Annals of Wyoming

.NNALS of
WYOMING

Volume 64, No. 1 Winter, 1992

In 1895 the state of Wyoming established a department to
collect and preserve materials which interpret the history
of Wyoming. Today those duties are performed by the
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources in the Depart-
ment of Commerce. Located in the department are the
State Historical Research Library, the State Archives, the
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of early businesses and organizations as well as artwork
and artifacts for museum exhibit. The Department asks for
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GOVERNOR OF WYOMING
Mike Sullivan

DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE DIRECTOR

Max Maxfield

STATE HISTORIAN
David Kathka

WYOMING PARKS AND CULTURAL RESOURCES

COMMISSION

George Zeimens, Lingle

Frances Fisher, Saratoga

Pam Rankin, Jackson

Karin Cyrus-Strid, Gillette

David Peck, Lovell

Norval Waller, Sundance

Jere Bogrett, Riverton

Mary Ellen McWilliams, Sheridan

Hale Kreycik, Douglas

WYOMING STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OFFICERS, 1991-1992

Dale J. Morris, President, Green River

Walter Edens, First Vice-President, Laramie

Sally Vanderpoel, Second Vice-President, Torrington

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper

Gladys Hill, Treasurer, Douglas

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary

Judy West, State Coordinator

ABOUT THE COVER— The cowboy has become a mythic figure
in Wyoming. Owen Wister's The Virginian helped create that
myth. Gerald Thompson examines reality and morality in
Wister's tale of a nameless cowboy in "Owen Wister and His
Critics: Realism and Morality in The Virginian." This
photograph of cowboys around a chuck wagon is from the collec-
tions of the Wyoming State Museum (WSM).

e4

NNALS of WYOMING

Volume 64, No. 1
Winter, 1992

STAFF

Rick Ewig, Editor

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor

Roger Joyce, Assistant Editor

Ann Nelson, Assistant Editor

Paula West Chavoya, Photographic Editor

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Michael Cassity
Roy Jordan
David Kathka
William H. Moore
Robert L. Munkres
Philip J. Roberts

ANNALS OF WYOMING was established
in 1923 to disseminate historical information
about Wyoming and the West through the
publication of articles and documents. The
editors of ANNALS OF WYOMING wel-
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field of study for recommendations. Pub-
lished articles represent the view of the
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Division of Parks and Cultural Resources,
Department of Commerce or the Wyoming
State Historical Society.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS: Realism

and Morality in The Virginian 2

by Gerald Thompson

UNIVERSITY OF WYOMING AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT
STATION: 100 Years of Service

to the State 11

by Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel

THE AMERICAN HERITAGE CENTER: A Resource

as a Resource 22

by Gene M. Gressley

BOOK REVIEWS y |5a..5^pjY GF TH£27

Whiteside, Regulating Danger: The Struggie^UNER-'TY OF WYOMING
for Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain I •.;■■; ,1.1 iH £207'1

Coal Industry, reviewed by David A. Wolff.

Klein, Union Pacific: The Birth of a

Railroad 1862-1893 and Union Pacific:
The Rebirth 1894-1969, reviewed
by T. A. Larson.

Finkhouse and Crawford, eds., A River
Too Far: The Past and Future of
the Arid West, reviewed by Jim Donahue.

jared Fox's Memmorandom: Kept from

Delton, Sauk County Wisconsin toward
California and Oregon 1852-1854,
reviewed by Robert L. Munkres.

Madsen, Glon/ Hunter: A Biography of
Patrick Edward Coiuior, reviewed by
Walter Jones.

ANNALS OF WYOMING is published quarterly by the Division of Parks and
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Barrett Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming
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(< I Copyright 1W2 by the l^i\ ision ol l\irks ond Cultural Rosiniivcs, PopartnuMU ot Comnu-ivo

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS

Realism and Morality in The Virginian

by Gerald Thompson

Shortly after midnight on July 3, 1885, Owen Wister
stepped down from the platform of a Union Pacific train
at Rock Creek, Wyoming, beginning what would become
a lifelong relationship with both the Far West and regional
mythology. The young Philadelphian had undertaken the
long journey west to restore his less-than-robust health,
and in so doing he followed a path taken the previous year
by his Harvard classmate Theodore Roosevelt. Years later
Wister recalled that on the next day, July 4, he encountered
Wyoming cowboys. Instantly he thought of them as sym-
bols of primitive independence: "This very first day of my
knowledge of them marks a date with me," he wrote in
The Virgmian, "for something about them, and the idea
of them, smote my American heart, and I have never
forgotten it [for] ... in their spirit sat hidden a true nobil-
ity, and often beneath its unexpected shining their figures
took a heroic stature." But almost two decades would pass
before Wister published The Virginian in 1902. By then he
had been writing western stories for more than ten years,
but it would be The Virginian, his only important novel,
that established the formula for one of America's best-
known myths, the Cowboy Hero.^

While much literary analysis of The Virginian, written
during the last ten or fifteen years, has been favorable and
treats the novel as serious fiction, some of Wister's best-
known critics have demonstrated a visceral dislike for the
book and for the Cowboy Hero in particular. Within the
ranks of dissenters from the myth, there exist two branches
of criticism: 1) writers who object to Wister's simple moral-
ity, and 2) scholars who attack Wister's lack of realism.

The first category of critics perceive the Cowboy Hero
as the epitome of rugged individualism, a character with-
out social ties or obligations. The Virginian represents for
these scholars Americans' negative traits. He stands for
the primitive savage in all men, always ready to spring
forth into primordial violence. Indeed, many of The Vir-
ginian's harshest detractors believe the book glorifies
violence, anticipating by decades the spaghetti westerns
of the 1960s, and taken to an extreme by Sam Peckinpah's
The Wild Bunch (1969). The Virginian did not respect the
law, they argue, pointing out that the Cowboy Hero helped

1. Owen Wister, The Virginian: A Horseman of the Plains (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1902), p. 33; Ramon F. Adams, The CowtJian
& His Code of Ethics (Austin: Encino Press, 1969), pp. 3-14. The only
full-scale biography of Wister is Darwin Payne, Owen Wister: Chronicler
of the West, Gentlemen of the East (Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist
University Press, 1985). Two important studies are George T. Watkins,
"Owen Wister and the American West: A Biographical and Critical
Study" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Illinois, 1959); and Neal
E. Lambert, "The Western Writings of Owen Wister: The Conflict
of East and West" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Utah, 1966). G.
Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience:
The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt and Owen Wister (New
Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1968), contains valuable
insights about three men who helped to create the image of the West.
Ben M. Vorpahl's work is some of the most enlightening on Wister;
see his My Dear Wister: The Frederic Remington-Owen Wister Letters (Palo
Alto, California: American West Publishing, 1972); and "Henry James
and Owen Wister," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 95
(July 1971): 291-338, for example. Lee Clark Mitchell, "When you
Call That . . .': Tall Talk and Male Hegemony in The Virginian," PMLA
102 (January 1987): 66-77, points out that the novel focuses on the
exchange of ideas, rather than action scenes.

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS

to lynch several rustlers. Wister's character also ignored
religious morality: in the prelude to the novel's climactic
duel, the Bishop of Wyoming failed to persuade the Vir-
ginian that a good Christian would avoid a confrontation
with the villain Trampas. Some of these writers also charge
that Wister's hero served an aristocracy of wealth, and was
a capitalist tool used to exploit the land and its people. A
final indictment leveled against Wister declared him to be
a racist. 2

To capture the intensity of these critics, one needs to
read their vehement words. Edwin H. Cady, in his oft-cited
work. The Light of Common Day (1971), can barely contain
himself:

His (Wister's) success represents a standard necromantic wor-
ship of the bitch-goddess (success) on a Social Darwinian altar.
In the perspectives of American cultural history, Wister ended
by aligning his creation with the extractive-exploitative tradi-
tion of the western rape of nature which, cubed, has brought
us to the crisis of a technological culture on the edge of drown-
ing in its own excreta.^

Leslie Fiedler, the literary guru of the 1960s, directed his
ironic insights at Wister in several important books. In Love
and Death in the American Novel (1966), he raged:

2. Sanford E. Marovitz, "Owen Wister: An Annotated Bibliography of
Secondary Material," American Literary Realism, 1870-1910 7 (Winter
1974): 1-110, provides an exhaustive listing of reviews and criticism
on Wister. Influential critics, such as Van Wyck Brooks, Carl Van
Doren, and Bernard De Voto, considered The Virginian as a worthy
example of a less important genre. George Watkins, who produced
a Ph.D. dissertation on Wister's work, concluded that ". . .at best
The Virginian is a second-rate novel." Van Wyck Brooks, The Confi-
dent Years, 1885-1915 (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1952), pp. 87-91;
Carl Van Doren, The American Novel, 1789-1939 (New York: The Mac-
millan Company, 1940), pp. 203-207; Bernard De Voto, "Horizon Land
(1)," The Saturday Review of Literature, October 17, 1936, p. 8; and
Watkins, "Owen Wister and the American West," p. 363.

3. Edwin H. Cady, The Light of Common Day (Bloomington, Indiana: In-
diana University Press, 1971), p. 191.

Cmvhoi/ty and llicir chuck icai^oit. I he hhittioii of the /'//d/iiy/v;/'/; /s not kihurii.

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

The Sermon on the Mount has yielded to the Code of the West
with only the most perfunctory of struggles. The Virginian is
a fable, cloying and false, which projects at once the self-hatred
of the genteel eastern sophisticate confronted with the primitive,
and his dream of a world where "men are men," i.e., walk
with smoking guns into the arms of women who cheerfully ab-
dicate their roles as guardians of morality.-*

Two years later Fiedler directed these barbs in The Return

of the Vanishing American (1968):

But behind the talk of honesty and chivalry, it is personal
violence, taking the law into one's own hands, for which The
Virginian— along with all of its recastings and imitations right
down to High Noon— apologizes. The duel and the lynching
represent its notions of honor and glory. ... It hardly matters,
band of vigilantes against band of outlaws or single champion
against single villain— the meaning is the same: a plea for ex-
tra legal violence as the sole bastion of true justice . . .

The values of the Virginian, Fiedler expounded, were the
same ones which motivated the Ku Klux Klan, and he dis-
cerned little difference between an execution of cattle
rustlers in Wyoming or a lynching of Blacks by the KKK
in the Deep South. The Virginian should properly be com-
pared to Thomas Dixon Jr.'s The Clansman (1905), declared
Fiedler.^

In addition to the critics who condemned The Vir-
ginian 's morality, another school existed which attacked the
novel for a lack of realism. Many of these writers were
native westerners, who disliked the novel because it failed
to depict with accuracy the life of a cowboy. These in-
dividuals often mentioned Andy Adams as an example of
how a writer should deal with western themes. Adams'
The Log of a Coiuboy (1903), and Douglas Branch's influen-
tial study The Cowboy and His Interpreters (1926), established
the basis for much of the realists' critique. The Virginian
was a cowboy without cattle, observed Branch, and "there
was not one scene set on the range . . ."It seemed that
westerners wanted their region, even in novels, to be por-
trayed with precision or not at all. Two decades later, J.
Frank Dobie extended Branch's comments in his Guide to
the Life and Literature of the Southioest (1942), stating "This
hero does not even smell of cows." By then Dobie loomed
large in southwestern literary circles. In western literature
Dobie was the best-known academician and writer in
Texas, and his words of censure carried great weight. He
suggested that Wister's pedigree as an urbane Harvard
man prevented him from understanding his subject; more-

over Wister lacked sufficient experience in the West.
Unaware that Wister had traveled and lived in the region
for a part of every year from 1885 to 1902, Dobie charged
that the author's brief trip to Wyoming in the summer of
1885 constituted his total preparation for writing The Vir-
ginian. Continuing the realists' argument, Joe Frantz and
his co-author, Julian E. Choate, Jr., in 1955 repeated the
hackneyed observation that the book lacked a cattle aroma,
but they also faulted the scene where the vigilantes hang
the rustlers. Frantz and Choate, who understand the Code
of the West, seem to be saying in The American Cowboy:
Myth and Reality (1955), that if the Virginian had been true
to the code, he could never have participated in executing
his old friend Steve even if he did purloin cattle.^

Other critics of Wister soon discovered racism and class
conflict in The Virginian. Mody C. Boatright noted that
Wister's heroes were always Anglo-Saxons, even if they
were not always cowboys. Marvin Lewis, in 1954, analyzed
The Virginian and found a cowboy hero who helped to sup-
press lower-class aspirations. The Virginian always sided
with the cattle barons, the owners of the means of pro-
duction (cattle) in their struggle to defeat the small ranch-
ers and thereby monopolize the stock-raising industry. In
accepting a Marxist interpretation of the western experi-
ence, Lewis felt that a true cowboy hero belonged on the
side of the oppressed masses. Wister was little more than
an apologist for the Johnson County War of 1892, Lewis
charged, an interpretation which would reach fruition three
decades later in Michael Cimio's film. Heaven's Gate (1982).
An excellent dissertation on Owen Wister also appeared
at this time: George Watkins' "Owen Wister and the
American West." In an approach quite similar to Lewis',
but without the Marxist framework, Watkins argued that
almost all the novel's characters were thinly disguised real
people who had participated in Wyoming's tumultuous
events of the 1890s. ^

4. Leslie Fiedler, Loz>e and Death in the American Novel, rev. ed. (New
York: Stein and Day, 1966), pp. 259-260.

5. Leslie Fiedler, The Return of the Vanishing American (New York: Stein
and Day, 1968), p. 139.

6. Andy Adams, The Log of a Cozvhoy: A Narrative of the Old Trail Dai/s
(Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1903); Douglas Branch,
The Cowboys and His Interpreters (New York: D. Appleton and Com-
pany, 1926), pp. 192-200; J. Frank Dobie, Guide to Life and Literature
of the Southivest, rev. ed. (Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist Univer-
sity, 1952), p. 124; Joe B. Frantz and Julian E. Choate, Jr., The American
Cowboy: Myth and Reality (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1955), pp. 116-117, 159-160.

7. Mody C. Boatright, "The American Myth Rides the Ranges: Owen
Wister's Man on Horseback, Southwest Review 36 (Summer 1951):
157-163; Marvin Lewis, "Owen Wister: Caste Imprints in Western
Letters, Arizona Quarterly 10 (Summer 1954): 147-156; Watkins, "Owen
Wister and the American West," pp. 300-367.

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS

But it was Bernard De Voto, Pulitzer Prize winner and
editor of Harper's, who became Wister's most prominent
antagonist. De Voto plaited together the two divergent
strains of criticism— amoral and unrealistic— in several key
articles on western literature. For nearly thirty years,
De Voto was viewed by the eastern intellectual establish-
ment as a high priest in literary matters, but his ideas were
also respected in the Far West, for De Voto was a native
westerner, raised in Utah, who had authored regional
histories such as Year of Decision (1943) and Across the Wide
Missouri (1948). De Voto's thoughtful comments on Wister
first appeared in 1936 in The Saturday Review of Literature
in a short, two-part essay titled "Horizon Land." Later,
in 1955, he extended his remarks in his Harper's Easy Chair
column. With the historian's devotion to facts, De Voto
began by asserting that great literature was always realistic,
never mythic. The further an author departed from real-
ity, the lesser the work's quality. Not satisfied to end his
assault upon the western novel with the realists' lament,
De Voto also incorporated the fashionable view that the
Virginian was a moral hypocrite. Wister glorified violence,
De Voto felt, and in the Virginian he had created:
A sun god in leather pants, the Hero, and his adversary, who
represents evil, the guns speak and The Hero, who has or has
not suffered a flesh wound, steps sideward into a girl's expec-
tant arms. This outcome solves all technical problems of ethics,
social sanction, and human motivation. It is the climax of the
fantasy that has kept the cowboy story from becoming serious
fiction. No doubt it is implicit in the myth of the Old West and
somebody else would have invented it if Owen Wister hadn't.
But he did invent it and the literary historian can trace it to a
simple caste snobbery.

One cannot overestimate the impact of De Voto's words
on the intelligentsia's perceptions of the western; he had
confirmed their worst suspicions.^

From this abbreviated survey of Wister's detractors,
one might assume that little favorable criticism had been
written, but this is not the case. Immediately after the
novel's publication, Henry James had praised Wister for
drawing the Cowboy Hero with a "lucid complexity &
evolution. . . ." adding that the "whole thing (was) a rare
and remarkable feat." Frank Norris, who had condemned
the Southern Pacific monopoly in The Octopus, called for
a character like the Virginian in an early essay:

The great figure of our neglected epic, the Hector of our ignored
Iliad, is not, as the dime novels would have us believe, a law-
breaker, but a lawmaker; a fighter, it is true, as is always the
case with epic figures, but a fighter for peace, a calm, grave strong
man who hated the lawbreaker as the hound hates the wolf.
He did not lounge in barrooms; he did not cheat at cards;
he did not drink himself to maudlin fury; he did not 'shoot
at the drop of the hat.' But he loved his horse, he loved his
friend, he was kind to little children. . . .

Wister critic Edwin Cady would later quote Norris' passage
in The Light of Common Day and declare himself embar-
rassed by these qualities, all of which were hallmarks of
the Virginian. This was romance not realism, sneered Cady.^

In recent years a surprising number of scholars have
authored thoughtful articles on The Virginian. These range
from Neal Lambert's studies of the composition of a cul-
tural hero to Sanford Marowitz's examination of Wister's
ideas on democracy as revealed in The Virginian. Ben Vor-
pahl and Julian Mason have both contributed much to our
understanding of Wister's intellectual background, and
Darwin Payne has published Oioen Wister: Chronicler of the
West, Gentleman of the East (1985), the first full-length
biography of Wister. Most of the pro- Wister writers do not
concern themselves with the question of whether or not
the novel constitutes a great work of literature, a focus of
De Voto's critique, but instead analyze how the author
managed to produce such an enduring myth.^°

Nevertheless, areas exist in the recent studies of the
Cowboy Hero which remain only lightly explored. One of
the most significant of these neglected realms is an analysis
of the novel's morality. Wister had made it clear that The
Virginian centered around moral questions, and especially
the nature of justice. It was also clear that many of Wister's
critics dissented from his definition of morality. Thus an
examination into what Wister was trying to say about
justice becomes a major point for anyone interested in the
creation of the Cowboy Myth.

8. Bernard De Voto, "Horizon Land," p. 8; Bernard De Voto, "The Easy
Chair: Birth of An Art," Harper's, December 1955, pp. 8-16. Robert
G. Athearn, The Mythic West (Lawrence; University Press of Kansas,
1986), p. 166, takes an approach similar to Dv Voto .ind Fiedler, declar-
ing the popular western "profoundh' conservativo."

9, Carl Bode, "Henry James and Owen Wister," American Literature 26
(May 1954): 250-252; and Cady, The Light of Coiumon Dai/, p. 67.

10. Lambert, "The Western Writings of Owen Wister,"; Lambert, "Owen
Wister's Virginian: The Genesis of a Cultural Hero," Western American
Literature 6 (Summer 1971): 99-107; Vorpahl, "Henry James and Owen
Wister," pp. 291-338; Sanford E. Marovitz, "Testament of a Patriot:
The Virginian, the Tenderfoot, and Owen Wister," Texas Studies in
Literature and Language 15 (Fall 1973): 551-575; Gary Scharnhost, "The
Virginian as a Founding Father," ,Anzona Quarterly 16 (April 1985):
226-241. Scholars who scMiiewhat diminish Wister's literar\' aducvo-
ment would include IXm D. Walker, Wister, Roosevelt, and laiiios:
A Note on the Western," Aiucruan Quartcrhi 12 (I'all l%0): 35S-3o(->;
and lohn I), Nesbitt, "Owen Wistors Achic\cnu-nt m I itorar\- Tradi-
tion," lVVs/(7)/ American Literature IS (iall l'-i,S3): l'-''-'-20S.

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

Before reviewing the role of morality and justice in The
Virginian, serious attention must be given to the realists'
critique. Did Wister intend to write a realistic novel? Using
Wister's own thoughts and writings, one can establish that
he was consciously producing myth, not history veiled as
realistic fiction. In the preface to the first edition, Wister
mused:

And sometimes it is asked, Was such and such a thing true?
Now to this I have the best answer in the world. Once a cow-
puncher listened patiently while I read him a manuscript. It
concerned an event upon an Indian reservation. "Was that the
Crow reservation?" he inquired at the finish. I told him that
it was no real reservation and no real event; and his face ex-
pressed his displeasure . . . And I could (not) help telling him
that this was the highest compliment ever paid me. . . .^^

Through his private correspondence and his diary,
Wister revealed his desire to draw the image of a mythic
western figure. He declared that epic figures always arose
from the clash between civilization and the primitive.
Throughout a thoughtful essay, "Concerning 'Bad Men':
The True 'Bad Man' of the Frontier, and the Reasons for
his Existence," in Even/body's Magazine (1901), Wister com-
pared the expanding American civilization to that of the
ancient Israelites. "For what is the frontier," he asked,
"but a modern moment of an earlier universal epoch?"
With repeated examples, Wister tried to demonstrate that
civilization bridled man's primitive and rash impulses,
while at the same time keeping men from displaying their
most heroic traits. Although he believed that heroic figures
always served civilization, this should not be interpreted
as Wister's support for economic exploitation of the
civilized (wealthy) over the primitive (poor). An angry
diary entry in June, 1891, expressed his intense dislike of
Gilded Age profiteers: "These people produce nothing,
improve nothing, and help nothing, except when they help
themselves to somebody else's money. "^^

Two months after penning the diary note, in mid-
August, 1891, Wister stood at Yellowstone Falls and
thought of the region's significance. The West did not re-
mind him of the South, he wrote, nor of anything he had
read in Homer, "... but you can easily believe Monsar-
rat [The Holy Grail's mountain in Parsifal] is round the next
corner or expect to see the Gods stretch a rainbow to

Bernard De Voto was a critic of The Virginian. He believed great
literature was always realistic, which The Virginian was not, and that
the Virginian was a moral hypocrite.

Walhalla." He compared the Yellowstone to the Rhine, and
felt that the West had simply reproduced in a new guise
mankind's oldest stories that dealt with the nature of good
and evil. As yet, no legends or myths were found about
the Yellowstone region, but he recognized a golden op-
portunity to formulate a new American myth that reveal-
ed old truths. Several aspects of Wister's most important
book. The Virginian, would be influenced by his personal
hero, the German composer Wagner, with the most notice-
able Wagnerian device being the Cowboy Hero's anonym-
ity, paralleling that of the White Knight of Lohengrin. ^^
But if the novel is about mythological heroes, why have
the realistic critics continued to attack the book on this
point? Was an author not permitted to write from a roman-
tic perspective? One might personally agree with De Voto
that great fiction must be realistic— Cady's slice of common
day— but is not the question of realism vs. romanticism a
matter of taste? The problem may well have arisen because

n. Owen Wister, The Virginian, p. x.

12. Owen Wister, "Concerning 'Bad Men': The True 'Bad Man' of the
Frontier, and the Reasons for His Existence," Everybody's Magazine
4 (April 1901): 326; and Fanny Kemble Wister, ed., Owen Wister Out
West: His journals and Letters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1958), pp. 97-98.

Wister to Sarah Wister, August 11, 1891, in Journals and Letters, pp.
126-129. For an extended analysis of the importance of Wagner's in-
fluence on Wister, see Gerald Thompson, "Musical and Literary In-
fluences on Owen Wister's The Virginian, " South Atlantic Quarterly,
85 (Winter 1986): 40-55.

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS

Wister used a realistic framework to shape a romantic con-
tent. He felt that his book must correspond to scientific
knowledge, and every event had to be plausible in, what
Wister termed, the post-darwinian world. A couple of ex-
amples help to illustrate this point. What might have once
been considered a spiritual rebirth like Paul's New Testa-
ment experience can be read in The Virginian as a case of
mental renewal. The psychological development of his
characters often reflected the scholarship of his friend,
William James, and Wister even noted that an individual
like Trampas, whose behavior might once have been at-
tributed to demons, could now be explained by what psy-
chologists would call a criminal disposition. This overlay
of realism has confounded some of Wister' s critics. The
mythic Cowboy Hero was never intended to be representa-
tive of cowboys in general, but there might have been one
like him. Wister said he was one in a thousand. For those
western critics who have mistaken the book for a failed at-
tempt at realism, the Virginian has some appropriate
words: "A Western man is a good thing. And he gener-
ally knows that. But he has a heap to learn. And he
generally don't know that."^"*

In sum, one is left agreeing with the realist opponents
of the novel: The Virginian is not a realistic novel, but then
that was never Wister's intent.

On the other hand, the criticism directed against the
novel's morality is more complex, and far more important.
If Fiedler, De Voto, and others are correct, Americans have
made a serious mistake in thrusting forth the cowboy as
a central mythic figure; this "sun god in leather pants"
might endanger everyone. Does Wister glorify violence,
and make a plea for extra-legal solutions to matters of
justice? The answer to this question is greatly enhanced
by an exploration of Wister's life and writings beyond the
narrow confines of The Virginian.

In the new preface to the novel's second edition,
Wister declared that if his book was "anything more than
an American story, it [was] an expression of American
faith." Like most academic critics of the novel, Henry
James, writing in 1902, recognized that the story dealt with
moral evolution— a cowboy version of Pilgrim's Progress.
As the novel develops and the years pass, the Virginian
changes and grows into a crusader for justice. By the
novel's end he is far different from the wild, carefree young
man of the book's early pages. Even Wister's detractors

acknowledge this change, but the question remains, does
the Cowboy Hero advocate violence as a standard solu-
tion to legal problems? That is the centerpiece of the argu-
ment against the novel's morality. ^^

If Fiedler and others had taken the time to investigate
Wister's life, they would have found someone most un-
likely to author a work which favored primitive violence
over the civilized conduct. Wister grew up in a home en-
vironment devoted to art and scholarship, and numbered
among his friends some of the greatest minds of the nine-
teenth century. He was an intimate of Oliver Wendell
Holmes, Jr., and after receiving his law degree from Har-
vard, Wister practiced law in Philadelphia for many years.
From his writings on legal matters, one can state that
Wister possessed a scholar's knowledge of law and its
development. 1*' He felt that the cornerstone of Western
Civilization was the Anglo-American legal tradition, and
The Virginian should be read as a novel about civilization
coming to the frontier.

In his politics, Wister was a progressive Republican
and a reformer. Far from being a mouthpiece for the
nouveau riche, as Fiedler and Lewis assert, he rallied
against their excesses; the Gilded Age had produced far
too many primitives, uncivilized barbarians. At the turn
of the century, the young author /lawyer became affiliated
with a Philadelphia reform movement and even tried to
win a seat on the city council. Although unsuccessful as
a candidate, he began to write on political subjects. His

14. Payne, Chronicler of the West, pp. 95, 161, 189; Wister, "Concerning
'Bad Men,' " pp. 327-328; and Wister, The Vir;^inuut, p. 498.

15. Wister, The Virginian, new ed. (New York; New American Library,
1979), p. vii; and Vorpahl, "Henry James and Owen Wister," pp.
316-317, 325-326. A hasty reader might conclude that Wister's arti-
cle, "The Evolution of the Cow-puncher," Harper's New Monthly
Magazine 91 (September 1895): 602-617, supported the supremacy of
the Anglo-Saxon race. Wister, however, used the word race as a
synonym for culture, making his statements on cultural differences
far less offensive. Boatright stated that "Wister subscribed
wholeheartedly to the myth of Anglo-Saxon racial superiority," and
found Indians, Mexicans, and Jews inferior. Such statements are con-
tradicted by Wister in "The Evolution of a Cow-puncher," where
he concluded that the typical cow-puncher was not compatible with
the progress of civilization for "he has never made a good citizen,
but only a good soldier . . ."A number of Wister's fictional characters,
such as Scipio LeMoyne (a mulatto) are minorities with noble qualities.
Marvin Lewis attributed a caste mentality to Wister, which blinded
him to the widespread democratic spirit of the West. Lewis ignored
Wister's definition of aristocracy, a joffersonian nieritocrac\', open
to anyone with the proper talent and ciiaracter.

I(v Ciuen Wi.ster. RooseivU: Ihe S/cn/ of ti I'nciuiship (New ^ ork; Ihe Mac-
millan Company. 1^)30), pp. 128-147; and Owen Wister. llie Pentecost
of Cahxniity (New Nork, The Macniillan Compans , I'-Mo), pp. ti2-o3,
69-90.

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

most hard-hitting article attacked corruption and was ti-
tled "The Keystone Crime: Pennsylvania's Graft-Cankered
Capitol," published in 1907 in Everybody's Magazine. A
summary of his views can be found in the preface to The
Virginian's second edition (1911), where Wister declared
that democracy faced many enemies "both in Wall Street
and in the Labor Unions; but those in Wall Street have by
their excesses created those in the Unions, they are the
worst. ..." While hardly an endorsement for the closed
shop, Wister was far from being Fiedler's capitalist tool,
nor was his alter ego, the Virginian. ^^

In a slim volume published in 1916, Wister gave his
most coherent analysis of the nature of morality and justice.
Titled The Pentecost of Calamity, the book made a plea for
American involvement in the Great War. Wister argued
that the foundations of Western Civilization were at stake
in the conflict, and he harshly condemned Woodrow Wil-
son's antiwar stance as "the maxims of a low prudence,
masquerading as Christianity." The attack on Wilson's
neutrality had an analogy in The Virginian, when the Bishop
of Wyoming attempted to prevent the duel with Trampas.
Wister's critics would have us believe that the Cowboy
Hero ignored sound advice in his decision to confront
Trampas— still another example of an extra-legal solution.
But that does not dovetail with Wister's known regard for
justice, and the explanation for this dichotomy can be
found in The Pentecost of Calamity. ^^

In his call for American intervention in the Great War,
Wister said that the most important thing that might be
lost in a German victory would be the western legal
system. Those laws were founded on the "doctrines and
generalizations of Locke, Montesquieu, Burlamaqui and
Beccaria." Beccaria is particularly important for The Vir-
ginian for he elaborates in explicit detail on a key question
raised in the novel: when is the death penalty justified?
The Italian jurist, noted for his advocacy of criminal
rehabilitation, believed that all legal systems required a
strong infusion of Christian mercy. There existed only one
type of case which justified capital punishment, Beccaria
wrote. When a rei'olutionary situation existed, the death of
a particular individual might be necessary if that person
held such power as to endanger the nation's safety. In the
preface, Wister had stated that The Virginian was a colonial

17. Payne, Chronicler of the West, pp. 257-262; Wister, "The Keystone
Crime: Pennsylvania's Graft-Cankered Capitol," Everybody's Magazine
(October 1907): 435-448; and Wister, The Virginian, p. vii.

18. Wister, The Perttecost of Calamity, pp. 140-141.

romance, and by the time of the showdown with Tram-
pas, Beccaria's revolutionary climate existed within the
Wyoming colony. Trampas' career extended beyond
rustling and murder, with the rustler element controlling
county governments and their courts, and opposing the
governor and those fighting for statehood. Trampas con-
stituted an individual whose existence endangered Wyo-
ming statehood under Beccaria's strict definitions. >''

Beccaria's Of Crimes and Punishments also discusses the
subject of honor and dueling. "The most effective way of
preventing this crime (dueling) is to punish the aggressor
..." stated Beccaria, "and to declare innocent the man,
who for no fault of his own, has been forced to defend
what existing laws do not secure to him, that is to say the
opinion entertained of him by others." When Trampas
slandered the Virginian, calling him a cattle rustler, and
issued his challenge, he became the aggressor. The
opposite of a plea for extra-legal violence, Wister's story
follows closely the Italian jurist's ideas in an almost formula
fashion. Readers should not be surprised that The Virginian,
a book written by a sophisticated, thoughtful lawyer,
would take a technical approach to an apparently simple
subject.-''

If the duel with Trampas was within the law, what
about the lynching of the rustlers? Of course, Beccaria does
not call for capital punishment for crimes like rustling; he
urges restitution rather than incarceration. But in Wyoming
in the 1880s, one was dealing with a primitive American
civilization emerging from the wilderness— "a space across
which Noah and Adam might have come straight from
Genesis," declares the novel's narrator. The Code of the
West equated with the Mosaic Law, and just as Mosaic Law
eventually was transformed into a more humane legal
system so would the harsh laws of the frontier give way.^^

Literary critics have often charged that Wister glorified
vigilante justice, but Wister never condoned lynch law, ex-
cept as a temporary expedient required in fledgling
societies. Wyoming, in the novel, undergoes a fast-paced
economic, social, and political evolution, and as the region
changes, so does the leading character, the Virginian. By
the novel's conclusion, the Virginian has evolved into an

19. Ibid., p. 62; and Cesare Beccaria, Of Crimes and Punishments, trans,
by Jane Grigson (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 45-49.

20. Beccaria, Of Crimes and Punishments, p. 72.

21. Wister, The Virginian, p. 13. Most legal scholars draw a sharp distinc-
tion between the execution of rustlers and Ku Klux Klan lynchings.
For example see Wayne Gard, Frontier fustice (Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1949), p. vi.

OWEN WISTER AND HIS CRITICS

Big Nose George Panott, although not a cattle rustler, did suffer what luam/ believe to be the most typical adimiiisteruig of justice in the West, a lynching.

American version of a knight of the Grail, and serves as
an agent of civilization helping to bring the frontier to an
end.

The central event in the Cowboy Hero's spiritual prog-
ress is the lynching of Steve, an old friend lured into rust-
ling. In "The Cottonwoods," chapter thirty-one, the Vir-
ginian and his fellow vigilantes hang Steve and Ed, while
the villain Trampas escapes. Although he fulfilled the let-
ter of the Code of the West, the Virginian was filled with
self-recrimination. As he rides away from the execution
scene, the Virginian does not even seem like the same
character of the early novel. "He gave a sob," stated the
tenderfoot narrator, and was "utterly overcome." The
Virginian, in mental and emotional turmoil, struggles with

the justice of the hanging. The narrator, in a role reversal,
expounds upon the necessity of the Code of the West in
a primitive land. Throughout the novel, while the Virginian
has been developing the more civilized (feminine) side of
the character, the narrator has been engaged in an opposite
pilgrimage becoming more masculine. As the tenderfoot and
the Virginian ride away from the cottonwoods where the
execution took place, the Virginian continues to brood
about Steve and that night in the mountains he falls asleep
only to dream of his dead friend who asks: "Do \'ou think
ycHi're fit to live?"-"

22. Wister, 77/r \7/xn/
1 iti'iMiN' lntluiMHi.v

, pp. 401-41
pp. 49-51.

iiid Ihompson, "Musical aiid

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

Steve's dream question recalls Portia's reply to Shylock
in The Merchant of Venice, which was another of Wister's
favorites: "Therefore, Jew, though justice be thy plea, con-
sider this, that in the course of justice none of us should
see salvation: we do pray for mercy." The cowboy has
moved far away from the western code in wishing to have
shown the rustlers mercy. For Wister, mercy was the most
important ingredient in justice, and in this attitude he
closely followed the ideas of Montesquieu, whom he
greatly admired.

The critics who have condemned Wister for support-
ing lynch law either have not read with care the relevant
passages or they are taking a modern image of the cowboy
and superimposing it back on the Virginian. After his ex-
periences on "Superstition Trail," chapter thirty-two,
one feels certain that the Virginian would never again be
involved in lynching cattle thieves. In his moral evolution,
he had realized that the punishment must fit the crime.
In 1940, four decades after the publication of The Virgmian,
Walter Van Tilburg Clark in The Ox-Bow Incident would
again concentrate an important western novel around the
lynching of cattle rustlers. Clark's novel took a more direct
approach to its subject— the wrong men are hanged— and
therefore his work did not lend itself to misinterpretation.

In conclusion, one wonders why so many non-
academic readers of The Virginian have failed to see the
work's subtlety. The answer seems to be that a number
of famous critics were so familiar with formula western that
they failed to suspect The Virginian might be a serious work
worthy of careful reading and extensive analysis. More-
over, since The Virginian's turn-of-the-century publication,
thousands of westerns have appeared as books, films and
television programs, causing the novel's complexity to
become lost under an avalanche of simple-minded melo-
drama. Then during the 1950s and 1960s, intellectuals grew
uncertain about national morality; assassinations, cor-
porate corruption, the Korean and Vietnam wars, en-
vironmental pollution, and racism seemed the hallmarks
of American life. The western, particularly western movies,
began to reflect this inner darkness. Pop writers and
scholars, like Fiedler, looked back at the genre's origin and

said that if the novel The Virginian had spawned the
glorification of American violence, then the Virginian, the
Cowboy Hero, must embody all those negative traits. Of
course, there does exist an element of truth in this view,
for the book does indeed contain cowboys with all of the
negative characteristics. But Fiedler and De Voto failed to
make a basic distinction when they libeled the Cowboy
Hero, calling him the literary archetype of negative values.
The cowboys described by Wister's critics were the villains
of The Virginian, not the drawling hero. Those black-hatted
men, personified by Trampas, were indeed outside the
law, crude and violent individuals. Perhaps the darker
image of the West that emerged in the sixties spoke more
truthfully to modern times and concerns but that was not
the argument made by Wister's critics about his book.

It now seems ironic that Fiedler and De Voto could
have attributed the values of Trampas to the Virginian, but
they never examined the novel from an historical perspec-
tive. Most likely, it was yet another case of allowing pre-
sentist images to cloud and distort the past. While these
writers thought they were studying the origin of the
Cowboy Hero, they failed to use historical research tech-
niques; they never subjected the work to content analysis,
nor did they bother to study Wister's life and writings in
depth. If they had approached The Virginian as a reflection
of the deepest values of a highly sophisticated intellectual,
they would have discovered a far different book— one
which extolled the values of law and civilization over the
violent and primitive.

GERALD THOMPSON, Professor of Histon/ at the University of Toledo, is
a specialist in Western American History and Native American Studies. He is
the author of The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reserva-
tion Experiment, 1863-1868 and Edward F. Beale and the American West.
From 1 984 to 1 990 he was the editor of Phi Alpha Theta 's jou rnal, The Historian.
His current research is focused on mining in the Far Southwest and on cultural
studies relating to the West, such as this article about Owen Wister's The
Virginian.

10

UNIVERSITY OF WYOMING
AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION:

100 Years of Service to the State

by Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel

On a cold winter's day, 101 years ago, the Legislature
of Wyoming made history when they placed the control
of the appropriations from the Morrill and Hatch acts of
Congress into the hands of the Board of Trustees of the
University of Wyoming. This started a chain of reactions
directly responsible for the education of thousands of peo-
ple living in the remote areas of Wyoming. The passing
of this act on January 10, 1891, enabled the university to
establish an agricultural experiment station which activated
the creation and dissemination of scientific information to
the farmers and ranchers of the state. At a significant time
like this it seems appropriate to pause and look back at the
historical roots of an institution that played such a major
role in the provision of educational opportunities to the
people of Wyoming. 1

Eighteen years after the creation of Wyoming Territory,
the University of Wyoming was established in 1886, as a
result of appropriations made by the Morrill Act of 1862
and the Land Act of 1881. Work was begun with much en-
thusiasm and great expectations, but the pioneer years
were difficult. Fortunately, the university had a small but
able faculty who performed not only the duties "properly
belonging to their respective chairs, but cheerfully accepted
extra burdens when important to the general success of
the institution. "2 In their concern for the continuing educa-
tion of citizens living in remote areas, for instance, they

1. "President's Annual Report," University iif Wydming, l'^)!'-), p. I"-);
Wyoming Farm Bulletin, 1917, p. 2.

2. "Report of the Trustees to Ciovernor WcU'ren," University ot Wyo-
ming, 1889, p. 6.

arranged for the establishment of extension centers in
several towns alongside the railroad. ^

At the turn of the century, farmers and ranchers in
Wyoming had extensive learning needs. Large numbers
of settlers who knew very little about stockraising or
agriculture in general came to Wyoming through the home-
steading program. 4 They lacked both farming skills and
cultural enrichment.^ The purpose of this article is to
describe the early efforts on behalf of agricultural extension
to help settlers to survive both physically and culturally,
and to illustrate the events leading up to the establishment
of the Cooperative Extension Service in 1914.^

By 1900 the number of homesteads in Wyoming grew
to 3,549, and in 1920 16,669 were listed by the Bureau of
Land Management. The university realized these farmers
and ranchers were desperately in need of agricultural
education." However, it was not until the Legislature of
Wyoming placed the control of the appropriations from the
Morrill and Hatch acts into the hands of the trustees, that

A. A. Johnson and G. Hebard, "Wyoming Uni\ersitv Extension

Association," 1889, American Heritage Center, University of

Wyoming.

"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,

1907, p. 23; C. T. Brady, Rccollcctious of a Missiouan/ in the Great Went

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900).

Brady, Recollections of a Missionary.

The Ranchtuan's Reminder, 1905, p. 15; "Eighteenth Annual Report

of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1907, p. 25; "Twenty-Third

Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1912, p. 19;

Wyomiji;^ Farm Bulletin, February 1914; February 1915; Proceedings

of the American Association of Farmers Institute Workers Z' U^U.

11

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

the first attempt could be made to disseminate agricultural
information to the rural population. These two acts made
provision for the support of agricultural colleges and for the
acquiring and diffusing among the people of the United States,
useful and practical information on subjects connected with
agriculture, and to promote scientific investigation and experi-
ments respecting the principle and application of agricultural
science.*

These appropriations enabled the university to
establish an experiment station and six sub-stations. On
March 27, 1891, Dice McClaren, former professor of natural
history at the Maryland Agricultural College, was ap-
pointed as the first Director of Experiment Stations.

Agricultural personnel began in earnest to do experi-
ments and to study the special problems connected with
arid and high altitude lands. ^ Since Wyoming was a
pioneering state, agricultural knowledge regarding farm-
ing and ranching under Wyoming conditions did not exist.
Officials thus had to "create" the knowledge through
research and experimentation before they could carry it out
to the farmers and ranchers of the state. As results of
research became available, the information was published
and distributed to rural adults by way of Bulletins, '^^ and
through a monthly journal called the Ranchman's Reminder,

"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1907, p. 23. "Many of these settlers are wholly unacquainted with
the business of irrigating the land, while in the districts where dry
farming is to be practiced, there is need of careful and thorough in-
struction on the principles of cultivation and care of crops to be grown
under our western conditions. There is a demand for scientific in-
struction along the various lines that are being undertaken by these
new settlers, such as irrigation, dairying, stock feeding, stock
breeding, control for alkali, rotation and cultivation of crops,
veterinary subjects, and other questions of a scientific nature which
may arise from time to time."

Dice McClaren, "Wyoming Experiment Station: The Organization
and the Proposed Work of the Station," Bulletin No. 1, May 1891,
p. 3; "Sixteenth Annual Report," 1906, p. 9. The two Morrill acts
(1862 and 1890) established and supported agricultural colleges, while
the Hatch Act of 1887 appropriated fifteen thousand dollars annually
to each state for scientific research in agriculture and the dissemina-
tion of the results through bulletins to be sent free to residents upon
request. "Sixth Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1896. The Morrill Act, approved August 30, 1890, was to aid
agricultural colleges and the Hatch Act for establishing agricultural
experiment stations.

"Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1902-1903, p. 7.

"First Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1891,
pp. 99-100; "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment
Station," 1902-1903, p. 8. By 1902 fifty-seven bulletins had been
published.

I

Entered as second-class matter. July 16, 1911,
at the Post Office at Laramie. Wyomins.

Sent free to residents of the State upon
request.

Aven Nelson. President. University of Wyu.

^" i^,,^"'''"* ^«**»- Agricultural College

>-. S. Barrage. Secretary. University of Wyo.

Extension Staff

Administration

r' w ^»T° ---Director and Editor

H ,\PJ^^^ Administrative Anistant

Hazel McCrory Assistant Clwlc

f^l r"'^^; Assistant Clerk

Lottie C. Freely AsBistant Omtk

Cedle Brandt Assistant Qerk

State SpeciaUsU

J. D. McVean Animal Huslwndry. Laramie

T. S. Parsons. .Crops and Soils, Laramie
Kr" ^ J»ck»on..Rodent Control Work. Laiwnle

N. E. Luce Poultryman. Laramie

Cennty Agnealtaral Agent WoA
Frank P. Lane. Acting State Leader. Laramie
Wendell Calhoun. __Big Horn County, Basin
Philip B. Mile8....Campl)ell County. Gillette

M. B. Boissevain Fremont County, Lander

Earle G. Reed Laramie County, Cheyenne

M. O. Maughan Lincoln County, Afton

John C. Hays Natrona County, Casper

J. Carl Laney Niobrara County, Lusk

Geo. C. Burekhalter, Platte Co., WheatUnd

™ J- Thomas Sheridan County, Sheridan

W. H. Carrington, Jr.. Uinta Co., Evanstoa

John T. Weaver..Wa8hakie County. Worland

Geo. F. Holmsteed.. Weston County. Newcastle

Boys' and Girls' Club Work

Ivan L. Hobson State Leader. Laramie

Paul H. Dupertui8..A88i8Unt Leader, Laramie

Emily Linhoff Assistant Leader. Laramie

L. A. Marks..EmerKency Assistant. Laramie
County Home Demonstration Work

Margueritte Allen

Acting State Leader. Laramie

Nelle E. Huff Big Horn County. Basin

Helen L. Corliss Fremont County. Lander

Katharine E. Bennitt.. Laramie Co.. Cheyenne
Gertrude Gibbens. Platte County, Wheatland
Edith Ramsey Sheridan County, Sheridan

Agricultural officials at the University of Wyoming in the early 1900s
published the results of their research and experiments first in the Ranch-
man's Reminder and then in The Wyoming Farm Bulletin. By 1913
the circulation of the Bulletin urns 11,500.

which provided ranchers with the latest in scientific
discoveries. In 1911 the Ranchman's name was changed to
the Wyoming Farm Bulletin, and by 1913 the circulation was
reported to be 11,500. Efforts were geared towards solv-
ing questions in the "interests of the ranchman and the
farmer, so that they might intelligently cultivate such crops
as may be successfully grown."" Funding was, however,
a problem, as can be seen from the amount of correspon-
dence that passed between Washington and Laramie

11. "Fifth Annual Report of the Wyoming Agricultural Experiment
Station," 1895, p. 29.

12

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION

regarding federal agricultural appropriations. ^2 jj-,
September, 1902, the university took possession of the old
penitentiary property in Laramie, and converted it into an
experiment farm for the Agricultural College." In January,
1907, the Ninth State Legislature of Wyoming donated it
to the university, in addition to a sum of $5,000 to be used
in repairing the buildings and putting the farm in condi-
tion for the livestock work of the station.^"*

Evidence indicates that the staff carried a heavy load.
Not only were they teaching in the College of Agriculture,
but they also had to do research, write informational
bulletins, and handle a great deal of correspondence. ^^
They also went out on expeditions to gather information
which could be passed on to the farmers and ranchers of
Wyoming. 1^ Dr. Aven Nelson, professor of botany, re-
ported in 1896 that three expeditions were carried out that
year. In making these collections, professors and helpers
had to travel sixteen hundred miles by rail, 184 miles by
stage, and about 275 miles with camp outfits. The effort
was regarded as worthwhile, however, since an increas-
ing number of adults asked for information, and members
of the faculty reported that the correspondence of the
department was constantly increasing, and that letters on
"various botanical subjects such as weeds and the deter-
mination of other plants" were frequently received. All of
these received "prompt attention and the best information
at hand on the subject of the inquiry. "'^

The greatest effort towards education for farmers and
ranchers at the turn of the century remained geared to-
wards the writing and distribution of educational Bulletins.
The agriculture department found that the spread-out
nature of the population and the vast distances to travel,
left professors no choice but to resort to the mail service

12. Commissioner of Education to Stephen W. Downey, April 17, 1895,
American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.

13. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1904-1905, p. 26.

14. "Seventeenth Annual Report of the Experiment Station of Wyo-
ming," 1906-1907, p. 22; "Nineteenth Annual Report of the Experi-
ment Station of Wyoming," 1908-1909, p. U.

15. "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1902-1903, p. 3.

16. "First Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station," 1891, pp.
3-4. Four bulletins were published the first year. By 1896 thirty-one
had been published. By 1902 the number had increased to fifty-seven,

17. "Sixth Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station," 1896, p.
16; the Rock Springs Rocket, February 16, 1912, announced that Dr.
Nelson had issued a special bulletin "which contains indispensable
information to stock growers," and that it would be mailed free of
charge upon request.

in order to reach adults living in remote areas. Press
releases, varying in length from approximately two
columns to three paragraphs, were also sent to the news-
papers in Wyoming on a regular basis.

In 1909 Director Towar reported that, with the grow-
ing importance of the experiment station, farmers and
ranchers were increasingly turning to the university as a
source of information. Numerous letters of inquiry were
reaching the staff every day. Literally "hundreds of per-
sonal letters were written," pertaining to soil conditions,
how to handle various crops, kinds of animals to use for
dairying— in fact "all manner of questions relative to
agriculture."'^ While it was frequently possible to answer
questions by the mailing of a Bulletin dealing with specific
problems, a large amount of work was nevertheless in-
volved in replying to the letters of farmers and ranchers.
Although extremely time consuming, the experiment staff
regarded it as their proper function. ''*

An important step in disseminating agricultural knowl-
edge was taken in March, 1904, when the first short course
for "the benefit of ranchmen and farmers who were unable
to be in residence at the university for the longer course, "
was offered by the university. ^o A short course was defined
as consisting of a

regular system of instruction, usually by lecture and laboratory
methods, to be pursued for a number of days. Such courses
commonly cover brief practical instruction in stock or grain judg-
ing taking up such additional information as may be timely and
useful. Such courses should last from one to two weeks. ^i

The short course filled a specific need of farmers, ranch-
ers, and their wives and was, since its inception in 1904,
well attended. At the first short course 173 adults signed
up to learn about irrigation and stock management. Hav-
ing personally attended a short course, Governor Bryant
B. Brooks recommended that the short course "be put on
wheels," so that more people could benefit from it. As a
result of his efforts, the 1905 Wyoming Legislature made
an appropriation of $2,000 to pay the expenses of farmers'
institutes to be held in different parts of the state. Unfor-
tunately, none of the Hatch Act appropriations could be
used for such a purpose.

18. A. E. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work in Wyoming: .Xn Open
Letter," January 27, 1915, p. 3.

19. "Twentieth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1909-1910, pp. 11-12: Trosident's Annual Report.' 1'-'15, p. (r stated
that "practical bulletins were distributed in large numbers.

20. "Twelve and Thirteenth Annual Report ot the President ot the Liniver-
sity of Wyoming," I'-HH. p 5.

21. The Ramhituitrs Rniinuict. 1^05, p. 15.

13

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

The Ranchman defined an institute as "a meeting of
farmers or ranchmen for one or more days in which sub-
jects of special interest are discussed by them and others
may be invited to take part in, or lead the discussions with
papers or lectures. "^^ It promised farmers and ranchers that
"wherever a group of farmers or ranchmen can be gathered
together for a few days of conference on the subject of stock
judging, stock feeding, irrigation, and the like, university
professors will be sent to lecture and conduct practical
demonstrations."-^

The first farmers' institute took place on March 29-31,
1905, in Cody, 24 a town 360 miles from Laramie. In spite
of the season being "somewhat advanced for institute
work, as nearly all the ranchmen in the neighborhood of
Cody had begun spring's work," the attendance was "re-
markably good. "25 Seven sessions were held, with seventy
farmers and ranchers attending during the day, and two
hundred during the evening. Evening lectures were illus-
trated by stereopticon views, and all lectures about stock
judging were given with "representative animals in the
ring." At the conclusion of the institute the three instruc-
tors declared that it was "well worth the effort," in spite
of the fact that it took them two and one-half days by train
to get there.

An extended institute tour was offered from February
20 to March 13. The agricultural team, consisting of Pro-
fessors Buffum, George Morton, and Aven Nelson, trav-
eled more than four hundred miles by stage and wagon,
and a thousand miles by rail in bad weather conditions to
conduct a number of institutes requested by various
groups. Fortunately, according to the Ranchman, the men,
being "accustomed to sage brush for thirty years," were
able to survive

four-horse runaways, narrow escapes from wrecks and tipovers,
occasional but real hostile people, travel through a vast unsettled
territory in an unusual blizzard, mountain passes filled with
snow drifts, frozen faces and chilled feet, forty mile rides with
the temperature below zero in wind and snow and of some
meals absent and other grateful ones of Indian cookery and
horse meat. "2''

As an example of the eagerness of the farmers for the help
afforded by the institute. Brown tells the story of a
Sheridan man who, after listening to the opening lecture
by Buffum on stock-judging, telephoned his partner liv-
ing seven miles out of town that the institute was worth
attending. The friend consequently walked the seven miles
in order to be present at the evening session. ^^

The cost to the state fund of these different institutes
seemed to vary according to the distance the university lec-
turers had to travel. The above mentioned Wheatland
farmers' institute, for instance, ran up a cost of $79.25 to
the state fund while the amount for the Buffalo institute
came to $250.50.^8 Evidence seems to indicate that the
railroads had furnished the lecturers with free transporta-
tion prior to 1907. When this was withdrawn, farmers' in-
stitutes became much more costly to the university and
university officials declared that the work could not be
done without the help of state appropriations. 2''

The first lecture for women at a farmers' institute was
presented at the Wheatland institute, held November 21-23,
1907.^'^ When Professor Minna Stoner, then head of the
home economics department, spoke to the women on the
topic of "Domestic Science and Education," she made
home economics history. Her presentation became the
unofficial start of the university's home economics exten-
sion work. It was the first time at which the latest
knowledge in homemaking was brought directly to the
women who faced problems in their homes. It also repre-
sented the university's first use of the "family approach"
in extension work.^^ On February 27, 1908, Stoner again
addressed the women at the Laramie farmers' institute. ^^
According to Bowman, county institutes from then on
usually included a speaker carrying an educational
message to women. ^^

In 1910 farmers' institute work came to all but a stand-
still when Governor Brooks vetoed a four thousand dollar
appropriation for institute extension work.'*'* In spite of the
lack of funding, the university tried to keep the interest
in farmers' institutes alive during the next two years. By

22. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 15; "University of Wyoming
Catalogue," 1908-1909, p. 84.

23. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 1.

24. "Fifteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1904-1905, p. 20.

25. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 28.

26. The Editor, 1906, Notes on February and March Institutes; The Ranch-
man's Reminder, p. 21.

27. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 36.

28. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 36.

29. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1907, pp. 34, 36.

30. "Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1907-1908, p. 25.

31. Fifty Golden Years of Home Economics in Wyomiii\^, p. 13.

32. Wilson O. Clough, A History of the University of Wyomin^i 1887-1937
(Laramie, Wyoming: Laramie Printing Press, 1937), p. 90.

33. Bowman, Agricultural Extension Work, p. 37.

34. The Ranchman's Reminder, March 1911, p. 32.

14

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION

1913 the work resumed again when the Legislature appro-
priated ten thousand dollars to be expended for extension
work in agriculture for the biennium 1913-1915.

The Catalogue announced that the farmers' institutes
were to be an important element of the extension work dur-
ing the 1913-1914 college year.^^ By 1915 the university had
reached the point where they could say that "there are few
towns in Wyoming now that have not at some time had
a farmers' institute. "^^ Demands for meetings were so
numerous that it was "taxing the resources of the exten-
sion division and the agricultural college faculty and experi-
ment station staff to meet them." It was promised,
however, that requests would be met as far as possible,
"in the order they are received. "^^ Even though twenty-
six more towns were reached during 1915 than the
previous year the university was still not able to fulfill
all the requests for farmers' institutes they had received. ^^

Reminiscing about the early trials and tribulations of
the farmers' institutes, a 1915 Farm Bulletin tells about local
people who had little conception of the purpose of such
meetings, and how they have showed a spirit of coopera-
tion and initiative in spite of not knowing what was ex-
pected of them. Some groups provided a picnic dinner in
which everybody joined, others added a program of music
and short talks by local people. In 1916, 8,414 persons at-
tended farmers' institutes in Wyoming, ^^ and in 1917,
County Agent A. H. Tedmon reported that fifty-one meet-
ings had been held during the month of January in Big
Horn County as part of its institute schedule. With an
attendance of 2,854 persons, this was the largest number
they had since the institutes started. ^o

In the 1908-1909 Catalogue the university announced
it was contemplating an enlargement of the farmers' in-
stitute system by conducting, for a week or more, a short
school of agriculture in the larger agricultural centers in
Wyoming. The plan was to place a faculty member at the
school, who would remain there through the entire period
and do a considerable portion of the lecturing and demon-
stration. He would be assisted by other lecturers who
would spend two to three days giving demonstrations in

35. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914.

36. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114.

37. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114.

38. Wi/oniin^'^ Farm Bulletin, September 1915.

39. "President's Annual Report," 1916, p. 20; "University of Wyoming
Catalogue," 1917, p. 300.

40. Wi/omitj;^ Farm Bulletin, Marcii 1917, p. 136,

ANNOUNCEMENT

OF A

Farmers' and Ranchmen's

SHORT COURSE

January 6th to 17th, 1913

THE UNIVERSITY OF WYOMING

LARAMIE. WYOMING

Agricultural Chemistry ^ Dean H. G. Knight

Animal Breeding, Breeds and Feeding Prof. A. F. Faville

Stock Judging _ Prof. A. D. Faville, Dr. R. H Prien,

and Mr. James McLay
Soils, Crops and Groping „ - _ Prof. T. S. Parsons
Veterinary Elements _ _ . _ Dr. R. H, Prien

Rural Engineering, Prof. J. G. Fitterer and Prof J. S. Parsons
Botany - Dr. Aven Nelson

Animal Parasites _ _ _ ^ Dr. L. D. Swingle

Wool _ . _ _ - Prof. J. A. Hill

Dairy Appliances _ Prof. A. D. Faville

ILLUSTRATED EVENING LECTURES

No special preparation necessary. Two weeks hard work
for better Agriculture! Glass rooms. Laboratories and Illus-
trated Lectures will be open as to regular students. Special
work will be assigned ladies in Domestic Science and House-
hold Economics.

For information and application blanks, apply to

C, A DUNIWAY. President,

TIlis "Announcement of a Farmers' and Ranchmen's Short Course"
was published in the December 1912 issue of The Wyoming Farm
Bulletin.

their special fields. The idea was that such schools would
take the place of short courses at the university. By bring-
ing the school to the students, rather than expecting them
to come to the school, the university hoped to improve its
services to the people of the state. The first three schools
of agriculture were held at Wheatland, Basin, and Buffalo
and had a total attendance of 2,125.

The Institute Train was a variation of the farmers' in-
stitute. Several states used this train during the early years
of the twentieth century as a means of extending agri-
cultural knowledge to adults in rural areas. In some states
the institute train was called the "institute special, " "corn
special," or "institute on wheels." BasicalK', the idea was
to equip a train with exhibits, equipment, and machiner\'.

15

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

as well as instructors and speakers, and send it along the
railway lines to the various parts of the state. The train was
to stop for a stated time at each station; it could take a week
or even two during its journey throughout the state. *^

The university planned to have various professors
travel with the train in order to give lectures and demon-
strations. Among these persons would be the state expert
in dry farming, the professor of animal husbandry, the pro-
fessor of irrigation engineering, the professor of domestic
science, and "others who can be of service. ""^^ Consisting
of two passenger cars, a baggage car, and two private cars
for the accommodation of those accompanying the train,
the Ranchman's Special, as it was called, made its first stop
at Harrison, Nebraska, on October 19, 1909. From there
it went to Shoshoni, which is in the center of Wyoming,
making nineteen stops along the route, allowing thirty-
seven hundred people to look at all the exhibits and to
listen to the lectures on dry land agriculture.

Short talks were given to those people who passed
through the cars, and at two or three places meetings were
held in the towns during the evening. The idea of an ed-
ucational train was so well received that the university,
upon completion of the tour, decided to make arrange-
ments to operate a similar train over the Burlington lines. ^^

In December, 1915, the Wyoming Farm Bulletin reported
that the "livestock and Better Farming Demonstration
Train" had, during the month of October, finished a very
successful run through Wyoming, Nebraska, and Colorado.^
Making twenty-six stops in all, the train welcomed 4,821
visitors^^ who came to look at the exhibits and listen to
various short lectures. This demonstration train traveled
through Wyoming from October 4-16, 1915, reaching its
last point in Cheyenne, Wyoming.'*'' Accompanied by four-
teen speakers, the train was under the supervision of
specialists of the United States Department of Agriculture
and the agricultural colleges of the states of Wyoming,
Montana, Idaho, and Utah. In addition to the various ex-
hibits of wool, and the samples of the various grades of
wool, six head of live sheep also went with the train to
show farmers the various grades of wool as they appeared

41. ]. D. Towar, "Movable Schools of Agriculture," The Ranchman's
Reminder, 1908, p. 92.

42. Ibid., p. 55.

43. Ibid.; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1911, p. 99.

44. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, December 1915, p. 87.

45. George Boyd and Burton Marston, The Wyoming Agriculture Exten-
sion Service and the People Who Made It (1965), p. 51.

46. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, December 1915.

on the sheep. The primary purpose of the tour was "to
dispel the common idea that wool was wool and that selec-
tion was unnecessary."^^ Follow-up work and assistance
was offered to all ranchers and farmers who had visited
the train. Interested persons could ask their county agents
for more "help and advice, or ask the agricultural college
for guidance" along the lines they wished to proceed.

At about the time that the university had made the
decision to "bring the school to the student" by way of
short courses in different counties. President Charles O.
Merica made the observation that "there was much demand
upon the part of the settlers in all the newly colonized
districts for definite scientific instruction that they can use
at once." However, with the funds available for extension,
the university was unable to meet this demand. He sug-
gested that demonstration farms be established at various
places so that farmers could see what the agricultural
possibilities were for that specific part of the state. "^^ He
saw it as a necessity to help the thousands of people who
were coming to the state yearly to create farm homes.
These demonstration farms would not be sub-stations
owing anything to the federal government, but they would
be conducted under the supervision of the agricultural col-
lege and supported by state funds. They would not be
engaged in the kind of research work as was being carried
on by the federal government, which often took years to
reach the farmer, but would instead "undertake to discover
and publish just what can be done at these places and how
to do it."'*'' The farms would not be experiment stations,
but rather farms where owners under the guidance of
experts from the university, tried to grow the largest possible
crop with the least expense, thus demonstrating to fellow
farmers what practical techniques could be implemented.

The university was hoping to work in a cooperative
way with a number of farmers who would be willing to
set aside a certain number of acres, divided into small plots,
to be farmed by themselves under the written directions
of a superintendent connected with the university. Experi-
ments were to be carried out from year to year and the
results would be "fully published, setting forth failures as
well as successes. "5° Published in simple and direct
language, it was believed that these publications would
prove to be valuable "text books" for the current and
future settlers of Wyoming.

47. Natrona County Tribune, January 27, 1916.

48. "President's Report to the Board of Trustees," 1909-1910.

49. The Ranchman's Reminder, August 1910, p. 57.

50. The Ranchman's Reminder, August 1910, p. 57.

16

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION

The sole purpose of the demonstration farm was to
grow the largest possible crop with the least expense, and
to demonstrate what practical things could be done. Only
those crops that were reasonably certain to prove successful
would be grown. 51 The rationale for having the farmer do
the work himself, was that when "other neighboring
farmers see an ordinary farmer doing the work and some-
thing extra good comes out of it," they appreciate the fact
and realize that it is for them to avail themselves of these
better methods. ^^

Apparently several farmers cooperated with the uni-
versity in this project. A report, issued in 1916 by the
Department of County Agricultural Agents, mentioned
that the state leader had visited ten demonstration farms
during that year."

It should be noted that interest in extension work was
growing throughout the United States at the turn of the

century. Many institutions had agricultural extension
departments and were using movable schools and agri-
cultural trains as methods to carry university extension to
rural areas. From time to time federal appropriations were
made to supplement state funding for agricultural educa-
tion. In 1912 an important step was taken to establish an
extension division at the University of Wyoming when a
Memorandum of Agreement was drawn up between the
Bureau of Plant Industry of the United States Department
of Agriculture and the College of Agriculture, providing
for Cooperative Farm Management studies and field
demonstrations. It was agreed that the salary and expenses
of a state leader and an assistant state leader would be

51. The Rmicluiimi's Reminder, October 1911, pp. 63-64; June 1911, pp.
47-48.

52. The Ranchman's Rennmier, December 1911, p. 6.

53. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, March 1916, p. 132.

Governor Bryant B. Brooke (hand on rail) joined ^tafj from the ilnireri^ih/ of W'l/oniin^^ on this special exhibit tram irhuh trai'eU\l the state dti
the earhi 19005.

17

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

shared by both parties. To start the work, Henry Knight,
dean of the College of Agriculture and director of the Ex-
periment Station, became acting state leader on November
25, 1912, with Albert E. Bowman as assistant state leader. ^^
Two county agents were also appointed.

Describing to rural adults what was meant by the term
farm management, and what the university's educational
role was to be, the June, 1912, issue of the Wyoming Farm
Bulletin explained that the university instructor starts with
the assumption the farmer understands his own farm bet-
ter than anyone else. The farm is taken as a unit and
studied in its relationship to the business and social world
with its various and changing needs. In cooperation with
the farmer, the farm management official tried to find
answers to questions concerning the best type of farming
in each locality, the best arrangement of buildings, roads
and fields, the most profitable cropping system, the kind
and number of animals to be kept, the best farm equip-
ment, the cost of production, and the most profitable
amount and distribution of labor. ^^

The next step in the cooperative agreement between
the Bureau of Plant Industry and the university was the
appointment of a county agent. Regarded as a most im-
portant factor in the cooperative agreement for extension
work in agriculture and home economics, the United States
Department of Agriculture was willing to provide twelve
hundred dollars per annum towards the support of an agri-
cultural agent in any county who would agree by contract
to appropriate at least the same amount per year. The
university had to supervise the work through the state
leader. 56

In a lengthy article which appeared in a 1913 issue of
the Sheridan Post, D.W. Working, who was, at that time,
in charge of farm management for the United States govern-
ment in the district comprising Wyoming, Colorado, and
Utah, explained the new profession of "county agriculturist."
We are required to work with farmers— to study with them
rather than to study for them, so we become partners with the
farmers to whom we are sent. They give us facts; we give them
facts; and then they and we try to find the meaning of the facts
as they may apply for good or harm on the farmer's own farm.'^

Sketching the characteristics of a good county agriculturist.
Working listed the following qualifications and personal
characteristics as being indispensable:

He is a man who must l<now the farm from the farmer's stand-
point, who must know the sciences that serve agriculture, from
the standpoint of the scientist, and who must have the gift of
gumption that enables a man to translate sound theory into
correct practice.

Having found a man so prepared for service and having
the graces of spirit, and the graciousness of manner that enables
the man of learning to win and retain the liking and respect
of dogs and children and common men— then we have a man
fit to associate on an equal basis with farmers and others in-
terested in better agriculture and more wholesome life in the
country.

He is a man who prefers not to give advice, choosing rather
to present the facts that every man may be his own advisor.
He prefers not to tell men how to do things, choosing rather
to ask questions and to offer hints that will lead every man to
discover the how for himself.'*

In the same vein. Professor Oviatt, state leader of farm
management, argued that "the mission of the county agri-
culturist was to study, that he may teach." Since the idea
of better business and better farming "spreads from farm
to farm," he believed that "farmers were their own
teachers. "5'' On May 13, 1913, the first county agent was
appointed in Wyoming. ^° With a great deal of energy,
engaging personality, and tactfulness, A. L. Campbell soon
won the respect, confidence, and cooperation of the farm-
ers and ranchers in Fremont County. During the first year
of his appointment, he traveled 5,208 miles by train, horse-
back, buggy, and motorcycle building up a total cost of
$552.65. His first annual report showed that 1,902 miles
were done by motorcycle, 1,118 miles by team and saddle
horse, 2,078 miles by railroad, and 110 miles by auto-
mobile.^^ The Twenty -fourth Annual Report of the Wyoming
Experiment Station commented on the fact that Campbell
had brought "enthusiasm to the farmers and had suc-
ceeded in introducing many new methods which have
proven to be profitable for the farmer. "^^

In the 1914 Catalogue, the university expressed the hope
that it would be possible to place eventually an agricultural

54. "Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1912-1913, p. 19; Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work"; Wyoming
Farm Bidletm, March 1913, p. 293; "President's Annual Report," 1914,
p. 13,

55. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, June 1912, pp. 163-165.

56. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 209.

57. Sheridan Post, July 22, 1913.

58. Sheridan Post, July 22, 1913; Wyoming Farm Bulletin, September 1915.

59. Sheridan Post, October 21, 1913; "President's Report to the Trustees,"
1914, p. 13.

60. "Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1912-1913, p. 19; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 22;
Laramie Boomerang, January 29, 1915.

61. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work," pp. 6-13.

62. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 104.

18

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION

agent in every county of the state. Among the great sup-
porters of extension during this period were Henry Knight
and Albert E. Bowman. Knight, who became the first dean
of agriculture in 1912, also acted as director of the experi-
ment station and professor of agricultural chemistry. ^^
Bowman came to the university in January, 1913, and
started his work in extension with great enthusiasm. As
assistant state leader in farm management, demonstra-
tions, and investigations he practiced grass roots teaching
by going into homes and fields.^'* It was told of him that
he got up with the family at 5 a.m., helped with the milk-
ing, feeding, and other chores and then proceeded to tour
the ranch and make suggestions on watering meadows,
increasing the hay crop, and so on.^^ On July 1, 1913,
Charles Oviatt was appointed as state leader of extension,
succeeding Knight, who had served as acting state leader
under the memorandum between the university and the
Bureau of Plant Industry. A second county agent, H. E.
McCartney, was appointed on July 11, 1913, and assigned
to work in Sheridan County.*'^ In 1914 Allen Tedmon
became the county agent for both Big Horn and Washakie
counties; this did not work out, however, and after a seven
months trial he was assigned exclusively to Big Horn.*^^

In 1914 the Smith-Lever Act was passed which provided
money for the states and territories to conduct cooperative
extension work in agriculture and home economics. The
state of Wyoming was to receive ten thousand dollars for
the year beginning July 1, 1914, with an increase of
$1,249.20 per year for seven years. Dr. A. C. True explained
the act as follows:

The work called for in this act is of a strictly educational
character, as an extension of the educational functions of the
colleges to persons not resident in the colleges. It is to be
primarily instruction and demonstration and secondarily, the
imparting of information, and this work must be confined to
the subjects of agriculture and home economics.''*

63. Clough, History of the University of Wyoming, pp. 88, 107, 120.

64. Marston and Boyd, The Wyoming Agriculture Extension Service, p. 10.

65. Ibid., p. 11.

66 . ' Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,
1912-1913, p. 19; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 222.

67. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work," p. 16; Laramie Daily
Boomerang, January 29, 1915.

68. "Proceedings of the 19th Annual Meeting of the American Associa-
tion of Farmers' Institute Workers," November 9-11, 1914,
Washington, D.C., p. 108.

These fanners were thrashing grain at a)\ exferinieiitnl farm in C//ci/c;;;;c /// I'U I.

19

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

He argued that farmers' institutes could be considered
within the provision of this law only so far as they may
be agencies through which the colleges can carry on the
educational work called for in this act.^'* Bowman became
the director of the Cooperative Agricultural Extension Ser-
vice and immediately started to assemble a competent staff
of subject matter specialists to work among the farm and
ranch people, and to assist county agents as they were
appointed in various counties.

Blanche M. Olin was appointed as state demonstrator
in home economics in September, 1914, and through
demonstrations, lectures, and discussions she helped to
educate large numbers of women regarding better home
practices. The rationale for this appointment was explained
in the Catalogue:

Believing that the prosperity and happiness of a home depend
as much upon the skill and intelligence of women as upon the
earning power of men, a Home Economics demonstrator has
been added to the agricultural extension force. She
demonstrates labor saving devices, household decoration, and
methods of preparing foods, balance rations, home dressmak-
ing, etc. She works with women in clubs and meetings and
individually.^"

In addition to the three county agents, Campbell,
H. E. McCartney, and Tedmon, Wyoming had four people
who devoted all their time to extension work: a state
leader. Bowman, who had general supervision of the work
in the state; a dairy expert, E. F. Burton, who helped the
dairy and livestock interests; a leader of boys' and girls'
clubs, Ivan L. Hobson; and a home economics lecturer and
demonstrator, Olin, who looked after the interests of the
farm women. ^^

The Farm Bulletin in 1915 announced that a new state
leader was appointed since "the agricultural extension
work has grown with such great rapidity that it has been
impossible for Mr. Bowman, the director of extension, to
handle efficiently all of the work."''^ At that time, eight
counties had agricultural agents. ^^ Although confident that

69. "Proceedings of the 19th Annual Meeting of the American Associa-
tion of Farmers' Institute Workers," p. 108.

70. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114; 1916, p. 284.

71. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, February 1915, p. 5; "President's Annual
Report," 1914, p. 24.

72. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, July 1915, p. 4.

73. "President's Annual Report," 1915, p. 8; "President Duniway's
Report to the Board of Trustees," December 13, 1915, p. 7, stated
that Wyoming would have ten or eleven county agents that year.

satisfactory progress had been made. President Clyde Dun-
iway felt in 1915 that it was still "too early to speak con-
fidently in detail on the results of this system of extension
work which has been stimulated by and founded upon the
Smith-Lever Act." He believed success depended more
upon the "qualifications and character of the individual
county agents than upon any other one factor."

County agent work was growing rapidly. An annual
report issued in March, 1916, covering a period of eight
months, stated, among other things, that the state leader
had traveled 16,124 miles by rail, twenty-seven hundred
miles by automobile and stage, spent 131 days in the field,
and seventy days in his office.^* At this time the agronomist
was also reporting that the correspondence work of the
office was constantly increasing and that many inquiries
concerning farm topics were received every day, and
promptly answered, at a rate of "nearly 300 letters per
month. "^5

Duniway, in looking back over the two years since the
passing of the Smith-Lever Act, remarked in his Annual
Report of 1916 that, even though the work cannot be re-
duced to statistics, a "striking development had occurred
over the past two years. "^^ During World War I Mrs. Mary
McFarlane became Wyoming's first female extension spe-
cialist. Knight resigned in 1917, and with his departure the
university lost the person who had unified the work of the
experiment stations in the state. ^^ In 1919 President Aven
Nelson stated the educational effort as exerted by Co-
operative Extension had been "growing in magnitude and
importance from year to year."^^

In conclusion, evidence indicates that University of
Wyoming agricultural officials, prior to 1905, relied primar-
ily on the mail service for the dissemination of knowledge
to adults living on farms and ranches. The results of
extensive experimentation and research done on various
experimental farms were provided to rural adults by way
of bulletins, the Ranchman's Reminder, the Wyoming Farm
Bulletin, and various press releases. Agricultural person-
nel also handled a tremendous amount of correspondence
dealing with questions on farming methods and the rais-
ing of stock. In 1904 the first short course for "ranchmen

74. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, March 1916, p. 132.

75. "Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station,"
1915-1916, p. 79.

76. "President's Annual Report," 1916, p. 21.

77. W. O. Clough, History of the University of Wyoming, pp. 88, 107,
120.

78. "President's Annual Report," 1919, p. 19.

20

AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION

and farmers who were unable to be in residence at the uni-
versity for the longer courses," was offered on the campus
of the university, and in 1909 a number of farmers were
persuaded to convert a part of their properties into demon-
stration farms. These demonstration units were developed
under the direction of agricultural specialists to serve as
examples of optimum production units in specific areas.

Farmers' institutes came into being in 1905 and in 1909
the first movable schools of agriculture were held in Wyo-
ming. These schools, usually conducted over a period of
ten to fourteen days were, in essence, off-campus agri-
cultural short courses. An institute train, equipped with
agricultural exhibits, equipment, machinery and several in-
structors, was introduced in 1909. A variation of the farm-
ers' institute, this method of bringing knowledge to rural
adults appeared to be successful.

Faculty members were also active at county and state
fairs where they served as judges, lecturers, and demon-
strators. In 1912 a cooperative agreement was signed be-
tween the Bureau of Plant Industry of the United States
Department of Agriculture and the College of Agriculture,
which provided for cooperative farm management studies
and field demonstrations. State leaders and county agents
were appointed to study farm and range conditions so as
to provide practical knowledge to farmers and ranchers.

Organized agricultural extension grew in Wyoming with
rapid strides,^" and in the words of the editor of the Wyo-
ming Farm Bulletin, brought knowledge and information,
in a form suitable for use, and derived from research done
at their own state university to the people of Wyoming. ^°
According to him, "the growth of cooperative extension
work in agriculture and home economics in Wyoming was
an indication of the popularity of education for all . . . the
people's verdict of the value of this kind of service. "^^

79. "President's Annual Report for the Year 1918-1919, University of Wyo-
ming Bulletin, p. 19.

80. YJyomirig Farm Bulletin, July 1917, p. 2.

81. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, July 1917, p. 2.

JOHANNA NEL received her Ph.D. in Adult Education from the University
of Wyoming in 1986. Presently she is an Assistant Professor in the Department
of Educational Foundations and Instructional Technology at the University of
Wyoming. She also serves as Adjunct Professor in the Department of Educa-
tional Administration and Adult Education. Dr. Nel is a former board member
of the Albany County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society.

JOHANNES E. NEL received his Ph.D. in Animal Science from the University
of Stellenbosch, South Africa, in 1967. He is currently a Professor in Animal
Science at the University of Wyoming and serves as Sheep and Wool Extension
Specialist with the Cooperative Extension Service. He is a member of the Albaiiy
County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society.

21

THE AMERICAN HERITAGE CENTER

A Resource,
as a Resource

by Gene M. Gressley

Editor's Note: Gene Gressley presented this paper at the
Centennial Conference held in Cheyenne during September 1991.
Because of space limitations it was not included in the Fall 1991
special issue 0/ Annals of Wyoming. Other conference papers
will appear in future issues.

The challenge: to describe the research wealth of the
American Heritage Center (AHC) in twenty minutes. The
experience is akin to that of a friend of mine, who finally
at age seventy-six fulfilled a life long dream of seeing the
Kentucky Derby. Situated about twenty rows up in the
stands, he sat down to enjoy a beautiful May day at
Churchill Downs. He felt so in tune with the world that
he began tapping his feet to the melodies of Stephen
Foster, which were floating through the ether. All of a sud-
den the reverie of my friend was broken by a shot at the
starting gate. The horses were off! Everyone in the stands
stood up, stretching their necks for a better view. Being
short of stature, my friend first peeked over one shoulder
and then another one, bobbing back and forth, to no avail;
the race was finished in a little over two minutes. In relating
his experience my friend exploded, "Gene, all I saw of the
race was two horse tails, maybe part of one jockey, and
three horses' heads— for this I spent $2,000!"

Well I hope none of you have spent two thousand dol-
lars to be here, but at the end of this race you may feel
like my friend— frustrated! For all I can do for you this after-
noon is provide you with a peek at some of the peaks of
this enormous collection of thirteen thousand plus collec-
tions covering more than a dozen major research fields.

In 1956, July 1, to be exact, when I arrived on the
University of Wyoming campus, the Western History and

Archives Department, as it was known then, had 284 col-
lections. We immediately began building up research areas
which were indigenous to the history of the Rocky Moun-
tain region: economic geology, specifically, the petroleum
and mining industries; the livestock industry; the water
"industry"; writers of the western scene; conservation;
transportation, particularly railroads and aviation; regional
and state political figures, and of course what, for a better
nomenclature, we will call general western history, jour-
nalism, performing arts, and music.

As we all realize, when you develop a research area
you endeavor to make it as complete and rich as possible,
so that a researcher does not have to visit you for a sole
collection, but can indulge his/herself in as many flavors
as possible.

First, livestock history was an obvious field of acquisi-
tion. The first collection to arrive at the university, pre-
dating the Western History and Archives Department, was
the enormously valuable files of the Wyoming Stock Grow-
ers Association, the most complete set of historical records
relating to any state livestock organization extant. During
the succeeding years we added to this historical founda-
tion the American National Cattlemen's records (due to
the skill of Joe Watt of Sheridan, who sold this organiza-
tion on what we were trying to do), the Wyoming Wool
Growers Association, the National Wool Growers files,
some sixty individual ranches including Moreton Frewen,
Frank Hosier, John B. Kendrick, and Francis E. Warren.

Another pre-eminent collection, not only nationally but
internationally, is our economic geology collection. In this
realm are the records of more than three hundred mining
engineers, geologists, executives, and the piece de resistance
of the fifty-two ton Anaconda collection.

22

THE AMERICAN HERITAGE CENTER

In petroleum history are the papers of George Henry
Bissell, who provided the capital for the first oil well in
America, the Drake well at Titusville, Pennsylvania; the
personal files of A. Beeby Thompson, who developed the
Baku fields in Russia and reported on the LaBarge field in
Wyoming; the huge Midwest and Argo company records,
two of the most successful "independent" petroleum
operations in the Rocky Mountain region; the files of fif-
teen past presidents of the American Association of
Petroleum Geologists. This collection was put together
with the assistance of Orlo Childs, onetime member of the
University's geology department, past president of the
AAPG and the Colorado School of Mines. Of the 150 in-
dividual geologists represented some of the most notable
are: Thomas Harrison, Charles Rath, Charles Hares, John
Archbold (second president of the Standard Oil of New
Jersey), and the dissolution records of the Standard Oil
trust.

The mining collection is distinguished by the records
of: Eliot Blackwelder, Chairman of the Geology Depart-
ment at Stanford and an authority on the Owl Mountains
of Wyoming; Hennen Jennings, a developer of South
Africa mining with his friend Cecil Rhodes and the prime
mover behind the extremely successful Conrey Mining
Company in Montana; Sir Ronald Prain, who guided some

of the corporate investment following Cecil Rhodes in
South Africa; and, of course, as we have noted above all,
the Anaconda. The historical riches in those some twelve
hundred files have not even been plumbed.

Along the tracks, the center has the letters of Jack Case-
ment, who laid the tracks of the Union Pacific, home to
his wife in Painesville, Ohio; the Union Pacific Coal Com-
pany, especially the sizeable collection of glass negatives
recording life in the underground mines of Kemmerer,
Rock Springs, and Hanna; the four tons of records of the
Chicago, Rock Island Railroad, plus the entrepreneurs
William Dixon (whose efforts were thwarted by the Rock
Island) and Alfred Perlman, who put together the huge
New York Central-Pennsylvania systems, in addition to
revitalizing the Western Pacific.

The "manufacturers of blood and thunder," namely,
the western writers, are represented by: the journals of
Owen Wister; Jack Schaefer, who wrote Shane; Hoffman
Birney, reviewer of westerns for the New York Times; in ad-
dition to 160 more individual writers. The files of the
organization of the Western Writers of America are ex-
tremely significant for recording the marketing ups and
downs of western fiction.

Among the friendly skies of the center are two Wyo-
ming executives who played major roles in the develop-

This plioto^niph is of tlic iiuuicl of the new Aineneaii Uerita^^e Center mid University of V^yoitiiii^ Art Miiseiint irliieh will be iOinpUidi iiiinii^.
the fall of) 993.

23

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

merit of America's aviation industry: Gerald Brooder of
Sheridan and Robert Canaday of Lusk. Brooder, after
founding Inland Airlines in Wyoming, became a Vice-
President of Western Airlines. Canaday, a premier
salesman for Douglas Aviation, concluded his career as
Senior Vice President of Douglas. The log books of Jack
Knight, who made the first over-night flight for the air-
mail from Oakland to Chicago, are in the center. Mundy
I. Peale, who owned the Bull Mountain Cattle Company,
southwest of Laramie, became President of Republic Avia-
tion. These are just a few of major figures dotting the roster
of American aviation.

In journalism, Wyoming journalists include Joseph
Jacobucci, Roy Peck, M. G. Barrow, Red Fenwick, James
Killgallen and Robert Crawford. Eight members of the
Board of Editors of the Neiu York Times and ten coii^ributors
to the New Yorker magazine will find their papers in
Laramie. Among the most recognized are Rogers E. M.
Whitaker, Leonard Silk, Ada Louise Huxtable, Philip Ham-
burger, Richard Tregaskis, and Bill Stern. This is but a
glimpse of the one hundred-plus journalists whose records
are shelved in the center.

Diverging just a moment from manuscripts, we should
note two major collections of western art— the paintings
of Alfred Jacob Miller and Henry Farny. The Miller collec-
tion was acquired for the center and the university through
the sole efforts of the late Robert Warner. Miller, as many
of you know, was the first artist to depict Wyoming, in-
deed the only artist to paint a rendezvous who actually par-
ticipated in the event.

The Henry Farny Collection is the gift of the Rentschler
family of New York City. Farnys are now valued, mone-
tarily speaking, at levels comparable to those of Remington
and Russell. He painted only three hundred oils. The Rent-
schler collection of eleven Farnys (eventually to be fifteen)
is housed in a room in the center which duplicates the
original library of George Rentschler at One Sutton Place,
South, New York City.

The only bronze of great significance is the Bronco
Buster by Frederic Remington. The amazing bronze was
given to the AHC by Arthur Lafrentz, whose father,
Frederick Lafrentz, was the first secretary of the Swan Land
and Cattle Company.

The photographer of Meeteetse, Charles Belden, is
represented by two thousand plus negatives. Belden was
one of the outstanding photographers of the contemporary
(early twentieth century) West. Jack and Lili Turnell, the
granddaughter and grandson-in-law, negotiated with their
family in presenting the gift to the university.

Among the forty some artists represented in the center,
probably the most significant overall collection is the one
of Garrett Price. A son of Dr. Sam Price of Saratoga,
Wyoming, Garrett Price was commissioned to do more
than ninety covers for The New Yorker. Another illustrator,
whose cartoons "The Little King" were favorites of readers
of The Nezv Yorker, was Otto Soglow.

Of course, it is the art of these artists which most at-
tracts our attention. However, there are significant manu-
script files on many of those named above, particularly
Alfred Jacob Miller, Charles Belden, and Garrett Price.

Among the papers of political figures of Wyoming, the
researcher will find Senators Frank Barrett, Clifford
Hansen, Joe Hickey, Lester Hunt, John Kendrick, Gale
McGee, Milward Simpson, Malcolm Wallop, Francis War-
ren, and Congressman Teno Roncalio. Among other
political potentates are those of James LeCron and R. R.
Rose. These two collections offer insight into Wyoming
progressivism and democracy. We should emphasize that
these political papers vary both in quantity and quality.
Warren never kept his incoming correspondence, taking
load after load to the D. C. dump. The Joseph Carey papers
would offer, if they were available, remarkable knowledge
of both the Republican and Progressive parties.

There are two major contemporary historical fields
which have been developed, in part by an especial rela-
tionship to Wyoming. These two are antitrust and
American Revisionism in both wars, but primarily the Sec-
ond World War. The antitrust section was an obvious
development with Thurman Arnold, U.S. Assistant-At-
torney General for Antitrust, being born and raised in
Laramie. However, the evolution of our antitrust area il-
lustrates our approach to archival acquisition. You first ac-
quire the papers of a central figure, a "star" if you will,
then you use this star as a magnet to attract other figures
who orbited in the same field, in this case— Hugh Cox, Vic-
tor Kramer, Gerhard Gesell, Alexander Holtzoff, and
Milton Friedman.

Revisionism, for the lack of better taxonomy, is a school
of journalists, historians, and publicists, who basically take
the position that the allied powers, in both world wars,
bear responsibility for the occurrence of the two wars. An
historian at the University of Wyoming in the early sixties,
Lawrence Gelfand, suggested to me that we seek the
papers of a leading revisionist, Harry Elmer Barnes. We
did so, ending up with not only the Barnes files, but the
entire entourage around Barnes: Admiral Husband E. Kim-
mel. Captain L. N. Safford, C. C. Hiles, George
Morgenstern, and George Deathredge.

24

AMERICAN HERITAGE CENTER

In water resources, it is as amazing to me today as it
was twenty years ago, that the only university in the na-
tion to have a substantial collection of manuscript water
resource material is the University of Wyoming. I should
note in passing that the University of California, Berkeley,
has the best printed collection of material on water. To-
day the center has the papers of 130 civil engineers,
bureaucrats, attorneys, and water policy makers, including
five Commissioners of the Bureau of Reclamation: Floyd
Dominy, Harry Bashore, Arthur Powell Davis, Ellis Arm-
strong, and F. N. Newell. The papers of W. G. Sloan, "co-
father" of the Pick-Sloan plan to develop the Missouri
River, are there. William Warne, who put together with
Governor Pat Brown the California Water project, pre-
sented his files. Jack Savage, who is held in awe by ar-
chitectural and civil engineers because of his creations the
Boulder and Grand Coulee dams among some thirty other
dams donated his papers.

We hear much these days of environmental concerns.
The historical guild, which is often more presentist than
it likes to admit, enjoys fads— in 1990 one of the "hottest"
areas is environmental history. In the mid-1960s the center
began acquiring conservation history. As a result, at pres-
ent two of the strongest archives on conservation history
in the nation are in this region, specifically the Denver
Public Library and the American Heritage Center. The
center contains the papers of some 350 individuals and
organizations devoted to conservation. If a researcher is
interested in park policy, he can consult the files of two
former directors of the National Park Service, Arthur
Demaray and Conrad L. Wirth. If land policy is his topic,
Marion Clawson and Laurence Hewes material is available.
Should his concerns be with wildlife biology, Margaret and
Louise Murie have presented the files of their husbands,
Olaus and Adolph Murie. Frank Craighead, Jr., and Ver-
non Bailey have written pioneering studies of wildlife. The
research and personal memorabilia for their work is in the
center. A couple of years ago, a prize winning volume on
plant ecology was based largely on the Frederic and Edith
Clements Collection.

The area of performing arts is another example of how
cooperation between faculty and archivists can go a long
way towards making a significant archive. James Welke,
now Dean of Communications at Central Florida Univer-
sity (adjacent to Disney World, which for Welke has meant
a substantial largesse coming into his department) sug-
gested that we think of the performing arts area. Person-
ally, I have to confess I was not intrigued (my personal
research interest is economic history). However, one can-

not scorn uncomfortable subjects. Such a position for an
archivist, of course, is anti-intellectual and indefensible.
Furthermore, in an amazingly brief period, we acquired
the memorabilia of 170 writers, producers, directors, actors,
and actresses. The largest radio comedy collection in the
nation is in Laramie, including such writers as John L.
Green, Carroll Carroll, Parke Levy, and Ozzie Nelson. The
pre-eminent collection, of course, is the papers of Jack Ben-
ny, which some eight universities and institutions (to my
knowledge) were soliciting. Paul Monash, who produced
"Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid," presented his
material. David Brown of Zanuck-Brown fame has given
some of his files, but much more is to come. His John
O'Hara correspondence is fascinating to say the least. As
an investor. Brown has attracted as much if not more at-
tention than as a producer. Fortune has called him along
with Warren Buffet of Omaha, one of the shrewdest in-
vestors in America.

Allied with the film-television section is the film music
archives, the largest in the United States. Here repose the
scores, records, tapes and memorabilia of Maurice Jarre of
"Dr. Zhivago"; Adolph Deutsch, whose last film was "The
Apartment," and Bronislaw Kaper, who wrote, "Hi Lili,
Hi Lo" for "Gigi."

In conclusion, the future for the center is bright,
especially with the new building now on the horizon and
if we follow a few simple but crucial precepts:

A. We must always remember that the center is a liv-
ing archive, not a mausoleum. If we cease our acquisition,
we will freeze our collection, our reputation, and our
future. Most certainly, you should make sure that you
process and organize your collection— once you have it.
The point is worth repeating— an archive that does not
have material flowing in the door is dead. It is that sim-
ple. I assure you that in 1956, no one was talking to me
about what we should do with 284 collections.

B. Geography will not be a problem if you remember
your mission. You are a university centered archives, with
a broad intellectual community and public to serve. Nor
are your goals restricted to the university community, the
public of Wyoming first and foremost have demands on
your facility. After all, it is their dollars that made it
possible. And secondly, in many areas of acquisition vou
are dealing with professions which range, geographically
speaking, across the nation and the globe. The self-evident
ones, mining, petroleum, water, and conservation, come
easily to mind, there are many others. To ask for A. Beeby
Thompson's material on the LaBarge field, but to ignore
ills career in Europe, is a prox'incialism wo cannot afford.

25

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

C. The center illustrates one basic premise that you do
not do anything by yourself in this world. We have en-
joyed wonderful backing from the people of the state of
Wyoming, the trustees and successive administrations of
the university, dedicated donors across the nation and, in-
deed, the world. For this we give thanks.

D. As the result of the last paragraph, we no longer
confront or have to overcome the question we constantly
encountered in 1956. Why should I give anything to
Wyoming? Wyoming, where is that, close to California,
is it not? No longer does the Center have an identification
problem. I do not think I need to assure you that research-
ers, donors, and the general public know where it is
located.

E. Finally, we tend to forget that we are not collecting
for today— we are collecting for the twenty-first century and
beyond. Certainly, we have collected junk, or at least we
think we have. The old cliche, one man's dessert is another

man's poison, is most certainly apropos. But unless we
have the perspective of decades, it is not only arrogant,
but downright unintelligent to select knowledge for the
generations of the future, for if you do you are condemn-
ing those same generations to ignorance. Indulge me for
one more repetition, for that philosophy has been basic
to the foundation of the American Heritage Center. We
are collecting for the future, not just for the present. Unless
we have the perspective of decades, it is not only arrogant,
but downright unintelligent, to select knowledge for the
generations of the future, for if you do you are condemn-
ing those same generations to ignorance. Thank you!

GENE M. GRESSLEY has been at the University of Wyoming since 1956. For
the majority of those years he served as Director of the American Heritage Center.
He has authored numerous articles dealing with the American West, as well as
seven books, including Bankers and Cattlemen and The Twentieth Century
West: A Potpourri. Presently he senses as All-University Professor in Laramie.

26

BOOK REVIEWS

Regulating Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain Coal
Industry. By James Whiteside. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1990. Illustrated. Index. Bibliographical Essay. Notes. Maps, xv and
265 pp. Cloth $37.50.

Has anyone been keeping count? The number of books
and articles about the history of coal mining seems to be
growing in leaps and bounds. What was once a virtually
ignored topic has finally come into its own. Why? Probably
for a number of reasons, but I see it partially as a result
of social history. Social historians (and their regional
counterparts— historians of the "new West") discount the
heroic and romantic elements in history and instead look
into the everyday lives of our ancestors. Historians of this
genre probe into the realities of life, which often reveal
hardships and despair. And believe me, coal mining fits
this description. Consequently, many social historians have
turned their attention to the business of coal.

Although the increase in the number of books about
coal has been dramatic, and despite the fact that Wyoming
currently leads the nation in coal production, many of the
new works do not mention the Cowboy State. Rightly so,
for decades in the past Wyoming generally hovered around
twelfth in national coal output. But still, it may be worth-
while to review some of the recent publications that
mention the Wyoming coal industry. The best general
study, and a true social history, is Priscilla Long's Where
the Sun Never Shines: A History of America's Bloody Coal In-
dustry. While it covers the industry nationally. Long does
draw Wyoming into the story when she deals with labor
conflict in the Colorado coal mines. For a specific look at
Wyoming's coal industry. Forgotten Frontier: A History of
Wyoming Coal Mining by A. Dudley Gardner and Verla R.
Flores is excellent. Also a social history, it covers the
people, the communities, the work, and the companies.
Another interesting book is Robert Rhode's Booms & Busts
on Bitter Creek: A History of Rock Springs, Wyoming.

Moving away from the more scholarly works, and
away from books that can be called social histories, a
number of popular histories or personal reminiscences
have been done. Mabel E. Brown and Elizabeth Thorpe
Griffith write of Cambria in In the beginning there were three
towns. Cambria flourished for forty years; Field City— alias Tubb
Town after a brief heyday, moved en masse to Neivcastle—"and
then there was one. " Frank R. Dallezotte looks at his past
in Oakley, Wyoming: Gone . . . But not Forgotten. Lorenzo
Groutage discusses the southwestern corner of Wyoming
in Wyoming Mine Run, and Sharon Rufi of Almy published
a book about her town to commemorate the Wyoming
centennial.

One event in Wyoming relating to coal stands out as
the most popular— the Rock Springs Massacre. This has
been explored several times, including by the dean of
Wyoming historians, T. A. Larson, in "The Chinese
Massacre," by Paul Crane and T. A. Larson, Annals of
Wyoming, January and April 1940. Some of the new pieces
include Craig Storti's Incident at Bitter Creek: The Ston/ of
the Rock Springs Massacre, and two articles, "Governor
Francis E. Warren, The United States Army and the
Chinese Massacre at Rock Springs," by Murray L. Carroll
in the Fall 1987 Annals ofWyomijig, and "Civil Disorder and
the Military in Rock Springs, Wyoming: The Army's Role
in the 1885 Chinese Massacre," by Clayton D. Laurie in
Montana: The Magazine of Western History, Summer 1990.

Most of the works listed above are readily available and
generally easy to read and understand. But also appear-
ing are monographs on specific aspects of the coal industry.
One example is Keith Dix' What's a Coal Miner to Do? The
Mechanization of Coal Minitig. This explores the impact of
mechanization on the miner's life and his values. This com-
bines elements of social history with a history of tech-
nology. Although this book pertains primarily to eastern
coal operations, it does mention Wvoming's Union Pacific
Coal Company— an organization that adopted many oi the

27

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

industry's mechanical advances. To enjoy this book, how-
ever, a deeper understanding of coal mining is required.

Another book that is within this monographic style
(and the point of this review) is James Whiteside's recent
book Regulating Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety in the
Rocky Mountain Coal Industry. In this piece Whiteside
discusses what is perhaps the most shocking element in
coal mining, the vast number of accidents and subsequent
deaths. Whiteside states that from the 1880s to the 1980s
more than eighty-two hundred workers died in the Rocky
Mountains as a result of coal mine accidents. On a super-
ficial level one would think that the cause of mine accidents
could be easily recognized and then corrected. But as
Whiteside accurately points out, the reasons for accidents
and the explanations for the lack of measures to correct
the problems are mired in a complex web of social atti-
tudes, political circumstances, economic concerns, and
workplace traditions. In short, the total industrial environ-
ment is reflected in accident rates.

From the beginning of coal operations in the Rocky
Mountains up to recent years, Whiteside follows the three
groups that could make the workplace safer: the operators,
the miners, and the government. During the late nine-
teenth century the miners were responsible for their own
safety and for performing safety measures. The miners,
however, were paid for what they produced, and when
they put in roof supports, they essentially lost pay. Con-
sequently, miners often ignored safety procedures. The
first mine laws and the early safety activities of the com-
panies reflected this idea that the miner was responsible
for his own safety. Whiteside then draws the story for-
ward, examining the procession of laws passed by the
various states that attempted to shift some of the respon-
sibility to the mine management. He also evaluates cor-
porate philosophies as they changed through the years.
His conclusion: the results were always the same, the
miner remained responsible for his own safety. Not until
recently have federal regulations and technological advance-
ments given the coal miner some relief.

Whiteside is convincing and correct. His research is
thorough, and his writing demonstrates his depth of study
as he quotes extensively from state mine inspector reports.
Plus, he paints a balanced picture. Whiteside covers the
plight of the workers, backing it up with numbers, much
as many good social historians would do. But he also deals
fairly and squarely with the companies and officials
involved.

I have complaints, but only two minor ones. First, once
again Colorado proves to be the center of the Rockies. True,

he deals with Wyoming, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, and
Colorado, and his title says he covers the Rocky Moun-
tains, but Colorado is without a doubt the star of the show.
Colorado, of course, did produce more coal than any of
the other states, but sometimes we in the outback feel ig-
nored. Second, Whiteside studies the laws in each state,
and their impact in that state. There probably is no other
way to do it, but the number of laws discussed in each of
the states occasionally overwhelms the reader with details.
These points, however, do not affect the quality of the text.
The book is good, but it is not for beginners. Regulating
Danger is for those who like mining, love everything writ-
ten about Wyoming, or enjoy the process of regulation.
And it is, as well, an excellent addition to the increasing
number of books about coal.

DAVID A. WOLFF
Arizona State University

Union Pacific: The Birth of a Railroad 1862-1893. By Maury Klein. Garden
City, New York; Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1987. Illustrated.
Index. Selected Bibliography. Maps, xiii and 685 pp. Cloth $27.50.

Umon Pacific: The Rebirth 1894-1969. By Maury Klein. Garden City, New
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1989. Illustrated. Index. Source
Notes. Selected Bibliography. Maps, xviii and 654 pp. Cloth $29.95.

This work represents a great leap forward in Union
Pacific historiography. Generally, the Union Pacific books
published hitherto have been short on facts and perspec-
tive. Their authors did not have access to corporation
records. True, the U.P. opened the door part-way twenty-
five years ago and permitted the late Robert Athearn to
use records related to nineteenth century branch-line
history, and helped finance his book-writing project.
Athearn covered the early branch-line story pretty well in
his volume Union Pacific Country (New York: Rand
McNally, 1971).

Apparently satisfied with Athearn's performance, the
U.P. funded the research and writing of Maury Klein for
the work at hand, which is a comprehensive history of the
corporation from its beginning in the 1860s to 1969. Klein,
a University of Rhode Island professor, received access to
voluminous company records never before made available.
Klein probed many other sources as well. His previous
books. The Great Richmond Terminal, The Histonj of the
Louisville and Nashville Railroad, and The Life and Legend of
Jay Gould, seem to have assured U.P. President John C.
Kenefick and his board members that Klein would deliver
the kind of history they would appreciate.

Lest readers might think that a U.P. subsidy would

28

BOOK REVIEWS

color his opinions, Athearn explained that company of-
ficers "stressed that all points of view, attitudes, and con-
clusions were to be mine alone." Likewise, Klein wrote
that "The views and interpretations . . . are mine and in
no way represent those of the corporation." He added that
he was given "complete editorial freedom."

Klein decided early in his research that, except for a
few short periods, the Union Pacific suffered so much from
internal bickering and lack of strong leadership that he
would make these conflicts his central theme. He certainly
rips the hide off many corporation executives. On the other
hand, he believes that a few of them have been treated too
harshly in the past. Klein argues that "They were neither
heroes nor villains," but simply capitalists who risked their
fortunes in a project that few moneyed men would touch
because the costs would be too great, leaving little chance
to recover the costs for decades.

Klein also rejects the widespread belief that Jay Gould
set out to wreck the U.P. in the manner of some modern
hostile take-over artists. Instead, claims Klein, Gould
focused his extraordinary talents on making both the U.P.
and himself prosperous by combining the Kansas Pacific
with the U.P. He failed by a hair, and appeared to have
hurt the U.P. for a few years, but in the long run the U.P.
benefited from his strenuous efforts.

Klein displays remarkable talent for producing thumb-
nail characterizations. For example: "Thomas C. Durant's
craving for the limelight was matched by an inability to
keep his focus on business at hand." Grenville M. Dodge
was "an ordinary looking man with some extraordinary
qualities. . . . He listened well and had a quick analytical
mind that leaped to sound conclusions before most men
understood the question." Oakes Ames "was the man of
action, Oliver the punctilious bookkeeper. . . . Once de-
cided on a plan, Oakes plunged ahead with little regard
for consequences. . . . The hapless Oliver calculated and
agonized himself into fits of indecision." "The choice
between Durant and Oliver Ames was more than ever one
between the lesser of two evils." Charles Francis Adams,
Jr. was "the foremost railroad theorist of the age" but
"failed wretchedly at every aspect of management." Gould
had an "incredible range of talents . . . skill at human rela-
tions" and "utter lack of ego." E. H. Harriman, first presi-
dent after the 1890s receivership, "blazed through the
transportation industry like a comet. . . . He not only
craved power, he radiated it. . . . He had one blind spot
diplomacy and tact" and was consequently abrasive.

Carl Gray, president during the 1920s, was "a south-
ern puritan." He had "ability . . . grace under pressure

. . . patience ... an affable man utterly lacking in pretense
or arrogance . . . impossible to dislike or distrust ... a
benevolent father figure of a man with a ready smile and
'just plain folks' manner." Yet "he could be tough."

Gray's very tough 225 pound successor. Bill Jeffers,
"knew how to work and how to fight . . . took only one
vacation in forty years." He was "the classic 'Irisher' . . .
in essence a monk, with the railroad as his monastery . . .
crude though dapper . . . with his tough-guy manner and
macho code." George Ashby, short-term president after
Jeffers, was "the diminutive accountant . . . shrewd and
inscrutable . . . intelligent, sensitive . . . whose ambitions
suffered from a fatal flaw . . . alcohol . . . insecure . . . fric-
tion with his major officers left him permanently scarred."
Following Ashby, Arthur Stoddard, like Jeffers, "had no
hobbies or outside interests, but he lacked Jeffers' total
dedication. . . . Stoddard did not fancy himself as a czar,
but he kept the crucial trappings, notably the secret
police, the spies and an autocratic hierarchy staffed with
favorites."

The general reader may throw up his hands at the mass
of details, the complicated relations with other railroads,
and continual disputes with state and federal agencies. But
serious railroad historians will read every word.

T. A. LARSON
University of Wyoming

A River Too Far: The Past and Future of the Ami West. Edited by Joseph
Finkhouse and Mark Crawford. Nevada Humanities Committee,
University of Nevada Press, 1991. Illustrated. Bibliography. 175 pp.
Paper.

A River Too Far is a collection of excerpts from notable
publications concerned with water usage, politics, policy,
and social values in the arid West. The excerpts are taken
from: Desert Passages by Patricia Limerick; Cadillac Desert
by Marc P. Reisner; Rii'ers of Empnre by Donald Worster;
"Replacing Confusion with Equity: Alternatives for Water
Policy in the Colorado River Basin" by Helen Ingram,
Lawrence Scaff, and Leslie Silko, taken from New Courses
for the Colorado River: Major Issues for the Next Centurxj, edited
by Gary D. Weatherford and F. Lee Brown; "Wilderness
Values and the Colorado River" by Roderick Na'sh, from
New Courses for the Colorado River; Major Issues for the Next
Century; "A River" from Encoufiters with the Archdruid bv
John McPhee; and from The Auwrican YJest as Living Space
by Wallace Stegner.

With publication dates ranging from 1971 to 1987, the
excerpts, perhaps, are somewhat dated in view of the
drought pervasive throughout the West since 1987. Never-

29

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

theless, the viewpoints expressed in the readings are im-
portant in understanding the influence of water scarcity
in the arid West, and particularly the desert region, in-
cluding parts of Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and
California, about the development of western society, and
the problems and issues it will need to face during the next
century.

In the excerpt from Desert Passages, Limerick presents
an overview of desert history and its harsh reality, and
compares it to the irrigation based desert culture of the
1980s. Reisner's Cadillac Desert: The American West and its
Disapjpearing Water deals specifically with the politics in
watering the desert, and the effects on those segments of
society left out of the watering equation. Worster critiques
water development in the West and examines the roles of
the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation and other federal agen-
cies, as well as the motives of individuals involved in the
development. To these three writers, water is more than
a commodity to be used for economic development.
Rather, water includes a group of human and social values,
which should be used in determining its usage and
distribution in an arid land.

Political scientists Ingram, Scaff, and Silko explore
these values in "Replacing Confusion with Equity: Alter-
natives for Water Policy in the Colorado River Basin." They
present a theory for the practice of fairness determining
water distribution and usage based upon identified social
and human values, within the arena of democratic ideals
and realities. Nash in "Wilderness Values and the Col-
orado River" discusses human value in terms of personal
understanding and environmental ethics. He takes the
reader down the Colorado River and into the Grand Can-
yon, examining its value in view of the perspective and
experience of the individual looking at the canyon. This
scenario is emphasized by McPhee in his book. Encounters
with the Archdruid. The reader accompanies Floyd Dominy,
former commissioner of reclamation, who began his career
in Campbell County, Wyoming, and David Brower, former
Sierra Club executive director, on a make believe raft trip
down the Colorado, and contrasts each man's view of the
river and the canyon, emphasizing the commitment and
sincerity of each man to his ideals and values. A River Too
Far ends with an essay by western historian Stegner. The
essay is based upon his many years of study and observa-
tion of the West, and expresses his disillusionment with
the desert society, and predicts its decline.

Thirty-five photographs by photographers who par-
ticipated in the Water in the West Project are virtually
another essay included in the book. The photographs

depict water usage from Nebraska to Los Angeles and
vividly illustrate the current status of water usage and
waste in the arid West.

A River Too Far is important reading for every Westerner
who wants to understand the region in which he or she
lives, and some elements of the history of its most vital
resource, water. The complexity of the decisions concern-
ing water, its usage and distribution, that need to be made,
if the West is to remain a viable region in the next cen-
tury, confront the reader throughout this unique book.

JIM DONAHUE
Wyoming State Archizvs

Jared Fox's Memmorandom: Kept from Dellton, Sauk County Wisconsin toward
California and Oregon 1852-1854. Benton, Wisconsin: Cottonwood
Publishing Company, 1990. Illustrated. Appendix. Endnotes.
Bibliography- xv and 250 pp. Paper.

The diary kept by Jared Fox for a twenty-eight month
period during the years 1852-1854 differs significantly from
many of those kept by his contemporaries. While most of
those who went "westering" during the middle third of
the nineteenth century did so in search of a better life. Fox
seems to have been running away from quite an unsatisfac-
tory existence "back home," even though he ultimately
returned there after not finding any success in Oregon and
California. It seems quite apparent that Fox was unhappy
in his marriage. During his extended absence, for exam-
ple, he wrote numerous letters to friends and business
associates, but exceptionally few to his family. In fact, prac-
tically the only occasion upon which he demonstrated
significant emotional involvement occurred in January,
1853, when he was forced to sell his two remaining horses,
bemoaned the death of his dog, and expressed great con-
cern over the grave injury suffered by his closest friend,
Charles Deval. No such concern or involvement is ever ex-
pressed vis-a-vis his wife and family.

The account of the trip west takes up only the first fifty
pages of this account. As indicated in the foreword, Mer-
rill Mattes (who would object to the author's designation
of the north side trail as the "Mormon Trail") describes
this diary as "one of the more thorough records of the 1852
migration." Even so, the record kept is informative pri-
marily about the details (particularly the difficulties) of trail
travel and the equipment required as well as some con-
siderable reference to flora and fauna encountered. What
is not included is much information about people encoun-
tered during the trip, although Fox does carefully record
the names of the people buried in the twenty graves which

30

BOOK REVIEWS

he saw; he also provides an estimation of the number of
people on the trail. Furthermore, Fox pays almost no at-
tention at all to significant landmarks, noting only In-
dependence Rock and Soda Springs, without including
much information about either site.

The remaining two hundred pages of this account are
taken up with a day-by-day record of Fox' life, first in
Oregon, then in California, and finally on his sea voyage
(and trip across Nicaragua) to New York and rail trip back
to Wisconsin. Several characteristics stand out in this por-
tion of the book. On the very positive side. Fox again and
again records relatively detailed descriptions of the plant
life, and sometimes the animal life, resident at his various
locations, not just during the trip west, but also in selected
parts of Oregon, California, and Nicaragua. In like man-
ner. Fox is most explicit about the cost of provisions pur-
chased at various times during his more than two year
odyssey, up to and including what it cost for lodging,
meals, and so on in New York City, as well as the fare from
New York to Milwaukee on the New York & Erie Rail Road
($19.50). Anyone wishing to obtain such historical
economic information will find at least a modest gold mine
here.

Although they are relatively few in number. Fox does
on occasion include in his "Memmorandom" human in-
terest events, some personal, some observed. During
February, 1853, for instance, he reported seeing Indians
who had died from White man's disease in such numbers
that dogs had unearthed the remains and were chewing
on the bones. A month later a group of Indian women
begged to be taken on board a river vessel on which Fox
was a passenger. Their reason? They were the captive
wives of a chief who had died and they feared that they
would be put to death as part of the funeral ceremonies.
Fox notes both that he was sorry for them and that the boat
simply could not accommodate the fleeing women. At this
moment, warriors from the tribe appeared, after which the
women were seen no more. A final, personal example oc-
curred a year later, in February, 1854. Fox went to sleep
with a candle still burning; it burned down to the point
of setting his pillow on fire. He was finally awakened by
the heat of the burning pillow!

Without any question, however, the most pronounced
ingredient of the journal, at least in the sense of being the
most frequently repeated, is Fox' continuing bouts with
sickness/illness and physical/psychological discomfort.
Beginning upon his arrival in Oregon, in September, 1852,
Fox reported a boil on his face which not only was very
painful, it also gave rise to a fear on his part of cancer; dur-

ing the next two months he continued to report himself
in ill-health. He seems to have suffered regularly from diar-
rhea and from headaches. The entries for April 5 and 7,
1854, illustrate the type of diary entries frequently en-
countered. On the former date. Fox wrote: "I have been
quite out of repair all day having a pain in the chest.
Whatever I eat or drink seems to distress me." On the lat-
ter he wrote: "I was near sick with a pain in my bowels.
Dont know what to do for it." And he ended his western
sojourn as he had begun it; he got dreadfully ill in San
Francisco the night before he set sail for home.

As with any book, there are some questions that oc-
cur as one reads it. On various occasions Fox referred to
"thrashing" his horse. Doc, and on another to "salting"
his horses. One wonders why neither term/procedure/pro-
cess is defined. On page twenty-eight, footnote two, the
author quotes extensively from a source that implies the
transfer of title of Fort Laramie from the American Fur
Company to the United States Government. Would it not
have been simpler for the author and the reader if the pur-
chase of the fort had been simply stated as a historical fact?
Finally, the diary states that Levi and Jared Fox parted com-
pany immediately beyond South Pass, with Levi, accord-
ing to an endnote, taking the Hastings Cutoff to Califor-
nia. Since Jared continued on to Ham's Fork of Green
River, approximately the point at which the Hasting 's
Cutoff began (at Fort Bridger), the reader is left wonder-
ing what route did Levi follow?

In conclusion, I claim a reviewer's privilege to nit-pick.
I can appreciate the use of endnotes instead of footnotes
to "simplify composition," but why should the interests
of the truly interested readers be sacrificed to those of the
casual readers "who prefer to ignore footnotes?"

Jared Fox's Memmorandom will be a useful addition to
the library of anyone interested in travel on the Oregon-
California Trail as well as in life among the religiouslv-
inclined working class in Oregon and California at the mid-
point of the nineteenth century.

ROBERT L. MUNKRES
Muskiiis^inn Colh\c

Glon/ Hunter: A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor. By Brigham D. Madsen.
Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990. Illustrated. Index.
Bibliography. Notes. Maps. i\ and 318 pp. Cloth $27.50.

Glory Hunter: A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor is
the latest in a growing list of books that University of Utah
Professor Emeritus, Brigham D. Madsen, has written or

31

ANNALS OF WYOMING

WINTER 1992

edited during the past three decades. Glon/ Hunter is about
the "controversial and stormy" public career of Patrick
Connor, an Irish emigrant who chose to seek fame and for-
tune in the American West during the latter half of the
nineteenth century.

Madsen suggests that Connor is an important figure
in Western history because his attitudes and experiences
"typified the boom-and-bust spirit which characterized
many of the adventurers who joined the gold rush to the
American West" (p. 276). In part, Madsen describes Con-
nor as a crude, poorly educated, prejudiced, and violent
individual. Yet, he softens this appraisal by declaring the
man to have possessed restless energy, a fierce loyalty to
friends and the United States, an honestly outspoken man-
ner. He had many talents and achieved fame as a military
leader, mining entrepreneur, businessman, and politician.
Highlights of his adventuresome career include leading
military expeditions against both the Shoshone Indians in
northeastern Utah, and the Sioux, Arapahoe, and Chey-
enne in north-central Wyoming. He also attempted to ex-
plore for the minerals of Rush Valley, Nevada, and Tooele
County, Utah, while concurrently seeking public offices
such as governor of Nevada, and county recorder of Salt
Lake County, Utah.

Madsen concludes that good fortune alluded Connor,
especially in political and business affairs. Commenting on
the man's success as a contractor in California, where he
moved during the gold rush years of 1849-1850, Madsen
states that Connor "was more successful as a small general
contractor than as a mine promoter later in life" (p. 43).
Failure haunted Connor in every aspect of his career. As

a soldier, the results of his military campaign into the
Powder River Basin is subject to debate, while many un-
successful attempts to win an elected office in Utah and
Nevada testify to his inability to achieve his ambitious
goals.

Two features make Glon/ Hunter an excellent inter-
pretive history. The first is that while Madsen projects a
tone of admiration for Connor, he maintains a balanced
viewpoint that allows him to discuss Connor's faults.
Madsen pegs Connor as coldly indifferent and doggedly
brutal toward his enemies, and declares these traits to be
the dark side of Connor. Madsen even relates that critics
of Connor's Indian policy called him an "exterminator."
The second feature is Madsen's impeccable honesty in
acknowledging the "paucity" of personal records from
which to construct Connor's biography. Early in the
volume he states that two disastrous fires destroyed most
of Connor's private papers, forcing the author to rely most-
ly on public records. Madsen also admits having difficulty
in providing anything more than "bare generalizations"
concerning Connor's life because of Connor's reluctance
to reveal his personal history.

Glory Hunter is an honest and stimulating work about
a strong-willed man who boldly pursued his elusive for-
tunes in the Rocky Mountain West. As the book's author,
Madsen adds another accomplishment to his list of fine
histories while, at the same time, giving the serious reader
a new account of a frontier adventurer.

WALTER JONES

Marriott Library

University of Utah

F
.A LI

e/lNNALS of
WYOMING

Volume 64, No. 2 Spring, 1992

at>yT«!M-rtS,Sl»-L»

Bi'ji-^ tt.

In 1895 the state of Wyoming established a department to
collect and preserve materials which interpret the history
of Wyoming. Today those duties are performed by the
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources in the Depart-
ment of Commerce. Located in the department are the
State Historical Research Library, the State Archives, the
State Museum, the State Art Gallery, the State Historic
Sites, and the State Historic Preservation Office. The
Department solicits original records such as diaries, letters,
books, early newspapers, maps, photographs and records
of early businesses and organizations as well as artwork
and artifacts for museum exhibit. The Department asks for
the assistance of all Wyoming citizens to secure these
documents and artifacts.

GOVERNOR OF WYOMING
Mike Sullivan

DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE DIRECTOR
Max Maxfield

STATE HISTORIAN
David Kathka

WYOMING PARKS AND CULTURAL RESOURCES

COMMISSION

George Zeimens, Lingle

Frances Fisher, Saratoga

Pam Rankin, Jackson ^

Karin Cyrus-Strid, Gillette

David Peck, Lovell

Nerval Waller, Sundance

Jere Bogrett, Riverton

Mary Ellen McWilliams, Sheridan

Hale Kreycik, Douglas

WYOMING STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OFFICERS, 1991-1992

Dale J. Morris, President, Green River

Walter Edens, First Vice-President, Laramie

Sally Vanderpoel, Second Vice-President, Torrington

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper

Gladys Hill, Treasurer, Douglas

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary

Judy West, State Coordinator

ABOUT THE COVER-Tliis is a 1903 photograph by famed UP
photographer, J. E. Stimsori. This view is of the Sybille Valley, and is
part of the Stinison Collection housed in the Wyoming State Museum
(WSM).

c4

NNALS of WYOMING

©[EMI

Volume 64, No. 2
Spring, 1992

STAFF

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor

Roger Joyce, Associate Editor

Ann Nelson, Assistant Editor

Paula West Chavoya, Photographic Editor

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Michael Cassity
Roy Jordan
David Kathka
William H. Moore
Robert L. Munkres
Philip J. Roberts

ANNALS OF WYOMING was established
in 1923 to disseminate historical information
about Wyoming and the West through the
publication of articles and documents. The
editors of ANNALS OF WYOMING wel-
come manuscripts on every aspect of
Wyoming and Western history.

Authors should submit two typed, double-
spaced copies of their manuscripts with
footnotes placed at the end. Manuscripts
submitted should conform to A MANUAL
OF STYLE (University of Chicago Press).
The Editor reserves the right to submit all
manuscripts to members of the Editorial
Advisory Board or to authorities in the
field of study for recommendations. Pub-
lished articles represent the view of the
authors and are not necessarily those of the
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources,
Department of Commerce or the Wyoming
State Historical Society.

OCT 1 5 1999

TABLE OF£QNIENXl

TOM HORN AND THE LANGHOFF GANG
by Murray L. Carroll

FAMILY TRADITIONS .
by Mark Dugan

34

45

60

REVIEW ESSAY

WYOMING TIME AND AGAIN: REPHOTOGRAPHING
THE SCENES OF J. E. STIMSON
by Michael A. Amundson

BOOK REVIEWS 64

Smith, Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's
View of the Sioux War of 1876, reviewed
by David L. Fetch

King, The Free Life of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the
U.S. Forest Service, 1929-1965, reviewed by
Robert W. Righter

Carlson, Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialty ..."
reviewed by Phil Roberts

Patera, Grand Encampment Copper Toums, reviewed by
Mel Duncan

BOOK NOTES .
VIDEO REVIEW

ANNALS OF WYOMING is published quarterly by the Division of Parks and
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Barrett Building, Chevenne, Wvoming
82002. It is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society as the
official publication of that tirganization. Membership dues are: Single $9; Joint $12;
Institutional $20; Life $150; Joint Life $200. Current membership is 1,967. Copies of
previous and current issues of ANNALS may be purchased from the Editor. Cor-
respondence should be addressed to the Editor. ANNALS OF WYOMING articles
are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: Historv and Life.

© Copyright IW2 bv tlu- Huision ot 1'

d Cultural Re

'S, PopaitnuMit

TOM HORN AND THE
LANGHOFF GANG

by Murray L Carroll

When Tom Horn was tried for the murder of Willie
Nickell, he took the stand in his defense. During the cross-
examination by Walter R. StoU, the prosecuting attorney,
Horn cited his arrest of "one of the most notorious cow
gangs in the country, the Langhoff outfit --" as an exam-
ple of his work as a range detective.^ He phrased his state-
ment to imply that this had been a major gang, and that
those in the court room, especially the jury, should be well
aware of the importance of these arrests. The balance of
the cross-examination, as it applied to the "Langhoff Out-
fit," was primarily concerned with resolving the date and
the location where the arrests took place.

It has been alleged that the failure to get convictions
of all those involved in this, his first case as an indepen-
dent stock detective, is what caused Horn in the future to
ignore the legal system and, in effect, set himself up as
judge, jury, and executioner. If so, an understanding of
the Langhoff case is important to an understanding of the
enigma that was Tom Horn.

The identity of the Langhoffs, the extent and nature
of their alleged criminal activity, and the importance of
their capture were not brought out in the trial. Authors
dealing with Horn's life, have, to a large extent, quoted
the trial testimony without further examination into the
nature of the Langhoff gang.^ John Clay, manager of the

Dean Krakel, The Saga of Tom Horn (Laramie, Wyoming: Powder River
Publishers, 1954), p. 136.

Bill O'Neal, Cattlemen vs Sheepherders (Austin, Texas: Eakin Press,
1989), p. 101; Jay Monaghan, The Legend of Tom Horn, Last of the Bad
Men (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Publishers, 1946),
p. 154; Lauran Paine, Tom Horn, Man of the West (Barre, Pennsylvania:
Barre Publishing Co., 1963), p. 140. A recent book. Chip Carlson,
Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialty ..." (Cheyenne, Wyoming:
Beartooth Corral, 1991), pp. 20-28 does cover the case in more detail.

Swan Land and Cattle Company and president of the Wyo-
ming Stock Growers Association, was Horn's employer
during the Langhoff episode. He wrote a romantic fictional
version of the story titled, "The Fate of a Cattle Rustler,"
published first as a booklet in 1910, then republished in
the Live Stock Report, May, 1911, and in his book. My Life
on the Range? Clay's fiction occasionally has been quoted
as fact although he clearly identifies it as fiction based on
fact. Beyond Clay's fiction, there is very little information
available about the Langhoffs or their activities.

Fred (Ferdinand Albert) Langhoff was born in Jeffer-
son County, Wisconsin, June 14, 1856. In 1869, at the age
of thirteen, he joined a wagon train bound from Wiscon-
sin to Dakota Territory where he went to live with an older
brother. By 1878 he was a working cowboy with Laramie
Valley pioneer rancher Charley Hutton's herds in North
Park, Colorado. The 1880 census listed him on a ranch at
Dale Creek, Wyoming. ^ On December 6, 1881, he mar-
ried Evalina Farrell, twenty, at a large wedding held at the
Farrell ranch in the Little Laramie Valley.^ Evalina was the
third of the eight Farrell children. Evalina' s father. Cap-
tain Edward Farrell, was a Civil War veteran, a pioneer
wagon master on the Overland Trail, and an early settler
in the Laramie Valley. His F Vi circle brand was among the
first registered in Albany County.^ In 1870, he was listed
as one of the five major stock growers in the county.^ Fred

3. John Clay, My Life on the Range (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1963), pp. 290-303.

4. Wyoming 1880 Census.

5. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, December 10, 1881.

6. R. H. Burns, A. S. Gillespie, and W. G. Richardson, Wyonwig's Pioneer
Ranches (Laramie, Wyoming: Top-Of-The-World Press, 1955), p. 45.

7. Lola M. Homsher, The History of Albany County to 1880 (Lusk, Wyo-
ming: Privately Published, 1965), p. 42.

34

LANGHOFF GANG

Fred Langhoff ca. 27 years old

and Eva, as Evalina was usually called, leased a ranch in
the Laran^ie Valley for a time, then went to Fred's home
in Wisconsin. In 1881 they located a ranch in the Sybille
Canyon of the Laramie Mountains, where the main and
middle forks of Sybille Creek join. They owned 360 acres
outright and were proving up another 160 acres. They ran
about 150 head of cattle and about fifty head of horses
under the LF- and 2J brands. Fred built a substantial log
house, stables, barns, outbuildings and corrals. In 1886
he filed for 1.21 cubic feet of water per second to irrigate
eighty-five acres of alfalfa hay land.^ Fred was an excellent
cowman, but he was considered to be an expert horse-
breaker and trainer and his services were much in demand.
He also engaged extensively in horse breeding and trading.
Eva was an expert rider and an excellent hand with live-
stock as well. The Langhoffs prospered and enjoyed life.
They had three children, two sons and a daughter. Fred's
mother and his brother, Henry (Hank), came to the Sybille
country from Wisconsin and established a small ranch close
by on Blue Grass Creek. Hank was a farmer, not a rancher,
and he and his mother soon moved in with Fred and Eva.

Hank and Gus Rosentreter, a young German immigrant,
worked together digging wells and building fences for the
new settlers moving into the valley.

Some neighbors questioned the source of the Lang-
hoffs apparent prosperity. There were hints that the title
to some horses Fred sold and traded could not stand close
scrutiny. Eva was also criticized for her free and easy man-
ner and for her familiarity with some of the visiting horse
traders and buyers from the East who frequently visited
the ranch. Some neighbors felt she might be using her
charms to help the buyers overlook the cloudy titles to the
horses they bought. Eva may have been flirtatious,
friendly, or even more, with the frequent Eastern visitors,
but unsubstantiated rumors were all the neighbors had to
go on. The women of the area, even while gossiping about
her, admitted that she had much personality and charm. ^

The Langhoff ranch was the center of a growing com-
munity. Some twenty-five or thirty families had settled
within a small radius of the ranch. These families were ap-
plying pressure on Albany County to provide them with
a direct, improved road to Laramie through Wall Creek
Canyon and to give them a school and teacher.^" This
growing community was sandwiched between the large
ranches in the Laramie Valley, and the massive Two-Bar
Ranch of the Swan Land and Cattle Company, which con-
trolled most of the Sybille Valley. The lands and the water
the settlers were preempting were impinging on areas the
large ranchers considered theirs. Langhoffs ranch was in
a particularly sensitive location. It directly adjoined Two-
Bar land along Sybille Creek that had been used by it to
control the adjacent pasture land."

As the settler population increased, a siege mentality
developed among the large ranch owners. Clay described
the Swan Land and Cattle Company as "a solitary
ship surrounded by rocks and quicksand in the form
of small ranchmen, sheepmen, and dry farmers. "^^ jYiq
settlers, for their part, felt equally put upon. They had
filed on their claims legally and they expected to have the
unencumbered use of the land and water to which thev

8. Burns, et. al., Wyoming's Pioneer Ranches, p. 377.

9. Maude Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country— Part 2; Early Set-
tlers," pp. 5-6, Works Progress Administration (WPA) 1367, Historical
Research and Publications, Division of Parks and Cultural Resources,
Department of Commerce, Cheyenne.

10. Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 23, 1887.

11. Earnest Staples Osgood, The Day of the Cuttlcmen (Minneapolis: The
University of Minnesota Press, 1^29), map follow ing p. 204.

12. Clay, My Life on the Range, p. 204.

35

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

were entitled. The cattlemen, finding their usual trails or
water holes fenced off, occasionally cut the fences rather
than take a different route or look for a different water hole.
Sometimes the cattlemen had little choice in the matter.
Coming upon an unexpected fence, the cattle would mill
around until the fence gave way. The homesteader's
gardens or crops were trampled and his livestock mixed
up in the herd. If an extra strong fence, dogs, or an extra
effort saved the homesteader's holdings from the cattle,
at least temporarily, the cattleman's wrath probably also
was aroused. The sudden and unlooked for situations
created tensions on both sides and incited frictions of a
lasting nature. The narrow valley of the Sybille, Plumbago
Canyon, Wall Creek Canyon, and their tributaries were the
areas being settled by the homesteaders; they were also
the traditional trail routes to the stock shipping points on
the Union Pacific Railroad such as Rock Creek."

From the homesteader's point of view, a little mav-
ericking often became a little rustling, or at least dining off
the big rancher's beef. Since the Swan, in its various opera-
tions, ran between forty and a hundred and ten thousand
head of cattle and five to eight hundred horses in the late
1880s and early 1890s, it is easy to understand how a small
neighboring rancher or homesteader could be tempted. ^^

When trouble did come to the Langhoffs, the Swan
Land and Cattle Company was only incidentally involved.
On June 10, 1892, Fred shipped twenty-six head of horses
from Laramie to Owensburg, Kentucky. As the Cheyenne
Daily Leader so aptly put it: "It would have been a very
profitable transaction for Langhoff had it not been that the
owners of the horses, J. C. Coble, the Inter-Ocean Hereford
Association, and the Laramie River Cattle Company thought
they would like to share in the profits of the sale."^^ Sheriff
A. D. Kelly and Deputy Sheriff Jim Van Zant of Laramie
County followed Langhoff to Kentucky. When they ar-
rived, they found that he had disposed of the horses and
moved on to Clintonville, Wisconsin. While Van Zant
stayed in Kentucky to locate and replevin the stolen horses,
Kelly followed Langhoff to Wisconsin. After a delay caused

13. Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country," p. 6.

14. Harmon Ross Mothershead, The Swan Land and Cattle Company, Ltd.
(Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), p. 186. At the
Langhoff-Bath preliminary hearing in Laramie in November, 1893,
Alexander Bowie testified that the Swan Land and Cattle Company
had 40,000 head of cattle on the range. Laramie Daily Boomerang,
November 16, 1893.

15. Cheyenne Daily Leader, August 10, 1892.

by a defect in the extradition papers, Kelly finally return-
ed to Cheyenne with his prisoner. ^^ This unexpected trip
east did not particularly please Kelly. He was still respon-
sible for the Johnson County invaders locked up in Keefe
Hall in Cheyenne awaiting their hearing, and the bills for
their custody were piling up in his name.^^

Besides Fred, Eva, Thomas Boucher, and Louis Bath
also were charged. Boucher and Bath were two cowboys
who worked for the Langhoffs. Bath was the son of Mr.
and Mrs. Henry Bath, German immigrants and pioneer
Laramie hotel proprietors and ranchers. The Bath ranch
was on the Little Laramie River, close to Eva's parents'
ranch. 1^ The Baths and the Farrells settled in the valley at
approximately the same time. Although Eva Langhoff was
somewhat older than Louis Bath, they had grown up
together. Fred was arraigned on charges of grand lar-
ceny while Bath and Boucher were charged with grand
larceny and receiving stolen property. Eva's name appears
on the charges, but there is no indication that she was ar-
raigned with the other three. ^^ The three pled "not guilty"
and were bound over for the November court term. Bond
for Langhoff was set at three thousand dollars and at two
thousand dollars each for Bath and Boucher. Since they
were unable to post bond, all three were returned to the
county jail. Bath's bond was posted in a few days and he
returned to the Langhoff ranch.

The information that set Kelly on Langhoffs trail came
from James Moore. Moore was a tough, scarred, twenty-
eight year old Texas cowboy who had been hired as a stock
detective by Alexander Bowie, foreman of Swan Land and
Cattle Company's Two-Bar Ranch. He was instructed to
watch the Langhoffs whom Bowie suspected of rustling
Swan cattle. Moore claimed he met the Langhoffs moving
the horses and that they told him they had gotten them
in Laramie County. He claimed the original T brand of
Coble's horses had been changed to the 2J and that the

16. Letter dated August 5, 1892, Clarence Clark, Private Secretary to the
Governor of Wisconsin, to the Honorable Amos W. Barber, Gover-
nor of Wyoming, Wyoming State Archives, Division of Parks and
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Cheyenne, hereafter
cited as Archives.

17. Helena Huntington Smith, The War on Powder River (Lincoln: Univer-
sity of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 263.

18. Burns, et. al., Wyoming's Pioneer Ranches, p. 288.

19. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Docket 3, Case No.
397, "The State of Wyoming vs Fred Langhoff, Eva Langhoff, Louis
Bath and Thomas Boucher," Archives. Eva's name does not appear
in the Criminal Appearance Docket, Laramie County, Vol. 3, p. 397,
with the other three.

36

LANGHOFF GANG

brands were fresh. One had the 7XL brand of the Warren
Livestock Company that had been blotched, and the horse
had been rebranded with the LF-. Another, originally
branded IB, belonged to Abraham Bare. The IB had been
changed to WB then the horse had been rebranded LF-.
Moore reported his discovery to Bowie who then notified
Kelly and the owners of the horses. Moore's descriptions
matched horses found among those sold by Langhoff in
Kentucky. 20

Unfortunately for Moore, and for the prosecution,
earlier in the spring he had stolen a saddle from the Dia-
mond Ranch of George D. Rainsford. Rainsford, a New
York native, had come to Wyoming to raise cattle and
horses. Besides his livestock interests, he was an architect
of some note and had designed many of the cattle barons'
Cheyenne homes. Like most of the large stock raisers,
Rainsford spent most of his time in Cheyenne. His horse-
breeding ranch, the Diamond, was not too far from the
headquarters of the Swan Land and Cattle Company in
Chugwater. When Rainsford was at his ranch, he was a
frequent visitor to Chugwater. His calls, however, were
seldom social. He usually came to complain to Bowie about
the conduct of the Swan cowboys. Rainsford was arrogant
and overbearing, and was intensely disliked by the Swan
cowboys who took great pleasure in bedeviling him.

Clay and Bowie asked Rainsford not to prosecute
Moore since he would be the key witness in the horse-
stealing case. Rainsford insisted on the prosecution as he
put it, "for the purpose of breaking up the practice of
Moore and others from stealing from the place, "^i Of more
interest to the general public was the fact that on May 23,
the same day Moore was charged with stealing the sad-
dle. Dr. Charles Bingham Penrose of Philadelphia, the
surgeon with the Johnson County invaders, was formally
charged with the murder of Nate Champion and Nick Ray.
However, he was freed on one thousand dollar bond.^^

Although Moore's defense attorneys were Hugo
Donzelmann and Josiah A. Van Orsdel, two of the best
and most expensive in Cheyenne, and the fact that they
presented a formidable battery of defense witnesses, he
was found guilty of grand larceny of a saddle with a value

of $32.75. He was sentenced to three years at hard labor
in the penitentiary in Laramie. ^^

The defense started the appeal process immediately,
then filed a petition for Moore's pardon with Governor
Amos W. Barber. Interestingly enough, the petition was
drawn up by John M. Davidson, the prosecuting attorney.
Among the twenty-nine signers were Walter R. Stoll, the
deputy prosecuting attorney; Henry Hay, merchant,
rancher, and president of the Stock Growers National Bank
of Cheyenne; his business partner, I. C. Whipple; Willis
A. Van Devanter, former Chief Justice of the Wyoming
State Supreme Court, and later. Justice of the United States
Supreme Court; and Sam Corson, secretary-treasurer of
the Union Mercantile Company. A rather imposing group
of citizens to be interested in a stove-up, crippled
cowhand's conviction for stealing a saddle. ^^

On September 28, the Langhoffs suffered another
tragedy. When their daughter, Elizabeth, went into the tool
shed where Henry Langhoff slept, she found him hang-
ing from a beam. He had made a noose from a piece of
rein and jumped from the wheel of the wagon. Illness and
grief over Fred's continued incarceration were given as the
probable reasons for the suicide. ^^ Shortly thereafter,
Fred's mother also died.

On November 22, the original case against Langhoff
was dismissed, and a new information was filed. The cases
against all three were indexed and docketed for trial on
December 15. New bail was set at fifteen hundred dollars
each. Boucher and Bath requested, and were granted, a
separate trial. Langhoffs case was continued, and his bail
was reset at twenty-five hundred dollars. 2'' Langhoffs at-
torney at this time was Judge William H. Parker of Dead-
wood, South Dakota. This was a somewhat unusual choice.
During the 1880s Judge Parker coordinated the Wyoming
Stock Growers Association's detective and law enforce-
ment activities in northern Wyoming, northwestern
Nebraska, and the Dakotas. He often served as the associa-
tion's special prosecutor in rustling cases in all three
areas. 2^

20. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Docket 3, Case No.
410, "State of Wyoming vs James Moore," Exhibit "A," Archives.

21. Cheyenne Daily Sun, June 2, 1892.

22. Lois Van Vali<enburgh, "The Johnson County War: The Papers of
Charles Bingham Penrose in the Library of the University of Wyo-
ming with Introduction and Notes" (M.A. thesis. University of
Wyoming, 1939), p. 81.

23. Cheyenne Daily Sun, June 2, 1892.

24. Petition for Pardon, to Governor Barber on Behalf of James Moore,
December 1892, Archives.

25. Laramie Daily Boomerang, September 29, 1893.

26. The State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance
Docket, Vol. 3, p. 397, Archives.

27. Cheyenne Daily Leader, December 15, 1892.

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ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Bath and Boucher came to trial immediately. Without
the testimony of Moore, the prosecution's key witness, the
judge instructed the jury to bring in a verdict of "not
guilty. "2^ Barber signed Moore's pardon on December 28.
Probably because of the power struggle between Barber
and the incoming governor, John E. Osborne, Moore was
given a second pardon by Osborne on January 10, 1893. ^'^

The stockmen were beginning to have some doubts
about the value of their star witness, and the wisdom of
having gotten him out of the penitentiary. It began to ap-
pear that his knowledge of the case stemmed from more
than casual observation. Donzelmann, then representing
Fred Langhoff, tried to negotiate a deal that would free
Langhoff, and at the same time relieve the stockmen of the
embarrassment of Moore. The situation had become too
complex. Some of those involved in Langhoff's prosecu-
tion felt they had too much time and money invested not
to push the case to completion.

Langhoff was approached with a deal whereby the
charges against Eva and him would be dropped if he would
deed over the ranch to one of the stockmen for fifteen hun-
dred dollars. There is no evidence who the stockman was,
but it was probably either Coble or Clay. At first Eva re-
fused to agree, but on February 8, 1893, a deed was drawn
up and signed by Fred and Eva, with E. D. Hiskey and
T. J. Fisher of the Laramie National Bank in Laramie as
witnesses. ^'^

The deed was never registered, and it was rumored
that the stockman involved was afraid of being charged
with compounding a felony and backed out. Instead of
dismissing the charges, he wanted the Langhoffs released
on their own recognizance and the charges carried over
from court term to court term without coming to trial. This
did not suit Van Orsdel, who was now the county and
prosecuting attorney for Laramie County. Before his elec-
tion. Van Orsdel had been promised five hundred dollars
if he got the Langhoffs convicted. He had been paid two
hundred dollars as a retainer, but stood to lose three hun-
dred dollars if they did not come to trial. He was finally
paid off by the stockmen involved. ^^

On May 20, Donzelmann filed an information against
Moore charging him with the theft of the Coble, Warren,
and Bare horses. StoU, who had originally prosecuted
Moore for the theft of the Rainsford saddle, now found
himself squeezed out of the Langhoff deal, so he took over
Moore's defense on the horse-stealing charges. It was
rumored that StoU tried to work out a new deal with
Donzelmann which would free both their clients.

The stockman holding the as yet unrecorded deed to
the Langhoff ranch again got cold feet. He told
Donzelmann that his foreman and his attorney had prom-
ised Moore that he would not be prosecuted if he testified
against the Langhoffs. The stockman walked out of Donzel-
mann's office leaving the deed behind, and leaving Don-
zelmann very little time to prepare the Langhoff defense. ^^

Fred was still being held in the Laramie County jail,
and on May 9, a bench warrant was issued for the arrest
of Eva. The warrant was returned on May 17 and Eva was
released on her own recognizance. ^^ Donzelmann filed for
a continuance until June 15. The Langhoff's affidavit stated
they could produce witnesses who could testify to the sale
to them of all the horses except Coble's eight head. These,
the affidavit stated, had been sold to the Langhoffs by
Moore who represented himself as the legal owner. 3"* The
motion was denied and the trial date set for June 7. The
legal maneuvering now began in respect to the order of
the trials. Moore was the chief witness against the Lang-
hoffs. They, in turn, were the chief witnesses against him.
The advantage obviously lay with whomever was tried last.
If the defendant or defendants in the first trial were found
guilty, the credibility of the defense in the second trial
would be materially improved. The Langhoffs lost. Not
only that, Moore's case was continued over to the fall term.

The Langhoff case was the first on the criminal docket.
It was an unusually warm day for June in Wyoming. Be-
cause of the notoriety of the case, the courtroom was
packed. The three Langhoff children sat close to their
parents at the defense table. After the jury was selected,
the first witness called was Moore. Donzelmann objected
on the grounds that Moore was a convicted felon. Stoll,
now assisting the prosecutor, offered to present Moore's
pardon in evidence that his citizenship had been restored
and that he was therefore a competent witness. Stoll

28. Cheyenne Daily Leader, December 16, 1892.

29. Letter dated January 11, 1893, Amos W. Barber, Secretary of State
of Wyoming, to John E. Osborne, Governor of Wyoming, Archives.

30. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893.

31. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893.

32. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893.

33. The State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance
Docket, Vol. 3, p. 397, Archives.

34. Motion for Continuance, "State of Wyoming vs Fred and Eva
Langhoff," June 2, 1893, Archives.

38

LANGHOFF GANG

Eva Langhoff as a teenager 18 years old.

looked through his papers, but could not find a pardon.
The chief clerk from the secretary of state's office was sum-
moned with the pardon records. He was placed on the wit-
ness stand and testified that Moore had been pardoned.
Donzelmann still objected, and StoU was called to the stand.
He swore he had the pardon in his possession when he
came into the court, and read a copy into the trial record. ^^
Moore then took the stand. He testified that he, Fred,
and Eva had gone to Coble's ranch together and had driven
the horses to the Langhoff corral where they had done the
rebranding. He went on to say that after he had been sent
to prison for stealing Rainsford's saddle, Fred had then
taken care of shipping and selling the horses for both of
them. 3^ When the trial resumed on June 8, Matt Penington,
Coble's range rider, testified as to the identity of the horses.

Coble testified that Langhoff had offered him one thou-
sand dollars to drop the charges. Other state witnesses in-
cluded the Union Pacific freight agent from Laramie, who
testified the animals were shipped from Laramie to Ken-
tucky. The prosecution rested at 3 p.m. The defense called
half a dozen character witnesses, then in a final attempt
to impeach Moore's testimony. Sheriff Houchins of La
Vaca County, Texas, was called. He testified Moore was
actually Martin Fisher, and that he had fled La Vaca County
in 1889 to avoid prosecution on horse-stealing charges.
Moore showed no emotion during Houchins' testimony.
Houchins was the last witness called, and after closing
arguments, the jury retired at 10 p.m.^^ When no decision
had been reached by the following morning, speculation
among the spectators was that Eva, at least, would be freed
because of the three children. Others conjectured it prob-
ably would end with a hung jury. The afternoon of June 9,
Adam Adamsky, the jury foreman, reported to Judge
Scott, "Your Honor, we stand as we did at the beginning,
we can't agree." The judge ordered deliberations con-
tinued. That night, at 10 p.m., the jury again reported that
they were unable to reach a verdict, and again were
ordered to resume deliberations.^^ At 3:30 during the after-
noon of June 10, the jury acquitted Eva, but still could not
agree about Fred. Scott accepted the verdict on Eva and re-
turned the jury to their deliberations. At 6:00 p.m., Adam-
sky reported that the jury was hopelessly deadlocked.
There was a violent disagreement among the jurors in open
court, and Scott finally dismissed them. The vote had been
eleven to one for acquittal all the way through in Eva's
case, and had varied from eight to four to six to six for ac-
quittal in Fred's case. The hold-out in Eva's case had
agreed to change his vote if Fred were found guilty. When
the ballot on Eva was taken, it was still eleven to one. The
hold-out suggested that another ballot be taken. This time
the count was twelve to zero for acquittal. The next ballot
on Fred was six to six. The hold-out in Eva's case was told
that since he had not voted for acquittal when he said he
would, the agreement no longer held. The jury had
deliberated a total of forty-five hours and had taken 108
ballots.^'' Donzelmann may not have had the time for
preparation that he had hoped for, but he came close to
winning the whole thing in spite of the strong prosecu-
tion case.

35. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 8, 1893.

36. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 8, 1893.

37. Cheyenne Dnily Leader. June ^), 18^)3.

38. Cheyenne Daily Leader, juno 10. 18^)3.

39. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Juno 11, 1893.

39

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

On June 12, Fred's bond was set at fifteen hundred
dollars and he was released from jail. Moore was released
on one thousand dollar bond the following day, and both
were bound over for trial in the fall term.

The Langhoffs were bankrupt. They had been forced
to mortgage all their holdings to raise the money for their
defense, and the last of it had gone for Fred's bond. If the
original deal had gone through, the ranch would have been
lost but Fred would have been free, their livestock would
have been clear, and they would have had the land they
were still proving up. Now, they had a large mortgage,
no cash, and another trial pending in the fall. They went
back to the ranch. Bath was still there keeping things run-
ning. It is not clear exactly when Fred decided to leave,
or what the nature of the agreement reached between Eva
and him was. Neighbors soon noticed Fred's absence.
When asked about him Eva smiled enigmatically and
denied any knowledge of his whereabouts. Bath continued
on as foreman. The nature of the relationship between Bath
and Eva is unclear. Neighbors voiced suspicions that it was
more than that of an employer and employee. There were
no full-time hands. When extra help was needed, drifters
or neighbors were temporarily hired."*"

About the middle of October, Bowie hired Horn as
a range detective for the Swan Land and Cattle Com-
pany. His assignment, as had been Moore's, was to
watch the Sybille Valley settlers, particularly the Lang-
hoffs. It is probable that Horn first came to the atten-
tion of Bowie and Clay while working as a Pinkerton detec-
tive employed by the Wyoming Stock Growers Associa-
tion and as a deputy United States marshal. Under the alias
of Thomas Hale, he was in Johnson County immediately
after the stockmen's invasion."*^ He, Frank Grouard, and
Baptiste "Little Bat" Garnier were the only three deputy
United States marshals who were willing to work in John-
son County in the summer and fall of 1892. Hale or Horn
made it quite clear to Marshal Joseph Rankin that he took

orders only from the Wyoming Stock Growers Associa-
tion."^^ Bowie and Clay arranged for Horn to be deputized
by Sheriff Ira Friedendall of Laramie County. This gave
him legal authority to take immediate action, something
Moore had not had.'*^

Horn rode around the Langhoff ranch and stayed in
the surrounding hills watching, day and night, for nearly
three weeks. During the night he came in close to the ranch
moving back into the hills at daylight. There were reports
that Eva was selling cattle and meat in both Cheyenne and
Laramie. According to Horn, the last day of October Eva
and Bath delivered three calves to Balch's market in
Laramie, although there were not any Langhoff cows with
calves on the ranch. He also said that he found unbranded
calves in the vicinity of the Langhoff range following cows
branded with Swan Land and Cattle Company's Two-Bar
brand. On the evening of November 12, Horn saw Eva and
Bath bring five calves, including two of those he identified
as having been with Two-Bar cows, down the canyon to
the ranch. When they took the cattle into the barn, he was
certain they planned to butcher that night. Wanting both
help and witnesses, he went back to the Two-Bar ranch
and got Bowie.** On the way back to Langhoffs, they stopped
at the Plaga ranch and picked up Rudolph and Raymond
Henke and Rosentreter, and then went to the Tom Moore
ranch and added Moore to the party. *^ Rosentreter, hav-
ing been a friend of Henry Langhoffs, did not want to
help, but decided that with Horn in charge, he really had
no choice.*^

They arrived at the Langhoff barn about 7 p.m. There
was a light visible, so they opened the door and went in.
Besides Eva and Bath, James and Nellie Cleve and William
Taylor were also present. The carcasses of the calves and
cow were hanging from the rafters. Nellie Cleve was
holding a lamp and Eva and the men were working on the
carcasses. James Cleve was a professional boxer who also
worked in various livery stables in Laramie. He was the
son of Thomas Cleve who had settled on Sybille Creek
about 1885. The elder Cleve had been admitted to the state
hospital with paresis and James and Nellie had looked after

40. Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country," p. 6.

41. Margaret Brock Hanson, Powder River Country (Cheyenne, Wyoming:
Frontier Printing Company, 1981), p. 360; letter dated October 31,
1892, ]. P. Rankin, U.S. Marshal for Wyoming, to the Attorney
General, Washington, D.C., Archives; letter dated February 2, 1915,
William C. Irvine to Dr. Charles B. Penrose, in Van Valkenburgh,
"The Johnson County War," Appendix B, p. Ixvii.

42. Letter dated October 31, 1892, U.S. Marshal Joseph Rankin, to the
Attorney General of the United States, Archives.

43. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893.

44. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893.

45. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 16, 1893.

46. G. W. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences in the 1890s," Annals
of Wyoming 37 (October 1965): 221.

40

LANGHOFF GANG

his ranch for about five weeks. They had come to the
Langhoff ranch the evening before to borrow a wagon.
Bath told them he would need the wagon to haul meat to
Laramie, and asked Cleve to stay over and help with the
butchering the next evening. Taylor had lived in the Sybille
country for about two years. He worked on various ranches
in the area and raised potatoes to sell in Laramie and
Cheyenne. He too, had been hired by Bath to help with
the butchering.*^

Horn and Bowie held their rifles on the occupants of
the barn and placed them all under arrest. Bath, holding
a butcher knife in his hand, started towards Horn. Horn
told him to drop the knife or he would put a bullet through

his head."*^ Bath dropped his knife, then asked Horn if he
had a warrant. When Horn replied that he did not, Bath
said they would not go with him without a warrant. Horn
replied that if they did not, it would be a surprise to him.*^
The butchering was finished under Horn's supervision,
then all the prisoners were taken to the Langhoff house
where beds were made for them on the floor and Horn
and Bowie guarded them the rest of the night. Rosentreter
was sent to the Jones, Mule-Shoe, and Two-Bar ranches
of the Swan Company to get company wagons to take the
beef and the prisoners to Laramie the next morning. ^o The
prisoners offered to go to Laramie in their own wagon, but
instead, they were taken to Iron Mountain in the Swan
wagons and put on the Cheyenne Northern Railroad for
Cheyenne. Horn and Bowie decided this was necessary.
In Cheyenne, Horn obtained proper arrest warrants which
instructed him to deliver the prisoners to Laramie. Since
the arrests were made in Albany County, and Horn was
deputized in Laramie County, he used this means of mak-
ing the arrests legal before delivering the prisoners to
Laramie. 51

The preliminary hearing was held before Judge J. H.
Hayford on November 16. Testimony presented indicated
that the butchered cow carried a B-FL brand, not the
Langhoff FL-. It was suggested that it might have been one
of Ora Haley's H- cattle with the brand reworked to make
it B-FL. Haley was one of the most powerful cattlemen and
bankers in Wyoming. Later he reputedly hired Horn to
protect his interests in Brown's Park, Colorado. For some
reason, this line of investigation was not pursued. All the
calves were unbranded. The charges against the defen-
dants were based solely on two of the calves valued at five
dollars each. These were the calves identified by Bowie and
Horn as having been seen earlier with Two-Bar cows.
Philip Bath, Louis' brother, testified he had cattle with his
brand. The Hat, and others branded Two-J-Bar-H and EU,
which he had purchased from Moore, grazing in the
area in Louis' charge. Boucher testified that he had eigh-
teen head in the area carrying the B-Bar-B brand, and that
he had given Louis permission to kill or dispose of the
calves as long as he fed the cattle. Louis testified that
he also had cattle branded DOG and three U's, his

Gus Rosentreter on his horse Raven.

47. Laramie Daihj Boomerang, November 17, 1893.

48. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences," p. 223.

49. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893.

50. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences," p. 223.

51. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893.

41

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

brands, and others branded FB connected, his brother
Fred's brand, grazing in the area. With the two Langhoff
brands, LF- and 2J, this made a total of nine brands being
carried by livestock supposedly under Louis' control.
Bath testified that the calves killed that night were un-
branded, but belonged to B-Bar 5 cows. He testified that
none of Boucher's calves had been branded because the
cattle had not been found until after the roundup had pass-
ed through. He also testified that he had previously killed
and sold unbranded calves of the B-Bar 5 cows. These un-
branded calves were properly classified as mavericks, and
killing a maverick was a violation of Wyoming stock laws.
Horn testified he had found evidence that Eva and Louis
had, in the past, branded calves' hides after the animals
were killed."

Hayford discharged Nellie on the grounds that
the law provided that a wife, acting under instructions
from her husband and in his presence, could not be held
criminally liable. She was immediately rearrested and
turned over to Sheriff Hanson of Carbon County on charges
of obtaining money under false pretenses. Because of the
three children, Eva was released on her own recognizance.
Cleve and Taylor were held on five hundred dollar bond
each, and Bath on one thousand dollar bond. All four were
bound over for trial in January. ^^

Meanwhile, Fred Langhoff was due for retrial in Chey-
enne on November 20. When he did not appear, his bond
was declared forfeited and a warrant for his arrest was
issued. 54 Moore also failed to appear. His bond also was
forfeited and a warrant was issued for his arrest. ^^ It is pro-
bable that when they were released on bond, either by
actual agreement or tacit understanding, it was not ex-
pected they would appear for trial. In either case, with both
of them gone from the scene. Coble, the Swan Land and
Cattle Company, and the other large stock growers in the
area were saved any further embarrassment that might
have resulted from a trial, and both were effectively re-
moved from the area.

Fred Langhoff never returned to Wyoming, at least not
openly. He disappeared for a few years during which time,
under an alias, he may have ridden in Buffalo Bill Cody's

52. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 17, 1893.

53. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 17, 1893.

54. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance Docket,
Vol. 3, p. 398.

55. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance Docket,
Vol. 3, p. 410.

Louis Bath pictured ca. 1910.

Wild West Show, or in one of the other wild west shows
on the road at the time. In 1897, he surfaced in Rochelle,
Illinois. He took the German spelling of his name,
Langholf . Divorced from Eva, he now married Estelle Babb,
with whom he had nine children. He established himself
as a widely respected horse breeder and trainer. He died
in 1925 at the age of 69 from complications resulting from
a riding accident.''^

There is no record of where Moore went. It is very
probable that he too left Wyoming. He was not available
to verify the sale of the cattle to Philip Bath, and no sub-
poena was issued for him as a witness. Since Philip could
not produce a bill of sale, Moore's testimony was the only
other proof available that there had, in fact, been a sale.

When the court convened on the case on January 13,
1894, Taylor and Cleve requested, and were granted, a
separate trial. At the request of the prosecution, Louis' bail
was revoked and he was remanded to the county jail. The
original jury panel was exhausted and an open venire for
seven men had to be issued before the trial of Eva and
Louis could begin. The trial ran for four days, finally go-
ing to the jury at 4 p.m., January 16. During the trial, Louis

42

LANGHOFF GANG

made an unsworn statement, while Eva remained silent.
The rest of the witnesses for both the prosecution and the
defense were the same as at the preliminary hearing. ^^

The jury was out all night. At 9:30 p.m., they asked
if they could bring a verdict of guilty against one defen-
dant and disagree on the other. They were told that they
could, and were then locked up for the night. At 11:00 a.m.
on January 17, they delivered their verdict. They found
Bath guilty and acquitted Langhoff . Louis' mother scream-
ed and cried when the verdict was announced, as did Eva.
C. W. Brammel, attorney for the defense, immediately
noted exceptions to the verdict and to the instructions to
the jury. When the court reconvened in the afternoon, the
prosecution requested the dismissal of the cases against
Cleve and Taylor. ^^

On January 30, the presiding judge, J. W. Blake, denied
the defense motion for a new trial and sentenced Bath to
eighteen months in the state penitentiary in Laramie. Blake
gave Bath a stern lecture with the sentencing, stating that
he believed there were others equally guilty with him. Bail
was denied while the case was under appeal and Bath was
returned to the county jail.^^ The Supreme Court acted
quickly, denying Bath's appeal. He was turned over to the
warden of the penitentiary the next day to start his
sentence as convict number 165.^° Bath's family started a
petition for a pardon immediately after the sentencing.
Governor John E. Osborne granted him a full pardon on
January 5, 1895. While most of the signers of the petition
were business and professional men from Laramie, several
prominent ranchers, and members of the Wyoming Stock
Growers Association, signed it as well.^^

One person who would not sign the petition was at-
torney Melville C. Brown. Brown, a prominent and widely-
respected member of the Wyoming Bar, had served as
assistant prosecutor and was an attorney for the Swan
Land and Cattle Company. He wrote a strong letter to
Osborne urging him not to grant a pardon. He stated,
"Bath has been connected with a very bad gang of thieves
for two or three years and he is the only one thus far
brought to justice. *'2 Osborne, a Democrat, had little sym-

56. Letter dated September 15, 1983, Dever Langhoff to author.

57. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 16, 1894.

58. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 17, 1894.

59. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 30, 1894.

60. Wyoming State Penitentiary, "Receipt for Louis Bath," dated January
31, 1894, Archives.

61. Pardon File, Louis Bath, Archives.

62. Pardon File, Louis Bath, Archives.

pathy for the large stock growers and had been elected,
at least partially, because of voter backlash to the Johnson
County Invasion.

Bath never was in trouble with the law again. He was
a member of the University of Wyoming football team in
1896. He leased various Laramie Valley ranches and en-
gaged in business in Laramie until his death on October
25, 1932.63

Fred Langhoff's forfeited bail and the cost of her latest
trial left Eva absolutely penniless. Her parents, the Farrells,
had lost their ranch as well and had moved into Laramie,
so she could not go back to them. She worked on various
ranches through the years, finally settling in North Park,
Colorado. She never remarried, and died at the home of
her daughter, Elizabeth, on a ranch near Walden, Col-
orado, on July 13, 1939.^4

The Langhoff story presents an interesting enigma. In
it are all the elements of a classical western novel: the large,
foreign-owned ranch; the struggling small settler; the hard-
nosed detective; and, possibly, a touch of illicit romance.
Whether the Langhoffs were the large-scale horse thieves
and rustlers the stockmen accused them of being, or
whether they were unfortunately holding land the Swan
Land and Cattle Company wanted to control, will always
remain a mystery. The first jury found Bath innocent of
the horse stealing charges, while the second found him
guilty of rustling Two-Bar calves. His admission that he
had killed the unbranded calves, corroborated by the
evidence of other witnesses, was enough to convict him
under Wyoming law. The judge, in his charge to the jury
stated, "Every person who shall aid or abet in the com-
mission of any crime, or shall counsel, encourage, hire,
command or otherwise procure such offense to be com-
mitted; and every person concerned with the commission
of a crime, whether he directly commits the act constituting
the offense— is a principal and may be convicted the same
as the principal actor. "^^ In Eva's case, the jury chose to
disregard this portion of the instructions. She was found
innocent of the cattle-rustling charge just as she had
been found innocent of horse-stealing earlier. The decisions
of both juries appear to have been based less on the
evidence, or lack of it, than out of sympathy for the
Langhoff children. Perhaps it also was because she was
a woman, although simply being a woman was not always
enough as Ella Watson found out.

The charge that the large cattle companies could not
get justice from Wyoming juries is difficult to sustain in
this series of events. Moore was found guilty of stealing
Rainsford's saddle; there was no evidence against Bath and

43

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Boucher in the horse-stealing case, and Moore did not im-
plicate either man when he testified against the Langhoffs;
and, in both the horse-stealing case in Cheyenne and the
cattle-rustling case in Laramie, the jury deliberations ex-
tended for long periods of time and seemed to indicate a
sincere effort by the jurors to reach fair and equitable ver-
dicts based on the evidence.

It appears the primary goals of Clay, the Swan Land
and Cattle Company, and the other large ranchers in the
area were to remove the Langhoff operation, gain control
of the Langhoff land and water rights, and, at the same
time, intimidate the other small operators in the Sybille
Canyon. The Langhoff ranch came into friendly hands
when the title passed to a wealthy Cheyenne resident by
the name of Hoffman, who hired Hartwig Martens to
operate it.^^ The Swan had trouble later in the Iron
Mountain-Horse Creek area with William Lewis and Fred
Powell, but there was no more trouble in the Sybille Can-
yon. Just the single conviction of Bath apparently was
enough.

As relatively minor as the entire Langhoff incident was,
it is difficult to believe it played any major role in shaping
Horn's philosophy. During this period, other stock
detectives in Wyoming and elsewhere in the West exer-
cised summary justice with relative impunity. If Horn had

not been found guilty of killing Willie Nickell, it is probable
that like August Pasche, Ben Morrison, James L. Smith,
David Shuck, Alfred Nard, and so many others, he would
have passed into history all but unnoticed.

63. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, October 26, 1932.

64. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, July 14, 1939.

65. State of Wyoming, Albany County District Court, Criminal Case No.
587, "State of Wyoming vs Louis Bath, et. al.," "Instructions to the
Court," Archives.

66. Burns, et. al., Wyoming Pioneer Ranches, p. 377.

MURRAY L. CARROLL holds a Ph.D. International Relations and Diplomatic
History and retired from the U.S. Army as a Lt. Colonel. He has taught at the
University of Connecticut and the University of YJyoming. He presently lives
in Anacortes, Washington where he researches and writes Western history. The
Annals previously published his article, "Governor Francis £. Warren, The
United States Army and the Chinese Massacre at Rock Springs, " in Fall, 1987.

44

FAMILY TRADITIONS

by Mark Dugan

If one was to look back in time and pick a date at
random, say April 30, 1894, he or she would likely find
a typical Wyoming ranching family repairing winter dam-
ages around the ranch or bringing the cattle in to spring
and summer forage areas. This would not stand true for the
Fred Powell family, for wife Mary and son Bill were in court
as defense witnesses in Fred's trial for incendiarism. Take
another day, October 14, 1910, for instance. One might find
a ranching family hauling winter feed to their livestock or
preparing their outbuildings for the coming winter's blast,
while Mary Powell, on this same day, was being arrested
for burning her neighbor's hay. Family tradition in the
Powell clan was a far cry from the normal practice of the
small rancher in turn-of-the-century Wyoming.

The Powell name likely would have remained in
obscurity, recorded only on the court dockets and cases
now filed in the holdings of the Wyoming State Archives,
if not for one incident; the shooting of Fred Powell by an
assassin, allegedly the notorious Tom Horn. This assump-
tion resulted from the ambush killing of Fred Powell's
friend, William Lewis, a little more than one month before
Powell's death. The manner in which both men died was
identical, and common consensus is that Horn was paid
by members of the big Wyoming cattle corporations to kill
both men in retaliation for rustling activities. In Lewis' case
this was likely fact; Powell's death was another matter en-
tirely which will be pointed out.^

Fred Powell was scourge to all of his neighbors; his
wife Mary and then his son Bill followed in his footsteps.
To those he liked, Powell was undoubtedly friendly and
pleasant; but he had a mean streak and to anyone who
incurred his wrath he would stoop to petty reprisals such
as destruction of property, arson, and general harassment.
He also rustled their stock. To Powell, it was do unto others
before they did it unto you.

Born in Virginia, Fredrick U. Powell was thirty-seven
years old at the time of his death in September, 1895. He
came to Wyoming around the latter part of the 1870s, and
took a job with the Union Pacific Railroad in Cheyenne.
Even though he had lost an arm while in the service, the
railroad gave him a job as a night watchman. The com-
pany later fired him when it was discovered he had taken
twenty dollars from a man who was beating his way across
the country. From here he moved to the Sybille country.

It was around 1881 when Powell settled on 160 acres
on Horse Creek in Albany County, located six miles from
the Laramie County line and seven miles southwest of the
ranch of his friend William Lewis. On December 23, 1882,
he married twenty-three-year-old Mary (Keane) Wanless
in Laramie County. Their only child, William Edwin, was
born on November 9, 1884. The lifestyle of the Powells was
one of adversity and chaos from the start and, despite the
loss of his arm, Fred Powell was described as a tough and
husky man who was looked upon as a rustler from the
moment he located on Horse Creek. ^

A history of William Lewis' life and death and Fred Powell's history
and an abbreviated history of Mary Powell is contained in the author's
book. Tales Never Told Around the Campftre (Athens; Ohio Uni\'ersity
Press/Swallow Press, 1992).

Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895; Laramie County Mar-
riage Records, Vol. 2, Book 2, p. 218, Wyoming State Archives, Divi-
sion of Parks and Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce,
Cheyenne, hereafter cited as Archives; Dean F. Krakel, The Saga of
Tom Horn (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), pp. 7-8; Ver-
dict of Coroners Jury, No. 133, Albany County, Wyoming, September
12, 1895, Fred U. Powell, Archives; Burial record, William E. Powell,
Stryker Mortuary, Montgomery-Stryker Funeral Home, Laramie.

45

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

On July 24, 1889, Powell reportedly stole four head of
cattle in Albany County; one from Hugh McPhee, two from
a man named Hayward, and another from a man named
Lannon. On September 7, a criminal warrant was issued
and Powell was arrested. Unable to post a six hundred
dollar bond, he was remanded to jail. Preliminary hear-
ing was held on September 10, and the court ordered him
to appear before a grand jury on October 16. His bond was
reduced to three hundred dollars which was furnished by
his father-in-law, John Keane. Strangely, Powell's brothers-
in-law, William E. and Charles Keane, were prosecuting
witnesses. Apparently the grand jury did not find enough
evidence to indict him or else the plaintiffs dropped their
charges, for Powell was never brought to trial. ^

In Cheyenne a year later, on August 16, 1890, S. L.
Moyer charged Powell with grand larceny in Justice of the
Peace Court and a warrant was issued. Constable B. S.
Smith arrested Powell the same day. On the evening of
August 18, Powell appeared in court with his attorney,
J. C. Baird. The prosecution presented its evidence and the
defense made a motion to dismiss on the grounds that "the
evidence did not show that any crime had been commit-
ted by the defendant." Justice W. P. Carroll sustained the
motion and ordered "that the complaint in this case is
hereby dismissed and the defendant is discharged from
custody."*

Powell's troubles took a different turn in January, 1892,
when his wife sued him for divorce. On January 4, in Lara-
mie County District Court in Cheyenne, Mary Powell filed
her petition claiming that for seven years her husband failed
to provide for her or their seven-year-old son. She also
stated that Powell threatened to shoot her with a revolver
the previous November 30, chased and struck her with a
knife on December 19, and abducted their child on Decem-
ber 30. On January 4, a summons to appear in court on
February 6 was issued and served on Powell, but he failed
to show up in court. Needless to say, the divorce was
granted on February 19, and Mary was given custody of their
child. Following the divorce, Mary lived in Laramie. But

3. Albany County Criminal Case No. 447, Territory of Wyoming vs.
Fredrick U. Powell, Stealing and Killing Neat Cattle, Archives. All
subsequent criminal and civil cases, unless otherwise indicated, are
from the holdings of the Wyoming State Archives.

4. Cheyenne Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, State of Wyoming
vs. Fred Powell, Grand Larceny, pp. 185, 359.

1. Fi

2. Wi

3. Mc

4. Sv

ed Powell ranch; Powell shot and ki
lliam Lewis ranch.

ntgomery ranch; William Lewis shot
/an Land and Cattle Company.

"

11.

a,-

ALBANY \ \

COUNTY \ / , J
\ Mou

ron
ita;

A

3

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'^ y/Laramie
1 WYOMING

Hor
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46

FAMILY TRADITIONS

jptember 10, 1895.
illed, July 31, 1895.

Cheyenne

COLORADO

strange as it may seem, it appears that she and son Bill
periodically lived at the ranch with Fred until his death. ^

Five months following the divorce, Powell again ran
afoul of the law, and would continue this pattern every
year until his death. On July 15, 1892, he was arrested by
Albany County Sheriff C. C. Yund for stealing a horse on
July 11 belonging to Josiah Fisher. The preliminary hear-
ing in Laramie began on the July 16 and Powell pled not
guilty. For four days both sides presented their evidence
and Powell was bound over for trial during the next court
term. He was released on two hundred dollars bond. On
September 19, the trial commenced under Justice J. H.
Hayford. On the same day the jury turned in a verdict of
not guilty.^

For whatever reason, a year later Powell ostensibly
began his vendetta against his Albany County neighbors.
On July 23, 1893, he was charged with malicious trespass
and destroying fences belonging to Etherton P. Baker. Ap-
parently Powell feared the brand of adjudication handed
out by Hayford, for on July 29, he requested and received
a change of venue to Justice M. A. Hance's court. He was
tried on July 31, found guilty, and fined fifty dollars plus
thirty-nine dollars court costs. Powell immediately appealed,
which was granted on September 12, and he was released
on a two hundred dollar appearance bond. Four days later
he lucked out again when the jury turned in a verdict of
not guilty.^

Evidently Powell figured he could get away with any-
thing; however, his luck was running out. On April 24,
1894, he continued his reprisal against his neighbors when
he set fire to clothing, bedding, and food products belong-
ing to Joseph Trugillo and Baker. Three days later Sheriff
C. C. Frazer arrested him on the charge of incendiarism
and hauled him into court. The case was continued until
April 30. Still apprehensive of a ruling under Hayford,
Powell requested and was granted a change of venue to
Hance's court, and the case was tried that day. Both Marv
and young Bill Powell appeared as defense witnesses. In
spite of this, the jury had had quite enough of Powell and
found him guilty. He was fined fifty dollars or, if in default,

Laramie County District Court Civil Appearance Docket No. 5, p.
231, and Petition, Mary N. Powell vs. Fredrick U. Powell, Divorce;
Laramie County District Court Journal, Vol. 12, pp. 618-619.
Albany County Criminal Case No. 560, State of WNominj; vs. Frodnck
U. Powell, Stealing Live Stock.

Albany County Criminal Case No. 584, State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick
U. Powell, Malicious Trespass and Destruction of Property.

47

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

a jail sentence at one dollar per day until the fine was paid.
Naturally he appealed, and was released on one hundred
dollars bond.^

PoweU could not seem to stay out of trouble. On July 8,
1894, he trespassed on the property of Harry P. Richard-
son and rode off on one of Richardson's horses without
consent. He was arrested on July 10, on the charge of
malicious trespass, and, on July 13, again received a change
of venue from Hayford's court to Hance's. Trial was held
the same day and Hance, now tired of Powell's antics,
quickly found him guilty and fined him forty-five dollars.
Powell appealed for retrial and was released on one hun-
dred dollars bond.''

Powell's appeal trial for incendiarism came to court on
September 12 under Judge J. W. Blake. By this time every-
one was fed up with his shenanigans and the jury found
him guilty the next day. On September 18, Blake sentenced
him to four months in the county jail, retroactive to
September 14. Because of his conviction. Prosecuting
Attorney W. H. Bramel entered a nolle prosequi on
September 15 in the Richardson case.^"

Following his release from jail, Powell began receiv-
ing letters warning him to stop stealing stock and leave
the country, or face the consequences. At first he likely ig-
nored them as idle threats. It was a different story after
William Lewis was killed. The Daily Sun-Leader grimly
summed up the situation:

The statement was repeatedly heard after the Lewis killing that
"One Armed" Powell would be the next to go, and Sheriff [Ira]
Fredendall told Powell at the sale of the Lewis stock that he,
Powell, was a fool to stay on Horse Creek and run the risk of
losing his life at any moment. Powell appeared to be con-
siderably frightened after the murder of Lewis became known,
and it is understood that he was selling out preparatory to leav-
ing the country.

Not long ago Mrs. Powell was in this city [Cheyenne] and
called at the Sun-Leader office. She stated that their cattle had
all been sold and that they intended going away."

On September 3, Powell reportedly received this last
letter:

8. Albany County Criminal Case No. 598, State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick
U. Powell, Incendiarism and Malicious Trespass.

9. Albany County Criminal Case No. 60L State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick
U. Powell, Criminal Trespass.

Albany County Criminal Case Nos. 601 and 598, State of Wyoming
vs. Fredrick U. Powell, Criminal Trespass, Incendiarism and Malicious
Trespass.
Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895.

10

11

Mary PoweU during her later years.

48

FAMILY TRADITIONS

Laramie, Wyo., September 2, 1895
Mr. Powell— This is your third and last warning. There are three
things for you to do— quit killing other people's cattle or be
killed yourself, or leave the country yourself at once.

The letter was written in a disguised hand by a good pen-
man and, of course, was unsigned. ^^

The man did not move fast enough. At 7:30 on the
morning of September 10, Powell died. Here is the state-
ment of Andrew Ross, Powell's hired man:

I have worked for Fred U. Powell one month. We were alone
on the ranch. Mr. Powell and I, we got up about 4 A.M. this
morning. We started to haul hay, hauled one load and started
for another. We got to a place about Vi mile from the ranch
down the creek, stopped wagon, got off. Mr. Powell told me
to cut some willows so we could fix the rack. [To replace a stick
that was missing from a hay rack.] As 1 was cutting the second
willow I heard a shot fired. I looked around and saw Mr. Powell
with his hand on his breast. 1 ran toward him. He exclaimed
"Oh! My God!," then fell. I went to him. Examined him and
found he was dead. I then went to the ranch of Mr. [Benjamin]
Fay and notified Mr. Fay.

I examined the surrounding vicinity and from what 1 could
ascertain the shot was fired from a ledge of rocks about 250
feet [yards?] distant. 1 examined the body and found a gun-
shot wound entering the breast near the center and came out
at right of spine near 4th rib. 1 couldn't see any person when
I heard the shot or afterward."

Ross arrived at the Fay ranch a badly frightened man.
He encountered Beulah Richardson, who carried the mail
between Laramie and Summit. She immediately took the
news to Sheriff Grant in Laramie. Ironically, she was the
wife of Harry P. Richardson, who had brought charges
against Powell for malicious trespass.

Mary Powell was in Laramie at the time of the killing.
When she received the news she left for the ranch with
the sheriff and Coroner Andrew Miller. The inquest was
held later that day, and the verdict read, "A gun shot
wound inflicted with felonious intent by a party or parties
to the jury unknown."^''

The Daily Sun-Leader gave a more detailed report after
Sheriff Grant made his investigation:

It was supposed that the parties who shot Lewis also killed
Powell . . . Powell was shot but once and killed instantly. A
rifle ball entered the left side, near the heart, and came out over
the right hip. The range was downward. The assassin was con-
cealed behind a ledge of rocks on the opposite side of the creek,
and was over 200 yards distant when the fatal shot was fired.
After Ross ran away, the killer walked down to the body,
viewed his work and returned to the hill, where he mounted
his horse and rode away. His footprints were clearly discer-
nable and careful measurements show he wore a No. 8 boot,
and was a man of considerable weight. The officers suspect who
the assassin was but have no tangible evidence. '^

On September 11, Mary Powell brought Fred's body
to Laramie where, at 4 p.m. the next day, he was buried.
She adamantly denied that he had received any warning
letters to leave the country. ^^ This leaves the questions of
who and why.

Horn was suspected of Powell's murder, and he
was brought before a grand jury for questioning. He was
never indicted because of insufficient evidence, and no one
was ever arrested for the killing of Fred Powell.^^

Following Powell's death, his brother-in-law, Charles
Keane, moved to the Powell ranch where he helped take
care of the stock and did whatever work needed done. On
the evening of January 21, he picked up the following let-
ter from the Laramie Post Office, which was printed in the
Laramie Boomerang:

Laramie, January 21, 1896

Charles Keane:

If you don't leave this country within three days your life will
be taken the same as Powell's was.

Unlike Powell, Keane' s character was never in question,
so the death threat letter was likely a guise meant to muddy
the waters concerning Powell's death. According to the ar-
ticle in the Boomerang, the threat worked:

He [Charles Keane] was seen by a Boomerang representative this
morning to whom he said that he would comply with the warn-
ing . . . and he did not think it would be wise for him to court
death in this instance. The services of James Stirling were
secured to accompany him back to the ranch to make the
necessary preparations for abandoning the property.

Mrs. [Mary] Powell stated this morning that it now looked
to her as though someone wanted the property, and that if this
were the case she would gladly sell it instead of having the
system of assassination carried out.'**

12. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895.

13. Coroner's Inquest and Verdict of Coroner's Jury in death of Fredrick
U. Powell, September 10, 1895, Archives.

14. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895; Coroner's Inquest and
Verdict of Coroner's Jury in death of Fredrick U. Powell, September
10, 1895.

15. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 18'-15.

16. Clwyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 12, 1895.

17. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University ot Nebraska
Press, 1965), p. 373; Laramie Repnd'lican-Boomeraug, )anuar\- 13, bUl.

18. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 27, 1896.

49

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Unlike Lewis' killing, the evidence shows that there
was no connection between the big cattlemen and Powell
or Keane, and they had no reason to eliminate either one
of them. All of Powell's court cases and litigations were
with his neighbors, who were small ranchers. What
grounds would the prominent cattlemen have had to kill
Powell? Because he was a known rustler? This is highly
unlikely, and would have been a foolish move since loose
talk had already linked them with Horn in the killing of
William Lewis. The plausible solution to the question of
who killed Powell is provided by his wife Mary.

Although Mary led a willful and dubious life, she had
her good side. It is also revealed that Mary, with absolute
certainty, stated she knew who killed her husband, which
is perceivably the truth. Here is a first hand account of her
views and convictions:

Mrs. Powell [Mary] was very alert and recalled many incidents
concerning the murder of her husband Fred. She again told
us that Tom Horn did not kill Fred Powell. She said that legend
had been established and try as she might she would never
be able to change the story. And she said, she could not prove
the murderer's guilt.

The Powell's were feuding with a neighboring rancher. The
rancher was not a very pleasant man. Perhaps his disposition
could be attributed to his childhood. He was a "Street Orphan"
picked up by the authorities in some city to save expense of
caring for him he was then shipped with others to a point in
Iowa where they were chosen by people in the west. He was
chosen by a Wyoming rancher, probably for cheap labor.

After the murder of Powell, Mary made life miserable for
the rancher. He did not drink and Mary was noted for her
alcohol intake. If she had liquor with her when she crossed the
rancher's path she insisted he drink with her. Out came her
trusty gun and quirt.

She told us one time she accosted him at the Leslie Mine
in the hills near her home. She insisted he drink with her. She
threatened him with bodily harm and used the quirt on him.

The rancher ran down into the mine to avoid her attack.
Mary rolled stones into the mine. The rancher knew he wasn't
going to escape so he came up. Mary forced him to drink until
he collapsed.

Mary Powell was quite a character but she was not a

Taking into account Fred's track record, there is no
doubt that he had many enemies among his neigh-
bors, and who knows how many others he had provoked
who had never taken him to court. If this rancher did kill
Powell, he timed his act well. It was only six weeks follow-
ing the death of Lewis, and the rumors were flying that
the cattlemen's hired killer Tom Horn had done the deed.
The rancher could pull off a copy cat killing and the suspi-
cion would fall on Horn and the big cattlemen, and this

is exactly what happened. Following Powell's assassina-
tion, Mary began her vendetta against the rancher. If he
had known that she would take this course of retaliation,
he might well have reconsidered his actions. Although the
evidence is circumstantial, Mary was likely correct in her
presumption.

Author Chip Carlson reports that following Fred's
murder, Mary went to work as a cook for the large
cattle corporation the Swan Land and Cattle Company, at
their Two Bar ranch. Here her irascible and hot-tempered
nature was much in evidence. Carlson writes:

One day at noon dinner an indiscreet cowboy at the long table
began griping about the food. Mary walked up behind him,
pulled a six-shooter out from under her apron, and stuck the
muzzle under his ear. She said, "Now you are going to eat
that meal, and then, you son of a bitch, you are going to tell
me how good it was.''^^

If Mary did indeed go to work for the Two Bar, this is
added evidence that Mary did not suspect the Swan Land
and Cattle Company or their off and on employee Horn
with the murder of Fred.

Mary's life was as turbulent as her husband's. A
strong-willed and outspoken woman, she had a character
to match Fred's. Born Mary Nora Keane on August 7,
1859, the first born of Irish Catholic immigrants John
and Mary Keane, she is recorded as the first White
child born in Golden, Colorado. The Keanes fostered three
more children in Colorado: William E. in 1861, Alice in
1863, and Katie in 1865. ^^

Laramie was founded in the southeastern portion of
Wyoming with the coming of the Union Pacific Railroad
during the spring of 1868. With it came thirty-five-year-
old John Keane, his wife Mary at thirty-one, and his three
children. He immediately obtained a plat of land one mile
east of town and built a farm house. He also began building
a saloon in Laramie between C and D streets and Second
and Third. It was Keane's unfinished building that became
the gallows for desperados Big Ned Wilson, Con Wagner,
and Asa Moore, who were lynched by Laramie vigilantes

19. Letter to author, August 23, 1990. Name withheld by request.

20. Chip Carlson, Tom Horn; " Killing mey^ is my specialty . . ."(Cheyenne,
Wyoming: Beartooth Corral, 1991), pp. 38-39.

21. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941; 1870 Albany County,
Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19; Official Verification of Death of
Mary Powell, Vital Records Services, Division of Health and Medical
Services, State of Wyoming, Cheyenne, hereafter cited as Vital
Records. The Keane name in various documents and newspapers is
often erroneously listed as Kane.

50

FAMILY TRADITIONS

on the night of October 18, 1868. Perhaps Keane was part
of the group. ^2

By 1870, the Keane's family had grown. On June 21,
1868, their son, Patrick "Patsy" Sarsfield Keane, was born.
He was recorded as the first White child to be born in
Laramie; however, his short life ended on December 28,
1878, from the effects of a severe cold. In February, 1870,
twins Rosy and Charles were the last children born into
the Keane family. During the years 1883 and 1884, Keane
was listed as farming east and south of Laramie's city
limits."

In 1951 Wyoming Historian Mary Lou Pence wrote that
Keane wanted the best for his first born and sent Mary
east for schooling in a convent. If this was true, Mary was
back by the time she was sixteen, for at that time she left
home. Pence also quoted the following statement about
Mary from an old-time resident:

Before that [the killing of Fred Powell] she was about the softest-
spoken lady hereabouts. Never any pretending about Mary.
When Fred'd brag how he intended the Powells to be big cat-
tle kings one day, Mary'd say, quiet-like, "I like our home here.
Only thing I'd change, maybe, is the south window— make it
bigger so 1 could pot some meadow violets, "^-i

This is a nice way for one to remember Mary; however,
documentation will show that this was just a bit of
romanticism.

Mary Nora Keane's life began its tempestuous course
on January 30, 1875, when, at sixteen, she married John
G. Garrett in Laramie. The wedding was officiated by
Eugene Cusson, Catholic pastor, and witnessed by Mary's
parents. Judged by future events, marriage held no satis-
faction for Mary, for by 1878 she was no longer living with
Garrett. It is probable that the marriage had been annulled.
At this point Mary was working, presumably as a waitress,
at the New York House Restaurant, opposite the Laramie
railroad depot. On August 30, Mary attempted suicide
according to this report in the Laramie Daily Sentinel:

22. 1870 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19; Mary Lou
Pence, The Laramie Ston/ (Casper, Wyoming: Prairie Publishing Co.,
1987), pp. 5, 12; C. Exerta Brown, Brown's Gazeteer of the Chicago and
Northwestern Railroad and Branches of the Union Pacific Railroad (Chicago:
Bassett Brother's Steam Printing House, 1868), p. 315.

23. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December 28, 1878; Pence, The Laramie Story,
p. 10; 1870 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19;
Laramie City Directory, 1883-1884, p. 70.

24. Mary Lou Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit," Denver Post-
Empire Magazine, February 25, 1951.

Miss Mary Kane [sic], a young lady employed at the New York
House, took a dose of morphine and sugar of lead last evening,
for the purpose of ending her life. Shortly after taking the dose
she notified a young man of her acquaintance that she wished
to take a walk with him and tell him something. Strolling out
towards the eastern limits of the city, she imparted to the young
man the information that she had swallowed the poisonous
decoction, when he at once summoned a physician, who ad-
ministered an emetic, with good results.

The only cause for the rash act is that the young lady's
character had been assailed by various parties, which, coming
to her ears, rendered life to her no longer desirable.

Miss Kane is an industrious girl, and as her recovery is
almost certain, it is to be hoped that she will in future so con-
duct herself as to be above all aspersions of slanderers."

One wonders who was the young man in question;
perhaps he was Charles F. Wanless, who became Mary's
second husband. Wanless, son of Canadian bom A. D. and
Marie Wanless, was a fur trapper, and led an exciting and
romantic lifestyle which likely appealed to twenty-one-
year-old Mary. For whatever reason, the two were mar-
ried on September 29, 1880. This marriage was also short-
lived, ending in the spring of 1881. In 1883 and 1884,
Charles Wanless was living in Laramie with his brother
Frank at 401 South B., and was working as a trapper. The
end of this marriage also marked the first time Mary ran
afoul of the law.^^

Following their marriage, the Wanlesses took room and
board in Laramie at the home of C. R. Lawrence, and in
April they skipped out without paying their bill. On April
21, Lawrence filed a Writ of Attachment charging the pair
of intent to defraud. Wanless was apparently working for
the Union Pacific Railroad, but since he could not be found,
his wages were garnisheed on April 27, and the action was
dismissed at the cost of the plaintiff. At this point Mary
was no longer living with Wanless, and, on April 28, she
filed a Writ of Replevin against him for "One Dolman [a
woman's cloak with cape-like arm pieces] wrongfully de-
tained by defendant. "^^

Mary's willful and promiscuous conduct alienated her
from her parents, which the Laramie Weekh/ Sentinel in-
advertently pointed out in a notice of probate concerning
her mother's will. On May 17, 1889, Mary Keane died of

25. Albany County, Wyoming Marriage Record, Vol. B, p. 47. .•\rchi\es;
Laramie Daily Sentinel, August 1, 31, 1878.

26. Albany County, Marriage License and Certificate Record, \'ol. B. p.
4, Archives; 1880 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p.
10; Laramie City Director}/, 1883-1884, p. 90.

27. Laramie Justice oflhe Peace, Civil and Criminal Docket, \'ol. "', pp.
63, 69, Writ of Attachment and Writ of Replevin.

51

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

dropsy. On May 23, in Albany County Probate Court,
Mary Keane's will was proved and a date was set for a pro-
bate hearing. All the children, except Mary, were listed as
heirs, indicating that she was not to be included in the divi-
sion of the estate. 2^

As for Mary's father, John Keane, he bought the Hum-
bolt House on Front Street near the Laramie depot in
January, 1891, and reopened it as the Gem City Hotel. The
Sentinel listed it as a first class hotel. Two and a half years
later, on August 26, 1893, Keane's house east of town
burned; however, the newspaper stated that most of the
furniture was saved and the house was fully insured.
Keane died on or about March 19, 1900. ^^

It was shortly after the break with Wanless that Mary
met Fred Powell, married him in December, 1882, and
subsequently divorced him in 1892. As previously men-
tioned, Mary continued to live off and on at Powell's ranch
following the divorce, likely because she figured this would
be the only way she could keep control of her interest in
the ranch. This was the way things stood until the
assassination of Fred.

In 1951, in her article about Mary, Mary Lou Pence
wrote the following lines:

The next years [following Powell's death] were a struggle, and
the once wistful and contented girl became a gaunt raw-boned
woman with sharp crow-footed wrinkles around her eyes. She
kept her rifle close at hand. She gathered her stock (and the
neighbor's too, some said), and she stacked the wild hay from
her fields for the work animals.

"Fight back," she would tell her son Bill. "That's the only
way they'll let us live."

"Your horses are over in my corral," she informed one
man. "They broke through my fences. If you want them you'd
better come after them."

When the rancher arrived to pick up his stock, she said:
"Pay me $50, I'm charging board."

But occasionally a cowboy would tell how Mary fixed the
cow chip poultice that took the rattler fang's poison out of his
leg. 3"

At least a portion of what Pence wrote is based on fact;
for the next twenty years Mary would be in and out of court
fighting various and sundry charges.

Two years after the death of Powell, Mary found
herself in real trouble with the law. On May 25, 1897, she
and one Richard Colford were charged with committing
a burglary on May 24 at the house and outbuilding of
Laramie resident Joseph Becker. Several household tools
valued at around five dollars were stolen and Becker filed
a complaint on May 25. Only Mary was scheduled to be
tried the following September 11; however, since the court

file shows no further action, the case was apparently settled
out of court and charges were dismissed. ^^

Following in her husband's footsteps, Mary, with her
son Bill, was indicted in two cases for stealing livestock
in 1905. On March 10, they were charged with stealing
seven head of cattle valued at $105, and two cows and two
calves valued at ninety dollars, all belonging to Henry L.
Stevens. The theft took place on March 1 and Mary and
Bill were arrested on March 12. The preliminary hearing
in Justice Court was held on March 18, and the Powells
pled not guilty. Through their attorney, H. V. Grosbeck,
they demanded a jury trial, which was denied, and they
were bound over for trial in District Court in Laramie and
were released on bonds of one thousand dollars each.

On April 24, their attorney made a plea to the jurisdic-
tion of the court that the cases be dismissed on grounds
that the defendants were denied a jury trial by the Justice
Court. The plea was overruled and trial began the next day.
On April 30, Bill got off with a not guilty verdict but Mary
was found guilty in one case. The second case was dis-
missed on May 4 because of the previous verdict. Mary
appealed for a new trial on May 31, and was released on
one thousand dollars bond. A year later, on May 16, Mary
withdrew her not guilty plea and substituted a plea of nolo
contendere. Judge Charles E. Carpenter sentenced her to
three months in the Albany County jail and jail time at one
dollar per day for a four dollar cost of action. ^^

For the next four years Mary stayed out of trouble, but
on October 1, 1910, she allegedly stole three horses valued
at $150 from Daniel T. Davis. On October 11, a warrant
was issued and Mary was arrested and brought to Laramie
for a preliminary hearing in Justice Court the same day.
Trial was set for the spring term of District Court. She was
released on $150 bail. Trial was held on April 18, 1911, and
on April 22, the jury brought in a verdict of not guilty. One
witness for the prosecution was Joe Tietze, who would ex-

28. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, May 25, 1889.

29. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, January 24, 1891; September 2, 1893; Laramie
Daily Boomerang, March 19, 1900. Although there are no copies of this
newspaper, there does exist a notation that John Keane's obituary
is in this issue.

30. Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit."

31. Albany County Criminal Case No. 653, State of Wyoming vs. Mary
Powell, Burglary.

32. Albany County Criminal Case Nos. 891 and 892, State of Wyoming
vs. Mary N. and Willie Powell, Stealing Livestock.

52

FAMILY TRADITIONS

perience the wrath of Mary. It came on the same evening
he had testified against Mary at her preliminary hearing. ^3

A rash of fires spread across the Sybille country for
three successive nights in October, 1910, and Mary
was the prime suspect. On the night of October 11, Tietze's
barn burned to the ground. The following night out-
buildings and haystacks on the Swigart ranch and two
haystacks at the Tillotson ranch went up in smoke. On the
night of October 13, Elizabeth Richardson found her hay-
stack ablaze. The law worked swiftly; Sheriff W. W. Bower
arrested Mary on October 14, and hauled her into Justice
Court in Laramie, charged with arson only for the Richard-
son fire. A preliminary hearing was set for October 25, and
Mary was jailed in default of twenty-five hundred dollar
bond. On October 22, baU was reduced to $750, which was
paid, and Mary released. Mary pled not guilty and the trial
began on October 27. Probable cause was found and trial
was set for the next term in District Court.

On March 22, 1911, before the start of her trial, Mary

filed an Affidavit for Change of Venue in District Court.
She claimed that she could not receive a fair trial "because
of the excitement and prejudice in the County against me
. . . that I have in the past been frequently accused of
crimes of which I was absolutely innocent but that such
charges were scattered broadcast thru the County." She
also stated that her son Bill had been arrested for theft of
several horses and this would also damage her chances for
a fair trial. Countering Mary's appeal. Prosecuting At-
torney Frank E. Anderson stated, "that said defendant has
been convicted of a misdemeanor in this county, but of no
other crime or crimes; that there is no excitement or pre-
judice against said defendant in this county . . . that said
Mary Powell can obtain a fair and impartial trial in this
county of Albany." Judge Charles E. Carpenter agreed and
denied her motion on April 13, opening day of Mary's trial.

33. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1067, State of Wyoming vs. Mary
Powell, Stealing Horses.

THE STATE OF WYOMING. ,
County of AiBAhfY. )

IN- THE DISTRICT COURT FOR SAID COUNTY.

THE STATE OP WYOMING.

Mary Powell

PLAINTtFF.

DEFENDANT .

IIVFORM^TION.

(SumrB NnuJ PranJi E. Anderson ('ouiiiii mnl I'rosrcuting

Attorney nftlin Cojinty of Albainj, in f/ic State nf 11 'ijonii no, and in. flic uiuiie mid hi/ the
authoHty nf tlic State of IVynmino, informs the Court iind Jires flic Coiui fo uiulrrstand
that Mary Powell •

late of tlie county aforesaid, on the 13th day of October , .A /J. ;.'/ 10 ,

at tfie County of Albany nn. I. State of ]f'yoniinn', r/id then and there wilfully,
maliciously, and Telonj ously, set fire to a stack of hay, then and there
situated, the ri'opGrty of another person, to-wit: Mrs. Elizabeth Richard-
son, of the value of one hundred dollars, and the said Mary Powell did
then and there and thereby, and with the intent aforesaid, bum and
destroy said stack of hay, to the damage of said Mrs. Elizabeth Ricliard-
son. In the sum of $100.00

53

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Mary was a very busy woman during April, 1911, shuf-
fling herself between two court trials. Her trial for arson
resulted in a hung jury on April 21, and Carpenter dis-
charged the jury. Mary would have to face a retrial in the
next term of court. On September 16, Mary, through her
attorney M. C. Brown, made a motion for continuance on
the grounds that, "if she can secure the presence of cer-
tain witnesses . . . she can make her innocence clearly
appear." The trial transcript reads:

. . . that there was a certain sheep herder working for the
Richardsons, saw her [Mary Powell] when she was out on the
range, hunting her stock, that he was camped not far from the
place that the hay was said to be burned, that he must have
been the first to see the fire, being nearer to it than any other
person; that he knew this affiant road [sic] to her cart on the
night of the fire, is said to occurred, and knew of her leaving
the hill for her home in town. As soon as she arrived there from
the north, and could get her horse harnessed into [sic] the cart,
that she did not go to the haystack, said to have been burned
after she had returned to her cart, that she tried repeatedly to
find this witness, but has been unable to do so, that she is in-
formed that this man was discharged by the Richardsons who
had him employed, shortly after the burning of said hay . . .

A "John Doe" subpoena had been issued in Justice
Court on October 16, 1910, but the missing sheepherder
was never found. On November 10, 1911, Carpenter or-
dered a continuance in her second trial until the next term
of court, and released Mary on a $750 bond.

Mary's second trial for arson commenced the follow-
ing March 26, and her luck held again. By March 29, this
jury also could not reach a verdict and, on May 6, Car-
penter ordered the case be retired until the September
court term. On September 17, 1912, Prosecuting Attorney
Anderson made a motion that the case be dismissed
because there was insufficient evidence to secure a con-
viction. Carpenter complied and dismissed the case.^*

In her last three trials Mary got a break and escaped
conviction, but she did not learn her lesson, and it took
her only eight months to find herself in trouble again. On
May 29, 1913, one Katherine Martin brought charges against
Mary for assault and battery. She was brought into Justice
Court in Laramie and was released on a fifty dollar bond,
pending trial on May 31. Mary acted as her own attorney,
and the jury returned a verdict of not guilty. The follow-
ing November she was back in court. ^^

John Daly charged Mary with malicious mischief on
November 7, a warrant was issued on November 13, and
she was arrested by Sheriff S. W. Frazer and brought into
Justice Court. A motion to quash the indictment was over-
ruled and the jury found her guilty. She was fined ten
dollars and $24.80 court costs. One of the witnesses against
her was George Baccus, who would pay several times over
for his testimony. Mary began her vendetta the following
February. 3^

Baccus filed charges against Mary on February 10, 1914,
for trespass on his property at Thirteenth and Grand in
Laramie. A warrant was issued the following day, and
Mary was hauled into Justice Court again. Mary entered
a plea of not guilty, but the case was dismissed on the
understanding that she keep away from Baccus. Mary
readily agreed and she was discharged. Nevertheless, she
could not control her temper and took revenge on Baccus
a few months later. ^^

At nearly fifty-five years of age Mary was a tough
old bird, and at 9 p.m., on June 15, Mary punched
Baccus out, slugging him in the face three times, causing
him to seek aid from Laramie policeman Steve Miller. The
confrontation took place in front of a Chinese restaurant
on Front Street, between Grand Avenue and Thornburg
Street. A complaint of disturbance and breach of the peace
was filed on June 17 by Officer Miller, and Mary was ar-
rested and brought into Justice Court again, found guilty
by Justice of the Peace Carl Jackson, and fined ten dollars
and $8.50 court costs. Mary appealed the decision the same
day and the case went to a jury trial under Judge V.J. Tid-
ball the following November 20. ^^

Mary again acted as her own attorney and went log-
gerheads with Prosecuting Attorney Will McMurray. Un-
characteristic as it sounds, the Boomerang described Mary
Powell as a "soft-voiced woman" who spoke "in an even,
low tone." The newspaper remarked that the trial drew
a large crowd and that Mary's questions were cleverly
worded. Mary stated that she had met Baccus by appoint-
ment at the restaurant at 5 p.m., and that, "he was cor-
dial in the afternoon, but very indifferent in the evening."
She added: "One day he was nice as he can be. The next
day he is like a snake."

34. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1068, State of Wyoming vs. Mary
Powell, Arson.

35. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 26, State
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Assault and Battery.

36. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 49, State
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Malicious Mischief.

37. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 60, State
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Trespass; Laramie Daily Boomerang,
February 11, 1914.

38. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1183, City of Laramie vs. Mary
Powell, Disturbance and Breach of Peace.

54

FAMILY TRADITIONS

Baccus claimed that Mary bloodied his nose and he
asked Officer Miller to arrest her "while he got away on
his horse." Baccus also remarked that the police were
afraid to arrest Mary for some reason. The Boomerang also
gave an interesting account of Mary's cross examination
of Baccus and her wrangling with McMurray:
"Did you strike me," she asked Baccus.
McMurray objected.

Baccus was ordered to reply, however, and he denied it.
"Where do you suppose I got two black eyes and a bruised
chin?" Mrs. Powell asked the witness.

"Objected to on the ground that she is asking opinion of
the witness," said McMurray.

"Objection sustained," said Judge Tidball.
Mrs. Powell remained silent for a moment, then said
sharply:

"Isn't it a fact that you are trying to drive me out of town?"
McMurray put in an objection to this question too.
"What language did you use when you struck me?" asked
Mrs. Powell. McMurray contended that she was commenting
and inferring in her queries.''

Mary's eloquence did her little good, for the jury found
her guilty that afternoon and she was fined ten dollars and
$18.55 court costs. It seems that nothing could deter Mary,
and her wrath overcame her reasoning, for she beat up on
Baccus again the following spring. ^^

On April 16, 1915, Mary accosted Baccus in Laramie
and, according to the court docket, "did then in a rude,
insolent, and angry manner, unlawfully touch, beat, strike,
and wound the person of George Baccus." A warrant was
issued the same day and Mary was arrested and brought
into Justice Court by Carl Jackson, who was now sheriff.
She was charged with assault and battery, and her trial
was called the next day. Through her attorney, CM. Eby,
Mary had the case continued until April 20. Mary pled not
guilty, but Justice Hugh Hinds was well aware of her past
behavior and found her guilty. She was again fined ten
dollars, and ordered to pay $7.50 court costs. Finally, Mary
called off her vendetta against Baccus; however, she still
had enough left for one last caper. *>

From Mary's past actions it is very clear that she,
like her husband, was an aggravation and a bane to
her neighbors. In many cases, Mary's acts were retaliatory,
but in one case there seems to be no apparent reason for
her wrathful behavior.

39. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 20, 1914.

40. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1183, City of Laramie vs. Mary
Powell, Disturbance and Breach of Peace.

41. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 114, State
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Assault and Battery.

Dr. Florence Patrick was a neighbor who lived in the
valley near Mary's ranch on Horse Creek. It is said Mary
would periodically push rocks down on Patrick's house
to scare her out. Suffering enough from this harassment,
Patrick decided to move to Laramie around the early part
of 1917, and Mary gladly helped her pack her belongings.
She also packed up Patrick's silver and hauled it to her
own home. In early spring, Mary invited Patrick for din-
ner, and had the gall to serve her with her own silver.
Patrick immediately recognized her silver, which had a P
engraved on each piece. On April 9, Patrick filed an af-
fidavit in Justice Court for a warrant to search Mary's
premises for her personal property. The Justice Docket
reads, "Warrant issued April 9, 1917, and delivered to
sheriff of Albany County. Return: Nothing found." Ap-
parently, Mary anticipated Patrick's actions and hid the
silver. *2

For twenty years, Mary Powell had created havoc
among her neighbors, incurred their animosity, and had
been in and out of court numerous times. Fred would
have been proud of her; however, this was her last hur-
rah. Now it was son Bill's turn.

Bill Powell was a chip off the old block, and in
December, 1910, along with William H. Frazee, he was in-
dicted in Albany County for stealing live stock. The court
records maintained that the two stole a total of fourteen
horses from John Biddick on November 28, and came back
the next day and stole twenty-two more. On December 12,
Biddick filed charges against both men for the November
28 theft. Warrants were issued the same day and the two
were arrested by Sheriff W. W. Bower. In Justice Court,
Powell and Frazee pled not guilty. On December 13, the
case was continued until December 22, and both men were
released on December 15, under bonds of fifteen hundred
dollars each.

On December 22, when Powell and Frazee were to ap-
pear for trial, Biddick filed the second charge. Both
defendants again pled not guilty and trial was set for
January 3. By the time the first trial commenced on
December 22, Frazee had skipped out and his bond was
forfeited. Bill appeared in court with his attorney, M. C.
Brown, and obtained a continuance until January 3, 1911,
the date set for the second trial.

When Justice Court convened on January 3, Bill
was bound over for trial in both cases during the next term

42. Interview with Ellen Mueller, November 5, 1990, Cheyenne, Wyo-
ming; Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C. p. 224,
Affidavit for Search Warrant.

55

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

of District Court. He was unable to put up a bond of
twenty-five hundred dollars and was remanded to jail. On
March 9, a bench warrant was issued for Frazee. He was
never brought to trial. '*^

Bill's arrest and trial occurred while his mother was
facing charges of arson, and she used his case in a motion
for a change of venue on the grounds that, "the arrest of
certain young men for the larceny of horses and among
them the son of this affiant has created widespread excite-
ment and prejudice against this affiant." Mary's motion
was denied following her son's trial on April 10. Like his
mother. Bill got a break and was found not guilty on the
following day."*^

By 1920 horse theft was passe, but, in answer to pro-
hibition, bootlegging was in and Bill was into it from the
start. The temperance crusade in America began more than
one hundred years before prohibition. In 1810 there were
some fourteen thousand distilleries producing twenty-five
million gallons of liquor each year. Not counting wine,
beer, and hard cider, this was well over three gallons for
every man, woman, and child in America. In 1819 an
English reformer stated that one could go into almost
anyone's house and be asked to drink wine or spirits, even
in the morning. America was known as the alcoholic
republic. The biggest reform movement, promoted by
press campaigns and lecturers, began during the 1830s,
and by 1860, per-capita alcohol consumption had been
drastically reduced.

Around the turn of the century, the temperance move-
ment changed its tactics and began a campaign for pro-
hibition. Supported by the Protestant churches and the
election of a prohibition majority in Congress, the Eigh-
teenth Amendment, which banned the manufacture, sale,
or transport of intoxicating liquors, was passed on Decem-
ber 18, 1917. It was ratified on January 16, 1919, and went
into effect exactly one year later. Prohibition was highly
unpopular with the general public, and Bill immediately
jumped on the bandwagon, giving them what they
deemed was their right to have regardless of the law.

In late fall of 1920, word reached U.S. Prohibition
Agents in Cheyenne that Bill and others were making
bootleg whiskey on his ranch on Horse Creek. On Novem-
ber 20, U.S. Commissioner David W. Gill issued a search

warrant to agent John Burns, who raided Powell's ranch
the same day. Burns found a copper still, one hundred
gallons of sugar mash, a hydrometer stem, and one gallon
of white whiskey. He also found William Sharp, William
T. Knowles, and Bill Powell, and they were charged on
three counts of violating the National Prohibition Act;
unlawful possession of equipment, manufacturing intox-
icating whiskey, and possession of whiskey for the pur-
pose of being sold.

Trial was held on May 31, 1921, in U.S. District Court
at Cheyenne. Defense Attorney H. Donzelman pulled a
surprise on the prosecution by issuing a subpoena for Gill
to appear as a witness for the defense and to bring
both the affidavit and the search warrant into court. The
jury apparently had little regard for the charges and found
the defendants not guilty. "^^

Like his father and mother before him. Bill was a
vexation to his neighbors. On July 21, 1923, he trespassed
on the land of Neil Clark in Albany County, after being
warned to stay off the land by Clark and occupant Charles
Byers. Charges were filed and an arrest warrant issued on
July 23. Two days later. Bill was arrested and brought into
Justice Court. Through his attorney, J. R. Sullivan, Bill
entered a plea of not guilty and was released on his own
recognizance until his trial on July 30.

Bill, now represented by attorney G. R. McConnell,
demanded a jury trial which Justice Harry J. Hunt granted.
Following Prosecuting Attorney George W. Patterson's
presentation of his case, the defense counsel made a mo-
tion to dismiss on grounds that the state did not prove Bill
trespassed on the land described in the presentation. The
motion was overruled. Following the testimony of the
defense and closing arguments between counsel, the jury
retired to reach a verdict.

While the jury was deliberating. Bill blew his top and
slugged Patterson. He was sentenced to serve three days
in jail for contempt of court. At 9 p.m., the jury returned
with its verdict— guilty, with a plea for leniency. Bill was
fined twenty-five dollars and court costs of $71.80, which
he immediately paid. The court then suspended his three
day jail sentence."*^

43. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1073, State of Wyoming vs. William
Powell and William H. Frazee, Stealing Live Stock.

44. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1068, State of Wyoming vs. Mary
Powell, Arson; Albany County Criminal Case No. 1073, State of
Wyoming vs. William Powell and William H. Frazee, Stealing Live
Stock.

45. Record Group 21, Records of U.S. District Court, District of Wyo-
ming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1925, Box No. 41, Entry 9, Case No.
1263, U.S. vs. William Sharp, William T. Knowles, and William
Powell, National Archives and Records Center, Denver, Colorado,
hereafter cited as National Archives, Denver.

46. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. 1, pp. 83-84, State
of Wyoming vs. William E. Powell, Trespass.

56

FAMILY TRADITIONS

A year and a half later. Bill was back in the bootleg-
ging game. On the night of January 27, 1925, in rural
Albany County, Prohibition Agents James Capen and
Hugh B. Curry, with Assistant Prohibition Director Charles
F. Peterson, were scouting the area for possible liquor viola-
tions and noticed a light not far from them. Proceeding
toward the light, they saw a dugout and detected the scent
of mash. Entering the dugout, they found a seventy-five
gallon still with water heating, a ten gallon pressure tank,
one gallon of white whiskey, and Bill and Hazel E.
O'Reilley cleaning moonshine equipment. Needless to
say, the two moonshiners were indicted on the identical
counts that Bill was charged with in 1920.

On February 18, U.S. Attorney A. D. Walter presented
the information in U.S. District Court at Cheyenne for "the
consideration of the Court . . . and that due process of law
be awarded against William Powell and Hazel E. O'Reil-
ley." The evidence was sufficient and trial was scheduled
for April 15.

This time Bill knew he could not beat a conviction, and
both he and O'Reilley entered a guilty plea on April 15 in
U.S. District Court in Cheyenne. The judgment was a fine
of $150 for O'Reilley and $250 for Bill, or incarceration in
the Albany County jail until either paid their fine. They
likely had made that much from their whiskey sales, and
both gladly paid their fines the same day."*^

Between 1925 and 1931, likely in Cheyenne, Bill
met Sarah May "Billie" Phelps. The two were kindred
spirits. Bill as a bootlegger while Billie was into prostitu-
tion. There is no record of their marriage in Albany or
Laramie counties; however, Billie took the Powell name
and they lived as man and wife, off and on, until Bill's
death. Billie's son Alonzo, born in 1919, lived with them
but kept the Phelps name. Bill and Billie avoided conflict
with the law until 1931, then they ran into trouble with
the F.B.I.48

By 1931, everyone knew that prohibition was on the
way out; however, the depression had hit full force. Bill
and Billie needed to make money, so Bill got involved in

47. Record Group 21, Records of the U.S. District Court, District of
Wyoming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1925, Box No. 76, Entry 9, Case
No. 2386, U.S. vs. William Powell and Hazel E. O'Reilley, National
Archives, Denver.

48. Letter to author from Cindy Brown, Wyoming State Archives, January
1991. The letter states that no marriage record exists for William Powell
and Sarah May "Billie" Phelps in Albany or Laramie counties,
Wyoming.

Billie's trade. In November the two went to Denver, Col-
orado, and checked into the Edelweiss Hotel on November
22. Here they met Ernest Booth and his wife Pauline
Jackson Booth, and worked out a deal to bring Pauline back
to Laramie to work as a prostitute. They headed back to
Wyoming on December 12. On December 31, they got a
room at the New Mecca Hotel in Laramie, where Billie and
Pauline apparently practiced their profession. By the end
of January, 1932, the Booths left for Fort Collins, Colorado.

Somehow, F.B.I, agents A. H. Gere and John L.
Geraghty, and Laramie Police Sergeant Phil Kuntz, got
wind of the operation, and made a full investigation. On
May 9, the Powells and Ernest Booth were indicted by a
grand jury in U.S. District Court in Cheyenne on three
counts of interstate transportation of a woman for immoral
purposes. Trial was set for May 26. A bench warrant was
issued for Booth on May 13, and he posted a bond of two
thousand dollars before U.S. Commissioner Robert E. Foot
in Denver, Colorado. Subpoenas for witnesses were issued
throughout the month of May and the trial did not begin
until July 11. Pauline Booth was brought back from Fort
Collins as a witness for the prosecution, and all three
defendants pled guilty.

On July 18, District Judge T. Blake Kennedy sentenced
Bill to thirty days in Albany County jail. U.S. Mar-
shal R. John Allen took Powell to Laramie to begin his
sentence the next day. As ringleaders, it was Booth and
Billie who got the stiff er sentences. On July 16, Booth got
four months in the Laramie County jail at Cheyenne, and
Billie was sentenced on August 1 to three months in the
Albany County jail. Allen delivered her to jail the
same day.

Billie did not fare so well behind bars. In mid-
August, Dr. Josiah P. Markley was summoned to the jail
and found her suffering from nervousness, hysteria, no
sleep, and an irregular appetite. He treated her for two
weeks and Dr. D. Harold Finch was called in for consulta-
tion. On September 2, both doctors wrote letters that
reached U.S. District Clerk Charles J. Ohnhaus in Chey-
enne, recommending that Billie be released.

The letters got results. On the same day, September
2, Billie was paroled to attorney S. C. Downey, who serv-
ed as probation officer. On November 2, Downey wrote
Ohnhaus that "the defendant . . . has carried herself all
right and no complaints have been filed." Judge Kennedy
discharged her from parole on November 4.^''

Three years later, tragedy hit the Powell family; for
Mary it was two-fold, for Bill, it was the end of the line.
On January 5, 1935, Bill was shot to death by his fifteen-

57

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

year-old stepson, Alonzo Phelps. Before pursuing the
details of the shooting, here is the background of young
Phelps, who seenned to follow the Powell tradition.

In March, 1934, the basketball team of Brigham Young
University came to Laramie to play in a champion-
ship series at the Wyoming University gym. While the
team was shooting the hoops on the evening of March 8,
Phelps, now fourteen, was ripping off their personal
belongings. While one fifteen-year-old was on lookout
outside the gym, ringleader Phelps and another boy
age fifteen, broke open a window, crawled into the
locker room, and stole ten dollars, a leather traveling bag,
and four basketball uniforms. The boys were found in the
room but were released after questioning.

The next evening, the three youths were arrested and
held without charges in the Albany County jail pending
investigation. Phelps broke down and confessed and the
loot was recovered. On March 13, Judge V.J. Tidball held
separate hearings for each of the boys, and released one
youth after a stern lecture and reprimand and paroled the
other boy to his mother. Ironically, the judge paroled
Phelps to a local Laramie woman, not to his mother.

The following November 30, young Phelps was ar-
rested by the Laramie Police for drunkenness and placed
in the juvenile ward. The next day Bill Powell came to his
rescue and made a plea for his release. The police dis-
charged Phelps into Powell's custody the same day.^°

The Powell ranch on Horse Creek was to witness
another killing almost forty years after the murder of Fred
Powell. On the night of January 5, 1935, there were three
people at the Powell ranch in addition to Bill Powell and
Alonzo Phelps: Mary Powell, her brother Charles Keane
who now lived at the ranch, and Bill's so-called wife, Billie,
who was visiting but actually lived in Cheyenne. At 9 p.m..
Bill told Alonzo to take a bath, but the boy begged off,
claiming he had a cold and did not want to aggravate it.
An argument ensued and Bill violently beat the boy. Phelps
ran into a bedroom and grabbed a .22 caliber automatic
pistol from a holster on the floor and cried, "I've got a gun,
and if you don't stand back, I'll kill you." Powell leaped
at the boy and knocked him across the bed. Young Phelps

fired at Powell from a prone position, sending a slug
through his abdomen. At this same instant, Mary Powell
came in through the doorway to see what was going on,
and was struck superficially in the left arm by the bullet
that hit her son.

Phelps and his mother put Powell in a truck and
rushed him to Ivinson Hospital in Laramie. On the way,
the two agreed to explain the shooting as accidental. Powell
died following an operation the next morning; however,
before he died he told the authorities that the shooting was
an accident. That afternoon Phelps told Prosecuting At-
torney Glenn Parker what actually happened, stating he
could not stand the strain of questioning. The boy said he
shot Powell because he was afraid, but when questioned
further, said, "No, I wasn't afraid, not as long as I had
the gun in my hand." This statement got Phelps arrested
on a ch irge of second degree murder.

C. ^anuary 7, headlines in The Tribune-Leader
screamed, "SON OF TOM HORN VICTIM KILLED BY
HIS STEP-SON." On January 9, Phelps was arraigned
in Justice Court in Laramie, and bound over for trial
at the next term of District Court. On default of twenty-
five hundred dollars bond, the boy was remanded into the
custody of the sheriff. The trial began on April 4, before
Tidball. Parker and Defense Attorney F. E. Anderson ham-
mered away at each other; Parker claiming the killing was
deliberate and malicious while Anderson asserted that the
boy acted out of fear, and shot in self defense. The fate
of Phelps went to the jury around 2:30 p.m. on April 5.

The jury returned with its verdict at five minutes before
ten o'clock the next morning— not guilty. That afternoon,
the Republican-Boomerang reported that when the verdict
was read, Phelps gave a sigh of relief and momentarily
slumped forward. The newspaper continued, "His mother,
Mrs. Billie Phelps, stationed herself at the courtroom exit
and thanked each juror individually as the men filed out."
Apparently, Bill Powell's death did not pull too hard at
her heartstrings. 5'

Following the death of Bill, Mary reportedly sold
the ranch on Horse Creek. Mary Lou Pence wrote:

Down the old trail she rode, and in the town of her youth she

banked her last fires. There in Laramie, the school children who

knew her loved her. She spent the final years peacefully. ^^

49. Record Group 21, Records of U.S. District Court, District of Wyo-
ming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1932, Box No. 109, Entry 9, Case No.
3479, U.S. vs. William Powell, Sarah May Phelps, and William E.
Booth, National Archives, Denver.

50. Wyoming State Tribune-Cheyenne State Leader, January 7, 1935; Laramie
Republican-Boomerang, March 9, 10, 13, 1934, April 5, 1935.

51. Albany County Criminal Case No. 2166, State of Wyoming vs. Alonzo
Phelps, Murder in the Second Degree; Wyoming State Tribune-Cheyenne
State Leader, January 7, 1935; Laramie Republican-Boomerang, April 4-6,
1935.

52. Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit."

58

FAMILY TRADITIONS

Nevertheless, there was one final misfortune in the life
of Mary. On October 23, 1940, her brother Charles, who
had stuck by Mary throughout her life, was struck and
killed by a freight train at the Union Pacific yards in
Laramie. It was reported that he had been suffering from
infirmities of old age, thus, the likely reason the accident
occurred. 5^

Mary Powell's turbulent and wayward life ended at
age eighty-one in Cheyenne on January 13, 1941. On the
previous December 29, Mary went to visit her daughter-
in-law, Billie, in Cheyenne. It is reported that Billie
was working as a prostitute at the Tivoli Rooms on
Carey Avenue. It was here, on January 5, that Mary
suffered a severe heart attack. She was rushed to the
hospital, but it was too late, for Mary died eight days later.
Mary had remained a Catholic throughout her life, and a
Rosary service was held for her on the evening of January
15 at the Shannon Funeral Home. Reverend John McDevitt
officiated at her funeral service in the St. Lawrence O 'Toole
Catholic Church in Laramie the next day. It was in the
Green Hill Cemetery that Mary Powell finally found the
peace she never had in life.^*

Contrary to her hectic and volatile lifestyle, the
Republican-Boomerang had only kind words for Mary in her
obituary.

Stories that Mrs. Powell rode the range and handled the heavier

work of cattle ranching with the efficiency and dexterity of

regular cowhands were more than fiction. She was one of those
early pioneer women who fought and worked right along side
their men to tame the western frontier."

Mary Powell's story resulted from research on Tom
Horn's alleged involvement in the 1895 assassinations of
her husband and William Lewis for the author's book. Tales
Never Told Around the Campfire. 1 found the part she played
in this drama so intriguing I decided to uncover her life
history. Also, there is a lack of true histories of frontier
women, especially the notorious ones. Readers of Western
History are familiar with the sensationalized or fictionalized
accounts of Belle Starr and Calamity Jane, but here is a true
story of one tough frontier woman.

53. Laramie Republican-Boomera7^g, January 13, 1941.

54. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941; Official Verification
of Death, Mary Powell, State of Wyoming, Vital Records; Interview
with Ellen Mueller, November 5, 1990; Cheyenne City Directory,
1939-1940, p. 266.

55. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941.

MARK DUGAN was raised in Jackson County, Missouri and has been study-
ing and researching Western American History since he was a child. As a yoimg
adult he lived in Europe, mainly Germany for ten years before returning to the
United States. He worked for the U.S. Government much of that time. He is
a graduate of North Carolina State University and teaches at Appalachian State
University at Boone, North Carolina. He has written several books about bandits
in and of the American West.

1870 view of Laramie, Wyouiiii^

59

REVIEW ESSAY

Wyoming Time and Again: Rephotographing the Scenes of J. E. Stimson. By
Michael A. Amundson. Boulder, Colorado: Pruett Publishing, 1991.
Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. Site location maps. 224 pp. Paper.

The stark landscape of the American West inspired
some of the most memorable photographs of the nine-
teenth century. Those photographs, in turn, influenced the
U.S. Congress to create the world's first national parks and
forests. Photographs also encouraged thousands of im-
migrant homesteaders to board the Northern Pacific, the
Union Pacific, and the Atcheson, Topeka & Santa Fe and
move west.i Stereopticon photographs of Native Ameri-
cans enthralled Victorian viewers, who were captivated by
traditional Indian clothing, customs, and ceremonies.
Photographs became an important goal of the great West-
ern geologic and reconnaissance surveys of John Wesley
Powell, F. V. Hayden, and Clarence King.^ The power of
these images helped convince legislators to fund the U.S.
Geological Survey, the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and
major water reclamation projects in the first decade of the
twentieth century. As Susan Sontag writes in On Photogra-
phy, "In America, the photographer is not simply the per-
son who records the past but the one who invents it."^

Photographs of bountiful waving wheatfields or record
harvests of game and fish came to symbolize not only
Western wealth but also opportunity on the frontier. One
of the many frontier photographers who promoted the
West was J. E. Stimson, whose travels took him through-
out Wyoming on the rails of Edward H. Harriman's Union
Pacific Railroad. Stimson began by making portraits in a

An excellent photograph of German-Russian homesteaders from 1900
just off the train in North Dakota is shown in Andrew Gulliford
America's Country Schools (Washington, D.C.: The Preservation Press,
1991), p. 150.

See Wallace Stegner, Beyond the Hundredth Meridian (Lincoln: Univer-
sity of Nebraska Press, 1982); William H. Goetzman, Exploration and
Empire (New York: Random House, 1966); Hal G. Stephens and E.
M. Shoemaker, In the Footsteps of John Wesley Powell: An Album of Com-
parative Photographs of the Green & Colorado Rivers (Boulder: Johnson
Books, 1989).
Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Delta Books, 1978), p. 67.

Cheyenne studio in July, 1889. Because of his technical ex-
pertise he became publicity photographer for the Union
Pacific under an unusual arrangement in which there were
no restrictions on the number of photos he could take. He
was compensated for each print. Stimson also produced
photos for the state of Wyoming and the Louisiana Pur-
chase Exposition held in 1904. A year later he received a
bronze medal for his views exhibited at the Lewis and Clark
Exposition in Portland, Oregon.

According to author and photographer Michael
Amundson, Stimson's photographs "were used to pro-
mote ranching and dry farming, irrigation, coal and oil pro-
duction, and tourism. "4 Purchased by the state of Wyo-
ming in 1953, the unique collection of 7,526 glass-plate
negatives by Stimson records Wyoming's scenery and its
people. Mark Junge has written about the pioneer
photographer in his book/. £. Stimson: Photographer of the
West (1985), but author Amundson's goal was to rephoto-
graph Stimson's scenes to evaluate historical change and
continuity throughout Wyoming.^

An exemplary project, initiated while the author was
an American Studies graduate student at the University
of Wyoming, this book's rephotography required a
thorough knowledge of the landscape and the techniques
of large format photography, as well as instinct, luck, per-
sistence, and an intuitive sense of where a previous
photographer placed his tripod many years before.
Amundson writes, "Stimson left no diary, letters or maps
of his photo locations. The only clues were single descrip-
tive identification lines inscribed into each glass negative."^
Amundson's photos appears opposite Stimson's, and the
comparisons are often dramatic.

Amundson spent hours studying Stimson's photo-
graphs, and then with support from the University of

4. Michael A. Amundson, Wyoming Time and Again (Boulder: Pruett Press,
1991), p. 3.

5. Mark Junge, /. £. Stimson: Photographer of the West (Lincoln: Univer-
sity of Nebraska Press, 1985).

6. Amundson, Wyoming Time and Again, p. 5.

60

REVIEW ESSAY

Thermopolis, Wyoming taken Summer, 1988

Cambria, Wyoming taken Siiinmci, I'^SS

61

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Wyoming's College of Arts and Sciences' Kuehn Award
Committee, the Wyoming Council for the Humanities, and
a Reader's Digest grant from the university's Department
of Journalism, he drove across the state during the sum-
mers of 1987 and 1988 photographing Stimson's views
almost ninety years later.

Wyoming Time and Again subdivides into six chapters
including "The Natural Landscape," "The Forgotten
Past," "The Dynamic Townscape," and "A Closer Look:
Interpretive Photography," which is the most intriguing
chapter in the book. As expected, the natural landscape
of lakes, rocks, bluffs, buttes, and canyons have changed
little, although roads have been improved and power lines
installed. Vegetation seems healthier and the landscape
less worn from overgrazing and extensive timber cutting.
The private summer resort at Dome Lake, southwest of
Sheridan, remains essentially the same with only a few
modifications to the log buildings, but the chapter titled
"The Forgotten Landscape" provides stark evidence of
historical change with the boom and bust mining cycles
in the American West.

The vast trestles and industrial buildings of the
anthracite coal camp of Cambria, photographed in 1903 by
Stimson, have entirely disappeared in the view made by
Amundson. Little evidence remains of a community which
once supported a schoolhouse, gymnasium, bathhouse,
and company housing. The town of Sunrise, established
by Colorado Fuel and Iron to produce low-grade iron ore,
also no longer exists, though the open pit mine christened
the Glory Hole remains. From 1903, the only thing left at
Dietz City is a fence line and dirt roadway. At Grand En-
campment, only the foundations remain of a sixteen-mile
aerial tramway and the vast Encampment copper smelter.

This chapter vividly communicates what has so fre-
quently been the fat of extractive industries in the American
West. Wallace Stegner writes that mining camps "went
out like blown matches," and the former Secretary of the
Interior, Stuart Udall in his book The Quiet Crisis, explains
that "the land legacy of any mining operation is necessar-
ily, a pit, a shaft, or a hole."^ Comparing Amundson's
photographs to those of Stimson offers a breathtaking
visual assessment of environmental change. Mills, trestles,
bridges, mines, and entire communities all disappear

7. Wallace Stegner, The Sound of Mountain Water (New York: Dutton,
1980), p. 20; Stewart Udall, The Quiet Crisis (New York: Avon Books,
1963), p. 71.

throughout time. Only South Pass City and Atlantic City
have survived as historic districts. It is with comparisons
such as these that the strength of rephotography becomes
apparent. Photographing changes in the natuiral landscape
along the Union Pacific right of way or in Yellowstone Na-
tional Park produced some evidence of alteration, as do
the townscapes in Cheyenne of houses and streets, but
changes represented by early and late twentieth century
views of Wyoming mining camps are the most dramatic.

Rephotographs from Green River and Rawlins graphi-
cally illustrate the shift in orientation from railroads to
interstate highways. At each of the UP railroad stations
luxurious lawns and trees once welcomed weary travelers,
but now that the public travels by interstate, the verdant
gardens have become dusty parking lots. Yet despite the
careful detail and persistence required to rephotograph
these scenes, many of the recent photographs also dupli-
cate the weaknesses of the historic images; they are quiet,
dull, still life photographs which tell us little of the hustle
and bustle that characterized frontier Wyoming or repre-
sent Wyoming's population today. Because Wyoming Time
and Again has scant text and is primarily photographic com-
parisons, there is no theoretical chapter to help readers
understand the motivation and academic underpinning for
Amundson's work, nor is there an historical chapter to put
Stimson's career into perspective. The viewer sees past and
present photographs; interpretation is minimal.

In the short chapter "A Closer Look: Interpretive
Rephotography," Amundson attempts a deeper synthesis
by comparing the magnificent stone Emery Hotel in Ther-
mopolis in 1910 with the Moonlighter Motel built on the
same street corner in 1963. Demolition equipment had to
be brought from Denver to knock down the three story,
forty-room hotel built from native stone and locally cut
timber. Its cinder block replacement will evoke no
nostalgia. Another sad commentary on historic structures
is the demise of Green River's brewery, which opened in
1879 and was photographed by Stimson in 1903. Brew-
master Hugo Gaensslen produced Columbia Beer, later
renamed The Pioneer Wyoming Brew. Today half the
building is gone and the brewery is now a bar serving na-
tionally distributed beers, not local products. Amundson
probes more deeply with these photographs and captions,
but though Wyoming Time and Again is a concise and
thorough attempt to rephotograph Stimson's views, some
of the shots appear lifeless and stilted though they are
aesthetically and historically correct. Mark Klett made the
same conceptual error in Second View: The Rephotographic
Survey Project (1987) in which the work of William Henry

62

REVIEW ESSAY

Jackson and Timothy O'Sullivan is reproduced from the
original camera angles.^

Scholars studying the past want to see not only where
people lived but also who they were and how they lived,
which explains the success of Virginia Huidekoper's book
Wyoming in the Eye of Man (1979).^ Perhaps rephotography
should move beyond mere mimicry of past camera angles
to attempt to rephotograph not just the text of the print
but also its subtext and context— the historical milieu of
values and associations which inspired the original image.
What did photographers think of photographing these
scenes a century ago and what do the landscapes evoke
in us now? Rephotography is an auspicious beginning for
understanding historical and environmental change, but
as a scholarly tool it needs refinement.

The most memorable Stimson photographs are his por-
traits. Amundson could have devoted more time to com-
paring Wyoming people then and now and the tremen-
dous change in labor requirements during the last century.
A comparison between the site of the Union Pacific railroad
shop today with the dozens of employees who once worked
there would have created a stark contrast. Historic versus
contemporary views of hunters, sheep shearers, coal
miners, cowboys, or tourists would also produce the same
effect. To really place photographs into an historical con-

text, a rephotographic collection should include not only
buildings and bluffs, main streets and mountain lakes, but
also the people who inhabit those structures and who live
and work in the vast distances and awesome spaces of
Wyoming.

In his book Amundson has demonstrated his com-
passion for the landscape, his fidelity to photograph truth,
and his excellence at archival research. Now a doctoral stu-
dent at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Amundson will
bring to the study of American culture and Western history
a critical eye and a dedication to evaluating change
throughout time. His book represents a significant achieve-
ment in both rephotography and in Wyoming history,
although a chapter on comparative portraits would have
greatly strengthened the project.

Wyojning Time and Again is the type of documentary
work utilized by historians, archivists, humanities scholars,
and the general public who are both soothed by the land-
scapes which endure, and threatened by those changes in
the material world which appear slight at times but are
starkly illustrated over the course of four decades. An ex-
cellent project and a fine historical record, Wyoming Time
and Again is both a credit to J. E. Stimson and his vision,
and to Michael Amundson, who had his own vision and
saw it through to publication.

Mark Klett and Ellen Manchester, Second Viezv: Tlie Rephotographic Survey
Project (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984).
Virginia Huidekoper, Wyoming in the Eye of Man (Cody, Wyoming: Sage
Publishing, 1979). For other excellent photographic books about the
West see Karen Current, Photography and the Old West (New York;
Abrams, 1978); Eugene Ostroff, Western Views and Eastern Visions
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981).

ANDREW GULLIFORD, historian and photographer, is the author o/ America's
Country Schools (2nd edition, 1991) and Boomtown Blues: Colorado Oil
Shale, 1885-1985 (1989). He directs the Public History and Historic Preserva-
tion Program at Middle Tennessee State University.

63

BOOK REVIEWS

Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith 's View of the Sioux War of 1876.
By Sherry L. Smith. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989.
Illustrated. Index. Maps. Footnotes. Bibliography, xviii and 158 pp.
Cloth $18.95.

Professor Smith has annotated the campaign diary of
her great-grandfather, Private William Smith of the Fourth
U.S. Cavalry, during his participation in the Powder River
expedition of 1876 against the Northern Cheyenne. The
diary, composed of daily entries between November 1,
1876, and January 6, 1877, traces the winter "scout" of the
Fourth from its origins at Fort Robinson in northwest
Nebraska through maneuvers in Wyoming's Powder River
Basin and the expedition's principal skirmish, the Battle
of Dull Knife (November 25), to its return march along the
Bozeman Trail to Fort Fetterman.

What Private Smith's brief diary details so well is the
common soldier's experience of the northern Plains Indian
wars of the latter nineteenth century. Smith's terse but
numerous entries offer the reader a vivid account of
military campaign life from the perspective of the enlisted
man. This is campaign life rigorously shaped by long
marches in bitter weather and understandably preoccupied
with the routines of food and shelter. It is life punctuated
by petty squabbles, bouts of hard drinking (although Smith
himself was a converted teetotaler), and the seemingly
endless conflict between enlisted men and company ser-
geants. Because Smith served as a sometime orderly for
Colonel Ranald Mackenzie, a well-respected field officer
of the 1870s Indian campaigns, his diary also includes oc-
casional, often insightful, observations about commis-
sioned officer life and the confused workings (from both
Smith's and the modern reader's perspective) of the U.S.
Army on the Great Plains frontier. What emerges, finally,
from a reading of Smith's diary is the unadorned portrait
of the common soldier of the Indian campaigns; a soldier
bone-cold, tired, and essentially uninformed as to purpose
or destination; a soldier as battle-weary ready to risk an
Indian fight to keep a bread-baking campfire going, as he
is wistfully thankful for canned peaches and a piece of hard
candy on Christmas day.

Since primary source accounts of the Plains Indian
campaigns by enlisted men are relatively few in number.
Private Smith's modest diary would merit the attention of
historians and buffs in its own right. However, Professor
Smith has broadened and enriched her great-grandfather's
"ground zero" viewpoint by meticulously intertwining his
diary entries with the first-hand accounts of two campaign
officers. Indeed, Sagebrush Soldier relies heavily on the
manuscript diaries of Lieutenant John Gregory Bourke,
General Crook's aide-de-camp during the Powder River
campaign, and Lieutenant Colonel Richard Irving Dodge,
the expedition's infantry and artillery commander, both
to clarify the historical narrative of the U.S. Army campaign
against the Northern Cheyennes and to underscore the
officer-enlisted man dichotomy of the experience of that
campaign. Moreover, Professor Smith has skillfully incor-
porated much useful material about the Northern Chey-
ennes and their views of the war for control of the Powder
River Basin. Clearly, Professor Smith has struck a nice
balance between her professional and personal interest in
William Smith's campaign diary, and the result is a lively,
informative, and very readable account of the Powder River
expedition of 1876.

DAVID L. FERCH

Sierra College

Rocklin, California

The Free Life of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the U.S. Forest Service, 1929-
1965. By R. T. King. Reno: University of Nevada Oral History Pro-
gram, 1991. Illustrated. Index. Glossary. Maps. 432 pp. Cloth $24.95.

At first glance The Free Life of a Ranger does not seem
like a very promising book. Such works are often valuable
for local and family history, but offer little significance on
a broader scale. However, R. T. King has done a master-
ful job of interviewing and then writing about the life of
a ranger who not only possessed a vivid memory, but had
a significant career. Archie Murchie never reached the
bureaucratic halls of Washington, but he offers us a
heretofore neglected arena of environmental and social

64

BOOK REVIEWS

history: the work of a Forest Service ranger in the North-
ern Rockies.

The tone of the book is set in the first paragraph: "The
best job in the Forest Service was a ranger's job. A ranger
was his own boss and most of his work was out-of-doors;
and if it were possible, I [Archie Murchie] would go back,
start all over and live my career through again— I enjoyed
it that much." Murchie loved his work, the agency he
worked for, his associates, and a vocation which allowed
him to make a difference.

Murchie began his ranger career in 1929 as a young
graduate of the University of Montana in Missoula. Not
a good time to get a steady job, but after some four years
of transfers and temporary appointments, Murchie landed
a permanent position in what was then called Wyoming
National Forest. His thirty-plus year career found him
working in national forests in Utah, Montana, Idaho, and
Nevada. In each national forest Murchie encountered par-
ticular problems. Primarily, however, this dedicated ranger
worked to regulate and occasionally punish people who
exploited the forests for immediate gain, with little con-
cern for the future. Cattlemen and wool growers fought
among themselves for Forest Service grazing permits, but
often they challenged Murchie 's authority by jumping entry
dates with more than the allotted cattle or sheep. Main-
taining reasonable relations with the livestock men and the
lumber companies while preventing overgrazing and the
destruction of the forest lands proved a continuing chal-
lenge and Murchie had plenty of tales to tell of that effort.

This dedicated ranger was not always at odds with the
users of national forests. One of the most engaging chap-
ters reports on Murchie's time on the Wasatch with the
tie hacks: those skilled Swedes, Norwegians, and Finns
who fashioned ties for the railroads. Murchie lived with
the tie hacks for many months, thus his explanation of their
work skills with the broad axe, their customs, and the
travails of winter makes for fascinating, informative
reading.

In many respects Murchie mirrored the philosophy of
his agency and its founder, Gifford Pinchot. He believed
in utilitarian conservation. Controlling the forest and using
the forest for man's wise use was his primary mission.
Eliminating the cougar and the bobcat populations, ex-
tinguishing every fire, using 1080 poison and 1080 poison
grain, dynamiting beaver dams, and shooting wild horses
all met with his approval. However, in the latter, rather
reflective chapters of the book, he does express reserva-
tions regarding the use of poison, acknowledging that the

predator control people did not have all the right answers.
Furthermore, he speculates that perhaps every forest fire
ought not be put out, admitting that nature was doing
pretty well for those thousands of years before the Forest
Service arrived on the scene.

The Free Life of a Ranger is an entertaining book. Anyone
who has worked for the Forest Service or who has an in-
terest in the western forests will find it a fascinating and
informative story. But it is more than that. From a his-
torian's view, R. T. King has done an admirable job of
presenting Archie Murchie in a book which is neither
biography or autobiography. King describes his work as
"not an oral history transcript: it is instead my interpreta-
tion of the work that Archie and I created over all those
months of interviewing, reviewing, and documentary
research." His interpretation succeeds admirably, creating
a pleasurable read and an example of a "constructed nar-
rative" which cannot be beat.

ROBERT W. RIGHTER
University of Texas at El Paso

Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialti/ . . . ". By Chip Carlson. Chey-
enne: Beartooth Corral, 1991. Illustrated. Indexed. Bibliography. 260
pp. Paper $15.00.

Chip Carlson has written the most complete biography
of the notorious range detective since Dean Krakel's The
Saga of Tom Horn, published in 1954. As biography, the
Carlson work holds its own against the earlier Krakel
volume. Where both volumes fall short, however, is in
placing Horn in the context of his times.

Carlson brings to the never-ending debate over Horn's
guilt or innocence some innovative, but controversial, new
research approaches. Whether or not one agrees with
"psycho-history," Carlson's interviews with a Cheyenne
psychiatrist as to Horn's mental state provide some pro-
vocative reasons why he acted as he did. Personally, 1 am
dubious about the merits of such "head-examining" of a
long-dead figure. Standing by itself, I would consider its
use questionable, at best, but Carlson applies the analysis
sparingly in conjunction with other evidence.

The structure of Carlson's book, in some respects,
resembles that of the Krakel book. Like Krakel, Carlson
makes extensive use of transcripts from the coroner's in-
quest and the trial, letting Horn and his accusers speak in
their own words. There is at least one serious drawback
in this approach— people familiar with the facts in the case
may find repetitive recitations to Horn's bragging or the

65

ANNALS OF WYOMING

SPRING 1992

Nickell-Miller feud repetitive while readers unfamiliar with
the case may wonder what all of the fuss is about.

As with any controversial historical event, the reader
may find several points where he may wish to quibble with
Carlson's conclusions. One example may concern Horn's
boast of shooting young Willie Nickell from 300 yards
away. Carlson dismisses such a possibility because "there
is no draw anywhere within 300 yards of the gate from
which the gate can be seen." (p. 197). Certainly, there is
no "draw" in that location, but there is a hill with a com-
manding view of the death scene and a convenient "path"
up to the point where an assassin could have been
concealed.

Certainly, Carlson is sympathetic to Horn who becomes
the hero in the piece. Nonetheless, as the book progresses,
the reader gains an uneasy feeling that Carlson overstates
Horn's innocence. At one point, the author concludes that
Horn was convicted partly because his "blue-ribbon group
of legal minds" were "plainly and simply overconfident"
while the prosecution and its witnesses were "conniving."
(p. 202). Additionally, Carlson asserts that public opinion,
"aided and abetted by local politicians," and the press
created pressures for a conviction. At the same time, little
attention is paid to several crucial factors in the outcome
which would seem to have strongly favored the defense.
For instance, the make-up of the jury included no fewer
than seven ranchers and two employees of the Two Bar,
a foreman and a cowboy. Would they not be favorable to
Horn's case?

At two points, Carlson asserts that the confession was
a key element in the prosecution's case and it "supported
other circumstantial evidence which alone probably would
not have been adequate to gain a conviction." (p. 170).
While it may be true, many convictions have been brought
on far less evidence.

The prosecution, as Carlson notes, took advantage of
"the defendant's ego and propensity to brag." (p. 174).
This would suggest an answer to one of Carlson's rhe-
torical questions later in the book: "Why did the defense
not call character witnesses to testify about Tom Horn's
service to his country in the Apache wars and in Cuba?"
(p. 200). Earlier, Carlson seems to take Horn's accounts
of his service in those events at face value. Perhaps the
defense knew better. And as to "overconfidence," cer-
tainly, the defense counsel were not the only ones suffer-
ing from that malady.

While the book is a well written and exciting account
of an interesting event, a few assertions are made without

substantial historical evidence and seem to divert atten-
tion from the main story. Fortunately in such cases, the
author equivocates as to the accuracy. However, the points
seem so much the product of someone's imagination or
rumor that one wonders why Carlson included them in
the book at all.

The first of these "myths" goes to Horn's supposed
presence in Johnson County, and the odd unsubstantiated
mention that Horn accompanied Frank Canton in the mur-
ders of John Tisdale and Orley "Ranger" Jones, (pp. 16-17).
The quoted statement made in 1935 by a supposed eye-
witness suggest that the speaker either misunderstood a
question about Horn's presence there or mis-remembered
the incident. It is disappointing that Carlson lends them
any credibility whatever. It should be obvious from Horn's
own words that the statements could not have been true.
A braggart of Horn's stature would not fail to mention par-
ticipation yet there is no evidence Horn ever made such
claims.

Equally puzzling is Carlson's inclusion of a chapter on
Bob Meldrum even though the author admits there are few
documented sources which would establish any link be-
tween Meldrum and Horn. Is he included because Horn
"was a saint" when compared to Meldrum?

The true villain in Carlson's book is Deputy U.S. Mar-
shal Joe LeFors, the man who extracted Horn's confession
which led to his arrest. Carlson claims, without citing to
sources, that by the time of the Horn execution, "LeFors
had lost the respect of his colleagues in the field of law
enforcement, and no southeast Wyoming cattleman would
have anything to do with him." He is variously described
as money-hungry ("could smell a dollar"), a liar, and even
"a nasty, mean old man." Carlson quotes a woman who,
as a child, lived across the block from LeFors who claimed
her father warned her to stay away from LeFors. "Don't
even play kick-the-can near his place." (p. 166) One
concludes that society would have been bettered had
Horn and LeFors switched places on the gallows. While
it is obvious that Carlson believes Horn was "set up," his
portrayal of LeFors, unfortunately, verges on caricature.
Indeed, the excitement and drama so ably and interestingly
described are not furthered by such stark contrasts between
the "innocent" Horn and his accusers.

Despite my "nit-picking," the book is a "good read."
The Wild West aficionado will enjoy comparing Carlson's
views on Horn's guilt or innocence with all of the folk tales
the incident has produced throughout the years. One
disappointment: the book does not contain a good map

66

BOOK REVIEWS

showing the significant ranches and Horn's haunts. The
uninitiated would find such a map invaluable, particular-
ly when "tracing" Horn's paths during those fateful days
in 1902.

PHIL ROBERTS
University of W\/oming

Grand Encampment Copper Toums. By Alan H. Patera. Lake Grove, Oregon:
The Depot, 1991. Illustrated. Maps. 84 pp. Cloth $25.00. Paper $10.00.

From 1899 to 1908, Wyoming was one of the leading
copper producers in the nation. During this interval, Wyo-
ming produced more than 23.5 million pounds of copper,
mostly from the Encampment district. The value of this
production exceeded, by far, Wyoming's total gold and
silver output for this time. A history of this copper min-
ing era is a welcome addition to Wyoming history. Author
Alan Patera briefly examines this period in his new book.
Grand Encampment Copper Towns.

The book begins with a review of mining rushes and
a brief description of the role of copper in the advancement
of mankind. It then proceeds quickly to 1897 when Ed Hag-
garty located a rich vein of copper ore near the Continen-
tal Divide in the Sierra Madre Mountains. Patera states that
within a few years, the rush to the area spawned ten new
settlements and attracted approximately, 2,000 people.
However, within ten years the majority of the settlements
were nearly abandoned and a large portion of the people
had left the region.

The town of Encampment was the major settlement
of the mining region and was the location of a large ore
reduction plant. Perhaps the most notable thing about the
mining region was the tramway which was constructed to
move ore from the principal mines to the plant at Encamp-
ment. This sixteen mile tramway, at the time of construc-
tion, was the longest ore moving device of its kind ever
built. In the succeeding chapters, a brief description follows
for each of the settlements. Riverside, Elwood, Battle,
Rambler, Copperton, Dillon, Rudefeha, Victoria, Collins,
Downington and French. The last three are grouped to-
gether. Dillon, perhaps, is the most interesting of the set-
tlements, having a newspaper the Dillon Donblejack, a mer-
cantile company, cafe and numerous saloons. The author
spends a good deal of the text on the postal history of the
mining settlements, a reflection perhaps, of his Wyoming
postal history book.

Some 141 mines and companies are listed as an adden-
dum, of these, sixty-three established offices in Encamp-
ment. The Penn Wyoming Copper Company of Rudefeha
was the leading corporation of the time.

Although management and financial conditions at the
time contributed to the failure of the Penn Wyoming Com-
pany, it appears that fires were at least partially responsi-
ble for the shutdown of the area mines. Fires occurred at
Rudefeha in 1906 and at the Encampment smelter in 1908.
Along with plummeting copper prices, these incidents led
to temporary and eventually permanent shutdown.

This booklet contains a nice collection of old photo-
graphs, unfortunately, the quality of reproduction is in-
ferior. Although several historic Stimson photographs are
included, there are, in the Wyoming State Museum, Photo-
graphic Section, many more that would have added to this
work.

Obviously this was not meant to be an in-depth history
of the region. By the authors own definition, this is a
booklet, not a full length book. And, although a short
source list is included, lacking are any footnotes or end-
notes, as is an index.

Perhaps the greatest contribution of the book is the
reminder that an important historical event took place in
the region less than one hundred years ago and thus far
has not been thoroughly documented. If there is a negative
factor, this book may deter someone, even Patera himself,
from writing an in-depth study of the camps for the sim-
ple reason it has already been covered, even though
superficially.

For the person who wants a quick summary or a brief
history about the mining activity of the area, this is a good
book. Adequate instructions are given for the reader to
travel to the area, book in hand, and find some of the
camps. For those who want to know the details of the min-
ing, the lives and deaths of the inhabitants, the book leaves
something to be desired. Perhaps the author underesti-
mates the thirst for new information about Wyoming
history.

MEL DUNCAN
Cheyenne. Wyoming

67

BOOK NOTES

Yellowstone Command: Colonel Nelson A. Miles and the Great Sioux War,
1876-1877. By Jerome A. Greene. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1991. Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. Notes. Maps, ix and
333 pp. Cloth $35.00.

The book is, primarily, a military history of Colonel
Miles' campaigns and battles in 1876 and 1877. Based on
documentary research as well as years of fieldwork the
author describes Miles' revitalization of army strategy and
reconstructs battles, providing troop-movement maps, at
Wolf Mountains and at. Spring, Cedar, Bark, Ash, and
Muddy Creeks. Little is known of these battles today but
were very important in closing the conflict in 1877.

Centennial West: Essays on the Northern Tier States. Edited by William
L. Lang. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991. Index. Maps,
vii and 290 pp. Cloth $30.00. Paper $17.50.

Kit Carson: A Pattern for Heroes. By Thelma S. Guild and Harvey L.
Carter. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. Illustrated. In-
dex. Bibliography. Notes. Maps, ix and 367 pp. Paper $9.95.

The first biography of Kit Carson was published ten
years before his death in 1868. As a guide, scout, and
hunter for Col. J. C. Fremont's first three expeditions, Car-
son came to public attention through reports that Fremont
had written, which were reprinted and widely read. The
authors describe Carson as a simple and direct man of ac-
tion, aware of his own lack of education, and having a
strong sense of duty and a desire to do his best. Accord-
ing to Thelma Guild and Harvey Carter, "the term fron-
tiersman is perhaps the most adequate descriptive word that
can be applied to Kit Carson."

This book is composed of twelve essays that were
presented at the Centennial West conference. The themes
of the essays examine the region known as the Northern
Tier States, Washington, Idaho, North Dakota, South
Dakota, Montana, and Wyoming. The topics covered by
these essays include law enforcement and the development
of legal institutions, statehood and territorial politics, labor
movements, life on Indians reservations, the development
of railroad towns, and New Deal investments in the region.

Trail Dust and Saddle Leather. By Jo Mora. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1987. Originally published: New York: Scribner, 1946. Il-
lustrated. V and 246 pp. Cloth $21.95. Paper $7.95,

Jo Mora has done all of the illustrations for this book.
In Trail Dust and Saddle Leather the author presents an
authentic look at the real-life cowboy's way of life in terms
of his clothing, animal handling, equipment they use, the
food they eat, and chores they perform on a routine
schedule.

Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper Missouri: The Personal Narrative of Charles
Larpenteur, 1833-1872. Introduction by Paul L. Hedren. Historical In-
troduction by Milo Milton Quaife. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1989. Originally published: Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1933.
Index. V and 388 pp. Cloth $29.95. Paper $9.95.

The journals kept by Charles Larpenteur are some of
our most important sources of information concerning the
fur trade of the Upper Missouri. The son of French im-
migrants who settled in Maryland, Larpenteur obtained
a job with the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Based on
his daily journals, a detailed account of the business side
and social environment of the fur trade was developed.

The Long Rifle. By Stewart Edward White. Introduction by Winfred
Blevins. Missoula, Montana: Mountain Press Publishing Company,
1990. iii and 375 pp. Cloth $24.95. Paper $14.95.

In this book, American history, human nature, and
Western myth combine to tell the story of Andy Burnett.
As a youth he headed West, taking with him the long rifle
given to his grandfather by Daniel Boone. Throughout the
book, Andy's adventures, tragedies and personal growth
unfold as he grows to manhood.

68

BOOK NOTES

Crazy Horse: The Strange Man of the Oglalas. By Mari Sandoz. Introduction
by Stephen B. Oates. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992.
Originally published: New York: A. A. Knopf, 1942. Bibliography.
Notes, xxiii and 428 pp. Cloth $25.00. Paper $11.95.

Man, Beast, Dust: The Story of Rodeo. By Clifford P. Westermeier. Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1987. Originally published: Denver:
World Press, 1947. Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. 474 pp. Cloth
$29.95. Paper $10.95.

Crazy Horse, the military leader of the Oglala Sioux
fought many famous battles, including the battle of the Lit-
tle Big Horn against General Custer and the 7th Cavalry.
He held out boldly against the government's efforts to
place the Sioux on reservations. Finally, Chief Crazy Horse
surrendered on May 6, 1877. While in custody Crazy Horse
tried to escape and died September 5, 1877, from wounds
received during the attempt.

Clifford Westermeier, a noted historian and painter of
the West, looks at rodeo from its beginnings as a one-day
shov^ to the arena contests of the cities. This book is
credited with being the first scholarly study and first book
length study of the rodeo sport.

69

VIDEO REVIEW

Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on the Little Piney. Fort Collins, Colorado:
Old Army Press, 1991. 30 minutes.

This video is a short sketch of the history of Fort Phil
Kearny, near what is now Story, Wyoming. It covers the
garrison establishment in 1866 as an outpost along the
Bozeman Trail to the Montana gold fields, until its aban-
donment as a stipulation of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868.
Shortly thereafter Fort Kearny was burned by Indians.

However, during its brief history, the fort became the
focal point of Sioux and Cheyenne efforts to halt White
migration along the Bozeman Trail. This resulted in some
of the most legendary military actions of the early Plains
Indian wars.

One cold December morning in 1866, Captain William
Fetterman led his eighty-one man command outside the
gates to aid a wood-carrying wagon train being attacked
by Sioux and Cheyenne. Fetterman allowed himself to be
led into an ambush laid by a young Sioux warrior called
Crazy Horse. In the ensuing battle none of the soldiers
survived.

The following summer Fort Kearny soldiers received
new breech-loading rifles, replacing the standard muzzle

loading Civil War era musket. On August 2, 1867, Cap-
tain James Powell led a small command to assist another
group of woodcutters a few miles north of the garrison.
The soldiers and civilians managed to arrange the wagon
boxes on the ground in a circular fashion. Then with the
new breech-loading rifles, Powell's command was able to
fend off a far larger force of Cheyenne and Sioux in what
has come to be known as the Wagon Box Fight. The at-
tacking Indian forces were unaware of the new single shot
rifles that could fire sixteen times a minute. Their first ac-
quaintance was quite costly.

The video places Fort Phil Kearny in its appropriate
historical context using maps, illustrations, and living
history demonstrations. It also discusses recent archaeologi-
cal excavations at the site and all is amply narrated by noted
experts.

Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on the Little Piney should
be suitable for most levels of academic work. It is a good
general treatment of an important aspect of Wyoming and
frontier military history.

ROBERT R. RYBOLT
Crawford, Nebraska

Fort Phil Kearny, 1867

70

STAFF CHANGES

RICK EWIG who had been Editor of Annals of Wyoming for the past several years
recently resigned. He accepted a post at the University of Wyoming, Coe
Library /Reference Section where he is the Manager for Reference Services.

MARK JUNGE has been appointed the new supervisor of Historical Research
and Publications. Mark, a veteran state worker, has more than twenty-five years
with the state, two of which were in the education field. A published author,
Mark brings to the section a background in research, publications and oral history.
In addition to being the new Editor of Annals of Wyoming, he has also been named
the State Historian.

71

72

r

Summer/Fall 1992

Volume 64, Nos. 3/4

Focus

Historic Army Air Base
in Trouble

TJ

W^ ifty years ago this April the
JL Casper Army Air Base was
established for the purpose of train-
iiig B- 17 bomber crews. More than
400 buildings at the base were con-
structed in three and a half months,
two weeks ahead of schedule, as
America worked feverishly to de-
fend itself and her allies. Bases like
the one built in Casper were not
meant to be permanent. But many
of the buildings were built solid.
This issue ofAivinls focuses on the
central Wyoming historic site.
Colonel Gerald Adams outlines the
base history, and Joye Kading's
photographs illustrate it, but pres-
ervation of the physical site re-
mains problematical.

Tearing down old buildings
has become nearly a pastime in
Wyomiiig. For one reason or an-
other, usually to provide parking,
historic structures are torn down,
burnt down or altered drastically
enough to compromise their in-
tegrity. It's no joke that Wyoming

citizens are too close to their past to recognize it. Imagine what
an Easterner would think if you told him there are people alive
today who came to their Wyoming homes in covered wagons
and stagecoaches, or who walked behind a plow and team of
horses. But that is the case, and one reason why pioneer
memories are still fresh in the mind is because enclaves such
as the Big Horn Basin and Jackson Hole were developed
relatively late in national history. Buildings, too, remain
from the early days of Wyoming settlement, perhaps by
reason of benign neglect more than by purposeful planning,
but they survive nonetheless.

World War II seems too recent to be called history, and
you don't have to walk far to find someone who has strong
memories of it. But those who lived through it, even if they
consider it history, may not necessarily perceive that any
war relics, apart from artifacts like bayonets, pistols, medals,
uniforms or ration stamps, are significant.

Casper Army Air Base is one of four major military
installations built in Wyoming during World War H. The
Prisoner of War Camp at Douglas, Heart Mountain Reloca-

Bcniic Pierce, salvage operator, at Casper AAB Ojficers
Club diirui^ its removal in Aii<^iist, 1992.

tion Center between Cody and
Powell, and the quartermaster fa-
cility at Fort F. E. Warren in Chey-
enne are the other three. Part of the
vast quartermaster facility at F. E.
Warren remains. But the POW
Camp is gone, all but a few struc-
tures at Heart Mountain have been
removed, and the Casper base is fast
disappearing in the wake of
"progress." Transferred to Natrona
County for use as an airport after the
war, it is being sacrificed to airport
development.

Approximately 100 structures
remain out of more than 400 built at
the base. Barracks, latrines, thechapel
(currently Our Lady of Fatima Catho-
lic Church in Casper), the officers'
mess, the Link trainer building, base
headquarters and several WAC dor-
mitories have been removed or de-
stroyed -many in only the past sev-
eral years- and others are sched-
uled for the same fate.

On August 6,1992 an inter-
view was conducted with Bernie
Pierce, owner of "Wy Rocks, Woods, Ck^cks, Designs," and an
experienced Casper salvage operator. Pierce was in the process of
removing the Officers' Club from its concrete pad at the base.
Although he was busy salvaging what he could from the site,
Pierce offered a few observations. That this structure, iii particu-
lar, was built to last, despite the fact the base was never intended
to be permanent, was obvious in the straight lumber anti the
steel bolts used to bind the planks together.

"You take 'em apart, you know, you can understand what
they went through putting it up, originally. ...the original con-
struction was done very well. Some of these have had additions
put on 'em ...not quite the same quality of workmanship that they
used to have. I would venture to say that this was put together
originally by carpenters.

The quality of the lumber is much better than what you
can purchase now. They used to take time. Back when this
lumber was cut, they'd take time to dry it and season it. And
now the demand is so high that ...throw it in under a candle for
25 minutes and it's dry and you get it.

This was a tight building. Since I've been continui;p.5

Govi-RNOR oi- Wyoming
Mike Sullivan

Di:PARTMrNT oi Commerce Director
Max Maxheld

Parks and Cultural Resources Division Chief
David Kathka

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission
George Zeimans, Lingle
Frances Fisher, Saratoga

Pam Rankin, Jackson
Jlannie Hickey, Cheyenne

David Peck, Riverton

NoRVAL Waller, Sundance

Jere Bogrett, Riverton

Hale Kreycik, Douglas

Volume 64, Nos. 3/4
Summer/Fall, 1992

AnnalS

C O N T

NTS

Wyoming State Historical Society
Officers, 1992-1993

Walter Edens, President, Laramie

Sally Vanderpoel,

First Vice-president, Torrington

Ruth Lauritzen,

Second Vice-president, Green River

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary, Cheyenne

JuD-i- West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne

Staff

Mark Junge, Editor

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor

Roger Joyce, Book Review Editor

Assistants: Judy West, Ann Nelson,

Paula Chavoya, Paul Jacques,

Richard Collier, Jackie Powers,

Jackie Fisher, Patience Wubben, Brian Foster

Kim Lee Dunlap, Graphic designer

fV^'^B Cover: Headquarters, Casper Army Air Base, fall, 1943. Pat Emerson, delivery boy;
«^M~/i v^ J Evelyn Clemens, pool secretary; Joye Marshall, secretary to the commander.
Photo enlargement and oil painting: Paul Jacques, Wyoming State Museum,

Focus 2

Historic Army Air Base iii Trouble

Editor Notes A

The Casper Arm^' Air Field in World War II 6

by Col. Gerald M. Adams, USAF (Ret.)

Ei>riT)RiAi Advisory Board
Michael Cassit\

Roy Jordan

David Kathka

William H. Moore

Robert L. Munkres

Philip J. Roberts

Rick Ewig

In 1 895 Wyoming eslablished a department to collect and
preserve materials relating to stale history. Today those
duties are performed by the Department of Commerce
located in the Barrett Stale Office Building in Cheyenne
Within the department are the State Archives. State Mii
seiim. State Arts Council. State Parks and Cultural Sites
DiMsKin .ind the State Hi.storic Preservation Office. The
Aiiiiiils ,<l Wxatiiiiifi. established in 1923 to di.sseminatc
liisiDfK.il inUirniaiion about Wyoming and the West, is
piiblisliiHlin I 111- Historical Research and Publications stall
111 Ilk- Dcp.iilMRiii of Commerce. The editors of /\;;/;(;/a
welcome in.iiiuscnpis on every aspect of Wvonnnij and
Weslcni liisioiA

Aiilhors may subniil two, typed doiilile spaced copies ol
their manuscripts and endnotes to: luliioi , \iiii,ils ,<i W \,,
///(/I,!,'; Wyoming Department of Comnifiic: H.nnii liiiild
mij; Cheyenne. Wyoming. x:()()2 M,iiiiisui|.is slioiild
coiilorm lo \ M, I, null ,./ Sn/r iliincisii\ ol (Imcil^o
I'lvssi. Ilic\ .ire icIcK-cdin .111 cdiloi i,,l ,uImsoi\ hoaid.
allllough the echloi icscncs llic iiphl lo make decisions
regarding the acceptability ol inanuscnpis.

Memories of an Army Air Base:

The Photo Album of Joye Marshall KadinCi

24

Ella Watson: Rustler Or Homesteader? zLQ

by Sharon Leigh

Book Reviews S "7

Index QZl

ANNAI.S 0\ W\C")MiNc; is published iiii.irU'rK In Ihc I X'p.irlim'iil ol Coinnioivo. it is ivcoivcd bv
nirmbris ol llu' \V\oniiiio S|,ilo llisloricil SocioU ,iiui is Iho pniuip.il piiblK.Uion ol tbo SocioU .
Mi'iiiborshi|nltu>s,,ro:Sm,o|oSM,|ointsi:;|ns|iliilion,ils:i)^ (. tinrnl nirinlviship ,s ISS^'. Copios ot p.isf
.incKiniviilissiiosol AW \l ^iii.n bo piirJi.isod lio.n llu'odilor. C orivspoiuKMUv should bo addrcssod
lo Iho oditor. ANNALS .irliclos ,nv .ibsti.iclod in / li^torunl Ab^tnich and Aiiiciiui: Hilton/ mul Lih:

It was the summer of 1971 when,
as an historian for the Wyoming
Recreation Commission in Cheyenne, I
first walked into the little research area
on the first floor of what is now called the
Barrett State Office Building. Every-
thing was ill one room and was called
the Historical Research and Publications
Division of the Wyoming State Archives
and Historical Department. Katheriiie
Halverson was there to greet me. Pro-
fessional and diplomatic but chatty and
full of stories, Katherine enjoyed the
human element in history. If she was
busy, research assistant John Comelison
-now with the Wyoming National
Guard- guided me to documents I
needed in order to write historical es-
says called National Register nomiiia-
tions. I never took aim at Katherine's job
and, in fact, had no intention of being
cooped up in some musty, state archival
repository. I stayed only long enough to
gather notes and make copies of materi-
als to take back to my office.

...so here I am working on the first
floor of the Barrett Building.

When I was made editor of An-
nals, replaciiig Rick Ewig who
took a job at the American Heritage Cen-
ter in Laramie, I kind of knew what 1 was
up against but no one really explained
the jc^b. I didn't exactly walk into the
place with my eyes wide open. Even as
I looked around at the stacks of manu-
scripts, correspondence and other docu-
ments, I was ignorantly confident that
somehow the Wyoming Historical
Society's scholarly quarterly. Annals of
Wi/oniing, would continue to be pub-
lished just as it always had. Late or on
time, for nearly seventy years it had been
printed and sent to the Society member-
ship -currently under 2000- who read it
and put it on the shelves of their personal
libraries. All of a sudden I realized that
the editor is responsible for making that
happen, and the blood rushed up the
veins on my neck. I got flushed thinking
that I was supposed to uphold some sort
of tradition. As the panic welled up, a
reassuring voice told me not to worry. It
wasn't just me, there were others who
worked on this thing.

As the new editor of Annals I am taking this opportunity to introduce you to the
staffofHistorical Research and Publications, a unit luithin the Wyoming State Museum. The
people above are theones who bringyou the Annals ofWyoming. From left to right are: Roger
Joyce, Judy West, yours truly, Ann Nelson and Jean Brainerd . These five peop^lehaiv 79 years
of experience in State Government and 40 in Historical Research and Publications. Roger's
title is Conservator and his main responsibility is to receive, process and preserve state
historical collections, mainly paper documents such as letters, journals, books, pamphlets and
maps. He is also the Book Review Editor of Annals. Ann is an historian who assists patrons
utilizing the state's historical docwnents. She works with walk-in patrons in Cheyenne and
those -who request assistance by phone or letter. Jean is also an historian and our Associate
Editor. Although she pvvofreads and edits the entire publication, maiuiscripts of articles that
appear in Ainmls arc her main responsibility. Jean is also in charge of the Oral History
pv'ogram, and like the rest of us she also assists patrons. Judy West is the Wyomhig State
Historical Society's liaison to state government. She updates records of Society membership
and dues, and maintains contact with Society officers, including those in county chapters.
Judy also types material that appears in Annals and assists staff in mailings.

After all, the staff managed to get out an
issue of Annals even after the editor's
departure last spring. Gradually, as I
dug through the material I realized that
it might not be all that complicated,
anyway. It was really the sanie sort t^f
stuff I'd been wading through the past
twenty-five years. The panic attack
subsided and I began in my plodding,
Germanic way to attack the piles of
paper. Butjustgettingthejob done was
not good enough. And thatbringsme to
the next point.

ou'll notice that this issue oi A)i-
nals looks different. Even so, if

you look back you'll also notice that the
Society's official periodical has changed
consiclerably siiice it became a quarterly
in 1923 and the Aiuials in 1925. One
change is its size and another is the space
devoted to graphic material. Scholarship
does not mean that a publication must be
shaped like a textbook or be devoid of
graphic material. Visual materials, as
many as feasible, will continue to be
combined with solid writing. There are
good reasons for some of the changes
you see, but change for the sake of change
is good, too, despite cliches to the con-
trary. And a new ed itor has some leeway
to apply his brand if he wants. So if you

Notes

don't like what you see that's alright.
I'm interested in hearing what you think.
The next issue of /4 ;;; ;^7/s will ha ve a page,
at least, devoted to letters from people
like you. We want your opinions. You
ought to have an opinion about what I
just wrote. You may have opinions about
Jerry Adams' article on the Casper Army
Air Base, and certainly Sharon Leigh's
article on "Cattle Kate" will stimulate
the flow of bile for some, particularly
some residents of the Sweetwater Val-
ley. Here's your chance. Go ahead and
write. It's good for the body to have ill-
humors vented. Even if you don't take
advantage of this opportvinity, you'll
continue to hear from me in this column,
as well as from Associate Annah editor,
Jean Brainerd.

Z\ rticles appearing in Annals will
JL jL continue to be refereed. When
we receive an article we will send it to a
member of the Editorial Advisory Board
for an opinion on whether or not it should
be published. However, the editor and
his staff also will make decisions about
what appears or does not appear. Book
reviews and booknotes will continue to
be a regular feature, with an emphasis
upon publications relating to the history
of Wyoming and surrounding states.
However, my inclination is to include
reviews of books that are only tangen-
tially related to Wyoming will also be
included. Finally, future issues of An-
;;n/s will contain some advertising. Mon-
ies generated by advertising will be
poured back into Annals so that we can
continue to provide you with a quality
publication.

Perhaps after reading this far you
still are not certain who it is that
brings you the /4n/?<7/s. Many of you may
not be able to keep up with all the
organizational and name changes m state
government. You may prefer to call us
"the Archives" or the "Historical Society"
or simply, as many say, "the folks down
in Historical." Even though we have
been a part of the Wyoming State Mu-
seum for five years, most people don't
know that Historical Research and Pub-
lications staff members are State Mu-
seum employees. How we came to this

pass is beyond the scope of this column.
But having come from the State Historic
Preservation Office, I see a major differ-
ence between the two programs, which
lie within the purview of the same state
agency. SHPO is a federal/ state pro-
gram. It is embroiled in controversy
because it involves the federal govern-
ment, which people distrust, and it in-
volves personal property. When histo-
rians go to work as preservationists they
become involved in "public history" and
must deal with physical sites that often
are in private ownership. It becomes a
touchy issue when bureaucrats are in-
volved in the disposition of something
over which people fought a revolution.
Prospective preservationists should
have battle helmets and armament and
be trained in defensive tactics before
trying to fight battles over historic sites.

But in Historical Research and Pub-
lications it is different. People
walk into the Barrett Building to offer us
information, or they want us to provide
them with information. Either way,
collaboration between employee and
patron is based upon common interest
and trust, and involves no ties to prop-
erty. Wlien plain old history is the issue,
unfettered by property, relationships
between the public and public servants
grow as normally as a plant.

A recent example of the differ-
ence property can make can be seen in
the refusal of certain Tensleep area resi-
dents to have their ranches nominated
for enrollment in the National Register.
They may love history and cherish the
memories of their ancestors, but they
will fight tenaciously against what they
perceive to be the first step in the taking
of their property, even though the chance
of that happening is remote and the
preservation law itself precludes the
taking of property.

The difference in these two pro-
grams never dawned upon me until
taking this job. Having endured the
blast furnace of historic preservation
for two decades in a rural western state
where history is young and private
property sacred, having worked with
people antagonistic to preservation, it
was a pleasant surprise to encounter an
outpouring of love and empathy in this

job. Although history, generally, is at the
low end of the totem pole in state govern-
ment, the camaraderie of fellow employ-
ees and support of citizens has made the
transition to this job a pleasant one. ■

FOCUS, CONTINUED

out here I've seen this building and I've
always really liked it. I always would
like to ha ve had it right here j ust f or . . .you
know, I think it would have made an
excellent workshop or a store ...any-
thing. I had thought that when I was
taking the roof off this building -and this
was after the center section was all down
and gone- I was thinking that what I
should of done is cut this building in
pieces, moved it to a different location,
rebuild it as it originally was, and then
open up a restaurant and a lounge and
have it as the 'officers' club.' As I said
before, I didn't know there was so much
interest in these old buildings out here,
and the history of it. If this had been kept
original, even if it was empty, I think it
would probably draw a lot of tourists.

A lot of these buildings, well,
they've stood 50 years now. They'll stand
another 50 years. I can't answer for the
other people, but I've always been par-
tial to the, you know ...older thiiigs."

Diversifying the economy and pro-
moting clean industry, particularly tour-
ism, are goals oft-expressed by Wyo-
muigites, not just those soliciting \'otes. If
these goals truly are worthwhile, the his-
toric Casper Army Air Base complex
might be a good candidate for de\'elop-
ment. Cessation of historic building re-
moval is one step in the right direction. A
good historic interpreti\'e plan for struc-
tures that remain is another.

Not ex'ery old building in the state
can be made into a museum. But a \ast
historic site like Casper ArniN' Air Base, if
it is allowed to exist as an historic com-
plex, can attract and educate families,
students and tourists. Preser\ation plan-
ning often doN'etails nicely with com-
mercial development for the benefit of
both. One does not hax'e to traxel far in
order to see that sensiti\it\- to historic
preserxation brings monetary rewards.
Finallv, for those inxohed in federal pro-
grams, sensiti\'it\- facilitates good rela-
tionships with federal and state preser-
xation authorities. ■

When the United States started build- near Cheyenne, Fort Francis E. Warren. It
ing up its miUtary forces in early 1941,Wyo- received additional troops and a construc-
ming seemed to be out of the running for new tion program added 327 temporary build-
air bases or any other defense installation ings. Only rumors and vague possibilities
offering an economic benefit. The only mili- were offered Casper,
taiy facility in Wyoming for many years had Casper" s population totaled 1 8.500 in
been the seventy-three year old Anny post 1941 and the community had not recovered

The Casper Army Air
Field in World^)C^ II

BY Gerald Adams

Right: 176 combat crew trainees of
TH1-: 33 1ST Bomb Group posing in

l-RONT OF a B-iy BOMBF.R AT CaSPER

Arm\' Air Basi;. Photo taken July i i ,

1943 during an INSPECnON visit BY

Gi;ni:ralH.H. Arnold.

from the depression of the 1930s. It lay in the
doldnims economically and needed any help
it could get. The oil industry had long been
the community's most important economic
contributor but it had suffered. Three large
refineries had eariier located in Casper to
accommodate the oil fields of Natrona and
adjoining counties and those refineries con-
tinued to operate but at a reduced capacity.
The refineries belonged to Standard Oil of
Indiana, the Texas Company and Socony-
Vacuum Refining Company . The livestock
industry was second in importance to oil.

Wyoming's SenatorH. H.Schwartz
offered some good news to the community

on June 14, 1941 when he announced in
Casper that the town might become the site
for an Army supply depot. Rumor indi-
cated an Army Air Corps training station
might be located at the city's airport,
Wardwell Field, but the supply depot pos-
sibility came straight from Senator
Schwartz and seemed reliable.'

Time passed and nothing happened so
the Casper Chamber of Commerce sent its
president. Harley B. Markham, to Washing-
ton, D. C. to do some aggressive lobbying.
Markham reported on his return that Casper
had a good chance of getting an Army Air Corps

1. Casper Tribune-Herald, ]ur\e 14, 1941.

bombardment school at Wardwell Field.-

The Army supply depot rumors soon
died a natural death but other rumors sur-
faced. Casper waited to hear from Washing-
ton, hoping that a military installation of some
kind would be built, and that the local economy
would be afforded some help. Wyoming's
capitolcity, Cheyenne, enjoyed the increas-
ing benefits of the nearby Army post but
otherwise the state had been left out.

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor
December 7, 1941 and the United States
declaration of war increased the nation's mo-
bilization effort to a feverish pace in early

2. Casper Tribune-Herald, July 30, 1941.

1 942. Still no new military installations were
offered to Wyoming. Hundreds of training
camps and air fields were being built in other
western states. Nebraska had a dozen army
air fields, four ordnance plants, two army
posts and the huge Martin bomber plant.'
Wyoming and Casper waited hopefully.

Establishment of Base

Finally, on April 19. 1942 the Casper
Trihwic-Henild headline announced,
"Casper Gets Air Coips Base." Wyoming
Senators H. H. Schwartz and Joseph C.
O" Mahoney announced that an air base would
be built near Casper, exact location to be
determined. Two sites were being consid-
ered. The senators generously credited the
cooperative community effort led by the
Casper Chamber of Commerce and supported
by the city administration and the Natrona
County Commissioners. In the first order of
business Casper's Mayor, Dr. G. W. Earle,
requested the city to appropriate $20,000
for a twelve-inch water line to the new air
base, wherever it might be located.

Four Army Corps of Engineers offic-
ers arrived from their Omaha headquarters in
late April, headed by Lt. Col. Carl T.
Nordstrom, and took charge of the construc-
tion program. In early May 1942 a site had
been selected for the new army air base eight
miles west of Casper. The new air field
consisted initially of 2902 acres of sagebrtish-
dotted prairie at a mean elevation of 5300 feet.
a combination of government and privately
held land. The building of runways, roads and
bairacks began during May. The Casper
constrtjction firm of Rognstad and Olsen re-
ceived prime contracts for most buildings,
with other Wyoming firms sub-contracUng.
The Boise. Idaho, construction firm of
Morrison-Knudsen received prime contracts
for the runways, roads, hangars and base
sewer system.*^

Four intersecting runways were
planned, each a mile long, and three were
completed by August 15, 1942 when an
Aeronica single-engine, two passenger plane
made the first landing. The aircraft was
piloted by Maj. James A. Moore, commander
of the base, who had airived a month earlier.
Moore had with him as a passenger Captain
Lyman A. Young, one of the four Army
Corps of Engineers officers supervising con-
struction of the air base. Anothereariy arrival
and witness to this auspicious occasion. Cap-
tain Frederick H. Haiglcr, Jr., would serve as
base surgeon.

3. "Air Bases," Nebmskn History (Winter, 1991): 190.

4. Casper Tribune-Herald, May 7, 1942, p.l; May 29, 1942
p.1;and June 7, 1942, p.l.

Construction had progressed so well
that official activation of the Army Air Base
at Casper occurted two weeks ahead of sched-
ule on September I, 1942 and before air-
planes or a full complement of troops had
airived. As for the economic benefits Casper
had sought. Dr. T. A. Larson wrote in his
excellent book, Wyoming 's War Years, 1941-
/945(StanfordU. Press, 1954), "In no time at
all the base brought the city out of the eco-
nomic doldrums."' Some buildings such as
the chapel, gymnasium, and officers club
would not be completed for another month
but the mission essential facilities were gen-
erally ready. The official name was Amiy Air
Base, Casper, Wyoming. The press usually
used Casper Army Air Base or Casper AAB.
The 2 1 1 th Army Air Force Base Unit
CCTS(H) had been activated to operate the
base and train bomb groups for overseas
assignment and individual replacement bom-
bardment combat crews. CCTS(H) meant
combat crew training school, heavy. The

5. Larson, T.A., \N\ioming's War Years. 1941 -1945,
(Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1954), p. 214.

"school" designation would later be changed
to "station" in 1944 and the "H" for heavy
bombardment. That is. B- 1 7 and B-24 bomb-
ers would be changed to "M" for medium
when the newer and heavier B-29 bombers
started operating in the Pacific Theater. Per-
sonnel strength at the time of activation
amounted to twenty-one officers and 165
enlisted men. Most had arrived just a few days
before from the Replacement Wing of the
Army Air Base in Salt Lake City. Utah.

The Base mission would be to receive
graduates from flying and technical training
schools in various parts of the nation, form
them into ten-man combat crews, and train
them to fly B- 1 7 bomber missions over en-
emy tenltory. Training would vary from ten
to twelve weeks. The amount of training
received sometimes depended on seasonal
weather that might hamper flying, availabil-
ity of aircraft and the overseas need for re-
placement combat crews. With training
completed, combat crews picked up new
bombers at Lincoln, Topeka or Pueblo air
bases and proceeded to a bomber group
overseas, usually to the 8th Air Force in

'-^fW

England. Since air crews and airplanes
would not start arriving for a few weeks,
the Base had some time to get ready.

Preparation

Atrainload of troops to operate the train-
ing base amved at night on September
1 and were welcomed with what the newspa-
per termed "Casper's brand of western hospi-
tality." Amiy cooks on the late arriving troop
train had been unable to prepare the evening
meal. When word got around, a group of
Casper girls working at the base and helped
by others in town collected food and started a
fire in a coal-buming kitchen range located in
one of the five. big. 300-man mess halls. By
the time the men had marched from railroad
siding to mess hall, a steaming hot supper
awaited them. Base Commander Major James
A. Moore said the men were suiprised and
pleased over this unforeseen courtesy.'''

6. Author's conversations with Joye and Frank Kading,
January-February 1992. Mrs. Kading worked in the
Base Hq 1942-1945. Also see "Fliers Arrive at Air
Base," Qispcr Tnbunc-Hcrald, September 3, l'-)42, p.l.

The civilian community of Casper did
a lot of nice things for the militai7 that first
month providing the foundation for an excel-
lent and continuing relationship with the Air
Base. An entertainment program and dance
was held that first week in September at the
Base Recreation Center with fifty young
Casper ladies serving as hostesses and danc-
ing partners. The next week a Servicemens'

Walter Abel and the three Ritz brothers. It
was one of seven war bond drives that brought
these celebrities to Wyoming. Governor Nels
H. Smith headed the greeting committee at
the train station, accompanied by Major Moore
and Dr. Earle, the Casper mayor.'

The 33 1 St Bomb Group formed, com-
manded by Lt. Colonel Frank P. Hunter, Jr.,
as the airplanes were feiried in and combat
crew trainees started aniving. While most
combat crews were assigned to a class and
upon graduation proceeded as individual crews
to their overseas assignment, bomb groups
would also be formed and move overseas as
a unit. Combat crews were assigned to one of
three classes that were numbered according
to the scheduled graduation/departure date.

Center: aerial view of Casper Army Air
Base, looking south toward Casper
Mountain. Photo taken in 1946, the year

FOLLOWING DEACTIVATION OF THE BASE. In
1949 THE BASE WAS TRANSFERRED TO NAT-
RONA County for use as an airport.

Left: Major James A. Moore, first com-
mander OF Casper Army Air Base (July 10,
1942 - September 18, 1943).

Below: a formation of U.S. 8th Air Force
B-17 Flying Fortresses dropping bombs

ON Nazi communication centers in Ger-
mans

Center opened in ihc Arkcon Building on
North Center Street in Casper, sponsored b\
the city, and was immediately popular w iih
the troops. Then a super entertainment pro-
gram appeared at the base theater and city
audilorium in late Sepleniher with llolly-
woolI stars ihal inckided Jinx I alkcnlniriz.

The training program w ould operate l\\ ent\-
lour liouis a da\ in eight hour shifts. se\en
tlass a week with each ol the three ckisscs

s;v; Tiih
Pleinbei

-//.■;■,)/,/, September 4, l^UZ, p,t:
b)42, p. I : SeptenilHM- 25, I^U2, p. 1 : .ine
l^>42, p.l.

flying, in ground school or off duty. Bomber
group designations did not appear in the news-
paper or the unclassified official records for
security reasons, even though they were only
training units.

One of the early aircraft accidents was
described on December 3. 1942 when the
Casper Tribune-Herald reported a bomber
crash near Lusk, Wyoming with no casual-
ties. With fuel low and the night dark, seven
crew members were ordered to bail out. Then
the pilot and copilot proceeded to make a
crash landing on the prairie and sui-vived. The
next accident of a Casper B-17 bomber oc-
cuiTed in New Mexico on January 13. 1943
and all seven air crew members aboard died.

Aircraft accident information during
World War II remained closely held and was
treated by the military services as classified
or on a ""need-to-know" basis. Less than half
of the major accidents of bombers and com-
bat crews based at Casper Arniy Air Base
became available to the news media. The
Casper Tribune-Herald published reports of
accidents including numbers and names of
dead and injured when the information could
be obtained. The monthly Base history report
included details of only a few of the aircraft
accidents.and the number and names of casu-

alties were never listed.

The Wyoming elections in Novem-
ber, 1942 put several new faces in office
early in 1943 including E. V. Robertson
replacing Wyoming Senator H. H. Schwartz,
and Lester C. Hunt taking over for Governor

L. HuBER Collection, Casper

NelsH. Smith. Senator JosephC.O'Mahoney
occupied the other senate seat and Frank A.
Barrett served as Wyoming's single member
in the House of Representatives.

Two provisional bomber groups were
added in December, 1942, one commanded

jm''^-'

by Lt. Colonel Luther J. Fairbanks and the
other by Lt. Colonel Hunter Harris, Jr. The
provisional groups absorbed many of the
growing number of combat crew trainees
being sent to the Army Air Base at Casper. To
reduce the number of aiiplanes in the traffic
pattern at Casper,a satellite Army Air Base at
Scottsbluff, Nebraska, was designated as an
auxiliary field for touch-and-go landings and
other flying training requirements. A small
militaiy detachment stationed at the satellite
base operated the facilities there.

Impact on Casper

A housing shortage developed in the
Casper community not long after the
base opened and became severe by Decem-
ber, 1942. Not many soldiers were mairied
but many who were wanted their wives nearby,
particularly combat crew members soon head-
ing overseas. No family or guest quarters
were planned for the base so visiting guests
and family members stayed in town. Casper
hotels, rental houses, rooming houses and
camps came under government rent control
in October, 1942 and rates were frozen, but
the available supply of rental units remained
woefully short. The scarcity of building

materials for private construction almost guar-
anteed that the housing situation would not
improve. Accordingly, the Casper civilian
community responded with its best effort to
generate rental units from previously unused
space such as garage and basement space.
Many a newly- wedded combat crew member
found accommodations with a Casper family
who had never before "let out to" or "'taken
in" renters or boarders.

Wind, dust and outside latrines caused
morale problems during the first fall and
winter on the base. The failure of several
aircraft engines were attributed to dust and
sand. Each unit on the base compiled an
activity report at the end of each month which
was combined into the monthly base history
report. The report for December, 1942 con-
tained this: "The wind seemed to blow
continuously at temfically high velocity and
the dust problem was unconceivable and seem-
ingly unendurable. Office personnel would
find several inches of dust on their desks in the
morning and would have to sweep and clean
all day in order to work." The wind reached
a velocity of at least eighty-two mph on one
occasion, as seen on the only wind measuring
instrtiment in the air traffic control tower.
Operators abandoned the tower at that ve-

locity, fearing the tower would come down,
and were not sure how much higher the
wind rose.'''

The base finished the year 1942 with
an assigned personnel strength of 3327,
quite an operation that had grown from
sagebrush and sand in six months. Units
assigned, in addition to the 2 1 1 th Army Air
Force Base Unit, the Casper contingent
included the 33 1st Bomb Group (H) with
four bomb squadrons (46 1 st through 464th ).
351st Base Headquarters Squadron, 906th
Guard Squadron, 902nd Quartermaster
Detachment and the Base Hospital.

The aiTival of Black soldiers in Febru-
ary, 1943 marked the first time Black Army
units had been assigned to the Casper area.
They would join the new service command
being organized to handle maintenance and
operation of some base facilities and motor
vehicles. Base facilides included separate
barracks, mess hall and day room. The city
established and operated with volunteers a
Colored Mens' Service Center at 241 West
First Street in Casper. This Center would be
an important asset to the Base and a very well-
used recreation facility.''

Training Program

The combat crew training program pro-
ceeded on schedule through the early
part of 1 943 with a new class of three to five
hundred combat crew trainees airiving every
three weeks as the graduating class departed
for overseas. The number of B-17 training
bombers on base stayed at about fifty aircraft
with fifty percent usually ready to fly. Hours
flown per month always exceeded 5000, a
noteworthy rate considering the experience
level of the young mechanics maintaining the
aircraft and the severe working conditions
during winter. The Army Air Base at Casper
received recognition in early 1943 for out-

QPPOSITE PAGE above: WRECKED PLANES GEN-

e rally were returned to the factory
for repairs; however, thls group of
women, working in the base aircraft
Maintenance Department, renovated a
b-24 bomber that had been involved in a

CRASH LANDING. ThF WOMEN WORKED IN
TWO SHIFT^S UNTIL THF JOB WAS FINISHED.
The MEN SERVED AS Rl I'AIK ( RI'W CHIEFS.

Summi;k, 1943.

Li;i-r: mi:mbfks oi- iHi; ^--ih A\i.\iio\
Squadron. ThI' sql'adkon ( ommanoi ks
wi Ki wnni: mi;n, Firsi Liiuii nam r.Il.
I'll I ^, JK. AND Si-;c()ND Ln:uii:\AN 1 Ru 11-
AKD H. Bkaki:.

S, /(/s/,'M/, Anmi All- Pmi^c. Cd^fcr. \Vi/iv;//>iy, Divombor
l'-i42, \ll 1 Mining, A. Probk-nis Fn>.iHintL'red. (?).
MsosiH' History, January I'-M.'v

'>. CisiHi liitHiiic-Hcnil,1,Febnu\r\ 1(\ UM3. p.l.

standing achievement in many areas that
included aircraft maintenance, monthly
hours flown, and number of combat crew
trainees graduated.

On the other hand, the aircraft accident
and casualty rate must have been a cause for
concern at all levels of command. The Casper
Tribwie-HeralclreponedonFebmaiy2SA943
that six days earlier a Casper bomber had
crashed twenty-eight miles northwest of
Glenrock, Wyoming. All ten aircrew mem-
bers on board had been killed.

Base Open House

Base Commander Lt. Colonel James A.
Moore, promoted from major in No-
vember, decided to have an open house on
March 13, 1943. Word went out and thou-
sands of Wyomingites, anxious to get an
inside view of this well guarded air base,
arrived for the occasion. Viewing stands for
3000 spectators were set up and quickly
filled. The program included tours of se-
lected base facilities, an air show that featured
a large formation of B-17s flying over the
stands at low altitude, and a pass-in-review
parade of soldiers and vehicles.'" This was
the first and one of the most successful of
many open-houses that would follow, usually
in connection with a war bond drive. The
open houses were always well attended and
enjoyed by the Casper community even though
everybody was expected to buy bonds to
show support of the war effort.

Change to B-24S

A change of training aircraft started the
next month when the first B-24
bomber, arrived from the factory to replace
the Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress. Within a
short time the total complement of B- 1 7s had
been replaced and combat crews were being
trained to operate the B-24. Both aircraft
were four engine, high-altitude bombers car-
rying ten man crews each consisting of pilot,
copilot, navigator, bombardier, flight engi-
neer, radio operator/gunner, two waist gun-
ners, ball-turret gunner and tail gunner.

Why the change from B- 1 7s to B-24s
came about after six months of successful B-
1 7 training is not clear. Most pilots who flew
both bombers preferred the B- 1 7 for its higher
altitude capability, stability and survival char-
acteristics. The organization of an all B-24 air
division, the 2nd Air Division in the 8th Air
Force, caused a greater demand for B-24s in
England, and might have been the reason for
converting to B-24 training at Casper. The
other two combat air divisions in England

10. Casper Tribune-Herald, March 14, 1943, p. 1.

flew B- 1 7s. Differing speeds and maneuver-
ability made it unwise to include B-24 and B-
17 bombers in the same formation.

The 8th Air Force Historical Soci-
ety held their annual reunion at St. Paul,
Minnesota in 1982 with some 2500 veterans
of the air war in Europe attending, mostly B-
17 and B-24 combat crew members. A spe-
cial guest was invited for this occasion, thirty-
six years after the war ended: German
Luftwaffe General Adolph Galland. Galland
headed the German fighter command during
World War II and is credited with shooting
down 104 Allied planes. During a seminar
discussion of various aircraft capabilities.
Galland was asked what he thought of the B-
24 Liberator. His reply did not help the B-
24 image; "If you had a choice you always
chose the B-24s. We liked them. Their
defense wasn't too good. They didn't have
much armor, and they burned wondeifully
even when you had a near hit." When asked
how he felt meeting in St. Paul with his foimer
adversaries, Galland answered: "This can
occur because we did not hate each other.
Every pilot, Gernian and Allied, only did his
duty.""

The Casper Tribune-Herald re-
ported on May 3 1 that B-24 bomber #998. the
first one to airive in mid-April, was named
Diane in a double christening ceremony held
on the aircraft parking ramp. The name Diane
had been painted on the nose of the bomber.
The other pari of the christening ceremony
involved month-old Diane Louise Moore,
daughter of base commander Lt. Colonel
James A Moore. Changing from one type of
aircraft to another posed a major transition
problem for the base. Spare parts and supplies
for the new aircraft had to be ordered and
stocked, and maintenance and flying person-
nel had to be obtained and trained. The
personnel at Casper Army Air Base appear to
have made that transition without significant
disruption in the training program.

Social Liee

The base had been blessed from the first
week with good entertainment and rec-
reation facilities. An Officers Club, NCO
Club and Servicemens' Recreation Center or
Service Club operated on base and in down-
town Casper. Frequent dances and other ac-
tivities were scheduled at each of the facili-
ties. The downtown Officers Club was lo-
cated in the basement of the Townsend Hotel,
the NCO Club on South Durbin Street and

1 I.Adams, Gerald M. "A Case For Attending A
Reunion,"/oHn;rt/ of The 7th Photo Reconnaissance
Croup, September 1982, pp. 1-5.

BoMBi-RCHi;w23y5,CASPi^KARM'>AiKBASi;.

two Servicemens Centers were in the heart of
the city. Distinguished entertainers visited
the base soon after activation the first month
including Bob Hope, Jerry Colonna and
Frances Langford. Visits by other well known
personalities would continue.

The thirty-eight member 47th Army
Air Force Band formed in Februai-y, 1943
added immeasurably to the pleasure and en-
tertainment of the entire community. Initially
intended as a marching band, it soon boasted
a twenty-seven member dance orchestra and
a twelve member concert band. The band had
a good following by May. 1943 when Gene
Autry airived in uniform to perform to a full
house at the base theater. Autry' s guitar
provided the main accompaniment but part of
the band participated. His show was enthusi-
astically received and broadcast nationally.

The first weekly base newspaper,
the Slip Stream appeared in October. 1 942. It
reported on May 1 9. 1 943 that the first cadre
of WAACs (Womens" Auxiliary Army
Coips) had arrived with twelve enlisted
women led by Lieutenant Florence E.
McDennott. The WAACs would drop the
auxiliary from their name a few months later
and be identified as WACs or Womens'
Army Coips, part of the regular Army. They
grew to a full size company of about 150
members, the 768th WAC Headquarters
Company. Functional assignments in-
cluded personnel and administration, sup-
ply, air traffic control and aircraft mainte-
nance at the overhaul depot. The WAC
living compound was located near the main
gate and consisted of ban-acks. day room,
mess hall and recreation center.

Combat crew members from all the
overseas battle theaters amved at the Casper
Army Air Base by mid-June, 1943 to help
train new combat crews that would soon be
sent to bomb groups vacated by the veter-
ans. Some of the latter had distinguished
themselves in battle and were soon to be
recognized.

Visit By
Army Air Force Head

The head of the Army Air Forces, Gen-
eral H. "Hap" Arnold, landed at the
Base on a beautiful Wyoming Sunday morn-
ing, July 11,1 943 and decorated nine combat
veterans with thirteen awards at a ceremony
on the night line. A pass-in-review parade of
the 21 IthAAF Base Unit followed the awards
ceremony while a formation of B-24s flew
low overhead. Second Air Force Commander
Maj. General Davenport Johnson, and Brig.
General Eugene L. Eubanks, head of 2nd
Bomber Command, were in the reviewing
party that concluded with an in-ranks inspec-

tion. General Arnold
had with him on this
trip British Anny Field
Marshal Sir John Dill
who had been confer-
ring with the military
chiefs in Washington
on Allied strategy in
Europe. Before de-
parting, and after a
base tour of construc-
tion projects. General
Arnold said, "This is
one of the finest bases
I have seen in the
Amiy Air Forces." '-

Problems

Shortly after Gen-
eral Arnold's de-
parture the training
schedule resumed
even though it was
Sunday. The war ef-

fort required a twenty-four hour schedule
seven days a week. That night a B-24 on a
routine training flight crashed thirty miles
north of Casper killing all eight crew mem-
bers. Four crew members — pilot, copilot,
navigator and bombardier — were all 2nd
Lieutenants. A staff sergeant represented the
highest enlisted rank on board. The makeup
of the crew typified the low rank and experi-
ence of combat crews in training. An accident

Lt. Col. Tracy Richardson, commander
OF Casper Arm^' Air Base from September
i6 TO November 15, 1943.

ence and flying time.
Experienced instruc-
tor pilots (IPs) flew
with new crews for a
limited number of
flights. Combat crews
then proceeded with
scheduled training
flights and were at the
mercy of an assigned
pilot crew commander
with limited skill.
Rarely did a Casper
bomber involved in a
crash have an IP
aboard.'"

Sand and dust
had a devastating ef-
fect on aircraft engines
and troop morale. But
an intensive base seed-
ing and landscaping
program inaugurated
in the spring, 1943be-
gan to pay dividends
by September. The amount of dust and sand
earlier seen in the air on a windy day had been
significantly reduced. In addition to vegeta-
tion stabilization the Base improvement pro-
gram included the addition of sidewalks,
watered lawns at selected locations, and shrub-
bery. Squadrons were "encouraged" to add
rocks along their sidewalks and paint or white-
wash them. Later the units no longer reported
dust as a morale problem but one did com-

1 Frank Kading Collectk

investigation board examined the wreckage
and circumstances of each accident. If mate-
rial failure did not appear evident, the cause
invariably was attributed to pilot error which,
in turn, could be attributed to lack of experi-

Above: interior of Officers Club, Casper
Army An< Base. ca. 1942.

12. Lnsp,

13. Ibid.

TnbiinC'Hcnihl.WiW LI, ] 943, p.

14

plain that while gambHng was prevalent and
wide open in Casper, enlisted men were barred
from participating. Another unit report
sounded better: "The morale of the squadron
is very high due to the fact that all married
enlisted men are allowed to reside off the
base in the town of Casper where the rents
are reasonable and the people friendly."'^

New Base Commander

'change of base commanders occurred
in September, 1943 when Lt. Colonel
James A. Moore, who had been there for a
year, was succeeded by Lt. Colonel Tracy
Richardson. Moore became commander of
Gowen Field at Boise. Idaho. He had been an

T;

effective and popular commander with both
the military and civilian communities. Like
Moore. Richardson had been a World War 1
pilot who returned to the Army when World
War II began. Henceforth, base commanders
would turn over every few months with little
opportunity for a commander to get ac-
quainted in Casper or on the base. Some-
times Army Air Forces dissatisfaction with
performance resulted in a change of com-
mander and at other times the officer wanted
to be assigned overseas.

The following organizations were
functioning within the 2 1 1 th AAF Base Unit

14. History, Army Air Base, Casper, Wyoming, Septem-
ber 1943, VIII Morale (5). Also see Histoni of the

357 sf P,7sr f/17 &Mrbnsc Sqdn, November 1943.

in September, 1943: 381st Headquarters &
Airbase Sqdn, 906th Guard Squadron, 377th
Aviation Squadron, 902nd Quartermaster
Detachment, 47th AAF Band, 768th WAC
Sqdn and the 33 1 st Bomber Group, with
three bomber squadrons. The 126 combat
crews in training would soon significantly
increase.

Combat air commands overseas,
particularly the 8th Air Force in England,
needed more bombers and combat crews to
replace losses, build up the striking force and
increase the striking power of attacks on
enemy targets. Losses were running high and
on October 14, 1943 a raid from England of
228 four-engine B- 1 7 and B-24 bombers on
the Schweinfurt ball-bearing plant in Ger-
many cost the 8th Air Force sixty-two bomb-
ers shot down and 620 crew members lost.
There were also 138 bombers damaged that
day. a date that came to be known as "Black
Wednesday." Most of the damaged planes
limped back to bases in England with their
dead and wounded on board. This was the
largest loss yet from a single raid.'-^ The
pressure on combat crew training schools
to expedite the training program would not
relax soon.

Flights of Bell P-39 Aircobra
fighter planes from Peterson Arniy Air Base
at Colorado Springs began aniving periodi-
cally at the Casper base for fourteen-day
periods in October, 1943. The fighter pilots
were also in training and the joint exercises
with bombers provided experience for both
fighter and bomber crews to deal with the
enemy in the air. The fighter pilots soon had
their shai^e of accidents with two planes col-
liding in October during maneuvers twenty
miles south of Lusk. Squadron Commander
Lt. Colonel Edwin S. Chickering bailed out
and the other plane returned to the base safely,
but with considerable damage. Flight Officer
Charles E. Yeager bailed out of his P-39 a few
days later fifteen miles west of Casper. '" The
Bell P-63 Kingcobra. a larger version of the
P-39. began airiving from Peterson Army Air
Base for short training periods with the bomb-
ers a few months later.

Lii-i': Florhnci; !•. M( DrRMorr. i.iaoi-r (ii-
II II Woinu^n'sAkm'i Ai XII iARvCx')RPS. Ni:\i'
1(1 III K IS Cai'iain Aim ki C. Bi r(;is, Basi-:
lixi ( I'lni; 0\\\( IK. W HI \ iin WAACs

Hl( AMI THI W'OMI \'sArMV((1R1\s(\VACs),
WO.MI N Hl( A,\ll I'ARIOI nil RH.IIAK \KM>'
,\M1\\ I RIC,I\I \ Mill I AK^ RANK A\n II II IS.

\5. I'mme, Hugono M., l-ditor, ".\ir \ietor\ in I'urope. '
lUc ImpacUiMr Wnm . (New ^ ork; P. Win Xostrand
Co., 1959): p.:72.

16. Casper Tribuiie-HeraU. Octoboi

^)43, p.

Registration of Unit

O Id-Timers stationed at Casper during
World War II will recall the confusion
that prevailed for a short period when squad-
rons changed designations, supposedly to
simplify things. The redesignation of units
became effective December 1 . 1943 with the
parent unit, the 211th AAF Base Unit, be-
coming the 331st Combat Crew Training
School. Other changes included the 47th
AAF Band becoming the 547th AAF Band.
Then on March 23, 1944 it all changed back
to the 211th AAF. But now alphabetical
sections replaced the numbered squadrons.
The 381st Headquarters Squadron became
Section A. the 768th WAC Squadron was

redesignated Section B. the 377th Aviation
Sqdn to Section C. the Medical detachment
assumed the title of Section M. a tow target
squadron recently arrived became Section T,
and so forth. The number of combat crews in
training had grown to 164 by the middle of
January. 1944.

Bailout Procedures

Airborne emergency procedures for
bomber combat ere ws were spelled out
in some detail but the time and extent of
execution of procedure rested largely with the
pilot. At times only part of the crew would be
ordered to bail out when an emergency oc-
cun-ed leaving the pilot, copilot and flight

engineer to continue to try to cope with the
emergency or crash landing. The five rear
gunners plus the bombardier and navigator
were usually the first to go and sometimes the
only ones . Engine or other mechanical trouble,
low fuel or bad weather could quickly cause
an emergency for a new and inexperienced
combat crew. If the emergency occuired near
an airfield the pilot could set the plane down
there, otherwise he sought the best ten-ain
available. If the emergency occuiTcd at night
and in rough country the pilot could order the
bailout of all crew members, allowing the
plane to crash. Survival of the crew then
became the problem.

The Casper Tribune-Herald re-
ported on December 29. 1943 that five B-24

^SS^^"^'!

:i^

i6

crew members had bailed out in the Casper
area and four were soon found in good condi-
tion. It took a while longer to locate the fifth
crew member, but he too turned up uninjured
in the Poison Spider area. After the five bailed
out, the pilot and copilot kept the B-24 air-
borne and reached a Base runway for the
emergency landing without further damage
to the aircraft. Still, the precautionary bailout
of most of the crew was a prudent measure
taken by the pilot.

Ni-.w Designation

The Army decided to change the designa-
tion "air bases" to "air fields" in early
1944. After February the name would offi-

cially be Army Air Field. Casper, Wyoming.
The press and others would use Casper Army
Air Field, Casper AAF or CAAF. The Army
had already realigned its upper level com-
mand structure in early 1 942 and changed the
name of the Army Air Corps to Ai'my Air
Forces. Changing "air bases" to "air fields"
might have been a continuation of that earlier
trend, but it seemed unusual in the middle of
a global war.

Other alignments were announced
in March. 1944 including discontinuation of
the army air fields at Scottsbluff, Nebraska,
and Pierre, South Dakota as satellites of
Casper Army Air Field. Those air fields had
acquired other missions but were still avail-
able for touch-and-go landings and transition
training. On March 15. Casper Army Air
Field combat crews in training totaled 167.
The April 28. 1 944 edition of the Slip Stream
proudly announced that twenty WAC air-
plane mechanics were now assigned to the over-
haul depot pertbiming aircraft maintenance.

Segregation

The Black 377th Aviation Squadron had
suffered morale problems soon after
their anival. The unit performed service

catered to Black personnel. Because of this,
periodically one or two trucks transported
twenty or so members of the unit, on two-day
passes, to the big town of Denver. Colorado.
The squadron adjutant, 2nd Lieutenant Rich-
ard H. Brake, acted as escort officer. The
Service Club in Casper for Blacks also allevi-
ated the morale problem with a full and attrac-
tive schedule of activities and entertainment.
Then in May, 1944 an NCO Club for Blacks
and their families opened downtown and en-
joyed great popularity. Successful from the
first day, this Club proved to be equally
popular with wives and girlfriends. The na-
ture of the unit's morale problem was quite
common at western military installations
where local communities lacked sizeable ci-
vilian Black population.'^

Military Wives

An article in the Casper Tribune -He raid
on June 27, 1944 refeired to a War
Department recommendation that Officers
Clubs admit wives whose member husbands
were serving overseas, and that they be al-
lowed to use Club facilities. Military depen-
dents were not offered many "perks" during
World War II such as medical care or Post
Exchange andCommissaiy privi-
leges. This small act by the War
Department provided a first step
toward providing more privileges
to wartime military families.

LiiFT: Waves of Consolidated B-24 Lib-
erators FLYING THROUGH FLAK DURING
RAID ON PlOESTI, RUMANIA OIL CRACKING

PLANT. May 31, 1944.

RiGHi: "V-mail. "Thi-; le'itersofservk r

MI'N AND WOMEN DURING WORLD WaR 1
Wl'RE WRITTEN ON GOVliRNMliN 1 I'AI'I K,
PHOTOGRAPH I'll ON MK ROTII.M AND RT-

DiiciiD IN si/t: i-or shipping.

work all over the base that ranged fidin the
motor pool to the mess halls. Segregation
prevailed on and olTbase.recrealion tacili-
lics remained exlremely limited and the Black
ci\ilian population ol'Casper totaled less than
a hundred. Only one restaurant in Casper

17

is\\ilh loinior 1 I. KkIwrI H.
imi,ir\-Iohru,ir\ l^^z, HmU

dm 111;.; hi-, two \o,ir tour ,ind
Ut iIk' w .ir. Ho Clime to Chey-

Li(C to work in the insurance
.'tired. See.ilsoH/sfcn/, 211th
/ Air /iVs('. Ciis;'<'r, Wyoming,

Casper had many wives of officers and non-
commissioned officers v\ aiting for their hus-
bands to return. The NCO Club on base and
in Casper adopted a similar measure without
any urging from the War Department.

Combat crew trainees received a full mea-
sure of flying time at the Casper Army Air
Field. The summer months were good times
for combat crews training in Wyoming. In
mid-June a total of 1 72 combat crews were in
training, about 1.700 individuals grouped in
three classes and in three different phases of
training. The permanently assigned base
military complement totaled 2732: 396 offic-
ers and 2336 enlisted men. Thirty-four air
crews graduating on June 1 7 all proceeded to
Topeka. Kansas to pick up new aircraft and
fly overseas. A flying-time record of 7761
hours had been set that month.'''

Dedication of Murals

An art project begun by four G.I. artists in
the Service Club seven months previ-
ous had its dedication in June, 1944. A great
deal of research and effort was put into the
project by artists Corporal Leon Tebbetts,
Private David Rosenblatt, Sergeant J. P.
Morgan, and Sergeant William Doench. A
series of murals in the lounge depicted the
romantic stoiy of pioneers and their efforts to
conquer Wyoming and the West. Explana-

Air Field received an irate letter in July. 1 944
from a Natrona County rancher living near
one of the bombing ranges. The rancher wrote
that bombs had been dropped near his house
and that his horses had been fired at by .50
caliber machine guns. He did not say if any
horses had been hit. The Air Inspector inves-
tigated and found the rancher's report accu-
rate. However, the Inspector did not believe
that the .50 caliber guns were aimed at the
horses. He did not record what, if anything,
had been done to prevent such occurrences in
the future. There might have been other irate
ranchers in the vicinity of the bombing and
firing ranges with simiku" experiences but their
protests were not submitted or included in the
office history done by the Air Inspector.-"

T

Personnel: All Time High

tory plaques were placed below each mural

and offered everyone visiting the Service

Club an appreciation of Wyoming history.''^

The Air Inspector at Casper Army

18. History, Zllth AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, June 1944.

19. S//> S/rra»/, June 24, 1944, p.8. Note: The murals
remain, 1992, in the former Service Club building,
now a property of Natrona County and leased to a
square dance club. Efforts are being made by Joye
and Frank Kading to safeguard the paintings which
remain remarkably well preserved.

he name of the 21 1th AAF Base Unit
suffered a slight alteration in August from
"school" to "station" while personnel strength
hit an all time high. Military personnel perma-
nently assigned totaled 3993 (435 officers
and 3558 enlisted men) plus 922 civilian
employees. Additionally. 1 66 combat crews
were in training. Knowing the Arniy Air
Force had a sizeable contingent at Casper, the
Forest Service requested help when a forest
fire got out of control in the Big Horn National
Forest to the north. Two hundred enlisted
men were sent to the
Tensleep area for sev-
eral days and helped
bring that raging fire
under control.-'

The Pacific
Theater of Operations
began receiving prior-
ity in mid- 1944. ac-
cording to a War De-
partment announce-
ment and a shift of re-
sources and striking
power to that theater
begun. Civil authori-
ties decided that the
nightly curfew could
be lifted, a restriction
in effect for two years
requiring all military personnel to be off the
streets of Casper by midnight. Consideration

Above: airplane target site at Casper
Army Air Base.

Right: Frank and Joye Kading in front

OF WALL PAINTING, SERVICE MEN'S ClUB.

20. History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CC'rS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, July 1944.

21. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, August 1944.

i8

for combat crews going overseas was given
as the reason. --

By that time people in the United
States were beginning to feel easier about the
war. The Allied invasion of Europe on June
6. 1 944 had launched the offensive that would
end the conflict in Europe May 8. 1945 on V-

22. Casper Tnlnme-Hcmld. September 6, 15, 1944, pp.1
and 13.

E, or Victory in Europe, Day. Even though
bombing raids over Europe still resulted in
losses, combat crews completing their train-
ing after mid- 1944 had a good chance of
being sent to a bomber group in the Pacific
Theater.

The aixival of Miss Doris V. Bristol
a WASP (Womens Auxiliary Service Pilot),
and her assignment to Base Operations as an

assistant operations officer and administra-
tive pilot, created a great deal of curiosity.
Could she really fly? The War Department's
puipose in organizing the WASP had been to
release pilots from stateside assignments to
overseas combat units. Bristol had received
her pilot wings at Avenger Field. Texas a year
earlier and acquired considerable flying ex-
perience since graduating. She soon won the

admiration and respect of the Base Opera-
tions test-flight crews when she flew copilot
for a month, test-flying B-24s. The base his-
tory for September, 1944, included a com-
ment about Doris Bristol: ". . . her services
were utilized to the fullest." She lived at the
nurses quarters near the Base Hospital and
used their mess but she was also welcomed as
a member of the Field Officers Mess. Miss

Bristol w as the first and only WASP assigned
to Casper Amiy Air Field.- '

The addition of a Search & Rescue
Detachment to the Base in October. 1944
brought a measure of comfort to combat
training crews facing the coming Wyoming
winter.-'^ The Detachment's mission included
searching for lost aircraft and airmen who
had crashed or parachuted, and to rescue
survivors. The unit included medics trained
as parachutists.

Responsibility for search and rescue
of downed airmen had previously rested
loosely with several agencies. When an air
plane went down near the base a rescue party
usually could be quickly assembled. It would
consist of some firemen and a fire truck, an
ambulance with a medic or two. aiiplane
mechanics that could be spared, perhaps a
military policeman or two, and maybe a doc-
tor and representatives from the county
sheriff's office. If the aircraft went down in
another part of the state, or another state, a
local sheriff usually got the word first and
organized a search party. Winter weather in
Wyoming could be very dangerous to downed
crew members, particularly if they were in-
jured. Modest though this new Search &
Rescue Detachment appeared to be. it proved
to be an effective and vastly improved means
of saving distressed airmen.

The Casper Arniy Air Field oper-
ated at full training capacity for two years,
generating combat crews and apparendy main-
taining what amounted to an acceptable war-
time accident rate. Then in October, 1944 a
record of six B-24 accidents occurred and
were recorded in the Base history as "com-
plete wrecks." although the history did not
usually include mention of aircraft accidents.
Neither the names or number of casualties
involved in the accidents were included, keep-
ing with the military's practice of withhold-
ing all of the aircraft accident information
they possibly could. Most of the October acci-
dents occurred on or near the base so it is
probable that the pilots probably were prac-
ticing touch-and-go landings. Casper's
newspaper reported only two of the six Octo-
ber B- 24 crashes, listing eighteen crew mem-
bers aboard the two aircraft with nine killed,
a fifty per cent casualty rate. The nine survi-
vors presumably parachuted with some inju-
ries. The accident investigating board found
cause for five of the six accidents to be pilot
error with only one attributed to material
failure.-"

23. Qispcr Tribiine-Heralct, September 25, 1955, p.l.
Also see History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)),
Army Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, September 1944.

24. Cnsper Tribune-Herald, October 3, 1944, p. 5.

25. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army
Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, October 1944. Also
see Casper Tribune-Herald, October 5, 22, 1 944, p. I .

The accident rate decreased signifi-
cantly the next month. November, with report
of only a mid-air collision of two B-24s
causing minor damage to a radar dome and a
wing tip. One of the reasons for the decreased
accident rate could be a change of command-
ers and another the requirement for instmctor
pilots (IPs) to fly longer with new combat
crews. Every available IP was put on the
flying schedule and assigned to fly with a
combat crew for the first four weeks of train-
ing. After a combat crew had been checked
out. IPs were scheduled to continue to fly with
them but would not take over the pilot or
copilot seats unless necessary for specific
instmction.-" The new procedure worked the

IPs much harder, most of whom had com-
pleted combat tours overseas and returned
hoping for respite, but the decreased accident
rate made it worthwhile.

Friction With
Western Transit Company

Casper's Western Transit Company put
a crimp in the local wartime ground
transportation system when it stopped operat-
ing buses to and from the air field at midnight
November II. 1944.

Several soldiers had been observed

26. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, November 1944.

being picked up in town by G. I. vehicles and
Western Transit objected. Relations had al-
ways been good between Casper and the
military, and the buses were a very important
means of transportation because strict gaso-
line rationing had caused most automobile
owners to store their vehicles " for the dura-
tion." In August the Casper Committee for
the Coordination of Casper Army Air Field
Activities had been organized to handle mat-
ters of mutual interest such as this one. The
committee was made up of Casper officials
and senior officers at the Base. Three G.I.
buses, augmented by G.I. trucks, managed to
get military and civilian personnel to and
from work promptly despite snow and cold

weather. Relations with Western Transit
returned to normal after six days, thanks to the
committee and the effectiveness of the G.I.
vehicles in moving passengers.-''

Winter in Wyoming

As 1 944 wound down it appeared that the
Casper Army Air Field had become an
important combat crew training installation
of the Army Air Forces. Personnel strength
remained at a high of 3282 military (465
officers, thirteen warrant officers, one flight
officer, and 2803 enlisted men) and 833 civil-
ians assigned. Attached combat crew mem-

bers in training also remained high at 1766
(507 officers, 201 Flight Officers and 1058
enlisted personnel). Total military personnel
present for duty on December 31. 1944
amounted to 5048. The future looked so good
that the Casper National Bank opened a branch
banking facility on the Base offering full
banking services. As a result of the good
showing for November and December in
number of crews trained, hours flown and
overall good performance. 2nd Air Force
Headquarters authorized Base Commander
Col. Herbert Morgan. Jr. to proclaim Christ-
mas an official holiday. To insure that the
training program did not come to a complete
standstill that day. the proclamation read:
"...for as many members of the command as
could safely be spared."-*

A full schedule of activities began
with a soldier musical titled "About Face"
that presented a satire of army life at the
Casper Army Air Field. Written, directed and
performed by soldier talent, the show in-
cluded a chorus of forty-seven WAC mem-
bers. It appeared for three performances at
the Base theater and in two peiformances at
the Natrona County High School auditorium,
receiving high praise.

While the usual holidax spirit and
activities endured in December, wai- news
had a certain dampening effect. The Battle of
the Bulge in Europe had cost American forces
dearly and B-29 bomber raids on Tokyo had
resulted in heavy losses. Still, the 547th AAF
Band had a schedule filled with dances and
concerts. The chapel also had a bus\ month of
holy season acti\ ities. The Base Exchange

Left: first ambulance on base to be
equipped w ith oxygen.

Above: FoLi(~)\\ INC. WoRio War II, STREETS
atCasfI'R AR,\n Aik Basi wire: named for
NATRONACoLiNivAiRPORr Board (aim Mis-
siONERS. PostSurc;eon Fred H ah,i i iv w as

A BASE IMl'lOM 1 WHO HI ( AMI \ ( CiMMlS-
SlONliR,

H:>loni. 21 Ith AAl Iviso Unit (CClSilO), Ai
Fiold, CispiM-, Wvoming, Docembof ^'44.

An-

got into the spirit by announcing some spe-
cials and the grand opening of Branch Ex-
change No. 1 the day after Christmas. It had
been closed for renovation. Also known as
the "Beer BX" and the -Snake Ranch. " BX
No. 1 had long been popularfor thirst-quench-
ing, dancing and entertainment.-'^

The severe Wyoming weather put
flying activities in jeopardy during the winter
months when low temperatures, high winds
and blowing snow often delayed or cancelled
flying schedules. Navigational aid to assist a
pilot in locating the air field in bad weather,
coming down through clouds and making a
low-visibility approach to the landing run-
way was limited to a low-frequency radio
range station south of Casper. Accidents oc-
curred even though aircraft were diverted to
other landing sites when the weather deterio-
rated below minimum landing standards. Such
was the case on New Years Day. 1945 when
eleven B-24s were launched on a cross-coun-
try training flight and the weather unexpect-
edly went-to-pot after sundown. The first B-
24 to return crashed in Shirley Basin on the
south leg of the radio range twenty miles
south of Casper. The other ten B-24s were
diverted to good weather areas. The crew of
six on the crashed B-24 consisted of four 2nd
lieutenants and two coiporals. There were no
survivors.'" Aircraft accidents remained a
problem. Available Base bomber accident
information is shown in appendix B.

Rumors of Air Field Closing

Rumors began circulating in mid-Janu-
ary about the Army Air Field at Casper
closing even though a high number of flying
hours had been consistently generated in pre-
vious months. Top honors were awarded the
Base for flying hours, and two advanced
classes were judged best all around in the 2nd
Air Force for training and standard of perior-
mance." On the basis of peribrmance, the
Base did not seem like a good candidate for
closure. Could it be the accidents?

In the interest of conserving heating
iliel during what promised to be a very cold
winter, a nationwide brownout was begun in
early February in order to save coal, oil and
other critical fuel supplies. The brownout
applied to all military installations but no
disruption was expected in the combat crew
training schedule. Casper felt that such an

29. ILiid. Also see G(^;rr Tyilnnw-Hcrald, December 26.
1944, p.],

30. History, 21 1th AM- Base Unit (CCTS(1 1)), Army Ai
Field, Casper, Wyoming, J<inuary 1945. Also see
Cnsjur TribiDH'-HcrnId, January 2, 4, 7, 1945, pp.1.

31. History, 211 tin AAF Rase Unit (CCTSd I)), Casper,
Wyoming, January I94S.

inconvenience should not apply to them and
asked for an exemption based upon the fact
that most of its power came from water-
driven turbines. However, the request was
denied and Casper joined the rest of the nation
in the brownout. '-

Any difficulties or inconveniences
caused by the brownout were soon forgotten
when the Base Public Relations Office issued
this news release on Febmary 15. 1945: "To-
day. 2nd Air Force Headquarters announced
that Casper AAF will be placed on temporary
inactive status March 7, and will remain un-
der 2nd Air Force command pending future
determination of its use by the Army Air
Force." When no further infonnation seemed
to be forthcoming from the War Department,
the Casper Chamber of Commerce queried
the Wyoming congressional delegation. Con-
gressman Ban-ett replied that he had been
advised that the training program had passed
its peak and such activities throughout the
country were being curtailed. It appeared that
the Wyoming delegation had been taken by
suiprise and were not in touch with the situa-
tion. Mr. Marvin Bishop, Casper Chamber of
Commerce president, said that the Chamber
would do everything in its power to keep the
base active.*'

Combat crews in training were soon
graduated ortransfenedtoothertraining fields.
The advanced class, the last combat crews in
training, graduated February 23, 1945. It is
estimated that more than 1 6,000 combat crew
members trained at the Anny Air Field in
Casper during its thirty months of active life. ''^

Key personnel, about twenty-five per-
cent of the permanently assigned, were trans-
ferred to Kirtland Army Air Field at Albu-
querque. New Mexico, including Base Com-
mander Major Thomas T. Omohundro. Be-
fore departing, Omohundro married Miss
Elizabeth Cook of Casper in a formal home
wedding ceremony.*'

Most of the remaining seventy-five

32. Casper Trilmne-Hcrahi, January 31, 1945, p.l.

33. History, 211th AAF Base Unit {CCTS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, February 1945. Also see
Casper Tribune-Herald, February 13, 1945, p.l.

34. Assuming 126 combat crews in the program through
out 1943. Ten week training periods equate to 5
periods for the year, the extra two weeks not counted.
Therefore, 126 times s = h"(i i .mib.il i rex\ s and ten
members per crew tul.iis ii/'iHii rrw nimibers gradu-
ated in 1943. Using till' s.imelornuil.i lor tlie remain-
ing sixty weeks (6 ten week periods) in 1944-1 '■US but
increasing the average number of combat crews to
168, a total of 1,008 combat crews with 10,080 crew
members graduated. The total for 1943-1945 amounts
to 16,380 combat crew members trained. While the
training program started soon after September 1,
1942, the number of crew members graduated during
tho.se four months of 1942 is not included due to lack
of data.

35. Casper Trilniiie-Herahl, Marcli 6, 1945, p.6.

per cent of the permanent personnel were
sent to B-29 bomb groups forming at Kansas
and Nebraska air fields. The B-29 bombers
had become the primary weapon in the war
against Japan. Forty-four instiTictorpilots were
sent to Maxwell Army Air Field, Alabama,
for B-29 transition training. The very popu-
lar, much in demand, 547th AAF Band moved
intact to Davis-Monthan Army Air Field near
Tucson, Arizona. The B-24 bombers were
flown to Pueblo. Colorado, by ferry pilots for
storage. All civilian employees were given
the opportunity to either transfer to other
installations that needed civilian personnel or
resign. The Anny Air Field at Casper was
officially deactivated March 7, 1945. All
personnel had transfen-ed by Mai'ch 12, or
were on orders for transfer except for the
eighty-five member close-out crew of ten
officers and seventy-five enlisted men.'''

V-E Day on May 8 and the sun-en-
der of Japan in August, 1945 reduced chances
that the air field at Casper might be reacti-
vated soon. The Quartermaster Replacement
Training Center had been deactivated at Fort
F. E. Wairen so the post near Cheyenne had
no mission and also was in imminent danger
of being closed. Still, local Casper commu-
nity efforts continued and at times hopes rose
high.

Housing Shortage Postpones
Reactivation of Air Field

During August, 1946 it seemed likely
that the 4th Fighter Group would move
to Casper and reactivate the military air field.
Equipped with North American P-51 Mus-
tangs, the group would soon receive the new
Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star, the first jet
fighter assigned to the Air Force. All build-
ings and equipment were maintained intact
and were ready to be used. But an army
inspector from Washington. D.C. looked at
the housing situation in Casper and stopped
everything. A Casper Tribune-Herald article
on October 1 , 1946. announced: "Army Says
Air Base Here May be Reopened Next May."
Major General C. C. Chauncey. Deputy Chief
of Staff for Air, informed Senator Joseph C.
O'Mahoney that the Army had decided to
postpone the activation of the Army Air Field
at Casper because of the critical housing
shortage that continued in town.

The May opening indicated in the
newspaper did not occur. The militai7 air
field would remain on a housekeeping basis
for another three years with various Air Na-
tional Guard units using the field for summer

36. History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air
Field, Casper, Wyoming, March 1945.

camp. It appeared that Wyoming might soon
be without any active miHtary installations
when early in 1948, Fort F. E. Wairen was
declared suiplus and earmarked for abandon-
ment. But a May, 1948 visit from campaign-
ing President Hany S. Truman changed ev-
erything and the post became an air force
base. There were those in the recently ( 1947)
formed U. S. Air Force that opposed accept-
ing an old Army post that had no airfield or
runways. As a consequence the name did not
change from Fort F. E. Wairen to F. E. War-
ren Air Force Base for another year, in Octo-
ber 1949. Army or Air Force, one active
military installation was retained in Wyo-
ming during the Cold War era and beyond. *'

Members of the Wyoming congres-
sional delegation and the Casper Chamber of
Commerce periodically predicted reactiva-
tion of the military air field at Casper, but it
remained inactive with a small military hold-
ing party. Casper, soon to be known as the Oil
City of the West, became a boom town after
the war with little need for the economic
benefits derived from a nearby military base.

Casper and Natrona County offi-
cials were notified by the federal Civil Avia-

37. Adams, Gerald M. The Post Near Cheyenne: A His-
tory of Fort D. A. Russell, 1867-1930. Boulder: Pruett
Publishing Co., 1989, pp.212-213.

tion Authority (CAA) that major improve-
ments were needed soon at Wardwell Field or
its rating as a commercial aviation facility
would be downgraded. In lieu of an expensive
rehabilitation at Wardell Field, the inactive
military air field offered a solution to Casper
and the Natrona County commissioners. No
one seemed suiprised or concerned when the
Casper Tribune-Herald announced on No-
vember 6, 1949 that the former military air
field eight miles west had become Natrona
County Municipal Airport. The land and all
buildings became county property, and the
development of the property constitutes an-
other chapter in local and Wyoming history . ■

Endnotes

Note — Primary printed sources of infor-
mation WERE OBTAINED FROM THE MICROFILM
OF MONTHLY HISTORICAL REPORTS PREPARED BY
THE MILITARY, 1942-1945, HELD BY THE AlR

University Library (Rolls B2092&BB2093),
AND THE USAF Historical Research Center
(Rolls B2093 & B2094), at Maxwell AFB,
Alabama. Also see microfilm of Casper Tri-
biDu-Hevald, 194 1- 1949, AT THE Historical
Research and Publications Unit of the
Wyoming, Department of Commerce. Con-
versations WITH JOYE AND FrANK KaDING OF

Casper and Richard H. Brake of Cheyenne

WERE also richly REWARDING.

.^^.

About the Author

In 1978 Gerald Adams (1920 - ) retired
FROM THE U.S. Air Force with the rank

of colonel after 38 YEARS OF MILITARY
SERVICE. He AND HIS WIFE, KaTHLEEEN,

LIVE IN Cheyenne. Three daughters
LIVE IN New York. He is the author of
TWO books, ThePost Near Cheyenne: A History
of Fort D. A. Russell. 186-/ to 1930 (Boulder,
Colorado: Pruett, 1989) and A History of
the U.S. Strategic Air Force Bases in Morocco.
I c)^ J -196 3 .(Moroccan Reunion Associa-
tion IN COOPERATION WITH OlD ArMY

Press, Ft. Collins, Colorado, 1992).
Adams has written four other articles

for the Annals as well AS NUMEROUS

PIECES FOR Cheyenne newspapers about

local military HISTORY. DURING WORLD

War II he flew European missions for
THE 7TH Photo Reconnaissance Group
IN P-38(F-5) and Spitfire (MK XI) fighter
planes. Although he has a commercial
pilot's license, Adams is content to

comport himself WITHIN the bucket SEAT

OF HIS 1967, T-5 Ford Mustang.

COMMANDERS

LIST OF OBTAINABLE REPORTS OF ACCIDENTS OF CASPER AAF BOMBERS

211th AAF BASE UNIT, ARMY AIR BASE/FIELD,
CASPER, WYOMING

7- 10-42 to 9-18-43
Maj./Lt.Col. James A. Moore

9-16-43 to 11-15-43
Lt. Col. Tracy Richardson

11-16-43 to 2- 1-44
Lt. Col. William Lewis, Jr.

2- 1-44 to 5-22-44
Lt. Col. Marcus A. McMullen

5-22-44 to 11-18-44
Col. E. M. Hampton

11-19-44 to 1-22-45
Col. Herbert Morgan, Jr.

1-22-45 to 2-13-45
Col. Guy F. Hix

2-13-45 to 3-7-45
Maj. Thomas T. Omohundro

Dati:

Type & Number

Place

Killed

Source

12-3-42

B-17

near Lusk, Wyoming (7 parachuted)

0

#

1-13-43

B-17

New Mexico

7

#

2- 2-43

B-17

near Bogue, Kansas

6

#

2-22-43

B-17

28 miles nw.of Glenrock, Wyoming

10

#

5-30-43

B-17

near Covelo, California

8

#

6-18-43

B-17

10 miles w. of Casper AAB

1

#

7-11-43

B-24

30 miles n. of Casper AAB

8

#

7-19-43

B-24

25 miles e. of Gunnison, Colorado

10

#

1-30-44

B-24

4 miles sw.of Casper AAF

8

#

3- 3-44

B-24

25 miles ne. of Casper AAF

8

#

4-11-44

B-24

2 miles e. of Casper AAF

2

#

4-14-44

B-24

6 miles ne. of Casper AAF

2

#

5-13-44

B-24

2 miles ne. of Miles City, Montana

6

#

6-16-44

B-24

North Platte, Nebraska

7

#

6-19-44

B-24

Casper Mtn. 12 miles se. of base

8

#

6-24-44

B-27

.5 miles w. of Casper AAF

1

#

9-24-44

B-24J #42-73411

3 miles w. of Casper AAF

9

*#

10-4-44

B-24J #42-95580

on the airfield

5

*#

10-9-44

B-24J #42-10052

on the airfield

?

*

10-10-44

B-24J #42-73412

on the airfield

7

*

10-17-44

B-24J #42-95545

7

*

10-19-44

B-24J #42-

25 miles sw. of Lemon. South Dakota

4

'#

10-20-44

RB-24J #42-7249

7

*

10-22-44

B-24J #51502

on the airfield

7

*#

12-5-44

B-24J #

3 miles e. of Edgerton, Wyoming

4

#

1-1-45

B-24J #

20 miles s. of Casper AAF

6

#

1-16-45

B-24J #

on the airfield

1

#

# Source Casper Tribune-Herald, usually the day after accident or within a lew days.

* Source History. 211th AAF Base Unit. Army Air Base. Casper. Wyoming. Few accidents are reported in the monthly histories.
Those that do usually appear in the month the accident occurred.

^^

Memories of an Army Air Base

The Photo Album of

Joye Marshall Kading

In her own words, she "never looked for a job in her life." Jobs came looking for her. In April, 1942 nineteen-
year OLD PUBLIC stenographer Joye Marshall was chosen by Lt. Col. Carl T. Nordstrom of the U.S. Army Corps
of Engineers to be his secretary at the new Casper Army Air Base. He phoned her on a Saturday and asked
her to go to work the next day. Two years later L. F. J. Wilking, Superintendent of Texas Company Refinery
in Casper, finagled her discharge from the base in order to obtain her as his personal secretary.

During her secretarial career
at base headquarters, Joye
kept photographs given to
her by officers and friends.
When she left the base she put the photos
in an album where they stayed for nearly
twenty years. Before leaving the base,
however, she met Sergeant Frank Kading
and after the war was over they married.
The Kadings had two children who, as
the years passed by, began looking
through the albtim and asking questions.
Meanwhile, in postwar years some of the
thousands of people who had been sta-
tioned at the base visited Casper, looking
up the Kadings in the phone book. They
remembered that Joye worked for the
base commanders or that Frank had
served in the Quartermaster Department.
Inviting them to her home for coffee, Joye
gladly pulled out the a Ibum for her guests,
going through it page by page until it
became well-worn. Today she gives pre-
sentations to Casper students and civic
organizations, outlining the history of
the base and describing its personali-
ties. "The interesting part is that they
just love it," she says.

"The reason it's such a good program

is because of my pictures, because they
are wonderful pictures. ... Another rea-
son I'm doing it is because I want the
buildings - one of which had been the
Servicemen's Club on the base - to be
preserved to point out the fact that there
was actually an army air field in Natrona
County at one time and that construction
at the International Airport is encroach-
ing on the area. I think that because this
was a unique air base during World War
II, and was not meant to be permanent,
that those buildings still remaining
should be on the National Register of
Historic Places. Wyoming deserves much
recognition for the part it played during
World War 11 in training of men to go
overseas. This is the least we can do to
recognize Wyoming because it's always
been an orphan state and we've always
been ignored when it comes to govern-
ment enterprises. I do wish the county
would preserve the Servicemen's Club
and the majority of the remaining build-
ings, theater, gymnasium, hangars, bar-
racks and the like. Interestingly enough,
other people with whom I've spoken feel
the same way. A lady I know says, 'I've
been so mad over the years that the Base

wasn't preserved.' She thought it should
be left just like it was. Frank and I tried as
far back as ten or twelve years ago to get
the County Commissioners interested in
at least preserving the Servicemen's Club
but to no avail. The benefit in prescribing
it is that it's close to the terminal building,
and if people had a layover there for an
hour or so they could visit it and see the
n\urals which depict the history of the
State of Wyoming and were painted on
the interior walls around the entire
clubroom by soldiers who were stationed
there. It took four men eight months to
finish the painting. Each had a part of
Wyoming history to illustrate."

Photographer at thebasewas George Wright.
Many of the following photographs were
taken by Wright and his staff and are selec-
tions from an album full of joye Kading's
personal memories. They are now public
memories.

Opposite: 19 year old Joye Marshall,
secretary to the commander, in
doorway OF Headquarters at Casper
Army Air Base during a mock at-
tack,June, 1942. On the backofthh
photo are the words, "Uncondi-
tional surrender."

This Page: Open House at Casper Army Air Base, March 13, 1943. Base
Commander, Col. James A. Moore, arranged eor Joye Marshall's father and
mother to be the first to drive through the main gate that morning in
their brown and

gold I942OLDSMOBILE.

They headed a five-
mile LONG LINE OF CARS
CONTAINING THOU-
SANDS OF Wyoming-

ITES WHO TOOK THE OP-
PORTUNITY' TO SEE THE

NIVX' AIR BASE. ThE PRO-
GRAM in(,i.uded a for-
ma rK)\ Ol- B-17 BOMB-
l-.KS I IM.\G LOW OVER
THE FIELD AND A PARADE
OF SOLDIERS AND VE-
HICLES.

r—

r

— r

Left: Joye Marshall's
recognition ribbon.

Souvenir Program for
BASE opi:n house

Left: WACsandcivilians returning to work
after lunch hour, ca. 1 944. looking south
toward base gymnasium.

Bottom : 1 944 letter of recommendation to
JOYE Marshall from Col. Moore.

Opposite Page: Col. James A. Moore, the
FIRST Commander at Casper Army Air Base.

Commandant at
iBase Promoted

Army A-ir Base » ^^^
ned Friday tlaat^^J ^^ y

colonel, ene'itw

mando thej

ly "^ ^mcef at the T
tions o^^^V Tucson. ^
field near iuc

5Sd commission

world V/ar 1
he continued
fields of CO-
aviation.

An act!
corps rese'

ed 16 V

accumul?
air wor
School
holds

•O).

^/?s

e.'^^,..;,:

''-2-22 .

3d .-'■^'■'J-

^■Zef

Allison M<

Air Loi

rps

Lientenant Colonel
Unilea Crtates Ariii^

Right: Lt. Col. James C. Long, Post
Engineer.

Below: Lt. Col. Carl T. Nordstrom,
U.S. CorpsofEngineers. Nordstrom

WAS SENT TO CaSPER FROM OmAHA IN

April, 1942, taking charge of base
construction. joye marshall was
his secretary until nordstrom was
replaced a couple of weeks later
BY Lt. Col. James C. Long who be-
came Post Engineer and directed
the construction of the base.

T ickui .Pnl Carl T. Nord-
L.ieUl.-l^01. 3^j.^^ of the

army engineers corps, with head-
quarters in Omaha, who has been
assigned to take charge of the con-
struction activities at the Casper air
ba^e. He is a World War No. 1 vet-
eran and was overseas attached to
the 82nd division. Early this week
Lieut. -Colonel Nordstrum awarded
contracts for the major construction
program at the air base. Others are
Lo be awarded later. He recently
highly praised the cooperation of
the city administration, county of-
ficials and the citizens of Casper
for the .splendid cooperation given
hLs department in the work here.

^^

^'■^ / • " .y /\,

t //.

X

■ 7

Left: Lt. Col. Frederick H. Haigler,
Medical Corps. Haigler was Base
Surgeon.

Below: Letter of recommendation
FROM Col. Haigler, 1944.

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31

This Page: basi- turret school, 1944.

OPPOSITE Page: ball turret modification ground

TRAINING SCHOOL, CA. 1 944. ThE MAIN PURPOSE OF

THE Casper Army Air Base was to provide the

FINAL phase of FOUR-ENGINE BOMBER TRAINING TO
OFFICERS AND enlisted MEN WHO GRADUATFO I'ROM

Army Air Force schools. Approxim atii v 25,000

MEN were TRAINED AT THE BASE DURING IIS IHREE

years of operation. Full size training mockups

WERE used by TEACHERS, SOME OF WHOM WERE
COMBAT VETERANS.

^^^

'"^^^^^

( .

J ^^>

X;^-:'

^JliE,,OllSi:iS0m'i

"V^

^?3^

=k;. n> n-< c

S^S

Top: July i6, 1942 iMasthead of the Dmt Bm-f, a four-page, mimeograph tabloid

PROVIDING INFORMATION DURING THE PERIOD OF BASE CONSTRUCTION. OPPOSITE

Page: Two Editions of the Slip Stream, an eight-page tabloid, successor to the
Dust Bou'i. It was published by the Casper Tribune HeraU and distributed to Herald
subscribers as well as base personnel. Opposite Bottom: When the Slip Stream

editor, Jim Keogh, departed an artist

CHANGED THE MASTHEAD. ThE CARICA-
TURE ON THE February 23, 1945 issue

DEMONSTRATES THE CHANGEOVER FROM
B- 1 7 TO B-24 BOMBER TRAINING. A COM-
PLETE COLLECTION OF THE THE Slip Stream
IS LOCATED AT CaSPER COLLEGE.

i

Bob Hope, at the base theater on
DecembI'R 16, 1 942. Entertainer Hope
and his entourage were part of spe-
CIAL Services, the purpose of which

WAS TO boost morale DURING THE WAR.

Army Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, February 23. 1945

BE PLACED ON
JATUS MAR- 7

ield Served Its Purpose
- Crews Trained

i"'// t ""a ''''if '^^'t

" J'' /"*/'/ "'<• A '"/ "r' './' '/'■

^•^iM^ W

Above: Col. James Moore accepting
keys to an ambulance presented to
THE BASE Medical Corps by the Grand
Chapter of the Order of Eastern Star
OF Wyoming in August, 1943. Pre-
senting THE keys is Worthy Grand
Matron, Izelle Stirling, from Upton,
Wyoming. At left is Col. Frederick
Haigler, Base Surgeon.

Leff: ambulance donated by Order of
Eastern Star.

r-^«

•- n

d i' '^

Above: Col. Moore (left) and Casper
Mayor, George W. Earle, in Casper
BootandSpurClubParadeJune, 1943.
Mayor Earle was a key figure in bring-
ing THE army air base TO CaSPER.

An avid horsenl\n, Moore laid out a
polo field north of the base and

TRIED TO ORGANIZE A POLO TEAM BUT A
BUSY TRAINING SCHEDULE AND LACK OF
INTEREST BY MEMBERS OF THE AIR CORPS
DISCOURAGED HIS I-FFORT.

Opi>()srn-, Pach:: Uppi:r left: Pi-c. Pa r Emhrson, BASii Diii.iviiio' no\, on his mo tok-

CYCI.i; AT BASIv HliADQUARTHRS. UpPHR RIGHT: CpL. MlKli MaRCIN, Emi;RS()N'S RFPl.ACIi-

MHNT. L()wi;r i.i;in': Joyh Marshai.i. and Evi:lyn ClI'Mhns. Lowi:r uiciHT: Pat
EmI'Rson and Evelyn Clf.mi;ns. All photos ar. i<all, 194^.

Abovl;: (ar'loons drawn hy Sc;r. (ii:()Kc;i'; W. Ikwin. SKiriciiiNc; was Irwin's
limsurl, Aciivi'iY. AcouPLiioi' hls(,ari()ons, i'l;aiiirin(; aworm(:haka(:ti;rnami:d
"Iki:," appl;akl;d in thv.S///) Streaf//.

Above: upon arriving in Casper, some members of the Women's Arm\' Corps
(WACs) WENT downtown to buy boots, hats, gloves and other western
paraphernalia. Since the base photographer did not photograph WACs,
the latter paid commercial photographers to have their portraits
taken. This one, by Casper photographer Thomas Carrigen, is a portrait
OF "Corporal Crystal."

^♦MP&^H»li1

Above: Section B of the 2 i ith company of WACs, Army Air Forces, in front of
WAC HEADQUARTERS July 22, 1944. WAC buildings, including a supply office,

MESS HALL, BEAUTY SHOP AND LIVING
QUARTERS WERE LOCATED AT THE SOUTH
SIDE OF THE BASE. RiGHT: WAC CpL.

Beatrice Williams. Below: Captain
Elizabeth J. Healy, leader of the

WAC UNIT AT THE BASE. UNLIKE MILI-
TARY WOMEN TODAY, WACS WHO
SERVED DURING WORLD WaR II WERE

not necessarily career women.
Upon the war's conclusion some at
Casper Army Air Base married local
men and began lives as housewives.

Below: "Casper Girls Cook GI Wolf."
At left is Juanita Ward, base stenog-
rapher; IN center is Joye Marshall,
secretary to base commander; on
RIGHT IS Genie Vanderhoff, base ste-
nographer; on table is Pvt. Byran J.
Tracy. The photo, which appeared
in the Slip Stream on May 12, 1943
accompanied an article written by
THREE Casper women in response to
a previous newspaper column, "The
SoldiersGuide TO American Women."
The recipe for cooking the wolf fol-
lows:

First you must get a wolf. This
should not be difficult as there is
always an open season on wolves.
Don't be deceived by wolves in
sheep's clothing who are decorated

with bars, leaves, eagles, or stars.
They should be cooked the same as
any other wolf.

A wolf may be (i) boiled (2)
simmered, or (3) stewed, (i) He may

BE boiled in the OIL OF HIS OWN "LINE"
IF PUT under enough PRESSURE. (2)

Anyone "cooking with gas" can sim-
mer HIM. (3) Usually he is stewed -
especially on Saturday night.

The average wolf
requires no sea-
soning, having a
salty t^'ahg and

A PEPPERY retort.

The wolf

MAY BE sliced BY A
COLD shoulder, BUT
ONLY IF VERY TENDER.
The TENDERNESS MAY BE
JUDGED BY THE STRIPES

ON THE ARM. ANYTHING LESS THAN
THREE STRIPES IS A PUP.

(Any RESEMBLANCE TO ANY PER-
SON STATIONED AT THE CaSPER

Army Air base is obvi-
ously INTEN-
TIONAL.)

Right: Interior of NCO Club. The

PHOTOGRAPH WAS TAKEN AT THE ClUB, A
RENOVATED FURNITURE STORE IN DOWN-
TOWN Casper, on opening day in May,
1943. The officers shown were mem-
bers OF A COMMITTEE THAT ORGANIZED

THE CLUB. Left: Joye Marshall's NCO

GUEST pass.

Below: Gambling at base headquar-
ters. Standing left is Col. Moore,

AT RIGHT is CoL. HaIGLER, AT FRONT

left is Lt. Robert Wilgus and at

FRONT RIGHT IS LT. TOM RoBISON.

Moore and Haigler won a baseball

game bet with Wilgus and Robinson,

the latter paying off with pennies

inside a sack of sand. refusing to

accept the payoff, the winning pair made the losers empty the sack,

count and roll the pennies, and exchange them for currency at a

BANK. ca. SUMMER, 1 943.

Above: top row: Casper Army Air
Base officers; bottom row: members
of Natrona County High School's
Reserve Officer Training Corps,
rotc officers were invited to the
base for a parade and review. ca.

1943-

Left: General Henry H. "Hap" Arnold,
Commanding General of the Army
Air Forces, reviewing troops at the
Casper base parade ground, July i i ,
1943. The purpose of the visit was to

show the BASE TO BRITISH FlELD MAR-
SHAL, Sir John Dill (middle, black hat),
second in command of air forces in
England, and to decorate nine war
heroes who had returned from over-
seas theaters. Base Commander, Col.
Moore, is at far leff, behind Arnold's
staff assistant.

Opposite page: Base inspections were
frequent. One was conducted in
1943 BY Brigadier General Eugene
Eubanks OF THE Inspector General's
Office in Washington, D.C.

r

T!

I

ttiKimmmmm^mm

Right: base bowling team, the "Com-
ets," February, 1945. Lt. Frank Kading
is at bottom, right. joye marshall

BECAME ATTRACTED TO FrANK WHEN
SHE ASKED HIM TO SEND HER HIS FUTURE
ADDRESS -WHICH SHE ASKED OF ALL WHO
WERE BEING RELOCATED- AND HE RE-
FUSED. They were married June 21,
1945. Following Frank's DISCHARGE
IN February, 1946 the couple re-
turned to Casper. Since 1949 THEY

HAVE owned and OPERATED ADVANCE

Electric in Casper, and fl\ve spear-
headed REUNIONS OF THOSE WHO WERE
STATIONED AT THE ARMY AIR BASE DURING

World War II.

Below: Lt. Col. Earl W. Bowen pre-
senting RECOGNITION RIBBONS TO FE-
MALE CIVILIAN EMPLOYEES ON DECEMBER
8, 1943 AT BASE HEADQUARTERS. EaCH
WOMAN WAS FROM A DIFFERENT BASE DE-
PARTMENT INCLUDING THE HOSPITAL, MO-
tor pool, signal corps, quarteralis-
ter, post engineer and maintenance.

Opposite Page: Captain Frank Kading
in winter dress uniform of the quar-
TERMASTER Corps, March, 1946;

JoYE AND Frank Kading, Christmas, 1945.

Ella Watson

OR Home

I he concept of nineteenth-century
I women who went to the trans-
-* Mississippi West is that of the
eternal helpmate. They accompanied men,
their husbands or fathers, wherever they
wished to go. Women participated in all
of the work and in none of the decisions.
On the trail they did both women's and
men's work — they took care of children,
drove the team, pushed wagons, cooked
meals, had babies, and buried the dead.
While men and animals rested at night,
women worked preparing for the night
and the next day. During the day they
cared for the children, tended livestock,
mended clothing, cooked meals, and oc-
casionally washed clothes. At the end of
their journeys they moved into their,
homes and attempted to return to their
previous life of doing only women's work.
The Homestead Act helped
change that concept. Single women,
women whose husbands were physically
unable to work, and women who were
heads of households, as well as men,
could file on available government land
for a fee and five years of laboring and
living on the land. But, as Walter Prescott
Webb noted: "the man of the timber and
the town made the law for the man of the
plains; the plainsman finding this law
Linsuited to his needs, broke it and

was called law-
the law said wo-
treated equally
ing property,
women went be-
nated roles. John
writes of women
their diaries
they receiv-
whenthey
sary, but
ly" things,
drive cattle
catch a run-
On
Sweetwa
1889, a
ing wo-
w e r e
six cat-
was re
a prostitute,
edly h
getherthey

STEADER

less."' Thus, while
men should be
with men in own-
many felt those
yond their desig-
Mack Faragher
relating in
\he contempt
ed from men
did neces-
"unwoman-
for example:
with a whip or
away horse.-
Wyoming's
ter River in
homestead-
man and man
hanged by
tlemen. She
puted to be
he suppos-
lover, and to-
'cre considered

cattle rustlers. In reality, they were
merely homesteaders, legally settling on
available government land which was
open range claimed by one of the large
cattlemen. An examination of the I88(1s
Wyoming milieu, and of the possible

Sharon Leigh

opportimities for women in a territory
believed to be the most progressi\'e area
in the world for women's rights, is needed
to help us better understand the htm-
dred-year-old western mentality.

Most respectable women in earl v
nineteen th-cenh-iry America were limited
to the role of helpmates for their hus-
bands or fathers. This was especially true
in the trans-Mississippi West, an area
where masculinity was renowned. The
majority of women on the westeni fron-
tier were protected by males — husbands,
brothers, or fathers. Howe\'er, an unmar-
ried woman legitimately could pro\ide
for herself as a schoolteacher, a laundress,
a cook or a domestic. Noting in the 1870
census the "gainful and reputable" occu-
pations for married and single western
women. Historian T. A. Larson found
that fifty-two per cent were emploved as
domestic ser\'ants, sixteen per cent were
a combination of tailoresses, seamstresses,
milliners, and dressmakers, ele\'en per
cent were teachers and ten per cent were
laundresses. The final ten per cent m-

1 , Walter rres.ott Wobb, The Girnt Phiiuf, p. 20b

,]<.<oh\\ in I mils IVlzer, Tlic Cattlemen' f Frontier (Glen-
lI.iIo I lu' \rlluir H. Clark Company, 1936), p. 20.

:. lohn Mack 1 aragher, Women ,uu1 Men on the
Overlnmi Tnii! (Nou Ha\ on: ^ aU- Lnnorsit\- Press,
1979), pp. 108-10'-).

49

eluded boarding and lodging housekeep-
ers, farmers and dairy maids, as well as
two miners in Idaho and one wheelwright
in Montana.'' But whatever the employ-
ment it had to be considered appropriate
work. It had to be a necessity, or the
women had to be widowed or have hus-
bands who were physically tmable to
work. But most important, the women
had to remain subser\'ient.^

I he opportunities for women
I changed drastically with the pas-
.JL-sage of the Homestead Law of
1862. Tliis law allowed single women
and women who were heads of house-
holds, as well as men, to acquire land. It
enabled women to provide for themselves
and their families by continuing, for the
most part, the same kind of work they
were used to doing. However, being able
to homestead rri theii" own names changed
the power structure of the family as well
as the roles of women. In the absence of
an adult male women were responsible,
not just for traditional "woman's work,"
but for all the work. They were the ones
v\'ho made the decisions. While they might
not actually do the required field work
necessary for proving up their home-
steads, they were accountable for having
it done. Women who had sons usually
divided the work along traditional lines,
but those who did not either did it them-
selves or hired it done by a local male
resident. The work was paid for iii cash or
trade. Women often would do an unmar-
ried man's laundry or cook for him as
payment for his work.

In comparison to male home-
stead entrants, a larger percentage of fe-
male entrants were successful. Sheryll
Patterson-Black f oimd in preliminary data
on entrants from two land offices -one ii"i
Colorado and one in Wyoming- be-
tween 1880 and 1908, that "an
average of 11.9 per cent . .
were women . ... 37 per cent
of the men succeeded in mak-
ing final claim to the land,
while 42.4 per cent of the
women succeeded."^ The
successful women un-

3. I'. A. Larson, "Women's Role in the
American West," Montana, XXIV
(July 1974): 5.

4. Carol Hymowitz and Michaele
Weissman, A Histon/ of Women in
Anwricn (New York: Bantam Books
1978), p. 176.

5. Sheryll Patterson-Black, "Women Hi
steaders on the Great Plains Frontic
Frontiers, 1, (Summer 1976): 68.

doubtedly developed initiative,
assertiveness, arid confidence. No longer
were they willing to remain subordinate.
This new-found strength likely created
problems in interactions with men.

In a land where competence and
self-reliance meant survival, women had
the opportLinity to develop beyond what
they were allowed to in more settled ar-
eas ... . the conditions of the frontier
forced women to expand their image of
themselves beyond that of the passive
and helpless female.''

Thus, the women who filed
homestead entries were, or had to be-
come, strong and iiidependent and be-
cause of this they midoubtedly were mis-
fits in a nineteentli-century America which
"expected . . .[women] to keep their place,
to be submissive, and rmaggressive."'

The Homestead Act originated
during the crisis years before the Civil
War. Slavery and tariff issues affected the
selection of presidential candidates and
party platforms for the 1860 elections.
The Republican Party chose Abraham
Lincoln and a platform which promised
homestead legislation to please the
westerners, protective tariffs to wiri over
eastern manufacturers, and a program of
govenTment-supported internal improve-
ments and railroads to attract business
interests in both sections.*^

The north- western

region was pleased .^'^■V "^^^^ the
prospect ^1^^ I of in-
creased settle- ^^^^M ment,
and the .^^'•^^^H^^ east-
tin g e n t
zed that
with the iiiflux
of imiumerable
Irish, who were
willing to work
cheaply, westward
settlement would
not injure manu-
facturing.

Westward
expansion was
due, in large part, to the
Homestead Act. Home-
steaders were guaran-
teed up to 160 acres of
government laiid iii re-
ft. Dorothy Gray, Women of the
West (MiUbrook, CA: ' Les
Femmes, 1976), pp. 111-112.

Larson, "Women's Ro

ern con
r e a 1 -

< Kav Allen Billini;t..n >ind Mar-
in Ridj;e, Wc'-Livul I ^i;,i,:ion: A
liston/ol IheAiiiriniiii I iviiliei-5lh
d. (New York: Macmillan Pub-
hingCo., Inc., 1982), p. 548.

turn for living on it for five years (the time
limit decreased in later years), improving
it by buikiing a house of minimum speci-
fications and planting crops. This method
of procuring land was supposedly more
democratic and not apt to be misused by
speculators, although some manipulation
of the homestead laws occurred.

I he present states of Montana,
I Idaho, Wyoming and Colorado
^ were among the last of the con-
tiguous United States to be settled. This
was due to resident Native Americans
fighting the loss of their homelands and
to the natural environment. Winters were
noted for their harshness, and rainfall
was considerably less than optimal for
eastern growing methods. But the grass
was lush and cattle thrived on it. People
who had traveled the Oregon and the
Mormon Trails across Wyoming during
the mid-nineteenth century sent reports
of luxuriant grasslands back to their fami-
lies and friends east of the Mississippi.
Cattle left from previous wagon trains
survived the winters and grew sleek and
fat from the good grass. According to
author and editor A. S. Mercer, Wyoming
grasses grew quickly in spring, ripened
early in summer, and retained the nutri-
tious sugar, starch, and gluten necessary
for good forage."

In the late 1860s Texans drove
cattle north into Wyoming. This beef was
fed to railroad workers laying tracks for
the Union Pacific and to miners digging
precious ore in Wyoming and Montana.
The cattle were also used to stock ranches
it"i the eastern third of Wyoming. '"

By the time cowboys had moved
their herds to Wyoming and received
their wages for the two-to-three month
journey, many were ready to settle down
aiid start their own ranches. Wyoming
was largely an unsettled territory and the
opportunities for cowboys to succeed
were good. Large areas of open range

Right: There is dispute concerning
whether or not this is actually a photo-
GRAPH OF Ella Watson. Over the years it

HAS BEEN ACCEPTED AS THAT OF ElLA "CaT-

TLE Kate" Watson, n.d. Percy Metz Col-
lection, American Heritage Center, Uni-
versity- OF Wyoming, Laramie

•■). A.S.MeTcer,Tlie Banditti ofthePlninsor the Cattlemen's
Invasion of Wyoming in 1892 (Norman: University of
OklahomaPress, 1954), p. 7.

10. Billington and Ridge, p. 619.

50

51

were available since few people li\'ed
there. Before extensive fencing the cattle
could feed on native grasses and mo\'e
ahead of storms. After a storm the ani-
mals would find themselves several miles
away from their range and slowly graze
back home. While they might lose weight
o\'er the winter, they would quickly fat-
ten on new spring grass.

Most early Wyoming ranch-
ers started out as trail cow-
boys who tired of working
for others. At the beginiiing of Wyoming
settlement the "law of the longest rope"
ruled." Roimdups were held usually in
the fall and spring on the open range, and
any bovine not marked or branded -a
maverick- was available to whoever
caught and marked it either in or out of
rouridup. Bounties for marking maver-
icks frequently were given by ranchers to
their employees as incentives to create
larger herds. Thus "mavericking" was
not considered stealing; "it was just good
business."'- In addition, it supplemented
cowboy's low wages.

Even though most of the big
cattlemen had obtained starts and added
to their stock by roping mavericks,
through the years they either forgot their
humble beginnings or they simply wished
to prevent smaller ranchers from doing
the same. Influenced by the Wyoming
Stock Growers Association (WSGA) -the
real law of Wyoming-tl"ie Territorial Leg-
islature passed the Maverick Law of 1884,
which gave the WSGA control of all
roundups. After its passage, all
unbranded cattle found during round
ups were branded "M" in the pres
ence of WSGA inspectors. These
animals were sold after roundup
and the pro- ^__ c e e d s
used to reim-
burse the
WSGA treasury
for the expense of round
ups and inspectors.'
Many inspectors were al
ready on the large ranchers' pay
rolls, thus they were doubly tied to
large cattlemen

The WSGA started out as
a small county organization that was
developed to help protect cattlemen's
concerns. Headquartered in Cheyenne

11. D. F. Baber, as told by Bill Walker, The Lous;csf
Rope: The Truth About the Johnson County Cattle
War (Caldwell: The Caxton Printers, Ltd., 1940), p.

12. Baber, p. 14.

13. Wyoming Sess/o); Laws, 1884, Chapter 87, p. ' '

and run by the most prominent men in
Wyoming, the WSGA determined which
ranchers could have brands and only tliose
so sanctioned could participate in the
annual spring and fall roundups. No rea-
son was given to those who were denied;
none was necessary.

The WSGA ruled the territory
(and later the state) and the richest cattle-
men of Wyoming were the association.
By the mid-1880s the WSGA was a very
powerful organization. The cattlemen
were willing to take on anyone or any-
thing that stood in their way. It was sug-
gested that during the Johiison County
War even President Benjamin Harrison
was imder their influence."

Because it had been so advanta-
geous to use open range, the cattlemen
never opted, under existing preemption
laws, to buy the land they used. The
Preemption Law of 1841 permitted the
occupation of imsurveyed western land
by anyone who settled on it, made im-
provements -such as houses and outbuild-
ings- and waited until it was surveyed
and readied for auction. During that
time, the land could pay for itself
producing cattle.'"^

As homesteading began,
many legitimate claims
were available alon
creeks — a valuable re-
source in a land of
unpredictable rainfall.
These acreages
were often claim-
ed, but not owned,
by the large ranch-
ers who began
fencing those acre-
ages as a way to
protect them.
Author James
Horan notes that
"In Colorado
one cattle com-
pany had
forty town-
ships cut off
by wire fence,
an area of
more than a
iniUion acres. .."'"

1 4. Helena Hunting
ton Smith, The War
on rowdcr River
(New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Co., 1966), p. 277.

ington and Ridge, pp.

(J

James D. Horan, Tlw Great A
lean West (New York: Crown Pub
hers. Inc., 1978), p. 184.

Barbed wire also became the settlers' fence
of choice because it offered cheap protec-
tion from open-range cattle.

The cattlemen were the leading
cause of their own demise. Their greed for
bigger profits for themselves and foreign
stockholders, who owned most of the
largest ranches, caused the range to be
overpopulated by unseasoned Texas cattle
late in the year. This practice worked
successfully for several years preceding
the summer of 1 885 . But that summer the
abundance of cattle and a drought left
little feed for winter forage. The addition
of barbed wire fences prevented animals
from moving with the storms. The winter
of 1885-86 was unusually cold and was
followed by a second dry summer which
prevented the growth of necessary
grasses. The final blow was the winter of
1 886-87 that still stands as one of the most
severe ever recorded in Wyoming his-
tory. Blizzard after blizzard blasted the
area, followed by temperatures that feU to
-68" F.''' This combination of frozen snow,
which prevented the animals from
digging down to grass, and
the inability of cattle to out
walk storms because of
fences, decimated the herds.
Cattle piled up next to fences
and either trampled each
other or stood and froze.
Most that survived freez-
ing temperatures starved
from lack of food. Some
ranchers estimated
their losses as high as
ninety per cent.'^
Once the large ranchers
could no longer provide
high dividends that their
stockholders had come to
expect, their livelihoods
came under question.
When challenged,
rather than admitting
poor management
and greed, they tried
to save their own jobs.
Many of their em-
ployees had been
"mavericking" to
build up their own
herds, but ranch man-
agers explained to
their corporate stock-
holders that large-scale

17. Billington and Ridge, p. 626.

18. Robert V. Hine, The American
West: An Interpretive History 2nd
Ed. (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1984), p. 143,

rustling by homesteaders or "nesters"
was the reason for diminished dividends.
Thus the concept of massive rustling was
created by the large ranchers as a cover
for their own ineptness and avarice.

I o this environment homestead-
I erscame. Among them were Jim
JL. Averell and Ella Watson. Averell
came to Wyoming's Sweetwater River
Valley before Watson. He had been dis-
charged from military service in 1881 af-
ter spending part of his ten year service at
Fort McKinney.'" Nothing is known of
his actions during the next five years until
he homesteaded on the Sweetwater River
in February, 1886. His homestead, a road
ranch, was three miles east of Indepen-
dence Rock where the Rawlins-Lander
stage line crossed the Oregon Trail.-" This
road ranch consisted of sheds and corrals
for horses and cattle and a main building
which was used as residence, saloon, sup-
ply store and post office. This isolated
ranch did a profitable business probably
because it was located on two main thor-
oughfares. Historian Everett Dick de-
scribes road ranches along the overland
stage and pony express routes in Kansas
and Nebraska in the 1850s and 1860s, as
eating establishments, trading posts and
way stations.'' While the Oregon Trail
was not as heavily traveled in the 1880s

19. Smith, p. 122.

20. ilciirv SiiukiirOragn, ,V,i/,i)/,w/s /,/,//,•-, o/'f/a-
li„iii)n (\r\\ ^nik I )(hI,1, \l,Md ,ind Company,
I4h(,), p 224.1IKI I l,iiT\ SiiuLiir I )i Mgo, /'//e G/Trtf
Range Wnrs: Violence on the Oriisslnnds (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1970), p. 265.

21. Everett Dick, The Sod-Hou^e Frontier 1854-1890
(New York: D. Appleton-Centurv Company, 1937),
pp. 102-109.

Paul Jacques, WvoMiNC, State Musel:,m

Moccasins worn by Ella Watson at the

TIME OF HER HANGING. ThEY WERE FOUND AT

the base of the tree and picked up by
Nell Jameson, who donated them to the
STATE OF Wyoming in 1925.

as it had been in the 1850s, the stage line
probably ran weekly. This stage route
and the lack of competition in the area
undoubtedly aided Averell in his busi-
ness. Averell was well-liked among the
cowboys of the region since he provided
them with an essential service.

In December, 1887 Averell met
Ella Watson in Rawlins while there for
supplies. He convinced her to come to the
Sweetwater and homestead on land near
his store. Her homestead entry is dated
March 26, 1888. She built a house and
corral and settled a mile west of Averell
on Horse Creek. Unfortunately for A vereU
and Watson, they settled on good grass-
land and water which Albert J. Bothwell,
one of the big cattlemen, claimed as his
cattle range.

Averell may have been a sur-
veyor while in the army or he may have
been more politically astute than the av-
erage homesteader." At any rate he knew
that the cattlemen were fencing land ille-
gally. Averell wrote caustic letters to the
Casper Weekly Mail stating that the big
cattlemen were fencing off water rights
and land for their ranches. He did not
mince words concerning the illegal ac-
tions of the cattlemen.

As early as 1879 Congress was
notified by the U.S. General Land Office
that public land was being fenced off bv

cattlemen and that water rights were be-
ing awarded to cattlemen through fraud,
conspiracy and bribery. Settlers who pro-
tested were advised by the Secretary of
the Interior in 1883 to cut fences prohibit-
ing access to their homesteads. In 1885
Congress passed a law making it a crime
for anyone to fence the public domain.
The big cattlemen then attempted to gain
control of public land by paying their
cowboys to stake out claims along stream
sites.--''

Bothwell and his brother, J. R.,
had recently surveyed and platted the
town of Bothwell, which also was to have
a post office, a few miles west of Averell's
homestead.-^ The town materialized and
had a post office, but only after Averell's
death and the election of a Republican
president who was sympathetic to the big
cattlemen's dilemma.

I his was the situation that existed
I that Saturday afternoon, July 20,
M 1889 when six cattlemen forced
Ella Watson and Jim Averell into a wagon
and took them to a gulch where they were
hanged. This lynching, the only hanging
of a woman in Wyoming history, took
place in Carbon County (Natrona County
was carved from Carbon Cotmty in 1888
and organized in 1890) near Indepen-
dence Rock in the south central part of the
soon-to-be state. In these last days of
Wyoming Territory the incident normally
would have ended with an inquest and
burial. However, one of the dead was a
woman and on the nmeteenth-century
frontier men still had a special regard for
women. According to author Grace Ray,
even the most hardened western males
recognized it would be wasteful to de-
stroy a woman, scarce as they were.-"^

Witnesses to the abduction in-
cluded Watson's cowboy employee, John
DeCory and a fourteen-year-old boy. Gene
Crowder, whom Averell had befriended.
They rode to Averell's store and told of
the seizure. A friend of A\'erell's, Frank
Buchanan, chased tlie entourage and tried
to stop the hanging. But one man, e\en
one bra\'e or foolish enough to go against
six, was not enough to sa\'e the two from
their precipitant death.

After the hanging Buchanan
started out for the sheriff in Casper, a
fiftv-mile journey. He got lost durine; the

pp. 1S4-1S7,

riu'slino Ka\

, \\i

\\ W'ome

nofthe\\e^t{SAi\

0; 1 he N.nK

'!■ Co

nip.iny.

1972), p, 23.

53

night and at three a.m. found himself at
Tex Healy's homestead. Healy rode on to
Casper and arri\'ed aroimd noon on Sim-
day. The rest of the day vmdersheriff Phil
Watson (no relation to Ella), hi the sheriff's
absence, organized a posse and Dr. Joe
Benson, acting coroner, swore in a
coroner's jury. At daylight on Monday
they left Casper for the Sweetwater River.
Arri\'ing after midnight, they first ate
their supper and then located the bodies
still hangirig from a little pirie.

They cut them down. The bod-
ies, left hanging in hot July weather for
more than sixty hours, must have been
nauseatingly repulsive. The men un-
doubtedly were thankful for the semi-
darkness. But in the early light they saw
marks on nearby rocks indicating the
hanged had strangled slowly. Their fall
from the ledge had not been sufficient to
break their necks. Their bodies were
placed in pine boxes their friends had
made while waiting for the posse.

The coroner's iiiquest was held
immediately and Crowder, DeCory and
Buchanan testified. This is the only testi-
mony recorded. By the time the case
came before a Carbon
Comity grand jury
on October 14,
these three
men had
either
died or
d i s a p -

Averell and Ella Watson is a simple one.
He sold liquor, she sold her body, and
they both were rustlers. However, nei-
ther selling liquor nor prostitution were
ever considered crimes pimishable by
death, and usually rustlers received only
a jail sentence. Why were Watson and
Averell not warned or, as sometimes was
done, pointed in the direction they should
take? Some sources say they had been,
and others maintain that the lynching
started as a warning but got out of hand.-^

% ^y / atson was a woman alone,
%^\/ and on the frontier that sta-
▼ ▼ tus may have been suspect.
Perhaps she was a prostitute, perhaps
Averell's wife or perhaps only a friend
who wanted to share in the prosperity of
the rich Wyoming grassland. The only
recorded evidence of Watson's supposed
employment in prostitution, other than
stories released after her death, is that
given by Anne Butler. She found Ella
"Cattle Kate" Watson was one of more
than 150 women listed in Cheyenne's
police register. This name appears on
the register Jime 23, 1888 three
months after she filed her
homesteaci and more than a
htmdred miles fi-om Horse
Creek.-*^ She was arrested
for being drunk and fined
$2.00. Tlie June 24, 1888
issue of the Clm/enne
fd^M Daily Lender re-
ported: "Ella

i^^

peared. Buchanan
and DeCory disap-
peared while the
Crowder boy sup-
posedly died of
Bright's disease, a
chronic kidney ail-
ment.-'' Without
witnesses to testify
against them the
accused were
freed.

On the
surface the story
of the deaths
of Jim

26. Drago,
Notorious La-
dies, pp. HI, 233

yj

27. Drago, Rimgc Wars, p. 264;
Drago, Notorious Ladies, p.
227;\IariSand.>/,/7/<-Ui»/<--
; ;//,■ Kio Crniidr
\, diss ;/„■;, f;; \hiiiir.(Lm-
n: Llni\crMt\' vi Nc-
bra>kal'rvss, ^)5S),p.33'-);
Burt Struthers, Powder
River: Let' crBuc!< (New
York: Farrar and
Rineland,Inc.,1938),p.
276. Duncan Aikman, Ca-
lamity laiieand tlteLadij Wild-
cats ([ incoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1 927), p. 1 54; Drago, Range Wars, p. 266; James
D. Horan and Paul Sann, Pictorial History of the
Wild West (New York; Crown Publishers, Inc., 1954), p.
182; Smith, p. 124.

28. Anne M. Butler, Dau;^liters of joy. Sisters of Misery:
Prostitutes in the American West, W65-'90HJrhana:Vn\\'er-
sity of Illinois Press, 1985), p. 56 and fn 18, p. 70.

Watson was arrested Sunday night for
creating a disturbance at the Arliiigton
house."-" According to details printed in
various newspapers after the hangings,
Watson had supposedly worked the
cowtowns of Kansas; Ogallala, Nebraska;
and Cheyenne and Rawlins, Wyoming;
however, she was not fotrnd iii the 1880
census for any of these towns.

There is no doubt that Averell
sold liquor. Liquor was essentially a
household staple on the frontier. It cer-
tainly helped ease the lonely cowboy's
existence and was often used for medici-
nal purposes. But there is no proof that
either Averell or Watson was a rustler or
ever had been. At the time of his death
Averell owned two milk cows. Watson
had cattle in her corral but their number
varies with the source. Friends main-
tained that her corral held only a few
cattle at any time but never more than
six.^" Rumor had it that these aiiimals
were from her cowboy clients who paid
for "services rendered." Newspaper ac-
counts later increased the number of cattle
in her pasture to eighty.^' These accoimts
maintained that the animals were stolen
and Watson was holding them until she
could accjuire a larger herd, change their
brands and ship them. If this speculation
was true no one felt sufficiently troubled
by her actions to press charges. No griev-
ance was ever recorded and no charges
ever made in Carbon County for either
prostitution or rustling.

While evidence of Averell's and
Watson's wrong doings are tentative, tliere
is solid evidence that both were home-
steaders in an area that the large cattle
ranchers used for open range. Tltey were
homesteaders during Wyoming's transi-
tion between territory and statehood. It
was a particularly bad period for all cattle-
men, large and small. Hard winters, dry
summers and overstocked ranges con-
tributed to decimation of most cattle herds.
Finally, Watson and Averell were non-
conformists in a conventional world.
Watson may have been killed as much for
her unconventionality as for the charge of
rustling. A promiitent cattleman was
quoted, "when a woman 'puts on the
pants' she should be treated like a man."^-

29. My appreciation to Rick Ewig for ferreting out the
information concerning Watson's arrest record and
fine. In a prrson.il loninninicition he noted that
because mam icscin Iuts, im m'U included, do not
believe Ella WaNcm w as a pmstitiite, he had tried,
unsucces.sfulK , to dclcrminc it the Arlington House
was a brothel.

31). Drago, Notorious Ladies, p. 22(i.

31. Mercer, p. 18; Sandoz, p. 33^); Smith, p. 131.

■^4

The lynching occurred as Wyoming
was actively seeking statehood
which was finalized less than a
year later. Women had been granted the
rights of citizens including full suffrage in
1869, one year after Wyoming Territory
was created. This may have been done as
an attempt to entice more families to settle
in Wyoming, or as a way to prevent tran-
sient men such as cowboys from deter-
mining the outcome of any election. Re-
gardless of the reason, promotional lit-
erature of the period stated that women's
suffrage was an inducement to settle in
Wyoming.^-' Hanging women was not
going to help obtain statehood or entice
families to settle.

Since the charge of prostitution
was inadequate, the perpetrators tried to
cover their trails. According to Helena
Huntington Smith, a seventh man had
plotted with the other six the momiiig of
July 20. He left them as they rode toward
the Watson place. Smith believes that it
was he who played an important role in
laying down the swift and effective smoke
screen from Cheyenne .... In fact, so
swiftly was the propaganda barrage laid
down, . . . that the marks of advance
planning are unmistakable.'^

He was in Cheyenne on Mon-
day, July 22, and maintained that he
learned of the hangings by telegraph,
even though the posse was enroute to
Casper and unable to comniunicate its
findings. Everything in the newspaper
stories — the similar tones, the repetition
of details, the identical phrases, the con-
sistent misspelling of Averell's name as
A verill — all apparently came from a single
source and suggests premeditation.^"^

Smith mentions that "Cattle
Kate" was the name used by a prostitute
who had recently robbed a Bessemer faro
dealer. She notes that a Douglas reporter

Pathfinder Ranch foreman, Bob Musfelt,

HOLDS UP the remains OF A HISTORICAL
MARKER COMMEMORATING THE LIVES OF JiM
AVERELL AND ElLA WaTSON. ThE SITE IS AT

the west end of pathfinder reservoir.
Cattle rubbing against the marker

CAUSED it to be PUSHED FROM THE GROUND,
AND THE PLAQUE CONTAINING THE HISTORI-
CAL NARRATIVE WAS REMOVED AND PLACED IN
STORAGE.

32. T. A. Liirson, History of V^yoinin^ (Lincoln: Uni-
versity of Nebrnsi<a Press', 1965), p. 270.

33. Hinc, p. 327.

34. Smith, pp. 126-127.

35. Smitii, p. 127.

confused this prostitute with Ella Watson
and is probably the source for her epithet.
This forces several questions.

Anne Butler notes that she found
Ella Watson among the 150 women in the
police register and in a footnote Butler
gives the date of Watson's arrest, stating
that "Cattle Kate" Watson and her part-
ner, Jim Averell, were lynched during the
Johnson County War in 1888. Butler er-
rors at least three times: the correct spell-
ing is Averell rather than Averill although
most newspaper accounts used an "i."
The hanging was July 20, 1889, not 1888.*
Finally, while the story is indicative of the
steadily increasing conflicts between big
cattlemen and homesteaders, there is a
question whether or not the lynching was
connected with the Johnson County War .^^
The beginning of the war is usiially dated
from the several killings in November,
1891, two and a half years after Watson's
and Averell's deaths and a hundred
miles north.

Another question is: was the Ella

36. Butler, p. 56, 70.

37. Jack R. Gage, The Johnson County War Ani't a
Pack of Lies: The Rustlers Side (Cheyenne: Flint-
lock Publishing Co., 1967), p. 37.

Watson who was fined by the Cheyenne
police on June 23, 1888 the same person
who robbed the faro dealer? Again, there
is no evidence that the Douglas reporter's
"Cattle Kate" was even named Watson!

Finally, was Butler's Ella Watson,
the same one who homesteaded
on the Sweetwater? Both Ella and
Watson were common names and there
may have been two "Ella Watsons" in the
Territory. Phil Watson, Casper's
undersheriff, is proof that there were
other Watson families.

Many prostitutes were noted for
their frequent relocations. Joseph Snell
points out in his study of Kansas
cowtowns that only a few prostitutes were
found in more than two successive
towns.* He also notes that very few pros-
titutes were over 23 and the average age
never exceeded 23.1 years. He indicates
that the prostitutes' retirement explained
both of these phenomena and that the
most common reason for retirement was

38. Joseph W. Snell, Painted Ladies of the Coiotown
Frontier (Kansas City: Kansas City Posse of the
Westerners, 1965), p. 11.

55

marriage/''' Watson was at least twenty-
six when she took out her homestead, and
while Snell found a few prostitutes in the
cowtowns who were over thirty, most
women were married by that age.* On
the other hand, Watson may have gone to
Cheyemie for the "season" and this may
explain Butler's finding in June, 1888.

Watson may have been Averell's
wife. Snell found that prostitutes' occu-
pations did not deter them from makiiig
successful marriages. Although their
husbands-to-be usually foimd them in a
brothel, after marriage they frequently
mo\'ed to another area and began new
lives with only their husbands knowiiig
their past occupations. However, many
prostitutes simply moved from the broth-
els where they worked to their husbands'
homes, continuing to live in the same
town. Some of them did not leave the
business after marriage. Indeed, in her
discussion of prostitutes of the trans-Mis-
sissippi West, Butler states: "marriage did
not automatically mean . . . retirement
from the profession. ""''

Finally, Watson may have been one
of those "rebellious" women who
wanted to stand on her own with-
out benefit of a male. Christiane Fischer
describes the lives of 25 women who
lived ill the West (California, Nevada,
Colorado and Arizona) between 1849 and
1900, and maintains that none of the
women . . . corresponds to any of the
simplistic images which have been de-
vised of women in the West; it would be
hard to see any of them as the subdued
woman in the sunbonnet. Although most
of them were devoted to their husbands
or fathers and had to abide by their deci-
sions, few could be described as submis-
sive; there is a strikiiig undercurrent of
rebellion in several of the narratives."*-

Ella Watson certamly did not
meet these submissive criteria, either.^^
Her parents had emigrated from Scot-
land to Canada where she was bom. Some-
time between 1875 and 1880 the family
moved to Smith County, Kansas.^ Ella
Watson does not appear in the 1880 cen-

39. Snell, p. 12.

40. Ibid.

41. Butler, p. 26.

42. Christiane Fischer (ed.). Let Them Spenkfor Them-
selves: Women m the American West, 1849-1900
(New York: E, P. Dutton, 1978), p. 20.

43. Personal telephone communication from Ella Wat-
son's niece, Lola Van Wey, in August, 1989. Accord-
ing to Watson's nieces, who still reside in Kansas,
the family always referred to her as Ellen.

sus of Pawnee Township with her par-
ents and seven siblings. However, if she
was 28 at her death she would have been
nineteen in 1880. According to historians
James D. Horan and Paul Sami, Watson
was married at eighteen but left her hus-
band because of his infidelity .^^ But
Duiican Aikman states that (presumably
after she was ensconced in her nefarious
life) she had "honored a soldier admirer
by chemging her name to Kate Maxwell. ""*"
There is no one by the name of Maxwell in
the 1880 Smith County, Kansas census.
However, there are several Maxwells
listed in Wyoming: two were soldiers and
both were at the right age -29 and 30- to
be her husband.

Some sources indicate that
Watson and Averell may have been mar-
ried legally or by common-law, and that
she homesteaded rmder her maiden name .
Tliis suggestion is plausible. In some
cases a married woman was known to
have filed next to her husband's claim
illegally so that the two claims could be
joiried eventually. Many an unmarried
woman legally claimed her homestead
and then married her neighbor, as did
Elinore Pruitt Stewart.^'

If Watson was a prostitute, she
was outside respectable society, if a home-
steader she was still suspect since she was
alone. And she was outspoken. That she
was a nonconformist is indicated by the
frequently issued picture which shows
her sitting her horse and dressed in a
srmbonnet, a long dress and a polka-dot
apron. Tliere is no evidence of a saddle. It
is not apparent why tliis picture was taken.
Was she posing for her family in Kansas?
Surely she did not ordinarily ride bare-
back! Watson's nieces marritain that the
only documented picture of her is one
which shows her in a conventional pose
on page 181 of Horan and Sann's Pictorial
History of the Wild West. Finally, she
was a friend, if not something more, of
Jim Averell who was dangerously out-
spoken about cattlemen.

Averell, furthermore, wrote inflam-

44. U.S. Census Office. Tenth Census of the United
States, June 1, 1880. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1980. The Thomas Watson
family was listed as Homestead no. 1 12, family no.
115 in the Pawnee Township, Smith County, Kan-
sas 1880 census. The family included Thomas, his
wife, Frances, and their three sons and three daugh-
ters. The youngest, Jane, was five months old. Her
closest sibling, Mary, age five, was born in Canada.

45. Horan and Sann, p. 181.

46. Aikman, p. 139.

47. i:iinore Pruitt Stewart, Letters of a Woman
Llomesteader (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1913), p. 134.

matory letters about cattlemen fencing
off government land and essential water.
He forced some to prove ownership of the
land they used. He had a prosperous
business, had been awarded a post office
and both he and Watson were home-
steading on land contested by Bothwell.

In the nineteenth century the pre-
valent attitude indicated that
woman's place was m the home.
But with the possibility of land owner-
ship and independence for women,
which were encouraged by the Home-
stead Act, that perspective was changing
radically. According to biographer
Christiane Fischer, "The shape women's
lives assumed depended much on the
amount of independence they could
achieve.""'* But at the same time, accord-
ing to biographer Barry, "patriarchal so-
ciety will not accept any woman who
refuses to be dominated . . . ."^" The
American West was a man's world. And
Wyoming Territory on the eve of state-
hood, despite its "progressive" woman
suffrage law, was still a patriarchy.

The homesteads that Jim Averell
and Ella Watson filed upon were con-
tested after their deaths by Henry H. Wil-
son, who stated that the premises had
been abandoned. He later sold this land
to A. J. Bothwell."*^' Thus, in all probability
Ella Watson and Jim Averell were hanged
not because they were rustlers or because
of their unsavory characters but because
they dared to openly antagonize the cattle-
men who ruled Wyoming. ■

Ms. Leigh, a gradu-
ate STUDENT IN HIS-
TORY AT Indiana Uni-
versity-Blooming-

TON, ISINTERESTED IN

gender roles of the
KiMCKi.i.N xrans-Mississippi
West. Currently she is working on a
comparative study of gender roles and
the success of the non-native settlers
OF Jewell County, Kansas.

Line iii'Hii'iii\
Cattle Kdtc"
can Hciita'^i

ill lliis article were taken from "The Hanging of
sketch /'!/ an nnknowii artist, (no date), Ameri-
cnter. Uniivrsiti/ ofWi/oiiiiii'.^, Laramie.

49. Kathleen Barry, Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of
a Singular Feminist (New York: New York Univer-
sity Press, 1988), p. 360.

50. Ray, p. 29.

=^r.

lb

'9

%

i'% %,

iiiii.

Book
Reviews

A New Deal for
THE American People

BY Roger Biles

Eyewitness at
Wounded Knee

BY Richard E. Jensen,

R. Eli Paul
AND John E. Carter.

Writing Western

History:

Essays on Major

Western Historl\ns

BY Richard W. Etulain.

Creating the West:
Historical Interpreta-
tions, 1 890- 1 990

BY Gerald D. Nash.

Montana: A History
of Two Centuries

BY Michael P. Malone,

Richard B. Roeder and

William L. Lang.

Bull Threshers
AND Bindlestiffs:

Harvesting and

Threshing on the

North American Peains
BY Thomas D. Isern.

•KNORS Mansion, C.hi;yi:nni-:

B

O K

A New Deal for the
American People

^|?J^M

BY Roger Biles

DeKalb: Northern Illinois

University Press, 1991. 274 pp.

Illustrations, notes,

bibliography, index.

Cloth $28.50, paper $12.00.

Considering a third party rim
for the presidency in 1936, Minnesota's
radical Governor Floyd Olson mused
that the coimtry needed "not just a new
deal, but also a new deck." Such card
game commentaries on the Roosevelt
Administration were apparently com-
mon in the 1930s, (pp. 121-122). Even
today, academic historians debating the
New Deal continue the play on words.
Did Franklin Roosevelt preside
over a New Deal, an Old Deal, a
Raw Deal, or a Bum Deal?

Scholarly interpreta-
tions of the New Deal have var-
ied throughout time. Until the
late 1960s, most publishiiig his-
torians were liberal Democrats
who applauded the Roosevelt
Administration's assumption of
new governmental responsibili-
ties. During the upheavals ac-
companying the Vietnam War,
young New Left sdiolars turned
on their liberal fathers and
roundly condemned the
Roosevelt Administration for trucking
with capitalists and for perpetLiating
economic and racial injustices. While
revisioiTist historians generally criticized
Roosevelt for doing too little, some con-
servatives argued that the New Deal
had done too much. They lamented its
statist solutions and its encouragement
of dependency by the public-at-large.
Duriiig the last generation most
students of the 1930s have retreated
into monographic investigations. They
have studied in great depth the impact
of federal programs at the local and
state levels. Social historians have looked
into the meaning of the New Deal for
women, ethnic minorities and other "in-
articulate" groups. Scholars in general
have tried to imderstand just what in
fact happened when New Deal person-
nel and initiatives brushed up against
long-established customs and power
arrangements.

What has been lost in all the
monographic studies is usable synthe-
sis. The last major one-volume analysis
appropriate for college adoption, Wil-
liam Leuchtenburg's "Franklin D.
Roosevelt and the New Deal," was pub-
lished in 1963. Oklahoma State Univer-
sity historian Roger Biles' "A New Deal
for the American People" is one of sev-

eral recent efforts aimed at this void in
the college textbook marketplace. Stvi-
dents as well as general readers seeking
a good summary of post-1960s scholar-
ship will find it quite useful.

The thesis of Biles' book is that
the basic conservatism of American cul-
ture, the resistance to change at the local
and state levels, the organized opposi-
tion by anti-Roosevelt congressional fig-
ures, plus the president's own instinc-
tive moderation limited the impact of
the New Deal. Roosevelt, basically a
Burkean conservative, reformed prima-
rily to preserve. Scholars who have criti-
cized the New Deal for not launchirig
revolutionary challenges to established
racial, gender, or economic inequalities
have failed to understand both
Roosevelt's temperament and his elec-
toral mandate.

Despite the institutional and
personal barriers to radical change. Biles
believed the New Deal's achievements
were substantial. Although a few
marginalized feminists certainly were
disappointed with Roosevelt, women iii
general benefited from the creation of
the modern welfare state. Despite the
president's refusal to endorse the anti-
lynching bill of the 1930s, the New Deal
helped to establish race and civil rights
as legitiinate issues for postwar Anerica.
While the administration's federal arts
projects attracted growing hostility from
conser\^atives, the New Deal did estab-
lish the precedent of government pa-
tronage of the arts.

Ill other areas the New Deal
speeded up processes already under
way. The author conckides that in urban
policy the Roosevelt Administration con-
tributed to the growing suburbanization
process, with its emphasis on detached
single-family homes and the automo-
bile. The New Deal also helped define
and immeasurably strengthen collective
bargaining procedures, a step that both
legitimated labor unions and placed
them under government regulation. Tlie
administration's highly controversial
agricultural poUcies facilitated such long-
term changes as rural depopulation, farm
consolidation and mechanization. In the
West, irrigation breakthroughs and ad-
vances in the management of scarce wa-
ter resources constitute the New Deal's
most lasting legacies.

^S

Biles has given us a well-writ-
ten, politically moderate text that will
find its way into many college class-
rooms. It may also interest those misfits
still curious as to what the latest genera-
tion of academic historians make of
Roosevelt's New Deal. In future revi-
sions, the author ought to correct a
couple of piddling errors. The Railway

Labor Act that inspired Senator Robert
Wagner was enacted in 1924, not 1934
(p. 159). And 1936 would not be the last
assuring a president a two-tliirds partisaii
majority in both house of Congress;
Lyndon Johnson would enjoy the same
advantage after his 1964 landslide (p. 133).

William H. Moore

University' of Wyoming, Laramie

The Wounded Knee massacre,
played out on the snow-covered plains
of South Dakota in December 1890, has
been traditionally described as the last
major military campaign conducted by
the United States Army against Native
American peoples. Most historical ac-
coimts of the massacre have concen-
trated on the events leading up to the
confrontation between Big Foot and his
followers and the United States Sev-
enth Cavalry, and on the actual shoot-
ing of Sioux Indians at Wounded Knee
itself. "Eyewitness at Wovmded Knee"
attempts to place the events of Decem-
ber 1890 Into a historical perspective
through the use of photographs drawn
from the archives of the Nebraska His-
torical Society.

The text is divided into four
parts: an excellent photographic essay
that deals with life among the Sioux
people during the years leading up to
the tragedy, an essay written by R. Eli
Paul about the Army's role in the
Wounded Knee massacre, Richard
Jensen's essay on the ethnohistory of
Sioux iri 1890, and John Carter's contri-
bution: the role of the photographer in
the West.

Carter deals with the opportu-
nities that the Ghost Dance affair pre-
sented for local photographers and
newsmen to reach a national audience.
The Northwestern Photographic Com-
pany of Chadron, Nebraska, provided
the major photographs, and the princi-
pal photographic agents, Gus Trager
and Frederick Kuhn, marketed them.
Tlie actual camera work was done by
Clarence Moreledge an adventurer who,
with Trager, frequently misrepresented
photographs and falsified Information
in an effort to make money.

Eli Paul's essay regarding the
role of the army, ironically titled "Your
Country isSurrounded"arguespersua-

.jtf:^'^'

kim

sively that the Wounded Knee tragedy
was not the last battle of the Indicm wars
but was, m fact, the beginning of a new
era of warfare in which the telegraph,
telephone and
railroad would
play a major part.

Paul ar-
gues that Sitting
Bull's role was
overplayed by an
Army hmigry for
a famous adver-
sary. This belief,
that the old
Hunkpapa sha-
man was organiz-
ing an Indian up-
rising, was en-
couraged by In-
dian agents who
resented the old
man's influence

and feared that the Ghost Dance would
set back their assimilationist programs.
The attempt to arrest Sitting Bull was
pushed along by Nelson Miles, a gen-
eral with a penchant for glory-hunting,
and Standing Rock agent James
McLaugWiti, a man who especially hated
Sitting Bull. Attempts by William Cody
to intervene, and by the Cody Wild
West Shows' Sioux performers to coim-
sel their fellow Sioux about peace, were
turned aside by McLaughlin who saw
any attempts to interfere as threats to his
authority on the reservation. Likewise,
the actual battle was initiated by Colo-
nel James Forsyth's attempt to disarm
the Sioux at Wounded Knee, although
neither military security nor good sense
called for such a thing. It was this at-
tempt to seize Indian weapons that was
met with resistance and led to the frenzv
of killing by the army.

Richard Jensen'ssensiti\'echap-
ter concerning the changes in Sioux cul-

Eyewitness at
Wounded Knee

Eyewitness at Wounded Knee

BY Richard E. Jensen,

R. Eli Paul

AND John E. Carter.

Lincoln: UNivERSiTt'OPNEBRASK^A Press,
1991. XII AND 210 pp.
Illustrations, maps, notes, index.
Cloth $37.50.

59

Book

Writing Western
History:

Essays on Major
Western Historians

BY Richard W. Etulain.

Ai.BUQUERQui-:: Universi'i-y of New

Mi;xk:o Pri:ss, 1991. ix and 370 pp.

Notes, index.

Cloth $37.50, papi-;k $17.50.

ture in the resen^ation era is perhaps the
best part of the written section of the
book. Jensen challenges the long-held
notion that the Sioux Ghost Dancers
were seeking a return to the past and
sees the Sioux as undergoing a con-
scious, though unplanned, social trans-
formation under the pressure of reser-
vation conditions.

The Ghost Dance was, in
Jensen's view, part of "the Lakotas' own
evolving religion rather than a brief
experiment with an exotic belief" (page
7). The Ghost Dance contained many
traditional Sioux elements and, in fact,
was a form of the Sun Dance complete
with Sun Dance pole and looking at the
sun. It was motivated by a desire for
supernatural aid and power, not as a
prelude to war. Thus, the new religion
was an attempt to reconcile changes in
the mythological world of the Sioux
with current conditions and to incorpo-
rate new ideas that were part of a pan-
Indian movement. Although the at-
tempt failed, its failure was due to mili-
tary intervention rather than to the bark-
ening of the Sioux for a past world now
lost. The Sioux who followed Big Foot

away from the agency after Sitting Bull's
death, says Jensen, realized that the army
was intending to do violence. They were
not expecting the miraculous disappear-
ance of the White men, nor did they
think that the buffalo would return. In-
stead, they simply sought to put space
between themselves aiid the military that
they had good reasons to distrust.

"Eyewitness at Wounded Knee"
contains a substantial collection of excel-
lent photographs, some dealing with the
battlefield and some with the transfor-
mation of Sioux life. The authors have
done an excellent job of identifying the
people in the photographs. Their efforts
not only reveal the poverty of reserv^a-
tion life in the assimilationist period and
the horror of the battlefield at Wounded
Knee but also, through their inclusion of
photographs of Indian round dances and
of new housing, they foreshadow the
rebirth of Lakota culture that was to
come in the twentieth century. This book
is a must for students of the American
Indian and of the American West.

Thomas F. Schilz
MiRAMAR College
San Diego, California

In recent years a number of
studies have emerged that indicate the
field of western history has become more
introspective than it has been at some
points in its evolution. The Uni-
versity of New Mexico Press
has enhanced this tendency and
has published the present two
volumes that assess the study of
western history in the last cen-
tury or so. Tlie studies are very
much different and make sepa-
rate and distinct contributions.
Richard Etulain has gathered
together eleven essays that ex-
amine the work of ten histori-
ans (two essays focus on
Frederick Jackson Turner) and
has added his own introduction
and conclusion. As in any col-
lection, the essays range widely in fo-
cus, purpose and style. Along the way,
however, they demonstrate the oppor-
tunities and limits of the discipline to-
day and in its course of development.
Although Josiah Royce is best known
for his philosophical alternative to prag-

matism, Robert Hine credits him with
some success as a historian based upon
his study of California and JoItu C. Fre-
mont. The merits of Hine's essay aside, it is
not clear why Royce warranted atten-
tion not given to any of several other
major historians. Charles Peterson's es-
say on Hubert Howe Bancroft has for its
subject a person whose importance, as
Peterson suggests, remains perplexing.
As a publicist, businessman, and collec-
tor of historical materials, Bancroft was
successful. The question is, how much
did Bancroft subordinate his historical
effort to his business goals and methods?
Following discussions of these
two precursors to Turner are essays that
take up the work of Turner and other
classic western historians: Frederick Lo-
gan Paxson, Walter Prescott Webb,
Herbert Eugene Bolton, and James C.
Malin. In perhaps the strongest and
richest essay of the volume William
Cronon explores Turner's contribution
apart from his familiar frontier essay.
Cronon has brought into the light
Turner's emphasis on significance, or as

6n

Review

Cronon expresses it, "The Significance
of Significance in American History."
By examining the intellectual commit-
ments that led Turner to think the fron-
tier so important, Cronon steps back
from the frontier thesis itself to exam-
ine Turner's oratorical ability, his broad
conception of history that included the
whole of society as well as history, and
his conception of the West as virtually
national in scope. In his essay about
Paxson, Turner's successor in Wiscon-
sin, Etulain argues effectively: "After
Turner, Frederick Logan Paxson was
perhaps the most significant teacher
and writer of frontier history in the first
half of the twentieth century. " That this
came despite his lack of interest in ana-
lytical history, despite his uncritical
acceptance of Turner's frontier thesis,
seems to rest especially on Paxson's per-
vasiveness, productivity and his foci,is on
the frontier as process rather than place,
an important conceptual distinction.

One of the most difficult es-
says to prepare was surely that about
Webb. Elliott West's observation that
"specialists in other academic fields
typically pay scant attention to the
work done by western historians, who
too often return the favor" goes to the
core of much tribulation in the disci-
pline. But West continues: "For this,
Webb must bear some responsibil-
ity." That West can offer this harsh
judgment while remaining sensitive
to Webb's contributions and limitations
and understanding his limits is a no-
table achievement.

Essays dealing with Bolton
and Malin provide cogent summaries
of their work. Indeed, Allan Bogue pre-
sents a spirited defense of the some-
times cranky Malin. The tendency to
overstate the case for or against the
contributions of iiidividual historians
can be found in studies of Henry Nash
Smith: "he transformed our study of
the West from simply a concentration
on the economics or sociology of a pface
to the contemplation of the profound
effects of an image, one whose com-
manding grip on the nineteenth-cen-
tury imagination has shaped the terms
of our deepest cultural dialogues". The
style and scholarship of Earl Pomeroy,
according to the author, "offer the best
hope for a true comprehension of the

past in the years to come" and he wrote
two books "that will be read and lauded
forever."

Clearly, a dozen historians
turned loose to write about eleven other
historians will not produce a single in-
terpretation or even a consensus. The
result will likely be more that of a kalei-
doscope. On the other hand, when one
historian sets out to construct a
framework for imderstanding
historical interpretations of the
American West from 1890 to
1990, there is a significant op-
portunity for achieving it. To
provide a interpretive synthesis
of those historical efforts is the
goal of Nash in Crenting the West.

The first thing evident
to the reader is not captured in
the title. The author has read so
widely and has encompassed so
many other historians that this
volume can easily serve as a
reference to the reader seeking
either general or specific histo-
riographical information. The wealth
of information contained in the footnotes
and bibliography probably is
unsurpassed. For this reason alone, the
volume stands as a useful tool.

The author has organized his
study by considering the approaches of
different generations to the study of the
American West. And he has found dif-
ferent conceptions of the West, both in
historical assumptions and conclusions.
Thus, two chapters examine the West as
frontier (1890-1945 and 1945-1990), one
as region (1890-1990), one as urban civi-
lization (1890-1990), and the last as Uto-
pia and my th ( 1 890- 1 990) . The five chap-
ters, however, are deceptive. Each cov-
ers so much terrain and so much time
that the reader may be inclined to re-
duce the interpretations of the various
historians to the chapter topics, some-
thing that Nash would surely caution
against. Perhaps, however, they are so
broad in scope that more chapters would
force a different organization and a
tighter argument.

It was not the author's intent to
provide a new theory for understand-
ing the history of the West or for under-
standing the history of the history of the
West. Certainly the efforts of those who
do otherwise have not always been suc-

Creating the West:
Historical Interpreta-
tions, 1 890- 1 990

BY Gerald D. Nash.

Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1991. xi and 318 pp.
Notes, bibliography, index.
Cloth $29.95, paper $15.95.

61

B o

Montana: A History
OF Two Centuries

pnjana

A History oi
Two Centuiies

Michael P. Malone

Richard B. Roeder

William L. Lang

Revised Edition

BY Michael P. Malone,

Richard B. Roeder and

William L. Lang.

Seattle: University of Washington

Press, 1991. xiii and 466 pp.

Illustrations, maps, bibliography.

Cloth $40.00, paper $19.95.

cessful. Yet by using an approach that
allows generational change to play a
causative role, as opposed to change
within generation, and by using an as-
sessment that depends upon an author's
optimistic or pessimistic view of the
West, significant conceptual opportu-
nities are bypassed which could foster
an accurate understanding of the West.
Many readers will be more than
satisfied by this study of historians and
their craft. Others will be put off by the
"on the one hand" and "on the other
hand" approach to liistorical assessment.
One could be kind and suggest that

Nash provided information for the read-
er to develop his or her own conclusions,
were it not for one obserx'ation the au-
thor made when discussing Pomeroy:
"Historical interpretations about the
West often revealed more about the val-
ues, attitudes, and assumptions of the
scholars writing about the region than
they did about the area itself," And: "In
searching for the West we define our-
selves. " It is this point, so ambiguous and
wide-open in "Creating the West," that is
perplexing as well as satisfying.

Michael Cassity

University' of Wyoming, Laramie

This college level textbook, a
scholarly survey of Montana's history,
is a revision of the original 1976 edition
also written by Michael P. Malone and
Richard B. Roeder. In the preface the
authors state that it is intended for the
"mature reader" and it is. If one is
serious about learning the his-
tory of Montana, this is a good
place to begin. The book is an
excellent reference for any west-
em history library.

Montana has several
strong points. Possibly the best
thing about it is its generous
and highly useful bibliography.
This edition drops some dated
sources, but, unfortunately did
not add as many as anticipated.
Even so, the excellent and ex-
tended coverage is valuable and
the annotation noteworthy.
The text is a retelling of
Montana's history from geologic and
topographical origins to the politics and
economics of the 1980s. Although the
authors designate their book "interpre-
tive" history, it is rarely judgmental,
clings to the safer and more traditional
narrative and places events and people
in an understandable context. The early
years are especially well written as is
the chapter about homesteading.

More than eighty pictures,
most of which are not found in the
original work, add to the narrative and
illustrate salient themes. Noticeably,
there are few maps and readers unfa-
miliar with Montana are advised to se-
cure a state map while reading the text.
For whatever reasons known

to them, the authors fail to flesh out
many of the people in their narrative.
Far more space has been devoted to the
course of institutional history than to
individuals. Tliis brevity and selectivity
is the curse of surv^ey history.

The book has the appearance of
a well-edited and eiThanced series of lec-
tures that have been botmd for publica-
tion and, one surmises, are required read-
ing for students majoring in history or
education at Montana State University.
This edition includes materials concern-
ing ethnic groups, women and twentieth
century history not found in the earlier
publication. But, except for the period
following 1975, most changes are cos-
metic and grammatical, not substantive.

A new section on "Montana and
the Fine Arts" best illustrates the au-
thors' tendency in parts of the book to
string wire between post holes, by quickly
listing one item after another in an at-
tempt to avoid being accused of omitting
something important. On the other hand
it would be easy, with any such book, to
be picky and point out omissions such as
the failure to include "Benetsee" as the
common name for Fraiicois Finlay . Given
the constraints of modern publishitig
and the pressures of scholarship, the
authors seem to have made the right
choices. One certainly can respect the
authors' reputations and their successful
efforts to provide a sound base for fur-
ther study.

K. Ross Toole, historian and
author at the University of Montana,
states on the back of the softcover edition
that the book is "felicitously and tightly
written." No one can honestly disagree

62

with this assessment. But with all due
respect for the scholarship exhibited in
"Montana," and it is considerable, this
reader prefers the more comfortable and

less pedantic writing style of Toole.

Malcolm Cook
Cheyenne, Wyoming

Emporia State professor and native
son of the Great Plains, Thomas Isem,
has produced a labor of love in this
volume regarding the practices of har-
vesting and threshing on the North
American Plains before the advent of
the combine. The attention-getting title
of Bull Threshers and Bindlestiffs refers
to the machine capital and human labor
involved in harvesting and threshing
which combined to produce what Isem
considers a distinctive regional culture
based upon "continual evaluation, ex-
perimentation, and adaptation." Al-
though Isem acknowledges the impact
of outside market and political forces
upon the region, in the final analysis he
is an environmentalist who concludes
"that the agriculture of the plains forged a
tradition of change" (p. 215).

Isem begins his study of re-
gional change with a rather exhaustive
survey of the early technology applied
to harvesting (the gathering of
un threshed grain from the field) and
threshing (the breaking loose of the ker-
nels of grain from the straw and chaff).
This overview may be a little tedious for
some general readers who do not share
the author's enthusiasm for the details
of technological innovation, but the the-
sis remains clear. Isem argues that Plains
farmers were receptive to technological
innovation as they adapted and origi-
nated devices such as the binder and the
header which would redress the short-
ages of labor in the region.

Individuals less interested in
the techniques of threshing and harvest-
iiig may find the section dealing with
farm labor to be more readable. In paint-
ing a somewhat optimistic picture of the
bindlestiffs, Isem may rely too much
upon a 1920 study conducted by scholar
Don D. Lescohier for the departments of
agriculture and labor. According to the
Lescohier study, the essential findings
of which were confirmed in a 1938 Bu-
reau of Agriculture economic report,
family farm labor contributed more tlian
forty per cent of the harvest labor. Tlius,
transient workers did not occupy as

great a role as might be thought. And
the transient laborers who were repre-
sented in the Lescohier study were de-
scribed as predominantly White
(Lescohier did no fieldwork in Texas),
from adjacent areas, and American
born. Although Isern does concede that
bindlestiffs were sometimes exploited
by farmers, he emphasizes the
comradery of laborers and farmers
working together In the fields.
Accordingly, Isem has little sym-
pathy for the Industrial Workers
of the World (IWW) who tried to
organize bindlestiffs in the pe-
riod before World War I. Isem
criticizes the revolutionary
unionism preached by the IWW,
yet he concedes that by 1916 more
than twenty thousand bindle-
stiffs had joined the organiza-
tion. Perhaps working conditions
were not always as satisfactory
as Isem seems to conclude.

And, indeed, Isem may
be a little overly sentimental as
he laments the change In Plains culture
brought about as the combine replaced
the harvest labor of the bindlestiffs. The
book contains numerous photographs
of harvesting before the culture of adap-
tation resulted in the combine replacing
the bindlestiff. Although he acknowl-
edges that photographic evidence is, in-
deed, impressionistic, Isern is unable to
dismiss "the pride of labor and accon"i-
plishment staring out of the golden
tones" (p.211). Isern regrets that he was
born too late to pitch bundles into the
feeder, as he waxes nostalgically about
the period before the combine. Yet, one
wonders if a bindlestiff reading this vol-
ume would share such sentiments. In
conclusion, Isern has produced a vol-
ume which is very readable and direct
regarding the practices of harvesting
and threshing on the northern plains,
but he is perhaps a bit sentimental in his
lament for the good ol' days.

Ron Hkii i y

Sandia Pkipakaior^ School

AlhuohI'Koiii;, Niav Mi;xi( o

Bull Threshers
AND Bindlestiffs:

Harvesting and
Threshing on the
North American Plains

BY Thomas D. Isern.

Lawrence: Universit\' Press of
Kansas, 1990. xiii and 248 pp.
Illustations, notes, index. Cloth

$29.95.

rn

Index

Abel Walter, 64:3/4:9

"About Face," 64:3/4:21

Adams, Col. Gerald M., .4 Histoiy of the

U.S. Strategic Air Force Bases in Morocco,

1951-1963, 64:3/4/:23

The Post Near Cheyenne: A History of Fort

D.A. Russell 1867 to 1930, .'....' 64:3/4/23

"The Casper Army Air Field In World

War II," 64:3/4:6-23

Adams, Andy, 64:1:4

Adamsky, Adam, 64:2:39

Advance Electric, Casper, 64:3/4:46

Aeronica (airplane), 64:3/4:8

Aikman, Duncan, 64:3/4:56

Air University Library, Maxwell AFB,

(Montgomery, Ala.), 64:3/4:23

Albany County 64:2:34-35,41,44-48,51-58

Albany Coimty Probate Court, 64:2:52

Albuquerque, N. M., 64:3/4:22

Allen, U.S. Marshal John R., 64:2:57

Almy,Wyo., 64:1:27

American Heritage Center, Laramie, Wyo., 64:3/4:5,50,56

"American Heritage Center: A Resource as

a Resource," by Gene M. Gressley, 64:1:22-25

Amundson, Michael A.,'Wi/onung Time and

Again: Rephotographing the Scenes of

J.EStimson, ....'. '. '. 64:2:60-63

/^derson, Frank E., 64:2:53-54,58

Arkeon Building, Casper, 64:3/4:9

Arlington House, Cheyenne, 64:3/4:54

Army Air Corps, 64:3/4:7,17

Army Air Corps Bombardment School, 64:3/4:7

Army Corps of Engineers, 64:3/4:8

Arnold, Thurman, 64:1:24

Arnold, Gen. H. "Hap", 64:3/4:6,14

Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, 64:2:60

Atheam, Robert G., 64:1:5,28-29

Atlantic City, Wyo., 64:2:62

Autry,Gene, 64:3/4:14

Avenger Field (Texas), 64:3/4:19

Averell,Jim 64:3/4:53-56

B

B-17, (airplane), 64:3/4:2, 8-12, 15, 26

B-24, (airplane), 64:3/4:8, 12, 14-15, 17, 19-20, 22

B-29, (airplane), 64:3/4:8,21-22

Babb, Estelle, 64:2:42

Baccus, George, 64:2:54-55

Bailey, Vernon, 64:1:25

Baird,C.J., 64:2:46

Baker, Ftherton P., 64:2:47

Balch's Market, Laramie, Wyo., 64:2:40

Barber, Gov. Amos W., 64:2:36-38

Bare, Abraham, 64:2:37-38

Barnes, I larrv Elmer, 64:1:24

Barrett State Office Building, Cheyem-ie, 64:3/4:5

Barrett, Sen. Frank, [ 64:1:24,64:3/4:10

Barrow, M.G., 64:1:24

Bashore, Harry, 64:1:25

Bath, Henry, 64:2:36

Bath, Louis, 64:2:36-38,40-43

Battle of the Bulge, 64:3/4:21

Becker, Joseph 64:2:52

Belden, Charles, 64:1:24

Bell P-63 Kingcobra (airplane), 64:3/4:15

Bell P-39 Aircobra (airplane) 64:3/4:15

Benson, Dr. Joe 64:3/4:54

Bergis, Capt. Albert C, 64:3/4:15

Bessemer, Wyo., 64:3/4:55

Biddick,John 64:2:55

Big Horn Basin, Wyo., 64:3/4:2

Big Horn County, Wyo., 64:1:15,19

Big Horn National Forest, 64:3/4:18

Biles, Roger, A New Deal for the

American People, review, 64:3/4:58-59

Bishop, Mar\'in, 64:3/4:22

Black army units, 64:3/4:11

Black Wednesday , 64:3/4:15

Blake, Judge J.W., 64:2:43,48

Blue Grass Creek, Wyo., 64:2:35

Boatright, Mody C, 64:1:4,7

Boise, Idaho, 64:3/4:8,15

Boot and Spur Club Parade, Casper, 64:3/4:37

Booth, Ernest, 64:2:57

Booth, Pauline, 64:2:57

Booth, William E., 64:2:58

Bosler, Frank, 64:1:22

Bothwell, Albert J 64:3/4:53,56

Bothwell,Wyo 64:3/4:53

Boucher, Thomas 64:2:36-38,41-42,44

Bourke, Lt. John Gregory, 64:2:4

Bowen, Lt. Col. Earl W 64:3/4:46

Bower, Sheriff W. W 64:2:53,55

Bowie, Alexander, 64:2:36-37,40-41

Bowman, Albert E 64:1:13-14,18-20

Brainerd, Jean, 64:3/4:4-5

Brake, 2nd Lt. Richard H., 64:3/4:11

BramelW. H 64:2:48

Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 64:2:58

Bright's disease, 64:3/4:54

Briley, Ron, review of Bull Threshers and

Bhidlestiffs: Harvesting and Threshing

on theNorth American Plains, 64:3/4:63

Bristol, Doris v., 64:3/4:19

Brooks, Gov. Bryant B., 64:1:13-14

Brown, Gov. Pat, (Calif.) 64:1:25

Brown, M.C 64:2:43,54-55

Brown's Park, Colo., 64:2:41

Buchanan, Frank, 64:3/4:53

Buffalo Bill Cody's Wild West Show 64:2:42

Buffet, Warren, 64:1:25

64

Bull Mountain Cattle Company, 64:1:24

Bull Threshers and Bmdlestiffs: Harvestmg

and Threshhig on the North American

P/rt/;!S, by Thomas D. Isem, review, 64:3/4:63

Bulletms 64:1:12-13,20

Burns, John, 64:2:56

Bums,Wyo 64:2:35-36,44

Burton, E.F 64:1:20

"Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid," 64:1:25

Butler, Anne 64:3/4:54-55

Byers, Charles 64:2:56

c

Cady, Edwin H., 64:1:3,5-6

Calamity Jane, 64:2:59

California Water Project, 64:1:25

Cambria, Wyo. 64:2:61-62

Canaday, Robert 64:1:24

Capen James, 64:2:57

Carbon Cotmty, Wyo., 64:2:42; 64:3/4:53-54

Carey, Joseph M., 64:1:24

Carlson, Chip, Tom Horn:

"Killing men is my specialty...", 64:2:34,50,65-66

Carpenter, Judge Charles E., 64:2:52-54

Carrigen, Thomas, 64:3/4:40

Carroll, Carroll 64:1:25

Carroll, Justice W.P., 64:2:46

Carroll, Murray L., "Tom Horn and the

Langhoff Gang," 64:2:34-44

Carter, Har\'ey L., Kit Carson: A Pattern

for Heroes, 64:2:68

Carter, John E., Eyewitness at

Wounded Knee, review, 64:3/4:59

Casper, Wyo 64:3/4:2, 6-23, 37, 42-44, 46

Casper Army Air Base, 64:3/4:2-23, 26, 28, 32, 41-44

"The Casper Army Air Field in
Worid War II," by Col. Gerald

M. Adams, USAF (Ret.) 64:3/4:6-23

Casper Chamber of Commerce, Wyo., 64:3/4:7-8,22-23

Casper National Bank, Casper, 64:3/4:21

Casper Tribune-Herald, 64:3/4:8, 10, 12, 16-17, 22-23

Casper Weekly Mail, 64:3/4:53

Cassity, Michael, review of Writing
Western History: Essays on Major

Western Historians,.... 64:3/4:60-61

review of Creating the West: Historical

Interpretations, 1890-1990, 64:3/4:61-62

Cattle Brands:

F 1/4 Circle 64:2:34

LF- 64:2:35

2J, 64:2:35,35-36

T,' 64:2:36

7XL 64:2:37

IB, 64:2:37

WB, 64:2:37

B-FL, 64:2:41

H-, 64:2:41

The Hat, 64:2:41

Two-J-Bar-H, 64:2:41

EU-, 64:2:41

B-Bar-B, 64:2:41

DOG, 64:2:41

Three U's, 64:2:41

FB, 64:2:41

B-Bar5Cows, 64:2:42

Cattle Kate, 64:3/4:4-5,49-56

Centennial Conference, Cheyenne, 64:1:22

Centennial West: Essays on the Northern

T/tT Sfnffs, William L. Lang, ed., 64:2:68

Chadron, Nebr., 64:3/4:59

Champion, Nate, 64:2:37

Chauncey, Maj. Gen. C. C, 64:3/4:22

Cheyenne, Wyo 64:2:34-41 ,44-50,55-60,62,65,67,

70; 64:3/4:2,6-7,22-23,52,54-56

Cheyenne Daily Leader 64:2:36-39; 64:3/4:54

Cheyeiine Northern Railroad, 64:2:41

Chickering, Lt. Col. Edwin S 64:3/4:15

Choate, Julian E. Jr., 64:1:4

Chugwater, Wyo 64:2:37,47

Churchill Downs, Ken 64:1:22

Civil War, 64:3/4:50

The Clansman, by Thomas Dixon, 64:1:4

Clark, Clarence 64:2:36

Clark, Neil, 64:2:56

Clark, Walter Van Tilburg 64:1:106

Clawson, Marion, 64:1:25

Clay, John 64:2:34-35,37-38,40,44

Clemens, Evelyn, 64:3/4:3, 39

Clements, Frederic and Edith, 64:1:25

Cleve, James, 64:2:40

Cleve, Nellie, 64:2:40

Cleve, Thomas, 64:2:40

Coble, J. C, 64:2:36,38-39,42

Cody,' Wyo 64:1:14; 64:3/4:2

Cody, William 64:3/4:59

Cold War, 64:3/4:23

Colford, Richard 64:2:52

Colonna, Jerry, 64:3/4:14

Colorado Springs, Colo., 64:3/4:15

Colored Mens' Service Center, Casper, 64:3/4:11

Comets, 64:3/4:46

Cook, Elizabeth 64:3/4:22

Cook, Malcolm, review oi Montana:

A History of Tzoo Centuries, 64:3/4:62-63

Cooperative Extension Service, 64:1:11, 21

Cornelison, Johii, 64:3/4:4

Corson, Sam, 64:2:37

Cox, Hugh 64:1:24

Craighead, Frank Jr., 64:1:25

Crawford, Mdrk, ed., A RiveV Too Far:

The Past mid Future of the Arid West,

review '. 64:1:2^'

Crawford, Paul, b4:l:24

Crazy Horse: The Strmige Man of the Oglalas,

by Mari Sandoz, 64:2:69

Creating the West: Historical Interpretations.

1890-1990, by Gerald D. Nash, re\ie\v, b4:3/4:6l-b2

Crowcier, Gene 64:3/4:53

Curry, Hugh B 64:2:57

Daily Bulletin h4:3 4:34

Dakota Territory h4:2:34

Dale Creek, Wvo 64:2:34

65

Daly, John 64:2:54

Davidson, John M., 64:2:37

Davis, Arthur Powell, 64:1:25

Davis, David T 64:2:52

Davis-Monthan Army Air Field,

(Tucson, Ariz.), .'. 64:3/4:22

Deadwood,S.D 64:2:37

Deathredge, George, 64:1:24

DeCory,John 64:3/4:53

Demarav, Arthur, 64:1:25

Denver, Colo., 64:3/4:17

Deutsch, Adolph 64:1:25

De Voto, Bernard, 64:1:3,5-7,10

Diamond Ranch, 64:2:.37

Dick, Everett, 64:3/4:53

Dill, Sir John, 64:3/4:44

Disney World, 64:1:25

Dixon, Thomas, Jr., 64:1:4

Dixon, William 64:1:23

Dobie, J. Frank, 64:1:4

Doench, Sgt. William, 64:3/4:18

Dominy, Floyd, 64:1:25,30

Donahue, Jim, review of A River Too Far:

The Past and Future of the Arid West, 64:1:29-30

DonzeLmann, Hugo, 64:2:37-39

Douglas, Wyo 64:3/4:2,55

Douglas Aviation, 64:1:24

Downey, S.C, 64:2:57

Dugan, Mark, "Family Traditions," 64:2:45-59;

Tales Never Told Around theCampfire, 64:2:45

Duncan, Mel, review of Grand Encampment

Copper Towns, 64:2:67

Duniway, Clyde, 64:1:20

The Dust Bold, 64:3/4:34

E

Earle, Dr. G. W 64:3/4:8, 37

Eby,C.M., 64:2:55

Edelweiss Hotel, Denver, Colo., 64:2:57

Edwin, William, 64:2:45

Eighteenth Amendment, 64:2:56

8th Air Force, 64:3/4:8,15

8th Air Force Historical Society, 64:3/4:12

"Ella Watson: Rustler or Homesteader,"

by Sharon Leigh, 64:3/4:49-56

Emerson, Pfc. Pat, 64:3/4:3, 39

Etulain, Richard W., Writing Western

History: Essays on Major Western

Historians, review, 64:3/4:60

Eubanks, Brig. Gen. Eugene, 64:3/4:14, 44

Ewig,Rick, 64:2:71; 64:3/4:4

Experiment Station, Laramie, 64:1:11-14,18-19

Eyewitness at Wounded Knee,

by Richard E. Jensen, R. Eli Paul,

John E. Carter, review, 64:3/4:59-60

F

Fairbanks, Lt. Col. Luther J., 64:3/4:11

Falkenburg, Jinx, 64:3/4:9

"Family Traditions," by Mark Dugan, 64:2:45-59

Faragher, John Mack, 64:3/4:49

Famy, Henry, 64:1:24

Farrell, Evalina, 64:2:34

Farrell, Capt. Edward, 64:2:34

The Fate of a Cattle Rustler, by John Clay 64:2:34

Fay, Benjamin, 64:2:49

Fenwick, Red, 64:1:24

Ferch, David, review of Sagebrush

Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's

View of the Sioux War of 1876, 64:2:64

Fiedler, Leslie, 64:1:3,7-8,10

Field City, (AKA Tubb Town) 64:1:27

Finch, Dr. D. Harold, 64:2:57

Finkhouse, Joseph, ed., A River Too Far:

The Past and Future of the Arid West,

review, .' 64:1:29-30

Fischer, Christiane, 64:3/4:56

Fisher, Josiah, 64:2:47

Fisher, Martin, 64:2:39

Fisher, T. J., 64:2:38

547th Army Air Force Band, 64:3/4:16, 21-22

Foot, U. S. Commissioner Robert E., 64:2:57

FORTS

Fort F. E. Warren, 64:3/4:2,22-23

Fort McKinney, 64:3/4:53

Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on

the Little Piney, video review, 64:2:70

Fort Robinson, isjebr., 64:2:64

47th Army Air Force Band, 64:3/4:14

Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper

Missouri: The Personal Narrative

of Charles Larpenteur, 1833-1872,

introductions by Paul L. Hedren

and Milo Quaife, 64:2:68

Foster, Stephen, 64:1:22

Fourth Fighter Group, 64:3/4:2

Fox, Jared, fared Fox's Memorandum: Kept

from Dellton, Sauk County Wisconsin

toward California and Oregon 1852-1854,

review,....^ 64:1:30-31

Frantz, Joe, 64:1:4

Frazee, William H., 64:2:55-56

Frazer,C.C., 64:2:47,54

Free Life of a Ranger. Archie Murcliie in

the U. S. Forest Service, 1929-1965,

by R.T. King, review, 64:2:64-65

Fremont County, 64:1:18

Frewen, Moreton, 64:1:22

Friedendall, Sheriff Ira 64:2:40

Friedman, Milton, 64:1:24

G

Galland, Gen. Adolph 64:3/4:127

Gamier, Baptiste (Little Bat), 64:2:40

Garrett, John H., 64:2:51

Gelfand, Lawrence, 64:1:24

Gem City Hotel, Laramie, 64:2:52

Geraghty, Johi-i L., 64:2:57

Gere, A. H., 64:2:57

Gesell, Gerhard 64:1:24

Gill, U. S. Commissioner David W., 64:2:56

Glenrock, Wyo., 64:3/4:12

Gloiy Hunter: A Biography of Patrick

66

Edward Connor, by Brigham D. Madsen,

review 64:1:31-32

Golden, Colo., 64:2:50

Gowen Field, (Boise, Idaho), 64:3/4:15

Grand Avenue, Laramie, 64:2:54

Grand Encampment Copper Towns,

by Alan H. Patera, review, 64:2:67

Grand Chapter of the Order of Eastern Star, 64:3/4:36

Grant, Sheriff, 64:2:49

Green, John L., 64:1:25,31

Green Hill Cemetery, Laramie, 64:2:59

Green, Kim, 64:3/4:56

Greene, Jerome A., Yellowstone Command:

Colonel Nelson A. Miles and the Great

Sioux War, 1876-1877, 64:2:68

Gressley, Gene M., "American Heritage Center:

A Resource as a Resource," 64:1:22,26

Grosbeck, H.V., 64:2:52

Grouard, Frank, 64:2:40

Guide to the Life arid Literature of the

Southzuest, hy]. Frank Dobie, 64:1:4

Guild, Thelma S., Kit Carson:

A Pattern for Heroes, 64:2:68

Gulliford, Andrew, review of Wyoming

Time and Again: Rephotographing the

Scenes of J.EStimson, 64:2:60-63

H

Haigler, Lt. Col. Frederick H., Jr., 64:3/4:8, 21, 31, 36, 43

Hale, Thomas, 64:2:40

Haley, Ora, 64:2:41

Halverson, Katherine, 64:3/4:4

Hampton, Col. E. M., 64:3/4:23

Hance, Justice M. A., 64:2:47-48

Hansen, Sen. Clifford, 64:1:24

Hanson, Sheriff, 64:2:40,42

Harris, Lt. Col. Hunter, Jr., 64:3/4:11

Harrison, Pres. Benjamin, 64:3/4:52

Harvard University, 64:1:2,4

Hatch Act, 64:1:11-12

Hay, Henry, 64:2:37

Hayford, Judge J. H., 64:2:41-42,47-48

Hayward,— , 64:2:46

Healy, Capt. Elizabeth J 64:3/4:41

Healy,Tex, 64:3/4:54

Heart Mountain Relocation Center, 64:3/4:2

Henke, Raymond, 64:2:40

Henke, Rudolph, 64:2:40

Hewes, Laurence, 64:1:25

Hickey, Sen. Joe, 64:1:24

Hinds, Justice Hugh, 64:2:55

Hiskey,E.D., 64:2:38

Historical Research and Publications

Division, Wyo. Dept. of Commerce, 64:3/4:5

History of the U.S. Strategic Air Force

Bases in Morocco, by Gerald Adams 64:3/4:23

Hix, Col. Guy F., 64:3/4:23

Hobson, Ivan L., 64:1:20

Hoffman,—, 64:2:44

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 64:1:7

Holtzoff, Alexander, 64:1:24

Homestead Act, (14:3/4:44-50, 5(-,

Hope, Bob 64:3/4:14,34

Horan, James, 64:3/4:52,56

Horn, Tom, 64:2:34,40-42,44-45,

49-50,59,65-67

Horse Creek, Wyo., 64:2:44-45,48,55-56,

58,64:3/4:53-54

Houchins, Sheriff, 39

Humbolt House, Laramie, 64:2:52

Hunt, Sen. Lester C, 64:1:24,64:3/4:10

Hutton, Charley, 64:2:34

Huxtable, Ada Louise, 64:1:24

I

Independence Rock, Wyo., 64:3/4:53

INDIANS, hostilities:

Battle of Dull Knife, 64:2:64

Battle of Little Big Horn, 64:2:69

Inland Airlines, 64:1:24

Instructor Pilots, (IPs), 64:3/4:14,20

Inter-Ocean Hereford Association, 64:2:36

Iron Mountain, Wyo., 64:2:41

Irwin, Sgt. George W 64:3/4:39

Isern, Thomas D., Bidl Threshers and

Bindlestiffs: Harvesting and Threshing

on the North American Plains, review, 64:3/4:63

Ivinson Hospital, 64:2:58

J

Jackson Hole 64:3/4:2

Jackson, Carl, 64:2:54-55

Jacobucci, Joseph, 64:1:24

Jacques, Paul, 64:3/4:3,6

James, Henry, 64:1:5

James, William, 64:1:7

Jameson, Nell, 64:3/4:53

Jared Fox's Memorandum: Kept from Dellton,

Sauk County Wisconsin toivard California

and Oregon 1852-1854, by Jared Fox,

review, 64:1:30-31

Jarre, Maurice, 64:1:25

Jensen, Richard E., Eyewitness at Wounded

Knee, review, 64:3/4:59

Jewell County, Kan., 64:3/4:56

Johnson County War , 64:3/4:52, 55

Johrison, Maj. Gen. Davenport, 64:3/4:14

Jones, Walter, review of Glory Hunter:

A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor, 64:1:31-32

Jones Ranch, 64:2:41

Joyce, Roger, 64:3/4:4

Junge,Mark, 64:2:b0,71, b4:3/4:2

K

Kading, Lt. Frank 64:3/4:46,48

Kading, Joye, see also Marshall, Jove, ti4:3/4:2

Keane,John, '. 64:2:46,50

Keane, Charles, 64:2:47,58

Keane,Mary, 64:2:50,52

Keane, Patrick (Patsv) Sarsfield h4:2;51

KeefeHalI,Cho\onne t-i4:2:3(i

Kelly, Sheriff, A.!). 64:2:36-37

67

Kendrick, John B., 64:1:22,24

Kennedy, District Judge T. Blake, 64:2:57

Keogh,jim 64:3/4:34

Killgallen, James, 64:1:24

King, R. T., Free Life of a Ranger: Archie

Murcliie in the the U. S. Forest Service,

1929-1965, review 64:2:64-65

Kirtland Army Air Field, (Albuquerque, N.M.), 64:3/4:22

Kit Carson: A Pattern for Heroes, by

Thelma S. Guild and Harvey L. Carter, 64:2:68

Klem, Maury, Union Pacific: Birth of a Railroad

1862-1893, and Union Pacific: The Rebirth

1894-1969 '. 64:1:28-29

Knight, Henry 64:1:24

Knight, Jack, ^ 64:1:24

Knowles, William, 64:2:56

Kramer, Victor, 64:1:24

KuKluxKlan 64:1:4,8

Kuntz, Sgt. Phil 64:2:57

La Vaca County, Texas, 64:2:39

Lafrentz, Arthur, 64:1:24

Land Act, 1881, 64:1:11

Lang, William L., ed.. Centennial West: Essai/s

on the Northern Tier States, 64:2:68;

Montana: A History of Two Centuries,

review 64:3/4:62-63

Langford, Frances, 64:3/4:14

Langhoff, Elizabeth, 64:2:37

Langhoff, Evalina, (Eva), 64:2:35,40,42-44

Langhoff, Ferdinand Albert, (Fred), 64:2:34,36-44

Langhoff, Henry, (Hank), 64:2:35,37,40

Lannon, — , 64:2:46

Laramie, Wyo., 64:2-47,49-59; 64:3/4:56

Laramie, Wyo., 64:2:45-59; 64:3/4:56

Laramie Boomerang, 64:2:35,37,40-44,49-50,52,54-55,58,59

Laramie County, Wyo., 64:2:36-38,40-42,45-47,57

Laramie Daihf Sentinel, 64:2:36,51

Laramie Mountains, 64:2:35-36

Laramie National Bank, 64:2:38

Laramie Post Office, 64:2:49

Laramie River Cattle Company, 64:2:36

Laramie Valley, 64:2:34-35

Larson, T.A., review of Union Pacific:

Birth of a Railroad 1862-1893, and

Union Pticlfit: The Rdihih 1894-1969, 64:1:28-29; 64:3/4:8,49

Lawrence, C. R., 64:2:51

LeCron, James, 64:1:24

LeFors, Deputy U. S. Marshal Joe, 64:2:66

Leigh, Sharon, "Ella Watson:

Rustler or Homesteader," 64:3/4:49-56

Leslie Mine, 64:2:50

Leuchtenburg, William , 64:3/4:58

Levy, Parke, 64:1:25

Lewis, Lt. Col. William, Jr., 64:3/4:23

Lewis, Marvin, 64:1:4,7

Lewis, William, 64:2:44-46,48-50,59

Light of Common Day, by Frank Norris, 64:1:5

Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, 64:3/4:50

Lincoln, Ncbr., 64:3/4:8

"The Little King," by Otto Soglow, 64:1:24

Little Laramie River, 64:2:36

Little Laramie Valley 64:2:34

Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star (airplane), 64:3/4:22

The Long Rifle, by Stewart Edward White, 64:2:68

Long, Lt. Col. James C, 64:3/4:30

Lusk, Wyo., 64:1:24, 64:3/4:10

M

Madsen, Brigham D., Glory Hunter:

A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor,

review, 64:1:31-32

Malone, Michael P., Montana: A History of

Tzoo Centuries, review, 64:3/4:62-63

Man, Beast, Dust: The Stoiy of Rodeo, by

Clifford P. Westermeier, 64:2:69

Marcin, Cpl. Mike, 64:3/4:39

Markham, Harley B., 64:3/4:7

Markley, Dr. Josiah P., 64:2:57

Marshall, (Kading), Joye, 64:3/4:25-28,30,39,42-43,46

Martens, Hartwig, 64:2:44

Martin, Katherine, 64:2:54

Maverick Law, 1884, 64:3/4:52

Maxwell Army Air Field,

(Montgomery, Ala.), 64:3/4:22

Maxwell, Kate, 64:3/4:56

McCartney, H.E., 64:1:19-20

McClaren, Dice, 64:1:12

McCom-iell, G. R., 64:2:56

McDermott, Lt. Florence E., 64:3/4:14

McDevitt, Reverend John, 64:2:59

McFarlane, Mary 64:1:20

McGee,Gale, 64:1:24

McMullen, Lt. Col. Marcus A., 64:3/4:23

McMurry,Will 64:2:54-55

McPhee,Hugh, 64:2:46

McPhee,John 64:1:29-30

Merica, Charles O., 64:1:16

Metz, Percy, 64:3/4:50

Miller, Alfred Jacob 64:1:24

Miller, Andrew 64:2:49

Miller, Steve, 64:2:54-55

Monash,Paul, 64:1:25

Montana: A History of Two Centuries,

by Michael P. Malone, Richard B. Roeder,

William L. Lang, 64:3/4:62-63

Moore, Asa, 64:2:50

Moore, Diane Louise, 64:3/4:12

Moore, James, 64:2:36-44

Moore, Lt. Col. James A. 64:3/4:8,12,15,23,26,28,37,43-44

Moore, Wm., review of A New

Deal for the American People, 64:3/4:58-59

Mora, Jo, Trail Dust and Saddle Leather, 64:2:68

Morgan, Col. Herbert, Jr. 64:3/4:21,23

Morgan, Sgt. J. P., 64:3/4:183

Morgenstern, George, 64:1:24

Mormon Trail, 64:3/4:50

Morrill Act, 1862, 64:1:11

Morrison, Ben, 64:2:44

Morrison-Knudsen, 64:3/4:8

Morton, George, 64:1:14

Moyer,S.L., 64:2:46

Mule Shoe Ranch, 64:2:41

68

Munkres, Robert L., review of Jared Fox's

Meiiioraiuiiini: Kept from Delltoii,

Sauk County Wisconsin toward California

and Oregon 1852-1854, '. 64:1:30-31

Murie, Margaret and Louise, 64:1:25

Musfelt, Bob, 64:3/4:55

Ml/ Life on the Range, by John Clay 64:2:34-35

N

Nard, Alfred, 64:2:44

Nash, Gerald D., Creating the West: Historical

Interpretations, 1890-1990, review, 64:3/4:61-62

National Park Service, 64:1:25

National Register of Historic Places, 64:3/4:5,25

National Wool Growers, 64:1:22

Natrona County, 64:3/4:2,8,18,21,23

Natrona Comity Airport

Board Commissioners, 64:3/4:21

Natrona County Commissioners, 64:3/4:8,23

Natrona Cotinty High School, 64:3/4:21, 44

Natrona County Municipal Airport 64:3/4:23

NCO Club, Casper 64:3/4:12,17-18,43

Nel, Johanna and Johannes E.,

"University Of Wyoming Agricultural

Experiment Station: 100 Years of

Service to the State," 64:1:11-21

Nelson, Ann, 64:3/4:4

Nelson, Aven, 64:1:13-14,20

Nelson, Ozzie, 64:1:25

New Deal, 64:3/4:58-59

A New Deal for the American People,

by Roger Biles, review, 64:3/4:57-58

Newell, F.N., 64:1:25

New Mecca Hotel, Laramie, 64:2:57

New York House Restaurant, Laramie, 64:2:51

Nezv York Times, 64:1:23

Nickell, Willie, 64:2:34,44,66

902nd Quartermaster Detachment, 64:3/4:11, 15

906th Guard Squadron, 64:3/4:11, 15

Nordstrom, Lt. Col. Carl T., 64:3/4:8,30

North American P-51 Mustang (airplane), 64:3/4:22

North Park, Colo., 64:2:43

o

0'Hara,John, 64:1:5

O'Mahoney, Sen. Joseph C, 64:3/4:8, 10, 22

O'Reilley, Bill, 64:2:57

O'Reilley, Hazel, 64:2:57

Ogallala, Nebr., 64:3/4:54

Ohnhaus, U.S. District Clerk Charles J., 64:2:57

Oil City of the West, 64:3/4:23

Olin, Blanche M., 64:1:20

Omaha, Nebr., 64:3/4:8

Omohundro, Maj. Thomas T., 64:3/4:22-23

Oregon Trail, 64:3/4:50,53

Osborne, Gov. John E., 64:2:38,43

Our Lady of Fatima Catholic Church, Casper, 64:3/4:2

Overland Trail, 64:2:34

Oviatt, Charles, 64:1:18-19

"Owen Wister and His Critics: Realism
and Morality in the Virginian,"

by Gerald Thompson, 64:1:2-10

P

Parker, Glenn, 64:2:58

Parker, Judge William H., 64:2:37

Pasche, August, 64:2:44

Patera, Alan, Grand Encampment

Copper Towns, review, 64:2:67

Pathfinder Reservoir, 64:3/4:55

Patrick, Dr. Florence, 64:2:55

Patterson, George W., 64:2:56

Patterson-Black, Sheryll, 64:3/4:50

Paul, R. Eli, Eyeioitness at Wounded Knee,

review, ..^. 64:3/4:59-60

Pawnee Township, Kan., 64:3/4:56

Peale, Mundy I., 64:1:24

Pearl Harbor 64:3/4:7

Peck, Roy, 64:1:24

Peckinpah, Sam, 64:1:2

Pence, Mary Lou, 64:2:51-52,58

Pei-iington, Matt, 64:2:39

Penrose, Dr. Charles Bingham, 64:2:37,40

Peterson Army Air Base, (Colorado

Springs, Colo.), 64:3/4:15

Pentecost of Calamity, by Owen Wister, 64:1:8,

Peterson, Charles, 64:3/4:60

Phelps, Sarah May (Billie), 64:2:57-58

Pick-Sloan Plan, 64:1:25

Pierce, Bernie, 64:3/4:2

Pierre, S.D., 64:3/4:17

Pioneer Wyoming Brew, 64:2:62

Plaga Ranch, 64:2:40

Ploesti, (Rumania), 64:3/4:17

Plumbago Canyon, 64:2:36

Poison Spider, Natrona County, 64:3/4:17

The Post Near Cheyenne The, A History

of Fort D. A. Russell, by

Col. Gerald M. Adams, USAF (Ret), 64:3/4:23

Powell, Wyo., 64:3/4:2

Powell, Fred, 64:2:44-50,52,55

Powell, Mary, 64:2:50-56

Powell, William 64:2:56

Preemption Law, 1841, 64:3/4:52

Price, Garrett, 64:1:24

Prisoner of War Camp, Douglas, Wyo., 64:3/4:2

Prohibition, 64:2:56-57

Pueblo, Colo., 64:3/4:8,22

R

Railway Labor Act, ....' 64:3/4:59

Rainsford, George D., 64:2:37-39,43

Rankin, Marshal Joseph, 64:2:40

Rawlins, Wyo., 64:3/4:53

Rawlins-Lander Stage Line, 64:3/4:53

Ray, Nick, 64:2:37

Ray, Grace 64:3/4:53

Regulating Hnuger: The Struggle for Mijie

Siifrh/ in ///(' Rocki/ Mountain Coal Industri/,

b\ lames Whiteside, rexiew 64:1:27-28

Remington, i'rederic, M: 1:2,24

Rentsciiler, Cieorge (i4:l:24

Rrpul'liDUi lloonkivu^, (-14:2:50,58-59

69

Republican Party 64:3/4:50

Resen'e Officer Training Corps (ROTC), 64:3/4:44

Rl-iodes, Cecil 64:1:23

Richardson, Beulah, 64:2:49

Richardson, Elizabeth, 64:2:53

Richardson, Harry, 64:2:48

Richardson, Lt. Col. Tracy 64:3/4:15, 23

Richardson, W. G. \ 64:2:34

Righter, Robert W., review of F/w Ujc

of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the the

U. S. Forest Service, 1929-1965, 64:2:64-65

A River Too Far: The Past and Future oftlie

Arid West, Joseph Finkhouse and Mark

Crawford, eds., review, 64:1:29-30

Roberts, Phil, review of Tom Horn:

"Killing men is my specialty..." , 64:2:65-66

Robertson, E. V .' \ 64:3/4:10

Robison, Lt. Tom, 64:3/4:43

Rochelle, III, 64:2:42

Rock Creek, Albany County, 64:1:2; 64:2:36

Roeder, Richard B., Montana: A History

of Two Centuries, review, 64:3/4:62-63

Rognstad and Olsen 64:3/4:8

Roncalio, Teno, 64:1:24

Roosevelt, Theodore, 64:1:2,5,7

Rose,R.R., 64:1:24

Rosenblatt, Pvt. David, 64:3/4:18

Rosentreter, Gus, 64:2:35,40-41

Rosentreter, Hank 64:2:35,40-41

Ross, Andrew, 64:2:49

Royce, Josiah, 64:3/4:60

Rybolt, Robert R., review of video,

"Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post

on the Little Piney," 64:2:70

Safford, Captain L.N., 64:1:24

The Saga of Tom Horn, by Dean Krakel, 64:2:34

Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's

View of the Sioux War of 1876, by Sherry L.

Smith, review, 64:2:64

Salt Lake City, Utah, 64:3/4:8

Sandoz, Mari, Crazy Horse: The Strange Man

oftheOglalas, '. ' 64:2:69

Sann,PauI, 64:3/4:56

Savage, Jack 64:1:25

Schilz, Thomas F., review of Eyexoitness at

Wounded Knee, '. 64:3/4:59-60

Schwartz, Sen. H. H 64:3/4:7-8, 10

Schweinfurt, Germany, 64:3/4:15

Scott, Judge, 64:2:39

Scottsbluff, Nebr. , 64:3/4:11, 17

2nd Bomber Command, 64:3/4:14

Service Club, 64:3/4:12,17-18

768th WAC Hqtrs. Co., 64:3/4:14

768th WAC Squadron, 64:3/4:16

7th Phutd Reconnaissance Group, 64:3/4:23

Shannon I Lincral Home, Laramie, 64:2:59

Sharp, William, 64:2:56

Sheridan Post, .• 64:1:18

Shidey Basin, Carbon County, 64:3/4:22

Shoshoni, Wyo., 'Q-H"? "^^ 64:1:16

Shuck, David 64:2:44

Silk, Leonard, 64:1:24

Simpson, Sen.Milward, 64:1:24.

Slipstream 64:3/4:4,17,34,39,42

Sloan, W.G 64:1:25

Smith, Constable B.C., 64:2:46

Smith Comity, Kans., 64:3/4:56

Smith, Gov. Nels H. 64:3/4:9-10

Smith, James L., 64:2:44

Smith- Lever Act, 64:1:19,20

Smith, Sherry L., Sagebrush Soldier: Private

William Earl Smith's View of the Sioux

War of 1876, review, 64:2:64

Smithsonian, Institution, 64:3/4:8

Snake Ranch, 64:3/4:22

Snell, Joseph 64:3/4:55

Socony- Vacuum Refining Company, Casper, 64:3/4:7

Soglow, Otto, 64:1:24

South Durbin Street, Casper, 64:3/4:14

Spitfire (MK XI) (airplane) 64:3/4:3

St. Lawrence O'Toole Catholic Church, Laramie, 64:2:59

Standard Oil of Indiana, Casper , 64:3/4:7

Starr, Belle, 64:2:59

State Historic Preservation Office, Wyo., 64:3/4:4—5

Stern, Bill 62:1:24

Stevens, Henry L., 64:2:52

Stewart, Elinore Pruitt, 64:3/4:56

Stirling, Izelle 64:3^4:36

Stirling, James, 64:2:49

Stock Growers Narional Bank, Cheyenne, 64:2:37

Stoll, Walter R., 64:2:34,37-39

Stoner, Minna, 64:1:14

Sullivan, J.R 64:2:56

Swan Land and Cattle Company, 64:2:34-37,40,50

Sweetwater River Valley, 64:3/4:5, 49, 53-54

Swigart Ranch, 64:2:53

Sybille Creek, 64:2:35

Sybille Valley, 64:2:35,40

T

Taylor, William 64:2:40,43

Tebbetts, Cpl. Leon, 64:3/4:18

Tedmon, A.H., 64:1:15,19-20

Temperance Movement, 64:2:56

Tensleep,Wyo 64:3/4:18

Territorial Legislature, Wyoming, 64:3/4:52

Texas Company Refinery, Casper, 64:3/4:7

"The Soldier's Guide to American Women," 64:3/4:42

Thompson, Gerald, "Owen Wister and His Critics:

Realism and Morality in the Virginian," 64:1:2-10

Thompson, A. Beeby 64:1:23,25

Thornburg Street, Laramie, 64:2:54

381st Hqtrs. Squad., 64:3/4:16

351st Base Hqtrs. Squad., 64:3/4:11

377th Aviation Squad., 64:3/4:15,17

331st Bomb Group, 64:3/4:9,11

331st Contbat Crew Training School, 64:3/4:16

Tidball, Judge V.J., 64:2:55,58

Tietze,Joe, 64:2:52;53

Tiley, 1st Lt. E. H., Jr., 64:3/4:11

Tillotson Ranch, 64:2:53

Tivoli Rooms, Cheyenne, 64:2:59

70

"Tom Horn and the Langhoff Gang,"

by Murray L. Carroll 64:2:34-44

Tom Horn: Killhig men is my specialty..."

by Chip Carlson, review, 64:2:65-66

Topeka,Kan., 64:3/4:8,18

Townsend Hotel, Casper, 64:3/4:12

Tracy, Pvt. Byran J 64:3/4:42

Trail Dust and Saddle Leather, by Jo Mora, 64:2:68

Trampas, 64:1:7-10

Trans-Mississippi West, 64:3/4:49,56

Tregaskis, Richard, 64:1:24

Tribune Leader, 64:2:58

True, Dr. A.C., 64:1:19

Trugillo, Joseph, 64:2:47

Truman, Pres. Harry S., 64:3/4:23

Tucson, Ariz., 64:3/4:22

Turnell, Jack and Lili, 64:1:24

Two Bar Ranch 64:2:50,66

211th Army Air Force Base Unit, 64:3/4:8,11

211th Company, 64:3/4:41

U

Union Mercantile Company, 64:2:37

Union Pacific: Birth of a Raihvad

1862-1893, and Union Pacific:

The Rebirth 1894-1969,

by Maury Klein, review, 64:1:28-29

Union Pacific Railroad, 64:1:2,23,27-29; 64:2:45,50,63; 64:3/4:50

United States War Department, 64:3/4:17-19,22

"University Of Wyoming Agricultviral

Experiment Station: 100 Years of

Service to the State," by

Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel, 64:1:11-21

University of Wyoming, Laramie, 64:3/4:50, 56, 59, 62

Upton, Wyo., 64:3/4:36

U.S. General Land Office, 64:3/4:53

V

V-EDay 64:3/4:22

V-mail 64:3/4:17

Vanderhoff, Genie, 64:3/4:42

Van Devanter, Willis A., 64:2:37

VanOrsdale,Josiah A., 64:2:37-38

VanZant,Dep. Sheriff Jim, 64:2:36

The Virgiiunn, by Owen Wistcr, 64:1:2-10

! W

!

I Wagner, Con, 64:2:50

i Wagner, Sen. Robert, 64:3/4:59

I Wall Creek Canyon, 64:2:36

Wallop, Sen. Malcolm, 64:1:24

Walter, U. S. Attorney A.P., 64:2:57

Wanless, Charles, 64:2:51-52

Wanless, Frank 64:2:51

Wanless, Marie, 64:2:51

Wanless, Mary Keane, 64:2:45,51-52

Ward,Juanita 64:3/4:42

Wardwell Field, Casper, 64:3/4:7,23

Warne, William, 64:1:25

Warner, Robert, 64:1:24

Warren Livestock Company, 64:2:37

Warren, Francis E., 64:1:11,22,24,27

WASP, (Women's Auxiliary Service Pilot) 64:3/4:19-20

Watkins, George, 64:1:2-4

Watson, Ella, 64:3/4:50,53-56

Watson, Phil, 64:3/4:54-55

Watt, Joe 64:1:22

Webb, Walter Prescott 64:3/4:49, 60

Welke, James, 64:1:25

West First Street, Casper, 64:3/4:11

West, Judy, 64:3/4:4

Westermeier, Clifforci P., Man, Beast,

Dust: The Story of Rodeo, 64:2:69

Western Transit Company, 64:3/4:20

Whipple, LC 64:2:37

Whitaker, Rogers E.M., 64:1:24

White, Stewart Edward, r//e Lo;/^V> K//It', 64:2:68

Whiteside, James, Regulating Danger:

The Struggle for Mine Safety in the

Rocky Mountain Coal Industry 64:1:27-28

Wilgus, Lt. Robert, 64:3/4:43

Williams, Cpl. Beatrice, 64:3/4:41

Wilson, Big Ned 64:2:50

Wilson, Henry H., 64:3/4:56

Wilson, Woodrow, 64:1:8

Wirth, Conrad L., 64:1:25

Wister,Owen 64:1:2-10

Wolff, David A., review of Regulati)ig

Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety

in the Rocky Mountain Coalbidustry, 64:1:27-28

Women's Army Corps (WAG) .' 64:3/4:14-17,21,40

Women's Auxiliary Army Corps, (WAAC), 64:3/4:14, 19

Working, D.W 64:1:18

Writing Western Llistory: Essays on Major

Western Historians, by Richarci W.

Etulain, review, 64:3/4:60-61

Wyoming Farm Bullethi 64:1:11,15,18,20

Wyoming Recreation Commission, 64:3/4:5

Wyoming State Archives, 64:2:36,45-46,57, 64:3/4:5

Wyoming State Historical Society, 64:3/4:5

Wyoming State Museum, 64:2:67

Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 64:2:34, 64:3/4:52

Wyoming Territory, 64:3/4:53, 55-56

Wyoming Time and Again: Repliotographing

tlie Scenes ofJ.E Stimso)i, by Michael A.

Amuncison, review, 64:2:60-63

Wyoming's War Years, 1941-1945,

bv T. A. Larson, 64:3/4:8

Yeager, Charles E 64:3/4:15

Yellowstone Conniunul: Colonel Nelson A.

Miles and the Creai Sioux War,

187b- 1877, by Jerome A. Greene 64:2:68

Yellowstone Falls 64:1:6

^oung, C apt. Lyman A., 64:.3/4:8

>und, Sheriff C.C 64:2:47

z

Zanuck-Hrinvn, 64:1:25

71