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of Wyoming 

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Wyoming State Archives ciiid /ii.siurudl Dcptirtnient 





April J 967 







Member at Large 

Mrs. R. Dwight Wallace 
Mrs. Jennie Williams 
Richard I. Frost 
Mrs. Virgil L. Thorpe 
Mrs. Frank Mockler 
Mrs. Dudley Hayden 







Attorney General James E. Barrett Cheyenne 



Neal E. Miller Director 

William R. Barnhart Administrative Assistant 

Mrs. Katherine Halverson Cliief, Historical Division 

Mrs. Julia A. Yelvington Chief. Arcliives and Records Division 

Kermit M. Edmonds Cliief. Museum Division 


The Annals of Wyoming is published semi-annually in April and October 
and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 
Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.50 each. Available copies 
of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be obtained by writing 
to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyright, J967, by the Wyoming State Arcliives and 
Historical Department 


A^mls of Wyoming 

Volume 39 

April 1967 

Number 1 

Neal E. Miller 

Associate Editor 
Katherine Halverson 

Published Itianniially by the 


Official Publication of the Wyoming State Historical Society 


OFFICERS 1966-1967 

President, Glenn Sweem Sheridan 

First Vice President. Adrian Reynolds Green River 

Second Vice President. CuRTiss Root Torrington 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary. Neal E. Miller Cheyenne 

Past Presidents 

Frank L. Bowron. Casper 1953-1955 

William L. Marion, Lander 1955-1956 

Dr. DeWitt Dominick. Cody 1956-1957 

Dr. T. a. Larson. Laramie 1957-1958 

A. H. MacDougall. Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs. Thelma G. Condit. Buffalo 1959-1960 

E. A. Littleton. Gillette 1960-1961 

Edness Kimball Wilkins. Casper 1961-1962 

Charles Ritter, Cheyenne 1962-1963 

Neal E. Miller. Rawlins 1963-1965 

Mrs. Charles Hord 1965-1966 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October. 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. Coimty Historical 
Society Chapters have been organized in Albany. Big Horn. Campbell, 
Carbon. Fremont. Goshen. Johnson. Laramie, Natrona, Park. Platte, Sheri- 
dan, Sweetwater, Teton, Washakie, Weston and Uinta Counties. 

State Dues: 

Life Membership $50.00 

Joint Life Membership (Husband and wife) 75.00 

Annual Membership 3.50 

Joint Annual Membership (Two persons of same family at 

same address) 5.00 

County dues are in addition to state dues and are set by county organ- 

Send State membership dues to: 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
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Zable of Contents 



Gilbert A. Stelter 


Wyoming State Museum Monograph No. 1 
Gordon Chappell 


Verna K. Keyes 


WYOMING (Conclusion) 69 

Daniel Y. Meschter 


Robert A. Murray 


Trek No. 17 of the Historical Trail Treks 
Compiled by Maurine Carley 


President's Message by Glenn Sweem 
Minutes of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting. 
September 10-11. 1966 



Simonin-Clough. The Rocky Moiiiitnin Wcsi in 1867 140 

Gage. Wyoming Afoot and Horseback 141 

Robinson. History of North Dakota 142 

Ehernberger-Gschwind, Colorado Southern: Northern Division .... 143 

Lamar. The Far Southwest 144 

Vaugh, Indian Fights: New Facts on Seven Encounters 146 

White, Ho.' For the Gold FieUls 146 

Hirschon. Grenvilie M. Dodge 147 

Pourade, Ancient Hunters of the Far West 148 

Metz. John Selinan. Te.xas Gunfigliter 150 


Cheyenne 1867 Cover 

"The Days That Are No More..." 

A Vignette From the Johnson County War 4 

Grenvilie M. Dodge 10 

James R. Whitehead 10 

Cheyenne in 1867, Along Banks of Crow Creek 13 

Monograph: Figure 1 through Figure 16 36-61 

16th Street. Cheyenne, 1868 20 

Original Drawing of Wyoming State Flag 67 

Margaret Elizabeth France 70 

Charles S. and Charaty Ann Converse 86 

Trekkers Before Departure from Fort Caspar 108 

Award Recipients. Annual Meeting 138 

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' Gilbert A. Stelter 

"Cheyenne is a western realization of an eastern tale of enchant- 
ment," wrote a Chicago newspaperman in 1867. "It is a city that 
sprang into existence in a night, in obedience to the waving of a 
magician's wand over a patch of wild buffalo grass. The magician 
was American enterprise; this wand resembled a bar of railroad 
iron a thousand miles long."' This rhetorical statement captured 
some of the melodrama of the founding of Cheyenne and the other 
"instant" communities along the path of construction of the Union 
Pacific Railroad. Between I 866 and 1 869 a string of these end- 
of-track towns suddenly appeared as a result of the notorious 
Hell-on-Wheels — the migrating construction camp and the human 
birds of prey which followed it. In Cheyenne's rapid rise was 
re-enacted the drama that had produced previous terminal towns 
such as North Platte, Nebraska and Julesburg, Colorado. Many of 
Cheyenne's residents during the fall and winter of 1867-1868 were 
graduates of these chaotic communities. Cheyenne, however, was 
to become much more than just another temporary stopping place 
for this motley crew. From the very beginning, Cheyenne's destiny 
appeared brighter than that of its predecessors. The company 
promised to make this an important railroad town, and the strategic 
location seemed to guarantee a great future as a distributing center. 

The founding and growth of cities like Cheyenne was an essential 
part of Western development. Many settlers came west specifically 
to make their fortunes in these new cities and were often as excited 
about the prospects of their city as were others about gold rushes 
or the opening of new agricultural regions. In this respect the 
story of early Cheyenne is the story of all western boom towns. 

Like many of these towns, Cheyenne was founded because of the 
actions of a large eastern corporation. Of the individuals involved, 
first place must be given to the chief engineer of the Union Pacific, 

''• This article i.s a summary of the first three chapters of a study of 
Cheyenne to 1885 which the author is preparing for publication. 

1. Chicago Times, November 15, 1867. 


Grenville M. Dodge. This able administrator, the chief "balance 
wheel and troubleshooter" of the company,- might, if anyone, be 
considered the father of the city. Part of Dodge's responsibility 
was to determine the route of the railroad across the plains and 
the mountains. Dodge knew the area well, becoming acquainted 
with it while Commander of the Division of the Missouri. His 
choice of the central route through the mountains resulted in the 
possibility of a major city in the region. If either of two other 
possible routes had been chosen, the South Platte Valley route near 
Denver or the old Oregon Trail past Fort Laramie, it is unlikely 
that a city such as Cheyenne would ever have been started. •' 

In another respect Dodge was even more directly responsible for 
the location. He was in charge of laying out townsites along the 
path of construction and of selling lots in these proposed towns, and 
was thus interested in finding the most advantageous sites for cities. 
He personally chose the approximate location of Cheyenne early in 
1867, soon after the final decision on the route of the railroad. 
The future city would be located about 500 miles west of Omaha, at 
a point where the line of the railroad crossed a little stream called 
Crow Creek. This spot was roughly where the railroad would 
begin its ascent of the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains. 
Dodge assigned a great deal of significance to the fact that this city 

2. Wallace Farnham, "Grenville Dodge and the Union Pacific: A Study 
of Historical Legends," Journal of American History, LI (March. 1965), 

3. Grenville M. Dodge to Thomas C. Durant, August 23, 1866. Grenville 
M. Dodge Papers, box 5 (Iowa State Department of History, Des Moines); 
Silas Seymour, Incidents of a Trip through the Great Platte Valley to the 
Rocky Mountains and Laramie Plains in the Fall of 1866 (New York, 1867), 
128. While Dodge must be credited with the general location of the line 
through the mountains, his own dramatic account of his discovery of a suit- 
able pass is, unfortunately, purely imaginative. In his memoirs. Dodge tells 
of how he and a guide, while being chased by Indians, had come upon the 
ridge which led gradually but directly down to the plains. They had "fol- 
lowed this ridge out until I discovered it led down to the plains without a 
break. I then said to my guide that if we saved our scalps I believed we had 
found the crossing of the Black Hills." How We Built the Union Pacific 
and other Railway Papers and Addresses (Washington, 1910), 17. But 
Dodge's diary for that day, and his letter to his wife that night make no 
reference to Indians or to any momentous discovery. Dodge Diary, Sep- 
tember 22, 1865, Dodge Papers, box 321. Actually, Dodge knew the region 
well and believed an excellent pass might exist in the approximate area. 
In the spring of 1866 he sent district engineer James Evans to further exam- 
ine the area and that fall Evans discovered the pass Dodge hoped existed. 
In his report for 1867, Dodge wrote that the route was "very creditable to 
the perseverance, ability and professional skill of Mr. Evans." Report of 
G. M. Dodge, Chief Engineer Union Pacific Railroad, for the year 1866 
(Washington, 1867), 4-6. For a full discussion of this event and of the 
unreliability of Dodge's memoirs as history, see Farnham, "Grenville Dodge 
and the Union Pacific." 


would be the division point between the company's two sections 
of the road — the plains division from the Missouri River to the 
mountains, and the mountain division to Salt Lake. To him, the 
central location seemed particularly well-suited for a future metrop- 
olis of the region.' 

The city was formally founded later during one of his western 
trips. He had left his headquarters at Omaha to take personal 
charge of surveying parties making final revisions of the line into 
the mountains, as the engineer in charge had been killed by Indians. 
His party was accompanied by Colonel Silas Seymour, the com- 
pany's chief consulting engineer, several other engineers, as well as 
some company directors and friends. This group rode the Union 
Pacific to the end of track at Julesburg and then marched overland, 
reaching the crossing of Crow Creek on the evening of July 3. 
They found the place a beehive of activity. Camped on the site 
was Major General C. C. Augur. Commander of the Department 
of the Platte, returning from a western tour of inspection. Augur 
was accompanied by two companies of cavalry and two companies 
of Pawnee scouts. As Dodge's party planned to remain in camp at 
Crow Creek Crossing for a week or ten days while he made some 
necessary adjustments to the line west, they were able to accept 
Augur's invitation to celebrate the Fourth of July the following 
day.'' It turned out to be a memorable occasion. The barren hills 
echoed with lengthy speeches and toasts. Of special significance 
was the christening of the city they expected would rise on this spot 
in several weeks. A certain Colonel A. B. Coleman of New York, 
in responding to a toast to "The Embryo City of Cheyenne," ex- 
plained that he was "a member of the Committee to decide upon 
the names of this city," and that the committee had decided to call 
it "by its present cognomen in hopes of conciliating the interesting 
Savages."" He had no intention, however, of waiting around to see 
if the Indians considered it an honor. General Augur, in returning 
thanks for a toast to the army, proposed that the group meet at the 
site again in future years "when Cheyenne would be a City not only 
in name but in reality."' Countless other toasts were proposed — 
even to the health of the mule train — and "drunk in the wildest 
enthusiasm" as the festivities were continued on through most of 

4. Dodge to Mrs. Dodge. July 15, 1867. Dodge Records, Vol. 6, Dodge 
Papers: Dodge's 1866 Report, 14. 

5. G. M. Dodge, Report to the Company for 1867 , House Exec. Docs.. 
40 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 331, pp. 2-3; Silas Seymour, A Reminiscence of the 
Union Pacific Railroad, Containing some Accounts of the Discovery of the 
Eastern Base of the Rockv Mountains; and of tlie Great Indian Battle of 
July 11. 1867 (Quebec, 1873), 12-16. 

6. Seymour, Reminiscence of the Union Pacific. 21. 

7. Ibid., 20. 


the day. The significance of the revelry was later recalled by 
Colonel Seymour: 

It was upon this memorable occasion tiiat the name "Cheyenne" was 
given to the future city that it was foreseen must spring up at the point 
upon which we were encamped, although, at the time, there was not 
a house, nor a piece of lumber with which to construct one, to be 
found within fifty miles of the locality.'^ 

During the celebration, Colonel Seymour had been asked to read 
the Declaration of Independence. He offered his own version with 
the following preamble: 

When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for a com- 
munity composed of military officers, with 350 rank and file, Govern- 
their friends, to sever their social relations with the people of the 
ment Directors, and civil Engineers of the Union Pacific Railroad, with 
their friends, to sever their social relations with the people of the 
United States and all the rest of mankind, it seems imminently proper 
that they should publish to the world the reasons which have induced 
them to emigrate to, and establish this goodly City of Cheyenne . . ." 

Although Dodge later took credit for naming the city, he con- 
scientiously supervised a survey crew that day and missed the 
merrymaking. That night he wrote his wife: 

Their party with mine had a Fourth of July Celebration while I was 
out on line. Speeches, made toasts, drank &c. I learn it was quite a 
time. They named the town at the east base of the mountains Chey- 
enne. i" 

The location of a site for an army post, to be called Fort David 
A. Russell, was chosen the following day. Augur had received 
orders to locate a post near the line of the Union Pacific to protect 
the construction crews from Indian depredations. He planned to 
locate the post near wood and water, almost sixteen miles west of 
Cheyenne, but Dodge was able to persuade him to accept a location 
about three miles from Cheyenne, evidently by promising that the 
railroad company would soon build a branch line to the post. In 
getting the army to locate its post near the company's city, Dodge 
was providing for the city's protection and for the city's economy 
as well. Future merchants and saloon keepers would have a large, 
ready-made group of customers near at hand; in addition, a quar- 
termaster's depot. Camp Carlin, which would be built in conjunc- 

8. Ibid., 24. 

9. Ibid., 16-17. 

10. Dodge to Mrs. Dodge, July 4, 1867, Dodge Records, Vol. 6. The 
same account is also found in Dodge's Diary for that day, Dodge Papers, box 
321. In his memoirs Dodge claimed to have named the city. How We Built 
the Union Pacific, 19. It is unlikely, however, that he had much to do with 
the name. Before July 4, his letters to his wife, and his Diary, simply refer 
to "Crow Creek Crossing," an indication that he did not know what the name 
would be. 


tion with the post would provide employment for hundreds of 
freighters and their teams. *^ 

When Cheyenne was formally founded it could not boast a 
single inhabitant. Settlers began flocking to the site, however, a 
few days after the ceremony. Probably the first to arrive was 
James R. Whitehead, a forty-year-old freighter who had also occa- 
sionally practiced law in Kansas and Colorado. Whitehead had 
heard rumors which circulated the frontier during the early summer 
of 1867 about an important new railroad town which would likely 
be located where the railroad crossed Crow Creek. At the time. 
Whitehead and his partner, William L. Kuykendall, were supplying 
wood and beef to military posts in the region. They felt the new 
town might well amount to something, and if they acted quickly, 
they would get in on the ground floor. Thus, during June, they 
anticipated a building boom by cutting about five hundred house 
logs in the mountains west of Crow Creek. On July 4, Whitehead 
loaded his wagon train with about a hundred logs and set out to 
find the site of the city. In spite of the celebration in progress at 
the time, which probably could have been heard for miles. White- 
head was unable to find the site. He tried again on July 8 and, 
that evening, found the camps of Dodge and Augur. He estab- 
lished himself near Dodge's party and waited for Dodge to survey 
the townsite. Meanwhile, Kuykendall hauled in more logs. On 
July 21, the day after the completion of the townsite survey, they 
laid the foundations of the first substantial building in the city, 
the Whitehead Block, which soon served as the city hall.^- 

Whitehead was closely followed on the evening of July 8 by 
eight more settlers: Thomas McLeland, Robert Beers, and three 
men with their wives, James Masterson, John Bachtold, and a 
certain Hammond. A week later Dodge, as he prepared to lay out 
the town, wrote: 

1 1. Dodge Diary. July 5. 1867. Dodge Papers, box 321; Dodge to Sidney 
Dillon. July 15. 1867. Dodge Collection, box 5, Dodge Papers: Medical His- 
tory of Fort Russell, Vol. I. 1867-1871. on microfilm (Wyoming State Ar- 
chives and Historical Department. Cheyenne). 2-3; Daily Rocky Moiintain 
News (Denver), July 26. 1867. Taking credit for founding cities and posts 
was evidently a favorite pastime. In a speech in Cheyenne in 1880, General 
William Tecumseh Sherman claimed that "long before any of you were here 
I was familiar with this locality and located Fort Russell upon Crow Creek." 
Cheyenne Daily Sun, September 5, 1880. 

12. J. R. Whitehead to the Editor, Cheyenne State Leader. July 27, 1917; 
William L. Kuykendall. Frontier Days, A True Niu-rative of Strikiui^ Events 
on the Western Frontier (Cheyenne, 1917), 1-114; Emmanuel H. Saltiel and 
George Barnett, History ami Business Director of Cheyeiuie ami Guide to 
the Mining Rei^ions of the Rocky Mountains (Cheyenne, 1868), 11; Chev- 
enne Daily Leader, July 9, 1868; Dodge to Mrs. Dodge, July 11, 1867; 
Dodge Records, Vol. 6. 







Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

The people are already flocking here and, like Julesburg, at first it 
will be a second hell. I have got Gen. Augur to throw his protecting 
Arm over it to keep them from owning town and all. They are coming 
from all quarters and all expect to make a fortune; some no doubt will, 
others lose it.^'^ 

Between July 15 and 20 Dodge supervised the survey of the 
townsite which was four miles square. Streets and alleys were laid 
out and that part of the site nearest the railroad was divided into 
lots. Two merchants, Glenn and Talpey, were appointed by Dodge 
to sell these lots. As the general region had not yet been surveyed, 
it was by no means certain that the townsite was located on one of 
the alternate sections the company was to receive as a subsidy from 
the Federal Government. But Dodge simply assumed that the land 
belonged to the company and the army upheld his claims. ^^ 

13. Dodge to Mrs. Dodge, July 15, 1867, Dodge Records, Vol. 6. 

14. Dodge to Sidney Dillon, July 15, 1867, Dodge Collection, box 5; 
Dodge Diary, July 15, 1867, Dodge Papers, box 321. 


Interest in the town lots was sparked by Dodge's promises and 
predictions. Through large advertisements placed in regional 
newspapers, he promised that the Union Pacific would make Chey- 
enne a major railroad center by building extensive machine shops, 
roundhouses and depots. While he obviously boosted the city to 
push the sale of town lots, he believed his own publicity. Even his 
description of Cheyenne in a letter to his wife looks as though he 
were trying to sell her lots: "The view is a beautiful one, the loca- 
tion excellent, and here will center a large population." In 
addition to the company's building program, he continued, the 
federal government would also help to "build up here a large town, 
as it is to be the depot for all Posts North and South and also the 
distributing point for all points in Colorado."^"' Lots soon sold at 
a tremendous pace. Even though buyers paid the relatively high 
price of $250 to $600 per lot, the\ were often able to resell these 
at a higher price almost immediately. An example is that of Mor- 
ton E. Post who came to Cheyenne from Julesburg late in July 
and purchased two town lots for $600. After building a store on a 
portion of the propertv, he claimed to have sold the remainder for 
$5.600. 1'' 

The population of the young city mushroomed with the arrival 
of the construction crews and the "flotsam and jetsam" from 
Julesburg in September and October. While adding substantially 
to the size and activity of the city, the character of this second wave 
of immigration left a great deal to be desired. As graphically 
described by a local newspaperman: "When Julesburg died its 
stinking carcass was thrown into Cheyenne to add to the pestilential 
atmosphere.""^' While most of the people who rushed to Cheyenne 
came from Julesburg, a substantial proportion also came from 
Denver. Gloom pervaded Denver as many businessmen moved to 
Cheyenne, "believing that only ruins would soon mark the site of 
the City of Denver."^'' Among these was a young newspaperman, 
Nathan A. Baker. On September 19 he published the first issues 
of Cheyenne's pioneer newspaper, the Cheyenne Leader. Several 
days later Baker reported that while "total business asphyxia" had 
not yet struck Denver, that city was "too near Cheyenne to ever 
amount to much."^'' 

Contemporary estimates of the numbers congregated at this spot 

15. Dodge to Mrs. Dodge. Julv 15. 1867. Dodge Records. Vol. 6. 

16. Dodge. Report for 1867. 48: Chicui^o Tribune. August 16, 20, 31. 
1867; Leader. October 10. 1867: "Biographical Sketch of Morton E. Post," 
c. 1885 (Bancroft Library. University of California. Berkeley). 9-11. 

17. Wyoming Tribune (Cheyenne). October 8. 1870. 

18. Wilbur Fisk Stone (ed.). History of Colorado. Vol. 1 (Chicago, 
1918). 333-334: Glenn C. QuieU. Thev Built the An Epic of Rails 
and Cities (New York. 1934). 156. 

19. Leader, September 24, 1867. 


during the winter of 1867-1868 range from four to ten thousand. 
Much of the populaiton claimed by the city was made up of the 
construction crews and camp followers. The laborers themselves 
numbered about five thousand, all other inhabitants from three to 
four thousand.-" The fact that eight to nine thousand persons were 
resident at this previously uninhabited spot, if only for a winter, 
seems ample justification for the local booster's slogan — the 
"Magic City of the Plains." 

The almost magical rise of Ihe city paralleled the rapid growth of 
the population. One resident claimed that "the eye could hardly 
keep pace with the growth of the town from one day to another. 
Buildings sprang up as if by magic. "-^ The town began to take 
shape north of the railroad as scores of one-story buildings lined 
both sides of Sixteenth Street which ran parallel to the railroad. 
The most zealous local booster, the Leader, maintained that almost 
three hundred buildings were erected by mid-October and as many 
as two hundred business houses by the beginning of November. -- 
But at least half of these "buildings" were either tents or the most 
temporary sort of shack which had formerly graced previous ter- 
minal towns. An onlooker told of standing at the railroad depot in 
November as a "long freight arrived, laden with frame houses, 
boards, furniture, polings, old tents, and all the rubbish which 
makes up one of these mushrooming 'cities.' The guard jumped 
off his van, and seeing some friends on the platform, called out 
with a flourish, 'Gentlemen, here's Julesburg.' "--^ 

The city wildly greeted the completion of the railroad tracks to 
the townsite on the afternoon of November 1 3. The following eve- 
ning the city officials gave the contractors and Union Pacific offi- 
cials a formal reception followed by a ball and a dinner. The rail 
link with the outside world was now a fact. Freight service began 
immediately and passenger service was initiated by November 18.-^ 

Much of the optimism about Cheyenne's future was based on the 

20. Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1872. House Exec. Docs., 
42 Cong., 3 Sess., No. 1 p. 266: [Union Pacific Railroad Company], Prog- 
ress of Their Road to 1867 (New York. 1868), 7-8; Louis L. Simonin, "A 
French View of Cheyenne." Tlie Frontier. X (March, 1930), 241; Rev. E. B. 
Tuttie, Si.\ Months on the Plains: or. the Traveler's Guide to Cheyenne and 
the Rocky Mountains (Chicago, 1868), 8; Chicaqo Tribune, November 24, 
1867; Leader, November 2, 1867, February 15, 1868. 

21. Charles V. Arnold to the Editor, Omaha Weekly Herald, October 3, 
1867. A correspondent of the Chicago Times believed that Cheyenne's rise 
was "the most wonderful example of rapid growth that the history of the 
world can show." October 24, 1867. 

22. Leader, October 19, November 2, 1867. 

23. William A. Bell, New Tracks in North America (New York, 1870), 

24. Leader, November 14, 16, 1867; Chicago Tribune. November 16, 
1867; Chicago Times, November 16, 18, 22, 1867. 



company's promises to make the city a great railroad center. These 
promises were partially fulfilled by the construction of a branch 
line from Cheyenne to Denver, known as the Denver Pacific, which 
was completed in 1870. In spite of Dodge's hopes that this branch 
line would be of real benefit to Cheyenne, it eventually turned out 
to be a mixed blessing at best. Denver, previously isolated from 
the transcontinental railroad, was soon able to reassert its com- 
mercial leadership of the region once the rail link was a fact.-"' Of 
more immediate concern to Cheyenne's residents were the com- 

Wyoiniuii Stiite Arcluws mul ffisloriail Dcimniiicnt 

pany's promises to build machine shops and other railroad build- 
ings in the city. An industrial base of this sort would ensure that 
Cheyenne would not become another Julesburg to be swept away 
in the rush to the next city along the path of construction. By the 
spring of 1868, however, this prize was snatched away from Chey- 
enne. Company officials (supposedly against the wishes of Dodge) 
decided to locate their main shops in the new city of Laramie. 
Much of Cheyenne's population evaporated overnight.-'' 

The city, however, was far from dead. The railroad connection 
with the East, plus the central location, still made it possible to 
become a major distributing center. One of the central factors 
stimulating the residents in this direction was the presence of Camp 

25. Dodge to J. E. House. December 28. 1868, Dodge Papers, box 152; 
Leader, November 26, 1867, January 15, February 29, 1868. 

26. Omaha Weekly Herald, February 19, 1868; Leader, February 14, 15, 
March 2, May 8, 9, 1868; Frontier Index (Laramie), April 28, May 5, 1868; 
Daily Rocky Mountain Star (Cheyenne), June 13, 1868. 


Carlin, the quartermaster's depot halfway between Fort Russell 
and the city. Hundreds of freighters and their teams were needed 
to transport supplies from the depot's twelve large warehouses to 
farflung army posts in Colorado, Dakota, Montana, and Utah. In 
addition to transporting government military supplies, freighters 
were busy hauling groceries, dry goods, machinery, and other 
articles to the merchants of northern Colorado's agricultural and 
mining settlements. Cheyenne's merchants, at the hub of this 
system, did a brisk trade in groceries, liquors, and mining supplies 
during the first year. Glenn and Talpey, Comforth Brothers, and 
Gilbert Adams and Company were among those reported to be 
doing $20,000 to $25,000 worth of business a month.-" Also 
extremely busy during that first winter were the hotels and res- 
taurants. By December the Leader reported eleven hotels of 
varying sizes and quality in operation. One of the first and most 
popular was the Dodge House, while the largest and most sub- 
stantial was the Rollins House. Ford's Restaurant, said to have 
the best food in town, served between seven hundred and one 
thousand meals a day at one dollar each. Three banks, founded 
during the first winter, facilitated the lively business. The first to 
begin banking operations was H. J. Rogers and Company, a branch 
of the First National Bank of Denver. Like many other businesses 
in the young city, it opened in primitive surroundings, with a safe 
in a tent.-"^ 

The boom town conditions resulting from the railroad's con- 
struction gave the original impetus to the city's commercial devel- 
opment. But perhaps more important for the economic future of 
the city was the birth of the cattle industry in the region. During 
the summer and fall of 1867, cattle were driven into the Cheyenne 
area to provide meat for the railroad construction crews, the resi- 
dents of the city, and the troops at Fort Russell. By the following 
spring it was obvious to the city's residents that cattle could be 
wintered without feed or shelter beyond that found on the bare 
plains. The most successful of the early cattlemen was John 
Wesley Iliff, who established a cow camp about five miles from 
Cheyenne on Crow Creek during the summer of 1867. Pleased 
with the condition of his cattle after a hard winter, Iliff decided to 
expand his herd. Purchasing $40,000 worth of cattle from Charles 

27. Julius Silversmith. The Ne\\- Northwest (Cheyenne, 1868), 7-9, 22- 
23, Tuttle, Six Months on the Plains, 9; Medical History of Fort Russell, 3; 
Leader, October 15, 31, November 23, December 10, 1867, April 22, May 1, 
1868; Chicago Tribune, December 12, 1867. 

28. Leader. September 26, December 10, 1867, January 29, 1868; Tuttle, 
Six Months on the Plains, 13-14; Simonin, "A French View of Cheyenne," 
242; Loreta J. Vasquez, The Woman in Battle (Hartford, 1876), 578-579; 
the reaction of visitors to the rather primitive facilities is well described in 
Robert G. Athearn, Westward the Briton (Lincoln, 1953), 22-27. 


Goodnight in southern Colorado, he drove them to the vicinity of 
Cheyenne where he was reported to be slaughtering three hundred 
head a month. Some of this meat was sold at the Cheyenne meat 
market at five cents a pound gross, some was sold to Fort Russell, 
but most was shipped dressed to Chicago.-'' In observing the 
success of Iliff and others, the Leader predicted that the residents of 
the area would eventually turn from their present interests to make 
"stock raising a specialty" of the vicinity. ■■" 

In the summer of 1867 the area lacked territorial, county, and, of 
particular concern to residents, city government. Although the 
region popularly known as Wyoming was nominally attached to 
Dakota Territory, officials there found it virtually impossible to 
govern effectively the sudden influx of people hundreds of miles 
from other centers of population in their jurisdiction. For the first 
month the company and the army at Fort Russell, by this time 
under General J. D. Stevenson, maintained law and order. '^ By 
early August, civilian residents appeared ready to shoulder this 
responsibility even though any government they formed would of 
necessity be only provisional. The driving force behind this move- 
ment was James R. Whitehead, who emerged as the most vocal 
exponent of local civil rule. After calling a meeting of interested 
persons at A. C. Beckwith's store on August 7, Whitehead was 
chosen the chairman of a committee to draft a city charter. Ob- 
viously no time was lost on constitutional niceties, for the charter 
was unanimously accepted at a second meeting the following night. 
An election for city officers was called for August 10, only two 
days hence. After what would probably have to rank as the short- 
est election campaign in Cheyenne's history. Whitehead was chosen 
city attorney. H. M. Hook, a stable owner, was elected mayor. 

29. J. W. Iliff to Dr. H. Latham, printed in Latham's Trans-Missouri 
Stock Reusing. The Pasture Lands of North America: Winter Grazing 
(Omaha, 1871), 15; Wyoming Stock Growers' Association, Letters From 
Old Friends and Members of the Wyoming Stock Growers' Association 
(Cheyenne, 1923), 53-55; Ernest S. Osgood, The Dux of the Cattleman 
(Chicago, 1929), 22-23, 40-43; Agnes Wright Spring, "A Genius for han- 
dling cattle; John W. Iliff," When Grass Was King: Contributions to the 
Western Cattle Industry Studx. by Spring, Maurice Frink, and Turrentine 
Jackson (Boulder, 1956), 365'; Leader. February 7, May 19, 20, 1868, Jan- 
uary 3, 1870. 

30. Leader, May 8, 1868. 

31. Report of the Secretary of War, Part /, 7567, House Exec. Docs.. 40 
Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1, p. 56; Dodge Diary, July 21, 1867, Dodge Papers box 
321; General Laws of Dakota Territory. Sixth Le^ishitive Assembly, 1866- 
1867 (Yankton, 1867), 43. 


John Slaughter, who, like Whitehead and Hook, had earlier freight- 
ed government supplies, became police magistrate.-^- 

The new city officials hoped to establish their government 
firmly before the onslaught of the lawless element from Julesburg. 
No time was spent, therefore, in drafting an original set of laws 
and ordinances. Whitehead was personally acquainted with Colo- 
rado's laws and persuaded officials to adopt the "entire code of 
civil and criminal laws of Colorado Territory," as the basis for 
their new government even though Cheyenne was located in Dakota 
Territory. They also adopted the rules and order of business of 
the Denver City Council and all of Denver's city ordinances. '^'^ In 
September they replaced the statutes of Colorado with Dakota's 
laws, but Denver's ordinances stayed in effect for the five and one- 
half months the provisional government remained in office. The 
effectiveness of this original municipal government must be judged 
in the light of the problems it faced. It had no legal basis, for the 
city had as yet not received a charter from the Dakota legislature. 
It was confronted with a largely transient, often unruly, population. 
The task of building a stable community with such material must 
have appeared almost impossible. Yet these intrepid officials 
made the best of a bad situation. They were able to collect over 
$15,000 from their two sources of revenue, the licensing of various 
businesses and fines paid for violation of the city ordinances. 
Licenses to saloons alone provided about one-third of this revenue: 
forty-two were licensed by mid-November, each paying a fee of 
$50 every three months. '^^ 

The need to replace the provisional government with one based 
on a legal charter was particularly apparent to those who ran the 
provisional government. To this end. Whitehead and Hook led 
in the organization of a provisional county government in Octo- 
ber.''"' Whitehead was elected as this county's representative to 
the Dakota legislature, meeting in Yankton in December. This 
usually responsible pioneer, however, failed the city in this instance. 
He evidently attended to personal matters in Denver during the 
early part of the session and did not arrive in Yankton until the bills 

32. Minutes of City Council, August 7, 8, 1867 (Wyoming State Archives 
and Historical Department, Cheyenne); "James Richard Whitehead," The 
Trail, X (May, 1918), 28; Saltiel and Barnett, History and Business Direc- 
tory, 27; Leader, November 2, 1867, July 10, 1868, June 18, 1869; Chicago 
Times, October 24, 1867; John Slaughter, Life in Colorado and Wyoming 
(Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley). 

33. Minutes of City Council, August 16, 17, 19, September 2, 18, 1867. 

34. Ibid., August 7 to November 13, 1867; Leader, September 24, 28, 
1867, February 3, 1868. 

35. Laramie County originally had been created by the Dakota Legisla- 
ture in January, 1867, but this county organization disintegrated before 
Cheyenne was founded. 


creating Laramie County and granting Cheyenne a charter had 
been passed. The city now had a charter but it was written by 
legislators unaware of Cheyenne's particular problems. The result 
was a vague document with serious loopholes in the city's right to 
raise revenue."'' 

In spite of the difficulties raised by the new charter, a new 
element of stability was introduced into civic affairs with the 
election of a legally constituted government on January 23. 1868. 
Residents elected an entirely new council, urban in experience and 
commercial in outlook. Luke Murrin, the new mayor, had served 
on municipal councils in Cincinnati and Chattanooga. He repre- 
sented the firm of Gilbert, Adams and Company, the major liquor 
and tobacco dealer in the city. Of the six aldermen elected, three 
were merchants, one operated a restaurant, another a hotel, and 
one practised medicine. On Murrin's recommendation, a Board of 
Trade was quickly organized to publicize the cit\"s potential in 
hopes of attracting both immigration and capital. '' 

City councils in established cities might afford the luxury of 
thinking about public utilities or street improvements, but Chey- 
enne's early governments were faced primarily with the task of 
maintaining law and order. Officials of the provisional govern- 
ment which took over the responsibility from the army at Fort 
Russell spent a substantial proportion of their budget, about 409f . 
on salaries for law officers and in building and maintaining a jail. 
The police force included a marshall, a constable, and two police- 
men. The city could also rely on a United States marshall and a 
county sheriff. There is no evidence that any of these local peace 
officers was ever foolhardy enough to rely on the celebrated fast 
draw. Certainly the opportunity was there, for many residents 
carried guns in defiance of city ordinances. Perhaps these officers 
were a pedestrian lot in comparison to those famous heroes in 
places like Dodge, Kansas, or perhaps they were simply unaware 
of the way western legends are made. At any rate they made a 
large number of arrests, so many in fact, that the jail was usually 
overflowing. The jail house was. appropriateh enough, the first 

36. Yankton Dakotian. quoted by Leader. Febi"uar\ 19. 1868; Leader. 
September 28, October 10, 12. December 31. 1867: Piihlic and Private Laws 
{>f Dakota Territory. Seventh Lei^i.slalive Assembly, 1867-1868 (Yankton. 
1868), 123-131. The question of Cheyenne's representation was compli- 
cated by the fact that residents of the Sweetwater region refused to accept 
Cheyenne's leadership and sent their own representative, A. G. Turner, to 
Yankton. Whitehead's name was included in the original list of members of 
the legislature, but because of his late arrival. Turner was given his seat as 
representative of Laramie County. Whitehead to Editor, Leader. February 
1, 1868; George W. Kingsbury, History of Dakota Territory. Vol. I (Chi- 
cago. 1915), 483-484; T. A. Larson, Historv of Wyoming (Lincoln, 1965). 
43. 66. 

37. Leader. January 21, 24, 25, February 17. 1868. 


city-owned building erected, but was woefully inadequate and jail 
breaks were frequent. Yet this structure, twenty feet square, with 
walls of six-inch thick timbers, was a magnificent effort compared 
to the original jail, a tent with prisoners secured by irons. •^'^ 

Enforcing the law became particularly difficult with the arrival 
of the floating population from Julesburg in late September and 
October. One temporary resident, with a touch of inverted local 
pride, later recalled the trend toward lawlessness as the beginning 
of a "season of unparalleled liberty and license never equalled in 
any other American community since the country was settled. "•'"' 
The city police force was unable to cope with major riots or dis- 
turbances and soon found it necessary to call on the army for help. 
The first instance occurred in early October during the MuUally 
affair. Pat Mullally, a saloon keeper, had his saloon license re- 
voked by city council because his establishment was "disorderly 
and ill governed." He appealed council's ruling and won his case, 
but a feud between two factions of the city's "rough element" came 
to the surface during the trial as several prostitutes, hostile to 
Mullally, testified against him. Mullally and a friend, known only 
as "Limber Jim," later tried to force their way into one of the 
houses of the hostile prostitutes. Both were killed by shotgun 
blasts. Mullally's friends quickly gathered and "gave out word 
that the town would be burned before morning." With the com- 
munity in a "feverish condition," Mayor Hook realized that the 
situation had become too dangerous to be handled by the city 
police. He hastily sent a plea to Fort Russell for aid; troops 
quickly arrived and dispersed the gathering mob.^" 

The army could always be relied on in emergencies, but civil 
authorities were determined to solve their own problems whenever 
possible. As the regular police force could not handle the situation 
by late September, a special police force was organized and fifty- 
five men were deputized. This special force was later transformed 
into a secret vigilance committee early in January, apparently with 
the full knowledge of the city authorities. In fact, one contem- 
porary reported that the new committee was made up "largely [of] 
the same people who had organized the provisional government. "^^ 

While the vigilantes supposedly were organized to support law 
and order, their actions often indicated an unwillingness to recog- 

38. Minutes of City Council. August 8, 15, 20, 21, October 2, 1867; 
Leader, September 26, 1867, February 17, 19, 1868. 

39. Robert L. Fulton, Epic of the Overland (San Francisco, 1924), 66. 

40. Minutes of City Council, October 2, 1867; Daily Rocky Mountain 
News (Denver), October 3, 1867; W. W. Corlett, The Founding of Cheyenne 
(Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley), 12; Kuykendall, 
Frontier Days, 117-118. 

41. Corlett, Founding of Cheyenne, 7; Minutes of City Council, Septem- 
ber 30, October 6, 1867; Kuykendall, Frontier Days, 118. 


nize the normal channels of justice such as the federal court in 
Cheyenne. The deputy United States marshall had arrested three 
men for the theft of $900 on January 10. As United States Com- 
missioner J. P. Bartlett's court was busy, the case was set over until 
January 14 and the men released on $4,500 bail. That night they 
went on a drinking spree, but next morning, at daylight, the three 
were found on Eddy Street, tied together and walking abreast. A 
huge canvas sign tied to them read: 

$900 Stole / Thieves / 500 Recovered 

F. St. Clair E. De Bronville 

W. Grier 

City authorities please not interfere 

until 10 o'clock. A.M. 

Next case goes up a tree 

Beware of the Vigilance Commitlee^- 

A week later, after two nights of fighting and shooting at the 
"New Idea" Saloon, the committee made its first public appearance 
when two hundred masked men marched through the streets. 
Wearing soldiers" overcoats and gunny sacks with holes cut out for 
the eyes over their heads, the group was reported to be a terrifying 
sight. Those involved in the previous night's disturbances wisely 
left town. 

Emboldened by the reaction to its first appearance, the com- 
mittee carried out its first execution the following night. Rather 
than acting in the absence of courts, the committee defied and 
reversed a regular court's decision. City authorities had offered 
three hundred dollars, dead or alive, for "Shorty" Burns who was 
said to have killed two companions and wounded another in 
November, 1867. Burns was captured at Fort Laramie and 
returned to Cheyenne for trial, but was acquitted because of lack 
of evidence. The vigilance committee disagreed with the court's 
decision and dispensed its own swift justice by hanging Burns to a 
telegraph pole about seven miles west of Cheyenne.^"' 

Two nights after the hanging of Burns, the committee struck 
again. The unruly group that had fled town several days earlier 
again caused a disturbance and at one point emptied their guns 
into Tim Dyer's saloon. About one hundred vigilantes quickly 
gathered and those responsible for the uproar fled to Dale City, a 
new town beyond the end of track about thirty miles west of Chey- 
enne. The committee considered this area within their jurisdiction, 
for they followed and caught five of the recalcitrants there. Three 
were hanged — O'Keefe, Dillon and Hays. Two others were freed. 

42. Leader. January 11, 1868. 

43. Minutes of City Council, November 19. 1867. January 18. 1868; 
Leader, January 7, 18. 20. September 14. 1882: C. G. Coutant. "History of 
Wyoming." A iinah of Wyonuni;, Xlll (April, 1941), 146. 


one because of his youth and the other because of his age, but only 
after each had received several jerks with a rope around his neck 
to teach him a lesson. ^^ 

With the coming of a legally constituted government, the vigi- 
lance committee no longer had semi-official sanction from the city 
officials. Murrin was opposed to vigilante methods and the new 
council passed an ordinance forbidding this "unlawful Combination 
of individuals" which has "for sometime past infested this City to 
the terror of all good Citizens and to the injury of the reputation of 
Our City abroad."*"' The regular police force was enlarged to 
twelve men. In spite of council's determination to suppress extra- 
legal methods of justice, the vigilantes reappeared in March, again 
defying the decision of a regular court. Charles Martin was 
charged with shooting his partner in a quarrel. After a four-day 
trial in district court, in which the prosecution appeared to present 
conclusive evidence of guilt through fourteen witnesses, the jurv 
found Martin not guilty. Many residents disliked the verdict and 
charged that the jury had been packed. Rather than quietly re- 
suming the proprietorship of his Beauvais Hall Saloon, Martin 
further angered the court's critics by publicly threatening several 
people including the prosecuting attorney. He then began to 
celebrate noisily his freedom in the company of two prostitutes. 
That night a band of masked men interrupted his revels, dragged 
him to the east side of the city and unceremoniously hanged him 
from an iniprovised gallows, a tripod of poles. The execution of 
Martin was followed by a much more questionable act. Perhaps 
inspired by their achievement inside the city, the vigilantes pro- 
ceeded next to hang James Morgan in another part of the city. 
Probably there was no connection between the two men. Morgan 
was supposedly a horse thief but many later debated his guilt. ^*'' 
Two weeks later violence erupted again with the senseless killing of 
Theodore Landgraeber, a recent German immigrant who operated 
a brewery on Crow Creek. While some of the vigilante's previous 
acts conceivably could be considered justifiable, this case repre- 
sented a sheer act of personal vengeance carried out behind the 
anonymity of the vigilante's mask. A group of masked men had 
gone to Landgraeber's house to demand the payment of a debt. 
Heated words were being exchanged when, in the presence of the 
brewer's wife and children, a member of the group shot him. The 

44. Leader. January 21. 1868. September 18, 1883; Corlett, Founding of 
Cheyenne, 9-10; Kuykendall. Frontier Days. 120-121; Hubert Howe Ban- 
croft, Popular Tribunals. Vol. I (San Francisco, 1887), 714. 

45. Minutes of City Council, February 4, 6, 1868. 

46. Leader. March 21, 1868; Coutant. "History," 147-148; Lola M. Hom- 
sher (ed.). South Pass. 1868: James Chisholni's Jounuil of the Wvoniin^ 
Gold Rush (Lincoln, 1960), 18-20. 


town was incensed at the cold-blooded murder of a respected 
citizen.^' By this time, a general disillusionment with extra-legal 
methods of dealing with crime apparently had set in. As well, 
any justification for the committee had disappeared by the summer 
of 1868 as the transient element moved west with the railroad 
construction crews. 

In total, vigilante methods resulted in the execution of seven men 
during the hectic winter of 1867-1868. Of course the only justifi- 
cation for vigilante methods was the inability of the regularly con- 
stituted authorities to cope with lawlessness. Yet the total record 
was somewhat less than admirable despite the fact that almost 
every contemporary observer believed the use of vigilante methods 
was justified. Regular methods of investigation were bypassed 
and torture was occasionally used to gain information. Trials were 
usually dispensed with entirely and even where some formality was 
observed, "very little proof of guilt was necessary, the trial some- 
times not lasting more than ten minutes, the supposition being that 
a man was guilty unless he could prove himself innocent. "^'^ Sev- 
eral innocent men were executed as a result. Certainly the hanging 
of Morgan and the shooting of Landgraeber were violations of 
justice. The vigilantes executed three men — O'Keefe, Dillon and 
Hays — for allegedly disturbing the peace when a regular court 
certainly would have imposed a lesser sentence. Only Martin and 
Bums, who may have been guilty of murder, conceivably deserved 
capital punishment. But even in these cases, the vigilantes acted in 
open defiance of the regular courts' decisions, thereby weakening, 
not strengthening, the attempts to establish law and order. 

Violence was not the only form of crime which plagued author- 
ities. Gamblers ignored the law and games of keno, faro, rondo, 
and monte were openly played. Fines of twenty dollars and costs 
did little to deter what was described as "one of the most important 
branches of business carried on in this town."^'' The city's ordi- 
nances also forbade brothels and dancehalls where prostitutes con- 
tacted customers, but the Leader admitted that "if there ever was a 
city on the face of this sinful sphere, that is well supplied with 
bawdy houses, that village is ours.""'" As in many other cities, a 
semi-formal license system quickly developed by which courts 
periodically levied a fine against the city's prostitutes."'^ 

The picture of Cheyenne as a particularly lawless community. 

47. CorleU, Founding of Cheyenne. 12-13; Leader. April 6, 10, 1868. 

48. Charles Alston Messiter, Sport and Adventure Among the North- 
American Indians (London, 1890), 257. 

49. Charles V. Arnold to Editor, Omaha Weekly Herald, December 26, 

50. Leader, January 10, 1868. 

51. Minutes of City Council, November 21, 1867, March 26, 1868; 
Leader, February 15, 27, March 2, September 10, 1868. 


however, should not be overdrawn. Typical of some of the exag- 
gerations is a statement by the nineteenth century historian, H. H. 
Bancroft, who maintained that "it was never disputed that this town 
exceeded in vice and unwholesome excitement any of the new 
cities of the west."''- Actually, many young western boom towns 
suffered similar birth pangs. Some, like Dodge City, took pride in 
being referred to as the "wickedest little city in America." In all 
of these towns, the absence of well-established society and the 
customary social restraints led many an otherwise sober young 
immigrant to live it up. As an old-timer in Montana put it: 
"Many a virtuous polar bear raises hell on the equator.""'' 

Because city authorities spent most of their time and energy 
during the first winter trying to maintain law and order, they were 
unable to provide many of the services traditionally the responsi- 
bility of municipal government. Nothing was done for years to 
grade or pave the streets; the natural results were clouds of dust in 
dry weather and a quagmire in wet. City council periodically 
tried to enforce ordinances requiring residents to clear rubbish and 
garbage from in front of their property, but the streets usually were 
strewn with shavings, straw, and even carcasses of dead animals. 
Occasionally, prisoners from the city jail were commandeered into 
street-cleaning. While council tried to prohibit animals from wan- 
dering through the principal streets, cows and pigs usually had the 
freedom of the city. 

Finding an adequate source of water proved to be an especially 
vexing problem to city council. At first, water was hauled in 
barrels and cans from Crow Creek but this was hardly sufficient 
even for drinking and washing. In order to supply water for pro- 
tection against fires, the provisional government had three or four 
public wells dug. These were far from successful and the Leader 
complained that there was not a "public well in the city that a 
cayuse could not drink dry at a single setting."''^ A ditch system 
to Crow Creek was eventually built in 1871, but was a most primi- 
tive system at best. The lack of water greatly increased the fire 
hazard to a city built almost entirely of wood but residents were 
remarkably unconcerned about the danger. For one thing, they 
knew that the city could always rely on the fire fighting crews from 
Camp Carlin or Fort Russell in case of a major fire. A volunteer 
fire company, the Pioneer Hook and Ladder Company, was formed 
in the spring of 1 868 but did not do much more than purchase hats 
for its seventy-five members. After a disastrous fire in the fall of 

52. History of Nevada, Colorado and Wvoniini^, Vol. XXV of Bancroft's 
Works (San Francisco. 1890), 746. 

53. Quoted by Mark H. Brown and W. R. Felton, The Frontier Years: 
L. A. Huffman. Photoi^rapher of the Plains (New York, 1955), 143. 

54. Leader, September 28, 1867. 


1868, businessmen united to purchase a fire engine and hoses, but 
protection against fire was not appreciably improved. The engine 
was either out of order or arrived at a fire only in time to cool 
the ashes Z''^' 

A casual stroll through Cheyenne during the winter of 1867- 
1868 would have left a visitor with certain distinct impressions. 
The town obviously lived and breathed because of the railroad. 
The trains were the major Hnk with reality, the contact with the 
outside world and the community paced its life by their coming and 
going. Everything else smacked of transiency: the temporary, 
ramshackle buildings; the people, most of whom were excited about 
moving west in the spring; even the plains surrounding the city, 
untouched by cultivation, seemingly impregnable to permanent 
settlement. The streets were filled with crowds of men, but few 
women and fewer families. The Leader estimated the number of 
women at 400. Some of these lived with their families in dreary, 
hastily constructed homes north of the business district. Others, 
more in evidence on the streets or in places of entertainment could 
hardly have been considered the guardians of family virtue. It was 
probably a wild exaggeration, however, to charge that "nine out of 
every ten women in this town are public prostitutes of the most 
degrading character."''" And yet, in the face of obvious difficulties, 
traditional American institutions appeared. A community began 
to take shape. 

The local press played a major part in moulding the character of 
the developing community. Intrepid editors tended to be out- 
spoken critics of the prevailing moral laxity and constantly sup- 
ported and publicized the efforts of churches and schools. Five 
little newspapers appeared during the first year, confident they 
could grow with the mushrooming "magic city." Most were small, 
one-man operations, run on a financial shoestring. A visiting 
French journalist described the typical Cheyenne newspaperman as 
being "at once his own author, compositor, proofreader, printer 
and business manager, and he sums up all these functions under the 
general name of editor.""'' These little newspapers usually were 
made up of four pages, with the first page devoted to telegraphic 
dispatches of eastern and European news. Part of the second or 
third page would deal with local affairs and the rest was local 

The most successful of these early papers was the pioneer, the 

55. Minutes of City Council, November 15, 1867; Leader, November 16, 
1867, April 1, 6, 21, October 8, 28, November 10, 12, 1868. 

56. Leader, February 10, 15, 1868. 

57. Simonin, "A French View of Cheyenne," 242. 


Cheyenne Leader published by Nathan A. Baker. The first issues 
were painstakingly printed one page at a time in the back room of 
a store. Baker later recalled that a crowd of three hundred men 
gathered and eagerly awaited the completion of the first issue on 
September 19. The demand for news soon allowed Baker to make 
the Leader a daily and to modernize his operation with a faster 
press. Of the four other newspapers founded later that winter, 
only the Cheyenne Argus and the Daily Rocky Mountain Star man- 
aged to compete with the Leader. Two other ventures, the Com- 
mercial Record and the Fast Life survived for only a few months. 
The most colorful of Wyoming's frontier newspapers, the Frontier 
Index of the Freeman brothers, was probably never published in 
Cheyenne. Dubbed the '"Press on Wheels," the Inde.x prided itself 
on following the "Hell on Wheels" westward. Although press 
reports indicated that the Index was moving from Julesburg to 
Cheyenne in September. 1867. there is no evidence that it ever 
came out with an issue in Cheyenne. The Freeman brothers spent 
September and October in Cheyenne but may have felt their type 
of paper could not compete with a paper of the Leader's stature. 
By December the Index was being published at Fort Sanders.'''' 

Many immigrants wished to stay in contact with the East they 
had left and newspapers partly fulfilled this desire. Another means 
of contact was through the mails, handled for the first two months 
by Wells, Fargo. This service, however, was often unsatisfactory 
and residents made representations to Washington to obtain a 
regular federal post office. On September 9, Thomas McLeland, 
one of the earliest arrivals in the city, was appointed postmaster 
and opened a post office in a tent. An average of 2,600 letters per 
day was reported arriving during the months of October, Novem- 
ber, and December. The amount of mail pouring into the city 
forced McLeland to move to successively larger quarters several 
times until a relatively permanent post office was built in Mav, 


Social life in the young city centered around the saloons and 
variety theaters. Between 65 and 70 saloons did a booming busi- 
ness during that first winter. Visitors (and historians since then') 

58. Ddily Rocky Mountain Nen\s (Denver). August 31. September 12, 
1867; Leader, September 19, 28, October 24. November 2, December 10, 
14, 17. 21, 1867, February 8. April 16, June 17, 30, July 8, 1868, June 9, 
1869, May 9, 1870; Frontier Inde.x. June 19, 23, 1868; Sweetwater Miner, 
April 15, 1868; Interviews with Baker. W\'oniini> State Trilinne-Clievenne 
State Leader, July 20, 1929. July 27. 1933; Elizabeth Keen, "Wyoming's 
Frontier Newspapers, Mushroom Papers Droop and Die." Annals of IVvo- 
niing. XXXIII (October, 1961), 137-140. 

59. Saltiel and Barnett, History ami Business Directory. 11; Daily Rocky 
Mountain News. August 28. 1867: Coutant, "History of Wyoming," Annals 
of Wyoming, XII, 1940, 323. 


professed shock at what they believed were an abnormally large 
number of drinking outlets leading innocent young men to ruin. 
But Cheyenne's ratio of one saloon to 100 or so residents was 
actually the same as the average ratio in the large eastern cities 
during this period.*'" Perhaps the Wild West's prowess in this 
respect has been somewhat exaggerated. 

Theatrical entertainment was usually popular in western boom 
towns and Cheyenne was certainly no exception. Variety shows 
and even the legitimate drama drew enthusiastic audiences. Large 
elaborate theaters were built months before small churches and a 
school were erected. Performers began arriving from Julesburg in 
September and by early October, King and Metcalfe had con- 
structed a large theater complete with a parquet, dress circle and 
private boxes. Early performances evidently attracted a rough 
clientele for when the theater reopened in December as the Melo- 
deon. the new management promised: 'improper characters will 
be excluded from the hall. Ladies, therefore, who desire this eve- 
ning to witness the performance of the celebrated tragedean, Mr. 
James Stark, need have no apprehension on that score. ""^ The 
presence of Stark, one of the leading actors of the country, indicates 
a willingness to present the best available theatrical fare to the fron- 
tier city. By the next spring, the well known Selden Irwin troupe 
was presenting a variety of plays such as Andy Blake, The Lady of 
Lyons, Othello, and operas such as The Pearl of Savoy. But after 
a meager attendance at Hamlet signalling the obvious closing of the 
run, the Leader complained that "the legitimate drama and genuine 
talent have no longer any attractions for the masses. Sensational 
and spectacular exhibitions are the fashion. ""- 

While interest declined in the Irwin troupe's legitimate offerings, 
the variety theaters — the Theater Comique, the Concert Hall, the 
Model Concert Hall, the Gold Room — were drawing full houses. 
Here the city's males, together with the railroad construction crews, 
the bull-whackers and mule skinners, and the soldiers from Fort 
Russell, gathered to appreciate noisily the hurdy-gurdy performers 
or minstrels on stage, to risk their greenbacks at the gambling 
tables and to drink large quantities of liquor. Most variety theaters 
were built on the same general plan, with a gambling house and a 
saloon as a part of the establishment. The smaller houses usually 
had all three functions operating simultaneously in the same hall. 

60. Blake McKelvey, The Urbanization of America, 1860-1915 (New 
Brunswick, 1963), 160. 

61. Leader, September 19, October 3, 5, December 3, 6, 7, 12, 1867; 
Harold E. and Ernestine Bennett Briggs, "The Early Theater on the North- 
ern Plains," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXXVII (1950-1951), 

62. Leader, April 22, 1868. 


The larger theaters had a gallery which encircled the hall; this was 
divided into partially enclosed boxes where female employees 
served and entertained the clientele in a variety of ways. No 
admission was charged, as the house depended on the sale of liquor 
and the winnings of the gambling tables for its revenue.'-' 

The most successful of the variety theater operators was the 
self-styled "Barnum of the West," James McDaniel. Short and 
slight, bald-headed, with a carefully trimmed Van Dyke beard, 
McDaniel was a familiar and popular figure on the city's entertain- 
ment scene. To a great extent, McDaniel and his theater charac- 
terized the spirit of the young, rav. frontier community. His place 
was so well patronized by residents that it came to be regarded as 
something of a community center. With the flair for showmanship 
of his New York counterpart, he opened a museum soon after his 
arrival from Julesburg in October. To his original attraction — - 
stereoscopic views — he soon added a zoo complete with monkeys, 
snakes, parrots, and bears. Adjoining the museum was his theater, 
the largest in Cheyenne, and a saloon, where he personally mixed 
his well-advertised "Tom and Jerrys." This energetic promoter 
brought a tremendous amount of theatrical fare to his stage, mostly 
variety shows, but also legitimate drama such as Richard III and 
Othello. The entertainment at "Mac's" was usually considered to 
be on a higher level than that of other variet\ theaters, particularly 
the Gold Room, but even McDaniel occasionally pandered to the 
lowest tastes. Patrons of his bar were allowed free access to his 
museum which boasted "choice pictures of art." The county judge, 
however, failed to be impressed by the artistic quality of McDaniel's 
exhibits and fined him twenty-five dollars and costs for showing 
"obscene and lascivious pictures" in his museum's stereoscopic 

McDaniel's establishment could count on the dedicated attend- 
ance of many of the city's residents. The same was not true of 
the small, struggling churches. And yet, although weak in numbers 
and virtually powerless to change the prevailing character of the 
early city, they soon became the rallying points of respectability 
and decency in this city legendary for its godlessness. Three small 
congregations were formed during the first winter; two of these 
were able to erect churches by the fall of 1868. The Methodists, 
the religious pioneers on much of the western frontier were also 
the pioneers in Cheyenne. Local Methodists were organized soon 

63. Campton Bell. "The Early Theaters. Cheyenne. Wyoming — 1867- 
1882." Annals of Wyoming, XI. 1939. 3: Harold Briggs. "Early Variety 
Theaters in the Trans-Mississippi West." Mid-America. XXXIV, 1952, 188- 

64. Laramie County Clerk. Criminal Appearance Dockets. March 14, 
1868 (Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, Cheyenne). 


after the city's founding by Dr. D. W. Scott, a general merchant 
and sometime physician. At the request of Scott, the bishop in 
Denver sent the Rev. W. W. Baldwin to officially organize a con- 
gregation in the city. About seventy persons attended the formal 
founding service on September 29, 1867, at City Hall, which had 
been made available for religious services; fifteen officially joined 
the congregation after the service. The bishop was not able to 
provide an ordained minister immediately but Scott, who became 
the local preacher, gave outstanding leadership during the early 
months. As was the Methodist custom, he received no salary, but 
held regular services and carried on all the functions of an ordained 
minister. He also became head of the Sabbath school, which was 
formed a week after the organization of the congregation. City 
officials had given the congregation permission to use City Hall for 
Sabbath school in the afternoons and worship service in the eve- 
ning. As soon as a school house was built in January, 1868, the 
congregation began worshipping in these larger quarters. In the 
summer of 1868, Scott sold his business and returned East, evi- 
dently having had enough of the frontier. The Methodists' initia- 
tive soon passed to other denominations for succeeding leaders, 
both lay and ordained, simply did not measure up to the dynamic 

The Roman Catholics organized the second congregation in the 
city. Bishop James O'Gorman, in charge of the Nebraska vicar- 
iate, considered the new country being opened by the Union 
Pacific his responsibility. The first missionary sent by O'Gorman 
to this region was a Father Ryan who was given a parish extending 
from Fremont, Nebraska, to Cheyenne. Known as "the chaplain 
of the Union Pacific," and "Ole Cap," Ryan was a frontiersman 
willing to offer mass or preach sermons in railroad section cars, 
bunkhouses, or wherever he was given the opportunity. By the 
fall of 1867, O'Gorman divided the territory Ryan was serving by 
placing Father William Kelly in charge of all the territory along 
the Union Pacific west of Sidney, Nebraska, including the city of 
Cheyenne. During the week Kelly devoted his time to missionary 
work among the construction crews by leading worship in section 
cars as Father Ryan had done. On Sundays he preached at Chey- 
enne, where he started a congregation in late November or early 
December, 1867. In spite of financial difficulties, this congrega- 
tion was able to erect the first place of worship in the city. A small 
chapel, constructed partially in Omaha and then shipped to Chey- 

65. Malcolm L. Cook, "The Methodist Episcopal Church in Wyoming, 
1867-1888." unpublished Master's thesis, Denver University, 1955, 12-13, 
21-25; Saltiel and Barnett, History and Business Directoi-y, 15; Minutes of 
City Council, September 26, 186'?; Leader, October 3. '1867, August 22, 
October 17, 1868. 


enne by the Union Pacific, was ready for services by June, 1868.'"' 
The Episcopalian church was another of the denominations to 
take an early interest in the territory opened by the Union Pacific. 
During the summer of 1867, the Reverend Charles A. Gilbert was 
sent to Cheyenne and interested several Episcopalians in having a 
congregation organized. They were occasionally served by the 
chaplain at Fort Russell, Reverend E. B. Tuttle, but no formal 
organization was perfected until the arrival of the Reverend Joseph 
W. Cook in January, 1868.''' A sensitive, cultured Easterner, 
Cook was horrified by social conditions in his new charge: 

The wickedness is unimaginable and appalling. This is the great center 
for gamblers of all shades, and roughs, and troops of lewd women, 
and bull-whackers. Almost every other house is a drinking saloon, 
gambling house, restaurant, dance house or bawdy. In the east, as a 
general thing, vice is obliged in some measure to keep somewhat in 
the dark, and a cloak of refinement is thrown over it. But here all is 
open and above board, and the eyes and ears are assailed at every 

"If there ever was a place," Cook wrote his bishop, "which 
needed a standard lifted up against the enemy, it is here." His 
first sermon to seventy-five people gathered in the school house 
indicated his intention to attack the evil he saw about him. As the 
apostle Paul had battled licentiousness and corruption in ancient 
Corinth, Cook declared he would combat sin in licentious Chey- 
enne by holding up the basic truths of the gospel.'''' Cook soon 
drew up plans for an elaborate church, but a more modest building 
was completed in August 1868. The consecration on August 23 
created a good deal of interest for this was the first Protestant 
church building in what would become Wyoming. Three hundred 
attended the opening services (the normal capacity was two hun- 
dred) and many were turned away.'" 

Cook reported that many of Cheyenne's residents were happy 
that "something is to be done to affect the terrible state of things 
in this worst of all places under the sun."'^ But these earliest 
congregations were able to accomplish little to mitigate the evils of 

66. Henry W. Casper, History of the Catholic Church in Nebraska, Vol. 
I (Milwaukee, 1960), 166-170,' 206-208, 314-315; Patrick A. McGovern, 
History of the Diocese of Cheveiuie (Cheyenne, 1941), 27-28; Leader, 
November 21, December 26, 1867, May 11, 27, August 26. 1868. 

67. Parish Register, Vol. I, St. Mark's Episcopal Church Archives, Chey- 
enne; Letter of "Rocky Mountain Picket," in American Churchman, January 
29, 1868. 

68. Diary and Letters of the Reverend Joseph W . Cook. Missionary to 
Cheyenne, arranged by Rev. N. S. Thomas (Laramie, 1919), 8. 

69. Ibid., U, 14. 

70. Ibid., 74, 98; "Rocky Mountain Picket;'" Leader. May 21, August 24, 

71. J. W. Cook, Diary and Letters. 11. 


gambling, prostitution, and alcohol, and therefore concerned them- 
selves with more limited objectives, even if it only entailed giving 
a religious burial to someone who had been killed in a gun fight. 
Cook performed more funeral services than any other type of 
service: in his first nine months in Cheyenne, he baptized eight, 
confirmed eight, married four couples, and buried seventeen.'^ 
The churches also apphed themselves to changing the western cus- 
tom of disregarding Sunday. The provisional government had 
ordered all businesses closed by 9 p.m. on Sunday evenings, and 
some shops were voluntarily closed for the entire day, but this 
custom was far from generally accepted. Cook attempted to con- 
vince at least Episcopalians to close their businesses on Sunday. 
One nominal member, a certain Shakespeare, kept his billiard hall 
open on Sundays and chided Cook when approached about the 
matter: "We came out here to make money, and we are not 
governed by the old puritanical ideas prevalent in the States."'^ 
More successful was Cook's organization of a parish school which 
began with several students in December, 1868. 

The attempts to organize churches were parallelled by a move- 
ment for a public school. Some residents began publicizing the 
need for publicly supported education soon after the city's found- 
ing. As no county organization existed during the earliest months 
to provide this service, they demanded that city authorities take 
action. A Leader editorial mirrored this public concern: 

What is a town without schools and churches? Answer, Julesburg. Is 
Cheyenne to be such a town? No, sir. Families are what we want. 
Homes with mothers and children in them, to restrain, and give tone 
to our social fabric."^ 

A committee headed by J. R. Whitehead investigated the feasi- 
bility of the city taking on the responsibility, and discovered that 
from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five children were 
eligible for school. Many parents seemed willing to subscribe to a 
new building. With public support growing, city council decided 
to take on the burden of education. M. A. Arnold, hired to can- 
vass the city for subscriptions, was able to raise $1,335, but as the 
cost of the 24 x 40 foot structure was $2,235, city council was 
forced to borrow the additional $900 at the exorbitant current 
interest rate of five per cent per month. The school house was 
dedicated on January 4, 1868, amid high hopes for its effect on the 

72. Ibid., 99; Leader. March 4, 1868. 

73. J. W. Cook, Diary and Letters. 59; Minutes of City Council, October 
17, 1867; Leader, July 25, 1868. 

74. Leader, October 24, 1867. 

75. Minutes of City Council. October 24, November 2, 7, 9, 1867; 
Leader, January 6, 1868. 


As education was technically the responsibility of county govern- 
ment, the perfecting of a legal county organization at the end of 
January gave city officials the opportunity to rid themselves of the 
duties of education. Laramie County assumed the supervision of 
the school together with the $900 debt on the building. The school 
was finally opened to students on February 9 with M. A. Arnold as 
teacher and his wife as part-time assistant. One hundred and 
fourteen children were enrolled and the average attendance for the 
first month was eighty-six. All of these students were crowded into 
one small room and no attempt was made to grade them. Many 
parents were reported dissatisfied with the conditions in the school 
and did not "send their children at all because of the danger: 
there being all kinds and sizes in the school."'*' After repeated 
complaints, the school board dismissed Arnold and hired J. H. 
Hayford as teacher. Hayford had even less success than Arnold 
and "submissively resigned" after three days; his term was said to 
have been "characterized by frequent showers of paper balls, peas, 
and even shot." The next teacher, S. J. Scriber, had less discipli- 
nary problems, perhaps because he was reported to be a member of 
the vigilantes.'" 

As the school became established and daily attendance rose to 
one hundred and twenty, the building was lengthened by 30 feet to 
make it 70 x 24. It was then partitioned into two rooms by folding 
doors which made it particularly useful to churches, Sunday 
schools, literary groups, in addition to dividing the younger from 
the older children. The equipment within the school was also 
improved: it now included two stoves, two large blackboards, two 
tables and desks, two large maps, and cloth curtains on the win- 
dows. Although there was as yet no grading system, the county 
superintendent listed a pretentious program: reading, spelling, 
writing, physical and descriptive geography, mental and written 
arithmetic, algebra, grammar and composition, declamation, "inter- 
spersed with lectures on prominent and useful topics, and map 

In addition to schools and churches, residents also organized 
other customary social institutions during the first year. Two 
fraternal groups, the Masons and the Odd Fellows, organized 
chapters in the city during 1868. A Young Men's Christian Asso- 
ciation was formed by the fall of 1 868 and the traditional national 

76. J. W. Cook, Diary and Letters, 32; Minutes of City Council, February 
4, 25, 1868; Leader, February 6, 15, 19, 1868. 

77. J. H. Triggs, History of Cheyenne and Northern Wyoming. Embrac- 
ing the Gold Fields of the Black Hills, Powder River and Big Horn Coun- 
tries (Omaha, 1876), 30-31; J. W. Cook, Diarv and Letters. 104; Leader, 
March 27. 1868. 

78. "'Report of County Superintendent." Leader. May 23, 1868; Leader, 
May 5, 1868. 


organizations, the Irish Fenian Society and the German Turn 
Verein, quickly made their appearance. Balls sponsored by a 
variety of organizations proved to be extremely popular. One of 
these events, with its variety of costumes and styles, proved to the 
Leader s satisfaction that "Cheyenne Folks can keep pace with even 
those of Eastern cities in style and taste."'-' A major reason for 
the "style and taste" of these early social events was the presence of 
Fort Russell; the army officers often entertained "most of Chey- 
enne society," and were in turn present at any social events of any 
importance in the city. The Fort Russell band became an estab- 
lished fixture at social events in the city, entertaining at Masonic 
festivals, Fourth of July celebrations and most other public events. 
The frontier sporting activities which later became popular in 
Cheyenne were unknown in the early city as residents enjoyed the 
nationally popular baseball, boxing, and biUiards. Intellectual 
activity was not entirely ignored. A "Young Men's Literary So- 
ciety" was organized in November, 1867, and was given the right 
to meet in City Hall one evening a week. While the younger mem- 
bers of the society complained that the elderly men who were 
established speakers monopolized the meetings, the society drew 
considerable interest, and the major papers were printed in full in 
the Leader. ^^^ 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ sfs 

As Cheyenne reached its first birthday in July, 1868, some of the 
old magic was gone, and so was about half of the population — 
fortunately for the city, some said. The construction crews, which 
had made the city their headquarters for six months, were now 
building the railroad across the Laramie Plains. An assortment 
of riff-raff, as well as merchants and freighters had left with them. 
Those who stayed behind began to replace the temporary shack 
town with more permanent buildings. The original boom condi- 
tions of the railroad construction period, however, were not as 
easily replaced. Commercial activity slowed down, and even 
though the city became the capital of the new Territory of Wyo- 
ming in 1869, population declined to a low of 1,450 by 1870. 

The short boom period followed by long years of economic 
stagnation was to become a familiar pattern to those who staked 
their future with the young city. The next boom eventually arrived 
in 1875 in the form of a gold rush to the Black Hills. This was 
followed in the early 1880's by a few golden years when Cheyenne 
became the headquarters of the northwestern range cattle industry. 
Throughout this early period the city's aggressive businessmen 

79. Leader, February 29, 1868. 

80. Leader, December 7, 12, 26, 1867. 


displayed a remarkable amount of energy and extended their com- 
mercial hegemony over a huge region. The city, however, did not 
fulfill the optimistic expectations of its founders mostly because few 
people lived in this vast hinterland. Cheyenne could hardK hope 
to become a large metropolis without a large agricultural popula- 
tion surrounding the city. Despite costK efforts, cultivation of the 
arid plains simply was not feasible. Ranching required only a 
small rural population, and consequently, only a small commercial 
distributing center. Yet Cheyenne's residents dreamed optimistic 
dreams and struggled valiantly with an environment which yielded 
rewards only reluctantly. Today's residents, as they celebrate the 
hundredth anniversary of their dynamic community, can look back 
with pride to their hard) and energetic predecessors. 

1864 WATERTOWN 1864 


S. Ford and Co. 

Take pleasure in announcing to the Wool Growers and Dealers 
of Wisconsin, in this, their 17th Annual Circular, that they have 
repaired throughout their Machinery, put on new sets of Cards, 
and are now prepared to manufacture all kinds of Woolen Goods 
wanted in the Western country, viz: Narrow Cloths, Cassimers, 
Tweeds. Flannels. Yarn, Sacks, &c, — in short, everything the 
Farmer needs. 

Those who have tried our Goods have found them the most 
serviceable and cheapest Farmer can wear. The reputation of our 
fabrics, we believe, is well established in Wisconsin and Minnesota, 
and we are determined to maintain it, by making for our customers 
articles of the first quality. And we would here give it as our 
honest opinion, that the best and most profitable dispostion the 
Farmer can make of his Wool is to manufacture it at home, or have 
it manufactured at the Factory, or exchange it for cloths, which 
will net him a far greater per centage than to sell his Wool. Our 
prices for Manufacturing will be as follows: 

Fine Cassimers and Fulled Cloth, 55 cents 

Common Fulled Cloth, 50 '" 

Coarse " '" 45 

Plaid Flannel, 50 " 

Madder Red, .....45 '• 

White, 30 " 

Blue Mixed, ...35 

Or we will work Wool on shares, giving three-fifths of the cloth to 
the Wool Grower. 

We would say to Merchants and Dealers in cloths, that we are 


prepared to fill orders and furnish goods, at wholesale and retail, 
cheaper than they can be purchased in the Eastern markets, and a 
better article. We have on hand and are daily finishing up large 
stocks of Woolen Goods, suitable for the trade, such as Cassimers, 
Fine Grey, Flannel, Mixed &c. Flannels, white, plain and twilled 
from 1 to 2 and 2Vi wide, suitable for bedding or any other use. 
White, grey, blue and mixed yarn always for sale. The above 
mentioned goods will be traded or sold for cash on as favorable 
terms as at any other factory in the west. 

We would say to all who have wool to card, cloth to dress or 
manufacture, that they can send it to us by railroad, with instruc- 
tions how to have it done, and we will take from the depot, do the 
work properly, and return the same to the depot, free of charge. 
Those living at a distance, who want wool carded, can have the 
work done and take it back the same day. Have your wool wet 
washed, and we will warrant you good work and good rolls. 

Bring your wool to us and get the highest price, either in cash, 
cloth or both. Unwashed wool discounted one-third. 

Thankful for the very liberal patronage heretofore received we 
solicit still greater than ever before extended to us. 

Watertown, Wis., May 2d, 1864 S. FORD & CO. 

Advertisement: Hot weather is the very best time to try Pyle's 
Pearline. Then the washing is largest, and a saving of time and toil 
is best appreciated. Think of doing a large wash with little or no 
rubbing. Consider how much longer your delicate summer cloth- 
ing will last if not rubbed to pieces on a washboard. A saving is a 
gain. You'll be surprised and pleased with the cleanliness, satis- 
faction and comfort which comes of the use of PEARLINE. 
Simple — any servant can use it. Perfectly harmless- — -you can soak 
your finest linens and laces in Pearline and water for a month, with 
safety. Delightful in the bath — makes the water soft. Perhaps 
you have been using some of the imitations and have sore hands 
and find your clothing going to pieces. Moral — use the original 
and best. The Beulah Globe, August 2, 1890. 

ton Courier says that a young widow of that place has just cele- 
brated her wooden wedding by marrying a blockhead. 

Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, Vol. 82, 1871 

We're Shooting 

at Something New . . . 

Appearing on the following pages is the first in a new series of 
publications sponsored by the Wyoming State Archives and His- 
torical Department: 


Issues in the series will study selected museum materials in 
detailed written and illustrated coverage. These materials will be 
of an historical or ethnological nature and will have associations 
with the State of Wyoming in particular, and the American West in 

Following its appearance in the Annals, each selection in the 
series will be republished in separate form to serve the researcher 
in a more convenient format. 

Illustration: "Making a Tenderfoot Dance," by Remington, from Theo- 
dore Roosevelt's Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail. 

Summer Helmets of 

the U.S. Army, 



Gordon Chappell 

During the years of frontier Indian warfare the United States 
Army was influenced in its uniforms, weapons, and organization 
by the armies of many European nations, but particuhirly those 
three most prominent in warfare on the Continent in the Nineteenth 
Century — France, Enghmd, and Prussia. France was first to dom- 
inate the realm of miUtary style in the United States, through the 
long-standing myth of her altruistic assistance to the insurgent 
colonies during the Revolutionary War. Prussian influence later 
partially replaced the French, due to American disillusionment 
with France resulting from the French invasion of Mexico in viola- 
tion of the Monroe Doctrine in the early 1 86()'s and the bursting 
of the bubble of French military prestige by the Prussian bayonet in 
1 870. English influence was to be more subtle, but always 
present. And the experience of Imperial Armies in the deserts of 
British India and a host of tropical climes was to have its effect 
on the way United States soldiers dressed at western frontier posts 
such as Fort Laramie, Wyoming, in the 1880's. The principal 
indices of Brittanic influence in American military uniform at this 
time were the varieties of white or tan cork summer helmets de- 
signed to ward off the scorching heat of the western desert sun.^ 

The adoption of summer uniforms in the United States Army 
which this type of helmet symbolized was the culmination of a 
long-fought battle on the part of soldiers who suffered year-round 
in heavy, wool clothing. Summer uniforms had once been issued 
to American soldiers, but that was in the 1830's and 1 840's, when 
white cotton shell jackets and trousers were prescribed by regu- 
lations. These items had been discontinued in 1851, largely as a 
result of French Army experimentation in Algeria. The new idea 
was that a single woolen uniform could be worn in both summer 
and winter, at a great saving to the government in clothing expense. 
No special summer headgear had been prescribed prior to that 
time, however.- 

FoUowing the Civil War, when Regular troops re-occupied the 
humid garrisons in the south and frontier posts on western plains 
and deserts, many of the poor souls roasting in dark blue kersey 
uniforms began to make their complaints known through the 


"Correspondence" columns of the Army and Navy Journal, a 
weekly military "trade'" newspaper which was read widely by both 
officers and enlisted personnel. In the issue for September 7, 
1867. for instance, one "Old Soldier" wrote: 

I would simply ask, as a special favor to poor, sweltering, melting, 
perspiring humanity — at least that portion serving our Government, 
and willing to fight and die, if necessary, for the honor and glory of 
our old Stars and Stripes — that we might obtain the boon of "lighter 
clothing" during summer. 

In an eloquent plea he went on to suggest that if the legislators 
could experience for only a day "the insufferable heat and torment 
of wearing heavy Army pants on fatigue, drill, or any other duty" 
under a summer sun, a change would be made right quickly. He 
then appealed to General Grant's own experience at Vicksburg; if 
Grant were to consider the question, he would acknowledge that, 

. . . Army blue is rather heavy cloth to wear under a July sun about 
the latitude of Vicksburg. Allow me here to say that at Leavenworth, 
Riley, Kearny, Randall, Laramie, Bridger, and Camp Crittenden it is 
as bad as at Vicksburg, for I have experienced it personally at all but 
the latter place. -^ 

Another individual asked for coats and trousers of lighter material, 
and asked: "Have we not some inducement to grumble when we 
hear that English garrisons in India . . . have a summer uniform?"* 

The first steps in the direction of reintroducing summer uniform 
to the United States Army were by local option. The commanding 
general of the Department of Texas ordered on July 7, 1871, 
"... that the men be allowed to wear straw hats, and that both 
officers and men be allowed to wear white pantaloons during the 
summer . . .""' A similar order issued by the Department of the 
Platte was echoed on the post level by Fort Laramie General 
Orders No. 30, dated June 18, 1872, which authorized straw hats 
but made no mention of white trousers." But the catch in these 
orders was that neither the hats nor the trousers were to be issued: 
the soldiers had to buy them at their own expense, not an entirely 
satisfactory solution when one considers that a cavalry private was 
paid at this time thirteen dollars per month! 

That same month General Orders No. 76 issued from Washing- 
ton prescribed an entirely new uniform for the Army which in- 
cluded, for campaign wear, a wide-brimmed, foldable black felt 
hat which had been recommended by a Medical Department study 
of uniforms published in 1868 and copied from an experimental 
pattern issued to Colonel Harney's Second Dragoons prior to the 
Civil War.' But three years' experience with this floppy failure 
provided convincing proof of its inadequacies. The officers in the 
Clothing Bureau of the Quartermaster General's Office were well 
aware of this by the fall of 1875, and in his report dated September 
20, 1875, Lieutenant Colonel and Deputy Quartermaster General 



J. D. Bingham indicated that "steps are now being taken to procure 
hats satisfactory to the Army.""" 

As a by-product of this investigation, Quartermaster General 
Montgomery C. Meigs obtained from the British Army, with the 
aid of Sir Edward Thornton, British Minister to Washington, sam- 
ples of cloth-covered cork helmets worn by Her Brittanic Majesty's 
troops in tropical climates such as India. These were submitted 
to Secretary of War Belknap who authorized the purchase of one 
hundred helmets, complete with the cloth wrappings just above the 
visors known by the Hindu term of puggree, for trial by troops in 
Arizona.'' Within the next three years a similar helmet with a 
cloth band in place of the puggree was issued to cadets at the 
United States Military Academy at West Point. The latter style 
was manufactured privately by Henry V. Allien & Company of 7 
Bond Street, New York, a military goods supplier. In 1878, an 
additional hundred helmets of this style were issued to the Ninth 
Cavalry for trial in Texas, and 250 more were distributed to troops 
at the Artillery School at Fort Monroe, Virginia. But all of these 
were still considered experimental, and the white summer helmet 
remained unmentioned in uniform regulations.^" 

University of Colorado Library: Western History Collection 

Figure 2. Officer spectators at Kiowa-Comanche horse races at Fort Sill, 
Indian Territory, during the 1880's, wore several variations of summer hel- 
met. The officer at the left, seen from the rear, sports a helmet with an 
early type of puggree, (the cloth wrapping of Hindu origin). The officer 
at the right wears a regulation model bearing brass side-buttons, but with 
the ornamental chain chin-strap temporarily removed. 

Later that year, specifically, in obedience to special orders issued 
on November 1 1, 1878, a Board of Officers was convened to study 
army equipments. The board, presided over by Colonel Nelson 

■s o 

I ,, 

•*- "^ 

i 5 



Appleton Miles and with Colonel Ranald Mackenzie as a mem- 
ber — both of whom were officers with more than a decade of fron- 
tier experience — dealt with the summer uniform at some length. 
The members had voluminous correspondence from army officers 
which reflected a widespread desire for a cooler summer uniform. 
In their report, published as General Orders No. 76, dated July 23, 
1879. the members commented: 

It is also within the knowledge of the Board that when allowed by 
those in command officers are generally glad to wear white duck or 
linen coats and pants in summer, and that in warm climates, when 
campaigning. cavalr\' soldiers wear their [white] overalls and stable 
frocks whenever permitted. Comfort and economy have no doubt 
suggested these departures from the prescribed uniform which, how- 
ever serviceable and appropriate it may be. is the same at all seasons 
and in all climates. ^^ 

The Board went on to note that the experience of foreign armies, 
especially the British, whose forces were widely scattered around 
the globe, had led them to adopt a uniform of white cotton duck 
for warm climates. U.S. Signal Corps meteorological observations 
proved that the United States Army was subjected to climatic 
extremes as great or greater than those experienced even by the 

The report also stated: 

. . . the Board has noted the favor with which the white cork helmet 
is regarded and the wish of many officers for its adoption. 

The campaign hat issued some years ago [in 1872] proved a failure, 
even in frontier service, and it is well known that neither the shako, 
the present [black] helmet, nor the forage-cap are suitable in warm 
weather for duty of any kind, while the cork helmet, when properly 
made, has been found very comfortable, even in the field. 

After a thorough study of officers' opinions on the subject, 
spiced no doubt with memories of their own frontier service, the 
members of the Board finally recommended 

a summer uniform for all officers and enlisted men to consist of a 
white cork helmet, a white sack coat, and [white] pantaloons, which 
may be respectively described as follows: Helmet for officers to be of 
the pattern submitted, to have a ventilator-button and spike (both 
detachable), and chin-chain to be attached to the left side and to pass 
diagonally up across the front of the helmet and he secured at the 

The helmet of the enlisted men to be the same as that prescribed 
for officers, without the spike and chin-chain, which may be replaced 
by a strap of russet-leather — all according to pattern submitted. 

The Board members believed that this uniform should be worn 
during warm weather for all military duties and fatigues, and that 
beside improving comfort and appearance, it would save the gov- 
ernment a great amount of money. 

But the Board's recommendations were to face a powerful critic. 
In the first place. General of the Army William Tecumseh Sherman 


criticized the Board for examining many subjects, summer uni- 
forms among tiiem, "which hardly fell inside the province of their 
inquiry." "' Disapproved, '^ he wrote after the recommendation for 
summer uniforms, including helmets; "I prefer that commanding 
officers of posts be authorized to allow, in hot weather, theii 
officers and men to buy white pants, using their present uniform 
blue flannel sack coat and a straw hat. These can be universally 
procured at cheap rates." This seemed to put the matter back at 
the starting point. But in the meantime, stimulated by continual 
demands for summer uniforms, the military bureaucracy of the 
quartermaster's Department had been rolling along with the 
momentum of four years' experimentation with summer helmets, 
and not even General Sherman could permanently halt that motion. 

The immediate result of General Sherman's testy comments was 
a variety of hostile responses in letters to the Army and Navy 
Journal. One individual, who signed his letter "100 deg. in the 
shade," wrote at length, approving most of Sherman's comments on 
the report of the Miles Board except those on the summer uniform: 

When commanding officers of posts give a tardy permission for the 
swehering portion of humanity subject to their will to wear white 
trousers and straw hats, the permission, as a rule, only extends to time 
"off duty." Now the summer uniform of white sack coat and white 
trousers, and either white straw hat or white cork helmet, is an 
absolute necessity in Texas, where the mercury will register 109 deg. 
in the shade at more than one post in July. The helmet would be the 
most soldierly looking, as every one who has taken the trouble to 
notice it, knows that after the men have worn straw hats a short time 
the hat looks dirty and slouchy, and military commanders have a 
special aversion to "slouchy" looking men. Again, the Government 
promisee to clothe the soldier. Clothing him is as much a part of the 
contract as paying and feeding, and giving him medical attendance, 
and it would not be the correct thing to force him to purchase white 
trousers or straw hats out of his private purse, which is light enough 
already, in fact so light that it is never seen. No, sir, with all due 
respect for the General's opinion, that "summer uniform" as laid down 
in par. 39 is sadly needed in the Army, and to the certain knowledge of 
the writer has been earnestly wished for by rank and file for many a 
year back, and ought to be adopted in General Orders from the War 
Department, and fixed so that it would not be left to the caprice, 
whim, or will of any commanding officer during the months of June, 
July, August, and September. The present uniform during the sum- 
mer months is simply killing. Let us have the "summer uniform," 
please, and furnished by the Government to the men — not out of their 
own pockets — and that both officers and men be allowed to wear it at 
all times, both on duty and off, including officer of the day, dress 
parades, and inspections. i- 

A cavalry lieutenant in Texas responded to this with a letter pub- 
lished a month later which supported the case against leaving the 
matter of summer uniforms to the "whim or caprice" of individual 
post commanders. He suggested that officers make their opinions 
felt in order that by sheer weight of numbers they might overrule 


Another indignant officer at Fort Clark, Texas, wrote on August 
31 in rather insulting tones about Sherman's review of the report 
on Army uniforms and equipment. 

If the Board of young, energetic, and experienced officers, appointed 
for the by the War Department, recommends certain impor- 
tant and necessary changes in the uniforms of the officers and soldiers 
of the Army, is it not something like a grandmother dictating to a 
young society lady how to dress, for the General of the Army to order 
officers and soldiers to dress in old and obsolete styles, and to disap- 
prove of the Board's modern ideas of comfort and neatness in uni- 
forms? Why are the soldiers ordered to purchase their summer cloth- 
ing and straw hats from the traders when the Government contracts 
with the soldier to supply his ciolhing'.'i-' 

This was not the only letter written with bitter blue vitriol mixed 
with the ink, and the weight of officers' opinions did have its effect, 
overruling Sherman not only on summer uniforms, but on the 
matter of discarding dress shakos and modifying the black felt 
dress helmets as well. Nevertheless, it was the issue of cloth- 
covered cork summer helmets that was to be the first evidence of 
his defeat. 

On May 5, 1880, the Secretary of War approved specifications 
proposed by the Quartermaster Department for contract manu- 
facture of summer helmets for enlisted personnel. These described 
the materials to be used in detail: 

Shape cuu! weii^'ht. — To be in shape according to standard sample, 
and to weigh about seven and one-fourth (7'4 ) ounces when finished: 
reasonable variations (from this weight) due to sizes to be allowed. 

Material. &c. — The shell to be composed of two thicknesses of the 
best quality of cork, laminated or scarf-seamed, and securely cemented 
together with shellac. The linings to be firmly shellacked to the inside 
of shell; that for the dome to be of slate-colored drilling, and that for 
the visor or shade to be of emerald-green merino or cashmere. Sweat- 
leather to be on frame or hoop as in sample, well separated from the 
shell (for ventilation) by ten (10) small cork studs securely fastened: 
sweat to be about one and three-eights ( 1 % ) inches deep, and to be 
provided with a drawing string. Outside covering to be of the best 
quality of bleached cotton drilling, in four (4) sections, welt seamed 
and secured to the shell with shellac. Band of same material, about 
three-fourths (%) of an inch deep. Edge to be bound with stout 
bleached stay binding. Adjustable ventilator at top as in sample. 
Chin-strap of white enameled leather, and brass hooks for same, as in 
sample. 1'' 

A contract based on these specifications was signed about the 
middle of June, 1880, by Horstmann Brothers and Company of 
Philadelphia, a well-known dealer and manufacturer of military 

General Orders No. 72, issued by the Adjutant General's Office 
and dated November 4, 1880, covered a number of miscellaneous 
changes involving uniforms, and buried in its center were four 
lines of type which made the summer cork helmet Horstmann was 



Wyoming State Museum and Kermit Edmonds Collections 

Figure 4. The Model 1880 cork summer helmet, (top) differed most 
noticeably from the pattern produced after 1889, (bottom) in the generally 
shallow pitch to the visors, the shorter rear cape or visor, and the presence 
of a drawstring at the top of the sweat-band within the helmet's interior. 


manufacturing, heretofore merely experimental, an item of regu- 
lation issue uniform for the first time: 

Cork helmets are supplied only to troops serving in extremely hot 
climates, in the first and third years of their enlistment, and these only 
in lieu of the campaign hats. The necessity for such issue must in all 
cases be certified by the Department Commander.'" 

Less than a year later the Quartermaster General reported that 
6,000 cork helmets had been procured and issued to troops in 
warm climates.''' 

Meanwhile, the officers' model summer helmet was facing diffi- 
culties. Captain John F. Rodgers, Military Store-keeper at the 
Philadelphia Quartermaster Depot, had prepared a pattern of 
summer helmet for officers which differed from the model made up 
for the 1 879 Board of Officers in having a visor one-half inch 
wider. But it had the same chin-strap which consisted of a chain 
of gilt-brass rings mounted on white enameled leather and the same 
gilt-brass spike and base plate with alternate ventilator cap. The 
chin-strap was intended primarily as an ornament, to be hooked 
from the button on the left side (left, as viewed by the wearer) 
diagonally up across the front and right side to a hook at the top 
rear, where several loose rings at the end of the chin-strap provided 
capability of adjustment. Oddly enough, on Rodgers' pattern hel- 
met the two side buttons suspending the hooks for the chin strap 
as well as the button suspending the rear hook, were current British 
insignia — consisting of nothing more than small brass lions' heads. 
The top ornament was an oak-leaf base plate of strictly American 
design surmounted by the brass spike popularized by Prussian 
armies and adopted by the British infantry in 1878.'' This copy- 
ing of British insignia provoked criticism. In fact, pressure 
applied by officers for change in the uniform had caused the Quar- 
termaster Department to rush into changes without thinking them 
through, and publication of orders for these proposed uniforms, a 
move apparently to forestall further complaints, was thus pre- 
mature. The Army and Navy Journal advised officers on Febru- 
ary 12, 1881, not to buy the new uniforms, as Quartermaster 
General Meigs had revealed that changes were certain to be made: 

... we should not advise officers and dealers to invest in the new 
helmets until they are obliged to do so. They will be strictly within 
the law if they do so, however, as they are authorized to mount the 
helmets at any time, and it will require another order to authorize the 
use of anything different from the models of which we have published 

In one respect, the newspaper was wrong. The description of the 
officers' helmet published in General Orders No. 4, dated January 
7, 1881, was quite general and vague enough to permit change 
without publication of another order: 

Officers' summer helmets. — ^Body: of cork as per pattern in the office 



of the Quartermaster General, covered with white-facing cloth; top 
piece, spike, chain chin-strap, and hooks, all gilt.-i 

The key phrase was "as per pattern in the office of the Quarter- 
master General." The principal difficulty with this specific helmet 
was that the side buttons were "foreign devices, out of place in our 
Army," as the Army and Navy Journal was quick to point out on 
February 19th.-' 

California State Library Collections 

Figure 5. This helmet is the official Quartermaster Department model of 
the first summer helmet prescribed by regulations for officers in January of 
1881. Due to objections concerning the placement of the British lions' 
heads insignia on it, the pattern was changed within six months, and few, if 
any, officers ever wore it. (Army and Navy Journal, January 22, 1881.) 

When Captain Rodgers accomplished the modification of the 
pattern of helmet for officers, there was one major change: the 
lion's head side buttons were replaced with round buttons identical 
to the new ones used on the black dress helmets, which consisted of 
branch insignia (crossed rifles for infantry, crossed sabers for 
cavalry, castle for engineers, etc.) stamped in relief on a sUghtly 
convex polished brass disc.-'^ The change to these side buttons 
was so slight as to render a rewording of the previously published 
regulation covering the officers' model summer helmet, unneces- 
sary. When General Orders 52, dated June 14, 1881, modified 
the black dress helmets, they made no mention of the officers' sum- 
mer helmet.-^ 

If General Meigs thought he had satisfied everyone he was sadly 
mistaken. One officer had already complained about the new 
summer helmet; he had been outright sarcastic: 

= o 
■o 3 


■ fe- 


* .§ 

■%'' ii^ 


It is a half-open secret here that the board went out of its way to rec- 
ommend, among other things, first: that in very hot latitudes ham- 
mocks be lined with feather beds; second, that straw hats be trimmed 
with brass bands: third, that refrigerators be equipped with "Florence 
Heaters," and fourth, that boiling water be invariably used in making 
iced drinks. And then, to be consistent, they felt compelled to advise 
the weighting down and heating up of the summer helmet with the 
metal spike and chain! 

And when it was discovered that, despite all this, the summer helmet 
was still one ounce lighter . . . the board, it is said, eager to repair this 
fault, hurried on a supplementary report, strongly urging that, with the 
summer helmet, there be always worn — the overcoat! The worst of 
it all is that the "powers that be" didn't see the joke, and are at this 
very moment really engaged in evolving a set of metal trimmings for 
a tropical hat! 

. . . Why not give us the perfectly plain British-India helmet, which 
has been worn by the cadets for several summers past and found to 
be very comfortable? ... If Major Sanger (for whom I have a great 
admiration) will say that, on his "tour of the world," he saw any 
such monstrosity as a summer helmet with metal spike and strap, then 
I will beg pardon of all offended. But even then my surplus brass (by 
order) will make me skulk rather than swagger, for who, after all, 
likes to look a fool !-•'"' 

Whether this protest was in fact responsible for restraining the 
Quartermaster Department from adding still more trimmings when 
it modified some of the helmet styles is uncertain; at least no more 
brass was added to the officers' summer helmet. 

The changes in Army full-dress headgear effected in January by 
General Orders No. 4 and in June by its successor, General Orders 
No. 52, resulted in plumed and corded black dress helmets being 
worn by all officers and enlisted men who normally rode horses, 
regardless of branch, and spiked helmets without cords being worn 
by all officers and men habitually dismounted (with certain Staff 
Corps officers excepted from the general rules by reason of wearing 
the feathered chapeau for full dress). Thus the cord and plume 
was in no sense a designation of rank, but only an indication of 
whether a man was supposed to be mounted. These included field 
officers (majors, lieutenant colonels, and colonels) and regimen- 
tal staff officers (adjutant, quartermaster, and commissary) of 
infantry and dismounted artillery regiments, as well as all cavalry, 
hght artillery, and Signal Corps officers and men. When in 1883 
enlisted cavalrymen asked permission to substitute the spike for 
the bothersome plume on guard duty and similar occasions, it was 
refused, and the rule of plumes for mounted men and spikes for 
dismounted men was followed with but one exception — and that 
was the officers' summer helmet. 

The spiked summer helmet was prescribed as the summer helmet 
for all officers. This meant that not only junior officers of infantry 
and artillery, but even the field grade officers who in full dress 
wore colorful plumes, could wear only a spike on their summer 
helmet. Furthermore, this meant that all cavalry officers, forbid- 
den to wear the spike on their black helmets, nevertheless wore 


the spiked summer helmet. Regulations did not specify, however, 
that the white helmets were to replace the black dress helmets for 
full dress occasions, even in summer. It was intended to be worn 
with the service blouse rather than the full-dress coat, though some 
officers may have worn the latter combination on occasion. 

Officers, of course, were not issued uniforms, but had to buy 
their own helmets out of their salary. These were not particularly 
cheap items; prices varied from $7.50 to $10 or higher, dependmg 
on the quality. While the helmets of enlisted personnel were 
covered with cheap white cloth, the officers" model was covered 
with a much finer grade of material. It differed in shape from the 
enlisted issue model, having flatter, wider visors, and a shallow and 
squat body. The brass, of course, w as generally gold-plated, with 
quahty varying with expense. 

'%' i '*,'*" * 

San FranciM.o Public Library Collections. 
Figure 7. A front view of the official model of officers" summer helmet. 


For fatigue duty officers could replace the spike and oakleaf 
base plate with a white ventilator cap identical to that worn on the 
enlisted issue helmet, but there was no provision for removal of th2 
remaining brass trimmings, the side buttons, chain, and rear hook. 
As these were unsuitable for campaign usage, officers were per- 
mitted to purchase at cost enlisted model issue helmets for the 
rougher categories of duty. Frequently, officers equipped them- 
selves with a variety of models of summer helmet made by uniform 
suppliers, or even civilian models, which were far from the regu- 
lation patterns. 

Meanwhile, since Staff Corps officers (those in the Adjutant 
General's Department, the Pay Department, the Ordnance Depart- 
ment, etc. ) wore the feathered chapeau rather than black helmets 
for full dress, the question soon arose as to whether they were 
authorized the spiked white helmet for summer wear. The ques- 
tion was submitted to General Sherman specifically in respect to 
medical officers, but his reply was general in character: "There 
is no objection to staff officers wearing the white helmet, with the 
consent of the Commanding Officer."-' But if command decisions 
from the highest officer in the Army could affect the wearing of the 
helmets, so could conditions at the most remote theaters of 

The perspective on uniforms of an officer serving out on the 
frontier differed considerably from that of an officer behind a desk 
in the Clothing Bureau in Washington. Out in the khaki-coloured 
deserts of Arizona and New Mexico, United States soldiers were 
still having a few differences of opinion with an unhelmeted indi- 
vidual named Geronitno. When their arguments waxed hot and 
smoking lead whined through the air. soldiers wearing bright white 
helmets found it somewhat difficult to blend into the terrain. By 
the beginning of summer, 1882, complaints emanating from offi- 
cers in the District of New Mexico had brought this fact to the 
attention of the Quartermaster's Department. On June 22, Head- 
quarters of the Department of Texas at San Antonio announced 
that five hundred cork helmets covered with unbleached brown 
rather than white linen had been purchased under orders from the 
Secretary of War for trial. These were to be distributed to Forts 
Brown, Clark, Concho, Davis, Duncan, Mcintosh, Ringgold, and 
the Post of San Antonio, whose respective commanders were 
ordered to report after a period of trial the relative merits of white 
and tan helmets.-"* 

Later that year the Chief of the Clothing Bureau announced 
procurement of 1,000 brown helmets to be issued the following 
spring. The results of the trials were not announced, but the 
Quartermaster Department continued for many years to purchase 
both white and brown cork helmets for issue to enlisted per- 

The helmets were not universally popular, though they were 



widely worn, from Fort Bowie, Arizona, to Fort Custer, Montana, 
and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In 1883 a quartermaster 
Heutenant at Fort Mojave, Arizona, reported that men at that post 
had a decided preference for any kind of hat in place of the helmet, 
and in his opinion "nothing could very well be less fitted for 
frontier service than the cumbersome helmets."-^" 

Fort Laramie National Historn. 

Site Collections 

Figure 9. An 1889 picnic on the bank of the Laramie River south of Fort 
Laramie witnessed the off-duty use of the summer helmet as an item of 
selected headwear. The helmet in use is one variation of the 1880 model. 

At this time the Quartermaster Department was carrying on 
experimentation with crushed-cork helmets as opposed to the 
standard laminated sheet-cork pattern. On September 17, 1883, 
Captain Rodgers reported: 

The laminated sheet-cork helmets are fairly popular, but those made 
of crushed cork are not only unpopular, but objectionable and un- 
serviceable, rendered so by the crushed cork becoming disintegrated. 
As to color, a preference was expressed to those covered with brown 
linen over those covered with white serge. 

He added that no more crushed-cork helmets had been pur- 

The white helmets for enlisted personnel were similar in shape 
to the black dress helmets, and had the same type of screw-top 
which mounted the ventilator cap. The fact that officers' helmets 
were ornamented with a spike and various other brass may have 
given some soldiers and perhaps their company officers the idea of 
transferring the easily removed trimmings — the brass eagle and 
side buttons, and the plume and cord or spike — to the white cork 



helmet for a sort of summer full-dress. This practice must have 
been followed at some post, for while the regulations did not 
specify it, neither did they prohibit it, until suddenly on October 1 1, 
1887, the Army found it necessary to issue a special circular which 
stated that "no cord is prescribed for the white or summer helmet 
and none should be worn with it."-'- By implication, the other 
trimmings were also outlawed, except those specifically prescribed 
for officers" helmets. 

Gordon Chappell and Kermit Edmonds Collections 

Figure 10. White helmets decorated with the brass, cord and plume from 
the black dress helmets never were authorized. That the Army found it 
necessary in 1887 to specifically outlaw this practice suggests that helmets 
such as this one bearing the insignia of an enlisted soldier in the 2nd Cavalry 
were worn at some time in the middle 1880"s. 

Although helmets had been a regular issue item since 1880, the 
earlier experimental model with the puggree ("puggaree", as the 
Army spelled it) was still in use, and some soldiers continued to 
wear it several years after the model without the puggree became 



available. Some officers continued to wear that model or its 
variations, either because they had to buy their uniforms them- 
selves and saw no point, despite regulations, in discarding a still 
usable item merely because regulations made a minor change in 
style, or simply because they preferred it. Ma^or Eugene Beau- 
harnais Beaumont, commander of Fort Bowie, Arizona Territory, 
was photographed wearing such a helmet on the porch of his 
elegant quarters in 1886. 

Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society Collections. 

Figure 11. Major Eugene Beaumont, (seated left center, with cane) com- 
mander of Fort Bowie, Arizona Territory, relaxed on the veranda of his 
quarters with fellow officers of the 4th Cavalry in the summer of 1886. 
Major Beaumont and two other officers have summer helmets with puggree. 
either the 1875 experimental model or a similar privately-purchased pattern. 

Two changes were made in the enlisted issue helmets during the 
late 1880's. A slightly different body style with large visors, 
particularly in the rear, was introduced. In addition to being 
larger, the visors on the later model were more vertical than on the 
1880 pattern. In addition, the newer model omitted the draw 
string at the top of the sweat-band after 1889.-''^ However, army 
contracts in the late 1 890's continued the earlier body style, so that 
the two types were intermixed in dates of manufacture. 

The provision in regulations that cork helmets were intended for 
use in extremely hot climates seemed unduly prohibitive, especially 
since some areas not ruled within this catagory had insufferable 
summers. During an intense hot spell in the middle of July, 188.5, 
the Army and Navy Journal editorialized that the regulations 


should be modified to make the use of the helmet universal 
throughout the army during summer months, and cited suffering of 
soldiers at military posts near New York City, considered outside 
the zone where summer uniforms were necessary.''^ A soldier 
who signed himself "Old Fifth" — probably a member of the Fifth 
Infantry — complained about the same practice in August, 1888. 
He had been transferred from Fort Keogh, Montana, to Fort 
Brown, Texas; soldiers at the latter post were permitted summer 
uniforms, while those at the former were not, though the weather 
could be equally hot at both latitudes. "I cannot see why the 
whole Army does not adopt the uniform of white during the sum- 
mer months," he said.-'' But it was not until the 1 SVO's that use of 
the summer helmet and other items was liberalized. 

Since 1871 the trend had been a return to limited use of special 
summer uniforms, but the policy resulting from the French Army's 
Algerian experiments forty years earlier still condemned American 
soldiers to wool clothing in the summer. As late as 1886 the 
Surgeon General, when asked by the Chief of the Clothing Supply 
Branch, returned the opinion that "woolen fabrics" were "most 
conducive to the preservation of sound health in warm climates 
. . . "■"' In the three decades since the Army had discontinued 
white summer uniforms, only the straw hat, the white trousers, and 
the helmet — with the two former items available to the soldier only 
by his own purchase — existed as evidence of progress from the 
fossilized thinking of a penurious Congress whose penny-pinching 
ways, necessarily filtered through the staff of the Army, had caused 
untold summer suffering on the part of American soldiers. 

Nevertheless, change was on the way — at last. Despite the 
opinion of the Surgeon General, in May, 1886, sack coats and 
trousers of white cotton duck were manufactured in limited quan- 
tity and sent to troops in Texas on a trial basis. The results in 
less than a year were so overwhelming that on January 18, 1887, 
the Quartermaster General recommended to the Secretary of War 
the manufacture of this class of clothing for all troops in that 
department. On February 6, the Adjutant General advised the 
Quartermaster General (through proper channels, of course) that 
the Secretary had approved the recommendation. The Quarter- 
master General now deferred to the commanding general of the 
Department of Texas by submitting to him for his selection various 
styles and grades of summer coats and trousers. The result was 
the issue of bleached cotton duck coats and trousers to non-com- 
missioned officers and similar but unbleached (hence cheaper) 
garments to privates.'*' 

Unfortunately for the soldiers, the government still followed the 
policy of charging the soldier additional money for these items; he 
could purchase them at cost price from the Quartermaster Depart- 
ment, but he still had to pay out of his own pocket. 

Nevertheless, the new summer clothing was so popular that the 

„u.' .'.f'^ ,„ 







\\\(iniint; State Miisciini ;ind Ktrinit Edmonds Collections. 

Figure !2. Positioned below the pattern of helmet produced after 1889 is 
a summer helmet variation which may have primary issue and use associa- 
tions with state National Guard and militia organizations, (although exam- 
ples of the exact pattern of vent affixed to the sides have been recovered 
from the site of Fort Mohave, Arizona.) Though the specimen illustrated 
features the khaki coloration, the same pattern is also noted in white. 



Quartermaster General recommended on June 18, 1887, that it be 
manufactured in quantity sufficient to supply troops in the Depart- 
ment of Arizona and the Department of the Missouri as well as 
Texas, and this was done, although by the summer of 1888 only 
the latter two departments had been supplied, the new summer 
clothing being not yet available in sufficient quantities to reach the 
Arizona posts. An indication of how far behind actual practice the 
regulations sometimes lagged, this clothing was not authorized in a 
general order until 1897, and then only in "extreme southern 

Another step in the right direction— though it involved a uni- 
form not entirely for summer wear — was the provision on May 9, 
1898, for the issue of "khakie" service blouses — the first move 

Kermit Edmonds Collection 

Figure 13. Henry W. Lawton. Major General of Volunteers, who was 
killed in the Battle of San Mateo during the Philippine Insurrection, holds 
the cork summer helmet he wore during the Spanish-American War. Note 
the drawstring affixed to the upper margin of the sweat-band. 


toward the eventual abandonment of the blue field uniform and the 
adoption of camouflage in military uniform. -^^ 

Meanwhile, war with Spain in 1898 involved American troops in 
Cuba and the Philippines. A restricted list of those uniform items 
which would be permitted overseas was published by the Adjutant 
General. Cork helmets, both brown and white, were among those 
items allowed overseas, whereas dress uniforms were not. 

Oddly enough, regulations continued to sanction private pur- 
chase of straw hats, though it would seem logical to replace them 
with the white helmet. General Orders No. 9, January 19, 1900, 
stated that: 

During the warm season department commanders may authorize an 
inexpensive straw hat. of such pattern as they may prescribe, to be 
worn by officers and enlisted men of their commands on fatigue and 
stable duty, at target practice, and when not on duty. 

If the Army was not standing still in all respects, it certainly 
seemed to be in some; the straw hat was being authorized in the 
same manner as in 1871. 

But the dawn of a new century brought with it a new era in 
American military styles. General Orders No. 81 from the 
Adjutant General's Office, published on July 17, 1902, prescribed 
the first thorough change in uniform styles since 1872, describing 
almost entirely new uniforms for every occasion. Officers were 
given until July 1, 1903, to comply, and as usual, the uniforms of 
enlisted personnel would remain the old pattern until large stocks 
of obsolete items diminished. Some units continued to wear 
plumed dress helmets until at least 1905, although other organ- 
izations were issued the new clothing within a year of the 
announcement of the change. ■^•' 

The cork summer helmets used prior to 1902 were among the 
few items continued in use by the new regulations. For officers, 
the summer helmet with brass trimmings was discontinued, but 
under the heading "White Helmet"' the new regulations said: 

Body of cork as per pattern in the office of the Quartermaster 
General, covered with white facing cloth; chin strap of white enamel 

This was nothing more than the issue enlisted helmet, which 
officers had been permitted to wear for campaign and fatigue use 
since 1881. The following paragraph in the order, however, 
described a new modification of the khaki helmet for campaign and 
other arduous duty: 

Body of cork, as per pattern in the office of the Quartermaster 
General, covered with material of the service uniform and "puggaree," 
chin strap of olive drab enamel leather. 

Although white helmets with the "puggaree" were the initial exper- 
imental model back in 1875 and 1876, this was the first time a 

^a, f 

Kermit Kdmonds Collection 

Figure 14. Except for their color, the tan helmets (khaki) were identical to 
current issues of white helmets. Both the white and tan helmets illustrated 
here are of the style used in the 189()'s and early 1900"s. Neither helmet 
was furnished with a drawstring in the sweat-band' 



helmet with puggree had been authorized by regulations. Only a 
few of these, however, were to be worn. On Dscember 31, 1902, 
General Orders 132 amended the previous regulations. The new 
version again described the white cork helmet, this time specifying 
that it was "covered with and having a band of white facing cloth." 
There was no mention at all of any "service helmet" for officers, 
and no mention of any "puggaree." 

The regulations published in July had continued officers' sum- 
mer uniforms, and prescribed now for the first time a complete 
white summer uniform for issue to enlisted personnel. Along with 
this uniform was the white helmet, "similar to the officers' white 
helmet," which was in fact the 1889 model. The "service helmet" 
described was to be "similar to the officers" service helmet, in other 
words, a khaki helmet. 

The majority of the khaki helmets issued after the turn of the 

Norman Hobson Collection 

Figure 15. This tan or khaki-colored helmet with a puggree, (the cloth 
wrapping above the visors), was used by an American soldier in the Phillip- 
pine Islands about 1902. 



century were the earlier type without the "puggaree", and they 
saw service in the PhiUppines and elsewhere. In 1904, General 
Orders No. 3 priced the khaki-colored cork helmet at $1.85 and 
the white helmet at $1.25, although by this time they were con- 
sidered obsolete items. A subsequent order published July 13 
implied the elimination of the old dress uniform which until this 
date had still been used by some units, but the order did not affect 
the summer helmets.^'' 

Finally, on New Year's Eve, 1904, the status of the helmets was 
clarified by General Orders 197: 

The khaki helmet of the pattern now on hand in the Quartermaster's 
Department is prescribed as uniform for officers and enUsted men 
until the supply is exhausted, when its use will be discontinued. It will 
be worn in lieu of the service cap with the service uniform . . . from 
May 1 to September 30 at all posts in the Departments of the Gulf 
and Texas, and from June 1 to September 30 at all other posts in the 
United States. At posts in the tropics it will be worn . . . throughout 
the year, except during the rainy season. The price of this helmet is 
fixed at 40 cents." 

The same order specified use of the white helmet: 

The white helmet of the pattern now on hand in the Quartermaster's 
Department is prescribed in lieu of the white cap with the white uni- 
form, for officers and enlisted men, until the supply is exhausted. 

Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, Meyers Collection. 

Figure 16. Enlisted men of the 12th U. S. Artillery pose somewhere near 
Fort D. A. Russell, Wyoming, in 1906. The trumpeter on the extreme left 
flank of the group is wearing a variation of the 1880 summer helmet. 


Commanding officers are directed to permit it to be worn off duty in 
garrison with the service uniform, and to prescribe its use during the 
warm season with the full-dress and dress uniforms in lieu of the full- 
dress or dress cap. When the supply now on hand in the Quarter- 
master's Department is exhausted, the use of the white helmet as an 
article of uniform will be discontinued. Its price is fixed at 25 cents." 

Thus, paradoxically, in the days of its eclipse as an item of issue 
uniform, the plain white helmet, without trimmings, reached its 
zenith as an item of full dress headwear! 

Precisely how soon the Army discontinued use of the tan and 
white cork helmets of this style is a matter of conjecture. The 
soldiers in the Philippines were wearing the khaki pattern at least 
as late as 1909, and perhaps later, and the helmets seemed to fit in 
the American Edwardian Age as well as they had in the Victorian. 
But the technology of warfare was changing, and there would be 
no place for tan or white helmets on the battlefields of Europe in 
a century of world wars, for war had lost the glamor of chivalry, 
and the helmets of the future would be of harsh steel. 


1. In any research project of this sort, the author is inevitably indebted 
to many individuals for invaluable assistance. In this instance, they include: 
Sidney B. Brinckerhoff and Thomas Peterson of the Arizona Pioneers' 
Historical Society; Art Woodward, who permitted use of his extraordinary 
private library in Patagonia, Arizona; Robert A. Murray of the National 
Park Service. Norm Hobson of Alameda. California, and Randy Steffen, of 
Fort Pierce, Florida, members of the Company of Military Historians; and 
above all, the staff of the Wyoming State Archives and Historical Depart- 
ment, particularly Neal Miller, Kermit Edmonds. Gene Galloway, and Kath- 
erine Halverson. I hereby thank all of them for their contributions. 

2. Erna Risch, Quartermaster Support of the Army, A History of the 
Corps, 1775-1939: (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1962), 
p. 503. 

3. The Army and Navy Journal (hereafter cited as ''A&NJ"). September 
7. 1867. p. 42. The Journal was published every Saturday in New York 

4. A&NJ, March 7, 1868, p. 458. 

5. Circular No. 10, Series of 1871, issued by Headquarters Department 
of Texas, San Antonio, as reprinted in A&NJ, September 9, 1871, p. 59. 

6. General Orders No. 30, Headquarters, Fort Laramie. Wyoming Terri- 
tory, June 18. 1872; Record Group 92, National Archives (microfilm copy 
in Library at Fort Laramie National Historic Site, Wyoming). 

7. Assistant Surgeon Alfred A. Woodhull, Brevet Lieutenant Colonel 
U.S.A., A Medical Report upon the Uniform and Clothing of the Soldiers 
of ihe U.S. Army, (Washington: Surgeon-General's Office, 15 April, 1868); 
excerpts from this report were reprinted in A&NJ, May 16, 1868, p. 613; 
May 23, 1868, p. 630; and May 30, 1868, p. 647. For an excellent study of 
the hat in question, see James S. Hutchins, "The Army Campaign Hat of 
1872." Military Collector and Historian, Vol. XVI, No. 3 (Fall 1964). 

8. Annual Report of the Secretary of War for 1875, Vol. I, p. 230. 
These reports, published yearly in House Executive Documents for each 
Congress, contained reports to the Secretary of all the staff departments of 
the Army, and these, in turn, contained reports of the principal subdivisions 
of each staff corps. The documents cited in this study are the annual 
reports of the Chief of the Clothing Bureau, later the Clothing Supply 


Branch, rendered early in the fall of each year to cover the previous fiscal 
year. Hereafter the abbreviation "ARSIV" and the year will be used in 
citing these reports. 

9. ARS^\ 1875, Vol. I. p. 230; To help place the cork helmets in the 
whole spectrum of military service headwear on the frontier, see Sidney B. 
Brinckerhoff, Military Headi^ear in the Southwest. (Tucson: Arizona Pio- 
neers' Historical Society Museum Monograph No. 1, 1964), pp. 13-15. 

10. A&NJ. June 26, 1880, p. 968; ARSW, 1878, Vol. 1, p. 323. 

11. The full report of the Board, together with the reactions of Chief of 
Ordnance A. B. Dyer, Quartermaster General Meigs, and General Sherman 
were all included in General Orders No. 76, Adjutant General's Office, 
Headquarters of the Army, July 23, 1879. All subsequent quotations of the 
report and of Sherman's comments are from this general order. 

12. A&NJ. August 23, 1879. p. 46. 

13. A&NJ. September 27, 1879, p. 144. 

14. A&NJ. November 8, 1879, p. 264. 

15. ARSW. Vol. I, 1880, p. 398. 

16. A&NJ. June 19, 1880, p. 951. 

17. General Orders No. 72, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Office, November 4, 1880. Most of the uniform regulations from 
1774 to 1889 may be found in Lieutenant Colonel M. I. Ludington (ed.). 
Uniform of the Army of the United States from 1774 to 1889, (Washington: 
The Quartermaster General, 1889). In addition to the text of all important 
uniform regulations and changes up to the year of publication, this volume 
contains 44 water-color plates covering the history of the Army uniforms, 
executed under contract to the Quartermaster General's Office by the 
civilian artist, Henry Alexander Ogden. 

18. ARSW, 1881, Vol. I, p. 285. 

19. A&NJ. January 22, 1881, pp. 495, 496; January 29, 1881, p. 528. 
Brevet-Major H. FitzM. Stacke, "The Infantry Shako," Tradition. Vol. II, 
No. 11, pp. 14-22. 

20. A&NJ. February 12, 1881, p. 571. 

21. General Orders No. 4, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant General's 
Office, January 7, 1881. 

22. A&NJ, February 19, 1881, p. 593. 

23. A&NJ, March 12, 1881, p. 662. 

24. Although officers commonly wore the regulation summer helmet 
with the chain chin-strap draped across it, photographs indicate that they 
seldom, if ever, wore it with the prescribed brass spike and oak-leaf base 
plate, preferring merely the white ventilator cap. 

25. A&NJ. March 12, 1881, p. 664. 

26. A&NJ, April 16, 1881. p. 772. 

27. A&NJ, August 27, 1881, p. 70, quoting a letter from the Adjutant 
General's Office dated August 24, 1881. 

28. ARSIV, 1882, Vol. I, p. 299; A&NJ. July I, 1882, p. 109, quoting a 
letter from Headquarters, Department of Texas, dated June 22, 1882. 

29. ARSW. 1882, Vol. I, p. 299. 

30. Brinckerhoff, I hid., p. 14. 

31. ARSW. 1883, Vol. I, p. 456. 

32. Circular No. 9, October II, 1887, Adjutant General's Office. 

33. ARSW. 1884, Vol. I, plate 4 following p. 623. 

34. A&NJ. July 25. 1885, p. 1059. 

35. A&NJ, Aug. 18, 1888, p. 1115. 

36. ARSW. 1886, Vol. I, p. 510. 

37. ARSW. 1888, Vol. I, pp. 526, 527. 

38. General Orders No. 39, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Office, May 9, 1898. 

39. General Order 122, Headquarters of the Armv, Adjutant General's 
Office, July 13, 1904. 

40. Ibid. 


About the Author . . . 


Perhaps Fort Laramie witnessed the arrival of great-grandfather 
Chappell who crossed Wyoming in 1852, but the appearance would 
probably have been understandably fleeting since the family was 
on its way to the California gold fields. 

Gordon Chappell has more than made up for any cursory 
glances his great-grandfather might have given to the post; he has 
served as a Park Ranger-Historian on the staff at Fort Laramie 
National Historic Site for five summer and two fall seasons. 

A 28-year-old native of Sacramento, California, Mr, Chappell 
received his B. A. in history from the University of California at 
Berkeley in 1961. Following two years of service in the U.S. 
Army, he entered graduate school at the University of Arizona in 
Tucson and obtained his Master's degree in history in 1964. At 
present he is undertaking graduate work in his discipline which 
will lead to a Ph.D. from the University of Colorado in Boulder. 
As his studies permit, he serves as a museum assistant at the 
Colorado Railroad Museum in Golden. 

Mr. Chappell's monograph serves as an index to the interest and 
competency he maintains in just one of his many fields of study — 
U. S. military uniforms and insignia of the period 1830-1910. 

Zke OrigiH 
of the Wyoming State J lag 

This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of a Wyoming 
State Flag. Mrs. Verna Keyes. of Casper, designer of the flag, has provided 
the following story of the origin of the flag. She wrote the account several 
years ago. in response to requests, for distribiition to schools of the state. 

The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department knows of the 
location of only two of the original, taffeta hand-painted flags. One. which 
was presented to W. W. Daley, after his introduction of the bill for a state 
flag in the Wyoming Legislature, is in the Carbon Coimty Museum at Raw- 
lins. The taffeta flag presented to Mrs. Keyes in 1946 by Governor Hunt 
was given to the Johnson County Jim Gatchell Memorial Museum in Buffalo 
by Mrs. Keyes. 

The Wyoming State Flag came into existence when 1 entered a 
flag design contest sponsored by the Daughters of the American 
Revolution of this state in 1916. Later the 14th Wyoming Legis- 
lature passed a bill adopting this design and it was approved by the 
late Governor Robert D. Carey as the official flag of this state. 

Jt was in the early summer of 1916 that my Father, the late 
W. P. Keays, read in the Buffalo newspaper that the State Chapter 
of the Daughters of the American Revolution had announced an 
open competition for appropriate designs for a state flag for 

The late Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard, Professor of Political 
Economy at the University of Wyoming, was state regent of the 
DAR. Dr. Hebard was an avid promoter of Wyoming and it was 
her suggestion to the members of this organization that a flag be 
designed for this young state, it being one of a few states at that 
time that did not have a flag. 

The competition was advertised throughout the state and was 
open to all. A prize of twenty dollars was offered for the design 
selected as the most appropriate. Designs were to be judged at 
the State DAR conference which convened in Sheridan later that 

My father, after reading about the contest, suggested that I enter 
a design. I had just graduated from the Art Institute in Chicago, 
where 1 had studied Design and Decoration. But that summer a 
school friend was visiting me from Cleveland, Ohio, and she had 
made an excellent excuse for me to do everything but draw. .A.s 
the closing date for the competition approached and my father's 
persuasion increased I knew it was time to heed him. 

Silently I had been pondering over various possibilities for the 
design and was awakened from a sound sleep one night and there 
appeared to me a clear, complete and perfect design for the flag. 
1 wakened my friend in great excitement, telling her I knew exactly 


what I would draw. She was uninterested and sleepily mumbled 
something incoherent about not caring. The following morning I 
drew the design as it had been revealed to me that night; such 
inspiration reaffirms the true Source of all Creation. 

An explanation of the symbols and colors used in the flag was 
then written. A log on the page of the original drawing was done 
by my late Mother in her beautiful handwriting. Here she wrote 
the description of the symbols as I had composed it. The design 
was carefully mounted, packed and mailed to Sheridan. 

I would like to pause here to pay tribute to my parents. My 
Father, Wilbur Parke Keays, of Illinois, came to the frontier town 
of Buffalo with the Cross H Cattle outfit in 1884. In September 
of 1 892 he married Miss Estella Ferguson of Cambridge, Ohio, in 
Omaha, Nebraska, at the home of her aunt. The couple then went 
to Buffalo, where as a bride she made their first home and lived for 
many years. My brother, Parke, and I were born in Buffalo. No 
parents could have been finer or more conscientious and inspiring 
than the two of them were. 

Several days after I had submitted the design Dr. Hebard tele- 
phoned from Sheridan to announce the decision of the Judges. 
There had been thirty-seven designs entered in the contest and the 
one I had submitted had been given first place. 1 was then invited 
to be the guest of the conference to receive the first prize. It was 
an unexpected surprise and a great joy and satisfaction to my 

There followed many discussions and much correspondence with 
Dr. Hebard to perfect each detail of the design. A technical de- 
scription of the flag was then written and this drafted into a bill 
for presentation to the Fourteenth State Legislature. 

The bill was introduced in the Senate by the late honorable W. 
W. Daley of Rawlins, Wyoming. This august body of men had a 
great deal of amusement at the expense of the bison in the design. 
One esteemed Senator, being a Democrat, championed the cause of 
that party's emblem, as the donkey was the only animal appropriate 
for the Wyoming flag. The Republicans upheld the elephant and 
even the Bull Moose party suggested their emblem for the flag. 
However, the bison was left intact. The bill was passed and the 
Wyoming flag was officially adopted January 31, 1917. 

There followed more conferences with Dr. Hebard relative to 
having the first flags manufactured. The George Lauterer Com- 
pany of Chicago made the first six flags, which were of pure silk 
taffeta on which the bison and the great seal were hand-painted. 
At a joint meeting of the members of the House and the Senate in 
the House of Representatives with many guests in attendance, the 
flag was officially presented to Governor Robert D. Carey, Febru- 
ary 16, 1919. The late Honorable Eugene J. Sullivan of Casper, 
Speaker of the House, presided upon this occasion. 

It was then voted by the Legislature to have folders printed 



showing a picture and description of the flag. In 1920 these were 
given to each school child in the state and generally distributed, 
that all could become familiar with the new flat^. 


Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 


The original design is now in the State Historical Society in 
Cheyenne, Wyoming. Many of the letters concerning the flag 
from Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard are in the Hebard collection in 
Laramie, Wyoming. 

Some years later my good friend, Mrs. E. E. Hanway, of Casper, 
Wyoming, suggested to the Natrona County legislative delegation 
that it would be appropriate for the state to present me with one of 
the first flags made in recognition of my service to the state. In 
order to do this a bill was presented to the Twenty-eighth State 
Legislature making this gift possible. The bill was passed and 
signed by the late Governor Lester C. Hunt, February 20, 1945. 
The presentation was made by Governor Hunt at the State DAR 
conference in Laramie, Wyoming, on March 3, 1946. Just before 
the ceremony Governor Hunt asked me which 1 would prefer — one 
of the old flags on which the paint was quite cracked or one of the 
new improved ones with the complete design made of silk, with no 
painted surface. I assured him either would be most gratefully 
received. He then stated that he thought I should have both of 
them and forthwith presented me with the two beautiful flags. 

Recently an inquiry came from the State Historical Society in 
Cheyenne regarding the direction in which the bison faces on the 
flag when mounted on a staff. In the original design as adopted by 
the Legislature the bison faced out from the staff. My reasoning 
on this was that the bison had once roamed freely over the plains 
of Wyoming and I thought it should so fly on the flag. Dr. Hebard 
did not agree with me and thought it would be better design and 
balance to have the bison facing the staff. Consequently, when the 
first flags were manufactured she had them done the latter way 
and so they have remained. 

The symbolism of the flag is as follows: 

The great seal of the State of Wyoming is the heart of the flag. 

The seal on the bison represents the truly western custom of 
branding. The bison was once "Monarch of the Plains." 

The red border represents the Red Men, who knew and loved 
our country long before any of us were here; also, the blood of the 
pioneers who gave their lives in reclaiming the soil. 

White is an emblem of purity and uprightness over Wyoming. 

Blue, which is found in the bluest blue of Wyoming skies and the 
distant mountains, has through the ages been symbolic of fidelity, 
justice and virility. 

And finally the red, the white and the blue of the flag of the State 
of Wyoming are the colors of the greatest flag in all the world, the 
Stars and Stripes of the United States of America. 

I am very grateful for this great honor and proud to have been 
of service to my State of Wyoming. 

15 February 1960 Verna Keays Keyes 

Mistory of the Presbyterian Church 
inKawliHs, Wyoming 

Daniel Y. Meschter 



Much less is known about Margaret Elizabeth Ramsey than 
about her husband. Her family origins were undoubtedly Scotch. 
Her father was John Ramsey, who was born in North Carolina. 
He was a prosperous merchant and farmer near Farmington. Mar- 
shall County. Tennessee, where he and his young wife, Sarah, 
raised a family of at least six children.''-'' Margaret Elizabeth was 
the fourth of these, born on /\pril 28, 1844.'" The Ramsey name 
is especially prominent in Tennessee history, but there is no indi- 
cation that this particular John Ramsey was connected with the 
other well known Ramseys of the state except that he. like they, 
came from North Carolina. 

Family tradition has it that Margaret Elizabeth was a close 
relative of Harry Hall, possibly a cousin.''-' From this the family 
story goes on to say that James France discovered her through a 
photograph owned by Harry Hall and that their courtship was car- 
ried on largely, if not entirely, by mail. 

Photographs show that Margaret Elizabeth France, as a young 
matron, was an exceptionally handsome woman. She seems also to 
have had strength of will such as left an impression, not unfavor- 
able, on those around her. Two stories are told about her girlhood 
which if not actually apocryphal are deemed believable. One 
recites that on one occasion during the Civil War at a time when 

93. Census records show that John Ramsey was about 17 years older 
than his wife Sarah. Their children, ages as of 1860, were: Emma, 22, 
married Duling; Sarah, 20; John B., 18; Margaret Elizabeth, married James 
France; Thomas J., 14; and Francis, 8, married Gamble. 

94. This date of birth is shown in several places including a portrait in 
the Rawlins Presbyterian Church. The family relationships were provided 
by Mrs. Whigam as reconciled with Marshall County, Tennessee, Census 
Records for 1850 and 1860. 

95. The origin of Harry Hall in Tennessee has been discussed in Chapter 
I, Note 23. The Census Records show that both came from the same 
county. The relationship is likely. 



south-central Tennessee was infested with renegades, foragers, and 
the like, John Ramsey was forced to hide under the smokehouse in 
order to avoid detection while Margaret Elizabeth, using consider- 
able presence of mind, took his place in bed in order to delude a 
group of raiders. Another story is mentioned in her obituary: 

The person that would in girlhood take the flag of her country, in 
time of war. and rush in among faltering troops to incite them to 
effort, would only come in contact with society to make an impression 
upon friends that would be as lasting as memory. And this is what our 
friend did near her own father's door.'"'"' 

No ma'or Civil War engagement took place nearer to Farmington 
than Murphreesboro and the only action was minor skirmishing 
in the vicinity in December, 1862. To date, these stories must 
remain unverified. 

In the scant eleven years she 
was to live in Rawlins, she nev- 
er lost her attachment for Ten- 
nessee where her aged parents 
were to outlive her. It became 
her practice, annually, to ac- 
company her husband to Chi- 
cago on business trips and then 
to go on to her own home for 
extended visits. Her oldest 
daughter, Una, recalled these 
trips with delight except for 
Sundays. The Ramseys kept 
the Sabbath and even so inno- 
cent a child-like diversion as 
the kicking of a piece of wood 
around the yard on Sunday was 
cause for reprimand."' 

It was one pecuharity of 
James France that he insisted 
his children should have three 
lettered names beginning with 
"U". His wife prevailed to the 
contrary to the extent that the 
first son would be named after 
his father. Una Ellen was born 
in 1872 and the expected first 
son in 1876. Unfortunately, 
James R. France died in infancy a year and a half later. He was 

Courtesy of Mrs. Gymaiua Whigham 


96. Rawlins Journal, obituary, September 3, 1881. 

97. This memory of Una France was recalled by Mrs. Whigam. 


followed by Ula in I(S77 and two more bovs, Uel in 1879 and 
Uri in 1881.'-"^ 

Devout as she must have been, from a strongly Presbyterian 
background and living in a strange community, it is peculiar that 
she did not take her first opportunity to associate herself with an 
established Presbyterian Church which would have offered her a 
welcome diversion and constancy with her upbringing. Perhaps it 
was due to the indifference of her husband to such matters. Per- 
haps she was unable to obtain a letter of transfer from her home 
church in time, but there matters were to rest for another year. 


Rev. Arnold seems to have been not diligent in his maintenance 
of the church records, and so for the next decade there are only 
fragments from which to reconstruct events. 

With the reception of the five original communicant members in 
1870, there was reason to hope for an increasing membership as 
the boom character of Rawlins faded into social and economic 
stability. This hope, however, was doomed from the start. Harry 
Hall sold out his interest in the mercantile business in the spring 
of 1871 and moved, apparently, to Oswego, Kansas, to join his 
mother and brothers and sisters. At least he was there 10 years 
later engaged in commerce and raising the beginnings of a consid- 
erable family.''-' William F. Hall disappeared, possibly to Oregon, 
about the same time. William Wilson had already moved to 
Laramie in the fall of 1870 where the records of Union Presby- 
terian Church show he was received into membership by certificate 
on December 20, 1 870. Ail three names were properly removed 
from the register of the Rawlins Church leaving the Baxters as the 
only two actual members in the summer of 1871. 

It is interesting to note that the Laramie church, very nearly a 
twin of the Rawlins church with respect to age, size, and commun- 
ity, was having almost identical problems.^"" Sheldon Jackson 
had been assisted in the organization of the Laramie church by 
Rev. John L. Gage who labored in Laramie beginning in May, 
1 869, and who is listed as the church's first ministerial supply. As 
soon as the church was organized. Rev. Gage left for other fields 

The children of James France were: 

Una Ellen, b. February 2, 1872, m. Grant L. Hudson, two 

daughters, d. 1938. 
James R., b. June 4, 1876, d. February 13, 1878. reinterred 

in family plot at Riverside Cemetery, Denver, Colorado. 
Ula Babie. b. January 31, 1878, m. Perkins, four daughters, 

d. 1947. 
Uel Hall, b. October 28, 1879, m. Olive Ward of Denver, no 

children, optometrist, d. December 17, 1952, in Denver. 
Uri W., b. July 13, 1881, d. February 16. 1882. 


and was replaced in October 1 869 by Rev. W. Peck. Peck only 
served for two months until the middle of January, 1870. 

During the fall of 1 869 with its unsettled conditions in the 
Laramie Church, two members were dismissed — the Baxters to 
"Rawlings Springs" — and the ruling elder, George Lancaster, 
simply walked away to join the Baptists, leaving only three mem- 
bers in the spring of 1870. Unlike the Rawlins Church, the Lara- 
mie church did not suffer from a lack of ministers however fre- 
quently they changed. Following Gage and Peck, Rev. William G. 
Kephart served Laramie from his regular charge in Cheyenne dur- 
ing the spring and early summer of 1870 until Rev. Arnold ap- 
peared on the scene at the end of July and both he and Arnold had 
such success in their work that there may have been as many as 15 
members when Wilson was received into membership there in 
December. Whether it was the matter of his unhappy experience 
with the $94 or some other disenchantment with the Presbyterian 
cause, Wilson left the Laramie Church in July, 1871, to associate 
himself with the Episcopal Church. 

Rev. Arnold did succeed in bringing the Rawlins membership 
back to five at a service on September 24, 1871, when Margaret 
Elizabeth France finally was received along with Charles F. Mills 
and Neal Campbell. 

Little is known about Neal Campbell except that he was typical 
in some respects of a large segment of the local population of that 
time. He appears to have been single and presumably was young. 
There is no way of determining where he came from, but we do 
know that he was employed by the Union Pacific Railroad like 
many of the single men making up a large part of the population of 
Rawlins at the time. Such employment was hazardous and while 
Neal Campbell was unlike many of his contemporaries in affiliating 
with a church, he suffered a fate common to all too many. He died 
on February 2, 1873, from injuries suffered while working on the 
railroad and has the dubious honor of being the first entry in the 
Register of Deaths in the Morris Chapel records. 

Charles Franklin Mills attained a similar honor in the church by 
becoming the first entry in the Register of Marriages when he was 
married to Mary Ella Atkinson of Carthage, Illinois, on March 26, 
1873. C. F. Mills remained active in the church for the next six 

99. See note 23. Apparently Hall settled in Oswego, Kansas, married, 
started a family, and engaged in commerce. The 1880 Census for Oswcigo 
Township, Labette County, Kansas, lists the following: H. C. Hall, 39 
(miller); Hettie, 26, (wife, born in Wisconsin); Robert, 6; Bertha, 3; and a 
baby, 4 months. All of the children are shown as born in Kansas. 

100. These events reconstructed from Union Presbyterian Church, Lara- 
mie, Wyoming, membership rolls. The historical records of this church 
have been deposited in the Library of the University of Wyoming. Addi- 
tional data derived from Hugh K. Fulton, op. cit., p. 7. 


years; but beyond that, not much is known about him except that 
it appears he removed to Omaha in 1879.^"^ 

As a result of these events, the membership was reduced to four 
and the organization began to fall into a generally lethargic condi- 
tion. There is no indication that any attempt was made to replace 
Wilson as ruling elder. No more membership services were held 
and no additional members were formally received for more than 
five years. On the other hand, the four remaining members were 
constant in their loyalty during these years. 

This is not to say that the church was not active. There is every 
reason to believe that from 10 to 25 or more attended more or less 
regularly whenever services were held, and a number of names 
associated with the church then and later, such as George C. Smith, 
were actively working for the church although the) had not yet 
become communicant members. 

Rev. Arnold abandoned his work in Laramie in 1874. He was 
succeeded in the Laramie church by Rev. William E. Hamilton 
who did not attempt to serve Rawlins on the same basis that Rev. 
Arnold had. 

Throughout 1875 and the earl\ part of 1876. the Morris Pres- 
byterian Chapel nearly died lor want of a minister and religious 
activity. Nearly, but not quite. 

A Methodist minister was working in Rawlins at about this time 
although a contemporary letter indicates that there were only two 
Methodist families in the town and that his stipend, derived entirely 
from church offerings, averaged less than $50 a month. ^"- The 
Morris Chapel was open to any denomination that wished to use 
it and both the Methodists and Episcopalians availed themselves of 
the opportunity to hold "union" services. A breath of life was 
still evident and the Presbyterian organization was kept intact, in 
spite of only four members, through community rather than denom- 
inational service. A Sunday School designed to meet the religious 
needs of the town was organized in April, 1 876, and was open to 
all.^"'' It began with an average attendance of about 40 with D. L. 
Morrow as superintendent. Charles Mills as assistant superintend- 
ent and treasurer, and W. C. Cox as secretary. Teachers who 
served that first year included Walker France and his wife. Susan 
France, Mrs. A. T. Thompson, and Mrs. R. M. Galbraith. At- 
tendance increased steadily to as many as 1 1 5 before the Metho- 
dists and Episcopalians organized their own schools in 1883 or 

101. France Presbyterian Church. Session Record. Vol. 1869-1881. entry 
dated September 2, 1879. 

102. PHS, SJC. letter from G. C. Smith to W. E. Hamilton, May 11, 

103. Rawlins Journal, June 4, 1887. 


The Methodist minister, Rev. W. H. Green, seems to have been 
not too satisfactory to the Presbyterians and their supporters and 
they continued to feel a need to maintain their own organization. 
This period was recognized as a time of crisis with the result that 
the Presbyterians held a congregational meeting on June 18, 1876, 
in order to pull the organization together and attempt to obtain the 
services of a Presbyterian minister. Walker France, C. F. Mills 
and J. G. Rankin served as "incorporators" for the adoption of a 
new corporate organization and Walker France, Mills and Robert 
Baxter were elected trustees. They met together on July 8, 1876, 
to organize with Mills as president and France as secretary. ^""^ 

Immediate efforts proved futile and the only bright spots of the 
next few years were the addition of a new member on February 2, 
]877^""' and the continuing health of the Union Sunday School. 

The new member was Mrs. Drucilla Morgan. All of the pre- 
vious members of the church had been received on letters of 
transfer from other churches and all of those baptized had been 
infants. Drucilla Morgan had none of these attributes. Thus, she 
was not only the first person received into the Morris Presbyterian 
Chapel on confession of faith, but at 32 years of age was the first 
adult baptized in the church. Mrs. Morgan was different in 
another respect. She was the first member drawn from the ranch- 
ing community in contrast to the townspeople who had previously 
dominated the membership. She lived on a ranch some miles 
south of Rawlins so that in later years she transferred her member- 
ship to the church at Saratoga when it was organized, Rev. Con- 
verse, an intellectual with no experience with the raw society of the 
frontier when he was newly arrived from New Jersey, was im- 
pressed with Mrs. Morgan to observe that she lived on a "ranch 
near here and (is) esteemed one of the best rifle shots in the 
country. "^'^'' 

Mrs. Morgan increased the membership to five in 1877. There 
it was to remain for another two years. The records do not show 
the name of the minister who baptized Mrs. Morgan and received 
her into membership. 

The most outspoken advocate of the Presbyterian cause in Raw- 
lins in 1878 was George Carl Smith. His letters, preserved in the 
Sheldon Jackson Collection,^ '^" give considerable insight into the 
state of affairs in Rawlins during the year and seem to show that 
there was a nucleus of leading citizens interested in preserving the 
church even though some of them were not Presbyterians. 

104. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1869-1881, entry 
of July 8, 1876; Rawlins Journal, June 4, 1887. 

105. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1869-1881. 

106. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1881-1892, entry 
of April 2, 1882. 

107. PHS, Philadelphia, Penna. 


George Smith was another Pennsylvanian hke so many other 
active supporters of the church. He was born either on December 
25, 1843, near Duncansville, Blair County, Pennsylvanian, accord- 
ing to one source^'"' or on December 25, 1842 in Altoona, Penn- 
sylvania, according to another which was based upon information 
supplied by his surviving daughter in the early 1940's.^"'' Support 
for the Duncansville location is found in the fact that his mother 
became a member of the Rawlins Presbyterian Church in 1886 by 
certificate from the Church of the Brethren. Duncansville, Pennsyl- 
vania. He was the son of Jacob F. Smith and Catherine Carrol 

He was educated in the public schools in his native state. He 
enlisted in a Pennsylvania Regiment in response to President Lin- 
coln's first call for volunteers, and served three and one-half years 
under General McClelland in the Army of the Potomac."^ After 
the Civil War he "'read'" law in some attorney's law office and in 
due course of time was admitted to the bar by examination without 
having had the benefit of a college-level education. He soon turned 
to the West and seems to have spent some time in Denver before 
locating in the young town of Rawlins in 1873 or 1874 where he 
opened an office for the practice of law. 

He was married and raised three daughters — Rena, Anna, and 
Katie. Rena and Anna married in 1884 and 1886 respectively, "- 
but tragedy struck a few years later when his mother and two of his 
daughters, Rena Crane and \oung Katie, who had not yet turned 
17, all died within three months of each other. 

The Smiths were not communicant members when his interest in 
the church reached a high point in 1878 and it can be inferred that 
he had no church affiliation at all because when the Smiths joined 
the Rawlins Presbyterian Church in 1879. it was by profession of 
faith rather than letter of transfer. At the moment, lack of mem- 
bership notwithstanding, he threw himself into efforts to revive the 

108. Rawlins Repiihlicaii. December 26 and 28. 1900: Laramie Republi- 
can. December 27, 1900. 

109. Wyoming Historical Biiiebook, op. cit., p. 643. based upon bio- 
graphical data supplied by Annie Smith Evans, daughter. 

110. Rawlins yo//n;(^//, November 27. 1886. Catherine Smith, nee Carrol, 
b. New York City. August 15. 1817: m. Jacob F. Smith in Bradford County, 
Penna.. September 13, 1837: d. Rawlins, Wyoming. November 25. 1886. 
Jacob F. Smith died in Pennsylvania in 1882. 

111. Wyoming Hi.storicul Bluehook. op. cit. p. 643 and "Biographical 
Data on Members of Constitutional Convention, 1889" by Annie Smith 
Evans in Wyoming Archives. See also T. A. Larson, op. cit.. p. 244. foot- 

112. France Presbyterian Church. Session Record. Vol. 1881-1892. Rena 
M. Smith married J. C. Crane on December 18. 1884, died March 18, 1887. 
Annie L. Smith married William L. Evans on January 1, 1886. Katie G. 
Smith died February 20. 1887. Mrs. Catherine Smith died November 2^ 


dying Presbyterian Church and to obtain the services of a minister. 
For a brief time he was the chief spokesman for the Rawlins 
churchmen and he did not hesitate to ask the help of Sheldon 
Jackson, who was in Denver during the summer of 1878. 

Smith's interest in active church affairs waned after the success 
of his efforts and for the remainder of his life he contented himself 
with simply being a member. During the next decade he devoted 
his interests and efforts to politics and Territorial affairs. He 
served at least one and possibly several terms as County Attorney. 
His public career reached a high point when he served as a Repub- 
lican delegate from Carbon County to the Constitutional Conven- 
tion which led to Wyoming Statehood the following year. He was 
a signer of the Wyoming Constitution. 


The man who had attracted the interest of the Rawlins Presby- 
terians was the Rev. William E. Hamilton. Just at the moment, 
Rev. Hamilton was rounding out four years as pastor of the Lara- 
mie church where he had succeeded F. L. Arnold. This was the 
first, but not the last, time that the Rawlins and Laramie churches 
would cast covetous eyes upon the other's minister. 

Rev. Hamilton's origins are obscure. He was born in New 
Jersey, probably in 1822. It is known that he entered the ministry 
in 1850 and that he served as a student licentiate for a year before 
ordination.^ ^-^ It is not known where he studied theology, but it is 
possible that it was at one of the southern seminaries in view of his 
early identification with the southeast. His first twelve years in the 
ministry were in the deep south, from south Georgia to middle 
Florida. During this time he was associated with the Old School 
Assembly and while he appears to have had a church of his own, 
he spent much time traveling in home mission work. According 
to his own statements, during the first eight years of his ministry, 
he preached away from his own church 396 times, which work 
involved from 12,000 to 15,000 mile travel by horseback. He is 
silent about his activities during the Civil War, but it seems clear 
that he did not affiliate with the new permanent Presbyterian 
Church in the United States, organized in the south after the war. 

He was married, and his wife, Fannie L. Hamilton, appears to 
have returned to Ambler, Pennsylvania, sometime after his pastor- 
ate in Laramie was completed.^^^ He had at least one son who, 
he writes, perished in a blizzard in the Dakotas. 

From 1869 to 1886 he was vitally involved in mission work in 

113. Presbyterian Historical Society, '"Personal Statement of Wm. E. 
Hamilton," original handwritten manuscript. 

114. Union Presbyterian Church, Laramie, Wyoming, membership rolls. 


Iowa, Nebraska, Colorado, Wyoming and Montana. One trip 
made during his pastorate at Laramie took him from Laramie to 
Fort Benton, Montana, by rail and stagecoach, and then back 
2,000 miles by steamer on the Missouri River and 500 miles by 
stage for a total of 4,300 miles on the trip. He spent the years from 
1870 to 1873 in churches at Black Hawk and Central City, Colo- 
rado — booming gold mining camps at the time. From 1873 to 
1875 he served at Pueblo before replacing Rev. Arnold at Laramie. 
He was not a stranger to frontier life. Even so, he was reluctant 
to consider moving to Rawlins. 

Hamilton was always proud that money meant very little to him 
and that he practiced tithing; but when George Smith wrote to him 
in the spring of 1878 saying that the people in Rawlins could only 
contribute $40 to $50 a month to the support of a minister and that 
a minister would have to have help from outside sources, he may 
have become discouraged with the prospects. In his correspond- 
ence Smith seems to have been concerned with money constantly. 
He was even less reluctant to discuss his own analysis of local 
conditions as it affected religious matters: 

"This town certainly should have a live energetic minister, yet he 
should be a man who is prudent in his actions and conservative in doc- 
trine. In other words, he must not carry too much orthodox doctrine 
into the pulpit. The work is so Missionary-like in its aspects that the 
man must be liberal enough and exercise enough practical common 
sense to adapt himself to the situation which would be that he was all 
the time ministering to people among which are the different known 
beliefs and perhaps some without any belief . . . The people as a class 
are liberal and generous and so far we have avoided any clashing of 
the different denominations. "i'"* 

Perhaps with the influence of Sheldon Jackson, Hamilton agreed 
to come to Rawlins in a letter in July, 1878, with the stipulation 
that Rawlins would contribute $50 a month to his support. ^^^ 
However, less than a month later he changed his mind and accepted 
a call to Kearney, Nebraska.'^' Smith found his letter announcing 
this decision worthy of a hot reply. Evidentally Hamilton had 
suggested that the Presbyterians sell the Morris Chapel to the 
Methodists. This suggestion caused a violent reaction on the part 
of the Rawlins Presbyterians. Even so, Smith continued to report 
the consensus of the Board of Trustees that Hamilton was still 
their first choice. 

Actually, Hamilton's suggestion was not as reprehensible as it 
might seem in hind-sight. Most of the denominations active on the 
frontier in those days recognized that with small towns and widely 

115. PHS, SJC, G. C. Smith to W. E. Hamilton, May II, 1878. 

116. PHS, SJC, letter, G. C. Smith to Sheldon Jackson, July 29, 1878. 

117. PHS, SJC, letter, G. C. Smith to W. E. Hamilton, August 22, 1878. 


scattered population, competition among the Protestant groups 
would be wasteful and could serve no useful purpose. For this 
reason, by mutual acceptance of the fact, the mission field was 
divided up and only one or two denominations would attempt to 
organize churches in any one town. The work of Sheldon Jackson 
made the Presbyterians dominant for the first few years in Chey- 
enne, Laramie, Rawlins and Evanston along the Union Pacific 
Railroad, although the Episcopalians were also strong in Cheyenne 
and Laramie. On the other hand there is no Presbyterian Church 
in either Rock Springs or Green River, Wyoming, to this day while 
there are denominations in these towns not represented in Rawlins 
until recent years. If the Methodist Conference was willing to send 
a minister to Rawlins, as indeed was the case, it is easy to under- 
stand that Hamilton would have been agreeable to giving the Meth- 
odist Church every assistance, even to the extent of turning the 
existing church building over to it, in the interest of having at least 
one strong church organization in Rawlins instead of two or more 
so weak as to be ineffectual. Had Hamilton's suggestion been 
followed, it is likely that there would be no Presbyterian Church in 
Rawlins today. 

Meanwhile, the Reverend Mr. Green, the Methodist minister, 
was assigned to Ouray, Colorado, by the Methodist Conference and 
Rev. A. W. Kaufman (or Coffman) was assigned to Rawlins in his 
place. "^ While the Methodists were able to provide ministers to 
serve the whole community, in Smith's opinion they were individ- 
ually lacking in ability to unify the people in one denomination. 
The Presbyterians simply couldn't obtain a minister. A Rev. C. A. 
Holm rather curtly refused to consider coming to Rawlins in the 
summer of 1878, emphasizing that (wherever he was — perhaps 
Iowa or Nebraska) he was as far west as "I intend to go,"^^^ and 
a J. H. Ritchy in Nebraska, who was assigned to Rawlins for three 
months in 1879 by Sheldon Jackson, simply never showed up.^-" 

The summer of 1879 proved encouraging. The Rawlins people 
had never given up on Rev. Hamilton and through a series of pleas, 
he was finally persuaded to leave his charge at Kearney, Nebraska, 
and to come to Rawlins beginning with the first Sunday in August 

Rev. Hamilton began his work in Rawlins with characteristic 
energy, gathering into the membership as many non-members who 
had been supporting the church as he could. During the month, 
Ella Mills, wife of C. F. Mills; Mr. and Mrs. George C. Smith; and 
a Mr. and Mrs. Belcher were all received — the Smiths by confes- 

118. PHS, SJC, letter, G. C. Smith to Sheldon Jackson, August 31, 1878. 

119. PHS, SJC, letter, G. C. Smith to Sheldon Jackson, July 26, 1878. 

120. PHS, SJC, letter, G. C. Smith to Sheldon Jackson, Jan. 25, 1879. 


sion and the others by letter of transfer.'-' Thus the membership 
swelled to 10, exactly double what it was before and a new record. 
However, during the same month, C. F. Mills and his wife moved 
to Omaha reducing the membership to eight. In his place, George 
Smith joined Baxter and Walker France on the Board of Trustees. 
A year later in September, 1880, a Mr. and Mrs. Johnston were 
received into membership, bringing it back to 10. 

Rev. Hamilton's service lasted only until November 20, 1880. 
This was in accordance with his habit of spending but a year or 
two, or three at the most, in one church before moving on. This 
time he moved back to Colorado, returning to Central City where 
he had served seven or eight years earlier. It was also consistent 
with his habits that he had devoted much of his time at Rawlins 
to missionary work. In this he was discouraged with good reason. 

Writing to Sheldon Jackson in July, 1880, he described his 
efforts : 

"In reviewing the history of Rawlins. I find only one known conversion 
in four years. Sad history thatl I have visited all of the families in 
the County of Carbon north of the U. P. R. and west of the Albany 
County line, and found not one family that could be called a religious 
family. The only two persons I found, with whom religious conversa- 
tion was at all natural, were two Catholic women. Most of the ranch- 
men profess atheism and all practice it."'-- 

He reserved his special concern for the people along the line of the 

"I have now within the past year travelled on horseback from Gibbons, 
Nebraska to Rawlins and been in most of the section houses on the 
road and made a tolerable examination of matters. Many of these 
houses swarm with children to whom every Sabbath is silent bringing 
no religious light or knowledge to them. I fear that all along our 
great national thoroughfare, that we are all so proud of — there is a 
crop of atheists growing for some future evangelist to weep over and 
labor in vain to bring to the light. "i--' 

In resignation and despair he concluded: 

"Yet the Lord knows the matter far better than we." 

Hamilton tended to take a negative attitude about many things, 
and yet did not hesitate to abet projects of which he did not neces- 
sarily approve if the objective was to the good. It is not clear who 
first suggested that a new church building would be part of the 
answer to the obvious need for reorganization and establishment of 
a truly permanent Presbyterian Church in Rawlins. From what 
little we know now of the personalities of the local leaders, George 

121. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record. Vol. 1869-1881. 

122. PHS, SJC, letter, Wm. E. Hamilton to Sheldon Jackson, July 10, 

123. Ibid. 


Smith seems to have been the only one forceful enough in his con- 
victions and expressions to over-ride the many certain objections. 
Nor can Sheldon Jackson be excluded from this honor by the tone 
of a note from Hamilton to Jackson on August 3, 1880, in which 
he reported progress in the matter of a new church building.^-^ 
However, one would think that Jackson had already had enough 
trouble with the Rawlins organization without inviting more diffi- 
culties arising out of building a new church. 

Matters had already progressed to the point where a basic design 
had been decided upon — that shown on page 37 of the Report of 
the Board of Church Erection for 1879, according to Hamilton's 
note, only larger. In some dismay, Hamilton stated that he had 
had offers of financial assistance from five people, four of whom 
were not even solicited. "What am I to understand," he asked, 
"(from) these providential indications?" Evidentally Sheldon 
Jackson told him what "to understand'' in the matter because two 
weeks later Hamilton was forwarding to Jackson an application 
addressed to the Board of Church Erection for aid in building a 
new church, and, at the same time, asking for Jackson's moral 

It seems that Hamilton never did quite understand the character 
of Rawlins and the capabilities of its people when he wrote: "Our 
town is just dashing ahead and with no uncertain impulse." In 
justification of a new church, in addition to the old one simply 
being worn out, he wrote further: "It is also too small for our 
present congregations and more would come if the place were not 
too straight and too uncomfortable." On the more positive side of 
the matter, he could recognize the competition from the Methodists 
and Episcopalians who were beginning to lay plans for church 
buildings of their own about this same time. There the matter was 
to rest until a ministerial leader should appear on the scene to 
accomplish this grandiose plan. 


After five or six months, when no Presbyterian minister was in 
Rawlins after the departure of W. E. Hamilton, the services of 
Rev. John R. Reynard were secured beginning in May, 1881. Rev. 
Reynard had much in common with Hamilton. He, too, was a 
devoted missionary who was to serve many churches in many 
places from Kentucky to Washington.^-'' He attended Beloit Col- 

124. PHS, SJC, letter, Wm. E. Hamilton to Sheldon Jackson, August 3, 

125. PHS, SJC, letter, Wm. E. Hamilton to Sheldon Jackson, August 18, 

126. Personal letter, Beloit College, September 17, 1964; The Herald 
and Presbyter, October 5, 1898, p. 16. 


lege for one year from 1866 to 1867, but seems to have attended 
the preparatory school attached to the college itself. The several 
biographical sources disagree whether he was born in 1838 or 
1848. but Beloit records show that his home address was Shulls- 
burg, Wisconsin, in 1866. He was ordained in 1875 and thus had 
been in the ministry only five years before coming to Rawlins. His 
health was never strong and he found life in Rawlins difficult on 
several accounts, including lack of proper housing and what he 
felt were high living costs. 

The need for a manse for the minister had already been recog- 
nized. James France, while discussing the projected new church, 
thought that in the event a new church actually was built, the old 
church could be converted into a home suitable for this purpose.'-' 
During their three months in Rawlins, the Reynards lived in rooms 
donated by Mrs. A. O'Neil.'-^ 

When John Reynard arrived in Rawlins in May. 1881. he found 
that over $2,000 had been subscribed for a new church. However, 
he was not yet the man for the job of building the proposed new 
church. His main function proved to be the reorganization of the 
church itself. 

Just why formal reorganization of the church was needed, rather 
than simply a strengthening of the existing organization, remains 
obscure. Reynard did feel that the sudden departure of Rev. Ham- 
ilton and the six months the pulpit was vacant was very nearly 
disastrous to the Presbyterian cause in Rawlins, since it appeared 
to him that the people were ready to accept any denomination 
showing some indication of permanency. He wrote to Sheldon 
Jackson that only his arrival discouraged a move by the Episco- 
palians to organize and erect a church of their own.'-"' He, too, 
recognized the need for a new and "permanent" church, but found 
little comfort in the project since there would be little money left to 
support a minister after subscriptions to build a church had been 
taken up. 

Reynard's letter reveals that Hamilton, in his year in Rawlins, 
had received $400 from the Board of Home Missions and $600 in 
local contributions; but that it was only another $300 received 
through some chain of fortunate circumstances that permitted him 
to break even on the year. "Everything is so high here," he wrote. 
"A house with only 4 rooms . . . $20 per month. Then a tax of $4 
per month for water. As it has to be brought 4 miles in pipes. 
Eggs cheap at 300 per doz. Meat 20 to 25 cts. per lb. Flour $5 

127. PHS, SJC. letter. James France to Sheldon Jackson. March 3. 1881. 

128. Rawlins Journal. September 3. 1881. 

129. PHS, SJC. letter, John Reynard to Sheldon Jackson, May 31. 1881. 


per C. Potatoes 50 per lb. Washing $1.50 per doz. pieces. 
Coal $6 per ton."'i'"' 

The actual reorganization took place at a congregational meeting 
called for 8 p.m. on Friday evening, August 5, 1881. It is from 
this date that the modern history of the Presbyterian Church in 
Rawlins begins. Academic though the point may be as to whether 
the church properly dates from 1869 or 1881, the church did 
observe its fiftieth anniversary (from 1881 ) in 1931 and the Synod 
of Wyoming dignified the occasion by meeting in Rawlins in 1932. 
Further, the older records were closed in effect, and new records 
began as of August 5, 1881. 

The membership which reorganized the church totalled 16 
people, according to the minutes of the occasion, ^■'^ and included 
new names for the first time. The 16 were Robert W. Baxter and 
wife, George C. Smith and wife, D. W. France and wife, D. N. 
Honn and wife, Johnston and wife, Mrs. James France, Mrs. J. H. 
Reynard, Mrs. R. A. Rankin, Mrs. E. Slimmer, Mrs. E. J. Kelley 
and Miss L. M. Rankin. Mrs. Morgan, who was not listed with 
this group, but who remained a member for some years afterward, 
added one more to a total of 17. Former members, Mr. and Mrs. 
H. Belcher, were dropped from the Register of Communicants 
without explanation. 

Rev. Reynard carried a heavy load during the month of August. 
The organizational meeting on the fifth had elected Walker France 
and Robert Baxter as ruling elders. France had never been 
ordained to this office, the highest a layman can attain in the 
Presbyterian Church, so that a service on Sunday, August 14, was 
highHghted by the ordination of France and the installation of 
Baxter. Two weeks later, on Tuesday the thirtieth, another con- 
gregational meeting was held to elect a new board of trustees. 
Actually, this meeting was simply a formality in that it merely 
re-elected the former board consisting of Baxter, Walker France 
and George Smith. 

There was an even heavier load for him to carry in his pastoral 
duties. No stranger to death himself, having buried his mother and 
three of his own children already, he could see when death was 
near again. For the past many weeks, strengthened by faith and 
his ordination as a Christian minister, he had been bringing comfort 
to a dying woman. It was the more a tragedy because she was 
probably the best-loved woman in Rawlins, inately good and 
courageous, an example to be emulated, and the mother of four 
small children and another already dead in infancy. The youngest, 
a baby of less than six weeks, was sickly and seemed to have but 
little chance of surviving. His mother was not recovering from his 

130. Ibid. 

131. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1881-li 


birth either. Margaret EHzabeth France was lying in her bed in 
the Httle house next to the big store of James France and Company. 
Faithful friends attended her. Rev. Hamilton came up from 
Colorado. Rev. Reynard and his wife visited daily, bringing the 
comfort only he could to a devout woman. Mrs. Cogswell, Mrs. 
Tilden and Susan France were with her constantly, nursing her 
and caring for the four children. '■'- 

Now on August 30, 1881, it was finished. A beautiful and 
gracious woman, barely 37 years old, was dead in a land she had 
never really accepted as a substitute for her green and gentle- 
climated native Tennessee. Her aged parents, still living there, 
would grieve deeply, but no more than her devoted husband. 

Although he had felt that the climate would agree with his wife. 
Rev. Reynard found his own delicate health failing enough to force 
his resignation. On August 28, Walker France and Robert Baxter 
sitting as the Session met with him to accept his resignation. His 
final service to the church was the funeral of Mrs. James France. 
For the second time in less than a year the pulpit was vacant and 
the prospect for a new church was dim indeed. 

In a way, August, 1881. was an end and a beginning. In many 
ways it was the end of the pioneer era. The Indian menace had 
already subsided with the affair at White River in '79. Ranches 
were now well established; the lands to the south and to the north- 
west were opening up; cattle herds were increasing at an accelerat- 
ing rate. The boom days were over and the town could settle down 
to solid trade and could even anticipate the economic depression 
which was sure to come. Attention could be turned to perma- 
nency. It was assured now that Rawlins would survive as a city, 
as a commercial center, and as a railroad division point. More and 
more buildings were being built now. These tended to be solid, 
imposing structures using native stone, replacing the flimsy frame 
shacks of the ^O's. 

In the field of social development, religion was on the move 
now that the people had more time for it and now that there was a 
sufficiently permanent population. Both the Episcopalians and 
Methodists were organizing and planning frame churches of their 
own. Rev. Laio was the Methodist minister and there was no hint 
of serious clashes between the churches. 

During the decade prior to 1881 the Presbyterian ministers in 
Rawlins, the few that there were, were supported to a considerable 
extent by the Board of Home Missions. If they were not actually 
regulated by Sheldon Jackson, he certainly exercised a great in- 
fluence in finding ministers for the several churches in his field and 
churches for the ministers. Now Jackson was readv to turn his 

132. Rawlins Joiinuil. September 3. 1881. 


efforts to other fields. He had visited Alaska in 1877 and had 
seen with his great vision the work to be done there. Now he was 
ready to undertake this vast new enterprise. 

While the support of ministers would continue to come in 
more or less large part from the Board of Home Missions, the 
churches themselves would take a more active part in their selection 
in the future. In addition the general character of the ministers 
was changing from the missionaries and evangelists of the earlier 
decade to the seminary-trained theologians now appearing on the 
scene, some of whom could be rated as out-and-out intellectuals. 
The pioneering work done so well by the missionaries like Jackson, 
Arnold and Hamilton was essentially done, and while they would 
remain on the scene for years to come, their mission was fulfilled. 
They had preached the Gospel, they had kept the names of the 
Trinity bright and alive in the hearing of men at a time and in 
places where all too many would have been willing to let it be 
forgotten. They had cried, like Hamilton, over those who knew 
not the Sabbath, nor cared. They had gathered congregations 
together and had organized churches. They had labored, not 
always successfully, against staggering odds to keep them going. 
Membership records, salaries, minutes, formal meetings and the 
myriad details of administration had been of secondary importance 
to them and were often neglected. Preaching, converting, building 
had been the thing. Permanency had only been something to be 
dreamed about. But in 1881 that era was fast drawing to a close. 
Formality in procedures, stabiUty and permanency became the 
definition of a new era. Perhaps this is one small reason why 
Sheldon Jackson responded to the call from the Alaskan frontier 
so eagerly. 

The Morris Presbyterian Chapel was at the crossroads of its 
existence at the end of August, 1881. It was well understood that 
it would have to prove its permanence if it were to continue in its 
roll of Rawlins' community oriented church. The reorganization 
of August 5, the installation of two competent and devout ruling 
elders on August 14, and the re-election of the able men constitut- 
ing the Board of Trustees on August 30 were all steps in that 
direction. But it was abundantly clear that the little chapel build- 
ing was deteriorating and was inadequate for the needs of an 
increasing population. A substantial new building would be re- 
quired to serve a stable, prosperous town and would do much in 
itself to infuse a new spirit into the community. The fact that over 
$2,000 had been pledged already was something of a miracle. 
Another $500 to $1,000 could be hoped for from the Board of 
Church Erection. 

Another favorable sign was that James France was selling part of 
his wholesale and retail grocery business to D. C. Adams of Chi- 
cago. Walter Adams, son of his new partner, was to have charge 


of this business. The remaining dry goods business could be man- 
aged by the present employees including D. C. Kelley, James 
Hefflefinger, and possibly Walker France. This would give James 
France time to devote to his newest enterprise. The Banking 
House of James France opened for business in December, 1881. 
and within a few months proved to be a thriving business. For the 
first time there would be a source of ample credit right in the 
town itself under such circumstances that the Presbyterians could 
expect help in church construction from that quarter. Things 
looked promising except for the all-vital ministerial leadership. 
During September the pulpit was vacant and matters were at a 


An unregenerate romantic reviewing the history of the Rawlins 
Presbyterian Church could be justified in a belief that this par- 
ticular church was under the special care of some guardian angel. 
Time and time again over the years, at the darkest possible moment 
or at the time of greatest need, aid in the form of money, often 
barely sufficient but enough, or in the form of leadership, has 
appeared with almost miraculous timing: the gift of Mrs. Morris 
when a church building was impossible; the unexpected interest 
and support of the Brainard Church which made the services of a 
minister possible when there was no other source of support. In 
later years acts of generosity made it possible to relieve almost 
unbearable debts, and ministers who could gather the badly disor- 
ganized flock together appeared out of the blue on more than one 

And so it was on September 30, 1881, that the Board of Home 
Missions sent, and the Rawlins Church accepted, the Rev. Charles 
S. Converse as its pastor. Twenty-three ministers from Arnold to 
Upton have served this church. Among them were Doctors of 
Divinity, professors of theology, pastors who had already served 
large and distinguished churches, and pastors who would go on to 
distinguished careers in the ministry elsewhere. It would detract 
nothing from any of them to concede that on the basis of education, 
family background, character and ability the outstanding man of 
the lot was Charles S. Converse. 

Charles Sydney Converse was born in Philadelphia on January 1, 
1847, the youngest son of Rev. Amasa and Flavia Booth Con- 
verse.^-''" The Converses, like the Arnolds, were of Connecticut 

133. "Autobiography of the Rev. Amasa Converse," Joiinuil of Presby- 
terian History, Vol. 43. Nos. 3 & 4. 1965; Ernest Trice Thompson, op. cit. 
These two references deal with Amasa Converse and his roll in ante-bellum 
church history. 



origin and Congregational tradition. His great-grandfather, from 
whom the American Converses derive their lineage, had been a 
deacon in Thompson, Connecticut. His grand-parents, Joel and 
Elizabeth Converse moved after the Revolution to Lyme, New 
Hampshire, where they raised a family of seven sons and three 
daughters. In spite of the hard life clearing the virgin forest and 
the remoteness from centers of culture, Lyme boasted public 
schools within the township. These and Dartmouth College a few 
miles away in Hanover, New Hampshire, offered educational 
opportunity for Joel Converse's children. Amasa Converse won 
his education by farming and teaching while attending first Kimball 
Academy in Meriden, New Hampshire, and then Moore's Prepara- 
tory School in Hanover for brief 
periods in the "offseason." Later 
he attended Phillips Academy 
in Andover, Massachusetts, for 
two years. It is a measure of the 
man that he walked the 1 00-odd 
miles on several occasions. It 
was at Phillips that he became 
seriously interested in religion 
and became a member of the 
Congregational Church. He 
completed Dartmouth College 
in 1822 by supporting himself 
by teaching, managing a student 
eating club and by obtaining 
small loans. 

Amasa Converse continued 
his theological education at 
Princeton Theological Seminary 
for a year before ill health drove 
him south into Virginia and 
North Carolina, where he hoped 
to continue teaching. However, 
he accepted an opportunity to 
become pastor of a new Presby- 
terian Church at the request of 
which he was ordained into the 
Presbyterian ministry by the 
Presbytery of Hanover in 1826. 

After less than a year in the preaching ministry, Amasa Converse 
found what he considered more useful work in religious journalism 
in Richmond, Virginia, in 1827. This became a life-long vocation 
for him as he progressed from editorial management of two minor 
publications to eventual ownership of the influential Christian 
Observer. Shortly after taking on his new enterprise he married 

Courtesy of Miss Flavia Converse 



Flavia Booth, a Virginia lady descended from another New Eng- 
land family. 

The Christian OI)servcr and its variously-named predecessors 
were both influential and controversial. As an editor, Amasa Con- 
verse built up a substantial circulation in the south and became 
intimately familiar with the institution of slavery. As a youth he 
had been passionately anti-slavery; but living in its presence, he 
achieved an awareness that abolition was a gross over-simplifica- 
tion of a highly complex problem beyond the comprehension of his 
abolition-minded northern colleagues. 

In a hundred years of retrospect, the editorial policy of the 
Christian Observer seems paradoxical. It was, on the one hand, 
sympathetic with New School points of view, particularly with 
respect to the legality of the expulsion of the New School adherants 
from the Old School-dominated General Assembly of 1 837. Much 
of the Old School strength leading to this schism was derived from 
the south. On the other hand, Amasa Converse found no sin in 
slavery from a theological viewpoint and rejected the growing 
fanaticism of the abolishionists who tended to adhere to the New 
School. The Christian Observer, in theory, should have been 
acceptable in the south due to its anti-abolishionist stand; but 
slavery was not a direct cause for the New School-Old School 
schism and Converse's pro-New School position led to declining 
support in the south. Due to loss of circulation he accepted an 
invitation to move the Christian Observer to Philadelphia in 1839. 

There is some indication that his Philadelphia supporters hoped 
to influence the editorial policy of the Christian Observer. If so. 
they found disappointment. It was during the two decades between 
1840 and 1860 that slavery came to dominate economic, political 
and rehgious thought in America. Converse continued to reject 
abolitionism; his sympathy v*/ith the southern position on slavery 
earned the animosity of his Philadelphia colleagues. When seces- 
sion came under serious consideration in the last years before the 
Civil War, the Christian Observer was the only major religious 
journal to support the right of secession by the states although 
terming this action inexpedient. And in fact, at the beginning of 
the Civil War, the Philadelphia office of the Christian Observer 
was closed by government order because of suspected disloyalty 
and pro-south sentiments. However, Converse had had the fore- 
sight to open an office in Richmond so that publication could con- 
tinue. He moved his family to Virginia in 1861. 

Today the Christian Observer is still owned and edited by the 
Converse family and speaks chiefly to Presbyterians in the south. 
The Converse name holds a rightful place in American history as a 
family of ministers and religious editors. 

Charles Converse was born in the midst of epochal events and 
was reared in an atmosphere of keen awareness of the problem. 


He was still a lad when his family sought refuge in Virginia, and he 
probably saw the fall of Richmond a few years later. However 
much the Converses were affected by the events surrounding their 
lives, there is no question as to their devoutness. All three of 
Charles Converse's older brothers entered the ministry and all 
served at one time or another as editors of the Christian Observer. 

Charles Converse made his confession in the Presbyterian 
Church in Philadelphia when but ten years old.^^^ His early 
education was under the tutelage of his father and he expressed the 
opinion in later years that private studies under competent teachers 
will carry an earnest student along more rapidly than in a class. 
During the last year of the Civil War he served with the Southern 
Home Guards and successfully ran the blockade. He continued his 
education for one year at Hampton-Sidney College of Virginia and 
graduated from the College of New Jersey (Princeton University) 
in 1868. Like his father, he had an interest in teaching and taught 
for a year in Prince Edward County, Virginia, before serving a year 
as agent-in-charge of the Richmond Branch Office of the Christian 
Observer, the head office of which had been moved to Louisville, 
Kentucky, in the meantime. Scholarship was so deeply ingrained 
that he studied law during these same two years and was admitted 
to the bar in 1870. He practiced law in Richmond from 1870 to 
January 1874 during which time he began private study of Hebrew 
and Theology preparatory to entering the ministry. He took his 
second year of Theology at Union Seminary in Richmond and 
completed his studies at Princeton Seminary in 1876. He was 
ordained by the Presbytery of New Brunswick (New Jersey) in 
May, 1876, and served as pastor of the United First Amwell 
Church, Ringoes, New Jersey, from then until September 8, 1881, 
when he accepted an appointment from the Board of Home Mis- 
sions to serve the Morris Presbyterian Chapel of Rawlins, Wyoming 

The man who arrived in Rawlins in October, 1881, to take 
charge of the Morris Chapel was 34 years old, a member of a 

134. Biographical data on Charles Converse is derived from the follow- 
ing sources: 

Charles Converse manuscript, "Facts for Princeton Biographical 
Catalogue" dated January 15, 1885. Princeton University. 

"Necrological Report of Princeton Theological Seminary," Vol. 3, 
part 5, May 18, 1904. Princeton Theological Seminary. 

"Biographical Catalogue of the Princeton Theological Seminary, 
1815-1932," Princeton University, 1933, p. 310. 

Necrological Report, Minutes, Synod of Nev^^ Jersey, 1903. 

Converse, Charles Allen, "The Converse Family and Allied Fam- 
ilies," p. 392-4, extract provided by Miss Flavia Converse, Har- 
risonburg, Virginia. 


distinguished family, and a scholar. The Rev. W. D. Roberts in 
later years recalled him as a student who; 

"appeared at his very best in studies like theology, which reveal and 
require a mature and constructive mind, in order to grapple with their 
deeper problems. We recall with peculiar pleasure. Mr. Converse's 
clear and comprehensive and original recitations . . . for they were 
models of apprehended and comprehended truth, concisely and com- 
pletely expressed. But better than the mind v\as the man." 


"The path of duty, being once clearly seen b\ him. he straightway 
entered upon its rugged course not calculating how near or far. how 
humble or hard his Christ-appointed tasks might be."'-''' 

He was a businessman, journalist, historian, teacher, lawyer, and 
minister. The fact that he chose the ministry in the final analysis 
was due, it is thought, to a deep, sincere, lifelong faith in God and 
devotion to the ministry of man to man. He would have excelled 
in any profession. He was also a bachelor, which G. C. Smith 
hadn't regarded as a desirable characteristic for a minister on the 
frontier.^'*" But probably no better man could have been found 
anywhere for the job to be done. 

Rev. Converse's arrangements called for him to devote three 
Sundays a month to the Rawlins Church and to serve Fort Steele on 
the third Sunday of each month. The church itself was to raise 
$500 per year for his support. This probably was in addition to 
$500 obtained from the Board of Home Missions. 

In his annual report of April 1, 1882, he could report the mem- 
bership at 17 with average attendance at Sunday services at be- 
tween 50 and 60.'''' This was especially encouraging because, 
according to his report, the Methodists had just recently begun to 
hold services in their own newly-completed church. The Epis- 
copalians also completed a church edifice at about the same time. 
Both drew away people who had been in regular attendance in the 
Morris Chapel and some of them had been leaders in support of the 
Presbyterian through all these years. The temperance movement 
was moving ahead strongly. Although Rev. Converse had never 
known her personally, he took occasion to report that the loss of 
Margaret Elizabeth France was still sorely felt both in the church 
and in the town. 

Rev. Converse moved slowly on the matter of a new church at 
first, but once a brief period of hesitation was over, events moved 

l-^.*^. Obituary, Christian Observer. July 22. 1903. p. 8. copy provided by 
the Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches. 
Montreal, N. C. 

136. PHS, SJC, letter G. C. Smith to Sheldon Jackson. July 26. 1878. 

137. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record. Vol. 1881-1892. 


swiftly. On February 15, 1882, the congregation met and made 
the final decision to proceed to the construction of a new church 
building. At this meeting a Building Committee composed of some 
of the outstanding men in the community was formed with James 
France, Robert Wilson, R. M. Galbraith, R. W. Baxter and George 
C. Smith as members.^-''' D. W. France and R. W. Baxter were 
appointed to the Soliciting Committee. Full powers were granted 
to these committees along with the Board of Trustees to carry out 
the project. By April, $2,100 had been firmly subscribed and 
another $800 had been subscribed contingent upon the completion 
of the project. Rev. Converse's report of April 1 , 1 882, took pains 
to point out that most of the money subscribed was by non- 

To make room for the new building on the church land at the 
corner of 3rd and Cedar Streets, the little old Morris Chapel was 
sold to R. W. Baxter for $300 and moved to another site where it 
continued in use for the time being. Construction of the new 
church began in May and the corner stone was laid on July 25. 

The laying of the corner stone was observed with appropriate 
ceremonies. ^•''" In the stone were deposited business cards of all 
the business houses in town together with copies of the Rawlins 
Journal; the constitution of the Rawlins Lodge K. of P.; rosters, 
reports, and lists of officers of various local societies and orders: 
and many other items including a history of the church presumably 
composed by Rev. Converse. Robert Wilson, Grand Master of the 
Masonic Lodge, gave an address explaining the Masonic observ- 
ance of the rite of cornerstone laying. 

The new church was solidly built of native stone quarried from 
the mountain north of the city. The solid stone walls were two 
feet thick. The interior was 30 feet wide and 50 feet long and was 
designed to seat 1 80 people. The steep slate roof rested on the 
exterior walls and was trussed with handsome crossed timbers. 
The steeple towered well above the ridge pole and contained a bell 
room which is still one of the best vantage points in the town. At 
the time of construction, the new church was by far the most im- 
posing structure in Rawlins. 

Construction was completed in the closing days of 1882. The 

138. Galbraith and Wilson were both long time residents. Both were 
probably Episcopalian; neither they nor any members of their family ever 
were members of the Presbyterian Church in Rawlins. 

139. This corner stone laying is vividly described in the Rawlins Journal, 
June 4, 1887. The knowledge that an early history of the church was placed 
in the stone has tempted several to suggest opening the stone to recover this 
historical material, but the stone remains untouched. 


last services were held in the little old Morris Chapel on November 
12. There was a period in November and December of about six 
weeks when the Presbyterians held no services of their own. The 
first service was held in the new church quite appropriately on 
New Year's Eve, 1 882. 

The cost of the new church was reported in April. 1 883, as about 
$7,800 of which $3,650 was raised during the first year, including 
the subscriptions, $300 from the sale of the old Morris Chapel, and 
$175 raised by the ladies of the church."" It was decided, how- 
ever, that it would not be appropriate to dedicate the new church 
until the burden of debt on it had been lifted. 

These must have been happy times for Rev. Converse. First, he 
could take pride in the completion of the new church within 1 5 
months from the time he took up his duties in Rawlins. It was 
also on his account that no services were held between November 
12 and December 31, 1882. He returned to his first church at 
Ringoes, New Jersey, during November to marry Charaty Ann 
Burd on December 19. She was a member of that first church and 
was but 1 8 when she arrived in Rawlins to enter into the commun- 
ity life of a frontier town now moving toward prosperous middle 
age. She was younger by far than the leaders of the church and a 
little older than most of their children. 

It was characteristic of Charles Converse that he would have 
arranged suitable housing for his bride, and in this she was more 
fortunate than the wives of previous ministers who generally had 
to put up with rented or donated rooms. His action also deferred 
the problem of a manse for the time being. Rev. Converse ar- 
ranged for the construction of a comfortable little house on two lots 
on Buffalo Street which he had purchased from the Union Pacific 
Railroad in November. 1881, for $50. It was convenient to the 
church only two blocks away. It was here that the Converses set 
up housekeeping in late December, 1882. 

The year of 1883 was successful and uneventful on the whole. 
The measure of Rev. Converse's success was the addition of 1 5 new 
members. Thus, the spiritual prosperity expected from the build- 
ing of a new church came to pass. However, he had come to do a 
job and now that it was done he had no real attachment to Rawlins 
to compell his continued residence in this field. He resigned on 
November 20, 1883, in order to take another assignment in a new 
town in Dakota Territory. Here, in a town less than two years old, 
he led another congregation to the construction of a church in less 
than three years before returning east in 1 886 for the rest of his life. 

140. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record. Vol. 1X81-1892, 
Annual report of Rev. Charles Converse, April 2, 1883. 



Rev. Converse's resignation left a big job to be filled. The new 
minister would have to face the need to increase the membership 
still further. He would have to do something about raising the debt 
of more than $4,000 resting against the church. Actually the debt 
was largely in the form of a mortgage held by the Banking House of 
James France. ^^' The bank could be expected to be sympathetic, 
but $4,000 was a lot of money. 

It would not have been difficult to describe the talents and 
abilities the new minister should have. He should be an exper- 
ienced evangelist and energetic missionary. He should have a 
record of strengthening congregations and raising debts. It did not 
take long to find him because he was already known to Rawlins, 
and Rawlins known to him. In fact, it took only five weeks to find 
him and see his arrival in Rawlins. 

The "right" man, rather strangely, turned out to be Rev. William 
E. Hamilton who had spent the three years from the time he left 
Rawlins in 1880 in Central City, Colorado. Strange because he 
was now eager and willing to return to the church which he had 
once suggested selling, which he had declined to serve once, and 
which he had served somewhat reluctantly. Now his success was 
immediate and measurable. During the 18 months of his resumed 
pastorate, 24 new members were added of which 1 5 were by con- 
fession of faith or "conversion" and only nine by letters of transfer. 
Significantly, many of these were young people, children of mem- 
bers of the church reaching maturity, a second generation of the old 
settlers. The town was growing up. 

While Rev. Hamilton had little concern with earthly wealth for 
himself, he took considerable pride in the sums raised for churches 
while he was the pastor. In later years he claimed credit for raising 
$5,200 for a church in Pueblo, Colorado, in 1873, and $3,500 for 
a church in Creston, Iowa, in 1886.'-*- Among his other accom- 
plishments, he listed $4,888 raised for the Rawlins church in 1885. 
Nowhere is the exact source of this enormous sum (for those days) 
recorded. Some was out of the regular collection although the 
amount left over after the support of the minister and operating 
expenses could not have been large. Some was, without doubt, 
small gifts solicited by Rev. Hamilton. The women probably 
raised some, too. Some larger gifts might even have come from 
sources outside of Rawlins, obtained through the influence of some 
of the members, but it is certain that the bulk of it came from James 

141. Rawlins Journal, June 4, 1887. 

142. Presbyterian Historical Society, personal statement of Wm. E. Ham- 
ilton, op. cit. 


France in the form of release of debts owing his banking house. 
It was in early 1885 that with one solid blow the indebtedness of 
the church was lifted. 

The congregation again gathered on October 5, 1884, ( 1885?) 
to adopt the following preambles and resolutions: 

"WHEREAS, this church has in the past and up to this time received 
an extraordinary support and encouragement by the large and Hberal 
contributions of money and the earnest personal influence of Hon. 
James France of Rawlins, Wyo.; and 

WHEREAS, the late Mrs. Elizabeth France, deceased, (late wife of 
said James France and member of this church) by her constant and 
earnest Christian work in and for the church, and by her ever open 
hand in support thereof, coupled with her devoted Christian life among 
this people, has endeared her memory to us, so that we deem it fitting 
and proper that we in some manner show our appreciation of her good 
deeds, which will ever stand as a monument in the hearts of all who 
knew her, reminding them of the reality and truth of the pure Chris- 
tian faith of this good and noble woman; and 

WHEREAS, it is proper and Christian-like that we should desire to 
erect a monument more lasting and durable than the memory and lives 
of men, in the memory of the said deceased sister in this church, and 
her honored husband, Hon. James France, whose liberal hand and 
personal influence has done so much for the advancement of this 
Christian cause, and especially of this church: 

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, by the members of this church 
and congregation here assembled in this a regular congregational as 
well as a regularly called meeting of the trustees and officers of this 
church corporation, that the established and corporate name of this 
church be changed from that of 'The Morris Presbyterian Church of 
Rawlins, Wyoming' to that of "The Mrs. Elizabeth France Presbyterian 
Church of Rawlins, Wyoming". "i^-' 

With these words the name of a legend was enshrined for suc- 
ceeding generations to wonder what that woman was really like to 
so endear her to her contemporaries. In due course of time it 
would become known as the "France Memorial Church" which is 
the name commonly in use today. '^' 

On March 15, 1885, with the debt raised, Rev. Hamilton con- 
ducted a service of dedication. Rev. Arnold was invited to come 
from Evanston and it is assumed that he did. 

The Mrs. Elizabeth France Presbyterian Church still stands 
proudly overlooking Rawlins, the everlasting hills, and the eternal 
prairie. And the railroad still comes dimly out of the east showing 
the way to the west beyond. 

143. Rawlins Joiinial, June 4, 18K7. 

144. The first use of the name "France Memorial" appears in the flyleaf 
of the session record volume opened on April 24, 1892. 



It is 80 years now since the Mrs. Elizabeth France Presbyterian 
Church was dedicated. It still stands proudly in downtown Raw- 
lins achieving the beauty that age and usefulness can best give. 
What happened to the pioneer spirits who suffered through those 
first 1 5 years giving it life, giving it their love and devotion? Mostly 
they were scattered; a few simply disappeared. 

Sheldon Jackson's work on the American frontier can never be 
forgotten by anyone who has ever benefited by it. It would not 
have been like him to rest on his laurels, and he didn't. He made 
his first trip to Alaska in 1877. The challenge was irresistible and 
several years later he was able to devote all of his time and energy 
to that wild frontier. History has given him the fame for those 
years of achievement to which he is entitled. After more than 25 
years of dedicated labor in Alaska, he resigned as General Agent 
of Education in June, 1908. He died in Ashville, North Carolina, 
on May 2, 1909, less than a year after the death of his beloved 
wife of 50 years and companion of so many campaigns.""' 

Perry Smith remained in and near Rawlins as a butcher, rancher, 
postmaster, and local colorful character until 1922, when he moved 
to California to join his daughter, Lodie Van Heusen. His other 
daughter had died at a tender age in 1874. His wife, Elizabeth, 
also died in Rawlins in 1903; both mother and daughter rest in the 
Rawlins Cemetery. Perry Smith was 92 when he died in San 
Gabriel, California, only a few hours after his daughter also 
answered the last summons on September 29, 1928."" 

William E. Hamilton served two churches in Iowa for one year 
each after leaving Rawlins, and then went on to the Second Pres- 
byterian Church of Richmond, Kentucky. He died in Ambler, 
Pennsylvania, on October 17, 1896 in his 74th year."' 

John Reynard went on to churches in Colorado and Washington. 
He died in Tacoma, Washington, on September 18, 1898."^^ 

Charles Converse completed his work in the west at Devil's 
Lake, North Dakota, in 1886 and returned to New Jersey. He was 
pastor of the Connecticut Farms Church in Union, New Jersey, 
from 1886 to 1900 when ill health caused his retirement. He 
sought relief at a health spa at Clifton Springs, New York, where 
he died of a brain tumor on June 28, 1903."" His widow came to 

145. Robert Laird Stewart, "Sheldon Jackson," op. cit. 

146. Rawlins Republican, October 2, 1928, p. 1. 

147. Personal letter, Presbyterian Historical Society; General Assembly, 
"Ministerial Necrology," 1897, p. 154. 

148. Personal letter, Presbyterian Historical Society; The Herald and 
Presbyter, October 5, 1898, p. 16; Minutes, Presbytery of Olympia, October 
4, 1898. 

149. See Chapter XI, note 2. 


be known among the Converse family members as "Aunt Chattie." 
She hiter lived with nieces in Harrisonburg, Virginia, where she 
died on May 17, 1958 at 93.'""' It is interesting that Charles Con- 
verse apparently did not associate with the southern denomination 
of the Presbyterians as did his three brothers. 

C. F. Mills and his wife simply disappeared. 

George C. Smith practiced law in Rawlins until 1900. Late in 
that year he went to Pueblo, Colorado, seeking relief of rheumatism 
at hot springs there. However, he contracted pneumonia and died 
on the train just south of Cheyenne, enroute home on Christmas 
Day.^"'' His surviving daughter, Mrs. William L. Evans (Annie), 
was still living in Denver, Colorado, in 1942. 

The Ba.xters moved to Alameda, California in 1888, and no 
more has been heard of them.'"'- 

Walker France remained in Rawlins for many years as a prom- 
inent member of the church and community. He served as a ruling 
elder continuously for more than 30 years. His wife, Susan Arm- 
strong France, who had come from Pennsylvania with him so many 
years before, died in Rawlins on December 27, 1904.'''' Walker 
France remarried and lived in Rawlins a few more years before 
movint: to Lontz Beach, California, where he died on .April 18, 

James France suffered another loss when the baby, Uri, died in 
February, 1882, six months after the death of its mother. In 1882 
he built a fine new house for his family. The house still stands and 
is used as a rectory by the priests of St. Joseph's Catholic Church. 
In February, 1887, he married Amanda Walton of Denver — widow 
with two grown children of her own. He suffered business re- 
versals in March, 1888, at which time he was forced to defend his 
honor before a town suddenly turned hostile. In this he was vindi- 
cated, but despondent and deeply hurt by failure, he went on to 
make a new start sure that his losses could be recouped in time and 
that his business reputation would be vindicated as his personal 
honor had been. Fate didn't give him the time. He died suddenly 
on a business trip to Salt Lake City on August 21, 1888, ending all 
hope that his affairs could yet be set in order.'"''' He was buried in 
Denver, and in May, 1890, the remains of his first wife and two 

150. Personal letter. Flavia Converse. Charaty A. Burd was the daugh- 
ter of William A. and Mary A. Kimble Burd of Copper Hill, New Jersey. 
She was born near Flemington, N. J. on November 12, 1864. 

151. 5fe notes 108 through 111. 

152. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1881-1892. 

153. Rawlins Republican, January 4, 1904. 

154. Rawlins Republican. May 1, 1928. 

155. Rawlins yo///-/«//. August 25, 1888; Cheyenne Sun. August 23, 1888. 
See also Civil Action, Frcuice Assignees. 1888, Carbon County, Wyoming, 
Clerk of the District Court. 


sons were removed from Rawlins for reinterment beside him in 
Riverside Cemetery. He and his elder daughter, Una, both joined 
the church named for his wife on February 26, 1885, and he re- 
mained a member there until his death. ^"'•^ 

The problem of a manse for the ministers was solved in 1886 
when the Board of Trustees voted to purchase the little Converse 
house on Buffalo Street for $900. It served as a home for Presby- 
terian ministers in Rawlins for almost 40 years when the present 
manse was built next door. The influence of Rev. Converse is still 
felt because the modest rental income from that little house has 
tided the church over many times of financial crisis.'"'' 

The little old Morris Chapel had a checkered career after it was 
discarded for use as a church. At first it was fitted out and used as 
the Rawlins school house from 1883 until 1886 when a new school 
was completed. In 1 887 it was being used as a residence by H. T. 
Snively. Later it housed the office of the Rawlins Republican for 
some 20 years, after which it was sold to the Engstrom Motor Com- 
pany. It was finally torn down in 1926 to make room for a new 
garage and salesroom.'-""'* 

156. France Presbyterian Church, Session Record, Vol. 1881-1892. 

157. The rent on this little house in recent years has been $50 per month 
representing 67% annual return on the original investment. 

158. Rawlins Republican, August 5, 1926. 


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Zhe Wag OH J^ox Tig lit z 
A CeHteHHial Apptaisal 


Robert A. Murray 

The Wagon Box Fight near Fort Philip Kearny on August 2, 
1867, along with the very similar Hay Field Fight on August 1, 
1867, constitute the high-water mark of Sioux and Cheyenne 
hostility during that complex little limited war along the Boze- 
man Trail in 1865-1868. Born of post-Sun Dance fervor in 
the summer camps of the Sioux and Cheyenne, two massive war 
parties moved on the respective posts in late July. Perhaps they 
remembered the easy pickings on the trail of the Cole and Walker 
columns in 1865. Certainly they knew well the defeat of Fetter- 
man's ill-trained, poorly-organized and carelessly managed force 
in December, 1866. Whatever the expectations, they ran aground 
against a shoal of smoking blue that day and did not again seriously 
menace any substantial force of regulars until June of 1 876, when 
they massed for defense against the probing columns of Crook 
and Terry. 

The general story of both fights has been told and retold in 
Western history and fiction. Most of the easily available accounts 
of the Wagon Box Fight draw upon the reminiscent accounts 
published some years ago by Dr. Hebard and Mr. Brininstool.^ 
Those of the Hayfield Fight draw upon two reminiscent accounts. 
For years these were the best accounts available to the general 
reader. In 1960, however, a generally good account of each fight, 
based for the first time on quality original sources in army records 
was published.- Early last year another excellent account of the 
Hayfield Fight became available.'' These will suffice for the gen- 
eral reader and for most students, teachers and scholars of Western 

1. Grace Raymond Hebard and E. A. Brininstool, The Bozemcin Trail, 
reprint edition, Arthur H. Clark Co., Glendale, California, 1960. 

E. A. Brininstool, Fighting Indian Warriors, Stackpole, Harrisburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, 1953. 

2. Roy E. Appleman, "The Hay Field Fight," and "The Wagon Box 
Fight," in: Great Western Indian Fights, Potomac Corral of the Western- 
ers, Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1960, pp. 132-162. 

3. J. W. Vaughn, "The Hayfield Fight," in Indian Fights, New Facts on 
Seven Encounters, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1966, pp. 91- 


history'. The specialist, the serious scholar, the on-site interpreter, 
and the buff will probably always seek more specifics with which to 
build a precise and detailed picture. This is as it should be, since 
the multitude of generalizations in various media can at best be 
only as accurate as the complex of facts from which they are drawn. 

A handful of scholars have examined the Powell report of the 
Wagon Box Fight from the National Archives. None, to the writ- 
er's knowledge have made significant use of the equally important 
report of Ma or Benjamin F. Smith, who led the rescue operation 
that day. These two reports, written but two days after the fight, 
contain the really essential data on the Wagon Box Fight. ^ 

Powell describes his company's routine relief of the previous 
guard detail at the camp some five miles above Fort Philip Kearny 
on July 31, 1867. Their main camp lay on good ground with a 
clear view of the slopes where wood cutting operations went on. 
About half of Powell's force was at this camp on the morning of 
August 2nd. Unfortunately part of the civilian contractor's men 
refused to camp there, and had established their own small seven- 
wagon corral nearer the cuttings, a mile and a half away. Powell 
stationed a few men there and detailed others to protect working 
parties and wagon trains on the move. 

At 9:00 a.m. on the 2nd, about two hundred Indians ran off a 
herd of work stock. Simultaneously an estimated five hundred 
overran the contractor's corral, driving off the men there, and 
killing three soldiers as they fled. Within fifteen minutes Powell's 
force was surrounded by an estimated eight hundred mounted 
Indians, whose attempt to overrun his position was beaten off by 
heavy and well-disciplined fire from his small force. This body of 
Indians withdrew to a hill some 600 yards away and dismounted. 
For the next three hours they moved up carefully on foot a number 
of times, but withdrew under heavy fire each time. Powell states 
that the hills out of range were "covered with Indians who merely 
acted as spectators . . ." Powell believed that they too were just 
ready to enter the fray when the arrival of Major Smith's infantry 
column drove off the Indians. Powell reported one officer and two 
privates of the force killed, and two privates wounded. Powell 
believed that the Indians might yet have overrun his position, had 
not Smith arrived in time."' 

Major Smith's rescue operation has never received adequate 

4. letter. Captain James Powell to Adjutant. Fort Philip Kearny, August 
4. 1867. 

letter. Major Benjamin F. Smith, to Adjutant. Fort Philip Kearny, August 
4, 1867. 

both of the above are in "Letters Received in the Department of the Platte 
Headquarters," Record Group 98, National Archives. 

5. Powell, op. tit. 


billing, but it is abundant evidence that the Indians held off by 
Powell's force had no wish to contest the ground with a hundred 
more such regulars: 

About 1 1 o'clock developments indicated that the Wood Party and its 
guard, five miles in the Pinery were in imminent danger. Bvt. Maj. 
Gen'l John E. Smith Commanding, directed me to proceed to their 
relief with Lieutenants Connolly. Paulus and McCarthy of the 27th 
Inf. and one hundred enlisted men of the same Regiment from Com- 
panies A and F. I also took a Mountain Howitzer and ten ox wagons, 
the citizen teamsters being armed. My command started about 11:30 
a.m. and proceeded cautiously to the Pinery with skirmishers and 
flankers thrown out. On nearing the corral of the Wood Party and 
about a mile and a half from it, I discovered that a high hill near the 
road and overlooking the corral of the Wood Party was occupied by 
a large party of Indians, in my estimation five or six hundred were in 
sight, many more probably concealed. The grass was burning in every 
direction. The Indians appearing disposed to make a stand I turned 
off the road to the right, some few hundred yards, to occupy the 
extreme right point of the hill, which was flanked on that side by a 
steep precipice, with the intention after securing it to follow the ridge 
to the corral of the Wood Party, commanded by Bvt. Maj. Powell, 
27th Inf. Before turning from the road, in obedience to instructions, 
I fired a shot from the Howitzer, as a signal to inform Bvt. Major 
Powell's command that assistance was near. The shell fired was in 
the direction of the Indians, but fell short, as I anticipated, but seemed 
to disconcert them as a number of mounted Indians who were riding 
rapidly toward my command turned and fled. Upon my ascending 
to the crest of the hill all had disappeared from it and were seen 
across the creek, on an opposite hill about 3/4 of a mile away leaving 
all clear to Bvt. Major Powell's corral '' 

After Smith arrived at the corral some of the woodcutters and 
soldiers came out of the timber and came down to join them. Not 
seeing activity at the contractor's corral, he sent Lieutenant Con- 
nolly with one company to investigate. They found five of the 
wagons burned and no one there, so they returned to the main 
command. Then the command loaded the wounded and all port- 
able property in the wagon train accompanying Smith, and all 
returned to the post.' 

Throughout the remainder of occupancy of the post, hay and 
wood parties were still better trained and organized, and encoun- 
tered little trouble with the hostiles. 

Powell made a rough estimate of sixty Indians killed and one- 
hundred and twenty wounded.'^ This would certainly have been 
abundant to discourage the attacking hostiles. It seems important 
to note that the .50-70 Springfields Powell's men liked so well 
were far from the first breechloaders used against the Sioux and 
Cheyenne. Powell also noted in his report that many of the 

6. Smith, op. cit. 

7. Smith, op. cit. 

8. Powell, op. cit. 


attacking party had breechloading arms of various types.'' The 
post records show that there had been no target practice with the 
new arms before the fight, due to activity involved in reorganizing 
the command and getting Lt. Col. Bradley's force loaded and off 
for Fort C. F. Smith (where they arrived shortly before the Hay 
Field Fight ) . Needless to say intensive target practice resumed 
not long after these fights at both posts. ^" 

The Hayfield Fight had proceeded along similar lines with an 
estimated eight Indians killed and thirty wounded." 

These two fights together were of considerable importance. 
Aside from the above mentioned impact on the Indians, they gave 
the average soldier proof that organization and discipline as in- 
stilled b\ Brevet Brigadier General H. W. Wessells and his suc- 
cessor Colonel John E. Smith, combined with the fine arm now at 
hand made him master of any tactical situation likely to arise on 
the plains. 

Many of our old nursery-rhymes had, in their day, a political 
significance. Some of them owe their origin to distinguished 
writers. "Sing a Song of Sixpence"" is as old as the sixteenth 
century. "Three Blind Mice"" is found in a music-book dated 
1609. "The Frog and the Mouse"" was licensed in 1580, "Three 
Children Sliding on the Ice"" dates from 1639. "London Bridge is 
Broken Down"" is of unfathomable antiquity. "Boys and Girls 
Come Out to Play"" is certainly as old as the reign of Charles II, as 
is also "Lucy Locket Lost Her Pocket,"" to the tune of which the 
American song of "Yankee Doodle"" was written, "Pussy Cat, 
Where Have You Been?"" is one of the age of Queen Bess. "Little 
Jack Horner"" is older than the seventeenth century. "The Old 
Woman Tossed in a Blanket"" is of the reign of James II, to which 
monarch it is said to allude. Many other rhymes have interesting 
histories. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Aui>ust 20, 1881 . 

PETTICOAT PARAGRAPHS— The western wits now call big- 
amy Utah-lizing the female sex. 

There is little difference between a woman"s temper and a wom- 
an's dress — both can be easilv ruffled. The Evanston Age, 
December 20, 1872. 

9. Powell, op. cit. 

10. Orders and correspondence. Ft. Philip Kearny. RG 98. National 

11. Post return for August. 1867. Ft. C. F. Smith, RG 98. National 
Archives. Also: Vaughn, op. cit. 

















J^ridger Zrail Zrek 

Trek No. 17 of the Historical Trail Treks 

Sponsored by 


Natrona County Chapter, Washakie County Chapter, Big Horn 
County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society 

under the direction of 
Maurine Carley, Dick Eklund. Paul Henderson, Lyle Hildebrand 

Compiled by 
Maurine Carley, Trek Historian 

July 8-10, 1966 
Caravan - 30 cars - 98 participants 


Captain Sergeant D. L. Webster, Wyoming Highway 

Patrol, Worland 
Assistant Corporal Pete Haler. Wyoming Highway Patrol. 


Announcer Grant Willson 

Wagon Boss Paul Henderson, Wyoming State Parks Com- 
mission Historian 
Guides.... Dick Eklund, Lyle Hildebrand, Louie Strohecker. 

J. H. Day, J. H. Bishop, Mike Riley, Earl Hensley, 

Cash Kelley 

Historian Maurine Carley 

Topographers. . Irving Benes, Joel Langhofer 

Photographer Pete LaBonte, Buzzards Bay, Massachusetts 

Press Frances Seeiey Webb, Casper; Northern Wyoming 

Daily News, Worland; Grey bull Standard, 


Registrars Meda Walker, Jane Houston 

Tickets Fran Boan 

NOTE: Mileage for the Bridger Trail started at the Poison Spider 
River sign near the red brick Poison Spider school house, where we 
left the Oregon Trail on the Poison Spider Road. Most of the 
travel was on highways and good county roads, but the trek 
followed the old trail as closely as possible. The trail extended 
approximately 250 miles from the Oregon Trail to the Wyoming 
border. ( 



VWhen gold was discovered in Montana Jim Bridger was given 
a temporary release from Army service on April 30, 1864, to allow 
him to pilot a group of emigrants to the gold fields. He was sta- 
tioned in Fort Laramie so the party followed the Oregon Trail to 
Red Buttes where they struck out north on the west side of the Big 
Horn Mountains, heading for Montana. This country was well 
known to Bridger. His splendid memory for topography helped 
him pick a route which crossed the least difficult terrain and also 
followed close to the rivers. ) 

Bridger's route was longer than Bozeman's road but safer be- 
cause the Indians were not so numerous or so unfriendly. The first 
trip was in reality a race between Bridger and Bozeman but it ended 
in a tie as the two groups arrived in Virginia City only a few hours 

Registration began at the Casper Woman's Club House at 7:30 
P.M., where the Natrona County Chapter entertained the trekkers 
at a Get Acquainted party. Coffee, cookies and ice-cold punch 
were served by the hostesses who were appropriately dressed in 
old-fashioned costumes. Two special guests were Mrs. Alice 
Embrey, Jim Bridger's great, great, niece, and her daughter, 
Patricia Christman. 

GUIDES: Dick Eklund, Louie Strohecker, J. Herold Day. 

7:30 A.M. The group met promptly at Fort Caspar for introduc- 
tions, registration and a group picture. 

8:00 A.M. The caravan crossed the Platte River and drove five 
miles west on Highway 20-26 then turned south of the tank farm 
onto the new Poison Spider road. After traveUng nine miles 
through the Casper-Alcova project, we passed over Emigrant 
Ridge, through Emigrant Gap and onto one branch of the old 
Oregon Trail which we traveled for 3 miles. Red Buttes showed 
to the south. After passing the new red brick school, we took the 
Poison Spider road as marked on a cattle guard. This is approx- 
imately where the Bridger Trail left the Oregon Trail. The country 
is dry and arid with many sandstone toadstools on both sides of the 
road. Today oil rigs dot the country side and Poison Spider creek 
meanders back and forth but is so small it is hardly noticed. 

At the Bessemer Oil Field we took the middle road which paral- 
lels the old trail two miles to the right. At 13 M. we left the road 
for two miles to continue across country in order to view the 
deepest and best ruts still visible on the old trail. Between the oil 
fields and the south fork of Casper Creek we crossed the old trail 
many times. At 20 M. we left the Poison Spider road in the oil 
fields and turned left on the Strohecker road. As we traveled near 


the sandstone ridge on our right we were on the trail, and we again 
crossed the Spider where ruts are still slightly visible. 

9:20 A.M. We arrived at the Strohecker ranch (22 M.). 


By Louie Strohecker 

Welcome to the Y Bar Ranch. 

I have been asked to tell you a little about the name Poison 
Spider and about this section of the country. Poison Spider! 
What a name for a creek! It was named, so the story goes, when 
the transit of a surveying crew lost its cross hairs. At that time the 
fine web of a spider was used for the cross hairs in the transit. 
The man running the transit found a spider and expected to use 
the web for the cross hairs. The spider, unfortunately a Black 
Widow, bit the man who died near this creek, consequently the 
name. You crossed it this side of Emigrant Gap south of the 
Poison Spider Consolidated School. 

The oil and gas fields you came through are under lease, to 
Bessemer Oil, American Industries, Dunham and Price and the 
Union Oil Companies. The first wells in this region were drilled 
about 1916 with an "Old Star" rig, which is one with a single 
wooden mast that sticks up in the air. Enough gas wells were 
drilled so a pipe line was laid from there to Casper. This was the 
only source of gas supply for the city at that time. 

The production of oil in some of this region is decreasing. To 
get as much oil as possible, the Bessemer Company is water- 
flooding its field by injecting about 500 barrels of water per day 
back into the ground. This makes the oil rise closer to the surface 
so it can be pumped from the ground. 

There are a few oil and gas wells in Pine Mountain, which you 
will pass on your right on the way to Powder River. Very few of 
these wells are producing and most of the gas is "sour." In order 
to use it, a sulphur plant would have to be built to process it for 
commercial use. 

This part of the country has been primarily sheep country. At 
shearing time the sheep were once trailed from here to the shearing 
pens at Powder River, but now the shearing crew comes to the 
various ranches. 

In order for the sheep men to get more land they would pay their 
sheepherders, or any one else they could get, to file on a piece of 
land as a homestead. Sometimes they even paid for the improve- 
ments. When the final papers for the land were filed the employer 
would buy the land. In this way the sheep man could increase his 
holdings for a nominal sum. 

When I came to this place thirty years ago, there wasn't a fence 
between here and Casper, nor between here and Powder River. 
Now you cross six cattle guards going either direction to the high- 


way. The price of land was less than a dollar an acre and now 
one has to pay at least eighteen dollars per acre for grazing land. 

About three miles from here on your way to Powder River you 
will see many places where there are two mounds of dirt compara- 
tively close together. These are validations of uranium claims 
which were made just after World War II, but the uranium content 
is of such low grade it doesn't pay to mine it. 

9:40 A.M. We left on the Powder River road which skirts Pine 
Mountain to our right. In the distance to our left we could see 
Garfield Peak, the highest point in the Rattlesnake Range and 
Square Top Butte, a prominent landmark, 6190 feet above the sea. 
The trail goes within one mile of the Butte which is about fifteen 
miles south of Powder River in very rough country. 

10:30 A.M. We arrived at Powder River (35 M.) and reassem- 
bled at the Texaco Station for a paper. 

By Betty M. Sager 

The Bridger Trail, about 8 miles south of here, runs through 
such rough country it is impossible to follow it in modern cars. 
Bridger, himself, must have been glad when he had finished with 
this arid, rugged country which borders the south fork of the 
famous Powder River. Old-timers don't know who named the 
Powder River, but according to Sioux stories it meant, in their 
language, powdered earth or sandy soil. 

Many years passed before a reason was found for settUng this 
area. Very little is written about it but old-timers tell that the area 
was settled by Scotch and Irish sheep men. Their hospitality was 
freely given in those days, and few men locked their doors. 

The town of Powder River was begun in 1905 when the Chicago 
and Northwestern Railroad arrived and located a station here. 
Soon a general store, a hotel and a saloon were operating for the 
seventy-five inhabitants. 

As you travel west about three miles on Highway 20 you can see 
ruins of old buildings. These once were a Pony Express and stage 
station which operated for many years on the west bank of the 
Powder River. There is no record of when it was built, but we 
know it served many a weary traveler on his way from Casper to 
the Big Horn Mountains and beyond. Mail was sent by stage to 
the station on the river, but later it was delivered several times 
weekly to the newly established post office in the railroad depot in 
Powder River. 

When Highway 20 was built in 1 9 1 8 it by-passed the town which 
soon moved from the vicinity of the station down to the highway. 
Only the general store retains its original position. 
10:50 A.M. We departed for Hell's Half Acre, five miles west on 


the highway, where we stopped for ten minutes to enjoy the fan- 
tastic bad lands and shale banks from Promontory Point. 

11:10 A.M. After leaving HelTs Half Acre we traveled the high- 
way to Waltman (45 M.). Two miles farther west we again 
crossed the trail which followed the ridge to our right on to the Big 
Horns beyond. It looked like an anttelope explosion along here as 
many had twin fawns by their sides. 

At Moneta (75 M. ) we turned right in the center of town for 
Lysite. This area is heavily concentrated with selenium which 
causes considerable loss of livestock at certain times of the year. 
Many grotesquely eroded shale banks resemble HelTs Half Acre, 
only in miniature. The country is desolate. 

12:30 P.M. We were all glad when we arrived in Lysite (86 M.) 
on Bad Water Creek for our nooning. Lunches were soon spread 
under the cool shade of big trees on the lawn of Mr. and Mrs. 
Henry Jensen who had graciously invited us to spend our noon 
hour at their home. They had a huge pot of coffee ready, and their 
interesting old log house was at our disposal. We especially en- 
joyed their collection of old bottles turned purple by the Wyoming 

After lunch we listened to the histor\ of this part of the state. 



By J. Herold Day 
Read by his daughter, Mrs. Lorraine Metzler 

The Bridger Trail, as we trace it today, follows essentially the 
same route that Jim Bridger laid out in 1864 on his second trip. 
He made some changes in the trail. 

The trail was used by freighters to transport supplies from the 
Casper country into the Big Horn Basin until the Northwestern 
Railroad was built into Lander, at which time freight was picked 
up at Moneta. Stage lines also used the trail before the railroad 
was built. Old Lost Cabin was one of these stage stations. 

A post office was established at the present site of Lost Cabin on 
August 31, 1886, with J. B. Okie as postmaster. However, he had 
so many other places of business the postoffice was a nuisance to 
him. About 1888, he got Johnny Signor, who was postmaster at 
Rongis, to come over and take it off his hands. The post office 
was then established at a point on the Bridger Trail which was 
about halfway between the present site of Lost Cabin and present- 
day Lysite, which is now called "Old Lost Cabin" — a misleading 
term as the present site of Lost Cabin is the older. Okie later 
moved the post office back to the original town of Lost Cabin, and 
Old Lost Cabin gradually disappeared. The saloon was moved to 


Lysite and was used as such until it burned down in the 1930's. 
The last time the writer rode over the area on which Old Lost 
Cabin was situated, there was only a cellar in the side of a hill to 
mark the site. 

i Jimmy Lysite, (originally spelled Lysaght), J. Davis and Ben 
Anderson were killed and scalped by the Indians not far from the 
Bridger Trail. J. D. Woodruff had planned to go with them, but 
because of a dream, did not. Anderson was killed on what was 
later known as the George Ramage place now owned by Mrs. 
William Ramage. Lysite was killed farther up the canyon now 
called Lysite Canyon. Lysite Creek, Lysite Mountain and the 
railroad town of Lysite have also been named in honor of Jimmy 
Lysite. Davis was killed in what is now known as Davis Pass. 
Their wagon was found burned on the old Bridger Trail at the 
mouth of the creek named in Lysite's honor. The men had evi- 
dently abandoned their camp and taken off up Lysite Creek after 
the Indians jumped them.V 

O. M. Clark, known later as Wind River Clark, was prospecting 
in this same general area some time later, when he became aware 
that the Indians were on his trail. He took off for Camp Brown 
(Lander) and on his way came across the bodies of the men but 
did not have time to bury them. He informed Woodruff of their 
whereabouts, and Woodruff buried them. 

When the railroad built through in 1910, the C.B.&Q. railroad 
camp was located on the hill where the school house now stands. 
Ben Cunningham was the first postmaster (about 1913), although 
there wasn't much else to the town at that time. Mr. Okie built the 
first store and the post office was moved to the store upon its 

((Along the Bridger Trail directly opposite the J. Herold Day 
ranch house, there is a small cliff on which are Indian petroglyphs. 
Also carved in the sand rock are several names and dates, the 
following still being visible: 

J. Davis 1864 

Waldon May June 1st 1864 

Sam Scott 

Wilson White Manning 

J. B. Gonly (or Grady) ,| 

The mountain now known as Copper Mountain was originally 
called the Little Rattlesnakes, but later named Bridger Mountain 
in honor of Jim Bridger. It was after low grade copper was dis- 
covered there, that the present name was given. 

The creek, now called Bridger Creek, was originally named Wil- 
low Creek. Below the mouth of Lysite Creek and east of the 
Bridger Trail about a fourth of a mile, is a flat hill where there are 
a lot of tepee rings, both large and small. There are other such 
rings at various points along Bridger Creek. 


1:30 P.M. As we left Lysite the hills were bare and chalky even 
without sagebrush, but we soon came to a green valley and bright 
red beds of sand. We stopped near the D ranch, originally started 
by English remittance men, where we could see the trail which 
came up from Bridger Creek, crossed our road and angled off up 
over the hill to our left. Copper Mountain was at our left and 
Lysite Mountain on our right. 

We began a long climb up Bridger Pass which was hilly but not 
steep. The road ran up and down between foothills then down to 
the Kirby Creek valley. Here the trail cut off on the ridge to our 
left. Today pipe lines follow the trail over the pass. Bridger had 
shown his skill in picking a route which was the least difficult to 

Very little information can be found concerning this trail. No 
written record of Bridger's first trip was kept, but years later 
George Stanton, a small boy in the wagon train, wrote of some of 
the experiences. He said that no streams bothered the men until 
they struck the Big Horn River about where Lucerne is now 
located. "It took the men about half a month of hard work to 
build a bridge." 

Major John Owen, a member of Bridger's second trip, kept a 
diary which gave meager details of the trail and its location. From 
J. Cecil Alter's book, Ji}u Bridi^er, we learn "at the time ( first trip ) 
the Big Horn was in flood stage too deep to ford and impossible 
to bridge." 

Cornelius Hedges and his company were behind Bridger's com- 
pany. Hedges recorded their progress. "June 11, Saturday, 1864. 
Wind River (Big Horn) quite a stream. Boat built by Bridger's 
train, buried on other shore. Went to work on boat. 12th. Ferry 
took over two wagons at a time. Horses and cattle swam." 

Which account is correct? Did they build a ferry or a bridge? 
Was the crossing above or below Lucerne? Probably each is cor- 
rect as there were variations in the trail as necessity arose. 

As an old man Stanton recounted the experiences of his train 
with the Indians on this section of the trail. He said that Bridger 
cautioned the men repeatedly to keep a close watch for Indians 
emphasizing that the time to look out for Indians was when there 
were no signs of them. It got to be a camp joke. The men would 
laughingly say, "Well I suppose Bridger will make us another 
speech tonight." 

One day before they reached the Big Horn River a thousand or 
more Indians suddenly rode out of a side canyon and had the 
startled party surrounded in a hurry. No longer was it a joke. 
Major Bridger and a few unarmed men went toward the Indians 
for a talk. The chief, also unarmed, advanced with his braves. 
Suddenly the Indians began to shout "Bridger! Bridger!" and gal- 
loped up to the white men. Fortunately for them the chief was 
Washakie who recognized his old friend. No harm was done but 


the emigrants slept little that night as the Indians celebrated the 
meeting with dances, beating of drums and singing. By morning 
the Indians had disappeared. 

A couple of days later a larger band appeared, this time bringing 
their squaws who had come to see a white woman and her papoose. 
As a token of friendship George's mother gave her sunbonnet to a 
curious squaw. The next time they saw the Indians the chief was 
wearing the bonnet. 

Three weeks later the Indians wiped out an entire wagon train 
on the spot of this happy meeting. Soon the trail was so full of 
gold seekers the Indians gave no more trouble. 

The Bridger Trail afterwards was used by the Government and 
also as a mail road. Many short cuts and changes were made in 
the trail as more direct routes were found or nature made them 

3:30 P.M. After passing through the Kirby Oil fields we traveled 
on an oiled road for fourteen miles until we turned into the Jim 
Skelton ranch (133 M. ) to the site of an old ford across the Big 
Horn River (134 M.). 

By Jim Skelton 

The first record of a route through here was made in 1877 or 
'78, but we know that Jim Bridger crossed the Big Horn somewhere 
in the vicinity. Years ago the river was approximately 150 feet 
farther west of here. Wagon tracks are still visible on the west side 
of the river. Bridger may have crossed there. 

Mr. Earl Enderly, who came over the trail as a young boy in 
1894, has told of seeing some dugouts about a mile and a half 
below the ford. The supposition is that they were used by Bridger 
when trapping for beaver as several caches of traps were found in 
the caves. 

As the river changed, the ford changed, as you can see. In the 
spring of the year freight trains frequently had to camp here thirty 
to forty days before they could cross. In spite of these delays the 
trail and this ford, known by then as Miller Crossing, were used 
until 1914 when a bridge was built by convict labor. It was ded- 
icated December 11, 1914. 

According to Mr. Enderley, Kirby Creek was also a source of 
trouble. Usually it was a flat river with no deep creek beds and 
could be crossed any place, but in the spring or during a flash flood 
it was often almost a mile wide. One stage station at the mouth 
of East Kirby Creek Canyon was called Chimneys, another was 
Larson Corral, located about eight miles up Kirby Creek. 

All freight from Casper was hauled over this trail, and the Yel- 
lowstone Park and other north bound traffic used the Kirby Creek 


route. Most of the wagons going into Thermopolis came down 
Buffalo Creek. 

In 1906 an enterprising farmer brought in the first steam thrash- 
er so all his dubious neighbors came to see it operate. When the 
machine was turned on all of the teams stampeded and no onlook- 
ers were left to watch the operation. 

A long time ago, an old-timer was hauling freight over the trail. 
One day his horses came into the station but no wagon. When the 
folks went to see what had happened they found the wagon turned 
over, two quarts of whisky and the driver unharmed. 

4:00 P.M. After Mr. Skelton exhibited an old gun he had plowed 
up in a nearby field we went to Lucerne, where we turned north on 
the highway which parallels the Big Horn River. The trail follows 
on the west side of the river, below slanting eroded cliffs which rise 
sharply on the east bank. 

5:00 P.M. At 155 M. we turned right on Secondary 2201 and 
proceeded one half mile to the old Neiber Stage Station. 


By Adeline Neiber Murdock 

Dates and places are important in their relation to events in 
history, but it is the event itself that gives history validity. History 
must record pictures of the times and the reaction of the people 
they are recording. We, ourselves, are every day making history 
that in the not too distant future will be intensely interesting to 
those who come after us. 

So it was in the early days when Wyoming was being settled. 
The pioneers were too busy with everyday happenings to be inter- 
ested in leaving a written account of their daily life. These early 
settlers gave little thought to the future, as they were so vitally 
interested in their personal dreams of achievement. 

We have no written records of this early stage stop. The Neibers 
just accepted the fact that they were located midway between 
Thermopolis and Basin City. They simply were there to serve their 
neighbors and friends, or any wayfarer who came along the trail. 
All we know about these early days is what we remember of the 
tales that were told long ago. 

Bernard J. Neiber was an Iowa farm boy, restless in the years 
following the Civil War. Times were hard and wages were low. 
Any boy with ambition turned his eyes to the awakening West, 
knowing if he had the backbone to hang on, he could be the owner 
of "160 acres" somewhere "out West." 

Bernard Neiber tried his hand at farming in Nebraska, timbering 
at Tie Siding, Wyoming, and cowboying around Chugwater and 
Casper. But he always had his eye peeled for that one spot, his 
future homestead. As usual, in this lonely country, he had a 
partner. They spent a year looking for suitable sites for their 


future homes. The partner found his dream had come true in 
Jackson Hole. Bernard Neiber found his at the mouth of Goose- 
berry Creek, on the banks of the Big Horn River. 

Native hay waved in the wind along the creek bottom, and 
smooth fields were found along the river, all easily watered from 
the creek. As you noticed as you traveled along, the breaks along 
the Big Horn are sometimes very close to the banks, so not many 
level fields are found on the west side of the river. Before the 
canals were built, a farmer must plant where he could divert water 
to his crops. 

When Bernard Neiber filed on his homestead in 1895, he was 
not crowded by neighbors. The nearest up Gooseberry were fifty- 
five miles away. A shady character known as Denver Jake was 
living fifteen or twenty miles down the river. The old town of 
Thermopolis was the nearest settlement. 

The first building on the homestead was the familiar western 
dugout. This log-faced, one room shelter was built in a hillside. 
Timber was scarce, so early settlers used what nature provided. 
A few logs, a dirt roof, and you had a snug dirt-walled room. The 
floor was dirt, too, but was soon tramped hard and dustless. These 
shelters were warm in winter and cool in summer. The only 
window, gaily curtained, lightened the room, so really the home- 
steaders were quite comfortable. 

The main ranch house was built about 1901 from logs hauled 
from sixty miles away. Many trips were made up Gooseberry 
Creek for enough logs to build a three-room cabin, a bunk house, 
a barn and corrals. The Neibers had a splendid view and consid- 
ered themselves very fortunate. 

The stage line followed the same road you have just come over. 
Those deep gulches you quickly sped through were a constant 
hazard to the stage drivers. Often the passengers would walk up 
and down, rather than ride through the gullies. 

(The only vehicle I ever heard described as a stage was a large 
buckboard usually with three seats and sometimes with a top. 
Some had storm curtains of a sort, but most stage passengers 
just took their chances with the weather. The stage teams were 
well broken, matched and not given to running away or shying at 
strange objects. The driver was an expert, not only with horses but 
dealing with emergencies and cranky passengers. The coaches 
were anything but comfortable because of dust and heat in the 
summer and mud and snow in the winter. Only the greatest need 
would cause a woman to make a stage trip in winter. Mary Neiber 
came to Wyoming in February of 1901 and did not see another 
woman for three months — quite an experience for a city girl. 

A station stop was reached either at noon, or to spend the night. 
The landlord provided food and beds for passengers and animals 
alike. Women and very important men were cared for in the 
ranch house. The others were bedded down in the bunkhouse or 


the hayloft. The best of hay and grain were provided for the stage 
teams, and good, plain homesteader food for the passengers. The 
charge was small, the accommodations good. 

Let me tell you what life was like at the Neiber Stage Station 
around the turn of the century. The cabin was new and clean, the 
interior was carefully lined with unbleached muslin, calcimined a 
bright blue. This cloth cover prevented dirt from the roof sifting 
down through the rooms. This roof, incidentally, had a flourishing 
crop of cactus and sunflowers each summer. 

The furniture was simple, home-made and sturdy, often consist- 
ing of boxes and crates, usually curtained with gay, flowered calico. 
The Neibers had a carpet on their floor, something not often found 
on a homestead. 

Their baby daughter slept in a wicker clothes basket, swung on 
chains across the corner of the room. She was seldom allowed 
outside alone. There was the ever present threat of rattlesnakes 
and red ants. The ranch dog took care of the snakes but could do 
little about the ants! 

Food at the stage stop was plain and wholesome. Staples were 
freighted in from Bridger or Billings, Montana. They were often 
without some item, such as coffee, and had to make do with 
parched grain. Careful plans were made several times a year to lay 
in ample supplies of dry groceries and such. Flour was one of the 
important items, of course, as were sugar, dried fruit and canned 
milk. The Neibers kept a cow, but no rancher was ever without 
milk in a can. 

May 1 describe a typical ranch meal? "Distance lends enchant- 
ment," but these pioneer dinners have been described as the most 
appetizing in the West. Fried rabbit, as good as any chicken, 
fresh pan-fried potatoes, and hot baking powder biscuits, followed 
by plain cake and stewed dried fruit. Often the only vegetable 
was tomatoes or sometimes canned corn. This menu was repeated 
countless times on the frontier and each time was enjoyed to the 
utmost. In a land where fresh eggs and vegetables were scarce 
people were satisfied with what they could have. 

People were important to the stage station and strangers were 
welcomed at the door as old friends. Sometimes names were never 
exchanged, but service was the same to everyone. Of course the 
Neibers had their favorites. Among these were the missionaries. 
Rev. L. C. Thompson, the pioneer Methodist preacher, and J. M. 
Jones, the book-loving, quiet Welchman, who was the builder of 
the first Baptist churches in the Big Horn Basin. Not the least of 
these early missionaries were the priests from St. Stephens, who 
walked through the Basin every couple of years on their way to the 
Indian Missions in Montana. They always said Mass for the 
Neibers then went on their way down the dusty trail in their long 
black robes. 

Others, too, I remember hearing about were law officers, pursu- 


ing an outlaw or horse thief. Once they fed and housed Tom 
O'Day, a member of the "Hole in the Wall" gang. He was neat 
and well dressed, very polite and securely hand-cuffed! It is not 
too surprising to know that the important ones — the judge from 
Sheridan, a United States senator, even the governor — received the 
same accommodations and care as the unknown cowboys. 

Honesty was the best policy in those early days, too. The 
Neibers were sometimes away, but always left the door open. The 
stage passengers just helped themselves, did the dishes and left 
their meal money in a tomato can on the mantel. Once a horse was 
stolen while they were gone. It was tracked to the Owl Creek 
Valley, and from there the outlaw had escaped over the mountain 
into Jackson Hole. It was a major loss, of course, but it could 
have been worse. He might have taken the other one of the 
team, too. 

The first thing youngsters wonder about as they study life on 
pioneer ranches is, "What about the Indians?" The Neibers saw 
them every summer, as they trekked north to visit their friends, the 
Crows, in Montana. They were usually gone all summer, hunting 
and gathering and drying wild berries, coming back to their own 
agency before the snow. Some of them came through in old 
rattling buckboards, driving scrawny little Indian ponies. They 
carried permits and the Neibers were required to sign them if they 
stayed overnight. 

Almost always though, they came in a group, riding or walking 
with their belongings in old wagons or on travois. They always 
had plenty of dogs along. We never knew if they really ate them 
or not. Their favorite camp ground was in the grassy bottom land 
just where you crossed Gooseberry Creek. They often stayed 
several days, visiting and resting up for the long pull ahead. 

Each morning at sunrise, they held a religious ceremony on top 
of that high hill you passed at the junction of the highway. There 
is an early day Indian grave up there. The Neibers did not know 
if this was a chiefs grave or not. Many thoughtless people have 
suggested that the stones be lifted and the trinkets buried there be 
removed, but the family would never permit such desecration of a 

The Indian encampment was a busy place with barking dogs, 
playing papooses and squaws at their work. The men were very 
friendly and often traded moccasins and beads for fresh bread and 
pie with Mary Neiber. We have a number of these articles among 
our family treasures to this day. 

Any men at the ranch always went to visit the camp in the 
evening to smoke the peace pipe with the bucks. Several times 
grandsons of Chief Washakie were with the tribe. Everyone en- 
joyed these visits, and they continued every year until the auto- 
mobile and good roads sped them on their way. 

Time went quickly in the new country. More and more movers 


and settlers came by each summer. Most of these were hauhng 
their goods in big camp wagons. The Mormons, on their way to 
the Burlington country and on to Lovell, passed by the dozen. 
They were almost home and seldom stopped at the Neiber Ranch. 

The canals were being built and the precious water almost ready 
to flow. By 1904 the Bluff Canal crossed the Neiber's land and 
new neighbors were homesteading on every side of them. The 
good news was that the railroad was on its way. The stage station 
had been established some ten or twelve years when the tracks of 
the C B & Q were laid across the ranch. Trains, canals, neighbors 
and water all had arrived. Their dreams were coming true. 

Tragedy over took the Neiber family in 1906. Mary had gone 
"back East" to await the birth of her child. The\ had had typical 
homesteaders' luck with their babies — two little boys were buried 
on the hill above the Indian grave, and their daughter was born 
while the mother was alone on the ranch. So, Mary had gone back 
home where she could have proper care. While she was away 
Bernard Neiber fell dead while working on top of a haystack on a 
hot July day. He too is buried in the graveyard upon that high hill 
you have just passed. If you look closely you can see the sixty- 
year-old cross still standing. 

Mary Neiber continued to live on the ranch, and when the first 
train came in 1907. she was appointed Post Mistress of the little 
community of Neiber. The buildings are all gone now. Nothing 
remains of the past except these few logs. Now nice farms spread 
up and down the river valley, and along Gooseberry Creek too. 

This was never the location for the big outfit, or the large ranch 
spread, or a fancy cow ranch. Our neighbors were farmers, using 
the land and water they had toiled so long to acquire to improve 
their hay and grain crops and to feed their small herds. 

The past remains only in the memories of the few old timers left 
in our midst. Those of us who remember their tales and have read 
their stories are indeed fortunate to have known these hardy 
pioneers. Most of us have seen many changes in the past years. 
The trains never stop now, the mail comes from Worland, where 
the children are bussed to school. Most of all, the highway has 
changed time and again. But, believe it or not, the present road 
follows closely the original tracks. Of one thing I am certain^ — 
not very many of us realized that we lived alontz "The Jim Brideer 

5:30 P.M. Everyone hated to have this heart-warming story end, 
but it was time to go on to Worland (164 M. ) After we crossed 
1 5 Mile Creek we saw a marker which gave the location of Worland 
before the town was moved across the river. The inscription read: 

To all pioneers and in memory of C. H. "Dad" Worland for whom 
town named. He erected the stage station on the old Bridger Trail 
about 100 yards north of here. That spot was the original townsite 
established 1884. Town moved across river 1906. 


6:45 P. M. Mrs. Hattie Burnstad, the competent president of the 
Washakie County Historical Society, had arranged a dinner at the 
Washakie Hotel. The tables were attractive with wild flowers and 
small American flags as favors. 

Mrs. Pearl Marsh said grace and led the pledge to the flag. 
Mrs. Burnstad welcomed the guests and introduced Miss Carley 
who in turn introduced the officers of the trek. Guest speaker was 
Mr. Hugh Knoefel, publisher of the Northern Wyoming Daily 
News, who gave a most interesting account of Bates' Battle which 
occurred near a portion of the Jim Bridger Trail which the travelers 
had covered. Using a map prepared by the United States Geo- 
physical Survey office, a slide of the battle ground area, and an 
actual report of Captain Bates, Mr. Knoefel presented a clear 
description of the battle which occurred on July 4, 1874, ninety- 
two years ago. 

By Hugh Knoefel 

Lengthening shadows cast by Table Mountain in a setting sun 
crept toward Camp Brown, Wyoming Territory, located on the 
Popo Agie river where the City of Lander now stands, as 33-year- 
old Captain Alfred Elliott Bates, commanding a blue-clad U.S. 
Cavalry troop of 63 men, gave an order to "mount up." The date 
was July 1, 1874; the time, 8 p.m. Purpose of the expedition 
about to leave was to punish a band of Indians who had been com- 
mitting depredations in the Wind River and neighboring valleys. 

Company B, 2nd U.S. Cavalry, was accompanied by 167 Sho- 
shone Indians under command of Chief Washakie, and 20 Sho- 
shone scouts under command of Lieutenant R. H. Young, 4th 

Traveling down Little Wind river, the expedition made camp 
before daybreak about three miles below its mouth. They were 
3 1 miles from the post. 

After remaining concealed throughout the following day, July 
2nd, the command left again at 8:30 p.m. After a rapid march of 
45 miles to the east and a little north, camp the second day was 
made on Badwater creek, somewhere near the present location of 
Lysite. It was now the morning of July 3. Again the troops and 
their Indian allies remained concealed throughout the day. That 
evening after breaking camp the cavalrymen resumed march at 
8 o'clock. 

Shoshone scouts had informed the commanding officer of Camp 
Brown that the hostile Indian band could be reached in two-days' 
march — an estimated distance of 80 miles. As the crow flies, that 
was very nearly correct. But the route taken by the expedition 
was circuitous and somewhat farther. 

Undoubtedly there was some excitement — perhaps trepidation — 


among the young captain and his men. For all must have realized 
somewhere near in the gathering darkness, their hostile Indian 
enemies were camped. At least information conveyed by the 
friendly Indian scouts so indicated. 

Moving north and east. Bates" command approached the eastern 
extension of the Owl Creek Mountains where they meet the south- 
western tip of the Big Horn Mountain range. Route of the com- 
mand probably proceeded up Bridger Creek to a point where it 
intersects Cottonwood Creek. It is reasonable to assume Bates 
led his troop from that point up Cottonwood, across Davis Pass, 
to the high plateau where his course turned to the northwest. 

Quoting from Bates" official report, he said, "After about 32 
miles march the trail led into beautiful country on the north side 
of the mountains covered with a very luxuriant growth of grass and 
well-watered with small springs which discharged their water to the 
north. Our course then turned to the west and north, in which 
direction we moved, until we found the village after a march of 
40 miles."" 

Dawn of July 4th had begun to break when the expedition found 
two stray ponies. With this discovery they knew hostile Indians 
were camped in the immediate vicinity. 

However, either the village had been moved or Bates" scouts 
missed it in the dark. Slowing his march, the captain ordered 
scouts to search for the camp, thus losing about three-quarters of 
an hour of valuable time. 

Now it had become so light the command had begun to move 
into a ravine for day concealment when Bates" scouts returned with 
information the hostiles had been located in a deep ravine about a 
mile and a half away, near where the two stray ponies had been 

Quoting Captain Bates" official report, he said, "Upon receiving 
the information the Shoshonees set up the most infernal yelling and 
shouting I ever heard from which they did not desist until the fight 
had commenced."" 

Turning his command about, the expedition reversed its course 
and moved easterly in direction of the village. 

About half way. Bates halted the troops and rode forward to 
reconnoiter. The village consisted of 112 lodges in a deep ravine 
formed by Dead Indian Creek where it is intersected at right angles 
by Bates Creek. As the troops approached camp, the captain 
observed a sandstone bluff to his left, some 400 feet above the 
village. Large masses of rock had broken loose from the rimrock 
and tumbled down the slope. 

Although Bates realized it would be advantageous to occupy the 
heights above the village, time thus taken would permit the hostiles 
to be thoroughly aroused. After telling the Shoshones to follow his 
troopers down into the position of the village, the command was 


moved forward and halted about 500 yards to the rear of the 

A charge was begun with 35 men. The balance of his command 
was left behind to hold pack animals and lead horses. 

Captain Bates' report continues, "The village (hostile) was by 
this time aroused and some of the Indians were cutting loose their 
horses and others preparing to fight. I found upon getting down 
into it that it was divided nearly through the center by a gully 
washed out of the center of the ravine which was about fifteen feet 
wide and ten or twelve deep. In this a great number of Indians had 
placed themselves and from it they opened a sharp fire on us as we 
approached, but fortunately without damage. 

"We quickly drove them down through this gully where they 
were crowded so closely together near the lower end that we had a 
splendid chance at them, and counted afterwards, seventeen dead 
almost in one pile." 

The troopers' attack didn't last long, for in 20 minutes, not to 
exceed 30, not an Indian remained in the village except the dead 
and numbers of children left in the lodges. 

At this time those hostiles who had escaped made their way 
behind rocks on the sandstone butte above camp where they 
opened fire on the troopers in the village below. Two cavalrymen 
were killed and three wounded in a very few minutes. 

Some Indian ponies were driven back up the ravine from the 
direction of the charging troopers; some fled out of the lower end 
of the ravine; while others were driven up the steep slope of the 
sandstone butte with retreating hostiles. 

Ammunition nearly exhausted and having nothing further to do 
in the village. Bates withdrew the troopers, sent for their horses, 
and then returned to the bluff above the battle site to view the 
situation below. 

Wounded were evacuated to the bluff. It was then Bates learned 
Lieutenant Young had been injured on the opposite side of the 
height below the rocks where hostiles lay concealed. Leaving 
Young in the bottom of the ravine in care of the surgeon, Bates 
then decided he would try to take the sandstone butte, thus giving 
the cavalry command of the village below. 

But upon riding toward the bluff top, he discovered Chief Wash- 
akie already there, together with a few Shoshones. And he also 
learned the Indians whom he had attacked had saved about half 
their pony herd. 

The hostiles now had a signal smoke going up from the point of 
the bluff. He was fearful they were seeking aid from other Indians. 
Estimating it would cost him another 10 men killed or wounded to 
take the position which was defended by both bucks and squaws — 
and he couldn't afford to lose another man or round of ammunition 
— he withdrew the command and abandoned the village without 
destroying it. 


According to Bates" report, it was then 8 o'clock, the morning of 
July 4. 

Casualties among the troopers were Privates James M. Walker 
and Peter F. Engell, killed; Lieutenant Young, shot through the 
thigh with the wound considered serious; Privates French, left eye 
shot out; Gable, flesh wound in an arm; and Pierson. flesh wound 
in a hand. Shoshone allies under command of Chief Washakie had 
two braves killed and two wounded. 

Of the hostiles. Bates reported 25 known dead. And he esti- 
mated the usual proportion of four wounded to each killed, bring- 
ing the total of wounded to 100. 

Seventeen of the dead were counted in the narrow gully which 
ran through their village. The others were left in other areas of 
the village and some on the side of the sandstone bluff. Bates 
stated that Lieutenant Young and some of the Indian allies were 
remarkable shots. Because of this he felt there were many more 
killed inasmuch as the range varried from 10 feet to 100 yards. 

Captain Bates was extremely critical of his Shoshone allies, 
claiming they deserted him in the fight. However, he compli- 
mented Chief Washakie and 40 or 50 older braves under the chief's 
conmiand. Others of the Shoshones strayed from two to three 
thousand yards in the rear. Bates claimed, and drove off many of 
the hostiles" pony herd, instead of participating in the fight. 

It is interesting to note the infantry captain commanding Camp 
Brown, whose name is indecipherable in his report, gently chided 
Bates for not having gained decisive success. 

Quoting the commanding officer's report, he said, "Capt. Bates, 
in my opinion, expected altogether too much assistance from his 
Indian allies, oblivious to the fact that Indians almost never do 
more than skirmish, and are entirely opposed by education and 
habit to carrying positions by bold attack. 

"Capt. Bates and his whole command appear to have behaved 
with great gallantry; and with a little more care in the manner of 
attack would have achieved a complete victory." 


GUIDES: Dick Eklund, Mike Riley, Earl Hensley, Cash Kelley 

7:30 A.M. A rousing command, "Let "er Roll," by Wagon Boss 
Henderson started the trekkers for another day on the trail. By 
taking Secondary 2202 we passed through the Big Horn Basin 
which is fertile and green between the canal and the river. The 
trail is between the road and the river. Twenty-five mile of bad- 
lands lie between the river and the Big Horn Mountains. 

At Manderson (181 M. ) the trail angles off south of Otto 
(204 M. ) but we proceeded on the highway to Basin, then contin- 
ued left to Otto and right to Burlington (214 M.). 


9:00 A. M. We arrived at the ranch home of Mrs. Merle Johnson, 
president of Big Horn County Historical Society, where we enjoyed 
real western hospitality and sour dough pancakes, homemade 
chokecherry syrup, scrambled eggs, coffee and juice after a prayer 
by Ferrel Riley. Members of the Chapter from Lovell, Greybull, 
Basin and most of the people of Burlington had come to greet us. 
While sitting on the big shady lawn it was pleasant listening to two 
fine papers. 


As related by Mike Riley of Burlington, Wyoming, to 
Mrs. Ferrel Riley 

Many changes have come to this area since I first arrived here 
in early June of 1893 as a five year old member of a wagon train 
seeking a home in the gloriously reported Big Horn Basin. We 
spent the first year encamped in a bend of the Greybull River 
known even today as Mormon Bend because our group was made 
up mostly of people of the L. D. S. faith. 

When we moved out onto the Burlington Flat and took up our 
farms, few people were in the surrounding area except scattered 
ranchers. It was from these ranchers, men such as Cicero Avant 
and Sam Launchberry, that we learned the names of Bridger Butte, 
Sweet Betsy, the Bridger Trail and others. Yes, many changes 
have come, one of which is the highway which connects the towns 
of the Big Horn Basin. When I was a young man, I traveled to 
Thermopolis many times on my horse by way of the road known 
commonly as the Bridger Trail. 

The trail came from Thermopolis on the west side of the Big 
Horn River to the town of Manderson. It then cut across through 
the hills to the point between Basin and Otto where presently is 
located the farm of K. Shimogaki. From here, the trail continued 
up the south side of the Greybull River to the Joe Brown place 
which is currently owned by Ira Mcintosh. There was a wide ford 
here in early days where the trail crossed to the other side of the 
river. It continued up the north side of the river to about the east 
end of the old Avant place, where it turned north and continued 
directly northerly past the place where the old Barrows Store was 
located. On across Germania Bench (known today as Emblem 
Bench ) , it continued past the old shearing pens which can be seen 
from the Cody-Emblem Highway and across Dry Creek. It runs 
from the creek up past the west end of Bridger Butte, an outstand- 
ing landmark visible from the highway, and on up to the divide 
between Coon Creek and Dry Creek about five or six miles from 
the crossing. From here it continued down over Sweet Betsy Hill, 
and it was along this established route that sheep men traveled out 
to the Sweet Betsy range. 

It was on the steep trip down Sweet Betsy, so the old cattle men 


told me, that the two squaws who accompanied Bridger through 
this country refused to ride. They got off and walked to the bot- 
tom. The two squaws were reportedly called "Daniel-Eyes" and 
"Blast-Your-Hide" as I understood them; however, it could have 
been "Bless-Your-Hide." 

Once again Bridger sought out the river route evident so far in 
his journey through this area. From Sweet Betsy the trail contin- 
ued over to the Stinking Water (Shoshoni River) where Fve been 
told it followed the north side of this river in a westerly direction 
up to Eagle's Nest which is located southwest of Ralston and was 
the home of old Sam Launchberry who related much of the history 
and who ran a road ranch or way station for travelers along the 
road. Here also was located a big spring. The trail then turned 
north to Pole Cat Bench north of Powell. It followed down Pole 
Cat Bench northeasterly to an alkali spring, then on down the 
bench, still northeasterly, to the old townsite of Bridger, Montana, 
which was located where the coal mines were. The houses at 
Bridger in early days were built very close to this trail. Two wag- 
ons could barely pass in town. If one wanted to turn an outfit 
around, he had to drive through town to the open spaces at the 
ends of the single street to do so. 


Ella Yorgason, of Burlington, displayed several maps which she 
described in relation to the Bridger Trail. She pointed out the 
points of special interest to the trekkers. The maps she showed 
were the Raynolds-Maynadier Expedition; Territory of Montana 
with Portions of the Adjoining Territories; History and Romance 
of Wyoming, by Hebard and Paine and two maps of her own which 
she had prepared of the Bridger Trail along the Greybull River 
and in the Big Horn Basin. 

10:30 A.M. After buying sour dough starters most of the trekkers 
left for home. Five cars departed from the Johnson home to finish 
the trail to the state line at FYannie. Mr. and Mrs. Earl Hensley 
were the guides. At the first stop, we enjoyed a marvelous view of 
Bridger Butte and Sweet Betsy Hill. Several miles later we turned 
off the county road onto a trail used by sheepmen which led to a 
high promontory from which we had an excellent view of the trail 
as it crossed the prairie and disappeared into a grove of trees. One 
reason for the clarity of the trail was that the sheepmen, like Jim 
Bridger, found this the easiest route to travel. We followed near 
the trail as we traveled north to Garland and then to Frannie 

When we stopped at Frannie to disband, Mr. and Mrs. Cash 
Kelley felt that our trip would not be complete unless we followed 
the trail to its logical end at Bridger, Montana. Three cars fol- 



lowed the Kelleys to Bridger where we had a late lunch and dis- 
banded at 4:00 P.M. 



Mrs. R. E. Belton 
K. Warren Brome 
Geo. H. Hoffman 
Arthur lohnson 
Lylas Skovgard 


Mabel Davidson 

Mr. and Mrs. Vaughn Hodson 

Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Johnson 

Mr. and Mrs. Merle Johnson 

Ferrel W. Riley 

Mr. and Mrs. M. C. Riley 

Ella Yorgason 


Lynda S. Anderson 

Ed Arlies 

Mr. and Mrs. William Bretey 

Helen Bryant 

Mr. and Mrs. A. M. Burton 

Ed Bille 

Mrs. Mary L. Corbin 

Mr. and Mrs. I. L. Davenport 

Dick Eklund 

Jessie Fanning 

Martha Foster 

Kathleen Hemry 

Mr. and Mrs. Henry Jensen 

Mr. and Mrs. Bert Jones 

Bill Judge and sons 

Irene Patterson 

Edness Kimball Wilkins 

Maureen Young 

Mr. and Mrs. Louie Strohecker 

Mr. and Mrs. Percy Scott 


Rosalind Bealey 

Mr. and Mrs. James Boan & Kelley 

Mr. and Mrs. Rolla Bray 

Winifred S. Bergren 

Maurine Carley 

Jane H. Houston 

Mary M. Hutchison 

Eleanor Thompson 

Meda Walker 

Grant Willson 


Lyle Hildebrand 

Mr. and Mrs. J. H. Stevens 


Mr. and Mrs. A. E. Garinger 


Jonathan Davis 


Mr. and Mrs. R. B. Cheatham 

Mr. and Mrs. Jonathan Davis 

Mr. and Mrs. Cash Kelley 


J. Herold Day 

Lorraine Metzler 


Betty M. Sager 


Mrs. Earl Hensley 

David C. Cass 
Deborah B. Chastain 
Suzanne Gast 


Paul Henderson 

Jim Skelton 


Mr. and Mrs. Glenn Hartzler 
Mr. and Mrs. Warren Russell 


Mrs. Hattie Burnstad 

Winifred Dunn 

Mr. and Mrs. S. E. Glass 

Mrs. Fred Greet 

Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Knoefel 

Mrs. Elmer Miller 

Mrs. Harold Miller 

Adeline L. Murdock 

Mrs. Edward Schmeltzer 

Mrs. Rosa St. Clair 

Mrs. Harry Taylor 


Ruth Brigham Bartelson, Bouve, Md. 
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Black, 

Tabernash, Colo. 
Mr. and Mrs. H. N. Brigham, 

Provo, S. D. 
Barbara Hicks, Bouve, Md. 
Pierre La Bonte, Buzzards Bay, 

Raymond O'Brien, Reading, Mass. 
J. H. Langhafer, Denver, Colo. 

Wyoming State Mis tor lea I Society 


Glenn Sweem 

"Where the west begins, where the west remains and where the 
west is" — this is Wyoming, one of the most glamorous and historic 
places envisioned in the minds of youth and man. From the time 
he played "Cowboy and Indian,"" man has had the desire to tread 
the historic ground where the west was won and to relive in his own 
mind the romance of the cowboy, Indian, soldier, trapper, trader, 
miner, scout, outlaw, bandit and what have you, that he imagined 
himself in his games as a child. Today this man, as a tourist, 
comes to Wyoming to see the actual places that he read about, 
heard about and saw in the movies, on radio and television, but, 
with few exceptions, what does he find to guide him to these his- 
toric places? Maybe a name on the highway map and at best a 
marker or monument beside the highway describing an event or 
location, but little preservation or restoration where he can see, 
touch and relive the actual bit of history. 

Not being critical of what hasn't been done, 1 envision what can 
be done by the members and chapters of the Wyoming State His- 
torical Society to make our history and heritage a living thing that 
can be seen and enjoyed b\ the rest of the world as they visit and 
tour our beautiful state. We can develop our tourist industry into 
the main and most profitable business in Wyoming if we all work 
toward preserving what is left of the old west and restoring that 
which has fallen to decay or to the thoughtlessness of the bulldozer. 

Wyoming highways are some of the best in the nation, but they 
are also a detriment to our economy as they act as a bridge across 
our state which carries the tourist from border to border in a few 
short hours and provides him no opportunity to stop and visit our 
communities and to see and know of our heritage through our local 
museums and developed historical sites. 

"Tourist traps" are ugly words and I hope no visitor to Wyoming 
will ever feel entitled to describe any of our historical developments 
by this phrase, but it is descriptive of what we have to institute to 
get our visitors off the highways to see more of Wyoming than just 
Yellowstone Park. Authentic reconstruction, preservation and 
true interpretation of our historical sites will endear us in the minds 
of all, whether they be historians, students, educators, or sight- 
seers or tourists. 


The Wyoming State Historical Society has been unique com- 
pared to other historical groups around the country, in that we had 
no department in which to accept financial support from private 
and business foundations, up until now. In the past, nearly all the 
funds for restorations had to be acquired through appropriations 
from the State Legislature, which hasn't proved very lucrative. 
Now we have set up a Wyoming Historical Foundation, the pur- 
pose of which is to accept financial support from individuals, pro- 
fessional organizations, business corporations and foundations to 
supplement public funds, which can be used by the society to 
acquire, preserve and restore the many places which can be an 
asset to our society, state and community. 

In closing, may I say that we are now a mature Historical 
Society — we have the membership, the organization, the means to 
acquire funds for our work, and the places to apply our talents, so 
it is up to each of us to promote our work and ideals in a way 
which is best for our state, society, community and individual. 

Riverton, Wyoming September 10-11, 1966 

As the members of the Wyoming State Historical Society reg- 
istered in the Hospitality Room of the First Guaranty Savings and 
Loan building in Riverton, on Friday evening, September 9, they 
greeted old friends. Members of the Fremont County Chapter pre- 
sented a lively skit, "Esther Morris Tea Party." Neal Miller, exec- 
utive secretary of the State Society, showed a series of slides pro- 
vided by the National Trust for Historic Preservation. Mrs. Kath- 
erine Halverson read a narrative accompanying the slides. 

The thirteenth annual business meeting of the Wyoming State 
Historical Society was called to order on September 10, at 9:30 
a.m. by the president, Mrs. Violet Hord. One hundred and five 
persons were registered for the meeting. 

After the Pledge of Allegiance led by Mrs. Ora Seipt, Reverend 
John W. Johnson gave the invocation. The mayor of Riverton, 
A. L. Good, welcomed the group. 

Mr. Miller announced that a special room containing rare books 
and Wyoming authors' manuscripts will be set aside in the State 
Archives and Historical Department in Cheyenne in honor of Miss 
Lola M. Homsher, for many years department director and Society 
executive secretary. A plaque will be placed on the door com- 
memorating her active interest in the Society and service to the 

A moment of silence was observed in honor of members who 
have passed away this past year. 

The president appointed the following to the Auditing Com- 
mittee: Robert Murray, Mrs. Alice Stevens, Mrs. Cecil Lucas. 


She also asked Mrs. Hattie Burnstad. Mrs. Dudley Hayden. Wil- 
liam Martin and Miss Marguerite Martin to count the annual 
election ballots. 

Mrs. Claude Blakeslee moved that the minutes of the Twelfth 
Annual Meeting be accepted as published and not read. The 
motion was seconded and carried. 

The Secretary read pertinent sections of the two Executive Com- 
mittee meetings held since the last annual meeting. Miss Clarice 
Whittenburg moved that the minutes be approved as read. The 
motion was seconded and carried. 

The Treasurer gave the following report: 


1964/1965 1965/1966 

55 Life Members 56 Life Members 

1140 Annual Members 1168 Annual Members 

1195 Total 1224 Total 


September II. 1965 - September 10. 1966 

Cash and investments on h; 

ind September 1 

11. 1965 





Hunton Diaries 


Cheyenne Sun 






Life member 


Check to Lola Homsher 

for book 




$ 4.766.17 


Annals of Wyoming 


Twelfth Annual Meeting 








Bond & Sec. of State Tax 


Historic Trek 


Officers' Expenses 


Secretary Allowance 


Standing Committees 







Junior Historians 


Hunton Diaries 


American Association for State & Local 



Check to Lola Homsher 

for book 


Refund to Coimties for d 







September 10, 1966 

First National & Trust Co., Cheyenne $1,559.39 

Federal Building and Loan, Cheyenne 9,837.72 

Federal Building and Loan, Life Members 3,655.41 

Federal Building and Loan, Bishop Fund 319.33 

Cheyenne Federal Savings & Loan, Cheyenne 1.360.94 

TOTAL $16,732.79 

*Sent to the State Society in error. 

Glenn Sweem moved that the Treasurer's report be placed on 
file for audit. 

The President stated that she made an official visit to each of the 
1 7 county chapters and had enjoyed each visit. 

A letter of greeting from Governor Clifford P. Hansen was read. 


PROJECTS: Mr. Sweem reported that a committee has been 
appointed in Sheridan and Johnson Counties to organize a Fort 
Phil Kearny Restoration Society. Robert Murray, historian at 
Fort Laramie National Historic Site, has been asked to act as an 
advisor to direct this organization in its endeavor to mark the 
boundaries of the old fort site and to eventually restore this fa- 
mous fort to its 1 868 status. 

The Reynolds Aluminum Corporation, which holds an option on 
the land on which most of the fort is located, has indicated it will 
be most cooperative with the Historical Society. 

GRANT IN AID: Mrs. Dorothy Milek, the recipient of the 
last Grant-in-Aid award, was introduced. She is writing "Bah Gue 
Wana, 'Smoking Water' ", a history of Hot Springs State Park. 

SCHOLARSHIP: Dr. T. A. Larson reported that William 
Barnhart is still working on the history of Carbon County and 
Glenn Burkes is continuing his work on the history of Teton 

LEGISLATIVE: William Mclnerney explained that the state 
is contemplating acquiring the Consistory Building for the State 
Archives and Historical Department and State Museum in Chey- 

FOUNDATION FUND: Ed Bille reported on the progress of 
the Foundation Fund. Legal groundwork is being developed. 
Orrin Bonney moved that the action taken so far by the Executive 
Committee on the Foundation Fund be accepted and that the 
Foundation Fund Committee be authorized to proceed with in- 

EXECUTIVE SECRETARY: "It is probably well at this time 
to review the relationship between the Wyoming State Archives 


and Historical Department and the Wyoming State Historical 

The 1953 Session Laws of Wyoming, Chapter 143, set forth the 
responsibilities and duties of the State Library, Archives and His- 
torical Board and the duties of the Director of the Archives and 
Historical Department. Section 1 3 states that it shall be the duty 
of the Director (among many other duties) to promote the found- 
ing and development of a State Historical Society and of county 
historical societies. 

"The Wyoming State Historical Society as it is now constituted 
was organized in 1953 under the direction of Miss Lola Homsher — 
it now has 17 Chapters in as many counties and the membership is 
higher than it has ever been: 1224. Thirty-six states other than 
Wyoming, many of the provinces of Canada, and a half dozen 
foreign countries are represented in the membership. 

"State law permits the County Commissioners of each county to 
appoint a three-member museum board, to set aside county funds 
for the operation and maintenance of a county museum. This 
several of our counties have done. The county historical society 
chapter which has a county museum with which to work is most 
fortunate; a duly constituted board with legal responsibilities for 
historical materials encourages much of the work to which we are 

"The mutual obligations between the Society and the Archives 
and Historical Department are many: We have for years received 
materials from residents both within and without the State for the 
various state museums, under the Department's jurisdiction. We 
still solicit every type of historical material available including 
photographs, diaries, business ledgers and papers, maps, letters, 
posters, and all types of museum materials. All of the state's news- 
papers are received as they are published and placed on microfilm. 
As a result our Historical Division has vast resources of published 
and unpublished material to aid researchers. The Archives Divi- 
sion materials are open to properly accredited researchers in many 
governmental files. The Museums Division is developing study 
collections for the use of historical researchers. 

"The department has for years subsidized the Society by supply- 
ing at cost the Annals of Wyoming to members; the History News 
is furnished at no cost to the Society except postage. Department 
funds pay the staff members who compile, publish, and distribute 
these publications; department funds pay for mailing envelopes. 
Annals postage, and the time of the executive secretary and other 
staff members devoted to Society business; the department under- 
writes a portion of the annual trek costs. The department no 
longer pays for historical signs or their placement but we are 
charged by law with researching the content of historical signs so 
that they may be uniformly authentic and accurate in their message. 
In short, the department needs every member of the Wyoming State 


Historical Society and in turn we try to provide the best possible 
professional help to the Society and its membership as well as to 
all others who call upon us for help. 

"Through your tax dollars the department is a very real exten- 
sion of you and your interests in preserving Wyoming's historical 

"In recent years it has become more and more apparent that we 
have outgrown our quarters in Cheyenne. Working conditions 
have become more and more trying — we dare not discontinue our 
constant search for and acceptance of materials for to do so is to 
lose this priceless material. Should the opportunity come before 
you to support the movement for better quarters for the State 
Archives and Historical Department we urge you to give it every 

"Our cause is your cause. We are developing, preserving, and 
promoting the history of oil of Wyoming." 

Robert Murray invited the members to visit the Post Surgeon's 
quarters at Fort Laramie National Historic Site. The quarters have 
recently been furnished in the style of the 1880's and are open to 
the public. 

Paul Henderson gave an interesting account of the Bridger Trail 
Trek which the Society and the Archives and Historical Department 
co-sponsored this past summer. He said these treks are a valuable 
means of collecting local history which might otherwise be lost. 
Ninety-eight people enjoyed the trek. He suggested that the next 
trek be from Point of Rocks to Fort Washakie. 

Mrs. Edness Kimball Wilkins gave an interesting story of the 
background of South Pass City which was settled by gold seekers 
in 1867. The Astorians, Mormons, and many emigrants had 
passed through there before that. It is now a ghost town but there 
are priceless items in the old buildings. Mrs. Alice Messick, chair- 
man of Wyoming's 75th Anniversary Commission, has organized a 
non-profit corporation called the 75th Anniversary Commission, 
Inc., which bought the site for $25,000. They can not turn this 
over to the state until the legislature is willing to accept the gift and 
provide for its continued maintenance. Mrs. Messick then invited 
the members to visit South Pass City on Sunday morning. 

William Dubois invited the Society to hold its Fourteenth Annual 
Meeting in Cheyenne in 1967. Mr. Burton Hill moved that the 
invitation be accepted. The motion was seconded and carried. 

Dudley Hayden invited the Society to hold its Fifteenth Annual 
Meeting in Jackson in 1968. Dr. T. A. Larson moved that the 
invitation be tabled because Chapters along the Union Pacific might 
like to issue invitations since they will be celebrating their centen- 
nial anniversaries. The motion passed by a close vote. 

Mr. Sweem asked "What is a Chapter's status in accepting tax- 
free gifts?" Mr. Miller explained that an Internal Revenue evalua- 
tion is now being made for each chapter. It is not advisable to 


promise a donor that he will have tax exemption unless the receiv- 
ing organization has an Internal Revenue Service ruling concerning 
the situation. 

The Treasurer announced that she had many membership 
pinettes for sale and a few Hunton Diaries. 

The Auditing Committee reported that the books were in excel- 
lent condition and all balances were correct. 


At 1 :45 p.m. the meeting was again called to order by the 

Mrs. Wilkins said that the Indians are interested in having a 
statue of Sacajawea placed in Wyoming. No solution was present- 
ed to the problem at this time. 

CHAPTER REPORTS: Mrs. Hattie Burnstad, president of the 
Washakie County Chapter, acted as chairman of a panel composed 
of presidents or representatives of 14 of the other 16 county chap- 
ters. Complete reports are filed in the Society archives. Only 
highlights are given here. 

Albany County (read by Clarice Whittenburg ) "Best Sellers in 
1903" (the year the Laramie Library was built) were reviewed. 
Chapter president, Mrs. Alice Stevens, was chosen the outstanding 
citizen of Laramie in 1966. 

Big Horn County - Members entertained the Bridger Trail trek- 
kers at an old-fashioned western breakfast at the home of their 
president, Mrs. Wilma Johnson. Everyone enjoyed their hos- 

Campbell County (read by Mrs. Cecil Lucas) The chapter has 
collected pictures of pioneers to place in their proposed court 
house. Cook books written by White Eagle have been sold. 

Carbon County (read by Mrs. Walter Lambertsen) The group 
displayed antique bottles the collecting of which has become a new 
interest. The chapter now owns the portable food equipment 
which has helped make several treks very successful. They donated 
$50 toward the Encampment Museum. 

Fremont County (read by William Martin) Members have 
been very busy preparing for the 13th annual meeting. They have 
collected histories of several pioneer families. 

Goshen County (read by Curtiss Root) Richard L. Holder, 
superintendent of the Scottsbluff National Monument, showed col- 
ored slides of national parks of the west. The slides were shown to 
the accompaniment of a tape recording of "Songs of the Forest 
Ranger," produced by Walt Disney and composed by Stan Jones, 
a former ranger, and composer of "Ghost Riders in the Sky." 

Johnson County (read by Reverend Stuart Frazier) The Chap- 
ter has taken tape recordings of all their programs. They have 


located the site of the Moreton Frewen Castle and a small medicine 

Laramie County (read by William Dubois) The Chapter has 
compiled a bibliography of books in the Cheyenne libraries which 
deal with local history. They also dedicated a plaque on the site 
of the famous Cheyenne Club. 

Natrona County (read by O. W. Judge) The Chapter is proud 
that the state president, Mrs. Hord, is one of their members. The 
group entertained the 1 966 Bridger Trail followers the night before 
the trek began. 

Park County (read by Mrs. Anne Fendrich) The Chapter is 
starting a new series of programs called ''Old Timer of the Month." 
"Kid" Wilson will be the first pioneer honored. These programs 
will be taped for preservation in the Society archives. 

Platte County - No report. 

Sheridan County (read by Mrs. Alma Grimes) The Chapter 
has spent countless hours working to save the Sheridan Inn. With 
the cooperation of the Sheridan City Council the Chapter has made 
application to the U. S. Land Open Space Program to secure addi- 
tional funds for the purchase of the land where historic Sheridan 
Inn is located. 

Sweetwater County (read by George Stephens) The Chapter 
observed its 10th birthday with a pot-luck dinner. The June meet- 
ing was held in Granger, and the site of the Granger Stage Station 
was cleaned up. 

Teton County (read by Dudley Hayden) The only money- 
making project held was a food and bake sale featuring old-time 
foods, such as salt-rising bread, and the recipe for each item. The 
men served coffee and sandwiches at an outdoor cafe. Proceeds 
totaled $250. 

Uinta County - No report. 

Weston County (read by J. E. Oliver) The north half of the 
museum building in Newcastle has been made into a well-equipped 
museum. The Chapter, the senior Girl Scouts and the Woman's 
Club cooperated in this project. 

Washakie County (read by Mrs. Hattie Burnstad) The Chapter 
has organized a Museum Committee, as land for a museum site has 
been offered to the Chapter. The Bridger Trail trekkers were 
entertained at a dinner during the July trek. 

Mr. Miller recommended that each Chapter join the American 
Association for State and Local History. Its many valuable mater- 
ials will be of help to the officers. 

Reverend Frazier read the following resolution: In appreciation 
of the hospitality extended to the members of the State Historical 
Society by the city of Riverton and the Fremont County Chapter of 
the State Historical Society, be it resolved: That we give a stand- 
ing vote of thanks to all those who have given of their time and 
effort to make our meeting successful. 


During a lively discussion attention was called to many mistakes 
found on markers over the state. Mr. Miller stated that state law 
requires that the content of state-placed historical signs now be 
approved by the Director of the Archives and Historical Depart- 
ment. All Chapters should work toward correction of inaccurate 
or misplaced historic signs or markers. 

The meeting adjourned at 3:45 p.m. 


The banquet was held in the Eagle's dining room at seven 
o'clock. The tables were attractively decorated with sagebrush, 
driftwood and authentically dressed Indian dolls made with dried 
apple faces. The dolls were made by Mrs. Emma Martin and Mrs. 
Mabel Von Krosigk. The head table place cards Vvcre miniature 
Indian scenes sketched by Mrs. L. A. Millard. The napkins were 
folded to represent Indian tepees. Each guest received a hand- 
made ceramic ash tray filled with candy and nuts. 

Reverend John H. Johnson gave the invocation. Bob Peck, 
master of ceremonies, introduced the guests at the head table. 
Mrs. Hord then asked Mrs. Burnstad to announce the officers for 
1966-1967. They were president, Glenn Sweem, Sheridan; first 
vice president, Adrian Reynolds. Green River; second vice presi- 
dent, Curtiss Root, Torrington; secretary-treasurer. Miss Maurine 
Carley, Cheyenne. 

The past presidents of the State Society were asked to stand. 
Mrs. Edness Kimball Wilkins, Dr. T. A. Larson and Neal Miller 
responded. Two members of the Wyoming State Library. Archives 
and Historical Board, Mrs. Cecil Lucas and Mrs. Dudley Hayden, 
were introduced. When the guests were asked to stand by counties 
there was a fine representation of members from all parts of the 

John Banks, chairman of the Awards Committee, presented the 
following awards: 

Dr. T. A. Larson for "A work of non-fiction, copyrighted and 
published on a theme of Wyoming history. History of Wyoming. 

William R. Dubois, for "A series of articles connected with the 
history of Wyoming which appeared in a Wyoming newspaper." 
Article "A Fabulous Decade," published July 26-28 in the Wyo- 
ming State Tribune, Cheyenne. 

Jack K. Nisselius, editor and publisher, for "A Wyoming news- 
paper which has contributed the most to the history of the state or 
part of the state through publication of a series of articles of a 
historical nature." 

Burton S. Hill, for "An outstanding article or series of articles 
connected with the history of Wyoming and which appeared in a 
magazine or newspaper with a nationwide circulation. Articles in 
Nebraska History, Annals of Wyoming and Great Plains Journal. 



Courtesy of Boh Peck. Riverton Ranger 

Recipients of awards presented at the Annual Meeting were, left to right, 
front row: Burton S. Hill. Buffalo; Mrs. Cecil Lucas, Gillette; Miss Kath- 
leen Hemry. Casper; back row: Dr. T. A. Larson, Laramie; William R. 
Dubois, Cheyenne. 

Glen Barlow, for an individual promoting museum activities. 

Kathleen Hemry, for representing "an organization having the 
most outstanding educational project for the understanding and 
knowledge of local and state history." Scrapbook on Natrona 
County in World War II. 

Casper Troopers and James E. Jones, Jr., for "An individual or 
group making an outstanding contribution to Wyoming history 
through music and drama . . . which has been presented publicly." 
Public appearances throughout the nation. 

Mrs. Josephine Lucas, for varied historical preservation activities 
in Campbell County. "A person who for many years has given 
effective leadership to historical work and historical projects." 

Mr. Peck then introduced the speaker of the evening, Hugh 
Knoefel, publisher of The Northern Wyoming Daily News, of 
Worland, who spoke on "Bates Battleground." He gave a vivid 
and detailed description of the battle. His wife assisted by show- 
ing slides of the actual site and maps of the area. 


From 7:00 a.m. to 9:00 a.m. the members toured the Pioneer 
Museum in Lander where rolls and coffee were served. The people 
of Fremont County are to be congratulated for their fine collection 
of pictures of pioneers and the many objects of historic value which 
they have collected and preserved. One of the old-timers to greet 
us was Jules Farlow, Jr., a charter member of the Society. 

At 9:30 a.m. all assembled at the site of Fort Thompson-Camp 


Magraw for dedication of the new marker. Ivan Gee led the group 
in prayer and Paul Henderson, Wyoming Parks Commission histor- 
ian, gave an enlightening and entertaining talk on the history of the 
old military establishment. 

Malirine Carley 


Gilbert A. Stelter. Although Mr. Stelter has spent only 
three summers in Wyoming, he has "a great fondness for Wyo- 
ming," and considers it a second home. He is assistant professor 
of history at Laurentian University, Sudbury, Ontario. He has 
attended Moravian College, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and the Uni- 
versity of Alberta, and from 1962 to 1964 was lecturer at the latter 
school. Professional organizations of which he is a member in- 
clude the Western History Association, American Historical Asso- 
ciation and the Organization of American Historians. Mr. and 
Mrs. Stelter have three young sons, and Mrs. Stelter doubles as her 
husband's typist, editor. 

Gordon Chappell. See "About the Author," at the conclusion 
of "Summer Helmets of the U. S. Army, 1875-1890,'" in this issue; 
also Annals of Wyoniini^, Vol. 38, No. 1, p. 131. 

Daniel Y. Meschter. See Annals of Wxoniim^, Vol. 38, No. 
2, p. 245. 

Robert A. Murray. See Annals of Wroniim^, Vol. 38. No. 2, 
p. 245. 

Uook Kevicws 

The Rocky Mountain West in 1867 . By Louis L. Simonin. Trans- 
lated and Annotated by Wilson O. Clough. (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1966. IIlus. Index. 170 pp. 


One hundred years ago, a French geologist boarded the Saint 
Laurent, a transatlantic steamer bound for New York. He was 
Louis Laurent Simonin, a thirty-seven year old professor who 
taught at the Ecole Centrale d' Architecture in Paris, and his des- 
tination was the Rocky Mountain West. He went at the invitation 
of J. P. Whitney, a commissioner for Colorado Territory, who had 
attended the Paris Exposition and displayed some samples of min- 
eral wealth found in his homeland. Whitney had wanted to 
encourage European scientists to visit the mines in hopes that their 
reports would stimulate the investment of foreign capital in the 
enterprise. Simonin was his catch, and a fortunate one indeed. 
The Frenchman was a keen observer of life and a man of many 
interests beyond his specialty. What might have been a dull, 
technical treatise turned out to be a delightful account of the places 
he visited and the people he met. 

Originally written as letters to a friend in Paris, the book 
appeared in France in 1869. Perhaps half the book deals with 
Simonin's travel in Colorado during the month of October. He 
visited Denver and many of the mining towns farther west, includ- 
ing Central City, Black Hawk, Nevada, Idaho, Empire, and 
Georgetown. His descriptions of the mines and miners are care- 
fully drawn and often amusing. 

Wyomingites will be particularly interested in the chapters that 
concern Cheyenne, Fort D. A. Russell, and Fort Laramie. Five 
chapters are devoted to the latter. Simonin reached Fort Laramie 
on November 10 in order to attend meetings between the Peace 
Commissioners and the Crow and Arapaho. The Frenchman had 
an intense desire to see the Plains Indian in his wild habitat, and 
he enjoyed every minute of his contact with the redmen. His is the 
only civilian account of the council to come to light, and it is a 
good one. His penchant for detail and his genuine interest in 
Indians perfectly suited him for the task. One only wishes that the 
geologist had had more time to spend on the frontier; by the end 
of November, he was back in Pittsburgh headed for home. 

The book is a pleasure to read, due no doubt in part to the 
translating skill of Professor Clough. As an editor, he makes only 
one error. He confuses Peter Richard with his older brother, John 
Richard, Sr. It was the latter who played host to Francis Parkman 
in 1 846, not the former. 

Simonin found many things to admire in America, but he espe- 
cially appreciated the freedom of action that frontiersmen enjoyed. 


If there was one lesson to be learned from his visit, he believed 
that it was that "all latitude must be given to personal initiative," 
and he admonished his own country for its suffocating administra- 
tive controls and its illiberal institutions. An early American 
booster, Simonin left a slim but significant account of a fleeting 
but important moment in the history of the Rocky Mountain West. 

National Park Service John D. McDermott 

Washington, D.C. 

Wyoming Afoot and Horseback. By Jack R. Gage. (Cheyenne: 
Flintlock Publishing Company. 1966. lUus. 138 pp. $3.90) 

Jack R. Gage — one of Wyoming's premier raconteurs — writes 
just as he talks! In every episode in this book, those of us who 
know Jack can hear him telling the story in his droll manner — 
with a sparkle in his eyes! 

Subtitled "Or History Mostly Ain't True," the book deals with 
fact plus rumor — and conjecture! 

Choosing twelve of the men whose lives are so closely inter- 
twined with Wyoming history, the author has written a delightful, 
readable book that will certainly bring forth chuckles. 

After reading this short book of only 138 pages — ending with 
the words "End Volume One" which I presume presages similar 
volumes to follow — each of you will have favorite chapters and 
favorite sections as have 1. 

My favorite of the stories on the twelve men is that of John 
Coulter (as spelled in the Table of Contents for the first printing, 
but was corrected to "Colter" in the second printing ) . I am sure 
we have all read or heard about Colter's encounter with the Indians 
— about his fleetness of foot in outrunning the braves — but I am 
sure we have never had it told with such humor! 

Another story of interest to me is the short chapter on Dr. 
Marcus Whitman and the Reverend Samuel Parker ( 1835) — and 
on the two young brides — Narcissa Prentiss Whitman and Eliza 
Hart Spaulding — who crossed Wyoming en route to the northwest 
in 1836. 

And do take time to think on the last chapter "A Case for the 
Indians" — written in a light vein but with much food for thinking. 

The charming illustrations by John Coulter add much to the 
enjoyment of the book. 

I imagine that men might enjoy Wyoming Afoot and Horseback 
even more than women do. And don't take your history in this 
too seriously — remember ". . . History Mostly Ain't True." 

A good book for bedtime reading! 

Cheyenne Mary Read Rogers 


History of North Dakota. By Elwyn B. Robinson (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1966. Illus. Index. 599 pp. 


Beginning with James C. Olson's History of Nebraska in 1955, 
the University of Nebraska Press has published several histories of 
the Great Plains states. All of these, written by professional his- 
torians who have been well grounded in the subject on which they 
wrote, have been of high quality. 

The latest addition to this series is History of North Dakota, 
authored by Professor Elwyn B. Robinson, who has been with the 
History Department of the University of North Dakota for some 
30 years. This book is based largely on masters' theses written by 
his many graduate students. In preparation for over 20 years, this 
volume reflects very thorough and painstaking research on the part 
of the author. It is the first time the state's history as a whole has 
been interpreted by a qualified scholar. 

In his forward. Dr. Robinson states there are two keys to 
understanding the history of North Dakota. "The first concerns 
the context of historical movements in Europe and North America 
during which North Dakota was explored and developed. The 
second deals with the geographical location and the various ways in 
which that location influenced the events within the state. Studied 
together, they give form and meaning to the story of how a modern, 
civihzed society was carved out of the wilderness of the Northern 
Great Plains." 

Of the two keys, the author attributes location as the most 
important since six themes dominate the North Dakota story: 
remoteness, dependence, economic disadvantage, agrarian radical- 
ism, the "Too Much Mistake" (trying to do too much too fast with 
too little), and adaptation to environment. Every event in the 
history of the state, he writes, relates in someway to one or more 
of them. 

As a result of its geographical position in which it became a 
colonial hinterland, the state was greatly exploited by the grain 
dealers, the millers, bankers, and the railroads against whom the 
people, at times, united. 

Divided into 23 chapters, over half of the book is devoted to the 
period after 1900. While the author gives a well-balanced treat- 
ment to the state's economic, social and cultural background, he 
pays particular attention to its rather controversial political history. 
His chapters dealing with the emergence of the Dakota's Farmer 
Alliance and its successor, the Nonpartisan League, which at the 
end of World War I gained control of the government and started 
North Dakota on a program of state sociahsm, are outstanding. 

Probably the weakest chapter in this otherwise excellent book, 
is the last chapter, entitled "The Character of a People." It is 
questionable to the reviewer if such individuals as the television 


entertainer Lawrence Welk, the football star Steve Myhra, the 
baseball star Roger Maris and others, who, having been born in 
North Dakota and achieved national recognition elsewhere and 
contributed little to the state's history, merit the attention they 
receive in the study. However, this is only a minor criticism of an 
otherwise outstanding work. 

The format of this volume, which includes many excellent illus- 
trations, is pleasing and of high quality. Both the University of 
Nebraska Press and Dr. Robinson are to be congratulated for this 
definitive history which is among the best state histories published. 

State Historical Society of North Dakota Ray H. Mattison 

Colorado and Southern: Northern Division. By James L. Ehern- 
bereer and Francis G. Gschwind. (Calloway, Nebr., E and 
G Publications, 1966. Illus. 64 pp. $3.50) 

Colorado and Southern Northern Division is a work of high 
quality. The excellent paper used permits outstanding reproduc- 
tions of the very early photographs as well as those of a later 
period. The end sheet map shows the Colorado and Southern 
spread as well as the neighboring lines in a clean, concise manner. 
The captions accompanying the outstanding photographs are brief 
but adequate. The preface shows that the authors gave much 
thought to the preparation of this book. 

Each of the one hundred and twenty-five photographs between 
the covers of this volume have eye appeal for anyone, be he a "rail 
buff" or general reader. For all of those and their families who 
came up through the railroad epoch of the "little hogs," "mallies," 
"mikes," "switchers" and high-rolling, prairie-type passenger flyers 
that suddenly succumbed to the modern diesel in less time than it 
took for them to retire the stage coaches and ox team freight outfits, 
this book is a treasure house. 

The authors of this pictorial history were fortunate in having 
such a wide choice of unique photographs to choose from. All 
were taken at the proper angle, special time of day, with interesting 
back grounds and other dramatic effects to portray those historic 
steam engines in action, pulling heavy trains, plowing snow, and 
building roads with various sorts of equipment. Both standard and 
narrow gauge equipment is shown. 

As one looks at the pictures he can almost hear the old chime 
whistle, the cheerful ringing of the old-time brass bells and the 
ear-splitting noise of the exhaust as those hard-working steamers 
poked a hole in the sky with their billows of black smoke. 

Take a tip from one who was born of railroad parents, lived his 
early life in a railroad depot and finally put in forty-seven years as 
a trainman in a caboose behind those old coal and oil burning 
locomotives, sometimes over a portion of the C & S lines and 


through their tunnels, and buy this book. Read it, pass it on to 
your children and grandchildren who will bless you for leaving 
them this beautiful pictorial history of the steam locomotive age. 

Bridgeport, Nebraska Paul Henderson 

The Far Southwest, 1846-1912. A Territorial History. By How- 
ard R. Lamar. (New Haven and London: Yale University 
Press. 1966. Illus. Index. 560 pp. $10) 

The late Clarence Carter once described territorial history as the 
"Dark Ages of American Historiography." Professor Lamar, in 
this ambitious volume, has accepted the implied challenge in Car- 
ter's statement, choosing as his subject for illumination one of the 
darker recesses of this neglected phase of American development — 
the tangled politics of New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Arizona 
from territorial organization to statehood. 

Lamar pleads a rather weak case that these "Four Corner" states 
constitute a basic geographic unit, that they share certain common 
features of climate, soil, and vegetation. This is true only to a 
very superficial degree; indeed, the uniformity Lamar applies to 
all four territories is hardly, in fact, a condition of any one of them. 
Seldom, if ever, were territorial lines drawn on the basis of geo- 
graphic conformity, and Lamar does his readers a disservice by 
failing to acknowledge this. His book becomes, as a result, four 
separate studies, each dealing with the political evolution of a 
separate territory. 

Taking his cue from Professor Earl Pomeroy, Lamar views the 
American territories, of whatever vintage, as part of a vast national 
empire with an almost unconscious continuity of development and 
institutional life. The Western resident was simply a transplanted 
Easterner, eager to implement Eastern institutions and habits of 
thought. Once the requisite homogeneity between East and West 
had been effected, the territory would be admitted to the Union. 
In the Far Southwest, however, this "impartial" policy collided 
head on with an entrenched and alien culture, and, with the excep- 
tion of Colorado, the process of political and institutional conti- 
nuity was forced to work itself out during an uncommonly long 
territorial period. 

New Mexico, in Lamar's terms, was a "Feudal Frontier," the 
northern most extremity of the Spanish-Mexican empire. The 
basic problem in the transfer of Eastern institutions to New Mexico 
centered, then, around the cultural incompatibility of Mexican and 
Anglo. By comparison, Colorado's territorial years were tame. 
Dominated by Eastern oriented businessmen, orthodox in their 
conservatism and never seriously troubled by pro-Confederate 
sympathizers, the Centennial State enjoyed a brief and relatively 
peaceful territorial history. In Utah, of course, politics were 


inextricably tied up with Mormonism and its attendant evils, polyg- 
amy and theocracy. Again, as in New Mexico, the process of 
institutional transfer was slowed. Lamar fails to mention, how- 
ever, Brigham Young's Confederate sympathies, a curious omission 
considering the author's national scope. Arizona's delayed admis- 
sion to the Union was primarily the result of the Indian menace, 
the territory's reputation as a "No-man's Land," internal political 
disputes (something which plagued all the territories to varying 
degrees), and the unorthodox political views of some of its leading 

In the process of tracing the political history of these territories 
and showing the interrelation between territorial and national pol- 
itics, Lamar reaches some interesting conclusions. He rejects, first 
of all, the applicability of any Turnerian formula to the political 
evolution of the Southwest. Uniquely Western contributions to the 
political thought of these years were necessarily slight since the 
more settled regions served as a model and guide to Western be- 
havior. Nor, in Lamar's mind, does a strictly economic interpre- 
tation suffice. Instead, he serves up the continuity thesis. The 
West was simply an extension of the older settled states of the East, 
the Midwest, or, as was the case with Arizona, the Far West. 
Lamar skillfully uses this thesis to offer many fresh insights into 
the complexities of territorial politics. In the process, however, 
he all but ignores the dissimilarities of territorial development in 
this region and the economic difficulties attendant upon the settle- 
ment of a harsh and different land. He completely ignores, for 
example, John Wesley Powell's 1878 Report on the Lands of the 
Arid Region, a blueprint for the successful exploitation of the very 
region Lamar is discussing. The desire on the part of the West to 
emulate its more mature neighbors floundered not only on the 
shoals of cultural and religious differences, but on those of eco- 
nomic land utilization as well. It was considered doubtful, for 
example, that American institutions could survive in the Spanish 
culture of New Mexico, but it was equally doubtful, as George 
Julian loved to remind his constitutents, that they could survive in 
the "feudal" and alien world of the range cattle industry. Compro- 
mise was necessary to solve the cultural problem, but compromise 
was also required to solve the economic. Lamar emphasized this 
latter point in his earlier study of Dakota Territory. He neglects 
it here. Mention should also be made of the many annoying 
typographical errors which mar an otherwise attractive volume. 

In general, however. The Far Southwest is, by all odds, the best 
and most complete study ever done on the territorial history of 
these four states. Thoroughly researched, smoothly written, it 
firmly establishes its author as the historian best equipped to meet 
the challenge imposed by Dr. Carter. 

Eastern lUinois University David Emmons 


Indian Fights; New Facts on Seven Encounters. By J. W. Vaughn. 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. Illus. In- 
dex. 250 pp. $4.95) 

Mr. Vaughn, author of With Crook at the Rosebud, Reynolds 
Campaign on Powder River and The Battle of Platte Bridge re- 
turned to selected battlefields of the Indian Wars in Wyoming and 
Montana armed with a metal detector. The author uncovered 
cartridge cases, bullets and other debris which allowed him to "see" 
battlefield movements one hundred years after the event. 

The battles covered in this book vary from the Fetterman Mas- 
sacre and the Battle of the Little Big Horn to the Hayfield Fight of 
1 867 where a small force of soldiers and civilian hay cutters in a 
corral were attacked by Cheyennes. 

Possible the newest information now available in book form 
through this work is the chapter on the burning of Heck Reel's 
wagon train. Vaughn and the late L. C. Bishop of Cheyenne 
explored the site with their detector and were able to locate the 
exact location where the wagons burned and the center of the 
corral site where the attack was made. 

Excellent maps throughout the book lead the reader to an exact 
drawing of the text, but the author's photographs of several sites as 
they appear today add very little. 

An excellent bibliography, index and appendices add to the 
worth of this reputable work. 

Cheyenne Stan Oliner 

Ho! For the Gold Fields: Northern Overland Wagon Trains of the 
1860s. Helen McCann White, Editor. (St. Paul: Minne- 
sota Historical Society. Illus. Index. 289 pp. $8.50.) 

Mrs. White's book has many virtues, not the least of which is her 
thoroughness in searching state archives, widely scattered news- 
papers, service records of Civil War veterans, geneological records, 
and reports filed in Washington. For twenty-two years she has 
pursued her avocation. A prize-winning article in Minnesota His- 
tory in 1963 whetted the appetite of those awaiting the results of 
her research. 

For many readers the primary attraction of Ho! For the Gold 
Fields will be the four diaries, the several letters and the three 
official reports covering eight wagon trains that left Minnesota for 
the gold fields of the Northwest between 1862 and 1867. The 
accounts provide colorful details of daily life on the trail and of the 
life of a prospector. Buffalo hunts, Indian scares, trouble with 
grizzly bears, and shortage of grass and water are standard fare. 
The 1 864 Fisk expedition suffered several deaths from Indians and 
had to be abandoned. One of the early emigrants who traveled 


overland from Minnesota actually struck it rich in the gold fields 
of Montana. Most, however, returned empty handed or soon 
turned to other pursuits in the region. The dismay of some emi- 
grants when they first witnessed the conditions under which gold 
miners worked is here recorded. 

For other readers the value of Mrs. White's book will be its 
description of the role of the federal government in supporting 
expeditions and the picture that emerges of the spirit of manifest 
destiny that moved Minnesota businessmen and Congressmen. 
Particularly in the accounts of the James L. Fisk expeditions one 
can see the manner in which the Minnesota delegation sought, with 
federal funds, to promote St. Paul as the gateway to the great 
Northwest. They were not successful in getting an appropriation 
for a wagon road and had to content themselves with support for 
three expeditions in the amount of $25,000 plus the printing of 
copies of Captain Fisk's reports, which served as promotional liter- 
ature. To this must be added the assignment of military escorts, 
much to the displeasure of General Sully and other officers. In- 
deed, it is remarkable how successful Minnesota politicians were, 
in the midst of the Civil War, in forcing the United States Army 
to subserve the "business as usual" interests of the citizens of their 
state. Private James Fisk, serving with the Third Minnesota In- 
fantry in Tennessee, was provided with a captaincy with no inter- 
mediate authority between himself and the War Department in 
Washington. His duty was to superintend emigration over the 
northern route. After the war. the Post Office Department was 
prevailed upon to assist Minnesotans by the establishment of an 
overland route to the West, although the mail contract went to 
"outsiders" from another state. 

Mrs. White might have noted that railroads and federal land 
grants in the end achieved what the St. Paul Chamber of Commerce 
sought back in the early 1860s. Her introductions to the volume 
and its various sections are perceptive and well written. Both 
author and publisher deserve praise for a fine piece of work. 

University of South Dakota Everett W. Sterling 

Grenville M. Dodge. By Stanley P. Hirschon. (Bloomington and 
London: Indiana Universitv Press. 1967. Index. Illus. 

334 pp. $10.00) 

This is a biography of a well-known man who helped pioneer 
the growth of the West by his keen knowledge of engineering, war 
tactics and politics. Grenville Dodge was born in Rowley, Massa- 
chusetts, in 1831, the son of a poor peddler. He was restless in 
school, but at the age of fourteen he became interested in engineer- 
ing, and because of this continued in school to prepare for a career 



as a civil engineer. One university he attended offered basic mili- 
tary training and there he gained the training which led to his 
prominence in the Civil War. 

After completing his education, Dodge moved to Iowa, then a 
new and developing region of the West, and he assisted in the 
surveying of a railroad line to Council Bluffs which later became 
part of the Rock Island lines. During his career on this railroad 
he became quite involved in land schemes which at times were not 
looked on too favorably. 

Dodge was in command of the Fourth Iowa infantry regiment 
during the Civil War, and established an outstanding military 
record. However, Pacific Railroad development was being urged, 
and Thomas Durant, a promoter of the Union Pacific, talked him 
into becoming chief engineer of the Union Pacific in 1863. There 
were many problems and differences between Dodge and Durant, 
but finally the Union Pacific was under way and it became part of 
the first transcontinental railroad in 1869. 

War and railroading were not Dodge's only interests — political 
prominence was one of his goals. In the late 1860's leading mili- 
tary figures, becoming active as speculators and lobbyists, were 
gaining control of the Repubhcan party and national politics, and 
Dodge was prominent in Iowa. 

The engineering supervision of Dodge for the Union Pacific was 
done in a remarkable fashion. His selection of the Wyoming route 
over a previous survey of the Northern Colorado route was ver>' 
well done. Even today many miles of Union Pacific tracks are on 
the original survey, credit for which must be given to General 
Dodge. He laid out the townsites of numerous towns along the 
Union Pacific route, and named many towns as well as the streets 
within the towns. 

In later life he was still involved in politics, and his railroad 
career did not end, as he became an official in many roads through- 
out the country. His home remained in Iowa. 

This is an interesting book to read — one that gives a good back- 
ground of politics, land schemes and railroad building during 
Dodge's time. The style of writing is very readable, and the author 
has done a remarkable job of research. 

Chevenne James L. Ehernberger 

A ncient Hunters of the Far West. Edited by Richard F. Pourade, 
Commissioned by James S. Copley. (San Diego: The Union- 
Tribune Publishing Company, 1966. Illus. Index. 208 pp. 


Ancient Hunters of the Far West is a book that may be read with 
a great deal of profit by both the professional archaeologist and the 
layman interested in early man in the New World. It will be of 


use to the professional because it presents in an updated fashion 
Malcolm Rogers' ideas regarding the San Dieguito Complex, an 
early culture of western North America. The non-specialist will 
find the book easy to read because, with the exception of the final 
part, he will not be burdened by the details of site and artifact 

The book is a very attractive piece of work printed on good 
paper. It contains numerous maps, photos, and drawings of sites 
and artifacts. There are several excellent color plates showing 
scenes of the desert environment where the early sites have been 
discovered as well as of artifacts which were found on some of 
these sites. 

The primary purpose of the book is to present Malcolm Rogers' 
long awaited synthesis of the San Dieguito Complex. Rogers, who 
spent most of his adult life working on the problem of early man 
and especially the San Dieguito, unfortunately did not live to see 
his work progress beyond the manuscript stage. The task of 
editing and publishing the manuscript was carried out by Richard 
F. Pourade, Editor Emeritus of the San Diego Union and the 
Copley Press. 

The book is divided into five parts, each written by a separate 
author. Part I is written by the editor, Richard F. Pourade, who 
introduces Rogers' work and comments on the development of his 

Part II is the largest section and is the one in which Rogers' 
synthesis of the San Dieguito Complex is presented. The rest of 
the book is intended to be clarifying and supporting material for 
this major section. Rogers divides the San Dieguito Complex into 
three Phases which are found in four geographic areas he desig- 
nates as Aspects. 

The third part was written by Marie Wormington of the Denver 
Museum of Natural History. She presents an up-to-date and con- 
cise summary of the investigation, dating, and distribution of early 
man sites. 

Emma Lou Davis of the University of California Archaeological 
Survey presents, in Part IV, two papers, one on ethnographic com- 
parisons and the other on dating techniques. Of the two, the 
discussion of dating is the most useful for an understanding of the 
problems confronting early man archaeology. At this point, ethno- 
graphic comparisons between recent desert dwelling Indians and 
the San Dieguito people are virtually meaningless because few, if 
any, parallels can be firmly established. 

Part V, written by Clark W. Brott of the San Diego Museum of 
Man, presents a summary of San Dieguito artifacts and details from 
selected San Dieguito sites. This is the only section of the book 
which gives specific data that might be useful to the archaeologist 
for comparative purposes. 

Although the book lacks much of what could be of use to the 


archaeologist it, nevertheless, provides a great amount of informa- 
tion. Of the five parts, Rogers' contribution causes the most prob- 
lems mainly because he does not offer enough evidence to support 
his conclusions. Nowhere does he make clear what criteria were 
used to separate the Phases of the San Dieguito Complex or how he 
distinguished the boundaries of one Aspect from another. Using 
the information presented, one would be hard pressed to assign a 
given site to a specific Phase or Aspect. Current excavations car- 
ried out at the Harris site, the San Dieguito type station, are pro- 
ducing new data which will enable archaeologists to evaluate and 
understand more fully the San Dieguito Complex. 

Despite the weaknesses pointed out in this review, the book is 
well worth reading by all interested in early man in the New World. 

The University of Arizona James E. Ayres 

John Selman, Texas Gunjighter. By Leon Claire Metz. (New 
York: Hastings House. 1966. Illus. Index. 254 pp. $6.95) 

If you are skeptical about the dime-novel violence of the early 
American West, and are willing to be convinced that it did exist, 
this well-researched, annotated, and illustrated book may dispel 
your doubts. John Selman was "the most famous gunfighter in the 
west, the estimated number of whose victims ranges from a low of 
23 to a high of over 40." A native of Arkansas, this notorious 
outlaw ranged in the southwest during the last half of the 19th 

His biography presents a portrait of a bygone era in U. S. 
history, of special interest in Brown, Comanche, El Paso, Grayson, 
Presidio, Shackleford, Stephens and Throckmorton counties of 
Texas; Colfax and Lincoln counties in New Mexico; gore-filled, it 
even reaches deep into Mexico's state of Chihuahua. The ever- 
recurring violence may cause the reader to quit being nostalgic 
about the romantic old West. 

The author has written a good book about a bad subject in vivid 
style. He tells of 1876, "At that time a law officer, in addition to 
enforcing the peace, was a tax collector, a Hcense distributor and a 
receiver of fines . . . Barbed wire was unknown." El Paso, Texas, 
the author describes thus: "The city was always full of rough, 
hard, quick-shooting men who were working for and running from 
the law. Any distinction between the two, judging by the way they 
killed and their utter callousness, was usually impossible to make 
. . . Another man was a go-between who trod the difficult middle 
line between those who were bad and those who were worse." 

With one seventh of the book devoted to numbered notes, plus 
a ten-page index, this volume qualifies as a source book for his- 
torians. Of Selman the author says, "His nature is an enigma 


SO hard to penetrate that no biographer up to the present time has 
succeeded in getting more than a gHmpse of the interior of a killer 
... A sort of late-blooming dark angel, he gave almost no indica- 
tion during the first thirty years of his life of a disposition to ride 
the hurricane of violence. Once aboard the storm, however, he 
never climbed off until the day he died." 

Equally shocking as murders are the low prices of 88 years ago. 
When Selman was allowed to escape from Texas to Mexico, his 
attorney "received five dollars and a promissory note for $800" 
for all of the Selman ranch holdings. An item of interest is a 
photograph of President Harding's discredited Secretary of the 
Interior Albert B. Fall, of Teapot Dome fame, Selman's defense 
attorney in El Paso. 

This is tempestuous reading. The author's words describe 
events so precisely and effectively that his style resembles the 
ratding of bullets hitting a target. A native of West Virginia, Mr. 
Metz currently lives and works in El Paso. John Selman, Texas 
Giinjighter, is his first book, but he has others "in the works." 

Liisk Jerry Urbanek 

Recent Bison Books, paperback reprints, Lincoln, University of 
Nebraska Press. 

Wilderness Politics and Indian Gifts: The Northern Colonial 
Frontier. 1748-1763, by Wilbur R. Jacobs 

Great Basin Kingdom, Economic History of the Latter Day 
Saints, 1830-1900, by Leonard J. Arrington 

The World's Rim, by Clyde Kluckhorn 
Crazy Weather, by Charles L. McNichols 

A^mIs of Wyoming 

my — 

It ! 


-"1-L _ _il i_r?^-!r^ 

^*"':"'^| X'^'^'"'i'^^/A"^~>-v' 

Wyo)uing State Archives unci Historical Departmeiit 
Stini.soii Collection 

S\ 7 


Awarded to Charles McKinley, Platteville, Colorado 

"Champion Rough Rider of the World" 

Cheyenne Frontier Days 191 ! 

October 1967 









Member at Large 

Robert St. Clair 
Mrs. Wilmot McFadden 
Mrs. R. Dwight Wallace 
Miss Jennie Williams 
Richard I. Frost, Chairman 
Mrs. Virgil L. Thorpe 
Mrs. Frank Mockler 
Mrs. Dudley Hayden 


Rock Springs 







Attorney General James E. Barrett Cheyenne 



Neal E. Miller Director 

William R. Barnhart Administrative Assistant 

Mrs. Katherine Halverson Chief, Historical Research and 

Publications Division 

Mrs. Julia A. Yelvington Chief, Archives and Records Division 

Kermit M. Edmonds Chief. Museum Division 


The Annals of Wyoming is piibHshed semi-annually in April and October 
and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 
Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.50 each. Available copies 
of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be obtained by writing 
to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyright, 1967, by the Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department 

A^^als of Wyoming 

Volume 39 

October, 1967 

Number 2 

Neal E. Miller 

Katherine Halverson 
Associate Editor 

Published biannually by the 


Official Publication of the Wyoming State Historical Society 


OFFICERS 1967-1968 

President, Adrian Reynolds Green River 

First Vice President, Curtiss Root Torrington 

Second Vice President, Mrs. Hattie Burnstad Worland 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Neal E. Miller Cheyenne 

Past Presidents 

Frank L. Bowron, Casper 1953-1955 

William L. Marion, Lander 1955-1956 

Dr. DeWitt Dominick, Cody 1956-1957 

Dr. T. a. Larson, Laramie 1957-1958 

A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs. Thelma G. Condit, Buffalo 1959-1960 

E. A. Littleton, Gillette 1960-1961 

Edness Kimball Wilkins, Casper 1961-1962 

Charles Ritter, Cheyenne 1962-1963 

Neal E. Miller, Rawlins 1963-1965 

Mrs. Charles Hord, Casper 1965-1966 

Glenn Sweem, Sheridan 1966-1968 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October, 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. County Historical 
Society Chapters have been organized in Albany, Big Horn, Campbell, 
Carbon, Fremont, Goshen, Johnson, Laramie, Natrona, Park, Platte, Sheri- 
dan, Sweetwater, Teton, Washakie, Weston and Uinta Counties. 

Slate Dues: 

Life Membership $50.00 

Joint Life Membership (Husband and wife) 75.00 

Annual Membership 3.50 

Joint Annual Membership (Two persons of same family at 

same address) 5.00 

County dues are in addition to state dues and are set by county organ- 

Send State membership dues to: 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Executive Headquarters 
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Cheyenne, Wyoming 82001 

Zable of Com tents 


1856-1894* 157 

James D. McLaird 


Wilson O. Clough 




Edited by Rhett S. James 

YODER IN THE 1920's 257 

Florence A. Allen 


Anita W. Deininger 



Nadeau, Fort Laramie and the Sioux Indians 263 

Moody, Stagecoach West 264 

Hanesworth, Daddy of 'em All. The Story of Cheyenne 

Frontier Days 265 

Hawgood, America's Western Frontiers 266 

Catlin, O'Kee-Pa. A Religious Ceremony and Other Customs 

of the Mandans 267 

Clark, Gold Rush Diary 268 

Urbanek, Wyoming Place Names 269 

Fridley, Aspects of the Fur Trade. Selected Papers of the 1965 

North American Fur Trade Conference 270 

Bonney, Guide to the Wyoming Mountains and Wilderness Areas .. 271 
Klein, Icolari, Reference Encyclopedia of the American Indian 272 



Union Pacific Prize Saddle, 1911 
Following page 216 

George T. Beck 

James Burnie Beck 

Jane Augusta Beck 

Surveying Crew of the Northern Pacific Railroad 

Mill and Electric Light Works, Buffalo 
Following page 256 

Edith K. O. Clark 

Scene in Clear Creek Canyon 

Sweetwater Brewing Co. 

Burial Scaffold of Mini-Aku 

^ew Metals ?0mat 

With this issue of the Annals of Wyoming the cover 
format which has been in use continuously since April, 
1958, is changed. This is concomitant with the employ- 
ment of permanent paper in the Annals and photographs 
which extend to the page edges. A permanent paper is 
one which has better lasting qualities because of the ab- 
sence of certain chemicals. These cause paper to yellow 
or become brittle. Also absent are minerals which cause 
pages to curl or stick one to another under certain humidity 
conditions. Given proper care in other respects your 
Annals can be assured a much longer shelf life than here- 
tofore possible. 

Kane king in the Bg Momsi 
Qeorge Z. Meek. 1856-1894 * 


James D. McLaird 

On June 9, 1941, the University of Wyoming awarded George 
T. Beck the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. The remarks 
delivered on that occasion by Dean Hill reveal Beck's qual- 
ifications : 

George Washington Thornton Beck, your nearly sixty years in 
northern Wyoming and your unusual contributions to the economic 
Hfe of that region mark you as an industrial pioneer and statesman 
whom the University of Wyoming delights to honor. Trained in engi- 
neering and law, enjoying advantages which might have led to a dis- 
tinguished career in the East, your adventurous spirit impelled you to 
the Far West and at last to the beautiful Big Horn Country. There 
you devoted your life to the development of the region, blazing more 
than one economic trail. 

You were among the first to engage in sheep raising in northern 
Wyoming. Founder and builder, you played the part of pioneer and 
leader in Sheridan, Buffalo and Cody. To your vision and your initia- 
tive these communities are indebted for the first irrigation project, the 
first flour mill, the first coal mine, the first electrical power plant in 
the region. 

To such services you have added those of a leading citizen, playing 
your part in the political life of the state, as candidate for office, 
delegate to national party conventions, member of the Territorial 
Council and President of that body in its last session. 

It is fitting that the University of Wyoming, from which your two 
daughters and your son have graduated, should confer upon you its 
highest academic award. i 

George T. Beck played a most important role in northern Wyo- 
ming's economic development. Besides his contribution to region- 
al development, Beck merits a detailed treatment because he may 
be typical of a larger group. In the latter part of the nineteenth 
century men such as Beck developed the economy when they came 
West. As individuals these men were not imposing figures in the 

* This article is the first part of a Master's thesis entitled "George T. 
Beck: Western Entrepreneur," submitted to the Department of History and 
the Graduate School at the University of Wyoming, June, 1966. It has been 
considerably revised. 

1. Typed manuscript entitled "Remarks of Dean Hill" contained in the 
George T. Beck Collection, Western History Research Center, University 
of Wyoming. This collection will hereafter be cited as Beck Collection. 


larger scene of history, thus they have been ignored. However, 
they assume major importance in explaining the development of 
the West. 

Only recently have historians turned their attention to the role 
of the entrepreneur; and the West has had fewer entrepreneurial 
studies than other regions. The simple explanation for this neglect 
is that the West produced few nationally significant entrepreneurs. 
The last half of the nineteenth century, which saw the settlement 
of the West, was the same period in which the great capitalists of 
the East — Rockefeller, Morgan, Vanderbilt, Carnegie, and Gould 
— emerged, overshadowing their Western contemporaries. 

Even those historians specializing in Western history have neg- 
lected the Western businessmen. Two significant developments 
account for the obscure treatment accorded Western entrepreneurs : 
the concentration on colorful characters and dramatic events, and 
the influence of Turner's frontier thesis. The first of these develop- 
ments has unfortunately discredited the study of Western history. 
The colorful and dramatic captures the attention of students of 
the region, yet the lesser impact of the gunfighter as compared to 
the entrepreneur upon the later development of the region reveals 
the need for a more realistic approach.^ While the gunfighter 
quickly passed and left little but legend behind him, the entrepre- 
neur bequeathed important institutions of a more permanent 

The second development causing neglect of the Western entre- 
preneur is found in Frederick Jackson Turner's interpretation of 
Western history.^ Essentially, Turner's theory, premised on en- 
vironmental determinism, entails the development of democratic 
and egalitarian principles. This theory has caused historians to 
emphasize the "unique" aspects rather than the similarities between 
West and East.^ However, the entrepreneur brought "Eastern 

2. This problem has been recognized by several recent historians; for 
example, Earl Pomeroy comments that "the trapper, the prospector, and the 
cowboy, moving picturesquely over a background of clean air and great 
distances, hold us more than the tycoons and corporations that dominated 
them and the Rocky Mountain country." Earl Pomeroy, 'Toward a Reor- 
ientation of Western History: Continuity and Environment," Mississippi 
Valley Historical Review, XLI, March, 1955, 589. 

3. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in Amer- 
ican History," American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1893, 
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894, 197-227. Reprinted edi- 
tions are available. 

4. Again, Earl Pomeroy has written that "most of those who write west- 
ern history seem to assume that physical environment has dominated western 
life and has made the West rough and radical. Although he may scorn the 
popular appeal of the 'Western' novel and motion picture, the historian has 
himself often operated within a formula, neglecting the spread and con- 
tinuity of 'Eastern' institutions and ideas." Pomeroy, p. 579. 


institutions and ideas" to the West and developed its resources 
along the lines of his Eastern counterpart, 

A consideration of George Beck's life and economic role offers 
much toward an understanding of the position of the Western 
businessman. Though it is impossible to label Beck as typical 
because the shortage of such studies give little basis for comparison, 
his activities probably illustrate those of most entrepreneurs. 
Guidelines are to be found in his Eastern background, his educa- 
tion, his winning personality, his varied connections, his wide spec- 
trum of interests, and his optimism and vision, 

George Beck's economic pursuits were an integral part of his 
life and occupied the greatest portion of his attention, supplying 
the basis for his important contribution to his community. While 
this account of Beck's life is primarily an economic biography, his 
personality and wide-ranging interests are vital to this study. His 
general background, his parents, his earliest youth, his training and 
experiences, offer an insight into his subsequent career,^ 

James Burnie Beck, George's father, emigrated from Dumfries- 
shire, Scotland, in 1838, at the age of sixteen.^ In order to com- 
plete his education, he had remained in Scotland for about five 
years after his parents had gone to America, For a while James 
Burnie Beck resided with his parents on their New York fann. 
Subsequent accounts of James Beck's life are sketchy and some- 
times even contradictory, A newspaperman's account, for ex- 

5. Little is known about George's background except his personal recol- 
lections recorded near the end of his life. Then, owing partly to the in- 
sistence of friends, Beck decided to write his autobiography. He completed 
at that time a rough draft of 118 typewritten pages concerned with the first 
fifty years of his life. This manuscript is a part of the Beck Collection, and 
will hereafter be referred to as the Autobiography. Such reminiscences are 
always of dubious value to the biographer because of the time lapse and 
memory factor; they must be used with caution. Unfortunately this is the 
major source, and of necessity will be used to reconstruct Beck's background. 
Efforts to check the accuracy of this document have shown it to be gen- 
erally reliable. George Beck earlier had told his story to Margaret Hayden 
who published it in the State of Wyoming Historical Department Quarterly 
Bulletin, II, November 1, 1924, 21-27. It is essentially the same as the 

6. James Burnie Beck was born February 13, 1822, the eldest son of 
Ebenezer P. Beck and Sophie Burnie; there were three other children, John, 
Helen, and William. The basic source used here is a nine-page typewritten 
manuscript labeled "Father and Mother" in the Beck Collection. It was 
meant to be a part of the Autobiography. Biographical information other 
than that which Beck provides can be found in Who Was Who in America, 
196?, p. 48; the National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, III, 418-419; 
and Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1949, 1950, 
p. 830. An account by a contemporary newspaperman appears in O. O. 
Stealey's Twenty Years in the Press Gallery, New York: F*ublishers Print- 
ing Company, 1906, pp. 204-210. 


ample, says that James found the counting house "so distasteful" 
that he packed up and left J George, on the other hand, says that 
James was encouraged by his father to "go west and take a tract 
of land and that he would stock it for him."^ In any event, James 
journeyed westward after a few years in New York, spent some 
time in the western Great Lakes region, worked on a farm near 
Lexington, Kentucky, and finally entered Transylvania University 
to study law. His father, Ebenezer, a frugal Scot, did not approve 
of James' final decision, and sent a stem letter to his wayward son: 
"The Becks have always been an honest people and have never 
profited by the misfortunes of others — If you wish to take up law 
you'll have to do so at your own expense without my approval or 
assistance." Undaunted, James graduated with his law degree in 

A successful lawyer, James Beck became the partner of the 
famous John C. Breckinridge, who later became Vice-President of 
the United States under James Buchanan, was a candidate for the 
presidency against Lincoln, and a general in the Confederate army. 
James, himself, was not easily drawn into pohtics, even with his 
partner's display of success. But he finally succumbed: he was 
a delegate to both Democratic National Conventions in 1860, was 
elected in 1867 to the U.S. House of Representatives from the 
Ashland District in Kentucky, served four terms, and in 1877 was 
elected to the Senate where he remained until his death in 1890. 
George mentioned the claim that his father might have been a 
candidate for the presidency if he had been bom in America.^" 
This may be an exaggeration, but his father was certainly popular 
enough in Kentucky to be repeatedly elected as one of its repre- 

George's mother, Jane Augusta Washington Thornton, was from 
an established Virginia family. George wrote that she "was at one 
time considered to be one of the richest girls in Virginia."^^ Her 
father, George Washington Thornton, died shortly before her birth. 
Though her mother remarried, and went to Kentucky, Jane lived 
with her uncle's family in Virginia. Educated in Washington, she 
made trips to Frankfort, Kentucky, to see her mother. On one of 
these visits she met James Bumie Beck. According to George's 
later account "the marriage was very much objected to by her 

7. Stealey, p. 206. 

8. "Father and Mother" manuscript, Beck Collection. 

9. The letter is quoted by George Beck in his "Father and Mother" 

10. "Father and Mother" manuscript, Beck Collection. 

11. Ibid. Jane was related to George Washington. Material about the 
Thorntons is scattered. A partial list of the family is in John B. C. Nicklin, 
"Some Thorntons, 1642-1826," William and Mary College Quarterly, 2nd 
series, XIX, July, 1939, 309-317. 


Virginia relatives as they said no Virginia woman should marry a 
foreigner, my father being a Scotsman."^- Despite these complica- 
tions, the marriage took place in Louisville in 1848. 

James bought a large farm near Lexington, and family life began. 
The fourth of five children, George was born July 28, 1856.^-^ The 
family was evidently quite well-to-do. George remembered that 
there were "a good many" colored servants who worked on the 
farm and cared for him in his childhood. At the outbreak of the 
Civil War times were "unsettled in the central country," wrote 
George, so the family sold the farm and moved into Lexington. 
It was not much of an improvement: "the difficulty and danger of 
living were so great that my father thought we'd better move to 

Friends and relatives were in the Confederate army, but James 
B. Beck remained neutral though sympathizing with the Southern 
cause. He continued his work in the border state of Kentucky 
throughout the war while his family lived in safety in Philadelphia. 
The unsettled times, the new environment, and the lack of a father 
during these times, may have contributed to George's wanderlust. 
He was a restless, rebellious boy, and ran away from home several 
times. But the time spent in that city was short, and at the end of 
the war they moved back to Lexington. Here George continued 
his restless and adventurous ways. Though it is typical that boys 
hunt and hike, these interests occupied an inordinate amount of 
George's attention. His father gave him a gun, and George soon 
became quite proficient as a lone hunter. George, himself, con- 
nected his roaming in the Philadelphia streets with his hunting 
activities: "Having acquired quite a rambling habit in Philadel- 
phia, I kept it up in Kentucky and wandered everywhere."!^ He 
was, indeed, a confirmed wanderer for life. 

Shortly after the war, James Beck was elected to Congress. 
Though neutral during the war, he had remained in sympathy with 

12. "Father and Mother" manuscript, Beck Collection. Also, Hayden, 
p. 23. 

13. Two of the children died in infancy (Sophie and Jimmy). Margaret, 
born in 1849, married James Corcoran of Washington, D.C. She died of 
typhoid fever shortly after her marriage, when George was in college, and 
her husband moved to Little Rock, Arkansas. Betty, born in 1853, married 
Green Clay Goodloe. He was appointed a major in charge of the paymas- 
ter's department by President Hayes, and was thereafter a permanent resi- 
dent of the city of Washington. Autobiography, pp. 6, 19, 21. 

14. "Father and Mother" manuscript. How much George actually re- 
membered of these years is unknown, for he was very young. He wrote of 
meeting President Lincoln through Montgomery Blair, the postmaster gen- 
eral in Lincoln's cabinet. George's mother had attended school with Eliza- 
beth Blair in Washington, and they were intimate friends. Also, Hayden, 
p. 22. 

15. Autobiography, p. 9. 


the South. In fact, a colleague of his in Congress, James G. Blaine, 
said it had been only "the abundant caution and the sound sense 
which he inherited with his Scotch blood" that had saved him from 
following his law-partner, Breckenridge, "hot-headedly into the 
rebellion." There was enough sympathy with the South, however, 
"to secure popular support in Kentucky."^" Serving continuously 
in Washington for over twenty years, except for the brief period 
between elections when he left the House of Representatives to join 
the Senate, he was an advocate of States' rights and free trade, was 
well versed in financial issues, and always worked for the interests 
of the South. Thus, he was a leader in the movement to secure 
amnesty for ex-Confederates. Probably these political opinions 
were largely shared by his son when he came of age, but for the 
present the greatest effect of James' election to Congress upon 
George was the move to Washington for long periods of the year. 

George's friends in Washington were the children of other office- 
holders and politicians. Blair Lee, grandson of Francis Preston 
Blair, was his best friend, and many days were spent at the beauti- 
ful Silver Springs estate of the Blairs near Washington, ^^ Other 
chums included the niece and nephew of President Andrew John- 
son, and, in fact, George remembered later that "the President used 
to chase us around with a stick."^^ President Grant's family also 
provided playmates. When George Beck in Wyoming claimed that 
he had personally met every President from Lincoln to Franklin 
Roosevelt, he may well not have been exaggerating. It is important 
to understand Beck's social base. He was related to George Wash- 
ington, was the son of a prominent political figure, and associated 
freely with some of the great men of the country. His gentlemanly 
bearing in the West had its foundation in his youth. 

His formative years were of course not all spent in hunting and 
playing. He had been to school in Philadelphia, and had had 
several tutors. He remembered being sent later to Penlucy Board- 
ing School near Baltimore where he studied the Latin and Greek 
grammars with distinguished classmates. George later wrote that 
"experiences of Boarding School were about the same as every- 
where, one gets through it and goes into something else."^^ 

16. James G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, 2 vols.; Norwich, Conn.: 
The Henry Bull Publishing Company, 1893, II, p. 291. 

17. According to George, Jane Thornton (his mother) and Elizabeth 
Blair had been intimate friends during their schooldays in Washington. 
Elizabeth married S. P. Lee (later an admiral); Blair Lee was their son. 
"Father and Mother" manuscript. The Blairs were an influential family: 
Francis Preston Blair had been an advisor to Lincoln, and Montgomery Blair 
his postmaster general. Silver Springs, Maryland, saw considerable political 

18. Autobiography, p. 12. 

19. Ibid., p. 15. 


His education continued in a private school in Washington. 
George attempted, through his father's appointment privilege, to 
get into West Point; unfortunately, James Beck for political reasons 
had promised the opening to another Kentucky boy. He accom- 
panied his parents to Europe, stopping at his father's old home in 
Scotland, and then touring a large part of the rest of Europe. 
During this time, perhaps with fatherly advice, George chose to 
study engineering, and enrolled in Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, 
Troy, New York. His college roommates, Albert Fowler and Al- 
byn Dike, became his close friends, and joined in some of his later 
adventures. George stated that he v/orked hard at both his studies 
and physical activities. However, he did not complete his college 
degree, leaving after three years to become a secretary for his 
father.-" His formal education was completed. 

* * * * * •.;: * * 

In 1877, now twenty-one, George decided to go West. It is 
appropriate to pause here and examine the young man. He was 
exceptionally strong. He later told the story that when he had 
asked to go to West Point, his father advised him first to get into 
top physical condition. To do so, George took boxing lessons in 
Baltimore from Billie Edwards, whom he identified as the middle- 
weight champion of the world: "he gave me some lessons and 
put me in training. I stayed with him for six weeks and he told me 
I was ready to go any place, so I went back to Kentucky." George 
added modestly that he once knocked Edwards down.^^ 

Standing over six feet tall and weighing over two hundred 
pounds, George's physical appearance was in itself impressive, and 
combined with his social graces made him a distinguished figure 
in social circles. He attended many of the fashionable gatherings 
of Washington society, and was a member of the Bachelor's Ger- 
man, a group of young men who organized dances and other such 
functions. He remembered Washington as a lively city in the 
winter months, especially on New Year's Day. His acquaintances 
among the leading men of the country expanded, and these would 
help him later in his Western career. At the same time George had 

20. Ibid., p. 18. Beck said that he participated in football and was on 
his college boating team. He attended Rensselaer for three years, 1874- 
1877, but did not graduate. Letter from John A. Dunlap, Registrar, to the 
author. May 2, 1966. There is a problem of dates in Beck's Autobiography; 
he states that between tlie ages of 18 and 21 he was at Rensselaer, worked 
for his father, and attended lectures at Columbia Law School; he may also 
have attended business school. 

21. Ibid., p. 16. Edwards' title must have been unofficial. That George 
was powerful is beyond reproach. His son informed me that he remembered 
his father standing about six feet two inches in height, and weighing from 
212 to 240 poimds. He also related several stories of his father's strength. 
Interview with George T. Beck, Jr., April 13, 1966. 


also gained some independent v/ealth. Througli his mother's re- 
lationship to George Washington he had inherited a thousand acres 
of the Washington lands. Before the Civil War his father sold 
these West Virginia interests and had reinvested the proceeds for 
him, providing George with a source of income when he settled in 

Physical appearance, experiences, and general background do 
not really tell what the man was Hke. To reconstruct the personal- 
ity of a young man who lived in the nineteenth century is a chal- 
lenge. Though it may be as much humorous as useful, there is a 
contemporary document concerning George's personality. Today 
the fashion is to be psychoanalyzed; in the last century it was the 
phrenologist who occupied popular attention. Although phrenol- 
ogy was a pseudo-science, phrenologists were often acute observers. 
George Beck was examined twice. 

The major American phrenologists wcic the Fowler brothers 
who published probably the largest amount of such studies in this 
country. Orson S. Fov/ler made the reports about George.-^ It 
probably was no accident that the last analysis was given at Troy, 
New York, and that Beck's college roommate there was named 
Albert Fowler. 

The earlier of the two reports was made when George was still 
a "lad." It was undoubtedly sent to his father, giving instructions 
on how George should be raised: "He needs to be in the outdoor 
air — should grow up outdoors as much as possible and should be 
engaged in play and exercise rather than staying in the house and 
going to school." Though the phrenologist thought George was 
not too rugged a boy, he felt the lad would "be delighted to be 
where the horses and cattle are." In a tone very similar to today's 
child psychologists, the report says George "is very fond of receiv- 
ing attentions and it will always do him good to notice the good 
traits and speak well of him when he does well." The boy "does 
not think enough of himself, should be thrown more upon his own 
responsibility and be made to feel that he can do things himself." 
Evidently this advice was followed by the parents, if they needed 

22. Letter from George T. Beck to Miss Wiggenhorn, August 10, 1924, 
Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, Cheyenne. Also Auto- 
biography, p. 5. The relationship to Washington is detailed in Hayden, p. 21. 

23. The first report is undated and unsigned, but evidence indicates the 
examination was during his early youth. The second report, in the same 
handwriting, took place at Troy, New York, March 18, 1876, and is signed 
by Orson S. Fowler. Both reports are in the Beck Collection. Quotations 
in the following paragraphs are from these documents. For a brief history 
and evaluation of phrenology, including mention of the Fowler brothers, 
see Edwin Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, 2nd ed.; New 
York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957, pp. 50-60. 


it, for George was often on his own initiative during his childhood, 
and certainly spent time outdoors. 

The phrenologist also gave warnings. George, he wrote, "lacks 
the qualities to properly control his own mind." Though "natural- 
ly very firm and decided," George "is easily persuaded," and too 
"generous and Uberal in his dispositions." The recommendation 
was that George's benevolent attitudes be tempered and that inde- 
pendence of mind be developed. A considerable temper was men- 
tioned, and the phrenologist recommended that George's parents 
be careful not to get George angry for he could be quite destructive: 
"He is not a quarrelsome boy, not inclined to make difficulties 
with others, still when angry his temper runs high for a few 

George's inteUigence and curiosity impressed the phrenologist: 
"He has an unusual degree of memoiy of events and is passionately 
fond of stories and anecdotes." Though he "will not be so forward 
as a scholar," being "earnest rather than v/itty," George showed 
much originality. >\^iile the report said he would not be a great 
speaker, it credited him with being "correct and comparatively 
copious." The parents were recommended either to train George 
for a profession or "let him pursue the occupation of a farmer, 
stock grower, or some other outdoor business." The professions 
he was best suited for v/ere medicine and the ministry. It must 
have discouraged his father somewhat to read that though George 
was not wanting in the capacity for a lav/yer, he would be more 
likely to "do good and be useful." 

The second report was given to George when he was in college. 
The phrenologist, Orson S. Fowler, shows the same acute insight 
into personality, though the document also shows some knowledge 
of George's personal affairs that undoubtedly came from outside 
sources. Several of the same general observations were recorded: 
He was fond of praise, often foolishly sensitive, and was deficient 
in self-esteem. He needed "independence, individuality; self- 
reliance." He was too easily persuaded by others, too benevolent, 
too serious, and needed to learn to laugh. Since George v/as orderly 
and systematic, Fowler thought he might make a good mathema- 

A major theme of this report was that though he had the ambi- 
tion and ability, he was not working up to capacity: 

Have plenty of force to drive ahead when you begin, the trouble with 
you is to begin. I should expect you to show vim enough, and stability 
enough, and yet to be so long in beginning as to accomplish no great 
sum. Procrastination is, always has been, will be the thief of your 
time. You waste in deliberation time wanted for execution. 

There was some inconsistency on the part of Fowler, for while he 
said "Ambition, sir, to do your very, very best in every little thing 
is your predominant characteristic, and most admirably devel- 


oped," he also wrote that George was inclmed "to learn and do a 
little about many things, and not much about any one thing." 
There were rather unusual new items too: Beck was to be long- 
lived, needed to settle down to a woman and home, and wash in 
cold water every day. 

Fowler again noticed that George had ability. He possessed "at 
least twice as much talent" as he showed, and merely needed to 
use it: 

Have an uncommonly large head. Possess naturally talents of a high 
order. Are by no means a common-place man. May not bring out 
half your powers, but have enough in you to make you conspicuous 
and no mistake. Neither realize how much of a man you are, nor do 

In spite of this high estimation, Fowler expected George would do 
a "great deal better for a salary than business on your own hooks." 
He figured George would do "tolerably well monetarily" but 
missed the boat on his next prediction: "you will be able to do 
quite well in any financial business but wont [sic] have the energy, 
enterprise to pitch in and run the risk." George constantly took 
risks in his Western ventures. 

The phrenologist said Beck was "a very just, honest man." It is 
the honesty of the phrenologist's report that is more questionable. 
His personality diagnosis is intriguing, and fits well with Beck's 
subsequent actions. But there is little doubt that Fowler had prior 
knowledge of George's affairs when he wrote clairvoyantly that he 
"would be just the one for Nevada to take charge of a mine, if you 
went that way." 

George Beck, equally at ease in the boxing ring and Washington 
society, possessing a rather good education for his day, provided 
with adequate financial means and political connections, was char- 
acterized by a spirit of restlessness. The West, which had for some 
time lured his neighbors, now beckoned to him. Colorado had 
been largely settled by people from the Midwest during its gold 
rush years. Now there was a new rush to Colorado — Leadvilie!^^ 
George decided to join the excitement in 1877, the year of the 
Leadville strike. Though he probably hoped to establish a fortune 
in that land of vast, unexploited resources, he had other reasons 
for going West. He was an adventurous lad, and, as he wrote, 
"being the son of a Senator and great-grandnephew of Washington 
was too much for me socially, and I wanted to get out where I 

24. For an excellent description of Leadville in 1877 and other Colorado 
gold rushes, see Rodman W. Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848- 
1880, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963, pp. 127-128. 


would be plain George Beck."^-^ However, when plain George 
Beck was in the West he employed his name and connections 
advantageously, indicating that the former motives may have been 
more influential. 

George, with Albert Fowler, his college friend, was soon in Den- 
ver, outfitting for Leadville. Their guide and packer, Sam Wood- 
ruff, proved to be almost useless to the newcomers: "He knew 
less about the business than any man I ever met."^^ They had so 
many problems that finally they had to fire Woodruff, though he 
had to be persuaded to leave at gunpoint according to Beck's ac- 
count. Their problems illustrate the plight of the greenhorn in 
the West: 

Packs would come off every few hundred yards and we would have 
to catch our donkeys and repack; in fact I think we carried the packs 
most of the way. By the end of the day we were pretty well exhausted; 
however before we got through our trip we learned how to pack — we 
had to.27 

Leadville also proved to be a new experience. The high altitude 
(10,152 feet), the shortage of food and supplies, the general prob- 
lems of a boom town, caused them some hardships, for which their 
eastern training had not equipped them. One humorous event 
occurred when they wore their Eastern tailor-made, chamois skin 
suits and were caught in a rain: 

. . . my clothes began to stretch. The pants were soon down to the 
ground so with my hunting knife I cut them off to what I thought a 
reasonable length but before I got back to camp I had to do this a 
second time. Next day when I went to put them on I found I had 
knee britches. My $50.00 suit I cut up for strings and even then they 
were no account.28 

George allowed it was the last time he had a chamois skin suit. 

They did not linger in Leadville long. Hearing about a new gold 
strike in western Colorado, they decided to go there. Though they 
discovered some minerals, their assays showed that the finds were 
not valuable enough for profit. George was headed for Mexico 
on another attempt when he received a telegram from his father 
asking him to come to St. Paul, Minnesota, immediately. He 
traveled rapidly, assuming his mother was ill since she had not 
been too well. Upon his arrival in St. Paul he was angered to 
learn that his mother and father were merely on a fishing trip and 

25. Autobiography, p. 22. The aspirations of most miners are examined 
by Rodman Paul, who notes that Americans had a "restlessness, an equally 
pervasive addiction to speculation, and a desire to exploit virgin natural 
resources under conditions of maximum freedom." Paul, p. 41. 

26. Autobiography, p. 21. 

27. Ibid., p. 23. 

28. Ibid., p. 25. 


wanted to talk to him about his future plans. James Beck did not 
approve of his son's rambling around the West searching for gold. 
"He said although I was of age and could do as I pleased, yet he 
didn't consider prospecting a legitimate business and he hoped that 
I would want to take up law or engineering."-^ Though George 
claimed an independence of mind, it seems that, as the phrenologist 
had previously noted, this quahty needed further development. 
George acquiesced to his father's advice. 

Still determined to be in the West, George obtained a job with 
the Northern Pacific Railroad as a surveyor, and he was soon one 
of the crew working near present Mandan, North Dakota.^^ The 
hunting was good and George enjoyed himself. But in the winter, 
when a general order came to cut the wages by twenty-five per cent, 
George, with his fellow workers, was angered. There was Uttle 
they could do; they were trapped for the winter. When spring 
came. Beck and many of the others resigned and went to St. Paul. 
George was offered a good job there by the Northern Pacific Rail- 
road, but he refused it as it did not include his friends. There may 
have been more behind his reasoning than he stated, for he had 
again decided to go West on his own and make his fortune. With 
some friends — Hamilton Headley of Kentucky, Albyn Dike from 
Rensselaer, and Sedgewick Rice whose father was Governor of 
Minnesota, and some of the crew who had quit with him — Beck 
formed an expedition. There were ten men in all, all with dreams 
and schemes.-^^ 

The small outfit of one wagon and several riding horses left from 
the end of the Northern Pacific track near the Little Missouri River 
in Dakota Territory, with George as captain of the expedition. 
The plans were vague, but probably included ranching near the 
Rocky Mountains. The trip was exciting: they saw Indians, had 
the usual water shortage, but actually had few major difficulties. 
At Fort Keogh in Montana, George found a friend of his family in 
command — General Nelson A. Miles. While there, Sedgewick 
Rice, enamored with army life, joined the infantry with a com- 
mission secured by Senator Beck, and Hamilton Headley left for 
Kentucky via river transportation. The others continued south- 
westward. The men were becoming obsessed with the idea of 

29. Ibid., p. 29, and Hayden, p. 23. 

30. Ibid., pp. 29-32, and Hayden, p. 23. The discussion of his railroad 
episode is completely from his memoirs. Work was begun in the Missouri 
River region in 1879 for the first time since the depression of 1873. Eugene 
V. Smalley, History of the Northern Pacific Railroad, New York: G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, 1883, p. 217. Beck was quite adept at mathematics; in his 
spare time he claimed a patent for a mathematical law for making cams. 

31. Autobiography, p. 32, and Hayden, p. 23. The reasons behind the 
expedition are vague, which may be one cause why they later had difficulty 
maintaining unity. 


hunting buffalo for the hides which were selling for a good price. 
Beck would have no part of this idea, and following rivers and 
trails, the party made it to the foothills of the Big Horn Mountains. 
Beck decided to settle in the vicinity of Goose Creek, a region 
highly recommended by General Miles for ranching purposes. 

Arriving in the valley during the summer of 1879, Beck's men 
were still obsessed with hunting buffalo. All left him except his 
college friend, Albyn Dike. The two began the hard work of build- 
ing a ranch. They secured horses from a settler nearby, built a 
cabin and decided they would raise sheep. Drawing the short 
straw, Beck left to purchase their first animals while Dike remained 
to build. Though he did not realize it then, George had arrived 
in the West to stay. The Goose Creek valley was to be his home 
for at least the next fifteen years. 

The land was sparsely settled.^- The centers of population in 
Wyoming were almost two hundred miles southward, along the 
Union Pacific Railroad. Northern Wyoming was virgin land.^^ 
Only recently had the Indians been removed from this area, open- 
ing it for settlement. Beck, who was among the first to settle and 
raise sheep in the area, had chosen a lonely existence. He had, 
however, elected one of the vocations the phrenologist had recom- 
mended and was now certainly in the outdoors. 

The usual stereotype of the man who ventured westward does 
not fit George T. Beck. He was neither a criminal, nor uneducat- 
ed, nor a poor immigrant. Instead he was a man of education and 
influential connections. He could have been successful in the East. 
But, an economic pioneer, he used his faculties to develop and 
exploit the virgin land. 

* :1c * ^ * :;< * -^ 

Northern Wyoming, previously unceded Indian land, had been 
open for settlement only a few years. It was open range, easily 
adaptable for raising sheep or cattle. However, there was a major 
problem — transportation. Most of the sheepmen had settled as 
near the Union Pacific Railroad as possible, and thus George Beck 
had to go south to purchase the sheep.^* 

32. An indication of the small population can be found in U.S. Bureau of 
the Census, Tenth Census, Wyoming Territory: 1880. The population of 
Wyoming was 20,788. There were only 72 people near Goose Creek. The 
1880 census report does not list Beck's name; it is conceivable he did not 
reach Wyoming until a later time. 

33. A general description of the area at that time can be found in Robert 
P. Porter, The West: From the Census of 1880, A History of the Industrial, 
Commercial, Social, and Political Development of the States and Territories 
of the West from 1800 to 1880, Chicago: Rand, McNally & Company, 
1882, pp. 419-429. 

34. "By 1880 almost all the sheep in the Territory were flanking the 
Union Pacific rails." Edward N. Wentworth, America's Sheep Trails, Ames, 
Iowa: The Iowa State College Press, 1948, p. 315. 


While Dike continued to build the ranch, Beck made the long 
journey.^'"' After pricing several flocks, he bought from Morton E. 
Post of Cheyenne, paying $3,200 for 1,000 sheep.^« Wallace 
Greene, whom Beck had met on his Leadville trip, was hired to 
drive the supply-wagon, while Beck afoot drove the sheep north- 
ward from Cheyenne. They had some trouble with cattlemen on 
the way; Moreton Frewen's cowboys stopped the flock at Powder 
River and barred the way through cattle country. Beck called 
their bluff and crossed the river : 

I could almost feel the bullets going through me, but I determined not 
to show this crowd that I was afraid of them. When I was safely on 
the west side, the foreman reluctantly came down from the bank and 
told me that Mr. Fruen [sic] had concluded that as I was there in the 
country before his time I might go through. But he said no other d — 
sheep man would ever cross that river.^' 

George claimed they lost only one sheep on the long trip. 

In Beck's absence, Dike had worked hard, and there was now a 
large shed and corral. Dike decided to go back home in the spring, 
and Beck bought his share for cost. Now alone in the sheep busi- 
ness, he discovered problems almost immediately. The greatest 
was scab. This parasitical disease, causing sheep to lose their 
wool, resulted in the death of 400 sheep during the first winter. 
Beck tried several remedies, including making a dip of tobacco 
and hot water: "I went to Fort McKinney and bought all the 
chewing tobacco and cigars and everything I could get a hold of 
in the line of tobacco. I almost created a tobacco famine in the 
Fort."^^ Eventually he used the standard lime and sulphur mixture 
which, after several dippings, cured his sheep. 

The sheep ranch was a lonely place, but loneliness could be 
profitable. Raising sheep was risky — some made fortunes, some 
went broke. Luck was perhaps as important as skill, though in 
Beck's case some hard work had saved his flock from disaster. 
The potential for profit was great. General James S. Brisbin, in a 
promotional book, reported in 1881 that M. E. Post had earned a 
sixty per cent return on his investment.^^ His figures are likely a 
promotional exaggeration, but when it is remembered that the 
public domain was free for use, that expenses of a herder and a few 

35. Hayden, pp. 24-25, relates the whole story. Also, Autobiography, 
p. 40. 

36. Two to three dollars was then the average cost for sheep in Wyo- 
ming. Morton E. Post was the largest sheep owner near Cheyenne in 1875, 
with an estimated flock of 8,000. The Cheyenne Leader, September 21, 
1875, p. 2. Also see Wentworth, pp. 309-316. 

37. Hayden, p. 25. The same story is in the Autobiography, pp. 41-42. 

38. Autobiography, p. 44. 

39. General James S. Brisbin, The Beef Bonanza; or. How to Get Rich 
on the Plains. Being a Description of Cattle-Growing, Sheep-Farming, 


buildings were small, great returns should not be too amazing. 
Utilizing these opportunities, Beck made his business pay as others 
had. His first year must have been expensive due to the original 
purchase of sheep, the loss due to scab, the expense of dipping, 
and the building of the ranch. But soon, with little other than 
Wallace Greene's help. Beck was shipping wool to Eastern consign- 
ers.^" No exact records of profit and loss have survived, but he 
conducted his business with considerable success. 

Beck's flock of sheep was one of the largest in the area,'*^ 
Edward N. Wentworth, a noted authority on the sheep industry, 
wrote an important account of Beck's flock and its increase. In 
1882, four venturesome young men moved from St. Louis, Mis- 
souri, to northern Colorado to make their fortunes raising sheep. 
They were William J. Thom, a bank clerk; Wallace W. Greene, of 
an established family in St. Louis; Thomas J. Bouton, a printer; 
and Albert Eaton, a hotelkeeper. Wallace Greene is the man Beck 
said came with him in 1880 from Cheyenne, revealing a conflict 
between the two stories and creating suspicions about accepting 
either one too confidently. In any event, these four inexperienced 
young men, to their dismay, discovered that the cattlemen near 
their ranch were very hostile toward sheepmen. After frightening 
experiences, they sold their ranch. Eaton and Bouton returned to 
St. Louis, but Thom and Greene drove their sheep to northern 
Wyoming. "Greene had a friend located a few miles west of mod- 
em Sheridan, a son of Senator James P. [sic] Beck of Ken- 
tucky, "^^ The summer of 1883 was spent driving the flock north. 
George Beck took the weary travelers in, advised them to settle on 
nearby Rapid Creek, and in 1884 purchased their flock making 
his the largest in the area. This is the only record, suspect though 

Horse Raising, and Dairying in the West, Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & 
Co., 1881, p. 122. Reprinted in 1959 by the University of Oklahoma Press. 
Brisbin, who was once stationed at Fort McKinney, includes many examples 
of spectacular profits. 

40. A letter from Wm. MacNaughton's Sons, Wool Commission Mer- 
chants, New York, to George T. Beck, November 18, 1884, is a complaint 
by his agents about the poor market, though they said "we have been able to 
make very successful sales of your wool . . ." Sherman Hall & Co., Wool 
Commissioners of Chicago, sent letters on September 30, 1886, indicating 
sales of Beck's wool for $669.79, and $432.50, adding that "Considering the 
market we have made a very good sale of your wool and trust that you will 
be well pleased with the sales." Beck Collection. 

41. Wentworth, p. 323, wrote that Beck's flock was the largest on the 
Johnson and Sheridan County tax rolls in 1884. However, Sheridan County 
was not organized until 1888. Perhaps incorrectly, Wentworth recorded the 
first flock on the eastern slope of the Big Horn Mountains as that of D. A. 
Kingsbury in 1883. Beck claimed he was there in 1880. Wentworth evi- 
dently received his information from A. L. Brock of Buffalo, Wyoming, an 
early resident in the area. 

42. Ibid., pp. 323-324. 


it is, of any purchase of sheep by Beck other than his original one 
from Morton E. Post. 

Beck quit the sheep business in 1889, after only eight years in 
that pursuit, selUng his flock for a profit of $35,000.^^ The reason 
he left this lucrative business, or at least the one he gave, was that 
"I concluded if I stayed at it any longer I could speak the sheep 
language better than I could speak the English." There had prob- 
ably been other sales of sheep during the eight years, but the only 
known record is his comment that "several big sheep men of 
Sheridan County got their start from that bunch."^^ There seems 
little doubt that it had been a profitable eight years. 

Sheep were not Beck's only interest during these years. He tried 
to raise some cattle; after obtaining a hundred head of cows, he 
purchased some Hereford bulls: 

. . . when I came home in the evening after they were delivered I had 
difficulty in reaching the house. They charged everybody and every- 
thing they could see. I think they really belonged to the bull ring and 
not to a ranch. They kept the men and me dodging and running for 
several days until finally getting tired of it I turned my Greyhounds 
loose and told them to take them, having opened up the gates, the 
Greyhounds enjoyed the sport, tore off all their tails and drove them a 
mile or two towards the mountains. That was my brand after that, 
any bull without a tail was mine.^s 

Beck even imported some thoroughbred horses from Kentucky, 
and for a while had a race track on his ranch. One of his horses, 
"Wyo", became a purse-winner in California, but Beck couldn't 
keep up with racing due to his other time-consuming activities, and 
disposed of all of them except one. 

More important was his farming. He had quite early acquired 
all the public land he could, filing on it in the names of his relatives 
and friends as well as in his own name. Having filed and worked 
the land for them, he probably then purchased it or paid them a 
percentage of the profits from its use.'*^ His previous partner, 
Albyn Dike, wrote to Beck after hearing that George wanted him 
to help in this matter: 

He says you wanted some of your friends to take up desert land claims 

43. Hayden, p. 25. In his Autobiography, p. 44, Beck said he sold his 
sheep for $32,500. Both figures are from memory over thirty years later, 
and should not be taken too literally. 

44. Ibid. Beck does not mention the harsh winter of 1886-1887, but it 
may have been a contributing factor to his decision to end his sheep business. 

45. Autobiography, pp. 99-100. 

46. In a Private Journal dated December 10, 1886, Beck listed some of 
the lands in his possession: the list indicates that he had filed preemption, 
homestead, timber culture, and desert land entries, all in his own name. His 
father's name was listed for desert land and timber culture entries, his 
brother-in-law (G. C. Goodloe) for the same, and his friend (Blair Lee) 
for a desert land entry. Beck Collection. 


there to keep shisters [sic] out etc. If the land in question is of good 
soil and not rocky — and can be irrigated without much expense, I will 
claim there (640 acres) and depend upon you to locate it well for me 
and enter etc.^" 

There was plenty of land composing his ranch when he began farm- 
ing. This practice of getting land should not cause undue alarm, 
for it was common practice on the American frontier. 

Beck purchased a plow and hired a team of oxen to plow a ten 
acre plot. The land proved to be productive, so more acres were 
plowed; he took out "number one water right" on Big Goose Creek, 
and irrigated. ^'^ The farming venture became very profitable, and 
Beck began raising garden products as well as money crops of oats 
and wheat. The greatest market outlet seemed to be nearby Fort 

Enough farming was being done in the region by the mid-1 880s 
that Beck decided a flour mill v/ould be advantageous. He dug a 
ditch from Big Goose Creek for a water wheel, shipped equipment 
via the Northern Pacific Railroad and wagon train, and built per- 
haps the first flour mill in Wyoming. His millwright did not under- 
stand his profession as well as he claimed, however, and the initial 
operation cost Beck a large sum of money. The first error, accord- 
ing to George's account, was in the construction, and the wheat 
was ruined. Trying to meet the contract with Fort McKinney, the 
millwright purchased more wheat, but it proved to be frosted and 
consequently almost worthless. ^^ The millwright was, of course, 
discharged, and Beck rebuilt the mill himself. He later trained two 
millers, and finally was able to let them take care of the entire 

The reports of the Territorial Governors to the Secretary of the 
Interior show constant growth in the northern region of Wyoming. 
The report of Governor Hale in 1883, for example, said Johnson 
County "is regarded throughout Wyoming as one of its most prom- 
ising sections. "^° He mentioned the rapidity of the sale of public 
lands, the irrigation projects, plus the growth of the towns of Buf- 
falo, Sheridan, and Big Horn City. Beck's operations kept pace 
with the growth of the region. He plowed over 450 acres, which, 

47. Letter from Albyn Dike to George T. Beck, March 13, 1882. Beck 

48. Autobiography, pp. 48-49. 

49. Ibid., pp. 49-50. Beck said he lost $9,000 from these two mistakes, 
but it must be remembered this figure is completely from memory over 
fifty years later. Proof of his contract with Fort McKinney remains in a 
letter from Charles Taylor, post quartermaster, to George T. Beck, July 3, 
1886, asking Beck to deliver the rest of the bran as per contract. Beck 
Collection. The mill was a regional landmark until its destruction in 1940. 

50. Report of Governor William Hale to the Secretary of the Interior, 
November 10, 1883. 


added to his milling operation and livestock, forced him to hire a 
sizable crew.^^ He increased his holdings of farm equipment by 
introducing perhaps the first self-binders and threshing machine in 
the area. He claimed that he produced 15,000 bushels of wheat on 
the farm one year, and was also planting corn to meet the needs of 
the local consumers of corn meal. His machinery ran full time on 
rentals, Beck often taking wheat for his mill in return for the use of 
the threshing machine. His machinery finally wore out, but Beck 
penciled into his memoirs that he made alrnost $12,000 renting 
this machine. This may seem to be a greatly exaggerated figure, 
but there is little doubt that his farm was a paying enterprise. Its 
value to George is indicated in one of his many stories. Supposedly 
Sheridan's founders came to ask him to move his flour mill to 
Sheridan, for which he was to receive one half the townsite. Beck 
said he countered their proposition with one of his own — if they 
would move their town to the millsite, he would give them forty 
acres of land. The negotiations went no further.^^ xijg jji[\i h^^j j^ 
fact become a townsite of sorts, was called Beckton, and can still be 
found on many maps of the region.^^ 

Beck's large operations occupied much time, but with his hired 
help he realized more and more leisure moments. He could not 
suppress his desire to prospect, and now again had the opportunity. 
He dug holes throughout the Big Horn Mountains, but never made 
a big strike, and later admitted his defeat: "The only time I suc- 
ceeded in making enough money to pay expenses was one year 
when I put in a hydrauUc plant East of Bald Mountain on what was 
called Dayton Gulch. "^^ The town of Bald Mountain, which Beck 
said he founded there, has long since disappeared. Beck continued 
to search, even though failure succeeded failure. Prospecting had 
brought him to the West, and he wrote that "it is hard work to 
break away from prospecting; once the fever gets in your blood the 
disease is hard to cure."°^ He continued to search throughout his 

51. Autobiography, pp. 67-68. He said he had ten men working for him. 
A Kentucky cousin, Will Beck, asked for a job on July 16, 1886, in a letter 
to George, and worked steadily, writing reports on ranch conditions to 
George when he was occupied elsewhere. Some of these letters survived 
and are in the Beck Collection. 

52. Ibid., p. 71. Beck said the proposition was made by John H. Conrad, 
J. M. Lobban, and others. 

53. Letter from the U.S. Post Office Dept. to James B. Beck, May 24, 
1884. It says the postoffice previously called "Milltown, Johnson County, 
Wyoming Territory," was officially changed as requested to "Beckton." 
Beck Collection. 

54. Autobiography, pp. 50-51. In the Beck Collection there are stock 
certificates for the Dayton Gulch Mining Company of Sheridan, Wyoming, 
showing a capital stock of $100,000. Beck owned over 3,500 of the 10,000 

55. Ibid. 


life, though not always specifically for gold. The fever was in his 
blood, and seeking that fortune became a vital part of his life, 

>;; H^ ^ H: H: H^ Hi H^ 

George T. Beck was a prosperous western rancher, and it is not 
unusual that this was reflected in his social and political life. When 
he first entered the region it was remote and lonely, but soon his 
ranch began to attract a number of visitors. The soldiers from Fort 
McKinney were frequent guests, and at least one would join George 
in a game of chess. Some neighbors became good friends, such as 
Elisha Terrill, a Kentuckian, who had a cabin about twenty miles 
away and often visited with George. Also, there were the occa- 
sional travelers who stopped for brief periods, such as the James 
brothers and their gang. He first met them at Terrill's cabin: 
"After they had gone Elisha, who had gotten to know them pretty 
well, told me they were Jessie James and Frank James and their 
bunch from Northwestern Missouri and they were building a cabin 
on Little Goose Creek. "■'^•^ Though the visitors played cards and 
chess, they usually spent their time hunting. Frank Grouard, the 
famous scout, was a frequent companion; the artist, Thomas Mor- 
an, was one visitor who fished rather than hunted. The hunting 
in the Big Horn Mountains was outstanding, and though mountain 
lions seemed to be the most highly prized game, the other wildlife 
could hardly be surpassed: 

These trips I enjoyed very much, as the country was aHve with game 
and everything was fresh, untouched by man. It was unnecessary to 
go into the mountains to hunt. At my cabin, when a stranger came, 
I would ask him what kind of meat he liked and in half a day I could 
have any of the big game animals of the Rocky Mountains, killed and 
hung up at the cabin. The creeks were very full of fish, and pinnated 
grouse and sage hens were plentiful.-"'''' 

Beck was well fixed for hunting since he loved dogs, and had at the 
ranch many different breeds such as greyhounds and shepherds. 
Besides being good sheep dogs, they were good hunters, and Beck 
later narrated many a good yam about his pets. 

Indians were also frequent callers at his ranch. From their 
reservation in Montana the Crow Indians roved south to his ranch, 
where they liked to tell stories (as well as Beck himself), and were 
delighted to hear tales of the cities of the East. He soon learned 
that the Indian had a strange sensitivity, that he could not joke 
with them unless he told them immediately that it was a joke; they 

56. Ibid., pp. AA-Al. Beck's experiences with the James brothers is also 
told at length in Hayden, pp. 25-26. Grouard's experiences attempting to 
capture the gang are told in Joe DeBarthe's Life and Adventures of Frank 
Grouard, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958, pp. 183, 192- 
194. This abridged reprint contains the same story as the original 1884 

57. Autobiography, pp. 52-53. 


took offense too quickly. The mill interested them immensely and 
was the drawing card to his ranch. The Indians were, of course, 
completely peaceful. 

Perhaps the most welcome visitors were his parents and friends 
from the East. His mother and father made two summer trips to 
the ranch. His father loved the hunting, but his friend, Blair Lee, 
who once came with them, did not enjoy the wild country. Beck 
described his carefree life during these years in the following way: 

This kind of free and easy out-door life lasted for about seven years 
and during that time I never went East. The county that I settled in 
was Carbon County and the county seat was Rawlins. We never saw 
our sheriff nor our tax collector. What few people lived there were 
very kindly and helpful to each other.^s 

In 1887 Beck began to make trips away from his ranch, and jour- 
neys back east became a common affair. On George's first trip to 
Washington since his ranch life began, his father protested against 
the farming clothes: 

When I reached Washington I threw my sack over my arm and started 
to walk to where my father lived and I had got within a block of his 
house and I met him on the street. He took a look at me and cried, 
'My God, is that you George?' That is the first remark that made me 
feel that I was not properly dressed, (overalls — stetsons). I said, 
'Yes, this is I and if you don't like it I'll go back.' He told me to come 
on home. We got there and I turned my wheat out on the table to 
show him. He admired it very much but did not think much of my 
clothes. He telegraphed to his tailor in Baltimore to come at once.59 

Almost any excuse would bring George away from his ranch; he 
returned for the weddings of both Blair Lee and Albert Fowler. 
When his father was in bad health and decided to go South for the 
winter, George made the excursion with him. They visited Georgia 
and Florida, and contmued to Havana, Cuba, where they spent an 
"official" vacation, with aU the necessary dinners and receptions. 
When they returned in the spring they visited George's sister in 
Maryland, and finally George returned to his ranch. During the 
next years he traveled frequently, visiting family friends such as the 
George Hearsts in California and George Pullman in Florida. The 
success of his ranch provided enough leisure time for extended 

With success Beck became active poUtically; he was fairly well 

58. Ibid., p. 58. Johnson County was organized long before these seven 
years expired, and George then saw his sheriff and tax collector; the county 
seat was Buffalo. 

59. Ibid., p. 70. Beck's reminiscences are vague with reference to time 
during these years. He told many stories of his days in Washington society 
which are probably from this period rather than the earlier days. It is 
strange that in his Autobiography he does not mention the death of his 
mother in 1887. 


known in Wyoming, and had the time and wealth necessary for a 
political career. Like his father, George was a staunch Democrat, 
which was a drawback since Wyoming was in Republican hands. 
Also George was from northern Wyoming in a territory dominated 
by the southern interests where population was largest. He felt 
these problems very keenly when he made his first attempt for a 
political office in 1886. 

The position of Territorial Governor was filled by Presidential 
appointment. For approximately twenty-five years the Republi- 
cans had been in control nationally, and consequently had appoint- 
ed Republican governors in Wyoming since its organization."^ 
Upon the election of Grover Cleveland in 1884, Democrats of 
Wyoming campaigned for the removal of the Republican governor. 
However, more than party strife was involved. The people of 
Wyoming wanted home rule, not an imposed "foreigner" appointed 
for political reasons. Just before Cleveland took office, President 
Chester A. Arthur appointed a Wyoming resident as governor, 
Francis E. Warren, a Republican. Generally both Republicans 
and Democrats of Wyoming supported this local figure, but his 
office was in a precarious position with a Democrat in the White 
House. Enemies of Warren talked to President Cleveland, charg- 
ing Warren with various actions, mainly land-grabbing. Most 
Democrats were supporting Morton E. Post, but George W. Baxter 
promoted his own position well enough to be finally chosen by 
Cleveland to replace Warren. Though Baxter was a Wyoming 
Democrat, he did not have the unified support of his party, and 
soon found himself charged with illegally fencing government 
lands. He was forced to resign after only forty-five days of official 

George T. Beck became deeply involved in this political struggle. 
After his removal, Warren had supported the advance of M. E. 
Post to the governorship. Beck opposed both persons, saying he 
was against the "combination between F. E. Warren, Republican, 
and M. E. Post, Democrat."^^ Both were interested in Cheyenne 
banks. Beck continued, and "were practically being financed by the 
money that belonged to the territory." Beck was one of those who 
brought the matter to the attention of Cleveland, and on October 
18, 1886, wrote to the Secretary of the Interior, L. Q. C. Lamar, 

60. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming, Lincoln : University of Nebraska 
Press, 1965, p. 144. This recent volume contains the best account of terri- 
torial politics in Wyoming. For a detailed treatment of the campaign in 
1884 see W. Turrentine Jackson, "The Governorship of Wyoming, 1884- 
1889: A Study in Territorial Politics," Pacific Historical Review, XIII 
March, 1944, Ml. 

61. Autobiography, p. 99, 


asking what his chances for appointment were, considering that the 
"Union Pacific and Cheyenne rings" were against him: 

The report is published here that Mr. M. E. Post is to be appointed — 
that would make but a nominal change in our affairs. 

I should like very much to get the appointment. It would be a great 
help to me in political life which I may follow, but I would not sacri- 
fice the interest of my country for my own advancement; I went in for 
the Governorship in opposition to the Post Warren — Cheyenne fac- 
tion — for I believed their rule to be an injury to the territory — There 
are plenty of good men here who are honest and who (are not under 
obligation to the UPRR and who think there is more than one corner 
to Wyoming) would v/ork for the public good . . . But so long as the 
present paily is in power and Mr. Post is an applicant I hope I may be 
considered as in opposition.^^ 

Like Baxter, Beck was attacked for having pubhc land fenced, only 
the charges against Beck came early enough that he was not con- 
sidered for appointment. Beck alleged that someone in the land 
office telegraphed Cleveland and reported that he "was the greatest 
land grabber in Wyoming." Beck of course claimed the story was 
a fabrication: 

The statement of this agent was an entire lie and he was probably well 
paid by the ring in Cheyenne who didn't wish to see me appointed. 
They sent another agent to examine my place and then found that I 
didn't have all my own land fenced and had no Government land 
enclosed; however my opponents had accomplished their end, I did all 
I could to help Governor Moonlight and a short time after than [*/c] 
M. E, Post's bank closed its doors.63 

Thomas Moonhght, a Kansan, and crusader for the small farmer, 
had been appointed to replace Baxter. 

Johnson County had been organized in 1879. Moonlight, to the 
chagrin of his supporters in this area, carved the county of Sheridan 
out of Johnson County in 1888. These two counties were to have 
one territorial senator, and it was this position that next attracted 
Beck after his unsuccessful bid for the governorship. He defeated 

62. Letter (rough draft) from George T. Beck to Secretary L. Q. C. 
Lamar, October 18, 1886. Also included with Beck's papers are letters 
supporting him in his candidacy. One of July 3, 1886, has a copy of a 
petition attached calling for Beck's appointment, and one of July 20, 1886, 
from A. B. East, lawyer of Cheyenne, to Lamar, mentioned Beck's "hun- 
dreds of acres of growing grain." Louis Miller of Laramie wrote Beck on 
July 21, 1886, saying "we would rather see you than have a carpet bagger 
from the states." All are in the Beck Collection. 

63. Autobiography, p. 99. Beck's accotmt of this is very suspicious; he 
said he personally saw Cleveland in 1 886, and assumed he would be appoint- 
ed because he had Lamar's backing (he does not mention his father's in- 
fluence). Then he left Washington to learn that he had been passed over 
for Moonlight. It is possible that this occurred earlier, when he was working 
for the position against Baxter. Beck's statement that Post's bank closed is 
true, and though it gave him satisfaction, it was due to depression, not the 
loss of the Territory's money when he was passed over. See Larson, p. 158. 


his rival, Henry A. Coffeen of Sheridan, by a large majority. This 
was the last year that Wyoming had a territorial legislature, for 
statehood came in 1890. Beck said he ran on an Independent 
ticket, but left no doubt as to his party affiliation when he wrote 
"we had a Democratic majority of one."*^^ Thomas Moonlight had 
been replaced in 1889 when Benjamin Harrison, Republican, was 
elected President of the United States, and Francis Warren was 
reappointed Governor of the Territory of Wyoming, Although 
the House and Governor were Republican and the Council Demo- 
cratic, party politics did not play the dominant role in this legis- 
lature. The Eleventh Territorial Session saw Beck and his asso- 
ciates re-write the rules of the Council. Beck, who had been elect- 
ed President of the Council by a unanimous vote, said that the 
rules were "quite primitive" but he "got the body in good running 
order."'''* Their legislation was to be largely preparatory for the 
transition to statehood, as Governor Warren's address to them 

With a bill before Congress for our admission as a state, and with a 
reasonable assurance of its passage during the present session, it is 
necessary for you to deliberate with two prospects in view: the first, 
a transformation from a dependency to a sovereign state; the second, 
a continuance of a territorial government. ... As our territorial laws 
will be state laws until altered or repealed, the probable change should 
be remembered and be provided for as fully as possible. s*' 

They heeded Warren's suggestion, and worked to strengthen the 
existing laws. At the end of the session. Beck was honored for his 

The last day of the session I was presented with a very fine gavel by 
all the members in the council. This was given me at four o'clock; 
at eight o'clock that night when I closed the doors and kept them all 
at work, they tried to take the gavel away from me but I held on to 
it and had the pleasure of pounding the desk for order during a very 
unruly session.67 

The fine horn gavel is still in the possession of his family. 

64. Autobiography, p. 83. A copy of his election certificate signed by 
Governor Thomas Moonlight is in the Beck Collection. The results of the 
election were Beck, 888 votes; Coffeen, 16. He carried all precincts. Marie 
H. Erwin, ed., Wyoming Historical Blue Book, Denver: Bradford-Robinson 
Printing Co., 1946, p. 347. 

65. Ibid., p. 85. His election as President of the Council took place on 
his second day of the session, January 15, 1890; he presided until the Council 
disbanded on March 14. Council Journal of the Eleventh Legislative As- 
sembly of the Territory of Wyoming, 1890. Cheyenne: The Cheyenne 
Daily Leader Steam Book Print, 1890. 

66. Biennial Message of Francis E. Warren, Governor, to the Legislature 
of Wyoming. Eleventh Assembly, 1890, Cheyenne: Bristol & Knabe Print- 
ing Co., 1890, pp. 4-5. 

67. Autobiography, p. 85. The Council Journal indicates there was, 
indeed, a long session. 


Successful in Territorial politics, Beck quickly rose in the State 
Democratic party, and was chosen to run for the U.S. House of 
Representatives when Wyoming became a state in 1890. His 
opponent in the election was Clarence D. Clark, an Evanston 
lawyer. Realizing he had little chance for election. Beck indicated 
that he "did it to help our organization."^*^ Beck claimed that 
Clark was both an attorney for the Union Pacific and a friend of 
the Mormon Church — "The towns along the Union Pacific had 
most of the population and the railroad dominated them."^^ Prob- 
ably the fact that Clark was a Repubhcan was most important, for 
the election returns of September 11,1 890, indicated a Republican 
sweep in Wyoming. ^^ Clark campaigned on the issue that the 
Democrats were so conservative they had opposed the admission of 
Wyoming to statehood. Clark did not attack Beck personally: 

Regarding my own candidacy for Congress I have nothing to say, 
I have never asked anybody to vote for me. . . . You all know Mr. 
Beck as well as I do. You know him as a gentleman — an enterprising 
citizen as he is. I claim no superiority as a sovereign American citizen 
to the grand Union. Upon the principles I represent I am willing for 
the election to decide. If elected to the office I will do all in my power 
to represent democrats and republicans, . . J^ 

Beck lost the election decisively, and during the campaign suffered 
a personal loss in the death of his father.^^ 

Beck's name appeared often on the political scene in the next 
decades. He was a strong member of the Wyoming Democratic 
party, and in 1892 was a delegate to the Democratic National Con- 
vention in Chicago. In 1893 his name was one of several before 
the Wyoming State legislature when they debated Warren's suc- 
cessor to the Senate, senators then being chosen by the legislature, 
not by popular vote. In tricky maneuvering among the Populists, 
Democrats, and Republicans, Beck was almost selected, but the 
final result was a deadlock, leaving the position vacant for two 

68. Ibid., p. 86. Beck said that while at the State Democratic Conven- 
tion of 1890, he "perfected some sort of organization" but wanted no office. 

69. Ibid. 

70. Erwin, p. 1176. For a political survey see Albert G. Anderson, Jr., 
*The Political Career of Clarence D. Clark" (unpublished Master's thesis, 
Department of History, University of Wyoming, 1953). 

71. Speech (copy) by Clarence D. Clark in Laramie, Wyoming, Sept. 2, 
1890. Beck Collection. Beck paid $5.00 for some person to copy and 
send him this speech during the campaign. 

72. Beck got 6,520 votes to Clark's 9,087. Beck carried only Sheridan 
County. Erwin, p. 1176. George was campaigning in western Wyoming 
and could not make it in time for his father's funeral. See Memorial 
Addresses on the Life and Character of James B. Beck, Washington: Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, 1891. Mrs. Beck had died in 1887. The estate 
was divided equally between George and his sister, Betty Beck Goodloe. 
Autobiography, pp. 86-87. 


years."-' His position in the political life of the State was sohd, 
and his name appeared frequently before the people as one of the 
leaders in the Democratic party. 

In 1892, Beck traveled to Florida, and while returning became 
very ill. He was hospitalized in Newcastle, Wyoming, when Frank 
Canton stopped to visit with him. Canton revealed a planned raid 
to clean out the "rustlers" in Johnson County. Beck said he 
begged Canton "to go to them and tell them not to do such a foolish 
thing, as it would end in disaster."'"* Though he sympathized 
completely with the cattlemen, Beck was not personally involved 
in the notorious Johnson County War. He was regarded with 
hostility because the "rustler interest" knew he agreed with the 
cattlemen. Indeed, there was some talk that the thoroughbred 
horse he had brought from Kentucky on his recent trip was for use 
in the raid. 

The Johnson County War directly affected Beck's interests. 
Shortly after the invasion incident Beck went to Buffalo because 
certain new enterprises needed his attention. Between the years 
1887 and 1892 he had built a flour mill, an electric light plant, and 
the water works in Buffalo. He also owned considerable real 
estate and possibly had invested in the bank. The Burlington Rail- 
road right of way had been surveyed to Buffalo. Beck had shrewd- 
ly invested, expecting a rapid development of the town, but the 
raid by the cattlemen caused the Burlington Railroad to change 
its earlier decision."^ This change cost Beck dearly: "I finally 
sold out my mill and other property down there, at quite a loss."^* 

73. An interesting account of the political maneuvers is by a member 
of the State Senate that year, Fenimore C. Chatterton, in his Yesterday's 
Wyoming, Aurora, Colorado: Powder River Publishers & Booksellers, 
1957, pp. 47-51. 

74. Autobiography, pp. 83, 92. Canton, said Beck, had often stopped 
at his ranch, attracted by the daughter of Beck's foreman. He identified 
the family as the Wilkersons; Canton had married Annie Wilkerson in 1885. 
See Frontier Trails: The Autobiography of Frank M. Canton, ed. by Ed- 
ward E. Dale, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966, p. 35. 

75. Edward Gillette of the Burlington surveying party wrote that "a line 
had been located into Buffalo and contract ordered to be let to construct 
the road, when on account of the Rustler or Cattlemen's War, construction 
was postponed and not resumed." Edward Gillette, Locating the Iron 
Trail Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1925, p. 76. 

76. Hayden, p. 25, and Autobiography, pp. 93-94, 112-113. Beck said 
he was carefully watched in town and that there was talk of both burning 
his mill and ambushing him on the way to his ranch. He suffered neither. 
There is a diary kept by Beck in 1892, but it is very sketchy and only partly 
filled. It reveals that he was sick in April and May and he wrote on May 
23 that he "found the town quiet, though many of the citizens afraid of 
trouble." For a brief history of early days in Buffalo see Burton S. Hill, 
"Buffalo — Ancient Cow Town, A Wyoming Saga," Annals of Wyoming, 
Vol. 35, No. 2, October, 1963, pp. 125-154. 


The abandonment of Fort McKinney in 1894 was also a crushing 
blow to his investments. 

Buffalo's promotional pamphlets dramatically pointed out its 
industries, many of which were owned by Beck. He may very well 
have helped to write these advertisements for the small city — his 
electric light plant, water works, and flour mill were its feature 
attractions. The flour mill had probably been built first, being in 
operation at least by 1888." It was called the "Buffalo Mill Com- 
pany" and was capitalized at $20,000, the investors being William 
J. Thom, a Mr. Fisher, James B. Beck, and George Beck.^^ One 
pamphlet described the industry in this way: 

The Buffalo Bill Company's flouring mill is a handsome four story 
brick structure, furnished with both water and steam power. It manu- 
factures the finest grade of flour from Johnson county wheat, and the 
output finds a ready market. Upwards of $20,000 is invested in the 
enterprise, and the mill is kept running constantly.'^^ 

The water works received similar treatment in this booklet, and the 
electric company gave Buffalo "the distinction of being the farthest 
town from a railroad with an electric light plant, and the only tovm 
of its size in the country whose streets are lighted with electricity." 
Exactly how the milling company was organized and operated is 
vague, but in 1889 bonds were issued, and by 1894 two mortgages 
were made on the property.^" The business was sold upon fore- 
closure by the First National Bank of Buffalo to the Buffalo Manu- 
facturing Company. Unfortunately, there is no comparable in- 
formation for the electric light plant and the water works, but it is 
assumed all followed the same route. 

Beck was a strong promoter of Sheridan's industries as well as 
those of Buffalo. One of the most interesting was his entrance into 

77. The Big Horn Sentinel, August 18, 1888, made notice of the plant 
being in operation. 

78. Incomplete stock books show issues to Beck for 100, 54, and 110 
shares, and W. J. Thom with 20 shares. Thom, it will be remembered, was 
one of the four young men from St. Louis who sold their sheep to Beck; 
George said he had helped Thom get into the banking business in Buffalo. 
Autobiography, p. 72. Stock books are in the Beck Collection. 

79. The Resources of Johnson County, Wyoming: With a Sketch of the 
City of Buffalo, written under direction of the Citizen's Business Club of 
Buffalo, Buffalo Echo Print, 1889, pp. 49-51. This interesting promo- 
tional pamphlet shows three railroads proposed to Buffalo, and indicates 
that the electric light plant is in the basement of the Mill Company building. 
A booklet of a similar nature is The Adva?itages and Resources of Northern 
Wyoming: An Opportunity for Safe Investment, issued by the Northern 
Wyoming Loan and Investment Company, Buffalo: 1888. 

80. The First Mortgage Bond was issued by the Territory of Wyoming, 
January 1, 1889, for $8,000, due two years later at seven per cent interest. 
Mortgages for $4,052.81 and $12,638.23 were made on April 19, 1894, 
according to a letter from a lawyer who later was trying to clear the title 
to the property. Letter to George T. Beck, May 12, 1927, Beck Collection. 


the coal mining business with Mr. Grinnell, who owned such a mine 
near Sheridan. Ten men were finally included in the venture, each 
investing a thousand dollars. Beck was president of the company, 
Horace C. Alger was treasurer, and Grinnell the manager; the com- 
pany was known as the Sheridan Fuel Company. ^^ They were 
soon doing a flourishing business, building a tunnel and running 
coal cars by gravity to the railroad. The coal bed, twelve to four- 
teen feet thick, according to Beck's account, allowed them to ship 
large amounts at reasonable prices.^- Three investors sold their 
shares to Beck, giving him four-tenths of the stock. Though he 
was able to secure a franchise for the company to furnish the 
Homestake Gold Mine of Lead, South Dakota, with coal, the deal 
was dropped. The company was "forced" by the Railroad to 
accept a contract with a lumberyard chain in Nebraska and Kansas. 
George Holdrege, general superintendent of the Lines West for the 
Burlington, brought the two owners of the lumberyard chain to 
the directors of the coal company.^^ He recommended that the 
company issue more stock and give the two men half. Beck's 
later account of the final result went as follows: 

As our business depended largely on the friendship of the Burlington 
Railroad, of which Mr. Holdridge Lsic] was general manager, we felt 
forced to do this, we thought we'd be secure in half the company. We 
didn't know that one man in our pool had sold them his stock and 
when we issued them an equal amount to our own we found that they 
had one of our shares. They re-organized the company and forced us 

Another Beck enterprise ended in failure. He had begun well, 
even getting a patent for a new process for making lignite into 
anthracite.^*^ However, the Railroad had taken his share in the 

George Beck had lived in the foothills of the Big Horn Moun- 
tains since 1879, and had become a significant and influential 

81. Autobiography, pp. 95-97. Beck said Grinnell was a cousin of 
George W. Holdrege, who was general superintendent of the Burlington 
Railroad's Lines West. This railroad was entangled indirectly in the com- 
pany from the beginning. The line had entered Sheridan on November 26, 
1892, and a burst of activity in the area, such as the opening of coal mines, 
ensued immediately. See Richard C. Overton, Burlington Route: A History 
of the Burlington Lines, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965, p. 228. 

82. "A train load a day" at seventy cents a ton. Autobiography, p. 96. 

83. Beck identified the lumberyard owners as Charles Dietz and Henry 
Cady. The Autobiography is the source of this information. 

84. Ibid., p. 96. Animosity must not have been great, for Beck was 
socially involved with these same men in the Dome Lake Club in the Big 
Horn Mountains. 

85. Hayden, p. 25. 


figure in that region. He had built a large ranch, raising sheep, 
cattle, and even thoroughbred horses. He had plowed the farm- 
land, and grew enough crops to warrant the purchase of binders 
and thresher, and even to build a flour mill. It was natural that 
Beck, when he decided to stay in the West, began with land and 
livestock. There was a limited supply of capital in the region, and 
the lack of markets and transportation precluded industrial devel- 
opment. Land and livestock provided the base for Beck's widened 
activity, but only after markets and transportation were provided 
for the region. Even his farm had depended on the local market 
provided by the soldiers at Fort McKinney, and only after the area 
near his ranch became more settled could his flour mill become 
feasible. As small towns developed and provided larger markets, 
continued growth was assured. While Beck depended on the new 
markets for his expansion, it was a reciprocal arrangement, and 
regional growth depended upon his operations. 

Mining was an exception to the regular pattern of Western 
development, as Rodman Paul has admirably shown.^^ It created 
booms and rushes, and a rapid development of markets and trans- 
portation. While Beck had continued to prospect, had developed 
the mining town of Bald Mountain, and had even brought a hy- 
draulic mill for mining to the area, no strike ensued which was 
capable of inspiring the "rush" necessary for rapid development. 
Still his mining interests and operations kept hopes alive for 
interested developers. 

The introduction of a railroad into northern Wyoming generated 
a rage of speculation. Transportation facilities meant greater 
markets. To some extent the Burlington Railroad in northern 
Wyoming parallels the role of the Union Pacific in the South. The 
North, however, had been partially settled before the Burlington 
came and local promotional activities may well have been a factor 
in the railroad's coming. 

Beck, like other residents, speculated. He invested heavily in 
Buffalo, and helped develop Sheridan, His investments in Buffalo 
depended on the coming of the railroad to that town. When it 
failed to arrive, he lost heavily. On the other hand, the railroad 
did arrive in Sheridan, but only to take control of Beck's coal mine 
and force him out of the business. To say the least, it is difficult 
to generalize about the effect of the speculator and promoter on 
the railroad's development, and of the railroad on the speculator 
and promoter. 

Often neglected in histories of the West, the entrepreneurs 
formed a strong and dynamic force. The history of Wyoming is 
usually considered in terms of cattlemen and railroads. With 

86. Paul, pp. 195-196, 


these, perhaps, should be placed the large class of small entrepre- 
neurs, or "small businessmen" as they liked to refer to themselves. 
Usually only locally known, these men held many state offices, and 
even represented the state nationally at times. Their ideas were 
basically conservative, but they were eager to build their state 
economically, and protect and promote their own interests. Their 
ideas probably reaffirmed those of the cattlemen and railroad men 
to a large extent, but sometimes they were directly opposed to one 
or both groups, as Beck's case illustrates. 

Many studies would be necessary to prove the importance of 
these businessmen as a class. However, it seems that the contri- 
bution of the small entrepreneur to the growth of the West has been 
severely neglected. These men were in every town, engaging in 
every activity. Innovators, promoters, capitalists, speculators — 
call them what you will, they were a dynamic and potent force in 
Western development. 

Such activities provide a different picture of the West from the 
description given by v^'riters of a generation past. One such his- 
torian, Frederick L. Paxson, wrote: "Men who had good jobs or 
rosy hopes rarely enlisted for the campaign against the wilder- 
ness."^^ The men who built the West, Paxson continued, "came 
usually with little more than their physical vigor and their aspira- 
tions." Beck does not fit that description. 

(To be concluded) 

87. Frederick L. Paxson, "Finance and the Frontier," in The Trans- 
Mississippi West: Papers read at a Conference Held at the University of 
Colorado, June 18-June 21, 1929, ed. by James F. Willard and Colin B. 
Goodykoontz, Boulder, Colorado: University of Colorado, 1930, p. 261. 


There are many schools for teaching young folks to be graceful, 
to walk properly, to sit correctly, to sing, to play etc. Someone 
should open a school for teaching them to talk and act sensibly. 
After they have learned everything else, their education is often 
spoiled by ignorance in these two branches. The Lusk Herald, 
October 29, 1891. 

Cyclones and tornadoes are an unknown luxury in Wyoming — 
at least in this portion of the Territory. Ho, ye sufferers in Iowa 
and other western states, take notice of this fact and come to God's 
country. The Rowdy West, August 8, 1886. 

Denver has street railways operated successfully by electricity. 
It is said to cost only one third the expense of horse cars. In a few 
years, a very few, railroad trains all over the country will be 
propelled by electricity. The Rowdy West, August 8, 1886. 

Just as we go to press a rumor comes that oil has been struck at 
the Casper well, but the evidence at hand is insufficient to warrant a 
statement as to the facts of the case. It has long been known that 
gas escapes from this well and everyone looks anxiously for a flow 
of oil. There is little doubt now but what oil will be struck very 
soon. Casper Weekly Mail, March 8, 1889. 

Daughter of Spotted Zail 


Wilson O. Clough^ 

The story of Spotted Tail's daughter, her affection for the whites, 
her supposed love for a white officer, her early death and her burial 
at Fort Laramie with impressive military ceremonies in 1866, has 
attracted numerous writers, whose accounts range from the official 
to the romantically embellished. Who was this girl, aside from 
being the daughter of Spotted Tail? What was her name? What 
was the extent of her contact with the whites? Did she die of 
longing for a white officer, and what was his name? In short, what 
can be uncovered at this late date of her true history? My purpose 
here is to sort out fact from legend, and to make no statement for 
which I cannot give some authority.^ 

1, Dr. Wilson O. Clough, professor emeritus of American Studies at the 
University of Wyoming, author of books and articles, recently translated the 
letters of Louis Simonin, French engineer, from Colorado, Cheyenne, and 
Fort Laramie in 1867, as listed below. "It was Simonin's use of 'Moncka' 
for Spotted Tail's daughter," said Mr. Clough, "that led me to investigate the 
story of this Indian girl." 

2. Bibliography: The major bibliography for this study is listed for 
convenience here, so that certain writers may hereinafter be referred to by 
name only. Titles are listed chronologically rather than alphabetically, and 
a few are starred as seeming to be of major importance for their contribu- 
tion, or for their later influence on others. Literature on this topic may be 
classified as follows: 

L Primary Sources'. Eyewitness accounts or authentic reminiscences: 

* Maynadier, Henry E. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 

for the Year 1866, Washington: Government Printing Office, 
1866, No. 86, pp. 207-208. 

* Wright, Alpha, Post Chaplain, Correspondence, Fort Laramie," in 

St. Louis Missouri-Democrat, March 21, 1866. Dated March 8, 

* Tarsha-Otah, "Beautiful Incident, etc." in St. Louis Missouri-Re- 

publican, April 2, 1866. Dated March 8, 1866. These two news- 
paper items by courtesy of the Missouri State Historical Society, 
St. Louis, Mo. 

* Simonin, Louis, Le Grand Quest des Etats-Unis. Paris, 1869. Let- 

ters written 1867, some from Fort Laramie. Translated and edit- 
ed, Wilson O. Clough, The Rocky Mountain West in 1867. Lin- 
coln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 1966. Chap. 16, pp. 
120-124. New in English. 


Original Sources. In the first rank of original sources we must 
place the earliest reports of Colonel Henry E. Maynadier, Post 
Chaplain Alpha Wright, and an unknown who signed himself 
Tarsha-Otah, all from Fort Laramie, and all on the burial of 
Spotted Tail's daughter. These were written under dates of March 
8 and 9, 1866. None, however, gives the Indian girl any name, 
nor mentions any attachment to a white officer; nor, indeed, gives 
much information aside from that on the burial episode itself. 
None mentions a little red book (prayer book), which the girl had 
cherished. These items appear in later stories. 

A brief report appeared also on July 30, 1866, in Frank Leslie's 
Illustrated Newspaper (Vol. XXII), under the title of "Burial of 
an Indian Princess," condensed to two paragraphs, the second 
largely direct quotation from Chaplain Wright's article, and per- 
haps the whole but a rehash of Wright. Since it contains nothing 

* Ware, Eugene F. The Indian War of 1864. Topeka, Kans.: Crane, 

1911, pp. 202, 293, 565-582; book reprinted, paperback. Preface 
by Clyde D. Walton, University of Nebraska Press, 1960. Appen- 
dix story on "The Daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk" is the one most 
influential account for later stories. It appeared also in The Agora, 
III July 1894, pp. 45-61. 

* Bettelyoun, Susan, Sioux MSS. Unpublished typed and handwritten 

MSS, Nebraska Historical Society, dated chiefly 1936. Interviews, 
etc. Also microfilm, Wyoming State Archives and Historical De- 
partment, Cheyenne, Wyo. 
Bratt, John. Trails of Yesterday. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1921, pp. 71-72. Not much relevant to this study. 
II. Secondary Sources: Later historians, etc., using primary sources or 
other research, with or without giving full bibliography. 

* Two letters, John Hunton and George Colhoff, dated Oct. 10, 1894, 

and Oct. 28, 1898. Files of University of Wyoming Western Ar- 
chives, Laramie, and Wyoming State Archives and Historical De- 
partment, Cheyenne. Hitherto unpublished. Probable source of 
Hunton statements. 

* Kingsbury, George W. History of Dakota Territory. Chicago: J. 

S. Clarke, 1915, Vol. I, pp. 110-111. 
Hafen, Leroy R. and Young, Francis Marion. Fort Laramie and the 
Pageant of the West. Glendale, Cal.: A. H. Clark, 1938, pp. 
341-345. From Maynadier and Ware, so not used below. 

* Hyde, George E. Spotted Tail's Folk. Norman, Okla.: University 

of Oklahoma Press, 1961, pp. 64-75, passim, and 108-109. Uses 
previous material, but unfortunately some errors. 
Nadeau, R.emi A. Fort Laramie and the Sioux Indians. New York: 
Prentice Hall, 1967, pp. 202-205. From Maynadier, Ware, and 
Hyde. Nothing new for this study. 
ni. Tertiary Sources: Pamphlet, magazine, newspaper feature stories, 
usually without acknowledged sources, often expanded by imaginative 
recreation, hence of limited historical value, though sometimes pro- 
viding interesting leads. These will be identified below as they arise. 


new, unless it be the word "princess," we need not refer to it 

Colonel Maynadier's chief concern was the impact of the burial 
episode upon Spotted Tail and future peace with the Sioux.'^ The 
chaplain touched somewhat more on the human elements in the 
story. Since Maynadier's official report is not easily accessible to 
the general reader, it is given in full below: 

Sir: March 9, 1866 

I respectfully submit the following report of an occurence of interest 
to the Indian Bureau, and, as I believe, of great importance in assuring 
the success of my efforts to make peace: 

Some days since I received a messenger from Pegaleshka, head chief 
of the Brule Sioux, saying that his daughter had died on the way here, 
and had begged her father to have her grave made with the whites. 
My consent was asked to permit this to be done. I knew the girl five 
years ago. then a child of twelve, and at her death about seventeen. 
She died from exposure and inability to sustain the severe labor and 
hardship of the wild Indian life. I replied that I would be glad to have 
Pegaleshka bring his child here, and would give him all the assistance 
in my power. 

Yesterday I was informed that he had reached the Platte and would 
soon be at the fort. Wishing to do him honor as being one of the 
principal chiefs of the nation, and on account of the peculiar circum- 
stances of his visit, I rode out with several officers and met him half- 
way between the fort and the Platte. After greeting him, I conducted 
him to the fort and to my headquarters. I then informed him that the 
Great Father offered peace to the Indians, and desired them to have it 
for their own benefit and welfare. That, in two or three months, com- 
missioners would come to treat with them and settle everything on a 
permanent basis of peace and friendship. I sympathized deeply in his 
affliction, and felt honored by his confidence in committing to my care 
the remains of a child whom I knew he loved much. The Great Spirit 
had taken her, and he never did anything except for some good pur- 
pose. Everything should be prepared to have her funeral at sunset, 
and as the sun went down it might remind him of the darkness left in 
his lodge when his beloved daughter was taken away; but as the sun 
would surely rise again, so she would rise, and someday we would all 
meet in the land of the Great Spirit. 

The chief exhibited deep emotions during my remarks, and tears fell 
from his eyes, a rare occurrence in an Indian, and for some time he 
could not speak. After taking my hand, he commenced with the fol- 
lowing eloquent oration: 'This must be a dream for me to be in 
such a fine room and surrounded by such as you. Have I been asleep 
during the last four years of hardship and trial and dreaming that all 
is well again, or is this real? Yes, I see that it is; the beautiful day, 
the sky blue, without a cloud, the wind calm and still to suit the 
errand I come on and remind me that you have offered me peace. We 

3. Maynadier, a graduate of the U.S. Military Academy in 1827, was 
commander at Fort Laramie from October 11, 1865 to January 2, 1866, 
then remained for a brief time as Commander of the West sub-district of 
Nebraska, with headquarters at Fort Laramie. Post coimnander at the time 
of the burial, from March 3 through March 22, 1866, was Major George M. 
O'Brien. See John D. McDermott and Gordon Chappell, "Military Com- 
mand at Fort Laramie," Annals of Wyoming, April 1966. 


think we have been much wronged and are entitled for compensation 
for the damage and distress caused by making so many roads through 
our country, and driving off and destroying the buffalo and game. 
My heart is very sad, and I cannot talk on business; I will wait and 
see the counsellors the Great Father will send." 

The scene was one of the most impressive I ever saw, and produced 
a marked effect upon all the Indians present, and satisfied some who 
had never before seemed to beUeve it, that an Indian had a human 
heart to work on and was not a wild animal. 

Preparations were then made for the funeral of the chiefs daughter. 
A scaffold was erected at the cemetery and a coffin made. Just before 
sunset the body was carried to the scaffold, followed by her father 
and mother and other relatives, with the chaplain, myself, and officers, 
and many of the soldiers of the garrison, and many Indians. Amid 
profound silence, and, as I was glad to see, with the most devout and 
respectful behavior on the part of every white man present, the chap- 
lain delivered a touching and eloquent prayer, which was interpreted 
by Mr. Gott. I can hardly describe my feelings at witnessing this first 
Christian burial of an Indian, and one of such consideration in her 
tribe. The hour, the place, the solemnity, even the restrained weeping 
of her mother and aunts all combined to affect anyone deeply. 

I attach great importance to this ceremony as rendering beyond a 
doubt the success of the efforts I have made to restore peace It satis- 
fies me of the entire trustworthiness of Pegaleshka, who is always v/ith 
Red Cloud, and they two rule the nation. A man of Pegaleshka's 
intelligence and shrewdness would never have confined the remains of 
his child to the care of one but those with whom he intended to be 
friends always. The occurrence of such an incident is regarded by the 
oldest settlers, men of most experience in Indian character, as unprece- 
dented, and as calculated to secure a certain and lasting peace. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Colonel of the Fifth United States Volunteers, Commanding 
Hon. D. N. COOLEY 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C. 

Chaplain Wright's item in the St. Louis Democrat, though in 
accord with Maynadier's report, does add several bits of informa- 
tion, and also departs slightly from the former in a couple of 
details. For example, Wright says she died on Powder River, 
Maynadier says en route to the Fort. Most accounts substantiate 
Wright. Wright begins "Today an event," which dates the burial 
as March 8, 1866, and he calls her father Spotted Tail. He says 
the girl "died two weeks ago," which would date her death around 
February 22, 1866, and he adds: 

". . . at their rendezvous on Powder River, some two hundred and 
sixty miles from the fort. She was an interesting girl of about eighteen 
years of age. She had always been friendly toward the whites, and 
being often at this garrison with her band, she became warmly at- 
tached to them. After the difficulties commenced between her people 
and the Goverimient, and she had been obliged to isolate herself with 
her people from her former friends, she began to decline in health and 
gradually pined away until she died of a broken heart. In vain her 
father . . . tried to induce her to mingle vidth society . . . offering to 
deck her as fancifully as she could desire. . . She declared she could 
never enjoy life if she was to be deprived of the opportunity of seeing 


her white friends; many of whom had known her from infancy; and 
remained a prey to melancholy until she died. 

It will be noted that the chaplam introduces here the element of 
grief as a cause of the girl's death in place of Maynadier's cause as 
the hardships of Indian life. He also makes much more of her 
acquaintance with the whites. Others suggest that she may have 
died of tuberculosis. A combination of all three is a possible 
solution. He also would place her birth date as around 1848, 
Maynadier around 1849. 

The chaplain continues that, hearing that her people were com- 
ing to the fort for a council, "she requested that her body might be 
taken to the garrison and be deposited in its final resting place near 
the Fort." The band, he says, started immediately after her death, 
in advance of the main body, and arrived after fifteen days. Wright 
gives Maynadier's welcoming words: "and feel proud that you 
wish to have her remains left here near the Chief (Old Smoke) 
who sleeps on yonder hill." He further pays tribute to Maynadier 
as possessing "that nice appreciation of the Indian character for 
which he is remarkable," and characterizes Major O'Brien as "also 
acquainted with the peculiarities of the Indian." 

The chaplain mentions the father's tears, gives him essentially 
the same speech, but adds at the end Spotted Tail's "She should be 
buried as soon as possible, as she has been dead fifteen days, and I 
have brought her many miles;" thus again implying her death be- 
fore the journey. 

Wright also gives us a taste of Maynadier's speech, promising 
aid and urging peace, despite the coming of the whites : 

Let them come. Look at that flag . . . You see a red stripe and a 
white stripe side by side, and they do not interfere with one another. 
So the red man and the white may live in this country in harmony. I 
think your daughter's funeral should be at sunset, everything will be 
prepared, and as the sun goes down it will remind you that your 
daughter has gone from your lodge, but as the sun rises so your daugh- 
ter will rise again and you will see her again in the Land of the 
Great Spirit, 

At the conclusion of this speech, the chaplain says, he was 
introduced to the chief, and a Christian burial promised, if the chief 
consented, which consent was given "after a few moments of 
thought." An ambulance was then sent for the daughter's body, 
and the entire garrison, followed by Indians, repaired to the burial 
ground. The chaplain then describes the four posts, the scaffold 
above, the coffin with the girl inside, covered with a buffalo robe, 
and given her wearing apparel and treasure. "The Colonel then 
deposited a beautiful pair of gauntlets to keep her hands warm 
during her journey, as he said." After this, "A beautiful red 
blanket (was) nailed to tlie posts to prevent the wind from re- 
moving it, and it was raised to the scaffold. The heads and tails 
of her two white ponies, which had been killed immediately after 


her death, were nailed to posts." Here we must insert that Ware 
says (p. 578) that the two ponies brought the body of the girl to 
the fort, and Colhoff (see below) even says that they were killed 
under the scaffold. Wright must have meant "immediately after 
her burial." 

Our third contemporary account, that of "Tarsha-Otah," follows 
Wright's account very closely, though he calls the chief Pegaleshka, 
as does Maynadier. He speaks of the girl as having been "for 
several years" among the whites, and her death as "mainly due to 
her inability to stand the hardships of roving Indian Ufe (or) so 
severe a winter as the last." Maynadier, he says, met the Indian 
party with "six personal staff, and the principal officers of the 
garrison," and all "turned and rode rapidly to the fort, presenting a 
brilliant array of officers in uniforms and savages in buffalo robes, 
while in front rode the adjutant, bearing a small United States flag." 
He gives the speeches of Maynadier and the Indian chief in slightly 
more detail, repeats the Indian as saying that "she has been dead 
fifteen days," and also places the burial at sunset the same day, 
March 8. His account of the ceremony is briefer, and gives the 
chaplain's name as Alpha Wright, and the interpreter as Jarroll. 
He concludes also with the hope of peace, and a more liberal treat- 
ment of the Indian. 

These first-hand accounts have been reviewed at some length, 
for they must serve as measuring rods for later narratives, even 
though, as said, other items are omitted. 

Interestingly enough, the next item, chronologically speaking, 
becomes Louis Simonin's brief chapter in his Le Grand Quest des 
Etats-Unis (The Great West of the United States), written from 
Fort Laramie under the date of November 15, 1867, or only some 
twenty months after the ceremony above. Part of this book was 
published as articles in the French Le Tour du Monde, but I have 
not found the chapter on "Moneka, the Pearl of the Prairies" there, 
nor in translations of part of the book in Colorado newspapers. In 
fact, I have found no use of this material in later accounts of the 
Indian maid. 

Simonin, a French mining engineer, had come west specifically 
to visit the mines of Colorado; but he could not resist the oppor- 
tunity to see the rising city of Cheyenne (three months old) and the 
Indians of Fort Laramie. This material, as indicated above, I have 
recently translated in book form. His account of the burial episode 
differs in no great measure from the three above. He says that he 
"learned from a resident of the fort" the history of the tomb which 
had attracted his attention as he strolled about the fort; and he 
adds, "I took it (the story) from his mouth." We cannot know 
now who this informant was. It was probably not Pallardy, the 
interpreter, though he says Pallardy "had known the young prin- 
cess," and quotes him as saying, "She was a fine sensitive girl, and 


reasoned well; what a pity she is not still alive!" — referring, of 
course, to her influence for peace. 

Simonin sentimentalizes his tale somewhat. He mentions first 
having seen the grave of Old Smoke "in the midst of the praiiie," 
with his saddle on the graved then another grave which "partic- 
ularly attracts attention. A horse's head is nailed to each of the 
supports, and on the opposite uprights the tails are fastened." 

This, Simonin learns, is the grave of Moneka, daughter of 
"Sintegeleshka," or Spotted Tail. (The girl was not, as he says, 
the "only daughter" of the chief.) Simonin's "three years ago" as 
the time of her camping with her father near the fort coincides with 
Ware's 1864 as the date he knew the girl. Simonin then attributes 
the girl's fading away to her love for a white officer, as follows: 

There she fell in love with a young officer of the fort; and since 
she had always wished to marry a paleface, she asked her father's 
permission to be the wife of the officer. The chief angrily refused his 
consent and departed with his braves to the farthest edge of the 
prairies, four hundred miles to the east. . . . 

[The girl thereupon, says Simonin] became sad and silent. She 
who used to bring so much gaiety into the Indian camp, who always 
began the dances and the songs, now remained melancholy for more 
than a year, speaking not a word to anyone, even to Spotted Tail. 
Little by little she wasted away. {op. cit., 122) 

Now, says Simonin, she summoned her father, saying, "My 
father, I am dying. You know that I have always loved the whites. 
I ask to rest in their cemetery. Make peace with the palefaces; 
they are stronger than we." 

Simonin's account of the funeral agrees essentially with the 
others. He does say that Spotted Tail "hunself carried the body of 
his daughter. For five days they journeyed in this manner. On 
the sixth they finally came to Laramie." This is unlikely; one 
accepts Ware's statement that the two ponies carried the body on 
a litter between them; others also give fifteen days for the journey. 
Simonin describes the services, the weeping of the Indians, the 
offerings to the dead girl, including the commandant's gloves; also 
the cedar coffin, the four posts, the covering of red wool. The two 
ponies, he says, were "killed on the tomb." 

This account of 1867 indicates that already the story of love for 
a white officer had started on its way. This we shall touch on in 

4. Old Smoke, whom Simonin also calls Laboucane (meaning meat dried 
by smoking), is called by Ware and others a "relative" of Spotted Tail's 
daughter. He had camped from 1846 on, says Hyde (op. cit., p. 99), on the 
outskirts of Fort Laramie, "a fat and jovial chief, a great friend of the 
whites," and regarded as the chief there, an Oglala, though Brule Sioux 
joined him, the young men becoming soft, until they became known as 
"Laramie Loafers." Hyde says he was an uncle also of Red Cloud. He 
died, says Hyde, in 1864, and was "placed on a scaffold within sight of his 
beloved fort." 


connection with Eugene Ware (who does not tell it). Also in 
Simonin appears the first recorded name for the maiden, Moneka — 
that is, unless there exist accounts in 1866 not yet uncovered. 
Ware, as far as I know, is the only person to give a first-hand name 
of Ah-ho-appa — which many others repeat. The popular Falling 
Leaf, as we shall see, seems the least likely of her several names. 

In 1881 there appeared in a Denver paper a brief item on Spot- 
ted Tail's death,^ in which he is called Pegaliska, after Maynadier. 
After telling briefly the story of the chief's part in the attack on a 
stagecoach in 1 854, the defeat at Ash Hollow, and his subsequent 
arrest and imprisonment at Fort Leavenworth in 1855-56, the 
article summarizes the incident of liis daughter's burial at Fort 
Laramie, an account dependent on Maj'nadier's official report, as 
shown by "as corroborated by Col. Henry A. Maynadier," even to 
the incorrect initial A. from the government report. 

Before we turn to Ware, let us mention two later reminiscences 
from earlier times. John Bratt's Trails of Yesterday ( 1921 ), listed 
above, merely recounts how in late July or early August, 1 866, he 
passed through Fort Laramie with a wagon train and saw at sunrise 
the cemetery "where Shen-tag-a-iisk's daughter, Ah-ho-op-pa [sic'\ 
(the Sioux name for wheaten flour) had recently been buried. I 
have read several stories . . . etc." His story is clearly from Ware, 
name and all. He says she died on Powder River of consumption, 
but in reality of a broken heart, "having fallen in love with a young 
officer who did not return her affection" (not from Ware, possibly 
Kingsbury, or heard somewhere). He adds that she exacted a 
promise from her father that he would not make further war on the 
whites. "I could write an interesting story of this love affair but 
space will not permit," Bratt adds. 

Bratt's account is so obviously second-hand as not to be of aid 
here. His misspelling of Ware's name for the girl, his vague 
references, indicate no first-hand knowledge Yet he does tell of 
finding the grave easily, its four posts "about seven feet high above 
the ground," the platform, the coffin covered with a red blanket, 
on which were Indian trinkets, "beads, paints, moccasins, looking 
glasses, shawls and leggings," and the heads and tails of the ponies 
still in place, heads to the north, tails to the south. Several Sioux 
drove him away angrily, threatening his life until he found refuge 
with a Mormon train. This part comes first-hand, 

Susan Bettelyoun's Sioux MSS give us further reminiscences of 
an aged witness of the past. Despite George Hyde's statement that 
she knew the Indian girl well {op. cit., p. 109), she was, in fact, 
but a baby when Spotted Tail's daughter was first at the Fort 
(roughly 1856-59), and but seven in 1864, during the Indian girl's 

5. Denver Weekly News, Aug. 17, 1881. 


ten day visit, and but nine at the time of the burial, and perhaps 
then in Iowa in school. It is not surprising that she does not add 
much, though something, to our information.® 

Spotted Tail's imprisonment at Fort Leavenworth is mentioned, 
and his return (she says in 1857, probably 1856). Spotted Tail, 
at Fort Leavenworth, she says, "had four wives with many chil- 
dren. . . The young sister of the wives was given to him to take 
along. She was just eighteen years old and very good looking." 
Spotted Tail, she says, "had thirty-six children. The youngest wife 
who went with him to prison was Minniakurrin, or Brings Water." 
This wife, she says, bore nine girls; the next to the youngest, nine 
boys; the oldest, thirteen children. Keep the name Minniakurrin 
in mind, especially if we drop the ending which Hyde says, in 
another situation, is a Sioux feminine ending. 

In the section on Fort Laramie, Mrs. Bettelyoun very briefly 
recounts the burial incident: "Word was sent to the garrison that 
Spotted Tail was bringing his daughter, Hinzmwin, to the garrison 
for burial." "She was only ei^teen," she adds, and "a very 
beautiful girl. An army officer was in love with her and begged 
many times to send her to school to be educated, but Spotted Tail 
would not consent to send her away." We shall find this name 
again in Kingsbury, and shall touch on the love stoiy in connection 
with Eugene Ware. 


Eugene Ware. Let us turn now to Eugene Fitch Ware, whose 
The Indian War of 1864 I have characterized above as the one most 
influential source for our story. Ware, as we gather from his book, 
and from other material,^ was bom in Hartford, Connecticut, in 
1841, early moved to Iowa, served in the 4th and 7th Iowa Cavalry 
in the Civil V/ar, became a second lieutenant in 1863, and was 
briefly post adjutant at Fort Laramie from July 27 to August 31, 

6. Mrs. Bettelyoun was born Bordeaux, the daughter of James Bordeaux 
and a Brule Sioux mother, at the fort on March 15, 1857. The Bordeaux 
ranch just below Fort Laramie on the Platte was well known. She attended 
school in Iowa in 1866-70, and later interpreted at Spotted Tail's school 
(so-called in her account) at the Whetstone Agency. She later, in 1891, 
married Isaac Bettelyoun, son of an Indian mother, who grew up on the 
Bettelyoun ranch, "eight miles below Fort Laramie on the Laramie." 

The MSS appear to be chiefly reports of interviews, the two quoted here 
being 'The Battle of Ash Hollow — First Account," by Mrs. J. W. Waggoner, 
Soldier's Home, Hot Springs, So. Dak., as told by Mrs. Bettelyoun (pp. 12- 
13), a vivid account from the Indian side, and used later by George Hyde; 
and "At Fort Laramie," pp. 9-10. 

7. A brief account of Ware's life will be found in Walton's Preface to the 
1960 edition of Ware's book, op. cit., also in W. E. Connelley, A Standard 
History of Kansas and Kansans. Chicago: Lewis Publ. Co., 1912, p. 1297. 


1864, at which tune he witnessed the incident he related of 
Ah-ho-appa. He was then ordered to help build Fort Sedgwick, 
near Julesburg, was again briefly at Fort Laramie with an escort 
party in October, 1864, then on April 4, 1865, returned from the 
west to Omaha and then Fort Leavenworth, where he was made 
captain and aide to General G. M. Dodge just before being mus- 
tered out on May 1, 1866. He was later a Kansas newspaper man, 
land holder, lawyer, amateur poet, state legislator, and briefly, 
around 1902, Commissioner of Pensions in Washington, D. C. He 
died in 1911 in Cascade, Colorado. 

Ware's story on "The Daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk," Appendix 
A, pages 565-582 of his book, falls into three major parts: the 
background and incident of his first view of Ah-ho-appa, the 
account of her given by Charles Elston, and the account of her 
funeral, with Ware's final reflections. From the data above, it 
would appear that Ware was not present at the funeral,^ though 
his account agrees with Maynadier and Wright, and, most likely he 
knew their accounts, since he mentions them both, and also says 
(p. 581) that "a full account of this funeral may be found in the 
St. Louis newspapers of March, 1866." All Ware says of himself 
is, "A year and a half had elapsed and the writer was still in the 
military volunteer service." (p. 576) 

For reasons of space we must summarize Ware's account sharp- 
ly, for it is otherwise easily available. Ware had met Shantagalisk* 
at Fort McPherson in mid-April, 1864, and again on May 25, 1864 
(p. 199). Ware speaks on the next page of women and children 
as present, but if he had seen the daughter, he would have recog- 
nized her at Fort Laramie a few weeks later. On page 202 of Ms 
book he speaks briefly of the daughter, mentioning the more com- 
plete story in the Appendix, also commenting at this point on her 
ambition, an "Episcopal prayer-book" given to her mother by Gen- 
eral Harney, and her intention to marry a "Capitan;" and on page 

8. Walton (Preface, op. cit.) says that Ware is reliable on 1864, on which 
he kept a journal, but should otherwise be read "as a memoir." Ware gives 
no mention of being in Fort Laramie in 1866, and Mr. Nyle Miller, secre- 
tary of the Kansas State Historical Society, concurs: "Ware," he writes 
(letter to W. O. Clough, June 1, 1967), "made a trip to Fort Smith, Ark., in 
the autumn of 1865, where he was a member of an Indian peace commission. 
Later he returned to Fort Leavenworth where he had a bout with a low 
malarial fever . . . Ware, in all probability, spent March, 1866, at Fort 
Leavenworth." Mr. Baklcen, archivist of the Nebraska State Historical 
Society, also agrees that the probabilities are against his presence. 

9. This is the Indian name most often given Spotted Tail, though variants 
appear. I am told by a gentleman, part Sioux, who speaks the language, 
that Shan-tag-a-lisk means Spotted Tail and Maynadier's Pegaleshka means 
Spotted Hair. When the chiefs great-grandson visited Fort Laramie in the 
fall of 1966, says Mr. WiUiam J. Shay, Ranger-Historian at the Fort (Letter 
to W. O. Clough, June 20, 1967), "he used what sounded like Shantagelisk." 
Neither spelling quite captures the Indian gutteral sound. 


293, he touches briefly on the incident of the women in camp, and 
remarks that his story had been pubHshed in "Kansas magazine, 
now defunct." The connection will appear later. 

The main incident of 1864 appears in the larger story, and took 
place in August, since (p. 576), Ware says of her death, "She had 
not seen a white person since her visit to Laramie in August, 1864." 
As Ware tells it, the Sioux had come to the fort for a council and, 
as was the custom, the Indian women were fed and given trinkets. 
Ware superintended the distribution, placing the Indian women in 
a circle, and instructing two or three Indian men to distribute the 
food. On the first day he noted an Indian girl standing outside the 
ring, watching. "She was tall and well dressed, and about eighteen 
years of age, or perhaps twenty." (From other accounts, she was 
nearer sixteen. ) Ware went and motioned to her to enter the ring. 
She ignored him, merely looking at him "as if she were a statue." 
He tried twice through an interpreter, only to get the answer that 
"she is the daughter of Shan-tag-a-hsk." Impatiently, Ware said, 
"I don't care whose daughter she is. Tell her to get in the ring 
and get in quick;" and, at her same reply, "Tell her . . . she won't 
get anything to eat." She answered through the interpreter, "I 
have plenty to eat; I am the daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk." (p. 571 ) 
Always, says Ware, she stood apart, but during the day sat on a 
bench near the sutler's store, "watching as if she were living on 
the sights she saw." The officers got the habit of putting on a 
show for her benefit on parade, with fancy sashes, and the like, a 
point to which we shall return below. "She never spoke to any 
of us," says Ware. "Among ourselves we called her 'the princess.* 
... It was a week or ten days that Ah-ho-appa was around Fort 
Laramie. At last she went away with her band up to Powder 
River. . . . There was no silly curiosity in her demeanor. . . . She 
expressed no surprise, and exhibited not a particle of emotion. 
She only gazed intently." (571-573, passim). 

At this point Ware inserts an interlude of Charles Elston's 
contribution, an element in the story of the "princess" rarely 
referred to by subsequent writers. Why? Probably because it is 
hardly "royal" behavior. 

"I knew her when she was a baby," said Elston (who is reputed 
by Ware to have been forty years among the Indians and to have a 
Sioux, and perhaps two other Indian wives). "She was here in 
the squaw-camp eight or nine years ago, and must have stayed 
with her relatives here two or three years." (p. 573) This is 
important testimony, for it places her at the fort around 1855-59, 
a child of perhaps seven to eleven. The relatives, for that length 
of time, must have been Old Smoke and his crowd. Let us keep 
this in mind. 

She became much stuck up, said Elston, and refused to marry an 
Indian, no one but a "Capitan," though, said Elston, that means 
to the Indian anyone with shoulder-straps, from corporal to gen- 


eral. Elston's approach is that of the rough trader who knows his 
Indians. "She always carries a knife and is as strong as a mule." 
Once, said Elston, she fought off a Blackfoot who tried to carry her 
off, and "cut him to pieces — tickled her father nearly to death." 
Since then the young bucks "are afraid to tackle her." The squaws 
knew her ambition to marry a capitan, and "think her head is level, 
but don't believe she will ever make it." She tried once to learn 
English, the trader said, but the white boy captive escaped. She 
has "a little bit of a red book, with a gold cross printed on it, that 
General Harney gave her mother many years ago. She's got it 
wrapped up in a parfleche." 

She's a holy terror when she's mad, said Elston; and "tells the 
Indians they are fools for not living in houses and making peace 
with the whites." He then recounts an incident of her cutting her 
body in many places in anger at her father for saying he would 
never go near the whites again. He promptly knocked her cold, 
patched her up with pitch pine, then told her later that she could 
go with him when he went to see the whites. "She would dress 
like a buck and carry a gun. White men would not know the dif- 
ference. They can't get her to tan buckskin, or gather buffalo 
cherries. No, sir." (p. 574) 

In the third part of his tale. Ware now touches on the interim of 
the Civil War, and then reconstructs the setting in February, 1866, 
on the Powder River. Ah-ho-appa, he says, has consumption and 
is Uving "in a chilly and lonesome teepee among the pines on the 
west bank of the river." (p. 576) She has seen no whites since 
1864. War with the Indians has persisted, though her father has 
kept aloof as best he could, moving back and forth on the Big Horn, 
Rose Bud, and Tongue rivers. "Ah-ho-appa's heart was broken. 
She could not stand up against her surroundings. In vain her 
father urged her to accept the conditions as they were. . . But she 
could not. . . Her hopes were gone." (p. 577) 

There follows the account of her father's summons to Fort Lara- 
mie, her dying wish to be buried there, her father's long trip with 
her body in the winter, vividly imagined by Ware, the reception, 
and the burial, much as given by Maynadier and Wright, with a few 
embellishments by Ware, such as the Indian women whispering to 
the dead maiden. Ware then ends on a note of reflection upon the 
fate of the Indian girl, a passage frequently quoted later, which ran 
as follows: (pp. 581-582) 

The daughter of Shan-tag-a-Iisk was an individual of a type found in 
all lands, at all times, amd among all peoples; she was misplaced. 

Her story is the story of the persistant melancholy of the human 
race; of kings born in hovels, and dying there; ... of beauty born 
where its gift is fatal; of mercy born among wolves, and fighting for 
life. . . 

There are those who are never in tune. They are not alone among 
the weak; they are the strong and the weak; they are the ambitious as 
well also as the loving, the tender, the true, and the merciful. 


The daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk wanted to find somebody to love 
worth loving. Her soul bled to death. Like an epidendrum, she was 
feeding upon the air. 

When wealth and civilization shall have brought to the Rocky 
Mountains the culture and population which in time shall come, the 
daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk should not be forgotten; it may be said of 
her, in the words of Buddha: 

"Amid the brambles and rubbish thrown over into the road, a lily 
may grow." 

It is clear, then, that Ware was moved by the story of the young 
Indian girl; yet he says nothing of a love for, or the love of, a young 
officer. Let us, then, jump ahead here to 1926, and pick up two 
newspaper stories by one Frank M. Lockard, and his suggestion 
that Ware was the man in question. ^"^ In both, Lockard draws on 
Ware for his main story of the Indian girl. In the first, however, 
he says at one point: "General Brisbin says [where?] she would 
sit on the doorstep of a certain lieutenant and when he came out 
she would follow him like a dog. Several of the early writers 
[which or where?] mention her, giving an account of her love for a 
young lieutenant, but none of them give a name."^^ May we inter- 
polate at this point that since she was but "a week or ten days" at 
the fort in 1864, when Ware knew her, and the behavior above is 
that of a child, it is much more likely that this incident occurred 
during her stay at the fort around 1855-58, when she was about 
seven to ten; too early, that is, for a love story. Yet Ware does 
speak of her watching from the sutler's bench. 

Lockard then comes forward with his own statement: "Just 
how many knew Ware was the hero of his own tale I can't say, but 

10. Frank M. Lockard, "Lockard Recounts Story of Army Post and Re- 
markable girl," Goodland (Kans.) News-Republic, Sept. 30, 1926 (files of 
Wyoming State Archives and Historical Dept., Cheyenne, Wyo.); and 
Oakley (Kans.) Graphic, Oct. 22, 1926 (files of Kansas State Historical 
Society). Note, too, that Ichabod S. Bartlett, History of Wyoming Chicago: 
S. J. Clarke Co., 1918, pp. 312-315, has a candidate for the man in question, 
though without giving his source : "It seems to be a well authenticated fact," 
he says, that the Indian girl was "deeply infatuated" with a cavalry officer, a 
Captain Rinehart, "although he showed her only polite attention, which was 
her due as daughter of a celebrated chief. The captain was killed in an 
expedition against the Sioux, and the Indian maid mourned him inconsol- 
ably." The rest of Bartlett's story is mostly verbatim from Eugene Ware. 

11. This incident is traced to Belden: The White Chief, from the diaries 
and MSS of George P. Belden, edited by General James S. Brisbin. Cin- 
cinnati, C. F. Vent, 1872, pp. 422-423. Brisbin spent much of 1868-1888 on 
the frontier, after service in the Civil War (See Nafl Ency. of Amer. Biog.. 
IV, 224). Belden's story is that the girl "fell deeply in love with an officer" 
at Fort Laramie; but he "told her he never could marry her; but the poor 
girl came day after day to the fort, and would sit on the steps of the officer's 
house until he came out, when she would quietly follow him about like a 
dog." Spotted Tail remonstrated, then sent her to a band of her people 
where she pined away, etc. The grave, he says, "is still an object of interest 
to people who visit the fort," i.e., before 1872. 


I am told [by whom?] that he told the story truthfully to only two 
people, one of them being Theodore Roosevelt. However I 
learn [from whom?] that during his last years he talked freely with 
his friends and told much that is not in his book." 

As if pressed thereafter for more concrete information, Lockard 
expanded on his first story three weeks later in the Oakley Graphic, 
opening with a full quotation of Ware's last paragraphs above. 
"Now let me tell," he adds, "how I happened to know that E. E. 
Ware [sic] was the man in this affair." 

Ten years, he says, after Ware had built Fort McPherson,^^ j^g^ 
Lockard, had carried mail from Norton, Kansas, to North Platte, 
Nebraska, and had come to know Jimmy Cannon, who often rode 
with him. Cannon had been a soldier in the 7th Iowa, and told 
Lockard the story of Ah-ho-appa and Lieutenant Ware; as, indeed, 
says Lockard, had many others. Many officers had come and gone 
at Fort Laramie, says Lockard, before he saw the place, but they 
all knew Ware. "No one who had ever seen him forgot him. . . . 
He was the most popular and the best looking man in the army, 
though Ware himself gave that honor to Lieutenant Pratt. ^^ He 
was 23 years of age and a swell dresser; no wonder the Indian maid 
was interested." 

But, says Lockard, quoting Ware's own second paragraph 
(p. 565) on the Indian's treachery, cruelty, superstitions, etc., 
Ware had no illusions about the Indians and "expressed his con- 
tempt for white men who married among them, so it is easy to see 
that he could and would turn his back on a squaw." He probably 
feared, says Lockard, that his friends might think he had not acted 
honorably, though Lockard had never heard any reflection on 
Ware. When he met Ware late in Ware's life, says Lockard, he 
did not connect the name. 

What shall we make of this interpretation? Before we answer, 
let us glance at an item not hitherto noticed, as far I as I know — 
namely. Ware's changes between his magazine story of 1894 and 
his 1911 Appendix story. Through the courtesy of the Kansas 
Historical Society, I have been able to compare the two; and though 
they do not differ in essential facts, and are, indeed, as others have 
said, almost identical, there are interesting shifts. 

In his book of 1911 (op. cit.). Ware inserted a few bits of the 
story of Spotted Tail's daughter in the main text, thus omitted in 

12. Ware places this in the fall of 1863. See his book, pp. 63-91, passim. 
James Cannon is listed in Ware's book, p. 598, as in his company when 
mustered out in 1866. 

13. One wonders if Ware and Pratt are not the two good-looking young 
men in the photograph of 1864 used in the National Park Service Historical 
Handbook, Series 20, on Fort Laramie Washington, 1954, p. 16), available 
at the present fort. But which is which? 


part from the Appendix story; he also added an occasional word of 
explanation to the later account. But these are not particularly 
relevant to our study here. 

Speaking in the 1911 book (p. 572) of how the Indian maid 
loved to watch the morning and evening parades, Ware writes: 
"The Officer-of-the-Guard always appeared in an eighteen-doUar 
red silk sash, ostrich plume, shoulder-straps, and about two hun- 
dred dollars' worth of astonishing raiment." In the earlier maga- 
zine story, one word is changed, but an important one: "I alv/ays 
appeared, etc."^^ We learn, then, that Ware did consciously enjoy 
making an impression in his finery upon a simple Indian maid, who 
stood and watched as if she were "feeding" (Ware's own word, 
changed later to "living") on what she saw. But let us look farther. 

On page 577 of his 1911 account, Ware writes: "The object of 
her life was beyond her reach. She had an ambition — a vague one; 
but her hopes were gone." As this stands, it might be but another 
version of the chaplain's report. But the magazine article read as 
follows: "The object of her life was beyond her reach. She loved 
nobody in particular; it was only an idea — an ideal — some white 
captain. Yet no such person had made love to her; it was her 
ambition — a vague one, and a failure." 

One might be pardoned for finding here some sort of confession: 
she loved nobody in particular (not Ware); no such person made 
love to her (not V-Zare) ; it was only a vague ambition, and doomed 
to failure. And so it was, if she had Ware in mind; even though 
he had strutted before her every day ("always") for a week or 
more. But there is one further change — in the final paragraphs, 
quoted above. The Agora article read as follows: 

"The daughter of Shan-tag-a-lisk wanted somebody worth loving 
her. [Note the addition of her.] Not finding him, her soul bled 
to death [first phrase added]. Had she found him, although he 
might have treated her lightly, unlovingly, or unkindly, or loving 
her not had left her, she would have lived, like an epidendrum feed- 
ing upon the air, but she would have lived." 

Here the emphasis is shifted to the man but for whom she might 
have lived. Lockard, in short, might have made more of his story, 
had he read farther. Nevertheless, let us not jump to conclusions. 
Ware says she was at the fort but a week or ten days, and always 
aloof, showing no sign of emotion. As said above, Brisbin's tale, 
if true, may well refer to the younger child of her longer stay 
(Elston's eight or nine years before 1864). It is more likely that 
Ware, looking back, saw himself as rather silly, to be preening 
before a lone Indian maid every evenmg in gay colors; and that, 

14. The Agora (accent on the last syllable), III July 1894, pp. 45-61, 


hearing of the rumor of her dying for love of the whites, or even a 
particular officer, wished to head off having his name so used. A 
sensitive man, an amateur poet himself, he visualized only too 
clearly the wretched life on the Powder River in teepees in mid- 
winter, and saw in it not only disease but also loneliness and a 
longing for the more comfortable life she had once known around 
the fort. Again, Mrs. Bettelyoun's officer who loved her and want- 
ed to send her to school is more likely to have been an officer of 
around 1855-59, or his wife, who saw something in the smaller 
girl, but would not be likely at that date to gain Spotted Tail's 

At any rate. Ware remembered the girl sufficiently well to write 
her story thirty years later, and again forty-seven years later, with 
the few revisions above, hiis sources being his own personal inci- 
dent, and the published accounts of her death and burial. Without 
his account, we should know much less of Spotted Tail's daughter. 


Secondary Sources. If, as we have shown, the major body of in- 
formation on Spotted Tail's daughter centers about Maynadier, the 
chaplain at the fort, the unknown Tarsha-Otah, the Frenchman 
Simonin, and Eugene Ware, others have made their contribution. 
One of these, not often quoted, is George W. Kingsbury's History 
of Dakota Territory (op. cit. above), published in 1915, and owing 
something, it would appear, to some acquaintance with Spotted 
Tail's people in the latter state. George Hyde later makes some use 
of this book. Another body of writing on the Indian girl centers 
around Fort Laramie itself and eastern Wyoming, and is traceable 
in part to John Hunton and those who knew him. We touch on 
these below. 

Kingsbury is not always clear as to his sources, unfortunately. 
He makes no clear reference to Eugene Ware's book of four years 
earlier, perhaps having written parts of his own work earher than 
1916; nor, indeed, does he give much evidence of having read 
Maynadier or Wright's accounts. Where, then, did he get his 
information on Spotted Tail's daughter? I am inclined to guess 
that he visited the Rosebud Agency, where Spotted Tail lived, and 
drew his material from interviews there, and from reminiscences of 
Dakota older folk. 

Kingsbury describes the girl as Spotted Tail's "eldest daughter," 
a statement we cannot prove or disprove today, and as of "modest 
demeanor and striking beauty," and adds that she was "a great 
favorite with many at the fort" (i.e.. Fort Laramie). "As a child," 
he says, (p. 770), "she attracted much attention at the fort, and 
when she was grown to womanhood she became a favorite com- 
panion of many officers of volunteer troops." This, we must 
remark, hardly seems to fit. If she was, as we believe, at the fort 


as a child around 1855-59, perhaps two or three years, she may 
well have been a favorite with officers and their wives; but she was 
not yet grown to womanhood. 

"Her figure," says Kingsbury in more detail, "was rather below 
medium height, with a face perfectly oval, illuminated by eyes 
black and flashing, with a small, straight nose, finely formed lips, 
and teeth wliite and perfect. Her name was Pe-he-zi-wi, meaning, 
it was said, golden hair; but her hair was perfectly black and fine, 
not coarse as is uniformly the case with the Indian race."^^ 

This name, new to us, is, if we drop the first syllable, nevertheless 
near to Susan Bettelyoun's Hinzmwin (not translated). 

Kingsbury speaks of her influence with her father for peace, the 
attack of " a violent fever," and her desire to be buried at the fort. 
In his words: "As Spotted Tail afterward narrated this scene [to 
whom?], she said: 'Remember the dying words of Pe-he-zi-wi; 
go to the pale faces, shake hands with them strong; promise me this, 
and also promise me as a pledge that you will do this, that you will 
bury me in the cemetery among the pale faces at Fort Laramie.' " 
By this time, we observe that writers exert their imaginations to 
phrase the final words of the chief's daughter, though the substance 
is the same. 

Kingsbury does not relate the burial scene in detail, though he 
adds: "When Spotted Tail passed through Laramie in 1875, on 
his way to Washington to treat for the sale of the Black Hills, his 
white companions relate that he pointed out the grave, his eyes 
filled with tears, and he said his heart was big with sorrow because 
of the loss of Pe-he-zi-wi."^^ Kingsbury likewise comments: "It 
was for a long time related as a romance at the fort that she had 
cherished an unrequited affection for an officer of the army once 
stationed there. . . but this story was not accredited in best informed 

At this point, the figure of John Hunton, long a resident of Fort 
Laramie, attracts us, for around him and his friends centers a body 
of writing about the Indian maiden, though with indefinite edges 
as to sources. Fortunately, we are able to clarify some of this 
because of two letters, curiously four years apart, of inquiry and 

John Hunton was bom in Virginia, served in the Confederate 
army, and, like many southern veterans, came west in 1867. He 
"whacked bulls" into Fort Laramie in that year, then remained as a 
clerk in the sutler's store, expanding his activities gradually to con- 
tracts to supply wood and other commodities to the Fort and other 

15. Of this passage Hyde says (p. llOn), "evidently taken from some 
old account which is unknown to me." Ware had said she was tall. 

16. In 1876 Spotted Tail removed the body to the Rosebud Agency, 
where the grave is marked. (Hyde, p. 223, etc.) 


forts of the region. He began a diary in 1875, giving therein a 
detailed picture of the life of the time. He also served later as 
county commissioner and civil engineer.^^ 

Hunton, like many an old-timer, had small patience with senti- 
mentalizing the Indian, and, according to Flannery, resented in his 
later years the kind of interviewer who would take a bit of Hunton's 
reminiscences and weave it into an imaginative reconstruction. We 
might state here that it appears that Hunton knew little of the 
Indian girl's story at first-hand, judging by the evidence below. 

On Oct. 10, 1894, Hunton wrote a letter from Fort Laramie to 
George W. Colhoff at the Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota, as 
follows : ^"^ 

My dear Sir: 

I am going to trouble you for a little information which if you do 
not possess yourself, you can probably obtain from Nick Janis or 
someone who is familiar with the circumstances. It is concerning the 
romance of Spotted Tails lsic'\ daughter who died and was buried here 
in 1865 or 1866. Mrs. General Flint told a gentleman in Chicago if 
he would write to me I could possibly give or get the information. 
With the knowledge you have and what you can obtain from others 
there please write me as fully on the subject as you can. Give me the 
name of the girl the date and where she died, the cause of death if 
known and the name of the Lieutenant it was said she was in love 
with (this makes me laugh) and all the history of her life you can. I 
frequently get inquiries of this kind concerning Indians and events but 
rarely ever pay any attention to them, and would not in this case were 
it not to show courtesy and respect to an old friend like Mrs. Flint 
whom you doubtless remember as General Flint was stationed here 
about four years. 

This place is entirely delapidated [sic] and gone to the devil. No 
business and nothing going on ... . 

Yours truly. 

On the evidence of this letter it seems fair to assume that Mr. 
Hunton knew very little of the story, and that his later answers to 
interviewers were largely based on Mr, Colhoff s answer, as may 
appear below. 

Mr. Colhoff's^^ answer was, for some reason, delayed until 

17. See L. G. Flannery, editor, John Hunton's Diary (Lingle, Wye, 
1956), copy in University of Wyoming Western Archives, and also Flannery, 
in Lingle Guide Review, Feb. 3, 1955. In Vol. 4 of the Diary, pp. 15-25, 
Flannery himself wrote a story on "Ah-ho-appa, Daughter of Shantagalisk," 
referred to below. 

18. University of Wyoming Western Archives, Laramie, Wyo. Letter 
Files of John Hunton. 

19. Letter in files of Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, 
Cheyenne, Wyo. Colhoff would appear to be the father of John Colhoff, 
written up in the Denver Post's "Empire Magazine" for March 6, 1955, p. 
18, "Song of the Sioux," by Maurice Frink. John's father, not named, is 
said there to have served in both Confederate and Union armies (captured 


October 10, 1898, with a postscript, "Write again. I will try to be 
more prompt." The letter read as follows: 

Pine Ridge, S.D., 
Friend Hunton: Oct. 28, 1898 

After this long delay, I think that I am able to give you the infor- 
mation you asked for. In the Fall of 1865, Colonel Maynadier took 
command of Fort Laramie and sent out two Indians, Big Ribs and 
Whirlwind with Tobacco, etc., to ask the Indians to come into the Post. 

Spotted Tail was camped on Big Powder River and the messengers 
went to the different camps and had them all move to the mouth of the 
Little Powder River, which they did. Spot's daughter was then sick 
and was moved on a travois and while at the big camp died. She told 
her father that she wished to be taken to the whites, that before the 
Sioux war the white people had always been good to them and that 
the man (Col. M.) who had asked them to come in was good and 
that they knew him. Spot told her he would take her there, but he 
could not leave till the Indian councils were over. He said that they 
were at war with the whites and he could not make a treaty alone, so 
they were until Spring before they came to the Post. In the meanwhile 
the girl had died. 

Her name was Mini-aku (Brings Water). She made her father 
promise to bury her with the white people. She was to have been 
married to a half-breed named Tom. I think this half-breed is Tom 
Dorio, from what I can gather. She was brought to Fort Laramie on a 
travois and had quite a ceremony at her burial. All hands put some- 
thing in the box, two fine horses were killed under the scaffold and 
their heads and tails nailed on the posts. 

Old Spot made a treaty then that he never broke. Red Cloud re- 
fused to make any treaty until all the soldiers and whites had been 
taken out of the country. 

In the last three or four years the following old timers have died: 
Frank Marshall, Antoine Janis, Duval, Pete Richard, Morrisette, Joe 
Merival, Bissonette. They are getting away pretty fast. But then all 
of us vidll have to go sometime. 

I am really very sorry that you have run against a bad streak, but 
hope times will be better. 

Believe me, as ever your friend, 

(signed) Geo. Colhoff. 

A notation on the letter says "Answered Nov. 6, 1898 by John 
Hunton." However, I have not been able to locate an answer. 

This letter bears the marks of an authentic effort to gather evi- 
dence from Sioux witnesses and others. Indeed, a later letter of 
Hunton's to Colhoff, in 1905 (January 4), asking for other infor- 
mation, states specifically "from the older Indians and whites." 
Most interesting is the name "Mini-aku" (compare Susan Bettel- 
youn's "Minniakurrin" for a wife of Spotted Tail), which gives 
more credence to Simonin's "Moneka." We shall consider her 

at Gettysburg), and to have been discharged at Fort Laramie. He married 
a Sioux woman, Mary Hard, daughter of Shield, Oglala chief, and became 
a trader at the Pine Ridge Sioux Agency, So. Dak. 


names later."^ Note, too, the projected marriage to a half-breed 
Tom (Dorio?), and the absence of any romance with a white offi- 
cer. Colhoff also corroborates the death on the Little Powder 
River encampment, the body carried by a travois, and the killing 
of the ponies "under the scaffold." 

But before we take up the articles centering around eastern 
Wyoming, let us turn to a more recent work, George E. Hyde's 
Spotted Tail's Folk, a rich account of that warrior's life, published 
in 1961 (University of Oklahoma Press), but, no doubt, the work 
of some years previous. In his preface, Mr. Hyde acknowledges 
help not only from the usual sources, but also from Sioux and 
whites of the Dakota agencies, including Steven Spotted Tail, 
grandson of the old chief, Indians of the Rosebud and Pine Ridge 
agencies, as well as files of the South Dakota Historical Society — 
that is, material not available, for the most part, to me. Hence, it 
is reluctantly that I question two or three of his statements. Hyde 
admits that by this time, Sioux testimony has taken on legendary 
aspects (p. 67n), and that the mass of information collected can 
become confusing. 

It is necessary at this point to review briefly an episode in Spot- 
ted Tail's Ufe. In 1854 Spotted Tail participated in the so-called 
Grattan massacre, thereby making himself known to the whites. 
Again, in 1851, he had been a party to an attack on a mail wagon 
on Horse Creek, in which three whites were killed and the mail 
plundered, including $20,000 in gold, never recovered. For these 
reasons, after the disastrous defeat of the Sioux at Ash Hollow in 

1855, General Harney demanded the surrender of those guilty of 
the attack on the U. S. mails. 

Spotted TaU and two others appeared in surrender at Fort Lara- 
mie in October, 1855, and arrived at Fort Leavenworth on Decem- 
ber 12, 1855, expecting the death sentence (Hyde, op. cit., pp. 
48-70 passim). Here they remained until May of 1856, were then 
taken to Fort Kearney on the Platte, and released in September of 

1856, to return to his folk with honor. At Fort Leavenworth, 
Spotted Tan is said to have learned a lot about white strength, and 
to have become friendly with various white officers.^! 

The question arises now as to how many of Spotted Tail's family 

20. Of this name, Mr. William Shay, Ranger Historian at the present 
Fort Laramie National Park Site (mentioned above), wrote in the same 
letter: "Colhoff s 'Mini-aku (Brings Water)' . . . sounds the most probable 
of all of them. The 'Ah-ho-ap-pa' stuff never did go over very big vdth me. 
I was reared among Menominee Indians and I know that they just did not 
go in for fancy names for their women." 

21. Col. Richard Drum, "Reminiscences of the Indian Fight at Ash Hol- 
low," Nebraska State Hist. Soc. Coll., XVII (1911), pp. 143-150; and Robert 
Harvey, "The Battle Ground of Ash Hollow," Ibid., pp. 152-164, this latter 
an interview with Col. Drimi, and sometimes quoted as if by Drum. 


accompanied him to Fort Leavenworth. Hyde says that at least 
one wife and a child were captured, and Susan Bettelyoun (see 
above) says he had at least one wife and perhaps two or three chil- 
dren with him at the Fort. John Young Nelson,^- in his rambling 
memoirs, says that two of Spotted Tail's wives and three of his 
children were taken prisoner at Ash Hollow. Ehum mentions a 
captured and wounded child, found on the battle field, and taken to 
Fort Leavenworth, to become a favorite of the fort; but this child 
was apparently not Spotted Tail's own, despite his gratitude to 
Colonel Drum. 

Hyde (p. 75) tells that Spotted Tail's youngest wife, and also his 
first wife were at the Fort with him, and then says, "He had a 
favorite daughter who was eighteen when she died in 1866. Bom 
in 1848, she was seven when her father was a prisoner at Fort 
Leavenworth. She must have been the child of his first wife, and 
she was with her father at Fort Leavenworth and was made a pet 
of by the officers and thek wives. She grew very fond of the 
military." We are unable to say, from such support as Hyde gives 
for these statements, whether he had a clear source for them or was 
speculating. We must assume that the child may well have been at 
Fort Leavenworth; but again, if we follow Elston's statement above 
(whom, by the way, Hyde spells Elliston, and calls, contrary to 
Ware, who knew him, "a courageous young trader" ) , she was more 
surely at Fort Laramie, and for a longer period, where officers and 
their wives may well have exercised a longer influence upon her. 

Hyde goes on to say that thereafter she usually accompanied her 
father when he went to Fort Laramie or elsewhere to see the Indian 
agent, and thus "father and daughter kept up their friendship with 
officers known at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Kearney" (p. 75). 
Why, then, did no one recognize the aloof maiden in 1864 at Fort 
Laramie, even when she told whose daughter she was? Maynadier, 
says Hyde, without giving source, had met Spotted Tail and his 
daughter in 1859 when surveying west of Fort Laramie, and had 
"thought the child pretty and attractive." (p. 75) Maynadier 
himself (see above) merely said "I knew her five years ago." 

Hyde returns to the girl and her story on pages 108-110, calling 
her now "Ah-ho-ap-pa (meaning Wheat Flour)". This, of course, 
is from Ware. He repeats that she had gone through the battle of 
Ash Hollow and had been at Fort Leavenworth, "where the officers 
and their wives had made a pet of her." He discounts the tale of 
her falling in love "with a young lieutenant, fresh from West Point, 
at Fort Laramie," on the ground that "she and her father had not 

22. John Young Nelson, Fifty Years on the Trail, Edited by Harrington 
O'Reilly, from interviews with Nelson (University of Oklahoma Press, re- 
issue, 1963, p. 109. Nelson married among the Sioux, including daughters 
of Old Smoke. 


been at the fort since 1863" [should read 1864], though he says 
there might have been "some basis," and retells that "Charlie 
EUiston [sic] " said she wanted to marry a Capitan. "The romance 
makers," says Hyde correctly, "have been at work on this girl and 
her story since 1866, and even her name has been left in doubt." 
(p. 109) 

Mr. Hyde now proceeds to discuss her name, etc., falling into 
several smaU errors in the process. First he says that "Maynadier's 
first report called her Ah-he-ap-pa, or Wheat Flour" (which we 
have seen to be not the case); "but in the account of her sent to 
Frank Leslie's Weekly the day after the funeral, she is called 
Hinzinwin, or Monica. Hinzinwin is there translated as Falling 
Leaf; Monica was evidently a Christian name given her by the army 
families at Fort Leavenworth or Fort Laramie. Susan Bettelyoun 
knew this girl weU at Fort Laramie and calls her Hinzmwin, clearly 
the same as Hinzinwin. Win is the Sioux feminine ending, meaning 
girl or woman. The name might mean Yellow Girl or YeUow 
Buckskin Girl. It might mean Yellow Leaf and hence perhaps 
FaUing Leaf." (p. 109) Compare Kingsbury's Pe-he-zi-wi, mean- 
ing, it was said, "golden hair." 

As if to make sure we observe his error, Mr, Hyde on the next 
page, in a footnote, correctly identifies the date of Maynadier's 
report and the July 30, 1866, date of Frank Leslie's Illustrated 
Newspaper (there was no Frank Leslie's Weekly until 1872), and 
in neither, as we have seen, was any name given at all. The 
Hinzinwin I have faUed to uncover elsewhere, though he may well 
have got it from the Sioux whom he interviewed. The Monica 
appears here for the only time within my researches, with no refer- 
ence to Mrs. Bettelyoun's Minniakurrin for the young wife of 
Spotted Tail. In the same footnote, he does mention Kingsbury's 
Pe-he-zi-win (changing wi to win). The effort to change Hinzin- 
win by four steps to Falling Leaf seems a strained one. 

In the very next sentence, Mr. Hyde remarks : "The writers who 
think it romantic to call a Sioux girl White Fawn or Prairie Flower 
are imagining a vain thing. The Sioux did not give that kind of 
pretty names to girls;" a remark which seems to meet the approval 
of most old-timers. Hyde, too, says that the Sioux often had two 

It will be noted that Hyde's Monica (which may possibly have 
been given by some army wives) is close to the Frenchman Si- 
monin's "Moneka," as well as to Mr. Colhoff's straight statement 
that her name was Mini-aku. Note, too, that Mrs. Bettelyoun's 
name Minniakurrin, taking the win to be a feminine ending, thus 
leaving Minniaku again, also translated as meaning Brings Water, 
would assure this as a Sioux name. (The Minniconjous, pro- 
nounced, says Ware, p. 567, Minni-kau-zhous, are the "Shallow- 
water people.") Since we have here three sources, imacquainted 
with each other, I think we may assume that one of the girl's names 


was Mini-akii or close to that, and that this is the most likely of her 
various names. Ware is the only first-hand source, as far as I 
know, to propose Ah-ho-ap-pa, thougii Hyde may have had some 
further source for attributing it to Maynadier, or to someone else 
confused with the officer. Falling Leaf we shall touch on belov/. 
Hyde then tells briefly the story of the girl's burial at Fort Lara- 
mie, having Chaplain Wright read the service "from the little 
book," that is, the red-bound Episcopal prayer book mentioned 


A Flurry of Falling Leaf. We have mentioned above that a 
group of Wyoming writers have popularized the story of Spotted 
Tail's daughter, usually under the name of Falling Leaf, and that 
Mr. George Coihoffs letter of 1898 to John Hunton of Fort Lara- 
mie shows its influence in Hunton's testimony after that date. Since 
this must be partly speculation, let us look to the evidence. 

In 1927 Mr. Alfred James Mokler, a Wyoming editor, pubhshed 
a book entitled Transition of the West,--'' a rather old-time defense 
of the white man's treatment of the Indian. Admitting that there 
were a few good Indians, he told the story of Chief Washakie, and 
of the Indian maid, whose story one almost missed because of its 
title, "White Flower," Now, Eugene Ware had said specifically 
(op. cit., p. 566) "Her name was Ah-ho-ap' pa, the Sioux name 
for wheaten flour. It was the whhest thing they knew. She had 
other names, as Indian women often have, but when the writer 
saw her she was called Ah-ho-ap' pa. How she got the name is 
forgotten." But this passage hardly entitled her to be called Wheat 
Flower, especially as he at once says her name was "Ah-ho-ap-ap," 
no doubt a misprint. He tells her story briefly, confusing time a 
bit by saying that she tried to influence her father to live in houses 
and make peace with the whites, "but her father turned a deaf ear 
to her pleadings, and he, with some other Indians, in 1854, mur- 
dered Lieutenant Grattan and his thirty men." The girl was six 
years old in 1854. 

Mr. Mokler proceeds: "White Flower was still in love with the 
soldier [apparently after Spotted Tail's release in 1856?]; and in 
order to cure her infatuation he moved to the Powder river country. 
The girl pined away and in a short time died of a broken heart." 
Mokler's account bears traces of Eugene Ware, and probably some 
other unidentified source. 

Mr. Mokler rewrote his story to better effect in 1941. In the 
meantime, however, other versions of the Indian girl's story had 

23. Alfred James Mokler, Transition of the West Chicago: R. R. Don- 
eUy, 1927, p. 105. 


appeared, including one in the high school annual of the town of 
Fort Laramie, Wyo., 1938. In 1937, Mr. G. O. Houser, Editor of 
the Guernsey, Wyoming Gazette, published a story in the Gazette,-*^ 
in which the girl appears for the first time within my notes to be 
called Falling Leaf. The article is of interest because it specifies 
an interview with Mr. .Tohn Hunton, presumably by Mr. Houser, 
though the overall story leans heavily on Eugene Ware's book. 
"We find," writes Mr. Houser, "in our notes of an interview with 
Mr. John Hunton in 1925 that her name translated into English 
was 'Brings Water,' the Indian name was 'Minne-a-kow.' Poets 
and writers give her the name of 'Falling Leaf,' probably because 
she died of consumption." Mr. Hunton is further twice quoted as 
dismissing certain earlier stories as fiction. "She was supposed to 
have been engaged to marry an officer," writes Mr. Houser, "but 
according to the late John Hunton, this was a fiction of the writers, 
though she may have been deeply in love with an officer." Again, 
Mr. Hunton is quoted as describing as "pure fiction" a story of the 
Indian girl's skeleton having been taken by an army doctor at the 
fort for his own work, but hastily restored when it was learned that 
Spotted Tail was on his way to the fort. (TTiis story first appears 
in Mr. Joseph G. Masters, mentioned next.) Mr. Houser con- 
cludes with: "Joseph C. [should be G.] Masters, noted historian 
of western history, writes some nice lines on her burial as follows." 
The lines quoted are verbatim from Eugene Ware, as stated in Mr. 
Masters' article. Perhaps Mr. Houser, after all, had not seen 
Ware's book, but only Mr. Masters' newspaper article, plus the 
interview with Mr, Hunton. 

The Fort Laramie, Wyoming, high school annual story of 1938 
follows Mr. Houser quite closely, mentioning the interview with 
Mr. Hunton in 1925, the sentence about "poets and writers" as 
giving the name Falling Leaf, Mr. Joseph Masters, and the name 
Minnie-a-kow (note the shift to Minnie). 

Mr. Joseph G. Masters, a long-time principal of the Omaha 
Central High School, published in 1935 a book called Stories of the 
Far Westr^ in which he mentions that on August 3, 1928, he went 
over the fort grounds with Mr. John Hunton, "who told many inter- 
esting tales of this famous old place." But, to the best of this 
writer's examination, he makes in this book no mention of Spotted 
Tail's daughter, despite Mr. Mokler's suggestion that he did so 
(see below). Mr. L. G. Flannery, in his edition of John Hunton's 
Diary, edited in 1956, says in Vol. IV (pp. 15-25) : "In the sum- 

24. Clipping from Guernsey Gazette in files of Wyoming State Archives 
and Historical Department, dated only "Rec'd in 1937", and titled "A Story 
of Falling Leaf: the Princess — Most Beautiful Daughter of the Sioux." 

25. Joseph G. Masters, Stories of the Far West, New York: Ginn and 
Co., 1935, p. 238. 


mer of 1928, a few months before his death, John Hunton was 
interviewed at old Fort Laramie by Joseph G. Masters. He showed 
Mr. Masters where Ah-ho-appa had been buried on a scaffold and 
told him what he knew of the circumstances. Mr, Masters then 
wrote a newspaper feature story about her," which story, says Mr. 
Flannery, appeared in the Omaha World-Herald for Jan. 25, 1939, 
and was admittedly indebted to "the Kansas poet Eugene Ware." 
It took a little searching to uncover this story in the Omaha World- 
Herald in the Sunday issue of March 31, 1929, starting with a 
hunch that a 1928 interview would be followed by a 1929 story. 

Mr. Master's story, entitled "The Daughter of Spotted Tail," 
though accompanied by a picture of Mr. Hunton standing near the 
old sutler's building at the fort, and an artist's conception of Indian 
graves and an Indian maid, and though it begins "In August of 
1928 as we were with John Hunton going over the grounds of old 
Fort Laramie, he pointed out to the north of the old hospital build- 
ing, saying, 'The daughter of Spotted Tail was buried and remained 
there for many years,' " nevertheless gives no further reference to 
Mr, Hunton. 

His next paragraph reads: "There are many stories told about 
this wonderful maiden, but none so charming as that given by the 
Kansas poet, Eugene Ware. Few stories are, however, more poign- 
ant," The paragraphs that follow are a clear summary of Ware's 
Appendix story, with an occasional feature-story touch, such as 
"Ah-ho-appa, beautiful in the extreme," but including this time 
something of Mr, Elston's franker description. He pictures Ware 
as present at the funeral (a natural assumption), then copies Ware 
verbatim, in quotation marks, for the funeral story itself. He also 
adds the item from John Bratt (see above), chiefly because of the 
presence of three of Bratt's grandaughters in the Omaha Central 
High School, then ends with the incident of the young doctor who 
took the skeleton of the young girl for study, but replaced it sudden- 
ly when Shantagalisk appeared to claim it, and was put off by a 
night's hospitality to enable the doctor to replace the skeleton. He 
gives no source for his story, merely saying "A story runs of later 
years . , ." He concludes by saying that at the Rosebud agency a 
shaft marks the resting place of father and daughter. Why did he 
use this story if Hunton had pronounced it pure fiction, and when 
had Hunton heard it? We do not know. 

Mr. A, J. Mokler in April 1941, in his own little magazine, The 
Wyoming Pioneer, ^^ now wrote a new story, entitled "Sad Story of 
Falling Leaf, a Lovely Indian Maiden," stating in it, for full meas- 
ure, "She was given the name of Ah-ho-appa-Minnie-a-kow," the 

26. The Wyoming Pioneer, Vol, 1, No. 3, March- April, 1941, pp. 198- 


first use. apparently, of this combined name, taken, most likely, 
from Mr. Houser's story of 1937 or from the Fort Laramie High 
School Annual. Mr. Mokler continues, "When she was grown to 
womanhood, the poets and writers at the fort gave her the name of 
Failing Leaf or Faded Flower. Some of them called her Princess." 
One notes the repetition of Mr. Houser's phrasing, and the use of 
Faded Flower, fortunately not continued. Mr. Mokler curiously 
dates her birth as 1842, followed by therefore calling her fourteen 
when her father was sent to Fort Leavenworth (1855) and sixteen 
when he was released. This would make her twenty-six at the 
time of her death, instead of the customary eighteen. Mokler cor- 
rected his earlier three days to the fort to a week, and her later 
re-burial from Powder River to the Rosebud Agency. One apolo- 
gizes for calling attention to these variants, except for the fact that 
they influenced later local writers. The major point, however, is 
the reliance on John Hunton as the authority, and the appearance 
of Mini-aku (though as Minnie-a-kow), and the rise of the name 
Falling Leaf. 

Between these items, in 1938, appeared Hafen and Young's 
Fort Laramie, mentioned above, whose Ah-ho-appa comes almost 
wholly from Maynadier and Ware. 

In 1945 Mrs. Virginia Trenholm of Wheatland, Wyo., published 
Footprints on the Frontier, and the following year, Wyo?ning Pag- 
eant,-'' the latter with Miss Maurine Carley of Cheyenne. Mrs. 
Trenholm, from internal evidence, accepted Mr. Houser and Mr. 
Mokler a bit too trustingly, calling the girl "Ah-ho-appa Minnie-a- 
kow," not hyphenated. Her title, however, calls her "Ah-ho-appa 
(Falling Leaf)," quoting in part a poem by Miss Alice Kenney, a 
romanticized version in verse entitled "Falling Leaf." In the Wyo- 
ming Pageant a footnote appears on the original "song," "Falling 
Leaf," and reads: "Song written by an unknown soldier sometime 
in 1869 at Fort Laramie," a statement undoubtedly linked with Mr. 
Houser's "poets and writers at the fort." and a plausible solution. 
Unfortunately, Mrs. Trenholm at this date, in a letter to the author, 
was unable to verify her source for this information, which, if 
authenticated, may well account for the rise of the name Falling 

This ballad, as quoted by Mrs. Trenholm and others, tells of the 
"daughter of a warrior chief," and a "hunter" who "wooed and won 
her for his fair and lovely bride," but "wandered," so that 

Long she watched and long she waited, but his fate 
was never known. 

27. Virginia Cole Trenholm, Footprints on the Frontier, Douglas, Wyo.: 
Douglas Enterprise Co.. 1945, pp. 43-44; and Wyoming Pageant (with Maur- 
ine Carley), Casper, Wyo.: Prairie Publishing Co., 1946, especially p. 163. 


With the autumn days she lingered, and with the 

autumn leaves she died, 
And she closed her eyes in slumber by the 

Laramie River's side. 

The alert reader will note that Mini-aku did not die in the au- 
tumn and did not die on the banks of the Laramie river; also that 
the hunter would not be called a white officer, nor would a lover 
seek his plains Indian maid "in the forest." In fact, there is nothing 
specific in the poem to relate the maid to Spotted Tail's daughter 
except an unnamed "warrior chief;" and the theme, were it not for 
the Laramie river, could even be from a Scottish ballad, or an echo 
of another Minni, namely, Longfellow's Minnihaha, Laughing 
Water. At this point, one is inclined to suggest that Falling Leaf 
be laid to rest as a name for Spotted Tail's daughter. 

We have mentioned above Mr. L. G. (Pat) Flannery's editing of 
John Hunton's Diary, in the course of which Mr. Flannery con- 
tributed his own version of our story, entitled "Ah-ho-appa, Daugh- 
ter of Shan-tag-a-lisk,"-"* with the subtitle, "The Legend of FalHng 
Leaf." Mr. Flannery recognized the problem. "At least part of it 
is true," he writes. "It is a strange tale of intermingled fact and 
fancy about a girl who wanted to live in a world of which she was 
not a part." His account is indebted to Eugene Ware, and perhaps 
to Hafen and Young as well, and is reasonably accurate. On the 
love story, he remarks, "As to that this writer has no evidence." 
He does repeat the story of the young doctor who took the skeleton, 
and he also quotes Ware's final tribute. Mr. Flannery adds that 
when his tale was published also in the Lingle, Wyoming, Guide- 
Review (November 3, 1960), three persons wrote in the words of 
the old ballad, "Falling Leaf," as they recalled it, which ballad he 
reprints. So powerful is sentiment over evidence. 

As a sequel to Mr. Flannery's story, we may touch here on the 
site of the grave. "About 1929," writes Mr. Flannery, "John 
Hunton took this writer to the site of that scaffold, some of which 
was still standing, with a few rotting boards from the coffin lying 
on the ground below." This would be, of course, long after Spotted 
Tail had removed the body of his daughter in 1 876. Flannery adds 
that in April of 1947, Mr. W. Morrison of Cheyenne, Paul Hender- 
son of Bridgeport, Nebraska, and others set out to locate the 
grave site. Using an old photograph dated 1881,-'* they measured 
by the fort buildings in the background, selected the appropriate 
spot, and found there some old boards and square-headed nails, 
and erected a crude marker, since obliterated. 

Mr. Remi Nadeau in his book (op. cit., pp. 202-205) repeats 

28. Hunton Diary, op. cit.. Vol. 4, pp. 15-25. 

29. Files of Fort Laramie Museum, and used in Fort Laramie Handbook, 
mentioned above. 


that Mr. Henderson located the site, and marked it with a small 
steel pipe, once again located in 1960 by Mr. Gene Galloway, 
then at the fort. The present writer has been shown the appro.xi- 
mate site by officials at the fort, which should be marked more 

Other stories of the Indian maid have appeared: for example, 
Mr. Gordon Chappell's "The Ballad of Falling Leaf," a competent 
summary of Eugene Ware, in the Torrington, Wyoming, Telegram 
for August 8, 1966; or Mr. Joe KoUer's somewhat fictionized story 
in the Real West magazine."^" Mr. KoUer made use, directly or 
indirectly, of Ware, Hafen and Young, Kingsbury, and Hyde, plus 
a visit to Fort Laramie from his residence in Belle Fourche, South 
Dakota, and, in a letter to this writer (June 20, 1967), says that he 
found the story of a sergeant at the fort who planned to send the 
bones of the Indian girl to Washington, D. C, had not Spotted Tail 
arrived opportunely, in a Billings, Montana, Dude Ranch Magazine 
of some date in the early 1960's. Mr. Kohler expands to picture 
"Falling Leaf" as a great favorite at army picnics, barbecues, hunt- 
ing excursions, and horse-men's exhibits — in short, a kind of Vir- 
ginia belle — and "a very likeable companion" for children at the 
fort; yet, at the same time, "being shyly disposed seldom talked 
before white strangers." He mentions a little red Bible (not 
prayer book), which she cannot read, but from which she enjoys 
the stories told by the chaplain. Koller also, without reference, 
names White Rock, leader of "a war party," as the man her father 
tried to force her to marry, and as the cause of her father's imposing 
hard labor of the squaws upon her. Since we are given no sources 
for these departures from the usual story, we cannot evaluate them. 

Conclusion. What, then, shall we conclude on Spotted Tail's 
daughter? She was bom most probably in 1848, and died on, or 
near to, February 22, 1866, at about eighteen years of age. She 
may or may not have been among those captured at the Ash Hollow 
battle or brought in later to Fort Leavenworth with her father. If 
so, she may well have been there a favorite with officers and their 
wives, for Spotted Tail is said to have responded to white advances, 
and to have been impressed by the white man's power and the 
wisdom of compromises. She may then or later have been given 
directly or through her mother the little red prayer book mentioned 
by several writers, or even the name of "Monica" by white women, 
which Hyde alone appears to mention. On the other hand, she 
may never have been at Fort Leavenworth with her father, and 
only later, during sometime in the period of 1855-59, for some 
two or three years at Fort Laramie with "relatives," namely, Old 

30. Joe Koller, "Tragic Sacrifice of Failing Leaf," Real West, Vol. 6, No. 
32, November, 1963, pp. 36-38, 48-51. 


Smoke and his tribe on the outskirts of the fort. This latter period 
of residence at the fort seems much better authenticated, and is 
sufficient to account for the story of her being a favorite with white 
officers and their wives, as a child, and an admirer of the parade 
and bustle about the fort. Too young then to be caught in love 
for any white officer, she may still have adopted one to follow, as 
any child might do, and such an officer might, as Susan Bettelyoun 
suggested, urge that the child be sent to a white school, causing 
her father to remove her from the fort environment. Again, in- 
creased hostilities with the whites may have caused her father to 
withdraw both himself and his daughter from the fort for a period 
of time, as a consequence of which absence the child may well have 
looked longingly back upon her years there, and upon the lot of 
the white officers' wives as a Cinderella would gaze upon the ladies 
of the court. 

Mr. Eugene Ware's account of the 1864 episode indicates her 
return at that time, at about the age of sixteen, a most impression- 
able age, and one appropriate to her nostalgic behavior at the fort, 
after months and years of the hard life of an Indian squaw, the 
nomadic life, the hazards of war and the deprivation of company. 
Ware pictures her as standing aloof, not participating, the daughter 
of a chief who felt herself above the average. There is small like- 
lihood of a love affair in this ten days' return to childhood scenes; 
though Ware's participation in a fancy parade each evening for the 
benefit of the lone girl may well have attracted some teasing as to 
his motives. Daughters of Indian chiefs had married white men 
of various ranks — two of Old Smoke's daughters had married John 
Nelson — and she may well have dreamed of such an event. Ware, 
at least, felt the tragedy behind so brief a life and the spectacle of 
longing for the impossible. 

As to her name, Simonin's Moneka of 1867, Hyde's Monica 
(wherever he found it), and Susan Bettelyoun's Minniakurrin, all 
make likely the accuracy of George Colhoff's Mini-aku or Minni- 
aku as both a Sioux name and as the nearest to the name of Spotted 
Tail's daughter. Three or four independent sources for a name are 
worth twenty repetitions of a sentimental one. Ware's Ah-ho-appa 
appears to come from him alone, for there is no other use of it that 
is not derived from Ware, as far as I know and he admits no 
knowledge of how she got it, and that Indians often have several 
names. As for Pe-he-zi-wi or Hinzinwin (meaning golden hair?), 
this may also have been a second or third name, though the evi- 
dence is slender. At this point, it seems reasonable, then, to sug- 
gest that Falling Leaf be dismissed as originating in a sentimental 
ballad written after her death, whether by a soldier at the fort or 
not; and that Mini-aku be adopted as the most likely name for the 
Indian girl, with Hin-zin-win or Pe-he-zi-wi as a second possibility. 

A late corroboration comes to hand at this printing in a letter 
from Mr. Harold W. Schunk, Superintendent at the Rosebud 


Agency, Rosebud, South Dakota, dated August 29, 1867. Chief 
Spotted Tail's grandson, Steven Spotted Tail, veteran of World 
War I, that day in Mr. Shunk's office, is quoted as saying that he 
knew of the daughter buried at Fort Laramie, and that "she later 
was taken down from the scaffold and buried," but that "Steve 
discounts the story that Chief Spotted Tail brought the body back 
several years later and buried it in this area." Perhaps, then, the 
girl was actually buried at the fort later, or taken elsewhere — 
again, we can not know. Steven, says Mr. Shunk, "does not know 
the name of the girl that died." Mr. Shunk, however, adds that 
"Mrs. Bettelyoun's Hinzmwin would mean either buckskin woman 
or yellow woman. The name given by Eugene Ware we were 
unable to translate intelligently. The name Mini-aku does mean 
'brings water'." 

The incident of the burial ceremony is the best authenticated of 
all elements of her story, and needs no debate. The major outlines 
remain the same for all narrators. Maynadier saw the incident 
as a guarantee of peace with the Sioux, the chaplain as a sign of 
both peace and conversion. Both overrated the speed with which 
such results could be accomplished. In time, the central interest 
became the girl herself, about whom legends might accumulate. 
Her influence on her father for peace seems also without question, 
whatever her motives. But one must not attribute to this daughter 
of the nomadic Sioux the articulate sentiments of an articulate 
middle-class American girl. She was, no doubt, still an Indian girl 
in the environment of a rough, hard life, with emotions of a simple, 
untutored sort. She may even, as Elston said, have dressed like a 
man and wielded a wicked knife. Even the later removal of her 
body by her father to the Rosebud Agency appears in doubt. And 
she probably succumbed to the white man's scourge, tuberculosis 
or consumption, plus the poverty and neglect of her situation. 

Today we may conclude with Colonel Maynadier that the inci- 
dent of her life and death, and father's grief, proved that the 
Indian, too, was human and shared in the feelings of a common 
humanity; and with Eugene Ware, that the simple story of aspira- 
tion beyond possibility of achievement and hope doomed prema- 
turely, has its own pathos, without the need of romantic exag- 


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Zhe 'Diary of Sdith K. O. Clark 


August 8, 1933 

Now to be honest . . . were you just a little facetious in sug- 
gesting I keep a "log" of my homesteading adventures? "Log" . . . 
that's the most constant word in my vocabulary right now. Log, 
logger, logging . . . from the crack of dawn till bedtime, and then 
I dream it till the sun strikes the rocky ledge that I can see from 
where my bed is rolled out on the ground. For the chief interest 
I have in life just now is getting my young cabin put together . . . 
logs, of course. 

We've actually started. And even though I had to abandon 
my original plans for a house when I found that they would involve 
more cash than I could command this summer . . . this revised 
version is going to be a lot of fun. 

Today . . . August 8 ... the first trees for it were felled. I have 
a unique souvenir. The very first tree that was cut, crashed dovm 
across the big rock where I had parked my hat and little white 
enamel drinking cup. It made no visible difference to the hat, but 
from now on I'll have a lop-sided cup to remember the occasion. 

Did you ever peel logs? Now I can brag that I have. We did 
fourteen today. "We" means the tv/o little Gibbs boys. Jack and 
I myself. Jack is the hired man at the Gibbs homestead. Shorty 
Gibbs leases 600 of my broad acres. He is paying part of the rent 
in labor, Jack being the laborer. Said laborer has been most 
recently a sheepherder and before that numerous other things. He 
has been around the world twice as a sailor, stowaway and globe- 
trotter. He has only one eye and this is his very first attempt at 
log cabin-building, but he seems good-natured and his innate spirit 
of adventure is an asset. He'll tackle anything. 

The log peeling has given me a pretty general coat of sticky 
pitch. My old riding breeches that I have dedicated to this prop- 
osition have suffered several new snags. It looks doubtful that 
they can survive the whole contract. And if not, what is the 

When I mentioned my bed out on the ground a little while ago, 
I wondered if I had written you before about my temporary quar- 
ters while my own habitation is a-boming. I have my bed and 
board at the Gibbs cabin. You've already met part of the family. 
Mrs. G. is Dorothy, an old friend. It was through her that I 
located my land. In an unguarded moment, she invited me to 
stay with her until my place was livable. She and her family have 
a little one-room-and-porch cabin about three-quarters of a mile 


from my site. I have my own bedding there and sleep out under 
the stars! Great stuff! Then, during the days, I come up here to 
my cabin site and log. Today Dorothy brought us a picnic lunch 
horseback at noon, but we decided it would be simpler for me 'n' 
the other logger to bring a lunch when we come in the mornings. 
That's the arrangement for the rest of the series. 
Hasta manana! 

August 20 

"Manana" means most any time in the future to the Spaniard, 
doesn't it? When I wrote it I did not mean that I'd be resuming 
this writing the very next day. But now there is something epoch^ 
to report. 

Today my ridge log was rolled into place! 

Shorty and Jack accomplished the feat, after I had been duly 
photographed snaking it down out of the timber. No, my dear, 
not by hand. I was mounted on Ronge, the Gibbs horse that has 
been my ally in dragging out these fifty (or so) logs from where 
they were felled, and getting them to the side of the cabin. Ronge 
has not been as keen about the job as he might have been, but by 
dint of much vigorous kicking and prodding, he did it. I hope I 
have at least one picture of him (and me) in action. 

Don't think it has taken all these days to reach this stage in the 
cabin construction. Oh, my, no! Since August 8, I've been to 
tov/n. That is an event worth recording. Also, it was a shock. 
When I changed from my red flannel blouse and pitchy pants (also 
"patchy" ) to a shantung dress and brown silk coat! ... I found my 
complexion was much more nearly the shade of the coat. I did 
not realize what a genuine lumber-jack tan I had acquired. But 
truth will out and I was shown up for what I am. 

These occasional trips to town are joUy ... I mean especially 
the going and coming. They are made in the Gibbs truck ... a 
httle Ford "pickup" which has very limited space in the one and 
only seat, so I elect to ride in the back. You know my enthusiasm 
for open cars in the mountains! There you have it. I revel in the 
views that I get all the 45 miles down ... or up. I wish I had the 
power to describe them. 

From my cabin site I have a stunning view of the Hazelton peaks 
to the northwest. They never cease to fascinate me with their 
changing colors in the shifting lights. And as we drive toward them 
to get to the main highway we cross what is popularly known as 
the "Gammon bull camp", a great open park, several miles wide, 
all rolling grassy slopes fringed on the east by the most interesting 
rim rock formation. It is a precipitous rocky wall, rising high 
above timbered approaches, and broken here and there just enough 
to give the effect. Then we dip down and cross Doyle Creek, a 
musical mountain stream that is famous for its fishing. From there 
the winding rocky trail that "presumptiously" calls itself a "road" 


makes travel slow enough to drink in the beauties at every turn . . . 
a succession of timbered patches . . . open parks . . . thrilling rock 
formations . . . and glorious vistas. The last gate puts us into 
Hazelton lane. We go up and down over the ridges between the 
little streams that rise in the Hazelton Peaks region, and then down 
a long hill where the huge pines tov*/er on either side of the road, 
and out we pop onto the deservedly famous Tensleep-Buffalo high- 
way It is a highway . . . broad, well-surfaced, well graded, scenic. 
Thirty-two miles of this before we reach Buffalo. Part of the way 
it is through thick timber, part of the time we seem to be on top 
of the world and then a sudden turn of the road brings into view 
the spectacular sky line to the west that is the real divide of the Big 
Horn Range . . . eternal snow on the rugged peaks that tower high 
above timberline. 

Broad curves of the highway swing gracefully to the crossings of 
Sour Dough Creek, the South Fork of Clear Creek, later Middle 
Fork and then North Fork which we follow down the mountains. 
Each valley is beautifully timbered and the water as we cross it 
laughs out friendly greeting, tumbling over the rocks, as though 
challenging us to a race down to Buffalo. You know Clear Creek, 
the branches all m one by that time, runs right tlirough town. It 
is a distinctive feature of the village, this rippling mountain stream. 
A broad bridge crosses it right in the center of the main street. 

Even that main street has its own individuality, by the way. It 
meanders down a long hill from the south, stops to visit with the 
creek at the bottom, and starts up the other slope at a different 
angle! Buffalo's crooked Main Street is like no other. That's the 
charm of it. It started out merely as a stock trail, and though some 
of its business houses are quite modern, inside and out, others still 
have the low ledge all the way across the front under the show 
windows like a sort of private curbstone. And these are usually 
occupied to capacity by men just sitting and watching the world 
pass by. Cowboys in town for part of a day or night, other visit- 
ors, and residents of town, all flock to these popular bleachers. 
Rarely are they deserted. Sometimes it is a little disconcerting to 
pass in review before them. But most everyone knows everyone 
else in Buffalo, so it is all among friends. 

This time I am tempted to close before getting myself back up to 
camp. But when I write again you will see that I really did return 
to my mountains. 


September 2 

When you read my exultant shout that the ridge log was in place, 
perhaps you visualized my mountain home as practically ready for 
occupancy. Did you? Well now, just let me wise you up a bit. 

At that stage of the game the structure resembled a rather high 
pole corral as nearly as anything, with two ends rising a bit higher 


than the sides. True, the men did cut out one log at the places that 
were to be the windows and door, just to make it possible to get 
their saws in later to cut the openings. Now I can brag that that 
has been accompUshed, so you can see how I'm going to get in, and 
look out. And thereby hangs a funny tale! I find that the door 
and windows are going to be ridiculously low for one of my vertical 
dimensions! How come? I take all the blame. I had counted 
logs in other cabins, and ordered the same number high for mine, 
not realizing that these lodge pole pines on my place are slimmer, 
and hence would not make for height as they were laid up! Then 
too, ray cabin is faced down hUl. The foundation rocks raise the 
front fairly well off the ground. The building did not look low as 
it was being put up. But when the floor gets in, it surely will be. 
I'll have head clearance and that's about all at the sides, and even 
the ridge won't be out of reach. So, we'll just say, "How quaint 
and picturesque," and I'll pretend it was meant to be that way. 
Anyone over five feet tall will have to duck to enter. 

Right now I am busy chinking. Does that mean anything to you? 
Chinking is the process of fitting slim poles into the cracks between 
the logs. (I have generous "cracks" due to amateur workmanship 
of the notching). Then later, when the logs season, these cracks 
will be daubed with cement and the chinking will help hold it in. 

We still work at my camp site quite regularly. A few days ago 
the v/eather drove us back to the Gibbs' after we had just gotten a 
good start. It began with a queer drifting fog that poured in on us 
intermittently. One moment we could look out at the Peaks and 
the next even the timber across my park would be swallowed up 
in the white mist. Then it settled into a soaking rain. Jack rigged 
up a sort of lean-to shelter out of the big piece of old tent I had 
brought up, and he built a roaring fire in front of it, but when we 
decided it was going to be more than a passing shower, we ad- 
journed. And wasn't I thankful again for my red flannel blouse! 

Next morning the high ridge back of my peaks was covered with 
fresh snow! A new thrill in the view that they all tease me for 
raving about . . , that was August 21, but it was a subtle suggestion 
of the waning of summer. 

Later in the week we had some more emphasis on the same 
subject, more cold fogs that I suppose from the valley looked like 
low hanging clouds. Probably they were. They behaved very 
much like clouds, and showed a most generous capacity for rain. 
Rain at last! We all shouted with joy to see it. For two months 
there had not been a shower and the range was parched and dis- 
couraging. We were so genuinely glad that rain had finally come 
that we sallied out into it with delight. Honestly, it was fun. Jack 
and I spent half a day with the trickles dripping off our hat brims 
while we made a crossing for the truck that was to bring some 
lumber up for me. 


You see, I have no road into my park. I'm in virgin forest 
country as far as dwelling or building is concerned. Nothing has 
ever trod my soil, except on hoofs. And it just happens that there's 
no natural approach to me for anything on wheels. Some day I'll 
have to have a road gouged out around the hill to the north, but 
since this season has been so dry, we can safely cross below the 
outlet of the group of springs that normally make a marshy place 
down at the lower end of the little draw west of me. Only, we had 
to improvise a temporary culvert. We used rocks and willows and 
brush and chunks of sod on top. That was one rainy day job. I 
might add that it proved practical. The truck bounced across the 
next day without mishap. So, came the lumber that would mean a 
roof for my domicile, and window frames, and door and floor. It 
looked very grand and interesting. I realized more thoroughly 
than before that I was building a house! It is the first one I have 
ever built, you know, so I deserve a thrill, I think! And I hke the 
idea of my first building being this primitive little cabin, in its 
primitive setting. I can't seem to remember up here that I have 
been dependent upon electric conveniences and modem plumbing. 
I am quite content to dip water from my cold running spring, and 
write this log by candlelight. 

As for plumbing, wait till you see what I accomplished without 
Chic Sale! I left the bark on, (protective coloring) as It stands a 
little back in the edge of the timber. The view, from the seat, is 
entrancing. I don't remember that even The Specialist ever in- 
cluded a beautiful view in the assets of his handiwork. 'Nuf sed. 

September 15 

Nearly two weeks since my last log entry, and many things of 
great moment have transpired. Chiefest among these . . . that I 
have moved! Yea, verily, I am established as a bona fide resident 
upon my own land! 

The big shift was made on the 7th. I chose the day. The weath- 
er was grand. And then we found that the Gibbs truck was not 
in the v/orking mood. So the moving was done by the help of two 
horses, two small boys, and two women! You should have seen 
the caravan in action. Oh, yes, there were two dogs too. 

My tent, as I have noted, was already up at the site, thanks be 
to Allah. If we had had it to transplant along with the rest, it might 
never have happened. The other absolute necessities of life made 
a big enough load. 

Food stuffs were in one gunny sack ... or rather part of two, 
as I recall . . . cooking apparatus in another. These were tied 
together and swung across the saddles. Then on the top were more 
things ... a blue denim laundry bag of clothes ... a canvas roll of 
blankets. One gallant steed was topped with a huge wool sack 
half full of straw (my temporary mattress). These long-suffering 
animals we led, I carrying my small black grip of toilet articles and 


odds and ends. The pack animals looked like camels, their tower- 
ing swaying loads fairly eclipsing their own identity. But, we 
arrived. And when the loads were dumped, we celebrated by 
having a camp fire picnic, Dorothy and the boys and I. 

That night Tip, the borrowed sheep dog, and I slept in my little 
shelter house, and I was officially at home. 

Next morning the fogs rolled in and the showers came, and 
though I worked around the cabin most of the day, fitting the little 
poles for chinking, it grew pretty damp and dreary. Dorothy rode 
up horseback to invite me down to theu: drier house. And when 
it began to pour so hard that my camp fire just wouldn't function, 
I threw on my big coat and hiked gratefully down. The faithful 
dog rejoiced. 

But that weather didn't last. I got back to my own fire side 
the next day, and though I did visit my former hosts now and then, 
the tent was my abode most of the time. 

Cooking over only a camp fire has its limitations, of course. 
But I have even attempted, and achieved, Dutch oven biscuits . . . 
without the Dutch oven. The two small Gibbs boys who were my 
guests one noon can testify that my iron skillet with an inverted 
griddle for a lid, did fairly creditable service . . . and there were no 
casualties. Another day, Tip and I went gathering aspen leaves. 
They are gorgeous right now, showing more varied hues than I 
have ever seen, bronze and maroon and flame color and even 
scarlet, besides the brilliant gold. Perhaps the late rains before 
the first frost have had some influence. It is far from usual . . . 
this riot of variety in their tints. 

Yesterday was "September Mom" at my camp . . . the first time 
I have enjoyed a complete bath . . . out of doors! (My others since 
moving up have been managed at the Gibbs cabin) But yesterday 
was bright, warm and inviting. I proceeded to fill my scrub pail 
and largest kettle with water, heated them over my camp fire in 
front of the tent and . . . really you've no idea what an exhilarating 
sensation it is to bathe in the open! I think next summer I shall 
indulge in sun baths. I know now how good they feel. And I 
have an ideally secluded spot for the experiment. But perhaps it 
would be just as well not to advertise the fact. 

Also the same day in the same maimer, but partially "draped", 
I had a glorious shampoo. For it I used my primitive wash stand 
which is a piece of board nailed onto a convenient tree stump. On 
it I set my scrub pail and into it I ducked my head. That was 
really a gymnastic feat ... in fact, almost a contortion! The pail, 
as you may guess, was slightly high. To make a contact with the 
suds within took some arching of all my length. If I'd been six 
inches shorter I'd never have made it. 

Then I made a discovery. I had to laugh aloud up there in the 
woods by myself. I found, as I bent over, that I had the most 
gorgeous view while I was standing on my head! Everyone around 


here teases me about the thrills I get from views. Did you ever 
try looking at a sunset upside-down? , , . I mean bending over as 
you stood with your back to it, and looking at it between your 
knees (or under your chin, if that seems more modest!) That 
angle seems to intensify the colors, somehow. Try it. 

Well, my shampoo pose gave the same effect. So, with soap 
suds dripping, I got another thrill. 

This morning Shorty returned with the truck. The broken 
spring had been replaced with a good one. He decided that it 
would be safe to risk the bumpy trail up to my place so he brought 
the automobile cushions which I had bought to serve as a bed. 
They are installed in the cabin, resting crosswise on the poles that 
are the floor joists. (I have no floor as yet!) Tonight I shall 
sleep beneath my own roof for the first time! Selah! 

September 29 

Another two weeks gone by. This time most of it was spent in 
Buffalo, and by that fact we escaped the first snow on the moun- 
tains. When we came back up day before yesterday it was prac- 
tically all gone, also most of the beautiful aspen leaves except in the 
more sheltered spots. I never saw the mountains more lovely than 
the day we went down, September 18. I longed for my friends to 
see the panorama that unfolded as we drove those 45 mUes. Never 
has the rumble seat been more ideal for travel! 

I must go back a bit and tell what came to pass right after my last 

The seat-cushion bed was most successful ... so much so that 
I was still asleep when Shorty and Jack arrived, unexpectedly at 
6:00 A.M. to lay my cabin floor! And it was a cold good morn- 
ing?! Brr-rr! 

The night before contributed a cold wind to the situation. So 
I built a bonfire and heated some rocks for bedfellows, my shack 
being still just an open shell. And as a matter of precaution I 
stood a bucket of water nearby so that if the wind did naughty 
things with the sparks, I'd have something handy to fight back with. 
I did not need it. And there it stood in the morning, with almost a 
quarter of an inch of ice on it! It was rather nice to have the men 
build my camp fire and start the coffee while I shivered into my 

And so the floor was laid. Another step toward the ultimate 
completion of my Uttle shack. 

Of course the day turned wild and lovely and such trifling hard- 
ships as ice on the water bucket were soon forgotten. 

The next day, Sunday, Dorothy and the boys and I took a 
saddle-pocket lunch and went on an all day horseback ramble. It 
was perfect Indian Summer. We loitered on down Simmons Creek 
along an inviting trail that crossed and recrossed this shaded Uttle 
mountain stream. Then, after our nooning, we climbed the Pow- 


der River slope to the run and reveled in the stupendous canyon 
that lay before us. You would not believe that North Fork of 
Powder River, just one branch of that famous stream, could cut 
such a chasm through the hills for miles. It is more than 1500 
feet deep, and spectacularly rugged. Someday I want to go down 
to the water in it. But I want to feel like a good long hike, for it 
will be a real climb. We saw fourteen deer that afternoon! 

And the next morning we went to town. 

I had only one important errand ... to find a stove for my moun- 
tain home, which I succeeded in doing, I am happy to record. The 
rest of the days I spent getting caught up on letter writing and 
visiting with the family, while I waited for the Gibbs family to be 
ready to go back on top. It was rather too big a dose of leisure, 
but the time passed, and as I said, we escaped the first snow which 
was particularly fortunate for me since my cabin still had only 
holes for door and windows, and much too much ventilation all 

The day we came up, Shorty and Jack set up my young range 
for me! Another milepost in my progress. The little stove was a 
very real help, and oh, the luxury of cooking without campfire 
smoke in my eyes! 

I dismantled the canvas lean-to in part, and used some of the 
old tent to hne my north wall, which kept out part of the too 
persistent breezes, especially after sundown. 

October 5 

Things happening . . . things worthy of recording. 

First: the cabin now has a door and . . . can open one eye! 
Which, being interpreted means that one of the (two) windows 
is in. 

Shorty enlisted the services of my Doyle Creek neighbor John 
Craig, who can carpenter a bit. He came last Saturday (September 
30) bringing his girl friend (Miss Mary Lytle) for protection! 
They stayed most of the day. I persuaded the g.f. to build an 
apple pie for our dinner. It was quite a picnic . . . my lack of 
dishes and furniture, but aU hands were good sports. The other 
window will be installed as soon as J.C. has another free day. 

Then, October 2, 1 lost my Gibbs neighbors, at least Dorothy and 
the boys. I certainly miss them. Dorothy had not been well so 
she deemed it wise to go back to town. 

And on the same day, guests came to spend the day! . . . guests 
that were to have been shared between my place and the Gibbs, 
but whom I had all to myself under present developments. Mr. 
and Mrs. TuU from Buffalo. Mr. T. is our Episcopal minister 
there. They are charming people and their visit was a real treat 
to me. 

They had set the day for coming up while we were in town, and 
never having been all the way to our locations, I had promised to 


meet them at the Gammon corrals to pilot them the rest of the way. 

It was a gorgeous day. I enjoyed the hike across the bull camp, 
in spite of the too numerous cattle in the big pasture. But the 
range animals all acted in ladylike, and gentlemanly (!) manner so 
the passage was serene. And 1 sat on the top rail of the big corral 
only a few minutes before the Tull car drove up. The Tulls had 
met the Gibbs truck going down and had been assured by Dorothy 
that they were expected at my place. 

After lunch we drove over to the Powder River Canyon rim to 
give the Tuils a surprise and thrill. It was both. And I never 
cease to marvel at the depth of that gorge. 

Incidentally, which should not be made a matter of record, we 
had venison steak for dinner! ... a kind neighbor's donation. 

Having guests made it a red letter day for me. When my house 
is really completed, maybe (I hope) next summer, I want to have 
people up often, and to stay longer . . . folks like these whom I 
don't have to treat as company. 

When 1 think back to the next morning, October 3, I laugh 
almost aloud, all by myself. It was spent, most of it if you please, 
in my toilet, doing carpenter work. I put the hole in the seat! . . . 
and it took hours, as well as much effort. I bored five feet, three 
inches of perforation with a brace and bit that didn't have any 
knob to hold to! I had to wad up an old glove and bear down 
with it while I ground away, around the outline of the hole space, 
yes, sixty-three times through that one inch board! Then with a 
hammer and an old butcher knife I hacked out the center. And 
after that, well, if I had stopped there, the effect on the anatomy 
(one part of it) of a sitter might have been rather terrible. I can 
visualize scallops, something like the rim of a pie! Besides, with 
such a gorgeous view right from the seat of the toilet, it would be 
cruel to make it torture to sit and enjoy (?) it. 

So, after chopping out the center of the hole, there was much 
whittling and sand-papering before I could look upon my handi- 
work and call it good. Do you wonder that it took most of the 

Yesterday Mr. and Mrs. Tull came up again to see me, so they 
must have enjoyed Monday. This time they brought another Buf- 
falo friend of mine up with them, Verna Keyes. Veraa is an artist 
with real talent. While Mr. and Mrs. T. and I roamed around, 
exploring old Indian chipping grounds etc. Verna sat near my 
cabin and did a delightful water color sketch of the view that I rave 
about. There were still golden aspens in my park. She did a 
beautiful and very realistic study of it all. 

Much to my regret they all had to depart early in the afternoon 
because Mr. T. had a five o'clock appointment at the C.C.C. camp 
between Hazelton and Caribou. I'm hoping they come up soon 
again, if I stay on at my cabin. 

And it looks as though I would not get down very soon, because 


there are several little "stabilizing" jobs that have to be done to my 
shack before it will be in shape to weather the winter storms, 
things that will need a man's help to do, and I have to wait till 
Shorty or Jack are not too much otherwise occupied, to enlist the 
services of one or the other, or both maybe, for part of a day. 

I wish I could begin to describe the beauties of these mountain 
nights! Last night was full moon. I never cease to thrill over the 
picture that is made by the tall pines and their long shadows when 
the moon is bright. After I blew out my light I sat enthralled at 
my little window. It seemed a wicked waste of time and oppor- 
tunity to go to bed. If I had not been alone perhaps I wouldn't 
have. I felt like a hike. It was so bright that the aspens shone 
brilliantly gold, even by moonlight. 

October 17 

Now what do you know? I have had a touch of winter exper- 
ience up here at my little mountain home. Yes, snow. It is such 
an outstanding event in my adventures that I burst forth with the 
news right off, even though it is not the next thing, chronologically, 
worthy of setting down in this log. 

The snow came first as a thin little sugar frosting on the grass 
in the night, and I lost a nickel bet to the Gibbs herder! He pre- 
dicted that the morning would see snow on the ground and I could 
not believe it. That was Saturday, the 14th. But the real snow 
came later, several of them. I had a white patch in front of the 
cabin for four days where the sun did not linger long enough to 
thaw it. 

Right up to now we've had almost daily flurries. And though 
the days have been mild and lovely, I can report that yesterday 
morning it wasn't such a jolly stunt crawling out from my blankets 
to start a fire. There was ice on my water bucket mdoors! Maybe, 
if I had not had my other window in and most of the walls pro- 
tected with canvas, I would have been frozen too. I'll confess 
that this phase of primitive pioneering does not intrigue me as 
steady diet. I don't somehow, hanker quite as much as I did, to 
spend a winter in these mountains. But, if my home were really 
tight and snug and . . . had its fireplace, I might get reckless again 
in my conversation. 

Chief indoor, and outdoor, sport these days is keeping the fire 
going. I have even developed rather a talent (?) for sawing and 
splitting stove wood! Well, maybe 1 should not put too much 
emphasis on the splitting. The sawing I can manage quite well 
since I have the Gibbs saw. Jack rigged up a "saw buck" for me 
that holds the logs very nicely. So the sawing is just a matter of 
back and forth till I carve my way through. Then the stunt is to 
split these chunks, and that is something else yet. Perhaps the 
less said about my technique the better. I can assure you this 
much ... my efforts yield plenty of chips for kindling. I seem to 


whack at the edges more often than the center. And bj' the time 
I have even a part of my day's supply done, I've generated so much 
physical heat that a fire seems rather superfluous! So you see, the 
wood warms me twice . . . both before and during its burning. 

To go back a little, since my last entry was raving about Indian 
Summer and its lavish colors, I want to tell you about two things 
that happened before this touch of winter set in. 

It v/as just the next Sunday morning after I wrote last, October 
8th, that three beautiful deer greeted me from right below my lovely 
golden aspens as I opened my cabin door! They were the first I 
had seen so close, though I had found fresh tracks often. They 
looked up so surprised, as surprised as I was, and then darted back 
into the timber. I shall look for them again. But with the snow 
on the ground they won't come down to water at my little stream. 

My place is on the State Game Preserve so there won't be hunt- 
ing close to me. The season is open now and with these fresh 
light snows, many of the gay young animals will fall prey to the 
man with a gun. My one hope is that any wounded creature will 
be killed outright. It is so terrible to think of a deer or elk, or 
anything being shot and crippled, and escaping to suffer. The 
game is very plentiful around this region. It does not seem wrong 
to shoot a deer for meat occasionally when it is used for food and 
not a pound is wasted. But I always fear during the open season, 
that unskilled shots may only cripple, and then the waste is cruel. 

Another thing I want to write about, though I despair of ade- 
quately describing it, is the sunset I watched in the rain up on my 
favorite lookout rocks. Have I ever mentioned my Sunset Rocks? 
They aren't actually mine, for they are beyond the boundary of 
my forty acres, but I claim them many evenings and often other 
parts of the day. They are an outcropping of granite, great, rough, 
huge, that jut from one of the hills sloping toward my favorite 
view. From these rocks I can see not only the rugged outline of 
my Hazelton Peaks, but across the expanse of open bull camp to 
the towering rim rocks on the east, and also west across Powder 
River. From those rocks the panorama is superb. Almost every 
sunset is worthwhile, but this one in the rain was unusually spec- 

There was a driving shower that afternoon. I put on my leather 
jacket and trusty beret and launched forth for a refreshing hike. 
The clouds were only overhead. Around the horizons, the sky was 
clear. Of course I landed on my Sunset Rocks, speculating as to 
what sort of picture would be offered with that sort of combination. 
Until the sun dropped low enough to peek under the grey lid that 
covered most of the sky, the only contrast was the bright rim of 
light on the western horizon. Then, it happened so suddenly I was 
startled. Color shot horizontally across the world. The sun threw 
its evening beams out the under side of that heavy blanket of grey 
rain cloud and it was rose and violet and amethyst. The rim rocks 


caught the shaft squarely and seemed to rise taller in the direct 
light. They reminded me of a Belasco stage setting. I can't de- 
scribe the intensity of the color, something like a rich salmon, but 
more vivid with a touch of gold in it. And a great broad swath of 
rainbow stood straight up from one end of those rocks. 

Soon the sun dropped below the sky line and the rose and violet 
and amethyst turned to a burnished copper that fairly sung. And 
the rim rocks gradually melted into dull blue. I stood there with 
the rain drops spattering against my leather coat and watched the 
color creep up to the summits of Hazelton Peaks. They had stood 
out a rich purple with accents of magenta. Their rocky points 
rising above timber line were the last to catch the good night caress 
of the sinking sun. In a moment they were silent grey and even the 
little fringe of cloud over the canyon where the sun had stopped, 
straightened out and grew cold. The curtain was down, the stage 
a monotone. It seemed almost unbelievable that all that glory had 
been, and was gone. I wondered how many had seen it. I was 
alone on the rocks in the rain. Never shall I forget that sunset, the 
setting and the unbroken expanse that was all mine for the hour. 

This installment is written sitting in my room at the Occidental 
Hotel in Buffalo, with a regular blizzard howling around my win- 
dows. I am feeling pretty fortunate to be here in town instead of 
getting snowed in maybe at my cabin. I didn't miss it much. We 
came down yesterday just about two hours ahead of this storm. 
It was almost a race watching the snow clouds drifting down over 
the peaks as we made the turns on the highway where we could see 
the high divides. I drove down with Dorothy in her mother's 
closed car. This time I did not so hanker for the rumble seat of 
their truck. I'll have to go back a few days and tell you some of 
the details of our demobilization. 

One day I spent with the federal surveyors, before "demobiliz- 
ing." Mr. Lytle called and told me he was going to place some 
comers on my lines over the Powder River slope on Monday, and 
invited me to meet his crew over there and see where they were set. 
So I caught up old Ronge that morning, provided myself with a 
saddle pocket lunch, and I rode over. Fortunately it was a fine 
day. I trailed around with the men and got myself quite well 
located. It was gratifying to learn definitely just where the new 
survey put me, and especially to learn that I had more than a 
quarter of a mile of permanent water on my 600 acres! Simmons 
Creek runs across one corner and I have two good trails down 
to it from my slope. So, even though the resurvey was not so 
satisfactory with regard to my cabin site, the larger block of land 
which I lease is not spoiled at all. 

There were two or three inches of fresh snow during the night, 
without a breath of wind to dislodge a flake from even a single twig 
of pine. The whole landscape was fresh glistening white, a beau- 


tiful picture, in spite of the suggestion it gave that perhaps the storm 
would prevent a car from getting through to my location. 

I expected Dorothy and Shorty up from Buffalo any time to pick 
me up and to move their sheep off the mountain range. Wednes- 
day morning they arrived and we began hurried preparations to 
decamp. The snow made us ail pretty anxious to pull out before a 
wind might pile up nasty drifts or another storm make it difficult 
to manoeuver back down to civilization. 

I smile to think how we put up for the night in my small quarters, 
two women, two men, and two dogs! Shorty and the herder had 
planned to use the tepee that another herder had left, but found it 
collapsed in the snow, bedding wet and quite unusable. So we 
made them a bed from a slim straw tick, saddle blankets, and an 
extra tarp, and they slept just across the cabin from where Dorothy 
and I had my bunk made from automobile cushions. We did not 
have any available curtain or blanket that we could spare to impro- 
vise a partition so we decided that we'd extinguish the light and 
Dorothy and I would undress and crawl in while the men stepped 
outdoors. Then they could get to bed while we discreetly covered 
our heads. The idea was a good one, but we reckoned without 
the moon! It was practically full and shone on that expanse of 
snow like daylight. I could hardly bear to stay indoors. It was 
fairyland all outside. And anything but sheltering darkness within. 
So we took it as a joke, and laughed off the lack of privacy. I 
don't believe any of us lost any sleep over it. 

Next day we said good bye to my little shack soon after dinner, 
which meant that we could not make it all the way back to Buffalo 
that afternoon. Shorty had started the sheep and the herder on 
their way and we planned to overtake him at the Pierson cabin 
where we would all spend the night. There the sleeping quarters 
were much the same as at my camp, and for the second time we 
managed with the same amount of space for the four of us. Only 
this time we boasted two bedsteads! Dorothy and I drew the one 
with the sagging springs and sank nearly to the floor when we piled 
in. But the one the men had was violently noisy. The slightest 
move or shift of position brought forth reverberating squeaks and 
snaps. They could hardly draw a deep breath without an echoing 
groan from the decrepit springs. We all got to laughing. It was 
an absurd situation. But the night slipped by and we rose in relays 
for the final lap of our journey off the mountain. 

Shorty was to help trail the sheep down. Dorothy and I were to 
take the car with the dunnage. We managed a fairly early start. 
The day was mild and cloudy and ominous. And as we drove 
down we saw the storm closing in on the face of the higher divide. 
It broke in full fury just about two hours after we reached Buffalo. 
Were we glad to be safely down ahead of it! 

That ends, at least for the present, my 1933 homestead resi- 
dence. I am hoping to get back up to the cabin for a day or two 


later on. Dorothy and Shorty plan to make another trip to their 
camp again before winter closes in permanently. If they do, I shall 
try to go too, for I did not leave things just as I wanted to. In the 
final rush of departure we could not do all the last minute closing 
of my quarters. But for the present I am quite content to be here 
at the Occidental, looking out at the storm from my very comfort- 
able steam-heated room. 

Before I close this story I must tell you about a funny thing that 
happened last night, right here in Buffalo. I laugh yet to think 
about it. 

My room is at the southeast comer of the hotel, two windows on 
the street and one larger one looking out toward Clear Creek on the 
south. There is a big poplar tree just outside it, and it still has 
many of its leaves. My bed is across the room in the same relative 
position to the windows as my bunk at the cabin. In the night I 
must have half wakened, just enough to be conscious of the light 
showing through my open window. In a flash, and before I was 
fully awake, I found myself out on my feet in the middle of the 
floor, terrified, seeing a fire raging in the quakin' asps below the 
cabin! Then I came to, and realized that it was the red glow of 
the neon signs on Buffalo's main street, shining through the poplar 
leaves just outside my window! See what isolation had done to 
me? I wonder how long it will take to get me "city-broke" again. 

June 16 

Are you there? 

I am here, at the cabin on my homestead. Came up a week ago 
today . . . which is fairly early in normal seasons, but this spring I 
could have moved up several weeks ago as far as the weather was 
concerned. There has been so Uttle snow on the mountains since 
last fall that roads and passes have been open and traversable for 
some time. I delayed for two reasons. One was lack of trans- 
portation and the other was a big Golden Jubilee celebration at 
Miles City, Montana. I was invited to go with some old friends. 
It was the 50th anniversary of the organization of the Montana 
Stock Growers Association, and they made a real event of it. 
Needless to say that we had a grand and gorgeous time in spite of 
the intense dry heat. But, further details do not especially belong 
in this "Log". 

The second delaying factor as I said a moment ago was lack of 
transportation. Now I have it! Yea, verily . . . and I feel all 
proud and independent. Maybe you'd laugh, as others do, at the 
fact that I can feel proud of my outfit. Better not! I'll not ask you 
to ride with me if you poke fun at my car . . . which, after all, you 
might consider a greater favor than if I urged you to be a passenger. 
I'll tell you about it, then you can think it over. 

Last winter I consulted several reputable dealers in Sheridan 


about a prospective mountain car that would be inexpensive but 
trustworthy for trips to and from my homestead. Not long ago 
one of them reported this find. After taking it out on trial, I 
believe I am lucky. It is a 1923 (don't laugh!) Studebaker light 
six touring car! There! 

But listen: This dealer sold this car when it was new, to the 
man who has owned it ever since. This same dealer has serviced 
the car all these years, knows its pedigree etc. and knows that the 
car has not been abused. It has a good healthy engine, four good 
tires (the spare is less promising.) It pulls the hills fine and has 
good compression, which are two indispensables for a mountain 
car. And. minibile dictii, it is not bad looking at all! For an 
eleven-year-old automobile, it has a pretty respectable appearance, 
which is an asset quite acceptable even though I had hardly dared 
to expect it at my price. Said price, by the way, together with 
tax and license, all came safely under the amount I get as rent for 
my 600 acres for the one season, and left about $15 as a start for 
this summer's gas and oil. 

So, as far as transportation is concerned, you see I am equipped. 
It will be nice to be able to give the Gibbs family a lift now and 
then as they kindly did for me last year . . . especially under their 
present handicapped circumstances. 

Had you heard of Shorty's tragic accident? He lost a leg early 
this spring. It was amputated above the knee to save his life when 
a terrible infection set in after he broke it. His horse slipped in 
the mud at the edge of a reservoir. He stepped off as they fell, 
twisted his ankle, broke the lower bones in his leg and they pro- 
truded through the flesh and into the ground where the stock had 
watered. For days after the gangrene etc. developed, no one 
thought he would live. Dorothy, as usual, was marvelous. Her 
will pulled him through. 

And here they are too, up at their homestead, and Shorty rode 
up to my place yesterday horsebackl He is superintending building 
fence, lookmg after his sheep, and altogether taking a new interest 
in life. 

We all came up last Saturday, June 9th. Dorothy drove her 
Ford pickup loaded to the gunwales. Shorty and Bobby rode with 
her. The other two boys, Billy and his cousin Tommy Tisdale, 
came with me. We were very comfortable in the front seat and the 
back was stacked high with dunnage. All arrived at our destina- 
tions without mishap. The boys transferred to the Gibbs truck 
where I turn off to go up into my little park. Then I drove alone 
to the cabin, waiting so friendly at the edge of the pines. 

I cannot describe the thrill I had, getting back to my very own 
little comer of the beautiful Big Horns! It was about four o'clock 
in the afternoon. The sunlight was golden, the world a deep 
fresh restful green except for the sprinkling of wild flowers in the 
grass and the crisp bright blue of the Hazelton Peaks against the 


horizon. I had to stand and just drink it in for a little while before 
I pulled my latch string and stepped inside. In a way I was glad I 
had come alone. But I thought of you and how you would have 
enjoyed it, and how I shall insist that later in the summer you 
shall be with me up there for a while. 

Inside the cabin I had a pleasant surprise. It gave no evidence 
of having been entered or molested. Of course there was dust, and 
signs of mice, and such to-be-expected things. But the little 
mountain home had come through its first winter all safe and 

There are a lot of things I hope to do about the place this sum- 
mer. Some of them wiU require man-sized muscles, not to mention 
skill and experience. My own efforts may yield some fearful and 
wonderful results. I have ambitions for a few pieces of rustic fur- 
niture, a cupboard of a sort to replace the orange crates that now 
stand in the comer as shelves. And, always in the back of my head 
is the dream of a fireplace. Don't think I'm going to attempt this 

The past few days I have been busy outside. Last fall we left the 
branched tops of the trees that were felled for logs. They were 
piled in great heaps on both sides of the cabin to be burned when 
conditions were right. We did not get it done while there was snow 
on the ground so I took advantage of this moist week. While we 
have been blessed with occasional welcome showers, I've had some 
gorgeous bonfires. Maybe the distant neighbors thought it was a 
forest fire. But no one came to investigate, so they evidently 
realized that the smoke came from something intentional and con- 
trolled. Now the grounds about the place look much improved. 

Oh, yes . . . and I have planted some radish and lettuce seeds! 
Do you suppose they will yield something edible? If I can keep 
the chipmunks and squirrels from helping themselves too freely to 
the leaves, I'm counting on enjoying this fresh home grown garden 
truck. If it had not been too late in the season to find onion sets 
in the market, I would have put in some of them. Mountain isola- 
tion is the place to gorge onions with impunity! And do I love 

Day before yesterday we had one of the hardest hails I've seen. 
The popular hen-egg simile was truly no exaggeration in a few 
instances, and there were golf balls galore! I stood secure and 
protected in my snug little cabin while the machine gun fire pound- 
ed on my roof. But I trembled for the top of the car that stood out 
in the open. How it ever survived with only one small rent, I 
cannot see. The attack lasted twenty-five minutes! . . . with 
slightly smaller stones falling toward the last, but it left my park 
white and I found httle piles of the ice balls in several secluded 
spots the next morning. Quite a peppery little shower, that. 

Today it is raining. As a range dweller I write that with delight. 
Every bit of moisture that we can get now helps the grass prospects 


and as I said a little while ago, snow was so scarce up here during 
the winter and spring that we crave generous soakings. That is 
the sort of rain that is coming down now . . . straight, soft, steady. 
There have been a few little pauses but not for long. It means 
moisture to a gratifying depth. Then, followed by warm sun, the 
grass will grov/ again. 

One funny thing happened a little while ago. The gate has not 
been put up in the fence across my north line, but so far none of the 
range cattle have intruded. I have been expecting to get the gate 
built soon, and now I must see that it is done. For right in the 
midst of one of the heaviest downpours I looked out and saw a 
majestic bull calmly helping himself to the grass that I am counting 
on for my saddle horse! Right pronto 1 decided to impress upon 
Mr. Taurus that he was out of bounds. 1 could not wait till the 
rain let up. I didn't want him to become attached to my green 
pastures, and maybe invite his friends and female admirers to 
graze upon his newly discovered delicacies. So I donned my big 
old wreck of a tweed coat, a slouch hat that bears the scars of many 
camps, and sallied forth, flapping the voluminous tails of the wrap, 
and making as threatening noises as I could . . . without having the 
least effect upon the bull. He paused once or twice in his grazing 
and gave a bored glance at my antics, but didn't budge. That made 
me mad. I hadn't counted on any close range argument. As I 
bore down toward him I kept a weather eye on the widening dis- 
tance between me and my cabin. It was widening too much for 
comfort. Then I spied a few pieces of old tree lying within reach. 
By flinging them ferociously and inaccurately toward the intruder 
and keeping up all the savage racket I was making, I finally con- 
vinced him that his new grazing ground was not such a peaceful 
range as he had thought. So he wheeled and made his exit. I 
barred the place where the gate is to be, and hope that will end 
visitations from neighboring stock. 

And this must end my first installment of 1934's log entries. 

A fire place would be wonderful this sort of weather! 

Sunday, July 15 

Only a month since I wrote you of my coming to the cabin. 
Little did I think that I'd have anything like this to tell you . . . 
now or ever. 

But you'll have to wait a minute. I want to tell you how I heard 
about it. 

When I came up last month Uncle Will had told me that 1 was 
to join his party late in June to go on a pack trip in another part of 
the Big Horns. The date was tentatively set so that we would be 
back in time for the Fourth of July barbecue celebration at Story 
in the foot hills. 

You know me . . . and my enthusiasm for pack trips! I had 
not been on one since 1929. So naturally I accepted with gusto. 


And on the appointed day I sallied forth down the mountains. 
Dorothy went with me. She was going to gather the rest of the 
Gibbs horses to bring up onto their summer range. 

Then, when I reached Sheridan, I found that things had come up 
to postpone the Spear trip. But I decided to stay down until after 
the Fourth. It is always deUghtful to hnger at my other house, the 
Bar V Ranch on Young's Creek. And the time passed quickly, 
riding over the Wolf Mountain range, and acting as chauffeur for 
Uncle Will. The barbecue was heaps of fun. If this were not a 
log of my homesteading I'd be tempted to go into detail and tell 
you about it. 

The Fourth, you remember, fell on Wednesday. I first thought 
I'd come back to my place a day or two later. But I was invited to 
spend Sunday at the cabin home of some other old friends. I was 
to drive Uncle Will there in the truck, and on our way home we 
were to go over onto the Rosebud to pick up a sheep wagon at the 
X4 and trail it back to the Bar V. It was a full day, perfect summer 
weather, and very late when we got back onto Young's Creek. 
Lights were out at the ranch, everything was quiet. Then Anna- 
belle's voice called out from her house across the yard. 

She told me that a long distance telephone message from Buffalo 
earlier in the day reported a forest fire raging so near my little 
mountain home that neighbors feared for my cabin! They had 
taken everything movable out of the house and piled it in the 
clearing away from the timber. It seemed inevitable that the little 
log house would go, perhaps had already been destroyed. 

Can you think how I felt? No, strange as it may seem, my first 
grief was not for the happy little home I had left only about two 
weeks before, where I had planned so much for this summer and 
other summers to come. It hurt to think that perhaps it was now 
only charred black sticks or a pile of ugly ashes. But it wasn't the 
loss of the cabin that seemed so terrible. Some day I might be able 
to put up another. Cabins can be built in two or three weeks and 
mine did not represent a great outlay of expense, even though I 
would not be able to pay for another very soon. 

But the glorious standing timber on those hills! Acres of pine 
forest that had taken generations to grow to their great green 
height! To be swept away in a cruel blazing moment . . . that was 
the real tragedy. It haunted me far into the night. 

In the morning I drove over to Buffalo. From the valley I could 
see the great clouds of smoke rolling up from the top of the moun- 
tains in the region of my camp. In town several people greeted me 
with the rumor that everything had been destroyed in the path of 
the fire that had swept straight across my range. One man who 
had been up the day before, Sunday, told me that when he was 
there the fire was at its height in the strip just back of my cabin, 
that it had not yet caught the building, but was so close, right in 
the nearest pines, that by now it must surely be gone. Pretty grim 


prospect, 1 admit. No one knew anything positive as to the extent 
of the devastation that might have been wrought in the 24 hours 
since the last report had reached town. 

I wondered about Dorothy and her family. They were up there 
. . . somewhere. 

As quickly as possible I got together a few camp utensils from 
friends, food and some bedding, and borrowed the 14-year-old 
daughter of Dorothy's sister. The child was wild to go up with me 
and I was mighty glad to have her. 

When we topped the last divide and began the final 15 miles of 
the way, the sight we faced was breath-taking. 1 shall never forget 
it. Most of this part of the drive is directly toward my camp. The 
rim rocks back of the cabin site are clearly defined. It has alv/ays 
been fun to watch them showing nearer from each bend in the road. 
That day they placed the fire only too definitely. The sinister Vv'hite 
and grey and black smoke rolled up from all sides of that skyline, 
sometimes blotting it out, sometimes silhouetting it against their 
ugly, mocking mass. I knew then that there was nothing left of 
mine. But we drove on. 

The last gate 1 pass through in going to my camp is at the edge 
of the Gammon bull camp. It is on the hill across a deep draw 
from the sloping park in front of my cabin. 1 used to watch it from 
the house when people drove through it, and usually looked back 
for a farewell glimpse of my little place as I went away. It was 
about the last spot from which I could see my house in taking the 
road down the mountain, and the first place to see it coming in. 

As we neared that gate I wanted to shut my eyes. There was 
smoke pouring out from the timber on all sides of my little park. 
Only the rim rocks showed where the cabin had been built. It 
seemed rather futile to go farther, but there appeared to be no fire 
down toward the Gibbs place so my young friend "Mike" (short 
for Mary Frances) and I passed through the gate and onto the 
point of the hill to take the trail for Dorothy's. I stopped to take 
a picture. It would show to friends who had seen the views of my 
location, just how the fire had swept my particular corner of the 

And then I saw my cabin roof! The sunlight played up its light 
grey-green surface through a rift in the smoke, and belov*' the roof 
the log walls, still yellow instead of black and charred. Mike saw 
it too, so I knew I was awake. 

We stopped the car at the foot of the hill, across the draw from 
my slope and walked closer. The fringe of timber in the fore- 
ground was not burning. The sloping park was safe to enter. 
There stood the brave little shack facing us, but oh, so close to the 
flames behind it! Red, crackling blazes mocked us from the pines 
such a little way back from the edge of the park. Everything was 
so parched and dry that just the faintest breeze in any direction 
would spread the ruin. It seemed a forlorn hope. And we were 


helpless to avert its inevitable fate. I wondered how much longer 
the house could stand. 

Then we drove down to Dorothy's. The Gibbs home had es- 
caped and the fire had left its vicinity. The family was still settled 
there, so Mike and 1 moved in with them. Dorothy told us of the 
terrible hours they had spent since the fire started on Saturday 
afternoon. It must have been ghastly. I won't go into its repeti- 
tion now. 

That night we all piled into my car and drove up through the 
Gammon gate and onto one of the higher hills back away from the 

Here is where words are helpless. I cannot hope to describe 
what we gazed upon. The whole world seemed on fire. In a 
great semicircle, following the curve of the timbered ridges perhaps 
ten miles in extent, the forests burned. Flames leaped up in vicious 
glee consuming tall, age-old pines in one snarling roar, stabbing 
high into the tinted smoke that rolled up and up against the night 

We sat and watched it for an hour and wondered how many 
more hours and days the destruction would spread unchecked. It 
seemed utterly beyond control by human effort. From where we 
looked, it was easy to locate my cabin site. Of course at night we 
could see nothing of the house, or just where it had stood . . . only 
the deep red flames on all sides and the lighter red smoke all above. 

Mike and I slept on the Gibbs porch that night, but much of the 
time I lay awake and watched the sinister glow in the sky beyond 
the high ridge back of their house, and smelt the smoke in the air. 

This chapter of my log is getting so lengthy that I really should 
make another installment of the rest of my forest fire adventures. 
Can you stand it any longer now? It is hard to break off before 
telling you how we spent that week. Perhaps I can cut it short, for 
all the days were very much the same. 

In the morning Mike and I went horseback up to my camp, won- 
dering what we would, or would not, find. The miracle still held. 
The cabin had survived the night. So we rode back and reported. 
Then Shorty's brother Paul and their sheep herder went back with 
us, armed with axes and shovels. We worked all day. Wherever 
there was a patch smoldering or blazing under brush or old logs, 
we chopped and shovelled and dug and scraped away the carpet of 
pine needles that had not yet caught. We tried smothering the 
embers with wet sacks. But there were so many, many such 
patches on all sides that it seemed a hopeless task. Even though 
the fury of the fire had subsided from the immediate surroundings 
of my cabin site, almost the whole forest floor was hot and smoking, 
which meant real danger. A whiff of wind would fan the sparks 
into another blaze. In vain we watched for the hope of a cloud 
which might mean rain. But the only blot against the July sky was the 
mounting billows of heavy smoke, now just back of my rim rocks. 


I shall never cease to be grateful to my good neighbors. It would 
have been practically impossible for me to have made any progress 
alone. Some days I did work alone. I don't know how much good 
I did, but I could not be content to rest from my task while there 
v/as one vicious spark unrebuked in my nearer timber. So every 
day for all that week 1 shovelled and raked and chopped and 
smothered and buried. 

And the fire raged a little farther away. 

The sky still showed red and angry at night, but just a shade 
more faintly as the week passed. We began to feel that the danger 
was more remote, unless the wind changed. That was great 
anxiety. People drove up from the valley on several different days, 
sight-seers curious for a closer view of the fire. Every one tried to 
encourage us with the assurance that we surely were now safe . . . 
unless . . . the wind changed. So how could we feel at ease? We 
all knew that real security could come only from a drenching rain. 
And every day was fair and hot and dry. 

By Friday there were no more mocking white spirals curling up 
from any very near parts of the forest, but we had extended our 
activity to an isolated bit of burning down-timber in a growth of 
pines a little to the northeast. The standing trees between it and 
mine were still unscathed. Even though they might not be a real 
menace to my own safety, should the fire in them spread, I hated 
to feel that they might be lost for want of a little effort. So Friday 
and Saturday I worked there, part of the time with the help of the 
willing men from the Gibbs outfit. They could wield the ax much 
more effectively than I. 

When that threat had been subdued, there was no real reason 
for me to linger. I could not safely move back into my cabin, for 
the forest was still burning furiously off to the east and south. 
Crews of men were fighting it night and day striving to control its 
course and check the av/ful damage it was doing. Everyone 
seemed to think it would not return to us, unless the wind . . . and 
in that event we would be utterly helpless. There would be danger 
all summer, from deeply hidden smoldering sparks until the rain 
definitely quenched them. It might be weeks. 

So, leaving all my lares et penates still piled in the clearing, 
covered over with canvas, Mike and I drove back to Buffalo on 
Saturday afternoon. It was a week I shall never forget. 

Just one thing more in this connection I must tell you. 

You are probably wondering how the fire started and why it 
gained such headway before it was finally put under control. 

The blaze started from the Gibbs stove pipe. Dorothy was 
baking bread on Saturday afternoon. There was a strong wind. 
Suddenly she heard a crackling in the timber on the slope just back 
of their cabin and looked out thinking it was deer. Often they had 
seen game close to their house. 

She was horrified to see some pines ablaze and the burning 


branches blown in great leaps up toward the rim rocks above. In 
just a few moments the flames had swept over the top in spite of 
all that she and her limited helpers could do. 

They knew that the virgin forest over the ridge was tinder. The 
fire was sweeping straight for my location, away from the Gibbs 
home which was safe. So all hands from their place rushed up to 
mine to save it if they could. Other neighbors, the rider from 
Gammon's and another man who happened to be there joined the 
valiant group: They chopped down some of the trees nearest to 
my house and when they saw that even this would probably not 
save it, they carried out even the door and windows. 

Meanwhile Dorothy drove as fast as she could to the nearest 
telephone . . . Caribou Camp ... 16 miles away, and called for 
help from the forest service. It seems unbelievable, but what do 
you think the response was? . . . That they could do nothing . . . 
because they "had no authority to go off the Forest Reserve!!!" 
Can you conceive of anything more narrow and contemptible? 

So our glorious timber was sacrificed. 

If help, trained help, could have been secured that first day, or 
even the next day, the damage would have been restricted to a 
comparatively small area. True, it would have made no difference 
to my own location. But miles and miles of the forest further away 
would have been spared. Instead, it burned and burned, with just 
a handful of nearby men doing what they could to fight it, working 
against hopeless odds. 

Then, after ruin had spread unchecked for five days, the Forest 
Service finally revised their book of rules and came to the aid of 
the exhausted homesteaders and ranchers. By then it required ten 
times the men and hours to get results. I cannot understand why 
printed rules have to govern in an emergency such as we faced last 
week. I don't know how long it will take to actually get the fire 
under control now. It is still raging. And we are still praying 
for rain. 

August 28 

That was a terrible place to sign off in my story, leaving you six 
weeks to wonder if I were burned out or not. Let me relieve your 
suspense now. I "were not". Praise be! 

About ten days after I last wrote you, there was a blessed cloud- 
burst up here. The country was drenched. Not a spark survived. 
May there never be another ruinous visitation like that, or any 
other, fire again! 

On the 24th of July Uncle Will and I drove up here for a day's 
look-around. It was unbelievable to see what water had done. 
Great washes, almost furrows, across the park where the flood had 
poured out of the timber, unchecked and uncontrolled now that all 
the undergrowth had burned. The bed of the outlet of my spring 
looked almost like a young canyon. Old water-soaked logs that 


had been piled in it, logs that had been too heavy for me to move, 
were swept entirely away. And rocks that I had never seen before 
gave a new complexion to the shallow ravine. 

The rain had come at last. No more fear from persisting sparks. 

We stacked my possessions back in crude order (?) in the cabin 
but made no effort to put them in permanent place for the day 
turned cloudy and threatening so we deemed it unwise to linger 
long. It was worth the trip however to witness the work of the 
water that had so recently done its great service. 

When we started down the mountain that afternoon the clouds 
were hanging in low white masses below the western skyline, lying 
like huge snowdrifts on the sides of the indigo peaks that stood out 
rugged against the sunset. At South Fork we ran into heavy fog 
on the highway. A bank of cloud no doubt like those we had been 
admiring from a distance while we were higher up. From there on 
the seventeen miles into Buffalo was a slow process, creeping 
through the fog. I was glad that 1 had driven the road sufficiently 
often to knov/ its curves and grades. But at last we were safely 
down, eventually back to Buffalo and then Sheridan. 

I came back to the homestead last Wednesday, and for the first 
time since the fire, I feel more or less settled, though this is not 
the only time I have been here since Uncle Will and I spent that 
rainy day moving my belongings back under roof once more after 
their long exile. I had what might almost be called a house party, 
in spite of all the confusion. 

Four girls were my informal guests here early this month. Two 
of them were Elsie Spear's daughters and the other two were friends 
of theirs. All were eager to see where the forest fire had been 
so I brought them along for a brief sojourn, turned them loose to 
explore while I put things to rights as well as possible in the cabin, 
and we had quite a gay little lark. The girls elected to sleep out of 
doors, which simplified my role as hostess. They enjoyed the 
adventure, and I enjoyed having them. 

This time my only guest is my dog, "Happy". He is a shepherd 
dog that was given to me this spring. Tve left him at the Bar V 
till now because my trips up here this summer have been under 
rather difficult and uncertain conditions, as you have doubtless 
gathered. Now I am more at home than I have been since June. 
But even so it is far from cosy. 

When my neighbors moved things for me out of the house, they 
stripped the canvas that had lined the walls. I am not putting it 
back because I hope to do some chinking and daubing to close up 
the cracks between the logs this season. Meanwhile my walls give 
the effect of a pole corral! 

I think I told you last year how crude my log work is. The 
unskilled labor that erected the building thus far left more than 
adequate ventilation. While the canvas was up, it was quite snug. 
Now it is anything else but. Fortunately the days are warm, and 


the nights not yet too chilly. 

Happy is a great comfort. I shall never again try to live up here 
without a dog. And I hope it will always be with such a one as 
Happy. He learned right off that this is his home and he seems to 
love it as I do. 

It has been quite out of the question to bring my horse up this 
year. At first it was because 1 had no fence, then because of the 
fire, and now because of the drought. The range stock took my 
first grass, and since I strung my wire there has not been enough 
moisture to grow it again, except for the grasshoppers. 

How grand and glorious it will be next year if 1 can have both 
horse and dog up here with me! It is worth planning for. 

But meanwhile there are other things more vital. Uncle Will 
may be the dens ex machina. He has insisted ever since I filed on 
my homestead that he wanted to build my fireplace for me! For a 
while we planned to do it this summer. But so many things changed 
his plans and mine this season that the fireplace will probably have 
to wait until another year. There is something else, though, that 
may happen, something that I never would have believed possible 
myself. Uncle Will, however, says it is entirely practical and he 
has quite thrilled me with the prospects, namely, to raise my squatty 
roof! Not simply the roof. The grafting of additional bone struc- 
ture to my frame would be below the windows. Even I would be 
able to look out upon my view, without sitting, as now. And the 
door could be man-sized! 

As I look at it now that seems a veritable miracle. I'll surely 
have something to write you if it happens. The process has been 
outlined to me most convincingly. I am no longer an unbeliever. 
In fact I am entirely converted to the possibility and practicability 
of remedying the mistake of last year, which I had thought of as 
hopelessly permanent. I had tried to be reconciled to my "low 
brow" house, and disguised my disappointment in its proportions 
by calling it "quaint". I confess I'll enjoy it a lot more if it can add 
a few cubits to its stature. The cabin atmosphere will be every bit 
as charming, even quaint, in a more comfortable sense. 

If things work out so that we can do this remodeling, naturally 
it must be done before I think of chinking. That is why I am 
putting up with this corral type of dwelling at present. Happy 
doesn't seem to mind it, and I am trying to ignore it. That is not 
quite as easy as it sounds, for I'm keeping open house much too 
cordially to flies and bees and moth millers, mice, and at least one 
troublesome pack rat! 

Don't scringe. These things are not inevitable accessories to 
cabin dwelling. Once I have things tight, door and windows 
screened, they will be banished for fair. 

You'll be interested to know, as a side bit of news, that the Spear 
pack trip did materialize. Just before I came back to the moun- 
tains this time I had a week of trail riding and camping out in two 


of the most colorful and spectacularly scenic canyons I have ever 
seen, the Big Horn Canyon and one of its tributaries, Black Can- 
yon. I could write many pages of its beauties. But I know I 
could not describe it as it should be done. You will have to lake 
the trip some day. I won't even attempt a word picture. Then 
you can be surprised when you see it. 

September 20 

This time last year I was reveling in the vivid autumn colors on 
the mountains. To day I am 300 miles from my homestead with 
very little prospect of getting back to the cabin before next spring. 
How come, you ask? A job, which is a grub stake. 

When I made a casual trip down to Buffalo the first of this 
month I found a letter and long distance call awaiting me offering 
me employment with the Relief Committee of Platte County! 

I was stunned. At first it seemed out of the question, for I 
could not accept at once and I feared the E.R.A. could not hold 
the place open for me till I could get things on the mountain in 
shape to leave. I simply had to go back to camp and do some 
things that would take another week or more. 

But the Cheyenne office assured me that the position would wait 
for me. "Come as soon as you can." And I accepted. 

What I had come down for was to arrange about the "face lift- 
ing" operations Uncle Will had planned to perform on my house. 
We had the men engaged for the work. I just had to see it through 
before I abandoned the place. And we did it! 

That's another bit of history to record. 

September 5 

We were finally ready to get going. Loading up was a longer 
process than we thought. You'd understand why if you could have 
seen the caravan. It was almost that. There v/ere six of us mortals 
and a double load of dunnage in two cars and a trailer . . . Uncle 
Will and Robert, an old-time friend of his who was a guest at Bar V 
and expressed sufficient interest in our project to come along as a 
volunteer. Then Swede and Shorty, the two hired hands, Cathar- 
ine, another stout heart who plunged trustfully into adventure, and 

Every crack and pocket of of the cars and trailer, both inside and 
out, that was not occupied by human frieght was stacked high with 
the inanimate kind. It was thoughtless of me not to get a picture 
of it all. We who were part of it would not need that sort of re- 
minder of the day, but you who could not see it in the flesh might 
not appreciate the magnitude of the load without printed proof. 
For there was personal luggage, food stuffs, lumber, tools from 
cross cut saws and house raising jacks to little whet stones, cement, 
extra gasoline, round up beds and saddles, not to mention a jug of 
the famous Spear chaparral berry wine! A merry party. 


The ultimate arrival at my camp was a blind adventure for my 
guests. We did not get there till 'way after dark. It was the first 
time I had ever driven up in the night and after passing through the 
last gate I confess I was puzzled. There are several trails branch- 
ing from there, all about equally little traveled, but only one that 
takes out down the slope toward my place. And in the black 
night so dark that even the rim rocks were guess work, we felt our 
way around. I admire the pluck of the folks in the other car, 
Robert driving, that trailed me. It must have looked to them pretty 
much like jumping off into eternity. I think they all were really 
surprised when my headlights showed cabin ahoy! 

Supper was served at 10 p.m.! Beef steak and coffee tasted 
pretty fine. And bed time followed immediately. 

Swede and Shorty took to the open country. The rest of us 
slept in the cabin. Catharine had brought a folding cot. Her bed 
was made on that at the foot of my bunk of automobile cushions. 
From the ridge logs Uncle Will and Robert stretched a canvas 
partition that gave them the other end of the cabin where they 
rolled out their beds on the floor. It was as practical an arrange- 
ment as possible in my limited space. Catharme dubbed the can- 
vas curtain the "Walls of Jericho" and quoted an amusing cinema 
story that involved trumpeting, with surprising results. Fortunate- 
ly we had brought along no trumpets. There was enough disturb- 
ance furnished by a diUgent pack rat who had apparently appointed 
himself an entertainment committee of one, with unnecessary 

I don't know how v/ell folks slept that first night and I was 
afraid to ask. But all were in good humor when breakfast was 
underway (and under belts). Uncle Will started us off with hot 
lemonades, artistically spiked. Perhaps that had some influence. 

Then, pronto, the work began. It was thrilling. The fairy tale 
was coming true. Trees were cut and dragged up, peeled and 
notched, walls were braced and logs were pried apart. Then the 
new timber was rolled into the spreading gap and the house casually 
dropped back into place. What a thrill! By the end of the 
very first day's labor my cabin was one tier higher all around. 

Does it sound simple? Don't you believe it. It was real work 
for all but so well planned and executed under Uncle Will's buoyant 
direction, head and hands both, that things moved right along. 

That's the way each day was spent. And each night we looked 
upon progress achieved. But the week was anything but monot- 
onous in weather served us. One day we lunched al fresco, warm 
and bright and balmy, with the camp robbers as guests, so tame 
and friendly that they even ate from our fingers. 

The next day rain, and a low drifting mist, cold and raw, that 
showed, when it lifted, fresh snow on the distant peaks, and 
terrified Shorty. He thought we were doomed to be snowed in for 


the winter. Most of that day the men worked under an improvised 
porch roof of canvas stretched over the ridge poles projecting from 
the front of my cabin. I confess it was far from comfortable in 
my corral formation of a house, with the damp breezes making free 
with my unprotected cracks. Shavings and lumber and poles and 
tools and boxes and bed rolls and six people climbing over it and 
them and each other at every turn. I marvel to realize that through 
it all there wasn't a grouch. The acid test. 

We went to bed that night with the firm conviction that by morn- 
ing at least part of Shorty's fear would be fact. Everyone expected 
the rain to turn into snow. By a miracle it did not. Sunday 
dawned fair and warmer. What a break! And another thing 
happened that cheered the camp personnel. Catharine had gone 
to the spring. Suddenly we heard a shout. "Wild turkeys!" cried 
the lady from Connecticut, and we of the Big Horn understood. 
Uncle Will rushed Swede into the timber with the .410 and he 
bagged two with one shot! The others got away, but those two 
fine young blue grouse made a gorgeous Sunday dinner. It wasn't 
a day of rest though. I had hoped we could take the afternoon off 
and go sight seeing over on the Powder River slope to the canyon 
rim, but all hands voted to proceed with the work and take the 
hohday at the last of our stay if there were time. So be it. More 
chinking was accompHshed. The gaping cracks between logs 
gradually vanished as well-fitted poles were wedged into them 
making a reasonably solid wall. Monday that part of the job was 
practically finished and Uncle Will decreed that we must return to 
the valley the following day. Probably the others of the "house 
party" were glad. I confess I was reluctant to leave my mountain 
home. I knew I probably would not get back again this fall. The 
aspens were beginning to blaze on the timbered slopes. Do you 
know how hard it is to say goodbye to the Big Horns in September? 

That night we had more music. Swede and Robert are both 
clever with the mouth harp. I tuned my guitar to their pitch and 
attempted chords as background. Most of the evenings were spent 
this way, sometimes including songs and once or twice even danc- 
ing! I laugh at the recollection. There wasn't a space more than 
six feet square that wasn't cluttered up with two or three sorts of 
plunder, but that did not quench the enthusiasm for fitting steps to 
the strains of the Rye Waltz, varsouvienne or a lively schottische. 
Some feat for some feet ! in that limited space. 

Tuesday morning we made ready to decamp. The cabin was put 
in reasonable order. Things that were to stay were stored away in 
my newly constructed chest, or strung up to the ridge poles. And 
please remember that those ridge poles were more up than when I 
suspended things to them last year. My house had grown more 
than a foot taller during this memorable week. And we could all 
walk upright out the new doorway! How could I forget to mention 
the door? Its new proportions are the deUght of my heart, to say 


nothing of my head, which now does not have to bow down in 

By mid-morning the cars were loaded and I hooked my latch 
string over the nail that secured it on the outside. 

All aboard! . . . and we were on our way. Cheerio, little cabin, 
till next summer! 

We stopped at a beautiful camp spot on Crazy Woman where the 
aspens were every tint from deep red to pale gold, and made coffee 
to go with our picnic lunch. And from there it was easy bowling on 
down to Buffalo, then Sheridan, then the good old Bar V Ranch on 
Young's Creek just in time for Aunt Em's delicious chicken dinner. 

That was September eleventh. And so ended my 1934 home- 
stead life. I am applying for an official leave of absence from the 
claim for the rest of this year to permit me to continue with this job, 
which is a grubstake. Uncle Sam is granting such dispensations 
to his impecunious homesteaders during these lean years. 

The next day I left Young's Creek for here. It's quite a jump in 
distance, environment and occupation. But there are wooded hills 
within reach for little solo sunset picnics in the old Studebaker 
and the Laramie range against the western sky with Laramie Peak 
rising high at one point. Not tlie Big Horns, nor Wolf Mountains, 
but friendly little substitutes, doing their best for me. 

Vaya con dios! 

Edith K. O. Clark was a native of Washington, D. C. and first came to 
Wyoming to visit two cousins, Lon and Jim Condit, Johnson County ranch- 
ers. During the visit she applied to teach a rural summer school in the E.K. 
Mountain district of the county, two days' stage ride from the railroad. 
The experience of teaching in a primitive log building with a dirt roof and 
rough, home-made furniture aroused in her a keen interest in improving 
rural school conditions. She continued to teach in Johnson and Sheridan 
counties and in 1908 was elected County Superintendent of Sheridan County. 
She served six years in that capacity. 

In 1914 she was elected Wyoming State Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion on the Republican ticket. She was a member of the School Code Com- 
mission which revised school laws and submitted to the 1917 legislature a 
plan to create a State Department of Education under a Commissioner of 
Education whose professional qualifications were fixed by statute. This 
legislation was enacted in that year. 

She did not run for reelection, having enlisted with the Y.M.C.A. for 
overseas duty at the completion of her term of office. She returned to 
Cheyenne in 1922 and operated The Gables tea room and gift shop for 
several years before taking up the homestead in Johnson County. 

"The Diary of Edith K. O. Clark" was written when she was in her early 
fifties, and only two years before her death in 1936. According to the 
Wyoming State Tribune she was taken to Cheyenne from Johnson County a 
few days before her death by a friend, and was hospitalized there. Death 
was caused by a malignancy. Funeral services were held from St. Mark's 
Episcopal Church and interment was in Lakeview Cemetery, Cheyenne. 

The diary was obviously written for a specific person who had suggested 
such a "log" of Miss Clark's homesteading experiences, although it is not 
possible to know with certainty who that person may have been. The editor 
is indebted to Martha (Mrs. Bill) Gibbs of Buffalo, who has made the diary 
available for publication. 

Mrigham young-Chief Washakie 

Mian 9arm Negotiations, 


Edited by 

Rhett S. James 

Very early in the Mormon Utah experience, the need for the 
development of a workable Indian policy arose. Mormon leader 
Brigham Young recognized that in order to found the hoped for 
desert kingdom in Utah Territory, peaceful relations would need 
to be secured with Indians of the region. This was not only be- 
cause Indian hostilities could endanger Mormon economic develop- 
ment, but because Mormon scripture stipulated that such a king- 
dom could not be fully estabhshed without gathering a remnant of 
the Indian population into Mormondom.^ The Mormon Indian 
farm program became the principle means of achieving this end. 
Young felt convinced that only when the Indians had attained a 
respectable degree of economic self-sufficiency would peaceful re- 
lations exist between the two peoples. In his attempts to implement 
the Indian farm program, Young came into contact with the Sho- 
shone Indians and their best known of chiefs — Washakie of Wind 
River, Wyoming fame. These contacts proved to be among the 
first which resulted in the only significant success experienced by 
Young and his successors in the Indian farming efforts of the 
Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries.^ The following letters found 
among the papers of Brigham Young mark the known beginning 
of negotiations between Young and Washakie on the matter of 
Indian farming.^ 

1. Book of Mormon, 2 Nephi 3:23-24, 9:53, 10:2; Alma 37:18-19; Hela- 
man 15:16. For an authoritative interpretation of these references, see the 
"Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles," dated April 6, 1845, in James R. 
Clark, ed., Messages of the First Presidency Salt Lake City, Utah: Book- 
craft Inc., 1965, Vol. 1, p. 254, 259-260. 

2. For more detailed coverage of this subject see Rhett S. James, "Wash- 
akie, Utah: Brigham Young's Indian Policy Revisited" Provo, Utah: Brig- 
ham Young University unpubHshed history graduate seminar paper, May, 
1967, p. 1-53, 57. 

3. This collection was found in Brigham Young Papers, Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs, 1852-1858 MSS in the L.D.S. Church Historian's Library, 
Salt Lake City, Utah. 



To Wash-e-kik and Tatowats, 

I write to you because you was not afraid and came and see me, 
so I am acquainted with you I would like to be acquainted with all 
your people.^ I love you very much and have always loved you. 
I know that you are the very best Indians in all the mountains, and 
I know that you have always been friendly to us. We want to do 
you good and always be good friends and if you will be friends with 
us we will live together, and always be good friends. Tis true that 
we wish to cultivate some of your land and raise grain and vege- 
tables if they will grow there and we expect to furnish plenty of 
trade so soon as we can obtain it to trade with all the Shoshones, 
James Bridger violated and broke the laws and probably would 
have been fined if he had not have fled, but his best plan would 
have been not to have broken the laws in the first place and in the 
second place not have fled or resisted the officers but stood his 
track, perhaps he might have got clear and not even been fined. 
He was accused by the emigrants of furnishing the Utah with 
ammunition to kill the whites with: If we find that we can raise 
grain etc. on your land we wiU buy as much of it as we want to use 
and you can stiU live about them so you do not destroy the grain 
or do damages. We would be glad to have you always with us 
and help us raise grain and we would teach your children to read 
and write. We do not wish to injure you or infringe upon your 
rights in the least but to do you good, neither do we injure the 
Mountaineers but they are white men and must not break the laws 
if they do they have to be punished.'^ I would be glad if you and 

4. Even though Brigham Young was Governor and Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs of Utah Territory, his communications to Washakie reveal 
that first and foremost he was concerned about the Indian situation as 
Mormon President. 

5. The style of this letter was typical of Young's correspondence to 
Indian leaders. Available docimients suggest that Young made definite 
attempts to communicate with natives in a style characteristic of their own 

6. This earlier meeting between Brigham Young and Washakie, which 
took place in the spring of 1854, was the first personal interview between 
the two men. 

7. As early as 1849, Brigham Young recorded in his Manuscript History, 
dated May 13, 1849, "that Bridger and the other mountaineers were the real 


the other Shoshones and chiefs would come to the city so that I 
could get acquainted with them also. I want you to show this letter 
to the other chiefs. We send you some trade, all we can at present, 
but will send more when we can obtain it.^ You and us have 
always been friendly why should we not remain so? Anybody who 
seeks to make difficulty between us does wrong; they ought not 
make difficulty between you and us because they themselves have 
got into difficulty and have done wrong. Let them do right as well 
as you have done and then all would be well. 

cause of the Indians being incensed against" the Mormons. With the out- 
break of the 1850 Utah Indian War, Mormon suspicions of the mountain- 
men's activities among the Indians increased. Dale Morgan in his "The Ad- 
ministration of Indian Affairs in Utah, 1851-1858," Pacific Historical 
Review November, 1948, pp. 386, 391-392, traced the source of this suspi- 
cion to economics "arising out of the indirect effect upon the Indian econ- 
omy of Mormon settlement upon the richer lands of the Utes, which 
impaired their [the mountainmen's] ability to trade, and out of the direct 
clash of interest contingent upon the Mormon arrogation to church members 
of the exclusive right to trade v/ith the Indians and to maintain ferries on the 
Bear and Green rivers." 

According to Victor H. Cohen's "James Bridger's Claims," Annals of 
Wyoming July, 1940, and J. Cecil Alter's James Bridger (Salt Lake City, 
Utah: Shepherd Book Co., 1924), the Mormon Green River Mission of 
1853 was designed to undermine Bridger's influence in the region. That 
Brigham Young felt convinced that Bridger was inciting Indians against the 
Mormons cannot be questioned. Likewise it seems clear that Bridger and 
his associates did not appreciate Mormon social and economic contact with 
their Indian customers, and as a result, did not encourage the native inhab- 
itants to friendly relations with those they felt to be Mormon intruders. In 
light of these conditions, Cohen's and Alter's observation was quite correct. 
The Green River country was considered vital by Brigham Young to Mor- 
mon migration into Salt Lake Valley, and since peaceful relations with the 
Indians were essential to successful migration and the safety of Mormon 
settlers, Young undoubtedly felt that Bridger would have to go if he per- 
sisted in his unfriendly activities. Bridger apparently did not feel inclineid 
to change his behavior so Young responded by issuing orders for Bridger's 
arrest on charges of inciting the Indians against Mormon emigrants as men- 
tioned in the above letter. 

In this feud between the Mormons and the mountainmen, Washakie's 
major concern seemed centered around securing a continued source of trade 
with the Mormons once Bridger had been displaced. That trade was forth- 
coming pleased Washakie, but the suggestion of becoming farmers was not 
appreciated by most Shoshone men even though Washakie seemed to at 
least entertain the idea. 

8. The 1850's was not a period of agricultural prosperity for the Mor- 
mons in spite of "abundant harvests" between 1850 and 1854. These agri- 
cultural problems were compounded by the cost of Brigham Young's 
emergency "feed rather than fight" Indian policy. It was not uncommon 
for the Indians to beg in peace and later raid Mormon settlements for 
additional supplies. The Mormon President hoped that the Indian farm 
program would alleviate this burden, but as it turned out reUef would not 
be forthcoming for another twenty years. 


O. P. Rockwell,^ Amos Neff,^® and Geo. Bean" will take out 
some trade and talk with you and I hope transact business to your 
satisfaction. I would like to meet you at Green River or Fort 
Supply ^2 but the water is too high for me to come so soon. I intend 
going there this summer when I would be glad to meet you and the 
other Shoshone chiefs. If any man tell you or Tatowats that we are 
going to kill off the Indians or would do it if they should come 
against us, you just tell them that they lie for we are your friends 
and brethren and not your enemies and if we live friendly with each 
other and do each other all the good that we can the Great Spirit 
will be pleased with us and make us happy. 

I am your friend & Brother 
Brigham Young 




AUGUST 15, 1854 

To Wash-e-kik 

I write this letter to you, and send it to you by Mr. Ryan,i^ who 
will explain the same to you. 

We are glad that you are coming to see us, and think that you 
had better come about the 4th of September, when the moon will 
be full, to give good light. I think we shall meet you at Parleys 
Park,^^ where we can find plenty of grass for your horses, and stay 
over night. We will then come into the city with you, and as many 

9. Orrin Porter Rockwell came to prominence in Mormondom as a 
friend to the first Mormon Prophet Joseph Smith. During his life in Utah, 
Rockwell became renowned as a guide, Indian fighter and lawman. 

10. Amos Neff acted as one of the principle Indian traders for the Mor- 
mon Church during the Indian Superintendency of Brigham Young. 

11. Judge George W. Bean of Provo, Utah, generally acted as Indian 
interpreter for Brigham Young in Utah County, Utah. In March, 1858, 
Young sent Bean with a company of 140 persons to explore the southern 
regions of Utah for a place of refuge during the Utah War. Between 1864 
and 1872, Bean was especially active in attempts to secure peace with the 
Indians of central Utah. 

12. Fort Supply became the Mormon center for the Green River Mission 
established in 1853. It was concerning the lands near Fort Supply that 
Washakie apparently expressed concern to Brigham Young as mentioned in 
the above letter. 

13. Elisha B. Ryan acted as Indian interpreter among the Shoshones for 
Young during his Indian Superintendency and for many years freighted 
goods to Shoshone bands in Utah and Wyoming. 

14. Located east of Salt Lake City in the foothills of the Wasatch Moun- 
tains, Parleys Park often hosted Indian bands traveling through Salt Lake 


of your principal men, as wants to come. But the main camp, had 
better stay at that point, on account of feed for horses, as it is 
extremely poor about the city.^"* 

We shall make you very welcome, and be glad to see you, and do 
the best that we can for you while you stay. Mr. Ryan says that 
he thinks it will suit you to come about that time, and think it will 
be better to meet you there, than for you to bring all your horses 
here, where the grass is all gone. 

We will bring you some beef cattle, and com if we can get it, 
but the grasshoppers have destroyed our corn. We shall bring you 
some flour, so that you may have something to eat, while you 
visit with us. 

I expect from what I hear, to see a great many of your nation 
this time, and hope I shall, as I love the Shoshones very much. 
They have always been good and friendly to us, and we think a 
great deal of them. When I see you, I can talk better with you than 
I can write. 

I am your friend & Brother, 
Brigham Young 




NOVEMBER 6, 1854 

To Wash-e-kik 

I send this my letter to you by your good friends Mr. Ryan and 
Mr. Hickman. ^^ 

I was sorry to learn that your people are so disposed to break up 
and scatter about. 

I love the Shoshones, and therefore wish to tell you and your 
people some of my ideas which I think will be for your good. I 
think it is a poor plan for the Shoshone to scatter so much, and 

15. In addition to the feed shortage, Brigham Young was apparently 
concerned about reducing the possibility of incidents between the Mormons 
and Shoshones. Many Shoshones resented Mormon settlement of their best 
lands, and on the other hand, some Mormon settlers had become disillu- 
sioned with Indians in general because of their slow response to the "feed 
rather than fight" axiom. This feeling arose from the fact that feeding 
Indians to maintain peace did not always result in peace. Many Mormon 
settlers, as a result, felt inclined to fight rather than feed what they consid- 
ered to be ungrateful natives. 

16. William A. Hickman, called "the Danite Chief of Utah" by non- 
Mormons of his time, was well known for his reputation as a scout, Indian 
fighter and gimman. Shortly after the Utah War, Hickman left the Mor- 
mon Church and joined anti-Mormon efforts to neutralize the Church's 
influence in Utah. 


roam about in such small parties. This plan exposes you more to 
the attacks of your enemies. ^^ I also think it unwise for you to 
depend entirely upon hunting and fishing for living, for game is 
often scarce, and often hard to be caught, and in such cases you 
suffer from hunger, and sometimes starve. Now I would like to 
see your people collect into large bands, and begin to cultivate the 
earth that you may not starve, when you are unfortunate in hunting. 
You have many good plains that you can settle upon to raise grain 
& vegetables. Mr. Ryan tells me that a place in Green River called 
"Brown's Hole" is a good spot for raising what com, potatoes, 
pumpkins, and many other things which are good to eat in the long 
winter, without being obliged to hunt in the cold. I will send good 
men of my people to help you make farms, and help and show you 
how to raise grain. I hope you will see that this is for your good, 
and conclude to begin to till the earth next spring and I will help 
you to seek tools, and such aid [as] you may wish to give you a 
start. During the coming winter I think it would be a good plan 
for you to go to some good hunting grounds, not in too small 
parties, and lay up plenty of meat,^^ and dress skins, and robes and 
next spring I will send men with blankets, powder, lead, beads, and 
such trade as you may wish, which you can purchase with your 
robes, skins and such articles as you may have to exchange. 

I hope you will understand that I am your friend, and brother, 
and that I desire to do you all the good I can. I also wish you to 
understand that Mr. Ryan, Mr. Hickman and Mr. Brown,^^ and 
such of my friends and brothers as I may send you, are your friends 
and brothers and wish to do you good, and presume your hearts 
will be good towards them and that you wUl use them well, and 
open your ears to their good council. 

Now, Wash-e-kik and the Shoshones I want you to remember 
these my words to you and open your ears well to understand them, 
and do not forget tiiat I am 

Your friend & Brother 

Brigham Young 

17. "Enemies" to the Shoshones generally meant the Pawnee and the 
Sioux Indians. 

18. Contrary to common belief Brigham Yoxmg did not insist that the 
Indians forsake their hunting practices, only that they include agricultural 
pursuits in their economy. Once successful Mormon Indian farms were 
established in the 1870's, this principle remained basic to Young's council. 

19. James Brown, a captain in the Mormon Battalion and founder of 
Ogden, Utah, traded extensively with the Shoshones and especially with 
Little Soldier's band which camped near Ogden in the winter months. 





MAY 1, 1855 (Extracts)-'" 

Now we have come here into these vallies of the mountains, just 
at the right time to do good if you will harken to our instructions. 
The Lord directed us to come here and when you got well acquaint- 
ed with us and our people, you will understand why. Now, you 
pray to the Lord and ask him to open your eyes so that you can see 
and understand about us, and see if he don't manifest to you that 
what I tell you is true.-^ We can learn you how to get a good 
living. If you will do as we tell you — and that is to plant and sow 
grain, and take care of it when it ripens, and raise stock and not 
ramble about so much, but make farms and cultivate them. We 
will not disturb you when you make farms and settle down but 
now no matter where we settle you feel that it is an infringement 
upon your rights,-^ but it is not so, the land is the Lord's and so 
are the cattle and so is the game; and it is for us to take that course 
which is the best to obtain what he has provided for our support 
upon the earth, now we raise grain and stock to last us year after 
year, and work to do so, but you depend upon hunting wild game 
for your support, that was all right when you had plenty of game, 
and it was in your own country, and you did not have to go so far 
away off into the Sious and Pawnees Country after it, and before 
the Lord sent us to do you good, but now you see it is different, 
and you should make locations on good land and raise grain and 
stock and live in houses and quit rambling about so much.-^ The 

20. Only this portion of the letter was found in the manuscript collection, 

21. One of the Mormon Church's responsibilities about which Young 
felt most strongly was that of training the Indians in the arts of civilization, 
thereby enhancing their future position in the Mormon Kingdom. It was of 
this responsibility that Young made reference. 

22. Yoimg's defense of the Mormons apparently stemmed from Wash- 
akie's complaint against Mormon settlement on Shoshone lands — an attitude 
not created but encouraged by the mountain men. Many of the mountain- 
eers who had taken wives from among the Shoshones, and who were being 
economically displaced by the Mormons, warned Washakie and other Sho- 
shone leaders that Mormon settlement endangered native prosperity. This 
argument was effective enough to nullify Young's attempts to convince 
Washakie that he should settle his people on Indian farms. The ver>' fact 
that Brigham Young stressed the need for Indian farming seemed to support 
the mountaineers' claims. Many Shoshones reasoned that game had been 
plentiful and there had been no talk of digging in the dirt as women had be- 
fore the Mormons came, and that if the Mormons left, game would not be 
scarce and thus there would be no need to farm. 

23. Dale Morgan, in his "The Administration of Indian Affairs in Utah, 


Creek and Cherokees have done so long ago and now many of them 
are very rich, have good comfortable houses and plenty of prop- 
erty.2^ If you do so the Lord will be pleased with and bless you 
which I desire with all my heart. My heart is good towards you 
and your people and I wish to do you good and so do my brethren. 
We want you to be our brethren also. Bad men will give you 
whiskeys and when you drink it, it makes you mad, you must not 
do so, it is always bad for Indians to drink whiskey it kills them 
off. You ask the Lord to tell you if this is not so. I am well 
pleased with you for you have always been friendly and good so far 
as I know and I hope that you will continue to be so. 




AUGUST 11, 1856 (Extracts )25 

Wash-e-kik Chief of the Shoshones 

I send out by Brother W. A. Hickman a few presents which I 
trust will be satisfactory to you. I have heard a good report from 
you and your tribe, and am glad to hear of your friendly feeling 
towards the whites, and that you are willing to have them settle on 

1851-1858," p. 389, observed that Young's viewpoint though colored by 
social self-interest was "realistic because it took, into account the continuing 
pressures of American expansionism. The question was not what was best 
for Indians living in a political vacuum or cultural void, but how Indian 
interests could best be reconciled with the expansionist forces of white 
colonization. Young foresaw that the Indians must suffer, in the loss of 
their historic folkways and cultural patterns, but he saw also that their 
individual good would best be subserved by changing the character of their 
life and providing them with a new economic base. Mormon colonization 
was a more efficient utilization of the land, and if by precept and example 
the Indians could be persuaded to change the pattern of their lives, settling 
dovm to an agricultural life, in the long run the Indians would gain more 
than they would lose from Mormon occupation of their lands." 

24. Mormon historians have generally felt that Young first conceived 
his Indian farming program sometime after 1846, but in light of Young's 
1835 commission from Joseph Smith to "open the door" of Mormonism to 
the Indians, his geographic proximity to Indian Territory while in Missouri 
and Illinois, the agrarian setting in which he lived, and the Mormon phil- 
osophy which he embraced, it seems reasonable to suggest that Young had 
some concept of Indian farming before he left Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1846. 
Young was at least aware of the Creek and Cherokee farming practices and 
probably was so informed before the Mormon exodus. 

25. The remainder of the letter was not found in the manuscript col- 


your land and raise grain,^^ I am your brother and want to do you 
good. I want to have all the Indians live at peace with each other 
and be at peace with the whites. I have thought a great deal about 
you and have seen that you have a great deal of difficulty to support 
yourself and tribe — you have to go and hunt Buffalo to get a living, 
this brings you into collision with other Indians who are perhaps 
hostile and exposes you to danger. 

Moreover the game is continually getting scarce, which makes 
it more and more difficult for you to get a living. 

Owing to all these difficulties I have considered that it would be 
a good plan for you to have some of your men to cultivate some 
land and raise grain such as wheat, com and potatoes and raise 
stock so that when the game fails or it becomes dangerous to go 
out after Buffalo you can have some food laid up from some other 
source upon which you can rely. 

Now our people will show your men how to cultivate the land 
and assist them a little to get a start if you wiU have your men work 
as the whites do.-" This you will find will be the best policy for you 
to pursue, and you will also want to build some houses to live in 
and settle down and have schools wherein your young men and 
women and children can learn to read and write so that they can 
communicate their ideas to one another as I do now to you. 

Wash-e-kik think of these things and ask the Great Spirit to tell 
you if it is true and then act as the Great Spirit shall dictate. 




NOVEMBER 2, 1857 

Wash-e-keek Head Chief of the Shoshones: 

Our friend Ben. Simons^^ is about to make you a visit, and I am 

26. Once Washakie realized that the Mormons had replaced the moun- 
tain men as their source of trade, he welcomed their presence. Such be- 
havior was typical of most Indians caught between the Mormon-Gentile 
rivalry. They were not generally so concerned about allying themselves 
with a faction as they were about making a living. As a result the Indians 
were quite often both pragmatic and opportunistic in their dealings with 
white men. 

27. In spite of Young's desire to have the Indians labor in their own 
behalf, it was the Mormon supei'visors who did most of the work once the 
Indian farms were established. This pattern did not begin to change until 
after 1874. 

28. Ben Simons was an Indian mountain man of probably Cherokee- 
French parentage who had attained to the position of sub-chief in Little 
Soldier's band of Utah Shoshones. 


pleased with the opportunity for sending you a few lines to let you 
know how I feel and how the Mormons feel. 

Wash-e-keek, I love you and your people, for you have a good 
heart and your people are a good people and love peace. I and 
the Mormons love peace, and we wish to live in peace with our 
red brethren and do them aU the good we can, and we want the 
Indians to be at peace with one another. Some of the whites in the 
United States are very angry at the Mormons because they wish 
to worship the Great Spirit in the way in which we believe he wants 
us to and have more than one wife, and they have sent some sol- 
diers to this country^'"* .... Now we do not want to fight them, if 
they will only go away and not try to abuse and kiU us when we are 
trying to do right. But if they try to kill us we shall defend our- 
selves and our wives and children. . . . 

Brother Beckstead and brother Davies are going to you with our 
friend Simons, and I wish you to treat them well. 

I do not want you to fight the Americans and not to fight us for 
them, for we can take care of ourselves. 

I am your brother 
Brigham Young 

When the mantle of territorial authority fell from Brigham 
Young to Jacob Forney following the Utah War, Washakie took 
the initiative and requested that the new Indian Superintendent 
send "a good white man, to instruct his people & farming imple- 
ments, & his young men" would "do the work."^*' But as it turned 
out, neither the funds nor the Indians were forthcoming.^^ Despite 
this failure and the subsequent deterioration and disappearance of 
both federal and Mormon Indian farms between 1858 and 1865, 
Brigham Young kept the door open to prospective Indian fanners. 
Finally in 1874 one of the leading men among the Utah Shoshones 
named Egippetche^^ left his camp near Mendon in Cache Valley, 

29. This anticipated conflict with American soldiers referred to the Utah 
War of 1857-58. 

30. Letter from Jacob Forney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to 
Charles E. Mix, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger, 
May 21, 1858, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs from the 
Utah Superintendency, 1856-1858 Washington, D. C: National Archives 
Microfilm Publications. 

31. In spite of Washakie's continued requests for a farm between 1858 
and 1862, his people were not eager to take up the plow. This coupled with 
the failure of other Indian farms in the region contributed to the imrespon- 
siveness of the federal government. 

32. Egippetche was called John Meomberg by the Mormons. Son of 
Chief Moembugae, sub-chief under Sagwitch, and participant in the 1863 
Battle of Bear River, Egippetche was the key Indian figure in the establish- 
ment of what came to be called Washakie, Utah. 


and "went into the lodge of Little Soldier and broached the subject 
of taking up some land somewhere and farm like white people."^^ 
This suggestion was accepted by Little Soldier and his people, so 
Egippetche traveled to Wellsviile, Utah, where he asked Frank 
Gunnell, a well-known interpreter, to write Brigham Young con- 
cerning the proposal.^^ Young responded by calling George W. 
Hill to head a mission to the Indians in northern Utah in April, 
1874. Hill was charged with the responsibility of locating the 
Indians in a "central gathering place where they can be taught the 
art of civilization, where they can be taught to cultivate the soil and 
become self-supporting."^''"' 

In 1881, after moving from five locations over a seven year 
period, three hundred Shoshones settled at the present site of Wash- 
akie, Utah, named after the Shoshone chief with whom Brigham 
Young had begun Indian farm negotiations twenty-seven years 
previous.^*^ By 1886 the Indian settlement started "to assume the 
appearance of a prosperous little village."^" A number of dwell- 
ings were constructed by the Indian farmers and the harvested 
crops enabled the Shoshones to both feed themselves and to trade 
with nearby Mormon settlements for other products. Until 1887 
the Indian colony was holding its own in the Mormon community. 
Then on September 6, 1887, disaster began to strike the settlement. 
The mission store valued at $3000 was destroyed by fire. During 
the winter of 1887, the Indians lost $4000 worth of sheep and 
cattle and in 1889 a saw mill in which the Indians owned the 
principal stock was burned. These financial reverses were com- 
pounded by seven years loss of crops to grasshoppers between 
1887 and 1896. Andrew Jenson recorded that in spite of these 
setbacks the Indians "stuck to their farm most manfully and 
throughout all their losses and difficulties they worked continu- 
ously hoping for better days."^^ 

These events were not, however, without their effect on the 
settlement's population. Between 1881 and 1900, the colony of 

33. Washakie Ward Historical Record, 1880-1965 MSS in the L.D.S. 
Church Historian's Library, Salt Lake City, Utah, p. 11, 

34. Ibid. 

35. Joseph John Hill, "George Washington Hill," p. 24 MSS as cited in 
Ralph O. Brown, "The Life and Missionary Labors of George Washington 
Hill." Provo, Utah: unpublished M.A. Thesis at Brigham Young Univer- 
sity, 1956, p. 59. 

36. For detailed accounts of the events surrounding these moves see 
James', "Washakie, Utah: Brigham Young's Indian Policy Revisited," pp. 
24-35, and the map on p. 57; and "The Malad Valley and Thistle Valley 
Missions As Causes of the 1877 Homestead Controversy in the Utah Terri- 
tory" Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University unpublished history grad- 
uate seminar paper, July, 1966, pp. 14-49. 

37. Washakie Ward Historical Record, p. 22. 

38. Ibid., pp. 22-23. 


reservationless Indians lost 113 discouraged associates, for the 
most part, to the Fort Hall and Wind River reservations in Idaho 
and Wyoming. In the next two decades to 1920, the population 
dropped from 187 to 114. This decrease of seventy-three was 
traced to the movement of Indian farmers to Utah towns where 
employment in vocations other than farming were sought. In the 
1920's Washakie's total population increased by ten to 124 inhab- 
itants. During the depression years, World War II and the post- 
war years to 1958, the colony's population fell to sixty. The big- 
gest exodus of this twenty-eight year period took place after 1945. 
Few of the town's younger generation returned or remained at 
home long after the end of World War II. This trend continued 
until only ten Indians remained on the townsite at the beginning of 

Such a decrease in population over the past eighty-six years 
cannot be considered as an indication of total failure. Even though 
some of Washakie's inhabitants retreated to reservation life in the 
latter part of the Nmeteenth Century, the majority of its citizens 
were absorbed into the affluent society of the post-1945 era. Such 
a movement was in keeping with Brigham Young's desire to see the 
Shoshones become a self-sufficient people. Ttie genesis of this 
historical trend may be traced back to the contacts between Young 
and Washakie between 1854 and 1856, in which he introduced 
the topic of Indian farming to the Shoshone leader. What took 
place between 1854 and 1967 was unique to Mormon history if 
not to Western American history. 

39. Rhett S. James, 'Twentieth Century Mormon-Indian Agricultural 
Projects" (Provo, Utah: unpublished monograph at Brigham Young Uni- 
versity, June 1, 1967), pp. 11-50. 

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yoder m the J920's 

Florence A. Allen 

Origins of the town of Yoder might be said to have been derived 
from the activities of two enterprises of 1921, the Union Pacific 
Railroad Company and the Goshen Townsite Development Com- 

In the process of construction by the Union Pacific, branch lines, 
moving westward from Gering, Nebraska, and northward from 
Cheyenne, Wyoming, were destined to meet near a settlement then 
called, "Lacy Comers." Townsite Development would acquire 
land and promote a new community.^ 

Lacy Comers was a crossroads settlement, a small store and a 
residence or two on land owned by two brothers, Thomas Lacy and 
Pit Lacy. Thomas was an osteopathic physician who later prac- 
ticed in Yoder for several years. Harry L. Malone, carpenter and 
Lacy Comers dweller, was among the earliest residents of Yoder. 
He purchased property in Yoder on July 6, 1921. 

William Hinglefelt, a farmer, had transferred to the Union 
Pacific the title to land where the railroad would construct a wye- 
and a depot. In that neighborhood, Goshen Townsite concentrated 
its promotions. 

Townsite was headed by Jess Yoder who organized the firm in 
July of 1921. Yoder was assisted by his son, PhiUip, and the 
company secretary, E. O. Sinnard.^ Phillip Yoder, while he may 
have had a substantial interest in the realty enterprise, likely was 
better known as a rider in rodeo circles. 

In late spring of 1921, buildings from the Springer Settlement 
east of Yoder and from Lacy Comers were moved into the new 
community. Population grew.'* Carpenters were available and 
realty offices sprang up almost ovemight. Soon there was an 
embryo business section. 

1. The original town of Yoder is described as lying in the South Vi of 
Section 34 of Township 23, Range 62, West of the 6th Principal Meridian. 
See also Book 35, p. 655, Goshen County Recorder's Office, Torrington, 
Wyo., July 8, 1921. 

2. A "wye" is an arrangement of railroad tracks whereby the direction 
of movement of trains or engines can be reversed. 

3. Book 60, p. 1, Goshen County Recorder's Office, Torrington, Wyo., 
May 9, 1921. 

4. Unofficial estimates for the period, 1921-1925, ranged between 500 
and 600. 


Frank Furney opened a "double" store in a brick building, with 
groceries and meats on one side, drygoods and shoes on the other 
side. George David opened a grocery and drygoods store. S. A. 
McHale started a grocery store and cream station.^' In a general 
store, Lester Vanderventer began business in groceries, clothing, 
and hardware. Frank Garland founded a bakery which served 
nearby communities including Gheyenne. Lewis Bloom managed 
a cream station. 

A grain elevator was constructed and R. M. Gottier became its 
manager. The firm dealt also in farm implements, in coal, and in 
lumber. Soon there was a hotel operated by Wallace Herrin, a 
rooming house operated by Henry Douglas, a blacksmith shop, two 
barber shops, one of which was operated by William "Red" Pick- 
ens, a livery stable that later became a garage, and an electric shop 
operated by Oliver Holmes. 

A pool hall was opened and, for a short time, it also served as a 
place of worship for a community church. Walter "Bud" Plumbly 
was in the dray and cartage business. Mrs. Alma Johnson, as post- 
mistress, supervised the first United States Post Office in Yoder. 

Church services, held in the pool hall during the first year, sub- 
sequently were transferred to the commimity hall. Later the town 
donated ground and a basement was completed for the new com- 
munity church, and services were transferred to the church base- 
ment. Glergymen from Fort Gollins, Golorado, Morrill, Nebraska, 
and Torrington, Wyoming, came to minister to the congregations. 

By 1826, the Gommunity Ghurch was completed. Reverend 
Gharles A. Marshall was engaged as pastor and became first min- 
ister in residence. Gas lights were installed and Mrs. Frank Fumey 
donated a hot-air furnace. Mr. Arthur Thompson and Mr. Wil- 
liam Pickens were the first elders of this non-sectarian church. 

St. Luke's German Lutheran Ghurch was organized in 1928, 
with the Reverend Garl Eichler serving as its clergyman for many 
years. These churches counted among their members not only the 
villagers but the small-grain farmers, cattle ranchers, and dairymen 

Yoder was incorporated on July 15, 1921^ and Harry L. Black 
and R. S. Besse were elected mayor and town clerk respectively. 
On January 23, 1922, rules relating to the passage of ordinances, 
resolutions, their style and proof, were adopted by the town council 
composed of Fred Beede, Frank Garland, Archibald Pollard and 
Harry Black. 

5. A "cream station" was a business enterprise equipped for and testing, 
buying-weighing, and selling butterfat. Generally, the operators were 
licensed by state departments of health and/or agriculture. 

6. Plat Book No. 1, Office of the Goshen County Recorder, Torrington, 

YODER IN THE 1920'S 259 

Oliver Holmes was appointed to the post of town marshal. 
Later he was succeeded by Harve Holderman, Even a volunteer 
fire department was organized. 

Early in 1922 the Edward Kent Post Number 53 of the Ameri- 
can Legion was organized. Yoder could boast of at least one 
veteran of foreign wars, a Spanish-American War veteran, W. A. 
Clemens, whose two sons, Vernon L Clemens and Ralph Clemens 
still reside at Yoder. 

On the hill south of town, a rodeo arena was built with a grand- 
stand that would seat about 2,000 people. And Yoder could 
boast of some pretty good cowboys in those days. 

Moreover, Yoder could boast also of an unusual, winning base- 
ball team in the early and middle 1920's — the Madatt Brotlier's 
Baseball Club, consisting of five (later, seven) Marlatt brothers 
among its members. Composition of the team in 1925 included:^ 
Glen Marlatt, Ernest Marlatt, Ray Marlatt, Lloyd Marlatt, Paul 
Austin, William J. Essert, Bryan Marlatt, Hugh Fowler, Elmer 
Emery and Floyd Duncan. 

The Yoder School District built a new brick schoolhouse about 
one and one-half blocks south of the business district. Grades 
one to ten were taught in 1922 with Harry Bebeau a superintend- 
ent. Miss Loma Johnson and Miss Margaret Black were high 
school teachers. 

In 1923, William J. Essert was employed as superintendent. 
His wife, Margaret, became principal, and Marion Linville and 
Hulda Johnson completed the high school faculty. There were 53 
students in this state-accredited school, and five students were 
graduated in 1925 when the first commencement exercises were 
held. Graduates were: Ella Prentice, Ruth Lacy, Lloyd Marlatt, 
Ruth Marshall and Ray Marlatt. 

School board members of the period were Dr. R. L. McCreey, 
Ernest Mann, and Joe Moore. Grade eleven was added in 1923 
and grade twelve in 1924. 

First to establish a medical practice at Yoder was Dr. R. L. 
McCreey: But, by 1925, Dr. Phillip Pauling had begun a practice 
and Dr. Duane Neu Shultz had opened a drug store. 

So this, out of the promotions of the Union Pacific Railroad 
Company and Jess Yoder's Goshen Townsite Development Com- 
pany, assisted by the skills and energies of its early settlers, was the 
Yoder of the 1920's. 

7. Names supplied by Mrs. Margaret Essert. 



The picture published in the April, 1967, Annals of Wyoming 
under the caption "The Days That Are No More . . ." carried cut- 
lines identifying it as a vignette from the Johnson County War, 
and describing the equipment of the military column and the 
soldiers. These cutlines were based on the identification on the 
print of the picture which is in the files of the Wyoming State 
Archives and Historical Department: "U. S. Cavalry rides down 
main street of Buffalo, Wyo., after intervening in cattle war to save 
ranchers from defeat by rustlers. April 9, 1892." 

Since the publication of the picture, the editor of the Annals has 
received a letter from Burton S. Hill, of Buffalo, in which he wrote: 

". . . may I suggest that the picture . . . was taken in Buffalo on 
February 10, 1891. The occasion was the return of the 8th In- 
fantry after Wounded Knee. To celebrate the event, Buffalo called 
a holiday and put out flags . . . 

"Accordmg to Order No. 57, Fort McKinney, Wyo., April 16, 
1892, of which order I have a copy, Major E. G. Fechet, 6th 
Cavalry, with troops H, C and D, 6th Cavalry, and a detachment 
of one non-commissioned officer and three privates, 8th Infantry, 
were placed in charge of the invaders for the purpose of conducting 
them to Douglas, Wyoming. The infantry detachment was to act 
as artillery, manning one Hotchkiss gun. Also placed under the 
command of Major Fechet was Assistant Surgeon H. A. Shaw, 
one acting Hospital Steward and one private, Hospital Corps. 

"At Douglas the invaders, or 'prisoners', as lliey were called, 
were taken over by Major Egbert, Ft. D. A. Russell, with a picked 
expedition of nine officers and 108 enlisted men, consisting of 
Co. C, 17th Infantry. There were also squads from companies B, 
E and H, 7th Infantry. This detachment was to come if needed. 
A special train carried this expedition and the invaders to Fort 
Russell, arriving at 5:00 p.m., April 25, 1892. 

"At Douglas Major Fechet received orders to return to Fort 
McKinney with his expedition, which he did, arriving on May 1, 
1892, at 1 : 30 p.m. He, of course, did not accompany the invaders 
to Fort Russell." 

The editor is glad to have Mr. Hill's statements available for 
publication. It is probable that his analysis of the picture is correct, 
as the source of the information on the original picture is unknown. 

^H Memory, 
Zhelma Qatehell Condit 

October 11, 1901 -December 21, 1966 


Anita W. Deininger 

We, The Johnson County Chapter of The Wyoming State His- 
torical Society, pay honor to the memory of Mrs. Thelma Gatchell 
Condit, our first President, She also had the distinction of being 
the first woman president of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 

Mrs. Condit was one of the main forces in organizing our local 
chapter and in making a museum in Buffalo possible. The Gatch- 
ell family donated the ourstanding Jim Gatchell personal museum 
of Indian rehcs, guns and pioneer western trophies (some 10,000 
items) as the nucleus of the Johnson County- Jim Gatchell Memor- 
ial Museum in Buffalo. This collection is of considerable monetary 
value as well as being priceless historically. 

Thelma Gatchell Condit was bom in Buffalo, daughter of the 
late T. J. (Jim) GatcheU and Ursula Sackett Gatchefi, both pio- 
neers of Big Horn, Wyoming. Jim was an historian and had plenty 
of authentic history at his finger tips, for he was friend and con- 
fidant of many who participated in making our history. Among 
them were Sam Stringer and Posy Ryan who helped pick up the 
dead from the Fetterman Massacre; Frank Grouard, the Indian 
Scout; Chiefs Weasel-Bear and Yellowtail, who had survived the 
Custer Battle and more who had taken part in the Fetterman Battle 
and the Wagon Box fight. Jim was a blood brother in the Chey- 
enne tribe and spoke tv/o Indian languages. 

With Thelma's bent for history she and her father were very close 
and he gave into her keeping copious notes which he had not had 
time to put into manuscript form for pubUcation. Jim's hope and 
Thelma's was that she compile a book using his notes, with her own 
knowledge and research, of early Johnson County history. Most 
unfortunately she did not live to complete her book so we are not 
only much poorer in losing her rich personality but also in the loss 
of much unrecorded history. 

Readers of the Annals of Wyoming a few years ago will recall 
Mrs. Gondii's series of articles, "The-Hole-In-The-Wall." She 
and her husband, Clark Condit, had lived in that territory for 21 
years and it was there her three children, Jim, Dick and Carolyn 
were born. She had explored the area on foot and horseback and 


therefore was on common ground with her characters. She had a 
sense of humor akin to that which carried the pioneers through 
many trying times and she employed it unsparingly in her writing 
so it was not dry, historical recordings she produced but a riot of 
droll incidents and legends which added spice while subtly im- 
parting the history of pioneers and outlaws. 

She was known to the younger generation of the county for her 
authoritative talks on Indians which she gave at many schools. 

Thelma Condit having received her early education in Buffalo 
schools had seen the board sidewalks replaced by cement ones. 
She had seen freight teams bogged down in Buffalo's Main Street 
and the first automobiles come to town. She was graduated from 
Johnson County High School and attended the University of 
Wyoming. She taught school for 15 years in the Bamum, Kaycee, 
Sussex and Mayoworth districts. Surely there was none better 
qualified, by association with her historian father and her own 
experiences, to record Johnson County history. 

Although she loved history and wrote to make it live afresh for 
others, as it did for her, she also realized that today is tomorrow's 
history and gave freely of herself to community activities to create 
a better present. She belonged to many organizations and had 
served as an officer in all. She was a member of The Pioneer 
Association of Sheridan- Johnson Counties; The Friends and Coun- 
cil; The Golden Rod Chapter No. 13, OES; the Wyoming Archaeo- 
logical Society of Sheridan- Johnson Counties; The Business and 
Professional Woman's Club; The Johnson County Cow Belles; 
American Legion Auxiliary; Republican Woman's Club; board 
member of the Johnson County-Jim Gatchell Memorial Museum 
and a past member of the school board of District No. 10 in 

Buffalo, Johnson County and the State of Wyoming are much 
poorer in losing Thelma Gatchell Condit but so much richer for 
having had her. 

It is easy to be nobody and we will tell you how to do it. Go to the 
drinking saloon and spend your time. In the meantime play dom- 
inos or checkers to kill time, so that you will be sure not to read 
any useful book. Go on keeping your stomach full and your head 
empty and in a few years you'll be nobody unless you turn out to 
be a drunkard or a gambler, either of which is worse than nobody. 
There are any number of young ones hanging about saloons and 
billiard rooms just ready to graduate and be nobody. 

The Evanston Age, October 10, 1872 

^00 k Keviews 

Fort Laramie and the Sioux Indians. By Remi Nadeau. (Engle- 
wood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. Illus. 
Index. 335 pp. $7.95) 

Remi Nadeau's latest volume, Fort Laramie and the Sioux In- 
dians, is highly readable, and it provides a fresh point of view for 
the historian. Not since the 1938 publication of Fort Laramie and 
the Pageant of the West, by LeRoy Hafen and Francis M. Young, 
has anyone undertaken a hardback coverage of the historic old fort 
on the Platte. The flexible title allows the author to carry his 
narrative over a far-flung area. Thus his account is not only a 
biography of an important fur trading post, which later became a 
fort for the protection of emigrants, but also a history of the Platte 
River Sioux, whose problems he handles with sympathetic under- 

Why the narrative begins with Nathaniel Wyeth, who was inci- 
dental to Fort Laramie, is puzzling. William Sublette, one of its 
founders, comes a close second, but the reader soon dismisses this 
as the two outfit themselves in St. Louis for their exciting 1834 race 
to the mountains. Sublette arrives in time to nullify Wyeth's con- 
tract with Thomas Fitzpatrick, who refuses his goods on the 
grounds that the Rocky Mountain Fur Company has been dis- 
solved, and he is out of business. The tempo created by this inci- 
dent is maintained throughout the book. 

The lack of footnotes is frustrating to the student of Western 
history. Many of the scattered quotations would have been more 
significant haci the source been given. For example, the author in 
telling of a dog feast among the Indians at the Horse Creek Council, 
in 1851, quotes "one white guest" as writing, "I found the meat 
really delicate, and I can vouch that it is preferable to suckling 
pig, which it nearly resembles in taste." The "one white guest" 
who made this observation is worthy of note. 

Of special interest to the people of Wyoming is the spelling of 
"Bordeau," a name almost as well known locally as LaRamie and 
Bridger. That James Bordeau(x) was not a man of letters is 
probable as his testimony on the Grattan Massacre, dated August 
29, 1854, seems to have been written even to the signature, "James 
Bordeau," by one Saul Smith. But there is conclusive evidence 
that he was spelling his name "Bordeau" as he witnessed, on 
August 19, 1863, an agreement made by certain Arapaho and 
Cheyenne chiefs to abide by the terms of the Fort Wise Treaty. 
This spelling is consistent with Trudeau, Ladeau, Richeau, and, 
we might add, Nadeau. Whether the old trapper sometimes added 
an "x" as a final flourish or his family and associates used the spell- 


ing because of Bordeaux, France, is a question we are unable to 

John C. Fremont, in 1 842, referred to him as "Boudeau," while 
Francis Parkman four years later recorded his name as "Bor- 
deaux," a form followed by John Hunton of a later period. It was 
Bordeaux Bend, where the squaw man had a trading post at the 
time of the Grattan Massacre, and Bordeaux, Wyoming (see "Bor- 
deaux Station," Nadeau, page 302), now an abandoned post office. 
Both locations were named for James Bordeau(x), who served as 
host for Fremont and Parkman when they were at Fort Laramie. 

Wheatland Virginia Cole Trenholm 

Stagecoach West. By Ralph Moody. (New York: Thomas Y. 
Crowell Company, 1967. Illus. Index. 322 pp. $6.95.) 

In Ralph Moody's hands, a western history sidelight is as excit- 
ing and lively as fiction and as informative as a hbrary shelf of 
reference volumes. 

His Stagecoach West gives his readers far more than the story 
of the stagecoach and its important role in the building of the west 
in the mid- 19th century. He opens with a quick review of the 
earliest history of transportation, then swings in an easy, readable 
style to the birth in England of the stagecoach, an offspring of the 
Roman chariot. He foUows it to New England, where American 
ingenuity altered the coach to meet the demands of a more rugged 
terrain, then moves with it across the Mississippi and onto the 
trails of the frontier. 

This book is a natural sequel to Moody's The Old Trails West, 
Little Britches and Riders of the Pony Express. His research for 
those books makes him an authority, probably with few equals, on 
the west's trails and the men who rode them. 

His writing reflects his admiration for those skilled reinsmen who 
reached their zenith of notoriety in the 1850's, which Moody calls 
"the golden era of stagecoaching ... in the west, making it possible 
within a single generation to settle and develop the natural resourc- 
es of the vast region lying between the Mississippi Valley and the 
Pacific Ocean." 

There is admiration, too, for the men who organized and kept 
aUve the stage lines in a period of brutal competition for mail con- 
tracts and profit. They were men like WiUiam Russell and Ben 
Holladay, who probably were lacking in integrity but were well 
equipped with the spirit to act, to compete, and to win. Moody 
draws this word picture of them: 

"Whether, as charged by their detractors, (they) were thieves 
and scoundrels, who with the wicked prize itself bought out the 
law, or whether, as their admirers vehemently insisted, their acts 


were justified by the circumstances and the necessity of dealing with 
the corrupt Government officials, there is little doubt that these 
two men did as much as any other pair of their time to speed the 
westward expansion of the United States." 

They and others were the "stagecoach moguls." Moody's often 
entertaining anecdotes focus to a large degree on them and the men 
who rode the stagecoaches. But he doesn't neglect the other char- 
acters and incidents of the period. Among them are the bandits, 
cattle barons, miners, corrupt poUticians and frontiersmen; there 
are gold rushes, massacres and Indian raids, Wells Fargo and the 
Pony Express. 

All are part of the stor}' of the stagecoach. Moody tells that 
story well. 

Denver William H. 5ymons 

Daddy of 'em All. The Story of Cheyenne Frontier Days. By 
Robert D. Hanesworth (Cheyenne: Flintlock Publishing Co., 
1967. lUus. Index. 168pp. $7.00) 

"I am a surgeon in a State Insane Asylum, and used to excite- 
ment, but Cheyenne takes the cake." 

Under discussion was the initial celebration of the now inter- 
nationally famous Cheyenne Frontier Days on September 23, i 897 
at Cheyenne's old fairgrounds (Pioneer Park). 

From the first celebration on the dusty plains near the Wyoming 
capitol city, featuring a five-hour rodeo in a carriage-lined arena, 
Cheyenne Frontier Days has grown into the world's most famous 
rodeo, and Bob Hanesworth has captured every magic moment in 
his "Daddy of 'em AU". 

Obviously a labor of love, this collector's item is a history not 
only of the Cheyenne celebration, but of the sport of rodeo itself. 
Rodeo in America was born that September afternoon, and the 
sport and Frontier Days have grovm up side by side. 

No one is better qualified to write the history of the celebration 
than Bob Hanesworth, himself a member of the volunteer Chey- 
enne Frontier Days Committee for 27 years. Secretary to the 
Committee from 1925 to 1950, Hanesworth has collected every 
scrap of information on the event from its modest beginning to the 
present day. He has put together a clever narrative, interspersed 
with colorful quotes from some of the early-day Cheyenne news- 

The highUght of the 168-page book, however, is his collection 
of Frontier Days photographs. In a word, they are "eye-poppers." 
From the picture of the first Frontier Days Committee to the one 
of the overflowing grandstand in 1898 to those of the women bronc 
busters to that of the famous bucking horse, "Steamboat", to those 


of the modem day Committee members, Miss Frontier and the 
chuck wagon races, the photographs chronicle the birth, the grow- 
ing pains, and the action of the world's greatest rodeo celebration. 
The photographs alone make the book a valuable collector's item. 

In addition to everything else, Mr. Hanesworth has compiled a 
list of all the men who have ever served on the Frontier Days Com- 
mittee, the dates of the celebration, Miss Frontier's, members of 
the "Heels" and "Wheels", and rodeo event champions. 

If you're a rodeo fan, this book is a must, and for the vintage 
rodeo buff, this book will recall cherished memories of old friends 
in the rodeo world and otherwise. 

As veteran Denver Post columnist. Red Fenwick, wrote of his 
friend Bob Hanesworth's book, "it's worth reading and keeping, 
and I wish I'd written it myself". 

Cheyenne Gene Bryan 

America's Western Frontiers, The Exploration and Settlement of 
the Trans-Mississippi West. By John A. Hawgood (New 
York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1967. Index. 440pp. $10.00) 

Over the years the British have had a particular fascination with 
the exploration and settlement of the American West. They have 
joined the chorus of American writers who have offered readers a 
body of western literature which seems to be perpetually lamenting 
the passing of the frontier. 

From the early days of American history down to the present 
time, celebrated British travelers wandered over the west by horse, 
stage and rail and then returned home to England and wrote in 
detail about American frontier life. 

The latest British historian who has traveled over the west and 
then has written a book is John A. Hawgood. His book, America's 
Western Frontiers was awarded the Alfred A, Knopf Western His- 
tory Prize for 1966. Mr. Hawgood's travels over western America 
extended from 1929 through 1963 and he contrasts and compares 
those years with the pioneer years of 1829 through 1863 in his 
very fine discourse. 

The story of the footsore explorers and bearded trappers is re- 
counted in a very interesting and readable way by the author. The 
scalp-raising Indian tales and the stories of how the early trails and 
forts were extended across the continent are also presented. The 
history of California, missons and gold rush, is offered with original 
accounts reprinted in the text. The Mormon story and the settle- 
ment of Utah is recounted, but very briefly. 

The fabled Colorado story of the Tabors is summed up in one 
classic understatement. The author describes H. A. W. Tabor as 
a semi-iUiterate miner who was able to buy an actress, an opera 


house and a seat in the United States Senate. Mr. Hawgood refers 
to Baby Doe as "Baby Doll" and states that she survived in reduced 
circumstances until 1935. Many of the other interesting tales of 
the American West are passed over in a similar brief way. 

Mr. Hawgood has Wyoming incorporated in the organization of 
Idaho territory instead of Dakota territory, Wyoming is mentioned 
in the work generally, but no stories of the history of Wyoming are 

The volume contains excellent illustrations, charts and some fine 
maps. The footnotes which follow almost every page reflect a 
fine scholarship which undoubtedly deserves the recognition vv'hich 
the Alfred A. Knopf Prize extended to the work, but it seems that 
too much material has been passed over all too briefly and the 
work suffers from too much history compacted into one book with 
too few details. 

An annotated bibliographic section of notes follows the text and 
offers the reader a guide to further reading. The book is also 

Cheyenne Bennett R. Pearce 

O-Kee-Pa. A Religious Ceremony and Other Customs of the 
Mandans. By George Catlin. Edited and with an introduc- 
tion by John C. Ewers. (New Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1967. lUus. Index. 106 pp. $12.50) 

We are fortunate to have a faithful reproduction of this book 
that first appeared one hundred years ago. O-kee-pa was the most 
important religious ceremony of the Mandan Indians who lived in 
earth lodge villages along the Missouri River in North Dakota at 
the time of historic contact. The ceremony occurred annually and 
consisted of a number of ritual acts that extended over a period of 
four days. Probably the most important function of the O-kee-pa 
was that it served as a rite of passage to conduct the young Mandan 
boys into the status of manhood and warriors. No less important 
was the fact that a tribal-wide ceremony of this nature served to 
reaffirm at regular intervals the solidarity of the group. 

The most spectacular part of the ceremony began on the middle 
of the fourth day. Before this was the "Bull Dance", cleaning of 
the sacred Medicine Lodge and other rituals of lesser importance. 
After this however, attention was focused on the initiates who had 
not been allowed to eat, sleep or drink since the beginning of the 
ceremony. The young men were now to undergo systematic tor- 
ture. Incisions were made through folds of flesh on chest, back, 
legs and arms. Wooden skewers were then forced through the 
incisions. The initiates were suspended in turn from the top of the 
sacred lodge by means of rawhide cords looped around the skewers 


through either the muscles of the chest or back. Hanging down 
from the skewers through the flesh of the arms and legs were dried 
buffalo skulls and the person's shield. 

The initiates were suspended until they fainted from pain. After 
this they were lowered and allowed to revive and each in turn 
offered a finger to be chopped off. The fmal act was a race around 
a symbolic structure outside the sacred lodge. Still attached were 
the skewers through the flesh of the arms and legs with dried 
buffalo skulls and shield attached. Each initiate ran as far as 
possible without fainting and then was dragged by a man on each 
side. The object was to pull the skewers loose by tearing out the 
flesh, this being the only honorable way that would leave a proper 
scar. After this was done to all the initiates, the ceremony ended 
by ritual sexual intercourse between the older men and women. 

George Catlin faithfully recorded the O-kee-pa ceremony in both 
words and pictures. Part of Catlin's deep interest in the Mandan 
was because of his personal behef that the latter people had some- 
how made contact with the Welsh people several hundred years 
earlier. He also saw similarities in some of the religious symbolism 
of the Mandans and Christians which furthered his belief of earlier 
contacts. By selecting out Catlin's actual observations and ignor- 
ing his interpretations of Mandan culture history we have a rare 
and complete eye-witness account of a Mandan religious ceremony. 

George Catlin was one of the few who recorded something of the 
last expressions of American Indian habits and customs so impor- 
tant to the anthropologist attempting to look back into prehistory 
from the fragments of history. Unfortunately, most of these are 
incomplete and leave the investigator wishing desperately for more 
and greater detail. The value of the present edition is greatly 
enhanced by an introduction by John C. Ewers who brings in a 
wealth of evidence to support the veracity of CatUn's observations 
which were seriously doubted during most of the latter's lifetime. 

University of Wyoming George C. Prison 

Gold Rush Diary. Being the Journal of Elisha Douglass Perkins 
on the Overland Trail in the Spring and Summer of 1894. 
Edited by Thomas D. Clark. (Lexington: Universitv of 
Kentucky Press, 1967. Illus. Index. 206 pp. $8.75)' 

The airy and articulate style of this account of travel to Cali- 
fornia at the beginning of the 1849 gold rush prevents it at once 
from being a repetitious Usting of places and dates familiar to 
virtually everyone. The editorial foot notes arranged in an adjoin- 
ing column race alongside the journal entries and enlarge upon the 
detail with quotes and interpretation from other diaries and news- 


paper articles of that time in an almost competitive, but thoroughly 
agreeable manner. 

The stage of pathos and unfulfilled dreams is set in the intro- 
duction of this volume: "Perkin's body was buried ... in the 
newly opened Sacramento City Cemetery. . . . There under an arch 
of spreading elms the adventurer who had traveled so far to court 
dame fortune was laid to rest ... far removed from his Harriet . . ." 
And in 1882 his widow, Harriet, now remarried, traveled the same 
route by train in search of his grave. 

The volume is handsomely printed in a large format with maps, 
pen and ink sketches, and an appendix of other source data such 
as letters and news stories. This is recommended reading; espe- 
cially so for those v/ho have experienced the vagaries of camping 
and lonely travel. 

Cheyenne Neal E. Miller 

Wyoming Place Names. By Mae Urbanek. (Boulder, Colorado: 
Johnson Publishing Company, 1967. 223 pp. $6.50) 

Published in a Umited edition of five hundred copies, this book 
is the first compilation of Wyoming place names on a statewide 

Where the information was available, anecdotes relating to the 
place names are included. WTien President Chester A. Arthur, 
with a military guard, traveled along Big Warm Springs Creek in 
Fremont County in 1883, they tried to camp on a Mr. Clark's place 
near the mouth of DuNoir Creek. Clark ordered them off. Gen- 
eral Sheridan called him down, saying, "This is the President of the 
United States." Clark answered, 'T don't care what he is president 
of; he's camping on my property without permission. I want him 
off." Camp was moved. 

In 1887, Uinta County officials did not hke the idea of women 
voting in the Twin Creek precinct. Some mice were turned loose in 
the polling place, whereupon every feminine voter gathered up her 
skirts and fled home. 

Among the unusual place names included in the book are: 
Bastard Peak, Beer Mug Mountain, Birthday Cake Peak, the Club 
Sandwich rock formation. Difficulty Creek, Dirty Man Creek, 
Drizzlepuss pinnacle, Dumbell post office. Fiddler Creek, Fool's 
Creek, Goat Flat, Hallelujah Peak, Hanging Woman Creek, Hard 
Lusk Mountains, Hoodoo Peak, Horse Thief Canyon, Ice Cream 
Cone Mountain, Jackass Pass, Laughing Pig Rock, Man-eater 
Canyon, Nigger Baby Springs and Creek, Old Maid's Draw, Pea 
Green Buttes, Poverty Flat, Preacher Creek, Whoop-up Creek. 

Any student of Wyoming history will recognize a number of 
incomplete and erroneous statements in the narrative. 


While it may be a personal feeling of this reviewer, the book 
would have been more attractive had it not been published in 

Cheyenne Robert R. Larson 

Aspects of The Fur Trade — Selected Papers of The 1965 North 
American Fur Trade Conference. Russell W. Fridley, Editor. 
(St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1967. Illus. Index. 
72 pp. $3.75) 

In 1965, The Minnesota Historical Society, in cooperation with 
the Hudson's Bay Co., The James Ford Bell Foundation, Albrecht 
Furs, and the St. Paul Council of Arts and Sciences, sponsored a 
three day international conference of the North American Fur 

Twenty-eight papers were read by scholars from many parts of 
the U.S. and Canada. Nine of these were selected to appear under 
the cover of this volume. The process of selection must have 
been a painful one, judging from the list of titles given in the 
introduction. Eight of the papers in Aspects of The Fur Trade 
were previously pubUshed in the Winter, 1966, issue of Minnesota 
History; the ninth is reprinted from The American West, Spring, 

This little book is recommendable reading to any historian, 
amateur or professional, who is interested in the North American 
frontier. Likewise, any archaeologist who deals with or is inter- 
ested in manifestations of European contact with Abo-Americans 
will find this reference quite usable. The historian may be re- 
warded with a new conception of archaeology after reading John 
Witthoft's "Archaeology as a Key to The Colonial Fur Trade." 

The other papers include an important essay by Dale L. Morgan, 
"The Fur Trade and Its Historians"; "The Nordd West Company: 
Pedlars Extraordinary," by W. L. Morton; "From Competition to 
Union," by K. G. Davies; "Some American Characteristics of the 
Fur Trade," by David Lavender; "Symbol, Utihty, and Aesthetics 
in The Indian Fur Trade," by Wilcomb E. Washburn, and "The 
Growth and Economic Significance of the American Fur Trade, 
1790-1890," by James L. Clayton. 

Two of the papers are photographic essays. These are "Fur 
Trade Sites: Canada," by J. D. Herbert, and "Fur Trade Sites: 
The Plains and the Rockies," by Merrill J. Mattes. The photo- 
graphic reproduction is not particularly good and one tends to wish 
for fewer and better photographs, or perhaps replacement of these 
papers with one or more of the others presented at the conference. 

The book is attractively illustrated by sketches, paintings, and 
maps. Of these, the sketches and line drawings generally fared 


the best in reproduction. Tlie paper is good and the cover and 
general format are attractive and well done. 

The only important fault of the book is the fact that it consists 
of only one-third of the papers given at the Conference. Most 
scholars would prefer to see them all under one paper cover, 
printed on the cheapest paper practicable, and accompanied by a 
very high quality section of the necessary illustrations only. 

As it is, Aspects of The Fur Trade is an attractive and worth- 
while addition to the shelf of anyone interested in the subject and 
capable of appreciating an academic approach to it. 

Cheyenne Gene Galloway 

Guide to the Wyoming Mountains and Wilderness Areas. (Second 
Revised Edition.) By Orrin H. Bonney and Lorraine Bon- 
ney. Denver: Sage Books. Illus, Index. $6.50) 

Guide to The Wyoming Mountains and Wilderness Areas is de- 
scribed as "the most complete book of its kind ever published, a 
thorough guide, beautifully illustrated," 

There is information for the mountain climber, fisherman, hunt- 
er, hiker, camper, trail rider, skier, boater and outdoorsman of 
every interest. It is a complete guide to the largest mountain and 
wilderness area left in the United States. 

History adds spice to the book. Historians are interested in the 
important contributions to the history of Wyoming made by this 
book. It gives a record of the first ascents of all the Wyoming 
peaks. There is nothing else in print which gives the origin of 
place names of Wyoming mountains as this does. A number of 
historical puzzles are clarified as a result of the research work done 
for this book by the authors. For instance, the actual peak which 
Fremont climbed, previously a matter of controversy, is shown. 
The authors establish that Captain Bonneville did climb Gannett, 
the highest peak in Wyoming, as he said he had, 

A great deal of factual evidence is assembled concerning the 
climb of the Grand Teton by Langford and Stevenson in 1872, 
which was the first ascent of the Grand. And this book contains 
the first account of the 1893 Grand Teton cUmb by Kieffer. 

The known facts about Colter's travel and what is fact and what 
is conjecture as to his routes are probably given more carefully 
here than even in the extensive works about Colter. 

Readers of this book will appreciate the fabulous amount of 
painstaking research that has gone into its writing. 

There are many marvelous pictures, some of which were taken 
by Mr. Bonney. 

Casper Mrs. Charles Hord 


Reference Encyclopedia of the American Indian. Bernard Klein 
and Daniel Icolari, Editors. (New York: B. Klein and Co., 
1967. 544 pp. $15.00) 

The result of years of research, this encyclopedia is the first pub- 
lished which is a complete information source guide to the Ameri- 
can Indian. It was undertaken by the editors in response to the 
increasing interest in the "original Americans." 

The contents include hstings of related museums, libraries, asso- 
ciations, government agencies; sources of visual and instructional 
aids and authentic arts and crafts; reservations and tribal councils; 
monuments and state parks; government publications, and news- 
papers, magazines and periodicals; Indian schools; related course 
offerings of U. S. colleges and universities; biographical sketches of 
living Indian and non-Indian notables in Indian affairs. In addi- 
tion, there is a 2,000-entry annotated, classified bibUography. 

The volume is a must for Ubraries and other research centers. 

Cheyenne, The Magic City of the Plains, by the Cheyenne Centen- 
nial Historical Committee (J. O. Reed, Maurine Carley, Wil- 
Uam R. Dubois, Katherine Halverson). (Cheyenne: Chey- 
enne Centennial Committee. Illus. Index. 123 pp. $1.95) 

Recent Bison Books, paperback reprints, Lincoln, University of 
Nebraska Press 

Sod and Stubble. By John Ise, $1.95 

Son of Old Man Hat. A Navajo Autobiography. Recorded 
by Walter Dyk, with a Foreword by Edward Sapir. $1.65 
paper, $4.50 cloth. 

Beyond the Desert. By Eugene Manlove Rhodes. $1.80 
The Buffalo Wallow. A Prairie Boyhood, by Charles Ten- 
ney Jackson. $1.60 


James D. McLaird. An instructor in history at Dakota Wes- 
leyan University, Mr. McLaird since 1964 has been a student at 
the University of Wyoming where he is working for his doctorate in 
history. He is a native of Lake Benton, Minnesota, and has 
also attended Dakota Wesleyan University, Boston University and 
Northwestern University. Mr. McLaird is married. His hobby is 
collecting western books, and he is a member of numerous histor- 
ical organizations. 

Wilson O. Clough. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 37, No. 2, 
p. 257. 

Rhett S. James. Mr. James is an Institute of Religion instruc- 
tor for the Mormon Church at Tucson, Arizona. He has previously 
taught at Brigham Young University and in Salt Lake City. He 
has also served as a researcher for the Western History Center at 
the University of Utah. He is presently writing his Ph.D. disserta- 
tion on the history of the Mormon Indian policy, 1828-1967, at 
Brigham Young University. Mr. and Mrs. James have a daughter 
who is nearly two years old. His professional affiUations include 
membership in Phi Alpha Theta, national history honorary. 

Florence A. Allen. A native of Iowa, Mrs. Allen came to 
Goshen County, Wyoming, in 1921 with her husband to help his 
parents on a homestead. She has made her home in the area ever 
since. Mr. and Mrs. Allen had three sons and one daughter, all 
but one of whom are still living. She is known as "Mom" or 
"Grandma" Allen to her many friends and neighbors in the Yoder 

Some Cittk Zhmgiof Value 

If your coal fire is low, throw on a table-spoonful of salt, and it 
will help it very much. 

A little ginger put into sausage meat improves the flavor. 

In slicing cakes, dip the knife in cold water. 

In boiling meat for soup use cold water to extract the juices. If 
the meat is wanted for itself alone, plunge in boiling water at once. 

You can get a bottle or barrel of oil off any carpet or woolen 
stuff by applying dry buckwheat plentifully. Never put water to 
such a grease spot, or liquid of any kind. 

Broil steak without salt; it draws the juices; it is desirable to 
keep these if possible. Cook over a hot fire, turning frequently, 
searing both sides, place in a plater, salt and pepper to taste. 

Beef having a tendency to be tough, can be made very palatable 
by stewing for two hours with salt and pepper, taking out half done, 
and letting the rest boil into the meat. Brown the meat in the pot. 
After taking up, make a gravy of the pint of liquor saved. 

A small piece of charcoal in the pot with boiling cabbage re- 
moves the smell. 

Tumblers that have had milk in them should never be put into 
hot water. 

A spoonful of stewed tomatoes in the gravy of either roasted or 
fried meats is an improvement. 

The skin of a boiled egg is the most efficacious remedy that can 
be applied to a boil. Peel it carefully, wet and apply to the part 
affected. It will draw off the matter, and relieve the soreness in a 
few hours. 

Carbon County Journal, November 1879 

Alger, Horace C, 39:2:183 

Allen, Florence A., 39:2:257 

Allien, Henry V. and Company, 39: 

Alter, J. Cecil, 39:1:115 

American Legion, 39:2:259 

America's Western Frontiers, The 
Exploration and Settlement of the 
Trans-Mississippi West, by John 
A. Hawgood, review, 39:2:266- 

Anderson, Ben, 39:1:114 

Anderson, Janet, 39:1:99 

Anderson, Lynda S., 39:1:128 

Ancient Hunters of the Far West, 
Richard F. Pourade, ed., 39:1: 

Arconet, Mrs. Stella, 39:1:99 

Arcourt, Mrs., 39:1:103 

Arlies, Ed, 39:1:128 

Arnold, Rev. Franklin L., 39:1:71, 
72, 97 

Arnold, M. A., 39:1:30 

Aspects of the Fur Trade-Selected 
Papers of the 1965 North Ameri- 
can Fur Trade Conference, ed., 
Russell W. Fridley, review, 39:2: 

Atkinson, Mary Ella, 39:1:72 

Atkinson, Mr. and Mrs. W. B., 39: 

Augur, Maj. Gen. C. C, 39:1:7 

Austin, Paul, 39:2:259 

Avant, Cicero, 39:1:126 

Ayres, James E., review of Ancient 
Hunters of the Far West, 39:1: 


Bald Mountain, 39:2:174, 184 
Bachtold, John, 39:1:9 
Bad Water Creek, 39:1:113 
Baker, Nathan A., 39:1:11, 25 
Baldwin, Rev. W. W., 39:1:28 
Bancroft, H. H., 39:1:23 
Banking House of James France, 

Banks, John, 39:1:137 
Barlow, Glen, 39:1:138 

Barnhart, William, 39:1:132 

Barnum, 39:2:262 

"Barnum of the West," See James 

Barrows Store, 39:1:126 
Bartelson, Ruth Brigham, 39:1:128 
Bartlett, Ichabod S., 39:2:199 
Bartlett. J. P., 39:1:19 
Bar V Ranch, 39:2:234, 239 
Basin (Basin City), 39:1:126 
Bates, Capt. Alfred Elliott, 39:1:122 
Bates Creek, 39:1:123 
Battle of Bear River, fn, 39:2:254 
Baxter, David Kennedy, 39:1:102 
Baxter, Ellen, 39:1:98, 99 
Baxter, George W., 39:2:177 
Baxter, Robert W., 39:1:71, 72, 82, 

90, 95, 97, 98, 99 
Eealey, Rcsalind, 39:1:128 
Bean, Judge George Vv'., 39:2:248 
Beaumont, Maj. Eugene Beauhar- 

nais, 39:1:54; photo, 54 
Beauvais Hall Saloon, 39:1:21 
Bebeau, Harry, 39:2:259 
Beck, George T., 39:2:157-185; 

photo, 216 
Beck, James Burnie, 39:2:159, 160, 

168, 182; photo, 216 
Beck, Jane Augusta Washington 

Thornton, 39:2:160; photo, 216 
Beck, Will, 39:2:174 
Beckstead, Brother, 39:2:254 
Beckton, 39:2:174 
Beckwith, A. C, 39:1:15 
Beede, Fred, 39:2:258 
Beers, Robert, 39:1:9 
Belcher, Mr. and Mrs. H., 39:1:78, 

82, 98 
Belden, George P., 39:2:199 
Belton, Mrs. R. E., 39:1:128 
Benes, Irving, 39:1:109 
Bennett, Miss Magie, 39:1:99 
Bergren, Winifred S., 39:1:128 
Besse, R. S., 39:2:258 
Bessemer Oil Field, 39:1:110 
Bettelyoun, Mrs. Susan, 39:2:194, 

202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 214, 216 
Beyond the Desert, by Eugene Man- 
love Rhodes, review, 39:2:272 
Big Goose Creek, 39:2:173 
Big Horn, 39:2:261 
Big Horn Basin, 39:1:113, 126 
Big Horn Mountains, 39:1:110, 112 
Big Horn Range, 39:2:219, 231 
Big Horn River, 39:1:115; 39:2:198 



Bille, Ed, 39:1:128, 132 

Billings, Mont., 39:1:119 

Bingham, J. D., 39:1:39 

"Birth of a Frontier Boom Town: 
Cheyenne in 1867, The," by Gil- 
bert A. Stelter, 39:1:5-35 

Bishop, J. H., 39:1:109 

Bisonette, — , 39:2:205 

Black Canyon, 39:2:241 

Black, Harry L., 39:2:258 

Black, Miss Margaret, 39:2:259 

Black, Mr. and Mrs. Robert, 39:1: 
1 28 

Blakeslee, Mrs. Claude, 39:1:131 

Bloom, Lewis, 39:2:258 

Bluff Canal, 39:1:121 

Boan, Fran, 39:1:109 

Boan, Mr. and Mrs. James, 39:1: 

Boan, Kelley, 39:1:128 

Board of Church Erection, 39:1:84 

Board of Home Missions, 39:1:81, 

83, 84, 88 
Bonney, Orrin H. and Lorraine, 

Guide to the Wyoming Mountains 

and Wilderness Areas, review, 39: 

Bouton, Thomas J., 39:2:171 
Bozeman Trail, 39:1:104 
Bradley, Lt. Col., 39:1:107 
Bray, Mr. and Mrs. RoUa, 39:1:128 
Breedon, Miss M. L., 39:1:99 
Bretey, Mr. and Mrs. William, 39: 

Bridger Butte, 39:1:126, 127 
Bridger, James, 39:2:246, 247 
Bridger, Jim (Maj.), 39:1:110, 115 
Bridger Creek, 39:1:114, 123 
Bridger Mountain, 39:1:114 
Bridger Pass, 39:1:115 
Bridger Trail, 39:1:112, 126 
"Bridger Trail in Big Horn Coun- 
try," by Mike Riley, 39:1:126-127 
"Bridger Trail Ford," by Jim Skel- 

ton, 39:1:116-117 
"Bridger Trail and Related Events 

Around Lysite," by J. Herold 

Day, 39:1:113-114 
"Bridger Trail Trek," 39:1:109; 

Trekkers, photo, 108 
Bridger, Mont., 39:1:127 
Brigham, Mr. and Mrs. H. N., 39: 

"Brigham Young-Chief Washakie 

Indian Farm Negotiations, 1854- 

1857," by Rhett S. James, 39:2: 

Briney, Virginia, 39:1:99 
Brininstool, E. A., 39: 1 : 104 

Brisbin, Gen. James S., 39:2:170, 

Brock, A. L., 39:2:171 
Brome, K. Warren, 39:1:128 
Brown, James, 39:2:250 
Brown, Joe, 39:1:126 
Brown's Hole, 39:2:250 
Bryan, Gene, review of Daddy of 

'em All. The Story of Cheyenne 

Frontier Days, 39:2:265-266 
Bryant, Helen, 39:1:128 
Buffalo, 39:2:181 
Buffalo Mill Company, 39:2:182 
Buffalo Wallow, The, by Charles 

Tenney Jackson, review, 39:2:272 
Bullock, Frank, 39:1:97, 99 
Bullock, Mrs. S. Alta, 39:1:99 
Burkes, Glenn, 39:1:132 
Burlington, 39:1:125 
Burlington Flat, 39:1:126 
Burlington Railroad, 39:2:181 
Burnfield, David, 39:1:97, 99 
Burnfield, Martha, 39:1:99 
Burns, "Shorty," 39:1:19 
Burnstad, Mrs. Hattie, 39:1:122, 

128, 131, 135, 136, 137 
Burton, Mr. and Mrs. A. M., 39:1: 


Cady, Henry, 39:2:183 

Campbell, Neal, 39:1:72, 98, 103 

Canton, Frank, 39:2:181 

"Captain Bates' Battle," by Hugh 
Knoefel, 39:1:122-125 

Carey, Gov. Robert D., 39:1;65, 66 

Caribou, 39:2:225 

Carland, Frank, 39:2:258 

Carley, Maurine, 39:1:109, 128, 
137, 139, 39:2:212; Cheyenne, 
The Magic City of the Plains, 
review, 272 

Casper, 39:1:111, 117 

Casper Creek, 39:1:110 

Casper Troopers, 39:1:138 

Cass, David C, 39:1:128 

Catlin, George, 0-Kee-Pa. A Reli- 
gious Ceremony and Other Cus- 
toms of the Mandans, review, 39: 

Cavalry, 6th, 39:2:260 

Chappel, Gordon, "Summer Hel- 
mets of the U.S. Army, 1875- 
1910"; 39:1:37-63, biog.; 39:1: 
64; 39:2:214 

Chastain, Deborah B., 39:1:128 



Chatterton, Fenimore C, 39:2:181 
Cheatham, Mr. and Mrs. R. B., 

Cheyenne, Tent City, 1867, photo, 

39:l:cover; 1867, Along Banks of 

Crow Creek, 13; 1868, 16th 

Street, 20 
Cheyenne Ar^iis, 39:1:25 
Cheyenne Leader, 39:1:11, 12, 14, 

Cheyenne, The Magic City of the 

Plains, by J. O. Reed, Maurine 

Carley, William R. Dubois, Kath- 

erine Halverson, review, 39:2:272 
Chimneys (Stage Station), 39:1:116 
Chugwater, 39:1:117 
Church of the Brethren, 39:1:75 
Clapp, George, 39:1:99 
Clark, Clarence D.. 39:2:180 
Clark, Edith K. O., Diary, 39:2:217- 

244; photo, 256 
Clark, O. M., 39:1:114 
Clark, Thomas D., ed. Gold Rush 

Diary, review, 39:2:268 
Clear Creek, 39:2:219 
Clear Creek Canyon, Scene in, pho- 
to. 39:2:256 
Clemens, Ralph, 39:2:259 
Clemens, Vernon I., 39:2:259 
Clemens, W. A., 39:2:259 
Clough, Wilson O., "Mini-Aku, 

Daughter of Spotted Tail," 39:2: 

Coffeen, Hem-y A., 39:2:179 
Coleman, Col. A. B., 39:1:7 
Colhoff, George W., 39:2:204, 205, 

206, 209 
Colorado and Southern: Northern 

Division, by James L. Ehember- 

ger and Francis G. Gschwind, 

review, 39:1:143-144 
Commerical Record, 39:1:25 
Concert Hall, 39:1:26 
Condit, Carolyn, 39:2:261 
Condit, Clark, 39:2:261 
Condit, Dick, 39:2:261 
Condit, Jim, 39:2:244, 261 
Condit, Lon, 39:2:244 
Condit, Thelma Gatchell, 39:2:261- 

Connolly, Lt., 39:1:106 
Conrad, John H., 39:2:174 
Converse, Rev. Amasa, 39:1:85 
Converse, Charaty Ann (Burd), 39: 

1:91; photo, 86 
Converse, Rev. Charles Sydney, 39: 

1:74, 85, 86, 87, 88, 97, 100; 

photo, 86 
Cook, Rev. Joseph W., 39:1:29 
Cooley, Hon. D. N., 39:2:190 

Coon Creek, 39:1:126 
Copper Mountain, 39:1:114 
Corbin, Mrs. Mary L., 39:1:128 
Cornforth Brothers (merchants), 

Cottier, R. M., 39:2:258 
Cottonwood Creek, 39:1:123 
Cow Belles, Johnson County, 39:2: 

Cox, W. C, 39:1:73 
Craig, David H., 39:1:100 
Craig, John, 39:2:224 
Crane, J. C, 39:1:103 
Crow Creek, 39:1:6 
"Crow Creek Crossing" (Cheyenne), 

fn, 39:1:8 
Cunningham, Ben, 39:1:114 
Custer Battle, 39:2:261 

Daddy of 'em All. The Story of 
Cheyenne Frontier Days, by Rob- 
ert D. Hanesworth, review, 39:2: 

Daily Rocky Mountain Star, 39:1: 

Dale City, 39:1:19 

Daley, W. W., 39:1:66 

Davenport, Mr. and Mrs. I. L., 39: 

David, George, 39:2:258 

Davidson, Mabel, 39:1:128 

Davies, Brother, 39:2:254 

Davis, J., 39:1:114 

Davis, Jonathan, 39:1:128 

Davis, Mr. and Mrs. Jonathan, 39: 

Davis Pass, 39:1:114, 123 

Day, J. Herold, 39:1:110, 128; "The 
Bridger Trail and Related Events 
Around Lysite," 113-114 

Dayton Gulch, 39:2:174 

Dead Indian Creek, 39:1:123 

Deininger, Anita W., "In Memory, 
Thelma Gatchell Condit," 39:2: 

Denver Jake, 39:1:118 

Denver Pacific, 39:1:13 

"Diary of Edith K. O. Clark, The," 

Dike, Albyn, 39:2:163, 168, 169, 
170, 172 

Dillon, — , 39:1:19 

Dillon, Sidney, 39:1:10 

Dodge City, Kan., 39:1:23 



Dodge, Gen. Grenville M., 39:1:6, 
32; 39:2:196; photo, 39:1:10 

Dodge House, 39:1:14 

Dorio, Tom, 39:2:205, 206 

Douglas, Henry, 39:2:258 

Doyle Creek, 39:2:218, 224 

Dry Creek, 39:1:126 

Dubois, William R., 39:1:134, 136, 
137; photo, 138; Cheyenne, The 
Magic City of the Plains, review, 

Duncan, Floyd, 39:2:259 

Dunlap, David F. (T?), 39:1:100 

Dunn, Winifred, 39:1:128 

Durant, Mrs. C, 39:1:100 

Durant, Thomas C, 39:1:6 

Duval, — , 39:2:205 

Dyer, Tim, 39:1:19 

Dyk, Walter, Son of Old Man Hat, 
review 3 9 ',2. '.'2,1 2. 

Dykins, Mrs. (Rhoda), 39:1:100 

Eagle's Nest, stage station, 39:1:127 

East, A. B., 39:2:178 

East Kirby Creek Canyon, 39:1:116 

Eaton, Albert, 39:2:171 

Edward Kent Post #53, American 
Legion, 39:2:259 

Egbert, Maj., 39:2:260 

Ehernberger, James L., Colorado 
and Southern: Northern Division, 
review, 39:1:143-144; review of 
Grenville M. Dodge, 147-148 

Eichler, Rev. Carl, 39:2:258 

Eklund, Dick, 39:1:109, 128 

Elston, Charles, 39:2:196, 197, 207, 
208, 216 

Emery, Elmer, 39:2:259 

Emigrant Gap, 39:1:110, 111 

Emigrant Ridge, 39:1:110 

Emmons, David, review of The Far 
Southwest, 1846-1912. A Terri- 
torial History, 39:1:144-145 

Enderley, —,39:1:116 

Engell, Pvt. Peter F., 39:1:125 

Episcopal Church, Cheyenne, 39:1: 
29; Rawlins, 72 

Essent, Margaret, 39:2:259 

Essent, William J., 39:2:259 

Evans, James, 39:1:6 

Ewers, John C, ed., O-Kee-Pa, re- 
view, 39:2:267-268 

Fanning, Jessie, 39:1:128 

Far Southwest, 1846-1912, The. A 

Territorial History, by Howard R, 

Lamar, review, 39:1:144-145 
Farnham, Wallace, 39:1:6 
Fast Life, 39:1:25 
Fechet, Maj. E. G., 39:2:260 
Fendrich, Mrs. Anne, 39:1:136 
Fetterman Massacre, 39:2:261 
Fifteen Mile Creek, 39:1:121 
First National Bank of Denver, 39: 

Fisher, —,39:2:182 
Flannery, L. G. (Pat), 39:2:204, 

210, 213 
Flint, Mrs., 39:2:204 
Ford, S. and Co., 39:1:33 
Ford's Restaurant, 39:1:14 
Forney, Jacob, 39:2:254 
Ft. Laramie, 39:2:210 
Fori Laramie and the Sioux Indians, 

by Remi Nadeau, review, 39:2: 


Bridger, 39:2:254 

Brown, Camp, 39:1:114, 122, 125 

Carlin, Camp, 39:1:8 

Kearny, Philip, 39:1:104, 105 

Laramie, 39:1:6, 37; 39:2:187, 
192, 195, 196, 202, 203, 205, 
207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 

Leavenworth, Kan., 39:2:207, 

McKinney, 39:2:170, 173, 175, 
182, 184, 260 

Russell, D. A., 39:1:8, 14, 15, 17, 
32; 39:2:260 

Sanders, 39:1:25 

Smith, C. F., 39:1:107 

Supply, 39:2:248 

Washakie, 39:1:134 
Foster, Frances Edna, 39:1:102 
Foster, Martha, 39:1:128 
Foster, Mrs. M. E., 39:1:100 
Fowler, Albert, 39:2:163, 167, 176 
Fowler, Hugh, 39:2:259 
France, D. W., 39:1:82, 97, 100 
France, Homer A., 39:1:102 
France, James R., 39:1:70, 81, 90, 

95, 100, 103 
France, Margaret Elizabeth, 39:1: 

69, 70, 83, 89, 98, 100, 103; pho- 
to, 70 
France Memorial Church, 39:1:93 
France, Norrie Lloyd, 39:1:102 
France, Mrs. S. M., 39:1:100 
France, Susan, 39:1:73 



France, Uel, 39:1:71 

France, Ula, 39:1:71, 102 

France, Una Ellen, 39:1:70, 100, 

France, Uri Walker, 39:1:71, 103 

France, Walker, 39:1:73, 85, 95 

France, Walton E., 39:1:102 

Frannie, 39:1:127 

Frazier, Rev. Stuart, 39:1:135, 136 

Freeman Brothers, 39:1:25 

French, Pvt., 39:1:125 

Frewen, Moreton, 39:2:170 

Fridley, Russell W., ed.. Aspects of 
the Fur Trade-Selected Papers of 
the 1965 North American Fur 
Trade Conference, review, 39:2: 

Frison, George C, review of 0-Kee- 
Pa. A Religious Ceremony and 
Other Customs of the Mandans, 

Frontier Index, 39:1:25 

Furney, Frank, 39:2:258 

Good, A. L., 39:1:130 

Goodloe, G. C, 39:2:172 

Goodnight, Charles, 39:1:15 

Goose Creek, 39:2:169 

Gooseberry Creek, 39:1:118, 120 

Goshen Townsite Development Com- 
pany, 39:2:257, 259 

Grant, Gen., 39:1:38 

Green River, 39:1:78 

Green River Mission, 39:2:248 

Green, Rev. W. H., 39:1:74, 78 

Greene, Wallace W., 39:2:170, 171 

Greet, Mrs. Fred, 39:1:128 

Grenville M. Dodge, by Stanley P. 
Hirchson, review, 39:1:147-148 

Greybull River, 39:1:126 

Grier, W., 39:1:19 

Grimes, Mrs. Alma, 39:1:136 

Grinnell, — , 39:2:183 

Grouard, Frank, 39:2:175, 261 

Gschwind, Francis G., Colorado and 
Southern: Northern Division, re- 
view, 39:1:143-144 

Guide to the Wyoming Mountains 
and Wilderness Areas, by Orrin 
H. and Lorraine Bonney, review, 

Gunnell, Frank, 39:2:255 

Gable, Pvt., 39:1:125 

Gables, The, 39:2:244 

Gage, Jack R., Wyoming Afoot and 

Horseback, review, 39:1:141 
Gage, Rev. John L., 39:1:71 
Galbraith, R. M., 39:1:90; Mrs., 73 
Galloway, Gene, review of Aspects 

of the Fur Trade-Selected Papers 

of The 1965 North American Fur 

Trade Conference, 39:2:270-271 
Gammon Bull Camp, 39:2:218 
Garfield Peak, 39:1:112 
Garinger, Mr. and Mrs. A. E., 39:1: 

Gast, Suzanne, 39:1:128 
Gatchell, T. J. (Jim), 39:2:261 
Gatchell, Ursula Sackett, 39:2:261 
Germania Bench (Emblem Bench), 

Gibbs, Dorothy, 39:2:217 
Gibbs, Shorty, 39:2:217 
Gilbert Adams and Company, 39:1: 

14, 17 
Gilbert, Rev. Charles A., 39:1:29 
Gillette, Edward, 39:2:181 
Glass, Mr. and Mrs. S. E., 39:1:128 
Glenn, — , 39:1:10, 14 
Gold Room. 39:1:26 
Gold Rush Diary, review, 39:2:268- 

Gonly, J. B. (or Grady), 39:1:114 


Haguewood, Mrs. Juliet G., 39:1: 

Haler, Corp. Pete, 39:1:109 
Hall, Harry C, 39:1:69, 71, 97, 98 
Hall, William F., 39:1:71, 98 
Halverson, Katherine, 39:1:1 30; 
Cheyenne, The Magic City of the 
Plains, review, 39:2:272 
Hamilton, Rev. William E., 39:1:73, 

76, 78, 92, 94, 97 
Hanesworth, Robert D., Daddy of 
'em All. The Story of Cheyenne 
Frontier Days, review, 39:2:265- 
Hanway, Mrs. E. E., 39:1:68 
Harney, Col., 39:1:38; Gen., 39: 

Hartzler, Mr. and Mrs. Glenn, 39: 

Hawgood, John A., America's West- 
ern Frontiers, The Exploration 
and Settlement of the Trans-Mis- 
sissippi West, review, 39:2:266- 
Hayden, Dudley, 39:1:134, 136; 
Mrs., 131, 137 



Hayfield Fight, 39:1:104 

Hayford, J. H., 39:1:31 

Hays, — , 39:1:19 

Hazelton Peak, 39:2:218, 227, 228, 

Headley, Hamilton, 39:2:168 
Hebard, Dr. Grace Raymond, 39:1: 

65, 104 
Hedges, Cornelius, 39:1:115 
Hefflefinger, James, 39:1:85 
Hefflefinger, Mrs. Nancy, 39:1:101 
Hell-on-Wheels, 39:1:5, 25 
Hell's Half Acre, 39:1:112, 113 
Hemry, Kathleen, 39:1:128; photo, 

Henderson, Hari-y B., 39:1:100 
Henderson, Paul, 39:1:109, 134; re- 
view of Colorado and Southern: 
Northern Division, 143-144; 39: 
2:213, 124 
Hensley, Earl, 39:1:109, 127; Mrs., 

127, 128 
Herrin, Wallace, 39:2:258 
Hess, Frank, 39:1:100 
Hickman, William A., 39:2:249, 252 
Hicks, Barbara, 39:1:128 
Hildebrand, Lyle, 39:1:109, 128 
Hill, Burton S., 39:1:134, 137; pho- 
to, 138; 39:2:181, 260 
Hill, George W., 39:2:255 
Hinglefelt, William, 39:2:257 
Hirchson, Stanley P., Grenville M. 

Dodge, review, 39:1:147-148 
History of North Dakota, by Elwyn 
B. Robinson, review, 39:1:142- 
"History of the Presbyterian Church 
in Rawlins, Wyoming," by Daniel 
Y. Meschter, 39:1:69-103 
Ho! For the Gold Fields: Northern 
Overland Wagon Trains of the 
1860s, Helen McCann White, ed., 
review, 39:1:146-147 
Hodson, Mr, and Mrs. Vaughn, 39: 

Hoffman, George H., 39:1:128 
Holder, Richard L., 39:1:135 
Holderman, Harve, 39:2:259 
Holdrege, George, 39:2:183 
Holm, Rev. C. A., 39:1:78 
Holmes, Oliver, 39:2:258, 259 
Homestake Gold Mine, 39:2:183 
Homsher, Lola M., 39:1:130, 133 
Honn, D. N., 39:1:82, 100; Mrs., 

Hook, H. M., 39:1:15, 18 
Hord, Violet (Mrs. Charles), 39:1: 
130, 136, 137; review of Guide to 
the Wyoming Mountains and Wil- 
derness A reas, 39:2:271 

Horstmann Brothers and Co., 39:1: 

Houser, G. O., 39:2:210 
Houston, Jane H., 39:1:109, 128 
Hunt, Gov. Lester C, 39:1:68 
Hunton, John, 39:2:202, 203, 204, 

205, 209, 210, 211, 213 
Hutchison, Mary M., 39:1:128 
Hyde, George E., 39:2:194, 202, 

206, 207, 208 

Icolari, Daniel, ed., Reference En- 
cyclopedia of the American In- 
dian, review, 39:2:272 

"In Memory, Thelma Gatchell Con- 
dit," 39:2:261-262 

Indian Fights; New Facts on Seven 
Encounters, by J. W. Vaughn, re- 
view, 39:1:146 


Pine Ridge Agency, 39:2:204, 

205, 206 

Rosebud Agency, 39:2:202, 

206, 211, 214, 216 

Ah-he-ap-pa. See Mini-aku 
Ah-ho-ap-pa. See Mini-aku 
Big Ribs, 39:2:205 
Blast (Bless) Your Hide, 39:1: 

Daniel Eyes, 39:1:127 
Egippetche, 39:2:254, 255 
Falling Leaf. See Mini-aku 
Hard, Mary, 39:2:205 
Hinzinwin. See Mini-aku 
Hinzmwin. See Mini-aku 
Little Soldier, 39:2:250, 255 
Mini-aku, 39:2:187, 188, 190, 
192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 
198, 200, 203, 205, 207, 208, 
209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 
215, 216; burial scaffold, 
photo, 256 
Miniakurrin. See Mini-aku 
Moembugae, Chief, 39:2:254 
Moneka. See Mini-aku 
Monica. See Mini-aku 
Old Smoke, 39:2:214 
Pegaleshka. See Spotted Tail 
Pe-he-zi-wi. See Mini-aku 
Red Cloud, Chief, 39:2:190, 

Sagwitch, Chief, 39:2:254 



Shantagalisk. See Spotted Tail 
Shield, Chief, 39:2:205 
Spotted Tail, Chief, 39:2:189, 
196, 202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 
209, 210, 213, 214, 216 
Spotted Tail, Steven, 39:2:206 
Tarsha-Otah, 39:2:202 
Tatowats, Chief, 39:2:246, 248 
Washakie, Chief, 39:1:115, 
120, 122, 124, 125; 39:2:245 
Weasel-Bear, Chief, 39:2:261 
Whirlwind, 39:2:205 
White Eagle, 39:1:135 
White Flower. See Mini-Aku 
Yellowtail, Chief, 39:2:261 

Brule Sioux, 39:2:189 
Cheyenne, 39:1:104 
Crow, 39:2:175 
Shoshone, 39:2:246 
Infantry, 8th, 39:2:260; 17th, 39:2: 

Irish Fenian Society, 39:1:32 
Irwin, Selden, 39:1:26 
Ise, John, Sod and Stubble, review, 

Jackson, Charles Tenney, The Buf- 
falo Wallow, review, 39:2:272 
Jackson Hole, 39:1:118, 120 
Jackson, Sheldon, 39:1:71, 77, 79, 

94, 97 
James, Rhett S., "Brigham Young- 
Chief Washakie Indian Farm Ne- 
gotiations;" 39:2:245-256 
Janis, Antoine, 39:2:205 
Janis, Nick, 39:2:204 
Jenatte, Eugenia, 39:1:102 
Jennings, Mrs. Mary L., 39:1:101 
Jensen, Mr. and Mrs. Henry, 39:1: 

113, 128 
Jenson, Andrew, 39:2:255 
John Selman, Texas Gunfighter, by 
Leon Claire Metz, review, 39:1: 
Johnson, Mrs. Alma, 39:2:258 
Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. Arthur, 39: 

Johnson County-Jim Gatchell Me- 
morial Museum, Buffalo, 39:2: 
Johnson County War, 39:2:181 
Johnson, Hulda, 39:2:259 
Johnson, John H., 39:1:137 
Johnson, Rev. John W., 39:1:130 

Johnson, Loma, 39:2:259 
Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. Merle, 39:1: 

Johnson, Mrs. Wilma, 39:1:135 
Johnston, — , 39:1:82, 98, 101 
Johnston, Mrs., 39:1:101 
John H union's Diary, 39:2:213 
Jones, Mr. and Mrs. Bert, 39:1:128 
Jones, J. M., 39:1:119 
Jones, James E. Jr., 39:1:138 
Judge, O. W., (Bill), 39:1:128, 136 


Kaufman, Rev. A. W. (Coffman), 

Kaycee, 39:2:262 

Keays, Wilbur Parke, 39:1:65, 66 

Kelley, Cash, 39:1:109; Mr. and 
Mrs., 127, 128 

Kelley, Mrs. E. J., 39:1:82, 101 

Kelley, D. C, 39:1:85 

Kelly, Father William, 39:1:28 

Kendall, John, 39:1:97 

Kenney, Alice, 39:2:212 

Kephart, Rev. William C, 39:1:72 

Keyes, Mrs. Verna, "The Origin of 
the Wyoming Stale Flag," 39:1: 
65-68; 39:2:225 

King, —,39:1:26 

Kingsbury, George W., 39:2:202, 
203, 208 

Kirby Creek, 39:1:116 

Kirby Oil Fields, 39:1:115 

Kirk, Mrs. Alma, 39:1:101 

Kirk, Henry A., 39:1:101, 103 

Klein, Bernard, ed.. Reference En- 
cyclopedia of the American In- 
dian, review, 39:2:272 

Knoefel, Hugh, "Captain Bates' Bat- 
tle," 39:1:122-125, 138; Mr. and 
Mrs., 128 

Knopf, Alfred A., 39:2:183 

Koller, Joe, 39:2:214 

Kuykendall, William L., 39:1:9 

LaBonte, Pierre, (Pete), 39:1:109, 

Lacy Corners, 39:2:257 
Lacy, Pit, 39:2:257 
Lacy, Ruth, 39:2:259 
Lacy, Thomas, 39:2:257 



Laio, Rev., 39:1:83 

Lamar, Howard R., The Far South- 
west, review, 39:1:144-145 

Lamar, V/. A., 39:1:101 

Lambertsen, Mrs. Walter, 39:1:135 

Lancaster, George, 39:1:72 

Landgraeber, Theodore, 39:1:21 

Langhafer, Joel H., 39:1:109, 128 

Laramie Plains, 39:1:32 

Larson Corral, stage station, 39:1: 

Larson, Robert R., review of Wyo- 
ming Place Names, 39:2:269-270 

Larson, Dr. T. A., 39:1:132, 134, 
137; photo, 138 

Launchberry, Sam, 39:1:126, 127 

Lee, Blair, 39:2:162, 172, 176 

"Limber Jim," 39:1:18 

Linville, Marion, 39:2:259 

Little Goose Creek, 39:2:175 

Little Rattlesnakes Mountain, 39:1: 

Little Wind River, 39: 1 : 122 

Lobban, J. M., 39:2:174 

Lockhard, Frank M., 39:2:199 

Lost Cabin, stage station, 39:1:113 

Lovell, 39:1:121 

Lucas, Mrs. Cecil, (Josephine), 39: 
1:130, 135, 138; photo, 138 

Lucerne, 39:1:115 

Lysite, Jimmy (Lysaght), 39:1:114 

Lysite, 39:1:113 

Lysite Canyon, 39:1:114 

Lysite Creek, 39:1:114 

Lysite Mountain, 39:1:114 

Lytle, Mary, 39:2:224 


McCarthy, Lt., 39:1:106 
McClelland, Gen., 39:1:75 
McCullough, Jemiie, 39:1:101 
McCreey, Dr. R. L., 39:2:259 
McDaniel, James, 39:1:27 
McDermott, John D., review of The 

Rocky Mountain West in 1867, 

McHale, S. A., 39:2:258 
Mclnerney, William, 39:1:132 
Mcintosh, Ira, 39:1:126 
McLaird, James D., "Ranching in 

the Big Horns: George T. Beck, 

1856-1894," 39:2:157-185; biog., 

McLeland, Thomas, 39:1:9, 25 
McMillen, Samuel, 39:1:101 


Mackenzie, Col., Ranald, 39:1:41 
Malone, Harry L., 39:2:257 
Manderson, 39:1:125, 126 
Mann, Ernest, 39:2:259 
Manning, Wilson White, 39:1:114 
Marlatt Brother's Baseball Club, 39: 

Marlatt, Bryan, 39:2:259 
Marlatt, Ernest, 39:2:259 
Marlatt, Glen, 39:2:259 
Marlatt, Lloyd, 39:2:259 
Marlatt, Ray, 39:2:259 
Marsh, Mrs. Pearl, 39:1:122 
Marshall, Rev. Charles A., 39:2:258 
Marshall, Frank, 39:2:205 
Marshall, Ruth, 39:2:259 
Martin, Charles, 39:1:21 
Martin, Mrs. Emma, 39:1:137 
Martin, Marguerite, 39:1:131 
Martin, William, 39:1:131, 135 
Masons (fraternal group), 39:1:31 
Masters, Joseph G.. 39:2:210, 211 
Masterson, James, 39:1:9 
Mathison, Bertha, 39:1:103 
Mattison, Ray H., review of History 

of North Dakota, 39:1:142-143 
May, Waldon, 39:1:114 
Maynadier, Col. Henry E., 39:2: 

188, 189, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 

212, 216 
Mayoworth, 39:2:262 
Meigs, Montgomery C, 39:1:39 
Melodeon, 39:1:26 
Meomberg, John, 39:2:254 
Merival, Joe, 39:2:205 
Meschter, Daniel Y., "History of the 

Presbyterian Church in Rawlins, 

Wyoming,"; 39:1:69-103; biog., 

Messick, Mrs. Alice, 39:1:134 
Metcalfe, —,39:1:26 
Metz, Leon Claire, John Selman, 

Texas Gun fighter, review, 39:1: 

Metzler, Mrs. Lorraine, 39:1:113, 

Milek, Mrs. Dorothy, 39:1:132 
Miles, Col. Nelson Appleton, 39:1: 

41; Gen., 39:2:168 
Millard, Mrs. L. A., 39:1:137 
Mill and Electric Light Works, pho- 
to, 39:2:216 
Miller Crossing, 39:1:116 
Miller, Mrs. Elmer, 39:1:128 
Miller, Mrs. Harold, 39:1:128 
Miller, Louis, 39:2:178 



Miller, Neal E., 39:1:130, 134, 136, 
137; re\'iew of Gold Rush Diary, 

Mills, Charles Franklin, 39:1:72, 
95, 97, 98, 103 

Mills, Eda, 39:1:102 

Mills, Ella, (Mrs. C. P.), 39:1:78, 

Milltown, 39:2:174 

"Mini-aku. Daughter of Spotted 
Tail," by Wilson O. Cloiigh, 39: 

Model Concert Hall, 39:1:26 

Mokler, Alfred James, 39:2:209, 
211, 212 

Montana Stock Growers Associa- 
tion, 39:2:230 

Montgomery, Elizabeth Lange, 39: 

Montgomery, Mrs. Nannie, 39:1: 

Montgomery, Sharp M., 39:1:101 

Moody, Ralph, Stagecoach West, re- 
view, 39:2:264 

Moonlight, Thomas, 39:2:178 

Moone, Joe, 39:2:259 

Moran, Thomas, 39:2:175 

Morgan, Mrs. Drucilla, 39:1:74, 98, 
101, 102 

Morgan. James, 39:1:21 

Mormon Bend, 39:1:126 

Mormon Church, 39:2:245 

Morris Chapel, 39:1:72, 84, 88 

Morrisette, — , 39:2:205 

Morrison, W., 39:2:213 

Morrow, D. L., 39:1:73 

Mrs. Elizabeth France Presbyterian 
Church, 39:1:94 

Mullally, Pat, 39:1:18 

Murdock, Adeline L., 39:1:128 

Murdock, Adeline Neiber, "Neiber 
Stage Stop," 39:1:117-122 

Murray, Robert A., "The Wagon 
Box Fight: A Centennial Apprais- 
al," 39:1:104-107, 130, 132, 134, 
biog., 139 

Murrin, Luke, 39:1:17, 21 


Nadeau, Remi, 39:2:213; Fort Lara- 
mie and the Sioux Indians, review, 
263, 264 
Neff, Amos, 39:2:248 
Neiber, Bernard L, 39:1:117, 121 
Neiber, Mary, 39:1:118, 120 
Neiber Stage Station, 39:1:119 

"Neiber Stage StoD." by Adeline 

Neiber Murdock, '39: 1:117-122 
Nelson, James Frederick, 39:1:103 
Nelson, John Young, 39:2:207, 214 
Newcastle, 39:2:181 
Nisselius, Jack K., 39:1:137 


O'Brien, Raymond, 39:1:128 

Occidental Hotel, 39:2:228 

O'Gorman, Bishop James, 39:1:128 

O'Keefe, — , 39:1:19 

O-Kee-Pa. A Religious Ceremony 
and Other Customs of the Man- 
dans, by George Catlin, review, 

O'Neil, Mrs. A., 39:1:81 

Odd Fellows, 39:1:31 

Okie, L B., 39:1:113 

Oliver, J. E., 39:1:136 

Oliner, Stan, review of Indian 
Fights; New Facts on Seven En- 
counters, 39:1:146 

Oregon Trail, 39:1:6, 109 

"Origin of the Wyoming State Flag," 
by Verna K. Keyes, 39:1:65-68 

Otto, 39:1:125, 126 

Owen, Major John. 39:1:115 

Owl Creek Moimtains, 39:1:123 

Owl Creek Valley, 39:1:120 

Palmer, F. G., 39:1:103 

Parleys Park, 39:2:248 

Patterson, Irene, 39:1:128 

Pauling, Dr. Phillip, 39:2:259 

Paulus, Lt., 39:1:106 

Pearce, Bennett R., review of Amer- 
ica's Western Frontiers, 39:2:266- 

Peck, Bob, 39:1:137, 138 

Peck, Rev. W., 39:1:72 

Perkins, Elisha Douglas, Journal, 
Gold Rush Diary, review, 39:2: 

Perkins, M. L., 39:1:103 

Pickens, William "Red", 39:2:258 

Pierson, Pvt., 39:1:125 

Pine Mountain, 39:1:111, 112 

Pioneer Hook and Ladder Com- 
pany, 39:1:23 

Plumbly, Walter "Bud", 39:2:258 

Plympton, Calvin, 39:1:97, 101, 103 



Plympton, Emma L., 39:1:101, 103 

Point of Rocks. 39:1:134 

Poison Spider, 39:1:111 

Poison Spider Consolidated School, 

Poison Spider River, 39:1:109 
Poison Spider Road, 39:1:109 
Pole Cat Bench, 39:1:127 
Pollard, Archibald, 39:2:258 
Polly, C. A., 39:1:101 
Popo Agie River, 39:1:122 
Pourade, Richard F., ed.. Ancient 

Hunters of the Far West, review, 

Post, Morton E., 39:1:11; 39:2:170, 

172, 177 
Potter, Fred, 39:1:101 
Potter. Mrs. Lizzie, 39:1:102 
Powder River, 39:1:111, 112 
Powder River Canyon, 39:2:225 
"Powder River Country", by Betty 

M. Sager, 39:1:112-113 
Powder River Slope, 39:2:224, 228 
Powell, 39:1:127 
Powell, Bvt. Major, 39:1:106 
Pratt, Lt., 39:2:200 
Prentice, Ella, 39:2:259 
Promontory Point, 39:1:113 

Ralston, 39:1:127 
Ramage, George, 39:1:114 
Ramage, Mrs. William, 39:1:114 
Ramsey, John, 39:1:68, 70 
Ramsey, Margaret Elizabeth, 39:1: 

Rankin, James H., 39:1:103 
Rankin, J. G., 39:1:74 
Rankin, Mrs. Juletta, 39:1:102, 103 
Rankin, (Miss) L. M., 39:1:82, 102 
Rankin, Mrs. R. A., 39:1:82, 102 
Rapid Creek, 39:2:171 
Rattlesnake Range, 39:1:112 
Raynolds-Maynadier Expedition, 39: 

Reed, J. C. Cheyenne, The Magic 

City of the Plains, review, 39:2: 

Reference Encyclopedia of the 

American Indian, eds., Bernard 

Klein and Daniel Icolari, review, 

Reynard, Mrs. J. H., 39:1:82 
Reynard, Rev. John R., 39:1:80, 94, 

Reynard, Mrs. L. A., 39:1:102 

Reynolds, Adrian, 39:1:137 
Rhodes, Eugene Manlove, Beyond 

the Desert, review, 39:2:272 
Rice, Sedgewick, 39:2:168 
Richard, Pete, 39:2:205 
Riley, Ferrel W., 39:1:126, 128 
Riley, Mr. and Mrs. M. C, 39:1: 

Riley, Mike, 39:1:109 
Ritchy, J. H., 39:1:78 
Roberts, Rev. W. D., 39:1:89 
Robinson, Elwyn B., History of 

North Dakota, review, 39:1:142, 

Rock Springs, 3:91:78 
Rockwell, Orrin Porter, 39:2:248 
Rocky Mountain West in 1867, The, 

By Louis L. Simonin, review, 39: 

Rodgers, Capt. John F., 39:1:45, 46 
Rogers, H. J. and Company, 39:1: 

Rogers, Mary Read, review of Wyo- 
ming Afoot and Horseback, 39:1: 

Rollins House, 39:1:14 
Rongis, 39:1:113 
Root, Curtiss, 39:1:135, 137 
Rose Bud River, 39:2:198 
Russell, Mr. and Mrs. Warren, 39: 

Ryan, Elisha B., 39:2:248, 249 
Ryan, Father, 39:1:28 
Ryan, Posy, 39:2:261 

Sager, Betty M., "Powder River 
Country," 39:1:112-113; 128 

St. Clair, Mrs. Rosa, 39:1:128 

St. Luke's German Lutheran Church, 

Sanger, Major, 39:1:48 

Sapir, Edward, Old Man Hat, re- 
view, 39:2:272 

Schmeltzer, Mrs. Edward, 39:1:128 

Schunk, Harold W., 39:2:214 

Scott, Dr. D. W., 39:1:28 

Scott, Mr. and Mrs. Percy, 39:1:128 

Scott, Sam, 39:1:114 

Scriber, S. J., 39:1:31 

Seipt, Mrs. Ora, 39:1:130 

Seymour, Col. Silas, 39:1:6 

Shaw, Asst. Surg. H. A., 39:2:260 

Sheridan, 39:2:182 

Sheridan Fuel Company, 39:2:183 



Sherman, Gen. William Tecumseh, 

39:1:41, 42, 51 
Shimagaki, K., 39:1:126 
Shinnur, Mrs. E., 39:1:102 
Shultz, Dr. Duane Neu, 39:2:259 
Signer, Johnny, 39:1:113 
Simmons Creek, 39:2:223, 228 
Simonin, Louis L., The Rocky 

Mountain West in 1867, review, 

39:1:140-141; 39:2:112,193,202, 

205, 208 
Simons, Ben, 39:2:253, 254 
Sinnard, E. O., 39:2:257 
Skelton, Jim, "Brideer TraU Ford," 

39:1:116-117; 128 
Skovgard, Lylas, 39:1:128 
Slaughter, John, 39:1:16 
Slimmer, Mrs. E., 39:1:82 
Smith, Mrs., 39:1:102 
Smith, Maj. Benjamin F., 39:1:105 
Smith, Catherine Carrol, 39:1:75, 

Smith, Mrs. G. C, 39:1:98 
Smith, George Carl, 39:1:74, 82, 90, 

95, 97, 102 
Smith, Jacob F., 39:1:75 
Smith, Bvt. Maj. Gen. John E., 39: 

Smith, Col. John E., 39:1:107 
Smith, Katie G., 39:1:102, 103 
Smith, Perry, 39:1:94, 97 
Smith, Rena M., 39:1:102, 103 
Snively, H. T., 39:1:96 
Sod and Stubble, by John Ise, re- 
view, 39:2:272 
Son of Old Man Hat, by Walter 

Dyk, review, 39:2:272 
Sour Dough Creek, 39:2:219 
South Pass City, 39:1:134 
Spear, Elsie, 39:2:239 
Springer Settlement, 39:2:257 
Square Top Butte, 39:1:112 
Stagecoach West, by Ralph Moody, 

review, 39:2:264 
Stanton, George, 39:1:115 
Stark, James, 39:1:26 
Stelter, Gilbert A., 'The Birth of a 

Frontier Boom Town: Cheyenne 

in 1867." 39:1:5-33; biog., 137 
Sterling, Everett W., review of Ho! 

For the Gold Fields: Northern 

Overland Wagon Trains of the 

1860s, 39:1:146-147 
Stevens, Mrs. Alice, 39:1:130, 135 
Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. J. H., 39:1: 


Stevens, William Learu, 39:1:103 

Stevenson, Gen. J. D., 39:1:15 

Stinking Water (Shoshoni River), 

Stringer, Sam, 39:2:261 

Strohecker, Louie, 39:1:109; Mr. 
and Mrs., 128 

Sullivan, Eugene J., 39:1:66 

"Summer Helmets of the U.S. 
Army, 1875-1910," by Gordon 
Chappell, 39:1:37-63 

Surveying Crew of the Northern 
Pacific Railroad About 1883, 
photo, 216 

Sussex, 39:2:262 

Swain, S. R., 39:1:97 

Sweem, Glenn, "President's Mes- 
sage," 39:1:129-130; 132, 134 

Sweet Betsy Hill, 39:1:126, 127 

Sweetwater Brewing Company, pho- 
to, 39:2:256 

Symons, William H., review of 
Stagecoach West, 39:2:265 

Table Mountain, 39:1:122 
Talpey, — , 39:1:10, 14 
Taylor, Charles, 39:2:173 
Taylor, Mrs. Harry, 39:1:128 
Terrill, Elisha, 39:2:175 
Theater Comique, 39:1:26 
Thermopolis, 39:1:117, 126 
Thom, William J., 39:2:171, 182 
Thompson, Mrs. A. T., 39:1:73 
Thompson, Arthur, 39:2:258 
Thompson, Eleanor, 39:1:128 
Thompson, Rev. L. C, 39:1:119 
Tongue River, 39:2:198 
Thornton, Sir Edward, 39:1:39 
Tie Siding, 39:1:117 
Trenholm, Virginia Cole, 39:2:212, 

fn; review of Fort Laramie and 

the Sioux Indians, 263-264 
Tull, Mr. and Mrs., 39:2:224, 225 
Turn Verein Society, 39:1:32 
Turner. A. G., 39:1:17 
Tuttle, Rev. E. B., 39:1:29 

Urbanek, Jerry, reviev/ of John Sel- 

man, Texas Gunfighter, 39:1:150- 

Urbanek, Mae, Wyoming Place 

Names, review, 39:2:269-270 



Vanderventer, Lester, 39:2:258 
Van Heusen, Lodie, 39:1:94 
Vaughn, J. W., Indian Fights; New 
Facts on Seven Encounters, re- 
view, 39:1:146 
Vigilance Committee, Cheyenne, 39: 

Vignette from the Johnson Coimty 

War, photo, 39:1:4 
Von Krosigk, Mrs. Mabel, 39:1:137 


Wagon Box Fight, 39:2:261 
"Wagon Box Fight The, A Centen- 
nial Appraisal," by Robert A. 

Murray, 39:1:104-107 
Walker,—, 39:1:104 
Walker, Pvt. James M., 39:1:125 
Walker, Meda, 39:1:109, 128 
Waltman, 39:1:113 
Ware, Eugene, 39:2:202, 207, 209, 

210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 220 
Warren, F. E., 39:2:177, 179 
Watertown Woolen Factory, 39:1: 

Webb, Frances Seeley, 39:1:109 
Webster, Sgt. D. L., 39:1:109 
Wessels, Bvt. Brig. Gen. H. W., 39: 

1 107 
White, Helen McCann, ed., Hoi For 

the Gold Fields, review, 39:1: 

Whitehead Block, 39:1:9 
Whitehead, James R., 39:1:9, 15, 

30; photo, 10 
Whittenburg, Clarice, 39:1:131, 135 
Wilkerson, Annie, 39:2:181 

Wilkins, Edness Kimball, 39:1:128, 

134, 137 
Willow Creek, 39:1:114 
Willson, Grant, 39:1:109, 128 
Wilson, Robert, 39:1:90 
Wilson, William C, 39:1:71, 97, 98 
Wind River Clark. See O. M. Clark 
Wolf Mountain, 39:2:234, 244 
Woodruff, J. D., 39:1:114 
Woodruff, Sam, 39:2:167 
Worland, C. H. "Dad", 39:1:121 
Wounded Knee Battle, 39:2:260 
Wright, Chaplain Alpha, 39:2:192, 

202, 209 
Wyoming Afoot and Horseback, by 

Jack R. Gage, review, 39:1:141 
Wyoming Historical Foundation, 39: 

Wyoming Place Names, by Mae Ur- 

banek, review, 39:2:269 
Wyoming State Flag, photo, 39:1:67 
Wyoming State Historical Society, 


Y Bar Ranch, 39:1:111 

"Yoder in the 1920's," by Florence 

A. Allen, 39:2:257-259 
Yoder, 39:2:257 
Yoder, Jess, 39:2:257 
Yoder, Phillip, 39:2:257 
Yorgason, Ella, 39:1:127, 128 
Young, Brigham, 39:2:245 
Young, Maureen, 39:1:128 
Young Men's Christian Association, 

Young Men's Literary Society, 39: 

Young, Lt. R. H., 39:1:122, 125 
Young's Creek, 39:2:234 


The Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department has as its func- 
tion the collection and preservation of the record of the people of Wyoming. 
Jt maintains a historical library, a museum and the state archives. 

The aid of the citizens of Wyoming is solicited in the carrying out of its 
function. The Department is anxious to secure and preserve records and 
materials now in private hands where they cannot he long preserved. Such 
records and materials include: 

Biographical materials of pioneers: diaries, letters, account books, auto- 
biographical accounts. 

Business records of industries of the State: livestock, mining, agriculture, 
railroads, manufacturers, merchants, small business establishments, and of 
professional men as bankers, lawyers, physicians, dentists, ministers, and 

Private records of individual citizens, such as correspondence, manuscript 
materials and scrapbooks. 

Records of organizations active in the religious, educational, social, 
economic and political life of the State, including their publications such 
as yearbooks and reports. 

Manuscript and printed articles on towns, counties, and any significant 
topic dealing with the history of the State. 

Early newspapers, maps, pictines, pamphlets, and books on western 

Current publications by individuals or organizations throughout the 

Museum materials with historical significance: early equipment. Indian 
artifacts, relics dealing with the activities of persons in Wyoming and with 
special events in the State's history.