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^/  Wyoming 

Spring  1974 


WYOMING  STATE  LIBRARY,  ARCHIVES  AND 
HISTORICAL  BOARD 


Judicial 
District 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 
Member  at  Large 
Ex-Officio 


Donald  N.  Sherard 

Wheatland 

Mrs.  William  Swanson 

Rawlins 

Mrs.  Frank  Emerson 

Evanston 

Mrs.  George  W.  Knepper 

Buffalo 

Richard  I.  Frost,  Chairman 

Cody 

Willis  Hughes 

Moorcroft 

William  T.  Nightingale 

Lander 

Kenneth  E.  Dowlin 

Casper 

Attorney  General  C.  A.  (Bud)  Brimmer 

Cheyenne 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

STAFF 

William   H.   Williams Director 

Robert  L.  Strickland Director,  State  Museums 

Mrs.  Katherine  Halverson Chief,  Historical  Research 

and  Publications  Division 
Mrs.  Julia  Yelvington..... Chief,  Archives  and  Records  Division 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Annals  of  Wyoming  is  published  biannually  in  the  spring  and  fall 
and  is  received  by  all  members  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society. 
Copies  of  previous  and  current  issues  also  are  available  for  sale  to  the  public 
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tributors. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  articles  are  abstracted  in 
Historical  Abstracts  and  America:    History  and  Life 

Copyright  1974,  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department 


A^mls  of  Wyoming 


Volume  46 


Spring,  1974 


Number  1 


Katherine  Halverson 
Editor 

John  W.  Cornelison 
Associate  Editor 


Published  bianniially  by  the 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 


Official  Publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

OFFICERS   1973-1974 

President,  Richard  S.  Dumbrill Newcastle 

First  Vice  President,  Henry  Jensen Lysite 

Second  Vice  President.  Jay  Brazelton Jackson 

Secretm-y-Treasiirer,  Miss  Jane  Houston Cheyenne 

Executive  Secretary,  William  H.  Williams Cheyenne 

Past  Presidents 

Frank  L.  Bowron,  Casper 1953-1955 

William  L.  Marion,  Lander 1955-1956 

Dr.  DeWitt  Dominick,   Cody 1956-1957 

Dr.  T.  a.  Larson,  Laramie 1957-1958 

A.  H.   MacDougall,  Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs.  Thelma  G.  Condit,  Buffalo 1959-1960 

E.  A.  Littleton,   Gillette 1960-1961 

Edness  Kimball  Wilkins,  Casper 1961-1962 

Charles  Ritter,  Cheyenne 1962-1963 

Neal  E.  Miller,  Rawlins 1963-1965 

Mrs.  Charles  Hord,  Casper 1965-1966 

Glenn  Sweem,  Sheridan 1966-1967 

Adrian  Reynolds,  Green  River 1967-1968 

Curtiss  Root.  Torrington 1968-1969 

Mrs.  Hattie  Burnstad,  Worland 1969-1970 

J.  Reuel  Armstrong,  Rawlins 1970-1971 

William  R.  Dubois,  Cheyenne 1971-1972 

Henry  F.  Chadey,  Rock  Springs 1972-1973 

The  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  was  organized  in  October,  1953. 
Membership  is  open  to  anyone  interested  in  history.  County  Historical 
Society  Chapters  have  been  organized  in  Albany,  Big  Horn,  Campbell, 
Carbon,  Crook,  Fremont,  Goshen,  Hot  Springs,  Johnson,  Laramie,  Lincoln, 
Natrona.  Niobrara,  Park,  Platte,  Sheridan,  Sweetwater,  Teton,  Uinta, 
Washakie  and  Weston  Counties. 

State  Dues 

Life   Membership $100.00 

Joint  Life  Membership  (Husband  and  Wife) 150.00 

Annual    Membership 5.00 

Joint  Annual  Membership  (Two  persons  of  same  family  at 

same  address) 7.00 

Send  State  Membership  Dues  to: 

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State  Office  Building 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming  82002 


Zable  of  Contents 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS 

By  Virginia  Cole  Trenholm  5 

JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  TO  CALIFORNIA 
FROM  MISSOURI  IN  1850 

Edited  by  Homer  Franklin,  Sr.  and  Homer  Franklin,  Jr 47 

A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING 

By  Richard  F.  Fleck  and  Robert  A.  Campbell  75 

LIFE  IN  NATRONA  COUNTY,  1899-1900.     RECOLLECTIONS 
OF  MYRTLE  CHALFANT  GREGG 

Compiled  and  Edited  by  Jean  Lassila 113 

THE  NATURE  OF  THE  RELATIONSHIP  BETWEEN  THE 

BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  THE  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE 
By  Peter  W.  Dunwiddie  123 

WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

Minutes  of  the  Twentieth  Annual  Meeting  135 

BOOK  REVIEWS 

Spence  and  Jackson,  The  Expeditions  of  John  Charles  Fremont. 

Volume  II.     The  Bear  Flag  Revolt  and  the  Coiirt-Martial  147 

Hafen,  The  Joyous  Journey  of  LeRoy  R.  and  Ann  W .  Hafen. 

An   Autobiography    148 

Wasden,  From  Beaver  to  Oil  150 

Moore,  Bent's  Old  Fort.    An  Archeological  Study  151 

Lanham,  The  Bone  Hunters 152 

Steffen,  United  States  Military  Saddles,  1812-1943  154 

Reid,  Letters  of  Long  Ago  155 

Tanner,  A  Mormon  Mother.    An  Autobiography  155 

Smith,  Horace  Tabor:  His  Life  and  the  Legend  157 

YerveW,  Silver  San  Juan.    The  Rio  Grande  Southern  158 

CONTRIBUTORS    160 

INDEX    162 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

Letter  to  Amanda  Mary  Fletcher  from  General  Custer  Cover 

"The  Oaks"  8 

Amanda  Mary  Cook  Shortly  After  Her  Marriage 26 

Amanda  Mary  Cook  in  Later  Years  27 

John  and  Lizzie  Broken  Horn  42 

John  and  Myrtle  Gregg's  Wedding  Picture  116 


Reproduced  on  the  cover  are  portions  of  the  first  and  third  pages 
of  the  letter  written  to  Amanda  Mary  Fletcher  by  General  George 
A.  Custer,  referred  to  on  page  19.  The  original  letter  is  part  of  the 
private  collection  of  G.  M.  Brady,  Memphis,  Tennessee,  and  is 
used  here  with  his  permission.    The  full  text  of  the  letter  is: 


"Fort  Riley,  Kansas 
Jan.  27th,  1867 

"Miss  Amanda  Fletcher 

"Yours  of  the  4th  inst.  came  duly  to  hand.    Your  sister  of  whom 
you  make  inquiries,  is  not  at  this  Post  nor  has  she  been  here. 
There  are  two  persons  here  however  who  saw  her  within  the  past 
two  months  in  the  hands  of  the  Cheyenne  Indians.    The  Indian 
who  claims  her  is  a  chief  called  Cutnose.    One  of  the  persons  who 
saw  her  is  Lieut  Hale  of  the  7th  U.  S.  Cavalry  the  other  is  a  guide 
and  rancheman  named  Comstock  who  lives  near  Camp  Collins  on 
the  Utah  road.    At  the  time  your  sister  was  seen  the  party  of 
Indians  having  her  in  charge  were  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  west  of  this  point  on  the  Smoky  Hill  route  to  Denver  City, 
near  Big  Creek  a  short  distance  this  side  of  Fort  Wallace.    This 
party  of  Indians  has  moved  northward  since,  but  I  suppose  could 
still  be  found  if  desirable.    The  guide  Comstock  to  whom  I  refer 
was  in  the  fight  in  which  your  sister  was  taken  prisoner  near  Fort 
Halleck.    He  saw  your  father  after  the  fight  was  over  and  states 
that  your  father  was  slightly  wounded  in  one  of  his  arms.    He  has 
had  a  great  deal  of  experience  with  Indians  and  is  of  the  opinion 
that  the  only  and  surest  way  to  obtain  the  release  of  your  sister  is  to 
ransom  her  which  would  be  probably  by  giving  for  her  one  or  two 
horses.    I  would  be  glad  to  assist  you  in  any  way  in  my  power. 

"Please  communicate  with  me.    Your  sister  was  in  good  health 
and  was  kindly  cared  for  by  the  Indians  being  considered  a  great 
favorite  by  them. 

"Very  truly  yours 
G.  A.  Custer 
Bt.  Major  General  USA 
Comdg  at  Fort  Riley" 


Amanda  Mary 
and  the  T)og  Soldiers 

By 

Virginia  Cole  Trenholm 

The  documents  and  historical  papers  which  Mrs.  Trenholm  used  in  writ- 
ing this  story  were  acquired  in  November,  1973,  by  the  Historical  Research 
and  Publications  Division  of  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical 
Department,  from  Mrs.  Farr.  The  material  is  now  among  the  historical 
collections  of  the  Division.    Editor. 

It  was  August  5,  1972 — 107  years  and  5  days  after  the  Dog 
Soldiers  attacked  the  Fletcher  family  at  the  Rock  Creek  Crossing 
of  the  old  Overland  Stage  Route,  now  known  as  Arlington,  Wyo- 
ming.^ Mary  Elizabeth  Farr  and  her  husband,  Judge  Merrill  R. 
Farr,  had  come  from  Eau  Claire,  Wisconsin,  to  piece  together  the 
fragments  of  the  story  her  grandmother,  Amanda  Mary  Fletcher 
Cook,  had  told  her.  They  also  hoped  to  find  out  what  became  of 
her  great  aunt,  Lizzie  Fletcher,  who  is  known  in  the  history  of  the 
West  as  "the  white  Indian  Girl." 

Mrs.  Farr  had  been  unaware  that  a  picture  was  extant  of  Lizzie 
until  she  discovered  it  recently  in  a  book  on  the  Arapaho  Indians. - 
She  began  writing  to  the  author,  who  invited  her  to  Wyoming  to 
visit  the  area  where  the  attack  took  place  and  the  Wind  River 
Indian  Reservation  where  she  could  meet  some  of  the  Arapaho 
elders  who  knew  her  great-aunt  and  her  Indian  husband,  John 
Brokenhom. 


1.  The  location  of  the  Overland  Trail  (Overland  Stage  Route)  Crossing 
is  300  feet  west  of  the  southwest  corner  of  the  northeast  quarter  of  Section 
30  Township  19  North  Range  78  West  of  the  6th  Prime  Meridian,  according 
to  information  supplied  by  Peter  Goodall,  County  Surveyor,  Carbon  Coun- 
ty, Rawlins,  Wyoming,  July  27,  1972.  A  marker  is  located  in  front  of  the 
old  Arlington  summer  resort,  now  called  "Wildwood  Resort."  The  site  is 
where  General  John  Charles  Fremont  conducted  his  survey  in  1843  and 
where  the  Overland  Trail  and  the  Cherokee  Trail  crossed  Rock  Creek.  The 
Overland  Trail  originally  followed  the  Oregon  Trail,  but  it  was  abandoned 
in  1862,  though  the  telegraph  line  was  built  only  the  year  before.  It  then 
followed  the  Cherokee  Trail,  so  called  because  a  band  of  Cherokee  Indians 
went  this  route  to  California  during  the  gold  rush.  The  second  Overland 
Trail,  which  avoided  the  Sioux  along  the  North  Platte,  was  also  known  as 
the  Overland  Stage  Route. 

2.  Virginia  Cole  Trenholm,  The  Arapahoes.  Our  People.  (Norman: 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1970),  following  p.  206. 


6  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

She  brought  with  her  a  "treasure  chest,"  a  metal  box  containing 
a  legacy  of  letters  and  valuable  historical  documents.  These, 
covering  a  period  of  more  than  60  years,  reveal  the  life  story  of 
Amanda  Mary — or  Amanda  as  she  was  sometimes  called — and  the 
events  following  the  tragedy  that  beset  her  and  her  family  that 
ill-fated  day  in  1865.    Her  collection  forms  the  basis  for  this  story. 

One  question  uppermost  in  Mary  Farr's  mind  that  day  in  August 
was:  Why  did  Jasper  Fletcher,  her  great-grandfather,  pull  away 
from  the  protection  afforded  by  the  75  wagons  in  his  train  to  risk 
his  life  and  the  lives  of  his  family?  She  dismissed  as  romantic 
nonsense  the  statement  of  Sarah  Larimer,  a  Sioux  captive,  to  the 
effect  that  Fletcher  had  a  beautiful  daughter  who  fell  in  love  with 
a  young  physician  with  the  train.-^ 

According  to  Mrs.  Larimer,  "they  walked,  rode  and  sang  to- 
gether, after  the  manner  of  young  people.  This,"  she  maintained, 
"did  not  coincide  with  Mr.  Fletcher's  views  of  propriety,  and  he 
detached  his  teams  from  the  large  train,  thus  traveling  by  them- 
selves." There  is  no  record  to  substantiate  this  bit  of  gossip,  which 
seems  unlikely  since  the  Fletcher  girls  were  then  two  and  1 3  years 
of  age,  rather  young  for  a  love  affair.  In  her  reminiscences, 
Amanda,  the  older,  considered  herself  a  child  at  the  time  of  the 
attack. 

Could  Jasper  Fletcher  have  been  unaware  that  he  was  entering 
dangerous  country?  This  also  seems  unlikely  because  recent 
events  were  without  question  discussed  among  the  emigrants  up 
and  down  the  trail.  Besides  coming  in  contact  with  them,  he  had 
been  among  those — perhaps  half  of  the  train  leaving  Omaha — who 
digressed  from  the  trail  for  a  side  trip  to  Denver,  where  the  family 
remained  "camped  on  a  creek"  two  weeks. 

He  went  there,  it  is  true,  because  he  was  a  mining  engineer,  and 
the  place  intrigued  him.  He  had  been  part  owner  of  extensive 
mining  interests  in  England  before  coming  to  America.  In  spite 
of  his  preoccupation,  he  must  have  been  aware  of  what  had 
happened.  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  the  people  of  Denver  were  not 
still  discussing  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre,  which  had  taken  place 
only  eight  months  before.  Since  the  massacre  had  an  indirect 
bearing  on  the  Fletcher  story,  it  should  be   reviewed  briefly.^ 


3.  Sarah  L.  Larimer,  My  Captivity  and  Escape,  or  Life  Among  the  Sioux, 
(Philadelphia:    Claxton,  Remson,  and  Haffelfinger,  1870),  pp.  149-150. 

4.  For  a  most  readable  account  of  the  incident  see  Stan  Hoig,  The  Sand 
Creek  Massacre,  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1961).  Details 
and  testimonies  may  be  found  in  "Massacre  of  Cheyenne  Indians,"  Report 
of  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  Senate  Report  No.  142, 
38  Cong.,  2  sess.,  1865;  "The  Sand  Creek  Massacre,"  Sen.  Exec.  Doc. 
No.  26,  39  Cong.,  2  sess.,  1867;  Annual  Report  of  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs,  1864,  pp.  136-167,  216-257;  The  Rocky  Mountain  News,  April  27, 
August  24,  September  24,  and  December  17,  1864;  June  2  and  24,  August 
6  and  19,  1865. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  7 

The  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  of  the  Upper  Arkansas — that  is, 
the  Southern  bands  of  the  two  tribes — who  preferred  to  remain  at 
peace  were  ordered,  in  the  summer  of  1864,  to  report  to  Agent 
Samuel  G.  Colley  at  Fort  Lyon  (Colorado-'').  There  they  were  to 
be  safely  provided  for  until  the  hostile  members  of  the  tribes  could 
be  subdued.  Black  Kettle,  chief  of  the  Cheyennes,  and  a  few 
Arapahoes  under  Left  Hand,  in  compliance  with  this  order,  settled 
down  unarmed  and  subsisting  on  prisoner  rations,  in  the  place 
specified. 

Major  E.  W.  Wynkoop,  then  officer  in  command  of  the  First 
Colorado  Cavalry,  was  stationed  at  Fort  Lyon.  When  he  heard 
Governor  John  Evans,  of  Colorado,  state  that  the  Third  Regiment 
of  Colorado  Troops  had  been  raised  "in  response  to  his  represen- 
tation to  kill  Indians,  and  Indians  they  must  kill,"  he  ordered  the 
friendlies  to  bring  their  women  and  children  nearer  Fort  Lyon  for 
protection.^  Because  of  his  sympathetic  attitude  toward  the 
Indians,  Wynkoop  was  transferred  elsewhere  early  in  November, 
and  Major  Scott  J.  Anthony,  who  had  charge  of  the  First  Colorado 
Cavalry,  was  placed  in  command. 

Here,  under  the  promise  of  protection,  the  Indians  were  at- 
tacked, November  29,  by  Colonel  John  M.  Chivington,  command- 
ing the  Third  Regiment  and  the  First  Colorado  Cavalry.  He  sur- 
rounded the  camp  and  slaughtered  indiscriminately.  According  to 
a  government  document,  the  incident  "scarcely  had  its  parrallel  in 
the  records  of  Indian  barbarity.  Fleeing  women,  holding  up  their 
hands  and  praying  for  mercy,  were  brutally  shot  down,  infants 
were  killed  and  scalped  in  derision,  and  men  were  tortured  and 
mutilated." 

It  is  stated  that  this  unprecedented  attack  cost  the  government 
$30  million  and  "carried  conflagration  and  death  to  the  border 
settlements.  .  .  .  The  result  of  the  year's  campaign  satisfied  all 
sensible  men  that  war  with  Indians  was  both  useless  and  ex- 
pensive." 

Much  of  the  bloodshed  and  suffering  might  have  been  prevented 
had  a  peaceful  solution  been  reached  to  the  problems  preceding  the 
Sand  Creek  Massacre.  The  Fletcher  family  was  destined  to  be 
among  those  who  were  to  pay  dearly  for  the  debacle,  where  the 
Indian  casualties  amounted  to  around  150,  with  perhaps  two-thirds 
of  these  women  and  children.    Black  Kettle,  his  wife.  Left  Hand, 


5.  John  Evans,  "Proclamation  to  the  FriendHes,"  June  27,  1864.  may  be 
found  in  The  War  of  the  Rebellion,  Series  One,  (Washington:  Government 
Printing  Office,  1880),  Vol.  XLI.  Pt.  1,  p.  964:  "The  Sand  Creek  Massacre." 
op.  cit..  p.  55;  and  Annual  Report  of  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  1864. 
p.  218. 

6.  "Indian  Depredations,"  in  Court  of  Claims,  Nos.  2170.  2172.  2947. 
pp.  21-23. 


iff^ 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  9 

George  Bent  and  Sand  Hill,  who  was  to  figure  prominently  in  the 
Fletcher  story,  were  among  those  who  escaped. 

When  the  survivors  reached  an  encampment  of  their  people  on 
the  Colorado-Kansas  line,  about  ten  miles  south  of  the  Nebraska 
border,  they  discovered  that  Spotted  Tail's  Brules  and  Pawnee 
Killer's  Oglalas  were  with  their  people.  According  to  Lieutenant 
Colonel  W.  O.  Collins,  in  a  report  written  May  12,  1865,  the 
Brules  had  about  175  of  their  total  of  350  lodges,  in  the  same 
location  with  150  of  a  total  of  500  lodges  of  the  Oglalas.'  These 
apparently  were  the  Sioux  under  Spotted  Tail  and  Pawnee  Killer, 
for  he  later  places  them  with  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  in  the 
Powder  River  Country.  Besides  the  325  lodges  of  Sioux,  there 
was  an  unnamed  Northern  Arapaho  chief  with  80  lodges.  He  had 
been  on  his  way  to  visit  his  Southern  kinsmen.^  Learning  that 
Chief  Little  Raven  had  gone  with  most  of  the  Southern  Arapahoes 
below  the  Arkansas,  he  ruled  against  proceeding  farther  and  de- 
cided to  spend  the  winter  with  his  allies.  Together,  the  lodges 
numbered  more  than  400.  With  20  people  and  three  warriors, 
the  number  estimated  to  a  lodge,  there  must  have  been  more  than 
8000  Indians,  with  1200  warriors  already  assembled. 

These  Indians  were  so  incensed  by  the  accounts  brought  to  them 
that  they  did  not  wait  for  favorable  weather  to  launch  their  cam- 
paign. They  began  by  passing  the  war  pipe  to  the  Sioux,  then  to 
the  Arapahoes.  Both  tribes  accepted,  and  in  their  large  intertribal 
council  they  laid  their  plans. 

According  to  Indian  protocol,  the  Sioux,  who  smoked  first,  were 
entitled  to  take  the  lead  and  have  most  of  the  say  in  what  should 
be  done.  They  decided  that  the  settlement  at  Julesburg,  Colorado, 
should  be  their  first  objective.^  Then,  like  angry  hornets,  they 
swarmed  toward  the  trail  along  the  South  Platte.  Women  went 
with  the  warriors  to  bring  back  the  expected  plunder  on  extra 
ponies. 

Before  they  reached  the  Platte  Road,  Black  Kettle,  chief  of  the 
Southern  Cheyennes,  pulled  away  with  80  lodges  of  the  less  hostile 


7.  Colonel  W.  O.  Collins  (report),  May  12,  1865.  Indian  Office  Rec- 
ords.   National  Archives. 

8.  George  E.  Hyde  (ed.),  Life  of  George  Bent,  written  from  his  letters 
and  re-edited  by  Savoie  Lottinville,  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma 
Press,  1968),  pp.  165-168. 

9.  Eugene  R.  Ware  gives  an  account  of  the  Julesburg  attacks  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  military  in  The  Indian  War  of  1864,  (New  York:  St. 
Martin's  Press,  1960),  p.  540. 

(See  photo  opposite  page) 

Mary  Farr  Collection 
"THE  OAKS" 
Amanda  Mary  Fletcher  Cook,  seated  in  the  rocking  chair,  with  her  cousin, 
Grace  Puree,  and  her  sons.    Charles  is  sitting  on  the  grass,  and  standing  is 
Frederick  Sutton  Fletcher  Cook,  father  of  Mary  Elizabeth  Farr. 


10  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

members  of  his  tribe.  He  then  went  south  to  join  Little  Raven's 
Arapahoes  and  their  Kiowa  and  Comanche  friends. 

The  Indians  launched  the  War  of  1865 — the  so-called  "bloody 
year  on  the  Plains" — with  destructive  raids  along  the  trail  and  two 
major  attacks  at  Julesburg.  In  the  first,  on  January  7,  15  soldiers 
were  killed  and  so  much  plunder  was  taken  that  it  required  three 
days  to  carry  it  away.  In  their  savage  thrust  northward,  the  Sioux 
worked  to  the  east,  the  Arapahoes  the  west,  and  the  Cheyennes  in 
between.  Briefly,  they  were  masters  of  the  Overland  Trail  which 
they  paralyzed.  They  were  so  numerous  that  the  few  available 
soldiers  in  the  vicinity  were  powerless  to  quell  them.  In  one  day 
alone  they  attacked  six  stations  and  ranches,  while  they  prepared 
for  a  second  major  onslaught  on  Julesburg. 

On  February  2,  about  1500  braves  converged  on  the  settlement 
in  their  second  attack.  They  took  everything  they  wanted,  then  set 
fire  to  the  hay  stacks  and  the  buildings  at  will.  But  before  their 
mission  was  completed,  they  disappeared  up  Lodge  Pole  Creek. 
Their  mysterious  disappearance  was  attributed  to  the  knowledge 
that  a  detachment  of  troops  was  approaching. 

As  the  Indians  swept  northward,  they  killed,  burned,  and  looted 
all  along  the  way.  There  was  no  obstacle  in  their  path  until  they 
reached  Mud  Springs  Station,  halfway  between  Lodge  Pole  Creek 
and  the  North  Platte.  The  telegraph  operator  called  for  help  be- 
fore the  hostiles  could  cut  the  wires. 

After  a  forced  all-night  march,  troops  from  Camp  Mitchell, 
between  Fort  Laramie  and  Mud  Springs,  arrived  in  time  to  blunt 
the  first  real  attack.  After  Colonel  Collins  arrived  on  the  scene 
with  25  cavalrymen,  the  Indians  found  the  risk  was  too  great,  so 
they  called  off  their  raid,  broke  camp,  and  crossed  the  North  Platte. 

Colonel  Collins,  with  additional  reenforcements,  again  engaged 
them  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mouth  of  Rush  Creek,  along  the  North 
Platte.  Here  a  howitzer,  dispatched  from  Fort  Laramie,  proved 
too  much  for  the  hostiles,  who  continued  northward  to  their  respec- 
tive camps  in  the  Powder  River  country.  There  they  waited  for 
the  grass  to  green. 

When  their  horses  were  in  good  condition  in  the  spring,  the 
Arapahoes  began  preparing  to  return  to  their  favorite  camping 
grounds  in  the  Medicine  Bow  area.  Fearing  repercussions  from 
their  past  deeds,  the  hostile  Arapahoes  left  their  women  and  chil- 
dren in  Black  Bear's  secluded,  well-guarded  camp  on  Tongue 
River,  in  northern  Wyoming.  Then,  with  their  allies,  they  pro- 
ceeded toward  Fort  Halleck.^"  It  was  an  ideal  place  to  prey  on  the 
emigrants  on  the  Overland  Stage  Route. 

Colonel  Collins  observed  in  his  report  previously  mentioned 


10.  Fort  Halleck  (1862-66)  was  built  at  the  foot  of  Elk  Mountain,  in  the 
Medicine  Bow  Range  of  Wyoming,  to  protect  travelers  on  the  Overland 
Stage  Route. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  11 

that  the  Medicine  Bow  area  was  "thick"  with  Indians,  with  more 
coming.  The  first  to  arrive  in  the  Arapaho  haunt  were  friendly, 
but  Collins  feared  that  the  hostile  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  from 
the  south  might  inflame  their  northern  kinsmen  with  accounts  of 
their  wrongs,  "imaginary  or  otherwise,"  or  force  them  into  open 
warfare.  He  admitted  that  the  Indians  had  reason  for  being  dis- 
gruntled because  of  the  rush  of  emigrants  through  their  lands  and 
the  destruction  of  their  game.  Their  patience,  he  conceded,  had 
been  worn  thin. 

In  the  same  month  Collins  made  the  above  observation,  an 
attack  on  Deer  Creek  Station  by  about  200  Indians  was  repulsed, 
but  not  before  one  soldeir  and  one  Indian  had  been  killed.  The 
hostiles  managed  to  drive  away  26  head  of  horses.  St.  Mary's 
Station  on  the  Sweetwater  was  attacked  and  burned  May  27,  by 
about  150  Indians,  but  the  garrison  managed  to  escape  to  South 
Pass.  The  hostiles  destroyed  400  yards  of  telegraph  wire  and  set 
fire  to  the  posts. 

About  the  same  time,  a  contingent  of  seemingly  friendly  Sioux, 
who  had  turned  themselves  in  at  Fort  Laramie  so  that  they  would 
not  be  considered  hostile,  staged  an  uprising  as  they  were  being 
transferred  to  Fort  Kearny,  Nebraska.  They  refused  to  go  to  the 
land  of  their  Pawnee  enemies.  Before  the  affray  was  over,  they 
had  killed  the  captain  in  charge  and  four  soldiers.  Of  the  18 
Indians  slain,  four  were  their  own  chiefs  whom  they  killed  because 
they  were  not  sympathetic  with  their  plan.  They  then  fled  west- 
ward to  join  the  Arapahoes. 

Colonel  Thomas  Moonlight  of  Fort  Laramie  went  in  hot  pursuit, 
but  the  Indians  out-maneuvered  him.  Before  making  their  get- 
away, they  robbed  him  of  his  horses,  and  the  colonel  and  his  men 
had  to  return  on  foot. 

By  the  middle  of  July,  General  Connor  concluded  that  most  of 
the  depredations  along  the  mail  routes  had  been  committed  by  the 
Arapahoes  and  a  number  of  Sioux  the  government  was  feeding  at 
Camp  Collins,  Colorado,  and  at  Fort  Halleck.  He  believed  that 
all  of  those  congregated  at  the  two  places  were  on  the  warpath 
except  Friday's  peaceful  band.  He  wired  General  Grenville  M. 
Dodge,  July  13,  for  permission  to  launch  his  long  anticipated 
offensive.  Though  he  made  no  reference  to  the  Dog  Soldiers,  they 
were  now  in  the  Northern  Arapaho  country,  and  they  may  have 
been  largely,  if  not  altogether,  responsible  for  the  attacks  on  the 
stations  and  the  depredations  along  the  trail. 

Generaf  George  A.  Custer  admired  the  Dog  Soldiers,  "the  tur- 
bulent and  uncontrollable  spirits  of  all  of  the  tribes,"  as  he  called 
them.^^     They  were  considered  Cheyennes,  and  they  were  prin- 


11.  George  A.  Custer,  Mv  Life  on  the  Plains.  (St.  Louis:    Royal  Publish- 
ing Co.,  1891),  p.  125. 


12  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

cipally  of  that  tribe  though  they  also  included  the  most  daring  of 
the  Arapaho  and  Sioux.  Custer  described  them  as  "fine  looking 
braves  of  magnificent  physique,  in  appearance  and  demeanor  more 
nearly  conforming  to  the  ideal  warrior  than  those  of  any  other 
tribe." 

That  other  Arapahoes  besides  Friday  and  Little  Raven  were  not 
in  accord  with  the  dissidents  is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  Med- 
icine Man,  head  chief  of  the  northern  bands,  was  elsewhere  in 
July.  With  1 20  lodges,  he  was  camping  on  "Little  Chug" — that  is, 
on  North  Chugwater  Creek  in  southeastern  Wyoming.  This  was 
his  choice  of  a  site  for  a  reservation,  and  Agent  Simeon  Whitely 
of  the  Upper  Arkansas  Superintendency  had  been  asked  by  Gov- 
ernor Evans  to  investigate  its  possibility.  Vital  Jarrot,  newly 
appointed  agent  on  the  Platte,  pointed  out  its  limitations  and 
advised  against  it.^^ 

Judge  and  Mrs.  Farr  and  their  party  surveyed  the  landscape 
while  their  station  wagon,  simulating  the  speed  of  the  covered 
wagons  of  her  great-grandparents,  crept  along  Highway  1-80,  the 
approximate  course  of  the  Overland  Stage  Route  between  Laramie 
and  Arlington,  Wyoming.^"  They  discussed  the  various  aspects  of 
the  Indian  War  of  1865.  They  talked  about  the  depredations,  the 
repeated  attacks  on  the  stations,  and  finally  the  dramatic  Battle  of 
Platte  Bridge  which  took  place  July  25,  1865,  near  present  Cas- 
per. ^^  Surely  the  telegraph  lines  along  the  trail  must  have  buzzed 
with  the  details  of  this  major  conflict  of  the  year.  There  had  been 
time  for  news  to  flash  along  the  line  because  some  of  the  Indians 
taking  part  at  Platte  Bridge  were  unquestionably  in  the  war  party 
at  Rock  Creek. 

Mary  Farr  spoke  of  her  great-grandfather,  a  determined  man 
who  had  sold  his  property  and  forsaken  his  native  England  in  1861 
to  bring  his  family  to  "the  land  of  promise."  After  learning  of  the 
discovery  of  gold  in  Cahfornia,  he  had  become  a  man  possessed  of 
a  single  purpose,  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  new  country.  He  must 
have  been  frustrated  by  being  delayed  in  Iowa,  where  Lizzie  was 
born  and  his  wife  became  a  semi-invalid,  following  a  prolonged 
illness.    But  he  did  not  give  up  his  dream. 


12.  Vital  Jarrot  to  General  Patrick  E.  Connor,  July  15,  1865;  Connor  to 
General  Grenvilie  M.  Dodge,  June  15  and  25  and  July  13,  1865.  War 
Department  Records.    National  Archives. 

13.  Besides  the  Farrs,  the  party  included  the  author  and  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
W.  W.  Morrison,  of  Cheyenne.  Morrison  is  an  authority  on  the  graves 
along  the  trail.  West  of  Laramie,  the  stage  route  lay  somewhat  to  the  south 
of  1-80. 

14.  George  Bent,  who  took  part,  gives  a  firsthand  account  of  the  battle, 
Hyde,  op.  cit.,  pp.  214-222.  A  detailed  account  may  be  found  in  J.  W. 
Vaughn,  The  Battle  of  Platte  Bridge,  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma 
Press,  1963).  See  also  Agnes  Wright  Spring,  Caspar  Collins,  (New  York: 
Columbia  University  Press,  1937),  pp.  214-222. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  13 

When  Lizzie  was  almost  two  years  old  and  his  wife  had  regained 
her  health  sufficiently  to  travel,  the  family  set  out  on  their  long 
anticipated  Western  adventure.  Besides  their  five  children — in- 
cluding three  boys,  William,  Jasper,  and  Oscar,  who  were  younger 
than  Amanda  Mary — they  brought  possessions  that  indicated  that 
they  were  people  of  more  than  average  means.  Their  most  im- 
portant property  was  a  green  metal  box,  about  12x18x8  inches  in 
size,  to  which  Amanda  referred  as  "the  family  treasury."  It  was 
later  to  complicate  her  effort  to  seek  restitution  for  loss  at  the 
hands  of  the  Indians. 

Besides  being  determined,  Jasper  Fletcher  was  an  impatient 
man.  Whatever  he  had  heard  about  the  hostiles  swarming  through 
the  country  was  secondary  to  the  accompUshment  of  his  purpose. 
He  had  two  horse-drawn  wagons,  and  he  chafed  under  the  realiza- 
tion that  ox  teams  in  the  train  were  delaying  him.  Amanda  spoke 
of  him  as  a  man  full  of  self-will,  determination,  and  grit. 

It  was,  in  all  probability,  a  hot  day,  with  the  sun  glaring  down 
upon  him  from  overhead,  just  as  it  was  doing  that  day  in  1972. 
There  was  an  hypnotic  serenity  about  the  countryside,  which  was 
rocky  and  barren  except  for  the  cottonwoods  and  willows  bordering 
the  stream.    And  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  sight! 

Jasper  was  anxious  to  reach  a  shady  spot  where  he  and  his 
family  could  pause  long  enough  to  enjoy  their  noonday  meal.  So 
casting  all  caution  aside,  he  urged  his  horses  forward  and  pulled 
away  from  the  slow-moving  train.  The  explanation  was  as  simple 
as  that.  Reliving  his  experience,  Mary  Farr,  for  the  first  time, 
understood  the  reason  for  her  great-grandfather's  reckless  action, 
and  she  sympathized  with  him.  She,  too,  was  anxious  to  reach  the 
pleasant  shade  so  that  she  could  help  spread  out  a  picnic  lunch  and 
have  a  drink  of  ice  water  from  a  thermos  jug — not  creek  water 
which  was  all  the  emigrants  had.  It  was  noon,  just  as  it  had 
been  107  years  before,  when  the  Fletchers  made  their  irrevocable 
mistake. 

In  her  writings  years  later,  Amanda  mentions  three  men  who 
camped  near  their  wagon  train,  July  30,  the  night  before  reaching 
Rock  Creek.  They  claimed  that  they  were  on  their  way  from  Salt 
Lake  to  Denver. 

When  the  wagon  master,  "an  old  and  experienced  scout,"  re- 
monstrated with  them  for  traveling  in  such  a  small  party  in  hostile 
Indian  country,  they  laughed  at  him  and  said  there  was  nothing  to 
fear,  that  all  of  the  Indians  were  on  reservations.  That  in  itself 
should  have  made  him  apprehensive.  If  he  had  been  as  exper- 
ienced as  it  was  claimed,  he  should  have  known  the  country  better, 
and  he  should  have  been  aware  that  the  Indians  were  not  on 
reservations,  that  the  entire  train  was  in  danger. 

During  the  year  1865,  75  emigrants  were  killed  in  various  at- 
tacks between  the  Big  Laramie  River  and  Bridger's  Pass,  the  route 
they  were  traveling.     That  some  of  the  attacks  occurred  before 


14  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  last  of  July  is  apparent.  The  wagon  boss  may  have  been  com- 
placent because  it  was  doubtful  that  Indians  would  attack  a  75- 
wagon  train.  Unless  they  were  actively  engaged  in  battle,  they  did 
not  as  a  rule  risk  their  lives  needlessly.  The  fact  that  they  did 
show  their  animosity  later  in  a  token  attack  on  the  large  train  is 
proof  that  they  were  on  the  warpath. 

Amanda  commented,  "Little  did  the  honest  travelers  think  they 
had  been  deceived  by  their  apparently  open-hearted  guests  of  the 
night  before." 

At  10  o'clock  the  following  morning,  three  "frontiersmen"  came 
galloping  toward  them.  They,  too,  said  that  they  were  from  Salt 
Lake,  and  they  inquired  about  the  men  who  had  camped  with  the 
emigrants  the  night  before.  They  claimed  they  had  been  traveling 
together  and  that  they  had  become  separated.  When  asked  about 
the  Indians,  the  new  arrivals  said  they  had  not  seen  a  lodge  or  a 
moccasin  track.  Before  leaving,  they  tried  to  buy  a  well-bred 
mare,  tied  to  an  end  gate.  It  belonged  to  Amanda,  and  no  amount 
of  money  could  induce  her  father  to  sell.  The  men  left  in  a  surly 
mood. 

When  Fletcher  expressed  his  fears  to  the  wagon  boss,  the  latter 
admitted  that  the  men  were  not  above  suspicion.  He  thought  that 
they  were  probably  highwaymen,  but  he  in  no  way  linked  them 
with  Indians.  Amanda  states,  quite  logically,  that  had  the  Fletch- 
ers known  that  the  renegades  were  attached  to  a  band  of  "prowling 
hostiles,"  they  would  not  have  pulled  away  from  the  wagon  train. 
She  was  also  convinced  that  they,  the  two  mysterious  trios,  were 
in  some  way  connected  with  the  agent  and  his  Indian  wife  at  Rock 
Creek  Station.  The  fact  that  it  was  spared,  but  the  Little  Laramie 
Station  was  burned  in  the  same  foray,  would  indicate  that  she 
might  have  been  right. 

The  Rock  Creek  station  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  stream, 
which  was  spanned  by  a  wooden  bridge.  But  the  family  did  not 
have  a  chance  to  cross  before  the  hostiles  sprang  their  surprise 
attack.  Amanda  later  testified  that  after  the  attack  was  over  the 
Indians  crossed  the  bridge,  and  her  captor  paid  some  of  the  money 
taken  from  the  Fletcher  wagon  to  the  station  keeper. 

In  a  speech  before  the  National  Explorers'  Club  in  Long  Beach 
(1924),  she  told  how  the  attack  seemed  to  her.  She  stated,  "There 
was  a  wild  whoop.  From  every  rock  and  brush,  it  seemed,  sprang 
an  Indian  in  full  war  regalia.  I  had  never  seen  an  Indian  before, 
and  I  stared  in  amazement  at  their  war  paint  and  feathers.  Fright- 
ened, I  seized  Mother  by  the  hand,  at  the  same  time  snatching  up 
my  baby  sister.  The  Indian  ponies  circled  and  wheeled,  their 
riders  hurling  spears  and  wielding  axes  [tomahawks]  as  they  rode 
their  horses  over  us." 

At  the  sight  of  the  Indians  the  wagon  master  gave  orders  for  the 
train,  now  at  the  top  of  the  slope  approximately  a  mile  away,  to 
corral  in  preparation  for  an  attack.    The  Fletchers  had  reached  the 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  15 

creek,  and  they  had  staked  their  horses  out  to  graze.  They  were 
at  the  mercy  of  the  hostiles. 

Jasper  sent  the  boys  scurrying  into  the  brush,  meanwhile  cover- 
ing their  retreat  as  best  he  could,  and  he  called  to  his  wife  and 
daughters  to  find  protection  among  the  willows,  but  before  they 
had  time  to  do  so,  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  Obviously,  Mrs. 
Fletcher,  a  semi-invalid,  was  too  frail  to  be  of  use,  so  a  warrior 
killed  her  with  his  spear.  As  she  sank  to  the  ground,  she  implored, 
"Take  care  of  Lizzie." 

When  Amanda  knelt  at  her  mother's  side,  a  warrior  galloped  by 
and  snatched  the  child  from  her  arms.  Except  for  a  brief  glimpse 
of  her  about  10  o'clock  that  night,  when  she  was  crying  alternately 
for  her  mother  and  for  her  sister,  Amanda  did  not  see  her  again 
during  her  captivity.  A  half  blood  told  her  that  she  cried  so  much 
the  Indians  had  to  kill  her.  This  she  was  forced  to  believe  as  she 
found  no  further  trace  of  her. 

In  her  autobiography  written  in  pencil  on  now-yellowed  scratch- 
paper,  Amanda  says,  "In  the  presence  of  my  dead  mother's 
body  ...  I  saw  my  captor  receive  into  his  hands  from  another 
Indian  in  our  wagon,  our  family  treasure  box.  .  .  .  They  broke  it 
open,  they  burned  some  of  the  papers.  I  think  this  box  [con- 
tained] about  twenty  thousand  sterling,  in  gold  and  bills." 

The  hostiles  worked  fast  because  of  the  fortified  circle  at  the 
top  of  the  slope.  Then  they  made  a  brief  impetuous  attack  upon 
the  wagon  train,  as  we  have  mentioned.  After  that  they  withdrew 
as  they  seemed  aware  there  was  a  government  freight  train  farther 
up  the  road.  When  the  warriors  had  crossed  the  stream,  they  went 
up  a  mountainside  where  they  joined  their  families.  From  the 
higher  elevation,  Amanda  could  look  down  on  the  flaming  wagons. 
A  white  boy  who  had  been  captured  in  New  Mexico  told  her  as 
they  watched,  "That  is  the  way  we  treat  them  all."  He  seemed  to 
be  able  to  identify  with  the  Indians,  whose  life  was  more  appeal- 
ing to  a  boy  than  to  a  girl. 

After  draining  dry  a  cask  of  brandy  the  Dog  Soldiers  had 
found  in  one  of  the  wagons,  they  became  wildly  drunk.  Chief 
Nei-mir-vier  (elsewhere  spelled  Neei-Mai-Rear,  also  Minimick, 
better  known  to  the  white  man  as  Sand  Hill)  and  his  wife  saved 
Amanda's  life  by  pushing  her  into  the  middle  of  a  tipi  they  had 
provided.  Even  so,  the  Indian  women,  enraged  by  the  presence  of 
the  white  girl,  slashed  at  her  through  the  sides  of  the  lodge  skin 
and  caused  scars  on  her  back  she  would  carry  the  rest  of  her  life. 

Mary  Farr  recalls  tracing  these  with  an  inquisitive  finger  while 
she  listened  in  wonderment  to  the  tales  her  grandmother  recounted. 
At  the  time  she  had  no  idea  of  the  meaning  of  Dog  Soldiers,  nor 
could  she  appreciate  all  that  Amanda  told,  but  she  realized  that 
she  had  suffered  through  a  harrowing  experience  that  had  left  bitter 
lines  in  her  face  and  a  scar  on  her  memory.  She  would  never 
forgive  the  Dog  Soldiers  for  the  cruel  treatment  she  received! 


16  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  next  day  after  the  attack  at  Rock  Creek,  the  warriors  tied 
Amanda  on  a  saddle  and  proceeded  eastward  for  three  days  before 
making  camp.  Along  the  way,  they  plundered  a  wagon,  shot  a 
man  and  his  children  and  abducted  his  wife.  She  whispered  to 
Amanda  one  night  that  the  Indians  were  going  to  kill  her,  and  she 
slipped  a  "housewife,"  to  her  and  asked  her  to  give  it  to  her  hus- 
band if  he  survived.  A  wedding  ring  and  a  baby's  gold  ring  were 
in  the  flannel-covered  sewing  case.  Amanda  carried  it  until  the 
Indians  found  that  she  had  it  and  took  it  away  from  her. 

Then,  according  to  her  records,  the  hostiles  had  a  brush  with 
soldiers  from  Fort  Laramie.  During  this  encounter,  a  warrior 
stood  over  her,  ready  to  kill  her  if  her  presence  became  known. 
During  the  night,  the  Indians  stole  away,  and  the  troops  did  not 
follow.  As  there  is  no  mention  of  this  other  than  Amanda's,  the 
commanding  officer  may  have  considered  it  just  one  of  the  fre- 
quent encounters  with  the  Cheyenne  and  Arapaho  Indians,  which 
may  not  have  amounted  to  an  incident  worthy  of  note.  The  sol- 
diers had  no  way  of  knowing  about  the  captive. 

It  must  have  been  about  this  time  that  she  was  told  to  write  a 
public  notice  to  the  effect  that  the  Indians  were  fighting  because 
of  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre.  This,  she  said,  was  fastened  on 
a  tree. 

The  girl  was  disguised  as  an  Indian  to  further  avoid  detection. 
Each  morning  her  face  was  painted  and  her  hair  blackened  with 
grease  and  soot  water.  By  holding  her  head  to  the  ground,  the 
women  would  burn  her  eyelashes  and  eyebrows  with  hot  ashes. 
Though  she  was  young  for  such  responsibility,,  she  had  the  full 
care  of  14  ponies,  apparently  the  property  of  Sand  Hill,  though 
she  does  not  say.  And  yet  she  could  not  ride.  Horses  were 
for  the  warriors.  In  their  constant  wanderings,  she  had  no  idea 
where  they  were  because  she  could  not  identify  the  streams  they 
crossed.  While  she  walked  with  the  women  she  was  constantly 
subjected  to  their  taunts  and  abuse. 

Finally  they  reached  the  main  camp  of  the  tribe  which  she 
believed  was  in  northeastern  Colorado.  No  doubt  Spotted  Tail's 
Brules,  Pawnee  Killer's  Oglalas,  and  the  unnamed  chief's  Northern 
Arapahoes  had  all  come  together  for  another  grand  encampment. 

One  day  while  there  Amanda  saw  a  child  dressed  in  Lizzie's 
clothing,  and  she  thought  it  was  her  sister.  When  she  mistakenly 
recognized  her,  one  of  the  chiefs  ordered  the  woman  and  the  child 
to  leave  the  tipi.  It  could  have  been  at  this  encampment  that  the 
girls  became  the  property  of  two  different  tribes.  The  boy,  too, 
may  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Northern  Arapahoes. 

Following  the  council,  the  Dog  Soldiers,  with  whom  Amanda 
traveled,  proceeded  southeastward  into  Kansas.  Besides  having  to 
contend  with  the  abuse  of  the  women,  she  also  had  to  endure 
exposure  in  all  kinds  of  weather.  She  was  fortunate  in  being  able 
to  swim,  but  she  lacked  dry  clothing,  and  the  Indians  were  not 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  17 

generous  with  blankets.  According  to  her  reminiscences,  her  most 
terrifying  experience  occurred  when  they  were  crossing  a  stream 
during  a  thaw.  The  ice  broke  loose,  and  it  looked  as  if  she  might 
be  swirled  to  her  destruction  on  a  floating  cake.  When  she  jumped 
into  the  icy  water  and  swam  to  shore,  the  braves  cheered  her.  This 
gave  the  women  further  cause  for  resentment. 

The  Dog  Soldiers  were  camping  on  the  Arkansas  River  in  the 
spring  of  1866  when  Charles  Hanger,  of  West  Liberty,  Ohio,  came 
to  trade.  He  had  been  associated  with  the  Arapahoes  under  Little 
Raven  all  winter,  but  he  had  been  induced  to  go  to  the  Dog  Soldier 
camp  because  they  had  told  him  they  had  plenty  of  money.  Rela- 
tive to  their  windfall,  Amanda  later  stated  that  they  did  not  know 
denominational  values.  They  considered  all  bills  of  like  nature. 
"I  tried  to  tell  them  different,"  she  recalled  later,  "but  they  could 
not  understand  me.  The  first  time  I  had  to  count  this  money  for 
my  captors  was  soon  after  I  was  captured.  .  .  .  Neei-Mia-Reah, 
my  captor,  had  at  one  time  1700  bills  in  one  lot,  another  family  of 
the  same  tribe  had  what  I  knew  to  have  been  $12,000.     I  saw  it." 

Although  Amanda  realized  that  she  might  be  killed  for  exposing 
her  identity,  she  felt  that  she  preferred  death  to  the  way  she  was 
forced  to  live.  Bravely  she  stepped  into  the  tipi  where  the  barter- 
ing was  in  process  and  asked  the  trader  for  a  cake  of  soap.  One  of 
the  braves  knocked  her  down  because  she  had  been  ordered  not  to 
speak  a  word  of  English. 

The  trader  was  baffled,  since  she  had  the  appearance  of  an 
Indian.  Once  again  she  went  into  the  tipi  while  he  was  there,  this 
time  at  the  insistence  of  the  women  who  wanted  to  get  rid  of  her. 
Hanger,  by  then  convinced  that  she  was  white,  talked  to  her  fur- 
ther, and  he  promised  that  he  would  ransom  her  if  it  took  every- 
thing he  owned.  The  Indians,  inveterate  traders,  reahzed  that 
they  were  in  a  good  bargaining  position,  so  they  let  them  talk. 
The  white  man  began  at  once  making  plans  for  her  release. 

He  had  arrived  at  an  opportune  time  as  negotiations  were 
underway  through  which  she  would  be  traded  to  the  Kiowas  and 
taken  south  of  the  Arkansas,  where  she  might  never  have  been 
heard  of  again.  Hanger  finally  agreed  to  pay  $1665  for  her  in 
trade  goods.  This  figure  is  his.  Amanda  for  the  most  part  stuck 
to  the  $1600  round  figure,  but  in  one  published  interview  the  sum 
became  $2200,  which  was  either  an  error  in  reporting,  or  a  result 
of  faulty  memory.  She  was  72  years  old  at  the  time,  and  as  she 
grew  older  she  seemed  to  magnify  the  details  of  her  case. 

Sand  Hill  forced  the  trader  to  give  him  his  fine  horse  and  a  gun 
before  he  would  let  her  go.  Thus  she  was  freed  from  the  Dog 
Soldiers.  Her  records  are  vague  regarding  her  transfer  to  Little 
Raven's  camp.  Hanger  says  he  sent  her  with  Poisal,  probably  the 
son  of  John  Poisal  and  wife.  Snake  Woman,  an  Arapaho.  If  so, 
he  may  have  been  in  the  Dog  Soldier  camp  as  an  interpreter  as  well 
as  a  trader.     John  Poisal's  daughter,  Margaret,  later  served  as 


18  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

interpreter  for  Little  Raven  at  the  Medicine  Lodge  Treaty  in 
Kansas.  She  had  been  the  wife  of  Thomas  Fitzpatrick,  first  agent 
for  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  who  had  died  while  representing 
them  in  Washington.  In  Oklahoma  the  name  Poisal  became 
Pizzel. 

Little  Raven  had  been  at  Sand  Creek  until  shortly  before  the 
unjustifiable  attack,  but  he  had  moved  to  his  camp  on  Smoky  Hill. 
Left  Hand  was  supposed  to  have  followed  but  he  was  prevented 
because  of  illness.  Although  he  was  reported  to  have  been  killed, 
evidence  points  conclusively  to  the  fact  that  he  was  one  and  the 
same  Left  Hand  who  was  Little  Raven's  successor  as  chief  of  the 
Southern  Arapahoes  in  early  reservation  days.  Left  Hand  had 
vowed  that  he  would  never  fight  the  white  man,  no  matter  what 
happened,  and  to  our  knowledge  he  kept  his  word.  He  dropped 
from  sight  for  a  time  following  Sand  Creek,  but  was  later  found 
to  be  in  Kansas.  Indications  are  that  he  might  have  been  with 
Little  Raven  south  of  the  Arkansas  while  his  brother,  Neva,  No-ta- 
nee,  and  other  members  of  his  band  were  with  the  hostiles  north 
of  the  Platte. 

Hanger  completed  his  trade  with  the  Dog  Soldiers  and  followed 
Amanda  to  Little  Raven's  camp.  Then  he  turned  her  over  to 
Major  E.  W.  Wynkoop,  special  agent  at  Fort  Larned,  Kansas. 
Wynkoop  placed  her  in  the  care  of  Mrs.  Hiram  Dryer,  wife  of 
Major  Dryer,  commandant  on  the  post,  and  she  and  the  other 
women  in  residence  made  clothing  for  her  as  she  was  destitute. 
He  tried  without  delay  to  locate  the  surviving  members  of  her 
family  by  sending  notices  to  newspapers  in  Denver  and  Salt  Lake 
City. 

Wynkoop,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Reuben  Howard,  wife  of  the 
sutler  at  Fort  Zarah,  Kansas,  took  Amanda  to  Atchison,  where  she 
was  turned  over  to  Thomas  Murphy,  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs.  While  there,  she  received  two  letters  of  great  importance 
to  her,  one  from  Thomas  Harford,  of  Pueblo,  Colorado,  in  answer 
to  the  item  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  News,  and  the  other  from 
Major  Wynkoop,  regarding  Jasper  Fletcher. 

The  letter  from  Harford  was  undated,  but  it  assured  her  that  her 
father  had  survived  the  attack  at  Rock  Creek.  He  stated  that  he 
had  been  with  the  freighters  who  rescued  Fletcher  after  his  own 
train  had  gone  its  way  in  the  belief  that  he  "and  his  entire  family" 
had  been  killed. 

The  freighting  outfit  Harford  was  with  was  also  attacked  at 
Rock  Creek,  and  three  men  were  killed  and  buried  there.  The 
freighters  piled  rocks  over  the  graves,  which  evidently  included  one 
for  Mary  Ann  Fletcher.  No  mention  is  made  of  her,  but  it  is  only 
reasonable  to  believe  that  Jasper  would  see  to  it  that  his  wife  was 
buried  before  he  would  leave  the  scene  of  his  personal  tragedy. 
Since  Harford  did  not  mention  the  boys,  they  must  have  been 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  19 

discovered  by  another  train  and  taken  to  Salt  Lake,  where  they 
were  reunited  with  their  father. 

Fletcher,  who  was  wounded  by  arrows,  had  hidden  in  a  ditch 
until  the  arrival  of  the  freighters,  whom  he  accompanied  to  Fort 
Douglas,  Utah.  All  desire  to  go  to  California  was  erased  from  his 
mind.    He  had  responsibility  enough  raising  three  sons. 

Wynkoop  did  not  enclose  Jasper  Fletcher's  letter,  but  he  said 
that  he  had  written  to  him  in  response  to  the  item  he  saw  in  the 
Salt  Lake  City  paper.  He  further  stated  in  his  letter  from  Fort 
Zarah,  April  30,  that  Fletcher  had  inquired  about  Amanda  Mary 
and  the  "child  Elizabeth."  Wynkoop,  who  had  answered  the  letter 
and  had  sent  her  address  to  him,  closed  by  sending  his  best  wishes 
for  her  "future  happiness  and  prosperity." 

June  7,  1866,  Charles  Hanger  wrote  his  first  of  many  letters  to 
Amanda — words  of  cheer,  encouragement,  and  lasting  affection. 
He  was  at  his  home  in  Ohio,  but  he  stated  that  he  planned  to  start 
back  the  next  day  to  trade  with  the  Indians.  He  was  fascinated 
with  the  West  and  money  meant  little  to  him.  After  acknowledg- 
ing a  letter  in  which  she  must  have  asked  if  he  had  been  remuner- 
ated for  his  loss,  he  replied,  "I  have  not  but  that  will  make  no 
difference  if  I  never  receive  it.  I  feel  1  am  well  repaid  by  restoring 
you  to  your  friends." 

In  a  letter  dated  November  24,  1867,  he  refers  to  money  as  if 
Amanda  might  again  have  inquired.  "I  have  enough  money,"  he 
told  her,  "so  there  is  no  uneasiness  on  that  score,  but  I  have  a 
natural  roving  disposition,  cannot  be  satisfied  no  place."  After 
discussing  his  stock  business  and  his  recent  illness,  he  implored, 
"My  dear  Mary,  if  there  is  anything  I  can  do  for  you  that  money 
is  required  make  your  wants  known  freely,  for  you  know  Mary  the 
interest  I  have  taken  in  you  and  it  is  the  best  act  of  my  life.  1 
remember  it  with  pleasure  and  I  know  1  shall  never  forget  or  for- 
sake you  and  I  feel  that  you  will  not  forget  me."  In  closing,  he 
asked  her  to  write  to  him  as  freely  as  though  she  were  writing  to  a 
father  or  a  brother. 

Amanda  remained  several  months  at  Fort  Leavenworth.  When 
Murphy  asked  her  where  she  wanted  to  go,  she  indicated  that  she 
would  like  to  return  to  some  British  friends  of  her  family  in 
Illinois,  where  she  arrived  in  December,  1866. 

General  George  Custer,  then  commander  at  Fort  Riley,  Kansas, 
wrote  Amanda  a  cordial  letter,  dated  January  27,  1867,  in  answer 
to  a  query  regarding  any  knowledge  he  might  have  of  the  where- 
abouts of  Lizzie.  He  gave  her  the  first  word  of  encouragement  she 
had  received,  for  he  was  convinced  that  the  girl  was  alive.  She  was 
not  at  the  fort  at  the  time,  but  there  were  two  men.  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Hale,  of  the  7th  U.  S.  Cavalry,  and  Bill  Comstock,  a  ranch- 
man on  the  "Utah  Road"  who  had  seen  her  within  the  last  two 
months  in  the  hands  of  the  Cheyenne  Indians.  They  told  him  that 
she  was  claimed  by  Chief  Cut  Nose  and  that  the  two  were  last  seen 


20  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

on  the  Smoky  Hill  Route  in  Kansas  but  that  they  had  "probably 
gone  north." 

Since  Custer  had  not  actually  seen  the  chief  and  the  captive, 
a  possibility  of  his  error  in  thinking  of  Cut  Nose  as  a  Cheyenne  is 
understandable.  At  this  time  he  had  had  very  little  experience 
with  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  He  could  have 
assumed  Cut  Nose  was  a  Cheyenne  as  he  was  with  the  Dog  Sol- 
diers, and  they  were  identified  with  that  tribe.  How  and  when  the 
girl  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Northern  Arapahoes,  we  are  unable 
to  establish;  but  there  is  little  evidence,  other  than  that  given  by 
Custer,  to  indicate  that  she  was  among  the  Cheyennes  for  any 
length  of  time. 

The  custom  of  meeting  after  a  conflict  and  dividing  the  spoils, 
with  the  chief  and  medicine  man  being  given  first  choice,  was  a 
common  practice.  Since  the  attack  took  place  in  northern  Arapaho 
country,  it  could  be  that  Lizzie  was  awarded  to  Cut  Nose  by  the 
Dog  Soldiers  in  accordance  with  this  custom,  and  for  the  additional 
reason  they  might  have  wanted  to  separate  the  two  girls.  There  is 
a  further  possibility  that  she  might  have  been  traded  to  the 
Arapahoes. 

Cut  Nose,  the  Northern  Arapaho  chief,  first  came  into  notice 
with  Medicine  Man,  the  head  chief,  in  1842,  when  Thomas  Fitz- 
patrick  visited  a  large  encampment  north  of  the  Platte.  Theodore 
Talbot,  chronicler  for  his  party,  was  present  when  a  keg  of  whisky 
was  brought  into  camp.^''  During  the  orgy  that  followed,  one  of 
the  braves,  in  high  spirits,  picked  up  Talbot  and  carried  him  some 
distance  before  setting  him  down. 

Talbot  observed:  "Most  of  the  Indians  are  particularly  fond  of 
liquor  and  when  it  is  growing  scarce  you  will  frequently  see  a  man 
take  a  'sup"  of  liquor,  hold  it  in  his  mouth  a  few  minutes,  then 
empty  it  into  the  mouth  of  his  neighbor.  When  all  is  gone,  they 
will  even  breathe  on  the  less  fortunate  so  that  they  can  share  the 
delightful  fragrance." 

Cut  Nose,  who  delivered  an  outstanding  oration  at  the  1851 
Horse  Creek  Council  in  Nebraska,  had  a  fondness  for  the  white 
man's  liquor,  which  may  have  prevented  him  from  becoming  one 
of  the  leading  chiefs.  Three  years  after  the  Great  Treaty  Council 
at  Horse  Creek,  Agent  J.  W.  Whitfield,  who  succeeded  Fitzpatrick, 
mentioned  that  there  was  dissension  between  the  Arapaho  bands. 
It  was  so  bitter,  in  fact,  he  doubted  that  they  would  again  unite. 
The  hostility  was  brought  about  indirectly  by  the  white  man's 
liquor. 

Cut  Nose,  who  had  become  offensive,  aroused  the  ire  of  one  of 
the  band  leaders.    In  the  free-for-all  that  resulted,  an  Arapaho  was 


15.  Theodore  Talbot,  The  Journals  of  Theodore  Talbot,  ed.  by  Charles 
Carey,  (Portland:    Metropolitan  Press,  1931),  pp.  24-27. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  21 

killed  and  the  Nam-e-sum  (Cut  Nose)  band  fled  northward  while 
the  rest  proceeded  south  as  planned.  He  was  with  Medicine  Man, 
Black  Bear,  Little  Owl,  and  Friday  at  the  unofficial  Dear  Creek 
Council,  September  1859,  but  this  time  it  was  Medicine  Man  who 
spoke.  In  1862,  when  Governor  Evans  sent  a  detachment  down 
the  South  Platte  to  disperse  the  Indians  "and  stop  all  outrages" 
they  came  upon  Cut  Nose  and  his  band  of  70  lodges  of  seemingly 
docile  Arapahoes. 

Although  the  name  of  the  chief  of  the  band  of  Northern  Arap- 
ahoes who  smoked  the  pipe  and  came  north  with  the  hostiles  is  not 
recorded,  in  all  probabihty  it  was  Cut  Nose.  If  so,  this  would 
explain  the  connection  between  the  Northern  Arapaho  chief  and 
the  Dog  Soldiers.  His  sympathy  may  have  been  with  their  cause 
longer  than  we  know,  and  Lizzie  could  have  been  his  reward. 

Colonel  W.  O.  Collins  did  not  mention  him  when  he  listed  the 
principal  Northern  Arapaho  chiefs  as  Medicine  Man,  Black  Bear, 
White  Bull,  and  Little  Shield.  This  either  meant  that  he  did  not 
consider  him  of  any  great  importance  or  he  may  have  included  him 
when  he  mentioned  that  the  remainder,  not  under  the  chiefs  above, 
were  in  small  bands  on  the  South  Platte  and  the  Arkansas.^''"  If 
Cut  Nose  had  gone  north  at  the  time  of  Custer's  writing,  we  have 
even  more  reason  for  identifying  him  as  the  Northern  Arapaho 
chief  by  that  name. 

That  the  sympathies  of  the  chief  were  with  the  Dog  Soldiers  is 
further  indicated  by  his  presence  on  the  Smoky  Hill  Road  when 
they  were  trying  to  prevent  the  railroad  from  being  constructed 
through  their  hunting  grounds.  His  picture  was  drawn  by  Theo- 
dore Davis  for  Harper's  Magazine  (April  28,  1867)  while  he  was 
attending  a  council  together  with  Little  Raven,  Yellow  Bear,  and 
Beardy.^" 

The  confusion  in  the  identity  of  Cut  Nose  must  have  been  on 
Custer's  part  rather  than  Comstock's  since  the  latter  was  with  the 
hostiles  when  the  girl  was  taken  captive  near  Fort  Halleck.  Know- 
ing Indians  as  he  did,  Comstock  told  Custer  that  he  believed  the 
best  way  to  obtain  Lizzie's  release  would  be  to  ransom  her.  This 
he  thought  could  be  accomplished  with  one  or  two  horses.^'* 

Comstock  described  Lizzie  Fletcher  as  strikingly  beautiful — her 
complexion  fair,  her  eyes  blue,  and  her  hair  a  bright  golden  hue. 
Because  of  the  delicate  color  of  her  hair,  the  chief  gave  her  an 
Indian  name  meaning  "Little  Silver  Hair."  According  to  the 
informant,  "the  chief  treated  her  with  great  affection  and  always 
kept  her  clothed  in  the  handsomest  Indian  garments." 

George  Bent,  who  may  have  taken  part  in  the  attack  at  Rock 


16.  Collins  Report,  op.  cit. 

17.  Harper's  Weekly,  June  29.  1867. 

18.  Custer,  op.  cit..  pp.  618-619. 


22  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Creek  Crossing,  though  he  makes  no  specific  reference  to  his  doing 
so,  says  that  there  were  100  warriors  at  the  scene.  Amanda  was 
so  terrified  that  she  thought  the  number  was  three  times  that.  In 
a  previous  attack  on  the  Overland  Stage  Route,  roving  hostiles  had 
encountered  a  company  of  soldiers  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Preston  B.  Plumb,  who  believed  there  were  200  in  the 
party  and  that  they  were  led  by  a  white  man,  presumed  to  be  Bill 
Comstock.  To  this  George  Bent  rephed,  "I  suppose  that  I  was 
the  man  he  meant,  but  I  was  dressed  and  painted  just  like  a 
warrior."^^  Charles  Bent,  George's  brother,  had  become  so  hostile 
by  this  time  that  he  threatened  to  kill  his  father  as  well  as  his 
brother.  He,  too,  may  have  been  at  Rock  Creek.  In  one  of  his 
letters  to  Amanda,  William  Cody  (Buffalo  Bill)  stated  that  both 
brothers  must  have  been  there. 

In  his  reminiscences  and  letters,  George  Bent  acknowledges  that 
Mary — that  is,  Amanda  Mary — was  captured  by  Sand  Hill's  band 
of  Cheyennes  near  Fort  Halleck.  Judging  by  the  relentless  way 
she  pursued  her  goal  of  restitution  for  her  loss,  his  next  statement 
does  not  reflect  the  general  tone  of  her  feelings.  He  claims  that 
he  had  received  a  letter  from  her  some  years  before,  and  she  had 
said  that  despite  rumors,  she  was  well  treated  by  her  captors.  He 
maintains  that  Sand  Hill's  wife,  a  Sioux,  was  "very  kind"  to  her 
while  she  was  with  the  band.  Amanda  makes  no  reference  to 
kindness  of  any  sort,  except  for  the  time  her  life  was  saved  by  her 
captor  and  his  wife.  She  does  not  indicate  that  it  was  done  as  an 
act  of  kindness. 

In  her  original  manuscript,  entitled  "Captured  by  Indians,"  she 
states:  "As  for  telling  my  experience  with  the  Indians,  I  cannot 
command  the  language  that  would  convey  the  remotest  idea  to  one 
not  experiencing  it,  of  the  freezing  cold,  sleet  and  rain,  and  the 
torture  I  would  receive  from  these  Indians,  or  I  ought  to  say, 
fiends.  Yes,  they  were  worse  than  any  name  I  could  give  them. 
If  I  could  have  my  way  about  it  there  would  not  be  one  left  alive. 

"I  have  almost  starved  days  at  a  time,  without  one  morsel  to  eat. 
Oh  how  I  prayed  for  death  to  come  to  my  relief.  I  have  begged 
them  time  and  time  again  to  kill  me.  I  have  often  thought,  since 
my  rescue  that  it  was  my  anxiety  for  them  to  kiU  me  [that]  caused 
them  not  to  do  so.  Certainly  with  me  their  tenderest  mercies 
would  have  been  instant  death. 

"They  did  not,  for  the  first  few  months,  permit  me  to  have  a 
knife  in  my  hand  or  anything  with  which  I  could  take  my  own 
life.  .  .  .  After  a  time  I  began  to  have  some  hope  that  in  some  way 
or  other  I  would  be  rescued.  I  cannot  tell  why  I  felt  that  way  nor 
could  I  imagine  how  it  could  be  done. 


19.  Hyde,  op.  cit.,  pp.  204-205. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  23 

"Winter  was  coming  on  and  it  was  noticed  by  the  Indians  that  I 
was  more  reconciled  than  I  had  been,  and  I  was  trusted  with  a 
hatchet,  and  when  the  snow  was  on  the  ground.  .  .  I  had  to  cHmb 
the  trees  and  cut  hmbs  that  the  ponies  could  get  the  bark  to  eat. 

"That  continued  all  winter.  Snow,  rain  or  sleet,  I  had  to  go  and 
do  that  work  from  early  morning  till  late  in  the  evening  with 
scarcely  any  clothes  to  protect  my  body  from  the  bitter  colds  and 
storms.  .  .  .  One  unacquainted  with  the  Indians  would  very  natural- 
ly think  that  if  I  was  out  attending  a  herd  of  ponies  I  would  escape, 
but  the  people  who  know  and  are  familiar  with  the  ways  of  the 
Indians  will  know  that  there  were  always  squaws  to  accompany  me 
to  do  the  same  work  for  their  herds,  and  also  to  guard  me.  There 
was  no  possible  chance  of  escape.  The  foregoing  is  a  short  state- 
ment of  how  I  lived  and  suffered  while  in  captivity." 

The  only  kindly  remark  Amanda  made  about  the  Indians  occurs 
in  this  same  manuscript,  though  in  this  instance  she  refers  to  the 
Southern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  who  were  not  affiliated  with 
the  Dog  Soldiers  or  in  sympathy  with  them  when  they  were  on  the 
warpath  north  of  the  Platte.  She  says,  "The  Arapahoes  [those  in 
Little  Raven's  band]  had  been  at  peace  with  the  whites  for  a  long 
time  and  were  friendly.  I  wish  to  state  in  this  connection  that  the 
main  tribe  or  band  of  Cheyennes  was  also  peaceable.  It  was  only 
a  small  band  of  Cheyennes,  comparatively  speaking,  that  was  com- 
mitting these  depredations  and  to  distinguish  them  from  the  peace- 
able Cheyennes,  they  were  known  at  that  time  as  the  Cheyenne 
Dog  Soldiers." 

Amanda  was  more  liberal  than  Custer,  who  annihilated  a  camp 
of  the  same  Indians  she  is  talking  about  at  the  Battle  of  the  Washita 
in  Kansas,  November  27,  1868.-"  Here  Black  Kettle  and  his  wife, 
who  had  miraculously  escaped  from  Sand  Creek,  were  among  those 
slain.  If  the  War  of  1865  resulted  from  Sand  Creek,  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  the  Battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn 
(1876),  in  which  Custer  and  his  entire  command  were  slain,  was 
indirectly  caused  by  Washita.-^  The  Cheyennes  say  that  they 
knocked  out  the  ashes  of  their  pipes  on  Custer's  heels — that  is,  they 
stalked  him  until  the  time  of  his  death.  Though  the  Custer  Mas- 
sacre is  attributed  to  the  Sioux,  they  had  able  assistance  from  the 
Cheyennes. 


20.  The  official  report  on  the  Battle  of  the  Washita,  on  the  Washita 
River  in  Kansas,  is  given  by  Custer  in  the  Sheridan  Papers,  Library  of 
Congress.    See  also  Custer,  op.  cit..  pp.  226-298. 

21.  The  Battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn  (Montana),  1876.  is  not  related  to 
the  Fletcher  story,  though  it  proves  a  point  often  made  by  the  Indians. 
That  is.  a  battle  is  a  "massacre"  if  it  is  perpetrated  by  Indians  ("the  Custer 
Massacre,"  for  example)  but  a  battle  if  by  the  whites.  To  the  Indians,  the 
Battle  of  the  Washita  was  not  a  battle  but  a  massacre.  Sand  Creek  is  an 
exception,  as  there  was  no  question  about  its  being  a  massacre. 


24  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

In  his  autobiography,  Bent  states  that  Amanda  was  ransomed  by 
Sand  Hill  to  John  Smith,  who  was  trading  for  Morris  &  Hanger  and 
that  it  was  Smith  who  turned  her  over  to  Wynkoop.^^  John  Smith 
may  have  been  there  as  he  served  both  the  Cheyennes  and  Arap- 
ahoes  as  interpreter,  though  he  was  not  held  in  high  esteem  by  the 
latter.  Amanda  mentions  the  "half-breed"  (Poisal)  as  the  inter- 
preter, and  well  he  might  have  been  for  the  Arapahoes;  she  does 
not  speak  of  Smith.  In  one  of  her  accounts  she  discusses  the 
"traders"  as  if  there  might  have  been  others  present  besides  Hang- 
er, but  she  gives  exclusive  credit  to  him  for  effecting  her  release. 
Not  only  did  he  pay  the  ransom,  but  also  he  became  her  benefactor 
for  the  rest  of  his  life. 

Bent  further  states  that  Amanda  was  married  and  the  mother  of 
six  children,  an  excessive  number.  When  she  was  widowed,  she 
mentioned  having  one  daughter  and  three  sons.  According  to 
Bent,  she  said  that  she  had  put  in  a  claim  against  the  Cheyennes, 
but,  as  she  had  already  been  well  paid  years  before,  the  Indian 
Department  dismissed  her  claim,  which  is  far  from  accurate. 
Actually  she  pursued  her  course  relentlessly,  in  spite  of  many 
discouragements.  She  insisted  at  various  times  that  she  did  not 
need  the  money — that  is,  the  amount  of  her  claim — but  she  was 
determined  to  have  it  because  she  thought  it  was  due  her. 

Though  Amanda  must  have  been  a  prolific  writer,  she  kept  few 
longhand  copies  of  what  she  had  written.  On  the  personal  side, 
we  know  that  she  became  the  wife  of  William  E.  Cook  of  Daven- 
port, Iowa,  December,  1867.  Her  father  had  begged  her  to  come 
to  Salt  Lake  to  see  him  but  she  was  terrified  by  the  thought  of 
again  crossing  the  Plains.  Soon  after  her  marriage,  her  husband 
accompanied  her  to  Salt  Lake,  and  she  stayed  with  her  father  until 
his  death,  October  15,  1875. 

Amanda's  case  was  complicated  in  the  first  place  by  the  fact  that 
Jasper  Fletcher  (45  years  of  age,  January  2,  1866)  had  filed  a 
claim  on  that  date  against  the  government.-^  In  it  he  sketched  his 
side  of  the  story.  He  began  with  the  statement  that  he  was  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  although  he  had  only  filed  his  state- 
ment of  intent.  From  this  it  would  seem  that  he  considered  himself 
naturalized. 

He  stated  that  he  was  in  company  with  about  200  emigrants  and 
was  attacked  by  a  band  of  Cheyenne  and  Arapaho  Indians.  They 
killed  his  wife,  Mary  Ann  Limb  Fletcher;  captured  his  two  daugh- 
ters, "Mary  and  Elizabeth;"  and  shot  him  through  the  wrist.  They 
robbed  him  of  all  of  his  property  and  left  him  destitute,  with  three 
little  boys  to  support.    He  prayed  the  Honorable  Commissioner  of 


22.  Hyde,  op.  cit.,  p.  251. 

23.  "Evidence  of  Claimants,"  Indian  Depredations,  No.  5072,  Court  of 
Claims,  pp.  1-4,  10-11. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  25 

Indian  Affairs  to  allow  his  claim  as  "just  and  equitable."  William 
P.  Kimball,  who  must  have  been  with  the  wagon  train,  and  William 
Henry  Fletcher,  Jasper's  son,  verified  his  affidavit  as  they  were 
present  at  the  time  of  the  robbery. 

Fletcher  listed  the  following  as  property  taken  from  him  b\  the 
Indians : 

2  Chicago  wagons,  worth $500.00 

2  American  horses,  one  branded  Q  on  left  shoulder  and 

the  other  branded  W  on  left  shoulder,  worth 600.00 

1  set  harness  for  said  horses 75.00 

4  mules,  worth  $250  each 1000.00 

2  sets   harness,   worth 150.00 

1   fine  black  mare,  white  face,  branded  W  on  each  shoulder  400.00 

400  lbs.  green  tea,  worth  $3.50  per  lb 1400.00 

200  lbs.  tobacco,  at  $2.00  per  lb 400.00 

400  lbs.  bacon,  hams,  at  50  cents  per  lb 200.00 

300  lbs.  sugar,  at  60  cents  per  lb 180.00 

I  feather  bed 50.00 

1  dozen  Mackinaw  blankets 150.00 

8  vests  at  $10  each 80.00 

7  lbs.  powder,  at  $2.00  per  lb 14.00 

6  boxes  of  waterproof  caps,  at  50  cents  each 3.00 

15  lbs.  lead,  at  40  cents 6.00 

1  black  cloth  overcoat 50.00 

Gold   coin 250.00 

150  lbs.  coffee,  at  75  cents 112.50 

1  black  silk  dress,  six  or  eight  other  fine  dresses,  besides 

all  the  female  wearing  apparel,  value 250.00 

3  pairs  cloth  pants,  at  $10.00  each 30.00 

With  all  the  other  articles  of  men's  wearing  apparel 100.00 

1  cook  stove 75.00 

1  Colts  revolver 30.00 

200  lbs.  flour,  $20.00;  100  lbs.  crackers,  $20.00;  cooking 

utensils,     $50.00 90.00 

1  set  joiner's  tools 100.00 

$6295.50 

In  a  second  sworn  statement,  before  Chief  Justice  John  Titus 
March  9,  1867,  he  indicates  that  he  had  corresponded  with  Aman- 
da, then  living  with  the  Cook  family,  whose  son  she  married  in 
December.-^  He  speaks  of  the  Custer  letter  and  makes  reference 
to  Comstock's  suggestion  that  Lizzie  might  be  ransomed  for  one  or 
two  horses.  He  affirms  that  in  his  "present  destitute  and  compara- 
tively friendless  condition,"  he  was  not  able  "to  contribute  anything 
to  regain  his  child  from  the  Indians  or  to  enable  the  other  one  to 
join  him." 

His  second  claim  further  compUcated  matters,  for  there  were 
obvious  discrepancies,  which  Amanda  later  tried  to  explain  by  say- 
ing that  he  did  not  want  to  be  an  imposition  on  the  government. 


24.  Ibid.,  pp.  11-13. 


26 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Mary  Farr  Collection 
AMANDA   MARY   FLETCHER   COOK   SHORTLY   AFTER   HER 
MARRIAGE 


If  he  had  put  in  all  that  the  claim  should  have  amounted  to,  he  felt 
it  would  "seem  inconsistent  with  his  position  in  life,  that  of  a 
working  man."    His  second  list  follows: 

3  young  horses  (good)  wagon,  and  harness $1000.00 

112  lbs.  Hyson  tea,  at  $3.00  per  lb 336.00 

80  lbs.  tobacco,  at  $2.00 160.00 

6  prs.  pants,  at  $11 66.00 

3  good  coats  (1  overcoat) 65.00 

3  new  vests,  at  $5.00 15.00 

Bags   of   clothing 30.00 

Ladies"  clothing,  some  new 200.00 

9  prs.  double  blankets   (long) 160.00 

2  valuable  quilts,  at  $15.00 30.00 

1  set  carpenters'  tools , 60.00 

1   Colts  revolver 15.00 

300  lbs.  flour,  at  $10.00 30.00 

Lot  coffee  and  sugar 9.00 

60   lbs.    ham 30.00 

Gold   coin 150.00 

$2,356.00 

In  the  "Brief  and  Argument  of  Counsel  for  Claimants,"  Aman- 
da's attorney,  W.  W.  Martin,  states  that  at  the  time  the  second  list 
was  made  Jasper  Fletcher  was  "broken  down  mentally  and  phys- 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  27 

ically,  with  the  loss  of  his  property,  murder  of  his  wife,  and  capture 
of  his  two  children.  [He  was]  unable  to  render  an  accurate  state- 
ment of  the  goods  lost,  or  their  value."-"' 

Acting  on  this  premise,  Amanda  and  her  brother  Jasper,  follow- 
ing the  death  of  their  father,  filed  identical  lists  of  property  stolen.-*' 
Her  statements  were  sworn  to  January  24,  1876  in  Scott  County, 
Iowa,  his  February  1,  1876  in  Salt  Lake  County,  Utah.  Both  lists, 
though  joint  identical,  appear  with  their  sworn  statements  in  the 
government  documents.     The  list  is  as  follows: 

1  Span  American  horses $750.00 

1  Blooded  mare - 500.00 

1  New  wagon  with  bows  and  cover 200.00 

2  Sets  of  carpenters'  tools,  new 200.00 

1  Tent.   new.... 25.00 

2  Sets  harness,  new 100.00 

Lot  of  provisions 500.00 

9  Suits  men's  clothing,  at  $50.00 450.00 

15  Suits  men's  underwear  at  $6.00 90.00 

4  Silk  dresses,  at  $75.00 300.00 


Mary  Farr  Collection 
AMANDA   MARY  FLETCHER   COOK   IN   LATER   YEARS 


25.  "Claimants'  Request  for  Finding  of  Facts,"  Indian  Depredations,  No. 
380,  Court  No.  5072,  Court  of  Claims,  p.  4. 

26.  "Evidence  of  Claimants,"  op.  cit..  pp.  14-20. 


28  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

1    Velvet  dress 100.00 

12  suits  ladies'  linen  underwear,  at  $20 240.00 

10  Suits  ladies'  cotton  underwear,  at  $10.00 100.00 

1  India  shawl 500.00 

2  Woolen  shawls,  at  $25 50.00 

1  Set  furs - 75.00 

10  Pairs  men's  boots,  at  $10 100.00 

6  Pairs  ladies'  shoes,  at  $5.00 30.00 

Lot  of  sheets,  pillor-casings,  and  towels 100.00 

2  Sets  heavy  gold  jewelry,  at  $50 100.00 

2  Feather  beds,  at  $50 100.00 

4  Feather  pillows,  at  $5.00...... 20.00 

10  Bed  quilts,  at  $10 100.00 

3  Pairs  heavy  woolen  blankets,  at  $15 45.00 

Gold  coin  to  amount  of 2000.00 

Notes  of  the  Bank  of  England,  value 1000.00 

1  Keg  of  brandy,  iO  gals.,  at  $5.00 50.00 

1   Set  silver  teaspoons.... 15.00 

1  Set  silver  tablespoons 25.00 

1   Set  china  dishes 50.00 

$7915.00 

J.  Q.  Smith,  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  wrote  at  length  on 
February  11,  1876,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  reviewing  the 
case  and  rendering  his  opinion.-'  He  pointed  out  the  discrepancies 
in  the  three  lists  submitted.  One  was  the  the  loss  of  four  mules,  in 
Fletcher's  first  list,  amounting  to  $1000.  Even  he  did  not  men- 
tion mules  in  his  second  list.  Amanda  in  later  testimony  insisted 
that  there  were  no  mules. 

In  the  following  paragraph,  the  commissioner  gives  his  judgment 
in  the  matter:  "The  fact  of  the  depredation  is  well  established,  and 
the  killing  of  claimant's  wife  and  the  capture  of  two  of  his  children 
is  well  known  to  this  office.  Without  doubt,  it  may  be  said  that  he 
suffered,  in  addition  to  these  wrongs  and  hardships  referred  to,  the 
loss  of  some  property;  but  what  property  was  actually  lost  is  not 
satisfactorily  shown.  The  testimony  being  very  meager,  and  the 
statements  made  by  the  parties  directly  interested  so  discrepant  and 
unreliable,  I  must  report  against  the  claim,  and  therefore  recom- 
mend its  disallowance." 

Previous  to  this,  John  D.  Miles,  Indian  agent  at  the  Cheyenne 
and  Arapaho  Agency,  Darlington,  Oklahoma,  informed  Enoch 
Hoag.  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  Lawrence,  Kansas,  on 
December  10,  1875,  that  he  had  submitted  Jasper  Fletcher's  claim 
for  alleged  depredations  by  the  Cheyennes  to  the  chiefs  and  head 
men  in  the  tribe  in  council,  November  29,  1875.-^  When  the  facts 
were  carefully  interpreted  to  them,  as  set  forth  in  the  claim,  they 
admitted  having  "committed  the  outrage."  Satisfaction  was  de- 
manded. 


27.  Ibid.,  pp.  8-9. 

28.  Ibid.,  p.  4. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  29 

It  is  doubtful  that  Amanda  knew  of  either  of  the  above  docu- 
ments, Smith  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  or  Miles  to  Hoag, 
when  she  wrote  to  Commissioner  Smith  on  May  17  regarding  her 
claim.  His  reply,  June  1,  was  one  of  regret  that  the  evidence  sub- 
mitted was  "so  conflicting  and  unsatisfactory  as  to  render  it  impos- 
sible to  form  a  correct  decision  as  to  the  amount  and  character  of 
the  losses  referred  to."  Besides  sending  her  a  copy  of  his  office 
report  of  February  11 — that  is,  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  mentioned  above, — he  told  her  that  he  had  no  power  to 
grant  such  "relief"  as  she  asked,  that  it  could  be  obtained  only  by  a 
special  Act  of  Congress.  And  so  it  was  that  Amanda  was  paid 
$2000,  amount  due  her,  per  Act  of  Congress,  for  her  relief,  ap- 
proved June  16,  1880.-'^  This  amount  was  withheld  from  the 
annuities  paid  the  Cheyennes,  because  of  having  taken  her  captive. 

In  her  effort  to  further  her  case  she  made  an  unfortunate  state- 
ment in  her  letter  of  June  5,  1876  to  Commissioner  Smith,  a  copy 
of  which  she  kept.  When  she  begged  him  to  reconsider  the  matter, 
she  said,  "If  I  had  any  money  I  would  pay  you  for  your  trouble, 
and  if  it  would  not  be  against  the  laws  of  that  office,  I  would  ask 
if  [of?]  you  to  pay  the  money  to  me  and  I  would  see  that  you  were 
well  paid  out  of  it.  ...  I  have  no  powerful  friends  to  lay  the  charge 
before  Congress,  and  I  ask  you,  Mr.  Smith,  if  you  won't  be  a  friend 
to  an  orphan,  and  as  you  are  so  well  acquainted  with  the  ways  of 
doing  such  things,  won't  you  take  the  matter  in  hand,  and  I  will 
give  you  one-half  of  the  money  if  Congress  see  fit  to  give  me  relief 
on  the  grounds  of  my  having  being  [sic]  taken  and  held  in  captivity 
by  the  Cheyenne  Indians."  She  was  helping  the  lawyer  for  the 
defense  build  up  his  case  against  her,  for  he  could  now  claim  that 
besides  "enflating"  the  facts,  she  had  attempted  "bribery."  [In: 
Court  of  Claims;  Indian  Depredations,  No.  5072,  "Evidence  for 
Claimants,"  pp.  9-10.    ed.] 

November  12,  1885,  A.  B.  Upshaw,  acting  commissioner,  care- 
fully reviewed  the  case.^*^  Then  he  stated  that  he  was  "fully  im- 
pressed from  the  facts  .  .  .  that  some  remuneration  is  due  the 
claimant's  heirs  for  losses  sustained  in  the  said  depredation."  But 
that  "this  office"  felt  that  the  "best  and  safest  basis"  for  estimating 
damages,  would  be  to  take  the  figures  presented  by  Jasper  Fletcher 
in  his  second  statement.  He,  therefore,  recommended  that  this 
claim  be  allowed  and  that  the  heirs  be  paid  $2356. 

Charles  Hanger  on  June  21,  1887,  explained  why  there  had  been 
so  long  a  delay.     Writing  to  Oscar  D.  Fletcher  from  Davenport, 


29.  The  amount  due  Amanda  M.  Fletcher  Cook,  for  her  "rehef,"  was 
approved  June  16,  1880.  Formal  acknowledgement  was  made  by  the  de- 
partment, September  24,  and  a  draft  was  drawn,  October  8,  four  months 
after  the  sum  was  approved. 

30.  "Evidence  of  Claimants,"  op.  cit.,  pp.  10-13. 


30  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Iowa,  where  he  was  visiting  Amanda,  he  said  the  sum  recom- 
mended by  Upshaw  had  not  been  paid  because  there  was  further 
investigation  in  process  to  determine  if  it  would  not  be  nearer  "just 
and  right"  to  allow  the  claim  of  $6295.  He  referred  to  his  recent 
meeting  with  L.  H.  Poole,  special  Indian  agent,  in  Cheyenne. 
Hanger  made  his  affidavit  before  Poole,  who  wrote  to  Amanda  on 
October  7  that  he  was  recommending  that  "the  amounts  and  values 
as  set  forth  in  claimant's  amended  schedule  be  accepted. "'^^ 

Ten  days  later,  Amanda  received  a  brief  notice  from  Upshaw 
stating  that  he  wished  to  inform  her  that  the  claimant  was  not  at 
the  date  of  the  depredation  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
therefore  under  the  act  of  March  3,  1885,  (23rd  Stat.,  p.  376) 
"not  provided  for." 

Undaunted,  Amanda  sent  her  father's  naturalization  declaration 
to  Upshaw,  who  replied  on  November  21  that  he  had  received  and 
filed  said  declaration,  and  that  it  showed  conclusively  that  Fletcher 
was  not  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  on  the  date  of  the  depreda- 
tion, and  therefore  not  provided  for  by  the  terms  of  the  act  of 
March  3,  1885,  as  indicated  in  his  previous  letter. 

On  October  5,  1880,  an  account  had  appeared  in  the  Daily 
Gazette,  Davenport,  Iowa,  which  had  caused  widespread  comment. 
Mrs.  Cook  seems  not  to  have  kept  the  story  in  its  original  form  as 
it  appeared,  but  from  a  follow  up  account,  it  is  apparent  that  she 
attempted  to  link  the  name  of  Miss  Lizzie  Fletcher,  of  Buffalo  Bill's 
Wild  West  Show,  with  that  of  her  long-lost  sister.  Was  there  a 
possibility  that  Onita,  in  the  skit,  "The  Prairie  Wolf,"  answering 
to  the  name  of  Lizzie  Fletcher,  was  the  captive?  Fortunately  the 
newspaper,  now  fragile  with  age,  reprinted  Buffalo  Bill's  response 
in  its  entirety  because  only  the  first  page  is  among  her  collection. 
The  letter  was  addressed  to  B.  F.  Tellinghast,  editor,  who  passed 
the  original  on  to  her. 

Cody  regretted  to  say  that  the  Miss  Fletcher  who  played  the  lead 
in  John  A.  Stevens'  play  was  not  Mrs.  Cook's  sister,  but  the  inci- 
dents involving  the  Fletcher  girls  were  so  well  known  they  might 
have  suggested  the  name  to  Stevens.  Cody  speaks  of  Comstock, 
whom  he  knew  well,  and  he  says  that  he  was  killed,  in  July,  1868, 
by  the  Cheyenne  Dog  Soldiers  while  scouting  in  Western  Kansas. 
It  was  his  belief  that  the  white  men  whom  Mrs.  Cook  had  men- 
tioned in  her  letter  to  him  were  Charles  and  George  Bent.  In  his 
concluding  paragraph,  he  says,  "I  haven't  a  doubt  in  the  world  that 
she  [the  real  Lizzie  Fletcher]  still  lives,"  and  he  promised  to  try 
in  any  way  he  could  to  locate  her.    Nothing  seems  to  have  resulted. 

Three  days  after  the  article  appeared,  Amanda  was  paid  the 
$2000  due  her  for  her  "relief."  She  refers  to  this  money  as  "a 
present  for  captivity  award."    It  did  not  modify  her  attitude  toward 


31.  Ibid.,  pp.  23-25. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  31 

the  Cheyennes,  who  had  admitted  their  guilt  and  had  paid  her. 
She  now  felt  it  all  the  more  necessary  that  she  complete  her  father's 
naturalization  papers,  so  that  she  would  not  be  deprived  of  her 
rights  under  the  law  by  not  being  a  naturalized  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  While  she  was  working  out  a  solution  to  this  problem,  she 
continued  her  search  to  find  Lizzie;  she  wrote  letters  and  her 
memoirs;  and  she  even  started  a  book,  but  after  a  few  flowery 
pages  she  gave  up. 

Fletcher,  in  his  original  claim,  had  asked  for  a  reasonable  sum. 
When  he  was  not  granted  that,  he  must  have  reduced  his  claim  on 
the  theory  that  it  would  be  better  to  receive  a  small  amount  than 
nothing.  Again  he  failed.  The  appraisal  sworn  to  by  Amanda 
and  her  brother,  though  it  did  not  agree  with  eithsr  of  Fletcher's 
claims,  was  not  exorbitant,  except  in  minor  detail. 

In  1889,  there  was  an  amazing  development  in  the  case  when 
Amanda's  claim  was  upped  $100,000.  The  reason  is  obscure. 
If  all  of  her  own  letters  had  been  kept,  the  matter  might  have  been 
clarified. 

Amanda  had  been  unable  to  receive  even  the  amount  of  Fletch- 
er's second  claim  because  he  had  not  been  naturalized.  Because 
of  his  lack  of  final  papers,  she  still  was  not  a  naturalized  citizen 
when  Senator  W.  B.  Allison  proposed  a  bill  to  be  entered  in  the 
Senate  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  in  her  behalf.  It  called  for  the 
payment  to  Amanda  M.  Fletcher-Cook,  for  herself  and  brothers, 
the  sum  of  $108,000,  with  interest  from  August  1,  1865. 

Fearing  that  the  bill  might  die  in  committee,  Amanda  wrote  a 
spirited  letter  to  Senator  Allison  dated  February  20,  1 890,  a  copy 
of  which  she  kept.  In  it  she  showed  her  resentment  over  not  hav- 
ing been  paid  the  amount  she  felt  was  due  her.  She  asked,  "How 
often  has  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Justice  died  in  committee  rooms  of  the 
U.  S.  Senate?.  .  .  Now  at  the  proper  time.  ...  I  want  you  to  stand 
by  that  bill.  .  .  .  That  committee  ought  to  soon  present  the  bill  you 
have  or  had  as  it  was  attached  to  my  affidavit,  which  makes  me  not 
you  responsible  for  my  claim  presentment.  I  want  our  dues  with- 
out further  delays  by  Uncle  Samuel  or  his  officers  entrusted  to 
paying  his  debts  and  obligations.  ...  If  the  committee  of  the 
Senate  wishes  to  cut  off  a  slice  from  Justice,  let  him  cut  out 
the  interest  but  not  one  cent  of  the  principle  in  the  sum  about 
$106,000." 

Three  days  later,  Amanda  received  a  most  informative  letter,  the 
first  ten  pages  of  which  are  found  in  her  collection.  Though  the 
signature  is  missing,  it  was  written  from  Las  Animas  and  was 
dated,  February  26,  1890.  Since  the  unknown  writer  refers  to  his 
brother,  Thomas  O.  Boggs,  he  would  have  been  in  a  position  to 
know  the  oldtimers  about  whom  he  wrote.  Relative  to  Kit  Carson, 
about  whom  Amanda  must  have  inquired,  he  stated  that  he  lived 
for  a  time  with  Thomas  Boggs.  His  wife  died  at  Boggsville,  Colo- 
rado, the  home  of  Boggs  and  Carson,  the  same  year  (1867)  he 


32  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

died  at  Fort  Lyon.  Besides  leaving  his  private  papers  to  Boggs, 
Carson  also  left  his  children  for  him  to  raise  and  educate. 

But  of  more  interest  than  this  to  Amanda,  the  writer  promised  to 
find  out  if  there  was  such  a  chief  as  Cut  Nose  among  the  Chey- 
ennes.  He  said  he  would  have  his  wife  ask  Mrs.  John  W.  Prowers, 
the  daughter  of  One  Eye,  who  was  killed  at  Sand  Creek.  The  page 
with  this  information  is  missing.  The  writer  supplied  the  address 
of  Ed  Gary  and  George  Bent,  as  Fort  Sill,  Indian  Territory.  If 
Amanda  wrote  to  the  former,  she  had  no  reply,  nor  did  she  have 
direct  word  from  Bent.  Her  letter  to  him,  with  certain  qualifica- 
tions, has  been  mentioned  previously. 

In  her  efforts  to  find  Lizzie,  Amanda  wrote  to  everyone  she 
thought  could  supply  her  with  a  scrap  of  information.  After  find- 
ing out  from  the  War  Department  that  General  P.  E.  Connor  did 
not  file  a  report,  which  might  have  mentioned  the  attack  at  Rock 
Creek,  she  wrote  to  Colonel  Nelson  A.  Cole,  who,  in  1865,  led  a 
contingent  of  the  ill-fated  Powder  River  Expedition.  While  Connor 
was  establishing  the  camp  named  in  his  honor.  Cole  and  his  men 
almost  perished,  more  from  the  weather  than  because  of  any 
Indian  action. 

The  only  decisive  battle  Connor  could  claim  during  the  War  of 
1865  was  at  Tongue  River  where  he  destroyed  Black  Bear's  camp. 
Colonel  Cole  briefly  outhned  the  campaign  and  concluded  by  say- 
ing, "Your  experience  was  certainly  a  sad  one,  and  you  have  my 
heartfelt  sympathy  and  regret  that  I  cannot  be  of  service  to  you." 

In  1890,  she  appealed  to  the  War  Department  again,  this  time 
so  see  if  she  could  find  any  record  of  the  burial  of  her  mother  and 
others  at  Rock  Creek.  There  was  no  record.  In  1972,  Mary  Farr 
paused  at  the  scene  of  a  number  of  unmarked  graves  on  the  slope 
above  Rock  Creek  Crossing.  At  this  late  date  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  how  many — and  she  speculated  as  to  which  held  the 
remains  of  her  great-grandmother,  Mary  Limb  Fletcher.  She  will 
never  know. 

In  her  desperation,  Amanda  wrote  to  General  John  B.  Sanborn, 
who  was  then  practicing  law  in  St.  Paul.  Her  request  for  informa- 
tion was  followed  by  two  long  letters  in  which  he  tried  to  place  the 
incident  she  recounted.  His  problem  was  that,  to  his  knowledge, 
there  were  two  Rock  Creeks,  one  in  Wyoming  and  the  other  in 
Kansas,  just  below  the  Nebraska  line. 

In  his  first  letter,  March  18,  1890,  he  said  that  he  camped  at 
Rock  Creek  (here  he  obviously  meant  Wyoming)  in  the  spring  of 
1886,  and  his  companion,  the  veteran  trader,  George  P.  Beauvais, 
"now  dead,"  related  an  incident  in  which  one  or  more  women  were 
captured  by  Indians,  and  he  pointed  out  the  direction  in  which  the 
Indians  moved  and  the  hills  where  they  camped  the  first  night. 
The  incident  sounded  as  if  it  related  to  the  Fletchers,  but  he  was 
unable  to  recall  the  details  Beauvais  had  given  him.    He  was  left 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  33 

under  the  impression  that  the  women  who  were  captured  were  later 
surrendered  by  the  Indians. 

Sanborn  said  that  he  did  not  know  or  hear  of  any  English  gold 
sovereign  pieces  or  English  currency  being  passed  by  the  Indians 
or  whites  on  the  Plains  when  he  was  in  command.  He  suggested 
that  she  write  to  Seth  W.  Ward,  Westport,  Missouri;  Colonel 
Nelson  Cole,  St.  Louis,  Missouri;  and  Colonel  Thomas  Moonlight, 
who  was  in  charge  at  Fort  Laramie  in  1865,  though  he  was  under 
the  impression  that  Moonlight  had  died.  He  believed  that  Mr. 
Ward  could  tell  her  the  "state  of  everything  if  he  is  not  made  infirm 
with  age."  It  should  be  noted  that  Moonlight,  who  served  as 
Governor  at  Wyoming  Territory  ( 1 887-89 )  did  not  die  until  1 899. 

In  Sanborn's  second  letter,  dated  March  25,  he  said  that  the 
Bent  brothers,  whom  she  must  have  mentioned,  were  "notoriously 
hostile  and  ugly  at  the  Treaty  of  1865,  when  all  of  the  chiefs  prom- 
ised to  give  up  any  captives  in  their  possession  as  soon  as  they 
could  be  brought  into  the  posts  occupied  by  the  troops."  This 
council  concerned  the  Southern  bands  of  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 
hoes,  those  under  Black  Kettle  and  Little  Raven.  These  two  chiefs 
tried  to  arrange  peace  while  their  warriors  fought  in  the  north. 
Meanwhile,  the  northern  bands  of  the  tribes  against  whom  the 
government  was  then  at  war,  continued  to  roam  at  will.  Sanborn 
makes  no  mention  of  the  Dog  Soldiers. 

The  Davenport  Democrat  of  April  18,  1890,  carried  a  story 
under  the  heading,  "A  Peculiar  Case."  It  said  that  Mrs.  M.  A.  F. 
Cook  had  come  to  the  county  clerk's  office  with  the  incomplete 
naturalization  papers  of  her  father,  Jasper  Fletcher.  He  took  out 
his  first  papers  in  Cambridge,  lUinois,  in  1861,  but  he  left  for 
California  before  taking  out  the  final  ones.  After  reviewing  the 
Fletcher  story,  the  article  stated  that  the  papers  had  been  com- 
pleted, thus  making  Mrs.  Cook  a  naturalized  citizen,  through  her 
father,  then  deceased.  The  papers  were  30  years  too  late  to  help 
Jasper  Fletcher  or  his  heirs. 

About  two  weeks  prior  to  this  date,  T.  J.  Morgan,  commissioner 
of  Indian  affairs,  after  receiving  Amanda's  inquiry  regarding  the 
burial  of  her  mother,  called  Colonel  Samuel  F.  Tappan  into  his 
office  for  an  interview.  Tappan,  who  was  at  Fort  Lyon  at  the  time 
of  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre,  was  grounded  because  of  an  injured 
foot.  A  foe  of  Colonel  Chivington's,  he  later  became  chairman  of 
the  military  commission  investigating  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre. ^'- 


32.  There  was  a  military  as  well  as  a  Congressional  Commission  inves- 
tigating Sand  Creek,  with  Senator  Ben  Wade  chairman  of  the  latter.  The 
hundreds  of  pages  of  testimony  resulted  in  the  resignation  of  Governor 
Evans.  Though  Chivington  was  held  primarily  to  blame,  he  was  not  court- 
martialed  as  it  was  time  for  his  retirement.     He  subsequently  resigned. 


34  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

He  referred  Amanda  to  General  Connor,  who  was  then  (1890) 
stationed  at  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah,  and  to  Colonel  Thomas  Moon- 
light, who  was,  on  March  20,  1890,  residing  in  Leavenworth, 
Kansas.  Amanda  undoubtedly  wrote  to  both,  but  no  replies  are 
found. 

In  all  legal  matters,  Charles  Hanger,  or  "Uncle  Charlie,"  as 
Amanda  called  him,  stood  by  her  loyally.  Besides  making  a  trip  to 
Cheyenne  to  consult  Special  Indian  Agent  Poole  and  give  his  depo- 
sition in  his  presence,  he  made  a  trip  to  Washington,  D.  C.  in  be- 
half of  her  case. 

In  his  first  deposition,  October  31,  1891,  he  stated  that  the 
Cheyennes  with  whom  he  traded  did  not  give  him  a  single  robe, 
but  paid  him  in  money — Bank  of  England  notes  and  coins. •^•*  The 
Indians,  he  testified,  told  him  that  the  money  was  taken  from  the 
Fletcher  wagons.  According  to  his  statement,  he  was  paid  about 
$14,000  in  English  money,  but  he  paid  the  ransom  in  goods,  which 
meant  more  to  the  Indians.  He  affirmed  that  Colonel  Bent  (Wil- 
liam, father  of  Charles  and  George)  showed  him  the  EngHsh  money 
he  had.  He  had  forgotten  how  much  he  said  it  amounted  to,  but 
he  believed  it  to  be  at  least  twice  the  amount  in  his  possession. 
Hanger  claimed  that  he  offered  $200  for  Mrs.  Fletcher's  wedding 
ring,  which  was  being  worn  by  one  of  the  Indians,  but  he  was 
unable  to  buy  it. 

One  paragraph  in  Hanger's  letter  of  October  20,  1891,  indicated 
that  he  might  have  been  giving  money  as  well  as  encouragement  to 
his  protege.  He  states,  "I  am  glad  you  extended  partial  invitation 
to  visit  my  Davenport  house — and  I  will  avail  myself  of  the  priv- 
ilege as  soon  as  my  Dear  Mother  is  at  rest — and  as  far  as  footing 
the  bills  that  is  one  reason  I  will  want  to  come — to  make  you  com- 
fortable for  the  winter."  In  the  postscript,  he  added,  "Do  you 
know,  Mary,  I  am  just  worn  out  with  watching  and  the  care  of 
Poor  Mother — but  it  will  soon  be  over  and  I  will  have  done  my 
duty — nothing  more,  however — and  I  am  glad  I  have  kept  up  as 
well  as  I  have." 

In  his  November  4  letter.  Hanger  reviewed  certain  details  in  his 
deposition,  a  copy  of  which  he  sent  her.  He  commented,  "Did  you 
ever  stop  to  think  that  I  did  not  get  one  robe  from  the  Indians  that 
you  were  with — it  was  all  money!"  He  had  made  it  clear  that  his 
partner,  Morris,  was  dead.  There  was  not  a  living  person  who 
could  cdntradict  his  statements. 

He  suggested  that  she  make  arrangements  with  Jasper  and  Os- 
car. William  having  died  previously,  to  pay  them  a  certain  sum 
when  she  got  the  money.     At  the  same  time,  she  should  remind 


33.  "Evidence    of   Claimants,"    op.    cit.,    Hanger's    first    deposition,    pp. 

22-24. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  35 

them  of  how  she  had  been  fighting  all  of  these  years  and  the  hun- 
dreds of  dollars  she  had  spent.  He  made  no  mention  of  his  own 
expense. 

Jasper  Fletcher's  sons  showed  little  interest  in  Indian  Depreda- 
tion 380,  Court  No.  5072,  which  first  stated:  "Mrs.  A.  M.  F. 
Cook,  Jasper  Fletcher  and  Oscar  D.  F.  Fletcher,  Heirs  of  Jasper 
Fletcher,  Deceased,  vs.  The  United  States  and  Cheyenne  and 
Apache  Indians."  Court  Number  5072  was  reworded  to  read: 
"Amanda  M.  Fletcher  Cook  et  al.,  heirs  of  Jasper  Fletcher,  de- 
ceased, v^.  The  United  States  and  the  Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe 
tribes  of  Indians."  There  seems  little  reason  for  the  inclusion  of 
the  Apaches.  Apparently  the  mistake  was  noted  and  the  word 
Arapahoes  was  inserted,  though  the  Arapahoes  seem  to  have  been 
incidental  to  Amanda's  way  of  thinking.  She  had  no  reason  to 
question  the  belief  that  Lizzie  was  still  among  the  Cheyenne  In- 
dians. The  only  gesture  her  brothers  seem  to  have  made  to  help 
her  in  her  continuous  battle  was  in  the  nature  of  a  deposition  given 
by  Jasper  February  1,  1876,  when  he  was  17  years  old.''^  With  it 
was  filed  his  inventory  of  loss,  identical  to  Amanda's.  Other  than 
this,  Jasper  showed  a  lack  of  interest.  An  envelope,  containing  a 
number  of  documents,  as  well  as  a  form  that  was  never  filled  out, 
appears  to  be  just  as  his  sister  received  it. 

The  many  letters  Mrs.  Cook  kept  from  lawyers,  politicians, 
military  personnel,  and  others  interested  in  her  case  reflect  the 
anxious  moments  she  must  have  spent  writing  for  information — 
anything  she  could  obtain  to  further  her  cause.  Just  as  her  father 
had  shown  his  marked  determination,  she,  too,  seemed  to  have  a 
single  purpose,  and  she  considered  it  "just  and  true."  There  is  no 
extraneous  matter  in  her  collection. 

In  the  fourth  letter  in  a  series  from  the  Attorney  General's 
office,  it  is  obvious  that  the  patience  of  the  Justice  Department  was 
wearing  thin.  In  this  letter,  dated  December  30,  1892,  the  Attor- 
ney General  stated  sharply,  "There  are  nearly  nine  thousand  cases 
pending  in  the  Court  of  Claims  for  Indian  Depredations,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  keep  up  a  personal  correspondence  with  each  of  the 
claimants.  You  have  an  attorney  of  record  who  is  supposed  to 
attend  to  the  claimants'  interests  and  do  what  is  best  for  them  in 
the  case." 

In  Mrs.  Cook's  collection,  there  is  the  copy  of  an  agreement  with 
B.  W.  Perkins,  dated  April  4,  1891,  to  take  charge  of  her  claim. 
Amanda  must  have  been  discouraged  by  all  that  had  happened. 
She  had  been  defeated  in  various  battles  but  she  had  not  conceded 
defeat  in  her  war.    She  still  had  the  backing  of  Charles  Hanger. 

A  second  deposition  was  given  by  him  on  behalf  of  the  claimant 


34.  Ibid.,  Jasper  Fletcher  Jr.'s  deposition,  pp.  6-8. 


36  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

at  Clinton,  Illinois,  October  31,  1891.-^''  It  was  repetitious  for  the 
most  part.  Then  it  was  stipulated  that  he  should  go  to  Washing- 
ton, D.  C,  by  Perkins,  attorney  for  claimants,  and  L.  W.  Colby, 
assistant  attorney  general.  Colby  conducted  the  cross  examination 
there,  December  15,  1891,  and  he  questioned  him  at  length.  Again 
Hanger  added  little  that  had  not  already  been  said. 

Perkins,  after  being  appointed  U.  S.  senator,  turned  over  all  of 
his  law  business  to  attorneys  Martin  &  Cushman.  W.  W.  Martin, 
of  that  firm,  informed  Amanda  on  March  19,  1892,  that  the 
prosecution  of  depredations  claims  was  at  a  standstill  in  the  Court 
of  Claims  because  the  attorney  general  raised  the  question  of  the 
necessity  of  "service  on  the  Indian  charged  with  committing  depre- 
dations." Until  that  question  was  determined  by  the  Court,  there 
would  be  no  further  action  as  far  as  trying  cases  was  concerned. 
He  concluded  by  saying  that  Amanda  would  be  notified  in  time  to 
be  prepared,  as  soon  as  arrangements  could  be  made  with  the 
attorney  general  to  take  her  deposition. 

In  her  letter  to  Colby,  April  23,  1892,  she  said  that  she  wished 
to  have  her  deposition  taken.  She  "couldn't  stand  the  strain  much 
longer."  But  she  had  to  wait  until  December  1  before  it  was  done. 
It  amounted  to  12  printed  pages  of  prepared  questions  that  were 
put  to  her.'"'  She  merely  amplified  for  the  most  part  what  she  had 
previously  said.  In  her  testimony  she  tells  of  watching  the  Indians 
take  clothing,  bedding,  beds,  provisions,  and  "money  in  particular" 
from  the  wagons.  She  makes  reference  to  the  "family  treasury" 
a  number  of  times. 

When  asked  if  she  ever  saw  the  Indians  make  use  of  the  money, 
she  referred  to  Sand  Hill.  "He  went  there  [to  Colonel  Bent's,  then 
in  the  Sand  Hills],  and  he  disposed  of  the  money  there  in  swapping 
for  different  things,  sugar,  flour,  coffee,  and  blankets,  and  any- 
thing, of  course,  that  he  could  get.  ...  It  [the  money]  passed 
through  his  hands  to  mine  to  be  sure  it  was  correct,  and  I  paid  it 
to  Colonel  Bent." 

She  stated:  "They  wanted  me  to  count  them  [the  bills].  I 
would  count  the  number.  There  was  one  that  had  1 700  bills.  One 
Indian  in  particular  had  2400  pounds  in  Enghsh  money.  Just 
when  I  saw  this  money  I  could  not  tell  you.  It  was  while  I  was  a 
captive,  I  am  positive.  There  was  one  that  had  700  bills.  I  knew 
this  money.  It  was  a  different  kind  from  the  American.  I  knew 
it  was  the  same.  The  gold  was  divided  among  them.  The  squaws 
had  the  coins,  after  making  holes  in  them,  strung  in  their  ears. 
Something  grand  and  something  that  was  very  nice  in  their  idea." 

This  is  significant,  for  a  lawyer  with  mathematical  insight  later 
pointed  to  the  fact  that  she  saw  more  money  than  she  had  originally 


35.  Ibid.,  Hanger's  second  deposition  and  cross-examination,  pp.  24-29. 

36.  Ibid.,  Amanda  Fletcher  Cook's  deposition,  pp.  29-46. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  37 

specified  her  father  had.  This  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
money — perhaps  a  major  part  of  it — may  have  come  from  another 
source. 

Letters  continued  to  arrive  from  attorneys:  Perkins  and  Chan- 
dler, Washington,  D.  C;  Martin  and  Cushman,  Washington,  D.  C; 
and  Davis  and  Lane,  Davenport,  Iowa,  regarding  the  case.  Finally 
on  December  11,  1894,  one  came  from  Needham  and  Cotton, 
Washington,  D.  C,  saying  the  defendant  had  filed  a  plea  alleging 
fraud.  This  was  unquestionably  a  blow  to  Amanda.  Across  the 
end  of  the  envelope  she  wrote  "important."  The  attorney  signified 
that  the  defendant  had  no  further  testimony  and  was  ready  to 
dispose  of  the  case  as  soon  as  it  could  be  briefed.  If  Amanda  had 
no  additional  information  relative  to  the  case,  the  lawyer  saw  no 
reason  why  it  could  not  be  briefed  and  submitted. 

In  Amanda's  collection  there  are  three  government  documents 
pertaining  to  Case  No.  5072.  One  contains  46  pages  of  evidence 
to  be  submitted  to  the  Court  of  Claims.  It  is  yellowed  with  age 
and  worn  thin  from  handling.  Its  binding  is  gone  and  the  pages 
are  held  together  with  a  thread.  The  other  two  are  "Claimants' 
Request  for  Finding  of  Facts,"  and  "Defendants'  Request  for 
Finding  of  Facts."  Since  the  facts  have  already  been  covered,  we 
will  mention  only  the  highlights  given  in  the  preface  in  the  two 
pamphlets  just  mentioned. 

Martin,  attorney  for  the  claimants,  stressed  the  following 
points:**" 

1.  Though  Jasper  Fletcher,  then  deceased,  was  not  a  naturalized 
citizen,  he  had  declared  his  intent  and  was  therefore  entitled  to 
protection. 

2.  That  the  Cheyenne  Indians  who  committed  the  alleged  depre- 
dations, July  31,  1865,  were  "at  the  time  in  treaty  relations,  and  in 
amity  with  the  United  States  and  chargeable  with  the  Claimant's 
loss." 

3.  That  the  depredation  was  committed  on  the  trail  (near  Rock 
Creek  Station),  not  on  a  reservation  and  that  the  value  of  the 
prop)erty  destroyed  amounted  to  $106,295.50. 

4.  That  Amanda,  Jasper,  and  Oscar  D.  F.  were  "the  only  surviving 
heirs"  of  Jasper  Fletcher,  deceased. 

5.  Said  Claimants  were  entitled  to  recover,  "under  the  law  and  the 
evidence,"  of  the  United  States  and  Cheyenne  Indians,  the  sum  of 
$106,295.50. 

Colby,  Assistant  Attorney-General,  prefaced  his  argument  by 
mentioning  :'^^ 


37.  "Claimants'  Request  for  Finding  of  Facts,"  op.  cit.,  pp.  1-2. 

38.  "Defendant's   Request  for   Finding   of  Fact,"   Indian   Depredations. 
Court  No.  5072,  Court  of  Claims,  pp.  1-2. 


38  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

1 .  Jasper  Fletcher  was  not  at  the  date  of  the  depredation  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States. 

2.  The  value  of  the  claimant's  property  stolen  or  destroyed  did  not 
exceed  $2356. 

3.  There  was  no  proof  that  the  claimants  were  the  only  living  heirs 
of  Jasper  Fletcher. 

4.  The  Cheyenne  and  Arapaho  Indians  had  already  paid  Amanda 
M.  Fletcher  Cook  the  sum  of  $2000  on  account  of  the  same  attack 
upon  which  the  claim  was  based. 

5.  The  Cheyenne  and  Arapaho  tribes  were  not  in  amity  with  the 
United  States  at  the  time. 

6.  The  claimants  had  attempted  in  the  "proof,  statement,  and  es- 
tablishment of  their  claim  to  practice  fraud  against  the  United 
States  and  their  claim  should  be  forfeited  to  the  Government.'" 

Since  money  seems  to  have  been  the  main  contention,  Colby's 
summary  is  significant.  He  states:  "It  is  not  pretended  and  it  is 
not  possible  that  Amanda  M.  Fletcher  Cook  has  any  knowledge  of 
this  loss  now  that  she  did  not  have  in  1875,  the  father  having  died 
before  the  date  of  the  affidavit  in  which  she  places  the  loss  of  coin 
and  bank  notes  at  $3000.  It  is  incredible  that  the  father  should 
have  made  two  claims,  one  for  $250  and  the  other  for  $150,  in 
gold  coin,  if  the  actual  amount  lost  was  from  400  to  700  times 
greater;  but  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  daughter  and  the  son  should 
increase  this  claim  to  $2000  and  make  an  additional  claim  for 
$1000  in  bank  notes,  with  the  full  knowledge  that  the  real  amount 
lost  was  $15,000  in  gold  and  $85,000  in  bank  notes.''^^ 

We  can  be  sure  that  Charles  Hanger  suffered  through  the  long, 
drawn  out  case  with  Amanda.  He,  too,  must  have  been  tired 
of  it  all.  A  letter  from  Needham  &  Cotton,  January  17,  1896, 
brought  further  disappointment,  to  both  Hanger  and  to  Amanda, 
to  whom  it  was  addressed.  The  letter  began  by  stating  that  as 
promised  the  attorneys  would  keep  her  informed.  "We  have  now 
to  announce  to  you  the  fact  that  the  Supreme  Court  has  decided 
in  respect  to  the  Indian  depredation  statute  that  the  claimant  must 
be  a  citizen  at  the  date  of  the  depredation  and  that  he  had  filed  his 
intentions  to  become  one  does  not  bring  him  within  the  scope 
of  the  jurisdiction.  This  affirms  the  opinion  of  the  Court  of 
Claims.  .  .  .  The  decision  would  seem  to  be  fatal  to  your  case  as 
you  were  long  ago  advised  and  the  only  thing  which  can  now 
amend  it  is  the  legislation  proposed. "^*^'  He  could  not  say  what  the 
chances  were  for  that,  but  the  lawyers  would  keep  in  touch  with 


39.  Ibid.,  pp.  7-8. 

40.  "Adjudication  and  Payment  of  all  Claims  Arising  from  Indian 
Depredations,"  Calendar  No.  1281,  Senate  Report  No.  1300,  56  Cong., 
1st  Sess. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  39 

"the  western  Senators  who  have  the  matter  at  heart,"  and  they 
would  let  her  know  as  soon  as  possible. 

This  was  probably  the  end  of  the  matter  as  far  as  Hanger  was 
concerned.  His  last  letter,  dated  August  19,  1897,  was  written 
from  Clinton,  Ilhnois.  It  made  no  reference  to  the  case,  which  by 
now  was  dead.  Instead,  on  a  lighter  note,  he  wished  her  a  happy 
birthday  by  referring  to  an  important  event  which  happened  in  Old 
England  46  years  before.  With  his  usual  good  humor,  he  said  he 
was  "creditably  informed  that  she  was  there."  He  devoted  his  life 
to  caring  for  an  ailing  mother  and  considerable  time  and  substance 
in  helping  his  devoted  friend,  Amanda.  His  death  must  have 
occurred  not  long  afterwards. 

With  Case  No.  5072  settled,  Amanda  had  yet  another  major 
problem  to  face:  What  became  of  Lizzie?  Both  Custer  and  Buf- 
falo Bill  were  convinced  that  she  was  alive.  Unknown  to  her, 
stories  were  beginning  to  circulate  regarding  a  white  woman  who 
came  to  Casper,  Wyoming,  with  the  Indians  who  drove  freight 
caravans  between  the  Wind  River  Reservation  and  that  point,  a 
distance  of  about  125  miles.  The  story  of  the  mysterious  white 
woman  came  to  the  notice  of  the  publisher  of  The  Natrona  County 
Tribune,  A.  J.  Mokler,  who  carried  a  story  in  his  paper.  Is  was 
republished  in  a  number  of  newspapers,  and  finally  came  to  the 
attention  of  Amanda,  who  wrote  a  letter  of  inquiry  to  Mokler  and 
sent  him  a  copy  of  The  Gazette,  telling  of  the  attack  at  Rock  Creek 
and  the  capture  of  the  child,  who  had  never  been  found. 

C.  G.  Coutant,  early-day  historian,  of  Cheyenne,  wrote  to 
Amanda,  August  31,  1900.  He  asked  for  detailed  information  on 
her  "adventures"  which  he  planned  to  put  in  a  chapter  on  "Captive 
Women  and  Children,"  in  his  proposed  Volume  II  of  History 
of  Wyoming.^^ 

Coutant's  letter  was  followed  on  September  7  by  one  from  A.  J. 
Mokler.  After  acknowledging  receipt  of  The  Gazette,  he  stated 
that  he  would  publish  it  in  the  paper  the  13th,  which  he  did.  He 
mentioned  Captain  Hermon  G.  Nickerson,  of  Fort  Washakie,  who 
he  thought  might  have  told  her  that  the  white  woman  was  with  the 
band  of  Indians  in  Casper  some  years  before.  Nickerson  was  not 
the  first  to  discover  that  there  might  possibly  be  a  white  woman 
living  with  the  Indians.  The  scout  Frank  Grouard,  in  March. 
1878,  had  seen  the  Arapahoes  being  moved  to  the  Wind  River 
Reservation,  and  he  had  observed  that  they  had  a  white  boy  and 
girl  with  them. 


41.  Volume  II  of  Coutant's  history  was  never  published.  His  unfinished 
notes  are  in  the  files  of  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Depart- 
ment. The  account  furnished  him  by  Amanda  appeared  in  the  Second 
Biennial  Report  of  the  State  Historian,  September  30,  1922,  under  the  head- 
ing. "Captured  by  Indians,"  pp.  101-106. 


40  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Arapahoes  who  refused  to  hve  among  the  Sioux  or  to  go  to 
Indian  Territory  to  merge  with  the  Southern  bands,  were  placed  on 
the  Shoshone  reservation  on  a  temporary  basis  in  1878.  It  was  not 
until  after  a  prolonged  court  case,  ending  in  1938,  that  the  Sho- 
shones  were  paid  for  one-half  of  the  reservation,  that  portion 
occupied  by  the  Arapahoes.  Since  then  the  reservation  has  been 
jointly  owned  by  the  two  tribes. 

In  August,  1901,  another  newspaper  man,  C.  S.  Thompson, 
became  actively  interested  in  "the  white  Indian  girl."  Writing  on 
Inter  Ocean  Hotel  stationery,  Cheyenne,  he  said  that  he  had 
learned  in  a  recent  conversation  with  Captain  Nickerson,  agent  at 
the  Shoshone  Reservation,  that  a  white  woman  was  living  as  a 
member  of  the  Arapaho  tribe. 

Meanwhile,  Amanda  had  a  most  welcome  letter  from  Senator 
Francis  E.  Warren,  of  the  Committee  on  Claims,  regarding  the 
"Adjudication  and  Payment  of  All  Claims  Arising  from  Indian 
Depredations  (No.  1281),"  which  might  indirectly  have  helped  her 
recover  the  loss  for  which  she  fought  so  hard.  Warren  said, 
"Friends  of  the  measure  are  making  some  changes  in  it,  which  it  is 
thought  will  make  its  passage  easier  of  accomplishment  than  if 
presented  in  the  same  form  as  last  session."  He  hoped  for  favor- 
able results.^- 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  or  not  Nickerson  knew  that 
John  Brokenhorn's  wife  was  white  when  he  gave  her  the  name 
Sarah,  about  the  turn  of  the  century.  It  took  him  two  years  to 
Anghcize  all  of  the  Indian  names  at  Wind  River.  When  he  com- 
pleted his  task,  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  WilUam  Shakespeare,  Wash- 
ington, Garfield,  Lincoln,  and  Grant  were  among  the  names  of 
dignitaries  found  on  the  tribal  rolls.  All  were  meaningless  to  the 
Indians  at  the  time. 

Prior  to  Nickerson's  time,  there  had  been  no  family  names 
among  the  two  tribes.  Each  had  his  own,  given  to  him  at  birth  or 
earned  by  him  later  in  life.  This  matter  of  family  names  was  con- 
trary to  the  Indian  pattern;  especially  was  this  true  among  the 
Shoshones,  who  would  not  repeat  the  name  of  the  dead. 

The  Arapahoes,  on  the  other  hand,  believed  that  an  infant's 


42.  An  undated  and  unidentified  clipping  in  Amanda's  collection  is  titled, 
"Paying  for  Poor  Lo's  Work,"  and  it  indicates  that  the  bill  was  passed  in 
both  the  House  and  the  Senate,  but  that  a  conference  "had  been  ordered  and 
some  agreement  would  undoubtedly  be  reached."  The  lack  of  further  infor- 
mation indicates  that  Mrs.  Cook  was  again  disappointed.  Obviously,  she 
did  not  consider  her  claim  settled,  for  on  February  8,  1928,  she  legally 
assigned  to  her  son,  F.  S.  Cook,  of  Eau  Claire,  Wisconsin,  all  her  "right, 
title  and  interest  in  the  cause  of  action  against  the  United  States,  now  pend- 
ing in  the  Court  of  Claims  at  Washington,  D.  C.  entitled:  Amanda  M. 
Fletcher  Cook  vs.  The  United  States  of  America,  thereby  giving  him  full 
power  to  collect  all  the  profits  that  might  be  obtained  from  said  action. 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  41 

longevity  might  be  assured  by  giving  him  the  name  of  a  very  old 
person.  The  "re-used  names"  had  nothing  to  do  with  blood  lines. 
The  Arapahoes  also  had  an  interesting  custom  of  name  exchange. 
If  one  member  of  the  tribe  preferred  some  other  name  to  his  own, 
he  might  approach  the  one  bearing  it  and  offer  a  price — in  the 
early  days  a  horse  was  his  usual  offer.  The  one  approached  could 
not,  under  the  circumstances,  refuse.  Dispossessed  this  way,  he 
might  have  to  wait  for  a  meeting  of  his  age  society  before  having 
another  name,  which  was  then  ceremonially  conferred.  Nickerson 
contributed  toward  the  disruption  of  the  cultural  plan.  In  the  case 
of  John  Brokenhorn  and  others  whose  names  were  acceptable,  he 
merely  added  a  given  name  and  the  one  by  which  they  were  known 
became  the  surname,  used  by  the  various  members  of  that  par- 
ticular family. 

Thompson,  who  was  previously  mentioned,  was  told  by  Nick- 
son  that  Mrs.  Cook  planned  to  come  West  that  year  (1901  )  to 
identify  her  sister.  As  a  newspaper  man,  "doing  work  occasionally 
for  the  New  York  Sun,'"  he  hoped  "to  get  to  the  bottom  of  this 
white  woman  case."  He  requested  all  information  she  might  be 
disposed  to  give  and  promised  his  help  in  solving  the  riddle. 

Not  since  Custer's  information  concerning  Little  Silver  Hair  had 
Amanda  been  given  such  definite  reason  to  believe  that  her  sister 
was  alive.  During  her  tedious  and  often  frustrating  efforts  to  gain 
a  settlement  in  the  Court  of  Claims,  she  had  lost  hope  of  ever 
seeing  her  again. 

She  was  heartened  by  a  letter  from  Nickerson,  Shoshone  Agen- 
cy, Wyoming,  September  16,  1901.  He  said  that  the  smallpox 
epidemic  and  the  Indian  uprising  she  had  mentioned  were  a  fake. 
He  wrote,  "Should  you  come  to  the  agency  to  see  the  alleged  white 
woman,  let  me  know  when  you  will  leave  Casper  for  the  Arapaho 
sub-agency,  25  miles  from  Fort  Washakie."  From  this  we  are  not 
sure  whether  or  not  he  was  aware  that  Brokenhorn's  wife  was  a 
white  woman — and  he  certainly  had  no  way  of  knowing  her  real 
name — when  he  called  her  Sarah  Brokenhorn.  He  promised  to 
meet  Amanda  and  arrange  for  an  interview,  to  which  he  felt  there 
would  be  no  objection. 

According  to  an  undated,  unidentified  clipping — a  reprint  ot 
Mokler's  article — Mrs.  Cook  and  her  sister  were  united  after  a 
separation  of  37  years.  Although  we  are  not  sure  of  the  exact 
date,  it  was  sometime  in  the  spring  of  1902.  Lizzie,  according  to 
Amanda,  looked  just  like  her  mother,  Mary  Limb  Fletcher,  still 
with  evidence  of  a  fair  complexion  though  she  had  been  constantK 
exposed  to  the  sun  and  the  winds.  Indian  paint  could  not  cover  up 
the  fact  that  she  had  blue  eyes  and  freckles,  which  seemed  to  run 
in  the  Fletcher  family.  Through  an  interpreter  Amanda  tried 
vainly  to  persuade  her  to  return  to  Davenport  with  her.  But 
Lizzie,  who  had  her  share  of  her  father's  determination,   flatly 


42 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


refused.  She  denied  the  obvious  truth  that  she  was  white.  No 
amount  of  pleading  could  sway  her. 

The  picture  of  John  and  Lizzie  Brokenhom  is  significant.  It 
indicates  that  Little  Silver  Hair,  "the  white  Indian  girl,"  still  liked 
fancy  Indian  attire.  Her  porcupine  quill  embroidered  cape,  her 
beads,  and  her  bracelets  show  her  to  be  dressed  in  the  prescribed 
Indian  fashion.  The  only  item  of  her  attire  that  shows  any  lack 
of  conformity  is  the  warbonnet,  the  emblem  of  the  Plains  warrior. 
Women  as  a  rule  did  not  wear  one. 

Mary  Farr,  recognizing  the  strong  resemblance,  says,  "If  you 
would  put  a  warbonnet  on  Grandma  [Amanda],  you  would  swear 
that  it  was  Aunt  Lizzie."  Who,  might  we  ask,  would  have  had  any 
more  right  to  wear  the  emblem  of  a  warrior  than  Jasper  Fletcher's 
two  spunky  daughters? 

It  might  be  fitting  to  try  to  analyze  Lizzie's  point  of  view  since 
she  had  no  way  of  expressing  it  herself  and  Amanda  could  not 


Mary  Farr  Collection 
JOHN   AND  LIZZIE   BROKEN  HORN 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  43 

understand  because  of  her  own  bitter  experience.  In  the  first 
place,  as  a  little  girl  Lizzie  had  been  affectionately  cared  for  by  the 
Arapahoes,  who  love  children.  Sometimes  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine whose  children  are  whose,  because  those  of  friends  and  rela- 
tives are  cared  for  with  the  same  devotion  as  their  own.  Second, 
she  had  been  able  to  adjust  to  the  Indian  way  of  life  better  than 
the  usual  captive  because  she  had  no  remembrance  of  having  lived 
among  the  whites.  The  Indian  "road,"  as  they  call  their  way  of 
life,  was  the  only  one  she  knew.  Third,  she  had  a  husband  who 
may  not  have  provided  her  with  certain  "necessities"  a  white 
woman  might  demand,  but  over  the  years  had  stood  by  her,  and 
she  by  him.  They  had  shared  joys  and  sorrows,  for  they  had  lost 
their  only  child  when  he  was  only  12  years  of  age.  Fourth,  she 
was  surprised,  though  not  overjoyed,  to  learn  her  identity  from  a 
woman  whom  she  did  not  even  know,  a  stranger  who  claimed  to  be 
her  sister.  Had  she  been  younger,  she  might  have  reacted  differ- 
ently, but  she  had  lived  too  long  with  a  man  who  opposed  the  white 
man  and  all  that  he  stood  for,  though  he  proudly  wore  a  medal 
showing  he  had  served  as  a  scout  for  General  George  Crook. 

The  tragedy  of  the  encounter  is  that  the  sisters  could  not  speak 
the  same  language,  and  they  had  no  basis  for  understanding.  When 
Lizzie  denied  her,  Amanda  faced  another  great  sorrow  in  her  life. 
Mokler  quotes  her  as  saying  that  she  had  had  many  bitter  exper- 
iences, but  when  Lizzie  "refused  to  give  up  her  wild  life  and  live 
like  a  woman  civilized,  it  was  the  hardest  blow  she  had  endured 
since  she  saw  her  mother  killed  by  being  thrust  through  the  body 
with  a  spear."^^  To  Lizzie,  who  did  not  realize  the  full  significance 
of  the  interview,  the  incident  had  little  meaning. 

The  Arapahoes  must  have  felt  a  degree  of  satisfaction  in  know- 
ing that  Ha(h)-nabe-no-ha  (Kills-in-Time)  had  spurned  the  offer  to 
return  to  her  people  and  had  preferred  to  remain  with  them.  One 
statement  regarding  her  that  appeared  in  the  press  is  difficult  to 
accept — that  is,  that  her  discovery  lent  dignity  and  that  she  felt 
more  important  and  considered  herself  of  superior  birth. 

It  should  be  pointed  out  that  the  Arapahoes  from  time  imme- 
morial have  considered  themselves  "the  chosen  people,"  having 
been  created  first,  according  to  their  Origin  Myth.  When  it  was 
asserted  that  Brokenhorn  felt  superior  because  his  wife  was  a  white 
woman,  so  superior  that  he  refused  his  natural  allotment,  it  is  hard 
to  believe.  He  was  known  for  his  animosity  to  the  government. 
His  stubornness  in  refusing  the  allotment  obviously  stemmed  from 
the  fact  that  he  felt  the  land  was  not  the  white  man's  to  allot. 

The  Brokenhorns  spent  their  last  years  in  their  little  cabin  about 


43.  A.  J.  Mokler,  "A  White  Indian  Woman."  in  History  of  Natrona 
County,  1888-1922,  (Chicago:  R.  R.  Donnelley  &  Sons  Co.,  1923),  pp. 
417-421. 


44  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

a  half  mile  from  St.  Stephens  Indian  Mission,  near  Riverton,  Wyo- 
ming, where  he  supported  himself  and  his  wife  by  peddling  curios, 
trading  horses,  and  practicing  as  a  medicine  man.  This  was  sup- 
plemented by  a  pension  of  $50  a  month  he  received  for  having 
served  General  Crook  and  by  what  wages  Sarah  could  earn  doing 
laundry  and  housework  for  some  of  the  white  families  in  Riverton. 
She  also  served  as  midwife. 

The  early  settlers  in  the  area  remember  her  quite  clearly.  One 
former  resident  states  that  she  used  to  wash  for  her  mother,  and 
when  she  would  roll  up  her  sleeves  to  keep  them  out  of  the  water, 
her  arms  were  white. 

Another  pioneer  in  Riverton  states  that  she  recalls  one  winter — 
she  believes  it  was  in  1909 — when  the  weather  was  unusually  cold. 
The  Indian  women  would  come  to  the  back  door  of  the  restaurant 
to  ask  for  food.  Mrs.  Brokenhorn,  more  thin-skinned  than  the 
rest,  seemed  actually  to  be  suffering  one  bitter  cold  day.  The 
owner  invited  her  in  and  seated  her  in  front  of  the  range.  When 
she  opened  the  oven  door,  Sarah  warmed  her  moccasined  feet 
inside.  She  appeared  grateful,  but  she  could  not  speak  a  word  of 
English.  The  daughter-in-law  of  the  proprietor  has  not  forgotten 
that  she  looked  different  from  the  other  Indian  women — her  braids 
were  not  of  the  same  texture  and  her  eyes  were  lighter  in  color. 
What  interested  her  most  was  that  there  was  a  white  streak  around 
her  wrist,  between  her  cuffs  and  the  place  where  the  dye  on  her 
hands  left  off. 

One  of  the  elderly  Arapaho  women  recalls  that  she  was  white 
when  she  stripped  down  to  bathe  with  the  Indian  women  in  a 
secluded  spot  on  Wind  River.  This  same  elder  steadfastly  main- 
tains that  she  came  to  the  Arapahoes  through  the  Crow  Indians. 
Several  others  who  could  be  induced  to  talk  about  her  stuck  to  the 
Crow  story,  sometimes  embellishing  it.  Just  when  the  version  got 
started  we  cannot  discover.  It  may  have  been  circulated  by  the 
Indians  to  discourage  further  visits  from  a  white  woman  claiming 
to  be  a  sister. 

One  version,  more  complete  than  the  rest,  is  given  by  Agnes 
Bell  (Mrs.  Isaac)  at  Arapahoe,  Wyoming.  She  states:  "Some 
Arapaho  men  went  to  a  small  town  to  buy  food.  There  they  met 
this  woman,  'Lizzie  Sarah's'  mother.  She  asked  them  to  take  her 
away  because  she  was  pregnant  and  wanted  a  home  and  father  for 
her  child.  A  childless  man  took  this  woman  to  his  home.  Lizzie 
Sarah  was  born  and  raised  in  that  Indian  home.  When  older  she 
married  John  Brokenhorn."  Mrs.  Bell  insists  she  was  not  a 
captive. 

Mike  Brown  (Lone  Bear),  one  of  the  leading  elders,  also  living 
at  Arapahoe,  who  knew  the  Brokenhorns  better  than  any  one  else, 
states  that  there  are  two  stories  concerning  Lizzie.  One  is  that 
she  was  captured  by  the  Crows  and  later  came,  or  was  traded  to 
his  people;  the  other  is  that  she  was  captured  along  the  trail  by  the 


AMANDA  MARY  AND  THE  DOG  SOLDIERS  45 

Arapahoes,  with  whom  she  lived  until  the  time  of  her  death.  He 
would  not  say  which  was  the  true  account.  When  he  was  given  a 
brief  resume  of  the  Rock  Creek  incident,  he  commented,  "Well, 
that  sounds  pretty  much  like  it." 

He  said  that  Walker,  the  only  child,  was  Walks  Ahead,  sug- 
gesting that  he  might  have  walked  ahead  of  the  rest  when  camp 
was  being  moved.  Nickerson  named  him  Columbus,  a  name  by 
which  Brown  remembers  him  when  they  attended  school.  In  the 
heirship  files  at  the  agency  at  Fort  Washakie,  he  is  mentioned  as 
Walker  Horn.  Following  his  untimely  death  he  was  buried  at  the 
Black  Coal  Cemetery.  Brown  was  unable  to  explain  the  origin 
of  Lizzie's  name,  Kills-in-Time,  which  may  relate  to  the  Rock 
Creek  incident,  and  the  killing  of  her  mother. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  Judge  and  Mrs.  Farr  and  the 
author  reached  the  cemetery  at  St.  Stephens,  where  John  Broken- 
horn  and  his  wife  are  buried.  The  simple  cemetery,  with  its  mod- 
est markings  and  artificial  flowers,  is  not  laid  out  in  family  plots. 
It  looks  as  if  the  graves  might  have  been  filled  in  the  order  deaths 
occurred.  Mary  Farr  had  no  difficulty  finding  the  grave  she 
sought — that  of  her  great  aunt.  There  it  was,  right  in  front  of  her. 
The  small  wooden  cross  marking  it  read,  "Sarah  Broken  Horn." 

In  the  files  at  the  agency,  there  are  two  letters  pertinent  to  the 
Brokenhorns.  One,  dated  March  13,  1930,  is  from  R.  P.  Haas, 
superintendent,  to  the  commissioner  of  pensions,  Washington, 
D.  C.  The  purpose  was  to  notify  him  that  John  Brokenhorn, 
Pensioner  No.  11826,  Indian  scout,  died  February  22,  1930.  Haas 
returned  the  March  check. 

The  other  letter  is  from  Arthur  N.  Arnston,  acting  superintend- 
ent, to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  (through  the  commissioner  of 
Indian  affairs).  It  requests  instruction  on  the  disposition  of  the 
estate  of  Brokenhorn,  unallotted  Arapaho  Indian.  It  amounted  to 
$25.49,  including  the  sum  derived  from  a  wagon  and  harness  in 
1927  and  the  interest  that  had  accrued  since  then. 

One  paragraph  is  of  special  interest.    It  states : 

"This  Indian  [John  Brokenhorn]  was  born  in  1850  and  died 
February  22,  1930.  An  examination  of  old  census  records  reveals 
that  he  had  one  child.  Walker  Horn,  who  died  in  1909  at  the  age 
of  12.  His  wife.  Kills  in  Time  Horn,  Unallotted,  died  May  31, 
1928.    No  record  can  be  found  of  any  living  heirs." 

It  is  strange  that  the  two  captives,  one  who  knew  a  life  of 
affluence,  and  the  other  that  of  a  drudge,  should  both  die  in  the 
same  month,  in  the  same  year — Amanda  on  May  9  and  her  sister 
on  May  31.  Amanda's  death  occurred  almost  exactly  63  years 
after  the  Fletcher  family  set  out  from  Rock  Island,  Illinois,  on  their 
tragic  adventure. 

Lizzie,  or  Sarah,  lies  buried  among  the  people  with  whom  she 
spent  all  but  two  years  of  her  life.  She  was  fortunate  in  being 
taken  into  a  tribe  of  Indians  that  is  well  known  for  its  fondness  for 


46  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

children.  As  she  grew  up,  there  was  no  question  about  her  being 
accepted.    She  was  already  one  of  them. 

Amanda,  who  waged  a  losing  legal  battle  over  the  years,  lived 
in  a  beautiful  old  stone  house,  known  in  its  declining  years  as  the 
oldest  house  in  Davenport.  In  1967  it  was  listed  as  vacant;  in 
1968  it  became  the  location  of  a  McDonald's  drive-in  restaurant. 

Mary  Ehzabeth  Farr,  who  perpetuates  the  name  Mary  (Amanda 
Mary)  of  her  grandmother  and  Elizabeth  (Lizzie)  of  her  great- 
aunt,  says,  in  speaking  of  the  past,  "It  makes  me  weep  bitter  tears." 
For  whom?  Are  they  for  Lizzie,  who  lived  a  life  without  com- 
plaint, away  from  the  complexities  of  the  white  society?  Or  are 
they  for  Amanda  Mary,  who  magnified  her  wrongs  over  the  years 
and  was  never  quite  able  to  recognize  her  own  good  fortune? 


journal  of  William  Klley  JmnkllH 

to  California  fwm  Missouri 

in  1850 

Edited  By 
Homer  Franklin,  Sr.,  and  Homer  Franklin,  Jr. 

Introduction  by 

John  W.  Cornelison 

Associate  Editor,  Annals  of  Wyoming 

This  journal  came  to  the  attention  of  the  Annals  of  Wyoming 
staff  in  1971.  It  is  of  particular  interest  since  the  route  followed 
by  the  party,  composed  only  of  men,  was  the  Sublette  Cutoff. 

Portions  of  the  journal  have  been  published  in  a  limited  edition 
book  entitled  The  William  Franklin  Line  and  Related  Families 
1785-1972  with  Reminiscences  by  Homer  Franklin,  Sr.,  1904-. 
However,  subsequent  restoration  work  on  the  original  manuscript 
enabled  the  Franklins  to  recover  a  number  of  additional  entries. 
According  to  Homer  Franklin,  Sr.,  the  portion  of  the  journal  cov- 
ering the  trip  to  California  was  contained  on  about  55  pages  and 
the  entire  journal,  including  supplementary  material,  contains  97 
pages. 

In  the  past,  the  journal  was  used  as  a  scrapbook  and  various 
items  were  pasted  over  the  manuscript  entries.  The  editors  said 
that  the  journal  had  come  apart  and  pages  were  not  in  logical 
sequence.  Mr.  Franklin  said  that  even  after  two  restoration  efforts, 
there  still  were  missing  pages,  entries  that  could  not  be  read,  and 
pages  that  apparently  were  out  of  sequence.  The  staff  of  Annals 
of  Wyoming  was  given  permission  by  the  editors  to  attempt  to  put 
the  materials  in  order.  In  so  doing,  we  have  tried  to  note  those 
places  within  the  narrative  where  there  seems  to  be  some  question. 
Some  notes  also  were  made  by  the  Franklins  who  edited  the  journal 
and  made  the  typescript  copy  of  the  original.  Notes  inserted  by  the 
Franklins  are  designated,  ed. 

William  Riley  Franklin  was  born  in  Franklin  County,  Kentucky, 
in  1825,  married  Josephine  Pryor  in  Missouri  in  1848.  and  died  in 
Kaufman  County,  Texas,  in  1891.  He  was  the  grandfather  of 
Homer  Franklin,  Sr.,  and  the  great-grandfather  of  Homer  Frank- 
lin, Jr.    According  to  the  editors,  William  Riley  Franklin  may  have 


48  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

been  a  preacher  or  a  philosopher  at  the  time  he  made  the  trip 
to  Cahfornia.  There  also  is  an  indication  in  the  journal  that  he 
may  have  been  a  tutor. 

The  journal  is  based  on  the  typescript  copies  provided  by  the 
Franklins.  Spelling  and  punctuation  have  been  essentially  left  as 
they  appear  in  the  typescript. 


Thursday  evening  about  3:00  o'clock,  April  4th  A.D.  1850,  we 
made  our  departure  from  Clinton  County,  Mo.  for  upper  Cali- 
fornia to  try  our  luck  in  the  "Gold  diggins".  And  I  assure  you, 
gentle  reader,  if  you  are  on  the  eve  of  departure,  you  can  appre- 
ciate our  feelings,  especially  if  you  are  about  to  leave  a  family 
behind  to  encounter  the  storms  of  adversity  and  poverty.  We  had 
a  very  rough  introduction  from  the  aforesaid  county  to  Fort  Kear- 
ney [old  Fort  Kearny,  or  Nebraska  City.]  The  first  evening  was 
very  gloomy  to  a  seeker  of  the  "Root  of  all  evil".  It  rained  on  us 
incessantly  and  until  dark  put  a  stop  to  our  march.  We  put  up  in 
a  house  for  the  night.  From  this  on  to  Fort  Kearney,  bad  weather 
followed  us  closely,  as  if  to  discourage  us  and  send  us  back  home, 
yet  notwithstanding  all  this  rain,  mud  and  cold,  we  rushed  forward 
with  high  spirits  and  a  bold  front  (in  anticipation  of  future  pros- 
perity and  pleasant  days)  and  made  the  trip  this  far  in  10  days. 

But  I  acknowledge,  kind  reader,  that  during  this  period  our 
minds  often  wondered  back  to  scenes  of  other  and  former  days  and 
I  might  say  more  comfortable  days  in  which  we  could  shelter  from 
the  driving  rain  and  peltering  storms.  However,  we  could  descry 
through  all  this  gloom,  better  days,  as  appearing  in  the  distance, 
yet  afar  off.  Probably  it  will  be  necessary  in  the  near  future 
perusal  of  this  journal  to  inform  you  of  the  number  of  our  com- 
pany, officers  etc.  this  I  will  do  after  we  organize.  One  thing  sure 
I  will  mention,  that  we  traveled  through  the  counties  of  Buchanan, 
Andrew,  Holt,  &  Atchison,  getting  to  the  aforesaid  Fort.  For  the 
benefit  of  those  who  may  hereafter  wish  to  travel  the  same  route 
to  California,  I  will  inform  you  that  you  can  obtain  any  quantity  of 
feed  for  your  animals  at  reasonable  prices,  probably  cheaper  than 
any  other  route 

Nothing  to  excite  curiosity  transpired  among  us  during  this 
period.  As  far  as  the  country  through  which  we  passed,  we  saw 
nothing  very  romantic  and  picturesque,  for  the  romancer  or  ob- 
server of  natural  scenery:  yet  to  the  eye  of  the  husbandman,  we 
saw  a  great  deal  to  admire,  for  without  hesitation  I  pronounce  the 
Platte  purchase,  the  best  part  of  Missouri,  and  will  ere  long  be  the 
paradise  of  upper  Missouri.  This  is  now  the  1 8th  of  April  and  we 
are  waiting  for  the  River  to  fall  so  that  we  can  cross  and  make  one 
final  start  for  the  land  of  Gold,  for  the  much  sought  (and  never 
found)  haven  of  Eternal  Peace  and  quietude. 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  49 

Now  courteous,  kind  and  gentle  reader,  let  your  fortune  be  what 
it  may,  old  or  young,  male  or  female,  I  ask  you  if  gold,  silver  or 
wealth  of  any  kind  will  give  you  solid  comfort  and  make  you  happy 
in  this  life?  Will  it  make  your  bed  softer  in  a  dying  hour?  Will  it 
give  a  guilty  conscious  on  a  dying  bed?  Will  it  transport  your 
immortal  soul  to  eternal  glory  beyond  this  fleeting  dying  world? 
where  your  happy  spirit  basks  in  the  sunshine  of  Eternal  and  ever- 
lasting bhss  at  the  right  hand  of  our  and  your  God.  You  are  all 
compelled  to  answer.  Then,  if  this  be  the  state  of  the  case,  why 
seek  it  in  preference  to  everything  else,  because  the  mind  is  des- 
perately mammon  and  he  had  rather  serve  mammon  than  to  serve 
his  creator  -  may  redeeming  pardon  this  digressing  by  the  way,  as 
you  know  it  is  necessary  to  digress  from  the  beaten  track  to  smell 
the  sweet  flowers  of  the  forest  that  may  chance  to  grow  and  wild 
sage  or  gather  the  roses  of  Sharron  to  break  from  the  dull  and 
monotony  of  the  traveller. 

Agreeable  to  God's  will  here  we  will  realize  we  will  be  among 
holy  angels,  and  the  unfading  beauties  of  the  New  Jerusalem  where 
will  be  Jesus  Christ,  our  Redeemer  and  Mediator,  and  God  the 
judge  of  all.  O!  man,  consider  for  what  purpose  thou  wast  made. 
Commune  with  thyself  to  know  thy  destiny  for  thou  are  fearfully 
and  wonderfully  made.  How  beautifully  art  thou  adapted  to  the 
circumstances  that  surround  thee;  and  how  complete  thy  organ- 
ization. If  one  of  thy  members  are  destroyed,  what  a  derangement 
for  the  whole  system.  Further,  what  a  beautiful  connection  be- 
tween thy  intellectual  and  physical  powers,  hence  where  the  phys- 
ical is  weak,  so  also  is  the  intellectual,  few  exceptions.  Therefore, 
we  should  all  strive  to  preserve  health  and  keep  our  physical  man 
strong.  This  can  be  done  only  by  proper  exercise,  daily  labor  etc. 
(Read  Fowler  upon  this). 

Today  man's  hopes  beat  high  for  the  future — tomorrow  they  are 
cast  down.  Today  he  soars,  as  it  were,  on  eagles  wings.  To  some 
rich  and  prosperous  and  realm,  and  tomorrow  he  retraces  his 
eering  steps.  Today  his  fancy  depicts  the  beauties  of  earth,  to- 
morrow he  exclaims  with  frustration,  "it  is  all  vanity  and  vexation 
of  spirit".  Today  his  imagination  takes  a  retrospective  view  of 
man  and  beholds  them  all  comfortably  situated  and  happy.  To- 
morrow his  spirits  are  dejected  and  he  views  them  in  another  light. 
Today  his  imagination  transports  him  beyond  this  fleeting  dying 
world  to  that  pleasant  clime,  where  sickness,  sorrow  and  death 
never  come.  Tomorrow  he  finds  himself  still  in  "these  low- 
grounds"  where  friend  after  friend  forsake  him.  Today  he  reads 
his  title  clear  to  mansions  in  the  skies.  Tomorrow,  tomorrow, 
there  is  a  shade  over  his  eyes  which  prevents  his  reading  so  clearly. 
Today  he  feels  that  he  is  a  shield  of  grace;  tomorrow  he  feels 
temptations.  Today  he  holds  sweet  communion  with  his  God  - 
tomorrow  satan  leads  him  aside.  Today  he  enters  the  house  of 
God  with  other  Christians  and  almost  sees  his  God.    Tomorrow  he 


50  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

enters  the  abode  of  Beelzebub  and  hears  the  clanking  of  his  chains. 
O!  Lord,  if  this  be  the  true  state  of  man,  give  him  grace  to  conquer, 
give  him  grace  to  triumph  over  the  works  of  satan  and  boldly  and 
triumphantly  march  to  Canaan's  happy  land.  The  different  states 
of  a  man's  mind  causes  all  these  vicissitudes  and  meanderings.  The 
circumstances  that  surround  him  moulds  his  feelings.  Today  if  a 
man  is  in  high  spirits,  everything  around  him  appears  lovely,  if 
dejected  vice  versa.  If  we  go  to  the  house  of  mourning,  everything 
is  melancholy,  if  to  the  house  of  feasting,  all  is  jazz,  all  is  mirth, 
thus  it  is  with  that  creature  called  "man".  The  footsteps  of 
Jehovah  are  in  the  mighty  waters,  his  path  is  in  the  pathless  ocean. 
Suffice  us  to  say,  revealed  things  belong  to  man,  unrevealed  things 
to  God.  Man  knows  enough  of  his  destiny  and  enough  of  his 
errands  here  on  earth,  if  he  will  but  perform  what  he  knows  to  be 
his  duty,  he  will  reap  everlasting  rewards  beyond  the  grave.  Not- 
withstanding the  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man.  "Man,  know 
thyself  was  spoken  by  the  ancient  philosopher  and  if  we  do  this 
we  can  completely  master  our  sinful  passions  and  desires. 

Camp  [10?].  We  camped  here  three  days  upon  the  river  bank 
waiting  to  cross.  At  length  we  got  safely  across  on  the  21  day  of 
April,  1850. 

Camp  1  1  Sunday  the  21st  (as  before  stated).  We  crossed  the 
Missouri  River  and  set  forward  ever  westward  for  the  "Gold  Dig- 
gins"  in  high  spirits  for  prospects  for  the  future.  We  travelled  18 
miles  through  the  open  prairie  and  scarcely  any  timber  to  be  seen, 
none  suitable  for  camping,  except  where  we  camped,  one  mile  and 
a  half  south  of  the  road  we  found  a  very  good  camping  place  with 
first  rate  water  and  wood  plenty  to  cook  with. 

"Reflections" 

This  day  brought  us  memories  of  the  joys  of  the  past,  spent 
around  our  firesides  at  home,  by  the  cold  disagreeable  wind  and 
dust  that  blew  in  our  eyes  during  our  march.  Such  weather  as  this 
brings  many  a  curious  sensation  over  the  journiers  from  home  and 
his  native  land.  Although  he  is  far,  far,  from  home  and  is  still 
journeying  on,  his  mind  often  wanders  back  to  the  "Old  Farm 
Home".  Hopes  (as  bright  as  the  aims  of  this  mission  seems)  when 
he  kisses  the  dewdrops  from  the  grass,  buoys  him  up  and  speaks 
of  better  days.  Yes,  "Thanks  to  our  CREATOR"  for  his  passion 
for  the  human  species,  if  it  was  not  for  this,  this  life  would  indeed 
be  miserable.  That  would  be  our  case  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave 
and  we  would  undoubtly  pass  into  a  premature  grave. 

We  moved  slowly  and  siliently  from  our  native  shores,  as  in  deep 
reflection,  in  unpreceived  force,  in  eternal  solitude,  and  in  man's 
highest  depths  though  we  speak  not  a  word.  This  state  of  mind 
soon  wore  off  and  all  was  quiet. 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  51 

Camp  12.  [22?]  Monday.  We  moved  forward  about  1  1  miles, 
detoured  to  the  right  about  a  mile  and  camped.  The  water  was 
very  good  to  drink  and  there  was  tolerable  plenty  of  wood. 

We  were  a  company  of  42  men  from  Clay  and  Clinton  Counties. 
JAMES  R.  COFFMAN,  was  unanimously  chosen  by  this  body  of 
men  as  Capt.  and  Sergeant  of  the  Guard,  to  be  our  main  officer.  "^ 
He  will  enforce  our  COVENTANTS  and  by-laws  as  they  may  be 
of  advantage  to  this  company  of  persons. 

Camp  12.  {?] .  After  a  long  and  tiresome  march,  through  deep 
sand,  wind  and  dust  we  camped  about  1000  yds  from  the  River. 
There  we  found  grass  scarce  and  almost  no  wood.  In  the  fore  part 
of  the  night  we  heard  braying  of  wild  jackass  that  lasted  until  after 
midnight.  When  it  finally  stopped  we  took  advantage  of  the  lull 
and  went  into  slumberland. 

Camp  13.  Today  again  we  saw  a  herd  of  buffalo  grazing  on  the 
plains.  While  thus  engaged  4  of  us  rode  out  a  half  mile  and  dis- 
mounted and  crept  up  close  and  shot  two  fine  fellows.  We  re- 
turned to  camp  as  much  meat  as  we  wanted  and  left  the  remainder 
of  the  carcasses  for  the  wild  cats  and  other  carniverous  animals  to 
eat  at  their  leisure.  Consequently  we  fared  sumptiously  for  a 
while.  After  word  got  out  jokes  began  to  pass  around  about  our 
marksmanship,  they  returned  in  the  best  possible  manner  and  all 
in  good  humor.  It  is  this  kind  of  fun  on  such  expeditions  that 
makes  for  good  spirits. 

Camp  14.  Sunday  [May  ?]  5th.  Today  we  progressed  20 
miles  and  camped  near  the  River.  Here  we  found  grass  very 
scarce,  wood  plenty.  In  traveling  up  this  River  you  have  a  beau- 
tiful view.  Either  way,  to  the  left  the  sandhills,  to  the  front  a 
beautiful  stream,  also  in  the  rear  and  to  the  right  the  River  winding 
its  way  serpentinely  among  innumeral  islands  decked  with  clump 


[Note:  The  entries,  camp  numbers  and  dates  for  Camps,  12,  13,  14  and 
15  are  confusing  in  several  respects,  perhaps  due  to  the  fragmentary  condi- 
tion of  the  journal  prior  to  its  restoration  or  misinterpretation  of  entries 
because  of  the  nearly  illegible  condition  of  some  of  the  original  entries.  The 
date  for  Camp  12  probably  was  Monday,  April  22,  1850.  One  part  of  the 
entry  for  Camp  12  states  that  the  site  had  good  water  and  grass.  A  para- 
graph appended  to  the  entry  for  Camp  12  apparently  refers  to  another  camp 
that  was  made  "after  a  long  and  tiresome  march"  at  a  site  where  the  party 
found  "grass  scarce  and  almost  no  wood."  The  entry  designated  Camp  13 
is  not  dated.  The  entry  for  Camp  14  is  dated,  Sunday  5th,  probably  May  5. 
1850.  At  this  point,  12  days  have  elapsed  between  the  entry  for  Camp  12. 
April  22  and  Camp  14,  May  5  but  the  camp  numbers  are  in  sequence. 
Camp  15  is  dated  Monday  8th.  It  appears  that  the  date  or  the  camp  num- 
ber is  erroneous.  There  is  no  Camp  16  entry.  Entries  for  Camps  12,  13. 
14  and  15  are  presented  here  in  order  following  the  entries  for  Camps  10 
and  11  but  the  reader  should  be  aware  of  the  foregoing  discrepancies.] 

*iNote:  According  to  the  editors,  James  R.  Coffman  was  William  Riley 
Franklin's  uncle.] 


52  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

of  trees.  Ever  now  and  then  you  see  the  antelopes  bounding  with 
almost  lighting  speed,  to  his  native  sandhills,  where  he  soon  finds  a 
sure  retreat  from  his  pursurers. 

Camp  15  Monday  8th.  After  a  march  of  15  miles  near  ths 
sandhills,  we  encamped  1000  yds.  from  the  River  again.  Here  we 
found  a  first  rate  camping  place,  with  a  few  exceptions. (viz.  We 
had  no  grass  and  no  wood  save  "Prairie  Fuel"). 

Camp  17,  Tues.  7th.  Our  caravan  progressed  28  miles  up 
South  Platte  and  encamped  near  its  margin.  Here  we  found  green 
wood,  plenty,  but  we  chose  prairie  fuel  in  preference.  As  we  were 
encamped  in  a  small  grove  of  a  thousand  acres  of  it  and  skirted  on 
either  side  by  it;  and  front  and  rear  blockaded  to  almost  impassible. 
However,  we  set  forward  with  not  much  less  energy  of  resolution 
probably  than  Bonaparte  when  he  exclaimed  "is  the  route  practi- 
cable over  the  Alps  with  an  army  of  2000  men?" 

To  our  left  today  and  yesterday  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see  were 
buffalo  ordure,  resembling  an  old  pasture  that  had  been  turned  out 
where  had  been  kept  innumerable  thousands  of  cattle  for  years. 
The  grass  and  herbage  of  every  kind  is  leveled  with  the  ground. 
Scarcely  a  shelter  for  a  mountain  rabbit,  and  from  the  carcasses 
and  bones  that  are  bleached  and  are  bleaching,  one  would  suppose 
that  it  had  been  inhabited  by  buffalo  ever  since  God  spoke  the 
world  into  existence.  And  I  have  no  doubt  but  those  plains  are  as 
beautiful  for  pasturage  as  were  Father  Jacob's,  the  old  Patriarch  of 
Israel,  save  the  different  colored  rods  and  watering  troughs.  South 
Platte  is  near  half  as  wide  as  N.  Platte,  though  not  half  so  many 
islands,  but  a  beautiful  stream,  winding  its  way  gently  through  the 
beautiful  undulating  sand  hills  or  bluffs,  and  ever  now  and  then 
you  will  see  it  skirted  on  either  side  by  some  cottonwood  or  willow, 
giving  it,  upon  the  whole,  a  beautiful  appearance. 

Camp  18  Wednesday  8th:  We,  this  day  after  a  march  of  20 
miles,  encamped  on  the  margin  of  the  aforesaid  river.  Here  we 
again  found  extensive  forests  of  "praire  fuel"  and  tolerable  good 
grazing,  consequently  we  fared  well  and  rested  finely  tonight 

Camp  19  Thursday  9th:  This  day  a  march  of  10  miles  brought 
us  to  the  upper  crossing  of  south  Platte.  We  found  no  difficulty  in 
fording  it  as  the  bottom  is  a  bed  of  sand  and  the  river  shallow,  no 
where  up  to  the  axle  tree.  Here  the  river  is  about  half  mile  wide. 
After  advancing  10  miles  farther  over  gently  rolling  prairie,  we 
encamped  on  the  prairie  without  wood  or  water,  some  grass.  We 
hauled  water  with  us  from  the  river,  knowing  that  there  was  no 
water  between  the  north  and  south  forks. 

Camp  20  Friday  10th:  By  the  time  the  sun  was  an  hour  high, 
our  caravan  was  moving  ahead  over  the  rolling  prairie,  an  8  miles 
march  brought  us  to  a  creek,  a  stream  near  200  yards  wide,  but 
very  shallow  and  is  generally  dry  as  the  bed  is  deep  sand.  We 
advanced  7  miles  farther  and  encamped  near  the  north  fork  of 
Platte.     Here  we  found  first  rate  grazing.     Today,  myself  and 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  53 

another  man  set  forward  a  foot  to  take  a  May  morning's  ramble 
among  the  beautifully  undulating  sand  hills,  and  like  Obadiah,  we 
were  led  astray  by  the  many  objects  that  tacitly  invited  us,  thinking 
to  admire  their  beauty  or  repose  under  their  shadows.  Step  by 
step,  we  advanced  from  this  object  to  that  until  the  first  we  knew 
we  were  some  8  or  10  miles  from  our  wagons.  Now  like  the 
Prodigal  Son,  we  had  to  turn  and  retrace  our  steps  over  hill  and 
dale,  mound  and  mountain,  until  we  overtook  our  train,  perfectly 
tired  and  fatigued.  We  enjoyed  the  ramble  finely  until  we  found 
that  we  were  going  wrong,  and  then  like  every  honest  man  should 
do,  we  hastily  righted  ourselves.  We  this  day  enjoyed  a  delightful 
view.  We  ascended  a  sand  hill  near  200  feet  and  took  a  view  of 
the  surrounding  hills  and  beautiful  landscapes,  and  such  a  sight  to 
those  who  admire  the  works  of  nature  is  lovely  indeed.   Picturesque 

and  romantic!     Some  splendid  writer  has  well  observed  "an 

astronomer  is  mad".  Yes,  a  pretended  deist  in  view  of  such  a  sight 
is  bound  to  acknowledge  that  sensations  very  queer  steal  over  him, 
he  is  bound  to  stand  in  awe  of  that  dread  name  —  that  God  who 
spoke  the  world  into  existence,  that  God  who  set  bounds  to  the 
great  deep  and  who  calms  the  stormy  waves  and  who  fills  immen- 
sity of  space  and  who  is  omnipresence  and  omniscient. 

Camp  21,  Saturday  11th:  Our  caravan  progressed  18  miles  up 
the  river  and  encamped.  Here  we  found  very  fine  grazing  etc. 
Today  we  received  two  more  wagons  into  our  train,  increasing  our 
caravan  to  13  wagons  and  company  to  50  men. 

We  have  passed  by  some  8  or  10  graves  already,  whose  deaths 
were  caused  by  cholera  and  diarrhea,  that  great  scourge  of  the 
human  race.  Poor  men,  who  thus  die  afar!  from  home;  no  com- 
mon assiduities  of  friendship,  no  well  known  voice  of  a  fond 
mother  or  father  or  loving  wife  to  soothe  him  in  the  last  extremities 
of  life,  when  his  pulse  begins  to  beat  faint  and  feeble  and  earth  and 
all  her  beauties  (to  him  vanities)  are  fast  fading  before  his  view. 
What  can  be  the  thoughts  of  such  an  individual  at  such  a  moment 
as  this?  If  he  is  a  Christian,  he  calmly  and  gently  falls  asleep  in 
the  arms  of  a  blessed  Savior,  and  if  he  has  a  wife  and  children  in 
this  unfriendly  world,  he  invokes  God's  blessings  upon  them.  He 
prays  that  God  will  be  father  to  the  fatherless  and  a  husband  to  the 
widow  and  protect  them  from  the  ills  and  evils  of  this  life,  and 
finally  in  the  morning  of  the  resurrection  crown  them  in  heaven  at 
his  right  hand,  where  sickness,  death  and  separation  never  take 
place.  If  the  afore  mentioned  individual  be  a  sinner,  what  can  be 
his  apprehensions  at  such  a  crisis?  His  friends  are  far  away,  he 
never  expects  to  see  them,  and  God  he  can  never  see  in  peace  if  not 
pardoned  and  redeemed  with  the  blood  of  the  Lamb.  This  he  can 
hardly  expect.  Consequently,  he  sinks  into  a  strange  grave,  in  a 
strange  land,  and  probably  among  strangers.  And  what  is  worse 
than  all,  his  immortal  spirit  will  soon  wing  its  way  into  a  strange 
region.    O!  Lord  I  pray  thee!  have  mercy  upon  such.    Remember 


54  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

them  as  thou  dids't  the  dying  thief  upon  the  cross.  How  vain  this 
world  then  appears,  how  vain  its  amusements  and  allurements. 
Yes,  they  would  give  the  world  (if  in  possession  of  it)  for  one 
smile  of  an  approving  God. 

Camp  22,  Sunday  12th.  After  a  march  of  25  miles  over  a  deep 
sandy  road,  we  camped  in  sight  of  "Council  Rock"  near  the  river. 
Here  we  found  very  good  gramma  grass,  is  said  to  be  very  strong 
and  nourishing,  and  is  equal  to  Timothy  hay.  There  is  one  thing 
certain,  that  if  the  grass  here  did  not  possess  more  strength  and 
nutrition  than  our  common  prairie  grass,  it  would  not  be  possible 
for  our  animals  to  cross  the  plains,  starting  as  soon  as  we  did. 
There  is  here  also  a  kind  of  grama  called  Buffalo  grass  that  is 
excellent  flavor  and  good  pasturage.  This  day  we  passed  3  graves 
side  by  side,  who  died  last  summer  of  cholera.  When  we  see  where 
the  dead  have  been  deposited  and  reflect  upon  their  uncertain 
doom  hereafter,  sensations  very  melancholy  steal  over  our  mortal 
bodies.  Yes,  when  we  reflect  upon  their  having  died  and  being 
deposited  afar  from  home  and  friends  in  a  dreary,  wild  desolate 
solitude,  where  the  wolf  and  other  carniverous  animals  prowl  about 
at  night  around  their  graves  to  scratch  up  and  devour  their  putrify- 
ing  flesh,  and  howl  their  regime,  our  bosom  heaves  with  pity  for 
weeping  humanity. 

A  march  over  the  great  plains  attended  with  a  recurrence  of  very 
near  the  same  scenes  from  day  to  day.  The  same  boundless  green, 
the  emerald  prairies,  seems  to  spread  out  before  you,  the  same 
bright  heavens  are  above,  the  same  solid  earth  of  uniform  surface 
beneath,  or  if  the  monotony  be  at  all  broken,  it  is  by  the  gradual 
change  of  the  broad  prairie  into  a  succession  of  gently  rolling  hills, 
as  when  the  unruffled  ocean  is  heaved  into  waves  of  the  storm. 
Occasionally  the  dull  scene  is  relieved  by  the  appearance  of  a  mill 
or  brook,  winding  among  the  undulation  of  the  prairie,  skirted  by 
clumps  and  groves  of  trees  or  by  the  wild  sunflower,  pink  or  rose, 
which  seem  to  blossom  only  to  cheer  with  multiflorous  odors,  the 
waste  around  them. 

We,  this  evening,  were  encamped  in  8  miles  of  what  is  called 
"Court  House'This,  no  doubt,  took  its  name  from  its  resembling  a 
courthouse,  or  probably  from  some  romancer,  supposing  that  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians  met  here  to  smoke  the  Calumet  pipe  of 
peace. 

Camp  2 3, Monday  13th.  After  a  march  of  10  successive  hours 
completing  25  miles  partly  over  a  gently  rolling  road,  here  we 
found  very  good  grazing ;hence  our  animals  fared  very  well  tonight. 
This  encampment  was  in  sight  of  Chimney  Rock.  This  rock  is 
about  200  feet  high  and  can  be  seen  at  a  distance  of  20  miles  and 
when  seen  from  this  distance  it  resembles  some  tall  monument, 
erected  on  some  well  contested  battle  field  in  memory  of  the  brave 
dead  who  sleep  beneath  its  towering  summit.  The  high  bluffs 
worked  into  curious  shapes  by  the  wind  and  rain,  present  many 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  55 

views  of  picturesque  beauty  and  fancied  resemblances  of  towers, 
monuments,  castles  and  cities  will  be  formed  in  the  imagination  of 
the  traveler.  Today  we  passed  by  another  grave  When  we  see  a 
stranger's  grave,  feelings  of  sad  insecurity  come  over  us  and  remind 
us  that  death  is  certain  but  life  uncertain.  And  seeing  so  many 
strewn  along  the  road  side  who  started  out  in  high  spirits  of  future 
posperity,  reminds  us  of  the  language  of  our  Savior  "Seek  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven  first,  and  all  these  things  shall  be  added," 
i.e.  raiment  and  food.  Most  every  day's  march  presents  the  same 
striking  lesson  to  our  view,  some  wanderer's  grave  with  rude  grave- 
stones or  slabs,  telling  when  he  came  here,  how  old  he  was  &  who 
he  is,  but  his  future  state  is  left  in  impenetrable  gloom,  eternal 
mystery  to  the  surviving  sons  of  fallen  nature.  Notwithstanding, 
we  know  his  immortal  spirit  is  basking  in  the  paradise  of  God  with 
the  Holy  Angels,  or  in  eternal  misery  with  the  infernal  fiends  of 
hell. 

From  Courthouse  to  Chimney  Rock  is  about  15  miles;  from 
Chimney  Rock,  Scott's  Bluff  is  20  miles,  thence  to  Excellent 
Springs  10  miles.  The  road  leaves  the  river  5  miles  this  side  of 
Scott's  Bluff,  strikes  at  it  again  in  25  miles. 

Camp  24,  Tuesday  14th.  This  day's  march  brought  us  to  the 
aforesaid  spring,  a  distance  of  30  miles  from  Camp  23.  Here  we 
found  sufficient  quanity  of  water  for  all  purposes,  gushing  out  of 
the  deep  ravine  200  feet  below  the  surrounding  bluffs.  Here  is  a 
trading  house,  also  a  blacksmith  shop  to  accommodate  the  emi- 
grants and  Indians.  This  encampment  is  indeed  beautifully  pic- 
turesque and  romatic.  The  bluffs  on  either  side  skirted  with  cedar 
and  pine  peering  from  50  to  200  feet  high  above  the  green  valley. 
Between  some  of  those  bluffs  look  like  the  earth  had  broken  loose 
and  left  them  standing  solitarily  and  alone.  There  are  several 
trading  houses  near  these  bluffs.    This  day  we  passed  two  graves. 

Reflections  upon  man,  almighty  and  eternal  Father,  thy  ways 
and  designs  are  past  finding  out;  whence  thy  beginning  is  altogether 
incomprehensible  to  finite  minds,  cannot  comprehend  infinitude 
and  thy  designs  are  clothed  in  eternal  night,  thus  it  ought  to  be 
thou  art  all-wise.  But  what  is  man  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him? 
We  would  have  been  as  ignorant  of  his  origin,  as  thine,  if  thou  had 
not  revealed  it  to  us.  Thy  holy  word  informs  us  that  man  was 
created  for  wise  and  holy  purposes;  that  he  is  a  probationer  here 
below,  a  pilgrim  through  this  unfriendly  and  sinful  world;  that  he  is 
placed  upon  the  earth  to  prepare  for  heaven  and  immortal  glory 
beyond  the  skies,  where  all  of  his  hopes,  all  of  his  expectations,  and 
anticipations  of  future  glory  will  be  brought  to  a  realization. 

Wednesday  15th.  We  elected  to  lay  by  to  rest  our  animals,  have 
some  of  our  wagons  repaired,  wash  and  etc.  Today  we  again 
discovered  a  herd  of  1 3  buffalo  feeding  among  the  sand  hills,  near 
a  mile  off.  As  soon  as  this  was  made  known  in  camp,  most  all  of 
the  boys  (as  eager  as  young  hounds  for  the  chase  at  the  blowing  of 


56  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  horn)  shouldered  their  rifles  and  set  forth  to  encounter  the 
huge  and  unweildy  animals,  each  eager  to  make  a  buffalo  his  prey, 
thus  account  himself  gallantly  over  his  companions.  So  thus 
equipped  and  prepared,  the  buffalo  soon  hove  into  sight,  and  as 
might  be  expected  (without  a  commander),  they  made  a  fruitless 
charge,  fired  several  guns,  to  no  effect.  The  buffalo  soon  scam- 
pered off,  at  a  proper  and  practicable  distance  for  their  comfort 
and  safety  from  the  young  and  enthusiastic  hunters.  To  those 
young  gents,  ever  afterward,  acknowledged  the  universal  adage 
"that  experience  keeps  a  dear  school  and  folks  will  learn  in  no 
other,"  and  that  "experience  is  the  best  of  knowledge",  and  "a  wise 
man  will  hear  counsel",  though  he  may  think  that  it  comes  from 
his  inferior,  were  every  man  equally  self-important,  those  men 
cannot  get  along  in  peace  and  harmony  together.  No,  where  all 
the  stone  of  a  house  lean  apart,  this  house  cannot  stand  long  if  the 
storms  of  adversity  blow  against  it.  Thus,  our  Savior  admonishes 
us.  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  Man  was  created 
a  dependent  and  helpless  creature,  a  worshipper  not  to  be  wor- 
shipped. Consequently,  the  heathen  bow  down  to  sticks  and  stones 
as  their  superior.  The  christian  worship  their  God  and  none  other. 
Though  we  are  all  born  with  certain  inalienable  rights  and  among 
these  are  life,  liberty  etc.,  yet  we  must  all  have  a  leader  or  com- 
mander when  we  wish  to  accomplish  any  end  conjointly  and  to- 
gether, for  as  the  "Father  of  his  Country"  said  in  his  farewell 
address  to  his  countrymen  United  we  stand,  divided  we  fall". 
Union  is  strength,  division  is  weakness".  Thus,  you  may  discover 
that  it  is  highly  necessary  to  have  very  strict  discipline  in  compact 
organized  bodies  of  men,  where  there  is  any  danger  or  much  to 
accomplish. 

Camp  25,  Thursday  16th.  After  a  march  of  20  miles  over  a 
sandy,  broken  country  we  encamped  for  the  night  on  the  north 
fork  of  Platte  again  and  here  we  found  very  good  grazing  for  our 
mules;  consequently,  we  passed  the  night  very  pleasantly  —  not 
upon  downy  beds,  but  sand  very  near  as  this  sleep  "without  rock- 
ing", let  their  beds  be  cast  upon  whatever  chances  to  come  in  the 
way.  They  often  make  the  prickly  pear  their  companion  during 
the  night;  and  I  assure  you  that  it  is  not  a  very  agreeable  one, 
especially  if  you  chance  to  crowd  him  during  your  slumber. 

Camp  26,  Friday  17th.  After  a  march  of  22  miles  over  deep, 
sandy  road  part  of  the  way,  we  encamped  near  the  river  in  about 
3  miles  of  Fort  Laramie.  This  is  a  first  rate  camping  place  as  there 
is  plenty  of  wood  and  very  good  grass.  What  most  strikes  the  eye 
of  the  traveler  along  here  and  elsewhere  is  this  boundless,  dreary 
solitude,  the  natural  scenery,  picturesque  and  beautiful  valleys, 
wild  and  romantic  bluffs,  sand  hills,  mountains  and  various  other 
natural  curiosities.  But  what  strikes  the  eye  and  mind  of  the 
sensitive  and  philanthropic  traveler  is  the  poor  Indian,  scattered 
here  and  there,  to  and  fro  over  the  plains  and  in  the  lofty  moun- 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  57 

tains,  whose  history  and  origin  are  impenetrable  obscurity.  Yet, 
we  know  that  they  all  decended  from  the  same  common  parent  and 
preserved  by  the  same  God,  that  we  are.  Hence,  we  look  upon 
their  benighted  condition,  it  makes  us  yearn  over  them  with  pity. 
Yes,  when  we  see,  especially  their  little  boys  and  girls  playing  upon 
the  boundless  greens,  playfully  and  cheerfully,  I  remember  what 
our  Savior  has  said  "suffer  little  children  to  come  unto  me,  for  of 
such  is  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  and  further  if  properly  educated 
and  christianized  would  in  all  probability  make  men  whose  names 
would  be  inscribed  on  fames  eternal  register  and  who  would  be  an 
ornament  to  Christianity  and  the  age  in  which  they  lived.  We 
acknowledge  that  sensations  of  pity  and  regret  hover  over  us. 
"What"?  we  ask  can  be  done  to  reclaim  them  from  their  savage 
lives,  manners,  customs,  superstition  etc.  Why  not  let  Christians 
unite  and  send  instructors  and  missionaries  among  every  tribe 
under  the  sun,  educate  them  and  teach  them  the  way  of  life  and 
salvation,  put  their  tiring  feet  in  the  path,  which  leads  from  earth 
to  Heaven,  from  this  cline  where  the  wicked  cease  from  troubling 
and  where  is  Jesus  the  mediator  of  the  new  covenant,  and  God  the 
judge  of  all. 

Camp  27,  Saturday  18th.  This  day  we  traveled  18  miles  over  a 
very  deep,  sandy  road,  through  and  over  the  black  hills.  This 
encampment  was  1 5  miles  from  Fort  Laramie  in  a  beautiful  valley, 
surrounded  by  mountains  and  cragged  bluffs  and  rocky  precipices, 
and  here  we  found  splendid  grass  and  an  excellent  spring  and  wood 
plenty,  cedar  and  pine.  Fort  Laramie  is  situated  on  the  Laramie 
River  about  one  mile  from  the  junction  of  the  two  rivers,  Laramie 
and  North  Platte.  This  is  a  beautiful  situation  for  a  garrison  and 
has  some  very  good  buildings.  This  looks  like  novelty  to  see  the 
stars  and  stripes  and  serpent  eagle,  proudly  waving  among  the  wild 
mountain  breezes,  7  or  800  miles  from  the  land  whose  representa- 
tive it  is,  and  among  so  many  1000  wild  indians.  We  this  day  saw 
where  had  been  lain  the  body  of  some  poor  emigrant,  his  body  had 
been  scratched  up  by  the  wolves. 

Camp  28,  Sunday  19th.  This  day's  march  brought  us  to  Horse 
Shoe  Creek,  a  beautiful  little  stream  of  fine  water  and  well  tim- 
bered, 10  miles  from  camp  27.  Consequently,  here  is  a  very  good 
camping  place.  After  advancing  15  miles  farther,  we  encamped 
near  the  aforesaid  Horse  Shoe  Creek.  Today  we  passed  a  Mrs. 
Moss'  grave,  who  had  started  with  her  husband  to  California. 
Notwithstanding  her  desiring  to  accompany  her  husband  on  the 
expedition  and  be  with  him  in  sickness  and  health  and  the  different 
vicissitudes  of  life,  her  mortal  body  now  sleeps  in  eternal  silence  in 
a  strange  and  foreign  land,  by  the  root  of  a  rocky  mound.  A  rude 
slab  marks  her  resting  place.  The  world  here  faded  to  her  view 
the  last  sight  of  her  friends.  Here  afar  from  home  and  her  native 
land  and  all  for  what?  let  me  ask  -  why  for  unfading  love,  a  wom- 
an's love,  as  lasting  as  time,  life  itself  and  durable  as  eternity. 


58  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Where  did  you  ever  see  a  woman  if  needed  for  love,  but  what  will 
follow  the  object  of  her  love  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  Yes,  she 
will  leave  father  and  mother,  sister  and  brother,  kindred  and 
friends  and  all  the  endearments  to  follow  him  she  has  placed  her 
affection  upon.  And  still  men  will  mistreat  their  affectionate  and 
loving  wives,  for  slight  and  transient  causes,  and  some  even  without 
cause.  O!  monster  of  cruelty,  what  a  pity  that  thou  shouldst  be 
permitted  to  disgrace  the  human  species.  For  a  man  who  will 
mistreat  his  wife,  has  some  of  the  common  ties  of  nature.  "Ven- 
geance is  mine  saith  the  Lord,  and  I  will  repay".  It  has  been 
earmarked  by  ancient  and  modern  writers  that  woman  possesses 
more  fortitude  than  man  that  she  can  bear  more  difficulties,  more 
misfortune,  more  trials  and  stand  firmer  under  them  than  man. 
This  can  be  very  easily  illustrated  by  considering  her  sphere  of 
action,  her  daily  tails  and  the  rearing  of  her  offspring  rightly. 

This  Sabbath  day,  though  far  from  any  place  of  worship,  sur- 
rounded by  hills  on  every  side,  reminds  me  of  the  gospels'  gentle 
sound  that  so  sweetly  flowed  to  my  ears  in  the  Land  of  My 
Fathers'.  Notwithstanding,  we  are  far  from  any  place  of  worship, 
many  intervening  hills  and  dales,  mountains  and  valleys.  We  can 
never  forget  the  love  of  Jesus,  who  shed  his  blood  for  all  those  who 
will  come  unto  him.  Ye  sons  of  the  desert,  hear  his  voice  today  - 
"come  unto  me  all  ye  that  are  weary  and  heavy  laden  and  I  will 
give  you  rest".  Ye  worn  traveler,  hear  the  voice  of  the  Son  of 
God,  today  Jesus  stands  with  outstretched  arms  to  receive  you  and 
welcome  you  to  the  fold  of  his  father.  His  dying  groans  on  Mt. 
Calvary  speaks  volumes  upon  the  subject.  Then  if  Jesus  loved  us 
thus,  should  we  not  love  him,  should  we  not  worship  our  Father  in 
Heaven  for  his  name's  sake,  as  well  in  a  dreary,  boundless  solitude, 
as  in  a  splendid  cathedral.  Consequently,  we  held  tent  worship 
every  evening.  If  we  deserve  the  blessings  of  God,  we  must  ask 
for  them  in  faith,  nothing  doubting,  and  God  will  bless  us,  both 
spiritually  and  temporally.  If  the  Christian  prays  for  what  God 
has  told  him,  in  faith,  God  will  grant  it.  This  is  my  faith  in  prayer, 
and  promises  of  God  for  he  can  not  lie. 

Camp  29,  Monday  20th.  After  a  very  tiresome  (zigzag)  march, 
sometimes  toward  one  of  the  cardinal  points  and  sometimes 
another,  sometimes  ascending  and  sometimes  descending  craged 
bluffs  50  feet  high  and  twice  striking  Platte,  we  made  our  encamp- 
ment upon  the  highland  near  a  clear,  small  stream  of  water,  very 
well  timbered  with  cottonwood,  willow  etc.  Here  we  found  a  very 
fine  camping  place,  as  the  grass  was  very  good,  though  short. 
From  this  encampment  we  could  see  Clad  Peak  [?]  south  west- 
ward, towering  to  the  height  of  1000  feet  above  the  neighboring 
hills.  This  peak  can  be  seen  at  a  great  distance,  distinctly  and  is 
covered  with  snow. 

In  traveling  up  Platte  River,  the  emigrants  are  astonished  at  the 
mornings,  evenings  and  nights  being  so  cold.     This  can  be  very 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  59 

easily  accounted  for.  It  is  caused  by  the  elevation  and  snow-clad 
mountains  all  around.  I  have  been  informed  by  the  mountaineers 
that  you  can  have  ice  water  all  the  route,  very  near,  by  hanging 
out  tin  buckets  with  water  in  them  during  the  night.  Who  can 
comprehend  the  wisdom  of  God.  How  wisely  has  he  made  pro- 
visions for  those  who  by  circumstances  or  by  his  infinite  wisdom 
been  scattered  over  the  earth's  wide  domain  by  forming  those 
eternal  snow-clad  mountains  which  is  an  everlasting  haven  to  their 
enemies  and  a  sure  refuge  from  their  perservers.  The  provisions 
nature  has  also  filled  those  same  mountains  with  game  of  all  kinds 
and  varieties  for  their  sustenance.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  there 
is  something  in  the  poor  Indians  fate  that  awakens  the  sympathy  of 
every  philanthropic  nation  and  individual,  especially  the  christian. 
There  is  something  about  their  origin,  manners  and  etc.,  that  never 
will  be  fairly  understood.  Yes,  the  searching  eye  of  the  historian 
will  become  weary  in  endeavoring  to  find  out  their  descent  and 
lineage.  Their  history  seems  to  be  a  sealed  book  which  none  of  the 
sons  of  men  can  open.  They  are  not  permitted  to  read  therein  and 
none  but  that  eye  that  never  sleeps  can  reveal  the  secret. 

Camp  30,  Tuesday  21st.  After  a  tiresome  and  tedious  march  of 
30  miles  over  mound  and  mountain,  winding  our  way  to  the  north- 
ward, then  again  to  the  southward,  presently  making  a  circuitous 
wind  of  2  or  3  miles,  all  to  avoid  the  bluffs  and  cragged,  rocky 
peaks  and  yawning  precipices  that  presented  themselves  in  bold 
array,  before  us,  we  at  length  encamped  in  a  beautiful  valley  on  a 
small  bold  running  mountain  stream,  fed  by  springs,  gushing  out  of 
the  perpetual  hills.  Today's  travel  brought  us  across  several 
beautiful  streams  whose  waters  leap  and  dash  along  as  if  sporting 
in  the  mountain  breezes,  yet  steadily  persue  their  course  among  the 
hills  to  Platte;  Thence,  to  the  Missouri  River,  thence  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  where  it  spreads  out  into  the  great  deep,  where  sport  the 
great  whale,  other  various  and  curious  fishes  such  as  the  sword  and 
thrasher. 

Camp  31,  Wednesday  22nd.  Our  caravan  progressed  25  miles 
crossed  two  small  streams  of  beautiful  water,  passed  the  lower  ferry 
and  encamped  again  upon  or  near  the  margin  of  Platte.  This 
encampment  presents  an  imposing  sight.  To  the  curious,  the 
gradually  ascending  mountains  to  the  south  and  the  Platte  leaping, 
flirting  and  dashing  headlong  to  the  bosom  of  the  ocean,  beautifully 
skirted  with  poplar  and  willow  just  putting  forth  their  leaves,  to 
the  north  -  such  an  encampment  as  this  relieves  the  weary  mind 
of  the  near  worn  traveler  and  reminds  him  of  the  beautiful  valleys 
afar  off  in  his  own  country,  and  the  association  of  ideas  brings  to 
his  memory  scenes  of  the  days  of  yore,  with  all  her  unfading 
beauties,  with  all  the  endearments  and  blessed  objects  of  home. 

Observes  Capt.  Gotten,  "The  whale  is  the  master  fish  of  the 
sea,  and  there  is  but  two  that  can  whip  him,  the  sword  fish  and 
thrasher". 


60  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Camp  32,  Thursday  23rd.  After  a  march  of  18  miles  we  arrived 
at  the  upper  ferry  where  we  encamped  for  the  night.  Here  we 
found  the  grass  very  scarce.  Today  we  traveled  over  the  most 
dreary  desolate  sandy  and  parched  country  that  we  have  yet  seen 
Scarcely  any  growth  but  the  wild  sage  which  usurps  the  place  of 
the  grass,  and  was  subsequently  our  chief  reliance  for  fuel.  Here 
at  the  ferry  the  river  is  about,  or  will  average,  150  yards  wide  and 
is  a  bold  running  stream.    Today  we  passed  2  graves. 

Camp  33,  Friday  24th.  We  ferried  the  river  and  advanced  4 
miles  and  encamped  upon  its  northern  margin.  Here  the  country 
assumes  an  appearance  more  sandy,  rocky  and  broken  or  moun- 
tainous. 

Camp  34,  Saturday  25th.  We  progressed  25  miles  over  a  deep 
sandy,  heavy  road  and  encamped  at  the  noble,  bold  and  running 
willow  springs.  Here  we  found  grass  very  scarce,  sage  plenty. 
During  this  day's  march  we  passed  several  springs,  strong  impreg- 
nated with  alkali.  This  water  is  said  will  kill  your  animals  if  they 
drink  it.  Consequently,  emigrants  cannot  be  too  careful  in  passing 
these  places. 

Camp  35,  Sunday  26th.  A  march  of  25  miles  brought  us  to  the 
noted  "Rock  Independence"  on  the  Sweet  Water  river.  After 
advancing  3  miles  up  this  stream  and  crossing  it,  we  encamped 
upon  its  southern  margin  for  the  night.  This  aforesaid  rock  is  well 
worth  the  attention  of  the  traveler  who  may  go  thither.  It  is  about 
one  mile  and  a  half  around  this  rock,  covering  an  area  of  80  acres 
and  rearing  its  bold  summit  to  the  height  of  100  feet,  gradually 
rounding  off  each  way.  Upon  it  is  cut  in  uncouth,  but  legible 
characters,  thousands,  yes,  I  may  say,  tens  of  thousands  of  Oregon 
and  California  emigrants'  names,  dates,  etc..  Other  amateur  trav- 
elers who  have  chanced  to  pass  this  way.  Sweetwater  is  a  tributary 
of  Platte  and  a  beautiful  and  wonderful  meandering  mountain 
stream  about  100  yards  wide.  It  may  be  truly  said  that  this  is  a 
mountain  stream,  because  it  winds  its  way  along  the  foot  of  very 
rocky  mountains  and  sometimes  running  through  abrupt,  rocky 
precipices  200  feet  high.  This  day  we  passed  several  lakes  of 
saleratus  and  the  ground  for  miles  is  white  with  it. 

Camp  36,  Monday  27th.  Our  caravan  progressed  20  miles  and 
encamped  near  Sweetwater.  Here  we  found  grass  sufficient  for 
our  stock,  artimesia  (sage)  covering  perhaps  thousands  of  acres, 
plenty  for  cooking  purposes.  The  scenery  of  today's  march  was 
truly  grand  and  magnificent  to  the  curious  and  observing  traveler. 
Mountains  on  either  hand,  to  the  left  snowy  peaks,  to  the  right 
solid  rock  (granite)  towering  from  3  to  500  feet  with  scattering 
cedars  and  pine  upon  their  sides  and  summits,  growing  in  the 
crevices  of  the  rock.  In  5  miles  of  Independence  Rock,  we  pass 
the  "Devil's  Gate".  Here  the  river  makes  its  way  through  a  solid 
ridge  of  granite,  the  rock  towering  on  either  side  200  feet  high 
above  this,  about  10  miles,  is  another  gap  through  which  the  river 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  61 

winds  its  way,  called  the  "Devil's  Ladder". Those  two  last  men- 
tioned places  have  been  generally  considered  not  very  desirable  as 
the  aforesaid  individual  is  the  great  adversary  of  mans,  but  the 
places  are  truly  grand  and  stupendous. Today  we  passed  another 
lonely  grave,  silent  and  solitary  abode,  near  the  foot  of  a  mountain, 
a  truly  beautiful  and  apparently  sacred  place. 

Camp  37 ,  Tuesday  28th.  After  a  march  of  20  miles  over  a  deep 
sandy  road,  we  encamped  in  Sweet  water  valley.  En'oyed  the 
night  very  well  and  next  morning  went  on  our  way  rejoicing,  for  the 
many  blessings  that  surrounded  us  at  this  time.  The  historian  or 
amature  writer  traveling  along  here  has  many  things  to  admire  and 
record,  worthy  the  perusal  of  his  readers.  A  lofty  ridge  of  granite 
mountains  to  his  right  near  whose  base  the  sweet  water  winds  its 
meandering  way,  making  many  curious  and  short  turns  in  view. 
So  many  that  you  can  see  the  same  water  course,  running  both 
ways  at  the  same  sight,  as  far  as  we  traced  it  —  106  miles,  we 
never  saw  the  current  straight,  100  yards  yet  a  more  beautiful 
stream  my  eyes  have  never  seen. 

Camp  38,  Wednesday  29th.  Our  caravan  was  rolling  ahead  ere 
the  rays  of  the  King  of  day  had  illuminated  those  western  wilds. 
Completing  a  distance  of  22  miles  over  an  unusual,  heavy  road  of 
deep  sand,  and  twice  crossing  the  river,  many  and  various  are  the 
objects  of  curiosity  and  magnificence  that  daily  present  themselves 
to  the  eye  of  the  traveler  and  historian  in  traversing  those  solitary 
wilds. 

Camp  39,  Thursday  30th.  We  traveled  23  miles  over  a  very 
broken  and  rocky  road  and  encamped  on  a  tributary  of  sweet 
water.  Here  the  grass  was  first  rate,  consequently  our  mules  fared 
well  this  night.  Today  we  traveled  over  snow  3  feet  deep,  con- 
jealed  so  hard  that  our  wagon  tires  would  scarcely  cut  through 
the  top  crust.  Off  the  road  in  several  places  it  was  from  6  to  8 
feet  deep,  this  though  is  no  comparison  to  what  we  subsequently 
saw.  Today  we  saw  what  might  be  properly  called  an  oasis,  skirt- 
ed with  beautiful  young  poplar.  Besides  this  there  are  several 
groves  on  either  side  of  the  road.  The  beautiful  groves  remind  the 
way-worn  traveler  of  the  beautiful  forest  (afar  off)  in  his  own 
country.  Today  we  saw  where  had  been  buried  a  child,  some  rude, 
round  stones  mark  the  little  wanderer's  resting  place. 

Camp  40,  Friday  31.  This  day  a  march  brought  us  to  the 
famous  south  pass  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  thence  7  miles  farther 
on  the  waters  of  Pacific  Spring  (a  woman's  and  man's)*  we 
encamped  this  night,  completing  a  march  of  20  miles.  This  pass 
of  which  you  have  doubtless  often  heard,  is  no  more  than  an 


*[Note:    The  phrase,  ".  .  .  (a  woman's  and  a  man's)  .  .  ."  may  be  out  of 
place,    ed.l 


62  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

inclined  plain,  or  dividing  ridge  between  the  waters  of  the  Pacific 
and  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  here  all  emigrants  to  Oregon  and  Cali- 
fornia pass  into  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  waters  of  said  springs 
run  into  Green  River,  thence,  Sacramento  [?],  thence  the  Pacific, 
hence  its  name.  This  pass  or  dividing  ridge  was  to  us  what  the 
Rubicon  was  to  Caesar  and  his  army. 

Camp  41,  Saturday,  June  1st.  We  marched  23  miles  over  a 
very  good  road  and  encamped  in  about  a  mile  of  Big  Sandy,  where 
we  found  first  rate  grass  for  this  country 

Camp  42,  Sunday  the  2nd.  We  rested  and  grazed  our  mules 
until  2  o'clock,  then  watered  them,  filled  our  kegs  with  water  and 
started  into  a  desert  of  40  miles.  We  progressed  about  10  miles 
and  halted  and  let  our  mules  graze  about  2  hours,  then  set  forward 
and  traveled  until  2  o'clock  in  the  night,  making  15  miles.  Here 
we  encamped  for  the  remainder  of  the  night.  This  night  our  cara- 
van took  another  general  stampede  doing  no  injury  at  all. 

Camp  43,  Monday  3rd.  We  moved  on  slowly  15  miles  making 
the  eastern  margin  of  the  much  dreaded  and  dangerous  Green  river 
about  12  o'clock  am.  To  our  surprise,  we  found  that  there  was  no 
ferry  here.  It  was  a  dangerous  crossing  as  the  river  runs  very 
rapidly  and  being  very  deep  fording.  Consequently,  we  delayed 
crossing  this  evening. 

Camp  44,  Tuesday,  June  4th.  We  raised  our  wagon  beds  so  as 
to  prevent  wetting  our  provisions,  clothing  etc.  We  forded  said 
river,  advanced  10  miles  and  encamped  on  a  beautiful,  clear  run- 
ning stream  of  fine  water,  grass  first  rate.  Therefore,  tonight  we 
rested  quietly  and  easily.  Today  we  as  usual  passed  several  graves, 
woman's  and  man's.  The  lady  died  July  14,  1847.*  I  acknowledge, 
kind  reader,  that  this  stirs  my  inmost  soul  and  awakens  the  sympa- 
thies of  my  heart,  makes  many  and  curious  reflection  flit  across 
my  mind  when  I  view  so  many  graves  and  especially  the  grave  of 
the  gentle  female  so  far  off  in  the  mountains  and  lonely  and  solitary 
wilds.  And  what,  let  me  ask,  must  be  the  feelings  of  that  husband 
who  sees  his  bosom  companion  breathe  her  dust,  afar  from  home 
and  relations.  This  I  leave  with  those  who  have  experienced  it, 
and  ask  the  blessings  of  God  upon  such  for  Christ  sake. 

Camp  45,  Wednesday  5th.  After  a  march  of  20  miles  over 
several  stupendous  mountains,  we  encamped  on  a  beautiful  moun- 
tain rivulet,  where  we  found  first  rate  grass,  water  etc. 

Camp  46.  Thursday  [6th].  We  progressed  about  10  miles. 
This  brought  us  to  Thomas  Fork,  which  was  considerably  in  our 
way  as  it  was  past  fording.  Therefore,  resorted  to  this  alternative, 
raised  our  wagon  beds,  carried  ropes  across  to  the  opposite  side 
and  fastened  them  to  our  wagons  and  pulled  them  across,  swam 


'[Note:   This  probably  was  the  grave  of  Nancy  Hill.] 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  63 

our  mules,  hitched  up  and  advanced  8  miles  farther  and  encamped 
where  we  found  good  water,  wood  and  grass.  Consequently,  this 
night  easily  glided  away. 

Camp  47,  Friday  7th.  We  marched  about  25  miles,  crossing 
Bear  River  4  times  during  our  march.  Here  we  found  as  good 
wild  grass  as  grows  in  the  world,  consequently  our  mules  lost  no 
time,  but  ate  greedily  until  they  filled  themselves.  During  this 
day's  march,  we  encountered  two  serious  steep  rocky  and  stu- 
pendous mountains  to  decend.  In  descending  the  last  one  we  had 
to  let  our  wagons  down  gradually  with  ropes.  This,  though  is  no 
difficulty  and  annoyance  to  what  we  met  with  from  mosquitoes  and 
their  allies,  when,  where  and  how  they  chase  on  every  side  in  small 
parties  of  1000  in  a  squad,  from  their  rear  flank  and  front  guard. 
Sometimes  their  whole  army  would  sally  forth  from  among  some 
small  sage  path  of  100  acres  or  out  of  some  deep  ravine  or  valley 
and  annoy  us,  no  little  without  receiving  any  material  help.  This, 
however,  might  be  expected  as  we're  traveling  through  Mosquito 
Nation.    Two  graves  today. 

Camp  48,  Saturday  8th.  Our  march  advanced  us  20  miles  fur- 
ther upon  our  journey.  Today  we  had  to  encounter  another  small 
stream  of  water,  past  fording.  Consequently,  we  ferried  our  goods 
and  chatties  across  in  wagon  beds,  lariated  our  wagons  and  swam 
them  across  and  also  our  mules  and  horses.  This,  the  boys  con- 
sidered the  "Elephant's  track",  where  he  had  been  browsing.  This 
encampment  was  on  a  small  mountain  rivulet  running  into  Bear 
River.  This  aforesaid  river  is  lore  of  towering  and  stupendous 
mountains  with  their  snow  caps,  towering  high  in  their  eternal 
world.  Indeed,  the  historian  has  something  here  worthy  of  record- 
ing. Instead  of  describing  mole  hills,  giving  descriptions  of  hard 
and  harassing  march  across  some  desert  or  commenting  on  the 
nature  of  the  man  etc.  Here  he  sees  the  handiwork  of  God  and 
stands  in  reverential  awe  while  he  beholds  all.  The  inspired  writer 
can  exclaim  "in  wisdom  thou  hast  made  them  all".  Oh  what  a 
grand  sight  for  the  painter  and  poet  —  while  the  artist  draws  their 
representation,  the  poet  struck  with  their  beauty  and  magnificence, 
can  sing  their  eternal  lays  with  harps  of  gold.  To  either  hand  runs 
a  chain  of  towering  mountains  and  beyond  these  the  snow  clad 
mountains,  to  the  height  of  1500  feet,  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
Between  these  runs  the  noble  Bear  River. 

Camp  49,  Sunday  9th.  We  progressed  over  a  very  good  road, 
yet  making  many  zig  zags,  to  avoid  mountains  that  are  impene- 
trable with  wagons.  Again  we  encamped  near  Bear  River.  Where 
as  usual  we  found  first  rate  grass.  The  scenery  of  today  and 
yesterday's  march  is  beautiful,  magnificent  and  grand.  It  presents 
a  beautiful  aspect  to  the  love  of  towering  and  stupendous  moun- 
tains, with  their  eternal  snow  caps  towering  high  in  the  Etheral 
World.    Indeed  the  historian  has  something  here  worth  recording. 

Camp  50,  Monday  10th.     Today  we  marched  25  miles  over  a 


64  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

very  good  road.  Nothing  of  interest  transpired.  Today,  as  usual, 
the  scenery  was  grand  and  magnificent. 

Camp  51 ,  Tuesday  11th.  We  progressed  20  miles  and  encamped 
where  we  found  first  rate  water  and  grass.  This  day  we  traveled 
over  rocks  that  had  evidently  been  thrown  up  by  volcanic  action. 

Camp  52,  Wednesday  12tk.  Our  caravan  progressed  about  25 
miles,  through,  above,  between  and  below  the  mountains  to  avoid 
their  abrupt  declivities  and  rocky  steep  summits.  Today  we  passed 
Myres  Grand  Canyon,  a  mountain  pass  of  3  miles.  This  encamp- 
ment was  without  water  for  our  mules. 

Camp  53,  Thursday  13th.  We  traveled  22  miles  and  encamped 
near  a  pretty  spring  of  clear  running  water,  grass  very  fine.  We 
did  very  well  here  this  night.  This  encampment  might  properly  be 
termed  "The  Mountain  Encampment"  as  it  was  in  the  midst  of 
towering  mountains  on  every  side  as  far  as  we  could  stretch  our 
sight.  Those  tall  mountains  remind  me  of  Satan  taking  the  Savior 
of  the  world  up  into  an  exceeding  high  mountain  showing  him  the 
glory  of  the  world  and  offering  him  such  inducements  to  fall  down 
and  worship  him,  when  at  the  same  time  the  old  puppy  did  not  own 
one  foot  of  land.  Oh,  what  a  striking  picture  of  satanic  subtelty 
and  influence. 

Camp  54,  Friday  14th.  We  progressed  25  miles  on  a  descend- 
ing road  along  a  narrow  defile  between  the  mountains  and  en- 
camped near  a  mountain  rivulet.  Good  water  and  grass.  Today 
we  crossed  what  the  boys  called  "Elephant's  Fork"  as  his  sign  was 
discernable  here,  in  fording  or  lariating  our  wagons  across  said 
stream. 

[Note:   There  are  no  entries  for  Camps  55,  56,  57  or  58]. 

Camp  59,  Wednesday  19th.  These  aforesaid  hot  springs  are 
about  2  miles  from  the  foot  of  the  mountains  in  a  level  plain,  1 2  or 
15  in  number,  forming  a  considerable  stream  of  water.  It  runs  4 
or  5  hundred  yards  and  forms  a  junction  with  another  stream  of 
cold  water,  about  the  same  size.  The  water  is  so  hot  that  it  will 
cook  meat  in  five  minutes  perfectly  done. 

[Material  for  Camps  60,  61  and  62  is  illegible]. 

Camp  63,  Sunday  23rd.  We  progressed  25  miles  and  encamped 
in  a  canyon  3  miles  from  the  river,  whence  we  carried  water  for 
cooking  purposes  etc.    Here  the  grass  was  good  and  wood  plenty. 

Camp  64,  Tuesday  25th.  We  marched  25  miles  over  a  broken 
road,  and  very  dirty.  The  heat  was  oppressive  and  the  dust  almost 
intolerable.  We  made  this  encampment  on  a  tributary  of  Mary's 
River  [Humbolt  River].  Here  we  found  best  quality  of  grass  - 
no  wood. 

Camp  66,  Wednesday  26th.  [This  camp  number  may  have 
been  an  error.  It  appears  that  it  should  have  been  Camp  65,  not 
66.]  After  an  oppressive  march  of  30  miles  through  excessive 
heat  and  dust  we  rested  for  this  night  on  Mary's  River.     Grass 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  65 

tolerable,  no  wood.  The  country  along  here  resembles  a  smoulder- 
ing heap  of  embers.  In  places  as  soft  as  an  ash  bank  itself.  There 
is  no  scarcity  of  pure  saleratus  here,  perfect  lakes  of  it  as  white  as 
snow.  The  mountains  through  here  present  many  evident  signs  of 
volcanic  action  of  having  been  burned  and  thrown  up  and  out  of 
the  mountains  by  eruptions. 

Camp  67,  Thursday  27.  We  rolled  ahead  23  miles  and  en- 
camped on  Mary's  River.  Grass  very  bad,  artemisia  plenty.  Here 
a  great  many  sloughs  spread  out  from  the  river.  By  wading  these 
and  cutting  grass  with  our  butcher  knives,  we  obtained  grass  suf- 
ficiently for  our  animals.  Here  also  the  mountains  form  a  basin, 
i.e.,  apparently  hems  the  river  in  all  sides;  in  fact,  the  water  does 
spread  out  here  and  makes  a  considerable  lake.  As  we  could  not 
see  where  the  river  ran  out,  a  great  many  of  the  emigrants  mistook 
this  for  the  "sink  of  charg's  River".*  This,  however,  proved  to  be 
a  mistake,  as  we  soon  again  overtook  the  river  in  her  rapid  descent. 
Today  and  yesterday's  march  traversed  hot  sandy  plains,  destitute 
of  any  vegetation  at  all,  only  artemisia  and  shrubs.  The  sun  shone 
here  with  double  strength  compared  to  our  former  heat  and  almost 
parched  us,  and  the  dust,  no  end  to  its  annoyance.  Me  thinks  the 
intellect  of  the  naturalist,  philanthropist  and  philosopher  would 
here  wander  and  reel  to  and  fro  on  their  balance  as  a  drunken  man. 
in  relation  to  the  benefit  and  purposes  of  these  regions,  for  every- 
thing is  literally  parched  with  the  rays  of  an  almost  vertical  sun. 
The  water  poisonous  to  man  or  beast.  I  can  assure  you  there  is 
nothing  pertaining  to  this  country  that  is  desirable,  neither  in  the 
animal  or  vegetable  kingdom.  Here  you  can  see  any  number  of 
nauseating  reptiles  and  insects,  such  as  the  horned  frog  (the  toad 
with  a  tail  and  horns)  chamelon,  alacran,  scorpion  etc.,  In  fact. 
most  every  species  of  animal  that  you  can  see  he  has  either  a  long 
tail  or  bill.  The  man  who  undertakes  to  make  reflections  upon 
these  sterile  and  miserable  regions  on  the  road  will  often  "flock  the 
game"  in  either  despair  as  he  gains  no  comfort  from  the  effort. 

Camp  68,  Friday  28th.  We  marched  25  miles  near  the  river  and 
encamped  on  its  nauseating  waters.  Here  we  waded  the  sloughs 
and  cut  grass  for  our  animals  which  they  devoured  very  greedily 
and  rapidly. 

Camp  69,  Saturday  29th.  We  performed  a  march  of  20  miles 
over  a  deep,  heavy  sandy  road  across  the  sand  hills,  every  now  and 
then  skirting  the  rivers  right  margin.  The  heat  today  was  exces- 
sively hot.  This  encampment  was  again  upon  said  Mary's  River. 
This  river  I  think  has  entirely  a  wrong  name.  Instead  of  Mary,  it 
should  be  called  "The  Demon's  Alkali",  for  in  reality  the  water  is 
so  strongly  impregnated  with  this  that  it  will  eat  up  leather,  directly. 


*[No/e:   Probably,  "Sink  of  Mary's  River,"  or  Humbolt  Sink]. 


66  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

In  places  you  can  obtain  the  pure  lye,  sufficiently  strong  to  make 
soap. 

Camp  70,  Sunday  30th.  We  progressed  20  miles  over  a  deep 
sandy  road  and  over  a  succession  of  gently  rolling  hills,  encamped 
on  Mary's  River.  Here  we  again  necessitated  to  wade  into  the 
sloughs  and  cut  grass  for  our  mules.  No  wood  here  except  the 
miserable  native  thorn  shrubry. 

Camp  71,  Monday,  July  1st.  We  advanced  10  miles  (passed 
Humbolt's  Lake)  struck  the  river  and  lay  by  until  evening,  swam 
the  river  and  cut  grass  for  our  stock  and  lariated  it  across,  hence 
today  our  mules  did  very  well.  At  3:00  o'clock  p.m.  we  again  set 
forward  upon  a  barren  plain  of  20  miles  extent,  (no  sage  in  this 
plain  at  all)  making  the  "sink"  or  lake  or  Mary's  River.  Here  we 
encamped  for  the  night,  cut  grass  sufficiently  to  last  our  mules 
across  the  desert  of  40  miles.  We  progressed  into  it  about  10 
miles,  deflected  to  the  left  one  mile  from  the  road,  struck  through 
the  river  and  watered  our  mules,  filled  our  kegs  for  cooking  pur- 
poses and  drove  out  from  the  river  about  2  miles  and  encamped, 
prepared  and  ate  our  supper  and  retired  to  rest  until  2  o'clock  p.m. 
We  set  forward  again  to  make  the  sink  or  verge  of  the  desert  and 
prepared  to  go  through  as  speedily  and  easily  as  possible  both  man 
and  animal.  The  country  through  here  is  nothing  more  than  a 
dreary  waste,  literally  parched  by  the  rays  of  the  sun,  consequently 
vegetation  is  a  rare  curiosity,  a  perfect  stranger  to  these  regions. 
The  surface  of  the  earth  is  covered  with  saleratus,  hence  the  alkali 
nature  of  the  water  of  Mary's  River  etc.  By  digging  wells  4  or  5 
feet  deep  you  can  obtain  water  of  salt  nature.  Hence,  the  great 
Salt  Lakes  originated. 

Camp  72,  Tuesday  2nd.  We  progressed  15  miles  over  an  undu- 
lating road,  struck  said  river  again  and  rested  until  3:00  O'clock. 
Again  we  set  forward  upon  our  march  We  waded  into  the  slough 
again  and  cut  sufficient  quantity  of  grass  to  feed  our  mules  and 
enough  to  last  them  through  the  desert.  We  cooked  sufficient 
quantity  of  provisions  for  ourselves.  This  we  did  for  fear  we  could 
procure  no  more  grass  this  side  of  the  desert.  This  afternoon  we 
made  15  miles  further  upon  another  desert  plain.  We  encamped 
for  the  night  in  this  solitary,  solitude  and  dreary  waste.  Today  we 
bid  a  final  adieu  to  the  nauseating  Mary  River.  Never  again  do  I 
desire  to  see  its  poisoning  waters,  miserable  sloughs,  parched  val- 
leys and  bare  painful  looking  mountains.  Wednesday  the  3rd  at 
2:00  o'clock  we  set  forward,  came  to  a  small  running  stream  in  5 
miles.  We  rested  until  about  12  o'clock,  thence  traveled  until  1 :00 
o'clock  a.m.,  marching  20  miles  and  encamped.  We  rested,  fed 
our  animals  at  the  sulphur  springs  and  set  forward  upon  the  desert. 
Thursday,  4th  of  July  at  3:00  o'clock  made  15  miles.  The  exces- 
sive heat  compelled  us  to  remain  upon  said  desert  until  4  o'clock 
p.m.  Then  we  commenced  our  march  and  continued  until  1 
o'clock  next  morning  before  we  got  across  said  desert.     There  we 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  67 

celebrated  the  glorious  fourth  of  July.  This  desert  starts  at  the 
sulphur  springs,  thence  continues  40  miles  when  we  struck  Carson 
River.    Here  we  enjoyed  a  respite  of  one  day. 

Camp  73,  Friday  5th.  The  most  enchanting  spots  ever  depicted 
by  the  pen  of  the  eastern  romancer  possesses  no  more  charm  for 
the  wagon-worn  travelers,  and  confers  more  comfort  than  do  the 
Cottonwood  groves,  the  fine  running  waters  of  said  river  for  the 
thirsty,  worn,  fatigued  and  exhausted  traveler  across  the  desert. 
This  desert  is  a  desolate  solitude,  dreary,  painful  and  hot  plain, 
entirely  destitute  of  vegetation  save  now  and  then  a  patch  of 
shrubbery.  In  fact,  it  had  been  the  bed  of  a  lake  and  may  with 
propriety  be  termed  the  American  Sahara  or  American  waste. 
The  mountains  on  either  hand  present  anything  but  a  lovely  sight. 
Their  sable  garments  speak  of  desolation  around,  between,  among, 
up  and  down  and  through  this  sterile  region.  I  stood  about  midday 
in  this  desert  land  and  like  Saul  of  Tarsus,  I  was  almost  stricken 
blind  to  the  earth.  The  rays  of  the  sun  pitched  upon  me  with 
turbulence,  the  earth  bare  as  far  as  I  could  see;  and  of  a  loam 
character,  resembling  an  ash  bed  —  no  water  to  quench  thirst  save 
the  terrible  sulphur  water  of  these  regions.  I  confess  there  was  an 
aching,  void,  uncharming  aspect.  Those  waste  grounds  of  God's 
earth  are  in  the  opinion  of  erring  man  of  little  purpose  to  man  or 
beast. 

However,  this  be  as  it  may  it  is  self  evident  that  those  were  made 
in  abounded  wisdom.  They  are  of  a  nature  calculated  to  teach 
man  gratitude  to  his  creator  that  his  lot  is  not  cast  in  such  a  land 
but  in  a  land  of  beauteous  clime  and  filled  with  plenty  of  the  com- 
forts and  blessings  of  life. 

The  4th  of  July,  Independence  day,  seemed  not  to  be  forgotten, 
but  inspired,  new  life  and  cheerfulness.  Although  upon  the  de- 
serted desert  of  the  west,  we  could  not  forget  to  commemorate  the 
annual  return  of  the  hallowed  day  that  gave  birth  to  our  National 
Liberty.  Though  on  the  march  and  in  the  midst  of  desolation,  with 
nothing  for  the  eye  to  rest  upon  save  the  burning  heaven  above  or 
the  parched  earth  beneath  and  none  of  the  lovely  objects  of  home 
around  us,  none  of  the  festivities  spread  before  us  which  usually 
greeted  us  on  the  anniversary  of  our  liberty.  Yet  our  bosoms 
swelled  with  the  same  noble  impulses  and  the  same  quenchless  love 
of  freedom  which  animated  the  breast  of  our  ancestors  of  "76"  and 
caught  inspiration  from  the  memory  of  their  achievements.  As  we 
think,  this  day  cannot  be  kept  too  sacred  or  celebrated  (if  rightly") 
too  often  by  our  posterity.  We  present  the  following,  written  by 
the  undersigned,  at  a  former  period,  while  we  engaged  in  tutoring 
the  young  mind:* 


*iNote:  At  this  point,  the  editors  inserted  a  note  which  said.  "Also  see 
poem  .  .  .  The  Old  Thirteen.'"  The  poem  is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  journal 
and  its  place  in  the  original  journal  is  uncertain.] 


68  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

"July  4th,  A.D.  1 849  -  We  hail  with  enthusiasm  the  anniversary 
of  American  Independence  which  is  now  73  years  since  the  dawn 
of  that  blessed  day,  blessed  because  it  brought  blessed  consequenc- 
es to  the  then  oppressed  subjects  of  the  British  King." 

O!  how  happily  changed  is  our  condition  today  from  yesterday. 
We  were  in  the  midst  of  a  burning  sandy  waste  and  the  sun  shone 
distressingly  hot  upon  us,  almost  to  evaporation.  The  flying  dust 
almost  choked  us.  No  water  to  quench  our  thirst  and  our  animals 
were  almost  exhausted.  Miserable  men  were  we  in  this  trying 
crisis.  We  would  have  hailed  a  stream  of  water  as  did  the  Israel- 
ites when  Moses  smote  the  rock.  Today  we  are  regaling  ourselves 
in  the  beautiful  shades  of  Carson  River,  splashing  and  dashing, 
lounging  and  plunging,  sporting  and  bathing  amid  the  sporting 
ripling  waves  of  said  river  all  but  to  repletion. 
O!  what  a  change  is  sometimes  effected  in  man's  history  in  one 
day,  intellectual  or  physical.  In  attempting  to  cross  said  desert 
many  a  noble  and  valuable  animal  (the  horses,  mules,  ox  etc)  hath 
fallen  by  the  wayside. 

Camp  74.  6th  of  July.  We  traveled  about  20  miles,  8  of  which 
the  road  runs  near  the  river,  the  remaining  12  leaves  the  river  and 
is  very  sandy.  This  encampment  was  on  said  river.  The  course  of 
Carson  River  may  be  traced  by  the  Cottonwood  groves  that  skirt 
its  banks. 

Camp  75,  Sunday  7th  July.  We  progressed  10  miles  into  dry 
stretch  and  encamped  where  we  found  good  grass. 

Camp  76,  Monday  8th.  We  advanced  the  other  10  miles,  struck 
the  river  and  grazed  our  animals  until  3  o'clock.  We  again  set 
forward,  advanced  5  miles  and  encamped  in  the  lovely  valley  of 
Carson  River  where  we  found  grass  of  a  nutritious  quality,  very 
strengthening  and  nourishing. 

Camp  77,  9th.  We  advanced  15  miles  over  an  elevated  country, 
sand,  rock  and  bluffs,  thence  came  to  the  river.  We  rested  and 
grazed  our  animals  about  2  hours  and  progressed  10  miles  farther 
and  encamped  near  the  river  again.  We  passed  the  night  in  sound 
and  profound  sleep.  We  arose  next  morning  greatly  refreshed  and 
vigorously  set  forward  upon  our  journey. 

Many  a  wagon  ceased  its  running,  many  a  pair  of  horses  refused 
to  travel  -  from  the  head  of  Mary's  River  to  California,  most  all  of 
the  emigrants  became  packers  and  from  here  the  horses  and  mules 
started  failing.  Especially  the  horses  are  strewn  all  along  the  road 
and  give  the  air  a  disagreeable  stench.  The  men  appear  at  this 
time  to  be  in  fine  spirits,  notwithstanding  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
suffering  upon  the  route  for  want  of  food.  A  great  many  of  the 
emigrants  were  compelled  (to  prevent  starving)  to  kill  their  horses 
and  mules  and  subsist  upon  their  flesh.  This  is  a  call  upon  the 
living  at  a  dying  rate.  Eating  the  flesh  of  mules  and  horses  that 
were  so  poor  they  could  scarcely  stand  or  walk  without  staggering 
or  reeling 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  69 

Camp  78,  10th.  ..(Wednesday).  We  advanced  10  miles  and 
rested,  thence  10  miles  farther  brought  us  to  our  encampment  on  a 
beautiful  mountain  rivulet  of  clear  transparent  running  water. 
Here  we  found  excellent  grass,  hence  our  mules  set  this  night  apart 
for  eating,  while  they  enjoyed  the  unenviable  privilege.  This  day's 
march  traversed  the  western  extremity  of  a  beautiful  and  delightful 
valley.  Near  the  foot  or  eastern  side  of  a  chain  of  mountains, 
towering  high  in  the  heavens,  covered  with  pine  timber. 

The  Mormons  are  establishing  themselves  in  this  valley  and 
creating  a  fort.  This  valley  will  no  doubt  produce  fine  corn, 
wheat  etc.,  by  irrigation,  which  can  be  done  very  easily.  I  and 
another  gentleman  took  a  hunting  excursion  in  the  pine  forest  near 
the  foot  of  the  mountains  and  enjoyed  the  scenery  finely.  During 
this  ramble  we  saw  some  sublime  and  lovely  sights.  O!  with  what 
greediness  and  insatiable  thirst  for  such  scenery.  I  looked  upon 
this  forest,  roaring  rivulets  and  towering  mountains  until  my  eyes 
were  wearied  from  continually  gazing  at  the  objects  before  us. 
Many  and  many  an  hour  have  I  gazed  (unconscious  of  all  around 
me)  upon  the  beautiful  and  rugged  face  of  nature  clothed  in  living 
verderers.  If  I  had  one  of  those  lovely  mountains,  pine  forest,  and 
beautiful  valleys  and  ever-roaring  mountain  springs  situated  in  the 
United  States  where  I  desire,  all  the  wealth  of  earth  could  not 
purchase  it.  No  money  would  be  but  a  tinkling  symbol,  unmean- 
ing sounds  to  my  ears. 

Camp  79,  Thursday  11th.  We  rested  until  4  o'clock  then  moved 
our  encampment  5  miles  to  the  mouth  of  the  canyon  that  leads  to 
the  north  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  mountains.  Here  we  found  the 
finest  kind  of  red  and  white  clover  for  our  animals.  During  this 
day  myself  and  two  other  companions  shouldered  our  rifles  and  set 
forward  to  ascend  the  highest  peak  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
mountains.  After  an  hour  and  a  half's  walking,  we  stood  at  the 
foot  of  the  steep  cliff  that  we  desired  climbing  and  without  further 
hesitation  we  commenced  ascending,  slowly  winding  our  way  to 
avoid  steepness  and  projecting  precipices  that  bid  defiance  to  the 
efforts  of  man.  Six  successive  hours,  ascending  and  descending 
and  reascending  brought  us  to  the  highest  summit,  save  one.  This 
was  500  feet  above  us.  [Note:  Too  many  words  left  out  of  this 
sentence  to  get  the  thought,  ed.\  We  were  very  well  satisfied, 
for  during  our  climb  we  crawled  over  several  places  that  the  slip 
of  a  foot  or  hand  would  have  been  instant  death.  Yes.  we  would 
have  fallen  probably  1000  feet.  To  a  person  that  has  never 
ascended  a  mountain,  the  sight  will  repay  him  for  his  arduous 
undertaking. 

Camp  80,  Friday  12th.  We  progressed  13  miles  over  a  rocky 
road. 

Camp  81,  Saturday  13th.  The  following  day  we  encountered 
the  old  Sierra  Nevada  Mountain  Range.Where  we  went,  we  trav- 
eled through  rock  and  over  her  strong  summit.     Thus,  united  we 


70  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Stand,  but  divided  we  would  have  fallen.  This  day  we  only  made 
10  miles. 

Camp  82,  Sunday  14th.  We  crossed  the  Mountain  ridge  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada.  We  crossed  snow  50  feet  deep  in  our  ascent. 
Brave  men  of  other  times  have  gallantly  taken  the  wagons  over 
these  mountains.  I  can  assure  you  that  it  requires  a  man  with  a 
steel  heart,  a  nerve  that  never  trembles  a  heart  that  never  fails,  and 
an  arm  that  never  falters.  This  day's  march  brought  us  to  be 
nearer  the  "diggins". 

I  now  sit  down  at  an  interval  of  days  to  describe  the  Sierra 
Nevada  Mountains  of  those  that  we  crossed  and  like  an  impartial 
historian  that  essays  to  describe  some  political  contest,  after  the 
heat  of  party  spirit  has  died  away  and  all  prejudices  and  precon- 
ceptions forgotten.  Like  some  well  contested  battlefield  described 
by  an  actor  in  the  dire  scenes.  When  the  war  drum  has  ceased  to 
beat  and  the  echo  of  the  roaring  canon  no  longer  heard  in  his 
peaceful  dominion,  like  some  novelist  describing  a  beautiful  city 
situated  on  a  water  course  afar  off  in  the  distance.  But  not  Uke 
one  of  those  same  romancers,  I  will  not  clothe  mine  in  fiction, 
deceive  the  curious  and  novel  reader.  Therefore,  you  need  not 
expect  this  the  most  beautiful  place  on  earth's  wide  domain.  The 
Sierra  Nevada  mountains  are  2,000  feet  and  higher  than  the  rocky 
mountains  and  capped  annually  with  fresh  snow.  All  over  them 
is  a  pine  forest  almost  impenetrable,  from  5  to  10  feet  through, 
from  150  to  200  feet  high,  very  rocky.  Over  these  mountains  is 
not  less  rugged  than  that  over  the  Alps  {Note:  words  here  left 
out  -  not  legible,  ed.'l .  On  either  hand  you  could  see  dead  horses 
and  mules  that  had  attempted  to  ascend  said  mountains  and  had 
lost  their  strength  or  otherwise  made  a  wrong  step  and  been 
preciptated  among  the  projecting  and  craggy  precipices. 

Camp  83,  Monday  15th.  We  progressed  10  miles  down  the 
descent  of  the  mountains  over  a  very  rough,  rocky  road  and 
through  an  almost  impenetrable  forest  of  gigantic  pine  and  fir. 
This  encampment  was  under  beautiful  lovely  towering  pine  and  fir. 
To  the  north  and  all  around  us  appeared  in  view  the  eternal  snow 
clad  Oregon  Mountains  in  a  distance  of  [?]  miles.  They  are 
indescribable.    However,  we  will  pass  them  by. 

Camp  84,  Tuesday  16th.  We  marched  15  miles  through  thick 
pine,  fir  and  cedar. 

Camp  85,  Wednesday  17th.  We  traveled  18  miles  over  very 
rough  road.    No  grass  at  this  encampment. 

Thursday  the  1 8th  has  brought  us  to  the  "Land  of  the  diggings". 
From  the  summit  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  to  said  town  is  mostly  a 
beautiful  country. 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  July,  1850  we  awoke  to  hear  the 
crowing  of  the  cock  and  the  baying  of  the  watch  dog,  reminding  us 
of  civilization,  afar  off  in  the  green  valleys  of  our  own  pleasant 
country. 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN  71 

This  day  we  made  a  tour  southwest  about  16  miles  through  a 
portion  of  the  mining  country  to  Weaver  Creek.  We  left  our  wag- 
ons and  stock  out  to  some  ranchman's  to  feed  at  $4  per  month. 
We  deposited  our  goods  and  chattel  with  a  friend  until  we  needed 
them.  We  then  commenced  our  first  operations  in  the  El  Dorado 
Gold  mines. 

Thus,  we  have  completed  our  long  harassing  journey  without  the 
loss  of  a  man  and  but  3  animals,  and  I  have  completed  my  diary  by 
giving  the  travels  of  said  company  to  said  date. 

However,  there  is  one  thing  yet  neglected  that  I  never  expected 
to  record  in  this  little  book.  It  is  the  most  melancholy  event  yet 
for  me  to  record.  It  is  the  death  of  John  Brockman  of  Clay 
County,  Missouri,  who  was  shot  dead  by  Joseph  Meredz,  compan- 
ion, countryman  and  neighbor  in  an  affray  occasioned  by  intoxi- 
cation. Ah!  weeping  humanity  how  much  have  you  not  suffered 
on  account  of  this  infernal  poison  to  the  bone  of  society  —  ruin  of 
nations.  Ah  brandy!  brandy!  detriment  of  life,  spring  of  tumult, 
source  of  strife.  Ah!  could  I  but  half  the  curses  tell,  the  wise 
would  wish  thee  safe  in  hell. 

Brockman  left  a  young  widow.  Heaven  bless  her  in  her  widow- 
hood. God  be  a  husband  to  the  widow  and  a  father  to  the  father- 
less. Oh,  may  he  guide  her  feet  in  the  path  that  leads  to  happiness 
and  protect  her  from  the  ills  and  evils  of  this  life  and  finally 
through  the  love  of  our  Redeemer  and  Savior  may  she  be  in  heaven 
at  his  right  hand  where  sorrow  and  death  never  come. 

Monday  2nd  December  1850.  We  left  the  mines  for  Sacra- 
mento City  which  we  made  Wednesday  4th.  Left  here  the  5th  for 
San  Francisco,  arrived  there  on  the  same  night.  Here  we  stayed 
aboard  the  sail  ship  Carolina  until  near  Friday  morning  13th. 

We  set  sail  for  Panama  direct  which  trip  we  made  in  51  days. 
(Saturday  1st  February  1851 ).  Detained  here  a  half  day.  Hence, 
we  set  forward  Sunday  afternoon  afoot,  our  baggage  carried  by  the 
natives  to  cross  the  Isthmus.  This  we  completed  Monday  evening 
in  one  day  and  a  half.  Left  Gorgona  (a  native  town)  Tuesday 
morning  in  a  row  boat,  manned  by  3  oarsmen  and  one  captain  or 
steersman,  all  of  which  were  Negroes,  natives  said  to  be  good 
navigators  of  the  Chagnes  River.  Our  vessel  put  into  port  at 
Chagnes  upon  Wednesday  morning  before  the  dawn  of  day.  Here 
we  stayed  until  Saturday  morning  the  8th  when  we  made  our 
departure  for  New  Orleans  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day, 
aboard  the  Brig  Nancy  Hogan,  a  sail  vessel.  We  made  the  voyage 
to  New  Orleans  in  12Vi  days,  hence  we  arrived  there  on  the  20th 
of  said  month,  February  20,  1851. 


72  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Addenda 

Whereas,  David  S.  Helmer  of  Nodaway  County,  in  the  State  of 
Missouri,  hath  this  day  given  information  upon  oath  to  W.  R. 
Franklin,  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  within  and  for  the  County  of 
Nodaway,  that  on  the  22nd  day  of  February  1859,  that  one  John 
Kimbal  of  the  County  and  State  aforesaid,  made  an  attempt  to 
abuse  the  said  Helmer,  Towit,  said  Kimbal  called  said  Helmer  off 
of  the  road,  pretending  business  to  him  and  a  controversy  arose 
between  said  parties,  said  Kimbal  then  and  there  laid  violent  hands 
upon  said  Helmer  with  intent  to  injure  him  in  said  fray,  and  that 
he  also  made  violent  threats  against  said  Helmer.  Therefore,  said 
Helmer  further  says  that  he  is  in  danger  of  losing  his  life  by  said 
Kimbal. 

Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me  as  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and 
for  said  county,  this  the  23rd  day  of  February  1859. 

Given  under  my  hand  this  the  23  day  of  February,  1859. 

W.  R.  Franklin,  J.  P. 

John  Helmer,  Plaintiff         ) 

) 
John  Kimbal,  Defendant     ) 

Plaintiff  filed  February  23,  A.D.  1859  for  suit,  complaint  for 
abusive  treatment  and  violent  threats  made  up  and  against  his  son 
(who  has  here  filed  his  affidavid  upon  oath)  David  S.  Helmer, 
whereupon  I  issued  a  warrant  to  apprehend  said  Kimbal  and  deliv- 
ered it  to  H.  C.  Hall,  Deputy  Constable,  the  date  above  written. 
Made  returnable  February  23,  1859. 

W.  R.  Franklin,  J.P. 

February  23,  1859 

The  warrant  issued  in  this  cause  is  returned,  executed,  as  the  law 
directs;  and  the  cause  coming  on  to  be  heard,  and  the  defendant 
being  duly  called,  appeared  and  was  ready  to  make  defense.  John 
Helmer,  the  plaintiff,  made  overtures  for  peace,  without  further 
prosecution  of  the  suit,  the  defendant  agreeing  to  the  terms,  the 
suit  was  mismissed  by  said  John  Helmer,  becoming  responsible  for 
the  cost  of  the  suit.  Execution  issued  March  1,  1859  on  the  above 
suit  returnable  in  60  days  &  delivered  to  Benjamin  Slaughter, 
Constable.  W.  R.  Franklin,  J.  P. 


JOURNAL  OF  WILLIAM  RILEY  FRANKLIN 


73 


WORK  SHEETS: 

I  arrived  home  August  29,  1865  from  Council  Grove.  Septem- 
ber 11th  I  commenced  work  for  Joel  Albright  at  $1.00  per  day. 
I  worked  30  days  as  follows:  Work  continued:  Haynesville,  Nov. 
7,  1865.    I  commenced  work  for  Thomas  J.  Hubbard: 

Haynesville,  August  29,  1865.    Money  on  hand 

Aug.  29,  1865 
December  1 1th,  sold  one  fat  calf 
December  1 1 ,  sold  one  calf 

Expenses  -  1866 


March 

1 

17 

12     lbs  beef  at  70 

per  lb. 

.85 

17 

2V^   lbs  sugar 

.50 

17 

1       bottle  oil 

.15 

19 

2     lbs  rice  150  per  lb 

.30 

19 

2     lbs  sugar  200  per  lb 

.40 

19 

1V4   lbs  coffee 

.45 

19 

2     lbs  soda  crackers 

.40 

19 

V4  lb  tea 

.60 

19 

3     candles 

.20 

19 

1       load  wood 

.75 

19 

Vi     pt.  whiskey 

.40 

29 

Vi     pt.  whiskey 

.40 

29 

1       lb  soda 

.25 

29 

Vi     days  washing 

.50 

April 

2 

10     lbs  beef 

.75 

2 

3     lbs  sugar 

.60 

5 

6     lbs  salt 

.25 

5 

Wi  bu.  meal 

.90 

15 

15     lbs  bacon  15»/2  0 

per  lb 

2.50 

May 

9 

2       bu  meal 

'"l.20 

19 

5       gal  molasses 

3.25 

19 

1       plow  file 

1.00 

19 

1       box  matches 

.10 

19 

Mending  stove  boiler 

.25 

19 

Felloe  wagon  wheel 

5.00 

19 

1       churn 

1.50 

29 

9       yds.  checks 

33-1/30 

3.00 

June 

25 

3       IVi  lbs  soap 

3.00 

20 

Yds  calico  .200 

4.00 

1 

fine  comb 

.15 

70 

lbs  bacon 

11.90 

John  H.  Jones  for  work 

30.00 

Joint  stove  pipe 

.60 

3 

tin  cups 

.25 

25 

1     Pair  shoes 

2.60 

2     Collars 

1.00 

2     Pr.  stockings 

1.50 

$30.00 

25.00 

5.00 

6 

2     Books 

.35 

1     Pocket  book 

1.00 

1     Days  washing 

1.00 

1     Set  knives  &  forks 

2.75 

1     Set  cups  &  saucers 

1.25 

1     Set  glass  tumblers 

1.00 

1     Breast  pin 

.25 

Horseshoing 

2.65 

Night's  lodging 

1.00 

Night's  lodging 

1.00 

1      Pr.  check  lines 

2.00 

Halter  rope 

.15 

2     Yds  calico  & 

trimmings 

3.00 

2     yds     fuller  cloth 

2.80 

1     lb  yarn 

1.00 

1     Box  bleaching 

.10 

1     Bridle 

1.80 

1     Toothbrush 

.15 

1     Pr.  shoes 

2.50 

1     Copy  book 

.2S 

1     Paper  needles 

'10 

1     Set  knitting  needles 

.05 

1     Box  pills 

2S 

1/2   lb  coffee 

.'50 

1      St.  Louis  Republican 

.10 

V2   lb  pepper 

.2S 

50     lbs  flour 

2.50 

6     Candles 

.30 

3     Yds  flannel 

.95 

3     Yds  shirting 

.80 

1     Cedar  pencil 

.10 

3     lbs  coffee 

1. 00 

2     yds  buff  gingham 

.80 

10  Gal  molasses 

7.50 

1       Box  blacking 

.10 

Work  on  wagon 

.50 

2V2,  bu.  corn 

.75 

1  bu  potatoes 

.50 

3  bu  turnips 

1.20 

6  yds  domestic  &  thread 

1.75 

53  lbs  soap  at  50 

2.65 

1     pr  shoes 

2.75 

V2   yd  tweed 

.75 

74 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


June 


1     bucket  wagon  grease     .35 

1     wool  hat 

2.00 

Crossing  Missouri  River     .25 

Traveling  expenses 

.50 

1     pr.  shoes 

2.80 

1     silver  watch 

28.00 

1     pr.  boots 

3.00 

Tarven  bill  -  lodging 

.50 

1     pipe  and  tobacco 

.50 

1  tooth  brush 

.25 

1  vial  cologne 

1.00 

1  pr  pants 

8.00 

1  vest 

4.00 

8  yds  calico 

1.00 

2  pr  yarn  hose 

.80 

Tavern  bill 

3.75 

Ride  on  cars 

2.50 

One  trip  from  Indepen- 

dence to  Kansas  City 

10.00 

4  mo.  board  at  Mr. 

John  P.  Shepherd 

70.00 

1   linen  kerchief 

.75 

1   arithmetic 

.75 

1   Barlow  knife 

.25 

5     lbs  tallow 

.50 

1     Ball  candle  wick 

.20 

Whiskey  in  grocery 

.50 

2     Boxes  essence 

.25 

1     load  wood 

1.50 

51   lbs  flour 

3.60 

1  coffee  mill 

1.25 

Nov.  7,  1865  I  commenced  work  for 
Jefferson  Hubbard. 

I  left  Haynesville  May  9th,   1866 
and  moved  into  Solomon  Fry's 
house  for  the  purpose  of  breaking 
prairie  for  said  Fry. 

Said  Fry  agreed  to  give  two  dollars 
per  acre,  furnish  the  team  and  plow 
in  running  order.    We  commenced 
breaking  May  21,  1866. 

I  broke  84Vi  acres  prairie  for 
Solomon  Fry  in  the  year  1866  at  $2 
per  acre. 

We  moved  on  John  Berry's  place  in  Missouri  River  bottom  on  Friday  the 
12th  day  of  Sept.  1866. 

"The  Old  Thirteen" 


God  bless  the  good  old  thirteen 

states: 
God  bless  the  young  ones  too 
Who  cares  for  musty  birthday  dates? 
God  bless  them,  old  and  new. 

The  old  ones  first  our  freedom 

gained. 
In  bloody  fights  of  yore, 
The  young  ones  have  their  rights 

maintained, 
As  the  old  ones  did  before 
Or  south,  or  North,  or  East  or  West, 
Twin  sisters,  all  they  be. 
One  mother  nurtured  them  at  her 

breast 


And  that  was  Liberty. 

And  may  the  wretch  whose  hand 

shall  strive 
To  cut  their  vital  thread, 
Be  scorned  while  in  this  world  alive, 
And  scorned  when  he  is  dead. 
Now  fill  the  bowl  with  nature's 

wine. 
Let's  drink  "God  save  the  King". 
The  only  King  by  right  divine,  the 
Soverign  people  -  ring  -  for  they're 
The  only  King  I  own 
All  others  I  despise. 
The  king  that  towers  above  the 

throne 
The  king  that  never  dies. 

William  R.  Franklin. 


A  Selective  Citerary  Bibliography 
of  Wyoming 

Richard  F.  Fleck 
Robert  A.  Campbell 

Preface 

The  leaves  of  the  low-bush  blue  huckleberry  at  Spruce  Lake  and  at 
Chain  Lakes  were  blood-red.  A  dwarf  birch  was  even  redder.  Dwarf 
willow  was  yellow  and  red.  The  lichens  on  the  granite  rocks  were 
richly  radiant  with  yellows,  grays,  and  blacks.  Bright  Scotch  bluebells 
were  reflected  in  the  sapphire  water. 

— Justice  William  O.  Douglas 
"Wind  River  Mountains," 
My  Wilderness:   East  to  Katcihdin. 

For  centuries  Wyoming  mountains,  prairies,  lakes  and  skies  have 
inspired  Indian  legends  and  myths,  and  for  over  100  years  the 
same  rugged  terrain  has  inspired  the  minds  of  the  newer  travelers 
and  inhabitants  having  a  European  lineage.  Whether  as  travelers 
en  route  to  California,  or  as  settlers  from  the  East,  writers  from 
the  1850s  to  the  1970s  have  recorded  their  variegated  impressions 
of  Wyoming  in  poems,  plays,  essays,  stories,  novels  or  travel 
narratives. 

Fortunately  many  of  the  ancient  legends  of  the  Arapahoe, 
Cheyenne  and  Shoshone  tribes  have  been  recorded  for  posterity  by 
Indian  as  well  as  white  authors.  Numerous  contemporary  Indian 
writers  such  as  Tom  Shakespeare  and  N.  Scott  Momaday  have 
utilized  ancient  tribal  mythology  in  the  creation  of  rich  literary 
works  of  their  own  such  as  The  Sky  People  and  The  Way  to  Rainy 
Mountain.  Many  non-Indian  writers  have  incorporated  Indian 
lore  in  their  creative  writing  such  as  Mari  Sandoz'  Cheyenne 
Autumn. 

Literally  hundreds  of  travel  narratives  from  Francis  Parkman's 
The  Oregon  Trail  to  Robert  Louis  Stevenson's  From  Scotland  to 
Silverado  and  John  Steinbeck's  Travels  With  Charlie  contain  mem- 
orable descriptive  pasages  relating  to  Wyoming.  Early  settlers' 
accounts  of  experiences  "on  the  range"  include  Irish  Member  of 
Parliament  Horace  Plunkett's  unpublished  diaries  (at  The  Plunkett 
Foundation  in  Oxford,  England)  which  concern  his  several  years 
ranching  in  Wyoming  in  the  1880s  before  his  return  to  Dublin. 
Neal  Roach's  unpublished  account  of  his  stay  in  Laramie  City 
during  the  1860s  and  1870s  gives  a  valuable  acount  of  life  as  it  was 
in  a  wild,  small  frontier  town. 


76  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Poetic  impressions  of  Wyoming  include  Walt  Whitman's  "Pas- 
sage to  India,"  Lawrence  Ferlinghetti's  Starting  From  San  Fran- 
cisco and  native  Wyomingite  Ted  Olson's  Hawk's  Way.  Fiction 
having  a  Wyoming  setting  goes  back  to  Owen  Wister's  The  Vir- 
ginian and  forward  to  Ernest  Hemingway's  "Wine  of  Wyoming" 
and  A.  B.  Guthrie's  The  Big  Sky  not  to  mention  little-known 
Marnix  Gijsen's  De  Vleespotten  van  Egypte  (The  Fleshpots  of 
Egypte — a  Dutch  novel  set  in  Laramie).  Many  local  writers  have 
helped  create  a  Wyoming  literary  genre — the  outdoor  pageant 
drama — involving  history  and  legend  such  as  Mabelle  DeKay's 
"Vedauwoo"  or  Marie  Montabe  Horton's  "Gift  of  the  Waters." 

As  for  humorous  prose,  Bill  Nye's  Baled  Hay:  A  Drier  Book 
than  Whitman's  Leaves  of  Grass  must  head  the  list.  Wyoming  has 
inspired  numerous  natural  history  essays — a  genre  of  writing  in 
itself — including  John  Muir's  Our  National  Parks  and  Murie's 
Wapiti  Wilderness.  Grand  Teton  and  Yellowstone  National  Parks 
alone  would  require  a  vast  bibliography. 

In  short,  Wyoming,  as  wild  and  scarcely  populated  as  it  is,  has 
inspired  a  large  quantity  of  varied  writing  by  Wyoming,  American, 
British  and  European  authors.  The  purpose  of  this  selective  bib- 
liography is  to  inform  readers  of  significant  writing  relating  to 
Wyoming  and  its  peoples  by  the  above  four  categories  of  authors. 
Because  this  bibliography  does  not  include  juvenile  or  children's 
literature,  such  well  known  writers  as  Doris  Shannon  Garst  or 
Margaret  Hill  are  not  listed.  This  bibliography  is  literary  and  not 
historical,  and  many  good  books  relating  to  local  and  regional 
history  are  not  included.  Nor  is  it  technical  or  scientific,  and 
therefore  many  books  and  articles  on  biology,  geology,  gardening, 
mountaineering  and  the  like  are  not  listed.  And  finally  since  this 
bibliography  is  limited  to  literature  explicitly  involving  Wyoming, 
many  local  authors  who  have  written  exclusively  about  places  other 
than  Wyoming  are  not  among  those  listed  in  these  pages.  A  bib- 
liography of  bibliographies  relating  to  Wyoming  in  general  has 
been  placed  at  the  end  for  the  reader's  convenience. 

Acknowledgement 

We  wish  to  acknowledge  a  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
grant  made  available  to  us  which  aided  us  in  our  research.  We 
appreciate  the  friendly  cooperation  of  the  State  Library  at  Chey- 
enne, The  University  of  Wyoming  Library  in  Laramie  and  the 
valuable  information  given  to  us  by  many  local  and  county  librar- 
ians throughout  Wyoming.  In  addition  we  wish  to  express  our 
thanks  to  Glenna  Manig  and  to  James  Dow  of  Iowa  State  Univer- 
sity for  their  help  during  the  formative  stages  of  the  project  and 
Kris  Riske  for  her  fine  job  of  typing. 

R.F.F. 

R.A.C. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      77 

Bibliographic  Key 

Wl     -  W344  Wyoming  Authors  on  Wyoming 

Al      -  A129  American  Authors  on  Wyoming 

CEl   -  CE24  Continental  European  Authors  on  Wyoming 

Bl      -  B56  British  Authors  on  Wyoming 

N.F. — non-fiction 
F. — fiction 

C.G. — combination  genre 
P. — poetry 
D. — drama 
BIOG. — biography 
BIB . — bibliography 
H. — humor 

B.3       Bird,  Isabella  Lucy.     A  Lady's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains.   London:    J.Murray,  [1880].    N.F. 

Wyoming  Authors  on  Wyoming 

W.l  Adair,  Emma  C,  correlator.    Pioneer  People  of  Douglas 

and  Converse  County,  Wyoming  1886.  (Douglas,  WY.: 
Douglas  Diamond  Jubilee  Days  Commission,  1962). 
C.G.     (Contains  several  poems  about  the  area.) 

W.2  Adams,  Andy.     The  Log  of  a  Cowboy:   A  Narrative  of 

The  Old  Trail  Days.  Illustrated  by  E.  Boyd  Smith.  (Bos- 
ton, MA.:  Houghton,  Mifflin  Company,  1931).  N.F. 
(Part  takes  place  in  the  Yellowstone  area.) 

W.3  Albany  County,  Wyoming.     Public  Library.    A  Selective 

List  of  Books  on  Wyoming  and  The  West  in  the  Alba?iy 
County  Public  Library.  (Laramie,  WY.:  Albany  County 
Public  Library,  1965).     BIB. 

W.4  Alderson,  Nannie  Tiffany  and  Helena  Huntington  Smith. 
A  Bride  Goes  West.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Ne- 
braska Press,  1969).    BIOG. 

W.5  Allee,  George  Franklin.     Till  The  Day  Dawn.     (Grand 

Rapids,  ML:  Zondervan  Publishing  House,  1944).  F. 
(Part  of  this  story  takes  place  in  Cheyenne.) 

W.6  Allyn,  Mary  Julia  (Moore).  Twentieth  Century  Pio- 
neering: Our  Frontier  Days  Experiences  at  Riverton, 
Wyoming,     (n.p.,  1956).    N.F. 

W.7  Anderson,  Abraham  Archibald.  E.xperiences  and  Im- 
pressions: The  Autobiography  of.  .  .  .  (New  York,  NY.: 
TheMacmillanCo.,  1933).    BIOG. 

W.8  Arnold,  Constantine  Peter.     Crannies  and  Horizons:    .4 

Memorial  Edition  of  the  Poems  of.  .  .  .  Selected  by  Thur- 
man  Arnold.  Edited  with  foreword  by  Philo  Calhoun;  a 
biographical  note  by  Frances  Lougan  Arnold.  (Portland. 
ME.,  1962).    P. 


78  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.9  Artist,  Ruth  Hesse  and  Leora  Peters.  The  Devil's  Pitch- 
fork.   (Philadelphia,  PA.:   Dorrance,  1951).    F. 

W.IO  Artist,  Ruth  Hesse.  Salt  Pork.  (Aurora,  MO.:  Burney 
Bros.  Publishing  Co.,  c.  1938).    F. 

W.ll  Back,  Joe.  Mooching,  Moose  and  Mumbling  Men. 
(Boulder,  CO.:   Johnson  Publishing  Co.,  c.  1963).    F. 

W.12  Back,  Joe.  The  Sucker's  Teeth.  (Denver,  CO.:  Sage 
Books,  1965).    F. 

W.13  Bard,  Floyd  C.  Dude  Wrangler,  Hunter,  Line  Rider  As 
Told  To  Agnes  Wright  Spring.  (Denver,  CO.:  Sage 
Books,  1964).    BIOG. 

W.14  Bard,  Floyd  C.  Horse  Wrangler:  Sixty  Years  in  the 
Saddle  in  Wyoming  and  Montana  by  Floyd  C.  Bard  As 
Told  to  Agnes  Wright  Spring.  (Norman,  OK.:  Univer- 
sity of  Oklahoma  Press,  1960).    BIOG. 

W.15  Barrow,  Merris  Clark.  Sagebrush  Philosophy  by  "Bill 
Barlow".  (Douglas,  WY.:  The  Budget  Printshop,  1905- 
1909).    N.F. 

W.16  Beard,  John  W.  Saddles  East:  Horseback  Over  The  Old 
Oregon  Trail.  (Portland,  OR.:  Binfords  &  Mort,  1949). 
N.F. 

W.17  Bentley,  James  S.  Chinook.  (Lingle,  WY.:  The  Au- 
thor, 1962).    P. 

W.18  Bishop,  L.  C.  La  Bonte,  Hunter,  Free  Trapper,  Trail 
Blazer  and  Mountain  Man  of  the  Old  West,  1825-1848. 
(n.p..  The  Author,  1950).    BIOG. 

W.19  Bonney,  Orrin  H.  Battle  Drums  and  Geysers:  The  Life 
and  Journals  of  Lt.  Gustavus  Cheyney  Doane,  Soldier  and 
Explorer  of  the  Yellowstone  and  Snake  River  Regions. 
(Chicago,  IL.:    Sage  Books,  1970).    BIOG. 

W.20  Bronson,  Edgar  Beecher.  Reminiscences  Of  A  Ranch- 
man. (Chicago,  IL.:  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co.,  1908). 
BIOG. 

W.21  Brooks,  Bryant  Butler.  Memoirs  of  Bryant  B.  Brooks.  .  .  . 
(Glendale,  CA. :  printed  in  a  limited  edition  by  The 
Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1939).     BIOG. 

W.22  Brown,  Mabel  E.  and  Elizabeth  J.  Thorpe.  Jubilee  Mem- 
ories. (Newcastle,  WY.:  Newcastle  News  Letter  Jour- 
nal, 1965).    N.F. 

W.23  Brown,  Ruth  Southworth.  Walk  On  The  Sky.  (Chey- 
enne, WY.:  Pioneer  Printing  Co.,  1973).  F.  (A  novel 
set  in  Wheatland  area). 

W.24  Burke,  Trude.  The  Wild  Stranger.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Holt,  1953).    F.    (A  novel  set  in  Cody. ) 

W.25  Burns,  Robert  Homer.  Wyoming's  Pioneer  Ranches,  by 
Three  Native  Sons  of  the  Laramie  Plains:  Robert  Homer 
Burns,  Andrew  Springs  Gillespie  and  Willing  G.  Richard- 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      79 

son.     (Laramie,  WY.:    Top-of-the-World  Press,  1955). 

N.F. 
W.26       Burroughs,  John  Rolfe.     Guardian   of  the   Grasslands: 

The  First  Hundred  Years  of  the  Wyoming  Stock  Growers 

Association.     (Cheyenne,  WY.:    Pioneer  Printing  &  Sta- 
tionery Co.,  1971).    M.F. 
W.27       Burt,  Mrs.   Katharine    (Newlin).      The  Branding  Iron. 

(Boston,  MA.:   Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1919).    F.    (This 

novel  has  a  general  Wyoming  setting. ) 
W.28       Burt,  Katharine    (Newlin).     Men  of  Moon  Mountain. 

(Philadelphia,  PA.:    Maccrae-Smith  Co.,  1938).    F. 
W.29       Burt,  Maxwell  Struthers.     Chance  Encounters.      (New 

York,  NY.:   Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1921).    F.     (Takes 

place  in  Star  Valley,  Wyoming. ) 
W.30       Burt,   Maxwell   Struthers.      The  Delectable   Mountains. 

(New  York,  NY.:    Grosset  &  Dunlap,  1927).    F.     (Part 

of  this  novel  takes  place  in  Wyoming. ) 
W.31        Burt,  Maxwell  Struthers.    The  Diary  of  a  Dude  Wrangler. 

( New  York,  NY. :    Scribner's,  1925).    N.F. 
W.32       Burt,  Maxwell  Struthers.    John  O'May  and  Other  Stories. 

(New  York,  NY.:    Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1918).     F. 

(Contains  Western  stories  including  "Wings  of  the  Morn- 
ing" set  in  Wyoming. ) 
W.33       Burt,  Maxwell  Struthers.     Powder  River  Let  'er  Buck. 

Illustrated  by  Ross  Santee.     (New  York,  NY.:    Farrar  & 

Rinehart,  1938).    F.     ( Set  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin. ) 
W.34       Butler,  Helen.     A  Stone  Upon  His  Shoulder,  a  Novel. 

(Philadelphia,  PA.:   Westminster  Press,  1953).    F.     (Set 

in  Wyoming  Territory. ) 
W.35       Calkins,  Frank  J.     Jackson  Hole.      (New  York,  NY.: 

Alfred  Knopf,  1973).    N.F. 
W.36       Calkins,  Frank.    Rocky  Mountain  Warden.     (New  York, 

NY.:    Knopf,  1971).    N.F. 
W.37       Canton,  Frank  M.     Frontier  Trails:   The  Autobiography 

Of.  ...     ed.  Edward  Everett  Dale.     (Boston,  MA.: 

Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1930).    BIOG. 
W.38       Carley,  Maurine  and  Virginia  Cole  Trenholm.     Wxoming 

Pageant.     (Casper,  WY.:    Prairie  Pub.  Co.,  1946).    N.F. 
W.39       Carlisle,  Bill.     Lone  Bandit:   An  Autobiography.     Illus- 
trated by  Charles  M.  Russell  and  Introduction  by  J.  R. 

Williams.     (Pasadena,  CA.:    Trails  End  Publishing  Co., 

Inc.,  1946).    BIOG. 
W.40       Carlson,  Vada  F.     The  Desert  Speaks.     (Riverton,  WY.: 

Ranger  Publishing  Co.,  1956). 
W.41        Carney,  Otis.    New  Lease  On  Life:   The  Story  of  a  City 

Family  Who  Quit  The  Rat  Race  and  Moved  To  A  Ranch 

in  Wyoming.    (New  York,  NY.:   Random  House,  1971). 

N.F. 


80  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.42  Carrington,  Mrs.  Frances  (Courtney).  My  Army  Life 
and  The  Fort  Phil  Kearney  Massacre,  with  an  Account  of 
the  Celebration  of  "Wyoming  Opened".  (Philadelphia, 
PA.:   J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  1910).    BIOG. 

W.43  Carroll,  R.  E.  "Bob".  The  Common  Little  Things. 
(Sheridan,  WY.:   Mills  Co.,  n.d.). 

W.44  Chaffin,  Mrs.  Lorah  B.  Sons  of  the  West;  A  Biograph- 
ical Account  of  Early-day  Wyoming.  (Caldwell,  ID.: 
The  Caxton  Printers,  Ltd.,  1941).    BIOG. 

W.45  Chapman,  Arthur.  Out  Where  the  West  Begins  and 
Other  Western  Verses.  (Boston,  MA.:  Houghton,  Mif- 
flin Co.,  1917).  P.  (Many  of  the  poems  seem  to  have 
a  general  Wyoming  setting. ) 

W.46  Chatterton,  Fenimore  C.  Yesterday's  Wyoming;  The 
Intimate  Memoirs  of  Fenimore  Chatterton.  .  .  .  (Denver, 
CO.:  Powder  River  Publishers  &  Booksellers,  1957). 
BIOG. 

W.47  Chisholm,  James.  South  Pass,  1868,  James  Chisholm's 
Journal  of  the  Wyoming  Gold  Rush.  Introd.  and  ed.  by 
Lola  M.  Homsher.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Ne- 
braska Press,  1960).    BIOG. 

W.48  Chittenden,  Hiram  Martin.  The  Yellowstone  National 
Park:  Historical  and  Descriptive,     (n.p.,  1915).    N.F. 

W.49  Clay,  John.  My  Life  on  the  Range.  (Chicago,  IL.i 
Privately  printed,  1924).    BIOG. 

W.50  Clayton,  Alfred  G.  "The  Chimes  of  Lost  Valley,"  Amer- 
ican Forests,  (January,  1935),  pp.  23-25,  48.    F. 

W.51  Clough,  Wilson  O.  Brief  Oasis  {TpoQms).  (Denver,  CO.: 
Alan  Swallow,  1954).    P. 

W.52  Clough,  Wilson  O.  Foreword  To  Wyoming  (poems). 
(Laramie,  WY.:   Privately  printed,  1944).    P. 

W.53  Clough,  Wilson  O.  "Mini-Aku,  Daughter  of  Spotted 
Tail,"  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  39,  No.  2,  pp.  187-216. 
N.F. 

W.54  Clough,  Wilson  O.  The  Necessary  Earth:  Nature  and 
Solitude  in  American  Literature.  (Austin,  TX.:  Univer- 
sity of  Texas  Press,  1964).  N.F.  (Contains  a  literary 
discussion  of  the  impact  of  West  on  the  creative  imag- 
ination. ) 

W.55  Clough,  Wilson  O.  "Note  on  Dialect  in  the  Uinta  Moun- 
tains of  Wyoming,"  American  Speech,  XI  (1936),  pp. 
190-192.    N.F. 

W.56  Clough,  Wilson  O.  Past's  Persisting:  Collected  Poems. 
(Laramie,  WY.:   Privately  printed,  1972).    P. 

W.57  Clough,  Wilson  O.  "Some  Wyoming  Speech  Patterns," 
American  Speech,  XXIX  (1954),  pp.  28-35.    N.F. 

W.58  Clough,  Wilson  O.  We,  Borne  Along  {po&vas,).  (Prairie 
City,  IL.:   Decker  Press,  1949).    P. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING       81 

W.59  Cody,  Mrs.  Louisa  (Frederici).  Memories  of  Buffalo 
Bill,  by  His  Wife,  in  Collaboration  with  Courtney  Rvlev 
Cooper.  (New  York,  NY.:  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,'  1919)'. 
BIOG. 

W.60  Cody,  William  Frederick.  The  Life  of  Hon.  William  F. 
Cody  Known  As  Buffalo  Bill  The  Famous  Hunter,  Scout 
and  Guide:  ..An  Autobiography.  (Hartford,  CT.:  Frank 
E.  Bliss,  1879).    BIOG. 

W.61  Cook,  James  Henry.  Fifty  Years  on  the  Old  Frontier  as 
Cowboy,  Hunter,  Guide,  Scout  and  Ranchman.  With  a 
foreword  by  J.  Frank  Dobie.  (Norman,  OK.:  Univer- 
sity of  Oklahoma  Press,  1 9 3 7 ) .    BIOG. 

W.62  Cook,  James  Henry.  Longhorn  Cowboy,  ed.  Howard  R. 
Driggs  with  drawings  by  Hubert  Stoops.  (New  York, 
NY.:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1942).  N.F.  (Passing  ref- 
erences to  Wyoming ) . 

W.63  Coolidge,  Porter  B.  Songs  From  The  Last  West.  (Bos- 
ton, MA.:  The  Christopher  Publishing  House,  c.  1928). 
P.     (Some  of  the  poems  have  a  Wyoming  setting. ) 

W.64  Coolidge,  Porter  B.  Songs  of  The  Red  Man.  (Lander, 
WY.:  Coolidge  Publishing  Co.,  n.d. ).  P.  (Contains 
some  poems  relating  to  Washakie. ) 

W.65  Coombs,  Elizabeth  L.  Wyoming  Territory:  Tales  of  the 
Renegades  of  the  Trail  to  Montana.  (Bloomfield,  NJ.: 
1967).    F. 

W.66  Corthell,  Mrs.  N.  E.  and  Hill,  Mrs.  John  A.  A  Family 
Trek  to  The  Yellowstone  and  Twentv-four  Years  After. 
(Laramie,  WY.:    Laramie  Printing  Co.,  1928).    N.F. 

W.67  Craig,  Newton  N.  Thrills,  1861  to  1887.  (Oakland, 
CA.:   N.  N.  Craig,  1931).    N.F. 

W.68  Crow,  Wendell  H.  The  Pilgrim  Stranger  and  Other 
Verses.  (Thermopolis,  WY. :  Independent  Record  Press. 
1949).  P.  (A  few  of  the  poems  seem  to  have  a  general 
Wyoming  setting. ) 

W.69  Curry,  Peggy  (Simson).  The  Oil  Patch.  (New  York, 
NY.:   McGraw  Hill,  1959).    F. 

W.70  Curry,  Peggy  (Simson).  Red  Wing  of  Wyoming.  (Den- 
ver, CO.:   Sage  Books,  1955).    P. 

W^71  Curry,  Peggy  (Simson).  A  Shield  of  Clover.  (New  York, 
NY.:   McKay,  1970).    F. 

W.72  Curry,  Peggy  (Simson).  So  Far  From  Spring.  (New 
York,  NY.:   Viking,  1956).    F. 

W.73  Dahlquist,  Laura.  Meet  Jim  Bridger,  A  Brief  History  of 
Bridger  and  His  Trading  House  on  Black's  Fork.  (Kern- 
merer,  WY.:    Gazette  Press,  1958).    BIOG. 

W.74  Dale,  Edward  Everett.  Cow  Country.  .  .  .  (Norman. 
OK.:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1942).    N.F. 


82  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.75  David,  Robert  B.  Malcolm  Campbell,  Sheriff.  The  Rem- 
iniscences of  the  Greatest  Frontier  Sheriff  in  the  History 
of  the  Platte  Valley.  .  .  .  (Casper,  WY.:  Wyomingana, 
Inc.,  1932).    BIOG. 

W.76  DeBarthe,  Joe.  The  Life  and  Adventures  of  Frank 
Grouard.  (Norman,  OK.:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 
1958).    BIOG. 

W.77  DeKay,  Mabelle.  Vedauwoo  (Earthborn):  A  Pageant- 
Drama,  n.d.  Unpublished  manuscript  in  collection  of 
Albany  County  Pubhc  Library.    D. 

W.78  Deming,  William  Chapin.  Roosevelt  In  The  Bunk  House, 
and  Other  Sketches;  Visits  of  the  Great  Rough  Rider  to 
Wyoming  in  1900,  1903  and  1910.  (Laramie,  WY.: 
The  Laramie  Printing  Co.,  c.  1927).    N.F. 

W.79  Dickson,  Albert  Jerome.  Covered  Wagon  Days;  A  Jour- 
ney Across  the  Plains  in  the  Sixties  and  Pioneer  Days  in 
the  Northwest.  ...  ed.  Arthur  Jerome  Dickson.  (Cleve- 
land, OH.:   The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1929).    N.F. 

W.80  Downey,  June  Etta.  Alma  Mater;  The  University  of 
Wyoming  College  Song.  (Laramie,  WY.:  University  of 
Wyoming,  c.  1949).    P. 

W.81  Downey,  June  Etta.  The  Heavenly  Dykes  (poems). 
(Boston,  MA.:  R.  G.  Badger,  1904).  P.  ("A  Prairie 
Trail"  seems  to  be  about  the  Laramie  Plains,  pp.  60-61.) 

W.82  Downey,  June  Etta.  A  Wyoming  Episode:  Dance  and 
Pantomime.     (Laramie,  WY.:    1923).    D. 

W.83  Emmons,  Delia  Gould.  Sacajawea  Of  The  Shoshones. 
(Portland,  OR.:  Binfords  &  Mort,  Publishers,  1943).  F. 
(Part  of  this  novel  takes  place  in  N.  Wyoming.) 

W.84  English,  Mary  Katharine  (Jackson).  Prairie  Sketches  or 
Fugitive  Recollections  of  an  Army  Girl  of  1899.  (n.p., 
1899?).    BIOG. 

W.85  Evans,  Grover  C.  Collected  Poems  of  Grover  C.  Evans. 
(New  York,  NY.:  The  Exposition  Press,  c.  1941).  P. 
(Contains  some  poems  on  Wyoming.) 

W.86  Evarts,  Hal  George.  Fur  Brigade,  A  Story  of  The  Trap- 
pers of  The  Early  West.  (Boston,  MA.:  Little,  Brown, 
and  Co.,  1928).    F. 

W.87  Evarts,  Hal  George.  The  Passing  of  The  Old  West  with 
Illustrations  by  Charles  Livingston  Bull.  (Boston,  MA.: 
Little,  Brown,  and  Co.,  1921 ).    N.F. 

W.88  Fenwick,  Robert  W.  "My  Heart's  in  Wyoming,"  Empire 
Magazine,  The  Denver  Post,  (Jan.  2,  1955),  pp.  12-14. 
N.F. 

W.89  Ferguson,  Robert  Andrew.  Poems  of  Bob  Ferguson, 
collected  by  his  widow,  Hazelle  Ferguson.  (Lusk,  WY.: 
Lusk  Herald,  1961).    P. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      83 

W.90  Fish,  Rachel  Ann.  The  Running  Iron.  (New  York, 
NY.:  Coward-McCann,  1957,  1956).  F.  (The  novel 
contains  passing  references  to  Wyoming. ) 

W.91  Fleck,  Richard  F.  "Coach  of  the  Wyoming  Mountains,' 
New  Voices  Magazine,  I  (Summer,  1966),  pp.  9-12, 
18-20.  F.  (This  is  a  short  story  about  a  Negro  football 
player  and  Russin's  Lincoln  Monument. ) 

W.92  Fleck,  Richard  F.  Palms,  Peaks  and  Prairies.  (  Frances- 
town,  NH.:  The  Golden  Quill  Press,  1967).  P.  (Con- 
tains several  poems  about  Wyoming. ) 

W.93  Flook,  William  E.  Ne-Mo-Wy.  (New  York,  NY.:  Van- 
tage Press,  c.  1958).  C.G.  (Tales,  poems  and  sketches 
from  Nebraska,  Montana  and  Wyoming  (Ne-Mo-Wy). 

W.94  Forster,  Richard.  Musings  of  A  Sheepherder.  (Casper, 
WY.:    Commercial  Printing  Co.,  1923). 

W.95  Freel,  Anna  G.  and  Margaret  B.  McLaughlin.  Memoirs 
of  A  Pioneer  Woman  Mary  A.  Luche.  (Cheyenne,  WY.: 
The  Authors,  1967).    BIOG. 

W.96  Frison,  Paul.  The  Apache  Slave;  "Life  of  Charles  Wells". 
( Worland,  WY. :   Worland  Press,  1 969 ) .    BIOG. 

W.97  Frison,  Paul.  First  White  Woman  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin: 
A  Documented  Story  of  a  Pioneer  Woman  that  Portrays 
Life  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin.  .  .  .  (Worland,  WY.:  Wor- 
land Press,  c.  1969).    BIOG. 

W.98  Frison,  Paul.  Under  The  Ten  Sleep  Rim:  An  Autobiog- 
raphy.   (Worland,  WY.:   Worland  Press,  1972).    BIOG. 

W.99  Fuller,  Robert  P.,  ed.  Wonderful  Wyoming,  The  Unde- 
veloped Empire.  (Cheyenne,  WY.:  State  Board  of  Im- 
migration, 1941).    N.F. 

W.IOO  Gage,  Jack  R.  Wyoming  Afoot  and  Horseback:  Or  His- 
tory Mostly  Ain't  True.  Illustrated  by  John  Coulter. 
(Cheyenne,  WY.:  Flintlock  Publishing  Co.,  1966). 
BIOG. 

W.lOl  Gardner,  Beatrice  Tolman.  A  Second  Chance.  (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:  Dorrance,  1971).  F.  (A  novel  set  in 
Wyoming's  Star  Valley). 

W.102  Gilfry,  Genevieve  Christensen.  The  Big  Storm:  A  Fac- 
tual Story  of  Wyoming's  "Operation  Snowbound".  (New- 
York,  NY.:  Pageant  Press,  1952).  N.F.  (The  story  is 
mostly  set  in  Laramie  area.) 

W.103  Gillette,  Bertha  Chambers.  Homesteading  With  The  Elk: 
A  Story  of  Frontier  Life  in  Jackson  Hole.  Wyoming. 
(Idaho  Falls,  ID.:  Mer-Jons  Publishing  Company,  1967). 
BIOG. 

W.104  Gillette,  Edward.  The  First  Trip  Through  Big  Horn 
Canon.     (Sheridan,  WY.:   n.p.,  1891?).    N.F. 

W.105  Goodnough,  Myfanny  Thomas.  Moods  and  Melodies. 
(n.p.:    1929).    P.     (Some  poems  are  about  Wyoming.) 


84  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.106  Hall,  Florence  E.  Banners  Unfurled.  Illustrated  by 
Judith  Van  Amringe.  (Vineyard  Haven,  MA.:  Seven 
Seas  Press,  1965).    P. 

W.  1 07  Harris,  Burton.  John  Colter,  His  Years  in  The  Rockies. 
(New  York,  NY.:    Scribner,  1952).    BIOG. 

W.108  Harris,  Margaret  (Plumlee)  and  John  Harris.  Arrow 
in  the  Moon.  (New  York,  NY.:  William  Morrow, 
1954).    F. 

W.109  Hart,  Sheila  and  Vada  F.  Carlson.  We  Saw  The  Sun 
Dance:  A  Story  of  the  A  ncient  Religious  Ceremonial  Rite 
of  the  Shoshone  and  Arapahoe  Indians  of  Wyoming. 
(Concord,  CA.:   Concord  Graphic  Arts,  1948).    N.F. 

W.llO  Hartley,  Alda  P.  High  Country.  Illustrated  by  Helen 
C.  Pownall.  (Cheyenne,  WY.:  Pioneer  Printing  Co., 
195-).     P. 

W.  1 1 1  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond  and  Marie  Montabe.  The  Birth 
of  Wyoming  Day,  When  Women's  Suffrage  Came  To 
Wyoming,  December  10,  1869.  A  one-act  play.  Mim- 
eographed, 1935  in  collection  of  University  of  Wyoming 
Library.    D. 

W.112  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond.  "James  Bridger,"  The  Fron- 
tier, IX  (January,  1929).    BIOG. 

W.113  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond.  The  Pathbreakers  From  River 
To  Ocean.     (Chicago,  IL.:   Lakeside  Press,  1913).    N.F. 

W.  1 1 4  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond.  Sacajawea,  A  Guide  and  In- 
terpreter of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  With  an 
Account  of  the  Travels  of  Toussaint  Charbonneau,  and  of 
Jean  Baptiste,  The  Expedition  Papoose.  (Glendale,  CA.: 
Arthur  H.  Clark,  1933).    BIOG. 

W.115  Hebard,  Grace  Raymond.  Washakie;  An  Account  of 
Indian  Resistance  of  the  Covered  Wagon  and  Union  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Invasions  of  Their  Territory.  (Cleveland, 
OH.:   The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1930).    N.F. 

W.116  Henderson,  Laurene  E.  Lure  of  the  Cedars.  (New 
York,  NY.:    Vantage  Press,  1954).    F. 

W.  117  Hill,  Burton  S.  Bozeman  and  the  Bozeman  Trail.  (Buf- 
falo, WY.:    1964).    N.F. 

W.118  Holmberg,  Addie  E.  "Independence  Rock"  (poem)  in 
Independence  Rock:  The  Great  Record  of  the  Desert  by 
Robert  Spurrier  Ellison.  (Casper,  WY.:  Natrona  County 
Historical  Society,  1930).    C.G. 

W.119  Holmberg,  Mrs.  Addie  Elvira  (Harris).  Poems.  Type- 
written and  mimeographed  prefaced  by  three  pages  of 
stories  of  pioneer  life.  (1936?).  In  collection  of  the 
University  of  Wyoming  Library.    P. 

W.120  Homsher,  Lola  M.  Wyoming:  A  Students'  Guide  To 
Localized  History.     (New  York,  NY.:    Columbia  Univer- 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      85 

sity  Teachers  College  Press,  1966).  (This  is  valuable  for 
its  bibhography. )     BIB. 

W.121  Hooker,  William  Francis.  The  Prairie  Schooner.  Chi- 
cago, IL.:  Saul  Brothers,  1918).  F.  (This  novel  is  set 
in  Wyoming. ) 

W.  1 22  Horn,  Maurice  Erny,  Jr.  Poems  from  Jackson  Hole  and 
Others,     (n.p.:    1962).    P. 

W.123  Horn,  Tom.  Life  of  Tom  Horn,  Government  Scout  and 
Interpreter.  .  .  (Denver,  CO.:  Loutham  Book  Co., 
1904).    BIOG. 

W.124  Horton,  Marie  Montabe.  Gift  of  the  Waters.  (Author, 
n.d.).    D. 

W.125  Horton,  Marie  Montabe.  Guns  Yield  To  Gowns:  Playlet 
in  One  Act  Three  Scenes.  (Cheyenne,  WY.:  State  De- 
partment of  Education,  n.d.).    D. 

W.126  Horton,  Mrs.  Marie  (Montabe).  Without  Wings.  (San 
Francisco,  C A.:  Artcraft  Publications,  1941).  P.  (Some 
of  the  poems  seem  to  have  a  general  Wyoming  setting. ) 

W.127  Horton,  Marie  Montabe  and  Agnes  K.  Snow.  The  Wyo- 
ming Tea  Party:  Historical  Playlet  in  One  Act.  (Chey- 
enne, WY.:    StateBoardof  Education,  1936).    D. 

W.128  Hough,  Donald.  The  Cocktail  Hour  in  Jackson  Hole. 
(New  York,  NY. :   W.  W.  Norton  &  Co.,  Inc.,  1951).    F. 

W.129  Hough,  Donald.  Snow  Above  Town.  (New  York,  NY.: 
W.  W.  Norton  &  Co.,  Inc.,  1943).  F.  (This  novel  is  set 
in  the  Tetons.) 

W.130  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Broken  Gate;  A  Novel.  Illus- 
trated by  M.  Leone  Bracker.  (New  York,  NY.:  D. 
Appleton  &  Co.,  1917).  F.  (The  novel  is  set  in  Jackson 
County.) 

W.131  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Covered  Wagon.  (New  York, 
NY.:  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1922).  F.  (The  novel  con- 
cerns Jim  Bridger  with  a  chapter  on  Fort  Laramie.) 

W.132  Hough,  Emerson.  54-40  Or  Fight.  Illustrated  by  Arthur 
I.  Keller.  (New  York,  NY.:  Burt,  1909).  F.  (The 
novel  has  references  to  South  Pass  and  Fort  Laramie.) 

W.133  Hough,  Emerson.  Maw's  Vacation;  The  Yellowstone 
Story.    (St.  Paul,  MN.:   Haynes  Picture  Shops,  1929).   F. 

W.134  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Passittg  of  the  Frontier;  A  Chron- 
icle of  the  Old  West.  (New  Haven,  CT.:  Yale  University 
Press,  1918).    F.     (Passing  references  to  Wyoming.) 

W.135  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Story  of  the  Cowbox.  Illustrated 
by  William  L.  Wells  and  Charles  M.  Russell.  (New  York. 
NY.:  D.  Appleton  and  Co.,  1908).  F.  (Passing  refer- 
ences to  Wyoming. ) 

W.136  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Story  of  the  Outlaw;  A  Study  of 
the  Western  Desperado,  with  Historical  Narratives  of 
Famous  Outlaws;   The  Stories  of  Noted  Border   Wars; 


86  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Vigilante  Movements  and  Armed  Conflicts  on  the  Fron- 
tier. (New  York,  NY.:  Burt,  1907).  F.  (Passing 
references  to  Wyoming.) 

W.137  Hough,  Emerson.  The  Way  to  the  West,  and  the  Lives  of 
Three  Early  Americans,  Boone-Crockett-Carson.  Illus- 
trated by  Frederic  Remington.  (Indianapolis,  IN.:  The 
Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  1903).  N.F.  (Contains  references 
to  Oregon  Trail  and  Union  Pacific  Railroad.) 

W.138  Houghton,  Merritt  D.  Views  of  Southern  Wyoming. 
(Grand  Encampment,  WY.:  Herald  Publishing  Company, 
1904). 

W.139  Huettl,  Irene  Arndt.  Esther  Morris  of  Old  South  Pass. 
Francestown,  N.H.:  The  Golden  Quill  Press,  1965).  P. 
(Contains  in  addition  to  Morris  poem,  many  poems  about 
Wyoming  wild  places. ) 

W.140  Hunter,  Bonnie.  These  Americans  in  Moccasins.  (New 
York,  NY.:   Vantage  Press,  c.  1959). 

W.141  Hunter,  Rodello.  Wyoming  Wife.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Alfred  Knopf,  1969).    F. 

W.142  Hunton,  John.  John  H union's  Diary,  I  SI 3 -I  ^89.  Ed- 
ited by  L.  G.  (Pat)  Flannery.  Vols.  1-5  (Lingle,  WY.: 
Guide-Review,  1956-1964).  Vol.  6  (Glendale,  CA.:  The 
Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1970). 

W.143  Iserman,  Roy  W.  The  Tree  of  Solace.  (New  York, 
NY.:   Vantage  Press,  1951).    F. 

W.144  Jackson,  Clarence  S.  Picture  Maker  of  the  Old  West: 
William  Henry  Jackson.  (New  York,  NY.:  C.  Scribner's 
Sons,  1947).    BIOG. 

W.145  Jackson,  William  Henry.  The  Pioneer  Photographer, 
Rocky  Mountain  Adventures  With  A  Camera.  In  collab- 
oration with  Howard  R.  Driggs.  (New  York,  NY.: 
World  Book  Co.,  1929).    BIOG. 

W.146  Jackson,  William  Henry.  Time  Exposure;  The  Autobiog- 
raphy of  William  Henry  Jackson.  (New  York,  NY.:  G. 
P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1940).    BIOG. 

W.147  Jameson,  Laurance  Lincoln.  Cow  Country  Ballads,  by 
"Tick".  (Casper,  WY.:  Prairie  Publishing  Co.,  1941).  P. 

W.148  Johnson,  S.  Stuart.  This  Is  Cow  Country.  Prologue  by 
Lee  L.  Seccrest.    (Sheridan,  WY.:   c.  1964).    N.F. 

W.149  Keith,  Marshall  Clark.  The  Story  of  Chief  Washakie: 
The  Upright  Aborigine,  An  Indian  Odyssey.  (Caldwell, 
ID.:   The  Caxton  Printers,  1935).    P. 

W.150  King,  Charles.  Campaigning  With  Crook.  Introduction 
by  Don  Russell.  (Norman,  OK.:  University  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  1964).    N.F. 

W.151  King,  Charles.  A  Daughter  of  the  Sioux:  A  Tale  of  the 
Indian  Frontier.     Illustrated  by  Frederic  Remington  and 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      87 

Edwin  Willard  Deraing.  (New  York,  NY.:  The  Hobart 
Co.,  1903).    F. 

W.152  King,  Charles.  The  Deserter,  and  From  The  Ranks:  Two 
Novels.     (Philadelphia,  PA.:   J.  B.  Lippincott,  1888).    F. 

W.153  King,  Charles.  Dunraven  Ranch.  (Philadelphia,  PA.: 
J.  B.  Lippincott,  c.  1888).  F.  (This  book  comprises  the 
first  and  chief  section  of  Lippincott's  Monthly  Magazine, 
December  1888,  all  of  which  is  here  bound  together  with 
a  biography  of  Captain  Charles  King. ) 

W.154  King,  Charles.  Fort  Frayne.  (New  York,  NY.:  The 
Hobart  Co.,  c.  1901).    F. 

W.155  King,  Charles.  A  Garrison  Tangle.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Hobart,  1901).    F. 

W.156  King,  Charles.  Lanier  of  the  Cavalry;  or,  A  Week's 
Arrest.  Illustrated  by  Frank  McKeman.  (Philadelphia, 
PA.:    J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  1909).    F. 

W.157  King,  Charles.  "Laramie";  or,  The  Queen  of  Bedlam: 
A  Story  of  the  Sioux  War  of  1876.  (Philadelphia,  PA.: 
J.  P.  Lippincott,  1892).    F. 

W.158  King,  Charles.  Marion's  Faith.  Illustrated  by  A.  F. 
Harmer.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B.  Lippincott,  c.  1914). 
F.     (This  is  a  sequel  to  The  Colonel's  Daughter.)     F. 

W.159  King,  Charles.  A  Soldier's  Secret:  A  Story  of  the  Sioux 
War  of  1890,  and  an  Army  Portia:  Two  Novels.  (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:  J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  1904).  (Contains 
passing  references  to  Wyoming. )    F. 

W.160  King,  Charles.  Starlight  Ranch,  and  Other  Stories  of 
Army  Life  on  the  Frontier.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B. 
Lippincott  Co.,  1890).  F.  (The  story  "From  the  Plains 
to  "The  Point'  "  deals  with  Wyoming. ) 

W.161  King,  Charles.  Trooper  Ross  and  Signal  Butte.  Illus- 
trated by  Charles  H.  Stephens.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B. 
Lippincott  Co.,  1896).    F. 

W.162  King,  Charles.  Two  Soldiers,  and  Dunraven  Ranch: 
Two  Novels.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B.  Lippincott,  1909). 
F.     (Contains  passing  references  to  Wyoming.) 

W.163  King,  Charles.  Warrior  Gap:  A  Story  of  the  Sioux  Out- 
break of  '68.  (Chicago,  IL.:  Thompson  and  Thomas,  c. 
1901).    F.    (Takes  place  in  Central  and  N.W.  Wyoming.) 

W.164  Kleiber,  Hans.  Songs  of  Wyoming.  (Sheridan,  WY.: 
Mills  Co.,  1963).    P. 

W.165  Krakel,  Dean.  The  Saga  of  Tom  Horn.  (Laramie,  WY.: 
Laramie  Printing  Co.,  1954). 

W.166  Kuykendall,  William  L.  Frontier  Days:  A  True  Narra- 
tive of  Striking  Events  on  the  Western  Frontier,  (n.p.: 
Author,  1917).    F. 

W.167  Langland,  Joseph.  The  Green  Town:  Poems  in  Poets 
of  Today.     (New  York,  NY.:   Scribner,  1934).    P. 


88  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.168  Langland,  Joseph.  Poems  to  Friends  at  Christmas  Time. 
(n.p.,  n.d.).  P.  In  Hebard  Room  Collection  of  Univer- 
sity of  Wyoming.     (Contains  the  poem  "Wyoming".) 

W.169  Langland,  Joseph.  The  Wheel  of  Summer.  (New  York, 
NY.:   Dial  Press,  1963).    P. 

W.170  Larom,  Henry  V.  Mountain  Pony,  A  Story  of  the  Wyo- 
ming Rockies.  Illustrated  by  Ross  Santee.  (New  York, 
NY.:   McGraw-HillBookCo.,  Inc.,  1946).    F. 

W.171  Larson,  Taft  Alfred.  Basic  Wyoming  History  Books. 
(Cheyenne,  WY.:   Wyoming  State  Library,  1971).    BIB. 

W.172  Larson,  Taft  Alfred.  History  of  Wyoming.  Line  draw- 
ings by  Jack  Brodie.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Ne- 
braska Press,  1965).  N.F.  (Contains  references  to  Wyo- 
ming authors. ) 

W.173  Lathrop,  George.  Memoirs  of  a  Pioneer,  Indian  Fighter, 
Cheyenne-Deadwood  Stage  Driver.  .  .  .  (Lusk,  WY.: 
Lusk  Herald,  n.d. ) .    BIOG. 

W.174  Lester,  Josephine  Lily.  Footprints  in  the  Snow.  (River- 
ton,  WY. :   Riverton  Ranger,  c.  1 963 ) .    P. 

W.175  Linford,  Dee.  Man  Without  a  Star.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Morrow,  1932).    F. 

W.176  Linford,  Velma.  Wyoming  Frontier  State.  (Denver, 
CO.:  The  Old  West  Publishing  Co.,  1947).  N.F.  (Val- 
uable for  its  bibUography. ) 

W.lll  Lockhart,  Caroline.  The  Lady  Doc.  (Philadelphia,  PA.: 
J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  1912).    F. 

W.178  Lockhart,  Caroline.  Me-Smith.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J. 
B.  Lippincott,  1913).    F. 

W.179  McCracken,  Harold.  Roughnecks  and  Gentlemen.  (Gar- 
den City,  NY. :   Doubleday,  1968). 

W.180  McMurtrie,  Douglas  Crawford.  Pioneer  Printing  in  Wyo- 
ming.   (Cheyenne,  WY.:  Privately  printed,  1933).    N.F. 

W.181  McPherren,  Mrs.  Ida  Geneva  (Miller).  Danger  Within. 
(Sheridan:   WY.:    1942).    F.    (Fiction  set  in  Wyoming.) 

W.182  McPherren,  Mrs.  Ida  Geneva  (Miller).  Trail's  End. 
(Casper,  WY.:    Prairie  PubUshing  Co.,  1938).    N.F. 

W.183  Mahoney,  Timothy  J.  The  Big  Three.  (Boston,  MA.: 
Christopher  Publishing  House,  1952).    F. 

W.184  Majors,  Alexander.  Seventy  Years  on  the  Frontier.  .  .  . 
Preface  by  "Buffalo  Bill".  (Denver,  CO.:  The  Western 
Miner  and  Financier  Publishers,  1893).    BIOG. 

W.185  Malone,  Rose  Mary.  Wyomingana:  Two  Bibliographies. 
(Denver,  CO.:   University  of  Denver  Press,  1950).    BIB. 

W.186  Manley,  Woods  (Hocker).  The  Doctor's  Wyoming  Chil- 
dren: A  Family  Memoir.  (New  York,  NY.:  Exposition 
Press,  1953).    BIOG. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      89 

W.187  Martin,  Mildred  Albert.  The  Martins  of  Gunbarrel. 
Pen-and-ink  drawings  by  Paul  Reeve  Martin.  (Caldwell, 
ID:    Caxton  Printers,  1959). 

W.189  McPherren,  I.  G.  The  Banditti  of  the  Plains,  or  the 
Cattleman's  Invasion  of  Wyoming  in  1892.  (Sheridan, 
WY.:  n.p.,  1930).  N.F.  [This  is  one  of  the  Ida  G. 
McPherren  editions  of  Asa  Shinn  Mercer's  book.  The 
Banditti  of  the  Plains,  or  the  Cattleman's  Invasion  of 
Wyoming  in  1892:  the  Crowning  Infamy  of  the  Ages. 
1894.    ed.^ 

W.190  Miller,  Mrs.  Neva  (Nelson)  Ford.  Mountain  Men  on  a 
Spring  Vacation.     (Laramie,  WY.:    1948).    N.F. 

W.191  Montabe,  Marie.  Da-goo-win-net;  Mystical  Sundance  of 
the  Shoshones.  Illustrated  by  John  Coulter,  (n.p.,  c. 
1962).    N.F. 

W.192  Moore,  Frank  Lincoln.  Soids  and  Saddlebags:  The  Di- 
aries and  Correspondence  of  ...  .  Edited  by  Austin  L. 
Moore.   (Denver,  CO.:    Big  Mountain  Press,  1962).   N.F. 

W.193  Moore,  Olga.  Til  Meet  You  in  the  Lobby.  (Philadel- 
phia, PA.:   Lippincott,  1950).    F. 

W.194     Moore,  Olga.     The  Lost  Cabin,     (n.p.,  1916).     F. 

W.195  Moore,  Olga.  "A  Pair  on  a  Plow,"  Country  Gentleman, 
(February,  1941),  pp.  12-13,  54-57.    F.    (A  short  story.) 

W.196  Moore,  Olga.  Wind-swept.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B. 
Lippincott  Co.,  c.  1937).    F. 

W.197  Morrow,  Joseph  W.  "Journey  to  Wyoming,  Life  in 
Southern  Wyoming  and  Trip  to  Big  Horn  Country  1888- 
1901."  A  manuscript  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Lena  Turner, 
Basin,  Wyoming.    N.F. 

W.198  Murphy,  Clare.  Shadows  of  the  Buttes.  (New  York, 
NY.:   Vantage  Press,  c.  1967).    P. 

W.199  Murray,  Robert.  A  Basic  Reading  List  on  the  Cattle 
Industry.  (Sheridan,  WY.:  Trail  End  Historic  Center, 
1973).    BIB. 

W.200  Nelson,  Alice  Downey,  compiler.  Biographical  Sketches 
of  Stephen  Wheeler  Downey  and  Eva  V.  Downey.  (Lar- 
amie, WY.:  Privately  Printed,  1938).  BIOG.  (Con- 
tains some  family  composed  poems  about  Wyoming. ) 

W.201  Nelson,  Alice  Downey.  Downey s  from  Ireland:  An  His- 
torical Chronicle  of  One  American  Family.  (Washington. 
DC:  Privately  printed,  1963).  BIOG.'  (Section  deal- 
ing with  the  writings  of  June  Etta  Downey  of  particular 
interest. ) 

W.202  Nelson,  Dick  J.  Only  a  Cow  Country,  At  One  Time: 
Wyoming  Counties  of  Crook,  Weston,  and  Campbell, 
1875-1951.    (San  Diego,  CA.:    1951).    N.F. 

W.203  Nelson,  Dick  J.  A  Wyoming  Homestead  Tragedy.  (San 
Diego,  CA.:   n.p.,  1960). 


90  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.204  Niobrara  County,  Wyoming  Fair  Board.  Legend  of  the 
Rawhide  Buttes:  Pageant  Spectacle.  (Lusk,  WY.:  n.p., 
1946).    D. 

W.205  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Baled  Hay:  A  Drier  Book  Than 
Walt  Whitman's  "Leaves  o'  Grass".  Illustrated  by  F. 
Opper.    (Chicago,  IL.:   W.  B.  Conkey  Co.,  c.  1893).    H. 

W.206  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  The  Best  of  Bill  Nye's  Humor. 
Edited  by  Louis  Hasley.  (New  Haven,  CT.:  College  & 
University  Press,  1973).    H. 

W.207  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Bill  Nye  and  Boomerang;  or,  The 
Tale  of  a  Meek-eyed  Mule,  and  Some  Other  Literary 
Gems.     (Chicago,  IL.:    Homewood,  c.  1893).    H. 

W.208  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Bill  Nye:  His  Own  Life  Story. 
(New  York,  NY.;  The  Century  Co.,  c.  1926).    BIOG. 

W.209  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Bill  Nye's  Remarks.  Illustrated  by 
J.  H.  Smith.     (New  York,  NY.:   F.  T.  Neely,  1896).    H. 

W.210  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Bill  Nye's  Western  Humor,  selected 
with  an  introduction  by  T.  A.  Larson.  Illustrated  by  F. 
Opper,  J.  H.  Smith  and  E.  Zimmerman.  (Lincoln,  NB.: 
University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1968).    H. 

W.21  1  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Forty  Liars  and  Other  Lies.  Illus- 
trated by  Hopkins.  (Chicago,  IL.:  W.  B.  Conkey  Co., 
c.  1893).    H. 

W.21 2  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  A  Guest  at  the  Ludlow,  and  Other 
Stories.  Illustrated  by  Louis  Braunhold.  (Indianapolis, 
IN.:  The  Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  c.  1896).  H.  (Passing 
references  to  Wyoming.) 

W.21 3  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson  and  Riley,  James  Whitcomb.  Nye 
and  Riley's  Railway  Guide.  Illustrated  by  Baron  de 
Grimm,  E.  Zimmerman,  Walt  McDougall,  et  al.  (Chi- 
cago, IL.:    The  Dearborn  Pub.  Co.,  1888).     H. 

W.21 4  Nye,  Edgar  Wilson.  Nye  and  Riley's  Wit  and  Humor; 
Amusing  Prose  Sketches  and  Quaint  Dialect  Poems. 
(Chicago,  IL.:    W.  B.  Conkey,  c.  1902).    H. 

W.21 5  Olson,  Theodore  B.  Hawk's  Way.  (New  York,  NY.: 
League  to  Support  Poetry,  1941).  P.  (These  poems 
have  a  suggestion  of  Wyoming. ) 

W.21 6  Olson,  Theodore  B.  Ranch  on  the  Laramie.  (Boston, 
MA.:    Little,  Brown  and  Co.,  Inc.,  1973).    N.F. 

W.21 7  Olson,  Theodore  B.  A  Stranger  and  Afraid.  (New  Ha- 
ven, CT.:  Yale  University  Press,  1928).  P.  (These 
poems  have  a  suggestion  of  Wyoming. ) 

W.21 8  Olson,  Theodore  B.  "Spring  on  the  Big  Laramie," 
Empire  Magazine,  The  Denver  Post,  (April  1,  1973),  pp. 
20,  22,  24-25.    N.F. 

D.219  Olson,  Theodore  B.  "Steamboat"  (poem)  in  Robert  H. 
Bums'  Steamboat — Symbol  of  Wyoming  Spirit.     (Lara- 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      91 

mie,  WY.:    The  University  of  Wyoming,  1952).    P.    (The 

poem  is  on  the  inside  back  cover. ) 
W.220     Page,  EHzabeth.    Wild  Horses  and  Gold:  From  Wyoniitii^ 
•  'f-.        to  the  Yukon.     (New  York,  NY.:    Farrar  &  Rinehart, 

Inc.,  1932).    N.F. 
W.221     Page,  Ehzabeth.     Wagons  West;  A  Story  of  the  Oregon 

Trail.    (New  York,  NY.:   Farrar  &  Rinehart,  Inc.,  1930). 
W.222     Palmer,  Ralph  W.     Tumbleweeds.      (New  York,  NY.: 

Pageant  Press,  1953).    F. 
W.223     Pearson,  Mrs.  Lorene.     The  Harvest  Waits.      (Indian- 
apolis, IN.:    The  Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  c.  1941).    F. 
W.224     Pence,  Mary  Lou;  Lola  M.  Homsher.     The  Ghost  Towns 

of  Wyoming.    (New  York,  NY.:   Hastings  House,  1956). 

N.F. 
W.225     Pence,  Mary  Lou.    The  Laramie  Story,     (n.p.:    Privately 

printed,  1968).    N.F. 
W.226     Petzoldt,  Patricia.    On  Top  of  the  World;  My  Adventures 

with  My  Mountain-Climbing  Husband.    (New  York,  NY.: 

Crowell,  1953).    N.F. 
,W.227     Phelps,  Helen  Riley  and  Vergil  V.   Phelps.      Whitlier? 

Rainbows,  Sunsets,  On!  (New  York,  NY.:   Carlton  Press, 

c.  1968). 
W.228     Rehwinkel,  Bessie  Lee   (Efner).     Dr.  Bessie;  The  Life 

Story  and  Romance  of  a  Pioneer  Lady  Doctor.  .  .  .     (St. 

Louis,  MO.:    Concordia  Pub.  House,  c.  1963).    BIOG. 
W.229     Ricketts,  William  Pendleton.     50  Years  in  the  Saddle. 

(Sheridan,  WY.:    Star  Publishing  Co.,  1942).    BIOG. 
W.230     Roach,  Neal.    Untitled  type-script,  225  pages,  on  his  Ufe 

in  Wyoming  during  1860s  to  1880s.     Approx.  date  of 

composition  the  late   1880s.     In  collection  of  Laramie 

Plains  Museum,  Laramie,  Wyo.     N.F.      (Of  particular 

interest  are  his  descriptions  of  "wild"  Laramie  of  1860s. ) 
W.231     Rogers,  W.  P.     Oldtimer  of  the  Jackson  Hole  Country: 

A  Story  of  Mountain  Men  for  Men  Only.    (Jackson,  WY.: 

1964).    N.F. 
W.232     Rolhnson,  John  K.     Hoofprints  of  a  Cowboy  and  U.S. 

Ranger:  Pony  Trails  in  Wyoming.    Edited  by  E.  A.  Brin- 

instool.      (Caldwell,   ID.:     The  Caxton  Printers,   Ltd., 

1941).    N.F. 
W.233     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "The  Day  of  the  Eagle,"  Writing 

at  Wyoming,  (Spring,  1953),  pp.  3-8. 
W.234     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "For  an  Indian  Bronc   Rider 

Killed  in  a  Highway  Crash  Near  Ethete,  Wyoming,"  West 
.    Coast  Poetry  Review,   I    (Spring,    1972),   pp.    30-31. 

(Poem.)    P. 
W.235     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "Homing"  (poem).     The  South 

Dakota  Review,  IX  (Spring,  1971 ),  pp.  7 1-72.    P. 


92  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.236     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.    Honor  Thy  Father.     (New  York, 

NY.:    William  Morrow  Co.,  1963).     F.     (A  novel  with 

a  Wyoming  setting. ) 
W.237     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "Hunting  Deer"  (poem).     West 

Coast  Poetry  Review,  I  (Spring,  1972),  p.  29.    P. 
W.238     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "The  Last  Longhorn,"  Sage,  XI 

(Spring,  1966),  pp.  49-58.    F. 
W.239     Roripaugh,   Robert  A.     "Learn  to  Love  the   Haze," 

(poem),   Voices  International,   VII   (Spring,    1972), 

p.  29.    P. 
W.240     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.    "The  Legend  of  Billy  Jenks,"  The 

South  Dakota  Review,  IX  (Winter,   1971-72),  pp.  40- 

68.    F. 
W.241      Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "The  Peach  Boy,"  The  Atlantic 

Monthly,  CCII  (September,  1958),  pp.  59-66.    F. 
W.242     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "Ride  a  Red  Horse,"  Writing  at 

Wyoming  (Spring,  1953),  pp.  9-22.    F. 
W.243     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.    "Wolves,"  and  "Skull,"  (poems), 

Descant,  XVI  (Spring,  1972),  pp.  26-27.    P. 
W.244     Roripaugh,  Robert  A.     "Wyoming  Hay  Fields"  (poem). 

The  Sweater  Review,  II  ( 1 973 ),  p.  1 8.    P. 
W.245     Rotter,   Mrs.   Etta.      Come  Out   T   Wyomin' .      (Cody, 

WY.:   c.  1948). 
W.246     Rush,  N.  Orwin.    Frederic  Remington  and  Owen  Wister, 

The  Story  of  a  Friendship,   1893-1909.      (Tallahassee, 

FL.:    1961).    BIOG. 
W.247     Russell,  Jim.    Bob  Fudge,  Texas  Trail  Driver,  Montana- 
Wyoming  Cowboy,   1862-1933.      (Denver,  CO.:     Big 

Mountain  Press,  1962).    BIOG. 
W.248     Schaefer,  Jack  Warner.    Shane.    Illustrated  by  John  Mc- 

Cormack.     (Boston,  MA.:    Houghton  Mifflin,  1954).    F. 
W.249     Scott,  James  William.     Pioneers  of  the  Big  Horn:    True 

Stories  of  the  Yellowtail  Country.     (Denver,  CO.:    Big 

Mountain  Press,  1966).    N.F. 
W.250     Scott,  Quintin  S.     Dennis  Comes  Home.     (New  York, 

NY.:   Harbinger  House,  c.  1941).    F. 
W.251      Shakespeare,  Tom.    The  Sky  People.     (New  York,  NY.: 

Vantage  Press,  1971 ). 
W.252     Shaw,  James  Clay.    North  from  Texas:   Incidents  in  the 

Early  Life  of  a  Range  Cowman  in  Texas,  Dakota  and 

Wyoming,   1852-1883.     Edited  by  Herbert  O.  Brayer. 

Illustrated  by  David  T.  Vernon.     (Evanston,  IL.:    Brand- 
ing Iron  Press,  1952).    N.F. 
W.253     Sheppard,  Leslie  Chauncey.     Of  Such  is  the  Kingdom. 

(New  York,  NY.:   Greenwick  Book  Pub.,  1964).    F. 
W.254     Sheridan  County  Public  Library.     Fort  Philip  Kearny, 

1866-1868.  .  .    A  list  of  materials  on  this  subject  avail- 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      93 

able  at  the  Sheridan  County  Public  Library.  (Sheridan, 
WY.:    Sheridan  County  Public  Library,  1970).    BIB. 

W.255  Shipp,  Eli  Richard.  Intermountain  Folk:  Songs  of  Their 
Days  and  Ways.  (Casper,  WY.:  Casper  Stationery  Co., 
1922).    P. 

W.256  Shipp,  EH  Richard.  Pioneer  Blood.  (Casper,  WY.:  Oil 
City  Printers,  1926).    P. 

W.257  Shipp,  Eli  Richard.  Rangeland  Melodies.  (Casper, 
WY. :   Casper  Stationery  Co.,  c.  1923 ) .    P. 

W.258  Slack,  Bradley.  Wyoming  Roundup.  Illustrated  by  Mary 
Littell  Slack.  (Cheyenne,  WY.:  Pioneer  Printing  Co., 
c.  1953). 

W.259  Smith,  Florence  Blake.  Cow  Chips  'n'  Cactus;  The 
Homestead  in  Wyoming.  (New  York,  NY.:  Pageant 
Press,  c.  1962). 

W.260  Smith,  Helena  Huntington.  "How  to  Live  70  Miles  from 
Town,"  Saturday  Evening  Post,  (September  23,  1944), 
pp.  26-27,  37,  72,  82,  84.    N.F. 

W.261  Snow,  Julian.  More  Truth  Than  Poetry.  (Cheyenne, 
WY.:  Pioneer  Printing  Co.,  1931).  P.  (Contains  the 
poem  "While  Watching  A  Geyser".) 

W.262  Spear,  Elsa,  ed.  Bozeman  Trail  Scrapbook.  (Sheridan, 
WY.:   MillsCo.,  c.  1967).    N.F. 

W.263  Spearman,  Frank  Hamilton.  The  Mountain  Divide. 
(New  York,  NY.:   C.  Scribner's  Sons,  1912).    F. 

W.264  Spearman,  Frank  Hamilton.  Nan  of  Music  Mountain. 
Illustrated  by  N.  C.  Wyeth.  (New  York,  NY.:  C.  Scrib- 
ner's Sons,  1916).    F. 

W.265  Spearman,  Frank  Hamilton.  Whispering  Smith.  Illus- 
trated by  N.  C.  Wyeth.  (New  York,  NY.:  Grosset  & 
Dunlap,  1906).    F. 

W.266  Spring,  Agnes  (Wright).  A  Place  in  Wyoming  Worthy 
of  a  Monument:  South  Pass.  Nine  typewritten  pages 
(Hebard  Room  of  the  University  of  Wyoming  Library). 
N.F.     (Contains  some  poems  on  South  Pass.) 

W.267  Spring,  Agnes  (Wright).  Buffalo  Bill  and  His  Horses. 
(Fort  Collins,  CO.:    B  &  M  Print  Co.,  c.  1953).    N.F. 

W.268  Spring,  Agnes  Wright.  Caspar  Collins:  The  Life  and 
Exploits  of  an  Indian  Fighter  of  the  Si.xties,  With  a  Fore- 
word by  Major  General  Hugh  L.  Scott.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Columbia  University  Press,  1927).     BIOG. 

W.269  Spring,  Agnes  (Wright).  The  Cheyenne  and  Black  Hills 
Stage  and  Express  Routes.  (Glendale,  CA.:  The  Arthur 
H.  Clark  Co.,  1949,  c.  1948).    N.F. 

W.270  Spring,  Agnes  (Wright).  Colorado  Charley.  Wild  Bill's 
Pard.     (Boulder,  CO.:    Pruett  Press,  1968).    BIOG. 


94  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.271  Spring,  Agnes  (Wright).  William  Chapin  Deming  of 
Wyoming:  Pioneer  Publisher,  and  State  and  Federal  Offi- 
cial, a  Biography.  (Glendale,  CA.:  limited  edition  by 
The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1944).    BIOG. 

D.272  Steedman,  Charles  John.  Bucking  the  Sagebrush;  or,  The 
Oregon  Trail  in  the  Seventies.  Illustrated  by  Charles  M, 
Russell.  (New  York,  NY.:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1904). 
N.F. 

W.273  Stevenson,  Gil.  Ah,  But  in  Casper.  (Philadelphia,  PA.: 
Dorrance,  1972).    N.F. 

W.274  Stevenson,  Gil.  For  You,  With  Love.  (Philadelphia, 
PA:.    Dorrance,  1971).    P. 

W.275  Stewart,  Mrs.  EUnore  (Pruitt).  Letters  on  an  Elk  Hunt. 
(Boston,  MA.:   Houghton  Mifflin,  1 9 1 5 ) .    N.F. 

W.276  Stewart,  Mrs.  Elinore  (Pruitt).  Letters  of  a  Woman 
Homesteader.  Illustrated  by  N.  C.  Wyeth.  (Boston, 
MA.:   Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1914).    N.F. 

W-lll  Strahorn,  Mrs.  Carrie  Adell.  Fifteen  Thousand  Miles  by 
Stage;  A  Woman's  Unique  Experience  During  Thirty 
Years  of  Path  Finding  and  Pioneering  from  the  Missouri 
to  the  Pacific  and  from  Alaska  to  Mexico.  Illustrated  by 
Charles  Russell.  (New  York,  NY. :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
1911).    N.F. 

W.278  Sture-Vasa,  Mary  (Alsop).  Pseudonym,  Mary  O'Hara. 
Green  Grass  of  Wyoming.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B. 
Lippincott,  1946).    F. 

W.279  Sture-Vasa,  Mary  (Alsop).  Pseudonym,  Mary  O'Hara. 
My  Friend  Flicka.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B.  Lippincott 
Co.,  c.  1941).    F. 

W.280  Sture-Vasa,  Mary  (Alsop).  Pseudonym,  Mary  O'Hara. 
Thunderhead.  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  J.  B.  Lippincott  Co., 
1943).    F. 

W.281  Sture-Vasa,  Mary  (Alsop).  Wyoming  Summer.  (Gar- 
den City,  NY.:   Doubleday,  1963).    F. 

W.282  Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild.  Carvings  on  the  Aspens; 
A  Collection  of  Prose  and  Poetry  by.  .  .  .  Illustrated  by 
Betty  Blake.  (Denver,  CO.:  Big  Mountain  Press,  c. 
1956).    C.G. 

W.283  Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild.  A  Pouch  of  Possibles. 
(Cheyenne,  WY. :  Flintlock  Publishing  Co.,  1969).  C.G. 
(Contains  many  poems  and  stories  about  Wyoming.) 

W.284  Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild.  Tale  of  the  Seeds-Ke- 
Dee.    (Denver,  CO.:   Big  Mountain  Press,  c.  1963). 

W.285  Swallow,  Alan.  XI  Poems.  (Muscatine,  lA.:  The  Prai- 
rie Press,  1943).    P. 

W.286  Swallow,  Alan.  The  Nameless  Sight:  Poems  1937-56. 
(Iowa  City,  lA.:   Prairie  Press,  1956).    P. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      95 

W.287  Swallow,  Alan.  The  Remembered  Land  (poems).  (Prai- 
rie City,  IL.:    Press  of  J.  A.  Decker,  1946).    P. 

W.288  Swallow,  Alan.  Two  Stories.  The  Swallow  Pamphlets 
No.  9.     (n.p.:    Alan  Swallow,  Publisher,  c.  1953  ).     F. 

W.289  Talbot,  Ethelbert.  My  People  of  the  Plains.  (New  York, 
NY.:    Harper  &  Bros.,  1906).    N.F. 

W.290  Teichert,  Minerva  Kohlhepp.  A  Romance  of  Old  Fort 
Hall.     (Portland,  OR.:    Metropolitan  Press,  1932).    F. 

W.291  Thomas,  David  Griffiths.  Overland  and  Underground; 
Poems  of  the  West  and  its  Mines.  (Rock  Springs,  WY.: 
Privately  printed,  1912).    P. 

W.292  Thompson,  Martha.  A  Country  Doctor.  (Carpenter, 
WY.:   Martha  Thompson,  c.  1971).    N.F. 

W.293  Thompson,  Martha,  ed.  Pioneer  Parade:  A  Collection 
of  Newspaper  and  Magazine  Stories  of  Eastern  Laramie 
County  Pioneers.  (Cheyenne,  WY.:  Logan  Printing  Co., 
1967).    N.F.    C.G. 

W.294  Todd,  Fred  J.  Recollections  of  a  Piney  Creek  Rancher. 
(Sheridan,  WY.:    Quick  Printing  Co.,  1962).    BIOG. 

W.295  Trenholm,  Virginia  Cole.  The  Arapahoes,  Our  People. 
(Norman,  OK.:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1970). 
N.F. 

W.296  Trenholm,  Virginia  Cole.  Footprints  on  the  Frontier: 
Saga  of  the  La  Ramie  Region  of  Wyoming.  (Douglas, 
WY.:   Douglas  Enterprise  Co.,  1945).    N.F. 

W.297  Trenholm,  Virginia  Cole  and  Maurine  Carley.  The  Sho- 
shonis,  Sentinels  of  the  Rockies.  (Norman,  OK.:  Uni- 
versity of  Oklahoma  Press,  1964).    N.F. 

W.298  Trenholm,  Virginia  Cole  and  Maurine  Carley.  Wyoming 
Pageant.     (Casper,  WY.:    Prairie  Pub.  Co.,  1946). 

W.299  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Almost  Up  Devil's  Tower:  A 
Tourist's  Novel.  (Boulder,  CO.:  Johnson  Publishing  Co., 
c.  1968).    F. 

W.300  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Chief  Washakie  of  the  Sho- 
shones.  (Boulder,  CO.:  Johnson  Publishing  Co.,  c. 
1971).    N.F. 

W.301  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  High  Lights  of  the  Hills.  Illus- 
trated by  Elsie  Christian.  (Lusk,  WY.:  The  Lusk  Herald, 
Printers,  1954).    P. 

W.302  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb)  and  Jerry.  Know  Wyoming:  A 
Guide  to  Its  Literature.  (Boulder,  CO.:  Johnson  Pub- 
lishing Co.,  1969).  BIB.  (A  valuable  guide  to  Wyo- 
ming authors'  writings  updating  the  Wheeler  bibliog- 
raphy. ) 

W.303  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Niobrara  Breezes:  A  Collection 
of  Poems.  Illustrated  by  Elsie  Christian.  (Lusk,  WY.: 
The  Lusk  Herald,  c.  1946) .    P. 


96  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.304  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  The  Second  Man.  (Denver, 
CO.:  Sage  Books,  1962).  F.  (A  novel  of  prehistoric 
times  set  in  the  Laramie  Peak  area. ) 

W.305  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Songs  of  the  Sage.  Illustrated 
by  Berniece  Bird.  (Denver,  CO.:  Big  Mountain  Press, 
1962).    P.    (This  is  a  collection  of  Wyoming  poems.) 

W.306  Urbanek,  Jerry.  The  Uncovered  Wagon  by  Mae  Urbanek 
as  told  by  Jerry  Urbanek.  Illustrated  by  Elsie  Christian. 
(Denver,  CO.:    Sage  Books,  1958).    N.F. 

W.307  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Wyoming  Place  Names.  (Boul- 
der, CO.:   Johnson  Publishing  Co.,  c.  1967).    BIB. 

W.308  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Wyoming  Winds.  Illustrated  by 
Norman  Evans.  (Lusk,  WY.:  The  Lusk  Herald,  c. 
1930).    P.     (Another  collection  of  Wyoming  poems.) 

W.309  Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb).  Wyoming  Wonderland.  (Denver, 
CO.:   Sage  Books,  1964). 

W.310  Vail,  Nellie  (Cook).  My  Best  to  You:  A  Collection  oj 
Poems.    (Byron,  WY.:   c.  1961).    P. 

W.311  Van  Burgh,  Mrs.  Lillian  L.  McBride.  Behind  The  Smiles. 
(Casper,  WY.:    Prairie  Publishing  Co.,  1933).    C.G. 

W.312  Van  Burgh,  LiUian  L.  McBride.  The  Bozeman  Trail: 
A  Poem,  (n.p.:  c.  1927).  P.  (5  p.  at  Wyoming  State 
Library.) 

W.313  Van  Burgh,  Lillian  L.  McBride.  Drifting  Leaves.  (Au- 
thor, c.  1923).    P. 

W.314  Walker,  Tacetta  B.  Stories  of  Early  Days  in  Wyoming, 
Big  Horn  Basin.  (Casper,  WY.:  Prairie  Publishing  Co., 
1936).    N.F. 

W.315  Wall,  Art  N.  Peace  River  Red,  A  Novel.  (New  York, 
NY.:  Exposition  Press,  1961).    F. 

W.316  Wallis,  Jessa  Eula.  Wyoming  Breezes.  (New  York, 
NY.:   Henry  Harrison,  c.  1940).    P. 

W.317  Watts,  George  C.  The  Long  Trail.  (Oakdale,  CA.: 
1949). 

W.318  Weaver,  Paul.  Chief  of  the  Ravens  (poQm) .  Illustrated 
by  Alice  Miller.     (Frannie,  WY.:    1966).    P. 

W.319  Welch,  Charles  A.  History  of  the  Big  Horn  Basin:  With 
Stories  of  Early  Days,  Sketches  of  Pioneers  and  Writings 
of  the  Author.  (Salt  Lake  City,  UT.:  Deseret  News 
Press,  1940).    N.F. 

W.320  Westbrook,  Melva  Cummins.  Mom  and  Me.  (Worland, 
WY.:   Worland  Press,  1971).    BIOG. 

W.321  Wheeler,  Eva  Floy.  Wyoming  Writers.  (Douglas,  WY.: 
The  Douglas  Enterprise  Co.,  1940).  BIB.  (A  valuable 
bibliography  of  Wyoming  authors  up  to  1940.) 

W.322  Wheeler,  Homer  Webster.  The  Frontier  Trail;  or  from 
Cowboy  to  Colonel.  .  .  .  (Los  Angeles,  CA.:  Times- 
Mirror  Press,  1923).    BIOG. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      97 

W.323  Whittenburg,  Clarice  T.  Wyoming:  Prelude  to  State- 
hood. Illustrated  by  Bob  and  Mary  Harrower  and  collec- 
tion of  Rendezvous  Paintings  by  Carl  Roters.  (Cheyenne, 
WY.:  Travel  Commission  and  Wyoming  Department  of 
Education,  1966).    N.F. 

W.324  Wilcock,  Glen  E.  The  Big  Horn  Country  in  Poetry. 
(Cowley,  WY.:   c.  1968).    P. 

W.325  Willford,  Maude  Wenonah.  Over  the  Hills  and  Prairies 
of  Wyoming:  Stories  and  Poems  of  the  West  by  a  Pioneer. 
(Denver,  CO.:    Big  Mountain  Press,  1963).    C.G. 

W.326  Willson,  Mrs.  E.  B.  Cabin  Days  in  Wyoming:  A  Histor- 
ical Romance  of  the  Running  Water  Range.  (Lusk,  WY.: 
c.  1939).    F. 

W.327  Winter,  Charles  Edwin.  Gold  of  Freedom.  (San  An- 
tonio, TX.:    The  Naylor  Co.,  1944).     F. 

W.328  Winter,  Charles  Edwin.  Wyoming  March  Song,  Wyo- 
ming State  Song.  Music  by  George  E.  Knapp.  (Casper, 
WY. :   The  Richter  Music  Co.,  1925).    P. 

W.329-    Wister,  Owen.     Wister  Collection  at  the  University  of 

W.339  Wyoming  Library  includes  the  following  handwritten  and 
typescript  copies  of  diaries  and  journals  relating  to  Wyo- 
ming: 

W.329  "July-August,  1885"  (Wister's  First  Trip  to  Wyomimj). 
N.F. 

W.330  "British  Columbia-Washington,  Oregon-California-Wyo- 
ming.   July-September,  1887."    N.F. 

W.331      "Wyoming,  July,  August,  September,  1888."    N.F. 

W.332     "Wyoming,  October-November,  1889."    N.F. 

W.333  "Wyoming  and  Yellowstone  Park,  June -September, 
1891."    N.F. 

W.334  "Journal  of  Journies,  June  14th-December  31st,  1893, 
World's  Fair,  Wyoming,  Yellowstone,  Arizona,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Portland."    N.F. 

W.335  "Frontier  Notes,  October,  November,  December,  1893." 
N.F. 

W.336     "Frontier  Notes,  May- 1894,-August."    N.F. 

W.337  "Journal,  Bowis,  Bayard,  Grant,  Bisbie,  Tombstone, 
Tucson,  San  Francisco,  Cheyenne,  May-1894-August." 

W.338  "Journal  and  Notes,  1895,  May-August.  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  California,  Colorado,  Cheyenne,  Fort  Meade, 
Vol  I." 

W.339     "A  Few  Notes  1 896,  Wyoming." 

W.340  Wister,  Owen.  The  Virginian;  A  Horseman  of  The 
Plains.  Illustrated  by  Charles  M.  Russell  and  Frederic 
Remington.  (New  York,  NY.:  Macmillan,  c.  1929). 
F.     [The  Virginian  was  first  published  in  1902.    ed.] 


98  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

W.341  Wister,  Owen.  Original  Manuscript  of  The  Virginian  in 
The  Wister  Collection  at  the  University  of  Wyoming 
Library. 

W.342  Wright,  Edgar  H.  The  Representative  Old  Cowboy.  Il- 
lustrated by  Don  Whiston.     (The  author,  c.  1954). 

W.343  A  Wyoming-Idaho  Sampler.  Illustrated  by  Lawrence 
Hall.    (New  York,  NY.:   Harbinger  House,  c.  1940).    F. 

W.344  Wyoming  Pioneer  Association.  The  Vanished  Frontier. 
No  place  or  date  by  the  Wyoming  Pioneer  Assoc.  C.G. 
(Contains  some  poems  by  Ted  Olson.) 

American  Authors  On  Wyoming 

A.l  Abbey,  James.  California,  a  Trip  Across  the  Plains  in  the 
Spring  of  1850.  .  .  .  (New  Albany,  IN.:  Kent  &  Norman, 
and  J.  R.  Nunemacher,  1850).    N.F. 

A.2  Allen,  Miss  A.  J.  Ten  Years  in  Oregon.  Travels  and 
Adventures  of  Doctor  E.  White  and  Lady,  West  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  .  .  .  (Ithaca,  NY.:  Mack,  Andrus,  & 
Co.,  printers,  1848).    N.F. 

A.3  AUison,  Sam.     Wyoming  War.     (Trouble  on  Crazyman). 

(New  York,  NY.:   Lion  Books,  1957).    F. 

A.4  Alter,  J.  Cecil.  Through  the  Heart  of  the  Scenic  West. 
(Salt  Lake  City,  UT.:    Shepard  Book  Co.,  1927).    N.F. 

A. 5  Ahsheler,  Joseph  Alexander.     The  Scouts  of  the  Valley; 

A  Stoiy  of  Wyoming  and  the  Chemung.  (New  York, 
NY.:    Appleton-Century  Co.,  1941).    F. 

A.6  Bishop,  Curtis  Kent.  By  Way  of  Wyoming.  (New  York, 
NY.:   TheMacmillanCo.,  1946).    C.G. 

A.7  Boyne,  Eduma  Baffum.  The  Long  Way  to  Yellowstone 
Park  in  1885.     (Loveland,  CO.:    1970).    N.F. 

A.8  Branch,  Douglas.  The  Cowboy  and  His  Interpreters. 
(New  York,  NY.:    D.  Appleton  Co.,  1926).    N.F. 

A.9  Bryant,  Edwin.     What  1  Saw  in  California:    Being  the 

Journal  of  a  Tour,  by  the  Emigrant  Route  and  South  Pass 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  .  .  .  (New  York,  NY.:  D.  Ap- 
pleton &Co.,  1848).    N.F. 

A.  10  Carpenter,  Frank  D.  Adventures  in  Geyserland.  (Cald- 
well, ID.:    Caxton  Printers,  1935).    N.F. 

A.  11  Carrighar,  Sally.  One  Day  at  Teton  Marsh.  (New  York, 
NY.:   Alfred  Knopf,  Inc.,  1947). 

A.  12  Carter,  Marion  Hamilton.  Souls  Resurgent.  (New  York, 
NY.:   C.  Scribner's  Sons,  1916).    F. 

A.  13  Chase,  Mary  Ellen.  The  Girl  from  Big  Horn  Country. 
Illustrated  by  R.  Farrington  Elwell.  (Boston,  MA. :  The 
Page  Co.,  1916).    F. 

A.  14  Chase,  Mary  Ellen.  Virginia  of  Elk  Creek.  Illustrated 
by  R.  Farrington  Elwell.  (Boston,  MA.:  The  Page  Co., 
1917).    F. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING      99 

A.  15  Child,  Andrew.  Overland  Route  to  California.  .  .  .  (Mil- 
waukee, WI.:  Daily  Sentinel  Steam  Power  Press,  1852). 
N.F. 

A.  16  Chisholm,  James.  South  Pass,  1868.  James  Chisholm's 
Journal  of  the  Wyoming  Gold  Rush.  Edited  by  Lola  M. 
Homsher.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Nebraska  Press, 
1960).    N.F. 

A.  17  Chittenden,  Hiram  Martin.  The  Yellowstone  National 
Park.  (Cincinnati,  OH.:  The  Robert  Clarke  Co.,  1899). 
N.F. 

A.  18  Christopherson,  Edmund.  Behold  the  Grand  Tetons: 
The  Exciting  Story  of  the  Jackson  Hole  Country.  (Mis- 
soula, MT.:  Earthquake  Press,  1961 ).  N.F.  (Basically 
description  and  travel.) 

A.  19  Clark,  Ella  E.  Indian  Legends  from  the  Northern 
Rockies.  (Norman,  OK.:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 
1966).    N.F. 

A. 20  Clay,  John.  The  Tragedy  of  Squaw  Mountain.  (Chicago, 
IL.:   Traders  Printing  Co.,  191?).    F. 

A. 21  Clemens,  Samuel  Langhorne.  Roughing  It.  (New  York, 
NY.:    Harper  &  Brothers  Publishers,  1913).     F.    2  Vols. 

A.22  Coffin,  Addison.  Life  and  Travels  of.  .  .  .  (Cleveland, 
OH.:   W.G.Hubbard,  1897).    BIOG. 

A. 23  Cooper,  James  Fenimore.  The  Prairie.  (New  York,  NY.: 
W.  A.  Townsend  and  Co.,  1859).  F.  (Frequent  refer- 
ences are  made  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Platte  and  to 
Wyoming  Indian  tribes. ) 

A. 24  Crane,  Stephen.  The  Complete  Short  Stories  and  Sketches 
of  Stephen  Crane.  Edited  by  Thomas  A.  Gullason.  (New 
York,  NY.:  Doubleday  &  Co.,  Inc.,  1963).  F.  (Pass- 
ing references  are  made  to  Wyoming  in  "A  Man  and 
Some  Others"  and  "The  Blue  Hotel" ) . 

A. 25  Day,  Grove  A.,  ed.  The  Sky  Clears:  Poetry  of  the  Amer- 
ican Indians.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Nebraska 
Press,  1951).    P. 

A.26  Delano,  Alonzo.  Across  the  Plains  and  Among  the  Dig- 
gings: A  Reprint  of  the  Original  Edition  with  Reproduc- 
tions of  Numerous  Photographs  Taken  by  Louis  Palenske 
with  a  Foreword  and  Epilogue  bv  Rufus  Rockwell  Wilson. 
(New  York,  NY.:    Wilson-Erickson,  Inc.,  1936).    N.F. 

A. 27  De  Voto,  Bernard.  Across  the  Wide  Missouri.  (Boston, 
MA.:   Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1947).    N.F. 

A.28  Douglas,  William  O.  My  Wilderness:  East  to  Katahdin. 
Illustrated  by  Francis  Lee  Jaques.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Doubleday  &  Co.,  Inc.,  1961).    N.F. 

A.29  Dunbar,  Seymour.  A  History  of  Travel  in  America. 
(New  York,  NY.:    Tudor  Publishing  Co.,  1937).     N.F. 


100  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

(The  Wyoming  reader  will  be  particularly  interested  in 
Chapters  51  and  52.) 

A. 30  Elston,  Allan  Vaughan.  Saddle  Up  for  Sunlight.  (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:    Lippincott,  1952).    F. 

A. 31  Elston,  Allan  Vaughan.  The  Wyoming  Bubble.  (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:    Lippincott,  1955).    F. 

A. 3 2  Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo.  See  Thayer,  James  Bradley  for 
an  account  of  a  western  journey.    N.F. 

A. 33  Ewers,  John  C.  Adventures  of  Zenas  Leonard,  Fur 
Trader.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  University  of  Nebraska  Press, 
1959).    N.F. 

A. 34  Fabian,  Josephine  C.  The  Jackson's  Hole  Story:  An 
Historical  Novel  Set  in  the  Grand  Teton  Mountains  of 
Wyoming.  (Salt  Lake  City,  UT.:  Deseret  Book  Co., 
1963).    F. 

A. 35  Farnsworth,  Frances  Joyce.  Winged  Moccasins;  The 
Story  of  Sacajawea.  Illustrated  by  Lorence  F.  Bjorklund. 
(New  York,  NY.:    J.  Messner,  1954). 

A. 36  Federal  Writers  Project  of  the  WPA.  Wyoming:  A  Guide 
to  Its  History,  Highways  and  People.  Compiled  by  work- 
ers of  the  writers  program  of  the  WPA  in  the  State  of 
Wyoming.  (New  York,  NY.:  Oxford  University  Press, 
1941).    N.F. 

A. 37  Ferlinghetti,  Lawrence.  Starting  from  San  Francisco. 
(New  York,  NY.:   New  Directions,  1967).    P. 

A. 3 8  Franklin,  William  Suddards.  A  Tramp  Trip  in  the  Rock- 
ies of  Colorado  and  Wyoming,  by  S.  (Lancaster,  PA.: 
The  New  Era  Printing  Co.,  1903).    N.F. 

A. 39  Fremont,  Capt.  J.  C.  Report  of  the  Exploring  Expedition 
to  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  the  Year  1842,  and  to  Oregon 
and  North  California  in  the  Years  1843-44.  Washington, 
DC:    Blair  and  Rives,  printers,  1845).    N.F. 

A. 40  Gilpin,  William.  The  Central  Gold  Region.  The  Grain, 
Pastoral,  and  Gold  Regions  of  North  America.  (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:    Sower,  Barnes  &  Co.,  1860).    N.F. 

A. 41  Ginsberg,  Allen.  "Opium  Peddling,"  The  Branding  Iron, 
(April  23,  1971),  p.  6,  col.  2.  P.  (The  poem  describes 
the  Wyoming  prairies. )     P. 

A. 42  Glazier,  Willard.  Ocean  to  Ocean  on  Horseback;  Being 
the  Story  of  a  Tour  in  the  Saddle  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific.  .  .  .  (Philadelphia,  PA.:  Hubbard  Pub.  Co., 
1896).    N.F. 

A. 43  Greeley,  Horace.  An  Overland  Journey,  from  New  York 
to  San  Francisco,  in  the  Summer  of  1859.  (New  York, 
NY.:   C.  M.  Saxton,  Barker  &  Co.,  1860).    N.F. 

A. 44  Grey,  Zane.  The  Rainbow  Trail.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Harper  &  Brothers,  1913).    F. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING     101 

Grey,  Zane.  The  U.P.  Trail.  (New  York,  NY.:  Harper 
&  Brothers,  1918). 

Grey,  Zane.     The  Vanishing  American.     (New  York, 
NY.:     Harper  &  Brothers,    1925).     N.F.      (Deals  with 
Indian  tribes  of  Rocky  Mountain  West. ) 
Grey,  Zane.     Wyoming.     (New  York,  NY.:    Harper,  c. 
1932). 

Grinnell,  George.  The  Fighting  Cheyennes.  (Norman, 
OK.:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1956).  N.F. 
Guthrie,  Alfred  Bertram.  The  Big  Sky.  Foreword  by 
Wallace  Stegner.  (Boston,  MA.:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co., 
1947).  F.  (Part  of  this  novel  takes  place  in  the  Tetons.) 
Guthrie,  Alfred  Bertram.  The  Way  West.  (Boston,  MA.: 
Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  c.  1 949 ) .  F. 
Hale,  John.  California  as  It  Is;  Being  a  Description  of  a 
Tour  by  the  Overland  Route  and  South  Pass  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  .  .  .  (Rochester,  NY.:  W.  Heughes,  1851). 
N.F. 

Hankins,  R.  M.  The  Man  from  Wyoming.  (New  York, 
NY.:    Bantam  Books,  1949).    F. 

Harkness,  David  James.  Literary  Trails  of  the  Western 
States.  (Knoxville,  TN.:  University  of  Tennessee  Press, 
1953).    N.F. 

Harris,  Burton.  John  Colter,  His  Years  in  the  Rockies. 
(New  York,  NY.:  Scribner,  1952).  N.F. 
Harris,  Margaret  (Plumlee)  and  John  Harris.  The  Med- 
icine Whip.  (New  York,  NY.:  Morrow,  1953).  F. 
Hellman,  Florence  S.  Wyoming:  A  Bibliographical  List. 
(Washington,  DC:  Library  of  Congress,  Division  of  Bib- 
liography, 1936).    BIB. 

Hemingway,  Ernest.  "Wine  of  Wyoming,"  in  The  Short 
Stories  of  Ernest  Hemingway,  (New  York,  NY.:  Charles 
Scribner's  Sons,  1938).    F. 

Hoebel,  E.  Adamson.  The  Cheyennes:  Indians  of  the 
Great  Plains.  (New  York,  NY.:  Holt,  Rinehart  and  Win- 
ston, c.  1960).    N.F. 

Hulbert,  Archer  Butler.     Forty-niners;  The  Chronicle  of 
the  California  Trail,     (n. p. ,1931).    F. 
Hyde,  George.     Indians  of  the  High  Plains.     (Norman, 
OK.:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1959).    N.F. 
Illinois  Historical  Records  Survey.     A   Check  List  of 
Wyoming  Imprints.     (Chicago,  IL.:    The  Illinois  Histor- 
ical Records  Survey,  1941 ).    BIB. 
A. 62        Ingalls,  Eleazar  Stillman.    Journal  of  a  Trip  to  California 
by  the  Overland  Route  Across  the  Plains  in   1850-5 L 
Waukegan,  IL.:    Tobey  &  Co.,  printers,  1852).    N.F. 


A.45 

A.46 

A.47 

A.48 

A.49 

A.50 

A.51 

A.52 

A.53 

A.54 

A.55 

A.56 

A.57 

A.58 

A.59 

A.60 

A.61 

102  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

A. 63  Irving,  Washington.  Astoria,  or  Anecdotes  of  an  Enter- 
prise Beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  2  vols.  (Philadel- 
phia, PA.:   Carey,  Lea  &Blanchard,  1836). 

A. 64  Johnson,  Overton  and  William  H.  Winter.  Route  Across 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  .  .  .  (Lafayette,  IN.:  John  B. 
Semans,  printer,  1846).    N.F. 

A. 65  Keller,  George.  A  Trip  Across  the  Plains,  and  Life  in 
California.  .  .  .  (Massillon,  OH.:  White's  Press,  1851). 
N.F. 

A. 66  Lander,  Frederick  West.  Report  of  the  Reconnaissance 
of  a  Railroad  Route  from  Puget  Sound  via  the  South  Pass 
to  the  Mississippi  River.  (Washington,  DC:  A.O.P. 
Nicholson,  printer,  1856).    N.F. 

A.67  Langworthy,  Franklin.  Scenery  of  the  Plains,  Mountains 
and  Mines.  .  .  .  (Ogdensburg,  NY.:  J.  C.  Sprague, 
1855).    N.F. 

A. 68  Lewis,  Meriwether.  History  of  the  Expedition  Under  the 
Command  of  Lewis  and  Clark.  .  .  Edited  by  Elliott 
Coues.  4  vols.  (New  York,  NY.:  Francis  P.  Harper, 
1893).    N.F. 

A. 69  McAleenan,  Joseph.  Through  Yellowstone  Park  and  Elk 
Hunting  in  Wyoming.  (New  York,  NY.:  G.  P.  Putnam's 
Sons,  1914).    N.F. 

A.70  M'Duffie,  John.  The  Oregon  Crisis.  .  .  .  (Salem,  OH.: 
Aaron  Hinchman,  1848).  N.F.  (Contains  description 
of  the  South  Pass. ) 

A. 71  McElrath,  Frances.  The  Rustler:  A  Tale  of  Love  and 
War  in  Wyoming.  (New  York,  NY.:  Funk  &  Wagnalls 
Co.,  1902).    F. 

A.72  MacFarlan,  Allan  A.,  ed.  American  Indian  Legends. 
Illustrated  by  Everett  Gee  Jackson.  New  York,  NY.: 
The  Heritage  Press,  c.  1 968 ) .    N.F. 

A.73  Maclnnes,  Helen.  Rest  and  Be  Thankful.  (Boston,  MA.: 
Little,  Brown,  1949).    F. 

A.74  Mills,  Enos  A.  The  Rocky  Mountain  Wonderland.  (Bos- 
ton, MA.:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1915).  N.F.  (Pass- 
ing references  to  Yellowstone. ) 

A. 7 5  Mills,  Enos  A.  Waiting  in  the  Wilderness.  (New  York, 
NY.:  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  1927).  N.F.  (Chapter 
VI,  "Camping  on  the  Plains,"  is  about  Wyoming.) 

A.76  Mills,  Enos  A.  Your  National  Parks.  Including  detailed 
information  for  tourists  by  Laurence  F.  Schmeckebier. 
(Boston,  MA.:    Houghton  Miff Un  Co.,  1917).    N.F. 

A. 77  Momaday,  N.  Scott.  The  Way  to  Rainy  Mountain.  (New 
York,  NY.:  Ballantine  Books,  1970).  F.  (Contains 
legend  of  Devil's  Tower. ) 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING     103 

A. 78  Monaghan,  Frank.  French  Travellers  in  the  United  States 
1765-1932:  A  Bibliography.  (New  York,  NY.:  The 
New  York  Public  Library,  1933).    BIB. 

A. 79  Morgan,  Jacque  Lloyd.  The  Invaders:  A  Story  of  the 
"Hole-in-the-Wall"  Country  by  John  Lloyd  (pseudonym). 
(New  York,  NY.:   R.  F.  Fenno  &  Co.,  c.  1910).    F. 

A. 80  Muench,  Joyce  and  Joseph  Muench.  Along  Yellowstone 
and  Grand  Teton  Trails.  (New  York,  NY.:  Hastings 
House,  1949).    N.F. 

A. 81  Muir,  John.  Our  National  Parks.  (From  the  writings  of 
John  Muir,  10  vols.)  VI,  (Boston,  MA.:  Houghton 
Mifflin  Co.,  1916). 

A. 82  Murie,  Margaret  E.  and  Olaus.  Wapiti  Wilderness.  (New 
York,  NY.:   Alfred  Knopf,  Inc.,  1966).    N.F. 

A. 8 3  Murphy,  Thomas  D.  Three  Wonderlands  of  the  Amer- 
ican West.  (Boston,  MA.:  L.  C.  Page,  1912).  N.F. 
(One  of  the  wonderlands  is  Yellowstone.) 

A. 84  Neihardt,  John  G.  A  Cycle  of  the  West.  (New  York, 
NY.:   TheMacmillanCo.,  1949).    P. 

A. 8 5  Ostrander,  Alson  Bowles.  After  60  Years,  a  Sequel  to  a 
Story  of  the  Plains.  (Seattle,  WA.:  Gateway  Printing 
Co.,  c.  1925).    F. 

A. 86  Parkman,  Francis,  Jr.  The  California  and  Oregon  Trail- 
Being  Sketches  of  Prairie  and  Rocky  Mountain  Life. 
(New  York,  NY.:   Geo.  P.  Putnam,  1849).    N.F. 

A. 87  Peeples,  Samuel  Anthony.  Trouble  at  Tall  Pine  by  Brad 
Ward  (psued.).     (New  York,  NY.:    Dutton,  1954)'.    F. 

A.88  Phillips,  Walter  Shelley.  The  Old-Timer's  Tale,  by  El 
Comancho.  (Chicago,  IL. :  The  Canterbury  Press, 
1929).    F. 

A.89  Poe,  Edgar  Allan.  "The  Journal  of  Julius  Rodman.  Be- 
ing an  account  of  the  first  passage  across  the  Rocky 
Mountains  of  North  America  ever  achieved  by  civilized 
man."  Burton's  Gentleman's  Magazine,  January  to  June, 
1840  in  6  parts. 

A. 90  Powell,  J.  W.  The  Exploration  of  the  Colorado  River  and 
Its  Canyons.  (New  York,  NY.:  Dover  Publications, 
Inc.,  1961).  N.F.  (First  published  in  1895  under  the 
title  Canyons  of  the  Colorado.) 

A. 91  Raine,  William  MacLeod.  Wyoming:  A  Story  of  the 
Outdoor  West.  Illustrated  by  Clarence  H.  Rowe.  (New 
York,  NY.:   G.  W.  Dillingham  Co.,  1908).    F. 

A. 92  Reinhardt,  Richard.  Out  West  on  the  Overland  Train. 
(Secaurus,NJ.:  Castle  Books,  1967).  N.F.  (Of  partic- 
ular interest  "Cheyenne"  and  "The  Laramie  Plains"). 

A. 93  Rinehart,  Mary  Roberts.  The  Breaking  Point.  (New 
York,  NY.:   George  H.  Doran  Co.,  1922).    F. 


104  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

A.94  Rinehart,  Mary  Roberts.  Lost  Ecstasy.  (New  York, 
NY.:   George  H.  Doran  Co.,  1927).    F. 

A. 95  Rinehart,  Mary  Roberts.  The  Out  Trail.  (New  York, 
NY.:   GeorgeH.  Doran  Co.,  c.  1923).    N.F. 

A. 96  Rollins,  Phillip  Ashton.  The  Cowboy.  (New  York, 
NY.:    Scribner's  Sons,  1922).    N.F. 

A. 97  Sandoz,  Mari.  The  Beaver  Men:  Spearheads  of  Empire. 
(New  York,  NY.:    Hastings  House,  1964).    N.F. 

A. 98  Sandoz,  Mari.  Cheyenne  Autumn.  (New  York,  NY.: 
Hastings  House,  1953).    F. 

A.99  Savage,  Les.  The  Phantom  Stallion.  Illustrated  by  Ger- 
ald McCann.   (New  York,  NY.:   Dodd,  Mead,  1955).   F. 

A.  100  Schultz,  James  Willard.  The  Bird  Woman:  Story  oj 
Sacajawea,  Indian.  (Boston,  MA.:  Houghton  Mifflin 
Co.,  1918).    BIOG. 

A.  101  Sell,  Henry  and  Victor  Weybright.  Buffalo  Bill  and  the 
Wild  West.  (New  York,  NY.:  Oxford  University  Press, 
1955).    N.F. 

A.  102  Seton,  Ernest  Thompson.  Biography  of  a  Grizzly.  (New 
York,  NY.:   Century  Co.,  1900).    N.F. 

A.  103  Seton -Thompson,  Grace  Gallatin.  A  Woman  Tender- 
foot. (New  York,  NY.:  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  1900). 
N.F. 

A.  104  Smith,  Henry  Nash.  Virgin  Land:  The  American  West 
as  Symbol  and  Myth.  (New  York,  NY. :  Vintage  Books, 
1957).    N.F. 

A. 105  Stegner,  Wallace.  Beyond  the  Hundredth  Meridian. 
(Boston,  MA.:    Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1934).    N.F. 

A.  106  Steinbeck,  John.  America  and  Americans.  (New  York, 
NY.:  The  Viking  Press,  c.  1966).  N.F.  (Passing  ref- 
erences to  Wyoming. ) 

A.107  Steinbeck,  John.  Travels  with  Charley  in  Search  of 
America.  (New  York,  NY.:  The  Viking  Press,  c.  1962). 
N.F.     (A  chapter  on  a  visit  to  Yellowstone. ) 

A.  108  Stokes,  Frances  K.  W.  My  Father  Owen  Wister.  (Lara- 
mie, WY.:  University  of  Wyoming  Library  Associates, 
1952).    BIOG. 

A.  109  Stuart,  Robert.  On  the  Oregon  Trail:  Robert  Stuart's 
Journey  of  Discovery,  ed.  Kenneth  A.  Spaulding.  (Nor- 
man, OK.:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1953).    N.F. 

A.  110  Tarbell,  Dr.  J.  The  Emigrant's  Guide  to  California;  Giv- 
ing a  Description  of  the  Overland  Route.  .  .  .  (Keokuk, 
lA.:   WhigBookand  Job  Office,  1853).    N.F. 

A.lll  Thayer,  James  Bradley.  A  Western  Journey  with  Mr. 
Emerson.  (Boston,  MA.:  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1884). 
N.F. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING     105 

A.112  Thwaites,  Rueben  Gold,  ed.  Early  Western  Travels 
1748-1846.  (Cleveland,  OH.:  A.  H.  Clark  Co.,  1904- 
07).    N.F. 

A.  11 3  Tilden,  Freeman.  The  National  Parks:  What  They  Mean 
to  You  and  Me.  With  preface  by  Conrad  L.  Wirth  and 
introduction  by  Newton  B.  Drury.  (New  York,  NY.: 
AlfredA.  Knopf,  1959).    N.F. 

A.  114  Turrill,  Gardner  Stilson.  A  Tale  of  the  Yellowstone 
or  in  a  Wagon  Through  Western  Wyoming  and  Won- 
derland. .  .  .  (Jefferson,  lA.:  The  G.  S.  Turrill  Pub. 
Co.,  1901).    N.F. 

A. 115     Twain,  Mark.     See  Clemens,  Samuel  Langhorne.     F. 

A.  116  Udall,  Stewart  L.  The  Quiet  Crisis.  ..With  introduction 
by  John  F.  Kennedy.  (New  York,  NY.:  Holt,  Rinehart 
and  Winston,  1963).    N.F. 

A.  117  Wagner,  Henry  Raup.  The  Plains  and  the  Rockies:  A 
Bibliography  of  Original  Narratives  of  Travel  and  Adven- 
tures 1800-1865.  Revised  by  Charles  L.  Camp.  (Colum- 
bus, OH.:   Long's  College  Book  Co.,  1953).    BIB. 

A.118  Waldon,  Sidney  Dunn.  When  a  Dude  Goes  to  Jack- 
son. .  .  .     (Detroit,  ML:    the  author,  1911).    N.F. 

A.  119  Wason,  Robert  Alexander.  Friar  Tuck:  Being  the 
Chronicles  of  The  Reverend  John  Carmichael  of  Wyo- 
ming, U.S.A.  .  .  .  Illustrated  by  Stanley  L.  Wood.  (Bos- 
ton, MA.:   Small,  Maynard  &  Co.,  1912).    F. 

A.  120  Watson,  William  J.  Journal  of  an  Overland  Trip  to 
Oregon.  .  .  .  (Jacksonville,  FL.:  T.  R.  Roe  Book  and 
Job  Printer,  1851).    N.F. 

A.121  Webb,  Walter  Prescott.  The  Great  Plains.  (New  York, 
NY. :   Grosset  &  Dunlap,  1931).    N.F. 

A.122  West,  Ray  B.,  ed.  Rocky  Mountain  Reader.  (New  York. 
NY.:  E.  P.  Dutton  &  Co.,  1946).  C.G.  (Contains  writ- 
ings of  Alan  Swallow  and  Ted  Olson. ) 

A.  123  White,  John  Gr  is  wold.  A  Souvenir  of  Wyoming  (in 
1924).  Being  a  Diary  of  a  Fishing  Trip  in  Jackson  Hole 
and  Yellowstone  Park.  .  .  .  (Cleveland,  OH.:  privatelv 
printed,  1926).    N.F. 

A.  124  Whitman,  Walt.  "Passage  to  India"  in  Leaves  of  Grass 
and  Selected  Prose,  ed.  John  Kouwenhoven.  (New  York, 
NY.:  The  Modern  Library,  1950).  (This  poem  contains 
descriptive  verse  on  the  Laramie  plains.) 

A.125  Whitman,  Walt.  Specimen  Days.  (Philadelphia,  PA.: 
Rees  Welch  Co.,  1882).  N.F.  (References  are  made  to 
Cheyenne  and  prairie  country  in  general. ) 

A.  126  Wilson,  Elijah  Nicholas.  Among  the  Shoshones.  (Salt 
Lake  City,  UT.:    Skelton  Publishing  Co.,  c.  1910).    N.F. 


106  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

A.  127  Wister,  Fanny  Kemble,  ed.  Owen  Wister  Out  West. 
(Chicago,  IL.:  University  of  Chicago  Press,  1958). 
BIOG. 

A.  128  Withington,  Mary  C,  compiler.  A  Catalogue  of  Manu- 
scripts in  the  Collection  of  Western  Americana  founded 
by  William  Robertson  Coe.  (New  Haven,  CT.:  Yale 
University  Press,  1952).    BIB . 

A.  129  Yard,  Robert  Sterling.  The  Book  of  the  National  Parks. 
(New  York,  NY.:   Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1926).    N.F. 

Continental  European  Authors  on  Wyoming 

CE.  1  Aimard,  Gustave.  The  Trail  Hunter:  A  Tale  of  the  Far 
West.     (London:    Ward  &  Lock,  1863).    F. 

CE.2  Baillie-Grohman,  William  Adolph.  [Baille-Grohman  was 
a  German  who  eventually  settled  in  England.  Author's 
note.  ]  Camps  in  the  Rockies.  Being  a  Narrative  of  Life 
on  the  Frontier,  and  Sport  in  the  Rocky  Mountains.  .  .  . 
(New  York,  NY.:    C.  Scribner's  Sons,  1882).    N.F. 

CE.3  Baudot,  Victor.  Au  Pays  des  Peaux-Rouges.  Six  ans 
aux  Montagnes  Rocheuses.  (Lille:  Societe  Saint- Augus- 
tin,  Desclee,  De  Brouwer  et  Cie,  1912).    N.F. 

CE.4  Claretie,  Leo  Eugene  Hector.  Feuilles  de  Route  aux 
Etats-Unis.  (Paris:  E.  Dentu,  1895).  N.F.  (Descrip- 
tion of  Yellowstone  country.) 

CE.5  Etienne,  Jules  Marie  Alphonse.  C hoses  d'Amerique. 
(Chalons-sur-Marne:  C.  O'Toole,  1904).  N.F.  (Men- 
tions Yellowstone. ) 

CE.6  Gijsen,  Marnix.  De  Vleespotten  van  Egypte.  (In  Dutch 
meaning  "The  Fleshpots  of  Egypt")  (Gravenhage,  Neth- 
erlands: Nijgh  &  Van  Ditmar,  n.d.).  F.  (This  novel's 
chapters  9  and  10  are  set  in  Laramie.) 

CE.7  Holinski,  Alexandre.  La  Californie  et  les  Routes  Inter- 
oceaniques.     (Bruxelles:    1853).    N.F. 

CE.8  Joly,  Charles.  Note  sur  le  Pare  National  Yellowstone 
aux  Etats-Uis.     (Paris:   Rougier  et  Cie.,  1884).    N.F. 

CE.9  Leclercq,  Jules  Joseph.  Le  lac  Yellowstone.  (Bruxelles: 
1886).    N.F. 

CE.IO  Le  Hardy,  Paul.  "La  Terre  des  Merveilles.  Souvenirs 
d'un  Exploration  au  Basin  de  Yellowstone."  La  Revue 
de  Belgique,  XVII  (1875),  pp.  78-95.    N.F. 

CE.  11  Le  Roux,  Robert  Charles  Henri.  Le  Wyoming;  au  Pied 
des  Montagnes  Rocheuses.  .  .  .  (Paris:  Felix  Juven, 
1904).    N.F. 

CE.  1 2  Mandat-Grancey,  Edmond,  baron  de.  Dans  les  Mon- 
tagnes Rocheuses.  (Paris:  E.  Plon,  Nourrit  et  Cie, 
1884).    N.F. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING     107 

CE.13  Mollhausen,  Heinrich  Baldwin.  Tagebuch  einer  Reise 
vom  Mississippi  Nach  den  Kusten  der  Sudsee.  (Leipzig: 
Hermann  Mendelssohn,  1858).    N.F. 

CE.14  Nicaise,  Auguste.  Une  Annee  au  Desert.  ..Scenes  et 
Recits  du  Far-West  Americain.  (Chalons:  Imp.  de  T. 
Martin,  1864).  N.F.  Contains  description  of  the  Fort 
Laramie  area. ) 

CE.15  Remy,  Jules.  Voyage  au  pays  des  Mormons.  ..  .  (Paris: 
Dentu,  1860).    2  vols.    N.F. 

CE.16  Sayous,  Andre  E.  Un  Etat  de  l' Quest  Americain:  Le 
Wyoming  et  Considerations  Generates  sur  le  Far-West. 
(Paris:    Larose,  1904).     N.F. 

CE.17  Scharmann,  Hermann  B.  "Landreise  nach  Californien," 
New-Yorker  Staats-Zeitung,  XVIII  (April,  May,  1852). 
N.F. 

CE.18  Simonin,  Louis  L.  The  Rocky  Mountain  West  1867. 
Translated  by  Wilson  O.  Clough.  (Lincoln,  NB.:  Uni- 
versity of  Nebraska  Press,  1966).    N.F. 

CE.19  Smet,  Pierre  Jean  de.  Cinquante  Nouvelles  Lettres  de 
R.  P.  De  Smet.  .  .  .  (Paris:  Tournai  H.  Casterman, 
editeur,  1858).  N.F.  (De  Smet  was  Wyoming's  first 
missionary. ) 

CE.20  Smet,  Pierre  Jean  de.  Missions  de  I'Oregon  et  Voyages 
dan  les  Montagnes-Rocheuses  en  1845  et  1846.  .  .  . 
(Paris:    Poussielgue-Rusand,  1848).    N.F. 

CE.21  Wislizenus,  Frederick  Adolphus.  Ein  Ausflug  nach  den 
Felsen-Gebirgen  im  Jahre  1939.  (St.  Louis,  MO.:  Wilh. 
Weber,  1840).  N.F.  (Covers  The  Oregon  Road  from 
Ft.  Laramie  to  Horse  Creek. ) 

SE.22  Woelmont,  Arnold,  baron  de.  Ma  Vie  nomade  aux  mon- 
tagnes  Rocheuses.  (Paris:  Firmin-Didot  et  Cie,  1878). 
N.F. 

CS.23  Wurttemberg,  Frederick  Paul  Wilhelm.  An  Account  of 
Adventures  in  the  Great  American  Desert  by  His  Royal 
Highness  .  .  .  Trans,  and  Introd.  by  Louis  C.  Butscher. 
(Albuquerque,  NM.:  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico 
and  University  of  New  Mexico,  1942).    N.F. 

CE.24  Xantus,  Janos.  Xantus  Janos  levelei  Ejezakamerikabol. 
Tizenket  eredeti  rajz  utan  Keszult  Koes  egynehany  famei- 
szettel.  ..Kozli  Prepost  Istven.  (Pesten:  Lauffer  es  stolp, 
pub.,  1858).  N.F.  (Hungarian  letters  from  Fort  Lara- 
mie and  West. ) 

British  Authors  on  Wyoming 

B.l  Altsheler,  Joseph  A.  The  Scouts  of  the  Valley:  A  Story  of 
Wyoming  and  the  Chemung.  (New  York,  NY.:  D.  Apple- 
ton-Century  Co.,  1940).    F. 


108  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

B.2  Bell,  William  Abraham.  New  Tracks  in  North  America. 
(London:   Chapman  and  Hall,  1870).    N.F. 

B.3  Bird,  Isabella  Lucy.  A  Lady's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains.   (London:   J.  Murray,  1880).    N.F. 

B.4  Chandless,  William.  A  Visit  to  Salt  Lake;  Being  a  Journey 
Across  the  Plains  and  a  Residence  in  the  Mormon  Settle- 
ments of  Utah.    (London:   Smith,  Elder  &  Co.,  1857). 

B.5  Clay,  John,  Jr.  My  Life  on  the  Range.  (Chicago,  IL.: 
privately  printed,  1924).    BIOG. 

B.6  Coke,  Henry  John.  A  Ride  Over  the  Rocky  Mountains  to 
Oregon  and  California  ....  (London:  Richard  Bentley, 
1852).    N.F. 

B.7  Dilke,  Sir  Charles  Wentworth.  Greater  Britain:  A  Record 
of  Travel  in  English-Speaking  Countries  During  1866  and 
1867.    (New  York,  NY.:   Harper  &  Brothers,  1869).    N.F. 

B.8  Dixon,  William  Hepworth.  New  America.  (Philadelphia, 
PA.:   J.  B.  Lippincott&Co.,  1869).    N.F. 

B.9  Dodge,  Richard  Irving.  The  Black  Hills,  A  Minute  De- 
scription of  the  Routes,  Scenery,  Soil,  Climate,  Gold, 
etc.  .  .  .     (New  York,  NY.:    James  Miller,  1876).    N.F. 

B.IO  Dunraven,  Windham  Thomas,  Earl  of.  Hunting  in  the 
Yellowstone.  Edited  by  Horace  Kephart.  (New  York, 
NY. :    The  Macmillan  Company,  1925).    N.F. 

B.l  1  Fox,  John  J.  "The  Far  West  in  the  '80's,"  ed.  T.  A.  Lar- 
son, Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  21,  No.  1,  pp.  3-38.    N.F. 

B.l 2  Francis,  Francis  Jr.  Saddle  and  Mocassin.  (London: 
Chapman  &  Hall,  1887).    N.F. 

B.l 3  Frewen,  Moreton.  Melton  MoYjbray  and  Other  Memories. 
(London:   Herbert  Jenkins,  Ltd.,  1924).    BIOG. 

B.l 4  Hamer,  P.  W.  From  Ocean  to  Ocean,  Being  a  Diary  of  a 
Three  Months  Expedition.  .  .  .  (London:  n.p.,  1871). 
BIOG. 

B.l 5  Hardy,  Iza  Duffus.  Between  Two  Oceans:  or.  Sketches  of 
American  Travel.  (London:  Hurst  &  Blackett,  1884). 
N.F. 

B.l 6  Hardy,  Mary  Anne  McDowell.  Through  Cities  and  Prairie 
Lands:  Sketches  of  an  American  Tour.  (New  York,  NY.: 
R.  Worthington,  1881).    N.F. 

B.l 7  Henty,  George  Alfred.  In  the  Heart  of  The  Rockies.  (New 
York,  NY.:  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1894).  F.  (This 
novel  contains  passing  references  to  the  Wind  Rivers  and 
Green  River,  Wyoming. ) 

B.l 8  Hulbert,  Archer  Butler.  Forty-niners:  The  Chronicle  of 
The  California  Trail.  (Boston,  MA.:  Little,  Brown,  and 
Company,  1931).    N.F. 

B.l 9  James,  Edwin.  An  Account  of  an  Expedition  from  Pitts- 
burgh to  The  Rocky  Mountains.  (London:  Longman, 
Hurst,  Rees,  Orme,  and  Brown,  1823).     3  vols. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING    109 

B.20  Kelly,  William.  An  Excursion  to  California  over  Prairie, 
Rocky  Mountains  and  The  Great  Sierra  Nevada.  .  .  .  (Lon- 
don:  Chapman  and  Hall,  1851  ).    2  vols.    N.F. 

B.21  Kingsley,  Rose  Georgiana.  South  by  West  or  Winter  in  the 
Rocky  Mountains  and  Spring  in  Mexico.  (London:  W. 
Isbister&Co.,  1874).    N.F. 

B.22  Kipling,  Rudyard.  From  Sea  to  Sea:  Letters  of  Travel. 
(New  York,  NY.:  Doubleday  &  McClure  Company,  1899). 
2  vols.    N.F. 

B.23  Lawrence,  George  Alfred.  Silverland.  (London:  Chap- 
man and  Hall,  1873).    N.F. 

B.24  Lester,  John  Erastus.  The  Atlantic  to  The  Pacific:  What 
to  See  and  How  to  See  It.  (London:  Longmans,  Green, 
and  Co.,  1873).    N.F. 

B.25  Marryat,  Frederick.  Narrative  of  the  Travels  and  Adven- 
tures of  Monsieur  Violet.  .  .  .  (London:  Longman,  Brown, 
Green  &  Longmans,  1843).    N.F. 

B.26  Marshall,  Walter  Gore.  Through  America;  or,  Nine 
Months  in  The  United  States.  (London:  Simpson  Low, 
Marston,  Searle,  and  Rivington,  1882).    N.F. 

B.27  Marston,  Edward.  Frank's  Ranch  or  My  Holiday  in  The 
Rockies.  (London:  Simpson  Low,  Marston,  Searle,  and 
Rivington,  1886).    BIOG. 

B.28  Messiter,  Charles  Alston.  Sport  and  Adventures  Among 
The  North- American  Indians.  Illustrated  by  Charles 
Whymper.    (London:   R.  H.  Porter,  1890).    N.F. 

B.29  Murphy,  John  Mortimer.  Rambles  in  North-Western 
America  from  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  The  Rockv  Mountains. 
(London:   Chapman  &  Hall,  1879).    N.F. 

B.30  Murphy,  John  Mortimer.  Sporting  Adventures  in  the  Far 
West.     (New  York,  NY.:  Harper  &  Brothers,  1880).    N.F. 

B.31  Newby,  William  T.  An  Account  and  History  of  the  Oregon 
Territory.  .  .  .     (London:   Wilham  Lott,  1846).    N.F. 

B.32  Ogden,  Peter  Skene.  Traits  of  American  Indian  Life  and 
Character  by  a  Fur  Trader.  (London:  Smith,  Elder  &  Co., 
1853).    N.F. 

B.33  Palliser,  Capt.  John.  Exploration:  British  North  America 
Between  Red  River  and  The  Rockv  Mountains.  (London: 
George  Edward  Eyre,  1859).    N.F. 

B.34  Palliser,  Capt.  John.  Solitary  Rambles  and  Adventures  of 
a  Hunter  in  the  Prairies.  (London:  John  Murrav,  1853). 
N.F. 

B.35  Pender,  Rose.  A  Lady's  Experience  in  the  Wild  West  in 
1883.     (London:    n.p.,  1888).    BIOG. 

B.36  Plunkett,  Horace.  Unpublished  diary  relating  to  six  years 
residence  in  Wyoming  during  the  ISSOs.  In  .Archives  of 
the  Plunkett  Foundation,  Oxford,  England.    BIOG. 


no  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

B.37  Pocock,  Roger  S.  Following  The  Frontier.  (New  York, 
NY.:   McClure,  Phillips  &  Co.,  1903).    N.F. 

B.38  Price,  Morgan  Philips.  America  After  Sixty  Years:  The 
Travel  Diaries  of  Two  Generations  of  Englishmen.  (Lon- 
don :   George  Allen  &  Unwin  Ltd. ,  1 9  3  6 ) .    BIOG . 

B.39  Price,  Sir  Rose  Lambert.  A  Summer  on  The  Rockies. 
(London:    Simpson  Low,  Marston  &  Co.,  1898).     N.F. 

B.40  Rae,  William  Fraser.  Westward  by  Rail:  The  New  Route 
to  the  East.  (London:  Longmans,  Green,  and  Co.,  1870). 
N.F. 

B.41  Royce,  Sarah  B.  A  Frontier  Lady:  Recollections  of  the 
Gold  Rush  and  Early  California.  Edited  by  R.  H.  Gabriel. 
(New  Haven,  CT.:    1932).    N.F. 

B.42  Rivington,  Alexander.  Reminiscences  of  America  in  1869. 
(London:   W.  J.  Rivington  and  W.  A.  Harris,  1870). 

B.43  Ruxton,  George  Frederick  Augustus.  In  the  Old  West. 
Edited  by  Horace  Kephart.  (New  York,  NY.:  Macmillan 
Co.,  1922).    N.F. 

B.44  Ruxton,  George  Frederick  Augustus.  Life  in  the  Far  West. 
(Edinburgh:   Wm.  Blackwood  &  Sons,  1850).    N.F. 

B.45  St.  John,  Percy  Bolingbroke.  The  Trapper's  Bride:  A  Tale 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  (London:  John  Mortimer, 
1845).    F. 

B.46  Sala,  George  Augustus.  America  Revisited  from  the  Bay 
of  New  York  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  from  Lake  Mich- 
igan to  the  Pacific.  (London:  Vizetelly  &  Co.,  1886). 
N.F. 

B.47  Smiles,  Samuel,  Jr.  Round  the  World,  Including  a  Resi- 
dence in  Victoria,  and  a  Journey  by  Rail  Across  North 
America.  (New  York,  NY.:  Harper  &  Brothers,  publish- 
ers, 1872).    BIOG. 

B.48  Stanley,  Sir  Henry  Morton.  My  Early  Travels  and  Adven- 
tures in  America  and  Asia.  (London:  Sampson  Low, 
Marston  &  Co.,  1895).  2  vols.  (Passing  references  to 
Wyoming  are  in  Vol.  1 . )    BIOG. 

B.49  Stevenson,  Robert  Louis.  Across  the  Plains,  with  Other 
Memories  and  Essays.  (New  York,  NY.:  Charles  Scrib- 
ner's  Sons,  1923).  N.F.  (See  the  section  entitled  "The 
Desert  of  Wyoming.") 

B.50  Stevenson,  Robert  Louis.  From  Scotland  to  Silverado: 
The  Amateur  Emigrant.  Edited  by  James  D.  Hart.  (Cam- 
bridge, MA.:   Harvard  University  Press,  1966).    N.F. 

B.51  Tallack,  William.  "The  California  Overland  Express;  the 
Longest  Stage  Ride  in  the  World,"  The  Leisure  Hour. 
(London:    1865).    N.F. 

B.52  Townshend,  Frederick  Trench.  Ten  Thousand  Miles  of 
Travel,  Sport,  and  Adventure.  (London:  n.p.,  1869). 
N.F. 


A  SELECTIVE  LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WYOMING    1 1 1 

B.53     Vivian,  Arthur  Pendarves.      Wanderings  in   the   Western 

Land.     (London:   n.p.,  1880).    N.F. 
B.54     Whymper,  Frederick.    From  Ocean  to  Ocean — The  Pacific 

Railroad.     Edited  by  Henry  W.  Bates.      (London:    n.p., 

1869).    N.F. 
B.55     Wise,   Major.      "Diary   of   Major  Wise,   An   Englishman, 

Recites  Details  of  a  Hunting  Trip  to  Powder  River  Country 

in  1880,"  ed.  Howard  B.  Lott,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol. 

12,  No.  2  pp.  85-118.    BIOG. 
B.56     Zincke,  Foster  Barham.     Last  Winter  in  the  United  States. 

(London:   John  Murray,  1868).    BIOG. 

Addendum  of  Americans  on  Wyoming 

Berger,  Max.  The  British  Traveler  in  America  1836-1860. 
(New  York,  NY.:  Columbia  University  Press,  1943). 
BIB. 

Bishop,  Curtis  Kent.  By  Way  of  Wyoming.  (New  York, 
NY.:    MacmillanCo.,  1946).    F. 

Catlin,  George.     Letters  of  George  Catlin  and  Family:    A 
Chronicle  of  the  American  West.     (Berkeley,  CA.:    Uni- 
versity of  California  Press,  1 966 ) .    BIOG. 
Catlin,  George.     North  American  Indians.      (Edinburgh: 
John  Grant,  1926).    2  vols.    N.F. 

Franklin,  William  Suddards.  A  Tramp  Trip  in  The  Rockies 
of  Colorado  and  Wyoming.  (Lancaster,  PA.:  New  Era 
Printing  Co.,  1903).    N.F. 

Glazier,  Willard.     Ocean  to  Ocean  on  Horseback.     (Phila- 
delphia, PA.:    Edgewood  Publishing  Co.,  1899).    N.F. 
Sabin,  Joseph.  A  Dictionary  of  Books  Relating  to  America, 
from  Its  Discovery  to  the  Present  Time.     (New  York,  NY.: 
Joseph  Sabin,  1868).    20  vols.    BIB. 

Sage,  Rufus  B.  Rocky  Mountain  Life;  or.  Startling  Scenes 
and  Perilous  Adventures  in  the  Far  West.  (Boston.  MA.: 
Estes  and  Lauriat,  1880).    N.F. 

Waldon,  Sidney  Dunn.  When  a  Dude  Goes  into  Jackson's 
Hole:  A  Diary.  (Detroit,  MI.:  Privately  printed.  1911). 
BIOG. 

A  Bibliography  of  Bibliographies 

Albany  County,  Wyoming.  Public  Library.  A  Selective  List  of 
Books  on  Wyoming  and  the  West  in  the  Albany  County 
Public  Library.  (Laramie,  WY.:  Albany  County  Public  Li- 
brary, 1965).' 

Athearn,  Robert  G.  Westward  the  Briton.  (Lincoln.  NB.:  Uni- 
versity of  Nebraska  Press,  c.  1953). 


112  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Hellman,  Florence  S.  Wyoming:  A  Bibliographical  List.  (Wash- 
ington, DC:  Library  of  Congress,  Division  of  Bibliography, 
1936). 

Hillier,  Richard  L.  Bibliography  of  Wilson  O.  Clough.  (Laramie, 
WY. :    The  Graduate  School,  University  of  Wyoming,  1961). 

Homsher,  Lola  M.  Wyoming:  A  Students'  Guide  to  Localized 
History.  (New  York,  NY.:  Columbia  University  Teachers 
College  Press,  1966). 

Hudson,  Ruth.  Literature  of  the  West.  (Laramie,  WY.:  mimeo- 
graphed by  author,  1950).  (This  was  done  as  research  for 
the  University  of  Wyoming. ) 

Illinois  Historical  Records  Survey.  A  Check  List  of  Wyoming 
Imprints.  (Chicago,  IL.:  The  Illinois  Historical  Records 
Survey,  1941). 

Larson,  Taft  Alfred.  Basic  Wyoming  History  Books.  (Cheyenne, 
WY. :   Wyoming  State  Library,  1971). 

Malone,  Rose  Mary.  Wyomingana:  Two  Bibliographies.  (Den- 
ver, CO.:   University  of  Denver  Press,  1950). 

Monaghan,  Frank.  French  Travellers  in  the  United  States  1765- 
1932:  A  Bibliography.  (New  York,  NY.:  The  New  York 
Public  Library,  1933). 

Murray,  Robert.  A  Basic  Reading  List  on  the  Cattle  Industry. 
(Sheridan,  WY.:   Trail  End  Historic  Center,  1973). 

Sheridan  County  Public  Library.  Fort  Philip  Kearny,  1866- 
1868.  ...  A  list  of  materials  on  this  subject  available  at  the 
Sheridan  County  Public  Library.  (Sheridan,  WY.:  Sheridan 
County  Public  Library,  1970). 

Urbanek,  Mae  (Bobb)  and  Jerry  Urbanek.  Know  Wyoming:  A 
Guide  to  Its  Literature.  (Boulder,  CO.:  Johnson  PubUshing 
Co.,  1969). 

Wagner,  Henry  Raup.  The  Plains  and  the  Rockies:  A  Bibliog- 
raphy of  Original  Narratives  of  Travel  and  Adventure  1800- 
1865.  Revised  by  Charles  L.  Camp.  (Columbus,  OH.: 
Long's  College  Book  Co.,  1953). 

Wheeler,  Eva  Floy.  Wyoming  Writers.  (Douglas,  WY.:  The 
Douglas  Enterprise  Company,  1940). 

Withington,  Mary  C.  A  Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  in  the  Collec- 
tion of  Western  Americana  founded  by  William  Robertson 
Coe.    (New  Haven,  CT.:   Yale  University  Press,  1952). 


Cifc  in  J^atroHU  County, 

J $99  to  1900  -  Kecolkctions 

of  My t tic  C half  ant  Qregg 

Compiled  and  Edited  by  Jean  Lassila 

In  and  Around  Casper 

The  first  time  I  saw  Casper,  Wyoming,  was  a  beautiful  day  early 
in  June,  1899.  My  parents  had  decided  to  visit  their  sons,  Milo 
and  Nimrod  E.,  who  had  gone  west  five  years  before,  and  to  take 
along  my  younger  sisters,  Margaret  and  Josephine,  my  younger 
brothers,  Scott  and  Robert,  and  me.  My  father  had  rented  his 
farms  in  Howard  County,  Nebraska,  and  outfitted  a  big  lumber 
wagon  with  overjets  and  built-in  bed  and  covered  it  all  with  canvas, 
held  in  place  by  wooden  bows.  It  was  called  a  prairie  schooner, 
though  I  never  knew  where  the  name  originated.  He  bought  a 
tent  for  us  youngsters  to  sleep  in  and  lost  no  time  teaching  us  how 
to  pitch  it  ourselves.  We  had  a  summer  supply  of  staple  groceries 
in  our  wagon  as  well  as  luggage  for  my  parents  and  five  children, 
teenage  to  three  years.  It  was  quite  a  load,  but  with  our  big  draft 
team  there  was  no  problem. 

We  also  had  a  matched  driving  team  of  sorrels  and  a  "surrey 
with  the  fringe  on  top,"  which  we  girls  could  drive.  There  was 
plenty  of  room  as  it  had  two  seats.  We  found  we  could  wrap  the 
lines  around  the  dashboard  and  step  out  or  in  without  stopping 
since  our  team  quietly  followed  the  wagon  ahead.  In  May  we 
started  from  central  Nebraska,  which  was  lovely  with  newly  plant- 
ed fields  and  grassy  pastures.  We  soon  arrived  at  Broken  Bow. 
Merna  and  Thedford  are  two  other  towns  I  remember  along  the 
way.  Throughout  western  Nebraska  and  eastern  Wyoming  we 
saw  many  nice  ranches  and  very  friendly  folk,  although  most  who 
visited  our  camp  at  evening  thought  we  must  have  lost  our  senses 
"to  go  so  far  just  to  visit."  Probably  we  started  tourism  in  i}xai 
part  of  the  country! 

At  Crawford,  Nebraska,  we  turned  west,  following  the  Chicago 
and  Northwestern  Railroad  to  Casper.  One  evening  we  made 
camp  about  five  miles  west  of  Lusk.  We  had  bought  some  needed 
groceries  at  Lusk,  a  very  small  town  at  that  time — about  200 
people.  There  were  two  or  three  stores  on  the  main  street,  a 
church,  a  bank,  a  schoolhouse  and  probably  a  saloon.  That  eve- 
ning a  man  drove  up  in  a  buckboard,  and  after  much  conversation 


114  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

he  talked  my  father  into  selUng  him  the  surrey!  He  was  the 
banker  in  Lusk  and  was  bound  to  have  that  carriage,  probably  the 
only  one  in  the  town.  Oh  my,  we  girls  felt  very  bad  to  see  it  go, 
as  we  had  to  ride  in  the  wagon  or  walk  the  rest  of  the  way  to 
Casper. 

It  had  taken  us  about  three  weeks  to  make  the  600-mile  trip, 
maybe  more,  because  30  miles  a  day  is  about  as  much  as  a  team 
will  walk  day  after  day.  The  population  of  Casper  was  said  to  be 
1500  at  that  time,  although  it  seemed  to  us  that  was  too  high  an 
estimate.  On  our  arrival  we  stopped  at  a  hitchrack  by  a  long,  low 
grocery  store,  Mr.  Bristol's.  Soon  my  brother  and  his  wife  rode 
into  town  horseback,  and  we  all  went  to  the  home  of  Charles 
Ricker  and  his  family,  who  were  good  friends  of  my  brother  and 
his  wife,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Milo  L.  Chalfant. 

We  camped  nearby  on  a  vacant  lot  and  had  supper  with  our  new 
friends.  The  next  day  we  drove  to  Iron  Creek  about  25  miles, 
plus,  west — most  miles  in  Wyoming  were  plus — where  Milo  had  a 
homestead  and  a  small  house.  There  were  only  two  beds,  so  we 
had  to  pitch  our  tent  again,  much  to  my  disgust,  as  I  was  tired  of 
that  job!  I  never  could  get  out  of  it  since  I  was  the  oldest  girl  and 
could  handle  the  tent.  I  couldn't  hit  a  peg  twice  in  a  row;  however, 
the  little  boys,  six  and  eight  years  old,  were  masters  of  the  art. 

When  the  fourth  of  July  arrived,  we  were  invited  to  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Levin  Ward's  home  on  the  North  Platte  river,  some  five  miles 
above  Bessemer  Bend.  Neighbors  who  came  were  the  Joe  Clark- 
sons,  the  Gregg  young  folks,  and  the  Owen  Royce  and  Ed  Royce 
families.  With  nine  of  the  Chalfants  and  six  of  their  own  family, 
this  made  quite  a  crowd.  Everyone  brought  lots  of  food;  the 
men  put  up  a  swing  in  the  huge  cottonwood  trees;  children  played 
all  afternoon;  the  men  pitched  horseshoes.  When  evening  came, 
they  moved  the  furniture  out  of  the  big  front  room  and  Ed  Royce 
played  the  violin,  someone  else  the  guitar,  and  we  danced  until 
almost  morning.  After  breakfast  we  all  left  for  our  homes  thinking 
we  had  had  the  best  celebration  ever. 

Soon  after  this  my  brother  planned  a  camping  trip  to  the  Ferris 
Mountains.  To  me,  this  was  like  "carrying  coals  to  Newcastle," 
but  after  learning  Jim  Gregg  and  his  sisters  Mattie  and  Gertrude 
were  going  too,  I  decided  that  it  would  be  fun.  My  sister-in-law 
and  mother  had  made  us  girls  big  baggy  bloomers  to  ride  in. 
Many  people  laughed  at  us.  Somewhere  they  had  rustled  up 
horses  and  saddles  for  all  who  wished  to  ride.  Of  course,  we 
young  folks  rode  horseback  all  the  way.  Mother  and  Daddy  drove 
the  wagon  and  did  most  of  the  cooking  with  the  help  of  my  brother, 
his  wife,  and  Mike  Ryan. 

We  investigated  "Berthaton,"  a  deserted  soda  works  with  a  few 
houses.  It  had  once  been  a  small  town.  We  were  told  that  the 
company  hired  a  watchman  for  years  and  the  barrels  of  soda  were 


LIFE  IN  NATRONA  COUNTY,   1899-1900  115 

Still  there  unmolested,  although  no  windows  were  left  in  the  build- 
ing. This  was  owned  by  a  New  York  Company,  I  believe,  but  with 
soda  so  cheap  they  could  not  afford  to  freight  it  to  the  railroad. 
We  nooned  at  Independence  Rock.  Later  we  went  up  a  little  creek 
not  far  east  of  Joe  Sharp's  ranch  on  the  way  to  the  Ferris  Moun- 
tains. In  fact  there  were  several  creeks  along  the  mountains  where 
my  mother  caught  small  trout  each  day.  She  loved  to  fish  but 
would  not  allow  us  children  to  go  along  because  we  made  too  much 
noise. 

Evenings  we  sang  about  the  campfire  and  told  stories  and  it 
was  a  grand  time. 

One  day  Jim  Gregg  rode  out  on  the  flats  and  shot  an  antelope 
so  we  had  fresh  meat  for  supper.  There  were  no  game  laws  then, 
but  no  rancher  abused  his  right  to  hunt  game,  and  none  was  ever 
wasted.    We  were  gone  about  a  week. 

Although  we  had  also  planned  to  visit  my  brother  Nimrod,  who 
lived  in  Bozeman,  Montana,  we  did  not,  as  he  had  not  received 
my  mother's  letter  in  time.  He  had  gone  with  a  shipload  of  horses 
for  the  U.  S.  government,  taking  them  to  the  Philippine  Islands. 
He  died  there  June  13,  1900,  of  smaU  pox.  About  three  years 
after  the  Spanish  American  War  his  body  was  returned  to  the 
United  States  and  is  interred  in  the  military  cemetery  at  the 
Presidio,  San  Francisco. 

My  family  returned  to  Nebraska,  but  I  stayed  in  Wyoming  that 
winter  teaching  a  school  for  the  Levin  Ward  children,  who  were 
six,  eight,  ten  and  15  years  of  age.  They  were  very  kind  to  me, 
but  I  was  really  glad  when  spring  came  and  I  could  take  the  train 
home  and  go  to  school  myself. 

I  returned  to  Casper  in  January,  1901,  the  bride  of  James  Gregg. 
We  found  two  men  staying  with  his  brother  Will  at  the  ranch. 
They  said  they  were  "riding  the  grub  line"  until  work  opened. 
However,  they  helped  with  chores,  feeding  cattle  and  cutting  fence 
posts  from  Bessemer  Mountain.  Early  in  April  if  the  weather  was 
good.  Will  took  the  freight  team  out — 16  horses  and  two  wagons 
hauling  groceries  and  supplies  to  Lander  and  Fort  Washakie  and 
loading  back  with  wool  to  C.  H.  King's  warehouses  by  the  railroad. 
There  was  no  railroad  to  all  that  vast  country  until  1910.  Sheridan 
had  a  railroad,  but  the  Greggs  and  many  other  men  with  long 
teams  "freighted"  for  years. 

Jim  and  I  ran  the  ranch  until  haying  time  when  Will  would  come 
home  to  help.  Our  closest  neighbors,  the  Clarksons,  were  four 
miles  away.  Mr.  Clarkson  kept  the  post  office  by  that  name  a  few 
years;  a  stage  ran  from  Casper  to  Alcova,  then  a  small  town,  and 
for  some  years  on  to  Johnston  post  office  at  Independence  Rock. 
The  post  office  was  discontinued  in  1901.  Neighboring  ranchers 
and  families  who  lived  west  of  us  often  stopped  for  lunch  or  for  the 
night  as  they  traveled  to  and  from  Casper.  There  were  the  John 
Olmsteads,  Lynn  Roberts  and  his  wife.  Jack  and  Alma  Grieve  and 


116 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Jean  Lassila 
JOHN  AND   MYRTLE   GREGG'S  WEDDING   PICTURE 


their  little  ones.  How  I  loved  those  women — I  always  was  so  glad 
to  see  them. 

The  residents  of  Bessemer  Bend  were  the  George  Johnsons,  Dan 
Speas,  the  Dan  Smiths,  the  Henry  Trollopes  and  the  Alex  Mills 
and  Kearns  families.  Later  the  Abe  Greenwoods,  Frank  and  Julia 
Smith  and  Mr.  Josendahl  lived  there  also. 

The  Countrymans  from  up  Sweetwater  River  came  each  Jan- 
uary, driving  four  horses  on  a  Thorobrace  stage  coach.  Miss  Ethel 
said  she  often  wondered  why  she  filed  on  her  desert  claim  in 
January  when  summertime  would  have  been  a  more  pleasant  time 
for  reporting  her  assessment  work  in  Casper.  We  also  knew  the 
Bert  Cheneys  and  the  Dan  and  Rollo  Clark  families  and  the  Jack 
Crouse  family  in  Bates  Hole.  My  sister,  Margaret  Chalfant,  taught 
there  in  1906  or  1907.  My  brother  Scott  got  a  job  with  Standard 
Oil  Company  in  1917  and  stayed  in  Casper  and  Greybull  for  40 
years. 


LIFE  IN  NATRONA  COUNTY,   1899-1900  117 

I  loved  the  ranch  hfe,  with  lots  of  horseback  riding  on  the 
endless  range.  Besides  visiting  other  ranches,  we  went  to  Casper 
every  two  months  or  so  for  supplies  and  to  visit  my  in-laws,  the 
John  Heagneys  and  Marshal  Buxtons.  Martin  A.  Gothberg  was 
a  rancher  south  of  the  river,  the  North  Platte.  Also  on  the  way 
were  the  Rice,  Price  and  Starks  families,  then  the  CY  ranch,  the 
Pat  Sullivan  home  and  we  were  in  town.  We  always  rested  one  day 
before  starting  back  and  quite  often  two  days. 

Names  of  many  Casper  residents  soon  became  familiar,  such  as 
Denecke  and  Wright,  bankers  and  ranchers;  Charles  Webel,  a 
merchant;  Townsends,  also  merchants;  Postmaster  Hughes  and  his 
wife;  Wilson  Kimball,  the  druggist.  I  also  remember  the  Nicolay- 
sen  Lumber  yard;  Miss  Edith  Evans,  a  teacher;  Woods  furniture; 
Reverend  Craig  of  the  Episcopal  church  and  county  superintendent 
of  schools;  Doctors  Leeper,  Dean  and  Rohrbaugh;  Hugh  Patton 
and  Black  Jack  McGrath,  who  operated  the  Grand  Central  Hotel; 
Mr.  Smith,  of  the  Natrona  Hotel,  and  his  family.  I  recall  Marshal 
Buxton  and  Red  Jack  McGrath,  blacksmiths  and  cabinet  workers, 
who  built  the  first  sheepwagon  in  Casper;  and  Mr.  Cantlin,  the 
mayor  of  Casper,  who  had  also  lived  on  Sand  Creek.  Students  in 
the  new  high  school  were  taught  by  Professor  Matheny  from  Ohio, 
who,  with  his  wife  and  several  teachers  from  the  east,  stayed 
several  years.  Mr.  Hemmingway,  an  attorney,  came  about  that 
time.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Harold  Banner  and  their  family  came  in  the 
early  1900s.  They  were  partners  of  the  Gregg  brothers  in  the 
sheep  business  from  about  1906  until  1913  or  1914.  I  have 
recently  seen  the  name  Demorest  in  news  from  Casper.  They  were 
early  residents  of  Casper,  as  were  Johnsons,  Jamisons,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Trevette,  the  Evans  family  and  the  McDonald  family. 

Fun  on  the  Ranch 

The  Gregg  family  were  born  Quakers,  so  would  not  do  any  work 
in  the  fields  on  Sunday.  But  they  would  often  run  in  a  bunch  of 
young  broncos  and  break  them  to  a  hackamore,  or  bridle.  When 
they  got  one  ready  to  ride,  I  got  in  a  safe  place,  usually  on  top  of 
the  flat-roofed  blacksmith  shop,  to  watch  the  show. 

Jim  always  rode  them  first,  with  his  brother  Will  hazing  on  a 
good  swift  mount  to  keep  the  excited  horse  away  from  fences,  and 
how  those  broncos  would  buck.  No  one  pulled  the  riders  off  in 
eight  seconds  as  they  do  at  the  rodeos  nowdays — instead  they  rode 
and  rode  until  the  horse  gave  it  up  and  would  trot  back  to  the 
corral.  Many  of  them  were  broken  in  one  day,  but  some  never 
gave  up,  waiting  to  catch  the  rider  off  guard  and  trying  to  dump 
him,  especially  if  it  was  a  cold  day. 

Then  one  Easter  Sunday  both  men  had  gone  riding  toward  the 
Badlands  for  cattle,  and  I  thought  Td  get  a  nice  dinner  since  there 
was  no  chance  of  attending  a  church  service.  I  remember  that  1 
had  a  cake  baked  and  other  things  started  when  Jim  came  back 


118  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

alone  saying  they  had  found  a  wolf's  den  with  cubs  in  it.  The 
mother  was  watching  from  a  bluff  just  out  of  rifle  range,  and  Will 
had  stayed  by  the  den  to  keep  her  from  moving  the  cubs. 

I  tied  the  cake  in  a  tea  towel  so  I  could  carry  it  on  my  arm  and 
Jim  found  some  fresh  meat,  bread,  canned  tomatoes,  a  frying  pan 
and  coffee  pot  and  coffee  and  cream.  In  no  time  we  had  a  feast 
at  the  den.  These  were  the  wolves  that  had  almost  put  out  out  of 
the  cattle  business.  We  couldn't  poison  them  since  they  ate  only 
fresh  meat  that  they  killed  themselves. 

The  men  dug  all  afternoon  and  pulled  out  ten  pups.  They  were 
so  young  they  would  come  up  to  us  just  like  kittens,  but  they  were 
disposed  of  quickly. 

Reading  magazines,  books — anything  that,  we  could  get  hold 
of — was  one  of  our  diversions,  especially  during  the  winter.  When 
Owen  Wister's  book.  The  Virginian,  was  published,  it  went  the 
rounds  in  Natrona  County.  My  friends  passed  their  book  around 
until  it  was  worn  out  and  we  bought  another  copy.  Mother  Stroud, 
who  lived  east  of  Casper,  told  us  that  her  child  was  one  of  the 
babies  Wister  described  that  were  mixed  up  at  the  dance  by  two 
cowboys  who  exchanged  their  blankets  as  they  slept.  We  could 
not  figure  out  who  the  "Judge"  was.  Many  thought  the  descrip- 
tion suited  Judge  J.  M.  Carey,  then  governor  of  Wyoming.  Other 
chapters  contained  stories  that  many  people  said  had  happened  in 
Wyoming. 

Rounding  Up  the  Wild  Bunch 

Ginger  was  a  beautiful  horse  that  Jim  had  broken  to  ride,  but 
one  day  he  got  out  of  the  pasture  and  took  to  the  Badlands  where 
he  gathered  up  about  20  head  of  mares  in  his  harem.  Many  times 
the  owners  tried  to  get  their  mares  back,  but  by  the  time  they  got 
them  on  good  terrain  their  saddle  horses  would  be  winded  and  the 
wild  bunch  would  take  back  to  the  Badlands  or  Hell's  Half  Acre. 

Mr.  Ricker  had  a  pair  of  mares  in  the  bunch  that  he  had  worked 
on  his  dray  in  town,  so  he  hired  Harry  Ward  to  try  to  get  them. 
This  was  their  strategy:  Harry  Ward  was  to  drive  them  out  of  the 
Badlands  and  up  on  the  Rattle  Snake  Plains.  Jim  and  Will  were 
to  stay  well  hidden  and  when  they  heard  the  horses  on  top,  come 
out  behind  them,  running  them  hard  for  five  miles  to  a  spring  but 
not  letting  them  stop,  then  another  three  miles  down  to  the  ranch 
corral. 

When  he  caught  sight  of  that  hated  corral.  Ginger  threw  up  his 
head  and  tail  and  outran  everything,  heading  straight  to  the  Bad- 
lands. Since  they  didn't  want  him  anyway,  they  let  him  go  but 
brought  the  20  mares  on  the  run  into  the  big  pole  corral.  There 
one  could  walk  up  to,  and  halter,  almost  any  of  them.  Harry  got 
his  two  mares  and  led  them  to  Casper  the  next  day,  very  proud, 
for  many  men  had  tried  and  failed  to  get  their  own  mares. 

Ginger  soon  had  a  large  cavvy  of  mares  again  and  ran  in  the 


LIFE  IN  NATRONA  COUNTY,   1899-1900  119 

Badlands  for  several  years.  One  day  Jim  saw  our  beautiful  stallion 
standing  in  the  sun — a  gold  statue.  But  Ginger  was  a  menace  to 
our  neighbors,  and  with  one  rifle  shot  Jim  put  him  out  of  the  way. 
He  said  he  had  never  hated  to  do  anything  as  badly  in  his  life. 

Sheriff  Webb's  Visit 

One  evening  the  sheriff,  driving  a  two-seated  spring  wagon  and 
accompanied  by  a  deputy  on  horseback  and  some  prisoners, 
stopped  and  asked  to  spend  the  night.  They  were  on  the  way  to 
the  penitentiary  at  Rawlins.  I  had  never  seen  men  in  shackles 
before  and  it  was  a  shock.  My  husband  helped  me  cook  a  big 
supper  and  he  waited  on  table. 

One  of  the  prisoners  was  a  17-year-old  boy  who  had  worked  all 
summer  for  some  rancher  who  wouldn't  pay  him  his  wages  so  the 
boy  had  taken  a  horse  and  saddle  and  ridden  to  the  nearest  rail- 
road. There  he  had  sold  the  saddle  and  bought  a  ticket  to  Mis- 
souri, which  was  home.  Poor  homesick  boy — I  couldn't  help  but 
feel  sorry  for  him. 

One  man,  about  35  or  40  years  old,  had  stolen  someone's  fur 
coat  and  they  found  him  walking  down  the  road  wearing  it.  He 
looked  very  thin,  almost  ill.  I  knew  all  this  because  they  kept 
teasing  each  other  at  the  table,  laughing,  I  thought,  "to  keep  from 
crying." 

We  gave  them  a  large  front  room  with  a  stove,  one  bed  and 
plenty  of  bedding  to  make  shakedowns  on  the  floor.  I  suppose 
Mr.  Webb  or  the  deputy  kept  guard,  although  the  prisoners  were 
handcuffed  after  eating  and  probably  also  shackled  again.  I  was 
glad  to  see  them  leave  after  breakfast. 

We  often  had  men  from  Washington  stop  as  the  government  was 
then  planning  the  Pathfinder  Dam. 

Tragedies  on  the  Ranch 

One  dark  night  in  the  summer  of  1902,  about  11:30,  someone 
drove  into  the  yard  and  helloed.  It  proved  to  be  the  John  Olm- 
stead  family  from  Horse  Creek,  about  15  miles  west,  and  another 
man  driving  the  second  spring  wagon.  They  were  on  their  way 
to  Casper  with  the  body  of  their  nine-year-old  son  Eugene!  He 
had  tried  to  take  his  father's  six-shooter  from  the  high  peg  where 
it  was  kept,  and  in  some  way  it  was  discharged,  killing  the  child 
instantly. 

They  wanted  to  wait  until  the  moon  rose  because  it  was  so  dark 
they  could  scarcely  see  the  road.  They  asked  Jim  to  ride  on  to 
Casper  to  make  arrangements  for  the  funeral  that  next  afternoon, 
which  he  did,  of  course.  I  made  coffee  and  served  some  food.  1 
suppose.  Finally  they  asked  me  to  go  with  them,  and  1  was  glad 
to  do  so  as  I  surely  didn't  want  to  spend  the  rest  of  that  night  alone. 


120  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Another  night,  probably  in  1904,  almost  the  same  thing  oc- 
curred. Arthur  Childers,  a  neighbor  about  ten  miles  west,  came 
running  his  horse  and  asked  Jim  to  ride  to  the  nearest  phone,  at  the 
Goose  Egg  Ranch,  15  miles  away,  and  call  the  doctor  because  his 
wife  was  very  ill.  Jim  did,  but  it  was  too  bad  that  we  were  so  long 
getting  cars  and  telephones.  The  next  day  we  buried  a  sweet  baby 
girl  not  far  from  their  home. 

Another  heartbreaking  tragedy  occurred  when  Charles  Woodard 
broke  jail — and  later  shot  Sheriff  Charles  Ricker,  our  good  friend. 
Since  this  is  recorded  history  of  Natrona  County,  I  will  not  say 
more,  except  that  for  weeks  I  was  afraid  to  open  the  door  fearing 
I'd  be  looking  down  a  gun  barrel. 

The  Industrial  Convention 

When  a  State  Industrial  Convention  was  plaimed  in  1903,  every- 
one was  delighted  with  the  idea.  The  weekly  paper  gave  it  much 
pubHcity  and  it  was  a  huge  success,  lasting  almost  all  week. 

Exhibits  were  shown  in  a  wool  warehouse,  cleaned  and 
scrubbed.  Dr.  Salathe  had  a  wonderful  exhibit  of  all  kinds  of  oil 
that  he  had  refined  in  the  small  Standard  Oil  Refinery  that  he 
operated  at  that  time.  Many  ranchers  had  grain  and  fruit  exhibits, 
and  the  ladies  had  a  nice  display  of  jellies,  jam  and  baked  goods. 
My  neighbor,  Mrs.  Schrader,  made  some  beautiful  white  starch 
for  cloth,  from  potatoes,  the  first  I  had  ever  seen  except  in  a 
package. 

A  carnival  company  came  to  town  with  a  merry-go-round  and 
the  usual  attractions  and  we  saw  the  first  motion  picture  any  of  us 
had  seen,  "The  Great  Train  Robbery."  It  ran  only  a  short  time 
but  we  could  come  back — which  we  did.  We  thought  it  was 
wonderful. 

Convention  speakers  were  Governor  Carey,  and  others  from 
Cheyenne.  I  even  remember  the  governor's  address,  which  was 
on  agriculture.  It  was  very  good,  but  I  thought  not  too  practical 
at  that  time  in  our  arid  part  of  the  state.  Another  speaker  was  an 
aged  man  who  had  been  a  Pony  Express  rider  at  the  age  of  16  or 
1 7  and  his  speech  about  his  experiences  was  also  very  good. 

Later  on  a  State  Fair  was  organized  and  has  been  held  each  year 
at  Douglas,  I  believe. 

Jane's  Story 

Although  I  promised  Jane  I'd  never  tell  this,  it  has  been  so  long 
ago,  I'm  sure  she  wouldn't  mind  if  she  were  living. 

Jane  and  her  husband  had  lived  in  Wyoming  only  a  short  time  so 
everything  was  exciting,  especially  a  band  of  50  or  60  Indians 
passing  slowly  by  one  day  with  women  and  children  along.  They 
must  have  been  going  to  visit  some  other  reservation.     She  had 


LIFE  IN  NATRONA  COUNTY,   1899-1900  121 

watched  them  as  long  as  they  were  in  sight,  then  gone  back  to 
cleaning  her  high  cupboards  in  the  kitchen. 

She  didn't  hear  a  sound  until  a  half  hour  later  when  the  screen 
door  opened.  She  quickly  looked  around  and  there  stood  two 
painted  men — faces  half  white,  half  red.  Startled,  she  told  them 
to  go  to  the  barn  where  the  men  were.  They  just  stood  and 
stared  at  her.  Then  she  told  them  to  get  a  drink  of  water  if 
that  was  what  they  wanted.  She  was  getting  quite  angry — and 
awfully  scared  since  there  was  no  one  else  on  the  ranch  that  she 
knew  of.  One  looked  in  the  water  pail  and  it  was  empty,  so  she 
told  him  to  go  on  out  to  the  spring  for  water.  He  took  the  dipper 
and  stepped  out  in  the  yard  and  stood  there.  The  other  one 
crossed  his  arms  and  stood  tall  and  defiant;  he  could  see  she  was 
afraid. 

She  had  never  handled  a  gun  but  remembered  seeing  one  just 
inside  the  storeroom  near  her.  She  stepped  back,  keeping  her 
eyes  on  the  Indians,  grabbed  the  gun  and  stepped  into  the  kitchen 
again.  The  Indian  shot  out  of  the  door,  jumping  entirely  over  the 
step  to  the  ground,  and  they  both  left — their  fun  over! 

Since  no  one  had  seen  a  painted  Indian  for  years,  she  was  sure 
people  would  think  she  had  just  made  it  all  up.  Her  husband  told 
he  she  had  done  the  right  thing,  and  he  taught  her  how  to  shoot  a 
small  pistol. 

Why  We  Left  Wyoming 

Early  in  January,  1909,  our  three-year-old  son,  Floyd,  who 
often  went  with  his  father  to  the  barns  to  help(?)  him  do  the 
chores,  decided  he  would  follow  his  dad's  tracks  to  the  sheep  camp, 
ten  miles  away. 

I  had  bathed  my  tiny  daughter  and  was  rocking  her  to  sleep.  I 
told  Floyd  to  run  the  little  pigs  out  of  the  yard  and  shut  the  gate. 
He  did  this,  then  stayed  outdoors  to  play.  Although  he  was  wear- 
ing overshoes,  sweater,  coat,  cap  and  mittens,  it  was  a  bright,  cold 
day  with  about  three  inches  of  fresh  snow  on  the  ground.  When  I 
missed  him,  I  ran  to  the  barn,  saw  his  tracks,  and  his  father's  made 
the  evening  before.  Then  I  saw  that  my  saddle  mare  had  been 
turned  out  to  pasture  that  morning. 

It  was  a  terrible,  all  gone  feeling — miles  from  human  help  and 
afoot.  I  ran  back  to  the  house,  turned  my  baby  on  her  side,  shut 
the  draft  on  the  heating  stove,  put  on  a  sweater  and  scarf,  and 
started  to  track  Floyd,  which  was  easy  to  do  when  I  got  away  from 
the  yard  gate. 

Over  the  third  hill,  and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  home.  I 
saw  him  and  our  old  dog.  They  were  circling  about,  but  generally 
following  his  daddy's  wagon  tracks.  I  had  been  praying,  and  I 
thanked  God  as  I  cut  across  country  to  my  child.    When  1  reached 


122  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

him,  he  said  "Don't  cry,  Mama.  I  won't  run  away  no  more.''  He 
was  a  cold  and  tired  Httle  boy. 

Near  dark  my  husband  was  coming  home  and  saw  Floyd's 
tracks.  Alarmed,  he  left  his  team  standing,  although  they  were  not 
really  gentle,  and  followed  Floyd's  tracks  until  he  saw  my  tracks 
where  I  had  taken  him  home.  We  were  both  so  upset  by  this  that 
we  decided  to  give  up  the  ranch.  We  left  everything  in  the  care  of 
Jim's  brother  and  moved  to  Colorado  to  farm. 

Jim  visited  Casper  the  next  fall  but  it  was  five  years  before  I 
returned  to  Wyoming.  I  admit  I  had  gotten  lonesome  for  the 
sagebrush  and  enjoyed  seeing  it  again. 


Zkc  J^ature  of  the  Kdationskip 

between  the  Black  feet  Indians 

and  the  M^^  oftke  7ur  Zrade 

By 

Peter  W.  Dunwiddie 

The  men  who  opened  the  American  West  have  long  been  con- 
sidered some  of  the  more  glamorous,  rugged,  and  adventuresome 
men  of  their  time.  This  image  of  the  courageous,  Indian-fighting 
mountain  man  was  a  favorite  of  many  books  on  the  early  West. 
And  despite  the  romantic  light  history  sometimes  lends,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  Ufe  of  these  men,  and  particularly  those  involved 
in  the  fur  trade,  was  not  an  easy  one.  In  addition  to  all  of  the 
hazards  facing  a  person  fending  for  himself  in  a  vast,  unmapped 
wilderness,  these  early  traders  and  trappers  had  another  danger 
confronting  them — the  Indian. 

It  would  be  grossly  unjust  to  label  all  Indians  of  the  American 
West  a  danger,  since  most  of  them  were  quite  friendly  to  the  whites 
venturing  into  their  lands.  However,  as  the  fur  trade  developed, 
two  tribes  in  particular  gained  a  notorious  reputation  for  violence 
to  the  whites — the  Arikaras  and  the  Blackfeet.  They  were  soon 
viewed  with  distrust,  hate,  and  fear,  and  were  avoided  if  at  all 
possible.  This  raises  the  question  of  why  these  tribes,  and  not 
others?  Were  they  warlike  to  other  tribes  as  well,  and  would  this 
explain  their  hatred  toward  whites  too? 

This  paper  will  deal  with  the  second  of  the  two  tribes — the 
Blackfeet — and  try  to  explain  the  background  that  led  to  their 
animosity  towards  the  white  fur  traders. 

There  are  three  acknowledged  tribes  of  the  Blackfeet  Indians — 
the  Piegan,  Blood,  and  Siksika  (Blackfoot).  Although  they  were 
independent  politically,  they  shared  a  common  language,  customs, 
fought  the  same  enemies,  and  intermarried.^  A  fourth  tribe,  the 
Gros  Ventres,  was  for  many  years  closely  allied  with  the  Blackfeet, 
and  this  contributed  to  the  confusion  of  the  early  white  men.  who 
frequently  mistook  one  for  another.     Thus  they  were  all  loosely 


1.  John  C.  Ewers,   The  Blackfeet:    Raiders  on  the  Northwestern  Plains 
(Norman:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1958),  p.  5. 


124  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

grouped  under  the  name  "Blackfeet,"  and  contemporary  sources 
often  fail  to  distinguish  among  them.* 

The  tribes  were  located  along  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  ranging  north  into  Canada  and  south  into  Wyoming. 
One  writer  located  the  Piegans  in  the  Missouri  River  valley  where 
the  Marias  River  empties  into  it,  and  the  Judith  River  Basin  as  the 
land  of  the  Gros  Ventres.-  However  these  are  mere  approxima- 
tions, since  they  were  all  nomadic  tribes.  Using  the  buffalo  as 
their  primary  means  of  subsistence,  they  traveled  widely  following 
the  herds. 

The  enemies  of  the  Blackfeet  included,  at  one  time  or  another, 
almost  every  tribe  surrounding  them.  The  Shoshonis,  Kutenais, 
Flatheads,  Nez  Perces,  Crows,  Assiniboins,  Crees,  and  Pend 
d'Oreilles  all  felt  the  wrath  of  Blackfoot  war  parties.'^  But  rather 
than  fighting  large  battles  involving  many  men,  Blackfoot  parties 
were  usually  small,  loosely  organized  groups  which  quickly  dis- 
solved. The  primary  purpose  was  raiding  for  booty,  not  extermi- 
nating members  of  other  tribes.^ 

It  might  be  expected  that  a  people  as  widely  feared  among  other 
Indians  as  the  Blackfeet  would  readily  turn  their  attacks  on  the  first 
whites  in  the  area  as  well.  However,  history  seems  to  indicate  that 
such  was  not  the  case.  In  1754,  Anthony  Hendry,  a  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  man,  received  a  friendly  welcome  from  the  "Archithinue 
Natives,"  the  Cree  name  for  the  Blackfeet  and  their  neighbors.^ 
The  evidence  indicates  that  these  Indians  (with  whom  Hendry 
unsuccessfully  tried  to  establish  a  fur  trade)  may  have  been  Gros 
Ventres."  In  1772,  another  Hudson's  Bay  Company  man  set  out 
again  to  establish  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  met  up  with  the  Gros 
Ventres.  Of  them  he  stated  that  they  are  "far  superior  to  any 
tribes  that  visit  our  Forts:  they  have  dealings  with  no  Europeans, 
but  live  in  a  state  of  nature  .  .  ."'  These  friendly  Indians  again 
declined  to  return  to  the  Company  forts,  claiming  that  they  were 


*  Except  when  describing  one  of  the  tribes  in  particular,  I  will  use  the 
term  "Blackfeet"  to  refer  to  all  the  tribes  together,  or  when  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  which  of  the  tribes  is  intended.  -  P.W.D. 

2.  John  E.  Sunder,  The  Fur  Trade  on  the  Upper  Missouri:  1840-1865 
(Norman:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1965),  p.  4. 

3.  Ewers,  p.  125  f. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.  126. 

5.  Anthony  Hendry,  York  Factoiy  to  the  Blackfeet  Country;  The  Jour- 
nal of  Anthony  Hendry,  1754-55,  ed.  by  Lawrence  J.  Burpee  (1907),  quoted 
by  Ewers,  p.  24. 

6.  Ewers,  p.  26. 

7.  Matthew  Cocking,  The  Journal  of  Matthew  Cocking,  1772-73,  ed.  by 
Lawrence  J.  Burpee  (1905),  p.  110,  quoted  by  E.  Palmer  Patterson  II, 
The  Canadian  Indian:  A  History  Since  1500  (Collier-Macmillan  Canada., 
Ltd..  1972),  p.  98. 


BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE     125 

too  far,  and  that  they  were  satisfied  where  they  were.  But  by  the 
1780s,  trade  in  the  Blackfoot  country  had  been  established  by  both 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  and  its  rival,  the  North  West  Com- 
pany. Whether  the  Indians  actually  did  much  trapping,  though,  is 
doubtful,  judging  from  journals  of  the  Company  forts."  Appar- 
ently the  Blackfeet  were  just  as  happy  hunting  buffalo  and  only 
occasionally  trading  furs  with  the  Company  to  obtain  guns  or 
tobacco. 

David  Thompson,  another  Hudson's  Bay  man,  told  of  further 
friendliness  demonstrated  by  the  Blackfeet.  "A  few  miles  beyond 
the  Box  River  about  a  dozen  Peeagans  met  us  .  .  .  They  gave  us 
a  hearty  welcome,  told  us  to  camp  where  they  met  us,  and  could 
soon  bring  us  good  cow  meat,  and  next  morning  show  us  to  the 
camp."^  Thompson  proceeded  to  spend  that  winter  ( 1787-1788) 
with  this  friendly  tribe. 

When  this  generosity  shown  to  Thompson  is  compared  with 
Peter  Skene  Ogden's  statement  in  the  1830s  that  the  Blackfeet 
were  "the  persecuters  of  the  Indian  trader,"^"  it  can  be  seen  that 
important  events  must  have  occurred  in  the  meantime  to  change 
the  attitudes  of  both  parties.  There  were  many  incidents  and 
occurrences  that  led  up  to  this  change,  and  one  took  place  with  the 
first  American  party  in  Blackfoot  country. 

The  party  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  which  began  its  exploration  of 
the  Missouri  River  basin  in  1804,  was  worried  about  confronta- 
tions with  unfriendly  Indians,  and  so  exercised  great  care  in  dealing 
with  them  when  Lewis  encountered  some  in  July  of  1806.  Al- 
though he  claimed  these  were  Gros  Ventres,  subsequent  reports 
established  that  they  were,  in  fact,  Piegans.^^  On  the  26th  of  July, 
Lewis  encamped  with  a  small  band  of  them,  and  was  awakened 
the  next  morning  by  cries  resulting  from  the  Indians  attempting  to 
steal  some  of  their  guns.  One  Piegan  was  stabbed  and  killed,  and 
the  rest  tried  to  drive  off  the  party's  horses.  In  the  process,  an- 
other Indian  was  shot.^-  It  is  important  to  note  in  this  incident 
that  the  Piegans  were  not  trying  to  kill  Lewis'  party,  but  merely 
capture  some  of  their  very  valuable  equipment — guns  and  horses. 
This  is  in  keeping  with  their  practice  of  raiding  enemy  tribes  for 


8.  Alice  M.  Johnson,  ed.,  Soskatche^-a7i  Journals  and  Correspondence: 
Edmonton  House  1795-1800;  Chesterfield  House  1800-1802  (London:  Hud- 
son's Bay  Record  Society,  1967),  pp.  86,  295,  301. 

9.  David  Thompson,  David  Thompson's  Narrative.  1784-1812  (Toronto: 
The  Champlain  Society,  1962),  p.  48. 

10.  Peter  Skene  Ogden,  Traits  of  American  Indian  Life  and  Character. 
1830-1840.  By  a  Fur  Trader  (San  Francisco:  The  Grabhorn  Press.  1933). 
introduction. 

11.  Thompson,  p.  273. 

12.  Meriwether  Lewis  and  William  Clark,  The  Original  Journals  of  the 
Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition.  1804-1806.  ed.  bv  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites 
(New  York:    Dodd,  Mead,  and  Company.  1904-1905).  V,  pp.  223. 


126  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

goods,  and  does  not  represent  any  particular  maliciousness  toward 
the  whites. 

Many  people  have  overrated  the  significance  of  this  incident  in 
explaining  the  animosity  of  the  Blackfeet  toward  the  whites.  That 
the  blame  for  subsequent  hostilities  should  rest  on  Lewis'  encoun- 
ter is  unjust  because  Manuel  Lisa's  men,  who  traded  in  the  area 
just  two  years  later,  were  treated  civilly  by  the  Blackfeet.  ^-^ 

But  then  in  1808,  Manuel  Lisa  (a  St.  Louis  fur  merchant)  sent 
John  Colter  out  from  his  newly  built  fort  in  Crow  country,  possibly 
to  try  and  induce  the  Blackfeet  to  come  to  the  fort  and  trade. 
While  Colter  was  in  company  with  some  Crow  and  Flathead 
Indians,  the  party  was  attacked  by  their  traditional  enemies,  the 
Blackfeet.  In  the  ensuing  battle,  Colter  distinguished  himself,  a 
fact  which  the  Blackfeet  understandably  interpreted  as  the  whites 
intentionally  aiding  their  enemies. ^^'^^  This  incident  alone  may 
have  severely  hurt  Blackfoot  relations  with  the  traders  and  helped 
to  bring  about  subsequent  hostilities.  But  other  factors  contrib- 
uted heavily  toward  this  as  well. 

The  prime  objective  of  the  fur  trade  was  beaver.  While  other 
hides,  notably  fox,  wolf,  and  buffalo,  were  also  traded  for,  the  big 
profits  were  in  beaver,  and  for  these  the  greatest  effort  was  made. 
More  trappers,  traders,  forts,  and  equipment  poured  into  the 
beaver-rich  areas  than  anywhere  else.  The  big  obstacle  to  these 
men  was  the  fact  that  these  areas  lay  largely  in  Blackfoot  country. 

John  C.  Luttig,  who  traveled  in  this  region  in  1812-1813,  wrote 
in  his  journal  that  "the  Blackfeet  Indians  were  of  great  importance 
to  the  fur  trade  because  their  country  was  the  richest  beaver  district 
of  the  west."^*^  In  1824,  Thomas  Hart  Benton  in  the  Senate  asked 
a  United  States  Indian  Agent: 

Ques:   Where  is  the  richest  fur  region  beyond  the  Mississippi? 
Ans:    I  have  always  understood  the  northern  branches  of  the  Mis- 
souri, above  the  junction  of  the  Yellow  Stone,  contained  more  beaver 
than  any  known  country.^" 

Such  statements  painted  the  true  picture:  the  fur  trade  was  driving 
right  into  the  heart  of  Blackfoot  land. 


13.  Letter  from  Major  Thomas  Biddle,  October  29,  1819,  from  Camp 
Missouri,  to  Colonel  Henry  Atkinson,  American  State  Papers,  Class  II, 
Indian  Affairs,  11(1815-1827)  p.  201. 

14.  Ibid.,  p.  201. 

15.  Stallo  Vinton,  John  Colter — Discoverer  of  Yellowstone  Park  (New 
York:    Edward  Eberstadt,  1926),  p.  78  f. 

16.  John  C.  Luttig,  Journal  of  a  Fur  Trading  Expedition  on  the  Upper 
Missouri,  1812-1813,  ed.  by  Stella  M.  Drumm  (St.  Louis:  Missouri  Histor- 
ical Society,  1920),  p.  102. 

17.  Thomas  Hart  Benton,  questions  put  to  R.  Graham,  February  10, 
1824,  American  State  Papers,  Class  II,  Indian  Affairs,  11(1815-1827)  pp. 
452-453. 


BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE     127 

The  rapidly  increasing  numbers  of  whites  arriving  each  year 
with  the  trade  were  significant.  Hundreds  of  them  moved  into 
areas  formerly  occupied  only  by  Blackfeet,  hunting  and  trapping 
game  as  they  went.  The  Blackfoot  tribes  must  have  regarded  this 
obvious  encroachment  on  their  hunting  grounds  with  anger.  This 
idea  was  summed  up  most  succinctly  by  the  United  States  Indian 
Agent,  R.  Graham. 

I  am  decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  the  hunting  and  trapping  on  Indian 
lands  by  American  citizens  produces  the  most  unhappy  effects  upon 
the  mind  of  the  Indians.  They  look  upon  their  game  as  we  do  upon 
our  domestic  animals,  and  hold  them  in  the  same  estimation.  It  is 
their  means  of  support;  they  have  nothing  else  to  depend  upon  for 
subsistence.  It  is  not,  therefore,  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  they 
will  not  only  steal  from,  but  murder  those  who  are  depriving  them  of 
their  only  means  of  subsistence. ^^ 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Graham's  suggestion  that  no  white  trappers 
be  allowed  on  Indian  lands,  that  traders  be  allowed  only  at  certain 
locations,  and  that  any  white  man  found  on  the  land  would  be 
regarded  as  a  trespasser  was  never  implemented. 

As  early  as  1754,  Anthony  Hendry  noted  that  the  Blackfeet 
took  a  dim  view  of  other  Indians  trapping  on  their  land.^'*  These 
other  tribes,  traditional  enemies  of  the  Blackfeet,  were  viewed  as 
thieves,  robbing  them  of  their  furs.  But  the  profits  were  swimming 
in  the  streams,  and  for  many  Indians,  the  risk  of  Blackfoot  retalia- 
tion was  one  worth  taking.  The  Blackfoot  hatred  of  white  trap- 
pers was  equally  intense  for  the  same  reason,  as  well  as  the  fact 
that  they  often  brought  with  them  the  demoralizing  "whiskey 
trade." 

Had  the  whites  merely  entered  the  Blackfoot  lands  as  traders, 
and  left  the  trapping  up  to  the  local  Indians,  the  story  might  have 
been  different.  But  there  were  three  basic  reasons  why  they  did 
not.  First,  enterprising  men  discovered  that  they  could  turn  a  big 
profit  by  trapping  furs  themselves,  and  trading  them  to  others  to 
send  back  to  St.  Louis.  These  were  the  so-called  'Tree  Trappers." 
Secondly,  fur  companies  were  insured  of  a  greater  and  more  con- 
stant supply  of  quality  furs  by  employing  their  own  men,  who 
could  be  more  directly  controlled,  than  by  paying  Indians  who 
spent  much  of  their  time  hunting  buffalo  and  raiding  other  tribes. 
And  thirdly,  the  Blackfeet,  as  mentioned  earlier,  simply  did  not 
particularly  like  to  trap,  and  nearly  all  enterprises  depending  pri- 
marily on  Blackfeet  to  provide  furs  were  unsuccessful. 

Thus  early  white  expeditions  in  the  area  "went  prepared  to 
exploit  the  resources  of  the  country  by  means  of  their  own  trappers 


18.  Ibid.,  p.  453. 

19.  Hendry,  quoted  by  Patterson  in  The  Canadian  Indian,  p.  338. 


128  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

in  case  they  did  not  succeed  in  opening  trade  with  the  Indians."-" 
The  Blackfoot  attitude  is  expressed  in  this  statement  made  by 
several  of  their  chiefs  to  a  sub-Indian  agent.  "If  you  will  send 
Traders  into  our  Country  we  will  protect  them  &  treat  them  well; 
but  for  Trappers — Never. "-^  But  demand  for  beaver  was  high, 
and  the  whites  and  other  Indians  willing  to  bring  them  in  were 
more  than  eager  to  ignore  the  wishes  of  the  Blackfeet  in  order  to 
profit  off  their  land. 

Another  reason  for  the  hard  feelings  on  the  part  of  the  Blackfeet 
may  have  been  the  result  of  another  misunderstanding.  Because 
of  the  fact  that  the  Blackfoot  lands  were  far  up  the  Missouri  River, 
early  expeditions  found  it  difficult  to  penetrate  so  deep  into  the  fur 
country.  Thus  they  were  often  satisfied  to  establish  forts  down- 
river from  the  Blackfeet  as  long  as  there  were  furs  there  to  be 
had.--  Manuel  Lisa's  early  fort,  located  in  Crow  territory,  ob- 
viously favored  the  Crow  nation  in  regards  to  trade  since  they  did 
not  have  far  to  travel  to  reach  it.  This  inadvertent  slight  on  the 
part  of  the  white  traders  may  have  further  angered  the  Blackfeet.-^ 

In  1833,  Charles  Larpenteur,  a  fur  trader  on  the  upper  Missouri 
River,  wrote  that  in  regards  to  Indian  attack,  "there  was  not  the 
least  danger  for  any  white  man  except  the  Free  Trappers."-^  This 
statement  is  rather  surprising,  especially  when  one  considers  the 
precautions  fur  companies  took  to  avoid  losses  of  men  and  equip- 
ment, and  the  number  of  men  that  were  killed  in  spite  of  these 
precautions.  But  even  if  it  is  an  inaccurate  claim,  it  does  raise  an 
interesting  question.  Why  would  Larpenteur  believe  the  Free 
Trappers  were  singled  out  for  attack?  The  answer  to  this  may  lie 
in  the  manner  in  which  the  trappers  went  about  obtaining  furs. 

In  the  wilds  of  the  fur  district,  trappers  frequently  traveled  in 
groups,  for  companionship  and  more  importantly,  for  protection 
from  Indan  attack.  While  men  of  one  company  would  travel 
together  while  they  trapped,  the  Free  Trappers  were  much  more 
independent,  and  preferred  to  remain  apart  from  direct  company 
supervision.  Thus  they  often  joined  up  with  friendly  Indians  also 
engaged  in  trapping.  As  it  turned  out,  these  often  were  friendly 
Nez  Perce  or  Flathead  Indians  who  were  also  enemies  of  the 
Blackfeet.  In  the  interests  of  protection,  therefore,  these  trappers 
became  aligned  with  the  Blackfoot  foes,  and  thereby  set  themselves 


20.  Hiram  Martin  Chittenden,  The  American  Fur  Trade  of  the  Far  West 
(New  York:    Francis  P.  Harper,  1902),  I,  pp.  141-142. 

21.  Francis  A.  Chardon,  Chardon's  Journal  of  Fort  Clark,  1834-39,  ed. 
by  Annie  H.  Abel  (Pierre,  South  Dakota:    1932),  p.  253. 

22.  Richard  Oglesby,  Manuel  Lisa  and  the  Opening  of  the  Missouri  Fur 
Trade  (Norman:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1963),  p.  133. 

23.  Chittenden,  II,  pp.  850-854. 

24.  Charles  Larpenteur,  Forty  Years  a  Fur  Trader  on  the  Upper  Mis- 
souri, 1833-72  (Chicago:    The  Lakeside  Press,  1933),  p.  50. 


BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE      129 

Up  as  a  special  target.  The  Blackfeet  knew  that  such  an  associa- 
tion certainly  benefited  the  other  tribes,  and  so  their  attacks 
seemed  particularly  justified. 

This  practice  of  the  Free  Trappers  probably  helped  to  aggravate 
the  whole  Blackfoot-white  situation,  and  the  Blackfeet  may  have 
had  the  common  human  reaction  of  over-generalizing  and  thus 
looked  on  all  whites  as  "friends  of  their  enemies". 

Whether  the  Blackfeet  actually  were  over-generahzing  in  their 
accusations  of  the  whites  is  clearly  worthy  of  consideration.  For 
several  decades  the  Blackfeet  had  succeeded  in  dominating  neigh- 
boring tribes.  One  reason  for  this  was  that  the  Blackfeet  had 
managed  to  get  guns  earlier  and  in  greater  numbers  than  many  of 
their  enemies.  Thus  they  were  able  to  substantially  reduce  the 
numbers  of  some  of  their  foes,  the  Flatheads  and  Snakes  in  par- 
ticular,--"*  and  achieve  control  over  a  very  large  area.  But  when,  as 
in  the  summer  of  1810,  a  party  of  Flatheads  with  guns  defeated 
some  Piegan  warriors,  the  tide  began  to  turn,  and  the  Blackfeet 
were  feeling  threatened.-" 

Their  attention  turned  naturally  toward  those  who  appeared  to 
be  arming  their  enemies,  and  these  were,  of  course,  the  white  fur 
traders.  The  forts,  such  as  Lisa's,  did  trade  guns  and  ammunition 
in  addition  to  other  goods,  and  located  where  they  were  in  the 
midst  of  enemy  territory,  the  Blackfoot  jealousy  is  understandable. 
Incidents  involving  white  trappers  associated  with  their  enemies, 
such  as  Colter's,  only  added  fuel  to  the  fire.  That  the  Blackfeet 
actually  were  angered  by  this  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Pie- 
gans  had  warned  the  whites  who  had  armed  the  Flatheads  and 
Kutenais.-^  The  hate  that  such  actions  on  the  part  of  whites 
generated  among  the  Blackfeet  must  have  been  considerable. 

It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Blackfoot  attacks  on  white  traders, 
trappers,  and  forts  were  not  only  retaliatory  in  nature,  but  designed 
to  try  to  obstruct  the  trade  itself.  If  they  could  capture  the  arms 
themselves,  or  discourage  the  whites  from  even  venturing  into  the 
region,  the  Blackfeet  hoped  to  prevent  further  inroads  into  their 
own  powerful  position. 

Along  with  the  forts,  another  aspect  of  the  fur  trade  benefited 
Blackfoot  enemies.  In  1825,  the  idea  of  the  rendezvous,  where 
trappers  and  traders  would  gather  once  a  year  to  exchange  goods 
and  stories,  was  put  into  practice  at  the  mouth  of  Henry's  Fork  on 
the  Green  River,  and  later  held  in  Cache  Valley.  This  was  in 
Shoshoni  country,  and  in  addition  to  robbing  the  Blackfeet  of  more 


25.  Ogden,  p.  12. 

26.  Ewers,  p.  52. 

27.  George  Catlin,  Illustrations  of  the  Manners.  Customs,  and  Condi- 
tions of  the  North  American  Indians  (London:  Henry  G.  Bohn.  1866). 
p.  52. 


130  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

furs,  such  gatherings  further  strengthened  the  position  of  neighbor- 
ing tribes. 

Such  policies  might  also  help  to  explain  the  friendliness  of  the 
enemies  of  the  Blackfeet.  Traditionally  downtrodden  and  defeat- 
ed, these  tribes  had  much  to  gain  by  being  friendly  with  the  strang- 
ers coming  in,  who  were  so  willing  to  trade  guns  for  furs. 

At  the  time,  some  people  believed  that  competition  among  the 
traders  pitted  one  tribe  against  another  in  an  effort  to  gain  an 
advantage.-'*  Presumably  this  rivalry  involved  the  Blackfeet  as 
well.  However,  little  of  this  probably  occurred,  at  least  until  the 
1820s.  The  reason  for  this  is  the  fact  that  the  Missouri  Fur  Com- 
pany was  the  only  American  company  operating  in  the  area  until 
the  1  820s.  By  that  time  the  Blackfeet  had  already  become  notor- 
ious in  their  treatment  of  white  men.  Thus  between  American 
companies,  at  least,  competition  could  not  explain  this  hostility. 

It  is  interesting  to  note,  however,  that  in  1810  Pierre  Menard, 
a  fur  man  on  the  Missouri,  toyed  with  the  idea  of  inducing  the 
Snakes  and  Flatheads  to  wage  a  war  on  the  Blackfeet  with  the 
intent  of  capturing  a  prisoner.  The  prisoner  would  be  used  to 
negotiate  a  peace  between  the  whites  and  the  Blackfeet,  and  hope- 
fully a  fur  trade  could  be  estabUshed  as  a  result.-''  Such  an  idea, 
while  never  carried  out,  reflects  the  means  which  traders  would 
consider  to  gain  greater  profits  in  the  fur  trade. 

An  idea  that  became  widespread  among  Americans  in  the  early 
1800s  was  that  the  British  traders  in  the  West  were  inciting  the 
Blackfeet  to  attack  American  parties.  Men  on  all  levels  of  com- 
merce and  politics  entertained  this  suspicion.  Reuben  Lewis, 
connected  with  the  Missouri  Fur  Company,  wrote  in  1810,  "I  am 
confident  that  the  Blackfeet  are  urged  on  by  the  British  traders  in 
there  [sic]  Country  .  .  ."•^"  Surgeon  John  Gale,  on  an  expedition 
on  the  Missouri  in  1818,  wrote,  "In  the  Spring  of  1818,  it  became 
apparent  to  the  American  government  that  the  hostilities  mani- 
fested by  the  Indian  tribes  against  our  defenceless  frontiers  had 
been  excited  by  British  emisaries."^^  Thomas  Hart  Benton 
pursued  the  same  idea  in  Congress  in  1824  with  Indian  Agent 
Graham: 

Ques.  20:    What  is  the  temper  of  the  tribes  which  have  an  intercourse 
with  the  British  traders  towards  the  citizens  of  the  United  States? 


28.  Biddle,  p.  201. 

29.  Letter  from  Pierre  Menard  to  Pierre  Chouteau,  April  21,  1810, 
quoted  by  Chittenden,  American  Fur  Trade,  1,  p.  142  f. 

30.  Letter  from  Reuben  Lewis  to  Meriwether  Lewis,  April  21,  1810, 
quoted  by  Oglesby,  p.  95. 

31.  John  Gale,  The  Missouri  Expedition,  1818-1820;  The  Journal  of 
Surgeon  John  Gale.  ed.  by  Roger  L.  Nichols  (Norman:  University  of 
Oklahoma  Press,  1969),  p.  3. 


BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE      131 

Ans:  Generally  unfriendly.  I  have  always  found  those  Indians  within 
our  territories  who  visit  British  posts  more  unfriendly  to  us,  and  more 
difficult  to  control. 

Ques.  21:    What  is  the  temper  of  the  tribes  which  have  no  intercourse 
with  the  British  traders  towards  the  citizens  of  the  United  States? 
Ans:    With  those  tribes  within  my  own  knowledge,  very  friendly;  and 
generally  so,  so  far  as  I  have  understood  of  others. 
Ques.  22:    How  near  do  the  British  trading  establishments  approach 
the  territories  of  the  United  States? 

Ans:    Some  border  immediately  on  it,  some  of  them  are  within  it. 
Ques.  23:    Is  it  to  the  benefit,  or  injury,  of  the  fur  traders,  to  have 
hostilities  with  the  Indians? 

Ans:  By  no  means  to  the  benefit,  but  to  the  great  injury  of  the  trad- 
ers. The  very  existence  of  the  trade  depends  upon  peace  with  the 
different  Indians,  both  within  the  white  people  and  among  them- 
selves.^^2 

Even  Andrew  Jackson  revealed  in  a  letter  his  feelings  about  the 
matter,  and  how  it  should  be  dealt  with. 

The  British  Traders  will  no  doubt  excite  the  Indians  to  hostility.  They 
ought  in  my  opinion  to  be  hung,  where  ever  they  are  found  among  the 
Indian  Tribes  within  our  Territory  ...  A  few  examples  would  be 
sufficient  and  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Troops  is  the  proper 
authority  to  judge  of  their  Guilt  and  Order  there   [sic]   execution.'-'' 

Whether  this  attitude  was  largely  a  result  of  widespread  anti- 
British  feeling  at  the  time,  to  what  extent  the  British  tried  to  incite 
the  Blackfeet  against  the  Americans,  or  if  the  British  even  attempt- 
ed to  do  this  at  all  is  difficult  to  determine.  This  author  could  find 
no  mention  of  such  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  British  in  any 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  journals.  Yet  this  in  no  way  indicates 
that  such  was  not  the  case,  for  it  is  hardly  the  sort  of  thing  one 
puts  down  in  company  records.  More  intensive  scrutiny  of  per- 
sonal journals  of  British  trappers  might  provide  evidence  to  con- 
firm or  deny  such  a  claim. 

Two  important  facts,  though,  suggest  that  the  British  at  least  did 
nothing  to  discourage  such  hostile  actions  on  the  part  of  the 
Blackfeet.  First,  the  British  had  a  fairly  amicable  relationship 
with  the  Blackfeet.  This  ability  to  deal  with  them  was  demon- 
strated to  the  Americans  when  McKenzie  and  Berger,  two  Cana- 
dians who  had  formerly  worked  for  the  British  and  had  joined  up 
with  the  American  Fur  Company,  succeeded  in  establishing  friend- 
ly dealings  with  the  Blackfeet  in  1830.-^^  Their  system  of  allowing 
the  Indians  themselves  to  do  the  trapping  was  the  Canadian  sys- 


32.  Benton,  pp.  452-453. 

33.  Andrew  Jackson,  "Letter  to  Henry  Atkinson  from  Andrew  Jackson," 
Andrew  Jackson  Papers.  1st  Series.  Volume  L-0.  Microfilm  reel  63.  May 
15,  1819. 

34.  Larpenteur,  pp.  93-97. 


132  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

tern,  and  apparently  much  more  satisfactory  to  the  Indians.  Thus 
the  modest  trade  that  the  British  did  have  with  the  Blackfeet  would 
have  been  reduced  by  a  successful  competing  American  trade. 
This  alone  might  not  have  been  sufficient  evidence  for  the  allega- 
tion that  the  British  incited  the  Indians,  but  another  point  rein- 
forced it. 

The  British  distinctly  profited  from  the  Blackfoot  attacks  on 
American  parties.  American  furs  and  equipment  were  frequently 
turning  up  at  British  forts,  arriving  in  the  hands  of  Blackfoot 
raiding  parties. 

In  1808,  John  Colter  and  another  trapper  by  the  name  of  Potts 
were  attacked  by  Blackfeet.  Although  Colter  escaped,  Potts  was 
killed,  and  their  valuable  beaver  skins  were  captured,  arriving  later 
at  a  British  post.'^'' 

In  1810,  Alexander  Henry,  working  for  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, purchased  beaver  skins  from  a  party  of  Blackfeet  who 
acknowledged  having  robbed  them  from  a  party  of  Americans. 
Some  of  the  skins  were  marked  "Valley  and  Jnumell".'^"  The  latter 
may  have  been  the  same  man  who  was  killed  along  with  six  others 
when  his  party  was  attacked  by  the  Blackfeet  in  1823.  On  this 
attack,  $15,000  worth  of  horses,  beaver,  and  traps  were  lost.-" 

Another  party  of  Blood  Indians  arrived  at  Henry's  post  after 
having  viciously  murdered  a  party  of  Americans,  bringing  with 
them  "fine  cotton  shirts,  beaver  traps,  hats,  knives,  dirks,  handker- 
chiefs, Russia  sheeting  tents,  and  a  number  of  banknotes,  some 
signed  by  the  New  Jersey  and  Trenton  Banking  Company."^'' 

That  the  British  benefited  from  these  attacks  cannot  be  denied. 
But  it  should  not  be  overlooked  that  the  Blackfeet  as  well  had  a 
profit  to  be  gained  from  plundering  American  parties.  To  collect 
$15,000  worth  of  equipment  on  one  raid  is  certainly  substantial, 
and  Henry's  list  of  stolen  booty  further  testifies  to  the  profitability 
of  such  raids. 

Thus  to  speculate  on  the  part  the  British  may  have  played  in 
inciting  the  Blackfeet  to  attack  is  merely  that — speculation.  The 
important  fact  remains  that  both  British  and  Blackfeet  stood  to 
gain  considerable  profit  through  the  raids. 

One  final  reason  American  fur  traders  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
the  Blackfeet  was  the  lack  of  any  clear-cut  American  policy  in 


35.  Chittenden.  II,  pp.  718-721. 

36.  Alexander  Henry  and  David  Thompson,  New  Light  on  the  Early 
History  of  the  Greater  Northwest,  the  Manuscript  Journals  of  Alexander 
Henry.  Fur  Trader  of  the  Northwest  Company,  and  of  David  Thompson, 
Official  Geographer  and  Explorer  of  the  Same  Company,  1799-1814,  ed.  by 
Elliott  Coues  (New  York:    Francis  P.  Harper,  1897),  II,  pp.  735. 

37.  Mr.  Joshua  Pilcher's  answers  to  questions  put  to  him  by  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Indian  Affairs.  American  State  Journals,  II,  p.  451  f. 

38.  Henry  and  Thompson,  II,  p.  736. 


BLACKFEET  INDIANS  AND  MEN  OF  THE  FUR  TRADE      133 

dealing  with  the  Indians.  UnUke  Canada,  where  well-regulated 
company  policies  treated  the  Indians  in  a  reasonably  uniform  man- 
ner, American  trade  generally  reflected  the  whims  and  idiosyn- 
crasies of  the  trader.  Thus  McKenzie's  Fort  Piegan  was  success- 
fully run  for  several  years,  but  then  in  1 844,  after  Francis  Chardon 
took  over,  a  whole  party  of  friendly  Piegans  was  massacred  for 
almost  no  reason  at  the  fort."*^  Such  inconsistencies  only  served  to 
confuse,  antagonize,  aUenate,  and  anger  the  Blackfeet. 

The  consequences  of  the  Blackfoot  hostility  toward  the  Amer- 
ican fur  traders  were  evident.  Losses  among  the  trappers  due  to 
Indian  attacks  were  numerous.  In  1837,  Alfred  Jacob  Miller 
reported  that  40  to  50  beaver  trappers  were  lost  per  season. ^'^ 
Such  losses  of  life  were  compounded  by  the  immense  cost  of  lost 
skins,  traps,  horses,  and  other  equipment,  as  well  as  the  strain 
placed  on  all  the  fur  men  by  having  to  be  constantly  alert  for 
possible  attack.  It  was  a  great  price  to  pay,  but  the  fashions  in  the 
east  created  a  market,  and  there  were  always  men  ready  for  the 
adventure  and  possibihty  of  profit  that  the  fur  trade  offered. 

For  the  Blackfeet,  the  raids  at  best  only  served  to  slow  the 
inevitable  onslaught  of  westward  expansion.  Their  defense  of 
their  land  was  at  the  same  time  admirable  and  tragic,  for  they 
were,  in  the  end,  hopelessly  ill-equipped  and  outnumbered  to  with- 
stand the  pressure  of  white  civilization.  It  was  a  gallant  effort  on 
their  part  to  attempt  to  preserve  their  culture  and  civilization,  and 
resist  the  crush  of  another. 

The  Blackfoot  Nation  had  a  reputation  among  neighboring 
tribes  for  being  a  warhke  people.  But  the  first  whites  arriving  on 
their  lands  in  the  latter  part  of  the  18th  century — Hudson's  Bay 
Company  men  in  Canada — were  received  in  a  largely  peaceful 
manner.  It  was  only  when  the  fur  trade  began  to  grow  into  a 
formidable  force  that  the  Blackfeet  began  to  show  their  discontent 
on  the  newcomers — mostly  Americans.  As  unregulated  as  the 
trade  often  was,  inevitable  conflicts,  slights,  misunderstandings, 
and  competition  resulted,  and  the  Blackfeet  became  increasingly 
hostile.  This  hostility  soon  erupted  in  raids,  plunderings,  and 
killings  of  trapping  parties.  The  fur  trade  eventually  died  out  with 
the  over-trapping  of  beaver  and  the  change  in  fashions  in  the  east. 
but  the  damage  to  relations  between  the  whites  and  Blackfeet.  to 
the  men  involved,  and  to  the  Blackfeet  as  a  people,  had  already 
been  done. 


39.  Sunder,  p.  60  f. 

40.  Alfred  Jacob  Miller,  The  West  of  Alfred  Jacob  Miller,  ed.  by  Marvin 
C.  Ross  (Norman:    University  of  Oklahoma  Press.  1951).  p.  148. 


134  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

PENMANSHIP 
NATURE'S  RULES 

There  are  a  few  general  principles  in  Nature  that  are  apphcable 
to  penmanship.  These  principles  are  eternal,  and  will  never 
change. 

CURVED  LINES 

The  first  is  that  of  curved  lines.  Those  objects  in  Nature  that 
we  most  admire  possess  a  grace  and  fullness  of  curve  which  elicit 
our  admiration.  The  edge  of  the  flower  curves.  The  trunk  of  the 
tree,  the  leaf,  the  bud,  the  dewdrop,  the  rainbow, — all  that  is 
beautiful  in  Nature,  in  fact,  is  made  up  of  curved  lines.  The 
human  countenance,  rounded  and  flushed  with  the  rosy  hue  of 
health,  is  beautiful.  Wasted  by  disease  and  full  of  angles,  it  is  less 
attractive.  The  winding  pathway  in  the  park,  the  graceful  bending 
of  the  willow,  the  rounded  form  of  every  object  that  we  admire, 
are  among  the  many  illustrations  of  this  principle. 

PROPORTION 

Another  important  principle  is  that  of  proportion.  Any  object, 
to  present  a  pleasing  appearance  to  the  eye,  should  have  a  base, 
of  sufficient  size  and  breadth,  to  support  the  same.  Nature  is  full 
of  examples.  The  mountain  is  broadest  at  the  base;  and  the  trunk 
of  every  tree  and  shrub  that  grows  upon  its  sides,  is  largest  near 
the  earth,  the  roots  spreading  broader  than  the  branches. 

The  good  mechanic  builds  accordingly.  The  monument  is 
broadest  at  the  base.  The  house  has  a  foundation  large  enough 
for  its  support,  and  the  smallest  article  of  household  use  of  orna- 
ment, constructed  to  stand  upright,  is  made  with  reference  to  this 
principle  of  proportion,  with  base  broader  than  the  top.  .  .  .  Letters 
should  be  constructed,  self  supporting  in  appearance,  with  a  foun- 
dation sufficiently  broad  to  support  that  which  is  above.  .  .  . 

CONTRAST 

A  very  important  principle,  also,  is  that  of  contrast.  Nature  is 
again  the  teacher,  and  affords  an  endless  variety  of  lessons.  Scen- 
ery is  beautiful  that  is  most  greatly  diversified  by  contrast.  That  is 
more  beautiful  which  is  broken  by  mountain,  hill  valley,  stream 
and  woodland,  than  the  level  prairie,  where  nothing  meets  the  eye 
but  brown  grass.  The  bouquet  of  flowers  is  beautiful  in  proportion 
to  the  many  colors  that  adorn  it,  and  the  strong  contrast  of  those 
colors.  Oratory  is  pleasing  when  accompanied  by  changes  in  the 
tone  of  voice. 

Hill's  Manual  of  Social  and  Business  Forms: 
A  Guide  to  Correct  Writing,  by  Thos.  E.  Hill 
(Chicago:    Moses  Warren  &  Co.,  1874). 


Wyoming  State  Mistorical  Society 

TWENTIETH  ANNUAL  MEETING 
Jackson,  Wyoming  September  7-9,  1973 

Registration  for  the  twentieth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Wyoming 
State  Historical  Society  began  at  7:00  p.m.,  Friday,  September  7, 
1973,  in  the  Wort  Hotel  in  Jackson.  Hospitality  bags  were  given 
to  all  who  registered  and  a  pleasant  evening  was  enjoyed  by  all. 

SATURDAY,  SEPTEMBER  8 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  at  9:00  a.m.  by  President 
Henry  Chadey,  in  the  Lounge  of  the  Wort  Hotel.  Mr.  Dave 
Wasden  said  a  few  words  in  memory  of  members  who  passed  away 
during  the  past  year  and  asked  for  a  minute  of  silent  prayer. 

Jane  Houston  moved  that  the  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  1972 
Annual  Meeting  and  the  April  Executive  Committee  minutes  be 
dispensed  with.    Motion  was  seconded  and  carried. 

The  Treasurer  read  the  following  report  which  was  placed  on 
file  for  audit: 

TREASURER'S  REPORT 

September  9,  1972  -  September  8,  1973 


Cash  and  Investments  on 

hand  September  9,  1972 

$22,580.53 

Receipts 

Dues 

$ 

5,662.00 

Pinettes 

Interest  (Savings) 

1,298.65 

Life  Member 

100.00 

Gift  -  Humanities,  for 

the  Trek 

300.00 

7,360.65 

Disbursements 

Annals  of  Wyoming 

$ 

3.343.00 

Annual  Meeting 

192.34 

Awards 

Scholarships 

$300.00 

Grant-in-Aid 

100.00 

400.00 

Officers'  Expenses 

President 

195.00 

Secretary 

120.00 

Others 

105.00 

420.00 

Committee  Expense 

15.00 

Printing 

Trek     1972 

300.00 

1973 

85.91 

385.91 

136 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Postage 
Office 

455.81 

Secretary 

41.32 

497.13 
23.00 

Phone  -  Secretary 
Miscellaneous 

Bond 

5.00 

Secretary 

Loss  on  $10,000  Certificate 

1.00 
180.00 

186.74 
10,000.00 

Houghton-Colter  Store  -  South  Pass 

$15,463.32 

$14,477.86 

ASSETS 

Savings 

Certificate  (Federal  Bldg.  &  Loan) 
Certificate  (Capitol  Bldg.  &  Loan) 
Federal  Building  &  Loan 
Federal  B&L  (Memorial  Fund) 
Cheyenne  Federal  Bldg.  &  Loan 

o. 

$  2,099.35 

8,014.38 

1,464.92 

608.80 

1,201.16 

13,388.61 

Cash  in  First  National  Bank  &  Trust  C 

1,089.25 

Cash  and  Investment  on  hand  September  8,  1973 


$14,477.86 


MEMBERSHIP 


Annual  Members 
Life  Members 


1969 

1,278 
54 


1970 
1,396 

53 


1971 

1,284 

85 


1972 

1,138 

86 


1973 

1,330 

87 


The  President  asked  the  following  members  to  serve  on  com- 
mittees for  the  day:  Audit,  Sam  Leckie,  Alice  Cranor,  Kathleen 
Hemry;  Resolutions,  Hattie  Burnstad,  Margaret  Leckie;  Parlia- 
mentarian, Dick  Dumbrili.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jacob  Antilla  and  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Oscar  Payne  were  appointed  to  count  ballots. 

COMMITTEE  REPORTS 

Scholarship  Dr.  T.  A.  Larson  explained  the  Grant-in-Aid  and 
Scholarship  programs.  He  announced  that  Ray  Pendergraft  had 
completed  his  history  of  Washakie  County.  The  following  are  still 
working  on  their  projects:  Dorothy  Milek,  Hot  Springs  County 
History;  Gordon  Chappell,  "Alliance  of  the  U.S.  Army  and  the 
UPRR  in  Southern  Wyoming";  Michael  Lewellyn,  "John  B.  Ken- 
drick,  1910-1917";  Robert  Murray,  History  of  Johnson  County; 
R.  F.  Fleck  and  Robert  Campbell,  "Literary  Bibliography  of 
Wyoming." 

Projects  Richard  Dumbrili  said  he  had  tried  to  get  the  county 
chapters  to  initiate  projects  of  their  own  thereby  obtaining  some 
financial  aid  from  the  State  Society.  He  reported  that  the  Hot 
Springs  County  Chapter  had  suggested  bicycle  trails  in  historic 


WYOMING   STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  137 

areas.     Under  new  business,  he  will  submit  an  amendment  to  the 
By-Laws  for  the  betterment  of  the  Projects  Committee. 

Trek  Miss  Houston  reported  that  120  people  enjoyed  the  1973 
Trek  which  started  in  Rock  Springs  and  ended  at  the  western 
border  of  Wyoming.  The  weather  was  beautiful  and  the  scenery 
spectacular.  On  one  descent  the  back  of  the  car  was  higher  than 
the  front. 

OFFICERS'  REPORTS 

President  Henry  Chadey:  The  office  of  President  of  the  Wyo- 
ming State  Historical  Society  has  afforded  me  a  significant  oppor- 
tunity for  meeting  people  in  Wyoming.  I  should  like  to  thank  all 
those  who  extended  so  many  courtesies  to  me  and  this  is  especially 
true  for  the  members  of  the  Teton  County  Chapter. 

Although  my  schedule  and  time  did  not  permit  me  to  visit  as 
many  county  chapters  as  I  would  have  liked,  those  I  was  fortunate 
enough  to  visit  were  very  hospitable.  I  was  at  the  Uinta  County 
Chapter  reorganization  meeting  early  in  the  year  and  these  people 
have  been  developing  an  interesting  program.  I  traveled  to  Tor- 
rington,  Cheyenne  and  Casper  where  I  spoke  to  the  members.  1 
was  asked  to  prepare  a  paper  for  the  Wyoming  Geological  Society 
for  their  September  meeting. 

As  President,  I  was  appointed  by  Governor  Hathaway  to  the 
Consulting  Committee  for  Nominations  to  the  National  Register 
and  later  during  the  year  I  was  appointed  to  serve  a  three-year  term 
on  the  Wyoming  Council  for  the  Humanities.  The  meetings  of 
these  groups  were  informative  and  contributed  greatly  to  my  per- 
sonal understanding. 

Numerous  times  during  the  year  I  was  called  upon  to  study  and 
make  recommendations  regarding  Wyoming  history  and  the  pres- 
ervation of  historical  sites. 

As  State  Society  President,  I  asked  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
to  arrange  a  meeting  with  the  Wyoming  Recreation  Commission 
to  help  plan  the  use  of  the  land  at  Fort  Steele  State  Park.  This 
meeting  was  held  in  Cheyenne  with  four  representatives  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad.  The  plans  call  for  the  development  of  a 
state  park  around  the  remains  of  Fort  Steele  and  the  establishment 
of  a  railroad  museum. 

It  was  my  privilege  to  be  with  Maurine  Carley  and  Bill  Dubois 
when  a  check  for  $10,000  was  presented  to  the  Wyoming  Recrea- 
tion Commission  to  help  the  Houghton-Colter  Store  at  South  Pass. 
This  was  a  project  started  by  Past  President  Dubois  and  completed 
during  this  year.    This  money  will  be  matched  by  federal  funds. 

I  helped  Miss  Carley  and  Henry  Jensen  in  planning  the  Oregon 
Trail  Trek  in  July  and  prepared  one  of  the  papers  given  on  the 
Trek.  I  don't  know  if  there  is  any  significance  but  my  paper  was 
the  only  one  presented  in  the  rain.    It  was  a  most  successful  Trek. 


138  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

As  I  close  my  term  of  office,  certain  thoughts  and  aspirations 
come  to  mind. 

There  are  many  people  interested  in  the  history  of  our  state  and 
the  intermountain  west.  Not  all  these  people  are  members  of  the 
Historical  Society.  The  Society  should  always  be  in  the  lead  in 
recording  and  preserving  our  historical  heritage. 

It  is  my  contention  that  Wyoming  is  still  a  small  state  and  we 
may  be  parochial  in  our  views.  Too  often  ideas  that  have  been 
promulgated  in  populous  regions  are  applied  to  Wyoming.  It  is 
not  that  we  should  not  consider  other  ideas  but  I  believe  Wyoming 
is  unique  and  we  should  work  out  our  own  problems  to  meet  our 
needs.  The  Society  must  work  more  harmoniously  with  other 
people  and  agencies  of  the  state.  We  must  demand  more  leader- 
ship from  our  state  agencies. 

The  Society  should  use  every  means  available  to  promote  the 
recording  of  local  history  as  well  as  our  regional  and  national 
history.  It  is  my  belief  that  we  should  hold  fast  to  our  objectives 
and  if  these  are  not  being  upheld  the  Society  should  take  appro- 
priate action. 

We  must  never  underestimate  the  power  of  the  young  people. 
Se\'eral  proposals  will  be  made  to  implement  work  with  young 
people  at  this  meeting.  I  have  found  that  there  are  many  junior 
and  senior  high  schools  that  don't  receive  the  Annals  of  Wyoming. 
We  have  worked  with  several  educational  groups  in  promoting  the 
study  of  Wyoming  history  and  more  must  be  done  in  this  area.  To 
me.  it  is  inconceivable  that  teachers  in  our  schools  can  teach 
W)oming  history  and  not  even  know  the  Annals  are  published. 

With  the  growing  interest  in  historical  site  preservation  and 
museum  development  in  the  state,  the  regulations  on  county  chap- 
ters by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  have  been  questioned. 
Our  present  constitution  indicates  that  only  one  chapter  is  per- 
missible in  each  county.  Here  is  an  area  that  should  be  reviewed. 
Perhaps  the  proliferation  of  historical  societies  or  chapters  is  not 
what  we  want. 

It  was  an  educational  experience  being  State  President.  Thank 
you. 

First  Vice  President  Richard  Dumbrill:  The  duties  of  the  First 
Vice  President  have  been  mainly  involved  with  the  Projects  Com- 
mittee. The  Projects  Committee  considered  the  following  projects: 
1.  .An  attempt  to  get  county  chapters  to  seek  county  chapter  proj- 
ect awards;  2.  Return  of  Spanish  Diggings  artifacts  to  Wyoming; 
3.  Approval  of  $10,000  Houghton-Colter  store  restoration;  4.  As- 
sistance to  Bicentennial  talks  by  Dr.  WiUiam  Steckel;  5.  We  stood 
ready  to  assist  with  the  Lander  Stage  Station  project.  Also,  we 
have  been  asked  to  consider  two  proposals  which  we  will  pass  on 
to  the  new  Projects  Committee:  (a)  A  proposal  for  bike  and 
hiking  trails  throughout  the  state  to  historical  sites  and  a  request 
for  assistance  in  funding  from  Campbell  County,  and  (b)  finally. 


WYOMING  STATE   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  1?9 

we  sponsored  an  amendment  to  the  By-Laws  to  make  the  Projects 
Committee  a  continuing  committee.  This  should  provide  tor  more 
continuity  and  more  accomphshments. 

Second  Vice  President  Henry  Jensen :  In  addition  to  the  recom- 
mendations from  Betty  Hayden,  the  Awards  Committee  suggests 
the  following  changes : 

In  regard  to  Junior  Historian  awards,  the  idea  of  competition  to 
be  eliminated,  and  there  be  four  $10  awards. 

Only  one  award  be  given  in  all  other  categories  of  adult  awards, 
and  two  more  categories  be  added:  1.  For  all  history  recorded  by 
means  of  tape  or  direct  interview,  and  2.  For  work  in  the  field  of 
master  and  doctoral  dissertations.  I  will  not  discuss  these  in  detail 
at  this  time  but  they  will  be  considered  by  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee. 

Executive  Secretary  William  H.  Williams:  Legislation  allowing 
local  chapters  of  the  Historical  Society  to  contract  the  sales  desks 
at  the  state  museums  was  not  being  introduced  into  the  last  legis- 
lature due  to  illness  of  the  sponsor. 

The  mailing  labels  for  Annals  of  Wyoming  and  "Wyoming  His- 
tory News"  are  now  computerized. 

The  Society  should  be  pleased  to  note  that  membership  has  been 
growing  at  a  satisfactory  rate. 

Secretary  Maurine  Carley:  After  being  known  as  the  most 
miserly  person  in  Wyoming,  I  had  the  honor  of  presenting  the 
$10,000  check  from  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  to 
Marvin  Harshman,  president  of  the  Recreation  Commission,  for 
restoration  of  the  Houghton-Colter  Store  in  South  Pass  Cit)  — 
since  I  had  assiduously  helped  save  the  money  for  the  last  20  years. 
I  was  the  guest  of  the  Wyoming  Recreation  Commission  on  the  trip 
to  Lander  and  South  Pass  and  at  the  dinner  in  Atlantic  City,  where 
the  presentation  was  made. 

I  have  enjoyed  my  years  as  Secretary-Treasurer  and  especially 
appreciate  the  good  friends  I  have  made  over  the  state.  It  has 
been  a  pleasure  to  work  with  you. 

FOUNDATION  FUND 

Mr.  Jensen  moved  that  the  meeting  of  the  Wyoming  State  His- 
torical Society  be  recessed  and  re-convened  as  the  Wyoming  Foun- 
dation Fund,  Incorporated. 

Ed  Bille,  Foundation  Fund  Chairman,  reported  a  balance  of 
$7856.82.  He  stated  that  contributions  to  the  Fund  can  be  ob- 
tained if  the  Society  sets  up  a  good  working  committee.  He  said 
that  the  Society  should  step  forward  as  an  educational  historical 
organization.  A  30-minute  film  was  shown  on  the  history  of 
Colorado  as  an  example  of  what  can  be  done.  Five  thousand 
dollars  from  the  Tonkin  Fund  has  already  been  set  aside  for  a  film 
on  the  history  of  Wyoming.  The  content  of  the  film  would  be 
approved  by  the  Society.     A  discussion  followed   on   listing  of 


140  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

donors  on  the  film.  A  motion  was  made  by  Dr.  Larson  that  a 
listing  of  recognized  donors  be  confined  to  donations  of  $250 
upwards.    Motion  seconded  and  carried. 

At  10:30  a.m.,  a  brief  break  for  coffee  and  rolls  was  enjoyed 
by  all. 

Curtiss  Root  moved  that  Dr.  Larson  and  Edness  Kimball  Wil- 
kins  be  reelected  as  Foundation  Fund  board  members  for  another 
three-year  term  (1973-1976).    Motion  seconded  and  carried. 

Mr.  Dubois  moved  that  the  Society  give  the  Foundation  Fund 
board  authority  to  proceed  with  the  film  and  select  a  person  to 
direct  the  project.  Motion  seconded  and  carried. 

Jack  Mueller  moved  that  the  meeting  adjourn  and  re-convene 
as  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  Motion  seconded  and 
carried. 

Sam  Leckie  reported  for  the  Auditing  Committee  that  the  books 
were  correct  and  in  order. 

Mr.  Dubois  thanked  Ned  Frost  for  the  help  of  the  Recreation 
Commission  in  connection  with  the  restoration  of  the  Houghton- 
Colter  Store  in  South  Pass  City.  ' 

Mr.  Williams  commented  in  regard  to  the  Lander  Stage  Station 
that  he  had  not  been  able  to  visit  the  area  yet  and  it  has  not  been 
determined  which  building  is  to  be  restored.  Mr.  Jensen  volun- 
teered to  locate  the  site. 

Hattie  Burnstad  moved  that  the  Society  give  permission  to  Ray 
Pendergraft  to  publish  his  history  of  Washakie  County  as  he 
desires. 

Mary  Capps  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  State  Museum 
has  a  fine  collection  of  books  which  help  with  small  museum 
organization. 

Mr.  Williams  presented  the  following  amendments  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  State  Society  and  moved  their  adoption: 

Article  IV,  Section  1  to  be  changed  to  read:  The  elected  officers 
of  the  Society  shall  consist  of  the  following  (a)  a  President,  (b)  a 
First  Vice  President/President  Elect,  (c)  a  Second  Vice  President, 
and  (d)  a  Secretary-Treasurer.  These  officers  shall  hold  office  for 
one  year  or  until  their  successors  are  installed. 

Article  IV,  Section  2  be  changed  to  read:  (a)  The  nominating 
committee  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  Society  shall  draw  up 
a  slate  of  nominees  for  First  Vice  President/President  Elect,  Sec- 
ond Vice  President,  and  Secretary-Treasurer,  listing  not  less  than 
two  names  for  each  office,  (b)  The  list  of  nominees  will  be 
announced  to  all  members  in  July  preceding  the  Annual  Meeting, 
(c)  Ballots  will  be  sent  to  all  members  in  good  standing  at  least 
one  month  prior  to  the  Annual  Meeting  and  will  be  counted  at  the 
Annual  Meeting. 

Article  IV,  Section  3  to  read:  The  First  Vice  President  shall  be 
the  President  Elect  and  shall  assume  the  duties  of  President  upon 
the  release  from  office  of  the  President. 


WYOMING   STATE   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  141 

Article  IV,  Section  4  to  read:  Upon  the  death  or  resignation  of 
the  President,  the  First  Vice  President/President  Elect  shall  serve 
out  the  unexpired  term  of  the  President  and  shall  continue  in  office 
for  his  own  full  one  year  term. 

The  present  Article  IV,  Section  3  and  Section  4  be  renumbered 
to  Article  IV,  Section  5  and  Section  6  respectively. 

After  discussion,  the  motion  was  defeated. 

Mabel  Brown  of  Newcastle  stated  she  will  be  happy  to  publish 
two  historical  stories  written  by  junior  members  of  the  Historical 
Society  in  each  issue  of  Bits  and  Pieces. 

Mr.  Dumbrill  presented  the  following  amendment  to  the  By- 
Laws  and  moved  that  Article  V  be  amended  by  adding  Section  3, 
as  follows: 

(a)  The  Executive  Committee  is  hereby  directed  to  create  a 
permanent  Projects  Committee  which  shall  be  composed  of  four 
persons  and  the  President  of  the  Society,  who  shall  be  an  ex-officio 
member.  The  four  persons  shall  consist  of  the  duly  elected  or 
appointed  First  Vice  President  of  the  Society  each  year.  The  First 
Vice  President  shall  be  Chairman  of  the  Committee.  The  other 
three  members  shall  be  members  at  large  and  shall  be  members  of 
the  Society.  The  three  members  at  large  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
First  Vice  President  with  the  approval  of  the  Executive  Committee. 
The  three  members  at  large  shall  serve  three  year  terms  excpt  that 
when  the  Committee  is  first  appointed,  the  members  shall  draw  lots 
for  a  one,  a  two,  and  a  three-year  initial  term  so  that  thereafter  the 
terms  will  be  staggered.  First  Vice  President  may  appoint  such 
advisors  to  the  Committee  as  he  shall  feel  are  necessary  to  the 
consideration  and  completion  of  any  particular  project. 

(b)  The  Executive  Committee  may  hereafter  by  Resolution 
create  such  committees  as  it  deems  necessary  and  proper  and  it 
may  provide  for  their  makeup  and  define  their  duties  and  obli- 
gations. 

It  was  moved,  seconded  and  carried  to  amend  the  By-Laws  as 
proposed.  Mr.  Jensen  said  he  would  like  to  see  the  same  pro- 
cedures adopted  for  the  Awards  Committee.  Dr.  Larson  sug- 
gested this  be  taken  up  at  the  Executive  Committee  meeting. 

The  President  directed  Mr.  Dumbrill  to  see  if  a  marker  can  be 
placed  which  would  direct  interested  people  to  Nancy  Hill's  grave. 

Ned  Frost  announced  that  Tom  Muths,  Jackson  architect,  has 
completed  the  drawings  for  the  Houghton-Colter  store. 

CHAPTER  REPORTS 

Weston  County  (read  by  Mary  Capps).  This  active  chapter  is 
now  honoring  a  senior  citizen  each  month.  \\\  senior  citizens 
were  honored  at  a  carry-in  dinner.  The  dedication  of  the  Green 
Mountain  School  took  the  form  of  a  country  school  picnic  with 
fried  chicken,  homemade  ice  cream,  and  lively  games. 

Washakie  County  (Ray  Pendergraft ) .     This  chapter  holds  four 


142  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

meetings  a  year.  One  meeting  was  highlighted  by  a  talk  by  Lloyd 
Dewey,  a  grandson  of  the  Arapahoe  Chief,  Sharp  Nose,  who  par- 
ticipated in  the  Bates  Battle  in  Washakie  County.  Plans  are  made 
to  visit  the  Bates  Battle  site.  Historical  exhibits  have  been  placed 
in  the  local  bank  windows. 

Uinta  County  (Russ  Varineau).  This  Chapter  has  been  recently 
reorganized  with  plans  made  for  several  activities.  It  is  hoped  that 
the  Evanston  project  to  reopen  the  Uinta  County  Museum  will 
soon  be  successful. 

Teton  County  (Jay  Brazelton).  Nine  beautiful  and  valuable 
paintings  and  two  fine  photographs  were  given  to  the  Chapter.  The 
paintings  are  hanging  in  the  Jackson  State  Bank  until  a  permanent 
place  is  found.  The  Chapter  has  worked  hard  on  the  plans  for  a 
Visitor  Center  and  the  Miller  project  at  the  Elk  Refuge.  In 
November  a  Thanksgiving-Christmas  party  with  turkey  and  gifts 
was  enjoyed  by  all,  as  was  the  Boardwalk  Cookout  in  May. 

Sweetwater  County  (Mrs.  Sam  Leckie).  The  Chapter  is  proud 
that  their  own  Henry  Chadey  is  the  State  President.  It  is  a  custom 
to  present  a  book  to  the  Green  River  Library  in  memory  of  a 
deceased  member.  This  year  six  books  were  presented.  A  trek 
to  Brown's  Park  with  the  Utah  Historical  Society  was  a  summer 
activity.  In  July,  the  Chapter  was  the  host  for  the  trekkers  who 
met  in  Rock  Springs. 

Sheridan  County  (Elsa  Spear  Byron).  As  usual  the  Sheridan 
Chapter  has  been  very  busy  at  Trail  End  Historic  Center  which  has 
been  a  meeting  place  for  many  local  groups  and  class  reunions. 
Three  hundred  dollars  was  raised  by  selling  chances  on  a  quilt 
which  had  been  donated.  In  May,  the  Society  enjoyed  a  trek  to 
Fort  Bettens. 

Platte  County  (Patricia  Erickson).  The  annual  trek  was  held 
under  the  leadership  of  Margaret  Wilson  of  Glendo.  After  visiting 
various  ranches  on  Horseshoe  Creek,  the  group  stopped  at  Mrs. 
Wilson's  private  museum,  a  railroad  car.  Again,  the  Chapter  spon- 
sored an  antique  show  at  the  Platte  County  Library  and  continued 
taping  interviews  of  pioneer  residents. 

Park  County  (Dave  Wasden).  At  last  the  monument  to  pioneer 
stage  drivers  of  Wyoming  is  ready.  The  plaque  has  arrived  and 
the  contract  has  been  let  to  place  the  monument  in  front  of  the 
Stock  Center  with  hghts  and  a  sidewalk  to  the  base  of  the 
monument.  A  scenic  trek  was  made  from  Red  Lodge,  Montana, 
to  Chance,  Montana. 

Natrona  County  (Kathleen  Hemry).  The  Chapter  is  very  inter- 
ested in  the  success  of  the  Foundation  Fund  so  keep  adding  to  it. 
Clara  Jensen,  a  history  teacher  of  long  experience,  showed  her 
extensive  collection  which  she  used  in  teaching  Wyoming  history. 

Lincoln  County  (Alice  Cranor).  The  Chapter  alternates  their 
meetings  between  LaBarge  and  Kemmerer.  An  interesting  trek  to 
view  the  desert  monuments  was  made  in  May.     Pictographs  were 


WYOMING   STATE   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  143 

viewed  in  three  locations  on  another  trip.  In  Kemmerer,  Mr.  Love 
showed  slides  of  the  10,000-year-old  sand  dune  trap  recently  exca- 
vated north  of  Casper. 

Laramie  County  (Ellen  Mueller).  The  monthly  meetings  are 
usually  held  in  Cheyenne  and  occasionally  in  Burns  or  Pine  Bluffs. 
The  Hills  family  and  the  Union  Pacific  railroad  placed  a  monument 
in  honor  of  Lathrop  Hills.  The  dedication  was  held  September  5 
to  honor  the  Union  Pacific  surveyor  who  was  killed  by  Indians  in 
1867  while  the  railroad  was  being  built. 

Hot  Springs  (Etta  Payne).  The  Awards  Committee  voted  to 
match  money  for  awards  given  to  the  Chapter.  The  junior  group 
has  been  quite  active  this  year.  A  no-host  dinner  and  a  Christmas 
party  were  part  of  the  year's  program. 

Goshen  County  (James  Petty).  The  Chapter  has  a  paid  mem- 
bership of  70  with  an  average  attendance  of  50  at  monthly  meet- 
ings. Torrington  is  presently  trying  to  lease  the  Union  Pacific 
depot  for  a  museum.  An  award  was  presented  to  the  outstanding 
history  student  at  Eastern  Wyoming  College.  Although  a  con- 
certed effort  was  made  to  save  the  Rawhide  Buttes  Stage  Station, 
the  new  owner  destroyed  the  building  late  this  summer. 

Carbon  County  (Mrs.  Walter  Lambertsen).  After  many  years 
of  effort,  Fort  Fred  Steele  has  been  designated  as  a  State  Park 
and  money  has  been  appropriated  for  the  project.  Mr.  Herman 
Werner,  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  and  the  Leo  Sheep  Company 
have  given  land  for  the  park. 

Big  Horn  County  (Wilma  Johnson).  The  Chapter  is  still  com- 
piling history  of  its  pioneers.  Some  of  the  members  have  visited 
historic  spots  in  nearby  counties.  Mrs.  Lyles  is  writing  a  book  on 
the  history  of  the  county. 

Albany  County  (T.  A.  Larson).  William  Peterson,  a  teacher  at 
University  High  School,  gave  a  film  and  tape  presentation  showing 
the  changes  in  Laramie  buildings  through  the  years.  The  Chapter 
greatly  misses  their  president,  Dr.  R.  H.  Burns,  who  was  killed  in 
an  auto  accident  in  June. 

For  the  Awards  Committee,  Henry  Jensen  announced  that  re- 
visions to  the  Awards  Booklet  were  being  considered,  with  changes 
in  categories  and  additions  of  new  categories  for  youths. 

Miss  Sella  Ribeiro,  Executive  Secretary  for  the  Wyoming  Bicen- 
tennial Commission,  announced  that  the  Commission  hopes  that 
the  county  chapters  will  form  committees  for  celebration  of  the 
U.  S.  Bicentennial  in  1976.  Independence  Rock  Park  is  the 
paramount  project  for  the  state  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Dumbrill  moved  that  the  following  amendment  to  the  By- 
Laws  be  passed:  Article  IV,  Section  2.  The  Annals  of  Wyomini:. 
the  historical  publication  issued  by  the  State  Archives  and  His- 
torical Department,  is  declared  to  be  the  official  publication  of  the 
Society.  The  President  shall  be  fully  advised  by  the  Executive 
Secretary  of  the  Society  of  all  contractual  negotiations  relative  to 


144  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  publication  of  the  Annals  as  those  negotiations  proceed.  Upon 
completion  of  the  negotiations  the  President  shall,  if  he  is  satisfied 
that  the  negotiations  have  been  conducted  in  a  satisfactory  manner, 
authorize  the  Treasurer  to  pay  into  the  Department  that  portion  of 
the  dues  of  each  member  or  joint  members,  not  to  exceed  the  sum 
of  $1.25  per  issue,  required  for  the  purchase  of  the  periodical. 
One  copy  of  each  issue  is  to  be  received  by  each  member  of  the 
Society,  except  that  joint  membership  shall  be  entitled  to  only  one 
copy.    This  amendment  shall  take  effect  beginning  July  1,  1975. 

After  considerable  discussion,  Dr.  Larson  moved  that  the  mo- 
tion be  tabled  for  future  consideration  until  the  annual  meeting  in 
1974.  Seconded  and  carried.  Mr.  Williams  suggested  that  a 
committee  for  the  Society  meet  with  Katherine  Halverson  and  get 
more  information  about  the  publishing  of  the  Annals  before  the 
next  annual  meeting. 

Mrs.  Halverson  announced  that  a  report  on  the  progress  of  the 
Oregon  Trail  book  being  published  through  the  Society's  Publica- 
tion Fund  would  be  in  the  next  "Wyoming  History  News." 

Invitations  for  the  1974  Annual  Meeting  were  extended  by  the 
Natrona  County  Chapter  and  by  the  Lincoln  County  Chapter, 
The  Executive  Committee  will  determine  where  the  meeting  will 
be  held. 

SATURDAY  LUNCHEON 

During  the  luncheon  hour,  entertainment  was  provided  by  the 
young  members  of  the  Teton  County  Chapter.  Miss  Holly  Brown 
gave  a  talk  about  an  old  cemetery  on  a  quiet  hill  in  the  shadow  of 
the  Tetons.  An  original  song,  written  and  sung  by  Keri  and 
Tracey  Lamb,  told  the  story  of  Jenny  Lake,  and  was  beautifully 
done. 

Saturday  afternoon  a  visit  to  the  Robert  Miller  cabin  in  the 
National  Elk  Refuge  was  made  after  completion  of  the  business 
meeting.  The  cabin  is  historically  important  because  of  the  role 
it  played  in  early  conservation  movements  to  save  the  great  Jack- 
son Hole  Elk  Herd.  Early  settlers  were  aware  of  the  thousands  of 
elk  that  perished  in  the  winter  months  and  tried  to  provide  for  the 
herds.  S.  N.  Leek,  after  becoming  a  member  of  the  Wyoming 
legislature,  brought  the  plight  of  the  elk  to  national  attention. 
Through  these  efforts,  the  National  Elk  Refuge  was  established. 

Other  members  visited  the  local  museums,  art  galleries  and  the 
library.  Punch  and  homemade  cookies  were  enjoyed  at  the  library. 

SATURDAY  BANQUET 

A  no-host  hospitality  hour  sponsored  by  the  Jackson  Hole  bank 
was  held  from  six  to  seven  o'clock  at  the  Wort  Hotel  Lounge. 
Dinner  was  served  in  the  dining  room,  where  tables  were  attractive 
with  garden  flowers.     For  the  invocation,  Eva  Poljanec,  accom- 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  145 

panied  by  guitarist  Thelma  Hufsmith,  sang  The  Lord's  Prayer. 
Lester  May,  mayor  of  Jackson,  welcomed  the  gathering  and  dig- 
nitaries at  the  head  table  were  introduced  by  Jay  Brazelton,  presi- 
dent of  the  Teton  County  Chapter. 

Dr.  Larry  Gould,  explorer  and  lecturer,  was  the  speaker  of  the 
evening.  His  talk  was  informative,  up  to  the  minute,  humorous 
and  witty  and  was  warmly  received  by  the  audience. 

Historical  awards  were  presented  by  Henry  Jensen,  chairman  of 
the  Awards  Committee: 

Elizabeth  Brownell,  Annabelle  Hoblit  and  the  Niobrara 
County  Chapter  for  Museum  Activities. 

Bill  Dickerson  and  John  Clymer,  in  the  category  of  Fine 
Arts — Painting. 

Pat  Van  Offeren,  Honorable  Mention,  for  her  painting  "Inyan 
Kara  Mountain." 

Helen  A.  Knipp  for  poems  published  the  News  Letter 
Journal,  Newcastle. 

Bob  Sweeney  for  his  column  "Early  Days  in  Wyoming"  in  the 
Snake  River  Press. 

Valorie  Shuck  for  her  article  "Whoop-up  Hieroglyphics"  in 
Bits  and  Pieces,  under- 18-years-of-age  category. 

James  Fletcher  for  his  article  "The  CB&Q  Railroad"  in  Bits 
and  Pieces,  under- 18-years-of-age  category. 

Ted  Olson  for  his  book  Ranch  on  The  Laramie. 

David  J.  Wasden  for  his  book  From  Beaver  to  Oil. 

Ruth  Beebe  for  her  book  Reminiscing  Along  the  Sweetwater. 

Paul  Frison  for  his  book  Under  the  Tensleep. 

Peg  Layton  Leonard  for  Wyoming-LaBonte  Country  1820- 
1972. 

Dr.  Donald  G.  MacLeod  for  Cumulative  Contributions. 

Mabel  E.  Brown  for  Cumulative  Contributions. 

Irene  Brown,  Special  Fields  Award,  for  Oral  History,  tapes 
and  direct  interview. 

Kathleen  Ann  Young,  Junior  Historian  Award  for  the  biog- 
raphy, "Ora  Ellsworth  Snyder." 

Robert  PeduUa,  Junior  Historian  Award  for  "Pioneers  of 
Wyoming." 

Martha  Dingman  for  her  book  on  Wyoming  History,  Pearl 
Marsh  -  Worland  Pioneer. 

Uinta  County  Chapter  for  guided  tours  in  period  costume  at 
Fort  Bridger  Museum. 

Hattie  Burnstad,  Curtiss  Root,  Bill  Dubois  and  Dr.  T.  A. 
Larson,  past  presidents  of  the  Society,  were  introduced. 

Mr.  Dubois  announced  the  new  officers  for  1973-1974:  Richard 
Dumbrill,  President;  Henry  Jensen,  First  Vice  President;  Jay  Bra- 
zelton, Second  Vice  President;  Jane  Houston,  Secretary-Treasurer. 


146  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Maurine  Carley,  Secretary-Treasurer  for  20  years,  was  present- 
ed with  a  beautiful  oil  painting  symbolic  of  her  interest  in  Indians 
and  teaching.  It  was  painted  by  her  friend,  Gordon  Wilson.  A 
lovely  little  painting  by  Sandy  Yamashiro  and  two  paintings  do- 
nated by  the  Teton  Book  Store  were  awarded  as  door  prizes. 

Mr.  Chadey  presented  the  gavel  to  Mr.  Dumbrill  who  expressed 
the  thanks  of  all  members  of  the  Society  to  Mr.  Brazelton  and  the 
Teton  County  Chapter  for  a  fine  meeting.  Mrs.  Burnstad  read  the 
following  resolution: 

Although  the  rain  did  fall  on  the  Twentieth  Convention  of 
the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  it  certainly  did  not 
dampen  the  hospitality  of  the  Teton  Chapter.  As  we  come 
to  the  close  of  this  delightful  occasion,  we  wish  to  thank  Jany 
and  Roberta  Brazelton  for  their  fine  job  with  the  able  assist- 
ance of  Harry  and  Irene  Brown,  Ruth  Spicer,  Sandy  Yama- 
hiro  and  the  entire  Teton  Chapter.  Let  us  pay  tribute  to  the 
unusually  significant  contribution  of  youth  of  the  community 
to  our  program;  to  our  President  for  expediting  the  business 
in  such  a  fine  manner  and  to  the  Wort  Hotel  for  our  physical 
well  being.  Be  it  resolved  we  declare  this  convention  a  huge 
success. 

Mr.  Dumbrill  then  gave  the  President's  Certificate  of  Apprecia- 
tion to  Mr.  Chadey.    The  evening  closed  with  group  singing. 

SUNDAY,  SEPTEMBER  9 

A  complimentary  breakfast  of  pancakes,  eggs,  ham,  coffee  and 
hot  chocolate  was  served  at  the  Warm  Springs  Ranch  five  miles 
north  of  Jackson  at  8:00  a.m.  by  the  host  chapter. 

At  9:00  a.m.  three  tours  left  the  ranch.  1.  A  two-hour  tour  to 
Teton  Village  and  the  aerial  tram  ride  to  the  top  of  Rendezvous 
Peak.  2.  A  tour  to  Gros  Ventre  SUde.  3.  A  tour  to  Colter  Bay 
via  Moran  and  returning  via  Jenny  Lake  and  Teton  Village  for  a 
ride  on  the  aerial  tram. 

It  was  a  very  pleasant  and  worthwhile  weekend. 

Maurine  Carley 
Secretary-Treasurer 


1^00 k  Keviews 


The  Expeditions  of  John  Charles  Fremont  Volume  II:  The  Bear 
Flag  Revolt  and  the  Court-Martial.  Edited  by  Mary  Lee 
Spence  and  Donald  Jackson  (Urbana:  University  of  Illinois 
Press,  1973).    Index.    Illus.     519  pp.     $17.50. 

This  volume  is  the  second  in  a  series  of  three  and  tells  the  story 
of  the  somewhat  mysterious  Fremont  Expedition  of  1 845  to  Cali- 
fornia and  the  explorer's  participation  in  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt. 
Fremont's  later  court-martial  on  a  charge  of  mutiny  and  his  subse- 
quent resignation  from  the  army  were  the  result  of  this  so-called 
"Conquest  of  California." 

When  Fremont  set  off  on  his  1845  expedition,  there  was  no 
mention  whatsoever  of  extending  the  trip  to  California.  At  least, 
not  in  his  written  orders.  The  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Topograph- 
ical Engineers  directed  him  to  "strike  the  Arkansas — survey  the 
Red  River  within  our  boundary  line"  and  to  pay  particular  atten- 
tion to  "the  geography  of  localities  within  a  reasonable  distance  of 
Bent's  Fort." 

It  should  have  been  passing  strange,  then,  for  the  Bureau  of 
Topographical  Engineers  to  discover  their  top  explorer  had  ex- 
tended the  limits  of  his  trip  to  include  California  and  Oregon. 
Those  territories  bordering  the  Pacific  Ocean  were  surely  not 
"within  a  reasonable  distance  of  Bent's  Fork"  which  lay  in  what  is 
now  Colorado. 

Though  Fremont  was  headstrong,  even  he  was  not  sufficient!) 
independent  to  have  done  what  he  did  without  unwritten,  oral 
orders  from  someone.  That  someone  was  probably  either  Pres- 
ident James  Polk  or  Secretary  of  State  Buchanan.  Polk  and  some 
of  his  cabinet  members  were  obsessed  with  the  idea  that  Great 
Britain  had  designs  upon  unoccupied  areas  of  the  western  part  of 
this  continent.  Fremont's  oral  orders  evidently  sent  him  to  Cali- 
fornia to  ascertain  just  how  serious  those  designs  really  were. 

And  while  in  California,  Fremont's  peculiar  personality  led  him 
into  conflict  with  General  Stephen  Watts  Kearny,  disobedience  of 
Kearny's  direct  orders,  and  eventual  trial  on  charges  of  mutiny. 

A  thorough  reading  of  the  documents  in  this  book  leads  one  to 
the  inescapable  conclusion  that  Fremont  was  operating  under  oral 
orders  which  were  very  flexible.  The  events  in  California  had  to 
be  handled  "on  the  spot"  and  decisions  made  without  waiting  four 
to  six  months  for  instructions  from  Washington. 

Fremont,  Robert  F.  Stockton,  and  Kearny  came  into  serious 
confrontation  over  the  administration  of  civil  government  in  Cal- 
ifornia. The  editors  point  out  that  documentation  proves  "Fre- 
mont was  as  often  right  as  wrong"  in  the  episode.     If  so,  he  was 


148  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

"right"  only  in  retrospect.  He  was  definitely  wrong  at  the  time 
when  he  disobeyed  direct  orders  of  his  military  superior,  Kearny. 
For  that  disobedience  Fremont  was  court-martialed,  but  conviction 
on  the  charges  and  remission  of  the  sentence  lead  one  to  believe 
that  the  federal  government  decided  Fremont  had  gotten  the  short 
end  of  the  stick. 

Fremont's  career  often  suffered  because  of  his  own  precipitous 
actions,  and  because  of  his  constant  reliance  upon  the  influence  of 
his  father-in-law,  powerful  Senator  Thomas  Hart  Benton. 

Perhaps  John  Charles  Fremont  truly  was  "the  West's  greatest 
adventurer",  as  historian  Allan  Nevins  dubbed  him.  Perhaps  his 
part  in  the  conquest  of  California  was  ordered  by  the  administra- 
tion verbally  and  it  was  only  his  bad  luck  to  be  caught  in  a  con- 
frontation between  Stockton  and  Kearny.  One  thing  is  certain, 
however,  and  that  is  the  fact  that  Fremont  has  been  unjustly 
criticized — or  made  the  subject  of  odious  comparison  to  Kearny — 
in  the  California  Mutiny  dispute. 

Kearny,  and  his  hot-headed  subordinate  Colonel  Richard  B. 
Mason,  were  just  as  precipitous,  just  as  often  wrong,  as  Fremont. 
It  is  quite  apparent  that  some  historians,  such  as  Bernard  DeVoto, 
have  not  read  the  full  documentation  of  the  mutiny  charge  and 
subsequent  court-martial  proceedings. 

Fremont,  for  all  his  faults,  deserves  a  better  shake  from  history. 
Editors  Mary  Lee  Spence  and  Donald  Jackson  have  done  just  that. 
They  don't  apologize  for  Fremont's  personality  quirks  or  his  other 
failings.  Their  excellent  editing  and  annotation  put  the  California 
incident  into  true  perspective. 

Cheyenne  Pat  Hall 

The  Joyous  Journey  of  LeRoy  R.  and  Ann  W.  Hafen:  An  Auto- 
biography. (Glendale,  Calif.,  and  Denver,  Colo:  The  Arthur 
H.  Clark  Company  and  Fred  A.  Rosenstock:  The  Old  West 
Publishing  Company,  1973).     Illus.     335  pp.     $11.50. 

"Two  are  better  than  one  .  .  .  for  if  either  fall  the  one  will  lift 
up  the  other."  This  passage  from  Ecclesiastes  on  the  title  page  of 
Joyous  Journey  must  have  been  selected  with  the  same  care  which 
one  has  come  to  expect  of  the  Hafens,  for  it  is  particularly  appro- 
priate. No  husband-and-wife  writing  team  ever  complemented  one 
another  any  more  effectively  than  LeRoy  R.  and  Ann  W.  Hafen. 
Their  ten-year  collaboration  on  the  15-volume  The  Far  West  and 
Rockies  Historical  Series  and  their  joint  authorship  of  Colorado: 
A  Story  of  the  State  and  its  People  are  two  examples  of  the  couple's 
remarkable  cooperative  effort.  But  their  autobiography  also  re- 
veals a  rapport  between  two  human  beings  rarely  achieved.  As 
LeRoy  Hafen  expressed  it:   "Ann  and  I  held  almost  identical  views 


BOOK  REVIEWS  149 

on  most  things — on  what  was  good  poetry  or  prose  writing,  on 
poHtical  and  social  problems,  on  religious  and  philosophical  ques- 
tions, on  what  was  important  in  life  and  conduct."  Thus,  the 
Hafens'  autobiography  is  more  than  simply  a  story  of  two  creative 
people  devoted  to  recovering  Western  history  and  lore;  it  is  a  love 
story  with  tenderness  and  depth. 

Despite  the  common  interests  of  the  Hafens,  each  was  a  distinc- 
tive creator  in  his  own  right.  Ann  was  a  poet,  storyteller,  and 
dramatist;  many  of  her  poems  are  incorporated  in  the  book.  Sev- 
enteen months  before  her  passing  she  was  made  Poet  Laureate  at 
the  First  World  Poetry  Congress  at  Manila  in  the  Phillipines  in 
1969.  LeRoy  Hafen,  former  state  historian  for  Colorado  and 
history  professor  at  Brigham  Young  University,  is  a  prolific  his- 
torical writer  who  is  still  active,  notwithstanding  his  many  years  of 
productive  scholarship — "the  rocking  chair  has  no  appeal  as  yet." 
His  list  of  publications,  thus  far,  includes  over  40  books  which  he 
has  authored,  co-authored,  or  edited. 

The  Hafens'  autobiography  should  reveal,  especially  to  budding 
historians,  the  dynamics  of  successful  scholarly  production.  Their 
drive  and  self  discipline  are  apparent  in  the  narrative  of  this  auto- 
biography as  well  as  in  their  accumulation  of  notable  books  and 
periodical  articles.  Both  kept  careful  records  of  their  life  and  all 
that  they  observed.  Ann  religiously  kept  a  diary  for  over  30  years. 
LeRoy  learned  to  keep  his  records  on  4-by-6  inch  cards  while 
studying  at  Berkeley  as  part  of  the  famous  "Bolton  School."  Their 
learning  and  growing  was  not  confined  to  the  library  or  study, 
however;  every  major  or  side  trip  included  visits  to  historical 
shrines  or  locations.  Survivors  of  America's  pioneering  past  were 
interviewed  whenever  and  wherever  possible.  As  history  was  their 
passion  and  travel  was  essential,  because  they  insisted  on  com- 
pletely immersing  themselves  in  the  subject,  theirs  was  a  full  and 
active  life. 

The  reader  of  this  book  will  learn  much  about  Western  history. 
LeRoy  Hafen's  description  of  his  Mormon  boyhood  in  Bunkerville, 
Nevada,  is  in  itself  a  discerning  study  of  pioneer  life.  Also,  when 
the  Hafens  visited  Western  landmarks  and  sites,  many  of  them 
unmarked,  they  recorded  their  experiences.  Many  of  these  are 
included  in  the  book  with  appropriate  historical  background. 
Although  the  transitions  from  one  subject  to  another  are  some- 
times abrupt,  the  skillful  writing  throughout  the  book  makes  for 
enjoyable  reading. 

University  of  Northern  Colorado  Robert  W.  Larson 


150  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

From  Beaver  to  Oil.  A  Century  in  the  Development  of  Wyoming's 
Big  Horn  Basin.  By  David  J.  Wasden.  (Cheyenne:  Pioneer 
Printing  &  Stationery  Co.,  1973).  Index.  Bib.  Illus.  350 
pp.    $9.95. 

Wyoming's  Big  Horn  Basin  has  long  been  considered  a  distinct 
geographic  area,  but  few  scholars  have  attempted  to  write  a  com- 
prehensive history  of  the  Basin.  To  date,  the  best  study  has  been 
Charles  Lindsay's  The  Big  Horn  Basin,  published  in  1932,  and 
now  relatively  scarce.  Recognizing  this  dearth  of  pubUshed  mater- 
ial, David  J.  Wasden  began  a  project  in  the  late  1960s  to  "make 
available  the  recounting  of  past  happenings  in  the  Basin  to  more 
people."  Mr.  Wasden's  lengthy  research  resulted  in  From  Beaver 
to  Oil.  As  a  long-time  resident  of  the  Basin,  this  reviewer  was 
especially  pleased  to  see  the  publication  of  this  work. 

This  study  concentrated  on  the  period  between  1807  and  1910, 
although  this  rule  has  not  been  strictly  followed.  Wasden  reaches 
back  to  the  latter  part  of  the  1 8th  century  to  discuss  the  possibility 
that  the  French  Verendrye  brothers  reached  the  Big  Horn  Basin  in 
their  explorations,  and  he  goes  beyond  1910  to  discuss  oil  and 
reclamation  developments. 

The  topical,  almost  anecdotal  style  in  the  latter  part  of  From 
Beaver  to  Oil  detracts  somewhat  from  the  narrative  flow  of  the 
work,  but  much  useful  information  about  selected  topics  is  pre- 
sented in  this  format.  The  letters  of  Victor  Arland,  for  instance, 
offer  invaluable  information  about  economic  conditions  early  in 
the  Basin's  history.  Railroads,  schools,  mail  service,  churches  and 
newspapers  are  just  some  of  the  topics  discussed. 

Mr.  Wasden's  intentions  should  be  applauded  by  scholars  and 
casual  readers  alike,  for  he  has  focused  attention  on  a  long- 
neglected  area  of  Wyoming.  Unfortunately,  a  serious  problem 
within  the  book's  structure  needs  to  be  pointed  out.  In  his  "Intro- 
duction" Mr.  Wasden  comments  that  Charles  Lindsay's  1932 
publication  was  the  "inspiration"  for  beginning  his  project,  and  in 
the  "References"  section,  he  explains  that  much  of  his  work  is 
based  on  Lindsay's  book.  But  Mr.  Wasden's  failure  to  footnote 
his  sources  prevents  the  reader  from  being  able  to  tell  what  parts 
were  written  by  Lindsay,  and  what  parts  by  Wasden.  A  com- 
parison of  the  two  books  shows  that  most  of  Lindsay's  The  Big 
Horn  Basin  is  copied  verbatim  in  From  Beaver  to  Oil,  without  ben- 
efit of  quotation  marks.  In  fact,  the  first  half  of  Mr.  Wasden's 
book  is  basically  a  reproduction  of  the  Lindsay  book,  with  some 
modifications.  What  Mr.  Wasden  has  produced  is  two  books 
under  one  title — a  slightly  edited  version  of  The  Big  Horn  Basin 
and  17  chapters  of  new  material.  The  contribution  of  From  Bea- 
ver to  Oil  could  have  been  greater  had  Mr.  Wasden  utilized  less  of 
the  Lindsay  work,  or  had  he  presented  the  book  as  a  new  edition  of 
The  Big  Horn  Basin,  with  additions  by  David  J.  Wasden.     In  the 


BOOK  REVIEWS  151 

present  version,  Mr.  Wasden's  own  valuable  research  is  subor- 
dinated by  its  appearance  as  addenda  to  the  Lindsay  material. 
Mr.  Wasden's  desire  to  make  Charles  Lindsay's  book  available  to 
more  people  is  commendable,  but  he  might  have  taken  more  care 
in  differentiating  between  his  own  work  and  that  of  Mr.  Lindsay. 

Wyoming  State  Archives  Bart  R.  Voigt 

Historical  Department 


Bent's  Old  Fort.  An  Archeological  Study.  By  Jackson  W.  Moore, 
Jr.  Historical  Introduction  by  Dwight  E.  Stinson,  Jr.  (Boul- 
der: Pruett  Publishing  Company  and  State  Historical  Society 
of  Colorado).    Index.    Bib.    lUus.     144  pp.     $14.95. 

Jackson  W.  Moore  is  an  archeologist  with  the  National  Park 
Service.  Besides  his  work  at  Bent's  Fort,  he  has  undertaken 
archeological  projects  in  several  different  National  Park  Service 
areas  including  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site.  He  presently 
is  with  the  National  Park  Service  Division  of  Archeology  and  His- 
toric Preservation  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

As  the  author  acknowledges,  the  manuscript  of  this  book,  in  a 
slightly  different  form,  was  submitted  as  a  thesis  in  partial  fulfill- 
ment of  the  requirements  for  an  M.A.  degree  in  anthropology  at 
the  University  of  Oklahoma. 

In  the  historical  introduction  we  learn  that  Bent's  Fort  was  con- 
structed of  adobe  in  1833  along  the  Mountain  Branch  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Trail  near  the  present-day  town  of  La  Junta,  Colorado.  It  was 
built  by  the  brothers  Charles  and  William  Bent  and  their  partner 
Ceran  St.  Vrain  for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  Indians  and  inde- 
pendent mountain  men  in  that  part  of  the  country.  It  also  engaged 
in  business  in  the  two-way  traffic  of  trade  groups  between  Missouri 
and  the  Mexican  territory  around  Santa  Fe. 

The  fort  served  as  a  supply  depot  during  the  Mexican  War  in 
1846  and  1847.  However,  the  great  tide  of  immigrants  after  the 
discovery  of  gold  in  California  brought  about  incidents  with  the 
Indians.  As  a  result  of  this  trouble,  business  declined  and  in  the 
summer  of  1849,  William  Bent  abandoned  the  fort.  The  structure 
deteriorated  until  1861  when  it  was  occupied  by  the  Barlow  San- 
derson Overland  Mail  and  Express  Company  and  used  until  1881. 

The  fort  continued  to  deteriorate  even  though  the  local  chapter 
of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution  became  interested  in 
perpetuating  the  memory  of  the  historic  site.  The  title  to  the 
property  was  transferred  to  the  state  of  Colorado  in  1954.  An  act 
of  Congress  established  Bent's  Fort  National  Historic  Site;  the 
National  Park  Service  took  over  the  administration  of  the  site  on 
March  15,  1963. 


152  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  book  includes  a  study  of  the  architecture  and  a  room-by- 
room  archeological  investigation  of  the  fort  site.  The  study  is 
illustrated  by  several  drawings  and  photographs.  Many  significant 
architectural  details  such  as  wells,  stairways,  basements  and  fire- 
places were  located  during  the  project. 

Numerous  artifacts  were  uncovered  during  this  study.  Besides 
an  informative  text,  the  author  includes  several  illustrations  of 
artifacts  such  as  old  bottles,  various  types  of  ceramics,  including 
clay  smoking  pipes,  firearms,  cartridges,  gunflints,  glass  trade 
beads,  household  articles  and  buttons  found  at  the  site. 

This  archeological  study  was  undertaken  by  the  National  Park 
Service  from  1963  to  1966.  The  author  tells  us  that  "the  main 
purpose  of  this  project  was  to  provide  the  necessary  data  for  the 
reconstruction  of  the  site  to  its  condition  at  a  salient  point  in 
history."  Although  the  reconstruction  of  the  fort  may  not  be 
attempted  in  the  near  future,  the  archeological  information  will  be 
available. 

The  entire  book  is  a  scholarly  contribution  to  western  frontier 
history.  Students  and  researchers  especially  interested  in  the 
history  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail,  the  Rocky  Mountain  fur  trade,  the 
Mexican  War  and  the  early  history  of  the  state  of  Colorado  should 
find  this  publication  a  useful  and  important  reference. 

Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site  W.  J.  Petty 


The  Bone  Hunters.     By  Url  Lanham.     (New  York:    Columbia 
University  Press,  1973.)     Index.    Illus.    285  pp.    $10. 

Lanham  has  written  a  lively  account  of  paleontological  science 
as  it  was  practiced  and  as  it  developed  during  the  1800s,  especially 
in  the  western  United  States.  He  gives  us  a  view  of  the  activities 
and  character  of  several  men  active  in  paleontology  at  this  time 
including  Hayden,  Powell,  King,  Sternberg,  Hatcher,  WilHston, 
Leidy,  Osborn,  Reed,  Grinnell,  Marsh  and  Cope.  When  he  gives 
the  reader  a  view  of  their  tremendous  contributions  to  their  field  of 
study,  he  also  exposes  the  warts  of  these  competing  personalities. 
Here  we  see  science  in  the  raw  with  many  of  the  elements  of  a  good 
soap  opera  present:  greed,  cheating,  lying,  stealing  and  character 
assassination.  He  humanizes  rather  than  deifies  these  men,  thus 
giving  a  realistic  view  of  19  th  century  science  and  scientists  who 
were,  after  all,  merely  human.  All  of  these  men  in  their  own  way 
helped  in  the  exploration  and  subsequent  promotion  of  the  west  as 
an  immense  and  potentially  productive  region. 

The  major  early  paleontological  explorations  in  the  West  were 
most  numerous  in  Wyoming,  Colorado,  Utah,  Montana,  Nebraska, 
South  Dakota,  New  Mexico  and  Kansas  during  the  1850-1900 
period,  with  the  greatest  activity  in  the  1870s.    During  this  decade 


BOOK  REVIEWS  153 

field  work  was  conducted  at  a  fantastic  rate  despite  incredibly 
limited  financial  resources.  Work  was  primarily  fueled  by  intense 
interest,  curiosity  and  competition. 

In  The  Bone  Hunters  we  see  a  west  that  has  been  rarely  por- 
trayed and  one  never  seen  in  the  popular  media.  Here  there  were 
no  cowboys,  outlaws  or  the  ubiquitous  cows,  and  Indians  were 
seen  but  not  heard.  The  Indian  was  visible  but  in  a  way  different 
from  the  usual  image.  Here  in  the  world  of  the  fossil  hunter  the 
Indian  was  holder  of  lands  in  which  there  was  a  rare  commodity — 
fossils  which  were  as  eagerly  sought  as  gold.  Permission  was  some- 
times obtained  to  travel  and  collect  on  Indian  lands,  if  not,  a 
military  escort  was  often  necessary.  Even  in  the  difficult  times 
of  the  Indian  Wars  the  pioneer  paleontologist  traveled  widely  in 
search  of  his  fossils. 

Although  Lanham  writes  the  history  of  the  efforts  of  pioneer 
vertebrate  paleontologists  working  in  the  West,  his  story  revolves 
primarily  around  the  careers  of  two  of  the  most  dynamic,  Othneil 
Charles  Marsh  and  Edward  Drinker  Cope.  These  two  men  were 
neither  creators  of  their  field  of  research  nor  did  they  have  the 
final  word,  but  they  made  hundreds  of  significant  contributions  to 
paleontology  and  geology,  many  of  which  are  still  important  today. 

Marsh  began  his  career  in  the  early  1860s.  He  received  his 
education  at  Yale  and  in  Germany  and  upon  returning  from  Ger- 
many took  an  unpaid  professorship  at  Yale,  all  supported  by  his 
rich  uncle,  George  Peabody.  His  field  work  in  the  West  began  in 
1868  in  the  badlands  of  South  Dakota  and  continued  into  the 
1870s  with  army  support.  In  subsequent  years  he  worked  in  the 
Fort  Bridger  and  Como  Bluff  areas  of  Wyoming.  Even  though 
he  retired  from  field  work  after  1874  he  maintained  crews  in  the 
field  for  many  years  afterwards.  During  the  1880s  Marsh  climbed 
into  progressively  more  powerful  positions.  In  1882  he  became 
the  vertebrate  paleontologist  for  the  United  States  Geological  Sur- 
vey, a  position  he  held  until  1892.  The  vast  collections  of  speci- 
mens accumulated  during  his  professional  lifetime  were  given  to 
Yale  University  before  his  death  in  1899. 

Cope,  who  began  his  career  in  1859,  conducted  his  first  field 
work  in  the  West  in  1871  at  the  Smoky  Hill  beds  in  Kansas.  By 
1875  he  had  reported  on  84  species,  nearly  all  of  which  were  new. 
He  became  a  member  of  the  Geological  Survey  staff  in  1871  and 
went  to  the  Bridger  Basin  for  field  work,  which  was  considered  by 
Marsh  to  be  trespassing  on  his  own  private  domain.  This  dispute 
over  the  collecting  area  created  an  animosity  that,  although  it  was 
low  key,  continued  for  nearly  20  years.  Cope's  career,  although  it 
paralleled  that  of  Marsh  in  time,  was  characterized  by  considerably 
more  time  in  the  field  and  by  a  variety  of  teaching  and  other  jobs. 
While  the  1880s  were  good  years  for  Marsh  they  were  difficult 
ones  for  Cope.  In  1884  he  gave  up  collecting  but  continued  to 
publish  frequently  as  he  had  earlier.     In  1895,  because  of  a  need 


154  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

for  money,  he  sold  his  huge  collection  to  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History  in  New  York.     He  died  in  1896. 

In  the  early  stages  of  their  careers  Marsh  and  Cope  were  friends 
but  they  gradually  became  bitter  and  somewhat  irrational  enemies. 
After  1890,  what  had  previously  been  a  submerged  animosity  be- 
came an  open  feud  with  each  bent  upon  the  destruction  of  the 
other's  scientific  and  moral  reputation.  Accusations  of  stealing 
data,  spying,  lying  and  misrepresentation  and  incorrect  identifica- 
tion of  data  were  hurled  back  and  forth.  At  one  point  one  of  them 
even  went  so  far  as  to  have  unwanted  fossil  remains  smashed  so 
as  to  prevent  the  other  from  acquiring  them. 

The  Bone  Hunters  should  prove  to  be  exceptionally  interesting 
reading  for  anyone  with  an  interest  in  western  history,  geology  or 
paleontology.  Many  of  us  who  think  of  the  west  in  terms  of 
covered  wagons,  forts  and  Indian  attacks  will  have  revealed  an 
aspect  of  the  west  that  is  ordered  around  other  than  survival  prob- 
lems. Indeed,  we  will  get  little  of  the  frontier  "feeling"  from  this 
book  and  that  is  what  makes  it  so  interesting. 

Arizona  State  Museum  James  E.  Ayres 


Vnited  States  Military  Saddles,  1812-1943,  By  Randy  Steffen. 
(Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1973).  Index. 
lUus.     158  pp.    $7.95. 

This  volume  is  a  long  awaited  work  by  the  well-known  artist, 
illustrator  and  author,  Randy  Steffen.  Steffen  has  combined  his 
many  talents  to  produce  a  type  of  work  not  often  published  by  a 
university  press.  United  States  Military  Saddles  is  a  highly  spe- 
cialized study,  but  it  should  be  of  interest  to  museologists,  collec- 
tors of  military  equipment  and  students  of  western  and  military 
history. 

According  to  Steffen,  three  items  were  essential  for  cavalry 
operations — a  horse,  weapons  and  a  saddle.  He  provides  a  tightly 
woven  narrative  describing  military  saddles  with  brief  references 
to  the  types  of  weapons  used.  Fortunately,  horse  equipments  in- 
cluding bridles,  saddle  bags  and  other  accessories  are  also  touched 
upon.  Unfortunately  these  passages  are  all  too  brief,  yet  one  must 
remember  that  the  book  does  focus  its  attention  on  saddles.  At 
best  it  can  be  lamented  that  it  was  thought  necessary  to  so  narrowly 
confine  the  volume's  scope. 

Beginning  with  various  Dragoon  saddles  from  1812  through  the 
1  840s  and  continuing  with  descriptions  of  different  contract  sad- 
dles before  and  after  the  Civil  War,  the  author  proceeds  with  a 
detailed  study  of  the  well  known  McClellan  saddles.  Thereafter 
he  discusses  experimental  saddles  and  officers'  riding  equipment 
used  from  1912  to  the  abandonment  of  U.  S.  military  horse  troops 


BOOK  REVIEWS  155 

in  1943.  The  final  chapter  of  the  book  covers  miscellaneous 
freighting,  artillery,  packer  and  driver  saddles. 

Using  such  adjectives  as  glorious,  colorful  and  exciting,  the 
author  describes  the  role  of  horse-mounted  troops  in  American 
history.  Thus  intertwined  with  the  story  of  military  saddles,  this 
is  quite  helpful.  Yet,  being  so  enamored  with  his  subject,  the 
author  tends  to  give  the  cavalry  too  much  glamour,  glitter  and 
glory.  The  book  does  not  have  a  bibliography  but  some  sources 
are  listed  within  the  text.  The  quality  of  the  text  and  the  number 
of  sources  Hsted  suggest  that  the  book  is  not  as  detailed  or 
thorough  as  some  collectors  would  like.  As  it  is,  the  volume  has 
popular  appeal  and  will  serve  as  a  general  reference. 

Gracing  most  pages  of  this  book  are  skillful  line  drawings 
accurately  showing  the  numerous  types  of  saddles.  Many  illustra- 
tions show  fully  packed  rigs  and  soldiers  wearing  appropriate 
uniforms  and  carrying  the  correct  arms  and  accouterments.  The 
number  and  quality  of  illustrations  is  more  than  adequate  and  these 
drawings  serve  to  distinguish  the  volume  from  other  antiquarian 
works  which  often  lack  acceptable  detailed  pictures. 

This  book  has  been  in  the  works  for  some  time.  Steffen  has 
succeeded  rather  well  in  overcoming  the  handicap  of  having  his 
notes  burned.  The  Company  of  Military  Historians  has  endorsed 
the  book  "as  an  accurate  and  useful  reference  work  in  American 
military  history."  Anyone  buying  United  States  Military  Saddles 
will  have  invested  well. 

Wyoming  State  Archives  and  James  H.  Nottage 

Historical  Department 


Letters  of  Long  Ago.  By  Agnes  Just  Reid.  Introduction  by  Brig- 
ham  D.  Madsen.  (Sak  Lake  City:  Tanner  Trust  Fund. 
University  of  Utah  Library,  1973).  Index.  Illus.  93  pp. 
$9.50. 

A  Mormon  Mother,  An  Autobiography.  By  Annie  Clark  Tanner. 
(Salt  Lake  City:  University  of  Utah  Press,  1973).  Index. 
lUus.    346  pp.    $10. 

Both  of  these  books  deal  with  the  lives  of  women  whose  hard- 
ships, frustrations  and  persevering  spirits  helped  to  color  the  tapes- 
try of  the  West — Idaho  and  Utah — in  the  late  1 800s. 

Letters  of  Long  Ago  is  actually  a  collection  of  recorded  incidents 
in  the  life  of  a  young  woman,  Emma  Just,  as  related  to  her  daugh- 
ter, Agnes  Just  Reid.  Written  in  letter  form,  the  vook  contains 
possible  letters  that  Emma  Just  had  written  to  her  father  in  En- 
gland,    Mrs.  Reid  wrote  the  incidents  her  mother  had  told  her 


156  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

through  the  years  and  after  she  had  written  them  she  checked  them 
with  her  mother  for  authenticity. 

The  book  deals  with  struggles  on  the  frontier  to  establish  a  home 
and  raise  a  family  in  the  most  trying  of  times,  as  experienced  by  a 
sensitive  and  determined  young  woman.  Emma  married  George 
Bennett  at  the  age  of  1 5,  was  separated  from  her  parents  who  were 
headed  back  to  England,  and  shortly  thereafter  was  abandoned  by 
Bennett,  four  months  before  their  first  child  was  born. 

Two  years  later  she  married  Nels  Just  and  her  life  of  tragedies 
and  joys  continued;  the  birth  of  five  sons  and  five  daughters.  Only 
one  of  the  daughters  survived,  Agnes  Just  Reid,  author  of  the 
book. 

Annie  Clark  Tanner's  autobiography,  A  Mormon  Mother,  is  an 
objective,  fascinating  account  of  a  woman  who  entered  a  Mormon 
polygamous  marriage. 

Her  account  of  her  courtship  with  Joseph  Marion  Tanner  is  of 
particular  interest  to  those  who  have  sparse  knowledge  of  the 
details  of  polygamy. 

In  introducing  her  future  husband  in  the  book,  Mrs.  Tanner 
wrote  as  follows:  ".  .  .  my  impression  guided  me  most  favorably 
toward  Mr.  Tanner.  As  a  teacher  he  seemed  perfect.  There 
seemed  to  be  no  limit  to  his  knowledge.  He  gave  lectures  on 
various  subjects  all  winter.  He  took  me  or  asked  me  to  come  and 
see  his  first  wife.  We  had  our  secret  meetings  and  I  felt  favored 
above  all  the  other  girls  in  the  school.  Often  I  heard  them  express 
admiration  for  Mr.  Tanner,  but  I  said  nothing.  It  was  enough  to 
know  that  he  admired  me." 

Mr.  Tanner  began  a  correspondence  with  the  writer  after  she 
had  returned  home  from  school.  He  asked  that  her  correspon- 
dence to  him  go  through  his  first  wife.  Soon  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tanner 
visited  Annie  Clark,  and  Mr.  Tanner  proposed  that  he  take  Annie 
for  a  walk. 

'i  replied,"  she  said,  'No,  not  for  the  world  would  I  make  Mrs. 
Tanner  feel  badly.    This  is  her  outing  and  she  is  my  guest.'  " 

"The  next  morning  she  and  I  went  for  a  buggy  ride  which  was 
the  customary  way  to  entertain  friends  in  the  country.  Mrs.  Tan- 
ner, having  observed  that  I  had  been  comparatively  indifferent  to 
her  husband,  brought  up  the  subject  of  polygamy.  I  told  her  that 
without  her  approval,  our  affair  was  at  an  end. 

■'  'Why?'  she  answered,  'don't  you  love  him?'  " 

"  'Independent  of  that,'  I  replied,  'without  your  approval,  our 
interest  in  each  other  will  go  no  farther.'  " 

Annie  Clark  eventually  married  Joseph  Tanner,  on  December 
27,  1883,  in  Salt  Lake  City  with  the  first  Mrs.  Tanner  (Aunt 
Jennie)  at  the  ceremony. 

Following  the  ceremony  all  three,  Mr.  Tanner  and  the  two  Mrs. 
Tanners,  took  the  northbound  train.  The  bride  got  off  at  Farm- 
ington  and  the  other  two  went  on  to  Ogden. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  157 

Because  of  the  political  climate  against  polygamy  Annie  Clark 
Tanner  became  a  member  of  "the  underground,"  moving  from  one 
location  to  the  other  through  arrangements  made  by  friends  or  one 
of  the  church  authorities. 

Prosecution  under  the  Edmund's  anti-polygamy  law  meant  se- 
vere penalties  and  such  cases  were  being  vigorously  carried  on  by 
federal  authorities  in  Utah  and  Idaho  courts.  Religious  men  felt 
it  their  duty,  if  they  were  to  be  promoted  by  the  church,  or  to  enjoy 
the  Celestial  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  to  enter  into  polygamy. 

Readers  of  these  books  will  find  them  interesting.  However, 
20th  century  women  will  writhe  in  indignation  at  the  subservient 
manner  in  which  women  were  regarded  in  that  era. 

While  reading  these  two  books,  one  has  the  inclination  to  say, 
"Good  heavens,  can't  someone  help  these  women?" 

University  of  Wyoming  Pat  Queal 


Horace  Tabor:  His  Life  and  the  Legend.  By  Duane  E.  Smith. 
(Boulder,  Colorado:  Colorado  Associated  University  Press, 
1973)     Index.    Illus.    395  pp.    $12.50. 

Duane  A.  Smith's  Horace  Tabor  is  the  biography  of  a  colorful 
and  remarkable  figure  in  Western  history  whose  life  spanned  the 
years  of  1830  to  1899.  The  subject,  of  course,  has  all  the  in- 
gredients of  high  tragedy  and  of  melodrama:  soaring  ambition, 
reckless  speculation,  lust,  opulence,  victory,  extravagance,  and 
ruin,  all  displayed  against  the  background  of  late  19th  century 
Denver. 

Tabor  was  born  in  Holland,  Vermont,  where  his  early  years 
were  spent  on  the  farm  and  at  the  village  school.  He  was  a  stone- 
cutter for  eight  years.  In  1855  he  joined  a  company  of  Free-Soil 
emigrants  to  Kansas  and  in  1856  and  1857  was  a  member  of  the 
Topeka  legislature,  returning  to  Vermont  to  marry  on  January  31, 
1857,  Augusta  Pierce  daughter  of  his  former  employer,  after  the 
legislature  was  dispersed  by  order  of  President  Pierce.  He  next 
moved  to  Denver,  Colorado,  in  1859  and  in  the  following  \ear  to 
California  Gulch  (later  Leadville)  where  he  engaged  in  mining  and 
mercantile  pursuits,  quickly  amassing  a  small  fortune.  In  1878- 
1879  he  was  Leadville's  first  mayor,  and  he  became  the  first  lieu- 
tenant governor  of  Colorado,  in  1879,  holding  this  office  until 
1883,  when  he  was  elected  senator,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of 
Henry  M.  Teller,  who  had  been  appointed  secretary  of  the  interior. 
He  served  from  February  1  to  March  3.  At  this  time  his  fortune 
was  estimated  at  $9,000,000.  He  erected  a  fine  opera  house  at 
Leadville  and  built  the  Tabor  block  and  the  Tabor  Opera  House  in 
Denver,  the  latter  costing  nearly  $  1 ,000,000. 


158  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Now  at  the  height  of  his  success,  Tabor  at  age  52  fell  in  love 
with  a  28-year-old  divorcee  nicknamed  "Baby  Doe."  His  wife 
was  quickly  divorced  and  he  married  Elizabeth  Doe  secretly  on 
September  30,  1882,  and  he  re-married  her  publicly  on  March  1, 
1883,  with  President  Chester  Arthur  as  a  guest  of  honor.  Smith 
marks  the  start  of  his  fall  with  the  statement:  "In  the  1880's 
Tabor's  money  flitted  hither  and  yon  in  search  of  still  greater 
financial  bonanzas,  like  a  flood  spreading  thinly  over  the  landscape 
and  then  slowly  receding."  His  gambles  multiplied  and  his  specu- 
lations became  wholly  indiscriminate.  Promoters  sold  him  worth- 
less mines  in  Mexico  and  South  America,  timber  lands  in  Central 
America,  and  railroads  built  on  paper.  Then  the  production  of  his 
mines  decreased  and  the  price  of  silver  declined;  to  bolster  weak 
holdings  he  mortgaged  sound  ones;  and  the  crash  of  1893  and  the 
repeal  of  the  Sherman  Act  left  him  bankrupt.  Heroically  but 
vainly  he  tried  to  recoup  his  losses.  He  was  old  and  broken  in 
1898  when  friends  secured  him  appointment  as  postmaster  of 
Denver,  and  the  following  year  he  died  on  April  10,  survived 
by  his  wife  and  two  sons.  Baby  Doe  lived  until  1935,  when 
she  was  found  frozen  to  death  in  a  shack  beside  the  Matchless 
Mine.  Smith  concludes  that  one  facet  that  stands  out  throughout 
Tabor's  life  was  "his  restless  pursuit  of  instant  wealth."  Psycho- 
logically his  character  was  marked  by  inner  conflict  which  mani- 
fested itself  by  periods  of  boldness  and  resolution,  followed  by 
indecision  and  uneasiness. 

This  biography  is  of  importance  as  it  succeeds  well  in  presenting 
Tabor  in  all  his  complexity,  and  gives  new  insights  into  early 
Western  mining  business  activities.  Smith's  research  is  careful, 
his  style  pleasant  and  the  book  is  embellished  by  a  number  of 
striking  photographs  of  Tabor  and  his  family. 

University  of  Southern  Mississippi  Philip  A.  Kalisch 


Silver  San  Juan.  The  Rio  Grande  Southern.  By  Mallory  Hope 
Ferrell.  (Boulder:  Pruett  Publishing  Co.,  1973).  Index. 
Illus.    643  pp.    $19.95. 

This  is  a  sad  book  in  several  respects — not  in  the  author's  style 
or  intent — but  because  the  Rio  Grande  Southern  was  built  as  a 
mining  railroad  only  to  have  much  of  the  mining  on  its  route  de- 
cline soon  after  it  was  completed.  Tragically,  it  was  abandoned 
just  before  it  might  have  become  a  prime  tourist  attraction.  It 
ended  its  days  by  carrying  mostly  sheep  and  cattle,  somewhat  more 
prosaic  than  gold  and  silver  ore.  Such  was  the  history  of  the  Rio 
Grande  Southern,  born  in  1891,  died  in  1951.  It  ran  from 
Durango  to  Mancos,  Dolores,  Rico,  Telluride,  and  Ridgway,  Colo- 
rado, connecting  with  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  at  each  end  and 


BOOK  REVIEWS  159 

winding  through  some  strikingly  beautiful  parts  of  the  San  Juan 
mountains.  This  latter  attribute  never  endeared  it  to  the  construc- 
tion workers  or  to  those  whose  job  it  was  to  keep  the  tracks  open 
through  the  annual  winter  snowslides. 

Those  few  brief  words  could  delimit  its  history  but  would  not 
tell  the  story  of  the  engines,  the  cars,  and  the  men  who  kept  this 
railroad  running  for  six  decades.  The  author,  a  railroad  historian 
with  previous  books  to  his  credit,  correctly  focuses  on  these  aspects 
in  a  book  probably  two-thirds  of  which  is  photographs.  One  might 
even  surmise  that  Ferrell  fell  in  love  with  Engine  Number  20,  it 
appears  so  often  in  picture  and  prose. 

Silver  San  Juan  is  a  photographic  joy  to  behold,  enhanced  by 
paintings  by  Howard  Fogg,  well-known  railroad  artist,  among  oth- 
ers. It  is  easy  to  catch  Terrell's  enthusiasm  and  his  love  for  this 
railroad  and  the  country  it  ran  through.  Railroad  buffs  and  Colo- 
rado San  Juan  enthusiasts  won't  quibble  over  the  price. 

One  might  have  wished  for  a  slightly  more  careful  historical 
framework  and  overall  research;  for  example,  the  photographic 
caption  on  page  133  leads  the  reader  to  assume  that  Bryan  was  in 
Telluride  in  1896,  which  he  was  not.  Also,  a  little  more  on 
Telluride  and  Rico  mining  problems  and  production  would  have 
helped  explain  the  railroad's  early  20th  century  history.  This  is 
nit-picking  and  is  not  meant  to  detract  from  what  Ferrell  and 
Pruett  Publishing  Co.  have  done;  it  is  a  fine  work.  They  have 
collaborated  to  produce  a  book  that  should  stand  for  many  years 
as  a  tribute  to  a  railroad  and  its  era. 

Fort  Lewis  College  Duane  A.  Smith 


This  Was  Cattle  Ranching.  Yesterday  and  Today.  By  Virginia 
Paul.  (Seattle:  Superior  Publishing  Company,  1973).  Index. 
Illus.    192  pp.    $13.95. 

Wilderness  and  the  American  Mind.  By  Roderick  Nash.  (New 
Haven:  Yale  University  Press,  1973).  Rev.  ed.  Index. 
300  pp.    Cloth,  $10;  paper,  $2.95. 

Two  Great  Scouts  and  Their  Pawnee  Battalion.  The  Experiences 
of  Frank  J.  North  and  Luther  H.  North.  By  George  Bird 
Grinnell.  Foreword  by  James  T.  King.  (Lincoln:  Univer- 
sity of  Nebraska  Press,  1973).  Bison  Book.  Index.  Map. 
299  pp.    $3.45. 


Contributors 


Virginia  Cole  Trenholm  holds  two  degrees  from  the  Univer- 
sity of  Missouri  and  she  has  served  on  the  faculties  of  Stephens 
College  and  of  Park  College.  She  is  the  author  of  Footprints  on 
the  Frontier  and  The  Arapahoes,  Our  People,  and  co-author,  with 
Maurine  Carley,  of  The  Shoshonis,  Sentinels  of  the  Rockies  and 
Wyoming  Pageant.  The  ethno-histories  of  the  two  Indian  tribes, 
published  by  the  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  are  in  their  highly 
acclaimed  Civilization  of  the  American  Indian  Series.  Mrs.  Tren- 
holm is  presently  editing,  revising  and  updating  the  Wyoming 
Historical  Blue  Book.    Her  home  is  in  Cheyenne. 


Homer  Franklin,  Sr.,  co-editor  of  the  Wilham  Riley  Franklin 
journal,  is  a  retired  educator  Uving  in  Lubbock,  Texas.  His  son. 
Homer  Franklin,  Jr.,  who  worked  with  him  in  preparing  the 
journal  for  pubhcation,  is  a  graduate  of  Texas  Technological  Col- 
lege in  Lubbock.  A  chemical  engineer,  he  works  for  a  consulting 
firm  in  Houston. 


Richard  F.  Fleck  and  Robert  A.  Campbell,  co-authors  of 
"A  Selective  Literary  Bibliography  of  Wyoming,"  are  both  assis- 
tant professors  of  English  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  Pro- 
fessor Fleck  has  edited  selections  of  Henry  David  Thoreau's  pre- 
viously unpubhshed  Indian  notebooks,  which  will  be  published  in 
book  form  later  this  year  by  Hummingbird  Press,  Albuquerque. 
Professor  Campbell  is  currently  editing  three  unpublished  letters  of 
Robert  Louis  Stevenson,  and  is  also  compiling  a  biography  of 
Charles  Kingsley. 


Myrtle  Chalfant  Gregg,  who  now  lives  in  Farmington,  New 
Mexico,  still  actively  follows  her  hobby  interests  in  Hereford  cattle 
and  flower  gardening. 


Jean  Lassila,  her  great-niece,  is  a  descendant  of  Wyoming  pio- 
neers. Her  paternal  grandfather  was  John  Shepherd  Day  who 
came  to  Wyoming  in  1885  and  later  owned  a  ranch  in  Fremont 
County.  Her  maternal  great-grandfather  was  Peter  Heagney,  who 
moved  to  Wyoming  in  1867  and  helped  build  Fort  Caspar.  She 
was  graduated  from  the  University  of  Wyoming,  and  received  a 
Ph.  D.  in  organic  chemistry  from  Yale  University.  She  is  a  former 
special  lecturer  at  Case  Institute  of  Technology  and  a  former 
research  associate  at  Iowa  State  University.     She  has  pubUshed 


CONTRIBUTORS  161 

articles  in  chemical  research  journals  and  is  a  co-author  of  three 
chemistry  textbooks.  She  presently  lives  in  Ames,  Iowa,  with  her 
husband,  Kenneth  Lassila,  and  their  two  children. 


Peter  W.  Dunwiddie,  at  present  affiliated  with  the  Institute  for 
Environmental  Studies,  University  of  Wisconsin-Madison,  com- 
pleted his  undergraduate  work  at  that  University  this  year.  He  is  a 
Wisconsin  native,  but  has  visited  Wyoming  frequently  in  recent 
years.  He  writes  that  "My  great  love  has  been  the  Wind  River 
Mountain  Range,  from  which  I  gained  my  first  real  appreciation 
of  the  mountain  men.  .  .  .  My  fascination  with  the  history,  the 
country  and  the  people  of  Wyoming  grows  with  each  visit,  one  of 
which  I  hope  to  make  permanent." 


Judex: 


Albright,  Joel,  73 

Allison,  Sen.  W.  B.,  31 

"Amanda  Mary  and  the  Dog  Sol- 
diers," by  Virginia  Cole  Tren- 
holm,  5-46 

American  Fur  Company,  131 

Anthony,  Maj.  Scott  J.,  7 

Arlington.  5,  12 

Arnston,  Arthur  N.,  45 

Ayres.  James  E.,  review  of  The 
Bone  Hunters,   152-154 


B 


Banner,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Harold,  117 
Bear  River,  63 
Beauvais,  George  P.,  32 
Bell.  Agnes  (Mrs.  Isaac),  44 
Bent,  Charles,  22,  30 
Bent,  George,  9,  21,  22,  30,  32 
Bent.  Col.  William,  34.  36 
Benton.  Thomas  Hart,  126,  130 
Bent's  Old  Fort.     An  Archeological 

Study.  By  Jackson  W.  Moore,  Jr., 

review,   151-152 
Berthaton.  114 
Bessemer  Bend,  114,  116 
Bessemer  Mountain,  115 
Big  Sandy,  62 
Boggs.  Thomas  O.,  31 
The  Bone  Hunters.  By  Url  Lanham, 

review,   152-154 
Bristol,  Mr.,  114 
Broken  Bow,  Nebr.,  113 
Brockman.  John,  71 
Buffalo  Bill's  Wild  West  Show,  30 
Buxton,  Marshal,  117 


Chalfant,  Josephine,  113 

Chalfant,  Margaret,  113,  116 

Chalfant,  Milo,  113-114 

Chalfant,  Nimrod  E.,  113 

Chalfant,  Robert,  113 

Chalfant,  Scott,  113,  116 

Cheney,  Bert,  116 

Cheyenne,  30,  34 

Chicago  and  Northwestern  Rail- 
road, 113 

Childers,  Arthur,  120 

Chimney  Rock,  54 

Chivington,  Col.  John  M.,  7,  33 

Clark,  Dan,  116 

Clark,  Rollo,  116 

Clarkson,  Joe,  114,  115 

Cody,  William  (Buffalo  Bill),  22, 
30,  39 

Coffman,  James  R.,  51 

Colby,  L.  W.,  36,  38 

Cole,  Col.  Nelson  A.,  32,  33 

Collins,  Col.  W.  O.,  9,  10,  11,  21 

Colter,  John,  32,  126 

Comstock,  Bill,  19,  21,  22 

Connor,  Gen.  (P.E.),  11,  32,  34 

Cook,  Amanda  Mary  Fletcher,  5-46; 
photos,  26,  27 

Cook,  William  E.,  24 

Council  Grove,  73 

Countryman,  Ethel,  116 

Coutant,  C.  G.,  39 

Craig,  Rev.,  1 17 

Crawford,  Nebr.,  113 

Crook,  Gen.  George,  43,  44 

Crouse,  Jack,  116 

Custer,  Gen.  George  A.,  11-12,  19, 
20,  21,  23,  39,  41;  letter  to 
Amanda  Fletcher,  photo,  cover; 
text,  4 


Cache  Valley,  129 

Campbell,  Robert  A.,  and  Richard 
F.  Fleck,  "A  Selective  Literary 
Bibliography  of  Wyoming,"  75- 
112:  biog.,  160 

Cantlin,  Major,  1 17 

Carey,  Judge  (Gov.)  J.  M.,  118 

Carson,  Kit,  31 

Casper,  12,  39,  113-122 


D 


Davis,  Theodore,  21 
Dean,  Dr.,  117 
Denecke,  — ,  117 
Dodge,  Gen.  Grenville  M.,  11 
Douglas,  Justice  William  O.,  75 
Dryer,  Maj.  Hiram,  18;  Mrs.,  18 
Dunwiddie,  Peter  W.,  "The  Nature 
of   the   Relationship   between   the 
Blackfeet  Indians  and  the  Men  of 
the    Fur   Trade,"    123-133;    biog., 
161 


INDEX 


163 


Evans,  Gov.  John  E.,  7,  12,  21 

Evans,  Edith,  117 

The  Expeditions  of  John  Charles 
Fremont.  Vol.  II:  The  Bear 
Flag  Revolt  and  Court-Martial, 
ed.,  Mary  Lee  Spence  and  Don- 
ald Jackson,  review,  147-148 


Parr,  Mary  Elizabeth,  5,  6,   12,   13, 

15,  32,  42,  45 
Farr,  Judge  Merrill  R.,  5,  12,  45 
Ferrell,    Mallory   Hope,    Silver   San 

Juan.     The  Rio  Grande  Southern, 

review,  158-159 
Ferris  Mountains,  114,  115 
Fitzpatrick,  Thomas,  20 
Fleck,    Richard   F.,    and   Robert   A. 

Campbell,    "A    Selective    Literary 

Bibliography    of    Wyoming,"    75- 

112;  biog.,  160 
Fletcher,  Jasper,  38 
Fletcher,  Jasper,  Jr.,  13,  27 
Fletcher,  Lizzie,  5,    12,    16,    19,   20, 

21,  31,  32,  39,  43 
Fletcher,  Miss  Lizzie  (Buffalo  Bill's 

Wild  West  Show),  30 
Fletcher,   Mary  Ann  Limb,    18,   24, 

32,  41 
Fletcher,  Oscar,  13,  29,  34 
Fletcher,  William,  13,  25,  34 

Forts  and  Camps 

ColHns,  11 

Douglas,  19 

Halleck,  10,  11,  21,  22 

Kearny,  11,  48 

Laramie,  10,  11,  16,  57 

Earned,  18 

Leavenworth,  19 

Lyon,  7,  '32,  33 

Mitchell,  10 

Piegan,  133 

Riley,  19 

Washakie,  39,  115 

Zarah,  18,  19 
Franklin,  Homer,  Sr.,  ed.,  "Journal 

of  William  Riley  Franklin  to  Cal- 
ifornia  from   Missouri   in    1850," 

47-74;  biog.,  160 
Franklin,  Homer,  Jr.,  ed.,   "Journal 

of  WiUiam  Riley  Franklin  to  Cal- 
ifornia  from    Missouri   in    1850," 

47-74;  biog.,  160 
From  Beaver  to  Oil.    A  Century  in 


the  Development  of  Wyumins^'s 
Big  Morn  Basin,  by  David  J.  Was- 
den,  review,  150-151 


Gale,  Surgeon  John,  130 

Gary,  Ed,  32 

Gothberg,  Martin  A.,  117 

Graham,  R.,  127,  130-131 

Grand  Central  Hotel,  117 

Green  River,  129 

Greenwood,  Abe,  116 

Gregg,  Will,  115 

Gregg,  Floyd,  121 

Gregg,  Gertrude,  114 

Gregg,  James,  114-122 

Gregg,    James    and    Myrtle,    photo, 

116 
Gregg,  Mattie,  1 14 
Gregg,  Myrtle  Chalfant,  113;  photo, 

116;  biog.,  160 
Greybull,  116 

Grieve,  Jack  and  Alma,  115 
Grouard,  Frank,  39 


H 


Haas,  R.  P.,  45 

Hale,  Lt.  Joseph,  19 

Hall,  Pat,  review  of  The  Expedi- 
tions of  John  Charles  Fretnont. 
Vol.  II,  The  Bear  Flag  Revolt  and 
the  Court-Martial,  147-148 

Hanger,  Charles,  17,  18,  19,  29.  34, 
35,  38,  39 

Harford,  Thomas,  18 

Heagney,  John,  1 17 

Hell's  Half  Acre,  118 

Helmer,  David  S.,  72 

Helmer,  John,  72 

Hemmingway,  Mr.,  117 

Hendry,  Anthony,   124,   127 

Henry,  Alexander,  132 

Henry's  Fork.  129 

Hoag,  — ,  29 

Horace  Tabor:  His  Life  and  the 
Legend,  by  Diiane  A.  Smith,  re- 
view,  157-158 

Howard  County,  Nebr.,   113 

Howard,  Mrs.  Reuben,   18 

Hubbard,  Thomas  J.,  73 

Hudson's  Bay  Company.   124-125 

Hughes,  Postmaster.    117 

Humbolt  River.  64-65 

Humbolt  Sink,  65-66 


164 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


I 


Independence  Rock,  60,  115 
Indians 

Agents  and  Agencies 

Upper    Arkansas    Superinten- 

dency,  12 
Wind  River  Indian  Reservation, 

5.  39 
Colley,  Samuel  G.,  7 
Fitzpatrick,  Thomas,  18 
Jarrot,  Vital,  12 
jMiles,  John  D..  28,  29 
Poole,  L.  H.,  30 
Whitely.  Simeon,  12 
Whitfield.  J.  W.,  20 
Chiefs  and  Individuals 
Beardy,  21 

Black  Bear,  10,  21,  32 
Black  Kettle,  7,  9,  23,  33 
Brokenhorn,    John,     5,     40-46; 

photo,  42 
Brokenhorn,  Lizzie  (Sarah),  40- 

46;  photo,  42 
Brown,  Mike,  44 
Cut  Nose,  4,  19,  20,  21,  32 
Friday,  11,  12,  21 
Ha  (h)-nabe-no-ha.  See  Broken- 
horn, Lizzie 
Kills  in  Time,  See  Brokenhorn, 

Lizzie 
Left  Hand.  7,  18 
Little  Owl,  21 
Little  Raven,  9.  10,  12,  17,  18, 

21,  23,  33 
Little  Shield,  21 
Lone  Bear,  See  Brown,  Mike 
Medicine  Man,  12,  20,  21 
Minimick,  See  Sand  Hill 
Nam-e-sum,  See  Cut  Nose 
Nee-mai-Rear,  (Neei-mia-Reah.) 

See  Sand  Hill 
Nei-mir-vier.     See  Sand  Hill 
Neva,  18 
No-ta-nee,  18 
One  Eye,  32 
Pawnee  Killer,  9,  16 
Sand  Hill,  9,  15,  16,  22,  24 
Snake  Woman,  17 
Spotted  Tail,  9,  16 
Walker.     See  Walks  Ahead 
Walker  Horn.   See  Walks  Ahead 
Walks  Ahead,  45 
Yellow  Bear,  21 
White  Bull.  21 


Tribes 

Arapaho,  9,  10,  11,  12,  16,  17, 

18,  20,  24,  28,  33,  37,  38,  39, 

40,  41,  43,  45,  46 
Arapaho,  Northern,  9,   11,   16, 

20,  21 
Arapaho,  Southern,  7,  9,  23 
Blackfeet,  123-133 

Blood,  123 

Gros  Ventres,  133 

Piegan,  133 

Siksika,  123-133 
Brule  Sioux,  9,  16 
Cheyenne,  9,  10,  11,  16,  18,20, 

23,  24,  28,  29,  30,  31,  32,  33, 

34,  37,  38 
Cheyenne,  Northern,  20 
Cheyenne,  Southern,  7,  23 
Comanche,  10 
Crow,  44,  126 
Flathead,  126 
Kiowa,  10,  17 
Oglala  Sioux,  9,  16 
Pawnee,  1 1 
Shoshone,  40 

Sioux.  6.  10,  11,  12,  23,  40 
Soldier  Societies 

Dog   Soldiers,    11,    15,    16,    17, 

18,  20,  21,  22,  30,  33 
Treaties 

Horse  Creek  Council,  20 
Medicine  Lodge  Treaty,  18 
Treaty  of  1865,  33 
Warfare 

Deer  Creek  Station,  1 1 
Fletcher  wagon  train,  13-15 
Julesburg,  Colo.,  9,  10 
Little  Big  Horn,  Battle  of,  23 
Little  Laramie  Station,  14 
Mud  Springs  Station,  10 
Platte  Bridge.  Battle  of,  12 
Rock  Creek,  12,  16,  18 
Rock  Creek  Crossing,  21 
St.  Mary's  Station,  11 
Washita,  Battle  of  the,  23 
Iron  Creek,  114 


Jackson,  Andrew,  131 

Jackson,  Donald,  ed..  The  Expedi- 
tions of  John  Charles  Fremont. 
Volume  II.  The  Bear  Flag  Re- 
volt and  the  Court-Martial,  re- 
view, 147-148 

Johnson,  George,  116 


INDEX 


165 


Johnston,  115 

Josendahl,  Mr.,  116 

"Journal  of  William  Riley  Franklin 
to  California  from  Missouri  in 
1850,"  ed.  by  Homer  Franklin, 
Sr.  and  Homer  Franklin  Jr.,  47-74 

The  Joyous  Journey  of  LeRoy  R. 
and  Ann  W.  Hafen:  An  Auto- 
biography, review,  148-149 

Judith  River  Basin,  124 


K 


Kalisch,  Philip  A.,  review  of  Horace 
Tabor:  His  Life  and  the  Legend, 
157-158 

Kimbal,  John,  72 

Kimball,  William  P.,  25 

Kimball,  Wilson,  117 

King,  C.  H.,  115 


Lander,  115 

Lanham,  Url,  The  Bone  Hunters, 
review,  152-154 

Laramie,  12 

Larimer,  Sarah,  6 

Larpenteur,  Charles,  128 

Larson,  Robert  W.,  review  of  The 
Joyous  Journey  of  LeRoy  R.  and 

Ann  W.  Hafen:  An  Autobiography, 
148-149 

Lassila,  Jean,  comp.,  ed.,  "Life  in 
Natrona  County,  1899  to  1900  - 
Recollections  of  Myrtle  Chalfant 
Gregg,"  113-122;  biog.,  160 

Leeper,  Dr.,  117 

Letters  of  Long  Ago,  by  Agnes  Just 
Reid,  review,  155-157 

Lewis,  Reuben,  130 

"Life  in  Natrona  County  1899  to 
1900  -  Recollections  of  Myrtle 
Chalfant  Gregg,"  compiled  and 
edited  by  Jean  Lassila,  113-122 

Lisa,  Manuel,  126,  128 

Lodge  Pole  Creek,  10 

Lusk,  113-114 

Luttig,  John  C,  126 


M 

McGrath,  Black  Jack,  117 
McGrath,  Red  Jack,  117 
Martin  &  Cushman,  36,  37 


Martin,  W.  W.,  26,  36 

Mary's  River  (Humbolt  River),  64 

Matheny,  Prof.,  1 17 

Medicine  Bow  (area),  10-11 

Menard,  Pierre,  130 

Military 

First  Colorado  Cavalry,  7 

7th  U.  S.  Cavalry,  19 

Third    Regiment    of    Colorado 
Troops,  7 
Miller,  Alfred  Jacob,  133 
Mills,  Alex,  116 
Missouri  Fur  Company,  130 
Missouri  River,  124 
Missouri  river,  crossing,  50 
Mokler,  A.  J.,  39,  41,  43 
Momaday,  N.  Scott,  75 
Moonlight,  Col.  Thomas,  11,  33 
Moore,  Jackson  W.,  Jr.,  Bent's  Old 

Fort.     An  Archeological  Study, 

review,  151-152 
Morgan,  T.  J.,  33 

A    Mormon   Mother.  An   Autobiog- 
raphy,   by    Annie    Clark    Tanner, 

review,  155-157 
Morris  &  Hanger,  24 
Muir,  John,  76 
Murphy,  Thomas,  18,  19 
Myres  Grand  Canyon,  64 


N 


Tlie  Natrona  County  Tribune.  39 

Natrona  Hotel,  117 

"The  Nature  of  the  Relationship  be- 
tween the  Blackfeet  Indians  and 
the  Men  of  the  Fur  Trade,"  by 
Peter  W.  Dunwiddie,  123-133 

Needham  and  Cotton.  37,  38 

New  Jersey  and  Trenton  Banking 
Company,  132 

Nicolaysen  Lumber  Yard.   117 

Nickerson,  Capt.  Hermon  G.,  39. 
40,  41 

North  Chugwater  Creek,  12 

North  Platte  River,  114 

Nottage,  Jim,  review  of  United 
States  Military  Saddles.  1812- 
1943,  154-155 


O 


"The  Oaks,"  photo.  8 

Olmstead.  Eugene,  119 

Olmstead.  John.  115,  119 

Ogden,  Peter  Skene,  125 

Overland  Stage  Route,  5.  10.   12.  22 

Overland  Trail.  10 


166 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Pacific  Spring,  61 

Pathfinder  Dam,  119 

Patton,  Hugh,  117 

Perkins,  B.  W.,  35 

Perkins  and  Chandler,  37 

Petty,  W.  J.,   review  of  Bent's  Old 

Fort.      An    Archeological    Study, 

151-152 
Plumb,  Lt.  Col.  Preston  B.,  22 
Poisal,  John,  17 
Poisal,  Margaret,  17 
Poisal,  (Pizzel),  18 
Poisal,  — ,  17,  24 
Powder  River  Expedition,  32 
Prowers,  Mrs.  John  W.,  32 
Pryor,  Josephine,  47 


Queal,  Pat,  review  of  Letters  of 
Long  Ago,  and  A  Mormon  Moth- 
er, An  Autobiography,   155-157 


R 


Ranches 

CY,  117 

Goose  Egg,  120 
Rattle  Snake  Plains,  118 
Rawlins,  119 
Reid,   Agnes  Just,   Letters  of  Long 

Ago,  review,  155-156 
Ricker,  Charles,  114,  120 
Ricker,  Mr.,  118 
Riverton,  44 
Roberts,  Lynn,  115 
Rock  Creek  Crossing,  5,  32 
Rock  Creek  Station,  14 
Rohrbaugh,  Dr.,  117 
Royce,  Ed,  114 
Royce,  Owen,  114 
Rush  Creek,  10 
Ryan,  Mike,  114 


St.  Stephens  Indian  Mission,  44,  45 

Salathe,  Dr.,  120 

Sanborn,  Gen.  John  B.,  32,  33 

Sand  Creek,  117 

Sand  Creek  Massacre,  6,  7,  16,  33 


Sand  Creek,  Colo.,  18 

"A  Selective  Literary  Bibliography 
of  Wyoming,"  by  Richard  F. 
Fleck,  and  Robert  A.  Campbell, 
75-112 

Shakespeare,  Tom,  75 

Sharp,  Joe,  115 

Sheridan,  115 

Silver  San  Juan.  The  Rio  Grande 
Southern,  by  Mallory  Hope  Fer- 
rell,  review,  158-159 

Smith,  Dan,  116 

Smith,  Duane  A.,  Horace  Tabor: 
His  Life  and  The  Legend,  review, 
157-158;  review  of  Silver  San 
Juan.  The  Rio  Grande  Southern, 
158-159 

Smith,  Frank  and  JuHa,  116 

Smith,  J.  Q.,  Commissioner  of  In- 
dian Affairs,  28,  29 

Smith,  John,  24 

Smoky  Hill  Road,  (Route),  20,  21 

South  Pass,  11 

Speas,  Dan,  116 

Spence,  Mary  Lee,  ed..  The  Expedi- 
tions of  John  Charles  Fremont. 
Volume  H:  The  Bear  Flag  Revolt 
and  the  Court -Martial,  review, 
147-148 

Standard  Oil  Refinery,  120 

State  Industrial  Convention,  120 

Steffen,  Randy,  United  States  Mili- 
tary Saddles,  1812-1943,  review, 
154-155 

Stevens,  John  A.,  30 

Stinson,  Dwight  E.,  Jr.,  intro.  to 
Bent's  Old  Fort.  An  Archeolog- 
ical Study,  review,  151-152 

Stroud,  Mother,  118 

Sullivan,  Pat,  117 

Sweet  Water  river,  60,  116 


Talbot,  Theodore,  20 

Tappan,  Col.  Samuel  F.,  33 

Tellinghast,  B.  F.,  30 

Thomas  Fork,  62 

Thompson,  C.  S.,  40,  41 

Thompson,  David,  125 

Titus,  Chief  Justice  John,  25 

Tongue  River,  10,  32 

Trenholm,  Virginia  Cole,  "Amanda 

Mary    and    the    Dog    Soldiers," 

5-46;  biog.,  160 
Trevette,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  117 
Trollope,  Henry,  116 


INDEX 


167 


U 

United  States  Military  Saddles,  1812- 
1943,  by  Randy  Steffen,  review, 
154-155 

Upshaw,  A.  B.,  29,  30 

"Utah  Road,"  19 


Voigt,  Bart  R.,  review  of  From 
Beaver  to  Oil,  A  Century  in  the 
Development  of  Wyoming's  Big 
Horn  Basin,  150-151 


W 


Ward,  Harry,  118 

Ward,  Levin,  family,  114,  115 

Ward,  Seth  W.,  33 

Warren,  Sen.  Francis  E.,  40 

Wasden,  David  J.,  From  Beaver  to 
Oil.  A  Century  in  the  Develop- 
ment of  Wyoming' s  Big  Horn 
Basin,  review,  150-151 

Weaver  Creek,  71 

Webb,  Sheriff,  119 

Webel,  Charles,  117 

Woodard,  Charles,  120 

Wright,  117 

Wynkoop,  Maj.  E.  W.,  7,  18,  19.  24 

"Wyoming  State  Historical  Society. 
Twentieth  Annual  Meeting,"  135- 
146 


WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 


The  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Department  has  as  its  func- 
tion the  collection  and  preservation  of  the  record  of  the  people  of  Wyoming. 
It  maintains  the  state's  historical  library  and  research  center,  the  Wyoming 
State  Museum  and  branch  museums,  the  Wyoming  State  Art  Gallery  and 
the  State  archives. 

The  aid  of  the  citizens  of  Wyoming  is  solicited  in  the  carrying  out  of  its 
function.  The  Department  is  anxious  to  secure  and  preserve  records  and 
materials  now  in  private  hands  where  they  cannot  be  long  preserved.  Such 
records  and  materials  include: 

Biographical  materials  of  pioneers:  diaries,  letters,  account  books,  auto- 
biographical accounts. 

Business  records  of  industries  of  the  state:  livestock,  mining,  agriculture, 
railroads,  manufacturers,  merchants,  small  business  establishments  and  of 
professional  men  such  as  bankers,  lawyers,  physicians,  dentists,  ministers 
and  educators. 

Private  records  of  individual  citizens,  such  as  correspondence,  manuscript 
materials  and  scrapbooks. 

Records  of  organizations  active  in  the  religious,  educational,  social,  eco- 
nomic and  pohtical  life  of  the  state,  including  their  publications  such  as 
yearbooks  and  reports. 

Manuscript  and  printed  articles  on  towns,  counties  and  any  significant 
topic  dealing  with  the  history  of  the  state. 

Early  newspapers,  maps,  pictures,  pamphlets  and  books  on  western 
subjects. 

Current  publications  by  individuals  or  organizations  throughout  the  state. 

Museum  materials  with  historical  significance:  early  equipment,  Indian 
artifacts,  relics  dealing  with  the  activities  of  persons  in  Wyoming  and  with 
special  events  in  the  state's  history. 

Original  art  works  of  a  western  flavor  including,  but  not  limited  to, 
etchings,  paintings  in  all  media,  sculpture  and  other  art  forms. 


^mals  of  Wyoming 


Jail  1974 


WYOMING  STATE  LIBRARY,  ARCHIVES  AND 
HISTORICAL  BOARD 


Judicial 
District 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 


Donald  N.  Sherard 
Mrs.  William  Swanson 
Mrs.  Frank  Emerson 
Mrs.  George  W.  Knepper 
Richard  I.  Frost,  Chairman 
Willis  Hughes 
William  T.  Nightingale 


Member  at  Large     Kenneth  E.  Dowlin 


Wheatland 

Rawlins 

Evanston 

Buffalo 

Cody 

Moorcroft 

Lander 

Casper 


Ex-Officio 


Attorney  General  David  B.  Kennedy        Cheyenne 


WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

STAFF 

William  H.  Williams Director 

Robert  L.  Strickland Director,  State  Museums 

Mrs.  Katherine  Halverson Chief,  Historical  Research 

and  Publications  Division 
Mrs.  Julia  Yelvington Chief,  Archives  and  Records  Division 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Annals  of  Wyoming  is  published  biannually  in  the  spring  and  fall 
and  is  received  by  all  members  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society. 
Copies  of  previous  and  current  issues  also  are  available  for  sale  to  the  public 
and  a  price  list  may  be  obtained  by  writing  to  the  Editor. 

Communications  should  be  addressed  to  the  Editor.  The  Editor  does  not 
assume  responsibility  for  statements  of  fact  or  opinion  made  by  the  con- 
tributors. 


Annals  of  Wyoming  articles  are  abstracted  in 
Historical  Abstracts  and  America:    History  and  Life 

Copyright  1974,  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department 


A^^als  of  Wyoming 

Volume  46  Fall,  1974  Number  2 


Katherine  Halverson 
Editor 

John  W.  Cornelison 
Associate  Editor 


Published  bianmially  by  the 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND   HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

Official  Publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


WYOMING  STATE  LIBRARY,  ARCHIVES  AND 
HISTORICAL  BOARD 


Judicial 
District 

1 

Donald  N.  Sherard 

Wheatland 

2 

Mrs.  William  Swanson 

Rawlins 

3 

Mrs.  Frank  Emerson 

Evanston 

4 
5 
6 

7 

Mrs.  George  W.  Knepper 
Richard  L  Frost,  Chairman 
Willis  Hughes 
William  T.  Nightingale 

Buffalo 
Cody 
Moorcroft 
Lander 

Member  at  Large 
Ex-Officio 

Kenneth  E.  Dowlin 

Attorney  General  David  B.  Kennedy 

Casper 
Cheyenne 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 

STAFF 

William  H.  Williams Director 

Robert  L.  Strickland Director,  State  Museums 

Mrs.  Katherine  Halverson Chief,  Historical  Research 

and  Publications  Division 
Mrs.  Julia  Yelvington Chief,  Archives  and  Records  Division 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  Annals  of  Wyoming  is  published  biannually  in  the  spring  and  fall 
and  is  received  by  all  members  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society. 
Copies  of  previous  and  current  issues  also  are  available  for  sale  to  the  public 
and  a  price  list  may  be  obtained  by  writing  to  the  Editor. 

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Annals  of  Wyoming  articles  are  abstracted  in 
Historical  Abstracts  and  America:    History  and  Life 

Copyright  1974,  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department 


Mmls  of  Wyoming 


Volume  46 


Fall,  1974 


Number  2 


Katherine  Halverson 
Editor 

John  W.  Cornelison 
Associate  Editor 


Published  biannually  by  the 

WYOMING  STATE  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORICAL 
DEPARTMENT 


Official  Publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


WYOMING  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

OFFICERS   1974-1975 

President,   Henry  Jensen Lysite 

First  Vice  President,  Jay  Brazelton Jackson 

Second  Vice  President,  Russ  Varineau Fort  Bridger 

Secretary-Treasurer,  Miss  Jane  Houston Cheyenne 

Executive  Secretary,  William  H.  Williams Cheyenne 

Past  Presidents 

Frank  L.  Bowron,  Casper 1953-1955 

William  L.  Marion,  Lander 1955-1956 

Dr.  DeWitt  Dominick,  Cody 1956-1957 

Dr.  T.  a.  Larson,  Laramie 1957-1958 

A.  H.  MacDougall,  Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs.  Thelma  G.  Condit,  Buffalo .1959-1960 

E.  A.  Littleton,  Gillette 1960-1961 

Edness  Kimball  Wilkins,  Casper 1961-1962 

Charles  Ritter,  Cheyenne 1962-1963 

Neal  E.  Miller,  Rawlins .1963-1965 

Mrs.  Charles  Hord,  Casper 1965-1966 

Glenn  Sweem,  Sheridan 1966-1967 

Adrian  Reynolds,  Green  River 1967-1968 

Curtiss  Root,  Torrington 1968-1969 

Mrs.  Hattie  Burnstad,  Worland 1969-1970 

J.  Reuel  Armstrong,  Rawlins 1970-1971 

William  R.  Dubois,  Cheyenne 1971-1972 

Henry  F.  Chadey,  Rock  Springs 1972-1973 

Richard  S.  Dumbrill,  Newcastle 1973-1974 

The  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  was  organized  in  October,  1953. 
Membership  is  open  to  anyone  interested  in  history.  County  Historical 
Society  Chapters  have  been  organized  in  Albany,  Big  Horn,  Campbell, 
Carbon,  Crook,  Fremont,  Goshen,  Hot  Springs,  Johnson,  Laramie,  Lincoln, 
Natrona,  Niobrara,  Park,  Platte,  Sheridan,  Sweetwater,  Teton,  Uinta, 
Washakie  and  Weston  Counties. 

State  Dues 

Life   Membership $100.00 

Joint  Life  Membership  (Husband  and  Wife) 150.00 

Annual    Membership 5.00 

Joint  Annual  Membership  (Two  persons  of  same  family  at 

same  address) 7.00 

Institutional    Membership 10.00 

Send  State  Membership  Dues  to: 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Headquarters 
State  Office  Building  East 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming  82002 


Zable  of  Contents 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER 

By  Karen  L.  Love  173 

THE  1850  OVERLAND  DIARY  OF  DR.  WARREN  HOUGH  207 

SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS 
By  Fred  R.  Gowans 

The  Fort  on  Willow  Creek  217 

Fort  Bridger  Claims  and  Counter  Claims  237 

BILL  NYE  IN  THE  SOUTH 

By  Doris  Lanier  253 

THE  WYOMING  PORTION  OF  THE  CUSTER  EXPEDITION 
OF  1874  TO  EXPLORE  THE  BLACK  HILLS 

Trek  No.  25  of  the  Historical  Trail  Treks  263 

Compiled  by  Mabel  Brown 

BOOK  REVIEWS 

Wilhelm,  Travels  in  North  America,  1822-1824  281 

Bloom,  The  American  Territorial  System  283 

Eaton,  The  Overland  Trail.     To  California  in  1852 284 

Savage,  The  Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock  Association:  Federal 

Regulation  and  the  Cattleman's  Last  Frontier  286 

McKee,  The  Last  West.    A  History  of  the  Great  Plains  of  North 

America    287 

Marquis,  Cheyenne  and  Sioux.     The  Reminiscences  of  Four 

Indians  and  a  White  Soldier  289 

Ellsworth,  Dear  Ellen.    Two  Mormon  Women  and  Their  Letters  ....  290 

Metz,  Pat  Garrett.     The  Saga  of  a  Western  Lawman  291 

CONTRIBUTORS    293 

INDEX     294 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

J.  B.  Okie  Cover 

J.  B.  Okie  Mansion  at  Lost  Cabin  184 

Fort  Supply  220 

Present  Site  of  Fort  Supply  235 

Fort  Bridger  240 

Lewis  Robison  244 


The  cover  photo  of  J.  B.  Okie  is  used  through  the 
courtesy  of  Karen  L.  Love. 


Filler  material  in  this  issue  of  Annals  of  Wyoming 
is  excerpts  from  Records  of  the  Bureau  of  Indian 
Affairs,  Selected  Documents  Concerning  the  Admin- 
istration of  Indian  Affair  at  the  Upper  Platte  Agency. 
Record  Group  7. 


/.  ^.  Okie 
Cost  Cabin  Pioneer 

PART  I 
By 

Karen  L.  Love 

This  study  of  J.  B.  Okie  was  researched  and  compiled  as  a  master's 
thesis  submitted  to  the  Division  of  American  Studies,  University  of 
Wyoming,  in  May,  1972.  The  study  was  financed  in  part  through  a 
Grant-in-Aid  awarded  to  Mrs.  Love  in  1971  by  the  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Society. 

INTRODUCTION 

The  Badwater  country  is  treeless  and  dry.  Its  emptiness  can 
make  the  most  independent  spirit  feel  lonely.  Its  unpredictable 
weather  can  ruin  the  most  ambitious  and  hard-working  rancher. 
The  dusty,  rolling  hills  that  stretch  for  miles  seem  indistinguishable 
to  an  eye  accustomed  to  pines,  oaks,  or  mountains  to  break  the 
monotony.  The  land  around  Badwater  Creek  will  probably  always 
be  isolated  because  to  most  people  it  is  extremely  inhospitable 
country.  The  few  who  choose  to  live  there  are  grateful  for  its 
emptiness  because  it  protects  their  land  and  keeps  it  much  as  it 
has  always  been. 

Very  few  people  who  travel  Highway  20  between  Casper  and 
Shoshoni  ever  turn  north  at  Moneta  to  explore  the  long,  deserted 
road  leading  toward  the  Owl  Creek  Mountains.  The  few  who  do 
are  probably  some  of  the  50  people  who  live  at  Lysite  or  some  of 
the  25  people  who  live  at  Lost  Cabin.  They,  along  with  several 
scattered  individuals  in  the  Casper  and  Riverton  areas,  already 
know  the  name  J.  B.  Okie,  and  as  it  is  spoken  today,  it  brings 
back  a  flood  of  recollections  about  the  early  days  on  Badwater 
Creek.  Those  people  would  be  amazed  if  they  knew  that  the  name 
is  barely  mentioned  in  the  more  recent  books  on  Wyoming  history. 
To  them  J.  B.  Okie  was  such  an  important  character  in  the  history 
of  central  Wyoming  that  forgetting  him  would  be  like  forgetting 
exactly  who  it  was  that  discovered  America. 

To  the  student  of  Wyoming  history  in  the  1970s,  J.  B.  Okie 
might  be  a  man  of  little  interest  and  less  importance.  The  name 
receives  scant  mention  in  the  widely  acclaimed  History  of  Wyo- 
ming by  T.  A.  Larson  or  in  Lewis  Gould's  Wyoming:  A  Political 
History  1868-1896.     Wyoming,  American   Guide   Series,   never 


174  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

mentions  Okie's  name  or  the  town  of  Lost  Cabin,  yet  it  relates 
many  of  the  fascinating  tales  of  the  state's  by-ways.  The  one  book 
that  pays  much  attention  to  him  is  Alfred  J.  Mokler's  History  of 
Natrona  County  1888-1922.  Mokler,  Okie's  good  friend,  wrote 
his  book  seven  years  before  Okie's  death;  he  included  only  uncon- 
troversial  material  dealing  more  with  the  town  of  Lost  Cabin  than 
with  J.  B.  Okie.  Mokler  wrote  too  early  to  tell  Okie's  whole  story 
objectively.  Almost  50  years  later,  however,  it  still  waits  to  be 
recorded.  The  few  fragile  people  left  who  actually  knew  the  man 
will  take  the  story  with  them  and  that  could  be  the  end  of  it.  But 
in  light  of  the  great  respect  still  held  for  Okie  42  years  after  his 
death  and  the  intriguing  tales  still  passed  around  about  the  man, 
as  well  as  the  community's  continuing  curiosity  to  learn  the  truth, 
the  effort  to  preserve  this  small  part  of  Wyoming's  past  is  justified. 

The  deserted  road  leading  north  from  Moneta  gives  access  to 
the  primary  clue  that  a  fascinating  story  is  being  forgotten.  The 
road  passes  over  dry  hills  and  colorful  badlands  that  are  part  of 
the  geological  Wind  River  formation.  The  land  is  almost  barren 
of  vegetation,  because  the  formation  lacks  the  chemicals  needed 
for  their  growth.  Pronghorn  antelope  herds  browse  for  what  little 
vegetation  there  is  between  the  alkali  flats  that  form  in  the  low 
areas.  Before  coming  to  Lysite,  the  road  goes  over  a  low  pass  with 
red  and  white  badlands  formations  on  both  sides.  Here  55  million 
years  ago  eohippus,  the  three-toed  horse,  roamed,  grazed,  and 
died,  leaving  his  fossils  on  this  hilltop  for  his  neighbors  in  time  to 
find.  In  the  spring  the  Wind  River  formation  shows  its  worst  side 
when  it  characteristically  fails  to  drain  off  the  spring  rains  and 
becomes  thick  with  mud.  Before  the  road  was  maintained  by  the 
county,  spring  travel  was  an  unpleasant  experience.^ 

Passing  through  Lysite,  now  just  a  store,  a  school,  and  several 
houses,  a  dirt  road  continues  three  miles  up  Badwater  Creek.  Lost 
Cabin  appears  at  first  as  only  a  grove  of  huge  old  cottonwood 
trees  in  the  distance.  The  town  is  now  comprised  of  seven  houses, 
several  large  deserted  buildings,  and  an  enormous  stone  mansion. 
Here  J.  B.  Okie  homesteaded,  built  an  empire,  made  his  million, 
and  lived  with  an  elegance  seldom  seen  in  the  early  West.  Here, 
too,  he  died.  Lost  Cabin  today  gives  only  a  few  clues  to  its  former 
prosperity.  A  warehouse-size  structure  with  large  plate  glass  win- 
dows is  now  deserted  and  the  glass  so  dusty  it  shuts  out  the  sun- 
light. This  was  the  administration  building  for  the  Bighorn  Sheep 
Company,  owned  and  operated  by  J.  B.  Okie.  The  bunkhouse 
across  the  road  still  looks  somewhat  like  an  old  railroad  station 
despite  the  remodeling  being  done  to  convert  it  into  a  house. 
Down  toward  the  creek  the  collapsing  ruin  of  the  old  general  store 


1.  J.  David  Love,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  personal  interviews  in  Lara- 
mie, Wyoming,  1971  and  1972. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  175 

waits  for  a  strong  wind  to  finish  the  job  started  by  years  of  neglect. 
By  climbing  over  fallen  boards  and  piles  of  debris,  the  curious  can 
still  get  inside  to  see  the  long  staircase  leading  up  to  the  balcony 
where  ranchers'  wives  could  try  on  fashions  from  as  far  away  as 
Paris  and  London.  Beside  the  store  stands  the  old  warehouse, 
and  beyond  it  on  the  edge  of  the  hill  is  the  power  plant  that  pro- 
vided carbide  lighting  and,  later,  electricity  for  the  town.  Down 
over  the  hill  and  across  the  creek  is  the  old  stable  where  the  Okies 
once  kept  remount  stallions  and  prize  Belgian  horses. 

By  far  the  most  conspicuous  building  left  standing  is  the  man- 
sion. The  Thomas  Spratts  live  there  now  and  maintain  the  house 
in  excellent  condition.  But  the  elaborate  concrete  fence  that  once 
surrounded  an  immaculately  groomed  lawn  now  surrounds  only 
waist-high  grass  and  shaggy  shrubs.  The  grass  hides  four  small 
tombstones,  marking  the  graves  of  J.  B.  Okie,  two  of  his  sons, 
and  his  brother  Howard.  The  mansion  itself  is  a  more  appropriate 
gravestone  for  Okie,  however,  because  he  was  never  bound  by  Lost 
Cabin.  Old-timers  remember  him  as  the  man  up  in  the  tower  of 
the  mansion,  looking  out,  with  an  eye  for  opportunity,  over  the 
expanse  of  his  empire. 

J.  B.  Okie's  vigor  did  not  result  from  a  western  upbringing.  An 
absolute  eastern  "greenhorn,"  he  claimed  400  years  of  British 
aristocracy  in  his  family  background.-  The  Okie  family  had  dis- 
tinguished itself  in  the  east  since  1660  when  the  first  paternal 
ancestor  landed  in  America.  This  was  John  Okey  who,  as  a 
colonel  of  dragoons  under  Oliver  Cromwell,  had  decided  to  emi- 
grate after  the  accession  of  Charles  II.  Abram  Okie,  J.  B.  Okie's 
great-grandfather,  enlisted  as  a  volunteer  in  the  Grenadier  Corps 
of  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  and  also  served  in  America  in  the  Revo- 
lutionary War.  He  married  Abigail  Carone,  of  French  descent, 
and  later  became  president  of  the  Western  Reserve  Bank  of 
Philadelphia  and  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Girard  Trust  Com- 
pany.'^ J.  B.  Okie's  father  was  a  prominent  physician  who  counted 
Abraham  Lincoln   among  his  patients.^     He  married   Susan  J. 


2.  Mrs.  A.  D.  Macfarlane,  personal  interview  in  Casper,  Wyoming,  June, 
1971. 

3.  "John  Brognard  Okie,"  National  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography, 
1927,  XVII,  p.  325.  Okie's  nephew,  Frederick  WiUiam  Okie,  appears  in 
Volume  K,  p.  170  of  this  same  series,  but  he  lists  his  paternal  ancestors  a 
little  differently  than  J.  B.  Okie  did.  According  to  Fred  Okie,  the  first 
ancestor  to  come  to  America  was  Janse  Van  Nuys  Auke  who  came  from  the 
Netherlands  in  1651  and  settled  in  New  Amsterdam  (New  York).  The 
spelling  of  the  family  named  changed  through  five  generations  from  Auke 
to  Ouke,  and  finally  to  Okie  under  J.  B.  Okie's  grandfather. 

4.  Love  interview;  "Empire  for  Sale,"  Time,  XXXXV,  (June  11.  1945), 
19:  Kathryn  Hammons,  "J.  B.  Okie;  Pioneer  Sheepman"  (unpublished 
manuscript). 


176  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Pitcher,  a  descendent  of  the  famous  Molly  Pitcher,  and  from  this 
marriage  came  John  Brognard  Okie.^ 

A  BRIEF  BIOGRAPHY 

William  Thompson  Okie  and  Susan  Pitcher  Okie  were  living  in 
Madison,  Indiana,  when  their  first  son,  John,  was  born  December 
10,  1864.  Four  other  children  followed  shortly  thereafter:  How- 
ard, Frederick,  St.  Claire,  and  Grace.  The  family  moved  to  New 
Jersey  and  finally  to  Washington,  D.  C.  where  the  children  were 
educated.  At  the  age  of  16,  John  was  appointed  a  cadet  at  the 
school  of  the  United  States  Revenue  Marine.  With  this  group, 
according  to  one  source,  he  was  taken  on  a  surveying  field  trip  in 
the  West.  As  the  boys  were  working  in  the  field,  one  of  their 
instructors  offered  a  casual  opinion  that  was  to  set  the  direction  of 
J.  B.  Okie's  life.  "A  man  could  get  rich  out  here,"  was  the  off- 
handed comment.®  But  by  this  slender,  blue-eyed  boy^  the  remark 
was  not  taken  casually.  He  was  bright,  inquisitive,  opportunistic, 
and  his  imagination  had  been  aroused.  The  subsequent  return  to 
the  military  school  must  have  seemed  unbearably  dull  and  restric- 
tive. The  freedom  and  opportunity  of  the  West  never  let  Okie's 
imagination  rest  until  the  next  year  1882,  when  he  resigned  as  a 
cadet.^ 

Setting  off  alone  for  Wyoming  on  the  Union  Pacific,  Okie  must 
have  caused  considerable  anxiety  for  his  parents.  Their  first-born 
was  rejecting  their  hopes  of  an  education  for  him  and  running  off 
to  follow  some  wild  dream  about  getting  rich  in  the  West.  He  was 
only  17  years  old.  But  J.  B.  Okie  boarded  that  train,  nonetheless, 
and  who  knows  but  that  his  parents  were  a  little  envious.  Okie's 
father,  who  had  been  a  respected  physician  all  his  life,  could  not 
have  been  unaware  of  the  excitement  of  such  a  wild  adventure. 
Okie's  mother,  too,  must  have  viewed  the  adventure  a  little  wist- 
fully because  several  people  recall  that  she  was  the  source  of  the 
vigorous,  opportunistic  spirit  her  son  had  inherited.^  Who  knows 
what  schemes  developed  in  the  boy's  mind  as  he  watched  the  Great 
Plains  rush  by  his  window.  No  one  who  ever  knew  Okie  would 
doubt  that  even  at  17  he  knew  exactly  what  he  would  do.  He  was 
never  known  to  hesitate  when  advising  people  in  later  Hfe  even  on 
the  most  complex  problem.  His  mind  was  quick,  unusually  ac- 
curate, and  he  had  great  faith  in  his  own  ability.    When  this 


5.  Valentino  Baima,  personal  interview  in  Nevada  City,  Calif.,  August, 
1971. 

6.  An  anonymous  interview,  June,  1971. 

7.  Hugh  S.  Day,  personal  interview  in  Riverton,  February,  1972. 

8.  Hammons,  "Pioneer  Sheepman,"  p.  2. 

9.  Baima  interview,  August,  1971. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  177 

slightly-built  boy  got  off  the  train  at  Rawlins,  those  who  saw  him 
may  have  wondered  about  his  future,  but  J.  B.  Okie  undoubtedly 
knew  he  could  "get  rich  out  here." 

When  Okie  arrived  in  Rawlins  in  May,  he  had  only  what  little 
money  was  left  from  the  $150  his  mother  had  given  him  to  come 
west.  The  train  ticket  had  used  up  a  large  portion  of  it,  so  the  boy 
needed  a  job  immediately.  Captain  R.  A.  Torrey,  deciding  to  take 
a  chance  on  the  boy,  hired  him  as  a  cowboy  for  $25  a  month.'" 
Being  a  Wyoming  cowboy  in  1882  took  more  than  imagination,  as 
this  five-foot,  nine-inch  greenhorn  soon  discovered.  He  must  have 
taken  a  lot  of  "ribbing"  from  the  other  cowhands  because  he 
always  admitted  in  later  years  that  he  had  been  a  "damn  poor 
cowboy. "''    The  experience,  however,  was  invaluable. 

In  late  August  he  headed  east  again  with  hopes  of  borrowing 
some  capital  to  give  him  a  start  in  the  sheep  business.  By  October 
he  was  back  in  Wyoming,  again  working  as  a  cowboy  with  nothing 
to  show  for  his  trip  but  promises.  His  luck  changed  by  November 
when  his  mother  sent  him  $4500  on  the  condition  that  the  sheep 
purchased  would  be  entirely  hers  but  they  would  divide  the  profits 
equally.  Okie  immediately  bought  1000  ewes,  16  bucks,  two 
teams  of  horses  and  a  wagon.  He  was  on  his  own  at  last.  For  the 
first  few  months  he  herded  his  thin,  scabby  sheep  along  the  Sweet- 
water River  south  of  Lander  and  from  there  moved  them  over  to 
Beaver  Creek. '^  The  other  herders  in  the  area  nicknamed  him 
"the  cadet"  because  he  still  wore  his  old  Revenue  Marine  uniform. 
A  gulch  near  Lander  where  he  ranged  his  sheep  is  still  known  as 
Cadet  Draw.'-^ 

Okie  saw  the  Badwater  country  for  the  first  time  in  the  summer 
of  1883.  He  had  put  his  sheep  in  with  A.  D.  Bright's  band  and 
hired  on  with  him  as  a  herder,  hoping  that  his  sheep  would  im- 
prove with  better  care.  With  another  of  Bright's  herders,  Okie 
drove  the  entire  band  from  Beaver  Creek  across  55  miles  of  un- 
settled country  to  Badwater  Creek  at  the  foot  of  the  Owl  Creek 
Mountains.  The  trip  took  the  two  men  over  rolling,  treeless 
country,  spotted  with  occasional  water  holes  and  the  sun-bleached 
remains  of  thousands  of  buffalo.  When  they  finally  reached  the 
shade  of  the  cottonwood  trees  along  Badwater  after  their  long, 
dusty  ride,  the  area  must  have  seemed  like  an  oasis.  The  one  long 
trip  probably  made  Badwater  seem  especially  beautiful  and  may 
have  influenced  Okie's  decision  to  settle  there  permanently.   Okie's 


10.  Susan  P.  Okie  v.  John  B.  Okie,  United  States  District  Court  case  884, 
testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie,  1902,  Federal  Records  Center,  Denver,  Colorado. 

11.  Day  interview. 

12.  S.  P.  Okie  V.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

13.  Mary  Helen  Hendry,  "The  Big  Tepee,"  Casper  Star-Tribune,  March, 
1967. 


178  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

son,  Van,  in  later  years  described  his  father's  first  impression  of 
the  Badwater  Country: 

With  plenty  of  water,  trees,  level  arable  land,  and  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains  not  far  away,  forming  a  semi-circle  on  the  north,  this  spot 
would  be  protected  from  winter's  polar  blasts  and  free  of  the  winds 
which  tear  across  the  open  plains.  Here  was  the  place  to  settle  and 
build  a  castle  among  the  hills;  here  a  man  might  erect  an  empire  of 
his  own  and  be  his  own  master.  No  white  man  had  settled  here 
before  him.  No  human  habitation  was  closer  than  the  few  cabins  at 
Thermopolis,  sixty-five  miles  to  the  west,  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin. 
This  was  a  country  of  great  silence,  broken  only  by  the  occasional 
ripple  of  the  stream,  the  rustling  of  the  leaves  of  the  cottonwoods 
and  willows  disturbed  by  the  breeze. ^^ 

The  banks  of  the  Badwater  had  long  been  a  favorite  camping 
place  for  the  Shoshone  Indians.  They  had  always  camped  in  the 
shady  stream  bottoms  close  to  the  water  and  fallen  wood.  Years 
before  Okie's  arrival,  a  flash  flood  had  roared  down  the  valley, 
torn  through  the  tepees  of  the  Indians  camped  there,  and  drowned 
a  great  many  people  before  they  could  escape  to  higher  ground. 
Subsequently,  their  name  for  this  clear,  fresh,  mountain  stream  was 
Badwater.  ^^' 

The  Shoshones  were  not  the  only  men  to  precede  Okie  to  the 
Lost  Cabin  area.  About  20  years  prior  to  his  coming,  an  incident 
occurred  that  was  the  basis  for  a  legend  about  the  region  which 
still  exists  100  years  later.  Seven  Swedes  had  accidently  made  a 
fabulous  gold  strike  in  1864  somewhere  near  the  headwater  of 
Badwater  Creek.  Before  they  could  reach  a  settlement  to  tell  of 
their  find,  Indians  killed  five  of  them,  and  one  was  driven  insane 
by  the  fatigue  and  exposure  of  the  return  trip.  One  man  was  left 
to  tell  of  their  strike  and  deposit  the  $7000  worth  of  gold  dust 
in  the  safe  at  Fort  Laramie.  Several  times  men  organized  expedi- 
tions to  search  for  the  lost  mine  and  the  cabin  the  seven  men  had 
built  near  it,  but  always  they  ended  in  failure  or  death.  The  last 
sane  prospector  was  killed  in  one  of  these  expeditions,  leaving  the 
insane  man  jabbering  meaningless  jargon  about  the  Lost  Cabin 
Mine.  As  time  passed,  many  people  began  to  regard  the  story  as  a 
fabrication  of  distraught  minds;  but  always  the  buckskin  bag  of 
gold  bore  silent  witness  to  the  truth  of  the  story. i*' 

Whether  J.  B.  Okie  ever  had  dreams  of  finding  the  Lost  Cabin 
Mine  or  whether  he  ever  made  an  effort  to  search  for  it  is  uncer- 


14.  Van  Guelder  Okie,  an  unfinished  story  of  J.  B.  Okie's  life  in  Lost 
Cabin,  pp.  1-2,  J.  B.  Okie  biographical  file.  Western  History  Research  Cen- 
ter, University  of  Wyoming. 

15.  Ibid.,  p.  2. 

16.  Rex  Lewis,  "The  Myth  of  the  Old  Lost  Cabin  Mine,"  (unpublished 
paper,  W.P.A.  file,  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Cheyenne,  Wyoming,  April  24, 
1936),  produced  in  full  in  the  appendix  of  this  work. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  179 

tain.  But  in  1883  as  a  young  man  of  19  in  lonesome  country,  he 
had  to  be  less  concerned  with  gold  and  more  concerned  with 
keeping  his  flocks  alive  during  the  winter.  His  vagabond  brother, 
Howard,  came  out  during  1883  and  1884  to  help  herd  sheep. ^' 
That  first  winter  the  two  lived  in  an  eight-by-ten  tent  and  survived 
on  bacon,  potatoes,  and  water.^^  In  the  fall  of  1884  they  began 
work  on  the  first  cabin.  They  built  it  without  nails,  chinked  the 
cracks  with  mud  from  the  creek  banks,  and  covered  the  roof  with 
sod.  The  windows  and  doors  were  merely  openings  covered  with 
parts  of  packing  cases  or  stray  pieces  of  canvas,  while  the  only  heat 
was  the  camp  stove. ^'*  Crude  as  it  was,  that  dugout  cabin,  built  on 
the  bank  of  the  creek,  served  as  the  only  shelter  for  three  winters. 
Howard  had  left  to  continue  his  life  of  adventure  elsewhere  in 
1885.  Okie,  meanwhile,  had  separated  his  sheep  from  Bright's 
band  and  had  begun  an  independent  operation  with  headquarters 
in  the  little  dugout  by  the  creek.  On  his  twenty-first  birthday,  his 
mother  gave  him  half  interest  in  the  sheep  he  had  been  herding  for 
four  years.-" 

In  the  spring  of  1887  Okie  was  ready  to  expand  his  operations 
further.  He  wanted  to  clear  some  land  of  sagebrush,  dig  irrigation 
ditches,  and  begin  some  farming.  To  implement  this  plan,  he 
needed  tools  and  more  men.  Rawlins  was  the  closest  supply 
center,  so  Okie  hitched  up  his  team  and  started  the  20-day  round 
trip.  On  this  trip  he  would  meet  his  future  wife,  Jeannette 
Anderson. 

The  Andersons  were  Swedish  homesteaders  who  lived  some 
distance  from  Rawlins.  Their  daughter,  Jeannette,  had  to  live  in 
town  with  another  family  to  attend  school.  She  Uved  with  Pro- 
fessor C.  L.  Wells,  principal  of  the  grammar  school,  and  a  widower 
who  needed  help  caring  for  his  young  daughter.-^  Okie  first  saw 
Jeannette  at  the  little  frame  hotel  that  faced  the  single  dusty  street 
in  town.  After  a  long  winter  in  a  ten-by-twelve  dugout  cabin,  to 
Okie  this  blonde,  buxom,  Scandinavian  girl  of  20  must  have 
seemed  like  a  dream.  Finally,  in  the  general  store  he  found  a 
chance  to  talk  to  her  and  learned  that  she  sang  in  the  choir  at 
church  services.  The  next  Sunday  Okie,  feeling  especially  reli- 
gious, was  seated  in  the  one-room  schoolhouse  where  services  were 
held,  saying  his  prayers  with  the  others  and  waiting  for  the  choir 
to  sing.  At  a  community  dance  a  few  days  later,  he  joined  the 
usual  long  stag  line  and  managed  to  get  a  few  dances  with  Jean- 


17.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

18.  Percy  Shallenberger,  "In  Memory  of  John  B.  Okie,"  oration  given 
at  Okie's  funeral,  November  10,  1930,  p.  3,  J.  B.  Okie  biographical  file, 
Western  Research  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 

19.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  2. 

20.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

21.  Baima  interview. 


180  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

nette.  She  must  have  been  somewhat  impressed  with  the  hand- 
some, dignified  young  man  who  represented  eastern  culture,  be- 
cause she  promised  to  see  him  again  in  the  fall.-- 

Okie  headed  back  to  Badwater  with  six  hired  men,  extra  teams 
and  tools.  That  summer,  work  commenced  with  a  new  vigor. 
Eighty  acres  of  land  were  cleared  of  sagebrush  for  the  planting  of 
alfalfa  and  grain.  The  men  dug  ditches  for  irrigation  water  and 
built  a  dam  to  hold  the  spring  run-off.  They  also  constructed  a 
log  stable  and  corrals  for  the  sheep  and  horses.  Finally,  as  if  he 
had  special  plans,  Okie  built  a  new  and  larger  cabin  up  on  the  hill 
away  from  the  danger  of  floods. ^^ 

In  the  middle  of  October  the  young  man  set  out  again  for 
Rawlins  with  high  hopes.  He  had  corresponded  with  Jeannette  as 
much  as  possible  and  had  also  written  to  his  mother  in  Washington, 
D.  C,  telling  her  all  about  this  new  girl.-^  Jeannette  must  have 
felt  the  same,  because  she  accepted  his  proposal.  They  were 
quietly  married  in  the  home  of  Professor  Wells;-"'  afterwards  they 
started  on  their  honeymoon  trip  to  Lost  Cabin  in  a  supply  wagon 
loaded  with  the  winter's  stores.-*^  Finally  the  wife  of  a  cultured 
eastern  gentleman,  Jeannette  found  herself  spending  her  wedding 
night  shrouded  in  a  tarp  under  the  supply  wagon  as  a  blizzard 
howled  around  them.-^ 

The  first  ten  years  of  this  marriage  may  well  have  been  the 
happiest  in  either  of  their  lives.  They  were  working  together  and 
working  hard  to  build  the  Okie  empire  at  Lost  Cabin.  The  beau- 
tiful Swedish  girl  was  not  idle  while  her  husband  provided  her  a 
living.  For  years  before  Lost  Cabin  had  its  first  doctor,  Jeannette 
filled  the  role  for  the  community,  using  her  handy  book  on  homeo- 
pathic medicine.-^  When  Okie  brought  to  Lost  Cabin  the  first 
steam  shearer  in  the  United  States,  Jeannette  demonstrated  the 
method  before  a  large  group  of  shearers,  sheep  owners,  wool 
buyers,  and  Casper  citizens.  She  sheared  her  sheep  in  less  than 
five  minutes,  astounding  the  onlookers.-^ 

Her  quick  thinking  and  strong  stomach  once  helped  her  save  the 
life  of  a  ranch  hand.  The  man  had  for  some  reason  entered  the 
elk  pasture  where  Okie  was  trying  to  domesticate  several  bull  elk. 
One  of  the  elk  attacked  the  man  and  began  goring  him  with  its 
huge  antlers.  Jeannette,  who  had  seen  from  the  house  what  was 
happening,  rushed  out  with  a  gun  and  pelted  the  animal  with 


22.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  4. 

23.  Ibid. 

24.  Baima  interview. 

25.  Fremont  Clipper  (Lander),  October  22,  1887. 

26.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  4. 

27.  Baima  interview. 

28.  Ibid. 

29.  Annals  of  Wyoming,  January,  1949,  p.  100. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  181 

buckshot.-^"  She  then  pulled  the  man  from  the  pasture  and  took 
him  to  the  house  where  she  cleaned  the  gaping  wound  in  his 
stomach.  Taking  needle  and  thread,  she  sewed  up  the  wound 
while  the  man  lay  fully  conscious  on  the  kitchen  table  watching 
her.  He  totally  recovered.-^^  In  Jeannette,  Okie  had  found  a  good 
pioneer  wife,  a  hard  worker,  a  sturdy  and  competent  woman. 

The  Okie  family  began  to  grow  almost  immediately.  John,  Jr., 
was  born  in  1888  followed  by  Howard  in  1890  and  St.  Claire  in 
1892.  Van  and  Jeannette  came  along  in  1893  and  1896,  respec- 
tively.-^- Paul  was  born  in  1898  but  lived  to  be  only  four  before 
he  contracted  diptheria  during  the  1902  epidemic  in  Lost  Cabin.-^'^ 
James  joined  the  family  in  1901  but  was  to  enjoy  only  fifteen  years 
of  a  normal  life-^^  before  becoming  totally  paralyzed  by  encepha- 
litis.^^   The  youngest  child,  Mary,  was  born  in  1903.^^ 

His  eight  children  were  no  financial  hardship  to  J.  B.  Okie  be- 
cause his  business  operations  continued  to  provide  a  good  living. 
In  1891  when  he  was  only  27,  people  already  referred  to  him  as 
"the  sheep  king."^'  By  1893  he  found  it  to  his  financial  advantage 
to  form  the  Bighorn  Sheep  Company,  issuing  his  mother  50  per- 
cent of  the  stock  for  her  half  ownership  of  his  sheep.-^''  Okie  also 
bought  out  the  Smith  Mercantile  Company  in  Casper  that  year  and 
set  up  his  youngest  brother,  Fred,  as  manager. •^•'  Fred,  having 
recently  graduated  from  Oberlin  College  in  Ohio,  had  followed  his 
two  older  brothers  to  Wyoming. ^'^  With  his  genial  personality  and 
business  ability,  Fred  seemed  like  the  person  to  make  Okie's  first 
mercantile  store  a  success.  He  became  a  well-known  and  well- 
liked  Casper  citizen  who  was  looked  to  for  advice  on  financial  and 
investment  matters  by  men  twice  his  age.*^ 

By  1895  J.  B.  Okie  was  ready  to  expand  again.  He  had  lumber 
hauled  by  freight  wagon  the  85  miles  from  Casper  and  built  the 
first  of  many  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  mercantile  stores.  In  fol- 
lowing years  he  built  similar  stores  in  Arminto,  Lysite,  Kaycee, 


30.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  5. 

31.  Baima  interview. 

32.  Petition  for  Probate  of  Will,  filed  December    11,    1930,   Clerk  of 
Courts,  Fremont  County,  Wyoming. 

33.  Van   Guelder   Okie,   unfinished   autobiography,   p.    20,   J.   B.   Okie 
biographical  file.  Western  History  Research  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 

34.  Day  interview. 

35.  Letter  from  Kathryn  Hammons,  March   1,   1972,  quoting  St.  Claire 
Okie  Hayden. 

36.  Petition  for  Probate  of  Will. 

37.  Wyoming  Derrick  (Casper),  January  1,  1891. 

38.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

39.  Natrona  Tribune  (Casper),  July  20,  18^3. 

40.  Ibid.,  August  1,  1895. 

41.  Ibid.,  July  11,  1895. 


182  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Moneta,  and  Shoshoni."*-  As  his  wealth  expanded  through  both 
the  sheep  business  and  the  mercantile  business,  Okie  gained  the 
respect  of  the  people  of  Fremont  County.  They  elected  him 
to  the  state  legislature  once,  and  several  times  as  a  delegate  to  state 
and  national  political  conventions.  In  Casper,  meanwhile,  Fred 
was  making  a  success  of  the  Casper  Mercantile,  had  been  elected 
city  clerk,  and  had  bought  a  fine  new  house,  a  handsome  stallion, 
and  a  "nobby"  new  buckboard  for  his  talented  and  well-educated 
new  wife.^"^  The  offspring  of  Susan  and  William  Okie  seemed 
happily  on  their  way  to  financial  success. 

In  August  of  1895,  WilUam  Okie  died  in  Washington,  D.  C. 
Although  he  had  not  supported  his  family  for  almost  20  years  and 
had  never  been  close  to  his  sons,  the  death  of  William  Okie  seemed 
to  foreshadow  bad  luck  for  both  Fred  and  J.  B.^^ 

In  December,  1897,  Fred  made  the  mistake  of  letting  himself  be 
overcome  by  the  Casper  Mountain  gold  fever.  Perhaps  he  was 
tired  of  working  for  his  brother  who  was  becoming  rich  the  slow 
but  steady  way.  Whatever  his  motives,  they  were  strong  enough  to 
allow  him  to  ignore  the  lessons  of  experience.  Nine  years  before, 
the  visions  of  quick  millions  had  first  encircled  Casper  Mountain 
in  a  golden  mist.  Rumors  spread,  excitement  soared,  and  mining 
plans  blossomed.  The  sounds  of  pick  and  drill  were  brief,  how- 
ever, and  by  late  1892  the  miners  realized  that  no  one  was  going  to 
become  a  miUionaire  mining  Casper  Mountain.  Dreams  of  quick 
wealth,  always  slow  to  die,  created  a  second  surge  of  interest 
around  1895.  The  Casper  Mountain  Copper  Mining  Company 
sold  $10,000  worth  of  stock  in  a  town  that  had  three  years  before 
been  totally  discouraged.  Promises  of  20  carloads  of  ore  a  day 
came  to  nothing.  Finally  a  third  surge  of  interest  began  in  Octo- 
ber, 1897.  The  newspapers  reported  the  strike  as  "one  of  the 
greatest  discoveries  of  gold-bearing  rock  yet  discovered  in  Central 
Wyoming  or  perhaps  in  the  state."  Wild  dreams  took  shape  in  the 
Klondike  and  the  Tillie  Miller  claims.    Stories  of  rich  assay  spread 

with  as  much  excitement  and  enthusiasm  as  they  had  in  1888  and 
1895.« 

Fred  Okie  caught  the  gold  fever  in  December,  1897,  claiming  a 
strike  adjoining  the  Klondyke  claim.  The  Natrona  Tribune  re- 
ported that  Okie  "expects  to  find  'millions  in  it'  before  the  spring 
time  comes. "^^^  By  April  the  assay  results  showed  that  Okie's  Hat 
Six  claim  would  give  at  the  most  $4.40  a  ton  at  100  feet  below  the 


42.  Natrona  County  Tribune  (Casper),  April  24,  1902. 

43.  Natrona  Tribune,  July  23,  1896;  May  7,  1896;  May  14,  1896. 

44.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  exhibit  letter  from  S.  P.  Okie  to  J.  B.  Okie, 
April  30,  1898. 

45.  Alfred  James  Mokler,  History  of  Natrona  County,  Wyoming  1888- 
1922  (Chicago:    R.  R.  Donnelley  &  Sons  Co.,  1923),  p.  lOOff. 

46.  Natrona  Tribune,  December  2,  1897. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  183 

surface.  The  last  mention  of  Fred  Okie's  million-dollar  claim  was 
that  the  mill  would  be  put  up  as  soon  as  possible  and  development 
begun. ^^  Three  months  later,  after  several  other  problems  had 
compounded  his  despair,  Fred  Okie  and  his  wife  packed  up  and 
left  for  New  York.  The  paper  merely  reported,  "He  will  engage 
in  business  of  some  kind;  but  at  present  he  is  not  sure  what  he 
will  do."*« 

Besides  Fred  Okie's  embarrassment  in  the  mining  business,  three 
other  difficulties  probably  contributed  to  his  decision  to  leave 
Casper.  For  some  yet  undiscovered  reason,  perhaps  because  of 
Fred's  departure,  the  Casper  Mercantile  closed  in  July,  1898,  the 
month  Fred  left,  and  J.  B.  Okie  had  all  the  merchandise  removed 
to  his  store  in  Lost  Cabin. ^"  Secondly,  in  the  month  that  Fred  was 
reading  his  assay  reports,  his  little  daughter  caught  a  severe  cold 
that  almost  caused  her  death. '''"  Then  late  in  May  of  1898  an 
epidemic  of  spinal  meningitis  struck  Casper.  A  dozen  children 
were  infected  in  one  day.  Mothers  and  children  evacuated  the 
town  immediately  until  hardly  a  child  was  left  on  the  streets. 
Every  family  watched  fearfully  for  the  appearance  of  the  dreaded 
fever  and  purple  spots.  Once  a  child  was  stricken,  there  was  no 
hope.  His  muscles  would  become  rigid,  his  head  would  draw 
back,  and  the  poor  child  would  scream  in  pain.  Finally  the  little 
patient  would  become  stupid  and  deaf,  and  death  would  come 
within  48  hours.  Mrs.  Fred  Okie  was  understandably  among 
those  who  fled  east  on  the  train  with  their  children.  The  two 
doctors  in  Casper  in  1898  knew  little  about  the  disease,  so  the 
only  hope  came  from  a  group  of  citizens  who  claimed  the  disease 
was  caused  by  the  unsanitary  conditions  in  Casper.  The  residents 
began  a  campaign  to  clear  the  streets  of  garbage  and  to  dismantle 
the  cow  corrals  and  hog  pens  in  the  middle  of  town.  In  a  month 
all  signs  of  spinal  meningitis  had  disappeared,  and  the  mothers  and 
children  began  to  return. •'^^  But  the  frightening  experience  must 
have  been  too  much  for  the  young  eastern  woman  because  Helena 
Okie  did  not  bring  her  child  back  to  Casper.  Instead  Fred  Okie 
closed  the  Casper  Mercantile  and  went  east. 

J.  B.  Okie  and  Jeannette  remained  behind  with  their  growing 
family  and  their  steadily  growing  empire.  J.  B.'s  dreams  were 
more  practical  that  his  brother's,  and  his  wife  was  a  sturdy  western 
ranch  girl  who  was  accustomed  to  the  unpredictable  life  in  the  new- 
state  of  Wyoming.  Life,  however,  was  not  necessarily  any  smooth- 
er for  the  J.  B.  Okies;  Jeannette  contracted  a  serious  case  of 


47.  Ibid.,  April  28,  1898. 

48.  Ibid.,  July  14,  1898. 

49.  Ibid. 

50.  Ibid.,  April  7,  1898. 

51.  Mokler,  Natrona  County,  pp.  183-4. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  185 

pleurisy  that  turned  into  pneumonia,  forcing  her  to  spend  the 
winters  in  Washington  with  Okie's  mother.-''-  In  1902,  four-year- 
old  Paul  Okie  and  a  neighbor,  Marty  Willoughby,  came  down  with 
diptheria.  By  the  time  a  doctor  could  be  summoned  from  Ther- 
mopohs,  both  boys  were  dead."'-^  To  add  to  the  difficulties,  Okie's 
mother  brought  suit  against  him  for  $50,000  as  a  result  of  business 
problems. "^^  Once  his  reputation  as  a  rich  man  became  established, 
Okie  was  sued  quite  often. 

Nevertheless,  life  at  Lost  Cabin  was  not  always  filled  with  dis- 
appointment and  tragedy.  The  Okies  were  by  this  time  most 
assuredly  rich.  Their  log  cabin,  which  had  grown  in  the  1890s 
like  a  chambered  nautilus  adding  compartments,  was  finally  re- 
placed with  an  elaborate  stone  mansion  in  1901.  The  family  could 
afford  world  travels  that  few  in  the  area  could  ever  hope  for. 
They  filled  their  mansion  with  exotic  furnishings  and  trappings 
imported  from  all  over  the  world.  The  children  were  sent  to  the 
finest  schools.  In  March,  1906,  J.  B.  Okie  further  indulged  his 
taste  for  luxury  and  brought  the  first  automobile  to  central  Wyo- 
ming.^^  All  in  all,  in  the  first  decade  of  the  new  century,  the 
Okies  were  doing  very  well.  The  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  was 
prospering,  the  chain  of  mercantile  stores  had  a  virtual  monopoly 
on  business  in  the  area,  and  Okie  owned  enough  land  and  water 
rights  to  assure  his  future  success. 

But  once  again  personal  problems  began  to  disrupt  their  life. 
Storm  clouds  arose  as  early  as  1902,  although  yet  impossible  to 
recognize.  The  Natrona  County  Tribune  gave  brief  mention  in 
September  of  that  year  to  the  event  that  began  the  trouble.  'The 
telephone  hne  was  completed  to  Lander  on  Tuesday  of  this  week 
and  to  Lost  Cabin  on  Saturday.  The  people  along  the  line  find  it 
a  great  convenience  and  a  great  saving  of  time  and  money  to 
transact  their  business  by  telephone."''**  Within  a  year  Herbert  G. 
Lovett  of  Los  Angeles,  arrived  in  Casper  to  take  over  the  manage- 
ment of  the  telephone  exchange. ^^  With  him  came  his  wife  of  one 
year,  Clarice.  The  Lovetts  were  not  just  another  young  couple 
moving  into  Casper;  Clarice  was  said  to  be  the  most  beautiful 
woman  in  Wyoming.^*^    She  was  also  vivacious,  well-educated,  and 


52.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  8. 

53.  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography,  p.  20. 

54.  Natrona  County  Tribune,  October  24,  1901. 

55.  Ibid.,  March  22,  1906. 

56.  Ibid.,  September  4,  1902. 

57.  Ibid.,  November  19,  1903. 

58.  Windriver  Mountaineer  (Lander),  June  26,  1908. 

(See  photo  opposite  page) 

Wyoming  Recreation  Commission  Photo 
J.   B.  OKIE  MANSION   AT  LOST   CABIN 


186  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

talented.''-'  She  joined  the  Casper  Dramatics  Club  and  charmed 
the  community  with  her  portrayals.**"  Because  of  her  fluency  in 
Spanish,  the  county  asked  her  to  interpret  in  court  for  accused 
Spanish-speaking  prisoners.  Some  people  believe  that  after  meet- 
ing J.  B.  Okie  and  realizing  his  wealth,  she  made  an  effort  to 
attract  him.  One  of  her  friends  in  Casper  remembers  her  saying, 
"If  I  knew  J.  B.  Okie  as  well  as  you,  I'd  make  something  of  it."''^ 
She  was  also  supposed  to  have  made  a  determined  effort  to  learn 
French  just  to  impress  him.^-  Whatever  the  case  may  have  been 
Okie  did  not  seem  to  need  much  convincing.*^^  Jeannette  had  been 
an  ideal  pioneering  wife  for  the  early  days  in  Lost  Cabin;  but 
throughout  Okie's  days  of  empire-building,  he  had  become  a  so- 
phisticated, well-educated  world  traveler.  Jeannette,  who  had  lost 
her  girlish  beauty  and  grown  heavy  after  bearing  children,  did  not 
share  his  intellectual  curiosity  or  love  of  books. "^  The  situation 
was  undoubtedly  tense  from  those  days  when  Okie  first  heard  the 
appealing  voice  of  a  new  telephone  operator  until  1907  when  his 
divorce  from  Jeannette  was  granted.*''^ 

Some  people  who  knew  Okie  believe  that  his  usual  clever 
manipulation  of  life  was  especially  apparent  in  the  divorce  pro- 
ceedings. With  his  wealth,  he  was  able  to  make  a  straight  cash 
settlement  with  Jeannette  for  $50,000."^'  Many  believe  he  accom- 
plished this  by  hiring  Dr.  H.  O.  Cox  of  Lost  Cabin  to  lure  his  wife 
away,  after  which  Okie  was  able  to  file  a  counter  divorce  suit  and 
thereby  arrange  the  settlement. *^^  On  June  26,  1908,  Clarice 
finally  secured  a  divorce  from  Lovett  on  the  grounds  of  desertion, 
and  the  same  night  she  married  her  millionaire.  The  papers 
noted  casually  that  Okie's  love  for  Mrs.  Lovett  had  been  known 
for  sometime.*"'^ 

J.  B.  Okie,  with  Clarice,  began  more  than  ever  to  enjoy  his 
wealth.     Exactly  five  months  after  their  marriage  they  left  for  a 


59.  Mrs.  Alta  Barnes,  personal  interview  in  Casper,  Wyoming,  June, 
1971. 

60.  Natrona  County  Tribune,  January  25,  1906. 

61.  Anonymous  interview. 

62.  Baima  interview. 

63.  Mrs.  Don  Robson,  personal  interview  in  Lysite,  Wyoming,  July, 
1971. 

64.  Baima  interview,  Robson  interview;  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  exhibit 
124,  letter  from  S.  P.  Okie  to  J.  B.  Okie,  undated. 

65.  Barnes  interview. 

66.  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  minutes  book,  October  5,  1908,  J.  B.  Okie 
Collection,  Western  History  Research  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 

67.  Mary  Helen  Hendry,  personal  interview  in  Laramie,  Wyoming,  May, 
1971;  Henry  Jensen,  personal  interview  in  Lysite,  Wyoming,  July,  1971; 
Macfarlane  interview;  anonymous  interview;  Robson  interview. 

68.  "Divorced  and  Remarried  on  the  Same  Day,"  Windriver  Moun- 
taineer, June  26,  1908. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  187 

six-month  around-the-world  tour,  during  which  they  visited  Ara- 
bia, India,  Japan,  and  Hawaii.  On  this  tour  they  also  spent  several 
months  in  the  interior  of  China  away  from  the  usual  tourist 
haunts.^'-*  After  their  return,  they  were  no  longer  content  to 
remain  in  Lost  Cabin  all  year.  They  bought  a  house  in  Denver 
and  one  in  Pasadena.  Having  added  an  elegant  aviary  to  the 
house  in  Lost  Cabin,  they  bought  a  large  collection  of  exotic  birds 
and  housed  them  in  the  beautiful,  domed  chambers  of  the  aviary. 
They  also  built  several  little  California-style  bungalows  in  Lost 
Cabin  to  accommodate  their  guests.  On  winter  evenings  Clarice 
and  J.  B.  would  sit  by  the  fire  in  their  library,  reading  French 
novels  aloud.'" 

Despite  several  periods  of  bad  luck,  Okie's  sheep  and  mercantile 
businesses  continued  to  thrive  in  the  second  decade  of  the  century. 
His  son,  Howard,  took  over  the  management  of  the  stores,  after 
finishing  school  at  Culver  Military  Academy.  When  a  serious 
drought  hit  central  Wyoming  in  1919,  Okie  decided  to  ship  his 
bands  of  sheep  to  Mexico  for  better  grazing.  Still  a  man  of  oppor- 
tunity, while  down  there  he  bought  the  Piggly  Wiggly  Store  fran- 
chise for  Mexico  and  opened  six  stores.    Business  was  going  well. 

While  he  was  away,  a  flu  epidemic  hit  Wyoming,  and  among  the 
many  who  died  that  winter  was  his  son,  Howard. ^^  That  was  not 
the  last  of  his  personal  misfortunes.  On  October  21,  1921,  he 
divorced  Clarice.'-  The  split,  probably  a  result  of  Okie's  intense 
pride  and  Clarice's  beauty,  came  about  after  one  of  their  many 
parties  in  Lost  Cabin.  Clarice  had  given  her  attentions  to  a 
younger  man,^'^  and  that  ended  the  marriage.  The  divorce  came 
as  a  shock  to  the  community  because  every  one  believed  that  the 
two  were  very  much  in  love.'^  Sometime  afterwards,  Okie  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Clarice  in  which  she  said  they  had  both  been 
foolish  and  should  try  to  start  again.  Okie's  pride  would  not 
let  him.^^ 

Alone,  Okie  began  the  last  decade  of  his  life.  Much  of  his  time 
he  spent  traveling  between  Mexico,  Lost  Cabin,  and  his  other 
homes.  Okie,  however,  was  not  one  to  remain  alone.  On  one  of 
his  many  trips  to  Mexico  City,  he  met  and  later  married  the 
daughter  of  a  former  president  of  Mexico.    They  had  two  children. 


69.  The  Windriver  Mountaineer.  November  26,   1908. 

70.  Baima  interview. 

71.  Jensen  interview. 

72.  J.  B.  Okie  v.  Clarice  V.  Okie,  Civil  case  number  3009,  September  8, 
1921,  Clerk  of  Courts,  Fremont  County,  Wyoming. 

73.  Macfarlane  interview;  Baima  interview;  Robson  interview;  Day  in- 
terview. 

74.  Hammons,  "Pioneer  Sheepman,"  p.  11. 

75.  Robson  interview. 


188  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Juan,  born  in  1924,  and  Maria,  born  in  1926.''*'  This  caused  a 
conflict  with  the  children  of  his  first  marriage  at  the  time  of  his 
death  because  of  the  inheritance.  There  was  some  question  as  to 
whether  he  had  ever  really  married  the  Mexican  woman.  Okie 
once  told  a  friend  that  they  had  gone  through  the  church  ceremony 
but  not  the  civil  ceremony;  Mexico  required  both.^^  Okie  had 
provided  for  the  two  children,  however,  by  legally  adopting  them."^ 

He  never  completely  deserted  Lost  Cabin  despite  his  other 
elegant  residences  near  more  exciting  urban  centers.  Because  his 
roots  were  there  at  the  foot  of  the  Owl  Creek  Mountains,  he  pre- 
ferred to  spend  the  major  part  of  the  year  there  with  his  old 
friends.''*  No  one  who  knew  him  would  admit  that  Okie  was 
depressed  in  his  last  years.  Even  though  he  had  taken  to  drinking 
more,  he  had  no  serious  financial  worries,  and  he  still  seemed  to 
enjoy  life  in  Lost  Cabin.  He  was  able  to  survive  the  immediate 
results  of  the  stock  market  crash  better  than  most.^** 

In  November  of  1930,  Okie  was  at  Lost  Cabin  taking  care  of 
business  and  enjoying  the  fall  duck  hunting  season.  On  Wednes- 
day afternoon,  November  sixth,  he  and  his  general  manager,  R.  P. 
Pruitt  decided  to  go  out  to  the  reservoir  to  shoot  some  ducks. 
Pruitt  agreed  to  go  around  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  reservoir  and 
drive  the  ducks  across  to  where  Okie  would  be  lying  in  wait.  After 
completing  the  beating  of  the  ducks  and  hearing  no  gunshots  from 
across  the  water,  Pruitt  became  puzzled.  He  retraced  his  steps  to 
where  he  had  left  his  companion,  but  Okie  was  nowhere  around. 
Becoming  alarmed,  Pruitt  scanned  the  surface  of  the  water  and 
discovered  Okie's  pith  helmet  floating  some  distance  from  shore. 
Immediately  he  headed  back  to  Lost  Cabin  where  a  search  party 
was  organized,  and  Deputy  Sheriff  Jim  Thompson  of  Shoshoni  was 
called  in.  The  group  worked  for  two  days  dragging  and  finally 
draining  the  reservoir,  until  on  November  8,  they  found  his  body. 


76.  Petition  for  Probate  of  Will. 

77.  Robson  interview. 

78.  Last  Will  and  Testament  of  J.  B.  Okie,  Clerk  of  Courts,  Fremont 
County,  Wyoming. 

79.  "J.  B.  Okie  Drowns  in  Reservoir  at  Ranch,"  Casper  Daily  Tribune, 
November  7,  1930. 

80.  Day  interview.  The  only  proof  that  Okie  had  financial  difficulties 
in  1930  is  a  petition  filed  during  the  ten-year  court  battle  over  the  will. 
The  petition  filed  November  4,  1939,  states,  "That  John  Brognard  Okie  at 
the  time  of  his  death  held  the  controlling  interest  in  said  Bighorn  Sheep 
Company.  That  at  said  time  the  affairs  of  the  said  company  were  in  very 
bad  condition,  that  it  had  only  a  few  sheep,  the  equipment  was  run-down 
and  out  of  repair.  That  the  company  also  had  large  and  pressing  debts." 
Three  months  later  Okie's  children  decided  to  drop  the  whole  case  and  come 
to  a  friendly  agreement.  This  single  statement  about  his  financial  affairs  at 
the  time  of  his  death  was,  therefore,  never  proved.  It  cannot  be  accepted 
unquestionably  as  fact  because  the  petitioners  stood  to  gain  much  if  such  a 
statement  were  proved  true. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  189 

Okie,  who  was  unable  to  swim,  had  probably  slipped  down  the 
steep,  muddy  bank  and  been  pulled  under  by  his  heavy,  water- 
soaked  clothing.  The  reservoir  at  that  spot  was  30  or  40  feet  deep 
and  the  bank  about  ten  feet  high.  He  would  have  had  no  chance 
to  save  himself.^^ 

Many  people  still  believe  that  J.  B.  Okie  committed  suicide. 
Those  who  knew  him,  however,  are  sure  it  was  an  accidental 
death. '^^  Some  of  his  friends  knew  that  he  kept  a  tiny  glass  vial 
of  poison  with  him  at  all  times,  to  use  if  he  ever  reached  the  point 
where  he  could  no  longer  care  for  himself.  The  untouched  vial 
was  on  his  body  when  he  was  brought  from  the  reservoir.  An 
inquest  was  held  and  the  investigating  officer  reported: 

I  have  made  as  complete  an  investigation  of  Okie's  circumstances 
and  recent  activities  as  possible  at  this  time,  and  can  say  definitely 
that  any  question  of  suicide  may  be  eliminated.  All  of  his  business 
was  in  the  best  of  order,  all  details  of  his  everyday  life  were  in  the 
best  of  order,  and  in  view  of  all  circumstances  it  seems  clearly  a  case 
of  accidental  drowning.  I  have  learned  he  was  unable  to  swim.  At 
the  place  where  he  was  last  seen  the  bank  breaks  right  off  and  is 
sheer  to  the  water.  It  would  have  been  quite  easy  for  him  to  have 
accidentally  fallen  from  this  bank  and  then  to  have  been  unable  to 
save  himself  in  the  water. ^3 

J.  B.  Okie  was  buried  in  the  yard  of  his  mansion  beside  his  sons, 
Paul  and  Howard,  and  the  grave  was  marked  by  a  small  stone  slab 
with  the  simple  inscription,  "J.  B.  Okie  1864-1930." 

SHEEPMAN 

J.  B.  Okie  died  a  rich  man.  His  initial  success  had  been  in  the 
sheep  business,  even  though  his  fortune  was  amassed  from  several 
sources.  A  man  with  such  initiative  would  probably  have  been 
successful  in  any  business,  but  J.  B.  Okie  had  luck  on  his  side,  too, 
when  he  chose  to  become  a  sheepman.  His  timing  was  perfect. 
Many  men  made  quick  fortunes  in  the  sheep  business  between 
1880  and  1920,  but  the  big  fortunes  were  made  by  those  who 
started  between  1880  and  1895.''^     J.  B.  Okie  was  among  them. 

William  Tweed,  an  Englishman  in  search  of  gold,  brought  the 
first  sheep  to  central  Wyoming  in  1870.  Tweed  made  a  little 
different  discovery  than  he  had  expected,  but  it  was  every  bit  as 
lucrative.  He  found  that  sheep  did  well  in  the  area  and  required 
little  care  except  for  disease  control  and  protection  from  predators. 


81.  Casper  Daily  Tribune,  November  7,  1930. 

82.  Day  interview,  Macfarlane  interview;  Jensen  interview;  anonymous 
interview. 

83.  Casper  Daily  Tribune,  November  7,  1930. 

84.  George  W.  Ogden,  "Bringing  in  the  Fleece,"  Everybody's  Magazine, 
September,  1910,  pp.  345-356. 


190  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

In  his  winter  camp  on  Red  Canyon  Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Little 
Popo  Agie  River,  Tweed  also  found  that  sheep  wintered  well  in 
this  part  of  Wyoming.'^'' 

The  first  large  operator  in  the  area  was  W.  P.  Noble  who  had 
9000  sheep  near  the  Shoshoni  Indian  Agency  in  1882.**^  That 
same  year  17-year-old  J.  B.  Okie  was  working  on  the  range  for 
Capt.  R.  A.  Torrey  at  $25  a  month.  That  fall  he,  too,  got  started 
in  the  sheep  business.  With  the  $4500  his  mother  had  loaned  him, 
he  bought  1000  ewes  from  a  man  named  Havens  on  the  Sweet- 
water River  and  16  thoroughbred  bucks  from  W.  D.  Currier  at 
Lookout,  Wyoming.*^  Okie's  start  that  year  made  him  one  of  the 
very  early  sheepmen  in  central  Wyoming.  He  had  a  long  way  to 
go,  however,  to  prove  he  was  one  of  the  successful  ones. 

Profits  in  sheep  ranching  were  good,  and  by  1884  the  tax  rolls 
listed  23  sheepmen  in  Fremont  County. ^^  During  the  range  indus- 
try boom  period  from  1877  to  1887,  the  sheep  proved  to  be  more 
profitable  than  cattle,  as  investments  began  to  double  and  quad- 
ruple. James  S.  Brisbin  wrote  in  1880  that  an  investment  of 
$5000  in  sheep  raising  could  be  made  to  pay  35  percent  the  first 
year,  47  percent  the  second  year,  and  60  percent  the  third  year.'*^ 
Even  with  the  various  depressions  that  occurred  during  Okie's 
years  as  a  sheep  rancher,  the  sheep  business  continued  to  be  a 
good  investment.  Debts  were  easily  paid  off  by  wise  managers.^" 
In  fact,  as  Edward  Norris  Wentworth  analyzed  the  situation, 
"There  seemed  to  be  only  four  basic  causes  of  loss  in  the  industry: 
1.  natural  causes — storms,  drouths,  disease,  and  predators;  2.  lack 
of  knowledge  of  practical  sheep  management;  3.  speculation;  and 
4.  dishonesty."*'^ 

By  1889  the  number  of  sheepmen  on  the  Fremont  County  tax 
rolls  had  risen  to  30  from  the  1888  figure  of  23.  The  number  of 
sheep,  however,  had  doubled.'^-  Meanwhile,  the  cattlemen  of 
central  Wyoming  were  not  doing  as  well.  They  had  suffered 
tremendous  losses  in  the  winter  of  1886-1887  and  had  never  quite 
recovered.    The  cattlemen  watched  their  prices  plummet^^  and  the 


85.  Edward  Norris  Wentworth,  America's  Sheep  Trails  (Ames,  Iowa: 
Iowa  State  College  Press,  1948),  p.  319. 

86.  Ibid.,  p.  621. 

87.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

88.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  320. 

89.  James  S.  Brisbin,  The  Beef  Bonanza  (Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippincott 
and  Company,  1881),  pp.  35-70  &  93-139,  quoted  in  Wentworth,  Sheep 
Trails,  p.  445. 

90.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  446. 

91.  Ibid.,  p.  447. 

92.  Ibid.,  p.  320. 

93.  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  (Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska 
Press,  1965),  p.  192. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  191 

price  per  head  of  sheep  rise  steadily.'-'^  They  also  watched  the 
lands  they  had  once  controlled  exclusively  become  overrun  by 
sheep.  When  the  railroad  finally  came  to  Casper  in  1888,  sheep 
ranching  spread  even  faster  because  of  easier  transportation  of 
wool.-'-''  The  result  was  a  bitter  conflict  over  grazing  rights  on  the 
public  domain. 

The  cattle-sheep  wars  which  grew  out  of  the  conflict  were 
basically  a  confrontation  of  theory  and  custom.  Theoretically  the 
range  was  open  to  everyone,  but  by  custom,  stockmen  respected 
the  prior  right  of  established  operations. '^^  When  sheepmen  ar- 
rived, it  worked  to  their  advantage  to  support  the  public  domain 
theory.  The  cattlemen  responded  with  violence.  Bands  of 
masked  men  would  raid  sheep  camps  at  night,  burning  the  wagons, 
killing  thousands  of  sheep  and  often  the  sheep  herder,  too.  The 
cattlemen  set  up  "deadlines"  on  the  range  and  forbade  any  sheep 
to  cross  over  them  to  graze.  Any  herder  who  accidentally  or 
purposefully  crossed  a  deadline  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  sheep 
and  his  life.  As  the  sheep  increased  and  demand  for  grazing  lands 
increased,  the  conflict  became  even  more  violent.  The  situation 
became  doubly  complicated  when  many  cattlemen,  realizing  the 
profits  in  sheep,  began  to  graze  both."^  The  cattle-sheep  wars 
continued  for  years  with  the  destruction  of  thousands  of  sheep, 
quite  a  number  of  murders,  and  very  few  court  convictions.  The 
last  sheep  camp  raid  in  Wyoming  occurred  in  1912  near  Dubois. 
The  men  were  positively  identified  and  brought  to  trial  but  found 
not  guilty. **■" 

Okie  was  running  sheep  throughout  the  early  sheep  boom  and 
the  cattle-sheep  wars.  His  first  band  of  1016  sheep,  purchased  in 
December,  1882,  wintered  on  Beaver  Creek.  Okie,  knowing  very 
little  about  herding  sheep,  kept  them  too  long  in  each  camp  and 
herded  them  along  the  creek  when  they  should  have  been  out  on 
the  hills.  Thin,  scabby,  and  affected  by  the  cold,  the  sheep  proved 
hard  to  herd.  Finally  in  February,  1883,  a  terrible  snow  storm  hit 
and  sent  temperatures  down  to  a  record  57  degrees  below  zero  for 
three  days.  Okie  came  out  of  it  with  556  sheep  remaining.  All  his 
bucks  were  dead  and  the  ewes  in  such  bad  condition  that  many  of 
them  did  not  come  in  heat  the  following  fall.  Okie's  ignorance  of 
proper  lambing  techniques  caused  him  to  lose  many  of  his  spring 
lambs.»9 


94.  Henry  G.  Trautwein  III,  "History  of  the  Wyoming  Wool  Growers 
Association  1905-1915,"  (unpublished  M.A.  thesis.  University  of  Wyoming, 
1964),  p.  97. 

95.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  522. 

96.  Ibid. 

97.  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  p.  369. 

98.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  543. 

99.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 


192  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Because  his  sheep  were  in  such  poor  condition  in  1883,  Okie 
decided  to  put  them  in  with  A.  D.  Bright's  bands  and  go  to  work 
for  Bright  as  a  herder  at  $40  a  month.  The  $40  did  not  even 
cover  the  expenses,  however,  so  Okie  came  out  of  the  deal  six 
months  later  with  no  money  but  with  more  sheep  sense.  Before 
he  left  Bright,  he  managed  to  scrape  together  $300  to  buy  150  ewe 
lambs.  The  money  came  from  the  sale  of  a  little  Negro  shanty  he 
had  owned  in  an  alley  in  Washington,  D.  C.  Having  saved  his 
money  as  a  boy,  he  had  built  this  shanty  with  it  and  charged  a 
family  $5  a  month  rent.  Its  sale  meant  he  could  increase  his  band 
of  sheep  from  718  to  868. if'" 

That  winter  of  1883-1884,  when  his  brother,  Howard,  was  with 
him,  marked  the  beginning  of  a  period  of  expansion  for  Okie.  His 
added  experience  enabled  him  to  care  for  his  sheep  better  and 
realize  better  profits.  After  four  years  of  fighting  to  keep  his 
flocks  ahve  and  healthy,  Okie  must  have  been  more  rudely  awak- 
ened than  pleased  when  he  received  the  contract  on  his  twenty-first 
birthday  from  his  mother,  giving  him  half  interest  in  the  sheep. 
The  contract  stipulated  that  when  Susan  Okie  died,  J.  B.  Okie  was 
to  keep  her  half  in  trust  for  his  brothers,  Fred  and  Howard.  Most 
importantly,  however,  the  contract  cancelled  his  debt  of  $4500  but 
required  that  he  pay  her  in  cash  half  of  each  year's  wool  money. 
He  was  to  receive  no  salary  for  his  work  until  1888;  after  that  he 
would  be  paid  $75  a  month. ^^^^ 

With  his  future  thus  laid  out,  Okie  began  the  second  phase  of  his 
sheep  ranching  career.  By  1886  his  sheep  numbered  $2200. i"- 
Then  the  winter  of  1886-1887  struck  central  Wyoming  with  its  re- 
peated blizzards,  heavy  snowfalls,  and  blood-chilling  rains. ^"^^  In 
that  one  winter  Okie  lost  three-fourths  of  his  sheep,  having  only 
500  head  when  spring  finally  arrived. ^^^^  He  had  fewer  sheep  than 
v/hen  he  had  first  started  in  1882. 

Okie's  quick  recovery  from  this  loss  proved  the  rapid  success 
possible  in  the  sheep  business  in  the  1880s.  His  timing  was,  then, 
definitely  a  part  of  his  good  fortune.  Starting  out  again  in  1887 
with  500  head,  he  was  able  to  increase  his  band  to  5000  by  the 
spring  of  1889.1"'''  The  Wyoming  Derrick  began  to  refer  to  him  as 
"the  sheep  king,"i"^  and  reported  that  he  had  sheared  12,000 
sheep  in  the  spring  of  1891.i"^  During  this  period  and  up  to  1893, 
Susan  Okie  loaned  her  son  money  whenever  he  needed  it  for  the 


100.  Ibid. 

101.  Ibid. 

102.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  1. 

103.  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  p.  191. 

104.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  p.  3. 

105.  Casper  Weekly  Mail,  April  5,  1889. 

106.  Wyoming  Derrick,  January  1,  1891. 

107.  Ibid.,  May  7,  1891. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  193 

business,  the  total  amount  eventually  reaching  $23,355.  Okie 
paid  it  all  back  to  her,  however,  besides  continuing  to  send  her 
cash  dividends  from  the  wool  sales  every  year.^"^ 

As  a  sign  of  his  success  and  respect  in  the  community,  J.  B.  Okie 
was  elected  the  first  president  of  the  Bighorn  Mountain  Woolgrow- 
ers  Association  in  1891.^""  At  the  second  annual  meeting  in  1892, 
the  members  again  offered  him  the  office  of  president,  but  he 
declined.    J.  D.  Woodruff  was  chosen  to  replace  him.^^" 

Okis,  his  brother  Fred,  and  John  S.  Day  organized  the  Bighorn 
Sheep  Company  on  October  1,  1893.  The  company  issued  half  of 
its  stock  to  Susan  Okie  and  the  other  half  to  J.  B.  Okie,  except  for 
the  single  shares  issued  to  other  members  of  the  company.^ ^^  Okie 
had  great  plans  for  his  company  when  he  started  it.  That  year  a 
large  number  of  inexperienced  men  were  going  into  the  sheep 
business.  Okie  foresaw  that  many  of  them  would  fail,  thereby 
flooding  the  market  with  sheep.  He  wanted  to  be  in  a  position  to 
buy  when  these  failures  depressed  the  price  of  sheep. ^^- 

Although  the  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  did  well  in  the  next  few 
years  after  1893,  one  weighty  responsibility  kept  it  from  doing 
extremely  well — Susan  Okie  wanted  her  yearly  cash  dividends. 
Her  own  real  estate  business  in  Washington  took  a  downward  turn 
which  put  pressure  on  her  for  mortgage  payments.  She  in  turn 
pressured  her  son  constantly  for  her  money.  She  forbade  him  to 
make  any  improvements  on  the  ranch  at  Lost  Cabin  for  fear  they 
would  endanger  her  dividend  payments.  She  had  even  badgered 
him  into  paying  her  the  $4500  debt  she  had  supposedly  cancelled 
in  1885.  To  keep  up  her  dividend  payments  each  year,  Okie  was 
forced  to  sell  more  sheep  than  he  could  really  afford  to  sell.  When 
Fred  wanted  to  go  into  the  sheep  business,  Susan  Okie  promised  to 
give  him  a  band  of  sheep  to  start  out  with.  But  then  she  tried  to 
force  J.  B.  to  give  Fred  half  of  those  promised  sheep  out  of  his  own 
portion.  Okie  explained  to  her  that  he  had  a  wife  and  small  chil- 
dren to  support  and  that  she  could  give  Fred  her  own  sheep  if  she 
wanted.  The  last  straw  for  Okie  was  when  his  mother  refused  to 
let  him  buy  land  to  gain  badly-needed  water  rights. ^''^ 

Up  to  1898  Okie  had  made  several  attempts  to  buy  his  mother's 
shares  in  the  Bighorn  Sheep  Company.  Finally  in  June,  1898,  she 
reluctantly  agreed  to  sell  her  half  interest  in  the  company  for 
$30,000.  Okie  immediately  was  free  to  enlarge  the  business,  buy 
his  water  holes,  improve  the  ranch,  and  generally  put  the  Bighorn 


108.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

109.  "Woolgrowers  Organize,"  Wvomimi  Derrick,  April  9,  1891. 

110.  Natrona  Tribune,  April  18,  1892.  ^ 

111.  S.  P.  Okie  V.  J.  B.  Okie,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 

112.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  exhibit  letter  from  J.  B.  Okie  to  S.  P.  Okie, 
February  21,  1893. 

113.  Ibid.,  testimony  of  J.  B.  Okie. 


194  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Sheep  Company  back  into  shape.  In  the  next  few  years  the 
company  made  more  money  than  ever  before.  Okie's  new  stable 
alone  sometimes  brought  in  $1000  a  month.  Troubles,  however, 
were  not  yet  over.^^^  Susan  Okie  realized  that  the  stock  she  had 
sold  for  $30,000  was  now  worth  $250,000.  She  desided  to  sue 
her  son  for  the  return  of  her  interest  in  the  company  on  the  grounds 
that  he  had  taken  advantage  of  her  ignorance  of  the  sheep  business, 
and  forced  her  to  sell  just  before  the  period  of  greatest  prosperity. 
She  filed  suit  in  United  States  District  Court  in  October,  1901. i^'' 

When  Okie  received  word  of  the  suit,  he  made  a  hurried  trip 
east  to  Washington,  perhaps  in  an  attempt  to  settle  the  problem 
out  of  court. ^^''  The  confrontation  between  mother  and  son,  both 
financial  opportunists,  must  have  been  stormy.  Susan  Okie  was 
long  remembered  for  her  impatience,  stubbornness,  and  love  of 
controversy.  She  would  never  admit  defeat. ^^'  Her  stubbornness 
and  J.  B.  Okie's  self-confidence  and  pride  could  only  result  in  a 
stalemate.  When  Okie  returned  to  Lost  Cabin  a  week  later,  noth- 
ing had  been  settled.  He  immediately  consulted  a  Cheyenne  attor- 
ney and  braced  himself  for  a  family  battle  set  to  begin  in  January, 
1902. 

The  trial  must  have  been  bitter.  Personal  letters  from  years 
before  were  read  aloud  in  court  and  often  revealed  more  than  just 
sheep  business.  Testimony  was  long  and  emotional.  Okie's 
brothers  and  sisters  were  brought  in  to  testify  against  him,  but 
all  to  no  avail.  At  the  end  of  the  hearings,  the  judge  ruled  that 
J.  B.  Okie  had  not  pressured  Susan  Okie  into  selling  against  her 
will,  that  she  was  far  from  being  ignorant  of  business  matters,  and 
that  Okie  had  paid  her  a  fair  price  for  her  shares. ^^^  Twenty  years 
after  accepting  his  mother's  loan  for  $4500,  Okie  was  finally  free 
of  obligation  to  her  and  could  honestly  say  he  had  repaid  her  in 
full. 

That  year,  1902,  the  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  continued  to  do 
well.  Okie  sold  $27,000  worth  of  wool  clippings  in  July  and  in 
September  was  ready  to  ship  a  whole  trainload  of  sheep  to  eastern 
markets.^ ^"  In  this  period  of  prosperity,  Okie  faced  another  law 
suit,  this  time  for  $100,000.  The  suit  was  the  result  of  an  out- 
break of  violence  among  Okie's  herders  in  which  a  man  was  shot 
to  death  and  another  badly  wounded. 

The  incident  began  when  Van  Ferris  and  Fritz  Kasshan  had  a 
disagreement  over  wages  with  E.  S.  Murphy.    Murphy  was  herding 


114.  Ibid. 

115.  "Suit  for  $50,000,"  Natrona  County  Tribune,  October  24,  1901. 

116.  Ibid.,  November  7,  1901. 

117.  V.  G.  Okie,  story  of  J.  B.  Okie,  pp.  8-9. 

118.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  Judge's  Memorandum. 

119.  Natrona  County  Tribune,  July  10,  1902,  and  September  9,  1902. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  195 

sheep  for  Okie  on  shares  at  the  time.  Okie  testified  at  the  trial 
that  on  the  morning  of  June  14,  1902,  Ferris  and  Kasshan  had 
threatened  to  kill  Murphy  and  burn  his  property.  Okie  had  tried 
to  make  some  wage  settlement  with  them  and  keep  them  from 
going  to  Murphy's  camp.  Unable  to  hold  the  two  men  back,  he 
sent  a  warning  to  Murphy  of  their  threats.^-"  To  prevent  the 
destruction  of  Murphy's  property,  Okie  organized  a  posse  of  eight 
men  with  himself  as  foreman. ^-^  In  the  posse  were  Murphy  and 
a  man  named  Colonel  Barrie,  a  South  African  with  a  reputation 
for  eccentricity.^--  The  posse  rode  toward  Murphy's  camp  on  the 
head  of  Badwater  in  hopes  of  stopping  Ferris  and  Kasshan  from 
burning  the  camp  down.  After  dismounting,  the  men  started 
toward  the  sheep  wagon  when  suddenly  a  shot  was  fired  at  them 
from  the  wagon.  In  immediate  response  the  five  men  fired  into 
the  wagon  all  at  once,  killing  Kasshan  and  shooting  off  Ferris' 
arm.  123 

Murphy  was  accused  of  the  murder  and  brought  to  trial  in 
Casper.  Barrie's  presence  in  the  posse  and  his  bad  reputation 
made  the  whole  affair  look  worse  than  it  otherwise  might  have.^-^ 
The  case  came  to  court  three  times  in  the  next  two  years.  Twice 
the  result  was  a  hung  jury.i-"'  The  third  time  Ferris  and  Kasshan's 
brother  sued  Okie  for  $100,000  damages.  Since  Okie  was  the 
only  member  of  the  posse  with  any  property  or  money,  the  two 
filed  their  complaints  against  him.^-"  The  judge  dismissed  the 
case,  however,  in  October,  1903,  for  lack  of  county  funds,  lack  of 
any  more  eligible  jurors,  and  because  it  had  already  been  tried 
twice  in  Natrona  County. ^-'^  Rumors  circulated  that  the  prosecut- 
ing attorney  shortly  afterwards  had  a  new  band  of  sheep,  but  if 
Okie  may  have  been  responsible  for  that,  no  one  would  have 
blamed  him.^-" 

The  Kasshan  murder  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  few 
incidents  of  violence  in  Okie's  sheep  ranching  career.  He  was  able 
to  avoid  the  violent  confrontations  of  the  cattle-sheep  wars.  Per- 
haps because  Okie  had  come  to  central  Wyoming  so  early,  cattle- 
men recognized  his  prior  rights  to  grazing  lands.  Perhaps,  too. 
they  respected  and  feared  his  wealth  and  influence.     Thirdly,  Okie 


120.  Ibid.,  December  11.  1902. 

121.  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography,  p.    19:  Natrona  Coitntx   Tribune.  Jiilv 
30,  1903. 

122.  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography,  p.  19. 

123.  "Will  Ask  $100,000  Damages,"  Natrona  County  Tribune.  August  6. 
1903. 

124.  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography,  p.  19. 

125.  Mokler,  Natrona  County,  p.  292. 

126.  Natrona  County  Tribune.  August  6,  1903. 

127.  Ibid.,  October  8,  1903. 

128.  Anonymous  interview. 


196  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

held  water  rights  on  a  tremendous  amount  of  grazing  land  which 
would  automatically  discourage  intruders.  Perhaps  more  than 
anything,  Okie's  realistic  attitude  and  ability  to  avoid  emotionalism 
helped  him  stay  out  of  trouble.  He  once  advised  a  friend  never  to 
let  his  personal  opinions  interfere  with  his  business. ^-'^  Following 
his  own  advice,  Okie  was  smart  enough  to  observe  the  "deadlines" 
and  was  respected  enough  by  others  to  be  left  alone. 

Okie  had  his  share  of  problems  in  the  sheep  business,  but  he 
made  more  than  his  share  of  innovations.  He  began  operating  the 
first  steam  sheep-shearing  plant  in  the  United  States  in  1894. 
Casper  had  three  large  sheep  shearing  plants  each  employing  about 
40  men,^"'"  one  of  which  was  probably  Okie's  steam  shearing  plant. 
Machine  shearing,  however,  never  became  widespread  in  Wyoming 
or  Montana.  A.  A.  Evans,  president  of  the  Sheep  Shearer's  Union 
of  North  America,  estimated  in  1939  that  90  percent  of  Wyoming's 
sheep  were  still  hand-sheared  while  90  percent  of  sheep  elsewhere 
were  machine-sheared. ^'^^  Obviously,  Okie's  modern  techniques 
did  not  find  an  eager  following  in  Wyoming. 

That  same  year,  1894,  Okie  tried  another  innovation  that  his 
fellow  sheep  ranchers  showed  no  enthusiasm  for.  On  March  15 
he  wrote  to  the  Natrona  Tribune  from  Washington,  D.  C,  telling 
of  a  syndicate  that  wished  to  build  a  $10,000  wool-scouring  plant 
in  Casper.  He  added  that  he  had  the  authority  to  sign  for  the 
syndicate  and  make  any  minor  changes  the  town  wanted.  The 
Casper  people  had  to  decide  within  five  days  whether  they  wanted 
the  plant. ^•^-  Nothing  more  was  ever  mentioned  about  the  scouring 
plant,  which  seemed  to  indicate  that  is  was  never  built.  The  plant 
would  have  saved  the  Wyoming  sheepmen  money  by  scouring  their 
wool  locally  before  shipping  it  east.  As  it  was,  they  were  paying 
to  ship  the  extra  weight  of  dirty  fleeces. ^^^  But  again  Wyoming 
wool  growers  were  not  yet  interested  in  the  advances  being  made 
in  other  areas  of  the  counrty.  Thirteen  years  later  at  the  Wyoming 
Wool  Growers'  third  annual  convention,  Okie's  old  pleas  were 
justified.  In  an  attempt  to  help  their  members  learn  better  ways  of 
preparing  their  fleece  for  market,  the  wool  growers  arranged  for 
Professor  George  E.  Martin  to  speak  on  the  problems  and  benefits 
of  wool  scouring.^-^^ 

Okie  continued  his  attempts  to  control  more  of  the  operational 
steps  between  range  and  factory.  Besides  setting  up  his  own 
machine  shearing  plant  and  trying  to  set  up  a  local  scouring  plant, 


129.  Jensen  interview. 

130.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  424. 

131.  Ibid. 

Xlil.  Natrona  Tribune,  March  15,  1894. 

133.  Wentworth,  S/jeep  Trails,  p.  435. 

134.  Trautwein,  "Wyoming  Wool  Growers,"  p.  78. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  197 

he  purchased  his  own  feeding  pens  in  Nebraska. ^•^"'  Sheep  feeding 
companies  operated  in  many  areas  of  Nebraska  for  the  convenience 
of  western  wool  growers.  Rather  than  grow  fattening  feeds  for 
their  sheep,  most  sheepmen  unloaded  their  stock  on  the  great 
plains  to  graze  before  being  shipped  to  market. ^■^'^  Okie,  however, 
preferred  to  own  and  operate  his  own  feeding  pens,  probably 
located  in  Pilger,  Nebraska. ^-^^  He  also  fed  his  sheep  as  far  east  as 
Rochelle,  Illinois,  to  assure  high  prices  in  Chicago. ^■^'^  As  an 
additional  price  boost,  Okie  built  large  wool  warehouses  in  Lost 
Cabin  and  Lysite  so  that  after  shearing  in  the  spring,  he  could  store 
the  wool  for  advantageous  shipping  at  the  best  market  time.^^^ 

Okie  hired  Basque  sheep  breeders  to  run  his  flocks,  which  was 
wise  management  because  they  were  known  to  be  the  most  success- 
ful herders."*^  Basques  were  in  great  demand  but  almost  impos- 
sible to  find  because  they  preferred  to  work  for  flockmasters  of 
their  own  nationality. ^^^  But  J.  B.  Okie  traveled,  and  could  bring 
his  Basques  directly  from  northern  Spain.  He  also  spoke  several 
languages,  being,  therefore,  about  the  only  person  with  whom  his 
herders  could  converse.  After  a  year  of  wages,  Okie  would  give 
his  herders  an  interest  in  the  flocks  they  followed.     Under  this 

system  of  incentive,  they  proved  to  be  industrious,  temperate,  and 
faithful.1^2 

Okie  became  interested  in  the  Australian  method  of  shearing, 
sorting,  and  preparing  wool  for  market.  This  method  inspired 
widespread  interest  among  wool  growers  for  several  years  and  for 
good  reason.  In  1913  the  tariff  on  foreign  wool  having  again  been 
revoked, ^^^  western  sheepmen  were  in  competition  with  the  effi- 
cient Australian  ranchers  who  had  to  comply  with  rigid  regulation 
for  wool  preparation,  set  up  by  their  country.  They  had  to  care- 
fully skirt,  sort,  and  grade  all  wool  before  it  could  be  sent  abroad. 
The  American  sheepman  was  immediately  at  a  loss.  He  could 
either  accept  lower  prices  for  his  inferior  wool  or  try  to  set  up  a 
system  to  produce  wool  of  equal  quality. ^^^  Okie  chose  to  build 
Australian  shearing  sheds  and  attempted  to  compete. ^^^ 

Wyoming  was  the  first  state  to  build  the  Australian  shearing 


135.  Natrona  Tribune,  January  20,  1898. 

136.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  346. 

137.  Natrona  Tribune,  April  29,  1897,  and  December  31,  1896. 

138.  Ibid.,  December  8,  1898. 

139.  Hendry,  "Big  Tepee." 

140.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  404. 

141.  Ibid.,  p.  270. 

142.  William  E.  Curtis,  "Chicago  Man  Guides  Huge  Power  Project, 
August  6,  1909,  unidentified  newspaper  article,  Fremont  County  file  F-88 
Western  History  Research  Center,  University  of  Wyoming. 

143.  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  p.  372. 

144.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  575. 

145.  Jensen  interview. 


198  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

sheds.  Sheepman  James  Cosgriff  brought  an  Australian  wool 
expert,  W.  F.  Rich,  over  to  the  United  States  to  lecture  on  the 
Australian  method.  Wyoming  ranchers  accepted  his  suggestions 
enthusiastically.^^'^  The  first  sheds  were  built  on  the  Six-Mile 
Ranch  south  of  Bitter  Creek  Station  near  Moneta.^^'  The  tech- 
nique was  shortUved,  however,  because  the  wool  buyers  would 
neither  recognize  nor  reward  individual  efforts  to  improve  the 
quality  of  American  wool.^^'^  Prices  for  the  finely  prepared  wool 
were  about  the  same  as  those  paid  for  wool  prepared  in  the  old 
haphazard  fashion.  By  1916  use  of  the  Australian  method  began 
to  decline  rapidly  because  sheepmen  could  not  afford  to  put  the 
extra  time  and  money  into  preparation  of  the  wool,  when  the  price 
they  received  was  the  same  as  before. ^^"  How  long  Okie  persisted 
in  using  the  technique  is  uncertain.  But  one  of  his  Australian 
shearing  sheds  still  stands  at  Moneta  as  a  reminder  of  the  many 
innovations  Okie  tried  to  improve  his  wool-growing  techniques. 

Despite  his  usually  successful  management  and  his  efforts  to 
modernize  his  sheep  business,  J.  B.  Okie  did  make  some  serious 
mistakes.  The  most  serious  one  practically  wiped  out  his  sheep 
business.  In  1919,  topping  off  a  decade  of  blizzards  and  tariff 
problems,  a  severe  drought  hit  Wyoming.  Rather  than  watch  his 
sheep  die  on  the  range  with  the  others,  Okie  decided  to  ship  30,000 
head  across  the  Rio  Grande  River  to  graze  in  Mexico.^'*'*  In 
theory  the  plan  appeared  sound;  but  in  practice  it  created  only 
problems.  The  expenses  of  shipping  were  bad  enough,  but  mis- 
fortune did  not  stop  there.  The  forage  in  Mexico  was  not  as  good 
as  expected  which  caused  the  loss  of  many  sheep.  ^-'^  The  Mexican 
sheepherders  could  not  match  their  Basque  counterparts  in  the 
United  States;  thefts  were  common.  Okie  later  told  a  friend  that 
he  had  been  forced  to  hire  men  just  to  watch  the  thieving  sheep- 
herders,  and  then  hire  men  to  watch  the  men  watching  the  sheep- 
herders.^''-  He  finally  sold  his  remaining  flocks  and  more  than 
likely  at  a  loss  because  of  the  Mexican  market.  The  combination 
of  shipping  costs,  poor  grazing,  thieving  sheepherders,  and  a  forced 
sale  practically  broke  Okie. 

Although  despondent  about  losing  his  sheep,  Okie's  enterprising 


146.  State  Board  of  Sheep  Commissioners,  "Sixteenth  Annual  Report  of 
the  Board  of  Sheep  Commissioners  of  the  State  of  Wyoming"  (Cheyenne: 
S.  A.  Bristol  Co.,  November  30,  1914),  p.  21. 

147.  147.  Gerald  Melvin  Burke,  "Some  Economic  Aspects  of  Wool 
Marketing  in  Carbon,  Natrona  and  Sweetwater  Counties,  Wyoming"  (un- 
published Masters  thesis,  University  of  Wyoming,  1958),  p.  10. 

148.  Wentworth,  Sheep  Trails,  p.  575. 

149.  Burke,  "Economic  Aspects,"  p.  10. 

150.  Van  Guelder  Okie,  rough  outline  for  his  unfinished  autobiography, 
p.  15;  in  the  possession  of  this  author. 

151.  Jensen  interview. 

152.  Day  interview. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  199 

Spirit  remained  intact.  He  utilized  his  mercantile  talents  south  of 
the  border,  eventually  turning  his  Mexican  fiasco  into  a  profitable 
venture  through  his  Piggly  Wiggly  Stores. 

MERCHANT 

Okie  made  a  large  part  of  his  fortune  in  the  mercantile  business. 
Here  again  his  success  was  influenced  by  his  timing.  He  estab- 
lished stores  where  people  needed  them  and  there  were  none.  His 
real  success,  however,  came  from  his  management  insight. 

J.  B.  Okie  first  entered  the  mercantile  business  in  1893  with  his 
brother  Fred  and  his  ranch  foreman,  John  S.  Day,  when  he  bought 
out  the  Smith  Mercantile  Company  in  Casper. ^"'•^  If  this  first 
attempt  had  been  interpreted  as  an  omen,  the  outlook  for  the 
future  would  have  been  bad.  As  it  was,  Okie's  purchase  of  the 
Casper  Mercantile  was  merely  a  rough  start.  In  July,  1893,  the 
Natrona  Tribune  noted  the  purchase.  Immediately  Okie  became 
involved  in  an  1 8-month-long  legal  suit  questioning  his  right  to  buy 
the  company  and  accusing  him  of  fraud  in  the  purchase. ^''^ 

Before  the  sale  took  place,  Okie  owned  33  shares  of  stock  in  the 
Smith  Mercantile  Company.  He  appears  to  have  paid  $6800  to 
the  company  as  purchase  price  for  the  store.  The  problem  arose 
when  the  creditors  against  the  company  discovered  the  company 
was  insolvent  at  the  time  of  the  sale.  They  immediately  sued  Okie 
for  payment.  The  court,  deciding  in  Okie's  favor,  concluded  that 
the  transaction  was  not  a  transfer  in  trust  or  creditors,  but  a 
bona  fide  sale.  The  question  of  fraud  had  arisen  because  there  was 
a  slight  difference  between  the  value  of  the  property  sold  and  the 
price  paid  .  On  this  matter,  the  court  decided  that  unsettled  con- 
ditions between  Okie  and  Smith  Mercantile  made  the  difference 
understandable.  If  any  fraud  was  perpetrated,  and  the  court 
agreed  that  there  appeared  to  be  one,  it  was  in  the  misrepresenta- 
tions of  the  concern's  assets  by  the  president  of  the  company. 
Okie  emerged  blameless. ^^^ 

The  court  would  have  been  very  interested  in  a  letter  that  Okie 
wrote  to  his  mother  five  months  before  he  supposedly  bought  the 
Smith  Mercantile  Company.  He  wrote  that  he  expected  to  be  in 
possession  of  $80,000  in  12  percent  notes  and  $50,000  cash  by 
September  1,  1893.  "I  will  also  have  my  ranch  and  the  controlling 
interest  in  the  Smith  Mercantile  Company,"  he  continued.  The 
notes,  he  expected  to  transfer  to  Smith's,  where  all  the  debtors  had 
to  buy  their  supplies.  The  debtors  would  be  compelled  to  borrow 
from  the  bank  of  L.  Smith  and  Company  to  cover  expenses,  but 


153.  Natrona  Tribune,  July  20,  1893. 

154.  Ibid.,  November  8,  1894. 

155.  Ibid. 


200  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Okie  admitted  that  he  secretly  owned  controlling  interest  there, 
too.  He  wrote  that  no  one,  not  even  his  brother  Fred,  knew  of  his 
connection  with  the  store  or  the  bank  and  therefore  any  of  their 
acts  would  not  lessen  his  popularity.  He  said  that  he  planned  to 
wait  until  a  panic  or  some  other  cause  depressed  the  price  of  sheep, 
and  then  he  planned  to  instruct  Smith's  to  stop  loaning  money  and 
to  foreclose  all  mortgages.  "If  these  plans  succeed,"  he  wrote,  "I 
will  make  $500,000  in  the  next  three  years."  He  instructed  his 
mother  to  tell  no  one  of  the  letter  and  especially  to  keep  secret  his 
ownership  of  the  store.  He  had  cleverly  arranged  the  bylaws  of 
the  company  so  that  he  had  absolute  control  and  could  discharge 
every  officer  of  the  company  in  ten  days.^-''^  Two  weeks  before  he 
announced  publicly  that  he  was  "buying"  Smith  Mercantile,  Okie 
wrote  to  his  mother  that  gazing  upon  a  bankrupt  world  has  taken 
away  any  sensitiveness  he  might  have  had  in  the  past.^"*'  He  was 
then  28  years  old. 

When  the  Smith  Mercantile  case  was  finally  dismissed,  Okie 
proceeded  to  make  the  newly  organized  Casper  Mercantile  Com- 
pany into  what  was  reported  to  be  one  of  the  most  successful  stores 
in  central  Wyoming.  ^^^  Fred  Okie,  who  was  employed  as  secre- 
tary and  manager  of  the  company,  did  much  to  bring  the  store  into 
prominence.  He  began  by  running  full-page  ads  in  the  Natrona 
Tribune  and  inventing  contests  to  promote  his  goods.  For  ex- 
ample, in  April,  1896,  he  devised  a  double  contest  to  promote 
Snow  White  flour.  Two  prizes  were  to  be  awarded,  one  to  the 
person  who  baked  the  best  yeast  bread  with  Snow  White  flour, 
and  one  to  the  school  child  who  sold  the  most  Snow  White  flour.^-^^ 
Fred  Okie  also  pushed  his  products  by  taking  them  on  the  road 
himself.  He  traveled  the  Union  Pacific  line  across  southern  Wyo- 
ming distributing  Black  Leaf  sheep  dip  in  each  of  the  important 
towns.^*^*^  Fred's  own  character  worked  also  to  make  the  store  a 
success.  The  newspaper  referred  to  him  as  genial,  efficient,  enter- 
prising, progressive,  and  a  true  gentlemen. ^^^ 

The  success  of  the  Casper  Mercantile  must  have  inspired  J.  B. 
Okie  to  broader  visions.  As  the  number  of  settlers  around  Lost 
Cabin  increased  and  the  85-mile  trip  to  Casper  for  supplies  became 
more  tiresome,  Okie  saw  the  opportunity  to  help  the  community 
and  increase  his  fortune.    Around  1895  he  built  in  Lost  Cabin  the 


156.  S.  P.  Okie  v.  J.  B.  Okie,  exhibit  letter  from  J.  B.  Okie  to  S.  P.  Okie, 
February  21,  1893. 

157.  Ibid.,  exhibit  letter  from  J.  B.  Okie  to  S.  P.  Okie,  July  9,  1893. 

158.  Natrona  Tribune,  July  7,  1895. 

159.  Ibid.,  April  16,  1896. 

160.  Ibid.,  March  5,  1896. 

161.  Ibid.,  January  28,  1897;  February  13,  1896;  January  3,  1895;  July 
11,  1895;  February  1,  1894. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  201 

first  of  his  Bigliorn  Sheep  Company  Stores. i**-  It  became  the  com- 
mercial center  for  miles  around.  Okie  must  have  commented  at 
some  time  that  his  income  from  these  stores  was  as  good  as  finding 
the  Lost  Cabin  gold  mine,  because  a  story  grew  up  that  he  had 
named  the  town  in  this  way.  One  day  someone  supposedly  asked 
him  what  he  was  going  to  call  his  town.  For  a  moment  Okie 
watched  the  men  streaming  in  and  out  of  the  saloon  across  the 
street;  then  he  was  supposed  to  have  said,  "Well,  boys,  she's  a  gold 
mine.  We'll  just  call  her  Lost  Cabin. "^^'-^  The  story's  accuracy 
may  be  questioned  but  its  implications  were  true.  Okie's  business 
did  boom  in  Lost  Cabin.  The  Natrona  Tribune  reported  that  the 
business  done  by  J.  B.  Okie's  store  would  have  been  a  credit  to 
any  of  Casper's  business  houses. ^^"^ 

Meanwhile,  Fred  Okie  in  Casper  had  become  enthralled  with 
visions  of  real  gold  mines  and  subsequently  the  Casper  Mercantile 
had  closed.  Okie  transferred  the  inventory  to  his  store  at  Lost 
Cabin.  There  he  could  be  sure  of  selling  it,  either  to  white  settlers 
or  to  the  numerous  Indians  who  came  through  Lost  Cabin. ^""'  All 
the  merchandise  had  to  be  brought  to  Lost  Cabin  by  freight  team, 
and  for  this  job,  he  hired  Frank  Webb's  freight  teams  from  Casper. 
They  could  haul  as  much  as  75,000  pounds  of  supplies  using  four 
freight  teams  of  16  to  18  horses  each.^"*'  By  1909  the  newspapers 
reported  that  Okie  was  doing  a  business  of  $175,000  or  $200,000 
a  year  just  at  the  Lost  Cabin  Store. ^*^'^  Following  the  enormous 
success  of  the  first  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  Store,  Okie  opened 
five  others  in  the  area.  He  eventually  owned  stores  in  Moneta, 
Arminto,  Lysite,  Shoshoni,  and  even  as  far  north  as  Kaycee.^"^ 

More  than  just  good  timing  contributed  to  Okie's  success  as  a 
merchant.  Although  he  built  stores  when  and  where  they  were 
really  needed,  his  management  techniques  also  added  to  his  good 
fortune.    He  knew  how  to  please  people. 

The  men  who  worked  for  Okie  found  him  to  be  an  understand- 
ing employer.  One  of  his  employees  recalled  that  Okie  never 
became  exasperated  or  perplexed,  excited  or  impatient,  and  he 
always  looked  after  the  needs  of  his  employees.  He  built  modern 
apartments  and  houses  for  them.    His  mansion  was  always  open  to 


162.  Van  Guelder  Okie,  a  rough  outline  of  his  unfinished  autobiography, 
p.  3. 

163.  R.  Lewis,  "Lost  Cabin  Mine,"  p.  6;  Hugh  Day  tells  a  slight  variation 
of  the  same  story.  Lost  Cabin  had  its  name  long  before  Okie's  businesses 
were  established,  however,  because  the  Fremont  Clipper  mentions  the  name 
as  early  as  September  17,  1887,  eight  years  before  the  store  was  built. 

164.  Natrona  Tribune,  February  2,  1901. 

165.  Ibid.,  April  11,  1901. 

166.  Natrona  County  Tribune,  August  22,  1901. 

167.  Curtis,  "Power  Project."  The  figures  quoted  by  Curtis  seem  highly 
questionable  but  cannot  be  verified  one  way  or  the  other. 

168.  Natrona  County  Tribune,  April  24,  1902. 


202  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

everyone,  and  employees  were  welcomed  to  parties  there  as  they 
would  have  been  to  a  community  hall.^''"  He  brought  in  all  kinds 
of  amusements  for  them:  free  moving  pictures,  a  roller  skating 
rink,  two  dance  pavilions,  and  a  golf  course.  At  least  twice  he 
paid  all  the  expenses  of  sending  an  employee  to  the  Mayo  Clinic 
for  treatment  of  medical  problems.  Often  Okie's  patience  was 
tried  by  blundering  greenhorns,  but  he  proved  himself  a  man  of 
self  control.  Once  while  he  was  in  Europe,  two  new  employees 
decided  to  stock  up  on  shoes.  Being  fresh  from  New  York  and 
not  realizing  the  needs  of  a  small  community  like  Lost  Cabin,  they 
ordered  $4000  worth  of  ladies'  dress  shoes.  When  Okie  returned 
and  found  hundreds  and  hundreds  of  ladies'  shoes,  his  only  com- 
ment to  the  men  was,  "Do  you  think  we  have  enough  shoes 
now?"i'" 

Okie  knew  how  to  please  his  customers  as  well  as  his  employees. 
He  stocked  a  supply  of  goods  that  must  have  amazed  the  isolated 
ranchers  of  central  Wyoming.  The  balcony  of  the  store  was 
reserved  for  ladies'  ready-to-wear.  Here,  ranch  wives  who  might 
not  have  seen  another  woman  for  six  months,  could  come  together 
to  dream  over  the  ultimate  in  feminine  fashion,  ready-made  dresses 
from  Kansas  City.  Sometimes  Okie,  being  the  world  traveler  he 
was,  would  even  order  finery  from  Paris  to  delight  the  women  of 
Lost  Cabin.  At  his  store  they  could  buy  curling  irons,  pompadour 
combs,  ruffle  crimpers,  silver-backed  looking  glasses,  whalebone 
corsets,  fancy  bloomers,  satin  slippers,  organdy,  and  laces.  While 
women  preened  before  the  long  mirrors  in  the  balcony,  the  men 
could  marvel  at  the  wondrous  claims  made  by  the  many  different 
medicines  Okie  stocked.  There  were  cures  for  "ailments  of  the 
liver,  the  spleen,  kidneys,  the  chest,  lumbago,  and  disorders  of  the 
privates."  The  most  popular  were  The  Great  Doctor  Kilmer's 
Swamp  Root  Elixer,  Mexican  Mustang  linament,  Searles  Remedy, 
and  Lydia  Pinkham  products  with  their  everlasting  benefits.  Be- 
sides these  marvels,  Okie's  store  had  everything  for  the  farmer, 
cattlemen  and  sheepman.^ ^^ 

Okie  served  his  customers  with  more  than  just  merchandise.  He 
gave  them  credit  when  they  could  get  it  nowhere  else  and  loaned 
them  money  when  no  one  else  was  willing.  In  the  West  after  the 
financial  crisis  of  1  887,  interest  rates,  already  high,  rose  still  high- 
er, but  at  the  same  time  the  flow  of  eastern  capital  to  the  West 
virtually  ceased.  Ranchers  just  could  not  get  loans.  If  they  were 
fortunate  enough  to  get  one,  they  could  expect  to  pay  7  or  8  per- 
cent interest  rates  on  real  estate;  and  on  chattels,  10  to  12  percent 


169.  Day  interview;  Shallenberger,  "In  Memory,"  p.  6. 

170.  Day  interview. 

171.  Mary  Helen  Hendry,  "A  Thorough  Man  and  Shrewd  One,"  Casper- 
Star  Tribune,  March,  1968,  p.  37. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  203 

was  considered  very  liberal,  from  1 8  to  24  percent  was  not  uncom- 
mon, and  40  percent  or  above  was  not  unknown. ^^-  Okie  loaned 
them  money  at  12  percent  on  their  sheep,  then  a  very  unstable 
commodity.  He  was  taking  a  big  chance  himself,  but  he  saved 
many  ranchers  by  making  loans  to  them  when  they  could  not  bor- 
row anywhere  else.  Anyone  who  thought  he  was  being  cheated 
needed  only  take  that  same  unstable  collateral  somewhere  else  and 
try  to  borrow.  They  would  soon  realize  that  Okie  was  being 
generous  in  allowing  them  12  percent. 

Hugh  Day  of  Riverton,  remembers  from  personal  experience 
how  J.  B.  Okie  treated  his  customers.  Day  was  starting  out  in  the 
sheep  business,  and  like  all  the  other  ranchers  in  the  Lost  Cabin 
area,  he  bought  on  credit  at  the  Bighorn  Sheep  Company  Store. 
Twice  a  year  he  would  pay  his  bill  when  he  sold  his  stock.  One 
morning  he  rode  in  to  Lysite  to  get  supplies  at  Okie's  store  there 
to  feed  his  shearing  crew  but  was  shocked  to  have  the  clerk  tell 
him  his  credit  was  no  good  anymore.  Frank  Harper,  the  general 
manager,  had  sent  word  that  Day  had  charged  too  much,  and  his 
credit  was  to  be  cut  off  until  he  paid.  The  young  sheepman  left 
the  store  confused  and  worried  that  this  stroke  of  bad  luck  might 
cause  him  to  lose  everything  he  had  built  up  so  far.  Just  then  two 
men  pulled  up  in  a  car.  J.  B.  Okie  stepped  out  and  called  a 
greeting  to  Day.  Immediately  sensing  trouble,  Okie  questioned  the 
young  rancher  and  learned  the  cause  of  his  worry.  J.  B.  Okie  was 
never  known  to  ponder  over  a  problem  nor  did  he  do  so  then.  He 
immediately  went  to  Harper's  office.  There,  in  front  of  Day  and 
anyone  else  who  wished  to  hear,  Okie  informed  Harper  that  he  was 
to  sell  Hugh  Day  anything  he  asked  for,  and  he  was  to  continue  to 
sell  to  Day  until  the  shelves  were  empty;  then  he  was  to  sell  the 
shelves.  Okie  then  made  Harper  call  the  clerk  immediately  and 
repeat  his  exact  words.  When  Day  returned  to  the  store  to  re- 
order his  supplies,  the  clerk's  first  comment  was,  "Do  you  want  the 
shelving,  Hugh?"^''^  Okie  was  clearly  the  kind  of  businessman 
who  knew  how  to  get  a  small  town  to  support  him. 

Because  he  was  trying  to  manage  the  store  in  an  isolated  area. 
Okie  had  the  added  problem  of  outlaws.  Many  infamous  char- 
acters rode  through  Lost  Cabin  and  staked  themselves  in  Okie's 
store.  Anyone  who  knew  him  remembered  that  J.  B.  Okie  never 
let  anyone  take  advantage  of  him  even  though  he  was  only  5  feet 
9  inches  tall,  slender,  and  prematurely  bald.  Some  of  the  early 
townspeople  still  remember  how  he  handled  one  tough  fellow  who 
tried  to  get  away  without  paying  his  bill.  The  man,  a  rough  look- 
ing stranger,  came  in  one  afternoon,  picked  out  the  supplies  he 


172.  John  D.  Hicks,  The  Populist  Revolt  (Lincoln.  Nebraska:    Univer- 
sity of  Nebraska  Press,  1961),  p.  82. 

173.  Day  interview. 


204  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

wanted,  and  loaded  them  on  his  horse.  He  was  going  to  ride  off 
without  even  making  a  pretense  of  paying.  He  looked  like  such  a 
mean  character  that  no  one  in  the  store  dared  question  him.  Okie 
had  been  watching,  however,  and  confronted  the  man  in  front  of 
the  store,  demanding  payment.  The  fellow  just  glared  at  Okie  and 
roared  out  in  disgust,  "Don't  you  know  who  I  am?  I'm  the  bad 
man  from  Stinking  Water!""^  Okie  calmly  pulled  a  gun  on  him 
and  retorted,  "Well,  I'm  the  stinkin'  man  from  Badwater."  The 
fellow  paid  his  bill.^^^ 

Most  often  Okie  preferred  to  use  clever  manipulation  rather 
than  threat  of  violence  to  protect  his  business  interests.  Once  just 
before  he  set  out  for  Casper  with  the  receipts  from  the  Lost  Cabin 
store  and  the  other  businesses  in  town,  Okie  was  warned  of  a 
possible  robbery  attempt.  On  the  desolate  85  mile  ride  to  Casper, 
Okie  was  overtaken  by  a  rough  character  called  "Wild  Bill."  Okie 
greeted  him  with  native  friendliness  and  unconcern  which  made 
Bill  hesitate.  The  two  rode  along  together  for  some  time  while 
Okie  chatted  pleasantly.  They  were  still  together  when  night  came, 
so  they  decided  to  camp.  Okie  unloaded  his  pack  saddle,  and  to 
Bill's  surprise,  brought  the  money  out  into  clear  view.  Then  Okie 
handed  it  to  Bill,  asking  if  he  would  mind  guarding  it  for  the  night. 
Such  trust  must  have  been  Bill's  undoing  because  when  the  sun 
rose  the  next  morning,  the  would-be-robber  was  still  guarding  the 
money.  He  handed  it  over  to  Okie  and  the  two  rode  on  into 
Casper  together. ^'^*' 

Despite  his  ability  and  foresight  in  the  mercantile  business,  Okie 
must  have  viewed  some  of  his  earlier  decisions  with  a  little  chagrin. 
In  May  of  1897,  a  sheepherder  named  Barney  Bansman  reported  a 
wonderful  discovery  to  the  newspapers.  He  explained  that  he  had 
been  cutting  down  brush  on  his  Bridger  Creek  ranch  when  he 
found  a  small  oil  spring  of  peculiar  taste  and  color.  The  Natrona 
Tribune  described  the  incident: 

Having  accidently  touched  the  top  of  his  head  with  some  of  the  oil, 
he  found  when  combing  the  remnants  of  hair  on  his  head,  that  a 
brand  new  growth  of  hair  had  started  on  the  bald  spots  which  the  oil 
touched.  He  went  almost  crazy  with  delight  at  his  discovery  and  an- 
nointing  his  bald  head,  in  a  few  days  he  had  a  new  growth  all  over 
the  open  and  bare  place  and  now  is  a  completely  changed  man,  and 
as  he  intends  to  get  married  in  a  short  time,  you  can  imagine  his  joy. 
He  confidentially  informed  us  that  a  stock  company  has  been  formed 
to  exploit  his  wonderful  discovery  and  among  the  names  of  the  prin- 


1 74.  The  Stinking  Water  is  the  former  name  of  the  Shoshone  River. 

175.  Jensen  interview;  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography,  p.  13;  Hendry,  "Thor- 
ough Man." 

176.  R.  Lewis,  "Lost  Cabin  Mine,"  p.  7;  V.  G.  Okie,  autobiography, 
p.  13. 


J.  B.  OKIE,  LOST  CABIN  PIONEER  205 

cipal  officers  we  see  those  of  J.  B.  Okie,  J.  W.  Moore,  C.  H.  King,  Ed 
Adams,  and  the  Hon.  Frank  Warner  will  also  come  in.i^" 

Bansman's  business  was  doomed,  however,  when  a  practical  joker 
named  Lem  Harold  from  Muskrat  Creek  secretly  emptied  half  the 
contents  from  several  bottles  and  refilled  them  with  urine.  When 
those  bottles  sold  just  as  well  and  reportedly  produced  the  same 
amazing  results,  Harold  couldn't  keep  the  secret.  He  boasted  to 
his  friends  that  he  was  a  walking  gold  mine,  and  Bansman's  sales 
suddenly  fell  off.^^^  This  single  article  in  the  newspaper  appears 
to  be  the  first  and  last  reference  to  the  amazing  oil  discovery. 
Okie,  at  least,  must  have  been  grateful  for  that. 

When  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  Railroad  by-passed 
Lost  Cabin  in  1914  in  favor  of  Lysite,  Okie's  Lost  Cabin  store 
began  to  lose  business.  It  finally  closed  around  1917.^'"  Okie's 
only  other  attempt  at  merchandising  was  in  the  1920s  when  he 
opened  six  Piggly  Wiggly  stores  in  Mexico. ^^°  He  saw  that  a 
fortune  could  be  made  in  the  general  store  business  during  this  era. 
But  he  had  enough  insight  to  recognize,  as  well,  that  the  ranchers 
and  sheepmen  of  this  new  state  had  to  be  dealt  with  uniquely. 
Because  he  understood  the  situation,  he  not  only  made  a  fortune, 
but  he  earned  friendship  and  great  respect  from  his  community. 

(To  be  concluded) 


177.  Natrona  Tribune,  May  6,  1897. 

178.  Love  interview. 

179.  Jensen  interview. 

180.  Casper  Daily  Tribune,  November  7,  1930. 


206  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Thomas  Fitzpatrick  Ind  Agt  Upper  Platte  &  Arkansas  to  A  Cum- 
mings  Esqr  Sup  Ind  Affairs  St  Louis.  Dated  Saint  Louis,  Mis- 
souri Nov.  19th  1853. 

Our  relations  with  the  wild  tribes  of  the  Prairies  &  Mountains 
resolve  themselves  into  a  simple  alternative.  The  policy  must  be 
either  an  army  or  an  annuity.  Either  an  inducement  must  be 
offered  to  them  greater  than  the  gains  of  plunder,  or  a  force  must 
be  at  hand  able  to  restrain  and  check  their  depredations.  Any 
compromise  between  the  two  systems  will  be  only  productive  of 
mischief,  and  liable  to  all  the  miseries  of  failure.  It  will  beget 
confidence  without  providing  safety.  It  will  neither  create  fear 
or  satisfy  avarice,  and  adding  nothing  to  the  protection  of  trade 
and  emigration  will  add  everything  to  the  responsibilities  of  the 
Government. 


Ibid. 

Leaving  the  Arkansas  at  the  mouth  of  the  "Fontaine  qui  boilles" 
and  tracing  along  the  base  of  the  Mountains  —  passing  under  Pikes 
peak  and  winding  around  the  ranges  that  shut  in  the  South 
Forke  —  crossing  the  "great  divide"  that  extends  even  to  the 
Missouri  —  the  descent  trailled  down  one  of  the  many  small 
streams  that  unite  and  form  the  South  Platte.  The  topography 
of  this  region  presents  many  interesting  features.  Sheltered  val- 
lies,  —  a  mild  temperature,  large  growths  of  timber  and  immense 
water  power  may  be  numbered  amongst  its  advantages.  These 
together  with  an  abundance  of  small  game  render  it  the  favorite 
resort  of  the  Indians  during  the  winter  months  and  enables  them 
to  subsist  their  animals  even  in  the  severest  seasons.  Indications 
of  mineral  wealth  likewise  abound  in  the  sands  of  the  water  cours- 
es, and  the  gorges  and  canions  from  which  they  issue,  and  should 
public  attention  ever  be  strongly  directed  to  this  section  of  our 
territory,  and  free  access  be  obtained  the  inducement  which  it 
holds  out,  will  soon  people  it  with  thousands  of  citizens  and  cause 
it  to  rise  up  speedily  into  a  flourishing  Mountain  State. 


Thomas  Fitzpatrick  Indian  Agent  Upper  Platte  &  Arkansas  to 
Thomas  H.  Harvey  esqr  Supert  Indian  affairs  Saint  Louis,  Mo. 
Dated  Bents  Fort  Arkansas  River  Oct  19th  1847 

Nothing  in  my  opinion  has  been  more  prejudicial  to  the  welfare 
and  improvement  of  the  Indians  within  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  than  the  great  forbearance,  and  constant  humouring  of  all 
their  whims  together  with  the  erroneous  opinion  existing  that 
nothing  but  the  introduction  of  Christianity  was  wanting  to  make 
them  happy  and  prosperous. 


Zhe  1850  Omland  'Diary  of 
X)l  Warren  Hough 

The  original  diary  of  Dr.  Warren  Hough,  who  traveled  overland  by 
wagon  from  Deer  Grove,  Cook  County,  Illinois,  to  Salmon  Falls,  California, 
is  in  the  possession  of  his  granddaughter,  Mrs.  Walter  Tate  (Warrena) 
White,  of  Abbeville,  Louisiana.  It  is  published  in  Annals  of  Wyoming 
with  her  permission. 

The  original  journal,  written  in  pencil,  was  a  "pocket  book,"  bound  in 
leather,  with  a  tab,  or  "tongue,"  which  slipped  into  a  slot,  a  type  of  diary 
commonly  used  in  the  mid-1800s.  The  first  entry  was  on  March  8,  1850, 
and  the  last  was  on  July  12,  1850. 

A  few  pages  of  the  original  diary  have  been  deleted.  They  include 
weather  tables  for  the  first  part  of  March,  1850,  and  the  entries  through 
March  21,  which  are  illegible  in  many  places.  The  original  spelling  and 
punctuation  have  been  retained,  except  for  a  few  marks  of  punctuation 
inserted  for  ease  in  reading. 

Dr.  Hough  was  a  physician,  and  practiced  in  several  Illinois  counties. 
He  was  probably  living  either  in  Chicago  or  Deer  Grove  when  he  left  for 
California.  According  to  Mrs.  White,  her  grandfather  did  not  remain  in 
California.  She  quoted  a  family  story  recounting  that  he  "sailed  around 
the  Horn"  to  return  home.  His  ship  took  on  a  cargo  of  bananas,  which 
was  all  the  crew  and  passengers  had  to  eat  when  they  ran  out  of  food  before 
the  voyage  was  over.  Dr.  Hough  reportedly  never  ate  another  banana  the 
rest  of  his  life. 

Dr.  Hough  practiced  medicine  until  past  his  eighty-eighth  birthday.  After 
1900  he  made  his  home  with  a  daughter,  Mrs.  White's  mother,  in  Arkansas, 
and  died  there  in  1901. 

March    21     S  to  Ira  Wells  from  pleasance  valley  To  Rock  Island 
ferried  the  Mississippie  to  Davenport,  Iowa 

22  S  in  Rockingham 

23  S  in  Muscatine. Mr.  Forbugger 

24  Went  to  Cedar  River  and  ferried  the  river  to  Sandy 
hook  then  went  to  Iowa  Citty 

25  Sun.  went  to  Church  and  took  tea  with  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Kidder 

26  Stopped  in  Iowa  City  til  28  went  22  miles  stopt 
campt  out 

29  went  to  Maringo  stopt  at  Honey  Creek 

30  crost  3  bad  creeks,    camp  at  Bear  Creek  in  sight  of 
sawmill 

3 1  Sunday  went  and  heard  a  California  preacher  he 
preached  from  Prov.  8.4 

April        1     Mon.  went  across  a  prairie  18  m.  saw  a  number  of 
Elk  horns  went  2  m  and  campt  by  a  creek  by  the 
name  of  Baren 
2     crossed  North  Skunk  verry  bad  road  Rainey  To 
Newton  Jasper  Co.  stopt  at  Mr.  Benits  & 


208  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

3  he  was  gone  to  Calif. 

4  stopt  at  Benette 

5  ferried  the  North  Skunk  went  3  m  and  stopt  at 
Panthers  Grove 

6  next  house,  Mithel  Grove  bad  road  to  Fort  Des 
Moines  and  campt  in  sight  of  the  town,    the  road  for 
the  last  5  miles  verry  bad  our  horses  down  a  number 
of  times 

7  9  of  us  ferried  the  Desmoines  and  went  to  Church, 
sermon  Joshua  13.8  went  again  in  the  evening  got 
there  before  time. 6  out  of  8  of  us  read  a  chapter 
apiece  in  the  pulpit 

8  Ferried  the  Desmoines  and  Racoon  River  &  went 
over  1 7  or  1 8  m  prairie  &  campd  by  the  North  River 

9  went  1  m,  &  crossed  the  North  R.  &  unloaded  our 
waggons  &  crossd  Madison  Co.  Iowa  on  a  foot  bridge 
went  to  Happy  Grove  &  a  verry  Plasant  pace  Drove 
and  campd  off  the  road  1/2  m.all  Prairie  Saw  many 
Elk  Horns  saw  many  T.  Buzards 

10  went  to  Wahta-Wah  or  Middle  River  Wheeling  Ford 
met  a  Horse  this  morning  &  10  of  us  tried  to  ketch 
him  but  could  not.in  about  4  mi  we  met  a  man  after 
him  he  went  20  m  back  and  caught  him. saw  many 
Elk  horns  saw  the  Calif,  preacher  he  pasd  us  at  noon 
at  Middle  R.  here  was  2  or  3  men  with  a  Tent  and  a 
Barrel  of  Whiskey  and  a  little  pan  of  corn,    no  Hay 
for  2  days,    campt  at  Wheelings  Ford  this  we  had  to 
Brush  &  put  in  dirt. I  heard  Wolves  in  the  night 

11  went  12  m.  came  to  Campbells  Grove  here  we  took 
dinner  &  the  Preacher  came  up. this  as  good  a 
camping  place  as  I  have  seen  fine  cool  weather. 
Roads  fine  all  day  on  the  Prairie  saw  a  fine  grove  at 
the  right  hand  came  to  the  Nishnabotany  or  Indian 
Town  this  river  we  Forded,    ferry  below  here  is  4  or 
5  houses  got  all  the  hay  they  had.    $20  Ton  1  d.  per 
bale,    campd 

1 2  Rained  in  the  night  &  Blew  verry  hard  snowed  and 
froze  in  the  morning  but  the  sun  came  out  clear  came 
over  the  Prairie  15  m.  to  Highland  Grove  then  to 
West  Nisnabotony.  Toll  Bridge  2/per  M  and  Horse 
but  we  Forded  it  a  few  Rods  Below  the  Bridge  & 
Mills  camp  Then  to  Silver  Creek.    Here  is  a  new 
settlement  Wheat  looks  green  &  the  best  of  any  we 
have  seen.    Saw  the  largest  Elk  Horns 

13  Traders  Point 

1 4  went  to  church 

15  I  saw  an  old  Indian  chief  washcousin.gave  him  2/ 


THE  1850  OVERLAND  DIARY  OF  DR.  WARREN  HOUGH     209 

22  Went  after  corn  pd  for  dinner  Traveled  40  miles 
South  &  Lodged  at  Mr.  Richards  Esq.  Bill  4/ 

23  Ferried  the  Nishnabotony  Diner  &  Hors  Feed  Ferried 
back  the  Nishnabotony  Staid  at  Mr.  Richards  Beg'd 
&  Hot  18  B.  Corn  at  1.25  pr.  Bushel 

24  At  Francisville  9  bushels  corn  Dinner,  Pd  for  wagon 
Exeltree,  pd  2  boys  for  hauling  us  out  of  a  hole,  pd 
for  Ferridge,  pd  Hired  Waggon 

26     left  Francisville  and  ferried  went  down 

29  to  Pope  and  cross  Indian  Creek  &  campd 

30  Went  to  the  Elk  Horn  &  ferried  pd  10/ 

May  1     went  to  the  Piatt,    good  roads  and  good  camping 

2  Saw  Indians,    good  Road.     2  bad  Runs  to  Cross 

3  Went  to  Loop  Fork 

4  Ferried  &  campd.     10  men  volunteered  to  go  back 
and  look  for  4  Horses  that  got  away  the  2nd  at  night, 
a  company  came  up  with  a  girl  that  lost  her  father  at 
Nishnabotony.her  Uncle  with  her 

Sunday     5     a  part  of  our  company  gon  a  mile  &  1/2  to  see  6 

Indians  Bodies  Killed  by  the  Sioux  104  miles  from 
C.B. 

6  Monday  went  about  24  &  campt  by  the  Loop  about 
one  mile  from  the  road. 

7  went  about  18  saw  some  antelopes.    Saw  7  good 
waggon  wheels  in  deep  hole  in  the  Loop  Fork. 

8  went  over  Sand  bluffs  without  water  1 2  or  15  miles  & 
campt  by  Prairie  Creek 

9  went  to  Wood  Creek.    Buffalo  Chips  for  fuel.    Saw 
many  bones  by  the  way  &  2  graves  close  side  by  side 
one  I.  Kellog.    at  Wood  Creek  found  a  fresh  grave 
old  cloth  &  a  good  Harness,    one  of  our  company 
broke  his  waggon  made  a  cart  of  it 

10  found  Good  Grass  11/2  miles  south  of  the  Ford  at 
Wood  Creek  &  went  this  day  to  the  Platte,    passed  2 
graves  of  Californians  that  died  with  cholera  last 
June.    I.  Hale  from  Beetown,  Wisconsin  his  wife  and 
2  children  was  with  him  saw  Deer  &  Antelope,    saw 
an  Animal  that  would  weigh  50  or  more  dead  but 
what  it  was  I  could  not  name  it.    campd  by  the  side 
of  Timber,    this  morning  a  man  of  our  company  was 
under  the  influence  of  Laudinum  &  had  like  to  have 
died  but  we  brought  him  out 

1 1  Drove  with  water  but  once  «&  no  feed.     Saw  much 
game  Antelopes  Deer  &  Buffalo,  a  number  of  dead 
Buffalo  by  the  side  of  the  way  campd  at  long  Island, 
one  company  have  been  here  2  weeks  &  have  killed 
13  Buff,    here  we  came  in  sight  of  the  Platte  &  saw 
many  Trains  on  the  other  side,    on  each  side  of  the 


210  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Road  we  saw  Hundreds  of  Prairie  Dogs  &  verry 
amusing  to  see  the  little  fellows  peep  their  heads  out 
of  their  holes  &  bark  at  us.    we  passed  a  long 

12  Sunday  at  Long  Island.freezing  nights  &  very  warm 
days,    good  level  Roads,    this  day  we  drove  10  miles 
on  account  of  Grass  &  then  found  very  poor  &  campd 
by  the  side  of  a  bad  sluggish  stream,  a  clear  swift 
running  stream,  1/2  miles  South.    Saw  12  dead 
Buffalo  in  the  10  miles  &  some  of  our  men  says  that 
over  the  Bluff  about  2  miles  that  160  they  can  count 
that  was  burnt  by  the  fire  being  set  about  1 0  days  ago 
by  one  Clark  of  little  foot 

1 3  Piatt  River,    drove  by  the  side  of  the  River,  saw  a 
Wolf  and  many  Buffalo  burnt  &  campd  by  the  River, 
poor  wood  &  River  water,    found  some  Grass  about 
2  miles  from  the  R 

14  Drove  by  the  R.    Saw  many  Trains  on  the  other  side, 
campd  by  a  little  Dirty  Run  no  wood  Buffalo  chips 
for  fuel 

1 5  Started  at  7  o'clock  as  usual  saw  many  dead  Buffalo 
&  one  alive  on  the  bluffs  about  2  miles  off  &  4  or  5  of 
our  men  started  for  him  &  one  on  horseback  &  when 
they  came  up  to  him  there  was  a  large  herd  &  they 
fired  at  an  old  Bull  &  then  I.  Porter  went  &  shot  him 
in  the  head  &  the  B.  came  at  him  &  got  him  down  & 
he  fired  a  pistol  ball  into  him  &  the  other  men  came 
up  &  drove  him  off.    they  succeeded  in  Killing  him 
packed  a  horse  with  some  of  the  meat,    camped  at 
Skunk  Creek 

16  had  a  division  in  the  company,    the  two  Lothrops 
made  a  disturbance  in  the  train  &  in  private 
companies  &  they  &  part  of  the  train  went  on  &  we 
stopt  &  4  of  us  went  out  a  hunting  &  we  saw  20  old 
B.  &  5  calves.    I  shot  one  down  &  one  cut  his  throat 
and  then  it  got  up  and  came  at  us  and  we  gave  him 
another  shot  &  packed  in  its  hams. at  3  o'clock  started 
on  went  8  miles  &  campd 

1 7  went  good  R  this  after  noon  the  bluffs  has  been  lined 
with  Buffalo  description  will  fail  to  tell  the  amount, 
saw  the  grave  of  George  Washington  Jordan  who 
died  May  1  st  with  the  congestion  on  the  brain  aged 
27  Residence  Dubuque  Co.  Iowa.    W.  Johnson  killed 
a  B.  passed  our  dissenters  2  miles  &  campt  by 

1 8  The  Piatt  in  the  flatt  was  covered  with  Buff  &  a 
number  across  the  River  to  us  &  2  the  boys  chasd  and 
shot  at  but  not  hit.    4  or  miles  we  crossed  Bluff 
Creek  quick  sand  but  good  ford,    left  the  R.  &  went 
over  Sandy  Bluffs  a  few  m  &  came  onto  the  R  flatts 


THE  1850  OVERLAND  DIARY  OF  DR.  WARREN  HOUGH     211 

&  then  over  the  Bluffs  2  1/4  mi  &  on  to  good  camping 
ground.on  the  Road  for  some  miles  here  is  good 
Brooks  &  good  camping  drove  29 

19  Sunday  lay  over.Ferguson's  Company  passed  &  Vinal 
Andrews  in  it.    one  ox  company  passed  &  a  Horse 
Company,    the  Dissenters  camp  in  the  rear  of  us  but 
in  sight  &  the  Lothrops  came  up  to  get  his 
acquaintance  not  to  write  back  their  conduct 

20  went  34  miles  &  came  by  the  side  of  the  Piatt,  passed 
by  a  company  saw  2  good  waggons  &  a  horse  by  the 
side  of  the  road  a  dying,    came  in  sight  of  Vinal's 
Company  &  2  waggons  &  a  sick  man  they  thought  he 
would  Die  before  M  but  he  was  better,    it  was 
inflamation  in  the  bowels 

21  passed  the  Lone  Tree,  passed  2  Graves  a  Mr.  Keley 
&  one  Margaret  Hawk  aged  47  both  died  1849.  Mr. 
K.  Died  with  the  cholera,  one  Horse  D.  of  our 
company  and  one  left,  saw  2  or  3  good  waggons  left 
on  the  road  &  campd  in  sight  of  Chimney  Rock. here 
is  a  kind  of  rock  that  makes  a  noise  like  a  child  a 
crying,  some  large  snakes  such  as  the  adder  Rattle  & 
Bull  snakes,  saw  many  of  the  Sioux  Indians  on  both 
sides  of  the  River.  Ears  burnt  so  that  they  are  sore. 
Face  &  hands  chapt  &  cracked  open  Eyes  &  lips  sore. 

22  all  cross  as  fury,  saw  a  number  of  Indians  ford  the 
River 

23  Good  roads  passing  Chimney  Rock. the  Rock  is  a 
great  curiosity 

24  come  in  sight  of  Black  Mountain 

25  Traveled  over  heavy  Sandy  Roads  to  Ft.  Laramy. 
here  is  a  Government  Ferry  they  Ferry  for  8/1.00  a 
waggon,  so  many  in  before  us.    we  could  not  ferry 
this  day.    saw  an  Indian  child  wrapped  in  some  skins 
&  lashed  up  in  the  forks  of  a  large  dry  willow,    the 
United  States  major  said  we  could  Ferry  over  by  10 
o'clock  at  night,     all  the  waggons  but  one  was 
Ferried  that  was  before  us.    they  was  taking  over  4 
horses  the  Boat  sunk  &  one  young  man  by  the  name 
of  Thaddius  Morrel  from  Kane  Country  Sugar  Grove, 
111.  was  Drowned,    here  is  a  garden  &  onions  &  other 
vegetables  growing  nicely  &  in  sight  on  the  mountains 
there  is  ice  &  snow 

26  Sunday,    many  looked  for  the  drowned  man  but  to 
no  purpose 

27  Ferried  the  Piatt  at  Laramy  Ft.  &  the  next  company 
sunk  the  boat  &  2  came  near  being  drowned,    one 
went  ashore  holding  the  horses  mane,    went  15  & 
camped  by  a  good  Spring 


212  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

28  a  few  rods  after  we  started  we  saw  the  grave  of  Mrs. 
Mildred  Moss  died  1849  from  Galena  age  47.    At 
noon  Laramy  Peak  is  to  our  left  &  looks  as  if  it  was 
not  more  than  6  or  8  miles  but  it  must  be  20  or  25. 
we  can  see  the  snow  plain  &  clouds  pass  below  the 
top  of  mo 

29  Traveled  some  miles  North  West. in  all    saw 
sheep's  Horns  Twice  as  Big  as  Tame  s.  Prickley  pears 
thick  as  thistles  at  the  east,    we  heard  that  the  man 
with  the  Barrel  of  whiskey  at  Middle  River  was  shot 
on  a  stolen  Horse,    we  heard  he  had  stolen  some 
cattle  the  night  or  2  before  we  was  there  &  he  was 
caught  with  an  emigrant's  horse  &  would  not  give 
him  up  &  the  emig.  shot  him  &  took  his  horse 

30  overtook  a  Boy  of  19  with  tris.  provisions  on  his  back 
that  was  Hard  Bread  &  sugar  &  carried  a  can  of 
water,    he  started  from  Ohio  had  out  traveled  all  the 
Teams  but  ours,    heard  of  a  man  ahead  with  a 
wheelbarrow  he  stopt  at  Ft.  Laramy  &  got  a  supply  & 
enquired  if  there  was  not  some  Packers  ahead  for  he 
had  out  traveled  all  the  teams  &  he  wanted  to  over 
take  them  so  as  to  have  company,    a  few  days  after 
some  Packers  came  along  &  enquired  for  the  man  & 
barrow  &  said  they  had  rode  a  number  of  Days  to 
overtake  him.    Drove  about,    here's  some  of  the 
most  rocky  mountains  I  ever  saw  &  Bluffs  as  red  at 
sundown  as  Blood  can  be 

3 1  Traveled  in  sight  of  mountains  all  Day  with  snow 
on  them,  passed  3  or  4  large  Trains  &  one  had  a 
woman  aboard,    came  to  the  last  ferry  on  the  Platte 

June  1     Ferried  the  Platte  pd  four  dollars  &  fifty  cents  for  one 

waggon  &  2  horses,    went  four  miles  &  campd  over 

2  Sunday  part  of  our  company  went  on  for  feed  &  the 
Porters  &  2  or  3  others  stopd  over  Sunday,    the 
mountains  covered  with  large  Pines  although  they 
look  small  &  large  snow  Drifts  on  the  mountains, 
many  handsome  flowers  &  pretty  smelling  shrubs  & 
large  snakes  &  other  insects 

3  Traveled  some  sandy  &  crooked  road,    carried  our 
water  for  horses  &  ourselves  for  24  miles,    passed  a 
small  alkaline  pond  &  a  few  miles  further  a  small 
stream  of  Alkali,    some  of  our  horses  drank  &  it 
physicked  them  immediately,    very  soon  after 
passing  these  ponds  we  saw  many  cattle  bones  which 
was  killed  by  drinking  the  water,    passed  Willow 
Springs  and  Prospect  Hill,    camped  on  a  pretty  little 
stream  on  the  left  of  the  road. 

4  We  drove  1 5  miles  &  came  to  Independence  Rock 


THE  1850  OVERLAND  DIARY  OF  DR.  WARREN  HOUGH     213 

where  every  body's  name  is  on.    we  drove  round  the 
rock  &  turned  out  our  horses  on  poor  feed,    drove 
this  day  23  &  camped  1/2  mile  beyond  the  Devil's 
Gate  one  of  the  greatest  Natural  Curiosities  I  ever 
saw  &  here  was  the  rest  of  the  peoples  names  that  was 
not  written  at  the  Council  Rock,    a  grove  was  by  the 
side  of  the  road  in  the  Gate.    Campd  1/2  mile 
beyond  the  Gate  off  the  road  by  the  River 

5  Cross  many  bad  streams.  10  or  1 1  miles  from  the 
Gate  is  another  similar  pass  &  another  grave  on  the 
Right  side  of  the  road  &  on  the  Tomb  was  Nancy 
Carole  Smith  Born  May  1824.    Buffalo  chips  is  a 
total  failur  for  fuel  but  Sage  Roots  is  a  good 
substitute,    for  a  number  of  days  we  haven't  been 
out  of  sight  of  snow 

6  in  sight  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  although  we  have 
been  in  sight  of  rocky  mountains  for  2  weeks  they 
have  not  appearance  of  R.  M.  there  is  a  number  of 
what  is  called  Rocky  some  is  towering  above  another 
as  white  as  snow  can  make  them,    they  are  over  50 
miles  off  an  occasionally  they  look  precisely  like  the 
White  Clouds.    Drove  28  forded  the  Sweet  Water  & 
campt  in  the  forks,    no  grass  for  the  horses  the  last 
night  nor  this  night 

7  passed  over  many  hills  and  sloughs  &  stony  roads, 
stopt  at  noon  by  a  grave  the  inscription  was  F. 
Merion  Young  Died  August  30,  1849  age  2  years  8 
month  &  23  days.    Wm  has  got  the  tooth  ache  & 
cross  as  fury,    passed  over  three  miles  of  the 
roughest  road  &  stony  that  I  ever  saw.    we  are  hardly 
opposite  the  Rocky  M.  but  such  a  scene  no  Tongue 
cannot  describe  white  as  the  snow  can  make  them 
(the  Rocky  mts.) 

8  forded  a  bad  Creek  &  on  the  West  side  was  the  Grave 
of  Sally  Willcox  5  years  old.    forded  a  number  of 
bad  creeks  some  3  feet  deep. passing  the  Rocky 

Mountains    passed  the  grave  of .    Good 

roads  little  feed.    Traveled  over  much  sand  passed 
Pacific  Spring  about  1 2  miles  &  camped  but  a 

very past  the  R.  M.  good  water  sandy 

road 

9  Sunday,    went  6  miles  to  the  cutoff  &  went  6  miles  to 
Little  Sandy  &  found  the  rest  of  the  company  had 
gone  by  Salt  Lake  &  we  drove  back  6  miles  &  went 
the  S.  L.  R.  to  the  Big  Sandy  &  Forded,    good  Ford 
&  found  our  company  making  in  all  A.  B.  Andrews 
Parker  &  Kent  dividing  &  separating-went  about  8 
miles  &  crossed  Big  Sandy  this  day  &  campt  1/2  mile 


214  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

from  Big  Sandy,    we  are  leaving  the  Rocky 
Mountains 

10  behind  us  but  plains  in  sight  &  far  as  they  eye  can 
see  the  mountains  is  covered  with  snow  &  ice 

1 1  Ferried  the  Green  River,    drove  6  miles  &  campd  & 
6  before  we  came  to  a  ferry,    last  Friday  we  drove 
over  snow  from  3  to  4  feet  deep  after  we  Ferried 
Green  River  &  130  or  more  Horses  turned  out  to 
graze. the  Indians  fastened  wigwam  poles  on  back  of 
a  horse  &  lashed  a  young  Indian  in  a  Buffalo  robe 
concealed  &  ran  among  the  horses.    I  happened  to  be 
by  &  caught  our  Horses  before  they  took  fright  &  the 
rest  of  our  company  that  was  Ferried  &  saved  them 
but  about  100  ran  off  among  the  bluffs  &  else  where 
&  was  not  found,    when  we  left  I  gave  a  rifle  that  cost 
me  1 1  dollars  for  ferrying  one  wagon  &  2  horses 
which  was  Five  Dollars 

12  drove  in  all  sandy  &  uneven  road,    about  12  o'clock 
heavy  hail  storm  came  to  Hams  Fork  &  could  not 
ford  it  &  took  one  of  our  waggon  boxes  &  put  it  into 
a  Tent  &  fastened  the  Tent  around  it  and  ferried  all 
of  our  stuff  over  then  our  wagons  pulled  over  with 
ropes  &  swam  our  horses,    passed  a  grave  who  died 
last  August 

1 3  came  1 0  miles  without  water  &  about  5  more  came  to 
Black  Fork  bad  driving  in  &  water  came  into  our 
boxes,    drove  past  Ft.  Bridger  &  campd  in  the  Cedar 
Mountains  covered  with  snow  on  both  sides  of  us 

14  had  the  most  hills  we  have  had  on  our  whole  route  & 
the  most  stones. drove  to  Bear  River,    dangerous 
River  to  ford,    a  number  of  men  got  thrown  from 
their  horses  in  fording,    here  is  a  Tribe  of  Snake 
Indians  &  they  was  the  most  cheerful  &  lively  Indians 
I  ever  saw 

15  we  forded  all  safe  &  drove  over  a  hill  &  then  down  a 
valley  &  crossed  many  bad  holes 

16  Sunday,    laid  by 

17  rained  and  snowed.    The  hills  covered  with  snow  & 
all  our  company  went  on  but  one  wagon  &  ours, 
found  last  that  one  William  Scott  from  the  Oswayo 
was  with  us  &  was  the  nearest  neighbor  to  Uncle 
Elisha  Mix  in  Sharon,  Pa.    came  to  Weeber  River  & 
followed  it  down  to  the  ferry  &  found  the  rest  of  our 
company,    drove  20  miles 

18  Ferried  &  pd  $3.00.44  miles  to  the  great  Valley. 
Traveled  over  Seram  M.    Traveled  up  the  canyon. 
Broke  the  reach  &  lost  our  Bacon  Beans  ropes  Bridles 


THE  1850  OVERLAND  DIARY  OF  DR.  WARREN  HOUGH     215 

curry  comb  &  all  my  clothes  but  what  I  had  on  but 
found  a  part. most  all  our  medicines 

19  Traveled  up  the  canyon  &  crossing  it  in  all  19  times, 
went  up  a  hill  3  miles  &  saw  the  great  valley,    went 
down  another  small  stream  &  campd 

20  drove  through  the  great  Mormon  City  &  crossed  near 
the  hot  spring  saw  a  man  that  was  in  company  with  2 
of  the  Jordans 

21  drove  to  Willow  Creek 

22  drove  to  the  Weber 

23  &  encamped  over  Sunday  I  was  sick  with  the 
mountain  fever 

24  I  was  better.    Ferried  the  Weber.    3  dollars,    went 
to  Box  Elder  Creek  &  encamped 

25  went  to  Bear  River  &  ferried. the  ferriage  was  4 
dollars  &  one  for  a  bridge  2  miles  further  on  Mud 
Creek 

26  Drove 

27  Crossed  the  Casus  Creek  &  campd  by  the  side  of  the 
creek 

28  Came  in  sight  of  Steeple  Rocks 

29  drove  over  bad  hills  had  to  let  our  waggons  down 
with  ropes,    encamped  on  Goose  Creek  Saturday 

30  Sunday  rested 

July  1     we  travel  up  the  Creek  1 8  miles  &  good  road  traveled 

2     went  over  the  Hills  To  Thousand  Spring  Valley  saw 
the  grave  of  David  K.  Boner  Drowned  July  1,  1850 
from  I  think  from  Dubuque  Co.  Iowa  aged  19  years 
&  one  m  &  how  a  man  could  drown  either  20  or  even 
40  miles  from  here  is  a  mystery  unless  he  fell  in  one 
of  those  wells. Johnson  said  every  thing  that  he  could 
to  provoke  me  &  we  divided  &  left  the  wagon  & 
Harness,    traveled  saw  many  dead  Horses  &  one 
mule,    saw  an  advertisement  that  the  Indians  had 
shot  a  man  &  they  did  not  expect  he  would  live  & 
shot  4  horses,    encamped  on  the  head  of  St.  Mary's 
River 

4  I  saw  this  morning  one  of  the  company  that  the 
Indian  shot.    2  men  were  on  watch  &  at  Daylight  one 
of  the  men  went  to  the  camp  about  1/2  mile.    4  of 
the  Horses  strayed  a  Httle  from  the  rest  &  the  man 
Wm.  Samuel  Oliver  started  to  go  round  them  when 
he  saw  3  or  4  Indians  &  in  a  minute  one  rose  up  from 
behind  a  sage  brush  &  shot  him  with  an  arrow  in  the 
Breast,    he  ran  round  the  Horses  &  started  them  to 
the  camp  &  pulled  the  arrow  out  &  left  the  flint  in. 
doctor  said  it  touched  his  heart    went  35 

5  saw  some  Indians,    crossed  St.  Mary's  River  had  to 


216  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

back  everything  across  the  River  &  haul  the  waggons, 
came  to  the  grave  of  W.  Henderson  who  Died  this 
morning  &  there  was  an  advertisement  on  the  tomb  to 
caution  all  emigrants  to  keep  a  strong  guard  for  the 
Indians  had  stolen  1 1  horses  from  their  company  & 
shot  one  mule  &  stripped  one  man  of  all  his  clothes  & 
left  him  naked. 

6  came  up  to  the  company  that  the  man  died  out  of  & 
lost  the  horses.  Mr.  Henderson  died  with  a  Relax  or 
Diarrhea.  Samuel  Oliver  that  was  shot  by  the  Indian 
Died  last  night,  a  little  before  we  camped  we  saw  20 
or  30  Indians  &  the  Capt.  of  the  Train  that  lost  the  1 1 
horses  with  some  of  his  men  &  revolvers  went  in 
pursuit  of  them.they  said  they  would  kill  every  Indian 
they  could,  went  35.1  have  went  on  foot  this  4  days, 
we  have  not  been  out  of  sight  of  snow  a  day  since  we 
came  in  sight  of  Ft.  Laramy 

7  went  down  the  St.  Mary's  over  hills  and  rough  r. 

8  went  down  the  R 

9  went  a  verry  crooked  road  over  a  point  of  stony  road 

10  went  over  a  number  of  miles  of  Desert  some  12  or  14 
&  then  2  or  3  off  the  road  &  cut  hay  on  the  opposite 
side  &  ferried  it  in  a  Box 

11  this  morning  heard  we  were  within  12  m.  of  the  sink 
of  St.  Marys  River  &  some  say  it  is  80  or  1 10  &  after 
arriving  at  about  14  miles  we  found  many  at  the 
River  &  some  said  it  was  the  end  &  1 8  or  20  miles 
further  the  Desert  &  we  must  go  1 0  miles  out  of  our 
way  for  Hay  to  go  across  the  Desert.    I  saw  a  man 
with  the  ox  team  that  had  been  to  Oregon  & 
California  &  he  said  to  me  he  was  lost  coming  the 
new  route  &  the  River  so  altered  he  and  2  others  that 
had  been  through  was  not  satisfied  but  on  the  whole 
concluded  it  was  the  sink,    we  hear  of  another  man 
being  shot  &  one  drowned  at  the  sink  &  many  Horses 
stolen  &  I  don't  know  how  many  we  passed  dead  & 
dying  many  enquiring  for  provisions,    all  lay  over 

F  1/2  a  day 

12  one  came  to  us  this  morning  &  said  they  had  eaten  all 
they  had  for  supper  &  nothing  for  breakfast,    had 
money  enough  but  nothing  to  eat 


Some  J^ew  J^otes  oh 
Zwo  Old  Jorts 


By 

Fred  R.  Gowans 

While  doing  research  for  a  doctoral  dissertation  entitled,  "A  History  of 
Fort  Bridger,  1842-1857,"  the  author  accumulated  a  sizable  amount  of 
material  concerning  two  areas  of  Wyoming  history  on  which  very  little  has 
been  written.  With  the  thought  that  the  material  would  be  of  interest  and 
importance  to  the  student  of  western  history  additional  research  was  com- 
pleted so  that  the  data  could  be  published. 

The  following  articles,  "The  Fort  on  Willow  Creek"  and  "Fort  Bridger: 
Claims  and  Counter  Claims,"  deal  with  the  history  of  Fort  Supply  and  Fort 
Bridger  in  regard  to  the  financial  claims  of  Lewis  Robison  against  the 
Trustee  and  Trust  of  the  Mormon  Church  and  James  Bridger's  claims 
against  the  United  States  government. 

THE  FORT  ON  WILLOW  CREEK 

With  the  creation  of  the  territory  of  Utah  on  September  9,  1850, 
Fort  Bridger  became  located  in  the  political  boundaries  of  the 
territory  under  the  governorship  of  Brigham  Young.  This  action 
started  a  series  of  events  which  culminated  in  the  founding  and 
construction  of  Fort  Supply. 

Since  the  erection  of  Fort  Bridger  in  1843,  its  owners,  James 
Bridger  and  Louis  Vasquez,  had  been  free  from  any  type  of 
governmental  control  from  Mexico  and  the  United  States.  Now 
with  the  formation  of  Utah  Territory,  the  owners  felt  the  contain- 
ment of  civilization  and  the  weight  of  laws  passed  by  the  political 
machinery  of  the  territory. 

In  the  winter  of  1852-1853,  the  Utah  Territorial  Legislature 
granted  a  charter  to  Daniel  H.  Wells  of  Salt  Lake  City  to  operate 
the  emigrant  ferries  on  Green  River.  Naturally  the  mountain  men, 
including  Jim  Bridger,  resented  the  act  of  certain  Utah  groups 
acquiring  the  lucrative  business  which  they  had  controlled.  They 
had  no  intentions  of  turning  their  business  over  to  the  Mormons, 
so  they  enforced  what  they  thought  were  their  rights,  controlling 
every  ferry  but  one  and  reaping  approximately  $30,000  in  tolls 
during  that  summer.^ 


1.  Milton  R.   Hunter,   Brigham    Yoiiii^  the  Colonizer   (Salt   Lake   City: 
The  Deseret  News  Press,  1940),  p.  281. 


^^fe^^ 


218  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

When  the  Mormon  traders  returned  to  Salt  Lake  City  that  fall, 
they  reported  that  Bridger  was  selling  powder  and  lead  to  the 
Indians  and  inciting  them  to  kill  the  Mormons.  Bridger  was 
accused  of  selling  weapons  to  the  Indians,  which  was  violating 
Governor  Young's  revocation  of  all  licenses  to  trade  with  the 
Indians. - 

Governor  Young's  reasons  for  desiring  to  own  Fort  Bridger  are 
apparent.  Thousands  of  Mormon  emigrants  were  traveling  to 
Salt  Lake  City  each  year,  and  an  outpost  in  which  they  could  rest 
and  replenish  their  supplies  just  before  traveling  the  last  100  miles 
through  the  mountains  would  be  of  untold  benefit.-^ 

The  sheriff,  James  Ferguson,  was  ordered  to  confiscate  Bridger's 
dangerous  goods  and  deliver  Bridger  to  Salt  Lake  City  as  a 
prisoner.^  When  the  posse  of  150  men  arrived  at  Fort  Bridger, 
several  days  were  spent  in  searching,  but  Bridger  was  not  to  be 
found.  Conviction  of  guilt  or  fear  of  the  Mormons  apparently 
induced  him  to  flee  into  hiding  in  anticipation  of  apprehension 
and  arrest.'' 

After  carrying  out  the  orders  regarding  the  Fort  Bridger  prop- 
erty, some  of  the  posse  continued  on  to  the  Green  River,  where 
they  engaged  in  a  battle  with  the  mountain  men  at  the  ferries. 
Two  or  three  of  the  latter  were  killed  and  much  of  their  property, 
which  included  whisky  and  several  hundred  head  of  livestock,  was 
taken  by  the  posse.  When  the  sheriff  and  his  assistants  returned 
to  Salt  Lake  City  with  the  livestock,  the  word  was  given  out  by 
church  leaders  that  the  Mormons  were  in  Green  River  Valley  to 
stay.*^ 

Bridger  seemed  not  to  be  entirely  of  the  opinion  that  he  was 
out  of  Green  River  Valley.  Hardly  had  the  posse,  which  contin- 
ued on  at  the  Fort  until  October  17,  1853,  left  the  Green  River 
Valley,  before  Bridger  and  John  M.  Hockaday,  a  government  sur- 
veyor, began  a  land  survey  of  the  land  claimed  by  Bridger.  The 
survey  was  completed  on  November  6,  1853.  On  March  16, 
1854,  a  copy  of  the  survey  was  filed  with  Thomas  Bullock,  Great 


2.  Andrew  L.  Neff,  History  of  Utah,  1847-1869  (Salt  Lake  City:  The 
Deseret  News  Press,  1940),  p.  91.  Because  of  the  Walker  War,  which  was 
affecting  most  of  the  Mormon  settlements  in  the  Great  Basin,  Governor 
Young  had  officially  rescinded  the  granting  and  use  of  licenses  to  trade  with 
the  Indians.    Hunter,  op.  cit.,  p.  281. 

3.  Frederick  Ross  Gowans,  "A  History  of  Fort  Bridger,  1841-1858," 
unpublished  doctoral  dissertation,  Brigham  Young  University,  1972,  p.  97. 

4.  Ihid.,  pp.  96-97. 

5.  William  A.  Hickman,  Brigham  Young's  Destroying  Angel  (New  York: 
George  A.  Crofutt,  1872),  pp.  91-92. 

6.  Gowans,  op.  cit.,  pp.  101-102. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  219 

Salt  Lake  County  recorder.     A  copy  was  also  filed  with  the  Gen- 
eral Land  Office  in  Washington,  D.  C,  on  March  9,  1854.' 

Apparently  the  Mormon  leaders  thought  that  the  summer's  work 
of  eradicating  the  valley  of  its  undesirable  elements  had  been  well 
done,  and  that  they  should  follow  at  once  with  a  permanent  colony 
to  be  established  at  or  near  the  site  of  Fort  Bridger.*^  This  was 
implemented  at  the  General  October  Conference  of  the  Mormon 
Church  in  1853,  when  Orson  Hyde  was  appointed  to  make  a 
permanent  settlement  in  the  Green  River  Valley  at  Fort  Bridger. 
On  the  last  day  of  the  conference,  October  7,  1853,  Hyde  read  the 
names  of  39  persons  selected  to  accompany  him  on  that  mission, 
and  those  called  to  the  so-called  Green  River  Mission  were  sus- 
tained by  the  vote  of  the  saints  assembled.'*  The  instructions  given 
those  men  at  that  time  clarified  the  meaning  and  purpose  of  the 
mission. 

Elder  Orson  Hyde  was  chosen  to  lead  the  company  to  somewhere  in 
the  region  of  the  Green  River,  select  a  place,  and  there  build  an  out- 
post from  which  to  operate  as  peacemakers  among  the  Indians,  to 
preach  civihzation  to  them,  and  try  to  teach  them  to  cultivate  the 
soil,  to  instruct  them  in  the  arts  and  sciences  if  possible,  and  by  that 
means  prevent  trouble  for  our  frontier  settlements  and  immigrant 
companies.  We  were  to  identify  our  interests  with  theirs,  even  to 
marrying  among  them,  if  we  would  be  permitted  to  take  the  young 
women  of  the  chief  and  leading  men,  and  have  them  dressed  like 
civilized  people,  and  educated.  It  was  thought  that  by  forming  that 
kind  of  alliance,  we  would  have  more  power  to  do  them  good,  and 
keep  peace  among  adjacent  tribes  and  also  with  our  own  people  .  .  . 
Our  missionary  call  was  to  take  our  lives  in  our  hands,  as  true 
patriots,  and  head  off,  and  operate  as  far  as  possible  against  the 
wicked  plots  of  the  white  men  who  were  trying  to  carry  their  plans 
to  success  through  the  Indians,  and  possibly  set  the  savages  on  the 
warpath,  that  the  government  might  send  troops,  and  thus  make  a 
better  market  for  the  schemer's  herds  of  cattle  and  horses.^" 

October  18,  1853,  was  designated  as  the  departure  date;  how- 
ever, the  majority  of  the  men  were  unable  to  make  that  date,  and 
it  was  November  1,  1853,  before  the  party  was  formed. 

Because  of  the  danger  associated  with  the  mission  from  Indians 
and  mountain  men,  the  leadership  of  the  mission  was  given  two 
titles — a  military  and  an  ecclesiastical  designation.^^  This  com- 
pany of  39  men  organized  at  the  state  house  in  Salt  Lake  City, 
under  the  direction  of  Captain  John  Nebeker,  started  their  march 


7.  Cecil  J.  Alter,  James  Bridger  (Salt  Lake  City:     Shepard  Book  Co., 
1925),  p.  249. 

8.  Ibid.,  p.  250. 

9.  Andrew  Jenson.   "History  of  Fort   Bridger   and   Fort    Supply."    Urnh 
Genealogical  and  Historical  Magazine,  IV  (1913),  p.  32. 

10.  James  S.  Brown,  Life  of  A   Pioneer   (Salt  Lake  Citv:     George   Q. 
Cannon  &  Son  Co.,  1900),  p.  304. 

11.  Ibid.,  p.  305. 


p- 
D 

H 
O 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  221 

to  the  contemplated  settlement  and  arrived  at  Fort  Bridger  eleven 
days  later. ^- 

As  soon  as  the  first  company  was  on  its  way  toward  the  settle- 
ment, Orson  Hyde  busied  himself  in  raising  another  company  to 
follow  the  first.  In  less  than  two  weeks,  a  group  consisting  of  53 
men,  primarily  volunteers,  had  been  raised  and  fitted  with  supplies 
and  necessary  tools  and  implements.  With  Isaac  Bullock  as  cap- 
tain and  accompanied  by  Orson  Hyde,  this  group  left  Salt  Lake 
City  three  days  after  the  first  company  had  arrived  at  Fort 
Bridger.  ^-^ 

When  the  first  company  of  Mormon  colonists  arrived  at  Fort 
Bridger,  they  found  about  a  dozen  mountain  men,  who  were  angry 
at  having  two  or  three  of  their  numbers  killed  at  Green  River  Ferry 
by  the  Mormon  posse  only  a  few  weeks  previously.  They  had  no 
intentions  of  turning  the  fort  over  to  the  Mormon  colonists.  Ac- 
cording to  James  Brown,  they  were  "considerably  cowed"  by 
"twelve  or  fifteen  rough  mountain  men"  who  seemed  to  be  "very 
surly  and  suspicious;"  the  "spirit  of  murder  and  death  appeared 
to  be  lurking  in  their  minds."  Consequently  this  group  of  Saints, 
being  unprepared  for  such  a  reception,  soon  lost  interest  in  occupy- 
ing the  post.  Wandering  southward,  they  learned  that  about  20 
additional  mountain  men,  together  with  a  group  of  Ute  Indians, 
had  settled  for  the  winter  on  Henry's  Fork. 

Green  River  Valley  looked  to  these  colonists  "as  if  it  were  held 
in  the  fists  of  a  well  organized  band  of  from  seventy-five  to  a 
hundred  desperadoes."  But  the  fearful  Saints  went  southwest 
through  snow  along  Smith's  Fork,  being  finally  forced  to  halt  by 
bad  traveling  conditions  at  Willow  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Smith's 
Fork,  about  two  miles  above  the  confluence  of  the  two  streams  and 
at  a  point  about  12  miles  southwest  of  Fort  Bridger.  Here  they 
chose  to  settle.^*  They  were  joined  on  Willow  Creek  by  the  second 
group  sent  out  from  Salt  Lake  City  and  together  they  established 
a  settlement  known  as  Fort  Supply.  In  speaking  of  the  arrival  of 
the  second  group,  one  of  the  original  members,  James  S.  Brown, 
remarked  that  "on  November  26th,  1853,  Captain  Isaac  Bullock 
came  in  with  fifty-three  men  and  twenty-five  wagons.  When  they 
joined  us  our  company  was  ninety-two  strong,  all  well  armed  and 
when  our  block  house  was  completed  we  felt  safer  than  ever  .  .  ."^•'' 
On  the  eighth  of  December,  Orson  Hyde  made  a  visit  to  the  Fort, 
James  Brown  recorded  in  his  diary: 

He  (Hyde)   preached  to  us  that  evening,  and  gave  many  words  of 
encouragement.     On  the  ninth,  he  examined  our  work  and  defenses. 


12.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  p.  33. 

13.  Ibid.,  pp.  33-34. 

14.  Brown,  op.  cit.,  p.  306. 

15.  Ibid.,  pp.  307-308. 


222  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

He  was  highly  pleased  with  the  country,  and  applauded  our  choice  of 
location;  in  fact,  seemed  generally  pleased  with  what  we  had  done.^^ 

The  plans  for  the  blockhouse  were  made  by  James  S.  Brown, 
and  within  two  weeks,  the  project  was  completed.  This  block- 
house had  four  wings  or  rooms  of  equal  size  united  at  the  corners, 
thus  forming  a  center  room.  This  room  was  built  two  stories  high, 
the  lower  one  being  used  for  storage  and  the  upper  for  a  guard 
house  from  which  position  the  surrounding  country  could  be 
surveyed.  All  of  the  rooms  in  the  blockhouse  were  provided  with 
portholes.^' 

By  1856,  the  structure  of  Fort  Supply  had  changed  from  a 
blockhouse  to  a  picket-walled  fort  enclosing  ten  acres  with  several 
private  and  commercial  buildings.  George  A.  Smith,  writing  to 
the  Deseret  News  on  April  28,  1856,  referred  to  Fort  Supply  as 
being : 

.  .  .  made  by  setting  six  feet  in  the  ground  a  double  row  of  pickets 
eighteen  feet  long  about  one  foot  through  and  pointed  at  the  top,  thus 
enclosing  about  ten  acres.  The  workmanship  of  this  stockade,  with  its 
bastions,  indicates  creditable  skill  and  union  on  the  part  of  its  pro- 
jectors and  occupants.  A  two  story  house,  used  for  a  court  house  and 
other  public  purposes,  twenty-five  neatly  constructed  dwellings,  and 
substantially  made  corrals  and  stockyards  evidence  the  energy  and 
taste  of  the  people  .  .  .  An  adjoining  field  of  200  acres  is  enclosed 
with  a  fence  worthy  of  being  patterned  after  by  any  settlement  that  I 
have  visited  in  the  Territory;  it  is  built  of  substantial  poles  laid  up  in 
Virginia  fence  style  with  stakes  and  riders.  This  enclosure  has  a  great 
variety  of  soil  and  large  additional  field  will  be  made  this  spring.!'^ 

Elsiha  B.  Ward,  an  old  mountain  man,  and  his  Indian  wife 
joined  the  company  during  the  winter  months.  In  addition  to 
Ward's  wife,  six  other  Indians  who  wandered  into  the  camp  made 
possible  the  study  of  the  Shoshone  language  and  customs.^-'  By 
spring,  the  first  attempts  of  missionary  work  were  begun.  A 
special  group  of  missionaries  was  chosen  to  leave  the  Fort  in  April 
and  carry  the  gospel  message  to  the  Indian  tribes  scattered  about. 
During  the  winter,  only  six  of  the  missionaries  had  made  progress 
in  the  Shoshone  tongue.  Of  these,  four  were  chosen  by  Orson 
Hyde  to  make  the  initial  contact  with  the  Indians.^'^  E.  B.  Ward, 
Isaac  Bullock,  James  S.  Brown,  and  James  Davis  were  chosen  and 
set  apart  for  this  special  mission.  Around  the  middle  of  April, 
these  men  set  out  to  visit  the  Indian  Camps. -^ 


16.  Ibid.,  pp.  308. 

17.  Ibid.,  p.  307. 

18.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  37-38. 

19.  L.  G.  Coates,  "A  History  of  Indian  Education  by  the  Mormons," 
unpublished  doctoral  dissertation.  Ball  State  University,  1969,  pp.  123-125. 

20.  Ibid.,  p.  125. 

21.  Brown,  op.  cit.,  p.  312. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  223 

Initial  contact  was  made  with  Chief  Washakie's  camp.  The 
chief  cordially  accepted  the  elders,  and  during  a  council  meeting 
with  the  tribal  leaders  gathered,  he  listened  intently  to  the  message 
of  the  Mormons.  The  chief  made  no  rebuttal  to  the  message 
presented  except  in  references  to  the  desire  of  some  of  the  mis- 
sionaries in  marrying  Indian  women. 

No,  for  we  have  not  got  daughters  enough  for  our  own  men;  and  we 
cannot  afford  to  give  our  daughters  to  the  white  men,  but  we  are 
willing  to  give  him  an  Indian  girl  for  a  white  girl.  I  cannot  see  why  a 
white  man  wants  an  Indian  girl.  They  are  dirty,  ugly,  stubborn,  and 
cross,  and  it  is  a  strange  idea  for  white  men  to  want  such  wives.  The 
white  men  may  look  around  though  and  if  any  of  you  could  find  a 
girl  that  would  go  with  him,  it  would  be  alright,  but  the  Indian  must 
have  the  same  privileges  among  the  white  man.  With  this  the  council 
ended.22 

The  missionaries  continued  their  journey  to  the  surrounding 
camps,  including  the  Green  River  area.  This  proselyting  contin- 
ued sometime  into  the  summer  until  the  entire  mission  was 
abandoned  sometime  in  July.--^  No  baptisms  were  performed 
during  their  mission  nor  was  any  great  progress  made  in  spreading 
the  Mormon  doctrines. 

The  true  state  of  the  mission  during  this  first  year  has  been 
somewhat  unclear.  Reports  given  by  members  of  the  mission  were 
generally  favorable,  and  the  Deseret  News  reported  that  all  was 
well  in  the  mission.-^  Authors  of  other  historical  works  published, 
mentioning  Fort  Supply,  include  the  report  of  harmony  and  suc- 
cess felt  by  the  first  missionaries  and  church  leaders.  They  also 
record  the  continuous  occupancy  of  the  Fort  by  Mormon  mission- 
aries from  1853  to  1857.  However,  after  the  examination  of 
documents  and  journals  of  men  who  lived  the  first  winter  in  the 
fort,  visitors,  and  others  concerned  with  the  mission,  another  story 
unfolded.-"'  James  S.  Brown  reported  contention  among  members 
qf  the  mission,  and  that  President  Nebeker,  C.  Merkley,  and  a  few 
others  were  leaving  on  May  1  for  their  homes.-'"  By  spring  of 
1854,  Orson  Hyde  also  had  second  thoughts  about  the  mission. 
Hosea  Stout  recorded  Hyde's  opinion  of  the  Fort  in  his  diary. 

It  is  the  most  forbidding  and  God  forsaked  place  I  have  ever  seen  for 
an  attempt  to  be  made  for  a  settlement  and  judging  from  the  altitude, 
I  have  no  hesitancy  in  predicting  that  it  will  yet  prove  a  total  failure. 


22.  Ibid.,  p.  318. 

23.  Journal  of  John  Pulsipher,  MS  in  Brigham  Young  University  Special 
Collections,  October  18,  1853. 

24.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  p.  38. 

25.  Evan  Mecham,  'The  History  of  the  Fort  Supply  Indian  Mission," 
unpublished  researched  paper,  Brigham  Young  University,  April  1973, 
p.  15. 

26.  Brown,  op.  cit.,  p.  314. 


224  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

but  the  brothers  here  have  done  a  great  deal  of  labor  .  .  .  Elder 
Hyde  seems  to  have  an  invincible  repugnance  to  Fort  Supply.-" 

Because  of  the  problems  of  contention  surrounding  the  mission, 
the  organization  collapsed,  and  by  July,  the  men  were  all  released 
save  a  few  who  stayed  to  save  the  crops.  John  Pulsipher,  in  his 
journal  reported: 

A  strong  company  of  missionaries  under  Orson  Hyde  this  fall  went 
out  125  miles  in  Indian  country  and  located  at  Fort  Supply  and  com- 
menced learning  the  Shoshoni  language.  Built  log  houses  and  Fort 
and  wintered,  and  in  the  spring  fenced  a  big  field  and  put  in  crops  but 
it  was  a  high  cold  frosty  country.  Many  of  the  men  were  discouraged 
and  dissatisfied,  Elder  Hyde  was  not  with  them  and  they  thot  it  a 
hard  lonesome  place,  so  the  next  July  they  were  all  released  to  go 
home  unless  some  wished  to  stay  and  save  the  crops.^*^ 

Eight  months  after  the  founding  of  Fort  Supply  and  the  mission, 
it  was  dissolved.  Discontentment  and  hard  environment  had  taken 
its  toll. 

The  success  of  the  mission  is  questionable  and  yet  it  was  not  a 
total  failure.  The  Indians  had  been  contacted  and  fortification 
had  been  built  in  the  disputed  Green  River  Valley  providing  a 
place  of  location  for  future  settlers. 

General  Conference  of  the  Mormon  Church  was  held  April  6, 
1855,  in  Salt  Lake  City  and  with  it  came  the  reorganization  of  the 
Fort  Supply  Indian  Mission.  Twenty  elders  were  called  to  serve 
as  missionaries  at  that  time,  and  James  S.  Brown  was  called  to  be 
the  Mission  president.  He  had  been  the  second  counselor  during 
the  1853-1854  mission  and  had  a  great  deal  of  knowledge  con- 
cerning the  Shoshone  tongue  as  well  as  the  area  around  Fort 
Supply.-'^  Isaac  Bullock  was  called  to  be  captain  in  charge  of  the 
re-opening  of  the  Fort  and  its  farms. ■^^' 

The  mission  was  well  organized  and  the  men  that  were  to  be 
called  had  been  instructed  during  the  winter  concerning  their  re- 
quired labors  in  the  mission  and  in  the  Shoshone  language. 

At  April  conference  of  1855,  I  was  called  with  many  others  to  take  a 
mission  to  Israel,  the  Lamanites  in  the  Mountains.  This  was  new 
business  to  me  but  I  was  willing  to  try  and  I  thought  by  the  help  of 
the  Lord  perhaps  I  could  do  some  good.  I  had  attended  meetings  and 
tried  to  learn  my  duty,  and  if  I  was  ignorant  it  was  not  my  fault. 
The  past  winter  I  attended  an  Indian  School  taught  by  Brother  Charles 
to  learn  the  Shoshone  language.  He  got  some  knowledge  of  the 
language  last  year,  and  we  learned  many  words  from  him. 

The  mission  seems  to  have  been  formed  in  a  more  organized  manner 


27.  Diary  of  Hosea  Stout,   MS   in   Brigham  Young  University   Special 
Collection,  May  7  and  11,  1854. 

28.  "Journal  of  John   Pulsipher,"  October    18,    1853,    Utah  Humanities 
Review  Quarterly,  Vol.  2,  October  1948,  No.  4,  pp.  351-380. 

29.  Brown,  op.  cit.,  p.  350. 

30.  Gowans,  op.  cit.,  pp.  107-127. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  225 

than  before.  The  admonitions  to  the  Elders  by  the  Church  Leaders, 
also  includes  more  context  directed  at  conversion  of  the  Indians  to 
Mormonism  and  spreading  the  gospel  to  the  remnants  of  Israel. -'^ 

The  missionaries  left  May  17  for  Fort  Supply. 

We  went  as  directed  125  miles  and  located  our  head  quarters  at  Fort 
Supply  the  old  stamping  grounds  of  Elmer  Hyde's  mission  that  was 
out  here  last  year,  where  we  found  several  log  houses  and  a  wooden 
Fort  built  &  a  farm  of  more  than  a  hundred  acres  fenced. ■'- 

The  mission  was  divided  into  two  groups.  There  were  seven 
men  in  the  company  who  were  fluent  in  the  Shoshone  language. 
These  men,  led  by  President  Brown,  were  sent  out  to  proselyte  the 
Indian  camps  in  the  surrounding  area.  The  other  group  was  to 
stay  at  the  Fort  and  carry  on  agrarian  interests  and  teach  the 
Indians  who  might  visit  the  Fort.-^-^ 

President  Brown's  group  met  with  Washakie  early  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1855.  During  the  Council  meeting,  including  the  head 
men  and  the  sub-chiefs,  the  elders  explained  their  mission.  They 
presented  Washakie  and  the  Indian  leaders  a  letter  from  Brigham 
Young  offering  friendship,  trade  and  teachers  to  teach  farming 
methods  to  the  Indians  as  a  sign  of  friendship.  A  Book  of 
Mormon  was  also  presented  to  the  Indians  with  a  declaration 
concerning  the  contents  and  the  Mormon  belief  that  it  is  a  record 
concerning  the  Indians'  forefathers. 

The  Book  of  Mormon  was  then  handed  to  the  sub-chiefs.  Many 
of  these  Indians  at  this  time  declared  the  book,  "No  good  to  the 
Indians,"  and  displayed  dissatisfaction  at  the  message  of  the  elders. 
Washakie  then  picked  up  the  book  and  began  his  oration. 

You  are  all  fools;  you  are  blind,  you  cannot  see;  you  have  no  ears, 
for  you  do  not  hear;  you  are  fools  for  you  do  not  understand.  These 
men  are  our  friends.  The  great  Mormon  captain  (Brigham  Young) 
has  talked  with  our  father  above  the  clouds,  and  he  told  the  Mormon 
captain  to  send  these  good  men  to  us.-^-^ 

Washakie  continued  speaking  of  the  need  for  the  Indian  to 
change  and  adapt  to  more  stable  existence.  Washakie  expressed 
his  desire  to  learn  of  the  ways  of  farming  and  continue  trade  with 
the  Mormons. •^■"'  This  response  was  manifested  many  times  during 
the  next  few  years  of  the  mission. 

At  Fort  Supply,  the  Indians  were  instructed  as  they  came  to  visit 


31.  "A  Short  Sketch  of  the  History  of  John  Pulsipher."  Brigham  Young 
University,  reprinted  1972,  p.  45. 

32.  Pulsipher,  op.  cit.,  pp.  351-380. 

33.  Charles  E.  Dibble,  "The  Mormon  Mission  to  the  Shoshone  Indians," 
Utah  Humanities  Revie)\\  University  of  Utah:  Salt  Lake  City.  Utah.  1947, 
p.  172. 

34.  Brown,  op.  cit.,  p.  356. 

35.  Ibid. 


226  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  post  and  trade  with  the  Mormons.    An  example  of  this  method 
is  found  in  John  Pulsipher's  Journal. 

On  the  9th  of  August  30  Indians  visited  for  a  week,  they  danced  and 
feasted.  August  12,  Sunday  about  40  Indians  attended  church  and 
were  taught  all  the  missionaries  thought  they  could  remember.36 

During  the  last  part  of  the  summer,  August  3  or  4,  1855,  the 
first  fruits  of  the  proselyting  mission  were  produced.  Three  bap- 
tisms were  performed:  Mary  Corger,  an  Indian  boy  named  Cor- 
setry,  and  Sally  Ward — all  Shoshone  Indians.  These  were  the  first 
people  of  that  tribe  to  enter  the  Mormon  faith.^^ 

There  are  numerous  accounts  to  be  found  in  letters  and  diaries 
pertaining  to  the  missionary  work  among  the  Indians  at  and  around 
Fort  Supply.    Isaac  Bullock  wrote: 

We  introduced  the  Book  of  Mormon  and  while  at  endeavoring  to 
give  them  an  insight  into  it  they  call  on  us  for  a  piece  of  paper  and 
pencil  which  I  furnish  him  and  the  Chief  took  it  saying  I  will  write 
and  see  if  you  can  understand  my  writing.  He  then  made  the  enclosed 
characters  and  representation  and  presented  it  to  me  saying  can  you 
read  this  I  answered  no,  his  reply  was  neither  can  we  read  or  under- 
stand yours.  I  then  said  if  you  will  explain  to  me  your  writing  as  I 
have  explained  mine  to  you  I  will  then  understand  it.^s 

The  language  barrier  was  one  of  the  major  problems  to  the 
missionaries.    Yet  Bullock  stated: 

The  brethren  here  feel  very  anxious  to  learn  the  language  of  the 
natives  so  they  can  preach  to  them.  Four  men  are  calculating  to 
start  in  a  few  days  to  Washakee's  camp  and  winter  with  him.39 

The  missionaries  were  not  content  to  preach  just  to  the  Indians 
who  came  to  the  fort,  but  continually  paid  visits  to  the  Indian 
camps.    Isaac  Bullock  wrote: 

I  visited  Washakee  and  his  band  about  2  weeks  ago.  He  manifested 
a  good  spirit.  The  most  friendly  I  ever  found  him  in  possession  of. 
The  prospects  here  are  as  bright  as  they  ever  have  been  and  the 
brethren  feel  desirous  to  carry  out  their  missions  according  to  the 
spirit  of  the  same.*^" 

The  leading  brethren  and  most  of  the  missionaries  realized  that 
the  greatest  missionary  tool  would  be  converted  baptized  Indians 
who  could  preach  to  their  own  people  and  have  more  influence 
with  them.     The  renowned  Friday,  the  Arapaho  who  paid  a  visit 


36.  Pulsipher,  op.  cit.,  p.  362. 

37.  Dibble,  op.  cit.,  p.  175. 

38.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  Oct.  5,  1855,  quoted  in  Manu- 
script Collection  of  Isaac  Bullock,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  Office,  here- 
after cited  as  MCIB. 

39.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  October  20,  1855,  MCIB. 

40.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young,  June  29,  1857,  MCIB. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  227 

to  Fort  Supply,  was  singled  out  as  a  good  prospect  to  help  the 
cause  of  Mormonism  among  the  Indians  for  two  reasons :  first,  he 
seemed  sincerely  interested  in  the  Mormon  doctrine  preached  to 
him  by  some  of  the  missionaries;  and  second,  he  had  an  excellent 
understanding  and  ability  to  speak  English.     Isaac  Bullock  wrote: 

Yesterday  we  received  a  visit  from  Mento  Supa  or  Black  Bear  in 
company  with  Friday  and  some  40  other  braves  of  the  Arapaho  tribe. 
They  are  on  their  return  from  a  fruitless  chase  after  the  Euwinta 
Tribe.  They  said  they  were  two  days  without  food.  We  fed  them 
bountifully  after  which  we  preached  to  them  in  English  as  Friday 
understood  the  English  language  well,  he  interpreted  to  them.  We  in- 
structed them  concerning  the  Book  of  Mormon,  the  nature  of  our 
mission,  etc.  etc.  We  told  them  about  the  good  feelings,  we  enter- 
tained for  all  the  Red  Men,  counciling  them  to  be  at  peace  with  all 
tribes,  etc.  etc.  They  manifested  a  good  friendly  feeling  towards  us 
and  we  believe  their  visit  will  be  productive  of  good  ....  We  believe 
Friday  would  make  a  good  missionary  as  he  was  7  years  in  S.  Louis.-* i 

In  August,  1857,  because  of  warfare  with  the  surrounding  tribes, 
the  Shoshone  Nation  had  been  driven  together  for  better  protec- 
tion. On  August  18,  50  to  60  of  them  came  to  Fort  Supply. 
According  to  Bullock,  "they  were  very  friendly  we  made  them  a 
dinner  and  while  it  was  being  prepared  I  preached  to  them  the 
Book  of  Mormon  writings  of  their  Fathers."^-  Bullock  and  the 
other  missionaries  at  Fort  Supply  did  not  waste  the  opportunity  to 
tell  the  Indians  that  the  approaching  federal  army  was  coming  to 
punish  the  Mormons  because  of  the  Book  of  Mormon  and  the 
Church's  doctrine  of  polygamy.  According  to  Bullock,  this  excited 
the  Indians,  "for  said  they  we  have  more  than  one  wife.  If  they 
are  mad  at  you  and  are  going  to  fight  you  because  you  have  many 
wives  what  will  we  do?"^-^ 

The  question  of  agricultural  success  was  one  of  the  major  con- 
cerns for  the  original  settlers  at  Fort  Supply.  If  Fort  Supply  was 
to  furnish  food  supplies  to  the  emigrants,  it  was  necessary  that 
farming  be  successful.  Brother  Robbins,  one  of  the  first  settlers, 
wrote  from  Fort  Supply  on  March  5,  1854,  to  Orson  Hyde: 

We  are  enjoying  first  rate  health  and  have  ever  since  you  left.  The 
spirit  of  the  Lord  has  been  with  us,  and  we  have  enjoyed  ourselves 
much.  We  have  had  pretty  cold  weather  most  of  the  winter  though 
not  as  much  snow  as  was  anticipated;  the  most  on  the  ground  at  one 
time  has  probably  not  exceeded  one  foot  on  the  level;  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  west  winds  our  animals  have  had  a  good  chance  to  get 
at  the  grass.  The  severe  weather  set  in  about  the  first  of  January  and 
the  thermometer  stood  on  the  6th,  17  below  zero  at  sunrise;  on  the 
20,  25  below,  at  sunrise  on  the  21st,  30  below.  A  few  cattle  died, 
and  some  who  went  out  to  see  to  the  stock  got  their  feet  slightly 


41.  Ibid. 

42.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young,  October  18,  1857,  MCIB. 

43.  Ibid. 


228  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

frozen.     At  this  date  the  thermometer  ranges  from   8   to   12   above 
zero  with  frequent  snow  squalls. ^^ 

Similarly,  the  Deseret  News  of  June  22,  1854,  contained  the 
following: 

By  our  latest  advices  from  Green  River  Ferries,  and  Fort  Supply, 
dated  the  17th  and  20th  inst.,  we  learn  that  matters  are  moving  on 
quite  harmoniously;  but  the  question  whether  farming  can  be  carried 
on  there  to  advantage  is  still  undetermined.^-'' 

A  small  crop  was  raised  in  1854,  but  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  it 
was  still  a  question  whether  or  not  farming  could  be  made  success- 
ful.^^' George  Boyd,  who  arrived  in  Salt  Lake  City  from  Fort 
Supply  July  2,  1855,  reported  that  the  settlers  there  had  "seventy 
acres  of  wheat  looking  fine,  and  that  there  were  no  grasshoppers." 
His  opinion  was  supported  by  James  Robison,  who  left  Fort 
Supply  July  18,  1855,  for  Salt  Lake  City,  and  reported  the  crops 
at  the  fort  were  "looking  fine  and  the  brethren  were  all  well  and  in 
good  spirits.  The  grasshoppers  had  so  far  done  no  damage  to  the 
fields."^' 

Though  the  preceding  reports  during  the  summer  of  1855  would 
indicate  that  the  crops  at  Fort  Supply  would  be  good,  Isaac  Bullock 
gave  a  very  unfavorable  report  concerning  the  crops  under  the 
date  of  October  5,  1855.    He  wrote: 

Agreeable  to  your  request  I  now  snatch  a  few  moments  to  fulfill 
my  promise.  I  arrived  safely  at  Fort  Supply,  September  25th  after 
being  absent  a  month  and  five  days.  I  found  the  brethren  generally 
enjoying  good  health  and  spirits.  The  wheat  had  suffered  very  much 
from  a  severe  frost  on  the  17th  of  September,  which  killed  nearly 
every  thing  that  had  not  fully  matured,  cut  down  the  potatoe  tops 
and  gave  the  trees  and  shrubery  a  chill  that  turned  the  leaves  down 
in  humble  submission,  as  preface  to  what  was  coming.  On  the  night 
of  my  arrival,  ice  froze  one  fourth  of  an  inch  thick  on  the  north  side 
of  my  room.  The  wheat,  which  was  in  the  milk,  or  dough,  is  mostly 
spoiled,  being  frozen  stiff,  and  one  half  of  our  wheat  crop  is  cut  off. 
three  acres  of  wheat  were  ripe  and  harvested  before  the  frost.^^ 

A  good  account  of  what  had  been  accomplished  at  Fort  Supply 
in  1855  and  the  agricultural  possibilities  at  that  high  altitude  was 
plainly  stated  by  George  A.  Smith.    He  recorded  the  following: 

Elders  Ezra  T.  Benson,  Erastus  Snow  and  myself  accepted  an  invi- 
tation from  Judge  Bullock  to  visit  his  residence  at  Fort  Supply.  We 
went  up  the  Black's  Fork  Road,  through  a  very  fine  and  rich  bottom, 
capable  of  producing  the  choicest  grain,  vegetables  and  fruit,  and 
were  surprised  to  find  that  Fort  Supply  was  seven  thousand  two  hun- 


44.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  pp.  34-35. 

45.  Deseret  News,  June  22,  1854,  p.  6. 

46.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  p.  35. 

47.  Ibid. 

48.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  October  5,  1855,  MCIB. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  229 

dred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  according  to  the  best  estimate 
that  we  could  make  of  its  relative  position  to  Bridger.  The  settlers 
have  saved  everything  that  would  feed  stock,  even  to  the  wheat  head- 
ing and  chaff.  The  success  of  this  settlement,  at  so  great  an  altitude, 
shows  conclusively  what  may  be  done  with  some  of  our  mountain 
valleys,  those  which  have  been  considered  a  couple  of  thousand  feet 
above  the  level  of  cultivation. 4'* 

Even  though  George  A.  Smith  was  well  pleased  with  the  success 
that  the  Fort  Supply  settlement  had  seen  in  agriculture,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  he  realized  the  elevation  was  too  high  to  accomplish  much 
in  regard  to  agriculture.  Fort  Supply,  however,  was  an  excellent 
example  of  devotion  and  industry  for  Smith  to  use  as  an  inspiration 
to  other  settlers  at  a  lower  elevation  who  might  complain. 

In  writing  to  George  A.  Smith  on  October  20,  1855,  Isaac 
Bullock  stated:  "We  have  gathered  everything  which  we  raised 
into  our  Fort  and  feel  that  we  can  protect  ourselves  this  winter 
by  the  grace  of  our  God."^"*"  The  settlers  survived  the  winter  but 
this  was  only  accomplished  by  budgeting  the  food  and  supplies. 

One  year  later  Bullock  wrote  to  the  Deseret  News : 

We  have  just  got  through  with  our  wheat  harvest,  and  are  now 
harvesting  our  oats,  potatoes,  beets,  etc.  Notwithstanding  the  frost  of 
Sept.  7th  we  will  have  half  a  crop  of  wheat,  and  our  potatoes  are 
turning  out  as  well  as  could  be  expected  ....  The  brethren  are  all 
alive,  preparing  for  winter,  and  Fort  Supply  is  becoming  more  desir- 
able than  it  was.-"'^ 

On  June  29,  1857,  Isaac  Bullock  wrote  Brigham  Young  the 
following  concerning  the  difficulty  with  their  crops: 

I  feel  to  give  you  a  brief  report  of  the  affairs  of  this  mission.  I 
arrived  here  on  the  2nd  of  May  and  found  a  good  spirit  of  reforma- 
tion and  industry  among  the  brethren.  The  weather  continued  cold 
and  stormy  till  the  20th  of  May,  freezing  almost  every  night.  The 
crops  were  very  backward,  as  the  wheat  sown  in  March  and  April  was 
repeatedly  cut  down  with,  the  frost,  since  then  the  weather  has  been 
warm  and  pleasant  and  the  crops  have  grown  rapidly.  Our  potatoes 
looked  well  until  the  night  of  the  26th  of  June  being  the  first  frost 
that  injured  vegetation  since  May  20th  when  the  sun  was  3  hours  in 
the  morning.  I  measured  the  ice — 3/4  of  an  inch. — our  potatoes 
were  cut  down.'"'- 

Time  and  time  again  Bullock  was  forced  to  write  the  Church 
leaders  in  Salt  Lake  and  ask  for  supplies  to  be  sent  because  the 
crops  at  the  fort  were  not  sufficient  to  feed  those  at  Fort  Supply 
let  alone  the  emigrants  who  passed  by  enroute  to  the  Valley.  Even 
though  the  settlers  at  the  Fort  could  not  produce  enough  food  to 


49.  Deseret  News,  April  28,  1856,  p.  2. 

50.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  October  20.  1855.  MCIB. 

51.  Deseret  News,  October  1,  1856,  p.  4. 

52.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young.  June  29.  1857,  MCIB. 


230  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

sustain  themselves,  Fort  Supply  was  still  very  much  needed  as  a 
resting  place  for  the  oncoming  emigrants  and  the  settlement  was 
viewed  by  the  church  leaders  as  being  permanent. 

Fort  Supply  was  not  without  trouble  with  the  Indians.  Isaac 
Bullock,  writing  George  A.  Smith,  stated,  "It  is  a  busy  time  here 
now  and  the  Indians  are  coming  all  around  us.  We  have  our  grain 
to  harvest,  potatoes  to  dig  and  crops  to  secure  and  with  all  our 
care  and  diligence  the  natives  are  bound  to  have  a  share. "''•^ 

Referring  to  Brigham  Young,  Tababooindowetsy,  a  Shoshone 
chief,  was  quoted  as  saying: 

They  had  much  to  complain  of  Brigham.  Said  they,  says  the 
Buffalo,  Elk  Deer,  Antelope,  and  little  prairie  dogs,  all  of  the  Sho- 
shonee  meat  was  going  to  decrease  and  they  must  go  to  farming. 
And  the  Mormons  were  poor  and  coveted  their  victials  meaning  flour 
and  meat  ....  Brigham  had  given  them  nothing. 5* 

Continuing,  Bullock  stated  that: 

They  camped  12  miles  from  our  Fort,  and  ordered  us  to  bring  a 
wagon  load  of  potatoes  and  also  one  of  flour,  as  if  they  were  lords 
and  were  to  be  obeyed.  They  demanded  a  beef,  some  flour  and  other 
articles  of  George  W.  Boyd,  who  is  in  care  of  Fort  Bridger  and  he 
.  had  to  forth  over,  after  which  they  are  not  satisfied  but  went  to  Jack 
Robinson's  a  mountaineer,  and  shot  one  of  his  best  work  oxen.55 

In  a  letter  written  to  George  A.  Smith  from  Fort  Supply,  on 
October  20,  1855,  Isaac  Bullock .  itemized  the  problem  that  con- 
tinually arose  between  the  Indians  and  settlers.  The  problem  of 
one  person  promising  something  to  the  Indians,  of  which  others 
did  not  have  knowledge,  continually  plagued  the  settlement.  This 
was  usually  done  to  get  rid  of  the  Indians  who  often  became  quite 
a  nuisance.    Bullock  wrote: 

There  had  been  some  trouble  here  with  the  Indians.  One  of  the 
Chiefs  by  the  name  of  Tababooindowesyam  band  came  to  our  Fort 
Oct.  1.  They  demanded  a  present  of  potatoes  and  wheat  from  Bro. 
Brown  teUing  him  that  he  had  promised  it  to  them.  He  told  them 
he  had  made  no  such  promise.  They  told  him  that  he  lied  and  were 
very  bold  and  impatient.  There  had  been  a  promise  made  to  them  by 
Bro.  Pulsipher  before  they  went  into  the  valley  that  when  the  leaves 
fell  the  potatoes  and  wheat  were  ripe  if  they  should  come  we  would 
give  them  some  wheat  and  potatoes  that  grew  on  their  land.  This 
promise  was  made  in  Bro.  Brown's  absence  and  he  knew  nothing  of  it. 
Bro.  Pulsipher  having  the  charge  of  affairs  made  this  promise  to  get 
rid  of  them  until  the  crops  were  mature  for  they  were  grabling  the 
potatoes  before  they  were  as  big  as  hazel  nuts  ... 

This  lack  of  communication  on  the  part  of  the  settlers  usually 


53.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  October  5,  1855,  MCIB. 

54.  Ibid. 

55.  Ibid. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  231 

brought  about  the  attitude  of  steahng  or  destroying  the  crops  at  the 
fort.    He  continued. 

Just  about  this  time  three,  two  young  bucks  and  one  httle  chief 
come  to  where  Pres.  Brown  was  standing  at  the  bars  and  wanted  to  go 
through  he  said  they  might  if  they  would  keep  the  path  and  not  run 
over  the  grain.  They  pushed  through  and  went  galloping  over  the 
wheat  saying  it  was  good  to  run  over  Mormon's  grain. 

It  was  very  common  for  the  settlers  to  grant  to  the  Indians  food 
from  the  fields.  Yet  when  the  settlers  went  to  the  fields  to  pick  the 
crops,  the  Indians  would  take  advantage  of  the  situation  by  ravag- 
ing the  fields  and  became  angry  if  asked  to  stop.    Bullock  wrote: 

I  went  to  dig  some  potatoes  for  the  Chief  as  I  had  promised  him 
some  he  went  along  with  me  nearly  his  whole  band  followed  and 
commenced  grabling  all  round  me.  I  spoke  to  the  Chief  to  see  what 
his  people  were  doing  he  very  carefully  replied  that  he  had  no  eyes 
and  could  not  see  them. 

Usually  on  such  occasions,  the  settlers  ended  up  taking  pre- 
cautions against  attack  from  the  Indians  which  was  threatened  on 
many  occasions. 

A  strong  guard  was  placed  around  the  fort  and  kept  up  all 
night  ....  Our  horses  were  sent  out  next  morning  with  a  guard  to 
place  where  if  any  enemy  was  to  come  they  could  see  the  enemy 
before  it  would  get  to  them  and  if  they  saw  any  dust  or  appearance 
of  Indians  that  the  guard  should  run  the  horses  into  the  corral  in  the 
fort.  About  one  or  two  o'clock  a  large  dust  rose  in  the  distance 
pretty  soon  here  comes  the  guard  full  charge  with  the  horses  the  cry 
was  the  Indians  are  coming.  Orders  to  arms  .  .  .  Every  man  was  to 
his  post  expecting  every  moment  to  hear  the  war  hoop  cry  from  the 
guard  house,  which  all  most  stopped  our  hearts  from  beating. 

It  often  turned  out  being  a  false  alarm  or  the  Indians  had  second 
thoughts  of  attacking  the  fort.  On  several  occasions,  the  cry  of 
Indians  was  found  out  to  be  the  Indian  agent  in  company  with 
the  Indians  enroute  to  the  fort  to  settle  the  differences  between 
the  settlers  and  the  Indians. 

As  they  neared  to  our  Fort  it  was  authentically  declared  that  it  was 
the  Indians  Agent  for  here  he  was  in  person  followed  by  the  Indians 
who  were  stopped  at  the  gate  by  Pres.  Brown  request.  The  agent  had 
their  arms  taken  from  them  before  he  would  let  them  come  into  the 
fort  ....  He  then  held  a  council  with  them.  The  thing  was  all  talked 
over  and  they  the  Indians  argued  to  throw  away  all  of  their  mad 
feelings. 56 

In  summing  up  the  relationship  between  the  Indians  and  Mor- 
mons at  Fort  Supply,  Bullock  stated:  "At  times  they  manifest  the 
most  friendly  feelings  imaginable  and  at  other  times   they   are 


56.  Isaac  Bullock  to  George  A.  Smith,  October  20,  1855,  MCIB. 


232  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

hostile.     As  you  can  see  that  we  have  to  exercise  the  greatest 
patience  imaginable  to  get  along  with  them.""'^ 

For  many  months  the  leaders  at  Fort  Supply  had  been  asking 
permission  to  survey  a  site  for  a  new  location  for  the  fort.  On 
May  27,  1856,  Brigham  Young  gave  approval  for  the  new  location 
of  Fort  Supply.'''^  Isaac  Bullock,  writing  to  Brigham  Young  on 
October  18,  1856,  stated: 

I  wish  much  you  would  say  whether  a  city  would  be  better  at  Fort 
Supply  or  a  fort?  Also  give  us  your  suggestions  as  to  the  proper  size. 
Most  of  the  brethren  seem  to  prefer  a  city,  but  to  your  council  I  am 
sure  they  will  yield  a  willing  obedience. •'>•* 

The  statement  of  Isaac  Bullock  would  indicate  that  very  little,  if 
anything,  had  been  done  in  regards  to  the  surveying  of  the  new 
site  or  the  planning  of  any  specifics  since  the  approval  of  Brigham 
Young  in  the  spring.  On  May  30,  1857,  Lewis  Robison,  writing 
to  Daniel  H.  Wells,  stated  that  "Brother  Bullock  has  been  here 
today  and  he  feels  very  anxious  for  Brother  T.  D.  Brown  to  come 
out  and  lay  out  the  city  as  soon  as  practical  so  that  the  people  can 
build  before  winter."*"'  T.  D.  Brown  did  arrive  that  spring  and 
surveyed  a  new  city  plot  between  Fort  Supply  and  Fort  Bridger. 
Bullock,  writing  to  Brigham  Young  on  June  29,  1857,  stated 
"Bro.  T.  D.  Brown  arrived  here  on  Sat.  June  20th  and  commenced 
surveying  the  city  plot  of  the  22nd,  it  is  located  about  3  miles 
north  of  this  fort  on  the  bench  between  Black's  and  Smith's  Fork 
some  7  miles  from  Bridger."''^  This  plan  was  followed,  according 
to  Bullock,  who  claimed  there  were  15  or  16  houses  built  by  late 
summer  of  1857.^- 

The  Mormons  at  Fort  Supply  were  still  eager  to  fulfill  their 
mission  of  preaching  to  the  Indians  and  to  maintain  a  settlement 
where  the  passing  emigrants  might  rest  and  be  supplied  with  the 
necessary  food  to  reach  the  valley.  Isaac  Bullock,  writing  to 
Brigham  Young,  August  18,  1857,  stated: 

The  brethren  here  feel  to  be  on  hand  to  carry  out  the  counsel  what 
ever  it  may  be  and  are  generally  united  should  you  have  word  of 
counsel  here.  We  shall  be  glad  to  receive  it  and  will  keep  you 
advised  as  much  as  possible.'^-^ 


57.  Ibid. 

58.  Brigham  Young  to  Isaac  Bullock,  May  27,  1856,  quoted  in  Brigham 
Young's  Letter  Book,  No.  2,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  office. 

59.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young,  October  18,  1856,  quoted  in 
Manuscript  Collection  of  Lewis  Robison,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  office, 
hereafter  cited  as  MCLR. 

60.  Lewis  Robison  to  Daniel  H.  Wells,  May  30,  1857,  MCLR. 

61.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young,  June  29,  1857,  MCIB. 

62.  Journal  History  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-day  Saints, 
July  16,  1857,  p.  2.     (Located  in  Church  Historian's  office). 

63.  Isaac  Bullock  to  Brigham  Young,  August  18,  1857,  MCIB. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  233 

So  many  complaints  of  misunderstanding,  suspicion,  and  malice 
in  the  Utah  Territory  had  filtered  into  Washington  that  President 
Buchanan,  in  1857,  pointed  out  to  the  Congress  that  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  United  States  must  be  restored  and  maintained.  He, 
therefore,  appointed  Alfred  Cummings  to  replace  Brigham  Young 
as  governor  and  ordered  him  and  other  federal  officers  to  Utah 
under  military  escort/'^ 

By  the  middle  of  September,  the  feeling  of  safety  for  the  Fort 
Bridger  and  Fort  Supply  settlers  was  in  question.  On  September 
15,  a  proclamation  was  sent  to  the  army  at  Hams  Fork — only  35 
miles  from  Fort  Bridger.  Orders  were  now  being  given  to  the 
people  at  the  forts  that  they  must  hold  back  the  army  and  not 
permit  any  to  pass.  Tight  security  was  being  placed  on  all 
individuals  seeking  entrance  into  the  valley. 

John  Pulsipher  described  the  effect  of  the  army's  approach  on 
Fort  Supply: 

September  20,  1857.  Today  we  received  the  Proclamation  of  the 
Governor  of  Utah,  Brigham  Young:  dated  15  September  1857,  for- 
bidding all  armed  forces  coming  into  the  territory  under  any  pretences 
whatever.  Calls  on  all  militia  to  be  in  readiness  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing.    Good  ...  we  received  it  with  joy.*^'' 

The  proclamation  and  martial  law  made  legal  the  actions  of 
resistance  offered  the  federal  troops  by  the  Mormons.  Instructions 
concerning  the  duties  of  the  missionaries  were  dispensed  by  Brig- 
ham Young. 

September  20,  1857.  President  Bullock  received  a  letter  from  Brother 
Brigham  of  the  16th  giving  us  further  instructions  in  regard  to  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  fore  going  Proclamation.  Although  the  invading 
army  is  approaching  .  .  .  this  martial  law  must  be  carried  out.  Be 
careful  of  the  lives  of  people.  See  that  there  are  no  more  killed  than 
is  absolutely  necessary  to  carry  out  these  orders.  Mentions  in  this 
that  it  would  be  well  to  move  the  families  to  Fort  Supply  as  that  is  a 
hard  place  to  live.*''"' 

The  exact  date  is  not  known  when  the  removal  of  settlers  began 
at  Fort  Bridger  and  Fort  Supply  by  order  of  Brigham  Young,  but 
by  September  29,  the  majority  of  the  families  were  bound  for  Salt 
Lake  City.  George  A.  Smith,  on  his  way  east  with  a  miUtary 
expedition,  reported  that  "on  the  29th  of  September,  I  met  some 
fifty  families  fleeing  from  Fort  Supply  and  Fort  Bridger,  with  ox 
and  horse  teams,  and  their  herds  of  cattle  bound  for  Great  Salt 
Lake  City." 


64.  See  LeRoy  R.  Hafens  The  Utah  Expedition.   1857-1858  (Glendale: 
The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1958)  for  complete  history. 

65.  Pulsipher  reprint,  op.  cit. 

66.  Ibid. 


234  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

As  the  army  came  closer,  Brigham  Young  ordered  the  mission- 
aries to  leave  their  homes  and  the  mission  and  return  to  the  valley. 

Sunday,  September  27.  Bro.  Bullock  went  to  Fort  Bridger  to  learn 
how  things  are  going  on  the  road.  We  supposed  it  would  be  best  to 
move  soon  as  we  did  not  get  all  our  crops  secured.  Bro.  Edison 
Whipple  and  myself  went  with  the  stock  here  today  to  be  sure  that 
they  were  safe.  When  we  came  in  at  night  with  the  herd,  Bro. 
Bullock  had  returned,  and  said  it  was  time  to  go.  So  we  fixed  and 
loaded  wagons  in  the  night  for  a  start  in  the  morning.''" 

Brother  John  Pulsipher  concluded  with  his  feelings  and  those  of 
others  who  labored  in  the  Green  River  country. 

Our  company  was  now  only  about  30  families  .  .  .  and  as  some  had 
gone  to  the  Valley  before  ...  we  traveled  night  and  day  so  that  we 
might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  enemies  'til  we  heard  they  had  made  a 
halt  on  Ham's  Fork.  Then  we  went  more  leisurely  with  our  slow 
teams  and  old  wagons  and  within  7  days  were  safe  in  the  Valley 
among  friends.  Then  we  separated  and  went  to  the  different  wards 
and  settlements  where  our  former  homes  had  been.  Lord  bless  that 
noble  band  of  brethern  and  sisters  that  have  labored  so  nobly  to  build 
the  kingdom  by  making  peace  with  the  natives  and  farm  a  settlement, 
in  that  cold  dreary  place  in  Green  River  County.  We  worked  hard 
and  by  the  Lord's  blessing  our  work  was  quite  Comfortably  situated 
to  live.*''^ 

Upon  deserting  their  property  in  Green  River  County,  those 
remaining  were  ordered  to  burn  all  buildings  and  fields.  This  they 
considered  necessary  as  a  partial  safeguard  against  the  oncoming 
federal  troops  so  that  they  should  not  be  aiding  the  Army,  which 
to  them  was  a  threat  "of  a  armed  mob."*"'"^ 

During  the  evening  of  October  3,^*^  Fort  Bridger  was  set  on  fire 
by  Lewis  Robison,  and  the  torch  was  set  to  Fort  Supply  around 
midnight  of  the  same  day.  Jesse  W.  Crosby,  one  of  the  Mormons 
who  participated  in  the  campaign  against  Johnston's  army,  re- 
ported: 

The  company  to  which  I  belonged  left  Salt  Lake  City  September 
25,  1857.  We  took  out  our  wagons,  horses,  etc.,  and  at  twelve  o'clock 
set  fire  to  the  building  (Fort  Supply)  at  once,  consisting  of  one  hun- 
dred or  more  good  hewed  log  houses,  one  sawmill,  one  gristmill  and 
one  thrashing  machine,  and  after  going  out  of  the  fort  we  set  fire  to 
the  stockade  work,  straw  and  grain  stacks,  etc.  After  looking  a  few 
minutes  at  the  bonfire  we  had  made,  thence  on  by  the  light  thereof. 
I  will  mention  that  owners  of  property  in  several  places  begged  the 
privilege  of  setting  fire  to  their  own,  which  they  freely  did,  thus  de- 
stroying at  once  what  they  had  labored  for  years  to  build  and  that 
without  a  word. 


67.  Ibid. 

68.  Ibid. 

69.  Hunter,  op.  cit.,  p.  288. 

70.  Ibid.    Hunter  states  that  it  was  six  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  October 
1857,  that  Fort  Bridger  was  burned.    He  gives  no  reference. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS 


235 


■"^s*^,. 


'Z:^^^^-~^j^^,r^ 


Courtesy  Dr.  Fred  R.  Gowans 
PRESENT  SITE  OF   FORT  SUPPLY 


We  then  went  our  way  a  few  miles  and  stopped  to  set  fire  to  the 
City  Supply,  a  new  place  just  commenced;  there  were  ten  or  fifteen 
buildings  perhaps,  and  warmed  ourselves  by  the  flames.  Thus  was 
laid  waste  in  a  few  hours  all  the  labor  of  a  settlement  for  three  or 
four  years,  with  some  five  or  six  hundred  acres  of  land  fenced  and 
improved. 

Our  work  of  destruction  was  now  finished  and  we  moved  silently 
onward  and  reached  Bridger  a  little  after  daylight  and  found  it  in 
ashes,  it  having  been  fired  the  night  before. 'i'l 

Additional  details  were  reported: 

My  grandfather's  journal  states  that  he  was  stationed  in  Echo 
Canyon,  and  that  during  the  closing  days  of  September,  the  exact  date 
not  being  given,  he  was  detained  to  go  to  Fort  Supply  with  a  number 
of  militia  men  and  help  the  settlers  there  to  put  up  their  crops.  He 
says  that  they  got  there  and  worked  early  and  late  for  three  days. 
And  just  at  night  they  finished  getting  the  last  of  the  grain  in  the 
stack  and  got  something  to  eat  and  all  went  to  sleep  thoroughly  tired, 
that  about  midnight  an  express  came  from  Col.  Robert  T.  Burton 
ordering  him  to  burn  Fort  Supply.  He  says  that  there  were  one 
hundred  hued  log  houses,  a  saw  mill,  a  grist  mill,  and  a  thrashing 
machine  in  the  fort,  and  that  it  had  palisades  around  the  outside  of 
the  fort.  And  that  there  were  between  five  and  six  hundred  acres  of 
grain  in  the  stack,  and  a  lot  of  meadow  hay,  that  many  of  the  owners 
of  the  property  asked  the  privilege  of  burning  their  property,  and  that 
he  granted  it;  that  he  took  everything  that  was  moveable  except  the 
thrashing  machine,  and  set  the  fort  and  buildings,  and  grain  and  hay 
on  fire,  and  went  down  to  Supply  City,  a  new  place  with  fifteen  or 


7L  History  and  Journal  of  Jesse  W.  Crosby.  1820-1869,  MS  in  Brigham 
Young  University's  Special  Collection,  pp.  91-92. 


236  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

sixteen  houses  in  it,  and  set  that  town  on  fire;  and  that  he  and  the 
people  with  him  stopped  to  warm  themselves  by  the  burning  houses; 
and  then  went  on  to  Fort  Bridger,  which  had  already  been  burned, 
and  after  warming  themselves  by  the  embers  there  they  went  on 
toward  Salt  Lake  City. 

By  carefully  reading  the  journal  over  it  can  be  definitely  ascertained 
that  this  happened  the  night  of  the  3rd  and  4th  of  October,  1857  .  .  J- 

Thus  the  labors  of  the  last  four  years  in  the  Green  River  Valley 
were  left  in  ashes,  bringing  to  a  close  the  era  of  Fort  Supply.  On 
arrival  of  the  army  at  Fort  Bridger  in  November,  1857,  Colonel 
Johnston  took  possession  of  the  fort  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  and  declared  it  to  be  a  military  reservation.  The  reserva- 
tion was  also  extended  over  the  settlement  and  farming  lands  of 
Fort  Supply. '^'^ 

There  are  varying  estimates  to  the  amount  of  money  lost  by 
the  Mormons  due  to  the  fire  and  the  takeover  by  the  federal 
army.  Milton  R.  Hunter  states:  "The  total  loss  and  damage 
sustained  by  these  Mormon  Pioneers  in  this  case  were  about 
$300,000.00."'^  There  is  little  doubt  that  Hunter  took  his  figure 
from  Andrew  Jenson,  although  he  does  not  footnote  his  quote. 
Another  Mormon  source  states,  "The  estimated  amount  of  the 
property  thus  destroyed  at  Fort  Bridger  was  $2,000,  at  Fort 
Supply,  $50,000.00.""'  The  author  of  Utah — A  Centennial  His- 
tory also  quotes  the  losses  to  be  $300,000.  Most  likely  these 
figures  also  came  from  Jenson's  work.^^ 

How  accurate  the  estimate  of  $300,000  is  is  a  question  that 
will  be  impossible  to  answer;  but  in  light  of  the  figures  given  in 
Crosby's  account  of  the  number  of  homes,  buildings,  and  acreage 
destroyed  at  Fort  Supply,  plus  the  homes  and  acreage  of  Supply 
City  and  Fort  Bridger,  the  estimate  of  $300,000  is  certainly  accept- 
able, if  not  a  bit  conservative. 

However,  the  figure  of  $2,000  for  the  loss  of  Fort  Bridger  and 
$50,000  for  Fort  Supply  are  certainly  in  error.  The  appraised 
value  of  Fort  Bridger  before  the  construction  of  the  wall  was 
$11,800." 

The  name.  Supply,  was  prophetic  in  a  sense,  indicating  the  aims 
of  the  settlement,  which  were  to  supply  the  oncoming  emigrants 
with  such  home-grown  foodstuffs  and  supplies  as  the  country  could 


72.  Jesse  W.  Crosby  to  Mr.  W.  Hewton,  November  18,  1930,  quoted  in 
Manuscript  Collection  of  Fort  Bridger,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  office. 

73.  Jenson,  op.  cit.,  p.  39. 

74.  Hunter,  op.  cit.,  p.  289. 

75.  History  of  Brigham  Young,  p.  717,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  office. 

76.  Wain  Sutton  (ed.)  Utah — A  Centennial  History.  II  (New  York: 
Lewis  Historical  PubHshing  Co.,  1949),  p.  596. 

77.  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-day  Saints  Trustee-in-Trust  Depart- 
ment, Financial  Report,  April  1,  1855  through  March  31,  1857,  MS  in  Utah 
State  Historical  Society. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  237 

afford.  But  it  proved  in  some  way  to  be,  instead,  a  "Fort  Disap- 
pointment," as  the  location  was  not  suitable  for  general  agriculture 
pursuits  because  of  high  altitude  and  cold  summers. ^^  However, 
the  good  that  was  derived  from  this  settlement  of  being  a  resting 
place  for  the  emigrating  Saints,  a  place  to  replenish  their  food 
supplies,  an  Indian  Mission,  and  a  defense  against  the  mountain 
men's  activities  among  the  Indians,  was  worthy  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Church  leaders  since  the  plans  called  for  making  Fort  Supply  a 
permanent  settlement.  If  it  had  been  permitted  to  continue.  Fort 
Supply  would  very  probably  be  a  community  in  Uinta  County, 
Wyoming,  today;  whereas,  at  the  present  time,  there  is  nothing 
left  of  Fort  Supply  except  stumps  in  the  ground  of  remnants  of 
what  the  Mormon  settlers  built  there  from  1853  to  1857. 


FORT  BRIDGER:  CLAIMS  AND  COUNTER  CLAIMS 

During  the  years  of  1853-1855,  the  Mormons  had  been  success- 
ful in  gaining  control  of  the  Green  River  ferries  along  the  Oregon 
Trail  from  the  mountain  men  who,  for  several  years,  had  operated 
the  ferries  gaining  thousands  of  dollars  during  the  emigrant  season. 
With  the  purchase  of  Fort  Bridger  from  James  Bridger  and  Louis 
Vasquez  on  August  3,  1855,  the  Mormons  finalized  their  control 
of  Green  River  County.  However,  with  the  coming  of  the  "Utah 
Expedition"  in  1857,  which  had  been  ordered  to  Utah  Territory  by 
President  Buchanan  to  investigate  rumors  and  ensure  the  gover- 
nor's seat  for  Alfred  Cumming,  the  Mormons  withdrew  their 
operations  from  the  Green  River  ferries  and  left  Fort  Bridger  and 
Fort  Supply  in  ashes.  The  winter  of  1857-1858  was  spent  by  the 
army  at  their  newly  constructed  Fort  Scott  located  only  a  few  miles 
from  the  remains  of  Fort  Bridger.  The  army  took  possession  of 
Fort  Bridger  using  its  stone  walls  as  a  fortification  for  stock  and 
supplies  against  possible  enemy  attack.  James  Bridger  was  also 
spending  the  winter  at  Fort  Scott  with  the  troops,  acting  in  the 
capacity  of  "head  guide"  for  the  military.  These  events  of  this 
fall  and  winter  set  into  motion  a  series  of  events  which  would  see 
claims  brought  against  the  Mormon  Church  and  the  U.  S.  Govern- 
ment by  Lewis  Robison  and  James  Bridger  respectively.^ 


78.  Alter,  op.  cit.,  p.  25  L 

L  Frederick  Ross  Gowans,   "A  History  of  Fort   Bridger,    1841-1858' 
unpublished  doctoral  dissertation,  Brigham  Young  University,  1972. 


238  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Even  though  the  army  had  taken  over  the  fort,  and  as  of  June, 
1 858,  Fort  Bridger  had  become  a  federal  army  post  by  order  of  the 
government,  church  leaders  had  not  given  up  hopes  that  their 
claims  of  ownership  would  be  recognized  by  the  government. 
Lewis  Robison,  who  had  been  Brigham  Young's  agent  in  the  pur- 
chase of  the  fort  and  operated  Fort  Bridger  for  the  church  during 
the  years  1855-1857,  was  granted  ownership  of  the  fort  and  its 
lands  by  the  Church  leaders  to  see  what  he  could  do  in  getting  the 
fort  back  through  private  ownership,  or  to  receive  some  kind  of 
compensation  for  its  loss.- 

In  October,  1858,  Lewis  Robison  reported: 

.  .  .  that  he  had  been  to  see  Gen'l  Johnson  in  regard  to  the  Bridger 
property.  Gen'l  Johnson  said  they  were  surveying  a  military  reserve 
at  and  around  Bridger,  25  miles  square  and  taking  in  all  the  land  that 
could  be  settled;  but  if  the  Government  acknowledged  his  (Robison) 
claim  there,  he  would  give  him  $600.00  a  year  for  the  use  of  it;  but  he 
thought  it  would  take  a  higher  authority  than  there  was  in  this  Terri- 
tory to  establish  his  claim.  He  said  he  thought  $600.00  a  great  deal 
of  rent  for  the  ranch. '^ 

The  amount  of  $600  a  year  for  ten  years  was  the  sum  promised 
by  the  government  agents  to  Jim  Bridger  for  the  leasing  of  the  fort 
if  he  could  prove  ownership,  and  Robison  was  given  the  same 
proposition. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  even  though  Bridger  had  sold  Fort 
Bridger  to  the  Mormons  in  August  of  1855,  he  accused  the 
Mormons  of  driving  him  out  of  his  fort  with  threats  upon  his  life 
and  claimed  he  suffered  complete  loss  of  his  fort  and  its  mer- 
chandise. While  wintering  at  Fort  Scott,  Bridger  signed  an  agree- 
ment with  the  military  for  lease  or  purchase  of  his  fort.^ 

Robison's  claims  were  never  honored  by  the  government,  prob- 
ably because  the  government  did  not  honor  Bridger's  claims. 
Bridger  was  never  able  to  show  a  deed  of  ownership  nor  was  he 
able  to  acquire  one.  Bridger  could  not  produce  the  deed  at  the 
time  of  sale  to  the  Mormons  in  1855,  but  said  he  would  turn  it 
over  to  them  if  a  deed  were  secured;  of  course,  this  was  impossible 
because  he  had  never  been  given  one  from  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment. Since  the  United  States  did  not  honor  his  claims  of  owner- 
ship, they  could  not  honor  the  Robison  claims  since  Bridger  did 
not  have  a  legal  right  to  sell  the  property. 

In  1861,  with  the  coming  of  the  Civil  War,  the  military  troops 
at  the  fort  were  withdrawn  and  the  fort  was  closed  down  except 
for  a  few  remaining  volunteers.    In  July  of  that  year,  a  public  sale 


2.  Ibid. 

3.  History  of  Brigham  Young,  MS  in  Church  Historian's  office,  October, 
1858,  p.  260.    Also  Journal  History,  October  29,  1858,  p.  8. 

4.  Gowans,  op.  cit. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  239 

at  the  fort  prompted  Lewis  Robison  to  write  this  letter  to  Daniel 
H.  Wells: 

Green  River  Terr. 
July  17,  1861 
D.  H.  Wells  Esq 
Dear  Brother 

I  have  just  received  notice  of  the  sale  of  Public  Property  at  Fort 
Bridger  which  is  to  commence  on  the  26th  of  July.  I  expect  to  attend 
the  sale.  I  have  not  learned  whether  they  intend  to  sell  the  improve- 
ments or  not,  if  so  I  suppose  it  would  be  well  to  enter  a  protest 
against  such  sale. 

Should  their  be  anything  sold  that  you  may  want  for  yourself  or 
the  public,  I  wish  you  to  inform  me  as  soon  as  possible,  or  any  sug- 
gestions about  the  Bridger  ranch  of  the  property  that  may  be  left  by 
the  Army.  I  suppose  of  course  it  will  be  well  for  me  to  take  posses- 
sion if  possible.  I  should  of  written  to  you  long  before,  but  I  have 
had  no  time  to  attend  .  .  . 

Your  Brother 
Lewis  Robison^' 

Upon  Robison's  arrival  at  Fort  Bridger,  he  posted  the  following 
notice  indicating  that  he  intended  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  if 
he  could  do  so  legally : 


5.  Lewis  Robison  to  Daniel  H.  Wells,  July  17,   1861,  quoted  in  Manu- 
script Collection  of  Lewis   Robison    (MS   in  Church   Historian's   Office), 

hereafter  cited  as  MCLR.  The  Church  sent  H.  B.  Clawson  to  attend  the 
sale  at  Fort  Bridger.  The  following  is  the  expense  account  turned  in  by 
Clawson  and  a  list  of  the  items  purchased: 

H.  B.  Clawson  Expense  a/c  going  to  Fort  Bridger 
July  24        To  attend  Government  Sale 

To  passage  by  mail  25.00 

To  Dinner  at  Hanks  .75 

To  Supper  Mouth  Echo  .75 

To  Breakfast  at  Muddy  .75 

To  Wine  at  W.  A.  Carters  2.00 
July  30 

To  Dinner  at  Muddy  on  Return 

To  Supper  at  Bear  River  .75 

To  Breakfast  at  Mouth  of  echo  .75 

To  Supper  and  Breakfast  East  Weber  L50 

To  Meat  at  Eph  Hanks  .75 

Bill  of  Goods  bought  at  Fort  Bridger          July  29,  1861 

To  Glue  posts  5.00 

To  1  Lot  of  Hair  for  Horse  Collars  5.00 

To  1  Lot  Blankets  13.00 

To  1  Tea  Pot  2.50 

To  2  pt.  canalle  sticks  (10.00)  1  Caster  (10.00)  20.00 

To  1  Lot  Marbles  1.00 

To  2  cork  screws  2.00 

To  1  Clock  2.00 

To  100  ft  rope  12.50 

To  Brushes  and  can  for  marking  1.50 

To  Candles  and  Soap  5.00 
(MCLR,  July  24,  29,  30,  1861.) 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  241 

NOTICE 

To  all  whom  it  may  concern.  Whereas  the  premises  icnown  as  Fort 
Bridger  situated  in  Green  River  County  in  Utah  Territory,  which  have 
been  and  are  now  occupied  by  the  United  States  Army.  So  by  lawful 
purchase,  occupation  and  improvements  made  thereon,  belong  to  the 
undersigned  and  whereas  the  said  premises  have  been  taken  and  un- 
lawfully withheld  from  me,  and  whereas  I  have  been  utterly  reprised 
any  compensation  for  the  use  thereof,  or  for  damages  done  thereto  in 
cutting  and  destroying  lumber  or  otherwise — and  whereas  I  under- 
stand that  it  is  the  intention  of  officers  now  in  charge  directing  and 
commanding  at  Fort  Bridger  to  sell  and  transfer  the  same  with  the 
improvements  made  thereon.  Now  therefore  I  Lewis  Robison  the 
lawful  and  rightful  owner  of  said  premises  and  I  hereby  claim  as  my 
legal  right  the  peaceful  possession  of  the  same  together  with  all  the 
buildings,  corrals,  yard  fields  or  improvements  thereon  or  appurte- 
nances thereunto  belonging  or  in  anywise  appertaining.  And  I  do 
hereby  forbid  the  sale  of  said  premise  or  any  portion  thereof  to  any 
person  or  persons  whatever  and  I  also  warn  all  or  any  persons  against 
purchasing,  taking  or  retaining  the  possession  of  the  same. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal 
this  22nd  day  of  July  A.D.  1861 
Lewis  Robison*' 

However,  Robison's  claims  to  ownership  were  not  acceptable 
to  the  military  at  the  fort  and  the  sale  went  ahead  as  scheduled." 

This  was  the  setting  that  brought  about  the  claims  of  Lewis 
Robison  against  the  Mormon  church  and  James  Bridger  against 
the  United  States  government. 

For  the  next  16  years  (1861-1877),  Fort  Bridger  was  a  dead 
issue  with  Robison.  He  still  had  in  his  possession  the  deed  to  the 
fort  given  to  him  by  Brigham  Young  in  1858.  The  deed  was 
worthless  in  regards  to  money  value,  but  it  still  represented  owner- 
ship as  far  as  he  was  concerned.  During  those  16  years.  Fort 
Bridger  had  become  a  very  active  military  post  on  the  American 
frontier  and  the  Robison  claims  were  apparently  forgotten  by  the 
government  officials.  But  in  July,  1877,  Robison,  then  living  in 
Pleasant  Grove,  Utah  Terriotry,  was  asked  to  return  the  deed  to 
the  fort  to  Brigham  Young.  Young  had  been  ill  for  many  months 
and  his  death  was  imminent.     In  preparing  for  the  settlement  of 


6.  Manuscript  Collection  of  Fort  Bridger,  (MS  in  Church  Historian's 
office,  July  22,  1861,  hereafter  cited  as  MCFB. 

7.  The  claims  of  Lewis  Robison  of  owning  the  fort  were  not  accepted  by 
Colonel  Cooke  in  August,  1861.  A  large  number  of  Mormons  came  to  the 
sale  from  Salt  Lake  City,  among  whom  was  Robison  armed  with  printed 
posters,  warning  the  officers  in  charge  and  all  persons  not  to  purchase  any- 
thing of  a  real  character  connected  with  the  post  as  all  belonged  to  him. 
However,  after  talking  with  Captain  Gove,  commander  of  the  post.  Robison 
was  content  with  making  the  statement  that  Captain  Gove  was  a  gentleman 
but  that  the  damned  United  States  Government  had  robbed  him  of  his  prop- 
erty and  he  intended  having  it.  Robert  S.  Ellison.  Fort  Bridger,  Wyoming 
(Casper,  Wyoming:  The  Historical  Landmark  Commission  of  Wyoming. 
1931),  p.  37. 


242  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

his  own  estate  and  closing  any  unfinished  business  in  regard  to  the 
church,  it  was  felt  that  the  deed  to  the  Fort  Bridger  ranch  should 
be  obtained  from  Robison  and  held  by  the  church.  Not  that  the 
church  expected  to  make  money  from  new  claims  against  the 
government,  but  simply  to  tie  up  any  loose  ends  of  Brigham 
Young's  administration.  An  indenture  was  drawn  up  on  July  18, 
1877,  in  which  it  stated  that  Brigham  Young  paid  Lewis  Robison 
$8000  in  gold  coin  for  Fort  Bridger.  The  church's  position  was 
that  there  was  no  actual  money  transaction  needed  in  the  turning 
of  the  deed  over  to  Brigham  Young.  The  $8000  in  gold  coin  has 
reference  to  the  amount  of  money  given  to  Lewis  Robison  by 
Brigham  Young  in  1855  and  1858  to  pay  Bridger  and  Vasquez 
for  the  fort.  Robison  was  only  returning  a  deed  which  was  not 
actually  his  since  the  money  for  the  purchase  of  the  fort  had  not 
come  from  Robison's  pocket  but  that  of  the  Mormon  church.  But, 
with  the  return  of  the  deed,  Robison  was  relinquishing  the  last 
evidence  of  his  claim  to  Fort  Bridger.  This  led  him  to  seek 
recompense  from  the  Church  which  he  felt  was  justified  because 
of  the  partnership  that  had  been  entered  into  by  himself  and 
Brigham  Young  in  1855  when  he  had  been  sent  to  Fort  Bridger 
as  the  agent  of  Brigham  Young  to  buy  the  fort  from  Bridger  and 
Vasquez. 

The  following  is  a  portion  of  that  indenture  drawn  up  between 
Robison  and  Young: 

This  indenture  made  the  eighteenth  day  of  July  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  One  Thousand  eight  hundred  and  seventy  seven  between  Lewis 
Robison  of  Pleasant  Grove,  in  the  County  of  Utah,  and  Territory  of 
Utah  party  of  the  first  part,  and  Brigham  Young,  Sen.  of  Salt  Lake 
City,  in  the  County  of  Salt  Lake  and  Territory  aforesaid,  party  of  the 
second  part.  Witnesseth,  that  the  said  party  of  the  first  part,  for  and 
in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  Eight  Thousand  Dollars,  gold  coin  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  to  him  in  hand  paid  by  the  said  party 
of  the  second  part,  the  receipt  whereof  is  hereby  acknowledged,  has 
granted,  bargained,  sold,  aliened,  remised,  reliased,  conveyed  and  con- 
firmed, and  by  these  presents  does  grant,  bargain,  sell,  alien,  remise, 
release,  convey  and  confirm  unto  the  said  property  of  the  second  part 
and  to  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever,  all  that  certain  piece  or  parcel  of 
land  known  and  described  as  follows  to  wit:  .  .  .8 

Some  time  prior  to  January  6,  1878,  Lewis  Robison  wrote 
President  John  Taylor  stating  that  he  felt  that  the  church  owed  him 
$5000  for  his  service  at  Fort  Bridger  during  the  years  of  1855- 
1857  and  that  he  had  a  partnership  with  Brigham  Young  which 
entitled  him  to  one-half  of  the  profits  at  the  fort  based  upon 
service.  It  is  not  known  if  this  claim  caught  President  Taylor  by 
surprise  or  if  he  had  some  knowledge  of  the  Fort  Bridger  matters. 


8.  Indenture,  July  18,  1877,  MCLR. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  243 

Needless  to  say,  an  auditing  committee  consisting  of  Wilford 
Woodruff,  Erastus  Snow  and  Joseph  F.  Smith  was  asked  to  check 
into  the  matter  to  see  if  Robison's  claims  were  justified.  On 
January  16,  1878,  the  following  report  was  given  to  President 
Taylor  from  this  committee: 

President  John  Taylor  Salt  Lake  City,  Jan  16,  1878 

Dear  Brother 

Your  committee  on  auditation  respectfully  reports  that  we  have 
examined  the  matters  pertaining  to  the  Bridger  Ranch  on  the  Trustee 
in  Trust  Ledgers,  and  find  as  follows,    viz: 

Bridger  Ranch  a/c 

By  amounts  credited  on  Trustee  in 

Trust  ledgers  12,137.14 

Amount  charged  Lewis  Robison  in  his 

a/c,  supplies  drawn  from  the  ranch  as 

per  his  report.  Led  F  fol  504  1,592.65 


13,739.79 


Contra 
To  amount  debited  on  T  in  T  ledgers  7,504.21 


6,225.58 


We  also  find  on  the  Indian  Department 

Ledgers  Amounts  furnished  Indian  Department 

as  per  Voucher  No  1  (Chargeable  to  B.  Young 

as  Supt  of  Indian  Affairs)  1,368.44 

Also  on  Y.  X.  Company  ledgers  amounts 

furnished  the  Y.  X.  Company  as  per  B. 

Young's  Orders  (Y.  X.  Led  fol  132)  1,233.84 


8,827.860 


The  committee's  report  indicates  that  $16,332.07  had  been 
entered  on  the  ledgers  as  profit  during  the  time  that  Robison  had 
worked  at  the  fort.  They  also  indicated  that  $7504.21  represented 
the  amount  that  Robison  had  indebted  on  the  Trustee  in  Trust 
ledgers  leaving  a  balance  of  profit  of  $8827.86. 

The  committee  also  presented  the  following  report: 

Lewis  Robison  Personal  a/c 
Dr  to  balance  of  account  as  per 

Petit  Ledger  2,111.47 

Cr  by  amount  ferrying  Y.  X.  Company 
horses  and  etc  across  Green  River.    Cre- 
dited and  Trustee  in  Trust  on  Y.  X.  account 
books  and  due  L.  Robison  personally  160.00 


1.951.47i« 


9.  Auditing  Committee,  January  16,  1878,  MCFB. 

10.  Ibid. 


244 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


Courtesy  LDS  Archives 
LEWIS    ROBISON 


This  last  report  indicated  that  Robison  also  owed  the  Church 
$1951.47.  This  amount  subtracted  from  the  $8827.86  would  leave 
a  total  of  $6876.39  representing  the  profit  taken  in  at  Fort  Bridger 
minus  Robison's  indebtedness  while  he  was  in  service  there. 

At  a  meeting  held  the  next  day,  January  17,  1878,  the  following 
was  decided  upon  by  President  Taylor  and  the  auditing  committee 
in  reference  to  Robison's  claim: 

Pres.  Taylor  with  Elders  L.  Snow  and  J.  F.  Smith  of  the  auditing 
committee  considered  the  claim  of  bro  Lewis  Robison  against  the 
Trustee  in  Trust  for  relief  in  the  matter  of  the  Fort  Bridger  property. 
It  was  decided  that  bro  Robison  receive  immediate  relief  to  the 
amount  of  $1,250.00  cash  and  that  the  deed  of  the  Fort  Bridger  prop- 
erty be  returned  to  him  to  do  as  he  pleased  with  regard  to  pressing 
his  claim  upon  the  Government  for  the  title  to  the  property;  if  he  do 
so  without  assistance  from  the  Church  and  obtains  anything,  then  it 
is  to  be  wholly  his;  but  if  he  ask  and  receive  any  Church  aid,  then  the 
Church  is  to  have  an  equal  share  with  Bro.  Robison  in  whatever  is 
obtained  from  the  Government.    This  is  to  be  in  full  settlement  of  all 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  245 

claims  of  bro.  Robison  against  the  Church  in  the  matter  of  the  Fort 
Bridger  property  and  the  Y.  X.  Express  Co.i^ 

How  the  church  leaders  came  up  with  $1250  from  the  figures 
presented  by  the  auditing  committee  is  not  known.  However,  this 
was  the  amount  offered  to  Lewis  Robison  for  his  half  of  the  profits 
at  Fort  Bridger.  He  also  was  to  be  given  the  deed  to  Fort  Bridger 
and  all  debts  on  the  records  in  his  name  were  considered  paid 
in  full. 

Robison  was  not  happy  with  the  offer  given  for  settlement  by  the 
Church  leaders.  On  January  22,  he  wrote  President  John  Taylor 
and  the  auditing  committee  as  follows: 

President  John  Taylor  Salt  Lake  City,  U.T. 

Trustee  in  Trust 
and 

Wilford  Woodruff 

Erastus  Snow  Auditing  Committee 

Joseph  F.  Smith 
Dear  Brethren: 

After  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  decision  in  the  Bridger 
Ranch  case  with  myself  dated  Presidents  Office  January  19,  1878. 
I  proceed  to  reply  by  saying  in  the  first  place  that  I  do  most  certaiinly 
consider  that  you  have  not  fully  comprehended  the  nature  of  the  case 
under  consideration.  In  order  therefore  to  bring  it  more  directly  to 
your  notice  I  hope  that  you  will  pardon  me  for  presenting  the  follow- 
ing account. 

BRIDGER    RANCH 

By  Amounts  credited  on  Trustee  in  Trust 

Ledgers  12,137.14 

Amount  drawn  by  Lewis  Robison,  as 

per  his  own  report  and  charged  to  his 

private  acc't  on  T  in  T  Led  of  504  1,592.65 

"     Am't  paid  on  Pres  Young's  orders  to  the 

Y.  X.  company  1,233.86 

"     Am't  paid  on  Pres  Young's  orders  to  Indian 

Department  1,368.44 

Making  a  total  of  $16,332.07 
of  this  amount  one  half  (1/2)  beside  one  half  of  the  ranch  with  the 
improvements  belongs  to  me,  to  wit  $8,166.03  1/2  which  after  de- 
ducting my  private  account  charged  on  T  in  T  books,  viz:  $2,111.47 
less  $160.00  credited  to  the  Trustee  in  Trust  on  the  Y.  X.  company 
books  making  the  balance  of  my  private  account  $1,951.47  which 
after  deducting  from  the  $8,166.03  1/2  leaves  a  balance  due  to  me 
of — $6,214.56  to  say  nothing  of  interest  being  charged  for  20  years. 
Brethren,  these  figures  are  drawn  from  your  own  books  and  as  you 
will  perceive  they  show  paid  back  to  the  President  the  sum  of  $661.82 
over  and  above  every  cent  advanced  by  him  on  account  of  the  ranch 
which  amount  was  $7,504.21  besides  my  share  of  the  proceeds  which 
was  always  paid  over  to  him  or  to  his  order,  in  addition  to  which 
I  would  be  entitled  to  a  credit  of  $3,500.00  being  my  share  of  im- 


11.  Auditing  Committee  Final  Statement,  January  17,  1878.  MCFB. 


246  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

provements  made  on  the  premises  by  his  order  amounting  in  all  to 
$5,000.00 

It  can  be  seen  that  my  claim  could  easily  be  run  to  near  if  not 
quite  Ten  Thousand  dollars  without  charging  any  interest,  and  that 
my  claim  of  $5,000.00  first  presented  for  services  was  to  say  the  least 
of  it  very  moderate  indeed,  considering  that  the  President  ruled  for 
services  instead  of  a  half  interest  in  the  premises  and  he  requiring 
me  to  make  a  deed  for  the  entire  ranch  with  the  improvements,  he 
having  also  received  all  the  proceeds  accruing  therefrom.  Neverthe- 
less I  have  been,  and  still  wish  to  be  moderate  in  this  settlement,  and 
would  like  above  all  consideration  to  meet  with  the  same  feeling  from 
my  brethren.  Now  I  understand  that  you  are  willing  to  award  me 
$1,250.00  and  a  full  relinquishment  of  all  claims  and  advances  made 
on  account  of  the  Ranch  and  to  cancel  my  private  account.  In  your 
proposition  no  mention  is  made  of  the  Indian  claim  against  the  Estate. 
I  suppose  that  this  is  not  included,  and  that  my  share  of  that  claim 
will  be  settled  by  the  Executors  of  the  Estate  of  the  late  President 
Young,  with  this  understanding,  and  that  the  need  be  returned  to  me 
as  I  understand  it  has  not  yet  been  recorded  nor  inventoried  so  as  to 
appear  any  where  of  record,  I  will  now  compromise  by  your  paying 
me  $2,500.00  instead  of  the  $1,250.00  offered  as  above,  or  if  you 
shall  choose  to  pay  me  the  $5,000.00  services  as  I  at  first  proposed, 
you  can  still  keep  the  Ranch  and  all  the  improvements  and  claims 
against  the  government  for  rent,  damages  and  etc. 

I  will  close  by  simply  saying  that  if  I  should  make  up  my  account 
from  my  books  instead  of  those  in  the  office,  it  would  amount  to  a 
much  larger  sum  as  I  find  many  things  omitted,  hoping  that  the  fore- 
going propositions,  one  or  the  other,  may  be  not  only  acceptable  and 
satisfactory  but  be  considered  reasonable  and  generous,  as  I  do 
earnestly  desire  to  appear  to  you. 

I  remain,  very  truly. 

Your  Brother  in  the  Gospel  of 

peace 

Lewis    Robisoni2 

It  is  easily  noted  that  the  figures  used  by  Robison  and  those  used 
by  the  auditing  committee  were  exactly  alike.  Robison  either  had 
access  to  the  same  records  or  had  copies  of  them.  He  agreed  that 
the  profit  made  at  Fort  Bridger  was  $16,332.07  of  which  he  felt 
he  was  entitled  to  half,  due  to  the  partnership  entered  into  with 
Brigham  Young  in  1855. 

During  all  the  negotiations  the  Church  never  once  changed  their 
offer  of  $1250  and  the  return  of  the  deed  to  the  ranch  to  Robison. 
Why  Robison  settled  for  this  amount  is  a  question  that  cannot  be 
answered,  at  least  not  at  this  time.  There  is  no  question  that 
Robison  was  a  faithful  Mormon  and  wanted,  as  he  stated  in  his 
letter,  that  the  transaction  "be  not  only  acceptable  and  satisfactory 
but  be  considered  reasonable  and  generous."  It  is  equally  certain 
that  Robison  had  a  partnership  with  Brigham  Young.    Young  had 


12.  Lewis  Robison  to  John  Taylor  and  Auditing  Committee,  January  22, 
1878,  MCLR. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  247 

purchased  the  fort  for  $8000  and  Robison,  through  his  services  at 
the  fort,  would  have  been  entitled  to  half  of  the  profits.  It 
appears,  therefore,  that  Robison  was  justified  in  his  claims  that  the 
Church  owed  him  some  kind  of  settlement,  although  the  exact 
amount  is  in  question  since  there  was  some  doubt  concerning  the 
amount  Robison  owed  to  the  Church.  Needless  to  say,  the  Church 
officials  also  felt  that  Robison  had  claims  against  the  Church  that 
were  valid  since  they  made  a  settlement  of  $1250  and  returned  the 
deed  to  the  ranch  as  indicated  in  the  following  document  signed  on 
February  15,  1878: 

$1,250.00  Salt  Lake  City  U.T. 

February  15th,  1878 

Received  from  John  Taylor  Trustee  in  Trust  for  the  Church  of 
Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-day  Saints  the  sum  of  Twelve  Hundred  and 
Fifty  ($1,250.00)  dollars,  this  sum  being  in  full  payment  of  all  ac- 
counts claims  and  demands  that  I  have  against  the  said  Trustee  in 
Trust  or  any  agent  connected  with  said  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of 
Latter-day  Saints  up  to  this  date.  And  I  do  hereby  certify  that  the 
settlement  made  with  me  at  this  date  by  the  said  Trustee  in  Trust  is 
satisfactory  to  me,  and  is  in  full  payment  and  settlement  of  all  claims 
and  demands  to  date. 

Statement  of  papers  received  by  me  at  the  date  of  the  foregoing 
settlement,  said  papers  being  handed  to  me  by  President  John  Taylor, 
Trustee  in  Trust  as  aforesaid. 

Deed  from  me  to  Brigham  Young  for  Bridger  Ranch,  with  all  the 
papers  mentioned  is  said  deed  attached,  the  following  being  a  copy. 
This  indenture  made  the  eighteenth  day  of  July.i-^ 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  John  Taylor  returned  to  Lewis 
Robison  the  indenture  Robison  had  signed  and  had  given  to 
Brigham  Young  in  1877.  This  deed  was  only  recognized  by  the 
Church  and  had  no  legality  in  the  courts  or  on  the  records  of  the 
Territory.  This  is  why  Robison  stated  in  his  letter  of  January  22, 
1878,  concerning  the  deed,  "with  this  understanding,  and  that  the 
deed  be  returned  to  me  as  I  understand  it  has  not  yet  been  re- 
corded nor  inventoried  so  as  to  appear  anywhere  of  record." 

Also  on  the  same  date,  February  15,  1878,  President  John 
Taylor  signed  the  following  settlement: 

Salt  Lake  City  U.T. 
Feby  15th  1878 

This  is  to  certify  that  in  a  settlement  made  with  Lewis  Robison  at 
this  date,  I  hereby  relinquish  any  right  title  or  interest  I  may  have  as 
Trustee  in  Trust  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-day  Saints; 
to  the  land  and  premises  known  as  Fort  Bridger,  situated  in  Uintah 
County  in  the  Territory  of  Wyoming,  and  said  to  contain  Four  hun- 
dred square  miles  of  ground  more  or  less,  also  hereby  relinquishing, 
claims  in  law  or  equity,  against  said  Bridger  Ranch  property  by  rea- 


13.  Statement  of  Receipt,  February  15.  1878,  MCLR. 


248  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

sons  of  advances  made  or  otherwise,  including  rents,  issues,  or  profits, 
accumulated  up  to  or  from  the  date  hereof. 

As  witness  my  hand  and  seal  the  day  and  year  first  above  written. 
Attess  John  Taylor 

Geo.  Reynolds  Trustee  in  Trust  for  the  Church 

of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter  day 

Saintsi4 

It  appears  that  Robison  was  willing  to  accept  the  terms  of  the 
settlement  after  his  own  terms  were  turned  down  simply  because 
it  was  against  his  character  to  question  the  church  leaders  a  second 
time.  As  to  the  settlement  of  money  owed  Robison  for  his  service 
at  Fort  Bridger  the  only  thing  that  can  be  said  for  certain  is  that 
the  books  were  closed  as  far  as  the  church  was  concerned,  only 
Lewis  Robison  and  Brigham  Young,  now  dead  for  several  months, 
knew  if  it  was  "acceptable  and  satisfactory."  It  does  appear, 
however,  that  Lewis  Robison  was  not  treated  generously  by  the 
Church. 

With  the  deed  for  the  fort  once  again  in  his  possession,  Robison 
accompanied  his  attorney,  Mr.  Wood,  to  Fort  Bridger  and  made  a 
formal  demand  of  Judge  Carter,  an  agent  of  the  United  States,  for 
possession  of  Fort  Bridger.  Lewis  Robison  asked  Carter  to  for- 
ward his  demands  to  the  proper  officer  of  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment, but  Carter  did  not  comply  with  Robison's  request.^"*  The 
records  and  documents  that  are  available  at  this  time  indicate  that 
this  was  the  last  time  that  Robison  made  demands  of  the  federal 
government  in  connection  with  Fort  Bridger.  Just  prior  to  the 
time  of  his  death,  Robison  still  had  in  his  possession  the  deed  to 
Fort  Bridger.  With  his  passing,  both  he  and  the  deed  were  only 
memories  of  a  past  era. 

It  was  not  until  1869,  12  years  after  Bridger  had  leased  Fort 
Bridger  to  the  United  States,  that  he  began  inquiring  of  the  War 
Department  as  to  whether  the  government  intended  to  pay  him 
$6000,  the  sum  of  the  ten  annual  rental  payments,  which  he 
claimed  was  due  him  under  the  terms  of  the  lease. ^^  Receiving 
no  reply,  he  wrote  again  on  January  6,  1870,  to  remind  the 
secretary  of  war  that  the  lease  of  1857  also  gave  the  United  States 
government  the  option  of  purchasing  Fort  Bridger  for  $10,000, 
and  to  say  that  if  the  government  did  not  wish  to  take  advantage 
of  this  option,  he  would  like  to  be  restored  to  peaceful  possession 
of  the  fort.^"    On  April  25  of  the  same  year,  the  War  Department 


14.  Statement  of  John  Taylor,  February  15,  1878,  MCRB.  All  President 
Taylor  was  doing  was  signing  a  quit  claim  deed  to  Lewis  Robison  since 
President  Taylor  had  no  legal  deed  to  the  ranch  in  his  possession. 

15.  Ellison,  op.  cit.,  p.  31. 

16.  U.  S.  Congress.  Senate.  Senate  Report,  No.  86,  52nd  Cong.,  1st 
Sess.,  1892,  Exhibit  4A,  p.  7. 

17.  Ibid.,  Exhibit  4B,  p.  7. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  249 

replied  that  as  soon  as  Bridger  produced  evidence  of  his  title  to  the 
fort  the  government  would  put  into  effect  the  agreement  made 
with  him  in  1857.^'*  Apparently  Bridger  made  no  effort  to  estab- 
Hsh  title,  but  the  War  Department  made  inquiries  of  the  General 
Land  Office  and  in  1872  Willis  Drummond,  commissioner  of  that 
office,  declared  that  no  private  survey  or  claim  such  as  Bridger's 
was  recognized  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Bridger.^'* 

In  1873,  Bridger  was  urged  by  friends  and  family  to  solicit  the 
aid  of  General  B.  F.  Butler,  a  senator  from  Massachusetts.  Fail- 
ing to  get  any  satisfaction  from  the  War  Department,  Bridger  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  senator  hoping  that  he  would  use  his  political  influ- 
ence with  the  War  Department  or  introduce  a  private  bill  in  Con- 
gress for  Bridger's  relief.-*^  There  is  no  evidence  that  Butler  acted 
upon  Bridger's  plea  or  even  repUed  to  his  letter. 

Bridger's  family  decided  to  take  the  situation  in  hand  and  on 
January  12,  1878,  they  made  a  formal  inquiry  of  the  secretary  of 
war  in  regard  to  the  status  of  Bridger's  claims  and  also  asked  to  be 
paid  the  accumulated  rent  owed  to  them.-^  On  February  21, 
1878,  the  secretary  of  war  informed  Bridger's  family  that  his  fail- 
ure to  estabhsh  title  to  the  property  in  question,  previous  to  its 
being  embraced  in  a  military  reservation,  excluded  the  secretary  of 
war  from  recognizing  his  claim  to  ownership  or  rent.-- 

Receiving  no  satisfaction  from  the  War  Department,  Bridger's 
family  hired  one  Charles  M.  Carter,  attorney,  to  pursue  their 
claims  directly  in  Congress.  By  bringing  pressure  upon  that 
body,  Bridger's  family  and  their  attorney  finally  obtained  a  hearing 
on  May  17,  1880,  at  which  time  the  House  Committee  on  Claims 
in  cooperation  with  the  corresponding  Senate  Committee  asked 
the  War  Department  to  investigate  and  report  upon  Bridger's 
claims.-^ 

Bridger  died  on  July  17,  1881,  but  his  family,  with  the  aid  of 
Carter,  continued  pursuing  the  case  which  was  slowly  investigated 
by  Congress  from  1880  until  January  25,  1889,  at  which  time  a 
complete  report  of  the  investigation  was  presented  by  Quarter- 
master General  S.  B.  Holabird.-^ 

Knowing  that  the  War  Department  did  not  recognize  Bridger's 
claim  to  the  title  of  the  fort  by  a  grant  from  the  Governor  of  Upper 
California,  Carter  decided  that  it  was  hopeless  to  press  that  claim, 
and  decided  to  base  the  source  of  title  to  the  fort  on  an  alleged 
grant  from  the  Governor  of  Chihuhua  whose  records  probably 


18. 

Ibid., 

,  Exhibit  4F, 

PP 

.  9-10. 

19. 

Ibid. 

,  Exhibit  4G, 

p. 

10. 

20. 

Ibid., 

,  Exhibit  5.  pp. 

13-14. 

21. 

Ibid. 

,  Exhibit  4N, 

•  P- 

10. 

22. 

Ibid. 

.  p.  12. 

23. 

Ibid. 

,  Exhibit  4K,  _ 

P- 

11. 

24. 

The 

complete  report 

was  published  in 

Senate  Document  86. 

250  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

would  be  difficult  to  obtain.     He  stated  before  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  Claims  that: 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  governor  of  Chihuhua,  in  1843  before 
the  Mexican  War,  Capt.  James  Bridger  was  induced  under  a  promise 
by  the  Government  of  a  large  grant  of  land  to  establish  a  colony  in 
Green  River  county,  Utah,  then  Mexican  territory,  which  he  did  at 
great  expense  ....  Under  the  Spanish  rule  he  was  to  plant  said  col- 
ony and  retain  possession  of  the  country  for  a  term  of  years  before 
he  was  to  receive  the  title  of  that  grant.^-'j 

Carter  further  alleged  that  after  the  Mexican  War  Bridger's 
possession  became  a  part  of  the  United  States  territory,  and  that 
Bridger,  as  a  former  citizen-*^  of  Mexico,  was  entitled  to  have  his 
rights  respected  as  provided  for  by  the  treaty  of  peace  and  the  rules 
of  international  law  which  state  that  conquering  nations  cannot 
dispose  of  the  private  rights  of  conquered  subjects.  Since  Carter 
could  not  produce  evidence  of  title  from  the  Mexican  government, 
the  committee  on  claims  felt  justified  in  not  applying  the  rule  of 
international  law. 

Carter  also  argued  that  the  establishment  of  a  military  reserva- 
tion at  the  fort  by  the  United  States  government  in  1859  defeated 
Bridger's  efforts  to  complete  his  title.-'  However,  his  argument 
did  not  convince  the  Congressional  Committee  on  Claims  because 
they  had  proof  from  Bridger  that  he  made  no  efforts.  He  said  that 
it  was  "owing  to  the  fact  that  I  (Bridger)  was  all  my  life  out  in  the 
mountains,  and  consequently  ignorant  what  steps  were  required  to 
be  taken  to  perfect  my  title  to  the  premises."-* 

After  hearing  all  the  testimony  on  the  question  of  ownership  of 
Fort  Bridger,  the  Congressional  committee  on  claims  in  1892 
accepted  Quartermaster  General  Holabird's  investigations  and  rec- 
ommendations that  the  condition  of  the  contract  had  not  been 
fulfilled,  thus  precluding  the  claimant  from  recovery.-^ 

After  denying  Bridger's  claims  to  ownership  of  Fort  Bridger, 
Congress  considered  the  question  of  payment  for  improvements 
which  were  said  to  be  erected  by  the  claimant.  The  improvements 
were  said  to  consist  of  13  log  houses,  which  were  so  located  as  to 
form  a  hollow  square  in  the  center  of  an  area  of  about  4000 
square  feet,  all  of  which  were  surrounded  by  a  stone  way  laid  in 
cement  about  1 8  feet  high  and  five  feet  thick,  with  bastions  at  each 


25.  Senate  Executive  Document  86,  op.  cit.,  Exhibit  18,  p.  21.  Mexico 
became  independent  of  Spain  in  1820  but  doubtless  there  was  no  change  in 
the  Spanish  rules  for  claiming  titles  to  land. 

26.  The  question  as  to  whether  Bridger  was  a  citizen  of  Mexico  has 
never  been  settled. 

27.  Senate  Executive  Document,  op.  cit.,  Exhibit  18,  p.  21. 

28.  Ibid. 

29.  U.  S.  Congress.  Senate.  Senate  Report,  No.  625,  52nd  Cong.,  1st 
Sess.,  1892. 


SOME  NEW  NOTES  ON  TWO  OLD  FORTS  251 

corner.  Outside  this  wall  were  a  corral  for  stock,  which  was 
enclosed  by  a  stone  wall  laid  in  cement,  and  six  other  outhouses.-'" 
The  question  now  arose  as  to  whether  Bridger  built  the  improve- 
ments and  if  they  were  still  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  fort  by  the  United  States  army  in  1857. 

From  the  foregoing  material  in  this  study,  it  is  clear  that  the 
improvements  listed  above  were  built  by  either  the  Mormons  or 
the  military  and  that  some  of  the  items  listed  in  the  improvements 
had  never  existed.  The  only  thing  standing  when  the  army  arrived 
was  the  cement  wall.  Carter  presented  the  affidavits  that  he  had 
gathered  in  1880  of  several  men  who  testified  on  Bridger's  behalf, 
many  years  after  they  had  been  at  Fort  Bridger.  These  men  either 
lied  or  were  very  confused  about  what  was  standing  at  Fort  Bridger 
when  the  army  arrived.  All  of  the  witnesses  who  arrived  with  the 
army  after  the  Mormons  had  burned  it  to  the  ground,  testified  of 
seeing  the  fort  standing  with  improvements  ranging  from  $20,000 
to  $30,000.31 

The  value  placed  on  the  improvements  certainly  is  not  in  har- 
mony with  Bridger's  selling  price,  for  he  asked  only  $10,000  for 
the  sale  of  the  fort  to  the  military.  Carter's  whole  approach  to 
prove  Bridger's  claims  in  reference  to  improvements  was  full  of 
loopholes.  The  Congressional  Committee  did  not  accept  Carter's 
arguments  and  awarded  only  $6000  representing  the  only  improve- 
ment which  was  standing  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  army, 
that  being  the  cement  wall.  But  this  decision  was  erroneous  on 
the  part  of  the  committee  since  the  Mormons  had  built  this  im- 
provement. 

One  aspect  of  this  case  which  was  never  considered,  or  at  least 
was  not  mentioned  in  the  Congressional  investigations  of  Bridger's 
suit,  was  the  claim  of  the  Mormons  to  have  purchased  the  fort 
from  Bridger  in  1855,  before  the  arrival  of  the  federal  troops  and 
the  signing  of  the  contract  between  Bridger  and  the  government. 
Of  course,  with  this  study  showing  that  the  Mormons  did  buy  the 
fort  from  Bridger  and  Vasquez  in  1855  and  that  Bridger's  contract 
with  the  government  was  nothing  but  a  fraudulent  action  on  his 
part,  the  indication  is  that  if  this  knowledge  had  been  available  to 
the  Congressional  committees,  Bridger's  claims  would  have  been 
worthless. 

Thus  in  1892  Bridger's  family  was  awarded  $6000,  the  value 
placed  on  the  cement  wall  built  by  the  Mormons  but  accredited  to 
Bridger.  Congressional  action  was  deferred,  however,  until  1899 
at  which  time  Congress  awarded  the  heirs  of  Jim  Bridger  the 
money.-^- 


30.  Senate  Executive  Document  86,  op.  cit..  Exhibit  17,  p.  20. 

31.  Ibid.,  Exhibits  7,  8,  9,  pp.  14-15. 

32.  The  Statutes  at  Large  of  the  United  States,  55th  Cong..  XXX.   1206. 


252  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Thomas  S.  Twiss,  Indian  Agent,  Upper  Platte  to  the  Honorable, 
The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  Dated  Camp  of  the  Indian 
Agency,  Raw  Hide  Creek,  25  miles  north  of  Fort  Laramie, 
Novr  7th  1856. 


The  office  of  Indian  Agent  is  no  sinecure,  if  the  incumbent  dis- 
charges his  duty  with  faithfulness  towards  the  Tribes  committed  to 
his  care.  He  must  not  expect,  nor  calculate  upon,  a  carpeted 
Drawing  Room  &  his  office  for  the  transaction  of  public  business, 
nor  servants  to  wait  upon  him,  &  run  at  every  call.  These  things,  & 
almost  every  thing  else  to  be  met  with  in  civilized  life  are  unknown 
in  the  Indian  Country.  He  must  not,  if  he  is  resolved  to  discharge 
a  tithe  of  his  duties,  dwell  in  any  fixed  abode.  The  Tribes,  in  their 
usual  hunting  grounds,  may  be  one  or  two  hundred  miles  distant 
from  a  permanently  established  Agency,  &  it  would  be  an  act  of 
cruelty  to  call  the  Chiefs  &  principal  men  to  a  council,  thus  leaving 
their  families  unprovided  with  subsistence,  during  the  time  of  a 
long  journey  going  to  &  returning  from  the  Indian  Agency.  The 
clear  &  obvious  duty  of  the  Indian  Agent  is  to  establish  the  Indian 
Agency  in  a  travelling  ambulance,  &  to  move  it  from  Band  to 
Band,  &  from  tribe  to  tribe,  as  circumstances  &  the  exigencies  of 
the  moment  demand.  It  is  much  easier  for  him  to  do  this  than  it 
is  for  a  large  party  of  Indians. 

Besides,  he  learns,  what  it  is  his  duty  to  know,  the  habits  & 
customs,  disposition  &  feelings  of  the  whole  Tribe,  &  not  of  a  few 
individuals  only.  He  acquires  also  a  personal,  an  abiding  influence 
for  good  over  all,  which  can  be  secured  by  no  other  method. 

He  must  inure  himself  to  living  in  camp,  &  become  accustomed 
to  bivouac  by  the  camp  fires,  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  Such 
should  be  the  mode  of  life,  &  such  should  be,  or  ought  to  be  the 
character,  adapted  to  this  rough  hfe,  of  the  Indian  Agents  to  the 
Wild  Tribes,  one  whose  consitition  must  be  made  of  iron. 

I  will  neither  admit  nor  deny  that  all  of  the  Indian  Agents  are 
of  the  right  sort  of  material.  It  is  neither  my  province  nor  dispo- 
sition to  find  fault  with  any  one  &  certainly  not,  with  my  colleagues 
whom  I  respect  &  honor  for  the  great  good  they  have  done,  for 
the  Tribes,  while  they  have  remained  in  the  Indian  Country. 


MlJ^ye  m  tke  South 

By 

Doris  Lanier 

Edgar  Wilson  "Bill"  Nye  was  born  in  Shirley,  Maine,  in  1850, 
grew  up  in  Wisconsin,^  and  moved  to  Laramie,  Wyoming  in  1876, 
where  he  acquired  a  degree  of  fame  as  editor  of  the  Laramie 
Boomerang  and  was  syndicated  in  many  newspaper  throughout  the 
country.^  In  1885  he  became  successful  on  the  lecture  stand  as  a 
humorist  and  joined  forces  with  James  Whitcomb  Riley  in  1886, 
a  partnership  that  continued  until  1890/^  In  1888-1889,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Redpath  Lyceum  Bureau,  managed  at  that  time 
by  J.  B.  Pond,  Nye  and  Riley  made  an  extended  tour  of  the 
southern  and  eastern  states,  on  which  they  made  about  100 
appearances.^  Part  of  the  tour  carried  the  two  through  Virginia, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  and  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
they  were  joined  by  Harry  Stillwell  Edwards,  a  short  story  writer 
from  Macon,  Georgia.''  The  news  coverage  of  the  appearances 
of  these  humorists  in  the  deep  south  reveals,  among  other  things, 
that  Bill  Nye  was  well  known  in  the  south  in  the  1880s  and, 
though  most  northern  lecturers  generally  received  a  cool  welcome 
in  the  South  after  the  Civil  War,*^  Nye  and  Riley  were  enthusias- 
tically accepted.  Furthermore,  it  appears  that  one  of  the  major 
goals  of  the  lecturers  was  directed  toward  the  task  of  unifying  the 
country.  Reflecting  the  humorist  and  local  color  movements  of 
the  time  in  their  use  of  dialect  and  realistic  portrayal  of  character, 


1.  For  further  information  on  Nye's  early  years  see  Edgar  W.  Nye,  "The 
Autobiography  of  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,"  Century  Magazine,  XLIII  (No- 
vember, 1891),  pp.  60-67. 

2.  Edgar  W.  Nye,  "The  Autobiography  of  an  Editor,"  Century  Magazine, 
XLV  (November,  1892),  pp.  156-159.  For  further  reading  see  Frank 
Sumner  Burrage,  "Bill  Nye,"  Annals  of  Wyoming,  Vol.  2,  No.  1,  pp.  42-49. 

3.  Dictionary  of  American  Biography,  ed.  Allen  Johnson  and  Dumas 
Malone,  20  vols.  (New  York:  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1928-1936),  XII, 
pp.  598-600. 

4.  Edmund  H.  Eitel,  "Letters  of  Riley  and  Bill  Nye,"  Harper's  Magazine, 
CXXVIII  (March,  1919),  p.  481. 

5.  Edwards  was  an  upcoming  young  writer  of  local  color  short  stories. 
He  published  more  than  thirty  short  stories  in  Century  Magazine  between 
1886  and  1913.  He  also  published  in  Harper's,  Scribner's,  The  Atlantic 
Monthly,  and  other  periodicals  of  lesser  note.  He  is  probably  best  known 
for  his  short  story  "Eneas  Africanus." 

6.  Carl  Bode,  The  American  Lyceum  (New  York:  Oxford  University 
Press,  1956),  p.  248. 


254  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

these  lecturers  helped  to  dispel  the  fear  and  mistrust  between 
people  of  different  geographical  locations  by  showing  the  kinship 
that  exists  between  all  people:  the  laughter,  tears,  eccentricities  of 
character,  and  personal  foibles.  The  following  is  an  account  of 
some  of  the  appearances  of  the  humorists  in  Virginia,  South  Caro- 
lina, and  Georgia  as  reported  in  the  local  newspapers : 

Lynchburg,  Virginia 

November  22,  1888 — The  amusement  lovers  of  the  city  who 
were  not  at  the  Opera  House  last  night  missed  the  richest 
treat  of  the  season,  which  was  most  heartily  enjoyed  by  those 
who  attended  the  entertainment.  Bill  Nye,  the  bald-headed 
humorist,  and  Mr.  Riley,  the  Hoosier  poet,  were  both  at  their 
best,  and  their  best  is  inimitable.  Almost  any  single  one 
of  the  former's  side-splitting  productions,  or  of  the  latter's 
original  character  sketches,  is  worth  the  price  of  admission 
[which  was  250,  50??,  and  750  according  to  location].^  Nye's 
story  of  his  dog  "Entymologist"  would  literally  "make  a  dog 
laugh,"  and  Riley's  impersonation  of  the  irrepressible  seven- 
year  old  brother  entertaining  his  sister's  beau,  for  truth  to 
nature  and  exquisite  conception  of  "boy"  character,  manners, 
and  ideas  is  a  perfect  gem.  The  "combination"  of  these  two 
rare  "literary  fellers"  is  a  grand  success.^ 

Richmond,  Virginia 

November  21,  1888 — Tomorrow  night  the  king  of  humorists. 
Bill  Nye,  and  the  prince  of  poets  and  comedians,  James  Whit- 
comb  Riley,  will  appear  in  a  unique  and  original  entertain- 
ment. These  noted  platform  speakers  and  character  delin- 
eators need  no  further  notice  as  they  are  known  all  over  the 
land.9 

November  22,  1888 — Major  J.  B.  Pond,  the  well-known  dra- 
matic and  lyceum  agent,  who  brings  Bill  Nye  and  James  Whit- 
comb  Riley  to  Richmond,  has  been  here  frequently  before. 
He  came  twice  with  Beecher,  and  on  the  last  occasion  intro- 
duced that  distinguished  divine.  A  few  years  ago  when 
Charlie  Siegel  was  negotiating  for  Talmadge,  Pond's  letter 
head  read  as  follows:  "J.  B.  Pond,  Sales  Agent  for  Henry 
Ward  Beecher,  T.  Dewitt  Talmadge,  Clara  Louise  Kellogg, 
Levy,  the  Cornetist,  and  Gilmore's  Band."     In  personal  ap- 


7.  This  information,  was  in  an  ad  in  this  issue  of  The  Daily  Virginian. 

8.  "Nye  and  Riley,"  The  Daily  Virginian  (Lynchburg,  Virginia),  Novem- 
ber 22,  1888,  p.  1. 

9.  "Amusements:     Mozart  Theatre,"  The  State   (Richmond,  Virginia), 
November  21,  1888,  p.  4. 


BILL  NYE  IN  THE  SOUTH  255 

pearance  Major  Pond  is  not  unlike  Mr.  D.  S.  Gates,  secretary 
of  the  Democratic  City  Central  Committee.^" 

November  23,  1888 — Messrs.  Nye  and  Riley  might  justly 
have  been  proud  last  night  of  the  audience  that  greeted  them 
when  they  made  their  first  bow  to  a  Richmond  public.  Not 
only  was  the  audience  large  in  number,  but  in  addition  to  the 
regular  theatre  goers  there  were  many  who  are  rarely  drawn 
out  to  places  of  amusement.  The  State,  knowing  the  charac- 
ter of  Nye  and  Riley  as  two  men  whose  talents  mark  a  very 
distinct  advance  in  American  literature,  did  not  err  in  so 
warmly  commending  them  to  the  Richmond  public,  and, 
therefore,  finds  no  little  pleasure  in  chronicling  their  great 
success  last  night.  Virginia  was  politically  termed  several 
years  ago  the  "gate  to  the  solid  South,"  and  that  arrant 
humbug  and  political  shyster,  Mahone,  advertised  himself 
extensively  as  the  "entering  wedge  that  was  to  split  the  solid 
South."  The  results  of  his  efforts  is  the  justification  of  the 
introduction  of  his  name  to  our  amusement  column.  This 
explanation  is  also  due  Messrs.  Nye  and  Riley  since  it  is 
necessary  to  chronicle  the  fact  that  they  have  done  what  the 
entire  National  Republican  administration — using  the  above 
mentioned  person  as  the  "entering  wedge" — failed  to  do: 
that  is,  split  open  the  gate  and  sundered  the  solid  South.  The 
two,  therefore,  cannot  be  said  to  have  lived  in  vain.  It  was 
a  delightful  entertainment.  Mr.  Beagle,  the  Academy  man- 
ager, calls  it  a  "big  show,"  and  the  appellation  is  not  bad.  It 
was  not  only  fun,  but  that  best  of  fun,  the  life  of  which  is 
variety.  It  was  fun  with  a  great  deal  of  body  to  it.  We  have 
seen  crowds  laugh  at  buffoonery  and  enjoy  it,  but  when  real 
humor  and  character  delineation  (which,  after  all,  are  but 
transcripts  of  human  nature  saliently  epitomised)  are  pushed 
forth  by  a  subtle  ability  which  is  only  born  in  men  and  cannot 
be  acquired,  the  pleasure  derived  from  such  is  not  only 
equally  as  immediate  as  the  risibilities  are  when  touched  by  a 
buffoon  situation,  but  it  lives  in  the  memory  and  by  some 
saturating  power  stays  with  us  long  after  mere  amusement  has 
been  forgotten.  It,  in  fact,  imparts  a  serener  quality  to  our 
make  up.  The  roars  of  laughter  last  night  gave  Nye  and 
Riley  the  comedian's  reward  when  he  makes  a  hit  with  a  new 
force.  But  the  other  and  stronger  reward  may  be  shadowed 
forth  in  the  statement  that  everyone  who  heard  them  last 
night  would  go  to  a  repetition  of  precisely  the  same  entertain- 
ment just,  for  instance,  as  a  reader  takes  up  his  Thackeray 


10.  "Reportorial  Paragraphs,"  The  State  (Richmond,  Virginia),  Novem- 
ber 22,  1888,  p.  2. 


256  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  Dickens  and  is  recipient  of  the  mingled  array  of  pathos 
and  humor.  Such  is  the  genius  of  Nye's  humor  and  Riley's 
humor  and  pathos — and  happily  the  pathos  comes  in  glimps- 
ing dashes  and  the  humor  abides  longest.  It  is  elusive  to  the 
man  who  attempts  to  make  an  analysis  of  it  since  he  will  not 
only  lose  himself  but  lose  his  reader.  We  do  not  make  the 
attempt. 

Last  night  will  be  pleasantly  remembered.  Messrs.  Nye 
and  Riley  will  be  warmly  welcomed  when  they  come  here 
again — and  they  must.^^ 

November  24,  1888 — Bill  Nye  and  James  Whitcomb  Riley 
arrived  in  Richmond  Thursday  at  noon  and  left  Friday  morn- 
ing at  8  o'clock,  but  notwithstanding  their  limited  time  they 
did  a  good  deal  of  sightseeing.  Before  an  audience  they  are 
irresistible,  and  in  their  every-day  life  they  are  as  good  as  "the 
show."  Nye  is  always  humorous  and  solemn,  and  Riley  is 
singularly  bright  and  versatile.  In  their  peculiar  way  they  are 
both  genial.  Tourist-like,  they  were  particularly  desirious  of 
seeing  Old  Stone  House,  Libby  Prison  and  Saint  John's 
Church.  The  Old  House  was  the  first  place  visited.  The 
juvenile  keeper  opened  the  door  and  Nye  and  Riley  walked 
in.  "This  house,  gentlemen,  is  known  as  General  Washing- 
ton's headquarters,"  began  the  boy,  "but  first  step  up  to  the 
desk  and  register."  With  this  invitation  Nye  wrote  his  name 
and  that  of  his  partner  in  a  large  round  hand,  and  asked  for  a 
room  with  two  beds  and  bath  attached.  He  then  solemnly 
drew  his  card  from  his  pocket  and  handing  it  to  the  boy  said, 
"Take  this  up  to  General  Washington."  The  little  fellow 
looked  a  trifle  confused  but  Nye  never  changed  his  expres- 
sion. These  gentlemen  revelled  in  the  dust  of  Libby  Prison, 
and  in  Saint  John's  churchyard  they  were  much  interested  in 
the  quaint  epitaphs  on  the  old  slabs.  Riley  and  Nye  agreed 
that  Richmond  was  a  most  picturesque  city  and  a  much  larger 
one  than  they  expected  to  find.  Mark  Twain  is  an  especial 
friend  of  these  humorists,  and,  when  I  remarked  that  Twain 
had  made  quite  a  fortune  out  of  his  fun,  Riley  replied:  "It  is 
true,  no  doubt,  for  only  a  week  ago  he  offered  to  go  a  man's 
security  for  a  dollar  and  eighty  cents."  I  asked  Nye  what  he 
considered  his  most  painful  experience.  "Painful  experience? 
Well,  I  think  it  was  when  Riley  and  I  were  refused  admittance 
to  our  own  show.  It  was  in  a  western  town.  We  had  been 
billed  for  two  weeks.  It  was  very  cold  when  we  arrived  in 
the  town  late  in  the  afternoon.     We  kept  our  room  at  the 


11.  "Academy  of  Music:     Bill  Nye  and  Whitcomb   Riley,"   The  State 
(Richmond,  Virginia),  November  23,  1888,  p.  4. 


BILL  NYE  IN  THE  SOUTH  257 

hotel  until  nearly  8  o'clock — the  time  to  start  to  the  hall.  We 
were  gratified  to  see  from  the  paper  that  there  had  been  a 
good  sale  of  seats.  The  hall  was  nearly  a  mile  from  the  hotel, 
and  it  was  fifteen  minutes  after  the  advertised  hour  when  we 
reached  the  place.  There  was  no  stage  or  rear  entrance,  so 
we  had  to  go  in  by  the  front  door  with  the  rest  of  the  people. 
The  manager  had  left  town  before  our  arrival  to  look  after  an 
opera  house  which  he  leased  and  managed  in  a  distant  city, 
and  our  entertainment  was  in  charge  of  the  doorkeeper,  who 
seemed  to  be  cashier  and  chief  usher  as  well.  We  were  about 
to  pass  in  when  this  acting  manager  said:  "No  free  list  here!" 
"Yes,  but  I  am  Nye — Bill  Nye — and  this  is  Mr.  Riley."  "No 
you  are  not,"  he  said.  "You  can't  come  that  here."  "But  we 
are."  Again  the  man  said,  "You  are  not.  We  have  the  pic- 
tures of  Nye  and  Riley  here  and  you  do  not  fill  the  bill,"  and 
by  the  eternals  he  had  the  Two  Johns,  broad  and  fat.  They 
had  been  passed  off  in  town  for  Riley  and  myself  and  no 
amount  of  protestation  could  convince  the  ignoramus.  We 
had  on  our  dress  suits  and  hadn't  a  nickel  between  us.  It 
was  too  late  to  return  to  the  hotel  to  be  identified  or  to  get 
money  to  buy  tickets;  for  we  had  lost  much  time.  The  man 
at  the  door  said  he  did  not  allow  any  swell-head,  eye-glass 
ducks  to  fake  him.  Then  we  turned  sorrowfully  away  and 
took  the  night  train  for  Denver.  I  never  knew  what  became 
of  the  audience;  I  suppose  they  got  their  money  back.  And 
whether  some  practical  joker  in  the  person  of  a  bill-poster  had 
palmed  off  the  pictures  of  the  Two  Johns  for  the  true  stuff  or 
the  mails  got  mixed  accidentally,  I  never  knew,  but  we  take 
no  chances  now.  We  carry  in  our  dress  coats  photographs 
endorsed  as  genuine  by  all  leading  detectives  in  the  country, 
and  sworn  to  before  a  dozen  notaries-public.  No  sir!  we 
never  intend  to  be  kept  out  of  our  own  show  again.  That 
experience  was  enough  for  a  lifetime.^- 

Savannah,  Georgia 

November  29,  1888 — Bill  Nye,  James  Whitcomb  Riley,  and 
Harry  Stillwell  Edwards  will  spend  Thanksgiving  in  Savan- 
nah. They  will  be  at  Masonic  Hall  tonight.  It  is  not  often 
that  Savannahians  have  an  opportunity  to  be  entertained  by  a 
triumvirate  like  Nye,  Riley,  and  Edwards.  "Bill"  Nye  has 
become  a  prominent  figure  in  the  literature  of  this  country. 
He  is  a  remarkable  man. 

One  of  the  chief  features  of  Bill  Nye's  character  is  his  un- 
pretentiousness.     If  he  is  vain  at  all,  it  is  over  his  homespun 


12.  "Reportorial    Paragraphs:     Facts    and    Suggestions    From    Various 
Sources,"  The  State  (Richmond,  Virginia),  November  24,  1888,  p.  4. 


258  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

appearance.  When  a  lady  remarked  at  a  dinner  party,  "I  do 
not  admire  handsome  men,"  the  grateful  air  with  which  he  ex- 
tended her  his  hand  for  a  shake  was  appetizing.  He  is  not 
spoiled  a  bit  by  popularity.  Then  his  heart  is  as  big  as  his 
bump  of  ludicrousness.  His  personal  qualities  will  charm 
equally  age  and  fancy.  The  entertainment  is  given  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association.  The 
sale  of  tickets  is  large  and  the  humorists  will  undoubtedly  be 
greeted  by  a  large  audience.  Reserve  seats  will  be  on  sale 
today  at  the  association  rooms. ^^ 

November  30,  1888 — The  Nye-Riley-Edwards  combination 
gives  an  entertainment  that  is  well  worth  $1.00.  It  is  doubt- 
ful if  more  pleasure  can  be  obtained  for  $1.00  than  this  com- 
bination affords.  Nye  and  Whitcomb  Riley  are  artists  in  their 
way.  They  are  never  tiresome.  They  aim  to  please  and  they 
hit  the  mark.  Those  who  hear  them  read  for  the  first  time 
are  surprised  as  well  as  amused,  and  are  afraid  the  entertain- 
ment will  end  too  soon.  They  read  the  best  of  their  own 
productions  and,  as  presented  by  them,  their  productions 
appear  to  have  additional  merit.  They  don't  seem  to  be 
pleased  with  their  own  humor,  but  others  are.  Mr.  Edwards' 
selections  are  excellent,  and  he  reads  them  well,  but  he  is  an 
amateur  compared  with  Mr.  Nye  and  Mr.  Whitcomb  Riley. 
Masonic  Hall,  in  which  they  read  last  night,  was  comfortably 
filled,  and  there  has  not  been  a  more  satisfied  audience  in  this 
city  for  a  long  time.^^ 

Macon,  Georgia 

November  28,  1888 — Friday  night  is  the  time  appointed  for 
one  of  the  most  enjoyable  entertainments  Macon  will  know 
this  season — an  entertainment  with  a  special  attraction  for 
our  people  because  of  the  connection  with  it  of  one  of 
Macon's  most  popular  young  men.  The  stories  which  have 
given  Mr.  Edwards  a  national  reputation  cannot  fail  of  added 
charm  when  he  interprets  their  humor  and  pathos.  Of  the 
distinguished  men  who  will  share  with  him  the  labors  and 
honors  of  the  evening  the  Washington  Post  says : 

Rarely  has  the  public  the  opportunity  of  enjoying  such  a  combi- 
nation of  humor  and  pathos  as  is  presented  when  Bill  Nye,  the 
humorist,  and  James  Whitcomb  Riley,  the  poet,  appear  together 
on  the  same  stage.  It  was  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  Masonic 
Hall  was  crowded  from  stage  to  entrance  last  night  by  an  audi- 


13.  "Funny   Bill   Nye:     To   Be   At   Masonic   Hall   Tonight,"   Savannah 
Morning  News,  November  29,  1888,  p.  8. 

14.  "Humor  and  Pathos,"  Savannah  Morning  News,  November  30,  1888, 
p.  8. 


BILL  NYE  IN  THE  SOUTH  259 

ence  which  laughed  and  applauded  continuously  and  sometimes 
mingled  its  laughter  with  tears.  Mr.  Nye  is  witty,  with  a  keen 
sense  of  the  ludicrous  and  an  aptitude  for  fitly  describing  a  situa- 
tion. His  clean-shaven  face  is  never  broken  by  a  smile  and  the 
apparent  seriousness  with  which  he  relates  a  droll  story  adds  to 
the  charm  of  its  telling.  Mr.  Riley  has  already  been  repeatedly 
commended  in  the  Post.  His  power  of  mimicry,  the  flexibility  of 
his  voice,  the  simplicity,  pathos,  and  directness  of  his  poems — all 
these  characteristics  delight  and  entertain.  His  pathos,  as  in 
"Jim,  Take  Care  o'  Yourself,"  is  heart-touching  while  he  can  run 
the  whole  gamut  from  tears  to  side-splitting  mirth  with  wonder- 
ful effect.15 

November  28,  1888 — The  Academy  of  Music  will  be  crowd- 
ed on  Friday  night.  Messrs.  Bill  Nye,  James  Whitcomb  Riley 
and  Harry  Stillwell  Edwards  will  appear  in  a  programme  of 
readings  and  will  delight  all  who  attend.  Mr.  Edwards  joined 
the  party  at  Charleston.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  readings,  the 
following  is  taken  from  the  Lynchburg  Virginian:  [See  Nov. 
22,  1888,  p.  1,  Daily  Virginian.]^*' 

November  30,  1888 — Mr.  Edwards  made  his  first  appearance 
with  Nye  and  Riley  at  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  and  ac- 
quitted himself  well.  The  audience  was  enthusiastic,  and 
the  entertainment  is  described  by  the  correspondent  of  the 
Charleston  News  and  Courier  as  "delightful  in  every  respect." 
Macon  people  will  have  tonight  an  opportunity  to  laugh  such 
as  they  rarely  enjoy.^^ 

November  30,  1888 — The  prospect  of  a  delightfully  amusing 
entertainment  by  the  famous  humorists  and  comedians,  Nye 
and  Riley,  together  with  local  pride  in  giving  Harry  Edwards 
a  complimentary  benefit  on  his  first  appearance  on  the  stage, 
will  draw  a  large  audience  of  Macon's  best  people  to  the 
Academy  tonight. 

Here  is  what  a  friend  says: 

The  audience  which  will  greet  Nye,  Riley,  and  Edwards  tonight 
at  the  Academy  of  Music  will  doubtless  amount  to  an  ovation. 
Mr.  Edwards  is  deservedly  popular  in  Macon,  and  his  many 
friends  will  be  glad  of  an  opportunity,  not  only  to  enjoy  the 
combination  of  wit  and  pathos,  but  to  show  their  appreciation  of 
him.  The  pendulum  will  vibrate  'twixt  a  smile  and  a  tear,'  as 
these  three  men — all  of  unique  genius — play  at  will  upon  those 


15.  "Nye,  Riley,  and  Edwards,"  Macon  Telegraph,  November  28,  1888, 
p.  4. 

16.  "The  Three  Geniuses,"  Macon  Telegraph,  November  28,  1888.  p.  6. 

17.  "Editorial,"  Macon  Telegraph,  November  30,  1888,  p.  4.  The 
Charleston  News  and  Courier  was  not  readily  available  for  study.  However, 
this  short  article  indicates  that  the  three  were  well  received  in  South 
Carolina. 


260  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

emotions  that  turn  the  corners  of  the  mouth  now  up,  now  down. 
For  the  sources  of  laughter  lie  hard  by  the  fountain  of  tears. i^ 

December  1,  1888 — Macon  people  had  their  first  glimpse  of 
Bill  Nye  and  the  Poet  Riley  last  night.  The  other  member  of 
the  trio  has  been  seen  often,  but  never  to  better  advantage  or 
with  more  pride  than  on  last  night,  it  being  his  first  appear- 
ance on  the  stage. 

Bill  Nye's  appearance  suggests,  if  he  will  pardon  such  a 
suggestion,  a  big,  peeled  onion  dressed  in  broadcloth.  His 
head  is  bare,  with,  to  use  his  own  expression,  a  lambrequin  of 
hair  on  the  suburbs,  and  his  clothing  fits  him  with  a  slickness 
that  gives  him  an  unctious  air.  He  comes  upon  the  stage  in  a 
way  that  reminds  you  of  a  big  overgrown  junior  at  a  college 
commencement  and  falls,  more  than  walks,  into  his  stage 
attitude.  Then  he  stands  as  if  he  was  anxious  to  return  for 
some  comfortable  chair  behind  the  scenes  and  wait  for  his 
next  turn.  He  speaks  slowly  and  deliberately,  as  if  he  wanted 
to  carefully  weigh  and  inspect  every  morsel  before  letting  the 
audience  have  it.  His  face  is  as  bare  of  smiles  as  his  head  is 
bare  of  hair,  but  he  atones  for  all  this  area  of  baldness  by 
playfully  biting  his  upper  lip  and  puckering  his  mouth  after 
the  fashion  of  a  man  who  has  just  gotten  up  from  a  good 
dinner  and  enjoyed  it.  He  tells  his  stories  as  they  are  written. 
The  humor  is  apparent  in  every  sentence,  no  matter  how 
slowly  he  brings  it  out.  He  does  not  seem  conscious  of  the 
fact  that  he  is  telling  a  story  for  the  fun  there  is  in  it,  but  more 
to  get  it  off  his  mind.  His  dog  story  last  night  was  told  in 
this  way  and  therein  was  the  charm. 

In  the  remarks  which  followed  the  introductory  by  Mr. 
Edwards,  Bill  said  he  had  enjoyed  a  razor-backed  hog,  and 
considered  it  in  its  youth  a  very  fine  bird.  When  coming  in 
on  the  train,  he  saw  a  flock  of  them  at  some  station  below 
here.  His  friend,  Mr.  Riley,  alluded  to  them  as  a  school  of 
goldfish.  He  thought  from  what  he  had  seen  of  the  razor- 
backs  in  this  pine  region  that  they  were  built  more  for  speed 
than  anything  else,  and  had  suggested  to  the  editor  of  the 
Telegraph  that  there  should  be  a  new  brand  of  swine — more 
given  to  corpulency.  The  editor  replied  that  in  this  country 
it  would  not  pay  to  raise  any  sort  that  could  not  out-run  a 
nigger. 

The  large  audience  enjoyed  Mr.  Nye's  off-hand  manner, 
and  he  left  them  his  ardent  admirers.  Mr.  James  Whitcomb 
Riley  was  more  of  a  stranger  than  Mr.  Nye.    True  his  poetry 


18.  "Nye,  Riley,  and  Edwards,"  Macon  Telegraph,  November  30,  1888, 
p.  5. 


BILL  NYE  IN  THE  SOUTH  261 

was  known  and  enjoyed,  but  the  author  was  lost  in  it  some 
way.  He  has  the  appearance  of  George  Wilson,  the  minstrel, 
with  a  voice  similar,  especially  in  the  recitations,  to  that  of  our 
own  Capt.  John  Giles.  The  first  impression  was  unfavorable, 
but  this  impression  melted  like  snow  in  the  sun.  Before  he 
had  reached  the  half  of  his  first  recitation  the  audience  as  a 
whole  were  his  fast  friends.  His  style  is  entirely  different 
from  that  of  Mr.  Nye.  Mr.  Nye  is  cold,  emotionless;  Mr. 
Riley  is  full  of  life  and  feeling.  And,  yet,  both  amuse.  Mr. 
Nye  turns  the  corners  of  the  mouth  upward  only;  Mr.  Riley 
turns  the  corners  up  and  down  as  he  chooses.  He  is  both 
poet  and  actor. 

Mr.  Edwards  adds  no  little  to  the  programme.  He  fills  a 
place  that  hitherto  has  been  wanting.  He  tells  the  stories  of 
the  South  in  a  truthful  way.  Messrs.  Riley  and  Nye  know  no 
more  of  the  Southern  darky  than  they  do  of  the  razor-backed 
hog  that  tickled  them  so  on  their  trip  South.  Mr.  Edwards 
was  reared  with  the  old-time  plantation  negroes  and  their 
dialect  lingers  in  his  memory. 

Last  night  he  read  his  "Two  Runaways"  and  "The  Valley 
and  the  Shadder"  and  received  unbounded  applause.  Macon 
felt  proud  of  him.  His  introductory,  giving  a  brief  sketch  of 
the  home-life  of  his  two  colleagues,  was  a  gem  in  its  way, 
being  tender  and  beautiful  and  so  unlike  what  one  would 
expect  from  the  "introductory"  of  a  programme. 

In  compliment  to  Messrs.  Nye  and  Riley,  Mr.  Edwards 
gave  a  dinner  at  his  elegant  Tattnall  Square  home  at  4:30  in 
the  afternoon.  The  dinner  was  a  most  charming  affair  and 
had  been  prepared  by  Mrs.  Edwards.  Those  present  were 
Messrs.  Nye  and  Riley,  Col.  Tom  Hardeman,  Col.  A.  R. 
Lamar,  Major  W.  H.  Ross,  Mr.  F.  H.  Richardson,  Mrs.  R.  H. 
Plant,  Mr.  E.  A.  Wilson,  Mr.  J.  C.  Bannon,  and  Mr.  N.  R. 
Winship.  With  such  humorous  and  witty  souls  as  Riley, 
Nye,  and  Edwards,  and  such  genial  companions  as  those 
named  above,  and  a  dinner  prepared  by  the  fair  hands  of  Mrs. 
Edwards,  one  can  imagine  what  a  feast  that  dinner  was. 

The  total  receipts  of  the  entertainment  last  night  were 
$350.50,  of  which  the  library  received  $135.00.i^ 

December  2,  1888 — Mr.  Edgar  Wilson  Nye  and  Mr.  James 
Whitcomb  Riley  spent  yesterday  in  Macon.  They  intended  to 
continue  on  their  pilgrimage  yesterday  morning,  but  some 
how  or  other  after  they  arose  and  looked  about  them  they 
resolved  that  Macon  was  about  the  best  place  they  could  find, 
and  so  they  lingered. 


19.  "Three  Funny  Men,"  Macon  Telegraph.  December  1,  1888.  p.  2. 


262  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  pleasant  impression  which  they  had  made  on  the  com- 
munity by  their  entertainment  of  the  previous  evening  was 
deepened  by  the  better  social  acquaintance  for  which  their 
delay  gave  opportunity  to  a  number  of  our  citizens.  If 
Messrs.  Nye,  Riley,  and  Edwards  will  at  any  time  repeat  their 
triple  act  in  Macon,  they  will  be  received  by  an  audience  twice 
as  large  as  that  which  greeted  them  last  Friday  evening — and 
it  was  the  largest  and  best  audience  ever  seen  in  the  city  on 
an  occasion  of  this  kind.-'' 


20.  "Editorial,"  Macon  Telegraph,  December  2,  1888,  p.  4. 


Zhe  Wyoming  VortioH  of  the 
Custer  SzpeditioH  of  1874 
to  S)cplore  the  ^laek  Mills 

Trek  No.  25  of  the  Historical  Trail  Treks 

Compiled  by  Mabel  Brown 

This  Trek,  dedicated  to  Miss  Maurine  Carley,  who  for  the  past 
24  years  has  served  as  director  of  the  historical  trail  treks,  took 
place  almost  exactly  100  years  after  the  original  Black  Hills 
Expedition.  Hosts  were  the  Weston  and  Crook  County  Chapters 
of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society,  the  Wyoming  Recreation 
Commission  and  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  Richard 
Dumbrill  was  chairman  of  the  Trek  committee.  Approximately 
140  people  participated. 

OFFICERS 

Captain :   Wyoming  Highway  Patrolman  Guy  Tolman 
Wagon  Bosses:   Don  Jording,  Kenneth  Sackett,  Bill  Townsend 
Speakers:   Richard  Dumbrill,  Mabel  Brown,  Betty  Thorpe, 

Lucille  Dumbrill,  Mary  Capps,  James  Fletcher 
Guides:   Tom  Shaffer,  Mabel  Brown,  Betty  Thorpe,  Lucille 

Dumbrill,  Mary  Capps,  James  Fletcher 
Photographer:   George  Butler 

SATURDAY,  JULY  13,  1974 

Following  registration,  about  100  people  gathered  in  the  Junior 
High  School  auditorium  for  a  program  presented  by  Cameron 
Ferwada,  environmental  education  forester  of  the  Black  Hills 
National  Forest.  He  showed  slides  from  the  original  lUingworth 
1874  photographs  and  recent  pictures  taken  from  the  same  loca- 
tions and  compared  the  forest  environment  of  then  and  now. 
Refreshments  were  served  and  a  short  "get  acquainted"  period 
was  enjoyed. 

SUNDAY,  JULY  14,   1974 

The  trekkers  gathered  at  the  High  School  Sunday  morning  where 
they  boarded  school  busses.  There  was  a  guide  and  narrator  on 
each  bus. 


264  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

The  caravan  left  Newcastle  at  7:30  and  traveled  directly  to 
Sundance.  Time  passed  quickly  as  guides  pointed  out  spots  of 
interest  and  related  the  history  of  each.  The  highway  from 
Newcastle  to  Four  Comers  and  beyond  is  almost  parallel  to  the 
old  Black  Hills  Stage  Trail. 

At  Sundance  the  group  stopped  briefly  to  pick  up  a  few  passen- 
gers and  about  9:30  arrived  at  a  point  12  miles  northeast  of 
Aladdin  overlooking  the  Belle  Fourche  River.  Richard  S.  Dum- 
brill  read  a  paper  reviewing  the  Custer  Expedition. 

SKETCH  OF  THE  BLACK  HILLS  EXPEDITION  OF  1874 

by 
Richard  Dumbrill 

On  June  8,  1874,  Brigadier  General  Alfred  H.  Terry  issued 
orders  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  George  A.  Custer  to  command  an 
expedition  to  explore  the  Black  Hills,  which  had  long  been  a 
sanctuary  for  Indians.  It  was  felt  that  there  could  be  no  real 
security  for  the  army  or  the  settlers  in  this  area  unless  more  was 
known  about  the  area. 

General  Custer's  orders  were  to  take  a  sufficient  force  of  men  to 
assure  the  safety  of  travel  and  to  penetrate  the  unknown  and 
uncharted  territory.  He  was  authorized  to  be  gone  from  Fort 
Abraham  Lincoln,  near  Bismarck,  North  Dakota,  for  60  days. 

The  impressive  force  assembled  by  General  Custer  consisted  of 
approximately  1000  men,  most  of  whom  traveled  on  horseback  or 
in  110  wagons,  each  pulled  by  six  mules.  The  force  drove  around 
300  cattle  along  with  them  for  meat.  Besides  the  arms  that  the 
men  carried,  they  were  protected  by  three  Gatling  guns  and  a 
three-inch  rifle.  The  Expedition  was  said  to  be  large  in  order  to 
deter  trouble,  and  this  theory  was  apparently  successful  since  no 
Indian  trouble  was  encountered. 

The  Expedition  was  well  equipped  for  the  gathering  of  infor- 
mation about  the  area  to  be  traversed.  Indeed,  this  was  the  only 
legitimate  purpose  the  Expedition  could  have  had  since  by  treaty 
this  area  was  to  be  preserved  for  the  use  of  the  Indians.  Several 
different  professional  men  had  responsibility  for  gathering  the 
vital  information. 

William  Ludlow,  Captain  of  Engineers,  U.  S.  Army,  was  to  map 
the  area  traveled.  N.  H.  Winchell,  state  geologist  for  Minnesota, 
was  Expedition  geologist  and  his  notes  and  journal  are  replete  with 
detailed  descriptions  of  the  geology  encountered  each  day.  Wil- 
Uam  H.  Illingworth,  a  skilled  pioneer  photographer,  accompanied 
the  Expedition  with  his  heavy  and  cumbersome  photographic 
equipment.  The  Expedition  boasted  several  practical  miners  or 
prospectors  to  explore  for  gold.  The  success  of  their  efforts, 
probably  more  than  any  other  factor,  led  to  "gold  fever"  and  the 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  265 

Opening  of  the  Black  Hills.  The  Expedition  also  had  a  band,  the 
first  to  accompany  a  major  western  expedition  and  it  apparently 
was  fully  enjoyed  by  the  men  on  the  trip. 

The  scouts  who  guided  the  Expedition  repeatedly  warned  Gen- 
eral Custer  that  the  Black  Hills  could  not  be  penetrated  by  the 
wagons.  Custer  ignored  their  advice  and  pushed  into  the  heart  of 
the  Black  Hills,  eventually  penetrating  them  with  the  whole  of 
his  force. 

The  Expedition  left  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln  July  2,  1874,  and 
returned  as  ordered  about  60  days  later  on  August  31,  having 
traveled  approximately  883  miles.  Side  trips  on  horseback  cov- 
ered another  400  miles.  The  trip  had  a  profound  impact  on  the 
West  and  led  directly  to  the  settlement  of  the  Black  Hills. 

By  July  17,  1874,  Custer  and  his  men  had  traveled  west  and 
south  from  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  southeast  corner  of  what 
is  now  Montana.  The  Wyoming  portion  of  the  Expedition  began 
on  July  17  or  July  18.  The  location  of  the  camp  on  the  night  of 
July  17-18,  as  located  by  the  longitude  and  latitude  in  Captain 
Ludlow's  notes,  was  very  near  the  Wyoming  border — just  inside 
the  South  Dakota  line,  and  a  few  miles  south  of  the  Montana  line. 
On  the  morning  of  the  1 8th  they  traveled  in  a  southwesterly  direc- 
tion to  a  camp  on  the  Belle  Fourche  River.  On  the  night  of  July 
18-19  they  camped  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Belle  Fourche.  Both 
Captain  Ludlow's  account  and  Winchell's  report  mention  that  the 
route  of  Captain  W.  F.  Raynolds,  followed  1 5  years  earlier,  passed 
along  the  crest  of  the  hills  in  the  rear  of  the  camp.  On  the  19th 
they  remained  in  camp  on  the  Belle  Fourche.  Winchell  reports 
that  it  rained  all  that  day.  Toward  evening  on  the  19th  it  was 
feared  that  the  rain  might  cause  the  Belle  Fourche  River  to  rise  and 
the  wagons  were  moved  across  the  river. 

From  this  first  stop  on  the  Ryan  Ranch  we  can  see  into  the 
northeast  corner  of  Wyoming.  The  Belle  Fourche  River  lies  four 
or  five  miles  to  the  northeast  in  the  valley  that  you  can  see.  I  have 
been  unable  to  tell  if  the  trail  came  up  this  ridge  or  one  further  to 
the  north  but  in  any  event  you  can  see  how  similar  all  the  ridges 
are.  On  the  morning  of  July  20,  1874,  they  passed  up  one  of  these 
ridges  and  that  evening  camped  about  three  or  four  miles  west  of 
Aladdin. 

On  July  21  the  Expedition  skirted  the  Bear  Lodge  mountains 
and  that  night  camped  on  the  banks  of  a  branch  of  the  Red  Water. 
This  camp  was  on  the  Orville  D.  "Pete"  Harper  Ranch. 

After  a  22-mile  march  on  the  22nd  the  group  made  camp  on 
Inyan  Kara  Creek  about  four  miles  east  of  Inyan  Kara  Mountain. 
They  stayed  in  this  camp  two  days  and  while  there  climbed  the 
mountain. 

Heading  almost  due  east  on  the  morning  of  July  24  the  Expedi- 
tion moved  through  several  valleys  and  reached  Cold  Creek  where 
they  camped  that  night.     Custer  called  this  valley  Floral  Valley 


266  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

and  was  very  impressed  by  its  beauty.  The  next  day  they  moved 
on  up  the  valley,  camping  that  night  just  across  the  South  Dakota 
line. 

On  July  26  the  Expedition  crossed  over  the  divide  into  the 
Castle  Creek  drainage  and  continued  into  the  Black  Hills  of  South 
Dakota. 

After  leaving  Wyoming  their  route  then  took  them  deeper  into 
the  Black  Hills  to  what  they  called  their  main  camp  near  present- 
day  Custer.  From  here  they  explored  the  southern  hills  for  several 
days,  going  as  far  south  as  the  Cheyenne  River.  From  their  main 
camp  they  retraced  their  route  for  several  miles  and  then  struck 
out  to  the  north  and  east.  With  some  difficulty  they  emerged  onto 
the  eastern  flank  of  the  Black  Hills.  Their  route  then  led  them  by 
Bear  Butte  near  Sturgis,  and  farther  north  across  the  Belle  Fourche 
and  into  Montana — crossing  their  old  trail  at  Prospect  Valley. 
They  then  traveled  along  the  easterly  side  of  the  Little  Missouri 
River. 

This  was  the  most  difficult  part  of  their  entire  journey.  The 
prairie  had  been  burned,  and  the  feed  was  short.  Water  was 
scarce  and  the  men  and  animals  were  very  tired.  On  August  20, 
they  found  water  and  grass  on  the  Little  Missouri  and  rested  one 
day.  From  that  point  back  to  Fort  Abraham  Lincoln  they  were 
near  water  and  had  grass  for  the  stock. 

The  night  of  August  29  found  them  a  long  day's  journey  from 
Fort  Abraham  Lincoln.  They  broke  camp  early  the  next  morning 
and  were  traveling  by  3:00  a.m.  At  noon  they  took  a  long  lunch 
break,  giving  the  men  and  animals  a  rest,  and  then  started  the  last 
half-day  ride  into  the  Fort. 

The  men  put  up  a  good  front  as  they  neared  the  Fort.  The 
scouts  led  the  way.  Custer  rode  at  the  center  of  the  line  of 
mounted  officers  following  the  scouts.  They  were  followed  by  the 
band  and  the  cavalry  companies  in  columns  of  four.  The  wagon 
train  followed  the  cavalry  and  finally  the  two  companies  of  infantry 
brought  up  the  rear.  The  Expedition  of  1874  to  explore  the  Black 
Hills  had  completed  the  task  it  had  undertaken,  and  Custer  was 
proud  of  the  accomplishments. 

Custer's  wife  Elizabeth  describes  their  entry  into  camp  in  the 
following  manner  in  Boots  and  Saddles: 

When  we  could  take  time  to  look  everyone  over,  they  were  all 
amusing.  Some  wives  did  not  know  their  husbands,  and  looked  indig- 
nant enough  when  caught  in  an  embrace  by  an  apparent  stranger. 
Many,  like  the  general,  had  grown  heavy  beards.  All  were  sunburned, 
their  hair  faded,  and  their  clothes  so  patched  that  the  original  blue  of 
the  uniform  was  scarcely  visible.  Of  course,  there  had  been  nothing 
on  the  expedition  save  pieces  of  white  canvas  with  which  to  reinforce 
the  riding  breeches,  put  new  elbows  on  sleeves,  and  replace  the  worn 
knees. 

The  boots  were  out  at  the  toes,  and  the  clothing  of  some  was  so 
beyond  repair  that  the  officers  wanted  to  escape  observation  by  slip- 
ping, with  their  tattered  rags,  into  the  kitchen  door.     The  instruments 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF   1874— TREK  NO.  25  267 

of  the  band  were  jammed  and  tarnished,  but  they  still  produced 
enough  music  for  us  to  recognize  the  old  tune  of  "Garryowen,"  to 
which  the  regiment  always  returned. 

By-and-by  the  long  wagon  train  appeared.  Many  of  the  covers  had 
elk  horns  strapped  to  them,  until  they  looked  like  strange  bristling 
animals  as  they  drew  near.  Some  of  the  antlers  were  brought  to  us 
as  presents.  Besides  them  we  had  skins,  specimens  of  gold  and  mica, 
and  petrified  shells  of  iridescent  colors,  snake  rattles,  pressed  flowers, 
and  petrified  wood.  My  husband  brought  me  a  keg  of  the  most  de- 
licious water  from  a  mountain  stream.  It  was  almost  my  only  look 
at  clear  water  for  years,  as  most  of  the  streams  west  of  the  Missouri 
are  muddy. 

One  can  speculate  whether  the  hope  of  scientific  discoveries 
really  prompted  the  Expedition,  but  the  scientific  results  certainly 
would  have  warranted  the  effort.  Regardless  of  motives,  the  prac- 
tical results  of  the  Expedition  and  reports  of  gold  brought  pros- 
pectors and  settlers  into  the  Black  Hills  the  next  spring  and  soon 
they  were  a  part  of  the  settling  frontier. 

From  the  overlook  on  the  Ryan  ranch  the  group  traveled  to  the 
Aladdin  Campsite. 

ALADDIN  CAMPSITE 

by 

Jerry  lekel 

In  Cameron  Ferwada's  slide  program  and  presentation  yesterday 
evening  he  included  a  picture  of  the  sign  and  inscription  marking 
this  campsite.  Allow  me  to  read  to  you  the  inscription  on  this 
marker  which  is  located  just  down  the  road  and  visible  to  us 
from  here. 

On  July  20,  1874  Gen.  George  A.  Custer  leading  the  first  official 
government  exploring  expedition  in  the  Black  Hills  camped  at  this 
point  en  route  to  the  Black  Hills  to  investigate  rumors  of  gold  in 
paying  quantities.  The  trail  in  the  foreground  was  left  by  his  party 
which  consisted  of  110  wagons,  2000  animals  and  1100  men,  including 
engineers,  scouts,  geologists  and  practical  miners.  This  expedition 
was  in  violaiton  of  the  Treaty  of  1868  which  guaranteed  the  region 
to  the  Indians.  In  1875  after  Government  negotiations  with  the  In- 
dians to  purchase  the  Black  Hills  broke  down,  miners  and  others 
poured  into  this  area. 

On  the  morning  of  July  20th,  the  Expedition  considered  this 
their  first  day  in  the  Hills. 

July  weather  had  been  hot  and  dry,  and  water  had  been  scarce. 
Several  days  previous  to  this,  and  farther  north — on  July  1 7th — 
Ludlow  in  his  account  had  commented  on  the  paucity  of  grass, 
the  "cactus  and  prickly  pear  prevailing,"  and  their  making  camp 
that  evening  with  a  view  of  the  Black  Hills  to  the  south.  He  even 
mentions  that  "toward  morning,  a  severe  windstorm  routed  us 
from  sleep  and  covered  us  with  sand." 

On  this  first  day  in  the  Black  Hills  the  Expedition  traveled  18 


268  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

winding   miles.     Ludlow's   account   briefly   describes   this    day's 
journey : 

The  first  day's  journey  was  made  into  the  hills.  The  morning  opened 
threateningly,  but  subsequently  cleared.  Crossing  the  river  and  bend- 
ing to  the  westward,  a  winding  and  easy  ascent  was  made  of  the 
opposite  hills.  Reaching  the  summit  the  course  was  southerly,  over  a 
high,  gently-rolling  prairie,  heavily  grassed,  with  clumps  of  oak  and 
pine  beautifully  interspersed. 

A  ravine  cut  into  the  shingle  by  a  small  stream  was  passed.  From 
the  sides  of  the  cut  exuded  some  salt  of  sulphur,  and  the  water  was 
strongly  impregnated  with  alum,  and  possessed  a  decidedly  inky 
flavor  and  astringency.  Pursuing  the  southerly  course  the  high  table 
narrowed  to  a  ridge  and  suddenly  turned  to  the  left;  the  trail  descend- 
ed into  a  valley  thickly  wooded  with  oak  and  pine. 

Captain  Ludlow  then  proceeded  to  describe  with  obvious  enthu- 
siasm the  difference  between  this  country  on  July  20,  and  where 
they  had  been  just  earlier: 

The  change  from  the  hot,  dry,  burned-up  landscape  north  of  the  Belle 
Fourche  was  wonderful.  The  temperature  was  delightful;  the  air 
laden  with  sweet  wild  odors;  the  grass  knee-deep  and  exceedingly 
luxuriant  and  fresh;  while  wild  cherries,  blueberries,  and  gooseberries 
abounded,  as  well  as  many  varieties  of  flowers.  All  these  advantages, 
combined  with  that  of  an  abundance  of  pure  cold  water,  were  ours, 
with  rare  exceptions,  until  the  final  departure  from  the  hills. 

Over  a  narrow  ridge  into  a  small  grassy  park,  thence  into  another 
and  another,  the  trail  led  to  camp  facing  a  lofty  sandstone  range  of 
hills  through  which  a  narrow  pass  had  admitted  us,  and  at  the  foot  of 
which  a  small  stream  of  pure  water  flowed  eastward. 

They  camped  some  three  or  four  miles  west  of  Aladdin  on  Hay 
Creek.  Professor  A.  B.  Donaldson,  the  Expedition's  assistant 
geologist,  described  this  evening  at  the  Aladdin  campsite.  He 
writes  as  though  overcome  with  it  all.  One  historian  notes  that 
"Professor  Donaldson  was  a  geologist,  but  one  would  not  suspect 
it  from  his  record  of  that  night."  Let  us  conclude  this  Aladdin 
campsite  visit  with  Professor  Donaldson's  account  of  a  nightly 
extravaganza  on  this  spot  100  years  ago. 

The  sunset  was  of  unusual  splendor.  The  lines  of  stratus  and  each 
fleecy  rack  in  the  west,  were  tinged  with  orange,  red  and  golden  hues; 
while  in  the  east,  the  purple  twilight  bow  extended  its  broad  arch  of 
beauty,  modest  in  its  fainter  glory.  Towards  the  south,  dark  moun- 
tains of  cumulus  were  edged  with  brightest  silver,  a  gorgeous  pathway 
fit  for  steps  of  deity.    But  these  short-lived  splendors  fade  away. 

"And  comes  still  evening  on  till  twilight  gray, 

Hath  in  her  sober  livery  all  things  clad." 
The  stars  come  out,  one  by  one,  and  troop  by  troop,  till  all  the  con- 
stellations burn,  the  "music  of  the  spheres"  begins  and  "all  the  hosts 
of  heaven  rejoice."  The  band  plays,  and  thus  with  mingled  earthly 
and  heavenly  music,  terrestrial  beauty  and  celestial  glory,  the  first  day 
ends  and  the  first  night  is  ushered  in  to  the  strangers  among  the  Black 
Hills. 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  269 

At  approximately  11:10  the  group  reached  the  Red  Water 
Camp  and  heard  another  paper. 

GOVERNMENT  VALLEY,  JULY  21,  1874 

by 

Lucille  Dumbrill 

Two  years  ago,  very  near  this  place  and  about  this  time  in  the 
summer,  Dick  and  I  were  reading  journals  written  by  Captain 
William  Ludlow  and  Professor  N.  H.  Winchell  as  they  accompa- 
nied the  Custer  Expedition  into  the  Black  Hills  in  1 874.  By  using 
the  amazingly  accurate  location  recorded  by  Ludlow,  and  a  recent 
Forest  Service  map  with  longitude  and  latitude  marked,  we  found 
ourselves  very  near  this  spot,  the  Red  Water  Camp  of  July  21, 
1874. 

Ludlow's  account  locates  the  camp  on  a  small  branch  of  the 
Red  Water  44°  30'  18"  latitude  and  104°  15'  52"  longitude,  14.3 
miles  from  the  previous  (Aladdin)  camp  and  324.6  miles  from 
Fort  Abraham  Lincoln.  We  are  now  standing  in  what  was  then 
referred  to  as  "Government  Valley." 

Upon  further  study  of  the  journals,  more  evidence  confirmed 
our  belief  that  we  were  near  the  camp  area.  Ludlow  referred  to 
the  terrain  and  water  supply  for  the  camp  as  follows:  ".  .  .  .  the 
valley  was  found  difficult  to  travel  and  recourse  was  had  to  a 
narrow  ridge  of  hills  on  the  right  finally  descending  from  which  we 
camped  in  the  Valley  on  a  small  creek  issuing  from  a  spring  of  45° 
temperature,  and  flowing  a  stream  a  foot  wide  and  several  inches 
deep.  This  water,  delightful  from  its  clearness  and  coldness, 
proved  to  have  been  impregnated  by  the  gypsum  veins  and  to  be 
endowed  with  highly  medicinal  properties." 

Winchell  described  the  same  spring:  "A  beautiful  spring  of 
hard  water,  with  a  temperature  of  45°  Fahrenheit,  is  situated 
within  the  camp.  It  is  so  copious  that  it  furnishes  water  for  nearly 
one  thousand  men,  with  their  horses,  and  650  mules.  The  water, 
however,  has  a  cathartic  effect  on  those  who  drink  freely.  It  rises 
from  below  a  layer  of  white  gypsum  about  a  foot  in  thickness." 

Orville  (Pete)  Harper,  on  whose  ranch  the  spring  is  located, 
took  us  to  the  exact  spot  and  showed  us  the  spring  described  by 
Ludlow  and  Winchell.  It  is  very  near  where  we  are  standing  and 
still  has  the  properties  described  in  the  journals. 

Other  quotations  from  the  journals  made  it  evident  that  our 
location  was  the  true  one.  They  described  geological  formations 
which  can  be  identified  exactly  by  observation  from  here.  Pro- 
fessor Winchell  was  extremely  interested  in  this  location,  and 
described  it  in  detail.  On  the  morning  of  July  21,  as  the  Expedi- 
tion was  leaving  the  Aladdin  Camp,  he  noted,  "Immediately  on 
leaving  camp.  .  .  I  discovered  a  deeper  red  color  in  broken  spots 


270  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

in  the  sandstone.  .  .A  little  farther  on  I  see  exposures  of  marl  and 
sandstone.  .  .,  the  whole  dipping  east.  .  .not  more  than  8°  or  10°, 
yet  the  height  of  the  little  mounds  which  here  take  the  place  of  the 
flat-topped  sandstone  bluffs,  shows  that  the  formation  must  be 
considerably  thicker.  .  ."  Exploring  out  from  the  camp,  he  wrote, 
"At  a  nice  little  creek  about  ten  miles  from  camp,  flowing  easterly, 
red  sections  are  exposed  both  in  the  creek  banks  and  in  the  hills 
to  the  West,  the  dip  being  west.  ..."  He  wrote,  "We  are  in  a 
valley  made  by  the  excavation  of  the  soft  Jurassic  beds  with  a 
range  of  bare  red  bluffs  toward  the  North — indeed  in  nearly  all 
directions  around  us." 

Observation  of  the  surrounding  countryside  confirms  the  belief 
that  we  are  now  standing  in  that  valley. 

Winchell  goes  on  to  describe  the  valley  in  more  detail  and  refers 
to  large  quartzite  boulders  which  you  probably  observed  as  you 
drove  into  the  campsite.  "On  the  surface  of  the  valley  in  which 
we  are  camped,  sometime  half  a  mile  from  the  range  of  sandstone 
bluffs  formed  by  the  Lower  Cretaceous  are  seen  very  large  quartz- 
ite boulders.  These  can  be  referred  without  much  hesitation  to 
the  sandstone  of  that  range.  .  .  ."  He  goes  into  a  very  detailed 
description  of  the  boulders  and  their  geology  which  makes  these 
boulders  identifiable  as  the  boulders  of  the  journal. 

The  night  of  July  21  Private  John  Cunningham  died  of  dysen- 
tery. The  next  morning,  on  July  22,  Private  George  Turner  was 
shot  in  the  abdomen  and  loaded  into  the  ambulance  wagon  for  the 
trip  to  the  Inyan  Kara  Camp. 

As  the  Expedition  left  camp  on  the  morning  of  July  22,  Winchell 
added  to  the  detailed  description  and  the  area  and  again  described 
formations  visible  to  us  from  here  and  from  the  road.  "On  leaving 
camp,  toward  the  south,  we  enter  a  vast  gypsiferous  region.  I  had 
noticed  a  whiteness  of  the  surface  and  a  white  rock  capping  the 
buttes  and  hills  in  the  direction  we  were  to  travel  before  setting  out 
from  camp  and  even  yesterday  before  camping,  and  had  presup- 
posed a  change  in  the  formation.  .  .  .Here  are  a  number  of  beds, 
the  thickest  of  which  forms  a  capping  to  a  range  of  buttes  and 
bluffs  running  east  and  west,  and  can  be  seen  two  or  three  miles. 
This  lies  below  the  gypsum  beds  I  have  already  mentioned,  but 
forms  the  floor  of  the  flat  on  which  we  camped  yesterday  and 
hardens  the  water  of  the  spring  at  that  place." 

Finally,  his  description  of  a  specific  butte,  easy  to  identify,  helps 
to  determine  not  only  the  campsite,  but  the  probable  route  the 
party  took  as  it  moved  out  toward  the  Inyan  Kara  camp  of  July  22. 
"A  butte  which  lies  just  south  of  our  last  camp  about  a  mile 
distant  affords  the  first  good  opportunity  to  take  a  section  of  these 
gypsiferous  beds.  This  is  but  one  of  a  number  that  lie  on  either 
hand.  It  rises  boldly  and  pyramidally  above  the  flat  on  which  it 
stands,  and,  with  its  white  cap  and  its  narrower  white  belts,  consti- 
tutes at  once  a  remarkable  illustration  of  the  effect  of  atmospheric 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  271 

agents  in  demolishing  these  Red-Beds  and  exposing  the  contained 
mineral  to  the  cupidity  of  man,  and  of  the  impunity  with  which 
nature  displays  her  treasures  when  none  but  the  shiftless  Indian 
beholds  them." 

After  identifying  the  formation  and  landmarks  described  in  the 
journals,  and  verifying  the  exact  existence  and  location  of  the 
spring,  we  knew  we  had  found  the  location  of  the  Expedition's 
camp  of  July  21. 

I  hope  the  reading  of  excerpts  from  the  journals  and  identifying 
the  landmarks  described  in  them  has  conveyed  to  you  some  of  the 
thrill  and  excitement  we  experienced  as  we  located  these  places. 

At  11:40  we  again  boarded  the  busses  and  travel  toward  Sun- 
dance was  resumed.  At  the  Aladdin  Store  another  passenger 
joined  us.  Rich  Anderson,  a  young  man  from  Illinois,  had  read 
about  the  Trek  in  the  Rapid  City  Daily  Journal  and  joined  the 
caravan  here.  He  was  walking  from  Illinois  to  the  west  coast  and 
after  traveling  with  the  Wyoming  historians  returned  to  Aladdin 
and  resumed  his  personal  trek. 

At  Sundance  there  was  time  to  visit  the  Crook  County  Museum 
after  a  lunch  break  hosted  by  the  Crook  County  Chapter  of  the 
Society.  Refreshed  and  again  ready  for  travel,  the  group  left 
Sundance  for  the  Inyan  Kara  campsite  at  approximately  2  o'clock. 

All  along  the  way,  from  shortly  before  reaching  Four  Corners, 
a  distinctive  mountain  could  be  seen  in  the  blue  distance.  From 
afar  it  resembled  a  sleeping  bear.  It  was  this  mountain  that  the 
busses  now  approached. 

The  vehicles  turned  off  the  road  near  a  historical  marker  and 
arrived  at  a  small  area  fenced  with  white  pickets.  Inside  were  the 
headstones  of  two  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Expedition. 

ASCENT  OF  INYAN  KARA  MOUNTAIN— JULY  23,   1874 

by 

Mary  Capps 

On  the  morning  of  July  22  the  Custer  Expedition  left  the  camp 
on  the  Red  Water  and  moved  southward  up  the  Red  Water  Valley 
with  Inyan  Kara  Mountain  in  sight  all  day.  That  evening  they 
camped  about  four  and  one-half  miles  east  of  the  mountain.  The 
camp  was  located  west  and  perhaps  a  little  south  of  the  soldiers' 
graves.  Certainly  the  highway  cuts  through  some  part  of  the 
camp,  and  the  historical  marker  is  within  the  camp  area. 

Custer  hoped  an  ascent  of  the  mountain  would  provide  infor- 
mation concerning  the  easiest  passage  into  the  high  inner  regions 
of  the  Black  Hills.  The  command  was  to  remain  at  the  Inyan 
Kara  camp  for  two  days. 

On  the  morning  of  July  23  General  Custer  with  his  staff,  the 
scientific  corps,  and  one  reporter,  escorted  by  two  companies  of 


272  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

cavalry,  visited  the  mountain.  The  cavalry  was  left  behind  at  the 
base  of  the  mountain  and  the  climbing  party  began  the  ascent. 

Reaching  the  crest  of  the  steep  outer  rim  from  the  east  side,  the 
climbers  divided  into  two  exploring  parties.  One  group,  led  by 
Custer,  followed  along  the  ridge  curving  toward  the  south  and 
climbed  the  boulder-covered  south  slope  to  the  top.  The  other 
group,  including  geologist  N.  H.  Winchell,  proceeded  west,  down 
the  inner  slope  of  the  ridge.  Crossing  the  small,  deep  canyon 
which  encircles  the  inner  peak  they  found  a  stream  of  cold,  clear 
water. 

Professor  Donaldson's  detailed  description  of  the  climb  and  of 
the  mountain  could  hardly  be  improved: 

At  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  General  Custer  and  his  staff,  the 
scientific  corps,  and  one  reporter,  escorted  by  two  companies  of 
cavalry,  left  the  upper  camp  on  the  Red  Water  to  visit  Inyan  Kara, 
in  Wyoming,  latitude  of  44  degrees  13  minutes,  and  distant  from  our 
line  of  march  about  five  miles.  ...  It  covers  about  twelve  square 
miles.  Its  shape  is  that  of  a  horseshoe,  the  shoe  is  a  sharp  backed 
ridge,  several  miles  in  length  and  very  steep  on  both  sides.  In  the 
centre  of  the  shoe  is  the  mountain  peak,  rising  several  hundred  feet 
higher  than  any  part  of  the  ridge,  and  separated  from  it  by  a  horse- 
shoe shaped,  rocky  canon,  500  to  700  feet  deep. 

.  .  .  The  strata  are  very  much  broken  and  are  inclined  at  almost  every 
angle.  On  the  west  side  of  the  mountain  and  about  300  feet  down  its 
rugged  side,  is  a  perpendicular,  columnar  wall,  250  feet  high  and  a 
half  a  mile  long.  Except  in  its  composition  it  resembles  the  Palisades 
of  the  Hudson.  At  its  foot  is  a  talus  of  immense  masses.  .  .  .  The 
view  of  the  mountain  from  the  side  of  the  canon  opposite  the  wall  can 
hardly  be  surpassed. 

The  wall  which  Professor  Donaldson  described  is  a  formation 
similar  to  that  of  Devils  Tower,  and  is  composed  of  a  similar 
porphyry  material.  Inyan  Kara  Mountain  and  Devils  Tower  are 
examples  of  a  series  of  igneous  intrusions  along  the  northern  Black 
Hills.  These  intrusions  were  masses  of  hot,  plastic  material  pushed 
up  by  mountain-building  forces  into  the  outer  layers  of  the  earth's 
crust.  Subsequent  erosion  has  carried  away  the  softer  sedimentary 
rocks,  leaving  the  hardened  magma.  The  outer  rim  is  sandstone 
and  limestone — the  Pahasapa  or  Madison  limestone,  which  is  the 
source  of  domestic  water  for  Newcastle  and  other  Wyoming  com- 
munities. 

The  Missouri  Buttes  near  Devils  Tower,  the  Black  Buttes  just 
north  of  our  present  location  and  Bear  Butte  near  Sturgis,  S.  D., 
are  other  examples  of  these  igneous  intrusions — monuments  to 
nature's  mountain  building  binge  at  the  time  the  Black  Hills  and 
Rocky  Mountains  were  formed. 

Colonel  Ludlow,  the  topographical  engineer,  measured  the 
height  of  the  mountain  above  its  base  and  found  it  to  be  11 00  feet. 
Lieutenant  G.  K.  Warren,  who  visited  Inyan  Kara  in  1857,  fixed 
its  height  at  6600  feet  above  sea  level.  Modem  maps  show  the 
elevation  of  Inyan  Kara  Mountain  to  be  6368  feet  above  sea  level. 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  273 

Warren  commanded  the  first  official  expedition  into  the  Black 
Hills  accompanied  by  geologist  F.  V.  Hayden  and  his  assistants, 
along  with  an  escort  of  30  men.  Warren  proceeded  north  from 
Fort  Laramie  and  skirted  the  western  edge  of  the  Black  Hills  as 
far  north  as  Inyan  Kara,  giving  the  white  man  his  first  real  knowl- 
edge about  the  Black  Hills. 

Earlier  visitors  to  Kara  Mountain  were  Sir  George  Gore,  on  a 
hunting  expedition  in  1854,  Father  DeSmet  in  the  1840s  and  fur 
trappers  and  miners  whose  names  will  never  be  known. 

The  mountain  was  of  special  significance  to  the  plains  Indian 
tribes  who  inhabited  the  area  before  the  white  man  came.  Accord- 
ing to  one  Sioux  legend  the  Black  Hills  were  the  dwelling  place  of 
the  Great  Spirit,  who  had  set  aside  the  area  as  a  temporary  resting 
place  for  the  spirits  of  the  departed  braves  so  that  they  would  not 
become  blinded  by  the  splendors  of  the  final  happy  hunting  ground 
upon  arriving  there.  Inyan  Kara  was  a  sacred  place,  often  visited 
by  the  Sioux  and  other  tribes.  Reports  have  it  that  they  would 
hang  offerings  on  rocks  and  trees  near  the  mountain  to  appease 
the  thunder  gods  who  were  responsible  for  the  mysterious  rum- 
blings heard  during  the  calmest  days  and  nights.  The  first  white 
men  to  visit  Inyan  Kara  also  mentioned  the  sounds,  but  after  1833 
there  is  no  further  mention  of  the  rumbling. 

The  name  Inyan  Kara  has  been  understood  locally  to  mean 
"mountain  inside  a  mountain,"  an  accurate  description  of  the 
mountain's  physical  appearance.  According  to  the  Indian  guide 
Cold  Hand,  who  was  with  the  climbing  party,  the  correct  name  was 
"He-eng  Ya  Ka  ga."  Geologist  Winchell,  who  queried  Cold  Hand 
about  the  name,  assumed  that  the  spelling  "Inyan"  was  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  term  "He  eng  Ya."  According  to  a  dictionary  of  the 
Teton  Sioux  "Inyan"  means  stone;  "Kara,"  or  correctly,  "Kaga," 
means  to  make  or  form — stone-formed.  Dr.  V.  T.  McGillicuddy, 
for  years  an  Indian  agent  at  Pine  Ridge,  claimed  the  term  should 
have  been  "Inyan  Kaga  Paha"  stone-made  peak. 

Professor  Donaldson's  report  contains  the  only  mention  of  the 
names  carved  on  the  summit  of  Inyan  Kara.  Again  quoting  from 
his  report : 

As  difficult  and  even  dangerous  as  the  ascent.  General  Forsythe  led 
his  horse  to  the  very  top,  and  brought  him  down  again  in  safety.  In 
the  hard,  flinty  album  of  the  summit,  engraven  with  cold  chisel  and 
hammer,  in  large  and  distinct  characters,  Arabic  and  Roman,  is  a 
date  and  an  autograph,  thus, 

74 
G  Custer 
If  the  archaeologist  is  puzzled  over  this  inscription,  let  him  consult 
the  commandant  of  this  expedition. 

Donaldson's  words  were  prophetic.  The  archaeologist  and  quite 
a  few  others  are  puzzled  by  the  fact  that  the  name  of  G.  Custer 
appears  in  two  places  at  the  summit,  along  with  the  date  "74  and 


274  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

the  remnants  of  other  names,  now  barely  discernible.  The  letters 
"  L  U  D"  (perhaps  Ludlow)  appear  below  one  of  the  Custer 
names.  One  of  the  inscriptions  "74  G  Custer"  is  chiseled  much 
deeper  into  the  rock  and  appears  to  be  more  recent  than  the  others. 
Perhaps  someone  interested  in  preserving  the  names  has  reworked 
the  original  inscription.  In  a  few  more  years  the  elements  and  the 
little  lichens  growing  on  the  rock  will  erase  all  trace  of  the  names, 
with  the  exception  of  the  one  that  has  been  deeply  engraved  in 
the  rock. 

Professor  Donaldson  obviously  enjoyed  the  chmb  and  the  op- 
portunity to  observe  the  great  unexplored  country  stretching  out  in 
all  directions.    In  this  respect  he  was  to  be  disappointed  however: 

The  temperature  of  the  summit  is  sensible  lower  than  that  in  the  plain 
below,  and  we  found  it  pleasant  to  sit  on  the  leeward  side  of  the  crest 
and  in  the  sunshine.  Of  the  extensive  and  magnificent  views  from  the 
summit,  we  can  only  say  nothing;  for  unfortunately  on  the  day  of  our 
visit  the  air  was  so  hazy  that  nothing  could  be  seen  beyond  ten  miles. 
A  hazy  air  is  unusual  in  this  country.  On  account  of  obscurity  of  the 
air.  .  .  Mr.  Illingworth  took  but  one  view  and  that  from  a  distance  of 
about  two  miles. 

The  obscurity  of  air  mentioned  by  Donaldson  was  probably 
caused  by  smoke  from  fires  set  by  Indians  south  and  west  of  Kara 
Mountain.  The  party  waited  two  hours  for  the  smoke  and  haze 
to  clear,  but  finding  it  had  grown  more  dense  they  returned  to 
camp. 

In  1973  Inyan  Kara  Mountain  was  put  on  the  National  Register 
of  Historic  Places.  Mark  Junge,  a  historian  for  the  Wyoming 
Recreation  Commission,  says  about  Inyan  Kara: 

The  place  of  Inyan  Kara  in  the  rich  history  of  the  Black  Hills  is  a 
prominent  one.  .  .  It  served  as  a  landmark  for  early  travelers  and 
explorers  and  on  several  occasions  served  as  host  to  dramatic 
events.  .  . 

In  June,  1972,  members  and  friends  of  the  Weston  County 
Chapter  climbed  to  the  summit  of  Inyan  Kara.  They  photo- 
graphed the  mountain,  the  surrounding  country,  the  carvings,  22 
varieties  of  flowers  and  four  varieties  of  mushrooms  and  each 
other.  Four  bighorn  sheep  were  observed  near  the  summit,  but 
they  ran  away  before  they  could  be  photographed.  Inyan  Kara 
casts  a  spell  on  all  who  visit.  Almost  before  you  return  to  camp 
you  will  find  yourself  planning  the  next  chmb.  Come  climb  with 
us  next  time.  You  will  henceforth  be  known  as  a  "He-eng  Ya 
Ka-Ga  Climber,"  and  we'll  give  you  a  certificate  to  prove  it! 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  275 

THE  GRAVES  OF  CUNNINGHAM  AND  TURNER 

by 
Elizabeth  J.  Thorpe 

Almost  a  hundred  years  have  passed  since  Professor  Donaldson 
reported  that  the  placid  moon  and  twinkling  stars  looked  down  on 
the  new-filled  graves  of  Private  John  Cunningham  and  Private 
George  Turner.  Wind,  rain  and  snow  have  carved  the  land. 
Summer's  sun  has  brought  forth  countless  blossoms  to  flourish 
and  seed.  Still,  time,  nature  and  man  have  dealt  gently  with  this 
place.  If  Custer's  cavalcade  could  pass  this  way  today  they  would, 
perhaps,  find  that  these  headstones  mark  a  familiar  site — the 
graves  of  two  of  the  four  soldiers  who  lost  their  lives  during  the 
Black  Hills  Expedition  of  1 874. 

The  graves  were  marked  in  the  1960s  through  the  efforts  of 
Devils  Tower  VFW  Post  No.  4311  and  Historian  Bob  Lee  of 
Sturgis.  After  compiling  information  about  the  soldiers  from  the 
National  Archives,  Lee  submitted  it  to  Representative  William 
Harrison's  office  and  the  VFW  Post  was  able  to  obtain  the  marble 
headstones. 

Though  the  life  of  a  soldier  is  always  precarious,  the  1874 
Expedition  proved  less  risky  for  the  men  than  Custer's  other 
campaigns.  While  the  men  doubtless  suffered  hardships  that  the 
officers  did  not,  their  general  health  was  reported  good.  Only 
four  of  the  many  hundreds  of  infantry  and  cavalry  died — none  by 
enemy  fire.  The  illness  which  caused  the  death  of  three  of  the 
soldiers  was  chronic  diarrhea,  supposedly  caused  from  eating  the 
hot,  fresh  game  killed  along  the  way.  Modern  concepts  would 
contradict  this.  The  ailment  could  have  resulted  from  diseases 
such  as  typhoid,  enteritis  or  tuberculosis,  but  the  deaths  of  all  three 
most  likely  resulted  from  an  electrolyte  imbalance  caused  by  severe 
loss  of  fluids  and  the  continued  journey  under  a  merciless  summer 
sun — a  diagnosis  impossible  at  that  time. 

Records  show  that  John  Cunningham,  of  H  Company,  7th 
Cavalry,  had  enlisted  for  five  years  on  March  9,  1871,  at  Boston. 
Born  in  Bridgewater,  John  was  22  at  time  of  enlistment  and  had 
previously  worked  as  a  teamster.  He  was  a  rather  slight  young 
man,  five  feet,  eight  and  one-fourth  inches  tall,  with  fair  hair, 
grey  eyes  and  light  complexion.  Some  time  after  the  command  left 
Fort  Lincoln  on  July  2,  John  began  feeling  poorly,  but,  as  the 
medical  officer  believed  chronic  diarrhea  to  be  neither  serious  nor 
unique  in  the  command,  he  was  ordered  back  to  duty.  He  stayed 
in  the  saddle  during  the  march  of  July  17  but  grew  weaker  and 
found  it  harder  to  mount  after  rest  periods.  According  to  one 
report,  John  fell  from  his  horse  on  July  20  and  died  near  midnight 
in  the  camp  on  Beaver  Creek,  Montana  Territory.  His  body  was 
wrapped  in  canvas  and  laid  in  the   ambulance.      According   to 


276  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

journals  quoted  in  Custer's  Gold,  after  John  collasped  the  medical 
officer,  now  convinced  he  was  not  fit  for  duty,  had  him  placed  in 
an  ambulance  where  he  rode  until  the  night  of  the  21st  to  the  Red 
Water  Valley  camp  and  there  died.  Professor  Donaldson,  in  his 
report  to  the  St.  Paul  press,  added  that  the  boy's  illness  was  com- 
bined with  acute  pleurisy.  Donald  Jackson,  author  of  Custer's 
Gold,  thought  the  lad's  death  was  a  "result  of  the  neglect  of  the 
men  claiming  to  be  doctors."  Moreover,  any  medical  treatment 
may  have  been  of  the  homeopathic  variety  which  expounded  that 
"like  cures  like." 

But,  whether  John  died  at  Beaver  Creek  Camp  or  at  Red  Water 
Valley,  whether  from  disease  or  neglect,  his  death  surely  saddened 
his  comrades  of  the  expedition. 

The  shooting  of  Private  George  Turner  of  Company  M  the  next 
morning  was  the  culmination  of  a  long  feud.  George,  called 
"Joseph"  in  Donaldson's  report,  was  born  at  Springfield,  Ohio,  in 
1847.  He  enlisted  at  age  22  on  November  24,  1869,  at  St.  Louis, 
Missouri.  As  he  listed  his  occupation  as  soldier,  this  was  probably 
his  second  enlistment.  George  had  blue  eyes,  brown  hair,  a  fair 
complexion  and  was  five  feet,  eight  and  one-half  inches  tall.  He 
and  William  Roller  had  soldiered  together  for  four  years  and  nine 
months  and  had  quarreled  and  fought  much  of  the  time.  On  the 
morning  of  July  22  William's  temper  flared  over  one  of  George's 
pranks.  George  had  cross-hobbled  Roller's  horse  so  it  couldn't 
walk  without  faUing.  Though  the  deserved  confrontation  had  been 
brewing  for  years,  George  was  unprepared  when  the  furious  Roller 
drew  on  him.  He  fumbled  for  his  pistol  which  was  not  in  its  usual 
position  and  was  shot  at  close  range.  Seriously  wounded,  he  was 
placed  in  an  ambulance  for  the  23-mile  ride  to  the  evening  camp 
about  four  and  a  half  miles  due  east  of  Inyan  Kara  Mountain.  In 
spite  of  his  wounds  he  got  little  sympathy  for  he  had  few  friends. 

As  the  train  reached  camp,  Turner  died.  A  post-mortem  exam- 
ination made  by  Dr.  Williams  showed  that  the  wound  must  have 
resulted  in  death  regardless  of  treatment.  Wilham  Roller  was 
placed  under  arrest  to  be  turned  over  to  the  civil  authorities  for 
trial  when  the  Expedition  returned  to  headquarters. 

Professor  Donaldson's  description  of  the  burial  is  here  quoted 
in  full: 

Upon  a  knoll,  within  the  limits  of  the  camp,  a  broad  grave  was  dug. 
In  the  evening  at  a  quarter  to  nine  o'clock  the  whole  regiment,  by 
companies,  was  called  into  line  to  attend  the  burial  of  both  soldiers. 
First  in  the  procession  was  the  band;  second,  an  ambulance  bearing 
the  dead;  third,  the  companies  of  which  the  deceased  were  members; 
fourth,  other  companies;  fifth,  regimental  staff  officers  and  civilians. 

As  the  solemn  cortege  marched  across  the  campus  the  band  played 
a  mournful  dirge.  A  hollow  square  was  formed  about  the  grave. 
Side  by  side  the  two  bodies  were  lowered  into  the  vault.  By  the  light 
of  a  lantern  the  funeral  service  was  read.  A  platoon  of  soldiers  then 
stepped  to  the  edge  of  the  grave  and  fired  three  successive  volleys. 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  277 

The  dead  heeded  not.  A  trumpeter  then  came  up  and  blew  loud  and 
long.  No  response  came!  He  then  blew  the  call,  'Day  is  closed,  light 
put  out.'  The  grave  was  then  filled.  As  the  placid  moon  and  twin- 
kling stars  looked  down  upon  the  solemn  scene,  slowly  and  sadly  we 
left  the  dead  alone,  'to  sleep  the  sleep  that  knows  no  waking.' 

To  hide  the  grave  from  the  desecrating  savages  who  would  soon 
come  prowling  around,  its  surface  was  leveled  off  and  a  fire  was  kept 
burning  upon  it  all  the  next  day.  A  thousand  thoughts  'come  crowd- 
ing up  for  utterance,'  but  we  forbear  and  leave  the  reader  to  moralize 
upon  this  painful  drama  of  real  life. 

Dick  and  Lucille  Dumbrill's  son,  Doug,  had  sounded  retreat  and 
assembly  to  get  passengers  back  into  the  busses  at  the  various 
stops  and  now  as  Mrs.  Thorpe  concluded  her  story  of  the  burial 
of  the  two  ill-fated  privates,  from  high  above  on  a  distant  hillside, 
the  sound  of  "Taps"  drifted  softly  over  a  hushed  band  of  listeners. 

Clouds  had  been  gathering  ever  since  the  members  of  the  Trek 
left  Sundance,  and  by  3  o'clock,  when  the  party  pulled  out  from 
the  Inyan  Kara  stop,  the  skies  were  becoming  ever  darker.  At 
about  3:30  when  they  arrived  at  Floral  Valley  the  rain  had  become 
a  reality.  The  busses  waited  along  the  highway  until  the  rain 
eased,  then  pulled  into  the  valley. 

FLORAL  VALLEY 

by 
Mabel  Brown 

The  Custer  Expedition  of  1874,  about  which  we  have  been 
hearing  today,  camped  at  this  site  100  years  ago  on  July  24 
and  25. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  this  year  is  one  of  the  driest  in  the  history 
of  the  area.  Because  of  this  you  will  not  see  the  valley  in  the 
beauty  which  inspired  Brevet  Major  General  George  Armstrong 
Custer  to  send  out  a  telegram  of  more  than  1 200  words  describing 
the  glories  of  nature  which  he  observed. 

May  I  quote  from  an  account  of  the  expedition  in  the  Black  Hills 
Engineer  oil>iovemheT,  1929? 

"This  valley  supplied  with  fine  spring  water  contained  the  great- 
est profusion  of  wild  flowers  in  almost  incredible  numbers  and 
varieties.    General  Custer,  because  of  this  called  it  'Floral  Valley.' 

"The  party  found  here  an  old  and  deeply  cut  lodge  trail  running 
up  the  valley  and,  halting  the  command,  the  valleys  leading  out  of 
Floral  Valley  were  explored.  The  trail  was  said  to  be  an  old 
Voyageur  Pack  Trail  and  was  one  of  the  regular  routes  between  the 
hostile  camp  on  the  Tongue  River  and  the  Agencies.  Near  the 
high  point  many  old  camps  and  abandoned  lodge  poles  were 
found." 

Ludlow  says,  "The  flowers  here  were  if  anything,  more  abun- 


278  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

dant  that  when  they  entered  the  valley  and  wooded  and  open 
country  seemed  about  equally  distributed. 

"All  the  vegetation  was  luxuriant  and  fresh  and  we  had  no  doubt 
that  a  portion  at  least  of  the  park  country  we  were  in  search  of  had 
been  reached,"  he  said.  He  continued  to  describe  the  beauty 
saying  that  a  more  beautiful  wild  country  could  not  be  imagined. 
Signs  of  bear  and  deer  abounded  and  the  woods  frequently  re- 
sounded with  the  clamorous  cry  of  the  crane. 

The  entire  regiment  reveled  for  a  time  in  the  delights  of  the 
place,  the  soldiers  festooning  their  hats  and  the  bridles  of  their 
horses  with  flowers  while  the  band  which  accompanied  the  Expe- 
dition, seated  on  an  elevated  rock  ledge,  played  "Garry  Owen," 
"The  Mocking  Bird,"  "II  Trovatore,"  "Artists  Life,"  "The  Girl  I 
Left  Behind  Me"  and  other  tunes. 

In  his  report  Professor  Donaldson  said,  "In  this  valley  every 
sound  is  echoed  from  the  timbered  borders  and  the  mountain  sides. 
The  report  of  a  rifle  seems  as  loud  as  that  of  artillery  on  the  plains. 
The  music  of  the  band  was  wierd  and  fascinating,  it  seemed  to 
come  from  the  caves  of  concealed  genii  and  the  fancy  suggested 
the  haunts  of  the  muses.  No  wonder  the  Indians  have  strange 
superstitions  in  regard  to  such  fairy  dells  and  think  them  the  homes 
of  departed  spirits." 

Of  this  valley,  Custer  himself  said,  "This  valley  presented  the 
most  wonderful  as  well  as  beautiful  aspect.  Its  equal,  I  have  never 
seen;  such  too  was  the  testimony  of  all  who  beheld  it.  In  no 
private  park,  have  I  ever  seen  such  a  profusion  of  flowers.  Every 
step  of  our  march  that  day  was  amid  flowers  of  exquisite  color  and 
perfume.  So  luxurious  were  they  that  the  men  picked  them 
without  dismounting  from  their  saddles.  Some  belonged  to  strange 
and  unclassified  species.  It  was  strange  to  look  back  and  see  the 
advancing  columns  of  cavalry  and  behold  the  men  with  beautiful 
bouquets  of  flowers  in  their  hands  while  the  headgear  of  their 
horses  was  decorated  with  wreaths  fit  to  crown  the  Queen  of  the 
May.  Deeming  it  a  most  fitting  appelation,  I  named  it  Floral 
Valley. 

"General  Forsythe  at  one  of  our  halting  places  plucked  17 
beautiful  flowers  of  different  species  within  a  space  of  20  feet.  .  . 
At  the  mess  table,  one  of  the  officers  suggested  that  it  be  deter- 
mined how  many  different  flowers  could  be  plucked  without  leav- 
ing our  seats  at  the  dinner  table.  Seven  different  varieties  were 
thus  gathered! 

"Professor  Donaldson  estimated  the  number  of  flowers  in  bloom 
at  50  while  an  equal  number  of  varieties  had  already  bloomed  or 
were  yet  to  bloom."  The  number  of  grasses,  trees  and  shrubs  was 
estimated  at  25,  making  the  total  flora  of  the  valley  125  species. 
"Through  this  valley,"  Custer  continued,  "wanders  a  stream  so 
cold  as  to  render  ice  undesirable  even  at  noonday." 


CUSTER  EXPEDITION  OF  1874— TREK  NO.  25  279 

All  of  the  reports  of  the  Expedition  were  filled  with  the  beauty 
of  the  valley. 

The  reports  of  Donaldson,  Custer  and  the  others  were  not 
exaggerations.  I,  myself,  have  450  slides  of  wild  flowers,  counting 
flowering  shrubs,  all  of  which  were  taken  in  this  very  area.  There 
are  more  than  2000  flowering  plants  in  Wyoming  and  most  of 
them  can  be  found  in  or  near  this  valley. 

From  Floral  Valley  the  Expedition  traveled  toward  the  Cold 
Springs  Creek  camp,  pausing  for  refreshments  at  the  Buckhorn 
store. 

The  rain  had  come  down  quite  hard  and  the  turn-off  to  the  Cold 
Springs  campsite  was  boggy.  The  first  bus  slipped  into  an  espe- 
cially muddy  spot  and  for  a  time  it  looked  as  if  that  place  might 
become  a  1974  campsite.  The  next  bus,  however,  pulled  the  first 
one  out,  and  the  trek  was  continued  to  Cold  Springs. 

In  this  lovely  valley,  an  extension  of  Floral  Valley,  the  travelers 
stopped  to  enjoy  the  scenery  and  to  hear  a  paper. 

COLD  SPRINGS  CAMP 

by 
James  Fletcher 

In  addition  to  the  purely  military  reasons  for  undertaking  the 
1874  Black  Hills  Expedition,  extensive  plans  were  made  to  make 
scientific  notations.  These  were  to  be  primarily  records  of  min- 
eralization, drainage  and  topography,  geology,  water  sources,  veg- 
etation and  other  resources.  The  scientific  branch  of  the  Expedi- 
tion, therefore,  was  equipped  with  odometers,  transits,  sextants,  a 
barometer,  thermometers  and  chronometers. 

In  addition,  the  unit  had  doctors,  veterinarians,  a  geologist,  a 
paleontologist,  a  botonist  and  a  photographer.  The  photographer 
made  over  800  pictures,  but  only  a  few  were  turned  over  to  the 
army  for  their  records.  The  balance  were  printed  for  commercial 
use  and  most  have  since  been  lost. 

Each  day  the  unit  engineers  took  compass  readings  along  the 
route  and  transit  readings  to  develop  a  system  of  bearings.  Two 
odometers  attached  to  wheels  of  separate  vehicles  indicated  the 
mileage. 

At  each  campsite  the  sextant  and  chronometers  were  used  to 
determine  latitude  and  longitude.  These  readings  together  with 
the  compass-transit  courses  were  used  to  develop  a  map  of  the 
area.  The  altimeter  provided  elevation  readings  wherever  desired 
and  added  to  the  map  information.  The  map  made  from  these 
procedures  was  not  intended  to  be  very  accurate  but  it  gave  a  good 
general  picture.  At  least  one  elevation  was  considerably  in  error — 
that  of  Harney  Peak.    But  such  an  error  could  be  expected  when 


280  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

an  altimeter  is  subject  to  atmospheric  "highs"  and  "lows"  and  to 
pressure  changes  caused  by  wind. 

In  addition  to  engineering  data  a  large  amount  of  geological  and 
topographic  information  was  recorded.  The  Expedition  was  well 
organized  and  provided  a  wealth  of  information  about  the  Black 
Hills.    Men  of  the  unit  were  proud  of  their  achievement. 

May  I  ask  how  many  people  in  the  assembly  here  have  ever 
driven  horses  or  mules  pulling  a  heavy,  steel-wheeled  wagon?  Do 
you  remember  the  hard  work,  dirt,  sweat,  and  long  hours  involved 
in  traveling  any  distance  in  summertime  heat?  Only  such  personal 
experience  can  give  one  insight  into  the  ordeal  of  Custer's  Ex- 
pedition. 

As  is  apparent  in  the  various  reports,  the  Custer  Expedition  was 
accompanied  by  a  band  which  not  only  played  marching  music  but 
entertained  the  men  with  tunes  of  the  day.  The  Expedition  of 
1974  was  also  treated  to  the  old  musical  favorites.  A  group  of 
Newcastle  High  School  students  under  the  direction  of  Tim 
Thompson  played  "Garry  Owen,"  the  favorite  of  the  Seventh 
Cavalry,  "The  Blue  Danube,"  "Listen  to  The  Mocking  Bird,"  "The 
Girl  I  Left  Behind  Me"  and  other  selections  popular  in  1874. 

Players  were  Jeannie  and  Patty  Plana,  JeriCay  Boulden,  Rene 
Lane,  Deedee  CaiUier,  Cindy  Koski,  Brad  Hokanson,  Doug  and 
Clarke  Dumbrill,  Brant  Williams,  Paul  Bower  and  band  director 
Thompson. 

The  air  was  fresh  and  cool  after  the  summer  rain  and  it  was  with 
some  reluctance  that  the  Cold  Springs  Camp  was  left  behind. 
Following  the  Castle  Creek  drainage  area  mentioned  by  Custer 
Expedition  reports,  the  road  again  followed  the  Cheyenne-Dead- 
wood  Trail  until  the  highway  at  Four  Corners  came  into  view. 

A  dinner  at  the  Flying  V  Cambria  Inn  concluded  the  day's 
activities.  Maurine  Carley  had  been  introduced  and  honored  at 
the  noon  stop  at  Sundance.  At  the  evening  meal  at  the  "V"  she 
was  presented  with  a  five-gaUon  cream  can  by  Mary  Capps  of  the 
Anna  Miller  Museum  in  Weston  County. 

Already  the  question  is  "Where  will  we  go  next  year?"  Wher- 
ever it  is,  it  will  be  exciting.  Following  these  trails  is  one  of  the 
most  "fun"  activities  of  the  historical  society. 


Uook  Keviews 


Travels  in  North  America,  1822-1824.  By  Paul  Wilhelm,  Duke  of 
Wurttemberg.  Trans,  by  W.  Robert  Nitske.  Ed.  by  Savoie 
Lottinville.  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1973) 
Index,  Illus.    456  pp.    $20.00. 

In  1822  Paul  Wilhelm,  Duke  of  Wurttemberg  was  25  years  old, 
with  a  sound  training  in  natural  science,  and  an  urge  to  travel, 
observe  and  collect  biological  specimens.  His  first  trip  to  the 
Western  Hemisphere  took  place  between  October  of  1822  and 
February  of  1824.  However,  the  report  of  his  trip,  Erste  Reise 
nach  dem  nordlichen  Amerika  in  den  Jahren  1822  bis  1824,  was 
not  published  until  1835  after  his  second  trip,  to  which  he  makes 
occasional  reference  in  this  work.  An  earlier  translation,  without 
historic  or  scientific  annotation,  appeared  in  South  Dakota  Histor- 
ical Collections,  XIX  (1938). 

Sailing  from  Hamburg  on  October  17  the  duke  reached  New 
Orleans  on  December  21,  1822.  Two  weeks  later  he  left  for  a 
short  visit  to  Cuba  and  returned  to  New  Orleans  on  March  4.  He 
then  took  a  steamer  to  Bayou  Sara,  upriver  from  Baton  Rouge. 
Here  he  visited  several  plantations  ranging  from  elegant  to  quite 
poverty  stricken  and  collected  zoological  and  botanical  specimens. 
As  he  could  not  obtain  passage  on  a  steamer  for  St.  Louis,  the  duke 
sailed  on  April  10  for  Shippingport  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  and 
paid  a  short  visit  to  Louisville.  On  April  24  passage  for  St.  Louis 
was  finally  obtained. 

With  a  number  of  letters  of  introduction  the  Duke  had  a  pleasant 
stay  in  St.  Louis  and  was  given  passage  on  a  keel  boat  of  the 
Missouri  Fur  Company  bound  for  the  company's  factory  near 
Council  Bluffs  with  supplies — largely  gun  powder.  He  arrived  late 
July  and  a  few  days  later  Duke  Paul  visited  Fort  Atkinson  some 
two  miles  distant.  From  Council  Bluffs  he  traveled  on,  by  land,  to 
Fort  Recovery,  the  trading  post  of  Joshua  Pilcher  near  the  mouth 
of  the  White  River  in  present-day  South  Dakota,  and  to  Fort 
Kiowa  held  by  the  French  Missouri  Company.  Blocked  from 
continuing  upriver  by  the  fighting,  some  two  weeks  previous,  be- 
tween Colonel  Henry  Leavenworth's  punitive  expedition  and  two 
Arikara  villages,  the  duke  returned  by  water  to  Council  Bluffs. 
Here  Colonel  Leavenworth  provided  a  military  escort  for  a  side 
trip  to  villages  of  Otos  and  Sioux  in  the  Platte  River  valley.  On 
October  2,  1823  Paul  Wilhelm  started  his  homeward  trip.  He 
traveled  by  keel-boat  to  St.  Louis,  then  by  river  steamer  to  New 
Orleans,  and  by  brig  from  New  Orleans  on  December  24,  landing 
in  Hamburg  almost  five  months  from  the  time  he  left  Fort 
Atkinson. 

As  a  natural  scientist  the  duke  reported  on  the  animal  and  plant 


282  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

Specimens  he  noted  and  compared  the  climatic  conditions  to  which 
he  was  exposed  to  those  of  Europe.  His  interests  were  not  limited 
to  scientific  matters  but  ranged  far  and  wide,  encompassing  nearly 
everything  he  saw  or  heard.  He  commented  that  Negro  slavery 
should  be  abolished,  but  gradually  so  as  not  to  disrupt  the  economy 
and  society.  He  foretold  the  development  of  the  upper  Mississippi 
basin  as  "the  theater  of  the  New  World."  He  was  quite  compli- 
mentary in  his  comments  on  the  United  States  Army  and  of  the 
national  government's  attitudes  and  endeavors  toward  the  Indians. 
At  one  point  the  narrative  digresses  into  a  five-page  discussion  of 
the  religious  sects  in  the  country.  Early  in  the  trip  his  comments 
on  frontier  society  are  about  what  one  would  expect  from  a  youth- 
ful European  aristocrat  but  as  time  went  on  he  came  to  ignore, 
or  accept,  the  crudities  of  the  frontier  people  and  their  living 
conditions. 

The  journey  from  Hamburg  to  Cuba  and  back  to  New  Orleans 
takes  84  pages  of  the  text.  From  New  Orleans  to  St.  Louis  via 
Shippingport  covers  98  pages.  From  St.  Louis  to  Ft.  Kiowa  and 
return  home  occupies  231  pages.  Considering  the  usual  difficulty 
of  translating  German  into  easy-reading  English,  Nitske  had  done 
a  fine  job.  Annotations  by  Lottinville  cover  both  scientific  and 
historic  matters.  Twenty-four  illustrations  are  provided;  eleven 
are  by  Charles  Bird  King,  Carl  Bodmer  and  George  Catlin.  One 
signature  of  eight  watercolors  was  done  by  Rosshirt  from  descrip- 
tions by  the  duke. 

The  book  is  handsomely  printed  and  bound  but  has  one  serious 
weakness.  Being  a  narrative  of  travel  the  maps  provided  are  com- 
pletely inadequate.  A  one-page  map  covers  the  area  from  New 
Orleans  to  Shippingport  and  Fort  Kiowa  and  can  give  only  the 
roughest  outline  of  the  duke's  travels.  The  reproduction  of  Paul 
Wilhelm's  map  of  Louisiana,  inserted  for  historiographic  reasons, 
is  so  detailed  as  to  be  nearly  useless.  It  is  a  mystery  why  the 
detailed  map  of  the  area  of  Kaskaska,  Illinois,  and  Ste.  Genevieve, 
Missori,  is  on  page  364  when  mention  of  the  area,  in  the  text,  is  on 
page  175.  There  should  be  some  half  dozen  maps  which  would 
allow  the  reader  to  follow  the  wanderings  in  detail. 

Because  of  lack  of  scientific  annotation  in  the  earlier  translation 
this  work  has  been  practically  unknown  to  biologists  of  various 
disciplines  who  are  interested  in  the  historic  distribution  of  plant 
and  animal  life.  With  this  new  edition  it  should  be  a  useful  ref- 
erence. To  the  historian,  here  are  observations  by  a  well  educated 
foreigner  of  conditions  in  the  very  early  Trans-Mississippi  West. 
This  is  a  valuable  book. 

Assistant  Editor  Henry  P.  Walker 

A  rizona  and  the  West 


BOOK  REVIEWS  283 

The  American  Territorial  System.    Edited  by  John  Porter  Bloom. 
(Athens:    Ohio  University  Press,  1973)     248  pp.    $10.00. 

How  did  America's  territorial  government  develop?  Were  terri- 
torial governments  consistent  with  Democratic  and  Republican 
principles?  What  of  the  quality  of  political  leaders  in  the  terri- 
tories? How  does  our  present  administration  of  territories  differ 
from  19th  century  administration?  These  are  some  of  the  ques- 
tions dealt  with  in  The  American  Territorial  System,  a  collection 
of  papers  edited  by  John  Porter  Bloom,  specialist  in  Western  his- 
tory at  the  National  Archives  and  Records  Service. 

Mr.  Bloom,  who  has  to  his  credit  the  editorship  of  The  Territor- 
ial Papers  of  the  United  States,  has  made  use  of  a  series  of  papers 
delivered  by  scholars  attending  a  1969  National  Archives  confer- 
ence devoted  almost  exclusively  to  the  political  developments  of 
territorial  history  from  the  Confederation  period  to  the  1960s. 
While  the  reader  will  not  find  any  raw  sagas  of  life  on  the  frontier, 
he  will  be  introduced  to  the  views  of  recognized  scholars  seeking 
to  unravel  the  political  evolution  of  our  nation's  territorial  gov- 
ernment. 

The  reader  first  becomes  aware  of  Jefferson's  contributions  to 
the  early  formation  of  territorial  government,  and  the  constitu- 
tional principles  underlying  the  Ordinance  of  1785  and  the  historic 
Northwest  Ordinance.  Changes  in  the  political  administration  of 
the  territories  have  been  traced  to  the  Civil  War,  followed  by  a 
review  of  territorial  officials,  land  survey  policies,  and  politics 
during  the  last  quarter  of  the  19th  century.  The  reading  concludes 
with  a  summary  of  the  changes  in  territorial  administration  during 
the  20th  century,  and  the  parting  comment:  "Where  do  we  go 
from  here?" 

A  definite  high  point  in  the  reading  comes  with  the  assessment 
of  Senator  Stephen  Douglas'  role  as  chairman  of  the  Senate's 
Committee  on  Territories.  One  scholar  portrays  Douglas,  commit- 
tee chairman  from  1847  to  1857,  as  an  innovator  in  territorial 
government  who  attempted  to  extend  greater  independence  to  the 
territories  as  demonstrated  in  his  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty. 
If  such  a  view  casts  Douglas  as  a  friend  of  westerners,  a  less 
charitable  interpretation  is  presented  of  the  Illinois  senator  by 
another  scholar  who  flatly  asserts  that  "none  of  Douglas'  innova- 
tions altered  the  system." 

The  archivist-historian  will  welcome  the  periodic  inclusion  with- 
in the  reading  of  sources  that  have  been  used  and  misused  by 
historians  to  unlock  territorial  history.  Even  the  physical  dimen- 
sions of  history  have  been  presented  as  we  find  that  one  set  of 
papers  comprises  1 146  volumes  and  occupies  325  linear  feet  in  the 
Archives,  while  another  set  of  records  promises  only  three  inches 
of  history,  etc. 

Perhaps  one  of  the  most  rewarding  aspects  of  Bloom's  editorial 


284  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

work  has  been  the  attention  given  to  current  historical  interpreta- 
tion. While  one  scholar  contends  that  territorial  officials  were 
generally  sincere  and  effective  administrators,  another  scholar  re- 
futes such  thinking  in  a  case  study  of  Utah  territorial  courts, 
stating,  "The  men  appointed  to  the  supreme  court  in  Utah  were 
political  hacks  who  had  worn  out  their  welcome  at  home  and  were 
appointed  out  West  to  get  rid  of  them  .  .  .  ."  Carpetbag  govern- 
ment no  less! 

One  historian  eruditely  claims  that  settlement  was  held  up  in  the 
western  territories  by  land  survey  policies  that  retarded  develop- 
ment, and  that  eastern  and  midwestern  attitudes  can  be  blamed 
for  these  policies.  Another  writer  in  the  series  of  readings  points 
out  that  a  one-party  or  no-party  system  was  most  characteristic  of 
territorial  politics  after  the  Civil  War.  Relying  on  a  study  of  New 
Mexico's  territorial  governor  George  Curry  who  was  appointed  to 
that  position  in  1907,  one  historian  examines  the  expanding  power 
of  the  territorial  governor  at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century. 
In  consequence,  one  realizes  that  territorial  government  was  more 
than  simply  a  prelude  to  statehood;  and  that  change,  even  though 
spontaneous  rather  than  systematic,  marked  the  evolution  of  terri- 
torial government. 

Slightly  disappointing  has  been  the  sparseness  of  editorial  com- 
mentary by  Bloom.  More  complete  introductions  to  the  readings 
would  have  strengthened  the  book  and  added  to  the  reader's 
knowledge  of  the  continuity  of  territorial  history. 

While  some  readers  may  be  annoyed  by  the  book's  attention  to 
the  proceedings  and  discussions  of  that  1969  conference,  the 
scholarly  and  well-documented  quality  of  Bloom's  book  will  appeal 
to  all  who  are  seriously  interested  in  discovering  the  political  foun- 
dations of  territorial  expansion. 

Eastern  Wyoming  College  Don  Hodgson 


The  Overland  Trail.  To  California  in  1852.  By  Herbert  Eaton. 
(New  York:  Capricorn  Books.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1974.) 
Illus.    330  pp.     $8.95. 

Epic  journeys  hold  a  special  place  in  the  history  and  literature 
of  civilized  mankind.  The  Greek  origins  of  western  civilization 
focus  on  the  struggles  portrayed  in  Homer's  Iliad  and  Odyssey. 
Determination  and  struggle  occupy  a  dominant  position  in  the 
settlement,  growth,  and  maturation  of  this  nation.  Until  industrial- 
ization became  so  much  a  part  of  America's  life-style,  the  move- 
ment west  molded  the  American  character. 

By  using  the  pioneers'  words,  Herbert  Eaton  presents  a  light  yet 
meaningful  account  of  the  tragedy  and  hardships  endured  by  emi- 
grants destined  for  the  gold  fields  in  California  and  Zion  in  Salt 


BOOK  REVIEWS  285 

Lake  City.  The  expert  interweaving  of  several  diary  accounts 
results  in  a  flowing  episode  of  advance  along  the  Overland  Trail 
in  1852.  Many  thousands  sacrificed  family  bonds,  personal  safety, 
and  security  in  an  ordered  society  to  reach  for  the  economic  and 
spiritual  opportunities  available  in  the  Far  West. 

Stark  reality,  not  romance,  fills  the  pages  of  emigrant  diaries. 
Lured  by  the  call  of  Brigham  Young,  thousands  of  "Saints"  found 
the  Great  Plains  treacherous  and  even  harmful  to  spiritual  purity. 
Instead  of  faithfully  observing  Sundays  as  restful,  religious  days, 
the  emigrants  often  had  to  place  religious  worship  second  to  mile- 
age. Traveling  companions  frustrated  by  swollen  streams,  a  lack 
of  wood,  and  prairie  heat  fell  to  feuding  over  whether  resting  on 
the  Lord's  Day  was  necessary  or  a  sinful  waste  of  time.  Addison 
Crane  complained  of  "The  most  horrid  profanity  and  degrading 
vulgarity  of  obscenity  of  language"  as  being  "nearly  universal." 
The  long,  arduous  days  of  slow  movement  in  a  hostile  environment 
heightened  tensions  and  undermined  the  most  civilized  traits.  Out 
of  necessity  fastidious  women  grew  accustomed  to  loading  them- 
selves down  with  the  fuel  of  the  plains — buffalo  chips. 

Practicality  meant  survival  to  the  thousands  moving  west  along 
the  Overland  Trail  in  1852.  Civilized  virtues  succumbed  grudg- 
ingly for  as  one  correspondent  bluntly  put  it:  "To  enjoy  such  a 
trip  (to  California)  along  with  such  a  crowd  of  emigration,  a  man 
must  be  able  to  endure  heat  like  a  salamander,  mud  and  water  like 
a  muskrat,  dust  like  a  toad,  and  labor  like  a  Jackass."  As  in  most 
other  situations  money  provided  the  key  and  not  Christian  charity; 
without  money  the  emigrant  could  not  obtain  supphes,  fix  a  broken 
wagon,  or  be  floated  across  dozens  of  rushing  rivers.  At  every 
step  of  the  way  con  artists  or  "scalpers"  preyed  upon  the  weary 
emigrant.  Considerable  fortunes  must  have  been  made  by  toll 
collectors  and  ferry  operators  when  they  demanded,  in  some  cases, 
a  fee  of  five  dollars  per  wagon  and  fifty  cents  per  person  and 
animal  to  provide  transportation  across  the  raging  river.  Except 
for  sickness,  which  usually  was  diagnosed  as  cholera,  the  greatest 
danger  encountered  crossing  the  Great  Plains  was  drowning,  so 
emigrants  wisely  paid  inflated  prices  to  ferry  operators. 

California-bound  pioneers  quickly  realized  that  after  crossing 
the  Great  Plains  they  had  encountered  only  the  first  of  many  great 
obstacles.  Fortunate  Mormons  who  terminated  their  westward 
advance  at  Salt  Lake  City  escaped  the  drudgery  and  misery  of  the 
Great  Basin  desert  and  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains. 

Eaton's  The  Overland  Trail  tells  of  human  struggle  and  hope  as 
does  John  Steinbeck's  The  Grapes  of  Wrath.  The  times  and  cir- 
cumstances differ  but  whether  the  emigrants  be  destitute  "Okie" 
sharecroppers  of  the  1930s  or  Illinois  farmers  of  the  1850s,  Cali- 
fornia seemed  the  land  of  glistening  opportunity.  But  the  road  to 
opportunity  was  littered  with  broken  friendships,  graves  and  mis- 
ery.   Despite  the  apparent  hopelessness  of  the  situation  the  human 


286  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

spirit  remained  firm.  Those  pessimistic  about  the  survival  of  the 
human  race  in  the  midst  of  nuclear  threats,  food  shortages  and 
pollution  would  do  themselves  considerable  justice  to  read  The 
Overland  Trail  and  The  Grapes  of  Wrath.  As  long  as  the  will 
to  survive  and  endure  remains,  we  need  not  fear  passing  into 
obscurity. 

The  strengths  of  this  book  by  far  outweigh  a  few  minor  incon- 
veniences the  reader  has  to  bear.  I  was  anxious  to  pinpoint  the 
location  of  the  emigrants  but  was  unable  to  do  so  since  the  only 
map  available  was  very  general.  More  specific  maps  would  add 
considerably,  especially  for  those  who  live  in  the  vicinity  of  The 
Overland  Trail  and  desire  to  more  exactly  relate  landmarks  with 
travel  accounts.  I  could  only  guess  at  the  location  of  often- 
mentioned  places  as  Kanesville,  Mormon  Ferry,  and  City  of  the 
Rocks.  However,  Eaton  has  performed  an  excellent  job  of  letting 
the  emigrants  tell  their  own  stories.  Only  rarely  does  the  author 
interject  clarifying  or  transitional  statements.  Thus  The  Overland 
Trail  succeeds  in  telling  how  the  movement  west  actually  took 
place,  and  avoids  telling  it  how  popular  writers  think  it  should  have 
happened. 

An  inexpensive  paperback  edition  of  this  book  is  something  I 
eagerly  await.  High  school  and  college  history  teachers  will  find 
this  book  an  invaluable  aid  since  more  students  today  want  to 
know  the  realities  of  the  past. 

Laramie  County  Community  College  James  R.  Johns 


The  Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock  Association:  Federal  Regulation 
and  the  Cattleman's  Last  Frontier.  By  William  W.  Savage, 
Jr.  (Columbia:  University  of  Missouri  Press,  1973).  Maps. 
Bib.    Index.     150  pp.    $8.50. 

In  concise,  direct  language  focusing  on  the  operation  of  the 
Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock  Association,  William  Savage  examines 
the  interrelationships  of  cattlemen,  homesteaders,  Indians,  and  the 
federal  government  from  1883  to  1893.  The  interaction  of  this 
quartet  of  disparate  elements  permits  Savage  to  offer  insights  into 
the  post-Civil  War  Indian  and  land  policies  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment. In  the  process.  Savage  examines  the  role  of  the  federal 
bureaucracy  as  it  relates  to  ranchers  and  Indians  as  businessmen. 
Some  incidental  observations  are  also  made  about  the  stereotyped 
violent  encounters  between  cattlemen  and  homesteaders. 

From  the  beginning  the  Association  was  an  anomaly — an  organ- 
ization coming  into  existence  in  response  to  bureaucratic  encroach- 
ments by  the  federal  government  in  an  era  when  government 
regulations  were  uncommon.  This  organization's  efforts  to  secure 
and  retain  leases  to  land  in  the  Cherokee  Outlet  provided  the 


BOOK  REVIEWS  287 

catalyst  for  the  interaction  of  the  Cherokee  Nation,  the  federal 
government,  and  land  hungry  homesteaders.  Finally  with  the  sale 
of  the  Cherokee  Outlet,  the  Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock  Association 
lost  its  reason  for  existence.  Cattlemen,  while  continuing  their 
ranching  activities,  turned  to  other  business  pursuits  or  expanded 
those  in  which  they  were  already  involved. 

Yet  it  was  not  the  cattlemen  who  lost  in  this  ten-year  cycle  of 
moves  and  countermoves.  The  sale  of  the  Cherokee  Outlet  by  the 
federal  government  marked  the  end  of  Cherokee  sovereignty.  For 
the  Cherokee  Nation  the  maintenence  of  this  revenue-producing 
land  and  the  ability  to  manipulate  the  cattlemen  with  the  federal 
government  looking  on  was  a  manifestation  of  independence  at  a 
time  when  the  loss  of  sovereignty  by  other  Indians  was  already 
established  fact. 

This  book  is  admirably  brief  and  direct.  It  is  also  an  important 
book  since  the  study  of  the  Cherokee  Live  Stock  Association 
permits  scrutiny  of  the  end  of  an  era — the  close  of  the  rancher's 
dominance  of  the  West,  the  demise  of  Cherokee  national  sover- 
eignty, and  the  role  of  the  federal  bureaucracy  in  the  development 
of  the  West.  Savage  successfully  challenges  the  Turnerian  image 
of  the  "cattlemen-as-individualists"  since  ranchers  in  this  instance 
relied  strongly  on  the  due  process  of  law  in  preference  to  direct, 
personal  (and  possibly  violent)  action  in  potentially  explosive 
situations.  By  extension  Savage  also  challenges  Edward  Everett 
Dale's  interpretation  of  the  role  of  the  Association.  Here,  too. 
Savage  is  convincing. 

One  other  aspect  which  contributes  to  the  success  of  this  book 
is  its  design.  Savage's  publisher  deserves  commendation  for  de- 
viating from  the  usual  practice  of  placing  footnotes  at  the  bottom 
of  the  page.  In  this  instance,  no  doubt  prompted  by  the  compact- 
ness of  the  text,  footnotes  are  placed  to  the  side  of  the  text.  While 
facilitating  uninterrupted  reading,  this  practice  is  aesthetically 
pleasing. 

This  book  is  highly  recommended  to  professional  historians  and 
laymen  who  should  find  it  stimulating  and  informative  reading. 

University  of  Kansas  Louis  George  Griffin  III 


The  Last  West.  A  History  of  the  Great  Plains  of  North  America. 
By  Russell  McKee.  (New  York:  Thomas  Y.  Crowell  Com- 
pany, 1974).    Index.    Bib.    Illus.    312  pp.    $8.95. 

The  title  proclaims  this  volume  to  be  a  history  of  the  Great 
Plains;  however,  it  is  not  a  scholarly,  carefully  documented,  or 
balanced  treatment  and  does  not  utilize  new  materials  which  add 
to  the  historical  record  of  the  region.     Russell  McKee  states  that 


288  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

his  "original  idea  was  to  write  a  descriptive  book  for  those  who 
would  rather  read  about  the  region  than  have  to  travel  through  it." 
But,  "as  the  project  progressed,  it  changed  .  .  .  and  far  from  re- 
maining a  descriptive  text,  it  comes  out  as  it  should:  a  book  of 
stories  about  people  and  their  response  to  an  unusual  landscape." 
With  an  eye  toward  the  potential  tourist,  McKee  has  written  a 
journalistic  narrative  comprised  of  historical  fragments  he  found  of 
interest. 

McKee  attacks  the  definition  of  the  Great  Plains  advocated  by 
Walter  Prescott  Webb  as  too  simple  and  inclusive  and  that  by 
Nevin  M.  Fenneman  as  too  detailed.  Unfortunately,  McKee's 
definition  might  be  characterized  as  too  nebulous,  being  that  "living 
assemblage  of  constantly  changing  natural  units — landforms,  plant 
types,  and  human  and  animal  habitats — all  lying  on  a  strip  of 
ground  400  to  600  miles  wide  and  2000  miles  long  just  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains."  This  area  distinguished  by  "variety,  move- 
ment, and  surprising  differences"  is  so  vaguely  defined  that  it  truly 
is  an  "uneasy  totality." 

Serious  students  of  the  region's  history  will  be  disappointed  by 
the  numerous  errors.  Regional  readers  will  be  surprised  to  learn 
that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  lived  the  end  of  his  life  in  royal  favor  and 
that  Lewis  and  Clark,  because  of  Sacajawea's  nationality,  hired 
Charbonneau  as  a  cook.  The  inaccurate  assertion  that  along  the 
Oregon  Trail  "the  large  number  of  travelers  clearly  lowered  the 
frequency  of  Indian  clashes"  is  typical  and  forces  careful  consider- 
ation of  other  generalizations.  A  ready  tendency  to  exaggerate  is 
illustrated  by  the  author's  title  for  his  chapter  on  the  Louisiana 
Purchase,  "The  World's  Biggest  Real  Estate  Swindle."  Careless 
mistakes  mar  the  book.  While  the  appendix  lists  the  Badlands 
National  Monument  as  a  major  attraction,  it  does  not  appear  on 
the  map  of  "Major  Geographical  Features  of  the  Great  Plains 
Region;"  the  text  states  that  "as  late  as  1735,  there  were  no  horses 
north  and  east  of  the  Missouri  River,"  but  on  the  map  indicating 
the  "Northward  Diffusion  of  Horses  into  the  Great  Plains"  the 
Northern  Cheyenne  are  located  in  Minnesota  and  the  Sioux  in 
eastern  South  Dakota  with  horses  as  early  as  1700. 

The  book  lacks  balance.  The  bulk  of  the  volume  is  devoted  to 
early  exploration  and  recent  history  is  so  briefly  treated  that  the 
Custer  battle  occurs  only  40  pages  from  the  end  of  the  text.  This 
imbalance  produces  an  inadequate  history  of  the  Great  Plains  after 
the  early  nineteenth  century.  Treatment  of  the  cattle  industry  is 
sketchy  and  events  such  as  the  Johnson  County  War  are  not  men- 
tioned. Territorial  politics  are  so  neglected  that  studies  such  as 
those  by  Howard  Lamar  and  Lewis  Gould  are  not  included  in  the 
bibliography.  Although  the  Indian  wars  receive  some  treatment, 
there  is  no  mention  of  the  Red  Cloud  War  and  the  story  of 
Wounded  Knee  is  told  without  mention  of  the  Ghost  Dance.  Con- 
sideration of  the  twentieth  century  is  limited  to  a  somewhat  pessi- 


BOOK  REVIEWS  289 

mistic  essay  on  problems  such  as  erosion,  water  shortages,  strip 
mining  and  their  future  implications. 

To  find  merits  in  a  book  which  lacks  careful  definition  of  its 
topic,  contains  errors  and  exaggerations,  lacks  balance  and  has 
major  omissions  is  a  difficult  task.  It  appears  that  the  author  and 
publisher  could  have  provided  a  more  accurate  and  balanced 
survey  of  the  history  of  the  Great  Plains  and  maintained  a  popular 
style  with  appeal  to  the  general  public  and  potential  tourist. 

Dakota  Wesleyan  University  James  D.  McLaird 


Cheyenne  and  Sioux.  The  Reminiscences  of  Four  Indians  and  a 
White  Soldier.  Compiled  by  Thomas  B.  Marquis.  Edited  by 
Ronald  H.  Limbaugh.  (Stockton,  Calif.:  Pacific  Center  for 
Western  Historical  Studies,  Monograph  Number  Three, 
1973).    Index.    Illus.    79  pp. 

This  is  a  precious  little  book.  Well,  it  is  not  really  a  book — it  is 
the  transcription  of  four  short  interviews  with  individual  Cheyenne 
and  Sioux  and  one  reminiscence  of  a  white  cook  for  Indian  scouts. 
The  entire  text  is  72  pages,  and  both  its  brevity  and  its  content  are 
a  welcome  addition  to  our  library  of  source  materials  on  the  plains 
Indian  and  the  corrosive  contact  of  white  man's  civilization  with 
them. 

All  of  the  interviews  were  with  Dr.  Marquis  in  the  1920s,  and 
two  of  them  are  essentially  reprints  of  articles  he  first  published  in 
Century  Magazine.  Mr.  Ronald  Limbaugh,  who  edited  this  mono- 
graph, is  a  perceptive,  analytical  historian  in  his  own  right,  and  in 
this  instance  he  has  chosen  not  to  force  these  individual  stories  into 
a  narrative  but  to  let  them  speak  with  their  own  plain  eloquence. 

The  most  impressive  story  in  this  collection  is  "Iron  Teeth,  a 
Cheyenne  Woman."  Born  in  1834,  "in  the  moon  when  the  berries 
are  ripe,"  she  gives  us  the  wrenching,  first-hand  account  of  the 
1877  displacement  and  forced  march  of  the  Northern  Cheyenne 
from  Dakota  to  a  reservation  in  Oklahoma  and  their  return  flight 
for  which  Mari  Sandoz  gives  an  admirable  fictionalized  account  in 
Cheyenne  Autumn.  Iron  Teeth's  portrayal  of  the  fear,  starvation 
and  freezing  death  is  made  all  the  more  poignant  by  her  quiet 
narration. 

We  read  short,  even  cryptic,  but  still  startling  eye-witness  ac- 
counts, previously  unpublished,  of  such  important  events  as  the 
Sand  Creek  Massacre,  Wounded  Knee  and  the  death  of  Sitting 
Bull.  For  instance,  the  personal  narrative  "A  Cheyenne  Old  Man" 
briefly  recounts  the  Battle  of  Little  Big  Horn  and  Fetterman's 
Massacre  and  characterizes  both  troops  as  actually  having  killed 
themselves  in  those  battles  when  they  perceived  their  desperate 


290  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

situation.    This  reinforces  a  claim  which  Marquis  made  in  Wooden 
Leg,  a  Warrior  Who  Fought  Custer. 

In  all  these  related  experiences  we  feel  a  personal  absorption 
with  the  Indian-White  cultural  clash  of  the  19th  century  and  the 
same  kind  of  individualized  empathy  which  we  experienced  in 
Black  Elk  Speaks,  Wooden  Leg  or  Bury  My  Heart  at  Wounded 
Knee. 

Northwest  Community  College  Roy  Jordan 


Dear  Ellen.  Two  Mormon  Women  and  Their  Letters.  By  S. 
George  Ellsworth.  (Salt  Lake  City:  Tanner  Trust  Fund, 
University  of  Utah  Library,  1974).    Index.    92  pp.    $12. 

There  is  something  universal  in  the  lives  of  the  two  Mormon 
women,  both  named  Ellen,  who  exchanged  letters  in  the  1850s. 
There  is  romance  in  their  talk  of  "bygone  days,"  of  love  and  of 
marriage,  children,  and  friends.  These  personal  letters  reveal  the 
sharp  realities  of  birth,  death,  hardship  and  disappointments  that 
come  to  all  of  us. 

There  is  also  something  unique  in  this  slim  volume,  especially  to 
the  non-Mormon.  Several  letters  contain  passages  that  are  con- 
fessional in  nature.  They  disclose  a  wife's  reaction  to  her  husband 
bringing  home  an  additional  wife,  the  fear  aroused  over  the  possi- 
bility of  the  State  of  Deseret  going  to  war  against  the  United  States, 
and  a  family's  solidarity  when  the  father  goes  to  prison  in  defense 
of  his  beliefs  and  life  style. 

S.  George  Ellsworth,  a  professor  of  history  at  Utah  State  Uni- 
versity, has  bound  the  letters  together  with  great  skill.  The  Mor- 
mon zeal  for  genealogy  and  reverence  for  the  past  are  the  founda- 
tion for  the  story.  The  author  has  selected  poems  written  by  the 
Ellens,  used  passages  from  diaries  of  their  contemporaries,  and 
interwoven  a  narrative  to  place  the  seven  letters  in  historical  per- 
spective. All  is  in  its  proper  place,  soHd  and  well  documented. 
The  fabric  reminds  me  of  a  colorful  and  carefully  stitched  patch- 
work quilt. 

Ellen  Spencer  Clawson  and  Ellen  Pratt  McGary  were  typical 
Mormon  women.  They  had  been  childhood  friends  in  Nauvoo, 
Illinois;  they  spent  the  winter  of  1844-1845  in  Winter  Quarters; 
and  had  crossed  the  plains  to  Salt  Lake  City  in  the  same  caravan. 
Then  their  lives  separated. 

Ellen  Pratt  accompanied  her  father  and  mother  on  a  Mormon 
mission  to  the  Society  Islands  where  she  learned  the  language  and 
became  a  favorite  of  the  Polynesians.  After  returning  to  the  United 
States,  she  married  and  settled  in  a  rural  community  in  southern 
Utah.    Many  thought  she  married  beneath  her  station. 

Ellen  Spencer  married  Hiram  B.  Clawson,  who  became  Brigham 


BOOK  REVIEWS  291 

Young's  personal  business  manager,  a  leading  merchant,  bishop, 
and  diplomatic  missionary  for  the  Mormon  church.  He  was  an 
amateur  actor  and  played  a  dynamic  role  in  the  founding  of  the 
business  and  cultural  community  in  Salt  Lake  City. 

The  book  clearly  delineates  two  patterns  of  Mormon  family  life. 
The  Hiram  Clawson  family  of  Salt  Lake  City,  with  four  wives  and 
42  children,  was  at  the  hub  of  history.  Ellen  Clawson  was  the  first 
wife;  she  enjoyed  social  position  and  creature  comforts  available 
in  the  capital  of  Mormonism  but  shared  her  husband's  love  with 
three  other  wives.  Ellen  Pratt  McGary's  life  in  the  outposts  was  in 
sharp  contrast.  Although  she  had  "love  in  a  cottage"  with  one 
husband,  her  life  was  harsh  and  her  circumstances  pinched  and 
plain. 

In  spite  of  the  differences  in  life  style,  the  two  Ellens  were  bound 
together  by  past  remembrances,  the  personal  interconnections  of 
their  sect,  and  their  shared  religious  convictions.  Many  references 
are  made  to  parties  centered  around  the  church  community.  Both 
partook  of  all  life  had  to  offer,  wherever  they  were. 

I  recommend  this  book  to  all  interested  in  the  details  of  family 
living  on  the  frontier.  It  is  informative,  thought  provoking,  and 
above  all,  warm,  human,  and  delightful. 

Cheyenne  Shirley  E.  Flynn 


Pat  Garrett.  The  Saga  of  a  Western  Lawman.  By  Leon  C.  Metz. 
(Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1974).  Index. 
Bib.    lUus.    328  pp.    $8.95. 

The  frontier  manhunter,  the  man  who  pursues  and  kills  or  cap- 
tures a  resourceful  badman,  has  captivated  the  minds  of  Americans 
for  decades.  Leon  C.  Metz  presents  a  biography  of  the  most  noted 
of  the  western  lawmen,  Patrick  Floyd  Garrett,  the  killer  of  Billy 
the  Kid.  Metz,  who  is  archivist  of  the  University  of  Texas  Library 
at  El  Paso,  is  well  known  for  biographies  of  other  gunmen  of  the 
Southwest,  John  Selman:  Texas  Gunfighter  (1966),  and  Dallas 
Stoudenmire:  El  Paso  Marshal  (1969). 

Patrick  Floyd  Garrett  sprang  into  prominence  in  New  Mexico 
Territory  in  1880  when,  as  sheriff  and  deputy  United  States  mar- 
shal of  Lincoln  County,  he  broke  up  a  notorious  band  of  thieves 
and  killed  its  leader,  Billy  the  Kid.  Garrett,  who  desired  a  reputa- 
tion as  an  "hombre  to  be  reckoned  with,"  became,  in  the  words  of 
the  author,  the  "best-known  and  the  most  feared  and  hated  south- 
westerner  of  his  time."  Aside  from  a  stint  as  a  ranger  (1884- 
1885)  for  a  cattleman's  association  in  Texas  and  an  inglorious 
tenure  as  sheriff  (1896-1900)  of  Dona  Ana  County,  New  Mexico, 
Garrett  devoted  most  his  time  to  unsuccessful  business  ventures. 
He  fell  deeply  into  debt,  drank  heavily,  and  pursued  a  loose  social 


292  ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 

life.     On  February  29,  1908,  a  young  goat  rancher,  with  whom 
Garrett  had  quarreled,  shot  and  killed  the  old  lawman. 

The  author  displays  a  considerable  amount  of  research  and  pre- 
sents his  facts  in  a  lively  and  often  entertaining  style,  although  the 
book  falls  short  of  expectations  in  some  areas.  The  writer  de- 
scribes United  States  Marshal  John  E.  Sherman,  Jr.,  Garrett's 
superior  in  the  pursuit  of  Billy  the  Kid,  as  an  incompetent  alco- 
hoHc.  A  closer  examination  of  the  nature  of  Sherman's  office 
would  reveal  that  the  marshal  was  merely  a  court  officer.  The 
Department  of  Justice,  the  agency  in  charge  of  the  marshals,  was 
not  adequately  equipped  to  conduct  the  pursuit  of  bandits.  The 
author  singles  out  Secret  Serviceman  Azariah  Wild  as  the  most 
energetic  federal  officer  to  pursue  Billy  the  Kid.  Yet,  a  White 
Oaks  journalist  thought  differently  when  he  observed  that  Wild 
had  obhgingly  "told  everyone  of  his  [secret]  business"  in  Lincoln 
County  and  was,  in  addition,  "a  rank  coward."  (see  Santa  Fe 
Daily  New  Mexican,  January  9,  1881)  The  writer  argues  con- 
vincingly that  Wayne  Brazel,  the  murderer  of  Pat  Garrett,  was  not 
a  part  of  a  conspiracy,  but  that  Brazel  killed  him  out  of  "hate  and 
fear."  However,  it  would  be  helpful  to  explore  an  obscure  incident 
which  involved  Garrett  and  one  Will  Brazel  in  1897,  when  Garrett 
was  sheriff  of  Dona  Ana  County.  The  Las  Cruces  Rio  Grande 
Republican  of  June  11,1 897,  reported  that  Garrett  and  a  deputy 
had  recently  arrested  Brazel  and  others  for  the  murder  of  a  sheep- 
herder  near  Three  Rivers.  The  relationship  of  Will  Brazel  to 
Wayne,  if  any,  is  not  known.  In  spite  of  these  observations,  this 
biography  will  remain  for  some  time  the  standard  treatment  of  the 
life  of  Pat  Garrett.  It  renders  useless  the  popular  work  of  Richard 
O'Connor,  Pat  Garrett:  A  Biography  of  the  Famous  Marshal  and 
the  Killer  of  Billy  the  Kid  (1960),  although  Metz  fails  to  list  this 
book  in  his  bibliography.  Many  obscure  photographs  accentuate 
the  value  of  Leon  Metz's  work. 

Arkansas  State  University  Larry  D.  Ball 


CoHtrWutors 


Karen  L.  (Mrs.  Charles  M.)  Love  received  her  M.A.  in 
American  Studies  from  the  University  of  Wyoming  in  1972.  Her 
undergraduate  work  was  at  Wittenberg  University,  Springfield, 
Ohio,  where  she  earned  her  B.  A.  in  1967.  Academic  awards 
received  by  Mrs.  Love  include  a  Coe  Fellowship,  University  of 
Wyoming,  1970-1972.  The  study  of  J.  B.  Okie  was  her  master's 
thesis  for  which  she  received  assistance  through  a  grant-in-aid  from 
the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  She  is  presently  a  Learning 
Lab  instructor  at  Western  Wyoming  Community  College,  and  has 
previously  taught  high  school  English  in  Montana,  Nevada  and 
California. 

Fred  R.  Gowans,  assistant  professor  of  Indian  Studies  at  Brig- 
ham  Young  University  has  previously  had  articles  in  western 
history  published  in  Utah  State  Historical  Quarterly  and  is  awaiting 
publication  of  a  book  on  the  history  of  Fort  Bridger.  He  received 
the  Ph.D.  in  Western  history  at  BYU  in  1972.  Dr.  Gowans  is  a 
member  of  numerous  professional  organizations  including  Phi 
Alpha  Theta,  Western  History  Association  and  several  western 
state  historical  societies  including  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society. 

Doris  Lanier,  a  native  of  Georgia,  received  both  her  B.A.  and 
M.A.  degrees  from  Georgia  Southern  College.  She  has  published 
in  Intellect  as  well  as  Georgia  Historical  Quarterly  and  Tennessee 
Historical  Quarterly.  She  is  an  English  instructor  at  Georgia 
Southern  College,  Statesboro. 


hdex 


"Aladdin  Campsite,"  by  Jerry  lekel, 

267-269 
The    American    Territorial    System, 

ed.  by  John  Porter  Bloom,  review, 

283-284 
Anderson,  Jeannette,    179-181.     See 

Okie,  Jeanette 
"Ascent   of   Inyan    Kara    Mountain, 

July  23,    1874,"  by  Mary  Capps, 

271-275 


B 


Badwater  Creek,  173,  174,  177,  178, 
195 

Ball,  Larry  D.,  review  of  Pat  Gar- 
rett. The  Saga  of  a  Western  Law- 
man, 291-292 

Beaver  Creek,  177,  191 

Beaver  Creek,  Mont.,  275 

Beaver  Creek  Camp,  Mont.,  276 

Belle  Fourche  River,  265 

Benson,  Ezra  T.,  228 

Big  Horn  Sheep  Company,  174,  181, 
185,  193-194,  201,  203 

"Bill  Nye  in  the  South,"  by  Doris 
Lanier,  253-262 

Bloom,  John  Porter,  ed..  The  Amer- 
ican Territorial  System,  review, 
283-284 

Black  Hills,  263-280 

Black  Hills  Expedition,  1874,  263- 
280.     See  Custer  Expedition 

Bridger,  James,  217,  218,  237,  238, 
241,  242,  248,  249,  250,  251 

Bridger  Ranch,  243,  245,  246,  247 

Bright,  A.  D.,  177,  179,  192 

Brown,  James  S.,  221,  223,  224,  225, 
231 

Brown,  Mabel,  "The  Wyoming  Por- 
tion of  the  Custer  Expedition  of 
1874  to  Explore  the  Black  Hills," 
Trek  No.  25  of  the  Historical 
Trail  Treks,  263-280;  "Floral  Val- 
ley," 277-280 

Brown,  T.  D.,  232 

Bullock,  Capt.  Isaac,  221,  224,  226, 
227,  228,  229,  230,  231,  232,  234 

Bullock,  Thomas,  218 

Boyd,  George,  228 


Burton,  Col.  Robert  T.,  235 
Butler,  Gen.  B.  F.,  249 


Cadet  Draw,  177 

Capps,  Mary,  280;  "Ascent  of  Inyan 
Kara  Mountain,  July  23,  1874," 
271-275 

Carley,  Maurine,  263,  280 

Carter,  Charles  M.,  249,  250,  251 

Carter,  Judge,  248 

Casper  Mercantile  Company,  199- 
201 

Casper  Mountain,  182 

The  Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock  As- 
sociation: Federal  Regulation  and 
the  Cattleman's  Last  Frontier, 
by  William  W.  Savage,  Jr.,  re- 
view, 286-287 

Cheyenne  and  Sioux.  The  Reminis- 
cences of  Four  Indians  and  a 
White  Soldier,  comp.  by  Thomas 
B.  Marquis,  ed.  by  Ronald  H. 
Limbaugh,  review,  289-290 

Cheyenne  River,  266 

City  Supply,  235 

Cold  Creek,  265 

"Cold  Springs  Camp,"  by  James 
Fletcher,  279-280 

Crosby,  Jesse  W.,  234 

Cummings,  Alfred,  233,  237 

Cunningham,  Pvt.  John,  270,  275, 
276 

Custer,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  266 

Custer,  Lt.  Col.  George  A.,  263-280 


D 


Dear  Ellen.  Two  Mormon  Women 
and  Their  Letters,  by  S.  George 
Ellsworth,  review,  290-291 

DeSmet,  Father,  273 

Devils  Tower,  272 

Donaldson,  Prof.  A.  B.,  268,  272, 
273,  274,  275,  276,  278,  279 

Drummond,  Willis,  249 

Dumbrill,  Lucille,  "Government  Val- 
ley, July  21,  1874,"  269-271 

Dumbrill,  Richard,  "Sketch  of  the 
Black  Hills  Expedition  of  1874," 
264-267 


INDEX 


295 


Eaton,  Herbert,  The  Overland  Trail. 

To    California    in    1852,    review, 

284-286 
Edwards,  Harry  Stillwell,  253-262 
"The    1850  Overland   Diary  of  Dr. 

Warren  Hough,"  207-216 
Ellsworth,    S.    George,    Dear   Ellen. 

Two  Mormon   Women  and  Their 

Letters,  review,  290-291 


H 


Harney  Peak,  279-280 
Harrison,  U.S.  Rep.  William,  275 
Hayden,  F.  V.,  273 
Hockaday,  John  M.,  218 
Hodgson,  Don,  review  of  The  Amer- 
ican Territorial  System,  283-284 
Holabird,  Gen.  S.  B.,  249,  250 
Hough,  Dr.  Warren,  207-216 
Hunter,  Milton  R.,  236 
Hyde,  Orson,  219,  221,  223,  224 


Ferguson,  James,  218 
Ferris,  Van,  194-195 
Ferwada,  Cameron,  263,  267 
Fletcher,    James,    "Cold    Springs 

Camp,"  279-280 
Floral  Valley,  265,  266;  "Floral  Val- 
ley," by  Mabel  Brown,  277-280 
Flynn,    Shirley   E.,   review   of  Dear 

Ellen.    Two  Mormon  Women  and 

Their  Letters,  290-291 
Forsythe,  Gen.,  273 
FORTS  AND  CAMPS 

Abraham  Lincoln,  N.D.,  264,  265, 

266,  269 

Bridger.  217-251;  photo,  240 

Laramie,  273 

Scott,  237,  238 

Supply,  217-237;  photo,  220;  pho- 
to, present  site,  235 
"Fort  Bridger:    Claims  and  Counter 

Claims,"  by  Fred  R.  Gowans,  237- 

251 
Fort  Supply  Indian  Mission,  224 
"The    Fort    on    Willow    Creek,"    by 

Fred  R.  Gowans,  217-237 


I 


lekel,    Jerry,    "Aladdin    Campsite," 

267-269 
Illingworth,  William  H.,  264,  274 
INDIANS 

Agents  and  Agencies 
McGillicuddy,  273 
Pine  Ridge,  273 
Chiefs  and  Individuals 

Black  Bear  (Mento  Supa).  227 

Cold  Hand,  273 

Corger,  Mary,  226 

Corsetry,  226 

Friday,  Chief,  226,  227 

Tababooindowetsy,  (Tababooin- 

dowesyam).  Chief,  230 
Ward,  Sally,  226 
Washakie,  Chief,  223,  225,  226 
Myths  and  Legends 

Sioux,  273 
Tribes 

Shoshone,  222 
Inyan  Kara  Camp,  270 
Inyan  Kara  Creek,  265 
Inyan  Kara  Mt.,  265,  271,  276 


Gatling  guns,  264 

Gore,  Sir  George,  273 

"Government  Valley,  July  21,  1874," 
by  Lucille  Dumbrill,  269-271 

Gowans,  Fred  R.,  "Some  New  Notes 
on  Two  Old  Forts,"  217-251; 
biog.,  293 

"The  Graves  of  Cunningham  and 
Turner,"  by  Elizabeth  J.  Thorpe, 
275-277 

Green  River  Ferries,  218,  221,  237 

Green  River  Mission,  219 

Griffin,  Lewis  George  III,  review  of 
The  Cherokee  Strip  Live  Stock- 
Association:  Federal  Regulation 
and  the  Cattleman's  Last  Frontier. 
286-287 


"J.  B.  Okie,  Lost  Cabin  Pioneer,"  by 
Karen  L.  Love.  173-205 

J.  B.  Okie  mansion,  photo,  184 

Jenson,  Andrew,  236 

Johns,  James,  review  of  The  Over- 
land Trail.  To  California  in  1852. 
284-286 

Johnston.  Col.  (A.  S.),  236.  238 

Jordan,  Roy,  review  of  Cheyenne 
and  Sioux.  The  Reminiscences  of 
Four  Indians  and  a  White  Soldier, 
289-290 

Junge,  Mark,  274 


296 


ANNALS  OF  WYOMING 


K 

Kasshan,  Fritz,  194-195 


Lanier,    Doris,    "Bill    Nye    in    the 

South,"  253-262;  biog.,  293 
The  Last   West.     A    History   of  the 

Great  Plains   of   North   America, 

by    Russell   McKee,    review,    288- 

289 
Limbaugh,  Ronald  H.,  ed.,  Cheyenne 

and  Sioux.     The  Reminiscences  of 

Four  Indians  and  a  White  Soldier, 

review,  289-290 
Lost  Cabin,  173-205 
Lost  Cabin  Mine,  178,  201 
Lovett,  Clarice,    185-186;  See  Okie, 

Clarice 
Lovett,  Herbert  G.,  185 
Love,   Karen  L.,   '"J.   B.   Okie,   Lost 

Cabin    Pioneer,"    173-205;    biog., 

293 
Ludlow,    Capt.    William,    264,    265, 

267,  268,  269,  277 
Lysite,  173,  174,  181,  197,  201,  205 


M 


Marquis,  Thomas  B.,  comp.,  Chey- 
enne and  Sioux.  The  Reminis- 
cences of  Four  Indians  and  A 
White  Soldier,  review,  289-290 

McKee,  Russell,  The  Last  West:  A 
History  of  the  Great  Plains  of 
North  America,  review,  288-289 

McLaird,  James  D.,  review  of  The 
Last  West.  A  History  of  the 
Great  Plains  of  North  America, 
288-289 

Metz,  Leon  C,  Pat  Garrett.  The 
Saga  of  a  Western  Lawman,  re- 
view, 291-292 

Merkley,  C,  223 

Mokler,  Alfred  J.,  174 

Murphy,  E.  S.,  194-195 


O 

Okey,  John,  175 

Okie,  Abram,  175;  Clarice,  187; 
Frederick,  176,  181,  182,  183,  192, 
193,  194,  200,  201;  Grace,  176; 
Helena,  183;  Howard  (son  of 
J.  B.),  181,  187,  189;  Howard 
(brother  of  J.  B.),  175,  176,  179, 
192;  J.  B.,  173-205;  photo,  cover; 
James,  181;  Jeanette  (wife  of  J. 
B.),  183-185,  186;  Jeannette 
(daughter  of  J.  B.),  181;  John, 
Jr.,  175,  181;  Juan,  188;  Maria, 
188;  Mary,  181;  Paul,  181,  185, 
189;  St.  Claire,  176,  181;  Susan, 
182,  192,  193,  194;  Van,  178,  181; 
William  T.,  176,  182 

The  Overland  Trail.  To  California 
in  1852,  by  Herbert  Eaton,  re- 
view,, 284-286 


Pat  Garrett.  The  Saga  of  a  Western 
Lawman,  by  Leon  C.  Metz,  re- 
view, 291-292 

Paul  Wilhelm,  Duke  of  Wurttem- 
berg.  Travels  in  North  America, 
1822-1824,  review,  281-282 

Pitcher,  Susan  J.,  175-176;  See 
Susan  Okie 

Pulsipher,  John,  224,  226,  230,  233, 
234 


R 


Raynolds,  Capt.  W.  F.,  265 

Red  Water  Camp,  269 

Riley,  James  Whitcomb,  253-262 

Robbins,  Brother,  227 

Robison,  James,  228 

Robison,  Lewis,  232,  234,  237,  238, 

239,  241,  242,  243,  244,  245,  246, 

247;  photo,  244 
Roller,  William,  276 


N 

Nebeker,  John,  219-  223 

Noble,  W.  P.,  190 

Nye,  Edgar  Wilson  "Bill,"  253-262 


Savage,  William  W.,  Jr.,  The  Chero- 
kee Strip  Live  Stock  Association: 
Federal  Regulation  and  the  Cat- 
tleman's Last  Frontier,  review, 
286-287 


INDEX 


297 


"Sketch  of  the  Black  Hills  Expedi- 
tion of  1874,"  by  Richard  Dum- 
brill,  264-267 

Smith,  George  A.,  222,  228,  229, 
230,  233 

Smith,'  Joseph  F.,  243,  244,  245 

Smith  Mercantile  Company,  181, 
199,  200;  See  Casper  Mercantile 
Company 

Snow,  Erastus,  228,  243,  244,  245 

"Some  New  Notes  on  Two  Old 
Forts."  "The  Fort  on  Willow 
Creek."  "Fort  Bridger  Claims 
and  Counter  Claims,"  by  Fred  R. 
Gowans,  217-251 

Spratt,  Thomas,  175 

Stout,  Hosea,  223 

Supply  City,  235 


Taylor,  John,  242,  243,  244,  245, 
247,  248 

Terry,  Brig.  Gen.  Alfred  H.,  264 

Thorpe,  Elizabeth  J.,  "The  Graves 
of  Cunningham  and  Turner,"  275- 
277 

Torrey,  Capt.  R.  A.,  177,  190 

Travels  in  North  America,  1822- 
1824,  by  Paul  Wilhelm,  Duke  of 
Wurttemberg,  review,  281-282 

Trek  No.  25  of  the  Historical  Trail 
Treks,  "The  Wyoming  Portion  of 
the  Custer  Expedition  of  1874  to 
Explore  the  Black  Hills,"  comp. 
by  Mabel  Brown,  263-280 

Turner,  Pvt.  George,  270,  275 

Tweed,  William,  189-190 


U 

Utah  Expedition,  237 


V 
Vasquez,  Louis,  217,  237 


W 


Walker,  Henry  P.,  review  of  Travels 
in  North  America,  1822-1824, 
281-282 

Ward,  Elisha  B.,  222 

Wells,  C.  L.,  179-180 

Wells,  Daniel  H.,  217,  232,  239 

White,  Mrs.  Walter  Tate  (Warrena), 
207 

Winchell,  N.  H.,  264,  265,  269,  270, 
272,  273 

Wood,  Mr.,  248 

Woodruff,  J.  D.,  193 

Woodruff,  Wilford,  243,  245 

"The  Wyoming  Portion  of  the  Cus- 
ter Expedition  of  1874  to  Explore 
the  Black  Hills,"  Trek  No.  25  of 
the  Historical  Trail  Treks,  comp. 
by  Mabel  Brown,  263-280 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society, 
Trek  No.  25  of  the  Historical 
Trail  Trek,  263-280 


Y.X.  Express  Co.,  244,  245 
Young,    Brigham.     217,    218,    225, 

232,  233,  234,  237,  241,  242,  243, 

246,  247.  248