  for 
the  campers  in  the  city  park,  a  lovely,  wooded  section  of  town. 

Sunday  -  July  14 

Caravan — 188  people 85  cars 

GUIDES  -  Wilbur  Williams,  Glenn  Sweem 

7:00  -  8:00  A.M.  Everyone  met  at  the  park  for  a  real  western 
style  breakfast,  an  annual  courtesy  extended  by  Albert  Sims,  one  of 
the  original  organizers  of  the  Overland  Trail  treks. 

9:00  A.M.  The  first  stop  was  made  at  a  Bozeman  Trail  marker 
(142  M.)  one  half  mile  east  of  Buffalo  on  the  Ucross  highway. 
Mr.  Williams  said  that  old  timers,  familiar  with  the  crossing  of 
Clear  Creek,  think  the  marker  should  be  located  one-half  mile 
farther  up  stream. 

9:10  A.  M.  After  returning  to  Highway  87  the  caravan  slowed 
down  to  view  another  Bozeman  marker  (145  M.)  that  is  down 
stream,  or  about  five  hundred  feet  east  of  the  present  bridge  over 
Rock  Creek. 

9:20  A.M.  We  stopped  on  the  west  side  of  beautiful  Lake 
DeSmet  (155  M.),  where  man  diverted  Piney  Creek  in  and  out 
of  the  lake  in  the  late  1920V 

LAKE  DE  SMET 

By  J.Tom  Wall 

Father  Pierre  Jean  DeSmet  was  born  at  Termonde,  Belgium, 
January  30,   1801.     When  he  was  twenty  years  old  he  came  to 


first  hand.  The  late  Bryon  Long,  an  early  day  freighter  on  the  Bozeman 
Trail,  and  afterwards  a  prosperous  rancher  at  Trabing,  was  able  to  recount 
many  personal  experiences  covering  the  Trabing  Trading  Post  period.  An- 
other was  John  R.  Smith,  rancher  in  the  Trabing  area  as  early  as  1878.  The 
late  Lillian  Baker,  a  daughter  of  Charles  J.  Hogerson,  who  moved  with  his 
family  from  Fort  Fetterman  to  Fort  McKinney  about  the  time  of  its  com- 
pletion, was  acquainted  with  many  first  hand  facts  concerning  August  Trab- 
ing. During  her  lifetime,  on  several  occasions  she  recounted  these  facts  to 
the  author  of  this  paper.  As  to  the  location  of  the  trading  post,  these  facts 
were  furnished  some  years  ago  by  the  late  Richard  Young  of  Buffalo,  who 
for  many  years  had  been  well  acquainted  with  that  particular  section  of 
Johnson  County.  The  location  also  seems  to  have  been  well  known  by  the 
late  F.  G.  S.  Hess,  another  early  day  rancher  in  that  locality. 


58 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


America  and  joined  the  Jesuit  mission  in  the  United  States.  Then 
he  became  an  instructor  in  the  Indian  school  at  Florissant,  Mis- 
souri. In  1828,  after  being  ordained  a  priest,  he  worked  as  a 
missionary  among  various  tribes  of  Indians  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Missouri,  Yellowstone,  Platte  and  Columbia  rivers  which  took  in 
both  sides  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.     United  States  officials  re- 


Photo  by  Pierre  LaBonte 


START  OF  TREK 


Photo  by  Pierre  LaBonte 
TREKKERS  AT  WAGON  BOX  FIGHT  MONUMENT 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  59 

ported  that  Father  DeSmet  enjoyed  a  unique  position  of  confidence 
among  the  most  warlike  tribes,  and  on  many  occasions  he  was 
commissioner  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  government  in  nego- 
tiations with  the  Indians.  One  of  his  noteworthy  accomplishments 
was  his  influence  for  peace  terms  with  the  Sioux  led  by  Sitting 
Bull. 

Father  DeSmet,  called  Black  Robe  by  the  Indians,  came  west 
with  some  fur  traders.  Word  of  his  coming  had  traveled  fast,  so 
several  Flathead  Indians  went  to  greet  him  before  he  reached  the 
rendezvous  which  was  held  near  Daniel,  Wyoming.  He  held  Wyo- 
ming's first  high  Mass  at  this  rendezvous  on  July  5,  1840. 

DeSmet  Monument  here  at  Lake  DeSmet  was  erected  in  memory 
of  the  explorer  priest  and  missionary  who  was  in  the  vicinity  first 
in  1 840.  This  shaft  of  native  granite  is  located  at  a  point  between 
Buffalo  and  Sheridan  where  U.  S.  Highway  87  overlooks  the  full 
expanse  of  the  famous  lake.  This  large  body  of  water  attracts 
lovers  of  water  sports  and  fishing  from  miles  around. 

The  geological  history  of  the  lake  is  something  of  a  mystery,  but 
we  know  that  the  immense  body  of  water  lies  over  stupendous 
masses  of  coal  which  are  among  the  largest  known  coal  beds  in 
the  world.  The  water  is  crystal  clear — reflecting  the  intense  blue 
of  the  Wyoming  sky.  Lake  DeSmet  provides  a  wonderful  outdoor 
playground  and  a  great  volume  of  water  for  irrigation  purposes. 

The  Lake  derives  its  water  during  the  winter  months  from  Shell 
Creek  and  Piney  Creek.  It  was  filled  up  to  its  highest  point  this 
spring  which  was  many  feet  above  its  normal  level.  Some  of  the 
resorts  had  to  move  their  buildings  back  or  raise  them  for  safety. 
The  water  needed  for  irrigation  is  let  out  the  head  gate  at  the 
north  end  of  the  lake,  and  it  flows  down  Piney  Creek. 

SOME  INTERESTING  FACTS 

By  Albert  Bartlett 

Ed  L.  Patrick,  a  prominent  ranchman  of  Torrington,  who  died 
about  1916,  told  me  that  in  the  early  1880's  he  had  taken  a  party 
of  hunters  to  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  and  they  camped  one  day 
at  the  shore  of  Lake  DeSmet.  Here  they  found  remains  of  old 
foundations  of  buildings  near  the  shore  at  the  south  end  of  the  lake. 
This  was  a  period  of  low  water,  the  lake  having  risen  over  them 
since.  As  there  is  no  record  of  habitation  there,  it  is  a  matter  of 
conjecture  as  to  who  built  them,  and  when. 

In  1935,  John  Paul  Dodd,  who  lived  near  the  old  highway  about 
halfway  between  Buffalo  and  Sheridan,  showed  me  a  flat  stone 
about  two  feet  long,  with  1  775  chiseled  in  it.  The  sevens  had  the 
short  cross  bar  which  the  Spanish  used,  and  still  use,  making  one 
look  something  like  a  reverse  capital  F.  He  said  that  he  found 
this  stone  at  the  dump  ground  at  Shoshoni,  Wyoming,  at  an  old 
Spanish  oven.     This  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Spaniards 


60  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

got  as  far  as  Shoshoni  in  1775,  or  they  may  even  have  gotten  to 
Lake  DeSmet  on  that  expedition." 

9:30  A.  M.  Departed  from  DeSmet  and  proceeded  north  along 
the  trail  to  the  Story  cut-off  ( 154.4  M. ).  As  the  cars  entered  the 
valley,  Pilot  Knob  was  pointed  out  at  the  left.  Here  sentries  from 
Fort  Phil  Kearnv  were  constantly  on  watch  for  Indians  from  1866 
to  1868. 

9:45  A.M.  We  arrived  at  the  site  of  Fort  Phil  Kearny  (160  M.) 
which  is  located  on  a  rise  of  ground  near  the  junction  of  Big  and 
Little  Piney  Creeks  in  the  foot  hills  of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains. 

FORT  PHIL  KEARNY 
By  D.  O.  Geier 

As  owner  of  this  beautiful  land  that  surrounds  and  comprises 
most  of  the  site  of  Fort  Phil  Kearny,  it  is  a  pleasure  to  welcome 
you  all  here.  I  wish,  at  the  outset  of  this  paper,  to  pay  tribute  to 
the  valiant  men,  both  military  and  civilian,  who  gave  so  much 
effort,  some  even  their  lives,  that  we  might  live  here  today.  We 
sympathize  heartily  with  the  Indians  who  fought  so  hard  to  retain 
this,  their  last,  great,  lush  home.  It  must  have  been  heartbreaking 
to  lose  it. 

The  fort  was  established  July  15,  1866,  on  this  strategic  ridge 
in  the  forks  of  the  Piney  Creeks,  by  Col.  H.  B.  Carrington  because 
of  its  military  advantage  in  protecting  the  Bozeman  Trail  as  it 
passed  over  Lodge  Trail  Ridge  to  the  north  of  us  and  on  down 
into  the  country  of  the  Little  Big  Horn. 

I  can  indicate  from  here  the  exact  boundaries  of  the  fort.  This 
replica  stockade,  built  by  the  CCC  in  the  early  thirties,  locates  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  original  enclosed  area  of  the  fort  which 
comprised  approximately  thirty  acres.  The  officers'  quarters, 
mess  hall  and  enlisted  mens'  quarters  were  up  in  this  corner.  The 
parade  ground  was  in  the  field  northeast  of  the  old  cabin.  The 
stockade  extended  northeasterly  to  the  brow  of  the  hill  looking 
toward  my  ranch  buildings,  thence  southeasterly  to  Little  Piney 
Creek,  southwesterly  here  to  form  a  water  gap  on  the  creek,  then 
back  northwesterly  to  this  point  of  the  replica  stockade.  There 
are  places  where  you  can  still  find  the  depression  of  the  trench  in 
which  the  logs  were  placed  upright  to  form  the  stockade.  I  well 
remember  the  charred  stumps  of  these  logs  protruding  from  the 
ground  when  I  was  a  boy. 

A  tremendous  amount  of  work  and  money  had  been  expended. 
There  had  even  been  a  sawmill  and  brick  kiln  over  on  the  banks  of 


3.  For  further  interesting  information  about  Lake  DeSmet,  see  "The 
Legend  of  Lake  DeSmet",  by  Mary  Olga  Moore,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol. 
34.  No.  1,  April,  1962,  pp.  32-42. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  61 

Little  Piney.  I  can  stiil  locate  these  points,  and  the  heavy  iron 
here  on  these  grounds  was  the  frame  of  the  sawmill  engine.  It 
was  dragged  up  here  by  my  father,  George  E.  Geier. 

There  were  constant  skirmishes  with  the  Indians  as  the  soldiers 
attempted  to  protect  the  wagon  trains  hauling  timber  from  the 
mountains  down  Sullivant  Ridge  just  to  the  northwest  of  the  fort. 
I  find  one  interesting  reference  written  in  Old  Travois  Trails,  111:3, 
September-October.  1943,  by  Charles  Schreibeis.  He  wrote,  "This 
battle  took  place  on  December  6,  1  866,  and  Colonel  Carrington 
himself  was  out  in  the  skirmish.  There  was  considerable  disor- 
ganization. During  his  pursuit  of  the  Indians  fifteen  of  Colonel 
Fetterman's  cavalry  deserted  him/*  The  reason  for  this  is  not 
known. 

It  was  certainly  true  that  the  whites  underestimated  the  cunning 
and  outright  military  strategy  of  the  Indians.  These  early  skir- 
mishes were  merely  trapsetting  and  maneuvering  that  culminated  in 
the  Fetterman  Massacre,  after  which  John  (Portugee)  Phillips 
made  his  long  ride  on  the  Colonel's  top  horse  to  Fort  Laramie 
for  help. 

On  October  17-18,  1888,  111  bodies  were  removed  from  a 
cemetery  south  of  here  in  Hepps  field  and  interred  at  Custer 
Battlefield.  Some  of  the  Hepps  have  a  picture  of  this  operation. 
Many  white  lives,  as  well  as  untold  numbers  of  red  lives,  were  lost 
here  in  this  struggle. 

On  August  20,  1 868,  the  government  ordered  the  fort  aban- 
doned. As  the  troops  marched  south  over  the  hills  on  the  Boze- 
man  Trail,  the  Indians  immediately  set  fire  to  the  fort.  It  had  been 
in  existence  one  month  over  two  years. 

10:20  A.M.  We  departed  west  from  the  fort  on  a  road  which 
paralleled  the  old  wood-train  road  up  Sullivant  Hill  to  the  site  of 
the  Wagon  Box  Fight  (  157.5  M. )  where  Mrs.  Garber  gave  a  vivid 
and  eloquent  account  of  the  six  hour  battle.  She  pointed  out  the 
spot  on  Sullivant  Hill  from  where  Chief  Red  Cloud  directed  his 
warriors  in  the  battle,  the  location  of  the  wagon  box  corral,  the 
canyons  on  the  face  of  the  Big  Horns  where  the  wood  crews  were 
cutting  logs,  and  the  ridges  that  were  swarming  with  Indians,  esti- 
mated at  the  time  as  between  1500  and  5000  warriors. 

THE  WAGON  BOX  FIGHT 
By  Vie  Willits  Garber 

The  Wagon  Box  Fight  was  fought  August  2,  1867,  at  the  wagon 
box  corral  six  miles  west  of  Fort  Phil  Kearny.  This  was  the  camp 
from  which  the  contractors,  Gilmore  and  Porter,  worked  the  upper 
and  the  lower  pineries.  Logs  were  obtained  for  construction  at  the 
fort  as  well  as  for  a  constant  supply  of  firewood  for  cooking  and 
for  the  next  winter's  heating. 

Fourteen  wooden  boxes  made  an  oval  enclosure  into  which  the 


62  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

stock  was  shut  at  night.  Tents  in  which  the  woodchoppers  and 
their  soldier-guards  slept  were  outside  the  corral. 

On  July  31,  Company  C,  under  Capt.  James  W.  Powell,  had 
come  from  Fort  Phil  Kearny  in  a  covered  wagon  with  a  month's 
rations  and  the  new  breech-loading  rifles  with  ammunition  to  take 
the  place  of  the  formerly  used  muzzle-loaders.  Two  other  covered 
wagons  held  the  woodchopper's  rations  and  various  supplies. 

Roll  call  was  over  and  breakfast  was  eaten  by  sunrise  when 
the  wagon  train,  guarded  by  20  soldiers  under  Lieut.  Francis  Mc- 
Carthy and  Corp.  Paddy  Conley,  started  to  the  fort  with  running- 
gears  loaded  with  the  former  day's  logs.  At  the  same  time,  the 
pinery  crew  went  upstream  escorted  by  1 3  soldiers. 

About  seven  in  the  morning,  large  numbers  of  Indians  appeared 
far  to  the  northwest  and  small  groups  circled  nearby  on  all  sides 
of  the  camp. 

Thirty-two  men  assembled  in  the  corral.  Of  these,  two  were 
officers,  25  were  soldiers  and  five  were  teamsters.  Capt.  James  W. 
Powell  gave  orders  for  each  man  to  supply  himself  with  ammuni- 
tion and  to  take  his  place  in  a  wagon  box.  Most  men  used  their 
hats  to  hold  their  loaded  shells.  Lieut.  John  C.  Jenness,  who  had 
field  glasses,  said  that  Red  Cloud  was  in  command  on  the  high  hill 
to  the  east — the  west  end  of  Sullivant  Ridge. 

Repeatedly,  groups  of  painted  warriors,  a  few  with  war  bonnets, 
attacked  from  different  sides  of  the  corral  and  were  shot  down. 
Some  shot  fire  arrows  into  the  corral,  causing  a  stench  from  dry, 
burning  manure.  A  few  hurled  spears.  Many  used  guns — prob- 
ably those  taken  the  previous  December  at  the  Fetterman  Mas- 
sacre, and  any  they  had  taken  from  emigrants,  trappers  and  hunt- 
ers, or  bartered  from  traders. 

It  was  the  first  time  Indians  could  have  encountered  continuous 
fire  from  breech-loading  guns. 

Descriptions  by  participants  emphasize  the  extreme  skill  and  the 
courage  of  the  Indians  as  they  rescued  their  dead  and  wounded. 

Constant  shots  came  from  the  north  end  of  the  field  where  the 
sudden  slope  afforded  protection  so  that  only  feathers  protruding 
from  scalp  locks  were  visible. 

The  battle  raged  not  less  than  six  hours.  Just  as  a  V-shaped 
mass  of  Indians  came  chanting  from  the  northwest  and  were  being 
shot  down,  they  suddenly  retreated,  as  did  the  horsemen  from  all 
the  hills.  The  troops  arriving  from  the  fort  had  shot  a  cannon 
ball  behind  Red  Cloud's  vantage  point  on  Sullivant  ridge. 

Lieutenant  Jenness  was  killed  by  a  bullet  in  his  head  early  in 
the  fight.  Pvt.  Henry  Haggerty  fought  two  hours  with  a  shoulder 
useless  before  he  was  shot  in  the  head.  Pvt.  Tom  Doyle  also  was 
shot  in  the  head. 

Estimates  on  the  number  of  dead  Indians  vary  from  three  to 
twelve  hundred.  No  event  has  had  more  wild,  inaccurate  tales 
written  concerning  it. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  63 

in  September,  1963,  the  Sheridan  Chamber  of  Commerce  was 
contacted  by  W.  K.  MacAdam,  14  Fountain  Drive,  Valhalla,  New 
York,  who  wrote  that  he  had  found  a  small  pocket  diary  of  his 
grandfather,  Capt.  Alex  Wishart,  who  had  been  a  soldier  at  Fort 
Phil  Kearny  in  1867.  Mr.  Glenn  Sweem,  president  of  the  Sheridan 
County  Historical  Society,  sent  for  the  diary.  Here  are  three  per- 
tinent quotations  from  it. 

"Aug.  6,  1867  at  about  10  o'c,  Cos,  A  &  F  detailed  to  go  to 
Pinery  —  Made  a  corral  of  wagon  beds.  No  Indians  appear  to 
have  been  here  —  only  one  skull  to  be  seen. 

"Aug.  7.  Reveille  at  3  Vz  o'c.  Commenced  throwing  up  works 
against  the  wagon  beds.    Slow  business  &  inefficiently  managed. 

"Aug.  8.  Reveille  at  3  Vi  o'c.  Shortly  afterwards  a  body  of 
12  to  15  Indians  showed  themselves  near  the  old  corral  &  after 
inspecting  oui  work  from  a  bluff  to  our  left  and  in  the  direction  of 
the  fort  rode  off  from  the  same  direction  from  which  they  came." 

This  proves  Sergeant  Gibson's  statement  that  the  fortified  circle 
one-fourth  mile  to  the  west  was  made  after  the  fight. 

10:50  A.  M.  We  departed  north  along  the  old  wood  cutter's 
road  to  the  town  of  Story,  which  is  located  on  what  was  then  known 
as  Piney  Island.  The  caravan  proceeded  southeast  on  a  paved 
highway  down  Piney  Creek  between  Sullivant  Hill  and  Lodge  Trail 
Ridge  to  the  monument  commemorating  Portugee  Phillip's  ride. 
From  there  we  traveled  north  again  on  Highway  87  which  runs 
alonu  the  Bozeman  Trail  to  the  site  of  the  Fetterman  Massacre 
higlVon  a  hill  (157.7  M.). 

THE  FETTERMAN  FIGHT 

By  Elsa  Spear  Byron 

The  morning  of  December  21,  1866,  at  Fort  Phil  Kearny  was 
cold,  but  bright  and  clear.  Most  of  the  snow  had  melted  around 
the  fort  but  it  was  four  feet  deep  in  the  timber.  Colonel  Carrington 
delayed  departure  of  the  wood  train  until  about  10  o'clock  when 
he  decided  good  weather  would  prevail  that  day.  This  was  to  be 
the  last  trip  to  the  pinery  for  the  winter.  There  were  about  90 
men,  all  armed,  in  the  train  which  followed  along  the  Sullivant  Hill 
road  to  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  in  two  parallel  lines.  This  was 
done  so  they  could  form  a  corral  quickly. 

About  eleven  A.M.  the  pickets  to  the  south  on  Pilot  Hill  signaled 
that  Indians  had  attacked  the  wood  train.  Details  of  soldiers  were 
quickly  organized  to  go  to  its  relief.  Major  Powell  was  to  be  in 
command  but  Bvt.  Lieut.  Col.  W.  J.  Fetterman  insisted  he  be  given 
the  mission  on  account  of  his  seniority.  Lieut.  G.  W.  Grummond 
also  asked  permission  to  accompany  the  troops  and  at  his  request 
led  27  men  from  Co.  C,  2d  U.  S.  Cavalry.  Capt.  F.  H.  Brown 
was  not  officially  sent  with  this  relief  but  since  he  could  not  resist 


64  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

another  opportunity  to  kill  Indians  he  slipped  away  on  Calico, 
a  pet  pony  at  the  fort. 

Colonel  Carrington  gave  orders  that  the  detachment  should  go 
to  the  relief  of  the  wood  train  but  under  no  circumstances  to  cross 
Lodge  Trail  Ridge.  After  the  detachment  of  cavalry,  mounted 
infantry  and  foot  soldiers  had  rushed  out  of  the  gates,  the  Colonel 
stepped  upon  a  sentry  platform  and  repeated  his  orders. 

Instead  of  going  directly  toward  the  corraled  wood  train  on 
Sullivant  Hill,  Fetterman  went  around  the  east  end  of  the  hill  to 
cut  off  the  Indians'  retreat.  Some  of  the  men  were  armed  with 
Spencer  carbines,  seven-shot  breech  loaders,  and  the  rest  had 
Springfield  muzzle-loading  rifles.  James  Wheatley  and  Issac  Fish- 
er, civilians,  had  new  sixteen-shot  Henry  repeating  rifles  and  they 
had  requested  to  go  with  the  troops  to  try  out  their  guns. 

At  eleven-thirty  the  pickets  signalled  that  the  wood  train  had 
gone  on  its  way  to  the  mountains.  They  had  never  seen  Fetterman 
and  his  command  and  didn't  know  that  relief  had  been  sent  to 
them.  The  Indians  left  them  to  decoy  Fetterman  over  Lodge  Trail 
Ridge.  They  hesitated  on  top  of  the  ridge;  then  Big  Nose,  brother 
of  Cheyenne  Chief  Little  Wolf,  began  to  charge  and  ride  in  among 
the  soldiers.  The  troops  then  followed  Big  Nose  along  the  Boze- 
man  Road  over  the  crest  of  a  long  hill.  On  the  left  side  of  the 
ridge  were  concealed  the  mountain  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes; 
on  the  right  were  the  mounted  Sioux;  and  at  the  end  of  the  ridge 
by  Peno  Creek,  now  Prairie  Dog  Creek,  were  the  footmen  and 
squaws. 

By  a  pre-arranged  signal,  when  the  Indian  decoys  had  crossed 
the  creek,  the  Indian  footmen  sprang  up  and  charged.  The  cavalry 
and  mounted  infantry  retreated  up  to  a  high  knoll  on  the  crest  of 
the  hill.  Wheatley,  Fisher  and  a  few  veteran  soldiers  were  lodged 
behind  some  large,  flat  rocks  at  the  top  of  a  small  hill  below  the 
cavalry.  These  men  were  soon  killed,  but  at  this  spot  the  Indians 
paid  their  greatest  toll  of  dead  and  wounded. 

According  to  the  Indians,  Lieutenant  Grummond  was  killed 
while  climbing  this  hill  to  reach  the  mounted  soldiers  who  were 
taking  a  stand.  Thirty-two  men  were  killed  at  this  end  of  the 
ridge  and  the  rest  continued  to  retreat  until  they  came  to  a  cluster 
of  large  rocks  where  the  monument  now  stands. 

At  noon  rapid  firing  was  heard  at  the  fort  and  it  was  evident  that 
Fetterman's  command  was  beyond  Lodge  Trail  Ridge.  Captain 
Ten  Eyck  was  sent  with  another  relief  party.  Most  of  the  available 
horses  had  been  sent  with  Fetterman  as  Ten  Eyck  had  only  a  few 
mounted  soldiers  to  guard  the  two  wagons  loaded  with  ammunition. 
By  the  time  these  men  had  crossed  the  Bozeman  Trail  Crossing 
of  Piney  Creek,  above  the  fort,  all  of  Fetterman's  men  were  anni- 
hilated. An  Indian  sentinel  signalled  that  re-inforcements  were 
coming  and  the  Indians,  realizing  they  must  finish,  killed  the  last 
group  before  help  arrived. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  65 

Ten  Eyck  did  not  follow  the  Bozeman  to  the  battle  scene  but 
followed  up  the  ridge  on  the  east  side  of  the  road  in  order  that  he 
would  not  be  ambushed.  When  he  reached  the  top  of  the  Ridge 
he  sent  Orderly  Sample  back  to  the  fort  with  a  message  that  he 
could  not  see  Fetterman's  men  but  that  there  were  several  hundred 
Indians  on  the  Bozeman  Road  below,  trying  to  get  him  to  come 
down  and  fight.  This  was  at  1  :00  P.M.  Sample  came  back  with 
orders  to  join  Fetterman  at  any  cost,  but  by  that  time  the  Indians 
were  withdrawing  and  the  troops  could  see  their  dead  comrades 
among  the  rocks  below. 

Forty-nine  of  Fetterman's  command  were  near  where  the  monu- 
ment now  stands.  The  rest  of  the  slain  men  could  not  be  seen 
from  this  point.  It  was  bitterly  cold  and  dropping  farther  below 
zero  all  the  time.  As  it  was  evident  that  there  was  no  one  alive, 
these  bodies  were  loaded  into  the  wagons  and  taken  back  to  the 
fort.  Sunset  on  that  day  was  4:30  P.M.  so  it  was  after  dark  when 
they  reached  the  fort.  Ten  Eyck  said  in  his  report,  "I  loaded  the 
wagons  with  as  many  of  the  bodies  as  they  would  contain,  being 
myself  obliged  to  handle  the  greater  part  of  them,  the  soldiers  being 
so  overcome  with  horror,  as  almost  unable  to  obey  orders." 

The  next  day  Colonel  Carrington,  Captain  Ten  Eyck,  Lieutenant 
Matson  and  Dr.  Ould,  with  a  detail  of  80  men,  recovered  Lieuten- 
ant Grummond's  body  and  those  of  the  other  31  men. 

Some  of  the  men  who  served  at  Ft.  Phil  Kearny  afterwards  lived 
in  Buffalo.  Sam  Stringer  went  over  the  battlefield  in  the  1  890's 
with  Mr.  Jim  Gatchell  of  Buffalo,  and  showed  him  where  the 
different  groups  fell.  He  drove  one  of  the  wagons  each  day  in 
which  his  dead  comrades  were  carried  to  the  fort. 

In  1908,  when  General  Carrington  spoke  here,  he  said  that  in 
between  a  triangle  of  three  rocks,  back  of  the  monument,  was  the 
spot  where  they  found  Fetterman,  Brown  and  three  troopers.  This 
was  a  strategic  point  because  the  Indians  could  not  get  near  the 
soldiers  without  being  seen. 

In  1959,  the  late  Clark  Bishop  and  Mr.  J.  W.  Vaughn  went  over 
the  field  with  a  metal  detector,  and  found  many  shell  cases  where 
most  of  the  men  fell  in  three  groups. 

11:10  A.M.  After  leaving  the  Fetterman  marker  we  traveled 
north  on  Highway  87  and  the  Bozeman  Road.  We  slowed  down 
to  view  the  location  of  rocks  where  Wheatley  and  Fisher  were 
killed,  then  proceeded  two  miles  to  look  for  rifle  pits  (  160.7  M. ) 
on  a  butte  where  hay  crews  from  the  fort  protected  themselves 
from  the  Indians.  A  brief  stop  was  made  near  the  graves  of  six 
traders,  who  with  French  Pete,  their  leader,  had  proceeded  west 
of  Fort  Phil  Kearny  to  trade  with  the  Crow  Indians  against  Car- 
rington's  advice.  Their  bodies  were  found  three  days  later  by  a 
scouting  party  from  the  fort. 

After  crossing  and  re-crossing  the  trail  we  reached  the  quaint 
and  historic  town  of  Big  Horn   (171    M. ).      Here  the  caravan 


66  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

stepped  on  the  bank  of  Little  Goose  Creek,  where  the  James  gang 
holed  up  in  a  dug-out  during  the  winter  of  1879-80.  From  there 
we  proceeded  through  Big  Horn  on  a  side  trip  to  the  Bradford 
Brinton  Museum. 

12:30  P.M.  The  Museum  was  the  home  of  the  late  Bradford 
Brinton,  gentleman  rancher,  sportsman  and  collector.  The  house 
is  filled  with  beautiful  objects  from  around  the  world  and  the 
spacious  grounds  are  well  worth  a  prolonged  visit. 

1  :00  P.M.  We  returned  to  the  town  of  Big  Horn  where  the 
group  viewed  the  Bozeman  marker,  the  historic  old  buildings  along 
main  street,  then  proceeded  to  the  Big  Horn  Woman's  Club  House 
and  grounds,  where  the  Club  ladies  served  tea  and  coffee,  and 
everyone  enjoyed  a  picnic  lunch. 

HISTORY  OF  BIG  HORN 

By  Vie  Willits  Garber 

In  1878,  Oliver  Perry  Hanna  staked  a  claim  on  Little  Goose. 
By  emphasizing  the  beauty  of  the  locality  he  bragged  "Big  Horn 
City"  into  existence.  In  1879,  the  W.  F.  Davis  family  stopped  off 
from  a  13 -wagon  train  enroute  to  Oregon  and  operated  the  first 
sawmill.  In  1880,  the  W.  E.  Jackson  family  arrived  and  staked 
the  land  adjoining  Hanna's.  That  fall,  John  Henry  Sackett,  with 
his  family  and  his  partner,  Charles  W.  Skinner,  brought  their 
freight  wagons  loaded  with  merchandise  purchased  from  the  whole- 
salers Baker  and  Graham,  Cheyenne. 

Early  in  1881,  Jackson,  Sackett,  Skinner  and  Hanna  had  the 
townsite  surveyed  and  platted  by  the  surveyor,  Jack  Dow. 

The  hotel  built  by  Hanna  is  in  the  process  of  being  torn  down. 
The  building  on  its  left  is  where  the  Big  Horn  Sentinel  was  pub- 
lished from  September,  1884,  to  1887.  The  post  office  is  in  the 
Sackett  and  Skinner  store  building  that  is  now  owned  by  the  elder 
Skinner  son,  Fred,  who  lives  in  the  upstairs  apartment  remodeled 
from  the  famed  pioneer  dance  hall.  The  younger  Skinner  son 
resided  in  Cheyenne  until  his  death,  and  was  a  former  director  of 
the  Wyoming  Department  of  Public  Welfare.  J.  H.  Sackett  was 
Big  Horn's  first  postmaster  and  was  a  Wells-Fargo  agent.  His 
second  son,  Carl  L.  Sackett,  retired  U.  S.  District  Attorney  of 
Wyoming,  lives  in  Cheyenne. 

W.  E.  Jackson's  descendants  occupy  the  enlarged  ranch  home 
near  the  trail  crossing  of  the  small  stream,  "Jackson  Creek,"  up 
which  the  trail  followed  through  a  gap  into  the  next  valley. 

Wyoming  Collegiate  Institute  (1892-1897)  was  on  the  site  of 
the  present  school  for  which  George  Ostrom  is  making  a  mural, 
"A  Bozeman  Train  Crossing  Little  Goose  Valley,  1864." 

2:00  P.  M.  We  then  crossed  and  re-crossed  the  trail  up  Jackson 
Creek  to  Beaver  Creek  Divide  till  we  reached  the  lovely  valley  of 
the  Big  Goose. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  67 

2:30  P.  M.  We  arrived  at  Beckton  marker  (187.1  M.)  where 
haying  crews  fortified  a  butte  to  protect  the  men  working  below. 

FORTIFIED  HILL  AT  BECKTON 
By  Elsa  Spear  Byron 

Just  west  of  the  Bozeman  Trail  crossing  of  Big  Goose  Creek  at 
Beckton,  Wyoming,  is  a  natural  fort  hill  some  500  feet  long.  No 
other  hills  are  near  and  a  fine  meadowland  lies  around  it.  Here, 
in  1866,  hay  was  cut  for  Fort  Phil  Kearny.  The  soldiers  dug  rifle 
pits  along  the  south  edge  and  reinforced  them  with  boulders.  A 
few  years  ago  the  pits  were  in  fair  condition,  six  or  eight  inches 
deep  and  ten  or  twelve  feet  long.  They  were  wide  enough  to 
protect  the  men  lying  down  in  them. 

Coe  and  Carter  had  the  contract  for  cutting  hay  for  the  fort  and 
received  $126  a  ton  for  it  and  still  lost  money.  They  cut  wild  hay 
on  Piney,  also  around  Lake  DeSmet  and  in  the  valleys  of  Little 
and  Big  Goose  Creeks.  They  paid  their  men  $60  a  month  for 
hauling  hay,  wood  and  logs.  Fifty  men  were  hired  as  guards  for 
the  different  trains  and  were  paid  $5  a  day. 

On  the  13th  of  September,  1866,  the  Indians  made  several 
attacks  on  Carter's  hay  party  of  84  men  here  at  Big  Goose  Creek, 
killing  three  men  and  wounding  others.  They  fired  the  hay  stacks, 
broke  up  six  mowing  machines  with  hatchets,  heaped  hay  upon 
them  and  set  them  on  fire.  They  also  captured  the  raking  teams. 
The  hay  crew  spent  the  night  digging  more  rifle  pits  on  the  hill. 

Carter  paid  the  stuttering  blacksmith,  Jose,  $5  to  go  to  the  fort 
for  relief.  It  was  a  smoky,  dark  night  when  Jose  started,  but  he 
soon  came  tearing  back,  followed  by  howling  Indians.  Again  he 
rode  away  as  though  he  were  going  to  Tongue  River.  In  one  of 
Colonel  Carrington's  reports  he  wrote  that  at  1:00  A.M.  he  was 
called  up  by  a  courier  to  send  aid  to  the  hay  party.  He  sent 
Captain  Adair  with  forty  men  in  wagons  to  relieve  them. 

Six  miles  out  a  small  body  of  Indians  rode  toward  the  train, 
but  prompt  deployment  of  the  men  sent  them  galloping  to  the  hills. 
Captain  Adair  reported  that  there  were  200  to  300  Indians  on  the 
hills  following  him.  The  Indians  had  driven  200  head  of  cattle 
into  a  herd  of  buffalo  and  they  were  irrecoverably  lost. 

About  daylight  the  Indians  began  to  scatter.  When  the  troops 
arrived,  along  with  Jose,  20  men  were  left  to  guard  the  hay,  and 
the  machines  were  repaired  as  best  they  could  be  and  put  in  motion. 
Colonel  Carrington  said  that  he  hoped  in  a  week's  time  to  have  a 
winter  supply  of  hay. 

The  guards  worked  in  pairs,  sometimes  three  together  on  some 
high  hill  to  signal  hay  makers  if  Indians  were  sighted.  They  would 
sit  around  and  play  cards  for  money.  One  day  at  the  hay  camp 
the  Indians  stole  up  on  two  guards  and  took  their  horses.  One 
had  a  canteen  of  whiskey  and  $5,000  in  gold  coins  and  nuggets  in 


68  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  saddle  pockets.  How  the  men  swore  about  the  whiskey  that 
was  taken,  as  whiskey,  bitters,  alcohol  and  Jamaica  ginger  brought 
from  $3  to  $10  a  bottle.    No  mention  was  made  of  the  money. 

Jack  Jones,  one  of  the  old  timers  of  Sheridan,  was  in  this  Hay 
Field  Fight. 

ALONG  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  NEAR  BECKTON 

By  Elsa  Spear  Byron 

On  November  4,  1867,  Lieut.  E.  R.  P.  Shurly  of  the  27th  In- 
fantry had  charge  of  a  wagon  train  which  was  taking  parts  of  a 
sawmill  from  Fort  Phil  Kearny  to  Fort  C.  F.  Smith,  ninety  miles 
away,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn  Canyon.  The  sawmill  parts 
were  placed  on  two  wagon  beds  fastened  together  and  hauled  by 
twelve  yoke  of  oxen. 

The  train  arrived  at  a  bad  place  in  the  road.  To  the  left  was  a 
deep  ravine,  to  the  right  was  a  succession  of  bluffs,  and  to  the 
front  was  a  long,  narrow  steep  hill.  The  snow  had  melted  so  the 
road  was  slippery,  and  there  was  such  an  incline  toward  the  ravine 
that  they  had  to  let  the  wagons  down  with  ropes.  By  eleven  A.  M. 
all  but  three  wagons  had  been  let  down  when  the  pickets  gave  the 
signal,  "Indians!" 

A  continuous  attack  was  kept  up  both  on  the  rear  and  front  of 
the  train  until  dark.  Lieutenant  Shurly  was  with  the  rear  wagons 
where  the  Indians  dismounted  and  charged  the  rear  guard.  Most 
of  the  men  there  were  disabled  and  the  Lieutenant  was  wounded 
by  an  arrow  through  his  foot.  As  best  they  could,  the  men  retired 
toward  the  forward  wagons  which  were  corralled  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  about  800  yards  away.  A  howitzer  finally  drove  away  the 
Indians  who  were  plundering  the  wagons  on  the  hill,  and  a  line  of 
skirmishers,  ten  soldiers  and  two  civilians,  drove  the  Indians  from 
the  thickets  along  the  small  creek  bed.  There  were  three  or  four 
hundred  Indians  attacking  the  40  soldiers,  who  used  sacks  of  corn 
for  breastworks. 

Lieutenant  Shurly  became  so  weak  from  loss  of  blood  that  he 
couldn't  stand,  so  he  chose  William  Harwad,  a  civilian,  to  take 
charge. 

Through  the  carelessness  of  Joseph  Bowers,  a  driver  from  Fort 
C.  F.  Smith  who  was  not  with  his  wagon  when  the  firing  com- 
menced, a  government  wagon  and  six  mules  were  lost.  The  mules 
had  stampeded  and  were  chased  by  Indians.  This  was  a  serious 
loss  as  the  wagon  contained  1000  rounds  of  ammunition,  the 
baggage  of  the  detachment  and  a  package  of  mail. 

After  dark  Lieutenant  Shurly  sent  messengers  to  Fort  Phil 
Kearny,  eighteen  miles  distant,  with  a  dispatch  for  General  Smith. 
The  General  immediately  sent  Colonel  Green  with  three  companies 
of  cavalry,  Major  Gordon  with  his  company,  a  surgeon  and  am- 
bulance and  a  bale  of  blankets  for  the  use  of  the  men. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  69 

This  fight  took  place  not  very  far  from  the  Bozeman  Trail 
Crossing  of  Big  Goose  Creek.  According  to  Lieutenant  Shurly's 
report,  Corp.  Peter  Donely,  Co.  H,  27th  Infantry  and  Pvt.  James 
Partenhammer,  Co.  G,  27th  Infantry  were  killed.  Pvt.  Edward 
McKeever,  Co.  E,  27th  Infantry  was  wounded  and  died  later. 
Corp.  Gordon  Fitzgerald,  Co.  I,  and  Citizen  William  Freeland, 
driver  of  the  howitzer,  were  wounded. 

Lieutenant  Shurly,  the  wounded  and  dead  were  taken  back  to 
Fort  Phil  Kearny.  The  Lieutenant  won  a  brevet  for  this  fight,  but 
the  wound  cost  him  his  health  and  he  retired  soon  after  leaving 
Fort  C.  F.  Smith  in  1868,  when  it  was  abandoned. 

3:00  P.  M.  We  went  from  Beckton  on  a  gravel  road  which 
follows  the  Bozeman  Trail  up  a  very  steep  slope  out  of  Big  Goose 
Valley  to  the  divide  that  separates  Big  Goose  and  Wolf  Creeks. 
After  reaching  this  flat  terrace  the  present  road  crosses  and  re- 
crosses  the  Bozeman.  The  caravan  slowed  to  view  the  PK  ranch 
which  was  once  a  stage  station  and  post  office  established  by  the 
Patrick  Brothers.  Next  we  passed  a  point  on  Wolf  Creek  covered 
with  pine  trees,  near  the  main  gate  of  the  Eaton  ranch,  referred  to 
today  as  Bozeman  Point.  The  Bozeman  followed  along  the  pres- 
ent road  from  Wolf  Creek  to  the  junction  of  the  Soldier  Creek  road, 
then  down  the  divide  between  Wolf  Creek  and  the  fertile  Tongue 
River  valley. 

3:45  P.M.  The  trek  arrived  on  the  ridge  near  the  junction  of 
Wolf  Creek  with  Tongue  River,  where  Captain  Cole,  with  the 
Sawyer  Expedition  of  1865,  was  killed  by  the  Indians.  Ruts  of 
the  Bozeman  Trail  are  still  visible  where  the  trail  entered  Tongue 
River  Valley,  and  left  it  on  the  opposite  side  as  it  wound  its  way 
among  the  small  knolls  before  climbing  up  the  steep  slope  to 
continue  on  northwest  into  Montana. 

THE  SAWYER  EXPEDITION 

By  Charles  Rawlings 

Col.  J.  A.  Sawyer,  detailed  by  the  government  to  lay  out  a  road 
from  Sioux  City,  Iowa,  to  Virginia  City,  Montana,  started  on  his 
ill-fated  trip  about  the  first  of  May,  1865.  The  expedition  consist- 
ed of  83  wagons,  all  pulled  by  three-yoke  bull  teams.  Forty  head 
of  extra  work  bulls  trailed  along  with  the  wagon  train,  making 
about  400  head  of  work  cattle  with  the  outfit.  There  were  about 
75  men,  besides  15  or  20  soldiers  for  the  train's  protection. 

They  crossed  the  Missouri  near  Yankton,  Dakota  Territory, 
heading  west  across  the  plains  until  they  struck  the  Cheyenne 
River.  They  then  followed  up  the  North  Fork  of  the  Cheyenne 
to  its  head;  crossed  the  divide  to  the  Belle  Fourche  River,  which 
they  followed  upstream  to  Pumpkin  Buttes;  then  across  country  in 
a  westerly  direction  until  they  struck  the  Bozeman  Road. 

They  found   the   newly   constructed   Fort   Connor  on   Powder 


70  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

River,  which  was  occupied  by  the  200  soldiers  left  there  by  General 
Connor  about  a  week  before,  when  he  started  on  his  Tongue  River 
Expedition. 

As  the  Sawyer  train  approached  Powder  River,  probably  in  the 
Pumpkin  Buttes  area,  Indians  attacked  the  train  after  following 
and  heckling  the  crew  of  drivers  for  five  days.  As  no  military 
escort  was  with  the  train  at  the  time,  they  finally  bought  off  the 
Indians  with  a  wagon  load  of  food  to  get  rid  of  them. 

When  the  train  left  Fort  Connor  20  soldiers  were  detailed  to 
accompany  the  train  until  it  crossed  the  Big  Horn  River.  From 
here  the  train  followed  the  Bozeman  Road  for  some  distance,  but 
not  necessarily  at  all  times,  as  their  job  was  to  find  a  new  road 
through  the  country,  so  they  were  probably  trying  to  improve  on 
the  route  laid  out  by  Bozeman. 

Their  exact  route  seems  to  be  unknown  until  they  reached  Wolf 
Creek,  when  Captain  Cole  and  Lieutenant  Moore  (or  Moon)  were 
riding  some  distance  ahead  of  the  train.  As  the  young  Captain 
and  Lieutenant  rode  up  the  hill,  going  west  and  leaving  the  Wolf 
Creek  Valley,  some  Indians,  waiting  for  them  at  the  top  of  the  hill, 
killed  Captain  Cole.  The  Lieutenant  galloped  down  the  hill  to  the 
wagon  train  unhurt.  The  outfit  camped  on  Wolf  Creek  for  the 
night  and  the  next  morning  proceeded  over  the  divide  toward 
Tongue  River  about  two  miles  distant  where  they  picked  up  Cole's 
body. 

When  the  Sawyer  train,  again  on  the  Bozeman,  reached  a  hill 
to  the  south  of  the  Tongue  River,  and  saw  smoke  drifting  from  the 
cottonwood  trees  along  the  river,  they  knew  there  was  an  Indian 
village  camped  near  the  crossing.  A  howitzer,  trained  on  the 
smoke,  was  fired,  which  brought  some  Indians  in  sight,  but  not  in 
numbers  to  alarm  Colonel  Sawyer,  so  he  presumed  it  was  only  a 
small  band. 

The  wagon  train  continued  on  down  the  long  slope  and  forded 
the  river  with  the  wagons  in  double  column.  As  the  last  wagon 
dropped  into  the  river  from  the  south  side,  about  a  hundred  painted 
Arapahoes  came  riding  out  of  the  brush  in  an  attempt  to  get  away 
with  the  forty  head  of  extra  work  cattle  that  were  trailing  behind 
the  last  wagon.  They  did  get  away  with  most  of  them.  By  the 
time  all  the  wagons  had  crossed  the  river,  the  train  was  strung 
out  for  over  a  half-mile  across  the  flat  bottom  of  the  valley  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river. 

A  corral  was  formed  and  preparations  made  by  the  bullwhackers 
and  the  twenty  soldiers  to  defend  themselves,  as  they  now  realized 
that  they  were  facing  a  very  large  group  of  Indians  and  they  had 
no  way  of  knowing  how  many.  It  seemed  to  the  bullwhackers 
that  all  the  Indians  in  the  world  were  in  the  trees  and  brush  along 
that  river.  Many  rifle  shots  were  poured  into  the  brush  with  no 
return  fire  from  the  Indians.  Several  shots  were  dropped  into  the 
brush  from  the  cannon  which  did  cause  much  yelling.     No  return 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  71 

shots  and  no  Indians  came  in  sight,  so  the  teams  were  hitched  to 
the  wagons  and  the  train  strung  out  up  the  Bozeman  toward  the 
hills  on  the  north  side  of  the  valley. 

As  soon  as  the  last  wagon  was  in  line  the  Indians  appeared, 
circled  the  wagons,  and  rode  to  the  top  of  the  hill  ahead  of  the 
train  but  kept  out  of  range  of  the  soldiers'  rifles.  As  the  train 
started  to  climb  the  hill  the  Indians  fired  down  on  them.  Several 
bulls  and  drivers  were  hit  by  bullets,  but  they  did  not  penetrate 
the  bulls'  hides  nor  the  mens'  clothing.  This  was  partly  due  to  the 
long  range  shots,  but  it  also  indicated  that  the  Indians  were  short 
of  powder  and  were  not  loading  their  guns  properly.  Colonel 
Sawyer,  knowing  they  would  be  getting  closer  to  the  Indians  as 
they  climbed  the  hill,  gave  orders  to  corral  again. 

Realizing  they  were  nearly  a  mile  from  the  river,  and  that  the 
men  and  animals  would  soon  suffer  for  water  if  they  stayed  where 
they  were  for  any  length  of  time,  the  Colonel  ordered  the  train  back 
to  the  river.  As  soon  as  the  train  got  strung  out  on  the  back  track 
toward  Tongue  River,  the  Indians  came  off  the  hill  with  their 
horses  on  the  run  and  again  disappeared  in  the  brush  ahead  of  the 
wagon  train.  The  train  never  did  get  to  the  river  as  the  Indians 
started  shooting  as  soon  as  it  was  in  range.  The  men  pulled  off 
the  road  and  went  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  down  the  valley  from 
where  they  had  forded  the  river  earlier,  with  the  Indians  staying 
along  the  river  and  firing  at  them. 

The  wagons  were  drawn  up  in  a  tight  circle  and  all  the  work 
cattle  turned  loose  inside  the  corral.  After  staying  in  this  position 
the  second  night,  three  men  slipped  away  in  the  darkness  and 
headed  down  Tongue  River  to  find  help,  as  it  was  known  that 
General  Connor  was  supposed  to  meet  Colonel  Cole  on  lower 
Tongue  River.  It  was  their  hope  that  the  three  men  could  reach 
General  Connor  before  he  left  that  part  of  the  country. 

There  was  still  no  change  in  the  train's  position  or  of  the  Indians 
the  third  day,  when  a  cold,  drizzling  rain  set  in.  By  dark,  the 
bulls  were  in  mud  knee  deep  in  the  small  corral  made  by  the 
wagons.  During  the  third  night,  one  of  the  bulls  was  scratching 
his  hide  by  rubbing  on  the  tail  gate  of  one  of  the  wagons  in  which 
a  couple  of  men  were  trying  to  get  some  sleep.  To  scare  him  away 
one  of  them  jabbed  him  with  a  sharp  stick.  The  critter  snorted 
and  ran  which  stampeded  the  whole  herd,  and  they  broke  out  of 
the  corral. 

Everyone  then  thought  the  jig  was  up.  Their  work  stock  was 
gone,  and  every  time  a  man  got  from  behind  a  wagon,  an  Indian 
took  a  shot  at  him.  Two  more  men  had  been  killed,  everyone  was 
wet.  exhausted  and  desperate  for  food  and  water,  besides  being 
chilled  to  the  bone. 

However,  at  daylight  the  sun  shone,  the  work  cattle  were  quietly 
grazing  a  short  distance  away,  and  there  were  no  signs  of  Indians. 
It  seemed  unbelievable  that  they  had  been  in  such  a  predicament 


72  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

for  the  past  three  days.  The  Indians  had  evidently  moved  clear 
away  from  the  area  and  the  train  was  moved  down  by  the  river, 
where  bedding  and  clothes  were  dried  out  before  big  bonfires,  and 
the  cooks  soon  had  a  big  breakfast  for  everyone. 

Again  the  wagon  train  started  north  and  climbed  the  hill  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river.  As  soon  as  the  train  was  on  top  of  the  hill 
and  strung  out  across  the  big  flat  ridge  between  Tongue  River  and 
the  Five  Mile  Flat,  about  400  warriors  appeared  from  nowhere, 
and  the  wagons  were  quickly  corraled  again,  this  time  on  the  hill. 
(This  is  conjecture,  and  does  not  coincide  with  Sawyer's  report  or 
other  documented  evidence  of  Holman's  report — Compiler. ) 

The  Indians  stayed  pretty  much  out  of  rifle  range  and  just  sat 
on  the  horses,  except  a  half-dozen  who  approached  the  corral, 
carrying  white  flags.  Seven  chiefs  were  allowed  to  enter  the  corral 
for  a  talk  with  Colonel  Sawyer.  The  chiefs  told  him  that  the 
Indians  thought  the  wagon  train  was  a  part  of  the  army  that  had 
attacked  their  camp  a  few  days  before,  but  upon  learning  that  it 
was  not,  they  wished  to  be  friends.  They  did  feel,  however,  that 
they  should  receive  some  supplies  to  pay  for  the  Indians  that  had 
been  killed. 

While  the  conference  was  going  on  more  Indians  stalked  into 
the  corral,  claiming  they  had  messages  for  the  chiefs.  When  the 
number  of  armed  Indians  inside  the  corral  got  to  27,  it  was  too 
much  for  the  bullwhackers  and  they  warned  the  Colonel  several 
times  that  he  should  kick  the  Indians  out  before  they  killed  the 
whole  bunch  of  whites.  The  warnings  were  ignored  by  the  Colonel 
so  the  employees  actually  mutinied,  and  by  a  vote  of  60  to  five  took 
the  leadership  away  from  the  Colonel  and  elected  another. 

During  the  night  the  bodies  of  the  three  men  killed  north  of  the 
river  were  buried  inside  the  corral,  and  the  work  cattle  allowed  to 
tramp  over  the  grave,  so  the  Indians  could  not  locate  it. 

The  new  leader  decided  it  would  be  best  to  try  to  make  it  back 
to  Fort  Connor  on  Powder  River,  about  a  hundred  miles  away, 
as  they  were  making  no  headway  to  the  north  and  had  been  in 
their  different  corrals  on  Tongue  River  for  thirteen  days.  A  start 
was  made  on  the  back-track  with  no  molestation  by  the  Indians, 
who  seemed  to  be  satisfied  that  the  whites  were  getting  out  of 
their  country.  Possibly  some  of  the  Indian  scouts  had  discovered 
the  cavalry  coming  up  Tongue  River  under  Captain  Brown  to 
rescue  the  Sawyer  train. 

The  train  had  back-tracked  about  ten  miles  when  the  men  saw  a 
cloud  of  dust  coming  behind  them.  At  first  they  thought  the 
Indians  had  decided  to  battle  again,  but  they  soon  saw  it  was  a 
column  of  cavalry  so  they  immediately  went  into  camp.  There 
was  much  rejoicing,  visiting  and  resting  as  everyone  felt  secure  now 
with  1 20  soldiers  to  protect  the  outfit.  Colonel  Sawyer  again  took 
command.  They  remained  in  camp  for  two  nights  and  a  day,  then 
turned  around  and  headed  north  on  the  Bozeman  Road. 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  73 

The  cavalry,  under  Captain  Brown,  stayed  with  the  expedition 
until  it  crossed  the  Big  Horn  River,  which  put  them  into  friendly 
Crow  country.  They  had  no  further  Indian  trouble  and  arrived 
at  Virginia  City,  Montana  Territory,  after  having  been  on  the  road 
for  nearly  six  months. 

The  siege  described  took  place  about  half  way  between  Ran- 
chester  and  Dayton,  in  early  September,  1865,  where  the  original 
Bozeman  Road  crossed  Tongue  River,  and  where  the  first  post 
office  of  this  area,  named  Bingham,  was  located  about  14  years 
later. 

4:15  P.M.  We  left  the  crossing  on  Highway  14  for  Ranchester 
and  the  site  of  the  Connor  Battlefield. 

GENERAL  CONNORS  TONGUE  RIVER  BATTLE 
By  Charles  Rawlings 

During  the  years  1  864  and  1  865  the  Bozeman  Road  carried  a 
"large  part  of  the  emigrants  to  Montana  Territory.  The  Indians 
harassed  the  wagon  trains  from  the  time  they  left  the  North  Platte 
until  they  crossed  the  Big  Horn  River,  and  it  was  necessary  for 
them  to  travel  in  such  large  parties,  for  self  protection,  that  it 
became  hard  to  find  enough  grass  along  the  route  for  their  work 
stock.  Some  trains  consisted  of  as  many  as  150  wagons  with  four 
or  six  oxen  pulling  each  wagon,  besides  extra  work  stock,  milk 
cows,  and  saddle  horses.  Often  there  would  be  up  to  1000  head 
of  livestock  with  each  wagon  train.  Frequently  the  trains  would 
deviate  from  the  original  road  laid  out  by  Bozeman  in  order  to  find 
adequate  feed,  or  maybe  to  find  a  better  way  to  climb  a  hill. 

Hunters  with  the  trains  supplied  meat  as  they  progressed  through 
the  country  by  killing  the  buffalo,  antelope  and  elk.  The  Indians, 
realizing  that  if  the  whites  were  not  stopped,  the  supply  of  buffalo 
and  other  animals  would  be  diminished  to  such  an  extent  that  they 
would  be  unable  to  live  off  the  land  as  they  always  had,  did  every- 
thing possible  to  discourage  the  emigrants. 

Gen.  Patrick  E.  Connor,  military  commander  of  this  district, 
was  then  ordered  by  the  government  to  take  a  command  of  soldiers 
and  stop  the  Indian  outrages  along  the  Bozeman  Road.  General 
Connor  left  Fort  Laramie  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  1865,  with 
nearly  500  Infantrymen,  250  Cavalrymen,  150  Winebago  and 
Pawnee  scouts  and  eight  or  ten  mountain  men  as  guides,  including 
Jim  Bridger  as  chief  guide.  Close  behind  came  200  supply  wagons 
each  pulled  by  four  army  mules. 

Jim  Bridger  predicted  the  Bozeman  Road  wouldn't  work,  as  it 
passed  right  through  the  best  hunting  grounds  of  the  Indians. 
When  the  Indians  saw  this  military  expedition  heading  into  their 
last  open  country  they  were  enraged.  Although  there  were  no 
contacts  with  Indians  until  the  expedition  reached  Powder  River, 


74  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

they  could  be  seen  at  a  distance,  and  General  Connor  knew  they 
were  being  watched  day  and  night. 

The  troops  reached  Powder  River  on  August  1 1  when  they 
built  a  stockade  of  cottonwood  logs  and  named  it  Fort  Connor  to 
be  used  as  a  supply  base.  Here  on  August  16  a  small  war  party 
of  Sioux  skirmished  with  Connor's  Pawnee  scouts  who  secured 
twenty-four  scalps.  This  happened  near  the  now  deserted  town  of 
Sussex,  about  30  miles  east  of  Kaycee,  Wyoming. 

Leaving  about  200  soldiers  at  the  new  fort,  General  Connor 
and  the  rest  of  his  command  started  north  on  August  22,  following 
the  Bozeman  Road  and  camping  on  Crazy  Woman  Creek  the  first 
night.  On  the  third  day  of  travel,  they  reached  Lake  DeSmet 
where  they  found  a  spring  that  showed  signs  of  oil  on  the  water, 
so  the  soldiers  called  it  a  flowing  oil  well.  Capt.  Henry  E.  Palmer, 
one  of  General  Connor's  staff  officers,  described  Lake  DeSmet  "as 
being  so  strongly  impregnated  with  alkali  that  an  egg  or  potato 
would  not  sink  in  its  waters."  Coal  was  also  discovered  near  the 
lake  and  was  thought  to  line  its  entire  bottom.  The  Captain  sug- 
gested that  a  scheme  might  be  inaugurated  to  tunnel  into  the  coal 
under  the  lake,  pump  the  oil  into  the  alkali  water,  set  the  coal  on 
fire  and  boil  the  entire  mass  into  soap. 

On  August  28,  after  crossing  Piney  Creek,  Major  North  and  a 
few  Pawnee  scouts  were  sent  on  the  Bozeman  Road  with  orders 
to  report  to  General  Connor  that  evening.  The  rest  of  the  expedi- 
tion followed  down  Prairie  Dog  Creek  Valley.  They  were  setting 
up  camp  on  Tongue  River,  at  the  mouth  of  Prairie  Dog  Creek, 
when  Major  North  and  his  Pawnees  rode  in  and  reported  that  they 
had  discovered  an  Indian  village  up  Tongue  River,  about  six  hours' 
ride  farther  north. 

General  Connor  immediately  called  his  officers  together  and 
instructed  them  to  prepare  the  250  cavalry,  together  with  80  Paw- 
nee scouts,  for  a  mounted  march  toward  the  Indian  village  at  once. 
They  got  under  way  about  eight  o'clock  that  evening,  intending  to 
reach  their  destination  in  time  to  attack  the  Indian  village  at 
daylight  the  next  morning.  General  Connor  and  Captain  Parker 
led  the  troops. 

Much  delay  was  caused  by  the  thick  underbrush  during  their 
night  ride.  At  daylight  they  lacked  several  miles  of  being  near  the 
village,  but  they  kept  on,  even  finding  it  necessary  to  travel  right 
in  the  river  to  avoid  the  thick  brush  that  bordered  the  river  on 
both  sides.  Finally  Captain  Palmer,  with  his  soldiers  and  Indian 
scouts,  climbed  a  steep  bank  out  of  the  Tongue  River  on  the  south 
side  and  was  amazed  to  see  several  hundred  Indian  ponies  grazing 
near  by  and  many  Indian  tepees  about  a  half-mile  away  to  the  left. 

Captain  Palmer  quickly  turned  his  horse  back  down  the  steep 
bank,  and  motioning  everyone  to  be  quiet  and  to  stand  where  they 
were,  worked  his  way  back  to  General  Connor,  who  immediately 
took  the  lead.    As  soon  as  the  soldiers  came  in  sight  the  entire  herd 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK  75 

of  Indian  ponies  stampeded  right  toward  the  tepees,  a  thousand 
dogs  started  barking  and  hundreds  of  Indians  started  yelling.  The 
General  led  straight  out  on  to  the  flat,  and  when  he  saw  that  all  his 
men  were  in  sight  of  the  tepees,  he  wheeled  the  entire  column  to 
the  left.  As  the  bugle  sounded  they  all  fired  into  the  camp  without 
halting  their  horses. 

Seeing  that  they  were  greatly  outnumbered,  the  soldiers  knew 
they  had  to  take  every  advantage,  or  probably  lose  their  scalps,  so 
no  time  was  lost.  The  Arapahoes,  under  Chiefs  Black  Bear  and 
Old  David,  made  a  brave  stand  but  had  to  flee  in  order  to  save  their 
women  and  children,  leaving  all  their  tepees  and  other  plunder 
behind. 

Part  of  the  Indians  were  chased  several  miles  up  Tongue  River 
and  part  of  them  several  miles  up  Wolf  Creek,  as  the  battle  took 
place  where  the  two  valleys  joined,  across  the  Tongue  River  from 
where  the  town  of  Ranchester  is  now  located.  The  cavalry  horses, 
having  been  ridden  all  the  day  before  and  all  night,  began  playing 
out  as  they  galloped  after  the  Indians,  so  the  troopers  dropped  out 
of  the  chase,  one  by  one,  until  there  were  very  few  soldiers  chasing 
the  Indians.  When  the  Indians  discovered  this  they  turned  and 
chased  the  soldiers  back  down  both  Wolf  Creek  and  Tongue  River, 
but  the  soldiers  that  dropped  out  on  the  way  up  joined  with  the 
others  as  they  came  back  down,  so  they  soon  had  enough  of  an 
army  to  make  a  stand  and  hold  the  Indians  off. 

While  the  cavalry  was  chasing  the  Arapahoes,  the  Pawnee  scouts 
were  busy  rounding  up  Arapahoe  ponies.  The  scouts  and  soldiers 
caught  fresh  mounts  from  this  herd  and  turned  their  own  tired 
horses  loose  to  be  driven  to  camp.  The  Indian  ponies  were  afraid 
of  the  white  men  and  many  of  them  had  never  had  a  saddle  cinched 
on  before,  so  most  of  the  tired  troopers  were  thrown  several  times. 
It  was  a  tired  bunch  of  soldiers  and  horses  that  started  back  to 
camp  30  miles  away. 

All  the  Arapahoe  tepees,  food  and  other  property  were  burned 
along  with  the  bodies  of  two  soldiers  and  four  Pawnee  scouts.  The 
son  of  Chief  Black  Bear  and  63  other  Arapahoes  were  claimed  to 
have  been  killed.  Eight  squaws  and  1  3  Arapahoe  children  were 
captured  but  turned  loose  the  next  day. 

The  Arapahoes  made  several  desperate  attempts  to  recapture 
their  horses  and  did  manage  to  get  back  all  but  about  600  head, 
which  the  Pawnee  scouts  drove  back  to  Fort  Connor. 

General  Connor  allowed  his  men  a  couple  days'  rest  before 
heading  on  down  Tongue  River  to  meet  Col.  Nelson  Cole,  who 
had  started  from  Omaha  with  600  cavalry  troops  and  a  large 
wagon  supply  train.  By  prearranged  plans  the  two  expeditions 
were  to  meet  on  lower  Tongue  River  about  the  first  of  September. 
On  September  4,  a  scout  overtook  the  Connor  command,  with  the 
news  that  the  Sawyer  train  of  road  surveyors  needed  help,  as  the 
Indians  had  the  train  under  siege  a  short  way  up  Tongue  River 


76 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


from  where  General  Connor  had  the  fight  a  few  days  before,  so  he 
went  to  their  assistance. 

4:40  P.  M.  The  trek  disbanded  after  deciding  that  another  trek 
should  be  taken  next  year.  Paul  Henderson  thanked  everyone  for 
their  cooperation  and  interest. 

TREKKERS  ON  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  -    1963 


Cheyenne 

Rosalind  Bealey 

Maurine  Carley 

Jane  Houston 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  L.  L.  Lowry 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  Ritter 

Christopher  Ivey 

Meda  Walker 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  James  Boan 

Kelly  Boan 

Lt.  Fred  Wickam 

Grant  Willson 

Douglas 

Dr.  P.  J.  Bostrop 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  O.  Bowman 

Mrs.  Harold  Carson 

Mrs.  Dale  Carson 

Lyle  Hildebrand  and  family 

Mrs.  Bill  Henry 

Dick  Hornbuckle 

Claude  McDermott 

Floyd  Moore 

Eddie  Moore  and  family 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Harry  Stevick 

Larry  Turner 

Buffalo 

Thelma  Condit 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Vere  Duncan 

James  Gurney  and  family 

Fred  Hess 

Vivienne  Hess 

Mrs.  Mary  Langhorst 

Frank  Long 

Warren  Lott 

Jarnine  Lucas 

Mrs.  Jack  Meldrum 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  D.  R.  Smith 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tom  Wall 

Burton  Hill 

Howard  Watt 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilbur  Williams 

Story 

Harry  Hodgson  and  Mary 
J.  S.  Johnson 


Casper 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  A.  G.  Bechtel 

George  Bill 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  W.  J.  Bretey 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Frank  Brott 

May  L.  Corbett 

Mack  Davis 

Laverne  Davis 

Richard  Eklund 

Mrs.  Will  Henry 

Mrs.  Violet  Hord 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bert  Jones 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  G.  M.  Martin 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bill  Morgan 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Verne  Mokler 

Helen  Pashby 

Cathy  Patrick 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Percy  Scott 

Mrs.  Guy  Shreffler 

Helen  Sherard 

John  R.  Thompson 

K.  D.  Van  Wagener 

Torrington 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Peter  Keenan 

Gillette 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cecil  Lucas 

Dayton 

Arthur  Dickson 

Kaycee 

Alecia  Lund 

Big  Horn 

Vie  Willits  Garber 
R.  T.  Helvey 

Sheridan 

Elsa  Spear  Byron 
P.  C.  Carmine 
Nina  Durfee 
Don  Grey 
Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Mr.  and  Mrs. 

family 
R.  R.  Johnson 
Glenn  Sweem 


V.  S.  Griffith 
Bill  Grimm  and 


BOZEMAN  TRAIL  TREK 


77 


Midwest 

Edith  Thompson 
William  L.  Thompson 

Glenrock 

Grace  Fenex 

Out  of  State 

Paula  Waitman  -  Brush,  Colorado 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Albert  Bartlett  - 

Santa  Fe.  N.  M. 
Jack  King  -  Billings,  Mont. 
Bernice  Rees  -  Billings 


Pierre  LaBonte  -  Buzzards  Bay, 
Mass. 

Christine  Williams  -  Kansas  City. 
Mo. 

Mrs.  Helen  Hayes  -  Arlington,  Va. 

Marian  Parlaseo  -  Elgin,  111. 

Mrs.  Preston  Parish  -  Fredericks- 
burg. Va. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Owen  Richardson  - 
Erie,  Pa. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Paul  Henderson  - 
Bridgeport,  Nebr. 

John  Waitman  and  family  - 
Bridgeport 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Walter  Mnhr 


Seventy  years  and  More  Ago 


By 
Dick  J.  Nelson 


The  youngsters  of  today  are  losers  by  not  having  a  chance  to 
live  the  early  Wyoming  ranch  life  ways — to  see  and  know  the  life 
it  had  to  give.  Often,  it  was  up  before  sunrise,  one  just  couldn't 
stay  lolling  in  bed — you  wanted  to  be  up  and  at  'em,  saddle  up, 
ride  out — a  motherless  calf  might  be  waiting  to  be  picked  up  and 
fed.  One  wanted  to  see  the  grass  covered  hills — the  grazing  cattle, 
horses  and  antelope — get  the  feel  of  a  good  horse's  gait  and  saddle 
— things  that  brought  thrills.  There  was  always  sweet  music  com- 
ing from  the  jingling  rowels  on  spurs — the  throw  of  a  perfect  loop 
was  an  art — the  roundup,  cutting,  branding — the  drive  to  the 
railroad  shipping  pens.  Yes,  the  ranch  life  then  was  packed  with 
thrilling  unequaled  lures. 


Sweetwater  journalism 
and  Western  Myth 

By 

Jay  Gurian 

Classically  the  frontier  newspaper  is  described  as  a  running 
chronicle  of  tall  tales,  lawlessness  yarns  and  folk  humor.  The 
Territorial  Enterprise  of  Virginia  City,  Nevada  is  often  cited  as 
the  archetype  of  such  hyperbole.  Its  columns  bulged  with  "eye- 
witness accounts"  of  shootings,  miners'  violence,  tainted  women, 
barroom  brawls,  abused  law  officers,  runaway  men — and  animals. 
These  are  supported  by  such  critics  as  Bernard  DeVoto  to  have 
reflected  the  "reality"  of  Western  settlement.1 

Little  has  been  written  to  contradict  or  at  least  modify  this 
mythic  over-generalization.  Yet  the  three  dozen  surviving  issues 
of  South  Pass  City's  two  newspapers  offer  strong  counterevidence. 
They  represent  a  sizeable  body  of  frontier  journalism,  contempor- 
ary with  The  Enterprise,  that  reflected  and  encouraged  orderly, 
constructive  communities.  After  all,  there  were  scores  of  lesser 
mining  community  journals  like  The  Sweetwater  Mines  for  every 
sensational  sheet  like  The  Enterprise  or  The  Helena  Gazette.  As 
the  example  of  Sweetwater  journalism  shows,  all  of  these  need 
analysis  before  the  DeVoto  kind  of  generalization  can  be  believed. 

Contrary  of  the  editorial  policy  of  The  Enterprise,  the  policies 
of  both  Sweetwater  papers  were  based  on  the  premise  that  South 
Pass  City  and  Atlantic  City  were  law-abiding.  There  is  sufficient 
surviving  evidence  in  court  dockets,  County  Commissioners'  Min- 
utes and  other  sources  to  make  the  premise  credible.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  be  sure  how  much  the  difference  between  Comstock  and 
Sweetwater  editorial  policies  reflected  divergent  "community  real- 
ities.* But  it  is  possible  to  prove  the  editorial  assumptions  of  The 
Sweetwater  Mines  and  The  South  Pass  News  by  analyzing  editorial 
comment  and  column  content. 

Thirty-five  issues  of  The  Mines  are  known  to  exist,  thirty-four 
in  the  Bancroft  Library  and  one  in  the  Denver  Public  Library.  In 
Pioneer  Printing  in  Wyoming,  Douglas  McMurtrie  has  speculated 
that  the  paper  was  probably  first  issued  Saturday,  February  15, 
The  first  extant  issue  is  dated  March  21,  published  at  Fort 


1.  See  Bernard  DeVoto,  Mark  Twain's  America,  Boston,    1932.  p.    123. 
And  Effie  Mona  Mack,  Mark  Twain  in  Nevada,  New  York,   1947,  p.   183. 


80  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Bridger,  southwest  of  Sweetwater.  In  the  April  5  issue  the 
editors,  J.  E.  Warren  and  Charles  J.  Hazard  note: 

To  those  of  our  friends  in  this  vicinity  wanting  Job  Printing  done,  we 
say,  bring  in  your  orders  this  week,  for  we  remove  our  office  to  South 
Pass  City  next  week,  wind  and  weather  permitting.  ("Local  Matters" 
column) 

But  the  April  1  1  and  April  15  issues  were  datelined  "Fort  Bridg- 
er.7 The  first  surviving  South  Pass  City  issue  is  dated  May  27  as 
are  the  following  fourteen  survivors,  the  last  dated  August  8.  The 
next  extant  issue  was  dated  November  25  and  was  published  in 
Bryan  City  along  the  Union  Pacific  construction  line.  Presum- 
ably the  egress  of  miners  for  railroad  work  and  the  inaccessability 
of  the  Sweetwater  (at  an  altitude  of  nearly  8,000  feet)  dictated 
the  move."-  The  next  surviving  South  Pass  City  issue  of  The 
Mines  is  dated  April  7,  1869;  one  for  June  19  and  another  for 
July  14,  completes  the  surviving  Sweetwater-published  total.  But 
what  we  have  is  enough  to  judge  the  editors"  intentions  during  the 
two  summers  of  greatest  Sweetwater  activity. 

In  the  first  extant  Sweetwater  issue  (May  27,  1868)  under 
"Local  Matters"  the  editors  printed  two  refutations  of  items  in 
The  Helena  Gazette  (Montana)  and  The  Reese  River  Reveille 
(Nevada).  Both  papers  had  reported  shootings  in  the  Sweetwater 
area.  First,  Warren  and  Hazard  desire  "to  correct  a  statement 
...  in  the  case  of  the  shooting  [of  J  Lovejoy  by  Ryan."  A  South 
Pass  citizen,  Mr.  Hust,  was  accused  in  The  Gazette  of  inciting  the 
incident,  but  he  "desires  us  to  say  that  no  difficulty  occurred  be- 
tween him  and  Mr.  Ryan,  and  that  all  the  participation  he  had  in 
the  affair  (for  he  was  present)  was  only  in  the  character  of  a 
pacificator." 

In  the  second  case  the  editors  correct  a  letter  "from  a  passenger 
to  the  Sweetwater  Mining  country,  published  in  the  Reveille, 
alleging  a  well-known  citizen  of  Austin,"  James  McCarthy,  to  have 
shot  a  companion.  The  editors  claim  "to  have  heard  all  the  facts 
in  the  case  and  in  justice  to  Mr.  McCarthy  we  desire  to  say  that  his 
friends  are  as  numerous  as  ever,"  that  McCarthy  in  fact  arranged 
the  wounded  man's  care,  and  that  the  wounded  "was  alone  to 
blame."  Strangely,  there  is  only  one  other  local  gunplay  incident 
in  the  seventeen  extant  issues  published  at  South  Pass  City.:i    The 


2.  See  Lola  Homsher,  South  Pass,  1868,  University  of  Nebraska  Press, 
1960,  p.  218.  Also,  The  Mines,  May  27,  1868,  advertisement:  "1,000 
laborers  wanted  to  grade  the  railroad  from  Quaking  Asp  Mountain  to  the 
head  of  Echo  Canyon.  .  .  ." 

3.  June  19,  1869.  Atlantic  City  assayer  Mr.  Hahn  was  "severely  wound- 
ed," the  assailant  claiming  it  accidental.  The  editors  condemn  the  use  of 
firearms  while  intoxicated,  claiming  there  have  been  a  number  of  similar 
incidents. 


SWEETWATER  JOURNALISM  AND  WESTERN   MYTH  81 

virtual  absence  of  such  reporting,  extreme  for  any  newspaper, 
suggests  that  the  editors  designed  consciously  an  image  of  law- 
lessness for  the  new  communities. 

The  sources  of  these  two  items — other  western  newspapers — 
reflect  a  continuing  habit  of  editors  Warren  and  Hazard  to  borrow: 
a  habit  universal  among  Western  settlement  journals.  In  the  May 
27.  1868  issue  alone,  aside  from  the  two  instances  of  borrowing 
above,  the  editors  printed  an  eleven  line  anecdote  from  The  Enter- 
prise ("Mark  Twain  Bricked"),  an  eleven  line  report  from  The 
Salt  Lake  Reporter  of  gold  strikes  in  Utah;  and  on  the  first  page, 
an  excerpt  entitled  "The  Beauties  of  Wyoming"  from  the  Frontier 
huie.x,  a  paper  printed  at  various  construction  points  along  the 
Union  Pacific  line.  A  half  column  on  the  same  page  is  filled  with 
an  excerpt  from  The  Owyhee  Avalanche,  May  9,  called  "Northern 
Pacific  Railroad."  Still  another  item,  from  The  Cheyenne  Argus, 
tells  about  an  overturned  coach  on  the  Cheyenne-Denver  route. 
Borrowing  was,  of  course,  the  handiest  means  at  the  time  for  re- 
porting news  beyond  the  locale,  the  press  bureaus  not  yet  having 
been  established.4 

A  number  of  items  in  the  "Local  Matters"  columns  of  the  May 
27  issue  discuss  community  conditions.  Referring  to  the  telegraph 
line  then  being  run  from  points  south  up  to  South  Pass  City,  the 
editors  remark: 

The  object  of  the  expedition  is  accomplished.  A.  C.  Bassett,  Esq.. 
has  completed  arrangements  by  which  the  telegraph  line  will  be  up 
and  in  working  order  within  the  next  two  or  three  days.  Many  of  the 
citizens  here  have  contributed  liberally  towards  getting  the  line  estab- 
lished, but  they  will  be  amply  repaid  by  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  it.  .  .  . 

And  just  below: 

We  are  pleased  to  see  the  energy  exhibited  by  the  miners  on  Rock 
Creek  in  opening  up  their  claims.  ...  A  great  deal  of  preparatory  work 
is  being  done  and  done  well.  We  speak  whereof  we  know,  being  an 
old  miner  ourself. 

Two  items  later: 

The  Board  of  County  Commissioners  will  meet  on  Monday.  June  1st. 
at  ten  o'clock  A.M.  at  the  office  of  the  Register  of  Deeds. 

A.  G.  Turner 

Clerk  of  Board 

The  next  item: 

Business  men  will  not  fail  to  read  the  notice  in  another  column  to  all 
persons  liable  to  pay  license,  and  see  if  the  "shoe"  fits  them. 


4.   See  Frank  L.  Mott.  American  Journalism,  New  York.    1941,  p.   592. 


82  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

In  the  next  column  the  following  appeared: 

NOTICE — Notice    is    hereby    given    to    Merchants,    Saloon    Keepers. 

Butchers,  and  all  persons  liable  to  pay  license,  that  unless  they  are 

paid  by  the  30th  inst.,  that  all  unpaid  will  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the 

District  Attorney  for  collection. 

H.  A.  Thompson 
Ex-Officio  Treasurer 

The  same  announcement  appeared  again  in  the  next  issue  (May 
30. )  The  Minutes  of  the  County  Commissioners  record  that  in 
their  April  17,  April  28  and  May  11  meetings  they  had  passed 
resolutions  fixing  license  rates,  as  required  in  the  statute  that 
created  Carter  County.  As  further  evidence  of  community  organ- 
ization it  should  be  noted  that  the  Commissioners  did  meet  on 
June  1st,  as  announced."' 

In  a  two-thirds  column  editorial  in  the  same  issue,  titled  "A 
Contrast,"  the  editors  take  to  task  the  get-rich-quick  kind  of  miner: 

GROUPS  OF  SUCH  UNFORTUNATES  ...  can  be  seen  assembled 
in  the  saloons  and  other  public  places,  whiling  away  the  time  in  telling 
stories  of  the  lively  times  they  have  experienced  in  the  different  mining 
camps,  or  of  the  reputed  wealth  of  some  far  off  unexplored  country. 
.  .  .  Well,  this  is  one  class  that  we  come  into  contact  with  here,  but  for- 
tunately they  do  not  remain  long  to  annoy  anyone.  .  .  .  However,  we 
are  thankful  that,  notwithstanding  "all  men  are  born  free  and  equal," 
they  differ  in  many  respects,  for  we  have  another  class  of  men  here, 
who  are  quite  the  reverse  of  the  one  we  have  endeavored  to  describe 
who  had  [sic]  not  reared  their  air  castles  to  such  a  giddy  hight  [sic] 
before  coming  here,  and  who  possessed  sufficient  energy  and  stamina 
to  overcome  the  many  obstacles  found  in  their  paths.  Upon  men  of 
this  kind  do  we  depend  for  the  future  developments  of  this  country, 
and  we  are  confident  that  their  effort  will  not  cease  until  this  object 
is  accomplished.  .  .  . 

The  invocation  of  permanent  settlement,  hard  work,  diligence 
would  not  be  significant  except  that  it  is  so  frequently  echoed  in 
the  issues  of  The  Mines  that  follow.  This  is  the  prevailing  tone. 
In  the  next  issue,  May  30,  1 868,  under  "Local  Matters"  the 
editors  recommend  C.  L.  Lightburn's  and  John  McGrather's 
"store"  pointing  out  that  Lightburn  came  to  South  Pass  City  in 
the  winter  of  1867  (just  after  its  "laying  out  as  a  town")  and 
remained  through  the  winter  "when  business  was  dull,  giving 
credit  to  many  who  needed  goods,  thus  extending  his  former  repu- 
tation for  liberality  in  business  matters  .  .,  .  and  by  their  upright 
and  honorable  dealings  [the  partners]  have  a  well-deserved  and 
an  enviable  reputation.  We  can  recommend  them."  The  part- 
ners, then,  are  valued  for  their  cooperative,  communitarian  im- 
pulses. 


5.  Minutes  of  the  County  Commisioners,  Carter  County,  Territory  of 
Dakota.  1868-1870,  University  of  Wyoming  Library,  Western  History  Divi- 
sion. 


SWEETWATER  JOURNALISM  AND  WESTERN   MYTH  83 

The  following  item  notes  that  William  Rose  and  Edward  Oilman 
(California  miners  then  at  Sweetwater)  considered  the  statements 
about  Death  Valley  in  the  previous  issue  to  have  been  exaggerated. 
Such  correction  of  exaggeration  is  one  of  the  editors'  continual 
attempts  to  separate  hyperbole  from  fact. 

The  June  6  issue  reports  the  "GRAND  DEMOCRATIC  MASS 
MEETING"  that  had  been  advertized  in  the  June  3  issue.  Despite 
the  headline  adjective,  the  report  is  straightforward.  It  begins  by 
naming  the  time  and  place,  the  officers  appointed  to  run  the  meet- 
ing, and  the  delegate  chosen  to  represent  Carter  County  at  the 
National  Convention.  It  continues,  "The  following  motion  was 
adopted,  that  a  committee  of  three  be  appointed  to  draft  resolu- 
tions expressive  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Democracy  of  this  sec- 
tion. .  .  ."  It  reports  the  names  of  the  committee  members  chosen, 
reports  adjournment,  reconvention  at  5  p.m.,  then  gives  in  full  the 
resolutions  adopted.  The  last  of  these  reads:  "That  the  thanks  of 
the  meeting  be  tendered  to  the  proprietors  of  the  Sweetwater  Mines 
for  publishing  the  call  for  this  meeting."  In  keeping  with  the 
general  tone,  the  last  paragraph  of  the  article  reports: 

The  meeting  was  then  addressed  by  J.  M.  Thurmond.  Esq..  Judge  J. 
W.  Stillman  and  Sheriff  J.  R.  Murphy,  after  which  cheers  were  given 
for  the  old  Flag;  much  enthusiasm  prevailed.  The  meeting  adjourned 
at  the  call  of  the  president. 

The  lack  of  flourish  in  this  report  is  not  unusual  for  Sweetwater 
journalism. 

The  rather  sober  tone  already  noted  in  a  number  of  articles  is 
reiterated  in  an  excellent  editorial  for  the  June  10  issue.  It  some- 
what duplicates  the  May  27  editorial  on  "steady  settlers"  already 
quoted.  Its  sentiments  are  so  contrary  in  content  and  tone  to 
what  is  allegedly  "typical"  of  mining  camp  journalism,  that  they 
are  worth  noting  at  length: 

GO  STEADY 

With  the  spring  immigration  come  many  to  Sweetwater,  who  make 
their  first  advent  into  a  mining  country.  They  are  some  of  them 
monied.  some  are  merchants,  many  have  only  their  labor  for  capital: 
but  all  have  "great  expectations."  They  are  excited  by  the  tales  of 
fabulous  wealth  buried  here:  buoyed  up  by  the  prospect  of  soon  seeing 
huge  bricks,  great  nuggets  and  splendid  specimens,  and  for  a  time 
exist  in  a  sensational,  unnatural  and  unwholesome  atmosphere,  by 
which  realities  are  sadly  distorted.  To  all  new  comers  we  say.  "go 
steady."  You  who  are  poor  go  to  work  by  the  day.  in  gulch  or  mine, 
in  store,  or  wherever  you  can  find  it.  Labor  is  no  disgrace  in  Sweet- 
water. In  your  woolen  shirt  and  gum  boots,  other  things  being  equal, 
you  are  a  peer  to  the  proudest.  Be  economical.  You  may  earn  $6 
or  $7  or  $8  a  day:  more  than  a  week's  wages  in  the  States;  but  don"t 
squander  it  foolishly.  There  is  not  one  "pilgrim"  in  fifty  but  that  sees 
hard  times  the  first  winter.  .  .  .  too  many  who  do  make  money,  yield 
to  the  allurements  of  the  gaming  table  or  the  saloon,  and  are  dead 
broke  at  the  commencement  of  the  long  winter;  you  can  make  more 
money  here  than  in  the  States;  you  have  to  contend  strongly  against 


84 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


the  tendency  it  creates  for  extravagance  and  dissipation.  You  have 
much  to  learn  before  ycu  are  fitted  for  prospectors,  or  judging  the 
value  of  mines.  .  .  . 

The  tone  is  neither  pompous  nor  pious;  it  is  rational.  The  editors 
rightly  do  not  deny  the  presence  of  lawlessness  and  the  distractions 
of  "vice."  It  would  be  ridiculous  to  claim  Sweetwater  was  as 
"settled  in"  as  a  New  England  community.  But  the  significant 
point  is,  the  editors  do  not  romanticize  anti-community  behavior. 

Only  two  pages  remain  of  the  July  1  8  issue,  but  the  report  there- 
in of  the  Independence  Day  (July  4th)  celebration  is  valuable  as 
another  expression  of  community  value:  "The  day  passed  off 
quietly  and  orderly,  not  a  single  disturbance  occurred  in  our  streets, 
no  accidents  of  any  kind,  although  the  firing  of  anvils,  pistols, 
guns,  etc.,  was  kept  up  during  the  entire  day.11  The  writer  goes 
on  to  praise  the  citizens'  patriotism  "though  far  removed  from  our 
earlier  homes  on  the  western  and  eastern  shores  of  our  beloved 
country." 

As  previously  pointed  out,  commentators  emphasize  that  West- 
ern newspapers  were  outlets  for  folk  humor.  Discussing  a  number 
of  the  more  prominent  Nineteenth  Century  newspaper  humorists, 
Constance  Rourke  generalizes: 

But  their  significance  is  chiefly  that  of  their  category,  and  one  must 
persistently  remember  that  they  were  only  the  more  prominent  of 
literally  hundreds  of  humorists  whose  writing  formed  a  great  part  of 
the  material  published  in  hundreds  of  newspapers  all  over  America, 
and  especially  on  the  far-flung  frontier. 

The  importance  of  this  literature  for  history  is  its  complete  embodi- 
ment of  frontier  society.'1 

From  the  point  of  view  of  folk  humor  scholarship,  newspaper 
humor  can  perhaps  be  defended  as  a  "complete  embodiment  of 
frontier  society."  But  as  a  generalization  for  Western  mining 
community  history  it  must  be  questioned.  "Humor"  was  never 
more  than  an  incidental  interest  in  Sweetwater  journalism,  as  the 
following  subject-matter  breakdown  of  three  scattered  issues  will 
show: 


CONTENTS7 

Advertisements 
Local  Affairs 
National  and  Inter- 
national news 


SM 

5/27/68 

8''2 

4 


SM 

6/19/69 

12 
3    1/3 


SPN 

10/27/69 

3'/2 


6.  Constance  Rourke,  American  Humor,  "Facing  West,"  New  York, 
1931. 

7.  "SM"  refers  to  The  Sweetwater  Mines,  "SPN"  to  The  South  Pass 
News.  Each  issue  had  five  columns  per  page,  each  column  14!/2  inches 
vertically.     There  were  twenty  columns  in  four  pages. 


SWEETWATER  JOURNALISM  AND  WESTERN  MYTH 


85 


Editorials 

:  3 

l'/2 

0 

Westernalia  (nature. 

settlement,   etc.) 

1    1/3 

0 

0 

Mining  Laws.  News. 

Data 

21  2 

V4 

General  History 

!/4 

3/5 

0 

Humor:  Anecdote, 

Description,   Editorial 

3/5 

Wi 

Territorial  &  Federal 

Government 

0 

0 

2/3 
4/5 

The  definition  of  humor  that  determined  the  figures  above  includes 
imported  (borrowed)  items,  often  from  The  Territorial  Enterprise, 
and  occasional  attempts  by  Warren  and  Hazard  or  their  writers. 
Though  few,  these  suggest  that  folk  humor  was  not  the  gift  of 
every  frontier  newspaperman!  One  sample,  worth  citing  because 
it  deals  with  a  favorite  Western  subject,  appeared  in  the  June  10, 
1  868  issue: 

The  great  feature  of  the  past  week  in  South  Pass  City  has  been  the 
opening  of  the  magnificent  Magnolia  Saloon.  .  .  .  George  [Hust,  pro- 
prietor] is  known  never  to  stop  at  trifles,  when  once  he  puts  that 
broad  shoulder  of  his  to  the  wheel,  things  must  move  then  or  bust. 
.  .  .  All  ye  unwashed  go  to  the  Magnolia  and  take  a  look  at  your- 
selves in  that  magnificent  $1,500  mirror  behind  the  long  refreshment 
stand,  and  our  word  for  it,  you'll  feel  a  confounded  sight  better  or 
worse,  either  one. 

A  squib  in  the  May  30,  1868  issue  is  equally  trite: 

We  visited  Atlantic  City  the  other  day,  and  were  immediately  seized 
by  "Red  Cloud,"  who  carried  us  captive  (as  he  was  taken  captive  by 
that  celebrated  Indian  Chief)  to  H.  B.  McComber's  brewery  and  then 
and  there  dosed  with  the  best  ale  we  ever  tasted  in  this  Rocky  Moun- 
tain Country.     We  owe  "Red  Cloud"  one. 

Three  "tall  tale"  items  can  be  found  in  surviving  Sweetwater 
issues,  of  which  the  following  is  the  longest.  It  was  printed  in 
The  Mines,  March  21,  1868,  then  being  published  at  Fort  Bridger. 
Under  the  title  "Correspondence"  the  editors  published  a  letter 
dated  "March  14,  Salt  Lake  City"  and  signed  by  "Hank  Whip." 

Do  you  know,  sir,  that  your  little  brick  of  a  paper  is  sought  here  with 
as  much  avidity  by  both  Mormon  and  Gentile,  as  a  free  lunch  table 
would  be  by  a  corner  loafer.  .  .  .  Said  a  business  man  to  me:  "It 
contains  more  interesting  reading  matter  than  the  Reese  River  Rev- 
eille. .  .  ." 

The  city  is  filled  with  strangers  en  route  for  the  Sweetwater  mines. 
The  western  coaches  are  coming  in  now  loaded  down  with  passengers 
for  that  destination.  .  .  .  Whenever  W.  F.  &  Co.  [Wells  Fargo]  stock 
the  road  between  Fort  Bridger  and  South  Pass  City  as  I  understand 
they  will  shortly  do — you  may  look  for  an  influx  of  passengers  whose 
number  will  require  a  daily  dozen  coaches  to  accommodate  them. 
Already  our  hotels  here  are  crowded  with  strangers  from  Austin, 
Virginia  City,  Gold  Hill  and  elsewhere;  and  even  San  Francisco  has 
her  representatives  here,  bound  for  our  new  El  Dorado.  One  of  Dan 
DeOuiH  s  pack  trains  is  on  the  way  here  from  Austin,  Nevada,  loaded 


86  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

with  a  general  assortment  of  mining  goods  such  as  gum  boots,  quick- 
silver, etc.  .  .  . 

As  this  letter  has  already  reached  the  full  number  of  feet  in  length 
(3,000  ft.)  allowed  by  the  United  States  law  on  any  one  ledge,  I  must 
put  my  stake  down  and  locate  on  something  else  in  my  next. 

But  exaggeration  such  as  this,  connecting  Sweetwater  with  the 
principle  bonanzas  of  Nevada  and  California,  was  never  instituted 
in  The  Mines.  Instead,  Warren  and  Hazard  chose  to  build  up 
Sweetwater  in  terms  of  economic  wealth  that  would  bring  prosper- 
ity and  permanent  settlement.  This  exaggeration  clearly  resembles 
the  kind  of  Western  settlement  oratory  and  writing  which  throws  a 
quasi-religious  mystique  over  the  idea  of  "free  land.,,s  Miners  and 
their  families  bound  for  Sweetwater  are  often  referred  to  as  "pil- 
grims for  Sweetwater,"  or  "the  Sweetwater  pilgrims."  Besides 
themselves  glorifying,  the  editors  printed  others'1  glorifications.  In 
the  March  28,  1  868  issue  they  reprinted  a  long  letter  by  John  W. 
Clampitt,  "Special  Agent,  Post  Office  Department,"  (Salt  Lake 
City).  First  he  outlines  the  proper  posting  procedure  to  and  from 
Fort  Bridger  (where  The  Mines  was  still  being  published),  then 
he  continues  with  a  copy  of  his  own  letter  to  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral on  the  need  for  a  post  office  at  South  Pass  City: 

The  population  of  South  Pass  City  in  one  or  two  months  from  the 
present  date  will  be  at  least  three  thousand,  and  judging  from  reports 
presumed  to  be  reliable,  by  the  4th  of  July  next,  there  will  be  a  popu- 
lation of  ten  thousand  persons  to  celebrate,  at  that  point,  the  nation's 
anniversary.11  Miners,  merchants,  lawyers,  physicians,  sons  of  toil  and 
the  hardy  pioneer,  who,  amid  storms  and  snow,  and  the  wilds  of  un- 
broken nature,  part  the  way  to  a  civilization  that  reflects  honor  upon 
our  race  and  land — are  flocking  thither.  From  the  El  Dorado  upon 
the  Pacific,  the  Sierras  of  Nevada,  from  Idaho,  Montana,  Utah  and 
Colorado,  they  are  "marching  on"  to  Wyoming.  .  .  .  Independent  of 
the  rich  bearing  quartz  ledges  there  is  another  source  of  wealth,  the 
development  of  which  forms  in  all  cases  for  a  people,  the  firmest 
foundation  for  permanent  prosperity.  I  allude  to  agriculture.  This 
section  of  country  contains  some  of  the  finest  and  richest  agricultural 
valleys  to  be  found  in  this  western  country.  The  fertility  of  the  soil 
is  such,  watered  by  pure  mountain  streams,  that  in  a  short  period  it 
will  yield  in  return  for  the  labors  of  the  farmer,  a  rich  harvest.10 

While  Clampitt's  description  is  practically  a  parody  of  the  "free 
land"  exaggerations  common  during  the  Nineteenth  Century,  the 


8.  Henry  Nash  Smith's  familiar  analysis  in  Virgin  Land  documents  and 
interprets  this. 

9.  Though  no  census  is  available  for  1868.  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that 
South  Pass  City's  population  at  no  time  exceeded  2,000,  even  including 
ancillary  encampments  along  the  streams  and  gulches. 

10.  Referring  to  the  Wind  River  Valley  region  north  of  Sweetwater. 
Much  harassed  by  Indians,  poor  transportation  facilities  and  merciless 
winters,  the  few  valley  settlers  were  unable  to  develop  a  stable  situation 
till  the  1880's,  long  after  Sweetwater  had  depopulated. 


SWEETWATER  JOURNALISM  AND  WESTERN  MYTH  87 

editors"  frequent  local  versions  are  on  the  whole  notable  for  re- 
straint. They  seldom  use  trite  phrases;  they  simply  assume  a 
wealth,  (though  unproved  till  disproved)  as  part  of  the  "gift  of 
nature"  American  settlement  must  manifestly  develop.  Sometimes 
they  are  anecdotal,  as  in  the  May  27,  1868  issue: 

We  have  had  brought  to  our  notice  a  little  circumstance  that  goes  to 
show  upon  what  slight  foundation  many  men  condemn  a  mining 
country.  Two  gentlemen,  who  came  here  a  few  days  ago,  concluded 
that  there  was  no  show  for  them  and  that  they  would  leave  tor  other 
parts,  but  while  out  hunting  for  their  stock  they  discovered  and  located 
two  ledges  that  they  pronounced  richer  than  anything  they  ever  saw. 
The  lodes  are  large  and  the  rock  exhibits  free  gold  in  abundance. 
These  gentlemen  are  now  of  the  opinion  that  the  country  abounds  in 
rich  ledges  and  that  not  one  quarter  of  them  have  yet  been  discovered, 
to  which  sensible  opinion  we  must  decidedly  concur. 

Sometimes  the  editors  themselves  defend  Sweetwater's  wealth. 
The  June  6,  1868  editorial  takes  off  at  The  Helena  Herald: 

Notwithstanding  the  false  reports  and  willful  misrepresentations  which 
have  been  circulating  concerning  our  mines  in  this  Sweetwater  coun- 
try, they  fully  come  up  to  the  expectations  of  all  the  sensible  and 
experienced  men  who  have  come  here.  .  .  .  The  Herald,  a  virile  and 
insinuating  sheet,  but  unfortunately  devoid  of  influence  .  .  .  comes  out 
again,  its  columns  fraught  with  falsehoods  as  usual  concerning  this 
country.  ...  A  short  time  since  we  saw  a  statement  in  the  Herald, 
about  the  great  number  of  people,  who  had  taken  their  advice,  and 
staid  Tsic]  away  from  Sweetwater.  This  continuous  boasting  of  the 
Herald  about  their  unbounded  influence  .  .  .  reminds  us  of  the  heroic 
deeds  performed  by  SIR  JOHN  FALSTAFF,  as  stated  by  himself. 

This  is  one  of  the  few  examples  of  inter-journal  mudslinging  to 
be  found  in  the  surviving  issues  of  The  Mines.  In  their  July  3, 
I  868  issue  the  editors  more  mildly  report  the  arrival  of  three  wagon 
teams  "loaded  with  provisions"  from  Salt  Lake  City: 

We  hope,  ere  long,  to  see  both  the  demand  and  supply  increased  in 
our  vicinity,  and  without  doubt  we  shall,  for  as  soon  as  the  mills  and 
other  apparatus  get  well  to  work,  we  shall  be  able  to  present  sub- 
stantial proof  to  refute  the  statements  made  by  those  who  have  .  .  . 
pronounced  our  country  a  "bilk."  and  our  valuable  mines  a  myth. 

A  third,  and  modest,  form  of  local  manifest  destiny  exaggeration 
was  a  series  of  reassuring  squibs  in  which  the  editors  reported  their 
findings  on  location  visits  to  the  "diggings,"  or  the  optimism  of 
interviewees.  Examples  are  too  numerous  to  cite  fully;  for  in- 
stance, four  in  the  May  30  issue  and  four  in  the  June  6  issue  alone. 
A  random  selection  from  a  year  and  a  half  of  publication,  should 
be  enough: 

June  14.  1868:  Buildings  are  rapidly  going  up  in  Atlantic  City,  show- 
ing the  well-founded  confidence  its  citizens  have  in  the  wealth  of  the 
surrounding  quartz  and  placer  claims.  .  .  .  Ye  poor  miserable  sceptics 
as  to  the  wealth  of  our  country,  go  over  there  and  take  a  look  for 
yourselves,  and  then,  if  you  have  any  knowledge  of  mining — you'll  not 
expose  yourself  by  denouncing  the  country's  resources. 


88  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

July  18,  1868:  Yesterday  we  took  a  stroll  down  Willow  Creek  and  had 
a  good  look  at  Mssrs.  Tozer  and  Eddy's  quartz  mill,  which  is  very 
nearly  completed.  We  doubt  if  anywhere  upon  the  Pacific  Coast  can 
be  found  (like  this  one)  a  quartz  mill  within  a  log  building. 

December  23,  1868  (published  at  Bryan  City):  We  had  the  pleasure 
of  meeting  Frank  R.  Judd,  Esq.,  of  Chicago,  the  other  day.  Mr.  Judd 
paid  our  town  a  visit  on  business  in  regard  to  some  mining  interests 
in  the  Sweetwater  country  ...  he  being  an  old  Sweetwaterite,  and, 
like  all  others  who  have  been  there,  having  perfect  confidence  in  the 
mines,  believing  that  it  will  be  glorious. 

And  from  The  South  Pass  News,  October  27,  1869: 

ANOTHER  STAMP  MILL  COMING— We  are  glad  to  learn  that 
Mr.  Pease  .  .  .  and  also  several  others  .  .  .  has  formed  a  company  in 
Chicago  for  working  these  mines,  and  that  one  of  those  splendid 
engines  and  quartz  mills  has  been  ordered  from  the  Eagle  Works 
Manufacturing  Company,  P.  W.  Gates,  President,  Chicago.  .  .  .  There 
are  a  great  number  of  mines  discovered  which  "prospect"  well,  and 
nothing  but  capital  and  machinery  is  wanting  to  bring  out  their  hidden 
riches.  We  believe  that  in  less  than  six  months  half  a  score  more  of 
these  quartz  mills  will  be  in  process  of  erection  in  Sweetwater,  and 
the  proprietors  of  all  coining  money. 

Actually  it  had  become  clear  by  the  middle  of  the  following  sum- 
mer, a  little  more  than  six  months  later,  that  the  shallow  deposits  in 
the  Sweetwater  area  would  not  pay  for  a  large  or  permanent  com- 
munity, and  that  deep  shaft  mining  would  not  yield  a  future. 
Warren  and  Hazard  had  been  exaggerating  all  along,  but  not  to 
sell  sensational  sheets  in  which  citizens  could  satisfy  a  lust  for 
lawlessness. 

Research  into  Sweetwater  newspapers  inevitably  leads  back  to 
the  communities  for  which  they  were  printed.  Since  only  a  few 
issues  are  extant,  it  is  impossible  to  deduce  anything  about  The 
South  Pass  News,  but  it  is  possible  to  say  that  in  The  Sweetwater 
Mines  editorial  policy  and  humor  do  not  fit  the  conventional  de- 
scriptions of  frontier  journalism.  Is  it  equally  possible  to  say  that 
the  communities  were  "different"  from  the  ordinary  mining  com- 
munity? There  is  ample  evidence  that  South  Pass  City  and 
Atlantic  City  little  resembled  the  rip-roaring  hell  towns  of  popular 
history  and  grade  B  movies.  In  fact,  by  examining  the  real  records 
and  newspapers  of  other  western  mining  communities,  like  Sweet- 
water's, not  prey  to  commercialization  in  either  century,  future 
western  scholars  will  probably  find  that  neither  Virginia  City  nor 
The  Territorial  Enterprise  was  "archetype" — only  apogee.  It  is 
time  to  stop  romanticizing  our  West.  The  truth  was  extraordinary 
enough.  A  new,  calm,  orderly  look  at  the  written  evidence  would 
be  a  first  step.  Court  and  commissioners1  records  lie  untouched 
in  archives  while  writers  dig  through  earlier  glamographs  for 
"facts."  The  inside  pages  of  old  newspapers  go  unread  by  re- 
searchers eager  to  find  lawlessness  in  flaring  Page  One  headlines. 
The  actual  history  of  South  Pass  City,  as  of  western  mining  settle- 
ment in  general,  has  yet  to  be  written. 


Wyoming  State  Mistorical  Society 

PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE 

By 

Neal  Miller 

Ten  short  years  of  activity  by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society — organized  in  October  of  1953 — have  seen  many  changes 
in  this  field  and  much  accomplished.  Yet  much  remains  to  be 
done  for  the  preservation,  recording,  and  display  of  our  historical 
heritage  in  the  State  of  Wyoming. 

By  statute  every  county  is  now  authorized  to  maintain,  operate, 
and  build  a  county  museum;  and  to  name  a  museum  board  for  its 
administration.  This  is  not  contingent  on  the  existence  of  a  county 
chapter  of  this  society,  but  where  our  chapters  exist  they  can  be  of 
great  influence  and  assistance  to  the  regularly  elected  authorities 
of  the  county  in  developing  and  establishing  these  needed  county 
focal  points  of  history. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  day  may  soon  come  when  the  historical 
background  of  each  county  and  the  State  is  recognized  by  all  for 
what  it  is;  an  essential  part  of  the  education  of  our  youth,  our  new 
residents,  the  traveler  within  our  borders.  Although  this  is  in  part 
presented  by  our  present  educational  system  it  must  also  be  avail- 
able to  the  general  public  and  include  what  is  not  and  cannot  be 
included  in  our  educational  plants:  a  repository  for  documents, 
photographs,  and  the  vast  assortment  of  other  material  for  re- 
search, enlightenment,  and  even  entertainment  of  our  residents 
and  visitors. 

Our  State  Archives  and  Historical  Department  and  State  Mu- 
seum also  have  fulfilled  a  great  part  of  their  duty  in  the  preserva- 
tion, storage,  and  display  of  historical  papers,  archival  records  and 
artifacts.  The  need  is  greater  than  ever  before  for  the  State  to 
provide  adequate  facilities  for  this  Department  to  conduct  its  work, 
and  meet  the  demands  for  expansion  in  one  properly  engineered 
place.  If  this  is  not  done,  much  of  the  work  of  recent  years  may 
be  cancelled,  and  incentive  for  further  activity  unfortunately  cur- 
tailed, much  to  the  loss  of  the  citizens  of  Wyoming. 

History  moves  along  with  time  and  is  always  ahead  of  those 
working  in  this  field.  The  mass  of  historical  material  increases. 
The  obligation  to  preserve  tomorrow's  history  while  it  is  with  us 
today  is  great.  And  so  local  groups  and  governmental  subdi- 
visions will  play  an  increasing  part  in  preserving  materials,  sites, 
and  buildings  for  the  historical  heritage  of  the  future. 


90  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Wyoming's  historical  heritage  is  not  just  the  fur  trapper,  the 
covered  wagon,  the  cowboy  and  Indian.  Although  they  played  a 
fascinating  and  important  role  in  the  development  of  this  country 
there  are  other  areas  of  activity  which  are  and  will  be  highlights 
in  our  historical  pageant:  industry — mining,  railroads,  oil  and 
gas,  timber  and  many  others;  commercial  activities  throughout  the 
state;  farming  and  ranching;  natural  resources  and  their  uses; 
education  and  institutions  of  higher  learning,  village,  town  and 
city  development.    The  list  is  endless. 

So  it  is  obvious  that  our  work  has  the  widest  possible  scope.  It 
has  an  ancient  and  dim  beginning  and  no  visible  ending.  It  is  a 
professional  field  and  we  can  be  grateful  for  professional  help 
among  our  members,  in  our  schools  and  colleges,  in  our  State 
Archives  and  Historical  Department,  and  throughout  the  nation 
by  other  professional  groups,  individuals  and  institutions.  There 
is  much  to  be  done — we  welcome  all  who  are  interested  and 
willing. 

History  is  a  personal  thing — it  is  made  by  people  and  groups  of 
people — but  only  by  parting  with  it,  imparting  it  to  others,  can  it 
be  preserved. 


TENTH  ANNUAL  MEETING 
Sheridan,  Wyoming  September  7-8,  1963 

The  Sheridan  Inn  was  a  busy  place  the  morning  of  September  7, 
1963.  After  registering,  many  members  participated  in  the  auto- 
graph session  with  Mari  Sandoz,  or  they  enjoyed  the  exhibit  of 
Western  and  historical  art  by  such  noted  artists  as  Hans  Kleiber, 
George  Ostrom,  J.  Kenneth  Ralston  and  Lyle  Compton.  Coffee 
and  rolls  were  served  by  the  Sheridan  County  Chapter. 

The  Tenth  Annual  Business  Meeting  of  the  Wyoming  State  His- 
torical Society  was  called  to  order  at  1  1  :00  a.m.  on  Saturday, 
September  7,  1963,  in  the  Stage  Coach  Room  of  the  Sheridan  Inn, 
by  the  president,  Mr.  Charles  Ritter. 

Mr.  Bob  Miller,  of  the  Sheridan  Chamber  of  Commerce,  ex- 
tended a  warm  welcome  to  the  100  members  of  the  Society  who 
were  present. 

It  was  moved  and  seconded  to  accept  the  minutes  of  the  Ninth 
Annual  Meeting  as  printed  in  the  April,  1963,  Annals  of  Wyoming. 
The  motion  was  carried.  The  minutes  of  the  Executive  Committee 
meeting  held  in  Cheyenne  on  November  17,  1962,  were  read  and 
approved,  as  were  those  for  the  July  6,  1963,  Executive  Committee 
meeting  held  in  Casper. 

The  president  asked  for  the  reading  of  the  treasurer's  report, 
which  was  given  as  follows: 


WYOMING  STATE   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  91 

TREASURER'S  REPORT 

September  8,   1962-September  7,   1963 

Cash  and  investments  on  hand  September  8,  1962  $12,426.88 

Receipts: 

Dues  $3,238.00 

Hunton  Diaries  47.50 

Gifts  12.00 

Interest  546.17  3.843.67 


$16,270.55 


Disbursements: 

Annals  of  Wyoming  $1,699.00 

Hunton  Diaries  90.00 

9th  Annual  Meeting  124.99 

President's   Expense  47.12 
Committees,  supplies,  postage. 

phone,  flowers,  trek  213.33                                      2.174.44 


$14,096.1  1 


ASSETS 

September  7.   1963 

Stock  Growers  National  Bank.  Cheyenne  $    1.054.78 

Federal  Building  and  Loan  Association.  Cheyenne  9,726.49 

Life  Memberships.  F.  B.  and  L.,  Cheyenne  3,034.35 

Bishop  Memorial  Fund.  Cheyenne  National  Savings  280.49 


$14,096. 


The  president  appointed  Mr.  E.  A.  Littleton,  of  Gillette,  and 
Robert  Larson,  of  Cheyenne,  to  audit  the  treasurer's  books  at  a 
later  date. 

CHAPTER  REPORTS 

Excellent  reports  were  given  by  delegates  from  1  3  county  chap- 
ters. These  were  filed  with  the  secretary.  Only  a  few  highlights 
of  unusual  activities  can  be  reported  here. 

Albany  County  Historical  Society  had  one  especially  interesting 
program  based  on  the  visits  to  Laramie  of  several  presidents  of  the 
United  States. 

Campbell  County  Historical  Society  set  up  a  typical  homestead- 
er's kitchen  of  1913  as  their  contribution  to  the  Campbell  County 
Fair  in  Gillette.  This  proved  to  be  very  popular,  and  the  chapter 
plans  to  exhibit  an  additional  period  room  next  year. 

Carbon  County  Historical  Society  has  enjoyed  several  carry-in 
suppers  and  a  two-day  trek  to  Fort  Laramie. 

Goshen  County  Historical  Society  has  framed  pictures  of  all  the 
Goshen  County  officers  from  1911  and  they  have  been  hung  in 
the  Court  House.  The  total  number  of  pictures  was  93.  Awards 
were  made  to  the  outstanding  history  students  in  the  Goshen 
County  High  School  and  the  Goshen  County  Community  College. 

Fremont  County  Historical  Society  is  planning  to  place  markers 
at  the  county's  many  historical  sites. 


92  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Laramie  County  Historical  Society  held  a  "Show  and  TelL  pro- 
gram which  was  entertaining  and  informative. 

Natrona  County  Historical  Society  members  receive  a  letter  each 
month  from  their  president,  who  keeps  them  informed  about  their 
chapter's  activities.  This  also  includes  little  notes  of  historical 
interest. 

Park  County  Historical  Society  had  as  one  of  its  most  interesting 
meetings  a  carefully  planned  Question  and  Answer  program. 

Johnson  County  Historical  Society  entertained  the  Bozeman 
Trail  trekkers  at  a  delightful  coffee  the  evening  they  spent  in  Buf- 
falo on  July  13. 

The  meeting  was  adjourned  for  lunch,  and  was  reconvened 
promptly  at  1 :  30  p.m. 

The  president  asked  the  members  to  stand  silently  as  a  tribute 
to  Mr.  A.  H.  MacDougall,  a  former  president  of  the  Wyoming 
State  Historical  Society,  who  died  during  the  past  year.  Mr.  Little- 
ton moved  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  send  a  resolution  of 
sympathy  to  his  family.  The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 
Mrs.  Walter  Lambertson,  of  Rawlins,  and  Mr.  Jack  McDermott, 
of  Fort  Laramie,  were  appointed  to  the  committee. 

Chapter  reports  were  continued  as  follows: 

Sheridan  County  Historical  Society  has  been  busy  the  past  year 
helping  with  the  Bozeman  Trail  Trek  and  making  plans  for  this 
Annual  Meeting. 

Washakie  County  Historical  Society  reported  it  has  been  coop- 
erating with  the  County  Commissioners  and  the  Worland  Chamber 
of  Commerce  in  planning  the  observance  of  Worland's  Golden 
Anniversary  this  year. 

Platte  County  Historical  Society  has  organized  a  writing  session 
as  part  of  its  activities.  The  interesting  papers  have  been  read  with 
lively  discussions  and  reminiscences  followed  each  paper. 

Uinta  County  Historical  Society  report  was  given  by  Mr.  Charles 
F.  Guild,  after  which  he  displayed  an  album  containing  pictures  of 
stage  and  Pony  Express  stations  which  he  has  collected.  He  asked 
that  anyone  having  additional  pictures  which  would  complete  the 
record  get  in  touch  with  him. 

REPORTS  BY  STATE  OFFICERS 

For  the  first  time  since  the  founding  of  the  Society  officers  of 
the  State  Society  gave  reports  at  an  Annual  Meeting. 

The  president,  Charles  Ritter,  reported  that  after  arranging  con- 
venient meeting  dates,  he  made  official  visits  to  the  Platte,  Uinta, 
Carbon,  Natrona,  Goshen,  Campbell  and  Laramie  County  chap- 
ters.   He  called  two  executive  meetings  during  the  year. 

The  first  vice  president,  Neal  Miller,  reported  that  he  had  written 
to  each  chapter  asking  for  suggestions  for  a  statewide  program  for 
the  State  Society.  These  will  be  presented  under  new  business. 
He  called  attention  to  a  display  of  distinctive  county  chapter  letter- 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  93 

heads  which  he  had  collected.  Mr.  Miller  recommended  individual 
membership  in  the  American  Association  for  State  and  Local  His- 
tory, and  reviewed  some  of  the  benefits  available  through  member- 
ship. 

Mrs.  Charles  Hord,  second  vice  president,  asked  that  all  mem- 
bers be  alert  to  activities  and  persons  who  would  qualify  for  his- 
torical awards.  She  stated  that  awards  for  the  past  year  will  be 
presented  at  the  dinner  meeting. 

The  secretary  gave  the  following  report  on  the  sales  of  the 
Hunton  Diaries: 

Cost  of  three  volumes  $775.00 

Deposited  from  sales  620.67 

Balance  owed  Treasury  154.33 

On  hand:  Vol.  I  31 

Vol.    II    26 

Vol.    Ill    27 

The  secretary  suggested  that  all  county  chapters  buy  some 
diaries  to  sell  to  their  members.  Chapters  can  make  money 
through  the  sale,  and  members  can  purchase  them  for  less  than  the 
bookstore  price.     She  urged  that  this  project  be  completed. 

The  secretary  reported  that  the  Bozeman  Trail  Trek  was  very 
successful,  due  largely  to  the  fine  cooperation  of  the  Johnson  and 
Sheridan  County  chapters. 

The  executive  secretary,  Lola  M.  Homsher,  gave  a  full  summary 
of  the  accomplishments  of  the  Society  since  its  organization  ten 
years  ago,  and  pointed  the  way  for  further  progress.  Her  report 
appears  at  the  end  of  these  minutes. 

COMMITTEE  REPORTS 

Archaeological  Committee.  Mr.  Glenn  Sweem,  chairman,  gave 
a  concise  report  which  contained  detailed  information  on  activities 
relating  to  the  Archaeological  Bill,  the  tracing  of  the  Bozeman 
Trail,  locating  the  site  of  the  Sawyer  Expedition  Battlefield  and  an 
investigation  carried  on  at  the  Reshaw  Burial  site. 

Legislative  Committee.  Mr.  William  Mclnerney  reported  that 
the  Archaeological  Bill  had  not  been  passed  by  the  37th  Legisla- 
ture. This  led  to  a  discussion  as  to  the  reasons  for  its  defeat.  It 
was  proposed  that  a  revised  version  of  this  bill  be  introduced  in 
the  next  legislature. 

Scholarship  Committee.  Dr.  T.  A.  Larson  reported  that  during 
the  past  year  there  has  been  no  response  to  the  Society's  project  of 
giving  financial  assistance  to  persons  writing  county  histories.  He 
said  that  a  new  proposal  will  be  introduced  under  new  business. 

RESOLUTIONS 

The  following  resolutions  were  presented  by  Mr.  Reuel  Arm- 


94  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

strong,  resolutions  committee  chairman.     These  resolutions   are 
printed  here  in  final  form  as  amended  and  approved. 

I.  WHEREAS  individuals  unskilled  in  the  science  of  archaeological 
exploration,  while  exploring  and  searching  old  historical  sites,  or  excavating 
them  for  souvenir  artifacts  or  relics  may  unwittingly  forever  destroy  or 
eliminate  invaluable  data  and  evidence  relative  to  the  time  and  historical 
sequence  of  events  that  transpired  at  the  time  the  unearthed  relics  or  artifacts 
were  deposited  by  the  pioneer  or  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  site;  and  which 
invaluable  evidence  could  only  be  determined  or  obtained  by  scientifically 
trained  archaeologists. 

THEREFORE  BE  IT  RESOLVED  that  both  Federal  and  State  laws  (to 
date)  prohibiting  irresponsible  souvenir  "pot  hunters"  from  excavating 
valuable  historical  sites  of  Wyoming  for  relics  and  artifacts  be  officially 
published  in  History  News  and  also  that  they  be  sent  to  the  local  newspapers 
of  the  different  county  chapters  of  the  State  Historical  Society,  for  the 
enlightenment  and  instruction  of  all  the  membership  and  the  general  public 
and 

BE  IT  RESOLVED  that  all  valuable  historic  sites  of  Wyoming  be  legally 
and  officially  posted  and  the  way  prepared  for  legal  prosecution  of  willful 
violators. 

II.  WHEREAS  the  Tenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Wyoming  State  His- 
torical Society  has  been  worthwhile  and  enjoyable,  with  attractive  Western 
decorations,  and 

WHEREAS  members  of  the  Society  who  have  been  hosts  to  such  a  meet- 
ing appreciate  the  work  and  thought  that  are  necessary 

THEREFORE  BE  IT  RESOLVED  that  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  is  grateful  and  wishes  to  express  its  sincere  thanks  to  the  Sheridan 
County  Chapter  for  a  well-planned  meeting. 

Mr.  Armstrong  moved  that  this  resolution  be  accepted.  The 
motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

Mr.  Neal  Miller,  program-projects  chairman,  presented  the  fol- 
lowing proposals  to  be  considered  for  possible  inclusion  in  a  state 
program  for  the  Society: 

I.  Restoration  of  Tea  Pot  Rock  in  Natrona  County.  It  was 
moved  that  the  request  be  referred  to  the  1964  program  chairman. 
The  motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

II.  Carbon  County  Chapter  asked  that  the  State  Society  assist 
with  the  preservation  of  what  is  left  of  old  Fort  Steele.  This  was 
also  referred  to  the  1964  projects  committee.  It  was  pointed  out 
that  this  would  probably  need  to  be  acquired  by  legislative  action. 

III.  A  six-section  program  proposed  by  the  Albany  County 
chapter  pertaining  to  special  awards  to  be  developed  by  the  Society 
to  encourage  writing  and  publication  of  Wyoming  history  in 
Wyoming  was  presented. 

1.  SENIOR  HISTORIAN  AWARD  -  High  School  Level 

JUNIOR  HISTORIAN  AWARD  -  Junior  High  School  Level 

Two  awards  would  be  given  in  this  category  for  the  best  article 
on  Wyoming  History  submitted  by  a  student  in  each  division.  The 
article  must  be  well  written,  accurate,  and  on  a  subject  which  will 
be  a  contribution  to  the  knowledge  of  Wyoming  history    (new 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  95 

material  -  new  facts).     Pictures  should  accompany  the  paper  if 
possible. 

Articles  will  be  submitted  through  the  organization  of  the  Wyo- 
ming Council  for  the  Social  Studies,  a  new  organization  with  Social 
Studies  teacher  membership  throughout  Wyoming.  This  organ- 
ization shall  choose  from  among  the  entries  five  ( 5 )  manuscripts 
which  in  turn  will  be  submitted  with  their  recommendations,  for 
placing,  to  a  committee  of  the  Society  appointed  by  the  President 
and  not  delegating  these  extra  duties  to  the  regular  awards  com- 
mittee.   The  Committee  of  the  Society  will  have  the  final  decision. 

Award:  The  papers  winning  first  place  can  be  recommended  for 
publication  in  the  Annals  of  Wyoming.  Copies  of  all 
papers  will  be  preserved  at  Executive  Headquarters  of 
the  State  Society. 

1st  place:  $25.00  and  possible  publication  in  the  Annals 

of  Wyoming 
2nd  place:  $10.00 
3rd  place:    Award  of  a   book  on  Wyoming  or  Western 

History 

Mr.  Henry  Jones  moved  that  section  1  be  adopted.  The  motion 
was  seconded  and  carried. 

2.  WYOMING  HISTORY  TEACHER  AWARD 

This  can  be  an  occasional  award  to  the  teacher  who  has  made 
the  most  significant  contribution  to  Wyoming  History  during  the 
year. 

Chosen  by  Committee  from  the  Wyoming  Council  for  the  Social 
Studies  working  with  the  Department  of  Education  and  the  State 
Historical  Society  Officers. 

Award:  A  special,  attractive  certificate  which  can  be  framed. 

All  awards  should  be  presented  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the 
Society.  Many  persons  who  are  interested  in  Wyoming  and  the 
preservation  of  its  history,  could  make  a  real  contribution  by  set- 
ting up  an  award  as  a  private  donor  (to  be  administered  by  the 
Society).  The  donor  could  specify  the  name  of  the  award  (his  or 
her  own  or  someone  they  wished  to  honor),  designate  the  rules 
for  the  award,  and  what  the  award  should  be. 

Awards  on  a  statewide  basis  to  encourage  interest  among  the 
youth  of  Wyoming  are  very  desirable.  No.  1 ,  above,  could  be 
given  by  the  Society  at  first  and  then  developed  into  such  special 
awards  by  private  individuals  as  just  suggested. 

The  motion  was  made,  seconded  and  carried  that  Section  2  be 
adopted. 


96  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

3.  L.  C.  BISHOP  AWARD. 

Made  to  an  individual  who  has  voluntarily  contributed  in  a  most 
significant  manner  to  the  preservation  of  a  portion  of  the  history 
of  one  of  Wyoming's  historic  trails.  This  can  be  through  preserva- 
tion of  a  site,  writing,  mapping,  or  any  other  acceptable  means. 

Award:  Special  attractive  Certificate.  Made  occasionally  only,  if 
nothing  outstanding  is  known  during  a  year. 

Committee:  Chosen,  when  some  one  will  qualify,  by  a  committee 
composed  of  officers  of  the  State  Society  and  Past  Presi- 
dents of  the  State  Society. 

The  motion  was  made,  seconded  and  carried  that  Section  3  be 
adopted. 

4.  SCHOLARSHIP  PROGRAM  (County  History) 

Maintain  the  Scholarship  (previously  approved  by  the  State 
Historical  Society)  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  This  Scholar- 
ship is  as  follows:  A  $500.00  grant  for  a  graduate  student  who  will 
write  a  history  of  a  Wyoming  County  which  is  acceptable  to  the 
Department  of  History.  At  the  acceptance  of  the  fellowship 
$200.00  will  be  given  to  the  student.  The  remaining  $300  will  be 
given  when  the  thesis  is  completed  and  has  been  accepted. 

EXPAND  THE  SCHOLARSHIP  PROGRAM  so  that  it  may 
be  given  to  a  qualified  person  not  attending  the  University  of  Wyo- 
ming who  will  write  a  history  of  a  county.  The  applicant  must 
present  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Scholarship  Program  the  topic  and 
an  outline  of  the  plans  for  the  county  history.  The  award  will  be 
made  in  the  same  manner  as  the  scholarship  above,  $200.00  at  the 
beginning  of  the  project  and  $300.00  when  the  manuscript  has 
been  accepted  by  the  Scholarship  Committee. 

Only  one  $500.00  award  will  be  given  each  year,  either  at  the 
University  or  to  an  individual  outside  of  the  University. 

The  motion  was  made,  seconded  and  carried  that  Section  4  be 
adopted. 

5.  GRANT    IN    AID   PROGRAM    (Topic   of   Local   Wyoming 
History ) 

The  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  offers  one  grant-in-aid 
annually  to  a  Wyoming  citizen,  limited  to  $300.00.  The  grant 
will  be  awarded  to  defray  research  expenses. 

Purpose  of  this  grant  is  to  encourage  the  study,  writing  and 
interpretation  of  some  phase  or  topic  of  local  history.  The  appli- 
cant must  submit  to  the  Committee  designated  below  the  topic 
and  an  outline  of  the  proposed  work.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
project,  two  (2)  copies  of  the  work  must  be  deposited  with  the 
State  Historical  Society. 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  97 

Completion  of  a  manuscript  on  a  grant-in-aid  does  not  neces- 
sarily insure  publication  of  the  manuscript  by  the  Society  under 
the  proposed  publications  program,  but  all  manuscripts  resulting 
from  such  grants-in-aid  may  be  considered  for  publication.  Au- 
thors will  be  given  an  author's  contract  as  issued  by  the  Society. 

The  final  work  under  a  grant  must  be  approved  by  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  State  Society.  When  an  applicant  has  been 
approved  by  the  committee  noted  below,  $100.00  will  be  given  at 
the  beginning  of  the  project  and  the  remaining  $200.00  when  the 
manuscript  is  approved. 

A  committee  will  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  Society 
as  follows: 

One  member  from  the  Department  of  History,  University  of 

Wyoming 
One  member  from  the  English  Department  of  the  University 

or  one  of  the  Junior  Colleges  in  Wyoming. 
One  member  from  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical 
Department. 
The  motion  was  made,  seconded  and  carried  that  Section  5  be 
adopted. 

6.   PUBLICATIONS  FUND 

The  Society  shall  set  up  a  Publications  Fund  not  to  exceed  the 
amount  of  $5,000  and  not  to  be  encumbered  or  removed  from 
savings  until  needed  for  the  publications  fund. 

Manuscripts  resulting  from  grant-in-aid  will  be  considered  for 
publication,  as  will  be  manuscripts  submitted  by  individuals  who 
have  not  participated  in  the  grant  program. 

Titles  published  under  this  program  shall  be  of  state-wide  inter- 
est on  some  phase  of  the  History  of  Wyoming  and  must  make  a 
contribution  to  the  written  history  of  the  State. 

Manuscripts  may  be  presented  for  consideration  to  the  Reading 
Committee  for  consideration.  Final  acceptance  of  a  manuscript 
for  publication  will  be  made  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
Reading  Committee,  which  shall  be  composed  of  members  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  as  follows: 

Reading  Committee: 

One  member  from  the  Department  of  History,  University  of 
Wyoming 

One  member  from  the  State  Archives  and  Historical  Depart- 
ment 

One  member  from  the  Department  of  English  of  the  Uni- 
versity or  one  of  the  Junior  colleges  in  Wyoming. 

The  President  shall  be  empowered  to  set  up  committees  as 
follows: 


98  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Editorial  Committee 

Publications  committee  which  will  handle  details  of  printing, 

proof-reading,  format,  etc. 
Sales 

No  member  of  the  committees  judging  manuscripts  will  be 
allowed  to  enter  his  or  her  manuscript  for  consideration. 

Authors  will  be  given  a  standard  author's  contract  as  issued  by 
the  Society. 

The  publications  fund  will  be  used  for  the  publication  of  accept- 
ed manuscripts.  All  money  from  sales,  including  profits,  shall  be 
returned  to  the  publications  fund,  and  all  contract  obligations  will 
be  met  from  the  fund.  As  the  program  progresses  this  fund  should 
become  a  revolving  fund  from  which  subsequent  publication  costs 
can  be  met. 

A  discussion  followed  the  reading  of  Section  6  of  the  proposal. 
The  original  proposal  had  stated  "a  publications  fund  in  the 
amount  of  $5,000.00."  It  was  moved  and  seconded  that  this  be 
changed  to  read  "a  publications  fund  not  to  exceed  the  amount  of 
$5,000.00  and  not  to  be  encumbered  or  removed  from  savings  until 
needed  for  publications  fund."  Approximately  half  the  members 
present  felt  that  a  program  which  entailed  the  spending  of  as  much 
money  as  $5,000.00  should  be  discussed  in  the  County  chapters 
before  being  voted  on  in  a  state  meeting.  It  was  pointed  out  that 
this  would  become  a  revolving  fund.  However,  the  motion  as  it 
appears  above  was  carried  in  a  standing  vote. 

Mr.  Armstrong  moved  that  every  chapter  study  these  six  sugges- 
tions from  the  Albany  County  Chapter  and  bring  their  opinions  to 
the  next  Executive  Committee  meeting.  The  motion  was  seconded 
and  carried. 

Dr.  T.  A.  Larson  made  the  motion  that  the  State  Society  buy 
1 00  copies  of  Vol.  4  of  the  Hunton  Diaries,  to  be  sold  to  chapters 
or  to  individuals  on  the  same  basis  as  earlier  volumes. 

Mrs.  Edness  Kimball  Wilkins  presented  a  book  given  her  by 
Cecil  Harris,  of  Casper,  on  World  War  I  Service  Records  of  Sheri- 
dan Citizens  (1917-1919)  to  the  Sheridan  Chapter.  Mr.  Robert 
Helvey  accepted  it  on  behalf  of  the  Sheridan  Chapter. 

Mr.  Armstrong  extended  an  invitation  to  the  State  Society  to 
hold  its  1  1  th  Annual  Meeting  in  Rawlins.  The  invitation  will 
be  referred  to  the  Executive  Committee  for  consideration. 

The  meeting  was  adjourned  at  4:15  p.m. 

DINNER  MEETING 

On  Saturday  evening  356  persons  attended  the  annual  banquet 
held  in  the  dining  room  of  historic  Sheridan  Inn.  After  the  invo- 
cation by  Henry  Tall  Bull,  Mr.  Ralph  Hylton,  toastmaster,  intro- 
duced four  noted  Western  artists — Mr.  Hans  Kleiber,  Mr.  J.  Ken- 
neth Ralston,  Mr.  George  Ostrom  and  Mr.  Lyle  Compton.     He 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  99 

also  introduced  four  past  presidents  of  the  Wyoming  State  Histor- 
ical Society,  Mrs.  Thelma  Condit,  Mrs.  Edness  Kimball  Wilkins, 
Mr.  E.  A.  Littleton  and  Dr.  T.  A.  Larson.  Other  special  guests 
introduced  at  that  time  were  Mr.  Joe  Popovich,  president  of  the 
Yellowstone  County  Historical  Society  of  Montana,  Mr.  J.  Casey 
Barthelmess,  director  of  the  Montana  Historical  Society,  Miles 
City,  Montana,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robert  Piper  from  Nebraska. 
Mrs.  Piper  is  the  youngest  sister  of  Mari  Sandoz. 

A  program  of  truly  Western  flavor,  from  original  ballads  to 
dances  by  the  little  "Fighting  Cheyennes,"  had  been  arranged  by 
Mrs.  Bea  Crane. 

Mrs.  Charles  Hord,  chairman  of  the  Awards  Committee  pre- 
sented the  following  awards: 

Historical  Awards: 

Mrs.  Hattie  Burnstad.  Historical  Activities.  Juvenile  Divi- 
sion. For  five  year  project  in  eighth  grade  of  collecting  Wash- 
akie County  history. 

Hans  Kleiber.  Fine  Arts.  For  poems,  Songs  of  Wyoming 
and  western  etchings. 

John  Dishon  McDermott.  Publications.  Articles.  For  "Fort 
Laramie's  Iron  Bridge"  and  others  on  Wyoming  history. 

Natrona  County  Pioneer  Association.  Museums.  For  estab- 
lishing and  maintaining  the  Pioneer  Museum  in  Natrona  County. 

Goshen  County  Historical  Society.  Historical  Activity.  Lo- 
cal History.  For  assembling  and  displaying  portraits  of  all 
Goshen  County  officers,  1911  to  date. 

Jules  Farlow.  Cumulative  Contribution  to  Wyoming  History. 
For  his  campaign  for  funds  to  build  a  fireproof  museum  in  Fre- 
mont County. 

Pacific  Power  and  Light  Company.     Special  Field.     Business 
Firm.      For   series    of    radio    programs    dramatizing    Wyoming 
history. 
Honorable  Mention: 

Mrs.  Emma  Martin.  For  writing  history  of  Fremont  County 
Historical  Society. 

Mr.  Richard  Frost,  chairman  of  the  Nominating  Committee 
introduced  the  new  officers: 

President Mr.  Neal  Miller 

First  Vice  President  Mrs.  Charles  Hord 

Second  Vice  President Mr.  Glenn  Sweem 

Secretary-Treasurer  Miss  Maurine  Carley 

Executive  Secretary  Miss  Lola  M.  Homsher 

Mr.  F.  H.  Sinclair  introduced  the  speaker.  Miss  Mari  Sandoz, 
who  gave  a  very  interesting  talk  about  her  childhood,  and  her 
father,  Old  Jules,  who  was  the  subject  of  one  of  her  best-known 


100  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

books.  Old  Jules  was  a  great  storyteller,  she  said,  and  Mari  was 
allowed  to  stay  up  and  listen  as  long  as  she  kept  quiet.  She 
advised  her  audience  to  listen  well,  for  many  good  stories  are  still 
being  told.  She  spoke  of  the  gardens  planted  long  ago  on  the 
banks  of  the  Yellowstone  by  the  Cheyennes,  and  said  she  would 
like  to  find  where  they  had  been  located.  Miss  Sandoz  challenged 
the  audience  to  help  solve  this  and  other  historical  mysteries  as  yet 
unanswered. 

Chief  John  Stands-in-Timber,  historian  for  the  Cheyenne  tribe, 
on  behalf  of  the  Sheridan  chapter,  presented  Miss  Sandoz  with  an 
etching  and  a  book  of  poems,  both  the  works  of  Hans  Kleiber. 

SUNDAY,  SEPTEMBER  8,  1963 

After  a  buffet  breakfast  the  group  gathered  promptly  at  8 
o'clock  in  front  of  the  Sheridan  Inn.  Mr.  Glenn  Sweem  led  a 
caravan  of  25  cars  on  a  trek  covering  the  historic  battlefields  of 
Crook,  Custer,  Reno  and  Connor.  Henry  Tall  Bull,  John  Stands- 
in-Timber  and  Gregg  Penson,  Decker  rancher,  were  the  narrators 
at  some  of  these  stops,  and  at  Custer  National  Battlefield  Monu- 
ment Thomas  K.  Garry,  superintendent,  and  James  Petty,  histor- 
ian, led  a  tour  and  gave  lectures. 

Picnics  were  enjoyed  on  the  lawn  at  the  Custer  Battlefield.  The 
Sheridan  Chapter  had  thoughtfully  surprised  the  trekkers  with 
large  containers  of  ice  cold  punch  and  hot  coffee.  This  was  appre- 
ciated by  those  who  had  traveled  over  dusty  roads  for  several 
hours. 

Maurine  Carley 
Secretary-Treasurer 

Tenth  Anniversary  of  the  Society 

The  tenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  marks  a  milestone  for  the  Society,  and  it  does  not  seem 
amiss  at  this  time  to  spend  a  few  minutes  reviewing  the  past  ten 
years  as  a  prelude,  perhaps,  to  any  discussion  as  to  what  should 
constitute  the  goals  of  the  Society  during  the  coming  10  years. 

The  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  was  founded  on  October 
18,  1953,  at  an  organization  meeting  called  at  the  direction  of  the 
Wyoming  State  Library,  Archives  and  Historical  Board,  acting 
under  the  authority  of  Chapter  143  of  the  Session  Laws  of  Wyo- 
ming, 1953.  Under  this  act  the  Director  of  the  State  Archives 
and  Historical  Department,  along  with  many  other  duties,  is 
charged  with  promoting  the  founding  and  development  of  a  State 
historical  society  and  of  county  historical  chapters. 

Under  this  authority  a  call  was  issued  in  September,  1953  for 
the  meeting  on  October  1  8,  which  was  held  in  Casper,  Wyoming. 
Mr.  Fred  Marble,  chairman  of  the  State  Library,  Archives  and 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL    SOCIETY  101 

Historical  Board,  presided  at  this  meeting  which  was  attended  by 
approximately  80  persons  from  all  parts  of  the  Stats.  Some  of  you 
here  today  were  among  the  founders  and  charter  members  of  the 
Society.  At  that  time  a  constitution  was  adopted  and  memberships 
were  received. 

It  was  understood  by  the  Archives  and  Historical  Board  that  a 
volunteer  society  could  not  be  too  effective  or  possibly  even  sur- 
vive without  being  subsidized,  and  it  was  agreed  that  a  number  of 
functions  would  be  carried  on  by  the  Archives  and  Historical 
Department  which  is  Executive  Headquarters  of  the  Society. 
Among  these  functions  are  all  routine  business  of  maintaining 
membership  listings,  all  of  the  mailing  out  of  notices  and  publi- 
cations and  other  necessary  business  routines  which  are  so  time 
consuming.  It  is  estimated  that  the  full  time  of  one  and  one-half 
staff  members  in  the  Department  is  occupied  with  duties  relating 
to  the  State  Historical  Society. 

Another  duty  of  the  Archives  and  Historical  Department  under 
this  law  is  ,vto  collect,  compile  and  publish  data  of  the  events  which 
mark  the  progress  of  Wyoming  from  its  earliest  day  to  the  present 
time,  through  the  medium  of  a  State  historical  periodical,  to  be 
published  as  and  when  the  Board  shall  direct. " 

This  specifically  refers  to  the  Annals  of  Wyoming,  and  since 
communication  is  so  important  to  the  function  of  an  historical  so- 
ciety, the  Department  offered  the  Annals  of  Wyoming  to  serve  as 
the  official  publication  of  the  Society  thereby  offering  to  the  Society 
a  medium  for  publication  of  the  minutes  of  the  annual  meetings,  the 
message  of  the  president,  and  taking  under  consideration  manu- 
scripts on  Wyoming  history  submitted  by  members  of  the  Society 
as  well  as  by  other  authors.  Certain  activities,  such  as  the  historic 
trail  treks  which  have  been  sponsored  by  the  Society  and  under- 
written financially  by  the  Department,  have  been  submitted  as 
reports  and  have  been  published. 

The  Department  realized  that  one  further  step  must  be  taken 
for  closer  cooperation  and  communication,  and  with  the  authority 
of  the  State  Library,  Archives  and  Historical  Board,  immediately 
began  the  publication  of  History  News,  a  newssheet  received  by  all 
members  of  the  Society  of  what  is  going  on  in  the  state  historically, 
to  bring  to  their  attention  matters  which  need  support,  and  to 
inform  them  about  the  work  of  their  Archives  and  Historical 
Department  since,  through  the  activities  of  the  Department,  the 
society  and  its  chapters  are  fulfilling  a  part  of  their  purposes. 
The  purposes  of  the  two  are  in  reality  identical  by  law  and  consti- 
tution. I  would  like  to  call  attention  to  the  membership  that  more 
effective  use  of  the  newssheet  can  be  made  if  the  Department  is 
kept  better  informed  of  the  various  activities  over  the  State  in  the 
historical  field. 

This  brief  background  is  to  make  you  better  acquainted  with  the 
close  relationship  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  and  of 


102  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Department,  and  the 
close  working  relationship  has  been  gratifying  to  me  and  my  staff 
over  the  past  ten  years,  although  I  must  admit  that  at  times  the 
load  of  work  has  been  extremely  heavy. 

Referring  once  again  to  the  organization  of  the  Society,  its 
growth  has  evidenced  the  great  and  growing  interest  in  Wyoming 
history  among  its  citizens  and  among  people  through  the  United 
States  and  Europe,  for  we  have  many  members  from  outside 
Wyoming.    At  present  out  of  state  members  number  over  160. 

To  best  understand  our  history  it  is  important  that  we  know  it 
from  its  grass  roots,  so  to  speak,  for  without  an  understanding  of 
the  local  we  cannot  understand  the  state  and  national.  This  is  one 
reason  why  our  county  chapters  are  so  very  important. 

County  chapters  began  organizing  almost  immediately  following 
the  organization  meeting  on  October  18.  First  to  meet  and  organ- 
ize were  the  members  in  Fremont  County  who  met  November  8, 
1953.  Closely  following  them  were  Campbell  County  on  Decem- 
ber 4  and  Goshen  County  on  December  1 1 . 

In  1954  the  following  chapters  were  chartered:  Laramie,  Al- 
bany, Natrona  and  Carbon.  The  remaining  chapters,  which  now 
total  16,  received  their  charters  as  follows:  1955,  Johnson  and 
Washakie;  1956,  Park  and  Sweetwater;  1957,  Uinta;  1960  Sheri- 
dan and  Weston;  and  1961  Platte  and  Big  Horn. 

From  the  beginning  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  and 
the  county  chapters  have  made  their  influences  felt  very  strongly 
in  the  state.  Many  of  the  projects  undertaken  have  not  been  those 
which  have  been  costly  to  the  Society  but  have  nevertheless  had 
far-reaching  effects.  Our  fiscal  policy  was  set  by  the  first  president 
of  the  Society,  Frank  L.  Bowron  of  Casper.  In  his  president's 
message  published  in  the  Annals  of  Wyoming  in  July  1954,  he 
made  the  following  statement: 

"At  its  initial  meeting  last  January,  the  Executive  Committee 
decided  to  set  up  a  permanent  fund  to  be  composed  of  life  mem- 
berships, contributions  and  such  monies  as  from  time  to  time 
might  be  transferred  from  the  general  fund.  This  fund  is  to  be 
invested  and  only  the  interest  and  dividends  derived  from  such 
investment  will  be  expended.  In  short,  this  permanent  fund  will 
comprise  the  capital  of  our  Society.  This  fund  is  already  in  excess 
of  $1,000.00.  Adoption  of  this  policy  on  the  one  hand  means  that 
your  state  society  is  going  to  be  unable  to  undertake  any  large 
scale  expenditures  for  a  number  of  years.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
is  our  opinion  that  by  using  this  conservative  money  policy  from 
the  very  beginning,  we  can  insure  a  sound  and  solid  future  for  our 
organization." 

With  this  review,  perhaps  the  report  of  the  Treasurer  can  be 
more  thoroughly  considered. 

In  reviewing  the  minutes  of  the  past  ten  years,  the  following  list 
of  accomplishments  has  been  compiled.     Although  it  is  not  a 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  103 

complete  listing,  it  does  give  some  idea  as  to  the  variety  of  activities 
in  which  the  Society  has  participated: 

Scholarship:  two  have  been  awarded  and  two  theses  have  re- 
sulted, on  Big  Horn  and  Laramie  counties. 

Sign  program.  A  total  of  38  have  been  erected  under  our 
cooperative  program  in  which  the  Department  supplies  and  pays 
for  signs  for  which  counties  have  chosen  sites,  written  legends, 
had  erected  and  dedicated. 

Archaeology:  Legislation  has  twice  been  turned  down  by  the 
legislature,  but  work  is  continuing  on  this  phase  of  our  program. 
Wiggins  Peak  petrified  forest  area  has  been  protected,  and  through 
the  Society's  publicizing  the  need  for  care  of  our  archaeological 
heritage,  people  have  been  made  aware  of  this  need. 

Publications:  The  Society  reprinted  and  sold  2000  copies  of 
The  Story  Behind  Colter's  Hell,  and  purchased  a  number  of 
Hunton  Diaries  to  enable  Mr.  Flannery  to  continue  his  publication 
of  this  series  more  quickly. 

Cooperation  and  leadership  in  determining  that  Esther  Morris 
be  chosen  to  represent  Wyoming  in  Statuary  Hall  in  Washington; 
adoption  of  the  50th  Anniversary  of  Devil's  Tower  stamp;  adop- 
tion by  the  legislature  in  1^55  of  the  state  motto  and  state  song; 
worked  with  the  Pony  Express  Centennial  to  make  it  a  success; 
mapping  of  the  historic  trails  of  Wyoming. 

A  special  project  was  the  making  available  for  lending  to  schools 
and  organizations  colored  slide  sets  on  the  Oregon  Trail  and  Din- 
woody  Indian  Petroglyphs,  the  film  on  All  American  Indian  Days 
was  made  but  the  pro'ect  has  not  been  completed. 

This  list  in  itself  is  impressive,  but  it  tells  only  a  part  of  the  story. 
As  a  result  of  the  founding  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
and  its  chapters  the  people  of  Wyoming  have  become  more  aware 
of  their  magnificent  heritage  and  more  people  are  doing  something 
about  it.  True,  in  some  instances  there  is  more  talk  than  accom- 
plishments, but,  in  reviewing  the  reports  over  the  years  of  the 
various  county  chapters,  all  the  accomplishments  of  these  societies 
should  be  listed  in  accompaniment  with  those  of  the  State  Society, 
and  that  listing  is  even  more  impressive. 

To  summarize  briefly,  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society, 
although  young,  has  a  record  of  which  we  can  be  extremely  proud. 
Much  has  been  accomplished  during  the  past  10  years,  but,  in  the 
language  of  today,  we  haven't  gotten  off  the  launching  pad  as  yet. 
As  a  Society  and  a  Department  we  have  merely  scratched  the  sur- 
face of  what  needs  to  be  done  in  Wyoming.  Rather  than  go  into 
orbit  on  some  things,  I  believe  that  if  we  keep  our  feet  on  the 
ground,  make  plans  for  our  efforts  and  our  money  which  will  have 
lasting  effects  upon  the  preservation  of  our  heritage,  that  a  report 
in  another  ten  years  will  indicate  that  we  really  have  launched  our 
program. 

Lola  M.  Homsher 


ftook  Keviews 


The  Battle  of  Platte  Bridge.  By  J.  W.  Vaughn.  (Norman,  The 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press.  1963.  Illus.,  Index.  132 
pp.    $3.95.) 

This  is  the  factual  story  of  an  almost  unknown  battle,  fought 
near  the  present  site  of  Casper,  Wyoming,  in  July  1865.  It  would 
rank,  as  battles  go,  as  practically  a  skirmish,  in  which  members  of 
the  Eleventh  Kansas  Cavalry,  and  the  Eleventh  Ohio  Cavalry, 
along  with  a  few  "galvanized"  troops,  endeavored,  unsuccessfully, 
to  rescue  a  small  army  wagon  train.  Among  those  killed  here  was 
Lieutenant  Caspar  Collins,  a  young  officer  from  Ohio,  from  whom 
the  thriving  city  of  Casper  gets  its  name,  although  the  spelling  was 
changed. 

Platte  Bridge  Station,  later  called  Ft.  Caspar,  was  named  for  the 
bridge  over  the  Platte,  built  by  Louis  Guinard  in  1857-58,  near 
the  old  Mormon  Ferry.  It  was  an  important  place  on  the  Oregon 
Trail,  and  was  a  camping  place  often  used  by  immigrants.  The 
post  was  occupied  by  troops  from  1862  to  1867  when  it  was 
abandoned  and  later  burned  by  Indians. 

Following  the  massacre  of  Cheyenne  Indians  at  Sand  Creek, 
the  Cheyennes  "carried  the  war  pipe"  to  the  Sioux  and  their  allies, 
the  Arapahoes,  sparking  a  conflagration  all  along  the  Oregon  Trail 
and  continuing  throughout  Wyoming  and  Montana,  for  many 
years,  costing  a  loss  of  many  white  and  Indian  lives,  and  millions 
of  dollars.  The  administration,  then  controlling  affairs  in  Wash- 
ington, was  concerned  largely  with  the  problems  of  the  Civil  War, 
and  its  aftermath,  and  reflected  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  expan- 
sion and  conquest,  caused  by  the  urge  of  immigrants  to  travel 
westward  in  search  of  new  homes,  or  impelled  by  the  gold  fever. 
Treaties  and  agreements  with  the  Indians  were  made  with  little 
concern  whether  they  were  carried  out  or  not.  The  Indian  Bureau 
was  peopled  with  politically  minded  men,  and  the  army  officered 
by  men  who  had  no  understanding  of  the  Indian,  whom  they  held 
in  contempt.  They  were  seeking  promotions  and  their  policy  was 
extermination,  although  they  had  no  knowledge  of  plains  warfare. 

The  book  outlines  the  situation  existing,  and  covers  in  detail  the 
travails  and  hardships  of  frontier  army  posts,  undermanned  and 
inadequately  equipped.  The  author  has  done  a  very  fine  stint  of 
research  and  has  fully  documented  his  statements.  He  has  fol- 
lowed the  pattern  set  up  by  him  in  two  previous  books,  With 
Crook  on  the  Rosebud  and  The  Reynolds  Campaign  on  Powder 
River.  The  10th  chapter  gives  in  detail  the  story  of  research,  in 
which  the  author  was  assisted  by  the  late  L.  C.  Bishop,  who  during 


BOOK  REVIEWS  105 

his  lifetime  was  noted  for  his  historic  investigation.  They  discov- 
ered, by  means  of  a  metal  detector,  the  actual  locales  of  several 
battles.     The  author,  rightfully,  dedicated  the  book  to  Bishop. 

The  work  is  of  no  little  current  interest.  Late  in  1963  the 
Indian  Court  of  Claims  awarded  the  Southern  Arapahoes  and 
Southern  Cheyennes  of  Oklahoma,  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and 
Northern  Arapahoes,  who  are  now  in  Wyoming  and  Montana, 
respectively,  $23,500,000  in  a  final  payment  for  51,210.000  acres 
of  land  owned  jointly  by  the  tribes,  according  to  the  treaty  of  1851, 
after  certain  offsets.  This  amount,  plus  other  costs,  show  that  the 
white  man  is  still  paying  for  mistaken  policies  and  bad  judgment 
of  the  past  century. 

The  work  is  interestingly  written,  and  the  typography  is  very 
fine,  making  for  easy  reading.  It  is  nicely  illustrated  with  17  pic- 
tures. There  is  an  ample  bibliography  and  index.  It  is  recom- 
mended as  a  permanent  addition  to  the  library  of  historians,  pro- 
fessional and  amateur. 

Sheridan  F.  H.  Sinclair 


Cattle  Raising  on  the  Plains  1900-1961 .  By  John  T.  Schlebecker. 
(Lincoln,  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1963.  Illus.,  index. 
241  pp.     $6.00) 

Few  aspects  of  western  American  history  have  received  as  much 
attention  as  the  cattle  industry.  To  date  the  emphasis  has  been 
upon  the  dramatic  developments  of  the  post-Civil  War  era:  the 
long  drives  from  Texas  to  the  northern  plains;  the  growth  of  cow 
towns  at  railroad  termini  in  Abilene,  Dodge  City,  and  Ogallala; 
the  cowboy's  free  life  on  the  open  range;  the  organization  of  power- 
ful cattlemen's  associations;  and  the  role  of  investment  capital  in 
building  huge  landed  estates.  All  these  phases  of  the  cattle  indus- 
try, and  countless  more  that  occurred  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
are  well  known.  Professor  Schlebecker's  book  represents  a  new 
departure  in  the  study  of  the  cattle  industry  because  he  is  con- 
cerned with  the  post-romantic  period  of  the  twentieth  century. 
Perhaps  the  first  important  point  made  in  his  book  is  that  the 
old-style  open  range  cattle  industry  did  not  die  all  at  once  but 
gradually  evolved  into  a  different  type  of  business.  The  railroads 
were  a  significant  factor.  They  brought  settlers  to  farm  crops  on 
the  Great  Plains  whose  experience  led  to  misery  and  disaster. 
Without  realizing  it,  the  railroads  inadvertently  convinced  both 
cattlemen  and  farmers  that  the  land  could  be  used  more  advan- 
tageously for  ranch  farming  than  for  either  herding  or  crop 
farming. 

The  narrative  is  arranged  chronologically.  In  the  first  six  years 
of  the  twentieth  century,   meat  packing  and  consumer  demand 


106  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

forced  cattlemen  to  produce  a  higher-quality  beef  on  fewer  acres. 
Most  cattlemen  started  raising  supplemental  feed,  particularly  on 
the  northern  Plains,  but  the  chief  reliance  was  still  on  range  grass. 
Between  1906-1910,  ranch  farming  got  started,  Brahman  cattle 
appeared,  and  the  federal  government  became  interested  in  range 
management  through  the  Forest  Service.  World  War  I  revitalized 
the  cattle  industry,  but  the  ranchers  had  to  compete  with  wheat 
farmers  for  profits  and  federal  supervision  was  accelerated,  as  is 
always  the  case  in  war  years.  In  the  post-war  depression,  both 
cattle  prices  and  per  capita  consumption  of  beef  declined.  There 
were  additional  problems  with  drouth,  grasshoppers,  prairie  dogs, 
and  diseases  to  plague  the  life  of  the  rancher.  Many  cattlemen  and 
the  bankers  who  had  backed  them  failed  in  business  so  they  turned 
to  the  federal  government  for  aid  in  the  early  1920's.  Between 
1926  and  1928  prices  rose  so  high  that  the  cattle  interests  were 
unconcerned  about  the  continuing  decline  in  consumption.  Taking 
advantage  of  these  good  prices,  they  culled  their  herds  and  raised 
the  quality  of  their  stock.  They  moved  toward  more  intensive 
beef  production  by  improving  feeding  and  breeding  operations  and 
following  accepted  range  management  practices.  Ranch  life 
changed  perceptibly  as  the  cattlemen  and  their  families  took  on 
city  ways.    Then  came  the  Great  Depression. 

Like  everyone  else,  cattlemen  were  bewildered  as  prices  and 
consumption  fell  drastically  and  loans  were  impossible  to  obtain. 
As  drouth  struck  and  the  dust  bowl  developed,  cattlemen  decreased 
the  size  of  their  herds  and  increased  the  size  of  their  ranges  but  to 
no  avail.  They  were  forced  to  have  help  from  the  federal  govern- 
ment and  the  price  they  had  to  pay  once  again  was  regulation. 
On  the  bright  side,  the  1930's  brought  a  transportation  revolution, 
the  use  of  trucks  as  a  more  flexible  and  economical  means  of 
handling  cattle.  World  War  II  brought  with  it  price  controls  and 
rationing  that  were  accepted  in  good  humor  because  of  the  accom- 
panying prosperity.  In  recent  decades  the  most  important  changes 
in  the  industry  have  been  associated  with  the  revolution  in  the  food 
processing  and  marketing,  and  with  the  impact  of  biochemistry 
through  experimentation  with  antibiotics,  hormones,  systemic  poi- 
sons, and  herbicides. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  this  is  a  story  of  the  ways 
and  means  whereby  science  and  technology,  governmental  controls, 
consumer  demands,  business  cycles,  and  nature  were  to  affect  the 
production  of  beef  for  the  national  and  international  market.  The 
analysis  is  largely  confined  to  the  economic  and  business  interests 
of  cattlemen.  Little  attention  is  given  to  their  political  action  and 
no  attempt  has  been  made  to  deal  with  their  social  and  cultural 
concerns.  It  is  a  story  without  any  heroes.  When  all  has  been 
said,  Professor  Schlebecker  leaves  the  impression  that  he  considers 
the  cattle  interests  self-centered,  unreasonable,  and  guilty  of  mis- 
representation.   For  example,  he  suggests  that  ranchers  have  built 


BOOK  REVIEWS  107 

a  legend  about  their  fierce  independence,  their  unwillingness  to 
seek  or  receive  help,  particularly  from  the  government.  He  seems 
surprised  that  the  public  is  not  offended  by  their  guile  and  conceit. 
Like  everyone  in  twentieth  century  America,  he  concludes,  they 
continually  sought  help  from  the  government  and  got  it.  The 
cattlemen  just  showed  less  appreciation,  resented  regimentation, 
and  tried  to  leave  the  impression  they  were  the  last  of  the  rugged 
individualists. 

The  book  is  clearly  written  and  well  organized  with  helpful 
chapter  summaries.  There  is  an  abundance  of  statistics  about 
prices,  production,  and  consumption  that  crop  up  with  regularity, 
but  no  doubt  out  of  necessity.  The  author  has  written  most  of  his 
volume  with  scholarly  restraint,  but  readers  will  be  startled  per- 
iodically by  outspoken  value  judgments,  usually  reflecting  the 
author's  hostility  to  the  cattlemen,  that  seem  either  unjustified  or 
irrelevant  on  the  basis  of  the  evidence  he  has  just  presented.  Al- 
though readers  may  not  quarrel  with  the  author's  opinions,  many 
would  have  appreciated  more  evidence  to  sustain  some  of  the  barbs 
he  releases  in  almost  every  chapter.  The  notes  and  bibliography 
indicate  that  Professor  Schlebecker  has  been  engaged  in  extensive 
and  exhaustive  research  in  writing  this  volume.  The  book  is  a 
pioneering  work  that  has  laid  the  foundation  for  the  study  of 
future  historians  who  will  discover  in  its  pages  many  suggestive 
themes  for  elaboration  and  analysis.  Meanwhile,  scholars  inter- 
ested in  the  economic  history  of  the  American  West  in  the  twen- 
tieth century  are  indebted  to  Professor  Schlebecker  for  shedding  a 
spotlight  on  one  of  its  vital  phases,  that  of  the  cattle  industry. 

University  of  California,  Davis  W.  Turrentine  Jackson 


Songs  of  Wyoming.    By  Hans  Kleiber.     (Sheridan,  Wyoming   The 
Mills  Company,  1963.     Illus.,  index.     114  pp.     $4.50.) 

These  songs  of  Wyoming  are  Hans  Kleiber's  poems  of  strong 
contrasts  with  deep  and  "abiding  love  for  whatever  the  out-of- 
doors  with  its  forests  and  mountains  had  to  offer  mankind. "  They 
are  songs  of  memory,  "each  one  telling  a  story  or  a  graphic  de- 
scription of  incidents,  personal  reactions,  straying  thoughts,  or 
states  of  heart  and  mind  impossible  to  render  in  a  more  telling  and 
simple  way." 

Hans  Kleiber  has  many  talents.  His  etchings  of  wild  life  and 
Wyoming  scenes,  as  well  as  his  water  colors,  have  given  pleasure 
to  countless  admirers.  One  day  as  I  was  passing  Gump's  distinc- 
tive art  store  in  San  Francisco,  I  saw  an  entire  window  display  of 
etchings.     1  stopped  to  look  with  a  feeling  of  knowing  them.    They 


108  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

had  to  be  Hans  Kleiner's.  They  were!  This  book  of  poems  is 
the  complement  to  his  career  in  pictorial  arts,  forestry  and  con- 
servation. 

The  selection  for  the  book  cover  of  the  pen  and  ink  drawing  of 
North  Piney  Creek  in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  gives  added 
pleasure. 

Songs  of  the  Bighorns,  Wind  River  Memories,  Reflections  and 
Early  Lyrics  extend  invitations  to  you  to  keep  this  book  within 
easy  reach.  You  will  be  rewarded  with  the  gaiety,  the  fine  touch 
of  description  and  tenderness  of  the  lines  of  exquisite  words. 

Chexenne  Louise  Stimson  Hallowell 


Soldier  and  Brave.  The  National  Survey  of  Historic  Sites  and 
Buildings,  National  Park  Service,  U.  S.  Department  of  the 
Interior.  Introduction  by  Ray  Allen  Billington.  (New  York, 
Harper  &  Row.     1963.    Illus.,  index.    279  pp.     $6.50) 

The  first  in  a  series  of  sixteen  volumes  by  the  National  Park 
Service,  this  is  a  valuable  reference  for  travelers  as  well  as  guide 
while  reading  other  sources  of  western  history.  The  area  covered 
in  this  book  is  the  United  States  west  of  the  Mississippi;  the  time 
1800  to  1890. 

This,  as  indicated,  is  a  survey  to  evaluate  the  places  of  impor- 
tance in  United  States  history  and  prehistory.  It  is  in  very  readable 
and  coherent  form,  prepared  and  written  by  historians  and  arche- 
ologists  of  the  Park  Service  after  comprehensive  field  work  and 
consultation  with  experts. 

Part  I  of  the  book  is  a  narrative  history  of  the  time  period  cov- 
ered. Part  II  describes  under  four  categories  the  historic  sites. 
"Sites  In  the  National  Park  System"  are  identified  by  location, 
address,  and  a  history  of  the  location.  Under  this  category  Wyo- 
ming has  one.  Fort  Laramie.  "Sites  Eligible  for  the  Registry  of 
National  Historic  Landmarks"  have  met  the  criteria  of  "excep- 
tional value"  and  Wyoming  has  one:  Fort  Phil  Kearny  and 
related  sites.  This  section  identifies  each  site  by  location,  owner- 
ship and  historic  significance.  "Other  Sites  Considered"  are 
identified  by  location  and  a  brief  history.  In  this  category  Wyo- 
ming has  six  listings.  "Sites  Also  Noted"  is  a  listing  by  name  only 
and  here  Wyoming  has  two  historic  sites. 

Of  interest  is  an  eight  item  listing  of  the  criteria  used  in  selecting 
historic  sites  of  "exceptional  value"  -  the  guide  lines  in  determining 
which  are  acceptable  for  the  second  category  above. 

There  are  nine  uncluttered  maps,  each  on  a  separate  theme  such 
as  forts  and  battlefields  of  the  Plains  Wars,  The  Sioux  Wars,  The 


BOOK  REVIEWS  109 

Southwest  and  in  addition  a  line  map  of  "The  Western  Indian 
Reservations  of  1890."  With  the  maps  and  232  illustrations  and 
photographs,  most  of  the  time  period  covered,  the  reader  can 
obtain  a  comprehensive  view  of  much  western  history.  You  will 
find  this  a  useful  addition  to  your  library. 

Rawlins  Neal  E.  Miller 


Old  Forts  of  the  Northwest.     By  Herbert  M.  Hart.     (Seattle,  Su- 
perior Publishing  Co.,  1963.     Illus.,  index  192  pp.     $12.50) 

The  technique  of  presenting  a  subject  pictorially,  with  compara- 
tively little  text,  is  utilized  very  effectively  in  this  attractive  and 
most  interesting  book.  The  collection  of  pictures  is  superb,  and 
the  text  is  concise  and  comprehensive. 

Major  Hart  covers  some  seventy  forts  active  during  the  1850- 
1  890  period.  Geographically,  his  range  is  from  Minnesota  through 
Wyoming  and  the  other  Great  Plains  states,  and  on  to  Washington, 
Oregon  and  California. 

The  forts  are  grouped  under  headings  that  stir  the  imagination — 
Headquarters  Forts,  Guardians  of  the  Rivers,  Guardians  of  the 
Rails.  Guardians  of  the  Trails,  The  Bloody  Bozeman,  The  Peace- 
keepers, The  Protectors,  to  name  a  few.  Only  Fort  Laramie  is  not 
classified  in  a  group,  but  stands  alone  as  The  Queen. 

The  stories  of  the  individual  forts  are  presented  with  several 
pictures,  about  evenly  divided  between  present-day  scenes,  and  old 
ones  from  the  files  of  the  National  Archives  and  other  historical 
agencies:  a  few  brief  paragraphs  on  their  history,  and  where  perti- 
nent, a  description  of  the  current  utilization  of  the  buildings  and 
property.  With  each  description  is  a  small  plat  of  the  fort  as  it 
was  originally  laid  out,  and  directions  for  reaching  it  by  today's 
routes. 

In  many  cases  the  only  vestiges  are  a  few  mounds  or  foundation 
stones  to  show  where  a  fort  once  was.  Some,  such  as  Fort  Lara- 
mie, are  being  restored  and  preserved  and  a  few,  such  as  old  Fort 
Russell,  now  Warren  Air  Force  Base,  continue  as  active  military 
installations. 

Perhaps  more  than  any  other,  the  photograph  of  Fort  Caspar, 
shown  in  color  on  the  book's  jacket,  seems  to  sharpen  the  reader's 
realization  that  for  the  most  part  the  old  forts  are  today  little  more 
than  empty  museum  pieces.  The  American  flag,  stretched  out 
in  a  breeze,  flies  in  lonely  dignity  over  the  few  buildings  that  are 
shown  around  the  parade  ground.  The  log  structures  are  neatly 
restored,  the  grounds  uncluttered,  but  the  blank  doors  and  win- 
dows and  the  complete  lack  of  activity  tell  unmistakably  that  the 


110  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

purpose  of  the  old  post  has  been  fulfilled  and  the  life  and  vigor 
of  an  earlier  era  is  finished. 

There  are  a  few  discrepancies  in  spelling  and  minor  details  of 
history,  not  in  agreement  with  the  versions  accepted  by  most 
authoritative  sources.  The  author  offers  apology  and  explanation 
for  most  of  these  in  his  foreword.  But  they  do  not  detract  from 
the  appeal  of  the  book  or  the  real  enjoyment  of  reading  it. 

Old  Forts  of  the  Northwest  is  announced  as  the  first  in  a  series 
on  western  forts,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  following  volumes  will 
not  be  long  in  appearing. 

Cheyenne  Katherine  Halverson 


Indians  as  the  Westerners  Saw  Them.     By  Ralph  W.  Andrews. 
( Seattle,  Superior  Publishing  Co.,  1963.    Illus.,  index  176  pp. 

$12.50.) 

In  his  foreword  the  author  states  that  he  presents  here  "a  few 
accounts  of  people  who  saw,  felt,  heard  and  no  doubt  smelled  the 
Indians  whose  lands  they  had  invaded  and  usurped,  whose  lives 
they  had  disturbed  and  ruined.  A  hundred  years  and  more  after 
the  settling  of  the  northern  plains  these  pioneer  accounts  lend 
authentic  color  and  value  to  the  tribesmen.  In  telling  us  of  their 
experiences  they  utter  far  more  truth  about  the  Indians  than  we 
can  ever  find  in  professionally  written  material." 

Mr.  Andrews  has  divided  his  book  into  seventeen  chapters, 
each  of  which  is  a  reprint  from  printed  or  manuscript  sources  by 
other  authors.  Three  chapters  have  been  taken  from  articles  pub- 
lished in  the  Annals  of  Wyoming:  "To  Take  a  Scalp1'  by  Everett 
L.  Ellis,  and  two  excerpts  from  "Incidents  in  the  Life  of  Norris 
Griggs1'  by  Mrs.  Helen  Sargent. 

Between  chapters  the  author  has  inserted  short  items  on  Indian 
incidents  and  Indian  biographies. 

The  author  illustrates  the  book  with  a  great  number  of  fine 
photographs  he  has  collected  from  numerous  museums,  historical 
societies,  historical  departments,  universities  and  the  Smithsonian 
Institution.  These  portray  Indian  life  and  include  pictures  of  a 
number  of  prominent  chiefs  such  as  Two  Moons,  Man  Afraid  of 
His  Horses,  Chief  Gall  and  Red  Cloud,  as  well  as  numerous  lesser 
known  Indians. 

Mr.  Andrews  intends  for  this  book,  through  its  fine  illustrations 
and  selected  articles,  to  whet  the  interest  of  the  reader,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  book  he  has  a  selected  list  of  books  pertaining  to  the 
northern  plains  tribes  which  he  suggests  for  further  reading. 

Cheyenne  Loretta  Curtin 


BOOK  REVIEWS  111 

Tales  of  the  Seeds-Ke-Dee.    Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild.    (  Den- 
ver, Big  Horn  Mountain  Press,  1963.     386  pp.     $8.50) 

This  collection  of  prose,  poetry  and  pictures  is  a  delightful 
means  of  getting  to  know  the  rugged  people  who  were  the  early 
pioneers  in  a  rich,  unbroken  land.  The  beautiful  Green  River 
country  is  the  setting,  and  records  have  been  gathered  from  rela- 
tives and  friends,  diaries  and  letters  of  the  first  settlers  there. 
Stories  of  courage,  hardship,  endurance  and  determination  fill  the 
reader  with  wonder  and  admiration  for  these  daring  people. 

Living  great  distances  from  towns,  other  settlers,  doctors  or 
ministers,  they  had  to  face  their  troubles  and  sorrows  alone.  They 
nursed  their  sick,  buried  their  dead,  delivered  their  babies.  One 
trip  a  year  for  provisions  usually  took  days  of  tortuous  traveling. 
There  were  no  roads  or  bridges.  Blizzards  in  the  winter,  swollen 
streams  in  the  spring,  took  heavy  toll  of  live  stock  and  sometimes 
human  life.  It  was  months  between  letters  from  home  or  a  visit 
with  friends.  But  they  had  come  with  a  vision  of  a  new  life,  and 
they  loved  this  magnificent  country  with  its  mountains  and  valleys 
and  pure  air. 

Families  worked  together  to  build  their  homes  and  develop  the 
new  land.  Children  helped  their  parents  in  every  way  possible. 
This  was  a  necessity.  And  when  the  work  was  done,  they  played 
together.  Times  were  often  hard,  but  homes  were  happy.  Grad- 
ually there  were  more  settlers.  There  were  neighbors,  towns,  post 
offices,  doctors,  ministers  and  teachers — even  wonderful  parties 
where  they  could  visit  for  hours,  eat  together  and  dance  until  dawn. 
It  was  a  good  life! 

One  feels  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  members  of  the  Sublette 
County  Artists'  Guild  which  has  labored  to  collect  and  publish 
these  amazing  experiences  of  those  who  first  came  to  the  land  of 
the  Seeds-Ke-Dee. 

Cheyenne  Marjorie  W.  Holcomb 


Jireh  College-Stirred  Embers  of  the  Past.  By  Maxine  Colonna  in 
collaboration  with  Ruth  Ford  Atkinson.  (The  Valliant  Co., 
1963.    Thus.,  index.     140  pp.) 

Located  about  sixteen  miles  west  of  Lusk,  in  what  is  now  Nio- 
brara County.  Wyoming,  Jireh  College,  the  first  and  only  denom- 
inational college  to  be  established  in  the  state,  existed  with  varying 
degrees  of  success  for  a  ten  year  period,  1910-1920.  Being  mainly 
a  college  preparatory  school  (high  school)  and  a  two  year  junior 


112  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

coilege  curriculum,  it  sought  to  serve  the  sparsely  settled,  newly- 
opened  homestead  lands  of  eastern  Wyoming  with  a  higher  educa- 
tional opportunity. 

From  the  history  of  the  establishing  of  the  College  by  Reverend 
George  Dalzell,  deposited  with  other  papers  under  the  corner  stone 
laid  in  1909  and  retrieved  in  1925  when  the  College  building  was 
dismantled,  it  is  quoted  he  "got  up  one  night  after  a  spell  of  sleep- 
lessness, and  wrote  a  plan"  envisioning  not  only  a  Christian  college, 
but  a  Christian  community  of  homesteaders,  leaders,  friends,  who 
would  be  in  sympathy  with  it.  Thus  many  of  the  settlers  in  the 
new  land  were  persuaded  from  their  homes  in  the  middle  eastern 
states  by  contact  through  the  Christian  Church,  one  being  Daniel 
B.  Atkinson,  D.D.,  who  became  the  mainstay  of  the  project  when 
Reverend  Dalzell  lost  interest  in  a  few  years  and  moved  from  the 
community. 

"Stirred  Embers'1,  an  apt  expression,  originated  when  some 
years  ago,  Ruth  Ford  Atkinson,  widow  of  the  former  president  of 
the  College,  revisited  the  ghost  townsite  and  sat  on  the  deserted 
cement  steps  of  the  College  building.  Her  thoughts  dwelt  on  her 
homestead  days,  her  husband,  their  bright  hopes  and  dreams  of 
years  ago,  the  students,  joys  in  the  community,  the  great  burdens, 
the  lost  hopes.  Not  all  were  lost — what  had  been  accomplished 
could  never  be  taken  away;  the  spirit  of  the  relationship  of  the 
community  and  the  college;  the  encouragement  to  students.  Some 
went  on  to  notable  achievements — Albert  Day,  Director,  Fish  and 
Wildlife,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Edward  Pendray,  a  founder 
of  American  Rocket  Society,  Lyle  Powell,  distinguished  in  medical 
and  military  careers,  to  name  a  few.  So  "the  embers  of  memory 
burned  a  little  brighter." 

No  doubt  the  "embers  of  memory"  burned  brighter  for  many, 
as  over  a  four  year  period,  Maxine  Townsend  Colonna  gathered 
information  from  many  former  students  and  teachers,  wrote  letters, 
collected  photos,  compiled  information.  For  each  and  every  one 
memories  were  sharpened,  and  pleasant  was  the  recollection. 

Maxine  Towsend  arrived  with  her  family  at  Jireh,  a  teen-aged 
girl  from  Ohio,  to  meet  her  father  who  came  to  the  new  land 
to  homestead.  Having  begun  a  music  education,  she  continued  at 
Jireh  College,  and  "astride  her  steed",  in  summer  rode  to  various 
homesteads  to  give  music  lessons.  Moving  to  the  vicinity  of  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  in  1918,  she  continued  to  advance  her  musical 
accomplishments,  and  entered  governmental  service,  being  in  sev- 
eral departments  and  commissions,  and  authoring  several  technical 
reports.  Then  after  thirty-six  years  in  the  east,  Mrs.  Colonna 
returned  to  the  University  of  Wyoming  and  spent  some  time  on  the 
Wind  River  Indian  Reservation  gathering  material  for  her  long- 
range  project  "The  Arapahoe  Indian." 

In  1951,  while  on  a  trip  to  Lusk,  Mrs.  Colonna  visited  the  old 


BOOK   REVIEWS  1  13 

homestead,  the  vacant  townsite,  the  lonesome  steps  and  College 
foundation,  and  an  old  timer  or  two,  and  no  doubt  the  seeds  of  this 
study  and  recollections  of  Jireh  College  and  Jireh  Community  were 
born.  Although  limited  in  scope  and  reader  appeal,  the  book  has 
faithfully  and  sympathetically  recalled  a  portion  of  the  history  of 
Wyoming.  Being  interwoven  of  recorded  data,  recollections, 
memories  and  nostalgia,  "Jireh  College"  traces  the  origin  of  a 
dream,  the  growth  of  a  plan,  a  community,  and  in  its  brief  bio- 
graphical sketches  of  students,  faculty,  activities  and  community 
members,  Jireh  lives  today. 

Lusk  G.  L.  Pfeifer 


The  Overland  Limited.     By  Lucius  Beebe.      ( Berkeley,   Hovvell- 
North  Books,  1963.     Illus.,  index.     157  pp.     $5.95.) 

The  Overland  Limited  is  another  fine  pictorial  history  on  rail- 
roads. The  Wyoming  railway  buff  can  become  excited  over  this 
book  since  it  deals  with  one  of  the  famous  trains  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  which  was  familiar  to  most  Wyomingites. 

A  great  number  of  the  fine  photographs  which  appear  in  this 
book  are  from  the  files  of  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  His- 
torical Department,  a  part  of  the  Stimson  Collection  of  negatives. 
Mr.  Stimson  was,  for  a  number  of  years,  the  official  photographer 
for  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and  his  original  negative  collection 
was  acquired  by  the  Department  some  years  ago.  The  pictures 
were  carefully  chosen  by  Mr.  Beebe  on  a  personal  visit  to  the 
Department  and  through  much  correspondence. 

For  three-quarters  of  a  century,  first  as  the  Overland  Flyer  and 
later  as  the  Overland  Limited,  this  was  one  of  America's  most 
famous  trains.  It  made  its  last  run  as  a  daily  train  on  July  16, 
1962,  when  its  suspension  was  authorized  by  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission. 

While  the  Overland  was  only  one  of  a  number  of  de  luxe  trains 
in  the  United  States,  Mr.  Beebe  makes  it  clear  that  he  feels  it  was 
one  of  the  most  glamorous  because  of  its  historical  association, 
both  because  of  its  name  and  the  West  which  it  crossed. 

In  his  narrative  which  accompanies  the  pictures,  Mr.  Beebe  re- 
lates some  of  the  history  of  the  train  and  presents  a  number  of 
anecdotes  about  famous  personalities  who  rode  it.  The  book  is  in 
a  moderate  price  range,  which  should  make  it  even  more  attractive 
since  similar  pictorial  publication  prices  have  skyrocketed. 

Cheyenne  Henryetta  Berry 


114  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Backwoods  Railroads  of  the  West,  A  Portfolio.  By  Richard  Stein- 
heimer.  (Milwaukee,  Kalmbach  Publishing  Co.  1963.  In- 
dex.    177  pp.     $20.00.) 

In  this  book  Mr.  Steinheimer  amplifies  his  reputation  as  an  out- 
standing railroad  photographer,  and  he  presents  a  177-page  com- 
pilation of  203  fine,  artistic  photographs.  He  deals  not  with  the 
main  transcontinental  roads  but  with  the  many  short  lines  which 
have  helped  to  tame  the  West  and  develop  its  natural  resources. 

Mr.  Steinheimer  uses  his  camera  as  an  author  uses  words  to  tell 
a  picture  story  of  the  narrow  gauge  railroads,  electric  lines,  mining 
roads,  short  lines,  branch  lines  and  lumber  haulers.  If  there  is 
any  criticism  of  the  book,  some  might  be  made  of  the  captions 
which  are  sometimes  a  bit  vague.  Three  pictures  are  of  Wyoming 
scenes  taken  at  Yoder,  Lusk  and  Cheyenne. 

Lucius  Beebe  in  his  recent  book  The  Central  Pacific  and  South- 
ern Pacific  Railroads  used  1 2 1  photographs  by  Richard  Stein- 
heimer and  shared  credit  with  him  on  the  title  page,  paying  tribute 
to  his  artistry. 

This  volume  combines  expert  photography  with  excellent  lay- 
outs and  fine  reproductions  by  sheet-fed  gravure.  The  fine  work 
makes  the  volume  expensive,  but  railroad  buffs  will  appreciate 
adding  the  book  to  their  libraries. 

Cheyenne  Lola  M.  Homsher 


Diesels  West!     By   David   P.   Morgan.      (Milwaukee,   Kalmbach 
Publishing  Co.,  1963.     Illus.     164  pp.     $9.75) 

David  Morgan,  editor  of  Trains  Magazine,  is  definitely  qualified 
to  author  a  railroad  book.  With  Morgan's  writing  talent  and  fac- 
tual information  from  Burlington  files,  Diesels  West!  is  a  story  of 
the  development  of  motive  power  on  a  famous  midwestern  railroad. 
The  book  contains  ten  chapters  with  only  the  first  chapter  being 
devoted  to  the  steam  engine.  Although  the  title  clearly  states  that 
the  book  is  devoted  to  diesel  power,  the  reader  is  rushed  through 
the  many  types  of  Burlington  steam  engines  in  a  matter  of  nineteen 
pages. 

Chapter  I  begins  with  the  locomotive  Pioneer,  of  Chicago  and 
North  Western  fame,  and  progresses  through  the  steamers  to  the 
last  class  of  steam  engines  built  for  the  Burlington,  the  0-5  class 
4-8-4  Northerns.  Interesting  historical  facts  on  the  performance 
of  some  of  these  steamers  are  expertly  inserted  to  give  a  smooth 
review  of  the  Burlington's  steam  years.  The  Burlington's  two 
excursion  steamers,  the  #4960  and  the  #5632  are  mentioned. 

Chapter  II  begins  the  diesel  age  for  the  Burlington.     The  gas- 


BOOK  REVIEWS  1  15 

electrics,  or  more  affectionately,  the  doodlebugs,  rate  nearly  the 
entire  chapter.  The  fine  descriptions  of  these  railroad  oddities 
makes  one  long  to  see  these  one-unit  passenger  trains  trundling 
along  our  remaining  branch  lines.  Readers  who  had  the  pleasure 
of  growing  up  in  a  community  served  by  a  railroad's  gas-electrics 
will  thoroughly  enjoy  the  chapter. 

Morgan  relates  the  story  of  the  Burlington's  plunge  into  the 
zephyr  age.  The  birth,  building  and  operation  of  the  famous  Pio- 
neer Zephyr  are  traced.  Any  historian,  railfan,  or  general  reader 
will  easily  become  absorbed  in  the  Pioneer's  famous  Denver  to 
Chicago  run  in  1934.  In  addition  to  the  Pioneer  Zephyr,  number 
9900,  her  sister  Zephyrs,  in  fine  Burlington  style,  are  also  present- 
ed. Burlington's  interest  in  progress  is  clearly  emphasized  in  the 
story  of  their  confidence  in  this  new  and  revolutionary  type  of 
passenger  train  and  motive  power,  such  as  the  early  zephyr  fleet. 

The  concluding  chapters  deal  with  the  development  of  diesel 
power  from  the  early  F-Ts  to  the  new  GP-35"s.  Morgan  includes 
many  details  on  the  operation  of  the  early  Electro-Motive  diesel, 
test  unit  number  103,  which  made  history  on  its  demonstration 
trips  on  twenty  major  railroads  in  1939.  This  diesel  revolutionized 
the  railroad  industry  by  dooming  the  steam  engine  to  oblivion. 
The  change  was  not  immediate,  but  only  twenty  years  later  all 
major  railroads  were  completely  dieselized.  Morgan  also  skillfully 
encompasses  some  valuable  statistics  to  shed  light  on  the  contro- 
versy of  steam  versus  diesel. 

Technological  changes  such  as  hump  yards,  C.T.C.  and  cab  to 
caboose  communications  are  discussed,  besides  the  new  improve- 
ments in  passenger  train  equipment. 

The  162-page  book  contains  1  16  pictures  of  various  sizes.  The 
pictures  are  some  of  the  frequently  published  publicity  shots  of 
Burlington  subjects.  New  unpublished  photographs  and  a  com- 
plete diesel  roster  would  add  to  the  fine  written  material.  In  conr 
elusion,  Diesels  West!  is  still  a  readable,  accurate  and  interesting 
book  on  a  famous  granger  railroad. 

Tor  ring  ton  Michael  E.  Varnev 


Fort  Hall,  Gateway  to  the  Oregon  Country.  By  Frank  C.  Robert- 
son. (New  York,  Hastings  House.  1963.  Illus.,  index. 
301  pp.     $5.95) 

An  "iceman"  from  Boston — Nathaniel  J.  Wyeth,  newly  turned 
adventurer — built  Fort  Hall  on  the  Snake  River  in  1834.  Then, 
to  quote  his  own  words,  he  "manufactured  a  magnificent  flag  from 
unbleached  sheeting,  a  little  red  flannel  and  a  few  blue  patches, 
saluted  it  with  damage  powder  and  wet  it  with  villainous  alcohol." 


116  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Together  with  twelve  men  who  manned  the  garrison,  he  now 
stood  ready  to  welcome  any  of  the  neighboring  nations  he  could 
induce  to  come  in  and  trade. 

Not  yet  had  his  compatriots  back  in  the  States  turned  their  eyes 
toward  California  and  Oregon  in  search  of  gold  and  land.  Not  yet 
had  even  fur  lured  many  Americans  to  this  region.  The  trade 
plied  by  fur  men  from  the  East  had  reached  its  peak  in  sections 
like  Wyoming  but  the  expanding  trade  farther  west  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  British  companies  from  Canada. 

Wyeth,  whose  dream  was  to  build  several  permanent  posts  for 
the  Americans,  showed  shrewd  insight  in  his  choice  of  a  site  for 
Fort  Hall.  This  area  of  100,000  acres  was  called  shawnt  shawnip 
("plentygame")  by  the  Indians.  Fortunately  the  tribes  who  made 
their  homes  there  were  chiefly  two — the  Bannack  and  the  Sho- 
shone. The  common  enemy  of  both  was  the  nomadic  Blackfoot 
nation,  not  the  white  men.  Especially  was  this  true  of  the  Sho- 
shone tribe,  which  preferred  to  confine  its  warfare  to  self-defense. 

The  exact  location  of  old  Fort  Hall  has  remained  long  in  ques- 
tion. At  least  four  Idaho  spots  have  been  named,  but  Robertson 
contends  the  actual  site  was  "twelve  miles  west  and  a  little  north  of 
the  present  Fort  Hall  Indian  Agency." 

Perhaps  no  man  is  more  eminently  fitted  to  write  the  Fort  Hall 
story  than  Frank  Chester  Robertson,  author  of  more  than  a  hun- 
dred novels;  best  known  for  his  autobiography,  A  Ram  in  the 
Thicket.  Much  of  his  life  has  been  spent  in  the  shawnt  shawnip 
area  and  he  has  firsthand  knowledge  of  the  country  and  its  people. 

Realizing  this,  at  least  one  reader  wonders  why  dozens  upon 
dozens  of  pages  in  this,  his  latest  book,  cover  the  sub-heading,  "the 
Oregon  Country;"  very  few  deal  directly  with  the  main  title,  "Fort 
Hall."  Admittedly,  the  existence  of  this  short-lived  fort  (1834- 
1856)  depended  almost  entirely  on  the  westward  expansion  move- 
ment. Granted,  the  first  160  pages,  and  countless  others  farther 
on.  make  for  interesting  reading,  even  though  drawn  chiefly  from 
such  familiar  sources  as  Irving  and  Bancroft.  Agreed,  the  Oregon 
narrative  is  enlivened  by  Robertson's  own  penetrating  comments 
on  the  character  of  men  such  as  Dr.  John  McLoughlin,  representa- 
tive of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  on  the  Columbia  River,  and 
Hall  Jackson  Kelley,  crusader  and  founder  of  the  American  Society 
for  the  Settlement  of  Oregon.  Even  so,  could  some  of  this  material 
be  omitted  without  serious  loss  to  the  narrative?  Could  much  of 
it  be  condensed?    One  wonders! 

Focus  centers  in  the  latter  half  of  the  book  on  the  missionaries, 
the  gold  miners,  the  freighters,  the  cattlemen  and  the  homesteaders 
who  followed  the  trail  which  passed  Fort  Hall.  Your  interest  may 
quicken,  as  did  mine,  when  you  read  these  pages.  The  material 
covered  is  less  familiar  to  a  reader  from  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Rockies.  Figures  and  events  flit  across  the  author's  kaleidoscope 
in  a  sequence  that  is  swift  and  colorful.     Long  years  of  writing 


BOOK  REVIEWS  I  17 

have  made  Frank  C.  Robertson  master  of  a  style  that  is  terse, 
natural  and  convincing. 

Any  collector  of  Western  Americana  should  be  pleased  to  add 
this  treatise  to  his  bookshelves. 

University  of  Wyoming  Clarice  Whittenburg 


Where  the  Old  West  Stayed  Young.  By  John  Roife  Burroughs. 
(New  York,  William  Morrow.  1962.  Illus.,  index.  376 
pp.     $15.00) 

This  is  a  book  where  people  move  and  get  things  done.  In  a 
style  all  his  own,  and  one  that  reads  like  fiction,  John  R.  Burroughs 
has  written  a  big  book  about  the  big  country  drained  by  the  Yampa 
in  northwestern  Colorado  and  by  the  Green  where  it  flows  through 
southern  Wyoming  into  Utah,  makes  a  loop  into  Colorado,  and 
then  flows  back  into  Utah  again.  Much  of  the  action  centers  in 
Brown's  Park,  or  Brown's  Hole,  as  it  was  originally  known,  an 
open  valley  on  the  Green  where  it  flows  from  Utah  into  Colorado. 
A  pocket  that  remained  relatively  untouched  by  the  advance  of 
civilization  around  it,  the  Park's  history  is  traced  from  the  first 
white  visitors  in  1  825  through  the  reign  of  the  cattle  kings  to  their 
decline  and  eventual  replacement  by  homesteaders  and  sheepmen. 
In  the  course  of  this  extensive  work,  liberally  scattered  with  orig- 
inal photographs  of  the  times  and  the  people,  and  well  documented, 
the  author  has  painted  a  picture  of  the  living  West  that  contained 
all  the  thrills  of  a  top-notch  western,  plus  the  additional  excitement 
of  real-life  adventure  in  a  rugged  country,  untamed  and  commer- 
cially undeveloped. 

Brown's  Park,  a  natural  winter  forage  ground  for  cattle,  was  also 
a  natural  hideout  for  murderers,  horse  and  cattle  thieves,  and  bank 
and  train  robbers.  The  country  around  the  Hole  between  the 
O-Wi-Yu-Kuts  Plateau  and  the  Uinta  Mountains  is  a  maze  of 
ridges,  impassable  canyons,  cliffs  and  breaks  criss-crossed  by 
abrupt  arroyos.  Mexican  Joe,  cunning  knife  wielder;  Judge  Con- 
way, legal  genius  who  used  his  knowledge  to  good  advantage  in 
crime;  Ned  Huddleston,  Negro  bandit  who  finally  went  straight; 
the  paid  killer  Tom  Horn;  the  Tip  Gault  gang,  who  rustled  cattle 
to  sell  beef  to  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  construction  crews;  and 
Butch  Cassidy's  "Wild  Bunch",  who  executed  some  of  the  most 
imaginative  and  exact  robberies  of  the  times — all  used  this  valley 
for  their  hideouts  and  bases  of  operation. 

The  whole  area  saw  the  rise  to  prominence  of  powerful  cattle 
barons,  beginning  in  the  1 880's  with  the  Hoys  and  Spicers,  who 
were  the  first  to  run  cattle  year  round  in  northwestern  Colorado. 
One  after  another  enterprising  cattlemen  made  the  land  pay  by 
feeding  thousands  of  head  on  the  rich  prairie  grass  of  the  region — 


118  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  Middlesex  Land  &  Cattle  Company;  Ora  Haley  and  his  Two 
Bar  outfit;  George  Baggs,  who,  for  several  years  held  a  monopoly 
on  the  Denver  meat  market;  William  Swan  and  John  Cudahy  of 
meat-packing  fame;  and  the  Cary  brothers  on  the  Two  Circle  Bar, 
who  surpassed  even  Ora  Haley  with  a  cow  shed  more  than  a  mile 
long! 

As  a  result  of  the  interest  in  cattle  ranching,  settlers  began  to 
establish  permanent  homes  in  this  wild  valley,  still  not  immune  to 
Indian  attacks.  Among  these  families  who  came  were  the  Bas- 
setts,  well  educated  people  from  the  East,  bringing  with  them  an 
extensive  library.  Their  ranch  became  the  first  "port  of  call"  for 
travelers  entering  the  Park.  Elizabeth  Bassett  assumed  the  duties 
of  doctor,  nurse,  and  cook  for  the  whole  area,  as  most  of  the 
women  had  to  do.  Their  daughter,  "Queen  Ann,'1  first  white  child 
to  be  born  in  Northwestern  Colorado,  refined,  schooled  and  trained 
in  private  schools,  could  ride  herd  with  the  best  of  range  hands 
and  did  not  hesitate  to  rustle  cattle  from  her  enemies  or  to  marry 
to  advance  her  own  fortune. 

The  book  is  about  the  range-cattle  business  and  the  people  who 
ran  it.  John  R.  Burroughs,  a  native  of  Steamboat  Springs,  Colo- 
rado, thinks  of  his  country  as  the  place  where  the  "Old  West 
Stayed  Young."  There  in  microcosm  events  characteristic  of 
earlier  times  in  the  industry  occurred  late:  Cattlemen  fought  each 
other  and  the  large  and  small  outfits  warred;  there  was  trouble 
with  rustlers  and  sheepmen,  and  homesteaders,  and  the  Forest 
Service.  The  range  wars,  rustlers,  bad  men,  the  struggle  over 
barbed  wire  and  water  rights  continued  on  into  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury some  time  after  peace  prevailed  elsewhere. 

Burroughs  likes  the  people  who  get  things  done,  the  "prime 
movers",  good  or  bad,  and  his  book  is  full  of  them.  His  writing 
keeps  pace  with  the  characters.  He  has  illuminated  the  history 
of  the  region  and  has  given  us  a  real  western  untainted  by  fanciful 
and  romantic  stuff.  The  book  is  handsomely  produced.  An  index 
with  three  columns  of  proper  names  to  the  page  takes  up  twelve 
pages. 

University  oj  Utah  C.  Gregory  Crampton 


From  Prairie  to  Corn  Belt,  Farming  on  the  Illinois  and  Iowa 
prairies  in  the  nineteenth  century.  By  Allan  G.  Bogue.  (Uni- 
versity of  Chicago,  1963.     Illus.,  index.     310  pp.     $6.95) 

Much  has  been  written  about  agriculture  in  Illinois  and  Iowa. 
In  the  present  volume  Allan  Bogue,  Professor  of  History  at  the 
State  University  of  Iowa,  distills  this  substantial  literature  and  adds 
much  from  his  own  research.  Dr.  Bogue  has  gone  through  many 
county  "mug"  books  for  farming  experiences.     He  has  studied 


BOOK  REVIEWS  I  19 

census  returns  for  population  movements,  size  of  farms,  and 
evolving  crop  patterns.  He  has  examined  diaries,  letters,  land 
office  records,  county  records,  periodical  literature,  agriculture 
college  bulletins,  and  many  unpublished  theses. 

The  four  glaciers  that  moved  into  the  Middle  West  did  not 
cover  Illinois  and  Iowa  uniformly.  They  left  soils  of  varying 
fertility  which  farmers  learned  by  trial  and  error  to  use  most 
effectively.  The  first  farmers  lived  in  the  woods  or  at  the  edge  of 
the  woods  because  they  needed  wood  for  various  purposes.  Then 
gradually  they  moved  out  on  the  better  soils  of  the  prairie.  Most 
of  the  farmers  entering  the  Illinois-Iowa  prairie  came  from  states 
directly  east,  though  one  fourth  of  those  in  Iowa  in  1  850  had  been 
born  in  five  southern  states  (Kentucky,  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Mis- 
souri, and  North  Carolina).  Ohio  supplied  Iowa  with  more  people 
than  all  five  of  these  southern  states. 

Illinois  and  Iowa  farm  lands  were  settled  mainly  through  cash 
sales  and  military  bounties.  Only  one  per  cent  of  Illinois  and  2.5 
per  cent  of  Iowa  were  settled  under  homestead  acts. 

Bogue  establishes  that  farmers  in  the  late  1 9th  century  were  less 
depressed  than  generally  has  been  thought.  Yet  no  one  should 
assume  that  because  Illinois  and  Iowa  lands  are  rich  and  valuable 
today  the  pioneer  farmers  had  an  easy  time  of  it.  Although  most 
farmers  had  their  troubles  their  land  increased  considerably  in 
value,  1860-1890. 

Bogue  reviews  the  history  of  claims  clubs,  which  often  have  been 
regarded  as  democratic  organizations  to  protect  honest  settlers 
against  claim  jumpers  and  speculators.  He  finds  that  they  were 
sometimes  organized  to  fleece  latecomers.  After  grabbing  more 
land  than  they  could  use,  the  original  squatters  made  latecomers 
pay  them  for  unoccupied  lands. 

It  was  a  rare  farmer  who  bought  a  piece  of  land  of  the  right  size 
and  stayed  with  it  lor  life.  Most  farmers  could  not  resist  making 
land  deals  and  moving  from  time  to  time. 

Sod  houses  were  rare  because  cheap  pine  lumber  was  readily 
available.  Well-diggers  normally  found  good  water  at  30  feet  or 
less.  Before  barbed  wire  came  in  the  1  870's,  fences  were  mainly 
worm,  board,  post  and  rail,  or  hedge.  There  were  disputes  as 
to  whether  grain  farmers  should  fence  livestock  out,  or  livestock 
men  should  fence  their  animals  in. 

Dr.  Bogue  discusses  cattle,  sheep,  and  hogs;  feeding  operations; 
improvement  of  breeds;  interest  in  western  properties.  He  in- 
cludes much  detail  about  crops,  equipment,  prices,  capital,  labor, 
and  taxes. 

This  is  a  thoroughly  researched,  well  organized,  well  written 
volume  which  should  be  the  standard  work  in  the  field  for  a  long 
time. 

University  of  Wyoming  T.  A.  Larson 


120  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Honor  Thy  Father.    By  Robert  A.  Roripaugh.     (New  York,  Wil- 
liam Morrow  and  Company,  1963.    287  pp.    $4.50.) 

Robert  Roripaugh's  new  novel,  Honor  Thy  Father,  which  re- 
cently won  the  coveted  Western  Heritage  Award,  ought  to  have  a 
strong  appeal  for  the  readers  of  the  Annals.  First  of  all,  it  tells  a 
good  story,  the  setting  of  which  is  in  a  familiar  and  beautiful  section 
of  Wyoming  (the  Sweetwater  valley);  and,  second,  its  ideas,  the 
plot,  much  of  the  motivation,  and  many  of  the  conflicts  come  from 
the  turbulence  existing  among  the  large  and  small  ranchers,  the 
homesteaders,  sheepmen,  and  cattle  rustlers  in  the  closing  years 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  a  crucial  but  lurid  era  in  Wyoming 
history.  It  could  be  called  an  historical  novel  but  not  in  the  sense 
that  it  attempts  to  recreate  many  actual  events  or  people  (except 
the  hanging  of  Jim  Averill  and  Ella  Watson);  rather  it  is  an 
imaginative  but  realistic  re-creation  of  what  might  have  been  then, 
of  what  perhaps  was.     Mr.  Roripaugh  knows  Wyoming's  history. 

The  plot  involves  the  Tyrrells,  a  father  and  his  two  sons,  who 
own  a  ranch  on  the  banks  of  the  Sweetwater  River,  and  though 
there  are  in  the  novel  the  ingredients  necessary  to  a  book  like 
this — the  rivalries  stemming  from  the  love  interest,  trouble  over 
mavericks  and  on  roundups,  a  fist  fight,  gun  fights,  etc. — the  ser- 
ious center  of  the  book  is  in  the  conflicts  between  the  Tyrrells 
themselves  stemming  from  their  varying  attitudes  toward  the  land 
and  ownership.  These  conflicts  cause  a  serious  break  between 
the  father  and  the  elder  son,  Ira,  with  the  younger  son,  Mart,  the 
narrator  of  the  story,  left  to  arrive  at  his  own  position  as  the  story 
progresses.  The  two  attitudes  are  expressed  well  by  Ira  in  one 
passage  early  in  the  novel  as  he  and  Mart  reflect  near  Independ- 
ence Rock  on  the  early  emigrants  who  traveled  the  Oregon  Trail 
in  search  of  something  better:  "Nothing  ended  with  the  Mormons 
or  the  other  emigrants.  .  .  .  People  will  always  be  looking  for  a 
place  or  a  way  of  life  that  suits  them  better.  I  suppose  the  emi- 
grants intrigue  me  because  they  were  trying  hard  to  make  some- 
thing new  from  their  lives.  Of  course  they  didn't  succeed  com- 
pletely, but  making  the  effort  was  the  important  thing.  A  person 
living  here  now  has  to  make  the  same  effort  to  move  ahead  of  old 
ways  of  looking  at  things.  .  .  .  That's  one  reason  why  I  can't  go 
along  with  Father's  view  that  a  few  men  have  a  right  to  control 
the  Sweetwater  Valley  for  over  seventy-five  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river.  When  there  weren't  any  other  people  in  the  country, 
it  might've  made  some  sense,  though  I  can't  see  where  white  men 
had  the  right  to  take  this  land  from  the  Indians  to  begin  with.  But 
now  a  lot  of  new  people  with  rights  as  good  as  those  of  any  early 
rancher  are  coming  in.  I  think  everyone  should  start  using  the 
land  here  in  fairer  ways  and  acting  more  civilized  toward  each 
other  when  problems  come  up  over  mavericks  and  homesteads." 


BOOK   REVIEWS  121 

Each  holds  firmly  to  his  position  and  the  breach  widens  as  the 
novel  progresses. 

While  this  estrangement  grows,  influenced  by  particular  events 
in  the  plot  or  causing  them,  other  characters  are  introduced  and 
developed  in  varying  degrees — Senator  Karr,  a  pillar  of  the  all- 
powerful  Cattlemen's  Association,  determined  to  exterminate  all 
resistance  to  the  established  ranchers  like  himself  and  the  elder 
Tyrrell;  his  daughter,  Leah,  who  eventually  turns  against  him  and 
helps  thereby  to  prevent  at  least  one  major  catastrophe;  Paulson, 
the  Association  detective,  ruthless,  ambitious,  and  treacherous; 
Mary,  the  half-breed  girl,  who  suffers  from  the  enmities  and  pro- 
vides the  major  emotional  interest;  and  the  relevant  assortment  of 
outsiders,  foremen,  and  cowhands,  each  of  whom  contributes  his 
bit  to  the  development  of  the  book.  Among  the  latter,  the  char- 
acter known  only  as  "Cookie"  stands  out  as  a  little  masterpiece  of 
characterization  —  alive,  individual,  consistent,  shrewd,  sharp- 
tongued.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  Roripaugh  chose  to  use 
him  so  sparingly. 

But  then,  for  this  reader  at  least,  the  chief  fault  of  the  book 
( if  "fault"  is  the  right  word )  is  that  almost  everything  is  done 
too  sparingly.  The  novel  ought  to  be  twice  as  long  as  it  is.  Its 
substance  is  rich,  varied,  and  significant,  the  stuff  out  of  which 
a  major  novel,  even  a  great  one,  might  be  made.  The  talent  to 
make  it  such  seems  not  to  be  lacking — only  the  extent  of  develop- 
ment. Some  aspects  of  the  novel  are  wholly  excellent,  like  the 
plot  itself  which  is  carefully  and  realistically  developed,  or  the  fine 
and  moving  portrait  of  Ira,  who  stands  alone  against  the  powerful 
forces  of  selfishness  and  self-righteousness.  But  other  aspects 
suffer  from  brevity.  There  ought  to  have  been  time  and  space  to 
develop  the  picture  and  the  influence  of  the  land.  This  is  fine 
country  of  which  he  writes  and  it  ought  to  be  made  more  vivid,  its 
hold  on  the  characters  intensified.  Again  and  again,  but  only  in  a 
sentence  or  a  short  passage  here  and  there,  Mr.  Roripaugh  shows 
what  he  could  do  if  he  were  inclined  to  indulge  himself  more  than 
he  has.  He  has  learned  some  good  things  from  Mari  Sandoz,  who 
is  a  master  at  evoking  a  landscape,  but  he  has  chosen  here  not  to 
put  his  obvious  skill  to  full  use.  Then,  a  few  of  the  characters 
almost  demand  more  preparation,  especially  Senator  Karr.  He  is  a 
significant  part  of  the  story,  representative  of  one  way  of  thinking. 
By  devoting  more  space  to  him,  the  author,  even  with  the  point  of 
view  he  chooses  to  use,  could  have  increased  our  understanding 
of  the  opposition  to  men  like  Ira  and  in  particular  have  made  more 
credible  the  important  revelations  of  his  daughter  in  a  scene  which, 
as  it  stands,  is  a  defect  for  it  has  all  the  marks  of  a  dens  ex  machina, 
though  it  was  not  intended  as  such.  There  ought  to  have  been 
time  also  to  clarify  the  almost  shadowy  Jennie  whose  merits  as  a 
character  are  not  exploited  enough,  whose  fears  remain  too  vague, 
whose  very  function,  in  fact,  is  not  really  clear  except  that  she 


122  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

provides  a  bit  of  needed  information  and  a  couple  of  irrelevant 
sexual  episodes. 

But  these  and  others  are  all  matters  which  might,  or  perhaps 
should,  have  been.  What  is  is  still  fine  enough  to  merit  attention. 
The  book  reflects  much  insight,  there  are  some  truly  worthy  char- 
acterizations, and  the  smooth  and  appropriate  style  (except  here 
and  there  in  conversations)  makes  the  book  eminently  readable 
and  rewarding.  It  deserves  to  be  added  to  that  short  list  of  good 
novels  about  the  West. 

University  oj  Wyoming  Richard  Mahan 


The  Badmen.     Columbia  Records  Legacy  Collection.     L2L1011. 

Columbia  Records  in  this  new  "two  discs  and  a  book"  folio 
invades  the  publishing  field,  combining  music,  reminiscences  and 
stories.  It  is  a  rather  exciting  venture,  and  it  should  meet  with  the 
approval  of  the  thousands  who  are  fascinated  with  the  western 
badman.  Future  plans  for  similar  efforts  are  indicated  in  the 
foreword  by  Mr.  Goddard  Lieberson:  "Beyond  this  album,  our 
overall  plan  is  to  explore,  in  this  same  way,  other  aspects  of  the 
West.  Right  or  wrong,  we  have  begun  here  with  the  most  striking, 
the  best  known  and  certainly  the  most  popular  of  the  folk  histories 
and  legends;  dealing  as  it  does,  with  a  group  which  to  some  were 
Robin  Hoods,  heroic  daredevils,  and  to  others,  petty  thieves,  cheap 
murderers,  immoral  braggadocios." 

Columbia  Records  includes  in  this  one  package  two  long-playing 
records,  one  of  songs  of  the  badmen,  and  one  of  reminiscences  by 
people  who  had  first  hand  knowledge  of  events  and  the  people 
concerned.  A  sixty-nine  page  book,  well  written  and  illustrated, 
entitled  "The  Badmen,  Songs,  Stories  and  Pictures  of  the  Western 
Outlaws  from  Blackhills  to  Border,  1865-1900"  accompanies  the 
recordings. 


UNIVERSITY  PRESS  REPRINTS 

Several  University  presses  are  performing  a  valuable  service  in 
the  field  of  Western  Americana  by  reprinting  many  books  on  the 
West  which  have  been  out-of-print,  difficult  and  expensive  to  ob- 
tain for  a  number  of  years.  These  reprints  make  such  items,  many 
of  which  have  become  classics,  available  again  at  reasonable  prices. 
The  following  reprints  in  paperback  editions  are  off  the  press  and 
may  be  obtained  through  bookstores. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  123 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA  PRESS 

Bison  Books,  Paperback  Edition 

A  Cycle  of  the  West:  The  Song  of  Three  Friends,  The  Song  of 
Hugh  Glass,  The  Song  of  Jed  Smith,  The  Song  of  the  Indian 
Wars,  The  Song  of  the  Messiah.  By  John  G.  Neihardt.  In- 
troduction by  John  Neihardt,  1948.  (First  published  by 
Macmillan  Co.,  reproduced  by  arrangements  with  the  author.) 
1963.    656  pp.     $1.85. 

The  Look  of  the  West  I860.  Across  the  Plains  to  California.  By 
Sir  Richard  Burton.  Foreword  by  Robert  G.  Athearn.  (Text 
and  appendix  originally  comprised  part  of  The  City  of  the 
Saints  and  Across  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  California,  pub- 
lished in  London  in  1  862. )      1963.     333  pp.     $1.60. 

Saynday's  People.  The  Kiowa  Indians  and  the  Stories  They  Told. 
By  Alice  Marriott.  (Includes  Winter-Telling  Stories,  (  1947,) 
and  Indians  on  Horseback  (1948)  both  published  originally 
by  Thomas  Y.  Crowell,  N.  Y.)  1963.  Illus.,  index.  225 
pp.    SI. 75. 


Contributors 


Robert  A.  Murray,  Museum  Curator  at  Fort  Laramie  Nation- 
al Historic  Site  since  1962,  has  had  previous  assignments  with  the 
National  Park  Service  as  Ranger-Historian  at  Custer  Battlefield, 
and  as  Historian  at  Pipestone  National  Monument.  He  and  his 
wife  and  son  now  live  in  Lingle.  His  hobbies  include  hunting, 
photography  and  historical  research,  and  he  has  had  articles  pub- 
lished in  the  Minnesota  Archaeologist,  National  Park  Service  pub- 
lications and  newspapers. 


Austin  L.  Moore,  as  a  child,  lived  in  Wyoming  for  a  few  years 
when  his  family  occupied  the  parsonage  of  the  Congregational 
Church  on  East  19th  Street,  in  Cheyenne.  He  and  his  wife  now 
make  their  home  in  East  Lansing,  Michigan,  where  he  is  Professor 
of  Humanities  at  Michigan  State  University.  Dr.  Moore  received 
his  B.A.  degree  at  Oberlin  College  and  his  Ph.  D.  at  Columbia 
University.  His  published  writings  include  John  D.  Archbold,  a 
Biography,  Farewell  Farouk,  Souls  and  Saddlebags,  and  numerous 
articles.  Dr.  Moore  has  traveled  extensively  throughout  this  coun- 
try, Europe  and  Africa,  and  also  enjoys  tennis,  golf  and  chess. 


Don  D.  Fowler  has  had  numerous  archaeological  and  anthro- 
pological articles  published  in  Utah,  and  others  are  in  preparation. 
A  native  of  Utah,  he  is  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Utah,  and 
is  at  present  a  graduate  student  and  instructor  in  anthropology  at 
the  University  of  Pittsburgh.  He  is  a  member  of  several  profes- 
sional organizations. 


Jay  Gurian's  interest  in  the  Sweetwater  area  goes  back  to  1941, 
when,  as  he  says,  "On  a  cross-country  tour  with  my  family,  our 
Packard  ran  dry  on  the  old  gravel  road  between  U.S.  30  and  Lan- 
der. We  wheezed  down  the  hill  into  South  Pass  City.  The  creek 
was  nearly  dead  dry,  but  we  got  water  from  the  old  spring  across 
from  the  general  store.  From  then  on,  I  wanted  to  return  to 
Sweetwater  and  learn  its  history  .  .  .  My  interest  became  official 
when  I  chose  Sweetwater  as  central  interest  for  my  American 
Studies  Ph.  D.  thesis  research. "  Dr.  Gurian  attended  Syracuse 
University  and  the  University  of  Hawaii,  has  been  an  instructor 
in  English  at  the  University  of  Hawaii  and  the  University  of  Min- 
nesota, and  is  now  Professor  of  American  Studies  at  Osmania 
L'niversity,  Hyderabad,  India,  where  he  lives  with  his  wife  and 
two  sons. 


CONTRIBUTORS  125 

John  Dishon  McDermott.    See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34, 
No.  2,  October,  1962,  pp.  261-262. 

Elizabeth  J.  Thorpe.     See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34,  No. 
1,  April,  1962,  p.  132. 

Dick  J.  Nelson.     See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34,  No.    1, 
April,  1962,  p.  131. 


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63 


Annals 
of  Wyoming 


■:■■■■.    ^ 


TEXAS  LONGHORNS.  OWNED  BY  J.  S.  HAMMOND.    1880's 
Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Department 


October  1964 


WYOMING  STATE  LIBRARY,  ARCHIVES  AND 
HISTORICAL   BOARD 

Fred  W.  Marble,  Chairman  Cheyenne 

E.  A.  Littleton  Gillette 

Robert  H.  Burns  Laramie 

Mrs.  Dwight  Wallace   Evanston 

Mrs.  Frank  Mockler  Lander 

Mrs.  Wilmot  C.  Hamm  Rock  Springs 

Mrs.  William  Miller  Lusk 

Gordon  Brodrick  Powell 

Attorney  General  John  F.  Raper,  Ex  Officio 


WYOMING   STATE  ARCHIVES  AND   HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

STAFF 

Lola  M.  Homsher  Director 

Henryetta  Berry  Assistant  Director 

Mrs.  Katherine  Halverson  Chief,  Historical  Division 

Mrs.  Bonnie  Forsyth  Chief,  Archives  &  Records  Division 

ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Annals  of  Wyoming  is  published  semi-annually  in  April  and 
October  and  is  received  by  all  members  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society.  Copies  of  current  issues  may  be  purchased  for  $1.00  each. 
Available  copies  of  earlier  issues  are  also  for  sale.  A  price  list  may  be 
obtained  by  writing  to  the  Editor. 

Communications  should  be  addressed  to  the  Editor.  The  Editor  does 
not  assume  responsibility  for  statements  of  fact  or  of  opinion  made  by 
contributors. 


Copyright,  1964,  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department. 


Zke  Sheep  caters 

By 
David  Dominick 

INTRODUCTION 

Every  land  has  its  past  history  and  past  peoples,  and  those 
citizens  of  today  question  after  those  of  yesterday.  Who  were  the 
peoples  here  before  us;  where  did  they  come  from;  how  did  they 
live;  and  lastly,  where  did  they  go?  In  the  answering  of  these 
questions  fact  and  fantasy  often  become  entangled.  Then  to  return 
to  the  historical  scene  and  to  try  to  separate  the  true  from  the 
untrue  becomes  a  matter  of  adventure,  for  in  trying  to  reconstruct 
what  once  was,  mystery  and  romance  still  shine  through  from  those 
former  times. 

In  the  high  mountains  of  western  Wyoming — the  Absarokas, 
the  Wind  Rivers,  the  Gros  Ventres,  and  the  Tetons — and  in  the 
rugged  plateau  of  central  Idaho — there  are  left  evidences  of  the 
existence  of  primitive  peoples.  Remains  of  their  camps  can  be 
found  today,  as  well  as  traps  and  pens  once  used  to  catch  game, 
and  arrowheads  used  to  kill  it. 

During  the  first  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  few  trappers, 
traders,  and  explorers  who  could  write,  and  had  an  inclination  to 
do  so,  left  scattered  references  to  Indian  peoples  living  in  these 
mountains.  Toward  the  end  of  that  century  official  government 
documents  by  Indian  agents  and  superintendents  refer  to  the 
Indians  in  their  charge,  among  whom  were  the  people  of  the 
mountains. 

These  early  historical  sources  called  the  people  of  the  moun- 
tains "sheepeaters.'1  This  English  name  derives  from  the  Shoshoni 
Indian  name  Tukudeka,  meaning  "eaters  of  mountain  sheep"  (or 
more  properly  "eaters  of  meat." )  The  identification  of  these  sup- 
posed "sheepeaters"  is  not  a  simple  thing;  in  fact,  not  nearly  as 
simple  as  most  writers  have  tried  to  make  it.  Therefore,  the  first 
section  of  this  paper  will  deal  with  the  problem  of  just  who,  if 
anyone,  were  the  "Sheepeaters." 

As  will  be  seen  from  a  review  of  historical  sources  a  confusing 
diversity  of  names  were  applied  to  the  "Sheepeaters";  however, 
this  is  of  less  importance  than  the  fact  that  a  group  of  mountain- 
dwelling  Shoshoni  possessing  a  highly  characteristic  culture  did  in 
fact  exist.  Therefore  the  second  part  of  this  paper  will  attempt  to 
set  forth  as  much  as  we  presently  know  about  that  now-extinct 
culture. 


132 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


This  description  must  come  from  a  compilation  of  historical, 
ethnographic,  and  archaeological  sources.  In  addition,  I  have 
sought  to  confirm  and  supplement  these  often  scanty  references 
through  field  work  among  the  Shoshoni  of  the  Wind  River  Reser- 
vation, Wyoming,  and  Fort  Hall,  Idaho,  during  the  winter  of 
1959-1960,  and  by  personal  communications  and  interviews  with 
Dr.  Sven  Liljeblad,  Idaho  State  College,  1959;  Dr.  George  Ago- 
gino,  University  of  Wyoming,  1959;  Dr.  Omer  Stewart,  University 
of  Colorado,  1964;  and  others.  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Liljeblad  for 
the  use  of  his  unpublished  linguistic  and  ethnographic  material. 
Finally,  I  am  indebted  to  Jack  Contor  of  Blackfoot,  Idaho,  for 
access  to  unpublished  materials  gathered  by  him  on  the  pre- 
reservation  culture  of  the  Northern  Shoshoni. 

PART  ONE 
THE   PROBLEM   OF   IDENTITY 

The  Shoshoni  Indians  once  lived  in  parts  of  present-day  Wyo- 
ming, Idaho,  Utah  and  Nevada.  (See  Map:  Fig.  7.)  This  region 
has  been  defined  as  the  Basin-Plateau  culture  area  by  Kroeber.1 

Linguistically  the  Shoshoni  belonged  to  the  Uto-Aztecan  linguis- 
tic stock  which  was  composed  of  their  neighbors  within  the  Basin- 
Plateau  culture  area;  Gosiute,  Northern  Paiute,  Southern  Paiute, 


AREA  OF  THE  SHEEPEATERS 
Fig.   1 


1.  Kroeber,  A.  L.,  1939,  Cultural  and  Natural  Areas  of  Native  North 
America,  University  of  California,  Publications  in  American  Archaeology 
and  Ethnology,  38,  Berkeley,  California. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  133 

Bannock,  and  Ute,  as  well  as  their  relatives  to  the  south  and  south- 
east, Hopi,  Aztec  and  Comanche. 

Classification  of  the  many  speakers  of  the  mutually  intelligible 
dialects  of  the  Plateau-Shoshonean-  language  has  been  done  from 
several  points  of  view.  Lowie''  recognized  different  groups  of 
Shoshoni  in  terms  of  the  history  of  their  habitation  within  a  certain 
geographical  area.  Steward4  did  a  comprehensive  study  of  the 
Basin  and  Plateau  people,  and  he  based  his  classification  upon  the 
social  and  political  organization  of  the  various  cultures  he  studied. 
He  oriented  these  studies  in  specific  localities;  therefore,  he  uses 
place  names  for  describing  his  classification.  Nomenclature  used 
by  the  Shoshoni  Indians  themselves  in  describing  others  who  speak 
their  language  has  stemmed  not  so  much,  however,  from  geo- 
graphical place  names,  nor  from  sociopolitical  distinctions,  but 
from  economic  distinctions.  The  subsistence  of  all  the  Shoshoni 
peoples  came  from  a  great  variety  of  sources.  They  utilized  their 
environment  in  every  possible  manner  by  hunting  game  both  large 
and  small,  by  fishing,  and  by  gathering  nuts,  berries,  roots,  herbs, 
and  insects.  Therefore,  the  Shoshoni  "folknames"  for  each  other 
have  been  based  upon  certain  foods  which  seemed  to  predominate 
in  the  lives  of  any  one  particular  group  at  any  particular  time. 

Those  who  lived  along  the  Salmon  River  and  whose  main  sub- 
sistence activity  was  fishing  were  called  Agaideka  ("salmon-eat- 
ers"). Those  who  did  not  live  near  the  spawning  grounds  of  the 
big  salmon  but  who  ate  smaller  fish  were  called  Pengwideka  ( "fish- 
eaters"  ) .  Hekandeka  or  Hukandeka  means  "seed-eaters,"  but  this 
is  a  pun,  for  it  means  "dirt-eater"  too.  Kutsimdeka  means  "buf- 
falo-eater," Padehiyadeka  means  "elk-eater."  Of  importance  to  us 
is  the  spelling  and  derivation  of  the  word  "sheepeater,"  which 
comes  from  the  Shoshoni  word  collection  Tuku-deka  meaning 
"mountain-sheep  eater"  or  more  properly  "meat-eater.""' 

Nowhere  among  Northern  Shoshoni  [Lowie's  (1909)  term]  did 
these  or  other  names  relating  to  special  food  denote  clearly  defined 
local  groups  or  individual  bands.    Rather,  they  referred  to  regional 


2.  Liljeblad,  Sven,  1959,  "Indian  Peoples  in  Idaho".  History  of  Idaho, 
by  Beal  and  Wells,  Lewis  Historical  Publishing  Co.,  Inc.,  Chapter  2,  p.  37. 

3.  Lowie,  Robert  H.,  1909,  "The  Northern  Shoshone",  American  Mu- 
seum of  Natural  History,  Vol.  II,  part  2;  and  Lowie,  Robert  H.,  1924,  "Notes 
on  Shoshonean  Ethnography",  Anthrop.  Papers  of  the  Am.  Mas.  of  Nat. 
Hist.,  Vol.  20,  part  3.  N.  Y. 

4.  Steward,  Julian  H.,  1938,  "Basin-Plateau  Aboriginal  Sociopolitical 
Groups",  Smithsonian  Inst.,  Bur.  of  Am.  Ethnol.,  Bull.  120. 

5.  Liljeblad,  Sven,  1957,  Indian  Peoples  in  Idaho,  Idaho  State  College. 
(Hereafter  referred  to  as  "Liljeblad,  1957".)  All  of  the  above  names  and 
spellings  come  from  the  manuscript  listed  here  by  Dr.  Sven  Liljeblad  of 
Pocatello.  Dr.  Liljeblad,  a  linguist,  has  spent  many  years  studying  the 
Bannock  and  Shoshoni  of  Idaho,  and  can  be  cited  as  the  chief  authority  in 
this  field  at  the  present  day. 


134  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

resources  utilized  by  people  who  might  travel  widely.  "An  indi- 
vidual, a  family,  or  an  entire  band,  could  be  named  differently  at 
different  times  according  to  temporary  whereabouts  or  to  the 
seasons  and  the  corresponding  foods. ",; 

By  way  of  an  example,  Shoshoni  from  the  Snake  River  Plains 
who  had  generally  been  called  Kutsundeka  appropriated  for  a 
short  time  the  name  Padehiyadeka  when  they  went  to  the  Teton 
country  of  western  Wyoming  to  hunt  elk.  These  same  "buffalo- 
eaters",  when  traveling  up  the  Portneuf  River  to  dig  roots,  were 
referred  to  as  Kuyedeka,  meaning  "eaters  of  the  'tobacco-root'  " 
(Valerina  obovata).1 

It  is  in  this  manner  that  Dr.  Sven  Liljeblad  has  spelled  out  his 
significant  findings  on  the  problem  of  identification  and  classifica- 
tion of  the  various  Shoshoni  peoples.8  He  concludes  that  among 
the  Shoshoni  living  west  of  the  Continental  Divide,  that  is  in  the 
Plateau  region  of  Idaho,  any  particular  group  of  these  people  is 
merely  a  "domestic  group"  with  culture  traits  similar  to  all  other 
Shoshoni  of  the  Plateau.  Group  names  are  arbitrary  and  are  not 
based  on  ethnic  distinctions.  It  is  Liljeblad's  contention  that  all 
the  Northern  Shoshoni  peoples  had  a  general  culture  in  common 
and  that  they  all  practiced  varying  methods  of  subsistence  as  the 
opportunity  arose. 

This  is  recognized  by  the  present-day  Shoshoni  Indians  of  Idaho. 
W.  G.,!t  who  lives  on  the  Fort  Hall  Reservation,  Idaho,  had  this  to 
say  of  his  various  neighbors,  "Just  whatever  they  ate  at  that  time  is 
what  I  called  them.  We  could  even  call  them  'coffee-drinkers.'  " 
He  told  of  a  woman  who  was  supposed  to  be  a  "meat-eater,"  that 
is,  she  preferred  to  eat  only  meat.  But  during  the  ration  days  of 
World  War  II  this  woman  came  to  W.G.  and  his  wife,  C.  G.,  and 
asked  them  for  some  food.  They  gave  her  both  meat  and  fat  and 
she  took  it  and  ate  it.  Later  when  W.  G.  and  C.  G.  met  her 
coming  down  the  road,  C.  G.  laughed  and  said,  "Here  she  comes, 
here  comes  'she-who-eats  both.'  '  In  speaking  of  the  Shoshoni  in 
general  W.  G.  said,  "We  are  all  the  same  people  ...  It  is  all  mixed 
up  [meaning  marriages  and  blood  lines]  all  the  way  back."  This 
is  the  consensus  among  all  the  Shoshoni  at  Fort  Hall.10  E.  B.11 
said,  "This  whole  group  of  Indians  are  all  the  same  people  .  .  . 


6.  Liljeblad,  1957,  p.  56. 

7.  Ibid.,  pp.  56-57. 

8.  Personal  interview  with  Dr.  Sven  Liljeblad,  711  S.  10th  Street,  Poca- 
tello,  Idaho.     December  31,  1959. 

9.  Personal  interview  with  W.  G.,  Fort  Hall,  Idaho,  December  30,  1959. 
W.  G.  is  a  65-year-old  Shoshoni  "long-hair"  or  conservative.  He  is  well 
informed  about  some  of  the  past  history  of  his  people  and  tells  correctly 
what  he  knows. 

10.  Most  of  the  Shoshoni  originally  living  in  Idaho  are  now  located  at 
Fort  Hall.    These  include  all  the  Northern  Shoshoni  as  designated  by  Lowie 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  135 

The  Tukudeka  people  from  the  mountains  know  people  from  all 
over  Idaho  real  well  ...  by  names  and  by  relation." 

Thus  it  can  be  seen  that  in  Idaho  all  groups  were  in  contact  with 
each  other;  enough  so  that  culture  elements  were  shared  by  all. 
Intermarriage  between  various  groups  seems  to  be  the  rule  rather 
than  the  exception,  and  any  distinctions  which  groups  might  have 
had  in  aboriginal  times  have  largely  disappeared  by  today. 

In  historic  times  Indians  living  on  the  east  side  of  the  Continental 
Divide  spoke  the  same  language,  Plateau-Shoshonean,  as  did  those 
to  the  west.  These  Indians  have  been  called  "Wyoming  Shoshoni" 
by  Steward,11'  "Wind  River  Shoshonr  by  Krosber,11  and  "Eastern 
Shoshoni"  or  "Eastern  Snakes"  by  early  historical  sources.  Ake 
Hultkrantz,  who  has  done  recent  field  work  among  the  Shoshoni 
of  Wyoming,14  prefers  to  call  these  people  "Wyoming  Plains  Sho- 
shoni." Hultkrantz  prefers1"'  this  nomenclature  for  two  reasons. 
Firstly,  the  name  "Wind  River  Shoshone"  actually  refers  only  to 
reservation  times,  or  the  time  since  1  868  when  these  people,  under 
the  leadership  of  Chief  Washakie,  agreed  to  live  on  the  Wind  River 
Reservation.  Before  this  time  they  roamed  at  will  on  the  plains  of 
Wyoming  and  even  made  buffalo-hunting  forays  into  Montana  and 
the  Dakotas.10  The  second  reason  why  Hultkrantz  chooses  to 
rename  the  Shoshoni  of  Wyoming  is  that  he  finds  them  to  be  a 
heterogeneous,  not  a  homogeneous,  group  of  people.17  Hultkrantz 
has  found  what  he  believes  to  be  three  distinct  ethnic  groups  among 
the  Shoshoni  of  Wyoming.  These  are  called  by  him  the  Kucun- 
clika]s   ("buffalo-eaters"),  the  Tukudika19   ("sheep-eaters"),  and 


(  1909)  among  whom  were  people  who  had  lived  in  the  Lemhi  Valley  and 
were  called  "Lemhi"  by  Lowie  (1909)  and  people  who  had  lived  in  the 
mountainous  region  around  the  Lemhi  River.  These  latter  people  were 
called  Sheepeaters  by  early  historical  sources  and  have  been  termed 
Tukudeka  by  later  anthropological  sources.     (Liljeblad,   1957,  and  others.) 

11.  Personal  interview  with  E.  B.  Blackfoot,  Idaho.  January  2.  1960. 
E.B.  is  an  educated  Shoshoni  and  head  of  the  Fort  Hall  tribal  council. 

12.  Steward,  1938,  op.  cit.,  p.  211. 

13.  Kroeber,  1939.  op.  cit.,  pp.  80.  82. 

14.  Hultkrantz.  an  associate  professor  of  anthropology  at  the  University 
of  Stockholm,  Sweden,  has  been  to  this  country  for  field  work  in  1948,  1955 
and  1957,  his  chief  concern  being  the  Shoshoni  of  Wyoming. 

15.  Hultkrantz,  Ake,  "The  Shoshones  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  Area," 
p.  21,  originally  published  in  Swedish  in  Ymer,  1956:  3,  pp.  161-187. 
Translated  by  Dr.  Arne  Magnus,  University  of  Colorado.  Boulder,  Colo- 
rado. Republished,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  33,  No.  1,  pp.  19-41,  April, 
1961.     (Hereafter  referred  to  as  Hultkrantz,  1961.) 

16.  Shimkin,  D.  B.,  1947a,  "Wind  River  Shoshone  Ethnogeography", 
Anthropological  Records,  Vol.  3,  No.  4,  University  of  California,  Berkeley. 

17.  Hultkrantz,  1961,  op.  cit.,  p.  21. 

18.  1825  is  the  date  of  the  first  rendezvous  by  fur  trappers.  It  was  held 
on  the  Green  River  which  was  to  become  the  demographic  center  for  the 
Haivodika,  who  because  of  the  fur  trade  became  specialized  as  middle-men 
and  traders  themselves. 


136  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  Haivodika  ("dove-eaters").    The  latter  group  is  of  less  impor- 
tance and  seems  to  have  become  distinct  only  after  1825. 

My  investigations  show  that  the  present  day  Wind  River  Shoshoni — 
up  to  this  time  considered  by  ethnologists  as  a  homogeneous  tribe — 
is  composed  of  descendants  of  three  independent  ethnic  units  as  of 
1860,  within  the  present  boundaries  of  Wyoming.  If  one  goes  further 
back  in  time,  then  one  can  conjecture  that  the  number  of  independent 
groups  was  even  greater,  but  that  two  large  main  groups  stand  out 
both  through  their  sociopolitical  structure,  and  their  economic  activ- 
ities: the  Buffalo  Hunter  or  Kucundika  of  the  Plains,  the  main  por- 
tion of  the  present  Wind  River  Shoshoni,  and  the  Sheep-Eaters  or 
Tukudika  in  the  mountains.20 

These  so-called  "sheepeaters",  with  whom  we  are  concerned, 
have  been  designated  in  other  historical  and  anthropological  litera- 
ture by  a  variety  of  names: 

Hoebel-1  calls  them  Tuk-u-rika,  but  recognizes  the  interchange- 
ability  of  "dika"  for  "rika."  Hoebel  also  distinguished  a  separate 
group  of  Pa-rah-ia-dika  or  "elk-eaters"  living  in  the  Teton  Range 
and  a  group  called  Dayiane,  "Mountain  Dwellers",  living  in  Yel- 
lowstone Park. 

Lowie  called  those  Shoshoni  living  in  the  mountains  around 
Lemhi,  Idaho,  Tukit-rika.-2 

Stuart  calls  the  "Salmon  River  Snakes"  Took-a-rik-kah.2:i 

Swanton,  in  his  identification  of  North  American  Indian  tribes, 
says  that  the  name  Tukuarika  or  Tukuadika  was  applied  with  some 
measure  of  permanence  to  a  number  of  local  groups  "extending 
from  Yellowstone  National  Park  to  the  middle  course  of  the  Sal- 
mon River."24 

Humfreville,-"'  Wheeler,-,!  and  Lander-7  applied  generally  the 


19.  Note  that  the  spelling  given  by  Hultkrantz  of  the  Shoshoni  word 
"eater"  differs  from  that  given  by  Liljeblad.  The  former  uses  an  "i"  and 
the  latter  an  "e".  Hereafter  the  form  given  by  Liljeblad  will  be  used,  except 
in  reference  to  particular  material  given  by  Hultkrantz. 

20.  Hultkrantz,  1961,  op.  cit.,  p.  21.  Hultkrantz  plans  to  publish  two 
monographs  on  these  two  groups.  His  findings  on  the  Tukudika  will  be 
especially  interesting  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  have  not,  until  this  time, 
been  the  explicit  subject  of  any  published  work. 

21.  Hoebel,  E.  Adamson,  "Bands  and  Distributions  of  the  Eastern  Sho- 
shone", American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  40,  pp.  410-413,  1938. 

22.  Lowie,  1909,  op.  cit. 

23.  Stuart,  Granville,  1865,  Montana  As  It  Is,  New  York,  p.  81. 

24.  Swanton,  John  R.,  1952,  The  Indians  of  North  America,  Smithsonian 
Inst.,  Bur.  of  Am.  Ethnol.,  Bull.  145,  Washington,  p.  405. 

25.  Humfreville,  J.  Lee,  1897,  Twenty  Years  Among  Our  Savage  Indians, 
Hartford,  Conn.,  p.  271. 

26.  Wheeler,  George  M.,  1879,  Report  upon  United  States  Geographic 
Survey  West  of  the  One  Hundredth  Meridian,  Archaeology,  Vol.  7,  Wash- 
ington. 

27.  Lander,  F.  W.,  1860,  (Communications  in)  Message  of  the  President 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  137 

term  Tukuarika  to  the  Shoshoni  of  Salmon  River,  the  Upper  Snake 
Valley  and  the  surrounding  mountains. 

Hodge  gives  the  home  of  a  Tukuarika  people  as  being  in  Yellow- 
stone Park  and  the  Lemhi  Fork  of  the  Salmon  River. -s 

The  Murphys  recognize  a  Tukarika  or  "sheepeater"  population 
living  in  the  mountains  of  Wyoming-"-'  and  a  similarly  named  but 
socially  and  geographically  separate  group  called  Tukurika  cen- 
tered near  the  Lemhi  River  in  central  Idaho. !" 

Historical  references  to  the  "sheepeater'"  peoples  is  sparse  in- 
deed, but  what  records  we  do  have,  left  by  early  trappers  and 
traders  and  official  expeditions  in  the  19th  century,  indicate  that 
encounters  between  the  whites  and  the  so-called  "sheepeaters1' 
occurred  either  in  the  high  mountains  of  Wyoming,  principally  in 
Yellowstone  Park,  or  in  the  mountains  of  central  Idaho. 

The  first  such  historical  record  comes  from  the  journals  of 
Captain  Bonneville,  who  in  September,  1835,  sighted  three  Indians 
in  the  Wind  River  Range.11 

Captain  Bonneville  at  once  concluded  that  these  belonged  to  a  kind 
of  hermit  race,  scanty  in  number,  that  inhabit  the  highest  and  most 
inaccessible  fastnesses.  They  speak  the  Shoshone  language  and  prob- 
ably are  offsets  from  that  tribe,  though  they  have  peculiarities  of  their 
own.  which  distinguish  them  from  all  other  Indians.  They  are  mis- 
erably poor,  own  no  horses,  and  are  destitute  of  every  convenience 
to  be  derived  from  an  intercourse  with  the  whites.  Their  weapons  are 
bows  and  stone-pointed  arrows,  with  which  they  hunt  the  deer,  the 
elk,  and  the  mountain  sheep.  They  are  to  be  found  scattered  about 
the  countries  of  the  Shoshones,  Flathead,  Crow  and  Blackfeet  tribes, 
but  their  residences  are  always  in  lonely  places  and  the  clefts  of  rocks. 

Osborne  Russell  made  the  following  observation  while  trapping 
in  the  Lamar  Valley  of  Yellowstone  Park  in  July,  1  835 :3- 

Here  we  found  a  few  Snake  Indians  comprising  six  men,  seven  women 
and  eight  or  ten  children  who  were  the  only  inhabitants  of  this  lonely 
and  secluded  spot.  They  were  all  neatly  clothed  in  dressed  deer  and 
sheepskins  of  the  best  quality  and  seemed  to  be  perfectly  contented 
and  happy.  They  were  rather  surprised  at  our  approach  and  retreated 
to  the  heights  where  they  might  have  a  view  of  us  without  apprehend- 
ing any  danger,  but  having  persuaded  them  of  our  pacific  intentions 


of  the  United  States,  Communicating  .  .  .  Information  in  Relation  to  the 
Massacre  at  Mountain  Meadows  and  other  Massacres  in  Utah  Territory, 
Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  42,  36th  Cong.,  1st  Sess..  Washington. 

28.  Hodge,  Frederick  Webb.  1907,  Handbook  of  American  Indians,  Vol. 
2,  Bur.  of  Am.  Ethnol.,  Bull.  30,  Washington. 

29.  Murphy,  Robert  F.  and  Yolanda,  1960,  "Shoshone-Bannock  Sub- 
sistence and  Society",  Anthropological  Records  16:7,  University  of  Cali- 
fornia Press,  p.  309. 

30.  Ibid.,  p.  323. 

31.  Irving,  Washington,  1850,  Astoria,  Covent  Garden,  p.  139. 

32.  Russell,  Osborne,  1955,  Journal  of  a  Trapper.  Aubrey  L.  Haines,  ed., 
Oregon  State  Historical  Society,  p.  26. 


138  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

we  then  succeeded  in  getting  them  to  encamp  with  us.  Their  personal 
property  consisted  of  one  old  butcher  knife,  nearly  worn  to  the  back, 
two  old  shattered  fusees  which  had  long  since  become  useless  for  want 
of  ammunition,  a  small  stone  pot  and  about  30  dogs  on  which  they 
carried  their  skins,  clothing,  provisions  etc.  on  their  hunting  excursions. 
They  were  well  armed  with  bows  and  arrows  pointed  with  obsidian. 

C.  W.  Cook,  in  his  account  of  the  Folsom-Cook  Expedition  of 
1869,  The  Valley  of  the  Upper  Yellowstone,  says,  "On  the  eighth 
day  out  we  encountered  a  band  of  Indians,  who,  however,  proved 
to  be  Tonkeys,  or  Sheepeaters,  and  friendly;  the  discovery  of  their 
character  relieved  our  minds  of  apprehension,  and  we  conversed 
with  them  as  well  as  their  limited  knowledge  of  English,  and  our  of 
pantomime  would  permit."88 

In  The  Report  of  Lieut.  Gustavius  C.  Doane  upon  the  so-called 
Yellowstone  Expedition  of  1870  to  the  Secretary  of  War,Si  Doane 
says:  on  the  "Twenty-fifth  day — September  15 — the  only  traces 
of  Indians  [possibly  nomadic  Plains  Indians]  we  had  seen  were 
some  shelters  of  logs,  rotten  and  tumbling  down  from  age,  to- 
gether with  a  few  poles  standing  in  the  former  summer  camps; 
there  were  no  fresh  trails  whatever.  Appearances  indicated  that 
the  basin  (of  the  Yellowstone  Plateau)  had  been  almost  entirely 
abandoned  by  the  sons  of  the  forest.  A  few  lodges  of  Sheepeaters, 
a  branch  remnant  of  the  Snake  tribe,  wretched  beasts  who  run 
from  the  sight  of  a  white  man  or  from  any  other  tribe  of  Indians, 
once  said  to  inhabit  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains  around  the 
lakes,  poorly  armed  and  dismounted,  obtaining  a  precarious  sub- 
sistence, and  in  defenseless  condition.  We  saw,  however,  no  recent 
traces  of  them." 

The  Earl  of  Dunraven  took  a  trip  into  the  northern  half  of 
Yellowstone  Park  in  the  summer  of  1874.  This  observant  old 
sportsman  wrote,  "Our  path  .  .  .  crossed  a  low  divide  into  the 
valley  system  of  the  Fire  Hole,  or  east  fork  of  the  Madison  River. 
Before  crossing  the  divide  we  passed  a  few  old  wigwams,  remains 
of  encampments  of  Sheepeaters.  These  were  the  last  indications 
of  Indians  that  we  saw  .  .  ."85  Also,  "A  few  wretched  Sheepeaters 
are  said  to  linger  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains  about  Clarke's 
Fork;  but  their  existence  is  very  doubtful;  at  any  rate  they  must  be 
a  harmless,  timid  race." 


33.  Cook,  C.  W.,  1869,  The  Valley  of  the  Upper  Yellowstone,  In:  Cram- 
ton,  Louis  C,  1932,  Early  History  of  Yellowstone  National  Park  and  Its 
Relation  to  National  Park  Policies,  Washington. 

34.  Doane,  Lieutenant  Gustavus  C,  1870,  Report  of  Lieutenant  Gustavus 
C.  Doane  upon  the  So-called  Yellowstone  Expedition  of  1870  to  the  Sec.  of 
War,  In:  Cramton,  1932,  op.  cit. 

35.  Dunraven,  The  Earl  of,  1876,  The  Great  Divide,  London,  Reprinted 
in:  Hunting  in  the  Yellowstone,  Edited  by  Horace  Kephart,  Outing  Pub- 
lishing Co.,  New  York,  1917,  pp.  221-222  and  246. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  139 

Colonel  P.  W.  Norris,  who  was  superintendent  of  Yellowstone 
Park  from  1877  to  1882,  and  who  was  largely  responsible  for 
having  the  last  Indians  removed  from  the  Park  in  the  late  1870's, 
should  have  been  well  informed  about  the  Indians  of  this  area.  He 
wrote  that  he  found  near  the  Sheepeater  Cliffs  in  the  northern 
Yellowstone  Park  the  "ancient  but  recently  deserted,  secluded, 
unknown  haunts,,;;<;  of  the  Sheepeaters.  Also,  'The  haunt  of  the 
main  Bannock  tribe  was  at  Henry's  Lake,  west  of  the  park,  that  of 
their  little  Sheepeaters  Band  within  [the  Park(?)],  and  their  main 
buffalo  range  upon  the  Big  Horn,  most  of  it." 

The  letters  of  Luther  Mann,  Jr.,  Indian  Agent  at  Fort  Bridger, 
to  the  Superintendents  of  Indian  Affairs,  Utah  Territory,  in  the 
1860's  also  give  evidence  that  a  group  called  Sheepeaters  lived  in 
Wyoming  at  this  time  (1850-1880). 

Luther  Mann,  Jr.,  Indian  Agent,  to  D.  H.  Irish,  Supt.  of  Indian 
Affairs,  dated  Fort  Bridger  Agency,  October  5,  1864.:s7 

About  the  first  of  June  a  party  of  Loo-coo-rekah,  or  Sheep-Eater 
Indians  stole  and  brought  into  camp  nineteen  head  of  horses  belonging 
to  a  party  of  miners  at  Beaver  Head,  Montana  Territory. 

Luther  Mann,  Jr.,  Indian  Agent,  to  F.  H.  Head,  Superintendent  of 
Indian  Affairs,  dated  Fort  Bridger  Agency,  July  15.  1867.38 

Sir,  your  communication  of  June  3rd  in  regard  to  the  Mixed  Bands 
of  Indians  who  range  about  the  headwaters  of  the  Yellowstone  Galiton 
Madison  Snake  and  Green  Rivers  around  Bannack  and  Boise  fre- 
quently in  the  Territory  of  Utah  was  duly  received.  .  .  .  There  also 
exists  another  band  of  Tookooreka  or  Sheep  Eaters  a  branch  of  Sho- 
shonees  who  live  almost  entirely  in  the  Mountains  very  seldom  visit 
the  white  settlements.  The  last  named  Band  speak  the  Shoshonee 
dialect  .  .  . 

Granville  Stuart  writing  in  1865  says,  "The  'Salmon  River 
Snakes1  occupy  the  Salmon  River  and  the  upper  part  of  Snake 
River  Valley,  and  'Coiner's  prarie/  near  the  Boise  mines.  They 
are  called  "Took-a-rik-kah,'  or  'mountain-sheepeaters,'  by  the 
other  Snakes,  because  in  former  times  they  lived  principally  on 
these  animals,  which  were  very  abundant  then  in  that  region,  but 
are  about  'played  out1  now."39 

In  1877  W.  H.  Jackson,  the  famous  frontier  photographer, 
reported  that,  "There  are  200  more   (Bannocks)    at  the  Lemhi 


36.  Norris,  P.  W.,  1880,  Report  on  the  Yellowstone  Park  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  1878,  Ex.  Doc.  House  Rep.,  3rd  Sess.  46th  Cong.,  1880-81, 
Washington,  p.  988. 

37.  Morgan,  Dale  L.,  1958,  editor  of:  Washakie  and  the  Shoshoni.  A 
selection  of  Documents  from  the  Records  of  the  Utah  Superintendency  of 
Indian  Affairs,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  1952-1958,  Vol.  29,  No.  2,  Oct.  1957, 
p.  198. 

38.  Ibid.,  Vol.  30,  No.  1,  April,  1958,  pp.  54-55. 

39.  Stuart,  1865,  op.  cit.,  p.  81. 


140  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

reservation,  where  there  are  340  sheepeaters,  a  band  of  Bannocks 
living  a  retired  life  in  the  mountains  dividing  Idaho  from  Montana, 
and  500  Shoshonees."40 

In  Idaho  the  last  distinct  reports  of  a  people  designated  as 
Sheepeaters  came  from  the  mountains  of  western  Idaho  between 
the  Weiser  River  and  the  Middle  Fork  of  the  Salmon  River.  This 
is  provided  by  the  accounts  of  the  so-called  "Sheepeater  Campaign 
of  1879."41  In  the  summer  and  fall  of  that  year,  the  U.  S.  Army 
tried  to  pacify  or  annihilate  a  small  group  of  Indians  roaming  on 
foot  in  these  mountains.  These  Indians  apparently  had  never  been 
on  a  reservation.  And  according  to  Col.  W.  C.  Brown  these 
"Sheepeaters  were  a  small  band  of  renegade  Bannocks,  Shoshones, 
and  Weisers".4-  The  Indians  were  pursued  in  the  Big  Creek  and 
Elk  Creek  area  of  the  mid-Salmon  River  drainages.  They  appar- 
ently lived  on  both  sides  of  the  divide.  As  Aaron  Parker  says, 
"The  Sheepeaters  were  a  few  mongrel  Indians  of  unknown  pedi- 
gree who  inhabited  the  Council  and  Indian  valleys  of  the  Upper 
Weiser  Mountains."43  These  Indians  had  been  raiding  whites 
together  with  renegade  Bannocks. 

In  Wyoming,  the  last  official  reports  of  a  Sheepeater  group  con- 
cern their  removal  to  the  reservations  in  the  1870's.  They  soon 
lost  their  identity,  at  least  from  a  group  point  of  view,  as  there  is 
no  record  that  they  were  distinguished  for  long  from  the  Shoshoni 
whom  they  joined  on  the  reservation. 

In  1880,  Superintendent  Norris44  made  efforts  to  have  a  treaty 
accepted  by  Congress,  and  to  reach  an  agreement  with  the  Indians 
who  had  frequented  or  lived  in  Yellowstone.  The  essence  of  this 
agreement  was  that  the  Indians  would  not  come  north  into  the 
Park  further  than  Heart  Lake. 

There  is  a  controversy  described  by  Hultkrantz  as  to  the  time 


40.  Jackson,  W.  H.,  1877,  Descriptive  Catalog  of  Photographs  of  North 
American  Indians,  Ch.  5,  p.  70. 

41.  It  seems  clear  that  the  people  designated  as  "hostiles"  by  the  U.S. 
government  and  pursued  during  the  Sheepeater  campaign  had,  by  the  time 
of  that  final  campaign  (1879),  little  in  common  with  the  peaceful,  isolated, 
and  defenseless  "Sheepeaters"  described  in  historical  accounts  prior  to  1850. 
Some  of  these  "hostiles"  might  well  have  earlier  come  from  the  "mountain 
dwellers"  or  "Sheepeaters"  of  Idaho  whom  we  have  sought  to  describe,  but 
by  1879  any  cultural  relation  to  this  ancestry  was  no  doubt  lost.  In  sum- 
mary, these  "hostiles"  were  best  described  as  a  "mixed  band"  of  renegade 
or  ill-contented  and  well-armed  Indians  who  lived  by  marauding  the  white 
settlers  and  who  resisted  the  white  advance  until  subdued  in  this  final 
campaign. 

42.  Brown,  Col.  W.  C,  U.S.A.,  1926,  The  Sheep  Eater  Campaign,  Idaho, 
1879.  Reprinted  from  the  10th  Biennial  Report.  Idaho  Historical  Society, 
p.  5. 

43.  Parker,  Aaron  F.,  192(?),  Forgotten  Tragedies  of  Indian  Warfare  in 
Idaho.    Grangeville,  Idaho,  p.  1. 

44.  Hultkrantz,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  145. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  141 

and  place  of  removal  of  the  Indians  from  Yellowstone.  Letters  by 
Superintendents  Hass  and  D.  G.  Yaeger,  from  1929,  and  kept  in 
the  archives  of  the  agency  at  Wind  River  Reservation,  stated  that 
Sheepeaters  were  moved  to  this  reservation  in  1871  and  1879.4"' 
On  the  other  hand  there  is  information  provided  by  Norris  showing 
that  Sheepeaters  were  moved  to  Lemhi.4'1  Both  may  have  been 
true. 

Replogle  shows  a  photograph  of  a  "Sheepeater  family  in  the 
Yellowstone  country.  The  tepee  is  a  temporary  summer  dwelling 
with  aspen  supporting  an  Army-style  canvas."47  This  description 
shows  that  this  picture  must  have  been  taken  after  the  military 
occupation  of  Yellowstone  in  1870. 

A  report  of  Sheepeaters  remaining  after  1879  is  supplied  by 
General  Sheridan  in  his  report  "Report  on  Exploration  of  parts  of 
Wyoming,  Idaho,  and  Montana,  1882."  He  says  that  the  expedi- 
tion had  "five  Sheep-eating  Indians  as  guides. " 

Scattered  individuals  claiming  to  be  Sheepeaters  remained  after 
1880.  Among  these  was  Togwotee  who  became  an  important 
chief  and  guide  among  the  Wind  River  Shoshones.4s 

Hultkrantz  deduces  that  in  the  late  history  of  the  Sheepeaters, 
marauding  Plains  tribes,  plus  smallpox  introduced  by  the  whites, 
diminished  the  number  of  those  who  were  still  free  roaming.41' 
Grace  Hebard  makes  reference  to  the  Sioux  as  bringing  about  the 
eventual  extinction  of  the  Sheepeaters.  "Ultimately  the  Sioux 
penetrated  to  their  recesses  (she  gives  these  as  the  Absaroka,  Ten 
Sleep  and  Teton  mountains)  and  virtually  exterminated  them.""'" 

The  most  interesting  story  from  a  romantic  point  of  view,  but 
least  substantiated  from  a  scientific  point  of  view,  is  W.  A.  Allen's 
account  of  the  story  he  obtained  from  the  alleged  115-year-old 
Sheepeater  squaw,  "Under  the  Ground".  She  was  with  a  band  of 
mountain  Crows,  near  the  Big  Horn  mountains,  when  Allen  says 
he  met  her  in  1913.  According  to  Allen  she  described  the  small- 
pox epidemic  and  its  consequences  among  her  people.  "By  and 
by  Sheep  Eater  not  many.  They  go  to  other  Indian  tribes  down  in 
valley  on  river,  where  much  big  water  runs,  and  eat  heap  buffalo, 


45.  Ibid. 

46.  Ibid. 

47.  Replogle,  Wayne  F.,  1956,  Yellowstone's  Bannock  Indian  Trails, 
Yellowstone  Park,  Wyoming,  Yellowstone  Interpretive  Series,  No.  6,  p.  48. 

48.  Hultkrantz,  op.  tit.,  pp.  135-136. 

49.  cf.,  Shimkin,  D.  B.,  1938,  "Wind  River  Shoshone  Geography," 
American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  40,  p.  415.  "During  the  first  one  half  of  the 
19th  century,  terrific  epidemics  of  smallpox  hit  Wyoming,  causing  a  deci- 
mation and  scattering  of  the  population.  The  dukureka  of  the  Wind  River 
Mountains  (who,  incidentally  never  had  horses)  were  nearly  wiped  out." 

50.  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond,  1930,  Washakie.  Arthur  Clark  Company, 
Cleveland,  1930,  p.  118.  Dr.  Hebard  gives  no  references  to  her  sources  of 
material. 


142  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

ride  pony,  marry  heap  squaw  .  .  .  then  Sheep  Eater  no  more,  no 
more  papoose,  no  more  squaw,  all  gone."51 

Left  with  these  scant  but  often  alluring  historical  accounts  of  the 
elusive  "Sheepeaters"  we  must  turn  to  ethnographic  accounts  and 
our  own  field  work  in  order  to  better  identify  them. 

J.  T.,52  living  on  the  Wind  River  Reservation  in  Wyoming,  spoke 
of  the  Tukudeka  as  being  distinct  from  the  other  Indians  of  the 
reservation.  He  mentioned  one  of  the  few  Tukudeka  who  after 
three  generations  kept  his  distinctiveness  from  the  rest  of  the  Sho- 
shoni.  This  man,  J.  Q.,53  lived  on  a  part  of  the  reservation  away 
from  all  others  (Sage  Creek)  and  was  known  by  the  other  Shoshoni 
not  to  participate  in  the  regular  Shoshoni  dances.  F.  P.  and  P.  P.54 
both  made  vague  references  to  a  group  of  people  who  once  lived 
up  in  the  mountains.  S.  N.55  gave  another  name,  engaa,~'r'  for  the 
"mountainpeople"  as  he  called  them.  He  had  also  heard  of  the 
Shoshoni  term  Tukudeka.  M.  P.57  distinguished  clearly  between 
Chief  Washakie's  band  (who  were  Kucundika  as  classified  by 
Hultkrantz)  and  another  group  whom  she  called  Dukurika.58  Al- 
though Mrs.  P.  now  lives  at  the  Fort  Hall  Reservation  in  Idaho, 
she  came  originally  from  Wind  River,  Wyoming,  where  her  moth- 
er's father  was  a  nephew  of  Chief  Washakie  himself.     This  is 


51.  Allen,  W.  A.,  1913,  The  Sheepeaters,  Shakespeare  Press,  New  York. 

52.  Personal  interview  with  J.T.,  Fort  Washakie,  Wyoming,  December 
28,  1959.  J.  T.  is  one  of  the  best  informed  Shoshoni  about  the  past  history 
of  the  tribe.  He  learned  most  of  his  information  from  his  grandmother. 
From  what  other  Wind  River  Shoshoni  told  me  he  was  one  of  Hultkrantz's 
principal  informants. 

53.  I  attempted  to  speak  to  this  man  but  he  refused  to  give  me  any 
information,  interestingly  enough  because  I  probably  insulted  him  by  asking 
outright  if  he  was  a  "sheepeater".  In  the  event  that  he  was  in  fact  insulted, 
graphic  proof  is  thus  afforded  that  "Sheepeaters"  may  well  have  been  poorly 
esteemed  by  some  Shoshoni  as  "lower-class".  I  believe,  however,  that  he 
may  have  given  some  information  to  Dr.  Hultkrantz  which  should  be  very 
interesting  if  published. 

54.  Personal  interview  with  F.  P.  and  P.  P.,  Burris,  Wyoming,  January  3, 
1960.  Both  of  these  people  are  full-blood  Shoshoni  about  60-70  years  old. 
F.  P.  had  gone  to  school  at  Fort  Hall. 

55.  Personal  interview  with  S.  N.,  Burris,  Wyoming,  January  3,  1960. 
S.N.  came  to  the  Wind  River  Reservation  at  the  age  of  two.  His  father 
came  from  a  Paiute  band  in  Nevada  and  he  joined  the  Fort  Hall  Shoshoni 
and  Bannock  for  a  time  before  moving  to  Wind  River.  (This  case,  along 
with  many  others,  shows  the  considerable  amount  of  migration  and  contact 
of  the  present-day  Shoshoni,  and  has  bearing  upon  the  fluidity  of  political 
groups  and  the  loosely  extended  blood  lines  of  aboriginal  times. 

56.  This  means  in  Shoshoni  "anything  of  the  red  color,  maroon". 

57.  Personal  interview  with  M.P.,  Blackfoot,  Idaho,  January  2,  1960. 
Mrs.  P.  is  in  her  fifties.    Her  husband  is  a  Bannock. 

58.  This  deviation  from  the  spelling  given  by  Liljeblad  is  not  startling  in 
light  of  the  fact  that  some  Shoshoni  dialects  pronounce  "t"  with  a  gutteral 
sound  approximating  "d".  Likewise  the  "d"  of  dika  is  sometimes  slurred  to 
an  "r". 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  143 

especially  interesting  since  she  identified  the  Tukudeka  (or  Duku- 
rika  as  she  called  them )  in  the  same  general  way  as  did  all  other 
present-day  Wind  River  Shoshoni. 

The  general  impression  received  from  all  of  these  Wind  River, 
Wyoming,  people  is  that  there  were  a  group  of  mountain  dwellers 
who  were  definitely  distinct  from  the  buffalo-hunting  Plains  Sho- 
shoni. In  the  light  of  this  impression  the  conclusion  reached  by 
Hultkrantz  is  not  at  all  surprising. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  statements  by  the  Fort  Hall,  Idaho,  Sho- 
shoni concerning  the  identity  of  any  particular  group  differ  con- 
siderably from  those  given  by  the  present-day  Wind  River  Sho- 
shoni. 

As  was  seen,  E.  B.,  W.  G.  and  C.  G.,  of  the  Fort  Hall  Reser- 
vation, Idaho,  all  give  credence  to  Liljeblad's  thesis  concerning  the 
Idaho  Shoshoni  and  are  unequivocal  in  their  contradiction  of  Hult- 
krantz' thesis  concerning  the  Wyoming  Shoshoni. 

The  anomaly  will  not  be  eliminated,  but  it  can  perhaps  be 
explained  in  terms  of  cultural  differences  among  groups  in  the  two 
areas  under  question.  Cultural  differences  among  the  Shoshoni 
were  to  a  large  degree  influenced  by  a  single  thing.  This  was  the 
introduction  of  the  horse.  All  cultures  to  which  the  horse  was 
introduced  experienced  a  transformation. 59  But  this  transforma- 
tion was  not  of  the  same  magnitude  in  all  cultures.  I  contend  that 
the  horse  transformed  the  culture  of  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni 
to  a  much  greater  degree  than  it  did  the  culture  of  the  Idaho 
Shoshoni,  and  that  this  difference  in  degree  has  direct  bearing 
upon  the  problem  of  identifying  the  Sheepeaters. 

The  Comancher'"  and  the  Shoshoni  both  had  the  horse  by  1700 
in  the  vicinity  of  Black's  Fork,  Wyoming.''1  The  Comanche  traded 
horses  to  their  Shoshoni  kin.  The  Shoshoni  had  in  turn  traded 
them  north  through  Idaho  to  the  Blackfeet.  The  Blackfeet  had 
the  horse  by  1751  .'*- 

With  the  introduction  of  the  horse,  Shoshoni  culture,  which  had 
once  been  simple  and  uncomplicated,  began  to  take  on  new  forms. 
The  economic  life  of  the  people  changed  along  with  their  material 
culture.  With  their  new  mode  of  transportation  these  people  could 
carry  a  greater  amount  of  material  possessions.  Clothing  became 
more  abundant  and  stylish,  and  the  heavy  skin  tepee  could  now  be 


59.  Wissler,  C,  1914,  "The  Influence  of  the  Horse  in  the  Development 
of  Plains  Culture,"  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.   16,  pp.  1-25. 

60.  The  Comanche  were  a  branch  of  Shoshonean-speaking  peoples  who 
moved  south  and  east  from  the  Basin-Plateau  region  to  become  an  autono- 
mous tribe  possessing  the  classical  Plains  culture.  Their  split  with  the 
original  Shoshonean  stock  was  sometime  before  white  contact. 

61.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  tit.,  p.  41. 

62.  Haines,  Francis,  1938,  "The  Northward  Spread  of  Horses  Among 
the  Plains  Indians",  American  Anthro.,  Vol.  40,  pp.  429-437. 


144  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

carried  from  place  to  place.  These  new  material  possessions  were 
made  chiefly  from  the  buffalo.  This  animal  became  the  most 
important  single  thing  in  the  lives  of  the  horse-owning  Indian,  for 
from  the  buffalo  came  not  only  skins  for  making  of  leather  goods, 
rawhide,  and  robes,  but  also  food  in  large  quantities.  Horse- 
owning  Indians  also  experienced  a  change  politically.  Family  units 
which  had  once  traveled  alone  now  came  together  to  form  groups 
classically  described  as  bands.63  Concomitantly,  some  sort  of 
authority  was  vested  in  specifically  recognized  leaders  who  acted 
at  the  time  of  the  communal  buffalo  hunts  and  in  time  of  war.  In 
addition  the  horse  was  a  source  of  wealth  and  was  easily  stealable 
or  easily  stolen.  Therefore  horse-owning  Indians  came  to  know 
the  techniques  of  both  offense  and  defense,  and  in  the  case  of 
Plains  Indians,  such  as  the  Crow,  a  "war-complex"  developed.04 
It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  these  culture  changes  did  not 
occur  rapidly  or  completely  among  the  Shoshoni  living  in  Idaho. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  some  groups  such  as  the  Sheepeaters  were 
virtually  unaffected.  The  cultural  transformation  experienced  by 
the  horse-owning  buffalo  hunters  of  the  Snake  River  plains,  Idaho, 
was  of  a  much  lesser  degree  than  the  transformation  experienced 
across  the  mountains  by  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni.  This 
difference  in  degree  was  determined  to  a  great  extent  by  ecological 
factors. 

The  buffalo  disappeared  from  the  Snake  River  Plains  in  Idaho 
about  1 840. 65  Before  their  extinction  they  were  scarce  in  Idaho 
as  compared  to  their  numbers  on  the  plains  east  of  the  Continental 
Divide.  This  meant  that  the  horse-owning  Shoshoni  of  Idaho 
could  not  rely  wholly  upon  the  buffalo  for  their  subsistence.  In 
the  process  of  their  yearly  travels  they  might  dig  "tobacco  roots" 
on  the  Portneuf  River,  and  they  might  fish  for  salmon  below 
American  Falls  on  the  Snake.  They  invariably  would  go  in  May 
or  June  to  the  Camas  Prairie  in  Idaho  to  harvest  the  camas  there. 
In  the  process  of  these  annual  migrations66  the  mounted  Indians 
would  make  frequent  contacts  with  other  Idaho  Shoshoni  par- 
ticipating in  the  same  activity  at  the  same  time.67  Almost  all  of 
the  Shoshoni  of  Idaho  went  to  the  Camas  Prairie.  Much  trading 
between  various  "domestic  groups",  and  in  fact  between  various 
tribal  or  linguistic  groups,  occurred  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Weiser 
River  and  Camas  Prairie.     "The  Bannock  traded  buffalo  hides  to 


63.  Steward,  J.  H.,  1936,  "The  Economic  and  Social  Basis  of  Primitive 
Bands",  in  Essays  in  Anthropology  presented  to  A.  L.  Kroeber,  pp.  331-350, 
Berkeley,  California. 

64.  Lowie,  Robert  H.,  1935,  The  Crow  Indians,  New  York. 

65.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  49. 

66.  Ibid.,  pp.  63-66. 

67.  The  most  recently  published  monograph  on  the  Shoshoni  supports 
the  general  observations  of  conditions  in  Idaho,  cf.  Murphy,  1960,  op.  cit. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  145 

the  Nez  Perce  for  horses.  The  downstream  Shoshoni  came  loaded 
with  salmon;  groups  who  wintered  in  northern  Utah  brought  seeds 
and  pine  nuts;  the  impoverished  local  Shoshoni  had  nothing  to 
offer  but  seeds,  roots,  and  dried  crickets. "68  Such  vigorous  inter- 
action would  lead  to  cultural  as  well  as  economic  exchange  and 
would  not  lend  itself  to  a  high  degree  of  specialization  in  one  group 
or  another.  The  folk  names  applied  by  the  Shoshoni  themselves 
to  designate  these  various  groups  were,  it  will  be  remembered, 
arbitrary  and  flexible.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  Fort 
Hall  Shoshoni  of  today  do  not  differentiate  clearly  between  those 
people  who  at  one  time  might  have  been  called  Tukudeka  from 
those  horse-owning  people  who  were  sometimes  called  Kutsundeka. 
It  is  with  good  reason  that  the  Fort  Hall  Shoshoni  maintain,  "We 
are  all  the  same  people,  all  the  way  back." 

On  the  other  hand,  the  situation  among  the  Shoshoni  of  Wyo- 
ming would  have  been  quite  different.  Here  the  Kutsundika  or 
buffalo  hunters  took  on  a  great  number  of  the  typical  horse- 
owning  Plains  culture  traits.''1'  Hultkrantz  says  of  these  people, 
"No  Shoshoneans  deserve  the  name  Plains  Shoshoni  better,  because 
in  cultural  and  social  respects  they  approached  the  Plains  Indians 
more  than  any  other  Shoshoni  group,  the  Comanche  Indians  ex- 
cepted."7" Nearly  the  entire  yearly  cycle  of  Plains  Shoshoni  was 
spent  in  pursuit  of  the  buffalo  herds  and  the  grazing  of  their 
horses.71 


68.  Liljeblad,  1957.  op.  cit.,  p.  47. 

69.  Lowie,  1935,  op.  cit. 

70.  Hultkrantz.   1961,  op.  cit.,  p.  30. 

71.  Shimkin.  1947a,  op.  cit..  p.  279.  cf.  The  recent  monograph  of  the 
Murphys  (Murphy,  1960,  op.  cit.)  which  was  published  following  their  work 
as  expert  witnesses  on  the  side  of  the  United  States  in  the  recent  claims  cases 
made  by  the  Shoshoni  against  the  government.  These  authors  vigorously 
contradict  the  clear  positions  taken  by  Hultkrantz  and  Shimkin.  The 
Murphys  refuse  to  give  much  emphasis  to  any  degree  of  specialization  or 
Plains-affinity  by  the  Eastern  or  Wyoming  buffalo-hunting  Shoshone. 
Instead  they  claim  that  the  military  superiority  of  Shoshoni  enemies,  notably 
the  Blackfeet  to  the  north,  who  had  by  1750  acquired  both  the  horse  and 
ample  firearms  (from  the  British),  forced  the  Shoshoni,  whose  hunting 
expeditions  had  once  carried  them  as  far  north  and  east  as  Saskatchawan, 
to  withdraw  south  and  west  toward  the  Basin-Plateau  region.  They  further 
cite  competition  for  the  buffalo-hunting  grounds  east  of  the  Rockies  between 
the  Shoshoni  and  the  Blackfeet  and  Siouan  tribes,  Cheyennes,  Crows  (inter- 
mittently) and  Arapahoes,  and  warfare  which  was  documented  from  the 
beginning  of  the  fur  trade  era  about  1810,  until  several  years  after  Washakie 
had  agreed  to  lead  his  band  onto  the  Wind  River  Reservation  in  1868.  The 
Murphys  claim  that  this  warfare  and  competition  forced  the  Eastern  Sho- 
shoni back  toward  a  close  geographical  and  cultural  affinity  with  their 
Basin-Plateau  relatives  to  the  west  of  the  Rockies.  That  the  Wyoming 
Shoshoni  were  at  times  hard  pressed  to  hold  their  own  against  their  enemies 
is  not  doubted.  However,  the  fact  that  the  Wyoming  Shoshoni  did  compete 
among  the  Plains  tribes  and  did,  in  fact,  persist  in  their  pursuit  of  the  buffalo 


146  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

In  comparing  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni  to  any  other  of  the 
Shoshoni  peoples,  such  as  the  Sheepeaters,  the  cultural  differences 
between  the  two  are  quite  dramatic.  The  culture  of  the  Sheepeater 
is  essentially  common  to  that  of  all  ths  Plateau-Shoshoneans  before 
the  coming  of  the  horse.  All  of  these  Shoshoneans  can  be  gener- 
ally classed  as  "walkers."  With  the  coming  of  the  horse  cultural 
transformation  among  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni  was  of  greater 
magnitude  than  for  any  other  Shoshoni  group.  The  differences 
between  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni  and  any  other  Shoshoni 
peoples  who  remained  "walkers"  were  of  considerable  note.  It  is 
not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  present-day  Wind  River  Shoshoni 
clearly  differentiate  between  those  former  people  of  the  plains, 
the  Kutsundeka,  and  those  former  people  of  the  mountains,  the 
Tukudika. 

It  is  my  contention  that  the  Tukudika  people,  described  by  Hult- 
krantz  as  being  a  distinct  culture  group,  are  very  similar  in  all  their 
cultural  characteristics  to  the  Tukudeka  described  by  Liljeblad. 
The  apparent  contradictions  of  Hultkrantz  and  Liljeblad  had  been 
brought  about  by  individually  describing  a  highly  similar  type 
people  in  terms  of  the  peoples  and  environments  of  a  specific 
locale. 

On  the  west,  in  Idaho,  the  Tukudeka  are  in  an  area  populated 
by  peoples  of  a  generally  homogeneous  culture  which  the  Tuku- 
deka themselves  share.  Wyoming,  on  the  east,  is  an  area  in  which 
the  culture,  or  rather  cultures,  are  heterogeneous,  and  in  which  the 
Tukudika  are  but  one  distinct  group  of  several. 

The  apparent  anomaly  existing  between  the  classification  of 
Hultkrantz  and  Liljeblad  arises,  then,  from  a  difference  in  emphasis 
by  the  two  men.  But  when  the  assumption  is  made  that  there  were 
a  particular  people,  namely  Sheepeaters,  several  major  and  com- 
plex qualifications  must  be  noted. 

In  the  first  place,  contact,  including  trade,  diffusion  of  culture 
traits  and  intermarriage,  did  occur  between  all  groups  of  Sho- 
shonean  speaking  peoples.  The  intensity  of  this  contact,  however, 
at  any  given  point  in  time  and  in  any  geographical  region,  varied. 
The  degree  of  intensity  determined  whether  the  particular  groups 
in  contact  maintained  an  individual  identity  or  became  virtually 
one  and  the  same  people.  Liljeblad  emphasizes  that  the  intense 
degree  of  contact  among  Shoshoni  west  of  the  Continental  Divide 
made  these  people  virtually  one.  Hultkrantz  emphasizes  that  east 
of  the   Continental   Divide   specialization   occurring   among   two 


is  sufficient  evidence  that  they  embraced  and  maintained,  over  time,  to  a 
significant  degree,  the  "buffalo  complex"  of  the  Plains.  Thus  it  seems  fair 
to  assume  that  the  buffalo-hunting  Wyoming  Shoshoni  exhibited  a  high 
degree  of  specialization  and  noted  cultural  differences  from  their  Basin- 
Plateau  brethren  of  Idaho  and  the  west. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  147 

groups  who  concomitantly  experienced  little  contact  gave  rise  to 
two  distinct  peoples. 

Reservations  must  be  noted,  however,  because  Liljeblad  recog- 
nizes specialization  among  the  Shoshoni  west  of  th^  Continental 
Divide,  and  on  the  other  hand,  Hultkrantz  recognizes  some  degree 
of  contact  between  groups  east  of  the  Continental  Divide. 

Liljeblad,  contrary  to  the  emphasis  he  places  on  the  similarities 
of  the  Idaho  Shoshoni,  notes  that  after  the  coming  of  the  horse  such 
things  as  wealth,  evidenced  by  material  culture  items  and  horse 
ownership,  began  to  reflect  a  class-distinction  among  different 
groups.  "There  was  also  an  apparent  regional  contrast  between 
the  up-to-date  attainments  of  progressive  groups  and  the  back- 
wardness of  those  remaining  in  isolation."  In  regard  to  the  food 
names  used  by  the  Shoshoni,  Lil'eblad  says,  "Indeed,  as  band 
organization  and  class  dintinction  evolved,  these  terms  sometimes 
came  to  indicate  a  person's  social  standing.  As  a  mode  of  expres- 
sion, 'buffalo-eaters'  became  synonymous  with  'well-to-do  people'; 
a  'buffalo-eater'  would  rank  socially  above  a  'salmon-eater,'  as 
would  a  'big-salmon-eater.'  "71i 

On  the  other  hand,  Hultkrantz  notes,  ( contrary  to  his  general 
thesis ) ,  that  there  were  instances  in  the  later  stages  of  pre-reserva- 
tion  time  when  class  and  ethnic  divisions  were  broken  down.  A 
particular  band  or  hunting  group  led  by  a  man  named  Tavonasia 
spent  most  of  its  time  on  the  plains  following  the  typical  yearly 
cycle  of  the  Kutsundeka.  Upon  occasion,  however,  they  took 
elk-hunting  expeditions  into  Yellowstone  Park.  They  were  then 
called  Tukudika.  In  addition,  Hultkrantz  notes  a  rather  high 
degree  of  contact  between  the  Tukudika,  living  on  the  southeastern 


72.  Liljeblad,  1959,  personal  communication,  op.  cit.  cf.  Omer  Stewart, 
1958,  "Shoshone  History  and  Social  Organization",  reprinted  from  //  Tonw 
de  Actus  del  XXXIII  Conqreso  International  de  Americanistas,  Celehrado 
en  San  Jose  de  Costa  Rica  del  20  al  27  de  Julio  de  1958.  pp.  134-142. 
Stewart  goes  even  further  than  either  Hultkrantz  or  Liljeblad  in  describing 
what  he  calls  the  development,  during  historic  times  among  Shoshoni  of 
both  Wyoming  and  Idaho,  of  a  "remarkably  fluid,  almost  modern  class 
system."  (p.  137).  "The  actual  history  of  the  northern  Shoshone  Indians 
from  1805  to  1870  suggests  that  the  ancient  territorial  food-named  bands, 
with  slight  need  for  political  leadership,  were  overlaid  by  a  widespread, 
simple  democratic  tribal  structure  by  which  the  wealthy  horse-owners  of 
all  ancient  local  bands  combined  and  followed  the  chief  they  wished.  The 
larger  groups  combined  or  broke  up  as  individual  Shoshone  Indians  elected 
to  give  allegiance  to  one  chief  or  another.  This  loose  democratic  govern- 
ment of  wide  geographical  extent  was  the  product  of  a  single,  unified,  upper 
class  of  horse-using  Indians.  The  older,  local,  food-named  bands  (of  which 
the  Tukudeka  were  presumably  one)  thus  became,  in  fact,  lower  class 
people  who  lived  in  a  small  area  which  could  be  exploited  on  foot.  The 
sedentary  Shoshone,  living  beside  the  productive  salmon  fisheries,  appear 
to  be  a  middle  class,  intermediate  between  the  poor  Shoshococs,  or  Root 
Diggers,  and  the  "real  Shoshone",  or  "Buffalo  Hunters."     (p.  141.) 


148  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

slopes  of  the  Wind  River  Mountains,  with  the  Wyoming  Plains 
Shoshoni.  Horses  were  acquired  by  these  Tukudika  from  the 
latter. 

Hultkrantz  maintains  that  the  term  Toyani  was  reserved  for  "iso- 
lated mountain  settler";  in  other  words,  the  very  people  we  have 
sought  to  describe.  He  claims  that  the  Toyani  of  Yellowstone 
Park  were  among  the  most  isolated,  but  again,  notation  must  be 
made  of  the  fact  that  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni  often  called 
the  Yellowstone  Park  Toyani  "Panaiti  Toyani"  ("Bannock  moun- 
tain dwellers")  because  there  were  Bannock-speaking  peoples 
among  them.  This  leads  us  to  observation  that  the  Sheepeaters  of 
Wyoming,  that  is  those  mountain  peoples  living  generally  in  the 
Rocky  Mountains  along  the  Continental  Divide,  had  opportunity 
for  contact  with  the  Shoshoni  to  the  west  just  as  they  undoubtedly 
met  in  the  summer  elk-hunting  expeditions  of  their  brethren  from 
the  eastern  plains.  The  Murphys  document  in  some  detail73 
transmontane  hunting  excursions  to  the  upper  drainage  of  the 
Missouri,  made  by  the  Bannocks  of  Idaho  after  they  had  acquired 
the  horse.  A  portion  of  one  of  the  routes  followed  by  these  hunt- 
ers, and  now  known  as  the  Bannock  Trail,  passed  through  Yellow- 
stone Park,  on  the  way  to  the  buffalo  range  in  Montana.  In 
addition,  W.  G.74  also  mentions  that  his  people  (meaning  the  Idaho 
Shoshoni  in  general)  often  made  elk-hunting  expeditions  to  Yel- 
lowstone Park  itself.  Contact  probably  occurred,  therefore,  be- 
tween these  migrating  hunters  from  both  east  and  west,  and  the 
supposedly  "isolated"  Tukudika  or  Toyani. 

To  summarize,  let  us  disregard  for  a  moment  the  nuances  and 
various  emphases  placed  upon  the  problem  of  identification  by  the 
anthropologists  whose  geographically-oriented  works  we  have  just 
reviewed.  By  using  a  few  assumptions  let  us  attempt  to  reduce 
this  complex  problem  into  a  set  of  easily  understandable  gen- 
eralizations. 

First,  let  us  assume  that  the  variously  named  "mountain  dwell- 
ers" or  "Sheepeaters"  noted  in  the  early  historical  sources  were 
for  the  most  part  the  very  people  whom  we  have  sought  to  identify 
through  ethnographic  material  and  field  work  as  "Sheepeaters." 

Let  us  further  assume,  until  it  is  proven  otherwise,  that  much 
of  the  late  prehistoric  and  historic  archaeological  evidence  of 
Indian  habitation  which  is  to  be  found  above  7,000  feet  in  the 
mountains  of  Idaho  and  Wyoming,  was  left  by  the  Sheepeaters. 

And  finally,  let  us  assume  that  most  of  the  culture  to  be  de- 
scribed in  detail  in  Part  Two  was  shared  by  all  peoples  identifiable 
as  Sheepeaters,  regardless  of  time  or  location.     This  culture  was 


73.  Murphy,  1960,  op.  cit.,  p.  328.     cf.     Replogle,  1956, 

74.  W.G.,  personal  interview,  op.  cit. 


op.  cit. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  149 

characteristic  of  small  independent  groups  of  people  who  were 
alike  in  the  subsistence  patterns  they  practiced  but  who  were 
absolutely  lacking  in  any  sort  of  territorial  or  political  unity.  And 
while  it  is  recognized  that  the  Wyoming  Tukudika  and  the  Idaho 
Tukudeka  were  distinct  peoples,  the  exact  differences  existing  be- 
tween them  or  between  any  group  of  Sheepeaters  cannot  be  known 
at  this  time.  However,  we  can  surmise  that  some  such  differences 
were  naturally  due  to  ecological  circumstances  persisting  in  the 
different  mountain  homelands  of  these  scattered  peoples,  and  that 
other  differences  must  have  been  due  to  the  various  degrees  of 
mixing  and  splitting  which  seem  to  have  occurred  at  various  times 
and  places  among  the  Shoshoni-speaking  populations. 

Therefore,  the  caveat  will  be  maintained  which  recognizes  differ- 
ences among  various  Sheepeaters  at  a  given  time  or  place,  and  it 
will  be  emphasized  that  the  term  "Sheepeater"  might  most  advan- 
tageously be  employed  in  the  adjectival  sense.  In  this  way  we  are 
better  able  to  cope  with  the  unmistakable  archaeological,  historical 
and  ethnographic  evidence  which  leads  us  to  describe  a  particular 
culture,  while  at  the  same  time  allowing  room  for  the  inevitable 
differences  in  that  culture. 

We  have  reached  a  point  then,  in  the  definition  of  terms  whereby 
we  identify  as  "Sheepeater-like1'  peoples  all  those  Shoshoni-speak- 
ing Indians  who,  throughout  the  greater  part  of  their  lives,  pos- 
sessed most  or  all  of  the  culture  to  be  described  in  detail  in  Part 
Two. 

PART  TWO 

Sheepeaters  once  lived  through  all  of  the  mountainous  country 
of  present-day  northwestern  Wyoming,  southwestern  Montana  and 
central  Idaho.  This  vast  region  of  distribution  includes  the  Big 
Horn  Mountains,  the  Absaroka  Mountains,  the  Yellowstone  Pla- 
teau, the  Wind  River  Mountains  (as  far  south  as  South  Pass),75 
the  Teton  Range,  the  many  ranges  of  southwestern  Montana,  the 
Lemhi  Range,  and  the  Salmon  River  Mountains.7'''  Nearly  all  of 
these  mountains  rise  from  an  elevation  of  5,000  feet  to  over  1 1,500 
feet.  Relief  in  these  mountains  is  exceptionally  rugged,  since  the 
majority  of  them  are  uplifted  and  deeply  dissected  volcanic  blocks. 
(The  Wind  River  and  Big  Horn  Mountains  are  not  of  igneous 
origin  but  have  a  rather  smooth  upland  surface.  However,  can- 
yons draining  the  slopes  have  made  the  topography  here  extremely 
rugged.) 


75.  Hultkrantz,  Ake,  1958,  "Tribal  Divisions  within  the  Eastern  Sho- 
shoni  of  Wyoming",  Proceed,  of  32nd  International  Corn*,  of  Americanists 
(1958)  pp.  148-154,  p.  152. 

76.  Raisz,  Erwin,  1954,  Landforms  map  of  the  United  States. 


150  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Encompassed  in  the  span  of  this  relief  are  four  major  ecological 
zones.77  These  are  the  Transitional  zone,  located  roughly  between 
5,000-7,500  feet;  the  Canadian  zone,  located  roughly  between 
7,500-9,500  feet;  the  Hudsonian  zone,  located  peripherally  to  the 
Canadian  zone  and  roughly  between  9,500-10,500  feet;  and  the 
Arctic-alpine  zone,  located  above  10,500  feet. 

In  the  Transitional  zone  cottonwood  trees  and  willows  abound 
in  the  river  bottoms,  and  good  range  feed  is  provided  by  the  short 
buffalo  grass  growing  on  the  foothills.  On  the  mountain  slopes  of 
the  Canadian  zone  are  found  heavy  stands  of  conifers,  and  groves 
of  aspen  and  alders  grow  in  the  protected  canyons.  Many  kinds 
of  edible  plants  are  found  here  as  well  as  game  of  all  kinds.  The 
Hudsonian  and  Arctic-alpine  zones  both  lie  in  the  vicinity  of 
timberline  and  become  the  habitat  for  elk,  deer,  and  mountain 
sheep  during  the  summer  months. 

Of  the  climatic  factors  in  this  region  snow  is  the  most  important. 
Depth  of  snow  on  Yellowstone  Lake  in  February  averages  five  feet 
on  the  level.  Westerly  winds  sweeping  the  mountains  take  snow 
from  the  exposed  places  and  pile  it  in  great  drifts.  These  drifts 
last  until  June  or  July.  But  once  most  of  the  snow  leaves  the 
Arctic-alpine  zone  above  timberline,  the  long  ridges  and  broad 
upland  plateaus  there  provide  easy  traveling,  and  the  mountain 
passes  become  heavily  used  by  both  game  animals  and  their 
hunters. 

Winter  temperatures  in  the  Transitional  and  Canadian  zones 
range  from  50  degrees  above  zero  to  50  below.  "Chinook"  winds 
warming  the  mountains  for  several  weeks  at  intervals  during  the 
winter  provide  an  opportunity  for  travel  and  hunting.  Sheltered 
canyons  at  7,000  feet  often  record  higher  temperatures  than  do 
the  windswept  open  prairie  and  desert  land  at  lower  elevations. 

Rainfall  during  the  summer  is  slight,  and  most  of  the  water  for 
the  many  streams  and  lakes  in  the  mountains  is  provided  by  melting 
snows. 

The  particular  environment  of  the  mountain  region  had  much  to 
do  in  shaping  the  culture  of  the  Sheepeaters.  It  seems  fair  to 
assume  that  the  mountains  isolated  to  a  large  degree  people  living 
there  from  their  Shoshoni  neighbors  to  the  east  and  west.  The 
ecological  conditions  of  the  mountains  helped  to  create  a  sort  of 
cultural  "backwater"  in  respect  to  historical  events  occurring  in 
neighboring  regions. 

Considered  in  the  light  of  White's  theories78  on  cultural  evolu- 
tion, the  Sheepeaters  are  an  excellent  example  of  a  group  of  people 
who  did  not  evolve  into  a  different  cultural  type  at  the  introduction 


77.  Shimkin,  1947a,  op.  cit. 

78.  White,  Leslie  A.,  1959,  The  Evolution  of  Culture,  New  York. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  151 

of  some  new  cultural  catalyst.  With  the  introduction  of  the  horse 
to  North  America  the  Sheepeaters  did  not  undergo  the  transforma- 
tion experienced  by  their  kin,  the  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni.  To 
the  contrary,  the  Sheepeaters  kept  the  status  quo,  culturally  speak- 
ing, by  retaining  culture  typical  of  all  Basin-Plateau  Shoshonean- 
speaking  "walkers."'1' 

Although  in  this  respect  the  Sheepeater  culture  could  be  said 
to  be  stagnant,  cultural  specialization  did  occur.  Culture  traits, 
alone  characteristic  of  the  Sheepeater,  developed.  These  special- 
ized traits  "overlay"  the  basic  pre-horse  Shoshonean-types"  culture. 
This  specialization  was,  I  maintain,  in  response  to  the  particular 
ecological  conditions  in  which  the  Sheepeaters  found  themselves. 
It  included  the  building  of  traps  for  large  game  and  the  use  of  dogs 
in  hunting  it,  the  making  of  a  mountain  sheep-horn  bow,  and  the 
manufacture  of  warm  winter  clothing.  Therefore  it  was  both 
specialization  and  stagnation  which  helped  shape  the  Sheepeater 
culture. 

This  culture  was  characterized  by  an  elementary  sociopolitical 
organization  typical  of  the  pre-horse  Basin-Plateau  Shoshoneans, 
and  consisting  of  politically  isolated,  small,  economically  inde- 
pendent groups  composed  of  one  or  two  nuclear-families.  The 
yearly  subsistence  cycle  of  these  family  groups  centered  principally 
around  their  pursuit  of  large  game — deer,  elk  and  mountain  sheep, 
which  represented  their  staple  foods.  The  economics  of  such  a 
subsistence  pattern  necessitated  the  simplest  of  social  organiza- 
tions. Elk,  deer  and  mountain  sheep  are  best  hunted  by  less  than 
four  persons,  and  rarely  would  a  kill  of  over  three  animals  be 
made.  ( Driving  these  animals  into  traps  is  an  exception. )  The 
amount  of  meat  from  one  or  several  of  these  animals  is  enough 
to  supply  a  small  family  group  with  food  for  a  week  or  more,  but 
would  not  be  sufficient  for  a  large  group.  Campsites  selected  by 
the  Sheepeater  usually  could  accomodate  only  a  small  group  and 
foot  travel  between  these  sites  would  be  best  done  in  such  a  group. 
Such  economically  oriented  "domestic  groups"  (as  labeled  by 
Liljeblad )  were  generally  found  among  many  of  the  Shoshonean 
peoples  before  the  coming  of  the  horse. 

Archaeological  evidence  allows  us  to  make  certain  assumptions 
about  the  yearly  subsistence  pattern  of  the  Sheepeaters.  During 
the  summer  months  the  large  game  animals  were  followed  on  their 
migrations  to  the  high  and  beautiful  alpine  pastures  of  the  timber- 
line  country.  The  Sheepeaters  carried  few  possessions  on  these 
high  summer  hunts,  and  probably  moved  camp  often.  If  game  had 
been  frightened  out  of  the  upper  basins  of  one  drainage,  it  could 


79.  Hultkrantz,  1958,  op.  cit.,  p.  152. 

80.  Steward,  1938,  op.  cit. 


152  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

be  quickly  located  in  the  headwaters  of  the  next  small  drainage. 
Marches  of  less  than  ten  miles  over  the  10,000  foot  divides  would 
bring  the  Sheepeater  to  a  fresh  country  and  a  fresh  kill  could  be 
made. 

As  the  game  moved  to  lower  elevations  with  the  coming  winter, 
the  Sheepeaters  did  likewise.  Most  probably  they  spent  the  win- 
ters in  semi-permanent  camps  in  sheltered  creek  bottoms  and 
canyons.  Snowshoes  were  necessary  for  travel  here,  and  these 
are  recorded  in  the  literature. 81  J.  T.  claims  that  the  Sheepeaters 
made  showshoe  frames  from  mountain  sheep  horns. 82  Had  any 
Sheepeaters  owned  horses  they  would  have  been  forced  to  winter 
in  the  lower  elevations  of  the  foothills.  Likewise,  if  a  hard  winter 
forced  the  game  out  of  the  mountains,  the  Sheepeaters,  in  all  lik- 
lihood  followed  them. 

Secondary  activities,  however,  were  not  precluded  from  the 
yearly  subsistence  cycle  of  the  Sheepeaters.  Berries,  roots,  herbs, 
nuts  and  insects  were  gathered,  and  game  birds  and  small  mammals 
were  eaten.  Short  migrations  out  of  the  mountains  to  the  habitats 
of  various  edible  roots  might  have  been  made.  Contact  with  other 
Shoshoni  at  this  time  was  probable  and  trade  would  have  been 
carried  on.  Also  during  the  mid-summer  months,  spawning  fish 
may  have  been  caught  in  the  meandering  streams  of  mountain 
meadows.    In  the  fall,  trips  were  also  made  to  berry  patches. 

The  rugged  terrain  of  this  mountainous  country  had  a  large 
influence  upon  the  traveling  done  by  the  Sheepeaters.  It  is  natural 
that  most  of  them  were  "walkers"  since  without  well-cut  trails,  use 
of  the  horse  is  difficult.  As  an  exception,  Hultkrantz  maintains 
that  a  few  Sheepeaters  had  contact  with  Kutsendeka  and  acquired 
horses  from  them.  This  contact  occurred  in  the  southern  portions 
of  the  Wind  River  Mountains  and  some  of  the  Sheepeaters  there 
roamed  for  short  periods  of  time  in  the  Green  River  Valley.  In 
fact,  it  seems  that  some  of  these  "Sheepeaters"  were  really  impov- 
erished Plains  Shoshoni  who  had  lost  their  horses  or  had  been 
forced  by  the  powerful  Algonquin  and  Siouan  tribes  to  abandon 
their  former  life  on  the  plains.83 

Sheepeaters  living  in  present-day  Yellowstone  Park  and  the 
adjoining  Absaroka  Mountains  would  have  been  much  more  iso- 
lated from  contact  with  horse-owning  Indians  than  those  who  lived 
in  the  Wind  River  Mountains.  (The  isolated  Tukudeka  of  Yellow- 
stone Park  were  called   Toyani  or  "mountain-dwellers"  by  the 


81.  Hultkrantz,  Ake,  1957,  "The  Indians  in  Yellowstone  Park",  Annals 
of  Wyoming,  Vol.  29,  No.  2,  pp.  125-149,  October,  1957,  p.  135. 

82.  J.T.,  personal  interview,  cf.,  footnote  24. 

83.  Hultkrantz,  1958,  op.  cit.,  p.  152. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  153 

other  Shoshoni.  )M  The  chance  that  they  would  have  owned  horses 
is  therefore  minimal. 

In  lieu  of  the  horse  the  Sheepeaters  had  domesticated  dogs,  but 
sources  are  at  variance  in  regard  to  the  use  made  of  these  dogs  by 
different  Shoshoni  groups.  Liljeblad*"1  says  that  prior  to  the 
introduction  of  the  horse,  large  dogs  were  used  by  all  Shoshoni 
for  both  transportation  and  hunting.  Jack  Contor86  says  that  the 
travois  was  in  use  before  the  coming  of  the  horse,  and  that  dogs 
either  pulled  a  travois  or  packed  loads,  depending  on  their  size.*7 
J.T.  said  the  Sheepeaters  had  dogs  which  were  better  property  in 
the  mountains  than  a  horse.  He  said  these  dogs  were  "big — like  a 
Russian  hound."88  It  will  be  remembered  that  Osborne  Russell*'-' 
observed  Sheepeaters  in  the  Lamar  River  of  Yellowstone  with  30 
dogs  which  were  used  for  packing.  On  the  other  hand,  Hultkrantz 
maintained  that  the  dogs  belonging  to  the  Sheepeaters  of  Idaho 
were  not  big  enough  to  be  used  for  transportation  and  were  used 
only  for  pursuing  game.90  He  is  supported  in  this  by  C.G.,111  who 
said  that  her  father  had  had  two  dogs  that  he  used  to  run  mountain 
sheep  in  a  circle  back  to  him,  but  she  said  that  these  dogs  were 
never  used  for  packing. !'- 

Even  with  dogs  the  Sheepeaters  undoubtedly  carried  most  of 
their  possessions  on  their  backs.  This  limited  both  the  amount  that 
they  could  move  from  camp  to  camp  and  the  distance  they  could 


84.  Ibid.,  p.  152;  and  Hultkrantz.  1961.  op.  cit.,  p.  34.  cf.  Hoebel  also 
uses  toyani  to  refer  specifically  to  the  Yellowstone  Park  tukudeka.  Tuku- 
deka  living  in  the  mountains  around  the  Salmon  River,  Idaho,  were  called 
toyaino  by  their  neighbors,     cf.  Hultkrantz.  1961.  op.  cit..  p.  27. 

85.  Liljeblad,  cf.  footnote  8. 

86.  Jack  Contor  is  head  of  the  welfare  office  in  Blackfoot,  Idaho,  and  in 
that  capacity  has  had  contact  (unfortunately)  with  most  of  the  Fort  Hall 
Indians.  He  has  made  the  history  and  culture  of  the  Northern  Shoshone  his 
hobby,  and  he  has  learned  much  from  W.G.  and  his  wife.  He  has  compiled 
an  ethnography  of  the  Northern  or  Fort  Hall  Shoshoni  which  unfortunately 
lacks  documentation. 

87.  Contor.  Jack,  Manuscript,  The  Pre-Reservution  Culture  of  the  North- 
ern Shoshoni,  Route  3,  Blackfoot,  Idaho,  p.  8. 

88.  J.T.,  cf.  footnote  52. 

89.  Cf.  footnote  32. 

90.  Hultkrantz,  1961,  op.  cit..  p.  27. 

91.  Personal  interview  with  C.G.,  Fort  Hall,  Idaho.  December  30,  1959. 
C.G.'s  father  was  a  tukudeka  of  the  Lemhi  region  and  her  mother  was  an 
agaideka  from  the  same  place.  Her  father  was  the  principal  informant  from 
the  Lemhi  district  for  Julian  Steward  in  1936.  C.G.  made  several  articles 
of  material  culture  for  Steward  at  that  time.  Both  Dr.  Sven  Liljeblad  and 
Jack  Contor  recognize  C.G.  as  being  very  honest. 

92.  C.G.  denied  telling  Jack  Contor  that  these  dogs  had  been  used  to  pull 
a  travois.  This  contradiction  has  not  been  resolved,  cf.  Lowie,  Robert  H., 
1924,  "Notes  on  Shoshonean  Ethnography",  Anthrop.  Papers  of  the  Am. 
Museum  of  Nat.  Hist..  Vol.  20,  part  3,  New  York.  Lowie  says  that  the 
Shoshoni  never  ate  their  dogs.     pp.  215-216. 


154  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

travel.  Pack  straps  were  made  of  skin  or  woven  vegetable  fibers. 
Goods  were  wrapped  and  carried  in  woven  sage-brush-bark  bas- 
kets, and  food  was  carried  in  these  baskets.  Cradles  were  made  of 
skin  coverings  over  an  oval  structure  of  willow  sticks  held  together 
within  a  hoop-shaped  rim.  Clay  pots  and  steatite  vessels03  were 
too  heavy  to  be  moved  from  camp  to  camp  and  were  therefore 
cached.94 

The  clothing  of  the  Sheepeaters  was  probably  very  similar  to 
the  clothing  made  and  used  by  all  the  Shoshonean  Plateau  peo- 
ples. 95  A  v/oven  rabbit-skin  blanket  is  nearly  universally  recorded 
by  ethnographers96  and  was  probably  used  by  the  Sheepeaters  as 
well.  Strips  of  rabbit  skin  were  woven  tightly  into  a  cloth  and  the 
white  tails  were  left  to  stand  out  in  a  zigzag  pattern  on  the  fluffy 
weft.97 

After  the  coming  of  the  horse,  it  was  in  the  manufacture  of 
clothing  that  the  Sheepeaters  became  recognized  by  other  Shoshoni 
as  specialists.  Liljeblad9*  says  that  as  furriers  they  excelled  all 
other  Shoshoni  and  their  produce  was  sought  in  trade  by  both 
Indians  and  the  white  "mountain  men."  Again,  Osborne  Russell 
recorded  this  of  his  encounter  with  Sheepeaters  in  Yellowstone 
Park:99  "We  obtained  a  large  number  of  Elk,  Deer  and  Sheep  skins 
from  them  of  the  finest  quality  and  three  neatly  dressed  Panther 
Skins  in  return  for  awls  axes  kettles  tobacco  ammunition  etc.  They 
would  throw  the  skins  at  our  feet  and  say  'give  us  whatever  you 
please  for  them  and  we  are  satisfied.  We  can  get  plenty  of  skins 
but  we  do  not  often  see  the  Tibuboes',  (or  people  of  the  sun)." 

In  the  tanning  of  hides,  animals'  brains  were  used  to  soften  them. 
The  Sheepeaters  were  in  the  habit  of  repeating  the  process  with 
two  brains  to  a  hide  instead  of  one  as  did  other  Shoshoni,  thereby 
producing  dressed  skins  of  great  quality.  Even  before  the  coming 
of  the  horse  the  Sheepeaters  had  learned  to  make  tailored  skin 
clothing,  presumably  in  response  to  the  severe  environment  in 
which  they  chose  to  live.  Two  mountain  sheep  hides  were  used 
in  making  a  woman's  gown,  and  men's  shirts  were  made  from  elk, 
deer,  or  mountain  sheep  also.  Mountain  sheep  skins  were  con- 
sidered too  cold  for  footwear,  however,  and  unsuitable  for  robes 


93.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  pp.  35-37. 

94.  Personal  interview  on  December  17,  1959,  with  staff  member,  Wyo- 
ming State  Archives  and  Historical  Department,  who  reported  that  typical 
Shoshonean  steatite  vessels  had  been  found  near  the  Medicine  Wheel,  Big 
Horn  Mountains,  Wyoming. 

95.  Lowie's  (1924)  use  of  the  term. 

96.  Lowie,  1924,  op.  cit.,  p.  216;  Steward,  1943,  op.  cit.,  p.  317;  Liljeblad, 
1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  37. 

97.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  37. 

98.  Ibid.,  pp.  97-98. 

99.  Russell,  1955,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  155 

and  blankets.  A  hunter's  mocassins  were  made  from  badger  skin, 
supposedly  being  very  tough;  and  the  typical  single-piece  Shoshoni 
moccasin1""  was  made  for  both  men  and  women  from  deer  skins. 
Elk-skin  moccasins  were  also  made  but  were  less  preferred.  Head- 
bands were  made  of  fox  skin  but  these  were  rare.  Coyote  skin  was 
used  for  ear  flaps  in  men's  caps  and  for  leggings.  Antelope  skins 
were  used  for  a  man's  breechcloth  and  were  also  sewn  together  for 
blankets.  As  the  brittle  hollow  hair  was  quickly  worn  off  these 
blankets,  snowshoe-rabbit  skins  were  then  sewed  in  as  a  lining, 
making  the  blanket  very  warm.  Before  1900  a  few  wolves  roamed 
in  the  mountains  of  Wyoming  and  Idaho.1"1  To  kill  one  was  a 
great  achievement,  and  a  blanket  made  from  two  wolf  hides  was 
the  ne  plus  ultra  of  Sheepeater  handicraft. 

J.T.  claims  that  Plains  Indians  traded  eagerly  for  the  clothes 
made  by  Sheepeaters.  In  addition,  the  Sheepeaters  traded  moun- 
tain sheep  hides  in  exchange  for  buffalo  hides. 

One  other  specialty  practiced  by  the  Sheepeaters,  recognized  by 
all  other  Shoshoni,  was  the  manufacture  of  very  powerful  bows 
from  the  horn  of  a  mountain  sheep.  Osborne  Russell  reported, 
"The  bows  were  beautifully  wrought  from  Sheep,  Buffaloe  and  Elk 
horns  secured  with  Deer  and  Elk  sinews  and  ornamented  with 
porcupine  quills  and  generally  about  3  feet  long."1"1' 

These  bows  were  made  from  the  thick  ridge  on  the  upper  side 
of  the  ram's  horn.  The  horn  was  heated  over  the  coals  to  soften 
it  and  then  the  naturally  curling  horn  was  straightened.  Unwanted 
portions  of  the  horn  were  whittled  away,  and  the  remaining  solid 
piece  was  1 8  to  24  inches  long  and  one  inch  thick  at  the  butt.  Heat 
was  again  applied,  making  the  horn  semi-plastic,  and  it  was 
smoothed  and  shaped  by  pounding  with  a  round  stone.  The  end 
result  was  a  very  smooth  and  evenly  tapered  piece  which  was 
oval-shaped  in  cross  section.  A  duplicate  of  this  was  made  from 
the  ram's  other  horn,  and  the  two  pieces  were  beveled  at  their  butt 
ends  and  fitted  together.  A  separate  piece  of  horn  about  five 
inches  long  and  as  wide  as  the  butt  ends  was  placed  at  their  junc- 
tion. Wet  rawhide  was  then  wrapped  around  the  three  pieces. 
When  it  dried,  this  made  a  very  firm  joint.  Sinew  strips  which 
came  from  the  neck  and  back  of  large  animals  were  glued  to  the 
back  of  the  bow  to  give  it  added  strength.  The  glue  was  made  by 
placing  shavings  from  the  hoof  and  small  bits  of  thick  neck-skin 
or  back-skin  in  boiling  water,  and  then  as  a  thick  scum  formed, 
it  was  skimmed  off. 

It  took  two  months  for  a  skilled  specialist  to  turn  out  such  a  bow. 


100.  Steward,  1943,  op.  cit.,  p.  326. 

101.  Seton,  Ernest  Thompson,    1929,  Lives  of  Game  Animals,   3  vols., 
New  York. 

102.  Russell,  1955,  op.  cit.,  pp.  26-27. 


156  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  other  Shoshoni  people  and  even  people  of  other  tribes  traded 
eagerly  for  them.  "A  well-made  sheep-horn  bow  would  sell  for 
from  five  to  ten  good  ponies."103  These  bows  were  so  well  known 
among  all  Shoshoni  peoples  that  present-day  Shoshoni  still  speak 
of  them.  F.R.,  a  Shoshoni  living  at  Fort  Hall,  claims  that  such  a 
bow  could  have  put  an  arrow  completely  through  a  buffalo.  J.T., 
of  Wind  River,  tells  of  knowing  a  very  old  man  who  came  to  the 
Reservation  and  brought  with  him  a  sheep-horn  bow.  But  the 
man  has  died  and  the  bow  cannot  be  found.  J.T.  thinks  the  bow 
may  be  buried  with  him. 

Arrows  had  to  be  made  from  wood  that  was  straight  and  had 
few  knots.  The  choice  material  used  by  the  Shoshoni  was  dog- 
wood (Cornus  nuttallii)  and  mock  orange  (Philadelphus  lewisii  or 
Syringa).  In  making  arrow  shafts  the  wood  was  straightened  with 
a  wrench.  Such  wrenches  were  made  by  drilling  a  hole  in  a  large 
rib  bone.  Shaft-smoothers  were  made  from  two  grooved  pieces  of 
sandstone  and  a  type  of  "sandpaper"  was  even  made  from  sand 
glued  to  buckskin.  The  arrows  themselves  were  made  in  three 
sections,  each  about  four  inches  long,  and  these  were  jointed  with 
glue  or  boiled  pine  gum  and  sinew.  Owl  or  eagle  wing  feathers 
were  used  because  they  did  not  absorb  blood  and  thereby  soften.104 

Before  the  Sheepeaters  learned  to  make  and  use  the  bow  and 
arrow,  they  probably  used  the  spear  common  to  all  Basin-Plateau 
peoples. 105  Spears  would  have  been  especially  effective  in  dis- 
patching game  that  had  been  driven  into  traps  constructed  by  the 
Sheepeaters.  Spear  points  (Fig.  2B)  as  well  as  arrow  points  (Fig. 
2 A)  can  be  found  at  surface  sites  throughout  the  mountains  of 
Wyoming  and  Idaho.  The  great  majority  of  these  sites106  are 
strikingly  similar,  and  from  their  characteristic  association  with  a 
particular  environment  a  reasonable  picture  of  the  habits  of  the 
people  who  left  them  can  be  reconstructed.  At  these  sites  the 
ground  is  littered  with  chipped  stone  which  includes  agatized 
wood,  flint,  chalcedony,  obsidian,  and  a  very  hard,  small-grained, 
black  volcanic  rock.107     From  this  material  the  Sheepeater  made 


103.  All  of  the  above  account  comes  from  Jack  Contor.  Reference  to 
such  bows  appears  often  in  the  literature,  but  I  know  of  no  other  description 
of  the  actual  construction  of  such  bows. 

104.  Ibid. 

105.  Steward,  1943,  op.  cit.,  p.  314. 

106.  Innumerable  such  sites  have  been  found  by  the  writer  in  the  Absa- 
roka  Mountains  and  in  Yellowstone  Park. 

107.  The  agatized  wood  was  formed  in  conjunction  with  the  volcanic 
activity  in  this  region  and  can  be  found  outcropping  in  many  places  in  the 
Absaroka  Mountains.  Likewise,  obsidian  is  found  in  several  places  through- 
out Yellowstone  Park,  the  foremost  being  Obsidian  Cliff,  midway  between 
Norris  and  Mammoth.  The  source  of  material  used  as  cores  was  close  at 
hand,  then,  for  the  Sheepeaters. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS 


157 


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iXEC? - EATfrt 


5/»pAA     PO»7i 


CHffPCO   AWL        jcftAPE* 


CU»»,(i«l    by   3>^.G-r^    A.  ^^^,  U^«r..7    .f  W^i*, 


SHEEPEATER  ARTIFACTS 

Fig.  2 

knives,  stone  awls,  spear  points,  arrow  points  and  scrapers. 
(Fig.  2 )  Broken  pieces  of  all  of  these  articles  have  been  found  at 
the  sites,  as  well  as  some  perfect  objects.  The  majority  of  the 
artifacts  at  the  sites,  however,  are  large  flakes  removed  from  the 
outside  of  core  rocks.  These  cores  have  been  found  partially 
buried  in  the  turf.  Small  flakes  produced  in  making  the  tools  and 
points  themselves  are  also  in  abundance.  It  is  probable  that  these 
sites  were  used  throughout  a  long  span  of  aboriginal  time.1(ls 

All  of  the  sites  lie  near  timberline,  which  is  10,000  feet  in  the 
Absaroka  Mountains.  They  are  all  situated  at  vantage  points  at  or 
near  the  top  of  the  many  small  drainage  passes  in  the  region. 
Game  trails  make  their  way,  even  today,  through  all  of  these  passes 
and  the  majority  of  movement  by  game  animals  is  habitually  along 
these  trails.109    During  the  summer  months  the  large  game  in  these 


108.  As  all  of  these  sites  are  in  very  exposed  locations,  weathering  has 
prevented  any  stratification.  All  of  the  articles  except  some  half-buried 
cores  and  bones  (probably  a  rabbit)  are  presently  on  the  surface. 

109.  The  writer  had  two  similar  experiences  which  help  to  dramatize  the 
striking  proximity  between  these  sites,  or  "chipping  grounds"  as  they  are 
called,  and  the  haunts  of  game  animals.  On  the  Buffalo  Plateau  which  lies 
on  the  Continental  Divide  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  Absaroka  Moun- 
tains, chipping  grounds  are  found  at  every  pass  along  the  divide.  One  site 
was  covered  by  an  especially  large  amount  of  stone  chips  and  a  band  of 
twenty  mountain  sheep  were  seen  grazing  within  500  yards  of  the  site.     In 


158 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


zones,  bighorn  mountain  sheep  (Ovis  canadansis) ,  Rocky  Moun- 
tain mule  deer  (Odocoileus  hemionus),  and  American  elk  or 
wapiti  (Cervus  canadensis) ,  usually  lie  or  "bed  down"  below  tim- 
berline  during  the  hot  part  of  the  day  when  flies  are  abundant. 
Then  as  late  afternoon  approaches  they  begin  to  feed  along  the 
game  trails,  through  the  passes,  and  out  onto  the  nearby  treeless 
upland  ridges  and  plateaus. 

It  is  not  hard  to  imagine  (Fig.  3)  a  family  of  Sheepeaters  coming 
to  these  sites  and  carrying  with  them  cores  of  stone  as  well  as  their 
bows  and  arrows.  They  would  sit  on  the  ground  all  day  chipping 
out  projectile  points  and  various  tools.  Then  as  game  was  sighted, 
the  men  of  the  group  would  get  up  slowly  and  quietly  and  leave  the 
women  and  children  behind.  Testing  the  wind  and  taking  advan- 
tage of  cover,  they  would  then  stalk  the  game.  If  they  were  lucky, 
a  kill  would  be  made.  The  abundance  of  chippings  at  these 
grounds  indicates  that  many  groups  of  families  frequented  the  sites 
in  this  manner. 

The  Sheepeaters  not  only  stalked  game  animals  but  used  other 
techniques  as  well.  As  has  been  noted,  all  sources  of  information 
are  in  agreement  that  dogs  were  used  for  hunting  purposes.  These 
dogs  would  help  the  Sheepeaters  to  drive  game110  into  specially 


SHEEPEATER  FAMILY  ON  CHIPPING   GROUNDS 

Fig.  3 

Drawing  by  Henry  H.  Blagden 


Hoodoo  Basin  which  is  again  on  the  Continental  Divide  but  in  the  northeast 
corner  of  Yellowstone  Park  and  in  the  northern  extreme  of  the  Absaroka 
Mountains,  chipping  grounds  were  again  found.  Here  within  50  yards 
of  one  site  a  band  of  over  thirty  elk  were  "bedded  down." 

110.  These  traps  were  probably  constructed  mainly  to  catch  the  moun- 
tain sheep  as  these  animals  are  more  easily  driven  than  elk  or  deer. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS 


159 


SHEEPEATER  GAME  TRAP 

Fig.  4 

Drawing  by  Henry  H '.  Blagden 

constructed  traps.  As  with  the  chipping  grounds  these  traps  are 
located  at  many  places  throughout  the  mountains.  Such  traps  are 
especially  plentiful  along  the  southern  boundary  of  the  Absaroka 
Mountains  and  along  the  adjacent  northern  portion  of  the  Wind 
River  Mountains.  An  example111  (Fig.  4)  is  found  on  a  ridge  at 
about  7,300  feet  between  Wiggins  Fork  and  Bear  Creek.  A  wing 
made  of  logs  (now  rotted)  extends  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  An- 
other wing  running  off  at  an  acute  angle  from  the  first  extends  100 
yards  to  a  small  cliff.  At  the  apex  of  the  "V"  formed  by  these 
wings  a  ramp  has  been  built  up  of  logs  and  rocks.  Below  the  drop 
off  of  the  ramp  a  pen  about  ten  by  ten  feet  was  constructed.  A  tree 
well  over  100  years  old  is  now  growing  out  of  this  pen.  Another 
trap  on  Jakey's  Fork  of  the  Wind  River  consisted  of  a  large  pit  that 
had  been  excavated,  obviously  requiring  considerable  labor.  Both 
these  traps  are  located  in  the  winter-range  environment  of  moun- 
tain sheep.1 12 

Another  trap  is  located  above  Middle  Fork  and  Deep  Creek  in 
the  Wind  River  Mountains.  This  was  built  at  10,000  feet  on  the 
edge  of  a  very  steep  ridge.  It  was  so  constructed  that  it  blocked  a 
major  game  trail  descending  the  sidehill.     Game  scared  down  this 


111.  Descriptions  of  these  traps  came  from  Wayne  Darnall  and  Jock 
Conley,  both  Wyoming  game  wardens  living  in  Dubois,  Wyoming. 

112.  Interestingly  enough,  the  Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Commission 
has  constructed  a  trap  for  capturing  mountain  sheep  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  old  Sheepeater  trap  on  Jakey's  Fork. 


160  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

natural  trail  would  be  stopped  by  the  semicircular  trap  and  then 
killed  by  pursuing  hunters. 113 

To  make  use  of  these  traps  the  Sheepeaters  must  have  hunted 
in  groups,  but  the  size  of  the  group  would  not  necessarily  have 
exceeded  the  size  of  one  or  two  nuclear  families  and  therefore 
would  have  no  significant  effect  upon  social  organization.  The 
head  of  the  family  probably  designated  who  would  help  drive  the 
game  and  who  would  lie  in  wait  near  the  traps  to  kill  it. 

One  other  type  of  trap  was  described  by  C.  G.114  She  claimed 
that  her  father's  people  had  once  firmly  implanted  sharpened  sticks 
in  the  ground.  Deer  were  then  driven  toward  the  sticks  and  some 
impaled  themselves  as  they  tried  to  jump. 

Throughout  the  mountains  are  also  many  man-made  structures 
which  were  apparently  used  as  blinds  by  solitary  hunters.  Some, 
such  as  those  located  in  the  Owl  Creek  Mountains  above  timberline 
(Fig.  5)nn  are  built  wholly  above  ground  and  are  made  of  rocks 
piled  four  feet  high  in  a  semicircle  five  feet  across.  Miles  of  open, 
upland  plateau  country  can  be  seen  from  these  blinds.  Another 
typen,i  consists  of  a  small  pit  dug  out  level  with  the  ground.     The 


v   .  .^aim     ..x 


'    #>         : 


;,;,:  .^;* 


^*'  '\ 


INDIAN  HUNTER'S  BLIND 

Fig.  5 

Photo  by  Bob  Edgar 


113.  Personal  interview  with  Hugh  Otte,  Lander,  Wyoming,  December 
27,  1959.  Otte,  a  horse-packer  and  rancher,  has  seen  many  evidences  of 
Sheepeaters  in  the  Wind  River  Mountains. 

114.  C.G.,  cf.  footnote  91. 

1 15.  The  pictures  in  Figures  4  and  5  were  taken  by  Bob  Edgar  who  lives 
in  Cody,  Wyoming.  Edgar  found  six  blinds  as  are  pictured  here  on  the  Owl 
Creek  Mountains. 

116.  Darnall  and  Conley,  cf.  footnote  111. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  161 

pit  has  been  nearly  covered  with  logs  and  rocks.  These  blinds  are 
located  close  to  cliffs.  Mountain  sheep,  in  order  to  see  below 
them,  are  in  the  habit  of  walking  along  the  edges  of  these  cliffs. 
In  the  blinds  the  hunter  merely  waited  for  passing  game.117 

Although  the  Sheepeaters  probably  hunted  large  animals  per- 
sistently throughout  the  year,  game  meat118  was  by  no  means  all 
that  they  ate.  Small  animals  such  as  various  species  of  marmot, 
beaver,  muskrat,  pack  rat,  wood  rat,  porcupine,  ground  squirrel, 
red  squirrel,  fox,  coyote,  mountain  lion,  bobcat,  badger,  cottontail 
rabbit  and  snowshoe  rabbit  were  eaten.11'-'  Ducks,  geese  and  small 
birds  were  killed  if  possible.  Most  meat  was  broiled  on  coals, 
some  was  baked  in  a  hole  which  was  dug  and  then  covered  with 
fire.  Some  was  boiled  in  water  heated  by  hot  rocks  and  contained 
in  a  heavy  hide  receptacle.  If  a  large  kill  was  made,  some  of  the 
meat  might  have  been  dried  on  racks  in  the  sun.  But  it  should  be 
remembered  that  the  amount  a  Sheepeater  could  carry  from  camp 
to  camp  was  limited  by  how  much  he  and  his  dogs  could  pack. 
J.  T.  claims  that  the  Sheepeaters  professed  a  strong  dislike  for  fish, 
presumably  because  only  the  poorest  of  Shoshoni  ate  fish.120  If 
any  fishing  was  done  for  the  many  trout  and  whitefish  living  in  the 
mountain  streams  it  was  done  with  a  snare.  Large  snare  hooks 
were  carved  from  the  shoulderblades  of  deer  or  mountain  sheep 
and  fastened  to  a  long  pole.1-1  The  Murphys  report  that  Wyoming 
Sheepeaters  speared  trout  in  the  spring  and  summer  and  that  "nets, 
traps  and  weirs  were  apparently  not  used."122 

The  Sheepeaters  were  similar  to  all  the  Basin-Plateau  Shosho- 
nean  peoples  in  that  they  were  gatherers  as  well  as  hunters.  They 
probably  utilized  all  possible  foods  in  their  otherwise  hostile 
environment.  Edible  herbs,  roots,  berries,  and  nuts  can  be  found 
in  the  mountains  of  Wyoming  and  Idaho.  The  camas  root 
{Quemasia),  which  grows  between  Baker,  Oregon,  and  the  Camas 
Prairie  in  Idaho,  was  widely  used  by  all  peoples  of  that  region.     In 


117.  Liljeblad  (1957.  op.  cit.,  p.  27)  describes  a  special  stalking  tech- 
nique. A  preserved  head  and  skin  of  a  deer  or  mountain  sheep  was  worn  by 
the  hunter  who  slowly  worked  his  way  close  to  a  feeding  herd.  It  is  not 
known  whether  the  Sheepeaters  used  this  technique. 

118.  Moose  are  present  in  scattered  numbers  in  the  mountains  and  were 
probably  killed  if  possible  by  the  Sheepeaters.  Antelope  may  have  been 
hunted  on  forays  to  the  plains.  Hultkrantz  (  1961.  op.  cit..  p.  35)  cites  such 
a  case.  Contor  (Ms.,  op.  cit.)  says  that  bear  was  not  eaten,  but  Liljeblad 
( 1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  38)  says  it  was. 

119.  Shimkin,  1947a,  op.  cit..  p.  265;  Steward,  1943.  op.  cit..  p.  299; 
Contor,  Ms.  op.  cit..  p.  10;  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  97. 

120.  Liljeblad,  (1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  29)  and  Shimkin  (1947a,  op.  cit..  p. 
265)  contradict  Contor  somewhat  and  say  fish  was  eaten  by  Plateau  people 
and  Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni. 

121.  Contor,  Ms.,  op.  cit..  p.  35. 

122.  Murphy,  1960,  op.  cit.,  p.  310. 


162  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

addition,  some  peoples  journeyed  great  distances  to  harvest  and 
preserve  this  food.  Shoshoni  from  the  Lemhi  district,  including 
Sheepeaters,  visited  the  Camas  Prairie.128  A  digging  stick  was 
used  by  the  women  and  was  sharpened  and  then  hardened  in  the 
fire.  Its  upper  end  was  padded124  or  fixed  with  a  cross-piece 
handle  of  bone  or  elk-antler. 125  A  good  digging  stick  was  a  prized 
possession  and  was  often  willed  by  a  woman  at  her  death.  Roots 
were  carried  back  to  camp  in  cylindrical  gathering  baskets  and 
after  being  cleaned,  they  were  cooked  in  earth  ovens  (simple  pits) 
for  several  days.  If  the  bulbs  were  to  be  stored  for  future  use, 
they  were  pounded  into  a  mash,  made  into  loaves,  cooked  for  a 
second  time  in  the  earth  pits,  and  lastly  patted  into  thin  cakes 
which  were  dried  in  the  sun.12(i  Bitterroot  (Lewisia  rediviva), 
found  in  central  and  northern  Idaho,  was  prepared  merely  by  dry- 
ing. (It  was  readily  accepted  in  trade  by  the  Couer  d'Alene  and 
Nez  Perce  Indians  who  might  travel  some  distance  to  procure 
it.  J1-7  Other  edible  roots  probably  utilized  by  the  Sheepeaters 
were  the  "tobacco-root"  ( Valeriana  obovata  edulis )  and  several 
species  of  Carum,  the  false  caraway.12*  Yamp  {Carwn  gairdneri) 
grows  along  the  streams  and  in  mountain  meadows  in  central 
Idaho.  It  was  sometimes  eaten  raw.  Otherwise  it  was  boiled, 
dried,  pounded  into  flour,  and  stored.  When  eaten  it  was  mixed 
with  melted  fat.  The  mano-metate,  typical  of  all  gathering  peoples 
of  the  Basin-Plateau  region,  may  have  been  used  by  the  Sheepeater 
women  in  grinding  these  foods,  but  because  of  its  weight,  like  the 
steatite  vessels,  was  in  all  likelihood  cached. 

Two  vegetables  probably  utilized  by  the  Sheepeater  were  Cheno- 
podium,  called  "lamb's  quarters"  by  whites,  and  Claytonia,  called 
"miner's  lettuce". 12!)  Pinon  pine  nuts,  gathered  before  they  were 
stolen  by  red  squirrels  and  Clark's  Nutcrackers,  would  also  have 
been  eaten. 

Included  in  the  many  edible  berries  gathered  in  the  late  summer 
and  fall  were  huckleberries,  chokecherries,  sarvisberries,  currants, 
blackberries,  and  gooseberries.  All  could  be  eaten  raw,  but  some 
were  ground,  seeds  and  all,  then  dried  in  cakes  and  stored.  Others 
were  boiled  and  a  soup  made.  Root  flour  could  be  added  to 
chokecherry  soup  in  order  to  make  a  thick  pudding.180 

Insects,  such  as  ants  found  under  rocks  in  mountain  meadows, 
and  large  grubs  found  in  rotting  fallen  logs,  may  have  been  resorted 


123.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  106. 

124.  Contor,  Ms.,  op.  cit. 

125.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

126.  Ibid.,  pp.  27-28. 

127.  Ibid. 

128.  Ibid. 

129.  Ibid. 

130.  Contor,  Ms.,  op-  cit. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS 


163 


to  for  food  by  the  Sheepeater.  Big  ants  were  roasted  on  a  low  fire 
until  only  their  large  black  tail  segment  remained,  and  then  these 
were  eaten.    Grasshoppers  were  not  eaten.1''1 

Traps  and  chipping  grounds  remain  as  clear-cut  evidence  of  the 
Sheepeaters'  previous  existence.  Dwellings  are  the  third  archaeo- 
logical item  of  this  sort.  As  with  the  traps  and  chipping  grounds, 
dwelling  sites  have  been  found  throughout  the  mountains  of  Wyo- 
ming and  Idaho.  One  such  site1'12  was  found  at  about  9,500  feet 
on  the  Buffalo  Plateau  in  the  southern  Absaroka  Mountains.  It 
was  a  half  mile  below  a  major  chipping  ground  and  pass,  and  it  was 
located  on  the  edge  of  a  snow-fed  stream  in  a  heavy  stand  of  large 
Englemann's  spruce.  It  consisted  of  several  logs  and  stumps  (now 
rotted)  pulled  together  between  two  targe  trees  to  form  a  wind- 
break. In  addition,  what  could  have  been  a  fireplace  remained.  Its 
proximity  to  the  chipping  grounds  and  game  trails  500  feet  higher 
at  the  head  of  the  small  mountain  valley  leaves  little  doubt  that  the 
same  people  sat  on  the  chipping  grounds  and  hunted  by  day  and 
then  returned  to  this  makeshift  camp  at  dark. 

Other  dwellings  are  found  at  about  7,000  feet  in  the  bottoms  of 
steep-sided  canyons.  These  canyons  are  filled  with  aspen,  pine 
and  alders,  and  are  well  protected  from  the  weather.  The  dwell- 
ings found  here  are  nearly  identical  in  their  construction.  (Fig.  6 ) 
The  dwellings  have  been  called  "wickiups"'  both  by  present-day 
Shoshoni1:!:j  and  local  whites.    A  great  number  of  poles,  up  to  100, 


SHEEPEATER  WICKIUP 
Fig.  6 


Photo  by  Bob  Edgar 


131.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit..  p.  37,  p.  96. 

132.  Found  by  the  writer  in  August,  1958. 

133.  M.P.,  (personal  interview,  cf.  footnote  57)  recognized  the  term 
"wickiup"  and  said  it  meant  "lodge"  or  "house".  She  said  her  people  (the 
Wyoming  Plains  Shoshoni)  did  not  use  as  many  poles  as  did  the  lukndeka. 


164  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

from  8  to  3  inches  in  diameter  and  10  to  18  feet  long,  have  been 
braced  together  at  the  top  to  form  a  conical  structure  with  a  height 
of  5  to  8  feet  and  a  diameter  of  6  to  9  feet.  A  small  triangular  door 
opening  is  left.  Most  of  these  wickiups  are  made  from  aspen  poles 
which  would  have  been  easier  to  cut  than  pine.  These  poles  have 
rotted  at  their  bases  over  time,  thus  decreasing  the  height  and 
diameter  of  the  wickiup.  A  covering  of  pine  boughs  was  probably 
thatched  in  shingle  fashion  on  to  the  poles.  This  technique  was 
employed  by  all  Shoshoni  and  is  described  by  Lowie.134  J.  T. 
claims  that  the  Sheepeaters  were  able  to  make  a  more  weatherproof 
wickiup  than  were  the  plains  people.  He  said  one  or  two  families 
lived  in  the  Sheepeater  wickiup.  A  covering  of  mountain  sheep, 
elk,  or  deer  hide  may  have  been  used  by  some  Sheepeaters,  though 
they  lacked  the  large  and  heavy  tanned  buffalo  hides  used  by 
horse-owning  Shoshoni. 

These  wickiups  probably  served  as  warm  dwellings  during  resi- 
dence in  the  semi-permanent  winter  camps.  Game  of  all  kinds 
winters  on  the  open  ridges  surrounding  these  canyons  and  only  an 
exceptionally  severe  winter  forces  them  to  lower  elevations.  Given 
the  warm  clothing  provided  by  the  Sheepeater  techniques,  and 
given  enough  game  herds,  life  in  these  sheltered  canyons  would  not 
be  unreasonable. 

A  third  type  of  dwelling  was  found135  at  about  6,000  feet.  It  is 
located  on  the  west  side  of  Rattlesnake  Creek  which  runs  into  the 
Shoshone  Reservoir  west  of  Cody.  This  is  an  open  foothill  region 
where  the  ground  is  often  bare  in  the  winter  time,  affording  easy 
grazing  for  both  horses  and  game.  This  dwelling  site  was  peculiar. 
In  fact,  I  have  found  none  resembling  it  recorded  in  any  literature. 
Building  material  had  been  taken  from  large-based  pines.  These 
pines  had  been  struck  by  lightning  and  their  centers  had  been 
burned  and  rotted  until  only  an  outer  shell  was  left.  Slabs  12 
feet  by  2  feet  by  six  inches  can  be  stripped  from  this  shell.  Walls 
of  the  structures  were  built  up  in  a  log-cabin  fashion  and  they 
remain  about  four  feet  high  today.  A  rough  doorway  was  left  on 
one  side.  Two  such  structures  were  present,  and  the  larger  had 
interior  dimensions  of  6  feet  by  10  feet.  The  smaller  structure 
had  only  three  sides,  the  larger  had  four.  Considerable  soil  has 
accumulated  since  these  structures  were  built.  A  buffalo  skull, 
with  all  of  the  nose  and  jaw  rotted  away,  was  buried  one  foot  deep 
on  the  outside  of  the  back  wall  of  the  largest  structure.136    It  seems 


134.  Lowie,  1924,  op.  cit.,  p.  211;  cf.  Steward,  1947a,  op.  cit.,  p.  272. 

135.  Found  by  the  writer  in  September,  1958. 

136.  No  other  artifacts  were  found,  but  no  digging  has  yet  been  done. 


THE  SHEEPEATERS  165 

logical  to  assume  that  Shoshoni  peoples  of  some  sort  once  lived 
there.  It  is  possible  that  these  peoples  possessed  a  few  horses. 
Maybe  they  were  Sheepeaters.  J.  T.1HT  mentions  that  the  Sheep- 
eaters  living  in  the  Wind  River  Mountains  often  wintered  in  the 
foothills.  Some  of  these  possessed  horses  according  to  J.  T.  and 
Hultkrantz.18* 

Archaeological  evidence  has  done  much  to  help  us  reconstruct 
a  description  of  some  of  the  material  culture  of  the  Sheepeater,  as 
well  as  providing  us  with  a  hypothesis  as  to  their  patterns  of  sub- 
sistence. We  have  seen  that  the  food  quest  obviously  predom- 
inated in  the  rigorous  life  struggle  of  the  Sheepeaters  so  we  assume 
that  their  intellectual  culture,  just  as  was  the  case  with  their  social 
culture,  was  elementary  and  probably  similar  to  all  other  Basin- 
Plateau,  pre-horse,  Shoshoneans.  Their  religion  consisted  of 
"primitive  shamanism  coupled  with  a  belief  in  various  nature 
spirits. "139  The  Sheepeater  may  have  held  the  belief  that  super- 
natural power  was  granted  to  them  through  dreams  and  visions.14" 
If  any  ceremonial  dances  were  enjoyed  by  the  Sheepeaters,  it  prob- 
ably would  have  been  in  the  company  of  different  Shoshoni 
peoples.14" 

Speaking  of  their  social  institutions,  it  is  known  that  marriage 
among  the  Shoshoni  was  an  informal  affair  and  was  marked  by  no 
binding  ceremonies.  But  among  the  more  isolated  of  the  domestic- 
groups,  marriage  may  have  been  relatively  permanent.  Sheep- 
eaters who  were  especially  isolated,  such  as  those  of  Yellowstone 
Park,141  would  have  had  little  opportunity  to  exchange  partners. 
The  customs  of  the  levirate,  and  to  a  lesser  extent  sororate,  were  in 
operation  among  all  Shoshoni  and  most  probably  applied  to  the 
Sheepeater.  No  particular  rules  of  residence  applied  to  the  Sho- 
shoni and  especially  not  to  the  Sheepeater.11-  Patterns  of  descent 
were  ambilineal  and  probably  had  little  meaning  for  the  Sheep- 
eater, though  cross-cousin  marriage  may  have  been  preferred.143 

Shallow  though  these  descriptions  of  intellectual  and  social  cul- 
ture are,  little  more  can  be  added  without  making  the  tenuous 
postulate  that  all  intellectual  or  social  customs  of  the  Basin- 
Plateau  Shoshoni  were  necessarily  shared  by  the  Sheepeaters.  In 
the  absence  of  any  further  information,  I  prefer  to  carry  the  de- 
scription of  Sheepeater  culture  only  as  far  as  has  been  done  in  this 
paper. 


137.  J.T.,  personal  interview,  cf.  footnote  52. 

138.  Hultkrantz,  1961,  op.  cit.,  p.  35. 

139.  Hultkrantz,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  137. 

140.  Lowie,    1908,  op.  cit.,   pp.   223-226;   Liljeblad,    1957,   op.   cit.,   pp. 
38-39. 

141.  Hultkrantz,  1958,  op.  cit.,  p.  152. 

142.  Liljeblad,  1957,  op.  cit.,  p.  34. 

143.  Ibid.,  p.  95. 


166  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


CONCLUSION 


In  concluding,  it  must  be  admitted  that  relatively  little  is  known 
about  the  Sheepeaters.  A  few  inferences  can  be  made  on  the  basis 
of  archaeological  material  but  the  exact  nature  of  these  peoples' 
lives  may  never  be  fully  reconstructed.  Problems  of  identification 
and  of  subtle  cultural  differences  and  similarities  between  various 
Shoshonean-speaking  peoples  remain  only  partially  answered.  The 
distribution  of  the  Sheepeaters  has  not  been  clearly  defined,  and 
differences  between  various  mountain-dwelling  peoples  themselves 
are  not  clearly  understood.  Nevertheless,  the  inherent  complexity 
of  ethnographic  and  historic  reconstruction  does  not  negate  the 
efforts  of  those  who  have  attempted  it.  The  work  of  Liljeblad  on 
the  one  hand  and  of  Hultkrantz  on  the  other  has  done  much  to 
acquaint  us  with  the  culture  of  an  extinct  people.  A  proper  syn- 
thesis of  these  two  points  of  view  will  carry  us  even  further  in  the 
right  direction.  In  addition,  there  is  much  need  for  detailed 
archaeological  classification  and  description  in  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tain region.  Such  work  would  not  only  help  us  to  locate  and 
identify  the  Sheepeaters  but  would  undoubtedly  reveal  that  the 
mountain  regions  had  long  been  frequented  by  a  variety  of  ances- 
toral  peoples.144 

Of  the  Sheepeaters,  many  unanswered  questions  remain,  and 
those  answers  which  were  given  here  must  be  qualified  as  hypo- 
thetical at  best.  Nevertheless,  the  quest  involved  in  making  this 
reconstruction  hopefully  has  lead  us  to  a  greater  understanding  of, 
and  appreciation  for,  a  people  who  have  gone,  leaving  little  trace  of 
their  existence  or  their  passing  from  it. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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to  National  Park  Policies,  Washington,  D.  C,  1932. 


144.  It  is  hoped  that  future  publication  of  proper  studies  of  the  artifacts 
and  culture  layers  presently  being  excavated  in  "Mummy  Cave"  on  the 
North  Fork  of  the  Shoshone  River,  west  of  Cody,  Wyoming,  under  the  lead- 
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help  to  fill  these  current  "knowledge-gaps." 


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October,  1926. 

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Park,  Wyoming,  Yellowstone  Interpretive  Series,  No.  6,  1956. 

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pologist, Vol.  40,  pp.  413-415,  1938. 

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6th  Pacific  Science  Congress,  4:17-25,  Berkeley,  1941. 

Shimkin,  D.  B.,  "The  Uto-Aztecan  System  of  Kinship  Terminology",  Amer- 
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Zhe  Searchfor  Jacques  Car  a  wee 
A  Study  in  J  rust  rat  ion 

By 

John  Dishon  McDermott 

Probably  every  historian  who  works  in  the  field  of  Wyoming 
history  hopes  to  solve  the  mystery  of  Jacques  LaRamee,  the  trapper 
whose  memory  is  perpetuated  by  several  rivers,  a  fort,  a  town,  a 
city,  a  county,  a  mountain  peak,  a  mountain  range,  a  plains  region, 
and  more  recently  a  television  show.1  Where  did  he  come  from? 
What  was  he  like  as  a  man?  When  did  he  first  enter  Wyoming? 
Who  killed  him?  Where  did  he  die?  These  are  questions  that 
have  intrigued  men  for  over  a  century,  but  wrapped  in  the  cloak  of 
time,  nestled  in  the  minds  of  men  long  dead,  the  answers  have 
eluded  the  best  efforts  of  scholars.  The  following  pages  unfold 
the  story  of  my  quest  for  the  truth.  Frustrating  as  it  turned  out  to 
be,  the  quest  did  yield  an  answer  to  one  of  the  questions. 

Before  revealing  the  results  of  my  research,  it  might  be  well  to 
review  some  of  the  stories  told  about  LaRamee.  Most  of  them 
are  based  on  hearsay,  the  historian's  curse,  and  some  of  them  are 
pure  fabrication,  the  products  of  over-active  imaginations.  Prob- 
ably the  best  known  account  is  found  in  C.  G.  Coutant's  The 
History  of  Wyoming,  published  in  1899.  It  also  has  the  distinction 
of  being  the  most  detailed  of  all  the  stories  examined. 

Coutant  states  that  LaRamee  was  a  French  Canadian  who 
entered  this  country  as  an  employee  of  the  Northwest  Company. 
When  rivalry  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  led  to  bloodshed, 
LaRamee  organized  a  band  of  free  trappers  and  moved  into  undis- 
puted territory  near  the  headwaters  of  the  North  Platte  River.  He 
and  his  men  rendezvoused  at  the  mouth  of  the  Laramie  for  several 
years.  About  1820,  LaRamee  decided  to  trap  beaver  on  the  river 
that  now  bears  his  name,  and  dismissing  his  companions1  warnings, 
he  pushed  on  alone.  The  following  year,  his  friends  found  him 
dead  in  a  cabin  built  about  two  or  three  days  journey  up  the 
Laramie  from  its  mouth.  Trappers  accused  the  Arapahoes  of  the 
deed,  but  they  vigorously  denied  it.     Coutant  makes  much  of  La- 


1.  "Laramie"  is  the  form  of  the  name  which  survives  as  a  place-name. 
I  have  used  the  correct  spelling,  "LaRamee."  throughout,  except  when 
quoting  from  a  source. 


170  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Ramee's  character  and  abilities,  calling  him  an  honest,  courageous, 
peace-loving  man,  and  a  partisan  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  his 
men. 

Coutant  tells  where  he  obtained  the  material  for  his  account. 
He  read  statements  by  two  former  Fort  Laramie  soldiers,  Surgeon 
H.  S.  Schell  and  Colonel  A.  G.  Brackett,  that  mentioned  the  mur- 
der of  the  trapper  by  Indians  near  the  Laramie  River,  nothing 
more.  Schell  served  at  Fort  Laramie  in  the  late  1860's  and 
Brackett  in  the  late  1870's.  For  the  rest  of  his  story,  Coutant 
relied  on  "the  older  class  of  pioneers,  such  as  Baker,  Majors,  Wig- 
gins, Perri,  Chapman,  Lowe,  Street,  and  many  others. "  He  goes 
on  to  state  that  none  of  the  men  interviewed  knew  LaRamee,  that 
they  were  simply  repeating  stories  told  them  by  others.  Hearsay 
is  poor  evidence,  if  it  is  evidence  at  all,  and  the  details  of  Coutant's 
version  will  need  verification  before  they  can  be  fully  accepted.2 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  farther  back  one  goes  into  the 
literature,  the  closer  one  gets  to  the  time  of  LaRamee's  death,  the 
shorter  the  stories  become.  Take,  for  example,  the  account  of 
Matthew  Field,  a  newspaperman  who  visited  Fort  Laramie  in  1843 
when  it  still  belonged  to  the  American  Fur  Company.  Field  took 
voluminous  notes  on  everything  he  saw  and  heard,  since  he  planned 
to  write  a  number  of  feature  articles  for  the  New  Orleans  Picayune 
about  the  Rocky  Mountain  West.  Yet,  when  he  came  to  the 
LaRamee  story,  he  was  unusually  brief: 

30  years  ago  a  trapper  by  the  name  of  Laramee  was  killed  by  Indians 
on  this  stream  which  has  since  held  his  name,  as  also,  the  high  moun- 
tain peak  near.  The  country  was  shunned  as  dangerous  at  the  time, 
but  this  trapper  dared  his  fate  in  pursuit  of  the  beaver.3 

Rufus  Sage,  who  stopped  at  Fort  Laramie  two  years  earlier,  was 
even  more  terse  in  his  diary: 

This  river  received  its  present  name  from  one  Joseph  Laramie,  a 
French  trapper,  who  was  killed  near  its  mouth,  several  years  since, 
by  the  Indians.4 

The  reader  is  quick  to  perceive  the  contradictions  in  the  three 
stories  treated  thus  far.  The  date  of  death,  the  place  of  death,  and 
the  first  name  of  the  trapper  vary  considerably.  Other  accounts 
serve  to  confuse  the  issue  rather  than  to  clarify  it.    John  Hunton's 


2.  C.  G.  Coutant,  The  History  of  Wyoming  (Laramie:  Chaplin,  Spafford 
&  Mathison,  Printers,  1899),  296-299. 

3.  Matthew  C.  Field,  Prairie  &  Mountain  Sketches,  ed.  by  John  Francis 
McDermott  (Norman,  Oklahoma:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1957), 
80. 

4.  LeRoy  R.  Hafen  and  Ann  W.  Hafen,  eds.,  Rufus  B.  Sage,  His  Letters 
and  Papers,  1836-1847,  Vol.  I  (Glendale,  California:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark 
Company,  1956),  340,  f.n.  124. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  JACQUES  LARAMEE  171 

version,  based  on  talks  with  Jim  Bridger,  further  illustrates  the 
point: 

He  [Jim  Bridger]  said  he  was  first  at  Fort  Laramie  in  his  teens,  but 
did  not  know  or  remember  the  exact  year;  that  he  spent  the  winter 
that  old  man  Laramie  was  killed,  down  at  the  fort  and  around  here, 
and  was  one  of  the  party  who  went  out  to  search  for  Laramie  when  he 
did  not  come  back  in  the  spring  as  he  said  he  would;  that  party  went 
up  the  Laramie  valley  searching  it  and  all  its  tributaries;  that  they 
found  an  unfinished  cottonwood  log  cabin  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river  below  the  mouth  of  Sabille  Creek,  and  one  broken  beaver  trap 
near  it,  but  no  Laramie.  He  said  that  he  learned  some  two  years  later 
from  the  Arapahoe  Indians  that  some  of  the  tribe  had  killed  Laramie 
and  put  his  body  under  the  ice  in  a  beaver  dam 5 

Two  points  in  the  Hunton-Bridger  version  bear  comment.  Wil- 
liam Sublette  and  Robert  Campbell  built  the  first  Fort  Laramie, 
Fort  William,  in  1834;  therefore,  Bridger  could  not  have  been 
around  the  fort  at  the  time  of  LaRamee's  death.  Secondly,  if  we 
are  to  accept  1821  as  the  year  of  LaRamee's  death,  Bridger  could 
not  have  been  in  the  region.  He  left  St.  Louis  in  April,  1822,  on 
his  first  trip  west  and  traveled  up  the  Missouri  River  with  Major 
Henry !'! 

The  last  two  historians  to  tackle  the  problem  were  Grace  Ray- 
mond Hebard  in  1926  and  W.  J.  Ghent  in  1933.  Hebard  states 
that  LaRamee  came  from  France,  settled  in  Canada,  and  then 
migrated  into  Wyoming.  She  follows  the  Coutant  version  closely, 
but  by  way  of  introduction  discusses  the  name  of  the  trapper,  and 
in  so  doing  commits  an  unfortunate  error.  She  remarks  that 
Jacques  is  a  Canadian  corruption  of  the  French  word  for  John. 
Jacques  is  the  French  name  for  James.7 

W.  J.  Ghent's  article  is  the  best  produced  by  modern  historians. 
For  the  most  part,  he  repeats  the  Coutant  version,  but  he  is  careful 
to  point  out  the  speculative  nature  of  the  story  and  qualifies  each 
statement  with  such  as  "probably,"  "apparently,"  and  "tradition- 
ally." He  does,  however,  question  LaRamee's  birthplace,  and 
suggests  that  he  may  have  been  the  son  of  Louis  Lorimier  who  was 
a  trader  among  the  Indians  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  and  later,  the  com- 
mandant at  Cape  Girardeau,  Missouri.  Ghent  based  his  theory 
on  the  fact  that  Albert  Gallatin's  map  of  1836  shows  Laramie  Peak 
as  Lorimier's  Peak.8 


5.  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  and  E.  A.  Brininstool,  The  Bozeman  Trail, 
Vol.  II  (Glendale,  California:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1960),  233. 

6.  J.  Cecil  Alter,  Jim  Bridget-  (Norman,  Oklahoma:  University  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  1962),  15. 

7.  Grace  Hebard's  article  appeared  originally  in  the  Midwest  Review  of 
March,  1926.  The  article  is  reprinted  as  an  addenda  in  Virginia  Cole  Tren- 
holm.  Footprints  on  the  Frontier:  Saga  of  the  La  Ramie  Region  of  Wyoming 
(Douglas,  Wyoming:   Douglas  Enterprise  Company,   1945),  354-357. 

8.  W.   J.   Ghent,   "Jacques  Laramie,"   in   Dictionary   of  American   Biog- 


172  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

By  now  the  reader  should  be  hopelessly  confused.  Was  the 
trapper's  last  name  really  LaRamee  or  was  it  Lorimier?  Was  his 
first  name  really  Jacques  or  was  it  Joseph?  Was  he  born  in 
Canada  or  was  it  France  or  the  Ohio  Valley?  Did  he  die  in  1 803 
or  1821  or  even  later?  Was  he  found  dead  in  his  cabin  or  under  a 
beaver  dam?  Did  he  die  near  the  mouth  of  the  Laramie  or 
several  day's  journey  upstream?  Did  the  Arapahoes  kill  him  or 
was  it  some  other  tribe? 

Confronted  with  this  problem  one  might  decide  to  write  some 
of  the  Canadian  fur  companies  to  see  if  their  records  might  reveal 
information  concerning  Jacques  LaRamee.  Paul  Henderson,  the 
noted  trail  historian,  did  just  that  in  1937,  but  his  findings  were 
never  published.  Writing  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  he  received 
an  illuminating  reply  from  J.  Chadwick  Brooks,  a  company  em- 
ployee in  London.  Although  the  records  revealed  nothing  of 
Jacques  LaRamee,  they  contained  a  number  of  references  to  a 
Jean  Baptiste  LaRamee.  Jean  Baptiste  was  in  the  company's 
service  as  a  middleman  from  1817  to  1822  in  Canada,  operating 
in  the  Cumberland  House,  Athabasca,  and  Peace  River  Districts, 
before  retiring  and  settling  in  Montreal.  A  Northwest  Company 
ledger  in  the  same  archives  divulged  information  concerning  yet 
another  LaRamee,  Francois,  who  began  his  career  as  a  voyageur 
for  the  firm  in  1804.  From  1811  to  1820,  he  worked  steadily 
for  the  Northwest  Company  in  Canada,  but  the  records  did  not 
pinpoint  the  area.  The  letter  established  the  fact  that  there  were 
LaRamees  in  Canada  at  about  the  right  time.9 

On  August  2,  1963,  my  quest  for  the  truth  began.  Miss  Jean 
Colon  of  Davis,  California,  visited  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic 
Site  and  remarked  that  she  knew  a  relative  of  the  famous  trapper. 
His  name  was  J.  Edmond  LaRamee  who  lived  in  Montreal.  In  a 
short  time  a  letter  was  on  its  way.  No  reply.  A  second  letter 
brought  a  response: 

Here  is  what  I  know  of  the  family  of  Jacques  LaRamee:  There  was 
only  one  LaRamee  that  migrated  from  France  to  Canada,  in  1708. 
His  name  was  Jacques  Fissiau  dit  LaRamee,  born  in  Blois  City, 
France.  He  settled  in  Pointe-Aux-Trembles,  near  Montreal,  and  one 
of  his  descendants  settled  in  St.  Michel  d'Yamaska,  Province  of  Que- 
bec.    From  this  branch  of  the  family  came  Jacques  LaRamee,  the 


raphy,  Vol.  IX,  ed.  by  Dumas  Malone  (New  York:  Charles  Scribner's  Sons, 
1933),  613.  All  those  who  mention  the  name  of  the  trapper  in  diaries  and 
letters  of  the  period  give  the  last  name  as  LaRamee  or  names  that  are 
obviously  variations  of  it.  To  my  knowledge,  there  are  no  other  contem- 
porary documents  that  substantiate  Ghent's  theory. 

9.  Letter  to  Paul  Henderson  from  J.  Chadwick  Brooks,  Hudson  Bay 
House,  London,  May  28,  1937.  Original  in  Historic  Research  Files,  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site.  This  group  of  records  hereafter  cited  as 
FLNHS. 


THE  SEARCH  FOR  JACQUES  LARAMEE         173 

fur  trapper  who  migrated  to  the  United  States.     He  was  one  of  the 
sons  of  Joseph  LaRamee  and  Jeanne  Mondou  of  Yamaska.10 

I  am  sure  that  the  reader  can  imagine  the  elation  I  felt  when  I 
received  that  letter. 

To  corroborate  the  letter  and  to  learn  more  of  the  LaRamees,  I 
wrote  to  the  Provinical  Archives,  Quebec,  and  requested  a  geneal- 
ogy of  the  Joseph  LaRamee  family.  Roland  Auger  of  the  archives 
sent  the  desired  information,  at  least  most  of  it.  He  traced  Joseph's 
ancestry  back  to  Antoine  Fissiau-LaRamee  of  Blois  City,  who 
turned  out  to  be  a  master  weaver.  His  son,  Jacques,  also  a 
weaver,  left  France  for  Canada  in  1708.  One  of  his  sons,  Jean 
Baptiste,  took  up  farming  near  Montreal  in  the  1740's,  and  Joseph 
was  his  son,  a  farmer  at  Yamaska.11 

Mr.  Auger  was  unable  to  provide  the  clincher,  the  name  of  the 
offspring  of  Joseph  and  Jeanne  LaRamee,  but  sent  the  address  of 
the  priest  in  charge  of  the  church  records  at  Yamaska.  The  Rev- 
erend Pere  Cure  replied  to  my  letter  of  inquiry  on  February  19, 
1964,  and  brought  to  Fort  Laramie  a  dark  cloud  that  still  hangs 
over  it.  Joseph  and  Jeanne  had  five  sons,  none  of  whom  was 
named  Jacques!  Married  on  January  15,  1781,  the  couple's  first 
son  was  Noel,  born  December  25,  1781.  He  was  followed  by 
Louis  Theophile,  born  February  24,  1783;  Joseph  Michel,  born 
June  8,  1784;  Pierre  Severin,  born  May  29,  1786;  and  Louis,  born 
April  16,  1792.1- 

A  hurried  letter  to  J.  Edmond  LaRamee  brought  an  apologetic 
reply  and  a  suggestion.  His  genealogy,  prepared  by  a  Montreal 
firm,  concerned  only  his  immediate  ancestors,  and  did  not  include 
the  fur  trapper's  branch  of  the  family;  however,  he  had  been  told, 
presumably  by  one  of  his  relatives,  that  Jacques  had  been  the  son 
of  Joseph  and  Jeanne.  He  suggested  that  I  contact  the  Drouin 
Genealogical  Institute  of  Montreal  to  see  if  they  could  trace  him.13 

The  Institute  agreed  to  make  the  search,  but  after  several  months 
cancelled  the  contract,  stating  that  nothing  could  be  found  of  a 
Jacques  that  fit  the  description. 

Could  it  be  that  the  third  son  of  Joseph  and  Jeanne  was  the 
mysterious  fur  trapper?  Could  Rufus  Sage  have  been  right,  that 
his  name  was  really  Joseph?  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  he  was, 
but  I  suppose  that  we  will  never  know  for  sure.    At  least  the  quest 


10.  Letter  from  J.   Edmond  LaRamee,   Montfort,   Quebec,   October    1, 

1963,  FLNHS. 

11.  Letter  from  Roland  Auger,  Provincial  Archives,  Quebec,  January  3, 

1964,  FLNHS. 

12.  Letter  from  The  Reverend  Pere  Cure,  Yamaska,  Quebec,  February 
19,  1964,  FLNHS. 

13.  Letter  from  J.  Edmond  LaRamee,  Montfort,  Quebec,  April  17,  1964, 
FLNHS. 


174  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

was  exciting,  though  finally  frustrating,  and  it  did  yield,  beyond  a 
reasonable  doubt,  the  answer  to  one  of  the  intriguing  questions: 
Where  did  he  come  from?  Only  one  LaRamee  migrated  from 
France  in  the  eighteenth  century,  Jacques  LaRamee  from  Blois 
City,  France.  All  the  New  World  LaRamees  were  his  descendants. 
Whatever  his  first  name,  the  real  LaRamee  was  a  Canadian. 


Wyoming 

By 
Elizabeth  Thorpe 


This  is  Wyoming, 

The  high,  fresh  country 

Of  pale  golden  plains 

Sweeping  widely 

To  the  far  blue  rims  of  mountains 

On  the  edge  of  the  world. 

Here  are  the  uncontaminated  streams, 
The  naked  heights  where  free  winds  blow. 

Here  is  space  unlimited 

For  those  whose  hearts  still  need 

The  look  and  feel  of  freedom. 

Here  is  the  lonely  sky 
Uncrowded  except  for  clouds 
That  give  brief  respite 
From  the  painful  beauty 
Of  intense  and  infinite  blue. 


Zke  Custer  Court  Martial 

By 

Robert  A.  Murray 

"A  General  Court  Martial  is  hereby  appointed  to  meet  at  Fort 
Leavenworth  Kansas,  at  1  1  :00  o'clock  A.M.,  on  the  15th  Day  of 
September,  1 867,  or  as  soon  there  after  as  practicable,  for  the 
trial  of  Brevet  Major  General  G.  A.  Custer,  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  and 
such  other  prisoners  as  may  be  brought  before  it."1  With  these 
simple  phrases,  the  Adjutant  General  signaled  the  nearing  climax 
of  another  chapter  in  the  stormy  career  of  this  colorful  and 
controversial  officer. 

This  important  but  little  known  story  began  with  the  issuance  of 
the  following  orders  and  instructions  to  Custer  at  the  end  of  May, 
1867: 

Brevet  Major  General  G.A.  Custer,  Lieutenant  Col.  7th  Cavalry  will 
march  tomorrow  with  six(6)  companies  of  the  7th  Cavalry,  provided 
with  fifteen(  15 )  days  rations,  and  five(5)  days  grain,  to  Fort  Mc- 
Pherson,  Nebraska.  Full  instructions  will  be  given  General  Custer 
concerning  his  march.1' 

The  Brevet  Major  General  Commanding  directs  that  you  proceed  with 
your  command  as  indicated  in  S.F.O.  #34,  c.s.  from  these  HQ,  in  a 
northerly  direction  to  the  Platte,  and  thence  to  Ft.  McPherson,  at 
which  point  you  will  find  a  large  supply  of  rations  and  forage.  As  to 
the  length  of  time  you  are  to  stay  at  Fort  McPherson,  should  you  re- 
ceive no  orders  on  your  arrival  there,  you  will  be  governed  by  the  cir- 
cumstances and  such  information  as  you  may  be  able  to  obtain  from 
parties  at  that  place.  From  Fort  McPherson  you  will  proceed  up  the 
south  fork  of  the  Platte  to  Fort  Sedgwick,  and  thence  in  the  direction 
of  Fort  Morgan.  If  everything  is  found  to  be  quiet  and  your  presence 
not  required  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Morgan  or  Sedgwick,  you  may 
come  south  to  Fort  Wallace,  at  which  point  you  will  find  further 
instructions. 

The  object  of  the  expedition  is  to  hunt  out,  and  chastise  the  Cheyennes, 
and  that  portion  of  the  Sioux  who  are  their  allies,  between  the  Smoky 
Hill  and  the  Platte.  .  .3 

Under  these  orders  and  instructions,  Custer's  command  left 
Fort  Hays,  and  marched  to  Fort  McPherson,  reaching  there  June 
9th.    After  spending  a  week  in  that  vicinity,  the  column  moved  to 


1.  Special    Orders    426,    War    Department,    Adjutant    General's    Office 
August  27,   1867. 

2.  Special  Field  Orders  34,  Headquarters,  District  of  the  Upper  Arkan- 
sas, May  30,  1867. 

3.  Letter,  Headquarters,  District  of  the  Upper  Arkansas,  to  G.A.  Custer, 
7th  Cavalry,  May  31,  1867. 


176  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  Republican  River,  remaining  there  about  a  week  before  head- 
ing northwest  to  the  South  Platte  River.  Early  on  the  morning  of 
July  6th,  the  tired  column  arrived  at  the  Platte,  this  time  some  3 
miles  from  Riverside  Station,  about  45  miles  west  of  Fort  Sedg- 
wick.4 

Since  this  was  on  one  of  the  main  routes  to  the  Colorado 
settlements,  extra  precautions  against  desertions  were  taken.  Cus- 
ter ordered  the  stable-guard  doubled.5  Wagonmaster  Harper 
remained  on  the  alert  through  the  night  to  safeguard  stock  of 
the  train.''' 

Some  of  the  men  approached  the  teamsters  that  night  and  tried 
to  trade  for  civilian  clothes.7  Later  in  the  night  Harper  drove  five 
men  away  from  the  wagon  train  stock. 8  By  morning  at  least  15 
men  departed,  including  some  of  the  guard.1' 

The  column  got  a  late  start  on  the  7th,  and  marched  about  12 
miles  to  a  noon-halt.  Horses  were  unsaddled  and  allowed  to 
graze.10  After  lunch  and  several  hours  rest,  "Boots  &  Saddles" 
sounded  and  the  column  prepared  to  move  out.11  At  this  time, 
Custer  sighted  a  band  of  uniformed  men,  headed  for  the  Platte. 
He  ordered  out  Lt.  Henry  Jackson,  Officer  of  the  Day.  Jackson's 
orders  from  Custer  were  to  "follow  those  men  and  shoot  them 
and  bring  none  in  alive."12 

While  Jackson  and  the  guard  were  getting  under  way,  Custer 
ordered  his  brother  Tom,  along  with  Lt.  W.  W.  Cooke  to  join  the 
pursuit,  giving  them  the  same  order  he  had  Lt.  Jackson.13 

Major  Joel  Elliot  volunteered  to  go  along.14  Somewhat  better 
mounted,  he  soon  took  the  lead,  with  Cooke  not  far  behind,  Tom 
Custer  trailing  by  some  distance,  and  Lieutenant  Jackson  and  the 
guard  bringing  up  the  rear.15  After  about  20  minutes,  they  came 
upon  those  men  who  were  on  foot,  four  in  number,  three  of  them 


4.  Captain  L.M.  Hamilton,  testimony,  in  Proceedings  of  a  General  Court 
Martial,  G.C.M.O.  93,  A. CO.,  1867,  convened  at  Ft.  Leavenworth,  pursuant 
to  S.O.  426,  AGO,  1867.     (Hereinafter  referred  to  as  Proceedings). 

5.  Hamilton  testimony,  Proceedings. 

Lt.  T.W.  Custer,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

6.  Harper,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

I.  Ibid. 

8.  Ibid. 

9.  T.W.  Custer,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

10.  Ibid. 

II.  G.A.  Custer,  Report,  letter  to  Adjutant  General,  District  of  the 
Upper  Arkansas,  dated  at  Ft.  Riley,  Kansas,  August  6,  1867.  (Hereinafter 
referred  to  as  Custer,  Report). 

12.  Lt.  Henry  Jackson,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

13.  T.W.  Custer,  testimony,  Proceedings 
also,  Custer,  Report. 

14.  Major  Joel  Elliot,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

15.  T.W.  Custer,  testimony,  Proceedings 
Elliot,  testimony.  Proceedings. 


THE  CUSTER  COURT  MARTIAL  177 

armed.  Elliot  ordered  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  halt. 
Two  did  so  immediately.  The  third,  Private  Charles  Johnson, 
made  a  move  with  his  carbine  that  Elliot  thought  to  be  threatening. 
Elliot  was  but  a  few  yards  off,  moving  at  a  gallop,  so  he  simply 
rode  into  Johnson,  knocked  him  down  and  sent  his  carbine  flying, 
and  rode  on  in  pursuit  of  the  mounted  group  of  deserters.1'1 

Shortly  after  Johnson  was  knocked  down,  Lts.  Cooke  and  Tom 
Custer  opened  fire  on  the  unarmed  men.  Johnson  was  hit  twice 
at  relatively  close  range,  at  least  once  while  on  the  ground.  Bugler 
Barney  Tolliver  was  hit  in  the  arm  in  such  a  manner  that  it  ap- 
peared his  arms  were  partly  raised.  Private  Alburger  received 
two  wounds,  one  in  the  shoulder  blade  and  one  in  the  side,  as  he 
tried  to  run  away.17  The  fourth  man  lay  down  as  the  firing  com- 
menced and  was  not  hit.1N  Two  other  men  moved  off  to  the  left 
of  the  line  of  pursuit,  but  were  captured  by  the  guard.1'1 

Elliot  and  Jackson  rode  on  in  pursuit  of  the  party  of  mounted 
deserters,  found  they  could  not  catch  them,  and  turned  back.-" 

Elliot  then  ordered  Bugler  Leonard  of  the  guard  back  to  the 
command  for  a  wagon.-1  It  arrived  in  about  45  minutes  and  the 
wounded  were  loaded  in  it  and  taken  to  the  command,22 

As  the  wagon  came  up  to  the  command  there  was  a  general 
rush  toward  it.  Surgeon  Coates  moved  in  to  examine  the  men. 
At  this  point  Custer  ordered  everyone  to  stay  away  from  the 
wagon. -■'•  The  command  soon  moved  out  and  marched  on  to  a 
night  camping  place  about  10  miles  away.  The  wagon  moved  in 
the  rear  of  the  column  in  charge  of  Lt.  Jackson.  Some  of  the  men 
brought  their  overcoats  for  the  wounded  men  to  lie  on.24  Surgeon 
Coates  later  testified  that  he  visited  the  men  and  gave  them  an 
opiate,2"'  but  Jackson  insisted  he  did  not.26 

The  command  halted  for  the  night  at  a  dry  creek  and  secured 
water  by  digging  in  the  sand.27  Late  that  evening  the  Surgeon 
visited  the  wounded,  examined  their  wounds  and  gave  them 
opiates. 2S  Custer  is  supposed  to  have  enjoined  Coates  not  to 
mention  this  to  officers  or  men  of  the  command.    The  wounds  were 


16.  Elliot,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

17.  Acting  Assistant  Surgeon  Coates,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

18.  Jackson,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

19.  Ibid. 

20.  Ibid.,  and  also:     Elliot,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

21.  Elliot,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

22.  Jackson,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

23.  Coates,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

24.  Jackson,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

25.  Coates,  testimony.  Proceedings. 

26.  Jackson,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

27.  Ibid. 

28.  Coates,  testimony.  Proceedings 

also:     Jackson,  testimony  Proceedings. 


178  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

not  dressed  until  two  days  later,  but  the  Surgeon  accepted  respon- 
sibility for  this.2i) 

That  night  Custer  augmented  the  guard  by  placing  all  the  officers 
of  the  command  on  duty  in  shifts.  There  were  no  further  deser- 
tions on  the  road  to  Ft.  Wallace/10  The  command  marched  on  the 
morning  of  the  8th,  reaching  Ft.  Wallace  at  8:00  p.m.  on  July 
13th.81 

Custer  then  set  out  for  Fort  Harker  late  on  the  15th  of  July. 
He  did  this  on  the  pretext  of  going  after  supplies,  but  the  records 
do  not  bear  out  the  necessity  of  this,  and  this  function  was  not 
within  the  scope  of  his  orders.  The  general  conclusion  reached 
later  was  that  he  simply  wanted  to  visit  his  wife.32 

He  formed  an  escort  of  the  best-mounted  men  from  each  com- 
pany,88 a  total  of  76  enlisted  men.84  Captain  Hamilton  commanded 
the  escort,  and  Lieutenants  Cooke  and  Tom  Custer  accompanied 
it.85  Considering  the  generally  poor  condition  of  all  the  horses, 
this  column  moved  rapidly,  reaching  Big  Creek  early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  18th,  having  come  over  140  miles  in  57  hours  (of  which 
time  5  hours  were  spent  resting  ).36  As  horses  gave  out,  men 
dropped  behind  the  column  and  it  was  necessary  for  a  detail  to 
bring  up  the  stragglers.  Several  horses  were  shot  and  others  were 
abandoned.87  Some  dismounted  men  were  left  behind  at  stage 
stations  and  others  were  brought  along  in  an  ambulance.38 

On  the  morning  of  the  1 7th,  about  two  miles  east  of  Castle  Rock 
Stage  Station,  the  command  halted  for  about  two  hours.  During 
this  halt,  Custer  noticed  that  Private  Alfred  Young,  the  man  de- 
tailed to  lead  one  of  Custer's  personal  horses,  had  fallen  behind. 
He  sent  out  Sgt.  Connelly  with  six  men,  leading  an  extra  horse,  to 
find  Young  and  bring  him  up,  stating  that  the  command  would 
move  on  a  short  distance  and  wait  for  them.  Connelly  found 
Young  at  Castle  Rock  Station,  mounted  him  on  the  extra  horse  and 
moved  out  to  catch  up  with  the  column.39 


29.  Coates,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

30.  T.W.  Custer,  testimony  Proceedings. 

31.  Custer,  Report. 

32.  J.  Holt,  Judge  Advocate  General,  U.S.A.,  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
November  8,  1867,  letter. 

33.  Lt.  W.W.  Cooke,  testimony,  Proceedings 
Elliot,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

34.  Elliot,  testimony,  Proceedings 

Regimental  rolls  show  64  enlisted  men  with  Custer  on  this  trip. 

35.  Hamilton,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

36.  Ibid.,  also  Cooke,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

37.  Hamilton,  testimony,  Proceedings 

also:      Sergeant   James    Connelly,    Co.    D.    7th    Cavalry,    testimony 
Proceedings. 

38.  Connelly,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

39.  Ibid. 


THE  CUSTER  COURT  MARTIAL  179 

About  two  miles  east  of  Castle  Rock,  a  party  of  fifty  to  sixty 
Indians  attacked  Connelly's  force.  One  man  was  hit  and  overtaken 
by  the  hostiles.  Connelly  saw  that  another  man  was  wounded, 
tried  to  halt  the  detail  to  make  a  stand,  but  some  of  the  men  fled. 
The  whole  party  then  moved  off  rapidly  on  the  trail  of  the  column, 
leaving  the  wounded  man  behind.  Some  of  the  Indians  fell  back 
around  the  man  they  had  caught,  and  others  pursued  Connelly's 
party  to  within  one  and  one-half  miles  of  the  command,  which  had 
halted  at  Downer's  Station.  Sgt.  Connelly  and  the  detail  rode  into 
the  station,  reporting  immediately  to  Captain  Hamilton.4"  Hamil- 
ton reported  the  incident  to  Custer,  whose  only  reply  was  to  the 
effect  that  they  would  have  to  be  moving  on.41 

After  Custer's  column  left,  Captain  A.  B.  Carpenter,  37th 
Infantry,  took  part  of  the  station's  small  garrison  out  to  look  for 
the  men  left  behind.  They  recovered  and  buried  the  body  of  the 
dead  man,  and  found  that  the  second  wounded  man  had  escaped 
capture  and  was  hidden  along  the  road  alive.  They  brought  him 
in  to  Downer's  Stations- 
Arriving  at  Big  Creek  Station,  near  Fort  Hays,  Custer  obtained 
fresh  mules  for  his  ambulance  and  with  Cooke,  Tom  Custer  and  an 
enlisted  man  struck  out  for  Fort  Harker,  leaving  Hamilton  and 
the  escort  to  follow.4''' 

Custer  and  his  party  met  Captain  Cox  of  the  1  Oth  Cavalry  near 
Bunker  Hill  Station  at  9:00  p.m.  on  the  18th.  Cox  was  escorting 
a  supply  train  for  Fort  Wallace.  He  also  bore  dispatches  for  Cus- 
ter from  the  District  Commander.44 

These  included  the  following  letter  from  the  Adjutant  General, 
Headquarters,  District  of  the  Upper  Arkansas,  dated  July  16, 
1867: 

The  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  Comdg.  directs  me  to  forward  to  you  the  accom- 
panying communication  from  Dept.  HQ,  for  your  information  and 
guidance  and  to  say  that  he  expects  you  to  keep  your  command  as 
actively  employed  as  the  condition  of  the  animals  will  admit;  you 
will  see  by  the  communication  referred  to  you  are  not  restricted  in 
your  movements  to  the  vicinity  of  Ft.  Wallace,  but  are  to  operate 
wherever  the  presence  or  movements  of  Indians  may  lead  you.4"' 

And  the  accompanying  letter  from  Department  Headquarters  read: 

The  Major  General  Commanding  desires  you  to  give  instructions  to 
General  Custer's  Command  which  it  is  understood  will  arrive  at  Fort 
Wallace  about  the  17th  inst.  that  until  further  orders  it  will  operate 


40.  Ibid. 

41.  Hamilton,  testimony,  Proceedings 

Regimental  roles  indicate  Alexander  Harvey  was  the  man  killed. 

42.  Captain  A.  B.  Carpenter,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

43.  Hamilton  and  Cooke,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

44.  Captain  Charles  G.  Cox,  testimony.  Proceedings 

also:     Captain  Thomas  B.  Weir,  testimony.  Proceedings. 


180  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

through  Fort  Wallace  as  a  base  and  between  the  Arkansas  and  the 
Platte.  He  will  habitually  draw  his  supplies  from  Fort  Wallace  but  a 
sufficient  quantity  of  supplies  has  been  placed  at  Forts  Hays,  Larned, 
Dodge  and  Lyons  in  order  that  if  he  should  find  it  necessary  to  visit 
those  posts  he  will  be  able  to  obtain  ample  supplies.  It  is  not  pro- 
posed that  he  shall  go  south  of  the  Arkansas  at  present  except  in  case 
of  hot  pursuit. 

The  Battallion  of  Volunteer  Cavalry  will  be  kept  as  a  rule  intact  and 
will  operate  in  the  general  direction  of  the  Arkansas,  say  from  Zarah 
westward  they  will  be  governed  by  the  same  rules  and  orders  and  will 
find  supplies  at  any  of  the  posts  on  the  Arkansas,  designated  herein 
and  if  pursuit  leads  them  to  the  Smoky  Hill  at  the  posts  on  that  route. 

The  tributaries  of  the  Arkansas  will  be  especially  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Volunteer  Cavalry. 

I  wish  you  would  require  itineraries  from  Commanders  of  every 
scout  in  accordance  with  reiterated  orders  from  these  HdQrs  and  the 
General  Regulations  of  the  Army.  These  troops  will  not  belong  to 
any  post  nor  will  their  commanders  interfere  with  the  command  of 
any  post  at  which  they  may  be  or  through  which  they  may  pass — 
except  so  far  as  to  draw  their  regular  supplies  on  proper  requisitions. 

These  troops  should  move  with  pack  mules,  and  not  wagons,  if 
means  of  transportation  are  required  for  supplies  there  are  sufficient 
pack  saddles  at  Fort  Wallace  and  directions  will  be  given  to  send 
twenty  pack  saddles  to  each  of  the  other  posts  in  your  district  where 
Cavalry  may  be  stationed,  say  Forts  Hays,  Larned,  Dodge,  Lyons, 
Reynolds  and  Harker. 

You  will  please  determine  how  much  of  the  7th  Cavalry  you  pro- 
pose leaving  at  Wallace,  whether  any  more  than  Capt.  Keogh's  Com- 
pany or  not  and  give  the  necessary  instructions. 

Captain  Barnitz  Company  should  be  back  at  Fort  Wallace  by  the 
time  your  orders  reach  there. 

There  are  some  lariats  required  for  the  pack  saddles  at  Fort  Wallace 
taken  off  by  General  Custer  at  Fort  Hays  and  used  for  lariats  for 
his  horses;  requisitions  have  been  made  but  you  had  better  see  that 
the  rope  goes  by  the  first  train. 

The  cavalry  should  be  kept  constantly  employed.40 

Notwithstanding  these  orders,  Custer  and  his  party  drove  on  to 
Fort  Harker,  arriving  at  about  2:00  a.m.  on  the  19th.47 

Custer  reported  to  Colonel  Smith  at  Fort  Harker,  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  explained  how  he  had  come  to  Fort  Harker  nor 
under  what  authority  he  was  traveling.  He  did  not  tarry  long  with 
Smith,  but  was  driven  to  the  railroad  station  by  Weir  and  departed 
for  Fort  Riley  on  the  3:00  a.m.  train. 4S 

On  arriving  at  his  office  on  the  19th,  Col.  Smith  discovered  that 
Custer  was  not  traveling  with  his  command,  that  he  had  unques- 
tionably received  the  dispatches  sent  with  Captain  Cox,  and  that 
he  had  given  no  evidence  to  Weir  of  any  other  orders  which  could 


45.  Letter,  Adjutant  General,  Headquarters  District  of  the  Upper  Ar- 
kansas to  G.A.  Custer,  7th  Cavalry,  July  16,  1867. 

46.  Letter,  Headquarters,  Department  of  Missouri  in  the  Field,  to  Brevet 
Major  General  Smith,  District  of  the  Upper  Arkansas,  July  13,  1867. 

47.  Weir,  testimony,  Proceedings. 

48.  Ibid. 


THE  CUSTER  COURT  MARTIAL  181 

account  for  this  trip.     Smith  immediately  telegraphed  Custer  at 
Fort  Riley,  ordering  his  return.4'-' 

Colonel  Smith  soon  filed  the  following  charges  against  Custer: 

Charge   1st:     Absence  without  leave  from  his  command. 

Specification  1st:  In  this  that  he  Bvt.  Major  General  G.A.  Custer, 
Lieut.  Col.  7th  U.S.  Cav.  did  at  or  near  Fort  Wallace  Kansas,  on  or 
about  the  15th  day  of  July  1867,  absent  himself  from  his  command 
without  proper  authority,  and  proceed  to  Fort  Riley,  Kansas,  a  dis- 
tance of  about  275  miles;  this  at  a  time  when  his  command  was  ex- 
pected to  be  actively  engaged  against  hostile  Indians. 

Charge  2nd:  Conduct  to  the  prejudice  of  good  order  and  military 
discipline. 

Specification  1st:  In  this  that  he  Brevet  Major  General  G.A. 
Custer,  Lieut.  Col.  7th  U.S.  Cav.  immediately  after  the  troops  of  his 
command  had  completed  a  long  and  exhausting  march,  and  when 
the  horses  belonging  thereto  had  not  been  rested,  and  were  in  an  unfit 
condition  for  said  service,  did  select  a  portion  of  such  command  con- 
sisting of  three  commissioned  officers  and  about  seventy-five  men  with 
their  horses,  and  did  set  out  upon  and  execute  a  rapid  march  from 
Fort  Wallace,  Kansas  to  Fort  Hays  in  the  same  State;  the  said  march 
being  upon  private  business  and  with  out  proper  authority  or  any 
urgency  or  demand  of  public  business;  and  in  so  doing  did  seriously 
prejudice  the  public  interest  by  overmarching  and  damaging  the  horses 
belonging  to  the  said  detachment  of  his  command. 

Specification  2nd:  In  this,  that  he  Brevet  Major  General  G.A. 
Custer,  Lieut.  Col.  7th  Cav.,  while  executing  an  unauthorized  journey 
on  private  business  from  Fort  Wallace,  Kansas  to  Fort  Riley,  in  the 
same  state,  did  procure  at  Fort  Hays  in  the  same  state  on  or  about 
the  17th  July  1867,  two  ambulances  and  eight  mules,  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  and  did  use  such  ambulances  and  mules  for  the  con- 
veyance of  himself  and  part  of  his  escort  from  said  Fort  Hays  to  Fort 
Harker  in  the  aforesaid  state. 

Specification  3d:  In  this  that  he  Bvt.  Maj.  Genl.  G.A.  Custer, 
Lieut.  Col.,  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  when  near  Downers'  Station  in  the 
state  of  Kansas,  on  or  about  the  16th  day  of  July,  1867,  after  having 
received  information  that  a  party  of  Indians  had  attacked  a  small  party 
detached  from  his  escort  near  said  station,  did  fail  to  take  proper 
measures  for  the  repulse  of  said  Indians  or  the  defense  or  relief  of 
said  detachment;  and  further  after  the  return  of  such  detached  party  of 
his  command  with  report  that  two  of  their  number  had  been  killed, 
did  neglect  to  take  any  measures  to  pursue  such  party  of  Indians  or 
recover  or  bury  the  bodies  of  those  of  his  command  that  had  been 
killed  as  aforesaid. "50 

On  June  17th  at  Fort  Wallace,  Private  Charles  Johnson  died.51 
Captain  West  of  the  7th  Cavalry  filed  a  set  of  additional  charges 
based  on  the  treatment  of  Johnson,  Tolliver  and  Alburger: 

Charge:     Conduct  prejudicial  to  good  order  and  military  discipline. 

Specification  1st:  In  this  that  Brevet  Major  General  George  A. 
Custer,  Lieutenant  Colonel  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  while  en  route  com- 
manding and  marching  a  column  of  his  regiment,  six  companies  or 


49.  Ibid. 

50.  "Charges  and  Specifications"  from  Proceedings. 

51.  Coates,  testimony.  Proceedings. 


182  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

thereabouts,  strong,  from  the  valley  of  the  Platte  River,  to  the  valley 
of  the  Smoky  Hill  river,  did,  when  ordering  a  party  of  three  com- 
missioned officers  and  others  of  his  command  in  pursuit  of  supposed 
deserters  who  were  then  in  view  leaving  camp,  also  order  the  said 
party  to  shoot  the  supposed  deserters  down  dead,  and  to  bring  none  in 
alive. 

This  on  "Custer's  Cavalry  Column  Trail"  while  marching  south- 
ward, about  fifteen  miles  south  of  Platte  river,  and  about  fifty  miles 
southwest  from  Fort  Sedgwick,  Colorado,  on  or  about  the  7th  day  of 
July,  1867. 

Specification  2nd.:  In  this  that  Brevet  Major  General  George  A. 
Custer,  Lieutenant  Colonel  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  did  order  the  following 
named  and  designated  soldiers  of  his  regiment,  viz:  Bugler  Barney 
Tolliver,  Company  K,  Private  Charles  Johnson,  Company  K,  Private 
Alburger,  Company  D,  and  other  enlisted  men  of  his  command,  to  be 
shot  down  as  supposed  deserters,  but  without  trial;  and  did  thus  cause 
the  said  men  to  be  severely  wounded. 

This  on  "Custer's  Cavalry  Column  Trail"  while  traveling  southward, 
between  fifteen  and  forty  miles  south  of  the  Platte  River,  and  between 
fifteen  and  forty  miles  south  of  the  Platte  River,  and  between  fifty 
and  seventy  miles  southwest  from  Fort  Sedgwick,  Colorado,  on  or 
about  the  7th  day  of  July  1867. 

Specification  3rd:  In  this,  that  Brevet  Major  General  George  A. 
Custer,  Lieutenant  Colonel  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  after  the  following 
named  and  designated  soldiers  of  his  regiment,  viz:  Bugler  Barney 
Tolliver,  Company  K,  Private  Charles  Johnson,  Company  K,  and 
Private  Alburger,  Company  D,  had  been  summarily  shot  down,  and 
severely  wounded  by  the  order  of  him  the  said  Custer,  did  order  and 
cause  the  said  soldiers  to  be  placed  in  a  Government  wagon  and  to  be 
hauled  eighteen  miles,  and  did  then  and  there  neglect  and  positively 
and  persistently  refuse  to  allow  said  soldiers  to  receive  any  treatment 
or  attention  from  the  Acting  Assistant  Surgeon  with  his  command, 
or  any  other  medical  or  Surgical  attendance  whatever. 

This  on  "Custer's  Cavalry  Column  Trail"  traveling  southward  be- 
tween fifteen  and  forty  miles  south  of  the  Platte  River,  and  between 
fifty  and  seventy  miles  southwest  from  Fort  Sedgwick,  Colorado,  on 
or  about  the  7th  day  of  July,  1867. 

Specification  4th:  In  this  that  Brevet  Major  General  George  A. 
Custer,  Lieutenant  Colonel  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  while  commanding  and 
marching  a  column  of  his  regiment,  six  companies  or  thereabouts 
strong,  did,  on  or  about  the  7th  day  of  July  1867;  at  a  point  about 
fifteen  miles  South  of  Platte  River,  and  about  fifty  miles  southwest 
from  Fort  Sedgwick,  Colorado,  order  and  cause  the  summary  shooting 
Charles  Johnson,  Company  K,  7th  U.S.  Cavalry,  a  soldier  of  his 
command;  whereby  he  the  said  Johnson  was  so  severely  wounded  that 
he  soon  after — to  wit  on  or  about  the  17th  day  of  July  1867,  at  or 
near  Fort  Wallace  Kansas — did  decease;  he  the  said  Custer  thus 
causing  the  death  of  him  the  said  Johnson.52 

The  Special  Orders  mentioned  earlier  convened  the  necessary 
court  martial.     The  officers  detailed  for  the  court  included: 

Bvt.Maj.Gen.  W.  Hoffman,  Col.,  3d.  U.S.  Infantry 
Bvt.Maj.Gen.  J.W.  Davidson,  Lt  Col.  10th  U.S.  Cavalry 
Bvt.Maj.Gen.  B.H.  Grierson,  Col.  10th  U.S.  Cavalry 
Bvt.  Brig.  Gen  Pitcairn  Morrison,  Col. U.S. A. (retired) 


52.  "Additional  Charges  and  Specifications"  from  Proceedings. 


THE  CUSTER  COURT  MARTIAL  183 

Bvt. Brig. Gen.  M.R.  Morgan,  Commissary  of  Subsistence 

Bvt. Brig. Gen.  F.D.  Callender,  Ordnance  Dept. 

Bvt.Lt.Col.  T.C.  English.  5th  U.S.  Infantry 

Bvt. Major  Henry  Asbury,  3d  U.S.  Infantry 

Bvt. Major  Stephen  C.  Lyford.  Ordnance  Department 

Captain  Robert  Chandler,  13th  U.S.  Infantry.  Judge  Advocater,;j' 

Brevet  Major  General  Davidson  was  excused  at  his  own  request  to 
serve  as  a  witness  for  Custer."'4 

The  court  convened  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas  on  Sunday, 
September  15,  1867.  Technical  and  procedural  delays  consumed 
several  days. 

The  court  was  further  interrupted  by  illness  and  absence  of 
members,  witnesses  and  of  the  accused.  It  was  actively  in  session 
eleven  full  days,  issuing  its  findings  on  Friday,  October  1 1,  1867.55 

Far  from  being  a  "plan  of  persecution"  as  Mrs.  Custer  called  it/'" 
the  court  seemed  eager  throughout  the  trial  to  avoid  any  action 
which  might  place  Custer  at  a  disadvantage  in  defending  himself. 

Custer,  however,  could  offer  no  substantial  defence  to  excuse 
his  unauthorized  absence  or  his  unwarranted  expenditure  of  stock, 
equipment  and  man  power.  His  unauthorized  absence  stood  out  in 
glaring  contrast  to  the  severity  of  treatment  he  gave  deserters. 

As  the  trial  proceeded,  the  Court  and  the  Judge  Advocate  did 
modify   certain   of   the    specifications    in    line    with    findings    and 
testimony. 
The  findings  of  the  court  were: 

Of  the  1st  Specification,  1st  Charge: 

Guilty  of  the  Specification,  substituting  the  words  "Ft.  Harker" 
for  the  words  "Ft.  Riley"  and  the  figures  "200"  for  the  figures 
"275". 

Of  the  1st  Charge:     Guilty 

Of  the  1st  Specification  of  the  second  charge:     Guilty 

Of  the  2nd  Specification  of  the  2nd  Charge:  Guilty  of  the  Specifica- 
tion substituting  the  words  "Ft.  Harker"  for  the  words  "Ft.  Riley"; 
omitting  the  words  "Two  ambulances"  and  substituting  the  word 
"four"  for  the  word  "eight"  and  omitting  the  words  "ambulances 
and"  and  attach  no  criminality  thereto. 

Of  3rd  Specification  of  the  2nd  Charge:     Guilty 

Of  the  2nd  Charge:     Guilty 

Of  the  1st  Specification  of  the  Additional  Charge-Guilty 

Of  the  2nd  Specification  of  the  Additional  Charge,  Guilty  of  the 
specification  omitting  the  words  "the  following  named  and  desig- 
nated soldiers  of  his  regiment,  viz:  Bugler  Barney  Tolliver,  Co.  K., 
Private  Charles  Johnson,  Co.  K,  Private  Alburger  Co.  D,  and  other" 
and  substituting  the  word  "three"  in  place  of  the  words  "the  said." 

Of  the  3rd  Specification  of  the  Additional  Charge  the  court  finds  the 
facts  as  stated  in  the  specification  except  the  words  "and  did  then 


53.  Special    Orders   426,    War    Department,    Adjutant    General's    Office, 
August  27,  1867. 

54.  Proceedings,  discussions,  Sept.   16,  1867. 

55.  Proceedings. 

56.  Quoted  in  Merington,  the  Custer  Story,  p.213. 


184  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  there  neglect  and  positively  and  persistently  refuse  to  allow  the 
said  soldiers  to  receive  any  treatment  or  attention  from  the  acting 
assistant  surgeon  with  his  command,  or  any  other  Medical  or 
Surgical  attendance  whatever."    and  attach  no  criminality  thereto. 

Of  the  4th  Specification  of  the  Additional  Charge-Guilty 

Of  the  Additional  Charge-Guilty 

And  the  Court  does  therefore  sentence  him  Brevet  Major  Gen'l  G.A. 

Custer  Lieutenant  Colonel   7th  U.S.  Cavalry  to  be  suspended  from 

rank  and  command  for  one  year,  and  to  forfeit  his  pay  proper  for  the 

same  time."'7 

These  findings  went  to  the  Judge  Advocate  General  for  review. 
He  analyzed  the  evidence  and  the  findings  carefully,  and  made 
several  pertinent  comments: 

The  conclusion  unavoidably  reached  under  this  branch  of  the  inquiry, 
is  that  Gen.  Custer's  anxiety  to  see  his  family  at  Fort  Riley  overcame 
his  appreciation  of  the  paramount  necessity  to  obey  orders  which  is 
incumbent  on  every  military  officer;  and  thus  the  excuses  he  offers  for 
his  acts  of  insubordination  are  afterthoughts.  .  .  The  findings  under 
the  specifications  are  thought  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  evidence.58 

The  case  was  passed  to  the  Commanding  General,  who  stated 
through  the  Inspector  General: 

The  proceedings,  finding  and  sentence  in  the  case  of  Bvt.  Major  Gen- 
eral Custer  are  approved  by  General  Grant  who  directs  the  necessary 
orders  to  be  issued  by  the  Adjutant  General — in  which  the  lenity  of 
the  sentence  considering  the  nature  of  the  offenses  of  which  Gen'l. 
Custer  is  found  guilty,  is  to  be  remarked  on.59 

The  Adjutant  General  issued  orders  to  carry  out  the  sentence  on 
November  20,  1867.60 

Custer  and  his  wife  spent  that  winter  at  Ft.  Leavenworth,  and 
then  went  to  visit  relatives  in  Michigan.61 

In  September,  1868,  Phil  Sheridan,  long  active  in  Custer's  be- 
half, requested  that  Custer  be  returned  to  duty.62  Higher  head- 
quarters acceded  to  Sheridan's  request,  and  orders  on  September 
25,  1868  remitted  the  balance  of  Custer's  sentence,  and  bade  him 
report  to  Sheridan.63 

Thus  Custer  returned  to  lead  the  regiment  through  nearly  eight 
more  years  of  garrison  life  and  campaigning,  ending  in  fame  and 
death  on  a  dusty  Montana  hillside. 


57.  Proceedings. 

58.  Letter,  Holt,  Judge  Advocate  General,  op.  cit. 

59.  Endorsement,  Inspector  General  to  Adjutant  General,  War  Depart- 
ment, Washington,  Nov.  18,  1867 (on  letter  Holt,  op.  cit.) 

60.  General    Court    Martial    Orders    #93,    Adjutant    General's    Office, 
November  20,  1867. 

61.  See  van  de  Water,  Glory  Hunter,  and  other  Custer  biographies. 

62.  Telegram,  Lt.  Gen.  W.T.  ShermanCSt.  Louis)  to  Adjutant  General, 
September  24,  1868. 

Telegram,  Adjutant  General  to  Lt.  Gen.  Sherman,  Sept.  25,  1868. 

63.  Extract,  General  Court  Martial  Orders  of  Sept.  25,  1868. 


f^eef  Makers 
of  the  Car amie  Plains 

By 
Robert  H.  "Bob"  Burns 

Up  on  top  of  the  world  are  the  Laramie  Plains,  an  extensive 
plateau  lying  on  top  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  at  an  elevation  of 
around  7,000  feet.  They  extend  some  100  miles  north  and  south 
from  the  Colorado  line  to  Laramie  Peak,  and  are  some  50  miles 
wide  from  the  base  of  the  Laramie  Mountains  on  the  east  to  the 
foot  of  the  Medicine  Bow  Mountains  or  main  Rockies  on  the  west. 
Since  the  early  days  the  Laramie  Plains  have  produced  a  variety 
of  natural  resources  including  fur,  game,  minerals,  timber  and 
livestock.  The  plains  were  named  for  an  early-day  French  trapper, 
Jacques  La  Ramie,  who  spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  in  the  area 
and  was  purportedly  killed  by  the  Indians  in  1820,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Laramie  River. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  right  on  the  south  edge  of  these 
Laramie  Plains,  the  first  range  cattle  were  ranged  after  an  incident 
in  which  freight  oxen  were  abandoned  to  die  in  the  winter  and  were 
found  the  next  spring  in  very  good  condition.  Early  explorers 
and  later  emigrants  noticed  the  thick  sod  of  grass  on  the  western 
plains  and  they  also  noticed  the  good  condition  of  the  animals  and 
sampled  the  nutritious  meat  from  the  large  herds  of  game  such  as 
buffalo,  antelope,  deer  and  elk. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  when  travel-worn  oxen  were  turned  loose 
to  graze  on  these  nutritious  short  grasses  they  soon  recovered  their 
strength  and  rapidly  put  on  flesh.  Many  of  these  incidents  have 
been  reported  by  word  of  mouth  but  the  reference  seen  most  often 
is  that  in  a  government  document  published  in  March,  1  885,  which 
dealt  with  the  range  and  ranch  traffic  in  the  western  states  and 
territories.  Mr.  E.  S.  Newman  is  mentioned  as  the  freighter  in- 
volved in  this  incident  of  turning  out  travel-worn  oxen  in  a  winter 
storm.  The  writer  has  worked  for  several  years  to  obtain  the 
information  on  later  ranching  operations  of  Mr.  Newman  and  has 
found  that  they  established  ranch  camps  in  Texas,  Oklahoma,  and 
Nebraska  in  the  early  days  under  the  name  of  the  Niobrara  Cattle 
Company.  Their  headquarters  were  on  the  Niobrara  at  the  mouth 
of  Antelope  Creek,  near  the  present  town  of  Gordon,  Nebraska.1 


1.  "The    Newman    Ranches:      Pioneer    Cattle    Ranches    of    the    West." 


186  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Before  that  time,  Tom  Alsop  was  freighting  from  Omaha  to  Salt 
Lake  (Fort  Douglas)  for  Ed  Creighton,  commercial  tycoon  of 
Omaha  who  had  many  enterprises  and  had  held  contracts  in  the 
building  of  the  overland  telegraph  line  in  1861  and  the  grading  for 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  1868-69.  Tom  Alsop  was  the  fore- 
man of  a  string  of  bull  teams  and  had  50  wagons  with  4-6  bulls  per 
wagon.  When  returning  from  Salt  Lake  in  December,  1863,  he 
was  caught  in  a  snowstorm  on  Sherman  Hill  (highest  point  on  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  later  days)  and  had  to  turn  the  oxen 
loose.  He  and  his  men  rode  horseback  to  Omaha  and  left  the 
oxen  presumably  to  die  of  exposure  and  starvation.  The  next 
spring  they  returned  to  salvage  what  they  could  of  the  wagon  train 
and  found  the  oxen  alive  and  fat  on  Sand  Creek  near  Chimney 
Rock,  landmark  on  the  Colorado-Wyoming  line.  Charlie  Hutton 
was  another  freight  foreman  for  Ed  Creighton.  Evidently  all  were 
impressed  with  Tom  Alsop's  experience  for  when  they  finished  a 
grading  contract  for  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  western  Wyo- 
ming in  1869,  they  immediately  came  back  to  Laramie  and  set  up  a 
ranch  with  headquarters  at  the  stage  station  crossing  of  the  Big 
Laramie  River,  a  few  miles  south  of  Laramie  City.  The  partner- 
ship was  known  as  Creighton,  Hutton  and  Alsop.  Creighton 
staked  his  trusted  employees  and  they  made  good  and  later  bought 
up  portions  of  the  holdings.  Hutton  took  the  east  part  of  the  ranch 
and  Alsop  the  west  part.  Hutton  remained  here  the  rest  of  his  life, 
but  Alsop  sold  out  his  fine  Shorthorn  cattle  and  brand,  TA  con- 
nected, to  Dr.  William  Harris.  He  took  the  cattle  and  brand  to  his 
ranch  in  Johnson  County  where  the  TA  ranch  later  became  the 
scene  of  some  of  the  activity  when  the  large  cattle  outfits  invaded 
the  county  to  run  out  those  settlers  they  regarded  as  rustlers. 

This  brand  TA  was  made  up  from  Tom  Alsop's  initials.  Tom 
Alsop  sold  his  land  to  the  Riverside  Ranch  owned  by  Balch  and 
Bacon. 

Before  coming  to  Wyoming,  Tom  Alsop  drove  a  stage  in  the 
pioneer  days  of  Iowa.  The  dashing,  tall,  dark-haired  driver,  with 
his  deep  blue  eyes,  set  many  feminine  hearts  aflutter.  Among  them 
was  a  belle  of  Des  Moines,  Mary  Bringolf,  a  debutante  of  the  town, 
who  later  became  Mrs.  Thomas  Alsop.  Her  people  had  rich  land 
holdings  near  Des  Moines  and  were  quite  well  to  do,  and  about 
the  time  of  her  marriage  oil  paintings  were  made  of  her  and  her 
husband  by  an  artist  in  Des  Moines.  The  new  bride,  like  many 
others  from  the  east  who  were  used  to  the  rich,  velvety  green 
verdure  of  that  country,  did  not  like  the  wide-open,  windy,  barren 
looking  plains,  with  not  a  tree  for  miles.     She  had  to  put  her  fine 


Nebraska  History  Vol.  XXXIV,  No.  I,  Pp.  21-32,  March  1953.  Their 
headquarters  camp  was  established  in  1878  when  the  Sioux  Indians  were  put 
on  reservations  and  the  Sand  Hills  of  Nebraska  were  opened  up. 


BEEF   MAKERS  OF  THE  LARAMIE   PLAINS  187 

walnut  furniture  and  Haviland  china  into  a  typical  western  log 
cabin.  Louise  Alsop  Pedersen,  a  daughter,  wrote  to  the  author  in 
1951  as  follows: — "When  we  had  to  part  with  our  fine  father,  I 
was  only  a  little  twelve-year-old-girl  and  so  all  I  am  writing  to  you 
I  remember  vividly  even  to  the  time  when  we  lived  on  the  Big 
Laramie  ranch  and  we  had  a  little  five  room  log  bungalow."  There 
were  few  occasions  when  she  could  wear  the  beautiful  gowns  in 
her  trousseau.  She  did,  however,  become  acquainted  with  the 
wives  of  some  of  the  officers  at  Fort  Sanders  a  few  miles  away. 
They  became  enthusiastic  equestrians  and  rode  horseback  fre- 
quently. 

The  ranch  home  is  described  as  follows  by  John  D.  Alsop,  a 
son,  in  a  letter  to  the  author  in  1952 — "The  log  house  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Laramie  River  was  the  old  stage  station,  and  there  was 
the  horse  barns,  blacksmith  shop,  and  a  corn  crib  and  corrals 
there  when  I  was  a  small  boy.  Father  brought  mother  and  I  there 
in  1874  and  we  lived  there  until  I  was  nine  years  old.  Lou  and 
Wm.  J.  Alsop  were  born  there/" 

Tom  Alsop  sold  out  his  holdings  on  the  Big  Laramie  and,  in 
1880,  moved  over  to  the  Little  Laramie  where  he  built  a  large  horse 
barn  which  still  stands  at  this  time.  In  the  early  days  on  the  Big 
Laramie,  he  raised  an  excellent  kind  of  Shorthorn  cattle  and  light 
horses  used  for  pulling  street  cars.  The  horses  bearing  the  brand  T 
(for  Tom  Alsop)  on  their  shoulder  were  known  far  and  wide  for 
their  type,  endurance,  and  usefulness.  His  annual  horse  roundup 
was  an  event  between  the  "Rivers",  and  many  a  budding  cow- 
puncher  got  his  start  on  this  roundup.  He  raised  a  huge  Shorthorn 
steer  which  was  quite  an  attraction.  The  steer  stood  7  feet  3  inches 
high  at  the  shoulder  and  weighed  2,360  pounds.  The  steer  never 
did  get  fat  for  he  had  difficulty  reaching  the  ground  to  feed  and 
had  to  crop  grass  from  the  ditchbanks.  He  was  shipped  to  Omaha, 
but  broke  a  leg  and  wound  up  in  the  soap  factory.  Mr.  Alsop  went 
into  the  sheep  business  in  1  870,  and  ran  sheep  in  the  Sand  Creek 
country  and  later  in  the  Little  Laramie  country.  He  died  suddenly 
while  on  his  way  to  Laramie  to  sell  some  livestock. 

Tom  Alsop  brought  a  love  and  knowledge  of  livestock  from  his 
native  England  and  raised  exceptional  livestock  in  the  very  early 
days  of  the  range  stock  business.  He  and  his  partners,  Creighton 
and  Hutton,  were  among  the  first  to  realize  the  possibilities  and 
utilize  the  short-grass  range  which  is  the  basis  of  a  replaceable 
resource,  the  source  of  the  pastoral  wealth  of  Wyoming  and  the 
West. 

A  noted  cowboy,  Broncho  Sam,  worked  for  Tom  Alsop.  He 
came  to  Wyoming  from  Texas  prior  to  1874,  was  an  expert  rider 
and  made  a  name  as  a  horse  breaker.  He  was  one  of  the  Negro 
busters  of  the  old  west  and  was  an  artist  not  only  in  riding  a 
bucker  but  also  in  handling  and  gentling  "hot-blooded"  horses.  He 
handled  horses  very  quietly  and  was  never  in  a  hurry  and  conse- 


188  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

quently  gained  their  confidence.  He  was  always  humming  or 
singing  in  a  low  tone  of  voice  which  seemed  to  charm  the  wild 
horses. 

When  Broncho  Sam  was  working  for  Tom  Alsop  a  rare  incident 
occurred.  The  Laramie  River  was  high.  Little  John  Alsop,  a 
three-year-old  youngster,  was  pulling  his  little  wagon  around.  He 
started  down  an  incline  toward  the  river,  the  little  wagon  was  too 
heavy  and  it  pushed  him  off  into  the  river.  Observers  called  for 
help.  Broncho  Sam  came  running  and  jumped  off  a  bridge  after 
little  John.  He  made  one  grab  for  John  in  that  whirling  mass  of 
water  and  luckily  was  able  to  get  hold  of  him.  Years  later,  in 
1951,  John  Alsop  wrote  to  the  author  and  described  this  incident. 
"Yes!  Broncho  Sam  saved  my  life  from  drowning  and  as  long  as  he 
lived  I  could  talk  Spanish  as  well  as  English.  Sam  talked  Castillian 
Spanish,  or  the  best  Spanish,  and  Sam  was  half  Spanish  and  Negro. 
But  he  had  an  English  name — Sam  Stewart.  I  believe  Sam  was  a 
fine  rider  when  he  came  to  the  Laramie  Plains  for  he  rode  one  of 
those  longhorn  steers  from  Texas  through  the  streets  of  Cheyenne 
at  one  of  the  stockman  shows  in  the  70s.  He  was  a  wonderful 
six-shooter  shot,  for  I  remember  him  bringing  in  an  antelope  or 
coyote  now  and  then.  As  I  remember  him,  he  was  about  6  feet 
and  weight  175-180  and  straight.  I  was  about  10  years  old  when 
he  shot  his  wife  and  the  man  with  her,  then  shot  himself  through 
the  breast,  and  lived  nine  days  afterwards.  So  I  would  go  down 
to  see  him  every  day  and  remember  Dan  Bacon  saying  'Why  did 
you  shoot  yourself  Sam?    We  would  see  you  freed'  ". 

It  was  a  fortunate  incident  in  Omaha  in  1871  that  resulted  in 
Bob  Homer  stepping  off  the  transcontinental  train  at  Laramie  City 
instead  of  continuing  on  to  California  as  he  had  originally  planned. 
Bob  Homer  was  born  in  Boston,  Massachusetts,  in  1849,  and  was  a 
member  of  one  of  the  oldest  families  in  that  area.  The  family  was 
founded  in  1672  by  one  Captain  John  Homer,  who  had  a  pros- 
perous shipping  business  to  India  and  other  trade  centers  of  the 
rich  and  mysterious  Far  East. 

Bob  Homer  spent  three  years  as  a  representative  of  a  trading 
firm  and  was  in  France  during  the  Franco-Prussian  War.  After  his 
return,  he  decided  to  throw  his  lot  with  the  western  country.  A 
chum  of  his,  Frank  Sargent,  was  also  intrigued  with  the  western 
plains  country.  Their  interest  was  kindled  by  a  contact  with  Dr. 
H.  Latham,  one  of  the  first  surgeons  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
at  Laramie,  who  was  highly  enthusiastic  in  his  praise  of  the  Lara- 
mie Plains  as  a  prospective  livestock  industry.  Bob  Homer  and 
Frank  Sargent  arrived  in  Laramie  City  in  August,  1871,  and  made 
immediate  arrangements  to  start  their  ranching  adventure.  Bob 
Homer  stated  in  his  testimony  at  a  water  case  trial  that  he  leased 
the  Lake  Ranch  (an  old  stage  station)  at  the  tip  of  the  Boulder 
Ridge  in  1871.     Frank  Sargent  states  that  he  arrived  in  Laramie 


BEEF  MAKERS  OF  THE  LARAMIE   PLAINS  189 

City  in  August,  1871,  and  started  to  build  corrals  and  improve- 
ments. He  writes  in  a  letter,-  "I  was  informed  by  residents  of  the 
place  and  parties  interested  in  livestock  that  no  sheds  or  hay  were 
needed.  Notwithstanding  their  advice,  I  purchased  50  tons  of  hay 
located  about  ten  miles  from  my  ranch.  My  sheep,  about  2,000 
in  number,  were  to  arrive  by  cars  the  first  of  September.  I 
erected  a  comfortable  log  house  for  myself  and  men,  a  stable  for 
the  horses  and  corral  240  feet  square.  My  sheep  arrived  in  good 
shape  from  Iowa  with  a  loss  of  only  10  or  10'/2  percent.  About 
October  13  snow  commenced  to  fall  and  the  storm  raged  unabated 
for  four  days  without  intermission,  and  a  high  wind  drifted  the 
snow.  Other  storms  followed  and  it  was  impossible  to  take  care 
of  the  sheep  or  get  feed  to  them.  The  storms  continued  until  the 
middle  of  April  and  the  sheep  perished  from  starvation.  1  was 
thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  business  and  the  country,  but  finally 
made  up  my  mind  to  try  again.  I  then  purchased  a  fine  ranch 
which  would  cut  200  tons  of  hay  and  purchased  1 ,000  ewes  and 
built  a  fine  set  of  corrals  and  sheds.  I  also  purchased  Cotswold 
rams  and  saved  an  increase  of  60  percent.  The  first  spring  the 
sheep  sheared  4  Vz  pounds  of  wool  apiece  and  the  wool  brought 
30  cents  a  pound". 

The  financial  account  of  Mr.  Sargent's  venture  is  interesting. 
He  states  that  his  initial  investment  in  the  sheep  amounted  to 
$6,000,  permanent  improvements  $3,300,  and  the  year's  running 
expenses  totalled  $1,930.  His  returns  amounted  to  $2,700  for 
wool  and  $1,200  for  lambs,  a  total  of  $3,900.  He  adds  interest 
at  6  percent  on  the  $9,300  investment  to  the  running  expense  and 
comes  out  with  a  profit  of  $1,412  for  the  first  year  with  no  payment 
on  principal.  Bob  Homer  mentions  purchasing  the  ranch  of 
George  and  Charles  Brown  in  June,  1872,  and  this  ranch  is  un- 
doubtedly the  one  which  Frank  Sargent  mentions.  This  place  is 
the  site  of  the  present  Flag  Ranch  buildings,  located  some  nine 
miles  south  of  Laramie.  Creighton,  Hutton,  Alsop,  Bob  Homer 
and  Frank  Sargent  brought  sheep  to  Wyoming  in  the  early  '70s 
and  thus  were  among  the  first  in  Wyoming  to  bring  in  the  wooly 
backs.  There  was  never  much  trouble  between  the  sheep  and 
cattle  men  in  Albany  County,  probably  because  the  early  owners 
often  owned  both  sheep  and  cattle. 

The  writer,  who  was  raised  on  the  Flag  Ranch  and  was  born 
in  the  Big  House,  has  vivid  memories  of  the  gala  house  parties 
given  when  he  was  just  a  youngster.  Typical  Homer  hospitality 
was  extended  during  the  holiday  season,  from  Thanksgiving  to 
New  Year's,  and  their  friends  from  far  and  near  came  to  enjoy  the 
hospitality   of  their   "big  house".      Bob   Homer   was   a   man   of 


2.  Corthell  Collection,  University  of  Wyoming  Archives. 


190  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

cultured  background,  who  had  friends  in  every  walk  of  life,  and 
Belle  Stuart  Homer  was  a  scion  of  Boston,  and  his  helpmate  in 
every  way.  Bob  Homer's  business  dealings  were  above  reproach 
and  his  Puritan  thrift  and  careful  business  management  assured  the 
success  of  any  undertaking  he  was  connected  with,  from  ranching 
to  banking.  It  was  generally  thought  that  he  was  well  to  do,  but 
the  record  books  show  he  had  to  borrow  considerable  amounts  of 
money  from  Frank  Sargent  and  from  his  own  father  in  the  early 
days. 

An  interesting  letter  from  Bob  Homer  to  his  father,  dated  August 
11,  1878,  asks  for  a  loan  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  the 
purchase  of  cattle  from  the  trail  herds  coming  east  from  Oregon. 
This  letterhead  indicates  that  Sargent  and  Homer  were  breeders 
of  fine  blood  Cotswold,  Leicester,  and  Merino  sheep,  and  had  rams 
for  sale  at  their  ranch  at  Red  Buttes  Station,  Wyoming  Territory. 
The  old  blacksmith  shop,  made  of  enormous  logs,  still  stands  on 
the  Flag  Ranch.  This  log  building  was  Mr.  Homer's  original 
homestead  cabin  on  his  squatter's  claim  on  Spring  Creek,  below 
the  Billy  Rice  place  in  the  Sand  Creek  area.  Next  to  the  black- 
smith shop  is  the  carriage  house,  and  the  yellow  buggy  and  harness 
of  the  Homers  was  still  there  the  last  time  the  writer  visited  there. 
The  little  saddle  and  harness  room  to  the  east  of  the  red  barn  was  a 
place  aromatic  with  the  sweat  and  leather  smell  of  harness  and 
saddles,  and  was  the  scene  of  many  a  "rainy  day"  session  when 
hay  hands  gave  the  harness  and  saddles  copious  applications  of 
English  saddle  soap  and  neatsfoot  oil. 

Bob  Homer's  standing  in  the  livestock  world  was  well  expressed 
by  John  Clay,  manager  of  the  Swan  Company  and  owner  of  the 
Clay-Robinson  livestock  Commission  firm,  who  wrote  the  follow- 
ing when  he  learned  of  his  friend's  demise,  "I  write  of  a  man  whose 
honor  was  bright  as  the  most  brilliant  star,  who  in  his  quiet  way  was 
liberal  in  his  charities,  who  had  a  keen  sense  of  humor,  always 
kindly.  In  his  business  dealings,  just,  conservative  in  his  methods, 
lovable  on  the  ranch,  in  the  bank  (Mr.  Homer  was  President  of  the 
Albany  National  Bank)  or  on  the  Rialto  of  Chicago  where  we 
often  foregathered.  He  had  the  spirit  of  a  cavalier  with  the  thrift 
of  a  Puritan.  He  had  great  mentality,  was  human,  modest,  careful 
of  his  resources,  withstanding  the  financial  gales  of  the  west.  Most 
of  his  friends  have  gone  before  him,  a  few  left  to  mourn  his  depar- 
ture.   Rest  in  Peace". 

One  of  the  first  "learners"  on  the  Gresley-Robbins  ranch  (some 
25  miles  west  of  Laramie)  was  Clement  S.  "Ben"  Bengough,  a 
remittance  man  from  a  prosperous  and  titled  English  family,  who 
had  a  very  fine  education.  Ben  came  to  Wyoming  around  1886 
and  spent  a  year  or  so  at  the  Gresley-Robbins  ranch  and  then  took 
up  the  relinquishment  of  another  Englishman,  Pete  Hammersley, 
near  Morgan.     Here  Ben  Bengough  remained  the  rest  of  his  life, 


BEEF   MAKERS  OF  THE   LARAMIE   PLAINS  191 

where  he  lived  the  life  of  a  recluse  most  of  the  time,  content  to  be 
with  his  fine  library,  and  large  amount  of  mail.  He  also  watched 
his  fine  big  steers  wax  fat  on  the  fine  meadow  and  high  pastures 
of  that  area.  Many  interesting  anecdotes  are  told  of  Ben,  who  did 
a  great  amount  of  reading.  Al  Mountford,  a  close  friend  who 
carried  the  mail  to  Morgan,  told  the  writer  that  he  had  often 
brought  25  pounds  of  letters  and  magazines  for  Ben.  Ben  was  a 
a  Latin  scholar  and  often  wrote  entire  letters  in  Latin  to  his  sisters 
in  England  and  Johannesburg,  South  Africa.  Once  he  gave  Al 
Mountford  a  check  to  cash.  When  Al  presented  the  check  to  the 
banker,  A.  C.  Jones  (a  close  personal  friend  of  Ben),  he  exclaimed 
in  some  astonishment  that  it  was  good — but  that  it  was  written  in 
Latin. 

Once  some  miners  treed  a  bear  near  Ben"s  hermitage  and  called 
upon  him  to  help  them  pull  the  beast  out  of  the  tree.  Ben  was 
delighted  at  the  sport  but  his  fearlessness  resulted  in  some  painful 
and  deep  scratches,  for  he  pulled  the  bear  out  of  the  tree  and  down 
on  top  of  himself.  He  then  decided  it  would  be  extraordinary 
sport  to  box  the  bear  but  the  miners,  after  examining  his  wounds 
and  his  shredded  leather  jacket,  called  off  the  proposed  match. 

Ben  received  regular  remittances  from  England,  but  would  never 
go  back  and  claim  a  $300,000  estate  left  him  by  an  uncle.  What 
surprised  the  writer  when  visiting  the  Bengough  cabin  was  Ben's 
dislike  for  the  comforts  he  had  formerly  enjoyed.  His  cabin  was 
small,  low  ceilinged,  a  dirt-roofed  structure  which  plainly  showed 
the  effects  of  many  years  of  "batching"  through  the  heavy  coat  of 
sooty  grease  on  the  roof  sills.  This  primitive  dirt-roofed  cabin, 
which  still  stands  on  Cooper  Creek,  was  indeed  a  far  cry  from  the 
splendor  of  his  ancestral  home  in  England,  the  spacious,  castle-like 
home  known  as  "The  Ridge",  Wotton-under-Edge,  in  faraway 
Britain.  A  tall,  lean,  athletic  man,  Ben  loved  sports.  Al  Mount- 
ford related  to  the  writer  that  Ben  used  to  love  to  play  catch  and 
would  insist  that  Al  throw  the  ball  as  hard  as  possible.  Ben  thrived 
on  the  sport  but  Al  came  out  with  a  sore  arm  and  a  sore  "paddy". 
Another  of  Ben's  eccentricities  was  his  pack  of  eleven  Siberian  wolf 
hounds,  some  of  which  cost  him  as  high  as  $125  each.  They  were 
kept  in  a  pen  and  were  so  vicious  that  he  was  afraid  of  them  him- 
self and  never  turned  his  back  on  them  for  fear  they  would  kill  him. 
He  used  to  take  the  hounds  out  and  run  coyotes  with  them  and 
apparently  caught  quite  a  few  for  at  one  time  he  gave  Al  Mountford 
some  1  50  pelts  to  sell  in  Laramie.  This  was  not  profitable  however 
for  the  dogs  ate  up  the  profits  in  dog  food.  Al  always  had  some 
dog  food  to  bring  to  Ben,  even  in  the  deep  of  winter.  Ben  used  to 
cook  up  some  Scotch  oats,  bread,  and  dog  food  together  and  give 
his  hounds  a  mulligan  sans  meat,  unless  a  few  rabbits  were  avail- 
able occasionally. 

In  keeping  with  his  sportsman's  blood,  Ben  liked  good  horses 


192  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  generally  had  one  or  two  hot-blooded  horses  around,  according 
to  Mrs.  Fanny  Johnson,  who  took  care  of  him  in  his  later  years. 
Mrs.  Johnson  told  the  writer  that  Ben  liked  big  steers  and  always 
had  some  oversized  bovines  around.  When  she  first  moved  to  the 
Hansell  ranch  near  Ben's  homestead,  he  had  a  cow  and  steer  which 
he  kept  until  they  were  six  years  old.  When  he  shipped  them  to 
Omaha,  Valhalla  of  large  bovines  in  those  days,  the  steer  weighed 
1,975  pounds,  and  the  cow  1,500  pounds,  and  that's  not  all  ham- 
burger! Their  fattening  feed  had  been  composed  largely  of  the 
nutritious  short  grasses  of  the  Laramie  Plains. 

Like  many  another  old  timer  Ben  loved  to  wager  and  would  bet 
his  "all"  on  any  estimate  of  value,  weight,  or  usefulness  of  any 
favorite  animal.  Ben  had  a  pet  steer  which  he  thought  would 
weigh  a  ton.  He  bet  the  "hands"  on  the  7L  ranch,  owned  by 
Marsh  and  Cooper,  a  dozen  Stetson  hats  and  a  jug  of  whiskey  on 
his  belief.  He  drove  the  steer  to  the  railroad  at  Rock  Creek,  and 
there  the  scales  showed  the  weight  of  the  steer  to  be  1,910  pounds, 
according  to  Al  Mountford.  The  cowboys  had  agreed  to  allow  a 
shrinkage  of  80  to  90  pounds  on  the  trail  to  Rock  Creek,  so  Ben 
won  his  bet.  He  had  Stetson  hats  "to  burn"  and  offered  one  to 
every  friend  who  visited  him  for  some  time  afterwards,  until  the 
supply  ran  out.  The  jug  of  whiskey  went  the  same  way  but  did 
not  last  so  long. 

In  1937,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  John  Robbins  returned  for  a  visit  to 
Laramie.  John  was  the  man  who  brought  Ben  over  from  England. 
The  writer  and  his  father,  Otto  Burns,  accompanied  the  Robbins' 
on  a  tour  of  his  early  day  haunts  and  that  was  a  most  memorable 
trip.  The  writer  will  never  forget  the  enthusiastic  responses  of 
John  Robbins  and  his  dear  Dad,  which  were  a  delight  to  hear,  and 
he'll  never  forget  their  enthusiastic  response  to  the  unlocking  of 
many  memories  from  their  subconscious  minds,  brought  forth  by 
the  stimulation  of  the  scenes  of  their  early  manhood  when  the 
Laramie  Plains  were  indeed  a  pioneer  country.  John  pointed  out 
the  ivy  at  the  end  of  the  Bengough  cabin  which,  in  1937,  was 
growing  profusely.  He  had  brought  the  plant  over  from  England 
in  the  '80s.  He  was  overjoyed  at  seeing  a  pair  of  elk  horns  (quite 
weathered  with  age)  on  the  gable  of  the  Bengough  cabin  and 
related  with  glee  how  he  was  with  Ben  when  the  elk  bearing  these 
antlers  was  shot,  way  back  in  the  '80s.  He  took  the  antlers  with 
him  back  to  his  home  in  Texas  where  he  refinished  them  and  put 
them  on  the  wall  of  his  vaulted-ceiling  front  room. 

During  his  last  years,  Ben  became  embittered  toward  the  town 
of  Laramie  and  for  some  18  years,  refused  to  come  near  the  city, 
to  him  the  outpost  of  civilization.  Ben  died  in  1934,  and  by  his 
wish  was  buried  on  the  hillside  overlooking  his  ranch  from  the 
east.  Today  one  can  see  his  grave  covered  with  stones  and  headed 
by  a  large  grave  stone  which  bears  an  interesting  inscription  which 


BEEF   MAKERS  OF  THE   LARAMIE   PLAINS  193 

was  Ben's  favorite,  taken  from  Robert  Louis  Stevenson.     Here  is 
the  inscription: 

Clement  S.   Bengough 
19  Nov.   1934 

This  is  the  Verse  you  grave  for  me. 

Here  he  lies  where  he  longed  to  be. 
Home  is  the  sailor,  home  from  the  sea. 

And  the  hunter  home  from  the  hill. 

An  influence  in  the  development  of  the  American  west,  not 
often  mentioned  by  historians,  is  that  of  the  British-financed  com- 
panies who  established  great  ranches  and  business  enterprises  in  the 
West  during  the  last  30  years  of  the  19th  century.  The  short 
grass  ranges  of  Wyoming's  Laramie  Plains  are  one  area  of  the 
west  which  received  much  help  from  such  companies  with  their 
importations  of  purebred  livestock,  their  crop  experiments,  their 
water  development  and  other  progressive  enterprises,  which  took 
money  and  plenty  of  it.  One  of  the  largest  and  best  known  of  the 
English  companies  operating  on  the  Laramie  Plains  was  the  Doug- 
las Willan  and  Sartoris  Company.  The  main  spring  of  this  com- 
pany was  Jack  Douglas  Willan,  born  in  Ireland  of  Scotch  parent- 
age. As  a  young  man  he  migrated  to  the  pioneer  west  and  settled 
first  in  Larimer  County,  Colorado,  where  he  engaged  in  the  cattle 
business. 

About  1877,  his  business  took  him  to  the  La  Bonte  area  near 
Douglas.  At  once  he  saw  the  great  possibilities  for  making  money 
by  harvesting  the  abundant  native  grasses  in  the  form  of  beef.  He 
went  to  England  to  interest  capital  in  his  ranching  project  and 
found  an  immediate  response  from  the  Sartoris  brothers,  Lionel 
and  Leonard.  The  outcome  of  their  interest  was  the  forming  of 
the  Douglas  Willan  and  Sartoris  Company  which  was  incorporated 
in  1883.  The  new  Company  purchased  ranches  in  the  La  Bonte 
region,  on  the  Platte  River  near  Douglas,  and  the  Rand,  Briggs 
and  Steadman  property  on  the  Little  Laramie  River.  This  latter 
ranch  on  the  Little  Laramie  was  called  the  Milbrook  ranch  and 
was  the  home  ranch  of  the  Company. 

The  first  interest  of  the  company  was  the  production  of  "blood- 
ed" horses  which  were  sold  throughout  the  west  for  saddle  and 
harness  purposes.  In  the  east,  these  horses  met  a  ready  market 
for  general  harness  purposes  as  well  as  to  pull  the  street  cars  of 
those  days  which  were  "horse-powered".  Both  Shire  draft  stallions 
and  thoroughbred  studs  were  imported,  and  the  Willan  horses  bear- 
ing the  brand  JJ  on  the  left  shoulder  became  famous  throughout 
the  Wyoming  range  country.  Ribbons  and  medals  sufficient  to 
cover  an  entire  wall  of  a  room  were  won  by  "Breton's  Pride",  one 
of  the  outstanding  Shire  stallions.  "Gambretta"  and  "Lord  Ar- 
thur" were  other  noted  stallions  used  by  the  Company.  The  Com- 
pany maintained  a  livery  stable  in  Laramie,  known  as  the  Windsor 


194  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Barn,  which  was  still  standing  until  a  few  years  ago  and  was  known 
as  the  Pyramid  garage  in  its  later  years,  and  before  that  was  the 
Windsor  and  Winslow  Barn.  It  stood  just  across  the  street  from 
the  old  fire  station,  and  the  ground  is  now  used  as  a  parking  lot. 

Purebred  Hereford  cattle  were  also  raised  by  the  Willan  Com- 
pany. The  general  manager  of  the  Company,  George  Morgan  Sr., 
was  one  of  the  first  men  to  import  Hereford  cattle  into  the  western 
United  States.  Jabe  Smith  came  from  England  with  one  of  the 
first  shipments  made  by  the  Wyoming  Hereford  Ranch  at  Chey- 
enne and  the  Willan  Company  at  Laramie. 

The  growing  of  the  grain  crops  also  claimed  the  attention  of  the 
Willan  Ranch.  They  experimented  with  cereal  crops  and  were 
among  the  first  to  prove  the  potential  value  of  the  plains  for  the 
production  of  such  grain  crops.  They  spent  thousands  of  dollars 
on  a  "high  line  ditch"  still  to  be  seen  on  the  side  of  Corner  Moun- 
tain, north  of  the  Centennial  road  (U.S.  Highway  130).  This 
ditch  left  the  North  Fork  of  the  Little  Laramie  River  at  the  Nelson 
Resort,  now  Rainbow  Lodge,  a  few  miles  north  of  Centennial, 
skirted  Corner  Mountain,  and  came  out  on  the  Willan  Flat,  now 
known  as  the  Blackburn  Flat.  The  ditch  would  never  hold  on  the 
hillside,  and  later  a  ditch  was  taken  out  lower  down  on  the  Little 
Laramie  on  the  present  Hein  (Wright)  ranch.  The  ditch  has 
operated  through  the  years  and  delivers  water  to  the  so-called 
Blackburn  Flat,  or  Willan  Farm,  which  has  produced  some  nice 
crops. 

The  meadows  on  the  Company  holdings  were  carefully  devel- 
oped and  produced  prodigious  amounts  of  native  hay. 

The  Douglas  Willan-Sartoris  Company  ranch  had  some  21,000 
acres  of  deeded  land  with  an  investment  of  approximately  two 
million  dollars.  The  Company  spent  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
dollars  improving  their  property. 

The  home  ranch  on  the  Laramie  Plains  was  located  about  30 
miles  west  and  north  of  Laramie  and  was  a  magnificent  layout 
with  a  number  of  buildings,  including  a  horse  barn  holding  125 
tons  of  hay  and  many  horses.  There  were  other  horse  barns,  a 
buggy  barn  with  stalls  for  stallions,  sheds,  bunkhouses,  a  cook 
house,  carpenter  shop,  scale  house,  office  building,  and  the  "Big 
House."  The  "Big  House"  had  an  enormous  recreation  room, 
about  30  feet  square  and  two  stories  high.  The  huge  room  was 
lighted  by  a  sky  light,  and  offices  and  living  quarters  were  arranged 
on  two  floors  facing  the  recreation  room. 

Parties  and  balls  at  the  various  large  ranches  were  social  events 
then,  and  the  writer's  father,  who  worked  for  the  Willan  Company 
when  he  first  came  to  Wyoming  in  1888,  had  the  job  of  driving 
the  Tallyho  six-in-hand  to  and  from  Laramie  City  and  the  various 
ranches.  In  fact,  they  had  a  taxi  service  for  both  passengers  and 
freight  from  Laramie  and  old  Wyoming  Station.  Among  the 
magnificent  parties  given  in  the  great  recreation  room  at  the  Willan 


BEEF   MAKERS  OF  THE   LARAMIE   PLAINS  195 

Ranch  was  one  given  in  1 890  for  the  ranch  employees.  Steve 
Frazer,  who  had  charge  of  the  buggy  barns,  was  given  the  job  of 
rounding  up  the  girls  for  the  dance  and  Otto  Burns  called  for  them 
in  the  Tallyho.  The  Company  reportedly  spent  several  hundred 
dollars  on  this  party  and  old  timers  of  the  Laramie  Plains  still 
remember  it  as  a  gala  event.  In  fact,  Mrs.  Mary  Bellamy  told  the 
writer  of  the  fine  times  she  had  as  a  girl  accompanying  some  of  her 
girl  friends  to  these  ranch  parties.  Lizzie  Fee  and  Esther  Alexan- 
der, later  Mrs.  Steve  Frazer,  were  among  those  who  attended  the 
Willan  parties. 

Everyone  who  ever  had  anything  to  do  with  the  Willan  outfit 
remembers  it  with  kindly  feeling,  and  the  employees  were  high  in 
their  praise  of  it.  The  writer's  close  friend,  Eli  Peterson,  is  one  of 
the  few  Willan  employees  now  living.  Eli  is  still  most  enthusiastic 
about  the  treatment  the  Willan  outfit  gave  its  employees.  He 
recently  gave  the  writer  a  picture  showing  a  number  of  the  Willan 
employees  in  front  of  the  Horse  Barn  at  the  home  ranch  in  1889. 
Otto  Burns  is  at  the  left  in  the  front  row  and  Eli  identified  the 
others.  He,  himself,  was  not  in  the  picture  for  he  said  that  a  will- 
ing Swede  kid  like  him  was  kept  busy  as  chore  boy  and  did  not  get 
into  the  picture.  The  Willan  Company  went  bankrupt  in  1892 
and  was  sold  out  in  parcels  by  E.  J.  Bell,  a  son-in-law  of  George 
Morgan,  Sr.  The  home  ranch  is  now  in  ruins,  and  only  the  bunk- 
house  is  standing. 

The  Sartoris  Brothers  were  interested  in  mining  properties  as 
well  as  in  ranches  and  put  up  the  "ten-stamp  mill",  which  still 
stands  at  Keystone.  The  writer  has  a  copy  of  an  interesting  Pros- 
pectus booklet,  put  out  by  the  Douglas  Willan  and  Sartoris  Com- 
pany, which  has  a  complete  list  of  lands,  buildings,  livestock  and 
other  improvements.  The  ruins  of  the  buildings  at  the  ranch  and 
the  memories  of  the  name  and  accomplishments  of  the  Willan 
Company  are  all  that  remain  of  the  dazzling  Douglas  Willan  and 
Sartoris  and  Company  enterprises.  However,  some  of  the  fine 
blood  persists  in  the  livestock  of  today  in  the  area,  and  some  of  the 
Company's  experiments  with  crops  and  water  development  have 
pointed  the  way  to  crop  production  of  today. 

The  last  ranch  we  shall  take  a  look  at  is  another  English  outfit 
known  as  the  Oxford  Horse  Ranch,  or  Whitehouse  and  Stokes, 
and  later  the  Whitehouse  and  Palmer  ranch  just  east  of  Red  Buttes 
station,  some  9  miles  south  of  Laramie.  Dr.  Whitehouse  was  a 
graduate  veterinarian  from  the  Ontario  Agricultural  College  in 
Canada.  He  formed  a  partnership  with  an  Englishmen  named 
Stokes  and  they  built  up  quite  a  ranch,  boasting  a  half-mile  track, 
a  pack  of  54  hounds,  and  a  herd  of  around  3,000  thoroughbred 
horses  grazing  on  1 6,000  acres.  The  large  horse  barn,  still  in 
good  shape,  is  typical  of  the  early  day  horse  barns  built  by  the 
English  ranchmen.  It  was  built  in  1887,  and  the  iron-grilled  box 
stalls  can  still  be  seen  in  their  original  condition  on  the  west  side 


196  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

of  the  barn.  The  large  hay  mow  can  be  reached  at  the  back,  with  a 
drive-in  from  the  hill  into  which  the  barn  is  built.  The  Englishmen 
had  many  hunts  and  races,  and  two  of  these  on  the  Whitehouse 
place  are  still  spoken  of  today. 

Dr.  Whitehouse  purchased  a  famous  race  horse  from  England 
named  "Fireball",  and  paid  $1,500  for  him.  He  matched  this 
horse  with  another  famous  race  horse  for  a  side  bet  of  $1,500. 
The  money  was  in  gold  pieces  and  this  money  was  kept  in  a 
buckboard  by  the  side  of  the  race  track,  and  not  a  single  piece  was 
molested.    The  Whitehouse  horse,  "Fireball"  lost  the  race. 

Axel  Palmer,  that  inimitable  old  timer  who  worked  on  the 
Whitehouse  place  in  the  early  days  and  later  was  a  partner  in  the 
outfit,  told  some  interesting  stories  about  it.  He  mentioned  a 
rather  unique  pool  game  in  which  the  stakes  were  in  the  form  of 
$20  gold  pieces  in  a  jack  pot  half-filling  some  of  the  pockets  of  the 
pool  table. 

Axel  Palmer  came  to  the  ranch  in  the  '80s  and  hired  out  and 
his  first  job  was  to  keep  the  relief  horses  ready  when  a  hunt  was  in 
progress.  Scent  hounds  were  used  at  first,  and  sight  hounds  (grey- 
hounds) were  released  later  when  the  quarry  was  in  sight.  Coy- 
otes, wolves,  and  antelope  furnished  the  quarry.  The  writer 
remembers  very  well  the  large  metal  kettle  which  was  used  to  cook 
the  meat  for  these  hounds.  This  kettle  was  brought  over  to  the 
Flag  Ranch  of  Bob  Homer  and  was  used  for  many  years  as  a  kettle 
to  scald  pigs  in  at  butchering  time. 

Dr.  Whitehouse  was  involved  in  a  tragic  hunting  accident  in 
1887  when  he  accidentally  shot  George  V.  H.  Gordon,  a  young 
Englishman,  who  was  dressed  in  tan  hunting  clothes  and  was  mis- 
taken for  an  antelope.  John  Robbins,  a  partner  of  Gresley  in  the 
'80s,  was  a  member  of  the  hunting  party  and  related  the  details 
to  the  writer. 

The  party  was  hunting  antelope  near  the  Oscar  and  Kelly  Mar- 
tin, or  Winthrop  ranch,  about  seven  miles  above  the  present 
Tatham  or  Leake  Ranch  and  about  70  miles  southwest  of  Laramie 
on  the  Big  Laramie  River.  Robbins  related  that  he  rode  horseback 
to  Laramie  to  report  the  accident.  The  Laramie  Republican  of 
September  15,  1887,  has  an  account  of  the  accident.  Gordon  was 
buried  in  the  Laramie  Cemetery  and  the  grave  can  be  found  about 
a  hundred  yards  down  from  the  main  gate  and  on  the  fourth  street 
to  the  east,  and  to  the  right.  The  inscription  on  the  concrete  and 
stone  crypt  reads  as  follows:  "George  Vincent  Hamilton  Gordon, 
late  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford,  England,  Second  son  of  General 
E.  H.  Gordon  R.E.,  who  died  Sept.  4,  1887    Age  22  years". 

Dr.  Whitehouse  sold  out,  and  from  1912  to  1922  was  on  the 
faculty  at  the  Colorado  Agricultural  College  in  the  Veterinary 
Division.  In  1931,  Dr.  Whitehouse  was  principal  of  the  Glasgow 
Veterinary  College,  and  when  the  writer  was  at  Edinburgh  Uni- 
versity in  1931,  he  called  there  but  Dr.  Whitehouse  was  not  in. 


BEEF  MAKERS  OF  THE  LARAMIE   PLAINS  197 

Dr.  Whitehouse  died  in  Glasgow  in  1944.  Mrs.  Whitehouse  was 
an  artist  and  writer,  and  Axel  Palmer  has  a  drawing  she  made  of 
the  famous  Oxford  Ranch  horses  rearing  up  on  their  hind  legs 
while  hitched  to  the  breaking  cart,  with  divided  seat  and  rear 
entrance,  with  Axel  Palmer  holding  the  reins  and  wearing  his 
famous  dogskin  coat.  The  writer,  as  a  youngster,  had  many  an 
exciting  ride  in  that  old  breaking  cart  with  Axel  Palmer  at  the  reins. 

Axel  Palmer  died  in  1957  at  the  age  of  93,  but  in  his  later  years 
his  humor  and  vigor  were  startling  for  a  man  of  his  age.  He 
delighted  in  recalling  his  escapades  of  his  early  years.  He  and 
brother  Gus  certainly  kept  the  city  marshall  busy  when  they  came 
to  town  and,  with  their  horses,  really  let  the  town  know  they  were 
there.  The  wild  Swedes  rode  or  drove  into  town,  generally  the 
latter,  and  would  bring  their  steeds  right  into  the  bar  even  if  the 
doors  were  bulged  open  to  accomodate  them.  When  the  Marshall 
came  to  arrest  them,  Axel,  who  had  his  team  stu;:k  tight  in  the  door 
of  the  saloon,  gladly  handed  over  the  lines  to  the  Marshall,  who  was 
really  stuck  along  with  the  horses,  and  the  proprietor  would  not 
prosecute  the  crazy  Swedes  for  he  felt  that  they  brought  much 
business  to  his  place.  Axel  delighted  in  telling  a  story  on  the 
writer  who,  as  a  kid,  attended  the  Red  Buttes  school  along  with 
other  youngsters,  including  his  daughter,  Rena  Palmer  Lawrence. 
One  day  the  teacher  sent  Kid  Burns  home  to  get  clean  clothes  as 
he  had  gotten  into  the  mud  and  soiled  his  overalls.  Now  it  was 
three  miles  home  and  too  long  a  walk  so  Kid  Burns  found  an 
excavation  near  the  school  house  where  he  was  out  of  sight  and, 
turning  his  muddy  overalls  inside  out,  he  came  back  to  school  in 
tidy  clean  overalls — the  dirty  side  had  been  turned  inside  and  the 
clean  side  shown  to  the  world. 

Axel  Palmer  liked  to  recite  the  following  verse  which  depicts  the 
change  over  from  range  days  to  modern  ranch  days,  and  the  printed 
word  cannot  do  justice  to  his  delightful  humor  and  accent  and  the 
sparkle  in  his  eyes  as  he  told  this  one: 

The  Farmers  have  come. 

The  Cowpunchers  must  go. 
The  work's  getting  hard. 

And  the  Wages  are  low! 
We  can  ride  a  wild  broncho. 

Or  rope  a  wild  cow; 
But  be  damned  if  we'll  follow 

Either  the  harrow  or  the  plow! 

So  the  modern  ranch  now  does  some  work  with  the  soil,  and  year 
by  year  the  care  of  the  soil  and  the  meadow  and  range  becomes 
more  important.  However,  the  Laramie  Plains  will  always  be 
known  as  fertile  producers  of  beef. 


SWAN   COMPANY  COWBOYS 

Courtesy  A.  S.  Gillespie 


ROUNDUP  CAMP 


Courtesy  A.  S.  Gillespie 


Reminiscences 
of  a  Swan  Company  Cowboy 

By 

A.  S.  (Bud)  Gillespie 

A.  S.  Gillespie,  one  of  the  few  old-time  cowboys  living  in  Wyoming 
today,  was  born  and  raised  on  a  ranch  northwest  of  Laramie,  and  for 
more  than  fifty  years  of  his  life  was  engaged  in  ranching.  As  a  young 
man.  he  worked  for  a  time  for  the  Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Company, 
one  of  the  largest  and  best  known  of  the  cattle  companies  which  was 
established  in  Wyoming  during  the  "beef  bonanza"  of  the  late  18()0's. 
Gillespie  is  familiar  with  practices  of  early-day  cowboys  as  are  few 
men  today,  and  his  recollections  are  as  authentic  as  they  are  interest- 
ing. He  retired  from  active  ranching  some  years  ago  and  now  lives 
in  Laramie.     Ed. 

When  I  was  working  for  the  Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Company 
they  kept  about  12  or  15  cowboys,  including  a  foreman,  in  their 
employ  during  the  spring,  summer  and  fall  work  with  the  cattle. 
Those  fellows  did  no  other  work  than  what  they  could  do  on  a 
horse's  back.  Also  employed  were  a  cook  and  a  horse  wrangler 
and  a  night  wrangler,  or  a  "night  hawk",  as  he  was  called. 

They  hired  boys  about  19  years  of  age  and  paid  them  $20  per 
month  for  the  first  year,  after  which,  if  satisfactory  in  their  work, 
they  were  kept  on  and  their  wages  raised  to  $25  monthly.  The 
third  year,  if  they  gave  satisfactory  service,  their  wages  were  raised 
to  $30  a  month  and  in  the  fourth  year  they  were  considered  to  have 
served  their  full  apprenticeship  and  received  a  man's  wage  which 
was  $40  monthly.  The  Company  paid  their  two  oldest  men  in 
length  of  service  a  wage  of  $45  monthly  and  they  were  next  to  the 
foreman  who  received  $75  a  month.  These  men  were  obliged  to 
furnish  their  own  saddles  and  riding  equipment  as  well  as  their 
bed  rolls.     The  Company  furnished  them  with  a  tepee  to  sleep  in. 

In  the  early  days  the  first  work  given  the  cowboys  who  were 
hired  by  the  Company  was  to  gather  the  saddle  horses.  In  the 
days  before  the  ranch  system  the  cowboys  were  without  work  dur- 
ing the  winter.  The  Company  would  have  the  horses  gathered 
so  as  to  start  the  cattle  roundup  not  later  then  July  15th.  There 
were  two  purposes  of  this  roundup,  to  gather  beef  in  the  late 
summer  and  fall  to  ship  to  market,  and  to  gather  cows  and  calves 
to  brand  and  alter  in  the  late  spring.  In  the  early  days,  until  the 
summer  of  1895,  the  brand  the  Company  put  on  the  cattle  as  well 
as  the  horses  was  a  horseshoe  on  the  left  side  of  the  cattle,  and  two 
horizontal  bars  on  the  left  hip  of  cattle.     In  1895  the  horseshoe 


200  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

brand  was  eliminated  and  replaced  with  a  figure  indicating  the 
year  the  calf  was  branded.  The  Company  continued  to  use  the 
horseshoe  brand  on  the  left  shoulder  of  their  horses  as  long  as  they 
operated  a  livestock  business.  Similarly,  the  Two  Bar  brand  was 
used  on  cattle  until  they  sold  out  the  cattle  and  afterwards  on  their 
sheep  until  the  final  sale  of  the  lands  and  livestock. 

The  first,  or  spring  roundup,  usually  lasted  about  a  month  on  the 
Laramie  Plains,  then  it  would  go  back  down  below  the  Sybille 
Mountains  and  work  all  the  country  down  into  Nebraska.  About 
the  middle  of  September  the  roundup  would  come  back  up  into  the 
Sybille  Hills  and  the  Laramie  Plains  and  the  men  would  repeat 
their  summer's  work.  The  Company  would  ship,  on  an  average, 
a  train-load  of  beef  a  week,  and  these  were  loaded  on  the  cars  at 
Rock  Creek  Station,  Medicine  Bow  and  old  Hutton  Station,  on  the 
old  railroad  grade  about  four  or  five  miles  south  of  the  present 
community  of  Bosler,  and  occasionally  at  Lookout  Station. 

The  Company  would  have  a  mess-wagon  which  the  cook  drove 
and  in  which  he  hauled  the  provisions.  Then  they  used  a  bed- 
wagon  in  which  they  also  hauled  wood,  with  the  beds  piled  on  top 
of  the  wood.  The  "night  hawk"  drove  the  bedwagon,  in  addition 
to  his  duties  of  watching  the  horse  cavvy  during  the  night. 

The  cook  used  a  pot  rack,  and  Dutch  ovens  to  cook  in.  For 
fuel  the  horse  wrangler  would  hang  a  sack  on  each  side  of  his 
saddle  and  go  around  picking  up  cow  chips  for  the  cook  to  burn 
when  using  the  Dutch  oven.  The  cook  would  dig  a  hole  in  the 
ground  about  eight  inches  deep,  and  put  three  or  four  inches  of  live 
coals  in  the  bottom  of  the  hole  and  then  set  the  Dutch  oven  on  this 
hot  seat.  He  put  whatever  food  he  wished  to  cook  in  the  oven, 
then  put  the  lid  on  it.  The  lid  had  a  deep  edge  which  flared 
upward  and  provided  a  catchment  basin  for  the  hot  coals,  giving 
about  two  inches  of  hot  coals  on  top  of  the  lid  in  addition  to  the 
coals  on  the  bottom.  The  oven  made  a  fine  place  to  bake  bread 
as  well  as  beans  or  other  food.  A  long-handled  shovel  with  a  hook 
on  the  opposite  end  was  used  to  hook  the  eye  of  the  lid  on  the 
Dutch  oven  to  lift  the  lid  off.  The  cook  also  used  the  hook  to  lift 
the  pots  off  the  pot-rack  hooks  which  were  fastened  so  they  could 
not  come  off.    Everything  he  boiled  he  cooked  on  the  pot  rack. 

The  Swan  outfit  was  the  best  of  all  the  cattle  companies  I  have 
known.  They  furnished  a  variety  of  good  food  and  plenty  of  it. 
They  would  butcher  a  beef  about  every  third  day,  serve  plenty  of 
potatoes,  beans,  canned  goods — about  three  kinds  of  canned 
goods — and  three  kinds  of  dried  fruit,  all  washed  down  with  plenty 
of  good  coffee.  The  greatest  cook  of  all  time,  as  well  as  a  teamster, 
in  the  writer's  opinion,  was  Ed  Held.  He  made  the  best  suet  pud- 
ding that  the  writer  ever  ate  and  had  plenty  of  rice  as  well.  Rice 
and  raisins  were  cooked  together  for  dessert  when  the  cook  did  not 
make  suet  pudding. 

Each  rider  was  furnished  with  a  string  of  nine  horses.     Six  of 


REMINISCENCES  OF  A  SWAN  COMPANY  COWBOY  201 

these  were  circle  horses,  two  were  cow  horses  and  one  a  night 
horse.  In  the  morning  riders  would  catch  their  circle  horses, 
throwing  their  ropes  as  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  identify 
their  own  horse.  They  would  eat  breakfast  at  3:30  in  the  morn- 
ings, break  camp  before  sunup,  and  make  a  drive.  One  of  the 
top  men  would  take  the  drive  to  the  right  and  another  to  the  left. 
They  would  have  these  cattle  at  the  roundup  grounds  by  9:00  A.M. 
Then  they  would  rush  into  their  camp.  The  horse  wrangler  would 
have  the  horse  cavvy  in  the  corral  ropes,  so  they  could  catch  their 
cow  horses.  They  would  then  go  back  to  the  herd  and  cut  out  the 
beef  cattle.  They  came  into  camp  for  dinner  about  10:00  A.M. 
After  dinner  they  would  catch  another  circle  horse,  make  a  circle, 
and  bunch  the  cattle  at  a  designated  place  which  the  foreman 
selected.  Then  they  would  go  to  camp,  catch  another  cow  horse, 
and  then  back  to  the  herd  to  work  out  another  group  of  prime 
beef-steers. 

They  never  shipped  a  steer  until  he  was  fat  and  smoothed  up,  if 
they  had  to  keep  him  until  he  was  seven  or  eight  years  old.  They 
had  to  be  beef.  There  were  no  cattle  feeders  in  those  days.  The 
camping  sites  would  be  about  seven  or  eight  miles  apart.  They 
would  have  supper  about  4  P.M.  and  would  often  move  three  or 
four  miles  after  supper.  They  made  it  a  practice  to  keep  up  with 
the  beef  herd  with  their  wagons.  They  handled  the  beef  herd  so  as 
not  to  cause  them  to  shrink  in  weight  from  being  moved  too  fast. 

In  those  early  days  when  the  steers,  cows  and  calves  ran  together 
on  the  same  range  they  could  not  work  so  fast.  Often  they  would 
catch  so  many  cows  and  calves  on  the  morning  drive  that  they 
would  not  have  the  time  to  get  the  calves  branded,  so  they  would 
have  to  hold  over  long  enough  in  the  afternoon  to  brand  the  calves. 
That  branding  would  perhaps  spoil  the  afternoon  for  any  other 
work. 

The  Company  bought  all  of  their  saddle  and  work  stock  un- 
broken, preferring  geldings  and  having  no  mares.  The  Company 
in  the  earliest  days  had  owned  mares  but  it  was  found  that  a  gelding 
could  be  bought  cheaper  than  they  could  raise  them.  Two  of  the 
best  "bronc  busters"  were  detailed  to  break  the  saddle  broncs. 
This  work  would  be  done  at  one  of  the  ranches  where  there  were 
good  corrals. 

The  bronc  buster  did  not  ride  the  broncs  many  times  until  the 
riders  on  the  range  could  handle  them.  First  he  halter-broke  the 
horses.  Then  he  would  tie  a  hind  foot  up,  so  as  to  gentle  him,  pet 
him  all  over  and  get  on  his  bare  back  and  crawl  around  on  top  of 
his  back.  Next  he  would  put  his  saddle  on  him  and  get  off  and  on 
from  both  sides  and  slide  off  behind.  After  the  broncs  responded 
to  all  of  these  tactics,  the  rider  would  untie  the  hind  foot,  mount, 
then  get  the  horse  to  moving  around,  turning  him  first  one  way  and 
then  the  other  until  he  became  bridle-wise.  He  would  ride  the 
bronc  about  twice  in  the  corral  and  if  some  progress  had  been 


202  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

made  with  the  other  methods  practiced  on  him,  would  ride  the 
bronc  around  the  corral  for  a  short  time  with  another  rider  acting 
as  a  helper.  The  helper  would  open  the  gate  and  ride  out  with  the 
fellow  on  the  bronc  and  haze  him  along  when  the  bronc  needed  it. 
The  hazer  would  keep  the  bronc  away  from  places  he  might  get 
into  trouble,  riding  between  the  bronc  and  a  fence,  and  he  would 
sometimes  have  to  haze  the  bronc  back  into  the  corral  if  he  were 
wild.  Ordinarily  a  horse  would  need  to  be  ridden  five  times  to  get 
him  well  enough  broken  for  the  riders  on  the  roundup  to  use.  The 
bronc  would  have  to  be  taught  to  stand  during  saddling. 

After  the  Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Company  got  their  lands  to 
producing  enough  hay  to  feed  a  large  portion  of  their  she-stock, 
riders  had  work  the  year  round.  Soon  after  the  last  of  the  ship- 
ments was  made  in  the  fall  and  all  of  the  calves  branded,  they 
would  round  up  the  cows  and  wean  the  calves.  Generally  they 
would  winter  the  bulk  of  the  calves  at  the  Rock  Ranch  which  was 
down  near  Torrington  on  the  North  Platte  River.  The  riders 
would  be  taken  off  and  distributed  around  among  the  different 
ranches  to  pitch  hay  out  to  the  cattle.  A  small  number  of  the 
riders  would  be  kept  to  ride  the  year  around.  In  the  winter  they 
would  keep  riding  through  the  she-stock,  and  any  animals  that 
were  not  keeping  up  flesh  while  grazing  would  be  cut  out  and 
taken  to  a  ranch  where  there  was  hay. 

Many  of  these  men  worked  for  that  Company  for  15  years  or 
more.  If  some  of  them  wanted  to  get  married,  the  Company  would 
put  them  on  one  of  the  ranches. 

The  Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Company  had  three  strings  of  horses 
for  each  rider.  The  horses  that  were  ridden  all  winter  would  rest 
all  summer  after  the  horse  roundup.  The  first  job  for  the  riders 
was  turning  the  cattle  out  of  all  of  the  different  pastures.  After  the 
first  go-round  of  shipping  beef  and  branding  calves,  the  riders 
would  turn  that  string  of  horses  loose  and  catch  up  a  fresh  string  to 
start  another  go-round  of  branding  calves  and  shipping  dry  fat  cows 
in  the  Goshen  Hole  country. 

An  amusing  thing  happened  in  connection  with  counting  cattle 
soon  after  Finlay  Dun  was  appointed  manager  of  the  Swan  Land 
and  Cattle  Company.  The  common  method  of  counting  cattle  on 
the  range  was  the  book  count  which  was  not  accurate  and  not 
satisfactory.  One  of  the  first  things  Dun  was  asked  to  do  was  to 
count  the  cattle.  He  knew  the  cattle  were  too  scattered  to  get  them 
into  a  bunch  to  count  them,  so  he  decided  to  put  a  tally  mark  on 
them  with  paint  whenever  they  were  encountered. 

He  started  the  roundup  wagon  out  with  the  usual  number  of 
cowboys.  They  made  a  big  drive,  roped  and  pulled  down  every 
animal  with  the  Two  Bar  brand,  put  a  large  paint  mark  on  each 
one,  and  all  the  cattle  were  counted.  But  it  had  taken  so  long  to 
round  up  all  of  the  cattle  on  the  open  range  that  the  cattle  com- 
menced to  shed  their  hair  and  the  paint  mark  shed  off  with  the  hair. 


REMINISCENCES  OF  A  SWAN  COMPANY  COWBOY  203 

So  the  mark  was  not  permanent  and  all  of  the  work  did  not  accom- 
plish a  thing.  The  cow-punchers  composed  a  little  ditty,  which 
they  sang  and  recited  frequently  with  great  glee: 

"Daddy  Dun's  a  dandy 
But  his  paint  won't  stick." 


Smooth  the  Way 

By 

Dick  J.  Nelson 

Let  us  smooth  the  way  for  others 

And  make  of  life  the  most, 
Let  us  make  the  phrase  'my  friend1 

Mean  more  than  an  idle  boast. 

Let  us  praise  sincere  endeavor, 
When  praise  will  spur  it  on. 

Let  us  not  withold  kind  words 
Until  the  friend  is  gone. 

Let  us  uphold  the  Christian  spirit, 
Help  make  life  a  beautiful  dream. 

Let  us  do  these  things  before  the  hour 
One  is  called  to  'cross  God's  stream'. 


204 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


■ 


lite 


;HW  Mm 


mmsk   Jm 


■ill 


JOHN  M.  BOZEMAN 

Courtesy  Montana  Historical  Society 


bozeman  and  the  bozeman  Zrail 

By 

Burton  S.  Hill 

In  January,  1863,  John  Merin  Bozeman  reached  Bannack,  in 
Idaho  Territory1,  which  part  was  to  become  Montana  Territory 
May  26,  1  864.-  It  was  for  his  third  attempt  at  gold  mining.  When 
the  news  came  of  the  rich  discoveries  on  nearby  Grasshopper  Creek 
in  the  Beaverhead  Valley,  he  oined  the  rush"  and  made  Bannack 
his  headquarters.  Born  in  January,  1837,  in  Pickin  County, 
Georgia4,  he  was  only  twenty-six  when  he  reached  Bannack,  but 
even  by  that  time  his  movements  and  experiences  had  been  many 
and  varied. 

When  Bozeman  was  only  twelve,  his  attention  was  turned  to  the 
West  when  his  father,  leaving  a  wife  and  five  small  children,  joined 
the  1849  California  gold  rush.  After  his  departure,  when  no 
word  was  ever  heard  from  him,  or  of  him,  his  family  concluded 
that  he  had  met  death  on  the  Overland  journey.  But  this  did  not 
deter  bold  and  adventurous  young  Bozeman. 

Closely  following  the  example  set  by  his  father,  in  1860  John 
joined  the  Green  Russell  crowd  in  Georgia  Gulch,  Colorado. 
Married  to  Lucinda  C.  Ingram,  January  9,  1856,  he  left  her  to  shift 
for  herself  with  their  three  small  daughters,  Linda,  Lila  and  Martha 
C,  while  he  hoped  to  accumulate  riches  in  the  Colorado  mines. 
Unfortunately,  though,  when  Bozeman  reached  his  objective,  the 
better  claims  had  been  taken,  and  he  was  glad  to  accept  the 
invitation  of  the  Stuart  Brothers  in  Idaho  Territory. 

In  the  fall  of  1860  and  the  spring  of  1861,  James  and  Granville 
Stuart  found  gold  while  prospecting  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  of 
Idaho.  At  this,  they  wrote  to  their  brother  Thomas,  then  in  Colo- 
rado, urging  him  to  come  at  once.  Thomas  showed  this  letter  to 
other  young  men  who  were  also  digging  for  Colorado  gold,  and 
soon  got  up  a  party  of  twelve  who  were  willing  to  make  the  change. 
Amona;  these  were  John  M.  Bozeman  who  soon  afterwards  arrived 


1.  Merrill  G.  Burlingame,  "John  M.  Bozeman,"  Montana  Trailmaker, 
(The  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  Vol.  XXVII.  No.  4,  March, 
1941)  pp.  542-568,  hereafter  cited  as  Burlingame. 

2.  Contributions  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Montana  Vol.  VII,  p.  283, 
hereafter  cited  as  Contributions. 

3.  Burlingame,  p.  542. 

4.  Burlingame,  p.  541,  Note  2.  There  is  some  belief  that  Bozeman  came 
from  Coweta  County,  Georgia,  but  this  does  not  appear  to  be  true. 


206  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

in  Deer  Lodge  Valley,  where  he  remained  during  the  summer  of 

1862.  But  the  mines  gave  only  meager  returns.  The  confining 
and  arduous  work  little  appealed  to  one  so  restless  and  roving  as 
Bozeman,  and  after  a  few  short  months  he  was  glad  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  seek  the  Beaverhead  Valley.  But  once  again  he  met  with 
disappointment.  Since  all  the  favorable  locations  in  the  new  Ban- 
nack diggings  had  been  taken,  he  soon  began  to  lose  his  enthusiasm 
for  mining.  Again  he  found  the  work  so  laborious,  and  so  foreign 
to  his  astatic  and  creative  makeup,  that  he  began  to  cast  about  for 
a  more  congenial  and  attractive  occupation. 

With  the  development  of  the  Idaho  mines  and  new  gold  discov- 
eries, it  quickly  appealed  to  Bozeman  that  a  short  route  from  the 
outside  territory  to  Bannack  was  needed  to  accommodate  the 
steady  migration.  Up  to  that  time  there  had  been  two  slow  and 
expensive  routes  to  Bannack.  One  was  the  water  route  up  the 
Missouri  River  to  Fort  Benton  and  thence  to  the  mines.  The  other 
was  the  southern  route  over  the  Oregon  Trail  to  Fort  Hall  and  then 
north  a  long  distance  mostly  over  barren  plains. 

Bozeman  envisioned  a  direct  route  overland  through  the  heart 
of  the  Sioux  country  to  the  Platte.  He  argued  that  the  distance 
would  be  shorter  and  more  direct,  and  that  along  the  way  there 
would  be  plenty  of  grass  and  water,  and  an  abundance  of  wood. 
Almost  immediately  his  enthusiasm  attracted  John  M.  Jacobs,  a 
kindred  spirit  who  had  been  in  the  northwest  a  number  of  years. 
Jacobs  was  a  red-bearded  Italian  from  the  valley  of  Deer  Lodge. 
He  had  married  an  Indian  woman  and  knew  the  ways  of  the  red 
men  along  the  overland  trails  where  he  had  been  engaged  in  trading 
for  cattle.  In  the  spring  of  1862  he  had  been  guide  for  a  train  of 
forty  wagons  from  Soda  Springs  to  Walla  Walla,  where  he  had 
gained  considerable  experience  in  that  type  of  endeavor. 

In  the  spring  of  1863,  Bozeman  and  Jacobs,  with  the  eight-year- 
old  half-breed  daughter  of  Jacobs,  left  Bannack  to  mark  out  the 
new  road.  Enroute  to  the  Platte,  they  gained  the  Three  Forks  of 
the  Missouri,  crossed  the  Gallatin  Valley,  and  left  it  through  what 
is  now  known  as  Bozeman  Pass.  To  locate  a  favorable  route  over 
which  they  could  guide  an  emigrant  train  was  their  objective,  but 
numerous  reverses  and  misadventures  so  repeatedly  harrassed  them 
that  their  progress  was  slow  and  tormented.5 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horns  on  the  Yellowstone  they  skirted 
an  Indian  war  party0,  and  fifty  miles  further  along,  on  May  1 1 , 

1863,  they  had  a  scare  from  the  James  Stuart  Yellowstone  Expedi- 
tion. Stuart  and  his  companions  had  been  in  search  of  gold,  when 
at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  across  the  river,  they 


5.  Ibid.,  pp.  542-543. 

6.  Ibid.,  p.  543. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  207 

spied  what  they  took  to  be  three  whites  with  six  horses.  Three 
were  packed  and  three  were  being  ridden.  As  they  approached 
from  a  distance  of  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile,  Stuart  hailed  the 
trio,  but  received  no  return  greeting.  They  only  kept  their  course, 
and  quickened  their  pace.  Stuart  was  actually  hailing  Bozeman 
and  Jacobs  but  did  not  know  it  at  the  time,  and  neither  did  Boze- 
man recognize  his  greeter.  Fear  of  an  attack  by  Indians  or  an 
unfriendly  party  kept  the  trail-makers  on  the  run,  while  Stuart 
only  wanted  to  get  the  news  and  invite  them  into  camp. 

After  his  manifestations  of  peace  and  good  will,  Stuart  became 
apprehensive  when  the  Bozeman  trio  did  not  respond,  but  made 
haste  to  get  away.  With  the  belief  that  they  might  be  outlaws  on 
the  loose,  he  sent  a  group  out  with  orders  to  return  with  them  dead 
or  alive,  and  to  capture  their  pack  horses  and  provisions.  A  chase 
of  ten  miles  followed  but  finally  had  to  be  abandoned  with  no 
results  since  the  pursuers  were  far  outdistanced.  They  found  only 
a  fry-pan  and  a  pack  of  cards  the  trio  had  dropped  on  the  trail  in 
their  flight  towards  the  Red  Buttes  on  the  North  Platte,  which  was 
their  objective. 

But  two  days  later  in  the  Powder  River  country,  the  Bozeman 
party  did  run  into  real  trouble  when  they  suddenly  came  upon  a 
band  of  seventy-five  or  eighty  mounted  Indians.  Realizing  the 
seriousness  of  the  situation,  and  knowing  resistance  would  be  hope- 
less, Jacobs  managed  to  drop  his  rifle  and  bullet  pouch  in  a  sage- 
brush patch  before  the  Indians  drew  near.  His  presence  of  mind 
later  proved  to  be  perceptive  since  they  were  immediately  stripped 
of  everything  else,  and  only  after  a  stormy  discussion  among  their 
captors  were  they  allowed  to  remain  alive.  In  exchange  for  their 
horses  they  were  left  three  broken  down  ponies;  and  before  their 
slow  departure,  the  Indians  administered  a  severe  beating  to 
Jacobs1  little  daughter  as  a  punishment  for  being  in  company  with 
white  men." 

When  the  enemy  was  finally  out  of  sight,  Jacobs'  rifle  and  bullet 
pouch  were  retrieved  from  the  sage  brush,  and  all  possible  haste 
was  made  to  evacuate  the  dangerous  neighborhood.  They  did  not 
even  remain  long  enough  to  kill  and  dry  any  meat  before  they 
realized  they  had  passed  out  of  the  buffalo  range.  This  proved  to 
be  a  serious  error  since  Jacobs  had  only  five  bullets  for  his  rifle, 
and  they  were  soon  exhausted  in  an  attempt  to  provide  small  game. 
It  was  only  after  severe  hardships  and  near  starvation  that  the 
Bozeman  party  finally  reached  the  North  Platte  a  short  distance 
west  of  Deer  Creek. s 

It  does  not  appear  to  be  recorded  when  the  trail  makers  reached 


7.  Burlingame,  p.  543.     Granville  Stuart  in  The  Yellowstone  Expedition 
of  1863,  J 876,  Contributions,  Vol.  I,  pp.  187-188. 

8.  Ibid.,  p.  188. 


208  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

their  stopping  place,  but  on  July  1  a  train  was  being  assembled  on 
the  nearby  Oregon  Trail,  preparing  for  the  journey  to  Bannack. 
Bozeman  and  Jacobs  had  aroused  considerable  interest  among  the 
emigrants  on  the  trail  who  had  heard  much  of  the  rich  Grasshopper 
Creek  diggings,  and  they  were  anxious  to  get  started.9 

According  to  the  diary  of  Colonel  Samuel  Word,  he  left  St. 
Joseph,  Missouri  on  May  7,  186310,  and  reached  the  wagon  ren- 
dezvous just  in  time  to  join  the  train  which  moved  forward  about 
eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  July  6.  They  left  some  eight  miles 
above  Deer  Creek  and  set  out  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  hoping 
to  reach  Bannack  in  about  six  weeks.  After  starting,  five  other 
wagons  overtook  them,  making  a  total  wagon  force  of  46,  with  89 
men.  James  Brady,  of  Missouri,  was  chosen  Captain,  and  their 
three  guides  were  John  Jacobs,  Bozeman  and  Rafeil.  The  latter 
was  to  guide  them  to  the  Big  Horns  and  the  other  two  were  to 
take  over  at  that  point.11 

On  July  14,  the  train  reached  the  Dry  Fork  on  Powder  River, 
crossed  over,  and  pitched  camp.  They  found  the  water  clear  and 
pure,  with  plenty  of  cottonwoods  everywhere.  Game  was  also 
plentiful.  Four  days  later,  Crazy  Woman  Creek  was  reached 
where  camp  was  made  for  a  day.  Word  tells  of  a  clear  cold  stream 
from  which  a  mess  of  fish  was  caught.  But  an  early  start  was 
ordered  for  the  following  morning  since  the  guides  advised  that 
there  would  be  a  twenty-mile  trek  without  water.  Lodge  Pole 
Creek  [sic]  Clear  Creek,  was  reached  about  noon  on  the  20th, 
and  camp  was  made  at  a  location  near  the  present  site  of  Buffalo, 
Wyoming.12 

Up  to  that  time,  nothing  of  unusual  interest  had  been  happening 
except  a  marriage  which  had  taken  place  several  days  before. 
Both  Word,  in  his  diary,  and  James  Kirkpatrick  in  his  Reminis- 
cence of  John  Bozeman,  tell  about  it.  A  young  woman  who  left 
her  husband  on  the  Platte  was  married  to  a  young  man  named 
Beaumont,  by  John  Bozeman  who  had  absolutely  no  authority  to 
perform  such  a  ceremony.  He  was  not  a  preacher  or  an  officer 
of  any  kind,  but  when  the  parties  insisted  he  complied,  having 
Word  make  out  a  certificate  for  him.  But  regardless  of  the  irregu- 
larity of  the  proceeding,  some  of  the  matrons  were  urgently  of  the 
opinion  that  the  couple  should  have  been  joined  in  wedlock  long 
before,  thereby  ending  a  scandal  brazenly  prolonged.13 


9.  Burlingame,  p.  544. 

10.  Diary  of  Colonel  Samuel  Word,  Contributions  VIII,  p.  37. 

11.  Ibid.,  pp.  58-59. 

12.  Ibid.,  p.  66.    Burlingame,  p.  545. 

13.  James  Kirkpatrick,  A  Reminiscence  of  John  Bozeman,  State  Univer- 
sity of  Montana,  1920,  p.  5,  hereafter  cited  as  Kirkpatrick.  Word,  Contri- 
butions VIII,  p.  69.     Burlingame,  546. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  209 

Thus  far  on  the  journey  the  days  had  been  fine  and  conditions 
favorable.  Campfires  enlivened  the  nightly  scene  and  there  was 
always  accordian  and  violin  music,  as  well  as  songs  and  stories. 
To  further  while  away  pleasant  evening  hours,  Jacobs  usually  had 
a  fund  of  anecdotes  about  the  Bannack  mining  days,  and  he  told 
of  Indian  life  in  wigwams  of  the  Deer  Lodge.14  Bozeman,  a  fine 
looking  Georgian  of  somewhat  light  complexion,  was  not  as  voluble 
as  Jacobs,  but  was  described  by  Kirkpatrick  as  a  manly  fellow  in 
his  fine  suits  of  fringed  buckskin.1"' 

Among  the  various  noteworthy  happenings  while  the  train  was 
camped  on  Clear  Creek  was  the  appearance  of  a  large  bear,  com- 
ing out  of  a  clump  of  willows  close  by.  He  showed  up  just  at 
noon  spoiling  for  a  fight,  and  against  the  admonition  of  Bozeman 
a  number  of  the  men  flew  to  the  fray  with  lamentable  results. 
Before  Bruin  was  put  out  of  the  way  by  some  of  the  others  with 
more  prudence  and  less  assiduity,  he  had  caused  a  few  painful 
scratches  and  cuts.  Four  men  brought  him  into  camp  slung  on  a 
sapling.  A  grizzled  old  veteran  with  a  growth  of  gray  stubble  on 
his  chin,  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  chase,  was  presented  with 
a  claw,  Ed  Walters,  one  of  the  wounded,  with  a  tooth,  and  a  man 
named  Baker  got  the  hide.16 

After  the  bear  fortuity,  and  the  stock  had  been  brought  about 
in  preparation  for  moving  on,  a  large  band  of  mounted  Indians 
was  detected  on  the  slope  of  a  distance  ridge.  The  telescope  re- 
vealed that  they  were  well  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  a  few 
with  sawed-off  shotguns,  but  as  they  briskly  approached,  and 
finally  stopped  a  hundred  yards  away,  they  made  signs  of  peace  and 
good  will;  however,  by  that  time  the  camp  was  in  confusion.  With 
cautious  dispatch  the  stock  was  corraled  and  roped  in,  while  arms 
were  hurriedly  taken  up.  But  when  the  guides  found  squaws  in 
the  party,  which  assured  a  peaceful  attitude,  the  tension  was  re- 
laxed and  the  Indians  allowed  to  approach  for  a  parley.  There 
were  about  125  of  them,  who  promptly  squatted  around  a  wagon 
sheet  spread  nearby  on  the  ground.17 

The  women  of  the  train  thought  they  must  offer  a  feast  as  a 
token  of  friendship,  but  Bozeman  remonstrated  that  the  Indians 
would  accept  such  a  gesture  as  a  sign  of  fear.  He  was  right,  since 
no  sooner  had  the  dishes  been  laid  than  a  young  buck  scornfully 
spurred  his  horse  to  ride  over  the  spread.  In  the  anticipation  that 
something  of  this  kind  might  happen,  from  his  position  in  the  center 
of  the  corral  among  the  oxen,  Bozeman  drew  a  bead  on  the  rash 
young  savage.     However,  just  before  he  pulled  the  trigger  an  old 


14.  Kirkpatrick.  p.  4. 

15.  Ibid.,  p.  6. 

16.  Ibid.,  p.  6.     Word,  Contributions  VIII.  p.  67. 

17.  Ibid.,  pp.  5-6.    Word,  p.  67. 


210  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Chief  sprang  to  his  feet  and  saved  the  day  by  grabbing  the  bridle 
and  sitting  the  horse  on  his  haunches.  With  loud  and  caustic  re- 
monstrations  directed  toward  the  brave,  he  led  his  horse  out  of  the 
crowd  and  the  young  buck  was  dispatched  galloping  to  his  tepee 
over  the  hill.  Another  moment  might  have  meant  serious  conse- 
quences, with  the  train  in  inexorable  difficulty  with  all  the  Sioux 
and  Cheyennes  in  the  region. 

Dinner  being  over  and  enjoyed,  the  spokesman  for  the  Indians 
made  known  their  errand.  They  resolutely  explained  that  the 
territory  about  was  the  only  extensive  game  country  remaining  in 
the  entire  west,  and  that  a  wagon  road  through  it  would  mean 
disaster.  The  antelope  and  buffalo  would  be  driven  away,  and 
starvation  for  their  squaws  and  papooses  would  result.  The  train 
could  return  to  the  Platte  if  desired;  otherwise,  all  the  Sioux  and 
Cheyennes,  already  warned  by  nightly  signal  fires  on  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains,  would  collect  to  drive  it  back.1* 

Since  these  new  developments  would  require  private  consultation 
the  Indians  were  asked  to  retire  until  a  decision  could  be  reached. 
They  left  with  a  telescope  and  nine  bridles  concealed  under  their 
blankets,  besides  a  square  meal  which  they  had  well  enjoyed.  One 
young  man  was  left  behind  as  a  courier.111 

The  situation  was  reviewed  by  several  of  the  prominent  men. 
Bozeman  advised  going  through,  explaining  that  they  were  well 
armed,  could  travel  in  a  double  line  and  could  keep  strict  guard 
day  and  night.  He  rationalized  that  having  mostly  oxen,  a  stam- 
pede would  be  not  easy  and  one  could  be  stolen  which  would  mean 
a  great  advantage.  Jacobs  and  the  other  guides  concurred,  and 
Captain  Brady  urged  going  on  in  spite  of  the  risk  of  losing  his  four 
teams  and  valuable  outfit.20 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  Captain's  speech,  the  young  Indian 
came  forward  and  shook  his  hand.  He  confirmed  the  tradition  that 
his  people  admired  bravery  even  in  an  enemy.  However,  most  of 
the  men,  while  still  undecided,  seemed  to  favor  giving  up  the 
expedition  on  account  of  the  risk  to  their  families,  so  the  Indian 
courier  was  sent  back  with  the  message  that  a  decision  would  be 
reached  in  three  days.1'1  Immediately  upon  his  departure  it  was 
determined  to  dispatch  a  messenger  back  to  the  military  posts  along 
the  Platte  requesting  an  escort,  and  Lieutenant  William  Coleman 
volunteered  to  make  the  ride.  He  was  a  conspicuously  dependable 
young  man  much  liked  and  admired.  For  many  years  afterward 
he  was  a  prominent  resident  of  Deer  Lodge,  Montana.  Well 
mounted,  he  departed  at  midnight,  with  the  admonition  that  if  he 


18.  Ibid.,  p.  6.    Word,  pp.  66-67. 

19.  Ibid.,  p.  6.     Word,  p.  67. 

20.  Ibid.,  p.  6.     Word,  p.  67. 

21.  Kirkpatrick,  p.  6. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  211 

did  not  return  in  three  days  it  could  be  inferred  that  he  had  been 
captured  by  the  Indians.22 

At  the  expiration  of  a  long  and  anxious  three-day  wait,  when 
Coleman  had  not  returned,  John  Bozeman  offered  to  guide  all  who 
might  wish  to  proceed.  His  only  provision  was  that  there  must  be 
at  least  eight  wagons;  but  only  four  pulled  into  line.  The  remaining 
forty-one  had  already  drawn  up  in  the  direction  of  the  Platte,  when 
most  unexpectedly  the  brave  young  lieutenant  came  galloping  into 
camp  no  worse  for  his  adventurous  ride. 

However,  Coleman's  news  was  not  favorable.  There  would  be 
delays  among  the  military  men  since  permission  had  to  be  obtained 
from  Washington;  yet  a  company  of  soldiers  did  volunteer  to 
undertake  the  mission.  They  were  on  the  way  with  a  cannon  and 
supplies,  but  the  train  was  already  moving  in  the  direction  of  the 
Oregon  Trail  and  would  not  turn  back.-1''  This  did  not  include 
Bozeman.  He  had  organized  a  party  of  nine  horsemen  besides 
himself,  with  a  pack  animal,  to  continue  the  journey. 

The  party  left  the  train  at  midnight.  Considerable  research 
reveals  the  names  of  only  two  who  made  the  ride  with  Bozeman. 
They  were  George  W.  Irvin,  II,  later  a  prominent  citizen  of  Butte, 
Montana,  and  Mike  J.  Knock,  who  afterwards  became  engaged  in 
cabinet  making  and  gunsmith  work  in  Bozeman.24 

To  evade  the  Indians,  the  party  traveled  only  at  night,  but  the 
second  night  out,  the  pack  horse  stumbled  and  fell  into  a  deep 
ravine,  losing  all  the  supplies.  Instead  of  heading  north  from 
Clear  Creek,  as  appears  to  be  the  impression  in  some  quarters, 
the  party  took  a  westerly  route  over  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  from 
the  headwaters  of  Powder  River  into  the  Wind  River  country. 
But  before  turning  northward,  the  travelers  reached  a  point  south- 
west of  the  present  town  of  Thermopolis,  Wyoming.  The  way  was 
extremely  difficult,  with  utter  vexation  and  distress.  But  in  later 
years,  when  Irvin  was  recounting  the  ride,  he  remarked,  "There 
was  one,  however,  who  knew  no  such  word  as  fail.  It  was  John 
Bozeman.  He  succeeded  in  imparting  to  us  some  of  his  restless 
energy  and  inspiring  us  with  his  indomitable  courage.  The  march 
was  again  taken  up.,,2r' 

On  the  headwaters  of  Clark's  Fork  of  the  Yellowstone,  a  four- 
day  fast  was  ended  by  Bozeman  shooting  an  eagle.  The  bird  did 
little  to  appease  the  hunger  of  ten  men,  but  it  helped,  even  without 
salt.  Yet,  with  all  the  difficulties  and  hardships,  and  the  tiresome 
night  marches  through  an  unknown  and  unyielding  country,  there 
was  no  sickness,  no  casualty  of  any  importance,  and  little  com- 


22.  Ibid.,  pp.  6-7. 

23.  Ibid.,  p.  7. 

24.  Burlingame,  p.  546,  and  notes. 

25.  Ibid.,  p.  547,  and  notes. 


212  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

plaint.  When  the  Yellowstone  River  was  eventually  reached,  no 
Indians  had  been  encountered.  This  stream  was  followed  in  a 
westerly  direction  to  its  great  bend.  It  was  Irvin  who  named  the 
low  crest  of  the  divide  between  the  Yellowstone  and  Gallatin 
Valleys  the  Bozeman  Pass,  by  which  name  it  is  still  known. 

Irvin's  account  points  up  another  well-remembered  incident 
which  took  place  on  the  Three  Forks  of  the  Missouri,  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Gallatin,  the  Madison  and  Jefferson  rivers.  At  an 
angle  of  the  Gallatin,  the  party  came  upon  two  white  men  cooking 
a  meal,  who  at  first  thought  them  to  be  Indians.  After  being  con- 
vinced otherwise,  these  fellows  proved  to  be  friendly  and  hospit- 
able. The  smell  of  frying  bacon  was  too  much  for  the  voracious 
party,  and  in  a  very  short  time  each  member  had  made  a  meal  of 
the  rich  food.  During  the  night  and  following  morning  the  larder 
of  the  two  generous  gentlemen  was  cleaned,  and  of  necessity  they 
had  to  accompany  the  Bozeman  party  to  Alder  Gulch,  arriving 
early  in  August.26 

With  his  restless  energy  and  love  for  adventure,  Bozeman  could 
never  be  content  in  any  mining  camp.  Along  with  his  amiable  and 
generous  disposition,  this  handsome  200-pound  man  had  no  con- 
ception of  fear  and  never  knew  fatigue.  Not  the  least  discouraged 
with  the  failure  of  his  1863  expedition,  by  mid-winter  he  was 
attached  to  a  small  wagon  train  enroute  from  Virginia  City  to  Salt 
Lake  City.27  The  possession  of  over  $80,000  in  gold  dust  and 
treasury  notes  by  members  of  the  wagon  and  pack  train  was  known 
to  the  Virginia  City  road  agents,  then  at  their  height.  Constant 
vigilance,  a  foiled  hold-up,  and  a  long  dispute  over  the  spoils  ob- 
tained from  the  bandits,  furnished  entertainment  throughout  this 
journey.28 

John  Jacobs  returned  to  the  Platte  from  Clear  Creek  with  the 
short-lived  and  failing  expedition  of  1863,  and  later  showed  up  in 
Denver,  Colorado.29  And,  by  the  long  route,  Samuel  Word  with 
many  others  of  that  ill-fated  junket  finally  made  it  to  Bannack. 
Word  arrived  on  September  29,  1863,  seeming  to  be  greatly  disap- 
pointed with  the  shack  town  he  looked  upon.  In  his  diary  he 
describes  it  as  a  hard-looking  place  with  over  100  houses  or 
shanties  scattered  along  the  canyon,  but  with  grocery  stores,  baker- 
ies and  restaurants  all  doing  a  good  deal  of  business.30 

It  is  generally  accepted  that  the  Bozeman  Trail  started  from  Fort 
Laramie,  and  headed  northwesterly  along  the  Oregon  Trail  to  the 
Bridger  Crossing  of  the  Platte.     This  point  is  a  mile  and  a  half 


26.  Ibid.,  p.  547. 

27.  Ibid.,  pp.  547-548. 

28.  Ibid.,  p.  548. 

29.  Kirkpatrick,  p.  7. 

30.  Word,  Contributions  VIII,  p.  92. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  213 

south  of  Orin,  and  west  of  the  C.B.  &  Q.  Railroad  tracks.  From 
across  the  river  it  passed  the  location  where  Douglas  now  stands, 
and  where  Fort  Fetterman  was  established  in  1867.  From  there  it 
took  a  northwesterly  course  through  that  area  which  is  now  Con- 
verse County,  Wyoming,  passing  Brown's  Springs,  up  across  Sand 
Creek  to  Antelope  Springs,  to  a  point  on  the  Dry  Fork  of  Powder 
River,  later  to  become  well  known  as  the  Seventeen  Mile  Ranch. 
It  was  so  named  since  it  was  that  distance  down  Dry  Fork  to  its 
confluence  with  Powder  River,  the  location  of  the  Bozeman  Trail 
Crossing.  On  the  west  side  of  the  Crossing  the  trail  took  a  north- 
erly course  for  some  four  miles  to  a  point  where  Fort  Connor  was 
located  on  August  14,  1  865. 31  Two  miles  north  of  the  fort  the  trail 
veered  northwest  for  about  twenty  miles,  then  turn  almost  due 
north  to  Crazy  Woman  Creek. 

The  trail  reached  Crazy  Woman  Creek  from  a  high  hill  over- 
looking the  entire  valley.  It  came  down  this  hill  in  a  northeasterly 
direction  to  Dry  Fork,  which  it  crossed  at  the  extreme  east  end 
before  crossing  Crazy  Woman  Creek,  on  the  north  side  of  which 
was  a  favorite  camping  ground  for  the  emigrants. 

After  continuing  northwesterly  a  distance  of  some  five  miles, 
the  trail  turned  northward  and  kept  that  course  for  ten  miles  before 
changing  directions  slightly  to  the  northeast.  On  this  course  it 
reached  the  Big  Spring  after  a  march  of  four  or  five  miles,  which 
point  is  just  east  of  the  present  buildings  on  the  Cross  H  Ranch, 
and  some  three  or  four  hundred  yards  east  of  the  present  Highway 
87.  This  was  another  favorite  resting  place  for  the  emigrants, 
although  the  real  camping  ground  was  four  miles  northward  on 
Clear  Creek,  about  a  mile  east  of  Buffalo. 

From  Clear  Creek  the  Bozeman  trail  headed  northward  across 
the  present  Johnson  County  fair  grounds  to  a  point  on  Rock  Creek, 
about  two  miles  east  of  Highway  87,  when  it  turned  northwesterly 
for  a  distance  of  five  miles.  A  short  distance  west  of  the  present 
M  &  M  Ranch  house,  it  turned  north  again  and  followed  that 
course  from  Shell  Creek  west  of  both  Lake  DeSmet  and  Highway 
87  until  it  reached  a  cut  in  the  high  hills  just  south  of  Piney.  It 
went  through  this  cut,  which  is  only  a  short  distance  from  the  high- 
way, and  then  headed  westward  for  about  a  mile.  It  then  turned 
almost  due  north  to  a  point  where  it  crossed  Big  Piney  Creek. 
Before  the  crossing,  and  just  west  of  the  trail,  on  a  table  land  north 


31.  Renamed  Fort  Reno.  Vie  Willits,  (now  Garber)  The  Bozeman 
Trail,  University  of  Wyoming,  MS,  1908.  Hereafter  cited  as  Willits.  Hafen 
and  Young,  Fort  Laramie,  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  Glendale,  California. 
1938,  p.  351.  Fort  Connor  was  actually  rebuilt  in  the  summer  of  1866  on 
practically  the  same  location,  and  renamed  Fort  Reno.  This  fact  has  many 
times  been  confirmed  by  soldiers  stationed  there,  and  who  later  were  known 
to  the  writer. 


214  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

of  Little  Piney,  the  celebrated  Fort  Phil  Kearny  was  located  in  the 
summer  of  1866. 

The  Big  Piney  ford  was  about  one-fourth  of  a  mile  north  of  the 
present  Geier  Ranch  house,  and  from  there  the  trail  reached  the 
crest  of  the  hill.  After  reaching  high  ground,  it  kept  a  northwest- 
erly course  through  the  Prairie  Dog  country  along  what  is  now  the 
present  Highway  87,  finally  reaching  a  ford  on  Little  Goose  Creek 
near  Big  Horn  in  Sheridan  County.  It  crossed  Big  Goose  at 
Beckton,  then  up  through  Dayton  and  Ranchester  to  the  Gallatin 
Valley  in  Montana  past  Fort  C.  F.  Smith,  constructed  in  1866. 
From  the  Seventeen  Mile  Ranch,  the  Bozeman  Trail  traversed 
Johnson  County  diagonally  from  south  to  north,  as  well  as  Sheridan 
County.  The  greater  part  of  the  entire  trail  lay  in  what  is  now 
Wyoming.32 

From  early  in  1864,  many  emigrant  trains  steered  their  tedious 
way  from  points  east  over  the  Bozeman  Trail  into  Montana,  which 
became  a  territory  that  year.  Unfortunately,  few  of  these  convoys 
kept  any  records,  since  perhaps  their  treks  were  completed  without 
memorable  incident.  Yet,  a  few  diaries  were  kept,  and  one  of  them 
was  written  and  preserved  by  T.  J.  Brundage,  late  of  Farmersville, 
California.  In  July  of  1864,  Mr.  Brundage  and  his  brother 
George,  long  a  resident  of  Sheridan,  Wyoming,  came  through  on 
one  of  these  trains.  They  were  young  men  at  the  time  and  both 
became  important  citizens.  In  his  diary  Mr.  Brundage  wrote: 
"The  magnitude  of  our  train  was  369  men,  36  women,  56  children, 
1 50  wagons,  636  oxen,  194  cows,  79  horses  and  10  mules.  Valua- 
tion, $130,000.  The  train  could  shoot  1,641  times  without  re- 
loading."33 

While  little  may  have  been  recorded  about  a  number  of  the 
Montana  bound  convoys  of  1 864,  this  does  not  apply  to  the  Town- 
send  and  Coffinbury  trains.  These  took  to  the  Bozeman  Trail  in 
July  of  that  year,  and  the  difference  may  have  been  that  they  had 
experiences  worth  remembering.  This  is  particularly  true  of  Cap- 
tain Townsend's  train,   also  one  of    150  wagons,34   with   a  gun 


32.  Willits.  Hebard  and  Brininstool,  The  Bozeman  Trail,  The  Arthur 
H.  Clark  Company,  Cleveland,  1922.  p.  120,  hereafter  cited  as  Hebard 
and  Brininstool.  This  is  a  map  prepared  by  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  show- 
ing the  trail  to  have  started  at  Fort  Sedgwick.  Yearly  maps  of  the  Wyoming 
State  Highway  Department  always  show  the  course  of  the  trail  through 
Wyoming.  As  few  as  thirty  years  ago  the  ruts  on  the  Bozeman  were 
plainly  visible  at  intervals  along  the  entire  trail,  and  could  easily  be  followed, 
which  the  writer  has  done. 

33.  Hebard  and  Brininstool,  p.  22  and  note  p.  57.     Willits. 

34.  David  B.  Weaver,  Captain  Townsend's  Battle  on  The  Powder  River, 
Contributions  VIII,  p.  289  (attributed  to  Mrs.  W.  J.  Beall),  hereafter  cited 
as  Weaver. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL.  215 

strength  of  1,900  shots  without  reloading.'5  These  included  the 
shots  from  a  number  of  Henry  rifles  owned  by  several  members  of 
the  train. 36  The  Henry  was  a  16-shot  lever-action  repeater  with  a 
tubular  magazine  below  the  barrel.  It  was  patented  in  1  860  and 
manufacture  was  commenced  in  1861.  By  1862  the  Henry  was 
well  into  production,  and  in  1 864  it  was  beginning  to  find  its  way 
to  the  frontier.  The  barrel  and  magazine  tube  of  this  rifle  extended 
back  a  few  inches  behind  the  muzzle,  and  the  magazine  swung 
down  for  loading.  Cartridges  were  pushed  forward  for  feeding  by 
a  coil  spring  inside  the  tube.  Protruding  through  the  slit  in  the 
bottom  of  the  tube  near  the  receiver  was  a  thumb  latch  attached 
to  the  spring.  To  load  it  was  only  necessary  to  push  the  latch 
forward,  which  compressed  the  spring  in  the  forward  section  of 
the  tube.  Swinging  this  section  open  the  cartridge  dropped  down 
the  tube  base  first.  The  receiver  of  the  Henry  was  made  of  brass. 
As  long  as  the  weak  .44-caliber  rim-fire  cartridges  were  used,  brass 
was  satisfactory.     It  was  an  expensive  metal  but  easy  to  work. 

Compared  to  modern  fire  arms  the  Henry  did  not  have  a  long 
range,  but  at  short  distances  it  was  accurate  and  effective.  At 
least,  it  was  a  decided  improvement  over  the  old  muzzle-loaders 
still  in  common  use.  In  1 864  the  only  other  firearm  to  compare 
with  it  was  the  Spencer.  It,  too,  was  a  repeater.  The  stock  con- 
tained a  seven-shot  tubular  magazine.  It  was  an  arm  popular 
among  the  Union  troops  during  the  latter  portion  of  the  Civil  War 
and  later,  but  the  Henry  appeared  to  be  far  more  popular  on  the 
frontier.''7 

David  B.  Weaver,  Mrs.  W.  J.  Beall,  a  long  time  resident  of  Boze- 
man,  Montana:HS,  and  E.  O.  Railsback39,  late  of  Billings,  Montana, 
were  the  chief  collaborators  regarding  the  Townsend  Train.  They 
did  not  say  how  many  Henry  rifles  were  on  hand,  but  said  that  they 
did  go  far  in  saving  the  day  for  the  convoy  before  it  reached  its 
destination.  Mrs.  BealFs  account  of  the  journey  was  given  in 
191 1.40  She  was  a  young  woman  in  1864,  and  Mr.  Railsback  was 
a  small  boy  of  five;  but  as  late  as  1940  he  had  a  clear  recollection 
of  his  experiences  on  the  way  to  Montana.  His  story  appears  in 
the  November-December,   1940,  number  of  Old  Travois  Trails.^ 

The  Townsend  Train  was  assembled  at  the  Reshaw  Bridge  near 
the  present  town  of  Evansville,  Wyoming.     The  Railsback  wagon 


35.  E.  O.  Railsback,  "The  Townsend  Train".  Old  Travois  Trails,  Powder 
River  Number,  November-December,  1940,  hereafter  cited  as  Railsback. 

36.  Contributions  VIII,  p.  291. 

37.  James  E.  Serven,  "The  Arrival  of  Cartridge  Guns,"  Cans  Magazine, 
March,  1964,  p.  23. 

38.  Contributions,  p.  283. 

39.  Railsback,  p.  13. 

40.  Weaver.     Contributions  VIII,  p.  288. 

41.  Railsback,  pp.  13-16. 


216  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

came  all  the  way  from  a  place  below  Ottumwa,  Iowa,  leaving  there 
on  April  19,  1864.42  Another  ox  team  owned  by  George  Gibbony, 
a  native  of  Philadelphia,  and  his  partner,  Isaac  Best,  came  from 
Lynn  County,  Iowa.  Mr.  Gibbony  later  recalled  many  of  the 
events  incident  to  the  Townsend  Train  while  it  made  its  way  north- 
ward to  the  Gallatin  Valley  in  Montana.4* 

All  three  collaborators  remember  the  various  Townsend  Train 
happenings  very  much  the  same,  differing  only  in  minor  details. 
The  convoy  started  from  the  Reshaw  Bridge  in  the  latter  part  of 
June,  1864,  and  reached  Powder  River  at  its  Dry  Fork  crossing  on 
July  3.  Camp  was  pitched  near  there  on  the  west  side  with  the 
intention  of  remaining  several  days  to  recuperate  the  horses  and 
cattle.  Time  would  also  be  provided  for  the  women  of  the  train 
to  bake  bread  and  put  out  the  family  washing.  In  the  evening  of 
the  following  day,  being  July  4th,  the  men  staged  a  celebration, 
firing  in  unison  every  muzzle-loading  gun  and  revolver  in  camp. 
This  also  afforded  an  opportunity  to  reload  with  fresh  charges  in 
the  event  of  an  Indian  attack.44 

On  the  evening  of  the  8th,  while  preparations  were  being  made 
for  an  early  hook-up  and  departure  the  following  morning,  orders 
were  issued  that  the  train  would  make  a  short  march  and  pitch  a 
new  camp  that  night.  This  move  was  deemed  necessary  to  prevent 
a  possible  Indian  attack,  and  was  ordered  by  Captain  Townsend 
upon  the  advice  of  Mitch  Bouier  and  John  Richards,  the  two 
guides.  The  convoy  was  piloted  northwestward  up  a  stream  now 
known  as  Soldier  Creek,  a  distance  of  about  three  miles,  to  a 
cottonwood  grove.  At  this  location  the  new  camp  was  set  up,  but 
the  wagons  were  not  corraled  and  the  stock  was  turned  out  to  graze. 

During  the  summer  of  1939  E.  O.  Railsback  returned  to  the 
Dry  Creek  crossing  with  George  G.  Oster  of  Billings,  Montana. 
With  the  assistance  of  the  late  Harvey  Turk  of  Kaycee,  Wyoming, 
he  was  able  to  locate  and  identify  the  site  of  the  Townsend  Train 
camp  of  July  9,  1864.  On  July  7,  1940,  he  visited  the  spot  again 
in  company  with  George  G.  Oster  and  Charles  D.  Schreibeis,  editor 
of  Old  Travois  Trails.  At  that  time,  in  some  detail,  he  narrated 
the  events  of  a  battle  the  Townsend  Train  had  with  the  Indians 
commencing  on  the  morning  of  July  9,  1864. 

With  the  Train  there  were  two  brothers  whose  cow  had  not  been 
located  on  the  8th,  and  on  the  following  morning  one  of  them 
returned  to  their  Powder  River  crossing  camp  to  look  for  her.    Mr. 


42.  Ibid.,  p.  13. 

43.  Weaver,  Contributions  VIII,  p.  287. 

44.  Weaver,  Contributions  VIII,  p.  288.  Railsback,  p.  14.  The  above 
citation  from  the  Weaver  article  is  Mrs.  W.  J.  Beall's  story  on  Captain 
Townsend's  battle  with  the  Indians,  but  does  not  contain  any  reference  to 
the  July  4th  celebration  mentioned  in  the  Railsback  article. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  217 

Railsback  remembers  that  this  man's  name  was  Mills.  After  his 
departure,  breakfast  over,  the  cattle  fed,  and  the  train  assembled 
in  the  line  of  march,  a  man  who  had  strolled  ahead  came  rushing 
back  to  report  the  approach  of  a  large  party  of  mounted  Indians. 
With  this,  orders  were  given  to  corral  at  once,  and  to  place  the  train 
in  a  defensive  position.  In  the  meantime  the  Indians  discovered 
that  they  had  been  observed.  Years  later  Gibbony  reported  that 
with  the  aid  of  field  glasses  it  could  be  observed  how  the  Indians 
had  concealed  their  ponies  in  a  distant  pine  grove,4"'  but  returned 
and  mounted  v/hen  seen. 

As  the  Indains  approached,  Captain  Townsend  sent  Bouier  and 
Richards  out  for  a  parley.  They  soon  returned  and  reported  that 
the  Indians  wanted  something  to  eat,  which  was  provided.  They 
further  reported  that  they  were  on  their  way  to  the  Crow  country 
to  recapture  some  stolen  horses,  and  asked  permission  to  travel 
along  with  the  train.  This,  however,  was  refused  upon  the  advice 
of  Bouier  who  maintained  that  an  Indian  could  never  be  trusted. 
The  visitors  then  suggested  that  the  wagon  train  should  move  out, 
but  this  also  was  refused.  The  guides  warned  that  it  would  then 
be  the  intention  of  the  Indians  to  stampede  the  cattle  once  the 
train  was  in  motion,  thereby  rendering  the  convoy  helpless  to  pro- 
ceed. Later  events  showed  that  the  guides  were  sound  in  their 
judgement. 

Since  several  shots  had  been  heard  just  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Indians  there  was  grave  concern  about  the  safety  of  the  old  man 
who  had  returned  to  find  the  cow.  At  once  a  posse  of  several 
mounted  men  started  out  to  look  for  him.  With  this  the  Indians 
threw  down  the  food  they  were  eating  and  cut  off  the  whites  from 
the  train.  This  gesture  provoked  a  hand-to-hand  fight  in  which 
several  Indians  were  killed,  and  the  severe  wounding  of  one  of  the 
whites. 

When  the  red  men  found  out  that  they  were  outclassed,  they 
hurriedly  set  out  for  a  high  point  and  commenced  shooting  at  the 
train.  Some  were  equipped  with  firearms  while  others  had  only 
the  bow  and  arrow,  but  little  damage  was  done  since  they  were  too 
soon  out  of  range.  When  reaching  the  high  ground  the  visitors 
proceeded  to  reassemble  and  made  several  running  attacks  on  the 
wagon  train,  only  to  be  quickly  repulsed  and  turned  back  from  the 
fire  of  the  men  with  the  Henry  rifles.  It  did  not  take  the  Indians 
long  to  discover  that  these  weapons  not  only  far  out  matched  their 
old  muzzle  loaders,  but  they  also  had  a  much  greater  range. 

When  the  visitors  found  they  could  not  dislodge  the  train  by 
open  attack,  they  attempted  to  stampede  the  draft   animals  by 


45.  Ibid.  Weaver,  pp.  288-289.  Railsback,  pp.  13-16.  Cottonwood 
trees  have  always  grown  along  Powder  River  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Townsend 
camp  of  July  9,  1864. 


218  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

setting  fire  to  the  long  grass  surrounding  the  camp.  With  this 
Captain  Townsend  ordered  his  men  to  take  shovels  and  make  a 
hollow  trench  around  the  wagons.  He  also  requested  the  emi- 
grants who  had  wash  tubs  to  fill  them  with  water  and  stand  ready  to 
assist  should  that  be  required.  Although  attempts  to  fire  the  camp 
were  not  successful,  the  Indians  kept  up  their  running  attacks  until 
4:00  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  making  a  long  day,  since  the  battle 
started  at  9:00  o'clock  that  morning.  Although  Mr.  Railsback  was 
not  six  years  old  at  the  time  of  the  battle,  he  had  a  clear  recollection 
of  the  occasion.  He  could  remember  seeing  the  Indians  coming  in 
sight  from  time  to  time,  and  how  his  mother,  standing  on  a  wagon 
wheel  watching  them,  was  almost  struck  by  one  of  their  bullets. 
It  lodged  in  a  cottonwood  tree  just  behind  her  head. 

After  the  Reds  had  finally  retreated  over  the  hills,  it  was  found 
that  four  members  of  the  train  had  been  killed.  There  is  some 
confusion  as  to  the  exact  number  who  had  lost  their  lives,  but  from 
all  accounts  four  appears  to  be  accurate.  These  included  a  man 
who  had  been  walking  ahead  of  the  train,  one  who  had  been  hunt- 
ing, and  the  one  wounded  at  the  wagons  during  the  fray.  Three 
who  had  died  on  the  day  of  the  battle  were  buried  near  the  camp. 
They  were  Frank  Huddlemeyer,  and  A.  Warren,  of  Missouri,  but 
the  third  could  not  be  remembered.  The  body  of  the  man  who 
had  gone  in  search  of  his  cow  was  never  found.40  It  was  later 
learned  that  he  had  been  murdered  and  scalped. 

After  the  Indians  had  crossed  the  ridge  the  whites  counted  six- 
teen riderless  ponies.  It  was  never  exactly  known  how  many  In- 
dians had  been  killed  by  the  Townsend  men  since  the  Reds  quickly 
removed  their  dead  and  wounded.  However,  it  was  later  learned 
through  the  Crows  that  thirteen  had  been  killed,  aside  from  the 
wounded.47 

David  B.  Weaver,  a  pioneer  of  Montana,  came  to  Montana 
Territory  in  1864  and  added  an  interesting  chapter  about  Captain 
Townsend's  battle  on  Powder  River.  Weaver  arrived  at  the 
Reshaw  bridge  on  July  6,  1 864,  only  to  learn  that  the  Townsend 
Train  had  departed  a  few  days  earlier.  Since  their  train  consisted 
of  only  1 7  wagons,  which  had  traveled  together  from  Fort  Laramie, 
it  was  considered  advisable  not  to  enter  the  Sioux  country  without 
a  larger  delegation.  Hence,  the  Weaver  party  remained  at  the 
bridge  until  July  17,  when  68  wagons  had  assembled.  A  train  was 
then  regularly  organized  under  the  leadership  of  Captain  Cyrus  C. 
Coffinbury,  and  moved  out  over  the  Bozeman  Trail.  On  July  22 
it  reached  Powder  River,  which  it  forded  at  the  Dry  Fork  crossing 


46.  Weaver,  Contributions  VIII,  p.  284,  and  note  1,  same  page. 

47.  Ibid.,  p.  292.    In  the  Railsback  article,  the  claim  is  made  that  sixteen 
riderless  Indian  ponies  were  counted  after  the  battle. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL 


119 


and  pitched  camp  at  the  Townsend  camping  ground  on  the  west 
side.  On  this  location  they  learned  that  Captain  Townsend  had 
abandoned  the  Bozeman  Trail  and  traveled  northwestward  up  the 
small  stream  now  known  as  Soldier  Creek. 

At  first  Captain  Coffinbury  did  not  understand  why  Townsend 
had  not  followed  the  Bozeman  Trail  down  Powder  River,  but 
considered  it  expedient  to  take  this  route.  He  believed  there  must 
have  been  some  good  reason  for  the  change  of  course,  and  learned 
it  the  instant  his  train  reached  the  Cottonwood  grove  where  Cap- 
tain Townsend  had  camped  and  fought  the  Reds.  Even  then  there 
was  much  evidence  of  a  prolonged  Indian  battle.  While  the 
wagons  were  going  into  corral,  Mr.  Weaver  took  a  stroll  about 
and  instantly  was  attracted  by  a  number  of  arrows  scattered  around 
in  the  grass.  There  were  a  dozen  or  more  of  them  tipped  with 
steel  heads.  This  he  knew  was  unusual  since  the  Indians  found 
such  metal  hard  to  come  by  and  prized  such  arrows  very  highly. 
It  could  easily  be  deducted  that  the  red  men  had  departed  the  area 
under  great  stress.  The  arrow  tips  appeared  to  have  been  made 
from  steel  barrel  hoops  or  pails,  and  by  primitive  methods  great 
labor  had  been  exerted  to  fashion  them.  And,  it  was  well  known 
that  tedious  effort  was  never  a  part  of  the  Indian  liking.  If  it 
had  been  possible,  these  arrows  would  have  been  carefully  gath- 
ered. 

While  observing  the  arrows,  Mr.  Weaver's  attention  was  attract- 
ed to  another  man  somewhat  in  advance  of  him  who  had  picked  up 
a  dark  object  from  a  scrub  pine.     It  looked  somewhat  like  a  dead 


MRS.  W.  J.  BEALL 


DAVID  B.  WEAVER 

Courtesy  Montana  Historical  Society 


220  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

crow.  The  man  made  the  error  of  bringing  it  into  camp  without 
first  reporting  his  find  to  Captain  Coffinbury,  since  it  turned  out 
to  be  the  scalp  of  a  white  man.  Great  excitement  prevailed, 
especially  among  the  women  and  children.  On  the  train  there 
were  twelve  or  fifteen  families,  and  among  them  there  was  a  state 
of  terror,  near  panic.  When  the  excitement  had  died  down,  further 
evidence  of  a  conflict  was  found.  At  the  lower  end  of  the  corral 
there  was  a  large  cottonwood  on  which  one  of  Captain  Townsend's 
men  had  blazed  the  surface  and  enscribed:  "Captain  Townsend 
had  a  fight  here  with  the  Indians  July  9,  1864."48 

The  following  morning,  which  was  July  23,  just  after  the  train 
had  pulled  out,  it  came  upon  the  graves  of  the  Townsend  men. 
The  markers  had  been  pulled  down  and  the  graves  opened,  leaving 
evidence  that  wolves  had  dug  them  up.  Before  passing  on,  three 
naked  bodies  were  reburied  by  the  Coffinbury  men.  Years  later 
when  Mr.  Weaver  was  retelling  pioneer  times  with  Mrs.  W.  J. 
Beall,  he  learned  that  these  men  had  been  buried  fully  clothed  in 
their  blankets.  It  was  then  realized  that  the  Indians  had  exhumed 
the  remains  for  their  clothing  and  blankets.49 

From  a  statement  by  E.  O.  Railsback  in  his  article  on  the  Town- 
send  Train,  it  may  be  learned  that  this  convoy  reached  the  Gallatin 
Valley  on  August  19,  1864.5"  Six  days  later  the  Coffinbury  Train 
reached  its  destination.  According  to  David  B.  Weaver,  they 
reached  Powder  River  on  July  22,  1864,  and  the  Tongue  River 
on  July  29,  which  was  172  miles  from  the  Platte.  On  August  4 
they  made  camp  on  the  Big  Horn,  234  miles  from  the  Platte,  and 
on  August  14  reached  the  Yellowstone,  which  they  followed  to 
the  crossing.  This  was  gained  on  August  23.  On  the  westerly  side 
of  the  river  a  stop  was  made  at  the  first  Canyon  about  150  miles 
above  the  point  where  the  train  struck  the  river.  They  came  to 
this  point  on  August  25,  1864,51  and  to  Emigrant  Gulch  on  August 
2752,  where  Mr.  Weaver  and  a  few  others  remained. 

After  the  Coffinbury  Train  reached  its  destination,  the  scalp 
found  on  the  scrub  pine  July  22  was  exhibited  in  Virginia  City. 


48.  Ibid.,  pp.  283-292.  (Contains  Mrs.  W.  J.  Beall's  account,  pp.  288- 
292).  There  is  also  an  account  of  Captain  Townsend's  battle  on  Powder 
River  by  John  K.  Standish,  in  The  Billings  Gazette,  Sunday,  January  8, 
1933. 

49.  Ibid.,  p.  287,  note  2.     Hebard  and  Brininstool,  p.  226. 

50.  Railsback,  p.  13. 

51.  David  B.  Weaver,  Earlv  Days  in  Emigrant  Gulch,  Contributions  VII, 
p.  76. 

52.  Hebard  and  Brininstool,  pp.  1-227.  The  fact  that  it  took  the  Town- 
send  Train  a  few  days  longer  to  arrive  at  its  destination  than  it  did  the 
Coffinbury  has  never  been  explained,  but  there  may  have  been  a  number  of 
reasons.  The  Townsend  Train  was  more  than  twice  the  size  of  the  Coffin- 
bury and  thereby  not  as  mobile.  Also,  the  destinations  of  the  two  trains 
differed  and  weather  conditions  could  have  played  a  major  part. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  221 

There  it  was  immediately  recognized  by  the  surviving  brother  of 
the  old  man  who  had  returned  to  the  Townsend  camp  on  Powder 
River  in  search  of  a  cow.  As  soon  as  he  saw  it  he  exclaimed: 
"That  is  my  brother's  hair!"53 

One  of  those  who  piloted  a  train  northward  over  the  Bozeman 
Trail  in  1864  was  the  Trailmaker  himself.  It  appears  to  be  well 
accepted  that  during  the  spring  of  that  year  Bozeman  went  as  far 
east  as  the  Missouri  to  arrange  with  all  the  emigrants  he  could 
interest,  to  follow  him  to  the  Montana  gold  fields.  Evidence  of 
the  number  he  assembled,  and  of  his  arrival  at  the  various  points,  is 
incomplete  and  fragmentary,  although  some  guidance  may  be 
found.  Albert  J.  Dickerson,  in  his  Covered  Wagon  Days,  gives  an 
indication  of  the  time  Bozeman  left  the  Oregon  Trail.  Camped 
near  Fort  Laramie  early  in  July,  Dickson,  a  member  of  the  Dickson 
party,  comments: 

As  I  was  strolling  along  the  road  a  little  way  north  of  camp  I  came 
upon  another  note  from  the  Phillips  boys.  It  was  dated  a  week  earlier 
and  stated  a  man  named  Bozeman  was  gathering  up  a  train  for  the 
purpose  of  laying  out  a  new  road  to  Virginia  City  by  way  of  the  east 
side  of  the  Big  Horns,  and  that  they  were  going  to  try  to  get  in  with 
them.  The  note  was  eagerly  read  at  camp  and  the  hope  was  expressed 
that  we  might  be  able  to  overtake  the  Bozeman  party. 

Shortly  afterwards  another  report  on  the  Bozeman  Trail  was  found 
by  Dickson: 

The  next  day,  July  7,  about  the  middle  of  the  forenoon  as  we  were 
passing  over  the  ground  where  Douglas  now  stands,  we  noted  the 
deep  imprint  of  wagon  wheels  turning  due  north  at  right  angles  to  the 
trail.  Beside  the  road  at  our  left  was  another  note  on  a  cleft  stick 
from  the  Phillips  brothers,  stating  that  they  were  going  with  Bozeman 
by  the  new  route  that  he  was  laying  out  to  Virginia  City.  .  .  .  The 
message  bore  the  date  of  July  l.54 

The  most  direct  statement  as  to  the  time  the  Bozeman  Train 
arrived  comes  from  John  L.  Sweeney,  who  when  writing  his  record 
in  1899  for  the  Society  of  Pioneers  of  Montana  Pioneers,  said: 
"Place  of  departure  for  Montana,  Ohio;  route  traveled,  the  Boze- 
man Route;  came  with  James  [sic]  M.  Bozeman's  first  train  and 
helped  make  the  road;  arrived  at  Virginia  City,  August  3rd,  1 864/' 

This  date  has  not  been  confirmed  by  Mrs.  W.  J.  Beall  in  her 
reminiscences  in  the  Bozeman  Courier  July  8,  1814.     She  wrote: 

In  the  forepart  of  July,  1864,  W.  J.  Beall  and  D.  E.  Rouse  were 
returning  from  Virginia  City,  where  they  had  marketed  their  crop  of 
potatoes  and  other  vegetables,  receiving  40  cents  a  pound  for  same, 
they  met  John  M.  Bozeman,  whom  they  had  known  in  1863  and  who 
had  returned  east  that  fall.     He  told  them  he  was  piloting  an  emigrant 


53.  Weaver,  p.  293. 

54.  Burlingame,  pp.  549-550. 


222  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

train  from  the  east  over  what  is  now  known  as  the  Bozeman  cutoff. 
He  advised  them  to  come  and  take  up  land  and  start  a  town  on  the 
location  now  known  as  Bozeman.  He  asked  them  to  locate  a  claim 
for  him,  which  they  did.55 

With  no  more  information  than  she  gives,  Mrs.  Beall's  statement 
is  confusing,  particularly  as  to  time,  which  seems  to  be  early. 
Also,  if  W.  J.  Beall  knew  John  M.  Bozeman  in  1863  it  would 
appear  certain  that  he  did  not  reach  Montana  with  the  Townsend 
Train  as  did  Mrs.  Beall.  Moreover,  he  could  not  have  raised 
potatoes  and  other  vegetables  for  market  early  in  July  if  he  had 
arrived  that  month. 

W.  J.  Beall  was  Mrs.  BealFs  second  husband,  whom  she  married 
in  November  of  1868.  At  the  time  of  her  journey  across  the  plains 
with  the  Townsend  Train,  she  came  with  her  first  husband,  A.  H. 
Van  Vlierden,  and  their  two  children.56  It  is  quite  certain  that 
Mrs.  Beall  was  not  in  Virginia  City  the  forepart  of  July,  1864,  and 
that  her  information  of  those  days  came  from  a  different  source. 
On  another  occasion  she  commented:  "At  the  time  of  my  arrival 
in  the  future  city,  John  M.  Bozeman  had  gone  to  Virginia  City, 
and  his  train  came  after  that  date,  August  1,  1864."  Mrs.  Beall 
did  not  say  that  she  was  in  Bozeman  (the  future  city)  on  the  last 
mentioned  date,  and  it  could  have  been  that  the  Bozeman  Train 
did  not  arrive  for  some  days.  It  appears  well  settled  that  Bozeman 
himself  came  in  ahead  of  his  train.  At  all  events,  if  the  Bozeman 
Train  had  not  reached  Powder  River  by  July  1,  1 864,  it  would  have 
been  traveling  very  fast  to  have  entered  Virginia  City  by  August  3, 
1864.  His  time  would  have  been  much  faster  than  that  made  by 
either  the  Townsend  or  the  Coffinbury  trains,  each  taking  well 
over  a  month  from  Powder  River  to  their  respective  destinations 
in  Montana.  And,  there  is  no  evidence  that  Bozeman  passed  the 
Townsend  Train  along  the  way.  To  have  reached  Virginia  City 
the  forepart  of  August  he  undoubtedly  crossed  Powder  River  a 
few  days  ahead  of  Captain  Townsend. 

While  the  exact  time  of  Bozeman's  arrival  may  be  a  matter  of 
some  speculation,  it  is  certain  that  the  Bridger  and  Jacobs  trains 
over  the  Big  Horn  Basin  route  came  in  a  month  earlier.  The  diary 
of  Cornelius  Hedges,  which  remained  in  the  possession  of  his 
descendants  until  1936,  provides  an  excellent  account  of  the  trains 
piloted  by  James  Bridger  and  John  M.  Jacobs.  William  W.  Ander- 
son, a  member  of  the  Jacobs  party,  mentions  the  time  of  arrival 


55.  Ibid.,  p.  551,  and  note,  p.  30. 

56.  Confirmed  by  a  letter  from  the  Montana  Historical  Society  dated 
June  5,  1964.  After  reaching  Montana,  unfortunate  differences  arose  be- 
tween the  Van  Vlierdens,  causing  a  divorce  in  the  fall  of  1867.  The  two 
children,  Lola  and  Minnie,  were  taken  by  their  father  from  the  home  of  a 
friend  to  some  place  in  the  east.  After  that  Mrs.  Beall  never  saw  them 
again.    They  died  in  childhood. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  223 

of  these  trains  as  being  early  in  July,  1864,  leaving  the  Oregon 
Trail  on  June  7  of  that  year.  They  kept  very  close  together, 
although  Jacobs  came  in  ahead  of  Bridger. 

The  Hedges  diary  reopens  the  question  of  the  relation  between 
Jacobs  and  Bozeman.  The  opinion  has  usually  been  expressed 
that  Jacobs  did  not  receive  sufficient  credit  for  his  part  in  the 
opening  of  the  new  trail  to  Montana;  but,  there  has  also  been  an 
impression  that  these  two  trailmakers  were  still  working  together. 
Those  who  hold  this  view  believe  that  Jacobs  was  testing  the  Big 
Horn  Basin  route  for  the  team. 

For  one  thing,  the  fact  that  Bridger  arrived  at  Virginia  City  a 
month  before  Bozeman  disposes  of  the  widely  accepted  dramatic 
story  that  these  leaders  were  racing  neck  and  neck  on  their  respec- 
tive routes  with  Bridger  having  a  head  start  on  Bozeman.  Along 
the  Oregon  Trail  they  did  vie  with  each  other  as  to  which  had  the 
best  route,  but  it  went  no  further  than  that.  Bridger  claimed  that 
the  Big  Horn  route  was  shorter  by  a  hundred  miles,  and  was  more 
secure  from  Indian  attacks.  Bozeman  maintained  that  his  route 
was  easier  to  travel,  and  because  of  a  wider  spread  of  individual 
trails  it  would  sustain  a  much  larger  travel  throughout  the  year  with 
more  grass  available.  He  put  forth  the  argument  that  the  narrow 
Big  Horn  route  failed  to  have  these  advantages.  But  the  old  story 
of  the  two  men  taking  their  trains  from  the  Oregon  Trail,  "Bridger 
with  several  weeks1  start, "n  of  Bozeman  who  reached  the  Gallatin 
Valley  ahead  of  Bridger,  and  the  two  leaders  racing  across  the 
intervening  divide  to  Virginia  City,  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as 
authentic.  The  account  is  thrilling,  and  it  makes  a  good  story, 
but  is  inaccurate.  This  represents  the  thinking  of  the  writers  who 
have  given  the  most  intensive  study  to  the  Bozeman  Trail. 

Whatever  interest  Bozeman  may  have  had  in  the  arrival  of 
emigrant  trains  over  his  route  during  the  summer  of  1  864,  is  not 
clear  since  he  had  become  prominent  in  the  establishment  of  the 
town  which  bears  his  name.  When  he  asked  W.  J.  Beall  and  D.  E. 
Rouse  to  lay  out  a  townsite  in  the  Upper  Gallatin  Valley  near  the 
passes  which  lead  to  the  Yellowstone,  he  apparently  had  become 
impressed  with  the  agricultural  possibilities  there.  Beall  and 
Rouse  operated  a  ranch  near  the  Three  Forks. 

Accordingly,  on  August  9,  1  864,  a  meeting  was  held  at  Jacob's 
Crossing  by  the  settlers  of  Upper  East  Gallatin  for  the  purpose  of 
laying  out  the  new  town.  John  M.  Bozeman  was  elected  chairman 
and  W.  W.  Anderson  secretary.  After  the  chairman  had  stated 
the  object  of  the  meeting  it  was  first  resolved  that  the  town  and 
district  would  be  called  Bozeman.  John  M.  Bozeman  was  then 
elected  recorder,  and  the  sum  of  one  dollar  made  the  fee  for  re- 
cording a  claim.  Anderson,  who  had  become  a  leader  in  the  little 
settlement,  and  was  closely  associated  with  Bozeman,  often  recalled 
his  first  entrance  into  the  new  city: 


224  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Not  a  fence  pole,  not  a  log  house  was  there  in  sight  to  designate  the 
future  city  of  Bozeman.  After  looking  around,  however,  for  a  few 
moments,  we  noticed  a  small  wedge-tent  constructed  out  of  wagon 
covers,  and  after  a  little  careful  inspection  we  found  a  lonesome  occu- 
pant in  the  person  of  W.  J.  Beall.  To  our  "Pilgrim"  inquiries  he  in- 
formed us  that  he  was  patiently  waiting  for  the  return  of  D.  E.  Rouse 
with  "grub"  from  their  ranch;  that  John  M.  Bozeman  was  piloting  an 
emigrant  train  through  from  the  Platte  via  the  Powder  River,  Clark's 
Fork  and  the  Yellowstone. 

Although  Bozeman  sold  his  property  in  town  and  took  up  farm- 
ing on  a  claim  he  still  retained,  his  interest  in  the  little  city  remained 
vital  and  animated.  Actually,  it  remained  more  important  to  him 
than  farming,  since  his  way  of  life  ever  continued  to  be  transitory 
and  his  interests  ephemeral.  To  relieve  the  monotony  of  farm  life 
he  made  various  trips  to  Virginia  City  on  which  he  carried  the 
mail  back  and  forth.  For  this  service  he  charged  fifty  cents  for 
each  piece  delivered,  thereby  making  the  journey  not  only  pleasant 
but  profitable.  Such  an  operation  was  well  suited  to  a  man  of 
Bozeman's  varied  characteristics.  As  an  indication  of  his  activity 
in  fostering  the  new  town,  a  reminiscense  comes  from  W.  J.  Davies, 
later  of  Bridger,  Montana.  He  recalled  that  when  his  emigrant 
party  arrived  in  the  valley  on  August  18,  1864,  it  camped  near  the 
few  houses  which  marked  the  town  site.  The  camp  was  visited 
the  next  morning,  according  to  Davies. 

by  Mr.  Elliott  Rouse  and  John  Bozeman,  who  told  us  of  wonderful 
townsite  they  had  discovered;  and  they  spoke  eloquently  of  its  many 
advantages;  its  water  privileges,  and  its  standing  right  in  the  gate  of 
the  mountains  ready  to  swallow  up  all  tenderfeet  that  would  reach  the 
territory  from  the  east,  with  their  golden  fleeces  to  be  taken  care  of. 
All  that  and  the  promise  of  numerous  corner  lots  prevailed  with  me 
and  I  moved  camp  to  the  great  city  of  Bozeman. 

Another  report  in  1864  or  1865  came  from  an  emigrant  who 
was  with  a  party  of  miners  traveling  from  Virginia  City  to  the 
Yellowstone  in  search  of  another  mother  lode: 

On  our  road  we  passed  a  half-dozen  huts,  dignified  with  the  name  of 
Bozeman  City.  Here  lives  a  Cincinnatus  in  retirement,  one  of  the 
great  pioneers  of  mountain  civilization,  named  Bozeman.  To  him 
belongs  the  credit  of  having  laid  out  the  Bozeman  Cut-off,  on  the 
road  from  Fort  Laramie  to  Virginia,  and  he  is  looked  up  to  among 
emigrants  much  as  Chief-Justice  Marshall  is  among  lawyers.  I  saw 
the  great  man,  with  one  foot  moccasined  and  the  other  as  nature 
made  it,  giving  Bunsby  opinions  to  a  crowd  of  miners  as  to  the  loca- 
tion of  the  mythical  mines. 

Along  with  his  many  other  interests,  in  the  fall  of  1864  Bozeman 
induced  Thomas  Cover  and  P.  W.  McAdow  to  commence  work 
on  a  flour  mill  just  at  the  edge  of  the  village.  Afterwards,  he 
assisted  them  in  making  connections  and  establishing  their  plant.57 


57.  Burlingame,  pp.  552-557,  and  notes. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  225 

This  and  similar  other  activities  appear  to  have  replaced  Bozemarfs 
interest  in  guiding  emigrants  over  the  road  he  laid  out,  since  there 
is  no  clear  evidence  that  he  ever  made  another  trip.  Yet,  during 
the  entire  year  of  1  865  there  is  little  assurance  that  there  was  much 
emigrant  travel.  It  was  rather  a  year  of  warfare  throughout  the 
Indian  country.  There  were,  in  fact,  so  many  depredations  and 
wanton  Indian  attacks  that  General  Patrick  E.  Connor  was  selected 
by  the  War  Department  to  launch  an  all-out  campaign  throughout 
the  Powder  River  country  to  conquer  the  Sioux.  Unfortunately, 
however,  the  operation  was  inadequately  planned  by  officials  who 
knew  little  of  Indian  warfare,  and  as  a  result  little  progress  was 
made.  Moreover,  General  Connor  was  relieved  before  he  was 
fairly  under  way,  but  after  he  had  established  Fort  Connor  on  the 
Bozeman  Trail  four  miles  north  of  the  Powder  River  crossing. 
The  following  year  it  was  renamed  Fort  Reno  and  became  an 
important  post. 

Although  General  Connor's  Powder  River  expedition  did  not 
bring  satisfactory  results,  the  Federal  Government  had  become  so 
vitally  interested  in  a  direct  route  to  the  gold  fields  that  it  could 
not  then  withdraw.  After  four  years  of  the  Civil  War  the  United 
States  treasury  had  become  so  virtually  bankrupt  that  gold  was 
critically  needed  to  liquidate  the  rapidly  accruing  national  debt. 
One  of  its  great  hopes  was  to  encourage  prospectors  to  seek  the 
Montana  gold  fields  with  the  view  that  their  efforts  would  help  to 
enrich  the  nation. 

To  secure  the  results  so  badly  needed  the  Government  put  faith 
in  a  new  peace  treaty  which  it  was  sure  would  be  avidly  ratified  and 
signed  by  the  leading  men  of  the  northwestern  Teton  Sioux  tribes. 
It  is  difficult  to  understand  this  attitude  since  the  Sioux  were  so 
bitterly  hostile  that  no  white  man  dared  enter  their  territory,  much 
less  travel  the  Bozeman  Trail.  Yet,  when  the  treaty  was  put 
together  the  public  was  assured  that  the  trail  via  Powder  River 
would  be  safe;  but,  nothing  of  the  sort  was  near  the  truth.  By  the 
spring  of  1 866  even  the  treaty  leaders  had  become  convinced  that 
the  hostiles  had  no  intention  of  coming  in  and  that  their  efforts 
had  failed.  Since  it  became  apparent  that  some  other  approach 
was  requisite,  E.  B.  Taylor,  superintendent  of  the  Northern  Super- 
intendency,  came  to  Fort  Laramie  with  a  new  peace  treaty  and 
orders  to  assemble  a  peace  commission.  When  assembled  on  June 
1,  1866,  it  consisted  of  himself,  Colonel  H.  E.  Maynadier,  then  in 
command  of  Fort  Laramie,  Colonel  N.  R.  McLaren  of  Minnesota, 
and  Thomas  Wister  of  Philadelphia.  Charles  E.  Bowles  of  the 
Indian  Department  acted  as  secretary. 

Taylor  had  been  directed  to  put  the  peace  treaty  into  effect,  and 
he  was  determined  that  nothing  should  interfere  with  the  program. 
Even  though  the  men  at  Fort  Laramie  who  knew  the  ways  of  the 


226  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Sioux  tried  to  counsel  with  him,  he  refused  to  listen.  Again  and 
again  he  declared  that  he  had  been  sent  to  make  peace  and  that  he 
was  going  to  do  just  that.  Accordingly,  messengers  were  sent  to 
the  hostile  camps  calling  the  Indians  in  for  a  peace  talk,  and  prom- 
ising plenty  of  presents,  including  arms  and  ammunition.  Not  one 
real  hostile  ever  arrived  to  sign  the  treaty,  but  the  assurance  of 
rich  stores  could  not  be  resisted,  so  the  Sioux  came  all  the  way 
from  Powder  River  in  full  force.  The  talks  got  under  way  in  June, 
1866. 

In  the  meantime,  and  without  waiting  to  learn  the  outcome  of 
the  peace  negotiations,  the  War  Department  started  Colonel  Henry 
B.  Carrington  of  the  18th  Infantry  with  an  expedition  to  open  the 
Powder  River  road  to  Montana.  He  started  out  with  2,000  troops, 
but  only  700  of  them  were  to  accompany  him  to  the  Powder  River 
country  to  open  up  the  road  and  to  establish  three  forts  along  the 
way.  It  is  again  difficult  to  understand  how  Washington  concluded 
that  Colonel  Carrington,  with  700  infantry,  including  bandsmen, 
could  accomplish  what  General  Connor  was  unable  to  achieve  with 
3,000  cavalry.  Still,  there  was  some  strange  thinking  in  1866 
regarding  the  Powder  River  country. 

Carrington's  troops  and  train  of  226  mule  teams  reached  Fort 
Laramie  June  13,  loaded  down  with  equipment  and  supplies,  in- 
cluding a  saw  mill,  mowers,  shingle  and  brick  making  machines, 
axes,  saws  and  tools  of  all  kinds.  There  were  also  rocking  chairs, 
churns  and  canned  fruit,  besides  turkeys,  chickens,  pigs  and  cows. 
Colonel  Carrington  was  not  a  fighting  officer,  but  as  a  builder  he 
was  well  suited  to  construct  and  equip  the  new  posts  along  the 
Bozeman  Trail,  and  to  organize  a  system  of  road  patrols.  It  is 
astonishing  how  the  high  command  assumed  that  the  Sioux  would 
sit  quietly  by  while  military  posts  were  being  erected  in  the  midst 
of  their  best  hunting  ground,  but  that  seemed  to  be  the  situation. 

The  expedition's  own  thirty-piece  band  livened  up  the  march 
past  Dobey  Town  on  the  outskirts  of  the  fort,  but  when  entry  was 
made  a  decided  quiet  settled  down  over  the  peace  negotiations  with 
the  council  still  in  session.  There  were  at  once  many  attempts  to 
ease  the  situation  and  to  form  a  basis  for  better  understanding,  but 
when  Red  Cloud  was  being  introduced  to  Carrington  he  drew  his 
blanket  closely  about  him  and  contemptuously  declined  it.  While 
he  was  leaving  the  area  with  many  of  his  followers,  Standing  Elk, 
chief  of  the  Brules,  was  asking  Colonel  Carrington  where  he  was 
going,  and  upon  being  told  the  Powder  River  country,  he  answered, 
"There  is  a  treaty  being  made  at  Laramie  with  the  Sioux  that  are 
in  the  country  where  you  are  going.  The  fighting  men  of  that 
country  have  not  come  to  Laramie,  and  you  will  have  them  to  fight. 
They  will  not  give  you  the  road  unless  you  whip  them." 

Notwithstanding  the  departure  of  Red  Cloud  and  the  many  who 
followed  him,  a  thousand  or  more  Sioux  remained  at  the  peace 
council.     These  finally  signed  the  treaty,  and  a  similar  one  was 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  227 

signed  by  a  number  of  the  Cheyenne  head  men,  and  left  for  the 
signature  of  other  Cheyennes  yet  to  arrive.  While  the  Indians  were 
celebrating  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  council,  and  receiving  their 
gaudy  presents,  Colonel  Carrington  was  preparing  for  his  departure 
northward  to  take  charge  of  the  situation,  and  to  establish  his  three 
forts  along  the  Bozeman  Trail.  Dismayed  by  the  inadequacy  of 
the  ammunition  he  was  able  to  requisition  from  Fort  Laramie,  and 
by  the  inferior  quality  of  the  supplies  provided  for  him,  he  set  out 
on  June  17,  1866.  The  horses  he  had  been  promised  were  non- 
existent, and  with  old-fashioned,  muzzle-loading  Springfield  mus- 
kets in  the  hands  of  most  of  his  regulars,  while  the  bandsmen 
carried  new  repeating  Spencers,  he  guilelessly  entered  the  Indian 
country.  Colonel  Carrington  was  an  intelligent,  conscientious  and 
dedicated  officer,  but  naive  and  immature  in  his  conception  of  the 
untamed  and  tumultuous  frontier.  He  never  seemed  rightly  im- 
pressed with  the  enormity  of  the  task  laid  out  for  him. 

Fort  Connor,  then  called  Fort  Reno,  was  reached  June  28  with- 
out serious  incident,  except  that  Indians  were  encountered  near 
the  Horseshoe  Station  on  the  Platte,  and  near  Bridger's  Ferry.  At 
the  fort  several  wagon  trains  were  found  awaiting  military  escort 
up  the  Bozeman  Trail  on  their  way  to  Montana.  For  these  trains 
Colonel  Carrington  issued  a  set  of  regulations  covering  their  move- 
ment through  the  Indian  country.  He  assured  them  that  the  road 
would  be  perfectly  secure  without  escort  being  necessary.  He 
advised  that  the  trains  must  organize,  keep  together  and  not  annoy 
the  Indians.  Even  after  his  experience  at  Fort  Laramie  he  appears 
to  have  had  the  fanciful  belief,  along  with  many  other  military 
and  civil  officers,  that  there  would  be  no  serious  trouble  with  the 
Indians.  Yet,  two  days  after  he  issued  his  regulation,  seven  Sioux 
warriors  ran  off  the  sutler's  herd  within  two  miles  of  the  fort.  A 
pursuit  by  mounted  infantry  brought  back  one  pack-pony  laden 
with  presents  from  the  Fort  Laramie  peace  council. 

On  July  10  Colonel  Carrington  marched  from  Fort  Reno  up 
the  Bozeman  Trail  to  Little  Piney,  68  miles  distant,  to  construct 
Fort  Phil  Kearney,  and  to  provide  for  the  construction  of  Fort  C.  F. 
Smith  9 1  miles  further  north  in  Montana  on  the  Big  Horn  River. 
However,  the  Colonel's  fortunes  and  vicissitudes,  and  those  of  his 
successors  in  the  Sioux  country,  constitute  another  chapter  in  the 
history  of  the  Powder  River  Country."'8 

Nonetheless,  Colonel  Carrington  had  a  major  roll  in  the  affairs 
of  the  Bozeman  Trail  as  long  as  he  remained  in  the  Sioux  country. 
He  had  no  more  than  entered  the  area  than  it  became  patently 


58.  Brown,  Fort  Phil  Kearny,  C.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York,  1962, 
p.  14.  Hafen  and  Young,  pp.  345-351.  Hebard  and  Brininstool,  pp.  266- 
269.  George  E.  Hyde,  Red  Cloud's  Folk,  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 
Norman,  1937,  pp.  138-141. 


228  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

evident  that  his  troops  could  not  possibly  furnish  military  protec- 
tion for  the  many  emigrant  trains  expected  to  be  on  the  trail  during 
the  summer  of  1866.  This  was  particularly  true  since  he  had  to 
assign  one  entire  company  to  garrison  duty  at  Fort  Reno  to  escort 
the  mail  to  aid  travelers  in  distress,  and  to  assist  in  all  other  emer- 
gency duties.  He  learned  that  the  best  he  could  hope  to  do  would 
be  to  issue  a  set  of  regulations  for  the  benefit  of  the  passing  trains. 
In  the  main  these  consisted  of  instructions  for  the  convoys  to  check 
in  at  Fort  Reno  and  report  to  the  commanding  officer  there;  to 
keep  together;  to  avoid  recklessness  in  the  Indian  country;  to  have 
no  unnecessary  dealings  with  the  Reds;  not  to  furnish  them  liquor, 
and  to  provoke  no  quarrels  by  hostile  acts.  A  copy  of  these  in- 
structions was  to  be  posted  at  the  office  of  each  post  or  station 
commander  so  that  the  commanders  of  all  trains  could  see  and 
study  them. 

In  the  meantime,  the  emigrants  arriving  at  Fort  Laramie  were 
being  assured  that  the  road  was  perfectly  safe,  causing  them  to 
improperly  and  inadequately  supply  themselves  with  guns  and 
ammunition.  This  they  seemed  willing  to  practice  in  spite  of  other 
reliable  information  that  a  general  raid  existed  over  the  entire  trail. 
Many  of  them  took  serious  cognizance  of  the  actual  situation  all 
too  late,  and  not  until  they  were  set  upon  by  the  Indians  with  no 
actual  means  of  protection.  This  resulted  in  many  emigrants  being 
murdered,  scalped,  and  their  bodies  mutilated,  with  the  few  arms 
they  had  being  taken  and  their  supplies  stolen.  The  supplies  fur- 
nished by  the  agencies  were  added  to  those  accumulated  along  the 
trail  and  laid  by  for  the  day  of  a  concerted  Indian  attack  all  the 
way  from  the  North  Platte  to  the  Yellowstone. 

With  all  the  misinformation  about  the  security  of  the  Bozeman 
Trail,  many  train  commanders  did  listen  to  the  truth  and  profited 
by  it.  One  of  these  was  Hugh  Kirkendall.  In  the  summer  of  1866 
he  and  others  were  on  the  trail  with  a  long  train  of  household  goods 
and  merchandise  for  Montana.  When  the  train  reached  Brown's 
Springs,  a  branch  of  Dry  Fork  of  the  Cheyenne,  in  what  is  now 
Converse  County,  Wyoming,  the  convoy  was  attacked  by  Indians, 
and  a  running  fight  was  kept  up  all  day.  As  the  hours  of  fighting 
increased,  more  and  more  red  reserves  arrived  until  it  seemed 
that  all  of  the  Indians  in  the  Powder  River  country  were  engaged 
in  the  fight.  Fortunately,  though,  Kirkendall  was  able  to  push  the 
train  forward  after  the  red  men  had  been  repulsed  with  heavy 
losses.  When  the  merchants  came  within  forty  miles  of  Fort  Phil 
Kearny,  a  scout  was  sent  to  request  an  escort  so  that  the  train  could 
be  safely  conducted  beyond  the  post.  Kirkendall  was  doomed  to 
meet  with  disappointment.  Word  came  back  that  there  were  not 
even  enough  soldiers  to  protect  the  fort  with  any  real  degree  of 
safety.  The  fact  was  that  the  troops  at  Phil  Kearny  were  prac- 
tically bottled  up  with  yelping  Indians  galloping  around  on  all  the 
hills,  defying  them  to  come  out  and  offering  all  kind  of  insults. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  229 

Kirkendall  finally  got  through,  but  by  that  time  other  freighting 
outfits  were  waiting  at  Fort  Laramie  for  reinforcements.  The 
authorities  were  then  wisely  issuing  warnings  to  small  groups  of 
emigrants  of  the  immediate  and  certain  danger  from  the  reds  unless 
they  were  strongly  guarded  and  moving  in  large  numbers.  Indian 
depredations  along  the  Bozeman  Trail,  and  the  large  number  of 
emigrants  who  were  daily  being  attacked  by  the  Sioux,  had  given 
the  Government  a  different  attitude  and  a  stimulated  motive  for 
organizational  changes. 

In  the  midst  of  this  reshuffling  a  memorable  cavalcade  arrived 
at  Fort  Laramie.  It  was  Nelson  Story  with  his  crew  of  twenty-five 
cowboys  driving  almost  1 ,000  head  of  Texas  longhorns,  with  his 
wagon  train  of  groceries  coming  along  behind.  This  remarkable 
young  man,  not  yet  thirty,  had  struck  it  rich  in  the  Montana  gold 
fields.  He  had  then  exchanged  some  of  his  gold  dust  for  thirty 
thousand  dollars  in  greenbacks  and  gone  to  Texas  early  in  1866 
to  purchase  the  cattle.  With  his  army  of  cowboys  and  trail  herd 
he  set  out  for  the  Bozeman  Road,  but  stopped  at  Fort  Leavenworth 
to  purchase  a  train  of  ox-drawn  wagons  which  he  loaded  with 
groceries  and  other  supplies  to  start  a  store  in  the  town  of  Boze- 
man. His  outfit  moved  in  a  leisurely  manner  along  the  Oregon 
Trail  across  Nebraska  to  Fort  Laramie,  where  the  army  officers 
there  tried  to  pursuade  him  to  discard  and  forego  his  plans  to 
continue  on  to  Montana.  Their  appeals  and  warnings  that  Red 
Cloud  would  stampede  his  herd,  and  probably  take  the  scalps  of 
all  his  men  did  not  deter  young  Story. 

At  Fort  Laramie  he  was  joined  by  Major  John  B.  Catlin,  who 
became  second  in  command,  and  after  he  had  provided  his  men 
with  new  Remington  rapid-fire  breach  loaders,  the  cavalcade 
moved  northward.  Some  distance  from  Fort  Reno  the  drivers 
came  upon  a  little  Frenchman  and  a  boy  who  were  unharnessing 
their  team.  They  had  a  trapper's  outfit  and  were  in  the  process  of 
making  camp.  Warned  against  hostile  Indians  everywhere  in  the 
area,  the  two  were  invited  to  join  the  Nelson  party,  but  the  little 
Frenchman  declined.  He  claimed  that  he  had  a  greater  fear  of  the 
white  man  than  he  did  of  the  Indians. 

As  Story  and  Major  Catlin  moved  along  down  the  Bozeman 
Trail  they  were  next  abruptly  halted  by  a  furious  Sioux  attack 
almost  in  the  shadow  of  Fort  Reno.  It  was  a  headlong  hit-and-run 
swat  leaving  two  drivers  badly  wounded  with  arrows  and  the  Reds 
getting  away  with  a  little  bunch  of  the  cattle.  During  the  fracas 
the  remainder  of  the  herd  was  stampeded.  It  all  might  have  been 
much  more  serious  except  the  herders  quickly  responded  with  their 
Remingtons  and  put  the  enemy  to  rout.  As  soon  as  the  cattle  could 
be  quieted  down,  a  party  of  seasoned  herders  set  upon  the  Sioux 
camp  just  as  dusk  was  falling.  Not  giving  the  braves  much  chance 
to  protest,  and  with  a  sudden  punch,  the  cattle  were  recovered 
from  the  center  of  an  arc  of  tepees.     When  the  herd  was  reassem- 


230  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

bled,  Story  pushed  on  to  Fort  Reno  with  his  wounded  companions 
in  an  ambulance  sent  out  from  the  post,  but  not  until  some  of  his 
herders  had  gone  back  to  see  about  the  old  Frenchman  and  the  boy. 
They  were  found  dead,  scalped  and  their  bodies  mutilated.  Their 
horses  were  gone,  their  wagon  burned  and  their  supplies  scattered 
about.  Before  the  herders  returned  they  buried  the  unfortunate 
travelers  who  had  met  violent  death.  After  a  short  rest  at  Reno, 
the  main  body  moved  out,  leaving  the  two  wounded  companions. 
It  was  then  late  in  the  season  and  Story  wanted  to  be  on  the  way. 

Three  miles  south  of  Fort  Phil  Kearny  Story  was  halted  by 
Colonel  Carrington  who  would  not  allow  the  herd  to  be  brought 
any  nearer.  He  claimed  that  the  grass  close  to  the  post  was  needed 
for  his  own  livestock.  The  colonel  then  ordered  the  party  to  corral 
the  cattle  until  a  wagon  train  could  come  along  with  a  minimum  of 
forty  armed  men.  Story  and  Catlin  had  only  twenty-five.  Even 
chough  they  pointed  out  that  their  men,  armed  with  Remington 
breach  loaders,  had  a  greater  fire  power  than  a  hundred  with  old- 
fashioned  Springfields,  Carrington  continued  to  hold  firm.  Even 
so,  Story  had  little  thought  of  remaining  much  longer.  He  had 
already  been  held  up  two  weeks  and  it  was  then  October  21st. 
That  evening  all  the  Story  men  were  called  together  to  vote  on 
whether  they  should  abide  by  Colonel  Carrington's  order  or  take 
the  trail  that  night.  All  were  in  favor  of  moving  on  except  George 
Dow  who  voted  "no."  No  sooner  was  the  word  out  of  his  mouth 
than  he  was  tied  up  and  placed  under  arrest. 

Protected  by  the  darkness  of  night  the  men  hitched  the  oxen  to 
wagons,  moved  the  cattle  out  of  the  corral,  and  soon  the  whole 
party  was  headed  northward  down  the  Bozeman  Trail.  On  the 
morning  of  the  22nd,  Carrington  was  notified  that  the  Nelson  party 
had  vanished.  While  furious  over  the  violation  of  his  orders,  he 
nonetheless  felt  it  his  duty  to  dispatch  a  detail  of  fifteen  men  under 
a  sergeant  to  join  the  Story  party  in  order  to  bring  it  up  to  regula- 
tion strength.  These  soldiers  with  their  muzzle-loading  Spring- 
fields  were  only  supernumeraries,  but  were  welcomed  to  go  along 
with  the  herd.  Two  days  out  Dow  was  released  and  informed  that 
he  could  go  back  to  the  fort  or  remain  with  the  drive.  He  decided 
to  stay. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  drive  the  herd  was  grazed  in  the 
daytime  and  pushed  forward  at  night.  Along  the  way  two  Indian 
attacks  were  beaten  off  without  difficulty.  Only  one  man  was  lost. 
He  carelessly  rode  too  far  ahead  and  was  killed  and  scalped.  On 
December  9,  1864,  Story's  spectacular  drive  reached  its  destina- 
tion, which  was  a  place  near  Virginia  City.  In  all  of  the  history 
of  the  northwest  there  has  never  been  anything  like  his  long  drive. 

Nelson  Story  became  one  of  Montana's  immortals.  In  1862  he 
married  Ellen  Trent  in  Leavenworth,  Kansas.  She  shared  with 
him  every  vicissitude  of  the  raw  frontier,  and  later,  fame  and  for- 
tune.   Their  early  life  in  Montana  was  up  the  gulch  from  Virginia 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL  231 

City  where  Story  packed  up  and  down  the  trail,  partially  for  hire 
and  partially  in  connection  with  his  store  which  was  attended  by 
his  wife.  In  those  days  Mrs.  Story  baked  pies  and  pastries  to  be 
sold  to  the  hungry  miners,  and  in  that  way  helped  out/''-' 

While  emigrants  on  the  Bozeman  Trail  continued  to  find  their 
way  to  Montana,  the  untimely  passing  of  Bozeman  himself  was 
marked  on  April  18,  1867.  The  previous  morning  he  and  Tom 
Cover  left  the  town  of  Bozeman  for  Fort  C.  F.  Smith  on  a  flour- 
selling  mission.  They  took  two  saddle  horses  and  a  pack  horse 
carrying  provisions  and  bedding,  but  the  first  night  out  they  stayed 
with  Nelson  Story  and  W.  S.  McKinzie  who  had  a  cattle  camp  near 
the  present  city  of  Livingston.  On  the  morning  of  the  1  8th  Boze- 
man and  Cover  started  on  their  journey,  and  reached  a  place  ten 
or  twelve  miles  below  Mission  Creek  and  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
south  of  the  Yellowstone  where  they  camped  for  dinner.  They  had 
about  finished  their  meal  when  they  saw  four  Indians  approaching. 
Cover  took  them  to  be  Blackfeet  while  Bozeman  thought  they  were 
friendly  Crows.  They  were  Blackfeet,  and  while  he  was  talking  to 
one  of  them,  another  stepped  behind  Bozeman  and  shot  him. 
Cover  escaped  in  the  bushes,  but  in  the  process  of  escaping  he  was 
shot  in  the  top  of  the  shoulder  by  one  of  the  Indians  as  they  made 
off  with  the  horses.  When  they  were  out  of  sight.  Cover  spread  a 
blanket  over  Bozeman's  body,  first  taking  his  gold  watch.  He  then 
walked  back  to  the  Story  and  McKinzie  cattle  camp  where  he 
secured  a  horse  and  came  on  in  to  Bozeman  to  report  the  tragic 
death  of  his  companion. 

The  next  day  John  Anderson,  D.  E.  Rouse,  Al  Lund  and  John 
Baptiste  left  to  take  charge  of  the  remains  and  bring  them  to  the 
city  for  interment.  They  were  joined  by  Nelson  Story  and  W.  S. 
McKinzie  at  their  cattle  camp,  but  at  the  site  of  Bozeman's  death 
they  decided  to  bury  him  there  until  the  traveling  would  be  better. 
Moreover,  the  waters  of  the  Yellowstone  were  rapidly  rising  at 
the  ford  where  they  had  to  cross  and  they  had  little  time. 

It  was  not  until  1  870  that  the  remains  of  John  M.  Bozeman  were 
returned  to  the  town  which  bore  his  name.  His  burial  casket  was 
made  out  of  native  pine  by  W.  J.  Beall  and  Judge  A.  D.  Mc- 
Pherson,  and  after  a  public  ceremony,  burial  was  made  in  the 
Nelson  Story  plot.  Later  Story  erected  a  monument  bearing  the 
inscription:  'Tn  memory  of  John  M.  Bozeman,  aged  32  years, 
killed  by  Blackfoot  Indians  on  the  Yellowstone,  April  18,  1867. 
He  was  a  native  of  Georgia,  and  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  Boze- 


59.  Brown,  pp.  60,  135-138.  Hebard  and  Brininstool,  pp.  279,  227-232, 
221-225.  Hyde,  pp.  160-161.  Byron  Nelson's  article  about  his  father. 
University  of  Wyoming  Library.  Burlingame,  pp.  563-567.  regarding  death 
and  burial  of  John  M.  Bozeman.  If  Bozeman  was  born  in  1837  he  was  only 
30  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  1867. 


232  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

man,  from  whom  the  town  takes  its  name"6"  When  W.  S.  McKinzie 
died  in  1913  his  remains  were  buried  beside  those  of  Bozeman, 
and  Nelson  Story  erected  another  monument  over  the  two  graves 
which  reads:     "Here  lies  two  friends." 

During  his  lifetime  John  M.  Bozeman  saved  little  for  himself  but 
gave  much  to  help  settle  and  develop  the  frontier.  He  might  have 
used  the  time  alloted  to  him  for  personal  gain,  but  rather,  he  used 
it  to  make  possible  the  comfort  and  enjoyment  of  those  to  come 
after  him.  His  carefree  nature  made  it  possible  for  him  to  leave  his 
wife  and  three  small  children  without  adequate  support  while  he 
roamed  the  west  hoping  to  find  a  fortune.  When  he  left  he  may 
have  considered  that  his  venture  would  turn  out  for  the  best,  but 
there  is  little  evidence  that  he  ever  gave  his  family  much  help  or 
thought,  although  his  daughters  grew  up  and  eventually  married. 
In  defence  to  Bozeman's  performance,  it  can  be  said  that  it  was  not 
unlike  that  of  many  frontier  leaders  of  his  day.  He  possessed  a 
high  degree  of  skill  as  a  frontiersman.  His  superior  quality  of 
leadership  and  personal  bravery  have  never  been  questioned.  He 
had  the  rare  ability  of  seeing  any  situation  in  its  true  perspective, 
and  the  aptitude  for  dealing  with  it  first  hand.  He  will  primarily 
be  remembered  as  a  trailmaker  and  a  train  commander,  but  also 
as  a  community  builder  and  a  dedicated  townsman.61 

By  1868  the  Government  had  become  aware  that  it  either  had 
to  whip  the  Sioux  or  give  in  to  them,  and  as  to  the  Powder  River 
country,  the  latter  was  done.  During  that  year  the  forts  along  the 
Bozeman  Trail  were  abandoned,  the  road  itself  closed,  and  the 
territory  turned  back  to  the  Indians.  In  seeking  an  excuse  for  this 
policy  Washington  temporized  that,  by  humoring  the  Indians  and 
keeping  them  quiet,  the  Union  Pacific  could  be  rapidly  completed, 
and  then  the  Powder  River  road  would  be  of  no  importance.  It 
was  theorized  that  a  shorter  and  better  road  to  Montana  could  run 
from  the  railroad  line  west  of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains.  However, 
with  this  view  it  was  not  taken  into  account  that  the  Northern 
Pacific  had  to  be  built  along  the  northern  edge  of  the  Powder  River 
country.  It  further  was  not  taken  into  account  that  the  Indians,  if 
left  undisturbed,  would  certainly  block  the  building  of  that  road, 
and  that  white  men  were  already  forming  the  belief  that  gold  could 
be  found  in  the  Black  Hills  and  in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains.62 

It  has  been  shown  that  one  determined  blow  in  the  winter  of 
1867  would  have  cleared  the  Powder  River  country  of  the  hostiles, 
but  as  it  was,  the  inevitable  clash  did  not  come  until  1876.     It  did 


60.  Burlingame,   pp.   563-567   regarding  death   and   burial   of  John   M. 
Bozeman. 

61.  Burlingame,  p.  568,  note,  p.  541.     Linda  Bozeman  was  married  to 
William  Kirk,  Lila  to  J.  H.  Honea,  and  Martha  C.  to  John  M.  Neal. 

62.  Hyde,  p.   160. 


BOZEMAN  AND  THE  BOZEMAN  TRAIL 


233 


,*-';  *  '*su. 


SITE  OF  TOWNSEND  BATTLE  AS  IT  APPEARS  TODAY 

Photo  by  Rev.  Stuart  D.  Frazier 


not  come  even  then  until  another  lesson  had  to  be  learned  by  the 
Custer  tragedy  on  the  Little  Big  Horn  June  25,  1876.  It  was  not 
until  General  Crook's  defeat  of  Dull  Knife  which  took  place  on 
Powder  River  November  25,  1876,  that  the  tide  was  turned.  Dur- 
ing that  winter  the  hostile,  widely-separated  camps  were  so  con- 
stantly and  successfully  harrassed  by  the  army  that  further  resist- 
ance finally  became  impossible  and  peace  was  unpreventable.,l:1 

The  following  year  saw  the  beginning  of  Fort  McKinney  on 
Clear  Creek,  and  by  1878  the  Bozeman  Trail  was  again  in  full  use. 
For  many  years  afterwards  it  continued  to  be  used  by  freighters  and 
stage  lines  into  Buffalo  and  Fort  McKinney  three  miles  westward, 
and  to  other  points  north,  as  well  as  by  emigrants.  Even  today  the 
grandchildren  and  great-grandchildren  of  many  well  known  and 
well  established  pioneer  families  in  northeastern  Wyoming  proudly 
relate  that  their  forebears  arrived  in  covered  wagons  over  the 
Bozeman  Trail. 


63.  Hyde,  pp.  287-2* 


* 


J  i 


LEW  H.  BARLOW 


1    il§  M  *m 


HORSESHOE  VILLA 


Courtesy  Mae  Urbanek 


Cew  Barlow  of  Qillette 

By 

Mae  Urbanek 

This  article  was  written  for  the  Annals  of  Wyoming  several  months 
before  Mr.  Barlow  died  in  Gillette,  on  March  31,  1964,  at  the  age  of 
95.     Ed. 

"There  were  no  fences  and  mighty  few  log  and  sod  shacks  be- 
tween Miles  City,  Montana  and  Gillette,  Wyoming,  in  1898.  It 
was  wide-open  range.  Gillette  was  a  railroad  town  with  only  thirty 
inhabitants.  The  only  place  to  buy  a  meal  was  in  a  small  shack 
down  by  the  railroad  tracks." 

In  these  words  L.  H.  Barlow,  "Lew"  to  his  scores  of  friends, 
describes  Wyoming  as  he  first  saw  it.  Tired  of  breaking  broncos 
and  hunting  horse  thieves  in  Idaho,  he  had  shipped  his  two  carloads 
of  cattle  to  Miles  City  and  then  trailed  them  south  to  the  prairies 
around  Gillette.  His  uncle,  W.  F.  Draper,  of  Sundance,  described 
these  grassy  plains  as  "the  best  range  land  west  of  the  Missouri." 

Today  Gillette  is  crowded  with  automobiles,  and  the  streets 
swarm  with  people.  The  old  ranching  town  is  enjoying  an  oil 
boom.  Derricks  are  going  up  in  a  wide  area;  wells  are  being  dug. 
Tireless  rocker  arms  are  pumping  millions  of  gallons  of  crude  oil 
to  the  surface.  On  a  quiet,  side  street  in  Gillette  stands  a  dis- 
tinguished-looking house  with  a  huge  horseshoe  front.  This  is  the 
home  of  Lew  Barlow,  still  a  vigorous  94-year-young  pioneer.  The 
oil  is  no  surprise  to  Lew.  His  home  is  filled  with  tables  overflow- 
ing with  petrified  proof  of  the  source  of  all  oil — prehistoric  marine 
life  that  flourished  a  hundred  million  years  ago  where  Gillette  now 
stands. 

About  fifteen  years  ago  Lew  retired  from  active  ranch  manage- 
ment and  took  up  collecting  artifacts  and  fossils  to  "keep  myself 
young."  For  five  successive  terms  he  was  mayor  of  Gillette.  He 
continued  to  rope  calves  on  the  ranch  "for  exercise,"  and  rode  his 
favorite  mount,  a  Palomino,  in  many  parades.  But  he  still  found 
time  to  hunt  and  probe  deep  in  the  earth  for  his  fossils.  Campbell 
County  is  good  hunting  ground,  and  Lew  is  an  extra  fast  worker. 
Tables  sagged  under  the  weight  of  his  finds. 

"Many  centuries  ago  this  country  had  a  climate  like  that  of 
Florida  today,"  Lew  explains  before  he  starts  showing  individual 
fossils  in  his  collection.  "There  were  many  lakes.  Both  land  and 
water  were  thickly  populated  with  animals,  varying  in  size  from 
worms  to  dinosaurs.  Plant  growth  was  lush  and  tropical  in  nature. 
Sequoia  timber  grew  here.  In  California  where  it  now  grows  it  is 
known  as  redwood. 


236  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

"Then  came  the  time  of  a  great  upheaval.  The  Black  Hills  were 
formed.  Devils  Tower  rose,  and  the  Missouri  Buttes.  The  air  was 
filled  with  choking  ashes.  Billions  of  animals  and  trees  were 
buried  under  soil  and  rocks  and  ashes.  Masses  of  trees  crushed 
and  buried  then  form  our  extensive  coal  mines  of  today.  Where 
marine  life  and  wood  were  pressed  into  water  with  tons  of  earth 
upon  it,  water  began  its  patient  work  of  replacing  the  once-living 
cells  with  calcium  and  silica.  So  the  fossils  of  fish  and  animals, 
and  the  petrified  wood  was  recast  and  preserved  for  us  by  water. 
This  buried  life  also  produced  the  oil  we  are  pumping  out  today." 

Lew  then  shows  his  visitors  the  petrified  proof  that  he  has  gath- 
ered. Ammonites  still  glowing  with  prehistoric  irridescence  are 
perhaps  his  most  fascinating  fossils.  They  are  coiled  shells  from 
the  Mesozoic  age,  similar  to  the  mollusks  that  exist  today.  Lew 
has  them  varying  in  size  from  over  a  foot  in  diameter  down  to  less 
than  one  inch,  but  still  perfect  in  form.  One  unique  fossil  has  an 
unborn  baby  ammonite  clearly  visible.  Other  fossils  from  that 
ancient  time  include  baculites,  trilobites,  belemnites  or  ink  fish, 
fossil  fish,  fossil  leaves  and  ferns,  a  petrified  oyster,  a  petrified  frog, 
dinosaur  gizzard  stones,  dinosaur  teeth  and  bones,  and  a  piece  of  a 
cycad.  Cycads  are  petrified  plants  that  once  grew  in  ancient 
swamps  were  they  were  oats  for  dinosaurs. 

A  recent  addition  to  Lew's  collection  is  an  immense  joint  of 
backbone,  about  three  feet  in  width,  and  two  feet  deep.  At  the 
School  of  Mines  in  Rapid  City,  South  Dakota,  Lew  compared  it 
with  the  backbone  joints  of  dinosaurs  and  found  it  much  larger. 
Since  identification  is  not  possible,  scientists  agree  with  Lew  that 
it  probably  was  once  a  living  part  of  an  ancient  mammoth.  The 
bone  comes  from  the  state  of  Washington,  where  a  friend  found  it 
and  brought  it  to  Lew  for  his  collection. 

While  gathering  fossils,  Lew  also  gathers  many  artifacts  from 
much  more  recent  times.  He  has  hundreds  of  arrowheads,  many 
perfect  and  also  many  broken  parts  which  he  has  used  to  form 
letters  of  mottos  such  as:  "Give  Me  a  Home  where  the  Buffalo 
Roam  in  Old  Wyom";  "God  Bless  that  Mother  of  Mine";  "The 
Old  Rugged  Cross",  with  a  cross  of  perfect  arrowheads.  These 
mottos  are  framed  and  with  paintings  and  photographs  and  funny 
quips  decorate  the  walls  of  his  home. 

A  hand-made  United  States  flag  with  42  stars  hangs  on  one  wall. 
This  flag  was  found  by  a  friend  while  he  was  tearing  down  an  old 
log  cabin  near  Gillette.  It  was  buried  under  two  layers  of  wall 
paper.  A  flag  with  42  stars  is  especially  unusual  because  it  existed 
only  for  eight  months,  from  November,  1889,  when  the  two 
Dakotas,  Washington  and  Montana  joined  the  Union,  until  July, 
1 890,  when  Wyoming  and  Idaho  were  added. 

A  cannon  ball  five  inches  in  diameter  and  two  smaller  iron  balls 
are  from  an  old  battlefield  southwest  of  Gillette.  "A  real  battle 
took  place  there  but  no  historic  record  of  it  exists,"  Lew  says. 


LEW  BARLOW  OF  GILLETTE  237 

"A  Mexican  horse  wrangler,  John,  told  me  that  he  and  some  early 
settlers  with  a  small  detachment  of  army  men  battled  for  their  lives 
with  the  Indians  on  that  hill.  You  can  still  see  the  deep  pits  they 
dug,  now  well  grassed  over.  An  old  wooden-wheeled  cannon  was 
used  to  fire  the  shot.  It  scared  the  Indians  away  and  saved  the 
lives  of  the  settlers. " 

Lew  Barlow  was  born  in  Nebraska,  near  Omaha,  but  came  west 
while  very  young  "to  get  away  from  my  relatives."  He  lived  in 
Idaho  for  thirteen  years,  where  he  worked  for  cattle  outfits  and 
became  a  top  rider.  He  recalls  seeing  Indian  women  dig  roots 
from  the  prairies  and  rub  the  roots  between  stones,  making  the 
product  into  coarse  bread.  Lew  has  several  such  rubbing  stones, 
and  many  Indian  scrapers,  knives,  and  hammers  in  his  collection 
now. 

After  he  reached  the  Gillette  area  with  his  cattle  in  1898,  he 
waited  a  year  before  he  returned  to  Idaho  for  his  wife  and  baby. 
By  that  time  he  had  a  one-room  log  house  east  of  Gillette  ready  for 
them. 

"All  the  fuel  we  had  was  coal  that  we  dug  for  ourselves.  One 
day  while  my  wife  and  I  were  gone  for  a  load  of  the  black  dia- 
monds, the  log  house  burned  down.  But  my  mother-in-law  saved 
herself  and  the  baby.  We  didn't  have  any  money,  so  I  traded  two 
cows  for  a  shack  without  windows  in  town",  Lew  recalls. 

"In  1917  1  figured  I  had  better  get  myself  a  ranch  as  the  day  of 
the  free  range  was  over.  I  homesteaded  out  in  the  Deadhorse 
Basin  and  started  building.  Hard  times  came  and  the  home- 
steaders wanted  to  get  out,  so  I  just  kept  adding  blocks  of  land  until 
our  ranch  was  ten  miles  across." 

Lew  now  lives  alone  in  his  "Horseshoe  Villa"  in  Gillette.  Mrs. 
Barlow  died  a  number  of  years  ago.  His  sons,  Glen  and  Lew, 
operate  the  old  ranch,  while  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Ed  Littleton,  and  a 
son,  Fred,  live  in  town.  Visitors  from  every  state  in  the  Union, 
Canada,  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  have  signed  his  guest  book 
and  looked  at  his  famous  collection.  Often  groups  of  school  chil- 
dren come  to  see  his  petrified  proof  of  an  exciting  past  and  listen 
to  Lew's  okes  as  he  shows  them  around. 

In  1962  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  presented  an 
award  to  Lew.  It  reads:  "To  L.  H.  Barlow  in  recognition  of  his 
activity  in  the  promotion  and  preservation  of  Wyoming  history  in 
the  fields  of  Archeology  and  Paleontology  and  for  his  collection  in 
these  fields." 

Lew  Barlow  believes  that  people  are  too  busy  in  these  modern 
times  for  enough  of  the  good  old-fashioned  laughs.  "Roping  and 
riding  was  work  for  cowboys  in  the  early  days.  Rodeo  like  we 
have  now  is  only  a  show,  but  kinda  nice  to  look  at."  A  twinkle 
lights  the  eyes  of  Lew  as  he  remembers  the  past. 

He  likes  the  old  Germanized  saying,  "Ve  got  too  soon  oldt,  and 
too  late  schmardt."     His  favorite  motto  made  of  arrowheads  is 


238  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

"Life  is  not  all  for  money,  so  make  it  a  song  instead  of  money,  and 
enjoy  our  milk  and  honey."  This  philosophy  plus  the  hobby  of 
collecting  fossils  and  artifacts  keeps  Lew  healthy,  alert,  busy  and 
happy  at  ninety-four.  "My  goal  is  a  hundred  or  more,"  he 
chuckles. 


$ohn  Shepherd  Day 

By 
J.  Herold  Day 

John  Shepherd  Day  started  school  in  the  spring  of  1  869  at  the 
age  of  four,  but  with  only  a  few  years  of  formal  schooling,  he  was  a 
self-educated  man.     His  hobby  was  reading. 

His  parents,  both  of  whom  were  born  in  England — one  in  Lon- 
don, the  other  in  the  South  of  England — died  when  he  was  young; 
his  mother  when  he  was  eight  years  old,  his  father  when  he  was 
thirteen. 

He  worked  on  a  neighbor's  farm  the  summer  he  was  thirteen. 
The  next  winter,  he  went  north  where  his  elder  brother  was  work- 
ing in  the  timber  and  got  a  job  as  a  chore  boy,  earning  $10  a  month 
the  first  year,  but  was  a  lumberjack  the  next  three  years. 

In  1882,  when  he  was  17,  he  quit  the  timber  and  went  to  the 
Dakota  Territory  and  spent  the  first  winter  in  Bismarck,  a  tough 
town  with  much  gambling  during  the  winter  since  there  was  little 
else  to  do  for  the  many  buffalo  hunters  gathered  there.  The  buf- 
falo were  exterminated  in  that  area  that  year.  There  was  some 
trading  carried  on  with  the  Sioux  Indian  who  had  been  subdued 
only  recently. 

In  the  summer  of  1883,  he  worked  on  the  grade  construction  of 
the  railroad  from  St.  Paul  to  Great  Falls.  In  the  early  fall  he  quit, 
to  work  for  a  friend  to  supply  the  construction  gangs  with  meat — 
mostly  deer,  some  elk  and  antelope. 

Between  these  two  jobs,  in  the  hottest  part  of  the  summer,  John 
Day  and  another  man  tramped  through  what  is  now  North  Dakota 
to  the  town  of  Crookston  on  the  Red  River,  bought  a  small  row 
boat  and  drifted  down  the  river  to  Manitoba.  Mr.  Day  was  well 
known  for  his  walking  ability  throughout  his  life. 

The  urge  to  see  new  territory  was  upon  him  again,  and  Leadville, 
Colorado,  was  booming  at  this  time,  so  in  the  year  of  1884,  Mr. 
Day  had  the  contract  to  clear  the  trees,  mostly  cottonwood,  from 
the  right-of-way  of  the  Colorado-Midland  Railroad,  as  it  was  then 
called.  He  worked  to  the  junction  of  the  Green  and  Grande 
Rivers.  That  was  the  kind  of  work  he  liked  best.  He  was  an 
excellent  woodsman. 

In  1885,  John  Day  moved  on  to  Wyoming,  coming  first  to  the 
Cheyenne  country.  He  worked  that  spring  on  Horse  Creek,  shear- 
ing sheep,  and  then  drifted  on  to  the  Sweetwater  that  summer 
where  he  worked  for  Jack  Cooper  as  a  cowboy. 

He  spent  the  winter  of  1885-86  around  the  Rongis  stage  station. 


240  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

where  most  of  the  cowboys  holed  up  for  the  winter,  doing  odd  jobs 
such  as  cutting  wood. 

One  cold  winter  night,  the  body  of  Jack  Cooper,  the  cowman 
for  whom  he  had  worked  the  summer  before,  and  who  had  been 
killed  in  a  gun  fight,  was  brought  in  to  the  Rongis  stage  station. 
Every  room  was  occupied,  and  the  station  owner  was  at  his  wit's 
end  as  to  where  to  put  the  body.  He  asked  every  roomer  if  he 
would  take  the  body  in  with  him.  The  answer  was  a  definite  "No" 
until  he  came  to  John  Day's  room.  Mr.  Day  said,  "Sure,  I'd  rather 
have  a  dead  man  in  with  me  than  some  of  the  live  ones  I  know!" 

Andy  Rutledge  had  a  contract  with  the  Rawlins  Mercantile 
Company  to  cut  logs  and  build  a  stage  station  to  compete  with 
Rongis.  John  Day  went  to  work  for  him  in  the  spring  of  1887  cut- 
ting logs  and  breaking  horses  for  the  stage  line.  In  order  to  get 
the  logs  down  to  lower  ground  where  they  could  be  more  easily 
reached  with  horses,  Mr.  Day  constructed  a  logging  chute  on 
Willow  Creek  on  Green  Mountain,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  there. 

Rutledge  also  had  the  mail  contract  between  Lost  Cabin  and 
Rongis  at  that  time,  and  Mr.  Day,  as  substitute  carrier,  drove  it 
between  Rongis  and  the  71  Horse  Ranch  on  Deer  Creek  a  few 
times  the  winter  of  '87  and  '88,  where  it  was  picked  up  by  someone 
else  and  taken  on  to  Lost  Cabin.  The  winter  of  '87  and  '88  was  a 
hard,  cold  winter  with  much  snow,  necessitating  the  use  of  a  pack 
horse  at  times  instead  of  the  usual  team  and  wagon. 

Andy  Rutledge  was  an  honest  man  and  a  good  friend,  but  he 
picked  the  wrong  outfit  to  back  him.  The  Rawlins  Mercantile 
Company  went  bankrupt.  Before  the  crash  came,  Rutledge 
warned  Mr.  Day,  telling  him  to  get  the  clothes  he  needed  from  the 
store  in  lieu  of  the  wages  he  had  earned. 

J.  B.  Okie  of  Lost  Cabin  happened  through  Rongis  in  the  spring 
of  1888  on  his  way  to  Oregon  after  sheep  he  had  bought  there. 
Rutledge  introduced  John  Day  to  Okie  recommending  him  highly, 
and  Okie  hired  Mr.  Day  as  general  ranch  and  sheep  foreman,  a 
position  he  held  till  he  left  Okie's  employ  in  1893  to  go  into 
business  for  himself. 

While  he  was  working  for  Okie,  he  served  as  a  guide  on  a  pack 
trip  through  Yellowstone  Park  for  the  Okie  family  and  friends. 
This  was  about  1891. 

John  Day  went  into  the  sheep  business  in  1893,  but  that  venture 
lasted  only  two  years. 

John  S.  Day  married  Hannah  Welch,  November  29,  1894,  in 
Lander,  Wyoming.  They  spent  their  first  year  of  married  life  in 
sheep  camp  living  in  a  tent. 

Mrs.  Day  went  to  her  father's  home  in  Ogden,  Territory  of  Utah, 
when  her  first  child,  John  Herold,  was  expected,  and  when  he  was 
almost  three  months  old,  she  took  the  U.P.  train  as  far  as  Rawlins, 
where  Mr.  Day  met  them  with  a  covered  wagon.    They  were  caught 


JOHN  SHEPHERD  DAY  241 

in  a  blizzard  on  the  way,  but  arrived  in  Lost  Cabin  the  day  before 
Christmas,  1895. 

From  McGraw,  a  prospector,  Mr.  Day  had  purchased  the  relin- 
quishment rights  to  a  homestead  on  Badwater  Creek  about  three 
miles  west  of  where  Lysite  now  is,  and  six  miles  west  of  Lost  Cabin, 
in  the  fall  of  1  896.  He  and  his  wife  and  their  infant  son  lived  there 
in  tents  that  winter  while  Mr.  Day  cut  and  hewed  logs  for  the  house 
he  built  the  spring  and  summer  of  1896.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Day  lived 
there  the  rest  of  their  lives. 

John  Day  raised  hay  and  grain  on  his  ranch  and  ran  cattle,  using 
the  ER  brand  at  first  and  then  the  Battle-Axe.  He  had  horses,  of 
course,  and  in  the  early  1900's,  he  raised  pigs  and  cured  his  own 
hams  and  bacons. 

He  had  a  few  mining  interests  on  Copper  Mountain  during  the 
boom  after  1900.  He  paid  a  few  assessment  fees  and  hired  a  miner 
or  two  to  do  assessment  work. 

During  the  building  of  Shoshoni,  lumber  was  hauled  down  from 
Okie's  saw  mill  on  Big  Deep  Creek  in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  to 
Lost  Cabin,  the  road  being  kept  open  even  in  winter,  and  there  the 
freighters  picked  it  up  and  hauled  it  to  Shoshoni.  John  Day's 
Battle-Axe  Ranch  was  the  overnight  stop  between  Lost  Cabin  and 
Shoshoni,  both  coming  and  going.  It  was  not  a  road  ranch,  as  only 
the  freighters  and  their  horses  were  fed  and  put  up  for  the  night. 
The  ranch  served  in  that  same  capacity  during  the  building  of  the 
Burlington  Railroad  in  1910. 

John  Day  and  Ed  Knapp  had  a  contract  to  furnish  beef  for  the 
construction  gangs  working  on  the  Burlington  railroad  as  it  was 
being  built  between  Alkali  Creek  and  the  mouth  of  Hoodoo  Creek 
(a  distance  of  approximately  30  miles)  about  1910.  Mr.  Day 
furnished  hay  for  the  horses  used  in  the  construction  of  the  railroad 
about  this  same  time. 

The  flood  of  1923,  when  Badwater  went  on  the  rampage,  washed 
away  the  farming  land  of  the  Battle-Axe  ranch,  but  John  Day 
continued  to  run  cattle. 

Mr.  Day  served  on  the  Lost  Cabin  school  board  when  it  was  the 
only  school  in  the  area. 

He  was  a  quiet  man,  never  spoke  ill  of  anyone  and  got  along 
with  everyone — cowman  and  sheepman  alike,  in  the  days  when 
that  was  not  easy  to  do.    They  all  liked  and  respected  him. 

John  Day  was  in  poor  health  the  last  years  of  his  life,  but  he 
never  ceased  to  plan  for  the  future.  Even  on  his  last  sick  bed,  at 
the  age  of  79,  he  was  planning  what  he  would  do  as  soon  as  he  got 
out  of  the  hospital. 


ftook  Keviews 


The  West  of  William  H.  Ashley.  Edited  by  Dale  L.  Morgan  (Den- 
ver: Old  West  Publishing  Co.  Index,  maps,  illus.  341  pp. 
$35.00.) 

One  of  the  most  outstanding  books  of  Western  Americana  to 
come  off  the  press  in  recent  years  is  this  volume,  The  West  of  Wil- 
liam H.  Ashley.  It  is  a  monumental  work  by  a  distinguished 
author  and  should  be  one  of  the  enduring  monuments  in  the  history 
of  the  fur  trade  in  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Other  fur  traders  came  west  before  Ashley,  but  his  name  is 
inseparable  from  this  period  of  history.  It  was  he  who  established 
the  rendezvous,  the  gala  "mountain  fair"  which  occupies  a  dramatic 
place  in  our  history,  and  who  introduced  the  free  trappers  to  the 
West,  those  intrepid  souls  who  became  known  as  the  mountain 
men.  He  made  the  fur  industry  pay  off  for  the  Americans,  and  the 
forces  which  he  unleashed  opened  up  the  West  and  greatly  affected 
its  history. 

The  book  is  divided  into  two  main  divisions,  Book  I  "The 
Bloody  Missouri,"  and  Book  II  "Beyond  the  Continental  Divide," 
and  prefaced  with  an  extensive  introduction  by  the  author.  In  the 
introduction  Mr.  Morgan  has  written  a  biographical  sketch  of 
Ashley  and  a  review  of  the  fur  trade  and  exploration  in  the  West 
prior  to  the  Ashley  Period. 

In  Book  I  he  develops  the  history  of  the  turbulent  partnership 
between  William  Henry  Ashley  and  Andrew  Henry  during  the 
years  1 821-24.  It  was  during  these  years  the  partners  attempted  to 
establish  operations  on  the  Yellowstone,  suffered  crushing  blows 
at  the  hands  of  the  Ankara,  and  turned  to  the  central  Rockies  for 
a  new  source  of  furs.  Henry  withdrew  discouraged  just  before  the 
new  fur  bonanza  was  discovered. 

Book  II  traces  Ashley's  travels  during  the  years  1824-26,  during 
which  time  he  inaugurated  the  rendezvous  and  formed  a  new  part- 
nership with  Jedediah  Smith.  Ashley  sold  out  to  Smith,  Jackson 
and  Sublette  in  1826,  following  which  he  served  as  banker  and 
agent  for  the  new  partnership.  In  1831  Ashley  entered  public  life 
once  again,  a  field  in  which  he  had  been  active  earlier.  His  story 
ends  in  1838,  the  year  he  died. 

This  volume  represents  a  lifetime  of  interest  by  the  author  and 
twenty  years  of  research  and  study.  Dale  Morgan  has  drawn  upon 
all  possible  sources  and  records  and  presents  them  here  in  a  most 
comprehensive  manner.  The  Ashley  papers  are  supplemented  by 
letters  of  Indian  agents,  army  officers,  members  of  Congress,  rec- 
ords from  rival  companies,  from  his  own  men,  and  newspaper 
accounts.     Morgan  ties  these  documents  into  a  cohesive  whole 


BOOK  REVIEWS  243 

through  his  narratives.  The  documents  are  further  enlarged  upon 
and  illuminated  in  an  appendix  of  extensive  notes  which  totals 
more  than  one  hundred  pages. 

The  book  is  in  an  unusually  large  format,  fourteen  by  nine  and  a 
half  inches.  It  is  beautifully  illustrated  with  Catlin  sketches,  two 
reproductions  in  black  and  white  of  water  colors  by  Charles  Bod- 
mer,  by  several  early  maps,  and  by  a  large  fold-in  map  of  the  West, 
'The  West  of  William  H.  Ashley,  1821 -38/'  including  an  inset 
showing  in  detail  the  area  described  in  Ashley's  diary. 

Cheyenne  Lola  M.  Homsher 


The  Great  Gates.     By  Marshall  Sprague.     ( Boston,  Little,  Brown 
and  Co.     1964.     Illus.,  index.    468  pp.     $7.50.) 

Marshall  Sprague,  a  resident  of  Colorado,  is  probably  best 
known  for  Money  Mountain,  which  treats  the  gold  rush  at  Cripple 
Creek  during  the  turn  of  the  century.  Massacre:  The  Tragedy  at 
White  River,  and  Newport  in  the  Rockies.  His  latest  non-fiction 
book,  The  Great  Gates:  The  Story  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Passes, 
must  of  necessity  cover  some  familiar  historical  terrain:  the  ex- 
plorations of  the  Spanish  in  the  Southwest,  Lewis  and  Clark  in  the 
north,  fur  trappers  and  traders,  army  men  like  Stephen  Long  and 
John  Fremont,  imaginative  miners  during  the  gold  and  silver 
booms,  and  the  railroad  builders  and  surveyors  working  in  the  late 
1  80CTs.  But  the  focus  on  the  character  and  history  of  the  mountain 
passes  themselves,  as  well  as  the  adventures  of  the  men  who  be- 
came involved  with  them,  gives  freshness  and  significance  to  the 
book. 

And  there  are  relatively  new  faces  and  events  appearing  here 
also.  Elderly  Major  Jacob  Fowler  of  Kentucky  explores  southern 
Colorado  and  northern  New  Mexico  with  his  Negro  slave  and 
compiles  his  impressions  in  quaintly  misspelled  diary  entries. 
Despite  a  potentially  debilitating  injury  suffered  in  a  fall  from  his 
mount  (a  common  hazard  for  early  western  travelers,  causing  the 
death  of  Josiah  Gregg  and  badly  injuring  George  Buxton),  Captain 
Howard  Stansbury,  a  civil  engineer  sympathetic  with  both  Indians 
and  Mormons,  surveys  the  Salt  Lake  region  and  a  route  through 
southern  Wyoming  where  the  Overland  Trail  and  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  later  run.  Young  Lieutenant  John  Mullan,  an  energetic 
twenty-three-year-old  Irishman,  effectively  investigates  high  passes 
on  the  Continental  Divide  in  west-central  Montana. 

In  addition,  we  become  acquainted  with  intriguing,  usually 
neglected  figures  such  as  Dr.  James  Hector,  whose  accident  gave 
the  name  Kicking  Horse  to  the  river  and  pass  in  western  Alberta; 
a  cantankerous  engineer,  Frederick  W.  Lander,  who  developed  the 


244  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Lander  Cut-Off  to  shorten  the  route  to  Oregon;  Dr.  Ferdinand 
Vandeveer  Hayden,  director  of  the  U.  S.  Geological  and  Geograph- 
ical Survey  of  the  Territories  in  1869-1878,  and  his  young  scientists 
who  accomplished  a  major  and  little-heralded  job  of  mapping  the 
Rocky  Mountains  at  a  surprisingly  early  period  in  the  West's  his- 
tory; and  such  railroad  developers  as  John  Evans,  William  Palmer, 
Otto  Mears,  James  Hill,  and  William  Van  Home,  an  Illinois  farm 
boy  who  was  knighted  by  Queen  Victoria  and  became  president  of 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railroad.  Wyoming  readers  will  have  a 
special  interest  in  the  chapters  entitled  "Teton  Tourists'''  and 
"South  Pass:  Fruit  of  Failure,"  both  of  which  center  on  important 
passes  in  the  state. 

Two  final  and  unusual  chapters  treat  the  role  of  early  alpinists 
in  exploring  and  popularizing  the  Canadian  Rockies  and  the  effects 
of  automobile  travel  on  the  mountain  passes  since  the  development 
of  what  Mr.  Sprague  calls  the  "benzine  buggy"  early  in  the  present 
century.  He  concludes  with  a  pertinent  question  for  the  West  as  a 
whole:  "Of  course  we  are  a-tingle  about  the  astronauts  now,  fly- 
ing over  the  Rockies  in  six  seconds  flat  every  hour  or  two,  making 
ready  so  that  the  rest  of  us  can  go  touring  to  the  moon  almost  any 
Sunday.  The  dear  old  wagon-road  days!  People  say  that  the  hills 
were  higher  then.  But  were  they  really?  Some  of  us  find  them 
pretty  high  still,  higher  even  than  where  the  space  ships  go.  Tell 
me,  do  they  have  sweet-voiced  ptarmigans  and  alpine  meadows  in 
the  stratosphere?  Cutthroat  trout  lazing  in  crystal  streams?  Do 
they  have  hillsides  of  aspen  against  the  dark  spruce,  aspens  blazing 
gold  and  orange  in  the  crisp  air  of  September?  Will  the  lift-off 
from  that  launching  pad  send  me  somewhere  better  than  the  top  of 
Mosquito  Pass?" 

For  some  who  live  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  share  a  delight 
in  the  beauty,  solitude,  and  danger  of  the  passes  dealt  with  by  Mr. 
Sprague,  the  answer  is  a  clear  "No."  And  though  an  obvious 
conclusion  from  the  strand  of  history  developed  in  the  book  is  that 
change  is  inevitable,  those  who  value  the  distinctive  character  and 
intangible  satisfactions  found  in  the  high  country  might  give 
thought  to  what  has  happened  so  far  in  opening  up  the  Rockies  and 
choose  the  directions  for  future  economic  explorations  and  expan- 
sions with  great  care.  It  is  possible  the  time  may  come  when  un- 
spoiled nature  is  more  important  economically  and  psychologically 
than  railroads,  dams,  mines,  and  missile  silos. 

Mr.  Sprague's  enthusiasm  for  his  subject  is  apparent,  and  he 
transmits  it  to  the  reader  in  a  clear,  informal,  and  often  humorous 
style  of  writing  which  makes  the  book  a  sound  one  for  the  general 
reader  as  well  as  the  more  serious  student  of  the  West.  In  par- 
ticular, he  takes  delight  in  the  quirks  of  personality  and  fate  which, 
as  the  late  H.  L.  Davis  conveyed  so  well  in  his  Oregon  novels,  have 
been  a  part  of  the  region's  history.  The  book  has  useful  notes, 
two  maps,  thirty  half-page  or  full-page  photographs  of  various 


BOOK  REVIEWS  245 

passes,  and  an  index.  In  addition,  one  of  the  intriguing  aspects  of 
The  Great  Gates  is  a  listing  of  passes  (a  miniature  guidebook 
really )  with  annotations  on  such  matters  as  elevation,  location, 
nature  of  transportation  required  for  crossing,  and  historical  back- 
ground. 

University  of  Wyoming  Robert  A.  Roripaugh 


Cowboys  and  Cattlemen.  A  Roundup  from  Montana  The  Mag- 
azine of  Western  History.  Selected  and  edited  by  Michael  W. 
Kennedy.     (Hasting  House,  1964.     Illus.,  index.     364  pp. 

$10) 

This  book  is  an  anthology  of  twenty-four  articles  on  practically 
every  phase  of  the  cattle  industry  from  the  I850's  until  1900.  It  is 
illustrated  with  copies  of  paintings  and  drawing  by  Charles  Russell, 
Ed  Borein  and  others.  Dozens  of  historic  photographs  by  L.  A. 
Huffman  and  unknown  photographers  are  included  in  the  text. 

The  titles  of  this  fascinating  book,  arranged  in  different  sections 
are:  From  Beaver  to  Beef;  Rangeland  Royalty;  Trail  Drivin"  and 
Texans;  Bad  Medicine;  Mavericks,  Rustlers,  Renegades  and 
Stranglers;  Rawhide  and  Sage  Brush;  and  End  of  the  Open  Range. 

Some  of  these  various  articles  pertain  to  Wyoming  history  as 
well  as  Montana. 

Authors  of  these  articles  are:  Lewis  Atherton,  Robert  Fletcher, 
Larry  Gill,  Donald  H.  Welsh,  Ernest  M.  Richardson,  Michael  S. 
Kennedy,  James  A.  Russell,  Joe  B.  Frantz,  Floyd  Hardin,  Ray  H. 
Mattison,  Wallis  Huidekoper,  Rufus  A.  Coleman,  T.  J.  Kerttula, 
Oscar  O.  Mueller,  Helena  Huntington  Smith,  J.  Frank  Dobie, 
Allen  Toole,  Matt  J.  Kelly,  George  T.  Armitage,  L.  A.  Huffman, 
Mabel  Lux,  Mark  H.  Brown.  Dr.  Robert  H.  Burns  and  Gene 
Gressley  of  the  University  of  Wyoming  are  also  authors  of  two  of 
the  articles.  Dr.  Burns  unraveled  the  story  of  the  Newman  Ranch- 
es after  almost  fifteen  years  of  research. 

The  thrilling  story  of  the  first  trail  drive  to  Montana  Territory 
across  Wyoming  by  Ft.  Laramie  and  up  the  Bozeman  Trail  by 
Nelson  Story  in  1  866  is  told  by  Michael  Kennedy.  Nelson  Story 
with  twenty-five  riders  brought  1 ,000  head  of  cows  and  calves 
from  Texas.  He  astounded  the  commandants  of  Ft.  Laramie,  Ft. 
Reno,  Ft.  Phil  Kearny  and  Ft.  C.  F.  Smith  with  his  audacity  and 
determination  to  drive  his  herd  to  Montana.  It  was  suicide  with 
all  the  Indians  on  the  warpath.  Yet,  by  his  sagacity  he  succeeded 
in  taking  this  herd  to  winter  range  near  Livingston,  Montana. 

"Moreton  Frewen,  Cattle  King  with  a  Monocle'',  by  Ernest 
Richardson,  relates  some  of  the  life  of  the  Frewen  brothers.  More- 
ton  and  Richard,  while  in  Wyoming.     They  owned  the  76  Ranch, 


246  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

near  present  Kaycee,  on  Powder  River,  from  1879  to  1886.  They 
also  owned  a  mule  ranch  on  Powder  River  in  Montana,  which  in 
later  years  was  known  as  the  Spear  Bitter  Creek  Ranch.  Richard 
spent  most  of  his  time  there.  Moreton's  home  on  upper  Powder 
River  was  called  Frewen  Castle  and  was  visited  by  many  noblemen 
from  Europe.  They  even  captured  elk  and  buffalo,  which  they 
somehow  managed  to  take  to  the  railroad  at  Rock  Creek,  and 
shipped  to  England  and  Ireland.  The  extravagant  life  at  the  76 
has  never  been  equalled  in  this  part  of  Wyoming. 

Helen  Huntington  Smith's  contribution,  "The  Truth  About  the 
Hole-in-the-Wall-Fight",  doesn't  entirely  agree  with  the  story  I 
have  heard  from  Walter  Monnett.  He  was  one  of  the  men  who  was 
with  Bob  Divine  and  his  own  horse  was  shot  through  the  neck.  He 
said  that  Joe  Le  Fors  shot  Bob  Smith.  I  believe  that  the  late  Rob- 
ert Helvey,  of  Sheridan  had  a  tape  recording  of  Mr.  Monnett's 
account  of  this  fight. 

Sheridan  Elsa  Spear  Byron 


The  Oregon  Desert.  By  E.  R.  Jackman  and  R.  A.  Long.  (Cald- 
well, Idaho:  The  Caxton  Printers,  Ltd.  1964.  Illus.,  index. 
407  pp.    $4.95.) 

The  authors  have  covered  material  of  such  scope  that  their  writ- 
ing might  easily  have  become  pedantic.  Instead,  writing  much  as 
they  must  speak,  they  have  seasoned  their  facts  with  the  warm 
touch  of  philosophy  and  homespun  humor. 

It  is  a  book  that  can  answer  many  of  the  questions  asked  by  the 
inhabitants  and  visitors  to  this  24,000  square  miles  of  "high  des- 
ert", who  may  wonder  about  the  odd  formations  in  the  hills,  the 
people  who  came  before,  the  names  of  the  wild  flowers  and  the 
ghost  towns  and  all  those  features  that  make  the  area  unique. 

Each  of  the  authors  writes  about  what  he  knows  best.  E.  R. 
Jackman  traveled  throughout  Oregon  for  years  while  working  with 
the  Extension  Service  of  Oregon  State  University.  With  his  scien- 
tific background,  he  discusses  the  prehistoric  past  of  the  area,  of 
the  tremendous  upheavals  that  cut  off  its  moisture  supply.  He 
speaks  of  the  animals  and  plants. 

Practically  a  lifetime  resident  of  the  region,  Reub  Long  earned 
his  living  in  about  as  many  ways  as  were  available — everything 
from  sheepherder  to  freighter.  Mainly  he  has  been  a  cowboy, 
and  he  now  owns  thousands  of  acres  of  desert  range.  Reub  tells  of 
the  homesteaders,  the  sheepherders,  the  cowboys,  the  freighters, 
the  old-time  doctors.  He  spins  tales  of  his  life  on  the  desert — his 
family,  friends  and  his  many  enterprises. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  247 

The  Oregon  desert  has  some  inhabitants  in  common  with  Wyo- 
ming— wildlife  such  as  mule  deer,  bobcats,  skunks  and  antelope; 
wild  flowers  such  as  Indian  paintbrush  and  lupine;  cattle,  sheep  and 
horses  and,  of  course,  the  sagebrush. 

This  dry  section  of  Oregon  also  shares  some  of  Wyoming's  prob- 
lems: water,  range  development  and  management  and  irrespon- 
sible hunters.  All  this  is  covered  in  the  book  and  much  more,  and 
yet  it  is  a  book  that  can  be  read  by  anyone  with  enjoyment.  Any 
chapter  in  it  can  stand  alone  as  a  separate  article,  but  continuity 
is  maintained  throughout,  for  each  chapter  is  written  with  the 
Oregon  desert  as  its  setting. 

Cody  Anne  Fendrich 


The  Field  Notes  of  Captain  William  Clark,  J 803-1 805.  Edited 
with  an  Introduction  and  Notes  by  Ernest  Staples  Osgood. 
(New  Haven  and  London,  Yale  University  Press,  1964. 
Illus.,  index.     335  pp.     $12.50.) 

One  of  the  fascinating  chapters  of  the  history  of  the  West  is  the 
story  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition.  The  expedition  has  been 
well  documented,  for  President  Jefferson  encouraged  the  captains 
and  their  men  to  keep  as  many  journals  as  possible  on  the  trip  so 
that,  if  any  were  accidentally  lost,  there  was  a  chance  of  survival 
of  a  part  of  them.  Both  Lewis  and  Clark  and  seven  of  their  men, 
kept  journals.  Four  of  the  latter  have  been  preserved  and  pub- 
lished, and  Reuben  Gold  Thwaits  in  1904-05  transcribed,  edited 
and  published  the  captains'  journals,  with  those  of  two  of  their 
men,  under  the  title  Original  Journals  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark 
Expedition. 

These  journals  consisted  of  several  small  notebooks  officially 
kept  by  the  captains.  It  was  long  suspected  that  they  had  kept 
field  notes  and  transcribed  them  into  the  official  records.  The 
notes  were  presumed  to  be  lost. 

In  1953  a  dramatic  discovery  was  made  in  the  attic  of  a  house  in 
St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  where,  in  a  large  collection  of  papers  being 
investigated  by  the  Minnesota  Historical  Society,  was  found  what 
proved  to  be  the  rough  field  notes  kept  by  Captain  William  Clark 
and  used  as  the  basis  of  preparation  of  his  official  record.  These 
notes  are  now  located  in  the  Collection  of  Western  Americana  at 
Yale  University,  placed  there  by  Frederick  W.  Beinecke. 

Ernest  Staples  Osgood,  eminent  western  historian,  has  con- 
ducted an  admirable  piece  of  detective  work  in  authenticating  the 
notes,  in  reconstructing  their  history  and  travels  as  nearly  as  could 


248  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

be  done,  and  in  his  work  of  editing  and  comparing  them  with  the 
later  official  field  notes. 

The  notes  are  published  here  in  two  parts.  The  first,  the  Dubois 
Journal,  fills  in  a  gap  of  information  between  the  Ohio  journey  and 
the  journey  up  the  Missouri  river  and  back  to  civilization.  The 
Dubois  Journal  notes  had  not  been  transcribed  into  any  permanent 
record  for  preservation  and  practically  nothing  had  been  known  of 
the  party's  sojourn  at  this  point. 

The  second  part  consists  of  the  notes  on  the  River  Journey,  the 
1600  miles  covered  to  the  Mandan  village.  Although  official  rec- 
ords on  this  part  of  the  trip  had  been  kept,  these  rough  notes  add 
many  side  lights  to  history.  Clark  had  jotted  down  notes  on  the 
people  in  the  party,  the  problems  confronting  them  and  possible 
solutions,  hearsay  reports  on  the  country  they  were  to  traverse  and 
through  which  they  were  passing,  and  rough  maps  sketched  on  the 
basis  of  information  available,  made  to  plan  the  route  of  the 
journey. 

Following  the  notes  edited  by  Dr.  Osgood,  facsimile  copies  of 
the  original  documents  are  reproduced  here  in  full  size.  Anyone 
who  wishes  can  thereby  conduct  his  own  investigation  and  com- 
parison of  these  notes  and  reach  his  own  conclusions. 

This  book,  published  in  outsize  format,  is  a  fine  contribution  to 
Western  Americana.  Hopefully  we  look  forward  to  other  discov- 
eries of  notes  hidden  away  in  attics  and  basements  which  may  have 
escaped  the  ravages  of  time  and  which  will  shed  equal  light  on 
other  obscure  phases  of  Western  history.  Too  much  of  the  true 
frontier  story  of  the  West  remains  yet  untouched  by  the  historian. 

Cheyenne  Lola  M.  Homsher 


The  Story  Catcher.  By  Mari  Sandoz.  (Philadelphia,  The  West- 
minster Press.  1963.  Illustrated  by  E.  J.  McCorkell.  175 
pp.    $3.25) 

This  little  novel  is  the  second  Mari  Sandoz  has  written  in  which 
the  central  character  is  an  Indian  boy  who  is  determined  to  win 
his  standing  in  the  tribe  by  means  other  than  the  traditional  ones. 
It  is  the  story  of  Young  Lance  who  wants  to  be  what  we  would  call 
a  tribal  historian  instead  of  a  great  warrior,  "Story  Catcher"  he 
would  be  called  by  the  Indians.  Such  a  position  was  most  highly 
respected;  consequently  standards  were  high,  qualifications  de- 
manding, and  total  acceptance  was  not  easily  achieved.  The  "story 
catcher"  had  to  be  much  more  than  a  mere  story  teller  or  handy 
with  his  artist's  tools.  He  had  to  have  great  insight,  objectivity, 
integrity,  and  skill  to  convey  in  his  seemingly  simple  drawings  the 


BOOK   REVIEWS  249 

aspirations,  the  sufferings  and  failures,  the  defeats  and  triumphs, 
the  heroism  and  genuine  worth  of  his  people.  Young  Lance  had 
to  earn  his  place,  and  the  novel  is,  of  course,  the  story  of  his 
maturing,  his  struggles,  his  learning  humility,  his  mistakes  and  their 
consequent  punishment  by  the  tribe,  and,  at  the  end,  his  deserved 
reward. 

As  the  story  develops  there  is  an  abundance  of  excitement  and 
suspense — Lance's  capture  of  the  little  enemy  Ree  boy  (who  pro- 
vides an  admirable  study  of  human  relationships),  the  inevitable 
pursuits,  battles,  captures  and  escapes,  all  of  them  dramatic,  con- 
vincing, and  stirring. 

As  usual  in  Mari  Sandoz'  books,  the  story  is  beautifully  told, 
though  perhaps  somewhat  less  poetically  than  the  earlier  novel, 
The  Horse  Catcher.  But  it  is,  of  course,  a  different  story  told  in  its 
own  effective  way,  written  in  that  flawless  style  which  is  one  of 
Miss  Sandoz'  marks  of  distinction.  The  sympathy  and  admiration 
which  she  has  always  had  for  these  people  are  there,  along  with  her 
great  knowledge  and  understanding;  and  she  invests  these  Plains 
Indians  with  the  simplicity,  dignity,  and  nobility  which  for  her  are 
their  distinguishing  characteristics.  Like  her  other  works  which 
deal  with  the  Indians,  this  one  is  fine  and  satisfying,  one  which 
should  contribute  to  our  appreciation  of  a  people  too  often 
maligned. 

University  of  Wyoming  Richard  Mahan 


War  Eagle.  A  Life  of  General  Eugene  A.  Carr.  By  James  T. 
King.  (Lincoln,  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1963.  Illus., 
index.     321  pp.     $6.00) 

Author  King,  in  his  vivid  story  of  the  life  of  General  Eugene  A. 
Carr,  gives  the  reader  a  fascinating  account  of  the  military  life  and 
exploits  of  this  most  deserving  personality.  A  soldier  of  high  moral 
character  and  personal  convictions,  "War  Eagle,"  as  he  was  called 
by  the  Indians,  distinguished  himself  in  the  Civil  War  by  winning 
the  Congressional  Medal  of  Honor. 

In  nearly  forty  years  of  service,  thirty  of  which  were  devoted  to 
the  life  of  a  frontier  cavalry  officer,  he  experienced  the  heartbreaks 
of  loneliness,  isolation  in  remote  frontier  posts,  and  "Old  Army"' 
political  maneuvering.  Obviously  devoted  to,  and  respected  by, 
his  men  his  deep  concern  for  adequate  supplies  and  equipment 
usually  brought  frustrating  results. 

The  description  and  details  of  his  many  Indian  campaigns  are 
accurately  and  vividly  set  forth.     It  is  quite  evident  that  General 


250  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Carr's  niche  in  Western  history  has  been  sorely  neglected.  His 
experiences  in  Arizona  Apache  country  alone  make  this  book  well 
worth  reading,  and  no  student  or  historian  of  Indian  warfare  would 
fail  to  recognize  General  Carr  as  an  outstanding  cavalry  officer 
who  contributed  significantly  to  American  expansion  Westward. 
He  truly  deserved  his  promotion  to  Brigadier  General,  but  he  paid 
a  handsome  price — premature  retirement  from  a  service  to  which 
he  devoted  his  life. 

Cheyenne  E.  T.  Bohlen 


Custer  Country.    By  Ralph  E.  Scudder.     (Portland,  Binfords  and 
Mort,  1963!     Illus.,  index.     63  pp.     $3.00) 

For  the  student  of  Custer  history  or  the  Custer  "buff",  this  book 
should  be  in  great  demand  for  it  accomplishes  in  63  pages  what 
some  authors  have  tried  to  do  with  many  thousands  of  words  and 
hundreds  of  pages.  The  old  Chinese  proverb,  "One  picture  is 
worth  ten  thousand  words,"  well  applies  to  what  Ralph  Scudder 
has  accomplished  in  compiling  his  Custer  Country. 

Of  all  the  words  printed  in  describing  the  terrain  and  country 
that  Custer  and  the  7th  cavalry  crossed  in  pursuit  of  the  Indian, 
and  the  deadly  battle  on  the  Little  Big  Horn  June  25,  1876,  none 
can  accomplish  or  describe  this  area  so  well  as  the  fine  oblique 
aerial  photographs  used  in  this  work,  to  show  the  topography, 
lines  of  march,  and  battle  sites. 

The  author  used  a  professional  photographer  and  airplane  to 
photograph  the  terrain  over  which  Custer  and  his  men  marched  and 
fought,  and  did  the  aerial  photography  on  the  anniversary  date  of 
these  events  to  show  the  topography,  as  near  as  possible,  as  it 
looked  to  these  Indian  fighters  as  they  marched  into  the  unknown 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Rosebud  creek  to  the  banks  of  the  Little 
Big  Horn. 

The  text  of  this  book  guides  the  reader  through  the  different 
phases  of  this  campaign  very  precisely,  inasmuch  as  the  aerial 
photos  used  eliminate  the  need  for  a  word  picture  of  the  surround- 
ings and  terrain,  so  often  necessary  in  other  works  on  this  subject. 

This  book  is  interestingly  written  and  is  very  nicely  illustrated 
with  35  pictures  and  six  uncluttered  maps,  and  the  aerial  pho- 
tography is  superb.  There  is  an  ample  bibliography  and  index. 
This  book  is  a  fine  work  by  itself,  but  of  more  importance  is  its 
ability  to  supplement  all  previous  Custer  publications  used  by 
either  the  amateur  or  professional  historian. 

Sheridan  Glenn  D.  Sweem 


BOOK  REVIEWS  251 

Tales  of  the  Frontier.    Selected  and  Retold  by  Everett  Dick.    ( Lin- 
coln, University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1963.     390  pp.     $6.00) 

An  entertaining  and  comprehensive  collection  of  stories  of  the 
old  west  has  been  brought  together  in  this  latest  book  of  Everett 
Dick. 

According  to  the  author's  statement  in  his  foreword,  he  encoun- 
tered the  stories  over  many  years  of  research,  and  he  recorded  the 
sources  so  that  they  might  someday  be  shared  with  others.  All  the 
stories  are  true,  or  have  been  told  as  true,  but  any  erroneous  details 
have  been  correlated  with  historical  fact. 

The  period  covered  chronologically  is  from  the  early  1800's, 
when  the  opening  western  frontier  was  still  along  the  Missouri 
River,  through  the  latter  years  of  that  century  when  bonanza 
ranching  was  in  full  swing  on  the  great  plains. 

Among  the  stories  familiar  to  Wyoming  readers  are  those  of 
Portugee  Phillips'  ride  from  Fort  Phil  Kearny  to  Fort  Laramie, 
and  of  Ah-ho-ap-pa,  daughter  of  Chief  Spotted  Tail,  told  here  as 
"The  Princess  of  Fort  Laramie."  Many  more  stories  are  found 
here  for  the  first  time  under  such  intriguing  titles  as  "Bushel  of 
Doughnuts",  "The  Circuit  Rider  and  the  Sinners'1,  "The  Kitchen 
Frontier",  "The  Traveling  Courthouse"  and  "The  Phantom  Piccolo 
Player." 

A  section  of  clear  and  precise  maps  is  included  in  the  book, 
and  is  most  convenient  and  helpful  to  establish  geographic  back- 
ground for  the  stories.  Some  of  the  maps  are  The  West  of  Lewis 
and  Clark,  The  West  of  the  Trapper,  the  frontiers  of  mining,  and 
overland  transportation  and  rails  of  the  west. 

The  reader  is  sure  to  put  Dick's  book  down  with  a  fresh  realiza- 
tion of  the  vigor,  adventure,  humor,  tragedy  and  heroic  endeavor 
that  went  into  the  development  of  our  western  country. 

Cheyenne  Katherine  Halverson 


Dr.  Bessie.     By  Alfred  M.   Rehwinkel.      (St.   Louis,   Concordia 
Publishing  House.     1963.     171pp.     $3.00) 

This  is  a  delightful  biography  of  Dr.  Bessie  Efner  Rehwinkel 
presented  in  a  running  narrative  by  her  husband. 

At  a  time  when  women  doctors  were  extremely  rare,  she  grad- 
uated from  medical  school  and  set  up  practice  in  a  small  town  in 
Iowa.  She  went  through  the  usual  trials  of  any  young  doctor  in 
addition  to  the  ones  due  to  her  sex.  She  finally  became  established 
and  was  enjoying  a  successful  practice  when  the  panic  of  1907  set 


252  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

in.  As  a  result  she  decided  to  try  a  frontier  country,  and  in 
December,  1907,  she  moved  to  Carpenter,  Wyoming. 

The  land  was  then  opening  to  homesteaders,  and  her  description 
of  the  early  life  of  the  homesteader  is  well  worth  reading. 

In  the  course  of  her  practice  she  attended  a  severely  injured 
young  minister  from  Burns,  Wyoming,  and  eventually  married  him. 

The  marriage  ended  her  life  as  a  doctor,  but  she  then  described 
a  most  interesting  life  as  the  wife  of  a  rural  minister  in  northwest 
Canada. 

This  is  a  well  written  and  interesting  account  of  the  early  home- 
steading  days  of  Wyoming. 

Cheyenne  David  M.  Flett,  M.D. 


Higher  Education  in  a  Maturing  Democracy.    By  Louis  G.  Geiger. 
(Lincoln,  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1963.   91  pp.   $3.00) 

These  two  readable  and  delightful  essays  discuss  the  effects  of 
and  changes  in  higher  education  throughout  the  past  one  hundred 
years.  Within  this  framework  the  author  covers  the  achievements, 
failures  and  faults  of  the  Land-Grant  Colleges.  The  frankness  of 
the  author's  criticism,  not  only  of  the  colleges  but  of  those  indi- 
viduals and  groups  that  through  lack  of  knowledge  or  for  personal 
motives  criticize  or  condemn  the  colleges,  is  likely  to  make  this 
book  a  controversial  one. 

The  first  essay  sketches  briefly  the  history  of  higher  education 
from  1850,  when  not  one  college  had  a  laboratory,  to  the  present; 
from  the  time  when  the  majority  of  the  curriculum  was  devoted  to 
Roman  and  Grecian  literature  and  history  to  the  institution  with  a 
program  equally  strong  in  the  humanities  and  the  sciences;  the 
availability  of  colleges  to  the  entire  population,  with  the  resulting 
effects  on  the  maturity  of  the  nation,  sociologically  as  well  as 
politically;  the  scientific  and  agricultural  advances,  and  the  fine 
arts  and  moral  conduct.  In  concluding  the  first  essay,  the  author 
expresses  the  belief  that  the  colleges  and  universities  are  providing 
the  common  experience  for  Americans  that  the  frontier  once  did 
.  .  .  the  common  experience  necessary  to  draw  us  together  .  .  .  that 
they  are  creating  a  "new  American  style." 

The  second  essay  which  considers  the  Land-Grant  idea  and  the 
transformation  of  American  society  is  based  on  the  Land-Grant 
colleges  of  the  Great  Plains  and  the  Rocky  Mountain  Region.  In 
these  areas  the  role  of  such  colleges  has  been  most  marked,  for  in 
these  regions  the  Land-Grant  colleges  stood  alone  with  no  com- 
petition or  guidance  from  powerful  private  or  sectarian  institutions. 
While  the  author  acknowledges  the  numerous  and  extremely  bene- 


BOOK  REVIEWS  253 

ficial  achievements  of  the  Land-Grant  colleges,  he  also  discusses 
their  faults  and  failures.  It  is  from  this  discussion  that  contro- 
versy might  develop.  The  Land-Grant  colleges'  fierce  competition 
among  themselves  in  copying  and  duplication  has  resulted  in  the 
achievement  of  a  "system  of  higher  education  lacking  in  system" 
with  little  if  any  working  together  or  sharing  in  a  common  enter- 
prise. "Competition",  the  author  states,  "may  be  the  life  of  trade, 
and  possibly  of  religion,  but  in  the  field  of  education  it  has  also 
been  the  source  of  frustration  and  waste." 

The  lack  of  college  histories  and  even  the  colleges'  reluctance  to 
have  good  histories  written  is  commented  upon.  The  reluctance  of 
the  colleges  to  make  available  the  papers  necessary  to  the  writing 
of  a  college  history  is  also  considered.  The  great  majority  of 
college  histories,  the  author  notes,  are  "some  variation  of  the  rise- 
from-rags-to-riches  theme,  and  not  much  more."  The  colleges 
are  criticized  not  only  for  not  wanting  an  impartial  outside  ap- 
praisal of  their  operations,  but  also  for  their  smugness  and  their 
philosophy  that  they  have  never  been  guilty  of  a  failure  or  mistaken 
policy  that  could  not  have  been  remedied  by  spending  more  money. 

"Democracy's  College"  as  the  author  refers,  not  inappropriately, 
to  the  Land-Grant  colleges,  seem  to  him  to  turn  out  more  graduates 
who  lack  either  sound  judgment  or  a  clear  sense  of  their  public 
responsibilities  than  do  private  institutions.  Preparation  of  high 
school  curriculum  with  no  assistance  from  the  professors  of  the 
subject  matter  area  is  decried,  as  is  the  launching  of  a  new  college 
curriculum  which  is  "preceded  by  a  search  of  other  colleges'  cata- 
logs; new  course  descriptions  smell  of  plagiarism."  The  "irre- 
sponsible interference"  of  outsiders  leads  the  author  to  conclude 
that  not  Washington,  but  local  influences,  exert  more  "idealogical 
interference"  in  our  colleges.  Only  complete  and  candid  informa- 
tion can  be  the  answer  to  critics  and  friends  alike,  concludes  the 
author. 

The  only  question  I  would  ask  the  author  is  this:  Is  this  a 
maturing  or  a  decaying  democracy? 

Cheyenne  J.  Pelham  Johnston 


Contributors 


David  D.  Dominick  served  three  years  as  a  U.  S.  Marine  Corps 
officer  following  his  graduation  from  Yale  University  in  1960.  He 
is  presently  a  law  student  at  the  University  of  Colorado.  Born  in 
Philadelphia,  he  moved  with  his  family  to  Cody,  Wyoming  in  1940. 
His  father.  Dr.  DeWitt  Dominick,  is  a  prominent  physician,  and  the 
family  operates  the  7-D  dude  ranch  in  the  Sunlight  Basin  during 
the  summer. 

J.  Herold  Day,  born  in  1895,  has  been  engaged  in  cattle  ranch- 
ing in  Wyoming  all  of  his  life.  As  a  young  man  he  worked  for  his 
father  and  other  ranchers  as  a  cowhand,  and  later  acquired  ranch 
holdings  of  his  own.  A  few  years  ago  ill  health  forced  him  to  sell 
his  cattle  and  lease  his  land,  but  he  and  Mrs.  Day  still  live  in  the 
same  ranch  house  they  have  occupied  since  1917,  on  Bridger 
Creek,  near  Lysite. 

John  Dishon  McDermott.  See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34, 
No.  2,  October,  1962,  pp.  261-262. 

Robert  A.  Murray.  See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  36,  No.  1, 
April,  1964,  p.  124. 

Robert  H.  Burns.  See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  22,  No.  2, 
July,  1950,  p.  76. 

A.  S.  Gillespie.  See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34,  No.  2, 
October,  1962,  p.  262. 

Burton  S.  Hill.  See  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  34,  No.  1, 
April,  1962,  p.  131-132. 

Mae  Urbanek.  See  Annuls  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  27,  No.  2, 
October,  1955,  p.  251,  and  Vol.  35,  No.  2,  October,  1963,  p.  245. 


ERRATUM 

The  cover  picture  of  the  Annals  of  Wyoming  for  April,  1964, 
was  identified  incorrectly  as  Cloud  Peak.  The  title  of  the  picture 
was  taken  from  information  on  the  original  glass  plate  negative 
in  the  Stimson  Collection.  After  its  publication  letters  were  re- 
ceived from  Hans  Kleiber,  of  Dayton,  and  Elsa  Spear  Byron,  of 
Sheridan,  stating  that  the  peak  shown  in  the  photograph  is  Black 
Tooth.  Mr.  Kleiber  suggested  that  the  picture  was  probably  taken 
from  the  Highland  Park  area  at  the  head  of  North  Piney  Creek. 
Their  corrections  are  appreciated. 


General  Jndex 


Adair,  Capt.,   36:1:67 

Albany  National  Bank,  36:2:190 

Alburger,   Pvt.,   36:2:177,    181,    182 

Alder  Gulch,  36:2:212 

Alexander,  Esther,  36:2:195 

Alkali  Creek,  36:2:241 

Allen,  W.  A.,  36:2:141 

'Along  Bozeman  Trail  Near  Beck- 
ton,"  by  Elsa  Spear  Byron,  36: 
1:68,  69 

Alsop,  John  D.,  36:2:187,   188 

Alsop,  Tom,  36:2:185,  189;  Mrs.. 
36:2:186 

Alsop,  Wm.  J.,  36:2:187 

American  Fur  Co.,  36:1:8 

Anderson,   John,   36:2:23 

Anderson,  William  W..  36:2:222 

Andrews,  Ralph  W.,  Indians  as  the 
Westerners  Saw  Them,  review, 
36:1:110 

Antelope  Creek,  36:2:185;  Springs, 
213 

'Antelope  Creek  Station,"  By  Edith 
Thompson,   36:1:50 

Army  Life  On  the  Plains,  by  Fran- 
ces C.  Carrington,  36:1:52 

Asbury,  Bvt.  Maj.  Henry,  36:2:183 

Atkinson,  Ruth  Ford,  and  Maxine 
Colonna,  Jireh  College — Stirred 
Embers  of  the  Past,  review,  36: 
1:111-113 

Atlantic  City,  36:1:85.  87,  88 

Auger,  Roland,  36:2:173 


Backwoods  Railroads  of  the  West, 
A  Portfolio,  by  Richard  Stein- 
heimer,  review,  36:1:114 

Bacon,  Dan,  36:2:188 

Bad  men,  The,  Columbia  Records 
Legacy  Collection,  review,  36:1: 
122 

Badwater  Creek,  36:2:241 

Baker,  — ,  36:2:209 

Baker  &  Graham,  36:1:66 

Balch  and  Bacon,  36:2:186 

Baptiste.  John,  36:2:231 

Barlow,  Lew,  photo,  36:2:234,  235 

Barnitz.  Capt.,  36:2:180 

Bartlett,  Albert,  "Some  Interesting 
Facts".  36:1:59.  60 

Basin-Plateau.  36:2:132 


Bassett.  A.  C,  36:1:81 

Battle-Axe  Ranch  and  brand,  36:2: 

241 
Battle   of  Platte   Bridge,    The.   by   J. 

W.     Vaughn,     review.     36:1:104, 

1 05 
Beall,    W.    J..    36:2:221.    222.    223. 

224.    231;    Mrs.,    36:2:215,    220, 

221,  222;  photo,  219 
Bear  Creek,   36:1:48 
Beaumont,  36:2:208 
Beaver  Creek  Divide,  36:1:66 
Beaverhead  Valley,  36:2:205,  206 
Beckton,  36:1:67;  36:2:214 
Beebe,  Lucius,  The  Overland  Limit- 
ed, review,   36:1:113 
Beef  Makers  of  the  Laramie  Plains, 

by  Robert  H.  "Bob"  Burns,  36:2: 

185-197 
Bell,  E.  J..  36:2:195 
Bellamy,  Mrs.  Mary.  36:2:195 
Belle  Fouche  River,  36:1:69 
Bengough,  Clement  S.  "Ben",  36:2: 

190,    191,    192,   193 
Berry,     Henryetta,     review    of     The 

Overland  Limited,  36:1:113 
Dr.  Bessie,  by  Alfred  M.  Rehwinkel, 

review,  36:2:251.  252 
Best,  Isaac,  36:2:215 
Big  Creek,  36:2:178,    179 
Big  Deep  Creek,  36:2:241 
Big  Goose,   36:1:66.   67,   69;   36:2: 

214 
Big  Horn,   36:1:65;   36:2:214;  Citv, 

36:1:66 
Big    Horn     Basin    route,    36:2:222, 

223 
Big  Horn  Canyon,  36:1:68 
Big  Horn  Mountains,  36:2:241 
Big   Horn    River,   36:1:73;   36:2:20; 

Little  Big  Horn.  36:2.  233 
Big  Horn  Sentinel,   36:1:66 
Big  Horns   (Mountains),   36:1:44 
Big  Horns  on  the  Yellowstone,   36: 

2:206,  208,  209,  211,  232 
Big  Spring,  36:2:213 
Billington,    Ray   Allen.    Introduction 

to  Soldier  and  Brave,  review,  36: 

1:108,   109 
Bingham,  36: 1  :73 
Bishop,  Clark,   36:1:65 
Bismarck,   36:2:239 
Blackburn  Flat.  36:2:194 
Black  Hills.  36:2:232.  236 
Black's  Fork,  36:2:143 


256 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Bohlen,  E.  T.,  review  of  War  Eagle, 

36:2:249,  250 
Bogue,   Allan  G.,   From   Prairie   To 

Corn  Belt,  review,  36:1:118,    119 
Bonneville,  Capt.,  36:2:137 
Bosler,  36:2:200 
Bouier,  Mitch,  36:2:216,  217 
Boulder  Ridge,  36:2:188 
Bozeman,  John  Merin,  36:1:44;  36: 

2:204,    205,   209,    211,    212,    221, 

222,    223,    224,    231,    232;   photo, 

36:2:204 
Bozeman,  Lila,   36:2:205 
Bozeman,  Linda,  36:2:205 
Bozeman,  Martha  C,  36:2:205 
Bozeman    and    the    Bozeman    Trail, 

by  Burton  S.  Hill,  36:2:205 
Bozeman  Courier,  36:2:221 
Bozeman,     Mont.,     36:2:211,     222, 

224 
Bozeman  Pass,  36:2:206 
Bozeman  Point,  36:1:69 
Bozeman  Road,  36:1:64,  65,  69,  74; 

36:2:229,  230,  231,  232 
Bozeman  Route,  36:2:221 
Bozeman  Trail,  36:2:212,  214,  218, 

219,    226,    227,    229;    Big    Goose 

Crossing,    36:1:69;    Piney    Creek 

Crossing,  36: 1 :64 
"Bozeman     Trail     Crossing     Little 

Goose  Valley,   1864",  36:1:66 
Bozeman  Trail  Trek,  36:1:43-77 
Bozeman  Train,  36:2:221,  222 
Bowles,  Charles,  36:2:225 
Bradley,  Lieut.  James  H.,  36:1:53 
Brady,  James,  36:2:208,  209 
Bridger,  Jim,   36:1:36,   54,   73 
Bridger  Crossing  of  the  Platte,  36: 

2:212 
Bringolf,  Mary,  36:2:186 
Brooks,  J.  Chadwick,  36:2:172 
Brown,  Charles,  36:2:189 
Brown,    Capt.    F.    H.,    36:1:63,    65, 

72,  73 
Brown,  George,  36:2:189 
Brown,  Col.  W.  C,  36:2:140 
Brown,  Lieut.,  36:1:45,  47 
Brown's  Springs,  36:2:213,  228 
"Brown    Springs    Station,"    by    Mrs. 

Will  M.  Henry,  36:1:45 
Brundage,  George,  36:2:214 
Brundage,  T.  J.,  diary,  36:2:214 
Bryan  City,  36:1:80,  88 
Buell,  Charles,  36:1:56 
Buell,  Gen.  Don  Carlos,  36:1:8 
Buffalo,  36:1:56;  36:2:213,  233 
Buffalo  Creek  Station,  36:1:56 
Burns,  Kid,  36:2:197 
Burns,  Otto,  36:2:192,  195 
Burns,   Robert  H.   "Bob",   36:2:185 


Burlington   Railroad,    36:2:241 

Burroughs,  John  Rolfe,  Where  the 
Old  West  Stayed  Young,  review, 
36:1:117,   118 

Burton,  Sir  Richard,  The  Look  of 
the  West  1860,  36:1:123 

Butte,  Mont.,  36:2:211 

Byron,  Elsa  Spear,  "The  Fetterman 
Fight",  36:1:63-66;  "Fortified 
Hill  at  Beckton",  36:1:67,  68; 
"Along  Bozeman  Trail  Near 
Beckton",  36:1:68,  69;  review  of 
Cowboys  and  Cattlemen,  36:2: 
245,  246 


C.  B.  &  Q.  R.  R.,  36:2:213 
Caldwell,   Post  Surgeon  D.  G.,  36: 

1:17 
Callender,    Bvt.   Gen.   F.   D.,    36:2: 

183 
Campbell  County,  36:2:235 
Campbell,     Robert,     36:1:8;     36:2: 

171 
Cantonment  Reno,  36:1:52,  53 
Carpenter,  Capt.,  A.  B.,  36:2:179 
Carrington,  Frances  C,  36:1:52 
Carrington,  Col.  Henry  B.,  36:1:52, 

60,  61,  63,  64,  65,  67;  36:2:226, 

227,  230;  Mrs.,  36:1:45 
Carter  County,  36:1:82 
Castle    Rock    Stage    Station,    36:2: 

178,  179 
Catlin,  Maj.  John  B.,  36:2:229 
Cattle  Raising  on   the  Plains  1900- 

1961,  by  John  T.  Schlebecker,  re- 
view, 36:1:105,  106,  107 
Centennial,  36:2:193 
Chandler,  Capt.  Robert,  36:2:183 
Cheyenne  Argus,  The,  36:1:81 
Cheyenne  River,  36:1:69 
Cheyenne  River  Crossing,  36:1:48 
Chimney  Rock,  36:2:186 
Choteau,  Pierre  Jr.  &  Co.,  36:1:8 
Clampitt,  John  W.,  36:1:86 
Clark's    Fork    of    the    Yellowstone, 

36:2:224 
Clay,  John,  36:2:190 
Clay   -   Robinson   Commission,    36: 

2:190 
Clear     Creek,     36:1:56;     36:2:209, 

211,  212,  233 
Coates,  Surgeon,  36:2:177 
Coe  &  Carter,  36:1:67 
Coffinbury,   Capt.   Cyrus   B.,   36:2: 

218,  219 


GENERAL  INDEX 


257 


Coffinbury  Train.  36:2:214.  220. 
222 

Cole,  Capt.,  36:1:69.  70 

Cole,  Col.  36:1:51.  52.  71,  75 

Coleman,  Lieut.  William.  36:2:210. 
211 

Colon,  Jean,  36:2:172 

Colonna,  Maxine  and  Ruth  Ford 
Atkinson,  Jireh  College — Stirred 
Embers  of  the  Past,  review.  36: 1  : 
111-113 

Colorado  -  Midland  Railroad.  36:2: 
239 

Conley,  Corp.  Paddy,  36:1:62 

Connelly,  Sgt..  36:2:178.   179 

Connor,  Gen.  Patrick  E..  36:1:49, 
51.  52.  70.  71.  73.  74.  75;  36:2: 
223:  Powder  River  Expedition, 
36:2:225 

Conrad.  John  H.  &  Co..  36:1:56 

Contor.  Jack.  36:2:153 

Converse   Countv.    36:2:213.    228 

Cook.  C.  W..  36:2:138 

Cooke.  Lt.  W.  W..  36:2:176.  178. 
179 

Cooper,  Jack,   36:2:239,   240 

Cooper  Creek,  36:2:191 

Copper  Mountain,  36:2:241 

Corner  Mountain,  36:2:194 

Cover,  Tom,   36:2:224.   231 

Cowboys  and  Cattlemen,  selected 
and  edited  by  Michael  W.  Ken- 
nedy, review.  36:2:245,  246 

Cox.  Capt.,  36:2:179 

Crampton.  C.  Gregory,  review  of 
Where  the  Old  West  Staved 
Young,  36:1:117.    118 

Crazy  Woman  Creek,  36:1:74;  36: 
2:208.  213 

"Crazy  Woman  Creek  Indian  Bat- 
tle, The,"  by  Burton  S.  Hill.  36: 
1:53,   54,   56 

Creighton,  Ed,  36:2:186.   187,   189 

Crook,  Gen.  George,  36:1:44.  49; 
36:2:233 

Crookston.  36:2:239 

Cross  H  Ranch,  36:2:213 

Curtin,  Loretta,  review  of  Indians 
as  the  Westerners  Saw  Them, 
36:1:110 

Custer,  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  G.  A..  36:2: 
175-184,  233 

Custer,  Tom.   36:2:176.    178.    179 

Custer  Country,  by  Ralph  E.  Scud- 
der,  review,  36:2:250 

Custer  Court  Martial,  The,  by  Rob- 
ert A.  Murray,  36:2:175 

Cycle  of  the  West,  A,  by  John  G. 
Neihardt,   review,   36:1:123 


Davis.  W.  F.,  36:1:66 

Day.  Hannibal.  36:1:6 

Day.  J.  Herold.  36:2:239,  240.  241 

Dayton.  36:1,  73;  36:2:214 

Deer  Creek,  36:2:207,  208 

Deer  Lodge,  Mont..  36:2:210 

Deer  Lodge  Valley,  36:2:206,  209 

Denver,  Colo..  36:2:212 

DeQuill.  Dan,  36:1:85 

DeSmet.   Father   Pierre,   36:1:57 

"DeSmet.    Lake,"   by   J.   Tom    Wall, 

36:1:57-59,  67,  74 
Devils  Tower,  36:2:236 
DeVoto.   Bernard.   36:1:79 
Dick,  Everett,  Tales  of  the  Frontier, 

review.  36:2:250 
Dickerson,  Albert  J.,  36:2:221 
Dickson  party,  36:2:221 
Diesels  West.',  by  David  P.  Morgan, 

review,  36:1:1  14.    115 
Doane.  Gustavius  C.  36:2:138 
Dominick,   David.    The  Sheepeaters, 

36:2:131-168 
Donely.  Corp.  Peter.  36:1:69 
Douglas  Willan  &  Sartoris  Co..   36: 

2:193,    195 
Dow.  Jack,  36:1:66 
Downer's  Station,  36:2:179,   181 
Doyle,  Pvt.  Tom.  36:1:62 
Draper.  W.  F.,  36:2:235 
Dry  Cheyenne  Crossing,  36:1:45 
Dry    Fork    of   the   Cheyenne,    36:2: 

228 
Dry   Fork   on    Powder    River,   36:2: 

208,  213 
Dun.  Finlay.  36:2:202 
Dunraven.  Earl  of.  36:2:138 


Eaton  ranch,  36:1:69 
Elliot.  Maj.  Joel,  36:2:176 
Emigrant  Gulch.   36:2:220 
Emigrant  Trail  Trek   No.    14.   36:1: 

43-77;  photos.  58 
English.  Bvt.  Lt.  T.  C.  36:2:183 
ER  brand,  36:2:241 


Fee.  Lizzie,  36:2:195 

Fendrich,  Anne,  review  of  The  Ore- 
gon Desert,  36:2:246.   247 

Ferrel.  Sgt.,  36:1:55 

Fetterman,  Col.  W.  J.,  36:1:44 

"Fetterman  Fight",  by  Elsa  Spear 
Byron.   36:1:63-66 


258 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Field  Notes  of  Captain  William 
Clark,  The,  ed.  and  with  Intro, 
and  Notes  by  Ernest  Staples  Os- 
good,  review,   36:2:247,   248 

Field,  Matthew,  36:2:170 

First  National  Bank  of  Buffalo,  36: 
1:56 

Fisher,  Isaac,  36:1:64,  65 

Fissiau-LaRamee,  Antoine,  36:2: 
173;  Jacques,  173;  Jean  Baptiste, 
173;  Joseph.  173;  Joseph  Michel, 
173;  Louis,  173;  Noel,  173;  Louis 
Theophile,  173;  Pierre  Severin, 
173 

Fitzgerald,   Corp.   Gordon,    36:1:69 

Five  Mile  Flat,  36:1:72 

Flag  Ranch,  36:2:189,  190,  196 

Flemming,   Lieut.   Hugh,   36:1:13 

Flett,  David  M.,  review  of  Dr. 
Bessie.  36:2:251,  252 

Folsom-Cook  Expedition  of  1869, 
36:2:138 

Fort   Benton,   36:2:206 

Fort  Bridger,  36:1:80,   85,   86 

Fort  Carrington,  36:1:53 

Fort  Connor,  36:1:69,  72,  74,  75; 
36:2:213,  225,  227 

Fort  Dodge,  36:2:180 

Fort  Douglas,  36:2:186 

Fort  Fetterman,  36:2:213 

"Fort  Fetterman  and  the  Old  Hog 
Ranch",  by  Claude  McDermott, 
36:1:44 

Fort  Hall,  36:2:206 

Fort  Hall,  Gateway  to  the  Oregon 
Country,  by  Frank  C.  Robertson, 
review,  36:2:115,   117 

Fort  Hall  Reservation,  36:2:132, 
134,   142 

Fort  Harker,  36:2:178,  179,  180, 
181 

Fort  Hays,  36:2:175,  179,  180,  181 

Fort  John,  36:1:8 

Fort  Kearney,  36:1:8 

Fort  Laramie,  36:1:8,  19,  20,  21, 
73;  36:2:171,  212,  221,  225,  226, 
229;  photos,  1849,  36:1:9;  N.  C. 
O.  Quarters,  1884,  36:1:16;  pic- 
nic by  Laramie  River,  1889,  36: 
1:17 

Fort  Laramie's  Silent  Soldier,  Leo- 
degar  Schnvder,  by  John  Dishon 
McDermott,   36:1:5-18 

Fort  Larned,  36:2:180 

Fort  Leavenworth,  36:2:183,  184, 
229 

Fort  Lyons,  36:2:180 

Fort  McKinney,  36:1:53;  36:2:233 

Fort   McPherson,   36:2:175 
Fort  Morgan,  36:2:175 


Fort  Phil  Kearny,  36:1:52,  68;  36: 

2:214,  227,  228,  230 
"Fort  Phil  Kearny",  by  D.  O.  Geier, 

36:1:60,  61 
Fort  Reno,  36:2:180,  181,  184,  225, 

227,  229,  230 
Fort  Reynolds,  36:2:180 
Fort  Riley,  36:2:180,  181,  184 
Fort  Sanders,  36:2:187 
Fort  Sedgwick,  36:2:175,   182 
Fort  Smith,   C.   F.,   36:1:68;   36:2: 

227 
Fort   Wallace,    36:2:175,    178,    179, 

180,  181,  182 
Fort  William,  36:1:8;  36:2:171 
Fossil    Hunting    in    the    Big    Horn 

Basin — The    diary    of    Frank    L. 

Moore    1899,    ed.    by    Austin    L. 

Moore,    36:1:22-33 
Fowler,  Don  D.,  Notes  On  the  Ear- 
ly Life  of  Chief  Washakie,  36:1: 

35-42;   124 
Fraser,  Steve,  36:2:195 
Fremont,  John,  36:1:8 
French  Pete,  36:1:65 
From  Prairie  to  Corn  Belt,  by  Allan 

G.  Bogue,  review,  36:1:118-119 
Frontier  Index,  36:1:81 
Fuller,  Pvt.,  36:1:54 


Gallatin,  Albert,   36:2:171 

Gallatin  River,  36:2:212 

Gallatin  Valley,  36:2:206,  214,  216, 

220,     223;     Upper,     233;     Upper 

East,  223 
Garber,    Vie    Willits,    "The    Wagon 

Box  Fight",  36:1:61-63 
Garnett,  Richard  B.,  36:1:10 
Gatchell,  Jim,  36:1:65 
Geier,  D.  O.,  "Fort  Phil  Kearney", 
36:1:60,  61 

Geier,  George,  36:1:61 
Geiger,  Louis,  Higher  Education  in 

a    Maturing    Democracy,    review, 

36:2:252,  253 
Georgia  Gulch,  Colo.,  36:2:205 
Ghent,  W.  J.,  36:2:171 
Gibbony,  George,  36:2:115,  217 
Gillespie,  A.  S.  (Bud),  36:2:199 
Gillette,  36:2:235,  237 
Gilman,  Edward,  36:1:83 
Gordon,  George  V.  H.,  36:2:196 
Gordon,  Maj.,  36:1:68 
Gordon,  Nebr.,  36:2:185 
Goshen  Hole,  36:2:202 
Grande  River,  36:2:239 
Grasshopper  Creek,  36:2:205,  208 
Grattan,  Lieut.  John,  36:1:5.  13 


GENERAL  INDEX 


259 


Great  Falls,  Mont.,  36:2:239 
Great     Gates,      The,     by      Marshall 

Sprague,    review,    36:2:243-245 
Green,  Col.,  36:1:68 
Green   River,   36:2:239 
Green  River  Valley.  36:2:152 
Gresley-Robbins   ranch,    36:2:190 
Grierson,  Bvt.  Maj.  B.  H.,  36:2:182 
Grummond,  Lieut.  G.  W.,  36:1:63 
Gurian,  Jay,  Sweetwater  Journalism 

and    Western    Myth,    36:1:79-88; 

biog.,    124 


Haggerty,    Pvt.,   36:1:62 
Hall,  Christopher  W.,  36:1:22 
Hallowell,    Louise    Stimson,    review 

of  Songs  of  Wyoming,  36:1:107, 

108 
Halverson,      Katherine.     review     of 

Oh!  Forts  of   the   Northwest,    36: 

1 :  109,  110;  review  of  Tales  of  the 

Frontier,  36:2:250 
Hamilton,   Capt..    36:2:178,    179 
Hammersley,  Pete,  36:2:190 
"Hank  Whip",   36:1:85 
Hanna,  Oliver  Perry,   36:1:66 
Harper,  Wagonmaster,   36:2:176 
Harris,  Dr.  William,  36:2:186 
Hart,    Herbert,    Old    Forts    of    the 

Northwest,  review,  36:1:109,    110 
Harwad,  William,   36:1:68 
Hass,  Supt.,   36:2:141 
Hay  Field  Fight,  36:1:68 
Hazard,  Charles  J.,  36:1:80,  85 
Hazen,  Joe,  36: 1 :45 
Hebard,  Grace,  36:2:141,   171 
Hedges,  Cornelius,  36:2:222,  223 
Hein  (Wright)  ranch,  36:2:194 
Heintz,   Assistant  Surgeon,   36:1:53 
Held,  Ed,  36:2:200 
Helena   Gazette,    The,   36:1:79,   80 
Helena  Herald,  The,  36:1:87 
Henderson,     Paul,    maps,     Bozeman 

Trail  Trek,  36:1:46,  47 
Henry,  Catherine,   36:1:48 
Henry,  Mike,  36:1:45,  49 
Henry,  Will  M.,  36:1:48 
Henry,      Mrs.      Will      M.,      "Brown 

Springs   Station",   36:1:45-49 
Henry  rifle,   36:2:215 
Hepps  field,   36:1:61 
Higher    Education     in    a    Maturing 

Democracy,  by  Louis  G.  Geiger, 

review,  36:2:252,  253 
Hildebrand,      Lyle,      "Sage      Creek 

Station",   36:1:45 


Hill.  Burton  S.,  "The  Crazy  Woman 
Creek  Indian  Battle",  36:1:53, 
54;  "The  Trabing  Trading  Post", 
55-57;  Bozeman  and  the  Boze- 
man Trail,  36:2:205-233 
Hoffman,  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  W.,  36:2: 

182 
Holcomb,  Marjorie,  review  of  Tales 
....of  the  Seeds-Ke-Dee,   36:  1  :  1  1  1 
Holt,  Joseph,   36:1:14 
Homer.  Belle  Stuart,  36:2:190 
Homer.    Bob,    36:2:188,     189.     190, 

196 
Homer,  Capt.  John.  36:2:188 
Homsher,  Lola  M.,  "Tenth  Anniver- 
sary   of    the    Society",    36:1:100- 
103;    review    of   Backwoods   Rail- 
roads  of    the    West,    A    Portfolio, 
36:  1  :  1  14;  review  of  The  West  of 
William    Ashley,    36:2:242,    243; 
review  of  The  Field  Notes  of  Wil- 
liam Clark,  36:2:247,  248 
Honor    Thy    Father,    by    Robert    A. 
Roripaugh,  review,   36:1:120-122 
Hoodoo  Creek,   36:2:241 
Horse  Creek,   36:2:239 
Horse  Creek  Council,  36:1:43 
Horseshoe    Villa,    36:2:237;    photo, 

234 
Huddlemeyer,   Frank,   36:2:218 
Hull,  Lewis  Bram,  36:1:15 
Hunton,  John,  36:2:170,   171 
Hust,  George,  36:1:80,  85 
Hutton,  Charlie,  36:2:186,   187,   189 
Hutton  Station,   36:2:200 
Idaho,  36:2:236 
Idaho  Terr.   36:2:205 
Indians     as     the      Westerners     Saw 
Them,  by  Ralph  W.  Andrews,  re- 
view.  36:1:110 
Indian  Hunter's  Blind,  photo,  36:2: 

160 
INDIANS 

Chiefs  and  Individuals: 
Big  Nose,  36:1:64 
Black  Bear,  Chief,  36:1:75 
Conquering  Bear.   36:1:13 
High   Forehead,  36:1:13 
Old  David.  36:1:75 
Osceola,  Chief.  36:1:6 
Red    Cloud,    36:1,    44,    61,    62; 

36:2:226 
Standing  Elk,  36:2:226 
Togwotee,    36:2:  141 
Under-the-Ground.    36:2:141 
Washakie,     Chief.     36:1:35-42; 
photo.   34;   36:2:135.    142 


260 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Tribes: 

Algonquin,  36:2:152 

Arapahoes,  36:1:75 

Bannock,    36:2:133,    139,    140, 

144 
Blackfeet,  36:2:143,  231 
Brule  Sioux,  36:1:13 
Cheyenne,    36:2:227 
Comanche,  36:2:134,  143 
Crow,  36:2:144,  231 
Gosiute,   36:2:133 
Hopi,  36:2:134 
Nez  Perce,  36:2:144 
Paiute,   Northern,   36:2:133 
Paiute,  Southern,  36:2:133 
Sioux,  36:1:44 
Sheepeaters,    36:2:131-166 
Agaideka,  36:2:133 
Dayiane,  36:2: 133 
Dukarika.     See  Tukudeka 
Dukurika.     See  Tukudeka 
Haivodika,  36:2:135 
Hekandeka,  36:2:133 
Hukandeka.     See  Hekandeka 
Kucundika,    36:2:135 
Kutsundeka,   36:2:133,    134 
Kuyedeka,  36:2:134 
Padehiyadeka,   36:2:134 
Pa-rah-ia-dika.     See  Tukudeka 
Pengwideka,   36:2:133 
Took-a-rik-kah.     See  Tukudeka 
Toyani.     See  Tukudeka 
Tukarika.     See  Tukudeka 
Tukuarika.     See  Tukudeka 
Tukudeka,  36:2:131,   133.   134, 

135 
Tukudika.     See  Tukudeka 
Tukurika.     See  Tukudeka 
Shoshone.     See  Shoshoni 
Shoshonee.     See  Shoshoni 
Shoshoni,    36:2:131.    132,    133, 
134,  135,  144,  146,  147,  148, 
151,  152,  153,  154,  155,  161, 
165 
Sioux,  36:2:131,  132,  133,  134, 
141,    143,    145;  Teton,   36:2: 
225,  232 
Snake,  36:2:137 
Ute,  36:2:133 
Weisers,  36:2:140 
Ingram,  Lucinda  C,  36:2:205 
Irwin,  George  W.  II,  36:2:211,  212 
Jackman,    E.    R.    and    R.    A.    Long, 
The  Oregon  Desert,  review,  36:2: 
246,  247 
Jackson,  Lt.  Henry,  36:2:176,  177 
Jackson,  W.  E.,  36:1:66 
Jackson,   W.   Turrentine,   review   of 
Cattle  Raising  on  the  Plains  1960- 
1961,  36:1:105-107 


Jackson  Creek,  36:1:66 

Jacobs,    John    M.,    36:2:206,    207, 

208,  209,  212,  222,  223 
Jacob's  Crossing,  36:2:223 
James  gang,  36:1:66 
Jefferson  River,  36:2:212 
Jenness,  Lieut.  John  C,  36:1:62 
Jireh    College    -   Stirred   Embers   of 

the  Past,  by  Maxine  Colonna  and 

Ruth  Ford  Atkinson,  review,  36: 

1:111-113 
John   Shepherd   Day,    by   J.    Herold 

Day,   36:2:239 
Johnson,     Pvt.     Charles,     36:2:177, 

181,  182 
Johnson,   Mrs.   Fanny,   36:2:192 
Johnson  County,   36:2:186,   214 
Johnston,  Albert  Sydney,  36:1:36 
Johnston,     J.     Pelham,     review     of 

Higher  Education   in   a   Maturing 

Democracy,  36:2:252,  253 
Jones,  A.  C,  36:2:191 
Jones,  Jack,  36: 1 :68 
Jose,  blacksmith,  36:1:67 
Judd,  Frank  R.,  36:1:88 


Kaycee,  36:1:74 

Kelley,  William,  36:1:9 

Kennedy,     Michael,    Cowboys    and 

Cattlemen,  review,  36:2:245,  246 
Keogh,  Capt.,  36:2:180 
Ketchum,  Capt.  William  Scott,  36: 

1:10,   11 
Keystone,  36:2:195 
King,  James  T.,   War  Eagle,  review, 

36:2:249,  250 
Kirkendall,  Hugh,   36:2:228,  229 
Kirkpatrick,    James,    36:2:208,    209 
Kleiber,   Hans,   Songs  of   Wyoming, 

review,  36:1:107,  108 
Knapp,  Ed,  36:2:241 
Knock,  Mike  L,  36:2:211 


LaBonte,  36:2:193 

Lake  DeSmet,  36:2:213 

Lake  Ranch,   36:2:188 

Lander,  36:2:240 

LaRamee,  Jacques,  36:2:169,  172; 
J.  Edmond,  172,  173;  Francois, 
172;  Jeanne,  173;  Jean  Baptiste, 
172;  Joseph,   173 

LaRamie,  Jacques,  36:2:185 

Laramie  City,  36:2:186 

Laramie  Mountains,  36:2:185 


GENERAL  INDEX 


261 


Laramie  Peak,  36:2:185 

Laramie  Plains,  36:2:185,   188,   192, 

193,  200 
Laramie   River,   36:2:187,    188;    Big 

Laramie,      36:2:186,      187,      196; 

Little     Laramie,     36:2:187,     193. 

194 
Larson,     T.     A.,     review     of    From 

Prairie    to    Corn    Belt,    36:1:118, 

119 
Latham,  Dr.  H.,  36:2:188 
Lawrence,    Rena    Palmer,    36:2:197 
Leadville,  Colo.,  36:2:239 
Leonard,  Bugler,  36:2:177 
Lew  Barlow  of  Gillette,  by  Mae  Ur- 

hanek,   36:2:235-238 
Lightburn.  C.  L.,  36:1:82 
Little  Big  Horn,  36:1:60 
Little   Goose  Creek,   36:1:66;   ford, 

36:2:214 
Lodge  Pole  Creek,  36:2:208 
Lodge  Trail   Ridge,  36:1:60 
Lookout  Station,   36:2:200 
Look  of  the  West,  I860,  The,  by  Sir 

Richard   Burton,   36:1:123 
Lorimier,   Louis,   36:2:71 
Lorimier's   Peak,   36:2:171 
Lost  Cabin,  36:2:240,  241 
Lund,  Al,  36:2:231 
Lyford,   Bvt.   Maj.   Stephen   C,    36: 

2:183 
Lysite,  36:2:241 


MacAdam,  W.   K.,  36:1:63 
McAdow,  P.  W.,  36:2:224 
McCarthy,  Lieut.  Francis,  36:1:62 
McCarthy,  James,  36:1:80 
McComber,  H.  B.,  36:1:85 
McDermott,   Claude,   36:1:44 
McDermott,  John  Dishon,  Fort  Lar- 
amie's    Silent     Soldier     Leodegar 
Schnyder,   36:1:5-18;    The  Search 
for  Jacques  LaRamee  -  A    Study 
in   Frustration,   36:2:169-174 
McGather,  John,  36:1:82 
McGraw.  — ,  36:2:241 
McKeever,  Pvt.  Edward,  36:1:69 
McKinzie,  W.  S.,  36:2:231,  232 
McLaren,  Col.  N.  R.,  36:2:225 
McPherson,  Judge  A.  D.,  36:2:231 
M  &  M  Ranch  house,  36:2:213 
Madison  River,  36:2:212 
Magnolia   Saloon.   36:1:85 
Mahan,    Richard,    review   of   Honor 
Thy  Father,  36:1:120-122;  review 
of    The    Storvcatcher,     36:2:248, 
249 


Marr,  Capt.,  36:1:53,  54 

Marriott,  Alice,  Saynday's  People, 
review,    36: 1 :  123 

Marsh   and   Cooper,   36:2:192 

Martin,  Oscar  and  Kelly,  ranch, 
36:2:196 

Matson,  Lieut.,  36:1:65 

Maynadier,  Col.   N.   E.,   36:2:225 

Medicine  Bow,  36:2:200;  Moun- 
tains.  185 

Michigan  Cavalry,  6th,  36:1:49 

Milbrook   Ranch,  36:2:193 

Miles  City,   Mont.,   36:2:235 

Miller,  Neal,  President's  Message. 
See  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society;  review  of  Soldier  and 
Brave,  The  National  Survey  of 
Historic  Sites  and  Buildings,  Na- 
tional Park  Service,  36:1:108, 
109 

Mills,  36:2:217 

Mission  Creek,  36:2:231 

Missouri  Buttes,  36:2:235;  River, 
36:1:69;   36:2:206 

Montana  Territory,   36:2:205 

Moon,  Lieut.     See  Moore 

Moore,  Austin  L.,  Fossil  Hunting  in 
the  Big  Horn  Basin,  36:1:22-33; 
biog.,    124 

Moore,  Frank  L.,  diary,  36:1:22-33 

Moore,  Lieut..   36:1:70 

Morgan,  Bill,  "Sand  Creek  Station", 
36:1:49,  50 

Morgan,  Dale  L.,  36:1:35;  The 
West  of  William  Ashley,  review, 
36:2:242,  243 

Morgan,  David  P.,  Diesels  West!, 
review,  36:1:114,    115 

Morgan,  George.  Sr.,  36:2:194,   195 

Morgan,  Bvt.  Brig.  Gen.  M.  R..  36: 
2:183 

Morrison,  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  Pitcairn, 
36:2:182 

Mountford,   AI,   36:2:191 

Murphy,  Sheriff,  J.  R.,  36:1:83 

Murray,  Robert  A..  Prices  and 
Wages  at  Fort  Laramie,  1881- 
1885,  36:1:19-21;  biog.,    124 


Neihardt.  John  G.,   A   Cycle  of  the 

West,  review,  36:1:123 
Nelson,  Dick  J.,  "Seventy  Years  and 

More      Ago".      poem.      36:1:77; 

"Smooth   the  Way",   poem,   36:2: 

203 
Nelson  Resort,  36:2:194 
Newman,  E.  S..  36:2:185 


262 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Niobrara  Cattle  Co.,  36:2:185 

Norris,  Supt.,  36:2:140 

North,  Capt.  Frank,  36:1:49 

North,  Maj.,  36:1:74 

North  Platte   River,  36:1:73;  36:2: 

207 
Northern  Pacific,  36:2:232 
Notes   on    the   Early   Life   of   Chief 

Washakie,  ed.  by  Don  D.  Fowler, 

36:1:35-42 


Ogden,  U.  T.,  36:2:240 

Old    Forts    of    the    Northwest,    by 

Herbert    M.    Hart,    review,    36:1: 

109,   110 
Old   Travois   Trails,   36:1:61;   36:2: 

215,  216 
Oregon  Desert,  The,  by  E.  R.  Jack- 
man  and  R.  A.  Long,  review,  36: 

2:246,  247 
Oregon    Trail,    36:1:43;    36:2:206, 

208,  212,  221,  223 
Orin,  36:2:213 
Osgood,    Ernest    Staples,    The   Field 

Notes  of  Captain   William  Clark, 

review,  36:2:247,  248 
Oster,  George  C,  36:2:216 
Ostrom,  George,  36:1:66 
Ould,  Dr.,   36:1:65 
Overland   Limited,    The,    by    Lucius 

Beebe,  review,  36:1:113 
Oxford  Horse  Ranch,  36:2:195 


Palmer,  Axel,  36:2:196,   197 

Palmer,  Gus,  36:2:197 

Palmer,  Capt.  Henry  E.,  36:1:74 

Parker,  Aaron,  36:2:140 

Parker,  Capt.,  36:1:74 

Parkman,  Francis,  36:1:8 

Partenhammer,  Pvt.  James,  36:1:69 

Pease,  — ,  36:1:88 

Pedersen,   Louise  Alsop,    36:2:187 

Peno  Creek,  36:1:64 

Peterson,  Eli,  36:2:195 

Pfeifer,  G.  L.,  review  of  Jireh  Col- 
lege -  Stirred  Embers  of  the  Past, 
36:1:111-113 

Phillips,   John    (Portugee),    36:1:61 

Pike,  George,  36:1:48 

Piney  Creek,  36:1:67;  36:2:213; 
Big  Piney  Creek,  36:2:213;  ford, 
214;  Little  Piney  Creek,  36:2: 
214,  227 

Piney  Island,  36:1:63 

P  K  ranch,  36:1:69 

Platte  (River),  36:2:175,  180,  182, 
193,  206,  209,  212,  224 


Polk,  President,  36:1:8 

Powder  River,  36:1:70,  73,  74;  36: 

2:211,   219;  Dry  Fork,   216,   218, 

222,    224;    Crossing,    225;    Road, 

226,  232,  233 
Powder  River  Expedition,  36:1:51 
"Powder  River  Forts:  The,  Connor 

and  Reno",  by  Edith  Thompson, 

36:1:51,  52 
Powell,  Billy,  36:1:45 
Powell,  Capt.  James  W.,  36:1:62 
Prairie  Dog  Creek,  36:1:65 
Prices  and  Wages  at  Fort  Laramie, 

1881-1885,  by  Robert  A.  Murray, 

36:1:19-21 
Pumpkin    Buttes,    36:1:52,   69 


Rafeil,  — ,   36:2:208 

Railsback,    E.    O.,    36:2:214,    216, 

217,  218,  220 
Rainbow  Lodge.     See  Nelson  Resort 
Ranchester,  36:1:73,  75;  36:2:214 
Rand,  Briggs  &  Steadman,  36:2:193 
Rawlings,    Charles,    "General    Con- 
nor's Tongue  River  Battle",  36:1: 
73-76 
Rawlins   Mercantile  Co.,   36:2:240 
Ray,    Capt.    Patrick    Henry,    36:1: 

35-42 
Red  Buttes  Station,  36:2:190 
Red  River,  36:2:239 
Rehwinkel,    Alfred   M.,    Dr.   Bessie, 

review,  36:2:251,  252 
Reminiscences  of  a  Swan  Company 
Cowboy,  by  A.  S.   (Bud)   Gilles- 
pie, 36:2:199-203 
Republican  River,  36:2:176 
Reshaw  Bridge,  36:2:215,  216 
Rice,  Billy,  36:2:190 
Richards,  John,  36:2:216,  217 
Riverside  Ranch,  36:2:186;  Station, 

36:2:176 
Robertson,     Frank    C,     Fort    Hall, 
Gateway  to  the  Oregon  Country, 
review,  "36:1:115-117 
Robbins,   John,   36:2:196;    Mr.   and 

Mrs.,   192 
Rock  Creek,  36:1:81;  36:2:213 
Rock  Creek  Station,  36:2:200 
Rock  Ranch,  36:2:202 
Rongis  Stage  Station,  36:2:239 
Roripaugh,    Robert   A.,   Honor   Thy 
Father,  review,  36:1:120-122;  re- 
view of   The  Great  Gates,   36:2: 
243-245 
Rose,  William,  36:1:83 
Roundup  Camp,  photo,  36:2:197 
Rourke,  Constance,  36:1:84 


GENERAL   INDEX 


263 


Rouse,    D.    E.,    36:2:221,   223,    224, 

231 
Russell.     Osborne,     36:2:137,     153, 

155 
Rutledge,  Andy,  36:2:240 


St.  Joseph,  Mo.,  36:2:208 
St.  Paul.  Minn..  36:2:239 
Sackett.  Carl  L..  36:1:66 
Sackett,  John   Henry,   36:1:66 
Sage,  Rufus.  diary.  36:2:170,   173 
"Sage    Creek    Station",    by    Lyle    H. 

Hildebrand.  36:1:45 
Salt   Lake  City,   36:2:212 
Salt  Lake  Reporter,   The,  36:1:18 
Sample,  Orderly.   36:1:65 
Sand  Creek.   36:2:186,    190,  213 
"Sand  Creek  Station",  by   Bill   Mor- 
gan,  36:1:49.   50 
Sanderson,  Maj.  W.  F.,  36:1:7,  8 
Sandoz,    Mari,    The    Story    Catcher, 

review,  36:2:248,  249  " 
Sardeson,  Dr.  F.  W..  36:1:22 
Sargent.   Frank.   36:2:188.    189.    190 
Sartoris,  Lionel  and  Leonard,  36:2: 

193.    195 
Sawyer.  Col.  J.  A.,  36:1:69.  70.  72 
"Sawyer       Expedition.       The".       by 

Charles   Rawlings,   36:1:69-72 
Saynday's  People,  by  Alice  Marriott, 

review,   36:  1  :  123 
Schlebecker,  John  T.,  Cattle  Raising 

on   the  Plains   1960-1961 ,   review, 

36:1:105-107 
Schnyder.   L  e  o  d  e  g  a  r,   36:1:5-18: 

photo.   4 
Scott,  Gen.   Winfield,   36:1:7 
Scudder.   Ralph   E..  Custer  Country, 

review.  36:2:250 
Search    for   Jacques   LaRamee    -    A 

Study     in     Frustration,     The,     by 

John    Dishon    McDermott,    36:2: 

169-172 
Seventeen     Mile     Ranch,     36:2:213, 

214 
"Seventy  Years  and  More  Ago",  by 

Dick  J.  Nelson,  poem,  36:1:77 
71  Horse  Ranch,  36:2:240 
Sheepeater.  Area  of,  map,  36:2:132 
Sheepeater    Artifacts,    photo.    36:2: 

157 
Sheepeater      Family      on      Chipping 

Grounds,   photo.   36:2:158 
Sheepeater  Game  Trap,   photo,   36: 

2:159 
Sheepeater    Wickiup,    photo.    36:2: 

161 


Sheepeaters,  The,  by  David  Dom- 
inick.   36:2:131-168 

Shell  Creek.  36:2:213 

Sheridan  County.  36:2:214 

Sheridan.   Phil,  36:2:184 

Sherman   Hill.   36:2:186 

Shoestring  Gang,  36:1:49 

Shoshoni.   36:2:241 

Shurly.  Lieut.  E.  R.  P..  36:1:68,  69 

Sinclair.  F.  H..  review  of  The  Battle 
of  Platte  Bridge,  36:1:104.   105 

Skinner.  Charles  W..  36:1:66 

Skinner.  P.  M..  36:1:53 

Smith.  Jabe.  36:2:194 

Smith.  Col..  36:2:180.   181 

Smith.  Gen.,  36:1:68 

Smoky  Hill,  36:2:175.  180;  River. 
181 

"Smooth  The  Way",  by  Dick  J. 
Nelson,  poem.   36:2:203 

Snyder.   Andrew.  36:1:56 

Snyder.  Mrs.  E.  U..  36:1:56 

Soda  Springs,  36:2:206 

Soldier  and  Brave,  The  National 
Survey  of  Historic  Sites  and 
Buildings.  National  Park  Service. 
review,  36:1:108,   109 

Soldier  Creek,  36:2:216,  219:  Road, 
36:1:69 

Songs  of  Wyoming,  by  Hans  Klei- 
ber.  review.  36:1:107,   108 

South  Pass  City.  36:1:85.  86,  88; 
photo.  78 

South  Pass  News,  The,  36:1:79,  80. 
88 

Sprague.  Marshall.  The  Great 
Gates,    review.    36:2:243-245 

Spring  Creek.  36:2:190 

Steinheimer.  Richard.  Backwoods 
Railroads  of  the  West,  A  Port- 
folio, review.   36:1:114 

Stewart.  Broncho  Sam.  36:2:187, 
1  88 

Stewart.  W.  B..  36:1:22 

Stiilman,  Judge  J.  W..  36:1:83 

Story.   36:1:63 

Storv  Catcher,  The,  by  Mari  San- 
doz.. review.  36:2:248.   249 

Story,  Nelson.  36:2:229.  230.  231. 
232 

Stringer,  Sam,  36:1:65 

Stuart,  James,  36:2:205:  Granville. 
205:  Thomas.  205 

Stuart.  James.  Yellowstone  Expedi- 
tion. 36:2:206 

Sublette,  William.  36:1:8;  36:2:171 

Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild. 
Tides  of  the  Seeds-Ke-Dee,  re- 
view, 36: 1 : 1 1 1 


264 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Sullivant    Ridge,    36:1:61,   62;   Hill, 

61,   62 
Sun  Dance,  36 : 1 : 37 
Sussex,  36:1:74 
Swan   Land   and   Cattle   Co.,    36:2: 

190,  199,  202 
Swan    Company    Cowboys,    photo, 

36:2:197 
Sweetwater    Mines,     The,     36:1:79, 

82,  83,  85,  86,  88 
Sybille  Mountains,  36:2:200 
Sweem,  Glenn  D.,  review  of  Custer 

Country,  36:2:250 
Sweeney,  John  L.,  36:2:221 
Sweetwater  Journalism  and  Western 

Myth,  by  Jay  Gurian,  36:1:79 


TA  brand,  36:2:186 

Tales  of  the  Frontier,  selected   and 

retold    by    Everett    Dick,    review, 

36:2:251 
Tales  of  the  Seeds-Ke-Dee,  Sublette 

County     Artists'     Guild,     review, 

36:1:111 
Taylor,  E.  B.,  36:2:225 
Taylor,  Col.  Zachary,  36:1:6 
Templeton,  George  H.,  36:1:53 
Ten  Eyck,  Capt.  36:1:64,  65 
Territorial  Enterprise,  The,  Virginia 

City,  Nev.,  36:1:79,  85,  88 
Thermopolis,  36:2:211 
Thompson,  Edith,  "Antelope  Creek 

Station",   36:1:50,   51 
Thompson,  H.  A.,  36:1:82 
Three  Forks  of  the  Missouri,  36:2: 

206,  212 
Three  Forks,  Mont.,  36:2:223 
Thurmond,  J.  M.,  36:1:83 
Tillotson,  — ,  36:1:56 
Tolliver,    Bugler   Barney,    36:2:177, 

181     1 82 
Tongue  River,  36:1:69,  72,  75;  Val- 
ley, 36:1:69 
Tongue  River  Expedition,   36:1:70 
Townsend,  Maj.  Edwin  F.,  36:1:16 
Townsend,     Capt.,     36:2:214,     216, 

217,  218,  219 
Townsend     Train,     36:2:214,     215, 

216,  219 
Tozer  &  Eddy  quartz  mill,  36:1:88 
Trabing,  36:1:53 
"Trabing    Trading    Post,    The",    by 

Burton  S.  Hill,  36:1:55,  56,  57 
Trent,  Ellen,  36:2:230 
Turk,  Harvey,  36:2:216 


Twiggs,   Bvt.    Maj.   Gen.   David   E., 

36:1:7 
Two  Bar  brand,  36:2:200,  202 


Union  Pacific,  36:1:80;  36:2:232 


Van  Horn,  Colo.,  36:1:48 
Van  Vlierden,  A.  H.,  36:2:222 
Varney,     Michael     E.,     review     of 

Diesels  West!,   36:1:114 
Vaughn,  J.  W.,  36:1:65;  The  Battle 

of  Platte  Bridge,  review,  104,  105 
Virginia  City,  Montana  Terr.,  36:1: 

43,    69,    73;    36:2:212,    221,    222, 

223,  224,  230,  231 
"Wagon    Box    Fight,    The",    by   Vie 

Willits   Garber,    36:1:61-63 
Walker,  Col.,  36:1:51,  52 
Wall,  J.  Tom,  "Lake  DeSmet",  36: 

1:57-59 
Wallace,  Pvt.,  36:1:54 
Walters,  Ed,  36:2:209 
Wands,  Lieut.  A.  H.,  36:1:53 
War  Eagle,   by  James  T.   King,   re- 
view, 36:2:249,  250 
Warren,  A.,  36:2:218 
Warren,  J.  E.,  36:1:80,  85 
Weaver,    David    B.,    36:2:214,    218, 

219;  photo,  219 
Wells  Fargo  &  Co.,  36:1:85 
Weir,  Capt.  Thomas  B.,  36:2:180 
Welch,  Hannah,  36:2:240 
West,  Capt.,  36:2:181 
West   of    William    H.    Ashley,    The, 

ed.   by  Dale  L.   Morgan,  review, 

36:2:242,  243 
Wheatley,  James,  36:1:64,  65 
Where  the  Old  West  Stayed  Young, 

by  John  Rolfe  Burroughs,  review, 

36:1:117,   118 
Whitehouse,     Dr.,     36:2:196,     197; 

Mrs.,    197 
Whitehouse  &  Palmer,  36:2:195 
Whitehouse  &  Stokes,  36:2:195 
Whittenburg,     Clarice,     review     of 

Fort  Hall,  Gateway  to  the  Oregon 

Country,  36:1:115-117 
Willan,  Jack  Douglas,  36:2:193 
Willan  Co.,   36:2:194,    195;  Ranch, 

194;  Flat,  194;  Farm,  194 
Willow  Creek,  36:1:88;  36:2:240 
Wind   River  Reservation,   36:2:132, 

135 
Wind  River  Range,   36:2:137,    148, 

152,  165 


GENERAL  INDEX 


265 


Windsor,  36:2:194 
Winthrop   Ranch,    36:2:196 
Wishart,  Capt.  Alex,   36:1:63 
Wister,  Owen,   36:1:48 
Wister,  Thomas,   36:2:225 
Wolf  Creek,  36:1:69,  75 
Woodbury,  Lieut.  Daniel  P.,  36:1:8 
Word,  Col.  Samuel,  36:2:208,  212 
Wright,    Chaplain    David.    36:1:53, 

54 
Wyoming  Collegiate  Institute,  36:1: 

66 
Wyoming    Hereford    Ranch,    36:2: 

194 
Wyoming    Soldiers    and    Sailors 

Home,  36:1:53 
Wyoming    State    Historical    Society, 

President's       Message,       36:1:89; 

Tenth  Annual   Meeting,   36:1:90- 

103 


Yaeger,  Supt.  D.  G.,  36:2:141 
Yankton,  Dakota  Terr.,  36:1:69 
Yellowstone  Park,  36:2:240;  River, 

36:2:206,     212,     220,     224,     231; 

Valley  of,  36:2:138 
Young,   Pvt.  Alfred,   36:2:178 


Zarah,  36:2:180 


487164 


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°ATE   DUE 


GAYLORD 


UNIVERSITY   OF  Wl 


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