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.NNALS of 

Volume 64, No. 1 Winter, 1992 

In 1895 the state of Wyoming established a department to 
collect and preserve materials which interpret the history 
of Wyoming. Today those duties are performed by the 
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources in the Depart- 
ment of Commerce. Located in the department are the 
State Historical Research Library, the State Archives, the 
State Museum, the State Art Gallery, the State Historic 
Sites, and the State Historic Preservation Office. The 
Department solicits original records such as diaries, letters, 
books, early newspapers, maps, photographs and records 
of early businesses and organizations as well as artwork 
and artifacts for museum exhibit. The Department asks for 
the assistance of all Wyoming citizens to secure these 
documents and artifacts. 

Mike Sullivan 


Max Maxfield 

David Kathka 



George Zeimens, Lingle 

Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 

Karin Cyrus-Strid, Gillette 

David Peck, Lovell 

Norval Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Mary Ellen McWilliams, Sheridan 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 


OFFICERS, 1991-1992 

Dale J. Morris, President, Green River 

Walter Edens, First Vice-President, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, Second Vice-President, Torrington 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Gladys Hill, Treasurer, Douglas 

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary 

Judy West, State Coordinator 

ABOUT THE COVER— The cowboy has become a mythic figure 
in Wyoming. Owen Wister's The Virginian helped create that 
myth. Gerald Thompson examines reality and morality in 
Wister's tale of a nameless cowboy in "Owen Wister and His 
Critics: Realism and Morality in The Virginian." This 
photograph of cowboys around a chuck wagon is from the collec- 
tions of the Wyoming State Museum (WSM). 



Volume 64, No. 1 
Winter, 1992 


Rick Ewig, Editor 

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor 

Roger Joyce, Assistant Editor 

Ann Nelson, Assistant Editor 

Paula West Chavoya, Photographic Editor 


Michael Cassity 
Roy Jordan 
David Kathka 
William H. Moore 
Robert L. Munkres 
Philip J. Roberts 

ANNALS OF WYOMING was established 
in 1923 to disseminate historical information 
about Wyoming and the West through the 
publication of articles and documents. The 
editors of ANNALS OF WYOMING wel- 
come manuscripts on every aspect of 
Wyoming and Western history. 

Authors should submit two typed, double- 
spaced copies of their manuscripts with 
footnotes placed at the end. Manuscripts 
submitted should conform to A MANUAL 
OF STYLE (University of Chicago Press). 
The Editor reserves the right to submit all 
manuscripts to members of the Editorial 
Advisory Board or to authorities in the 
field of study for recommendations. Pub- 
lished articles represent the view of the 
authors and are not necessarily those of the 
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources, 
Department of Commerce or the Wyoming 
State Historical Society. 



and Morality in The Virginian 2 

by Gerald Thompson 

STATION: 100 Years of Service 

to the State 11 

by Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel 


as a Resource 22 

by Gene M. Gressley 

BOOK REVIEWS y |5a..5^pjY GF TH£27 

Whiteside, Regulating Danger: The Struggie^UNER-'TY OF WYOMING 
for Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain I •.;■■; ,1.1 iH £207'1 

Coal Industry, reviewed by David A. Wolff. 

Klein, Union Pacific: The Birth of a 

Railroad 1862-1893 and Union Pacific: 
The Rebirth 1894-1969, reviewed 
by T. A. Larson. 

Finkhouse and Crawford, eds., A River 
Too Far: The Past and Future of 
the Arid West, reviewed by Jim Donahue. 

jared Fox's Memmorandom: Kept from 

Delton, Sauk County Wisconsin toward 
California and Oregon 1852-1854, 
reviewed by Robert L. Munkres. 

Madsen, Glon/ Hunter: A Biography of 
Patrick Edward Coiuior, reviewed by 
Walter Jones. 

ANNALS OF WYOMING is published quarterly by the Division of Parks and 
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Barrett Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming 
82002. It is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society as the 
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previous and current issues of ANNALS may be purchased from the Editor. Cor- 
respondence should be addressed to the Editor. ANNALS OF WYOMING articles 
are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life. 

(< I Copyright 1W2 by the l^i\ ision ol l\irks ond Cultural Rosiniivcs, PopartnuMU ot Comnu-ivo 


Realism and Morality in The Virginian 

by Gerald Thompson 

Shortly after midnight on July 3, 1885, Owen Wister 
stepped down from the platform of a Union Pacific train 
at Rock Creek, Wyoming, beginning what would become 
a lifelong relationship with both the Far West and regional 
mythology. The young Philadelphian had undertaken the 
long journey west to restore his less-than-robust health, 
and in so doing he followed a path taken the previous year 
by his Harvard classmate Theodore Roosevelt. Years later 
Wister recalled that on the next day, July 4, he encountered 
Wyoming cowboys. Instantly he thought of them as sym- 
bols of primitive independence: "This very first day of my 
knowledge of them marks a date with me," he wrote in 
The Virgmian, "for something about them, and the idea 
of them, smote my American heart, and I have never 
forgotten it [for] ... in their spirit sat hidden a true nobil- 
ity, and often beneath its unexpected shining their figures 
took a heroic stature." But almost two decades would pass 
before Wister published The Virginian in 1902. By then he 
had been writing western stories for more than ten years, 
but it would be The Virginian, his only important novel, 
that established the formula for one of America's best- 
known myths, the Cowboy Hero.^ 

While much literary analysis of The Virginian, written 
during the last ten or fifteen years, has been favorable and 
treats the novel as serious fiction, some of Wister's best- 
known critics have demonstrated a visceral dislike for the 
book and for the Cowboy Hero in particular. Within the 
ranks of dissenters from the myth, there exist two branches 
of criticism: 1) writers who object to Wister's simple moral- 
ity, and 2) scholars who attack Wister's lack of realism. 

The first category of critics perceive the Cowboy Hero 
as the epitome of rugged individualism, a character with- 
out social ties or obligations. The Virginian represents for 
these scholars Americans' negative traits. He stands for 
the primitive savage in all men, always ready to spring 
forth into primordial violence. Indeed, many of The Vir- 
ginian's harshest detractors believe the book glorifies 
violence, anticipating by decades the spaghetti westerns 
of the 1960s, and taken to an extreme by Sam Peckinpah's 
The Wild Bunch (1969). The Virginian did not respect the 
law, they argue, pointing out that the Cowboy Hero helped 

1. Owen Wister, The Virginian: A Horseman of the Plains (New York: The 
Macmillan Company, 1902), p. 33; Ramon F. Adams, The CowtJian 
& His Code of Ethics (Austin: Encino Press, 1969), pp. 3-14. The only 
full-scale biography of Wister is Darwin Payne, Owen Wister: Chronicler 
of the West, Gentlemen of the East (Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist 
University Press, 1985). Two important studies are George T. Watkins, 
"Owen Wister and the American West: A Biographical and Critical 
Study" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Illinois, 1959); and Neal 
E. Lambert, "The Western Writings of Owen Wister: The Conflict 
of East and West" (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Utah, 1966). G. 
Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: 
The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt and Owen Wister (New 
Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1968), contains valuable 
insights about three men who helped to create the image of the West. 
Ben M. Vorpahl's work is some of the most enlightening on Wister; 
see his My Dear Wister: The Frederic Remington-Owen Wister Letters (Palo 
Alto, California: American West Publishing, 1972); and "Henry James 
and Owen Wister," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 95 
(July 1971): 291-338, for example. Lee Clark Mitchell, "When you 
Call That . . .': Tall Talk and Male Hegemony in The Virginian," PMLA 
102 (January 1987): 66-77, points out that the novel focuses on the 
exchange of ideas, rather than action scenes. 


to lynch several rustlers. Wister's character also ignored 
religious morality: in the prelude to the novel's climactic 
duel, the Bishop of Wyoming failed to persuade the Vir- 
ginian that a good Christian would avoid a confrontation 
with the villain Trampas. Some of these writers also charge 
that Wister's hero served an aristocracy of wealth, and was 
a capitalist tool used to exploit the land and its people. A 
final indictment leveled against Wister declared him to be 
a racist. 2 

To capture the intensity of these critics, one needs to 
read their vehement words. Edwin H. Cady, in his oft-cited 
work. The Light of Common Day (1971), can barely contain 

His (Wister's) success represents a standard necromantic wor- 
ship of the bitch-goddess (success) on a Social Darwinian altar. 
In the perspectives of American cultural history, Wister ended 
by aligning his creation with the extractive-exploitative tradi- 
tion of the western rape of nature which, cubed, has brought 
us to the crisis of a technological culture on the edge of drown- 
ing in its own excreta.^ 

Leslie Fiedler, the literary guru of the 1960s, directed his 
ironic insights at Wister in several important books. In Love 
and Death in the American Novel (1966), he raged: 

2. Sanford E. Marovitz, "Owen Wister: An Annotated Bibliography of 
Secondary Material," American Literary Realism, 1870-1910 7 (Winter 
1974): 1-110, provides an exhaustive listing of reviews and criticism 
on Wister. Influential critics, such as Van Wyck Brooks, Carl Van 
Doren, and Bernard De Voto, considered The Virginian as a worthy 
example of a less important genre. George Watkins, who produced 
a Ph.D. dissertation on Wister's work, concluded that ". . .at best 
The Virginian is a second-rate novel." Van Wyck Brooks, The Confi- 
dent Years, 1885-1915 (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1952), pp. 87-91; 
Carl Van Doren, The American Novel, 1789-1939 (New York: The Mac- 
millan Company, 1940), pp. 203-207; Bernard De Voto, "Horizon Land 
(1)," The Saturday Review of Literature, October 17, 1936, p. 8; and 
Watkins, "Owen Wister and the American West," p. 363. 

3. Edwin H. Cady, The Light of Common Day (Bloomington, Indiana: In- 
diana University Press, 1971), p. 191. 

Cmvhoi/ty and llicir chuck icai^oit. I he hhittioii of the /'//d/iiy/v;/'/; /s not kihurii. 


WINTER 1992 

The Sermon on the Mount has yielded to the Code of the West 
with only the most perfunctory of struggles. The Virginian is 
a fable, cloying and false, which projects at once the self-hatred 
of the genteel eastern sophisticate confronted with the primitive, 
and his dream of a world where "men are men," i.e., walk 
with smoking guns into the arms of women who cheerfully ab- 
dicate their roles as guardians of morality.-* 

Two years later Fiedler directed these barbs in The Return 

of the Vanishing American (1968): 

But behind the talk of honesty and chivalry, it is personal 
violence, taking the law into one's own hands, for which The 
Virginian— along with all of its recastings and imitations right 
down to High Noon— apologizes. The duel and the lynching 
represent its notions of honor and glory. ... It hardly matters, 
band of vigilantes against band of outlaws or single champion 
against single villain— the meaning is the same: a plea for ex- 
tra legal violence as the sole bastion of true justice . . . 

The values of the Virginian, Fiedler expounded, were the 
same ones which motivated the Ku Klux Klan, and he dis- 
cerned little difference between an execution of cattle 
rustlers in Wyoming or a lynching of Blacks by the KKK 
in the Deep South. The Virginian should properly be com- 
pared to Thomas Dixon Jr.'s The Clansman (1905), declared 

In addition to the critics who condemned The Vir- 
ginian 's morality, another school existed which attacked the 
novel for a lack of realism. Many of these writers were 
native westerners, who disliked the novel because it failed 
to depict with accuracy the life of a cowboy. These in- 
dividuals often mentioned Andy Adams as an example of 
how a writer should deal with western themes. Adams' 
The Log of a Coiuboy (1903), and Douglas Branch's influen- 
tial study The Cowboy and His Interpreters (1926), established 
the basis for much of the realists' critique. The Virginian 
was a cowboy without cattle, observed Branch, and "there 
was not one scene set on the range . . ."It seemed that 
westerners wanted their region, even in novels, to be por- 
trayed with precision or not at all. Two decades later, J. 
Frank Dobie extended Branch's comments in his Guide to 
the Life and Literature of the Southioest (1942), stating "This 
hero does not even smell of cows." By then Dobie loomed 
large in southwestern literary circles. In western literature 
Dobie was the best-known academician and writer in 
Texas, and his words of censure carried great weight. He 
suggested that Wister's pedigree as an urbane Harvard 
man prevented him from understanding his subject; more- 

over Wister lacked sufficient experience in the West. 
Unaware that Wister had traveled and lived in the region 
for a part of every year from 1885 to 1902, Dobie charged 
that the author's brief trip to Wyoming in the summer of 
1885 constituted his total preparation for writing The Vir- 
ginian. Continuing the realists' argument, Joe Frantz and 
his co-author, Julian E. Choate, Jr., in 1955 repeated the 
hackneyed observation that the book lacked a cattle aroma, 
but they also faulted the scene where the vigilantes hang 
the rustlers. Frantz and Choate, who understand the Code 
of the West, seem to be saying in The American Cowboy: 
Myth and Reality (1955), that if the Virginian had been true 
to the code, he could never have participated in executing 
his old friend Steve even if he did purloin cattle.^ 

Other critics of Wister soon discovered racism and class 
conflict in The Virginian. Mody C. Boatright noted that 
Wister's heroes were always Anglo-Saxons, even if they 
were not always cowboys. Marvin Lewis, in 1954, analyzed 
The Virginian and found a cowboy hero who helped to sup- 
press lower-class aspirations. The Virginian always sided 
with the cattle barons, the owners of the means of pro- 
duction (cattle) in their struggle to defeat the small ranch- 
ers and thereby monopolize the stock-raising industry. In 
accepting a Marxist interpretation of the western experi- 
ence, Lewis felt that a true cowboy hero belonged on the 
side of the oppressed masses. Wister was little more than 
an apologist for the Johnson County War of 1892, Lewis 
charged, an interpretation which would reach fruition three 
decades later in Michael Cimio's film. Heaven's Gate (1982). 
An excellent dissertation on Owen Wister also appeared 
at this time: George Watkins' "Owen Wister and the 
American West." In an approach quite similar to Lewis', 
but without the Marxist framework, Watkins argued that 
almost all the novel's characters were thinly disguised real 
people who had participated in Wyoming's tumultuous 
events of the 1890s. ^ 

4. Leslie Fiedler, Loz>e and Death in the American Novel, rev. ed. (New 
York: Stein and Day, 1966), pp. 259-260. 

5. Leslie Fiedler, The Return of the Vanishing American (New York: Stein 
and Day, 1968), p. 139. 

6. Andy Adams, The Log of a Cozvhoy: A Narrative of the Old Trail Dai/s 
(Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1903); Douglas Branch, 
The Cowboys and His Interpreters (New York: D. Appleton and Com- 
pany, 1926), pp. 192-200; J. Frank Dobie, Guide to Life and Literature 
of the Southivest, rev. ed. (Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist Univer- 
sity, 1952), p. 124; Joe B. Frantz and Julian E. Choate, Jr., The American 
Cowboy: Myth and Reality (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1955), pp. 116-117, 159-160. 

7. Mody C. Boatright, "The American Myth Rides the Ranges: Owen 
Wister's Man on Horseback, Southwest Review 36 (Summer 1951): 
157-163; Marvin Lewis, "Owen Wister: Caste Imprints in Western 
Letters, Arizona Quarterly 10 (Summer 1954): 147-156; Watkins, "Owen 
Wister and the American West," pp. 300-367. 


But it was Bernard De Voto, Pulitzer Prize winner and 
editor of Harper's, who became Wister's most prominent 
antagonist. De Voto plaited together the two divergent 
strains of criticism— amoral and unrealistic— in several key 
articles on western literature. For nearly thirty years, 
De Voto was viewed by the eastern intellectual establish- 
ment as a high priest in literary matters, but his ideas were 
also respected in the Far West, for De Voto was a native 
westerner, raised in Utah, who had authored regional 
histories such as Year of Decision (1943) and Across the Wide 
Missouri (1948). De Voto's thoughtful comments on Wister 
first appeared in 1936 in The Saturday Review of Literature 
in a short, two-part essay titled "Horizon Land." Later, 
in 1955, he extended his remarks in his Harper's Easy Chair 
column. With the historian's devotion to facts, De Voto 
began by asserting that great literature was always realistic, 
never mythic. The further an author departed from real- 
ity, the lesser the work's quality. Not satisfied to end his 
assault upon the western novel with the realists' lament, 
De Voto also incorporated the fashionable view that the 
Virginian was a moral hypocrite. Wister glorified violence, 
De Voto felt, and in the Virginian he had created: 
A sun god in leather pants, the Hero, and his adversary, who 
represents evil, the guns speak and The Hero, who has or has 
not suffered a flesh wound, steps sideward into a girl's expec- 
tant arms. This outcome solves all technical problems of ethics, 
social sanction, and human motivation. It is the climax of the 
fantasy that has kept the cowboy story from becoming serious 
fiction. No doubt it is implicit in the myth of the Old West and 
somebody else would have invented it if Owen Wister hadn't. 
But he did invent it and the literary historian can trace it to a 
simple caste snobbery. 

One cannot overestimate the impact of De Voto's words 
on the intelligentsia's perceptions of the western; he had 
confirmed their worst suspicions.^ 

From this abbreviated survey of Wister's detractors, 
one might assume that little favorable criticism had been 
written, but this is not the case. Immediately after the 
novel's publication, Henry James had praised Wister for 
drawing the Cowboy Hero with a "lucid complexity & 
evolution. . . ." adding that the "whole thing (was) a rare 
and remarkable feat." Frank Norris, who had condemned 
the Southern Pacific monopoly in The Octopus, called for 
a character like the Virginian in an early essay: 

The great figure of our neglected epic, the Hector of our ignored 
Iliad, is not, as the dime novels would have us believe, a law- 
breaker, but a lawmaker; a fighter, it is true, as is always the 
case with epic figures, but a fighter for peace, a calm, grave strong 
man who hated the lawbreaker as the hound hates the wolf. 
He did not lounge in barrooms; he did not cheat at cards; 
he did not drink himself to maudlin fury; he did not 'shoot 
at the drop of the hat.' But he loved his horse, he loved his 
friend, he was kind to little children. . . . 

Wister critic Edwin Cady would later quote Norris' passage 
in The Light of Common Day and declare himself embar- 
rassed by these qualities, all of which were hallmarks of 
the Virginian. This was romance not realism, sneered Cady.^ 

In recent years a surprising number of scholars have 
authored thoughtful articles on The Virginian. These range 
from Neal Lambert's studies of the composition of a cul- 
tural hero to Sanford Marowitz's examination of Wister's 
ideas on democracy as revealed in The Virginian. Ben Vor- 
pahl and Julian Mason have both contributed much to our 
understanding of Wister's intellectual background, and 
Darwin Payne has published Oioen Wister: Chronicler of the 
West, Gentleman of the East (1985), the first full-length 
biography of Wister. Most of the pro- Wister writers do not 
concern themselves with the question of whether or not 
the novel constitutes a great work of literature, a focus of 
De Voto's critique, but instead analyze how the author 
managed to produce such an enduring myth.^° 

Nevertheless, areas exist in the recent studies of the 
Cowboy Hero which remain only lightly explored. One of 
the most significant of these neglected realms is an analysis 
of the novel's morality. Wister had made it clear that The 
Virginian centered around moral questions, and especially 
the nature of justice. It was also clear that many of Wister's 
critics dissented from his definition of morality. Thus an 
examination into what Wister was trying to say about 
justice becomes a major point for anyone interested in the 
creation of the Cowboy Myth. 

8. Bernard De Voto, "Horizon Land," p. 8; Bernard De Voto, "The Easy 
Chair: Birth of An Art," Harper's, December 1955, pp. 8-16. Robert 
G. Athearn, The Mythic West (Lawrence; University Press of Kansas, 
1986), p. 166, takes an approach similar to Dv Voto .ind Fiedler, declar- 
ing the popular western "profoundh' conservativo." 

9, Carl Bode, "Henry James and Owen Wister," American Literature 26 
(May 1954): 250-252; and Cady, The Light of Coiumon Dai/, p. 67. 

10. Lambert, "The Western Writings of Owen Wister,"; Lambert, "Owen 
Wister's Virginian: The Genesis of a Cultural Hero," Western American 
Literature 6 (Summer 1971): 99-107; Vorpahl, "Henry James and Owen 
Wister," pp. 291-338; Sanford E. Marovitz, "Testament of a Patriot: 
The Virginian, the Tenderfoot, and Owen Wister," Texas Studies in 
Literature and Language 15 (Fall 1973): 551-575; Gary Scharnhost, "The 
Virginian as a Founding Father," ,Anzona Quarterly 16 (April 1985): 
226-241. Scholars who scMiiewhat diminish Wister's literar\' aducvo- 
ment would include IXm D. Walker, Wister, Roosevelt, and laiiios: 
A Note on the Western," Aiucruan Quartcrhi 12 (I'all l%0): 35S-3o(->; 
and lohn I), Nesbitt, "Owen Wistors Achic\cnu-nt m I itorar\- Tradi- 
tion," lVVs/(7)/ American Literature IS (iall l'-i,S3): l'-''-'-20S. 


WINTER 1992 

Before reviewing the role of morality and justice in The 
Virginian, serious attention must be given to the realists' 
critique. Did Wister intend to write a realistic novel? Using 
Wister's own thoughts and writings, one can establish that 
he was consciously producing myth, not history veiled as 
realistic fiction. In the preface to the first edition, Wister 

And sometimes it is asked, Was such and such a thing true? 
Now to this I have the best answer in the world. Once a cow- 
puncher listened patiently while I read him a manuscript. It 
concerned an event upon an Indian reservation. "Was that the 
Crow reservation?" he inquired at the finish. I told him that 
it was no real reservation and no real event; and his face ex- 
pressed his displeasure . . . And I could (not) help telling him 
that this was the highest compliment ever paid me. . . .^^ 

Through his private correspondence and his diary, 
Wister revealed his desire to draw the image of a mythic 
western figure. He declared that epic figures always arose 
from the clash between civilization and the primitive. 
Throughout a thoughtful essay, "Concerning 'Bad Men': 
The True 'Bad Man' of the Frontier, and the Reasons for 
his Existence," in Even/body's Magazine (1901), Wister com- 
pared the expanding American civilization to that of the 
ancient Israelites. "For what is the frontier," he asked, 
"but a modern moment of an earlier universal epoch?" 
With repeated examples, Wister tried to demonstrate that 
civilization bridled man's primitive and rash impulses, 
while at the same time keeping men from displaying their 
most heroic traits. Although he believed that heroic figures 
always served civilization, this should not be interpreted 
as Wister's support for economic exploitation of the 
civilized (wealthy) over the primitive (poor). An angry 
diary entry in June, 1891, expressed his intense dislike of 
Gilded Age profiteers: "These people produce nothing, 
improve nothing, and help nothing, except when they help 
themselves to somebody else's money. "^^ 

Two months after penning the diary note, in mid- 
August, 1891, Wister stood at Yellowstone Falls and 
thought of the region's significance. The West did not re- 
mind him of the South, he wrote, nor of anything he had 
read in Homer, "... but you can easily believe Monsar- 
rat [The Holy Grail's mountain in Parsifal] is round the next 
corner or expect to see the Gods stretch a rainbow to 

Bernard De Voto was a critic of The Virginian. He believed great 
literature was always realistic, which The Virginian was not, and that 
the Virginian was a moral hypocrite. 

Walhalla." He compared the Yellowstone to the Rhine, and 
felt that the West had simply reproduced in a new guise 
mankind's oldest stories that dealt with the nature of good 
and evil. As yet, no legends or myths were found about 
the Yellowstone region, but he recognized a golden op- 
portunity to formulate a new American myth that reveal- 
ed old truths. Several aspects of Wister's most important 
book. The Virginian, would be influenced by his personal 
hero, the German composer Wagner, with the most notice- 
able Wagnerian device being the Cowboy Hero's anonym- 
ity, paralleling that of the White Knight of Lohengrin. ^^ 
But if the novel is about mythological heroes, why have 
the realistic critics continued to attack the book on this 
point? Was an author not permitted to write from a roman- 
tic perspective? One might personally agree with De Voto 
that great fiction must be realistic— Cady's slice of common 
day— but is not the question of realism vs. romanticism a 
matter of taste? The problem may well have arisen because 

n. Owen Wister, The Virginian, p. x. 

12. Owen Wister, "Concerning 'Bad Men': The True 'Bad Man' of the 
Frontier, and the Reasons for His Existence," Everybody's Magazine 
4 (April 1901): 326; and Fanny Kemble Wister, ed., Owen Wister Out 
West: His journals and Letters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 
1958), pp. 97-98. 

Wister to Sarah Wister, August 11, 1891, in Journals and Letters, pp. 
126-129. For an extended analysis of the importance of Wagner's in- 
fluence on Wister, see Gerald Thompson, "Musical and Literary In- 
fluences on Owen Wister's The Virginian, " South Atlantic Quarterly, 
85 (Winter 1986): 40-55. 


Wister used a realistic framework to shape a romantic con- 
tent. He felt that his book must correspond to scientific 
knowledge, and every event had to be plausible in, what 
Wister termed, the post-darwinian world. A couple of ex- 
amples help to illustrate this point. What might have once 
been considered a spiritual rebirth like Paul's New Testa- 
ment experience can be read in The Virginian as a case of 
mental renewal. The psychological development of his 
characters often reflected the scholarship of his friend, 
William James, and Wister even noted that an individual 
like Trampas, whose behavior might once have been at- 
tributed to demons, could now be explained by what psy- 
chologists would call a criminal disposition. This overlay 
of realism has confounded some of Wister' s critics. The 
mythic Cowboy Hero was never intended to be representa- 
tive of cowboys in general, but there might have been one 
like him. Wister said he was one in a thousand. For those 
western critics who have mistaken the book for a failed at- 
tempt at realism, the Virginian has some appropriate 
words: "A Western man is a good thing. And he gener- 
ally knows that. But he has a heap to learn. And he 
generally don't know that."^"* 

In sum, one is left agreeing with the realist opponents 
of the novel: The Virginian is not a realistic novel, but then 
that was never Wister's intent. 

On the other hand, the criticism directed against the 
novel's morality is more complex, and far more important. 
If Fiedler, De Voto, and others are correct, Americans have 
made a serious mistake in thrusting forth the cowboy as 
a central mythic figure; this "sun god in leather pants" 
might endanger everyone. Does Wister glorify violence, 
and make a plea for extra-legal solutions to matters of 
justice? The answer to this question is greatly enhanced 
by an exploration of Wister's life and writings beyond the 
narrow confines of The Virginian. 

In the new preface to the novel's second edition, 
Wister declared that if his book was "anything more than 
an American story, it [was] an expression of American 
faith." Like most academic critics of the novel, Henry 
James, writing in 1902, recognized that the story dealt with 
moral evolution— a cowboy version of Pilgrim's Progress. 
As the novel develops and the years pass, the Virginian 
changes and grows into a crusader for justice. By the 
novel's end he is far different from the wild, carefree young 
man of the book's early pages. Even Wister's detractors 

acknowledge this change, but the question remains, does 
the Cowboy Hero advocate violence as a standard solu- 
tion to legal problems? That is the centerpiece of the argu- 
ment against the novel's morality. ^^ 

If Fiedler and others had taken the time to investigate 
Wister's life, they would have found someone most un- 
likely to author a work which favored primitive violence 
over the civilized conduct. Wister grew up in a home en- 
vironment devoted to art and scholarship, and numbered 
among his friends some of the greatest minds of the nine- 
teenth century. He was an intimate of Oliver Wendell 
Holmes, Jr., and after receiving his law degree from Har- 
vard, Wister practiced law in Philadelphia for many years. 
From his writings on legal matters, one can state that 
Wister possessed a scholar's knowledge of law and its 
development. 1*' He felt that the cornerstone of Western 
Civilization was the Anglo-American legal tradition, and 
The Virginian should be read as a novel about civilization 
coming to the frontier. 

In his politics, Wister was a progressive Republican 
and a reformer. Far from being a mouthpiece for the 
nouveau riche, as Fiedler and Lewis assert, he rallied 
against their excesses; the Gilded Age had produced far 
too many primitives, uncivilized barbarians. At the turn 
of the century, the young author /lawyer became affiliated 
with a Philadelphia reform movement and even tried to 
win a seat on the city council. Although unsuccessful as 
a candidate, he began to write on political subjects. His 

14. Payne, Chronicler of the West, pp. 95, 161, 189; Wister, "Concerning 
'Bad Men,' " pp. 327-328; and Wister, The Vir;^inuut, p. 498. 

15. Wister, The Virginian, new ed. (New York; New American Library, 
1979), p. vii; and Vorpahl, "Henry James and Owen Wister," pp. 
316-317, 325-326. A hasty reader might conclude that Wister's arti- 
cle, "The Evolution of the Cow-puncher," Harper's New Monthly 
Magazine 91 (September 1895): 602-617, supported the supremacy of 
the Anglo-Saxon race. Wister, however, used the word race as a 
synonym for culture, making his statements on cultural differences 
far less offensive. Boatright stated that "Wister subscribed 
wholeheartedly to the myth of Anglo-Saxon racial superiority," and 
found Indians, Mexicans, and Jews inferior. Such statements are con- 
tradicted by Wister in "The Evolution of a Cow-puncher," where 
he concluded that the typical cow-puncher was not compatible with 
the progress of civilization for "he has never made a good citizen, 
but only a good soldier . . ."A number of Wister's fictional characters, 
such as Scipio LeMoyne (a mulatto) are minorities with noble qualities. 
Marvin Lewis attributed a caste mentality to Wister, which blinded 
him to the widespread democratic spirit of the West. Lewis ignored 
Wister's definition of aristocracy, a joffersonian nieritocrac\', open 
to anyone with the proper talent and ciiaracter. 

I(v Ciuen Wi.ster. RooseivU: Ihe S/cn/ of ti I'nciuiship (New ^ ork; Ihe Mac- 
millan Company. 1^)30), pp. 128-147; and Owen Wister. llie Pentecost 
of Cahxniity (New Nork, The Macniillan Compans , I'-Mo), pp. ti2-o3, 


WINTER 1992 

most hard-hitting article attacked corruption and was ti- 
tled "The Keystone Crime: Pennsylvania's Graft-Cankered 
Capitol," published in 1907 in Everybody's Magazine. A 
summary of his views can be found in the preface to The 
Virginian's second edition (1911), where Wister declared 
that democracy faced many enemies "both in Wall Street 
and in the Labor Unions; but those in Wall Street have by 
their excesses created those in the Unions, they are the 
worst. ..." While hardly an endorsement for the closed 
shop, Wister was far from being Fiedler's capitalist tool, 
nor was his alter ego, the Virginian. ^^ 

In a slim volume published in 1916, Wister gave his 
most coherent analysis of the nature of morality and justice. 
Titled The Pentecost of Calamity, the book made a plea for 
American involvement in the Great War. Wister argued 
that the foundations of Western Civilization were at stake 
in the conflict, and he harshly condemned Woodrow Wil- 
son's antiwar stance as "the maxims of a low prudence, 
masquerading as Christianity." The attack on Wilson's 
neutrality had an analogy in The Virginian, when the Bishop 
of Wyoming attempted to prevent the duel with Trampas. 
Wister's critics would have us believe that the Cowboy 
Hero ignored sound advice in his decision to confront 
Trampas— still another example of an extra-legal solution. 
But that does not dovetail with Wister's known regard for 
justice, and the explanation for this dichotomy can be 
found in The Pentecost of Calamity. ^^ 

In his call for American intervention in the Great War, 
Wister said that the most important thing that might be 
lost in a German victory would be the western legal 
system. Those laws were founded on the "doctrines and 
generalizations of Locke, Montesquieu, Burlamaqui and 
Beccaria." Beccaria is particularly important for The Vir- 
ginian for he elaborates in explicit detail on a key question 
raised in the novel: when is the death penalty justified? 
The Italian jurist, noted for his advocacy of criminal 
rehabilitation, believed that all legal systems required a 
strong infusion of Christian mercy. There existed only one 
type of case which justified capital punishment, Beccaria 
wrote. When a rei'olutionary situation existed, the death of 
a particular individual might be necessary if that person 
held such power as to endanger the nation's safety. In the 
preface, Wister had stated that The Virginian was a colonial 

17. Payne, Chronicler of the West, pp. 257-262; Wister, "The Keystone 
Crime: Pennsylvania's Graft-Cankered Capitol," Everybody's Magazine 
(October 1907): 435-448; and Wister, The Virginian, p. vii. 

18. Wister, The Perttecost of Calamity, pp. 140-141. 

romance, and by the time of the showdown with Tram- 
pas, Beccaria's revolutionary climate existed within the 
Wyoming colony. Trampas' career extended beyond 
rustling and murder, with the rustler element controlling 
county governments and their courts, and opposing the 
governor and those fighting for statehood. Trampas con- 
stituted an individual whose existence endangered Wyo- 
ming statehood under Beccaria's strict definitions. >'' 

Beccaria's Of Crimes and Punishments also discusses the 
subject of honor and dueling. "The most effective way of 
preventing this crime (dueling) is to punish the aggressor 
..." stated Beccaria, "and to declare innocent the man, 
who for no fault of his own, has been forced to defend 
what existing laws do not secure to him, that is to say the 
opinion entertained of him by others." When Trampas 
slandered the Virginian, calling him a cattle rustler, and 
issued his challenge, he became the aggressor. The 
opposite of a plea for extra-legal violence, Wister's story 
follows closely the Italian jurist's ideas in an almost formula 
fashion. Readers should not be surprised that The Virginian, 
a book written by a sophisticated, thoughtful lawyer, 
would take a technical approach to an apparently simple 

If the duel with Trampas was within the law, what 
about the lynching of the rustlers? Of course, Beccaria does 
not call for capital punishment for crimes like rustling; he 
urges restitution rather than incarceration. But in Wyoming 
in the 1880s, one was dealing with a primitive American 
civilization emerging from the wilderness— "a space across 
which Noah and Adam might have come straight from 
Genesis," declares the novel's narrator. The Code of the 
West equated with the Mosaic Law, and just as Mosaic Law 
eventually was transformed into a more humane legal 
system so would the harsh laws of the frontier give way.^^ 

Literary critics have often charged that Wister glorified 
vigilante justice, but Wister never condoned lynch law, ex- 
cept as a temporary expedient required in fledgling 
societies. Wyoming, in the novel, undergoes a fast-paced 
economic, social, and political evolution, and as the region 
changes, so does the leading character, the Virginian. By 
the novel's conclusion, the Virginian has evolved into an 

19. Ibid., p. 62; and Cesare Beccaria, Of Crimes and Punishments, trans, 
by Jane Grigson (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 45-49. 

20. Beccaria, Of Crimes and Punishments, p. 72. 

21. Wister, The Virginian, p. 13. Most legal scholars draw a sharp distinc- 
tion between the execution of rustlers and Ku Klux Klan lynchings. 
For example see Wayne Gard, Frontier fustice (Norman: University 
of Oklahoma Press, 1949), p. vi. 


Big Nose George Panott, although not a cattle rustler, did suffer what luam/ believe to be the most typical adimiiisteruig of justice in the West, a lynching. 

American version of a knight of the Grail, and serves as 
an agent of civilization helping to bring the frontier to an 

The central event in the Cowboy Hero's spiritual prog- 
ress is the lynching of Steve, an old friend lured into rust- 
ling. In "The Cottonwoods," chapter thirty-one, the Vir- 
ginian and his fellow vigilantes hang Steve and Ed, while 
the villain Trampas escapes. Although he fulfilled the let- 
ter of the Code of the West, the Virginian was filled with 
self-recrimination. As he rides away from the execution 
scene, the Virginian does not even seem like the same 
character of the early novel. "He gave a sob," stated the 
tenderfoot narrator, and was "utterly overcome." The 
Virginian, in mental and emotional turmoil, struggles with 

the justice of the hanging. The narrator, in a role reversal, 
expounds upon the necessity of the Code of the West in 
a primitive land. Throughout the novel, while the Virginian 
has been developing the more civilized (feminine) side of 
the character, the narrator has been engaged in an opposite 
pilgrimage becoming more masculine. As the tenderfoot and 
the Virginian ride away from the cottonwoods where the 
execution took place, the Virginian continues to brood 
about Steve and that night in the mountains he falls asleep 
only to dream of his dead friend who asks: "Do \'ou think 
ycHi're fit to live?"-" 

22. Wister, 77/r \7/xn/ 
1 iti'iMiN' lntluiMHi.v 

, pp. 401-41 
pp. 49-51. 

iiid Ihompson, "Musical aiid 


WINTER 1992 

Steve's dream question recalls Portia's reply to Shylock 
in The Merchant of Venice, which was another of Wister's 
favorites: "Therefore, Jew, though justice be thy plea, con- 
sider this, that in the course of justice none of us should 
see salvation: we do pray for mercy." The cowboy has 
moved far away from the western code in wishing to have 
shown the rustlers mercy. For Wister, mercy was the most 
important ingredient in justice, and in this attitude he 
closely followed the ideas of Montesquieu, whom he 
greatly admired. 

The critics who have condemned Wister for support- 
ing lynch law either have not read with care the relevant 
passages or they are taking a modern image of the cowboy 
and superimposing it back on the Virginian. After his ex- 
periences on "Superstition Trail," chapter thirty-two, 
one feels certain that the Virginian would never again be 
involved in lynching cattle thieves. In his moral evolution, 
he had realized that the punishment must fit the crime. 
In 1940, four decades after the publication of The Virgmian, 
Walter Van Tilburg Clark in The Ox-Bow Incident would 
again concentrate an important western novel around the 
lynching of cattle rustlers. Clark's novel took a more direct 
approach to its subject— the wrong men are hanged— and 
therefore his work did not lend itself to misinterpretation. 

In conclusion, one wonders why so many non- 
academic readers of The Virginian have failed to see the 
work's subtlety. The answer seems to be that a number 
of famous critics were so familiar with formula western that 
they failed to suspect The Virginian might be a serious work 
worthy of careful reading and extensive analysis. More- 
over, since The Virginian's turn-of-the-century publication, 
thousands of westerns have appeared as books, films and 
television programs, causing the novel's complexity to 
become lost under an avalanche of simple-minded melo- 
drama. Then during the 1950s and 1960s, intellectuals grew 
uncertain about national morality; assassinations, cor- 
porate corruption, the Korean and Vietnam wars, en- 
vironmental pollution, and racism seemed the hallmarks 
of American life. The western, particularly western movies, 
began to reflect this inner darkness. Pop writers and 
scholars, like Fiedler, looked back at the genre's origin and 

said that if the novel The Virginian had spawned the 
glorification of American violence, then the Virginian, the 
Cowboy Hero, must embody all those negative traits. Of 
course, there does exist an element of truth in this view, 
for the book does indeed contain cowboys with all of the 
negative characteristics. But Fiedler and De Voto failed to 
make a basic distinction when they libeled the Cowboy 
Hero, calling him the literary archetype of negative values. 
The cowboys described by Wister's critics were the villains 
of The Virginian, not the drawling hero. Those black-hatted 
men, personified by Trampas, were indeed outside the 
law, crude and violent individuals. Perhaps the darker 
image of the West that emerged in the sixties spoke more 
truthfully to modern times and concerns but that was not 
the argument made by Wister's critics about his book. 

It now seems ironic that Fiedler and De Voto could 
have attributed the values of Trampas to the Virginian, but 
they never examined the novel from an historical perspec- 
tive. Most likely, it was yet another case of allowing pre- 
sentist images to cloud and distort the past. While these 
writers thought they were studying the origin of the 
Cowboy Hero, they failed to use historical research tech- 
niques; they never subjected the work to content analysis, 
nor did they bother to study Wister's life and writings in 
depth. If they had approached The Virginian as a reflection 
of the deepest values of a highly sophisticated intellectual, 
they would have discovered a far different book— one 
which extolled the values of law and civilization over the 
violent and primitive. 

GERALD THOMPSON, Professor of Histon/ at the University of Toledo, is 
a specialist in Western American History and Native American Studies. He is 
the author of The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reserva- 
tion Experiment, 1863-1868 and Edward F. Beale and the American West. 
From 1 984 to 1 990 he was the editor of Phi Alpha Theta 's jou rnal, The Historian. 
His current research is focused on mining in the Far Southwest and on cultural 
studies relating to the West, such as this article about Owen Wister's The 



100 Years of Service to the State 

by Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel 

On a cold winter's day, 101 years ago, the Legislature 
of Wyoming made history when they placed the control 
of the appropriations from the Morrill and Hatch acts of 
Congress into the hands of the Board of Trustees of the 
University of Wyoming. This started a chain of reactions 
directly responsible for the education of thousands of peo- 
ple living in the remote areas of Wyoming. The passing 
of this act on January 10, 1891, enabled the university to 
establish an agricultural experiment station which activated 
the creation and dissemination of scientific information to 
the farmers and ranchers of the state. At a significant time 
like this it seems appropriate to pause and look back at the 
historical roots of an institution that played such a major 
role in the provision of educational opportunities to the 
people of Wyoming. 1 

Eighteen years after the creation of Wyoming Territory, 
the University of Wyoming was established in 1886, as a 
result of appropriations made by the Morrill Act of 1862 
and the Land Act of 1881. Work was begun with much en- 
thusiasm and great expectations, but the pioneer years 
were difficult. Fortunately, the university had a small but 
able faculty who performed not only the duties "properly 
belonging to their respective chairs, but cheerfully accepted 
extra burdens when important to the general success of 
the institution. "2 In their concern for the continuing educa- 
tion of citizens living in remote areas, for instance, they 

1. "President's Annual Report," University iif Wydming, l'^)!'-), p. I"-); 
Wyoming Farm Bulletin, 1917, p. 2. 

2. "Report of the Trustees to Ciovernor WcU'ren," University ot Wyo- 
ming, 1889, p. 6. 

arranged for the establishment of extension centers in 
several towns alongside the railroad. ^ 

At the turn of the century, farmers and ranchers in 
Wyoming had extensive learning needs. Large numbers 
of settlers who knew very little about stockraising or 
agriculture in general came to Wyoming through the home- 
steading program. 4 They lacked both farming skills and 
cultural enrichment.^ The purpose of this article is to 
describe the early efforts on behalf of agricultural extension 
to help settlers to survive both physically and culturally, 
and to illustrate the events leading up to the establishment 
of the Cooperative Extension Service in 1914.^ 

By 1900 the number of homesteads in Wyoming grew 
to 3,549, and in 1920 16,669 were listed by the Bureau of 
Land Management. The university realized these farmers 
and ranchers were desperately in need of agricultural 
education." However, it was not until the Legislature of 
Wyoming placed the control of the appropriations from the 
Morrill and Hatch acts into the hands of the trustees, that 

A. A. Johnson and G. Hebard, "Wyoming Uni\ersitv Extension 

Association," 1889, American Heritage Center, University of 


"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station, 

1907, p. 23; C. T. Brady, Rccollcctious of a Missiouan/ in the Great Went 

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900). 

Brady, Recollections of a Missionary. 

The Ranchtuan's Reminder, 1905, p. 15; "Eighteenth Annual Report 

of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1907, p. 25; "Twenty-Third 

Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1912, p. 19; 

Wyomiji;^ Farm Bulletin, February 1914; February 1915; Proceedings 

of the American Association of Farmers Institute Workers Z' U^U. 



WINTER 1992 

the first attempt could be made to disseminate agricultural 
information to the rural population. These two acts made 
provision for the support of agricultural colleges and for the 
acquiring and diffusing among the people of the United States, 
useful and practical information on subjects connected with 
agriculture, and to promote scientific investigation and experi- 
ments respecting the principle and application of agricultural 

These appropriations enabled the university to 
establish an experiment station and six sub-stations. On 
March 27, 1891, Dice McClaren, former professor of natural 
history at the Maryland Agricultural College, was ap- 
pointed as the first Director of Experiment Stations. 

Agricultural personnel began in earnest to do experi- 
ments and to study the special problems connected with 
arid and high altitude lands. ^ Since Wyoming was a 
pioneering state, agricultural knowledge regarding farm- 
ing and ranching under Wyoming conditions did not exist. 
Officials thus had to "create" the knowledge through 
research and experimentation before they could carry it out 
to the farmers and ranchers of the state. As results of 
research became available, the information was published 
and distributed to rural adults by way of Bulletins, '^^ and 
through a monthly journal called the Ranchman's Reminder, 

"Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1907, p. 23. "Many of these settlers are wholly unacquainted with 
the business of irrigating the land, while in the districts where dry 
farming is to be practiced, there is need of careful and thorough in- 
struction on the principles of cultivation and care of crops to be grown 
under our western conditions. There is a demand for scientific in- 
struction along the various lines that are being undertaken by these 
new settlers, such as irrigation, dairying, stock feeding, stock 
breeding, control for alkali, rotation and cultivation of crops, 
veterinary subjects, and other questions of a scientific nature which 
may arise from time to time." 

Dice McClaren, "Wyoming Experiment Station: The Organization 
and the Proposed Work of the Station," Bulletin No. 1, May 1891, 
p. 3; "Sixteenth Annual Report," 1906, p. 9. The two Morrill acts 
(1862 and 1890) established and supported agricultural colleges, while 
the Hatch Act of 1887 appropriated fifteen thousand dollars annually 
to each state for scientific research in agriculture and the dissemina- 
tion of the results through bulletins to be sent free to residents upon 
request. "Sixth Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1896. The Morrill Act, approved August 30, 1890, was to aid 
agricultural colleges and the Hatch Act for establishing agricultural 
experiment stations. 

"Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1902-1903, p. 7. 

"First Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 1891, 
pp. 99-100; "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment 
Station," 1902-1903, p. 8. By 1902 fifty-seven bulletins had been 


Entered as second-class matter. July 16, 1911, 
at the Post Office at Laramie. Wyomins. 

Sent free to residents of the State upon 

Aven Nelson. President. University of Wyu. 

^" i^,,^"'''"* ^«**»- Agricultural College 

>-. S. Barrage. Secretary. Unive rsity of Wyo. 

Extension Staff 


r' w ^»T° ---Director and Editor 

H ,\PJ^^^ Administrative Anistant 

Hazel McCrory Assistant Clwlc 

f^l r"'^^; Assistant Clerk 

Lottie C. Freely AsBistant Omtk 

Cedle Brandt Assistant Qerk 

State SpeciaUsU 

J. D. McVean Animal Huslwndry. Laramie 

T. S. Parsons. .Crops and Soils, Laramie 
Kr" ^ J»ck»on..Rodent Control Work. Laiwnle 

N. E. Luce Poultryman. Laramie 

Cennty Agnealtaral Agent WoA 
Frank P. Lane. Acting State Leader. Laramie 
Wendell Calhoun. __Big Horn County, Basin 
Philip B. Mile8....Campl)ell County. Gillette 

M. B. Boissevain Fremont County, Lander 

Earle G. Reed Laramie County, Cheyenne 

M. O. Maughan Lincoln County, Afton 

John C. Hays Natrona County, Casper 

J. Carl Laney Niobrara County, Lusk 

Geo. C. Burekhalter, Platte Co., WheatUnd 

™ J- Thomas Sheridan County, Sheridan 

W. H. Carrington, Jr.. Uinta Co., Evanstoa 

John T. Weaver..Wa8hakie County. Worland 

Geo. F. Holmsteed.. Weston County. Newcastle 

Boys' and Girls' Club Work 

Ivan L. Hobson State Leader. Laramie 

Paul H. Dupertui8..A88i8Unt Leader, Laramie 

Emily Linhoff Assistant Leader. Laramie 

L. A. Marks..EmerKency Assistant. Laramie 
County Home Demonstration Work 

Margueritte Allen 

Acting State Leader. Laramie 

Nelle E. Huff Big Horn County. Basin 

Helen L. Corliss Fremont County. Lander 

Katharine E. Bennitt.. Laramie Co.. Cheyenne 
Gertrude Gibbens. Platte County, Wheatland 
Edith Ramsey Sheridan County, Sheridan 

Agricultural officials at the University of Wyoming in the early 1900s 
published the results of their research and experiments first in the Ranch- 
man's Reminder and then in The Wyoming Farm Bulletin. By 1913 
the circulation of the Bulletin urns 11,500. 

which provided ranchers with the latest in scientific 
discoveries. In 1911 the Ranchman's name was changed to 
the Wyoming Farm Bulletin, and by 1913 the circulation was 
reported to be 11,500. Efforts were geared towards solv- 
ing questions in the "interests of the ranchman and the 
farmer, so that they might intelligently cultivate such crops 
as may be successfully grown."" Funding was, however, 
a problem, as can be seen from the amount of correspon- 
dence that passed between Washington and Laramie 

11. "Fifth Annual Report of the Wyoming Agricultural Experiment 
Station," 1895, p. 29. 



regarding federal agricultural appropriations. ^2 jj-, 
September, 1902, the university took possession of the old 
penitentiary property in Laramie, and converted it into an 
experiment farm for the Agricultural College." In January, 
1907, the Ninth State Legislature of Wyoming donated it 
to the university, in addition to a sum of $5,000 to be used 
in repairing the buildings and putting the farm in condi- 
tion for the livestock work of the station.^"* 

Evidence indicates that the staff carried a heavy load. 
Not only were they teaching in the College of Agriculture, 
but they also had to do research, write informational 
bulletins, and handle a great deal of correspondence. ^^ 
They also went out on expeditions to gather information 
which could be passed on to the farmers and ranchers of 
Wyoming. 1^ Dr. Aven Nelson, professor of botany, re- 
ported in 1896 that three expeditions were carried out that 
year. In making these collections, professors and helpers 
had to travel sixteen hundred miles by rail, 184 miles by 
stage, and about 275 miles with camp outfits. The effort 
was regarded as worthwhile, however, since an increas- 
ing number of adults asked for information, and members 
of the faculty reported that the correspondence of the 
department was constantly increasing, and that letters on 
"various botanical subjects such as weeds and the deter- 
mination of other plants" were frequently received. All of 
these received "prompt attention and the best information 
at hand on the subject of the inquiry. "'^ 

The greatest effort towards education for farmers and 
ranchers at the turn of the century remained geared to- 
wards the writing and distribution of educational Bulletins. 
The agriculture department found that the spread-out 
nature of the population and the vast distances to travel, 
left professors no choice but to resort to the mail service 

12. Commissioner of Education to Stephen W. Downey, April 17, 1895, 
American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. 

13. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1904-1905, p. 26. 

14. "Seventeenth Annual Report of the Experiment Station of Wyo- 
ming," 1906-1907, p. 22; "Nineteenth Annual Report of the Experi- 
ment Station of Wyoming," 1908-1909, p. U. 

15. "Thirteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1902-1903, p. 3. 

16. "First Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station," 1891, pp. 
3-4. Four bulletins were published the first year. By 1896 thirty-one 
had been published. By 1902 the number had increased to fifty-seven, 

17. "Sixth Annual Report of Wyoming Experiment Station," 1896, p. 
16; the Rock Springs Rocket, February 16, 1912, announced that Dr. 
Nelson had issued a special bulletin "which contains indispensable 
information to stock growers," and that it would be mailed free of 
charge upon request. 

in order to reach adults living in remote areas. Press 
releases, varying in length from approximately two 
columns to three paragraphs, were also sent to the news- 
papers in Wyoming on a regular basis. 

In 1909 Director Towar reported that, with the grow- 
ing importance of the experiment station, farmers and 
ranchers were increasingly turning to the university as a 
source of information. Numerous letters of inquiry were 
reaching the staff every day. Literally "hundreds of per- 
sonal letters were written," pertaining to soil conditions, 
how to handle various crops, kinds of animals to use for 
dairying— in fact "all manner of questions relative to 
agriculture."'^ While it was frequently possible to answer 
questions by the mailing of a Bulletin dealing with specific 
problems, a large amount of work was nevertheless in- 
volved in replying to the letters of farmers and ranchers. 
Although extremely time consuming, the experiment staff 
regarded it as their proper function. ''* 

An important step in disseminating agricultural knowl- 
edge was taken in March, 1904, when the first short course 
for "the benefit of ranchmen and farmers who were unable 
to be in residence at the university for the longer course, " 
was offered by the university. ^o A short course was defined 
as consisting of a 

regular system of instruction, usually by lecture and laboratory 
methods, to be pursued for a number of days. Such courses 
commonly cover brief practical instruction in stock or grain judg- 
ing taking up such additional information as may be timely and 
useful. Such courses should last from one to two weeks. ^i 

The short course filled a specific need of farmers, ranch- 
ers, and their wives and was, since its inception in 1904, 
well attended. At the first short course 173 adults signed 
up to learn about irrigation and stock management. Hav- 
ing personally attended a short course, Governor Bryant 
B. Brooks recommended that the short course "be put on 
wheels," so that more people could benefit from it. As a 
result of his efforts, the 1905 Wyoming Legislature made 
an appropriation of $2,000 to pay the expenses of farmers' 
institutes to be held in different parts of the state. Unfor- 
tunately, none of the Hatch Act appropriations could be 
used for such a purpose. 

18. A. E. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work in Wyoming: .Xn Open 
Letter," January 27, 1915, p. 3. 

19. "Twentieth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1909-1910, pp. 11-12: Trosident's Annual Report.' 1'-'15, p. (r stated 
that "practical bulletins were distributed in large numbers. 

20. "Twelve and Thirteenth Annual Report ot the President ot the Liniver- 
sity of Wyoming," I'-HH. p 5. 

21. The Ramhituitrs Rniinuict. 1^05, p. 15. 



WINTER 1992 

The Ranchman defined an institute as "a meeting of 
farmers or ranchmen for one or more days in which sub- 
jects of special interest are discussed by them and others 
may be invited to take part in, or lead the discussions with 
papers or lectures. "^^ It promised farmers and ranchers that 
"wherever a group of farmers or ranchmen can be gathered 
together for a few days of conference on the subject of stock 
judging, stock feeding, irrigation, and the like, university 
professors will be sent to lecture and conduct practical 

The first farmers' institute took place on March 29-31, 
1905, in Cody, 24 a town 360 miles from Laramie. In spite 
of the season being "somewhat advanced for institute 
work, as nearly all the ranchmen in the neighborhood of 
Cody had begun spring's work," the attendance was "re- 
markably good. "25 Seven sessions were held, with seventy 
farmers and ranchers attending during the day, and two 
hundred during the evening. Evening lectures were illus- 
trated by stereopticon views, and all lectures about stock 
judging were given with "representative animals in the 
ring." At the conclusion of the institute the three instruc- 
tors declared that it was "well worth the effort," in spite 
of the fact that it took them two and one-half days by train 
to get there. 

An extended institute tour was offered from February 
20 to March 13. The agricultural team, consisting of Pro- 
fessors Buffum, George Morton, and Aven Nelson, trav- 
eled more than four hundred miles by stage and wagon, 
and a thousand miles by rail in bad weather conditions to 
conduct a number of institutes requested by various 
groups. Fortunately, according to the Ranchman, the men, 
being "accustomed to sage brush for thirty years," were 
able to survive 

four-horse runaways, narrow escapes from wrecks and tipovers, 
occasional but real hostile people, travel through a vast unsettled 
territory in an unusual blizzard, mountain passes filled with 
snow drifts, frozen faces and chilled feet, forty mile rides with 
the temperature below zero in wind and snow and of some 
meals absent and other grateful ones of Indian cookery and 
horse meat. "2'' 

As an example of the eagerness of the farmers for the help 
afforded by the institute. Brown tells the story of a 
Sheridan man who, after listening to the opening lecture 
by Buffum on stock-judging, telephoned his partner liv- 
ing seven miles out of town that the institute was worth 
attending. The friend consequently walked the seven miles 
in order to be present at the evening session. ^^ 

The cost to the state fund of these different institutes 
seemed to vary according to the distance the university lec- 
turers had to travel. The above mentioned Wheatland 
farmers' institute, for instance, ran up a cost of $79.25 to 
the state fund while the amount for the Buffalo institute 
came to $250.50.^8 Evidence seems to indicate that the 
railroads had furnished the lecturers with free transporta- 
tion prior to 1907. When this was withdrawn, farmers' in- 
stitutes became much more costly to the university and 
university officials declared that the work could not be 
done without the help of state appropriations. 2'' 

The first lecture for women at a farmers' institute was 
presented at the Wheatland institute, held November 21-23, 
1907.^'^ When Professor Minna Stoner, then head of the 
home economics department, spoke to the women on the 
topic of "Domestic Science and Education," she made 
home economics history. Her presentation became the 
unofficial start of the university's home economics exten- 
sion work. It was the first time at which the latest 
knowledge in homemaking was brought directly to the 
women who faced problems in their homes. It also repre- 
sented the university's first use of the "family approach" 
in extension work.^^ On February 27, 1908, Stoner again 
addressed the women at the Laramie farmers' institute. ^^ 
According to Bowman, county institutes from then on 
usually included a speaker carrying an educational 
message to women. ^^ 

In 1910 farmers' institute work came to all but a stand- 
still when Governor Brooks vetoed a four thousand dollar 
appropriation for institute extension work.'*'* In spite of the 
lack of funding, the university tried to keep the interest 
in farmers' institutes alive during the next two years. By 

22. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 15; "University of Wyoming 
Catalogue," 1908-1909, p. 84. 

23. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 1. 

24. "Fifteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1904-1905, p. 20. 

25. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 28. 

26. The Editor, 1906, Notes on February and March Institutes; The Ranch- 
man's Reminder, p. 21. 

27. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 36. 

28. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1905, p. 36. 

29. The Ranchman's Reminder, 1907, pp. 34, 36. 

30. "Eighteenth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1907-1908, p. 25. 

31. Fifty Golden Years of Home Economics in Wyomiii\^, p. 13. 

32. Wilson O. Clough, A History of the University of Wyomin^i 1887-1937 
(Laramie, Wyoming: Laramie Printing Press, 1937), p. 90. 

33. Bowman, Agricultural Extension Work, p. 37. 

34. The Ranchman's Reminder, March 1911, p. 32. 



1913 the work resumed again when the Legislature appro- 
priated ten thousand dollars to be expended for extension 
work in agriculture for the biennium 1913-1915. 

The Catalogue announced that the farmers' institutes 
were to be an important element of the extension work dur- 
ing the 1913-1914 college year.^^ By 1915 the university had 
reached the point where they could say that "there are few 
towns in Wyoming now that have not at some time had 
a farmers' institute. "^^ Demands for meetings were so 
numerous that it was "taxing the resources of the exten- 
sion division and the agricultural college faculty and experi- 
ment station staff to meet them." It was promised, 
however, that requests would be met as far as possible, 
"in the order they are received. "^^ Even though twenty- 
six more towns were reached during 1915 than the 
previous year the university was still not able to fulfill 
all the requests for farmers' institutes they had received. ^^ 

Reminiscing about the early trials and tribulations of 
the farmers' institutes, a 1915 Farm Bulletin tells about local 
people who had little conception of the purpose of such 
meetings, and how they have showed a spirit of coopera- 
tion and initiative in spite of not knowing what was ex- 
pected of them. Some groups provided a picnic dinner in 
which everybody joined, others added a program of music 
and short talks by local people. In 1916, 8,414 persons at- 
tended farmers' institutes in Wyoming, ^^ and in 1917, 
County Agent A. H. Tedmon reported that fifty-one meet- 
ings had been held during the month of January in Big 
Horn County as part of its institute schedule. With an 
attendance of 2,854 persons, this was the largest number 
they had since the institutes started. ^o 

In the 1908-1909 Catalogue the university announced 
it was contemplating an enlargement of the farmers' in- 
stitute system by conducting, for a week or more, a short 
school of agriculture in the larger agricultural centers in 
Wyoming. The plan was to place a faculty member at the 
school, who would remain there through the entire period 
and do a considerable portion of the lecturing and demon- 
stration. He would be assisted by other lecturers who 
would spend two to three days giving demonstrations in 

35. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914. 

36. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114. 

37. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114. 

38. Wi/oniin^'^ Farm Bulletin, September 1915. 

39. "President's Annual Report," 1916, p. 20; "University of Wyoming 
Catalogue," 1917, p. 300. 

40. Wi/omitj;^ Farm Bulletin, Marcii 1917, p. 136, 



Farmers' and Ranchmen's 


January 6th to 17th, 1913 



Agricultural Chemistry ^ Dean H. G. Knight 

Animal Breeding, Breeds and Feeding Prof. A. F. Faville 

Stock Judging _ Prof. A. D. Faville, Dr. R. H Prien, 

and Mr. James McLay 
Soils, Crops and Groping „ - _ Prof. T. S. Parsons 
Veterinary Elements _ _ . _ Dr. R. H, Prien 

Rural Engineering, Prof. J. G. Fitterer and Prof J. S. Parsons 
Botany - Dr. Aven Nelson 

Animal Parasites _ _ _ ^ Dr. L. D. Swingle 

Wool _ . _ _ - Prof. J. A. Hill 

Dairy Appliances _ Prof. A. D. Faville 


No special preparation necessary. Two weeks hard work 
for better Agriculture! Glass rooms. Laboratories and Illus- 
trated Lectures will be open as to regular students. Special 
work will be assigned ladies in Domestic Science and House- 
hold Economics. 

For information and application blanks, apply to 

C, A DUNIWAY. President, 

TIlis "Announcement of a Farmers' and Ranchmen's Short Course" 
was published in the December 1912 issue of The Wyoming Farm 

their special fields. The idea was that such schools would 
take the place of short courses at the university. By bring- 
ing the school to the students, rather than expecting them 
to come to the school, the university hoped to improve its 
services to the people of the state. The first three schools 
of agriculture were held at Wheatland, Basin, and Buffalo 
and had a total attendance of 2,125. 

The Institute Train was a variation of the farmers' in- 
stitute. Several states used this train during the early years 
of the twentieth century as a means of extending agri- 
cultural knowledge to adults in rural areas. In some states 
the institute train was called the "institute special, " "corn 
special," or "institute on wheels." BasicalK', the idea was 
to equip a train with exhibits, equipment, and machiner\'. 



WINTER 1992 

as well as instructors and speakers, and send it along the 
railway lines to the various parts of the state. The train was 
to stop for a stated time at each station; it could take a week 
or even two during its journey throughout the state. *^ 

The university planned to have various professors 
travel with the train in order to give lectures and demon- 
strations. Among these persons would be the state expert 
in dry farming, the professor of animal husbandry, the pro- 
fessor of irrigation engineering, the professor of domestic 
science, and "others who can be of service. ""^^ Consisting 
of two passenger cars, a baggage car, and two private cars 
for the accommodation of those accompanying the train, 
the Ranchman's Special, as it was called, made its first stop 
at Harrison, Nebraska, on October 19, 1909. From there 
it went to Shoshoni, which is in the center of Wyoming, 
making nineteen stops along the route, allowing thirty- 
seven hundred people to look at all the exhibits and to 
listen to the lectures on dry land agriculture. 

Short talks were given to those people who passed 
through the cars, and at two or three places meetings were 
held in the towns during the evening. The idea of an ed- 
ucational train was so well received that the university, 
upon completion of the tour, decided to make arrange- 
ments to operate a similar train over the Burlington lines. ^^ 

In December, 1915, the Wyoming Farm Bulletin reported 
that the "livestock and Better Farming Demonstration 
Train" had, during the month of October, finished a very 
successful run through Wyoming, Nebraska, and Colorado.^ 
Making twenty-six stops in all, the train welcomed 4,821 
visitors^^ who came to look at the exhibits and listen to 
various short lectures. This demonstration train traveled 
through Wyoming from October 4-16, 1915, reaching its 
last point in Cheyenne, Wyoming.'*'' Accompanied by four- 
teen speakers, the train was under the supervision of 
specialists of the United States Department of Agriculture 
and the agricultural colleges of the states of Wyoming, 
Montana, Idaho, and Utah. In addition to the various ex- 
hibits of wool, and the samples of the various grades of 
wool, six head of live sheep also went with the train to 
show farmers the various grades of wool as they appeared 

41. ]. D. Towar, "Movable Schools of Agriculture," The Ranchman's 
Reminder, 1908, p. 92. 

42. Ibid., p. 55. 

43. Ibid.; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1911, p. 99. 

44. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, December 1915, p. 87. 

45. George Boyd and Burton Marston, The Wyoming Agriculture Exten- 
sion Service and the People Who Made It (1965), p. 51. 

46. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, December 1915. 

on the sheep. The primary purpose of the tour was "to 
dispel the common idea that wool was wool and that selec- 
tion was unnecessary."^^ Follow-up work and assistance 
was offered to all ranchers and farmers who had visited 
the train. Interested persons could ask their county agents 
for more "help and advice, or ask the agricultural college 
for guidance" along the lines they wished to proceed. 

At about the time that the university had made the 
decision to "bring the school to the student" by way of 
short courses in different counties. President Charles O. 
Merica made the observation that "there was much demand 
upon the part of the settlers in all the newly colonized 
districts for definite scientific instruction that they can use 
at once." However, with the funds available for extension, 
the university was unable to meet this demand. He sug- 
gested that demonstration farms be established at various 
places so that farmers could see what the agricultural 
possibilities were for that specific part of the state. "^^ He 
saw it as a necessity to help the thousands of people who 
were coming to the state yearly to create farm homes. 
These demonstration farms would not be sub-stations 
owing anything to the federal government, but they would 
be conducted under the supervision of the agricultural col- 
lege and supported by state funds. They would not be 
engaged in the kind of research work as was being carried 
on by the federal government, which often took years to 
reach the farmer, but would instead "undertake to discover 
and publish just what can be done at these places and how 
to do it."'*'' The farms would not be experiment stations, 
but rather farms where owners under the guidance of 
experts from the university, tried to grow the largest possible 
crop with the least expense, thus demonstrating to fellow 
farmers what practical techniques could be implemented. 

The university was hoping to work in a cooperative 
way with a number of farmers who would be willing to 
set aside a certain number of acres, divided into small plots, 
to be farmed by themselves under the written directions 
of a superintendent connected with the university. Experi- 
ments were to be carried out from year to year and the 
results would be "fully published, setting forth failures as 
well as successes. "5° Published in simple and direct 
language, it was believed that these publications would 
prove to be valuable "text books" for the current and 
future settlers of Wyoming. 

47. Natrona County Tribune, January 27, 1916. 

48. "President's Report to the Board of Trustees," 1909-1910. 

49. The Ranchman's Reminder, August 1910, p. 57. 

50. The Ranchman's Reminder, August 1910, p. 57. 



The sole purpose of the demonstration farm was to 
grow the largest possible crop with the least expense, and 
to demonstrate what practical things could be done. Only 
those crops that were reasonably certain to prove successful 
would be grown. 51 The rationale for having the farmer do 
the work himself, was that when "other neighboring 
farmers see an ordinary farmer doing the work and some- 
thing extra good comes out of it," they appreciate the fact 
and realize that it is for them to avail themselves of these 
better methods. ^^ 

Apparently several farmers cooperated with the uni- 
versity in this project. A report, issued in 1916 by the 
Department of County Agricultural Agents, mentioned 
that the state leader had visited ten demonstration farms 
during that year." 

It should be noted that interest in extension work was 
growing throughout the United States at the turn of the 

century. Many institutions had agricultural extension 
departments and were using movable schools and agri- 
cultural trains as methods to carry university extension to 
rural areas. From time to time federal appropriations were 
made to supplement state funding for agricultural educa- 
tion. In 1912 an important step was taken to establish an 
extension division at the University of Wyoming when a 
Memorandum of Agreement was drawn up between the 
Bureau of Plant Industry of the United States Department 
of Agriculture and the College of Agriculture, providing 
for Cooperative Farm Management studies and field 
demonstrations. It was agreed that the salary and expenses 
of a state leader and an assistant state leader would be 

51. The Rmicluiimi's Reminder, October 1911, pp. 63-64; June 1911, pp. 

52. The Ranchman's Rennmier, December 1911, p. 6. 

53. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, March 1916, p. 132. 

Governor Bryant B. Brooke (hand on rail) joined ^tafj from the ilnireri^ih/ of W'l/oniin^^ on this special exhibit tram irhuh trai'eU\l the state dti 
the earhi 19005. 



WINTER 1992 

shared by both parties. To start the work, Henry Knight, 
dean of the College of Agriculture and director of the Ex- 
periment Station, became acting state leader on November 
25, 1912, with Albert E. Bowman as assistant state leader. ^^ 
Two county agents were also appointed. 

Describing to rural adults what was meant by the term 
farm management, and what the university's educational 
role was to be, the June, 1912, issue of the Wyoming Farm 
Bulletin explained that the university instructor starts with 
the assumption the farmer understands his own farm bet- 
ter than anyone else. The farm is taken as a unit and 
studied in its relationship to the business and social world 
with its various and changing needs. In cooperation with 
the farmer, the farm management official tried to find 
answers to questions concerning the best type of farming 
in each locality, the best arrangement of buildings, roads 
and fields, the most profitable cropping system, the kind 
and number of animals to be kept, the best farm equip- 
ment, the cost of production, and the most profitable 
amount and distribution of labor. ^^ 

The next step in the cooperative agreement between 
the Bureau of Plant Industry and the university was the 
appointment of a county agent. Regarded as a most im- 
portant factor in the cooperative agreement for extension 
work in agriculture and home economics, the United States 
Department of Agriculture was willing to provide twelve 
hundred dollars per annum towards the support of an agri- 
cultural agent in any county who would agree by contract 
to appropriate at least the same amount per year. The 
university had to supervise the work through the state 
leader. 56 

In a lengthy article which appeared in a 1913 issue of 
the Sheridan Post, D.W. Working, who was, at that time, 
in charge of farm management for the United States govern- 
ment in the district comprising Wyoming, Colorado, and 
Utah, explained the new profession of "county agriculturist." 
We are required to work with farmers— to study with them 
rather than to study for them, so we become partners with the 
farmers to whom we are sent. They give us facts; we give them 
facts; and then they and we try to find the meaning of the facts 
as they may apply for good or harm on the farmer's own farm.'^ 

Sketching the characteristics of a good county agriculturist. 
Working listed the following qualifications and personal 
characteristics as being indispensable: 

He is a man who must l<now the farm from the farmer's stand- 
point, who must know the sciences that serve agriculture, from 
the standpoint of the scientist, and who must have the gift of 
gumption that enables a man to translate sound theory into 
correct practice. 

Having found a man so prepared for service and having 
the graces of spirit, and the graciousness of manner that enables 
the man of learning to win and retain the liking and respect 
of dogs and children and common men— then we have a man 
fit to associate on an equal basis with farmers and others in- 
terested in better agriculture and more wholesome life in the 

He is a man who prefers not to give advice, choosing rather 
to present the facts that every man may be his own advisor. 
He prefers not to tell men how to do things, choosing rather 
to ask questions and to offer hints that will lead every man to 
discover the how for himself.'* 

In the same vein. Professor Oviatt, state leader of farm 
management, argued that "the mission of the county agri- 
culturist was to study, that he may teach." Since the idea 
of better business and better farming "spreads from farm 
to farm," he believed that "farmers were their own 
teachers. "5'' On May 13, 1913, the first county agent was 
appointed in Wyoming. ^° With a great deal of energy, 
engaging personality, and tactfulness, A. L. Campbell soon 
won the respect, confidence, and cooperation of the farm- 
ers and ranchers in Fremont County. During the first year 
of his appointment, he traveled 5,208 miles by train, horse- 
back, buggy, and motorcycle building up a total cost of 
$552.65. His first annual report showed that 1,902 miles 
were done by motorcycle, 1,118 miles by team and saddle 
horse, 2,078 miles by railroad, and 110 miles by auto- 
mobile.^^ The Twenty -fourth Annual Report of the Wyoming 
Experiment Station commented on the fact that Campbell 
had brought "enthusiasm to the farmers and had suc- 
ceeded in introducing many new methods which have 
proven to be profitable for the farmer. "^^ 

In the 1914 Catalogue, the university expressed the hope 
that it would be possible to place eventually an agricultural 

54. "Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1912-1913, p. 19; Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work"; Wyoming 
Farm Bidletm, March 1913, p. 293; "President's Annual Report," 1914, 
p. 13, 

55. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, June 1912, pp. 163-165. 

56. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 209. 

57. Sheridan Post, July 22, 1913. 

58. Sheridan Post, July 22, 1913; Wyoming Farm Bulletin, September 1915. 

59. Sheridan Post, October 21, 1913; "President's Report to the Trustees," 
1914, p. 13. 

60. "Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1912-1913, p. 19; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 22; 
Laramie Boomerang, January 29, 1915. 

61. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work," pp. 6-13. 

62. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 104. 



agent in every county of the state. Among the great sup- 
porters of extension during this period were Henry Knight 
and Albert E. Bowman. Knight, who became the first dean 
of agriculture in 1912, also acted as director of the experi- 
ment station and professor of agricultural chemistry. ^^ 
Bowman came to the university in January, 1913, and 
started his work in extension with great enthusiasm. As 
assistant state leader in farm management, demonstra- 
tions, and investigations he practiced grass roots teaching 
by going into homes and fields.^'* It was told of him that 
he got up with the family at 5 a.m., helped with the milk- 
ing, feeding, and other chores and then proceeded to tour 
the ranch and make suggestions on watering meadows, 
increasing the hay crop, and so on.^^ On July 1, 1913, 
Charles Oviatt was appointed as state leader of extension, 
succeeding Knight, who had served as acting state leader 
under the memorandum between the university and the 
Bureau of Plant Industry. A second county agent, H. E. 
McCartney, was appointed on July 11, 1913, and assigned 
to work in Sheridan County.*'^ In 1914 Allen Tedmon 
became the county agent for both Big Horn and Washakie 
counties; this did not work out, however, and after a seven 
months trial he was assigned exclusively to Big Horn.*^^ 

In 1914 the Smith-Lever Act was passed which provided 
money for the states and territories to conduct cooperative 
extension work in agriculture and home economics. The 
state of Wyoming was to receive ten thousand dollars for 
the year beginning July 1, 1914, with an increase of 
$1,249.20 per year for seven years. Dr. A. C. True explained 
the act as follows: 

The work called for in this act is of a strictly educational 
character, as an extension of the educational functions of the 
colleges to persons not resident in the colleges. It is to be 
primarily instruction and demonstration and secondarily, the 
imparting of information, and this work must be confined to 
the subjects of agriculture and home economics.''* 

63. Clough, History of the University of Wyoming, pp. 88, 107, 120. 

64. Marston and Boyd, The Wyoming Agriculture Extension Service, p. 10. 

65. Ibid., p. 11. 

66 . ' Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station, 
1912-1913, p. 19; "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1914, p. 222. 

67. Bowman, "Agricultural Extension Work," p. 16; Laramie Daily 
Boomerang, January 29, 1915. 

68. "Proceedings of the 19th Annual Meeting of the American Associa- 
tion of Farmers' Institute Workers," November 9-11, 1914, 
Washington, D.C., p. 108. 

These fanners were thrashing grain at a)\ exferinieiitnl farm in C//ci/c;;;;c /// I'U I. 



WINTER 1992 

He argued that farmers' institutes could be considered 
within the provision of this law only so far as they may 
be agencies through which the colleges can carry on the 
educational work called for in this act.^'* Bowman became 
the director of the Cooperative Agricultural Extension Ser- 
vice and immediately started to assemble a competent staff 
of subject matter specialists to work among the farm and 
ranch people, and to assist county agents as they were 
appointed in various counties. 

Blanche M. Olin was appointed as state demonstrator 
in home economics in September, 1914, and through 
demonstrations, lectures, and discussions she helped to 
educate large numbers of women regarding better home 
practices. The rationale for this appointment was explained 
in the Catalogue: 

Believing that the prosperity and happiness of a home depend 
as much upon the skill and intelligence of women as upon the 
earning power of men, a Home Economics demonstrator has 
been added to the agricultural extension force. She 
demonstrates labor saving devices, household decoration, and 
methods of preparing foods, balance rations, home dressmak- 
ing, etc. She works with women in clubs and meetings and 

In addition to the three county agents, Campbell, 
H. E. McCartney, and Tedmon, Wyoming had four people 
who devoted all their time to extension work: a state 
leader. Bowman, who had general supervision of the work 
in the state; a dairy expert, E. F. Burton, who helped the 
dairy and livestock interests; a leader of boys' and girls' 
clubs, Ivan L. Hobson; and a home economics lecturer and 
demonstrator, Olin, who looked after the interests of the 
farm women. ^^ 

The Farm Bulletin in 1915 announced that a new state 
leader was appointed since "the agricultural extension 
work has grown with such great rapidity that it has been 
impossible for Mr. Bowman, the director of extension, to 
handle efficiently all of the work."''^ At that time, eight 
counties had agricultural agents. ^^ Although confident that 

69. "Proceedings of the 19th Annual Meeting of the American Associa- 
tion of Farmers' Institute Workers," p. 108. 

70. "University of Wyoming Catalogue," 1915, p. 114; 1916, p. 284. 

71. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, February 1915, p. 5; "President's Annual 
Report," 1914, p. 24. 

72. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, July 1915, p. 4. 

73. "President's Annual Report," 1915, p. 8; "President Duniway's 
Report to the Board of Trustees," December 13, 1915, p. 7, stated 
that Wyoming would have ten or eleven county agents that year. 

satisfactory progress had been made. President Clyde Dun- 
iway felt in 1915 that it was still "too early to speak con- 
fidently in detail on the results of this system of extension 
work which has been stimulated by and founded upon the 
Smith-Lever Act." He believed success depended more 
upon the "qualifications and character of the individual 
county agents than upon any other one factor." 

County agent work was growing rapidly. An annual 
report issued in March, 1916, covering a period of eight 
months, stated, among other things, that the state leader 
had traveled 16,124 miles by rail, twenty-seven hundred 
miles by automobile and stage, spent 131 days in the field, 
and seventy days in his office.^* At this time the agronomist 
was also reporting that the correspondence work of the 
office was constantly increasing and that many inquiries 
concerning farm topics were received every day, and 
promptly answered, at a rate of "nearly 300 letters per 
month. "^5 

Duniway, in looking back over the two years since the 
passing of the Smith-Lever Act, remarked in his Annual 
Report of 1916 that, even though the work cannot be re- 
duced to statistics, a "striking development had occurred 
over the past two years. "^^ During World War I Mrs. Mary 
McFarlane became Wyoming's first female extension spe- 
cialist. Knight resigned in 1917, and with his departure the 
university lost the person who had unified the work of the 
experiment stations in the state. ^^ In 1919 President Aven 
Nelson stated the educational effort as exerted by Co- 
operative Extension had been "growing in magnitude and 
importance from year to year."^^ 

In conclusion, evidence indicates that University of 
Wyoming agricultural officials, prior to 1905, relied primar- 
ily on the mail service for the dissemination of knowledge 
to adults living on farms and ranches. The results of 
extensive experimentation and research done on various 
experimental farms were provided to rural adults by way 
of bulletins, the Ranchman's Reminder, the Wyoming Farm 
Bulletin, and various press releases. Agricultural person- 
nel also handled a tremendous amount of correspondence 
dealing with questions on farming methods and the rais- 
ing of stock. In 1904 the first short course for "ranchmen 

74. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, March 1916, p. 132. 

75. "Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the Wyoming Experiment Station," 
1915-1916, p. 79. 

76. "President's Annual Report," 1916, p. 21. 

77. W. O. Clough, History of the University of Wyoming, pp. 88, 107, 

78. "President's Annual Report," 1919, p. 19. 



and farmers who were unable to be in residence at the uni- 
versity for the longer courses," was offered on the campus 
of the university, and in 1909 a number of farmers were 
persuaded to convert a part of their properties into demon- 
stration farms. These demonstration units were developed 
under the direction of agricultural specialists to serve as 
examples of optimum production units in specific areas. 

Farmers' institutes came into being in 1905 and in 1909 
the first movable schools of agriculture were held in Wyo- 
ming. These schools, usually conducted over a period of 
ten to fourteen days were, in essence, off-campus agri- 
cultural short courses. An institute train, equipped with 
agricultural exhibits, equipment, machinery and several in- 
structors, was introduced in 1909. A variation of the farm- 
ers' institute, this method of bringing knowledge to rural 
adults appeared to be successful. 

Faculty members were also active at county and state 
fairs where they served as judges, lecturers, and demon- 
strators. In 1912 a cooperative agreement was signed be- 
tween the Bureau of Plant Industry of the United States 
Department of Agriculture and the College of Agriculture, 
which provided for cooperative farm management studies 
and field demonstrations. State leaders and county agents 
were appointed to study farm and range conditions so as 
to provide practical knowledge to farmers and ranchers. 

Organized agricultural extension grew in Wyoming with 
rapid strides,^" and in the words of the editor of the Wyo- 
ming Farm Bulletin, brought knowledge and information, 
in a form suitable for use, and derived from research done 
at their own state university to the people of Wyoming. ^° 
According to him, "the growth of cooperative extension 
work in agriculture and home economics in Wyoming was 
an indication of the popularity of education for all . . . the 
people's verdict of the value of this kind of service. "^^ 

79. "President's Annual Report for the Year 1918-1919, University of Wyo- 
ming Bulletin, p. 19. 

80. YJyomirig Farm Bulletin, July 1917, p. 2. 

81. Wyoming Farm Bulletin, July 1917, p. 2. 

JOHANNA NEL received her Ph.D. in Adult Education from the University 
of Wyoming in 1986. Presently she is an Assistant Professor in the Department 
of Educational Foundations and Instructional Technology at the University of 
Wyoming. She also serves as Adjunct Professor in the Department of Educa- 
tional Administration and Adult Education. Dr. Nel is a former board member 
of the Albany County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 

JOHANNES E. NEL received his Ph.D. in Animal Science from the University 
of Stellenbosch, South Africa, in 1967. He is currently a Professor in Animal 
Science at the University of Wyoming and serves as Sheep and Wool Extension 
Specialist with the Cooperative Extension Service. He is a member of the Albaiiy 
County Chapter of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 



A Resource, 
as a Resource 

by Gene M. Gressley 

Editor's Note: Gene Gressley presented this paper at the 
Centennial Conference held in Cheyenne during September 1991. 
Because of space limitations it was not included in the Fall 1991 
special issue 0/ Annals of Wyoming. Other conference papers 
will appear in future issues. 

The challenge: to describe the research wealth of the 
American Heritage Center (AHC) in twenty minutes. The 
experience is akin to that of a friend of mine, who finally 
at age seventy-six fulfilled a life long dream of seeing the 
Kentucky Derby. Situated about twenty rows up in the 
stands, he sat down to enjoy a beautiful May day at 
Churchill Downs. He felt so in tune with the world that 
he began tapping his feet to the melodies of Stephen 
Foster, which were floating through the ether. All of a sud- 
den the reverie of my friend was broken by a shot at the 
starting gate. The horses were off! Everyone in the stands 
stood up, stretching their necks for a better view. Being 
short of stature, my friend first peeked over one shoulder 
and then another one, bobbing back and forth, to no avail; 
the race was finished in a little over two minutes. In relating 
his experience my friend exploded, "Gene, all I saw of the 
race was two horse tails, maybe part of one jockey, and 
three horses' heads— for this I spent $2,000!" 

Well I hope none of you have spent two thousand dol- 
lars to be here, but at the end of this race you may feel 
like my friend— frustrated! For all I can do for you this after- 
noon is provide you with a peek at some of the peaks of 
this enormous collection of thirteen thousand plus collec- 
tions covering more than a dozen major research fields. 

In 1956, July 1, to be exact, when I arrived on the 
University of Wyoming campus, the Western History and 

Archives Department, as it was known then, had 284 col- 
lections. We immediately began building up research areas 
which were indigenous to the history of the Rocky Moun- 
tain region: economic geology, specifically, the petroleum 
and mining industries; the livestock industry; the water 
"industry"; writers of the western scene; conservation; 
transportation, particularly railroads and aviation; regional 
and state political figures, and of course what, for a better 
nomenclature, we will call general western history, jour- 
nalism, performing arts, and music. 

As we all realize, when you develop a research area 
you endeavor to make it as complete and rich as possible, 
so that a researcher does not have to visit you for a sole 
collection, but can indulge his/herself in as many flavors 
as possible. 

First, livestock history was an obvious field of acquisi- 
tion. The first collection to arrive at the university, pre- 
dating the Western History and Archives Department, was 
the enormously valuable files of the Wyoming Stock Grow- 
ers Association, the most complete set of historical records 
relating to any state livestock organization extant. During 
the succeeding years we added to this historical founda- 
tion the American National Cattlemen's records (due to 
the skill of Joe Watt of Sheridan, who sold this organiza- 
tion on what we were trying to do), the Wyoming Wool 
Growers Association, the National Wool Growers files, 
some sixty individual ranches including Moreton Frewen, 
Frank Hosier, John B. Kendrick, and Francis E. Warren. 

Another pre-eminent collection, not only nationally but 
internationally, is our economic geology collection. In this 
realm are the records of more than three hundred mining 
engineers, geologists, executives, and the piece de resistance 
of the fifty-two ton Anaconda collection. 



In petroleum history are the papers of George Henry 
Bissell, who provided the capital for the first oil well in 
America, the Drake well at Titusville, Pennsylvania; the 
personal files of A. Beeby Thompson, who developed the 
Baku fields in Russia and reported on the LaBarge field in 
Wyoming; the huge Midwest and Argo company records, 
two of the most successful "independent" petroleum 
operations in the Rocky Mountain region; the files of fif- 
teen past presidents of the American Association of 
Petroleum Geologists. This collection was put together 
with the assistance of Orlo Childs, onetime member of the 
University's geology department, past president of the 
AAPG and the Colorado School of Mines. Of the 150 in- 
dividual geologists represented some of the most notable 
are: Thomas Harrison, Charles Rath, Charles Hares, John 
Archbold (second president of the Standard Oil of New 
Jersey), and the dissolution records of the Standard Oil 

The mining collection is distinguished by the records 
of: Eliot Blackwelder, Chairman of the Geology Depart- 
ment at Stanford and an authority on the Owl Mountains 
of Wyoming; Hennen Jennings, a developer of South 
Africa mining with his friend Cecil Rhodes and the prime 
mover behind the extremely successful Conrey Mining 
Company in Montana; Sir Ronald Prain, who guided some 

of the corporate investment following Cecil Rhodes in 
South Africa; and, of course, as we have noted above all, 
the Anaconda. The historical riches in those some twelve 
hundred files have not even been plumbed. 

Along the tracks, the center has the letters of Jack Case- 
ment, who laid the tracks of the Union Pacific, home to 
his wife in Painesville, Ohio; the Union Pacific Coal Com- 
pany, especially the sizeable collection of glass negatives 
recording life in the underground mines of Kemmerer, 
Rock Springs, and Hanna; the four tons of records of the 
Chicago, Rock Island Railroad, plus the entrepreneurs 
William Dixon (whose efforts were thwarted by the Rock 
Island) and Alfred Perlman, who put together the huge 
New York Central-Pennsylvania systems, in addition to 
revitalizing the Western Pacific. 

The "manufacturers of blood and thunder," namely, 
the western writers, are represented by: the journals of 
Owen Wister; Jack Schaefer, who wrote Shane; Hoffman 
Birney, reviewer of westerns for the New York Times; in ad- 
dition to 160 more individual writers. The files of the 
organization of the Western Writers of America are ex- 
tremely significant for recording the marketing ups and 
downs of western fiction. 

Among the friendly skies of the center are two Wyo- 
ming executives who played major roles in the develop- 

This plioto^niph is of tlic iiuuicl of the new Aineneaii Uerita^^e Center mid University of V^yoitiiii^ Art Miiseiint irliieh will be iOinpUidi iiiinii^. 
the fall of) 993. 



WINTER 1992 

merit of America's aviation industry: Gerald Brooder of 
Sheridan and Robert Canaday of Lusk. Brooder, after 
founding Inland Airlines in Wyoming, became a Vice- 
President of Western Airlines. Canaday, a premier 
salesman for Douglas Aviation, concluded his career as 
Senior Vice President of Douglas. The log books of Jack 
Knight, who made the first over-night flight for the air- 
mail from Oakland to Chicago, are in the center. Mundy 
I. Peale, who owned the Bull Mountain Cattle Company, 
southwest of Laramie, became President of Republic Avia- 
tion. These are just a few of major figures dotting the roster 
of American aviation. 

In journalism, Wyoming journalists include Joseph 
Jacobucci, Roy Peck, M. G. Barrow, Red Fenwick, James 
Killgallen and Robert Crawford. Eight members of the 
Board of Editors of the Neiu York Times and ten coii^ributors 
to the New Yorker magazine will find their papers in 
Laramie. Among the most recognized are Rogers E. M. 
Whitaker, Leonard Silk, Ada Louise Huxtable, Philip Ham- 
burger, Richard Tregaskis, and Bill Stern. This is but a 
glimpse of the one hundred-plus journalists whose records 
are shelved in the center. 

Diverging just a moment from manuscripts, we should 
note two major collections of western art— the paintings 
of Alfred Jacob Miller and Henry Farny. The Miller collec- 
tion was acquired for the center and the university through 
the sole efforts of the late Robert Warner. Miller, as many 
of you know, was the first artist to depict Wyoming, in- 
deed the only artist to paint a rendezvous who actually par- 
ticipated in the event. 

The Henry Farny Collection is the gift of the Rentschler 
family of New York City. Farnys are now valued, mone- 
tarily speaking, at levels comparable to those of Remington 
and Russell. He painted only three hundred oils. The Rent- 
schler collection of eleven Farnys (eventually to be fifteen) 
is housed in a room in the center which duplicates the 
original library of George Rentschler at One Sutton Place, 
South, New York City. 

The only bronze of great significance is the Bronco 
Buster by Frederic Remington. The amazing bronze was 
given to the AHC by Arthur Lafrentz, whose father, 
Frederick Lafrentz, was the first secretary of the Swan Land 
and Cattle Company. 

The photographer of Meeteetse, Charles Belden, is 
represented by two thousand plus negatives. Belden was 
one of the outstanding photographers of the contemporary 
(early twentieth century) West. Jack and Lili Turnell, the 
granddaughter and grandson-in-law, negotiated with their 
family in presenting the gift to the university. 

Among the forty some artists represented in the center, 
probably the most significant overall collection is the one 
of Garrett Price. A son of Dr. Sam Price of Saratoga, 
Wyoming, Garrett Price was commissioned to do more 
than ninety covers for The New Yorker. Another illustrator, 
whose cartoons "The Little King" were favorites of readers 
of The Nezv Yorker, was Otto Soglow. 

Of course, it is the art of these artists which most at- 
tracts our attention. However, there are significant manu- 
script files on many of those named above, particularly 
Alfred Jacob Miller, Charles Belden, and Garrett Price. 

Among the papers of political figures of Wyoming, the 
researcher will find Senators Frank Barrett, Clifford 
Hansen, Joe Hickey, Lester Hunt, John Kendrick, Gale 
McGee, Milward Simpson, Malcolm Wallop, Francis War- 
ren, and Congressman Teno Roncalio. Among other 
political potentates are those of James LeCron and R. R. 
Rose. These two collections offer insight into Wyoming 
progressivism and democracy. We should emphasize that 
these political papers vary both in quantity and quality. 
Warren never kept his incoming correspondence, taking 
load after load to the D. C. dump. The Joseph Carey papers 
would offer, if they were available, remarkable knowledge 
of both the Republican and Progressive parties. 

There are two major contemporary historical fields 
which have been developed, in part by an especial rela- 
tionship to Wyoming. These two are antitrust and 
American Revisionism in both wars, but primarily the Sec- 
ond World War. The antitrust section was an obvious 
development with Thurman Arnold, U.S. Assistant-At- 
torney General for Antitrust, being born and raised in 
Laramie. However, the evolution of our antitrust area il- 
lustrates our approach to archival acquisition. You first ac- 
quire the papers of a central figure, a "star" if you will, 
then you use this star as a magnet to attract other figures 
who orbited in the same field, in this case— Hugh Cox, Vic- 
tor Kramer, Gerhard Gesell, Alexander Holtzoff, and 
Milton Friedman. 

Revisionism, for the lack of better taxonomy, is a school 
of journalists, historians, and publicists, who basically take 
the position that the allied powers, in both world wars, 
bear responsibility for the occurrence of the two wars. An 
historian at the University of Wyoming in the early sixties, 
Lawrence Gelfand, suggested to me that we seek the 
papers of a leading revisionist, Harry Elmer Barnes. We 
did so, ending up with not only the Barnes files, but the 
entire entourage around Barnes: Admiral Husband E. Kim- 
mel. Captain L. N. Safford, C. C. Hiles, George 
Morgenstern, and George Deathredge. 



In water resources, it is as amazing to me today as it 
was twenty years ago, that the only university in the na- 
tion to have a substantial collection of manuscript water 
resource material is the University of Wyoming. I should 
note in passing that the University of California, Berkeley, 
has the best printed collection of material on water. To- 
day the center has the papers of 130 civil engineers, 
bureaucrats, attorneys, and water policy makers, including 
five Commissioners of the Bureau of Reclamation: Floyd 
Dominy, Harry Bashore, Arthur Powell Davis, Ellis Arm- 
strong, and F. N. Newell. The papers of W. G. Sloan, "co- 
father" of the Pick-Sloan plan to develop the Missouri 
River, are there. William Warne, who put together with 
Governor Pat Brown the California Water project, pre- 
sented his files. Jack Savage, who is held in awe by ar- 
chitectural and civil engineers because of his creations the 
Boulder and Grand Coulee dams among some thirty other 
dams donated his papers. 

We hear much these days of environmental concerns. 
The historical guild, which is often more presentist than 
it likes to admit, enjoys fads— in 1990 one of the "hottest" 
areas is environmental history. In the mid-1960s the center 
began acquiring conservation history. As a result, at pres- 
ent two of the strongest archives on conservation history 
in the nation are in this region, specifically the Denver 
Public Library and the American Heritage Center. The 
center contains the papers of some 350 individuals and 
organizations devoted to conservation. If a researcher is 
interested in park policy, he can consult the files of two 
former directors of the National Park Service, Arthur 
Demaray and Conrad L. Wirth. If land policy is his topic, 
Marion Clawson and Laurence Hewes material is available. 
Should his concerns be with wildlife biology, Margaret and 
Louise Murie have presented the files of their husbands, 
Olaus and Adolph Murie. Frank Craighead, Jr., and Ver- 
non Bailey have written pioneering studies of wildlife. The 
research and personal memorabilia for their work is in the 
center. A couple of years ago, a prize winning volume on 
plant ecology was based largely on the Frederic and Edith 
Clements Collection. 

The area of performing arts is another example of how 
cooperation between faculty and archivists can go a long 
way towards making a significant archive. James Welke, 
now Dean of Communications at Central Florida Univer- 
sity (adjacent to Disney World, which for Welke has meant 
a substantial largesse coming into his department) sug- 
gested that we think of the performing arts area. Person- 
ally, I have to confess I was not intrigued (my personal 
research interest is economic history). However, one can- 

not scorn uncomfortable subjects. Such a position for an 
archivist, of course, is anti-intellectual and indefensible. 
Furthermore, in an amazingly brief period, we acquired 
the memorabilia of 170 writers, producers, directors, actors, 
and actresses. The largest radio comedy collection in the 
nation is in Laramie, including such writers as John L. 
Green, Carroll Carroll, Parke Levy, and Ozzie Nelson. The 
pre-eminent collection, of course, is the papers of Jack Ben- 
ny, which some eight universities and institutions (to my 
knowledge) were soliciting. Paul Monash, who produced 
"Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid," presented his 
material. David Brown of Zanuck-Brown fame has given 
some of his files, but much more is to come. His John 
O'Hara correspondence is fascinating to say the least. As 
an investor. Brown has attracted as much if not more at- 
tention than as a producer. Fortune has called him along 
with Warren Buffet of Omaha, one of the shrewdest in- 
vestors in America. 

Allied with the film-television section is the film music 
archives, the largest in the United States. Here repose the 
scores, records, tapes and memorabilia of Maurice Jarre of 
"Dr. Zhivago"; Adolph Deutsch, whose last film was "The 
Apartment," and Bronislaw Kaper, who wrote, "Hi Lili, 
Hi Lo" for "Gigi." 

In conclusion, the future for the center is bright, 
especially with the new building now on the horizon and 
if we follow a few simple but crucial precepts: 

A. We must always remember that the center is a liv- 
ing archive, not a mausoleum. If we cease our acquisition, 
we will freeze our collection, our reputation, and our 
future. Most certainly, you should make sure that you 
process and organize your collection— once you have it. 
The point is worth repeating— an archive that does not 
have material flowing in the door is dead. It is that sim- 
ple. I assure you that in 1956, no one was talking to me 
about what we should do with 284 collections. 

B. Geography will not be a problem if you remember 
your mission. You are a university centered archives, with 
a broad intellectual community and public to serve. Nor 
are your goals restricted to the university community, the 
public of Wyoming first and foremost have demands on 
your facility. After all, it is their dollars that made it 
possible. And secondly, in many areas of acquisition vou 
are dealing with professions which range, geographically 
speaking, across the nation and the globe. The self-evident 
ones, mining, petroleum, water, and conservation, come 
easily to mind, there are many others. To ask for A. Beeby 
Thompson's material on the LaBarge field, but to ignore 
ills career in Europe, is a prox'incialism wo cannot afford. 



WINTER 1992 

C. The center illustrates one basic premise that you do 
not do anything by yourself in this world. We have en- 
joyed wonderful backing from the people of the state of 
Wyoming, the trustees and successive administrations of 
the university, dedicated donors across the nation and, in- 
deed, the world. For this we give thanks. 

D. As the result of the last paragraph, we no longer 
confront or have to overcome the question we constantly 
encountered in 1956. Why should I give anything to 
Wyoming? Wyoming, where is that, close to California, 
is it not? No longer does the Center have an identification 
problem. I do not think I need to assure you that research- 
ers, donors, and the general public know where it is 

E. Finally, we tend to forget that we are not collecting 
for today— we are collecting for the twenty-first century and 
beyond. Certainly, we have collected junk, or at least we 
think we have. The old cliche, one man's dessert is another 

man's poison, is most certainly apropos. But unless we 
have the perspective of decades, it is not only arrogant, 
but downright unintelligent to select knowledge for the 
generations of the future, for if you do you are condemn- 
ing those same generations to ignorance. Indulge me for 
one more repetition, for that philosophy has been basic 
to the foundation of the American Heritage Center. We 
are collecting for the future, not just for the present. Unless 
we have the perspective of decades, it is not only arrogant, 
but downright unintelligent, to select knowledge for the 
generations of the future, for if you do you are condemn- 
ing those same generations to ignorance. Thank you! 

GENE M. GRESSLEY has been at the University of Wyoming since 1956. For 
the majority of those years he served as Director of the American Heritage Center. 
He has authored numerous articles dealing with the American West, as well as 
seven books, including Bankers and Cattlemen and The Twentieth Century 
West: A Potpourri. Presently he senses as All-University Professor in Laramie. 



Regulating Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain Coal 
Industry. By James Whiteside. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1990. Illustrated. Index. Bibliographical Essay. Notes. Maps, xv and 
265 pp. Cloth $37.50. 

Has anyone been keeping count? The number of books 
and articles about the history of coal mining seems to be 
growing in leaps and bounds. What was once a virtually 
ignored topic has finally come into its own. Why? Probably 
for a number of reasons, but I see it partially as a result 
of social history. Social historians (and their regional 
counterparts— historians of the "new West") discount the 
heroic and romantic elements in history and instead look 
into the everyday lives of our ancestors. Historians of this 
genre probe into the realities of life, which often reveal 
hardships and despair. And believe me, coal mining fits 
this description. Consequently, many social historians have 
turned their attention to the business of coal. 

Although the increase in the number of books about 
coal has been dramatic, and despite the fact that Wyoming 
currently leads the nation in coal production, many of the 
new works do not mention the Cowboy State. Rightly so, 
for decades in the past Wyoming generally hovered around 
twelfth in national coal output. But still, it may be worth- 
while to review some of the recent publications that 
mention the Wyoming coal industry. The best general 
study, and a true social history, is Priscilla Long's Where 
the Sun Never Shines: A History of America's Bloody Coal In- 
dustry. While it covers the industry nationally. Long does 
draw Wyoming into the story when she deals with labor 
conflict in the Colorado coal mines. For a specific look at 
Wyoming's coal industry. Forgotten Frontier: A History of 
Wyoming Coal Mining by A. Dudley Gardner and Verla R. 
Flores is excellent. Also a social history, it covers the 
people, the communities, the work, and the companies. 
Another interesting book is Robert Rhode's Booms & Busts 
on Bitter Creek: A History of Rock Springs, Wyoming. 

Moving away from the more scholarly works, and 
away from books that can be called social histories, a 
number of popular histories or personal reminiscences 
have been done. Mabel E. Brown and Elizabeth Thorpe 
Griffith write of Cambria in In the beginning there were three 
towns. Cambria flourished for forty years; Field City— alias Tubb 
Town after a brief heyday, moved en masse to Neivcastle—"and 
then there was one. " Frank R. Dallezotte looks at his past 
in Oakley, Wyoming: Gone . . . But not Forgotten. Lorenzo 
Groutage discusses the southwestern corner of Wyoming 
in Wyoming Mine Run, and Sharon Rufi of Almy published 
a book about her town to commemorate the Wyoming 

One event in Wyoming relating to coal stands out as 
the most popular— the Rock Springs Massacre. This has 
been explored several times, including by the dean of 
Wyoming historians, T. A. Larson, in "The Chinese 
Massacre," by Paul Crane and T. A. Larson, Annals of 
Wyoming, January and April 1940. Some of the new pieces 
include Craig Storti's Incident at Bitter Creek: The Ston/ of 
the Rock Springs Massacre, and two articles, "Governor 
Francis E. Warren, The United States Army and the 
Chinese Massacre at Rock Springs," by Murray L. Carroll 
in the Fall 1987 Annals ofWyomijig, and "Civil Disorder and 
the Military in Rock Springs, Wyoming: The Army's Role 
in the 1885 Chinese Massacre," by Clayton D. Laurie in 
Montana: The Magazine of Western History, Summer 1990. 

Most of the works listed above are readily available and 
generally easy to read and understand. But also appear- 
ing are monographs on specific aspects of the coal industry. 
One example is Keith Dix' What's a Coal Miner to Do? The 
Mechanization of Coal Minitig. This explores the impact of 
mechanization on the miner's life and his values. This com- 
bines elements of social history with a history of tech- 
nology. Although this book pertains primarily to eastern 
coal operations, it does mention Wvoming's Union Pacific 
Coal Company— an organization that adopted many oi the 



WINTER 1992 

industry's mechanical advances. To enjoy this book, how- 
ever, a deeper understanding of coal mining is required. 

Another book that is within this monographic style 
(and the point of this review) is James Whiteside's recent 
book Regulating Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety in the 
Rocky Mountain Coal Industry. In this piece Whiteside 
discusses what is perhaps the most shocking element in 
coal mining, the vast number of accidents and subsequent 
deaths. Whiteside states that from the 1880s to the 1980s 
more than eighty-two hundred workers died in the Rocky 
Mountains as a result of coal mine accidents. On a super- 
ficial level one would think that the cause of mine accidents 
could be easily recognized and then corrected. But as 
Whiteside accurately points out, the reasons for accidents 
and the explanations for the lack of measures to correct 
the problems are mired in a complex web of social atti- 
tudes, political circumstances, economic concerns, and 
workplace traditions. In short, the total industrial environ- 
ment is reflected in accident rates. 

From the beginning of coal operations in the Rocky 
Mountains up to recent years, Whiteside follows the three 
groups that could make the workplace safer: the operators, 
the miners, and the government. During the late nine- 
teenth century the miners were responsible for their own 
safety and for performing safety measures. The miners, 
however, were paid for what they produced, and when 
they put in roof supports, they essentially lost pay. Con- 
sequently, miners often ignored safety procedures. The 
first mine laws and the early safety activities of the com- 
panies reflected this idea that the miner was responsible 
for his own safety. Whiteside then draws the story for- 
ward, examining the procession of laws passed by the 
various states that attempted to shift some of the respon- 
sibility to the mine management. He also evaluates cor- 
porate philosophies as they changed through the years. 
His conclusion: the results were always the same, the 
miner remained responsible for his own safety. Not until 
recently have federal regulations and technological advance- 
ments given the coal miner some relief. 

Whiteside is convincing and correct. His research is 
thorough, and his writing demonstrates his depth of study 
as he quotes extensively from state mine inspector reports. 
Plus, he paints a balanced picture. Whiteside covers the 
plight of the workers, backing it up with numbers, much 
as many good social historians would do. But he also deals 
fairly and squarely with the companies and officials 

I have complaints, but only two minor ones. First, once 
again Colorado proves to be the center of the Rockies. True, 

he deals with Wyoming, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, and 
Colorado, and his title says he covers the Rocky Moun- 
tains, but Colorado is without a doubt the star of the show. 
Colorado, of course, did produce more coal than any of 
the other states, but sometimes we in the outback feel ig- 
nored. Second, Whiteside studies the laws in each state, 
and their impact in that state. There probably is no other 
way to do it, but the number of laws discussed in each of 
the states occasionally overwhelms the reader with details. 
These points, however, do not affect the quality of the text. 
The book is good, but it is not for beginners. Regulating 
Danger is for those who like mining, love everything writ- 
ten about Wyoming, or enjoy the process of regulation. 
And it is, as well, an excellent addition to the increasing 
number of books about coal. 

Arizona State University 

Union Pacific: The Birth of a Railroad 1862-1893. By Maury Klein. Garden 
City, New York; Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1987. Illustrated. 
Index. Selected Bibliography. Maps, xiii and 685 pp. Cloth $27.50. 

Umon Pacific: The Rebirth 1894-1969. By Maury Klein. Garden City, New 
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1989. Illustrated. Index. Source 
Notes. Selected Bibliography. Maps, xviii and 654 pp. Cloth $29.95. 

This work represents a great leap forward in Union 
Pacific historiography. Generally, the Union Pacific books 
published hitherto have been short on facts and perspec- 
tive. Their authors did not have access to corporation 
records. True, the U.P. opened the door part-way twenty- 
five years ago and permitted the late Robert Athearn to 
use records related to nineteenth century branch-line 
history, and helped finance his book-writing project. 
Athearn covered the early branch-line story pretty well in 
his volume Union Pacific Country (New York: Rand 
McNally, 1971). 

Apparently satisfied with Athearn's performance, the 
U.P. funded the research and writing of Maury Klein for 
the work at hand, which is a comprehensive history of the 
corporation from its beginning in the 1860s to 1969. Klein, 
a University of Rhode Island professor, received access to 
voluminous company records never before made available. 
Klein probed many other sources as well. His previous 
books. The Great Richmond Terminal, The Histonj of the 
Louisville and Nashville Railroad, and The Life and Legend of 
Jay Gould, seem to have assured U.P. President John C. 
Kenefick and his board members that Klein would deliver 
the kind of history they would appreciate. 

Lest readers might think that a U.P. subsidy would 



color his opinions, Athearn explained that company of- 
ficers "stressed that all points of view, attitudes, and con- 
clusions were to be mine alone." Likewise, Klein wrote 
that "The views and interpretations . . . are mine and in 
no way represent those of the corporation." He added that 
he was given "complete editorial freedom." 

Klein decided early in his research that, except for a 
few short periods, the Union Pacific suffered so much from 
internal bickering and lack of strong leadership that he 
would make these conflicts his central theme. He certainly 
rips the hide off many corporation executives. On the other 
hand, he believes that a few of them have been treated too 
harshly in the past. Klein argues that "They were neither 
heroes nor villains," but simply capitalists who risked their 
fortunes in a project that few moneyed men would touch 
because the costs would be too great, leaving little chance 
to recover the costs for decades. 

Klein also rejects the widespread belief that Jay Gould 
set out to wreck the U.P. in the manner of some modern 
hostile take-over artists. Instead, claims Klein, Gould 
focused his extraordinary talents on making both the U.P. 
and himself prosperous by combining the Kansas Pacific 
with the U.P. He failed by a hair, and appeared to have 
hurt the U.P. for a few years, but in the long run the U.P. 
benefited from his strenuous efforts. 

Klein displays remarkable talent for producing thumb- 
nail characterizations. For example: "Thomas C. Durant's 
craving for the limelight was matched by an inability to 
keep his focus on business at hand." Grenville M. Dodge 
was "an ordinary looking man with some extraordinary 
qualities. . . . He listened well and had a quick analytical 
mind that leaped to sound conclusions before most men 
understood the question." Oakes Ames "was the man of 
action, Oliver the punctilious bookkeeper. . . . Once de- 
cided on a plan, Oakes plunged ahead with little regard 
for consequences. . . . The hapless Oliver calculated and 
agonized himself into fits of indecision." "The choice 
between Durant and Oliver Ames was more than ever one 
between the lesser of two evils." Charles Francis Adams, 
Jr. was "the foremost railroad theorist of the age" but 
"failed wretchedly at every aspect of management." Gould 
had an "incredible range of talents . . . skill at human rela- 
tions" and "utter lack of ego." E. H. Harriman, first presi- 
dent after the 1890s receivership, "blazed through the 
transportation industry like a comet. . . . He not only 
craved power, he radiated it. . . . He had one blind spot 
diplomacy and tact" and was consequently abrasive. 

Carl Gray, president during the 1920s, was "a south- 
ern puritan." He had "ability . . . grace under pressure 

. . . patience ... an affable man utterly lacking in pretense 
or arrogance . . . impossible to dislike or distrust ... a 
benevolent father figure of a man with a ready smile and 
'just plain folks' manner." Yet "he could be tough." 

Gray's very tough 225 pound successor. Bill Jeffers, 
"knew how to work and how to fight . . . took only one 
vacation in forty years." He was "the classic 'Irisher' . . . 
in essence a monk, with the railroad as his monastery . . . 
crude though dapper . . . with his tough-guy manner and 
macho code." George Ashby, short-term president after 
Jeffers, was "the diminutive accountant . . . shrewd and 
inscrutable . . . intelligent, sensitive . . . whose ambitions 
suffered from a fatal flaw . . . alcohol . . . insecure . . . fric- 
tion with his major officers left him permanently scarred." 
Following Ashby, Arthur Stoddard, like Jeffers, "had no 
hobbies or outside interests, but he lacked Jeffers' total 
dedication. . . . Stoddard did not fancy himself as a czar, 
but he kept the crucial trappings, notably the secret 
police, the spies and an autocratic hierarchy staffed with 

The general reader may throw up his hands at the mass 
of details, the complicated relations with other railroads, 
and continual disputes with state and federal agencies. But 
serious railroad historians will read every word. 

University of Wyoming 

A River Too Far: The Past and Future of the Ami West. Edited by Joseph 
Finkhouse and Mark Crawford. Nevada Humanities Committee, 
University of Nevada Press, 1991. Illustrated. Bibliography. 175 pp. 

A River Too Far is a collection of excerpts from notable 
publications concerned with water usage, politics, policy, 
and social values in the arid West. The excerpts are taken 
from: Desert Passages by Patricia Limerick; Cadillac Desert 
by Marc P. Reisner; Rii'ers of Empnre by Donald Worster; 
"Replacing Confusion with Equity: Alternatives for Water 
Policy in the Colorado River Basin" by Helen Ingram, 
Lawrence Scaff, and Leslie Silko, taken from New Courses 
for the Colorado River: Major Issues for the Next Centurxj, edited 
by Gary D. Weatherford and F. Lee Brown; "Wilderness 
Values and the Colorado River" by Roderick Na'sh, from 
New Courses for the Colorado River; Major Issues for the Next 
Century; "A River" from Encoufiters with the Archdruid bv 
John McPhee; and from The Auwrican YJest as Living Space 
by Wallace Stegner. 

With publication dates ranging from 1971 to 1987, the 
excerpts, perhaps, are somewhat dated in view of the 
drought pervasive throughout the West since 1987. Never- 



WINTER 1992 

theless, the viewpoints expressed in the readings are im- 
portant in understanding the influence of water scarcity 
in the arid West, and particularly the desert region, in- 
cluding parts of Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and 
California, about the development of western society, and 
the problems and issues it will need to face during the next 

In the excerpt from Desert Passages, Limerick presents 
an overview of desert history and its harsh reality, and 
compares it to the irrigation based desert culture of the 
1980s. Reisner's Cadillac Desert: The American West and its 
Disapjpearing Water deals specifically with the politics in 
watering the desert, and the effects on those segments of 
society left out of the watering equation. Worster critiques 
water development in the West and examines the roles of 
the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation and other federal agen- 
cies, as well as the motives of individuals involved in the 
development. To these three writers, water is more than 
a commodity to be used for economic development. 
Rather, water includes a group of human and social values, 
which should be used in determining its usage and 
distribution in an arid land. 

Political scientists Ingram, Scaff, and Silko explore 
these values in "Replacing Confusion with Equity: Alter- 
natives for Water Policy in the Colorado River Basin." They 
present a theory for the practice of fairness determining 
water distribution and usage based upon identified social 
and human values, within the arena of democratic ideals 
and realities. Nash in "Wilderness Values and the Col- 
orado River" discusses human value in terms of personal 
understanding and environmental ethics. He takes the 
reader down the Colorado River and into the Grand Can- 
yon, examining its value in view of the perspective and 
experience of the individual looking at the canyon. This 
scenario is emphasized by McPhee in his book. Encounters 
with the Archdruid. The reader accompanies Floyd Dominy, 
former commissioner of reclamation, who began his career 
in Campbell County, Wyoming, and David Brower, former 
Sierra Club executive director, on a make believe raft trip 
down the Colorado, and contrasts each man's view of the 
river and the canyon, emphasizing the commitment and 
sincerity of each man to his ideals and values. A River Too 
Far ends with an essay by western historian Stegner. The 
essay is based upon his many years of study and observa- 
tion of the West, and expresses his disillusionment with 
the desert society, and predicts its decline. 

Thirty-five photographs by photographers who par- 
ticipated in the Water in the West Project are virtually 
another essay included in the book. The photographs 

depict water usage from Nebraska to Los Angeles and 
vividly illustrate the current status of water usage and 
waste in the arid West. 

A River Too Far is important reading for every Westerner 
who wants to understand the region in which he or she 
lives, and some elements of the history of its most vital 
resource, water. The complexity of the decisions concern- 
ing water, its usage and distribution, that need to be made, 
if the West is to remain a viable region in the next cen- 
tury, confront the reader throughout this unique book. 

Wyoming State Archizvs 

Jared Fox's Memmorandom: Kept from Dellton, Sauk County Wisconsin toward 
California and Oregon 1852-1854. Benton, Wisconsin: Cottonwood 
Publishing Company, 1990. Illustrated. Appendix. Endnotes. 
Bibliography- xv and 250 pp. Paper. 

The diary kept by Jared Fox for a twenty-eight month 
period during the years 1852-1854 differs significantly from 
many of those kept by his contemporaries. While most of 
those who went "westering" during the middle third of 
the nineteenth century did so in search of a better life. Fox 
seems to have been running away from quite an unsatisfac- 
tory existence "back home," even though he ultimately 
returned there after not finding any success in Oregon and 
California. It seems quite apparent that Fox was unhappy 
in his marriage. During his extended absence, for exam- 
ple, he wrote numerous letters to friends and business 
associates, but exceptionally few to his family. In fact, prac- 
tically the only occasion upon which he demonstrated 
significant emotional involvement occurred in January, 
1853, when he was forced to sell his two remaining horses, 
bemoaned the death of his dog, and expressed great con- 
cern over the grave injury suffered by his closest friend, 
Charles Deval. No such concern or involvement is ever ex- 
pressed vis-a-vis his wife and family. 

The account of the trip west takes up only the first fifty 
pages of this account. As indicated in the foreword, Mer- 
rill Mattes (who would object to the author's designation 
of the north side trail as the "Mormon Trail") describes 
this diary as "one of the more thorough records of the 1852 
migration." Even so, the record kept is informative pri- 
marily about the details (particularly the difficulties) of trail 
travel and the equipment required as well as some con- 
siderable reference to flora and fauna encountered. What 
is not included is much information about people encoun- 
tered during the trip, although Fox does carefully record 
the names of the people buried in the twenty graves which 



he saw; he also provides an estimation of the number of 
people on the trail. Furthermore, Fox pays almost no at- 
tention at all to significant landmarks, noting only In- 
dependence Rock and Soda Springs, without including 
much information about either site. 

The remaining two hundred pages of this account are 
taken up with a day-by-day record of Fox' life, first in 
Oregon, then in California, and finally on his sea voyage 
(and trip across Nicaragua) to New York and rail trip back 
to Wisconsin. Several characteristics stand out in this por- 
tion of the book. On the very positive side. Fox again and 
again records relatively detailed descriptions of the plant 
life, and sometimes the animal life, resident at his various 
locations, not just during the trip west, but also in selected 
parts of Oregon, California, and Nicaragua. In like man- 
ner. Fox is most explicit about the cost of provisions pur- 
chased at various times during his more than two year 
odyssey, up to and including what it cost for lodging, 
meals, and so on in New York City, as well as the fare from 
New York to Milwaukee on the New York & Erie Rail Road 
($19.50). Anyone wishing to obtain such historical 
economic information will find at least a modest gold mine 

Although they are relatively few in number. Fox does 
on occasion include in his "Memmorandom" human in- 
terest events, some personal, some observed. During 
February, 1853, for instance, he reported seeing Indians 
who had died from White man's disease in such numbers 
that dogs had unearthed the remains and were chewing 
on the bones. A month later a group of Indian women 
begged to be taken on board a river vessel on which Fox 
was a passenger. Their reason? They were the captive 
wives of a chief who had died and they feared that they 
would be put to death as part of the funeral ceremonies. 
Fox notes both that he was sorry for them and that the boat 
simply could not accommodate the fleeing women. At this 
moment, warriors from the tribe appeared, after which the 
women were seen no more. A final, personal example oc- 
curred a year later, in February, 1854. Fox went to sleep 
with a candle still burning; it burned down to the point 
of setting his pillow on fire. He was finally awakened by 
the heat of the burning pillow! 

Without any question, however, the most pronounced 
ingredient of the journal, at least in the sense of being the 
most frequently repeated, is Fox' continuing bouts with 
sickness/illness and physical/psychological discomfort. 
Beginning upon his arrival in Oregon, in September, 1852, 
Fox reported a boil on his face which not only was very 
painful, it also gave rise to a fear on his part of cancer; dur- 

ing the next two months he continued to report himself 
in ill-health. He seems to have suffered regularly from diar- 
rhea and from headaches. The entries for April 5 and 7, 
1854, illustrate the type of diary entries frequently en- 
countered. On the former date. Fox wrote: "I have been 
quite out of repair all day having a pain in the chest. 
Whatever I eat or drink seems to distress me." On the lat- 
ter he wrote: "I was near sick with a pain in my bowels. 
Dont know what to do for it." And he ended his western 
sojourn as he had begun it; he got dreadfully ill in San 
Francisco the night before he set sail for home. 

As with any book, there are some questions that oc- 
cur as one reads it. On various occasions Fox referred to 
"thrashing" his horse. Doc, and on another to "salting" 
his horses. One wonders why neither term/procedure/pro- 
cess is defined. On page twenty-eight, footnote two, the 
author quotes extensively from a source that implies the 
transfer of title of Fort Laramie from the American Fur 
Company to the United States Government. Would it not 
have been simpler for the author and the reader if the pur- 
chase of the fort had been simply stated as a historical fact? 
Finally, the diary states that Levi and Jared Fox parted com- 
pany immediately beyond South Pass, with Levi, accord- 
ing to an endnote, taking the Hastings Cutoff to Califor- 
nia. Since Jared continued on to Ham's Fork of Green 
River, approximately the point at which the Hasting 's 
Cutoff began (at Fort Bridger), the reader is left wonder- 
ing what route did Levi follow? 

In conclusion, I claim a reviewer's privilege to nit-pick. 
I can appreciate the use of endnotes instead of footnotes 
to "simplify composition," but why should the interests 
of the truly interested readers be sacrificed to those of the 
casual readers "who prefer to ignore footnotes?" 

Jared Fox's Memmorandom will be a useful addition to 
the library of anyone interested in travel on the Oregon- 
California Trail as well as in life among the religiouslv- 
inclined working class in Oregon and California at the mid- 
point of the nineteenth century. 

Muskiiis^inn Colh\c 

Glon/ Hunter: A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor. By Brigham D. Madsen. 
Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990. Illustrated. Index. 
Bibliography. Notes. Maps. i\ and 318 pp. Cloth $27.50. 

Glory Hunter: A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor is 
the latest in a growing list of books that University of Utah 
Professor Emeritus, Brigham D. Madsen, has written or 



WINTER 1992 

edited during the past three decades. Glon/ Hunter is about 
the "controversial and stormy" public career of Patrick 
Connor, an Irish emigrant who chose to seek fame and for- 
tune in the American West during the latter half of the 
nineteenth century. 

Madsen suggests that Connor is an important figure 
in Western history because his attitudes and experiences 
"typified the boom-and-bust spirit which characterized 
many of the adventurers who joined the gold rush to the 
American West" (p. 276). In part, Madsen describes Con- 
nor as a crude, poorly educated, prejudiced, and violent 
individual. Yet, he softens this appraisal by declaring the 
man to have possessed restless energy, a fierce loyalty to 
friends and the United States, an honestly outspoken man- 
ner. He had many talents and achieved fame as a military 
leader, mining entrepreneur, businessman, and politician. 
Highlights of his adventuresome career include leading 
military expeditions against both the Shoshone Indians in 
northeastern Utah, and the Sioux, Arapahoe, and Chey- 
enne in north-central Wyoming. He also attempted to ex- 
plore for the minerals of Rush Valley, Nevada, and Tooele 
County, Utah, while concurrently seeking public offices 
such as governor of Nevada, and county recorder of Salt 
Lake County, Utah. 

Madsen concludes that good fortune alluded Connor, 
especially in political and business affairs. Commenting on 
the man's success as a contractor in California, where he 
moved during the gold rush years of 1849-1850, Madsen 
states that Connor "was more successful as a small general 
contractor than as a mine promoter later in life" (p. 43). 
Failure haunted Connor in every aspect of his career. As 

a soldier, the results of his military campaign into the 
Powder River Basin is subject to debate, while many un- 
successful attempts to win an elected office in Utah and 
Nevada testify to his inability to achieve his ambitious 

Two features make Glon/ Hunter an excellent inter- 
pretive history. The first is that while Madsen projects a 
tone of admiration for Connor, he maintains a balanced 
viewpoint that allows him to discuss Connor's faults. 
Madsen pegs Connor as coldly indifferent and doggedly 
brutal toward his enemies, and declares these traits to be 
the dark side of Connor. Madsen even relates that critics 
of Connor's Indian policy called him an "exterminator." 
The second feature is Madsen's impeccable honesty in 
acknowledging the "paucity" of personal records from 
which to construct Connor's biography. Early in the 
volume he states that two disastrous fires destroyed most 
of Connor's private papers, forcing the author to rely most- 
ly on public records. Madsen also admits having difficulty 
in providing anything more than "bare generalizations" 
concerning Connor's life because of Connor's reluctance 
to reveal his personal history. 

Glory Hunter is an honest and stimulating work about 
a strong-willed man who boldly pursued his elusive for- 
tunes in the Rocky Mountain West. As the book's author, 
Madsen adds another accomplishment to his list of fine 
histories while, at the same time, giving the serious reader 
a new account of a frontier adventurer. 


Marriott Library 

University of Utah 

.A LI 

e/lNNALS of 

Volume 64, No. 2 Spring, 1992 


Bi'ji-^ tt. 

In 1895 the state of Wyoming established a department to 
collect and preserve materials which interpret the history 
of Wyoming. Today those duties are performed by the 
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources in the Depart- 
ment of Commerce. Located in the department are the 
State Historical Research Library, the State Archives, the 
State Museum, the State Art Gallery, the State Historic 
Sites, and the State Historic Preservation Office. The 
Department solicits original records such as diaries, letters, 
books, early newspapers, maps, photographs and records 
of early businesses and organizations as well as artwork 
and artifacts for museum exhibit. The Department asks for 
the assistance of all Wyoming citizens to secure these 
documents and artifacts. 

Mike Sullivan 

Max Maxfield 

David Kathka 



George Zeimens, Lingle 

Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson ^ 

Karin Cyrus-Strid, Gillette 

David Peck, Lovell 

Nerval Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Mary Ellen McWilliams, Sheridan 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 


OFFICERS, 1991-1992 

Dale J. Morris, President, Green River 

Walter Edens, First Vice-President, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, Second Vice-President, Torrington 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Gladys Hill, Treasurer, Douglas 

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary 

Judy West, State Coordinator 

ABOUT THE COVER-Tliis is a 1903 photograph by famed UP 
photographer, J. E. Stimsori. This view is of the Sybille Valley, and is 
part of the Stinison Collection housed in the Wyoming State Museum 




Volume 64, No. 2 
Spring, 1992 


Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor 

Roger Joyce, Associate Editor 

Ann Nelson, Assistant Editor 

Paula West Chavoya, Photographic Editor 


Michael Cassity 
Roy Jordan 
David Kathka 
William H. Moore 
Robert L. Munkres 
Philip J. Roberts 

ANNALS OF WYOMING was established 
in 1923 to disseminate historical information 
about Wyoming and the West through the 
publication of articles and documents. The 
editors of ANNALS OF WYOMING wel- 
come manuscripts on every aspect of 
Wyoming and Western history. 

Authors should submit two typed, double- 
spaced copies of their manuscripts with 
footnotes placed at the end. Manuscripts 
submitted should conform to A MANUAL 
OF STYLE (University of Chicago Press). 
The Editor reserves the right to submit all 
manuscripts to members of the Editorial 
Advisory Board or to authorities in the 
field of study for recommendations. Pub- 
lished articles represent the view of the 
authors and are not necessarily those of the 
Division of Parks and Cultural Resources, 
Department of Commerce or the Wyoming 
State Historical Society. 

OCT 1 5 1999 


by Murray L. Carroll 

by Mark Dugan 





by Michael A. Amundson 


Smith, Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's 
View of the Sioux War of 1876, reviewed 
by David L. Fetch 

King, The Free Life of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the 
U.S. Forest Service, 1929-1965, reviewed by 
Robert W. Righter 

Carlson, Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialty ..." 
reviewed by Phil Roberts 

Patera, Grand Encampment Copper Toums, reviewed by 
Mel Duncan 


ANNALS OF WYOMING is published quarterly by the Division of Parks and 
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Barrett Building, Chevenne, Wvoming 
82002. It is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical Society as the 
official publication of that tirganization. Membership dues are: Single $9; Joint $12; 
Institutional $20; Life $150; Joint Life $200. Current membership is 1,967. Copies of 
previous and current issues of ANNALS may be purchased from the Editor. Cor- 
respondence should be addressed to the Editor. ANNALS OF WYOMING articles 
are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: Historv and Life. 

© Copyright IW2 bv tlu- Huision ot 1' 

d Cultural Re 

'S, PopaitnuMit 


by Murray L Carroll 

When Tom Horn was tried for the murder of Willie 
Nickell, he took the stand in his defense. During the cross- 
examination by Walter R. StoU, the prosecuting attorney, 
Horn cited his arrest of "one of the most notorious cow 
gangs in the country, the Langhoff outfit --" as an exam- 
ple of his work as a range detective.^ He phrased his state- 
ment to imply that this had been a major gang, and that 
those in the court room, especially the jury, should be well 
aware of the importance of these arrests. The balance of 
the cross-examination, as it applied to the "Langhoff Out- 
fit," was primarily concerned with resolving the date and 
the location where the arrests took place. 

It has been alleged that the failure to get convictions 
of all those involved in this, his first case as an indepen- 
dent stock detective, is what caused Horn in the future to 
ignore the legal system and, in effect, set himself up as 
judge, jury, and executioner. If so, an understanding of 
the Langhoff case is important to an understanding of the 
enigma that was Tom Horn. 

The identity of the Langhoffs, the extent and nature 
of their alleged criminal activity, and the importance of 
their capture were not brought out in the trial. Authors 
dealing with Horn's life, have, to a large extent, quoted 
the trial testimony without further examination into the 
nature of the Langhoff gang.^ John Clay, manager of the 

Dean Krakel, The Saga of Tom Horn (Laramie, Wyoming: Powder River 
Publishers, 1954), p. 136. 

Bill O'Neal, Cattlemen vs Sheepherders (Austin, Texas: Eakin Press, 
1989), p. 101; Jay Monaghan, The Legend of Tom Horn, Last of the Bad 
Men (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Publishers, 1946), 
p. 154; Lauran Paine, Tom Horn, Man of the West (Barre, Pennsylvania: 
Barre Publishing Co., 1963), p. 140. A recent book. Chip Carlson, 
Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialty ..." (Cheyenne, Wyoming: 
Beartooth Corral, 1991), pp. 20-28 does cover the case in more detail. 

Swan Land and Cattle Company and president of the Wyo- 
ming Stock Growers Association, was Horn's employer 
during the Langhoff episode. He wrote a romantic fictional 
version of the story titled, "The Fate of a Cattle Rustler," 
published first as a booklet in 1910, then republished in 
the Live Stock Report, May, 1911, and in his book. My Life 
on the Range? Clay's fiction occasionally has been quoted 
as fact although he clearly identifies it as fiction based on 
fact. Beyond Clay's fiction, there is very little information 
available about the Langhoffs or their activities. 

Fred (Ferdinand Albert) Langhoff was born in Jeffer- 
son County, Wisconsin, June 14, 1856. In 1869, at the age 
of thirteen, he joined a wagon train bound from Wiscon- 
sin to Dakota Territory where he went to live with an older 
brother. By 1878 he was a working cowboy with Laramie 
Valley pioneer rancher Charley Hutton's herds in North 
Park, Colorado. The 1880 census listed him on a ranch at 
Dale Creek, Wyoming. ^ On December 6, 1881, he mar- 
ried Evalina Farrell, twenty, at a large wedding held at the 
Farrell ranch in the Little Laramie Valley.^ Evalina was the 
third of the eight Farrell children. Evalina' s father. Cap- 
tain Edward Farrell, was a Civil War veteran, a pioneer 
wagon master on the Overland Trail, and an early settler 
in the Laramie Valley. His F Vi circle brand was among the 
first registered in Albany County.^ In 1870, he was listed 
as one of the five major stock growers in the county.^ Fred 

3. John Clay, My Life on the Range (Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1963), pp. 290-303. 

4. Wyoming 1880 Census. 

5. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, December 10, 1881. 

6. R. H. Burns, A. S. Gillespie, and W. G. Richardson, Wyonwig's Pioneer 
Ranches (Laramie, Wyoming: Top-Of-The-World Press, 1955), p. 45. 

7. Lola M. Homsher, The History of Albany County to 1880 (Lusk, Wyo- 
ming: Privately Published, 1965), p. 42. 



Fred Langhoff ca. 27 years old 

and Eva, as Evalina was usually called, leased a ranch in 
the Laran^ie Valley for a time, then went to Fred's home 
in Wisconsin. In 1881 they located a ranch in the Sybille 
Canyon of the Laramie Mountains, where the main and 
middle forks of Sybille Creek join. They owned 360 acres 
outright and were proving up another 160 acres. They ran 
about 150 head of cattle and about fifty head of horses 
under the LF- and 2J brands. Fred built a substantial log 
house, stables, barns, outbuildings and corrals. In 1886 
he filed for 1.21 cubic feet of water per second to irrigate 
eighty-five acres of alfalfa hay land.^ Fred was an excellent 
cowman, but he was considered to be an expert horse- 
breaker and trainer and his services were much in demand. 
He also engaged extensively in horse breeding and trading. 
Eva was an expert rider and an excellent hand with live- 
stock as well. The Langhoffs prospered and enjoyed life. 
They had three children, two sons and a daughter. Fred's 
mother and his brother, Henry (Hank), came to the Sybille 
country from Wisconsin and established a small ranch close 
by on Blue Grass Creek. Hank was a farmer, not a rancher, 
and he and his mother soon moved in with Fred and Eva. 

Hank and Gus Rosentreter, a young German immigrant, 
worked together digging wells and building fences for the 
new settlers moving into the valley. 

Some neighbors questioned the source of the Lang- 
hoffs apparent prosperity. There were hints that the title 
to some horses Fred sold and traded could not stand close 
scrutiny. Eva was also criticized for her free and easy man- 
ner and for her familiarity with some of the visiting horse 
traders and buyers from the East who frequently visited 
the ranch. Some neighbors felt she might be using her 
charms to help the buyers overlook the cloudy titles to the 
horses they bought. Eva may have been flirtatious, 
friendly, or even more, with the frequent Eastern visitors, 
but unsubstantiated rumors were all the neighbors had to 
go on. The women of the area, even while gossiping about 
her, admitted that she had much personality and charm. ^ 

The Langhoff ranch was the center of a growing com- 
munity. Some twenty-five or thirty families had settled 
within a small radius of the ranch. These families were ap- 
plying pressure on Albany County to provide them with 
a direct, improved road to Laramie through Wall Creek 
Canyon and to give them a school and teacher.^" This 
growing community was sandwiched between the large 
ranches in the Laramie Valley, and the massive Two-Bar 
Ranch of the Swan Land and Cattle Company, which con- 
trolled most of the Sybille Valley. The lands and the water 
the settlers were preempting were impinging on areas the 
large ranchers considered theirs. Langhoffs ranch was in 
a particularly sensitive location. It directly adjoined Two- 
Bar land along Sybille Creek that had been used by it to 
control the adjacent pasture land." 

As the settler population increased, a siege mentality 
developed among the large ranch owners. Clay described 
the Swan Land and Cattle Company as "a solitary 
ship surrounded by rocks and quicksand in the form 
of small ranchmen, sheepmen, and dry farmers. "^^ jYiq 
settlers, for their part, felt equally put upon. They had 
filed on their claims legally and they expected to have the 
unencumbered use of the land and water to which thev 

8. Burns, et. al., Wyoming's Pioneer Ranches, p. 377. 

9. Maude Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country— Part 2; Early Set- 
tlers," pp. 5-6, Works Progress Administration (WPA) 1367, Historical 
Research and Publications, Division of Parks and Cultural Resources, 
Department of Commerce, Cheyenne. 

10. Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 23, 1887. 

11. Earnest Staples Osgood, The Day of the Cuttlcmen (Minneapolis: The 
University of Minnesota Press, 1^29), map follow ing p. 204. 

12. Clay, My Life on the Range, p. 204. 



SPRING 1992 

were entitled. The cattlemen, finding their usual trails or 
water holes fenced off, occasionally cut the fences rather 
than take a different route or look for a different water hole. 
Sometimes the cattlemen had little choice in the matter. 
Coming upon an unexpected fence, the cattle would mill 
around until the fence gave way. The homesteader's 
gardens or crops were trampled and his livestock mixed 
up in the herd. If an extra strong fence, dogs, or an extra 
effort saved the homesteader's holdings from the cattle, 
at least temporarily, the cattleman's wrath probably also 
was aroused. The sudden and unlooked for situations 
created tensions on both sides and incited frictions of a 
lasting nature. The narrow valley of the Sybille, Plumbago 
Canyon, Wall Creek Canyon, and their tributaries were the 
areas being settled by the homesteaders; they were also 
the traditional trail routes to the stock shipping points on 
the Union Pacific Railroad such as Rock Creek." 

From the homesteader's point of view, a little mav- 
ericking often became a little rustling, or at least dining off 
the big rancher's beef. Since the Swan, in its various opera- 
tions, ran between forty and a hundred and ten thousand 
head of cattle and five to eight hundred horses in the late 
1880s and early 1890s, it is easy to understand how a small 
neighboring rancher or homesteader could be tempted. ^^ 

When trouble did come to the Langhoffs, the Swan 
Land and Cattle Company was only incidentally involved. 
On June 10, 1892, Fred shipped twenty-six head of horses 
from Laramie to Owensburg, Kentucky. As the Cheyenne 
Daily Leader so aptly put it: "It would have been a very 
profitable transaction for Langhoff had it not been that the 
owners of the horses, J. C. Coble, the Inter-Ocean Hereford 
Association, and the Laramie River Cattle Company thought 
they would like to share in the profits of the sale."^^ Sheriff 
A. D. Kelly and Deputy Sheriff Jim Van Zant of Laramie 
County followed Langhoff to Kentucky. When they ar- 
rived, they found that he had disposed of the horses and 
moved on to Clintonville, Wisconsin. While Van Zant 
stayed in Kentucky to locate and replevin the stolen horses, 
Kelly followed Langhoff to Wisconsin. After a delay caused 

13. Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country," p. 6. 

14. Harmon Ross Mothershead, The Swan Land and Cattle Company, Ltd. 
(Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), p. 186. At the 
Langhoff-Bath preliminary hearing in Laramie in November, 1893, 
Alexander Bowie testified that the Swan Land and Cattle Company 
had 40,000 head of cattle on the range. Laramie Daily Boomerang, 
November 16, 1893. 

15. Cheyenne Daily Leader, August 10, 1892. 

by a defect in the extradition papers, Kelly finally return- 
ed to Cheyenne with his prisoner. ^^ This unexpected trip 
east did not particularly please Kelly. He was still respon- 
sible for the Johnson County invaders locked up in Keefe 
Hall in Cheyenne awaiting their hearing, and the bills for 
their custody were piling up in his name.^^ 

Besides Fred, Eva, Thomas Boucher, and Louis Bath 
also were charged. Boucher and Bath were two cowboys 
who worked for the Langhoffs. Bath was the son of Mr. 
and Mrs. Henry Bath, German immigrants and pioneer 
Laramie hotel proprietors and ranchers. The Bath ranch 
was on the Little Laramie River, close to Eva's parents' 
ranch. 1^ The Baths and the Farrells settled in the valley at 
approximately the same time. Although Eva Langhoff was 
somewhat older than Louis Bath, they had grown up 
together. Fred was arraigned on charges of grand lar- 
ceny while Bath and Boucher were charged with grand 
larceny and receiving stolen property. Eva's name appears 
on the charges, but there is no indication that she was ar- 
raigned with the other three. ^^ The three pled "not guilty" 
and were bound over for the November court term. Bond 
for Langhoff was set at three thousand dollars and at two 
thousand dollars each for Bath and Boucher. Since they 
were unable to post bond, all three were returned to the 
county jail. Bath's bond was posted in a few days and he 
returned to the Langhoff ranch. 

The information that set Kelly on Langhoffs trail came 
from James Moore. Moore was a tough, scarred, twenty- 
eight year old Texas cowboy who had been hired as a stock 
detective by Alexander Bowie, foreman of Swan Land and 
Cattle Company's Two-Bar Ranch. He was instructed to 
watch the Langhoffs whom Bowie suspected of rustling 
Swan cattle. Moore claimed he met the Langhoffs moving 
the horses and that they told him they had gotten them 
in Laramie County. He claimed the original T brand of 
Coble's horses had been changed to the 2J and that the 

16. Letter dated August 5, 1892, Clarence Clark, Private Secretary to the 
Governor of Wisconsin, to the Honorable Amos W. Barber, Gover- 
nor of Wyoming, Wyoming State Archives, Division of Parks and 
Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, Cheyenne, hereafter 
cited as Archives. 

17. Helena Huntington Smith, The War on Powder River (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 263. 

18. Burns, et. al., Wyoming's Pioneer Ranches, p. 288. 

19. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Docket 3, Case No. 
397, "The State of Wyoming vs Fred Langhoff, Eva Langhoff, Louis 
Bath and Thomas Boucher," Archives. Eva's name does not appear 
in the Criminal Appearance Docket, Laramie County, Vol. 3, p. 397, 
with the other three. 



brands were fresh. One had the 7XL brand of the Warren 
Livestock Company that had been blotched, and the horse 
had been rebranded with the LF-. Another, originally 
branded IB, belonged to Abraham Bare. The IB had been 
changed to WB then the horse had been rebranded LF-. 
Moore reported his discovery to Bowie who then notified 
Kelly and the owners of the horses. Moore's descriptions 
matched horses found among those sold by Langhoff in 
Kentucky. 20 

Unfortunately for Moore, and for the prosecution, 
earlier in the spring he had stolen a saddle from the Dia- 
mond Ranch of George D. Rainsford. Rainsford, a New 
York native, had come to Wyoming to raise cattle and 
horses. Besides his livestock interests, he was an architect 
of some note and had designed many of the cattle barons' 
Cheyenne homes. Like most of the large stock raisers, 
Rainsford spent most of his time in Cheyenne. His horse- 
breeding ranch, the Diamond, was not too far from the 
headquarters of the Swan Land and Cattle Company in 
Chugwater. When Rainsford was at his ranch, he was a 
frequent visitor to Chugwater. His calls, however, were 
seldom social. He usually came to complain to Bowie about 
the conduct of the Swan cowboys. Rainsford was arrogant 
and overbearing, and was intensely disliked by the Swan 
cowboys who took great pleasure in bedeviling him. 

Clay and Bowie asked Rainsford not to prosecute 
Moore since he would be the key witness in the horse- 
stealing case. Rainsford insisted on the prosecution as he 
put it, "for the purpose of breaking up the practice of 
Moore and others from stealing from the place, "^i Of more 
interest to the general public was the fact that on May 23, 
the same day Moore was charged with stealing the sad- 
dle. Dr. Charles Bingham Penrose of Philadelphia, the 
surgeon with the Johnson County invaders, was formally 
charged with the murder of Nate Champion and Nick Ray. 
However, he was freed on one thousand dollar bond.^^ 

Although Moore's defense attorneys were Hugo 
Donzelmann and Josiah A. Van Orsdel, two of the best 
and most expensive in Cheyenne, and the fact that they 
presented a formidable battery of defense witnesses, he 
was found guilty of grand larceny of a saddle with a value 

of $32.75. He was sentenced to three years at hard labor 
in the penitentiary in Laramie. ^^ 

The defense started the appeal process immediately, 
then filed a petition for Moore's pardon with Governor 
Amos W. Barber. Interestingly enough, the petition was 
drawn up by John M. Davidson, the prosecuting attorney. 
Among the twenty-nine signers were Walter R. Stoll, the 
deputy prosecuting attorney; Henry Hay, merchant, 
rancher, and president of the Stock Growers National Bank 
of Cheyenne; his business partner, I. C. Whipple; Willis 
A. Van Devanter, former Chief Justice of the Wyoming 
State Supreme Court, and later. Justice of the United States 
Supreme Court; and Sam Corson, secretary-treasurer of 
the Union Mercantile Company. A rather imposing group 
of citizens to be interested in a stove-up, crippled 
cowhand's conviction for stealing a saddle. ^^ 

On September 28, the Langhoffs suffered another 
tragedy. When their daughter, Elizabeth, went into the tool 
shed where Henry Langhoff slept, she found him hang- 
ing from a beam. He had made a noose from a piece of 
rein and jumped from the wheel of the wagon. Illness and 
grief over Fred's continued incarceration were given as the 
probable reasons for the suicide. ^^ Shortly thereafter, 
Fred's mother also died. 

On November 22, the original case against Langhoff 
was dismissed, and a new information was filed. The cases 
against all three were indexed and docketed for trial on 
December 15. New bail was set at fifteen hundred dollars 
each. Boucher and Bath requested, and were granted, a 
separate trial. Langhoffs case was continued, and his bail 
was reset at twenty-five hundred dollars. 2'' Langhoffs at- 
torney at this time was Judge William H. Parker of Dead- 
wood, South Dakota. This was a somewhat unusual choice. 
During the 1880s Judge Parker coordinated the Wyoming 
Stock Growers Association's detective and law enforce- 
ment activities in northern Wyoming, northwestern 
Nebraska, and the Dakotas. He often served as the associa- 
tion's special prosecutor in rustling cases in all three 
areas. 2^ 

20. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Docket 3, Case No. 
410, "State of Wyoming vs James Moore," Exhibit "A," Archives. 

21. Cheyenne Daily Sun, June 2, 1892. 

22. Lois Van Vali<enburgh, "The Johnson County War: The Papers of 
Charles Bingham Penrose in the Library of the University of Wyo- 
ming with Introduction and Notes" (M.A. thesis. University of 
Wyoming, 1939), p. 81. 

23. Cheyenne Daily Sun, June 2, 1892. 

24. Petition for Pardon, to Governor Barber on Behalf of James Moore, 
December 1892, Archives. 

25. Laramie Daily Boomerang, September 29, 1893. 

26. The State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance 
Docket, Vol. 3, p. 397, Archives. 

27. Cheyenne Daily Leader, December 15, 1892. 



SPRING 1992 

Bath and Boucher came to trial immediately. Without 
the testimony of Moore, the prosecution's key witness, the 
judge instructed the jury to bring in a verdict of "not 
guilty. "2^ Barber signed Moore's pardon on December 28. 
Probably because of the power struggle between Barber 
and the incoming governor, John E. Osborne, Moore was 
given a second pardon by Osborne on January 10, 1893. ^'^ 

The stockmen were beginning to have some doubts 
about the value of their star witness, and the wisdom of 
having gotten him out of the penitentiary. It began to ap- 
pear that his knowledge of the case stemmed from more 
than casual observation. Donzelmann, then representing 
Fred Langhoff, tried to negotiate a deal that would free 
Langhoff, and at the same time relieve the stockmen of the 
embarrassment of Moore. The situation had become too 
complex. Some of those involved in Langhoff's prosecu- 
tion felt they had too much time and money invested not 
to push the case to completion. 

Langhoff was approached with a deal whereby the 
charges against Eva and him would be dropped if he would 
deed over the ranch to one of the stockmen for fifteen hun- 
dred dollars. There is no evidence who the stockman was, 
but it was probably either Coble or Clay. At first Eva re- 
fused to agree, but on February 8, 1893, a deed was drawn 
up and signed by Fred and Eva, with E. D. Hiskey and 
T. J. Fisher of the Laramie National Bank in Laramie as 
witnesses. ^'^ 

The deed was never registered, and it was rumored 
that the stockman involved was afraid of being charged 
with compounding a felony and backed out. Instead of 
dismissing the charges, he wanted the Langhoffs released 
on their own recognizance and the charges carried over 
from court term to court term without coming to trial. This 
did not suit Van Orsdel, who was now the county and 
prosecuting attorney for Laramie County. Before his elec- 
tion. Van Orsdel had been promised five hundred dollars 
if he got the Langhoffs convicted. He had been paid two 
hundred dollars as a retainer, but stood to lose three hun- 
dred dollars if they did not come to trial. He was finally 
paid off by the stockmen involved. ^^ 

On May 20, Donzelmann filed an information against 
Moore charging him with the theft of the Coble, Warren, 
and Bare horses. StoU, who had originally prosecuted 
Moore for the theft of the Rainsford saddle, now found 
himself squeezed out of the Langhoff deal, so he took over 
Moore's defense on the horse-stealing charges. It was 
rumored that StoU tried to work out a new deal with 
Donzelmann which would free both their clients. 

The stockman holding the as yet unrecorded deed to 
the Langhoff ranch again got cold feet. He told 
Donzelmann that his foreman and his attorney had prom- 
ised Moore that he would not be prosecuted if he testified 
against the Langhoffs. The stockman walked out of Donzel- 
mann's office leaving the deed behind, and leaving Don- 
zelmann very little time to prepare the Langhoff defense. ^^ 

Fred was still being held in the Laramie County jail, 
and on May 9, a bench warrant was issued for the arrest 
of Eva. The warrant was returned on May 17 and Eva was 
released on her own recognizance. ^^ Donzelmann filed for 
a continuance until June 15. The Langhoff's affidavit stated 
they could produce witnesses who could testify to the sale 
to them of all the horses except Coble's eight head. These, 
the affidavit stated, had been sold to the Langhoffs by 
Moore who represented himself as the legal owner. 3"* The 
motion was denied and the trial date set for June 7. The 
legal maneuvering now began in respect to the order of 
the trials. Moore was the chief witness against the Lang- 
hoffs. They, in turn, were the chief witnesses against him. 
The advantage obviously lay with whomever was tried last. 
If the defendant or defendants in the first trial were found 
guilty, the credibility of the defense in the second trial 
would be materially improved. The Langhoffs lost. Not 
only that, Moore's case was continued over to the fall term. 

The Langhoff case was the first on the criminal docket. 
It was an unusually warm day for June in Wyoming. Be- 
cause of the notoriety of the case, the courtroom was 
packed. The three Langhoff children sat close to their 
parents at the defense table. After the jury was selected, 
the first witness called was Moore. Donzelmann objected 
on the grounds that Moore was a convicted felon. Stoll, 
now assisting the prosecutor, offered to present Moore's 
pardon in evidence that his citizenship had been restored 
and that he was therefore a competent witness. Stoll 

28. Cheyenne Daily Leader, December 16, 1892. 

29. Letter dated January 11, 1893, Amos W. Barber, Secretary of State 
of Wyoming, to John E. Osborne, Governor of Wyoming, Archives. 

30. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893. 

31. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893. 

32. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 13, 1893. 

33. The State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance 
Docket, Vol. 3, p. 397, Archives. 

34. Motion for Continuance, "State of Wyoming vs Fred and Eva 
Langhoff," June 2, 1893, Archives. 



Eva Langhoff as a teenager 18 years old. 

looked through his papers, but could not find a pardon. 
The chief clerk from the secretary of state's office was sum- 
moned with the pardon records. He was placed on the wit- 
ness stand and testified that Moore had been pardoned. 
Donzelmann still objected, and StoU was called to the stand. 
He swore he had the pardon in his possession when he 
came into the court, and read a copy into the trial record. ^^ 
Moore then took the stand. He testified that he, Fred, 
and Eva had gone to Coble's ranch together and had driven 
the horses to the Langhoff corral where they had done the 
rebranding. He went on to say that after he had been sent 
to prison for stealing Rainsford's saddle, Fred had then 
taken care of shipping and selling the horses for both of 
them. 3^ When the trial resumed on June 8, Matt Penington, 
Coble's range rider, testified as to the identity of the horses. 

Coble testified that Langhoff had offered him one thou- 
sand dollars to drop the charges. Other state witnesses in- 
cluded the Union Pacific freight agent from Laramie, who 
testified the animals were shipped from Laramie to Ken- 
tucky. The prosecution rested at 3 p.m. The defense called 
half a dozen character witnesses, then in a final attempt 
to impeach Moore's testimony. Sheriff Houchins of La 
Vaca County, Texas, was called. He testified Moore was 
actually Martin Fisher, and that he had fled La Vaca County 
in 1889 to avoid prosecution on horse-stealing charges. 
Moore showed no emotion during Houchins' testimony. 
Houchins was the last witness called, and after closing 
arguments, the jury retired at 10 p.m.^^ When no decision 
had been reached by the following morning, speculation 
among the spectators was that Eva, at least, would be freed 
because of the three children. Others conjectured it prob- 
ably would end with a hung jury. The afternoon of June 9, 
Adam Adamsky, the jury foreman, reported to Judge 
Scott, "Your Honor, we stand as we did at the beginning, 
we can't agree." The judge ordered deliberations con- 
tinued. That night, at 10 p.m., the jury again reported that 
they were unable to reach a verdict, and again were 
ordered to resume deliberations.^^ At 3:30 during the after- 
noon of June 10, the jury acquitted Eva, but still could not 
agree about Fred. Scott accepted the verdict on Eva and re- 
turned the jury to their deliberations. At 6:00 p.m., Adam- 
sky reported that the jury was hopelessly deadlocked. 
There was a violent disagreement among the jurors in open 
court, and Scott finally dismissed them. The vote had been 
eleven to one for acquittal all the way through in Eva's 
case, and had varied from eight to four to six to six for ac- 
quittal in Fred's case. The hold-out in Eva's case had 
agreed to change his vote if Fred were found guilty. When 
the ballot on Eva was taken, it was still eleven to one. The 
hold-out suggested that another ballot be taken. This time 
the count was twelve to zero for acquittal. The next ballot 
on Fred was six to six. The hold-out in Eva's case was told 
that since he had not voted for acquittal when he said he 
would, the agreement no longer held. The jury had 
deliberated a total of forty-five hours and had taken 108 
ballots.^'' Donzelmann may not have had the time for 
preparation that he had hoped for, but he came close to 
winning the whole thing in spite of the strong prosecu- 
tion case. 

35. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 8, 1893. 

36. Cheyenne Daily Leader, June 8, 1893. 

37. Cheyenne Dnily Leader. June ^), 18^)3. 

38. Cheyenne Daily Leader, juno 10. 18^)3. 

39. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Juno 11, 1893. 



SPRING 1992 

On June 12, Fred's bond was set at fifteen hundred 
dollars and he was released from jail. Moore was released 
on one thousand dollar bond the following day, and both 
were bound over for trial in the fall term. 

The Langhoffs were bankrupt. They had been forced 
to mortgage all their holdings to raise the money for their 
defense, and the last of it had gone for Fred's bond. If the 
original deal had gone through, the ranch would have been 
lost but Fred would have been free, their livestock would 
have been clear, and they would have had the land they 
were still proving up. Now, they had a large mortgage, 
no cash, and another trial pending in the fall. They went 
back to the ranch. Bath was still there keeping things run- 
ning. It is not clear exactly when Fred decided to leave, 
or what the nature of the agreement reached between Eva 
and him was. Neighbors soon noticed Fred's absence. 
When asked about him Eva smiled enigmatically and 
denied any knowledge of his whereabouts. Bath continued 
on as foreman. The nature of the relationship between Bath 
and Eva is unclear. Neighbors voiced suspicions that it was 
more than that of an employer and employee. There were 
no full-time hands. When extra help was needed, drifters 
or neighbors were temporarily hired."*" 

About the middle of October, Bowie hired Horn as 
a range detective for the Swan Land and Cattle Com- 
pany. His assignment, as had been Moore's, was to 
watch the Sybille Valley settlers, particularly the Lang- 
hoffs. It is probable that Horn first came to the atten- 
tion of Bowie and Clay while working as a Pinkerton detec- 
tive employed by the Wyoming Stock Growers Associa- 
tion and as a deputy United States marshal. Under the alias 
of Thomas Hale, he was in Johnson County immediately 
after the stockmen's invasion."*^ He, Frank Grouard, and 
Baptiste "Little Bat" Garnier were the only three deputy 
United States marshals who were willing to work in John- 
son County in the summer and fall of 1892. Hale or Horn 
made it quite clear to Marshal Joseph Rankin that he took 

orders only from the Wyoming Stock Growers Associa- 
tion. "^^ Bowie and Clay arranged for Horn to be deputized 
by Sheriff Ira Friedendall of Laramie County. This gave 
him legal authority to take immediate action, something 
Moore had not had.'*^ 

Horn rode around the Langhoff ranch and stayed in 
the surrounding hills watching, day and night, for nearly 
three weeks. During the night he came in close to the ranch 
moving back into the hills at daylight. There were reports 
that Eva was selling cattle and meat in both Cheyenne and 
Laramie. According to Horn, the last day of October Eva 
and Bath delivered three calves to Balch's market in 
Laramie, although there were not any Langhoff cows with 
calves on the ranch. He also said that he found unbranded 
calves in the vicinity of the Langhoff range following cows 
branded with Swan Land and Cattle Company's Two-Bar 
brand. On the evening of November 12, Horn saw Eva and 
Bath bring five calves, including two of those he identified 
as having been with Two-Bar cows, down the canyon to 
the ranch. When they took the cattle into the barn, he was 
certain they planned to butcher that night. Wanting both 
help and witnesses, he went back to the Two-Bar ranch 
and got Bowie.** On the way back to Langhoffs, they stopped 
at the Plaga ranch and picked up Rudolph and Raymond 
Henke and Rosentreter, and then went to the Tom Moore 
ranch and added Moore to the party. *^ Rosentreter, hav- 
ing been a friend of Henry Langhoffs, did not want to 
help, but decided that with Horn in charge, he really had 
no choice.*^ 

They arrived at the Langhoff barn about 7 p.m. There 
was a light visible, so they opened the door and went in. 
Besides Eva and Bath, James and Nellie Cleve and William 
Taylor were also present. The carcasses of the calves and 
cow were hanging from the rafters. Nellie Cleve was 
holding a lamp and Eva and the men were working on the 
carcasses. James Cleve was a professional boxer who also 
worked in various livery stables in Laramie. He was the 
son of Thomas Cleve who had settled on Sybille Creek 
about 1885. The elder Cleve had been admitted to the state 
hospital with paresis and James and Nellie had looked after 

40. Sommer, "History of the Sybille Country," p. 6. 

41. Margaret Brock Hanson, Powder River Country (Cheyenne, Wyoming: 
Frontier Printing Company, 1981), p. 360; letter dated October 31, 
1892, ]. P. Rankin, U.S. Marshal for Wyoming, to the Attorney 
General, Washington, D.C., Archives; letter dated February 2, 1915, 
William C. Irvine to Dr. Charles B. Penrose, in Van Valkenburgh, 
"The Johnson County War," Appendix B, p. Ixvii. 

42. Letter dated October 31, 1892, U.S. Marshal Joseph Rankin, to the 
Attorney General of the United States, Archives. 

43. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893. 

44. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893. 

45. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 16, 1893. 

46. G. W. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences in the 1890s," Annals 
of Wyoming 37 (October 1965): 221. 



his ranch for about five weeks. They had come to the 
Langhoff ranch the evening before to borrow a wagon. 
Bath told them he would need the wagon to haul meat to 
Laramie, and asked Cleve to stay over and help with the 
butchering the next evening. Taylor had lived in the Sybille 
country for about two years. He worked on various ranches 
in the area and raised potatoes to sell in Laramie and 
Cheyenne. He too, had been hired by Bath to help with 
the butchering.*^ 

Horn and Bowie held their rifles on the occupants of 
the barn and placed them all under arrest. Bath, holding 
a butcher knife in his hand, started towards Horn. Horn 
told him to drop the knife or he would put a bullet through 

his head."*^ Bath dropped his knife, then asked Horn if he 
had a warrant. When Horn replied that he did not, Bath 
said they would not go with him without a warrant. Horn 
replied that if they did not, it would be a surprise to him.*^ 
The butchering was finished under Horn's supervision, 
then all the prisoners were taken to the Langhoff house 
where beds were made for them on the floor and Horn 
and Bowie guarded them the rest of the night. Rosentreter 
was sent to the Jones, Mule-Shoe, and Two-Bar ranches 
of the Swan Company to get company wagons to take the 
beef and the prisoners to Laramie the next morning. ^o The 
prisoners offered to go to Laramie in their own wagon, but 
instead, they were taken to Iron Mountain in the Swan 
wagons and put on the Cheyenne Northern Railroad for 
Cheyenne. Horn and Bowie decided this was necessary. 
In Cheyenne, Horn obtained proper arrest warrants which 
instructed him to deliver the prisoners to Laramie. Since 
the arrests were made in Albany County, and Horn was 
deputized in Laramie County, he used this means of mak- 
ing the arrests legal before delivering the prisoners to 
Laramie. 51 

The preliminary hearing was held before Judge J. H. 
Hayford on November 16. Testimony presented indicated 
that the butchered cow carried a B-FL brand, not the 
Langhoff FL-. It was suggested that it might have been one 
of Ora Haley's H- cattle with the brand reworked to make 
it B-FL. Haley was one of the most powerful cattlemen and 
bankers in Wyoming. Later he reputedly hired Horn to 
protect his interests in Brown's Park, Colorado. For some 
reason, this line of investigation was not pursued. All the 
calves were unbranded. The charges against the defen- 
dants were based solely on two of the calves valued at five 
dollars each. These were the calves identified by Bowie and 
Horn as having been seen earlier with Two-Bar cows. 
Philip Bath, Louis' brother, testified he had cattle with his 
brand. The Hat, and others branded Two-J-Bar-H and EU, 
which he had purchased from Moore, grazing in the 
area in Louis' charge. Boucher testified that he had eigh- 
teen head in the area carrying the B-Bar-B brand, and that 
he had given Louis permission to kill or dispose of the 
calves as long as he fed the cattle. Louis testified that 
he also had cattle branded DOG and three U's, his 

Gus Rosentreter on his horse Raven. 

47. Laramie Daihj Boomerang, November 17, 1893. 

48. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences," p. 223. 

49. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893. 

50. Rosentreter, "My Cowboy Experiences," p. 223. 

51. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 15, 1893. 



SPRING 1992 

brands, and others branded FB connected, his brother 
Fred's brand, grazing in the area. With the two Langhoff 
brands, LF- and 2J, this made a total of nine brands being 
carried by livestock supposedly under Louis' control. 
Bath testified that the calves killed that night were un- 
branded, but belonged to B-Bar 5 cows. He testified that 
none of Boucher's calves had been branded because the 
cattle had not been found until after the roundup had pass- 
ed through. He also testified that he had previously killed 
and sold unbranded calves of the B-Bar 5 cows. These un- 
branded calves were properly classified as mavericks, and 
killing a maverick was a violation of Wyoming stock laws. 
Horn testified he had found evidence that Eva and Louis 
had, in the past, branded calves' hides after the animals 
were killed." 

Hayford discharged Nellie on the grounds that 
the law provided that a wife, acting under instructions 
from her husband and in his presence, could not be held 
criminally liable. She was immediately rearrested and 
turned over to Sheriff Hanson of Carbon County on charges 
of obtaining money under false pretenses. Because of the 
three children, Eva was released on her own recognizance. 
Cleve and Taylor were held on five hundred dollar bond 
each, and Bath on one thousand dollar bond. All four were 
bound over for trial in January. ^^ 

Meanwhile, Fred Langhoff was due for retrial in Chey- 
enne on November 20. When he did not appear, his bond 
was declared forfeited and a warrant for his arrest was 
issued. 54 Moore also failed to appear. His bond also was 
forfeited and a warrant was issued for his arrest. ^^ It is pro- 
bable that when they were released on bond, either by 
actual agreement or tacit understanding, it was not ex- 
pected they would appear for trial. In either case, with both 
of them gone from the scene. Coble, the Swan Land and 
Cattle Company, and the other large stock growers in the 
area were saved any further embarrassment that might 
have resulted from a trial, and both were effectively re- 
moved from the area. 

Fred Langhoff never returned to Wyoming, at least not 
openly. He disappeared for a few years during which time, 
under an alias, he may have ridden in Buffalo Bill Cody's 

52. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 17, 1893. 

53. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 17, 1893. 

54. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance Docket, 
Vol. 3, p. 398. 

55. State of Wyoming, County of Laramie, Criminal Appearance Docket, 
Vol. 3, p. 410. 

Louis Bath pictured ca. 1910. 

Wild West Show, or in one of the other wild west shows 
on the road at the time. In 1897, he surfaced in Rochelle, 
Illinois. He took the German spelling of his name, 
Langholf . Divorced from Eva, he now married Estelle Babb, 
with whom he had nine children. He established himself 
as a widely respected horse breeder and trainer. He died 
in 1925 at the age of 69 from complications resulting from 
a riding accident.''^ 

There is no record of where Moore went. It is very 
probable that he too left Wyoming. He was not available 
to verify the sale of the cattle to Philip Bath, and no sub- 
poena was issued for him as a witness. Since Philip could 
not produce a bill of sale, Moore's testimony was the only 
other proof available that there had, in fact, been a sale. 

When the court convened on the case on January 13, 
1894, Taylor and Cleve requested, and were granted, a 
separate trial. At the request of the prosecution, Louis' bail 
was revoked and he was remanded to the county jail. The 
original jury panel was exhausted and an open venire for 
seven men had to be issued before the trial of Eva and 
Louis could begin. The trial ran for four days, finally go- 
ing to the jury at 4 p.m., January 16. During the trial, Louis 



made an unsworn statement, while Eva remained silent. 
The rest of the witnesses for both the prosecution and the 
defense were the same as at the preliminary hearing. ^^ 

The jury was out all night. At 9:30 p.m., they asked 
if they could bring a verdict of guilty against one defen- 
dant and disagree on the other. They were told that they 
could, and were then locked up for the night. At 11:00 a.m. 
on January 17, they delivered their verdict. They found 
Bath guilty and acquitted Langhoff . Louis' mother scream- 
ed and cried when the verdict was announced, as did Eva. 
C. W. Brammel, attorney for the defense, immediately 
noted exceptions to the verdict and to the instructions to 
the jury. When the court reconvened in the afternoon, the 
prosecution requested the dismissal of the cases against 
Cleve and Taylor. ^^ 

On January 30, the presiding judge, J. W. Blake, denied 
the defense motion for a new trial and sentenced Bath to 
eighteen months in the state penitentiary in Laramie. Blake 
gave Bath a stern lecture with the sentencing, stating that 
he believed there were others equally guilty with him. Bail 
was denied while the case was under appeal and Bath was 
returned to the county jail.^^ The Supreme Court acted 
quickly, denying Bath's appeal. He was turned over to the 
warden of the penitentiary the next day to start his 
sentence as convict number 165.^° Bath's family started a 
petition for a pardon immediately after the sentencing. 
Governor John E. Osborne granted him a full pardon on 
January 5, 1895. While most of the signers of the petition 
were business and professional men from Laramie, several 
prominent ranchers, and members of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association, signed it as well.^^ 

One person who would not sign the petition was at- 
torney Melville C. Brown. Brown, a prominent and widely- 
respected member of the Wyoming Bar, had served as 
assistant prosecutor and was an attorney for the Swan 
Land and Cattle Company. He wrote a strong letter to 
Osborne urging him not to grant a pardon. He stated, 
"Bath has been connected with a very bad gang of thieves 
for two or three years and he is the only one thus far 
brought to justice. *'2 Osborne, a Democrat, had little sym- 

56. Letter dated September 15, 1983, Dever Langhoff to author. 

57. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 16, 1894. 

58. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 17, 1894. 

59. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 30, 1894. 

60. Wyoming State Penitentiary, "Receipt for Louis Bath," dated January 
31, 1894, Archives. 

61. Pardon File, Louis Bath, Archives. 

62. Pardon File, Louis Bath, Archives. 

pathy for the large stock growers and had been elected, 
at least partially, because of voter backlash to the Johnson 
County Invasion. 

Bath never was in trouble with the law again. He was 
a member of the University of Wyoming football team in 
1896. He leased various Laramie Valley ranches and en- 
gaged in business in Laramie until his death on October 
25, 1932.63 

Fred Langhoff's forfeited bail and the cost of her latest 
trial left Eva absolutely penniless. Her parents, the Farrells, 
had lost their ranch as well and had moved into Laramie, 
so she could not go back to them. She worked on various 
ranches through the years, finally settling in North Park, 
Colorado. She never remarried, and died at the home of 
her daughter, Elizabeth, on a ranch near Walden, Col- 
orado, on July 13, 1939.^4 

The Langhoff story presents an interesting enigma. In 
it are all the elements of a classical western novel: the large, 
foreign-owned ranch; the struggling small settler; the hard- 
nosed detective; and, possibly, a touch of illicit romance. 
Whether the Langhoffs were the large-scale horse thieves 
and rustlers the stockmen accused them of being, or 
whether they were unfortunately holding land the Swan 
Land and Cattle Company wanted to control, will always 
remain a mystery. The first jury found Bath innocent of 
the horse stealing charges, while the second found him 
guilty of rustling Two-Bar calves. His admission that he 
had killed the unbranded calves, corroborated by the 
evidence of other witnesses, was enough to convict him 
under Wyoming law. The judge, in his charge to the jury 
stated, "Every person who shall aid or abet in the com- 
mission of any crime, or shall counsel, encourage, hire, 
command or otherwise procure such offense to be com- 
mitted; and every person concerned with the commission 
of a crime, whether he directly commits the act constituting 
the offense— is a principal and may be convicted the same 
as the principal actor. "^^ In Eva's case, the jury chose to 
disregard this portion of the instructions. She was found 
innocent of the cattle-rustling charge just as she had 
been found innocent of horse-stealing earlier. The decisions 
of both juries appear to have been based less on the 
evidence, or lack of it, than out of sympathy for the 
Langhoff children. Perhaps it also was because she was 
a woman, although simply being a woman was not always 
enough as Ella Watson found out. 

The charge that the large cattle companies could not 
get justice from Wyoming juries is difficult to sustain in 
this series of events. Moore was found guilty of stealing 
Rainsford's saddle; there was no evidence against Bath and 



SPRING 1992 

Boucher in the horse-stealing case, and Moore did not im- 
plicate either man when he testified against the Langhoffs; 
and, in both the horse-stealing case in Cheyenne and the 
cattle-rustling case in Laramie, the jury deliberations ex- 
tended for long periods of time and seemed to indicate a 
sincere effort by the jurors to reach fair and equitable ver- 
dicts based on the evidence. 

It appears the primary goals of Clay, the Swan Land 
and Cattle Company, and the other large ranchers in the 
area were to remove the Langhoff operation, gain control 
of the Langhoff land and water rights, and, at the same 
time, intimidate the other small operators in the Sybille 
Canyon. The Langhoff ranch came into friendly hands 
when the title passed to a wealthy Cheyenne resident by 
the name of Hoffman, who hired Hartwig Martens to 
operate it.^^ The Swan had trouble later in the Iron 
Mountain-Horse Creek area with William Lewis and Fred 
Powell, but there was no more trouble in the Sybille Can- 
yon. Just the single conviction of Bath apparently was 

As relatively minor as the entire Langhoff incident was, 
it is difficult to believe it played any major role in shaping 
Horn's philosophy. During this period, other stock 
detectives in Wyoming and elsewhere in the West exer- 
cised summary justice with relative impunity. If Horn had 

not been found guilty of killing Willie Nickell, it is probable 
that like August Pasche, Ben Morrison, James L. Smith, 
David Shuck, Alfred Nard, and so many others, he would 
have passed into history all but unnoticed. 

63. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, October 26, 1932. 

64. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, July 14, 1939. 

65. State of Wyoming, Albany County District Court, Criminal Case No. 
587, "State of Wyoming vs Louis Bath, et. al.," "Instructions to the 
Court," Archives. 

66. Burns, et. al., Wyoming Pioneer Ranches, p. 377. 

MURRAY L. CARROLL holds a Ph.D. International Relations and Diplomatic 
History and retired from the U.S. Army as a Lt. Colonel. He has taught at the 
University of Connecticut and the University of YJyoming. He presently lives 
in Anacortes, Washington where he researches and writes Western history. The 
Annals previously published his article, "Governor Francis £. Warren, The 
United States Army and the Chinese Massacre at Rock Springs, " in Fall, 1987. 



by Mark Dugan 

If one was to look back in time and pick a date at 
random, say April 30, 1894, he or she would likely find 
a typical Wyoming ranching family repairing winter dam- 
ages around the ranch or bringing the cattle in to spring 
and summer forage areas. This would not stand true for the 
Fred Powell family, for wife Mary and son Bill were in court 
as defense witnesses in Fred's trial for incendiarism. Take 
another day, October 14, 1910, for instance. One might find 
a ranching family hauling winter feed to their livestock or 
preparing their outbuildings for the coming winter's blast, 
while Mary Powell, on this same day, was being arrested 
for burning her neighbor's hay. Family tradition in the 
Powell clan was a far cry from the normal practice of the 
small rancher in turn-of-the-century Wyoming. 

The Powell name likely would have remained in 
obscurity, recorded only on the court dockets and cases 
now filed in the holdings of the Wyoming State Archives, 
if not for one incident; the shooting of Fred Powell by an 
assassin, allegedly the notorious Tom Horn. This assump- 
tion resulted from the ambush killing of Fred Powell's 
friend, William Lewis, a little more than one month before 
Powell's death. The manner in which both men died was 
identical, and common consensus is that Horn was paid 
by members of the big Wyoming cattle corporations to kill 
both men in retaliation for rustling activities. In Lewis' case 
this was likely fact; Powell's death was another matter en- 
tirely which will be pointed out.^ 

Fred Powell was scourge to all of his neighbors; his 
wife Mary and then his son Bill followed in his footsteps. 
To those he liked, Powell was undoubtedly friendly and 
pleasant; but he had a mean streak and to anyone who 
incurred his wrath he would stoop to petty reprisals such 
as destruction of property, arson, and general harassment. 
He also rustled their stock. To Powell, it was do unto others 
before they did it unto you. 

Born in Virginia, Fredrick U. Powell was thirty-seven 
years old at the time of his death in September, 1895. He 
came to Wyoming around the latter part of the 1870s, and 
took a job with the Union Pacific Railroad in Cheyenne. 
Even though he had lost an arm while in the service, the 
railroad gave him a job as a night watchman. The com- 
pany later fired him when it was discovered he had taken 
twenty dollars from a man who was beating his way across 
the country. From here he moved to the Sybille country. 

It was around 1881 when Powell settled on 160 acres 
on Horse Creek in Albany County, located six miles from 
the Laramie County line and seven miles southwest of the 
ranch of his friend William Lewis. On December 23, 1882, 
he married twenty-three-year-old Mary (Keane) Wanless 
in Laramie County. Their only child, William Edwin, was 
born on November 9, 1884. The lifestyle of the Powells was 
one of adversity and chaos from the start and, despite the 
loss of his arm, Fred Powell was described as a tough and 
husky man who was looked upon as a rustler from the 
moment he located on Horse Creek. ^ 

A history of William Lewis' life and death and Fred Powell's history 
and an abbreviated history of Mary Powell is contained in the author's 
book. Tales Never Told Around the Campftre (Athens; Ohio Uni\'ersity 
Press/Swallow Press, 1992). 

Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895; Laramie County Mar- 
riage Records, Vol. 2, Book 2, p. 218, Wyoming State Archives, Divi- 
sion of Parks and Cultural Resources, Department of Commerce, 
Cheyenne, hereafter cited as Archives; Dean F. Krakel, The Saga of 
Tom Horn (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), pp. 7-8; Ver- 
dict of Coroners Jury, No. 133, Albany County, Wyoming, September 
12, 1895, Fred U. Powell, Archives; Burial record, William E. Powell, 
Stryker Mortuary, Montgomery-Stryker Funeral Home, Laramie. 



SPRING 1992 

On July 24, 1889, Powell reportedly stole four head of 
cattle in Albany County; one from Hugh McPhee, two from 
a man named Hayward, and another from a man named 
Lannon. On September 7, a criminal warrant was issued 
and Powell was arrested. Unable to post a six hundred 
dollar bond, he was remanded to jail. Preliminary hear- 
ing was held on September 10, and the court ordered him 
to appear before a grand jury on October 16. His bond was 
reduced to three hundred dollars which was furnished by 
his father-in-law, John Keane. Strangely, Powell's brothers- 
in-law, William E. and Charles Keane, were prosecuting 
witnesses. Apparently the grand jury did not find enough 
evidence to indict him or else the plaintiffs dropped their 
charges, for Powell was never brought to trial. ^ 

In Cheyenne a year later, on August 16, 1890, S. L. 
Moyer charged Powell with grand larceny in Justice of the 
Peace Court and a warrant was issued. Constable B. S. 
Smith arrested Powell the same day. On the evening of 
August 18, Powell appeared in court with his attorney, 
J. C. Baird. The prosecution presented its evidence and the 
defense made a motion to dismiss on the grounds that "the 
evidence did not show that any crime had been commit- 
ted by the defendant." Justice W. P. Carroll sustained the 
motion and ordered "that the complaint in this case is 
hereby dismissed and the defendant is discharged from 

Powell's troubles took a different turn in January, 1892, 
when his wife sued him for divorce. On January 4, in Lara- 
mie County District Court in Cheyenne, Mary Powell filed 
her petition claiming that for seven years her husband failed 
to provide for her or their seven-year-old son. She also 
stated that Powell threatened to shoot her with a revolver 
the previous November 30, chased and struck her with a 
knife on December 19, and abducted their child on Decem- 
ber 30. On January 4, a summons to appear in court on 
February 6 was issued and served on Powell, but he failed 
to show up in court. Needless to say, the divorce was 
granted on February 19, and Mary was given custody of their 
child. Following the divorce, Mary lived in Laramie. But 

3. Albany County Criminal Case No. 447, Territory of Wyoming vs. 
Fredrick U. Powell, Stealing and Killing Neat Cattle, Archives. All 
subsequent criminal and civil cases, unless otherwise indicated, are 
from the holdings of the Wyoming State Archives. 

4. Cheyenne Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, State of Wyoming 
vs. Fred Powell, Grand Larceny, pp. 185, 359. 

1. Fi 

2. Wi 

3. Mc 

4. Sv 

ed Powell ranch; Powell shot and ki 
lliam Lewis ranch. 

ntgomery ranch; William Lewis shot 
/an Land and Cattle Company. 





COUNTY \ / , J 
\ Mou 






'^ y/Laramie 





jptember 10, 1895. 
illed, July 31, 1895. 



strange as it may seem, it appears that she and son Bill 
periodically lived at the ranch with Fred until his death. ^ 

Five months following the divorce, Powell again ran 
afoul of the law, and would continue this pattern every 
year until his death. On July 15, 1892, he was arrested by 
Albany County Sheriff C. C. Yund for stealing a horse on 
July 11 belonging to Josiah Fisher. The preliminary hear- 
ing in Laramie began on the July 16 and Powell pled not 
guilty. For four days both sides presented their evidence 
and Powell was bound over for trial during the next court 
term. He was released on two hundred dollars bond. On 
September 19, the trial commenced under Justice J. H. 
Hayford. On the same day the jury turned in a verdict of 
not guilty.^ 

For whatever reason, a year later Powell ostensibly 
began his vendetta against his Albany County neighbors. 
On July 23, 1893, he was charged with malicious trespass 
and destroying fences belonging to Etherton P. Baker. Ap- 
parently Powell feared the brand of adjudication handed 
out by Hayford, for on July 29, he requested and received 
a change of venue to Justice M. A. Hance's court. He was 
tried on July 31, found guilty, and fined fifty dollars plus 
thirty-nine dollars court costs. Powell immediately appealed, 
which was granted on September 12, and he was released 
on a two hundred dollar appearance bond. Four days later 
he lucked out again when the jury turned in a verdict of 
not guilty.^ 

Evidently Powell figured he could get away with any- 
thing; however, his luck was running out. On April 24, 
1894, he continued his reprisal against his neighbors when 
he set fire to clothing, bedding, and food products belong- 
ing to Joseph Trugillo and Baker. Three days later Sheriff 
C. C. Frazer arrested him on the charge of incendiarism 
and hauled him into court. The case was continued until 
April 30. Still apprehensive of a ruling under Hayford, 
Powell requested and was granted a change of venue to 
Hance's court, and the case was tried that day. Both Marv 
and young Bill Powell appeared as defense witnesses. In 
spite of this, the jury had had quite enough of Powell and 
found him guilty. He was fined fifty dollars or, if in default, 

Laramie County District Court Civil Appearance Docket No. 5, p. 
231, and Petition, Mary N. Powell vs. Fredrick U. Powell, Divorce; 
Laramie County District Court Journal, Vol. 12, pp. 618-619. 
Albany County Criminal Case No. 560, State of WNominj; vs. Frodnck 
U. Powell, Stealing Live Stock. 

Albany County Criminal Case No. 584, State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick 
U. Powell, Malicious Trespass and Destruction of Property. 



SPRING 1992 

a jail sentence at one dollar per day until the fine was paid. 
Naturally he appealed, and was released on one hundred 
dollars bond.^ 

PoweU could not seem to stay out of trouble. On July 8, 
1894, he trespassed on the property of Harry P. Richard- 
son and rode off on one of Richardson's horses without 
consent. He was arrested on July 10, on the charge of 
malicious trespass, and, on July 13, again received a change 
of venue from Hayford's court to Hance's. Trial was held 
the same day and Hance, now tired of Powell's antics, 
quickly found him guilty and fined him forty-five dollars. 
Powell appealed for retrial and was released on one hun- 
dred dollars bond.'' 

Powell's appeal trial for incendiarism came to court on 
September 12 under Judge J. W. Blake. By this time every- 
one was fed up with his shenanigans and the jury found 
him guilty the next day. On September 18, Blake sentenced 
him to four months in the county jail, retroactive to 
September 14. Because of his conviction. Prosecuting 
Attorney W. H. Bramel entered a nolle prosequi on 
September 15 in the Richardson case.^" 

Following his release from jail, Powell began receiv- 
ing letters warning him to stop stealing stock and leave 
the country, or face the consequences. At first he likely ig- 
nored them as idle threats. It was a different story after 
William Lewis was killed. The Daily Sun-Leader grimly 
summed up the situation: 

The statement was repeatedly heard after the Lewis killing that 
"One Armed" Powell would be the next to go, and Sheriff [Ira] 
Fredendall told Powell at the sale of the Lewis stock that he, 
Powell, was a fool to stay on Horse Creek and run the risk of 
losing his life at any moment. Powell appeared to be con- 
siderably frightened after the murder of Lewis became known, 
and it is understood that he was selling out preparatory to leav- 
ing the country. 

Not long ago Mrs. Powell was in this city [Cheyenne] and 
called at the Sun-Leader office. She stated that their cattle had 
all been sold and that they intended going away." 

On September 3, Powell reportedly received this last 

8. Albany County Criminal Case No. 598, State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick 
U. Powell, Incendiarism and Malicious Trespass. 

9. Albany County Criminal Case No. 60L State of Wyoming vs. Fredrick 
U. Powell, Criminal Trespass. 

Albany County Criminal Case Nos. 601 and 598, State of Wyoming 
vs. Fredrick U. Powell, Criminal Trespass, Incendiarism and Malicious 
Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895. 



Mary PoweU during her later years. 



Laramie, Wyo., September 2, 1895 
Mr. Powell— This is your third and last warning. There are three 
things for you to do— quit killing other people's cattle or be 
killed yourself, or leave the country yourself at once. 

The letter was written in a disguised hand by a good pen- 
man and, of course, was unsigned. ^^ 

The man did not move fast enough. At 7:30 on the 
morning of September 10, Powell died. Here is the state- 
ment of Andrew Ross, Powell's hired man: 

I have worked for Fred U. Powell one month. We were alone 
on the ranch. Mr. Powell and I, we got up about 4 A.M. this 
morning. We started to haul hay, hauled one load and started 
for another. We got to a place about Vi mile from the ranch 
down the creek, stopped wagon, got off. Mr. Powell told me 
to cut some willows so we could fix the rack. [To replace a stick 
that was missing from a hay rack.] As 1 was cutting the second 
willow I heard a shot fired. I looked around and saw Mr. Powell 
with his hand on his breast. 1 ran toward him. He exclaimed 
"Oh! My God!," then fell. I went to him. Examined him and 
found he was dead. I then went to the ranch of Mr. [Benjamin] 
Fay and notified Mr. Fay. 

I examined the surrounding vicinity and from what 1 could 
ascertain the shot was fired from a ledge of rocks about 250 
feet [yards?] distant. 1 examined the body and found a gun- 
shot wound entering the breast near the center and came out 
at right of spine near 4th rib. 1 couldn't see any person when 
I heard the shot or afterward." 

Ross arrived at the Fay ranch a badly frightened man. 
He encountered Beulah Richardson, who carried the mail 
between Laramie and Summit. She immediately took the 
news to Sheriff Grant in Laramie. Ironically, she was the 
wife of Harry P. Richardson, who had brought charges 
against Powell for malicious trespass. 

Mary Powell was in Laramie at the time of the killing. 
When she received the news she left for the ranch with 
the sheriff and Coroner Andrew Miller. The inquest was 
held later that day, and the verdict read, "A gun shot 
wound inflicted with felonious intent by a party or parties 
to the jury unknown."^'' 

The Daily Sun-Leader gave a more detailed report after 
Sheriff Grant made his investigation: 

It was supposed that the parties who shot Lewis also killed 
Powell . . . Powell was shot but once and killed instantly. A 
rifle ball entered the left side, near the heart, and came out over 
the right hip. The range was downward. The assassin was con- 
cealed behind a ledge of rocks on the opposite side of the creek, 
and was over 200 yards distant when the fatal shot was fired. 
After Ross ran away, the killer walked down to the body, 
viewed his work and returned to the hill, where he mounted 
his horse and rode away. His footprints were clearly discer- 
nable and careful measurements show he wore a No. 8 boot, 
and was a man of considerable weight. The officers suspect who 
the assassin was but have no tangible evidence. '^ 

On September 11, Mary Powell brought Fred's body 
to Laramie where, at 4 p.m. the next day, he was buried. 
She adamantly denied that he had received any warning 
letters to leave the country. ^^ This leaves the questions of 
who and why. 

Horn was suspected of Powell's murder, and he 
was brought before a grand jury for questioning. He was 
never indicted because of insufficient evidence, and no one 
was ever arrested for the killing of Fred Powell.^^ 

Following Powell's death, his brother-in-law, Charles 
Keane, moved to the Powell ranch where he helped take 
care of the stock and did whatever work needed done. On 
the evening of January 21, he picked up the following let- 
ter from the Laramie Post Office, which was printed in the 
Laramie Boomerang: 

Laramie, January 21, 1896 

Charles Keane: 

If you don't leave this country within three days your life will 
be taken the same as Powell's was. 

Unlike Powell, Keane' s character was never in question, 
so the death threat letter was likely a guise meant to muddy 
the waters concerning Powell's death. According to the ar- 
ticle in the Boomerang, the threat worked: 

He [Charles Keane] was seen by a Boomerang representative this 
morning to whom he said that he would comply with the warn- 
ing . . . and he did not think it would be wise for him to court 
death in this instance. The services of James Stirling were 
secured to accompany him back to the ranch to make the 
necessary preparations for abandoning the property. 

Mrs. [Mary] Powell stated this morning that it now looked 
to her as though someone wanted the property, and that if this 
were the case she would gladly sell it instead of having the 
system of assassination carried out.'** 

12. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895. 

13. Coroner's Inquest and Verdict of Coroner's Jury in death of Fredrick 
U. Powell, September 10, 1895, Archives. 

14. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 1895; Coroner's Inquest and 
Verdict of Coroner's Jury in death of Fredrick U. Powell, September 
10, 1895. 

15. Cheyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 11, 18'-15. 

16. Clwyenne Daily Sun-Leader, September 12, 1895. 

17. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University ot Nebraska 
Press, 1965), p. 373; Laramie Repnd'lican-Boomeraug, )anuar\- 13, bUl. 

18. Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 27, 1896. 



SPRING 1992 

Unlike Lewis' killing, the evidence shows that there 
was no connection between the big cattlemen and Powell 
or Keane, and they had no reason to eliminate either one 
of them. All of Powell's court cases and litigations were 
with his neighbors, who were small ranchers. What 
grounds would the prominent cattlemen have had to kill 
Powell? Because he was a known rustler? This is highly 
unlikely, and would have been a foolish move since loose 
talk had already linked them with Horn in the killing of 
William Lewis. The plausible solution to the question of 
who killed Powell is provided by his wife Mary. 

Although Mary led a willful and dubious life, she had 
her good side. It is also revealed that Mary, with absolute 
certainty, stated she knew who killed her husband, which 
is perceivably the truth. Here is a first hand account of her 
views and convictions: 

Mrs. Powell [Mary] was very alert and recalled many incidents 
concerning the murder of her husband Fred. She again told 
us that Tom Horn did not kill Fred Powell. She said that legend 
had been established and try as she might she would never 
be able to change the story. And she said, she could not prove 
the murderer's guilt. 

The Powell's were feuding with a neighboring rancher. The 
rancher was not a very pleasant man. Perhaps his disposition 
could be attributed to his childhood. He was a "Street Orphan" 
picked up by the authorities in some city to save expense of 
caring for him he was then shipped with others to a point in 
Iowa where they were chosen by people in the west. He was 
chosen by a Wyoming rancher, probably for cheap labor. 

After the murder of Powell, Mary made life miserable for 
the rancher. He did not drink and Mary was noted for her 
alcohol intake. If she had liquor with her when she crossed the 
rancher's path she insisted he drink with her. Out came her 
trusty gun and quirt. 

She told us one time she accosted him at the Leslie Mine 
in the hills near her home. She insisted he drink with her. She 
threatened him with bodily harm and used the quirt on him. 

The rancher ran down into the mine to avoid her attack. 
Mary rolled stones into the mine. The rancher knew he wasn't 
going to escape so he came up. Mary forced him to drink until 
he collapsed. 

Mary Powell was quite a character but she was not a 

Taking into account Fred's track record, there is no 
doubt that he had many enemies among his neigh- 
bors, and who knows how many others he had provoked 
who had never taken him to court. If this rancher did kill 
Powell, he timed his act well. It was only six weeks follow- 
ing the death of Lewis, and the rumors were flying that 
the cattlemen's hired killer Tom Horn had done the deed. 
The rancher could pull off a copy cat killing and the suspi- 
cion would fall on Horn and the big cattlemen, and this 

is exactly what happened. Following Powell's assassina- 
tion, Mary began her vendetta against the rancher. If he 
had known that she would take this course of retaliation, 
he might well have reconsidered his actions. Although the 
evidence is circumstantial, Mary was likely correct in her 

Author Chip Carlson reports that following Fred's 
murder, Mary went to work as a cook for the large 
cattle corporation the Swan Land and Cattle Company, at 
their Two Bar ranch. Here her irascible and hot-tempered 
nature was much in evidence. Carlson writes: 

One day at noon dinner an indiscreet cowboy at the long table 
began griping about the food. Mary walked up behind him, 
pulled a six-shooter out from under her apron, and stuck the 
muzzle under his ear. She said, "Now you are going to eat 
that meal, and then, you son of a bitch, you are going to tell 
me how good it was.''^^ 

If Mary did indeed go to work for the Two Bar, this is 
added evidence that Mary did not suspect the Swan Land 
and Cattle Company or their off and on employee Horn 
with the murder of Fred. 

Mary's life was as turbulent as her husband's. A 
strong-willed and outspoken woman, she had a character 
to match Fred's. Born Mary Nora Keane on August 7, 
1859, the first born of Irish Catholic immigrants John 
and Mary Keane, she is recorded as the first White 
child born in Golden, Colorado. The Keanes fostered three 
more children in Colorado: William E. in 1861, Alice in 
1863, and Katie in 1865. ^^ 

Laramie was founded in the southeastern portion of 
Wyoming with the coming of the Union Pacific Railroad 
during the spring of 1868. With it came thirty-five-year- 
old John Keane, his wife Mary at thirty-one, and his three 
children. He immediately obtained a plat of land one mile 
east of town and built a farm house. He also began building 
a saloon in Laramie between C and D streets and Second 
and Third. It was Keane's unfinished building that became 
the gallows for desperados Big Ned Wilson, Con Wagner, 
and Asa Moore, who were lynched by Laramie vigilantes 

19. Letter to author, August 23, 1990. Name withheld by request. 

20. Chip Carlson, Tom Horn; " Killing mey^ is my specialty . . ."(Cheyenne, 
Wyoming: Beartooth Corral, 1991), pp. 38-39. 

21. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941; 1870 Albany County, 
Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19; Official Verification of Death of 
Mary Powell, Vital Records Services, Division of Health and Medical 
Services, State of Wyoming, Cheyenne, hereafter cited as Vital 
Records. The Keane name in various documents and newspapers is 
often erroneously listed as Kane. 



on the night of October 18, 1868. Perhaps Keane was part 
of the group. ^2 

By 1870, the Keane's family had grown. On June 21, 
1868, their son, Patrick "Patsy" Sarsfield Keane, was born. 
He was recorded as the first White child to be born in 
Laramie; however, his short life ended on December 28, 
1878, from the effects of a severe cold. In February, 1870, 
twins Rosy and Charles were the last children born into 
the Keane family. During the years 1883 and 1884, Keane 
was listed as farming east and south of Laramie's city 

In 1951 Wyoming Historian Mary Lou Pence wrote that 
Keane wanted the best for his first born and sent Mary 
east for schooling in a convent. If this was true, Mary was 
back by the time she was sixteen, for at that time she left 
home. Pence also quoted the following statement about 
Mary from an old-time resident: 

Before that [the killing of Fred Powell] she was about the softest- 
spoken lady hereabouts. Never any pretending about Mary. 
When Fred'd brag how he intended the Powells to be big cat- 
tle kings one day, Mary'd say, quiet-like, "I like our home here. 
Only thing I'd change, maybe, is the south window— make it 
bigger so 1 could pot some meadow violets, "^-i 

This is a nice way for one to remember Mary; however, 
documentation will show that this was just a bit of 

Mary Nora Keane's life began its tempestuous course 
on January 30, 1875, when, at sixteen, she married John 
G. Garrett in Laramie. The wedding was officiated by 
Eugene Cusson, Catholic pastor, and witnessed by Mary's 
parents. Judged by future events, marriage held no satis- 
faction for Mary, for by 1878 she was no longer living with 
Garrett. It is probable that the marriage had been annulled. 
At this point Mary was working, presumably as a waitress, 
at the New York House Restaurant, opposite the Laramie 
railroad depot. On August 30, Mary attempted suicide 
according to this report in the Laramie Daily Sentinel: 

22. 1870 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19; Mary Lou 
Pence, The Laramie Ston/ (Casper, Wyoming: Prairie Publishing Co., 
1987), pp. 5, 12; C. Exerta Brown, Brown's Gazeteer of the Chicago and 
Northwestern Railroad and Branches of the Union Pacific Railroad (Chicago: 
Bassett Brother's Steam Printing House, 1868), p. 315. 

23. Laramie Daily Sentinel, December 28, 1878; Pence, The Laramie Story, 
p. 10; 1870 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 19; 
Laramie City Directory, 1883-1884, p. 70. 

24. Mary Lou Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit," Denver Post- 
Empire Magazine, February 25, 1951. 

Miss Mary Kane [sic], a young lady employed at the New York 
House, took a dose of morphine and sugar of lead last evening, 
for the purpose of ending her life. Shortly after taking the dose 
she notified a young man of her acquaintance that she wished 
to take a walk with him and tell him something. Strolling out 
towards the eastern limits of the city, she imparted to the young 
man the information that she had swallowed the poisonous 
decoction, when he at once summoned a physician, who ad- 
ministered an emetic, with good results. 

The only cause for the rash act is that the young lady's 
character had been assailed by various parties, which, coming 
to her ears, rendered life to her no longer desirable. 

Miss Kane is an industrious girl, and as her recovery is 
almost certain, it is to be hoped that she will in future so con- 
duct herself as to be above all aspersions of slanderers." 

One wonders who was the young man in question; 
perhaps he was Charles F. Wanless, who became Mary's 
second husband. Wanless, son of Canadian bom A. D. and 
Marie Wanless, was a fur trapper, and led an exciting and 
romantic lifestyle which likely appealed to twenty-one- 
year-old Mary. For whatever reason, the two were mar- 
ried on September 29, 1880. This marriage was also short- 
lived, ending in the spring of 1881. In 1883 and 1884, 
Charles Wanless was living in Laramie with his brother 
Frank at 401 South B., and was working as a trapper. The 
end of this marriage also marked the first time Mary ran 
afoul of the law.^^ 

Following their marriage, the Wanlesses took room and 
board in Laramie at the home of C. R. Lawrence, and in 
April they skipped out without paying their bill. On April 
21, Lawrence filed a Writ of Attachment charging the pair 
of intent to defraud. Wanless was apparently working for 
the Union Pacific Railroad, but since he could not be found, 
his wages were garnisheed on April 27, and the action was 
dismissed at the cost of the plaintiff. At this point Mary 
was no longer living with Wanless, and, on April 28, she 
filed a Writ of Replevin against him for "One Dolman [a 
woman's cloak with cape-like arm pieces] wrongfully de- 
tained by defendant. "^^ 

Mary's willful and promiscuous conduct alienated her 
from her parents, which the Laramie Weekh/ Sentinel in- 
advertently pointed out in a notice of probate concerning 
her mother's will. On May 17, 1889, Mary Keane died of 

25. Albany County, Wyoming Marriage Record, Vol. B, p. 47. .•\rchi\es; 
Laramie Daily Sentinel, August 1, 31, 1878. 

26. Albany County, Marriage License and Certificate Record, \'ol. B. p. 
4, Archives; 1880 Albany County, Wyoming Territorial Census, p. 
10; Laramie City Director}/, 1883-1884, p. 90. 

27. Laramie Justice oflhe Peace, Civil and Criminal Docket, \'ol. "', pp. 
63, 69, Writ of Attachment and Writ of Replevin. 



SPRING 1992 

dropsy. On May 23, in Albany County Probate Court, 
Mary Keane's will was proved and a date was set for a pro- 
bate hearing. All the children, except Mary, were listed as 
heirs, indicating that she was not to be included in the divi- 
sion of the estate. 2^ 

As for Mary's father, John Keane, he bought the Hum- 
bolt House on Front Street near the Laramie depot in 
January, 1891, and reopened it as the Gem City Hotel. The 
Sentinel listed it as a first class hotel. Two and a half years 
later, on August 26, 1893, Keane's house east of town 
burned; however, the newspaper stated that most of the 
furniture was saved and the house was fully insured. 
Keane died on or about March 19, 1900. ^^ 

It was shortly after the break with Wanless that Mary 
met Fred Powell, married him in December, 1882, and 
subsequently divorced him in 1892. As previously men- 
tioned, Mary continued to live off and on at Powell's ranch 
following the divorce, likely because she figured this would 
be the only way she could keep control of her interest in 
the ranch. This was the way things stood until the 
assassination of Fred. 

In 1951, in her article about Mary, Mary Lou Pence 
wrote the following lines: 

The next years [following Powell's death] were a struggle, and 
the once wistful and contented girl became a gaunt raw-boned 
woman with sharp crow-footed wrinkles around her eyes. She 
kept her rifle close at hand. She gathered her stock (and the 
neighbor's too, some said), and she stacked the wild hay from 
her fields for the work animals. 

"Fight back," she would tell her son Bill. "That's the only 
way they'll let us live." 

"Your horses are over in my corral," she informed one 
man. "They broke through my fences. If you want them you'd 
better come after them." 

When the rancher arrived to pick up his stock, she said: 
"Pay me $50, I'm charging board." 

But occasionally a cowboy would tell how Mary fixed the 
cow chip poultice that took the rattler fang's poison out of his 
leg. 3" 

At least a portion of what Pence wrote is based on fact; 
for the next twenty years Mary would be in and out of court 
fighting various and sundry charges. 

Two years after the death of Powell, Mary found 
herself in real trouble with the law. On May 25, 1897, she 
and one Richard Colford were charged with committing 
a burglary on May 24 at the house and outbuilding of 
Laramie resident Joseph Becker. Several household tools 
valued at around five dollars were stolen and Becker filed 
a complaint on May 25. Only Mary was scheduled to be 
tried the following September 11; however, since the court 

file shows no further action, the case was apparently settled 
out of court and charges were dismissed. ^^ 

Following in her husband's footsteps, Mary, with her 
son Bill, was indicted in two cases for stealing livestock 
in 1905. On March 10, they were charged with stealing 
seven head of cattle valued at $105, and two cows and two 
calves valued at ninety dollars, all belonging to Henry L. 
Stevens. The theft took place on March 1 and Mary and 
Bill were arrested on March 12. The preliminary hearing 
in Justice Court was held on March 18, and the Powells 
pled not guilty. Through their attorney, H. V. Grosbeck, 
they demanded a jury trial, which was denied, and they 
were bound over for trial in District Court in Laramie and 
were released on bonds of one thousand dollars each. 

On April 24, their attorney made a plea to the jurisdic- 
tion of the court that the cases be dismissed on grounds 
that the defendants were denied a jury trial by the Justice 
Court. The plea was overruled and trial began the next day. 
On April 30, Bill got off with a not guilty verdict but Mary 
was found guilty in one case. The second case was dis- 
missed on May 4 because of the previous verdict. Mary 
appealed for a new trial on May 31, and was released on 
one thousand dollars bond. A year later, on May 16, Mary 
withdrew her not guilty plea and substituted a plea of nolo 
contendere. Judge Charles E. Carpenter sentenced her to 
three months in the Albany County jail and jail time at one 
dollar per day for a four dollar cost of action. ^^ 

For the next four years Mary stayed out of trouble, but 
on October 1, 1910, she allegedly stole three horses valued 
at $150 from Daniel T. Davis. On October 11, a warrant 
was issued and Mary was arrested and brought to Laramie 
for a preliminary hearing in Justice Court the same day. 
Trial was set for the spring term of District Court. She was 
released on $150 bail. Trial was held on April 18, 1911, and 
on April 22, the jury brought in a verdict of not guilty. One 
witness for the prosecution was Joe Tietze, who would ex- 

28. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, May 25, 1889. 

29. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, January 24, 1891; September 2, 1893; Laramie 
Daily Boomerang, March 19, 1900. Although there are no copies of this 
newspaper, there does exist a notation that John Keane's obituary 
is in this issue. 

30. Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit." 

31. Albany County Criminal Case No. 653, State of Wyoming vs. Mary 
Powell, Burglary. 

32. Albany County Criminal Case Nos. 891 and 892, State of Wyoming 
vs. Mary N. and Willie Powell, Stealing Livestock. 



perience the wrath of Mary. It came on the same evening 
he had testified against Mary at her preliminary hearing. ^3 

A rash of fires spread across the Sybille country for 
three successive nights in October, 1910, and Mary 
was the prime suspect. On the night of October 11, Tietze's 
barn burned to the ground. The following night out- 
buildings and haystacks on the Swigart ranch and two 
haystacks at the Tillotson ranch went up in smoke. On the 
night of October 13, Elizabeth Richardson found her hay- 
stack ablaze. The law worked swiftly; Sheriff W. W. Bower 
arrested Mary on October 14, and hauled her into Justice 
Court in Laramie, charged with arson only for the Richard- 
son fire. A preliminary hearing was set for October 25, and 
Mary was jailed in default of twenty-five hundred dollar 
bond. On October 22, baU was reduced to $750, which was 
paid, and Mary released. Mary pled not guilty and the trial 
began on October 27. Probable cause was found and trial 
was set for the next term in District Court. 

On March 22, 1911, before the start of her trial, Mary 

filed an Affidavit for Change of Venue in District Court. 
She claimed that she could not receive a fair trial "because 
of the excitement and prejudice in the County against me 
. . . that I have in the past been frequently accused of 
crimes of which I was absolutely innocent but that such 
charges were scattered broadcast thru the County." She 
also stated that her son Bill had been arrested for theft of 
several horses and this would also damage her chances for 
a fair trial. Countering Mary's appeal. Prosecuting At- 
torney Frank E. Anderson stated, "that said defendant has 
been convicted of a misdemeanor in this county, but of no 
other crime or crimes; that there is no excitement or pre- 
judice against said defendant in this county . . . that said 
Mary Powell can obtain a fair and impartial trial in this 
county of Albany." Judge Charles E. Carpenter agreed and 
denied her motion on April 13, opening day of Mary's trial. 

33. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1067, State of Wyoming vs. Mary 
Powell, Stealing Horses. 

County of AiBAhfY. ) 



Mary Powell 




(SumrB NnuJ PranJi E. Anderson ('ouiiiii mnl I'rosrcuting 

Attorney nftlin Cojinty of Albainj, in f/ic State nf 11 'ijonii no, and in. flic uiuiie mid hi/ the 
authoHty nf tlic State of IVynmino, informs the Court iind Jires flic Coiui fo uiulrrstand 
that Mary Powell • 

late of tlie county aforesaid, on the 13th day of October , .A /J. ;.'/ 10 , 

at tfie County of Albany nn. I. State of ]f'yoniinn', r/id then and there wilfully, 
maliciously, and Telonj ously, set fire to a stack of hay, then and there 
situated, the ri'opGrty of another person, to-wit: Mrs. Elizabeth Richard- 
son, of the value of one hundred dollars, and the said Mary Powell did 
then and there and thereby, and with the intent aforesaid, bum and 
destroy said stack of hay, to the damage of said Mrs. Elizabeth Ricliard- 
son. In the sum of $100.00 



SPRING 1992 

Mary was a very busy woman during April, 1911, shuf- 
fling herself between two court trials. Her trial for arson 
resulted in a hung jury on April 21, and Carpenter dis- 
charged the jury. Mary would have to face a retrial in the 
next term of court. On September 16, Mary, through her 
attorney M. C. Brown, made a motion for continuance on 
the grounds that, "if she can secure the presence of cer- 
tain witnesses . . . she can make her innocence clearly 
appear." The trial transcript reads: 

. . . that there was a certain sheep herder working for the 
Richardsons, saw her [Mary Powell] when she was out on the 
range, hunting her stock, that he was camped not far from the 
place that the hay was said to be burned, that he must have 
been the first to see the fire, being nearer to it than any other 
person; that he knew this affiant road [sic] to her cart on the 
night of the fire, is said to occurred, and knew of her leaving 
the hill for her home in town. As soon as she arrived there from 
the north, and could get her horse harnessed into [sic] the cart, 
that she did not go to the haystack, said to have been burned 
after she had returned to her cart, that she tried repeatedly to 
find this witness, but has been unable to do so, that she is in- 
formed that this man was discharged by the Richardsons who 
had him employed, shortly after the burning of said hay . . . 

A "John Doe" subpoena had been issued in Justice 
Court on October 16, 1910, but the missing sheepherder 
was never found. On November 10, 1911, Carpenter or- 
dered a continuance in her second trial until the next term 
of court, and released Mary on a $750 bond. 

Mary's second trial for arson commenced the follow- 
ing March 26, and her luck held again. By March 29, this 
jury also could not reach a verdict and, on May 6, Car- 
penter ordered the case be retired until the September 
court term. On September 17, 1912, Prosecuting Attorney 
Anderson made a motion that the case be dismissed 
because there was insufficient evidence to secure a con- 
viction. Carpenter complied and dismissed the case.^* 

In her last three trials Mary got a break and escaped 
conviction, but she did not learn her lesson, and it took 
her only eight months to find herself in trouble again. On 
May 29, 1913, one Katherine Martin brought charges against 
Mary for assault and battery. She was brought into Justice 
Court in Laramie and was released on a fifty dollar bond, 
pending trial on May 31. Mary acted as her own attorney, 
and the jury returned a verdict of not guilty. The follow- 
ing November she was back in court. ^^ 

John Daly charged Mary with malicious mischief on 
November 7, a warrant was issued on November 13, and 
she was arrested by Sheriff S. W. Frazer and brought into 
Justice Court. A motion to quash the indictment was over- 
ruled and the jury found her guilty. She was fined ten 
dollars and $24.80 court costs. One of the witnesses against 
her was George Baccus, who would pay several times over 
for his testimony. Mary began her vendetta the following 
February. 3^ 

Baccus filed charges against Mary on February 10, 1914, 
for trespass on his property at Thirteenth and Grand in 
Laramie. A warrant was issued the following day, and 
Mary was hauled into Justice Court again. Mary entered 
a plea of not guilty, but the case was dismissed on the 
understanding that she keep away from Baccus. Mary 
readily agreed and she was discharged. Nevertheless, she 
could not control her temper and took revenge on Baccus 
a few months later. ^^ 

At nearly fifty-five years of age Mary was a tough 
old bird, and at 9 p.m., on June 15, Mary punched 
Baccus out, slugging him in the face three times, causing 
him to seek aid from Laramie policeman Steve Miller. The 
confrontation took place in front of a Chinese restaurant 
on Front Street, between Grand Avenue and Thornburg 
Street. A complaint of disturbance and breach of the peace 
was filed on June 17 by Officer Miller, and Mary was ar- 
rested and brought into Justice Court again, found guilty 
by Justice of the Peace Carl Jackson, and fined ten dollars 
and $8.50 court costs. Mary appealed the decision the same 
day and the case went to a jury trial under Judge V.J. Tid- 
ball the following November 20. ^^ 

Mary again acted as her own attorney and went log- 
gerheads with Prosecuting Attorney Will McMurray. Un- 
characteristic as it sounds, the Boomerang described Mary 
Powell as a "soft-voiced woman" who spoke "in an even, 
low tone." The newspaper remarked that the trial drew 
a large crowd and that Mary's questions were cleverly 
worded. Mary stated that she had met Baccus by appoint- 
ment at the restaurant at 5 p.m., and that, "he was cor- 
dial in the afternoon, but very indifferent in the evening." 
She added: "One day he was nice as he can be. The next 
day he is like a snake." 

34. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1068, State of Wyoming vs. Mary 
Powell, Arson. 

35. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 26, State 
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Assault and Battery. 

36. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 49, State 
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Malicious Mischief. 

37. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 60, State 
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Trespass; Laramie Daily Boomerang, 
February 11, 1914. 

38. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1183, City of Laramie vs. Mary 
Powell, Disturbance and Breach of Peace. 



Baccus claimed that Mary bloodied his nose and he 
asked Officer Miller to arrest her "while he got away on 
his horse." Baccus also remarked that the police were 
afraid to arrest Mary for some reason. The Boomerang also 
gave an interesting account of Mary's cross examination 
of Baccus and her wrangling with McMurray: 
"Did you strike me," she asked Baccus. 
McMurray objected. 

Baccus was ordered to reply, however, and he denied it. 
"Where do you suppose I got two black eyes and a bruised 
chin?" Mrs. Powell asked the witness. 

"Objected to on the ground that she is asking opinion of 
the witness," said McMurray. 

"Objection sustained," said Judge Tidball. 
Mrs. Powell remained silent for a moment, then said 

"Isn't it a fact that you are trying to drive me out of town?" 
McMurray put in an objection to this question too. 
"What language did you use when you struck me?" asked 
Mrs. Powell. McMurray contended that she was commenting 
and inferring in her queries.'' 

Mary's eloquence did her little good, for the jury found 
her guilty that afternoon and she was fined ten dollars and 
$18.55 court costs. It seems that nothing could deter Mary, 
and her wrath overcame her reasoning, for she beat up on 
Baccus again the following spring. ^^ 

On April 16, 1915, Mary accosted Baccus in Laramie 
and, according to the court docket, "did then in a rude, 
insolent, and angry manner, unlawfully touch, beat, strike, 
and wound the person of George Baccus." A warrant was 
issued the same day and Mary was arrested and brought 
into Justice Court by Carl Jackson, who was now sheriff. 
She was charged with assault and battery, and her trial 
was called the next day. Through her attorney, CM. Eby, 
Mary had the case continued until April 20. Mary pled not 
guilty, but Justice Hugh Hinds was well aware of her past 
behavior and found her guilty. She was again fined ten 
dollars, and ordered to pay $7.50 court costs. Finally, Mary 
called off her vendetta against Baccus; however, she still 
had enough left for one last caper. *> 

From Mary's past actions it is very clear that she, 
like her husband, was an aggravation and a bane to 
her neighbors. In many cases, Mary's acts were retaliatory, 
but in one case there seems to be no apparent reason for 
her wrathful behavior. 

39. Laramie Daily Boomerang, November 20, 1914. 

40. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1183, City of Laramie vs. Mary 
Powell, Disturbance and Breach of Peace. 

41. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C, p. 114, State 
of Wyoming vs. Mary Powell, Assault and Battery. 

Dr. Florence Patrick was a neighbor who lived in the 
valley near Mary's ranch on Horse Creek. It is said Mary 
would periodically push rocks down on Patrick's house 
to scare her out. Suffering enough from this harassment, 
Patrick decided to move to Laramie around the early part 
of 1917, and Mary gladly helped her pack her belongings. 
She also packed up Patrick's silver and hauled it to her 
own home. In early spring, Mary invited Patrick for din- 
ner, and had the gall to serve her with her own silver. 
Patrick immediately recognized her silver, which had a P 
engraved on each piece. On April 9, Patrick filed an af- 
fidavit in Justice Court for a warrant to search Mary's 
premises for her personal property. The Justice Docket 
reads, "Warrant issued April 9, 1917, and delivered to 
sheriff of Albany County. Return: Nothing found." Ap- 
parently, Mary anticipated Patrick's actions and hid the 
silver. *2 

For twenty years, Mary Powell had created havoc 
among her neighbors, incurred their animosity, and had 
been in and out of court numerous times. Fred would 
have been proud of her; however, this was her last hur- 
rah. Now it was son Bill's turn. 

Bill Powell was a chip off the old block, and in 
December, 1910, along with William H. Frazee, he was in- 
dicted in Albany County for stealing live stock. The court 
records maintained that the two stole a total of fourteen 
horses from John Biddick on November 28, and came back 
the next day and stole twenty-two more. On December 12, 
Biddick filed charges against both men for the November 
28 theft. Warrants were issued the same day and the two 
were arrested by Sheriff W. W. Bower. In Justice Court, 
Powell and Frazee pled not guilty. On December 13, the 
case was continued until December 22, and both men were 
released on December 15, under bonds of fifteen hundred 
dollars each. 

On December 22, when Powell and Frazee were to ap- 
pear for trial, Biddick filed the second charge. Both 
defendants again pled not guilty and trial was set for 
January 3. By the time the first trial commenced on 
December 22, Frazee had skipped out and his bond was 
forfeited. Bill appeared in court with his attorney, M. C. 
Brown, and obtained a continuance until January 3, 1911, 
the date set for the second trial. 

When Justice Court convened on January 3, Bill 
was bound over for trial in both cases during the next term 

42. Interview with Ellen Mueller, November 5, 1990, Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming; Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. C. p. 224, 
Affidavit for Search Warrant. 



SPRING 1992 

of District Court. He was unable to put up a bond of 
twenty-five hundred dollars and was remanded to jail. On 
March 9, a bench warrant was issued for Frazee. He was 
never brought to trial. '*^ 

Bill's arrest and trial occurred while his mother was 
facing charges of arson, and she used his case in a motion 
for a change of venue on the grounds that, "the arrest of 
certain young men for the larceny of horses and among 
them the son of this affiant has created widespread excite- 
ment and prejudice against this affiant." Mary's motion 
was denied following her son's trial on April 10. Like his 
mother. Bill got a break and was found not guilty on the 
following day."*^ 

By 1920 horse theft was passe, but, in answer to pro- 
hibition, bootlegging was in and Bill was into it from the 
start. The temperance crusade in America began more than 
one hundred years before prohibition. In 1810 there were 
some fourteen thousand distilleries producing twenty-five 
million gallons of liquor each year. Not counting wine, 
beer, and hard cider, this was well over three gallons for 
every man, woman, and child in America. In 1819 an 
English reformer stated that one could go into almost 
anyone's house and be asked to drink wine or spirits, even 
in the morning. America was known as the alcoholic 
republic. The biggest reform movement, promoted by 
press campaigns and lecturers, began during the 1830s, 
and by 1860, per-capita alcohol consumption had been 
drastically reduced. 

Around the turn of the century, the temperance move- 
ment changed its tactics and began a campaign for pro- 
hibition. Supported by the Protestant churches and the 
election of a prohibition majority in Congress, the Eigh- 
teenth Amendment, which banned the manufacture, sale, 
or transport of intoxicating liquors, was passed on Decem- 
ber 18, 1917. It was ratified on January 16, 1919, and went 
into effect exactly one year later. Prohibition was highly 
unpopular with the general public, and Bill immediately 
jumped on the bandwagon, giving them what they 
deemed was their right to have regardless of the law. 

In late fall of 1920, word reached U.S. Prohibition 
Agents in Cheyenne that Bill and others were making 
bootleg whiskey on his ranch on Horse Creek. On Novem- 
ber 20, U.S. Commissioner David W. Gill issued a search 

warrant to agent John Burns, who raided Powell's ranch 
the same day. Burns found a copper still, one hundred 
gallons of sugar mash, a hydrometer stem, and one gallon 
of white whiskey. He also found William Sharp, William 
T. Knowles, and Bill Powell, and they were charged on 
three counts of violating the National Prohibition Act; 
unlawful possession of equipment, manufacturing intox- 
icating whiskey, and possession of whiskey for the pur- 
pose of being sold. 

Trial was held on May 31, 1921, in U.S. District Court 
at Cheyenne. Defense Attorney H. Donzelman pulled a 
surprise on the prosecution by issuing a subpoena for Gill 
to appear as a witness for the defense and to bring 
both the affidavit and the search warrant into court. The 
jury apparently had little regard for the charges and found 
the defendants not guilty. "^^ 

Like his father and mother before him. Bill was a 
vexation to his neighbors. On July 21, 1923, he trespassed 
on the land of Neil Clark in Albany County, after being 
warned to stay off the land by Clark and occupant Charles 
Byers. Charges were filed and an arrest warrant issued on 
July 23. Two days later. Bill was arrested and brought into 
Justice Court. Through his attorney, J. R. Sullivan, Bill 
entered a plea of not guilty and was released on his own 
recognizance until his trial on July 30. 

Bill, now represented by attorney G. R. McConnell, 
demanded a jury trial which Justice Harry J. Hunt granted. 
Following Prosecuting Attorney George W. Patterson's 
presentation of his case, the defense counsel made a mo- 
tion to dismiss on grounds that the state did not prove Bill 
trespassed on the land described in the presentation. The 
motion was overruled. Following the testimony of the 
defense and closing arguments between counsel, the jury 
retired to reach a verdict. 

While the jury was deliberating. Bill blew his top and 
slugged Patterson. He was sentenced to serve three days 
in jail for contempt of court. At 9 p.m., the jury returned 
with its verdict— guilty, with a plea for leniency. Bill was 
fined twenty-five dollars and court costs of $71.80, which 
he immediately paid. The court then suspended his three 
day jail sentence."*^ 

43. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1073, State of Wyoming vs. William 
Powell and William H. Frazee, Stealing Live Stock. 

44. Albany County Criminal Case No. 1068, State of Wyoming vs. Mary 
Powell, Arson; Albany County Criminal Case No. 1073, State of 
Wyoming vs. William Powell and William H. Frazee, Stealing Live 

45. Record Group 21, Records of U.S. District Court, District of Wyo- 
ming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1925, Box No. 41, Entry 9, Case No. 
1263, U.S. vs. William Sharp, William T. Knowles, and William 
Powell, National Archives and Records Center, Denver, Colorado, 
hereafter cited as National Archives, Denver. 

46. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal Docket, Vol. 1, pp. 83-84, State 
of Wyoming vs. William E. Powell, Trespass. 



A year and a half later. Bill was back in the bootleg- 
ging game. On the night of January 27, 1925, in rural 
Albany County, Prohibition Agents James Capen and 
Hugh B. Curry, with Assistant Prohibition Director Charles 
F. Peterson, were scouting the area for possible liquor viola- 
tions and noticed a light not far from them. Proceeding 
toward the light, they saw a dugout and detected the scent 
of mash. Entering the dugout, they found a seventy-five 
gallon still with water heating, a ten gallon pressure tank, 
one gallon of white whiskey, and Bill and Hazel E. 
O'Reilley cleaning moonshine equipment. Needless to 
say, the two moonshiners were indicted on the identical 
counts that Bill was charged with in 1920. 

On February 18, U.S. Attorney A. D. Walter presented 
the information in U.S. District Court at Cheyenne for "the 
consideration of the Court . . . and that due process of law 
be awarded against William Powell and Hazel E. O'Reil- 
ley." The evidence was sufficient and trial was scheduled 
for April 15. 

This time Bill knew he could not beat a conviction, and 
both he and O'Reilley entered a guilty plea on April 15 in 
U.S. District Court in Cheyenne. The judgment was a fine 
of $150 for O'Reilley and $250 for Bill, or incarceration in 
the Albany County jail until either paid their fine. They 
likely had made that much from their whiskey sales, and 
both gladly paid their fines the same day."*^ 

Between 1925 and 1931, likely in Cheyenne, Bill 
met Sarah May "Billie" Phelps. The two were kindred 
spirits. Bill as a bootlegger while Billie was into prostitu- 
tion. There is no record of their marriage in Albany or 
Laramie counties; however, Billie took the Powell name 
and they lived as man and wife, off and on, until Bill's 
death. Billie's son Alonzo, born in 1919, lived with them 
but kept the Phelps name. Bill and Billie avoided conflict 
with the law until 1931, then they ran into trouble with 
the F.B.I.48 

By 1931, everyone knew that prohibition was on the 
way out; however, the depression had hit full force. Bill 
and Billie needed to make money, so Bill got involved in 

47. Record Group 21, Records of the U.S. District Court, District of 
Wyoming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1925, Box No. 76, Entry 9, Case 
No. 2386, U.S. vs. William Powell and Hazel E. O'Reilley, National 
Archives, Denver. 

48. Letter to author from Cindy Brown, Wyoming State Archives, January 
1991. The letter states that no marriage record exists for William Powell 
and Sarah May "Billie" Phelps in Albany or Laramie counties, 

Billie's trade. In November the two went to Denver, Col- 
orado, and checked into the Edelweiss Hotel on November 
22. Here they met Ernest Booth and his wife Pauline 
Jackson Booth, and worked out a deal to bring Pauline back 
to Laramie to work as a prostitute. They headed back to 
Wyoming on December 12. On December 31, they got a 
room at the New Mecca Hotel in Laramie, where Billie and 
Pauline apparently practiced their profession. By the end 
of January, 1932, the Booths left for Fort Collins, Colorado. 

Somehow, F.B.I, agents A. H. Gere and John L. 
Geraghty, and Laramie Police Sergeant Phil Kuntz, got 
wind of the operation, and made a full investigation. On 
May 9, the Powells and Ernest Booth were indicted by a 
grand jury in U.S. District Court in Cheyenne on three 
counts of interstate transportation of a woman for immoral 
purposes. Trial was set for May 26. A bench warrant was 
issued for Booth on May 13, and he posted a bond of two 
thousand dollars before U.S. Commissioner Robert E. Foot 
in Denver, Colorado. Subpoenas for witnesses were issued 
throughout the month of May and the trial did not begin 
until July 11. Pauline Booth was brought back from Fort 
Collins as a witness for the prosecution, and all three 
defendants pled guilty. 

On July 18, District Judge T. Blake Kennedy sentenced 
Bill to thirty days in Albany County jail. U.S. Mar- 
shal R. John Allen took Powell to Laramie to begin his 
sentence the next day. As ringleaders, it was Booth and 
Billie who got the stiff er sentences. On July 16, Booth got 
four months in the Laramie County jail at Cheyenne, and 
Billie was sentenced on August 1 to three months in the 
Albany County jail. Allen delivered her to jail the 
same day. 

Billie did not fare so well behind bars. In mid- 
August, Dr. Josiah P. Markley was summoned to the jail 
and found her suffering from nervousness, hysteria, no 
sleep, and an irregular appetite. He treated her for two 
weeks and Dr. D. Harold Finch was called in for consulta- 
tion. On September 2, both doctors wrote letters that 
reached U.S. District Clerk Charles J. Ohnhaus in Chey- 
enne, recommending that Billie be released. 

The letters got results. On the same day, September 
2, Billie was paroled to attorney S. C. Downey, who serv- 
ed as probation officer. On November 2, Downey wrote 
Ohnhaus that "the defendant . . . has carried herself all 
right and no complaints have been filed." Judge Kennedy 
discharged her from parole on November 4.^'' 

Three years later, tragedy hit the Powell family; for 
Mary it was two-fold, for Bill, it was the end of the line. 
On January 5, 1935, Bill was shot to death by his fifteen- 



SPRING 1992 

year-old stepson, Alonzo Phelps. Before pursuing the 
details of the shooting, here is the background of young 
Phelps, who seenned to follow the Powell tradition. 

In March, 1934, the basketball team of Brigham Young 
University came to Laramie to play in a champion- 
ship series at the Wyoming University gym. While the 
team was shooting the hoops on the evening of March 8, 
Phelps, now fourteen, was ripping off their personal 
belongings. While one fifteen-year-old was on lookout 
outside the gym, ringleader Phelps and another boy 
age fifteen, broke open a window, crawled into the 
locker room, and stole ten dollars, a leather traveling bag, 
and four basketball uniforms. The boys were found in the 
room but were released after questioning. 

The next evening, the three youths were arrested and 
held without charges in the Albany County jail pending 
investigation. Phelps broke down and confessed and the 
loot was recovered. On March 13, Judge V.J. Tidball held 
separate hearings for each of the boys, and released one 
youth after a stern lecture and reprimand and paroled the 
other boy to his mother. Ironically, the judge paroled 
Phelps to a local Laramie woman, not to his mother. 

The following November 30, young Phelps was ar- 
rested by the Laramie Police for drunkenness and placed 
in the juvenile ward. The next day Bill Powell came to his 
rescue and made a plea for his release. The police dis- 
charged Phelps into Powell's custody the same day.^° 

The Powell ranch on Horse Creek was to witness 
another killing almost forty years after the murder of Fred 
Powell. On the night of January 5, 1935, there were three 
people at the Powell ranch in addition to Bill Powell and 
Alonzo Phelps: Mary Powell, her brother Charles Keane 
who now lived at the ranch, and Bill's so-called wife, Billie, 
who was visiting but actually lived in Cheyenne. At 9 p.m.. 
Bill told Alonzo to take a bath, but the boy begged off, 
claiming he had a cold and did not want to aggravate it. 
An argument ensued and Bill violently beat the boy. Phelps 
ran into a bedroom and grabbed a .22 caliber automatic 
pistol from a holster on the floor and cried, "I've got a gun, 
and if you don't stand back, I'll kill you." Powell leaped 
at the boy and knocked him across the bed. Young Phelps 

fired at Powell from a prone position, sending a slug 
through his abdomen. At this same instant, Mary Powell 
came in through the doorway to see what was going on, 
and was struck superficially in the left arm by the bullet 
that hit her son. 

Phelps and his mother put Powell in a truck and 
rushed him to Ivinson Hospital in Laramie. On the way, 
the two agreed to explain the shooting as accidental. Powell 
died following an operation the next morning; however, 
before he died he told the authorities that the shooting was 
an accident. That afternoon Phelps told Prosecuting At- 
torney Glenn Parker what actually happened, stating he 
could not stand the strain of questioning. The boy said he 
shot Powell because he was afraid, but when questioned 
further, said, "No, I wasn't afraid, not as long as I had 
the gun in my hand." This statement got Phelps arrested 
on a ch irge of second degree murder. 

C. ^anuary 7, headlines in The Tribune-Leader 
HIS STEP-SON." On January 9, Phelps was arraigned 
in Justice Court in Laramie, and bound over for trial 
at the next term of District Court. On default of twenty- 
five hundred dollars bond, the boy was remanded into the 
custody of the sheriff. The trial began on April 4, before 
Tidball. Parker and Defense Attorney F. E. Anderson ham- 
mered away at each other; Parker claiming the killing was 
deliberate and malicious while Anderson asserted that the 
boy acted out of fear, and shot in self defense. The fate 
of Phelps went to the jury around 2:30 p.m. on April 5. 

The jury returned with its verdict at five minutes before 
ten o'clock the next morning— not guilty. That afternoon, 
the Republican-Boomerang reported that when the verdict 
was read, Phelps gave a sigh of relief and momentarily 
slumped forward. The newspaper continued, "His mother, 
Mrs. Billie Phelps, stationed herself at the courtroom exit 
and thanked each juror individually as the men filed out." 
Apparently, Bill Powell's death did not pull too hard at 
her heartstrings. 5' 

Following the death of Bill, Mary reportedly sold 
the ranch on Horse Creek. Mary Lou Pence wrote: 

Down the old trail she rode, and in the town of her youth she 

banked her last fires. There in Laramie, the school children who 

knew her loved her. She spent the final years peacefully. ^^ 

49. Record Group 21, Records of U.S. District Court, District of Wyo- 
ming, Criminal Case Files 1890-1932, Box No. 109, Entry 9, Case No. 
3479, U.S. vs. William Powell, Sarah May Phelps, and William E. 
Booth, National Archives, Denver. 

50. Wyoming State Tribune-Cheyenne State Leader, January 7, 1935; Laramie 
Republican-Boomerang, March 9, 10, 13, 1934, April 5, 1935. 

51. Albany County Criminal Case No. 2166, State of Wyoming vs. Alonzo 
Phelps, Murder in the Second Degree; Wyoming State Tribune-Cheyenne 
State Leader, January 7, 1935; Laramie Republican-Boomerang, April 4-6, 

52. Pence, "The Woman Who Wouldn't Quit." 



Nevertheless, there was one final misfortune in the life 
of Mary. On October 23, 1940, her brother Charles, who 
had stuck by Mary throughout her life, was struck and 
killed by a freight train at the Union Pacific yards in 
Laramie. It was reported that he had been suffering from 
infirmities of old age, thus, the likely reason the accident 
occurred. 5^ 

Mary Powell's turbulent and wayward life ended at 
age eighty-one in Cheyenne on January 13, 1941. On the 
previous December 29, Mary went to visit her daughter- 
in-law, Billie, in Cheyenne. It is reported that Billie 
was working as a prostitute at the Tivoli Rooms on 
Carey Avenue. It was here, on January 5, that Mary 
suffered a severe heart attack. She was rushed to the 
hospital, but it was too late, for Mary died eight days later. 
Mary had remained a Catholic throughout her life, and a 
Rosary service was held for her on the evening of January 
15 at the Shannon Funeral Home. Reverend John McDevitt 
officiated at her funeral service in the St. Lawrence O 'Toole 
Catholic Church in Laramie the next day. It was in the 
Green Hill Cemetery that Mary Powell finally found the 
peace she never had in life.^* 

Contrary to her hectic and volatile lifestyle, the 
Republican-Boomerang had only kind words for Mary in her 

Stories that Mrs. Powell rode the range and handled the heavier 

work of cattle ranching with the efficiency and dexterity of 

regular cowhands were more than fiction. She was one of those 
early pioneer women who fought and worked right along side 
their men to tame the western frontier." 

Mary Powell's story resulted from research on Tom 
Horn's alleged involvement in the 1895 assassinations of 
her husband and William Lewis for the author's book. Tales 
Never Told Around the Campfire. 1 found the part she played 
in this drama so intriguing I decided to uncover her life 
history. Also, there is a lack of true histories of frontier 
women, especially the notorious ones. Readers of Western 
History are familiar with the sensationalized or fictionalized 
accounts of Belle Starr and Calamity Jane, but here is a true 
story of one tough frontier woman. 

53. Laramie Republican-Boomera7^g, January 13, 1941. 

54. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941; Official Verification 
of Death, Mary Powell, State of Wyoming, Vital Records; Interview 
with Ellen Mueller, November 5, 1990; Cheyenne City Directory, 
1939-1940, p. 266. 

55. Laramie Republican-Boomerang, January 13, 1941. 

MARK DUGAN was raised in Jackson County, Missouri and has been study- 
ing and researching Western American History since he was a child. As a yoimg 
adult he lived in Europe, mainly Germany for ten years before returning to the 
United States. He worked for the U.S. Government much of that time. He is 
a graduate of North Carolina State University and teaches at Appalachian State 
University at Boone, North Carolina. He has written several books about bandits 
in and of the American West. 

1870 view of Laramie, Wyouiiii^ 



Wyoming Time and Again: Rephotographing the Scenes of J. E. Stimson. By 
Michael A. Amundson. Boulder, Colorado: Pruett Publishing, 1991. 
Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. Site location maps. 224 pp. Paper. 

The stark landscape of the American West inspired 
some of the most memorable photographs of the nine- 
teenth century. Those photographs, in turn, influenced the 
U.S. Congress to create the world's first national parks and 
forests. Photographs also encouraged thousands of im- 
migrant homesteaders to board the Northern Pacific, the 
Union Pacific, and the Atcheson, Topeka & Santa Fe and 
move west.i Stereopticon photographs of Native Ameri- 
cans enthralled Victorian viewers, who were captivated by 
traditional Indian clothing, customs, and ceremonies. 
Photographs became an important goal of the great West- 
ern geologic and reconnaissance surveys of John Wesley 
Powell, F. V. Hayden, and Clarence King.^ The power of 
these images helped convince legislators to fund the U.S. 
Geological Survey, the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and 
major water reclamation projects in the first decade of the 
twentieth century. As Susan Sontag writes in On Photogra- 
phy, "In America, the photographer is not simply the per- 
son who records the past but the one who invents it."^ 

Photographs of bountiful waving wheatfields or record 
harvests of game and fish came to symbolize not only 
Western wealth but also opportunity on the frontier. One 
of the many frontier photographers who promoted the 
West was J. E. Stimson, whose travels took him through- 
out Wyoming on the rails of Edward H. Harriman's Union 
Pacific Railroad. Stimson began by making portraits in a 

An excellent photograph of German-Russian homesteaders from 1900 
just off the train in North Dakota is shown in Andrew Gulliford 
America's Country Schools (Washington, D.C.: The Preservation Press, 
1991), p. 150. 

See Wallace Stegner, Beyond the Hundredth Meridian (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1982); William H. Goetzman, Exploration and 
Empire (New York: Random House, 1966); Hal G. Stephens and E. 
M. Shoemaker, In the Footsteps of John Wesley Powell: An Album of Com- 
parative Photographs of the Green & Colorado Rivers (Boulder: Johnson 
Books, 1989). 
Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Delta Books, 1978), p. 67. 

Cheyenne studio in July, 1889. Because of his technical ex- 
pertise he became publicity photographer for the Union 
Pacific under an unusual arrangement in which there were 
no restrictions on the number of photos he could take. He 
was compensated for each print. Stimson also produced 
photos for the state of Wyoming and the Louisiana Pur- 
chase Exposition held in 1904. A year later he received a 
bronze medal for his views exhibited at the Lewis and Clark 
Exposition in Portland, Oregon. 

According to author and photographer Michael 
Amundson, Stimson's photographs "were used to pro- 
mote ranching and dry farming, irrigation, coal and oil pro- 
duction, and tourism. "4 Purchased by the state of Wyo- 
ming in 1953, the unique collection of 7,526 glass-plate 
negatives by Stimson records Wyoming's scenery and its 
people. Mark Junge has written about the pioneer 
photographer in his book/. £. Stimson: Photographer of the 
West (1985), but author Amundson's goal was to rephoto- 
graph Stimson's scenes to evaluate historical change and 
continuity throughout Wyoming.^ 

An exemplary project, initiated while the author was 
an American Studies graduate student at the University 
of Wyoming, this book's rephotography required a 
thorough knowledge of the landscape and the techniques 
of large format photography, as well as instinct, luck, per- 
sistence, and an intuitive sense of where a previous 
photographer placed his tripod many years before. 
Amundson writes, "Stimson left no diary, letters or maps 
of his photo locations. The only clues were single descrip- 
tive identification lines inscribed into each glass negative."^ 
Amundson's photos appears opposite Stimson's, and the 
comparisons are often dramatic. 

Amundson spent hours studying Stimson's photo- 
graphs, and then with support from the University of 

4. Michael A. Amundson, Wyoming Time and Again (Boulder: Pruett Press, 
1991), p. 3. 

5. Mark Junge, /. £. Stimson: Photographer of the West (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1985). 

6. Amundson, Wyoming Time and Again, p. 5. 



Thermopolis, Wyoming taken Summer, 1988 

Cambria, Wyoming taken Siiinmci, I'^SS 



SPRING 1992 

Wyoming's College of Arts and Sciences' Kuehn Award 
Committee, the Wyoming Council for the Humanities, and 
a Reader's Digest grant from the university's Department 
of Journalism, he drove across the state during the sum- 
mers of 1987 and 1988 photographing Stimson's views 
almost ninety years later. 

Wyoming Time and Again subdivides into six chapters 
including "The Natural Landscape," "The Forgotten 
Past," "The Dynamic Townscape," and "A Closer Look: 
Interpretive Photography," which is the most intriguing 
chapter in the book. As expected, the natural landscape 
of lakes, rocks, bluffs, buttes, and canyons have changed 
little, although roads have been improved and power lines 
installed. Vegetation seems healthier and the landscape 
less worn from overgrazing and extensive timber cutting. 
The private summer resort at Dome Lake, southwest of 
Sheridan, remains essentially the same with only a few 
modifications to the log buildings, but the chapter titled 
"The Forgotten Landscape" provides stark evidence of 
historical change with the boom and bust mining cycles 
in the American West. 

The vast trestles and industrial buildings of the 
anthracite coal camp of Cambria, photographed in 1903 by 
Stimson, have entirely disappeared in the view made by 
Amundson. Little evidence remains of a community which 
once supported a schoolhouse, gymnasium, bathhouse, 
and company housing. The town of Sunrise, established 
by Colorado Fuel and Iron to produce low-grade iron ore, 
also no longer exists, though the open pit mine christened 
the Glory Hole remains. From 1903, the only thing left at 
Dietz City is a fence line and dirt roadway. At Grand En- 
campment, only the foundations remain of a sixteen-mile 
aerial tramway and the vast Encampment copper smelter. 

This chapter vividly communicates what has so fre- 
quently been the fat of extractive industries in the American 
West. Wallace Stegner writes that mining camps "went 
out like blown matches," and the former Secretary of the 
Interior, Stuart Udall in his book The Quiet Crisis, explains 
that "the land legacy of any mining operation is necessar- 
ily, a pit, a shaft, or a hole."^ Comparing Amundson's 
photographs to those of Stimson offers a breathtaking 
visual assessment of environmental change. Mills, trestles, 
bridges, mines, and entire communities all disappear 

7. Wallace Stegner, The Sound of Mountain Water (New York: Dutton, 
1980), p. 20; Stewart Udall, The Quiet Crisis (New York: Avon Books, 
1963), p. 71. 

throughout time. Only South Pass City and Atlantic City 
have survived as historic districts. It is with comparisons 
such as these that the strength of rephotography becomes 
apparent. Photographing changes in the natuiral landscape 
along the Union Pacific right of way or in Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park produced some evidence of alteration, as do 
the townscapes in Cheyenne of houses and streets, but 
changes represented by early and late twentieth century 
views of Wyoming mining camps are the most dramatic. 

Rephotographs from Green River and Rawlins graphi- 
cally illustrate the shift in orientation from railroads to 
interstate highways. At each of the UP railroad stations 
luxurious lawns and trees once welcomed weary travelers, 
but now that the public travels by interstate, the verdant 
gardens have become dusty parking lots. Yet despite the 
careful detail and persistence required to rephotograph 
these scenes, many of the recent photographs also dupli- 
cate the weaknesses of the historic images; they are quiet, 
dull, still life photographs which tell us little of the hustle 
and bustle that characterized frontier Wyoming or repre- 
sent Wyoming's population today. Because Wyoming Time 
and Again has scant text and is primarily photographic com- 
parisons, there is no theoretical chapter to help readers 
understand the motivation and academic underpinning for 
Amundson's work, nor is there an historical chapter to put 
Stimson's career into perspective. The viewer sees past and 
present photographs; interpretation is minimal. 

In the short chapter "A Closer Look: Interpretive 
Rephotography," Amundson attempts a deeper synthesis 
by comparing the magnificent stone Emery Hotel in Ther- 
mopolis in 1910 with the Moonlighter Motel built on the 
same street corner in 1963. Demolition equipment had to 
be brought from Denver to knock down the three story, 
forty-room hotel built from native stone and locally cut 
timber. Its cinder block replacement will evoke no 
nostalgia. Another sad commentary on historic structures 
is the demise of Green River's brewery, which opened in 
1879 and was photographed by Stimson in 1903. Brew- 
master Hugo Gaensslen produced Columbia Beer, later 
renamed The Pioneer Wyoming Brew. Today half the 
building is gone and the brewery is now a bar serving na- 
tionally distributed beers, not local products. Amundson 
probes more deeply with these photographs and captions, 
but though Wyoming Time and Again is a concise and 
thorough attempt to rephotograph Stimson's views, some 
of the shots appear lifeless and stilted though they are 
aesthetically and historically correct. Mark Klett made the 
same conceptual error in Second View: The Rephotographic 
Survey Project (1987) in which the work of William Henry 



Jackson and Timothy O'Sullivan is reproduced from the 
original camera angles.^ 

Scholars studying the past want to see not only where 
people lived but also who they were and how they lived, 
which explains the success of Virginia Huidekoper's book 
Wyoming in the Eye of Man (1979).^ Perhaps rephotography 
should move beyond mere mimicry of past camera angles 
to attempt to rephotograph not just the text of the print 
but also its subtext and context— the historical milieu of 
values and associations which inspired the original image. 
What did photographers think of photographing these 
scenes a century ago and what do the landscapes evoke 
in us now? Rephotography is an auspicious beginning for 
understanding historical and environmental change, but 
as a scholarly tool it needs refinement. 

The most memorable Stimson photographs are his por- 
traits. Amundson could have devoted more time to com- 
paring Wyoming people then and now and the tremen- 
dous change in labor requirements during the last century. 
A comparison between the site of the Union Pacific railroad 
shop today with the dozens of employees who once worked 
there would have created a stark contrast. Historic versus 
contemporary views of hunters, sheep shearers, coal 
miners, cowboys, or tourists would also produce the same 
effect. To really place photographs into an historical con- 

text, a rephotographic collection should include not only 
buildings and bluffs, main streets and mountain lakes, but 
also the people who inhabit those structures and who live 
and work in the vast distances and awesome spaces of 

In his book Amundson has demonstrated his com- 
passion for the landscape, his fidelity to photograph truth, 
and his excellence at archival research. Now a doctoral stu- 
dent at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Amundson will 
bring to the study of American culture and Western history 
a critical eye and a dedication to evaluating change 
throughout time. His book represents a significant achieve- 
ment in both rephotography and in Wyoming history, 
although a chapter on comparative portraits would have 
greatly strengthened the project. 

Wyojning Time and Again is the type of documentary 
work utilized by historians, archivists, humanities scholars, 
and the general public who are both soothed by the land- 
scapes which endure, and threatened by those changes in 
the material world which appear slight at times but are 
starkly illustrated over the course of four decades. An ex- 
cellent project and a fine historical record, Wyoming Time 
and Again is both a credit to J. E. Stimson and his vision, 
and to Michael Amundson, who had his own vision and 
saw it through to publication. 

Mark Klett and Ellen Manchester, Second Viezv: Tlie Rephotographic Survey 
Project (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984). 
Virginia Huidekoper, Wyoming in the Eye of Man (Cody, Wyoming: Sage 
Publishing, 1979). For other excellent photographic books about the 
West see Karen Current, Photography and the Old West (New York; 
Abrams, 1978); Eugene Ostroff, Western Views and Eastern Visions 
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981). 

ANDREW GULLIFORD, historian and photographer, is the author o/ America's 
Country Schools (2nd edition, 1991) and Boomtown Blues: Colorado Oil 
Shale, 1885-1985 (1989). He directs the Public History and Historic Preserva- 
tion Program at Middle Tennessee State University. 



Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith 's View of the Sioux War of 1876. 
By Sherry L. Smith. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989. 
Illustrated. Index. Maps. Footnotes. Bibliography, xviii and 158 pp. 
Cloth $18.95. 

Professor Smith has annotated the campaign diary of 
her great-grandfather, Private William Smith of the Fourth 
U.S. Cavalry, during his participation in the Powder River 
expedition of 1876 against the Northern Cheyenne. The 
diary, composed of daily entries between November 1, 
1876, and January 6, 1877, traces the winter "scout" of the 
Fourth from its origins at Fort Robinson in northwest 
Nebraska through maneuvers in Wyoming's Powder River 
Basin and the expedition's principal skirmish, the Battle 
of Dull Knife (November 25), to its return march along the 
Bozeman Trail to Fort Fetterman. 

What Private Smith's brief diary details so well is the 
common soldier's experience of the northern Plains Indian 
wars of the latter nineteenth century. Smith's terse but 
numerous entries offer the reader a vivid account of 
military campaign life from the perspective of the enlisted 
man. This is campaign life rigorously shaped by long 
marches in bitter weather and understandably preoccupied 
with the routines of food and shelter. It is life punctuated 
by petty squabbles, bouts of hard drinking (although Smith 
himself was a converted teetotaler), and the seemingly 
endless conflict between enlisted men and company ser- 
geants. Because Smith served as a sometime orderly for 
Colonel Ranald Mackenzie, a well-respected field officer 
of the 1870s Indian campaigns, his diary also includes oc- 
casional, often insightful, observations about commis- 
sioned officer life and the confused workings (from both 
Smith's and the modern reader's perspective) of the U.S. 
Army on the Great Plains frontier. What emerges, finally, 
from a reading of Smith's diary is the unadorned portrait 
of the common soldier of the Indian campaigns; a soldier 
bone-cold, tired, and essentially uninformed as to purpose 
or destination; a soldier as battle-weary ready to risk an 
Indian fight to keep a bread-baking campfire going, as he 
is wistfully thankful for canned peaches and a piece of hard 
candy on Christmas day. 

Since primary source accounts of the Plains Indian 
campaigns by enlisted men are relatively few in number. 
Private Smith's modest diary would merit the attention of 
historians and buffs in its own right. However, Professor 
Smith has broadened and enriched her great-grandfather's 
"ground zero" viewpoint by meticulously intertwining his 
diary entries with the first-hand accounts of two campaign 
officers. Indeed, Sagebrush Soldier relies heavily on the 
manuscript diaries of Lieutenant John Gregory Bourke, 
General Crook's aide-de-camp during the Powder River 
campaign, and Lieutenant Colonel Richard Irving Dodge, 
the expedition's infantry and artillery commander, both 
to clarify the historical narrative of the U.S. Army campaign 
against the Northern Cheyennes and to underscore the 
officer-enlisted man dichotomy of the experience of that 
campaign. Moreover, Professor Smith has skillfully incor- 
porated much useful material about the Northern Chey- 
ennes and their views of the war for control of the Powder 
River Basin. Clearly, Professor Smith has struck a nice 
balance between her professional and personal interest in 
William Smith's campaign diary, and the result is a lively, 
informative, and very readable account of the Powder River 
expedition of 1876. 


Sierra College 

Rocklin, California 

The Free Life of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the U.S. Forest Service, 1929- 
1965. By R. T. King. Reno: University of Nevada Oral History Pro- 
gram, 1991. Illustrated. Index. Glossary. Maps. 432 pp. Cloth $24.95. 

At first glance The Free Life of a Ranger does not seem 
like a very promising book. Such works are often valuable 
for local and family history, but offer little significance on 
a broader scale. However, R. T. King has done a master- 
ful job of interviewing and then writing about the life of 
a ranger who not only possessed a vivid memory, but had 
a significant career. Archie Murchie never reached the 
bureaucratic halls of Washington, but he offers us a 
heretofore neglected arena of environmental and social 



history: the work of a Forest Service ranger in the North- 
ern Rockies. 

The tone of the book is set in the first paragraph: "The 
best job in the Forest Service was a ranger's job. A ranger 
was his own boss and most of his work was out-of-doors; 
and if it were possible, I [Archie Murchie] would go back, 
start all over and live my career through again— I enjoyed 
it that much." Murchie loved his work, the agency he 
worked for, his associates, and a vocation which allowed 
him to make a difference. 

Murchie began his ranger career in 1929 as a young 
graduate of the University of Montana in Missoula. Not 
a good time to get a steady job, but after some four years 
of transfers and temporary appointments, Murchie landed 
a permanent position in what was then called Wyoming 
National Forest. His thirty-plus year career found him 
working in national forests in Utah, Montana, Idaho, and 
Nevada. In each national forest Murchie encountered par- 
ticular problems. Primarily, however, this dedicated ranger 
worked to regulate and occasionally punish people who 
exploited the forests for immediate gain, with little con- 
cern for the future. Cattlemen and wool growers fought 
among themselves for Forest Service grazing permits, but 
often they challenged Murchie 's authority by jumping entry 
dates with more than the allotted cattle or sheep. Main- 
taining reasonable relations with the livestock men and the 
lumber companies while preventing overgrazing and the 
destruction of the forest lands proved a continuing chal- 
lenge and Murchie had plenty of tales to tell of that effort. 

This dedicated ranger was not always at odds with the 
users of national forests. One of the most engaging chap- 
ters reports on Murchie's time on the Wasatch with the 
tie hacks: those skilled Swedes, Norwegians, and Finns 
who fashioned ties for the railroads. Murchie lived with 
the tie hacks for many months, thus his explanation of their 
work skills with the broad axe, their customs, and the 
travails of winter makes for fascinating, informative 

In many respects Murchie mirrored the philosophy of 
his agency and its founder, Gifford Pinchot. He believed 
in utilitarian conservation. Controlling the forest and using 
the forest for man's wise use was his primary mission. 
Eliminating the cougar and the bobcat populations, ex- 
tinguishing every fire, using 1080 poison and 1080 poison 
grain, dynamiting beaver dams, and shooting wild horses 
all met with his approval. However, in the latter, rather 
reflective chapters of the book, he does express reserva- 
tions regarding the use of poison, acknowledging that the 

predator control people did not have all the right answers. 
Furthermore, he speculates that perhaps every forest fire 
ought not be put out, admitting that nature was doing 
pretty well for those thousands of years before the Forest 
Service arrived on the scene. 

The Free Life of a Ranger is an entertaining book. Anyone 
who has worked for the Forest Service or who has an in- 
terest in the western forests will find it a fascinating and 
informative story. But it is more than that. From a his- 
torian's view, R. T. King has done an admirable job of 
presenting Archie Murchie in a book which is neither 
biography or autobiography. King describes his work as 
"not an oral history transcript: it is instead my interpreta- 
tion of the work that Archie and I created over all those 
months of interviewing, reviewing, and documentary 
research." His interpretation succeeds admirably, creating 
a pleasurable read and an example of a "constructed nar- 
rative" which cannot be beat. 

University of Texas at El Paso 

Tom Horn: "Killing men is my specialti/ . . . ". By Chip Carlson. Chey- 
enne: Beartooth Corral, 1991. Illustrated. Indexed. Bibliography. 260 
pp. Paper $15.00. 

Chip Carlson has written the most complete biography 
of the notorious range detective since Dean Krakel's The 
Saga of Tom Horn, published in 1954. As biography, the 
Carlson work holds its own against the earlier Krakel 
volume. Where both volumes fall short, however, is in 
placing Horn in the context of his times. 

Carlson brings to the never-ending debate over Horn's 
guilt or innocence some innovative, but controversial, new 
research approaches. Whether or not one agrees with 
"psycho-history," Carlson's interviews with a Cheyenne 
psychiatrist as to Horn's mental state provide some pro- 
vocative reasons why he acted as he did. Personally, 1 am 
dubious about the merits of such "head-examining" of a 
long-dead figure. Standing by itself, I would consider its 
use questionable, at best, but Carlson applies the analysis 
sparingly in conjunction with other evidence. 

The structure of Carlson's book, in some respects, 
resembles that of the Krakel book. Like Krakel, Carlson 
makes extensive use of transcripts from the coroner's in- 
quest and the trial, letting Horn and his accusers speak in 
their own words. There is at least one serious drawback 
in this approach— people familiar with the facts in the case 
may find repetitive recitations to Horn's bragging or the 



SPRING 1992 

Nickell-Miller feud repetitive while readers unfamiliar with 
the case may wonder what all of the fuss is about. 

As with any controversial historical event, the reader 
may find several points where he may wish to quibble with 
Carlson's conclusions. One example may concern Horn's 
boast of shooting young Willie Nickell from 300 yards 
away. Carlson dismisses such a possibility because "there 
is no draw anywhere within 300 yards of the gate from 
which the gate can be seen." (p. 197). Certainly, there is 
no "draw" in that location, but there is a hill with a com- 
manding view of the death scene and a convenient "path" 
up to the point where an assassin could have been 

Certainly, Carlson is sympathetic to Horn who becomes 
the hero in the piece. Nonetheless, as the book progresses, 
the reader gains an uneasy feeling that Carlson overstates 
Horn's innocence. At one point, the author concludes that 
Horn was convicted partly because his "blue-ribbon group 
of legal minds" were "plainly and simply overconfident" 
while the prosecution and its witnesses were "conniving." 
(p. 202). Additionally, Carlson asserts that public opinion, 
"aided and abetted by local politicians," and the press 
created pressures for a conviction. At the same time, little 
attention is paid to several crucial factors in the outcome 
which would seem to have strongly favored the defense. 
For instance, the make-up of the jury included no fewer 
than seven ranchers and two employees of the Two Bar, 
a foreman and a cowboy. Would they not be favorable to 
Horn's case? 

At two points, Carlson asserts that the confession was 
a key element in the prosecution's case and it "supported 
other circumstantial evidence which alone probably would 
not have been adequate to gain a conviction." (p. 170). 
While it may be true, many convictions have been brought 
on far less evidence. 

The prosecution, as Carlson notes, took advantage of 
"the defendant's ego and propensity to brag." (p. 174). 
This would suggest an answer to one of Carlson's rhe- 
torical questions later in the book: "Why did the defense 
not call character witnesses to testify about Tom Horn's 
service to his country in the Apache wars and in Cuba?" 
(p. 200). Earlier, Carlson seems to take Horn's accounts 
of his service in those events at face value. Perhaps the 
defense knew better. And as to "overconfidence," cer- 
tainly, the defense counsel were not the only ones suffer- 
ing from that malady. 

While the book is a well written and exciting account 
of an interesting event, a few assertions are made without 

substantial historical evidence and seem to divert atten- 
tion from the main story. Fortunately in such cases, the 
author equivocates as to the accuracy. However, the points 
seem so much the product of someone's imagination or 
rumor that one wonders why Carlson included them in 
the book at all. 

The first of these "myths" goes to Horn's supposed 
presence in Johnson County, and the odd unsubstantiated 
mention that Horn accompanied Frank Canton in the mur- 
ders of John Tisdale and Orley "Ranger" Jones, (pp. 16-17). 
The quoted statement made in 1935 by a supposed eye- 
witness suggest that the speaker either misunderstood a 
question about Horn's presence there or mis-remembered 
the incident. It is disappointing that Carlson lends them 
any credibility whatever. It should be obvious from Horn's 
own words that the statements could not have been true. 
A braggart of Horn's stature would not fail to mention par- 
ticipation yet there is no evidence Horn ever made such 

Equally puzzling is Carlson's inclusion of a chapter on 
Bob Meldrum even though the author admits there are few 
documented sources which would establish any link be- 
tween Meldrum and Horn. Is he included because Horn 
"was a saint" when compared to Meldrum? 

The true villain in Carlson's book is Deputy U.S. Mar- 
shal Joe LeFors, the man who extracted Horn's confession 
which led to his arrest. Carlson claims, without citing to 
sources, that by the time of the Horn execution, "LeFors 
had lost the respect of his colleagues in the field of law 
enforcement, and no southeast Wyoming cattleman would 
have anything to do with him." He is variously described 
as money-hungry ("could smell a dollar"), a liar, and even 
"a nasty, mean old man." Carlson quotes a woman who, 
as a child, lived across the block from LeFors who claimed 
her father warned her to stay away from LeFors. "Don't 
even play kick-the-can near his place." (p. 166) One 
concludes that society would have been bettered had 
Horn and LeFors switched places on the gallows. While 
it is obvious that Carlson believes Horn was "set up," his 
portrayal of LeFors, unfortunately, verges on caricature. 
Indeed, the excitement and drama so ably and interestingly 
described are not furthered by such stark contrasts between 
the "innocent" Horn and his accusers. 

Despite my "nit-picking," the book is a "good read." 
The Wild West aficionado will enjoy comparing Carlson's 
views on Horn's guilt or innocence with all of the folk tales 
the incident has produced throughout the years. One 
disappointment: the book does not contain a good map 



showing the significant ranches and Horn's haunts. The 
uninitiated would find such a map invaluable, particular- 
ly when "tracing" Horn's paths during those fateful days 
in 1902. 

University of W\/oming 

Grand Encampment Copper Toums. By Alan H. Patera. Lake Grove, Oregon: 
The Depot, 1991. Illustrated. Maps. 84 pp. Cloth $25.00. Paper $10.00. 

From 1899 to 1908, Wyoming was one of the leading 
copper producers in the nation. During this interval, Wyo- 
ming produced more than 23.5 million pounds of copper, 
mostly from the Encampment district. The value of this 
production exceeded, by far, Wyoming's total gold and 
silver output for this time. A history of this copper min- 
ing era is a welcome addition to Wyoming history. Author 
Alan Patera briefly examines this period in his new book. 
Grand Encampment Copper Towns. 

The book begins with a review of mining rushes and 
a brief description of the role of copper in the advancement 
of mankind. It then proceeds quickly to 1897 when Ed Hag- 
garty located a rich vein of copper ore near the Continen- 
tal Divide in the Sierra Madre Mountains. Patera states that 
within a few years, the rush to the area spawned ten new 
settlements and attracted approximately, 2,000 people. 
However, within ten years the majority of the settlements 
were nearly abandoned and a large portion of the people 
had left the region. 

The town of Encampment was the major settlement 
of the mining region and was the location of a large ore 
reduction plant. Perhaps the most notable thing about the 
mining region was the tramway which was constructed to 
move ore from the principal mines to the plant at Encamp- 
ment. This sixteen mile tramway, at the time of construc- 
tion, was the longest ore moving device of its kind ever 
built. In the succeeding chapters, a brief description follows 
for each of the settlements. Riverside, Elwood, Battle, 
Rambler, Copperton, Dillon, Rudefeha, Victoria, Collins, 
Downington and French. The last three are grouped to- 
gether. Dillon, perhaps, is the most interesting of the set- 
tlements, having a newspaper the Dillon Donblejack, a mer- 
cantile company, cafe and numerous saloons. The author 
spends a good deal of the text on the postal history of the 
mining settlements, a reflection perhaps, of his Wyoming 
postal history book. 

Some 141 mines and companies are listed as an adden- 
dum, of these, sixty-three established offices in Encamp- 
ment. The Penn Wyoming Copper Company of Rudefeha 
was the leading corporation of the time. 

Although management and financial conditions at the 
time contributed to the failure of the Penn Wyoming Com- 
pany, it appears that fires were at least partially responsi- 
ble for the shutdown of the area mines. Fires occurred at 
Rudefeha in 1906 and at the Encampment smelter in 1908. 
Along with plummeting copper prices, these incidents led 
to temporary and eventually permanent shutdown. 

This booklet contains a nice collection of old photo- 
graphs, unfortunately, the quality of reproduction is in- 
ferior. Although several historic Stimson photographs are 
included, there are, in the Wyoming State Museum, Photo- 
graphic Section, many more that would have added to this 

Obviously this was not meant to be an in-depth history 
of the region. By the authors own definition, this is a 
booklet, not a full length book. And, although a short 
source list is included, lacking are any footnotes or end- 
notes, as is an index. 

Perhaps the greatest contribution of the book is the 
reminder that an important historical event took place in 
the region less than one hundred years ago and thus far 
has not been thoroughly documented. If there is a negative 
factor, this book may deter someone, even Patera himself, 
from writing an in-depth study of the camps for the sim- 
ple reason it has already been covered, even though 

For the person who wants a quick summary or a brief 
history about the mining activity of the area, this is a good 
book. Adequate instructions are given for the reader to 
travel to the area, book in hand, and find some of the 
camps. For those who want to know the details of the min- 
ing, the lives and deaths of the inhabitants, the book leaves 
something to be desired. Perhaps the author underesti- 
mates the thirst for new information about Wyoming 

Cheyenne. Wyoming 



Yellowstone Command: Colonel Nelson A. Miles and the Great Sioux War, 
1876-1877. By Jerome A. Greene. Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1991. Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. Notes. Maps, ix and 
333 pp. Cloth $35.00. 

The book is, primarily, a military history of Colonel 
Miles' campaigns and battles in 1876 and 1877. Based on 
documentary research as well as years of fieldwork the 
author describes Miles' revitalization of army strategy and 
reconstructs battles, providing troop-movement maps, at 
Wolf Mountains and at. Spring, Cedar, Bark, Ash, and 
Muddy Creeks. Little is known of these battles today but 
were very important in closing the conflict in 1877. 

Centennial West: Essays on the Northern Tier States. Edited by William 
L. Lang. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991. Index. Maps, 
vii and 290 pp. Cloth $30.00. Paper $17.50. 

Kit Carson: A Pattern for Heroes. By Thelma S. Guild and Harvey L. 
Carter. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. Illustrated. In- 
dex. Bibliography. Notes. Maps, ix and 367 pp. Paper $9.95. 

The first biography of Kit Carson was published ten 
years before his death in 1868. As a guide, scout, and 
hunter for Col. J. C. Fremont's first three expeditions, Car- 
son came to public attention through reports that Fremont 
had written, which were reprinted and widely read. The 
authors describe Carson as a simple and direct man of ac- 
tion, aware of his own lack of education, and having a 
strong sense of duty and a desire to do his best. Accord- 
ing to Thelma Guild and Harvey Carter, "the term fron- 
tiersman is perhaps the most adequate descriptive word that 
can be applied to Kit Carson." 

This book is composed of twelve essays that were 
presented at the Centennial West conference. The themes 
of the essays examine the region known as the Northern 
Tier States, Washington, Idaho, North Dakota, South 
Dakota, Montana, and Wyoming. The topics covered by 
these essays include law enforcement and the development 
of legal institutions, statehood and territorial politics, labor 
movements, life on Indians reservations, the development 
of railroad towns, and New Deal investments in the region. 

Trail Dust and Saddle Leather. By Jo Mora. Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1987. Originally published: New York: Scribner, 1946. Il- 
lustrated. V and 246 pp. Cloth $21.95. Paper $7.95, 

Jo Mora has done all of the illustrations for this book. 
In Trail Dust and Saddle Leather the author presents an 
authentic look at the real-life cowboy's way of life in terms 
of his clothing, animal handling, equipment they use, the 
food they eat, and chores they perform on a routine 

Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper Missouri: The Personal Narrative of Charles 
Larpenteur, 1833-1872. Introduction by Paul L. Hedren. Historical In- 
troduction by Milo Milton Quaife. Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1989. Originally published: Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1933. 
Index. V and 388 pp. Cloth $29.95. Paper $9.95. 

The journals kept by Charles Larpenteur are some of 
our most important sources of information concerning the 
fur trade of the Upper Missouri. The son of French im- 
migrants who settled in Maryland, Larpenteur obtained 
a job with the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Based on 
his daily journals, a detailed account of the business side 
and social environment of the fur trade was developed. 

The Long Rifle. By Stewart Edward White. Introduction by Winfred 
Blevins. Missoula, Montana: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 
1990. iii and 375 pp. Cloth $24.95. Paper $14.95. 

In this book, American history, human nature, and 
Western myth combine to tell the story of Andy Burnett. 
As a youth he headed West, taking with him the long rifle 
given to his grandfather by Daniel Boone. Throughout the 
book, Andy's adventures, tragedies and personal growth 
unfold as he grows to manhood. 



Crazy Horse: The Strange Man of the Oglalas. By Mari Sandoz. Introduction 
by Stephen B. Oates. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992. 
Originally published: New York: A. A. Knopf, 1942. Bibliography. 
Notes, xxiii and 428 pp. Cloth $25.00. Paper $11.95. 

Man, Beast, Dust: The Story of Rodeo. By Clifford P. Westermeier. Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1987. Originally published: Denver: 
World Press, 1947. Illustrated. Index. Bibliography. 474 pp. Cloth 
$29.95. Paper $10.95. 

Crazy Horse, the military leader of the Oglala Sioux 
fought many famous battles, including the battle of the Lit- 
tle Big Horn against General Custer and the 7th Cavalry. 
He held out boldly against the government's efforts to 
place the Sioux on reservations. Finally, Chief Crazy Horse 
surrendered on May 6, 1877. While in custody Crazy Horse 
tried to escape and died September 5, 1877, from wounds 
received during the attempt. 

Clifford Westermeier, a noted historian and painter of 
the West, looks at rodeo from its beginnings as a one-day 
shov^ to the arena contests of the cities. This book is 
credited with being the first scholarly study and first book 
length study of the rodeo sport. 



Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on the Little Piney. Fort Collins, Colorado: 
Old Army Press, 1991. 30 minutes. 

This video is a short sketch of the history of Fort Phil 
Kearny, near what is now Story, Wyoming. It covers the 
garrison establishment in 1866 as an outpost along the 
Bozeman Trail to the Montana gold fields, until its aban- 
donment as a stipulation of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868. 
Shortly thereafter Fort Kearny was burned by Indians. 

However, during its brief history, the fort became the 
focal point of Sioux and Cheyenne efforts to halt White 
migration along the Bozeman Trail. This resulted in some 
of the most legendary military actions of the early Plains 
Indian wars. 

One cold December morning in 1866, Captain William 
Fetterman led his eighty-one man command outside the 
gates to aid a wood-carrying wagon train being attacked 
by Sioux and Cheyenne. Fetterman allowed himself to be 
led into an ambush laid by a young Sioux warrior called 
Crazy Horse. In the ensuing battle none of the soldiers 

The following summer Fort Kearny soldiers received 
new breech-loading rifles, replacing the standard muzzle 

loading Civil War era musket. On August 2, 1867, Cap- 
tain James Powell led a small command to assist another 
group of woodcutters a few miles north of the garrison. 
The soldiers and civilians managed to arrange the wagon 
boxes on the ground in a circular fashion. Then with the 
new breech-loading rifles, Powell's command was able to 
fend off a far larger force of Cheyenne and Sioux in what 
has come to be known as the Wagon Box Fight. The at- 
tacking Indian forces were unaware of the new single shot 
rifles that could fire sixteen times a minute. Their first ac- 
quaintance was quite costly. 

The video places Fort Phil Kearny in its appropriate 
historical context using maps, illustrations, and living 
history demonstrations. It also discusses recent archaeologi- 
cal excavations at the site and all is amply narrated by noted 

Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on the Little Piney should 
be suitable for most levels of academic work. It is a good 
general treatment of an important aspect of Wyoming and 
frontier military history. 

Crawford, Nebraska 

Fort Phil Kearny, 1867 



RICK EWIG who had been Editor of Annals of Wyoming for the past several years 
recently resigned. He accepted a post at the University of Wyoming, Coe 
Library /Reference Section where he is the Manager for Reference Services. 

MARK JUNGE has been appointed the new supervisor of Historical Research 
and Publications. Mark, a veteran state worker, has more than twenty-five years 
with the state, two of which were in the education field. A published author, 
Mark brings to the section a background in research, publications and oral history. 
In addition to being the new Editor of Annals of Wyoming, he has also been named 
the State Historian. 




Summer/Fall 1992 

Volume 64, Nos. 3/4 


Historic Army Air Base 
in Trouble 


W^ ifty years ago this April the 
JL Casper Army Air Base was 
established for the purpose of train- 
iiig B- 17 bomber crews. More than 
400 buildings at the base were con- 
structed in three and a half months, 
two weeks ahead of schedule, as 
America worked feverishly to de- 
fend itself and her allies. Bases like 
the one built in Casper were not 
meant to be permanent. But many 
of the buildings were built solid. 
This issue ofAivinls focuses on the 
central Wyoming historic site. 
Colonel Gerald Adams outlines the 
base history, and Joye Kading's 
photographs illustrate it, but pres- 
ervation of the physical site re- 
mains problematical. 

Tearing down old buildings 
has become nearly a pastime in 
Wyomiiig. For one reason or an- 
other, usually to provide parking, 
historic structures are torn down, 
burnt down or altered drastically 
enough to compromise their in- 
tegrity. It's no joke that Wyoming 

citizens are too close to their past to recognize it. Imagine what 
an Easterner would think if you told him there are people alive 
today who came to their Wyoming homes in covered wagons 
and stagecoaches, or who walked behind a plow and team of 
horses. But that is the case, and one reason why pioneer 
memories are still fresh in the mind is because enclaves such 
as the Big Horn Basin and Jackson Hole were developed 
relatively late in national history. Buildings, too, remain 
from the early days of Wyoming settlement, perhaps by 
reason of benign neglect more than by purposeful planning, 
but they survive nonetheless. 

World War II seems too recent to be called history, and 
you don't have to walk far to find someone who has strong 
memories of it. But those who lived through it, even if they 
consider it history, may not necessarily perceive that any 
war relics, apart from artifacts like bayonets, pistols, medals, 
uniforms or ration stamps, are significant. 

Casper Army Air Base is one of four major military 
installations built in Wyoming during World War H. The 
Prisoner of War Camp at Douglas, Heart Mountain Reloca- 

Bcniic Pierce, salvage operator, at Casper AAB Ojficers 
Club diirui^ its removal in Aii<^iist, 1992. 

tion Center between Cody and 
Powell, and the quartermaster fa- 
cility at Fort F. E. Warren in Chey- 
enne are the other three. Part of the 
vast quartermaster facility at F. E. 
Warren remains. But the POW 
Camp is gone, all but a few struc- 
tures at Heart Mountain have been 
removed, and the Casper base is fast 
disappearing in the wake of 
"progress." Transferred to Natrona 
County for use as an airport after the 
war, it is being sacrificed to airport 

Approximately 100 structures 
remain out of more than 400 built at 
the base. Barracks, latrines, thechapel 
(currently Our Lady of Fatima Catho- 
lic Church in Casper), the officers' 
mess, the Link trainer building, base 
headquarters and several WAC dor- 
mitories have been removed or de- 
stroyed -many in only the past sev- 
eral years- and others are sched- 
uled for the same fate. 

On August 6,1992 an inter- 
view was conducted with Bernie 
Pierce, owner of "Wy Rocks, Woods, Ck^cks, Designs," and an 
experienced Casper salvage operator. Pierce was in the process of 
removing the Officers' Club from its concrete pad at the base. 
Although he was busy salvaging what he could from the site, 
Pierce offered a few observations. That this structure, iii particu- 
lar, was built to last, despite the fact the base was never intended 
to be permanent, was obvious in the straight lumber anti the 
steel bolts used to bind the planks together. 

"You take 'em apart, you know, you can understand what 
they went through putting it up, originally. ...the original con- 
struction was done very well. Some of these have had additions 
put on 'em ...not quite the same quality of workmanship that they 
used to have. I would venture to say that this was put together 
originally by carpenters. 

The quality of the lumber is much better than what you 
can purchase now. They used to take time. Back when this 
lumber was cut, they'd take time to dry it and season it. And 
now the demand is so high that ...throw it in under a candle for 
25 minutes and it's dry and you get it. 

This was a tight building. Since I've been continui;p.5 

Govi-RNOR oi- Wyoming 
Mike Sullivan 

Di:PARTMrNT oi Commerce Director 
Max Maxheld 

Parks and Cultural Resources Division Chief 
David Kathka 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 
George Zeimans, Lingle 
Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 
Jlannie Hickey, Cheyenne 

David Peck, Riverton 

NoRVAL Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Volume 64, Nos. 3/4 
Summer/Fall, 1992 


C O N T 


Wyoming State Historical Society 
Officers, 1992-1993 

Walter Edens, President, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, 

First Vice-president, Torrington 

Ruth Lauritzen, 

Second Vice-president, Green River 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary, Cheyenne 

JuD-i- West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 


Mark Junge, Editor 

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor 

Roger Joyce, Book Review Editor 

Assistants: Judy West, Ann Nelson, 

Paula Chavoya, Paul Jacques, 

Richard Collier, Jackie Powers, 

Jackie Fisher, Patience Wubben, Brian Foster 

Kim Lee Dunlap, Graphic designer 

fV^'^B Cover: Headquarters, Casper Army Air Base, fall, 1943. Pat Emerson, delivery boy; 
«^M~/i v^ J Evelyn Clemens, pool secretary; Joye Marshall, secretary to the commander. 
Photo enlargement and oil painting: Paul Jacques, Wyoming State Museum, 

Focus 2 

Historic Army Air Base iii Trouble 

Editor Notes A 

The Casper Arm^' Air Field in World War II 6 

by Col. Gerald M. Adams, USAF (Ret.) 

Ei>riT)RiAi Advisory Board 
Michael Cassit\ 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

Rick Ewig 

In 1 895 Wyoming eslablished a department to collect and 
preserve materials relating to stale history. Today those 
duties are performed by the Department of Commerce 
located in the Barrett Stale Office Building in Cheyenne 
Within the department are the State Archives. State Mii 
seiim. State Arts Council. State Parks and Cultural Sites 
DiMsKin .ind the State Hi.storic Preservation Office. The 
Aiiiiiils ,<l Wxatiiiiifi. established in 1923 to di.sseminatc inUirniaiion about Wyoming and the West, is 
piiblisliiHlin I 111- Historical Research and Publications stall 
111 Ilk- Dcp.iilMRiii of Commerce. The editors of /\;;/;(;/a 
welcome in.iiiuscnpis on every aspect of Wvonnnij and 
Weslcni liisioiA 

Aiilhors may subniil two, typed doiilile spaced copies ol 
their manuscripts and endnotes to: luliioi , \iiii,ils ,<i W \,, 
///(/I,!,'; Wyoming Department of Comnifiic: H.nnii liiiild 
mij; Cheyenne. Wyoming. x:()()2 M,iiiiisui|.is slioiild 
coiilorm lo \ M, I, null ,./ Sn/r iliincisii\ ol (Imcil^o 
I'lvssi. Ilic\ .ire icIcK-cdin .111 cdiloi i,,l ,uImsoi\ hoaid. 
allllough the echloi icscncs llic iiphl lo make decisions 
regarding the acceptability ol inanuscnpis. 

Memories of an Army Air Base: 

The Photo Album of Joye Marshall KadinCi 


Ella Watson: Rustler Or Homesteader? zLQ 

by Sharon Leigh 

Book Reviews S "7 

Index QZl 

ANNAI.S 0\ W\C")MiNc; is published iiii.irU'rK In Ihc I X'p.irlim'iil ol Coinnioivo. it is ivcoivcd bv 
nirmbris ol llu' \V\oniiiio S|,ilo llisloricil SocioU ,iiui is Iho piiblK.Uion ol tbo SocioU . 
Mi'iiiborshi|nltu>s,,ro:Sm,o|oSM,|ointsi:;|ns|iliilion,ils:i)^ (. tinrnl nirinlviship ,s ISS^'. Copios ot p.isf 
.incKiniviilissiiosol AW \l ^iii.n bo piirJi.isod lio.n llu'odilor. C orivspoiuKMUv should bo addrcssod 
lo Iho oditor. ANNALS .irliclos ,nv .ibsti.iclod in / li^torunl Ab^tnich and Aiiiciiui: Hilton/ mul Lih: 

It was the summer of 1971 when, 
as an historian for the Wyoming 
Recreation Commission in Cheyenne, I 
first walked into the little research area 
on the first floor of what is now called the 
Barrett State Office Building. Every- 
thing was ill one room and was called 
the Historical Research and Publications 
Division of the Wyoming State Archives 
and Historical Department. Katheriiie 
Halverson was there to greet me. Pro- 
fessional and diplomatic but chatty and 
full of stories, Katherine enjoyed the 
human element in history. If she was 
busy, research assistant John Comelison 
-now with the Wyoming National 
Guard- guided me to documents I 
needed in order to write historical es- 
says called National Register nomiiia- 
tions. I never took aim at Katherine's job 
and, in fact, had no intention of being 
cooped up in some musty, state archival 
repository. I stayed only long enough to 
gather notes and make copies of materi- 
als to take back to my office. here I am working on the first 
floor of the Barrett Building. 

When I was made editor of An- 
nals, replaciiig Rick Ewig who 
took a job at the American Heritage Cen- 
ter in Laramie, I kind of knew what 1 was 
up against but no one really explained 
the jc^b. I didn't exactly walk into the 
place with my eyes wide open. Even as 
I looked around at the stacks of manu- 
scripts, correspondence and other docu- 
ments, I was ignorantly confident that 
somehow the Wyoming Historical 
Society's scholarly quarterly. Annals of 
Wi/oniing, would continue to be pub- 
lished just as it always had. Late or on 
time, for nearly seventy years it had been 
printed and sent to the Society member- 
ship -currently under 2000- who read it 
and put it on the shelves of their personal 
libraries. All of a sudden I realized that 
the editor is responsible for making that 
happen, and the blood rushed up the 
veins on my neck. I got flushed thinking 
that I was supposed to uphold some sort 
of tradition. As the panic welled up, a 
reassuring voice told me not to worry. It 
wasn't just me, there were others who 
worked on this thing. 

As the new editor of Annals I am taking this opportunity to introduce you to the 
staffofHistorical Research and Publications, a unit luithin the Wyoming State Museum. The 
people above are theones who bringyou the Annals ofWyoming. From left to right are: Roger 
Joyce, Judy West, yours truly, Ann Nelson and Jean Brainerd . These five peop^lehaiv 79 years 
of experience in State Government and 40 in Historical Research and Publications. Roger's 
title is Conservator and his main responsibility is to receive, process and preserve state 
historical collections, mainly paper documents such as letters, journals, books, pamphlets and 
maps. He is also the Book Review Editor of Annals. Ann is an historian who assists patrons 
utilizing the state's historical docwnents. She works with walk-in patrons in Cheyenne and 
those -who request assistance by phone or letter. Jean is also an historian and our Associate 
Editor. Although she pvvofreads and edits the entire publication, maiuiscripts of articles that 
appear in Ainmls arc her main responsibility. Jean is also in charge of the Oral History 
pv'ogram, and like the rest of us she also assists patrons. Judy West is the Wyomhig State 
Historical Society's liaison to state government. She updates records of Society membership 
and dues, and maintains contact with Society officers, including those in county chapters. 
Judy also types material that appears in Annals and assists staff in mailings. 

After all, the staff managed to get out an 
issue of Annals even after the editor's 
departure last spring. Gradually, as I 
dug through the material I realized that 
it might not be all that complicated, 
anyway. It was really the sanie sort t^f 
stuff I'd been wading through the past 
twenty-five years. The panic attack 
subsided and I began in my plodding, 
Germanic way to attack the piles of 
paper. Butjustgettingthejob done was 
not good enough. And thatbringsme to 
the next point. 

ou'll notice that this issue oi A)i- 
nals looks different. Even so, if 

you look back you'll also notice that the 
Society's official periodical has changed 
consiclerably siiice it became a quarterly 
in 1923 and the Aiuials in 1925. One 
change is its size and another is the space 
devoted to graphic material. Scholarship 
does not mean that a publication must be 
shaped like a textbook or be devoid of 
graphic material. Visual materials, as 
many as feasible, will continue to be 
combined with solid writing. There are 
good reasons for some of the changes 
you see, but change for the sake of change 
is good, too, despite cliches to the con- 
trary. And a new ed itor has some leeway 
to apply his brand if he wants. So if you 


don't like what you see that's alright. 
I'm interested in hearing what you think. 
The next issue of /4 ;;; ;^7/s will ha ve a page, 
at least, devoted to letters from people 
like you. We want your opinions. You 
ought to have an opinion about what I 
just wrote. You may have opinions about 
Jerry Adams' article on the Casper Army 
Air Base, and certainly Sharon Leigh's 
article on "Cattle Kate" will stimulate 
the flow of bile for some, particularly 
some residents of the Sweetwater Val- 
ley. Here's your chance. Go ahead and 
write. It's good for the body to have ill- 
humors vented. Even if you don't take 
advantage of this opportvinity, you'll 
continue to hear from me in this column, 
as well as from Associate Annah editor, 
Jean Brainerd. 

Z\ rticles appearing in Annals will 
JL jL continue to be refereed. When 
we receive an article we will send it to a 
member of the Editorial Advisory Board 
for an opinion on whether or not it should 
be published. However, the editor and 
his staff also will make decisions about 
what appears or does not appear. Book 
reviews and booknotes will continue to 
be a regular feature, with an emphasis 
upon publications relating to the history 
of Wyoming and surrounding states. 
However, my inclination is to include 
reviews of books that are only tangen- 
tially related to Wyoming will also be 
included. Finally, future issues of An- 
;;n/s will contain some advertising. Mon- 
ies generated by advertising will be 
poured back into Annals so that we can 
continue to provide you with a quality 

Perhaps after reading this far you 
still are not certain who it is that 
brings you the /4n/?<7/s. Many of you may 
not be able to keep up with all the 
organizational and name changes m state 
government. You may prefer to call us 
"the Archives" or the "Historical Society" 
or simply, as many say, "the folks down 
in Historical." Even though we have 
been a part of the Wyoming State Mu- 
seum for five years, most people don't 
know that Historical Research and Pub- 
lications staff members are State Mu- 
seum employees. How we came to this 

pass is beyond the scope of this column. 
But having come from the State Historic 
Preservation Office, I see a major differ- 
ence between the two programs, which 
lie within the purview of the same state 
agency. SHPO is a federal/ state pro- 
gram. It is embroiled in controversy 
because it involves the federal govern- 
ment, which people distrust, and it in- 
volves personal property. When histo- 
rians go to work as preservationists they 
become involved in "public history" and 
must deal with physical sites that often 
are in private ownership. It becomes a 
touchy issue when bureaucrats are in- 
volved in the disposition of something 
over which people fought a revolution. 
Prospective preservationists should 
have battle helmets and armament and 
be trained in defensive tactics before 
trying to fight battles over historic sites. 

But in Historical Research and Pub- 
lications it is different. People 
walk into the Barrett Building to offer us 
information, or they want us to provide 
them with information. Either way, 
collaboration between employee and 
patron is based upon common interest 
and trust, and involves no ties to prop- 
erty. Wlien plain old history is the issue, 
unfettered by property, relationships 
between the public and public servants 
grow as normally as a plant. 

A recent example of the differ- 
ence property can make can be seen in 
the refusal of certain Tensleep area resi- 
dents to have their ranches nominated 
for enrollment in the National Register. 
They may love history and cherish the 
memories of their ancestors, but they 
will fight tenaciously against what they 
perceive to be the first step in the taking 
of their property, even though the chance 
of that happening is remote and the 
preservation law itself precludes the 
taking of property. 

The difference in these two pro- 
grams never dawned upon me until 
taking this job. Having endured the 
blast furnace of historic preservation 
for two decades in a rural western state 
where history is young and private 
property sacred, having worked with 
people antagonistic to preservation, it 
was a pleasant surprise to encounter an 
outpouring of love and empathy in this 

job. Although history, generally, is at the 
low end of the totem pole in state govern- 
ment, the camaraderie of fellow employ- 
ees and support of citizens has made the 
transition to this job a pleasant one. ■ 


out here I've seen this building and I've 
always really liked it. I always would 
like to ha ve had it right here j ust f or . . .you 
know, I think it would have made an 
excellent workshop or a store ...any- 
thing. I had thought that when I was 
taking the roof off this building -and this 
was after the center section was all down 
and gone- I was thinking that what I 
should of done is cut this building in 
pieces, moved it to a different location, 
rebuild it as it originally was, and then 
open up a restaurant and a lounge and 
have it as the 'officers' club.' As I said 
before, I didn't know there was so much 
interest in these old buildings out here, 
and the history of it. If this had been kept 
original, even if it was empty, I think it 
would probably draw a lot of tourists. 

A lot of these buildings, well, 
they've stood 50 years now. They'll stand 
another 50 years. I can't answer for the 
other people, but I've always been par- 
tial to the, you know ...older thiiigs." 

Diversifying the economy and pro- 
moting clean industry, particularly tour- 
ism, are goals oft-expressed by Wyo- 
muigites, not just those soliciting \'otes. If 
these goals truly are worthwhile, the his- 
toric Casper Army Air Base complex 
might be a good candidate for de\'elop- 
ment. Cessation of historic building re- 
moval is one step in the right direction. A 
good historic interpreti\'e plan for struc- 
tures that remain is another. 

Not ex'ery old building in the state 
can be made into a museum. But a \ast 
historic site like Casper ArniN' Air Base, if 
it is allowed to exist as an historic com- 
plex, can attract and educate families, 
students and tourists. Preser\ation plan- 
ning often doN'etails nicely with com- 
mercial development for the benefit of 
both. One does not hax'e to traxel far in 
order to see that sensiti\it\- to historic 
preserxation brings monetary rewards. 
Finallv, for those inxohed in federal pro- 
grams, sensiti\'it\- facilitates good rela- 
tionships with federal and state preser- 
xation authorities. ■ 

When the United States started build- near Cheyenne, Fort Francis E. Warren. It 
ing up its miUtary forces in early 1941,Wyo- received additional troops and a construc- 
ming seemed to be out of the running for new tion program added 327 temporary build- 
air bases or any other defense installation ings. Only rumors and vague possibilities 
offering an economic benefit. The only mili- were offered Casper, 
taiy facility in Wyoming for many years had Casper" s population totaled 1 8.500 in 
been the seventy-three year old Anny post 1941 and the community had not recovered 

The Casper Army Air 
Field in World^)C^ II 

BY Gerald Adams 

Right: 176 combat crew trainees of 
TH1-: 33 1ST Bomb Group posing in 


Arm\' Air Basi;. Photo taken July i i , 

1943 during an INSPECnON visit BY 

Gi;ni:ralH.H. Arnold. 

from the depression of the 1930s. It lay in the 
doldnims economically and needed any help 
it could get. The oil industry had long been 
the community's most important economic 
contributor but it had suffered. Three large 
refineries had eariier located in Casper to 
accommodate the oil fields of Natrona and 
adjoining counties and those refineries con- 
tinued to operate but at a reduced capacity. 
The refineries belonged to Standard Oil of 
Indiana, the Texas Company and Socony- 
Vacuum Refining Company . The livestock 
industry was second in importance to oil. 

Wyoming's SenatorH. H.Schwartz 
offered some good news to the community 

on June 14, 1941 when he announced in 
Casper that the town might become the site 
for an Army supply depot. Rumor indi- 
cated an Army Air Corps training station 
might be located at the city's airport, 
Wardwell Field, but the supply depot pos- 
sibility came straight from Senator 
Schwartz and seemed reliable.' 

Time passed and nothing happened so 
the Casper Chamber of Commerce sent its 
president. Harley B. Markham, to Washing- 
ton, D. C. to do some aggressive lobbying. 
Markham reported on his return that Casper 
had a good chance of getting an Army Air Corps 

1. Casper Tribune-Herald, ]ur\e 14, 1941. 

bombardment school at Wardwell Field.- 

The Army supply depot rumors soon 
died a natural death but other rumors sur- 
faced. Casper waited to hear from Washing- 
ton, hoping that a military installation of some 
kind would be built, and that the local economy 
would be afforded some help. Wyoming's 
capitolcity, Cheyenne, enjoyed the increas- 
ing benefits of the nearby Army post but 
otherwise the state had been left out. 

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor 
December 7, 1941 and the United States 
declaration of war increased the nation's mo- 
bilization effort to a feverish pace in early 

2. Casper Tribune-Herald, July 30, 1941. 

1 942. Still no new military installations were 
offered to Wyoming. Hundreds of training 
camps and air fields were being built in other 
western states. Nebraska had a dozen army 
air fields, four ordnance plants, two army 
posts and the huge Martin bomber plant.' 
Wyoming and Casper waited hopefully. 

Establishment of Base 

Finally, on April 19. 1942 the Casper 
Trihwic-Henild headline announced, 
"Casper Gets Air Coips Base." Wyoming 
Senators H. H. Schwartz and Joseph C. 
O" Mahoney announced that an air base would 
be built near Casper, exact location to be 
determined. Two sites were being consid- 
ered. The senators generously credited the 
cooperative community effort led by the 
Casper Chamber of Commerce and supported 
by the city administration and the Natrona 
County Commissioners. In the first order of 
business Casper's Mayor, Dr. G. W. Earle, 
requested the city to appropriate $20,000 
for a twelve-inch water line to the new air 
base, wherever it might be located. 

Four Army Corps of Engineers offic- 
ers arrived from their Omaha headquarters in 
late April, headed by Lt. Col. Carl T. 
Nordstrom, and took charge of the construc- 
tion program. In early May 1942 a site had 
been selected for the new army air base eight 
miles west of Casper. The new air field 
consisted initially of 2902 acres of sagebrtish- 
dotted prairie at a mean elevation of 5300 feet. 
a combination of government and privately 
held land. The building of runways, roads and 
bairacks began during May. The Casper 
constrtjction firm of Rognstad and Olsen re- 
ceived prime contracts for most buildings, 
with other Wyoming firms sub-contracUng. 
The Boise. Idaho, construction firm of 
Morrison-Knudsen received prime contracts 
for the runways, roads, hangars and base 
sewer system.*^ 

Four intersecting runways were 
planned, each a mile long, and three were 
completed by August 15, 1942 when an 
Aeronica single-engine, two passenger plane 
made the first landing. The aircraft was 
piloted by Maj. James A. Moore, commander 
of the base, who had airived a month earlier. 
Moore had with him as a passenger Captain 
Lyman A. Young, one of the four Army 
Corps of Engineers officers supervising con- 
struction of the air base. Anothereariy arrival 
and witness to this auspicious occasion. Cap- 
tain Frederick H. Haiglcr, Jr., would serve as 
base surgeon. 

3. "Air Bases," Nebmskn History (Winter, 1991): 190. 

4. Casper Tribune-Herald, May 7, 1942, p.l; May 29, 1942 
p.1;and June 7, 1942, p.l. 

Construction had progressed so well 
that official activation of the Army Air Base 
at Casper occurted two weeks ahead of sched- 
ule on September I, 1942 and before air- 
planes or a full complement of troops had 
airived. As for the economic benefits Casper 
had sought. Dr. T. A. Larson wrote in his 
excellent book, Wyoming 's War Years, 1941- 
/945(StanfordU. Press, 1954), "In no time at 
all the base brought the city out of the eco- 
nomic doldrums."' Some buildings such as 
the chapel, gymnasium, and officers club 
would not be completed for another month 
but the mission essential facilities were gen- 
erally ready. The official name was Amiy Air 
Base, Casper, Wyoming. The press usually 
used Casper Army Air Base or Casper AAB. 
The 2 1 1 th Army Air Force Base Unit 
CCTS(H) had been activated to operate the 
base and train bomb groups for overseas 
assignment and individual replacement bom- 
bardment combat crews. CCTS(H) meant 
combat crew training school, heavy. The 

5. Larson, T.A., \N\ioming's War Years. 1941 -1945, 
(Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1954), p. 214. 

"school" designation would later be changed 
to "station" in 1944 and the "H" for heavy 
bombardment. That is. B- 1 7 and B-24 bomb- 
ers would be changed to "M" for medium 
when the newer and heavier B-29 bombers 
started operating in the Pacific Theater. Per- 
sonnel strength at the time of activation 
amounted to twenty-one officers and 165 
enlisted men. Most had arrived just a few days 
before from the Replacement Wing of the 
Army Air Base in Salt Lake City. Utah. 

The Base mission would be to receive 
graduates from flying and technical training 
schools in various parts of the nation, form 
them into ten-man combat crews, and train 
them to fly B- 1 7 bomber missions over en- 
emy tenltory. Training would vary from ten 
to twelve weeks. The amount of training 
received sometimes depended on seasonal 
weather that might hamper flying, availabil- 
ity of aircraft and the overseas need for re- 
placement combat crews. With training 
completed, combat crews picked up new 
bombers at Lincoln, Topeka or Pueblo air 
bases and proceeded to a bomber group 
overseas, usually to the 8th Air Force in 


England. Since air crews and airplanes 
would not start arriving for a few weeks, 
the Base had some time to get ready. 


Atrainload of troops to operate the train- 
ing base amved at night on September 
1 and were welcomed with what the newspa- 
per termed "Casper's brand of western hospi- 
tality." Amiy cooks on the late arriving troop 
train had been unable to prepare the evening 
meal. When word got around, a group of 
Casper girls working at the base and helped 
by others in town collected food and started a 
fire in a coal-buming kitchen range located in 
one of the five. big. 300-man mess halls. By 
the time the men had marched from railroad 
siding to mess hall, a steaming hot supper 
awaited them. Base Commander Major James 
A. Moore said the men were suiprised and 
pleased over this unforeseen courtesy.''' 

6. Author's conversations with Joye and Frank Kading, 
January-February 1992. Mrs. Kading worked in the 
Base Hq 1942-1945. Also see "Fliers Arrive at Air 
Base," Qispcr Tnbunc-Hcrald, September 3, l'-)42, p.l. 

The civilian community of Casper did 
a lot of nice things for the militai7 that first 
month providing the foundation for an excel- 
lent and continuing relationship with the Air 
Base. An entertainment program and dance 
was held that first week in September at the 
Base Recreation Center with fifty young 
Casper ladies serving as hostesses and danc- 
ing partners. The next week a Servicemens' 

Walter Abel and the three Ritz brothers. It 
was one of seven war bond drives that brought 
these celebrities to Wyoming. Governor Nels 
H. Smith headed the greeting committee at 
the train station, accompanied by Major Moore 
and Dr. Earle, the Casper mayor.' 

The 33 1 St Bomb Group formed, com- 
manded by Lt. Colonel Frank P. Hunter, Jr., 
as the airplanes were feiried in and combat 
crew trainees started aniving. While most 
combat crews were assigned to a class and 
upon graduation proceeded as individual crews 
to their overseas assignment, bomb groups 
would also be formed and move overseas as 
a unit. Combat crews were assigned to one of 
three classes that were numbered according 
to the scheduled graduation/departure date. 

Center: aerial view of Casper Army Air 
Base, looking south toward Casper 
Mountain. Photo taken in 1946, the year 

RONA County for use as an airport. 

Left: Major James A. Moore, first com- 
mander OF Casper Army Air Base (July 10, 
1942 - September 18, 1943). 

Below: a formation of U.S. 8th Air Force 
B-17 Flying Fortresses dropping bombs 

ON Nazi communication centers in Ger- 

Center opened in ihc Arkcon Building on 
North Center Street in Casper, sponsored b\ 
the city, and was immediately popular w iih 
the troops. Then a super entertainment pro- 
gram appeared at the base theater and city 
audilorium in late Sepleniher with llolly- 
woolI stars ihal inckided Jinx I alkcnlniriz. 

The training program w ould operate l\\ ent\- 
lour liouis a da\ in eight hour shifts. se\en 
tlass a week with each ol the three ckisscs 

s;v; Tiih 

-//.■;■,)/,/, September 4, l^UZ, p,t: 
b)42, p. I : SeptenilHM- 25, I^U2, p. 1 : .ine 
l^>42, p.l. 

flying, in ground school or off duty. Bomber 
group designations did not appear in the news- 
paper or the unclassified official records for 
security reasons, even though they were only 
training units. 

One of the early aircraft accidents was 
described on December 3. 1942 when the 
Casper Tribune-Herald reported a bomber 
crash near Lusk, Wyoming with no casual- 
ties. With fuel low and the night dark, seven 
crew members were ordered to bail out. Then 
the pilot and copilot proceeded to make a 
crash landing on the prairie and sui-vived. The 
next accident of a Casper B-17 bomber oc- 
cuiTed in New Mexico on January 13. 1943 
and all seven air crew members aboard died. 

Aircraft accident information during 
World War II remained closely held and was 
treated by the military services as classified 
or on a ""need-to-know" basis. Less than half 
of the major accidents of bombers and com- 
bat crews based at Casper Arniy Air Base 
became available to the news media. The 
Casper Tribune-Herald published reports of 
accidents including numbers and names of 
dead and injured when the information could 
be obtained. The monthly Base history report 
included details of only a few of the aircraft 
accidents.and the number and names of casu- 

alties were never listed. 

The Wyoming elections in Novem- 
ber, 1942 put several new faces in office 
early in 1943 including E. V. Robertson 
replacing Wyoming Senator H. H. Schwartz, 
and Lester C. Hunt taking over for Governor 

L. HuBER Collection, Casper 

NelsH. Smith. Senator JosephC.O'Mahoney 
occupied the other senate seat and Frank A. 
Barrett served as Wyoming's single member 
in the House of Representatives. 

Two provisional bomber groups were 
added in December, 1942, one commanded 


by Lt. Colonel Luther J. Fairbanks and the 
other by Lt. Colonel Hunter Harris, Jr. The 
provisional groups absorbed many of the 
growing number of combat crew trainees 
being sent to the Army Air Base at Casper. To 
reduce the number of aiiplanes in the traffic 
pattern at Casper,a satellite Army Air Base at 
Scottsbluff, Nebraska, was designated as an 
auxiliary field for touch-and-go landings and 
other flying training requirements. A small 
militaiy detachment stationed at the satellite 
base operated the facilities there. 

Impact on Casper 

A housing shortage developed in the 
Casper community not long after the 
base opened and became severe by Decem- 
ber, 1942. Not many soldiers were mairied 
but many who were wanted their wives nearby, 
particularly combat crew members soon head- 
ing overseas. No family or guest quarters 
were planned for the base so visiting guests 
and family members stayed in town. Casper 
hotels, rental houses, rooming houses and 
camps came under government rent control 
in October, 1942 and rates were frozen, but 
the available supply of rental units remained 
woefully short. The scarcity of building 

materials for private construction almost guar- 
anteed that the housing situation would not 
improve. Accordingly, the Casper civilian 
community responded with its best effort to 
generate rental units from previously unused 
space such as garage and basement space. 
Many a newly- wedded combat crew member 
found accommodations with a Casper family 
who had never before "let out to" or "'taken 
in" renters or boarders. 

Wind, dust and outside latrines caused 
morale problems during the first fall and 
winter on the base. The failure of several 
aircraft engines were attributed to dust and 
sand. Each unit on the base compiled an 
activity report at the end of each month which 
was combined into the monthly base history 
report. The report for December, 1942 con- 
tained this: "The wind seemed to blow 
continuously at temfically high velocity and 
the dust problem was unconceivable and seem- 
ingly unendurable. Office personnel would 
find several inches of dust on their desks in the 
morning and would have to sweep and clean 
all day in order to work." The wind reached 
a velocity of at least eighty-two mph on one 
occasion, as seen on the only wind measuring 
instrtiment in the air traffic control tower. 
Operators abandoned the tower at that ve- 

locity, fearing the tower would come down, 
and were not sure how much higher the 
wind rose.''' 

The base finished the year 1942 with 
an assigned personnel strength of 3327, 
quite an operation that had grown from 
sagebrush and sand in six months. Units 
assigned, in addition to the 2 1 1 th Army Air 
Force Base Unit, the Casper contingent 
included the 33 1st Bomb Group (H) with 
four bomb squadrons (46 1 st through 464th ). 
351st Base Headquarters Squadron, 906th 
Guard Squadron, 902nd Quartermaster 
Detachment and the Base Hospital. 

The aiTival of Black soldiers in Febru- 
ary, 1943 marked the first time Black Army 
units had been assigned to the Casper area. 
They would join the new service command 
being organized to handle maintenance and 
operation of some base facilities and motor 
vehicles. Base facilides included separate 
barracks, mess hall and day room. The city 
established and operated with volunteers a 
Colored Mens' Service Center at 241 West 
First Street in Casper. This Center would be 
an important asset to the Base and a very well- 
used recreation facility.'' 

Training Program 

The combat crew training program pro- 
ceeded on schedule through the early 
part of 1 943 with a new class of three to five 
hundred combat crew trainees airiving every 
three weeks as the graduating class departed 
for overseas. The number of B-17 training 
bombers on base stayed at about fifty aircraft 
with fifty percent usually ready to fly. Hours 
flown per month always exceeded 5000, a 
noteworthy rate considering the experience 
level of the young mechanics maintaining the 
aircraft and the severe working conditions 
during winter. The Army Air Base at Casper 
received recognition in early 1943 for out- 


e rally were returned to the factory 
for repairs; however, thls group of 
women, working in the base aircraft 
Maintenance Department, renovated a 
b-24 bomber that had been involved in a 


Summi;k, 1943. 

Li;i-r: mi:mbfks oi- iHi; ^--ih A\i.\iio\ 
Squadron. ThI' sql'adkon ( ommanoi ks 
wi Ki wnni: mi;n, Firsi Liiuii nam r.Il. 
I'll I ^, JK. AND Si-;c()ND Ln:uii:\AN 1 Ru 11- 
AKD H. Bkaki:. 

S, /(/s/,'M/, Anmi All- Pmi^c. Cd^fcr. \Vi/iv;//>iy, Divombor 
l'-i42, \ll 1 Mining, A. Probk-nis Fn>.iHintL'red. (?). 
MsosiH' History, January I'-M.'v 

'>. CisiHi liitHiiic-Hcnil,1,Febnu\r\ 1(\ UM3. p.l. 

standing achievement in many areas that 
included aircraft maintenance, monthly 
hours flown, and number of combat crew 
trainees graduated. 

On the other hand, the aircraft accident 
and casualty rate must have been a cause for 
concern at all levels of command. The Casper 
that six days earlier a Casper bomber had 
crashed twenty-eight miles northwest of 
Glenrock, Wyoming. All ten aircrew mem- 
bers on board had been killed. 

Base Open House 

Base Commander Lt. Colonel James A. 
Moore, promoted from major in No- 
vember, decided to have an open house on 
March 13, 1943. Word went out and thou- 
sands of Wyomingites, anxious to get an 
inside view of this well guarded air base, 
arrived for the occasion. Viewing stands for 
3000 spectators were set up and quickly 
filled. The program included tours of se- 
lected base facilities, an air show that featured 
a large formation of B-17s flying over the 
stands at low altitude, and a pass-in-review 
parade of soldiers and vehicles.'" This was 
the first and one of the most successful of 
many open-houses that would follow, usually 
in connection with a war bond drive. The 
open houses were always well attended and 
enjoyed by the Casper community even though 
everybody was expected to buy bonds to 
show support of the war effort. 

Change to B-24S 

A change of training aircraft started the 
next month when the first B-24 
bomber, arrived from the factory to replace 
the Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress. Within a 
short time the total complement of B- 1 7s had 
been replaced and combat crews were being 
trained to operate the B-24. Both aircraft 
were four engine, high-altitude bombers car- 
rying ten man crews each consisting of pilot, 
copilot, navigator, bombardier, flight engi- 
neer, radio operator/gunner, two waist gun- 
ners, ball-turret gunner and tail gunner. 

Why the change from B- 1 7s to B-24s 
came about after six months of successful B- 
1 7 training is not clear. Most pilots who flew 
both bombers preferred the B- 1 7 for its higher 
altitude capability, stability and survival char- 
acteristics. The organization of an all B-24 air 
division, the 2nd Air Division in the 8th Air 
Force, caused a greater demand for B-24s in 
England, and might have been the reason for 
converting to B-24 training at Casper. The 
other two combat air divisions in England 

10. Casper Tribune-Herald, March 14, 1943, p. 1. 

flew B- 1 7s. Differing speeds and maneuver- 
ability made it unwise to include B-24 and B- 
17 bombers in the same formation. 

The 8th Air Force Historical Soci- 
ety held their annual reunion at St. Paul, 
Minnesota in 1982 with some 2500 veterans 
of the air war in Europe attending, mostly B- 
17 and B-24 combat crew members. A spe- 
cial guest was invited for this occasion, thirty- 
six years after the war ended: German 
Luftwaffe General Adolph Galland. Galland 
headed the German fighter command during 
World War II and is credited with shooting 
down 104 Allied planes. During a seminar 
discussion of various aircraft capabilities. 
Galland was asked what he thought of the B- 
24 Liberator. His reply did not help the B- 
24 image; "If you had a choice you always 
chose the B-24s. We liked them. Their 
defense wasn't too good. They didn't have 
much armor, and they burned wondeifully 
even when you had a near hit." When asked 
how he felt meeting in St. Paul with his foimer 
adversaries, Galland answered: "This can 
occur because we did not hate each other. 
Every pilot, Gernian and Allied, only did his 

The Casper Tribune-Herald re- 
ported on May 3 1 that B-24 bomber #998. the 
first one to airive in mid-April, was named 
Diane in a double christening ceremony held 
on the aircraft parking ramp. The name Diane 
had been painted on the nose of the bomber. 
The other pari of the christening ceremony 
involved month-old Diane Louise Moore, 
daughter of base commander Lt. Colonel 
James A Moore. Changing from one type of 
aircraft to another posed a major transition 
problem for the base. Spare parts and supplies 
for the new aircraft had to be ordered and 
stocked, and maintenance and flying person- 
nel had to be obtained and trained. The 
personnel at Casper Army Air Base appear to 
have made that transition without significant 
disruption in the training program. 

Social Liee 

The base had been blessed from the first 
week with good entertainment and rec- 
reation facilities. An Officers Club, NCO 
Club and Servicemens' Recreation Center or 
Service Club operated on base and in down- 
town Casper. Frequent dances and other ac- 
tivities were scheduled at each of the facili- 
ties. The downtown Officers Club was lo- 
cated in the basement of the Townsend Hotel, 
the NCO Club on South Durbin Street and 

1 I.Adams, Gerald M. "A Case For Attending A 
Reunion,"/oHn;rt/ of The 7th Photo Reconnaissance 
Croup, September 1982, pp. 1-5. 


two Servicemens Centers were in the heart of 
the city. Distinguished entertainers visited 
the base soon after activation the first month 
including Bob Hope, Jerry Colonna and 
Frances Langford. Visits by other well known 
personalities would continue. 

The thirty-eight member 47th Army 
Air Force Band formed in Februai-y, 1943 
added immeasurably to the pleasure and en- 
tertainment of the entire community. Initially 
intended as a marching band, it soon boasted 
a twenty-seven member dance orchestra and 
a twelve member concert band. The band had 
a good following by May. 1943 when Gene 
Autry airived in uniform to perform to a full 
house at the base theater. Autry' s guitar 
provided the main accompaniment but part of 
the band participated. His show was enthusi- 
astically received and broadcast nationally. 

The first weekly base newspaper, 
the Slip Stream appeared in October. 1 942. It 
reported on May 1 9. 1 943 that the first cadre 
of WAACs (Womens" Auxiliary Army 
Coips) had arrived with twelve enlisted 
women led by Lieutenant Florence E. 
McDennott. The WAACs would drop the 
auxiliary from their name a few months later 
and be identified as WACs or Womens' 
Army Coips, part of the regular Army. They 
grew to a full size company of about 150 
members, the 768th WAC Headquarters 
Company. Functional assignments in- 
cluded personnel and administration, sup- 
ply, air traffic control and aircraft mainte- 
nance at the overhaul depot. The WAC 
living compound was located near the main 
gate and consisted of ban-acks. day room, 
mess hall and recreation center. 

Combat crew members from all the 
overseas battle theaters amved at the Casper 
Army Air Base by mid-June, 1943 to help 
train new combat crews that would soon be 
sent to bomb groups vacated by the veter- 
ans. Some of the latter had distinguished 
themselves in battle and were soon to be 

Visit By 
Army Air Force Head 

The head of the Army Air Forces, Gen- 
eral H. "Hap" Arnold, landed at the 
Base on a beautiful Wyoming Sunday morn- 
ing, July 11,1 943 and decorated nine combat 
veterans with thirteen awards at a ceremony 
on the night line. A pass-in-review parade of 
the 21 IthAAF Base Unit followed the awards 
ceremony while a formation of B-24s flew 
low overhead. Second Air Force Commander 
Maj. General Davenport Johnson, and Brig. 
General Eugene L. Eubanks, head of 2nd 
Bomber Command, were in the reviewing 
party that concluded with an in-ranks inspec- 

tion. General Arnold 
had with him on this 
trip British Anny Field 
Marshal Sir John Dill 
who had been confer- 
ring with the military 
chiefs in Washington 
on Allied strategy in 
Europe. Before de- 
parting, and after a 
base tour of construc- 
tion projects. General 
Arnold said, "This is 
one of the finest bases 
I have seen in the 
Amiy Air Forces." '- 


Shortly after Gen- 
eral Arnold's de- 
parture the training 
schedule resumed 
even though it was 
Sunday. The war ef- 

fort required a twenty-four hour schedule 
seven days a week. That night a B-24 on a 
routine training flight crashed thirty miles 
north of Casper killing all eight crew mem- 
bers. Four crew members — pilot, copilot, 
navigator and bombardier — were all 2nd 
Lieutenants. A staff sergeant represented the 
highest enlisted rank on board. The makeup 
of the crew typified the low rank and experi- 
ence of combat crews in training. An accident 

Lt. Col. Tracy Richardson, commander 
OF Casper Arm^' Air Base from September 
i6 TO November 15, 1943. 

ence and flying time. 
Experienced instruc- 
tor pilots (IPs) flew 
with new crews for a 
limited number of 
flights. Combat crews 
then proceeded with 
scheduled training 
flights and were at the 
mercy of an assigned 
pilot crew commander 
with limited skill. 
Rarely did a Casper 
bomber involved in a 
crash have an IP 

Sand and dust 
had a devastating ef- 
fect on aircraft engines 
and troop morale. But 
an intensive base seed- 
ing and landscaping 
program inaugurated 
in the spring, 1943be- 
gan to pay dividends 
by September. The amount of dust and sand 
earlier seen in the air on a windy day had been 
significantly reduced. In addition to vegeta- 
tion stabilization the Base improvement pro- 
gram included the addition of sidewalks, 
watered lawns at selected locations, and shrub- 
bery. Squadrons were "encouraged" to add 
rocks along their sidewalks and paint or white- 
wash them. Later the units no longer reported 
dust as a morale problem but one did com- 

1 Frank Kading Collectk 

investigation board examined the wreckage 
and circumstances of each accident. If mate- 
rial failure did not appear evident, the cause 
invariably was attributed to pilot error which, 
in turn, could be attributed to lack of experi- 

Above: interior of Officers Club, Casper 
Army An< Base. ca. 1942. 

12. Lnsp, 

13. Ibid. 

TnbiinC'Hcnihl.WiW LI, ] 943, p. 


plain that while gambHng was prevalent and 
wide open in Casper, enlisted men were barred 
from participating. Another unit report 
sounded better: "The morale of the squadron 
is very high due to the fact that all married 
enlisted men are allowed to reside off the 
base in the town of Casper where the rents 
are reasonable and the people friendly."'^ 

New Base Commander 

'change of base commanders occurred 
in September, 1943 when Lt. Colonel 
James A. Moore, who had been there for a 
year, was succeeded by Lt. Colonel Tracy 
Richardson. Moore became commander of 
Gowen Field at Boise. Idaho. He had been an 


effective and popular commander with both 
the military and civilian communities. Like 
Moore. Richardson had been a World War 1 
pilot who returned to the Army when World 
War II began. Henceforth, base commanders 
would turn over every few months with little 
opportunity for a commander to get ac- 
quainted in Casper or on the base. Some- 
times Army Air Forces dissatisfaction with 
performance resulted in a change of com- 
mander and at other times the officer wanted 
to be assigned overseas. 

The following organizations were 
functioning within the 2 1 1 th AAF Base Unit 

14. History, Army Air Base, Casper, Wyoming, Septem- 
ber 1943, VIII Morale (5). Also see Histoni of the 

357 sf P,7sr f/17 &Mrbnsc Sqdn, November 1943. 

in September, 1943: 381st Headquarters & 
Airbase Sqdn, 906th Guard Squadron, 377th 
Aviation Squadron, 902nd Quartermaster 
Detachment, 47th AAF Band, 768th WAC 
Sqdn and the 33 1 st Bomber Group, with 
three bomber squadrons. The 126 combat 
crews in training would soon significantly 

Combat air commands overseas, 
particularly the 8th Air Force in England, 
needed more bombers and combat crews to 
replace losses, build up the striking force and 
increase the striking power of attacks on 
enemy targets. Losses were running high and 
on October 14, 1943 a raid from England of 
228 four-engine B- 1 7 and B-24 bombers on 
the Schweinfurt ball-bearing plant in Ger- 
many cost the 8th Air Force sixty-two bomb- 
ers shot down and 620 crew members lost. 
There were also 138 bombers damaged that 
day. a date that came to be known as "Black 
Wednesday." Most of the damaged planes 
limped back to bases in England with their 
dead and wounded on board. This was the 
largest loss yet from a single raid.'-^ The 
pressure on combat crew training schools 
to expedite the training program would not 
relax soon. 

Flights of Bell P-39 Aircobra 
fighter planes from Peterson Arniy Air Base 
at Colorado Springs began aniving periodi- 
cally at the Casper base for fourteen-day 
periods in October, 1943. The fighter pilots 
were also in training and the joint exercises 
with bombers provided experience for both 
fighter and bomber crews to deal with the 
enemy in the air. The fighter pilots soon had 
their shai^e of accidents with two planes col- 
liding in October during maneuvers twenty 
miles south of Lusk. Squadron Commander 
Lt. Colonel Edwin S. Chickering bailed out 
and the other plane returned to the base safely, 
but with considerable damage. Flight Officer 
Charles E. Yeager bailed out of his P-39 a few 
days later fifteen miles west of Casper. '" The 
Bell P-63 Kingcobra. a larger version of the 
P-39. began airiving from Peterson Army Air 
Base for short training periods with the bomb- 
ers a few months later. 

Lii-i': Florhnci; !•. M( DrRMorr. i.iaoi-r (ii- 
II II Woinu^n'sAkm'i Ai XII iARvCx')RPS. Ni:\i' 
1(1 III K IS Cai'iain Aim ki C. Bi r(;is, Basi-: 
lixi ( I'lni; 0\\\( IK. W HI \ iin WAACs 

Hl( AMI THI W'OMI \'sArMV((1R1\s(\VACs), 
WO.MI N Hl( A,\ll I'ARIOI nil RH.IIAK \KM>' 
,\M1\\ I RIC,I\I \ Mill I AK^ RANK A\n II II IS. 

\5. I'mme, Hugono M., l-ditor, ".\ir \ietor\ in I'urope. ' 
lUc ImpacUiMr Wnm . (New ^ ork; P. Win Xostrand 
Co., 1959): p.:72. 

16. Casper Tribuiie-HeraU. Octoboi 

^)43, p. 

Registration of Unit 

O Id-Timers stationed at Casper during 
World War II will recall the confusion 
that prevailed for a short period when squad- 
rons changed designations, supposedly to 
simplify things. The redesignation of units 
became effective December 1 . 1943 with the 
parent unit, the 211th AAF Base Unit, be- 
coming the 331st Combat Crew Training 
School. Other changes included the 47th 
AAF Band becoming the 547th AAF Band. 
Then on March 23, 1944 it all changed back 
to the 211th AAF. But now alphabetical 
sections replaced the numbered squadrons. 
The 381st Headquarters Squadron became 
Section A. the 768th WAC Squadron was 

redesignated Section B. the 377th Aviation 
Sqdn to Section C. the Medical detachment 
assumed the title of Section M. a tow target 
squadron recently arrived became Section T, 
and so forth. The number of combat crews in 
training had grown to 164 by the middle of 
January. 1944. 

Bailout Procedures 

Airborne emergency procedures for 
bomber combat ere ws were spelled out 
in some detail but the time and extent of 
execution of procedure rested largely with the 
pilot. At times only part of the crew would be 
ordered to bail out when an emergency oc- 
cun-ed leaving the pilot, copilot and flight 

engineer to continue to try to cope with the 
emergency or crash landing. The five rear 
gunners plus the bombardier and navigator 
were usually the first to go and sometimes the 
only ones . Engine or other mechanical trouble, 
low fuel or bad weather could quickly cause 
an emergency for a new and inexperienced 
combat crew. If the emergency occuired near 
an airfield the pilot could set the plane down 
there, otherwise he sought the best ten-ain 
available. If the emergency occuiTcd at night 
and in rough country the pilot could order the 
bailout of all crew members, allowing the 
plane to crash. Survival of the crew then 
became the problem. 

The Casper Tribune-Herald re- 
ported on December 29. 1943 that five B-24 




crew members had bailed out in the Casper 
area and four were soon found in good condi- 
tion. It took a while longer to locate the fifth 
crew member, but he too turned up uninjured 
in the Poison Spider area. After the five bailed 
out, the pilot and copilot kept the B-24 air- 
borne and reached a Base runway for the 
emergency landing without further damage 
to the aircraft. Still, the precautionary bailout 
of most of the crew was a prudent measure 
taken by the pilot. 

Ni-.w Designation 

The Army decided to change the designa- 
tion "air bases" to "air fields" in early 
1944. After February the name would offi- 

cially be Army Air Field. Casper, Wyoming. 
The press and others would use Casper Army 
Air Field, Casper AAF or CAAF. The Army 
had already realigned its upper level com- 
mand structure in early 1 942 and changed the 
name of the Army Air Corps to Ai'my Air 
Forces. Changing "air bases" to "air fields" 
might have been a continuation of that earlier 
trend, but it seemed unusual in the middle of 
a global war. 

Other alignments were announced 
in March. 1944 including discontinuation of 
the army air fields at Scottsbluff, Nebraska, 
and Pierre, South Dakota as satellites of 
Casper Army Air Field. Those air fields had 
acquired other missions but were still avail- 
able for touch-and-go landings and transition 
training. On March 15. Casper Army Air 
Field combat crews in training totaled 167. 
The April 28. 1 944 edition of the Slip Stream 
proudly announced that twenty WAC air- 
plane mechanics were now assigned to the over- 
haul depot pertbiming aircraft maintenance. 


The Black 377th Aviation Squadron had 
suffered morale problems soon after 
their anival. The unit performed service 

catered to Black personnel. Because of this, 
periodically one or two trucks transported 
twenty or so members of the unit, on two-day 
passes, to the big town of Denver. Colorado. 
The squadron adjutant, 2nd Lieutenant Rich- 
ard H. Brake, acted as escort officer. The 
Service Club in Casper for Blacks also allevi- 
ated the morale problem with a full and attrac- 
tive schedule of activities and entertainment. 
Then in May, 1944 an NCO Club for Blacks 
and their families opened downtown and en- 
joyed great popularity. Successful from the 
first day, this Club proved to be equally 
popular with wives and girlfriends. The na- 
ture of the unit's morale problem was quite 
common at western military installations 
where local communities lacked sizeable ci- 
vilian Black population.'^ 

Military Wives 

An article in the Casper Tribune -He raid 
on June 27, 1944 refeired to a War 
Department recommendation that Officers 
Clubs admit wives whose member husbands 
were serving overseas, and that they be al- 
lowed to use Club facilities. Military depen- 
dents were not offered many "perks" during 
World War II such as medical care or Post 
Exchange andCommissaiy privi- 
leges. This small act by the War 
Department provided a first step 
toward providing more privileges 
to wartime military families. 

LiiFT: Waves of Consolidated B-24 Lib- 

PLANT. May 31, 1944. 

RiGHi: "V-mail. "Thi-; le'itersofservk r 


DiiciiD IN si/t: i-or shipping. 

work all over the base that ranged fidin the 
motor pool to the mess halls. Segregation 
prevailed on and olTbase.recrealion tacili- 
lics remained exlremely limited and the Black 
ci\ilian population ol'Casper totaled less than 
a hundred. Only one restaurant in Casper 


is\\ilh loinior 1 I. KkIwrI H. 
imi,ir\-Iohru,ir\ l^^z, HmU 

dm 111;.; hi-, two \o,ir tour ,ind 
Ut iIk' w .ir. Ho Clime to Chey- 

Li(C to work in the insurance 
.'tired. See.ilsoH/sfcn/, 211th 
/ Air /iVs('. Ciis;'<'r, Wyoming, 

Casper had many wives of officers and non- 
commissioned officers v\ aiting for their hus- 
bands to return. The NCO Club on base and 
in Casper adopted a similar measure without 
any urging from the War Department. 

Combat crew trainees received a full mea- 
sure of flying time at the Casper Army Air 
Field. The summer months were good times 
for combat crews training in Wyoming. In 
mid-June a total of 1 72 combat crews were in 
training, about 1.700 individuals grouped in 
three classes and in three different phases of 
training. The permanently assigned base 
military complement totaled 2732: 396 offic- 
ers and 2336 enlisted men. Thirty-four air 
crews graduating on June 1 7 all proceeded to 
Topeka. Kansas to pick up new aircraft and 
fly overseas. A flying-time record of 7761 
hours had been set that month.''' 

Dedication of Murals 

An art project begun by four G.I. artists in 
the Service Club seven months previ- 
ous had its dedication in June, 1944. A great 
deal of research and effort was put into the 
project by artists Corporal Leon Tebbetts, 
Private David Rosenblatt, Sergeant J. P. 
Morgan, and Sergeant William Doench. A 
series of murals in the lounge depicted the 
romantic stoiy of pioneers and their efforts to 
conquer Wyoming and the West. Explana- 

Air Field received an irate letter in July. 1 944 
from a Natrona County rancher living near 
one of the bombing ranges. The rancher wrote 
that bombs had been dropped near his house 
and that his horses had been fired at by .50 
caliber machine guns. He did not say if any 
horses had been hit. The Air Inspector inves- 
tigated and found the rancher's report accu- 
rate. However, the Inspector did not believe 
that the .50 caliber guns were aimed at the 
horses. He did not record what, if anything, 
had been done to prevent such occurrences in 
the future. There might have been other irate 
ranchers in the vicinity of the bombing and 
firing ranges with simiku" experiences but their 
protests were not submitted or included in the 
office history done by the Air Inspector.-" 


Personnel: All Time High 

tory plaques were placed below each mural 

and offered everyone visiting the Service 

Club an appreciation of Wyoming history.''^ 

The Air Inspector at Casper Army 

18. History, Zllth AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, June 1944. 

19. S//> S/rra»/, June 24, 1944, p.8. Note: The murals 
remain, 1992, in the former Service Club building, 
now a property of Natrona County and leased to a 
square dance club. Efforts are being made by Joye 
and Frank Kading to safeguard the paintings which 
remain remarkably well preserved. 

he name of the 21 1th AAF Base Unit 
suffered a slight alteration in August from 
"school" to "station" while personnel strength 
hit an all time high. Military personnel perma- 
nently assigned totaled 3993 (435 officers 
and 3558 enlisted men) plus 922 civilian 
employees. Additionally. 1 66 combat crews 
were in training. Knowing the Arniy Air 
Force had a sizeable contingent at Casper, the 
Forest Service requested help when a forest 
fire got out of control in the Big Horn National 
Forest to the north. Two hundred enlisted 
men were sent to the 
Tensleep area for sev- 
eral days and helped 
bring that raging fire 
under control.-' 

The Pacific 
Theater of Operations 
began receiving prior- 
ity in mid- 1944. ac- 
cording to a War De- 
partment announce- 
ment and a shift of re- 
sources and striking 
power to that theater 
begun. Civil authori- 
ties decided that the 
nightly curfew could 
be lifted, a restriction 
in effect for two years 
requiring all military personnel to be off the 
streets of Casper by midnight. Consideration 

Above: airplane target site at Casper 
Army Air Base. 

Right: Frank and Joye Kading in front 


20. History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CC'rS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, July 1944. 

21. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, August 1944. 


for combat crews going overseas was given 
as the reason. -- 

By that time people in the United 
States were beginning to feel easier about the 
war. The Allied invasion of Europe on June 
6. 1 944 had launched the offensive that would 
end the conflict in Europe May 8. 1945 on V- 

22. Casper Tnlnme-Hcmld. September 6, 15, 1944, pp.1 
and 13. 

E, or Victory in Europe, Day. Even though 
bombing raids over Europe still resulted in 
losses, combat crews completing their train- 
ing after mid- 1944 had a good chance of 
being sent to a bomber group in the Pacific 

The aixival of Miss Doris V. Bristol 
a WASP (Womens Auxiliary Service Pilot), 
and her assignment to Base Operations as an 

assistant operations officer and administra- 
tive pilot, created a great deal of curiosity. 
Could she really fly? The War Department's 
puipose in organizing the WASP had been to 
release pilots from stateside assignments to 
overseas combat units. Bristol had received 
her pilot wings at Avenger Field. Texas a year 
earlier and acquired considerable flying ex- 
perience since graduating. She soon won the 

admiration and respect of the Base Opera- 
tions test-flight crews when she flew copilot 
for a month, test-flying B-24s. The base his- 
tory for September, 1944, included a com- 
ment about Doris Bristol: ". . . her services 
were utilized to the fullest." She lived at the 
nurses quarters near the Base Hospital and 
used their mess but she was also welcomed as 
a member of the Field Officers Mess. Miss 

Bristol w as the first and only WASP assigned 
to Casper Amiy Air Field.- ' 

The addition of a Search & Rescue 
Detachment to the Base in October. 1944 
brought a measure of comfort to combat 
training crews facing the coming Wyoming 
winter.-'^ The Detachment's mission included 
searching for lost aircraft and airmen who 
had crashed or parachuted, and to rescue 
survivors. The unit included medics trained 
as parachutists. 

Responsibility for search and rescue 
of downed airmen had previously rested 
loosely with several agencies. When an air 
plane went down near the base a rescue party 
usually could be quickly assembled. It would 
consist of some firemen and a fire truck, an 
ambulance with a medic or two. aiiplane 
mechanics that could be spared, perhaps a 
military policeman or two, and maybe a doc- 
tor and representatives from the county 
sheriff's office. If the aircraft went down in 
another part of the state, or another state, a 
local sheriff usually got the word first and 
organized a search party. Winter weather in 
Wyoming could be very dangerous to downed 
crew members, particularly if they were in- 
jured. Modest though this new Search & 
Rescue Detachment appeared to be. it proved 
to be an effective and vastly improved means 
of saving distressed airmen. 

The Casper Arniy Air Field oper- 
ated at full training capacity for two years, 
generating combat crews and apparendy main- 
taining what amounted to an acceptable war- 
time accident rate. Then in October, 1944 a 
record of six B-24 accidents occurred and 
were recorded in the Base history as "com- 
plete wrecks." although the history did not 
usually include mention of aircraft accidents. 
Neither the names or number of casualties 
involved in the accidents were included, keep- 
ing with the military's practice of withhold- 
ing all of the aircraft accident information 
they possibly could. Most of the October acci- 
dents occurred on or near the base so it is 
probable that the pilots probably were prac- 
ticing touch-and-go landings. Casper's 
newspaper reported only two of the six Octo- 
ber B- 24 crashes, listing eighteen crew mem- 
bers aboard the two aircraft with nine killed, 
a fifty per cent casualty rate. The nine survi- 
vors presumably parachuted with some inju- 
ries. The accident investigating board found 
cause for five of the six accidents to be pilot 
error with only one attributed to material 

23. Qispcr Tribiine-Heralct, September 25, 1955, p.l. 
Also see History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), 
Army Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, September 1944. 

24. Cnsper Tribune-Herald, October 3, 1944, p. 5. 

25. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army 
Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, October 1944. Also 
see Casper Tribune-Herald, October 5, 22, 1 944, p. I . 

The accident rate decreased signifi- 
cantly the next month. November, with report 
of only a mid-air collision of two B-24s 
causing minor damage to a radar dome and a 
wing tip. One of the reasons for the decreased 
accident rate could be a change of command- 
ers and another the requirement for instmctor 
pilots (IPs) to fly longer with new combat 
crews. Every available IP was put on the 
flying schedule and assigned to fly with a 
combat crew for the first four weeks of train- 
ing. After a combat crew had been checked 
out. IPs were scheduled to continue to fly with 
them but would not take over the pilot or 
copilot seats unless necessary for specific 
instmction.-" The new procedure worked the 

IPs much harder, most of whom had com- 
pleted combat tours overseas and returned 
hoping for respite, but the decreased accident 
rate made it worthwhile. 

Friction With 
Western Transit Company 

Casper's Western Transit Company put 
a crimp in the local wartime ground 
transportation system when it stopped operat- 
ing buses to and from the air field at midnight 
November II. 1944. 

Several soldiers had been observed 

26. History, 211th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, November 1944. 

being picked up in town by G. I. vehicles and 
Western Transit objected. Relations had al- 
ways been good between Casper and the 
military, and the buses were a very important 
means of transportation because strict gaso- 
line rationing had caused most automobile 
owners to store their vehicles " for the dura- 
tion." In August the Casper Committee for 
the Coordination of Casper Army Air Field 
Activities had been organized to handle mat- 
ters of mutual interest such as this one. The 
committee was made up of Casper officials 
and senior officers at the Base. Three G.I. 
buses, augmented by G.I. trucks, managed to 
get military and civilian personnel to and 
from work promptly despite snow and cold 

weather. Relations with Western Transit 
returned to normal after six days, thanks to the 
committee and the effectiveness of the G.I. 
vehicles in moving passengers.-'' 

Winter in Wyoming 

As 1 944 wound down it appeared that the 
Casper Army Air Field had become an 
important combat crew training installation 
of the Army Air Forces. Personnel strength 
remained at a high of 3282 military (465 
officers, thirteen warrant officers, one flight 
officer, and 2803 enlisted men) and 833 civil- 
ians assigned. Attached combat crew mem- 

bers in training also remained high at 1766 
(507 officers, 201 Flight Officers and 1058 
enlisted personnel). Total military personnel 
present for duty on December 31. 1944 
amounted to 5048. The future looked so good 
that the Casper National Bank opened a branch 
banking facility on the Base offering full 
banking services. As a result of the good 
showing for November and December in 
number of crews trained, hours flown and 
overall good performance. 2nd Air Force 
Headquarters authorized Base Commander 
Col. Herbert Morgan. Jr. to proclaim Christ- 
mas an official holiday. To insure that the 
training program did not come to a complete 
standstill that day. the proclamation read: 
"...for as many members of the command as 
could safely be spared."-* 

A full schedule of activities began 
with a soldier musical titled "About Face" 
that presented a satire of army life at the 
Casper Army Air Field. Written, directed and 
performed by soldier talent, the show in- 
cluded a chorus of forty-seven WAC mem- 
bers. It appeared for three performances at 
the Base theater and in two peiformances at 
the Natrona County High School auditorium, 
receiving high praise. 

While the usual holidax spirit and 
activities endured in December, wai- news 
had a certain dampening effect. The Battle of 
the Bulge in Europe had cost American forces 
dearly and B-29 bomber raids on Tokyo had 
resulted in heavy losses. Still, the 547th AAF 
Band had a schedule filled with dances and 
concerts. The chapel also had a bus\ month of 
holy season acti\ ities. The Base Exchange 

Left: first ambulance on base to be 
equipped w ith oxygen. 

Above: FoLi(~)\\ INC. WoRio War II, STREETS 
atCasfI'R AR,\n Aik Basi wire: named for 
NATRONACoLiNivAiRPORr Board (aim Mis- 
siONERS. PostSurc;eon Fred H ah,i i iv w as 

A BASE IMl'lOM 1 WHO HI ( AMI \ ( CiMMlS- 

H:>loni. 21 Ith AAl Iviso Unit (CClSilO), Ai 
Fiold, CispiM-, Wvoming, Docembof ^'44. 


got into the spirit by announcing some spe- 
cials and the grand opening of Branch Ex- 
change No. 1 the day after Christmas. It had 
been closed for renovation. Also known as 
the "Beer BX" and the -Snake Ranch. " BX 
No. 1 had long been popularfor thirst-quench- 
ing, dancing and entertainment.-'^ 

The severe Wyoming weather put 
flying activities in jeopardy during the winter 
months when low temperatures, high winds 
and blowing snow often delayed or cancelled 
flying schedules. Navigational aid to assist a 
pilot in locating the air field in bad weather, 
coming down through clouds and making a 
low-visibility approach to the landing run- 
way was limited to a low-frequency radio 
range station south of Casper. Accidents oc- 
curred even though aircraft were diverted to 
other landing sites when the weather deterio- 
rated below minimum landing standards. Such 
was the case on New Years Day. 1945 when 
eleven B-24s were launched on a cross-coun- 
try training flight and the weather unexpect- 
edly went-to-pot after sundown. The first B- 
24 to return crashed in Shirley Basin on the 
south leg of the radio range twenty miles 
south of Casper. The other ten B-24s were 
diverted to good weather areas. The crew of 
six on the crashed B-24 consisted of four 2nd 
lieutenants and two coiporals. There were no 
survivors.'" Aircraft accidents remained a 
problem. Available Base bomber accident 
information is shown in appendix B. 

Rumors of Air Field Closing 

Rumors began circulating in mid-Janu- 
ary about the Army Air Field at Casper 
closing even though a high number of flying 
hours had been consistently generated in pre- 
vious months. Top honors were awarded the 
Base for flying hours, and two advanced 
classes were judged best all around in the 2nd 
Air Force for training and standard of perior- 
mance." On the basis of peribrmance, the 
Base did not seem like a good candidate for 
closure. Could it be the accidents? 

In the interest of conserving heating 
iliel during what promised to be a very cold 
winter, a nationwide brownout was begun in 
early February in order to save coal, oil and 
other critical fuel supplies. The brownout 
applied to all military installations but no 
disruption was expected in the combat crew 
training schedule. Casper felt that such an 

29. ILiid. Also see G(^;rr Tyilnnw-Hcrald, December 26. 
1944, p.], 

30. History, 21 1th AM- Base Unit (CCTS(1 1)), Army Ai 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, J<inuary 1945. Also see 
Cnsjur TribiDH'-HcrnId, January 2, 4, 7, 1945, pp.1. 

31. History, 211 tin AAF Rase Unit (CCTSd I)), Casper, 
Wyoming, January I94S. 

inconvenience should not apply to them and 
asked for an exemption based upon the fact 
that most of its power came from water- 
driven turbines. However, the request was 
denied and Casper joined the rest of the nation 
in the brownout. '- 

Any difficulties or inconveniences 
caused by the brownout were soon forgotten 
when the Base Public Relations Office issued 
this news release on Febmary 15. 1945: "To- 
day. 2nd Air Force Headquarters announced 
that Casper AAF will be placed on temporary 
inactive status March 7, and will remain un- 
der 2nd Air Force command pending future 
determination of its use by the Army Air 
Force." When no further infonnation seemed 
to be forthcoming from the War Department, 
the Casper Chamber of Commerce queried 
the Wyoming congressional delegation. Con- 
gressman Ban-ett replied that he had been 
advised that the training program had passed 
its peak and such activities throughout the 
country were being curtailed. It appeared that 
the Wyoming delegation had been taken by 
suiprise and were not in touch with the situa- 
tion. Mr. Marvin Bishop, Casper Chamber of 
Commerce president, said that the Chamber 
would do everything in its power to keep the 
base active.*' 

Combat crews in training were soon 
graduated ortransfenedtoothertraining fields. 
The advanced class, the last combat crews in 
training, graduated February 23, 1945. It is 
estimated that more than 1 6,000 combat crew 
members trained at the Anny Air Field in 
Casper during its thirty months of active life. ''^ 

Key personnel, about twenty-five per- 
cent of the permanently assigned, were trans- 
ferred to Kirtland Army Air Field at Albu- 
querque. New Mexico, including Base Com- 
mander Major Thomas T. Omohundro. Be- 
fore departing, Omohundro married Miss 
Elizabeth Cook of Casper in a formal home 
wedding ceremony.*' 

Most of the remaining seventy-five 

32. Casper Trilmne-Hcrahi, January 31, 1945, p.l. 

33. History, 211th AAF Base Unit {CCTS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, February 1945. Also see 
Casper Tribune-Herald, February 13, 1945, p.l. 

34. Assuming 126 combat crews in the program through 
out 1943. Ten week training periods equate to 5 
periods for the year, the extra two weeks not counted. 
Therefore, 126 times s = h"(i i i rex\ s and ten 
members per crew tul.iis ii/'iHii rrw nimibers gradu- 
ated in 1943. Using till' s.imelornuil.i lor tlie remain- 
ing sixty weeks (6 ten week periods) in 1944-1 '■US but 
increasing the average number of combat crews to 
168, a total of 1,008 combat crews with 10,080 crew 
members graduated. The total for 1943-1945 amounts 
to 16,380 combat crew members trained. While the 
training program started soon after September 1, 
1942, the number of crew members graduated during four months of 1942 is not included due to lack 
of data. 

35. Casper Trilniiie-Herahl, Marcli 6, 1945, p.6. 

per cent of the permanent personnel were 
sent to B-29 bomb groups forming at Kansas 
and Nebraska air fields. The B-29 bombers 
had become the primary weapon in the war 
against Japan. Forty-four instiTictorpilots were 
sent to Maxwell Army Air Field, Alabama, 
for B-29 transition training. The very popu- 
lar, much in demand, 547th AAF Band moved 
intact to Davis-Monthan Army Air Field near 
Tucson, Arizona. The B-24 bombers were 
flown to Pueblo. Colorado, by ferry pilots for 
storage. All civilian employees were given 
the opportunity to either transfer to other 
installations that needed civilian personnel or 
resign. The Anny Air Field at Casper was 
officially deactivated March 7, 1945. All 
personnel had transfen-ed by Mai'ch 12, or 
were on orders for transfer except for the 
eighty-five member close-out crew of ten 
officers and seventy-five enlisted men.''' 

V-E Day on May 8 and the sun-en- 
der of Japan in August, 1945 reduced chances 
that the air field at Casper might be reacti- 
vated soon. The Quartermaster Replacement 
Training Center had been deactivated at Fort 
F. E. Wairen so the post near Cheyenne had 
no mission and also was in imminent danger 
of being closed. Still, local Casper commu- 
nity efforts continued and at times hopes rose 

Housing Shortage Postpones 
Reactivation of Air Field 

During August, 1946 it seemed likely 
that the 4th Fighter Group would move 
to Casper and reactivate the military air field. 
Equipped with North American P-51 Mus- 
tangs, the group would soon receive the new 
Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star, the first jet 
fighter assigned to the Air Force. All build- 
ings and equipment were maintained intact 
and were ready to be used. But an army 
inspector from Washington. D.C. looked at 
the housing situation in Casper and stopped 
everything. A Casper Tribune-Herald article 
on October 1 , 1946. announced: "Army Says 
Air Base Here May be Reopened Next May." 
Major General C. C. Chauncey. Deputy Chief 
of Staff for Air, informed Senator Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney that the Army had decided to 
postpone the activation of the Army Air Field 
at Casper because of the critical housing 
shortage that continued in town. 

The May opening indicated in the 
newspaper did not occur. The militai7 air 
field would remain on a housekeeping basis 
for another three years with various Air Na- 
tional Guard units using the field for summer 

36. History, 21 1th AAF Base Unit (CCTS(H)), Army Air 
Field, Casper, Wyoming, March 1945. 

camp. It appeared that Wyoming might soon 
be without any active miHtary installations 
when early in 1948, Fort F. E. Wairen was 
declared suiplus and earmarked for abandon- 
ment. But a May, 1948 visit from campaign- 
ing President Hany S. Truman changed ev- 
erything and the post became an air force 
base. There were those in the recently ( 1947) 
formed U. S. Air Force that opposed accept- 
ing an old Army post that had no airfield or 
runways. As a consequence the name did not 
change from Fort F. E. Wairen to F. E. War- 
ren Air Force Base for another year, in Octo- 
ber 1949. Army or Air Force, one active 
military installation was retained in Wyo- 
ming during the Cold War era and beyond. *' 

Members of the Wyoming congres- 
sional delegation and the Casper Chamber of 
Commerce periodically predicted reactiva- 
tion of the military air field at Casper, but it 
remained inactive with a small military hold- 
ing party. Casper, soon to be known as the Oil 
City of the West, became a boom town after 
the war with little need for the economic 
benefits derived from a nearby military base. 

Casper and Natrona County offi- 
cials were notified by the federal Civil Avia- 

37. Adams, Gerald M. The Post Near Cheyenne: A His- 
tory of Fort D. A. Russell, 1867-1930. Boulder: Pruett 
Publishing Co., 1989, pp.212-213. 

tion Authority (CAA) that major improve- 
ments were needed soon at Wardwell Field or 
its rating as a commercial aviation facility 
would be downgraded. In lieu of an expensive 
rehabilitation at Wardell Field, the inactive 
military air field offered a solution to Casper 
and the Natrona County commissioners. No 
one seemed suiprised or concerned when the 
Casper Tribune-Herald announced on No- 
vember 6, 1949 that the former military air 
field eight miles west had become Natrona 
County Municipal Airport. The land and all 
buildings became county property, and the 
development of the property constitutes an- 
other chapter in local and Wyoming history . ■ 


Note — Primary printed sources of infor- 

University Library (Rolls B2092&BB2093), 
AND THE USAF Historical Research Center 
(Rolls B2093 & B2094), at Maxwell AFB, 
Alabama. Also see microfilm of Casper Tri- 
biDu-Hevald, 194 1- 1949, AT THE Historical 
Research and Publications Unit of the 
Wyoming, Department of Commerce. Con- 

Casper and Richard H. Brake of Cheyenne 

WERE also richly REWARDING. 

. ^^ . 

About the Author 

In 1978 Gerald Adams (1920 - ) retired 
FROM THE U.S. Air Force with the rank 

of colonel after 38 YEARS OF MILITARY 

LIVE IN Cheyenne. Three daughters 
LIVE IN New York. He is the author of 
TWO books, ThePost Near Cheyenne: A History 
of Fort D. A. Russell. 186-/ to 1930 (Boulder, 
Colorado: Pruett, 1989) and A History of 
the U.S. Strategic Air Force Bases in Morocco. 
I c)^ J -196 3 .(Moroccan Reunion Associa- 

Press, Ft. Collins, Colorado, 1992). 
Adams has written four other articles 

for the Annals as well AS NUMEROUS 

PIECES FOR Cheyenne newspapers about 

local military HISTORY. DURING WORLD 

War II he flew European missions for 
THE 7TH Photo Reconnaissance Group 
IN P-38(F-5) and Spitfire (MK XI) fighter 
planes. Although he has a commercial 
pilot's license, Adams is content to 

comport himself WITHIN the bucket SEAT 

OF HIS 1967, T-5 Ford Mustang. 




7- 10-42 to 9-18-43 
Maj./Lt.Col. James A. Moore 

9-16-43 to 11-15-43 
Lt. Col. Tracy Richardson 

11-16-43 to 2- 1-44 
Lt. Col. William Lewis, Jr. 

2- 1-44 to 5-22-44 
Lt. Col. Marcus A. McMullen 

5-22-44 to 11-18-44 
Col. E. M. Hampton 

11-19-44 to 1-22-45 
Col. Herbert Morgan, Jr. 

1-22-45 to 2-13-45 
Col. Guy F. Hix 

2-13-45 to 3-7-45 
Maj. Thomas T. Omohundro 


Type & Number 






near Lusk, Wyoming (7 parachuted) 




New Mexico 



2- 2-43 


near Bogue, Kansas 





28 miles nw.of Glenrock, Wyoming 





near Covelo, California 





10 miles w. of Casper AAB 





30 miles n. of Casper AAB 





25 miles e. of Gunnison, Colorado 





4 miles sw.of Casper AAF 



3- 3-44 


25 miles ne. of Casper AAF 





2 miles e. of Casper AAF 





6 miles ne. of Casper AAF 





2 miles ne. of Miles City, Montana 





North Platte, Nebraska 





Casper Mtn. 12 miles se. of base 





.5 miles w. of Casper AAF 




B-24J #42-73411 

3 miles w. of Casper AAF 




B-24J #42-95580 

on the airfield 




B-24J #42-10052 

on the airfield 




B-24J #42-73412 

on the airfield 




B-24J #42-95545 




B-24J #42- 

25 miles sw. of Lemon. South Dakota 




RB-24J #42-7249 




B-24J #51502 

on the airfield 




B-24J # 

3 miles e. of Edgerton, Wyoming 




B-24J # 

20 miles s. of Casper AAF 




B-24J # 

on the airfield 



# Source Casper Tribune-Herald, usually the day after accident or within a lew days. 

* Source History. 211th AAF Base Unit. Army Air Base. Casper. Wyoming. Few accidents are reported in the monthly histories. 
Those that do usually appear in the month the accident occurred. 


Memories of an Army Air Base 

The Photo Album of 

Joye Marshall Kading 

In her own words, she "never looked for a job in her life." Jobs came looking for her. In April, 1942 nineteen- 
year OLD PUBLIC stenographer Joye Marshall was chosen by Lt. Col. Carl T. Nordstrom of the U.S. Army Corps 
of Engineers to be his secretary at the new Casper Army Air Base. He phoned her on a Saturday and asked 
her to go to work the next day. Two years later L. F. J. Wilking, Superintendent of Texas Company Refinery 
in Casper, finagled her discharge from the base in order to obtain her as his personal secretary. 

During her secretarial career 
at base headquarters, Joye 
kept photographs given to 
her by officers and friends. 
When she left the base she put the photos 
in an album where they stayed for nearly 
twenty years. Before leaving the base, 
however, she met Sergeant Frank Kading 
and after the war was over they married. 
The Kadings had two children who, as 
the years passed by, began looking 
through the albtim and asking questions. 
Meanwhile, in postwar years some of the 
thousands of people who had been sta- 
tioned at the base visited Casper, looking 
up the Kadings in the phone book. They 
remembered that Joye worked for the 
base commanders or that Frank had 
served in the Quartermaster Department. 
Inviting them to her home for coffee, Joye 
gladly pulled out the a Ibum for her guests, 
going through it page by page until it 
became well-worn. Today she gives pre- 
sentations to Casper students and civic 
organizations, outlining the history of 
the base and describing its personali- 
ties. "The interesting part is that they 
just love it," she says. 

"The reason it's such a good program 

is because of my pictures, because they 
are wonderful pictures. ... Another rea- 
son I'm doing it is because I want the 
buildings - one of which had been the 
Servicemen's Club on the base - to be 
preserved to point out the fact that there 
was actually an army air field in Natrona 
County at one time and that construction 
at the International Airport is encroach- 
ing on the area. I think that because this 
was a unique air base during World War 
II, and was not meant to be permanent, 
that those buildings still remaining 
should be on the National Register of 
Historic Places. Wyoming deserves much 
recognition for the part it played during 
World War 11 in training of men to go 
overseas. This is the least we can do to 
recognize Wyoming because it's always 
been an orphan state and we've always 
been ignored when it comes to govern- 
ment enterprises. I do wish the county 
would preserve the Servicemen's Club 
and the majority of the remaining build- 
ings, theater, gymnasium, hangars, bar- 
racks and the like. Interestingly enough, 
other people with whom I've spoken feel 
the same way. A lady I know says, 'I've 
been so mad over the years that the Base 

wasn't preserved.' She thought it should 
be left just like it was. Frank and I tried as 
far back as ten or twelve years ago to get 
the County Commissioners interested in 
at least preserving the Servicemen's Club 
but to no avail. The benefit in prescribing 
it is that it's close to the terminal building, 
and if people had a layover there for an 
hour or so they could visit it and see the 
n\urals which depict the history of the 
State of Wyoming and were painted on 
the interior walls around the entire 
clubroom by soldiers who were stationed 
there. It took four men eight months to 
finish the painting. Each had a part of 
Wyoming history to illustrate." 

Photographer at thebasewas George Wright. 
Many of the following photographs were 
taken by Wright and his staff and are selec- 
tions from an album full of joye Kading's 
personal memories. They are now public 

Opposite: 19 year old Joye Marshall, 
secretary to the commander, in 
doorway OF Headquarters at Casper 
Army Air Base during a mock at- 
tack, June, 1942. On the backofthh 
photo are the words, "Uncondi- 
tional surrender." 

This Page: Open House at Casper Army Air Base, March 13, 1943. Base 
Commander, Col. James A. Moore, arranged eor Joye Marshall's father and 
mother to be the first to drive through the main gate that morning in 
their brown and 


They headed a five- 
SANDS OF Wyoming- 


GRAM in(,i.uded a for- 
ma rK)\ Ol- B-17 BOMB- 



— r 

Left: Joye Marshall's 
recognition ribbon. 

Souvenir Program for 
BASE opi:n house 

Left: WACsandcivilians returning to work 
after lunch hour, ca. 1 944. looking south 
toward base gymnasium. 

Bottom : 1 944 letter of recommendation to 
JOYE Marshall from Col. Moore. 

Opposite Page: Col. James A. Moore, the 
FIRST Commander at Casper Army Air Base. 

Commandant at 
iBase Promoted 

Army A-ir Base » ^^^ 
ned Friday tlaat^^J ^^ y 

colonel, ene'itw 

mando thej 

ly "^ ^mcef at the T 
tions o^^^V Tucson. ^ 
field near iuc 

5Sd commission 

world V/ar 1 
he continued 
fields of CO- 

An act! 
corps rese' 

ed 16 V 

air wor 




''-2-22 . 

3d .-'■^'■'J- 


Allison M< 

Air Loi 


Lientenant Colonel 
Unilea Crtates Ariii^ 

Right: Lt. Col. James C. Long, Post 

Below: Lt. Col. Carl T. Nordstrom, 
U.S. CorpsofEngineers. Nordstrom 


April, 1942, taking charge of base 
construction. joye marshall was 
his secretary until nordstrom was 
replaced a couple of weeks later 
BY Lt. Col. James C. Long who be- 
came Post Engineer and directed 
the construction of the base. 

T ickui .Pnl Carl T. Nord- 
L.ieUl.-l^01. 3^j.^^ of the 

army engineers corps, with head- 
quarters in Omaha, who has been 
assigned to take charge of the con- 
struction activities at the Casper air 
ba^e. He is a World War No. 1 vet- 
eran and was overseas attached to 
the 82nd division. Early this week 
Lieut. -Colonel Nordstrum awarded 
contracts for the major construction 
program at the air base. Others are 
Lo be awarded later. He recently 
highly praised the cooperation of 
the city administration, county of- 
ficials and the citizens of Casper 
for the .splendid cooperation given 
hLs department in the work here. 


^'■^ / • " .y /\, 

t //. 


■ 7 

Left: Lt. Col. Frederick H. Haigler, 
Medical Corps. Haigler was Base 

Below: Letter of recommendation 
FROM Col. Haigler, 1944. 




''I IT 















Ho. ^ 

'^^00 ^u.^P for t. 

' '^^K .li:^'^ to 

















This Page: basi- turret school, 1944. 

OPPOSITE Page: ball turret modification ground 


THE Casper Army Air Base was to provide the 


Army Air Force schools. Approxim atii v 25,000 


years of operation. Full size training mockups 




( . 

J ^^> 





=k;. n> n-< c 


Top: July i6, 1942 iMasthead of the Dmt Bm-f, a four-page, mimeograph tabloid 


Page: Two Editions of the Slip Stream, an eight-page tabloid, successor to the 
Dust Bou'i. It was published by the Casper Tribune HeraU and distributed to Herald 
subscribers as well as base personnel. Opposite Bottom: When the Slip Stream 

editor, Jim Keogh, departed an artist 

TURE ON THE February 23, 1945 issue 



Bob Hope, at the base theater on 
DecembI'R 16, 1 942. Entertainer Hope 
and his entourage were part of spe- 
CIAL Services, the purpose of which 

WAS TO boost morale DURING THE WAR. 

Army Air Field, Casper, Wyoming, February 23. 1945 


ield Served Its Purpose 
- Crews Trained 

i"'// t ""a ''''if '^^'t 

" J'' /"*/'/ "'<• A '"/ "r' './' '/'■ 

^•^iM^ W 

Above: Col. James Moore accepting 
keys to an ambulance presented to 
THE BASE Medical Corps by the Grand 
Chapter of the Order of Eastern Star 
OF Wyoming in August, 1943. Pre- 
senting THE keys is Worthy Grand 
Matron, Izelle Stirling, from Upton, 
Wyoming. At left is Col. Frederick 
Haigler, Base Surgeon. 

Leff: ambulance donated by Order of 
Eastern Star. 


•- n 

d i' '^ 

Above: Col. Moore (left) and Casper 
Mayor, George W. Earle, in Casper 
BootandSpurClubParadeJune, 1943. 
Mayor Earle was a key figure in bring- 
ing THE army air base TO CaSPER. 

An avid horsenl\n, Moore laid out a 
polo field north of the base and 


Opi>()srn-, Pach:: Uppi:r left: Pi-c. Pa r Emhrson, BASii Diii.iviiio' no\, on his mo tok- 


MHNT. L()wi;r i.i;in': Joyh Marshai.i. and Evi:lyn ClI'Mhns. Lowi:r uiciHT: Pat 
EmI'Rson and Evelyn Clf.mi;ns. All photos ar. i<all, 194^. 

Abovl;: (ar'loons drawn hy Sc;r. (ii:()Kc;i'; W. Ikwin. SKiriciiiNc; was Irwin's 
limsurl, Aciivi'iY. AcouPLiioi' hls(,ari()ons, i'l;aiiirin(; aworm(:haka(:ti;rnami:d 
"Iki:," appl;akl;d in thv.S///) Streaf//. 

Above: upon arriving in Casper, some members of the Women's Arm\' Corps 
(WACs) WENT downtown to buy boots, hats, gloves and other western 
paraphernalia. Since the base photographer did not photograph WACs, 
the latter paid commercial photographers to have their portraits 
taken. This one, by Casper photographer Thomas Carrigen, is a portrait 
OF "Corporal Crystal." 


Above: Section B of the 2 i ith company of WACs, Army Air Forces, in front of 
WAC HEADQUARTERS July 22, 1944. WAC buildings, including a supply office, 


Beatrice Williams. Below: Captain 
Elizabeth J. Healy, leader of the 


not necessarily career women. 
Upon the war's conclusion some at 
Casper Army Air Base married local 
men and began lives as housewives. 

Below: "Casper Girls Cook GI Wolf." 
At left is Juanita Ward, base stenog- 
rapher; IN center is Joye Marshall, 
secretary to base commander; on 
RIGHT IS Genie Vanderhoff, base ste- 
nographer; on table is Pvt. Byran J. 
Tracy. The photo, which appeared 
in the Slip Stream on May 12, 1943 
accompanied an article written by 
THREE Casper women in response to 
a previous newspaper column, "The 
SoldiersGuide TO American Women." 
The recipe for cooking the wolf fol- 

First you must get a wolf. This 
should not be difficult as there is 
always an open season on wolves. 
Don't be deceived by wolves in 
sheep's clothing who are decorated 

with bars, leaves, eagles, or stars. 
They should be cooked the same as 
any other wolf. 

A wolf may be (i) boiled (2) 
simmered, or (3) stewed, (i) He may 

BE boiled in the OIL OF HIS OWN "LINE" 
IF PUT under enough PRESSURE. (2) 

Anyone "cooking with gas" can sim- 
mer HIM. (3) Usually he is stewed - 
especially on Saturday night. 

The average wolf 
requires no sea- 
soning, having a 
salty t^'ahg and 

A PEPPERY retort. 

The wolf 

MAY BE sliced BY A 
COLD shoulder, BUT 



Army Air base is obvi- 
ously INTEN- 

Right: Interior of NCO Club. The 

TOWN Casper, on opening day in May, 
1943. The officers shown were mem- 

THE CLUB. Left: Joye Marshall's NCO 

GUEST pass. 

Below: Gambling at base headquar- 
ters. Standing left is Col. Moore, 


left is Lt. Robert Wilgus and at 


Moore and Haigler won a baseball 

game bet with Wilgus and Robinson, 

the latter paying off with pennies 

inside a sack of sand. refusing to 

accept the payoff, the winning pair made the losers empty the sack, 

count and roll the pennies, and exchange them for currency at a 

BANK. ca. SUMMER, 1 943. 

Above: top row: Casper Army Air 
Base officers; bottom row: members 
of Natrona County High School's 
Reserve Officer Training Corps, 
rotc officers were invited to the 
base for a parade and review. ca. 


Left: General Henry H. "Hap" Arnold, 
Commanding General of the Army 
Air Forces, reviewing troops at the 
Casper base parade ground, July i i , 
1943. The purpose of the visit was to 

SHAL, Sir John Dill (middle, black hat), 
second in command of air forces in 
England, and to decorate nine war 
heroes who had returned from over- 
seas theaters. Base Commander, Col. 
Moore, is at far leff, behind Arnold's 
staff assistant. 

Opposite page: Base inspections were 
frequent. One was conducted in 
1943 BY Brigadier General Eugene 
Eubanks OF THE Inspector General's 
Office in Washington, D.C. 





Right: base bowling team, the "Com- 
ets," February, 1945. Lt. Frank Kading 
is at bottom, right. joye marshall 

FUSED. They were married June 21, 
1945. Following Frank's DISCHARGE 
IN February, 1946 the couple re- 
turned to Casper. Since 1949 THEY 


Electric in Casper, and fl\ve spear- 

World War II. 

Below: Lt. Col. Earl W. Bowen pre- 
tor pool, signal corps, quarteralis- 
ter, post engineer and maintenance. 

Opposite Page: Captain Frank Kading 
in winter dress uniform of the quar- 
TERMASTER Corps, March, 1946; 

JoYE AND Frank Kading, Christmas, 1945. 

Ella Watson 

OR Home 

I he concept of nineteenth-century 
I women who went to the trans- 
-* Mississippi West is that of the 
eternal helpmate. They accompanied men, 
their husbands or fathers, wherever they 
wished to go. Women participated in all 
of the work and in none of the decisions. 
On the trail they did both women's and 
men's work — they took care of children, 
drove the team, pushed wagons, cooked 
meals, had babies, and buried the dead. 
While men and animals rested at night, 
women worked preparing for the night 
and the next day. During the day they 
cared for the children, tended livestock, 
mended clothing, cooked meals, and oc- 
casionally washed clothes. At the end of 
their journeys they moved into their, 
homes and attempted to return to their 
previous life of doing only women's work. 
The Homestead Act helped 
change that concept. Single women, 
women whose husbands were physically 
unable to work, and women who were 
heads of households, as well as men, 
could file on available government land 
for a fee and five years of laboring and 
living on the land. But, as Walter Prescott 
Webb noted: "the man of the timber and 
the town made the law for the man of the 
plains; the plainsman finding this law 
Linsuited to his needs, broke it and 

was called law- 
the law said wo- 
treated equally 
ing property, 
women went be- 
nated roles. John 
writes of women 
their diaries 
they receiv- 
sary, but 
ly" things, 
drive cattle 
catch a run- 
1889, a 
ing wo- 
w e r e 
six cat- 
was re 
a prostitute, 
edly h 


less."' Thus, while 
men should be 
with men in own- 
many felt those 
yond their desig- 
Mack Faragher 
relating in 
\he contempt 
ed from men 
did neces- 
for example: 
with a whip or 
away horse.- 
ter River in 
man and man 
hanged by 
tlemen. She 
puted to be 
he suppos- 
lover, and to- 
'cre considered 

cattle rustlers. In reality, they were 
merely homesteaders, legally settling on 
available government land which was 
open range claimed by one of the large 
cattlemen. An examination of the I88(1s 
Wyoming milieu, and of the possible 

Sharon Leigh 

opportimities for women in a territory 
believed to be the most progressi\'e area 
in the world for women's rights, is needed 
to help us better understand the htm- 
dred-year-old western mentality. 

Most respectable women in earl v 
nineteen th-cenh-iry America were limited 
to the role of helpmates for their hus- 
bands or fathers. This was especially true 
in the trans-Mississippi West, an area 
where masculinity was renowned. The 
majority of women on the westeni fron- 
tier were protected by males — husbands, 
brothers, or fathers. Howe\'er, an unmar- 
ried woman legitimately could pro\ide 
for herself as a schoolteacher, a laundress, 
a cook or a domestic. Noting in the 1870 
census the "gainful and reputable" occu- 
pations for married and single western 
women. Historian T. A. Larson found 
that fifty-two per cent were emploved as 
domestic ser\'ants, sixteen per cent were 
a combination of tailoresses, seamstresses, 
milliners, and dressmakers, ele\'en per 
cent were teachers and ten per cent were 
laundresses. The final ten per cent m- 

1 , Walter Wobb, The Girnt Phiiuf, p. 20b 

,]<.<oh\\ in I mils IVlzer, Tlic Cattlemen' f Frontier (Glen- 
lI.iIo I lu' \rlluir H. Clark Company, 1936), p. 20. 

:. lohn Mack 1 aragher, Women ,uu1 Men on the 
Overlnmi Tnii! (Nou Ha\ on: ^ aU- Lnnorsit\- Press, 
1979), pp. 108-10'-). 


eluded boarding and lodging housekeep- 
ers, farmers and dairy maids, as well as 
two miners in Idaho and one wheelwright 
in Montana.'' But whatever the employ- 
ment it had to be considered appropriate 
work. It had to be a necessity, or the 
women had to be widowed or have hus- 
bands who were physically tmable to 
work. But most important, the women 
had to remain subser\'ient.^ 

I he opportunities for women 
I changed drastically with the pas- 
.JL-sage of the Homestead Law of 
1862. Tliis law allowed single women 
and women who were heads of house- 
holds, as well as men, to acquire land. It 
enabled women to provide for themselves 
and their families by continuing, for the 
most part, the same kind of work they 
were used to doing. However, being able 
to homestead rri theii" own names changed 
the power structure of the family as well 
as the roles of women. In the absence of 
an adult male women were responsible, 
not just for traditional "woman's work," 
but for all the work. They were the ones 
v\'ho made the decisions. While they might 
not actually do the required field work 
necessary for proving up their home- 
steads, they were accountable for having 
it done. Women who had sons usually 
divided the work along traditional lines, 
but those who did not either did it them- 
selves or hired it done by a local male 
resident. The work was paid for iii cash or 
trade. Women often would do an unmar- 
ried man's laundry or cook for him as 
payment for his work. 

In comparison to male home- 
stead entrants, a larger percentage of fe- 
male entrants were successful. Sheryll 
Patterson-Black f oimd in preliminary data 
on entrants from two land offices -one ii"i 
Colorado and one in Wyoming- be- 
tween 1880 and 1908, that "an 
average of 11.9 per cent . . 
were women . ... 37 per cent 
of the men succeeded in mak- 
ing final claim to the land, 
while 42.4 per cent of the 
women succeeded."^ The 
successful women un- 

3. I'. A. Larson, "Women's Role in the 
American West," Montana, XXIV 
(July 1974): 5. 

4. Carol Hymowitz and Michaele 
Weissman, A Histon/ of Women in 
Anwricn (New York: Bantam Books 
1978), p. 176. 

5. Sheryll Patterson-Black, "Women Hi 
steaders on the Great Plains Frontic 
Frontiers, 1, (Summer 1976): 68. 

doubtedly developed initiative, 
assertiveness, arid confidence. No longer 
were they willing to remain subordinate. 
This new-found strength likely created 
problems in interactions with men. 

In a land where competence and 
self-reliance meant survival, women had 
the opportLinity to develop beyond what 
they were allowed to in more settled ar- 
eas ... . the conditions of the frontier 
forced women to expand their image of 
themselves beyond that of the passive 
and helpless female.'' 

Thus, the women who filed 
homestead entries were, or had to be- 
come, strong and iiidependent and be- 
cause of this they midoubtedly were mis- 
fits in a nineteentli-century America which 
"expected . . .[women] to keep their place, 
to be submissive, and rmaggressive."' 

The Homestead Act originated 
during the crisis years before the Civil 
War. Slavery and tariff issues affected the 
selection of presidential candidates and 
party platforms for the 1860 elections. 
The Republican Party chose Abraham 
Lincoln and a platform which promised 
homestead legislation to please the 
westerners, protective tariffs to wiri over 
eastern manufacturers, and a program of 
govenTment-supported internal improve- 
ments and railroads to attract business 
interests in both sections.*^ 

The north- western 

region was pleased .^'^■V "^^^^ the 
prospect ^1^^ I of in- 
creased settle- ^^^^M ment, 
and the .^^'•^^^H^^ east- 
tin g e n t 
zed that 
with the iiiflux 
of imiumerable 
Irish, who were 
willing to work 
cheaply, westward 
settlement would 
not injure manu- 

expansion was 
due, in large part, to the 
Homestead Act. Home- 
steaders were guaran- 
teed up to 160 acres of 
government laiid iii re- 
ft. Dorothy Gray, Women of the 
West (MiUbrook, CA: ' Les 
Femmes, 1976), pp. 111-112. 

Larson, "Women's Ro 

ern con 
r e a 1 - 

< Kav Allen Billini;t..n >ind Mar- 
in Ridj;e, Wc'-Livul I ^i;,i,:ion: A 
liston/ol IheAiiiriniiii I iviiliei-5lh 
d. (New York: Macmillan Pub- 
hingCo., Inc., 1982), p. 548. 

turn for living on it for five years (the time 
limit decreased in later years), improving 
it by buikiing a house of minimum speci- 
fications and planting crops. This method 
of procuring land was supposedly more 
democratic and not apt to be misused by 
speculators, although some manipulation 
of the homestead laws occurred. 

I he present states of Montana, 
I Idaho, Wyoming and Colorado 
^ were among the last of the con- 
tiguous United States to be settled. This 
was due to resident Native Americans 
fighting the loss of their homelands and 
to the natural environment. Winters were 
noted for their harshness, and rainfall 
was considerably less than optimal for 
eastern growing methods. But the grass 
was lush and cattle thrived on it. People 
who had traveled the Oregon and the 
Mormon Trails across Wyoming during 
the mid-nineteenth century sent reports 
of luxuriant grasslands back to their fami- 
lies and friends east of the Mississippi. 
Cattle left from previous wagon trains 
survived the winters and grew sleek and 
fat from the good grass. According to 
author and editor A. S. Mercer, Wyoming 
grasses grew quickly in spring, ripened 
early in summer, and retained the nutri- 
tious sugar, starch, and gluten necessary 
for good forage." 

In the late 1860s Texans drove 
cattle north into Wyoming. This beef was 
fed to railroad workers laying tracks for 
the Union Pacific and to miners digging 
precious ore in Wyoming and Montana. 
The cattle were also used to stock ranches 
it"i the eastern third of Wyoming. '" 

By the time cowboys had moved 
their herds to Wyoming and received 
their wages for the two-to-three month 
journey, many were ready to settle down 
aiid start their own ranches. Wyoming 
was largely an unsettled territory and the 
opportunities for cowboys to succeed 
were good. Large areas of open range 

Right: There is dispute concerning 
whether or not this is actually a photo- 
GRAPH OF Ella Watson. Over the years it 


TLE Kate" Watson, n.d. Percy Metz Col- 
lection, American Heritage Center, Uni- 
versity- OF Wyoming, Laramie 

•■). A.S.MeTcer,Tlie Banditti ofthePlninsor the Cattlemen's 
Invasion of Wyoming in 1892 (Norman: University of 
OklahomaPress, 1954), p. 7. 

10. Billington and Ridge, p. 619. 



were available since few people li\'ed 
there. Before extensive fencing the cattle 
could feed on native grasses and mo\'e 
ahead of storms. After a storm the ani- 
mals would find themselves several miles 
away from their range and slowly graze 
back home. While they might lose weight 
o\'er the winter, they would quickly fat- 
ten on new spring grass. 

Most early Wyoming ranch- 
ers started out as trail cow- 
boys who tired of working 
for others. At the beginiiing of Wyoming 
settlement the "law of the longest rope" 
ruled." Roimdups were held usually in 
the fall and spring on the open range, and 
any bovine not marked or branded -a 
maverick- was available to whoever 
caught and marked it either in or out of 
rouridup. Bounties for marking maver- 
icks frequently were given by ranchers to 
their employees as incentives to create 
larger herds. Thus "mavericking" was 
not considered stealing; "it was just good 
business."'- In addition, it supplemented 
cowboy's low wages. 

Even though most of the big 
cattlemen had obtained starts and added 
to their stock by roping mavericks, 
through the years they either forgot their 
humble beginnings or they simply wished 
to prevent smaller ranchers from doing 
the same. Influenced by the Wyoming 
Stock Growers Association (WSGA) -the 
real law of Wyoming-tl"ie Territorial Leg- 
islature passed the Maverick Law of 1884, 
which gave the WSGA control of all 
roundups. After its passage, all 
unbranded cattle found during round 
ups were branded "M" in the pres 
ence of WSGA inspectors. These 
animals were sold after roundup 
and the pro- ^__ c e e d s 
used to reim- 
burse the 
WSGA treasury 
for the expense of round 
ups and inspectors.' 
Many inspectors were al 
ready on the large ranchers' pay 
rolls, thus they were doubly tied to 
large cattlemen 

The WSGA started out as 
a small county organization that was 
developed to help protect cattlemen's 
concerns. Headquartered in Cheyenne 

11. D. F. Baber, as told by Bill Walker, The Lous;csf 
Rope: The Truth About the Johnson County Cattle 
War (Caldwell: The Caxton Printers, Ltd., 1940), p. 

12. Baber, p. 14. 

13. Wyoming Sess/o); Laws, 1884, Chapter 87, p. ' ' 

and run by the most prominent men in 
Wyoming, the WSGA determined which 
ranchers could have brands and only tliose 
so sanctioned could participate in the 
annual spring and fall roundups. No rea- 
son was given to those who were denied; 
none was necessary. 

The WSGA ruled the territory 
(and later the state) and the richest cattle- 
men of Wyoming were the association. 
By the mid-1880s the WSGA was a very 
powerful organization. The cattlemen 
were willing to take on anyone or any- 
thing that stood in their way. It was sug- 
gested that during the Johiison County 
War even President Benjamin Harrison 
was imder their influence." 

Because it had been so advanta- 
geous to use open range, the cattlemen 
never opted, under existing preemption 
laws, to buy the land they used. The 
Preemption Law of 1841 permitted the 
occupation of imsurveyed western land 
by anyone who settled on it, made im- 
provements -such as houses and outbuild- 
ings- and waited until it was surveyed 
and readied for auction. During that 
time, the land could pay for itself 
producing cattle.'"^ 

As homesteading began, 
many legitimate claims 
were available alon 
creeks — a valuable re- 
source in a land of 
unpredictable rainfall. 
These acreages 
were often claim- 
ed, but not owned, 
by the large ranch- 
ers who began 
fencing those acre- 
ages as a way to 
protect them. 
Author James 
Horan notes that 
"In Colorado 
one cattle com- 
pany had 
forty town- 
ships cut off 
by wire fence, 
an area of 
more than a 
iniUion acres. .."'" 

1 4. Helena Hunting 
ton Smith, The War 
on rowdcr River 
(New York: McGraw-Hill 
Book Co., 1966), p. 277. 

ington and Ridge, pp. 


James D. Horan, Tlw Great A 
lean West (New York: Crown Pub 
hers. Inc., 1978), p. 184. 

Barbed wire also became the settlers' fence 
of choice because it offered cheap protec- 
tion from open-range cattle. 

The cattlemen were the leading 
cause of their own demise. Their greed for 
bigger profits for themselves and foreign 
stockholders, who owned most of the 
largest ranches, caused the range to be 
overpopulated by unseasoned Texas cattle 
late in the year. This practice worked 
successfully for several years preceding 
the summer of 1 885 . But that summer the 
abundance of cattle and a drought left 
little feed for winter forage. The addition 
of barbed wire fences prevented animals 
from moving with the storms. The winter 
of 1885-86 was unusually cold and was 
followed by a second dry summer which 
prevented the growth of necessary 
grasses. The final blow was the winter of 
1 886-87 that still stands as one of the most 
severe ever recorded in Wyoming his- 
tory. Blizzard after blizzard blasted the 
area, followed by temperatures that feU to 
-68" F.''' This combination of frozen snow, 
which prevented the animals from 
digging down to grass, and 
the inability of cattle to out 
walk storms because of 
fences, decimated the herds. 
Cattle piled up next to fences 
and either trampled each 
other or stood and froze. 
Most that survived freez- 
ing temperatures starved 
from lack of food. Some 
ranchers estimated 
their losses as high as 
ninety per cent.'^ 
Once the large ranchers 
could no longer provide 
high dividends that their 
stockholders had come to 
expect, their livelihoods 
came under question. 
When challenged, 
rather than admitting 
poor management 
and greed, they tried 
to save their own jobs. 
Many of their em- 
ployees had been 
"mavericking" to 
build up their own 
herds, but ranch man- 
agers explained to 
their corporate stock- 
holders that large-scale 

17. Billington and Ridge, p. 626. 

18. Robert V. Hine, The American 
West: An Interpretive History 2nd 
Ed. (Boston: Little, Brown and 
Company, 1984), p. 143, 

rustling by homesteaders or "nesters" 
was the reason for diminished dividends. 
Thus the concept of massive rustling was 
created by the large ranchers as a cover 
for their own ineptness and avarice. 

I o this environment homestead- 
I erscame. Among them were Jim 
JL. Averell and Ella Watson. Averell 
came to Wyoming's Sweetwater River 
Valley before Watson. He had been dis- 
charged from military service in 1881 af- 
ter spending part of his ten year service at 
Fort McKinney.'" Nothing is known of 
his actions during the next five years until 
he homesteaded on the Sweetwater River 
in February, 1886. His homestead, a road 
ranch, was three miles east of Indepen- 
dence Rock where the Rawlins-Lander 
stage line crossed the Oregon Trail.-" This 
road ranch consisted of sheds and corrals 
for horses and cattle and a main building 
which was used as residence, saloon, sup- 
ply store and post office. This isolated 
ranch did a profitable business probably 
because it was located on two main thor- 
oughfares. Historian Everett Dick de- 
scribes road ranches along the overland 
stage and pony express routes in Kansas 
and Nebraska in the 1850s and 1860s, as 
eating establishments, trading posts and 
way stations.'' While the Oregon Trail 
was not as heavily traveled in the 1880s 

19. Smith, p. 122. 

20. ilciirv SiiukiirOragn, ,V,i/,i)/,w/s /,/,//,•-, o/'f/a- 
li„iii)n (\r\\ ^nik I )(hI,1, \l,Md ,ind Company, 
I4h(,), p 224.1IKI I l,iiT\ SiiuLiir I )i Mgo, /'//e G/Trtf 
Range Wnrs: Violence on the Oriisslnnds (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1970), p. 265. 

21. Everett Dick, The Sod-Hou^e Frontier 1854-1890 
(New York: D. Appleton-Centurv Company, 1937), 
pp. 102-109. 

Paul Jacques, WvoMiNC, State Musel:,m 

Moccasins worn by Ella Watson at the 


the base of the tree and picked up by 
Nell Jameson, who donated them to the 
STATE OF Wyoming in 1925. 

as it had been in the 1850s, the stage line 
probably ran weekly. This stage route 
and the lack of competition in the area 
undoubtedly aided Averell in his busi- 
ness. Averell was well-liked among the 
cowboys of the region since he provided 
them with an essential service. 

In December, 1887 Averell met 
Ella Watson in Rawlins while there for 
supplies. He convinced her to come to the 
Sweetwater and homestead on land near 
his store. Her homestead entry is dated 
March 26, 1888. She built a house and 
corral and settled a mile west of Averell 
on Horse Creek. Unfortunately for A vereU 
and Watson, they settled on good grass- 
land and water which Albert J. Bothwell, 
one of the big cattlemen, claimed as his 
cattle range. 

Averell may have been a sur- 
veyor while in the army or he may have 
been more politically astute than the av- 
erage homesteader." At any rate he knew 
that the cattlemen were fencing land ille- 
gally. Averell wrote caustic letters to the 
Casper Weekly Mail stating that the big 
cattlemen were fencing off water rights 
and land for their ranches. He did not 
mince words concerning the illegal ac- 
tions of the cattlemen. 

As early as 1879 Congress was 
notified by the U.S. General Land Office 
that public land was being fenced off bv 

cattlemen and that water rights were be- 
ing awarded to cattlemen through fraud, 
conspiracy and bribery. Settlers who pro- 
tested were advised by the Secretary of 
the Interior in 1883 to cut fences prohibit- 
ing access to their homesteads. In 1885 
Congress passed a law making it a crime 
for anyone to fence the public domain. 
The big cattlemen then attempted to gain 
control of public land by paying their 
cowboys to stake out claims along stream 

Bothwell and his brother, J. R., 
had recently surveyed and platted the 
town of Bothwell, which also was to have 
a post office, a few miles west of Averell's 
homestead.-^ The town materialized and 
had a post office, but only after Averell's 
death and the election of a Republican 
president who was sympathetic to the big 
cattlemen's dilemma. 

I his was the situation that existed 
I that Saturday afternoon, July 20, 
M 1889 when six cattlemen forced 
Ella Watson and Jim Averell into a wagon 
and took them to a gulch where they were 
hanged. This lynching, the only hanging 
of a woman in Wyoming history, took 
place in Carbon County (Natrona County 
was carved from Carbon Cotmty in 1888 
and organized in 1890) near Indepen- 
dence Rock in the south central part of the 
soon-to-be state. In these last days of 
Wyoming Territory the incident normally 
would have ended with an inquest and 
burial. However, one of the dead was a 
woman and on the nmeteenth-century 
frontier men still had a special regard for 
women. According to author Grace Ray, 
even the most hardened western males 
recognized it would be wasteful to de- 
stroy a woman, scarce as they were.-"^ 

Witnesses to the abduction in- 
cluded Watson's cowboy employee, John 
DeCory and a fourteen-year-old boy. Gene 
Crowder, whom Averell had befriended. 
They rode to Averell's store and told of 
the seizure. A friend of A\'erell's, Frank 
Buchanan, chased tlie entourage and tried 
to stop the hanging. But one man, e\en 
one bra\'e or foolish enough to go against 
six, was not enough to sa\'e the two from 
their precipitant death. 

After the hanging Buchanan 
started out for the sheriff in Casper, a 
fiftv-mile journey. He got lost durine; the 

pp. 1S4-1S7, 

riu'slino Ka\ 

, \\i 

\\ W'ome 


0; 1 he N.nK 

'!■ Co 


1972), p, 23. 


night and at three a.m. found himself at 
Tex Healy's homestead. Healy rode on to 
Casper and arri\'ed aroimd noon on Sim- 
day. The rest of the day vmdersheriff Phil 
Watson (no relation to Ella), hi the sheriff's 
absence, organized a posse and Dr. Joe 
Benson, acting coroner, swore in a 
coroner's jury. At daylight on Monday 
they left Casper for the Sweetwater River. 
Arri\'ing after midnight, they first ate 
their supper and then located the bodies 
still hangirig from a little pirie. 

They cut them down. The bod- 
ies, left hanging in hot July weather for 
more than sixty hours, must have been 
nauseatingly repulsive. The men un- 
doubtedly were thankful for the semi- 
darkness. But in the early light they saw 
marks on nearby rocks indicating the 
hanged had strangled slowly. Their fall 
from the ledge had not been sufficient to 
break their necks. Their bodies were 
placed in pine boxes their friends had 
made while waiting for the posse. 

The coroner's iiiquest was held 
immediately and Crowder, DeCory and 
Buchanan testified. This is the only testi- 
mony recorded. By the time the case 
came before a Carbon 
Comity grand jury 
on October 14, 
these three 
men had 
died or 
d i s a p - 

Averell and Ella Watson is a simple one. 
He sold liquor, she sold her body, and 
they both were rustlers. However, nei- 
ther selling liquor nor prostitution were 
ever considered crimes pimishable by 
death, and usually rustlers received only 
a jail sentence. Why were Watson and 
Averell not warned or, as sometimes was 
done, pointed in the direction they should 
take? Some sources say they had been, 
and others maintain that the lynching 
started as a warning but got out of hand.-^ 

% ^y / atson was a woman alone, 
%^\/ and on the frontier that sta- 
▼ ▼ tus may have been suspect. 
Perhaps she was a prostitute, perhaps 
Averell's wife or perhaps only a friend 
who wanted to share in the prosperity of 
the rich Wyoming grassland. The only 
recorded evidence of Watson's supposed 
employment in prostitution, other than 
stories released after her death, is that 
given by Anne Butler. She found Ella 
"Cattle Kate" Watson was one of more 
than 150 women listed in Cheyenne's 
police register. This name appears on 
the register Jime 23, 1888 three 
months after she filed her 
homesteaci and more than a 
htmdred miles fi-om Horse 
Creek.-*^ She was arrested 
for being drunk and fined 
$2.00. Tlie June 24, 1888 
issue of the Clm/enne 
fd^M Daily Lender re- 
ported: "Ella 


peared. Buchanan 
and DeCory disap- 
peared while the 
Crowder boy sup- 
posedly died of 
Bright's disease, a 
chronic kidney ail- 
ment.-'' Without 
witnesses to testify 
against them the 
accused were 

On the 
surface the story 
of the deaths 
of Jim 

26. Drago, 
Notorious La- 
dies, pp. HI, 233 


27. Drago, Rimgc Wars, p. 264; 
Drago, Notorious Ladies, p. 
; ;//,■ Kio Crniidr 
\, diss ;/„■;, f;; \hiiiir.(Lm- 
n: Llni\crMt\' vi Nc- 
bra>kal'rvss, ^)5S),p.33'-); 
Burt Struthers, Powder 
River: Let' crBuc!< (New 
York: Farrar and 
276. Duncan Aikman, Ca- 
lamity laiieand tlteLadij Wild- 
cats ([ incoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1 927), p. 1 54; Drago, Range Wars, p. 266; James 
D. Horan and Paul Sann, Pictorial History of the 
Wild West (New York; Crown Publishers, Inc., 1954), p. 
182; Smith, p. 124. 

28. Anne M. Butler, Dau;^liters of joy. Sisters of Misery: 
Prostitutes in the American West, W65-'90HJrhana:Vn\\'er- 
sity of Illinois Press, 1985), p. 56 and fn 18, p. 70. 

Watson was arrested Sunday night for 
creating a disturbance at the Arliiigton 
house."-" According to details printed in 
various newspapers after the hangings, 
Watson had supposedly worked the 
cowtowns of Kansas; Ogallala, Nebraska; 
and Cheyenne and Rawlins, Wyoming; 
however, she was not fotrnd iii the 1880 
census for any of these towns. 

There is no doubt that Averell 
sold liquor. Liquor was essentially a 
household staple on the frontier. It cer- 
tainly helped ease the lonely cowboy's 
existence and was often used for medici- 
nal purposes. But there is no proof that 
either Averell or Watson was a rustler or 
ever had been. At the time of his death 
Averell owned two milk cows. Watson 
had cattle in her corral but their number 
varies with the source. Friends main- 
tained that her corral held only a few 
cattle at any time but never more than 
six.^" Rumor had it that these aiiimals 
were from her cowboy clients who paid 
for "services rendered." Newspaper ac- 
counts later increased the number of cattle 
in her pasture to eighty.^' These accoimts 
maintained that the animals were stolen 
and Watson was holding them until she 
could accjuire a larger herd, change their 
brands and ship them. If this speculation 
was true no one felt sufficiently troubled 
by her actions to press charges. No griev- 
ance was ever recorded and no charges 
ever made in Carbon County for either 
prostitution or rustling. 

While evidence of Averell's and 
Watson's wrong doings are tentative, tliere 
is solid evidence that both were home- 
steaders in an area that the large cattle 
ranchers used for open range. Tltey were 
homesteaders during Wyoming's transi- 
tion between territory and statehood. It 
was a particularly bad period for all cattle- 
men, large and small. Hard winters, dry 
summers and overstocked ranges con- 
tributed to decimation of most cattle herds. 
Finally, Watson and Averell were non- 
conformists in a conventional world. 
Watson may have been killed as much for 
her unconventionality as for the charge of 
rustling. A promiitent cattleman was 
quoted, "when a woman 'puts on the 
pants' she should be treated like a man."^- 

29. My appreciation to Rick Ewig for ferreting out the 
information concerning Watson's arrest record and 
fine. In a loninninicition he noted that 
because mam icscin Iuts, im m'U included, do not 
believe Ella WaNcm w as a pmstitiite, he had tried, 
unsucces.sfulK , to dclcrminc it the Arlington House 
was a brothel. 

31). Drago, Notorious Ladies, p. 22(i. 

31. Mercer, p. 18; Sandoz, p. 33^); Smith, p. 131. 


The lynching occurred as Wyoming 
was actively seeking statehood 
which was finalized less than a 
year later. Women had been granted the 
rights of citizens including full suffrage in 
1869, one year after Wyoming Territory 
was created. This may have been done as 
an attempt to entice more families to settle 
in Wyoming, or as a way to prevent tran- 
sient men such as cowboys from deter- 
mining the outcome of any election. Re- 
gardless of the reason, promotional lit- 
erature of the period stated that women's 
suffrage was an inducement to settle in 
Wyoming.^-' Hanging women was not 
going to help obtain statehood or entice 
families to settle. 

Since the charge of prostitution 
was inadequate, the perpetrators tried to 
cover their trails. According to Helena 
Huntington Smith, a seventh man had 
plotted with the other six the momiiig of 
July 20. He left them as they rode toward 
the Watson place. Smith believes that it 
was he who played an important role in 
laying down the swift and effective smoke 
screen from Cheyenne .... In fact, so 
swiftly was the propaganda barrage laid 
down, . . . that the marks of advance 
planning are unmistakable.'^ 

He was in Cheyenne on Mon- 
day, July 22, and maintained that he 
learned of the hangings by telegraph, 
even though the posse was enroute to 
Casper and unable to comniunicate its 
findings. Everything in the newspaper 
stories — the similar tones, the repetition 
of details, the identical phrases, the con- 
sistent misspelling of Averell's name as 
A verill — all apparently came from a single 
source and suggests premeditation.^"^ 

Smith mentions that "Cattle 
Kate" was the name used by a prostitute 
who had recently robbed a Bessemer faro 
dealer. She notes that a Douglas reporter 

Pathfinder Ranch foreman, Bob Musfelt, 


the west end of pathfinder reservoir. 
Cattle rubbing against the marker 


32. T. A. Liirson, History of V^yoinin^ (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebrnsi<a Press', 1965), p. 270. 

33. Hinc, p. 327. 

34. Smith, pp. 126-127. 

35. Smitii, p. 127. 

confused this prostitute with Ella Watson 
and is probably the source for her epithet. 
This forces several questions. 

Anne Butler notes that she found 
Ella Watson among the 150 women in the 
police register and in a footnote Butler 
gives the date of Watson's arrest, stating 
that "Cattle Kate" Watson and her part- 
ner, Jim Averell, were lynched during the 
Johnson County War in 1888. Butler er- 
rors at least three times: the correct spell- 
ing is Averell rather than Averill although 
most newspaper accounts used an "i." 
The hanging was July 20, 1889, not 1888.* 
Finally, while the story is indicative of the 
steadily increasing conflicts between big 
cattlemen and homesteaders, there is a 
question whether or not the lynching was 
connected with the Johnson County War .^^ 
The beginning of the war is usiially dated 
from the several killings in November, 
1891, two and a half years after Watson's 
and Averell's deaths and a hundred 
miles north. 

Another question is: was the Ella 

36. Butler, p. 56, 70. 

37. Jack R. Gage, The Johnson County War Ani't a 
Pack of Lies: The Rustlers Side (Cheyenne: Flint- 
lock Publishing Co., 1967), p. 37. 

Watson who was fined by the Cheyenne 
police on June 23, 1888 the same person 
who robbed the faro dealer? Again, there 
is no evidence that the Douglas reporter's 
"Cattle Kate" was even named Watson! 

Finally, was Butler's Ella Watson, 
the same one who homesteaded 
on the Sweetwater? Both Ella and 
Watson were common names and there 
may have been two "Ella Watsons" in the 
Territory. Phil Watson, Casper's 
undersheriff, is proof that there were 
other Watson families. 

Many prostitutes were noted for 
their frequent relocations. Joseph Snell 
points out in his study of Kansas 
cowtowns that only a few prostitutes were 
found in more than two successive 
towns.* He also notes that very few pros- 
titutes were over 23 and the average age 
never exceeded 23.1 years. He indicates 
that the prostitutes' retirement explained 
both of these phenomena and that the 
most common reason for retirement was 

38. Joseph W. Snell, Painted Ladies of the Coiotown 
Frontier (Kansas City: Kansas City Posse of the 
Westerners, 1965), p. 11. 


marriage/''' Watson was at least twenty- 
six when she took out her homestead, and 
while Snell found a few prostitutes in the 
cowtowns who were over thirty, most 
women were married by that age.* On 
the other hand, Watson may have gone to 
Cheyemie for the "season" and this may 
explain Butler's finding in June, 1888. 

Watson may have been Averell's 
wife. Snell found that prostitutes' occu- 
pations did not deter them from makiiig 
successful marriages. Although their 
husbands-to-be usually foimd them in a 
brothel, after marriage they frequently 
mo\'ed to another area and began new 
lives with only their husbands knowiiig 
their past occupations. However, many 
prostitutes simply moved from the broth- 
els where they worked to their husbands' 
homes, continuing to live in the same 
town. Some of them did not leave the 
business after marriage. Indeed, in her 
discussion of prostitutes of the trans-Mis- 
sissippi West, Butler states: "marriage did 
not automatically mean . . . retirement 
from the profession. ""'' 

Finally, Watson may have been one 
of those "rebellious" women who 
wanted to stand on her own with- 
out benefit of a male. Christiane Fischer 
describes the lives of 25 women who 
lived ill the West (California, Nevada, 
Colorado and Arizona) between 1849 and 
1900, and maintains that none of the 
women . . . corresponds to any of the 
simplistic images which have been de- 
vised of women in the West; it would be 
hard to see any of them as the subdued 
woman in the sunbonnet. Although most 
of them were devoted to their husbands 
or fathers and had to abide by their deci- 
sions, few could be described as submis- 
sive; there is a strikiiig undercurrent of 
rebellion in several of the narratives."*- 

Ella Watson certamly did not 
meet these submissive criteria, either.^^ 
Her parents had emigrated from Scot- 
land to Canada where she was bom. Some- 
time between 1875 and 1880 the family 
moved to Smith County, Kansas.^ Ella 
Watson does not appear in the 1880 cen- 

39. Snell, p. 12. 

40. Ibid. 

41. Butler, p. 26. 

42. Christiane Fischer (ed.). Let Them Spenkfor Them- 
selves: Women m the American West, 1849-1900 
(New York: E, P. Dutton, 1978), p. 20. 

43. Personal telephone communication from Ella Wat- 
son's niece, Lola Van Wey, in August, 1989. Accord- 
ing to Watson's nieces, who still reside in Kansas, 
the family always referred to her as Ellen. 

sus of Pawnee Township with her par- 
ents and seven siblings. However, if she 
was 28 at her death she would have been 
nineteen in 1880. According to historians 
James D. Horan and Paul Sami, Watson 
was married at eighteen but left her hus- 
band because of his infidelity .^^ But 
Duiican Aikman states that (presumably 
after she was ensconced in her nefarious 
life) she had "honored a soldier admirer 
by chemging her name to Kate Maxwell. ""*" 
There is no one by the name of Maxwell in 
the 1880 Smith County, Kansas census. 
However, there are several Maxwells 
listed in Wyoming: two were soldiers and 
both were at the right age -29 and 30- to 
be her husband. 

Some sources indicate that 
Watson and Averell may have been mar- 
ried legally or by common-law, and that 
she homesteaded rmder her maiden name . 
Tliis suggestion is plausible. In some 
cases a married woman was known to 
have filed next to her husband's claim 
illegally so that the two claims could be 
joiried eventually. Many an unmarried 
woman legally claimed her homestead 
and then married her neighbor, as did 
Elinore Pruitt Stewart.^' 

If Watson was a prostitute, she 
was outside respectable society, if a home- 
steader she was still suspect since she was 
alone. And she was outspoken. That she 
was a nonconformist is indicated by the 
frequently issued picture which shows 
her sitting her horse and dressed in a 
srmbonnet, a long dress and a polka-dot 
apron. Tliere is no evidence of a saddle. It 
is not apparent why tliis picture was taken. 
Was she posing for her family in Kansas? 
Surely she did not ordinarily ride bare- 
back! Watson's nieces marritain that the 
only documented picture of her is one 
which shows her in a conventional pose 
on page 181 of Horan and Sann's Pictorial 
History of the Wild West. Finally, she 
was a friend, if not something more, of 
Jim Averell who was dangerously out- 
spoken about cattlemen. 

Averell, furthermore, wrote inflam- 

44. U.S. Census Office. Tenth Census of the United 
States, June 1, 1880. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1980. The Thomas Watson 
family was listed as Homestead no. 1 12, family no. 
115 in the Pawnee Township, Smith County, Kan- 
sas 1880 census. The family included Thomas, his 
wife, Frances, and their three sons and three daugh- 
ters. The youngest, Jane, was five months old. Her 
closest sibling, Mary, age five, was born in Canada. 

45. Horan and Sann, p. 181. 

46. Aikman, p. 139. 

47. i:iinore Pruitt Stewart, Letters of a Woman 
Llomesteader (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 
1913), p. 134. 

matory letters about cattlemen fencing 
off government land and essential water. 
He forced some to prove ownership of the 
land they used. He had a prosperous 
business, had been awarded a post office 
and both he and Watson were home- 
steading on land contested by Bothwell. 

In the nineteenth century the pre- 
valent attitude indicated that 
woman's place was m the home. 
But with the possibility of land owner- 
ship and independence for women, 
which were encouraged by the Home- 
stead Act, that perspective was changing 
radically. According to biographer 
Christiane Fischer, "The shape women's 
lives assumed depended much on the 
amount of independence they could 
achieve.""'* But at the same time, accord- 
ing to biographer Barry, "patriarchal so- 
ciety will not accept any woman who 
refuses to be dominated . . . ."^" The 
American West was a man's world. And 
Wyoming Territory on the eve of state- 
hood, despite its "progressive" woman 
suffrage law, was still a patriarchy. 

The homesteads that Jim Averell 
and Ella Watson filed upon were con- 
tested after their deaths by Henry H. Wil- 
son, who stated that the premises had 
been abandoned. He later sold this land 
to A. J. Bothwell."*^' Thus, in all probability 
Ella Watson and Jim Averell were hanged 
not because they were rustlers or because 
of their unsavory characters but because 
they dared to openly antagonize the cattle- 
men who ruled Wyoming. ■ 

Ms. Leigh, a gradu- 
TORY AT Indiana Uni- 


gender roles of the 
KiMCKi.i.N xrans-Mississippi 
West. Currently she is working on a 
comparative study of gender roles and 
the success of the non-native settlers 
OF Jewell County, Kansas. 

Line iii'Hii'iii\ 
Cattle Kdtc" 
can Hciita'^i 

ill lliis article were taken from "The Hanging of 
sketch /'!/ an nnknowii artist, (no date), Ameri- 
cnter. Uniivrsiti/ ofWi/oiiiiii'.^, Laramie. 

49. Kathleen Barry, Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of 
a Singular Feminist (New York: New York Univer- 
sity Press, 1988), p. 360. 

50. Ray, p. 29. 





i'% %, 



A New Deal for 
THE American People 

BY Roger Biles 

Eyewitness at 
Wounded Knee 

BY Richard E. Jensen, 

R. Eli Paul 
AND John E. Carter. 

Writing Western 


Essays on Major 

Western Historl\ns 

BY Richard W. Etulain. 

Creating the West: 
Historical Interpreta- 
tions, 1 890- 1 990 

BY Gerald D. Nash. 

Montana: A History 
of Two Centuries 

BY Michael P. Malone, 

Richard B. Roeder and 

William L. Lang. 

Bull Threshers 
AND Bindlestiffs: 

Harvesting and 

Threshing on the 

North American Peains 
BY Thomas D. Isern. 

•KNORS Mansion, C.hi;yi:nni-: 


O K 

A New Deal for the 
American People 

^ |?J^M 

BY Roger Biles 

DeKalb: Northern Illinois 

University Press, 1991. 274 pp. 

Illustrations, notes, 

bibliography, index. 

Cloth $28.50, paper $12.00. 

Considering a third party rim 
for the presidency in 1936, Minnesota's 
radical Governor Floyd Olson mused 
that the coimtry needed "not just a new 
deal, but also a new deck." Such card 
game commentaries on the Roosevelt 
Administration were apparently com- 
mon in the 1930s, (pp. 121-122). Even 
today, academic historians debating the 
New Deal continue the play on words. 
Did Franklin Roosevelt preside 
over a New Deal, an Old Deal, a 
Raw Deal, or a Bum Deal? 

Scholarly interpreta- 
tions of the New Deal have var- 
ied throughout time. Until the 
late 1960s, most publishiiig his- 
torians were liberal Democrats 
who applauded the Roosevelt 
Administration's assumption of 
new governmental responsibili- 
ties. During the upheavals ac- 
companying the Vietnam War, 
young New Left sdiolars turned 
on their liberal fathers and 
roundly condemned the 
Roosevelt Administration for trucking 
with capitalists and for perpetLiating 
economic and racial injustices. While 
revisioiTist historians generally criticized 
Roosevelt for doing too little, some con- 
servatives argued that the New Deal 
had done too much. They lamented its 
statist solutions and its encouragement 
of dependency by the public-at-large. 
Duriiig the last generation most 
students of the 1930s have retreated 
into monographic investigations. They 
have studied in great depth the impact 
of federal programs at the local and 
state levels. Social historians have looked 
into the meaning of the New Deal for 
women, ethnic minorities and other "in- 
articulate" groups. Scholars in general 
have tried to imderstand just what in 
fact happened when New Deal person- 
nel and initiatives brushed up against 
long-established customs and power 

What has been lost in all the 
monographic studies is usable synthe- 
sis. The last major one-volume analysis 
appropriate for college adoption, Wil- 
liam Leuchtenburg's "Franklin D. 
Roosevelt and the New Deal," was pub- 
lished in 1963. Oklahoma State Univer- 
sity historian Roger Biles' "A New Deal 
for the American People" is one of sev- 

eral recent efforts aimed at this void in 
the college textbook marketplace. Stvi- 
dents as well as general readers seeking 
a good summary of post-1960s scholar- 
ship will find it quite useful. 

The thesis of Biles' book is that 
the basic conservatism of American cul- 
ture, the resistance to change at the local 
and state levels, the organized opposi- 
tion by anti-Roosevelt congressional fig- 
ures, plus the president's own instinc- 
tive moderation limited the impact of 
the New Deal. Roosevelt, basically a 
Burkean conservative, reformed prima- 
rily to preserve. Scholars who have criti- 
cized the New Deal for not launchirig 
revolutionary challenges to established 
racial, gender, or economic inequalities 
have failed to understand both 
Roosevelt's temperament and his elec- 
toral mandate. 

Despite the institutional and 
personal barriers to radical change. Biles 
believed the New Deal's achievements 
were substantial. Although a few 
marginalized feminists certainly were 
disappointed with Roosevelt, women iii 
general benefited from the creation of 
the modern welfare state. Despite the 
president's refusal to endorse the anti- 
lynching bill of the 1930s, the New Deal 
helped to establish race and civil rights 
as legitiinate issues for postwar Anerica. 
While the administration's federal arts 
projects attracted growing hostility from 
conser\^atives, the New Deal did estab- 
lish the precedent of government pa- 
tronage of the arts. 

Ill other areas the New Deal 
speeded up processes already under 
way. The author conckides that in urban 
policy the Roosevelt Administration con- 
tributed to the growing suburbanization 
process, with its emphasis on detached 
single-family homes and the automo- 
bile. The New Deal also helped define 
and immeasurably strengthen collective 
bargaining procedures, a step that both 
legitimated labor unions and placed 
them under government regulation. Tlie 
administration's highly controversial 
agricultural poUcies facilitated such long- 
term changes as rural depopulation, farm 
consolidation and mechanization. In the 
West, irrigation breakthroughs and ad- 
vances in the management of scarce wa- 
ter resources constitute the New Deal's 
most lasting legacies. 


Biles has given us a well-writ- 
ten, politically moderate text that will 
find its way into many college class- 
rooms. It may also interest those misfits 
still curious as to what the latest genera- 
tion of academic historians make of 
Roosevelt's New Deal. In future revi- 
sions, the author ought to correct a 
couple of piddling errors. The Railway 

Labor Act that inspired Senator Robert 
Wagner was enacted in 1924, not 1934 
(p. 159). And 1936 would not be the last 
assuring a president a two-tliirds partisaii 
majority in both house of Congress; 
Lyndon Johnson would enjoy the same 
advantage after his 1964 landslide (p. 133). 

William H. Moore 

University' of Wyoming, Laramie 

The Wounded Knee massacre, 
played out on the snow-covered plains 
of South Dakota in December 1890, has 
been traditionally described as the last 
major military campaign conducted by 
the United States Army against Native 
American peoples. Most historical ac- 
coimts of the massacre have concen- 
trated on the events leading up to the 
confrontation between Big Foot and his 
followers and the United States Sev- 
enth Cavalry, and on the actual shoot- 
ing of Sioux Indians at Wounded Knee 
itself. "Eyewitness at Wovmded Knee" 
attempts to place the events of Decem- 
ber 1890 Into a historical perspective 
through the use of photographs drawn 
from the archives of the Nebraska His- 
torical Society. 

The text is divided into four 
parts: an excellent photographic essay 
that deals with life among the Sioux 
people during the years leading up to 
the tragedy, an essay written by R. Eli 
Paul about the Army's role in the 
Wounded Knee massacre, Richard 
Jensen's essay on the ethnohistory of 
Sioux iri 1890, and John Carter's contri- 
bution: the role of the photographer in 
the West. 

Carter deals with the opportu- 
nities that the Ghost Dance affair pre- 
sented for local photographers and 
newsmen to reach a national audience. 
The Northwestern Photographic Com- 
pany of Chadron, Nebraska, provided 
the major photographs, and the princi- 
pal photographic agents, Gus Trager 
and Frederick Kuhn, marketed them. 
Tlie actual camera work was done by 
Clarence Moreledge an adventurer who, 
with Trager, frequently misrepresented 
photographs and falsified Information 
in an effort to make money. 

Eli Paul's essay regarding the 
role of the army, ironically titled "Your 
Country isSurrounded"arguespersua- 



sively that the Wounded Knee tragedy 
was not the last battle of the Indicm wars 
but was, m fact, the beginning of a new 
era of warfare in which the telegraph, 
telephone and 
railroad would 
play a major part. 

Paul ar- 
gues that Sitting 
Bull's role was 
overplayed by an 
Army hmigry for 
a famous adver- 
sary. This belief, 
that the old 
Hunkpapa sha- 
man was organiz- 
ing an Indian up- 
rising, was en- 
couraged by In- 
dian agents who 
resented the old 
man's influence 

and feared that the Ghost Dance would 
set back their assimilationist programs. 
The attempt to arrest Sitting Bull was 
pushed along by Nelson Miles, a gen- 
eral with a penchant for glory-hunting, 
and Standing Rock agent James 
McLaugWiti, a man who especially hated 
Sitting Bull. Attempts by William Cody 
to intervene, and by the Cody Wild 
West Shows' Sioux performers to coim- 
sel their fellow Sioux about peace, were 
turned aside by McLaughlin who saw 
any attempts to interfere as threats to his 
authority on the reservation. Likewise, 
the actual battle was initiated by Colo- 
nel James Forsyth's attempt to disarm 
the Sioux at Wounded Knee, although 
neither military security nor good sense 
called for such a thing. It was this at- 
tempt to seize Indian weapons that was 
met with resistance and led to the frenzv 
of killing by the army. 

Richard Jensen'ssensiti\'echap- 
ter concerning the changes in Sioux cul- 

Eyewitness at 
Wounded Knee 

Eyewitness at Wounded Knee 

BY Richard E. Jensen, 

R. Eli Paul 

AND John E. Carter. 

Lincoln: UNivERSiTt'OPNEBRASK^A Press, 
1991. XII AND 210 pp. 
Illustrations, maps, notes, index. 
Cloth $37.50. 



Writing Western 

Essays on Major 
Western Historians 

BY Richard W. Etulain. 

Ai.BUQUERQui-:: Universi'i-y of New 

Mi;xk:o Pri:ss, 1991. ix and 370 pp. 

Notes, index. 

Cloth $37.50, papi-;k $17.50. 

ture in the resen^ation era is perhaps the 
best part of the written section of the 
book. Jensen challenges the long-held 
notion that the Sioux Ghost Dancers 
were seeking a return to the past and 
sees the Sioux as undergoing a con- 
scious, though unplanned, social trans- 
formation under the pressure of reser- 
vation conditions. 

The Ghost Dance was, in 
Jensen's view, part of "the Lakotas' own 
evolving religion rather than a brief 
experiment with an exotic belief" (page 
7). The Ghost Dance contained many 
traditional Sioux elements and, in fact, 
was a form of the Sun Dance complete 
with Sun Dance pole and looking at the 
sun. It was motivated by a desire for 
supernatural aid and power, not as a 
prelude to war. Thus, the new religion 
was an attempt to reconcile changes in 
the mythological world of the Sioux 
with current conditions and to incorpo- 
rate new ideas that were part of a pan- 
Indian movement. Although the at- 
tempt failed, its failure was due to mili- 
tary intervention rather than to the bark- 
ening of the Sioux for a past world now 
lost. The Sioux who followed Big Foot 

away from the agency after Sitting Bull's 
death, says Jensen, realized that the army 
was intending to do violence. They were 
not expecting the miraculous disappear- 
ance of the White men, nor did they 
think that the buffalo would return. In- 
stead, they simply sought to put space 
between themselves aiid the military that 
they had good reasons to distrust. 

"Eyewitness at Wounded Knee" 
contains a substantial collection of excel- 
lent photographs, some dealing with the 
battlefield and some with the transfor- 
mation of Sioux life. The authors have 
done an excellent job of identifying the 
people in the photographs. Their efforts 
not only reveal the poverty of reserv^a- 
tion life in the assimilationist period and 
the horror of the battlefield at Wounded 
Knee but also, through their inclusion of 
photographs of Indian round dances and 
of new housing, they foreshadow the 
rebirth of Lakota culture that was to 
come in the twentieth century. This book 
is a must for students of the American 
Indian and of the American West. 

Thomas F. Schilz 
MiRAMAR College 
San Diego, California 

In recent years a number of 
studies have emerged that indicate the 
field of western history has become more 
introspective than it has been at some 
points in its evolution. The Uni- 
versity of New Mexico Press 
has enhanced this tendency and 
has published the present two 
volumes that assess the study of 
western history in the last cen- 
tury or so. Tlie studies are very 
much different and make sepa- 
rate and distinct contributions. 
Richard Etulain has gathered 
together eleven essays that ex- 
amine the work of ten histori- 
ans (two essays focus on 
Frederick Jackson Turner) and 
has added his own introduction 
and conclusion. As in any col- 
lection, the essays range widely in fo- 
cus, purpose and style. Along the way, 
however, they demonstrate the oppor- 
tunities and limits of the discipline to- 
day and in its course of development. 
Although Josiah Royce is best known 
for his philosophical alternative to prag- 

matism, Robert Hine credits him with 
some success as a historian based upon 
his study of California and JoItu C. Fre- 
mont. The merits of Hine's essay aside, it is 
not clear why Royce warranted atten- 
tion not given to any of several other 
major historians. Charles Peterson's es- 
say on Hubert Howe Bancroft has for its 
subject a person whose importance, as 
Peterson suggests, remains perplexing. 
As a publicist, businessman, and collec- 
tor of historical materials, Bancroft was 
successful. The question is, how much 
did Bancroft subordinate his historical 
effort to his business goals and methods? 
Following discussions of these 
two precursors to Turner are essays that 
take up the work of Turner and other 
classic western historians: Frederick Lo- 
gan Paxson, Walter Prescott Webb, 
Herbert Eugene Bolton, and James C. 
Malin. In perhaps the strongest and 
richest essay of the volume William 
Cronon explores Turner's contribution 
apart from his familiar frontier essay. 
Cronon has brought into the light 
Turner's emphasis on significance, or as 



Cronon expresses it, "The Significance 
of Significance in American History." 
By examining the intellectual commit- 
ments that led Turner to think the fron- 
tier so important, Cronon steps back 
from the frontier thesis itself to exam- 
ine Turner's oratorical ability, his broad 
conception of history that included the 
whole of society as well as history, and 
his conception of the West as virtually 
national in scope. In his essay about 
Paxson, Turner's successor in Wiscon- 
sin, Etulain argues effectively: "After 
Turner, Frederick Logan Paxson was 
perhaps the most significant teacher 
and writer of frontier history in the first 
half of the twentieth century. " That this 
came despite his lack of interest in ana- 
lytical history, despite his uncritical 
acceptance of Turner's frontier thesis, 
seems to rest especially on Paxson's per- 
vasiveness, productivity and his foci,is on 
the frontier as process rather than place, 
an important conceptual distinction. 

One of the most difficult es- 
says to prepare was surely that about 
Webb. Elliott West's observation that 
"specialists in other academic fields 
typically pay scant attention to the 
work done by western historians, who 
too often return the favor" goes to the 
core of much tribulation in the disci- 
pline. But West continues: "For this, 
Webb must bear some responsibil- 
ity." That West can offer this harsh 
judgment while remaining sensitive 
to Webb's contributions and limitations 
and understanding his limits is a no- 
table achievement. 

Essays dealing with Bolton 
and Malin provide cogent summaries 
of their work. Indeed, Allan Bogue pre- 
sents a spirited defense of the some- 
times cranky Malin. The tendency to 
overstate the case for or against the 
contributions of iiidividual historians 
can be found in studies of Henry Nash 
Smith: "he transformed our study of 
the West from simply a concentration 
on the economics or sociology of a pface 
to the contemplation of the profound 
effects of an image, one whose com- 
manding grip on the nineteenth-cen- 
tury imagination has shaped the terms 
of our deepest cultural dialogues". The 
style and scholarship of Earl Pomeroy, 
according to the author, "offer the best 
hope for a true comprehension of the 

past in the years to come" and he wrote 
two books "that will be read and lauded 

Clearly, a dozen historians 
turned loose to write about eleven other 
historians will not produce a single in- 
terpretation or even a consensus. The 
result will likely be more that of a kalei- 
doscope. On the other hand, when one 
historian sets out to construct a 
framework for imderstanding 
historical interpretations of the 
American West from 1890 to 
1990, there is a significant op- 
portunity for achieving it. To 
provide a interpretive synthesis 
of those historical efforts is the 
goal of Nash in Crenting the West. 

The first thing evident 
to the reader is not captured in 
the title. The author has read so 
widely and has encompassed so 
many other historians that this 
volume can easily serve as a 
reference to the reader seeking 
either general or specific histo- 
riographical information. The wealth 
of information contained in the footnotes 
and bibliography probably is 
unsurpassed. For this reason alone, the 
volume stands as a useful tool. 

The author has organized his 
study by considering the approaches of 
different generations to the study of the 
American West. And he has found dif- 
ferent conceptions of the West, both in 
historical assumptions and conclusions. 
Thus, two chapters examine the West as 
frontier (1890-1945 and 1945-1990), one 
as region (1890-1990), one as urban civi- 
lization (1890-1990), and the last as Uto- 
pia and my th ( 1 890- 1 990) . The five chap- 
ters, however, are deceptive. Each cov- 
ers so much terrain and so much time 
that the reader may be inclined to re- 
duce the interpretations of the various 
historians to the chapter topics, some- 
thing that Nash would surely caution 
against. Perhaps, however, they are so 
broad in scope that more chapters would 
force a different organization and a 
tighter argument. 

It was not the author's intent to 
provide a new theory for understand- 
ing the history of the West or for under- 
standing the history of the history of the 
West. Certainly the efforts of those who 
do otherwise have not always been suc- 

Creating the West: 
Historical Interpreta- 
tions, 1 890- 1 990 

BY Gerald D. Nash. 

Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1991. xi and 318 pp. 
Notes, bibliography, index. 
Cloth $29.95, paper $15.95. 


B o 

Montana: A History 
OF Two Centuries 


A History oi 
Two Centuiies 

Michael P. Malone 

Richard B. Roeder 

William L. Lang 

Revised Edition 

BY Michael P. Malone, 

Richard B. Roeder and 

William L. Lang. 

Seattle: University of Washington 

Press, 1991. xiii and 466 pp. 

Illustrations, maps, bibliography. 

Cloth $40.00, paper $19.95. 

cessful. Yet by using an approach that 
allows generational change to play a 
causative role, as opposed to change 
within generation, and by using an as- 
sessment that depends upon an author's 
optimistic or pessimistic view of the 
West, significant conceptual opportu- 
nities are bypassed which could foster 
an accurate understanding of the West. 
Many readers will be more than 
satisfied by this study of historians and 
their craft. Others will be put off by the 
"on the one hand" and "on the other 
hand" approach to liistorical assessment. 
One could be kind and suggest that 

Nash provided information for the read- 
er to develop his or her own conclusions, 
were it not for one obserx'ation the au- 
thor made when discussing Pomeroy: 
"Historical interpretations about the 
West often revealed more about the val- 
ues, attitudes, and assumptions of the 
scholars writing about the region than 
they did about the area itself," And: "In 
searching for the West we define our- 
selves. " It is this point, so ambiguous and 
wide-open in "Creating the West," that is 
perplexing as well as satisfying. 

Michael Cassity 

University' of Wyoming, Laramie 

This college level textbook, a 
scholarly survey of Montana's history, 
is a revision of the original 1976 edition 
also written by Michael P. Malone and 
Richard B. Roeder. In the preface the 
authors state that it is intended for the 
"mature reader" and it is. If one is 
serious about learning the his- 
tory of Montana, this is a good 
place to begin. The book is an 
excellent reference for any west- 
em history library. 

Montana has several 
strong points. Possibly the best 
thing about it is its generous 
and highly useful bibliography. 
This edition drops some dated 
sources, but, unfortunately did 
not add as many as anticipated. 
Even so, the excellent and ex- 
tended coverage is valuable and 
the annotation noteworthy. 
The text is a retelling of 
Montana's history from geologic and 
topographical origins to the politics and 
economics of the 1980s. Although the 
authors designate their book "interpre- 
tive" history, it is rarely judgmental, 
clings to the safer and more traditional 
narrative and places events and people 
in an understandable context. The early 
years are especially well written as is 
the chapter about homesteading. 

More than eighty pictures, 
most of which are not found in the 
original work, add to the narrative and 
illustrate salient themes. Noticeably, 
there are few maps and readers unfa- 
miliar with Montana are advised to se- 
cure a state map while reading the text. 
For whatever reasons known 

to them, the authors fail to flesh out 
many of the people in their narrative. 
Far more space has been devoted to the 
course of institutional history than to 
individuals. Tliis brevity and selectivity 
is the curse of surv^ey history. 

The book has the appearance of 
a well-edited and eiThanced series of lec- 
tures that have been botmd for publica- 
tion and, one surmises, are required read- 
ing for students majoring in history or 
education at Montana State University. 
This edition includes materials concern- 
ing ethnic groups, women and twentieth 
century history not found in the earlier 
publication. But, except for the period 
following 1975, most changes are cos- 
metic and grammatical, not substantive. 

A new section on "Montana and 
the Fine Arts" best illustrates the au- 
thors' tendency in parts of the book to 
string wire between post holes, by quickly 
listing one item after another in an at- 
tempt to avoid being accused of omitting 
something important. On the other hand 
it would be easy, with any such book, to 
be picky and point out omissions such as 
the failure to include "Benetsee" as the 
common name for Fraiicois Finlay . Given 
the constraints of modern publishitig 
and the pressures of scholarship, the 
authors seem to have made the right 
choices. One certainly can respect the 
authors' reputations and their successful 
efforts to provide a sound base for fur- 
ther study. 

K. Ross Toole, historian and 
author at the University of Montana, 
states on the back of the softcover edition 
that the book is "felicitously and tightly 
written." No one can honestly disagree 


with this assessment. But with all due 
respect for the scholarship exhibited in 
"Montana," and it is considerable, this 
reader prefers the more comfortable and 

less pedantic writing style of Toole. 

Malcolm Cook 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Emporia State professor and native 
son of the Great Plains, Thomas Isem, 
has produced a labor of love in this 
volume regarding the practices of har- 
vesting and threshing on the North 
American Plains before the advent of 
the combine. The attention-getting title 
of Bull Threshers and Bindlestiffs refers 
to the machine capital and human labor 
involved in harvesting and threshing 
which combined to produce what Isem 
considers a distinctive regional culture 
based upon "continual evaluation, ex- 
perimentation, and adaptation." Al- 
though Isem acknowledges the impact 
of outside market and political forces 
upon the region, in the final analysis he 
is an environmentalist who concludes 
"that the agriculture of the plains forged a 
tradition of change" (p. 215). 

Isem begins his study of re- 
gional change with a rather exhaustive 
survey of the early technology applied 
to harvesting (the gathering of 
un threshed grain from the field) and 
threshing (the breaking loose of the ker- 
nels of grain from the straw and chaff). 
This overview may be a little tedious for 
some general readers who do not share 
the author's enthusiasm for the details 
of technological innovation, but the the- 
sis remains clear. Isem argues that Plains 
farmers were receptive to technological 
innovation as they adapted and origi- 
nated devices such as the binder and the 
header which would redress the short- 
ages of labor in the region. 

Individuals less interested in 
the techniques of threshing and harvest- 
iiig may find the section dealing with 
farm labor to be more readable. In paint- 
ing a somewhat optimistic picture of the 
bindlestiffs, Isem may rely too much 
upon a 1920 study conducted by scholar 
Don D. Lescohier for the departments of 
agriculture and labor. According to the 
Lescohier study, the essential findings 
of which were confirmed in a 1938 Bu- 
reau of Agriculture economic report, 
family farm labor contributed more tlian 
forty per cent of the harvest labor. Tlius, 
transient workers did not occupy as 

great a role as might be thought. And 
the transient laborers who were repre- 
sented in the Lescohier study were de- 
scribed as predominantly White 
(Lescohier did no fieldwork in Texas), 
from adjacent areas, and American 
born. Although Isern does concede that 
bindlestiffs were sometimes exploited 
by farmers, he emphasizes the 
comradery of laborers and farmers 
working together In the fields. 
Accordingly, Isem has little sym- 
pathy for the Industrial Workers 
of the World (IWW) who tried to 
organize bindlestiffs in the pe- 
riod before World War I. Isem 
criticizes the revolutionary 
unionism preached by the IWW, 
yet he concedes that by 1916 more 
than twenty thousand bindle- 
stiffs had joined the organiza- 
tion. Perhaps working conditions 
were not always as satisfactory 
as Isem seems to conclude. 

And, indeed, Isem may 
be a little overly sentimental as 
he laments the change In Plains culture 
brought about as the combine replaced 
the harvest labor of the bindlestiffs. The 
book contains numerous photographs 
of harvesting before the culture of adap- 
tation resulted in the combine replacing 
the bindlestiff. Although he acknowl- 
edges that photographic evidence is, in- 
deed, impressionistic, Isern is unable to 
dismiss "the pride of labor and accon"i- 
plishment staring out of the golden 
tones" (p.211). Isern regrets that he was 
born too late to pitch bundles into the 
feeder, as he waxes nostalgically about 
the period before the combine. Yet, one 
wonders if a bindlestiff reading this vol- 
ume would share such sentiments. In 
conclusion, Isern has produced a vol- 
ume which is very readable and direct 
regarding the practices of harvesting 
and threshing on the northern plains, 
but he is perhaps a bit sentimental in his 
lament for the good ol' days. 

Ron Hkii i y 

Sandia Pkipakaior^ School 

AlhuohI'Koiii;, Niav Mi;xi( o 

Bull Threshers 
AND Bindlestiffs: 

Harvesting and 
Threshing on the 
North American Plains 

BY Thomas D. Isern. 

Lawrence: Universit\' Press of 
Kansas, 1990. xiii and 248 pp. 
Illustations, notes, index. Cloth 




Abel Walter, 64:3/4:9 

"About Face," 64:3/4:21 

Adams, Col. Gerald M., .4 Histoiy of the 

U.S. Strategic Air Force Bases in Morocco, 

1951-1963, 64:3/4/:23 

The Post Near Cheyenne: A History of Fort 

D.A. Russell 1867 to 1930, .'....' 64:3/4/23 

"The Casper Army Air Field In World 

War II," 64:3/4:6-23 

Adams, Andy, 64:1:4 

Adamsky, Adam, 64:2:39 

Advance Electric, Casper, 64:3/4:46 

Aeronica (airplane), 64:3/4:8 

Aikman, Duncan, 64:3/4:56 

Air University Library, Maxwell AFB, 

(Montgomery, Ala.), 64:3/4:23 

Albany County 64:2:34-35,41,44-48,51-58 

Albany Coimty Probate Court, 64:2:52 

Albuquerque, N. M., 64:3/4:22 

Allen, U.S. Marshal John R., 64:2:57 

Almy,Wyo., 64:1:27 

American Heritage Center, Laramie, Wyo., 64:3/4:5,50,56 

"American Heritage Center: A Resource as 

a Resource," by Gene M. Gressley, 64:1:22-25 

Amundson, Michael A.,'Wi/onung Time and 

Again: Rephotographing the Scenes of 

J.EStimson, ....'. '. '. 64:2:60-63 

/^derson, Frank E., 64:2:53-54,58 

Arkeon Building, Casper, 64:3/4:9 

Arlington House, Cheyenne, 64:3/4:54 

Army Air Corps, 64:3/4:7,17 

Army Air Corps Bombardment School, 64:3/4:7 

Army Corps of Engineers, 64:3/4:8 

Arnold, Thurman, 64:1:24 

Arnold, Gen. H. "Hap", 64:3/4:6,14 

Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, 64:2:60 

Atheam, Robert G., 64:1:5,28-29 

Atlantic City, Wyo., 64:2:62 

Autry,Gene, 64:3/4:14 

Avenger Field (Texas), 64:3/4:19 

Averell,Jim 64:3/4:53-56 


B-17, (airplane), 64:3/4:2, 8-12, 15, 26 

B-24, (airplane), 64:3/4:8, 12, 14-15, 17, 19-20, 22 

B-29, (airplane), 64:3/4:8,21-22 

Babb, Estelle, 64:2:42 

Baccus, George, 64:2:54-55 

Bailey, Vernon, 64:1:25 

Baird,C.J., 64:2:46 

Baker, Ftherton P., 64:2:47 

Balch's Market, Laramie, Wyo., 64:2:40 

Barber, Gov. Amos W., 64:2:36-38 

Bare, Abraham, 64:2:37-38 

Barnes, I larrv Elmer, 64:1:24 

Barrett State Office Building, Cheyem-ie, 64:3/4:5 

Barrett, Sen. Frank, [ 64:1:24,64:3/4:10 

Barrow, M.G., 64:1:24 

Bashore, Harry, 64:1:25 

Bath, Henry, 64:2:36 

Bath, Louis, 64:2:36-38,40-43 

Battle of the Bulge, 64:3/4:21 

Becker, Joseph 64:2:52 

Belden, Charles, 64:1:24 

Bell P-63 Kingcobra (airplane), 64:3/4:15 

Bell P-39 Aircobra (airplane) 64:3/4:15 

Benson, Dr. Joe 64:3/4:54 

Bergis, Capt. Albert C, 64:3/4:15 

Bessemer, Wyo., 64:3/4:55 

Biddick,John 64:2:55 

Big Horn Basin, Wyo., 64:3/4:2 

Big Horn County, Wyo., 64:1:15,19 

Big Horn National Forest, 64:3/4:18 

Biles, Roger, A New Deal for the 

American People, review, 64:3/4:58-59 

Bishop, Mar\'in, 64:3/4:22 

Black army units, 64:3/4:11 

Black Wednesday , 64:3/4:15 

Blake, Judge J.W., 64:2:43,48 

Blue Grass Creek, Wyo., 64:2:35 

Boatright, Mody C, 64:1:4,7 

Boise, Idaho, 64:3/4:8,15 

Boot and Spur Club Parade, Casper, 64:3/4:37 

Booth, Ernest, 64:2:57 

Booth, Pauline, 64:2:57 

Booth, William E., 64:2:58 

Bosler, Frank, 64:1:22 

Bothwell, Albert J 64:3/4:53,56 

Bothwell,Wyo 64:3/4:53 

Boucher, Thomas 64:2:36-38,41-42,44 

Bourke, Lt. John Gregory, 64:2:4 

Bowen, Lt. Col. Earl W 64:3/4:46 

Bower, Sheriff W. W 64:2:53,55 

Bowie, Alexander, 64:2:36-37,40-41 

Bowman, Albert E 64:1:13-14,18-20 

Brainerd, Jean, 64:3/4:4-5 

Brake, 2nd Lt. Richard H., 64:3/4:11 

BramelW. H 64:2:48 

Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 64:2:58 

Bright's disease, 64:3/4:54 

Briley, Ron, review of Bull Threshers and 

Bhidlestiffs: Harvesting and Threshing 

on theNorth American Plains, 64:3/4:63 

Bristol, Doris v., 64:3/4:19 

Brooks, Gov. Bryant B., 64:1:13-14 

Brown, Gov. Pat, (Calif.) 64:1:25 

Brown, M.C 64:2:43,54-55 

Brown's Park, Colo., 64:2:41 

Buchanan, Frank, 64:3/4:53 

Buffalo Bill Cody's Wild West Show 64:2:42 

Buffet, Warren, 64:1:25 


Bull Mountain Cattle Company, 64:1:24 

Bull Threshers and Bmdlestiffs: Harvestmg 

and Threshhig on the North American 

P/rt/;!S, by Thomas D. Isem, review, 64:3/4:63 

Bulletms 64:1:12-13,20 

Burns, John, 64:2:56 

Bums,Wyo 64:2:35-36,44 

Burton, E.F 64:1:20 

"Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid," 64:1:25 

Butler, Anne 64:3/4:54-55 

Byers, Charles 64:2:56 


Cady, Edwin H., 64:1:3,5-6 

Calamity Jane, 64:2:59 

California Water Project, 64:1:25 

Cambria, Wyo. 64:2:61-62 

Canaday, Robert 64:1:24 

Capen James, 64:2:57 

Carbon Cotmty, Wyo., 64:2:42; 64:3/4:53-54 

Carey, Joseph M., 64:1:24 

Carlson, Chip, Tom Horn: 

"Killing men is my specialty...", 64:2:34,50,65-66 

Carpenter, Judge Charles E., 64:2:52-54 

Carrigen, Thomas, 64:3/4:40 

Carroll, Carroll 64:1:25 

Carroll, Justice W.P., 64:2:46 

Carroll, Murray L., "Tom Horn and the 

Langhoff Gang," 64:2:34-44 

Carter, Har\'ey L., Kit Carson: A Pattern 

for Heroes, 64:2:68 

Carter, John E., Eyewitness at 

Wounded Knee, review, 64:3/4:59 

Casper, Wyo 64:3/4:2, 6-23, 37, 42-44, 46 

Casper Army Air Base, 64:3/4:2-23, 26, 28, 32, 41-44 

"The Casper Army Air Field in 
Worid War II," by Col. Gerald 

M. Adams, USAF (Ret.) 64:3/4:6-23 

Casper Chamber of Commerce, Wyo., 64:3/4:7-8,22-23 

Casper National Bank, Casper, 64:3/4:21 

Casper Tribune-Herald, 64:3/4:8, 10, 12, 16-17, 22-23 

Casper Weekly Mail, 64:3/4:53 

Cassity, Michael, review of Writing 
Western History: Essays on Major 

Western Historians,.... 64:3/4:60-61 

review of Creating the West: Historical 

Interpretations, 1890-1990, 64:3/4:61-62 

Cattle Brands: 

F 1/4 Circle 64:2:34 

LF- 64:2:35 

2J, 64:2:35,35-36 

T,' 64:2:36 

7XL 64:2:37 

IB, 64:2:37 

WB, 64:2:37 

B-FL, 64:2:41 

H-, 64:2:41 

The Hat, 64:2:41 

Two-J-Bar-H, 64:2:41 

EU-, 64:2:41 

B-Bar-B, 64:2:41 

DOG, 64:2:41 

Three U's, 64:2:41 

FB, 64:2:41 

B-Bar5Cows, 64:2:42 

Cattle Kate, 64:3/4:4-5,49-56 

Centennial Conference, Cheyenne, 64:1:22 

Centennial West: Essays on the Northern 

T/tT Sfnffs, William L. Lang, ed., 64:2:68 

Chadron, Nebr., 64:3/4:59 

Champion, Nate, 64:2:37 

Chauncey, Maj. Gen. C. C, 64:3/4:22 

Cheyenne, Wyo 64:2:34-41 ,44-50,55-60,62,65,67, 

70; 64:3/4:2,6-7,22-23,52,54-56 

Cheyenne Daily Leader 64:2:36-39; 64:3/4:54 

Cheyeiine Northern Railroad, 64:2:41 

Chickering, Lt. Col. Edwin S 64:3/4:15 

Choate, Julian E. Jr., 64:1:4 

Chugwater, Wyo 64:2:37,47 

Churchill Downs, Ken 64:1:22 

Civil War, 64:3/4:50 

The Clansman, by Thomas Dixon, 64:1:4 

Clark, Clarence 64:2:36 

Clark, Neil, 64:2:56 

Clark, Walter Van Tilburg 64:1:106 

Clawson, Marion, 64:1:25 

Clay, John 64:2:34-35,37-38,40,44 

Clemens, Evelyn, 64:3/4:3, 39 

Clements, Frederic and Edith, 64:1:25 

Cleve, James, 64:2:40 

Cleve, Nellie, 64:2:40 

Cleve, Thomas, 64:2:40 

Coble, J. C, 64:2:36,38-39,42 

Cody,' Wyo 64:1:14; 64:3/4:2 

Cody, William 64:3/4:59 

Cold War, 64:3/4:23 

Colford, Richard 64:2:52 

Colonna, Jerry, 64:3/4:14 

Colorado Springs, Colo., 64:3/4:15 

Colored Mens' Service Center, Casper, 64:3/4:11 

Comets, 64:3/4:46 

Cook, Elizabeth 64:3/4:22 

Cook, Malcolm, review oi Montana: 

A History of Tzoo Centuries, 64:3/4:62-63 

Cooperative Extension Service, 64:1:11, 21 

Cornelison, Johii, 64:3/4:4 

Corson, Sam, 64:2:37 

Cox, Hugh 64:1:24 

Craighead, Frank Jr., 64:1:25 

Crawford, Mdrk, ed., A RiveV Too Far: 

The Past mid Future of the Arid West, 

review '. 64:1:2^' 

Crawford, Paul, b4:l:24 

Crazy Horse: The Strmige Man of the Oglalas, 

by Mari Sandoz, 64:2:69 

Creating the West: Historical Interpretations. 

1890-1990, by Gerald D. Nash, re\ie\v, b4:3/4:6l-b2 

Crowcier, Gene 64:3/4:53 

Curry, Hugh B 64:2:57 

Daily Bulletin h4:3 4:34 

Dakota Territory h4:2:34 

Dale Creek, Wvo 64:2:34 


Daly, John 64:2:54 

Davidson, John M., 64:2:37 

Davis, Arthur Powell, 64:1:25 

Davis, David T 64:2:52 

Davis-Monthan Army Air Field, 

(Tucson, Ariz.), .'. 64:3/4:22 

Deadwood,S.D 64:2:37 

Deathredge, George, 64:1:24 

DeCory,John 64:3/4:53 

Demarav, Arthur, 64:1:25 

Denver, Colo., 64:3/4:17 

Deutsch, Adolph 64:1:25 

De Voto, Bernard, 64:1:3,5-7,10 

Diamond Ranch, 64:2:.37 

Dick, Everett, 64:3/4:53 

Dill, Sir John, 64:3/4:44 

Disney World, 64:1:25 

Dixon, Thomas, Jr., 64:1:4 

Dixon, William 64:1:23 

Dobie, J. Frank, 64:1:4 

Doench, Sgt. William, 64:3/4:18 

Dominy, Floyd, 64:1:25,30 

Donahue, Jim, review of A River Too Far: 

The Past and Future of the Arid West, 64:1:29-30 

DonzeLmann, Hugo, 64:2:37-39 

Douglas, Wyo 64:3/4:2,55 

Douglas Aviation, 64:1:24 

Downey, S.C, 64:2:57 

Dugan, Mark, "Family Traditions," 64:2:45-59; 

Tales Never Told Around theCampfire, 64:2:45 

Duncan, Mel, review of Grand Encampment 

Copper Towns, 64:2:67 

Duniway, Clyde, 64:1:20 

The Dust Bold, 64:3/4:34 


Earle, Dr. G. W 64:3/4:8, 37 

Eby,C.M., 64:2:55 

Edelweiss Hotel, Denver, Colo., 64:2:57 

Edwin, William, 64:2:45 

Eighteenth Amendment, 64:2:56 

8th Air Force, 64:3/4:8,15 

8th Air Force Historical Society, 64:3/4:12 

"Ella Watson: Rustler or Homesteader," 

by Sharon Leigh, 64:3/4:49-56 

Emerson, Pfc. Pat, 64:3/4:3, 39 

Etulain, Richard W., Writing Western 

History: Essays on Major Western 

Historians, review, 64:3/4:60 

Eubanks, Brig. Gen. Eugene, 64:3/4:14, 44 

Ewig,Rick, 64:2:71; 64:3/4:4 

Experiment Station, Laramie, 64:1:11-14,18-19 

Eyewitness at Wounded Knee, 

by Richard E. Jensen, R. Eli Paul, 

John E. Carter, review, 64:3/4:59-60 


Fairbanks, Lt. Col. Luther J., 64:3/4:11 

Falkenburg, Jinx, 64:3/4:9 

"Family Traditions," by Mark Dugan, 64:2:45-59 

Faragher, John Mack, 64:3/4:49 

Famy, Henry, 64:1:24 

Farrell, Evalina, 64:2:34 

Farrell, Capt. Edward, 64:2:34 

The Fate of a Cattle Rustler, by John Clay 64:2:34 

Fay, Benjamin, 64:2:49 

Fenwick, Red, 64:1:24 

Ferch, David, review of Sagebrush 

Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's 

View of the Sioux War of 1876, 64:2:64 

Fiedler, Leslie, 64:1:3,7-8,10 

Field City, (AKA Tubb Town) 64:1:27 

Finch, Dr. D. Harold, 64:2:57 

Finkhouse, Joseph, ed., A River Too Far: 

The Past and Future of the Arid West, 

review, .' 64:1:29-30 

Fischer, Christiane, 64:3/4:56 

Fisher, Josiah, 64:2:47 

Fisher, Martin, 64:2:39 

Fisher, T. J., 64:2:38 

547th Army Air Force Band, 64:3/4:16, 21-22 

Foot, U. S. Commissioner Robert E., 64:2:57 


Fort F. E. Warren, 64:3/4:2,22-23 

Fort McKinney, 64:3/4:53 

Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post on 

the Little Piney, video review, 64:2:70 

Fort Robinson, isjebr., 64:2:64 

47th Army Air Force Band, 64:3/4:14 

Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper 

Missouri: The Personal Narrative 

of Charles Larpenteur, 1833-1872, 

introductions by Paul L. Hedren 

and Milo Quaife, 64:2:68 

Foster, Stephen, 64:1:22 

Fourth Fighter Group, 64:3/4:2 

Fox, Jared, fared Fox's Memorandum: Kept 

from Dellton, Sauk County Wisconsin 

toward California and Oregon 1852-1854, 

review,....^ 64:1:30-31 

Frantz, Joe, 64:1:4 

Frazee, William H., 64:2:55-56 

Frazer,C.C., 64:2:47,54 

Free Life of a Ranger. Archie Murcliie in 

the U. S. Forest Service, 1929-1965, 

by R.T. King, review, 64:2:64-65 

Fremont County, 64:1:18 

Frewen, Moreton, 64:1:22 

Friedendall, Sheriff Ira 64:2:40 

Friedman, Milton, 64:1:24 


Galland, Gen. Adolph 64:3/4:127 

Gamier, Baptiste (Little Bat), 64:2:40 

Garrett, John H., 64:2:51 

Gelfand, Lawrence, 64:1:24 

Gem City Hotel, Laramie, 64:2:52 

Geraghty, Johi-i L., 64:2:57 

Gere, A. H., 64:2:57 

Gesell, Gerhard 64:1:24 

Gill, U. S. Commissioner David W., 64:2:56 

Glenrock, Wyo., 64:3/4:12 

Gloiy Hunter: A Biography of Patrick 


Edward Connor, by Brigham D. Madsen, 

review 64:1:31-32 

Golden, Colo., 64:2:50 

Gowen Field, (Boise, Idaho), 64:3/4:15 

Grand Avenue, Laramie, 64:2:54 

Grand Encampment Copper Towns, 

by Alan H. Patera, review, 64:2:67 

Grand Chapter of the Order of Eastern Star, 64:3/4:36 

Grant, Sheriff, 64:2:49 

Green, John L., 64:1:25,31 

Green Hill Cemetery, Laramie, 64:2:59 

Green, Kim, 64:3/4:56 

Greene, Jerome A., Yellowstone Command: 

Colonel Nelson A. Miles and the Great 

Sioux War, 1876-1877, 64:2:68 

Gressley, Gene M., "American Heritage Center: 

A Resource as a Resource," 64:1:22,26 

Grosbeck, H.V., 64:2:52 

Grouard, Frank, 64:2:40 

Guide to the Life arid Literature of the 

Southzuest, hy]. Frank Dobie, 64:1:4 

Guild, Thelma S., Kit Carson: 

A Pattern for Heroes, 64:2:68 

Gulliford, Andrew, review of Wyoming 

Time and Again: Rephotographing the 

Scenes of J.EStimson, 64:2:60-63 


Haigler, Lt. Col. Frederick H., Jr., 64:3/4:8, 21, 31, 36, 43 

Hale, Thomas, 64:2:40 

Haley, Ora, 64:2:41 

Halverson, Katherine, 64:3/4:4 

Hampton, Col. E. M., 64:3/4:23 

Hance, Justice M. A., 64:2:47-48 

Hansen, Sen. Clifford, 64:1:24 

Hanson, Sheriff, 64:2:40,42 

Harris, Lt. Col. Hunter, Jr., 64:3/4:11 

Harrison, Pres. Benjamin, 64:3/4:52 

Harvard University, 64:1:2,4 

Hatch Act, 64:1:11-12 

Hay, Henry, 64:2:37 

Hayford, Judge J. H., 64:2:41-42,47-48 

Hayward,— , 64:2:46 

Healy, Capt. Elizabeth J 64:3/4:41 

Healy,Tex, 64:3/4:54 

Heart Mountain Relocation Center, 64:3/4:2 

Henke, Raymond, 64:2:40 

Henke, Rudolph, 64:2:40 

Hewes, Laurence, 64:1:25 

Hickey, Sen. Joe, 64:1:24 

Hinds, Justice Hugh, 64:2:55 

Hiskey,E.D., 64:2:38 

Historical Research and Publications 

Division, Wyo. Dept. of Commerce, 64:3/4:5 

History of the U.S. Strategic Air Force 

Bases in Morocco, by Gerald Adams 64:3/4:23 

Hix, Col. Guy F., 64:3/4:23 

Hobson, Ivan L., 64:1:20 

Hoffman,—, 64:2:44 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 64:1:7 

Holtzoff, Alexander, 64:1:24 

Homestead Act, (14:3/4:44-50, 5(-, 

Hope, Bob 64:3/4:14,34 

Horan, James, 64:3/4:52,56 

Horn, Tom, 64:2:34,40-42,44-45, 


Horse Creek, Wyo., 64:2:44-45,48,55-56, 


Houchins, Sheriff, 39 

Humbolt House, Laramie, 64:2:52 

Hunt, Sen. Lester C, 64:1:24,64:3/4:10 

Hutton, Charley, 64:2:34 

Huxtable, Ada Louise, 64:1:24 


Independence Rock, Wyo., 64:3/4:53 

INDIANS, hostilities: 

Battle of Dull Knife, 64:2:64 

Battle of Little Big Horn, 64:2:69 

Inland Airlines, 64:1:24 

Instructor Pilots, (IPs), 64:3/4:14,20 

Inter-Ocean Hereford Association, 64:2:36 

Iron Mountain, Wyo., 64:2:41 

Irwin, Sgt. George W 64:3/4:39 

Isern, Thomas D., Bidl Threshers and 

Bindlestiffs: Harvesting and Threshing 

on the North American Plains, review, 64:3/4:63 

Ivinson Hospital, 64:2:58 


Jackson Hole 64:3/4:2 

Jackson, Carl, 64:2:54-55 

Jacobucci, Joseph, 64:1:24 

Jacques, Paul, 64:3/4:3,6 

James, Henry, 64:1:5 

James, William, 64:1:7 

Jameson, Nell, 64:3/4:53 

Jared Fox's Memorandum: Kept from Dellton, 

Sauk County Wisconsin toivard California 

and Oregon 1852-1854, by Jared Fox, 

review, 64:1:30-31 

Jarre, Maurice, 64:1:25 

Jensen, Richard E., Eyewitness at Wounded 

Knee, review, 64:3/4:59 

Jewell County, Kan., 64:3/4:56 

Johnson County War , 64:3/4:52, 55 

Johrison, Maj. Gen. Davenport, 64:3/4:14 

Jones, Walter, review of Glory Hunter: 

A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor, 64:1:31-32 

Jones Ranch, 64:2:41 

Joyce, Roger, 64:3/4:4 

Junge,Mark, 64:2:b0,71, b4:3/4:2 


Kading, Lt. Frank 64:3/4:46,48 

Kading, Joye, see also Marshall, Jove, ti4:3/4:2 

Keane,John, '. 64:2:46,50 

Keane, Charles, 64:2:47,58 

Keane,Mary, 64:2:50,52 

Keane, Patrick (Patsv) Sarsfield h4:2;51 

KeefeHalI,Cho\onne t-i4:2:3(i 

Kelly, Sheriff, A.!). 64:2:36-37 


Kendrick, John B., 64:1:22,24 

Kennedy, District Judge T. Blake, 64:2:57 

Keogh,jim 64:3/4:34 

Killgallen, James, 64:1:24 

King, R. T., Free Life of a Ranger: Archie 

Murcliie in the the U. S. Forest Service, 

1929-1965, review 64:2:64-65 

Kirtland Army Air Field, (Albuquerque, N.M.), 64:3/4:22 

Kit Carson: A Pattern for Heroes, by 

Thelma S. Guild and Harvey L. Carter, 64:2:68 

Klem, Maury, Union Pacific: Birth of a Railroad 

1862-1893, and Union Pacific: The Rebirth 

1894-1969 '. 64:1:28-29 

Knight, Henry 64:1:24 

Knight, Jack, ^ 64:1:24 

Knowles, William, 64:2:56 

Kramer, Victor, 64:1:24 

KuKluxKlan 64:1:4,8 

Kuntz, Sgt. Phil 64:2:57 

La Vaca County, Texas, 64:2:39 

Lafrentz, Arthur, 64:1:24 

Land Act, 1881, 64:1:11 

Lang, William L., ed.. Centennial West: Essai/s 

on the Northern Tier States, 64:2:68; 

Montana: A History of Two Centuries, 

review 64:3/4:62-63 

Langford, Frances, 64:3/4:14 

Langhoff, Elizabeth, 64:2:37 

Langhoff, Evalina, (Eva), 64:2:35,40,42-44 

Langhoff, Ferdinand Albert, (Fred), 64:2:34,36-44 

Langhoff, Henry, (Hank), 64:2:35,37,40 

Lannon, — , 64:2:46 

Laramie, Wyo., 64:2-47,49-59; 64:3/4:56 

Laramie, Wyo., 64:2:45-59; 64:3/4:56 

Laramie Boomerang, 64:2:35,37,40-44,49-50,52,54-55,58,59 

Laramie County, Wyo., 64:2:36-38,40-42,45-47,57 

Laramie Daihf Sentinel, 64:2:36,51 

Laramie Mountains, 64:2:35-36 

Laramie National Bank, 64:2:38 

Laramie Post Office, 64:2:49 

Laramie River Cattle Company, 64:2:36 

Laramie Valley, 64:2:34-35 

Larson, T.A., review of Union Pacific: 

Birth of a Railroad 1862-1893, and 

Union Pticlfit: The Rdihih 1894-1969, 64:1:28-29; 64:3/4:8,49 

Lawrence, C. R., 64:2:51 

LeCron, James, 64:1:24 

LeFors, Deputy U. S. Marshal Joe, 64:2:66 

Leigh, Sharon, "Ella Watson: 

Rustler or Homesteader," 64:3/4:49-56 

Leslie Mine, 64:2:50 

Leuchtenburg, William , 64:3/4:58 

Levy, Parke, 64:1:25 

Lewis, Lt. Col. William, Jr., 64:3/4:23 

Lewis, Marvin, 64:1:4,7 

Lewis, William, 64:2:44-46,48-50,59 

Light of Common Day, by Frank Norris, 64:1:5 

Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, 64:3/4:50 

Lincoln, Ncbr., 64:3/4:8 

"The Little King," by Otto Soglow, 64:1:24 

Little Laramie River, 64:2:36 

Little Laramie Valley 64:2:34 

Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star (airplane), 64:3/4:22 

The Long Rifle, by Stewart Edward White, 64:2:68 

Long, Lt. Col. James C, 64:3/4:30 

Lusk, Wyo., 64:1:24, 64:3/4:10 


Madsen, Brigham D., Glory Hunter: 

A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor, 

review, 64:1:31-32 

Malone, Michael P., Montana: A History of 

Tzoo Centuries, review, 64:3/4:62-63 

Man, Beast, Dust: The Stoiy of Rodeo, by 

Clifford P. Westermeier, 64:2:69 

Marcin, Cpl. Mike, 64:3/4:39 

Markham, Harley B., 64:3/4:7 

Markley, Dr. Josiah P., 64:2:57 

Marshall, (Kading), Joye, 64:3/4:25-28,30,39,42-43,46 

Martens, Hartwig, 64:2:44 

Martin, Katherine, 64:2:54 

Maverick Law, 1884, 64:3/4:52 

Maxwell Army Air Field, 

(Montgomery, Ala.), 64:3/4:22 

Maxwell, Kate, 64:3/4:56 

McCartney, H.E., 64:1:19-20 

McClaren, Dice, 64:1:12 

McCom-iell, G. R., 64:2:56 

McDermott, Lt. Florence E., 64:3/4:14 

McDevitt, Reverend John, 64:2:59 

McFarlane, Mary 64:1:20 

McGee,Gale, 64:1:24 

McMullen, Lt. Col. Marcus A., 64:3/4:23 

McMurry,Will 64:2:54-55 

McPhee,Hugh, 64:2:46 

McPhee,John 64:1:29-30 

Merica, Charles O., 64:1:16 

Metz, Percy, 64:3/4:50 

Miller, Alfred Jacob 64:1:24 

Miller, Andrew 64:2:49 

Miller, Steve, 64:2:54-55 

Monash,Paul, 64:1:25 

Montana: A History of Two Centuries, 

by Michael P. Malone, Richard B. Roeder, 

William L. Lang, 64:3/4:62-63 

Moore, Asa, 64:2:50 

Moore, Diane Louise, 64:3/4:12 

Moore, James, 64:2:36-44 

Moore, Lt. Col. James A. 64:3/4:8,12,15,23,26,28,37,43-44 

Moore, Wm., review of A New 

Deal for the American People, 64:3/4:58-59 

Mora, Jo, Trail Dust and Saddle Leather, 64:2:68 

Morgan, Col. Herbert, Jr. 64:3/4:21,23 

Morgan, Sgt. J. P., 64:3/4:183 

Morgenstern, George, 64:1:24 

Mormon Trail, 64:3/4:50 

Morrill Act, 1862, 64:1:11 

Morrison, Ben, 64:2:44 

Morrison-Knudsen, 64:3/4:8 

Morton, George, 64:1:14 

Moyer,S.L., 64:2:46 

Mule Shoe Ranch, 64:2:41 


Munkres, Robert L., review of Jared Fox's 

Meiiioraiuiiini: Kept from Delltoii, 

Sauk County Wisconsin toward California 

and Oregon 1852-1854, '. 64:1:30-31 

Murie, Margaret and Louise, 64:1:25 

Musfelt, Bob, 64:3/4:55 

Ml/ Life on the Range, by John Clay 64:2:34-35 


Nard, Alfred, 64:2:44 

Nash, Gerald D., Creating the West: Historical 

Interpretations, 1890-1990, review, 64:3/4:61-62 

National Park Service, 64:1:25 

National Register of Historic Places, 64:3/4:5,25 

National Wool Growers, 64:1:22 

Natrona County, 64:3/4:2,8,18,21,23 

Natrona Comity Airport 

Board Commissioners, 64:3/4:21 

Natrona County Commissioners, 64:3/4:8,23 

Natrona Cotinty High School, 64:3/4:21, 44 

Natrona County Municipal Airport 64:3/4:23 

NCO Club, Casper 64:3/4:12,17-18,43 

Nel, Johanna and Johannes E., 

"University Of Wyoming Agricultural 

Experiment Station: 100 Years of 

Service to the State," 64:1:11-21 

Nelson, Ann, 64:3/4:4 

Nelson, Aven, 64:1:13-14,20 

Nelson, Ozzie, 64:1:25 

New Deal, 64:3/4:58-59 

A New Deal for the American People, 

by Roger Biles, review, 64:3/4:57-58 

Newell, F.N., 64:1:25 

New Mecca Hotel, Laramie, 64:2:57 

New York House Restaurant, Laramie, 64:2:51 

Nezv York Times, 64:1:23 

Nickell, Willie, 64:2:34,44,66 

902nd Quartermaster Detachment, 64:3/4:11, 15 

906th Guard Squadron, 64:3/4:11, 15 

Nordstrom, Lt. Col. Carl T., 64:3/4:8,30 

North American P-51 Mustang (airplane), 64:3/4:22 

North Park, Colo., 64:2:43 


0'Hara,John, 64:1:5 

O'Mahoney, Sen. Joseph C, 64:3/4:8, 10, 22 

O'Reilley, Bill, 64:2:57 

O'Reilley, Hazel, 64:2:57 

Ogallala, Nebr., 64:3/4:54 

Ohnhaus, U.S. District Clerk Charles J., 64:2:57 

Oil City of the West, 64:3/4:23 

Olin, Blanche M., 64:1:20 

Omaha, Nebr., 64:3/4:8 

Omohundro, Maj. Thomas T., 64:3/4:22-23 

Oregon Trail, 64:3/4:50,53 

Osborne, Gov. John E., 64:2:38,43 

Our Lady of Fatima Catholic Church, Casper, 64:3/4:2 

Overland Trail, 64:2:34 

Oviatt, Charles, 64:1:18-19 

"Owen Wister and His Critics: Realism 
and Morality in the Virginian," 

by Gerald Thompson, 64:1:2-10 


Parker, Glenn, 64:2:58 

Parker, Judge William H., 64:2:37 

Pasche, August, 64:2:44 

Patera, Alan, Grand Encampment 

Copper Towns, review, 64:2:67 

Pathfinder Reservoir, 64:3/4:55 

Patrick, Dr. Florence, 64:2:55 

Patterson, George W., 64:2:56 

Patterson-Black, Sheryll, 64:3/4:50 

Paul, R. Eli, Eyeioitness at Wounded Knee, 

review, ..^. 64:3/4:59-60 

Pawnee Township, Kan., 64:3/4:56 

Peale, Mundy I., 64:1:24 

Pearl Harbor 64:3/4:7 

Peck, Roy, 64:1:24 

Peckinpah, Sam, 64:1:2 

Pence, Mary Lou, 64:2:51-52,58 

Pei-iington, Matt, 64:2:39 

Penrose, Dr. Charles Bingham, 64:2:37,40 

Peterson Army Air Base, (Colorado 

Springs, Colo.), 64:3/4:15 

Pentecost of Calamity, by Owen Wister, 64:1:8, 

Peterson, Charles, 64:3/4:60 

Phelps, Sarah May (Billie), 64:2:57-58 

Pick-Sloan Plan, 64:1:25 

Pierce, Bernie, 64:3/4:2 

Pierre, S.D., 64:3/4:17 

Pioneer Wyoming Brew, 64:2:62 

Plaga Ranch, 64:2:40 

Ploesti, (Rumania), 64:3/4:17 

Plumbago Canyon, 64:2:36 

Poison Spider, Natrona County, 64:3/4:17 

The Post Near Cheyenne The, A History 

of Fort D. A. Russell, by 

Col. Gerald M. Adams, USAF (Ret), 64:3/4:23 

Powell, Wyo., 64:3/4:2 

Powell, Fred, 64:2:44-50,52,55 

Powell, Mary, 64:2:50-56 

Powell, William 64:2:56 

Preemption Law, 1841, 64:3/4:52 

Price, Garrett, 64:1:24 

Prisoner of War Camp, Douglas, Wyo., 64:3/4:2 

Prohibition, 64:2:56-57 

Pueblo, Colo., 64:3/4:8,22 


Railway Labor Act, ....' 64:3/4:59 

Rainsford, George D., 64:2:37-39,43 

Rankin, Marshal Joseph, 64:2:40 

Rawlins, Wyo., 64:3/4:53 

Rawlins-Lander Stage Line, 64:3/4:53 

Ray, Nick, 64:2:37 

Ray, Grace 64:3/4:53 

Regulating Hnuger: The Struggle for Mijie 

Siifrh/ in ///(' Rocki/ Mountain Coal Industri/, 

b\ lames Whiteside, rexiew 64:1:27-28 

Remington, i'rederic, M: 1:2,24 

Rentsciiler, Cieorge (i4:l:24 

Rrpul'liDUi lloonkivu^, (-14:2:50,58-59 


Republican Party 64:3/4:50 

Resen'e Officer Training Corps (ROTC), 64:3/4:44 

Rl-iodes, Cecil 64:1:23 

Richardson, Beulah, 64:2:49 

Richardson, Elizabeth, 64:2:53 

Richardson, Harry, 64:2:48 

Richardson, Lt. Col. Tracy 64:3/4:15, 23 

Richardson, W. G. \ 64:2:34 

Righter, Robert W., review of F/w Ujc 

of a Ranger: Archie Murchie in the the 

U. S. Forest Service, 1929-1965, 64:2:64-65 

A River Too Far: The Past and Future oftlie 

Arid West, Joseph Finkhouse and Mark 

Crawford, eds., review, 64:1:29-30 

Roberts, Phil, review of Tom Horn: 

"Killing men is my specialty..." , 64:2:65-66 

Robertson, E. V .' \ 64:3/4:10 

Robison, Lt. Tom, 64:3/4:43 

Rochelle, III, 64:2:42 

Rock Creek, Albany County, 64:1:2; 64:2:36 

Roeder, Richard B., Montana: A History 

of Two Centuries, review, 64:3/4:62-63 

Rognstad and Olsen 64:3/4:8 

Roncalio, Teno, 64:1:24 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 64:1:2,5,7 

Rose,R.R., 64:1:24 

Rosenblatt, Pvt. David, 64:3/4:18 

Rosentreter, Gus, 64:2:35,40-41 

Rosentreter, Hank 64:2:35,40-41 

Ross, Andrew, 64:2:49 

Royce, Josiah, 64:3/4:60 

Rybolt, Robert R., review of video, 

"Fort Phil Kearny: The Hated Post 

on the Little Piney," 64:2:70 

Safford, Captain L.N., 64:1:24 

The Saga of Tom Horn, by Dean Krakel, 64:2:34 

Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's 

View of the Sioux War of 1876, by Sherry L. 

Smith, review, 64:2:64 

Salt Lake City, Utah, 64:3/4:8 

Sandoz, Mari, Crazy Horse: The Strange Man 

oftheOglalas, '. ' 64:2:69 

Sann,PauI, 64:3/4:56 

Savage, Jack 64:1:25 

Schilz, Thomas F., review of Eyexoitness at 

Wounded Knee, '. 64:3/4:59-60 

Schwartz, Sen. H. H 64:3/4:7-8, 10 

Schweinfurt, Germany, 64:3/4:15 

Scott, Judge, 64:2:39 

Scottsbluff, Nebr. , 64:3/4:11, 17 

2nd Bomber Command, 64:3/4:14 

Service Club, 64:3/4:12,17-18 

768th WAC Hqtrs. Co., 64:3/4:14 

768th WAC Squadron, 64:3/4:16 

7th Phutd Reconnaissance Group, 64:3/4:23 

Shannon I Lincral Home, Laramie, 64:2:59 

Sharp, William, 64:2:56 

Sheridan Post, .• 64:1:18 

Shidey Basin, Carbon County, 64:3/4:22 

Shoshoni, Wyo., 'Q-H"? "^^ 64:1:16 

Shuck, David 64:2:44 

Silk, Leonard, 64:1:24 

Simpson, Sen.Milward, 64:1:24. 

Slipstream 64:3/4:4,17,34,39,42 

Sloan, W.G 64:1:25 

Smith, Constable B.C., 64:2:46 

Smith Comity, Kans., 64:3/4:56 

Smith, Gov. Nels H. 64:3/4:9-10 

Smith, James L., 64:2:44 

Smith- Lever Act, 64:1:19,20 

Smith, Sherry L., Sagebrush Soldier: Private 

William Earl Smith's View of the Sioux 

War of 1876, review, 64:2:64 

Smithsonian, Institution, 64:3/4:8 

Snake Ranch, 64:3/4:22 

Snell, Joseph 64:3/4:55 

Socony- Vacuum Refining Company, Casper, 64:3/4:7 

Soglow, Otto, 64:1:24 

South Durbin Street, Casper, 64:3/4:14 

Spitfire (MK XI) (airplane) 64:3/4:3 

St. Lawrence O'Toole Catholic Church, Laramie, 64:2:59 

Standard Oil of Indiana, Casper , 64:3/4:7 

Starr, Belle, 64:2:59 

State Historic Preservation Office, Wyo., 64:3/4:4—5 

Stern, Bill 62:1:24 

Stevens, Henry L., 64:2:52 

Stewart, Elinore Pruitt, 64:3/4:56 

Stirling, Izelle 64:3^4:36 

Stirling, James, 64:2:49 

Stock Growers Narional Bank, Cheyenne, 64:2:37 

Stoll, Walter R., 64:2:34,37-39 

Stoner, Minna, 64:1:14 

Sullivan, J.R 64:2:56 

Swan Land and Cattle Company, 64:2:34-37,40,50 

Sweetwater River Valley, 64:3/4:5, 49, 53-54 

Swigart Ranch, 64:2:53 

Sybille Creek, 64:2:35 

Sybille Valley, 64:2:35,40 


Taylor, William 64:2:40,43 

Tebbetts, Cpl. Leon, 64:3/4:18 

Tedmon, A.H., 64:1:15,19-20 

Temperance Movement, 64:2:56 

Tensleep,Wyo 64:3/4:18 

Territorial Legislature, Wyoming, 64:3/4:52 

Texas Company Refinery, Casper, 64:3/4:7 

"The Soldier's Guide to American Women," 64:3/4:42 

Thompson, Gerald, "Owen Wister and His Critics: 

Realism and Morality in the Virginian," 64:1:2-10 

Thompson, A. Beeby 64:1:23,25 

Thornburg Street, Laramie, 64:2:54 

381st Hqtrs. Squad., 64:3/4:16 

351st Base Hqtrs. Squad., 64:3/4:11 

377th Aviation Squad., 64:3/4:15,17 

331st Bomb Group, 64:3/4:9,11 

331st Contbat Crew Training School, 64:3/4:16 

Tidball, Judge V.J., 64:2:55,58 

Tietze,Joe, 64:2:52;53 

Tiley, 1st Lt. E. H., Jr., 64:3/4:11 

Tillotson Ranch, 64:2:53 

Tivoli Rooms, Cheyenne, 64:2:59 


"Tom Horn and the Langhoff Gang," 

by Murray L. Carroll 64:2:34-44 

Tom Horn: Killhig men is my specialty..." 

by Chip Carlson, review, 64:2:65-66 

Topeka,Kan., 64:3/4:8,18 

Townsend Hotel, Casper, 64:3/4:12 

Tracy, Pvt. Byran J 64:3/4:42 

Trail Dust and Saddle Leather, by Jo Mora, 64:2:68 

Trampas, 64:1:7-10 

Trans-Mississippi West, 64:3/4:49,56 

Tregaskis, Richard, 64:1:24 

Tribune Leader, 64:2:58 

True, Dr. A.C., 64:1:19 

Trugillo, Joseph, 64:2:47 

Truman, Pres. Harry S., 64:3/4:23 

Tucson, Ariz., 64:3/4:22 

Turnell, Jack and Lili, 64:1:24 

Two Bar Ranch 64:2:50,66 

211th Army Air Force Base Unit, 64:3/4:8,11 

211th Company, 64:3/4:41 


Union Mercantile Company, 64:2:37 

Union Pacific: Birth of a Raihvad 

1862-1893, and Union Pacific: 

The Rebirth 1894-1969, 

by Maury Klein, review, 64:1:28-29 

Union Pacific Railroad, 64:1:2,23,27-29; 64:2:45,50,63; 64:3/4:50 

United States War Department, 64:3/4:17-19,22 

"University Of Wyoming Agricultviral 

Experiment Station: 100 Years of 

Service to the State," by 

Johanna Nel and Johannes E. Nel, 64:1:11-21 

University of Wyoming, Laramie, 64:3/4:50, 56, 59, 62 

Upton, Wyo., 64:3/4:36 

U.S. General Land Office, 64:3/4:53 


V-EDay 64:3/4:22 

V-mail 64:3/4:17 

Vanderhoff, Genie, 64:3/4:42 

Van Devanter, Willis A., 64:2:37 

VanOrsdale,Josiah A., 64:2:37-38 

VanZant,Dep. Sheriff Jim, 64:2:36 

The Virgiiunn, by Owen Wistcr, 64:1:2-10 

! W 


I Wagner, Con, 64:2:50 

i Wagner, Sen. Robert, 64:3/4:59 

I Wall Creek Canyon, 64:2:36 

Wallop, Sen. Malcolm, 64:1:24 

Walter, U. S. Attorney A.P., 64:2:57 

Wanless, Charles, 64:2:51-52 

Wanless, Frank 64:2:51 

Wanless, Marie, 64:2:51 

Wanless, Mary Keane, 64:2:45,51-52 

Ward,Juanita 64:3/4:42 

Wardwell Field, Casper, 64:3/4:7,23 

Warne, William, 64:1:25 

Warner, Robert, 64:1:24 

Warren Livestock Company, 64:2:37 

Warren, Francis E., 64:1:11,22,24,27 

WASP, (Women's Auxiliary Service Pilot) 64:3/4:19-20 

Watkins, George, 64:1:2-4 

Watson, Ella, 64:3/4:50,53-56 

Watson, Phil, 64:3/4:54-55 

Watt, Joe 64:1:22 

Webb, Walter Prescott 64:3/4:49, 60 

Welke, James, 64:1:25 

West First Street, Casper, 64:3/4:11 

West, Judy, 64:3/4:4 

Westermeier, Clifforci P., Man, Beast, 

Dust: The Story of Rodeo, 64:2:69 

Western Transit Company, 64:3/4:20 

Whipple, LC 64:2:37 

Whitaker, Rogers E.M., 64:1:24 

White, Stewart Edward, r//e Lo;/^V> K//It', 64:2:68 

Whiteside, James, Regulating Danger: 

The Struggle for Mine Safety in the 

Rocky Mountain Coal Industry 64:1:27-28 

Wilgus, Lt. Robert, 64:3/4:43 

Williams, Cpl. Beatrice, 64:3/4:41 

Wilson, Big Ned 64:2:50 

Wilson, Henry H., 64:3/4:56 

Wilson, Woodrow, 64:1:8 

Wirth, Conrad L., 64:1:25 

Wister,Owen 64:1:2-10 

Wolff, David A., review of Regulati)ig 

Danger: The Struggle for Mine Safety 

in the Rocky Mountain Coalbidustry, 64:1:27-28 

Women's Army Corps (WAG) .' 64:3/4:14-17,21,40 

Women's Auxiliary Army Corps, (WAAC), 64:3/4:14, 19 

Working, D.W 64:1:18 

Writing Western Llistory: Essays on Major 

Western Historians, by Richarci W. 

Etulain, review, 64:3/4:60-61 

Wyoming Farm Bullethi 64:1:11,15,18,20 

Wyoming Recreation Commission, 64:3/4:5 

Wyoming State Archives, 64:2:36,45-46,57, 64:3/4:5 

Wyoming State Historical Society, 64:3/4:5 

Wyoming State Museum, 64:2:67 

Wyoming Stock Growers Association, 64:2:34, 64:3/4:52 

Wyoming Territory, 64:3/4:53, 55-56 

Wyoming Time and Again: Repliotographing 

tlie Scenes ofJ.E Stimso)i, by Michael A. 

Amuncison, review, 64:2:60-63 

Wyoming's War Years, 1941-1945, 

bv T. A. Larson, 64:3/4:8 

Yeager, Charles E 64:3/4:15 

Yellowstone Conniunul: Colonel Nelson A. 

Miles and the Creai Sioux War, 

187b- 1877, by Jerome A. Greene 64:2:68 

Yellowstone Falls 64:1:6 

^oung, C apt. Lyman A., 64:.3/4:8 

>und, Sheriff C.C 64:2:47 


Zanuck-Hrinvn, 64:1:25