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Or T Tr E 

Univer?- 3 f Wyoming 

LARAMIE, 820/1 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 




vV . ■ 

2/4NNALS of I 



Volume 55, Number 1 
Spring, 1983 


m* I 







The function of the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical Department 
is to collect and preserve materials which tell the story of Wyoming. It maintains the state's 
historical library and research center, the Wyoming State Museum and branch museums, 
the State Art Gallery and the State Archives. The Department solicits original records such 
as diaries, letters, books, early newspapers, maps, photographs and art and records of early 
businesses and organizations as well as artifacts for museum display. The Department asks 
for the assistance of all Wyoming citizens to secure these documents and artifacts. Depart- 
ment facilities are designed to preserve these materials from loss and deterioration. 


Ken Richardson, Lander, Chairman 

Mrs. Suzanne Knepper, Buffalo 

Dave Paulley, Cheyenne 

Mrs. Wilmot C. McFadden, Rock Springs 

Eugene Martin, Evanston 

Jerry Rillahan, Worland 

Mrs. Mae Urbanek, Lusk 

Frank Bowron, Casper 

Attorney General Archibald G. McClintock (ex-officio) 

ABOUT THE CO VER— The cover painting, "The Wagon Box Fight, " is the third E. W. 
"Bill" Gollings work featured on an Annals cover. Gollings' painting, one of four commis- 
sioned by the Legislature in 1918, hangs in the Senate chambers of the State Capitol. All 
four paintings were restored and rehung recently. Gollings, "The Cowboy Artist, " was born 
in Idaho in 1878 — 11 years after the incident commemorated in this painting occurred. When 
he was ten years old, he moved with his family to Chicago. By the time he was a teenager, 
he was riding the range as a cowhand in Montana and Wyoming. In 1902 and on several 
later occasions, Gollings returned to Chicago to study art at the Academy of Fine Arts. 
Sheridan, Wyoming, became his home when he returned west and in 1909, he built a studio 
there. Gradually, his works gained commercial acceptance. He died in Sheridan on April 
16, 1932. The event immortalized in the painting is part of the story of the "Bozeman — 
Trail to Death and Glory. " The story begins on page 32 of this issue. 



Volume 55, No. 1 
Spring, 1983 


Ed Herschler 


Dr. Robert D. Bush 


William H. Barton 
Philip J. Roberts 


Jean Brainerd 
Rick Ewig 


Kathy Martinez 
Ann Nelson 



Paula West 
Carroll Jones 





By Gregory D. Kendrick 

\J, £ ST- Sfc 

McCarthy era politics: 

the ordeal of senator lester hunt 9 

By Rick Ewig 



By Emmett D. Chisum 



By Sherry L. Smith 



By Keith Algier 




ANNALS OF WYOMING is published biannually in the Spring and Fall. 
It is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society as the 
official publication of that organization. Copies of previous and current issues 
may be purchased from the Co-Editors. Correspondence should be addressed 
to the Co-Editors. Published articles represent the views of the author and 
are not necessarily those of the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and 
Historical Department or the Wyoming State Historical Society. ANNALS 
OF WYOMING articles are abstracted in Historical Abjpttjacts. America: History 
and Life. 

!£)Copyright 1983 by the Wyoming State Archives, Mijieums and Histories 


LARAMIE, 82071 


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Parco Inn, Sinclair, Wyoming, 1980 

Parco, Wyoming: A Model Company Town 

By Gregory D. Kendrick 

For three windy days in 1925, 10,000 high plains 
residents crowded the freshly swept streets of Parco, Wyom- 
ing, to celebrate the town's official opening. Arriving via 
rail or following the transcontinental Lincoln Highway, 
visitors enjoyed a three-day festival featuring Bernadi's Ex- 
position Show, numerous colorful parades and a dramatic 
air race. The festivities culminated with an unexpected 
visit by Wyoming's newly elected Governor, Nellie Tayloe 
Ross, the first woman governor elected in the United States. 
The Denver Post, Rocky Mountain News and the local 
Wyoming press carried detailed front page accounts of 
the event. The Rocky Mountain News, devoting an en- 
tire special section to the celebration, reported that Par- 
co, Wyoming, "is truly an oasis in an otherwise drab desert 
territory." Located in a desolate stretch of treeless plains, 
known throughout much of the 19th century as the "Great 
American Desert," the small company-built town did not 
belie the newspaper's hyperbole. 1 

After two years of frenzied construction, Parco boasted 
a professionally designed city plan and impressive Spanish 
Colonial style residential, commercial and public architec- 
ture. Encompassing nearly 160 acres, the town accom- 
modated the company's 500 employees and their 
dependents. In addition, the town was situated at the base 
of a small promontory to shelter its inhabitants from the 
bone-chilling winter winds and located immediately 
upwind from the newly constructed oil refinery. 

In planning, design and construction, Parco repre- 
sented a historical departure from earlier company-built 
towns in Wyoming and in the trans- Mississippi West. 
Beginning early in the 19th century, industrialists and 
manufacturers who located their companies in isolated 
rural areas recognized the necessity of providing company 
housing. If most realized the need, few were willing to 
expend the time or the capital to construct well-designed 
and solidly built employee residences. Throughout much 
of the 19th century, company engineers provided the sim- 
ple grid street pattern and then retained local contrac- 
tors or private speculators to provide the essential housing. 
Poorly designed and shabbily constructed company towns 
such as the Union Pacific Coal Company's Superior, Wyo- 
ming (1905), were usually the grim consequences. 2 Parco 
departed from this western tradition. This so-called "won- 

der town" combined both professionally designed residen- 
tial, public and commercial buildings and a professionally 
planned street/land use pattern. 

The origin of Parco can be traced to the career of 
a prominent Denver oil baron. Frank Kistler was born on 
a North Carolina plantation in 1882. Eleven years later 
the entire family moved west to begin a farm in Van 
Buren, Arkansas. In this rural setting, Kistler first worked 
in a local mercantile store. After the death of his father 
in 1895, the family again moved, this time to Claremore, 
Oklahoma. 3 

His business acumen whetted, Kistler left home in 1901 
to accept a challenging position with the Texas Company, 
a young expanding oil company based in Houston, Texas. 
A series of rapid promotions quickly followed, and Kistler 
eventually became manager of leasing and operations. By 
1915, Kistler confidently resigned to form his own com- 
pany, Producers and Refiners Corporation or PARCO. The 
company incorporated with capital stock of $20 million 
and within the decade doubled its assets. Kistler's personal 
assets were conservatively estimated at $12 million. 4 

As president of PARCO, Kistler immediately began 
plans to tap Wyoming's vast proven oil reserves. A large 
oil/gas refinery and company-built town were essential to 
this strategy. Proximity to productive oil fields and a 
dependable transportation network dictated the location 
of the town. Rawlins, Wyoming was initially considered 
for its combination of closeness to the Ferris, Salt Creek 
and Lost Soldier oil fields and for its intersection by two 
major transcontinental transportation routes — the Union 
Pacific Railroad and the Lincoln Highway. After a short 
period, however, Kistler abandoned the idea because of 
vociferous resistance by residents of Rawlins to the planned 
oil refinery. The town was then planned for six miles east 
of Rawlins at the junction of the Union Pacific Railroad 
and Lincoln Highway. 5 

The potential attributes of a modern company town 
also influenced his decision to relocate Parco. Although 
dilapidated and inhospitable industrial towns proliferated 
throughout the West, sufficient precedent existed, espe- 
cially in the East, to economically justify a clean, attrac- 
tive company town. Large corporations, for example, often 
ordered hundreds of prefabricated frame homes 

"Parco boasted a professionally designed city plan and impressive Spanish 
Colonial style residential, commercial and public architecture." 

from catalogues published by prominent distributors such 
as Sears, Roebuck and Company. Just before 1926, Stan 
dard Oil purchased 192 inexpensive, pre-cut, two-story, 
detached single-family houses for their workers in Carlin- 
ville, Illinois. 6 

Other industrialists chose to hire professional archi- 
tects and planners to assist in the construction of their 
company towns. Indeed, the first two decades of the 20th 
century witnessed the successful completion of several pro- 
fessionally planned industrial towns. An intense demand 
for surplus wartime housing in combination with a con- 
tinued humanitarian concern for improved living condi- 
tions sparked a few large corporations to develop a new 
tradition in company town construction. Industrial towns 
such as Kohler, Wisconsin (1913); "Indian Hill," outside 
Worcester, Massachusetts (1915); Erwin, Tennessee (1916); 
Warren, Arizona (1908); and Tyrone, New Mexico (1917) 
utilized the skills of both urban planners and recognized 
architects in the design of street patterns and buildings. 
Often these professional skills were located within the same 
individual or firm. 7 

Government studies corroborated what many leading 
industrialists already recognized; namely, that company 
housing tended to attract a more stable and controllable 
labor force and thereby reduce transience in the skilled 

work force. Just as important, many companies realized 
a two to three percent profit from the construction of 
employee housing, even when reasonable rents were 
charged. 8 Kistler undoubtedly understood that favorable 
public relations would be generated from the contruction 
of a well-designed company town. The public gesture 
could help to negate much of the antipathy directed 
toward oil companies resulting from the Teapot Dome 

Once Kistler had decided to build a company town, 
he turned to the prominent Denver- based architectural 
firm of Fisher and Fisher to draw the plans and prepare 
the land use pattern for Parco. His decision was a sound 
one. The two brothers, William E. and Arthur Fisher, 
already possessed a solid regional reputation in both com- 
mercial and residential design when first retained by 
Kistler in early 1922. More pertinent perhaps, William, 
as President of the Mountain Division of the Architect's* 
Small House Service Bureau, had designed several small, 
inexpensive model homes. The architects would utilize 
these house plans when designing some of the employee 
residences in Parco. 9 

Kistler was pleased when, in May of 1923, he reviewedl 
Fisher and Fisher's conceptual plans for the estimated 
$750,000 project. Indeed, equipped with an adequate 


Parco opening celebration, 1925. 

judget, the architects were able to soon "turn over the 
ntire office force" to preparing the construction draw- 
ngs. 10 

Fisher and Fisher possibly derived their inspiration 
or Parco from architect Bertram Goodhue's 1917 plan of 
Tyrone, New Mexico. Constructed for Phelps -Dodge Cor- 
>oration's copper mining operation, Tyrone, like Parco, 
ncorporated many traditional elements of Spanish 

olonial new world town plans. Both towns grouped essen- 
ial public facilities such as hotel, post office, fire depart- 
nent, railroad depot, theater, stores and shops around 

central plaza. Unlike Goodhue's design, however, Fisher 
ind Fisher successfully integrated residential, public and 
ommercial buildings. Tyrone remains a "center without 

town" since only a single residential street leads from 

plaza crowded with small two-room employee homes. 
r isher and Fisher, on the other hand, oriented the main 
)laza with its corners pointed to the four cardinal points 
tf the compass. Much like Spanish Colonial communities, 
'arco's plaza is intersected by numerous streets, all of which 
ead to completed residential sections. Lincoln Avenue, 
'arco's principal axis, bisects the plaza and leads east and 
vest to residential neighborhoods. The other minor 
ributaries lead north and south from the plaza. 11 
Fisher and Fisher designed the street/land use pat- 

tern to blend comfortably with environmental realities. 
For example, the residential street pattern and orienta- 
tion of most homes assured maximum solar exposure. 
Moreover, the town's location at the foot of a low- lying 
mesa provided protection from the blustery winter winds, 
and its position upwind from the oil refinery assured that 
gas fumes would not plague the residents. The architects 
also placed the town on an axis with an undeveloped sec- 
tion of land, anticipating the future growth of the 
community. 12 

Their concerns, however, were by no means confined 
to environmental issues. Fisher and Fisher also focused 
upon social and aesthetic design elements. In order to 
foster a sense of community spirit, often absent in com- 
pany towns, the brothers designed the circular plaza with 
public buildings fronting a communal area. An interesting 
fountain, designed by Denver sculptor Robert Garrison 
and constructed of Dentero stone, highlights the plaza. 
Eight carved figures each half bear and half cat, encir- 
cle the fountain and symbolize the bear-cat logo of Kistler's 
oil company. By planning such a plaza, the brothers hoped 
to create "a real community center" through attractive pro- 
menades and play spots for the children. Similar con- 
sideration prompted the architects to separate the oil 
refinery from the town with small landscaped parks and 

parking areas. Perhaps Fisher and Fisher's most innovative 
design decision was to secure all electrical wiring leading 
to the employee residences in underground conduits, a 
novel feature in that day. Finally, Fisher and Fisher decid- 
ed to eliminate alleys from their original drawings for they 
came to view them as "unsightly" and unnecessary in small 
communities. 13 

In keeping with their Spanish Colonial style planning 
motif, Fisher and Fisher designed commercial buildings 
with unpainted stucco, polychrome clay tile roofs, arched 
colonnades and wrought iron balconies to simulate the 
appearance and form of many southwestern mission com- 
plexes. The impressive Parco Hotel constructed in 1924 
at a cost of $175,000 dominates the plaza and established 
the overall architectural theme. 

Spanning an entire town block, the Parco Hotel is a 
rectilinear structure flanked by two five-story bell towers. 
Single story wings extend from both sides of the hotel and 
house the town's various shops, cafes and offices. The hotel, 
like all the major commercial buildings, is constructed 
of hollow tile, reinforced with steel joists, and covered with 
several layers of tinted stucco. The structure also features 
decorative impost moldings, dentiled string cornices, and 
neo-baroque spiraled columns. 

The hotel's interior is equally attractive. After pass- 
ing through a long arched entry vestibule, guests enter 
the tiled main lobby. The lobby opens dramatically to 

1 &^ * It* 

A typical home in the planned community of Parco. 

a second floor, revealing hand-painted cedar beams, the 
stencils designed by Thomas Arrak of Denver. Wrought 
iron balconies as well as arched colonnades demarcate the 
second floor. Twin stairways lead to the second and third 
floors from the lobby with intersecting colonnaded hall- 
ways connecting the terrazo tiled dining and guest rooms. 14 

Fisher and Fisher devoted an equal amount of thought 
and planning to the employee residences. The brothers 
covered the detached, single-family frame homes with 
stucco to blend with the commercial structures. A total 
of 14 floor plan variations were prepared, divided accor- 
ding to "workingman's housing" and "officer's housing." 
The rigid categorization of housing accentuated the exist- 
ing social hierarchy in Parco and was a common practice 
in other contemporary company towns. 15 

Workers rented comfortable one-story, four-room res- 
idences for $40 to $50 per month. Their supervisors, on 
the other hand, received spacious two-story bungalows, 
featuring three bedrooms upstairs. Although Kistler ini- 
tially considered heating the homes with surplus steam 
from the refinery, the cost of such an innovative venture 
proved prohibitive. Instead, each residence was equipped 
with a gas furnace as well as indoor plumbing and 
electricity. 16 

Fisher and Fisher retained Fred D. Creglown of Casper, 
Wyoming, an experienced architect, to supervise on-site 
construction. 17 Parco's first ground was broken on April 
7, 1922. Rapid construction followed. By March of the 
following year, the refinery had begun refining 10,000 bar- 
rels of crude oil per day. 

The construction company of C. S. Lambie then 
began the task of replacing the temporary tent town with 
permanent housing and public facilities. Between 1923 
and 1925, Frank Kistler and William and Arthur Fisher 
periodically visited Parco to oversee the construction first- 
hand. By August, 1925, the job was almost complete. One 
hundred and twenty frame houses, each with a front porch 
and carefully manicured lawn, lined the landscaped 
streets. In addition, numerous residential, commercial and 
public buildings including the social club, school, bank, 
depot and garage enclosed the plaza. 18 

From the beginning, Parco exhibited a functional 
blend of benevolent paternalism and limited self- 
government. Employees rented their homes for 10 - 25 per- 
cent of their salary while merchants leased space within 
the commercial buildings. As early as April, 1925, the 
town incorporated as a distinct entity, and elections were 
held the following month to select the city mayor and other 
town officials. 19 

Frank Kistler and the owners who followed him, devel- 
oped a personal interest in the management and preser- 
vation of the town. Although Fisher and Fisher designed 
the town's distinctive recreational facilities and community 
church, Kistler and subsequent owners ensured that these 
properties were well maintained. Moreover, the owners 




The Sinclair Theatre, viewed from the west along main street, 1980. 

Exterior of the 
Parco Inn, 1980. 

_, — "' 

charged reasonable rents, landscaped lawns, and main- 
tained parks, plaza streets and sidewalks. 

Hard times befell Parco during the Great Depression, 
and in 1934 Consolidated Oil (later Sinclair Refining Com- 
pany) purchased the refinery, townsite and oil fields for 
over $7.7 million. Sinclair Refining Company continued 
to modernize and expand the refinery over the ensuing 
decades, and the townspeople responded to their con- 
tinued prosperity by renaming the town Sinclair in 
December, 1942. In 1967, Sinclair Refinery Company sold 
most of the townsite to local residents at modest prices. 
After merging with Sinclair Refining Company in 1970, 
Atlantic Richfield Company acquired the refinery and 
associated facilities. The refinery and oil fields then passed 
through a series of complex corporate mergers and sales 
with Amoco eventually obtaining the oil fields and the 
recently formed Sinclair Oil Company, headed by R. E. 
Holding, purchasing the refinery in July of 1976. 20 

Altruism, paternalism and enlightened self-interest 
are but a few of the ambivalent motives surrounding the 
creation of Parco, Wyoming. Although Frank Kistler never 
committed his sentiments to paper, he undoubtedly realiz- 
ed that the construction of a company town would 
generate profits and provide a dependable insurance policy 
against possible labor unrest. On the other hand, he tru- 
ly wanted to create a "model" company town where the 
most modern of residential conveniences could be found 
within a striking, if traditional, Spanish Colonial building 
design. The prosperity and endurance of the small isolated 
community attests to his success. 

1. "Parco, Wyoming Bids World to Opening," Rocky Mountain News, 
August 2, 1925, Parco, Wyoming Special Section, p. 1. 

2. A brief discussion of the evolution in industrial town planning 
can be found in Leland M. Roth, "Three Industrial Towns by 
McKim, Mead & White,"/ourrca/ of the Society of Architectural 
Historians 38 (December 1979): pp. 317-321. 

3. Denver Post, July 26, 1959, p. 4aa. 

4. Town of Sinclair, Parco: Sinclair, Wyoming, (Sinclair, Wyoming, 

"Newest Town in the United States is Fullfillment of Vision and 
Monument to Frank E. Kistler," Denver Post, August 2, 1925, Par- 
co, Wyoming Special Section, p. 2. 

Sears, Roebuck and Company, Honor Built Modern Homes, 
(Chicago- Philadelphia, 1926), p. 4. This catalogue contains 
several pages of advertisements which describe corporate hous- 
ing projects. 

Leland M. Roth, A Concise History of American Architecture, 
(New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1979), pp. 220-224. 
Leifer Magnussion, "Housing by Employers in the United States," 
Bulletin of the United States, Bureau of Labor Statistics, No. 263, 
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1920), pp. 

Letter, William Fisher to Frank Kistler, May 16, 1923, Fisher and 
Fisher Collection, Box 20, File Folder 11, Western History Depart- 
ment, Denver Public Library, (hereafter referred to as the F & 
F Collection). 

A short analysis of Bertram Goodhue's plan for Tyrone, New Mex- 
ico, can be found in Roth, A Concise History of American Arch- 
itecture, p. 220. 

Letter, William Fisher to Frank Kistler, May 16, 1923, F & F 

14. The original linen drawings, site plans, street plans and material 
specifications for Parco can be found in the F & F Collection. 

Letter, William Fisher to Frank Kistler, August 22, 1923, Box 20, 
File Folder 11, F & F Collection. 

Letter, William Fisher to Frank Kistler, July 21, 1923, Box 20, 
File Folder 11, F & F Collection. 

Gilbert Stanley Underwood, architect for the Union Pacific 
Railroad and designer for various rustic lodges within National 
Parks in the Western United States, prepared the drawings for 
the depot in Parco. He apparently was persuaded by Fisher and 
Fisher to follow their general design suggestion. See for example, 
William Fisher to Frank Kistler, November 26, 1924. F & F 

Town of Sinclair, Parco Sinclair, Wyoming. An adequate discus- 
sion of the sociology of company towns in the West is contained 
in James B. Allen, The Company Town in the American West, 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966). 
Town of Sinclair, Parco: Sinclair, Wyoming. Interview with Ken- 
neth Knight, Executive Vice President, Sinclair Oil Company, 
Englewood, Colorado, May 12, 1982. 








McCarthy Era Politics: 

The Ordeal of Senator Lester Hunt 

By Rick Ewig 

The fear of communism constituted one of the most explosive 
elements in American life and politics in the first two decades 
following World War II. 

The anti-communist hysteria reached its peak in the 
early 1950s, the so-called "McCarthy Era." Although 
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy hecame a symbol during 
these years of America's fight against "godless com- 
munism," in reality it was a much broader phenomenon. 
Wide segments of American society — entertainment, 
business, labor and education — were caught up in the 
anti-communist ferment. Democrat Harry S. Truman, 
with his 1947 loyalty review program and his red-baiting 
of Progressive Party candidate Henry Wallace in the 1948 


Sen. McCarthy arrives at a Milwaukee dinner in his honor, Dec. 11, 1951. A few days before McCarthy began his virulent 
anti- communist campaign, Congressman Richard Nixon of California spoke at Lincoln Day Dinners in Cheyenne anc 
Laramie and warned that "one of the major problems facing this country today — Communists high in the government 
of this country." 

presidential election, added a distinctly bipartisan flavor 
to the anti-communist attack — a fact until recently 
overlooked by historians. 1 

Because of the celebrated congressional investigations 
of the period and McCarthy's own presence in the United 
States Senate, few institutions in American government 
touched by the communist controversy have received more 
scholarly attention than the senate in the early 1950s. 
Clearly at times the "politics of fear" virtually paralyzed 
both parties in the upper house, and — given the nearly 
even division among Democrat and Republican members 
— party strategists sometimes yielded to the temptation 
to use the communist issue (or related symbolic questions) 
to win marginal seats. A few senators— William Benton, 
Ralph Flanders, Margaret Chase Smith and others — spoke 
out forcefully against "McCarthyistic" tactics, but until 
1954, they were largely unsuccessful. Wyoming's Lester 
C. Hunt's more modest role in the controversy has largely 


been ignored by academics, a somewhat unusual fact ii 
view of rumors linking the senator's suicide to "McCar 
thyistic" tactics by his opponents. 2 

Lester C. Hunt, born in 1892 and raised in a poo 
Illinois family, put himself through St. Louis Universit 
school of dentistry by working as a switchman on 
railroad. Graduating in 1917, he opened a practice ii 
Lander, Wyoming, having first become familiar with th< 
town by pitching for its semi-pro baseball team betweei 
spring and fall semesters and working as a bartender ii 
the evenings. Hunt continued his dental career until thi 
1930s when politics became a full-time occupation. Fre 
mont County voters elected him to the state legislatun 
as a Democrat in 1932, and in 1934 he won his first o 
two terms as Wyoming's Secretary of State. First electee 
governor in 1942, he served six years in the state house 
resigning midway through his second term after a sue 
cessful race for the United States Senate. 

Coming from a sparsely-populated conservative West- 
ern state, Hunt's main preoccupation was constituent ser- 
vice, but he was not adverse to taking liberal stands if prin- 
ciples about which he felt strongly were involved. In his 
1948 senate campaign, Hunt advocated a national health 
program in which the federal government would help 
finance medical research and education and assist in the 
building of hospitals. He also supported a reduction of 
taxes by giving proportionately greater relief to the millions 
of low income families and repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act 
which had "encouraged litigation in labor disputes and « 
disappointed the established American policy of collec- 
tive bargaining." 3 While in the senate, Hunt co-signed a 
letter addressed to President Truman calling for worldwide 
communication and disarmament. 4 Senator Hunt and the 
views he held can be classified as those of a moderate 

Serving on the Armed Services Committee, on the 
District of Columbia Committee, briefly on the Rules and 
Administration Committee until he became a member of 
the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce and 
on the Kefauver Crime Investigation Committee, through 
which he became a minor national figure, Hunt main- 
tained his political independence. He supported Eisen- 
hower's foreign policy, and when offered a position on the 
Democratic Steering Committee of the Senate, he refused, 
saying he wished to be free of any obligations so he could 
act independently on all senate matters. Hunt "was will- 
ing to forego the policy of his party whenever he felt it 
came in conflict with the best interests of the people he 
had been chosen to serve." 5 

As Sen. Hunt entered office, a growing preoccupa- 
tion with domestic communism was beginning to take 
shape in Washington. The House Un-American Activities 
Committee searched for communist influence in govern- 
ment and entertainment; the Hiss Case attracted popular 
attention; and the Soviet Union's detonation of its first 
atomic bomb set off widespread fear of foreign espionage. 
Hunt shared the broader concern with communism, 6 but 
he did not approve of the methods employed in fighting 
the "red menace" by such men as McCarthy. According 
to Lester Hunt, Jr., 

. . . one of the things that was important to him about 
McCarthy, not so much the whole red thing, [that] my father 
was not particularly worried about. He was afraid of com- 
munists, too, so it didn't worry him that McCarthy was out 
to get the reds if there were any, as much as it did the way 
he went about it, and the use he made of his senate position 
[which] my father really resented. 7 
Hunt did not believe the office of United States Senator 
should be degraded in the anti-communist crusade. 

Sen. Hunt had a strong personal dislike for McCar- 
thy. He saw the junior senator from Wisconsin as "an 
'opportunist, and liar, and drunk .... We used to sit on 
our front porch and could see McCarthy guzzling away 
with his girlfriend in the back yard. To my father that 
was just awful, that kind of behavior. It demeaned the 

senate, demeaned the position, made people think poorly 
of politicians." On one occasion, a plane carrying both 
Hunt and McCarthy was forced down in Pittsburgh, com- 
pelling the two senators to share a hotel room for the night. 
According to his son, ". . . Hunt was in . . . fits. You [would 
have] thought he had just been with a murderer or a Nazi. 
He felt unclean about having associated with that per- 
son. He really had a strong distaste for him personally." 8 
Apparently, Sen. Hunt first confronted the McCar- 
thy techniques during the Malmedy hearings. A number 
of German prisoners, who had been convicted and sen- 
tenced for killing approximately 150 unarmed American 
soldiers at the Belgian village of Malmedy during the Bat- 
tle of the Bulge, accused their United States Army inter- 
rogators and prosecutors of beating and torturing them, 
and tricking them into signing confessions. An Armed 
Forces Subcommittee, composed of Hunt, Democrat Estes 
Kefauver of Tennessee and Connecticut Republican Ray- 
mond Baldwin, investigated the charges. Senator McCar- 
thy, although he was not a member of the subcommit- 
tee, took up the cause of the German prisoners. The chair- 
man, Senator Baldwin, in general, defended the military 
proceedings, while McCarthy, possibly to endear himself 
to Wisconsin's large German population and perhaps gain 
some national headlines, attacked the Army. While never 
questioning the affidavits of the German prisoners, the 
Wisconsin Senator accused the American interrogators 
and prosecutors of lying and demanded they take lie- 
detector tests. When the subcommittee rejected this idea, 
McCarthy charged his colleagues were conducting a 
"whitewash" and stormed out of the proceedings. 

Today when I find the junior Senator from Wyoming 
and the Senator from Connecticut very obviously afraid of 
the results of a lie-detector test, I can only conclude that 
I have confirmed all of the things that disturbed me greatly 
all along, and that was that this committee is not concerned 
with getting the facts . . . .' 

While the subcommittee ultimately upheld most of the 
original military verdicts, Baldwin had been so stung by 
the incident he shortly thereafter seized the opportunity 
to leave elective politics for a seat on the Connecticut 
Supreme Court. 10 Although rather subdued throughout 
the hearings, Sen. Hunt must have been somewhat pained 
by the encounter. 

Sen. McCarthy easily made the transition from de- 
fending German prisoners to attacking people he con- 
sidered communists. Although he had dabbled in the issue 
before," McCarthy's anti-communist campaign really 
began February 9, 1950, in Wheeling, West Virginia, 
when he accused the State Department of harboring 205 
known communists or party loyalists. On February 20, he 
took his case to the senate floor and detailed 57 cases of 
"known" communists in the Department of State — a move 
which led the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to set 
up a subcommittee to investigate the charges. 1 * 

The Democrats on the subcommittee, led by chair- 



man Millard Tydings of Maryland, found McCarthy's 
charges to be unsubstantiated. The Democratic majority 
report accused the Wisconsin Senator of conducting a 
"fraud and hoax" and "perhaps the most nefarious cam- 
paign of half-truths and untruth[s] in the history of the 
Republic." 13 The Tydings report became an issue in par- 
tisan politics, with the Democrats generally supporting 
it and the Republicans calling the investigation inade- 
quate. Maine Senator Margaret Chase Smith and six other 
Republican moderates issued a "Declaration of Con- 
science" acknowledging the communist threat, but also 
charging that the senate had become a "forum of hate 
and character assassination sheltered by the shield of con- 
gressional immunity" 14 Most moderate Republicans, how- 
ever, still considered the Tydings report as excessively par- 
tisan and resisted the efforts of the Democrats to shift the 
focus of attention from communism to McCarthy's tac- 
tics. With the tacit support of the Republican party, 
McCarthy continued to speak of "reds" in government, 
unimpeded by the subcommittee's majority report. 15 

The Wisconsin Senator also turned his attention to 
the 1950 elections, and one in which he was directly 
involved was John Marshall Butler's successful quest for 
Tydings' senate seat. McCarthy, "nourishing a desire for 
revenge," joined Butler in his campaign by giving speeches, 
financial support and aid in producing campaign 
literature. 16 The Washington Times-Herald, owned by 
Robert R. McCormick and published by his niece Ruth 
McCormick Miller, supported Butler and attacked Tydings 
on the editorial page while also publishing, at a nominal 
cost, the campaign pamphlet "From the Record," which 
accused Tydings of conducting a "whitewash" instead of 
an investigation and listed other unsubstantiated 

"facts" about the communist leanings of Tydings and his 
wife. The Maryland Democrat attempted to counter the 
"whitewash" charge by pointing out that McCarthy had 
refused to repeat the charges without the benefit of con- 
gressional immunity but he lost the election after the 
Butler forces distributed a doctored "composite" picture 
of Tydings listening intentively to Earl Browder, the leader 
of the United States Communist Party. 17 Two observers con- 
cluded that McCarthy and the McCormick press had par- 
ticipated in ". . . the foulest episode in recent Amer- 
ican political history . . .[,] approaching Hitler terror- 
ism." 18 

McCarthy's distorted anti-communist campaign 
against Tydings was not an isolated incident in 1950. In 
Idaho, Senator Glen H. Taylor, who had run for vice- 
president on Henry Wallace's Progressive Party ticket in 
1948, was seeking reelection against Republican hopeful 
Herman Welker, a Payette attorney. With the aid of the 
Idaho Daily Statesman, a Boise newspaper which had 
always been critical of Taylor, Welker successfully linked 
Taylor to the communist cause and defeated the incum- 
bent. The political editor of the Daily Statesman conceded 
that he had purposely ran a campaign "under the direc- 
tion of my publisher and editor, to destroy a person and 
that person's philosophy." 19 

Such techniques of political campaigning as practiced 
against Tydings and Taylor worried other senators. Not 
only did the McCarthyistic tactics frighten senators, but 
so did the presence of McCarthy. Many believed at the 
time that McCarthy had defeated Tydings, and by 1953, 
the Wisconsin Senator had personally taken credit for 
nearly a dozen victories. Although subsequent research 
has shown that his senate colleagues exaggerated McCar- 

Sen. Welker standing in front of 
Lincoln statue. Welker was a leader 
of the group which opposed efforts 
to censure Sen. McCarthy in 1954. 


thy's electoral influence, at the time, it seemed very real. 20 
Clinton Anderson, Democrat from New Mexico, publicly 
pondered what use opponents might make of a picture 
he had once seen of a skinny-dipping colleague. 21 

As a result of the tactics used against Tydings, the 
Senate Privileges and Elections Subcommittee investigated 
the Maryland election. The subcommittee's report rec- 
ognized the insidious part McCarthy had played in Butler's 
campaign, and although the subcommittee members left 
little doubt about their hostile attitudes toward McCar- 
thy's activities, they phrased their report in words 
upholding senatorial tradition and courtesy, a fact 
diminishing its immediate impact. The report also failed 
to suggest any action against Butler and only vaguely 
referred to measures to deal with such future misdeeds. 
The Maryland Report was only a slight reproach, and 
although it would play an important role in McCarthy's 
eventual censure, the immediate effects were minimal. 22 

McCarthy, meanwhile, continued to ignore senatorial 
:ourtesy, which in time led the senate to take action against 
him. Senator William Benton, Democrat from Connec- 
:icut, hoped to use the Maryland Report to have McCar- 
:hy expelled from the senate, and in August of 1951, ask- 
?d the Privileges and Election Subcommittee to explore 
expulsion charges against the Wisconsin Republican. Most 
senators, seeing little precedent for expulsion and fear- 
ing an open fight with McCarthy, hoped to back away 
xom Benton's resolution; unquestioningly some hoped 
yVisconsin voters would oust McCarthy in the 1952 elec- 
tion, thereby resolving their problem. McCarthy, however, 
rontinued on the attack against several colleagues, par- 
ticularly Thomas Hennings of Missouri, a member of the 
Elections Subcommittee. McCarthy called upon the 
Missouri Senator to resign his subcommittee post because 
a law partner of Hennings had once defended a com- 
munist and because Hennings remained as legal counsel 
tor the St. Louis Post Dispatch, which, according to 
McCarthy, opposed his anti-communist fight along the 
:;ame lines as the communist Daily Worker. 23 Unable to 
overlook McCarthy's disregard of senate norms any longer, 
he subcommittee in late 1951 began investigating Ben- 
ion's charges. 24 

The steps taken against McCarthy by the senate 
amounted to little, however, as he was able to stymie most 
assaults by attacking his accusers. McCarthy verbally 
assaulted the subcommittee members, instituted a two- 
fnillion dollar libel suit against Benton and in April of 
1952, introduced Senate Resolution 304, a proposal to in- 
vestigate Benton's conduct when he served in the State 
Department. With the defeat of Benton in the 1952 elec- 
ion and McCarthy's own reelection, the hope of forceful 
action against the troublesome senator dimmed. The sub- 
tommittee's report of January, 1953, listed McCarthy's 
abuses, but did not recommend any specific action against 
him. He had ridden out the storm, but senate opposi- 

tion had begun to form against him and the practices he 
epitomized. 25 

While Benton and others waged a direct frontal 
attack, various senators attempted to halt McCarthy and 
his abuses indirectly by introducing proposals for struc- 
tural reform in the senate. In January, 1951, Paul Doug- 
las, Illinois' highly respected senator, suggested that peo- 
ple attacked by a committee be able to insert into the per- 
manent record a letter of rebuttal, to testify on their own 
behalf, to cross-examine their accusers and to have the 
right to call supportive witnesses. On behalf of nine other 
Democrats and eight Republicans, Senator Estes Kefauver 
sponsored a resolution similar to that of Douglas. 26 

Sen. Hunt, meanwhile, hoped to halt the broader 
abuses involved in the tradition of congressional immun- 
ity. Hunt had recognized the dangers inherent in such an 
atmosphere of abuse when he noted in 1951 that 
". . . [t]here have been many suicides due to the smear- 
ing received either in Committee hearings or from remarks : 
made in the United States Congress." 27 Congressional Bill 
S.782, introduced by Hunt in early 1951, provided "for 
civil suits against the United States by persons suffering 
damages as a result of defamations committed by Mem- 
bers of Congress in the course of their official activities." 28 
Outraged by senatorial attacks on the President, cabinet 
members and other high officials, 29 Hunt cited three par- 
ticular dangers in an article in the New York Times Mag- 
azine of June 24, 1951. First, "unscrupulous" legislators, 
by bringing false charges against government employees, 
might undermine any confidence the American people 
had in public servants. Second, a congressman, with no 
fear of retribution, could verbally attack an individual, 
thereby giving himself unjustified publicity and possibly 
becoming a "man to be feared." Third, the person attacked 
could be placed in double jeopardy, first being tried in 
the press and Congress, and then possibly in a court of 
law. 30 

While Democratic Representative Winfield K. Den- 
ton from Indiana sponsored Hunt's bill in the House, 31 
most legislators apparently felt the proposal too extreme, 
and it failed in Congress. Hunt believed, however, that 
if certain members of Congress would not abide by the 
"rules of justice and fair play," then the remaining 
legislators should take "drastic steps" to control the 
culpable ones. 32 He continued to speak out on this issue, 
but the needed support never coalesced. 33 

Meanwhile, Hunt observed the use of the communist 
issue in Wyoming when Republican Frank Barrett 
defeated veteran Democratic Senator Joseph O'Mahoney 
in the 1952 election. Of course other issues were involved 
in the campaign, but Barrett used the "red" issue effec- 
tively by accusing O'Mahoney of being "part of the 
Democratic 'Red coddling' and corruption and bungling 
which had nearly lost the peace after World War II." 34 
Sen. McCarthy, campaigning in Fremont County, Wyo- 
ming, on behalf of Barrett, supported the Republican 


Sen. McCarthy and Dwight 
Eisenhower in 1952 cam- 
paigning on the Eisenhower 

candidate's promise to drive the communists out of gov- 
ernment. McCarthy's reception clearly distressed Lester 

I remember in the fall of 1952 when the Senator spoke in 
our county and the gentleman who introduced him put his 
arm around him and said, "I am beginning to love Joe 
McCarthy", [sic] and I fear Senator McCarthy made a most 
favorable impression on the people attending that picnic. 35 

After the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952, 
Sen. Hunt hoped the new president would help under- 
cut McCarthy's bases of support inside the Republican par- 
ty. Seeing the Wisconsin Senator's star descending. Hunt, 
in March of 1953, predicted an open break between the 
Administration and McCarthy. 36 Eisenhower, however, 
fearing McCarthy would only gain additional publicity 
from such an intraparty fight, adopted a much more 
passive attitude than Hunt anticipated. 37 By March of 
1954, Hunt's optimism had faded as he believed it is "hard- 
ly to be expected that Eisenhower could control McCar- 
thy even if he took a stand . . . The encouragement that 
the Senator has received all along from members of his 
own party is responsible to a great degree for the situa- 
tion we are now in." 38 

Some of Hunt's concern over the volatile anti- 
communist issue may well have sprung from his own polit- 
ical situation. Given the nearly even split in the senate, 
his seat was almost certain to be hotly contested by the 

Republicans in 1954. At the same time, moreover, physical 
and emotional strain on the 61-year-old senator had begun 
to mount. In January of 1951, he had had a minor opera- 
tion, and in 1952, he had had a cyst removed from his 
side. Following that operation, his hands would swell when 
he exerted himself physically. 39 His brother Clyde's suicide 
on April 8, 1952, must also have affected Hunt emotion- 
ally. 40 

Another stressful period occurred after his son's arrest 
and conviction on a morals charge. On June 9, 1953, 
Lester C. Hunt, Jr., the president of the student body at 
the Episcopal Theological School of Cambridge, Massa- 
chusetts, and an activist in the fight against what he 
believed to be attacks on civil liberties, was arrested in 
a Washington, D.C., park after agreeing to engage in a 
homosexual act. Because the charge was only a misde- 
meanor and his first offense, the police agreed not to pros- 
ecute Hunt, Jr. , and the young man shortly thereafter went 
to Cuba, where he worked for the Episcopal Church for 
the summer. Meanwhile, a friend of Sen. Hunt's in Wyo- 
ming apparently received a call from Senator Herman 
Welker, promising that Hunt, Jr. , would not be prosecuted 
if Hunt himself did not seek reelection. 41 

Refusing to be "blackmailed" out of office, Hunt 
rejected the offer, after which Welker along with Senator 
Styles Bridges of New Hampshire, Chairman of the 


Republican Campaign Committee, and a right-wing 
Republican newspaper apparently carried through with 
the threat. 42 On July 3, three weeks after the Hunt arrest, 
the McCormick-owned Washington Times-Herald printed 
a story on the incident. At the same time Welker and 
Bridges seem to have contacted Inspector Roy Blick, Assis- 
tant to the Deputy Chief of the Morals Division of the 
Metropolitan Police Department. The two senators 
allegedly attempted to pressure Blick into having Hunt, 
[r. , prosecuted. Disregarding Blick's arguments that nor- 
mal procedure had been followed in the Hunt case, Welker 
said he might be obligated to make a speech on the senate 
floor on the matter. In October, 1953, Hunt's case came 
to trial. 43 

Judge John J. Malloy found Lester Hunt, Jr., guilty 
3f soliciting a plainclothes police officer for lewd and im- 
moral purposes, and concluded the trial with the state- 
nent that ". . . [t]he charge . . . [was] one of the most 
iegrading that . . . [could] be made against a man." 44 
Instead of filing an appeal, which only would have 
ittracted more publicity, Hunt, Jr., paid the $100 fine. 45 
Sen. Hunt feared his son's trial would be used against 
lim in his race for reelection. "If the opposition brings 
his up in the Senate race," he allegedly told Drew Pear- 
on, "I shall withdraw." Hunt also was reported to have 
old a member of Pearson's staff that he could not bear g 
o face his senate colleagues and might not ever appear 
>n the senate floor again. 46 Sen. Hunt also felt a good 
leal of parental guilt. According to Hunt, Jr., "I think 
ny father was very upset and he felt a real guilt about 
leglect, things like working so hard, not paying atten- 
jion to me. He thought it might have made a difference. 
He didn't talk about it much, but it was pretty clear." 47 
Obviously this unhappy event affected Sen. Hunt very 

The fear that his son's incident might be used against 
jiim — that the facts "would find their way into every mail- 
box in Wyoming" 48 plus a variety of other problems 
learly contributed to an ambivalence Hunt felt about 
unning for reelection. He did not want it to appear as 
he had deserted the Democratic party, and yet he would 
ave preferred not to run if a reason could be found to 
jstify that course of action. Writing to Dr. P. M. Cun- 
,ingham, Hunt stated: 

The desire to control the Senate is intense among both the 
Democrats and Republicans, and I think Bob [Kerr, Demo- 
crat from Oklahoma] is right — my Democratic colleagues 
would not feel as kindly toward me if I were not a candidate 
as they would if I did try and then was defeated. 49 

i few months later Hunt wrote to Henry Watenpaugh. 

Would you be kind enough some time during the month 
of February to give me your suggestions with reference to 
running again. I am not looking for encouragement, Henry. 
Fact of the matter is I would appreciate some discourage- 
ment if I could get enough to justify my getting out of the 
game. 50 

After a period of genuine ambivalence, however, 

Above: Frank Barrett. Below: Styles Bridges. 


Hunt announced his decision to seek reelection in April 
of 1954. Explaining why he chose to run, Hunt wrote: 

... as I surveyed the field in Wyoming. I couldn't think of 
another Democrat that could make the race for the Senate. 
I could not bring myself to letting down those fine friends, 
like yourself who have stood by me all through the years. 51 

Optimism prevailed as it was believed that even Hunt, 
Jr.'s, trial, if used, would work to Hunt's advantage. 

Personally, I think that from a political standpoint any 
effort that Lester's opponents try to make of his unfortunate 
family experience will not only mitigate against them but 
will boomerang to the point that they will forever leave their 
opponent's personal misfortune out of a political campaign. 52 

Such optimism was apparently justified as Sen. Hunt 
remained personally popular in his home state. Having 
never lost an election, and after defeating the incumbent 
senator in 1948 by over 20,000 votes, his chances in 1954 
■ looked good. Former Wyoming Senator Joseph O'Maho- 
ney observed that ". . . [r]eports from Wyoming have con- 
tinued to be very encouraging and I feel confident . . . 
that he will be reelected." 53 The results of a statewide poll 
showed Hunt receiving 54.4 percent of the votes cast. 54 

Despite optimism about his chances in Democratic 
circles, Hunt was apparently under intense and mount- 
ing pressure to reverse his decision. A pro-Hunt legislator, 
Robert S. Lowe, later charged that Hunt's home and office 
phones were tapped and his Washington apartment once 
ransacked, and that his son's trial would be exploited in 
the campaign if Hunt ran again. 55 Apparently unable to 
stand the escalating pressure and harassment. Hunt with- 
drew from the race in June. 56 It is unclear what exactly 
caused Hunt to change his mind so suddenly, but one can 
surmise that the fear of his son's trial being used against 
him in a campaign, which would not only reflect poorly 
on his son but possibly also on what he perceived to be 
his failure as a father, must have been one factor in his 

Not only was Hunt pressured not to run again, but 
also to resign immediately. If his seat were vacated, Wyo- 
ming's Republican governor, C.J. Rogers, could appoint 
a Republican senator to finish out Hunt's term, thereby 
giving the Republicans an immediate gain in the hotly 
contested senate. High level Republican officials tried to 
buy Hunt off by offering him a $15,000 per year position 
on the Federal Tariff Commission 57 — a practice appar- 
ently not uncommon. Leonard W. Hall. Republican Na- 
tional Committee Chairman, admitted this general prac- 
tice in a letter to White House Chief of Staff Sherman 
Adams. Being concerned with the possibility of such sen- 
sitive negotiations becoming public, which certainly would 
have embarrassed Hunt, Hall wrote: 

. . . [A] Democrat incumbent would be put in the position 
of dealing with us behind the leadership of his own party 
and instead of accomplishing our objective — gaining a close 
seat in the crucial Congressional fight next November — we 
would probably end up destroying a Democrat politically 
who was otherwise friendly. 58 

Apparently finding the offer appealing, Hunt — a man of 
modest financial means — asked for time to think over the 
Tariff Commission appointment, but he eventually replied 
negatively. "Last week Hunt told the person who had ap- 
proached him about the job — a person not directly con- 
nected with the White House that he could not take it 
because Wyoming Democrats were putting 'heat' on him 
not to give up his senate seat." 59 

Countering the pressures employed by the Republicans 
to induce Hunt to surrender his seat, the Senator also 
received pressure from his supporters to seek a second 
term. Former Sen. Joseph O'Mahoney hoped to persuade 
the Senator to "withdraw the withdrawal," and continued 
in this endeavor up to Hunt's death, 60 but to no avail. Hunt 
explained his decision not to run by pleading ill health, 61 
possibly a genuine reason and possibly only a convenient 
excuse to escape the mounting pressure from all quarters. 
He had been undergoing tests at Bethesda Naval Hospital 
and he believed his health had been deteriorating for two 
years. 62 As Hunt explained to Barnet Nover, Chief of the 
Denver Post Washington Bureau, 

I'm 61 and the checkups I have had at Bethesda (Naval 
Hospital) showed I have a bad kidney condition. Don't make 
any mistake. I am not at death's door or anything like it. 
But I may need surgery and I do need a rest. Under the cir- 
cumstances I decided that I had better get out now [rather] 
than possibly make things worse for myself if I didn't. 63 

Some people believed his condition to be serious, while 
others did not think he was ill at all. 64 Whichever it was, 
the Senator appeared to be tormented by his dilemma 
and genuinely concerned about his health. He must also 
have been mindful of the physical pain that a necessarily 
grueling political campaign would entail for him in Wyo- 
ming. 65 

Sen. Hunt did not have to face these and possibly 
other pressures 66 for very long. On Saturday, June 19, 
1954, Hunt drove to the Capitol, calmly greeted the 
policeman on duty, and proceeded to his office. He car- 
ried a .22 caliber rifle partially hidden under his coat. 
Once in his office, he shot himself in the head, and died 
a few hours later. 67 Apparently seeing "no available path 
that [might] lead to a tolerable existence," 68 Sen. Hunt 
chose the most drastic solution, suicide — what three auth- 
orities call "the end of a process of extremely frustrating 
events." 69 Some people wanted him to seek reelection, 
others wanted him to give up his seat. Pressed by his party 
and long-time supporters to run, Hunt must have dreaded 
the physical rigors and pains of the campaign and the 
exploitation of his son's trial by his opponents. (Thirty- 
six Wyoming papers had not carried the story earlier.) 
Efforts to avoid the situation altogether by claiming ill 
health clearly had not been convincing to some of his 
followers. Whatever his private reasons. Hunt's brother's 
suicide, carried out in the same way and at approximately 
the same age, probably made the Senator more predis- 
posed to taking his own life. "... [I]n general it appears 


that experience of a suicide in a family increases the 
likelihood of other family members committing suicide." 70 

Sen. Hunt did leave several letters on his desk that 
morning, but none of these gives any explanation which 
sheds light on the real reason or reasons. One was to Per 
cy Spencer, the president of the Sinclair Oil Company, 
asking him to help Lester, Jr., find a job. Another was 
to his wife and was just "an ordinary sort of note," and 
a third was to his son, simply saying that it had nothing 
to do with him. 71 Most of the newspaper reports explained 
his death by stating that Hunt was despondent over his 
health. At the Senator's funeral, the Hunt family learned 
from Dr. Pearly Cunningham, a dentist from Cheyenne 
and dental school classmate of Hunt, that the Senator had 
told him he had leukemia. 72 While acknowledging the 
health worries, columnists Drew Pearson and Marquis 
Childs for the first time wrote articles publicly accusing 
Welker and Bridges of attempting to "blackmail" Hunt 
and they linked these activities to the suicide. 

Shortly thereafter, Welker and Bridges attempted to 
refute the Pearson-Childs charges. A conversation was 
transcribed between Welker, Bridges, Inspector Roy Blick 
and Kenneth Darnall Wood, a United States Prosecutor. 
After this conversation Blick signed an affidavit on July 
p, 1954, in which he certified and stated: 

1. That Senator Bridges of New Hampshire did not 

call me to his office to discuss the so-called Hunt 

2. At no time anywhere did Senator Bridges of New 
Hampshire or Senator Welker of Idaho hand me 
an envelope or any papers. 

3. At no time and no place did Senator Bridges of 
New Hampshire or Senator Welker of Idaho say 
to me or to anyone in my presence: "Inspector, this 
is your resignation. If you do not prosecute the 
Hunt boy, your resignation will be accepted 
immediately." 73 

This might be considered unimpeachable proof that Pear- 
son's allegations were false, but a close textual study of 
the affidavit reveals that all Blick did was cast doubt upon 
the specifics of Pearson's charges, not the charges them- 
selves. Blick never really denied that Welker and Bridges 
had applied pressure to have Hunt, Jr., prosecuted. He 
only denied some of the details in the Pearson account. 
This attempt at vindication is indeed a feeble one and 
leads one to believe that the general allegations were 
accurate. 74 

Hunt himself, moreover, had apparently discussed the 
alleged "blackmail" with a member of Pearson's staff and 
several other political friends and relatives. William M. 
Spencer, a cousin of Sen. Hunt and the Chairman of the 
Board of Directors of the North American Car Corpora- 

Senators O'Mahoney 
and Hunt. 


«■ — « ^ ■ —— 

Senator Hunt (right) and unidentified man. 

tion in Chicago, wrote a scathing letter to Herman Welker 
after the Idaho Republican eulogized Hunt in the senate. 
I was shocked when I read this. It recalled to my mind so 
vividly my conversation with Senator Hunt a few weeks before 
he died, wherein he recited in great detail the diabolical part 
you played following the unfortunate and widely publicized 
episode in which his son was involved. 

Senator Hunt, a close personal friend of mine, told me 
without reservation the details of the tactics you used in 
endeavoring to induce him to withdraw from the Senate, or 
at least not to be a candidate again. It seems apparent that 
you took every advantage of the misery which the poor fellow 
was suffering at the time in your endeavor to turn it to 
political advantage. Such procedure is as low a blow as could 
be conceived. 

I understood, too, from Senator Hunt, that Senator 
Bridges had been consulted by you and approved of your 
action in the matter. 75 
Joseph O'Mahoney, who ran for Wyoming's vacant senate 
seat in 1954 and defeated the Republican nominee, knew 
of this attempt at keeping Hunt from seeking reelection 
when he wrote, 

As you know, my candidacy this year was not prompted by 
any personal desire for a return to public life, but because 
of the peculiar circumstances which existed, namely the tac- 
tics employed against Senator Hunt, and the thought that 
if I did not run the reactionary Republicans might control 
the Senate by default.' 6 

While no one can ultimately be certain of the precise 
reasons for Hunt's suicide, clearly he was under substan- 
tial personal and political pressures. To have run for reelec- 
tion would involve a good deal of physical discomfort 
(given Hunt's swelling condition), and it might well have 
led to an agonizing public airing of his son's troubles. Given 
the abusive and irresponsible tone of "McCarthyistic" 
politics in the early 1950s, demonstrated so well in the 
Maryland campaign against Tydings, Hunt must have 
thought the threats to "expose" his son were credible. Even 
if such tactics ultimately backfired to Hunt's political ad- 
vantage, as some were convinced they would, the public 
discussion and embarrassment of the charges would sorely 
pain a man of Hunt's personal and family sensibilities. 
To have given up — to have withdrawn from the campaign 
as Hunt tried to do — involved the appearance of betray- 
ing his party and loyal supporters, a prospect that clear- 
ly caused Hunt considerable anguish as well, particular- 
ly when some backers discounted his pleas of ill health. 
Other factors may well have been present, but these con- 
siderations must have been elements in Hunt's drift toward 

Perhaps some protection against the threats and innu- 
endos that Hunt faced in 1953-1954 might have been 
achieved through more decisive senate action in the Mary- 
land case, on the Benton Resolution, on the Douglas- 
Kefauver structural reform schemes or on Hunt's own con- 
gressional immunity proposal. Like the executive branch 
of government and other institutions in American life in 
the early 1950s, however, the United States Senate failed 
to take significant steps against the political excesses of 
the day. Lester Hunt's lonely final ordeal is at least in part 
a monument to that failure. 

For a better understanding of the literature on anti-communism 
see Robert Griffith and Athan Theoharis, eds., The Specter: 
Original Essays on the Cold War and Origins of McCarthyism 
(New York: Franklin Watts, Inc.. 1974); Robert Griffith, 
"Truman and the Historians: The Reconstruction of Postwar 
American History." Wisconsin Magazine of History (Autumn, 
1975), pp. 20-50; and Thomas Reeves, "McCarthyism: Interpreta- 
tions Since Hofstadter," Wisconsin Magazine of History (Autumn, 
1976), pp. 42-54. 

For an examination of the senate during these years see Robert 
Griffith, The Politics of Fear; Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate 
(Rochelle Park, New Jersey: Hayden Book Company, Inc., 1970); 
and Richard M. Fried, Men Against McCarthy (New York: Col- 
umbia University Press, 1976). 

Ralph Jerome Woody, "The United States Senate Career of Lester 
C. Hunt," (Master of Arts Thesis, University of Wyoming, 1964), 
pp. 19-20. 

This letter was in response to President Truman's October 14, 
1950, speech at the United Nations General Assembly calling for 
"peace through disarmament." The letter urged: "That the first 
step proposed be the lifting of the iron curtain and the resump- 
tion of at least that degree of freedom of communication between 
all the peoples of the earth which existed between the nations 
of Western Europe and the American continents prior to the Sec- 
ond World War; That the proposal be for complete disarma- 


ment in an orderly, complete and rapid way; That a United 
Nations Police Force be established in accordance with the 
original intention of the Charter which shall be superior in size 
and armament to any forces available to the member nations for 
the maintenance of civil order: And, finally, that the proposal 
be permanently in effect and repeatedly offered until it is 
accepted." This letter was signed by Ralph E. Flanders, Lester 
C. Hunt, H. Alexander Smith, Walter F. George, Estes Kefauver, 
Margaret Chase Smith, Robert C. Hendrickson, Charles W. 
Tobey, Lister Hill, Mike Monroney. Edward J. Thye, A. Willis 
Robertson, John C. Stennis, Brooks Hays, Laurie Battle, A. S. 
J. Carnahan, with authorized signatures by James C. Auchincloss, 
Frances P. Bolton, Walter H. Judd, Christian A, Herter, Robert 
Hale and John W. Heselton. Letter to the President, February 
26, 1951, Official Files, Box 1075, 394-B-Disarmament 
1945-April 1951, Truman Papers, Harry S. Truman Presiden- 
tial Library, Independence, Missouri. 

5. Woody. "Senate Career of Lester C. Hunt," p. 31. 

6. One person who feared the communist threat was a 12-year-old 
girl from Detroit, Michigan. She sent a letter to President Truman 
in which she wrote: "My dear Mr. Government, if you want to 
be elected next election do something about the communists. You 
should get at least a small group of of 100 or 200 men such as 
army, navy, marines, coast gard's at every water system, phone 
system, radio system and air port station if you don't the com- 
minist government will be telling you when to take a bath." Miss 
Mary Alyce Dwyer to the President, n.d., Official Files, Box 880, 
File no. 263 (1948). Truman Papers. 

7. Personal interview with Lester C. Hunt, Jr.. Chicago. Illinois, 
December 29, 1979. 

8. Ibid. 

9. United States Congress. Senate, 81st Congress, Committee on 
Armed Services, Hearings on Malmedy Massacre Investigations 
(Washington, 1949), p. 637. 

10. Griffith, The Politics of Fear, pp. 20-26; Fried, Men Against 
McCarthy, p. 38; and Richard Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy 
(New York: World Publishing Company, 1959). pp. 37, 111. 

1 1 . For a detailed account of McCarthy's early use of the communist 
issue see Michael O'Brien, "The Cedric Parker Case, November 
1949," in Griffith and Theoharis. eds., The Specter, pp. 226-238. 

12. Griffith, The Politics of Fear, pp. 48-60. 

13. Fried, Men Against McCarthy, p. 86. 

14. Ibid , p. 83. 

15. Ibid., pp. 58-94. 

16. Ibid., p. 127. 

17. Ibid., pp. 122-153. 

18. Edward and Vera Slaven to William Benton, August 14, 1951, 
Box 1, Folder 2, William Benton Papers. Wisconsin State His- 
torical Society, Madison, Wisconsin. 

19. F. Ross Peterson, "McCarthyism in the Mountains, 1950-1954." 
in Thomas Alexander, ed., Essays on the American West, 
1974-1975 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), 
pp. 49-54. 

20. The best scholarship on this is Fried, Men Against McCarthy and 
Griffith, The Politics of Fear. The conservative Tydings had sur- 
vived an attempt by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to "purge" 
him in the 1938 primaries. James T. Patterson, Congressional 
Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative 
Coalition in Congress, 1933-1939 (Lexington: University of Ken- 
tucky Press, 1967), pp. 279-284. 

21. Fried, Men Against McCarthy, p. 141. 

22. Ibid., pp. 149-153. 

23. For a more detailed study of Hennings' role see Donald J. Kemper, 
Decade of Fear: Senator Hennings and Civil Liberties (Colum- 
bia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1965), pp. 51-73. 

24. Fried, Men Against McCarthy, pp. 198-203. 

25. Ibid., pp. 204-218. 

26. Ibid., pp. 194-195. 

27. Lester C. Hunt to Mr. Bernier, October 22, 1951, Box 14, Lester 
C. Hunt Papers, Western History Research Center. University 
of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming. 

28. United States Congress, Senate. 81st Congress, A Bill Providing 
for Civil Suits Against the United States by Persons Suffering 
Damages as a Result of Defamations Committed by Members of 
Congress in the Course of Their Official Activities. Congressional 
Bill S.782, February 5, 1951. 

29. Wyoming Eagle , September 22, 1950. 

30. "Dangers in Congressional Immunity," New York Times 
Magazine, June 24, 1951, Section 6, p. 14. 

31. New York Times, January 30, 1951, p. 18. 

32. New York Times. December 22. 1950. 

33. In September. 1952. Hunt denounced "McCarthy's Lie Tech- 
nique" and stated that McCarthy had not found any communists. 
"He has not, I predict he will not. If you tell a big enough lie 
and tell it often enough, someone is bound to believe [it]." Wyo- 
ming Eagle, September 26, 1952. Speaking from a position of 
respect, the Senator from Wisconsin was believed by many. "Last 
night I listened to a speech by Senator Joseph McCarthy. Senator 
McCarthy gave proof that our Ambassador at Large. Philip Jessup 
has Communistic tendencies. Surely the Senator would not make 
such a statement unless he had absolute proof that it is the truth." 
G. C. Hemphill to President Truman. August 23. 1951 , Official 
Files, Box 1757. OF-3371, Truman Papers. 

34 Barton R. Voigt, "Joseph C. O'Mahoney and the 1952 Senate 
Election in Wyoming." (Master of Arts Thesis, University of Wyo- 
ming, 1973), p. 18. 

35. Lester C. Hunt to Wandell Elliott, March 12, 1954, Personal Box, 
Hunt Papers. Governor Barrett presented McCarthy to the crowd 
at the Diversion Dam on Sunday, October 12, 1952, saying: "I 
love, admire and respect him as an outstanding citizen of the 
United States and as a Senator." Wyoming State Journal, Octo- 
ber 14, 1952, p. 1. In his speech to the estimated 3,500 listeners, 
McCarthy called the Democratic party the "Commie-crat " party. 
"Getting down to cases in the Communism-in-government issue, 
McCarthy likened hunting Communists to killing skunks, which 
he recalled as a disagreeable, but necessary, task of his boyhood. 
In both, 'the worse you smell, the more successful you are.' the 
fiery Senator said." When McCarthy asked, "Do you want the 
skunk hunting stopped?" the crowd roared back "No!" "McCar- 
thy closed his speech with another ringing appeal to elect 
Republican candidates all down the line, and the crowd — 
obviously in complete agreement all afternoon — shouted and 
clapped its approval." Rivcrton Review, October 16, 1952. pp. 
1, 5. 

36. Wyoming State Tribune, March 23, 1953; Casper Tribune- 
Herald, March 24, 1953. 

37. President Eisenhower explained why he did not publicly oppose 
McCarthy. "As for McCarthy. Only a short-sighted or completely 
inexperienced individual would urge the use of the office of the 
Presidency to give an opponent the publicity he so avidly desires. 
. . . Permit me to say that 1 think there would be far more pro- 
gress made against so-called 'McCarthyism' if individuals of an 
opposing purpose would take it upon themselves to help sustain 
and promote their own ideals, rather than to wait and wail for 
a blasting of their pet enemies by someone else. Frankly, in a 
day when we see journalism far more concerned in so-called 
human interest, dramatic incidents, and bitter quarrels than it 
is in promoting constructive understanding of the day's problems, 
I have no intention whatsoever of helping promote the publicity 
value of anyone who disagrees with me — demagogue or notl" 
President Eisenhower to Dr. Milton S. Eisenhower. October 9, 


1953, Ann Whitman Files, Box 3. DDE Diary October 1954 (4), 
Eisenhower Papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, 
Abilene, Kansas. 

38. Laramie Bulletin, March 25, 1954. 

39. New York Times, January 7, 1951, p. 46; San Francisco Chroni- 
cle, June 20, 1954, p. 1. 

40. Denver Post, April 8. 1952, p. 1; April 9, 1952, p. 40. 

41 . Letter to author from Mike Manatos, Lester Hunt's Administra- 
tive Assistant. April 30, 1980; Excerpt from the Drew Pearson 
Program, heard at 6:00 p.m. over WABD-TV (NY) and Dumont 
Television Network, June 20, 1954, Styles Bridges Papers, New 
England College, Henniker, New Hampshire; Drew Pearson arti- 
cle in Rawlins Daily Times, June 23, 1954, p. 2, Casper Morn- 
ing Star, June 22, 1954. p. 8, Rock Springs Daily Rocket, June 
23, 1954, Northern Wyoming Daily News, June 23, 1954. and 
Laconia [New Hampshire] Evening Citizen, June 23, 1954. Later 
cited as Pearson article. June, 1954. 

42. People in the 1950s did not view homosexuality with tolerance. 
Society considered this type of behavior abnormal and a sickness 
which required medical attention. A 1950 Congressional report 
examining the employment of homosexuals in government 
defined a homosexual as a pervert lacking in "moral fiber," who 
"violate[s] moral codes and laws and the accepted standards of 
conduct. . . ." Because of their vulnerability to blackmail, 
homosexuals were seen as prime targets for foreign governments 
recruiting espionage agents in this country. United States Con- 
gress. Senate, 81st Congress, 2nd Session, Subcommittee on Inves- 
tigations Report submitted to the Committee on expenditures in 
the Executive Departments, Employment of Homosexuals and 
Other Sex Perverts in Government, Document No. 241. (1950), 
pp. 1-8. Homosexuality could also damage a political career. 
Allen Drury gave an example of this in his 1959 novel. Advise 
and Consent, partially based on Hunt's case. Persons of all 
political persuasions would consider using it. "Today we received 
a letter from a purported Army lieutenant claiming he had been 
picked up in the Wardman Park by McCarthy, gone with him 
to McCarthy's home, and while the Lieutenant was half drunk. 
McCarthy committed sodomy. He offered to testify to this effect 
and said he knew other officers whom McCarthy had picked up. 
He claims McCarthy promised him a transfer and never got it." 
Whatever the reason, homosexuality could be used as a weapon. 
Memorandum from Ralph Mann to William Benton, January 
3. 1951, Box 4. Senate Privileges and Election, William Benton 
Papers. Alger Hiss' defense wanted to discredit Whitaker 
Chambers by showing him to be a homosexual, among other 
things, and therefore part of their investigation concentrated on 
this aspect. However, this defense was not used because it was 
feared the prosecution would counterattack with allegations of 
Timothy Hobson's homosexuality. Hobson was Hiss' stepson. 
Allen Weinstein, Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case, (New York: 
Alfred A. Knopf, 1978). pp. 383, 583, and passim. 

43. Pearson article, June, 1954. 

44. Washington Times Herald, October 7, 1954, p. 5. 

45. Senator Hunt ". . . was sensitive about his political reputation. 
... we were often cautioned that we had to behave in a certain 
fashion, because it would win you or lose you votes. There was 
a lot of that going on in our lives, . . ." Interview with Hunt. 
Jr. "The Trial of Buddy Hunt proved to be a heart-rendering 
experience for the Senator, . . . because he felt so deeply that 
it was a reflection upon his family." Letter to author from Mike 
Manatos, April 30. 1980. The Wyoming papers and their respec- 
tive counties which carried a story on Lester Hunt, Jr.'s, trial are: 
Albany County - Laramie Republican Boomerang; Carbon 
County - Rawlins Daily Times; Laramie County - Wyoming State 
Tribune and Wyoming Eagle; Natrona County - Casper Tribune- 
Herald and Casper Morning Star; Platte County - Guernsey 

Gazette; Sheridan County - Sheridan Press; Sweetwater County 

- Rock Springs Daily Rocket; and Washakie County - Northern 
Wyoming Daily News. The Wyoming papers which did not carry 
a story are: Big Horn County - Big Horn County Rustler and 
Basin Republican, Greybull Standard and Tribune and Lovell 
Chronicle; Campbell County - News Record, Carbon County - 
Saratoga Sun; Converse County - Douglas Enterprise, Glenrock 
Independent and Douglas Budget; Crook County - Sundance 
Times and Moorcroft Leader, Fremont County - Riverton Ranger 
and Wyoming State Journal; Goshen County - Torrington News, 
Guide Review and Torrington Telegram; Hot Springs County 

- Thermopolis Independent, Johnson County - Buffalo Bulletin; 
Laramie County - Pine Bluffs Post; Lincoln County - Kemmerer 
Gazette and Star Valley Independent; Niobrara County - Lusk 
Herald and Lusk Free Lance; Park County - Cody Enterprise and 
Powell Tribune; Platte County - Wheatland Times and Platte 
County Record; Sublette County - Smoke Signals, Pinedale 
Roundup and Big Piney Examiner; Sweetwater County - Rock 
Springs Miner and Green River Star; Teton County -Jackson's 
Hole Courier and Jackson Hole Guide; Uinta County - Uinta 
County Herald; Weston County - Weston County Gazette and 
News-Letter Journal. The major state newspapers carried the 
story — usually only a short paragraph — but the majority did not. 

46. Pearson article, June. 1954. Pearson also wrote that ". . . [Hunt's] 
hair had turned almost white [and] . . . [h]is face was pale." 

47. Hunt, Jr., interview. 

48. Marquis Childs' column in Washington Post. June 30, 1954. 

49. Lester C. Hunt to Dr. P. M. Cunningham, October 29, 1953, 
Personal Box, Hunt Papers. 

50. Hunt to Henry Watenpaugh. January 25, 1954, ibid. 

51. Hunt to Oscar Hammond, April, 1954, ibid. 

52. Earle Clements to Joseph O'Mahoney, January 18. 1954, Earle 
Clements Papers. University of Kentucky. Lexington, Kentucky. 

53. Joseph O'Mahoney to Art Buck, November 4, 1953, Box 180, 
Spindle File, Joseph O'Mahoney Papers, Western History 
Research Center. University of Wyoming, Laramie. Wyoming. 

54. In this poll, Hunt's office sent 10,000 postcards out to Wyoming 
voters. Every tenth person on the motor vehicle registration files 
received a card. Five possible seekers of the senate seat were listed. 
Of the 1,614 returned, Hunt received 878 votes. The next closest 
received only 312 votes. "Senate poll, April 5, 1954," Personal 
Box, Hunt Papers. 

55. Rawlins Daily Times, July 1, 1954. Lester Hunt, Jr., living in 
Chicago at the time, knew of the break-in and ransacking, but 
did not know the reason behind it. Hunt. Jr., interview. Such 
pressure was not unknown in the early 1950s. One person, par- 
ticipating in a campaign to oust McCarthy from the senate, wrote: 
"... The telephone rings at 3 o'clock every morning for two weeks. 
If one answers one receives a torrent of obscene, profane abuse 
absolutely unprintable. If one doesn't answer, the phone just con- 
tinues to ring — as long as half an hour. Other telephone calls 
come at every other hour with language that should make the 
wires burn. . . . Threatening mail comes by the sackful. . . . 
Automobile tires are slashed, paint scraped off, windows broken, 
gas tanks drained, door handles pried off. . . . One's employer 
gets anonymous mail and telephone calls accusing the McCar- 
thy opponent of subversion, perversion, and crime." Being afraid 
of more recriminations he signed the letter, "Joe Must Go 
Worker." Milwaukee Journal, June 24, 1954, p. 24. 

56. "Hunt left Washington to formally file [sic] papers for reelec- 
tion, and returned without doing so. He never did explain why 
the change of heart. . . . The only explanation Hunt had was 
that he just wanted to get away from it all." Letter to author 
from Mike Manatos, April 30, 1980. Apparently Hunt's decision 
to withdraw was made during this trip to Cheyenne. 


57. "L. C. Hunt, Senator, Possibilities," received May 3, 1954, Alpha 
file on Lester C. Hunt, Eisenhower Papers. One of those listed 
was for the Tariff Commission, with a yearly salary of $15,000 
for a six-year term. 

58. Leonard W. Hall to Sherman Adams, June 15, 1954, Records 
of Leonard W. Hall. Box 84, 24-F Personal #1 1954, Eisenhower 

59. Casper Tribune-Herald, June 20, 1954. 

60. Joseph O'Mahoney to Milton Coffman, July 16, 1954, Box 180 
Spindle File, O'Mahoney Papers. 

61 . "Regrets exceedingly at this date to advise you that, due to per- 
sonal reasons beyond my control, namely health, I am compelled 
to withdraw my announcement as a candidate for reelection to 
the United States Senate." Hunt to J. J. Hickey, Democratic State 
Central Committee. June 4, 1954, Personal Box, Hunt Papers. 

62. Wyoming Eagle, June 22, 1954. 

63. Denver Post, June 20, 1954, p. 12. 

64. "... I talked with Doctor Fitzgibbon, who told me of your con- 
versation with him on Saturday, and I can only say that I appre 
ciate and understand your reasons." Dr. Fitzgibbon was a member 
of the American Dental Association. Francis J. Garvey to Lester 
C. Hunt, June 8, 1954, Personal Box, Hunt Papers. Drew Pear- 
son wrote in his diary on June 19, 1954: "About two weeks ago 
Hunt went out to the Naval Hospital and afterward announced 
that he was retiring from the Senate because of his health. Actu- 
ally Dr. Calvert says there's nothing wrong with his health." Tyler 
Abell, ed.. Drew Pearson Diaries, 1949-1959 (New York: Holt, 
Rinehard and Winston, 1974), p. 323. 

65. Besides health, another reason given by Hunt was the physical 
strains that a campaign would entail. ". . . and knowing the rigors 
of a state wide campaign, I have decided to withdraw from the 
political scene, and will not be a candidate for re-election." Lester 
C. Hunt to L. H. Heyl, June 18, 1954, Personal Box, Hunt 
Papers. In May, Hunt's campaign plans had included renting 
a bus, having it "properly painted" and an organ installed, and 
then campaigning throughout the state in it. Hunt to Senator 
Earle Clements, May 25, 1954, Clements Papers. 

66. T. A. Larson wrote that Senator Hunt was "overwhelmed by per 
sonal and political problems." T. A. Larson, History of Wyo- 
ming, 2nd ed. (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 
1965), p. 572. On Friday, June 18, 1954, Senator McCarthy stated 
that he was investigating a Democratic senator for "just plain 
wrongdoing," not connected with the communist issue. San Fran- 
cisco Chronicle, June 19. 1954, p. 9. Shortly after Hunt's death, 
Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota, a friend of McCarthy, 
stated that Hunt was "positively" not the man McCarthy had in 
mind in his earlier statement. San Francisco Chronicle, June 20, 
1954; New York Times, June 20, 1954. Either some people had 
connected the two events or there was a fear that they might be 
linked. See Abell, ed.. Drew Pearson's Diaries, p. 321. 

67. A Capitol police guard reported that Senator Hunt on his way 
to his office "appeared to be in exceptional spirits. . . . [and] 
commented pleasantly on the weather. ..." The policeman paid 
no attention to the rifle as Hunt "frequently carried things into 
the building from his car." Memorandum of Private W. Paul 
Flynn to Office of the Captain, June 19, 1954, Capitol Police 
Records, Senate Detachment, Washington, DC. Carl Solberg 
wrote that ". . . the miasma of intimidation and slander that 
McCarthyism spread over Washington in the spring of 1 954 had 
everything to do with Hunt's death. The Grand Inquisition had 
reached into the Senate and claimed a victim." Carl Solberg, 

Riding High: America in the Cold War (New York: Mason & 
Lipscomb-Publishers, 1973), pp. 188-190. 

68. Maurice L. Farber. Theory of Suicide (New York: Funk and 
Wagnalls, 1968), p. 17. 

69. G. Donald Niswander, Thomas M. Casey, and John A. Hum- 
phrey, A Panorama of Suicide: A Casebook of Psychological 
Autopsies (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher. 
1973), p. xi. 

70. David Lester, Why People Kill Themselves: A Summary of 
Research Findings on Suicidal Behavior (Springfield, Illinois: 
Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, 1972), p. 26. 

71. Hunt, Jr., interview. Senator Estes Kefauver wrote: "He [Hunt] 
had some sensitivities which caused him to be worried about his 
son and he took his own life." Estes Kefauver to Ralph Jerome 
Woody, July 24, 1963, Judiciary Committee Correspon- 
dence— 88th Congress Box, Estes Kefauver Papers, University of 
Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee. 

72. Hunt, Jr., interview. 

73. Affidavit dated July 9, 1954, and undated transcript. Bridges 
Papers. An undated note was also found in the Bridges Papers 
containing Hunt, Jr.'s, address, phone number, date and place 
of arrest, "arrested soliciting as a queer," and the phrase "gone 
to Cuba." Pearson had wanted to publish the "blackmail" story 
in December of 1953 - six months prior to Hunt's death, but Tracy 
McCraken, influential Wyoming Democratic publisher had 
"pleaded" with him not to do so. At that time Hunt had told 
Jack Anderson of Pearson's staff that publication of the story 
would cause his wife to "die" from additional agony and embar- 
rassment. Because of the strong objections of Welker and Bridges, 
Pearson claimed to have had a "whale of a time" getting Bell 
Syndicate to distribute the column he wrote subsequent to Hunt's 
suicide. Abell, ed., Drew Pearson's Diaries, pp. 321-323. 

74. Some critics charged that Pearson's article was only one of his 
usual attacks against prominent political figures with whom he 
disagreed politically. For an example of this see Pearson's treat- 
ment of James Forrestal in Jack Anderson and James Boyd, Con- 
fessions of a Muckraker: The Inside Story of Life in Washington 
During the Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson Years 
(New York: Random House, 1979), pp. 122-145. An editorial 
in the pro Bridges Manchester Union Leader dubbed Pearson's 
allegations a pro-communist attack. "This left wing campaign 
will be directed by a group of Communists, pro-Communists and 
liberals who make their headquarters in New York City, Wash- 
ington and other points on the Eastern seaboard. These left 
wingers are out to destroy any senator who has stood up against 
Soviet Russia." Manchester [New Hampshire] Union Leader, July 
15, 1954, Bridges Papers. This attempt at red-baiting fails in 
its efforts to explain Pearson's allegations while completely ignor- 
ing the pressure obviously applied on Hunt. Pearson did give 
Bridges an opportunity to refute the charges by inviting the 
Senator to write a column on any subject he desired. Bridges, 
however, refused, saying ". . . that if I had the gift and power 
to make each of the 850 words a jewel of rhetoric or if you should 
increase your offer a million fold, there would be no atonement 
for the damage you have done. Words once engraved on the 
human intellect can never be erased by more words or polished 
gems of thought, [emphasis added.] Styles Bridges to Drew Pear- 
son, August 16, 1954, Bridges Papers. 

75. William M. Spencer to Herman Welker, December 29, 1954, 
Bridges Papers. 

76. Joseph O'Mahoney to J. B. Sullivan, November 17, 1954, Box 
183, Correspondence #1, O'Mahoney Papers. 


The Wilcox Train Robbery: 


Edward J. Harriman and the New York bankers had 
assumed control of the bankrupt Union Pacific Railroad 
in 1897. Two problems facing them were the poor condi- 
tion of miles of track and threats of train robberies. One 
of the most spectacular robberies occurred in June, 1899, 
and it caused a sensation in the Wyoming newspapers as 
well as in the national press. 

An analysis of contemporary newspaper accounts 
reflects the confusion the daring robbery caused among 
law enforcement officers and the news media. Even in a 
state with a sparse population and vast distances between 
settled areas, word of the robbery spread rapidly and, cor- 
respondingly, rumors leapt into print. For the regular 
newspaper reader of the time, not only the identities of 
the robbers were in question but reports of their number 
and the amount of money stolen were equally contradic- 

This article will examine the Wilcox train robbery by 
following the accounts chronologically as they were 
reported by the press. Could the readers decipher the real 
story from those accounts? Even today's readers who know 
the complete story might find the following chronological 
reports confusing at times, the newspapers reporting 
rumor and fact as the occasion suited. 

A spectacular train robbery occurred at 2:15 a.m., 
June 2, 1899, a half-mile west of Wilcox station, 57 miles 
west of Laramie. Engineer W. R. Jones stopped his loco- 
motive when two men flagged the train and jumped into 
the engine cab. They ordered him to pull the train across 
a bridge and stop. Jones, realizing it was a holdup, started 
to move the train, but the air on the engine had set the 
brakes. The bandits began cursing him and one of them 
struck Jones over the head with his six-shooter. Finally, 
Jones succeeded in releasing the air. 1 

After the train had moved over the bridge, the other 
members of the gang placed a charge of dynamite on the 
bridge and blew it up to prevent the second section of the 
Overland Flyer from crossing and disturbing them. 2 

E. C. Woodcock was the express and baggageman on 
the train. He realized it was a holdup when the outlaws 
came back to the cars and knocked on the baggage room 
door. He refused to open the door. After several calls to 
him they put a charge of dynamite under the side door 
and blew it open. The dynamite charge knocked Wood- 
cock down and left him dazed. The robbers then entered 
the car and removed Woodcock. In this car was located 
the train's safe which contained the money and other 
valuables. The safe was shattered with dynamite and thor- 
oughly rifled and the contents placed in a safesack which 
one of the men carried. The train was held there nearly 
two hours and when the robbers left, Engineer Jones cut 
loose from the train and ran the engine to Medicine Bow 
where he telegraphed officials at Laramie and Cheyenne 
of the robbers. 3 

A special posse train left Laramie at 7 a.m. on June 
3. The posse was made up of Sheriff Charles Yund, 

William Owen, Peter Smart, William Doyle, John Davis, 
George Dobbins, George Buck and A. C. Brautigen. In 
addition to this posse, a carload of horses and a dozen 
men were brought to Wilcox on the passenger train. 

An examination of the wrecked express car showed 
that the work was done by experts and that none of the 
discharged railroad graders had any part in the robbery. 
The outlaws used a brand of dynamite that had been 
manufactured in California, while the railroad was using 
dynamite made in the eastern United States. About a mile 
from Wilcox station the robbers had camped with feed 
for their horses and blankets for protection from the 
weather. 4 

The railroad officials said that the loss was small. 
Others were of the opinion that the robbers had obtained 
some $34,000 from the safe and several thousand dollars 
in National Bank Notes being sent by the U.S. Treasury 
Department to an Oregon bank. 5 

Another posse was organized at Medicine Bow and 
still another at Dana. Plans had been made to surround 
the robbers as soon as possible. A pack of bloodhounds 
were to be brought on a special train from Beatrice, 
Nebraska, but the "bloodhound special" had to be can- 
celed when a snow storm hit the region. 6 

No accurate description had been given of the rob- 
bers. One theory was that they were men working on the 
new railroad lines. Large numbers of men were being ship- 
ped in daily for work on the grades. It was assumed the 
dynamite was secured from P. J. Mahoney's grading camp 
located nearby. Another theory was that the robbery was 
the work of the famous "Hole in the Wall Gang," which 
had been notorious for many years in central Wyoming. 
"Butch" Cassidy and his gang were known to have been 
in the region during thus time and were given credit for 
the robbery by a number of officials. Another theory was 
that Jack Nolan headed the gang, and the officers were 
anxious to know of his whereabouts. Nolan was in Laramie 
about a week before the robbery for the first time in 22 
years. He broke jail there while awaiting trial for the 
holdup of Bob Foote's Elk Mountain Place. 7 

The first posse did not leave Wilcox until noon of the 
following day so they were far behind the holdup gang. 
The trail carried them directly northeast from the railroad 
toward Laramie Peak and was easily followed for six miles 
north. But at that point the robbers moved into grassy 
country and the trail was lost. The robbers may have 
removed the shoes from their horses' feet so that they 
would leave no trail. Only three horses' tracks were 
discovered on the trail which caused some to declare that 
there were only three robbers. Engineer W. R. Jones 
declared that there were six men and he believed that 
three of them escaped in a wagon rather than on horse- 
back. 8 

Another posse organized on June 4 lost the trail six 
miles north of Rock Creek. In the central part of the state 
several posses were organized and headed in the direc- 


tion of Laramie Peak. The objective was to try and inter- 
cept the robbers if they attempted to go to the "Hole in 
the Wall." The officials were confident that with a large 
force of deputies on the trail it would be impossible for 
the outlaws to escape. Chief Detective Canada and Super- 
intendent Harris, both of the Union Pacific, followed the 
deputies in the search. 9 

According to reports reaching Laramie, the robbers 
crossed the North Platte River at Casper at an unguarded 
bridge. The robbers went to a livery stable and tried unsuc- 
cessfully to get accommodations for their horses. They then 
went down the river eight miles to a log cabin. Early the 
next morning these robbers met a sheepherder by the 
name of Al Hudspeth six miles from town on Casper 
Creek. He discovered three men cooking breakfast and 
one man carrying two Winchesters. Hudspeth reported 
his observations to the officials in Casper. His report caused 
an 11 man posse to be organized composed of Sheriff Joe 
Hazen, Sheriff Oscar Hiestand, Dr. J. F. Leeper, Lee 
Devine, E. T Payton, Charles Hallaby, Tom McDonald, 
Sam Fish, J. B. Bradley, J. E. Long and J. T. Crawford. 10 

The three robbers were overtaken on June 5 some 30 
miles north of Casper. The robbers ambushed the posse 
with a rain of bullets from their repeating Winchester 
rifles. In this fight at Dugout Creek, the entire posse dis- 

mounted and ran into the rocks, but only two return shot; 
were made as the robbers could not be seen. Two horse; 
were shot, one of them belonging to E. T Payton and 
another belonging to J. E. Long. The robbers escaped 
leaving an empty money sack belonging to the express 
company and a Winchester gun from the express car. Dur 
ing a brief thunderstorm, two members of the Casper posse 
were knocked down by lightning." 

In the battle at Dugout Creek, Sam Fish, a contrac 
tor from South Dakota, rode on ahead of the robbers and 
cut them off. He held this position for some time. Fish 
was reinforced by other posse members but was compellec 
to retreat when the robbers again escaped. 

Sheriff Hazen and Detective Wheeler of the Unior 
Pacific reached a point near the robbers. When the mer 
rose up 75 yards away and shot Sheriff Hazen, Detective 
Wheeler narrowly escaped. 12 

Sheriff Hazen was joined by Dr. Leeper. The doctoi 
started in an opposite direction in search of the trail anc 
was called by Hazen who remarked that he had agair 
struck the tracks. Dr. Leeper went toward Hazen, and wai 
within five feet of him when the robbers opened fire hit 
ting Hazen in the stomach. The ball entered near the nave 
and came out two inches from the spine. Hazen told Dr 
Leeper that he had been struck and the doctor gave 

The railroad car after it had been dynamited in the Wilcox train robbery. Note the blown safe still resting in the car. 

what medical attention he could under the conditions. 
Having no shelter of any kind, the sheriff was exposed 
to the weather until a spring wagon could be secured to 
take him to town. Superintendent Harris of the Union 
Pacific ordered a special train from Cheyenne to take the 
wounded man to his home in Douglas. Dr. E. P. Rohr- 
baugh gave what medical attention he could after the 
wounded man's long wagon trip. Dr. Barber of Cheyenne 
was ordered to Douglas on a special train, but by the time 
he arrived the patient had died. 13 

After the shooting of Sheriff Hazen, the robbers had 
struck an old road running along the top of a high nar- 
row ridge. During the next night they had followed the 
road for 15 miles. About daylight the three men separated 
and two of them arrived at Nelson's brothers sheep camp, 
five miles south of French's oil wells Tuesday morning. The 
men helped Herder Melia in preparing breakfast, and 
after breakfast the two men headed toward Tisdale's 
pasture. 14 

It was reported on June 8 that the outlaws appeared 
to be headed for the northwest being followed close by 
about 200 men in the posses. All the saddle horses in the 
county were being utilized. It was reported that the pur- 
suit of the bandits would not be given up if it required 
years to capture them. 15 

A Mr. Buck, a member of the special posse from 
Laramie, reported that saddle marks on the horses which 
the robbers lost identified the three men as Tom O'Day, 
iBob Taylor and Manuel Manetta. Another report was cir- 
culated that a Casper gambler by the name of Cavana- 
gug was the third man, rather than O'Day. All of these 
men were well-known "Hole in the Wall" characters and 
ihad already been accused of many crimes. Two of them 
were said to be notorious outlaws, while a third had been 
! before the Natrona County courts during the past year. 
Some of the jewelry stolen from the train was found in 
the bandits' saddle bags. There was also a gun from the 
express car marked "Pacific Express." The men were 
evidently assisted by others because a piece of beef loin 
was left in a rock in good condition. 16 

Hazen's funeral was attended by a large crowd. There 
was a great deal of indignation over his death. He was 
well known throughout the area. People of the various 
ranches furnished the law officers with information in 
regard to the bandits. 17 

Hazen was only forty-four years old when he was mur- 
dered. Left behind was a wife and two little boys. The 
Union Pacific Railroad contributed $2,400 and a drive 
was also made for contributions to pay off the $300 mort- 
gage on the Hazen home. 

By June 9 the robbers were reported to have crossed 
the Powder River, but this news was not verified. A posse 
of men started out from Buffalo, but the members of the 
posses from Casper were tired and had jaded horses. 18 

Will Cook, one of the original members of the posse 

that left Laramie on the morning of June 3, was one of 
the foremost pursuers of the bandits. Cook reported that 
all of the horses with the posses were "played out" and 
it was difficult for them to get fresh horses. He also 
reported that the only one of the robbers whom he could 
identify was Bob Taylor. The horses left behind by the 
outlaws had been worked in harness and it pointed out 
the fact that the robbers came to Wilcox in a wagon. 19 

In a report published June 9 it was stated that a posse 
left Casper headed by Dr. Lester, J. R. Bradley and Dan 
Sullivan. This posse arrived at the Tisdale Ranch and then 
started on the trail of the outlaws traveling a distance of 
350 miles through dangerous, mountainous country. They 
brought with them a number of worn-out horses including 
the three that the outlaws had ridden through Casper the 
previous Sunday morning. 20 

The people of the village of Kaycee had not heard 
of the robbery until the arrival of the Casper posse. In 
Buffalo, the report was circulated that the robbers were 
believed to be surrounded on EK Mountain. At this time 
Marshal Frank Hadsell, ex-Marshal McDermott, Detec- 
tive Wheeler of the Union Pacific and Joe LeFors were 
still on the bandits' trail. 21 

John Elmer Brock was a witness to events taking place 
in Johnson County in the pursuit of the robbers. Accord- 
ing to Brock, two of the leading men at the time were 
Joe LeFors and Tom Horn. The posse stayed at the EK 
Ranch, and brought their supplies in from Kaycee. 

Brock related an episode of the pursuit of the rob- 
bers on EK Mountain: 

When they drove up the mountain, they started from all sides 
at once and orders were given that no shot was to be fired 
under any circumstances unless they saw the train robbers. 
The closing circle of men converged around the pass on top 
of EK Mountain. They had within the circle an old silver 
tip bear. She nearly scared them all to death. She would give 
a woof, woof and dash down through the timber and the 
line on the opposite side could hear her coming and were 
sure in their own minds it was the approach of the outlaws. 
Poor old mother bear finally found a weak place and broke 
through much to the relief of the frightened pursuers. Of 
course, the drive netted nothing. 22 

According to the information received from Roy 
Munkres, John Stevenson, Jr. and Lou Shaw, the robbers 
took a southwest backtrack off EK Mountain and being 
without horses, went into the Bill Hill ranch stable, stole 
two saddles belonging to Hill and one of Alex Ghen's sad- 
dles and then went into the pasture and took three horses. 
They escaped in spite of some 100 men on their trail. 23 

To escape, the robbers climbed the mountain from 
the most southern point known as "Little Red Fork Can- 
yon." Taking a northerly course, they traveled a distance 
of four or five miles up to a point opposite EK Mountain 
on the west. There they changed their course to an easterly 
direction and descended the mountain into the valley, 
coming out on a wide, open plain about one-half mile 
wide. They are supposed to have then crossed this plain 


in broad daylight and climbed up EK Mountain for a 
distance of 200 yards where they again changed their 
course and traveled along the mountain for three-quarters 
of a mile. Here they stopped and removed their shoes and 
walked across the west to the mountain east of Red Fork. 
Here they stayed for two nights before they succeeded in 
stealing horses from Bill Hill's ranch. 24 

In another development, 50 riders gathered at the 
Tisdale Ranch at noon and under the direction of United 
States Marshal Frank Hadsell, six men including George 
Thompson, Ed Gill and Ross Lambert were sent to Kay- 
cee. This group reported that the country in the vicinity 
of Kaycee was swarming with riders who were supposed 
to be in sympathy with the train robbers. Therefore, it 
was difficult for the lawmen to get any aid or positive infor- 
mation. The posse said that the men would be taken even 
if they had gone to the "Hole in the Wall." 25 

Major C. H. Parmalee of the state militia was instruc- 
ted to send a detail of ten enlisted men and one officer 
to Marshal Hadsell on Powder River. The militia was led 
by Lieutenant Smith who came up the trail from Casper 
with ten men, each mounted and provided with 50 rounds 
of ammunition. 26 

The Wilcox train robbers had escaped from the posses 
for the time being. General Manager Dickinson and rail- 
road officials reached Cheyenne from Casper where they 
had been directing operations. It was apparent that the 
robbers had hidden in the Powder River country and were 
secure from capture and had also been assisted by others 
in their escape. 27 

The lawmen received a letter that the United States 
Government, the Union Pacific Railroad and the Pacific 
Express Company had offered $1,000 for the capture of 
each of the Wilcox robbers, dead or alive. Ten of the posse 
members returned and submitted bills to the Union Pacific 
Railroad for five dollars a day for each man and his 
horse. 28 

Sheriff Yund of Albany County found the wagon used 
in the robbery at Rock Creek. The discovery of the wagon 
had no particular value in the hunt but it proved the 
theory that the men drove in and departed from the scene 
of the robbery on horseback. The lawmen were of the opi- 
nion that George Curry was a leader of the gang accom- 
panied by Harvey Logan and Elza Lay. 29 

Union Pacific officials and the lawmen said the rob- 
bers had made good their escape into the vastness of the 
Big Horn Mountains, but the men's identification was so 
complete that detection by the police of the country was 
"ultimate." The Union Pacific Special that came in from 
Casper brought Governor DeForest Richards, Union Paci- 
fic officials and citizens who had gone to Douglas to attend 
the funeral of Sheriff Hazen. The train had a boxcar con- 
taining the three robbers' captured horses. The horses were 
kept in Cheyenne as evidence in the event that the rob- 
bers were captured. 30 

Two men were brought to Cheyenne from Kemmerer 


to identify the horses captured from the outlaws during 
the gun battle north of Casper and to give what informa- 
tion they knew about the robbers. In their testimony, John 
Hastle and M. Nolin reported that the buckskin horse had 
been bought from Hastle and the pinto from William Feen 
of Kemmerer. They reported that the outlaws purchas- 
ed, in addition to the horses, a team wagon, a Winchester 
rifle and complete camping equipment. The men started 
east from Kemmerer on April 15 which would have given 
them plenty of time to reach Wilcox station. The men 
also gave the authorities a description of three of the rob- 
bers, but the authorities requested that they withhold this 
information for a time. 31 

People from throughout the area were convinced they 
had seen the robbers. Consequently, newspaper reports 
carried a number of conflicting accounts of the robbers' 

According to a Salt Lake Herald reporter, a highly 
respected woman of Uinta County talked with "Butch" 
Cassidy less than a month before the robbery and she 
accounted for his whereabouts for the previous two 
months. She had not been the least hesitant in saying that 
he took part in the Wilcox robbery. Indeed, the members 
of his gang could have taken part in the robbery as they 
were within 50 miles of Wilcox a week before. The fact 
that Sheriff Allred of Carbon County had heard that the 
gang was in the area was further proof of their participa- 
tion in the train robbery. 32 

The latest news from the outlaw chase was that the 
robbers had made good their escape. A telegram to Lara- 
mie from C. H. Parmalee of Buffalo brought this news. 
According to this message, they succeeded in securing fresh 
horses and went west of the Big Horn Mountains. 33 

The trail of the Union Pacific robbers had been lost 
in the Big Horns near Kirby Creek and all of the posses 
had been recalled. The two posses under United States 
Marshal Hadsell and Special Agent Wheeler were ordered 
to return to Casper and then go to Cheyenne where a new 
course of action could be formulated. 34 

It was believed by some of the lawmen that the men 
continued through the mountains making their way to 
British Columbia. 35 

Rumors were circulated in Laramie that some of the 
posses that had been chasing the bandits were doubling 
back on the trail to protect the railroad from another 
possible robbery. This news led to the belief that the men 
headed for the Robbers' Roost in Utah. The information 

Several posses pursued the outlaws. Shown (top) are: 
George Hiatt, T. Kelliher, Joe LeFors, H. Davis, S. Funk, 
and T. Jeff Carr. The "Wild Bunch" are pictured below 
in a photograph that has become a classic. 

was given to Assistant Superintendent Hay of the Union 
Pacific. Hay informed Sheriff Charles Yund, who orga- 
nized a posse of men composed of M. R. Knadler, Robert 
McKay and Ralph Lasher. They loaded their horses in a 
special baggage car and started out on the train for Rock 
Creek. They planned to patrol the county in that area. 
Other posses were to search the area along the Union 
Pacific Railroad. 36 

Peter Smart, Jack Martin, Bill Doyle and J. Harnden 
returned from Casper and reported they had no hopes 
that the robbers would be captured. The men said that 
the robbers seemed to be headed for the southwestern part 
of the state, but no one could really tell. The men believ- 
ed that the robbers intended to remain in the "Hole in 
the Wall" country, but were pressed by posses and so con- 
tinued to travel. 37 

The bloodhounds could not be used until they were 
within 24 hours of the robbers because the trail was too 
cold. It was believed that about three or more men could 
chase the robbers. According to the officials the only way 
they could be captured was for the posses to get the drop 
on them while they were in camp, or at some unguarded 
moment. There were only now about a dozen men pur- 
suing the bandits. 38 

It was believed that the robbers were hiding in Albany 
County as A. J. Kenyon of Spring Hill in the northern 
part of that county, reported the stealing of a saddle horse 
from his pasture. Kenyon and others were of the opinion 
that the animal was stolen by the train robbers as Ken- 
yon looked after his cattle. This ranch was located in the 
rough part of the Laramie Mountains near Laramie Peak 
and would have made a good hiding place for the 
robbers. 39 

Three men believed to be the robbers were captured 
by Yellowstone Park scouts just south of Yellowstone. The 
men were surrounded by the park scouts just before 
daybreak, and news of their capture was announced by 
the driver of the Monida-Yellowstone Park stage. The 
names of the captured men were not released, but it was 
later proven that they were not the wanted men in the 
Wilcox robbery. 40 

People were beginning to think that the robbers had 
been killed or captured. The truth of the matter could 
not be verified. One woman who had been cooking at the 
"D" Ranch 100 miles west of Casper arrived in Casper on 
the stage and reported that several members of the state 
militia had been to the ranch for supper. Reports were 
also current that five dogs were on the trail of the rob- 
bers a few miles from the "D" Ranch and the posse was 
traveling as fast as the dogs could travel. The group was 
still four to eight hours behind the robbers. 41 

Trailer Johnson arrived in Casper with one of his dogs 
claiming that he had lost the others in the badlands of 
No Water River about 30 miles from Thermopolis. John- 
son reported that the posses were never nearer than three 
days' travel from the robbers. 42 

Johnsons story was not believed. Citizens did not think 
that Johnson could leave two dogs under the circumstances 
unless they were dead. Many people believed that the rob- 
bers had been captured, and that the lawmen were afraid 
to reveal their capture because of the possibility of a 
lynching. 43 

Two men were arrested near Dillon, Montana, who 
were reported to be the robbers. The two fit the descrip- 
tions of the wanted men. They also had lots of money and 
had arrived on fatigued horses in a place called Red Rock. 
They were working for a rancher there and he suspected 
that they were the bandits being hunted for the Wilcox 
station robbery. 44 

The Dillon captives were brought to Cheyenne. Mail 
clerk Dietrick and Engineer Jones were sent for and both 
saw resemblance to the train robbers at Wilcox. Engineer 
Jones was sure that the two men were implicated in the 
Wilcox robbery. Sheriff Shaver of Laramie County placed 
the two men in a secure cell after the two tough looking 
individuals gave their names as Bud Nolan and Dave 
Putty. 45 

District Attorney Timothy Burke could not produce 
enough evidence to indict the men on the Wilcox charge, 
but he secured enough evidence to indict the two on rob- 
bing the post office at Big Piney, Wyoming, and the post 
office at Wolton, Wyoming. 46 

Governor DeForest Richards recalled the state militia 
sent out to aid in the chase. The only pursuit left was by 
a posse from the Shoshone Indian Agency composed of 
Indian police in charge of deputy Jim Baldwin and a posse 
from Lander under Richard Morse, deputy marshal. 
These two were following some suspicious characters that 
were observed crossing Owl Creek mountains in the direc- 
tion of Green River one week before. 47 

There were few in Casper who really knew the "Hole 
in the Wall" country. The officials believed that Bob Curry 
and his gang would never be captured unless there was 
some foolhardiness on the part of the robbers, as was the 
escape of all but two of the Folson, New Mexico train rob- 
bers. These events would tend to encourage other des- 
peradoes to make train robbery a part of their avocation. 48 

One of the unsigned bills showed up in Laramie. This 
$100 denomination was in the safe the night of the Wilcox 
robbery. The bill was unsigned and was being sent to a 
bank in Oregon. It was reported that the bill came from 
a ranchman who tried to use it at a Laramie grocery com- 
pany. A Mr. Simpson at the grocery refused the bill and 
it was afterwards paid into the Albany National Bank. 
It did not remain in the financial institution very long, 
as the teller paid it out to the next gentleman who came 
along. Contrary to popular belief, one of the tellers at 
the Albany National Bank informed the Boomerang that 
he would accept any of the bills that were presented. 
According to the teller, when the bills were issued by the 
U.S. Treasury Department they became legal tender. This 


teller said that the express company was responsible for 
their safe delivery to the bank.'' 9 

Several of the unsigned bank notes consigned to the 
bank in Portland, Oregon were being circulated in Ther- 
mopolis. The complete contents of the safe would never 
be revealed by the railroad company, but it was the belief 
among Laramie lawmen that the robbers were still hiding 
in the "Hole in the Wall" country and their friends were 
circulating the unsigned bills. 50 

The full extent of the losses to the railroad and ex- 
press company will never be known outside of the com- 
panies involved. The amount must have been comparable 
with the reward which was extended to $3,000 per man, 
dead or alive. That reward totaled $18,000. 51 

Tom Horn, a detective from Iron Mountain, reported 
the killing of two train robbers in the mountains about 
40 miles west of Jackson Hole. According to Horn, he 
killed the two men while they were in camp preparing 
supper. He and his companion opened fire on one of the 
men who was frying bacon. He was shot and the other 
man jumped behind a tree and started firing. Horn 
advanced and killed him also. Horn's part- Indian guide 
was hit in the leg and Tom took him to Opal on the 
Oregon Short Line for medical attention. The two men 
left dead were Smith and Montgomery, according to 
Horn. 52 

Horn was sure that the two men he killed were invol- 
ved in the robbery and he reported the killings to two 
Union Pacific detectives, H. Seavey and J. G. Harris. It 
is unknown how much, if any, Horn was paid for these 
shootings. 53 

During the months following Wilcox, the Pinkerton 
Detective Agency was on the trail of the outlaws. In March 
of 1900, within an hour, R. E. Curry (alias, Bob Curry, 
alias Bob Lee) was surrounded by lawmen in a gambling 
house in Cripple Creek, Colorado. The bandit was heavily 
armed, he was dealing stud poker when Sheriff O'Brien 
touched him on the shoulder. 54 

He was surrounded by seven lawmen and was taken 
to the jail where two armed guards were posted at the door, 
watching every move he made. 55 

Lee was arrested in Cripple Creek the same day that 
his partner Louis Curry alias Louis Logan was killed in 
Dodson, Missouri. These two men were brought up by 
Lee's mother, Mrs. Hiram Lee at her home in Dodson, 
near Kansas City. They were cousins and their close rela- 
tionship continued during the days of their bandit life in 
the west. They went under the name of the Curry 
brothers. 56 

There is strong evidence that these two men were 
involved in the Wilcox robbery. Letters were found from 
one to another with enclosures of the money stolen from 

J— s 

A cabin in the Hole-in-the-Wall country of north central Wyoming. 


the express car. One hundred dollar bills were also found 
in Dodson where Louis Logan was killed. Bob Lee was 
transferred from Cripple Creek, tried and sent to the 
Wyoming State Prison for a long term. 57 

It was also reported that Louis Curry (alias Kane 
Logan) was killed in Dodson trying to escape from law 
officials. 58 

Law officials discovered some Wilcox notes about the 
Lee House where Louis Logan (alias Curry) had lived with 
their aunt. The law officials broke into the house and 
Logan ran out the back door. The 20-minute gun battle 
ended with Logan being killed by the lawmen. 59 

Lony Logan, the outlaw killed at Dodson, Missouri 
(whose real name was Louis Logan) was known in Crip- 
ple Creek as Frank Miller. The Pinkerton officials were 
of the belief that Logan was the leader of the gang, and 
that it was not George Curry, a former resident of Chad- 
ron, Nebraska. 

After the Wilcox Train Robbery, Flat Nose George 
Currie said to his gang that he had enough of train rob- 
bery. He returned to rustling and on the afternoon of April 
19, he was caught changing brands on cattle belonging 
to Webster Cattle Company near Castle, Utah. Sheriff 
Tyler of Grand County, Utah, ordered him to halt, but 
he refused and after a brief gun battle Currie was shot 
through the head and killed instantly. 61 

Harvey Logan (alias "Kid Curry") held up a Great 
Northern train near Warner, Montana, and secured 
$40,000 in new unsigned bank notes similar to those taken 
from the train at Wilcox. Harvey went to Knoxville, Ten- 
nessee, and tried to pass one of the unsigned notes at a 
clothing store there. The manager reported Logan to the 
police. After a chase, with Logan trying to escape on an 
ice wagon, he was run down and captured. 62 

Logan was tried in Knoxville in the Federal Court and 
received a sentence of 30 years for having in his posses- 
sion illegal money, but before he was transferred to a 
Federal jail he escaped from the local jail and headed back 
for the "Hole in the Wall" country. He stole John May's 
horse, saddle and pistol. Deputy Sheriff Beard and the 
posses of Kaycee chased Logan and another man. Shots 
were exchanged and apparently Logan was hit. Logan's 
companion helped him on a horse and they escaped. 63 

Two days after the gun battle, two men came to Ther- 
mopolis in search of medical attention for one of the men. 
Dr. Julius A. Schulke was ordered to go with them. He 
was placed in a buggy and taken into a room where blan- 
kets were hung up around the bed. The man in the bed 
had been shot through the groin and the doctor dressed 
the wound. Two nights later the men came for the doc- 
tor again. He looked at the wound and told the men that 
death would come shortly. The doctor returned to Ther- 
mopolis and neither Harvey Logan nor Kid Curry were 
heard from again. 64 

The next train robbery by the "Hole in the Wall" gang 

took place at Tipton, Wyoming. It was a repeat of the 
Wilcox robbery. The safe was blown open and the loot 
amounted to only $50.40. Some say that "Butch" Cassidy 
stuck it in a gopher hole. 65 

"Butch" Cassidy took part in the Wilcox holdup. While 
George Currie and the Logan brothers rode north, "Butch" 
Cassidy and two other bandits rode south. Sheriff Swan- 
son of Rock Springs followed them for a few miles, but 
returned to Rock Springs when he found the men were 
headed through Horsethief Canyon to Brown's Hole. 66 

It is said that after the loot from the Wilcox train rob- 
bery had been divided, George Currie remained for a short 
while in Wyoming at Brown's Hole. He picked up some 
other bandits and continued to the town of Green River, 
Utah, to Robbers' Roost where the gang had an excellent 
hiding place. 67 

Graves are scattered all over the "Hole in the Wall" 
country as a result of personal feuds among the robbers 
and rustlers that once used the place as a refuge from the 

The robbers, always under the eyes of the Pinkerton 
detective, suffered the following fates: 

"Butch" Cassidy and Harry Longabaugh were killed 
by members of the Bolivian Army in 1909. 

Flat Nose George Currie was killed by Sheriff Jessie 
M. Tyler in Utah in 1900. 

Harvey Logan was reported to have died of blood poi- 
soning at a ranch near Thermopolis, Wyoming. Some law- 
men report that he was killed in a gun fight near 
Parachute, Colorado in 1900. 

Bill Varver was killed by Sheriff Ed Bryant at Sonora, 
Texas while resisting arrest in 1901. 68 

The newspaper accounts of the Wilcox train robbery 
and its aftermath show how myths and legends of fron- 
tier outlaws cannot be totally blamed on "the pulps." The 
rumors picked up and printed by the contemporary news- 
papers show how easy it was for such tales to be born. 
It is little wonder the debate continues on who really par- 
ticipated in the Wilcox train robbery, whether "Butch" 
and "Sundance" actually died in Bolivia, and over any 
number of other "badman-who-really-didn't-die" stories. 
Rumors became myth and contemporary newspapers were 
less than blameless in their creation. Such accounts re- 
main popular even today. 


Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 3, 







Denver Daily News, June 4, 1899. 




Denver Daily News, June 3, 1899. 




Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 4, 





Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 5, 



Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 6, 



Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 7, 



13. Natrona County Tribune, Casper, June 8, 1899. 

14. Buffalo Voice, June 17, 1899. 

15. Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 7. 1899. 

16. Ibid. 

Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 9. 1899. 
Denver Daily News, June 9, 1899. 

Buffalo Voice, June 17. 1899. 
Margaret Brock Hanson. Powder River Country, The Papers of 

J. Elmer Brock, (Cheyenne: Frontier Printing Company, 1981) 
pp. 453-456. 

23. Buffalo Voice. June 17, 1899. 

24. Ibid. 

25. Laramie Daily Boomerang. June 10, 1899. 

26. Buffalo Voice, June 17. 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 12, 1899. 

Denver Daily News. June 11. 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 13, 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 19. 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 15, 1899. 

34. Denver Daily News, June 21 , 1899. 

35. Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 15, 1899. 

36. Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 16, 1899. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Ibid. 

39. Denver Daily News, June 18, 1899. 

40. Ibid. 

41. Ibid. 

42. Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 20, 1899. 

43. Ibid. 
Denver Daily News, June 22, 1899. 

Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 24, 1899. 
Denver Daily News, June 25, 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, June 27. 1899. 

Laramie Daily Boomerang, July 31, 1899. 
Denver Daily News, July 31. 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, Sept. 23, 1899. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, Jan. 30, 1900. 

56. Laramie Daily Boomerang, March 12, 1900. 

57. Ibid. 

58. Laramie Daily Boomerang, Jan. 30, 1900. 

59. Denver Daily News, March 1, 1900. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, March 12, 1900. 
Alfred James Mokler. A History of Natrona County, Wyoming 
1888-1922. (Chicago: The Lakeside Press, 1923). 

The Wyoming Pioneer. Vol. I, No. 4 (May-June 1941). 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, August 30, 1900. 

"The Wild Bunch." Biographical File. American Heritage Center. 
University of Wyoming. 





A Wyoming historian once described the Santa Fe 
Trail as the road of the merchant, the Oregon Trail as 
the path of the homeseeker and the Bozeman Trail of 
Wyoming and Montana as the road of the gold seeker. 1 
Before John Bozeman guided miners and emigrants to the 
Montana gold fields, however, the general route, later 
designated the Bozeman Trail, was used for centuries by 
Indians and their ancestors following game trails. 2 It was 
not an uninhabited country before white men arrived. In 
fact, during the heyday of the fur trade in the 1820s and 
1830s mountain men called the Powder River "Ab-sa-ro- 
ka," the land of the Crows. By the 1850s Sioux and 
Cheyenne had eclipsed the Crows' dominance of the area. 
It was these three Indian groups, their migration patterns 
and their inter-tribal relations, that played a major role 
in the drama of the "Bloody Bozeman." 

Between 1450 and 1880 many ethnic groups moved 
toward the Powder River Basin from various directions. 
Although some of these people were being pushed, they 
were able to go to the plains because the land offered a 
secure hunting economy. As they moved, these Indian peo- 
ple abandoned agricultural economies and became 
hunters and gatherers, their lives directly tied to the Basin's 
buffalo. 3 

The Crow gradually diverged linguistically from 
various Hidatsa groups of the Missouri Valley at least 500 
years ago. This linguistic severance was accompanied by 
an equally gradual movement to the Northwestern Plains, 
probably accomplished in band-by-band fashion rather 
than as one precipitous migration. The Crows' final 
separation from the Hidatsa dates from the mid-1700s. 4 
Some Crow reached the Powder River Basin between 1400 
and 1600, and found the Uto-Aztecan speaking Shoshoni 
and Comanche groups. Plains Apache groups and possibly 
some Kiowa already there. By 1600-1700 the Crow 
expanded across most of the Basin and between 1700-1800 
they gained firm control of the northern Basin along the 
Big Horn Mountains and down the Powder, Tongue and 
Yellowstone Rivers. 5 Thus, when Edwin T Denig oper- 
ated as a fur trader on the Upper Missouri between 1833 
and 1858, he found the Crow 

through the Rocky Mountains, along the heads of Powder 
River, Wind River, and Big Horn on the south side of the 
Yellowstone, as far as Laramie's Fork on the River Platte. They 
were frequently found on the west and north side of the river 
as far as the head of the Muscleshell [sic] River, and as low 
down as the mouth of the Yellowstone 

Denig also claimed the Blackfeet on the west and the 
Sioux on the east were the Crows' "natural and eternal 
enemies . . . from time immemorial without being varied 
by even a transient peace." 6 The Crow controlled the 
western half of the Powder River Basin south to Fort 
Laramie between 1800 and 1850, although their control 
was declining as Sioux and Cheyenne extended across the 

During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, Sioux, 

fcs&£ifl ~^ Is C f== T ==Ms n- 

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~J jSoulli 1\,„ Cily o yju>Jil'™''Ji 


«* ° Vf,l l*' I / / Fort Brioger 

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Reprinted by permission of the publishers, The Arthur 

The Boz( 

By Sherry L. Smith 



N Fort Collins*! 
O L.) O R A ( 


ny, from The Bozcman Trail, by Grace Raymond Hebard and E. A. Brininstool. 


Trail to Death & Glory 


Cheyenne and Arapahoe steadily encroached on Crow ter- 
ritory, a situation that intensified during the 1850s, 1860s 
and 1870s as the Sioux and others were, in turn, pushed 
westward by migrating white settlers. The Dakotas or 
Sioux, who often called themselves "Otchenti Chakowin" 
or Seven Council Fires, originally came from the South 
and established themselves on the headwaters of the 
Mississippi during the 16th century. From 1700 to 1750 
the Oglalas and Brules, two Sioux groups, were slowly drif- 
ting westward and probably took part in periodic exped- 
itions which more westerly Sioux made against Missouri 
River tribes. They continued to drift westward through 
the middle of the 18th century, more often as poor peo- 
ple begging at Arikara towns than as conquerors. In 1775 
and 1776 an Oglala war party traveled far enough west 
to discover the Black Hills, and by 1785, the Oglalas drove 
the Crow out of the territory north of the Black Hills, forc- 
ing them to move west of Powder River. 

From the Black Hills, the Oglalas migrated to the 
vicinity of Fort Laramie between 1834-1841, induced by 
white traders to move to the Platte. During the winter of 
1841-1842, the Oglalas split into two factions. About one- 
half the tribe, known as Bull Bear's faction, moved toward 
the southeast, occupying lands in Kansas and Nebraska 
between the Platte and the Smokey Hill Fork. The other 
half, Smoke's faction, went north occupying the head- 
waters of the Powder River in northern Wyoming. 7 This 
faction, under the leadership of Red Cloud and others, 
played a critical role in the ensuing history of the Bozeman 

The Cheyenne, of the Algonquian family and made 
up of two related tribes, Tsis tsis' tas and Suh'tai, also 
forced the Crow westward toward the mountains, as they 
migrated across the plains. Some Cheyenne reached the 
Missouri around 1676 where they engaged in agriculture. 
Before this they lived along the Cheyenne River running 
from the west into the Red River and earlier than that, 
in Minnesota. Gradually, they moved out over the prairie, 
gave up agriculture, and followed the buffalo. The Chey- 
enne claimed that when they secured possession of the 
Black Hills country, including the Little Missouri and 
Cheyenne Rivers and land toward the Powder, the Yellow- 
stone and the North Platte, they encountered no Sioux. 
According to Cheyenne tradition, the Sioux migrated later 
and came with their meager possessions strapped on dog 
travois. The Cheyenne occasionally provided them with 
horses, generosity that resulted in more and more Sioux 
crowding into the country. 

The Cheyenne and Sioux maintained amicable rela- 
tions, however, the former never seriously quarreling with 
the intruder. Cheyenne enemies among the Plains tribes, 
moreover, coincided with the Sioux's - the Kiowa, Coman- 
che and the Crow, with whom the Cheyenne battled for 
at least 70 years. 8 Friendly relations between Oglalas and 
Cheyenne, their constant westering movements and their 
mutual animosity toward the Crow proved critical to 


Red Cloud 

their allied efforts to block white traffic on the Bozeman 
road in the 1860s. 

The Crow and the fur trappers viewed the Powder 
River Basin in similar terms. The former believed the 
Great Spirit placed them in exactly "the right place." 
According to Crow Chief Arapooish, "When you are in 
it, you fare well; whenever you go out of it, whichever way 
you travel you fare worse." 9 The upper course of the Powder 
River was also a favorite wintering grounds for trappers 
who crisscrossed the territory, because of its abundant 
pasturage and the winter trade with the Crow. 10 To them 
it was a hunter's paradise, or as trapper Joe Meek put it, 
a "land of Canaan." 

The Powder River area was possibly known to trap- 
pers and fur traders, including de la Verendrye, as early 
as 1742 although positive documentation is lacking. In 
1807-8 Manuel Lisa established trade with the Crow from 
his post at the mouth of the Big Horn River and, as a 
result, probably was acquainted with the Big Horn and 
Powder River countries. 11 

More substantial documentation exists though still 
somewhat questionable, that the first white men in 
the basin fronting the Big Horns were French Canadian 
traders Charles LaRaye (1802) and Francois Antoine 
Larocque (1805) and American Wilson Price Hunt (1811). 12 
In his journal, LaRaye claimed to have hunted, trapped 
and traded with Hidatsas on an expedition along the 
Powder and Tongue Rivers and their tributaries in 1802. 
Better substantiated is Larocque's journey to Bozeman 
Trail country in 1805. Operating as a trader for the North- 
west Company of Canada, he came to the Big Horn 
Mountains hoping to extend the company's trade territory. 


Larocque accompanied Crow trappers along the course 
of the Powder and its tributaries near present-day Story, 
Big Horn and Dayton. "It is interesting to note," Bob Mur- 
ray wrote, "how closely Larocque's Crows, were following 
the later alignment of the 'Bozeman Trail,' bearing out 
the contention of many historians that this trail was essen- 
tially a publicized linking up of earlier trapper and Indian 
trails that had long been in use." 13 

One of the first Americans to travel through the 
Powder River country was Wilson P. Hunt, employed by 
John Jacob Astor, principal owner of the American Fur 
Company. Hunt crossed Crook, Campbell and Johnson 
counties and the north fork of Crazy Woman Creek to the 
Big Horn Mountains on his way to the Columbia River. 

For the next several decades the northeast quadrant 
of Wyoming became increasingly well known to fur 
traders, mountain men, explorers and missionaries. 

In the 1830s, Antonio Montero, a shadowy figure of 
whom little is known, built a trading post called the Por- 
tuguese Houses (Montero was born in Portugal) and 
engaged in trade with the Crow on the Powder River in 
present-day Johnson County. Working for Capt. B. L. E. 
Bonneville, Montero operated the post as late as 1837. He 
built such sturdy structures that when Capt. W. F. 
Raynold's 1859-1860 Yellowstone Expedition passed 
through the area, Raynolds and his guide Jim Bridger 
found remnants of the post still visible. 14 

A party of trappers with Jim Bridger wintered in the 
Powder River plains during 1830-31 and 1837-38, and Joe 
Meek established temporary posts in the Wind River and 
Powder River valleys in 1834-35. Meek described relations 
between the Crow and the white traders as "a state of semi - 
amity," the Indians merely tolerating the whites. The Crow 
wanted the white man's trade goods, especially guns and 
ammunition, and both sides seemed satisfied with the ex- 
change. Further, because the Crow were enemies with the 
Blackfoot, they offered some protection from that tribe, 
the trappers' traditional nemesis. 15 

Other early visitors to the study area included Father 
Pierre DeSmet, a Jesuit missionary traveling in 1851 along 
the future Bozeman Trail course and Sir St. George Gore 
on a hunting expedition that began in spring, 1855. A 
wealthy Irish nobleman, Gore organized a major expedi- 
tion of about 70 men at Fort Laramie, including Jim 
Bridger as guide. They ranged the country from the Dry 
Fork to the mouth of Powder River, wintering on the 
Yellowstone. The following spring Gore's expedition hunted 
in and explored the Big Horns, and its members continued 
tramping around the area drained by the Yellowstone 
River until they departed Wyoming in 1856, arriving in 
St. Louis in June, 1858. 16 

By the following year, the U.S. government indicated 
official interest in the area, when it funded the 1859-60 
Yellowstone Expedition led by Capt. William F. Raynolds. 
The expedition's purpose was to determine climate, 

resources and Indian populations of the upper Yellowstone 
and the Powder River country and to explore possible 
wagon routes between the Oregon Trail and the Yellow- 
stone-Missouri Basin. Accompanying the expedition were 
topographers, meteorologists, artists, naturalists and 
surgeons. Beyond academic or scientific purposes, how- 
ever, the expedition had military designs. Government 
orders indicate the War Department planned a network 
of thoroughfares that would intersect the Northern Plains 
and eventually help open Sioux and Blackfoot country 
to white settlement. 17 

On September 9, 1859, Raynolds departed from what 
would later become the site of Fort C. F. Smith on the 
Big Horn River, traveling south. Ten days later the exped- 
ition reached Lake DeSmet, having crossed Tongue River 
and Clear Fork of the Powder. They took one side trip 
into the Big Horn Mountains and another to the ruins 
of Montero's Portuguese Houses. Their route from the Big 
Horn River to the Platte, for the most part, approximated 
the future Bozeman Trail course. 18 

Raynolds' expedition did not find a definite route 
through Powder River country, but the Captain prophet- 
ically reported, "At the eastern base of the Big Horn Moun- 
tains there is a belt of country some 20 miles in width that 
is peculiarly suitable for a wagon road, and which I doubt 
not will become the great line of travel into the valley of 
the Three Forks." 19 Within the decade, that belt of coun- 
try was traversed by wagon trains on the Bozeman Trail 
and contained several Army posts. Moreover, Raynolds' 
maps were the most detailed to date of the Powder River 
area and his report indicated ways of penetrating Sioux 
territory. In fact, when the Army resumed hostilities with 
the Sioux and Cheyenne after the Civil War, military per- 
sonnel referred to Raynolds' report and maps. 20 

The last of the significant early visitors was a group 
of German Lutheran missionaries who established a small 
settlement in 1860 on the west bank of the Powder River, 
near its confluence with the Dry Fork. Moritz Braeun- 
inger and several other missionaries built a log house, dug 
a well and planted a garden. As representatives of the Ger- 
man Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Iowa, this small group 
thought they were in friendly Crow country, rather than 
among the Sioux. It is not clear how long the Lutherans 
remained in the Powder River country, but Braueninger 
disappeared one day, evidently killed by Sioux, and soon 
after, his colleagues abandoned the mission. 21 

1841 was a turning point for Plains Indians as that 
was the year the first Oregon-bound emigrant train trav- 
eled up the North Platte. It was a harbinger of things to 
come — swarms of emigrants moving across the Plains 
where up to then, only an occasional fur trader was seen. 
The Cheyenne and Sioux were alarmed by this develop- 
ment because emigrants depleted scanty wood and grass 
supplies along the road and from the countryside fright- 
ened buffalo herds, critical to Indian survival. 22 

Over the next several decades, Americans followed 

35 ' 

The North Platte road to California, Oregon, Utah, Idaho 
and Montana, their numbers increasing annually. Join- 
ing the "Forty-niners," John Bozeman's father left his wife 
and five children to try his luck in California's gold mines. 
He was never heard from again and the family presumed 
he died during the overland trip. 23 In 1860, at age 24, 
John Bozeman followed his father's example, leaving a wife 
and three daughters in his native Georgia to prospect in 
Colorado. By the time he arrived in the Rocky Mountain 
area, however, the best claims were taken. Undaunted, 
he moved on to Idaho Territory. Potential gold mines in 
Idaho and Montana were drawing miners in droves. 

While wintering at Bannock, Idaho Territory, in 
January, 1863, Bozeman heard rumors of an old traders' 
trail along the Big Horn Mountains that could serve as 
a short-cut to the Montana gold fields. Bozeman and John 
Jacobs, a man who had knocked around the Rocky Moun- 
tains for a number of years, were intrigued by the possibil- 
ity of exploring this route and guiding emigrants and 
miners to Montana for profit. 

Up to that point, Montana-bound emigrants had two 
travel options. One route followed the heavily traveled 
wagon road up the North Platte, along the Sweetwater 
River, over South Pass to Fort Hall, Idaho and the western 
Montana mines. This was a long, tiresome trip. The other 
alternative involved traveling up the Missouri River via 
steamship to Fort Benton. Although this option was slow, 

John Bozeman 

expensive and only a seasonal alternative, it drew many 
emigrants. 24 "When faced with the high cost of wagon 
transportation, the length of time the journey consumed, 
and the Indian problem," wrote one historian, "a major- 
ity of travelers from the east chose to go to Montana by 
way of the Missouri." Major Howell recorded that in 1867, 
some 10,000 miners went to and from the Montana mines 
on Missouri River steamers. 25 

Recognizing the disadvantages of these two alterna- 
tives, Bozeman, Jacobs and Jacobs' half-blood daughter 
left Bannock in spring, 1863, to search for a shorter, less 
expensive and more convenient route to Montana from 
the south. On May 13, the three met a party of Crow on 
the east bank of the Big Horn River near Rotten Grass 
Creek. Although some of the Indians wanted to kill the 
intruders, they instead stripped them of their possessions, 
beat the girl for associating with white men and sent them 
on their way. Upon the Crows' approach, Bozeman had 
stashed his rifle and a handful of bullets in some sage- 
brush, so the small party was not totally defenseless. They 
proceeded 250 miles south to the North Platte emigrant 
road, arriving destitute and famished. Bozeman and 
Jacobs recuperated at Deer Creek Station and, not dis- 
mayed by their run-in with the Crow, began organizing 
a wagon train to travel their "new" route. 26 

On July 6, 1863, 46 wagons, 89 men and an unspec- 
ified number of women and children crossed the North 
Platte at Deer Creek and became the first wagon train 
to try the new cutoff. Led by John Bozeman, John Jacobs 
and Rafael Gallegos, a Mexican familiar with the old 
traders' trail, the emigrants were attracted to the route 
because it promised to shorten the trip to Bannock from 
800 miles on the Oregon Trail to about 450 miles on the 
Bozeman Trail. 27 

Several diaries and reminiscences from this first 
Bozeman Trail wagon train survive and provide clues to 
Bozeman's physical appearance and personality. "Boze- 
man," according to James Kirkpatrick, "not as voluable 
[sic] as Jacobs, was a tall, fine looking Georgian of 
somewhat light complextion [sic], a tinge of red in his 
cheeks. He wore a fine suit of fringed buckskin, and had 
the looks and ways of a manly man." 28 And W. Irwin, II, 
later reminisced that "He was six feet two inches high, 
weighting [sic] 200 pounds, supple, active, tireless and of 
handsome stalwart presence. He was genial, kindly and 
as innocent as a child of the ways of the world." 29 

All went smoothly for the first Bozeman wagon train 
until it reached a branch of Clear Creek near present- 
day Buffalo. At that point, about 150 Sioux and Cheyenne 
interrupted the train, protesting its movement further 
north and threatening to attack if it did not return to the 
Platte road. Uncertain about proceeding, but dreading 
the prospect of backtracking to the Oregon Trail, the 
emigrants discussed their options. A small group raced 
down the Bozeman to seek a military escort, while the 
rest of the wagons retreated at a more leisurely pace. 


Unable to secure military aid, the train returned to Deer 

j Creek under Jacobs' leadership. 

However, about 10 men (including Bozeman) chose 
to continue through Indian country. This group crossed 
the Big Horn Mountains at the headwaters of the Powder 
River, turning north upon reaching the Wind River Coun- 
try. They eventually reached the Yellowstone River and 
the Gallatin Valley without encountering any more 

i Indians. 30 

The following season (1864), three wagon trains chose 

'to follow the Bozeman Trail to Montana. The first was 
guided by Bozeman himself and left from the Lower Platte 
Bridge around July 18, 1864. The wagon train took 42 
days to reach the Gallatin Valley and encountered no 

■Indians who resisted their movements. 

The same luck did not hold for the next train, often 

(called the Townsend Train. Several different groups of 

jemigrants decided to take the Bozeman cutoff over a five- 
day period, consolidating about 34 miles out by July 3. 
The train was a large one of 150 wagons, 375 men, 36 
women, 56 children, 636 oxen, 79 horses, 10 mules and 
194 cows. The emigrants had the capacity to fire more 
than 1,500 shots without reloading. 31 

Near the Powder River, the train was attacked by 
Cheyenne. The emigrants corralled the wagons and held 
off the Indians for several hours. Four emigrants died, 

tone inside the corral and the others outside of it. The next 

■day the Townsend Train proceeded up the trail and even- 
tually reached its destination. 

Following the Townsend Train by several weeks was 
a 67-wagon group of prospectors led by Maj. Cyrus C. Cof- 
finbury. The Coffinbury train started on the Bozeman July 
16 and reached its destination September 8, taking a total 
of 59 days. Although this group was not challenged by 

i any Indians, they did encounter the graves from the Town- 

isend Train fight and were well aware of the trail's 
dangers. 32 

Word of the Bozeman route's hazards reached wester- 
ing emigrants and very few chose to follow it during 1864. 
The vast majority took either the Oregon Trail or the 
Bridger Trail, another short-cut that traversed the Big 
Horn Basin on the west side of the Big Horn Mountains. 33 

! Bridger's Trail crossed more arid land, was a bit slower, 
but was safer than Bozeman's. In 1864, the year of heaviest 
emigration from this direction to the Montana mines, nine 
trains used Bridger's route compared to three on Boze- 
man's. 34 

As Native American resistance to the flow of emigrants 
intensified, the United States government, in turn, inten- 
sified its efforts to ensure the safety of miners, emigrants 
and settlers on the Plains. The U.S. Army, no longer 
engaged in the Civil War, turned toward the Plains in an 
attempt to subdue those Indians who attacked white 
travelers and settlers. 

The Indian Wars raged south of the Platte during 
1864-5. When Col. John M. Chivington's volunteer militia 

attacked Black Kettle's Cheyenne village on Sand Creek, 
Colorado Territory, fugitives from that fight — Southern 
Cheyenne, some Oglala and Northern Arapahoe warriors 
traveled north to the headwaters of the Powder River 
to tell Oglalas, Minneconjous, and Sans Arcs Sioux and 
the Northern Cheyenne living there, of the white soldiers' 
outrages. They urgei the Sioux, Cheyenne and Northern 
Arapahoe to declare war and participate in massive raids 
against stage stations, wagon trains, ranches and 
settlements. 35 

On January 7, 1865, Indians attacked the stage sta- 
tion, store and warehouse at Julesburg, Colorado. Raiding 
parties operated all along the South Platte Valley and 
Indians of the Powder River Country "warmly" received 
Bozeman Trail travelers, as noted above. Northern Sioux, 
led by the Hunkpapas, and living from the Missouri River 
west to the Lower Powder, continued their war with white 
Americans, which was begun during the 1856 expedition 
of Gen. William Harney. 36 

In response, westerners clamored for military aid and 
protection. In March 1865, Generals John Pope and Gren- 
ville M. Dodge formulated plans to smash the Plains 
Indians by a three pronged attack — one south of the 
Arkansas, led by Gen. James Ford, one across Dakota 
north of the Black Hills, led by Gen. Alfred Sully and 
one against the Powder River camps, led by Gen. Patrick 
Connor. These plans were postponed, though, by a Con- 
gressionally-mandated peace offensive, brought about in 
part by Eastern revulsion toward the Sand Creek affair. 37 

This pacifistic mood changed, however, after the 
Powder River groups combined forces and attacked a 
company of the 11th Kansas Cavalry which guarded the 
Oregon Trail crossing of the North Platte at the Platte 
Bridge Station, about 130 miles west of Fort Laramie. 
By the time these Indians returned to their camps and 
villages, Gen. Patrick E. Connor's Powder River Expedi- 
tion was underway. The expedition consisted of three col- 
umns, a right, middle and left, that were to join around 
September 1 on Rosebud Creek. The right column of 
1,400 men under Col. Nelson Cole's command was to 
march up Loup Fork of the Platte, strike Indians at Bear 
Butte and skirt the northern edge of the Black Hills until 
they reached the vaguely defined rendezvous point. The 
middle column of 600 men, under Lt. Col. Samuel 
Walker's leadership, was supposed to march from Fort 
Laramie northeast to the western base of the Big Horns, 
on to the headquarters of the Little Missouri and then 
northwest to the Rosebud. The left column, led by Con- 
nor, and consisting of about 500 soldiers and 94 Pawnee 
and Omaha scouts, left Fort Laramie on July 30. On 
August 2, a contingent crossed the Platte at LaBonte 
Creek, marched upriver to the future site of Fort Fetter- 
man and then turned north up the Bozeman Trail, while 
a smaller column made a wide. sweep to the west. It was 
one of the most comprehensive expeditions to take the field 
against Plains Indians. 38 


On August 11, 1865, Connor's column reached the 
Powder River and several days later began constructing 
a post and stockade named Fort Connor. August 22, some 
of the troops continued their march, sometimes parallel- 
ing, sometimes intersecting the Bozeman Trail. Six days 
later Pawnee scouts reported the presence of an Indian 
village on the Tongue River near present-day Ranchester, 
Wyoming, and in the early morning hours of August 29, 
Connor with 125 cavalrymen and 90 Indian scouts, 
attacked Black Bear's Arapahoe village containing 
between 200 and 300 lodges. Though outnumbered, Con- 
nor's forces had surprise and howitzers on their side. While 
Connor inflicted serious damage on the Arapahoes, he 
also withdrew from the battle under fire — hardly a clear- 
cut victory for the Army. 39 

Meanwhile, the Cole and Walker columns struggled 
through country that lacked sufficient water and grass. 
Scurvy struck Cole's command and rations were low. 
August 18, 1865, the two columns joined and, on the 20th, 
reached the Powder River. Hunkpapa Sioux attacked 
Cole's animal herd on September 1, and September 4 a 
large group of Sioux, Cheyenne and Arapahoe harassed 
the columns, though the Army's artillery kept them at bay. 
Pawnee scouts from Connor's command found the two col- 
umns and informed them that Fort Connor was down- 
river 80 miles. On September 20, they struggled into camp 
in the shadow of Connor's fortification. Several days later 
Connor arrived, reuniting the Powder River Expedition. 40 

Although he planned to combine forces and strike at 
the Powder River tribes again, Connor received orders to 
disband the expedition and proceed to Salt Lake City to 
serve as District of Utah commander. This development, 
in part, reflected post-war Army reorganization. But it 
also reflected Pope's disenchantment with Connors instruc- 
tions to his command to kill all male Indians over the age 
of twelve. "These instructions are atrocious," Pope wrote 
to Dodge. "If any such orders as Gen. Connor's are car- 
ried out, it will be disgraceful to the Government, and 
will cost him his commission, if not worse. Have it rec- 
tified without delay." 41 Connor, keenly disappointed with 
his new orders, never completed a report on the expedi- 
tion and eventually left the Army altogether. 

The Powder River Expedition was an intricate, large- 
scale plan probably destined to fail. Cole and Walker lost 
almost 1,000 horses and mules, and great quantities of 
supplies. Thirteen men were killed, five were wounded 
and two were missing as a result of Indian skirmishes. Both 
men were inexperienced in Indian warfare and led vol- 
unteer, mutinous regiments that lacked discipline. Their 
supply system was slow, communication was poor, and 
knowledge of the enemy and the Plains weather and ter- 
rain was inadequate. Finally, lack of a well-defined Indian 
policy in Washington, D.C., undermined military efforts 
to subdue militant Plains Indians. Department of Interior 
officials and Army officers disagreed over methods to 

achieve safe passage of American citizens through Indian 
country — the former pressing for a "peace policy," the 
latter urging a forceful, and presumably lasting, con- 
quest. 42 

Connor's column did capture some Arapahoe ponies 
on the Tongue, but the Indians believed themselves the 
victors in the Powder River Expedition battles. They 
fought their own way — harassment from afar and run- 
ning off stock — lost few men, took many horses and 
counted many coup during the fights. Those Indians who 
encountered the Walker and Cole columns later spoke 
brightly of those incidents as they enriched their camps 
with cavalry horses, mules and carbines. 43 

As Connor's men marched, or straggled, through 
Powder River country. Col. James A. Sawyer led a wagon 
train into the same territory. In March, 1865, Congress 
appropriated funds for the survey of a wagon road between 
Niobrara, Nebraska Territory, and Virginia City. Actually, 
the Sawyer expedition did not build a road. Rather, it 
pioneered and publicized a route connecting Sioux City 
with the Bozeman Trail and, thus, Montana. 44 

According to one participant, the Sawyer train con- 
sisted of 15 wagons each drawn by three oxen, 18 double 
wagons drawn by six yoke of oxen, 5 emigrant wagons and 
26 mule wagons that belonged to the military escort. 45 
The survey expedition involved 53 men plus a military 
escort, commanded by Capt. George W. Williford, of 168 
men from the Fifth U.S. Volunteer Infantry and the First 
Dakota Volunteer Cavalry. 46 Sawyer and Williford feuded, 
and the military escort made and broke camp when and 
where it wished, leaving the surveyors to provide their own 
guard duty. 

Departing on June 13, 1865, the expedition soon began 
suffering from lack of water and encountered impassable 
country, having to backtrack to find suitable alternative 
routes. For the most part, though, the Sawyer Expedi- 
tion encountered no serious problems until August 15 
when about 500 warriors under Dull Knife (Cheyenne) 
and Red Cloud (Oglala Sioux) harassed the party for four 
days. Under Capt. Williford 's strong opposition, Sawyer 
offered some Indians a wagon-load of goods, hoping to 
buy safe passage through the Powder River country. 
Demonstrating an ambivalence that sometimes accom- 
panied inter-tribal warfare, part of the Sioux and 
Cheyenne were willingly bought off while others continued 
to harass the Sawyer party. 47 

Sawyer knew an Army expedition against Powder 
River Indians was underway that summer. He sent two 
scouts to locate the expedition and bring help. The scouts 
returned with news of a fresh wagon trail on the Dry Fork 
of the Powder River. The entire expedition moved south 
until it struck the trail and followed it to Fort Connor. 
Capt. James H. Kidd, commanding the fort, ordered 
Capt. Williford 's troops to remain at the post and 
designated the U.S. 6th Michigan Cavalry as Sawyer's 


escort. The expedition then continued, generally follow- 
ing the Bozeman Trail to Montana. It was delayed, 
however, at the Tongue River when Capt. O. F. Cole of 
the 6th Michigan wandered away from his colleagues and 
was killed by Indians on August 31, 1865. The next day, 
while crossing the Tongue the train was attacked and cor- 
ralled about midway between present-day Ranchester and 
Dayton, Wyoming. Among the hostile Indians were Black 
Bear's Arapahoe against whom Connor had fought several 
days before. 

Sawyer's train remained corralled on the Tongue River 
for almost two weeks, waiting for couriers to bring relief 
from Connor. The Arapahoe camped nearby, sometimes 
openly hostile, sometimes professing friendship. Assum- 
ing no help was on the way, the Sawyer party finally began 
to retreat down the Bozeman corridor, toward Fort Con- 
nor, when a relief column led by Capt. A. E. Brown from 
Connor's command met the road surveyors, took charge 
and escorted them to the Big Horn River. From that point 
on, they were considered safe from Indian attack. After 
almost five months and over 1,039 miles of travel, the expe- 
dition reached Virginia City on October 12, 1865. 48 

In spite of their problems, the Sawyer and Powder 
River Expeditions had several long-term effects which 
proved detrimental to the Powder River tribes' interests. 
First, it increased public awareness of that country and 
the Bozeman Trail. Second, the Army expedition estab- 
lished Fort Connor along the Bozeman Trail at the Dry 
Fork Crossing. Both of these factors encouraged more 
emigrants to follow the Bozeman cutoff in 1866. And 
increased emigrant travel, in turn, meant increased 
demands for government protection. 

As the Powder River Expedition wound down, Wash- 
ington, D.C. officials gave Dakota Territory Governor 
Newton Edmunds authority to make peace treaties with 
the Sioux. He was able to sign treaties with a number of 
Missouri River bands, but none of them had participated 
in the recent hostilities. A copy of the treaty was then sent 
to the commanding officer at Fort Laramie along with 
orders to bring in chiefs from the Powder River country 
and induce them to sign peace agreements. 

This was not the first effort to treat with Northern 
Plains Indians. As early as 1850, Congress had author- 
ized the Indian Bureau to establish formal relations 
between these tribes and the United States. The follow- 
ing year Agent Thomas Fitzpatrick negotiated a treaty 
:at Fort Laramie with the Teton Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapa- 
'hoes, Crows, Assiniboins, Mandans, Gros Ventres and 
Arikaras, assigning specific boundaries for each tribe. The 
treaty was aimed at winning security for east-west overland 
trail routes by binding the Indians to peace among them- 
J selves and with white Americans. It is unclear how many 
Indian signatories understood or seriously intended to 
i adhere to the agreements. 49 As Bozeman Trail travelers 
and Connor's men learned by 1865, they did not intend 

to allow white traffic through the Powder River Basin. 

Hardly in a mood to sign peace treaties after their 
successes against the Powder River Expedition, only a few 
traveled to Fort Laramie. But running low on trade goods, 
particularly arms and ammunition, and assuming treaty 
gifts and trade would include these items, Red Cloud, Red 
Leaf, Man-Afraid-of-his-Horse, Spotted Tail and others 
eventually came in, arriving by June, 1866. 50 

E. B. Taylor of the U.S. Indian Office headed the trea- 
ty commission. Other members were Col. Henry E. 
Maynadier, commanding officer of Fort Laramie, Col. 
Adam McLaren and Mr. Wister of Philadelphia. Their 
hopes for a lasting peace were evidently based on the belief 
that disappearance of the buffalo and other game had 
made the Indians destitute and thus willing to trade peace 
for presents and subsistence. Also, Col. Maynadier, 
obviously uninformed about the Sioux's angry mood, 
assured Taylor that the Powder River Indians were ready 
for peace. He believed, incorrectly, that Spotted Tail had 
influence over Red Cloud and would urge him to sign the 
treaty. 51 

Operating on these assumptions, the commissioners 
pressed the Sioux to withdraw from the Powder River or 
Bozeman Road. The chiefs flatly refused. Commissioner 
Taylor tried to explain the road was not "new" and that 
it would not harm their hunting grounds. However, when 
word reached them that a large body of infantry under 
Col. H. B. Carrington was on its way to establish a string 
of Army posts along the Bozeman Trail, Red Cloud and 
others were enraged. The Oglala chief made a violent 
speech before the Commissioners, accusing them of 
duplicity in the road matter and of deliberately with- 
holding information about the troops and proposed forts. 
The Powder River tribes gathered their belongings and 
stormed out of Fort Laramie. Those they left behind did 
sign a treaty, but their signatures were meaningless, as 
they had no stake in the Powder River country. 52 

Carrington and the Second Battalion, 18th Infantry, 
marched up the Bozeman Trail planning to garrison posts 
along the road and protect emigrants. Demonstrating a 
misunderstanding of the Indians' violent mood, Gen. 
William T. Sherman urged officers to bring their wives 
and children and Carrington claimed he planned to treat 
the Indians with "patience, forebearance, and common 
sense." 53 Further, although Carrington had nearly 2,000 
men the Army strategists miscalculated on several counts. 
The soldiers, mostly new recruits with no experience in 
fighting Indians, were stretched out along the Bozeman 
road at widely separated posts — too distant to form an 
effective fighting force. Moreover, Carrington was a 
42-year-old Yale educated lawyer, well versed in military 
regulations, engineering and administration, but lacking 
in field experience. A Civil War political appointee to the 
officer corps, Carrington's position attracted animosity 
from subordinate officers who had more combat experi- 
ence. 54 




X^W^ Iflpl 


!")'.r rim. Kearney as it ArrEAKH> josb 5th. 
Fort PA*7 Kearny as it appeared June 5, 1876, Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper. 

Carrington first fortified Fort Connor, on the Powder 
River, renaming it Fort Reno, before proceeding to the 
forks of Piney Creek where he began construction of Fort 
Phil Kearny. The colonel sent another party up the Boze- 
man to the Big Horn River where they built Fort C. F. 
Smith. Taking a defensive position, rather than an offen- 
sive one against the hostile Powder River Indians, Car- 
rington threw all resources into building formidable forts. 
No time was spent training recruits, and officers, anxious 
for some offensive action, became increasingly insub- 
ordinate. 55 

Within one week of the 18th Infantry's arrival at the 
Piney forks, Red Cloud struck. Oglalas, Minneconjous, 
Sans Arcs, Brules, Cheyennes and Arapahoes continually 
harassed the fort and wagon trains traveling the Bozeman 
road. They did not attempt an assault on the fort, but 
rather ran off stock from civilian and military trains and 
attacked wagon and wood trains transporting logs from 
the pinery to the fort as well as individuals who strayed 
too far from train or Army post. 

One attack on a small military train at Crazy Woman 
Creek typified the mode of Indian warfare during Red 
Cloud's War. Outside of the Fort Phil Kearny vicinity, the 
Bozeman Trail crossing of Crazy Woman Creek was one 
of the Indians' favorite spots for attack, as its terrain was 
especially amenable to ambush. July 20, 1866, a party 
of about 30 men and women under Lt. A. H. Wands left 
Fort Reno for Fort Phil Kearny. Lieutenants Napoleon H. 
Daniels and George H. Templeton rode in advance look- 
ing for a campsite on Crazy Woman Creek. Unable to 
locate a suitable place, they turned to rejoin their party 
when as Templeton wrote in his diary, 

Lieut, remarked "look there" and spurred his horse up, 
going away ahead. I looked over my right shoulder, but 
could see nothing, but upon looking over my left, I saw 
between 50 and 60 Indians mounted and in fall chase about 
150 yards in the rear. I spurred up old Pegasus, punched him 
with my gun and did everything to increase speed, but the 
horse seemed to me to be moving very slowly. After Mr. 
Daniels had gone 200 yards he was shot with an arrow 
through the back and fell off his horse, the saddle turning. 
I could do nothing to help him and did not expect to get 
away myself . . . 
Templeton, hotly pursued, reached the train which then 
corralled on a bluff overlooking the Creek. The battle con- 
tinued for several hours, until a cavalry patrol traveling 
from Fort Phil Kearny on its way to Fort Reno, under Capt. 
George Burroughs' command, relieved the beleaguered 
party. 56 

Also typical of the Indian decoy-ambush tactic was 
the December 6, 1866, attack on a wood train near Fort 
Phil Kearny. Carrington and a small mounted force joined 
Capt. William J. Fetterman with a company of mounted 
infantry, and Lt. H. S. Bingham with a company of 
cavalry, who rushed to the train's defense. They relieved 
the wood train and then tried to pursue and cut off the 
Indians. Chasing the Indians over Lodge Trail Ridge, the 
three units reunited just before 300 Sioux converged on 
them. Lt. Bingham and Sgt. Gideon Bowers were killed 
and the rest only narrowly escaped. 57 

Carrington's basically defensive position suited the 
Powder River tribes. Forts Phil Kearny, C. F. Smith and 
Reno were not technically under siege, but the Sioux, 
Cheyenne and Arapahoe continuously raided their vicin- 
ities, perpetrating about one incident per day around Fori 
Phil Kearny. For many of the warriors, these fights had 


social and economic benefits which they viewed mostly 
in individual terms (honor in counting coup, for exam- 
ple). A few, however, including Crazy Horse and Red 
Cloud of the Oglalas and High Back Bone of the Min 
neconjous, understood the serious and permanent threat 
the military men represented and so tried to cut the forts 
off from one another and engage in large-scale battles, 
to protect tribal interests and territory. 58 

On December 21, 1866, these leaders had their way. 
High Back Bone organized the operation, Crazy Horse 
led the decoy party, Black Leg and Black Shield (Sioux), 
Dull Knife, Walking Rabbit and other Cheyenne chiefs 
; participated as well. Red Cloud was not present. In typical 
[fashion, a party of Indians attacked the wood train. Car- 
irington ordered Capt. Fetterman to relieve the train and 
(cautioned him not to pursue the Indians over Lodge Trail 
(Ridge, probably recalling his own narrow escape beyond 
jthe Ridge on December 6. Fetterman, one of those offi- 
cers who chafed at Carrington's cautious defensive posi- 
tion, favored more offensive, aggressive action. So, Fet- 
terman, Lt. George W. Grummond, three other officers, 
'67 soldiers and two civilians, not only relieved the wood 
train but, disregarding Carrington's orders, followed the 
Indians over Lodge Trail Ridge and rode into a deadly 

Behind the fort's stockade, Carrington and others 
'helplessly watched Fetterman's men disappear over Lodge 
Trail Ridge and heard sharp rifle reports, indications of 
fierce fighting. The commmanding officer ordered Capt. 
•Ten Eyck and 40 men to Fetterman's rescue, but by the 
time they reached the crest of the ridge, the fight was over. 
All of Fetterman's command was dead. Estimates of 
Indian dead, difficult to ascertain, range from 15 to 50. 
Their losses, whatever the exact number, were relatively 
high for small bands living in a hostile environment. 59 

In a panic, Col. Carrington sent two volunteer cour- 
iers, John "Portugee" Phillips and Daniel Dixon, on a four- 
Iday, 190 -mile ride to the Horseshoe Telegraph Station on 
the Oregon Trail with news of the disaster and a plea for 
jhelp. It is not known if they traveled together at the outset. 
(But paralleling the Bozeman Trail while avoiding the road 
litself, they arrived together at Fort Reno and they were 
(together when they reached the telegraph station at about 
110 a.m. on Christmas Day. Carrington's dispatches were 
Iwired to the department commander at Omaha and to 
the commanding officer at Fort Laramie. Phillips went 
Dn to Fort Laramie with a separate message for Col. I. 
N. Palmer, commanding officer, from Lt. Col. Henry W. 
Wessels at Fort Reno. 60 Word of the Fetterman disaster, 
of course, preceded Phillip's arrival at Fort Laramie and 
preparations for relief were already underway. 

In the aftermath of the Fetterman disaster, Gen. 
'Phillip St. George Cooke ordered Lt. Col. Wessels to take 
command of Fort Phil Kearny and Carrington was ordered 
to Fort Caspar. Two companies of the 2nd Cavalry and 
four of the 18th infantry marched up the Bozeman Trail 

to reinforce Forts Reno and Phil Kearny. Wessels, who 
served 33 years in the military including the Mexican and 
Civil Wars, reopened communications with Fort C. F. 
Smith, concentrated on training the soldiers and saw that 
supply trains passed along the Bozeman road. 61 Finally, 
the troops were supplied with new breech-loading rifles, 
an innovation that proved important the following sum- 

With spring, the Powder River tribes commenced 
their annual raiding and again succeeded in virtually clos- 
ing down the Bozeman Trail to all civilian traffic. For the 
most part the Army posts were only protecting themselves. 
These raids culminated in two fights — the Wagon Box 
Fight outside Fort Phil Kearny and the Hayfield Fight near 
Fort C. F Smith. Oglala, Minneconjou, Sans Arc Sioux, 
Northern Cheyenne and Northern Arapahoe congregated 
on the Little Big Horn River in July for their annual sun 
dance. From there about 500 Indians proceeded to Fort 
C. F. Smith and engaged a small party of haycutters in 
a three-hour fight. Another 1,000 Indians rode to Fort 
Phil Kearny where they attacked 32 men in a wood camp. 
Capt. James Powell ordered the men to make a corral out 
of their wagon bodies or boxes and, at the cost of several 
casualties, successfully prevented Indian attempts to over- 
run their position. The Indians withdrew from the field 
when Maj. Benjamin Smith's relief party appeared from 
the nearby fort. 62 

The Indians, however, did not view either fight as a 
defeat since they lost relatively few men and did run off 
military stock and kill several soldiers. They could not suc- 
cessfully storm the wagon box breastworks because its 
defenders had new breech-loading rifles, seriously under- 
mining the Indian tactic of attacking while soldiers 
reloaded. For the soldiers, on the other hand, both fights 
represented at least a psychological victory. With discip- 
line and improved weapons they successfully turned back 
large numbers of Indians and avoided Fetterman's fate. 63 
From the onset of "Red Cloud's War," few trains fol- 
lowed the Bozeman Trail. This fact did not escape official 
notice. Several weeks after the Wagon Box Fight, Capt. 
Wishart reported to a Philadelphia newspaper from Fort 

That the road is not kept open all who have been on it lately 

know full well. No train can be sent along it without from 

two to three companies of soldiers, one of which is generally 

a Cavalry company, and one piece of artillery, and at the 

present time the safety of Government trains, even with these 

large escorts, is considered questionable . . . trains only come 

along the road semi-occasionally, and the consequence is that 

the miners take the Salt Lake City Route. 64 

Several parties did use the Bozeman route during 1866, 

however. Gen. W. B. Hazen conducted an inspection of 

northern plains forts in 1866 and traveled the Bozeman. 

Among his recommendations was that blockhouses be 

built on one of the forks of the Cheyenne, one on Crazy 

Woman Creek and one on a fork of the Tongue River. 65 


Nelson Story, a Montana merchant followed Hazen up 
the trail several weeks later with a wagon train, a herd 
of Texas cattle and 26 cowboys. Indians harassed Story's 
cattle drive, bound for the Gallatin Valley market, but 
the cowboys fended them off. 66 

In the wake of the Fetterman fight, however, no sig- 
nificant number of emigrants or miners chose the Boze- 
man route in 1867 or 1868. One historian estimated that 
between 1864 and 1868 not over 1,000 emigrants took the 
trail to Montana — out of the entire territorial popula- 
tion in 1868 of 20, 000. 67 

Policy-makers, then, began to wonder if a route used 
almost solely by the military justified the cost and man- 
power. Also, by 1868, the Union Pacific Railroad was 
advancing toward the Salt Lake City-Virginia City route 
and, in the process, rendering the Bozeman Trail obsolete 
for Montana traffic. The Bozeman route could not com- 
pete through the 1860s with the Missouri River steamboat 
traffic or with the safer South Pass- Fort Hall route. 
Moreover, Gen. W. T Sherman committed almost all the 
Army troops to the un-reconstructed American South and 
was not prepared or able to send 20,000 soldiers to engage 
in a fight to the finish with the Northern Plains tribes. 

In April, 1868, peace commissioners returned to Fort 
Laramie, conceding the Bozeman Trail country to the 
Powder River tribes and abandoning Forts Reno, Phil 
Keamy and C. F. Smith. Red Cloud, who would not come 
in until the Army evacuated its forts, finally signed the 
treaty on November 6, 1868, thus ending Red Cloud's War 
and beginning a period of relative peace on the North- 
ern Plains that lasted until 1876. 68 

By the terms of the 1868 peace treaty, the U.S. Gov- 
ernment declared the land north of the North Platte River 
and east of the Big Horn Mountains Indian territory and 
stated that whites could not settle there or, without Indian 
permission, even pass through. It also stipulated that the 
Bozeman Road was closed. One contemporary, living at 
Fort Laramie from 1867 on, claimed that absolutely no 
one traveled the Bozeman Trail between 1868 and 1876. 69 
Perhaps an occasional, intrepid, small group of miners 
traveled through the Powder River Basin, but that region 
was effectively cut off from whites for about eight years. 

In the intervening years, however, the government 
sponsored trespassing on Northern Plains Indians' territory 
- providing Northern Pacific Railroad surveyors with a 
military escort in 1871 and again in 1873. In 1874 Gen. 
Phillip Sheridan, commander of the Division of the 
Missouri, ordered Col. George A. Custer to conduct a 
reconnaissance of the Black Hills in anticipation of 
establishing a post there. This expedition outraged North- 
ern Plains tribes, but they did not attack. Several pro- 
spectors accompanied the Custer expedition and discov- 
ered gold in the Black Hills. Word of the gold find swept 
the region, gold seekers began illegally filtering into the 
Indian territory and the Army could not turn back the 

"Black Hills Invasion." Unable to stop the trespassers, the 
government in September, 1875, sent another commission 
to negotiate with the Sioux for cession of the Black Hills. 
The Indians were incensed. The Black Hills were not for 
sale. 70 

President Grant took a tougher position in Novem- 
ber, 1875, ordering the Indians of the Powder River and 
Big Horn country to come into their agencies by January 
31, 1876. If they refused, military troops would drive them 
in. The Sioux ignored the ultimatum. 71 In anticipation 
of enforcing compliance with Grant's order to the Indians, 
Gen. George Crook had assembled an expedition to strike 
Powder River "hostiles" at Fort Fetterman by the end of 
February, 1876. Fort Fetterman, on the North Platte, was 
a post built in 1867 to provide protection for Bozeman 
Trail travelers. It was not, however, abandoned with the 
others in 1868. Once again, the Bozeman Road became 
a thoroughfare of the American military, now prepared 
for a fight to the finish with the Sioux and Cheyenne over 
control of the Northern Plains. 

Crook's expedition of almost 900 officers, enlisted men 
and civilians was commanded by Col. Joseph J. Reynolds, 
Third Cavalry. Their primary targets were the Northern 
Cheyenne and the western division of Sioux (Lakota), 
including the Oglala, Brule, Hunkpapa and Minnecon- 
jou bands. On March 1, the troops crossed the North 
Platte at Fort Fetterman and marched up the Bozeman 
Trail. On March 17, a portion of the column under 
Reynolds attacked a Cheyenne village in southern Mon- 
tana. The soldiers inflicted some damage, killing one war- 
rior, burning the village and capturing the pony herd. 
But after a five-hour fight they were turned back and the 
Cheyenne recovered most of their ponies. The soldiers were 
disgruntled that their dead comrades were left unburied 
on the field and when they rejoined the rest of the col- 
umn, feuded over the mismanaged attack. March 26, the 
command hobbled into Fort Fetterman and Crook began 
court-martial proceedings against Reynolds for bungling 
the battle. 72 

The Cheyenne did suffer the loss of their lodges, robes, 
provisions and about 200 ponies. They were also forced, 
in cold winter weather, to seek sanctuary in other villages. 
"Most important of all," wrote one historian, "the attack 
convinced all that the ultimatum from Washington meant 
that they were marked for extermination and their lands 
for seizure by the relentless and greedy white man. The 
dreaded day had come when they must fight for survival. 
In bitter desperation they began gathering into one power- 
ful camp for self-preservation." 73 Northern Plains tribes 
were enraged by the unexpected Reynolds' campaign and 
Sioux and Cheyenne, under Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, 
combined to counter the military threat. 

Meanwhile, Crook assembled another column of 
troops at Fort Fetterman which again took to the Bozeman 
Trail on May 29. This was one of three offensive forces 
in the field, along with Col. John Gibbon's column travel- 


ing eastward through Montana and Gen. Alfred Terry's 
column (with Custer's doomed Seventh Cavalry) moving 
west through Dakota, that hoped to force the Sioux to 
their agencies. This time Crook assumed personal com- 
mand of 51 officers and more than 1,325 soldiers and 
Indian allies. On June 17, they engaged some hostiles at 
Rosebud Creek, Montana. The battle was a tactical draw, 
but a strategic defeat for Crook who did not achieve his 
goal of smashing the opposition. The Indians, on the other 
hand, halted Crook's progress and saved an attack on their 
village. 74 Eight days later Custer and his command met 
their fate on the Little Big Horn River. 

The Battle of the Little Big Horn represented the 
combined Sioux/Cheyenne forces at their zenith. From 
that point on, they were less able to secure supplies and 
ammunition. 75 Public sentiment to avenge the Seventh 
Cavalry's defeat reached a fever pitch. In response, Gen. 
Nelson Miles pursued Sitting Bull across Montana while 
Gen. Crook assembled yet another column at Fort Fet- 
terman during the fall of 1876. This expedition of about 
2,200 men, left Fort Fetterman November 14, 1876, and 
marched up the Bozeman Trail. Stopping at the trail's 
Powder River crossing, the troops established a supply base 
named Cantonment Reno, about three miles upstream 
from the former Fort Connor/ Reno site. They resumed 
the march until a scout informed Crook of a Northern 
Cheyenne village in the upper valley of the Red Fork, one 
of the Powder River headwater streams in the Big Horns. 
Camping on Crazy Woman Creek, Crook ordered Col. 
Ranald Mackenzie and 10 cavalry troops to attack the 
village. At daybreak on November 25, 1876, the troops 
and scouts charged the sleepy, unsuspecting village. 

After a fierce fight, which included some hand-to-hand 
combat, the Army destroyed the village. 76 Participant 
Capt. John Bourke later wrote, 

The full loss of the Cheyennes was not determined until their 
surrender at Red Cloud Agency several weeks later, when they 
submitted a list of forty killed, but . . . either on account 
of superstition or repugnance to dwelling on the subject, 
never mentioned the number wounded. From the desperate 
cold of the following night they suffered as much as from 
the fight; eleven babies froze to death in the arms of famished 
mothers, and ponies were killed that feeble old men and 
women might prolong their lives by inserting feet and legs 
in the warm entrails." 

The battle represented a crushing defeat for the Cheyenne 
and an important victory for the U.S. Army. 

By the close of 1876 the Sioux and Cheyenne scattered 
into small bands, most eventually surrendering and 
wandering onto reservations. Depleted buffalo herds, the 
Army's practice of winter attacks on Indian villages and 
their technologically advanced weaponry all contributed 
to the Plains tribes' demise. The hotly contested Powder 
River country finally belonged to the U.S. Government 
and was open for white settlement. 

The United States Army, after a dozen years of con- 
flict, controlled the Powder River Basin and rendered the 
Bozeman Road safe to northern Wyoming and Montana. 
The military remained, operating from Fort Fetterman, 
the southern-most post on the Bozeman Trail, and from 
Cantonment Reno, the supply base built by Capt. Edwin 
Pollock of the Ninth Infantry during the 1876 Sioux cam- 
paign. In 1877, Pollock requested the name be changed 
to Cantonment McKinney distinguishing it from the ear- 
lier Fort Reno located three miles downstream on the 

The Grand Council 
held at General Crook's 
headquarters on Goose 
Creek, June 15, 1876, 
Frank Leslie's Illus- 
trated Newspaper. 

Mi I 1 , ; «- , '* ■ - 


Officers' Quarters (Fort Reno) Fort McKinney, 1876-1877. 

Powder River and another Fort Reno in Indian Territory. 
August 30, 1877, the camp became Fort McKinney and 
in 1878 the post was moved to Clear Creek, two miles west 
of present-day Buffalo. 

One of the first post-Sioux War projects (and a tell- 
ing symbol of American plans for this country) was a 
telegraph line built between November, 1877, and January, 
1878, from Fort Fetterman to a small camp on Antelope 
Springs. The line, which paralleled the Bozeman Road, 
was then extended to Fort McKinney #1 on the Powder 
River by January, 1878, and on to the new Fort McKin- 
ney on Clear Creek by March, 1879. This 140-mile 
telegraph line was frequently out of order, and during the 
winter of 1886 did not operate at all. 78 Nonetheless, it 
linked these frontier outposts with military headquarters 
and served as a symbol of "civilization" to potential settlers. 

With the end of the Indian threat and the continued 
military presence in this territory, white settlers began 
trickling into the Powder River country. Between 1876 and 
1878, however, there was no mail service (another impor- 
tant symbol of American civilization to potential settlers), 
except for an occasional private carrier or military courier. 
Late in 1878 the United States Post Office remedied this 
by contracting with George L. McDonough to provide 
mail service, three days a week, between Rock Creek Sta- 
tion on the Union Pacific Railroad and Echeta, Montana. 
McDonough subcontracted to a Mr. Fisher who, in turn, 
subcontracted with O. P. Hanna and Charles Ferguson 
to carry the mail between Fort McKinney and Fort Custer, 
Montana. Presumably, they traveled the general Bozeman 
route. Hanna, who participated in various Yellowstone ex- 
peditions during the 1870s, settled near present-day Big 

Horn in 1878 and signed a contract with Fort McKinney's 
commanding officer to furnish wild meat to the garrison. 
In addition, he assumed the job of mail courier, carry- 
ing four or five letters a week. Hanna claimed, however, 
that "Fisher took the contract too cheap and went broke, 
so Ferguson and I never got anything for our work." More- 
over, Hanna wrote, " Ferguson was held up several times 
by Road Agents. They would examine his letters and if 
there was nothing of any value they would threaten to 
'shoot his light out.' " 79 

Not satisfied with the McDonough/Fisher service, the 
Post Office cancelled that agreement and contracted with 
J. M. Thorn of Echeta for a short time. In March, 1879, 
the Post Office re-contracted for mail service with George 
E. Kirk and William H. Gleason of Washington, D.C., 
who subcontracted to M. T Patrick and A. H. Brown. 
In this way, the "Rock Creek Stage Line" was launched 
and the Bozeman Trail corridor entered another era in 
its long history as a thoroughfare. 80 A good portion of the 
stage route followed the Bozeman route, with minor varia- 
tions, until it reached Sheridan County where it passed 
east of the trail corridor in order to serve the fledgling 
town of Sheridan. 

Beginning with tri-weekly service in April, 1879, the 
Patrick Brothers line, as it was known (Algernon S. Patrick 
managed the line for his brother, Col. Mathewson 
Patrick), expanded to four trips a week in July, 1879, and 
daily service by mid-1880s. 81 The Cheyenne Daily Leader 
announced in its April 15, 1879, issue that "Col. Matt 
Patrick and his brother, Al S. Patrick have established 
a stage line from Rock Creek Station to Fort Custer, via 
Forts McKinney, Fetterman and Kearny. The line went 


into operation yesterday. Al Patrick will manage the con- 
cern." In August, the newspaper noted that Col. Patrick 
recently returned from a trip on his stage line and reported 
it passed through "the finest cattle region in the world." 82 
O. P. Hanna later griped that "the Patrick Brothers secured 
the contract for the mail and increased it to a daily, put 
on buckboards and went flying through the country, 
although all the mail could have been carried in a man's 
pocket. They got about $90,000 a year." He added, 
somewhat begrudgingly, "However, it was a good thing 
for the country as it helped to develop it." 83 

The company's principal stage stations that fell within 
the Bozeman corridor, were Fort Fetterman (replaced in 
1886 by Douglas), Sage Creek, Brown Springs, Antelope 
Creek, Seventeen Mile Ranch, Powder River Station, Trab- 
ing at Crazy Woman Creek, Buffalo, Big Horn, Dayton, 
Ohlman and others in Montana. There was also a stop 
in Sheridan. 84 

The Patrick Brothers stage line employed about 48 
men and used 162 horses. 85 Passengers included ranchers 
and people connected with the military posts — dis- 
charged soldiers, new recruits, officers and their wives. 
It was not an especially comfortable means of travel for 
there were no night lay-overs during the three-day trip 
between Rock Creek and Echeta and there were only brief 
stop-overs for meals and team-driver changes. Major Wise, 
an Englishman who rode the stage line in 1880 while on 
a Powder River country hunting trip, noted the trip's 
discomforts in his diary. After stopping briefly at Fort Fet- 
terman, the stage headed northwest and, 

I rolled myself up in my 'possum rug and tried to sleep, a 
feat by no means easy to accomplish in a jolting coach with 
one's legs cramped up . . . but I slept every now and then, 
when the jolting was least. About 6 I unwound myself. We 

were jogging alone over the 'boundless prairie.' As far as the 

eye could see in every direction were grass rollers like the big 

rolling billows of the ocean. . . ." 
Beyond its physical discomforts, the stage trip could also 
be dangerous, as O. P. Hanna noted. Although documen- 
tation of hold-ups is sketchy, some sources claim they were 
frequent in the ear'y days of the stage line, particularly 
in one area of the trail north of Fort Fetterman, known 
as "Holdup Hollow." 8 ' One documented hold-up, of sorts, 
occurred at the Antelope Creek stage station in 1887. Army 
Paymaster Maj. Daniel N. Bash, on his way to Fort McKin- 
ney with the troops' pay stopped at the station for lunch 
and carelessly left the satchels containing $7,000 in soldiers' 
pay on the stage. Charles "Charley" Parker, a Texas cowboy 
lounging around the station that day, grabbed the valises 
and fled on horseback. Bash, no doubt sheepishly, 
returned to Douglas to report the event. Forces from Fort 
McKinney searched for Parker, including post guides 
Frank Grouard, Baptiste 'Little Bat' Gamier and Private 
John C. Conroy, but were unable to track the Texas 
cowboy. Parker, in the meantime, moved on to Nebraska 
where he assumed an alias, bought a horse herd and 
planned to open a store. He was discovered, however, 
found guilty of stealing $7,282.78 and sentenced to five 
years in the Wyoming penitentiary. 88 "The people of Wyo- 
ming were rather disappointed at his apprehension," 
according to Minnie Rietz, "as he was generally well liked 
and Maj. Bash was not so they were not averse to seeing 
him receive a bit of punishment." 89 

Besides the paymaster, passenger and mail trade, 
freight for military posts and settlements was also hauled 
over the road used by stage coaches. Freight was first ship- 
ped via Cheyenne to Rock Creek on the main line of the 
Union Pacific Railroad and then up to the Bozeman Trail 

"****& j: * 

U ! » * 





Fort Fetterman in Winter. 


corridor. Freighters initially drove oxen, usually a team 
of six or eight that pulled three wagons strung together. 
Mule teams succeeded oxen because they were faster and 
required less food. Their drivers, called "Mule Skinners," 
were often recruited from the ranks of ox team drivers or 
"Bull Whackers." 

Among the most famous were the "Monkers and 
Mathers" mule teams (of George A. Monkers and Eugene 
Mather's firm) consisting of four six-mule teams, each 
team drawing two wagons. Later they used two ten-mule 
teams with each team drawing three wagons. The first 
Monkers and Mathers teams arrived in Buffalo in 1882, 
delivering supplies to Robert Foote's store from the Baker 
and Johnston wholesale store in Cheyenne. This particular 
trip took almost a month from Rock Creek to Buffalo as 
the roads were bad. "It required unlimited endurance and 
patience on the part of both men and teams," wrote one 
historian, "to make these trips through snow and sleet over 
roads that had developed from Indian trails and were not 
repaired except in the case of washouts and these were 
usually detoured soon making another curve in an already 
winding road. Then the blazing sun of summer with no 
shade to break the monotony, tried both courage and 
physical energy to the breaking point." 90 

Establishment of a stage line with its mail, passenger 
and freight service was a crucial entering wedge for white 
settlement in the Powder River country and along the 
eastern edge of the Big Horns. Among the first American 
citizens to settle in the area were people who first became 
acquainted with it through military service or by work- 
ing as teamsters, freight contractors and laborers for the 
Army. One settler who first saw the Powder River coun- 
try when he served under Crook in 1876 was Mike Henry. 
Mustered out of the Army in 1877, Henry returned first 
to the Dry Fork of the Cheyenne River and then moved 
to Brown Springs, a Bozeman Trail campsite and loca- 
tion of several Indian skirmishes during the 1860s. Henry 
built a three-room cabin, the start of the '88' ranch, and 
in 1878 brought his wife, Catherine and their six children 
to live there. The Henry ranch operated as a stage stop- 
relay station for the Patrick Brothers Stage Line, keeping 
fresh horses for the coaches and making repairs on the 
stagecoaches and wagons at the Henry blacksmith shop. 
The ranch also served as a roadhouse for stage passengers, 
offering groceries and medicines for travelers to buy. When 
herds of Texas longhorns moved up the trail during the 
1880s, the Henry boys earned some extra cash herding 
cattle while the cowboys rested. Beyond serving the 
Bozeman Trail traffic, the Henry establishment was, of 
course, a working ranch. Mike Henry raised and sold draft 
and saddle horses (he sold 3,000 horses during the Boer 
War), developed the natural hay meadows along Brown 
Springs Creek and raised sheep. One of Mike's daughters, 
Lizzie, married Frank Merrill and the couple ran the next 
stage stop on the line, Sand Creek Station, at the Double 
Box Ranch. 91 

Other stage stations along the Bozeman Trail route 
sustained some of the earliest settlers in the Powder River 
country. Although it did not have government sanction, 
the Antelope Creek station or Antelope Ranch operated ! 
about 49 miles north of Fort Fetterman. It was a rest stop 
for travelers, had good drinking water and a blacksmith 
shop. Virginia Benton, traveling to northern Wyoming, 
passed through in 1881. Her father, a Boston-educated 
Baptist minister, homeopathic doctor and dentist, went 
to the door of the ranch to make inquiries and found "eight 
men gambling, which so horrified him that he hurried 
away and drove two miles farther through sandbeds and 
stopped for dinner in a dry creek bed." 92 

Another of the early communities along the Bozeman 
Trail cropped up in the vicinity of Cantonment Reno/Fort 
McKinney on the Powder River. Army posts provided work 
for citizen contractors and soldiers represented a poten- 
tial market for various goods and services. When the Army 
abandoned the Powder River site, and moved the fort to 
Clear Creek, the Patrick Brothers Stage Line moved one 
of the log cavalry stables, with government permission, 
to the east bank of the river and north of the Dry Fork's 
confluence with the Powder. The stable and several other 
buildings they constructed constituted the Powder River 
State Station. A small community, Powder River Cross- 
ing, developed around the station and the iron bridge 
which spanned the river by 1883. Amanda and Horace 
Brown ran the roadhouse at Powder River Crossing 
between 1884 and 1887. 

We made good money, Amanda Brown reminisced, but I 
sure worked myself down. I cooked for all the way from ten 
to forty people, did all my washing, cleaned the rooms, and 
waited on people. We kept the stage people ... I always 
had to be ready for a stage full, and sometimes it was cer- 
tainly full, and sometimes there was only the driver. There 
were all the different people that make up a new country 
traveling on the road — ranchmen, cowboys, gamblers, horse 
thieves and occasionally stage robbers. 93 

Powder River Crossing which, according to Brown, never 
had more than four families living there, had a store, post 
office and saloon. It declined in importance after the 
Northern Pacific Railroad reached Custer Station in Mon- 
tana and Fort McKinney mail and passenger traffic chose 
that route over the Bozeman Trail stage line. 94 

Another thinly populated settlement developed near 
Crazy Woman Creek. In 1878 August Trabing established 
a trading post several hundred yards north of the creek. 
He supplied emigrants and ranchers with staples, boots, 
hats and liquor goods which, in turn, attracted the 
attention of road agents. In part because of hold-up prob- 
lems, Trabing moved his store to a site on Clear Creek, 
now Buffalo, in 1879. After he left Crazy Woman, the 
building became a post office for ranchers and stockmen 
and a stage station along the Bozeman Trail. J. Tom Hall, 
whose father changed horses on the Buffalo-Sussex mail 
route at Trabing (Sussex eventually replaced Powder River 
Crossing as that area's post office), remembered it as a 



MORETON FREWEN, General Manager. 

FRANK A, KEMP, Assistant Manager. 

P. O. address, Cheyenne, Wyo. 
Fred. Hesse, Foreman Pow- 
der River P. O., Wyo. 

Ranpes, Powder River and its 
tributaries and Tonprue River, 
Johnson County, Wyo. 

lb 97 -<V 

Also own the followingbrands: 



CDK I Vv°I ^S K 



Also Rawhide branch of Pow- 
der River Cattle Company, 
Rawhide, Laramie County, 
Wyo. E. W. Murphy arid 
Aiuos Spaugh, Foremen. 

Also branded 1 A/ll on left side 
and on botliYyj-J sides. z 

Tf^^W W|H?H Jy j 

Horses branded |U Jill and \A/ Hi 1 

Moreton Frewen's Powder River Cattle Company Brands, 
Wyoming Stock Growers' Association 1884 Brand Book. 

haven for ranchers and freighters where they could rendez- 
vous and exchange news. The main building was a long, 
;og structure paralleling the road, with three rooms. At 
■he south end of it were two small log buildings, one a 
iichoolhouse, the other a blacksmith shop. To the east was 
another large long building (the stable) and several 
!:orrals. 95 

In the early years of white settlement, two basic kinds 
of settlers came to the Powder River country. There were 
;:he classic pioneers entrepreneurs and farmers drawn 
;o places like Buffalo with the business opportunities of 
lear-by Fort McKinney or drawn by the fertile land along 
:he foot of the Big Horns. The other type of "settler" was 
;:he big, speculative cattle company that controlled vast 
holdings of public range land merely by occupying it. 96 
An example of the latter was the Powder River Livestock 
.Company, incorporated in Colorado in 1882 for the "pur- 
pose of raising, breeding, buying, selling and pasturing 
of stock and especially cattle; the purchase, preemption, 
holding and selling of such ranches as may be suitable 
for said business." 97 Although the company's headquarters 
was in Colorado Springs, much of its range was in the old 
Fort Reno and McKinney areas along the Powder River. 

The Powder River Cattle Company, organized by a 
Briton, Moreton Frewen, also grazed its cattle in this vicin- 
ity. But the British suffered financial failure and pulled 
'out while members of the Powder River Livestock Com- 
pany remained until the company dissolved in 1893. 
SAnother of the largest cattle outfits was Hackney, Hold 
and Williams Livestock Company — later called the Wyo- 

ming Land and Cattle Company. Headquartered about 
four miles south of Buffalo on Cross H Ranch, this com- 
pany homesteaded all the land it could in the vicinity and 
ran 10,000 head of cattle or more. Some of the other huge 
livestock companies were Pratt & Ferris, using the U Cross 
brand; the Western Union Beef Company, branding EK; 
and the Murphy Cattle Company using the Flying E. 98 

Small-scale ranches, farmers and businessmen fol- 
lowed the Bozeman Trail to the Powder River country and 
settled at the foot of the Big Horns. O. P. Hanna staked 
a claim on Little Goose Creek in 1878 and in spring 1879, 
brought a plow, some oates and some seed from Cheyenne 
to begin a small farm, selling his produce to cattlemen 
coming into the country. 99 That same year, W. F. Davis 
opened a sawmill in the vicinity and for the next several 
years other families began staking claims nearby. Finally 
in 1881, Hanna and several others surveyed and platted 
the town of Big Horn on the Bozeman road. 100 Buffalo 
developed largely because of the market provided by Fort 
McKinney and, about the time that post was completed 
in 1882, its commanding officer Col. Verling K. Hart laid 
out the townsite. The Army presence continued to be the 
dominant economic factor in Buffalo until it abandoned 
Fort McKinney in 1894. The next year the post's buildings 
were donated to the state and in 1903 became the Wyom- 
ing Soldiers and Sailors Home, providing care and treat- 
ment for veterans. 101 

The two different types of settlers in the Bozeman 
Trail country — small ranchers, farmers and business- 
men, on the one hand, and big speculative cattle com- 
panies, on the other did not live harmoniously. The 
devastating winter of 1886-87 took a deadly toll on the 
cattle herds. The Powder River Livestock Company, for 
example, ran 24,000 head during the spring of 1886. The 
following spring, after the disastrous winter, only 8,000 
head were gathered. 102 As a result, many cowboys and 
other employees lost their jobs and some began searching 


P. 0. address, Cheyenne, Wyo. 

Range, north side North Platte 

River, below Fort Laramie. 

Wyo. and Neb., Rawhide ana 

Sheep Creeks. 
Rrand, same as out, with ^1 

on left jaw; wattle under f| 

tail on back of ham. 

Horses branded same as rut on left shoulder. 

Ranpe, Clear Fork of Powder 
River and Crazy Woman, and 
between the mouth of Crazy 
Woman and the mouth of 
Clear Fork on Powder River, 

Rrand, same as cut on both 
sides. ■ i 

Horses branded W left hip. 




"The Line, " Fort McKinney, 1891. 

the range for mavericks which they then branded with 
their own irons. Some even branded cattle known to 
belong to the large companies. This angered the larger 
cattle operations — as did the legal homesteads settlers 
were taking up along streams with good grass. This was 
land claimed, by virtue of occupation, by the big cattle 
outfits. Tension and violence escalated into the Johnson 
County War in 1892. 103 

Partly because of the turmoil generated by the Johnson 
County War, Buffalo and Johnson County were bypassed 
by the Burlington Railroad in 1892 when it built a line 
across Wyoming from the South Dakota border to Mon- 
tana. However, the Burlington was only 30 miles away at 
Clearmont making passenger travel and freighting via 
railroad more comfortable and cheaper than travel and 
freighting over the dusty, jolting Bozeman Trail stage line. 
The federal government eliminated contracting for mail 
service during the late 1880s and the Rock Creek Stage 
Line shut down as a result. But stagecoach days on the 
Bozeman were not over yet. For 20 more years stages 
operated locally including twice-a-day service between 
Burlington trains and Buffalo. Another stage traveled the 
old Bozeman Trail route to Banner, Big Horn and then 
down the Little Goose to the Sheridan Inn. Other local 
routes went out from Buffalo to service the Powder River 
area, again traveling the Bozeman. 104 

By 1915 a railroad spur connected Buffalo with Clear 
mont, a line soon made obsolete by paved highways 
Stagecoaches were retired, also rendered obsolete b} 
highways and autos. The Bozeman Trail corridor, ir 
places, adapted to the changes and continued as i 
transportation route. During the 20th century parts of tht 
trail were improved as county roads, eventually even paved 
Ranchers and others traveled segments that remainec 
unimproved. These marked changes over time did noi 
escape notice. In 1930, a Converse County historian wrote 
That part of the Bozeman Trail that was northwest of 
Douglas, which is now the Ross Road, is now a Government 
mail route. This road, passage over which was so hotly con- 
tested by the Indians in the days of Red Cloud, is lined on 
either side by mail boxes, a few cream stations and one or 
two small stores. Instead of the Indian wars and savage 
reprisals there is government with courts of justice; instead 
of long-horned Texas cattle there are white faced Herefords; 
and instead of a few syndicate ranches with their thousands 
of cattle and claims to the "open range" there are hundreds 
of farms and small ranches with a few grazing livestock and 
small dairy herds. 105 

1. Grace Hebard, "Pioneer Mothers on the Oregon Trail," speed 
reprinted in the Fort Laramie Scout, June 3, 1926, p. 1. 

2. Dan Cushman, The Great North Trail: America's Route of th 
Ages (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1966), p. 135. 

3. Dr. Charles A. Reher, The Western Powder River Basin Survey 
Report of Survey Results Vol. I. (unpublished mss. on file at thi 


University of Wyoming Contracting Division, Wyoming Recrea- 
tion Commission, 1979), pp. 91, 94. 

4. Raymond W. Wood and Alan S. Downer, "Notes on the Crow — 
Hidatsa Schism," Plains Anthropology: Journal of the Plains Con- 
ference, Memoir 13, part 2 (1977): p. 83. 

5. Reher, pp. 99-104. 

6. Edwin Thompson Denig, Five Indian Tribes of the Upper 
Missouri (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973), pp. 139, 

7. George Hyde, Red Cloud's Folk: A History of the Oglala Sioux 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1976), pp. 3, 14, 31, 55. 

8. George Bird Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes (Norman: Univer- 
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1971), pp. 3, 37. 

9. David Wishart, The Fur Trade of the American West, 1807-1840 
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), p. 188. 

10. Hiram Martin Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the Far 
West, Vol. II (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1902), p. 756. 

1 1 . Henry Lott, "Much Early History of Wyoming Centers in Johnson 
County," WPA Writers Project Files (unpublished mss., 
Cheyenne, Wyoming: Wyoming State Archives, Museums and 
Historical Department, n. d), p. 1. 

12. Robert A. Murray, "First Tracks in the Big Horns," Montana: 
the Magazine of Western History 26 (January 1976): pp. 2-13. 
In the Spring, 1976, edition of Montana: the Magazine of Western 
History, "Letters to the Editor" section, T. A. Larson notes that 
while Murray treats the LeRaye journal as authentic, both George 
Hyde and Bernard DeVoto regard it as a forgery. Larson believes 
that the LeRaye account remains questionable, until someone 
refutes these scholars convincingly, p. 78. 

13. Ibid., p. 9. 

14. Edgeley W. Todd, "Antonio Montero," in The Mountain Men 
and the Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, LeRoy R. Hafen 
(ed.) (Glendale, California: The Arthur Clark Co., 1965), p. 253. 
Todd notes at least four variations of the name. He attributes 
the "mistaken form" of Mateo to Raynolds, see footnote, p. 247. 

15. Wishart, p. 189. 

16. Grace Hebard and E. A. Brininstool, The Bozeman Trail, Vol. 
II (Cleveland: The Arthur Clark Co., 1922), pp. 225-228; E. S. 
Topping, Chronicles of the Yellowstone (Minneapolis: Ross & 
Haines, Inc., 1968), p. 17. 

17. William F. Raynolds, "Report on the Exploration of the 
Yellowstone and the Country drained by that River," Sen. Exec. 
Doc 77, 40th Congress, 2d Sess., (1868) p. 4; and William H. 
Goetzman, Army Exploration in the American West, 18031863 
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), p. 418. 

18. David J. Wasden, From Beaver to Oil: A Century in the Develop- 
ment of Wyoming's Big Horn Basin (Cheyenne: Pioneer Print- 
ing and Stationery Co., 1973), p. 72. 

19.Raynold, p. 13. 

20. Goetzman, pp. 421-422. 

21 . Burton S. Hill, "Frontier Powder River Mission," Annals of Wyo- 
ming 38 (October 1966), p. 222. 

22. Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes, p. 44. 

23. For information on John Bozeman see Merrill G. Burlingame, 
"The Story of Montana Trail Maker, John Bozeman and Bozeman 
Trail," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 27 (March, 1941), 
pp. 541-568; and John S. Gray, "Blazing the Bridger and 
Bozeman Trails," Annals of Wyoming 46 (Spring, 1977), pp. 

24. Merrill J. Mattes, Indians, Infants and Infantry: Andrew and 
Elizabeth Burt on the Frontier (Denver: The Old West Publishing 
Company, 1960), p. 109. 

25. William E. Lass, A History of Steamboating on the Upper Mis- 
souri River (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1962), p. 41. 

26. Gray, pp. 26-29. 

27. Burlingame, p. 544. 

28. Ibid., p. 545. 

29. Ibid., pp. 547-548. 

30. Ibid., p. 547. 

31 . Benjamin Williams Ryan. "The Bozeman Trail to Virginia City, 
Montana, in 1864," Annals of Wyoming 19 (July, 1947), p. 87. 

32. Gray, pp. 49-50. 

33. Ibid., p. 23. 

34. Robert Murray, Clrss I, Cultural Resource (Historic) Inventory 
Narrative History (U.S. Bureau of Land Management, Worland, 
Wyoming District, 1978), p. 39. 

35. Robert M. Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue: The United States Army 
and the Indian, 1848-1865 (New York: Macmillan Publishing 
Co. Inc., 1973), pp. 300-302. 

36. Hyde, pp. 115-116. 

37. Utley, pp. 308-309. 

38. Ibid., pp. 324-325. 

39. Ibid., p. 325. 

40. Ibid., p. 330. 

41. Ibid., pp. 330-331. 

42. For evaluations of Connor's Powder River Expedition see Fred 
B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland: Being Some Account of the 
Services of General Patrick Edward Connor and His Volunteers 
in the Old West (San Francisco: The Grabhorn Press, 1938), pp. 
158-159, 224-245; Utley, p. 332. 

43. See Anthony McGinnis, "Strike and Retreat: Intertribal War- 
fare and the Powder River War, 1865-1868," Montana: the 
Magazine of Western History 30 (Autumn, 1980), pp. 34-35; and 
Hyde, p. 133. 

44. Utley. p. 327. 

45. A. M. Holman and C. R. Marks, Pioneering the Northwest (Sioux 
City, Iowa: Dutch and Larmar Co., 1924), p. 4. 

46. Rogers, p. 205. 

47. McGinnis, p. 36. 

48. Utley, p. 327; Rogers, p. 206; Holman, pp. 22-23; and Dorothy 
M. Johnson, The Bloody Bozeman: The Perilous Trail to Mon- 
tana's Gold (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1971), p. 163. 

49. Utley, p. 69. 

50. George Hyde, Spotted Tail's Folk: A History of the Brule Sioux 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), pp. 123-124, 128. 

bl.Ibid., p. 129 and James Olson, "The 'Lasting Peace' of Fort 
Laramie: Prelude to Massacre," American West 2 (Winter, 1965); 
p. 49. 

52. Hyde, p. 30. 

53. Hyde, Red Cloud's Folk. p. 140, and Robert M. Utley, Frontier 
Regulars: The United States' Army and the Indian, 1866-1890 
(New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, Inc., 1973), p. 98. 

54. Merrill J. Mattes, Indians, Infants and Infantry: Andrew and 
Elizabeth Burt on the Frontier (Denver: The Old West Publishing 
Company, 1960), p. 109 and Robert A. Murray, Military Posts 
in the Powder River Country of Wyoming, 1865-1894 (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1968), pp. 77-78. 

55. Utley, Frontier Regulars, p. 103. 

56. George Templeton diary, Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois. 

57. Murray, Military Posts, pp. 82-83. 

58. McGinnis, "Strike and Retreat," pp. 37. 40. 

59. Utley, Frontier Regulars, p. 105; McGinnis "Strike and Retreat," 
p. 38; and George Bird Grinnell, The Fighting Cheyennes (Nor- 
man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), pp. 223-234. 

60. The "Portugee" Phillips story has taken on mythic dimensions 
in Wyoming lore. For the most accurate account see Robert A. 
Murray, "The John Portugee' Phillips Legends, a Study in Wyo- 
ming Folk Lore," Annals of Wyoming 40 (April 1968), p. 46. 
Also see Francis A. Barrett, "The Greatest Ride in Wyoming His- 
tory," Annals of Wyoming 38 (October 1966),_pp. 223-228 and 
Edward M. Sterling, "The Winter Ride of Portugee Phillips," 
Montana: the Magazine of Western History 9 (Winter 1965), pp. 


61. Murray, Military Posts, pp. 86-87. 

62. For information on the Wagon Box Fight see Murray, Military 
Posts, pp. 95-96; Utley, Frontier Regulars, p. 125; F. H. Sinclair, 
"White Man's Medicine Fight; An Account of the Fort' Phil 
Kearny 'Wagon Box Fight' " Montana: the Magazine of Western 
History 6 (July 1956). pp. 1-10; Dr. George Bird Grinnell, 'The 
Wagon Box Fight,' The Midwest Review 9 (February-March 
1928), Nos. 2 and 3. 

63. McGinnis, "Strike and Retreat," p. 39; Murray, Military Posts, 
pp. 95-96. 

64. "Letters of Captain Wishart," The Bozeman Trail Scrapbooh 
(Sheridan, Wyoming: The Mills Company, 1967), p. 20. 

65. General W. B. Hazen, "Report of October 16, 1866, to Major 
H. G. Litchfield, Department of the Platte," reprinted in House 
Executive Documents No. 45, 39th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 3. 

66. E. S. Topping, Chronicles of the Yellowstone (Minneapolis: Ross 
and Haines, 1968), p. 46; Robert A. Murray, "Johnson County: 
175 Years of History at the Foot of the Big Horn Mountains," 
unpublished mss. Wyoming State Archives, Museums and 
Historical Department, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

67. Murray, "Johnson County," p. 86. 

68. Utley, Frontier Regulars, pp. 135-137; Hyde, Spotted Tail's Folk, 
pp. 141-142. 

69. Hebard and Brininstool, The Bozeman Trail, p. 258. 

70. John S. Gray, Centennial Campaign: The Sioux War of 1876 (Fort 
Collins, Colorado: Old Army Press, 1976), pp. 16-17, 23. 

71. For discussion of Indian reaction see Hyde, Spotted Tail's Folk, 
pp. 224-245. 

72. J. W. Vaughan, The Reynolds Campaign on Powder River (Nor- 
man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), p. 160; Gray, Centen- 
nial Campaign, p. 58; and Utley, Frontier Regulars, p. 251. 

73. Gray, Centennial Campaign, p. 58. 

74. Ibid., p. 124; Vaughan, Reynolds Campaign, p. 189; Utley, Fron- 
tier Regulars, p. 262; and George Crook, "Autobiography," mss. 
at United States Military History Institute, Carlisle Barracks, Pa.; 
and "Nickerson's Typescript of Crook's experiences with Indians, 
1866-1890," mss. at USMHI, Carlisle Barracks, Pa. 

75. Vaughan, p. 189. 

76. Ibid., p. 109 and Utley, Frontier Regulars, pp. 275-276. 

77. John G. Bourke, On the Border With Crook (New York: Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 1891). 

78. Robert A. Murray, "Military Posts of the Powder River," typed 
mss. at Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical Depart- 
ment, Cheyenne, Wyoming, p. 195. 

79. O. P. Hanna, "An Old Timer's Story," typed mss. at Western 
History Research Center, University of Wyoming, Laramie, 
Wyoming, p. 4. 

80. Murray, "Johnson County," p. Ill; "Star Route Investigations." 
House Executive Document, No. 100, 48th Congress, 1st session, 
pp. 192-193. 

81. Murray, "Johnson County," p. 111. 

82. Cheyenne Daily Leader, April 15, 1879, and August 20, 1879. 

83. Hanna, "An Old Timer's Story," p. 4. 

84. "Rock Creek to Custer Station," Wheatland Times, September 
23, 1937; DeLos Brandon, "The Old Stage Coach Line from Rock 
Creek, Operated by Patrick Brothers," originally published in 
the Sheridan Journal, January 15, 1929. A typescript is available 
at the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical Depart- 
ment, p. 3. 

85. Murray, "Johnson County." p. 111. Edward Clark, "The Early 
Stage Lines from Rock Creek," WPA Writers Project, WPA Subj. 
148. Wyoming State Archives. Museums and Historical Depart- 
ment, p. 6; Minnie A. Rietz, "The Old Stage Line." WPA Subj. 
141, p. 2. 

86. Henry Lott, ed., Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Histo- 
rical Department, "Major Wise, An Englishman Recites Details 
of Hunting Trip in Powder River Country in 1880," Annals of 
Wyoming, 12 (April, 1940), p. 86. 

87. Rietz, "The Old Stage Line," p. 2. However, DeLos Brandon 
claims that during the Patrick Brothers' years in business there 
were no holdups, only an occasional horse theft, p. 2. 

88. Robert A. Murray, " 'They Say Some Disaster Befell the 
Paymaster,' or Charlie Parker's Road to Dismal River and 
Beyond," By Valor and Arms 3 (Spring, 1975). 

89. Rietz, p. 3. 

90. Ibid., p. 5. 

91. "88 Centennial," Casper Magazine 9 (Feb. -March, 1979), pp. 
3-13. Also see Josephine Lucas, "Michael Henry." Bits and Pieces, 
4 ( 1 968). The 88 Ranch is still operated by descendants of Mike 

92. "Virginia Benton Diary - 1881," in Bozeman Trail Scrapbook, 
p. 47. 

93. Amanda Hardin Brown and Margaret Isaac, "A Pioneer in Col- 
orado and Wyoming," Colorado Magazine 35 (October 1958): 
p. 273. 

94. "General Brisbin in Wyoming - 1887," in Bozeman Trail Scrap- 
book, p. 52; Murray, "Johnson County," p. 167. 

95. J. Tom Wall, Crossing Old Trails to New in North Central Wyo- 
ming (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Company, 1973), pp. 7-8. 

96. Murray, "Johnson County," p. 106. 

97. Agnes Wright Spring, "Powder River Livestock Company," The 
Colorado Magazine 28 (January, 1951): p. 32. 

98. Burton S. Hill, "Old Buffalo, Ancient Cow Town." Annals of 
Wyoming 35 (October, 1963): pp. 132-33. 

99. Hanna, p. 9. 

100. Ibid., p. 9; Maurine Carley (compiler), "Bozeman Trail Trek: 
Trek No. 14 of the Emigrant Trail Treks," Annals of Wyoming 
36 (April, 1964), p. 66; Vie Willits Garber, Big Horn Pioneers 
(Big Horn, Wyoming: Big Horn Public Schools, 1961), p. 3. 

101. W. J. Thorn, "Early Business Men of Buffalo, Wyoming," 
typescript mss., Western History Research Center, University of 
Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming, p. 5. 

102. Spring, "Powder River Livestock Company." p. 34. 

103. Hill, "Buffalo-Ancient Cow Town," p. 144. 
\04.Ibid., p. 151; Murray, "Johnson County," pp. 210-214. 

105. John LeeRoy Waller, "Economic History and Settlement of Con- 
verse County, Wyoming Annals of Wyoming 6 (January, 1930): 
p. 337. 








The early white history of the Rocky Mountain West 
is largely the history of the beaver trade. Not only did it 
form the basis for the first instance of the region's economic 
exploitation by the United States, it was responsible for 
exploration of lands that otherwise probably would have 
been neglected. The pursuit of beaver was instrumental 
in establishing American claims over an area in which 
boundaries were at the time vague and indefinite. 

Despite its location in the heart of fur country, the 
role of the Wind-Big Horn River in this enterprise has 
never been examined. Rising in the Wind River and Absa- 
roka ranges, it flows in an easterly direction until joined 
by the Popo Agie near Riverton, Wyoming. Here its course 
veers sharply north to cut its way through Wind River Ca- 
nyon. Emerging from the canyon with a new identity, the 
river meanders northward to Big Horn Canyon through 
which it makes its escape ultimately to join the Yellowstone 

At the time of Euro-American penetration, 1 the entire 
area drained by the river was occupied on a more or less 
permanent basis by Crow Indians. Actually, England, in 
the person of a North West Company employee named 
Menard, who trapped and traded among the Crow on 
several occasions prior to 1800, preceded the United States 
into the Crow homeland. 2 Then in 1805, 3 the same British 
company sent a small expedition led by Francois Antoine 
Larocque to the river to establish a trading relationship 
with that tribe. He met, by prearrangement, a band of 
Crow at the Mandan villages in late June and subsequently 
accompanied them to their home territory. They reached 
the Big Horn River near the point where it disgorges from 
Big Horn Canyon on August 30, and from there proceeded 
at a leisurely pace to the Yellowstone River, which they 
reached on September 10. Larocque spent three more days 
with the Crow attempting to convince them that it would 
be to their advantage to spend the winter trapping for 
beaver in preparation for his return with trade goods the 
following summer. 4 

As it turned out Larocque did not keep his promise 
to return. But there had occurred, in 1803, the transfer 
of the Louisiana Territory to the United States from 
France, and this transaction set in motion a series of events 
which brought American citizens to Crow country at about 
the same time Larocque was expected. William Clark, 
descending the Yellowstone in the final stage of the epochal 
Lewis and Clark expedition, reached the mouth of the 
Big Horn on July 26, 1806. He did not encounter any Crow 
on his way down the Yellowstone, and therefore was not 
called upon to exchange trade goods, as pledged by 
Larocque, for their beaver. Clark did, though, make an 
assessment of fur trade potential on the lower reaches of 
the Big Horn by taking a seven-mile walk up its east bank. 5 

President Jefferson, who at the time he had arranged 
for the purchase of Louisiana was uncertain what he had 
bought, had specifically instructed the two young army 
officers to appraise lands traversed for commercial 


possibilities. 6 He hoped apparently that the newly acquired 
lands contained resources which would attract a sufficient 
number of American citizens to secure the region against 
British territorial ambitions. 

When the explorers returned to civilization they 
reported, among other things, that all of the lands drained 
by the Missouri River abounded in beaver. 7 Their opti- 
mistic appraisal, however, included a caveat that if the 
United States failed to occupy the area in the near future, 
the British surely would. 8 

Intelligence that there existed a virgin beaver field 
simply waiting to be harvested had the effect of attract- 
ing American entrepreneurs into the northern Rockies 
much as iron filings are attracted to a magnet. Cir- 
cumstances dictated that the lower Big Horn River serve 
as the base of operations for this movement. Not only was 
that part of the river stocked with beaver, 9 it was adja- 
cent to the lower Yellowstone and within reasonable prox- 
imity to the Three Forks of the Missouri, both prime trap- 
ping areas. 

Another attractive feature of the area was its occupa- 
tion by the Crow Indians. These happened to be a tradi- 
tional foe of the neighboring Blackfoot tribe, which, in 
turn, was implacably hostile to white Americans. 10 
Because it was controlled by the Crow, the lower Big Horn 
seemed to promise protection from the Blackfeet. The 
Crow welcomed American trappers for their own practi- 
cal reasons. Direct access to trade goods precluded the 
necessity of trading with tribes who lived along the 
Missouri River, most of whom had, over the years, sys- 
tematically exploited the Crow. 11 Also, greatly out- 
numbered by the Blackfeet, the Crow viewed Americans 
as potential allies in an internecine struggle with a stronger 
enemy. 12 

The first organized expedition to enter the area was 
led by Manuel Lisa, a St. Louis resident with many years 
of fur trade experience on the lower Missouri River. His 
party of 50 arrived at the mouth of the Big Horn in 
November, 1807, where it immediately began construc- 
tion of a fort to serve as headquarters for a trading empire 
which was intended to eventually extend as far south as 
Santa Fe. 13 

While the garrison, which Lisa named Fort Raymond 
after his only son, was yet under construction, several 
experienced trappers were sent out into surrounding ter- 
ritory to recruit customers. Edward Rose, a Kentuckian 
of obscure ancestry, was given trade articles and dispatched 
to an unidentified band of Indians with whom he spent 
the winter. 14 The peripatetic John Colter is reported to have 
traveled some 500 miles that same winter in search of the 
Crow and other tribes. 15 The spate of literature his adven- 
tures have generated notwithstanding, it simply is not 
possible to retrace Colter's route on this particular journey. 
It probably included the Stinking Water (Shoshone) River 
because trapper tradition credits him with its discovery. 16 

The itinerary of a third wayfarer, George Drouillard, 
can be reconstructed with some precision because he later 
provided William Clark with details of his travels. 
Drouillard's data were incorporated into a map of the 
lower Big Horn region, drawn by Clark in 1809, which is 
readily available to investigators of the early history of this 
part of the West. 17 Setting out from the fort, he followed 
the Yellowstone River west to the mouth of Clark's Fork 
where the explorer set a new course south along that 
tributary to its source. From there Drouillard continued 
in a southerly direction to the confluence of the Stinking 
Water and Valley (South Fork of the Shoshone) rivers 
where he happened upon a Crow village. Here, near the 
site of Cody, Wyoming, he spent several days, presumably 
apprising the Indians of new and exciting trading oppor- 
tunities being made available to them, before returning 
to the fort. The following spring Drouillard explored parts 
of the Little Big Horn, Tongue and Rosebud rivers. Lisa 
had apparently instructed him to investigate the feasibility 
of making contact with the closest Spanish outpost because 
one of the notations on Clark's map indicated that a 
Spanish settlement could be reached by traveling south 
along the Big Horn River for 18 days. 

Lisa returned to St. Louis sometime during the spring 
of 1808, leaving Benito Vasquez in command of Fort 
Raymond. 18 Vasquez dispatched various parties to trap and 
trade, at one time or another over the next several months, 
on the Three Forks of the Missouri, the Wind River Valley, 
the Green River and the Snake River country of eastern 
Idaho. But in the end Blackfoot harassment forced him 
to temporarily abandon the fort during the winter of 
1808-9, and beat a hasty retreat to the Missouri River. 19 

Lisa arrived at the Mandan villages, where Vasquez 
awaited his return, in September of 1809. While in St. 
Louis, Lisa had raised additional capital by organizing 
the Missouri Fur Company and had been able to recruit 
more than 200 men to re-enforce the small band of trap- 
pers he had left at Fort Raymond. 20 Because he had heard 
a rumor on the voyage up river that the British were con- 
structing a trading post in the Three Forks area, he was 
anxious to re-establish a presence in trapping country as 
soon as possible. 21 Andrew Henry, a partner in the newly- 
formed company, was sent immediately to the mouth of 
the Big Horn with 40 men. Pierre Menard, another part- 
ner, followed a month later with an additional 50 men. 22 

As soon as weather permitted, in February, Henry 
led most of his trappers, including Menard and Reuben 
Lewis, to the Three Forks where they first constructed 
a small stockade and then broke up into small parties. 23 
Trapping turned out to be spectacularly good, but 
Blackfoot opposition ultimately forced the trappers to 
abandon this rich beaver field. By early May the Indians 
had killed eight Americans, including George Drouillard, 
and had stolen horses, traps, supplies and most of the furs 
which had been collected by Henry's men. 24 At this point 


•discretion won out over valor. Menard and nine others, 
among them John Colter, returned to the relative safety 
bf Fort Raymond and then on to St. Louis. Henry and 
:he rest of the party elected to continue, trapping but 
removed to the less dangerous Flathead country. There, 
in a tributary of the Snake River, later named Henry's 
Fork, they built another stockade to serve as trapping and 

Irading headquarters. 25 
Manuel Lisa, who had returned to St. Louis during 
he fall of 1809, was meanwhile experiencing different dif- 
ficulties. His partners were unhappy with the small returns 
: rom the 1809 season, and he was meeting resistance in 
lis efforts to raise sufficient capital to finance the upcom- 
ng trapping season. 26 His problems were exacerbated by 
.he presence in St. Louis of Wilson Price Hunt, a part- 
tier in the Pacific Fur Company. Hunt, organizing an ex- 
pedition destined for the Pacific Coast, was hiring men 
and buying supplies in direct competition with the 

(Missouri Fur Company. 27 
Lisa was a year late in bringing supplies and did not 
arrive at Fort Mandan, located just below the confluence 
Of the Little Missouri and the Missouri rivers, until June, 
1811. He had encountered Benito Vasquez downstream, 
and had been informed by him that all tribes inhabiting 
the fur country, including the Crow, were becoming 
Dbstreperous and that Andrew Henry's situation was par- 
ticularly precarious. The veteran trader was relieved to 
learn at Fort Mandan that Henry was, in fact, safe and 
on his way to the fort with a substantial quantity of 
ipeltries. 28 Lisa nevertheless decided that even the lower 
|Big Horn was too dangerous to accommodate the con- 
tinued operation of Fort Raymond. He subsequently closed 
the facility and thereafter administered the company's 
operation in Crow territory from Fort Mandan. 29 Lewis 
spent the better part of the next two years on the Little 
Big Horn, and other parties operating out of the fort work- 
ed the Big Horn and Wind rivers during the same 
period. 30 

By the spring of 1813, the Indian situation had dete- 
riorated to the point that even the normally peaceful tribes 
.on the Missouri had become a problem. 31 The consequent 
insecurity coupled with a sharp drop in fur prices which 
occurred about the same time forced Lisa to withdraw 
from the upper Missouri River altogether. There followed 
.a hiatus of eight years during which no Crow furs appeared 
in St. Louis markets. 32 It can, therefore, be inferred that 
there were few if any Americans in Crow country during 
these years. 33 

In the year 1820, the Indian situation was stable and 
fur prices were at a reasonable level. In addition, econ- 
omic conditions in St. Louis made fur trade operations 
once again attractive to investors. Although Lisa died that 
year, the Missouri Fur Company continued to operate, 
at least for a time. A St. Louis businessman, Joshua 
Pilcher, who had become a partner some years before 
Lisa's death, assumed direction of the firm and reorga- 

nized it in preparation for another assault on the north- 
ern Rockies. 34 

The company enjoyed a modicum of initial success 
in what would turn out to be its last venture in Crow coun- 
try. Robert Jones and Michael Immel 35 were selected by 
Pilcher to command an expedition which arrived at the 
mouth of the Big Horn in early fall, 1821. 36 Immel and 
Jones supervised construction of a new trading post, which 
they christened Fort Benton, and then dispersed their trap- 
pers onto neighboring beaver streams and rivers. 37 

In February, 1823, Jones and Immel decided to press 
their luck by leading the majority of the fort's contingent 
into Three Forks country. They were able to evade the 
Blackfeet long enough to conduct a successful hunt, but 
their luck ran out along the Yellowstone on their way back 
to the garrison. As they approached the mouth of Pryor 
Creek on May 31, a band of Blackfeet appeared out of 
nowhere, taking them by surprise. In the ensuing battle 
seven Americans were killed, includingjones and Immel, 
and the marauding Blackfeet made off with most of the 
trappers' horses and equipment as well as all of the furs 
they had accumulated. 38 The losses sustained in the bat- 
tle were so substantial that Pilcher withdrew the Missouri 
Fur Company from the lower Big Horn area, and after 
about a year of inconclusive trading along the Missouri 
River, he dissolved the firm. 39 

In 1822, another St. Louis businessman, William 
Ashley, had formed an informal partnership with Andrew 
Henry, and they too, would make an abortive attempt to 
establish a trading and trapping operation among the 
Crow. Henry assumed responsibility for field operations 
and by September of that year had built a small stockade 
at the mouth of the Yellowstone to serve as a depot for 
furs being collected by members of his party working the 
tributaries of the upper Missouri River. 40 The succeeding 
September, Henry moved to the mouth of the Big Horn 
with 13 men and either constructed a new garrison or 
occupied Fort Benton. 41 Jedediah Smith, at about the 
same time, led another group of Ashley men across the 
Big Horn Mountains to the Big Horn River where he and 
his hands trapped until late November. Smith and party 
then moved across the Owl Creek Mountains into the 
Wind River Valley to spend the winter with a band of Crow 
Indians. 42 

Andrew Henry, following a disappointing season, 
closed the fort, returned to St. Louis in the summer of 
1824, and dissolved the partnership. 43 Ashley continued 
in the fur trade but shifted his operations to the friendlier 
and, as it happened, more lucrative environment of south- 
western Wyoming, eastern Idaho, and northwestern Utah. 

The Wind -Big Horn River did, nonetheless, continue 
to play a role in the Rocky Mountain fur operations. Most 
of the prominent mountain men, as the trappers had 
begun to refer to themselves, traded and trapped on the 
river at one time or another during the remaining years 
of active beaver hunting, generally from 1825 to 1840. 44 


On at least two occasions, once in 1825 45 and again in 
1833, 46 the lower Big Horn was used as a waterway to 
transport furs to market, 47 and the Wind River Valley 
hosted major rendezvous in 1829, 48 1830 49 and 1838. 50 
Finally, in 1832, a relative newcomer to the region, the 
American Fur Company, built the last fur post to be 
located at the mouth of the Big Horn. 51 Fort Cass 52 ser- 
viced the Crow until 1835, when it was vacated in favor 
of the safer environs of the Rosebud River. 53 

Because the Wind-Big Horn River seemed to offer 
both security and economic opportunity, it served as the 
cutting edge for our nation's first attempt to exploit the 
economic resources of the northern Rocky Mountain area. 
Although the river no longer served as the hub of fur trade 
activity after 1811, it continued to attract American trap- 
pers for many years thereafter. Their presence had the 
geopolitical consequences of precluding permanent British 
occupation of the region and providing a firm basis for 
American territorial claims. 

1 . It is possible but unlikely that the Verendrye expedition of 1742-43 
got as far west as the Wind-Big Horn River. For the most recent 
interpretation regarding the itinerary of the Verendrye brothers, 
see G. Herbert Smith (W. Raymond Wood, ed.), The Explora- 
tions of the La Verendryes in the Northern Plains, 1738-43, (Lin- 
coln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), pp. 

2. "Trudeau's (Truteau's) Description of the Upper Missouri" in A. 
P. Nasatir, (ed.), Before Lewis and Clark: Documents Illustrating 
the History of the Missouri, 1785-1804, (St. Louis Historical 

Documents Foundation, 1952) 


3. Charles Le Raye may have preceded Larocque into the Crow 
homeland. He claimed to have visited the Big Horn and 
Yellowstone Rivers in 1802 as a captive of the Sioux. However, 
his descriptions of Indian tribes encountered and of his itinerary 
give rise to doubts about the authenticity of his account. The 
reader is invited to draw their own conclusions by consulting "The 
Journal of Charles Le Raye," South Dakota Historical Collections. 
5 (1905), pp. 150-180. 

4. Ruth Hazlitt, (ed.). The Journal of Francois Antoine Larocque 
from the Assiniboine River to the Yellowstone, 1805, (Missoula: 
University of Montana, Sources of Northwest History, n.d.) pp. 

5. Meriwether Lewis and William Clark (Reuben Gold Thwaites, 
ed.), Original journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, (New 
York: Arno Press, 1969), 5, p. 296. 

6. Letter, Thomas Jefferson to Meriwether Lewis, January 22, 1804, 
in Donald Jackson, Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition 
with Related Documents, 1783-1854, (Urbana: University of Illi- 
nois Press), pp. 165-166. 

7. Lewis and Clark, Original Journals, p. 320. 

8. Letter, Meriwether Lewis to Thomas Jefferson, September 23, 
1806, in Jackson, Letters, p. 321. 

9. Nathaniel J. Wyeth observed in 1833 that, for a large stream, 
the lower Big Horn offered the best trapping in the Rocky Moun- 
tains. Frederick G. Young, (ed.). The Correspondence andjour- 
nals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth, (New York: Arno Press, 
1973), p. 207. 

10. House Document No. 117, Serial 136, 19th Congress, 1st Session. 

1 1 . Henry Alexander and David Thompson (Elliot Coues, ed.), The 
Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and of David Thomp- 
son, 1799-1814, (Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, Inc., 1965), 1, 
pp. 398-399. 

12. Ibid., 2, p. 720. 

13. Senate Document No. 69, Serial 181, 20th Congress, 2nd Ses 
sion; Letter, Manuel Lisa to the Spaniards of New Mexico 
September 8, 1812, in Herbert E. Bolton, "New Light on Manue 
Lisa and the Spanish Fur Trade," Southwestern Historical 
Quarterly, 17 (1913), pp. 61-66. 

14. Reuben Holmes, "The Five Scalps," Glimpses of the Past, b' r 
(1938), p. 8. Edward Rose can be considered to be the first Euro 
American inhabitant of the Big Horn region in that he lived inter 
mittently among the Crow from 1807 until his death in 1833 
For other references to Rose, see "Journey of Mr. Hunt and his 
Companions from St. Louis to the Mouth of the Columbia b) 
a New Route Across the Rocky Mountains," in Appendix to Philip 
Ashton Rollins, (ed.), The Discovery of the Oregon Trail: Robert 
Stuart's Narratives, (New York and London: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, 1935), pp. 284-285; James H. Bradley, "Affairs at Fort Ben 
ton from 1831 to 1869," Contributions, Historical Society of Mon 
tana, 3 (1900), p. 263; James P. Beckwourth as told to Thomas 
D. Bonner (Delmont R. Oswald, ed.), The Life and Adventurer 
of James P. Beckwourth, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1972), pp. 83-84, 253-257, 259; and Washington Irving (Edgely 
Todd, ed.), The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A. in 
the Rocky Mountains and the Far West, (Norman: University 
of Oklahoma Press, 1961), pp. 166-168. 

15. Henry Marie Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana: Together with 
a Journal of a Voyage up the Missouri River, in 1811, (Chicago: 
Quadrangle Books, Inc., 1962), p. 92. John Colter, who had beer 
with Lewis and Clark, left the expedition on its return trip down 
the Missouri River to trap and trade on the Yellowstone with For 
rest Handcock and Joseph Dixon during the fall and winter ol 
1806-1807. On his voyage upriver in 1807, Lisa encountered Col 
ter, returning to civilization, at the mouth of the Platte and per- 
suaded him to join the expedition. Other Lewis and Clark veterans 
who accompanied Lisa to the mouth of the Big Horn in 1807, 
included George Drouillard, Edward Robinson, Peter Wiser and 
John Potts. 

16. Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville, p. 173; Hiram Mar- 
tin Chittenden and Alfred Talbot Richardson, (eds.), Life, Let- 
ters and Travels of Father de Smet, (New York: Arno Press and 
the New York Times, 1969), 2, p. 660; Frances Fuller Victor, 
River of the West, (Oakland: Brooks-Sterling Company, 1974), 
p. 80. 

17. "Map and Notes by William Clark, Based on Information Fur 
nished him by George Drouillard, 1809," Missouri Historica, 
Society, has been reproduced in M. O. Skarsten, Georgt 
Drouillard: Hunter and Interpreter for Lewis and Clark, and Fui 
Trader, 1807-1810, (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company,) 
1964), p. 339. 

18. Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 92. 

19. Letter, Pierre Menard to Adrien Langlois, October 7, 1809 
Kaskasia Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 

20. Senate Document No. 90, Serial 213, 22nd Congress, 1st Session: 
Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 92. 

21. Ibid. 

22. Letter, Pierre Menard to Adrien Langlois, October 7, 1809. 

23. Letter, Reuben Lewis to Meriwether Lewis, April 21, 1810 
Meriwether Lewis Collection, Missouri Historical Society. Reuber 
Lewis represented the interests of his brother and those of Williarr 
Clark in the Missouri Fur Company. He was an active partici 
pant in the operations of the firm until it temporarily withdrew 
from Crow country in the summer of 1813. 

24. The most detailed account of this sequence of events is founc 
in Thomas James (Milo Milton Quaife, ed.), Three Years Amon£ 
the Indians and Mexicans, (New York: The Citadel Press, 1966) 
pp. 64-84. For other accounts, see Louisiana Gazette, July 26 
1810, in Skarsten, George Drouillard, pp. 310-312; and Alex 
ander and Thompson, Manuscript Journals, 2, p. 735. 


Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 39; Senate Document No. 

Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, pp. 199-200. 
Hunt and party started up the Missouri River on March 14, 1811. 
They left the river at the Arikara villages, striking a westerly course 
for the Big Horn Mountains. After crossing the mountains to No 
Wood River, they turned south to follow the river to its source. 
From this point their route took them up the Wind River and 
on to the Pacific Coast. The most complete account of the Hunt 
expedition is Rollins, "Journey of Mr. Hunt." pp. 281-328. Other 
references to this journey are: "Expedition of Mr. Hunt" in 
Appendix III, John Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, 
(Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1966), pp. 222-233; Gabriel 
Franchere (Hoyt C. Franchere, ed.), Adventure at Astoria, 
18101814, (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1964), pp. 
64-67; and Edwin James, Account of an Expedition from Pitts- 
burgh to the Rocky Mountains, (Ann Arbor: University 
Microfilms, Inc., 1966), pp. 465-466. 
Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 233. 
The last reference to Fort Raymond found indicates that it was 
still occupied in March of 1811. Alexander and Thompson, 
Manuscript Journals , 2, p. 732. There is evidence which suggests 
that Lisa ordered another post built at the mouth of the Big Horn 
in 1812. Bolton, "New Light," p. 63. 

John C. Luttig (Stella M. Drumm, ed.). Journal of a Fur Trading 
Expedition on the Upper Missouri, 1812-1813, (New York: 
Argosy-Antiquarian, Ltd., 1964), pp. 77, 100-105. 
For specific instances of increased hostility, see Ibid., pp. 107-108, 
122-124. American traders almost always attributed Indian 
intransigence to British instigation. 

Charles E. Peterson, "Deposition and Interrogation of Michael 
Immel, June 25, 1821," Bulletin, Missouri Historical Society, 4 
(1948), p. 79. 

Even the redoubtable Edward Rose found it convenient to 
withdraw from the area in 1813. He did not return until 1822. 
Holmes, "Five Scalps", Glimpses of the Past, pp. 39, 43. 
Senate Document No. 56, Serial 89, 18th Congress, 1st Session; 
Senate Document No. 90. 

Jones, a resident of St. Louis, was a newcomer to the Rocky Moun- 
tain fur trade. Immel, on the other hand, was a veteran fur trader 
who had served under Andrew Henry at Fort Raymond and in 
the Three Forks region. 
Senate Document No. 90. 

Letter, Benjamin O'Fallon to Ramsay Crooks, July 10, 1823, 
Chouteau Collection, Missouri Historical Society. 
Letter, William Gordon to Joshua Pilcher, June 15, 1823, in "The 
International Significance of the Jones and Immel Massacre and 
of the Arikara Outbreak in 1823," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, 
30 (1939), pp. 100-101; Letter, Benjamin O'Fallon to William 
Clark, July 3, 1823, in James H. Bradley (Edgar I. Stewart, ed.), 
The March of the Montana Column: A Prelude to the Custer 
Disaster, (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), pp. 

Senate Document No. 89. 
Maurice S. Sullivan, The Travels ofjedediah Smith: A Documen- 

tary Outline, Including the Journal of the Great American 
Pathfinder, (Santa Ana: The Fine Arts Press, 1934), pp. 8-10. 

41. Letter, Daniel T. Potts to Robert Tower Potts, July 16, 1826, 
in Charles L. Camp, "The DTP. Letters," Essays for Henry 
Raup Warner, (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 
1947), p. 6; Letter, Daniel T. Potts to Thomas Cochlen, July 7, 
1824, in Dale L. Morgan, (ed.), The West of William Ashley, 
(Denver: The Old West Publishing Company, 1964), pp. 79-80; 
St. Louis Enquirer, June 7, 1824, in Ibid., p. 76. 

42. Charles L. Camp, (ed.), James Clyman, Frontiersman The 
Adventures of a Trapper and Covered-wagon Emigrant as Told 
in his own Reminiscences and Diaries, (Portland: Champoeg 
Press, 1960), pp. 17-21. 

43. Letter Henry Leavenworth to Alexander Macomb, December 20, 
1823, in Camp, West of William Ashley, p. 68. 

44. For accounts of major trapping and trading expeditions along 
the river: Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville, pp. 174-185; 
Victor, River of the West, pp. 57-58, 179; Zenas Leonard (John 
C. Ewers, ed.), Zenas Leonard, Fur Trader, (Norman: Univer- 
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1959), pp. 26, 74, 77-84; Christopher 
Carson (Milo Milton Quaife, ed.), Kit Carson's Autobiography, 
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1935), pp. 45, 47-48; 
Dorothy O. Johansen, (ed.), Robert Newell's Memoranda, 
(Portland: Champoeg Press. 1959), pp. 34-37; Stephan Hall Meek 
(Arthur Woodward, ed.), The Autobiography of a Mountain 
Man: 1805-1889, (Pasadena: Glen Dawson, 1948). pp. 4-5: and 
Osborne Russell (Aubrey L. Haines, ed.), Osborne Russell'sjour- 
nal of a Trapper, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
reprinted from 1955 edition), pp 56-58, 68-73. 

45. Beckwourth, Life and Adventures, pp. 77-81; "Ashley Narrative" 
in Morgan, West of William Ashley, pp. 129-130. 

46. Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville , pp. 174-178; Young, 
Correspondence and Journals, pp. 208-210; Charles Larpenteur 
(Elliott Coues, ed.), Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper 
Missouri: The Personal Narrative of Charles Larpenteur, (Min- 
neapolis: Ross & Haines, Inc., 1962), pp. 38-46. 

47. Most Wyoming historians have erroneously placed the Big Horn 
River head of navigation at the lower end of the Wind River Can- 
yon. See, for example, T. A. Larson, Wyoming: A Bicentennial 
History, (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1977), 
p. 27; Charles Lindsay, The Big Horn Basin, (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Studies, 1932), p. 37; and David J. Wasden, From 
Beaver to Oil: A Century in the Development of Wyoming's Big 
Horn Basin, (Cheyenne: Pioneer Printing and Stationery Co., 
1973), p. 24. As the citations in the two previous footnotes clearly 
demonstrate, the head of navigation was rather at the lower end 
of the Big Horn Canyon. 

48. Victor, River of the West, pp. 48-49. 

49. Ibid., p. 89. 

50. Johansen, Robert Newell's Memoranda, p. 37; Carson, Kit Car- 
son's Autobiography, p. 56. 

51. Larpenteur, Forty Years, p. 115 

52. For a description of Fort Cass, see Young, Correspondence and 
Journals, p. 211. 

53. Annie Heloise Abel, (ed.), Chardon's Journal at Fort Clark: 
1834-1839, (Freeport: Books for Libraries Press, 1970), p. 380. 



The West of Wild Bill Hickok. By Joseph G. Rosa. 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982). 
Index. Illus. 233 pp. Cloth, $25.95. 

In The West of Wild Bill Hickok, Joseph G. Rosa has 
presented an impressive array of some 168 photographic 
plates that depict the life and times of James Butler 
Hickok. The volume is an "impressive picture book" that 
includes brief, but sufficient, biographical text to accom- 
pany the photographic parade. 

Rosa's preface provides a nutshell history of 19th cen- 
tury photography. The author notes that, interestingly, 
Hickok's lifetime (1837-76) "spanned the very period that 
gave birth to photography and witnessed many of its 
improvements." Further, Hickok was no more afraid of 
the camera than he was gun-shy. During his lifetime, he 
almost constantly attracted photographers and reporters. 
Hickok himself once stated, "I am sort of public property." 

In the introduction, Rosa presents a compendious his- 
torical essay of the Wild Bill Hickok that has been given 
to photography. The author provides insight to the 
exhaustive process of attempting to identify, place and 
credit the photographs. The research required in sorting 
such confusion must have been especially difficult in light 
of the legend surrounding Hickok. Rosa's introductory 
remarks make for an interesting springboard into the bulk 
of the book. 

The first chapter covers Hickok from his birth in Illi- 
nois to the outbreak of the Civil War (1837-61). Among 
the photographs in this chapter are those showing Hickok's 
birthplace and family. Also included are key figures in 
the fighting between the Kansas "Free Staters" and the 
Missouri "Border Ruffians" that enveloped Hickok. There 
is a noticeable void of photographs that would depict 
Hickok's early years in Illinois, but this, of course, is 
through no fault of Rosa. 

Chapter two presents plates of Hickok's involvement 
in the Civil War as a Union soldier (1861-65). Rosa states 
that Hickok's various employment duties included wagon 
master, scout, sharpshooter, policeman, detective and 
perhaps spy. Hence, the impetus that Hickok's true Civil 
War adventures should become mixed with fiction. It was 
during the Civil War that Hickok became known to others 

as "Wild Bill." The plates in this chapter center on Civi 
War personalities with whom Hickok was associated ii 
one way or another, and several sketches of Wild Bill tha 
appeared in an 1867 issue of Harper's New Mont hi 
Magazine. The latter do their measure of perpetuatini 
the Hickok legend. 

Following the Civil War, the War Departmen; 
became engaged in Indian affairs, attempting peact 
through agreement or by force. Rosa's third chaptei 
focuses on Hickok's spotty post-war service to the arm; 
as a guide (1866-69). Part of Hickok's military assignmen 
was with the famous Seventh Cavalry, commanded b\ 
Lieutenant Colonel George Armstong Custer. The photo 
graphs here include several excellent ones of Hickok, a; 
well as a good variety that portray the people and place; 
of Hickok's army involvement during that time. 

The next chapter addresses Hickok as peace officei 
and pistoleer (1869-71). As acting sheriff of Hays City, 
he brought order to a town that, in its hitherto shori 
history had rapidly earned a reputation for lawlessness 
Later, as marshal of Abilene, he was successful in reg 
ulating the town's gambling, prostitution and rough 
housing caused by the growing cattle trade, of which 
Abilene was a major stop. His bout as Abilene's marsha 
gained Hickok a "reputation that, with time, became ar 
important part of the legend." The photographs in thi,' 
section present a good assortment of the elements of thi; 
period in Hickok's life, as well as documents bearing hi; 
handwriting and signature, pistols reported to have beer 
his, and some superb photographs of Hickok himself. 

Chapter five accounts for Hickok's life as showmar 
(1872-74), which he grew to dislike. His initial theatrica 
appearance was as master of ceremonies for a show at 
Niagara Falls, New York, in August of 1872. In mid-1873 
he joined Buffalo Bill Cody in a like adventure. Thi; 
period of Wild Bill's life was not all staged, however. Aftei 
returning from Niagara Falls, Hickok attended the annua 
Kansas City Fair as a spectator. When a group of some 
50 Texans disrupted the band, Wild Bill confronted them 
despite their pistols "presented at William's head," anc 
restored order. The photographs contained here are pri 
marily individuals Wild Bill encountered in his show 
endeavors. Those of Hickok himself include advertise 


hnents for various shows and what Rosa asserts is "perhaps 
lis most famous portrait" - Wild Bill in buckskins. 

The final chapter deals with the last years of Hickok's 
ife (1874-76). Rosa points out that Hickok's activities dur- 
ng this time are obscure, since "only scattered mention 
if him is found in the press." With Cheyenne as his base, 
le traveled a good deal and, in July of 1876, journeyed 
o the Black Hills in an attempt to secure funds through 
he gold rush there to support his new bride. His actions 
here and at least one letter to his wife evince the fact 
hat Hickok had, by this time, become quite aware of his 
nemies and their desire to do him in. On an afternoon 
,'n August, while playing poker, he was murdered by a 
bcal laborer named Jack McCall. Rosa records several 
'urious stories revolving around Wild Bill's death, all of 
/hich add to the legend of the historical Wild Bill Hickok. 
'ncluded along with photographs of Hickok are those of 
he Deadwood clientele, Hickok's wife, and his final 
esting place. 

Rosa handles the historical Hickok admirably, dispel - 
ing certain tall tales and noting Hickok's constant con- 
'ern for family and friends. Due to the limited amount 
if text, one can, in a single sitting, grasp a feel for the 
Weadth of Hickok's life. The book is recommended 
'eading to the historian and enthusiast alike. 

Rosa has authored several books and articles on the 
Vest, of which The West of Wild Bill Hickok is without 
loubt a commendable addition. Certainly, the book 
/ould make an appropriate companion to Rosa's They 
Called Him Wild Bill: The Life and Adventures of James 
iutler Hickok. The West of Wild Bill Hickok does indeed 
ffer a superb photographic montage of Hickok's fami- 
ly, friends, foes and the places that knew him. Yet, to 
ielieve that the plates contained in his work make up 
'lmost the entire existing collection of what history has 
'llowed to remain of Wild Bill Hickok is difficult, but 
:nakes Rosa's endeavor seem even more valuable. 

Scott T. Tubbs 

'"he reviewer is a social studies educator with the Rapid City public 
"hool system. 

Deep Enough: A Working Stiff in the Western 
Mine Camps. By Frank A. Crampton. Foreword 
by W. H. Hutchinson. (Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1982). Illustrations. Maps. 
Index. 281 pp. $16.95. 

In the vernacular of the hard-rock miner, the phrase 
deep enough" expresses the attitude of "I don't care" or 
I've had it." When things get "deep enough," it is time 
o move on to another mine or some other venture. This 
tutobiography relates the varied experiences of one rather 

unusual hard-rock stiff, Frank Crampton, over the first 
30 years of his life. 

Crampton was born into a well-to-do and socially 
prominent New York City family in 1888. He led a very 
mischievous childhood and adolescence, despite receiv- 
ing a military academy education. Like many other scions 
of wealthy Eastern families, he headed West to make his 
fortune after finding college not to his liking. Crampton 
left his family in 1904 at the age of 16, and in Chicago 
fell into the hands of two bindle stiffs, John T. Harrington 
(John T.) and Michael Sullivan (Sully). These two men 
became Crampton's life-long friends and associates, and 
from them the city boy learned the life of a hard-rock 

During his practical education, Crampton became 
adept at the single and double-jack method of drilling 
into a mine wall, handling powder, tamping explosive 
charges and spitting a fuse. To this, he added his own 
basic education, ambition and natural curiousity to rise 
within the mining profession. Ultimately, Crampton 
worked as an assayer, surveyor and engineer, as well as 
a miner. Still, he never forgot what it was like to labor 
underground, and he remained a member of the Western 
Federation of Miners and Industrial Workers of the World 
throughout his career in the mines of California, Arizona, 
Nevada, Utah and Colorado during the first two decades 
of the 20th century. 

This book is most valuable as a primary document 
of Western mining at a time in which it was becoming 
less individualistic and increasingly industrialized. Cramp- 
ton's reminiscences include some of the romantic aspects 
usually attributed to the individualistic mining frontier. 
Gambling halls and prostitution, for example, receive 
ample and often favorable attention. Of the latter, he 
writes that "the girls of the line were real women beneath 
their coldly-warm exterior, and not many were the hard- 
shelled harlots they have all been pictured." 

Crampton also recounts the revelry attached to drill- 
ing contests, the practical jokes played on naive green- 
horns and the colorful personalities of prospectors and 
desert rats. An example was French -born John Lamoigne, 
who with his one great discovery built a castle in Death 
Valley, only to blow it up when settling in one location 
proved impossible to his roaming nature. 

In addition to the romance, Crampton also reveals 
some of the harsh realities of industrialized mining. 
Undoubtedly, the most gripping chapter in the book con- 
cerns the author's ten-day entombment in a Utah mine. 
He clearly blames the company's lax attitude toward safety 
for the cave-in which trapped him and nineteen other men 
underground for what seemed to them an eternity. The 
notion that "men are cheaper than timber" character- 
ized the attitude of operators of this mine, and many 
others. According to the eyewitness account of Cramp- 
ton, a similar position on the part of Colorado Fuel and 


Iron led to the Ludlow Massacre in the southern Colorado 

The author also accurately portrays the inherent 
dangers of hard-rock mining, especially in the use of 
explosives. Indeed, Crampton's good friend Sully died 
when a metal cleaning spoon he was using to tamp down 
the powder in a drill-hole apparently caused a spark which 
ignited the charge. 

For all its strength as a document of Western mining 
during a period of transition, however, Deep Enough 
should be approached with some caution. Regardless of 
the implication of his subtitle, Crampton can hardly be 
considered the typical hard-rock stiff. He was well-bred, 
very articulate and sufficiently educated to rise to some 
prominence within the mining profession. Furthermore, 
his New York background provided him contacts with 
Eastern investors for ventures initiated by the mining firm 
he established with his brother. 

In reality, Frank Crampton represents an amalgam 
of two characters of Western mining; the hard-rock miners 
recently written about by Ronald C. Brown and Richard 
E. Lingenfelter, and the mining engineers studied by 
Clark C. Spence over a decade ago. 

Nevertheless, this is but a minor criticism. On the 
whole, this is an enjoyable and valuable firsthand account 
of Western mining during the early 20th century. 
Although Crampton never worked in Wyoming, those 
interested in Wyoming mining history will benefit from 
the good mining information in this book. It captures both 
the romance and reality of Western mining during this 
often neglected period. The University of Oklahoma has 
done a fine and very professional job in reprinting this 
classic first published in 1956, now with several new 
photographs and maps. 

Bill Bryans 

The reviewer is a graduate student m the Department of History, 
University of Wyoming. 

Land Use, Environment , and Social Change: The 
Shaping of Island County, Washington. By 
Richard White. (Seattle: University of 
Washington Press, 1980). Maps, Illus. Index. Bib. 
246 pp. $12.95. 

Land Use, Environment, and Social Change is writ- 
ten with the premise that "social history, political history, 
and natural history are the three horses pulling the chariot 
of the study of people and their relationship with the 
natural environment. But historians have been reluctant 
to acknowledge their horses, let alone harness them." 
Richard White's study of Island County, Washington, is 
an initial attempt to redress the academic oversight of 
not pursuing environmental history. As a pioneering effort 
it is a very good one, although it is marred with an occa- 
sional lapse of balance or perspective. 

Land Use, Environment, and Social Change ampl 
demonstrates the impact human land use has on the env> 
ronment. For example, it details how the market pric 
of barley affects how much was planted, harvested, th! 
consequences for soil composition and water retention 
the introduction of invading flora and fauna, and th 
future productivity and options available for that land 
site. White's examples are usually well documented an 
statistically shored up, no matter if his subject is bull tear 
logging or the coming of large scale recreation to Islam 
County. His statistical examples are particularly wei 
drawn since his subject is an island county — a nea 
geographical and political unit. 

In this study White goes out of his way to demonstrat 
that native Americans, in this case the Salish tribes, wer 
not environmental saints. The four tribes of Salish peo 
pie living on Whidbey and Camano Islands did signifi 
cantly alter the island environment with their industria 
and agricultural pursuits. White belabors the point tha 
native Americans were agents of environmental change 
His error is one of degree, not substance. While the Salisi 
altered the environment, the later tenants, the Anglo 
Americans, changed it. 

The original well-balanced analysis of the boo 
becomes skewed when the subject becomes more current 
Rather than affirming his three part schema of political 
social and natural history as a balanced view of history 
the analysis slips closely toward becoming an environ 
mental diatribe. The old, passe, concept of environment 
determinism can be inferred in some passages. 

The flaws of this book are few and small in scope fo 
such an important and novel text. Land Use, Environ 
ment, and Social Change is being touted as a "mode 
study" by many environmental historians. The detailei 
examination of environmental changes wrought by socia 
and political forces should be adapted by others. Indeed 
the question about Land Use, Environment , and Socia 
Change is when will such a study occur in Wyoming: 

Timothy S. Cochrane 

The reviewer is with the Folklore Department at the University c 
Indiana, Bloommgton. 

Texas Graveyards, a Cultural Legacy. By Terry 
G. Jordan (Austin: University of Texas Press, 
1982) Index. Bibliography. Notes. Illustrations. 
220 pp. $19.95 

As a genealogist continually searching for elusiv 
names and dates, I found this book on Texas graveyard 
rather unusual. The author makes it clear from page 1 
however, that he has no genealogical interests, and hi 
only goal was to preserve the cultures of Texas. Whei 
I accepted this fact, my perceptions changed and I rapidl 
became interested in what Mr. Jordan had to say. 



This is not a book the average person would pick for 
nday afternoon light reading. Realizing this, the author 
bok the time to arrange this material so even a casual 
pader could rapidly involve himself by taking his pick 
)f the several racial and ethnic groups that provide 
fcmarkable clues to the shaping of southern and Texas 

Mr. Jordan brought home several basic points with 
>hich the reviewer can easily agree. He found the rural 
oik do not distinquish so sharply between life and death 
s we from the cities and universities. "Death is, for them, 
htertwined so tightly with life as to be inseparable." In 
,ie rural burial grounds is found one of the last refuges 
'f folk culture. The author feels that no where else is it 
Possible to look so deeply into our people's past. Tradi- 
tional graveyards are endangered and our modern com- 
mercial cemetery will likely obliterate most of the distinc- 
tive elements of our traditional burial grounds. Our pres- 
pt generation may be the last to have access to the rich 
material culture of the folk cemetery. 

For 20 years Terry Jordan has tramped Texas cem- 
Jteries involved in a systematic study of its pioneers' 

! ulture. This book is divided into three distinct parts: 
outhern Folk, Hispanic-American and German. The 
uthor acknowledges that other people (Cajun French, 
'■lavs, Jews and Scandinavians) have contributed to Texas 
f ulture, but his inability to read their language, and lack 
if knowledge of their culture forced him to devote his 
.ttention to the peoples he felt he could research 

The Southern folk cemetery in Texas was the sub- 
pct of two chapters, probably because descendants of 
vealthy planters, "Crackers," slaves and southeastern 
ndian tribes are buried there. Many of the graveyards 
ire located on private family property, and the graves 
nay be covered by a small graveshed. The stone, if there 
s one, is usually small with a terse epitaph. The custom 
)f "scraping" was new to me, however, and I became quite 
nterested in explanations for this curious custom of 
emoving all grass from the gravesite. Some told Mr. Jor- 
lan it was "just customary" or "looks nice," and a few 
iaw it as a good way to escape mowing the grass. Others 
elt that "grass on a grave is disrespectful to the dead," 
ind the last word, "Grandpaw killed himself keeping the 
/veeds out of his cotton, and we're not about to let them 
jrow on his grave now!" Obviously, the original reasons 
"or scraping were forgotten generations ago, perhaps in 
Faraway lands. 

Of all the subjects discussed by Mr. Jordan, the sub- 
ject of different tombstones was the most interesting. I 
felt that by learning which type of stone was used by dif- 
ferent cultures, the knowledge would become useful to 
my genealogical research. We in Wyoming are most fam- 
iliar with the wooden marker, and like here, Texas has 
few left, and most are unreadable. In addition, hand- 
carved native stones, so painstakingly worked, were lovely 

to study, even in pictures. Mr. Jordan found Southerners 
are not, and never have been, big epitaph writers. Very 
few lengthy, poetic or humorous inscriptions are found 
in Texas. 

The Hispanics chapter shows diverse cultural contri- 
butions from the Castilian to Indian. In frontier times, 
few Spanish settlement cemeteries used markers. The 
priest merely made an entry in the Book of Burials kept 
at each church. Later, when markers were put up, wood 
was the preferred material, and is still dominant today. 
The author found no Hispanic marker in Texas over a 
century old. Special pictures of the "nicos" (a small pic- 
ture of the deceased or saint's image in a small hollow 
with a crucifix) were delightful, and certainly added to 
this chapter, so carefully researched by the author. 

The Texas German graveyard was like stepping into 
a completely different world. In the "old country" the 
churchyard cemetery was used for generations of families. 
However, like many cultures, the German had to adapt 
to our harsher reality. The difficulty of transporting bodies 
to town explains the German adoption of rural burials. 
Instead of family plots, the Texas Germans usually bury 
only the man and wife side by side. Plots are not privately 
owned, and the precise place of burial is determined by 
sequence of death. One row might contain deaths in 1917, 
and the next, 1918. Separate sections for children were 
also used. 

As a person who deals with searching lives of our 
ancestors, I have always held the belief that to understand 
the history of a community, culture or just a family, study 
the nearby cemetery! Mr. Jordan feels the same way, and 
has gone even further to record how this culture affected 
the way of life then and now. The author also feels strongly 
about climate and mindless vandals who bring steady 
destruction to our graveyards , but concedes we cannot 
rescue folk culture intact. Much can be done, however, 
to record, as Mr. Jordan has, the diverse cultures 
throughout the United States. He concludes with some 
thoughts to guide us: "We should undertake this preser- 
vation effort not just because a priceless legacy of beautiful 
traditional art and craftsmanship is endangered, but also 
because folk graveyards are such revealing and remarkable 
records of our several cultural heritages. These special 
places are not just repositories for our dead, but actually 
museums full of obvious and subtle reminders from our 
ancient past and distant, diverse ancestral homelands." 

Final pages of notes on each chapter and a large 
bibliography and index will act as an invaluable guide 
for anyone undertaking this type of research in other areas 
of our country. An unusual and most satisfying occupa- 
tion awaits someone interested in art, culture and our 
special heritages — after all, that is history in a very fine 
sense of the word. 

Sharon Lass Field 

The reviewer is a freelance researcher and genealogist who directs the 
WSHS Graves and Cemeteries Project. 


Identifying American Furniture, Colonial to Con- 
temporary. By Milo Naeve. (Nashville: American 
Association for State and Local History, 1981) 
Index. IIIus. Reading List. 87 pp. Cloth, $14; The 
Tasteful Interlude, American Interiors Through 
the Camera's Eye, 1860-1917. By William Seale. 
(Nashville: American Association for State and 
Local History, 1975) (rev. ed., 1981) Index. Illus. 
284 pp. Paper $14. 

The American Association for State and Local History 
has a reputation for publishing useful books regarding 
the study of history. These fine volumes treat with all 
aspects of that humanist discipline, including artifacts, 
architecture, oral history, documents, archaeology and 
even the law in relation to history. There are nearly 50 
works in all, and one finds them read by amateur and 
professional alike. 

Two recent releases are Identifying American Fur- 
niture by Milo M. Naeve and a second edition, revised 
and enlarged, of William Seale's The Tasteful Interlude. 
Because they both deal with American furniture and inte- 
riors, they will probably be enormously popular and very 
well may be cited again and again in the coming years 
as sources on the subjects. Both provide useful data and, 
if appraised and relied upon in the proper context, they 
should be counted as solid research tools. 

The first publication mentioned, Identifying 
American Furniture, deals with the styles and kinds of 
furniture produced in the U.S. from the early 17th cen- 
tury to the present. It is filled with photographic illustra- 
tions and is replete with list after list of furniture ter- 
minology. The anatomical terms associated with furniture 
construction are included, and this is certainly helpful 
to those wishing to familiarize themselves with the various 
parts of any chair, table or chest. One learns, for exam- 
ple, that a table sometimes has an apron, a chair has a 
splat, and cabinets may feature balusters. 

Each particular style is allocated two pages, with 
photographs on the reader's left, and the text informa- 
tion on the right. For the most part, the information pro- 
vided is concise and to the point. While there is nothing 
in the preface or in the promotional material to indicate 
such, one perceives that the book was designed as a 
museum guide or a shopping guide. It is approximately 
six inches by nine inches, and a scant half an inch thick, 
making it easy to tuck into purse or pocket. Because of 
its small size, layout style and absence of weight, it can 
be carried about to museums, historic houses and antique 
shops. Readers can quickly flip from one section to 
another, examining various styles of period furnishings. 
It should be noted that this shoppers/museum format 
closely follows that used in the excellent Identifying 
American Architecture by John J. G. Blumenson. 

While the book is certainly useful in some instances, 
there are certain shortcomings that this reviewer feels 
should be examined. To be specific, the section devoted 

to Victorian era furnishings seems to be wanting in some 
areas and confusing in others. Some styles are not precisely 
defined or are given definitions that contradict ones 
previously established by authorities other than the authoi 
of this volume. 

Granted, there are built in difficulties in identifying 
Victorian pieces. Many items are eclectic blends of twc 
or more styles. As well, some Victorian styles were known 
by more than one name. This information should have 
been clearly established in the preface to prepare the 
reader for inconsistencies and to thwart confusion. 

For example, the "Naturalistic Style" discussed or 
page 37 is also commonly known as "Belter Style." Johr 
H. Belter is credited with creating two pieces illustrated, 
but his influence on the period is ignored. Duncan Phyfe 
was certainly an important furniture maker and a style 
still popular today bears his name. He, too, is given sparse 
attention. One of his settees is used as an illustration and 
is called "Classical." A simple a.k.a. in each case would 
have been fine. 

A Leon Marcotte table in the holdings of the Metro 
politan Museum of Art has used an example of "Loui; 
XVI" on page 39. Katherine Morrison McClinton, authoi 
of seven books on antiques and decorative arts, states thai 
the same table is "Renaissance Revival" in her work, Col 
lecting American Victorian Antiques. A bed Mrs. McClin 
ton and the editors of The American Heritage History 
of Antiques would categorize as "Renaissance Revival' 
is considered "Neo-Greek" in Identifying Americar 
Furniture . 

As stated previously, this all leads to confusion. A brie 
group of statements indicating that styles were combinec 
by creative and enthusiastic Victorian furniture maker: 
would have eliminated this problem. Again, a.k.a.'s wouk 
have been sufficient. 

Wicker porch furniture is completely ignored anc 
lovers of that species will be disappointed. It is rather lik< 
a book on Victorian architecture that ignores porche: 

A rationale for the omissions and confusion must exist 
While the book can and should be used, exercise a littli 
caution if you use the section devoted to mid-1 9th cen 
tury furnishings. 

The second book under consideration, The Tastefu 
Interlude is certainly one of the most enchanting and mos 
enduring books in some time. It is a collection of ove: 
250 photographs of rooms designed and decorated by ou 
Victorian and Edwardian ancestors. Each photograph i 
accompanied by a most informative text explaining tht 
room — who owned it, what kind of furniture is in it 
the styles used and the approximate date of the photo 
graph. Included in the book are rooms from a mininj 
shanty in Colorado, the mansion of Leland Stanford, th( 
parlor of a Honolulu home owned by a Chinese emigrant 
the bedroom of a 1900 Helena, Montana, girl and man; 
other such living spaces. 

The book is enchanting because it transports tht 


eader to an altogether different era and shows honestly 
ow people put their environments together. It is endur- 
lg because the reader can spend hours with it. Subse- 
uent perusals reveal new and more details in nearly every 
hotograph. It never gets old. It is always fresh. 

The information in the 17-page introduction is exceed- 
lgly helpful in that it provides the reader with a good 
verview of all Victorian furniture. It explains the pro- 
enance of each style, the rationale for the creation of 
le style and fine facts about innovators. Seale points out 
rat many Victorian styles were "revivals" both creative 
nd historical. It goes without saying that the Victorian 
nagination soared when it produced furniture considered 
Icreative revival." A glance through the book certainly 
^11 indicate to the reader just how creative the furniture 
jesigners were. 

Seale's discussion of the difference between style and 
iste is particularly perceptive. He points out that style 
ertained to design themes and that taste was construed 
mean judgment. He says, "a house was expected to be 
lot only an essay on the intellectual judgment of its prin- 
pal inhabitants but a lesson in judgment for the young." 
I"hat knowledge helps the reader better understand the 
oms he enters through the book. 

There are remarks on trends, not only in furniture, 
'ut in the manner in which furniture was arranged in 
he rooms. When homes were lit by gaslight, lamp, or 
■andle, items were arranged in clusters around the illum- 
liation. Later, it was thought finer to incorporate the fur- 
ishings into the architecture of the room and structure. 

The Tasteful Interlude is a wonderful adventure. It 
I recommended for both serious study of furniture and 
elated artifacts and for pure pleasure. Among the many 
Hdividuals who can find a good use for it are those inter - 
5ted in living history, theatre groups, antique hunters, 
imiture restorers, writers, painters and anybody else with 
espect and affection for a fascinating era. Consider this 
<ook an investment, not an expenditure. 

William H. Barton 

the reviewer is Chief of the Historical Research and Publications Dwt- 
on, Wyoming State Archives. Museums and Historical Department, 
le also semes as co-editor of Annals of Wyoming. 

Montana's Righteous Hangmen: The Vigilantes 
in Action Edited by Lew L. Callaway, Jr. (Nor- 
man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982,), 
including contents, list of Illus. Foreword, 
Preface, Notes, Appendices, Index. 233 pp. Cloth 

Throughout his life (1868-1951), Lew L. Callaway, 
luccessful Montana lawyer and prominent Chief Justice 
if the Montana Supreme Court, was fascinated by the 
iieriod from 1863-1864 in Montana history, a time marked 
iy the emergence of the extra-legal organization known 

as the vigilantes. Callaway finds an outlet for this fascina- 
tion in Montana !$ Righteous Hangmen, an account of the 
vigilante movement which gains importance due to its 
novel treatment of the role of Capt. James Williams. 

Callaway asserts that James Williams, an individual 
whom other authors (Thomas Dimsdale, The Vigilantes 
of Montana, and Nathaniel P. Langford, Vigilante Days 
and Ways) relegate to an insignificant role in the vigilante 
organization, was actually a key figure in this operation. 
While others indicate that Williams was present at several 
meetings and was involved in some of the group's "sanc- 
tions", Callaway contends that Williams played a pro- 
minent role both as a leader and as an enforcer but 
attempted to maintain anonymity because of his self- 
effacing nature. His sources for this novel interpretation 
included Williams and other former vigilantes with whom 
he talked as a young man while working on a ranch owned 
by his father and Williams in Montana's Ruby Valley in 

In addition to Callaway's unique portrayal of Williams' 
role, he argues that Dimsdale and Langford greatly 
underestimated the size of the vigilante organization. In 
contrast to these earlier accounts, Callaway indicates that 
the vigilante movement included as many as 2,500 men. 
Again, this interpretation is based on information he 
gathered from acquaintances as a young man. 

Callaway's detailed account of the events culminating 
in the hanging of Joseph Slade is another interesting aspect 
of Montana 's Righteous Hangmen. Contrary to other ac- 
counts that examine Slade's part in the vigilante move- 
ment in a cursory manner, Callaway provides a more com- 
prehensive picture of Joseph Slade's character and the 
events leading to his execution by the vigilantes. 

Callaway's book offers several unusual interpretations 
of the vigilante era. However, his assertions regarding 
Williams' leadership role in the movement and the total 
number of men involved in the organization differ drama- 
tically from previously published works. Thus those 
readers familiar with the writings of Dimsdale and 
Langford will undoubtedly question the veracity of 
Callaway's statements. In addition, although Callaway 
differs with the above authors on several points, he relies 
heavily on their work when recounting the major incidents 
of the vigilante period. 

Montana's Righteous Hangmen was previously 
serialized in the Virginia City, Montana, Weekly Madiso- 
nian and published in a limited edition paperback enti- 
tled Two True Tales of the Wild West (1973). This latest 
edition contains numerous photographs and illustrations 
and a detailed map. Although Callaway's book does not 
provide answers to critical questions about Montana's 
vigilantes, it will be welcomed by those readers interested 
in that turbulent era. 

Dan Gallacher 

Gallacher is with Historical Research Associates of Missoula. Montana. 



Algier, Keith, "The Wind-Big Horn River and the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade," 

51-55; biog., 64 
American Fur Company, 35 
Anderson, Sen. Clinton P.. 13 
Architects, Fisher and Fisher, 4-6 
Architect's Small House Service Bureau. 4 
Arrak. Thomas. 6 
Ashley. William, 53 
Atlantic Richfield Company, 8 


Baldwin, Jim. 28 

Baldwin. Sen. Raymond, 11 

Barrett, Sen. Frank, 13; photo, 15 

Barton. William H., review of Identifying American Furniture, Colonial to 

Contemporary, 60-61 
Bash. Maj. Daniel N.. 45 
Benton, Virginia. 46 
Benton. Sen. William. 13 
Bernadi's Exposition Show. 3 
Big Horn River, 51 55 
Bingham, Lt. H. S.. 40 
Blick. Roy. 15. 17 
Bourke. Capt. John, 43 
Bowers. Sgt. Gideon, 40 
Bozeman, John. 32, 36; photo. 36 
Bozeman Trail. 32-50 

"The Bozeman — Trail to Death and Glory," by Sherry L. Smith. 32 50 
Braeuninger, Moritz, 35 
Bridget. Jim 35 

Bridges. Sen. Styles. 14. 17; photo. 15 
Brock, J. Elmer, 25 
Brown. Capt. A. E., 39 
Brown. A. H.. 44 
Brown, Horace, 46 
Brvans, Bill, review of Deep Enough: A Working Stiff m the Western Mine 

Camps, 57-58 
Burlington Railroad, 48 
Burroughs, Capt. George. 40 
Butler Sen. John M.. 12 

Callawav, Lew L..Jr., editor, Montana's Righteous Hangmen The Vigilantes 

m Action, review, 61 
Carlinville, Illinois. 4 
Carrington, Col. H. B . 39-41 
Cassidy. Butch, 23. 26. 30 
Childs, Marquis, 17 
Chisum, Emmett D.. "The Wilcox Train Robbery — Newspapers and Instant 

Mythmaking." 22-31; biog.. 64 
Clark. William. 51-52 
Cochrane, Timothy S , review of Land Use, Environment and Social Change 

The Shaping of Island County, Washington, 58 
Coffinbury, Maj. Cyrus C 37 
Cole. Col. Nelson. 37-38 
Cole. Capt. O. F. . 39 
Colter, John. 52 
Connor, Gen. Patrick E . 37-38 
Conroy, John C, 45 
Consolidated Oil Company. 8 
Cook. Will. 25 

Cooke, Gen. Phillip St. George. 41 
Crampton, Frank A., Deep Enough: A Working Stiff m the Western Mine 

Camps, review, 57-58 
Creglown. Fred D., 6 
Cunningham, Dr P. M., 15. 17 
Custer. Col. George A.. 42 


Daniels. Lt. Napoleon H , 40 

Deep Enough: A Working Stiff m the Western Mine Camps, by Frank A. 

Crampton. review, 57-58 
Denig, Edwin T., 32 
Denton, Rep. Winfield K, 13 
DeSmet. Pierre, 35 
Dodge. Gen. Grenville M., 3 7 
Douglas, Sen. Paul. 13. 18 
Dixon. Daniel. 41 
Drouillard. George, 52 

Edmunds, Gov. Newton, 39 
Eisenhower, Pres. Dwight D., 14 
EK Mountain. 25 

Ewig, Rick. "McCarthy Era Politics: The Ordeal of Senator 
9-21; biog.. 64 

Ferguson. Charles, 44 

Ferris oil field, 3 

Fetterman, Capt. William J., 40-42 

Field, Sharon Lass, review of Texas Graveyards, A Cultural 

Fish. Sam, 24 

Fisher, Arthur, 4 

Fisher. William E.. 4 

Fitzpatrick. Thomas. 39 

Foote, Robert, 46 

Ford, Gen. James, 37 


C. F. Smith (Mont). 41 

Connor, 38-39 

Fetterman, 42 

Laramie, 37. 39-44 

McKinney, 44; photo. 48 

Phil Kearny, 40-41; photo. 40 

Raymond, 52 

Reno, 40-41, 43-44 
Frewen, Moreton, 47 
Fur Trade. 51-55 

Gallacher, Dan, review of Montana's Righteous Hangmen 

in Action, 61 
Gallegos. Rafael. 36 
Gamier. Baptiste. 45 
Garrison. Robert. 5 
Gibbon. Col. John. 42 
Gleason. William H., 44 
Goodhue, Bertram, 5 
Gore, Sir St. George. 35 
Grouard, Frank, 45 


Hackney. Hold and Williams Livestock Company. 47 
Hadsell, Marshal Frank, 26 
Hall, Leonard W. 16 
Hall, J. Tom. 46 


. 47 

Hanna. O. P., 44-45, 
Hart, Col. Verling K 
Hayfield Fight. 41 
Hazen. Sheriff Joe. 24-26 
Hazen, Gen. W. B . 41 
Hennings, Sen. Thomas. 13 
Henry. Andrew. 52-53 
Henry. Mike, 46 
Holding, R. E. 8 
Horn, Tom. 29 
Hudspeth. Al, 24 
Hunt, Clyde, 14 
Hunt. Lester C, Jr.. 14-18 
Hunt. Sen Lester C, 9-21; 
Hunt, Wilson Price, 34-35 

photos, 9. 17-18 

Identifying American Furniture, Colonial to Contemporary, 

review, 60-61 
Immel, Michael. 53 
INDIANS -Chiefs and Individuals 

Arapooish, 34 

Black Leg. 41 

Black Shield, 41 

Bull Bear. 34 

Crazy Horse. 41-42 

Dull Knife. 38. 41 

High Back Bone. 41 

Red Cloud, 34, 38, 40, 42 

Sitting Bull, 42 43 

Walking Rabbit, 41 


MDIANS- Tribes 

Arapahoe, 39 
Blackfeet, 32, 35, 52 
Cheyenne. 34. 37, 42 
Crow, 32, 34, 52 
Hidatsa. 32 
Kiowa. 34 
Sioux. 34, 37-42 

acobs. John, 36 

Dnes, Robert. 53 

Dnes. W. R . 23 

Drdan, Terry C, Texas Graveyards, A Cultural Legacy, review. 58-59 


Lefauver Crime Investigation Committee, 11 

Lefauver. Sen. Estes, 13 

.endrick, Gregory D. "Parco, Wyoming: A Model Company Town," 2 

biog., 64 
.idd, Capt. James H., 38 
.irk, George E. . 44 
arkpatrick. James, 36 
Jstier. Frank, 3-8 

.ambie, C. S.. 6 

.and Use, Eniironment and Social Change The Shaping of Island County, 

Washington, by Richard White, review. 58 
gRaye, Charles. 34 
.arocque. Francois Antoine. 34, 51 

,eeper. Dr. 24 

,eFors, Joe, 25 

,ewis, Reuben. 52 

incoln Highway, 3 

isa, Manuel, 52 

,ost Soldier Oil Field, 3 

owe, Robert S., 16 


McCarthy Era Politics: The Ordeal of Senator Lester Hunt." by Rick Ewig. 

IcCanhy, Sen. Joseph R.. 9-21; photos, 10, 14 
IcCormick, Robert R , 12 
IcDonough. George L., 44 
lackenzie. Col. Ranald, 43 
lalloy. Judge John J., 15 
lalmedv hearings, 11 
lather. Eugene. 46 
laynadier. Col. Henry E., 39 
leek. Joe, 34. 35 
lenard, Pierre. 52 
lissouri Fur Company, 53 
lonkers, George A., 46 
lontanas Righteous Hangmen: The Vigilantes in Action, edited by Lew L. 

Callaway. Jr., review. 61 
lontero, Antonio. 35 

faeve, Milo, Identifying American Furniture, Colonial to Contemporary, 

review. 60-61 
lewspapers, 22-31 
lolan. Jack. 23 
lover. Barnet, 16 


til refineries, 3-8 

I'Mahoney, Sen. Joseph C., 13, 16; photo, 17 

aimer, Col. I. N.. 41 

arco Inn (Hotel), 6; photos. 2. 7 

Parco. Wyoming: A Model Company Town," by Gregory D. Kendrick. 2- 

arker. Charles, 45 

armalee. Maj. C. H., 26 

atrick, Algernon S., 44-45 

'atrick, M. T., 44 

'atrick. Col. Mathewson. 44 

'ayton. E. T., 24 

'earson. Drew. 15, 17 

'hillips. John "Portugee." 41 

'ilcher. Joshua. 53 

'ollock, Capt. Edwin. 43 

Portugese Houses," 35 

'ope, Gen. John, 37 

Powder River Cattle Company. 47 

Powder River Crossing. 46 

Powell. Capt. James, 41 

Pratt and Ferris Cattle Company, 47 

Producers and Refiners Corporation (Parco), 3 


Antelope, 46 

Cross H, 47 

Double Box, 46 
Ranchester, Wyoming, 38-39 
Raynolds. Capt. William F.. 35 
Reynolds, Col. Joseph J., 42 
Richards. Gov. DeForest, 26 
Rock Creek Stage Line, 48 
Rogers, C. J. , 16 

Rosa, Joseph G.. The West of Wild Bill Hickok, review. 56-57 
Rose, Edward, 52 
Ross. Gov. Nellie Tayloe. 3 

Sawyer. Col. James A., 38 

Schulke, Dr. Julius A., 30 

Sculpture, 5 

Sinclair (Parco), Wyoming, 

Sinclair Refining Company, 8 

Smith, Maj. Benjamin, 41 

Smith, Jedediah, 53 

Smith. Sen. Margaret Chase, 12 

Smith, Sherry L., "The Bozeman -Trail to Death and Glory," 32-50; biog., 64 

Spencer. Percy. 17 

Spencer, William M., 17 

Standard Oil Company. 4 

Story, Nelson, 42 

Superior. Wyoming, 3 

3-8; photos: 2. 5, 6-7; map, 4 

The Tasteful Interlude, American Interiors Through the Camera's Eye, by 

William Seale, review, 60-6 1 
Taylor, E. B.. 39 
Taylor, Sen. Glen H , 12 
Templeton, Lt. George H., 40 
Terry. Gen. Alfred. 43 
Texas Company (Texaco), 3 

Texas Graveyards. A Cultural Legacy, by Terry G. Jordan, review, 58-59 
Theaters (Sinclair); photo. 7 
Thorn, J. M., 44 
Tongue River, 38-39 

Tubbs, Scott T., review of The West of Wild Bill Hickok, 56-57 
Trabing. August. 46 
Truman. Pres., Harry S., 9, 11 
Tydings. Sen. Millard, 12. 18 
Tyrone, New Mexico, 5 

L'nion Pacific Coal Company, 3 

Vasquez, Benito, 52 



Wagon Box Fight. 41 

Walker, Lt. Col. Samuel, 37 

Wallace, Henry, 9 

Wands, Lt. A. H.. 40 

Watenpaugh. Henry, 15 

Welker, Sen. Herman, 12. 14, 17-18; photo 12 

Wessels, Lt. Col. Henry W.. 41 

The West of Wild Bill Hickok, by Joseph G. Rosa, review. 56-57 

White, Richard, Land Use, Environment and Social Change: The Shaping 

of Island County, Washington, review, 58 
"The Wilcox Train Robbery — Newspapers and Instant Mythmaking," by 

Emmett D. Chisum. 22-31 
Wilcox, Wyoming. 22-31 
Williford, Capt. George W., 38 
"The Wind Big Horn River and the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade." by Keith 

Algier, 51-55 
Wind River, 51-55 
Wishart, Capt. Alexander, 41 
Wolton, Wyoming, 28 
Wood, Kenneth Darnall. 17 
Woodcock, E. C, 23 

Yund, Sheriff Charles, 23, 26. 28 



EMMETT D. CHISUM is research historian at the 
American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. He 
authored three articles in previous issues of Annals. Prior 
to his position, Chisum was social sciences librarian at 
the University of Wyoming. 

RICK EWIG is research and oral history supervisor in the 
Historical Research and Publications Division of the 
Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical 
Department. He attended the University of Wyoming 
where he received B.A. and M.A. degrees in history. 

KEITH ALGIER is a native of Worland, but now resides 
in Richmond, Kentucky, where he has taught history at 
Eastern Kentucky University since 1965. In addition to 
his teaching duties, Dr. Algier also serves as the faculty 
representative on the institution's Board of Regents and 
on the Faculty Advisory Committee to the Kentucky 
Council on Higher Education. He was recently named 
to the Paper Prize Awards Committee for Phi Alpha 
Theta, International History Honorary. Previous publica- 
tions include articles on New Spain's northern frontier 
and co-editorship of a source book on college teaching. 
He holds the Ph.D degree in history from the University 
of New Mexico. 

SHERRY LYNN SMITH is presently a visiting instruc- 
tor. Department of History, University of Wyoming. Pre- 
viously, she taught history at the University of Colorado, 
and, for a time, was Field Historian for the Wyoming 
Recreation Commission. Smith received a B.A. at Pur- 
due and an M.A. at the University of Washington, and 
presently is a Ph.D candidate at that institution. She 
belongs to the Western History Association, American 
Historical Association, and the Organization of American 
Historians. She published an article, "Army Wives, 
Indians and the Indian War," in the Order of the Indian 
Wars Journal, Winter, 1980. 

GREGORY D. KENDRICK, a historian for the Rocky 
Mountain Regional office of the National Park Service 
was awarded the B.A. from the University of California, 
Santa Barbara, and the M.A. from the University of Wyo- 
ming. His article, "An Environmental Spokesman: Olaus 
J. Murie and a Democratic Defense of Wilderness" was 
published in the Fall, 1978, issue of Annals. Recently, 
he edited. The River of Sorrows: History of the Lower 
Dolores River Valley. He lives in Denver. 







Volume 55, Number 2 
Fall, 1983 

"' ""Wp^JW"^' •'>-" aJ *^**«»w r,>v --«' " 


The function of the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical Department is 
to collect and preserve materials which tell the story of Wyoming. It maintains the state's 
historical library and research center, the Wyoming State Museum and branch museums, 
the State Art Gallery and the State Archives. The Department solicits original records such 
as diaries, letters, books, early newspapers, maps, photographs and art and records of early 
businesses and organizations as well as artifacts for museum display. The Department asks 
for the assistance of all Wyoming citizens to secure these documents and artifacts. Depart- 
ment facilities are designed to preserve these materials from loss and deterioration. 


Ken Richardson, Lander, Chairman 

Frank Bowron, Casper 

Dave Paulley, Cheyenne 

Eugene Martin, Evanston 

Jerry Rillahan, Worland 

Mrs. Lucille Dumbrill, Newcastle 

Thomas J. Mangan, Laramie 

A. G. McClintock, Attorney General (ex-officio) 

ABOUT THE COVER — The cover painting, "November Came" is by Wyoming artist Mike 
Kopriva. Kopriva, a native of Powell, studied at the University of Wyoming where he earned 
a B.F.A, and an M.F.A. He specializes in rural still life, landscapes and has executed several 
character portraits. He won the Wyoming Arts Council Competition to paint a mural in the 
Capitol Building in Cheyenne. His work entitled, "Wyoming, the Land and the People" hangs 
in Room 307 of the Capitol and is enjoyed by thousands of visitors and residents each year. 
Kopriva presently has a studio in Casper. "November Came" was lent by William H. Barton, 
co-editor of Annals. 


Volume 55, No. 2 
Fall, 1983 


Ed Herschler 


Dr. Robert D. Bush 


William H. Barton 
Philip J. Roberts 


Jean Brainerd 
Rick Ewig 
Thelma Crown 


Kathy Martinez 
Ann Nelson 


Paula West-Chavoya 
Carroll Jones 


William H. Barton 




By William Howard Moore 


By Mark W. T. Harvey 


By Bruce Noble 



Edited and translated by Frederic Trautmann 


By Lynne Cheney 



By Anthony Palmieri, III 


By Lewis A. Eaton 


Milner, With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees, Otos and O ma has in 

the 1870's, reviewed by Robert E. Smith 

Thomas, Alonso de Posada Report, 1686, reviewed by Kenneth E. Hendrickson, Jr. 

Yost, Buffalo Bill His Family, Friends, Fame, Failures and Fortunes, reviewed by Sherry 

L. Smith 

Gidley, Kopet A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's Last Years, reviewed by Roger 


Otien, Oil Booms, reviewed by J. Herschel Barnhill 

Sessions, Mormon Thunder A Documentary History ofjedediah Grant, and Pusey, Builders 

of the Kingdom, reviewed by Kenneth Winn 

Stedman, Shadows of the Indian; Stereotypes in American Culture, and Iverson, Carlos 

Montezuma and the Changing World of American Indians, reviewed by John C. Paige 

Coker and Rea, Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast During the American 

Revolution, reviewed by Robert D. Bush 

Welsch, Mister You Got Yourself a Horse, reviewed by Timothy S. Cochrane 

Dunley, Wolves for the Blue Soldiers, reviewed by David L. Ferch 

Stegner, Buried Unsung Louis Tikas and the Ludlow Massacre, reviewed by Walter R. Jones 



ANNALS OF WYOMING is published biannually in the Spring and Fall by the Wyoming State Press. 
It is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society as the official publication of that 
organization. Copies of previous and current issues may be purchased from the Co-Editors. Correspondence 
should be addressed to the Co-Editors. Published articles represent the views of the author and are not 
necessarily those of the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical Department or the Wyoming 
State Historical Society. ANNALS OF WYOMING articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts. America: 
History and Life. 

©Copyright 1983 by the Wyoming State Press. 

Pietism and Progress: 

James H- Hayford and the 
Wyoming Anti-Gambling Tradition, 1869-189 

By William Howard Moore 

'The author wishes to acknowledge research funding for this project from the Wyoming Council for the Humanities. 

"No institutions . . . reflected more clearly America's 
rapid, uncontrolled growth than did the saloon, the 
brothel and the gambling den." 

Because so much of late 19th century reform agita- 
ion in the United States was tied to problems of indus- 
rialization and urbanization, students of early Wyoming 
aistory have largely ignored reform issues. While other 
ueas of the country experienced the disruptions of big 
ousiness, mushrooming cities, and class and ethnic con- 
flict, Wyoming remained a pristine backwater — a moun- 
ainous, semi-arid land of ranching, mining, and small, 
f frequently boisterous towns. Even the western radicalism 
inherent in the Wobblie and Populist agitation seems to 
iiave passed over the state lightly. 1 

A closer look at Wyoming's experience, however, indi- 
:ates that some reform issues may not be as irrelevant as 
once believed. If the state missed the fury of industrial- 
zation with its fragmenting impact on family, church, 
ind community, it had been part of the rapid opening 
of the West — a process in some respects just as explosive, 
lust as disruptive, as industrialization. In western fron- 
ier communities, isolation and primitive living conditions 
iometimes spawned a lawlessness and depravity compar- 
ible to that of eastern cities. Contemporaries in the West 
ippear to have grasped those similarities better than 
;cholars. In the 1880s, the Rev. Josiah Strong of the 
\merican Home Mission Society, a veteran of a two-year 
ninistry in Cheyenne, warned of the rampant materialism, 
iocial fragmentation, and dissipation both on the western 
rentier and in the eastern city. 2 

No institutions either in the city or the frontier 
eflected more clearly America's rapid, uncontrolled 
rrowth than did the saloon, the brothel, and the gam- 
bling den. These institutions are easily romanticized. Here, 
iefenders argued, isolated males could find a measure 
of human or ethnic companionship denied them elsewhere 
n the community. Here a worker could find diversion from 
i grinding, dangerous job, an outlet for his pent-up 
energies, an escape from his humdrum existence. Here, 
oarticularly in the saloon, might be organized the political 
or social power to fend off repressive forces in the 

Reformers across the country saw the issue from a dif- 
, ferent perspective. To them, the saloon, the brothel, and 
,:he gambling parlor symbolized disorder, a barbaric waste 
|of personal and community energies. They threatened 
' what Norman Clark calls the "bourgeois interior" of the 
nuclear family, already strained by the forces of expan- 
sion, industrialization, and urbanization. Their continua- 
tion institutionalized a certain looseness, a tolerance, a 
pluralism of values that many reformers found repugnant. 
The weakening — if not elimination — of these vices would 

strengthen the ties of home, encourage thrift, promote 
efficiency, and disrupt the wellsprings of political corrup- 
tion. 3 

Wyoming certainly shared these problems with the 
West and the nation. Saloons, prostitution, and gambling 
of all types flourished both in the "hell-on-wheels" camps 
that accompanied the construction of the Union Pacific 
Railroad in the 1860s and in the more permanent com- 
munities left in its wake. A preponderently unattached 
male population, a high percentage of transients criss- 
crossing the territory for various mining bonanzas, and 
the weakness of any real social infrastructure contributed 
to a tradition of hard drinking, easy women, and games 
of chance. Cheyenne in particular attracted a national 
reputation for its uncontrolled vice. So wicked was the 
community that a section of Chicago's notorious First Ward 
took the name Little Cheyenne. In the early 1870s, Rev. 
Strong of the First Congregational Church wrote that the 
city was worse than anything in London, Paris, or New 
York. From his front gate, he reported that he could throw 
a stone into half a dozen houses of prostitution. 4 

Gambling may well have been even more widespread. 
It served as a competitive attraction in most of the saloons, 
and was common among all classes of the population, 
from large cattlemen and businessmen to transient miners 
and cowboys. 5 Given the painfully slow rate of economic 
growth of the territory once the railroads were built, mer- 
chants in isolated towns and villages hoped that a measure 
of vice might entice customers to their establishments and 
promote development. Because it was so deeply engrained, 
the debate over gambling suggests how closely moral and 
social issues in early Wyoming followed national patterns. 

Despite the wide-open conditions, a forceful anti- 
gambling tradition, closely tied to national values, began 
to take shape by the time Wyoming was organized. When 
the first territorial legislature, controlled by Democrats, 
voted for a licensed gambling system in 1869, Republican 
Governor John A. Campbell vetoed the measure. Camp- 
bell feared that "brilliantly lighted" public gambling halls 
would entice the young to moral ruin and suggested that 
even if prohibitory laws could not be enforced, the ter- 
ritory should "at least pay the compliment to virtue of 
endeavoring to do so." In a letter to the Wyoming Tribune, 
one writer probably Joseph M. Carey, later U.S. senator 
and governor — argued that legalized gambling would not 
only subvert enterprising merchants, clerks, and family 
men, but that it would also retard emigration to Wyo- 
ming. Although it overrode Campbell's veto in 1869, 
the legislature clearly remained sensitive to organized 

anti-gambling pressure. In 1873, in response to a com- 
mon complaint by the Union Pacific, it prohibited gam- 
bling on passenger cars moving through the territory. 6 

No Wyomingite battled gambling more forcefully or 
consistently than James H. Hayford, from 1869 to 1895 
the editor of the Laramie Sentinel. Born in upstate New 
York in 1826, Hayford taught school in Ohio and Illinois, 
took a medical degree from the University of Michigan, 
and then studied and practiced law in Fond du Lac, Wis- 
consin. Fond du Lac and nearby Ripon were caught up 
in the Republican anti-slavery agitation of the late 1850s, 
and Hayford joined the crusade. In 1860, he served as a 
delegate to the Republican National Convention and cast 
his vote for Abraham Lincoln. During the war he prac- 
ticed law in Colorado, then followed the Union Pacific 
first to Cheyenne and then to Laramie. In 1869 he 
launched the Sentinel and over a 30-year period served 
from time to time as territorial auditor, ex officio super- 
intendent of public instruction, Laramie postmaster, and 
district judge. 7 

A devout family man, the father of 19 children, a 
longtime elder of the Presbyterian Church, an advocate 
of temperance and purity, Hayford epitomized the kind 
of pietist that battled to reassert Yankee Protestant values 
in late 19th century America. With Hayford — as with 
pietists in the Midwest — the bedrock of the nation's 
strength lay in the common behavioral values shared by 
the Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian, Congregational 
churches and sympathetic immigrant groups. The pietists 
sought to strengthen the public school, to inculcate 
patriotism and the English language, to enforce Sabba- 
tarian injunctions, and to compel a conformity of behavior 
through eradication of the saloon, brothel, and gambling 
den. Those opposed tended to be less assimilated immi- 
grants, Lutherans, and Roman Catholics. These groups 
feared the elimination of their ethnic traditions, religious 
rituals, and "personal liberty" through a government 
imposed, Protestant based conformity. In general, pietists 
held their strength in the Republican party while their 
opponents, the so-called 'liturgicals," supported the Demo- 
crats who had historically stood for minimal government 
involvement in social issues. 8 

Through Hayford's agitation, the questions of tem- 
perance, gambling, and prostitution became the staples 
of politics in Laramie and Albany County in the late 19th 
century. Convinced that a newspaperman should attempt 
to "mold public values," Hayford used the Sentinel to de- 
nounce public and official tolerance and on occasion even 
hinted at vigilante justice. While Hayford reported in some 
detail on the misfortune of prostitutes in the city and sup- 
ported an 1886 petition of the evangelical churches call- 
ing for a legal ban on prostitution, he devoted most of 
his energies to an attack on the saloon and gambling. 9 

Hayford was convinced that a combination of grog- 
sellers and gambling entrepreneurs endangered the social 
fabric of the community. After some success in the 
mid-1870s in restraining gambling and the saloon, 10 

Hayford saw the liquor and gambling forces stage a come 
back under the leadership of Democratic Mayor P. F. Gun 
ster in the early 1880s. The fiery editor exposed the men 
dacity of the city fathers in hiding behind the municipal 
charter and he denounced the "free gambling hells and 
Sunday whiskey" springing up in the community. Aftei 
several restless nights, Hayford finally enlisted the newh, 
chartered local chapter of the Women's Christian Tern 
perance Union in an attempt to mobilize temperance, high 
license, and prohibition advocates into a common and 
vice front. Mayor Gunster and local Democrats respondec 
with a mass meeting and the formation of a Citizens Part] 
which defeated Hayford's Temperance alliance in the 188-? 
municipal elections. 11 

After the reversals of the early 1880s, Hayford soughi 
to expand his pietist constituency through an educationa 
campaign aimed at local businessmen and civic leaders 
Far from being a stimulus to local business, gambling was 
Hayford insisted, an economic parasite. Gambling entre 
preneurs produced nothing, but simply trafficked ir 
money that would otherwise support wholesome economi* 
activities. The editor argued that when a laboring mar 
squandered his money in the ubiquitous "gambling hells,' 
he was unable to pay his debts to local merchants. Th< 
grocer, the dry goods and clothing merchants then hac 
to absorb the loss or pass it along to customers in the forn 
of higher prices. Moreover taxpayers, including business 
men, ultimately had to contribute to the upkeep of th( 
wives and children neglected when workers lost their earn 
ings in saloons and gambling dens. Hayford contendec 
that the prevalence of gambling tempted otherwise hones 
and stable clerks and employees of businessmen to stea 
company funds or to turn to other forms of disruptivt 
crime and dissipations. 12 Finally, he argued that parent: 
from outstate were reluctant to send their sons anc 
daughters to the new university in Laramie because of the 
gambling and drinking temptations available in the town 
In effect, the editor maintained, the community paic 
higher prices for goods and suffered generally sluggisl 
economic and social conditions because of the gambling 
parasite. 13 

Next to excessive drinking, Hayford found gambling 
the most demoralizing vice in Laramie and frontier Wyo 
ming. While the ultimate debasement took place in th< 
gambling halls, an earlier "primary" gambling was incul 
cated in church fairs and raffles and in half the respect 
able business establishments in the town. Hayford com 
plained that one could not remain in drug, book, or ciga: 
stores for five minutes without witnessing some form o 
gambling. Customers of all ages were encouraged to shak< 
ubiquitous dice boxes to determine whether they paid dou 
ble or nothing for all kinds of merchandise. In order tc 
promote sales, otherwise respectable merchants promotec 
raffles and lottery schemes. So engrained had the betting 
"mania" become that the ethnocentric Hayford feared thai 
the next generation of Wyomingites would be as debasec 
as "Italians, Chinese and Indians." The course of history 

I was moving away from gambling, he insisted, and Wyo- 
ming could either take its place among the socially and 
economically civilized portions of the nation or expect to 

; attract only the refuse that more advanced communities 

I left behind. 14 

Hayford's arguments, blending pietism and petit 

• bourgeois values, brought him considerable support both 
locally, and by way of the state wide newspaper exchange, 

(throughout Wyoming. In Laramie itself, he spoke for the 
so-called "goody-goody" faction that normally controlled 
the Republican Party and sought, through anti-saloon and 
anti-gambling ordinances, to promote community growth. 
I In 1887, Hayford's pressure brought a close to Sunday 
gambling and, briefly, in 1888 to its repression in Lar- 
amie altogether. In 1890, after some modification in state 
law that seemed to strengthen ami -gambling forces, Lar- 
amie, Rock Springs and other communities launched 
ambitious clean-up campaigns. Between 1890 and 1892, 
Hayford claimed that the number of saloons in Laramie 
; had dropped from 28 to 14, that three-fifths of the brothels 
|had been eliminated, and that the "gambling hells" had 
ibeen closed entirely. Community vagrants had either been 
chased out of town or forced to work repairing the streets. 15 

By 1892, however, Hayford must have sensed a Demo 
Icratic revival, both nationally and locally. Community 
growth was still painfully slow and Laramie-based rail- 
road workers still gambled heavily when working outside 
ithe town, supposedly leaving debts to local merchants 
unpaid. When area Democrats rebuffed his efforts to 
orchestrate a non-partisan alliance against the saloon and 
igambling forces, Hayford committed the Laramie Repub- 
lican party to a set of "goody-goody" resolutions, promis- 
iing a high license policy on saloons and the continued 
suppression of gambling. The more "liberal" Democrats 
i swept the elections and experimented for a year with a 
imore tolerant policy. By 1893, however, their own expe- 
dience with the seemingly unmanageable problem of gam - 
i bling and Hayford's strident criticism prompted Democrats 
,to try prohibiting gambling in the city once more. 16 

Although Hayford held his local enemies up to ridi- 
cule, he recognized that part of their difficulty sprang from 
iseeming contradictions within the basic law. Especially 
after the mid-1880s, no one could be certain just what 
powers local government had over gambling in Wyoming. 
The original statute had Vested licensing power in the 
counties and had prohibited towns, cities, or municipal 
corporations from interfering with gambling licensed by 
county officials. Without amending the basic law, how- 
:ever, the legislature by 1886 had proceeded to grant 

• charters to several cities giving them powers to "prohibit, 
suppress, or regulate" gambling within their municipal 

i boundaries. To further confuse the situation, the law- 
makers had also begun to shift the receipts from licens- 
ing to the cities. By 1888, legal uncertainties over the 
gambling law had complicated all attempts to deal with 

: the issue in Laramie, Cheyenne, and Rawlins. 17 

To eliminate the confusion, that year Albany County 

E. A. Slack 

Harry P. Hynds 

Stephen Downey 

Downtown Cheyenne showing Inter- Ocean Hotel. 

territorial council member William H. Holliday intro- 
duced a bill to prohibit gambling in Wyoming and to 
assess stringent fines for violations. An Ohio-born Demo- 
crat, a prosperous businessman involved in lumbering, 
building, and merchandising, Holliday had opposed Hay- 
ford's rigid anti-gambling stance earlier in the decade. 
Now, to Hayford's applause, Holliday delivered a stem- 
winding speech drawing attention to the "abominations" 
that gambling worked on society and called for its elim- 
ination. 18 

Hayford entered the fray with a few ill-chosen slurs 
on an alleged gambling lobby in Cheyenne, thereby pro- 
voking the wrath of Colonel E. A. Slack of the influen- 
tial Cheyenne Sun. In his earlier days as a bitter editorial 
rival to Hayford in Laramie, Slack had stood for a more 
relaxed and tolerant policy on gambling. 19 When Hayford 
endorsed the Holliday bill, Slack seized the opportunity 
to renew the fight. Hayford was, he concluded, a "cranky 
moral reformer" and Laramie could do much more under 
its present charter to clean its house of gambling. The 
Holliday bill was too moralistic, too extreme, too sudden, 
and too pretentious for Wyoming at the present time. 

A prohibitory law that would place gambling under strict 
surveillance, permit the levying of periodic fines, . . . keep 
the vice on the second floor, and more retired, is about what 
our people are prepared for. Anything more than this will 
be a failure. Of course this compromise will not be accepted 
by the goody-goody people, and the consequence will be a 
continuation of the methods that now prevail. When Wyo- 
ming gets to be a state, and men wear plug hats and sus- 

penders, it will be possible to maintain the same high stan- 
dards of appearance that prevail in the east, and we will then 
substitute stock and grain gambling for games of cards, and 
be respectable. But we can not hope to reach that elevated 
plane at one jump. There are plenty of examples to refer 
to. They all indicate that reforms of this class are of slow 
growth, and come from a change in man's environment. 20 
Slack had clearly anticipated the fate of the Holliday 
proposal. Despite petitions from across the state and the 
efforts of Cheyenne representative Willis Van Devanter to 
work out a compromise, the measure met stiff resistance 
from lobbyists and the comic barbs of Representative Tom 
Hooper of Sundance. On the critical vote in the house, 
the bill lost 13-10, with the bulk of the support coming 
from Albany and Laramie counties and with Republicans 
marginally in favor and Democrats generally opposed. Two 
years later, the legislature repealed the original prohibi- 
tion against the suppression of gambling by the cities, but 
still left the licensing in non-incorporated areas to county 
officials. Such a policy made effective local enforcement 
problematical and encouraged widespread confusion and 
contention. 21 

In 1893, two Albany County Republican legislators, 
Stephen W. Downey and Robert E. Fitch, made a second 
major attempt to repeal the licensing law. Downey, a 
prominent Maryland-born Episcopalian lawyer had been 
interested in promoting educational and mining develop- 
ment in the area since coming to Laramie in 1869. M A 
native of New York state, Fitch had strong ties to the Con- 
gregational and Baptist churches. He had been involved 

in the development of the public education system in 
Laramie, had dabbled in sheep ranching, but by 1893 was 
primarily concerned with real estate, insurance, and loan 
operations. 23 Both stressed the economic and civic argu- 
ments that Hayford had been preaching for years. Repre- 
sentative Downey emphasized that businessmen (including 
saloon keepers) from Rock Springs, Laramie, Cheyenne — 
and not church people— had urged him to sponsor the 
legislation. Repeal would promote the dignity of Wyoming 
in the eyes of eastern states which were systematically pass- 
ing anti-gambling statutes, and it would promote work- 
ing class thrift and citizenship. Fitch sought to eliminate 
local confusions and support those communities which 
wanted to prohibit gambling. 24 

Downey and Fitch picked up significant support from 
businessmen along the Union Pacific line, from Cheyenne 
legislators, and from the Cheyenne Sun itself. Editor Slack 
was now convinced that gambling should be stopped as 
a means of enhancing the image of the new state and as 
a way of improving citizenship. He noted that in foreign 
cities where gambling houses were permitted, local resi- 
dents and youth were excluded, whereas in Wyoming, no 
such protections were provided. Gambling encouraged 
profligacy, the neglect of family support, and the non- 
payment of legitimate debt; it ran counter to good business 
sense; and it engendered chronic disruptions in local poli- 
tics, especially in cities such as Laramie. 

Even more than with the Holliday bill, however, the 
more "liberal" Democrats and representatives from smaller 
communities outstate opposed the Downey measure. 
Natrona County's B. B. Brooks helped to kill the measure 
by drawing attention to its ban on church fairs and the 
loss of revenue it would entail for Casper and other strug- 
gling towns. Democrats voted against the measure 13-2, 
while Republicans favored it, 8-3. 25 

Rejected for a second time in their efforts to get relief 
from the legislature, Hayford and anti-gambling reformers 
in the state retreated to municipal and county politics after 
1893. Given the deepening depression, the free silver 
debate, and the repercussions from the Johnson County 
range war, most recognized that there existed little chance 
for gambling reform at the state level. For a period, 
Hayford remained especially bitter. He blamed a Chey- 
enne gambling entrepreneur, Harry Hynds, a Roman 
Catholic, for the defeat of the Downey bill, and he drifted 
into support of the anti-Catholic American Protective 
Association in local politics. By the mid-1890s, he aban- 
doned the financially strapped Sentinel for a local 
judgeship. 26 

Hayford, however, left more than his vindictive spirit 
for future anti -gambling reformers. Like pietists elsewhere 
in the country, he had sought to recreate in the West the 
kind of stable, conformist, Protestant community that he 
and others identified with Americanism itself. If he did 
not encounter industrialization in Wyoming, he did wit- 
ness the fragmentation and pluralism that had sprung 
from a comparable late 19th century development — the 

rapid opening of the West. While he focused heavily on 
gambling, he would on occasion use comparable argu- 
ments against those other social threats the saloon and 
prostitution. When his prickly moralism proved unsuc- 
cessful with local voters, he broadened, even secularized, 
his arguments to appeal to the petit bourgeois, growth 
oriented, business mentality of the area. By 1893, he had 
transformed Albany County into a center of anti-gambling 
sentiment and had armed its legislators to take the lead 
in challenging licensed gambling in the state. Under dif- 
ferent circumstances, his arguments would prevail in 
1901. 27 By blending pietism and progress, by drawing on 
national anxieties as well as local ambitions, Hayford had 
fashioned the anti-gambling tradition in Wyoming. 

1. Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment: A Short History of 
the Agrarian Revolt in America (London: Oxford University Press, 
1978); Thomas A. Krueger, "Populism in Wyoming," (Unpublished 
M.A. thesis. University of Wyoming, 1960), 66. 

2. Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present 
Crisis (New York: Baker and Taylor Company, 1885), 176-194; 
Dong-Bai Chai, "Josiah Strong: Apostle of Anglo-Saxonism and 
Social Christianity," (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, LIniversity 
of Texas at Austin, 1972), 34-38, 57, 69-70. 

3. See especially Norman H. Clark, Deliver Us From Evil: An Inter- 
pretation of American Prohibition (New York: W. W. Norton & 
Company, 1976). 

4. Robert K. DeArment, Knights of the Green Cloth: The Saga of 
Frontier Gamblers (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982), 
307-314; Duane A. Smith, Rocky Mountain Mining Camps: The 
Urban Frontier (Bloomington: Indiana LIniversity Press, 1967), 
224-241; Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty 
Chicago: The Story of Bathhouse John and Hinky Dink (Bloom- 
ington: Indiana University Press, 1943), 25: Chai, "Josiah Strong," 
34, 37. 

5. Frank W. Mondell, "My Story: An Autobiography," (Unpublished 
typescript), 23, in Mondell Biographical File. American Heritage 
Center, University of Wyoming (AHC-UW); T. A. Larson, History 
of Wyoming (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), 214. 

6. Lewis L. Gould. Wyoming: A Political History, 1868-1896 (New 
Haven: Yale University Press. 1968), 26; Campbell to Wyoming 
Territorial Council, December 9, 1869, Campbell Letterpress Book 
#, pp. 285-286, Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical 
Department, Cheyenne (AMH); "J.M.C." letter to editor, Wyo- 
ming Tribune, November 27, 1869; Carey statement, Cheyenne 
Daily Leader, February 11, 1901; Chapter 58, The Compiled Laws 
of Wyoming (Cheyenne, 1876), 361. 

7. Laramie Boomerang, July 29, 1902; Elizabeth Keen, "Wyoming's 
Frontier Newspapers," (Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of 
Wyoming, 1956), 43-50; Hayford notes, folder 40, C. G. Cou- 
tant Papers, AMH; Larson, History of Wyoming, 116fn. 

8. Laramie Boomerang, July 29, 1902. On pietism, see Paul Klepp- 
ner, The Cross of Culture: A Social Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 
1850-1900 (New York: The Free Press, 1970) and Richard J. Jensen, 
The Winning of the Midwest: Social and Political Conflict, 
1888-96 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971). 

9. Laramie Sentinel, September 15, 1883, October 10, 1873, March 
10, 1883, February 25, 1882, February 1, 1890, January 16, 1886. 
The 1886 petition was adopted at the Presbyterian Church after 
a series of joint evangelical prayer services. Thurman Arnold 
reported that his grandfather, the first Presbyterian minister in 
Laramie, believed that "God put sin into the world to test man- 
kind" and that he opposed legal prohibition on prostitution. 
Clearly this was not the perspective of Elder Hayford or those 

sponsoring the 1886 petition. Thurman Arnold. Fair Fights and 
Foul: A Dissenting lawyer's Life (New York: Harcourt, Brace and 
World. Inc., 1965), 13. 

10. In the mid 1870s, Laramie had been the center of a nationwide 
lottery swindle operated through the mails by James M. Pattee 
of Omaha. For a short period of time Pattee stimulated the local 
economy through printing contracts and charitable contributions. 
While apparently benefiting at the time from the contracts, 
Hayford was also an early critic of Pattee's operations. The editor 
feared especially that Pattee and subsequent lottery schemes would 
blacken the town's reputation and stunt economic growth. 
Ixiramie Sentinel, March 3, 1875, September 6, 1876; Philip Gar- 
diner Nordell, "Pattee, the Lottery King: The Omaha and Wyo- 
ming Lotteries," Annals of Wyoming (October 1962), 199-211: Lar- 
son, History of Wyoming, 115-116. 

11. Laramie Sentinel, February 25, 1875; March 18. May 13. June 
17, 24, 1882, December 1. 1883, May 3, 10. 1884. Although 
temperance forces had been organized in Albany County as early 
as 1871. Hayford's wife in 1883 became the first president of the 
local WCTU chapter. The Prussian-born Gunster was a surgeon, 
having studied at Yale and a number of hospitals in New York, 
Berlin, Paris, and London. After practicing in Pennsylvania, he 
had arrived in Laramie in 1878. Albany County notes, folder 68, 
and Gunster notes, folder 15, Coutant Papers. 

12. Laramie Sentinel, July 29. 1882, March 31, September 8, 1883, 
May 19, 1888 and especially June 11, 1887 and March 7. 1891. 
In the Sentinel, he noted the fates of the clerk of local merchant 
Jo Kellner, of a "beardless boy" convicted of mail theft at Fort 
Fetterman, and of his own typesetter, Jack DeCoursey, a suicide. 
He claimed to have the names of other young men on a similar 
path to "ruin, disgrace and the penitentiary." For examples of the 
latter argument by national anti-gambling spokesmen, see Jona- 
than H. Green, Gambling Exposed (Philadelphia: T. B. Peter- 
son. 1857), 283, 288 and John Philip Quinn, Fools of Fortune 
(Chicago: Anti-Gambling Association, 1892). 623-624. 

13. Laramie Sentinel, February 11. 1888. July 23. 1892. 

14. Laramie Sentinel, January 19. 1886, February 4. 11, March 3 
1888, March 7, 1891. Although Hayford did not dwell upon it 
others, including Laramie Mayor M. C. Brown in the late 1890s 
focused upon gambling in the home as a source of public gam 
bling. John Philip Quinn was highly critical of parents who per 
mitted gambling games in the home. Laramie Daily Boomerang 
January 20, 1897; Quinn, Gambling and Gambling Devices, 
(Montclair, N.J.: Patterson Smith reprint. 1969), 74-81. 

15. Laramie Sentinel, June 25. 1887, July 7, 1888, May 11, 1889, April 
12, 19, 1890, March 7, 1891, April 2, 1892. 

16. Cheyenne Daily Sun, February 9, 1893; Laramie Sentinel, 
February 27, April 2, 9, 1892, June 10. 1893. 

17. Chapter 58, General Laws of Territory of Wyoming, 1869 (Chey- 
enne, 1870); Cheyenne Sun, February 14, 1888. On the back- 
ground of the legal problems, see the conflicting opinions of 

attorneysj. C. Baird and E. W. Mann, reprinted in the Cheyenne 
Sun- leader, January 8, 1900, and Wyoming Tribune, December 
20, 1899. 

18. Cheyenne Sun, February 3, 4, 5, 1888; "William Helmus Holi- 
day." in Ichabod S. Bartlett, History of Wyoming (Chicago: S. J. 
Clarke Publishing Company, 1918) II, 34-38; Laramie Sentinel, 
June 24, 1882, May 3, 1884, February 4. 18, 1888. After moving 
from the Midwest, Holliday (18431925) spent two years in the 
Denver vicinity before entering the lumber business near Laramie 
in 1867. He had been active in politics for almost 15 years by 1888 
and would be. in 1894, the unsuccessful Democratic candidate 
for governor. Holliday was not affiliated with any church. See 
Ijiramie Republican Boomerang, February 21, 1925, and the 
William H. Holliday Biographical File, AHC-UW. 

19. lxiramie Sentinel, February 4, 1888, March 26. 1873. A New 
Yorker by birth, Slack edited a newspaper in South Pass City before 
coming to Laramie in 1871. After 1876, he moved to Cheyenne 
and published the Sun as a Republican paper. Larson, History 
of Wyoming, 235fn. 

20. Cheyenne Sun, February 2, 4. 5, 1888. 

21. Ibid., February 19. 24, 29, 28. March 8, 9, 1888; Chapter 49, 
Session Laws of Wyoming Territory, 1890 (Cheyenne, 1890), p. 
83. Van Devanter was chairman of the house judiciary commit- 
tee in 1888. In 1910, President Taft appointed him to the United 
States Supreme Court. "Justice Willis Van Devanter," Bartlett, 
History of Wyoming, II, 26-29. Albany and Laramie counties pro- 
vided eight of the ten votes for the bill but only four of the thir- 
teen against. Democrats broke 9-4 against the bill, while Repub- 
licans were 6-4 in favor. 

22. Downey (1839-1902) had served with Union forces during the Civil 
War before moving west. While in the territorial legislature in 
the mid-1880s, he had been instrumental in locating the state 
university in Laramie. During his career, he repeatedly lost small 
fortunes in promoting mining in the Centennial area of Albany 
County. "Stephen C. Downey," in Bartlett. History of Wyoming, 
III, 596; Alice Downey Nelson, Biographical Sketches of Stephen 
Wheeler Downey and Eva V. Downey (Laramie, 1938), booklet 
in Stephen Wheeler Downey Biographical File, AHC-UW. 

23. Also a Union veteran, Fitch (1843-1918) had taken college degrees 
in Iowa before coming to Laramie in 1872. He was one of the 
leaders of the local chapters of the Grand Army of the Republic. 
His son married one of Colonel Downey's daughters. "Robert E. 
Fitch." in Bartlett, History of Wyoming, II, 206-209; Laramie 
Republican, October 21, 1918. 

24. Cheyenne Sun, February 7. 9, 1893. 

25. Ibid., February 7, 4, 7, 17, 1893. 

26. Laramie Sentinel. February 11. March 24, 1893, April 7, July 7, 
1894; Laramie Boomerang, July 29, 1902. 

27. See author's unpublished manuscript, "Progressivism and the 
Social Gospel in the West: Wyoming's Anti-Gambling Act of 1901 
as a Test Case." 


Monument Bound iry 

ECHO PARK DAM: An Old Problem of Federalis 


By Mark W. T. Harvey 

"Here would be one of the world's great dams. 
Scenically it could do for Colorado what the Hoover 
dam has done lower down — bring tourists in droves 
to see it; . . . These Americans would be awed and 
proud, as at Hoover Dam, to realize what their coun- 
try can do in the way of a gigantic, useful, beautiful, 

— Roscoe Fleming 

"Let no member of Congress forget that the Col- 
orado River System since before the memory of man, 
has been the most destructive river on the North 
American continent." 

—Joseph O'Mahoney 

The state of Wyoming sought to protect its water rights 
and bolster its economy in the 1950s by supporting con- 
struction of a huge dam in the heart of Dinosaur National 
Monument. The dam was to be built at Echo Park and 
the proposal raised a storm of controversy because of the 
area's pristine beauty. National park supporters also feared 
that Echo Park dam would open the way for economic 
development in other parks. 1 Yet Wyoming residents 
believed the dam offered a tremendous opportunity. It 
would provide employment, recreation, electrical power, 
water for the future, and more control over its deeply 
embedded boom-bust economy. The dam would enable 
Wyoming to assert its sovereign rights in the face of forces 
beyond its control. 

At the heart of Wyomingites' support of the dam 
rested a firm belief that the state must possess stronger 
control over water rights. Perhaps no single resource was 
more important to the economy or to the state's future 
than water. On several occasions in the 20th century, resi- 
dents who hoped to make use of water in the state had 
been frustrated by other states, who claimed prior rights 
to waters they shared with Wyoming. This, in turn, had 
placed Wyoming at the mercy of the Supreme Court, 
which had handed down decisions not always favorable 
to the state. 2 Although never a rich agricultural state, 
many Wyoming residents felt frustrated. By the 1950s, a 
growing population meant that sufficient water must be 
provided for the years ahead. The Echo Park dam would 
provide that water, and offer a means by which Wyoming 
could protect itself from federal encroachment over its 
water and water rights, and from large corporations which 
dominated its economy. The dam promised the state a 
way to loosen its colonial bonds. 

The controversy over Echo Park arose because the 
National Park Service and the Bureau of Reclamation had 
developed, by the 1950s, radically different conceptions 
of how lands in the West should be used. The Park Ser- 
vice, under Director Newton Drury, emerged from the war 
years with a new found enthusiasm for protecting the 
parks, especially the large and pristine parks in the West. 
On the other hand, officials of the Bureau eagerly planned 
large river basin projects for the West. The Bureau 
believed that free flowing rivers were wasteful and often 
destructive. Large watercourses such as the Colorado and 
the Columbia must be harnessed in order to bring water 
to thirsty lands, power and flood control to growing com- 
munities, and prosperity to western citizens. These atti- 
tudes within the Interior Department inevitably caused 
clashes between the two agencies. 3 Echo Park became the 
center of one of the most heated. 

The Bureau of Reclamation had had its eye on Echo 
Park as a dam site since the early 1940s. The Green River, 
the major tributary of the Colorado, sharply narrowed 
between sheer cliffs in the heart of Dinosaur National 
Monument, just below Echo Park. A dam at this site would 
be excellent for storing a vast volume of water at a low 
rate of evaporation. The dam could also provide a large 

hydroelectric plant, which Wyoming and the surrounding 
states desired. 4 

The Bureau, however, could not simply claim the dam 
site because the Park Service held jurisdiction over Echo 
Park. Park Service officials knew the Bureau hoped to con- 
struct the dam and they never firmly stood against the 
idea during World War II. Not until the Bureau made 
formal claim to the site for possible development did park 
officials react. By the late 1940s, the whole matter boiled 
into a political debate. The Bureau had won overwhelm- 
ing support for the Echo Park dam in the upper basin 
states of New Mexico, Colorado, Utah and Wyoming. With 
such a show of strength, the Bureau expected the Part 
Service to withdraw its objection. When it refused, the 
issue had to be given to Secretary of Interior Oscar Chap 
man to decide. If Chapman would give his blessing to the 
Bureau's plan, the Echo Park dam could be incorporated 
into legislation, whereupon Congress could then decide/ 

After holding a public hearing in Washington ir 
April, 1950, Secretary Chapman found the pro-dam argu 
ment most convincing. 6 He soon approved Echo Park 
dam, which infuriated the nation's preservationists, whc 
responded by sending Chapman a flood of letters and tele 
grams expressing their anger. Bernard DeVoto voiced the 
concerns of numerous conservationists when he wrote thai 
permitting the Dinosaur dam would change the beautifu 
Green River into a "mere millpond." 7 On a more practi 
cal level, others argued that the Echo Park site was nol 
the best for minimizing evaporation. They said that othei 
dam sites outside the monument could be used which 
would store more water and cost less money. Above all 
they feared that allowing the dam to be built would sei 
a dangerous precedent for "invasions" in other nationa 
parks or monuments. 8 

Chapman had second thoughts. He stalled by refus 
ing to send his approval of the Bureau's plans to the 
Bureau of the Budget for many months, infuriating resi 
dents in the upper basin. Finally, in December, 1952 
Chapman sent a report of the Bureau's plans to the White 
House, requesting that alternate sites be more thoroughly 
examined. Chapman left office a month later, leaving the 
difficult decision to his successor, Douglas McKay. 9 

McKay sympathized with the notion that natura 
resources should not be "locked up" or preserved, bul 
utilized for the nation's economy. Shortly after taking office 
he dispatched Undersecretary Ralph Tudor to Dinosaui 
with orders to reexamine the Bureau of Reclamation'. 1 
computations of their proposed reservoirs' evaporatior 
rates. Tudor soon reported that the Echo Park site was 
superior. He wrote McKay that he was "particularl) 
impressed" with the fact that any of the proposed alter 
nate sites would lose an additional 100,000-200,000 acre 
feet of water per year over Echo Park. In December, 1953, 
Secretary McKay approved the Echo Park dam as pari 
of the Colorado River Storage Project and the controversy 
shifted into the halls of Congress. 10 

If preservationists were again angered, Wyoming and 


:he upper basin rejoiced. Wyoming State Engineer 
L. Clark Bishop thanked McKay in a letter, saying that 
ithe amount of water Echo Park dam would save and the 
recreational value of the new lake "will much more than 
offset any primitive area value." 11 Construction of the dam 
would also produce hydroelectric power, a vital need of 
Wyoming in the postwar years. The state needed a sup- 
ply of inexpensive power to attract manufacturers, who 
had shunned Wyoming throughout its history, and kept 
the state dependent on eastern industries. Power produced 
at Echo Park would also supply revenues to fund three 
ismall reclamation projects in Wyoming's Green River 
|Basin, the Lyman, LaBarge and Seedskadee projects. 
Altogether, these irrigation works would bring water to 
over 100,000 acres of meadow lands in western Wyoming. 
Power, in short, would foster a more independent economy 
iin Wyoming. 12 

Approval of the Echo Park project was the second vic- 
tory for Wyoming's advocates of development. A signifi- 
cant water treaty, the Upper Colorado River Basin Com- 
pact of 1948, ensured Wyoming, Utah, New Mexico and 
Colorado legal control over rights to the mighty river that 
ithey shared. The treaty was based on the Colorado River 
Compact of 1922, which had divided Colorado River water 
between the upper and lower basins. The 1948 Compact 
apportioned the upper basin water among each of the four 
states. It guaranteed each of them a percentage of the 
annual flow while obligating them to send 75 million acre 

feet to the lower basin every ten years, under the terms 
of the 1922 Compact. 

The 1948 Compact also guaranteed that each upper 
basin state could plan its own water projects without inter- 
ference from the federal government. The Bureau of 
Reclamation would construct dams within the states, but 
it could not co-opt any state's water rights, which it had 
been able to do in the past. For protection, the Compact 
created the Upper Colorado River Commission, composed 
of one representative from each state and one from the 
federal government. The commission became the spear- 
head for promoting the Colorado Storage Project and the 
Echo Park dam. 13 

The compact also forced upper basin states to 
cooperate in using the upper Colorado River water. Dur- 
ing the 1940s, Colorado had threatened Wyoming's water 
rights by constructing small dams on tributaries of the 
Colorado. Since the prior appropriation principle, "first 
in time, first in right," was the West's fundamental water 
law, Colorado might have been able to claim water rights 
over Green River water which originated in Wyoming. 14 
The Upper Basin Compact ensured that this could never 
happen. It promised protection of each state's water rights 
from the federal government and allowed each state 
greater independence to plan for its own reclamation pro- 
jects. Wyoming placed great faith in the compact and fully 
supported the Bureau's proposed dams which would make 
the compact's promises a reality. The Echo Park dam, in 

Senator Frank Barrett 

Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney 


effect, was the physical manifestation of the compact. It 
represented an opportunity for Wyoming to purchase 
power, store water for the future, and foster economic and 
political independence from outside corporations and the 
federal government. 15 

The debate peaked in 1954 when Congress considered 
legislation for the Echo Park dam. Wyoming's economic 
hardship of that year strengthened residents' desire for 
federal reclamation and dam projects. In late 1953, a 
drought had blighted southwest Wyoming. By mid 1954, 
it had spread across the state which forced many ranchers 
to market some of their stock early for lack of feed. More 
importantly, in early January the Union Pacific Railroad 
had released hundreds of miners from their jobs after 
replacing coal fired engines with diesels and by summer, 
unemployed miners in southwest Wyoming numbered 
more than one thousand. Rock Springs was devastated 
by the shutdowns. The railroad had crippled an entire 
town in a single blow. One resident wrote that "Rock 
Springs people . . . are ready to go all out for anything 
that could help their situation." Governor C. J. Rogers 
implored Congress to enact the Storage Project soon, for 
the Seedskadee reclamation project would employ desper- 
ate miners and relieve western Wyoming's thirsty acres. 
More than ever before, Wyomingites cried for help from 
the federal government and advocated reclamation, while 
steadfastly claiming control over the water that the pro- 
jects would store. 16 

All of their hopes rested with Congress approving Echo 
Park dam, which promised to be difficult because a 
chorus of Americans were protesting the "invasion" of 
Dinosaur National Monument. From Wyoming's point of 
view, preservationist groups callously ignored her economic 
woes. One resident wrote Senator Frank Barrett that "in 
view of the fact that since colonial times our progress has 
always been to the West and to develop the West to its 
full potentiality depends entirely on water and power, it 
seems to me it would be the height of folly to let a group 
of maudlin idealists stand in the way of progress." 17 Still, 
it was not enough simply to proclaim the dam's potential 
for the upper basin. Preservationists were worried about 
the sanctity of the park system and somehow, their con- 
cerns had to be addressed. In Congress, upper basin poli- 
ticians concentrated on pointing out the advantages of 
the dam, while claiming it could not endanger the park 

They argued that few Americans had ever seen Dino- 
saur's canyons because of their inaccessibility. Only one 
rough dirt road provided access by land. Only the swift 
Green and Yampa Rivers offered a route to Echo Park by 
water. Neither route was safe and most travelling Amer- 
icans were, therefore, unaware of the monument's pristine 
beauty. Build a dam along the Green River, however, and 
all would change. Visitors could then view the magnifi- 
cent canyons along 108 miles of a lovely, placid lake from 
canoes or outboards. As Dr. J. E. Broaddus, a physician 
from Salt Lake City and frequent visitor to Dinosaur said, 


the best reason to dam Echo Park would be to "take peo 
pie down through there in a boat and have them look up 
to those magnificent heights. They will get an inspiratior 
such as they will never get anywhere else ... in the Unitec 
States." 18 

Proponents also claimed that Dinosaur containec 
other equally impressive areas. Members of the Upper Col 
orado Commission listened to G. E. Untermann o: 
Vernal, Utah, another admirer of the monument whc 
had little patience with preservationists. Untermanr 
denounced their ignorance, asserting that they obviousb 
knew nothing of Jones Hole, "an exact duplication" of Ech< 
Park just three miles downstream from the dam site. Hi 
contended that all the animal and plant life in Echo Pari 
existed elsewhere too. Untermann would have agreed witl 
Albert Bartlett from Wyoming, who wrote Senator Bar 
rett that "there are only a few good storage reservoir sites 
but there are millions of square miles available for vaca 
tion areas without interfering with water conservation. Ii 
fact water conservation projects can be very attractive fo 
playgrounds, and many more people would visit and enjo' 
the areas mentioned if they are developed to conservi 
water. . . ." 19 

When statements such as these were coupled witl 
other arguments such as those of the Commission's lega 
counsel, there seemed little reason to worry that the Ech< 
Park dam would violate the park system. Attorney Johi 
Will asserted that was impossible. Will had discovered tha 
President Roosevelt's proclamation expanding Dinosau 
National Monument authorized a dam in the future. Thi 
text of Roosevelt's 1938 decree convinced Will that "thi 
late President Roosevelt thought, the Federal Power Com 
mission thought, the Congress thought, and the genera 
public thought . . . that nothing was being done tha 
would adversely affect the eventual use of the area for pur 
poses such as those to which Echo Park dam will be ded 
icated." Will saw no "invasion" or precedent for dan 
building in other parks, in light of Roosevelt's decree. 2 

Nevertheless preservationists could not be silenced 
Sierra Club Executive Director David Brower successful!' 
challenged the Bureau of Reclamation's much disputec 
evaporation figures. Using simple charts and "ninth-grad* 
arithmetic," Brower proved to a congressional subcom 
mittee that Undersecretary Tudor's check of the Bureau' 
calculations was faulty. Brower argued that use of the Ech< 
Park site would not save nearly as much water over alter 
nate sites as its proponents had said. Tudor had to re-checl 
his figures and preservationists had gained the offensive. 2 

They scoffed at the assertion that the Echo Park dan 
would make a beautiful area more accessible to a largi 
public. Herbert Levi, a professor of botany at the Univer 
sity of Wisconsin, pointed out that such reasoning wouk 
be ludicrous in other situations. "Is the number of visitor 
the criterion of national park standards? Is the Adminis 
tration to place comic strips in the National Gallery o 
Art, or convert the Smithsonian Institution into a circus 
to attract visitors?" James Munro, president of Wyoming' 

jBig Horn Chapter of the Izaak Walton League also failed 
jto see the reasoning. He questioned why the federal gov- 
jernment would "set aside a scenic area on the understand- 
ing that at some later time another Bureau of the Gov- 
ernment would come and build a dam to destroy the very 
lvalues that the monument was created to preserve?" 22 

This all seemed like trivial bickering to the vast major- 
ity in Wyoming. Echo Park's defenders appeared insen- 
sitive to residents whose jobs had been taken away, whose 
ranch lands were sun baked, and who understood that 
water must be conserved in the arid West. The Echo Park 
jcontroversy had not been the first time "nature lovers" had 
.blocked Wyoming's road to progress but the state had 
pearly reached its limit in tolerating them. Wearily, the 
\Casper Tribune-Herald proclaimed that the controversy 
,"is of a kind with that which rages over grazing in the 
national forests. Economic development takes a back seat 
to recreation. It is not conceded that the two can go hand- 
jin-hand." 23 

The Tribune-Herald implied that those who hoped 
( to preserve Dinosaur opposed any attempt to dam the Col- 
orado and that they were interfering with Wyoming's right 
to thrive. The implication was questionable. Preservation- 
;ists were prepared to champion the Colorado Storage Pro- 
ject as long as the Echo Park dam was excluded from the 
bill. They did not seek to prevent the upper basin from 
putting the mighty Colorado River to good use. Though 
!many of them later regretted the authorization of the Glen 
,Canyon dam, few recognized at the time what a magnif- 
icent area was at stake. Still, as long as preservationists 
stood firmly against the Dinosaur dam they delayed the 
whole Storage Project and the longer the project was 
delayed the more criticism they suffered from upper basin 

Eventually, proponents of the Echo Park dam linked 
the nation's preservationists with all others who did not 
support the overall project. As the controversy raged, 
Dinosaur's environmental defenders gradually were seen 
as a smoke screen for the bigger forces at work. At first, 
these forces could not be identified. The upper basin sim- 
ply did not discern any hidden motives behind preserva- 
tionists' protests but they did suspect that those people 
who spoke of the sanctity of the park system had other 
motives in mind. Then, an editorial writer from the Salt 
Lake Tribune sounded the alarm, when he confessed that 
"it is difficult to understand why Echo Park is being made 
the blazing symbol of conservation at this time. The epi- 
demic of editorials and intemperate statements arouses 
the suspicion that Echo Park is the mere window dress- 
ing for a behind-the-scenes movement of far greater con- 
sequence to the Intermountain West, and indirectly, to 
the nation." 24 

What did the writer mean? Was he suggesting that 
a conspiracy existed against the upper basin? If so, who 
composed it? As the 83rd Congress progressed upper basin 
congressmen found the answers. Preservationists, they con- 
cluded, constituted only a minority of the opposition to 

Echo Park dam. The real power, the driving force behind 
them and their self-righteousness, was California. Hav- 
ing reached this conclusion, Echo Park dam's proponents 
railed furiously against California congressmen and any- 
one possibly allied with them. 25 

The Denver Post was especially fond of the California 
conspiracy notion. It saw the California -based Sierra Club's 
stand on Echo Park as clear proof that California was 
covertly leading the opposition. The paper even charged 
Bernard DeVoto, a western historian, conservationist, and 
Harper's columnist, with accepting California money to 
write in protest of the dam. 26 

Wyoming editors and politicians quickly seized the 
notion as well. They saw California's insatiable desire to 
horde the Colorado River water behind every action Cali- 
fomians took. In January, 1953, California Representative 
Leroy Johnson had introduced a bill to establish Green 
River Canyons National Park, separate from Dinosaur Na- 
tional Monument. Johnson wished to divide the river can- 
yons from the dinosaur bone quarry and create individual 
parks. 27 Later that year the Denver Post asserted that 
Johnson did not "give a hoot in Gehemma about preserv- 
ing 'unspoiled' the scenic wonders of the Dinosaur Monu- 
ment, but he knows that the denial of the Echo Park dam- 
site would upset the plans of the Upper Basin states for 
another five years at least, and all the time California 
would be making hay." In 1954, as Congress debated the 
Storage Project, Breck Moran, a member of Wyoming's 
Natural Resource Board, mailed the Post's article to 
Senators Barrett and Lester Hunt. Moran said that it 
should convince those who believe pristine nature is the 
basic issue at stake, that "Southern California's cupidity 
is more important." 28 

Wyomingites detected California influence in other 
publications. In the spring, 1954 issue of Pacific Spectator, 
Sierra Club Director Brower penned an essay on the threat 
to Echo Park that infuriated Wyoming congressman Wil- 
liam Henry Harrison. Brower wanted thoughtful citizens 
to speak out against the Storage Project and he questioned 
"how fervently the federal government should support, at 
financial risk to all the nation, a 1922 river-allocating com- 
pact which in 1954 emerges as a costly device to lift Col- 
orado River economy by its bootstraps." Harrison hardly 
sympathized with the article and bristled at this particular 
passage. Brower, evidently, opposed the fundamental water 
agreement of the Colorado River and the upper basin's 
right to develop its share. To Harrison, Brower was "say- 
ing, in effect, that although the lower basin is benefit- 
ting to the extent of a billion and a half dollars through 
federal reclamation . . . the upper basin can dry up and 
blow away . . ." If Brower persuaded most Spectator 
readers, he unwittingly contributed to the suspicion that 
California plotted to deprive the upper basin of its right 
to a prosperous future. 29 

Californians, of course, simply looked out for their 
own interests and they worried how the Storage Project 
legislation might affect their own claims to the Colorado 


River. Several of the state's congressmen feared that the 
bill could undermine the Colorado Compact of 1922. They 
had misgivings that the authors of the upper basin bill 
had not considered all of the 1922 compact's implications. 
They wanted all the Colorado basin states to fully agree 
on any proposed projects. Upper basin congressmen had 
little patience for such concerns and they grew more weary 
of California regional protests, more mistrustful of Cali- 
fornia motives, and more irritated that its representatives 
delayed the legislation. All of their annoyance with Cali- 
fornia contributed to their growing belief of a lower basin 

Wyoming's congressmen and others from the upper 
basin soon refused to accept any statements from Cali- 
fornians at face value. The California Division of Water 
Resources and the Colorado River Board had prepared 
a report critical of the Storage Project that they sent to 
Secretary McKay. The report outlined Californians' fears 
that additional irrigation in the upper basin would harm 
the quality of water below Lee's Ferry. 30 California's heavy 
reliance on the Colorado for agricultural and domestic 
use prompted this concern. But by expressing it, Califor- 
nians implied that they took a dim view of any irrigation 
in the upper basin. 

Congressmen from the lower basin state did not resent 

the upper basin's 1948 compact or its plans to develop 
upper Colorado River. They were more concerned al 
how such development would affect their own water 
ply. For example, California Senator Thomas Ku 
believed that after dams were built the upper basin ci 
use any amount of water in a given year, as long as it c 
pensated the lower basin in subsequent years. Natur 
for Kuchel and his southern California constituents, 
prospect of their region receiving too little water in 
year was grim. 31 Upper basin congressmen were qui< 
point out that the whole Colorado Storage Project 
based on the requirement for the upper basin to sen 
million acre feet of water to the lower basin every ten y 
Kuchel was not satisfied simply with a ten year guarai 
He wanted a yearly guarantee. Yet it seemed to upper I 
congressmen that he would never be happy with the 
islation until every last detail had been ironed out 
Eventually, Kuchel asked that Congress wait unti 
Supreme Court decided the case Arizona v. Calif oi 
a complicated litigation centering on the issue of divi 
the lower Colorado River water between the two st 
Kuchel had concluded that all of the Colorado basin s 
had a vested interest in the case. Yet Wyoming cong 
men and officials from each upper basin state were 
concerned about the lawsuit's outcome. Moreover, 

Echo Park 


believed that California's attempt to embroil them in the 
lower basin controversy was really a smoke screen to delay 
the Storage Project and the Echo Park dam for good. 33 

The debate in Congress raged. As Californians con- 
tinued to warn that the Storage Project could threaten 
their state's water supply, they invariably spoke against 
Echo Park dam as well. Some embraced the arguments 
of preservationists. Others claimed the large dam simply 
would subsidize upper basin reclamation projects, and was 
unnecessary as a storage reservoir. Regardless of their rea- 
soning, they created more suspicion of their motives. 

During congressional debates California Representa- 
tive Leroy Johnson declared his opposition to the proposed 
legislation, then added that he did "not wish to deprive 
the States involved in this legislation of any water." 34 The 
statement was contradictory. If Californians did not mean 
to block water development in the upper basin why were 
they making such a fuss? And why were they protesting 
construction of Echo Park dam, the key unit in the whole 
project? There was only one answer for congressmen from 
the upper basin: 

The lower basin apparently is not yet ready, in spite of legal 
agreement and sacred promises to the contrary, to help limit 
their own potential possibilities just as long as water must 
flow downhill. . . . The hungry horde in the lower basin wants 
every possible drop and they want to get this clamp of first 
beneficial use on it. That explains this proclivity to take one's 
near neighbors to court, to oppose by all available means 
one's neighbors development — and at the same time fatten 
one's own political nest irrespective of party. . . . We in the 
upper basin are reaching the limit of our endurance of such 
machinations. 35 

Californians, it appeared, had resisted the Storage 
Project and Echo Park dam as much as preservationists 
from around the country. With upper basin patience wear- 
ing thin, it became increasingly difficult for congressmen, 
editors and the public in Wyoming and the other states 
to separate Californians from protectors of Dinosaur. Even- 
tually, the two were linked together in many residents' 
minds. The Casper Tribune-Herald asserted that all of 
those protesting against Echo Park dam were "mainly 
pawns of . . . California groups seeking to hog Colorado 
River water." While preservationists and "eastern interests" 
were partly to blame for holding up the legislation, "back 
of it all, pulling the strings on the mannequins, stood Cal- 
ifornia, with an eye to gaining rights to upper Colorado 
River water by virtue of prior use." Or as the Sheridan 
Press put it, "We are positive that those who bludgeon 
the Echo Park dam project care nothing about Dinosaur 
National Monument, and care nothing about a national 
park. All they want is water belonging to others." 36 

Wyoming residents were completely persuaded. If 
preservationists' arguments found little sympathy in the 
state during the initial years of the Echo Park controversy, 
they found even less by the mid-1950s. Wyoming's faith 
in the Dinosaur dam had been strengthened. Their con- 
viction that Congress should authorize it was reinforced. 
For it was clear that preservationist opposition was insig- 

nificant, that all of them were allied with California. Most 
Wyoming citizens soon became totally blind to the pres- 
ervationist pleas. They thought the only obstacle to a dam 
at Echo Park was California's insatiable appetite for water. 
They thought that once again Wyoming's interests were 
being subordinated to powerful political forces that could 
not be controlled. 

Consequently, Wyomingites increased their crusade 
for the Echo Park dam at the same time that preserva- 
tionists were garnering nationwide support to prevent it. 
In June, 1954, Undersecretary of Interior Tudor admit- 
ted to a House subcommittee that the Bureau's evapora- 
tion figures were incorrect. Tudor said that use of alter- 
nate sites would mean only a loss of 25,000 additional acre 
feet per year. This figure was far below the 350,000 acre 
feet figure which the Bureau had calculated in 1950. 37 
But the Upper Colorado River Commission stood firm. 
The Commission's engineering committee studied the 
evaporation rates and concluded that "it would be unde- 
sirable to further confuse the issue by presenting differ- 
ent figures than those used in the Bureau's studies." 38 In 
addition, legal counsel John Will maintained that all the 
clamor against Echo Park dam was simply "emotional 
propaganda." 39 If the Commission could publicize the 
facts, congressmen would no longer be persuaded by pres- 
ervationists. The Commission soon instituted a publicity 
campaign to reach major editorial writers and the Amer- 
ican public. 

The Commission and upper basin politicians realized, 
as most Wyoming residents and the state press did not, 
that preservationists presented the strongest opposition 
to the legislation. Breck Moran, of Wyoming's Natural 
Resource Board, wrote to Senator Barrett that "without 
Echo Park we fear the project cannot be justified, and 
without the project that vast area of the Colorado water- 
shed in Wyoming cannot develop its great potential." 40 
Hence, the chief task for the 84th Congress centered on 
Echo Park, and the preservationists' concerns. Wyo- 
ming and upper basin politicians focused their efforts 
on the House of Representatives, where the crucial votes 

Utah Senator Arthur Watkins, the hardest working 
congressman for the controversial dam, addressed pres- 
ervationist sentiment in a speech in March, 1955. After 
exhaustively researching the issue, Watkins argued that 
the Echo Park dam could not possibly invade a national 
park, and whoever believed that it could had been "mis- 
led and misinformed." The senator painstakingly outlined 
the history of Dinosaur National Monument, and the 
numerous promises which had been made before Roose- 
velt's proclamation that dams could still be built in the 
Green River Canyon. After researching through Interior 
Department and Federal Power Commission records, Wat- 
kins concluded that if anything, the National Monument 
invaded an area reserved for dam construction, instead 
of the other way around. In fact, he said that "it is 
extremely doubtful that the National Park Service has 


now, or ever has had, jurisdiction over these areas, except 
in a subservient capacity." 41 

Watkins demonstrated that eleven power withdrawals 
for dam sites had been designated within the monument 
by the Federal Power Commission and Secretary of Inte- 
rior between 1904 and 1925. He argued that Roosevelt's 
decree, which said the new area of Dinosaur would be sub- 
ject "to all valid existing rights," referred to dam site 
withdrawals. Watkins' statement was long and detailed 
and displayed such extensive research that it justified all 
of the dam proponents' stand. It injected new hope into 
their cause. 42 

His research did not go unchallenged. Fred Smith, 
Director of the Council of Conservationists, an ad hoc 
committee, wrote Watkins that he had completely misin- 
terpreted the spirit of Roosevelt's decree. Smith asserted 
that Roosevelt meant to nullify all dam site withdrawals. 
Pennsylvania Representative John Saylor also attacked 
Watkins' speech and said power withdrawals were not 
nearly as sacred or legally binding as Watkins said they 
were. Saylor said "valid existing rights" did not refer to 
power withdrawals, which simply reserved public lands 
for possible power development, without at all guarantee- 
ing that the development would be undertaken. 43 

For several weeks in the 84th Congress, the whole Echo 
Park controversy centered on Roosevelt's 1938 decree. Yet 
the debate accomplished little. Those who supported the 
dam in Dinosaur upheld Watkins' interpretation. Those 
who feared for the national park system scoffed at the Utah 
senator and concurred with Saylor and Smith. Wyoming 
politicians and newspapers completely agreed with Wat- 
kins and thereafter accused preservationists of ignoring 
the history of the monument. Little had been gained. The 
two sides were as far apart as ever. 

Wyoming Senator Joseph O'Mahoney took a different 
approach to the Echo Park issue. Congress, he said, should 
not fear setting a precedent for invading the national parks 
because Dinosaur was not a park, but rather a monument. 
He thought it lacked the outstanding qualities ever to be 
designated a national park. He said that none of the 
so-called great national parks— Yellowstone, Grand Teton 
or Glacier — had originally been national monuments; all 
were created by acts of Congress whereas monuments were 
created by executive decree. In his mind, this was the key 
difference between these two units of the national park 
system, and the difference was vital to the whole discus- 
sion over Echo Park. 

On April 19, 1955, Senator O'Mahoney debated with 
Oregon Senator Richard Neuberger, who had introduced 
an amendment to delete Echo Park dam from the Senate 
bill. "I venture to say," O'Mahoney told senators, "that the 
national parks have not had a more persistent defender 
than I have been, but when the senator from Oregon sug- 
gests that a national monument created by an Executive 
Order which specifically preserved existing rights would 
set a precedent for invading national parks, I say the facts 
are all against him." 44 In short, Echo Park dam could be 

built without harming the conscience of national park 

Only a handful of O'Mahoney's Wyoming constituents 
disagreed. Olaus Murie, executive director of the Wilder- 
ness Society from Moose, Wyoming, asked O'Mahoney how 
he could have forgotten his recent involvement with the 
establishment of Grand Teton National Park, which had 
been a national monument for seven years. Another con- 
stituent wrote to the senator that "too frequently the wishes 
of the masses are unheard because we cannot translate 
emotion and esthetic values into figures. . . . Do we always 
have to measure progress in terms of production and popu- 
lation?" 45 Yet such statements from Wyoming residents 
were rare and most eagerly awaited Congress' approval 
of the Echo Park dam. 

The vote never came. On June 9th, 1955, the House 
Reclamation Subcommittee deleted the dam from its ver- 
sion of the Storage Project legislation. Members requested 
formulation of a board of engineers to study alternate sites. 
Upper basin senators, such as O'Mahoney and Barrett, 
still hoped the dam could be reinserted into the bill in 
conference committee. Their hopes were dashed because 
preservationists' badgering of Congress delayed legislation 
for Echo Park dam throughout the 1st session of the 84th 

Wyoming's press expressed anger, and remained con- 
vinced that greedy Californians stood behind Congress' 
failure to enact the bill. While congressmen received a 
flood of mail from Americans who feared for the park 
system, Wyomingites remained unconvinced. "The issue 
of an invasion of national parks is a complete phony and 
was so established by Senator Watkins. . . . The phony 
issue is being used, however, with some measure of suc- 
cess, to deprive the upper Colorado basin states of the 
water which originates in them by preventing their devel- 
opment." O'Mahoney was disappointed at the subcom- 
mittee's action and said "we must sit on the banks of the 
stream and watch the precious flow pour down the stream 
to the City of Los Angeles, the Imperial Valley, and the 
Gulf of California." 46 

Significantly, opposition to the whole Storage Project 
bill persisted even after Echo Park was deleted. Certain 
congressmen balked at the cost, while others felt the bill 
was an overly large subsidy to western agriculture, and 
Californians continued to object out of their concern for 
water rights. This again signified to Wyomingites that 
preservationist strength had been insignificant through- 
out the long controversy. More importantly, the continu- 
ing delays confirmed their belief that Wyoming would 
always remain subordinate to powerful political factions 
in Congress. The Green River Star wondered if it was "to 
be the fate of the Intermountain West to be limited to 
our present extent of development? Is it to be our fate to 
watch our range and our farms die of lack of water? Are 
we to be forced to stand by while the powerful East and 
California decide our future? It looks that way." 47 

The Thermopolis Independent Record complained 


that "greedy easterners want to enjoy the prosperity of the 
rich farm areas and high industrial concentration and hog 
the income of our public lands at the same time." 48 At 
no other time did Wyomingites express their attitudes so 
.sharply during the whole debate over Echo Park. Dele- 
tion of the dam angered state residents, not so much 
because they resented preservation, but because it 
reminded them of their utter dependence on outside polit- 
ical forces for their own well being. Echo Park dam had 
been an opportunity for Wyoming to improve its economy, 
foster economic and political independence, and gain con- 
• trol over its most precious resource, water. They had placed 
; great faith in the dam, and certain eastern congressmen 
■ had removed it from the legislation with the stroke of a 

Despite the loss of Echo Park dam, the controversy 
did not end in failure for Wyoming. In 1956, Congress 
, authorized the Colorado River Storage Project minus the 
: Dinosaur dam. Glen Canyon and Flaming Gorge dams 
would be the major storage reservoirs for the upper basin. 
, Funding for Wyoming's small reclamation projects would 
be forthcoming. Southwest Wyoming would soon benefit 
; from hydroelectrical power produced at Flaming Gorge. 
(Wyomingites, if disappointed, also rejoiced that Congress 
had seen fit to authorize much needed federal reclama- 
tion for the state. 

Thus, Wyomingites gained federal dollars to bolster 
the state's economy, but at the same time these dollars 
i underscored the residents' paradoxical relationship with 
the federal government. In urging Congress to enact the 
Colorado Storage Project, Wyoming hoped to curtail fed- 
,eral interference over its water rights and development. 
But because the residents' entire vision rested upon the 
Echo Park dam they could not avoid the federal govern- 
ment's jurisdiction over Dinosaur National Monument, 
and those who meant to see that it was respected. This 
paradoxical situation exposed what was an old problem 
for the state of Wyoming, how to become politically inde- 
pendent and economically stable and contend with fed- 
eral regulations at the same time. While the federal 
government has often blessed the state with money and 
employment opportunities it has often done so by inter- 
fering with what Wyomingites consider to be their rights. 
It is a problem which the Echo Park controversy exposed, 
and it is one which has by no means disappeared in the 
state's attempt to make the best use of its water. 

1. For accounts of the controversy see Roderick Nash, Wilderness 
and the American Mind, 2nd edition, (New Haven: Yale Univer- 
sity Press, 1967), pp. 209-219 and Elmo Richardson, Dams, Parks 
& Politics, Resource Development and Preservation in the 
Truman-Eisenhower Era (Lexington: The University Press of Ken- 
tucky, 1973). 

2. See T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming, 2nd edition, (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1978). pp. 419-423. 

3. U.S. Department of Interior, National Park Service Annual 
Report, in Annual Report, Secretary of the Interior, 1946, pp. 
307, 323; U.S. Department of Interior, The Colorado River, "A 

Natural Menace Becomes A Natural Resource," A Comprehen- 
sive Report on the Development of the Water Resources of the 
Colorado River Basin for Irrigation, Power Production, and other 
Beneficial Uses in Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New 
Mexico, Utah and Wyoming, March 1946, pp. 11-25. 

4. Department of Interior, The Colorado River, p. 120; Clayton R. 
Koppes, "Oscar L. Chapman: A Liberal at the Interior Depart- 
ment, 1933-1953" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Kansas, 1974), 
p. 343. 

5. Owen Stratton and Phillip Sirotkin, The Echo Park Controver- 
sy, (Interuniversity Case Program, ICP Case Series #46, Univer- 
sity of Alabama, 1949), pp. 23-35. 

6. "Proceedings Before the United States Department of the Interior: 
Hearing on Dinosaur National Monument, Echo Park and Split 
Mountain Dams" (April 3, 1950), in Nash, Wilderness and the 
American Mind, pp. 210-211. 

7. Bernard DeVoto, "Shall We Let Them Ruin Our National Parks?" 
Saturday Evening Post, July 1950, p. 42. 

8. U.S. Grant III, "The Dinosaur Dams Are Not Needed," Living 
Wilderness 15 (Autumn 1950): 17-24. 

9. Stratton and Sirotkin. Echo Park Controversy, p. 63. 

10. Elmo Richardson, "The Interior Secretary as Conservation Villain: 
The Notorious Case of Douglas 'Giveaway' McKay," Pacific 
Historical Review 41 (August 1972): 339-342; Stratton and Sirot- 
kin, Echo Park Controversy, p. 69. 

11. Bishop to McKay, December 21, 1953, in "Colorado River" file, 
Box 3, Frank Barrett papers, Wyoming State Archives, Museums 
and Historical Department, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

12. Larson, History of Wyoming, pp. 508-509. 

13. There is little published literature on the 1948 Compact. See 
Jean S. Breitenstein, "The Upper Colorado River Basin Compact," 
State Government 22 (1949): 214-216, 225. The best source on 
the Compact negotiations are the minutes of the numerous meet- 
ings: "Official Record of the Upper Colorado River Basin Com- 
pact Commission," (Denver, 1946), (Mimeographed) in general 
collection, William Robertson Coe Library, University of Wyo- 

14. Two major court decisions confirmed prior appropriation as the 
basis of Wyoming's water law in the 20th century. See Paul M. 
Holsinger, "Wyoming v. Colorado Revisited, The United States 
Supreme Court and the Laramie River Controversy, 1911-1922," 
Annals of Wyoming 42 (April 1970): 47-56 and Gordon Hen- 
drickson, "Water Rights on the North Platte River: A Case Study 
of the Resolutions and of an Interstate Water Conflict" (Ph.D. 
dissertation, University of Wyoming, 1975). 

15. See L. Clark Bishop, "Echo Park and Split Mountain Reservoirs, 
Key Projects of Colorado River Storage Project," draft of January 
31, 1953, later published in Brand Book of Denver Westerners, 
in "Upper Colorado River" file, Box 202, Coll. 275, Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney papers, Western History Research Center, University 
of Wyoming, hereafter cited as O'Mahoney papers, WHRC, UW. 

16. Leslie Taylor to Harry Henderson, March 31, 1954, in "Upper Col- 
orado River Storage Project" file. Cabinet IV, Drawer III, Coll. 
631, Frank Barrett papers, WHRC, UW, hereafter cited as Bar- 
rett papers, WHRC, UW. Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 518; 
C. J. Rogers, U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Interior and 
Insular Affairs, Colorado River Storage Project, Hearings, before 
a Subcommittee on Irrigation and Reclamation, House of 
Representatives, on H.R. 4449, 4443, 4463, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., 
1954, p. 284. 

17 Jack Scott to Barrett, March 27, 1954, Barrett papers, WHRC, 

18. Official Record of the Upper Colorado River Commission, 
"Minutes of March 20, 1950," p. 137, available in general collec- 
tion, William Robertson Coe Library, University of Wyoming. 

19. Ibid., pp. 129-133; Bartlett to Barrett, March 31, 1954, Barrett 
papers, WHRC, UW. 













John G. Will, "In the Matter of the Authorization of the Split 
Mountain and Echo Park Dams, In Connection With the Upper 
Colorado River Storage Project," (April 3, 1950), p. 6, 
(Mimeographed), in "Colorado River" file, Box 2, Coll. 270, Lester 
Hunt papers, WHRC, UW. 

Brower, U.S. Congress, House, Colorado River Storage Project 
Hearings, pp. 795, 824-826. 

Levi to New York Times, May 13, 1954; Munro to Sheridan Press, 
March 19, 1954. 

Casper Tribune-Herald. February 8, 1954. 
Ernie Linford to New York Times, January 9. 1954. 
Distrust of California had also arisen during the debates over the 
1922 Colorado River Compact. See Norris Hundley, Water and 
the West, The Colorado River Compact and the Politics of Water 
in the American West (Berkeley: University of California Press, 
1975), p. 170. 

Richardson, Dams, Parks & Politics, pp. 138-139. 
U.S. Congress, House, 83rd Cong., 1st sess. , January 6, 1953, Con- 
gressional Record 99:140. 

Roscoe Fleming, "Dam Foes Tweet Alarm," Denver Post, March 
11, 1953; Moran to Barrett, February 5, 1954, in Barrett papers, 

Brower, "Dinosaurs, Parks, and Dams," The Pacific Spectator 8 
(Spring 1954): 158; Harrison, U.S. Congress, House, 83rd Cong., 
2nd sess., May 19, 1954, Congressional Record 100:6877. 
New York Times, March 22, 1954; a copy of the report may be 
found in U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Interior and Insu- 
lar Affairs, Colorado River Storage Project, Hearings, before a 
Subcommittee on Irrigation and Reclamation, Senate, on S. 1555, 
83rd Cong., 2nd sess., 1954. pp. 617-624. 

Kuchel, U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Interior and Insular 
Affairs. Report #1983, "Authorizing the Secretary of the Interior 
to Construct, Operate, and Maintain the Colorado River Storage 
Project and Participating Projects," 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., July 
26, 1954, p. 25. 

John G. Will, "Comments on Senator Kuchel's Minority Views," 
in Barrett papers, WHRC, UW. 

The state of California had officially asked the Supreme Court 
to make the upper basin states a party to the lawsuit. See Hundley, 
Water and the West, ch. 9, for a complete discussion of Arizona 
v. California; Kuchel, U.S. Congress, Senate, Report #1983, p. 
26; Will, Official Record of the Upper Colorado River Commis- 
sion, "Minutes of September 20, 1954," p. 16. 





Johnson, U.S. Congress, House, Colorado River Storage Project, 
Hearings, p. 298. 

Wayne Aspinall, U.S. Congress, House, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., 
August 16, 1954, Congressional Record 100:14700. 
Casper Tribune-Herald, August 29, 1954; Sheridan Press, March 
12, 1954. 

Washington Post, June 6, 1954. Still, Tudor's discovery of the error 
in evaporation figures did not cause him to change his mind about 
Echo Park dam. If Glen Canyon dam were built higher than 
originally proposed, Echo Park could be eliminated with not much 
additional evaporation. But Tudor told the Senate hearings that 
"a higher Glen Canyon Dam is not an acceptable alternative. The 
storage it provides is at the extreme lower end of the upper basin 
and would, therefore, be very substantially less effective than 
upstream storage." See Tudor, U.S. Congress, Senate, Colorado 
River Storage Project, Hearings, p. 48. 

J. R. Riter, Official Record of the Upper Colorado River Com- 
mission, "Minutes of November 7, 1954," p. 33. 
Will, Official Record of the Upper Colorado River Commission, 
"Minutes of September 20, 1954," pp. 1213. 
Moran to Barrett, March 22, 1954, Barrett papers. WHRC, UW. 
U.S. Congress, Senate, "The Dinosaur National Monument and 
the Colorado River Storage Project," 84th Cong., 1st sess., March 
28, 1955, Congressional Record 101:3806-3810. 
Ibid , p. 3812. 

43. Smith to Watkins, April 16, 1955, in Barrett papers, WHRC, UW; 
Saylor, "National Park System Threatened," 84th Cong., 1st sess., 
June 8, 1955, Congressional Record 101:7919. 
U.S. Congress, Senate, 84th Cong., 1st sess., April 19, 1955, Con- 
gressional Record 101:4654. 

Harold Hagen to O'Mahoney, February 5, 1955, and Murie to 
O'Mahoney, May 10, 1955, in O'Mahoney papers, WHRC, UW. 
See also Gregory O. Kendrick, "An Environmental Spokesman: 
Olaus J. Murie and a Democratic Defense of Wilderness," (M.A. 
thesis, University of Wyoming, 1977), pp. 136-138 and Robert 
Righter, Crucible for Conservation: The Creation of Grand Teton 
National Park (Boulder, Colorado: Colorado Associated Univer^ 
sity Press, 1982), pp. 103-125. 

46. Casper Tribune-Herald, June 16, 1955; O'Mahoney to David Scoll, 
July 2, 1955, in O'Mahoney papers, WHRC, UW. 

47. Star, reprinted in Casper Tribune-Herald, July 17, 1955. 

48. Record, reprinted in Casper Tribune-Herald, October 23, 1955. 








The Quest for 

Settlement in 

Early Wyoming 

The drive to attract population has been a constant 
theme throughout the history of the Rocky Mountain 
West. Despite its spectacular mountain scenery, the region's 
high altitude, incessant wind, and extreme aridity has 
often made it seem less than hospitable to prospective set- 
tlers. Wyoming has always appeared particularly forbid- 
ding to people unaccustomed to the expansive high plains. 
Shortly after the completion of the transcontinental rail- 
road in 1869, one traveler captured the feelings of many 
observers in describing the Wyoming prairie as "the Great 
American Desert— a vast barren basin, utterly destitute 
of life, devoid of living streams, a Sahara without a single 
relieving oasis, truly, the Valley of the Shadow of Death." 1 
Such dreary accounts discouraged settlement throughout 
Wyoming and the West. Hoping to offset such negative 
publicity, Wyoming officials soon realized the necessity 
of actively seeking immigration. 

Immediately following the organization of Wyoming 

Territory in 1869, the first legislative assembly launched 
the campaign to attract immigrants. The requirement that 
states attain a population of sixty thousand before applying 
for statehood accentuated the need for growth. Gover- 
nor John A. Campbell advised the legislators of the need 
for new population. He believed that anyone who might 
contribute to Wyoming's resource development should be 
enticed to come. While he acknowledged that permanent 
settlers were the most desirable, he asked the legislators 
to "remember that all labor is profitable, and that all 
immigrants of whatever nationality, who will aid us in the 
development of the resources of our territory, should be 
aided and encouraged to come amongst us." 2 To further 
such a purpose, Governor Campbell advocated the crea- 
tion of a bureau of statistics to collect and distribute all 
information pertaining to Wyoming's resources. 3 

Despite Governor Campbell's request, the legislature 
did not appropriate money for a bureau of statistics. 


Instead, the legislature decided that a women's suffrage 
act might well serve to attract attention and population 
to Wyoming at no expense. 4 The women's suffrage bill 
proved to be an economical way to publicize the territory 
in the East, especially following the selection of female 
justices of the peace and jurors in Wyoming. 5 Regarding 
population, however, the Rocky Mountain News reported 
that women's suffrage drew to Wyoming "a few hundred 
from down east; but alas! The country is as barren as 
before, and the barreness [sic] is steadily increasing for 
the new accessions to the population have invariably been 
old maids and unaffiliated grass-widows." 6 Population sta- 
tistics confirm this account. The vote simply did not 
attract thousands of Eastern suffragettes to the prairies 
of Wyoming. 

In the meantime, immigration had taken on a new 
urgency following a proposal made by President Ulysses 
Grant in 1872. Grant favored dividing Wyoming Territory 
into four sections and then distributing the sections 
between Colorado, Utah, Idaho, and Montana. 7 Although 
Congress did not adopt the proposal, Governor Camp- 
bell spoke with renewed vigor when he asked the 1873 leg- 
islature to create some sort of bureau of immigration. 
According to Campbell, other territories outstripped Wyo- 
ming in terms of wealth and population simply because 
they were more diligent in advertising their advantages. 
He told the legislature that "the adoption of such mea- 
sures as will bring to our own people, as well as to non-resi- 
dents, a knowledge of the almost unlimited resources of 
Wyoming appears to me to be your imperative duty." 8 
Given the exigency of the request, the legislators agreed 
to appropriate $4000 to cover the expenses of a Board of 
Immigration and a Commissioner of Immigration. In 
1874, the newly created Board published a promotional 
pamphlet entitled The Territory of Wyoming: Its History, 
Soil, Climate, Resources, etc. 9 Despite this promising start, 
the Board would be short-lived. 

In 1875, John M. Thayer, the newly-appointed gover- 
nor, asked the legislature to repeal the act which had estab- 
lished the Board of Immigration. As justification, he 
pointed to "the present state of our agricultural depart- 
ment, and the uncertainty of the market for labor amongst 
us." 10 He may also have been motivated by a need for fiscal 
cutbacks during a time of economic stagnation in Wyo- 
ming." In either event, the legislature willingly complied 
with the governor's request. 

With no further money available to encourage immi- 
gration, territorial officials hoped that the annual report 
of the governor to the Secretary of the Interior in Wash- 
ington would fulfill the same purpose. The Department 
of the Interior had begun administrating the territories 
of the United States in 1878, requiring each territorial gov- 
ernor to submit an annual report. These reports often 
included information pertaining to the territory's resources 
and progress. A few thousand extra copies were printed 
each year for distribution to potential immigrants. 12 

These initial efforts to attract population to Wyoming 

failed to achieve great success. Several factors serve to 
explain the lack of immigration during the 1870s. Most 
published reports written by Union Pacific travelers 
described Wyoming as a barren wasteland. Furthermore, 
the severe winter of 1871-72 caused many potential immi- 
grants to discount previous reports describing Wyoming's 
mild climate. Finally, Wyoming newspaper editors often 
published exaggerated accounts of Indian dangers, hop- 
ing to pressure the federal government into launching mil- 
itary campaigns. These exaggerated reports received con- 
siderable publicity in Eastern newspapers, thus acting as 
a further deterrent to immigration. 13 

Despite the lack of success encountered during the 
1870s by those interested in attracting people to Wyoming, 
the search for settlers continued. In the late 1870s, some 
prominent Wyoming citizens argued that the predomi- 
nance of the cattle industry prevented population growth 
by precluding farming. In 1879, Governor John W. Hoyt 
commented in his message to the legislature, "The pres- 
ent growth of our population is slow. It is necessary that 
it should be so long as the stock business is not only the 
leading interest — as perhaps it always will be — but in fact 
the only productive industry carried on to any considerable 
extent." Hoyt believed that the power of the cattle industry 
explained the failure of the now inoperative board of 
immigration. 14 

In fact, ranchers were not enthusiastic about the possi- 
bility of small farmers settling in Wyoming. The presence 
of settlers posed a number of problems for the cattle 
barons. Settlers usually occupied prime land along streams 
in order to secure water for irrigation. These homesteads 
were often fenced, thus breaking up the open range and 
barring the cattle from the streams. Furthermore, the set- 
tlers had a legal advantage over the cattlemen because 
the intent of the homestead laws had been to provide pro- 
spective farmers with fee simple land titles, while ranchers 
ran cattle on the public domain without establishing title. 15 

Perhaps more important than the practical problems 
which settlers presented to ranchers was the supposed 
moral superiority of the small rural farmer's livelihood. 
In connection with the rhetoric of national expansion, 
Americans developed a hierarchical concept of proper 
land use which granted farming precedence over grazing 
and hunting and gathering. William E. Smythe reflects 
this bias when he argued in The Conquest of Arid 
A merica that ranching is a "pursuit which does not develop 
the higher possibilities of the country, either in a material 
or a social way, and so long as its influence strongly dom- 
inated the life of the community, Wyoming did not fur- 
nish an attractive field for settlers." "There was a time," 
continued Smythe, "when prominent men actually depre- 
cated the growth of population, and boldly asserted that 
brute cattle were more to be welcomed than men, women, 
and children in that sparsely settled empire." 16 

Thomas Moonlight also believed in the superiority of 
the small farmer's lifestyle. He worked to weaken the influ- 
ence of the Wyoming cattlemen after assuming the terri- 


torial governorship in 1887. Moonlight was a granger with 
a veneration for the small homestead. He felt that Wyo- 
ming would never attract a large population until large- 
scale ranching was replaced by an agricultural system 
based on small farms. In his annual report for 1887 Moon- 
light proclaimed, "The first great demand, then, in the 
way of population is farmers, practical, everyday farmers, 
who will put their hands to the plow and not look back." 17 
He further noted that the residents of Wyoming had been 
unsympathetic to an increase in settlers while cattle inter- 
ests dominated the territory, but now "the bars are down; 
the land is open; and where it is not open, those holding 
it are willing and anxious to sell . . ." 18 While the cattle- 
men's willingness to sell might be more readily explained 
by the disastrous financial losses they had suffered dur- 
ing the severe 1886-87 winter, Moonlight's views offer evi- 
dence of the pressure being brought to bear against the 
territory's ranching community. 

Convinced that Wyoming's promotional efforts were 
undermined by the cattle interests, Moonlight lamented 
that "there has been no organized or systematized effort 
made by the Territorial authorities to secure immigra- 
tion." 19 Moonlight believed that Wyoming had agricultural 
potential, but the territory had been misrepresented to 
prospective farmers. Settlers would remain ignorant of the 
potential until the legislature established a promotional 
bureau not controlled by cattlemen. 20 

Although Wyoming's efforts to attract settlement 
did not satisfy such men as Thomas Moonlight, in 1889 
a major step was taken. With a population reported to 
be in excess of 60,000, Wyoming produced a constitu- 
tion and soon successfully fulfilled the requirements 
for statehood. However, the population remained tiny for 
the huge 98,000 square mile state. Wyoming's first state 
governor, Francis E. Warren, a prominent rancher and 
politician, suggested a number of measures to aid the 
infant state's quest for immigration. In his 1890 legisla- 
tive message, Warren announced that more than 10,000 
copies of the promotional pamphlet entitled "Resources 
of Wyoming" had been distributed throughout the states, 
territories, and foreign countries. State officials had 
also printed and distributed 4,000 copies of maps show- 
ing the mineral resources of Wyoming. 21 Finally, War- 
ren advocated that Wyoming complete an exhibition for 
the 1892 World's Fair to advertise the state's advan- 
tages. 22 Unfortunately, the state publication fund was 
quickly exhausted and no further money was made avail- 
able. 23 

Warren's public efforts were somewhat tainted by his 
private actions. In 1891, having resigned his gubernato- 
rial position to join the United States Senate, Warren was 
charged with harassing settlers homesteading in the vicin- 
ity of his land. He was accused of ordering his sheepherders 
to drive settlers out of territory adjoining his ranges, or 
forcing them to sell at minimum prices. 24 Perhaps reflect- 
ing his ranching background, Warren had not resolved 
a personal conflict between public good and private profit. 

The issue reached a climax with the onset of the John- 
son County War. While the Johnson County War is often 
portrayed as a dispute between large and small ranchers, 
the incident also represented a feud between ranchers and 
settlers. Ranchers were outraged when settlers home- 
steaded on land which had previously been used exclu- 
sively for cattle grazing. In April of 1892, a party of cat- 
tlemen, stock detectives, and hired gunfighters gathered 
together in Cheyenne and headed north to Johnson County 
to subdue the settlers and small ranchers. 25 The party of 
"invaders" boasted that ninety percent of Wyoming's citi- 
zens supported their efforts, but they soon found that they 
faced overwhelming public opposition. 26 In the end, a 
detachment of United States cavalry and infantry were 
dispatched to the TA Ranch south of Buffalo to save the 
invaders from being massacred by a heavily-armed throng 
of settlers. While this setback did not mark the end of 
large-scale cattle ranching in Wyoming, the cattlemen did 
lose much of their previous political power. At the same 
time, small ranchers and farmers had won the right to 
live in Wyoming in peace. 27 

With the political strength of the cattlemen somewhat 
curtailed, state officials began to orient their promotional 
activities around Wyoming's farming potential. The state's 
concern with farming reflects popular ideas which pre- 
vailed around the turn of the century. Such groups as the 
so-called urban agrarians expressed reverence for farm- 
ers as a means of criticizing the social and political changes 
connected with the rapid growth of America's industrial 
cities. 28 These neo-Jeffersonian groups believed that the 
Republic's safety rested with the self-reliant farmers who 
would protect national values from the incipient urban 
radicals. 29 

As groups like the urban agrarians promoted the vir- 
tues of farm life at the national level, Governor Bryant 
B. Brooks began actively working to lure farmers to Wyo- 
ming after taking office in 1905. He reported to the 1907 
legislature that reclamation and dry farming would double 
the state's population in a few years. 30 His office issued 
a promotional publication entitled The State of Wyoming 
which offered a general overview of the resources of the 
state. 31 This masterful piece of state advertisement pro- 
claimed that Wyoming offered 10,000,000 acres subject 
to irrigation and cultivation, 48,000,000 acres subject 
to entry under United States land laws, and the "finest 
trout fishing known to mortal man." 32 When writing his 
memoirs in the late 1930s, Brooks proudly recalled that 
"agricultural interests were chiefly responsible for the influx 
of approximately 15,000 new settlers in Wyoming in 
1909. " 33 

The legislature also revived the Board of Immigra- 
tion during Governor Brooks' administration. The Board 
consisted of the Commissioner of Public Lands, the State 
Geologist, and the State Engineer. These three men had 
"jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to the advertise- 
ment of Wyoming and the attraction of settlers and inves- 
tors." The legislature further required the Board "to 


collect, compile, and distribute reliable information in 
regard to the various resources of the state and to employ 
advertising agents to carry out such work as shall dem- 
onstrate the agricultural and other possibilities of Wyo- 
ming . . ," 34 During 1907 and 1908, the Board published 
numerous promotional pamphlets, provided aid in con- 
structing the Wyoming Industrial Exhibit in Cheyenne, 
and sent a display to the National Corn Exhibition in 
Omaha. 35 

The 1909 legislature provided the Board with ample 
financial resources, allowing for extensive promotional 
activities during the next few years. Part of the money went 
toward printing a new pamphlet entitled "Wonderful Wyo- 
ming." State representatives then distributed copies of the 
pamphlet at the Chicago Land Show and the National 
Corn Show in Omaha. Also in 1908, Wyoming sent an 
agricultural exhibit to the Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois 
state fairs and to the exposition at Knoxville, Tennessee. 
Finally, the Board sent Governor Brooks and Congressman 
Frank Mondell to deliver addresses to the National Farm 
Land Congress held in Chicago. 36 

Mondell also supported legislation designed to attract 
settlers. Largely because of his efforts, Congress passed 
the Homestead Act of 1909. This act increased the amount 
of free land available to homesteaders from 160 to 320 
acres. 37 The act further specified that farm land which 
had previously been locked up in mineral reserves would 
be opened to homesteaders with the stipulation that the 
federal government would retain the mineral rights to the 
land. 38 Such inducements brought a number of aspiring 
dry farmers to Wyoming. 39 

As a consequence of the promotional efforts of the 
Board of Immigration and the passage of the Homestead 
Act of 1909, Wyoming's population increased substantially 
during the first decade of the 20th century. Over 50,000 
new residents settled in Wyoming between 1900 and 1910, 
a population gain of almost 58 percent. 40 This growth 
failed to satisfy everyone. State immigration agent W. T. 
Judkin wrote in 1910 that Idaho, Washington, and Oregon 
had attracted the majority of new settlers. He attributed 
the growth of the Northwest to the fact that "these peo- 
ple are making more of an effort to get the home seeker, 
they make liberal appropriations, get out vast amounts 
of literature, and see that it gets before the right kind of 
people . . ." 41 Judkin exhorted Wyoming promoters to 
adopt similar practices. 

Newly elected governor Joseph M. Carey also believed 
that the state could do more to secure immigrants. Call- 
ing immigration "the greatest of all the needs of the state," 
Carey told the 1911 legislature that "the matter is so urgen 
[sic] and important that it cannot without grave conse- 
quences to our progress as a state be neglected or even 
postponed to a future session." 42 The legislature responded 
by appropriating $40,000 to the Board of Immigra- 
tion. 43 

No longer impeded by lack of money, the Board 
launched an accelerated program. More than 1,000,000 


people visited the Wyoming booth placed on display at 
the Pittsburgh, New York, and Chicago land shows of 1911. 
The Board staffed the booth with special representatives 
prepared to answer questions about the state. 44 

Believing that Eastern and Midwestern newspapers 
only published information detrimental to the image of 
Wyoming, the Board sponsored a tour for newspaper writ- 
ers, seeking to show them the state's scenic, agricultural, 
and industrial highlights. State officials then asked the 
correspondents "to write the truth as they saw it concern- 
ing what Wyoming had to offer to the homeseeker, inves- 
tor, or capitalist." 45 Following the tour, Wyoming articles 
appeared in numerous publications, including the Wash- 
ington Post, New York Tribune, Boston Transcript, Chi- 
cago Examiner, and Los Angeles Tribune. 46 

Also in 1911, the Board appropriated $500 per month 
for newspaper, magazine, and farm journal advertising. 
The Board hired the National Advertising Company to 
direct the promotional campaign. Hoping to lure farmers 
to the state, advertising efforts were focused on the 
Midwest. Advertisements appeared under headings such 
as the following: "Wyoming an Ideal Place for Dairymen," 
"Wyoming Wants 10,000 Farmers," and "Big Money Rais- 
ing Hogs in Wyoming." The advertisements resulted in 
inquiries from every state in the Union and from 14 foreign 
countries. The majority of the inquiries came from Illinois, 
Pennsylvania, and New York. 47 

The Board additionally engaged in publishing a vari- 
ety of promotional pamphlets. The pamphlets emphasized 
the farming, oil, mineral, stock growing, and manufac- 
turing prospects of the state. In particular, the Board 
hoped to take advantage of the expressed interest in home- 
steading in Wyoming. In response to inquiries concern- 
ing the proper method for obtaining public land, immi- 
gration officials published 20,000 copies of a pamphlet 
entitled "Free Government Lands in Wyoming, and How 
to Obtain Title to Them." This pamphlet offered a synop- 
sis of the land laws applicable to Wyoming, as well as a 
statement regarding the quality of land in several state- 
wide districts. 48 

Despite this unprecedented flurry of promotional 
activity, the 1913 legislature had reservations about the 
Board. Drought in 1910 and 1911 had led to widespread 
crop failures throughout the state causing a drastic reduc- 
tion in acreage assessed as dry-farm lands. 49 This reduc- 
tion no doubt induced many legislators to question the 
practicality of appropriating funds to advertise the state's 
farming opportunities. The legislature did not approve 
of Board of Immigration Commissioner Roy W. Schenk's 
Progressive politics. Some skeptics claimed that the pro- 
motion was mainly designed to benefit Governor Carey 
by attracting homesteaders willing to invest in the Carey- 
sponsored Wheatland irrigation project. Other legislators 
charged that too much of the promotional campaign was 
directed toward the East, whereas the Midwest offered 
better immigration prospects. In the wake of these 
accusations, the legislature appropriated nothing for the 

continuation of the Board of Immigration. 50 Once again, 
the state was left without an official agency to coordinate 
efforts for securing immigration. 

The Board of Immigration remained inactive 
throughout the World War I years, but in 1919 Governor 
Robert D. Carey convinced the legislature to revive the 
Board. 51 Immigration Commissioner Charles S. Hill 
reported in 1920 that promotional efforts had been ham- 
pered by the drought of 1919 and the railroad's decision 
to discontinue reduced excursion fares for homeseekers 
and tourists. Nevertheless, Commissioner Hill proudly 
announced that "Wyoming experienced an undreamed 
of influx of new citizens" following the war. 52 The Board 
remained active in distributing literature pertaining to 
state resources. Hill displayed a willingness to follow the 
advice of earlier critics when he reported that advertis- 
ing had been directed at the states of Nebraska, Kansas, 
Iowa, the Dakotas, Montana, Utah, Idaho, Colorado, 
Oklahoma, Texas, Missouri, Illinois, and Indiana "where 
experience has taught that it is reasonable to expect the 
greatest results." 53 The Board also claimed direct respon- 
sibility for attracting hundreds of former servicemen to 
the state. World War I veterans were enticed by a guar- 
anteed 60-day preferential right when filing for irrigated 
farm land opened under the Shoshone and North Platte 
reclamation projects. 54 

Although state officials continued to promote farm- 
ing, tourism had become an important immigration com- 
ponent by 1920. Commissioner Hill noted the economic 
benefits which tourism offered. He commented that 
increased automobile and motorcycle travel pointed to the 
necessity of improved highways. The automobile had 
helped draw more tourists to Yellowstone National Park 

ivmi ; 1 1 ; fd n : i »ei fthihmct^ 


MS ■ H 

IU IS 6: 

Boosters took fruit and vegetable displays to fairs through- 
out the nation to promote the virtues of Wyoming agricul- 
ture. This display was shown at the Chicago Land Show 
in 1922. 

and other summer resorts. Following a request from Com- 
missioner Hill, the Forest Service began publishing a 
weekly bulletin concerning fishing in Wyoming which 
appeared in all the Wyoming and Denver daily news- 
papers. 55 The third, and final, biennial report of the 
Board of Immigration, published in 1923, is devoted 
largely to extolling the value of tourism. 56 Whereas the 
Board had originally been conceived to lure permanent 
settlers to the state, by 1923 Wyoming was satisfied to lure 
the transient. 

After 1923, the Board of Immigration would never 
again be resurrected in Wyoming. A number of factors 
contributed to the Board's demise. At the national level, 
America witnessed a sharp increase in nativistic sentiments 
in the years after World War I. The proliferation of nativ- 
ism was, in part, a reaction to the rapid growth of Amer- 
ica's European immigrant population. Between 1905 and 
1915, ten million Europeans immigrated to the United 
States. 57 Most of the immigrants came from eastern and 
southern Europe and were therefore labeled non-Nordics. 
Many of the arriving Europeans were poorly educated, 
unskilled laborers who practiced either the Roman Catho- 
lic, Greek Orthodox, or Jewish religions — characteristics 
which did not endear them to most native Americans. 58 
Some Americans held the view that immigrants should 
be discouraged from settling in scantily populated states 
like Wyoming because rural isolation tended to perpet- 
uate old country traditions and hinder assimilation. 59 The 
hostility toward immigrants culminated in the Quota Law 
of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924 which aimed 
to limit the number of eastern and southern Europeans 
allowed into the United States. 60 The influence of nativism 
no doubt led many Wyomingites to question the contin- 
ued existence of an immigration board. 

The onset of depression in Wyoming was perhaps the 
most important factor deterring the state from continuing 
efforts to attract settlement. Although the nation as a 
whole prospered during the early twenties, economic hard 
times struck agriculture, coal mining, and petroleum 
interests. Given the importance of agriculture, coal, and 
oil to the state's economy, the depression hit Wyoming 
earlier than elsewhere. Deflation and the 1919 drought 
caused setbacks in the livestock business. Although Wyo- 
ming homesteading peaked in 1920 and 1921, the com- 
bination of drought and low prices for farm products led 
to a steep decline in homestead entries during the 
remainder of the twenties. National coal strikes resulted 
in declining wages and unemployment in Wyoming's coal 
mines. 61 In response to the depression, the state govern- 
ment initiated austerity programs. In 1923, Governor Wil- 
liam B. Ross requested that the legislature consider abol- 
ishing departments "the expense of which could be greatly 
curtailed without any very serious loss to the state." The 
legislators agreed with the suggestion that the Board of 
Immigration be eliminated. 6Z ' 

Despite the rather inglorious death of the Board of 
Immigration, a 50-year drive to encourage settlement 


had shown some results. In 1870, Wyoming's population 
barely surpassed the 9,000 level. The figure had grown 
to almost 200,000 by 1920. Wyoming's rate of population 
increase ran well ahead of the national average throughout 
the years between 1870 and 1920. H Nevertheless, one fact 
had become clear— Wyoming would remain sparsely pop- 
ulated. Soil of questionable fertility, an extremely short 
growing season, and all too frequent droughts meant that 
Wyoming would never attract the same number of farmers 
as did the Midwestern states. Wyoming was destined to 
remain a cattleman's domain after all. Scattered mines 
and oil rigs would eventually dot the open range, but 
Wyoming would remain a state of few inhabitants. 

At the present time, Wyoming still awaits a massive 
influx of population. Contemporary promoters, follow- 
ing a trend recognized by the Board of Immigration in 
the early 1920s, focused their attention on tourists rather 
than permanent settlers. Tourism has consequently 
become a leading Wyoming industry, surpassed only by 
minerals and mining. Wyoming now seeks to beckon tour- 
ists by publicizing the recreational advantages of an 
unspoiled, sparsely populated state. Permanent residents 
and tourists alike enjoy Wyoming's unique unpopulated 
character. Such attitudes seem to indicate that Wyoming 
will not undergo any substantial population growth in the 
near future. The long desired rush of settlers must await 
some presently unforeseen turn of events. 

1. Quoted in T. A. Larson, Wyoming: A History (New York: W. W. 
Norton & Co., Inc., 1977), p. 75. 

2. Message of Governor Campbell to the First Legislative Assembly 
of Wyoming Territory . . . 1869. Western History Research Center, 
University of Wyoming. Hereafter cited as W.H.R.C. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Larson. Wyoming, p. 78. 

5. Lewis L. Gould, Wyoming: A Political History, 1869-1896 (New 
Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 27. 

6. Quoted in Mary Ann Reidel, "The Image of Wyoming in the 
Rocky Mountain News" (Unpublished M.A. Thesis. University 
of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming, 1967), p. 63. 

7. T A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1978), p. 63. 

8. Message of Governor Campbell to the Third Legislative Assembly 
of Wyoming . . . 1873 (Cheyenne. 1873) pp. 6-7. W.H.R.C. 

9. Larson. History of Wyoming, p. 118. 

10. Ibid. 

11. Ibid., see pp. 108-115. 

12. Ibid. 

13. Ibid., p. 119. 

14. Message of Governor Hoyt to the Sixth Legislative Assembly of 
Wyoming . . . 1879 (Cheyenne, 1879), p. 37. W.H.R.C. 

15. George W. Rollins, The Struggle of the Cattleman, Sheepman, 
and Settler for Control of Lands in Wyoming, 1867-1910 (New 
York: Arno Press, 1979), p. 308. 

16. William E. Smythe, The Conquest of Arid America (Seattle: 
University of Washington Press, 1899, 1905), pp. 222-223. 

17. Gould, A Political History, p. 97. 

18. Ibid., pp. 97-98. 

19. Report of the Governor of Wyoming to the Secretary of the Inte- 
rior. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1887), p. 7. 

20. David M. Emmons. Garden in the Grasslands (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1971), pp. 68-69. 

21 . Biennial Message of Governor Francis E. Warren to the Legislature 
of Wyoming . . . 1890 (Cheyenne. 1890), p. 18. W.H.R.C. 

22. Ibid , p. 33. 

23. Emmons, Garden in the Grasslands, pp. 63-64. 

24. Rollins, The Struggle of the Cattleman, Sheepman, and Settler, 
p. 313. 

25. Helena Huntington Smith, The War on Powder River (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 197. 

26. Rollins, The Struggle of the Cattleman, Sheepman, and Settler, 
p. 339. 

27. Ibid., p. 343. 

28. David B. Danbom, The Resisted Revolution (Ames: Iowa State 
University Press, 1979), p. 25. 

29. Ibid., pp. 26-27. 

30. Message of Governor Bryant B Brooks to the Ninth State 
Legislature . . . 1907 (Cheyenne, 1907), p. 7. W.H.R.C. 

31. Ibid., p. 12. 

32. The State of Wyoming (Cheyenne: The S. A. Bristol Co., 1908), 
pp. 5-6. 

33. Bryant B. Brooks. Memoirs of Bryant B. Brooks (Glendale, 
California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1939), p. 229. 

34. First Report of the Department of Immigration of Wyoming, 
1907-1908. Wyoming State Archives, Museums and Historical 
Department, Cheyenne, Wyoming. Hereafter cited as A.M.H. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Biennial Report of the State Board of Immigration of the State 
of Wyoming, 1909-1910. A.M.H. 

37. Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 362. 

38. Roy M. Robbins, Our Landed Heritage (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1976), p. 371. 

39. Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 362. 

40. Ibid., p. 619. 

41. Annual Report of the Office [of] the State Immigration Agent, 
State of Wyoming, 1910. A.M.H. 

42. Message of Governor Joseph M. Carey to the Eleventh State 
Legislature . . . 1911 (Laramie, 1911), p. 19. W.H.R.C. 

43. Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 324. 

44. Biennial Report of the State Board of Immigration of the State 
of Wyoming, 1911-1912, p. 40. A.M.H. 

45. Ibid., p. 30. 

46. Ibid., pp. 33-34. 

47. Ibid., pp. 15-18. 

48. Ibid., p. 13. 

49. Larson. History of Wyoming, p. 362. 

50. Ibid., p. 331. 

51. Ibid., pp. 415-416. 

52. Second Biennial Report of the Wyoming State Board of Immigra- 
tion to the Governor and the Sixteenth State Legislature, 
1919-1920, p. 7, A.M.H. 

53. Ibid., p. 4. 

54. Ibid., p. 7. 

55. Ibid., pp. 10-13. 

56. Third Biennial Report of the Wyoming State Board of Immigra- 
tion, 1921-1923. see pp. 15-25. A.M.H. 

57. Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York: John 
Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1969), p. 136. 

58. Donald R. Taft and Richard Robbins, International Migrations 
(New York: Ronald Press Company, 1955), pp. 454-455. 

59. Danbom, Resisted Revolution, p. 30. 

60. Taft and Robbins, Migrations, pp. 376 and 410. 

61. Larson, History of Wyoming, pp. 411-413. 

62. Message of Governor William B. Ross Delivered Before the Seven- 
teenth State Legislature of the State of Wyoming . . . 1923 
(Cheyenne, 1923), pp. 6-7. W.H.R.C. 

63. Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 619. 


A German Looks at Cheyenne in 1876: 
The Travels of Ernst von Hesse-Wartegg 

Edited and translated by 
Frederic Trautmann 

Ernst von Hesse-Wartegg (1854-1918) was 
perhaps the 19th century's foremost traveler and 
greatest travel writer. ' At 21 he began the trips and 
the books that led him all over the world and brought 
the world to countless readers of several languages. 
His career as a diplomat— counsul in London for 
years— seems to have been handmade to his travels, 
as was his marriage to Minnie Hauck (1852-1912) 
who performed in opera around the globe and sang 
the first American Carmen. 2 Hesse-Wartegg himself 
was the first German in Korea. Moreover, he was 
largely responsible for the maritime practice of signal- 
ing positions of icebergs and wrecks, and for univer- 
sal and standard time zones. To call him an author 
is misleading. He was a writing machine: forty-odd 
books, including ones on the Balkans, Canada, 
China, India, Japan, Korea, the Middle East, 
Samoa, Siam, Tunisia, South America, and the 
United States. Probably nobody has written more 
American description and travel than this German. 
Some of the eight American titles went into later edi- 
tions; others were in multiple volumes. His compre- 
hensive study of the United States, four volumes, 
appeared in Nord-Amerika: Seine Stadte und 
Naturwunder, sein Land und seine Leute (North 
America: Its Cities and Natural Wonders, Its Land 
and People), which contains a chapter on Cheyenne. 
He produced this work like so many others, by travel- 
ing in the places discussed, by reading their history 
and current affairs, and by questioning authorities. 
Thus, Cheyenne was on the itinerary in 1876 and 
his description reflects his research and reflection on 
Cheyenne's past, present, and future. How good was 
he as a travel writer, how good his method for com- 
posing travels? Thomas D. Clark commends "this 
German observer's writings" and their "many precise 
and enlightening observations," and notes that in Life 
on the Mississippi, Mark Twain "leaned heavily" 
on Hesse-Wartegg.* Below, in translation, is Hesse- 
Wartegg' s description of Cheyenne. 4 

Baron de Wartegg about 1900. 

"Magic City" 

We had crossed Nebraska, starting at its eastern boun- 
dary (the Missouri River), and now were speeding along- 
side the dry bed of the Lodgepole River, on the border 
of Wyoming Territory, between the "cities" of Bushnell and 
Pine Bluffs. The plains began to change, brightening with 
life. We had been seeing short, brown buffalo grass and 
mile after mile of open spaces burned by fire to a black 
desert. Now we saw long-stemmed, flowering grasses and 
clumps of sunflowers. These big, yellow blooms spring up 
wherever man or nature disturbs the soil. Thus they lift 
their flaxen heads along hundreds of miles of railroads 
and wagon trails. In eastern Kansas and Nebraska we 
viewed square miles of them, seven to nine feet tall. The 
farther west, the shorter they became: in Colorado, barely 
seven to nine inches yet with the form and features of tall 


ones. Little sunflowers are America's most curious minia- 
ture plant. 

The last outpost of agriculture on these plains is 250 
miles from the Missouri. Then, for 300 miles, to the foot 
of the Rocky Mountains, the landform is steppe, not 
suitable for agriculture but merely grazing land for herds 
of cattle, buffalo, and wild horses. Water there is none, 
irrigation impossible, and the uncertain rain never 
enough. Indeed, hundreds of square miles are salt flats 
and alkali wastes. The 100th meridian is the boundary 
of Anglo-Saxon civilization. 

We have nearly crossed these deserts now. Before us, 
stretching low across the horizon from east to west, clouds 
appear. The closer we get, the more palpable they become. 
Day's work done, the sun begins to retire and throws 
brilliant rays obliquely over those clouds — rays bright 
yellow and, here and there, as white as glittering 
diamonds. Eyes that have seen snowfields will see them 
again in these clouds. Snowfields and diamonds disap- 
pear now; the sun dims to a glowing ruby, one bright point 
on a darkening horizon; and in this light the long, low 
zone of clouds seems to bristle with jagged edges and sharp 
teeth, and to cast profound shadows across the edge of 
the plains beneath them. But our eyes deceive us. We look 
again. No doubt about it: we have reached the Rocky 

In all those mountains only one peak still glows in the 
dull red of the vanished sun. The peak, as far from us 
as the eye can see, reflects like a mirror the sun from there 
in the south to here in the north. When darker nuances 
announce dusk, when mists rise into a magical veil over 
the dying light, only then does the rosy glow fade from 
this peak, this lighthouse of the Rockies. It is Long's Peak, 
highest in northern Colorado, as high, as beautiful, as 
imposing as Mont Blanc. 

Long's Peak is also a landmark of Cheyenne, mistress 
of these wide-open spaces and "Magic City of the Plains." 
Darkness arrived and was total except for strong light- 
ning flashing to the north and sending bursts of illumina- 
tion across the plains. Silence had fallen and was profound 
but for the rumble of wheels of railroad cars. Only Long's 
Peak told us we would soon be at our destination, at the 
end of our journey across the plains. Together with dark- 
ness we advanced and entered the capital of the Territory 
of Wyoming. 

Cheyenne is decidedly the most interesting city on the 
plains. Its history is the greatest and most colorful. Years 
do not pass in monotonous single-file here; they cluster 
and glitter; in one year Cheyenne's people live ten years. 
The evening we arrived, however, we were too tired to 
muster energy to participate in this giddy-paced life even 
for a few hours. We enjoyed an excellent night's sleep 
instead, in the handsome, elegant Inter-Ocean Hotel. 

Next morning, when we looked out over Cheyenne 
from the elevation of our room, we could not understand 
how a city of 4,000 could emerge in this place, a desert 
without trees, grass, or any other vegetation! The attrac- 


tive plains that we admired near the Nebraska border, 
with their herds of cattle, had given way to miles of red- 
dish stone that defies agriculture and scoffs at grass. There 
are a few small gardens near scattered houses and onlyi 
there do plants try to win nourishment from this niggardly! 
soil. In all Cheyenne's environs, not a farm, not a house, 
not the faintest sign of culture, yet here this important 
city thrives, the most important between the Missouri and 
the Great Salt Lake! To us these facts added up to a 
mystery, including Cheyenne's nickname: The Magic City 
of the Plains. Cheyenne is magic indeed. But of the plains? 
Thirty miles west by train you cross the Rockies at 8,242 

Cheyenne is another American miracle. On July 1, 
1867, ten years ago, Judge Whitehead built the first house 
on the Cheyenne plateau, of crude lumber caulked with 
clay. Ten years — yes, only ten years — and we arrive by 
Pullman Palace Car and find the place a substantial, 
thriving city with wide, friendly streets, splendid hotels, 
roomy stores, banks, jail, insurance companies, opera 
house, and — churches! I repeat: churches! Catholic, 
Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregationalist, Episcopalian, 
etc. Each faith has its own church in a city that, five years 
ago consisted of dugouts and moveable shacks. The shacks, 
portable on their little wooden wheels, made Cheyenne 
known all over America as "Hell-on-Wheels." 5 

The most interesting thing about these cities of the 
plains is their history. Cheyenne takes its name from a large 
and formerlv powerful tribe of Indians. Like all cities 
between Omaha and California, Cheyenne owes its origin 
to the railroad. Ten years ago the announcement was made 
that during the winter of 1867-1868, Cheyenne would be 
the terminus for the railroad (then under construction) 
and that construction would continue from Cheyenne in 
the spring. Overnight — in almost the literal sense of the 
word — a city of 6,000 appeared in the middle of the 
desert. Where did the people come from? Nobody knew. 
What were they? Drunkards, swindlers, cardsharps, bums, 
thieves, trappers, prostitutes, saloon-keepers, Indians, 
deserters, Chinese laborers — in short, society's dregs. Places 
to live materialized: tents, lean-tos, barrels, boxes, log 
cabins, and dugouts. Every race, all nations, were 
represented. The city was created and building lots sold 
for fabulous sums. People passed the time with liquor, 
cards, and gunfights. To steal whenever possible was the 
highest goal of the thieving toughs. Robbery occurred day 
and night. Today one shudders to hear the oldest resident 
tell of life in that hell. 6 

Of course this state of affairs could not last long; it 
would have meant the end of everyone. The decent ele- 
ment got fed up with constant theft and robbery, possibly 
on moralistic grounds, possibly because they had lost too 
much of their treasure. The city authorities, elected a 
month after the city's creation, could not stop crime that 
included daily arson and murder. A vigilance committee 
was organized. The honorable Judge Lynch presided at 
court and knew no mercy. 7 There were no defense attor- 

ineys, appeals, or clemency for youth or mental illness. 
^Witnesses and alibis were dispensed with. Juries were 
always unanimous in verdicts quickly reached and justly 
ideserved. No need for gallows: telegraph poles and the 
Irailroad bridge served executions well. 

Within a year, twelve desperados were hanged or shot 
;and many more jailed or run out of town. Robbery ended. 
iThe committee's effectiveness can be read in the statistics: 
;after one year the population of 6,000 to 8,000 dropped 
to 2,000. Former inhabitants went elsewhere, disap- 
peared. 8 

The remaining 2,000 would not have stayed either, 
but for the immediate discovery of gold north in the Black 
Hills [in 1875], a stroke of the best luck for Cheyenne. And 
'not only gold but a lot of it, so much that in New York 
and all America's big cities the heart of every vagrant, 
every adventurer, every vagabond beat faster. For the 
irailroad and Cheyenne, gold fever was a godsend. Railroad 
(tickets were printed in millions, bearing the words: Black 
\Hills! Take the U. P. Railroad to the Black Hills! Lies 
turned the true gold into fabulous fortunes; the wealth 
thereabouts was described in such glowing terms that every 
I adventurer thought his pockets full the minute he decided 
co go to the Black Hills. Gold fever, induced by Califor- 
nia and Colorado, raged now for the Black Hills. All 
doubtful elements of the civilized East moved to the Black 
Hills. What the East was freed and cleansed of, founded 
new civilization in the West. 

That course of events is typical; all American civiliza- 
tion had such rude beginnings. Pioneers are not paragons 
; of culture and virtue. The polite and the refined do not 
1 venture into the wilderness. If they did, what is now a 
thriving, bustling region would be a sorry sight. The crude 
and the tough blaze trails and civilization follows. 

With astonishing speed and strength, gold fever swept 
the eastern cities and infected its victims, the foot-loose 
and fancy-free. The fever passed over nice homes and pros- 
perous businesses of well-bred citizens; it is not contagious 
there. Its victims dwell in cheap saloons and sleazy board- 
inghouses in bad neighborhoods and on waterfronts. 
There it is contagious; and its victims, the adventurous 
and the unemployed, in delirium, lust after gold. The 
fever draws up a chair at a table in a cafe, forces the door 
of a down-and-out, flashes the yellow nugget, and paints 
a bright future. The fever flatters the dockworker who 
came to America with a high heart and now lives without 
point or plan amid shattered hopes. The fever seduces 
the bankrupt businessman. Workers, adventurers, busi- 
nessmen scrape together the last of their assets, exhaust 
what remains of their credit, and buy tickets to Cheyenne 
and the Black Hills. Eastern cities are now cleansed: the 
cities have profited. The scum has drifted west to settle 
and improve the land: the West has profited. 

Thus a new heyday has come to Cheyenne. Years ago 
the rabble of the railroad and the outdoors chose 
Cheyenne as their arena. Now the rabble of the mines 
is headquartered here. In the twinkling of an eye, Chey- 

enne has changed from a railroad town to a mining town. 
If the railroad town's robbery, murder, and dissolution have 
disappeared, the mining town's coarseness has emerged 
instead. Cheyenne is now the starting point, the place 
where mining companies organize and provision for the 
200-mile trek to the Black Hills. 9 

Only a few companies have dared follow the throngs 
into the gold country, still owned and occupied by Indians. 
But a town, Custer City, has been founded there [1875]. 
In a month no fewer than 100 houses were built in forested 
Custer Park. In two months the population was 3,000. 
Over 1,000 people a week pour into the area! Thus, in 
a few months, forests and wide-open spaces become thickly 

This migration does not improve Cheyenne's manners 
and morals but it brings coin and greenbacks. Hence the 
nice homes, big hotels, well -stocked stores, and growing 
populace. Cheyenne is in a bright renaissance. But the 
railroad is to be extended to Fort Laramie, cutting in half 
the present trek to the hills. The business of supplying 
the mines will move to Fort Laramie and an important 
city will rise there and stay until the railroad is extended 
again. Then Fort Laramie will disappear. Now, however, 
it draws people and commerce from Cheyenne. Laramie 
will thrive while Cheyenne withers to its former debility. 10 

Will Cheyenne have a third renaissance? Yes — the 
renaissance of true civilization, which is eternal. 

1. This sketch is based on We r ist's, VII (Leipzig: HAL. Degener, 
1914), p. 685: Deutsches Biographischesjahrbuch, II (Berlin and 
Leipzig: Verbande der Deutschen Akademien, 1928). p. 690: 
Meyers Konversations- Lexikon, VIII (1893), p. 753. 

2. New York Times, November 19, 1912, p. 15. 

3. "The New South" in Thomas D. Clark, ed., Travels in the New 
South: A Bibliography, I (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1959). p. 190. 

4. Nord-Amerika, II (Leipzig: Weigel, 1880), pp. 139-146. This book 
has not been published in English. Brief passages, unrelated to 
Cheyenne, have been deleted: and in the interests of unity, 
coherence, and emphasis, a few sentences have been rearranged. 
Words in English in the original are italicized their first time in 
the translation. 

5. Hell-on-Wheels usually referred to any "terminal town" at the tem- 
porary end of a railroad under construction, to be moved to a 
new town when the railroad was extended. Cheyenne, like many 
other western cities, began as a terminal town. 

6. Hesse-Wartegg echoes others of his day, who associated Cheyenne 
with hell and acknowledged it as a seat of crime, gambling, and 

7. Judge Lynch refers to the two Lynches in American history who 
originated and spread the terms Lynch Law and lynching. In 1760, 
Captain William Lynch drafted a compact, the first Lynch Law, 
to deal summarily with lawbreakers who seemed outside existing 
law in Pittsylvania County, Virginia. Charles Lynch, also of 
Virginia, dispensed his own Lynch Law in the late 18th century 
and spread the terms associated with his name. A justice of the 
peace, Charles Lynch probably began the termjudge Lynch. This 
concept of frontier justice and the terms associated with it received 
much attention from German travelers in 19th-century America. 

8. The exodus was probably due as much to Cheyenne's end as a 
terminal town as to the committee's achievements. 

9. Via the Cheyenne and Black Hills Stage Company. 

10. In point of fact, Cheyenne had begun to thrive as a cattle town; 
indeed, the capital of a huge area of ranching. 


_//££ Col 

Jdlj -Lynns C^nanzy 

Eleanor Patterson 

Author's Note: A few summers ago, my family and 
I were invited to spend several days at Flat Creek Ranch, 
a lovely spot located east of Jackson, Wyoming, up behind 
the Elk Refuge. As soon as we got to the ranch, my hus- 
band and daughters busied themselves fishing — and excel- 
lent fishing it was. I contented myself with wandering 
around the ranch and trying to understand how it had come 
into being. Even in 1981, it was very difficult to reach. 
The four-wheel drive vehicle we had used to wind our way 
to it had given us a bone-rattling ride and stalled twice 
m the process. How hard it must have been to transport 
beds and sofas and tables and plumbing fixtures to the 
ranch site some 50 years ago, when the main cabin and 
guest cabins appeared to have been built. And the huge 
piano in the main parlor — how had that been managed? 


And who had decided to manage it? "It was a Polish 
countess," one of the hands told me, but he couldn't 
elaborate much beyond that. "A Polish countess?" I asked 
myself. What was a Polish countess doing building a ranch 
at Flat Creek? It seemed so unlikely an explanation that 
1 even began to wonder if I were the victim of a tall tale. 
But I wasn't. As I have since found out, there was a count- 
ess at Flat Creek, and she was one of the West's most 
glamorous dudes. What makes her story even more intrigu- 
ing is that after a youth filled with romance and adven- 
ture, the countess settled down to become a person of 
impressive accomplishment. For a time the proprietress of 
Flat Creek Ranch was, in the words of Collier's Magazine, 
"the most powerful woman in America." 1 

fid of \j~Lat Ci££^ 

Born in 1881, Eleanor Patterson grew up in Chicago 
in a family of wealthy and ambitious men and women. 
Her grandfather, Joseph Medill, was the hard-driving 
editor and publisher of the Chicago Daily Tribune. Her 
father in his turn also ran the Tribune, while the family's 
women sought distinction in other ways. When Joseph 
Medill died, leaving Eleanor's mother an extraordinarily 
handsome addition to her income, Mrs. Patterson decided 
to build a mansion in Washington, D.C. The concentra- 
tion of diplomatic and political power in the capital city 
had begun to attract a number of wealthy families, and 
Mrs. Patterson was intent on making her mark wherever 
society decreed it ought to be made. Near what is today 
known as Dupont Circle, she bought a track of swampy 
land for $83,000, and she commissioned architect Stan- 
ford White to build an elegant — if somewhat showy — 
home upon it. 

Meanwhile, Eleanor — or "Cissy," as everyone called 
her— was leading the extravagant life of a turn-of-the- 
century debutante. She traveled to Europe, where her 
uncle, Robert McCormick, was minister to the Austro- 
Hungarian court. Her wealth and her connections meant 
a multitude of invitations to court balls, race meets and 
opera parties. When President Taft transferred her uncle 
to Saint Petersburg, she was even invited to a ball at the 
palace of the czar. It was an evening of shining jewels and 
gold-lace splendor, which Cissy later described in a novel 
she wrote. 

The walls were hung with tapestries, she remembered of the 
palace, swords and lances, armor, game heads and old por- 
traits of Boyars, huge bearded men with squinting tartar eyes, 
shaven heads, and thin Mongolian mustachios, in gorgeous 
fur and brocade kaftans. From door to door Cossack servants, 
in long white and silver trimmed tcherkeska. with silver dag- 
gers at their tiny waists and soft, heelless boots, stood sen- 
tinel in double file. Here and there a torch blazed up from 
a high gold sconce. At the four corners braziers of burning 
aromatic vinegar lay on tall, slim tripods. 2 
Wherever she went, Cissy was usually the center of 
attention, not because she was a great beauty so much, 

but because she was striking. "You are not beautiful," the 
Baron von Rothschild said to her once. "But there is 
something." Her nose was a little too upturned, her 
forehead a little too broad for classic beauty, but her red 
hair, elegant figure, and proud bearing helped her 
dominate whatever room she entered. Said one of her 
female contemporaries, "Cissy simply hypnotizes people 
into thinking she is a great beauty." 3 

Among those who gathered round her was a tall, dark- 
eyed Polish diplomat to whom she found herself increas- 
ingly attracted. His name was Count Joseph Gizycki, and 
although he was twice her age, his high spirits were a 
match for her own. He loved to ride, as she did; he showed 
heroic endurance when it came to drinking or gambling, 
and he was ardent in his pursuit of the young American 
girl. He followed her through Europe, and when she 
returned to the splendid mansion her mother had built 
in Washington, D.C. , he bombarded her with love letters. 

While it was quite common at the time for wealthy 
American girls to use their fortunes to marry titled Euro- 
peans, the Patterson family was less than enthusiastic 
about Cissy's involvement with the Polish count. When 
Cissy and Gizycki began to talk of a wedding date, Mrs. 
Patterson kept pushing it back, while Mr. Patterson 
demanded proof that Gizycki's estate in Poland was 

Eleanor Patterson and her family. Standing next to her 
is her cousin, Medill McCormick, later U.S. Senator from 
Illinois. Seated (left to right) are: Eleanor's cousin, Robert 
R. McCormick, who later became Chicago Tribune 
publisher; her grandfather, Joseph Medill, Tribune 
founder; and her brother, Joseph Patterson, founder of 
the New York Daily News. 


unencumbered. But such objections only made Cissy— 
who had spent much of her life practicing the art of filial 
defiance — more firmly resolved than ever to marry the 
Count. A date was set for spring, 1904, and the April wed- 
ding was a brilliant affair, though somewhat clouded at 
its conclusion when the groom went to his hotel to change 
clothes and failed to return. The dowry he had been prom- 
ised had not been deposited, but as soon as that error was 
corrected, he appeared to collect his bride. 4 

The two-month honeymoon tour of Europe was also 
a little different than Cissy had expected. While Gizycki 
could be a dashing companion, he was also given to dark 
moods, and he frequently abandoned his bride while he 
went off to drink and gamble. In Vienna, he showed up 
at the door of her room at five in the morning to demand 
$11,000 to pay his gambling debts. Intimidated for what 
was probably the first time in her life, she gave it to him. 
The Polish countryside through which they traveled 
on their way to Gizycki 's home gave her some comfort. 
Cissy later remembered its loveliness in her novel Free 
Flight. It was, she wrote, 

[a]n enormous country. Stretching, yearning, enticing the 
vision on and on to an ever more indefinite horizon. An enor- 
mous country under an enormous fair sky . . . , this Ukraine 
was rich with forest and green fields and bright with ponds 
and running water. A meadowlark rose singing in dizzy spirals 
of flight. . . . 5 
But Gizycki's castle was another matter entirely. It looked 
for all the world like a huge barn, and it was in a state 
of sorry disrepair. Worse yet, there was evidence inside 
of recent occupancy by another woman. The very rooms 
Gizycki declared to be Cissy's own had some of the woman's 
possessions in them. 

Somehow the marriage survived four years. After two 
years a baby was born, a girl, but an offspring did not 
transform the footloose Gizycki into an attentive spouse, 
and when Cissy took to berating him for his infidelities, 
he began to beat her. Cissy fled to London, taking two- 
year old Felicia with her. Gizycki sent detectives after her, 
and they kidnapped Felicia from a London suburb where 
Cissy had installed her with a nurse, and transported the 
child to a convent in Austria. The subsequent custody bat- 
tle over Felicia provided considerable entertainment to 
tabloid readers on two continents until finally President 
Taft himself became involved and wrote a direct letter to 
Czar Nicholas. The result was an imperial decree order- 
ing Felicia to be returned to her mother. 

The process of divorcing Gizycki took years. The char- 
ismatic Cissy never lacked for male companionship dur- 
ing this period, and the days when she wasn't in court were 
filled with such elegant diversions of the rich as polo and 
hunting; nevertheless, the long, drawn-out proceedings 
took a toll on her. A friend suggested she might find the 
tonic she needed for her flagging spirits in the West — 
and so it was, at age thirty-five, that she began her love 
affair with Wyoming. 

Cissy arrived in Jackson Hole in 1916 bringing her 
twelve-year-old daughter, a French maid, and seven trunks 


of clothing. Years later, Felicia would remember the way 
her mother looked the day they first came to Jackson. "I 
remember my mother striding ahead in her lovely long- 
skirted tweeds from Paris and her custom-made walking 
boots. She looked like a big wildcat and her red haii 
flamed in the mountain sunlight." 6 Within a day of hei 
arrival, Cissy sent home the French maid and six of the 
trunks, and before the end of the summer, she had decided 
that the dude ranch where she was staying, pleasani 
though it was, was a little too tame for her. She got herseli 
a guide named Cal Carrington, a tall, handsome man. 
and with Felicia in tow, Cissy and Cal set off on a hunt 
ing expedition. It was the first of many, for the formei 
debutante quickly developed a taste for blood sport. "Tc 

Alice Roosevelt Longworth was Cissy's long-time socia, 
rival. Alice is pictured here with her husband, Nicholas 
Longworth, and her famous father, President Theodore 

the natural-born hunter," she wrote, "the mere sight of 
game stirs to the roots an ancient, fundamental instinct, 
inherited through the ages, probably from the days when 
a fight between man and beast was a fight on both sides 
of deadly consequence. It is the same animal instinct 
which throws a setter dog, for instance, into a trembling 
ecstasy at sight or scent of a grouse." 

Tracking elk through canyons, driving a team of horses 
over a mountain pass, sitting out a sudden snowstorm in 
a hunting camp Wyoming offered such experiences to 
Cissy and she loved them. The West gave her ways of 
testing herself mentally and physically which her life in 
society did not provide, and she was at her best when chal- 
lenged. "She would go anywhere an elk went," said one 
guide who sometimes accompanied her. "She would ride 
all day, never want to quit or pitch camp early. And there 
was no fuss or bother." Another guide observed, "She was 
the best shot of all the women I've ever seen." 

A second reason Jackson became important to her was 
its people. No one put on airs or tried to impress anyone 
else. People said what they meant, and often what they 
had to say was quite extraordinary. As Cissy's daughter 
Felicia described Jackson in the days when her mother 
was there, "[It] used to be full of characters who could 
be themselves without benefit of psychiatry or interfer- 
ence from the law." 7 

Cal Carrington, who began as Cissy's guide and was 
a companion of hers on and off for the rest of her life, 
was a perfect example of what Felicia meant. His origins 
were uncertain, but he had developed a reputation as an 
accomplished horse rustler in the twenty-some years he 
had been wandering about the far West. He had a sharp 
eye, exquisite skill with a rifle, and many a tale to tell, 
usually about how he had managed to stay a step or two 
ahead of various sheriffs. In the course of his adventures, 
he had developed a tough self-reliance which impressed 
Cissy tremendously. Cal also owned a homestead site up 
Flat Creek Canyon. He claimed it was the perfect place 
for keeping horses about whose ownership there was some 
question, but as soon as Cissy saw it, she had other plans 
for it. She talked Cal into selling it to her, and with him 
as her foreman, she began building on the land. Soon 
a ranch took shape, a main lodge with a stone fireplace, 
several bedroom cabins across the stream, a corral, and, 
somewhat improbably, a red barn, such as Cissy might 
have seen in her childhood in Illinois. 

Completing the ranch took several years, largely 
because of the difficulty of transporting materials to the 
site from Jackson. One of the carpenters who helped in 
the heroic building task at Flat Creek was Henry Crab- 
tree. His wife, Rose, a plain-spoken Jackson hotel owner, 
became one of Cissy's dearest friends. Over a period of 
forty years, the two women visited one another, wrote to 
one another, confided in one another. They could hardly 
have come from more different backgrounds — Rose had 
been born in Weeping Water, Nebraska, and had spent 
her life in the West — but they had fiercely independent 

spirits in common. At one point, Rose became something 
of a national celebrity when she ran against her husband 
Henry for the Jackson town council — and beat him. She 
and Cissy became quite close. In one letter to Rose, Cissy 
wrote, "I laughed with you and cried with you more than 
with anyone else in the world." 

The natural beauty of Jackson Hole was also tremen- 
dously important to Cissy. She set a part of her second 
novel, Glass Houses, in the valley. "Long blue and purple 
veils floated down from the peaks of the mountains," she 

peaks desolate and tortured by day, melted and warmed to 
a semblance of familiar life in the evening light. Immense — 
calm. Calm disturbed at last by a first shuddery chill; the 
breath of approaching night. Ever so far off and very gently 
the stars came out, one by one. 8 

The main character in Glass Houses, Mary Moore, 
finds a contentment in the West which her life in the city 
does not provide, and so it was with Cissy as the years 
passed. The time at Flat Creek was rich and satisfying, 
but when she wasn't in Wyoming, all her problems would 
resurface. There was no challenge in her life, no moun- 
tain to climb. She wandered restlessly from Newport to 
Chicago to Canada, usually traveling in a private railroad 
car. She suffered from mysterious illnesses. She quarrelled 
violently with her now-grown daughter, but when Felicia 
married a young man named Drew Pearson, Cissy found 
herself so bereft she rushed into an ill-considered mar- 
riage herself with a New York lawyer named Elmer Schles- 
inger. Within two years, there was talk of divorce, an event 
Schlesinger circumvented by collapsing and dying on a 
golf course. 

Cissy wrote her two novels, Fall Flight and Glass 
Houses in 1926 and 1928, and began to edge toward the 
career in which she would finally find the challenge she 
wanted. She had already done some newspaper writing— 
her first efforts had been to describe Wyoming for the Chi- 
cago Herald and Examiner — and now she took on some 
more assignments, including covering the sensational 
murder trial of Ruth Snyder, a Long Island housewife 
accused of joining with her lover in killing her corset- 
salesman husband. 

Cissy began to think about buying her own newspaper. 
Discouraged by her brother Joe, who edited the family 
newspaper, the Chicago Tribune, and who had founded 
the New York Daily News, Cissy did the next best thing 
to buying a paper: she talked William Randolph Hearst 
into naming her the editor of the Washington Herald. 

In her new role, she was unusual to say the least. The 
first night she walked into the city room, she shouted to 
the assembled staffers, "I suppose you think this is just 
a stunt." As the typewriters fell silent, she added, "Well, 
even if you do, let's all try to put it over." Mercurial and 
quixotic though she was, she managed to attract a sin- 
gularly bright group of newsmen and women to the 
Herald. Once they were at her mercy, she "cajoled, 
stormed, and goaded," them, as Drew Pearson described 


it, "into putting out a first class sheet." 9 Gossip columns 
made it particularly lively reading. Cissy enlivened them 
with tidbits she picked up in the salons of the powerful 
or at the spectacular dinner parties she gave in the now- 
refurbished family mansion on Dupont Circle. From time 
to time she disguised herself and personally went out on 
a story. One gambit that drew a good deal of attention — 
probably because of the irony involved — was Cissy's 
appearance on Washington streets as "Maude Martin," a 
destitute woman looking for a job. 

Within six years, the newspaper's circulation had 
doubled, and Cissy began pressing Hearst to let her buy 
the paper. Finally he agreed to sell not just the Herald, 
but the Washington Times as well. It too was losing money, 
but Cissy bought both papers from Hearst, merged them, 
and continued her campaign to provide Washingtonians 
with lively reading. When all else failed, she would pro- 
vide her own news by throwing a particularly incendiary 
piece of wood on the fire of one of the many feuds she 
had going. When publisher Eugene Meyer, who owned 
the Washington Post, did her out of one of her favorite 
comic strips, she purchased a pound of raw meat, wrapped 
it as carefully as if it were a bouquet of delicate blossoms, 
and shipped it off to him with a note, "Take your pound 
of flesh ." 10 One of the most frequent targets of her ire was 
Alice Roosevelt Longworth, Theodore Roosevelt's daugh- 
ter, and Alice, no slouch in the cutting remark depart- 
ment herself, did her part to keep the animosities alive. 
After a dinner party at the Longworths during which Cissy 
spent much time in an upstairs library with a charming 
young nobleman, Alice sent her a note: "Dear Cissy," it 
read, "Upon sweeping up the library this morning, the 
maid found several hairpins which I thought you might 
need and which I am returning." Cissy wrote back, "If 
you had looked on the chandelier you might also have 
sent back my shoes and chewing gum." 11 Cissy redoubled 
her efforts to goad Alice by flirting outrageously with 
Alice's husband, Nick. 

Cissy was quite willing to use her newspaper to espouse 
causes in which she believed. Her love of blood sport had 
abated by the time she became a newspaper magnate, and 
she had, in fact, become an ardent animal lover, strongly 
opposing vivisection and campaigning against cruelty to 
animals. Once when a sudden freeze left geese on the 
Potomac without food, Times reporters were sent up in 
a dirigible to throw cracked corn to the birds. A photog- 
rapher was sent along to record the event, a layout was 
prepared — but the story had to be pulled when reports 
began to come into the newspaper of Potomac geese fall- 
ing victim to assassins who were pelting them from a 

Four years after Cissy purchased her newspaper, it was 
in the black. It had taken her nearly a half-century of 
living to find the professional challenge she wanted, but 
now she was an undeniable success. When she became 
board chairman of the company which owned the New 
York News, as well as the successful publisher of the 

Washington paper, there was strong justification for call- 
ing her the most powerful woman in America. 

But that too had its price, she discovered. She had 
made more enemies than friends in her life. Even those 
who might have wanted to approach her were frightened 
off by her unpredictable behavior. One of her biographers 
has compared her to Elizabeth I, and like the queen, Cissy 
grew old alone. Cal Carrington was usually off working 
on some scheme or other, Rose Crabtree was in far off 
Jackson, Cissy and her daughter tended to quarrel after 
more than five minutes in the same room. Cissy's closest 
companions, as her 60th birthday came and went, were 
her pet poodles, rather vicious animals if one judges by 
the numbers of people they bit. Noticing that her love 
for the dogs seemed matched by an aversion to people, 
a reporter who interviewed her labeled her a "misan- 
thrope." 12 

Another penalty of her success, Cissy found, was that 
she no longer had time to go to Wyoming. For fourteen 
years she was unable to visit the ranch she loved so much. 
Finally, in the summer of 1948, she resolved she would 
go. Plans were made for a private railway car to take her, 
and she was looking forward to the trip, hoping, no doubt, 
to find once more in the West the kind of solace she had 
known previously. But one morning, just a month before 
she was to leave, she failed to ring for her breakfast. When 
the servants investigated, they found 67-year-old Cissy Pat- 
terson lifeless in bed. 

The newspaper she had made such a success did not 
survive long without her. Within six years, Eugene Meyer, 
the owner of the Washington Post had purchased it and 
closed it down. But one monument does remain, for in 
a remote mountain meadow of Wyoming, the ranch, 
where she knew contentment, goes on. 

1. Biographical facts, anecdotes and quotations by and about 
Eleanor Patterson are, unless otherwise stated, from Paul F. Healy, 
Cissy (New York: Doubleday, 1960), or Alice Albright Hoge, Cissy 
Patterson (New York: Random House, 1966). 

2. Eleanor Gizycki, Fall Flight (New York: Minton, Balch and Com- 
pany, 1928), p. 68. 

3. Jean Stansbury, "A Glimpse of Eleanor Patterson, Part Two," The 
Senator I (April 15, 1939), 13. 

4. Marguerite Cassini, Never a Dull Moment (New York: Harper 
and Brothers, 1956). p. 202. 

5. E. Gizycki, Flight, p. 163. 

6. Felicia Gizycki, "Jackson Hole 1916-1965: A Reminiscence," Vogue 
(April 1, 1965), pp. 200 and 203. 

7. Ibid., p. 208. 

8. Eleanor Gizycki, Glass Houses (New York: Minton, Balch and 
Company, 1926), p. 151. 

9. Drew Pearson, More Merry Go Round (New York: Liveright, Inc., 
1932), p. 17. 

10. Drew Pearson, "Our Leading Lady Publisher," Redbook 25 
(December, 1937), 93. 

11. Drew Pearson, Washington Merry Go Round (New York: 
Liveright, Inc., 1931), p. 13. 

12. Jean Stansbury, "A Glimpse of Eleanor Patterson, Part One," The 
Senator I (April 8, 1939), 14. 


I John C. Davis, Sr.: 

Portrait of a 

Rocky Mountain 

Drug Wholesaling 


By Anthony Palmieri, III 

Hard work combined with good timing and sound 
business judgment made John Charles Davis, Sr. successful. 
Born March 14, 1852, in Tipperary, Ireland, he attended 
public school in England and came to New York in 1871 
at the age of 19. In 1872 he moved west, first into Kansas 
and in the following spring, to Wyoming. 1 

Davis reached Laramie, Wyoming, March 10, 1872, 
working as a commissary clerk for the Union Pacific Rail- 
road work teams. He studied telegraphy, was appointed 
telegraph operator, and worked until 1876 at various sta- 
tions along the Union Pacific Line from Green River to 
Laramie. After a six-month return trip to England that 
year, he became the night operator at Fort Steele. But 
he didn't keep the job long. He quit and went to work 
for Trabing Brothers Mercantile. 

Although officially a civilian, on September 21, 1879, 
Davis joined the "Ute expedition" sent to put down the 
so-called "Meeker Uprising" of Ute Indians. In the action 
he received a serious foot injury. After his foot had healed 
Davis then joined the mercantile firm of J. W. Hugus of 
Rawlins. Hugus apparently recognized Davis' potential 
quickly because after working for only a short time, Hugus 
made him a partner. It was while working for Hugus that 
Davis became the West's first chain store merchant. He 
opened the firm's branch stores in Medicine Bow and Raw- 
lins and soon the Hugus company had stores in 14 towns. 
At one time it was the largest distributor of general mer- 
chandise in the Rocky Mountain area with stores in south- 
ern Wyoming and northern Colorado. 

On January 8, 1893, Davis married Ella Mary Casti- 
day of Medicine Bow and his business interests contin- 
ued with great success. In Rawlins, Davis was a banking 
and business leader and he became very active in politics. 
He was elected mayor, and as an active member of the 
Republican party, he was an unsuccessful candidate for 
U.S. Senator in 1895. He was also very active in the 
Masonic Lodge. 2 

Soon he invested heavily in land, sheep and cattle. 
He became one of the largest wool growers in Wyoming. 3 
The partnership also owned several banks with a payroll 
larger than the gross sales of many stores. While Davis 
was living there, Rawlins was a wild west city of 2,300. 
Bandits and ladies of the evening were ever-present and 
Davis decided to move so he could give his children the 
advantages of a larger town. 

In October, 1901, on a trip to Denver he met Lester 
Bridaham who owned a retail drugstore with a small stock- 
room for drugs to be sold to other commercial operations. 
Bridaham had formed the business with Frank Quereau 
in the spring of 1896. In October, 1901, Quereau withdrew 
from the business. Bridaham had come west from Wash- 
ington, D.C., working first as a drug clerk. In that job 
he developed ideas of manufacturing and wholesaling 
which he put into practice in the Bridaham-Quereau part- 
nership and in his later association with Davis. 

A month after he had met Bridaham, Davis had 
bought into the business. Davis, Bridaham and Fred L. 




I A 

A Davis Album 

P*te®Fj jit 

-i "-^^ 

.*|: if! .*-;■■ s m. . I ti i: \i ;•— 

UlmMs JiiJLJ alBi "-■•' 

Davis began his 
career with the J. W. 
Hugus Company in 
Rawlins (top). In 
1901 he moved to 
Denver and became 
a partner in the firm 
of Davis- Bridaham, 
(offices pictured at 
bottom left). The 
store was previously 
known as Bridaham- 
Quereau (right). 
Fred Andrews (bot- 
tom, right) was one 
of the firm's most 
valued employees. 
He later became 
president of Davis 
Brothers Drug Com- 
pany. (All photos 
from the American 
Heritage Center, 
University of 


Andrews incorporated the Davis-Bridaham Drug Com- 
pany on November 18, 1901. 

Andrews was responsible for much of the continued 
success of the firm over the years. (He was a dedicated 
employee who worked for the successive corporations from 
September, 1900, until his death, October 12, 1967, at 
age 94. He was general manager of the firm from 1943-46 
and president from 1946-53.) Davis agreed to buy into 
the company only if Fred Andrews would continue with 
the operation. 

Davis and Bridaham were in business together for 
eight years. They purchased a building at 1515 Blake 
Street, Denver, in 1901 and inventoried it with $65,000 
in goods. The trade territory initially consisted of about 
100 drug accounts and the firm employed 20 men includ- 
ing three salesmen. At that time, druggists' stock was not 
very diversified and the spirit of the business at Davis- 
Bridaham maintained that concept as well. The growth 
of the firm was steady and gradual over the next few years. 
Davis and Bridaham became very close to one another 
with Davis effectively running the firm and Bridaham 
looking up to him as a father as well as a partner. 4 Soon 
Davis realized the need for diversification of the company's 
line and began selling many other items. 

At the same time, Davis remained head of J. W. Hugus 
Co. and was actively involved in the business. He divided 
his time among his business interests. 

Denver had grown to a city of 150,000 in the early 
1900s. It was developing as a center for trade in the Rocky 
Mountain area. 

Davis divided the sales area among the salesmen and 
by 1908, the business had outgrown its original location. 
The firm moved into the old Chamber of Commerce 
Building at 14th and Lawrence Street. 

In the beginning of January, 1909, Davis was at the 
height of success. His businesses were flourishing. He and 
his wife had recently celebrated their 26th wedding anni- 
versary and they had three sons and two daughters. 

On Friday, January 15, 1909, he was making a tour 
of some western Colorado towns in which he operated 
Hugus' stores and owned banks. After finishing business 
in Walcott, Colorado, he took the Denver and Rio Grande 
train to Rifle. Davis usually rode in a Pullman car because 
he thought them safer than the older, flimsy chair cars. 
But by the time he got aboard, it was late and not want- 
ing to disturb the sleeping Pullman car attendant, he rode 
in the chair car. 

Near the Dotsero station the train was involved in a 
head-on collision with a doubleheader freight. Davis was 
one of 24 people who died in the crash. All were in the 
chair car. The Pullman car was relatively untouched. The 

blame for the wreck was placed on the engineer of the 
passenger train who either read his orders incorrectly or 
believed he had more time to make the next siding. The 
engine crews escaped serious injury when they jumped 
from the trains once they realized the inevitable. 5 

A year before his death, on a trip to Ireland he was 
asked how people could be successful in the U.S. "I have 
been asked that question a thousand times," he said, "and 
my answer had always been 'work'. I have never known, 
in my 35 years experience, a man to go into any line of 
business stay with it all day and dream of it all night — 
but what his hopes have been realized. He has done quite 
as good as he has expected, and the harder the work, the 
more money he had made." 6 His estate was estimated in 
seven figures. 

Upon his father's death, Roblin H. Davis, a 1907 
Princeton graduate, was elected president of Davis-Brida- 
ham. Lester Bridaham remained vice-president and gen- 
eral manager. The J. W. Hugus stores were eventually sold 
to their individual managers or sold to outside people 
shortly after Davis' death. 

Rumors indicated that Bridaham and Roblin Davis 
differed often and because of that, Bridaham sold his 
interest to the Davis estate. 7 Apparently suffering from 
financial reverses, ill health, depression and melancholy, 
Bridaham jumped seven stories to his death on October 
18, 1912. The next year the name of the firm was changed 
to Davis Brothers Drug Company. 8 

Roblin Davis was president from 1913 to 1933 and his 
brother John C. Davis, Jr., was president from 1933 to 
1943. When John died, Fred Andrews became general 
manager and president until 1953. He also served as board 
chairman until his death in 1967. 

The company purchased operations in Montana and 
New Mexico, and expanded steadily to include all of the 
Rocky Mountain West. John C. Davis, III, was president 
of the firm from 1953 to 1979 when he became chairman, 
a position he still holds. The firm purchased Hatton Drug 
Wholesalers in Miami, Florida, in 1983, and continues 
to operate throughout the Rocky Mountain area. 

1. Unpublished manuscript. Fred L. Andrews, dated August 8, 1958, 
on file in the offices of Davis Brothers Wholesalers, Denver, 

2. Ibid. 

3. "Know Your Wholesalers No. 2, Davis Brothers Drug Company," 
Mountain State Druggist, April, 1944, p. 20. 

4. Olive Bertram Peabody, "John Charles Davis— The West's Chain 
Store Tycoon," Golden West, March, 1973, p. 20. 

5. Palisade (newspaper) Mesa County, Colorado, January 23, 1909. 

6. The Denver Times, October 18, 1912, p. 1. 

7. Semi-Weekly Republican, January 25, 1902, p. 24. 

8. Andrews, op.cit. 


A Funeral at Fort Laramie 

By Lewis A. Eaton 

There are records of deaths and burials located 
at Fort Laramie National Historic Site. Usually the 
record gives the rank, name, date of death and 
sometimes cause of death. 

My curiosity was aroused when I read the follow- 

"Preparations have been going on for two or three days 
for a funeral which comes off today at two o'clock. Tis 
of a sergent of the ninth Kansas who was killed last first 
day by the falling of a part of a mud wall near the stables. 
He had been tending a saw mill up in the mountains and 
came down to the fort to get provisions, had got every thing 
ready, and was on the point of starting back, when the 
accident happened which terminated his life. He leaves 
a wife and five children. Two of the boys went up last first 
day to inform her of his death, and bring her down to 
the fort. She took it very hard, but she said she derived 
some consolation, from what he often told her as he would 
come in from his work. She said she had forebodings that 
something would happen [to] him while he was gone, 
before he went away; but he told her that he was the hap- 
piest man in the mountains and she need not fear for him, 
the same that he often told her as he would corne in from 
the mill. The flag is still flying at half mast and the gar- 
rison is out in line awaiting the sound of the bugle to 
march off to [the] cemetery. The bugle sounds, six young 
officers are seen to come out of a room bearing the cof- 
fin on three muskets, the coffin wrapped in the American 
flag. The band falls in front, and strikes up a mournful 
air, the corpse follows, and the files of soldiers close in 
behind, and they all march round the parade ground 
keeping step to the mournful music. Having left the 
parade they march off to the graveyard which is situated 

on a little eminence, two or three hundred yards north 
of the fort, the soldiers form around the grave the coffin 
is lowered, fourteen guns — the number allowed according 
to the rank of the deceased — are fired over his grave, the 
Soldiers march off at a quick pace and the funeral is 
ended. I should have said before the guns are fired, the 
Chaplain makes a few remarks appropriate to the occa- 
sion." 1 

Who was this sergeant? In searching the military 
records I found the following: 

Sergeant E. H. King of the 8th Kansas Vol. was 
buried in Grave #71 December 9th 1863. 2 From Post 
Records November 1863, E. K. King, Sergt, Co. G, 
8th Regt Kansas Vols, is on extra duty in the Quarter- 
master Department. On the December returns is 
found: Edward K. King, Sergt. Co. G, 8th Vol. Inf. 
died at this post December 6, 1863, but nothing is 
given about the cause of death. However, on the final 
December Post Returns is found this final note: 

E. H. King, Sergt, Company G., 8th Kansas Vols. 
Died Dece. 6, 1863, of wounds received from a adobe 
house falling upon him. 3 (emphasis added) 

My curiosity is now put to rest, the funeral is def- 
initely Sergeant Edward H. King's. 

1. Letter December 9, 1863, by Pvt. Hervey Johnson , Co. G. 11th 
Ohio Vol. Cav. from Tending the Talking Wire, by William E. 
Unrau (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1979), p. 73. 

2. Record of Military Deaths in Wyoming. Fort Laramie National 
Historic Site. Record Book of Interments in Post Cemetery File 
CEM-1, Drawer 1. 

3. Post Returns for November and December 1863. Fort Laramie 
National Historic Site. 


Painting by C. Moellman, 1863. 



With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the 
Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas in the 1870's. By 
Clyde A. Milner, II. (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1982). Preface. Illus. Maps. 
Index. 238 pp. Cloth, $21.50. 

Clyde A. Milner II analyzes the experience of Hicksite 
Quaker Indian agents serving three Nebraska tribes dur- 
ing the era of Grant's Peace Policy. He examines the in- 
teraction of these agents only with the Pawnee, Oto- 
Missouri and Omaha Indians, because although other 
Native Americans resided in Nebraska, only the three 
selected tribes were native to the area. The Omahas re- 
mained in Nebraska, but the Pawnees and Oto-Missouri 
removed to Indian Territory in present Oklahoma. 

The book is more than a survey of Hicksite Quaker 
administrative policy in Nebraska during the Peace Policy 
era. Milner makes their agency administrations the cen- 
tral theme, but he also examines their impact on the 
Indian people dealing with the harsh life of frontier 

We learn that each of the selected tribes, possessing 
similar life styles and economic bases, was also unique. 
Milner points out that these Indians usually experienced 
the same trials of grasshopper plagues, drought and 
disease, as white settlers, but in addition they were con- 
fronted by the reality of discrimination, the larceny of 

white pioneers, and an almost constant fear of Sioux 
raiders. The excellent reputation of the Quakers in deal- 
ing with Native Americans is recognized but Milner states 
that from the era of William Penn, the Friends were not 
without fault. He mentions numerous instances of Quaker 
administrations plagued by nepotism, agents following 
their own beliefs with little regard for tribal wishes. He 
mentions agents who named tribal chiefs willing to follow 
the dictates of the agent. Unfortunately, more traditional 
tribal members lost their standing in the tribe because 
they would not conform to white dictates. 

But some non-traditional Indians, especially Joseph 
LaFlesche of the Omahas, were not trusted by Quaker 
agents. Omaha agent Robert Furnas feared LaFlesche 
because he was a "shrewd, cunning ambitious and aspir- 
ing politician, who has never been willing to be subor- 
dinate to an agent, or even [to] the Hon. Comr. of Indian 
Affairs." But perhaps this mixed-blood Omaha Indian had 
something to offer, because with his support and encour- 
agement the Omahas occupied 111 houses when the last 
Quaker agent left their agency. His famous white educated 
daughter, Susette, or "Bright Eyes," became a teacher at 
the Omaha School on the reservation at half the salary 
of a white teacher. But at least it was a start toward equal- 
ity because she soon proved that she was an excellent 
instructor. Milner notes that nepotism was rampant dur- 
ing Agent Vore's tenure among the Omahas. But in the 


end the Omahas did accommodate the whites in their own 
way, and the Omaha "ukite" or community survived 
despite many hardships. 

This interesting perceptive book is a fascinating anal- 
ysis of the Hicksite experience as Indian agents in 
Nebraska. Milner contends that the Hicksite Friends did 
not look beyond the humanitarian consensus of the time 
for the benefit of the Nebraska Indians. Their actions as 
Indian agents were partially responsible for, rather than 
preventing, the loss of the Indians' land base. 

Robert E. Smith 

Smith is a Professor of History at Missouri Southern State College at 

Alonso de Posada Report, 1686. A Description of 
the Area of the Present Southern United States 
in the Seventeenth Century. Translated and Edited 
by Alfred Barnaby Thomas. (Pensacola: The Per- 
dido Bay Press, 1982). viii + 69 pp. Bib. Illus. 
Index. Paper, $8.95. 

In 1678 and again in 1685 King Charles II of Spain 
ordered the Viceroy of New Spain to prepare a report on 
the northern interior provinces of Quivira and Tequayo. 
This was done to determine whether or not it was feasi- 
ble to open a port on the Gulf of Mexico to be used as 
the point of origin for a route to Santa Fe. Also, Spain 
needed to know whether or not a French proposal to send 
an expedition to Quivira constituted a threat to the 
Spanish Empire. The Viceroy selected Fray Alonso de 
Posada, a Franciscan with many years experience in New 
Spain, to write the report. Posada completed the task in 

Professor Thomas has devoted a lifetime to the study 
of the Posada report. He discovered four copies of the 
document in Seville, Madrid, Paris, and Mexico City and 
selected the first of these for publication since it is the 
most nearly complete. His meticulous study and editing 
of the document has provided scholars with a very useful 
tool because from the report can be gleaned information 
concerning the Spaniard's conception of North American 
geography, Indians, and international rivalries in the late 
17th century. Professor Thomas is to be congratulated 
upon the successful completion of this monumental task. 

Kenneth E. Hendrickson, Jr. 

The reviewer is a professor in the Humanities Division, History at 
Midwestern State University, Wichita Falls, Texas. 

Buffalo Bill: His Family, Friends, Fame, Failures, 
and Fortunes, by Nellie Snyder Yost (Chicago: The 
Swallow Press, 1979). Notes. Index. Illus. 446 pp. 
Cloth, $16.95. 

Acknowledging a debt to Don Russell's solid attempt 
to separate fact from fiction in The Lives and Legends 
of Buffalo Bill, Nellie Snyder Yost focuses her study of 
Cody on his connections with North Platte, Nebraska. Her 
reason, she states, is "None of his previous biographers 
have bothered to write much about North Platte, which 
for 35 years the Colonel made his home and headquarters." 
In looking at Cody's North Platte connection, one sees 
him as "husband, father, neighbor and citizen in the town 
he adopted and loved." 

The result is a combination biography/local history 
wherein one learns who daughter Arta was entertaining 
at the Cody Welcome Wigwam, as reported in the society 
pages of the North Platte Tribune, while her father enter- 
tained Europe's royalty at London's Earl's Court Station. 
One learns more about how Cody secured uniforms for 
the town's Gordon Silver Comet Band than how he secured 
property and developed the town of Cody, Wyoming, or 
set up the Big Horn Project. 

Yost presents the legendary figure, in fact, as the peo- 
ple of North Platte saw him. Drawing on interviews with 
"Platters" that were conducted and collected in the 1940s, 
Yost, a Platter herself, provides a small-town view of a 
world famous entertainer. His contemporaries variously 
portrayed him as a womanizer, a drunkard, a generous 
benefactor to North Platte churches, a hero, a fraud, a 
gentleman, a spendthrift, a liar, and a man who was 
always kind to children. Cody's marital problems, his 
alleged affairs with showgirls (not to mention with Queen 
Victoria and the Princess of Wales), his children's early 
and untimely deaths, the suicides of sons-in-law, his sen- 
sational and unsuccessful attempt to divorce wife Louisa 
— all make up the stuff and substance of small town scan- 
dal. And the book itself, while carefully researched, 
borders on the gossipy. That, in the end, is its appeal. 
The reader is drawn into the drama — or melodrama — 
of Cody's family triumphs and tragedies. Did Louisa really 
trash Cody's hotel suite when she discovered him living 
there with another woman? Would Will and Louisa ever 
be reconciled? 

This is not a book for those who hope to place Cody 
and his Wild West Show in some kind of cultural/intellec- 
tual context or who seek some larger meaning in Buffalo 
Bill as symbol. Yost is simply not concerned with that sort 
of thing. This is a book for those people who want to know 
the details of Cody's stormy marriage or the details of how 
North Platters greeted Buffalo Bill on his periodic visits 
to the Welcome Wigwam or Scout's Rest Ranch. It is a 
hometown history of a showbiz celebrity and adopted 
native son. 

Buffalo Bill fans will no doubt devour it. Others may 
find Yost's continual tendency to repeat legends and fan- 


ciful stories, only to debunk them, rather tedious. But 
there is something compelling about the personal story 
of Cody's family relations, business failures, generosity, and 
perpetual optimism that can appeal to those with little 
interest in Buffalo Bill or his Wild West Show. Yost's book 
presents a 19th century Western town's willingness to 
capitalize on Cody's fame in order to boost its own 
economic prospects, to forgive him his excesses ("It wasn't 
his fault that women went crazy over him"), and to lament 
his final passing (thirteen members of the local Knights 
Templar attended his Denver funeral). And her book pro- 
vides an intimate view of a 19th century Westerner, an 
American type — a showman, entrepreneur, a man con- 
tinually on-the-make who never really made it outside of 
the realm of myth and legend. 

Sherry Smith 

Smith is a insiting professor in the History Department of the Univer- 
sity of Wyoming. 

Kopet: A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's 
Last Years. By M. Gidley. (Seattle: University of 
Washington Press, 1981) Illus. Chronology. 168 pp. 
Cloth, $19.95. 

Kopet: A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's 
Last Years, is a handsome, large-format style book. It has 
over 70 photographs taken on the Colville Reservation 
from 1890-1910 where Joseph and his Wallowa band of 
Nez Perces were sent in 1885 after seven years confine- 
ment on reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma. It is an 
expensive book, but the photographs themselves are worth 
the price, especially the one of Chica-ma-poo, or Old Jean, 
more than 90 -years old, carrying a stack of firewood on 
her back, her axe strapped into the load, a small dog 
following her, and her determined expression. She was the 
oldest survivor among Joseph's band at Nespelem, one who 
"deliberately joined the Nez Perce war effort in 1877, even 
against the wishes of her husband." 

The bulk of this book is made up of narrative accounts 
by seven white witnesses to Chief Joseph's final years. It 
is to Gidley 's credit that he sets his reader straight on the 
first page of his "Preface" lest they be led astray by the 
publisher's subtitle, "A Documentary Narrative of Chief 
Joseph's Last Years." To quote Mr. Gidley, 

I hope this book will not be thought of as a conventional 
biographical study of those years. It is not. It does not at 
all attempt, for example, to reconstruct or recreate what 
Joseph was thinking and it does not come near to describ- 
ing his day-to-day life or many of the significant activities 
in which he played his part. 

Rather, it is highly selective and concerns those parts of 
his life that touched the lives of a number of white men at 

the turn of the century — and, of course, those parts of their 
lives that touched his. The narrative is unfolded, therefore, 
largely through a series of documents, mainly letters and 
photographs produced by these men and newspaper items 
in which they Figured. 

Imagine this reviewer's astonished disappointment to 
discover that the "Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's 
Last Years" consisted of the letters and other documents 
of seven white men who could publicly claim "I knew Chief 
Joseph" and had their photos of him or with him to prove 
it! Central to these seven is Edmond S. Meany, the pro- 
fessor from Seattle, to whom several of the others cor- 
responded. They include Edward Curtis, the famous 
maker of Indian photographic portraits; Edward Latham, 
agency physician at Nespelem and amateur photographer; 
and Henry M. Steele, the Bureau of Indian Affairs sub- 
agent assigned to teach the Nez Perces to farm. Finally 
the person who appeared closest to them, most trusted 
and respected by them, and whose life ended tragically 
in murder and suicide, Albert M. Anderson. He was a 
storekeeper, clerk, then chief assistant to the agent for the 
Colville Reservation 1889-93. He also served as agent to 
the Colville Reservation from 1897 to 1903. He was later 
removed from his post and entered the real estate business, 
eventually becoming "right-of-way and tax agent for the 
Great Northern Railway. In this capacity he bought de- 
velopment land for the railroad, including land supposedly 
held in perpetuity by the Indians of the Colville and 
Spokane Reservations." 

One omission which this reader found especially dis- 
tressing had to do with a Joseph detractor. Henry M. 
Steele, in a letter to Meany describing the preparation for 
raising a monument above Joseph's grave in 1905, states 
that he is sending Meany the Spokane Chronicle because 
of an article in it by one Lew Wilmot. "He [Wilmot] was 
a member of the volunteer party sent against Joseph in 
'77. It [the article] should be answered and hope you will 
do so. I am acquainted with Wilmot and know him to 
be very much biased and prejudiced against Joseph. He 
is about 70 years old and in his dotage." Meany published 
"Highest Type of Indian" in the Seattle Times of June 13th 
as a refutation of Wilmot's attacks. 

It seems to me that this attack on Joseph by an old 
Indian fighter and Joseph's defense by the Professor would 
give us an excellent view of the contemporary range of 
responses to him, and of the conflicts which these could 
precipitate. Instead, we are treated exclusively to the "I 
knew Chief Joseph" types maneuvering over who will have 
exclusive rights to photograph the events commemorating 
the monument, or confessing their desire for some impor- 
tant piece of Joseph's belongings. 

Perhaps the most revealing portrait in the text is of 
Edward Curtis at the commemoration of the Joseph Mem- 
orial. In Meany s article for the Post- Intelligencer entitled 
"Unveil Monument," he reports that "the older Indians 
objected to the presence of photographers" and that it took 
two hours of negotiation and the "soothing" presence of 


Captain Webster to "calm their fears." This was not the 
end of the matter, however, for: 

Incidentally, however, Mr. Curtis encountered a great deal 
of trouble in the Nez Perce country. That particular tribe 
is torn assunder over the successor to the late Chief Joseph. 
A contemptible, ignorant, lazy loafer," to quote Mr. 
Curtis literally, by the name of Albert Waters, is trying to 
take the place of the late ruler, and for some reason he con- 
ceived the idea that Curtis was bad medicine and refused 
to let him take photos of the unveiling of the Joseph 

Albert Waters walked up to the Curtis camera and 
pushed it roughly aside just as the local photographer was 
about to press the button. Naturally that made Edward 
somewhat angry. He restrained himself, however, and, look- 
ing the Indian squarely in the eyes, delivered himself of the 

"Albert, if you lay your hands on that camera again I 
will feel compelled to punch your face, and if that is not 
sufficient, I will blow the top of your head off," and so say- 
ing he pulled a saucy little six-shooter out of his pocket, 
whereupon Albert Waters quit like a dog. Turning to Big 
Bull or Little Bull, or whichever member of the Bull family 
it was that was an eye witness to the affair, Curtis said: 
"Bull, what do you think of Albert Waters?" 
"Oh," replied Bull, "you pick 'em up old sock, and wash 
him and make him chief. All same Albert Waters." 
Even though the new chief, Albert Waters (we need to 
know more about him!) is spoken of badly by Curtis and 
one member of the Bull family, the incident casts Curtis 
in a less than positive light too. The objection to the 
presence of photographers (Latham and Moorhouse were 
also present), is described as coming from the older 
Indians and involving two hours of negotiation. Curtis, 
in his passion to photograph, belittles, threatens and then 
pulls a pistol on Waters, all in the interest of photographic 
documentation. By 1905, he should have understood more 
about Indians and photography. 

Too much of this book is a description by white males 
maneuvering around the distant magnificence of a tragic 
leader in his last days, photographing him, bringing him 
to the University of Seattle to lecture, desiring his belong- 
ings. Joseph comes through as a man with one plea - 
a desire to return to his homeland, the Wallowa Valley, 
that earth with which he was of one mind. 

Roger Dunsmore 

The reviewer is an Associate Professor in Humanities at the Univer- 
sity of Montana in Missoula. 

Oil Booms: Social Change in Five Texas Towns. 
By Roger M. Olien and Diana Davids Olien. (Lin- 
coln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982). Notes. 
Index. Illus. Charts. 220 pp. Cloth, $16.95. 

Although space is, in the cliche, the final frontier, 
there remains an area of American life in which frontier 
conditions maintained until just recently. That holdover 


from the frontier era is the topic of Oil Booms. The Oliens' 
study of five Texas oil boom towns uses the modern fron- 
tier thesis as a basis for the examination of the impact 
of the oil industry in West Texas. Olien and Olien argue 
that the stereotypical portrayal of lawlessness epitomized 
in the classic film, Boom Town, is but one small episode 
in the larger phenomenon associated with American oil 
exploration and production. Admittedly, the early stage 
on any frontier is one in which law and civilization suffer 
great setbacks, if not complete breakdown. But, as the 
authors affirm, such a situation is only temporary. Bor- 
dellos and banditry quickly give way to law and order. 
Even before the boom runs its course, the impact of the 
boom is confined to economic change and pressures on 
city services such as schools and sewers. The impact of 
an oil boom is analogous to that of a military installation 
or any other cause of rapid expansion of services. 

The emphasis of the Oliens is on description of the 
short- and long-term impacts of boom and prosperity on 
five towns in West Texas. Those towns are Midland, 
Odessa, Wink, McCamey, and Snyder. All were compar- 
atively insignificant backwaters prior to the exploration 
for and discovery of oil. All had problems in coping with 
the rapid growth associated with the exploration and dev- 
elopment periods. All survived, prospered, and declined 
— the extent of each stage varying with local conditions. 
For instance, Midland and Odessa maintained their pros- 
perity fairly well because they adapted to serve as centers 
for post-boom petroleum operations and as service centers 
for the later oil exploration activities in the region. In con- 
trast, towns without adaptability or a strong tie to 
petroleum operations tended to fade. Another example 
of the varying degree of impact of the oil cycle was Snyder, 
where the boom to normality evolution was less intense 
because when it happened, 20 years after the other epi- 
sodes, the petroleum industry was more organized, effi- 
cient, and controlled than in the earlier era. Despite varia- 
tions, however, the cycle posited by the authors of Oil 
Booms remains a workable model. 

The Oliens have broken new ground in oil history. 
Although they develop no startlingly new thesis for 20th 
century Western history, they utilize a now generally 
accepted theory in a new way and in an area which has 
long been in need of their type of critical analysis. If that 
were the sole contribution of Oil Booms, the work would 
be a valuable addition to the scholar's book shelf. However, 
there is more. 

Further enhancing the value of this volume is the 
quality of the research. Rather than relying on the lurid 
reporting which led earlier writers astray, the researchers 
utilized modern methodology. Not only did they devote 
great effort to collecting and examining oral histories, but 
they also undertook a major examination of city records, 
a painful process at best. The quality of the research 
enhances the worth of Oil Booms. 

Finally, the University of Nebraska Press deserves 
acknowledgement for its fine and skillful preparation of 

ithe book. Not only is the text clean, but the presentation 
is highly pleasing. 

Oil Booms may not receive the recognition it is due. 
Nevertheless, it is a significant work which must be reck- 
oned with by all who choose to further examine the field. 
Most important of all, it is a pleasure to read. 

J. Herschel Barnhill 

Dr. Barnhill, author of From Surplus to Substitution: Energy in Texas, 
[is an archivist for the Oklahoma State Archives in Oklahoma City. 

Mormon Thunder: A Documentary History of 
Jedediah Grant. By Gene A. Sessions. (Urbana, 
Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1982). Illus. 
Append. Notes. Index, xvii + 413 pp. Cloth, 

Builders of the Kingdom: George A. Smith, John 
Henry Smith, George Albert Smith. By Merlo J. 
Pusey. (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University 
Press, 1981). Illus. Chart. Append. Notes. Index, 
xiv + 392 pp. Cloth, $10.95. 

In 1833 seventeen year old Jedediah Morgan Grant 
repented his sins and embraced the "restored gospel" of 
the three year old Mormon church. A congenital mission- 
ary, he spent the better part of the next fourteen years 
spreading the gospel among the "gentiles." Despite his fre- 
quent visits to the principal church settlements in Ohio, 
Missouri, and Illinois, Grant had no permanent home 
among his brethren until after the Saints' great migra- 
tion to the Salt Lake Valley in 1847. Even then, church 
assignments in the East frequently kept him from home 
until 1852. In Utah, Grant's long service on the outposts 
of Mormondom was rewarded when he became a brigadier 
general in the Nauvoo Legion, the first mayor of Salt Lake 
City, the speaker of the territorial House of Represen- 
tatives, and, in 1854, a member of the First Presidency 
of the church as second counselor to Brigham Young. 
Grant was blunt, tough-minded, energetic, and obsessed 
with Mormon perfectionist doctrines. He gave unquestion- 
ing loyalty to his church superiors and, in turn, expected 
an unquestioning loyalty from those beneath him. To 
Grant's great disappointment his brethren often seemed 
lacking in both perfectionist zeal and loyalty. His fixa- 
tion with their sins finally led him to preach the doctrine 
of "blood atonement," the belief that those who break their 
covenant with the Lord should make restitution with their 
lives. Grant's fervor earned him the nickname "the 
sledgehammer of Brigham," and although his premature 
death at the age of 40 did not allow him to see it through, 
he, in large part, sparked the "Mormon Reformation of 
1856-7" which plunged the church into a thoroughgoing 
revival . 

In Mormon Thunder Gene A. Sessions assembles 
excerpts from Jedediah Grant's missionary journal, let- 

ters, and sermons, along with similar material from his 
contemporaries into a full-scale biography. Grant was a 
highly interesting man, and Sessions' able transitions keep 
the narrative flow moving at a respectable pace. Sessions, 
however, is not merely content to retell the particulars of 
Grant's life. In his view, Grant epitomized early Mor- 
monism more closely than Andrew Jackson did the "Jack- 
sonian era." To extract the essence of early Mormonism 
from these documents is, as Sessions admits, a "tall order." 
Unfortunately, it is in this basic endeavor that his effort 
falters. His conclusion that Grant archetypically repre- 
sented his brethren in his total dedication through the 
church to millennial perfectionism in both spiritual and 
temporal spheres breaks no new ground in our understand- 
ing of early Mormonism. Much of Sessions' failure to elicit 
greater meaning from his subject stems from his conscious 
decision to eschew a recital of the old familiar story of 
early church history. Yet if a narrative recitation of events 
is not needed, a discussion of Grant's life within its wider 
context is. For example, bereft of a solid contextual foun- 
dation readers might wonder if the Saints were indeed 
the sinful backsliders Grant suggested, or whether Grant 
himself had lost touch with reality in his zeal. Similarly, 
Grant was an original member of the controversial "Coun- 
cil of Fifty" and heavily involved in the planning of the 
State of Deseret, yet here too, Sessions provides only passing 
discussion of Mormon political ideas and aspirations. 

To some extent Sessions' troubles are rooted in his deci- 
sion to stay close to his documentary evidence. This strat- 
egy often guides the discussion toward extant material and 
not necessarily toward what might prove more biograph- 
ically revealing. Sessions sometimes publishes documents 
of limited value because of the dearth of significant 
material, especially for the years before Grant's rise to 

There are other problems as well: occasional lapses 
into an overly melodramatic style, an attempt to give Grant 
an intellectuality he did not possess, and superficial com- 
parisons of Grant's activities to those of Puritan divines. 
Nevertheless, Sessions has not wasted his time. Shorn of 
its ambitious designs Mormon Thunder reads well and 
will provide a useful source book for professional 

Merlo Pusey has written the type of book Sessions 
scorns. In Builders of the Kingdom Pusey follows the lives 
of George A. Smith (1817-1875), his son John Henry Smith 
(1848-1911), and his grandson George Albert Smith 
(1870-1951) down the well-beaten path of Mormon history. 
Yet if Pusey has little to offer those already familiar with 
his subject, he nevertheless covers old ground in a highly 
readable style and with arresting quotations. 

Pusey originally began work on his history of the 
Smiths in the late 1950s and completed it in the 1960s. 
Because a member of the Smith family objected to cer- 
tain portions of his manuscript, Pusey delayed publishing 
it until 1981. Although he has revised his text in light of 
recent developments in Mormon historiography many of 


his interpretations remain dated. They are also subtly par- 
tisan. Although Pusey never deems the Saints faultless in 
Mormon-Gentile conficts, he often lacks detachment from 
old battles. Builders of the Kingdom, however, was clearly 
written with a Mormon audience in mind and no doubt 
few of his readers will object to his slant. Curiously, in 
the last and longest section of the book, covering the life 
of George Albert Smith, Pusey drops the wide lens view 
of history which characterizes his first two sections. Instead 
he presents a strikingly intimate portrait of Smith that 
often borders on hagiography. George Albert suffered from 
delicate health his entire life, much of it psychosomatic. 
Although Pusey refuses to speculate on its roots, he spares 
us no cold, scratch, or near accident. Ironically, this sec- 
tion of the book, which is its weakest, will prove of greatest 
interest to professional historians for its abundant fund 
of information gleaned from letters and oral interviews 
unavailable elsewhere and its relative candor in discuss- 
ing the private relationships of the Apostles. 

Kenneth Winn 

The reviewer is with the Department of History, Washington Univer- 
sity, St. Louis, Missouri. 

Shadows of the Indian: Stereotypes in American 
Culture. By Raymond William Stedman. (Nor- 
man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982). Index. 
Illus. 281 pp. Cloth, $24.95. 

Carlos Montezuma and the Changing World of 
American Indians. By Peter Iverson. (Albuquer- 
que: University of New Mexico Press, 1982). 
Index. Illus. 222 pp. Cloth, $17.50. 

These works examine the myth and reality of the 
American Indian. Stedman's Shadows of the Indian: 
Stereotypes in American Culture analyzes the various 
depictions of the Native Americans found in the mass 
media for the purpose of determining white attitudes 
toward them. Iverson's Carlos Montezuma and the Chang- 
ing World of the American Indian is a biography of a 
late 19th and early 20th century Indian leader that tries 
to humanize that race's search for an identity through the 
personal journey of this single tribesman. These books are 
very different in tone and execution. Yet, each seek to cor- 
rect white misconceptions concerning Native Americans. 

In order to properly judge the success of these books 
in this challenging endeavor, we will examine each sep- 
arately. The Stedman monograph is cleverly written, but 
attempts to cover too much material in too slim a volume. 
Instead of placing reasonable parameters on his study, the 
author chooses to encompass all forms of mass communi- 
cation from novels, articles, diaries, radio, cinema, com- 
ics to television within his book. His range of time is from 
1492 until the present. The only self-imposed restriction 


is that all materials reviewed be produced by white Amer- 
icans. Once this restriction is mentioned, it is quickly 
ignored as the author discusses works of European writers. 
The sheer magnitude of Stedman's task renders it impossi- 
ble for him adequately to cover all sources available. He 
ends up concentrating on 20th century novels and movies 
while scant attention is given to radio and television. 

Stedman reveals that the Indian, at one time or 
another, has been portrayed as a child of nature, devil 
incarnate, implacable foe, despoiler of white women, 
unreasoning animal, faithful servant and living in har- 
mony with the natural world. These stereotypes often con- 
tradict one another and are, for the most part, demean- 
ing. It does not take much sensitivity to realize that the 
mass media has unfairly treated the red man, but the same 
criticism can be made concerning all other ethnic groups. 
Stedman in attempting to redress one injustice selectively 
chooses those works that support his contentions and ig- 
nores a substantial body of films and literature which por- 
tray the American Indian with dignity and understanding. 

Peter Iverson's Carlos Montezuma and the Changing 
World of the American Indian describes the real rather 
than mythical world of Native Americans. He focuses on 
the life story of Carlos Montezuma of the Yavapai tribe. 
In the book's narrative, Montezuma becomes the symbol 
of the American Indian community and its search for an 
identity in the 20th century. This work is written in a dry 
and academic tone. 

It follows the traditional format of biographies begin- 
ning with a discussion of the genealogy and birth of 
Montezuma in the 1860s. As a young man, Carlos receives 
his formal education at Carlisle and emerges to take his 
place in white society as an assimilated Indian. He does 
this by obtaining a medical degree from the Chicago Med- 
ical College and establishing a practice in that city. At 
this point, Montezuma's life undergoes a dramatic trans- 
formation as he becomes involved with the Society of 
American Indians and an Indian rights crusader. He turns 
from assimilation and starts a lifelong journey to under- 
stand his identity as a Yavapai. 

His life's work becomes a campaign to have the Bureau 
of Indian Affairs abolished and to obtain full protection 
of the Fort McDowell reservation's water rights. In order 
to carry out his first goal, he founds, writes and edits a 
newspaper entitled Wassaja. Roughly translated into 
English it means signalling or beckoning. The signal he 
wished to send was that all tribes should actively work 
toward the dismantlement of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. 
Montezuma perceived that the agency was the single big- 
gest obstacle to Indian progress. Needless to say, he was 
unable to accomplish the abolition of the Bureau in his 

His second goal required the constant applications of 
time and money in fighting against government attempts 
to reduce the water rights allocated to the Fort McDowell 
reservation. These struggles continued until his death from 
tuberculosis in January of 1923. 

Iverson's biography of the Indian leader is a slender 
eight chapter work with two chapters devoted to the strug- 
gle for the abolition of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and 
the securing of tribal water rights. These chapters are 
exhilarating depictions of the American Indian in tran- 
sition. The rest of the book suffers noticeably in com- 
parison. Another difficulty with this biography is that the 
reader never gains more than a superficial understanding 
of the complex character of Montezuma. In the final anal- 
ysis, he remains only an intriguing enigma and not a flesh 
and blood person. 

The work does succeed in depicting the Indians search 
for an identity in the 20th century. One gains a deeper 
appreciation of the individual and tribal turn away from 
assimilation and toward perceived traditional values. This 
search is told with compassion and insight. 

Both Iverson's and Stedman's books attempt in dif- 
ferent ways to give a better understanding of the Native 
Americans by the white community. These works form 
part of a growing volume of literature reassessing the 
Indian and his place in history. These authors in their 
fervor to correct past distortions have created new ones. 
These works will, however, provide a portion of a larger 
mosaic that will eventually give a more balanced picture 
of the Indian. As yet, it remains to be completed. 

John C. Paige 

The reviewer is a research historian with the National Park Service 
in Denver. 

Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast 
During the American Revolution. Edited by 
William S. Coker and Robert R. Rea. (Gulf Coast 
History and Humanities Conference; Volume 9, 
1982) Index. Illus. Maps. 218 pp. Cloth, $10.95; 
Paper, $6.95. Mailing 50<. (Available from Book 
Sales, John C. Pace Library, University of Western 
Florida, Pensacola 32511). 

At first glance, the logical question concerning this 
publication is its relevance to the history of Wyoming? For 
historians of the 18th-century in general, and those per- 
sons interested in the era of the American Revolution in 
particular, this volume has a great deal to offer. First, the 
scholarly articles contained in the published proceedings 
of the Ninth Gulf Coast History and Humanities Con- 
ference which met in Pensacola on May 7-8, 1981, con- 
stitute a superb recent bibliography on the historiography 
of the era. Three students of Professor Herbert Eugene 
Bolton, who is considered the "father" of Spanish Bor- 
derlands history, participated in the conference, as well 
as a number of the foremost contemporary scholars in the 
field. Second, the range of topics covered in this volume 
suggests that much more historical research and writing 
is needed to expand upon the subjects discussed here. 

The range of subjects discussed in the book cover a 

diverse, yet interrelated number of topics from "Anglo- 
Spanish Commerce in New Orleans during the American 
Revolutionary Era," by Professor Robin F. A. Fabel to 
"French and Spanish Military Units in the 1781 Pensacola 
Campaign," by Jack D. L. Holmes. There are twelve essays 
on many subjects of interest, along with the relevant maps 
and other illustrations worthy of note. 

But let us return to our original question. What does 
the Pensacola campaign of 1781 have to do with the history 
of Wyoming? It ought not to be forgotten that the Anglo- 
Spanish confrontation along the Gulf Coast was the result 
of a much bigger picture from Spain's point of view. That 
was: to keep the British out of Spain's possessions in the 
rest of North and South America. Spain regarded her 
Louisiana colony as a necessary buffer against such intru- 
sions, and her military campaigns in the Mississippi Valley 
and on her western frontier were designed to stop such 
incursions by British or even American traders from the 
northeast and Canada. The protection and trade of Span- 
ish Mexico was dependent upon this strategy. Portions of 
present day Wyoming were considered as part of Spain's 
frontier possessions, and, in fact, her prior explorations 
north of the provincial capital at Santa Fe may well pro- 
vide us with new information. Although a great deal of 
historiography remains to be done on the subject of 
Spanish administration and exploration in the Rocky 
Mountains, there is enough information emerging in 
modern scholarship to tantalize us. For example, a French 
map of 1718 contains the following marginal note on the 
northern Rocky Mountain area: "At this locality in the 
report from the Indians, the Spanish crossed the [Upper] 
Missouri on horseback from where [they] negotiated with 
some Indian nations located to the Northwest from whom 
they brought news of the 'yellow iron'; it was in this way 
that they [the Indians] expressed it." 

In summary, the series of twelve essays contained in 
Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast provide 
new insights into the comprehensive and pervasive role 
of Spain in our nation's western history. The traditional 
view of Spain as the lethargic, or "has been" power of an 
earlier era in the Age of Exploration is in need of revi- 
sion. For within the empire of Spain and her borderlands 
with the other colonial powers, including that of the young 
American Republic after 1783, the frontier figured prom- 
inently in Spanish planning. It ought not to be forgotten 
that while France sold Louisiana to the United States and 
transferred it accordingly on December 20, 1803, that 
France herself did not take possession of the colony from 
Spain until November 30, 1803! And Spain had held it, 
with Wyoming included, since 1763. The more we come 
to know about the Spanish empire in North America, the 
more we will come to know about our own history. 

Robert D. Bush 

The reviewer is director of the Wyoming State Archives, Museums and 
Historical Department. 


Mister You Got Yourself a Horse: Tales of Old-Time 
Horse Trading. By Roger L. Welsch. (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1981). Gloss. Bib. 
207 pp. Cloth, $14.95. 

Mister You Got Yourself a Horse is about horse trading 
and horse use in Nebraska before the wide-spread adop- 
tion of gasoline or steam powered farm equipment and 
automobiles. Disregarding humorous details, it is about 
humanity's all too common proclivity to gamble. Horse- 
trading was a game with agreed upon conventions that 
insured a dramatic ending. Usually the result was someone 
got something valuable for nothing, with the "loser" 
accepting the loss begrudgingly. Combine most Amer- 
icans' love of sporty transportation or powerful draft horse 
teams with gambling instincts and you have a former 
national passion — horse swapping. 

Mister You Got Yourself a Horse is composed of 
numerous short stories or vignettes. The stories are 
primarily the product of a retired horse trader raconteur, 
Lew or Luke Croughan. Welsch's comments are limited 
to introducing and explaining the intricacies of trading 
and the science of "doctoring" or discovering equine afflic- 
tions. Without his glossary of equine ailments we would 
be befuddled by diagnoses of "bull-windy, sweenied, 
stump-sucker, or moon-eyed" horses. 

As in his earlier book, A Treasury of Nebraska Pioneer 
Folklore, Welsch has selectively mined the Nebraska 
W. P. A. Writer's Project files to assemble this collection. 
His aim is to present the W. P. A. articles as stories or 
proto-folklore, not as historical documents. Employing the 
stories this way, Welsch uncaps most of the strengths of 
the New Deal project and neatly bypasses the thorny issue 
of its historicity. 

Still from a folklore standpoint some questions per- 
sist. For example, it would be helpful (albeit impossible 
at present) to know more about the lesser storytellers whose 
tales are presented. It would be helpful to know more 
about the circumstance of the telling of these tales to 
fieldworkers, which can have a dramatic effect on the story 
style, length, and word choice. We also do not know how 
esoteric or public this genre of horse-trading tales were. 
Did everyone tell these stories or just horsetraders? 

These small quibbles aside, Mister You Got Yourself 
a Horse is a lively book geared toward the general reading 
audience. Scholars may be dismayed by the lack of detailed 
discussion of horse-trading tales as an art form with 
particular characteristics and rules. However, such crit- 
icism is largely unfair, since the book attempts to develop 
an appreciation of stories which explain and delight in 
the economic and recreational activity of bartering 

Timothy S. Cochrane 

Cochrane is with the Folklore Department at the University of Indiana, 

Buried Unsung: Louis Tihas and the Ludlow 
Massacre, by Zeese Papanikolas with forward by 
Wallace Stegner. (Salt Lake City, Utah: Univer- 
sity of Utah Press, 1982). Index. Illus. 240 pp. 
Cloth, $25.00. 

"What I am about to write," Zeese Papanikolas tells 
us in his book, Buried Unsung, "is hardly fiction, nor is 
it quite history." He then narrates a story centered around 
the slaying of Louis Tikas, a Denver coffee-house proprie- 
tor who became a labor organizer and was shot to death 
on April 20, 1914 near a coal-mine strikers' tent town at 
Ludlow, Colorado. 

With the compassionate grace of Irving Stone in 
Clarence Darrow for the Defense and the intriguing 
literary style of Wallace Stegner who wrote Buried Un- 
sung's forward, Papanikolas pieces together fragmentary 
accounts of Tikas' experiences as an immigrant coal-mine 
labor leader whose life in the Colorado coal fields sym- 
bolizes "a whole generation of immigrant workers who 
found themselves, in the years before the First World War, 
caught between the realities of industrial America and 
their aspirations for a better life." Papanikolas is honest 
about the scarcity of information on Tikas and he is 
equally open about his sympathies for the Colorado miners 
who lived in a mean world of three-dollar-a-day coal- 
company gunmen, scabs and thugs, spies, violent National 
Guardsmen, jealous and militant labor leaders, and coal 
mine owners who believed in Social Darwinism. 

As protagonist of Buried Unsung Louis Tikas is por- 
trayed as a person of considerable mystery. In a sense 
Papanikolas' book becomes a chronicle of the author's 
search for Tikas' identity — and for his own in a fashion 
similar to Jack Burden's self quest in Robert Penn War- 
ren's novel, All the King's Men. Enough evidence exists 
in the form of old men's memories, newspaper files, union 
records and photographs to allow Papanikolas to present 
an image of Tikas, but he admits that much of the book 
is the product of imagination and speculation: "It is full 
of doubts, a work of reconstruction, of guesses as well as 
facts." The results, however, are rewarding because Papa- 
nikolas presents an admirable picture of Tikas as a man 
who genuinely cared about Colorado's immigrant miners 
and who did all he could to help them and their families 
during the coal strike of 1913-14. 

In spite of the dearth of information on Tikas for 
Buried Unsung, the book reveals Papanikolas' thorough 
research, shrewdly analytical methods, and enthusiasm 
for his subject. The author's style is straightforward, and 
his discussion of facts about coal mining in general and 
the Colorado strike of 1913 demonstrates his competent 
knowledge of labor history while his reference notes and 
bibliography illustrate his coverage of the subject. The 
result of it all is a gentle account of a labor tragedy. 

Much exists in the exploitive nature of coal mining 
in 1913 to generate anger, yet Papanikolas condemns softly 


(but accurately) and praises Tikas in a manner that evokes 
compassion rather than hatred. 

Alluding to a period in his own life when he was 
writing "failing fictions," Papanikolas has now entered a 
time of considerable literary success. He is skilled at com- 
bining the substance of history with the style of a poet. 
Reading Buried Unsung gave this reviewer the same sense 
of provocative pleasure that he had experienced several 
summers ago while reading Bernard DeVoto's Across the 
Wide Missouri. Buried Unsung is a moving experience. 

Walter Jones 

The rexnewer is an archivist at the University of Utah, Salt Lake City. 

Wolves for the Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and 
Auxiliaries with the United States Army, 1860-90. 
By Thomas W. Dunlay. (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1982). Index. Bib. Illus. Maps. 
304 pp. Cloth, $21.95. 

Dunlay has written an informative account of the U.S. 
Army's use of Indian scouts or "wolves" during the Indian 
wars of the trans-Mississippi West. Combining previous 
scholarship on specific Indian campaigns with fresh 
archival material, Dunlay synthesizes numerous expe- 
riences of Indian-white military cooperation into a 
readable analysis of the complex relationships that devel- 
oped between those Indians who assisted in subjugating 
other Indians and the military men who recruited and 
led them. 

What Dunlay does so well is to juxtapose the motives 
and objectives of the field commanders and officers who 

employed Indian scouts with the motives and objectives 
of Indian enlistees and those tribal and band leaders who 
encouraged enlistment in the scouting service. For field 
officers, the reconnaissance and martial skills of Indian 
allies helped off-set their immediate problem -- cam- 
paigning with troops too few in numbers and ill-trained 
for Plains Indian warfare. Moreover, many within the army 
held that the scouting service drew-off potential trouble- 
makers from the reservations, further weakened tribal 
authority, and facilitated assimilation. 

Indian recruits, on the other hand, viewed the 
scouting service as a means of acquiring status in the tradi- 
tional manner, of gaining supplemental support for their 
families through army pay and rations, and of escaping 
the crushing acculturation of reservation life. Tribal and 
band leaders held the scout service to be a means of align- 
ing with a force capable of striking a serious blow against 
traditional enemies or factional rivals and of ensuring 
favorable reservations and better treatment for their 
peoples. The story that emerges is how these conflicting 
motives for cooperation dovetailed to produce a Great 
Plains fighting force which both effectively shortened 
Indian-US. wars and eased, at least for some Indians, the 
painful adjustment to the dominant culture. 

Like many recent scholars of the 19th-century Indian 
wars, Dunlay owes much to Robert Utley's influential Fron- 
tier Regulars (1973). Indeed, for those who have read and 
enjoyed Utley, Dunlay s Wolves for the Blue Soldiers will 
be a welcome addition to their reading list. 

David L. Ferch 

The reviewer is with the Department of History, Mount Mercy Col- 
lege, Cedar Rapids, Iowa. 



Alonso de Posada Report, 1686. A Description of the Area of the Present 
Southern United States in the Seventeenth Century translated and edited 
by Alfred Barnaby Thomas, review, 38. 

American Protective Association, 7 

Andrews, Fred, 35 

Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast During the American Revolu- 
tion, edited by William S. Coker and Robert R. Rea, review, 43 

Federal Power Commission, 12 

Ferch, David L,, review of Wolves for the Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and 

Auxiliaries with the United States Army 1860-90, 45 
Fitch. Robert E., 6-7 

Laramie, 36 
"A Funeral at Fort Laramie," by Lewis A. Eaton, 36 


Bartlett, Albert, 12 

Bamhill, J. Herschel, review of Oil Booms: Social Change in Five Texas Towns, 

Bishop, L. C, 11 
Bridaham, Lester, 33 
Broaddus, Dr. J. E., 12 
Brooks, B. B., 7, 21 
Brower, David, 12 
Buffalo Bill: His Family, Friends, Fame, Failures, and Fortunes, by Nellie 

Snyder Yost, review, 38-39 
Builders of the Kingdom: George A. Smith, fohn Henry Smith, George Albert 

Smith, by Merlo J. Pusey, review, 41-42 
Bureau of Reclamation, 10-17 
Buried Unsung: Louis Tikas and the Ludlow Massacre, by Zeese Papanikolas, 

review, 44 
Bush, Robert D., review of Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast 

During the American Revolution, 43 

Campbell, Gov. John A., 19 

Carlos Montezuma and the Changing World of American Indians, by Peter 

Iverson, review, 42-43 
Carrington, Cal, 30-32 
Castiday, Ella Mary, 33 
Chapman, Oscar, 10 

Cheney, Lynne, "The Countess of Flat Creek," 28-32 
Cheyenne, 26 
Cochrane, Timothy S., review of Mister You Got Yourself a Horse: Tales of 

Old-Time Horse Trading, 44 
Coker, William S., Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast During 

the American Revolution, review, 43 
Colorado Compact of 1922. 14 

"The Countess of Flat Creek," by Lynne Cheney, 28-32 
Crabtree, Henry, 31 
Crabtree, Rose, 32 

Davis-Bridaham Drug Co., 35; photo, 34 

Davis, John C. Jr., 35 

Davis, John C, Sr., 33 35 

Davis, Roblin L., 35 

DeVoto, Bernard, 10 

Dinosaur National Monument, 10, 15 

Dotsoro, Colo., 35 

Downey, Stephen, 6-7; photo, 5 

Drury, Newton, 10 

Dunlay, Thomas W., Wolves for the Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and Aux- 
iliaries with the United States Army, 1860-90, review, 45 

Dunsmore, Roger, review of Kopet: A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's 
Last Years, 39-40 

Echo Park, 10-18, map, 9; photo, 14 

"Echo Park Dam; An Old Problem of Federalism" by Mark W. T. Harvey, 9-18 

Gambling, 2-8 

"A German Looks at Cheyenne in 1876; The Travels of Ernst von Hesse- 

Wartegg," edited and translated by Frederic Trautmann, 25-27 
Gidley, M., Kopet: A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's Last Years, 

review, 39-40 
Gizycki, Count Joseph, 29-32 
Gizycki, Felicia. 30 
Gunster, Mayor P. F., 4 


Harrison, William Henry, 13 

Hauck, Minnie, 25 

Hayford, James H., 3-8; photo, 2 

Hendrickson, Kenneth E., Jr., review of Alonso de Posada Report, 1686. A 
Description of the Area of the Present Southern United States in the Seven- 
teenth Century, 38 

Hesse-Wartegg, Ernst von, 25-27 

Hill, Charles S., 23 

Holliday, William H , 6 

Hooper. Tom. 6 

Hoyt, John W., 20 

Hugus, J. W., 33, 35 

Hynds, Harry, 7; photo, 5 

Inter-Ocean Hotel, 26 
Iverson, Peter, Carlos Montezuma and the Changing World of American 

Indians, review, 42-43 
Izaak Walton League, 13 

"John C. Davis, Sr.; Portrait of a Rocky Mountain Drug Wholesaling Pioneer," 

by Anthony Palmieri, III, 33-35 
Johnson, Leroy, 13. 15 
Jones. Walter, review of Buried Unsung: Louis Tikas and the Ludlow Massacre, 

Judkin, W. T., 22 


King, Sgt. E. H., 36 

Kopet: A Documentary Narrative of Chief Joseph's Last Years, by M. Gidley, 

review, 39-40 
Kuchel, Thomas. 14 

Levi, Herbert, 12 

Longworth, Alice Roosevelt, 32; photo, 30 

Longworth, Nicholas, photo, 30 

McCormick, Medill, 29 
McCormick, Robert R., 29; photo, 29 
McKay, Douglas, 10 


Medicine Bow. Wyo.. 33 
Medill. Joseph. 29; photo. 29 
|Meyer, Eugene. 32 
Milner. Clyde A.. II. With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees, 

Otos, and the Omahas in the 1870's, review, 37-38 
Mister You Got Yourself a Horse: Tales of Old-Time Horse Trading, by Roger 

L. Welsch, review. 44 
Mondell. Cong. Frank. 22 
Moonlight. Thomas, 20 21 
Moore. Mary. 31 
Moore. William Howard, "Pietism and Progress: James H. Hayford and the 

Wyoming Anti-Gambling Tradition. 1869-1893," 2-8 
iMoran, Breck. 13. 15 
Mormon Thunder A Documentary History ofjedediah Grant, by Gene A. 

Sessions, review, 41-42 
Munro, James, 12 
Murie, Olaus, 16 


National Park Service. 10 

Neuberger, Sen. Richard. 16 

Noble. Bruce. "The Quest for Settlement in Early Wyoming." 19-24 


Oil Booms: Social Change m Five Texas Towns, by Roger M. Olien and Diana 

Davids Olien, review, 40-41 
Olien, Roger M.. and Diana Davids Olien, Oil Booms: Social Change in Five 

Texas Towns, review, 40-41 
O'Mahoney, Sen. Joseph C, photo, 11 

Paige, John C-, review of Carlos Montezuma and the Changing World of 

American Indians, 42-43 
Paige, John C review of Shadows of the Indian: Stereotypes in American 

Culture. 42-43 
Palmieri. Anthony. Ill, "John C. Davis: Portrait of a Rocky Mountain Drug 

Wholesaling Pioneer." 33-35 
Papanikolas, Zeese, Buried Unsung: Louis Tikas and the Ludlow Massacre, 

review. 44-45 
Patterson. Eleanor, 29-32; photos, 28-29 
Patterson, Joseph, photo, 29 
Pearson, Drew, 31 
"Pietism and Progress: James H. Hayford and the Wyoming Anti-Gambling 

Tradition, 1869-1893," by William Howard Moore, 2-8 
Pusey, Merlo J. , Builders of the Kingdom George A. Smith, John Henry Smith. 

George Albert Smith, review. 41-42 

Quereau, Frank, 33 

"The Quest for Settlement in Early Wyoming," by Bruce Noble. 19-24 


Rawlins, Wyo.. 33; photo, 34 

Rea, Robert R.. Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast During the 

American Revolution, review, 43 
Religion. 3-8 
Rogers. C. J. "Doc", 12 
Ross, Gov. William B., 23 

Schenk, Roy W., 22 

Schlesinger. Elmer, 31 

Seedskadee Project. 12 

Sessions. Gene A.. Mormon Thunder: A Documentary History ofjedediah 

Grant, review. 41-42 
Shadows of the Indian: Stereotypes in American Culture, by Raymond 

William Stedman. review, 42-43 
Slack, E. A.. 6; photo, 5 
Smith. Fred. 16 
Smith. Robert E. , review of With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the 

Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas in the 1870's, review, 37-38 
Smith. Sherry, review of Buffalo Bill His Family, Friends, Fame, Failures, 

and Fortunes, 38-39 
Smythe. William E., 20 
Snyder. Ruth, 31 
Stedman, Raymond William, Shadows of the Indian Stereotypes in American 

Culture, review, 42-43 
Strong, Rev. Josiah. 3 

Thayer. John M.. 20 

Thomas. Alfred Barnaby, Alonso de Posada Report, 1686 A Description of 
the Area of the Present Southern United States m the Seventeenth Cen- 
tury, review, 38 

Trabing Brothers Mercantile, 33 

Tudor. Ralph. 10 


Untermann. G. E.. 12 

Upper Colorado River Commission. 11 

Van Devanter. Willis, 6 


Warren, Sen. Francis E., 21 

Watkins. Sen. Arthur, 15 

Welsch. Roger, Mister You Got Yourself a Horse: Tales of Old-Time Horse 

Trading, review, 44 
Whitehead, Judge, 26 
Will, John, 12, 15 
Winn. Kenneth, review of Builders of the Kingdom: George A Smith, John 

Henry Smith, George Albert Smith, 41-42 
Winn. Kenneth, review of Mormon Thunder A Documentary History of 

Jedediah Grant, 41-42 
With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas 

in the 1870's, by Clyde A. Milner. II, review. 37-38 
Wolves for the Blue Soldiers Indian Scouts and Auxiliaries with the United 

States Army, 1860-90. by Thomas W. Dunlay, review. 45 
Women's Christian Temperance Union, 4 

Yost, Nellie Snyder, Buffalo Bill His Family, Friends. Fame, Failures, and For- 
tunes, review, 38-39 



WILLIAM HOWARD MOORE is an Associate Professor 
of History at the University of Wyoming. He earned his 
Ph.D. degree at the University of Texas in Austin. An ac- 
tive writer, he has authored numerous articles, and the 
sequel to his Annals piece will be published in a forthcom- 
ing issue of Western Historical Quarterly. As well, he is 
the author of the book, The Kefauver Committee and the 
Politics of Crime, which was published in 1974. Moore 
is a member of the Organization of American Historians 
and the American Historical Association. 

MARK W. T. HARVEY is a Ph.D. candidate at the 
Department of History at the University of Wyoming and 
works for the department as a teaching assistant. He lived 
in Jackson during the summers from 1972 through 1979 
working for the Teton Boating Company on Jenny Lake. 
Most recently, he has served as an interpretive ranger/guide 
at Mesa Verde National Park in Colorado. Harvey is the 
author of a Colorado Heritage article entitled, "Misguided 
Reformer, Nathan Meeker Among the Ute." In his leisure 
hours, Harvey enjoys rock climbing and photography. 

BRUCE J. NOBLE, JR. received a B.A. in American 
Studies from the University of Wyoming. He is presently 
a graduate student in history at the same institution. His 
interest in the history of the American West helps to justify 
his decision to reside in the Rocky Mountains. Most 
recently, he has experienced a summer's employment at 
historic South Pass City in Fremont County. He has a pas- 
sion for skiing, and was a member of the U.W. History 
Department's basketball team. 

FREDERIC TRAUTMANN is an Associate Professor of 
Speech at Temple University. He earned both his M.S. and 
Ph.D. at Purdue. Trautmann has authored The Voice of 
Terror: A Biography offohann Most and numerous arti- 
cles relating to travel in America. He is a member of the 
German Society of Pennsylvania, the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania and the Library Company of Pennsyl- 

LYNNE VINCENT CHENEY grew up in her native state 
of Wyoming, received her B.A., with highest honors, from 
Colorado College, and her M.A. from the University of 
Colorado. In 1970, she received a Ph.D. in English lit- 
erature from the University of Wisconsin. Since then, she 
has taught at George Washington University and the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming. She is the author of many historical 
articles and her work has appeared in publications rang- 
ing from Highlights for Children to American Heritage 
and Smithsonian Magazine. She has written two novels, 
Executive Privilege, which was set in the White House, 
and Sisters, which was set in Cheyenne in 1886. She 
recently co-authored a history of the United States Con- 
gress called Kings of the Hill. 

ANTHONY PALMIERI, III, is Associate Professor of 
Pharmaceutics at the University of Wyoming's College of 
Pharmacy. A graduate of the University of Rhode Island, 
he was awarded an M.A. degree from Rhode Island and 
a Ph.D. from the University of Georgia. His article, done 
with Chris Humberson, "Medical Incidents in the Life of 
Dr. John H. Finfrock" was published in the Fall, 1981 issue 
of Annals. The John C. Davis article in this issue was 
presented as a paper to the American Institute of the 
History of Pharmacy at their 1983 Annual Meeting in New 
Orleans. Palmieri is the editor of The Mask of Kappa Psi, 
a quarterly magazine. 

LEWIS A. EATON was Park Technician at Fort Laramie 
National Historic Site from 1966 until his recent retire- 
ment. In that capacity Eaton was engaged in the living 
history role of Post Trader. He conducted research for the 
James A. Michener book Centennial and for the National 
Geographic publication, Trails West. Eaton has received 
a Superior Performance Award from the National Park 
Service and has been recognized for his outstanding work 
as visitor services technician, library technician and daily 
business manager. He has been a frequent participant in 
the famous Fort Laramie Moonlight Tours held each 



The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October, 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. County chapters of the society 
have been chartered in most of the twenty-three counties of Wyoming. Past 
presidents of the society include: Frank Bowron, Casper, 1953-55; William L. 
Marion, Lander, 1955-56; Dr. DeWitt Dominick, Cody, 1956-57; Dr. T. A. Lar- 
son, Laramie, 1957-58; A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins, 1958-59; Mrs. Thelma G. 
Condit, Buffalo, 1959-60; E. A. Littleton, Gillette, 1960-61; Edness Kimball 
Wilkins, Casper, 1961-62; Charles Ritter, Cheyenne, 1962-63; Neal E. Miller, 
Rawlins, 1963-65; Mrs. Charles Hord, Casper, 1965-66; Glenn Sweem, Sheridan, 
1966-67; Adrian Reynolds, Green River, 1967-68; Curtiss Root, Torrington, 
1968-69; Mrs. Hattie Burnstad, Worland, 1969-70; J. Reuel Armstrong, Rawlins, 
1970-71; William R. Dubois, Cheyenne, 1971-72; Henry F. Chadey, Rock Springs, 
1972-73; Richard S. Dumbrill, Newcastle, 1973-74; Henry Jensen, Casper, 1974-75; 
Jay Brazelton, Jackson, 1975-76; Ray Pendergraft, Worland, 1976-77; David J. 
Wasden, Cody, 1977-78; Mabel Brown, Newcastle, 1978-79; James June, Green 
River, 1979-80; William F. Bragg, Jr., Casper, 1980-81; Don Hodgson, Torrington, 
1981-82, Clara Jensen, Lysite-Casper, 1982-83. 

Membership information may be obtained from the Executive Headquarters, 
Wyoming State Historical Society, Barrett Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002. 
Dues in the state society are: 

Life Membership $100 

Joint Life Membership (husband and wife) $150 

Annual Membership $5 

Joint Annual Membership (two persons of same family 

at same address) $7 

Institutional Membership $10 

President, Fern Gaensslen, Green River 
First Vice President, Dave Kathka, Rock Springs 
• - Second Vice President, Mary Garman, Sundance 

Secretary-Treasurer, Ellen Mueller, Cheyenne