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UNIVERSITY  OF  WOlMW 

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nnals  of 

WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 
Winter  2001  Vol.  73,  No.  1 


1038    Cheyenne  Transcontinental  Airport, 
Wyoming 


IN  THIS  ISSUE 

*  The  Emerging  Civil  Rights  Movement: 

The  1957  Wyoming  Public  Accommodations  Statute  as  a  Case  Study 

f 

*  The  Sad  Saga  or  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell 

*  The  Recent  Winter  Use  History  or  Yellowstone  National  Park 


On  the  Cover 

"Cheyenne  International  Airport " 


The  cover  illustration  is  a  postcard  made  in  sometime  in  the 
1930s  when  Cheyenne  was  the  primary  transcontinental  air- 
plane route  in  the  Intermountain  West.  United  Airlines  oper- 
ated its  maintenance  depot  at  the  airport  (pictured  in  the  right 
center).  When  non-stop  service  became  feasible  and  airplanes 
were  built  to  fly  above,  rather  than  around,  the  Colorado 
Rockies,  Denver  gradually  gained  supremacy  in  air  traffic. 


The  editor  of  Annals  of  Wyoming  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  every  aspect  of  the  histoty  of  Wyoming  and  the  West. 
Appropriate  for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer  new  interpretations 
of  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will  be  considered  for  use  in  the 
"Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  for  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming  Memories"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are 
reviewed  and  refereed  b\  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and  others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  bs 
the  editor.  Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies.  Submissions  and  queries  should  be  ad- 
dressed to  Editor,  Annals  of  Wyoming,  P.O.  Box  4256,  University  Station,  Laramie  WY  8207 1,  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following 
address:  annals@uwyo.edu 


Editor 

Phil  Roberts 

Assistant  Editor 
Sarah  Pavne 

Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  Hallhert! 


Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Barbara  Bogart,  Evanston 
Mabel  Brown,  Newcastle/cbevenne 
Michael  J.  Devine,  Laramie 
James  B.  Griirith,  Jr.,  Cheyenne 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  Jost,  Riverton 
David  Kathha,  Rock  Springs 
John  D.  McDermott,  Sheridan 
Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 
Thomas  F.  Strooch,  Casper 
Lawrence  M.  Woods,  \Corland 

Wyoming"  State  Historical  Society 
Publications  Committee 

Rich  Ewig,  Laramie 

David  Kathlca,  Roclc  Springs 

Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie 

Nancy  Curtis,  Glendo 

William  H.  Moore,  Laramie  (ex  officio) 

Patty  Myers,  Wheatland  (ex-otiicio) 

Loren  Jost,  Riverton  (ex-oriieio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex-orncio) 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Dave  Tavlor,  President,  Natrona  County 

Amy  Lawrence,  1st  Vice   Pres.,  Albany  Co. 

Patty  Myers,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Platte  Co. 

Linda  Fabian,  Secretary,  Platte  County 

Dick  Wilder,  Treasurer,  Parh  County 

Clara  Varner,  Weston  County 

Jermy  Wight,  Star  Valley  Chapter 

Joyce  Warnlce,  Goshen  County 

Llovd  Todd,  Sheridan  County 

Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 

Governor  oi  Wyoming 

Jim  Geringer 

Wvoming  Dept.  or  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources 

John  Keck,  Director 

Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

William  Dubois,  Cheyenne 
Charles  A.  Guerin,  Laramie 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Rosie  Berger,  Big  Horn 
B.  Byron  Price,  Cody 
Herb  French,  Newcastle 
Frank  Tim  Isabell,  bhoshoni 
Jeanne  Hie  key,  Cheyenne 
Hale  Kreycik,  Douglas 

University  oi  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 
Oliver  Walter,  Dean, 

College  or  Arts  and  Sciences 
William  H.  Moore,  Chair,  Dept.  of  History 

Printed  by  Pioneer  Printing,  Cheyenne 


nnals  of 

WYOMING 


I  lie  \\  yoming  1  I  istorv  )<  lurnal 


Winter  2001  Vol.  73,  No.   1 


I  he  Kmerg'ing'  Civil  Rights  Movement: 

The  1957  Wyoming'  Puhlie  Accommodations  Statute 
as  a  Case  Study 

By  Kim  loach  anil  William  Howard  Moore 2 

School  Bells  and  Winchesters 

The  Sad  fcag'a  oi  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell 

By  Carol  L.  Bowers  14 

I  he  Recent  Winter  Use  History  oi  Yellowstone  National  Park 
How  bhould  the  National  Park  Service  Envision 
Its  Dual  Mission? 

By  Michael  J.  Yochim  33 


Boor  Reviews 

Edited  by  Carl  HallLerg 47 

Cassidy.  Ferdinand  V.  Harden:  Entrepreneur  of  Science. 

Reviewed  by  Philip  D.  Jordan. 
Carroll.  Seeds  of  Faith:  Catholic  Boarding  Schools. 

Reviewed  by  Cary  C.  Collins. 
Chamberlain.  Under  Sacred  Ground:  A  History-  of  Savajo  Oil. 

Reviewed  bv  Brian  Hosmer. 

Wyoming'  I  icture Inside  Back  Lover 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  is  published  quarterly  by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  in  association  with  the  Wyoming  Department  of  Commerce,  the  American  \  leritage  Center,  and  the 
Department  of  History.  University  of  Wyoming.  The  journal  was  previously  published  as  the  Quarterly 
Bulletin  (1923-1925),  Annals  of  Wyoming  (1925-1993).  Wyoming  Annals  (1993-1995)  and  Wyoming  His- 
tory Journal  (  1995- 1996).  The  Annals  has  been  the  official  publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of  membership  to  all  society  members.  Membership  dues 
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below.  Articles  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  are  abstracted  in  Historical  Abstracts  and  America:  History  and  Life. 

Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to  Judy 
West,  Coordinator.  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  PMB#  184.  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd..  Cheyenne 
WY  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspondence  should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  of  Annals  of  Wyo- 
ming. American  Heritage  Center.  P.  0.  Box  4256,  University  Station.  Laramie  WY  82071 . 
Our  e-mail  address  is:  annals@uwyo.edu 


Copyright  2001,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


ISSN:  1086-7368 


The  Emerging  Civil  Rights  Movement: 

The  1957  Wyoming 
Public  Accommodations  Statute  as  a 

Case  Study 

By  Kim  Ibach  and  William  Howard  Moore 


332  SESSION  LAWS  OF  WYOMING,  1957  Ch.  207 

CHAPTER  206 

Original  Senate  File  No.  161 
CIVIL  RIGHTS— SEGREGATION 

AN   ACT   to   prevent   segregation   and   discrimination   and   providing   a   penalty 
for  violation. 

Be  It  Enacted  by  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Wyoming: 

Discrimination  and  Segregation  Prohibited 

Section  1.  No  person  of  good  deportment  shall  be  denied  the 
right  of  life,  liberty,  pursuit  of  happiness,  or  the  necessities  of  life 
because  of  race,  color,  creed,  or  national  origin. 

Violation — Penalty- 
Section  2.  Any  person,  firm,  or  corporation  who  shall  violate 
any  of  the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor 
and,  upon  conviction,  shall  be  fined  not  more  than  One  Hundred  Dol- 
lars ($100.00)  or  imprisoned  in  the  county  jail  for  a  term  not  to  ex- 
ceed six  (6)  months,  or  both. 

Approved  February  20,  1957. 


Public  Accommodations  statute.  Session  Laws  of  Wyoming,  1957 

Two  prominent  Wyomingites  watched  as  an  African- Ameri- 
can serviceman  and  his  spouse  seated  themselves  in  the  little 
cafe  at  Cheyenne's  Plains  Hotel  in  1954.  The  couple  sipped 
water  and  read  the  menus.  Suddenly  a  waitress  jumped  from 
her  station  and  snatched  away  the  menus.  The  manager  en- 
tered the  scene  and  ushered  the  two  African- Americans  out 
of  the  restaurant. 


Winter  2001 


Teno  Roncalio  and  Dr.  Francis  Barrett  discussed  the 
shameful  incident  they  had  witnessed.1  An  African- 
American  soldier  who  had  probably  served  his  nation 
during  World  War  II  could  not  eat  at  a  restaurant  in  his 
own  country.  How  could  an  American  citizen  be  so  mis- 
treated? Thoughts  of  such  injustice  infuriated  Roncalio 
and  Barrett. :  Roncalio,  a  rising  star  in  the  state  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  Dr.  Barrett,  son  of  Republican  U.S.  Sena- 
tor Frank  A.  Barrett,  sought  to  intercede  with  the  Plains 
Hotel.3  The  manager  explained  that  he  did  not  dictate  hotel 
policy,  but  instead  followed  directives  from  the  Plains' 
ownership.4  When  Roncalio  and  Barrett  contacted  the  hotel 
owner,  they  obtained  no  satisfaction.''  Outraged,  attorney 
Roncalio  began  to  confer  with  the  Wyoming  Democratic 
Party  about  the  problem. 

However  distant  Wyoming  might  have  been  from  the 
segregated  South  (the  focus  of  the  early  post- World  War 
II  civil  rights  movement),  the  Equality  State  was  hardly 
immune  from  discussions  of  racial  justice.  Along  with 
several  other  developments,  the  incident  at  the  Plains  Hotel 
would  help  mobilize  support  within  Wyoming  for  im- 
provement in  the  treatment  of  minority  citizens.  As  re- 
flected in  the  outrage  of  both  Democrat  Roncalio  and 
Republican  Barrett,  such  sentiment  would  cut  across  party 
lines.  A  closer  examination  of  the  origins  of  the  Wyo- 
ming Civil  Rights  Act  of  1 957  provides  insights  into  those 
forces  shaping  discussions  of  racial  justice  in  this  sparsely- 
populated,  overwhelmingly  white,  western  state. 

The  so-called  Second  Reconstruction  of  the  1950s  and 
1960s  had  its  origins  in  the  failures  of  the  First  Recon- 
struction that  followed  the  Civil  War.  In  the  late  nine- 
teenth century,  a  series  of  Supreme  Court  decisions  gut- 
ted much  of  the  force  of  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
amendments.  In  1883,  the  court  held  that  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  prohibited  state,  not  individual  acts  of  dis- 
crimination. In  Plessy  v.  Ferguson  (1896),  the  justices 
ruled  that  a  Louisiana  statute  requiring  "separate  but  equal" 
accommodations  for  railroad  passengers  did  not  consti- 
tute a  violation  of  the  amendment.  The  Plessy  decision 
seemed  to  legitimize  a  spate  of  de jure  (Jim  Crow)  segre- 
gation laws  in  the  South.  Meanwhile,  in  the  North  and 
West,  de  facto  segregation  became  the  norm. 

World  War  II  proved  to  be  a  major  watershed  for  Ameri- 
can racial  relations.  Prior  to  Pearl  Harbor,  African- Ameri- 
cans in  southern  states  generally  worked  as  unskilled  la- 
borers or  sharecroppers.  In  the  North,  they  took  compa- 
rable low-income  jobs.  As  American  involvement  in  the 
war  increased,  employment  opportunities  for  black  Ameri- 
cans improved.  Due  to  a  dramatic  labor  shortage,  Afri- 
can-Americans also  found  jobs  in  the  West.  Black  em- 
ployment opportunities  improved  significantly,  espe- 
cially in  West  Coast  aircraft  and  shipbuilding  industries. 


Frequently,  however,  segregation  remained  a  part  of  work 
place  realities.  Employers  designated  special  break  times 
and  areas  for  African-Americans  employees.6 

Black  Americans  also  developed  greater  organizational 
and  political  clout  through  the  1940s  and  the  1950s.  In 
1941,  labor  leader  A.  Philip  Randolph  planned  a  march 
on  Washington  to  protest  discriminatory  hiring  practices 
by  companies  which  held  contracts  with  the  federal  gov- 
ernment. To  thwart  the  march,  President  Franklin  D. 
Roosevelt  issued  Executive  Order  8802  on  June  25, 1 94 1 . 
The  order  created  a  Fair  Employment  Practices  Commit- 
tee (FEPC).  The  FEPC  found  itself  responsible  for  com- 
bating racial  discrimination  in  hiring  and  firing.7  Higher 

'  Roncalio,  one  of  nine  children,  had  been  born  in  the  U.S.  in 
1916  to  Italian  immigrant  parents.  Around  the  age  of  five,  Roncalio 
first  joined  the  work  force  as  a  push  cart  operator.  Later,  he  found 
employment  as  a  barber  and  as  a  reporter  and  sales  agent  with  the 
Rock  Springs  Rocket,  a  local  newspaper.  He  attended  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wyoming  as  a  journalism  major  and  (because  of  his  admi- 
ration for  President  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt)  became  a  member  of 
the  Young  Democrats  of  Laramie.  His  work  for  Senator  Joseph 
O'Mahoney  and  law  studies  at  Catholic  University  were  interrupted 
when  he  enlisted  in  the  army  in  the  spring  of  1943.  After  the  war, 
Roncalio  kept  himself  busy  by  practicing  law  in  Cheyenne,  Wyo- 
ming, where  he  assisted  in  founding  two  banks  and  edited  the  Wyo- 
ming Labor  Journal.  During  the  late  fifties  and  into  the  next  de- 
cade, Roncalio  dedicated  his  time  to  the  arts,  law,  and  the  YMCA. 
In  1957,  he  served  as  chairman  of  the  Democratic  State  Central 
Committee.  President  Kennedy  selected  Roncalio  as  the  Chairman 
of  the  United  States  Section  of  the  International  Commission.  He 
was  also  a  member  of  the  Interstate  Commission  on  the  Potomac 
River  Basin.  In  1964,  he  won  election  to  Wyoming's  lone  seat  in 
the  U.S.  House  of  Representatives.  After  an  unsuccessful  run  for 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1966,  Roncalio  was  returned  by  Wyo- 
ming voters  to  the  U.  S.  House  where  he  served  until  1977.  Roncalio, 
a  very  humble  man,  deserves  much  credit  for  the  writing  and  coa- 
lition building  that  led  to  the  Wyoming  Civil  Rights  Act  of  1957. 
Mabel  E.  Brown,  "Tomorrow's  Yesterday:  Teno  Roncalio,"  Bits 
and  Pieces,  (August  1966),  15-18. 

;  Roncalio  linked  the  treatment  of  African-Americans  to  what 
some  Indians  had  experienced  in  Wyoming.  The  jurisdiction  of  a 
federal  court  covers  Indian  cases  of  discrimination.  Personal  Inter- 
view with  Teno  Roncalio,  Cheyenne,  November  15,  1996. 

1  During  the  debate  on  the  Wyoming  Civil  Rights  Act  of  1957, 
Dr.  Barrett's  father,  a  conservative,  voted  'yea"  on  the  federal  Civil 
Rights  Act  of  1957.  That  legislation,  aimed  at  assuring  African- 
Americans  the  franchise,  created  a  Civil  Rights  Commission. 

4  Teno  Roncalio  Interview,  November  15,  1996. 

5  Telephone  Interview  with  Dr.  Francis  Barrett,  March  8,  1998. 

6  Lawrence  B.  De  Graaf,  "Significant  Steps  on  an  Arduous  Path: 
The  Impact  of  World  War  II  on  Discrimination  Against  African- 
Americans  in  the  West,"  Journal  of  the  West  35,  (1996),  24-27. 

7  The  FEPC  carried  little  weight  with  private  businesses  when 
they  had  no  defense  contracts  with  the  federal  government.  The 
group,  however,  could  monitor  the  general  treatment  of  minorities. 
The  FEPC  observed  the  exclusion  of  African-Americans  from  stores 
in  Hawthorne,  Nevada.  "[Anti-black  prejudice  was  rife  throughout 
Nevada,"  the  commission  noted.  The  FEPC  accused  Bremerton, 
Washington,  of  the  same  practices  because  black  businesses  were 
restricted  to  one  partitioned  area  of  the  city.  De  Graaf,  28-29. 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  Histo 


rv  Journal 


Several  of  these  men, 
pictured  as  part  of 
an  annual  "Treagle" 
train  party-  at  the 
Plains  Hotel,  were 
prominent  in  the  civil 
rights  discussions  of 
the  1950s.  Left  to 
right  are:  Fred 
McCahe.  newsman: 
Cliff  Hansen:  U.  S. 
Rep.  William  H. 
Harrison:  Teno 
Roncalio:  unidenti- 
fied: Gov.  Milward 
Simpson:  Robert 
McCraken.  publisher 
of  the  Wyoming 
Tribune-Eagle:  and 
an  unidentified  man. 


paying  wartime  jobs  strengthened  the  position  of  black 
Americans.  At  the  same  time,  more  than  a  million  south- 
ern African- Americans  who  migrated  northward  and  west- 
ward during  the  war  caught  the  attention  of  vote-conscious 
white  politicians. 

Social  pressures  from  outside  the  country  advanced  the 
cause  of  civil  rights  as  well,  Gunnar  Myrdal,  a  Swedish 
sociologist  who  authored  American  Dilemma  in  1944, 
challenged  the  United  States  to  work  though  its  racial  bias. 
Within  liberal  and  academic  circles,  Myrdal's  critique  set 
the  stage  for  a  discussion  of  American  ideals  and  the 
nation's  failure  to  live  up  to  them.  The  fact  that  black 
Americans  were  being  asked  to  combat  fascism  abroad 
only  reinforced  the  demands  for  racial  justice  at  home. 

Given  the  improved  economic  circumstances  brought 
about  by  the  war  and  the  shifting  social  and  intellectual 
currents  of  the  time,  incidents  of  racial  discrimination 
seemed  increasingly  egregious.  African-American  service- 
men stationed  in  the  South  experienced  discrimination 
not  only  in  the  theaters,  recreation  halls,  and  religious  ser- 
vices on  military  bases,  but  also  on  transportation  facili- 
ties to  and  from  the  bases  and  in  the  nearby  towns.8  North- 
ern-born African-American  soldiers  had  to  obey  Jim  Crow 
laws  of  the  South  and  de  facto  segregation  elsewhere. 
Lloyd  Brown,  an  African-American  soldier  in  Salina, 
Kansas,  was  denied  service  in  a  local  restaurant  even  while 
German  prisoners  of  war  ate  there.9 

Pro-civil  rights  forces  exercised  considerable  strength 
after  World  War  II.  In  1948  President  Harry  Truman  or- 
dered the  desegregation  of  the  armed  forces.  The  Chief 
Executive  also  appointed  a  civil  rights  commission  to  study 


Wyoming  Division  of  Cultural  Resources 


racial  issues.  The  commission's  written  recommendations. 
To  Secure  These  Rights,  provided  the  basis  for  Truman's 
expansive  civil  rights  package  submitted  to  Congress.10 
The  Supreme  Court,  meanwhile,  declared  segregation  in 
interstate  busses  and  dining  cars  unconstitutional  in  Mor- 
gan v.  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  (1946).' ' 

The  most  important  case  of  the  early  civil  rights  move- 
ment would  be  Brown  v.  Board  of  Education  ( 1 954),  which 
struck  down  racial  segregation  in  public  education.  In  ef- 
fect, the  justices  insisted  on  a  "color  blind"  reading  of  the 
Fourteenth  amendment,  thereby  overturning  the  "sepa- 
rate but  equal"  doctrine  in  Plessy.  Influenced  by  such  schol- 
ars as  Myrdal,  the  court  underscored  the  negative  self- 
esteem  that  inevitably  flowed  from  racial  segregation. 
Although  Brown  dealt  directly  with  education,  its  impli- 

s  Patterns  of  discrimination  existed  in  Wyoming,  too.  James  Byrd, 
drafted  in  June  1944,  from  New  Jersey,  was  transferred  to  Fort 
Warren  in  Cheyenne,  Wyoming.  While  irj  Cheyenne,  Byrd  and  other 
African-Americans  patronized  a  non-white  USO  club.  By  the  end 
of  the  1940s,  President  Truman  had  ordered  desegregation  of  the 
clubs.  Gerald  M.  Adams,  "Military  Service  Brings  Jim  and  Liz 
Byrd  Together,"  Sunday  magazine.  (October  1,  1989),  6-7. 

"  Steven  F.  Lawson,  Running  for  Freedom  (New  York:  McGraw- 
Hill.  1991).  5,  7. 

"'  Specific  areas  of  coverage  included  voting  rights,  anti-lynch- 
ing,  interstate  transportation,  and  the  creation  of  a  permanent  statu- 
tory FE  PC.  John  Patrick  Diggins,  The  Proud  Decades:  America  in 
War  and  Peace.  1941-1960  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  Company, 
Inc..  1989),  103. 

"  Henderson  v.  United  States  (1950)  upheld  the  decision  of  the 
Morgan  case.  "Racial  Justice,"  ACLU  Briefing  Paper  ACLU:  New 
York.  1996-  [cited  August  14,  1997]),  available  from  http:// 
www.aclu.org/library/pbpll.html. 


Winter  2001 


cations  were  broader.  Indeed,  the  entire  edifice  of  Jim 
Crow  discrimination — in  voting,  in  public  accommoda- 
tions, even  in  housing  and  employment — was  imperiled. 

Certainly  the  Brown  case  polarized  both  supporters  and 
opponents  of  Jim  Crow.  Southern  segregationists  orga- 
nized White  Citizens  Councils,  which  urged  "massive  re- 
sistance," distributed  "how-to-discriminate"  leaflets,  and 
sought  to  purge  African-Americans  from  voter  registra- 
tion and  juror  lists.  By  1 955,  white  violence  against  blacks 
seemed  to  be  on  the  increase.  In  that  year,  African-Ameri- 
can leader  and  Baptist  minister  George  Lee  was  found 
dead  on  the  Lincoln  County  Courthouse  grounds  in  Mis- 
sissippi. The  grisly  murder  of  Emmett  Till,  a  1 4-year-  old 
Chicago  youth,  by  two  Mississippi  white  men  attracted 
even  more  attention.12  When  an  all-white  jury  released 
the  two  accused,  many  pundits  wrote  off  the  possibility 
of  southern  white  justice. 

Meanwhile,  Hollywood  highlighted  the  realities  of  the 
second  class  citizenship  experienced  by  African-Ameri- 
cans and  other  minorities.  Giant,  based  on  an  Edna  Ferber 
novel,  first  appeared  on  the  silver  screen  in  1956.  Bick 
Benedict,  a  rich  rancher  in  Texas  played  by  Rock  Hudson, 
was  married  to  Leslie,  Elizabeth  Taylor's  character. 
Benedict  grows  in  awareness  and  attempts  to  come  to  terms 
with  various  racial  dilemmas.  Throughout  the  movie, 
Leslie  points  out  the  inequities  between  the  Anglo  and 
Hispanic  peoples  who  live  on  the  ranch.  Later,  a  diner 
refuses  to  serve  Bick's  racially  mixed  family,  and  Benedict 
challenges  the  policy  with  his  fists.13 

Throughout  the  mid  and  late  1 950s,  the  American  pub- 
lic viewed  movies  exploring  racial  boundaries  in  a  vari- 
ety of  other  ways.  In  Defiant  Ones  ( 1958)  two  convicts, 
Sidney  Poitier  and  Tony  Curtis,  escaped  from  a  chain  gang 
in  the  South  and  overcame  prejudices  to  save  each  other. 
Frank  Sinatra  starred  in  Kings  Go  Forth  ( 1 958).  This  love 
story  created  a  triangle  between  two  World  War  II  Ameri- 
can soldiers,  Sinatra  and  Curtis,  and  Natalie  Wood,  a 
French  woman  whose  father  was  of  African  origin. 
Sinatra's  character  worked  through  his  prejudiced  feel- 
ings to  fall  in  love  with  the  woman.  A  remake  of  Imita- 
tion of  Life  ( 1 958)  depicted  a  white  widow,  Lana  Turner, 
who  partnered  up  with  her  black  African-American  maid, 
Juanita  Moore,  to  go  into  business  together.  Both  women 
had  young  daughters,  and  the  maid's  daughter,  Susan 
Kohner,  masqueraded  as  a  white  girl.14 

During  the  middle  fifties,  African-Americans  launched 
an  impressive  grass  roots  mobilization  campaign,  one  that 
received  considerable  national  attention,  especially  in  the 
new  medium  of  television.  In  Alabama,  seamstress  Rosa 
Parks  refused  to  surrender  her  seat  to  a  white  man,  thereby 
sparking  the  Montgomery  Bus  Boycott  of  1955-56.  Out 
of  the  so-called  Montgomery  Improvement  Association, 


the  charismatic  Reverend  Martin  Luther  King,  Jr.  created 
the  Southern  Christian  Leadership  Council  (SCLC). 
Preaching  a  doctrine  of  non-violent  civil  disobedience, 
King  attracted  both  national  and  international  acclaim. 

While  the  South  continued  to  be  the  focus  of  civil  rights 
discussions,  movement  leaders  sought  to  make  clear  that 
racism  still  existed  in  other  sections  of  the  country — in- 
cluding the  West.  In  the  mid-1950s,  Franklin  H.  Will- 
iams, western  regional  secretary  and  counsel  for  the 
NAACP,  released  the  results  of  his  organization's  studies 
of  race  relations  in  the  area.  Williams  reported  in  1954 
that  black  Americans  in  the  West  experienced  discrimi- 
nation in  employment  as  well  as  housing — conditions  that 
also  resulted  in  de facto  segregation  in  public  education. 
He  condemned  political  and  labor  leaders  for  their  reluc- 
tance to  speak  out  against  such  conditions.  He  pointed  to 
the  fact  that  hotels  in  California,  Oregon,  and  Washing- 
ton refused  to  serve  African  Americans  even  though  those 
states  had  statutes  in  place  banning  discrimination  in  places 
of  public  accommodations.1''  In  1955,  the  NAACP  noted 
only  meager  improvement,  one  example  being  the  devel- 
opment of  low  cost  housing  in  San  Francisco."1  By  1956, 
the  organization  noted  further  modest  gains  in  terms  of 
desegregation  in  schools,  parks,  playgrounds,  and  inter- 
state transportation.  On  the  other  hand,  black  employment 
prospects  in  the  West  still  lagged  behind  those  of  whites, 
and  racial  ghettos  appeared  to  be  expanding  in  the  region's 
major  urban  centers.17 

Western  leaders  and  the  public  in  general  began  to  react 
to  reports  and  exposes  of  discriminatory  conditions.  At 
mid-decade,  several  western  states  still  had  statutes  per- 
mitting segregated  schools,  forbidding  interracial  mar- 
riages, and  tolerating  unequal  access  to  public  accommo- 
dations. Quite  self-consciously,  and  for  a  variety  of  rea- 
sons, westerners  began  to  participate  more  fully  in  dis- 
cussions of  racial  equality.  Developments  in  Wyoming, 
especially  those  pivoting  around  the  state's  Civil  Rights 
Act  of  1957,  provide  some  particular  insights  into  this 
process 


18 


12  Robert  F.  Burk,  The  Eisenhower  Administration  and  Black  Civil 
Rights  (Knoxville:  Univ.  of  Tennessee  Press,  1984),  207. 

13  Giant,  dir.  George  Stevens.  3  hr  21  min.,  Warner  Brothers 
Home  Video,  1984,  videocassette. 

M  "The  Butt  of  the  Critics,"  Newsweek,  (June  30,  1958),  85; 
"Film  and  TV,"  Catholic  World  (October  1958).  65;  (May  1959), 
154-155;  John  McCarten,  "The  Current  Cinema,"  New  Jbr£,  (April 
4,  1959).  167-8;  (July  12.  1958),  98-99;  and  (October  4,  1958),  59. 

15  "Coast  Study  Finds  Negro  Worse  Off,"  New  York  Times,  Janu- 
ary 17,  1954,  72. 

16  The  report  included  Arizona,  Alaska,  California,  Idaho,  Ne- 
vada, Oregon,  Utah  and  Washington.  "Progress  Reported  in  the 
West,"  New  York  Times,  February  27,  1955,  73. 

17  "Gains  by  Negro  in  West  Reported,"  New  York  Times,  Febru- 
ary 26,  1956,  51. 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  journal 


Wyoming's  traditional  demographics  and  culture  en- 
couraged a  sense  of  distinctiveness  on  civil  rights  mat- 
ters. To  begin  with,  the  state  was  overwhelmingly  white. 
The  1950  census  records  show  Wyoming's  total  popula- 
tion as  290,529  people,  6,520  of  whom  were  counted  in 
the  "non-white"  category.  Only  2,557,  less  than  one  per- 
cent of  the  total  population,  were  labeled  as  "Negro."  By 
1960,  the  state's  total  population  increased  by  39,537 
people,  but  the  African-American  numbers  actually  de- 
creased by  374.  Under  that  same  census,  the  total  non- 
white  population  grew  by  some  624  people.19  Wyoming- 
ites  also  boasted  an  image  of  exaggerated  independence 
and  individualism — as  a  people  distinct  from  the  rest  of 
America.20  Even  after  World  War  II,  when  economics 
and  technological  advances  (paved  roads,  more  autos,  elec- 
trical utilities,  circulation  of  newspapers,  and  radio  pro- 
grams) united  rural  Wyomingites,  the  sense  of  isolation 
and  distinctiveness  often  persisted.21 

Especially  during  World  War  II,  ethnic  and  racial  ten- 
sions proved  quite  embarrassing,  particularly  in  fanning 
and  railroad  communities.  Many  Wyomingites  resented 
a  federally  funded  program  to  import  Mexican  nationals 
as  wartime  laborers  for  the  state's  fanning  communities. 
In  June  1943,  the  Regional  Fann  Security  Administra- 
tion described  signs  posted  in  Worland  which  read  "No 
Mexican  trade  solicited."  That  same  year,  John  J.  McElroy, 
the  state  supervisor  of  Energy  and  Farm  Labor,  reported 
to  Governor  Lester  Hunt  that  there  had  been  some  im- 
provements in  ethnic  relations.  He  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  subcommittee  to  assist  in  smoothing  out 
unsolved  problems  in  Washakie  county.  Hunt  explained 
to  the  mayor  of  Torrington  that  the  federal  government 
had  allocated  $75,000  to  solicit  Mexican  nationals  to  work 
on  fanns  in  Wyoming,  and  that  the  Mexican  fanners  had 
rights  to  visit  public  accommodations.22  In  1944,  Larry 
T.  Williams,  a  long-time  resident  of  Rock  Springs,  wrote 
to  Governor  Hunt  of  a  "wave  of  segregation"  toward  Af- 
rican-Americans in  his  town.  Williams  highlighted  the 
refusal  of  proprietors  to  grant  equal  access  to  public  ac- 
commodations.2 3  Hunt  looked  into  the  prospects  of  draft- 
ing legislation  to  outlaw  discrimination  in  public  hotels 
and  restaurants;  however,  malevolent  attitudes  towards 
the  governor  by  both  houses  and  inter-party  conflicts  made 
civil  rights  legislation  impossible  in  the  1940s.24 

Meanwhile,  janing  episodes  of  racial  discrimination 
continued,  revealing  the  ambivalence  of  white  attitudes 
in  the  Equality  State.  In  their  sponsorship  of  a  1947 
"beautiful  baby"  contest,  the  Women  of  the  Moose  in 
Casper  apparently  encouraged  two  African-American 
women  to  enter  their  small  sons,  but  then  reneged  and 
asked  the  two  mothers  to  withdraw  their  children  from 
the  competition.  When  the  two  women  contacted  the 


Rocky  Mountain  News  about  the  incident  and  wrote  to 
popular  white  singer  Kate  Smith,  the  Moose  chapters 
and  Casper  veteran  organizations  issued  an  apology  and 
attempted  to  shift  blame  onto  their  out-of-state  contrac- 
tor. One  of  the  mothers,  however,  remembered  being 
told  by  a  representative  of  the  Women  of  the  Moose  that 
some  chapter  members  had  objected  to  the  entry  of  the 
black  children  in  the  competition.  At  the  same  time,  it  is 
clear  that  one  African-American  mother  had  obtained 
substantial  grass  roots  support  for  her  child  from  white 
members  in  her  local  Seventh  Day  Adventist  church  as 
well  as  from  other  white  neighbors.  Certainly  a  strain  of 
racism  existed  in  Casper  lodge  circles,  but  so  did  an  el- 
ement of  community  embanassment  over  that  racism.25 

18  Colorado,  Washington,  and  California  already  had  public  ac- 
commodations laws.  Between  1 953  and  1 96 1 .  other  western  states — 
Montana,  Idaho,  New  Mexico,  North  Dakota,  Oregon,  and  Wyo- 
ming— passed  comparable  legislation.  In  attempts  to  keep  up  with 
national  civil  rights  legislative  improvements,  western  states  gen- 
erally passed  vague  and  weak  statutes.  Responsibility  fell  upon  the 
litigant,  usually  poor,  to  prove  discriminator)  practices  by  a  public 
establishment.  In  some  states,  violation  of  the  statute  constituted  a 
criminal  offense.  In  1951.  Colorado  established  a  Civil  Rights  Di- 
vision (CCRD)  to  enforce  its  anti-discriminatory  statute,  originally 
passed  in  1895.  The  CCRD  became  an  autonomous  agency  and 
was  renamed  the  Colorado  Anti-discrimination  Commission  in 
1955.  In  1957.  legislation  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  the  CCRD 
from  public  to  private  employers.  See  Milton  R.Konvitz,  A  Cen- 
tury of  Civil  Rights  (New  York:  Columbia  Press.  1965),  155-158 
and  Colorado  Civil  Rights  Division/Commission,  1995-1996  An- 
nual Report  (Denver:  GPO,  1997),  23-25. 

"  Population  Statistics  by  Race  1950  &  I960  Table,  (Wyoming: 
State  Advisory  Center,  1961). 

:"  P.  H.  Shallenberger,  a  sheep  rancher,  argued  in  1927  that  Wyo- 
ming with  its  "open  ranges  and  outdoor  life  can  never  have  the 
same  ideas  or  ideals  as  those  of  other  states.,  where  the  entire  popu- 
lation has  been  lambed  in  the  sheds."  T.A.  Larson,  Histoiy  of  Wyo- 
ming 2nd.  ed.  (Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1990),  581. 

:i  T.A.  Larson  mentions  that  signs  reading  "White  trade  only"  in 
some  restaurants  and  other  public  places  disappeared  after  the  war. 
History  of  Wyoming,  609. 

T.A.  Larson,  Wyoming's  War  Years:  1941-1945  (Stanford: 
Stanford  University  Press,  1954;  reprint,  Cheyenne:  Wyoming  His- 
torical Foundation,  1993),  162. 

23    Larson,  Wyoming's  War  Years,  163. 

:4  The  1942  gubernatorial  campaign  carried  "spiteful  spirit"  be- 
tween Hunt  and  Governor  Nels  Smith  ( 1 939- 1 943).  The  victor.  Hunt, 
frequently  had  stressful  relations  with  the  legislature.  Larson,  His- 
tory of  Wyoming,  495-496. 

25  The  African-American  mothers  returned  the  money  (votes) 
they  had  raised  on  behalf  of  their  sons.  The  ultimate  winners  of  the 
contests  were  white  children.  Meanwhile,  the  Laramie  Republican 
Boomerang  had  vainly  called  for  the  two  minority  toddlers  to  be 
reinstated  in  the  competition.  Casper  Herald  Tribune,  November 
3,  7,  10,  16,  1947;  Laramie  Republican  Boomerang,  November  3, 
10.  1947.  Popular  among  wartime  audiences  for  her  renditions  of 
patriotic  songs,  Kate  Smith  had  also  attracted  a  broad  public  fol- 
lowing through  her  homespun,  sentimental  commentary  on  women's 
issues.  In  1942,  a  nationwide  poll  had  ranked  her  (along  with  Eleanor 
Roosevelt  and  Helen  Hayes)  as  one  of  the  three  most  admired 


Winter  2001 


By  the  mid-1950s,  Wyoming  political  figures  were 
playing  a  more  prominent  rote  in  civil  rights  issues 
at  the  national  level.  Clearly  the  Brown  decision  and  the 
Montgomery  Bus  Boycott  had  stimulated  discussion  about 
issues  of  racial  justice.  When  President  Dwight  D. 
Eisenhower's  1956  civil  rights  bill  was  defeated,  the  ad- 
ministration was  determined  to  try  again.  In  the  spring  of 
1957,  the  White  House  fashioned  a  forceful  bill  creating  a 
Civil  Rights  Commission  and  permitting  federal  judges 
to  deny  a  jury  trial  to  individuals  accused  of  obstructing 
voting  rights.  Wyoming  Democratic  Senator  Joseph 
O'Mahoney,  normally  considered  liberal,  co-sponsored 
with  Estes  Kefauver  of  Tennessee  an  amendment  guaran- 
teeing the  right  to  a  jury  trial — a  compromise  that  the 
administration  roundly  condemned  as  gutting  its  efforts 
to  assure  African-Americans  access  to  southern  ballot 
boxes.  While  there  was  much  truth  to  the  accusation, 
O'Mahoney's  position — based  as  it  was  on  the  seeming 
sanctity  of  jury  trials — appeared  moderate  at  the  time,  and 
it  probably  reflected  the  values  of  most  Wyomingites.  The 
mere  fact  that  O'Mahoney  was  willing  to  play  such  a  vis- 
ible national  role  suggests  that  younger  Democrats  in  the 
state  might  be  more  open  to  discussion  of  the  civil  rights 
problem  at  home.  And,  of  course,  both  Democrat 
O'Mahoney  and  Republican  Senator  Frank  Barrett  sup- 
ported the  final  version  of  the  1957  federal  statute.26 

Given  the  shifting  climate  of  public  discussion  by  the 
mid-1950s,  blatant  racial  discrimination  seemed  less  and 


Gov.  Milward  Simpson 


less  acceptable  in  Wyoming.  Near  Pinedale,  probably  in 
1952,  the  issue  involved  the  hiring  of  a  teacher  for  a  one- 
room  school.  Norman  Barlow,  prominent  rancher  and 
Republican  state  senator,  was  especially  interested  in  the 
hiring  of  Juanita  Simmons  as  his  son's  teacher.27  Simmons 

women  in  the  country.  In  presenting  Kate  Smith  to  the  King  and 
Queen  of  England  in  1939,  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt  had  stated,  "Your 
majesties,  this  is  Kate  Smith,  this  is  America."  In  1947,  the  Afri- 
can American  mother  in  Casper,  Mrs.  Roscoe  Howard,  told  report- 
ers, "[Kate  Smith]  is  democratic,  and  I  would  like  to  know  her 
opinion  on  ...[this]  matter."  "Kate  Smith,"  Current  Biography, 
1965  (New  York:  H.W.  Wilson  Company.  1966),  390-393;  Michael 
R.  Pitts,  Kate  Smith:  A  Bio-Bibliography  (New  York:  Greenwood 
Press,  1988),  9-10;  Casper  Herald  Tribune,  November  3,  1947. 

:<'  Future  Congressman  Teno  Roncalio  and  future  Senator  Gale 
McGee  were  closely  associated  with  O'Mahoney  in  the  mid-1950s. 
O'Mahoney  was  one  of  several  western  liberals  who  sided  with 
southern  Democrats  in  winning  approval  of  the  jury  trial  amend- 
ment. Within  hours  of  the  vote  on  the  amendment,  several  promi- 
nent southern  legislators  switched  sides  and  supported  the  contro- 
versial Hells  Canyon  power  project — strongly  opposed  by  the  ad- 
ministration. There  is  considerable  merit  in  Eisenhower's  argument 
that  a  deal  had  been  struck  between  westerners  and  southerners, 
sacrificing  black  civil  rights  to  regional  public  power  interests.  The 
direct  impact  of  the  congressional  debate  on  discussion  of  civil 
rights  in  Wyoming  in  1957,  however,  was  quite  limited,  as  the 
passage  of  the  federal  statute  took  place  after  the  Wyoming  legis- 
lature had  settled  on  the  state  law.  See  Dwight  D.  Eisenhower, 
Waging  Peace:  The  White  House  Years,  a  Personal  Account.  1956- 
1961  (Garden  City,  New  York:  Doubleday  and  Company,  1965), 
154-162;  Steven  F.  Lawson,  Black  Ballots:  Voting  Rights  in  the 
South.  1944-1969  (New  York:  Columbia  University  Press,  1976), 
184-194;  Burk,  Eisenhower  Administration  and  Black  Civil  Rights, 
224.  A  Massachusetts  native,  O'Mahoney  had  originally  come 
west  to  help  ease  health  problems.  He  worked  as  a  newspaper  re- 
porter in  Boulder,  Colorado,  and  then  edited  the  Cheyenne  State 
Leader.  O'Mahoney  followed  Wyoming  Senator  John  B.  Kendrick 
to  Washington  in  1917.  While  serving  as  executive  secretary  to 
Kendrick,  he  earned  a  law  degree  at  Georgetown  University  in  1920. 
He  then  returned  to  Wyoming,  but  remained  active  in  politics.  In 
1933,  he  replaced  Kendrick  in  the  U.S.  Senate.  O'Mahoney  was 
highly  regarded  for  his  colorful  language,  his  independence,  and 
his  knowledge  of  economics.  O'Mahoney  had  previously  opposed 
legislation  barring  the  poll  tax  and  reforming  cloture  rules  in  the 
Senate.  See  "Accommodating  Senator  Joseph  Christopher 
O'Mahoney,"  New  York  Times,  August  8,  1956,  8;  Lawson,  Black 
Ballots,  73,  185;  and  "O'Mahoney,  At  70,  Again  Senator"  New 
York  Times,  November  6,  1954,  10. 

21  Norman  Barlow,  raised  in  Bountiful,  Utah,  met  his  bride  while 
both  were  attending  college  in  that  state.  In  1930.  Barlow's  father- 
in-law,  P.W.  Jenkins,  enlisted  the  couple  to  work  on  his  ranch  near 
Pinedale,  Wyoming.  Jenkins,  a  Republican  who  served  in  the  Wyo- 
ming senate  and  ran  for  Congress  in  1928,  was  known  as  the  "fa- 
ther of  Sublette  County"  for  his  hand  in  the  creation  of  that  county. 
He  inspired  his  son-in-law's  involvement  in  politics.  Both  Norman 
Barlow  and  Jenkins  signed  the  two  Colorado  River  Compacts  drafted 
in  the  first  half  of  the  twentieth  century.  Barlow  served  in  the  Wyo- 
ming state  legislature  from  1945  to  1964,  first  as  a  Representative 
for  two  terms  and  the  rest  as  a  Senator.  Also,  he  was  president  of 
the  Wyoming  Stock  Growers  Association  (1955-1957).  A  man  who 
stood  for  Western  values.  Barlow  not  only  looked  after  the  inter- 
ests of  Wyoming's  ranching  community,  but  was  also  involved  in 


8 


Am 


T  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History 


came  with  an  impressive  record  and  seventeen  years  of 
experience.  Barlow  became  convinced  that  Simmons  did 
not  get  the  job  because  she  was  an  African- American  and 
that  his  own  reputation  had  been  besmirched  when  he 
advocated  her  case.28  He  was  determined  to  bring  the 
issue  to  the  attention  of  his  fellow  legislators.  By  the  mid- 
1950s,  then,  the  political  climate  in  Wyoming  appeared 
more  receptive  to  modest  civil  rights  initiatives.  The  per- 
sonal experiences  of  Barlow,  Roncalio,  and  Barrett  seemed 
to  parallel  those  of  national  leaders  and  opinion  molders. 
Republicans  such  as  Barlow  and  Democrats  like  Roncalio 
converged  during  legislative  sessions  in  Cheyenne  and 
shared  "war  stories."  Personal  family  ties  helped  alleviate 
any  partisan  differences  that  might  surface  over  the  is- 
sue.29 At  the  same  time.  Republican  Governor  Milward 
Simpson  prodded  the  legislators  to  action.  Approaching 
civil  rights  as  both  a  practical  and  a  philosophical  issue 
during  his  1955  "State  of  the  State"  message,  Simpson 
read  the  legislators  Article  1 ,  sections  2  and  3  of  the  Wyo- 
ming Constitution.  He  emphasized  that  the  state's  organic 
document  called  for  fair  and  equal  treatment  of  its  citi- 
zens, and  he  asked  for  passage  of  civil  rights  measures  to 
reinforce  the  state  constitution.  Especially  noting  that 
Wyoming  was  one  of  the  last  western  states  without  a 
public  accommodations  law,  Governor  Simpson  encour- 
aged the  lawmakers  to  move  promptly  on  the  civil  rights 
front.30 

Responding  to  Simpson's  call  for  greater  racial  equal- 
ity in  1955,  Barlow  and  a  group  of  bipartisan  legislators 


.  rfl 

■1  %  ul* 

^1           V|k             J^l 

L     1    m.  ■  ~ 

Slate  Senator  Norman  Barlow 


introduced  a  set  of  civil  rights  bills  designed  to  deal  with 
school  segregation,  miscegenation,  and  public  accommo- 
dations. In  the  wake  of  the  Brown  decision,  state  law- 
makers quickly  repealed  a  statute  granting  local  school 
districts  the  option  of  establishing  "separate  but  equal" 
educational  institutions  in  Wyoming.  Sponsors  of  at  least 
two  bills  took  aim  at  the  state's  anti-miscegenation  law, 
but  these  proposals  became  bottled  up  in  the  legislature 
and  did  not  pass.  (Not  until  1965  did  Wyoming  eliminate 
all  legal  barriers  to  interracial  marriage).'1  Meanwhile, 
four  House  members.  Republicans  Ralph  Olinger  (Nio- 
brara) and  Marlin  T.  Kurtz  (Park)  and  Democrats  W.  A. 
Norris.  Jr.  and  James  C.  Hunter  (Laramie  County)  spon- 
sored House  Bill  86  designed  to  prohibit  "distinction,  dis- 
crimination or  restriction  because  of  race,  religion,  color 
or  national  origin,  and  providing  for  civil  action."  Although 
the  Judiciary  Committee  recommended  passage,  this  pub- 
lic accommodations  bill  was  tabled  on  its  second  reading. 
The  Casper  Tribune  Herald  and  Star  quoted  a  disappointed 
Simpson  as  indicating  that  he  believed  the  legislature 
would  ultimately  approve  such  a  bill,  thereby  implement- 
ins  "the  United  States  Constitution."32 


the  banking  industry.  See  "Barlow.  Former  Legislator.  Dies," 
Casper  Star  Tribune,  February  26.  1972,  1;  "Barlow  Service  in 
State,"  Casper  Star  Tribune,  February  28,  1972,  9;  John  P.  Barlow, 
e-mail  to  author,  July  27,  1997;  Telephone  Interview  with  Miriam 
Jenkins  Barlow,  wife  of  Norman  Barlow.  June  24.  1998;  and  John 
P.  Barlow,  e-mail  to  author,  July   13,  1998. 

:s  John  P.  Barlow,  e-mail  to  author.  July  27,  1997. 

:"  Roncalio  and  Barlow  had  a  working  relationship  that  extended 
into  the  Barlow  family.  Barlow's  son,  John,  remembered  that 
Roncalio  had  a  hand  in  raising  him.  Roncalio  was  a  pallbearer  at 
Barlow's  funeral  in  1972.  Barlow  e-mail,  July  27,  1997. 

'"'  Born  in  Jackson.  Wyoming,  in  1897,  Simpson  was  the  young- 
est of  three  siblings.  His  father  (first  a  cattleman,  then  a  lawyer) 
had  settled  in  the  Jackson  area  in  1884.  The  senior  Simpson  served 
as  Fremont  County's  prosecutor  during  Mi  I  ward's  first  year  of  life. 
Law  and  politics  largely  influenced  young  Milward.  The  good  na- 
tured  Simpson  liked  his  freedoms,  such  as  cursing  and  drinking, 
but  at  one  time  in  his  life  he  was  also  an  Episcopalian  minister. 
Simpson's  achievements  as  governor  include  the  creation  of  a  De- 
partment of  Revenue,  an  improved  School  Foundation  funding  pro- 
gram (declared  unconstitutional  in  1996),  reformed  tax  codes,  the 
suppression  of  statewide  gambling,  betterment  of  the  concession- 
aires in  Yellowstone  National  Park,  and  the  passage  of  Wyoming's 
Civil  Rights  Act  of  1957.  "Wyoming's  'Fiery  Petrel',"  Empire 
Magazine,  October  31,  1976,  30. 

31  "Two  'Rights'  Bills  Given  State  Senate,"  Wyoming  State  Tri- 
bune, January  27,  1957,  1,11.  Barlow,  Rudolph  Ansel  mi  (D-Sweet- 
water).  C.  H.  Carpenter  (R-Natrona),  and  A.  C.  Harding  (R-Crook) 
introduced  the  school  desegregation  bill  that  passed  into  law  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1955.  1955  Wyoming  Session  Laws  SF.  No.  1 9.  See  Roger 
D.  Hardaway.  "Prohibiting  Interracial  Marriage:  Miscegenation 
Laws  in  Wyoming,"  Annals  of  Wyoming  52  (1980),  55-60. 

r-  Wyo.  Session  Laws  HB.  No.  86;  "Simpson  Thinks  Civil  Rights 
Will  Come  Yet,"  Casper  Tribune  Herald  and  Star,  January  28, 
1955,  9. 


Winter  2001 


9 


In  1957,  the  Governor  again  pressed  lawmakers  hard 
for  civil  rights  action,  especially  on  the  public  accommo- 
dations front.  He  reminded  the  Thirty-Fourth  legislature 
that  Wyoming  was  falling  behind  the  rest  of  the  nation. 
Of  the  twenty-one  states  without  such  laws,  fifteen  were 
in  the  South.  Wyoming,  then,  was  one  of  only  a  handful 
of  non-southern  states  that  failed  to  guarantee  all  its  citi- 
zens equal  access  to  public  accommodations.  Once  again 
reciting  to  legislators  the  appropriate  sections  of  the  Wyo- 
ming Constitution,  Simpson  urged  lawmakers  to  give  civil 
rights  legislation  a  high  priority.'''' 

A  group  of  bipartisan  senators  introduced  the  first  pub- 
lic accommodations  bill.  Senate  File  7,  on  January  9,  but 
a  quarrel  over  enforcement  within  the  Judiciary  Commit- 
tee spilled  over  onto  the  floor,  seemingly  killing  the  pro- 
posal. At  issue  was  a  section  of  the  bill  mandating  county 
prosecution  of  violators.  While  the  committee  recom- 
mended striking  this  particular  enforcement  clause,  R.  L. 
Greene  (R-Johnson),  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Commit- 
tee and  former  President  of  the  Senate,  argued  from  the 
floor  that  dropping  the  enforcement  machinery  would 
basically  emasculate  the  act.  Without  an  effective  public 
enforcement  clause,  he  asserted,  individual  victims  of  dis- 
crimination would  have  to  bear  the  responsibility  of  imple- 
menting the  act.  At  the  same  time,  however,  Greene  in- 
formed his  fellow  lawmakers  that  he  opposed  Senate  File 
7  on  principle.  Ridding  the  state  of  racial  discrimination, 
he  insisted,  was  properly  "a  matter  of  association  and  edu- 
cation— not  legislation."7,4  Confronted  by  Greene's  argu- 
ment, none  of  the  bill's  sponsors — Republicans  Melvin 
Champion  (Sheridan),  Albert  Harding  (Crook)  and  Charles 
Irwin  (Converse)  and  Democrats  Rudy  Anselmi  (Sweet- 
water), Robert  Murphy  (Natrona),  and  W.A.  Norris,  Jr. 
( Laramie) — spoke  on  its  behalf.  On  January  1 6,  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  wrangled  aimlessly  over  Senate  File 
7,  adopting  the  enforcement  amendment  but  then  indefi- 
nitely postponing  the  proposal  on  a  voice  vote.  Claiming 
to  have  been  confused  over  the  convoluted  parliamentary 
process,  Murphy  then  tried  to  revive  the  bill,  but  his  ap- 
peals were  beaten. back  by  his  exasperated  colleagues/-'' 

Milward  Simpson  was  hardly  the  only  Wyoming  leader 
to  be  frustrated  by  what  had  transpired.  Embarrassed  by 
the  Senate's  actions,  Teno  Roncalio  took  the  legislators 
to  task  for  their  lack  of  education  on  civil  rights.  In  a 
January  1 7  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Wyoming  State  Tri- 
bune, Roncalio  vented  his  frustration,  explaining  that  the 
bill  had  only  protected  those  of  "good  deportment"  who 
entered  public  facilities  considered  "necessities  of  life." 
The  bill  did  not  cover  cocktail  lounges,  bars,  or  swim- 
ming facilities.  Furthermore,  a  hostile,  discourteous,  filthy, 
or  obscene  person  could  be  denied  service.  Roncalio  went 
on  to  add  that  the  rights  of  thousands  of  Mexicans,  Indi- 


ans, Puerto  Ricans,  African-Americans  were  included  in 
this  matter.  Appealing  to  civil  and  just  minds,  Roncalio 
argued  that  "there  has  never  been  a  more  decent  bill  of- 
fered to  the  legislators  of  Wyoming."36 

Roncalio's  blast  helped  mobilize  pro-civil  rights  senti- 
ment in  the  House,  but  an  anti-discrimination  bill  there 
soon  became  entangled  in  a  crippling  "right  to  work" 
amendment  sponsored  by  upstate  Republicans.  On  Janu- 
ary 1 8,  responding  to  Roncalio's  call  to  amis,  four  Demo- 
crats (Barney  Cole,  Bob  Adams,  and  Arthur  Buck  of 
Laramie  County  and  Carwin  Linford  of  Lincoln),  along 
with  three  Republicans  (Tom  Searl  of  Laramie  County, 
Mel  Hallam  of  Fremont  and  Tom  Mort  of  Goshen)  intro- 
duced a  public  accommodations  measure.  House  Bill  143, 
similar  to  the  proposal  that  had  been  defeated  in  the  Sen- 
ate. The  House  Judiciary  Committee  recommended  pas- 
sage, but  on  the  floor  Joe  Fitzstephens  (R-Park  County) 
sought  to  attach  language  barring  labor  contracts  that  re- 
quired union  membership  as  a  condition  for  employment.37 

While  Dr.  Pete  Madsen,  a  Republican  from  Sheridan 
County,  supported  Fitzstephens,  downstate  legislators 
reacted  with  contempt. ,s  Bob  Adams  of  Laramie  County, 
a  sponsor  of  the  original  House  measure,  insisted  that 
House  Bill  143  was  aimed  at  civil  rights — the  protection 
of  minorities.  Catholics  and  Jews — and  that  the 
Fitzstephens'  amendment,  a  "union  busting"  tactic,  be- 
longed in  separate  legislation.  A  fellow  Democrat  from 
Laramie  County,  Barney  Cole,  argued  that  Fitzstephens 
had  no  interest  in  unions,  only  in  killing  the  civil  rights 
measure.  Republican  Tom  Mort,  another  sponsor  of  the 
House  measure,  backed  Adams  and  Cole  in  calling  for 
the  separation  of  civil  rights  issues  from  those  that  dealt 
with  union  membership.  After  the  House  defeated  the 
Fitzstephens  amendment,  13-30,  the  bill  passed  and  was 
sent  to  the  Senate.'4 

35  Milward  Simpson,  Message  Delivered  to  the  Thirty-fourth  Ses- 
sion Wyoming  Legislature  (Cheyenne,  January  I  1.  1957). 

54  Senator  Greene's  words  echoed  those  of  Supreme  Court  Jus- 
tice Brown  in  the  1896  opinion  of  Plessy  v.  Ferguson.  "It  Looks 
Like  a  First,'"  Wyoming  State  Tribune,  January  22,  1957,  6. 

i?  "State  Senate  Rejects  Ci\il  Rights  Measure,"  Wyoming  State 
Tribune,  January  16,  1957,  1;  1957  Wyoming  Session  Laws  SF. 
No. 7;  "It  Looks  Like  a  'First,'"  Wyoming  State  Tribune,  January 
22.  1957,6. 

'"  "Rights'  Bill  Defeat  Hit  By  Attorney,"  Wyoming  Stale  Tri- 
bune, January  17,  1957,  27. 

"  In  the  1950s,  right-to-work  advocates  commonly  attached  such 
riders  to  "liberal"  legislation.  Gilbert  J.  Gall,  The  Politics  of  Right 
to  Work:  The  Labor  Federations  as  Special  Interests.  1943-1979. 
(Connecticut:  Greenwood  Press.  1988),  13-29.  55-129. 

38  Madsen  stated,  "I'm  for  equal  rights  for  all  people,  [sic]  I'm 
for  labor.  That's  the  foundation  of  our  country.  They  should  have 
the  privilege  of  working."  "'Right  to  Work'  Clause  Knocked  Out 
of  State  Bill,"  Casper  Tribune-Herald,  January  31,  1957,  2. 

w  Casper  Tribune-Herald,  "Right  to  Work';  1957  Wyoming  Ses- 
sion Laws  HB.  No.  143. 


10 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Both  Barlow  and  Roncalio  realized  that  any  House- 
passed  civil  rights  bill  would  find  its  way  to  R.  L.  Greene's 
Senate  Judiciary  Committee,  where  the  veteran  Johnson 
County  legislator  might  be  expected  to  delay  or  oppose 
it.  Apparently  hoping  to  assure  that  the  issue  would  be 
acted  upon  before  the  end  of  the  session,  they  began  talks 
on  the  drafting  of  a  second  senate  civil  rights  bill.  At  this 
point,  however,  their  objectives  diverged.  The  senate  presi- 
dent wanted  the  "right  to  work"  principle  embedded  in  a 
civil  rights  bill,  while  Roncalio  (chair  of  the  state  Demo- 
cratic Central  Committee)  favored  a  "clean"  civil  rights 
bill.  On  January'  26,  a  week  before  the  House  passed  its 
own  version,  Barlow  introduced  Senate  File  161,  ban- 
ning discrimination  in  places  of  public  accommodation. 
The  sweeping  language  of  the  bill  clearly  incorporated 
the  Sublette  County  legislator's  strong  commitment  to 
right-to-work:  "no  person  of  good  deportment  shall  be 
denied  the  right  to  life,  liberty,  pursuit  of  happiness  or  the 
necessities  of  life  because  of  race,  color,  creed  or  national 
origin  or  for  any  reason  whatsoever."  During  debate  in 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  members  of  both  parties 
took  issue  with  the  right-to-work  language.  Possibly  en- 
couraged to  do  so  by  Roncalio,  Republican  Albert  Harding 
of  Crook  County  and  Democrat  Murphy  of  Natrona,  both 
sponsors  of  the  original  1957  civil  rights  in  the  Senate, 
led  the  way.  Harding  and  Murphy  maintained  that  the  last 
five  words  of  Barlow's  bill  constituted  "a  concealed  right 
to  work  clause,"  and  the  Natrona  County  senator  moved 
for  their  elimination.  Barlow  stoutly  defended  the  lan- 
guage, claiming  that  he  believed  the  legislature  had  a 
"moral  obligation  to  be  fair  to  all"  and  that  he  hoped  to 
"...[bjring  Wyoming  in[to]  accordance  with  the  law  of 
the  land."40  Republican  Dick  Jones  of  Park  County  sided 
with  Barlow.  Pointing  to  the  stained  glass  motif  of  the 
state  seal  atop  the  Senate  chamber,  Jones  reminded  his 
colleagues  that  the  language  called  for  "equal  rights"  for 
all.  Murphy's  amendment  passed,  after  which  the  Senate, 
with  some  dissenting  voices  but  no  further  discussion  on 
the  floor,  approved  the  measure  by  voice  vote.  Ten  days 
later,  the  House  approved  the  amended  Barlow  bill  and 
sent  it  to  Governor  Simpson  for  his  signature.41 

As  appears  to  have  been  the  case  in  other  western  states 
with  public  accommodations  laws,  enforcement  of  the 
Wyoming  statute  seems  to  have  been  problematic  in  the 
late  1950s  and  early  1960s.  One  known  incident  involved 
a  well-connected  pastor,  a  noted  African- American  evan- 
gelist, and  a  Casper  hotel.  Heinz  Grabia,  the  newly  ar- 
rived pastor  of  Casper's  First  Baptist  Church,  a  white 
congregation,  had  earlier  learned  of  the  African-Ameri- 
can evangelist/musician  Charles  E.  Boddie  while  partici- 
pating in  a  church  function  in  Valley  Forge,  Pennsylva- 
nia.42 Grabia  concluded  that  Boddie's  reputation  for  pro- 


moting racial  harmony  as  well  as  his  charismatic  presen- 
tations might  benefit  the  Natrona  County  community.43 

4"  During  discussions.  Senator  Greene  expressed  the  idea  that 
action  on  the  civil  rights  front  was  not  "absolutely  necessary." 
Barlow,  deeply  committed  to  the  right-to-work  principle,  appar- 
ently honestly  saw  it  as  a  "civil  rights"  issue.  John  P.  Barlow  sug- 
gests that  his  father  may  have  believed  the  right-to-work  language 
would  assure  African-Americans  and  other  minorities  the  right  to 
membership  in  unions — which  still  sometimes  discriminated  against 
them.  Barlow's  perspectives  on  right-to-work  and  civil  rights  were 
similar  to  the  libertarian  views  of  Arizona  Senator  Barry  Goldwater. 
In  1957,  Barlow  also  sponsored  a  bill  repealing  Wyoming's  1913 
anti-miscegenation  statute.  That  proposal  cleared  the  Senate,  but 
died  in  a  House  committee.  The  states'  ban  on  interracial  marriage 
would  not  be  lifted  until  1965.  Barlow  took  an  active  role  in  ulti- 
mately winning  approval  of  Wyoming's  right-to-work  law  in  1963. 
Personal  Telephone  Interview  with  John  P.  Barlow,  June  24,  1997; 
'Two  'Rights'  Bills  Given  State  Senate,"  Wyoming  State  Tribune, 
January  27,  1957,  1,11;  "House  Judiciary  Group  Okays  Civil 
Rights,"  Tribune,  February  15,  1957,  16:  Hardaway,  "Prohibiting 
Interracial  Marriage,"  55-60;  and  Barry  M  Goldwater,  The  Con- 
science of  a  Conservative  (Shepardsville,  Kentucky:  Victor  Pub- 
lishing Co.,  1960),  9-14,  24-37,  44-58.  For  a  broader  perspective 
on  anti-miscegenation  laws,  see  Peggy  Pascoe,  "Miscegenation  Law, 
Court  Cases,  and  Ideologies  of  'Race'  in  Twentieth  Century 
America,"  Journal  of  American  History  83  (June  1996),  44-69. 

41  "State  Rights  Bill  Gets  Approval  in  Senate,"  Casper  Tribune- 
Herald,  February  6,  1957,  2:  "Civil  Rights  Wins  Passage  in  the 
House,"  Wyoming  State  Tribune,  February  17,  1957,  1;  "Governor 
Simpson  Praises  34th  Legislature."  Wyoming  State  Tribune,  Feb- 
ruary 18,  1957,  1. 

j:  Pastor  Heinz  H.  Grabia's  family  emigrated  from  Germany  to 
Canada  in  1925  when  Grabia  was  three  years  old.  He  was  reared  on 
a  farm  near  Edmonton,  Alberta  During  World  War  II,  for  four  and 
one-half  years,  Grabia  served  in  the  Canadian  Army  medical  corps. 
His  German  background  prompted  Canadian  officials  to  assign  him 
a  non-combative  role.  Upon  his  return.  Grabia  took  advantage  of 
the  Canadian  G.I.  Bill  and  enrolled  in  the  North  American  Baptist 
Seminary.  After  graduation,  Grabia  pastored  a  congregation  in  Rapid 
City,  South  Dakota.  His  second  assignment  transferred  him  to 
Casper's  First  Baptist  Church  where  he  served  from  1957  to  1965. 
Telephone  Interviews  with  Heinz  Grabia,  14  September  14,  and 
December  2,  1998,  and  "Baptist  Mission  Chief  to  Speak,"  Casper 
Tribune  Herald,  January  24,  1958,  1. 

n  After  obtaining  a  BA.  in' philosophy  form  Syracuse  Univer- 
sity, Boddie  rejected  his  original  decision  to  enter  the  law  and  fol- 
lowed his  father  into  the  ministry.  He  took  a  B.D.  from  Colgate 
Rochester  Divinity  School  and  a  M.A.  from  the  University  of  Roch- 
ester. Boddie  has  clearly  been  impressed  with  the  physical  and  emo- 
tional power  of  his  own  father,  whom  he  eulogized  in  "A  Giant  in 
the  Earth":  A  Biography  of  Dr.  J.  B.  Boddie  (Berne,  Indiana:  The 
Berne  Witness  Company,  1 944).  A  260-pound  towering  man,  whom 
some  considered  the  "[b]lack  Billy  Sunday,"  Boddie's  father  was 
known  for  his  simple,  compelling  speaking  style  and  his  firm  op- 
position to  dancing  and  the  consumption  of  alcoholic  beverages. 
Despite  hearing  the  president  of  Princeton  University,  Woodrow 
Wilson,  speak  against  the  admission  of  African-Americans  into 
the  school's  undergraduate  program,  the  elder  Boddie  cultivated 
good  relations  with  whites.  "To  this  day  whites  are  persuaded  that 
he  out-loved  them,  although  some  among  their  group  may  have 
outsmarted  him.  The  Negro  race  could  stand  more  men  like  that." 
Boddie,"Giant  in  the  Earth,"  6,  42,  26,  47-48;  and  Betty  Layton  of 
ABHS/ABC,  Fax  to  author,   July  23,  1998. 


Winter  2001 


11 


Charles  E.  Boddie,  evangelist 
The  son  of  a  well-known  African-American  minister  in 
New  Rochelle,  New  York,  Boddie  was  himself  a  highly 
respected  clergyman,  singer,  and  songwriter.  He  had  pio- 
neered efforts  that  culminated  in  the  Negro  College  Fund 
Drive,  and,  in  1 955,  he  had  appeared  with  Arkansas  Con- 
gressman Brooks  Hays,  a  moderate,  to  debate  the  Brown 
case.  At  the  time  that  Grabia  approached  him,  Boddie 
was  associate  director  of  the  American  Baptist  Conven- 
tion.44 Both  men  were  fully  aware  of  the  recently  enacted 
Wyoming  public  accommodations  law  when  Boddie  ac- 
cepted Grabia's  invitation  to  address  the  First  Baptist 
Church  in  January  of  1958.45 

Even  as  Boddie  made  his  way  across  the  country  from 
the  East  Coast  by  automobile,  he  encountered  repeated 
problems  obtaining  service  in  hotels,  restaurants,  and  gaso- 
line stations.  After  he  arrived  in  Casper,  Grabia  and  Boddie 
followed  the  plan  they  had  plotted  out  together.  Both  men 
agreed  that  racial  equality  was  of  great  importance,  even 
in  the  small  town  of  Casper,  so  a  hotel  reservation  was 
made  at  the  Gladstone,  one  of  three  major  local  hotels. 
When  Boddie  attempted  to  register  for  his  room,  the  ho- 
tel denied  him  accommodations.  Reverend  Grabia  inter- 
ceded and  pointed  out  to  the  manager  of  the  Gladstone 
that  Boddie,  graciously  enough,  had  come  to  Casper  to 
work  with  a  white  congregation.  Grabia  also  explained 
that  many  of  the  leading  oil  men  and  CEOs  in  Casper 
would  be  very  embarrassed  and  upset  to  hear  that  the 
Gladstone  had  turned  away  Boddie.  Grabia  did  not  threaten 
legal  action,  but  dropped  names  of  important  and  power- 
ful men  he  knew  through  the  church  that  would  be  disap- 


pointed to  hear  of  the  incident.  Grabia  later  explained,  "It 
was  the  good  Christian  thing  to  do."  The  pastor's  moral 
suasion  sufficed,  but  the  incident  clearly  suggests  contin- 
ued patterns  of  racial  discrimination  in  Wyoming.4'' 

As  the  Boddie  experience  suggests,  the  1 957  Wyoming 
Civil  Rights  Act  itself  provided  civil  rights  proponents 
little  leverage  in  combating  discrimination  in  the  late  1 950s 
and  early  1 960s.  Enforcement  remained  in  the  hands  of 
county  and  prosecuting  attorneys.  The  fine  imposed 

"  Charles  Emerson  Boddie  was  generally  seen  as  a  moderate  on 
racial  matters  in  the  1950s.  He  had  held  pastorates  in  Elmira,  New 
York,  Huntington.  West  Virginia,  and  Rochester,  New  York,  win- 
ning the  "Man  of  the  Year"  Award  for  his  efforts  at  interracial 
harmony  in  the  latter  city.  In  1972,  Boddie  authored  Cod's  "Bad 
Boys"  (Valley  Forge,  Pennsylvania:  Judson  Press),  an  account  of 
inspired  preaching  by  eight  prominent  black  ministers,  including 
his  brother,  J.  Timothy  Boddie,  and  Martin  Luther  King.  Jr..  Clearly, 
Boddie  sought  to  underscore  the  role  of  the  African-American 
church — "the  only  mass  agency  which  the  black  community 
owns" — in  the  campaign  for  racial  justice.  Boddie.  God's  "Bod 
Boys.  "  9;  "Service  of  Celebration  of  the  Life  of  C.E.  Boddie,"  Mt. 
Olivet  Baptist  Church,  Rochester.  New  York:  November  8,  1997; 
First  Baptist  Visitor  (Casper:  The  First  Baptist  Church.  January 
1958);  and  Betty  Layton,  Fax  to  author.  July  23,  1998. 

4S  Telephone  Interview  with  Heinz  Grabia,  January  9,  1999. 

Jn  Grabia  interview,  January  9,  1999.  Pastor  Grabia  apparently 
believed  in  righting  situations  of  racial  injustices  with  moral  rea- 
son. In  1958,  when  the  minister  of  the  African-American  Second 
Baptist  Church  fell  ill,  Grabia  (with  the  permission  of  his  own  con- 
gregation) conducted  worship  services  at  both  Baptist  churches. 
After  the  African-American  minister  died,  Grabia  was  encouraged 
by  the  national  Baptist  office  to  merge  the  two  congregations.  Dur- 
ing the  month  of  October  1958,  when  the  local  African-American 
Baptist  church  closed,  Grabia  asked  his  congregation  to  welcome 
African-American  worshipers  into  their  midst.  The  debate  over  such 
a  merger  almost  split  the  First  Baptist  Church.  Silas  Jones  (who 
had  moved  from  Tennessee  to  Casper  in  the  early  1930s  and  be- 
came a  respected  oil  man  and  deacon  of  the  church)  rose  in  a  meet- 
ing of  the  congregation  to  reverse  his  earlier  opposition  to  admit- 
ting the  African-Americans  into  the  congregation.  Other  oil  men  in 
the  congregation  were  from  the  South.  Some  agreed.  Others,  like 
John  Allen  Jones,  strongly  disagreed.  Silas  Jones  argued  that  he 
had  come  to  believe  that  Jesus  would  want  the  African-Americans 
in  the  church.  Grabia  sent  a  letter  to  the  Second  Baptist  congrega- 
tion inviting  them  to  join  First  Baptist.  Although  a  few  African- 
Americans  decided  to  accept  the  offer,  many  did  not  because  they 
feared  losing  their  culture  and  own  ways  of  worship.  Telephone 
Interviews  with  Heinz  Grabia,  September  14,  15.  and  December  2, 
1998;  Interview  with  Pastor  Soozi  W.  Ford.  July  22,1998;  Inter- 
view with  Diane  Collins,  First  Baptist  Member,  Casper,  Wyoming, 
September  14,  1997  and  December  4,  1998;  Telephone  Interview 
with  De'sta  Anderson,  First  Baptist  Member,  November  4.  1997; 
Quarterly  Business  Meeting  Minutes,  First  Baptist  Church,  Octo- 
bers, 1958:  Pastor  Heinz  H.  Grabia,  letter  to  Second  Baptist  Church, 
October  24,  1958.  From  1947  to  1967  Silas  Jones  worked  for  Amoco, 
after  which  time  he  retired.  Noted  for  his  active  membership  in 
Casper's  First  Baptist  Church,  Jones  is  also  remembered  as  a  fam- 
ily man  who  taught  his  two  children-that  all  races  should  be  treated 
equally.  "Silas  G.  Jones,"  Casper  Star  Tribune,  January  14,  1997, 
B-3;  and  Interview  with  Pat  Knobel,  Silas  Jones'  daughter,  Sep- 
tember 13,  1998. 


12 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


seemed  of  little  consequence,  compared  to  the  efforts  and 
costs  involved  in  enforcing  the  state  statute.47  There  is  no 
record  of  a  test  case  of  the  statute  before  the  Wyoming 
Supreme  Court.  Drawing  upon  its  interstate  commerce 
powers,  however,  the  federal  government  in  1 964  banned 
discrimination  in  places  of  public  accommodation — an 
action  that  largely  rendered  meaningless  the  relatively 
anemic  Wyoming  statute  dealing  with  the  same  subject. 

The  1964  federal  act  and  a  sweeping  law  the  following 
year  banning  discrimination  at  the  ballot  box  brought  to  a 
close  the  first  phase  of  the  modem  civil  rights  movement. 
Aimed  primarily  at  the  egregious  de  jure  (Jim  Crow)  seg- 
regation in  the  American  South  and  in  isolated  areas  else- 
where, this  first  phase  commanded  widespread  biracial 
support.  At  least  outside  the  South,  white  Americans  in 
large  numbers  found  Martin  Luther  King,  Jr.'s  appeal  for 
justice  and  racial  conciliation  appealing,  even  ennobling. 
The  non-violent  civil  rights  demonstrations,  combined 
with  an  often  violent  or  obstructionist  white  southern  re- 
sponse, made  it  relatively  easy  for  Americans  elsewhere 
to  choose  sides.  This  was  especially  the  case  by  the  late 
1950s  when  the  new  medium  of  television  broadcast  the 
drama  to  millions  of  viewers  in  the  safety  of  their  living 
rooms.  Given  the  state's  small  African-American  popu- 
lation, Wyomingites  of  both  political  parties  had  little  to 
lose  by  eliminating  the  vestiges  of  school  segregation  or 
opening  up  places  of  public  accommodation  to  members 
of  all  races.  As  the  language  of  Roncalio,  Barlow,  and 
Governor  Simpson  suggested,  support  for  this  kind  of  civil 
rights  campaign  seemed  the  essence  of  Americanism.  By 
adopting  these  proposals,  moreover,  Wyoming  could  at 
least  appear  to  be  on  pace  with  states  outside  the  South. 

The  bipartisan  nature  of  the  support  for  civil  rights  leg- 
islation in  Wyoming,  however,  began  to  crumble  by  1 964. 
The  bruising  battles  over  right-to-work  that  had  almost 
defeated  the  civil  rights  legislation  at  the  state  level  in 
1957  turned  even  sharper  in  the  early  1960s.  The  attempts 
by  FBI  Director  J.  Edgar  Hoover  to  link  Martin  Luther 
King  Jr.  to  the  Communist  Party  began  to  take  their  toll 
in  terms  of  public  support.48  The  rise  of  the  libertarian 
and  militantly  anti-communist  "New  Right"  associated 
with  Arizona  Senator  Barry  Goldwater  found  consider- 
able support  in  Wyoming  and  in  other  areas  in  the  West. 

The  changes  were  perhaps  most  forcefully  dramatized 
by  the  positions  of  Milward  Simpson — now  a  United 
States  Senator —  on  the  1964  and  1966  civil  rights  bills. 
Despite  his  strong  support  for  the  Wyoming  public  ac- 
commodations act  of  1957,  Simpson  by  1964  found  the 
directions  of  the  civil  rights  movement  irksome.  While 
he  supported  a  ban  on  voting  discrimination,  he  argued 
that  a  federal  public  accommodations  statute  would  be 
"unconstitutional,  unwise,  and  unenforceable."49  Thus, 


Simpson  voted  against  the  1964  Civil  Rights  Act  because 
he  refused  to  be  party  to  further  schemes  by  government 
to  dictate  to  owners  of  hotels  and  restaurants  whom  they 
should  serve.50  Simpson  also  voted  against  a  doomed 
"fair  housing"  civil  rights  act  in  1966,  citing  a  conflict 
between  the  legislation  and  a  property  owner's  right  to 
control  his  own  land."''  Professing  a  conviction  that  fur- 
ther civil  rights  legislation  would  compromise  individual 
rights  and  traditional  constitutional  principles,  Simpson 
lashed  out  at  his  critics: 

1  [strongly]  oppose  the  misguided  efforts  of  some  mili- 
tant civil  rights  groups  and  the  efforts  of  the  communist 
and  Nazi  parties  in  this  country,  (sic)  they  are  protected  to 
some  extent  by  the  Constitution  and  system,  and  for  that 
system  to  remain  strong  and  viable,  we  must  not  do  vio- 
lence to  the  system  in  order  to  get  at  those  who  inveigh 
against  it.52 

However  overstated,  Simpson's  positions  caught  the 
tensions  that  engulfed  the  civil  rights  movement  as  it  en- 
tered into  a  post-southern,  post-Jim  Crow  phase.  After 
1965,  movement  leaders  found  themselves  confronting 
often  deeply  entrenched  patterns  of national  and  de  facto 
discrimination.  The  more  confrontational  tactics  followed 
by  some  of  King's  younger  critics  in  the  movement 
alarmed  many  northern  and  western  middle  class  whites. 

47  The  original  penalties  for  violating  the  1957  public  accommo- 
dations act,  labeled  as  misdemeanors,  included  a  fine  up  to  $100 
and/or  up  to  a  six-month  jail  sentence.  In  1961,  an  addition  to  the 
act  imposed  up  to  a  $100  fine  or  up  to  90  days  in  the  county  jail,  or 
both.  Revisions  of  the  code  in  1982  increased  the  penalties  to  a  fine 
of  up  to  $750  and/or  six  months  incarceration.  Betty  Qeland,  "Civil 
Rights  in  Wyoming,"  Wyoming  Law  Journal,  13  (Fall  1958),  76- 
83;  Tim  Kearley,  e-mails  to  author,  June  24,  1997,  and  September 
14,  1998;  Dan  Pauli.  e-mails  to  author,  September  15,  16,  1998; 
and  Wyoming  Statutes,  Sees.  6-83-1—683-2.  (1961).  In  1961,  a 
portion  of  the  public  accommodations  law,  "No  person  of  good 
deportment..."  was  altered  to  "No  person...."  Tim  Kearley,  e-mail 
to  author,  June  24,  1997. 

48  David  J.  Garrow,  The  FBI  and  Martin  Luther  King  Jr.:  From 
"Solo"  to  Memphis  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  Company,  Inc., 
1981). 

4g  Simpson  to  Sandra  L.  Dykes,  August  31,  1964,  "May  1964 
Civil  Rights"  folder.  Box  29,  Milward  Simpson  Papers,  American 
Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming,  Laramie. 

50  Simpson  to  Beverly  Chasteen,  July  6,  1964;  Simpson  to  Wade 
Cryer,  July  8,  1964,  Simpson  Papers.  Simpson  voted  for  the  Vot- 
ing Rights  Act  of  1965.  Thomas  N.  Schroth,  exec.  ed.  Congres- 
sional Quarterly  Almanac:  89th  Congress  First  Session. .1965 
(Washington  D.C.:  Congressional  Quarterly  Service,  1966),  1063. 

sl  Simpson  to  Mrs.  A.J.  Maurico,  October  7,  1966;  Simpson  to 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Harold  V.  Chesley,  August  1,  1966,  "Fall  1966  Civil 
Rights"  folder.  Box  62,  Simpson  Papers;  Congressional  Quarterly 
Almanac:  89th  Congress  Second  Session...  1966  (Washington  D.C.: 
Congressional  Quarterly  Service,  1967),  978. 

52  Simpson  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Ray  DeGering,  September  15,  1966; 
"Fall  1966  Civil  Rights"  folder,  Box  62,  Simpson  Papers. 


Winter  2001 


13 


Many  of  the  solutions  proposed — various  programs  of 
preferences,  busing,  even  racial  reparations — only  height- 
ened their  alarm.53 

Just  as  Wyomingites  had  shared  the  relative  ease  and 
simplicity  of  the  early  civil  rights  movement,  so  they 
would  confront  some  of  the  divisiveness  of  the  post- 1 965 
national  debates  over  race.  Milward  Simpson's  growing 
skepticism  about  civil  rights  reflected  at  least  one  ele- 
ment in  the  state  Republican  Party.  Wyoming  Democratic 
leaders,  meanwhile,  generally  found  themselves  support- 
ing federal  civil  rights  legislation.  Roncalio  served  one 
term  in  the  U.S.  House  of  Representatives  in  the  1960s 
and  voted  for  both  the  1965  voting  rights  and  the  1966 
fair  housing  acts.""4  Gale  McGee,  a  protege  of  O'Mahoney, 
entered  the  Senate  in  1959  and  generally  voted  for  civil 
rights  legislation  during  his  eighteen  years  in  office."'5  And, 
the  state's  most  highly  publicized  racial  incident  of  the 
post- World  War  period  certainly  divided  Wyomingites. 
In  1969,  University  of  Wyoming  football  coach  Lloyd 
Eaton  suspended  fourteen  African-American  players  from 
his  team  when  they  persisted  in  their  efforts  to  wear 
armbands  protesting  racial  practices  of  the  Church  of  Jesus 
Christ  of  Latter-Day  Saints,  which  operated  Brigham 
Young  University,  an  upcoming  Western  Athletic  Con- 
ference opponent.  In  the  bitter  debates  that  followed, 
Roncalio  was  called  in  to  try  mediation,  then  solicited  as 
a  possible  attorney  for  the  fourteen  students.  Ultimately, 
the  students  left  the  team,  and  Eaton's  career  and  the  U.W. 
football  program  took  a  nose-dive.  Whatever  the  merits 
of  the  case,  the  Black  14  problem  certainly  reflected  a 
period  of  time  during  which  issues  of  race  and  justice 
divided  the  campus  and  much  of  the  state's  population. 
The  relatively  easy  consensus  of  the  1 950s  had  been  lost?6 

When  Teno  Roncalio  and  Francis  Barrett  observed  the 
incident  at  the  Plains  Hotel  in  Cheyenne  in  1954,  they 
responded  with  justifiable  outrage.  They,  the  African- 
American  serviceman  and  his  wife,  and  even  the  opera- 
tors at  the  little  cafe  were  part  of  a  changing  world.  After 
a  global  conflict  against  fascism,  the  patterns  of  de  facto 
and  dejure  segregation  seemed  both  deeply  ingrained  and 
dreadfully  out-of-place — whether  in  Wyoming  or  the  rest 
of  the  country.  In  the  early  years  of  the  postwar  civil  rights 
movement,  Teno  Roncalio,  Norman  Barlow,  Milward 
Simpson  and  other  Wyoming  leaders  were  able  to  cobble 
together  enough  of  a  consensus  on  racial  policy  to  enact 
the  lukewarm  civil  rights  act  of  1957.  Whatever  its  weak- 
nesses, at  least  this  piece  of  legislation  provided  an  im- 
pression that  Wyoming  was  not  substantially  behind  the 
rest  of  the  nation.  By  the  mid-1960s,  however,  the  fragile 
civil  rights  consensus  broke  down,  both  at  the  national 
and  at  the  state  levels.  The  1957  Wyoming  Civil  Rights 
Act  serves  as  the  best-known  marker  of  that  early  consen- 


sus. A  token  of  goodwill,  enacted  by  decent  and  well- 
meaning  legislators,  it  deserves  at  least  a  footnote  in  any 
study  of  racial  relations  in  the  Equality  State. 

xl  Robert  Weisbrot.  Freedom  Bound:  A  History  of  America 's  Civil 
Rights  Movement  (New  York:  Plume.  1991).  196-317;  Thomas 
Byrne  Edsall,  Chain  Reaction:  The  Impact  of  Race  Rights,  and 
Taxes  on  American  Politics  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  and  Com- 
pany, Inc.,  1991),  47-115. 

54  Schroth,  Congressional  Quarterly  Almanac:  89th  Congress 
First  Session...  1965  (Washington,  D.C.:  Congressional  Quarterly 
Service,  1966),  984-985  and  Congressional  Quarterly  Almanac: 
89th  Congress  Second  Session...  1 966  (Washington  D.C.:  Congres- 
sional Quarterly  Service,  1967),  898-899.  The  Rev.  James  Neeb,  a 
white  Natrona  County  high  school  graduate,  had  become  a  respected 
civil  rights  activist  by  the  mid-1960s.  An  ordained  Presbyterian 
minister,  Neeb  joined  the  celebrated  voting  rights  campaign  in 
Selma,  Alabama  in  1965.  At  that  time,  he  was  killed  by  white  seg- 
regationists. Phil  Roberts,  David  L.  Roberts,  Steven  L.  Roberts, 
Wyoming  Almanac  (Laramie:  Skyline  West  Press,  2001 ),  152-153. 

?i  McGee,  a  native  of  Nebraska,  acquired  an  undergraduate  de- 
gree at  Nebraska  State  Teachers  College  (1936)  and  then  taught 
high  school  history  for  three  years.  After  he  earned  a  master's  de- 
gree in  history  education  from  the  University  of  Colorado  (1939), 
McGee  held  positions  at  Nebraska  Wesleyan,  Iowa  State,  and  Notre 
Dame  while  working  on  his  Ph.D.  at  the  University  of  Chicago. 
After  earning  his  doctorate  in  American  history  (1947),  McGee 
took  a  position  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  In  1958,  McGee 
defeated  incumbent  Frank  Barrett  for  a  seat  in  the  U.S.  Senate. 
Gale  McGee  professed  to  believe  that  a  good  foundation  of  citi- 
zenship included  equal  access  to  the  franchise  and  public  accom- 
modations, as  well  as  equal  employment  opportunities.  Because  he 
believed  the  vote  was  a  "silent  weapon"  against  autocracy,  he  sup- 
ported the  federal  civil  rights  acts  of  1960  and  1965.  Ann  Kelly. 
"Gale  McGee  Democratic  Senator  from  Wyoming,"  Ralph  Nader 
Congress  Project:  Citizen  Look  at  Congress,  Deanna  Nash,  ed., 
(USA:  Grossman  Publishers,  1972),  1-19.  McGee  also  worked  in 
the  1960s  and  1970s  to  repeal  Wyoming's  right-to-work  legisla- 
tion. Larson,  History  of  Wyoming  2nd.  ed.  (Lincoln:  University  of 
Nebraska  Press  1990),  576. 

56  Clifford  Bullock,  "Racism,  Mormonism  and  Black  Protest: 
Wyoming  and  the  Western  Athletic  Conference,  1968-1970."  (un- 
published M.  A.  thesis.  University  of  Wyoming,  1992),  121-128; 
Steve  Weakland,  A  Million  Cheers:  100  Years  of  Wyoming  Foot- 
ball (Laramie:  University  of  Wyoming,  1993),  115 


Kim  Ibach  holds  the  M.  A.  T.  in  history  from 
the  University  of  Wyoming  where  she  studied  the 
history  of  20th  century  America,  under  the  di- 
rection of  Dr.  William  Howard  Moore.  She  now 
teaches  in  the  public  schools  in  Casper.  Will- 
iam Howard  Moore  is  professor  and  chair  of 
the  Department  of  History,  University  of  Wyo- 
ming. A  specialist  in  the  history  of  America  in 
the  20th  century,  he  holds  the  Ph.D.  in  history 
from  the  University  of  Texas,  Austin. 


SCHOOL  BELLS  AND 
WINCHESTERS 

THE  SAD  SAGA  OF 
GLENDOLENE  MYRTLE  KIMMELL 


by  Carol  L.  Bowers 


Glendolene  Kimmell 


Winter  2001 


L5 


Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  the  Iron  Mountain 
school  teacher  who  became  an  object  of  public 
scrutiny  as  a  result  of  her  brief  association  with  the  no- 
torious stock  detective  Tom  Horn,  was  an  enigmatic  fig- 
ure in  Wyoming  history.  Although  she  was  portrayed 
by  the  press  as  Tom  Horn's  sweetheart  or  lover,  there  is 
no  evidence  to  suggest  that  their  relationship  ever  pro- 
gressed beyond  an  idle  flirtation  at  their  single  docu- 
mented meeting  at  the  Miller  ranch. 

An  intense,  complex  woman,  Glendolene  Kimmell 
resisted  the  submissive  role  for  women  prescribed  by 
late  Victorian  society  and  still  prevalent  at  the  turn  of 
the  century.  Her  assertiveness  and  unswerving  personal 
resolve  empowered  her  to  resist  attempts  to  silence  her 
as  an  advocate  for  Horn.  A  widely  publicized  confron- 
tation between  Kimmell  and  acting  Wyoming  Governor 
Fennimore  Chatterton,  over  an  affidavit  given  by 
Kimmell  alleging  Horn's  innocence  in  the  murder  of 
fourteen  year  old  Willie  Nickell,  ultimately  resulted  in 
her  arrest  and  imprisonment  on  charges  of  perjury 
brought  by  Laramie  County  Prosecuting  Attorney  Walter 
Stoll.  The  charges  were  abruptly  dismissed  following 
Horn's  execution. 

While  Glendolene  Kimmell  undeniably  played  a  cen- 
tral role  in  the  drama  of  the  Tom  Horn  case,  emphasis 
placed  on  her  alleged  "love  affair"  with  Horn  has  eclipsed 
her  own  story  as  a  young  woman  making  her  way  in  the 
West.  Representative  of  hundreds  of  young  women  who 
came  West  to  teach  school  and  seek  financial  gain,  ad- 
venture and  romance,  Glendolene  Kimmell's  story  has 
much  to  tell  us  about  the  particularities  of  women's  ex- 
perience in  the  American  West  during  the  first  half  of 
the  twentieth  century. 

A  cultivated,  educated,  intelligent  woman,  Kimmell 
conducted  herself  with  reserve  and  dignity  throughout 
the  ordeal  of  Horn's  trial  and  execution,  even  though 
her  reputation  and  integrity  were  subjected  to  scathing 
attacks  in  the  press  and  by  those  in  the  very  highest  ech- 
elons of  political  power  in  Wyoming.  Kimmell's  expe- 
rience not  only  addresses  issues  of  women's  voice,  so- 
cial and  political  empowerment  and  marginalization,  it 
also  brings  a  new  dimension  to  the  established  lore  as- 
sociated with  the  Tom  Horn  legend. 

Like  Tom  Horn,  Glendolene  Kimmell  was  a  native 
of  Missouri.  Glendolene  was  the  granddaughter  of 
Jonathan  and  Charlotte  Pierce,  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent families  of  Hannibal,  Missouri.  Jonathan  Pierce 
came  to  Hannibal  from  Kentucky  in  1837  to  supervise 
and  manage  a  saddle  and  harness  store  owned  by  T.R. 
Selmes. '  In  1 839,  the  Clemens  family  moved  there  and 
lived  on  North  Main  Street  across  from  Selmes'  store,  a 


half  block  from  the  Pierce  residence.2  The  Pierce's  first- 
born son,  Edward,  and  Glendolene's  mother,  Frances, 
were  childhood  friends  of  Samuel  Clemens.'  Later, 
Clemens,  under  the  pseudonym  Mark  Twain,  would  men- 
tion them  and  relate  their  pranks  and  adventures  in  his 
writing. 

Jonathan  Pierce  prospered  in  his  work  and  eventually 
went  into  business  for  himself,  opening  a  variety  and 
grocery  store  on  Main  Street,  which  did  a  brisk  riverfront 
trade  and  remained  in  continuous  operation  for  more  than 
fifty  years.  Eventually,  Pierce  built  a  new  home  where 
he  and  Charlotte  resided  until  the  time  of  their  death. 
Jonathan  Pierce  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Park 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  Hannibal  and  was  a  re- 
spected leader  in  the  community  throughout  his  life.4 

The  Pierce's  daughter.  Frances,  married  Elijah 
Kimmell  in  1864.  Kimmell  was  a  native  of  Ohio  and 
had  served  in  the  Ohio  38th  Infantry  during  the  Civil 
War.  The  Kimmells  lived  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri  through- 
out their  married  life,  where  Elijah  Kimmell  was  em- 
ployed by  the  medical  department  of  the  army.' 

Frances  and  Elijah  Kimmell  had  three  children,  Daisy 
Nadine,  John  Pierce  and  Glendolene  Myrtle.  Daisy 
Nadine  died  in  1872  at  two  years  of  age.  Elijah  Kimmell 
died  February  13,  1881  and  John  Pierce  Kimmell  died 
the  following  month.  The  cause  of  the  deaths  of 
Glendolene's  siblings  and  father  are  unknown.  Follow- 
ing the  deaths  of  her  husband  and  son,  Frances  returned 
with  Glendolene  to  her  parents'  home  in  Hannibal.'1 
Glendolene  attended  and  graduated  from  Hannibal  High 
School  and  then  served  as  a  trainer  at  the  high  school  for 
one  year  prior  to  coming  West.7 

How  Glendolene  Kimmell  came  to  be  offered  a  po- 
sition at  the  Iron  Mountain  school  in  the  western 
part  of  Laramie  County  is  uncertain,  but  a  source  affili- 
ated with  the  Hannibal  Historical  Society  and  Arts  Coun- 
cil offered  a  plausible  explanation.  According  to  Mrs. 
Roberta  Hagood,  Hannibal  historian,  it  was  a  common 
practice  for  recruiters  to  come  to  Missouri  schools  from 
Wyoming  and  other  western  states  to  recruit  young 
women  to  teach  in  western  schools.  Mrs.  Hagood  stated 
that  there  were  numerous  instances  in  which  girls  from 
the  Hannibal  school  system  went  west  by  train,  usually 

1  "Jonathan  Pierce:  A  Family  Saga,  Part  1,"  Hannibal  Courier- 
Post.  July  2,  1994. 
:  Ibid. 

3  Ibid. 

4  Ibid. 

5  "Jonathan  Pierce:  A  Family  Saga,  Part  II,"  Hannibal  Courier- 
Post,  July  9,  1994. 

"  Ibid 
1  Ibid. 


10 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


in  pairs,  to  accept  teaching  positions.  She  believes  that 
Glendolene  was  offered  a  position  in  Laramie  County  in 
this  way.  Like  so  many  other  young  women  of  her  day, 
she  accepted  the  job  because  she  was  motivated  by  the 
desire  for  independence,  adventure  and  romance.8 

Glendolene  came  to  Wyoming  in  1901,  a  time  when 
many  women  were  beginning  to  choose  careers  and  the 
life  of  a  single,  "odd  woman,"  rather  than  relinquish  their 
personal  freedom  of  choice  by  marrying  and  assuming 
the  subordinate  role  implicit  for  married  women  at  the 
turn  of  the  century.  While  there  is  no  evidence  to  indi- 
cate that  Glendolene  was  involved  in  the  feminist  move- 
ment of  the  early  1900s,  it  does  seem  reasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  she  was  attracted  by  the  enticing  aura  of  per- 
sonal independence  and  romantic  adventure  associated 
with  the  West  in  the  popular  imagination.  She  provides 
continuation  for  this  theory  in  a  statement,  which  she 
wrote  in  Denver,  Colorado  in  1904,  in  which  she  com- 
ments, "I  have... been  most  strongly  attracted  by  the  fron- 
tier type;  so  when...I  went  to. ..the  Iron  Mountain  coun- 
try, I  was  happy  in  the  belief  that  I  would  meet  with  the 
embodiment  of  that  type  in  its  natural  environment.""' 

Born  on  June  21,1 879,  Glendolene  was  only  twenty- 
two  years  old  when  she  came  to  take  the  Iron  Mountain 
School.  She  was,  by  virtue  of  her  youth,  a  peer  of  Gus 
and  Victor  Miller,  two  young  men  who  were  her  stu- 
dents, but  her  educational  background  and  genteel  so- 
phistication lent  her  an  air  of  superiority.  This  was  rein- 
forced by  her  professional  status  as  a  teacher  at  the  Iron 
Mountain  School. 


Glendolene  arrived  in  Cheyenne  in  January,  1 90 1 ,  but 
did  not  begin  holding  school  at  the  Iron  Mountain  School 
until  July  of  that  year."'  It  is  not  known  if  she  was  board- 
ing with  the  Millers  during  that  time,  or  if  she  resided 
elsewhere  during  the  intervening  months  between  her 
arrival  in  Cheyenne  and  the  opening  of  school.  None- 
theless, by  July  she  had  taken  up  residence  as  a  boarder 
in  the  home  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jim  Miller,  ranchers  in  the 
Iron  Mountain  country  west  of  Cheyenne,  and  had  em- 
barked on  an  adventure,  which  would  immortalize  her 
in  the  annals  of  Wyoming  history. 

Glendolene  assumed  responsibility  for  the  Iron 
Mountain  School  in  early  July,  190 1 ,  replacing  the 
previous  teacher,  Vernie  LaPosh."  She  taught  there  for 
103  days  at  the  salary  of  S50.00  per  month.  Reports  of 
the  Laramie  County  School  District  Clerk  to  County 
Superintendent  of  Schools,  Elizabeth  Hawes,  and  reports 
and  records  of  visits  by  Mrs.  Hawes  to  the  Iron  Moun- 
tain School  indicate  that  Glendolene  was  charged  with 
responsibility  for  an  aggregate  enrollment  often  chil- 

s  Roberta  Hagood.  Telephone  Interview,  April  5,  1993. 

"  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell.  "Miss  Kimmell's  Statement"  in 
Life  of  Tom  Horn  .Government  Seoul  and  Interpreter.  (Norman: 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1964),  244. 

"'  Death  Certificate  for  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  September 
12,  1949.  Department  of  Public  Health,  County  of  Los  Angeles, 
Los  Angeles,  California. 

1 '  Laramie  County  School  District  Clerk's  Report,  Records  Group 
1  125.  pp.  19-20.  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 


The  Wyoming  National  Guard  was  called  to  stand  guard  on  the  day  Tom  Horn  was  to  be  hanged,  Nov.  20.  1903. 


Winter  2001 


17 


dren,  and  a  building  and  furniture  classified  as  "fair," 
with  no  library  books  whatsoever-?12  On  the  date  of  Mrs. 
Hawes'  visit  to  the  school  only  one  boy  and  three  girls 
were  in  attendance.  The  school  was  shared  by  the  Miller 
and  Nickell  families  and  was  approximately  a  half  hour 
walk  from  the  Miller  ranch. 

Although  Glendolene's  tenure  at  the  Iron  Mountain 
School  was  brief,  none  of  her  successors  remained  for 
more  than  one  year,  and  in  1908,  as  in  1901  when 
Glendolene  replaced  Ms.  La  Posh,  the  school  had  two 
teachers  in  the  course  of  the  year.1' 

Glendolene  boarded  with  Jim  and  Dora  Miller  and  their 
children  Eva,  Maud,  Gus  and  Victor.  Another  Miller  son, 
Frank,  had  been  killed  at  age  of  14  when  Jim  Miller's 
shotgun  accidentally  discharged  in  a  buckboard  in  which 
the  boy  was  riding,  striking  him  in  the  head.  (It  is  said 
that  Miller  was  carrying  the  loaded  gun  because  he  feared 
an  attack  by  Kels  Nickell.)14  Kels  and  Mary  Nickell  re- 
sided on  the  neighboring  homestead  v\  ith  their  nine  chil- 
dren, Willie,  Freddie,  Kels  Jr.,  Julia,  Catherine,  Beatrix, 
Harlan,  Ida  and  Marguerite.1"  The  Nickell  and  Miller 
families  had  been  engaged  in  a  lingering  feud  which  had 
extended  to  rivalries  between  the  children  of  the  respec- 
tive families  and  which  had,  on  occasion,  resulted  in 
physical  altercations.  Much  of  the  hostility  between  the 
families  was  predicated  on  Nickell's  bringing  sheep  into 
the  Iron  Mountain  country.  There  were  frequent  charges 
and  counter  charges  between  the  two  families  regarding 
stock  trespassing  on  their  respective  ranges.  Threats  were 
exchanged,  names  were  called  and  hostility  between  the 
two  families  intensified. 

Glendolene  later  stated  that  she  had  been  advised  of 
the  nature  of  the  feud  at  the  time  she  was  offered  the 
Iron  Mountain  School,  but  was  not  bothered  by  the  fact 
that  the  families  sharing  the  school  were  in  conflict.  She 
remarked  that  she  felt  it  provided  an  opportunity  to  "en- 
hance her  study  of  human  nature.""1 

While  Glendolene  expressed  pleasure  with  the  west- 
ern landscape  and  spoke  of  taking  long  walks  to  learn 
"the  lay  of  the  land"  and  visiting  with  the  Nickells  and 
others  in  the  Iron  Mountain  community,  she  was  disap- 
pointed in  not  finding  her  romantic  ideal  of  the  "frontier 
type"  among  the  residents  of  the  Iron  Mountain  Coun- 
try. She  characterized  the  cattlemen  and  cowboys  with 
whom  she  became  acquainted  as  being  "like  the  hired 
hands  back  home."17 

On  the  morning  of  July  15,  1901,  Tom  Horn  rode  up 
to  the  Miller  ranch  house  and  into  the  life  of  the  cultured 
and  elegant  young  schoolmarm  from  Hannibal.  Horn 
arrived  on  a  Tuesday  morning,  passed  the  night  at  the 
Miller  ranch,  and  departed  sometime  the  next  day  after 
Glendolene  had  left  for  school.18  Quite  taken  with  Horn's 


appearance,  Glendolene  was  also  captivated  as  Horn 
shared  stories  of  his  background  as  an  army  interpreter 
in  the  Apache  wars,  a  bronc  buster,  a  Spanish  American 
War  veteran,  a  Pinkerton  man,  and  a  stock  detective.  It 
is  little  wonder  that  Glendolene  enthused  that  she  had 
found,  in  Horn,  the  embodiment  of  "the  characteristics, 
the  experiences  and  the  code  of  the  old  frontiersman."1" 

Although  accounts  of  their  meeting  vary,  statements 
given  by  both  Horn  and  Glendolene  confirm  that  they 
spent  most  of  the  time  of  Horn's  visit  in  one  another's 
company.2"  Glendolene  reported  that,  at  Jim  Miller's 
urging,  Horn  told  stories  of  his  adventures  in  the  Apache 
and  Spanish  American  wars,  and  discussed  in  very  gen- 
eral terms  the  nature  of  detective  work,  while  avoiding 
much  comment  on  his  present  employment.21 

It  was  also  established,  through  testimony  of  Miller 
family  members,  that  during  this  visit  Horn  went  fish- 
ing with  male  members  of  the  family  and  also  practiced 
shooting  with  Victor  Miller,  who  mentioned  in  his  testi- 
mony that  both  he  and  Horn  had  .30-.30's,  which  used 
identical  ammunition.  Mention  was  also  made  that  the 
two  discovered  that  both  had  purchased  their  ammuni- 
tion at  the  same  place.22 

Glendolene  and  Horn  ate  breakfast  with  the  Miller  fam- 
ily on  Wednesday  morning,  and  left  for  school  at  ap- 
proximately 8:30  a.m.  Horn  left  the  Miller  place  later 
that  morning.  Both  Glendolene  and  Horn  stated  in  later 
testimony  that  this  was  the  only  time  they  met.25 

On  Thursday  morning  Glendolene  had  breakfast  alone, 
eating  a  bowl  of  strawberries  Victor  Miller  had  picked 
for  her,  and  then  left  for  school.  Only  two  small  chil- 
dren were  in  attendance  that  day  and  so  she  dismissed 
school  at  1 1  that  morning  and  returned  to  the  Miller  place 
for  lunch.24 

On  Friday  morning,  Kels  Nickell  arrived  at  the  school 
in  an  agitated  state  and  began  closely  questioning  her 

:  Reports  of  the  Laramie  County  School  District  Clerk  to  County 
Superintendent  of  Schools  Elizabeth  Hawes,  Records  Group  I  125. 
Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

13  Ibid. 

"  Chip  Carlson.  Tom  Horn:  Killing  Men  Is  My  Specially.  (Chey- 
enne: Beartooth  Corral,  1991),  78. 

15  Ibid.  ,77. 

""  Inquest  into  the  Death  of  William  Nickell  and  the  Shooting  of 
Kels  Nickell,  p.  369,  Laramie  County  Coroner's  Records.  Records 
Group  1.16,  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

17  Kimmell,  244. 

IS  Inquest  Transcript.  91. 

Iu  Kimmell,  244. 

:"  Inquest  Transcript,  91.  Trial  Testimony,  in  the  case  of  State  of 
Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn.  598. 

:i  Inquest  Transcript,  93. 

-Ibid.,  53-54,  60,  264. 

:;  Ibid.,  92,  284,  288. 

:4  Ibid,  83. 


18 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


about  the  movements  of  the  male  members  of  the  Miller 
family  on  Thursday.  Glendolene  refused  to  answer,  tell- 
ing Nickell  it  was  not  her  place  to  answer  for  them.  She 
urged  him  to  make  his  inquiries  directly  of  them.  Nickell 
then  told  her  that  his  14-year-old  son,  Willie,  had  been 
found  that  morning  shot  to  death  near  a  gate  about  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  from  their  home.  Glendolene  stated 
that,  after  discovering  the  reason  for  his  questions,  she 
answered  as  best  she  could,  but  told  him  that  she  had 
paid  little  attention  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  Miller  fam- 
ily members  Thursday  morning  and  would  need  time  to 
reflect.25  At  the  close  of  the  school  day,  Glendolene 
returned  to  the  Miller  home  and  shared  the  news  with 
other  members  of  the  Miller  family  who  reportedly  ex- 
pressed regret  at  Willie's  death. 

News  of  the  tragedy  spread  quickly  throughout  the  Iron 
Mountain  community  and  many  residents  expressed  sus- 
picion about  the  Millers'  involvement.  On  August  3, 
1901,  Nickell's  sheep  wandered  onto  Miller's  land. 
Glendolene  accompanied  Jim  Miller  and  the  rest  of  the 
family  to  the  pasture  where  the  sheep  had  been  discov- 
ered. Eva  Miller  sighted  a  man  with  a  rifle  silhouetted 
on  the  horizon.  Glendolene  and  Miller  took  cover  be- 
hind a  rock  and  Miller  ordered  the  man  to  get  the  sheep 
off  his  land.  The  man  took  cover  behind  a  tree.  The  other 
family  members  left  the  area,  some  to  go  for  help  and 
the  women  to  return  to  the  house.  Glendolene  remained 
behind  the  rock  with  Miller,  watching  the  sheep  and  the 
sheepherder  until  mid-afternoon.  Later,  they  returned  to 
the  house  for  some  dinner.  The  man  with  the  rifle  is 
believed  to  have  been  Vingengo  Biango,  an  Italian  sheep- 
herder  who  had  been  recently  hired  by  the  Nickells.26 

On  the  following  day,  August  4,  1901,  Kels  Nickell 
was  shot,  though  his  wounds  were  not  fatal,  and  sixty  to 
eighty  of  his  sheep  were  found  shot  or  clubbed  to  death. 
Two  of  the  younger  Nickell  children  reported  seeing  two 
men  leaving  the  scene  on  a  bay  and  a  gray  horse  -  horses 
of  the  same  colors  as  horses  owned  by  Jim  Miller.27 

On  August  6, 1901,  Deputy  Sheriff  Peter  Warlaumont 
and  Deputy  U.S.  Marshal  Joe  LeFors  came  to  the  Iron 
Mountain  area  and  arrested  Jim,  Victor  and  Gus  Miller 
on  suspicion  of  shooting  Kels  Nickell.  The  prison  cal- 
endar for  the  Laramie  County  jail  indicates  that  the  Miller 
men  were  incarcerated  on  August  7,  and  released  the 
following  day  on  bond.28 

The  coroner's  inquest  into  the  murder  of  Willie  Nickell 
and  the  shooting  of  Kels  Nickell  began  in  July  1901  and 
continued  into  September  of  that  year.  Glendolene 
Kimmell  appeared  as  a  witness  at  the  inquest  on  two 
occasions.  The  testimony  given  by  Glendolene  at  the 
coroner's  inquest  following  Willie  Nickell's  death  hints 
at  the  nature  of  her  personality.  Her  statements  reflected 


composure,  confidence,  and  precision  in  her  use  of  lan- 
guage. Her  testimony  did  not  indicate  that  she  was  awed 
or  intimidated  by  Walter  Stoll,  the  county  prosecuting 
attorney,  or  by  any  of  the  other  officials  connected  with 
the  proceedings.  Although  she  was  cooperative  in  an- 
swering all  questions  put  by  the  examiners,  she  was  also 
quick  to  counter,  correct  and  question  statements  and 
inquiries  made  by  Stoll  and  others.24  Throughout  her 
inquest  testimony,  Glendolene  projected  an  air  of  self- 
assurance  and  directness,  which  was  at  times  a  bit  pre- 
tentious. During  her  testimony,  she  confirmed  Walter 
Stoll's  characterization  of  Jim  Miller  as  a  "religious 
crank,"  and  in  subsequent  testimony  stated  that  she  felt 
that  Jim  Miller  and  Kels  Nickell  were  equally  to  blame 
for  the  troubles  between  the  two  families.1" 

An  affidavit  by  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Hawes,  Laramie  County 
Superintendent  of  Schools,  given  on  October  27,  1903, 
stated  that  on  the  10th  or  11th  of  October  1901, 
Glendolene  Kimmell  visited  Mrs.  Hawes'  home  after 
resigning  her  position  at  the  Iron  Mountain  School.2,1 
Mrs.  Hawes  stated  that  she  accompanied  Glendolene  to 
downtown  Cheyenne  and  waited  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs 
to  Walter  Stoll's  office  while  Glendolene  went  upstairs 
to  speak  with  him.  Mrs.  Hawes  stated  that  Glendolene 
left  on  the  train  later  that  day  after  visiting  with  Stoll.2,2 
Although  Glendolene's  immediate  destination  after  leav- 
ing Cheyenne  is  unknown,  the  1902  city  directory  for 
Kansas  City,  Missouri,  lists  her  as  residing  and  working 
in  that  city  as  a  stenographer. 

In  January,  1902,  Deputy  U.S.  Marshal  Joe  LeFors  se- 
creted stenographer  Charles  Ohnhaus  behind  a  door  in 
his  office,  ready  to  take  down  all  that  was  said  in  the 
adjacent  room.  LeFors  then  lured  Tom  Horn,  who  was 
still  inebriated  after  a  long  night  of  hard  drinking,  to  his 
office  on  the  pretext  of  offering  him  employment  in 
Montana.  During  this  meeting,  LeFors  claims  to  have 
extracted  the  infamous  Horn  "confession."  In  the  "con- 
fession," Horn  is  alleged  to  have  said  that  he  had  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Glendolene  warning  him  to  watch 
out  for  Joe  Lefors  as  "...he  is  not  alright."33  In  addition, 
Horn  allegedly  referred  to  Glendolene  as  "smooth 

23  Inquest  Transcript,  96. 
:"  Carlson,  100. 

27  Kimmell,  249. 

28  Laramie  County  Prison  Calendar,  1901,  pp.  71-72.  Record 
Group  1003.  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

:''  Inquest  Transcript,  80-97. 

30  Inquest  Transcript,  370-371,  373. 

31  Affidavit  of  Elizabeth  Hawes,  October  27,  1903,  in  the  case  of 
State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn,  1st  Judicial  District  of  Wyoming. 

12  Ibid 

11  Dean  F.  Krakel.  The  Saga  of  Tom  Horn.  (Lincoln:  University 
of  Nebraska  Press,  1954),  52. 


Winter  2001 


19 


people"  and  also  is  alleged  to  have  stated  that  "...I 
wouldn't  tell  an  individual  like  her  anything."54  On  the 
day  following  the  exchange  with  LeFors,  Horn  was  ar- 
rested the  in  the  lobby  of  the  Inter-Ocean  Hotel  by  Sher- 
iff Ed  Smalley  and  charged  with  the  murder  of  Willie 
Nickell. 

Horn's  trial  began  on  October  10,  1902,  and  contin- 
ued until  October  24.  The  press  and  the  local  politicians 
brought  tremendous  pressure  to  bear  for  a  conviction. 
Throughout  the  trial  Cheyenne  had  a  carnival  atmosphere 
with  the  saloons  and  cafes  packed  to  capacity.  Witnesses 
and  spectators  at  the  trial  amused  themselves  in  the  street 
outside  the  courthouse  by  organizing  impromptu  dances. 
In  the  crowded  courtroom  strains  of  such  tunes  as  "Old 
Dan  Tucker,"  "Money  Musk,"  and  "The  Darkey's 
Dream"  wafted  into  the  open  windows  of  the  courtroom 
from  the  street  below. 3j 

Horn's  long-time  friend  and  employer,  John  C.  Coble, 
assembled  an  illustrious  team  of  legal  minds  in  Horn's 
defense.  Headed  by  Judge  John  W.  Lacey,  the  defense 
team  included  T.F.  Burke,  Roderick  N.  Matson,  Edward 
T.  Clark  and  T.  Blake  Kennedy.  Reportedly,  Coble  bore 
the  lion's  share  of  the  expense  for  Horn's  defense. 

Coble  worked  tirelessly  in  defense  of  his  friend,  trav- 
eling extensively  to  contact  potential  w  itnesses  and  seek- 
ing out  evidence  that  might  lead  to  Horn's  exoneration. 
During  much  of  this  time,  Glendolene  was  reportedly 
corresponding  with  Coble  regarding  Horn's  predicament 
and  the  extent  of  her  knowledge  about  the  facts  of  the 
Nickell  murder. 

The  regional  press  made  much  of  the  relationship  be- 
tween Horn  and  Glendolene,  referring  to  her  in  one  in- 
stance as 

...a  petite,  vivacious  piece  of  femininity  less  than  five 
feet  in  height,  but  possessing  an  education  extraordinary 
in  a  young  lady  of  such  an  age. ..she  is  a  remarkable  lin- 
guist who  speaks  half  a  dozen  languages.56 

The  proliferation  of  stories  linking  Glendolene  and 
Horn  vacillated  between  a  lurid  sensationalized  version 
of  their  relationship  that  speculated  on  when  she  would 
come  forward  to  testify  on  her  "lover's"  behalf,  to  as- 
suring the  public  that  she  would  appear  as  a  woman 
scorned  with  evidence  that  would  seal  Horn's  doom.  One 
paper  reported  that  she  left  the  courtroom  in  a  huff  when 
the  remarks  concerning  her  in  Horn's  "confession"  were 
read  at  the  preliminary  hearing,  while  another  commented 
on  her  devoted  visits  to  Horn  at  the  county  jail.57  Both 
reports  were  patent  falsehoods,  as  it  is  well  known  that 
she  did  not  attend  either  Horn's  preliminary  hearing  or 
Horn's  trial.  She  was  not  in  Cheyenne  during  any  of  that 
time.  Indeed,  it  appears  that  she  was  not  even  in  the  area. 
Stoll  issued  a  subpoena  for  Glendolene  to  appear  on  the 


opening  day  of  the  trial,  but  it  was  returned  with  a  nota- 
tion by  the  sheriff  that  she  could  not  be  located.5" 

The  evidence  supporting  the  inability  of  officers  of 
the  court  to  locate  and  serve  Glendolene  with  the  sub- 
poena conflicts  with  reports  in  the  press  which  allege 
that  she  was  known  to  be  residing  in  Denver  at  800  Colfax 
Avenue  with  a  Mrs.  Bushnell.5"  The  press  quoted 
Glendolene  as  remarking  that  Horn  had  said  things  about 
her  that  she  could  not  forgive  and  she  would  come  to 
Cheyenne  to  tell  all  she  knew.4"  The  Cheyenne  Leader, 
in  a  story  which  appeared  October  1 3, 1902,  alleged  that 
Glendolene  was  located  in  the  Pennington  Saloon  on 
Curtis  street  in  Denver  and  served  with  the  subpoena, 
but  refused  to  come  to  Cheyenne  to  testify.  This  is  a 
complete  falsehood.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  a  woman 
of  Glendolene's  upbringing  and  social  station  would  be 
located  in  a  saloon.  What  the  saloon  story  does  do,  how- 
ever, is  to  impugn  her  reputation  and  malign  her  cred- 
ibility by  implying  that  she  is  on  a  par  with  prostitutes 
and  other  women  considered  to  be  of  "low  character" 
who  were  known  to  frequent  such  places. 

Furthermore,  the  lurid  stories  in  the  Cheyenne  press 
were  discredited  by  an  affidavit  given  by  William  B. 
Ross  on  November  1  1,  1903,  which  verifies  that  Stoll 
knew  Glendolene  was  in  Kansas  City  during  1902.41 
Ross'  affidavit  stated  that  he  was  requested  to  go  to 
Kansas  City  in  October  of  1 902  to  persuade  Glendolene 
to  come  with  him  to  Cheyenne  as  a  witness  in  the  Horn 
case.  According  to  Ross,  Stoll  had  written  to  Glendolene 
repeatedly,  requesting  her  to  come  as  a  witness,  but  she 
refused  to  answer  his  letters.  Ross  stated  that  he  had 
been  instructed  to  tell  Glendolene  that  an  effort  would 
be  made  in  the  trial  to  throw  the  blame  for  the  murder  on 

4  krakel,  51-52. 

35  Rock}-  Mountain  News.  October  18,  1902. 

jo  "Will  Tom  Horn's  Sweetheart  Turn  State's  Evidence?"  Chey- 
enne Daily  Leader,  October  3,  1902.  Whether  or  not  Glendolene 
kimmell  was  multilingual  is  unknown.  It  has  also  been  reported 
that  she  was  of  mixed  ancestry,  part  Japanese,  part  Korean,  and 
part  German.  In  truth,  Glendolene  was  a  Caucasian  woman  of 
German  and  British  ancestry. 

37  Rocky  Mountain  News,  n.d.,  1902. 

38  Subpoena  issued  September  15,  1902.  Record  Group  1.16, 
Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources,  Cheyenne. 

3"  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  n.d. 

J0  Laramie  Republican  Boomerang,  n.d. 

41  Affidavit  of  William  B.  Ross,  November  1 1,  1903,  in  the  case 
of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn.  Mr.  Ross,  a  Democrat,  became 
Governor  of  Wyoming,  defeating  Republican  candidate  John  W. 
Hay  in  the  election  of  1922.  Ross  died  barely  a  month  before  the 
general  election  of  1924.  Because  the  Constitution  requires  that 
the  office  be  filled  by  election  if  the  governor  dies  before  the  mid- 
point in  his  term,  nominations  for  the  unexpected  election  had  to 
be  made  quickly.  The  Democrats  nominated  Ross'  wife,  Nellie 
Tayloe  Ross.who  was  the  first  woman  ever  elected  to  the  office  of 
governor  in  any  state. 


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tory  Journal 


Victor  Miller  and  to  say  to  her  that  she  knew  perfectly 
well  that  Victor  was  entirely  innocent.  Ross  also  alleged 
that  he  was  instructed  by  Stoll  to  say  to  her  that  if  she 
would  come,  the  County  of  Laramie  would  pay  her  the 
usual  per  diem  and  mileage  paid  to  witnesses,  as  well  as 
reimburse  her  for  any  expense  and  loss  she  might  sus- 
tain by  coming  to  Cheyenne.  In  addition,  Ross  stated 
that  he  was  to  tell  Glendolene  that  the  county  would 
also  pay  a  $50  debt,  which  she  allegedly  left  unpaid  when 
she  left  Wyoming,  and  would  bear  the  expense  of  her 
room  and  board  while  in  Cheyenne  as  well.  At  no  time 
did  Ross  indicate  that  Glendolene  stated  she  knew  Vic- 
tor Miller  was  innocent,  only  that  he  had  been  instructed 
to  tell  her  that  she  knew  this.  Although  Glendolene  may 
have  left  an  unpaid  debt  in  Cheyenne,  there  is  no  evi- 
dence to  substantiate  this  allegation. 

Ross'  affidavit  went  on  to  relate  that  Glendolene  re- 
fused to  return  to  Cheyenne  with  him,  but  did  question 
him  closely  concerning  all  he  knew  about  the  case.  He 
stated  that  she  made  no  statements  to  him  revealing  she 
had  any  knowledge  of  the  case. 

The  concluding  paragraph  of  Ross'  affidavit  appears 
to  contradict  earlier  statements  in  which  he  related  what 
he  had  been  instructed  to  say  to  Glendolene.  This  final 
paragraph  states 

Affiant  further  deposes  and  says  that  at  no  time  what- 
ever did  he,  directly  or  indirectly,  attempt  to  bribe  or  to 
suggest  to  her  in  the  slightest  way  what  the  prosecution 
desired  her  to  swear  to,  or  what  she  was  to  swear  to, 
except  that  she  was  possessed  of  evidence  that  would 
show  Victor  Miller  was  innocent.42 

It  is  obvious  that  Glendolene's  whereabouts  were  com- 
mon knowledge  to  both  Stoll  and  to  Horn's  defense  team. 
Her  reasons  for  not  coming  forward  at  Horn's  trial  have 
been  a  central  focus  of  debate  for  years.  Theories  abound. 
Glendolene  later  would  give  her  reasons,  but  by  then  it 
was  too  late  to  save  Horn  from  the  gallows. 

The  trial  wound  its  weary  way  through  hours  of  con- 
flicting testimony.  Many  were  certain  that  Horn  would 
be  acquitted.  Throughout  the  trial  the  press  continued 
to  speculate  on  when  Glendolene  would  appear  and  on 
what  the  nature  of  her  testimony  would  be.  Inexplica- 
bly, Glendolene  was  never  called  as  a  defense  witness, 
although  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  she  corre- 
sponded frequently  with  Judge  Lacey  and  T.  F.  Burke, 
the  leaders  of  Horn's  defense  team,  as  to  her  willingness 
to  come  forward  on  Horn's  behalf  if  necessary.  Later, 
during  her  eleventh  hour  attempt  to  save  Horn  from  the 
gallows,  Glendolene  stated  that  she  had  not  come  for- 
ward earlier  because  she  had  been  assured  by  Burke  and 
Lacey  that  her  testimony  would  not  be  needed,  as  they 
were  confident  that  Horn  would  be  exonerated.43 


The  case  went  to  the  jury  on  October  23,  1902.  Late 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day  the  jury  returned  a 
verdict  of  guilty.  At  a  hearing  a  few  days  later,  Tom 
Horn  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  dead 
on  January  9,  1903. 44 

By  October  29,  1902,  Horn's  attorneys  had  filed  a 
motion  for  a  new  trial  citing,  among  the  twenty-three 
reasons  given,  abusive  language  on  the  part  of  Walter 
Stoll  in  his  summation  to  the  jury  and  improper  instruc- 
tions to  the  jury  by  Judge  Richard  Scott.4"  The  motion 
was  denied. 

On  November  10,  1902,  Glendolene  Kimmell  made 
the  following  affidavit  to  John  M.  Cleary  in  Jackson 
County,  Missouri: 

I,  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  being  first  duly  sworn 
upon  my  oath,  depose  and  say  that  I  now  have  positive 
knowledge  as  to  who  killed  William  Nickell,  and  that 
he  (William  Nickell)  was  not  killed  by  Tom  Horn.  If  a 
new  trial  is  granted  in  this  case  of  the  State  of  Wyo- 
ming versus  Tom  Horn,  I  will  attend  such  trial  and  tes- 
tify with  facts  as  above  stated.4" 

On  December  31,  Horn's  attorneys  filed  a  petition  of 
error  with  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court  and  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  stay  of  execution  until  Horn's  case  could 
be  heard  and  decided.  By  March,  1903,  the  defense  had 
prepared  and  filed  a  lengthy  brief  requesting  that  Horn 
be  granted  a  new  trial,  but  the  Supreme  Court  delayed 
hearing  arguments  until  after  the  20th  of  August.  On 
October  1,  1903,  the  Supreme  Court  issued  its  opinion 
affirming  the  decision  of  the  District  Court  and  denying 
Horn  a  new  trial.  Horn's  execution  date  was  fixed  for 
November  20,  1903. 47 

Throughout  the  months  between  Horn's  conviction  and 
the  denial  of  his  appeal  by  the  Supreme  Court, 
Glendolene  had  remained  in  Missouri,  corresponding 
with  Horn's  attorneys,  as  well  as  with  John  Coble.  While 
it  might  reasonably  be  expected  that  she  also  corre- 
sponded with  Horn,  there  is  no  evidence  to  indicate  that 
such  was  the  case.  In  fact,  there  is  no  mention  of  her  in 
Horn's  correspondence  to  Coble  or  in  other  existing  cor- 
respondence between  Horn  and  other  interested  parties. 

However,  by  mid-October  1903,  Glendolene  had  re- 
turned to  Cheyenne  at  last  to  attempt  to  save  Horn  from 
the  gallows.  On  October  13,  Glendolene  swore  out  her 

4:  Affidavit  of  William  Ross. 

43  Kimmell,  254. 

44  Krakel,  206. 

4<  Krakel,  209-210. 

40  Affidavit  of  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  November  10,  1902, 
in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn. 
47  Krakel,  218. 


Winter  2001 


11 


famous  affidavit,  in  which  she  is  reported  to  have  ac- 
cused Victor  Miller  of  the  murder  of  Willie  Nickell  and 
to  have  given  the  details  of  several  conversations  be- 
tween the  male  members  of  the  Miller  family  with  re- 
spect to  Victor's  guilt.  Also,  her  affidavit  is  reported  to 
have  related  the  details  of  a  confession  allegedly  made 
directly  to  Glendolene  by  Victor  Miller.  The  affidavit 
was  immediately  submitted  to  prosecuting  attorney 
Walter  Stoll  and  acting  Wyoming  Governor  Fenimore 
Chatterton.  Not  surprisingly,  her  affidavit  created  a  sen- 
sation as  soon  as  the  substance  of  her  allegations  were 
released  to  the  press. 

The  Cheyenne  press  reported  that  Glendolene  met  on 
four  separate  occasions  with  Chatterton,  although  she 
insisted  that  they  had  only  "...  one  interview  worthy  of 
the  name. ..and  in  this  his  questions  were  very  evidently 
prompted  more  by  a  curiosity  concerning  my  personal, 
private  affairs  than  by  any  anxiety  to  inform  himself  upon 
the  true  situation. "4K 

A  dispatch  from  Cheyenne  to  the  Denver  Post  on  No- 
vember 4,  1903,  underscored  the  preoccupation  of  the 
press  with  Glendolene  and  is  indicative  of  the  subtle 
campaign  to  damage  her  reputation  and  credibility. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  everyone  who  has  followed  the  case 
and  especially  those  who  have  seen  the  woman  that  it 
was  a  bad  move  of  Horn's  attorneys  when  they  presented 
Miss  Gwendolene  [sic]  Myrtle  Kimmell  in  person  to 
plead  for  Horn's  life.  To  use  a  common  expression  the 
little  school  teacher  "does  not  look  good,"  to  those  who 
have  seen  her,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  she  has  made  a  very 
favorable  impression  upon  Governor  Chatterton/" 

It  appears  that,  while  many  other  individuals  came 
forward  with  affidavits  attesting  to  Horn's  innocence  and 
with  letters  pleading  for  clemency  on  Horn's  behalf, 
Glendolene  was  the  only  advocate  for  Horn  who  was 
forced  to  go  through  the  humiliating  ordeal  of  obtaining 
affidavits  attesting  to  her  family's  background  and  her 
reputation  for  truth  and  chastity.  Glendolene  was  com- 
pelled to  obtain  these  affidavits  before  Acting  Governor 
Chatterton  was  wijling  to  seriously  consider  her  evidence 
(a  curious  requirement  to  be  imposed  by  an  official  of 
the  Equality  State). 

On  November  7,  1903,  Glendolene  dashed  off  a  series 
of  telegrams  to  persons  in  Missouri  who  could  vouch 
for  her  family  background  and  reputation.  The  urgency 
of  her  situation  is  vividly  illustrated  in  the  text  of  one  of 
the  telegrams. 

Cheyenne,  Wyoming.  Nov. 7th  1903 

Mrs.  H  Zimmerman 

407  N.  9th  St.,Hannibal,  Mo. 

Tell  or  answer  my  reputation  for  truth  and  standing  of 


my  family  questioned.  Immediately  get  affidavits  fully 
covering  these  points  from  Judge  Bacon,  Schofield,  Colo- 
nels Anderson,  Robards,  John  Knott,  Doctor  Gleason, 
Kabler,  Brittingham,  Teachers  Ashmore.  Mullen,  Kaley. 
Have  witnesses  sign  full  name  and  title.  Simply  tell  wit- 
nesses I  am  witness  in  criminal  case  you  know  nothing 
about.  Have  telegraph  money  order  for  notary  fees.  If 
you  fail  me  I  will  never  forgive. 
Great  haste. 
Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell5" 

In  the  next  few  days  Glendolene  also  met  with  Chief 
Justice  Samuel  Corn,  of  the  Wyoming  Supreme  Court, 
and  with  Justice  Jesse  Knight,  but  her  entreaties  were 
fruitless.  On  November  10,  1903,  exactly  one  year  to 
the  day  after  she  had  given  her  affidavit  in  Missouri  at- 
testing to  her  knowledge  of  Horn's  innocence,  Walter 
Stoll  filed  an  information  with  the  District  Court,  charg- 
ing Glendolene  Kimmell  with  perjury.  Stoll's  informa- 
tion stated  that  Glendolene  knowingly  made  false  state- 
ments to  the  Governor  with  regard  to  the  guilt  of  Victor 
Miller/1  A  warrant  was  issued  for  Glendolene's  arrest. 
Sheriff  Smalley  arrested  her  at  the  Inter-Ocean  Hotel, 
just  as  he  had  Tom  Horn,  and  escorted  her  to  the  Laramie 
County  jail  where  Horn  was  incarcerated/2  Although 
she  was  held  at  the  jail  briefly,  John  Coble  and  Colonel 
Fullerton  of  the  Inter-Ocean  Hotel  arranged  for  her  bond 
and  she  was  released  from  jail,  but  confined  to  her  room 
at  the  Inter-Ocean  Hotel.  Her  bond  was  set  at  $2000.00, 
an  extremely  high  sum,  at  the  insistence  of  Wyoming 
Attorney  General  J.  A.  Van  Orsdel."  Her  trial  was  set 
for  January,  1904.  As  expected.  Glendolene's  arrest  cre- 
ated a  journalistic  carnival  and  her  character  was  pillo- 
ried in  the  press. 

Orders  were  issued  to  bring  the  Miller  family  into  town 
to  answer  the  allegations  contained  in  the  Kimmell  affi- 
davit. The  Millers  issued  affidavits  of  their  own  emphati- 
cally denying  that  any  member  of  their  family  had  con- 
fessed to  or  had  been  complieit  in  the  murder  of  Willie 
Nickell.  Governor  Chatterton  held  a  long  conference  with 
Victor  Miller,  during  which  Victor  is  reported  to  have 
denied  any  involvement  in  Willie  Nickell's  murder.  Pe- 
titions for  clemency,  affidavits  in  support  of  Horn's  in- 
nocence, anonymous  threats  and  affidavits  attesting  to 

48  Kimmell,  255. 

4"  Laramie  Boomerang.  November   4,  1903. 

50  Telegram  from  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell  to  Mrs.  H. 
Zimmerman,  November  7,  1903,  Record  Group  1.16,  Dept.  of  State 
Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

51  Information,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Glendolene 
Myrtle  Kimmell,  1st  Judicial  District. of  Wyoming,  Nov.  10,  1903. 
Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

52  Wyoming  Tribune,  November  10,  1903. 

a  Laramie  Boomerang.  November  1 1,  1903. 


22 


Annals  ot  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Horn's  guilt  continued  pouring  in  to  Governor 
Chatterton's  office.  Two  of  the  most  damaging,  both  to 
Horn  and  to  Glendolene,  came  from  Van  L.  Gilford  and 
from  Sheriff  H.  A.  Mendenhall  of  Kansas  City,  Kansas. 

Gilford  stated  that  on  or  about  Nov.  1 1,  1902,  John 
Coble  approached  in  the  Paxton  Hotel  in  Omaha,  Ne- 
braska, and  showed  him  the  Nov.  10,  1902,  affidavit  of 
Glendolene  Kimmell.  According  to  Guilford,  Coble 
stated  that  he  had  obtained  the  affidavit  from  Miss 
Kimmell  and  that  Horn's  only  hope  was  this  affidavit 
would  blame  the  killing  on  the  Millers.54 

A  special  to  the  Laramie  Boomerang  from  Cheyenne 
on  November  14,  1903,  reported  that  an  affidavit  was 
received  late  in  the  evening  on  the  previous  day  from 
Sheriff  H. A.  Mendenhall  of  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  stat- 
ing that  he  had  once  had  a  conversation  with  Glendolene 
Kimmell  in  which  she  allegedly  stated  that  a  man  "whose 
name  Mendenhall  did  not  recollect"  had  been  charged 
by  Horn  with  the  commission  of  the  crime  for  which 
Horn  was  being  prosecuted  and  that  this  nameless  man 
was  innocent  and  Horn  was  guilty.  Mendenhall  further 
stated  that  Glendolene  had  told  him  she  was  willing  to 
go  to  Cheyenne  and  testify  to  that  effect.  Mendenhall 
alleged  that  Glendolene  requested  Cheyenne  officers  to 
arrange  for  her  transportation  expenses,  but  then  changed 
her  mind  and  refused  to  go.  Mendenhall  stated  that  he 
questioned  her  decision  and  advised  her  that  she  would 
make  more  as  a  witness  than  by  teaching  school,  to  which 
she  allegedly  replied:  "But  suppose  the  other  fellows 
would  give  you  more  than  that,  what  would  you  do?"- 

On  November  14,  1903,  acting  Governor  Chatterton 
announced  that  he  would  not  interfere  and  Horn's  ex- 
ecution would  proceed  as  scheduled.  He  cited  the 
Mendenhall  affidavit  as  weighing  heavily  in  his  deci- 
sion to  disregard  the  allegations  contained  in  the  Kimmell 
affidavit  and  accused  Glendolene  of  presenting  "theo- 
ries" in  an  attempt  to  save  Horn's  life.  The  Cheyenne 
Leader  commented  that  Glendolene's  affidavit  attesting 
to  Horn's  innocence  was 

...a  clear  case  of  attempted  self  sacrifice  in  order  to 
save  Horn's  life  and  for  that  reason  there  is  some  sym- 
pathy for  her;  hut  she  is  under  bond  and  must  stand  trial.56 

Soon  after  the  Governor's  decision  was  announced, 
members  of  the  press  interviewed  Walter  Stoll.  He  was 
asked  whether  or  not  he  would  drop  the  charges  against 
Miss  Kimmell,  now  that  Horn's  fate  was  sealed.  Stoll 
replied, 

I  most  certainly  shall  prosecute  her.  The  action  of 
the  governor  in  no  way  influences  any  action  I  may  take. 
I  have  not  singled  out  Miss  Kimmell  more  than  the  oth- 
ers, but  will  take  action  against  all  the  rest  of  those  per- 


jurers.   I  have  abundant  evidence  to  make  me  feel  cer- 
tain of  securing  their  conviction.57 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  while  the  names  of  all  the 
others  who  had  given  affidavits  alleging  Horn's  inno- 
cence were  known  to  Stoll,  he  made  no  effort  to  carry 
out  his  vow  to  prosecute  them.  No  other  charges  of  per- 
jury were  made  and  no  others  arrested — only  Glendolene. 

Although  the  Wyoming  Stock  Growers  Association 
categorically  denied  that  Horn  had  been  in  its  employ,  it 
was  common  knowledge  that  Horn  was  employed  by 
Association  member  John  C.  Coble,  and  had  done  work 
for  a  number  of  Association  members  to  stamp  out  the 
rustling.  Rumors  circulated  that  the  big  cattlemen  would 
use  their  influence  to  see  that  Horn  was  freed.  While 
Horn's  attorneys  had  expressed  confidence  that  he  would 
be  acquitted,  it  seems  odd  that  they  repeatedly  rejected 
the  offers  Glendolene  allegedly  made  to  come  to  Chey- 
enne to  testify  on  Horn's  behalf;  testimony  which  would 
have  bolstered  Horn's  chances  for  acquittal. 

By  the  time  the  Supreme  Court  had  handed  down  its 
affirmation  of  the  Lower  Court,  the  press  was  having  a 
field  day,  announcing  that  Horn  would  begin  naming 
his  employers  any  day  in  an  attempt  to  save  himself  from 
the  gallows.  Many  of  Horn's  employers  were  understand- 
ably worried.  In  the  final  days  before  Horn's  execution, 
following  Governor  Chatterton 's  refusal  to  grant  Horn 
clemency,  the  Cheyenne  Leader  and  other  papers  began 
to  clamor  for  the  names  of  Horn's  employers  to  be  re- 
vealed. Certainly  many  who  valued  their  reputations  - 
and  their  necks  -  began  to  feel  Horn  was  expendable  and 
were  in  favor  of  expediting  the  process.  Many  were 
convinced  that  Horn  would  talk  before  he  stepped  onto 
the  gallows.  They  were  wrong. 

On  November  20,  1903,  still  maintaining  his  inno- 
cence, Tom  Horn  was  executed  on  a  water-operated  gal- 
lows designed  by  J.  P.  Julian.  Horn's  brother,  Charles, 
claimed  the  body  and  transported  it  to  Boulder,  Colo- 
rado, for  burial.  John  C.  Coble  paid  for  Horn's  elabo- 
rate coffin  and  for  the  simple  stone  that  marks  his  grave. 

Four  days  after  Horn's  execution,  Glendolene  was  back 
in  the  fight.  She  filed  a  motion  in  District  Court  through 
her  attorney,  T.  F.  Burke,  requesting  that  another  judge 
be  assigned  to  her  case.  She  believed  that  she  could  not 
receive  a  fair  trial  before  Judge  Richard  H.  Scott  be- 
cause of  his  prejudice  against  her.58    (Judge  Scott  had 


54  Affidavit  of  Van  L.  Guilford,  November  1 1,  1903,  in  the  case 
of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn. 

-  Laramie  Boomerang,  November  15,  1903. 

56  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  November  15,  1903. 

57  Laramie  Boomerang,  November  18,  1903. 

58  Motion,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Glendolene  Myrtle 
Kimmell,  November  24,  1903. 


Winter  2001 


23 


presided  at  Horn's  trial.)  The  next  day  Judge  Scott  signed 
an  order  transferring  her  case  to  Judge  C.E.  Carpenter, 
Judge  of  the  Second  Judicial  District. 5y 

The  Laramie  Boomerang  reported  a  few  days  later  that 
Glendolene  was  confined  to  her  room  at  the  Inter-Ocean 
Hotel  with  "nervous  prostration."  The  article  went  on  to 
report  that  her  condition  was  serious  and  was  "directly 
due  to  the  execution  of  her  lover  and  the  great  load  of 
dishonor  and  disgrace  which  she  is  compelled  to  bear."60 
Whether  there  was  any  veracity  to  this  story  is  unknown. 

During  this  time,  a  motion  was  filed  by  Judge  Lacey 
and  T.  F.  Burke  on  Glendolene's  behalf,  requesting  that 
depositions  might  be  taken  from  a  number  of  citizens 
residing  in  Hannibal,  Missouri. hl  Many  of  these  people 
had  already  sent  affidavits  to  Governor  Chatterton  prior 
to  Glendolene's  arrest,  attesting  to  her  fine  reputation 
and  family  background.  The  interrogatories  which  the 
deponents  were  supposed  to  answer  were  as  follows: 

1.  State  your  name,  age,  place  of  residence  and  occupa- 
tion. 

2.  How  long  have  you  been  a  resident  of  the  City  of 
Hannibal  and  State  of  Missouri? 

3.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell? 

4.  If  so,  where  have  you  known  her  and  for  how  long? 

5.  Are  you  acquainted  with  her  reputation  in  that  com- 
munity for  chastity? 

6.  What  is  it,  good  or  bad? 

7.  Are  you  acquainted  with  her  reputation  in  that  com- 
munity for  truth  and  veracity? 

8.  What  is  it,  good  or  bad?6: 

Judge  Carpenter  signed  the  order  for  these  depositions 
to  be  taken  prior  to  January  4,  1 904. 63  The  depositions 
were  never  taken.  On  November  25,  1903,  Laramie 
County  Prosecuting  Attorney  Walter  Stoll  filed  a  mo- 
tion seeking  dismissal  of  the  charges  against  Glendolene. 
He  stated  that  while  her  affidavit  to  Governor  Chatterton 
constituted  a  "flagrant  assault  upon  the  cause  of  justice 
in  this  state,"  he  had  "just  now  concluded  "  an  examina- 
tion of  the  case  law  pertinent  to  this  action  and  discov- 
ered that  "the  courts  are  practically  of  one  accord  on  the 
subject. ..and  all  seem  to  hold  that  unless  the  affidavit  in 
question  is  provided  for  by  statute,  no  charge  for  the 
crime  of  perjury  will  lie."64  Stoll  continued  that  he  had 
only  just  discovered  that  there  was  no  provision  in  the 
Wyoming  statutes  authorizing  the  making  of  an  affida- 
vit in  a  proceeding  involving  a  pardon  or  commutation 
of  sentence,  or  "on  any  matter  bearing  thereon."  Stoll 
concluded  that  he  would  "trust  to  the  next  legislature  to 
so  amend  our  criminal  laws  as  to  reach  offenses  of  this 
character."65  Judge  Carpenter  granted  the  motion  to  dis- 
miss all  charges  in  the  case  and  an  order  to  that  effect 
was  signed  on  December  11,  1903.66  Glendolene  was 
released  from  custody  and,  at  last,  free  to  leave  town. 


The  last  glimpse  historians  would  get  of  Glendolene 
for  a  very  long  time  was  contained  in  the  document  she 
wrote  in  Denver,  Colorado,  in  April  1904.  The  docu- 
ment was  intended  to  be  a  vindication  of  Tom  Horn  and 
a  scathing  indictment  of  Governor  Fenimore  Chatterton, 
Walter  Stoll,  and  other  powerful  figures  in  Cheyenne. 
The  vindication  document  appeared  in  the  supplemen- 
tary articles  to  the  text  of  The  Life  of  Tom  Horn:  Gov- 
ernment Scout  and  Interpreter,  a  biography  written  by 
Horn  during  the  months  of  his  incarceration  and  pub- 
lished by  the  Louthan  Press  through  John  Coble's  pa- 
tronage.67 

The  first  part  of  the  document  recounts  Horn's  deeds 
as  a  government  scout,  his  contribution  as  chief  pack 
master  in  the  Spanish  American  War,  and  his  intentional 
development  of  his  reputation  as  a  killer  as  a  tool  to 
deter  rustling  in  the  areas  where  he  served  as  a  stock 
detective.  Her  narrative  portrays  Horn  in  the  best  pos- 
sible light  and  reflects  her  regard  for  him.  The  tone  of 
the  narrative  is  one  of  outrage  and  disgust,  and  the  text 
is  reasoned  and  purposeful.  It  is  difficult  to  say  whether 
Glendolene  was  still  infatuated  with  Horn,  or  simply 
outraged  and  determined  to  set  the  record  straight  about 
the  events  which  led  to  his  execution  and  her  arrest  and 
incarceration. 

Much  has  been  made  of  the  fact  that  if  Glendolene 
had  knowledge  of  Victor  Miller's  guilt  she  should  have 
come  forward  with  the  information  at  the  time  of  the 
coroner's  inquest.  In  the  vindication  document, 
Glendolene  reiterated  that  she  did  not  have  this  infor- 
mation until  after  the  second  session  of  the  inquest. 

After  the  second  session  of  the  coroner's  inquest,  I 
overheard  three  conversations  between  Jim  and  Victor 
Miller,  in  each  of  which  conversation(s)  statements  were 
made  by  both,  incriminating  Victor  Miller  as  the  mur- 
derer of  William  Nickell.  Twice  afterwards  Jim  Miller 
acknowledged  to  me  that  Victor  had  confessed  to  him 
the  killing  of  the  Nickell  boy;  and  on  the  10th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1901,  Victor  Miller  himself  confessed  to  me  that  he 
was  the  murderer.  I  agreed  to  say  nothing  provided  they 

s"  Order  of  Judge  Richard  H.  Scott,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyo- 
ming v.  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell.  November  25,  1903. 
-"  Laramie  Boomerang.  November  28,  1903. 

61  Motion,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Glendolene  Myrtle 
Kimmell,  n.d. 

62  Interrogatories  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Glendolene 
Myrtle  Kimmell,  n.d. 

63  Order  of  Judge  Charles  E.  Carpenter,  in  the  case  of  State  of 
Wyoming  v.  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  n.d. 

64  Motion  to  Nolle  and  Statement,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyo- 
ming v.  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  December  1 1,  1903. 

65  Ibid. 

66  Order  of  Judge  John  E.  Carpenter,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyo- 
ming v.  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell,  n.d. 

67  Kimmell,  244-264. 


24 


Annals  ot  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


FEPTIMORK    OUTTEBTOK 

QOVERNOH. 


THE    STATE    OF    WYOMING. 

IIECUTITE    DEPAHTMEXT, 
CHETEXKE. 


would  make  no  attempt  to  sidetrack  the  crime  on  Horn, 
or  any  other  innocent  person.  I  felt  it  would  be  unfair  to 
punish  Victor  and  leave  untouched  his  father  and  Kels 
Nickell,  the  original  cause  of  all  the  trouble.  Moreover, 
I  took  into  consideration  the  youth  of  the  self-confessed 
murderer. ..So  I  held  my  peace."" 

Glendolene  goes  on  to  state  that  while  Horn  was  be- 
ing tried  "the  attorneys  for  the  defense  repeatedly  wrote 
me  that  they  were  confident  of  winning  their  case. ..I 
thought  that  by  my  continued  silence  I  could  save  Vic- 
tor Miller,  and  yet  not  jeopardize  Horn."h4 

Glendolene  remarked  in  the  vindication  narrative  that 
after  Horn  was  convicted,  she  was  determined  to  come 
forward  with  her  knowledge  of  Victor's  guilt,  "for  I  had 
no  intention  of  shielding  a  guilty  man  at  the  expense  of 
an  innocent  one."7"  She  stated  that  her  timing  became 
problematic  because  Horn's  attorneys  advised  her  that, 
due  to  a  legal  technicality,  they  could  not  use  this  evi- 
dence until  the  case  was  placed  in  the  governor's  hands. 

A  letter  from  Sheridan  attorney  E.E.  Enterline  pro- 
vides sufficient  evidence  to  question  the  actions  of  Horn's 
attorneys,  and  others  directly  associated  with  the  case, 
while  adding  credibility  to  the  statements  made  in 
Glendolene's  vindication  narrative. 


Acting  Gov.  Fenimore  Chatterton  (above)  wrote 
the  letter  (left)  to  Glendolene  Kimmell  that  was 
delivered  to  her  on  Nov.  14.  1903.  only  some  37 
minutes  before  the  governor  announced  his  com- 
mutation decision  to  the  press.  It  seems  hardly 
sufficient  time  for  him  to  have  read  "at  leisure" 
the  requested  letters  between  Kimmell  and  Burke 
before  he  made  his  decision  not  to  commute  Horn  's 
sentence.  Letter  and  photograph  from  the  collec- 
tions of  the  American  Heritage  Center.  UW. 


Sheridan,  Wyo.,  November  5,  1903 
Hon.  J.A.  Van  Orsdel 
Attorney  General  of  Wyoming, 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming. 

Dear  Friend  Van:- 

I  am  of  course  always  interested  in  your  winning 
out  in  any  matter  in  which  I  am  not  opposed  to  you, 
and  for  that  reason  I  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting 
something  to  you  that  may  aid  you  in  your  presenta- 
tion of  your  side  of  the  Horn  case  to  the  Governor. 

If  you  have  not  seen  the  case  of  State  v.  Morgan 
(Utah)  64  Pac.  356,  I  wish  you  would  examine  it.  It 
seems  to  me  that  the  principle  announced  in  this  case 
would  be  applicable  to  the  Horn  case.  If  Horn  has 
since  his  conviction  found  testimony,  which  tends  to 
establish  his  innocence,  he  ought  to  appeal  to  the 
Courts  for  relief.  In  the  Morgan  case  the  defendant 
had  been  convicted  of  murder  in  the  first  degree,  sen- 
tenced to  death  by  the  trial  Court,  and  on  appeal  to 
the  Supreme  Court,  the  conviction  and  sentence  was 
affirmed.   He  then  applied  to  the  Lower  Court  for  a 

"s  Kimmell,  254. 

6"  Ibid. 

70  Ibid.,  255. 


Winter  2001 


25 


new  trial  on  the  ground  of  misconduct  of  some  of  the 
jurymen,  which  deprived  him  of Jiaving  a  fair  trial,  and 
which  misconduct  was  not  discovered  until  after  the  judg- 
ment had  heen  affirmed  hy  the  Supreme  Court.  The 
Lower  Court  denied  the  motion,  upon  the  ground  that  it 
was  too  late  to  entertain  a  motion  of  that  kind.  The 
Supreme  Court  reversed  the  order  of  the  Lower  Court 
and  granted  the  defendant  a  new  trial,  and  squarely  held 
that  the  application  under  such  circumstances  could  not 
be  defeated  by  the  want  of  any  legislative  remedy  for  a 
wrong  inflicted  during  a  criminal  trial;  that  the  court 
would  resort  to  the  common  law  if  it  afforded  a  remedy, 
and  if  it  did  not,  then  the  Courts  by  virtue  of  their  adher- 
ent power  and  their  duty  in  criminal  cases  to  guard  the 
rights  of  persons,  would  if  possible  devise  new  remedies. 

It  would  seem  to  me  therefore  that  Gov  ernor  Chatterton 
could  well  say  to  the  Attorneys  for  Horn  to  make  their 
application  to  the  Courts  for  relief,  and  in  my  opinion 
from  what  I  seen  [sic]  of  the  testimony  submitted  to  the 
Governor  including  the  testimony  of  the  school  ma'am, 
the  Courts  would  unhesitatingly  decline  to  interfere  with 
the  former  conviction  and  sentence,  and  if  the  Courts 
declined  to  interfere,  why  the  Governor  could  then  well 
decline  also. 

I  thought  that  I  would  write  you  concerning  the  case, 
because  you  may  have  overlooked  it,  and  it  may  be  of 
some  help  to  you  in  the  presentation  of  the  case  to  the 
Governor. 

I  will  be  in  Cheyenne  upon  the  8th  and  9th  of  this 
month,  and  will  be  glad  to  see  you. 

Very  sincerely  yours. 

E.E.  Enterline71 

It  should  be  noted  that  Attorney  Enterline  was  also  a 
cattleman  whose  sympathies  would  logically  have  been 
thought  to  lie  with  the  members  of  the  Stock  Growers' 
Association  and  by  extension  with  Horn.  Why  then, 
was  he  volunteering  apparently  unsolicited  information 
intended  to  offer  the  Governor  a  way  out  of  a  sticky 
situation  and  consequently  ensure  Horn's  imminent  ex- 
ecution? Was  he  also  uneasy  about  the  possibility  that 
Horn  would  name  his  employers  before  his  execution? 

Enterline's  advice  apparently  made  an  impression  on 
Van  Orsdel  and  was  enthusiastically  embraced  by 
Chatterton,  as  evidenced  by  Chatterton's  use  of 
Enterline's  strategy  in  his  published  decision  denying 
Horn  clemency. 

...I  find  that  a  knowledge  of  the  substance  of  the  ma- 
terial alleged  facts  set  forth  in  the  last  affidavit  were 
known  to  the  attorneys  for  the  defense  in  December  A.D. 
1902  — prior  to  the  taking  of  the  case  to  the  Supreme 
Court.  It  is  argued  that  under  the  statute  this  was  too  late 
to  be  of  avail  in  the  Courts.  But  I  find  that  Courts  of 
high  and  acknowledged  authority  have  held  that,  even 
after  a  judgement  has  been  affirmed  on  appeal  and  the 
case  remanded  a  motion  for  a  new  trial,  based  upon  facts 


which  were  not  passed  upon  by  the  appellate  court  can 
be  entertained  by  the  court  below." 

The  next  line  in  Chatterton's  handwritten  manuscript 
says  "It  is  never  too  late  to  do  justice."  This  is  crossed 
out,  then  the  words  "It  is  never  too  late  for  the  courts  to 
do  justice"  are  inserted  and  crossed  out.   He  continued: 

Notwithstanding  statutory  restriction  it  is  never  too 
late  for  the  Courts  to  do  justice,  for  the  Court  is  consti- 
tuted to  enforce  legal  rights  and  redress  legal  wrongs; 
whenever  it  is  made  to  appear  that  a  wrong  has  been 
perpetrated  it  never  hesitates  to  exercise  its  power,  and 
will  even  resort  to  common  law  rules,  as  against  statu- 
tory enactment,  to  do  so.  If  the  facts  in  this  affidavit 
[Kimmell's]  were  true  they  should  have  been  presented 
to  the  court.1' 

In  her  vindication  narrative,  Glendolene  provided  ad- 
ditional information  on  the  position  of  the  court.  She 
alleged  that  during  her  interview  with  Chief  Justice  Com 
he  stated  to  her  that  "...I  have  not  yet  made  up  my  mind 
whether  he  [Horn]  is  innocent  or  guilty.  In  fact,  I  would 
be  perfectly  eligible  as  a  juror  to  try  the  case."74  She 
added  that  Justice  Jesse  Knight  advised  her  that  he  did 
not  read  all  of  the  testimony  placed  before  the  Supreme 
Court  and  then  commented  to  her  that  "I  have  taken  no 
part  in  this  case  since  it  left  the  hands  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  I  might  have  if  they  hadn't  attacked  Joe  LeFors."7 

An  astonishing  bit  of  information  contained  in  the  clos- 
ing paragraphs  of  the  vindication  narrative  casts  the  ac- 
tions of  Chatterton  and  other  key  players  in  the  Horn 
saga  in  a  suspicious  light.  Glendolene  wrote: 

On  the  14th  of  November,  at  half  past  three,  the  gov- 
ernor made  known  his  decision  —  he  would  not  inter- 
fere. On  the  afternoon  of  this  day  a  singular  incident 
came  under  my  notice.  At  exactly  4  o'clock  a  man  called 
at  my  room  in  the  hotel  and  presented  a  note  from  the 
governor.  The  note  read  as  follows:  "Miss  Kimmell:  Will 
you  please  let  me  take  those  letters  again?  1  read  them 
so  hurriedly  yesterday  I  would  like  to  see  them  again  at 
my  leisure.  The  bearer  is  my  deputy  secretary  of  state. 
Yours  truly,  F.  Chatterton."  The  governor  had  refer- 
ence to  correspondence  between  Attorney  Burke  and 
myself  in  relation  to  the  Horn  case.  The  strange  thing  is 
that  the  governor's  decision  had  been  lying  on  Judge 
Lacey's  desk  for  half  an  hour!7'' 

71  E.  E.  Enterline  to  J.  A.  Van  Orsdel,  November  5,  1903.  Corre- 
spondence of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  State  of  Wyoming,  Record 
Group  15,  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

72  Statement  of  Acting  Wyoming  Governor  Fenimore  Chatterton, 
Nov.  14,  1903,  in  the  case  of  State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn, 
Record  Group  1.16,  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 

73  Ibid. 

74  Kimmell,  255. 

75  Ibid. 

76  Ibid,  258. 


26 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  Hist 


ory  Journal 


Due  to  her  confinement  at  the  Inter-Ocean  Hotel,  it  is 
not  likely  that  Glendolene  would  have  had  knowledge 
of  the  Governor's  action  in  so  short  a  time.  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  the  local  press  announced  that  the  de- 
cision was  released  to  them  at  precisely  4:37  p.m.,  No- 
vember 14  — exactly  37  minutes  after  Glendolene  had 
received  the  Governor's  communication  and  had  turned 
over  the  requested  correspondence  to  Chatterton's  act- 
ing secretary  of  state.  Surely  this  did  not  constitute  suf- 
ficient time  for  the  leisurely  perusal  of  the  documents, 
which  Chatterton  had  stated  as  his  objective  when  he 
requested  the  letters. 

Once  Governor  Chatterton  announced  his  decision, 
banner  headlines  had  proclaimed  the  news  that  Horn  must 
hang.  The  press  made  much  of  Chatterton's  decision  in 
which  he  cited  his  reasons  for  discrediting  the  Kimmell 
affidavit.  Column  after  column  was  devoted  to  rehash- 
ing information  attributed  to  the  Kimmell  affidavit  and 
contrasting  her  information  with  the  following  statement 
by  Chatterton. 

If  the  Kimmell  affidavit  be  true  a  great  deal  of  the  other 
matters  presented  in  support  of  the  application  are  irrel- 
evant, and  could  only  he  construed  as  an  endeavor  to 
create  a  suspicion  or  feeling  of  uncertainty  in  my  mind. 
Certainty  is  what  I  have  been  looking  for.  If  the  Kimmell 
affidavit  is  true  it  is  all  that  is  required  and  Tom  Horn 
should  be  pardoned. ..Is  the  Kimmell  affidavit  true?  This 
has  been  the  one  question,  presented  to  my  mind  and 
conscience,  presented  in  support  of  the  application. ..It 
would  be  too  burdensome  to  go  into  all  the  details  of  the 
results  of  this  investigation,  one  sample  will  be  suffi- 
cient. I  quote  from  her  letter  of  Oct.  5, 1903  to  Mr.  Coble, 
in  which  she  says. .."Now  that  matters  have  reached  their 
present  plight,  I  strongly  hope  that  you  will  have  faith 
enough  in  me  to  let  me  put  some  of  my  "theories"  to  the 
test. "...From  my  investigation,  finally  confirmed  by  the 
affidavit  of  H.A.  Mendenhall.  sheriff  of  Wyandotte 
County,  Kansas,  I  do  not  believe  the  statements  made  in 
the  Kimmell  affidavit.77 

In  the  Denver  document,  Glendolene  counters  with 
the  following  statement: 

I  have  been  accused  of  presenting  theories  as  evidence. 
Would  it  be  too  far-fetched  a  theory  to  advance  that  the 
governor  had  now  found  time  to  consider  the  evidence, 
although  his  decision  had  already  been  made;  or  did  he 
have  the  deputy  take  those  letters  across  the  street  to  the 
prosecuting  attorney,  so  that  the  latter  might  make  cop- 
ies of  them?  It  is  a  fact  that  after  Horn  was  dead  the 
prosecuting  attorney  had  copies  made  of  his  farewell  let- 
ters to  his  mother  and  his  sisters.  I  learn  upon  unim- 
peachable authority  that  while  Stoll's  stenographer  was 
typewriting  these  farewell  letters,  her  eyes  filled  with 
tears,  so  that  she  could  hardly  write.  Stoll,  coming  into 
the  room,  took  in  the  situation  and  jeered  at  her.  The 


state's  case  was  ended,  so  it  is  evident  that  his  sole  pur- 
pose was  to  acquire  souvenirs  — of  what?  Of  work  well 
done!  The  hanging  of  an  innocent  man!78 

Charge  and  counter  charge  aside,  it  must  be  questioned 
why  the  famous  Kimmell  affidavit,  as  well  as  the  letter 
to  Coble  and  the  letters  to  Burke  and  Lacey,  have  disap- 
peared from  the  public  record.  One  must  also  question 
why,  if  Chatterton's  statements  were  true,  Glendolene. 
John  C.  Coble,  or  Horn's  attorneys  would  provide  the 
Governor  with  a  letter  which  would  discredit 
Glendolene's  affidavit  and  almost  certainly  ensure  that 
the  Governor  would  allow  Horn's  execution  to  go  for- 
ward. There  is  no  document  to  substantiate  Chatterton's 
charge  that  Glendolene  proposed  to  present  "theories" 
in  an  attempt  to  save  Horn's  life.  These  documents  are 
not  among  Chatterton's  papers,  nor  Van  Orsdel's.  even 
though  a  memo  from  Van  Orsdel  to  Chatterton  request- 
ing a  copy  of  the  Kimmell  affidavit  is  still  in  the  file. 
These  documents  are  not  contained  in  the  criminal  case 
file  assembled  during  Glendolene's  arrest  and  incarcera- 
tion for  perjury.  Since  Stoll  based  his  information  to  the 
court  on  his  possession  of  "abundant  evidence,"  includ- 
ing her  affidavit,  which  proved  that  she  was  guilty  of 
intentionally  making  false  statements  to  the  Governor, 
it  would  seem  that  these  documents  might  reasonably 
be  expected  to  be  in  the  criminal  case  file,  as  supporting 
evidence  of  Stoll's  charges.  They  aren't  there.  Further- 
more, the  Kimmell  affidavit  is  not  among  the  multitude 
of  other  affidavits  submitted  to  Governor  Chatterton, 
although  every  other  affidavit  mentioned  in  published 
research  on  this  case  is  easily  obtainable.  The  affidavit 
does  not  even  occur  in  the  file  marked  "Kimmell  affida- 
vit" where  the  blue  paper  cover,  identical  to  the  blue 
paper  covers  that  are  attached  to  virtually  every  other 
affidavit,  contains  only  the  fragile  carbon  tissues  of 
Glendolene's  frantic  telegrams  to  her  friends  and  acquain- 
tances in  Hannibal,  pleading  for  them  to  hurry  in  verify- 
ing her  family  background  and  good  reputation.  How 
did  these  personal  communications  come  to  be  in  the 
Governor's  possession  and  why  are  they  placed  in  the 
affidavit  cover  instead  of  the  affidavit? 

There  is  no  evidence  in  the  published  research  on  the 
Horn  case  which  indicates  that  any  researcher  has  ever 
actually  seen  the  Kimmell  affidavit,  or  the  letters  to  which 
such  frequent  reference  is  made  in  discrediting 
Glendolene's  affidavit.  Historians  have  had  to  rely  on 
secondary  sources  purporting  to  give  the  substance  of 
that  affidavit.  None  of  the  letters  to  Coble  or  between 

7  Statement  of  Acting  Governor  Fenimore  Chatterton.  Novem- 
ber 14,  1903. 

78  Kimmell,  258-259. 


Winter  2001 


27 


Burke,  Lacey  and  Glendolene  are  to  be  found  in  any  of 
the  correspondence  tiles  of  officials  associated  with  the 
case,  although  extremely  extensive  correspondence  files 
containing  many  other  letters  from  persons  related  to,  or 
interested  in,  the  case  are  preserved. 

Of  further  interest  is  the  much  heralded  affidavit  of 
Sheriff  H.  A.  Mendenhall.  This  affidavit  was  trium- 
phantly brought  forth  just  prior  to  Governor  Chatterton's 
announcement  of  his  decision.  Mendenhall's  name  had 
not  been  connected  with  the  case  previously,  yet  he  came 
forward  at  the  very  last  moment  to  discredit  Glendolene 
and  save  the  day  for  the  prosecution.  (His  affidavit  is 
contained  in  Chatterton's  papers.) 

One  of  the  most  problematic  parts  of  the  Mendenhall 
affidavit  is  the  reference  in  which  he  allegedly  told 
Glendolene  she  would  make  more  by  serving  as  a  pros- 
ecution witness  than  by  teaching  school.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  Glendolene  was  teaching  school  in  Kan- 
sas City  or  elsewhere  in  Missouri  at  that  time.  She  is 
listed  in  the  Kansas  City  directory  as  a  stenographer. 

Mendenhall,  a  farmer  from  Topeka,  had  a  small  but 
successful  transfer  business  in  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  at 
the  time  he  was  elected  sheriff.79  Sharing  the  same  po- 
litical affiliations  as  Chatterton,  Mendenhall  was  a  leader 
in  the  Kansas  Republican  party.  He  had  just  been  elected 
to  his  fifth  term  as  sheriff  at  the  time  he  submitted  his 
affidavit  to  Chatterton  in  November,  1903.  By  January, 
1904,  less  than  two  months  after  Horn's  execution, 
Mendenhall  abruptly  resigned  as  sheriff,  giving  little 
explanation.  Within  a  year  he  emerged  as  the  major  stock- 
holder of  the  Home  State  Bank  in  Kansas  City,  ascend- 
ing to  the  presidency  of  that  bank  the  following  year  -  an 
impressive  accomplishment  on  the  salary  of  a  sheriff, 
although  his  successful  transfer  business  may  have  pro- 
vided a  substantial  income.8" 

If  Mendenhall  had  information  establishing  that 
Glendolene  was  guilty  of  lying,  why  did  he  not  come 
forward  sooner?  Why  did  he,  as  sheriff,  not  notify  the 
Cheyenne  authorities  of  his  concerns  about  her  back  in 
September  of  1902,  when  the  alleged  conversation  oc- 
curred? Why  would  a  seasoned  sheriff  remember  all 
the  details  of  a  conversation  he  had  with  Glendolene, 
but  "not  recall"  the  name  of  a  man  she  alleged  was  guilty 
of  murder?  Why  would  a  sheriff  not  bring  this  informa- 
tion to  the  attention  of  the  Cheyenne  authorities  imme- 
diately? Mendenhall's  reasons  are  unknown,  and  his 
actions  are  as  open  to  conjecture  as  the  actions  of  the 
other  central  figures  in  the  Horn  case. 

Much  emphasis  has  been  given  to  the  Millers'  de- 
nial of  the  accusations  allegedly  leveled  in  Glen- 
dolene's  affidavit.  Yet  very  little  is  said  about  the  pos- 


sibility that  both  Jim  and  Victor  Miller  may  have  per- 
ceived themselves  as  Horn's  rivals  for  Glendolene's  af- 
fections. Testimony  given  at  the  coroner's  inquest  by 
both  Jim  Miller  and  Glendolene  revealed  that  Jim  and 
Dora  Miller  did  not  share  a  bedroom  —  that  Jim  Miller 
had  a  room  to  himself  and  Dora  slept  with  the  younger 
children.81  It  also  established  that  when  alone,  Jim  Miller 
was  in  the  habit  of  pacing  up  and  down  outside 
Glendolene's  room  singing.  Miller  testified  that  he  had 
lied  to  Glendolene  after  Horn  left  on  the  Wednesday 
before  the  Nickell  boy  was  killed,  telling  her  that  Horn 
would  be  back  for  dinner  on  Thursday  and  asking  her  if 
he  should  tell  Horn  to  come  to  the  school  house  if  she 
was  not  yet  at  home.  Miller  stated  that  he  knew  per- 
fectly well  that  Horn  did  not  plan  to  return,  but  told 
Glendolene  this  to  "torment"  her.8:  At  one  point  during 
the  coroner's  inquest,  Walter  Stoll  directly  asked  Miller 
if  he  and  Horn  were  rivals  for  Glendolene's  affection. 
Miller  denied  it. 

Since  Victor  Miller  was  close  in  age  to  Glendolene, 
he  may  possibly  have  perceived  himself  as  a  contender 
for  her  affections.  It  is  documented  that  he  troubled  him- 
self to  pick  strawberries  especially  for  her  breakfast  on 
the  day  prior  to  Willie  Nickelfs  murder  and  that  he  and 
Horn  practiced  shooting  the  day  before.8'  It  is  a  pos- 
sible, though  not  particularly  plausible  theory,  that  Vic- 
tor perceived  Horn  as  a  rival  for  Glendolene's  affections 
and  killed  the  Nickell  boy  as  a  means  not  only  to  settle 
an  old  score,  but  also  as  a  means  of  casting  suspicion  on 
Horn  and  removing  him  as  a  rival. 

While  it  is  impossible  to  establish,  with  certainty,  a 
romantic  interest  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  Miller  men 
toward  Glendolene,  it  is  not  an  implausible  scenario. 
What  is  blatantly  implausible  is  to  imagine  that  any  of 
the  Miller  men  could  have  been  expected  to  admit  to  the 
veracity  of  Glendolene's  allegations.  To  do  so  would 
have  been  to  place  one's  neck  in  the  hangman's  noose 
intended  for  Horn. 

It  is  known  that  the  Laramie  County  Commissioners 
offered  a  $500  reward  for  information  leading  to  the  ar- 
rest and  conviction  of  the  person  or  persons  who  killed 
Willie  Nickell.  A  letter  dated  November  22,  1902,  from 
Governor  DeForest  Richards  to  Joe  LeFors,  advised 
LeFors  that  he  was  to  receive  the  reward  money  offered 
for  the  apprehension  of  the  individual  responsible  for 
the  murder  of  Willie  Nickell.   However,  the  letter  does 

79  Perl  Wilbur  Morgan.  History  of  Wyandotte  County,  Kansas 
and  Its  People  (Chicago:  Lewis  Publishing  Co.,  1911),  856. 

80  Ibid.,  855-856. 

81  Inquest  Transcript,  357. 
8:  Ibid.,  355. 

83  Ibid.,  83. 


28 


Annals  01  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  Hist 


orv  Journal 


not  state  when  the  money  would  be  available  to  LeFors. 

An  affidavit  dated  October  26,  1903,  from  Edward  T. 
Clark,  states  that  in  the  smoking  compartment  of  a  train, 
while  Clark  and  Joe  LeFors  were  traveling  between 
Sheridan,  Wyoming,  and  Alliance,  Nebraska,  to  attend 
a  hearing  before  a  United  States  Commissioner,  LeFors 
confided  to  Clark  that  Stoll  had  advised  the  County 
Commissioners  not  to  pay  LeFors  the  reward  money  until 
the  appeal  had  been  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court.  Clark 
stated  that  LeFors  told  him  Stoll  wanted  to  withhold  the 
money  to  keep  LeFors  "in  line."*4  The  affidavit  stated 
that  LeFors  told  Clark  that  Stoll  "had  better  be  careful 
how  he  treated  him  [LeFors]  since  he  knew  that  LeFors 
had  knowledge  of  evidence  which  would  clear  Tom  Horn 
and  that  if  he  had  been  working  on  the  other  side  of  the 
case  he  [LeFors]  would  have  cleared  him."85 

The  testimony  and  affidavits  taken  in  the  Horn  case 
by  both  sides  are  extensive  and  nearly  every  statement 
made  by  any  witness  can  be  contradicted  by  testimony 
from  another.  The  lone  exception  is  Glendolene  Kimmell. 
While  supporting  documents  exist  to  support  the  charges 
and  counter  charges  of  the  testimony  of  other  witnesses, 
almost  every  piece  of  evidence  referred  to  in  discredit- 
ing her  testimony  has  been  removed  from  the  case  files 
and  presumably  destroyed. 

While  there  is  ample  evidence  to  indicate  that  she  was 
infatuated  with  Horn,  there  is  also  ample  evidence  to 
indicate  that  she  was  not  the  only  woman  to  receive 
Horn's  attentions,  although  perhaps  the  only  respectable 
woman.  Horn  reportedly  frequented  the  brothels  of 
Laramie,  Cheyenne,  and  Denver.  Chatterton's  files  con- 
tain letters  from  several  women — one  referring  to  her- 
self as  "a  lady  of  Tom  Horn"  from  Omaha,  Nebraska, 
and  another  from  Denver,  Colorado  who  signs  her  en- 
treaty for  Horn's  life  "I  am  only  a  poor  helpless 
woman."86 

There  is  also  no  evidence  that  Glendolene  ever  visited 
Horn  at  the  Laramie  County  jail,  and  quite  certainly  there 
is  no  reference  to  her  at  all  in  the  existing  texts  of  his 
personal  correspondence  with  Coble,  especially  in  the 
final  letter  dashed  off  to  Coble  during  the  final  minutes 
before  Horn  was  escorted  to  the  gallows.  While  Horn 
was  undeniably  under  .the  greatest  stress  imaginable  at 
the  time  that  letter  was  written,  he  thanked  Coble  pro- 
fusely for  all  that  he  had  done,  but  made  no  mention  of 
Glendolene  and  expressed  no  appreciation  for  her  ef- 
forts on  his  behalf.  This  omission  seems  odd.  Of  equal 
interest  is  the  fact  that  Glendolene  has  made  no  mention 
of  ever  receiving  any  correspondence  from  Horn.  Since 
Sheriff  Ed  Smalley  and  his  deputy  Leslie  Snow  had 
charge  of  both  Horn's  incoming  and  outgoing  mail,  it 
seems  unlikely  that  correspondence  between  the  "lov- 


ers" would  have  escaped  mention.  The  only  reference 
to  any  response  on  Horn's  part  toward  Glendolene  after 
his  "confession"  to  LeFors,  is  a  report  that  during  Horn's 
trial,  when  Victor  Miller  testified  that  Horn  had  made 
an  "impression"  on  the  school  teacher  and  that  she  ap- 
peared to  be  "kind  of  stuck  on  him."  but  did  not  neglect 
her  school,  Horn  smiled. 

There  is  insufficient  evidence  to  support  the  notion  of 
a  passionate  and  enduring  romance  between  Glendolene 
and  Tom  Horn.  It  is  clear  that  they  did  engage  in  a  flirta- 
tion of  an  evening's  duration,  and  that  Glendolene  prob- 
ably did  correspond  with  Horn  after  their  meeting.  Yet 
it  seems  unlikely  that  a  romance  passionate  enough  to 
entice  Glendolene  to  risk  public  ridicule  and  degrada- 
tion, arrest  and  imprisonment  could  be  based  on  a  single 
meeting,  much  less  sustained  over  nearly  two  years  of 
separation. 

In  the  end  the  mission  was  accomplished.  Horn  was 
dead,  his  employers'  identities  followed  him  to  the  grave, 
and  the  little  up-start  teacher  from  Hannibal,  Missouri, 
had  been  silenced,  marginalized,  and  publicly  humili- 
ated to  the  fullest  extent  possible  by  the  press  and  by  the 
authorities  associated  with  the  Horn  case.  Glendolene 
had  been  portrayed  as  an  intemperate,  loose  woman,  a 
liar,  a  fraud,  and  ultimately  a  felon.  Great  care  had  been 
taken  to  besmirch  her  character.  Although  the  names  of 
the  individuals  in  Hannibal  who  sent  letters  and  affida- 
vits of  reference  in  her  defense  were  mentioned  by  name 
in  only  one  very  brief  article,  nothing  was  said  of  their 
influence  and  position.  They  included  ordained  minister 
John  D.  Vincil;  St.  Louis  attorney  Rufus  E.  Anderson; 
attorney  L.  E.  Coffin  of  Hannibal;  former  circuit  judge 
Thomas  Bacon;  Dr.  John  Gleason,  M.D.;  Mayor  John 
W.  Baskett  of  Hannibal;  and  Gertrude  Ashmore,  Princi- 
pal of  Hannibal  High  School.  If  Glendolene  was  a  woman 
of  questionable  character,,  it  is  unlikely  she  could  per- 
suade such  a  prominent  group  of  individuals  to  vouch 
for  her.  There  is  no  evidence  to  indicate  that  Glendolene 
ever  conducted  herself  in  an  unseemly  manner  or  that 
she  was  a  woman  of  questionable  virtue. 

For  Stoll,  Chatterton,  and  others  who  would  rest  more 
comfortably  with  Horn  out  of  the  way,  Glendolene  was 
a  problem.  She  didn't  quite  fit  into  the  established  role 
of  submissiveness  expected  of  women  in  Wyoming,  the 
"Equality  State,"  in  the  early  years  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury.   She  was  insistent,  she  was  determined,  she  was 

84  Affidavit  of  Edward  T.  Clark,  October  26,  1903,  in  the  case  of 
State  of  Wyoming  v.  Tom  Horn. 

85  Ibid. 

86  Anonymous  to  Governor  Chatterton,  November  15,  1903; 
MLW  to  Governor  of  Wyoming,  November  12,  1903.  Record  Group 
1.16,  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources. 


Winter  2001 


29 


defiant  and  she  was  difficult.  She  had  to  he  dealt  with, 
and  she  was.  » 

Johan  P.  Bakker.  in  his  book  Tracking  Tom  Horn, 
commented  that 

...there  are  some  startling  and  suspicious  omissions 
in  the  records  of  the  petition  to  the  Governor,  most  nota- 
bly the  original  affidavit  of  Miss  Kimmell.  The  only 
conclusion  which  the  author  can  reach  is  that  the  records 
were  deliberately  purged  of  evidence  tending  to  prove 
Horn's  innocence  at  some  time  in  the  past.87 

Bakker  goes  on  to  state  that,  in  his  opinion,  his  analy- 
sis of  the  historical  evidence  supports  the  conclusion  that 
Horn  was  expendable  and  that  the  large  cattle  interests 
would  find  it  a  relief  to  have  him  out  of  the  way. 

...The  large  cattle  interests  no  longer  felt  the  need  of 
Horn's  services,  either  real  or  threatened... the  death  of 
Willie  dropped  a  perfect  opportunity  into  the  laps  of  the 
"cattle  barons"... Horn  could  be  blamed  for  the  killing 
and  hung,  and  they  would  be  forever  free  of  the  risk  of 
him  telling  all  he  knew  about  their  activity... Horn  him- 
self meant  little  to  them  -  hired  guns  like  him  were  eas- 
ily had.  should  another  be  needed  in  the  future... The 
strategy  by  which  this  was  done  was  remarkably  simple. 
LeFors  was  enlisted  to  find  or  procure  evidence  against 
Horn  sufficient  to  have  him  arrested  and  charged  with 
the  murder. 

The  finest  legal  defense  that  money  could  buy  was 
then  retained,  and  set  to  doing  the  minimum  necessary 
to  believably  defend  Horn.  It  has  been  written  that  100 
leading  members  of  the  Wyoming  Stock  Growers  Asso- 
ciation each  contributed  $1000  to  the  cost  of  Horn's  de- 
fense -  the  only  thing  not  made  clear  is  what  result  they 
expected  for  their  money.  1  submit  they  got  exactly  what 
they  paid  for.88 

After  penning  the  vindication  document  in  Denver 
in  1904,  Glendolene  seemed  to  vanish.  Alone  and 
undoubtedly  still  struggling  to  cope  with  the  trauma  of 
her  recent  incarceration  and  the  death  of  Horn,  it  is  likely 
that  Glendolene  yearned  for  the  comfort  and  security  of 
her  family.  Sometime  between  1904  and  1907,  Glendo- 
lene returned  to  her  family  in  Hannibal,  Missouri,  where 
she  resided  with  her  mother  and  her  grandparents  at  32 1 
North  5lh  Street. w  She  remained  there,  working  as  a 
stenographer,  until  1913,  when  her  name  again  disap- 
peared from  the  Hannibal  city  directories.4"  Her  where- 
abouts for  the  next  several  years  are  uncertain. 

After  Glendolene's  departure,  Frances  moved  in  with 
her  sister,  Aurelia  Ballou,  at  905  Paris  in  Hannibal.  In 
1913  or  1914,  Glendolene's  mother,  Frances,  decided 
to  make  a  bold  change  in  her  own  life,  which  would 
eventually  reunite  her  with  Glendolene  permanently. 

In  1912,  eastern  publisher  Edward  Gardner  Lewis,  the 
son  of  a  New  England  Episcopal  clergyman,  left  the 


planned  colony  he  had  created  at  University  City,  Mis- 
souri, and  headed  west,  determined  to  create  a  new  Uto- 
pian, planned  colony  in  California.1"  The  site  Lewis  se- 
lected was  the  23,000  acre  Rancho  Atascadero.  Rancho 
Atascadero  had  been  created  by  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment when  they  secularized  mission  lands  in  1 833.  Even- 
tually, the  Rancho  was  purchased  by  J.  H.  Henry,  who 
later  sold  the  land  to  Edward  Lewis. 

Using  his  presses  in  University  City,  Missouri,  Lewis 
began  to  publicize  his  new  model  colony  to  be  built  near 
the  central  California  coast.  In  1912,  Lewis  put  together 
a  group  of  investors  from  across  the  country,  and  with 
their  combined  capital,  acquired  ownership  of  Rancho 
Atascadero  on  July  4,  1 9 1 3,  at  a  cost  of  $37.50  an  acre.1*2 

Lewis  immediately  hired  experts  in  agriculture,  engi- 
neering, urban  planning  and  other  fields  to  help  him  de- 
velop the  new  colony.  Working  out  of  three  construc- 
tion camps,  Lewis  had  an  impressive  troop  of  men  build- 
ing roads,  installing  a  water  system,  planting  orchards 
and  constructing  a  seventeen  mile  road  through  the  Santa 
Lucia  mountains  to  the  ocean,  where  he  built  cottages 
and  the  unique  beach  front  hotel  known  as  the  Cloisters. 
Lewis's  vision  had  become  a  thriving  reality. 

The  Printery  was  the  first  major  civic  building  to  be 
completed,  housing  what  Lewis  claimed  to  be  the  first 
rotogravure  presses  west  of  Chicago,  printing  rotogra- 
vure supplements  for  major  metropolitan  newspapers  and 
national  magazines.  Lewis  also  established  the 
Atascadero  News,  which  he  published  and  printed,  along 
with  a  pictorial  magazine.  The  Illustrated  Review,  which 
boasted  a  nationwide  circulation  of  more  than  600,000 
copies  each  month."3  The  centerpiece  of  the  colony,  the 
Atascadero  Administration  Building,  an  Italian  Renais- 
sance style  structure  modeled  after  Monticello,  the  home 
of  Thomas  Jefferson,  was  completed  in  1918. 

An  enormous  "Tent  City"  sprang  up  almost  immedi- 
ately after  Lewis'  purchase  of  Rancho  Atascadero  was 
finalized.  Investors  flooded  into  Rancho  Atascadero  from 
throughout  the  United  States,  anxious  to  select  home 
sites  on  land  for  which  they  had  already  made  a  down 
payment.  Curiously,  by  1915,  Frances  Kimmell,  a 
woman  now  72  years  old,  who  had  lived  her  entire  life 
within  a  120-mile  radius  of  her  hometown  of  Hannibal, 
Missouri,  was  among  the  eager  investors  in  the 

87  Johan  P.  Bakker,  Tracking  Tom  Horn.  (Union  Lake:  Talking 
Boy.  1993),  127. 

88  Ibid.,  131-132. 

8"  Hannibal  (Missouri)  City  Directory,  1907. 
""Ibid.,  1911,  1914. 

1,1  "A  History  of  Atascadero."  Atascadero  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
n.d. 
":  Ibid. 
"'  Ibid. 


30 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Atascadero  colony.  Frances  lived  in  "Tent  City,"  wait- 
ing patiently  for  her  small,  clapboard  bungalow  to  be 
built  on  Lot  Twelve-A,  in  Block  MC  of  Rancho 
Atascadero.44  By  September  18,  1915,  Frances  was 
settled  in  her  new  home  at  7600  Cortez  Avenue,  on  a 
shady  corner  lot  in  the  new  colony  of  Atascadero. 

Glendolene  must  have  joined  her  mother  in  Atascadero 
soon  afterward.  On  February  11,  1919,  Frances  Kimmell 
executed  a  deed  of  conveyance,  transferring  title  to  her 
property  to  Glendolene."''  The  source  of  Frances  and 
Glendolene's  means  of  support  during  their  years  in 
Atascadero  is  unknown.  It  is  likely  that  Frances  had  her 
husband's  military  pension,  which  would  not  have  been 
sufficient  for  their  support,  along  with  inherited  money 
from  the  Pierce  family  estate.  Glendolene  and  Frances 
are  both  listed  in  the  San  Luis  Obispo  county  directories 
as  homemakers.  so  it  is  unlikely  that  Glendolene  was 
employed  outside  the  home  after  joining  her  mother  in 
Atascadero. 

Glendolene  never  married.  While  we  will  probably 
never  know  why  Glendolene  remained  single  through- 
out her  life,  it  is  doubtful  that  she  spent  forty-six  years 
of  her  life  pining  away  for  Tom  Horn.  She  was  barely 
22  at  the  time  of  their  encounter  at  the  Miller  home. 
Like  many  young  people  of  that  age,  she  was  probably 
quite  impressionable  and  prone  to  infatuation  with  what 
she  perceived  as  "romance  of  the  West,"  as  well  as  a  bit 
overly  optimistic  in  her  assessment  of  her  own  worldli- 
ness  and  sophistication.  Although  she  may  have  seemed 
"stuck  on"  Horn  during  their  encounter  at  the  Miller 
home,  as  Victor  Miller  testified,  it  is  doubtful  that  this 
infatuation  would  have  survived  as  she  matured,  par- 
ticularly since  there  is  no  evidence  that  Horn  ever  en- 
couraged the  relationship  after  his  one  visit  to  the  Miller 
ranch.  It  is  also  possible  that  the  outcome  of  her  rela- 
tionship with  Horn  was  so  traumatic  that  she  shunned 
any  further  romantic  entanglements. 

What  seems  more  plausible  is  that  Glendolene  chose 
the  life  of  a  single,  or  "odd"  woman  out  of  a  sense  of 
responsibility  to  care  for  her  aging  mother  or  out  of  a 
desire  to  pursue  her  own  interests.  It  was  not  uncom- 
mon after  the  turn  of  the  century  for  women  to  choose 
other  paths  beside  marriage.  Perhaps  Glendolene  chose 
this  course  as  well. 

Glendolene  and  Frances  resided  together  in  Atascadero 
until  October  11,  1930,  when  Frances  suffered  a  fatal 
heart  attack  in  the  yard  of  their  home  while  working  in 
her  flowerbeds. 96  Regardless  of  what  their  source  of 
income  had  been  during  their  time  in  Atascadero,  it  ap- 
pears that  they  were  financially  strapped  by  the  time  of 
Frances's  death.  In  a  night  letter  to  Horace  Dakin,  her 
uncle,  Glendolene  wrote: 


Mother  passed  away  October  eleventh  suddenly.  She 
wished  for  burial  in  Hannibal  and  I  agree.  I  lack  money. 
Will  you  advance  transportation  charges   for  her?1'7 

Apparently,  the  money  was  quickly  sent  and 
Glendolene  arranged  for  a  funeral  service  for  her  mother 
to  be  held  at  the  chapel  of  Gray's  Funeral  Home  in  Santa 
Ysabel,  California,  on  October  14,  1930.48  She  then 
accompanied  her  mother's  body,  which  was  shipped  back 
to  Hannibal  by  train.  A  second  funeral  was  held  in  the 
chapel  of  Smith's  Funeral  Home  in  Hannibal,  prior  to 
Frances'  interment  at  Riverside  Cemetery.94 

After  burying  her  mother,  Glendolene  returned  home 
to  Atascadero,  where  her  troubles  continued.  In  1931, 
financially  strapped  and  in  the  throes  of  the  Great  De- 
pression, Glendolene  was  unable  to  pay  the  taxes  on  her 
home.  The  following  year,  the  property  was  sold  at  a 
tax  sale  for  $18.87,  the  amount  of  her  outstanding 
taxes.'""  Under  California  law,  Glendolene  had  five  years 
to  redeem  her  property  by  paying  the  back  taxes,  but  she 
was  apparently  unable  to  do  so.  The  property  was  le- 
gally conveyed  to  the  state  of  California  in  1937,  but 
despite  losing  title  to  her  property,  Glendolene  contin- 
ued to  reside  in  her  home  until  1 946.  It  is  almost  certain 
that  she  was  on  the  California  relief  rolls  from  the  1 930s 
onward,  although  official  documentation  of  this  has  not 
been  obtained. 

By  1946,  at  the  age  of  sixty-eight,  Glendolene's  eye- 
sight was  reportedly  failing  and  she  was  suffering  from 
arteriosclerosis.""  She  was  destitute  and  a  ward  of  the 
state  of  California.  Unable  to  care  for  herself  any  longer, 
Glendolene  said  good-bye  to  her  home  in  Atascadero 
for  the  last  time  and  took  up  residence  in  the  Sun  Flower 
Haven  Rest  Home,  at  484  Almond  Avenue,  in  Long 
Beach,  California.1"2  Whether  or  not  this  move  was 
voluntary  or  coerced  is  unknown,  as  is  the  reason  for  the 
selection  of  this  particular  care  facility.  Glendolene  lived 
at  Sun  Flower  Haven  until  her  death  on  September  12, 

91  Atascadero  News.  October  17,  1930. 

1,5  Deed  of  Conveyance,  February  11,  1919,  vol.  98,  p.  30. 
Atascadero  Recorder,  Atascadero,  California. 

'*'  Certificate  of  Death  for  Frances  A.  Kimmell,  October  11,1 930. 
Department  of  Public  Health,  San  Luis  Obispo  County,  California. 

g7  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell  to  Horace  E.  Dakin,  October  I  I, 
1930,  Chapel  of  the  Roses,  Atascadero,  California. 

08  Statement  for  Funeral  Services  for  Mrs.  Frances  A.  Kimmell, 
October  14,  1930,  Chapel  of  the  Roses,  Atascadero,  California. 

v"  Hannibal  Courier-Post.  October  18,  1930. 

100  Conveyance  of  Real  Estate,  Vol.  226,  p.  128,  July  1,  1937. 
Atascadero  Recorder,  Atascadero,  California. 

""  Death  Certificate  for  Glendolene  Myrtle  Kimmell;  John 
Charles  Thompson,  "In  Old  Wyoming,"  Wyoming  State  Tribune. 
October  6,  1949. 

,u2  Death  Certificate  for  Glendolene  Mvrtle  Kimmell. 


Winter  2001 


Recent  photograph  of  the  home  where  Glendolene  Kimmell  lived  with  her  mother  in  Atascadero,  California. 


1949,  at  the  age  of  seventy.""  Her  death  certificate  lists 
the  cause  of  death  as  generalized  arteriosclerosis. 

By  the  time  of  her  death,  Glendolene  had  survived 
John  C.  Coble,  Tom  Horn's  staunchest  friend,  Joe  Lefors, 
who  obtained  the  infamous  Horn  "confession,"  and  her 
old  nemesis  Laramie  County  Prosecuting  Attorney 
Walter  Stoll  by  many  years.  Nearly  bankrupted  by  the 
cost  of  Horn's  defense,  and  alienated  from  his  partner  in 
the  Iron  Mountain  Ranch  Company  after  a  nasty  law- 
suit. Coble  left  the  Iron  Mountain  country  to  try  ranch- 
ing near  Farson,  Wyoming.  Unable  to  make  a  go  of  it, 
and  suffering  financial  reverses  in  other  economic  ven- 
tures, the  despondent  Coble  decided  to  take  his  own  life. 
On  December  4,  1914,  he  walked  into  the  lobby  of  a 
hotel  in  Elko,  Nevada,  wrote  an  anguished  letter  to  his 
wife,  assuring  her  of  his  love.  The  despondent  Coble 
then  placed  the  barrel  of  his  pistol  in  his  mouth  and  took 
his  own  life.104  Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Horn 
case,  Walter  Stoll  began  exhibiting  symptoms  of  demen- 
tia. The  audacious  attorney  spent  his  last  years  as  a  psy- 
chiatric patient  in  the  Wyoming  State  Hospital  in 
Evanston,  Wyoming,  dying  there  in  191 1.105  Joe  LeFors' 
career  in  law  enforcement  deteriorated  rapidly  after  the 
Horn  case.  He  wrote  a  self-aggrandizing  autobiography 
in  the  years  after  Horn's  execution,  which  was  published 
by  his  wife,  Nettie,  after  LeFors'  death  in  1940.106 


On  October  6,  1949,  Wyomingites  received  garbled 
news  of  Glendolene's  death  in  the  Wyoming  State  Tri- 
bune. The  announcement  appeared  in  the  In  Old  Wyo- 
ming column,  written  by  Wyoming  journalist  John  C. 
Thompson.  The  column  reported  that  Glendolene  was 
nearly  blind  at  the  time  of  her  death  and  was  a  county 
charge.  This  information  along  with  the  date  of  her  death, 
and  the  news  that  she  died  in  a  rest  home  in  Long  Beach 
are  about  the  only  pieces  of  accurate  information  in 
Thompson's  column.  After  reminding  his  readers  of  the 
details  of  the  infamous  Tom  Horn  case,  Thompson  stated 
that  Glendolene  had  been  "reticent  about  her  past"  and 
had  isolated  herself  from  other  women  in  the  rest  home, 
a  claim  for  which  there  is  no  substantiating  documenta- 
tion. Thompson  also  claimed  that  Glendolene  had 
changed  her  name  from  "Gwendoline  Irene"  to 
Glendolene  Myrtle,  implying  that  she  needed  to  create  a 
new  identity  to  shield  herself  from  the  "shame"  of  her 
involvement  in  the  Horn  case.  Had  Thompson  consulted 
the  court  records,  he  would  have  discovered  that  when 


103  Ibid. 

104  John  C.  Coble  biographical  file,  American  Heritage  Center, 
Laramie,  Wyoming. 

105  Cheyenne  State  Leader,  June  2,  1911. 

106  Joe  LeFors,  Wyoming  Peace  Officer:  An  Autobiography. 
(Laramie:  Laramie  Printers,  1953). 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 

SB 


ti-iA*  j  J  :_-■  '  «■-     ■  &-*"'';*■ 


Kimmell  is 
buried  in  a 
numbered 
grave  in  the 
Westminster 
Memorial 
Park. 

Westminster, 
California. 
.J  Both  photos 
J  by  author. 


testifying  at  the  Coroner's  Inquest  on  the  death  of  Willie 
Nickell,  Glendolene  gave  her  name  as  "Glendolene 
Myrtle  Kimmell,"  which  was  her  given  name  and  the 
only  name  she  used  throughout  her  life.  The  name  change 
allegation  is  a  work  of  fiction.  The  column  concludes 
with  the  usual  Horn  "mythology"  regarding  Glendolene's 
being  of  mixed  Korean  and  Japanese  ancestry  (an  obvi- 
ous untruth),  of  her  indignation  at  Horn's  alleged  boast 
"of  his  conquest  of  her  virtue,"  (another  unsubstantiated 
claim),  and  of  her  alleged  untruthfulness  in  trying  to 
"alibi"  Horn  and  stave  off  his  execution. 

Because  of  Glendolene's  association  with  the  infamous 
Tom  Horn  case,  it  is  inevitable  that  she  will  always  be 
remembered  in  that  context  in  the  annals  of  Wyoming 
history.  However,  it  should  be  remembered  that  she  was 
representative  of  many  young  women  who  came  west  to 
educate  the  youth  of  Wyoming  and  other  western  states, 
laboring  under  difficult  conditions,  with  few  comforts, 
in  the  remote  ranchlands  of  the  state.  She  contributed 
her  knowledge  and  her  encouragement  to  the  children  of 
the  Iron  Mountain  country.  When  she  returned  to  Chey- 
enne to  intervene  on  Horn's  behalf,  she  appears  to  have 
conducted  herself  with  composure,  grace  and  dignity. 
There  is  no  evidence  to  indicate  that  she  ever  engaged  in 
any  actions  that  would  have  justified  the  attacks  on  her 
virtue,  which  she  sustained  during  the  course  of  Horn's 
trial  and  appeals.  Although  she  had  been  absent  from 
Wyoming  for  more  than  46  years,  the  stigma  of  her  as- 
sociation with  Horn,  which  sullied  her  reputation  in  life, 
continued  even  in  death.  Glendolene's  unfortunate  ex- 


periences while  attempting  to  save  Horn's  life  lend  cre- 
dence to  the  old  adage  that  "no  good  deed  shall  go  un- 
punished." 

Mottell's  funeral  home  in  Long  Beach  handled  the 
arrangements  for  Glendolene's  funeral,  which  was  held 
on  September  23,  1 949,  at  Westminster  Memorial  Park, 
in  Westminster,  California,  a  suburb  of  Long  Beach.1" 
Glendolene  was  interred  in  an  unmarked  grave  in  a  beau- 
tiful section  of  the  memorial  park,  shaded  by  a  canopy 
of  aged,  gnarled  oaks.  A  fire  destroyed  the  records  of 
Mottell's  Funeral  Home,  leaving  no  record  of  who  ar- 
ranged or  paid  for  Glendolene's  funeral,  nor  of  who  may 
have  attended  the  funeral  service."'8  No  obituary  for  her 
has  been  located  in  the  Hannibal  Courier-Post,  the 
Atascadero  News,  or  the  Long  Beach  Gazette.  Despite 
her  poverty,  Glendolene  was  not  buried  in  the  section  of 
the  memorial  park  reserved  for  the  funerals  of  indigent 
individuals,  but  in  a  portion  of  the  park  where  the  plots 
are  much  more  costly.  Whether  the  generous  benefac- 
tor who  provided  her  beautiful  final  resting  place  was  a 
family  member  or  a  friend  will  probably  never  be  known. 
She  lies  alone  in  an  unmarked  grave  in  a  peaceful  park, 
far  from  her  loved  ones  and  far  from  the  long-ago  troubles 
in  the  Iron  Mountain  country  of  Wyoming. 

'"7  Order  for  Interment  or  Cremation,  September  29,  1949. 
Westminster  Memorial  Park,  Westminster,  California. 

108  Interview  with  Terry  Stark,  Director,  Westminster  Memorial 
Park,  August  16,  2000. 


Carol  Bowers  is  Reference  Archivist,  American 
Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming.  She  is 
a  Ph.D.  student  in  the  history  of  the  American 
West  at  the  University  of  Wyoming,  concentrat- 
ing on  women  's  issues  in  the  19th  century  West. 
Ms.  Bowers  holds  a  B.  A.  from  the  University  of 
Florida  and  a  M.  A.  in  American  Studies  from 
the  University  of  Wyoming.  An  earlier  version  of 
this  study  appeared  in  Readings  in  Wyoming 
History,  (1st  ed.,  1993). 


The  Recent  Winter  Use  History  of 
Yellowstone  National  Park 

How  Should  the  National  Park  Service  Envision  Its  Dual  Mission? 

Bv  Michael  J.  Yochim 


Cross-countn.  skiers  exploring  the  Old  Faithful  area,  1972.  National  Park  Sen  ice,  Yellowstone  National  Park  photograph 


In  1916,  Congress  created  the  National  Park  Ser- 
vice, charging  it  to  "conserve  the  scenery  and  the 
natural  and  historic  objects  and  the  wild  life  therein  and 
to  provide  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  same  in  such  manner 
and  by  such  means  as  will  leave  them  unimpaired  for 
the  enjoyment  of  future  generations."1  Much  has  been 
written  regarding  the  conflicting  imperatives  inherent  in 
this  charge,  and  the  difficulty  the  National  Park  Service 
(NPS)  has  had  in  walking  the  fine  line  between  the  two 
halves  of  conserving  and  enjoying.-1  Additionally,  the 
public's  perception  of  the  relative  importance  of  the  two 
imperatives  has  changed  over  time.  In  many  cases  to- 
day, the  preservation  imperative  is  viewed  more  highly.5 
The  struggle  the  NPS  has  had  in  implementing  Con- 
gress' dual  imperative  is  exemplified  by  the  recent  win- 
ter use  history  of  Yellowstone  National  Park.  In  the  1970s 
and  early  1980s,  members  of  the  public  encouraged  the 
National  Park  Service  to  allow  increased  visitor  access 
to,  and  use  of,  Yellowstone  in  the  winter.  So  successful 
were  these  efforts,  however,  that  preservationists  began 


in  the  1 980s  to  question  the  impacts  that  such  widespread 
use  had  upon  the  park's  resources,  and  have  increasingly 
called  upon  the  NPS  to  implement  stronger  protections 
for  park  resources.  While  being  slow  to  respond  to  chang- 
ing public  perceptions,  park  administrators  recently  ini- 
tiated an  Environmental  Impact  Statement  process  that 
may  eventually  make  major  changes  in  the  management 
of  the  park  in  winter.  Such  changes  are  arguably  de- 
signed to  protect  park  resources  more  than  increasing 

1  16  U.S.C.A.  §  21-22:  Establishment,  Yellowstone  National 
Park. 

:  See,  for  example,  Richard  West  Sellars,  Preserving  Nature  in 
the  National  Parks:  A  History  (New  Haven:  Yale  University  Press, 
1997). 

'  Joseph  L.  Sax,  Mountains  Without  Handrails  (Ann  Arbor: 
University  of  Michigan  Press,  1980).  Sax  is  one  of  the  most  ar- 
ticulate authors  encouraging  the  National  Park  Service  to  strictly 
preserve  the  parks,  in  order  that  people  may  be  able  to  pursue  what 
he  labels  as  "contemplative  recreation,"  105-106.  Michael  Frome, 
Regreening  the  National  Parks  (Tucson:  University  of  Arizona 
Press,  1992),  also  argues  for  a  strict  preservation  of  the  parks. 


34 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


public  use  of  the  park.  This  shift  in  forces  brought  to 
bear  on  Yellowstone — more  specifically,  the  changing 
public  perceptions  as  regards  Yellowstone's  winter  use — 
are  chronicled  in  this  article. 

Winter  use  of  Yellowstone  has  a  long  history.  Begin- 
ning in  1 949,  and  continuing  through  1955,  small  groups 
of  hardy  explorers  toured  the  park  via  snowplanes,  un- 
usual vehicles  akin  to  the  airboats  used  in  southeastern 
swamps.  Set  on  three  skis,  snowplanes  blew  around  the 
park  via  a  large  rear-mounted  propeller,  without  ever 
becoming  airborne.  In  1955,  the  first  "snowcoaches"4 
entered  the  park.  These  were  much  larger  vehicles  about 
the  size  of  a  twelve-passenger  van,  capable  of  carrying 
up  to  twelve  visitors  in  a  heated  cab.  Snowcoaches  stimu- 
lated visitation,  which  exceeded  one  thousand  by  the 
winter  of  1963-64.  In  early  1963,  the  first  visitors  on 
modern  snowmobiles  entered  Yellowstone.  These  pri- 
vately owned  vehicles  became  very  popular  quickly — 
within  ten  years,  more  than  30,000  such  snowmobiles 
were  touring  Yellowstone  per  winter." 

Concurrent  with  the  increasing  winter  use  of 
Yellowstone,  public  pressure  on  park  administrators  to 
plow  park  roads  in  winter  increased.  The  pressure  came 
largely  from  nearby  residents  and  Chambers  of  Com- 
merce, who  believed  that  opening  the  roads  year-round 
would  stimulate  tourist  traffic  and  thus,  spending  in  their 
communities.  Such  pressure  began  before  World  War  II 
but  accelerated  following  the  war,  culminating  in  a  con- 
gressional hearing  on  the  matter  in  Jackson,  Wyoming 
on  August  12,  1967.  At  the  hearing,  George  Hartzog, 
Director  of  the  NPS  at  the  time,  argued  that  oversnow 
vehicles  rather  than  wheeled  vehicles  (and  hence  road 
plowing)  was  the  preferred  means  of  touring  the  park  in 
winter." 

Park  administrators  adopted  Hartzog's  position  and, 
over  the  next  five  years,  gradually  institutionalized  the 
oversnow  visitation  program.  By  February  1971,  the  NPS 
began  grooming  the  snow-covered  roads  to  provide  the 
visitor  with  smooth  roads  and  a  comfortable  touring  ex- 
perience. In  December  of  that  year  the  agency  autho- 
rized the  opening  of  the  Old  Faithful  Snowlodge  for 
overnight  accommodations  in  the  park's  interior  in  win- 
ter. Moreover,  park  administrators  promoted  their  new 
winter  access  program.  These  efforts  to  stimulate  visita- 
tion succeeded — by  1973-74,  over  35,000  visitors  toured 
the  park  in  winter.7 

Between  about  1 970  and  1 982,  visitation  to  the  park 
increased  dramatically,  with  only  temporary  peri- 
ods of  decline  (see  graph,  facing  page).  The  actions  of 
park  administrators  certainly  contributed  to  the  increase, 
but  the  opening  of  two  nearby  ski  resorts  did  as  well. 


In  1965  the  Jackson  Hole  ski  resort  opened  about  50 
miles  south  of  Yellowstone,  and  one  year  later  expanded 
by  opening  its  tram  to  the  summit  of  Rendezvous  Moun- 
tain. "In  1969  a  full-page  feature  story  in  the  New  York 
Times  confirmed  the  importance  of  the  Jackson  area  as  a 
winter  destination."8  In  the  early  1970s  the  Big  Sky  Ski 
Resort  opened  on  the  West  Fork  of  the  Gallatin,  about 
thirty  miles  north  of  Yellowstone  Park.  Pioneered  by 
national  newscaster  Chet  Huntley,  the  resort  has  ex- 
panded a  number  of  times  since  its  opening,  most  re- 
cently with  the  1995  completion  of  a  $2  million  tram  to 
the  summit  of  Lone  Mountain."  Both  ski  areas  are  still 
large  national  resorts. 

These  two  resorts  are  both  only  one-hour  drives  to  the 
nearest  park  entrance.  Being  so  close  to  Yellowstone,  it 
was  (and  still  is)  easy  and  attractive  for  skiers  to  take  a 
day  off  from  skiing  to  tour  the  park.  The  effects  of  the 
openings  of  these  nearby  ski  resorts  can  be  clearly  seen 
on  Yellowstone's  winter  visitation,  which  exponentially 
increased  between  1967  and  1974  (see  table,  facing 
page).  While  opening  the  Old  Faithful  Snowlodge  and 
grooming  the  oversnow  roads  certainly  contributed  to 
that  meteoric  rise  as  well,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  open- 
ing of  these  two  resorts  brought  significant  numbers  of 
visitors  into  the  area  that  would  not  have  come  other- 
wise. Hence,  the  opening  of  the  two  resorts  was  instru- 
mental in  increasing  the  winter  visitation  to  Yellowstone 
in  the  1970s — and  sustaining  it  through  the  1980s  and 
90s. 

With  greatly  increasing  numbers  of  visitors  arriving 
in  the  park,  its  administrators  found  themselves  expand- 


4  "Snowcoaches"  were  known  as  "snowmobiles"  until  modern 
snowmobiles  (small  machines  capable  of  carrying  only  one  or  two 
people)  arrived  in  the  1960s.  Once  snowmobiles  became  common 
in  the  park,  a  manner  of  distinguishing  the  various  machines  was 
needed.  For  many  years,  the  snowcoaches  were  consequently  known 
as  "big  snowmobiles"  and  snowmobiles  as  "small  snowmobiles." 
Finally,  in  the  1980s,  "snowcoach"  became  accepted  lingo  for  the 
larger  vehicles,  and  "snowmobiles"  for  the  smaller  vehicles. 
Snowplanes  are  now  banned  from  Yellowstone,  but  are  still  in  use 
on  the  frozen  surface  of  Yellowstone  Lake. 

s  Michael  J.  Yochim,  "The  Development  of  Snowmobile  Policy 
in  Yellowstone  National  Park,"  (Unpublished  Master's  thesis,  Uni- 
versity of  Montana,  1998),  1-99. 

6  Yochim,  "Snowplanes,  Snowcoaches  and  Snowmobiles:  The 
Decision  to  Allow  Snowmobiles  into  Yellowstone  National  Park," 
Annals  of  Wyoming  70(3):  7-16.  This  paper  presents  a  detailed  his- 
tory of  the  early  motorized  winter  use  of  Yellowstone. 

7  Yochim,  "The  Development  of  Snowmobile  Policy,"  48-99. 

8  Hal  K.  Rothman.  Devil's  Bargains:  Tourism  in  the  Twentieth- 
Century  American  West  (University  Press  of  Kansas,  Lawrence, 
1998),  281. 

'  Phyllis  Smith,  Bozeman  and  the  Gallatin  Valley:  A  History 
(Twodot  Press,  an  imprint  of  Falcon  Press,  Helena,  MT,  1996), 
290-292. 


Winter  2001 


35 


ing  the  winter  program  further.  For  example,  the  newly 
opened  Old  Faithful  Snowlodge  soon"  became  unable  to 
meet  the  demand  for  accommodations.  Consequently, 
the  Yellowstone  Park  Company  (the  hotel's  operator  in 
the  early  1970s)  winterized  twenty  cabins  with  private 
bathrooms  behind  the  Snowlodge  and  opened  them  for 
use  in  the  1973-74  season.10  Six  years  later,  TWA  Ser- 
vices, which  took  over  the  hotel  management  from  the 


placed  the  former  Snowlodge  building  with  a  more  ar- 
chitecturally appealing  building.  Because  it  is  a  much 
larger  building  than  the  former,  the  company  closed  the 
Snowshoe  Lodge  in  1999.  Today,  only  the  Snowlodge 
itself  and  34  cabins  nearby  are  open  in  winter,  for  a  com- 
bined total  of  134  rooms.12 

So  many  visitors  were  touring  the  park  in  winter  that 
TW  Services  (successor  to  TWA  Services)  further  ex- 


Winter  Visitation  to  Yellowstone  National  Park, 

1967-1998 


o 

"<75 


5 


160000 


140000 


120000 


100000 


80000 


60000 


40000 


20000 


sooO)0'-cNn^-ir)ic)N.i»a)Q'-NfO'*iO(C^co®OT-tMco^-in(DN 


<s>  O) 


_  Q>  CD  Q5  CD  (3)  L 


05  a> 


Year 


Yellowstone  Park  Company  in  1977,  further  expanded 
the  Snowlodge  by  opening  the  Obsidian  Employee  Dorm 
as  "Snowshoe  Lodge,"  immediately  behind  (and  admin- 
istratively part  of)  the  Snowlodge."  All  rooms  in  this 
lodge  had  private  bathrooms.  With  the  opening  of  the 
cabins  and  Snowshoe  Lodge,  the  company  had  100 
rooms  available  for  rent  at  Old  Faithful.  In  1998  AmFac 
Parks  and  Resorts,  the  most  recent  concessionaire,  re- 


"'  1973  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent.  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park,  YNP  Archives,  2;  AND  "Snowtime  in  Yellowstone 
and  Yellowstone  Country,  Winter  Season  1973-74,"  brochure  ad- 
vertising the  winter  season,  AmFac  Parks  &  Resorts  Executive  Of- 
fices, YNP,  WY. 

11  Jean  McCreight,  Executive  Secretary  for  AmFac  Parks  &  Re- 
sorts, Nov.  3,  1997,  Mammoth  Hot  Springs,  WY. 

12  Randy  Ingersoll  (former  Manager  of  Group  Tours,  AmFac 
Parks  &  Resorts),  interview  by  author,  telephone  interview, 
Gardiner,  MT,  Dec.  9,  1999. 


36 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


panded  the  accommodations  in  1 982  by  opening  the  hotel 
at  Mammoth  Hot  Springs.  This  expansion  was  actually 
the  second  attempt  at  opening  the  Mammoth  Hot  Springs 
Hotel  in  the  cold  season:  from  1 966  to  1 970,  it  had  been 
open  continuously,  but  the  Yellowstone  Park  Company 
closed  it  for  winter  in  1 970  because  the  winter  season  at 
that  time  was  a  pronounced  business  failure.13  The  sec- 
ond opening,  however,  proved  more  successful,  with  a 
full  slate  of  winter  activities  including  snowcoach  tours, 
snowmobile  rentals,  cross-country  ski  rentals,  sleigh 
rides,  and  eventually,  hot-tub  rentals.14  The  company 
dropped  the  sleigh  rides  a  few  years  later  when  the  horses 
pulling  the  sleigh  escaped  control  and  crashed  the  sleigh 
into  a  park  Porsche,  "totaling"  it.( !  )'5  For  its  first  winter 
( 1 982-83 ),  TW  Services  opened  only  the  "Aspen  Lodge" 
at  Mammoth — another  employee  dorm,  masquerading 
as  the  Mammoth  Hotel.  The  following  winter,  though, 
the  company  opened  the  hotel  itself,  and  has  kept  both 
the  hotel  and  Aspen  Lodge  (administratively  part  of  the 
Mammoth  Hotel)  open  in  winter."1 

Increasing  numbers  of  visitors  arriving  at  the  park  re- 
quired other  new  and  expanded  services  from  the  Na- 
tional Park  Service.  To  help  the  visitors  warm  up  from 
the  chill  of  snowmobiling.  park  administrators  opened 
warming  huts  at  Canyon  and  Madison  Junctions  in  win- 
ter 1976-77.  Wanning  huts  were  buildings  that  served 
as  "welcome  relief  to  the  cold  snowmobilers  and  cross- 
country skiers,"  as  they  contained  wood  stoves  and, 
within  a  few  years,  fast  food  services.17  Visitors  needed 
information  to  organize  their  visit  as  well,  so  Jack  Ander- 
son, park  superintendent  from  1968-75,  opened  the  Old 
Faithful  Visitor  Center  on  January  1,  1971.  with  natu- 
ralist rangers  on  duty  to  answer  questions  and  help  plan 
visits.18  This  visitor  center  has  remained  open  in  winter. 
John  Townsley,  superintendent  from  1975-82,  further 
expanded  the  information  services  by  stationing  natu- 
ralists in  the  wanning  huts  to  provide  services  similar  to 
the  visitor  center  services.1" 

Park  managers  also  expanded  the  grooming  of  snow 
roads.  Initially,  they  groomed  only  the  roads  from  West 
Yellowstone  and  from  the  South  Entrance  to  Old  Faith- 
ful. With  winter  use  steadily  increasing,  they  expanded 
the  program  to  cover  most  interior  park  roads  by  1973 
(on  an  as-needed  basis  for  some  east-side  roads).2" 

The  East  Entrance  route  over  8,500-foot  Sylvan  Pass, 
however,  presented  a  unique  set  of  hazards.  While  the 
pass  is  not  the  highest  road  in  the  park  (Dunraven  Pass 
is  300  feet  higher),  it  does  have  an  area  of  steep,  rocky, 
avalanche-prone  slopes  immediately  at  the  pass.  Ava- 
lanches occur  so  regularly  that  trees  are  unable  to  grow 
on  the  slopes.  Despite  its  obvious  hazards,  commercial 
representatives  in  Cody,  the  nearest  community  to  the 


East  Entrance,  were  by  1 97 1  urging  the  Yellowstone  Park 
Company  to  provide  the  East  Entrance  with  regularly 
scheduled  snowcoach  service  similar  to  that  available  at 
the  other  entrances.  Since  such  regular  service  would 
necessitate  groomed  roads,  this  request  almost  certainly 
meant  that  the  park's  maintenance  department  would 
have  to  maintain  the  East  Entrance  route  more  depend- 
ably.21 Park  officials  responded  that  keeping  the  road 
open  would  involve  a  great  deal  of  planning,  money, 
and  staffing.22  Nevertheless,  by  1976  they  were  main- 
taining it  on  an  as-needed  basis,  which  mainly  meant 
going  out  after  winter  stonns  to  dislodge  the  new  snow- 
fall with  a  105-mm.  gun,  and  then  spending  up  to  three 
days  clearing  the  triggered  avalanche  and  grooming  the 
road. 

Even  with  attempts  to  groom  the  East  Entrance  road, 
occasional  severe  storms  would  still  close  it  for  several 
days  at  a  time.2.  Persistently  low  usage,  moreover,  also 
prompted  less  than  complete  grooming.  Merchants  in 
Cody  felt  that  this  casual  dedication  to  full  access  meant 
that  snowcoach  service  to  the  East  Entrance  was,  in  re- 
alitv,  still  not  feasible  because  potential  visitors  could 
not  be  confident  that  they  could  enter  the  park.  Since  the 
other  entrances  were  all  maintained  regularly  (the  others 
have  much  less  avalanche  danger),  Cody  merchants  felt 
that  their  counterparts  in  West  Yellowstone,  Montana, 


13  Superintendent 's  Monthly  Narrative  Report  for  December 
1966.  1 1,  and  John  D.  Amerman  to  Jack  Anderson,  Aug.  19,  1970, 
Box  C-24,  File  "Concessions  Bldgs.,"  Y\P  Archives,  YNP,  WY. 

14  1982  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent,  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park,  YNP  Archives,  6-7. 

13  Mary  Meagher  (research  biologist,  Yellowstone),  telephone 
interview  by  author,  Gardiner,  Montana,  Nov.  3,  1997. 

16  Randy  Ingersoll,  interview  by  author,  Dec.  9,  1999. 

17  1977  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent,  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park,  YNP  Archives,  II,  16. 

18  "Winter  Operations  Brief,"  in  Box  K-93,  File  "Oversnow  Ac- 
tivities— Winter  of  1969-1970,  Winter  operations  brief;  Old  Faith- 
ful 1971,"  YNP  Archives.  Note  that  this  winter  season  of  use  for 
this  visitor  center  actually  occurred  prior  to  the  building's  dedica- 
tion in  spring  1972. 

"  1977  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent,  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park,  YNP  Archives,  11,16. 

:"  Linda  Paganelli,  "The  Historical  Development  of  Winter  Visi- 
tor Use  at  Yellowstone  National  Park."  1980.  YNP  Research  Li- 
brary Vertical  Files,  YNP,  WY,  20.  Note  that  Paganelli  does  not 
provide  a  source  for  this  claim,  and  1  could  not  find  a  source  to 
confirm  it.  Consequently,  it  should  be  used  with  some  caution. 

:l  Henry  J.  Dais  (Manager,  Cody  Country  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce) to  John  Amerman  (General  Manager,  YPCo.),  March  19, 
1971,  Box  L-36,  File  L3427:  "Recreation  Activities,  Winter  Sports," 
YNP  Archives. 

~  John  D.  Amerman  to  Henry  J.  Dais,  April  7.  1971,  Box  L-36, 
File  L3427:  "Recreation  Activities,  Winter  Sports,"  YNP  Archives. 

;'  Jim  Miller,  "Are  there  snowmobiles  in  Cody's  economic  fu- 
ture1?," Cody  Enterprise.  Cody,  WY,  Feb.  4,  1976. 


Winter  2001 


37 


John  Townsley  succeeded  Jack  Anderson  as  park  superintendent  in  1975.  He  ex- 
panded the  winter  use  program  by  opening  more  facilities  and  by  expanding  the 
road  grooming  program.  He  is  pictured  here  at  Artist  Point  with  the  frosty  Lower 
Falls  in  the  background. 


and  Jackson,  Wyoming,  had  an  "unfair  advantage." 
Hence,  the  Cody  Country  Snowmobile  Association 
called  upon  the  park  again  in  1976  to  maintain  the  East 
Entrance  on  the  same  regular  schedule  as  was  offered 
the  other  gates.24 

The  pressure  evidently  worked:  the  park  administra- 
tors soon  purchased  a  new  Thiokol-type  grooming  ma- 
chine and  stationed  it  at  the  East  Entrance  for  the  1976- 
77  winter  season.  Additionally,  they  replaced  the  105- 
mm.  gun  with  a  new  75-mm.  snow-gun  for  shooting  and 
dislodging  avalanches  at  Sylvan  Pass.  The  new,  smaller 
gun's  shells  cost  only  5%  of  the  larger  gun's  shells,  and 
were  almost  entirely  biodegradable.25  Hence,  with  a  less 
expensive  gun  to  use  and  a  grooming  machine  stationed 
at  the  gate,  park  administrators  began  regular  grooming 
of  the  East  Entrance  road,  mollifying  the  commercial 
interests  in  Cody  (there  were  no  further  demands  for 
grooming  service)  and  further  facilitating  visitation.  In- 
terestingly, snowcoach  service  to  the  East  Entrance  never 
did  develop,  perhaps  because  the  East  Entrance  is  much 
farther  from  Old  Faithful  (66  miles)  than  the  North,  West, 
or  South  Entrances  (30  to  50  miles)  (the  Northeast  En- 
trance is  not  used  by  snowmobiles). 

In  the  late  1970s,  Townsley  and  his  staff  made  other 
changes  to  the  road-grooming  program  to  make  it  more 
effective  and  efficient.  First,  they  relocated  the  groom- 
ing machines  from  park  headquarters  to  garages  in  the     closet  at  Mammoth  Hot  Springs,  Yellowstone,  in  late  1997. 
park's  interior  in  order  to  save  "deadheading"  time  (time         :s  "National  Park  Service  Official  Receives  International  Award," 

,.  ,  .    TU-     •      ,    ,    ,      1S1A  Press  Release  dated  May  3,  1981,  Box  A-l,  File:    "Corre- 

spent  driving  to  a  location  to  groom).   Ihis  included  „  c       .  .    T        ,     „  *,xin  .    ■_■ 

r  °  °  spondence  to  &  from  John  Iownsley,    YNP  Archives. 


moving  the  new  East  Entrance 
machine  to  the  Lake  area,  where 
it  could  be  used  to  groom  the 
roads  in  that  area  in  addition  to 
the  East  Entrance  road.  Second, 
^  they  altered  the  grooming  sched- 
S.  ule  to  groom  the  roads  in  the  eve- 
|  nings,  when  they  could  use  the 
«  falling  temperatures  to  produce 
=  more  durable  snow  roads,  since 
I  the  snow  hardens,  or  "sets"  as  the 
I  ^  temperature  falls.  Previously 
•j  they  had  groomed  by  day,  when 
E  the  snow  is  softer,  which  pro- 
%  duced  a  snow  road  more  easily 
z  disturbed  by  snowmobiles.26 
|      The  winter  users  appreciated 
all  of  this  promotion  and  accom- 
modation. In  recognition  of  the 
superintendents'  efforts,  the  In- 
ternational Snowmobile  Industry 
Association  (ISI  A)  awarded  both 
superintendents  Anderson  and 
Townsley  their  International  Award  of  Merit.  The  ISI  A 
awarded  Anderson  their  first  such  award  in  1 973,  noting 
his  "enlightened  leadership  and  sincere  dedication  to  the 
improvement  and  advancement  of  snowmobiling  in  the 
United  States."2^  Eight  years  later,  they  presented 
Townsley  with  his  award.  In  presenting  him  with  his 
award,  ISIA  Chairman  M.  B.  Doyle  stated: 

while  others  believe  parks  should  go  into  hibernation 
in  winter,  John  Townsley  operates  under  a  management 
philosophy  which  actively  seeks  to  welcome  people  to 
this  special  season.  ...  Snowmobilers,  local  tourism  in- 
dustry leaders  and  other  governmental  officials  ...rec- 
ognize his  personal  commitment  to  bringing  persons 
enjoying  a  variety  of  outdoor  winter  activities  into  har- 
mony with  each  other  and  the  park  resource  they  are 
experiencing.28 


:j  Ibid 

2'  Jim  Miller,  "Park  buys  equipment:  Sylvan  stays  open  for  snow- 
mobiles," Cody  Enterprise.  Cody,  Wyoming,  Sept.  29,  1976. 

:"  Joe  Halladay  (former  Ranger  Naturalist,  Yellowstone),  inter- 
view by  author,  Belgrade,  Montana,  May  29,  1997. 

27  Michael  Frome,  Regreening  the  National  Parks  (Tucson:  Uni- 
versity of  Arizona  Press,  1992),  197-98.  The  quote  is  taken  di- 
rectly from  the  award,  which  a  park  ranger  rediscovered  in  a  dusty 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History 


With  the  number  of  snowmobiles  entering  the  park 
increasing  rapidly,  both  superintendents,  but  especially 
Anderson,  soon  found  themselves  attending  to  various 
resource  concerns  associated  with  the  machines,  which 
included  their  noise,  air  pollution,  and  potential  impacts 
upon  the  park's  wildlife.  The  snowmobiles  of  the  early 
1970s  were  very  noisy,  sometimes  emitting  as  much  as 
100  decibels  of  noise  at  a  distance  of  fifty  feet  with  a 
full  throttle — a  level  that  would  seem  as  loud  as  ajet.:y 
Visitors  attempting  to  enjoy  the  winter  silence  began  to 
complain.3"  Superintendent  Jack  Anderson  acknowl- 


hangs  over  the  entrance  for  most  of  the  morning."14  Air 
pollution  at  Old  Faithful  became  sufficiently  severe  that 
Dr.  Vincent  Schaefer  felt  the  need  to  move  his  sensitive 
meteorological  studies  from  Old  Faithful  to  Norris  Gey- 
ser Basin,  where  there  was  cleaner  air.  Anderson  noted 
that  "conditions  have  not,  however,  become  uncomfort- 
able for  breathing"  in  the  park.35  He  again  felt  helpless 
to  improve  the  situation,  since  the  technological  improve- 
ments necessary  to  clean  up  snowmobile  emissions  were 
out  of  his  control.36 
Park  staff  were  also  concerned  that  snowmobiles  could 


edged  "everyone  pretty  well  agrees  that  [snowmobile  be  displacing  and  harassing  park  wildlife,  and  damag- 
noise]  is  a  very  disturbing  factor  for  those  who  are  at- 
tempting to  enjoy  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  winter  wil- 
derness."31 However,  he  felt  powerless  to  improve  the 
situation,  since  "reduction  of  noise  and  air  pollution  must 
await  mechanical  improvements  by  the  manufacturers."32 
Manufacturers  made  some  noise  reductions,  which  en- 
abled the  National  Park  Service  by  1 975  to  institute  regu- 
lations restricting  snowmobiles  entering  national  parks 
to  those  1 973-75  models  that  emitted  82  decibels  or  less 
at  or  near  full  throttle  at  a  distance  of  50  feet,  and  post- 
1975  models  that  emitted  78  decibels  or  less  under  the 
same  conditions.33 

Air  pollution  from  snowmobiles  also  became  a  prob- 
lem early  on,  especially  at  Old  Faithful  and  the  West 
Entrance.  Warning  park  administrators  of  the  air  quality 
problem  were  some  field  rangers  such  as  James  Fox, 
who  articulated  to  his  supervisor  in  1970  a  serious  im- 
pact: "A  great  deal  of  exhaust  smoke  is  produced  by 
most  snowmobiles.  ...  when  many  machines  enter  the 
park  in  a  single  day,  a  foul-smelling  blue  pall  of  smoke 


ing  vegetation.  For  example,  Resource  Management 
Specialist  Edmund  J.  Bucknall  discussed  some  of  the 
problems  in  a  memorandum  to  the  Chief  Park  Ranger 
on  March  16,  1970:  "The  combination  of  noise  and 
offroad  operation  of  these  [oversnow]  machines  is  caus- 
ing serious  disturbance  all  through  the  Madison  valley 
winter  range.  ...  elk  are  spooking  even  from  the  far  side 
of  the  river  at  the  sound  of  an  approaching  snowmo- 

:g  "Noise  Facts  and  Acoustic  Terms,"  from  the  "Current  Stuff' 
Section  of  the  Snowmobile  Briefing  Book  Vol.  1.  black  binder  at 
YNP  Archives. 

30  Complaints  from  visitors  are  mentioned  in  the  following  (all 
from  the  YNP  Archives):  Jack  Anderson,  "Transcript  of  Conversa- 
tion, Jack  Anderson  and  Derrick  Crandall,"  interview  b\  Derrick 
Crandall,  April  I,  1977,  "Current  Stuff  Section,  Snowmobile  Brief- 
ing Book  Vol.  1,  6;  Robert  Haraden  to  Henry  F.  Shovic,  December 
9,  1975,  Box  L-35,  File  "Land  and  Water  Use,"  and  Rick  T.  Ander- 
son to  Richard  C.  Warren.  January  26,  1971,  Box  N-l  18:  File  "His- 
torical Backcountry  Correspondence." 

31  Anderson  to  Paul  McCrary,  Midwest  Region,  December  2, 
1969,  Box  L-42.  File  L3427:  "Recreation  Activities  1969— Winter 
Sports  (Oversnow  Vehicle  Use),"  YNP  Archives. 

,:  Anderson  to  Director,  April  15, 
1971.  Box  L-36,  File  L3427:  "Recre- 
ation Activities — Winter  Sports," 
YNP  Archives. 


;;  36  CFR  Chapter  1 . 


■  18(d)(1). 


These  regulations  remain  in  effect. 

34  James  E.  Fox  to  West  District 
Ranger,  May  3,  1970,  Box  A-36,  File 
L34:  "Recreation  Activities — 1970," 
YNP  Archives. 

55  Anderson  to  Director,  April  15, 
1971,  Box  L-36,  File  L3427:  "Recre- 
ation Activities — Winter  Sports," 
YNP  Archives. 

56  Ibid. 

Superintendent  Anderson  (left. 
with  white  headband)  oversaw 
the  decision  to  permit  snowmo- 
biles into  Yellowstone.  He  liked 
snowmobiling.  and  was  out  in 
the  park  on  a  regular  basis.  He 
is  pictured  talking  to  park  visi- 
tors at  Old  Faithful  in  1972. 


Winter  2001 


39 


bile."37  In  response  to  the  concerns  of  Bucknall  and  other 
rangers,  Anderson  directed  park  biologist  Glen  Cole  to 
initiate  research  into  these  problems.  Cole  reported  a 
conservative  result:  "my  field  observations  suggested  that 
the  elk  that  used  areas  near  roads  became  habituated  to 
snowmobiles.  ...  Displacements  of  these  animals  were 
mostly  confined  to  the  road  plus  surprisingly  short  dis- 
tances."3" 

In  contrast,  James  W.  Caslick,  a  1 990s  researcher  who 
surveyed  literature  on  snowmobile  effects  upon  wild- 
life, stated: 

much  of  the  literature  on  this  topic  dates  from  the  1970s, 
when  snowmobiles  were  new  on  the  winter  scene.  There 
was  a  flurry  of  related  papers,  particularly  from  the  Mid- 
western states... Reports  sometimes  conflicted  with  pre- 
vious findings,  but  there  was  general  agreement  that  win- 
ter recreation,  particularly  snowmobiling,  had  great  po- 
tential for  negatively  impacting  wildlife  and  wildlife 
habitats.3" 

With  his  own  highly  respected  biologist  stating  that 
snowmobiles  did  not  greatly  affect  wildlife,  Anderson 
adhered  to  the  new  policy,  which  provided  for  visitor 
use  via  oversnow  vehicle,  as  long  as  the  machines  re- 
mained on  the  snow-covered  roads.4" 

Anderson's  actions  clearly  illustrate  that  he  was  ad- 
hering to  the  park  service's  dual  mandate  of  providing 
for  visitor  access  while  protecting  park  resources.  Pro- 
viding further  illustration  that  park  managers  had  a  clear 
concept  of  how  to  accomplish  their  mission  was 
Anderson's  action  in  denying  permission  to  the 
Yellowstone  Park  Company  to  open  a  snowmobile  rental 
at  Old  Faithful.  Anderson  felt  that  such  a  rental  "would, 
in  effect,  turn  the  Old  Faithful  area  into  a  recreational 
area  with  snowmobiling  the  principal  activity  and  this  is 
not  the  basic  objective  in  making  the  Old  Faithful  area 
accessible  ...  for  public  use  in  the  winter."41 

Nevertheless,  Anderson's  statements  in  a  post-retire- 
ment interview  with  Derrick  Crandall  of  the  Snowmo- 
bile Safety  Certification  Committee  in  1977,  two  years 
after  he  retired  from  public  service,  suggest  that  accom- 
modating visitor  use  was  the  primary  concern  of  park 
managers  at  the  time.  In  that  interview,  Anderson  la- 
beled the  complaints  about  snowmobile  noise  "baseless," 
suggested  that  those  complaining  ski  another  100  yards 
to  escape  the  noise,  and  said  "All  it  takes  is  a  pair  of 
earplugs  to  solve  that  real  quick."  He  also  felt  that  com- 
plaints about  wildlife  harassment  were  "emotionalism" 
and  "never  supported  by  fact."42  Regarding 
snowmobiling,  he  said  that  the  activity  is  "a  great  expe- 
rience and  a  great  sport,  one  of  the  cleanest  types  of 
recreation  I  know,"  and  "I  think  one  of  the  things  the 


snow  mobile  did  was  to  finally  let  people  see  what  a  great 
experience  it  is  to  get  out  in  the  wintertime  and  really 
see  the  park."43 

Succeeding  superintendent  Townsley  and  his  staff 
continued  the  policy  of  accommodating  visitor  use.  In 
1975,  snowmobile  advocates  sought  greater  access  to 
the  park  by  suggesting  that  the  Park's  administrators 
lower  the  minimum  age  for  snowmobile  operation  from 
sixteen  years  of  age  to  twelve,  or  even  eight,  years. 
Townsley's  Acting  Chief  Ranger  Robert  Sellars  re- 
sponded that  "we  are  convinced  that  some  modification 
of  our  existing  regulation  could  be  made  that  would  en- 
able responsible  parents  to  provide  the  degree  of  super- 
vision and  direct  control  of  their  youngsters  necessary 
for  them  to  safely  operate  an  oversnow  vehicle  within 
Yellowstone."44  In  response,  Yellowstone  administra- 
tors had,  by  the  end  of  that  year,  changed  their  regula- 
tions to  allow  12-to- 16-year-olds  to  operate  snowmo- 
biles in  Yellowstone  when  under  the  direct  supervision 
of  a  parent  or  guardian  21  years  of  age  or  older  and  al- 
ways within  50  yards  of  the  parent  or  guardian.45 

In  1981,  new  secretary  of  the  Interior  James  Watt  pro- 
posed closing  Yellowstone  in  winter  as  a  means  of  sav- 
ing federal  funds.  Winter  use  fans  objected  to  Watt's 
idea  by  writing  letters  to  Yellowstone  administrators 
urging  them  to  keep  the  park  open  in  winter.  At  least 


"  Bucknall  to  Chief  Park  Ranger,  March  16,  1970,  Box  A36, 
File  L34:  "Recreation  Activities,  1970,"  YNP  Archives. 

38  Glen  F.  Cole,  "A  Naturally  Regulated  Elk  Population,"  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Symposium  on  Natural  Regulation  of  Wildlife  Popu- 
lations (Vancouver,  BC),  1983,  77.  Cole  performed  this  research 
in  the  early  1970s,  and  was  able  to  advise  Superintendent  Ander- 
son of  his  findings  well  before  this  research  was  published. 

"James  W.  Caslick,  "Impacts  of  Winter  Recreation  on  Wildlife 
in  YNP:  A  Literature  Review  and  Recommendations,"  March  20, 
1997,  report  submitted  to  Branches  of  Planning  and  Compliance. 
Natural  Resources,  and  Resource  Management  and  Visitor  Protec- 
tion, Planning  Office  Files,  NPS,  YNP,  3. 

411  "Regulations  Governing  Winter  Activities,"  appended  to 
Anderson  to  Regional  Director,  December  8,  1970,  Box  L-33,  File 
L34:  "Recreation  Activities,"  (no  page  number),  YNP  Archives. 

41  As  recorded  in  J.  Leonard  Volz  to  Director,  National  Park 
Service,  November  3,  1971,  Box  S-5,  File  S5831:  "Motor-Driven 
or  Propelled  Equipment  1971,"  YNP  Archives.  Evidently,  this  un- 
derstanding of  the  purpose  of  an  Old  Faithful  snowmobile  rental 
has  changed,  since  AmFac  and  its  predecessor  TW  Recreational 
Services  have  had  snowmobiles  available  to  rent  from  Old  Faith- 
ful since  1992.  Randy  Ingersoll,  interview  by  author,  Dec.  9,  1999. 

4:  Jack  Anderson  interview  by  Derrick  Crandall,  April  1,  1977, 
6. 

43  Anderson  interview,  5,  I  I . 

44  Robert  E.  Sellers  (Acting  Chief  Park  Ranger)  to  W.  C.  Shields 
(British  Columbia  Snow  Vehicle  Association),  May  30,  1975,  Box 
W-129,  File  W42:  "Special  Regulations  1973-75,"  YNP  Archives. 

4"  1975  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent,  Yellowstone  Na- 
tional Park.  YNP  Research  Library. 


eighty  letters  came  from  individuals,  ten  from  snowmo- 
bile organizations,  and  one  petition  with  41  signatures- 
all  urging  Townsley  to  keep  the  park  open  in  winter.4" 
He  responded  by  arranging  a  visit  for  Secretary  Watt 
and  his  family  to  Yellowstone  in  winter — a  touring  of 
Old  Faithful  and  most  of  the  park  by  snowmobile.  Pub- 
lic pressure  and  Watt's  visit  (which  he  evidently  enjoyed) 
succeeded  in  their  intent,  for  Townsley  was  able  to  keep 
the  park  open  in  the  cold  season,  but  with  some  reduc- 
tions in  both  road  grooming  services  on  the  east  side  of 
the  park  and  in  the  numbers  of  seasonal  rangers  and  natu- 
ralists available.4"  Clearly,  the  park's  winter  users  val- 
ued their  access  to  it,  and  park  managers  responded  ac- 
cordingly. 

While  accommodating  visitor  use,  Townsley  also  at- 
tended to  the  preservation  half  of  the  NPS  mission.  In 
1977  he  denied  permission  to  a  stunt  man  to  "jump  a 
snowmobile  over  the  geyser  [Old  Faithful]  while  it  is 
emitting  water  and  steam."48  Around  1980,  the  park's 
bison  evidently  began  using  the  snow-covered  roads  as 
a  means  of  travel.  Although  Townsley  thought  this  habit 
was  a  "strange  quirk"  of  the  road-grooming  program,4" 
he  did  approve  further  research  into  the  effects  of  snow- 
mobiles upon  park  wildlife  by  Montana  State  Univer- 
sity graduate  student  Keith  Aune.  In  1981,  Aune  con- 
cluded that  snowmobiles  harassed  wildlife,  displaced 
them  from  areas  near  snowmobile  trails,  and  inhibited 
their  movement  across  trails  (among  other  findings).-0 
The  historic  record  contains  no  response  to  Aune's  re- 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


In  1981,  newly 
appointed  Interior 
Secretary  James 
Watt  threatened  to 
close  Yellowstone 
in  winter.  The 
Montana  congres- 
sional delegation 
invited  him  to  tour 
the  Park,  which 
he  did  from  Dec. 
19-21.  1981.  His 
visit  convinced 
him  to  keep 
Yellowstone  open 
in  winter.  He  is 
one  of  the 
snowmobilers 
pictured,  probably 
the  one  in  front. 


National  Park  Service,  Yellowstone  National  Park 

search  from  Townsley,  perhaps  because  he  was  ill  with 
cancer  by  the  time  it  was  released/1 

Valuing  winter  public  access  to  the  park  was  impor- 
tant to  Townsley.52  In  1977,  Townsley  stated  "I  see  the 
snowmobile  in  Yellowstone  as  a  way  of  traveling  within 
the  park  to  see,  to  enjoy,  to  understand,  and  to  appreci- 
ate the  extraordinary  animal  and  thermal  resources  that 
are  here[.  This]  is  the  essence  of  my  feeling  about 
snowmobiling  in  Yellowstone."5'  And.  when  he  received 
his  award  from  ISIA  in  1981,  NPS  Director  Russell 
Dickenson  commended  Townsley  for  his  efforts  "to  see 
...  that  the  resources  of  Yellowstone  National  Park  are 

40  Compiled  from  Box  A-IM2.  File  A36:  "Protest  letters  re: 
Winter  Closing  of  1981."  YNP  Archives. 

47  "Winter  Opening  Scheduled  for  Yellowstone  National  Park," 
Press  Release  dated  Aug.  18,"  1981,  Box  A-l  12.  File  A36:  "Protest 
letters  re:  Winter  Closing  of  1981,"  YNP  Archives. 

48  Jerrv  R.  Phillips  (Acting  Chief  Park  Ranger)  to  William  M. 
kirkpatriek,  Jr.  (Attorney  at  Law),  Jan.  24,  1977,  Box  W-129,  File 
W46:    "General  Regulations  '75,  '76,  '77,"  YNP  Archives. 

4U  John  Townsley  to  Christine  Bern.  Feb.  23,  1981.  Box  A-222, 
File  A3615:  "Complaints  1981:  About  Service  &  Personnel,"  YNP 
Archives. 

50  Keith  Aune.  "Impact  of  Winter  Recreationists  on  Wildlife  in 
a  Portion  of  YNP,  Wyoming,"  Unpublished  Master's  thesis,  Mon- 
tana State  University,  1981.  ix. 

51  Mary  Meagher,  interview  by  author,  Nov.  3,  1997. 

■:  Dale  Nuss  (former  North  District  Ranger,  Yellowstone),  in- 
terview by  author,  Bridget-  Canyon,  Montana,  Nov.  1  1,  1997. 

53  John  Townsley  to  Rosemary  Johnston.  Feb.  18,  1977,  IN  Box 
A- 189,  File  A40:  "Conferences  &  Meetings— 1977  General,"  YNP 
Archives. 


Winter  2001 


41 


able  to  be  enjoyed  by  visitors  at  all  times  of  the  year. 
The  award  you  are  to  receive  . . .  demonstrates  the  inter- 
national importance  of  America's  first  national  park  and 
of  the  work  in  which  you  are  engaged. "M 

In  summary,  by  the  early  1980s  public  demand  for 
access  to  Yellowstone's  winter  wonders,  as  expressed 
in  comments,  actual  visitation,  and  awards  given  to  park 
administrators,  had  succeeded  in  making  much  of  the 
park  available  for  touring.  Responding  to  the  public  pres- 
sure, park  managers  opened  more  facilities  and  provided 
better  services  to  the  increasing  numbers  of  winter  visi- 
tors. When  resource  concerns  arose,  the  managers  re- 
sponded as  best  they  could  while  still  allowing  public 
access  to  the  park.  The  period  of  expanding  services, 
though,  would  grade  into  a  time  of  increasingly  ques- 
tioning how  much  winter  use  the  park  could  handle. 

On  September  19,  1982,  Townsley  lost  his  battle 
with  cancer.  Within  a  year  Robert  (Bob)  Barbee 
took  over  the  superintendency  of  Yellowstone.  Concur- 
rent with  this  change  in  superintendents,  preservation- 
ists and  members  of  the  public  increasingly  began  to 
call  upon  the  National  Park  Service  to  provide  stronger 
protection  of  Yellowstone's  resources  in  winter. 

In  1983,  Barbee  and  his  staff  initiated  the  first  Winter 
Use  Plan  for  Yellowstone.  Increasing  visitor  use  of  the 
park  in  winter  was  the  primary  reason  that  park  admin- 
istrators undertook  this  effort.""  Winter  in  Yellowstone 
was  no  longer  a  small  casual  affair  as  it  had  been  in  the 
early  1970s.  By  the  early  1980s,  for  example,  the  com- 
munity of  West  Yellowstone,  at  the  park's  west  entrance, 
sported  at  least  71  snowmobile-related  businesses,  de- 
pendent largely  on  the  income  of  tourist  dollars  renting 
snowmobiles  to  tour  the  park/"  "The  winter  economy 
is  the  snowmobile"  in  West  Yellowstone,  as  Dean 
Nelson,  president  of  the  First  Security  Bank  there  said 
in  1966."  True  in  1966,  such  was  even  more  the  case  in 
1990,  by  which  time  West  Yellowstone  was  billing  it- 
self the  "snowmobile  capital  of  the  world."'"  Improve- 
ments in  snowmobile  reliability  in  the  1980s  aided  the 
promotional  efforts  of  local  business  owners;  by  1992- 
93  visitation  had  doubled  to  what  it  was  only  nine  years 
earlier.59 

A  complaining  clientele  encouraged  park  administra- 
tors to  pursue  the  planning  effort  in  the  1980s.  Those 
complaining  frequently  mentioned  excessive  snowmo- 
bile noise  and  conflicts  between  skiers  and  snowmobilers, 
making  it  difficult  for  them  to  enjoy  the  serenity  of  the 
park  in  winter.60  Barbee  acknowledged  that  the  com- 
plaints were  a  reason  he  began  the  winter  use  planning: 
"the  reason  we're  doing  [the  planning]  is  because  we've 
heard  the  concerns  of  the  public.""1 


Boh  Barbee  became  Yellowstone  superintendent  in  1983. 

He  issued  the  park's  first  Winter  Use  Plan- 
By  1989,  the  planning  effort,  already  well  underway, 
required  an  assessment  of  environmental  impacts  and 
public  opinion.  The  planning  team  received  a  total  of 
925  comments  from  the  public  in  response  to  two  news- 
letters and  six  open  house  meetings  that  year,  and  an 
additional  450  responses  in  1990.  About  80  of  the  more 
recent  group  of  450  letters  were  identical  statements  sup- 
porting, in  general,  increased  environmental  analysis  and 
protection  for  the  park;  likewise,  about  20  of  the  letters 
were  form  letters  supporting  increased  use  of  the  park. 

■A  Director  to  John  Townsley,  April  7,  1981,  Box  A-l,  File: 
"Correspondence  to  &  from  John  Townsley,"  YNP  Archives. 

"  National  Park  Service,  Winter  Use  Plan/Environmental  As- 
sessment (Denver:    Denver  Service  Center,  1990).  1. 

56  Darcy  L.  Fawcett,  "Colonial  Status:  The  Search  for  Indepen- 
dence in  West  Yellowstone.  Montana"  (Professional  Paper  sub- 
mitted to  Montana  State  University),  Dec.  17,  1993,  21. 

57  Fawcett.  27. 

58  Todd  Wilkinson,  "Winter  Paradox."  National  Parks  64  (II- 
12),  34.  Interestingly,  there  is  at  least  one  other  such  "capital"- 
Rhinelander,  Wisconsin,  where  a  sign  on  the  north  end  of  town 
advertises  it  as  such. 

'  "Seasonal  Visitation  Statistics,"  flyer  available  from  Visitor 
Services  Office,  NPS,  YNP. 

60  Examples  of  complaints  include:  L.  Fuentes-Williams  to  [un- 
specified], Aug.  12,  1985,  Pat  Moon  to  Robert  Barbee,  Feb.  9,  1986. 
and  Prof.  Vincent  J.  Collins  to  Senator  Alan  J.  Dixon,  April  1, 
1987,  all  in  Box  L48,  File  L3427:  "Recreation  Activities  1987 — 
Winter  Sports,"  YNP  Archives. 

61  As  quoted  in  Todd  Wilkinson,  "Is  there  room  for  everyone?," 
High  Country  News  22(6),  March  26,  1990. 


42 


Annals  01  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Summary 

of  450  public  responses  to  Winter 

Use  Plan,  1 989-90.' : 

%  of 

■espouses  Option  this  %  favored 

For 

n  letters 

21 

NPS  Proposed  Plan 

44 

Reduced  use  (Alternative 

A) 

80 

35 

Increased  use  (Alternativt 

:B) 

20 

0 

No  action 

Judging  by  the  letters,  the  collective  public  was  fairly 
divided  in  its  feelings  about  the  winter  management  of 
Yellowstone.  Nevertheless,  a  small  plurality  was  in  fa- 
vor of  Alternative  A,  which  would  have  reduced  visitor 
use  of  the  park  and  strengthened  the  protection  of  its 
resources.  Under  this  alternative,  visitor  use  to 
Yellowstone  would  have  been  regulated  under  a  permit 
system,  and  both  lodges  in  the  park  would  have  been 
closed.61 

In  1990  the  National  Park  Service  released  its  plan, 
whose  intent  was 

to  preserve  and  emphasize  the  national  park  experience 
of  viewing  scenery,  geothermal  features,  and  wildlife 
during  the  winter  season.  Opportunities  will  be  prov  ided 
for  a  spectrum  of  visitor  activities,  including 
snowmobiling,  cross-country  skiing,  and  snow  coach 
tours,  oriented  to  this  experience.  A  range  of  opportuni- 
ties for  experiencing  quiet  and  solitude  will  be  available 
in  the  parks."4 

Specifically  included  in  this  plan  was  the  intent  to  "pro- 
tect wildlife  from  unacceptable  impacts  caused  by  win- 
ter visitor  use."  In  order  to  accomplish  this  protection, 
the  plan  identified  a  series  of  actions  that  managers  could 
take  to  protect  wildlife.  These  included  the  omission  of 
sensitive  areas  from  maps  and  guides,  the  closure  of  cer- 
tain areas  for  temporary  periods  or  for  the  entire  season, 
limiting  the  levels  of  use  in  certain  areas,  and  increasing 
efforts  to  inform  visitors  about  minimum-impact  winter 
use  techniques.  Such  "specific  management  strategies 
for  sensitive  areas  will  be  determined  through  existing 
management  techniques."  Additionally,  the  plan  called 
for  more  education  and  research  to  support  this  objec- 
tive."5 

Overall,  the  plan  made  few  significant  changes  to  the 
management  of  the  park  in  winter.  It  called  for  no  major 
increases  in  services  or  facilities,  nor  did  it  eliminate 
any.  It  made  no  major  changes  in  resource  protection,  as 
most  of  the  protective  actions  it  identified  were  already 
in  use  in  the  park.66  Basically,  the  plan  attempted  to 
"strike  a  balance  between  resource  enjoyment  and  re- 
source protection.  ...  to  achieve  some  middle  ground."67 
It  essentially  formalized  the  status  quo  in  Yellowstone, 


which  was  probably,  politically,  the  safest  plan  of  ac- 
tion, given  the  lack  of  majority  public  opinion  for  either 
more  or  less  winter  use.  (Note  that  the  National  Envi- 
ronmental Policy  Act,  which  is  the  law  managers  follow 
in  preparing  environmental  assessments,  gives  manag- 
ers the  flexibility  to  choose  options  that  are  not  favored 
by  the  public;  in  other  words,  such  assessments  are  not 
decided  by  public  vote). 

The  long  effort  to  produce  the  Winter  Use  Plan  in- 
creased public  focus  on  Yellowstone's  winter  use.  More 
and  more  through  the  1980s,  private  individuals  and 
public  interest  groups  were  monitoring  the  management 
of  the  park,  often  with  a  protective  eye  on  its  resources. 
For  example,  in  the  early  1 980s,  the  Greater  Yellowstone 
Coalition  formed  in  Bozeman  expressly  to  monitor  ac- 
tivities within  Yellowstone  and  the  surrounding  area. 
The  group's  spokesman  Don  Bachman  in  1990  con- 
demned winter  use: 

If  people  go  away  from  their  winter  vacation  remem- 
bering snowmobiles  and  snowcoaches  rather  than  the 
wildlife,  geysers  and  solitude,  then  the  park  is  not  ful- 
filling its  mandate...  The  park  should  be  managed  so 
that  the  resource  is  absolutely  paramount  in  considering 
management  options.  I'm  not  so  sure  that  is  being  done."1* 

The  National  Park  Service  promoted  Superintendent 
Barbee  to  be  the  Regional  Director  of  the  Alaskan  na- 
tional parks  in  1993.  In  the  late  1990s,  Barbee  found 
himself  again  dealing  with  snowmobiles  and  their  po- 
tential use  in  a  national  park,  this  time  in  Denali  Na- 
tional Park.  Denali's  managers  and  Barbee  are  currently 
writing  regulations  to  ban  snowmobiles  from  Denali.  As 
justification  for  that  proposed  action,  Barbee  said,  "We 
don't  want  Denali  to  become  a  Yellowstone."""  Barbee's 
statement  hints  at  the  nature  of  events  in  Yellowstone  in 
the  1990s,  a  topic  to  which  this  article  now  turns. 

In  1994  Mike  Finley  became  the  superintendent 
of  Yellowstone,  and  soon  began  attending  to 
winter  use  concerns.  The  Winter  Use  Plan  of  1 990  speci- 
fied two  events  that  would  compel  the  national  park  man- 

":  National  Park  Service,  Winter  Use  Plan/Environmental  As- 
sessment, 86.  Note  that  there  is  no  similar  breakdown  of  the  previ- 
ous 925  comments  in  the  archival  record. 

"''  Ibid.,  iii. 

-4  Ibid 

63  Ibid,  39-40. 

66  Ibid 

67  Kevin  Brandt,  Yellowstone  Park  Planner,  quoted  in  Wilkinson, 
"Winter  Paradox." 

68  Quoted  in  Wilkinson,  "Is  there  room  for  everyone?" 

6"  Robert  Barbee,  telephone  interview  with  author,  Anchorage, 
Alaska,  Jan.  14,  1998. 


Winter  2001 


43 


The  historic 
Bombardier 
snowcoaches  went 
out  of  production  in 
the  early  1980s. 
Park  tour  operators 
converted  15- 
passenger  vans  into 
oversnow  vehicles 
for  touring  pur- 
poses by  removing 
the  wheels  and 
adding  a  track 
assembly  for 
propulsion  and  skis 
for  steering.  Such 
coaches  were 
quieter  than  older 
models.  Pictured  is 
Van  162.  owned  by 
TW  Recreational 
Services. 


Author's  photograph 

agers  to  begin  a  visitor  use  management  ( VUM )  process 
(a  formal  process  to  determine  public  opinion  regarding 
a  matter  of  concern),  in  order  to  "ensure  that  unaccept- 
able impacts  on  the  environment  or  the  visitor  experi- 
ence do  not  occur."7"  Both  triggers  included  potential 
events  in  Grand  Teton  National  Park,  since  by  this  time 
winter  use  in  Yellowstone  was  part  of  winter  visitation 
over  a  larger  region.  If  winter  visitation  to  both  parks 
combined  exceeded  143,500  before  the  year  2000,  or  if 
the  Continental  Divide  Snowmobile  Trail  (CDST) 
opened  (a  370-mile  snowmobile  trail  ending  in  the  two 
national  parks  and  developed  by  the  state  of  Wyoming 
and  federal  land  management  agencies),  then  park  man- 
agers would  begin  the  VUM  process.71  Both  events  oc- 
curred in  the  winter  of  1992-93 — visitation  in 
Yellowstone  alone  reached  140,000,  and  Grand  Teton 
officials  opened  the  CDST  through  their  park.72 

With  both  "triggers"  occurring  that  year,  officials  from 
both  parks  began  the  visitor  use  management  process. 
This  is  a  formal  "process  of  identifying  goals  (or  desired 
futures),  looking  at  existing  conditions,  identifying  dis- 
crepancies between  the  two,  and  laying  out  a  plan  of 
action  to  bring  the  two  closer  together.  [It]  is  a  way  to 
ensure  that  a  high  quality  visitor  experience  is  main- 
tained, park  resources  are  protected,  and  the  necessary 
infrastructure  and  staff  are  in  place  to  support  accept- 
able levels  of  winter  use."73  Essentially,  the  VUM  Pro- 
cess was  a  procedure  for  park  managers  to  use  in  order 
to  identify  the  critical  issues  that  the  public  felt  were 


facing  the  parks,  as  well  as  the  means  of  resolving  the 
issues. 

Over  the  next  six  years,  the  administrators  of  the  two 
parks  met  several  times,  held  several  public  meetings  in 
the  surrounding  communities,  and  conducted  several 
surveys  of  public  opinion  and  reasons  for  visiting  the 
area  in  winter.74  In  1999,  the  administrators  released  their 
final  report,  which  provided  a  long  list  of  concerns  with 
winter  use  of  the  park,  summarized  in  the  following  table 
(next  page).  The  report  recommended  no  particular  ac- 
tions, but  rather  identified  a  list  of  options  park  manag- 
ers (and  also  forest  supervisors  for  the  national  forests 
surrounding  the  two  parks )  could  take  to  remedy  the  prob- 
lems that  they  had  identified.  The  primary  action  (in- 
deed, almost  the  only  one)  for  Yellowstone  administra- 
tors was  the  preparation  of  a  new  Winter  Use  Plan,  al- 
though the  immediate  motivation  for  this  plan  was  a  law- 
suit filed  in  1997.75 

70  National  Park  Service,  Winter  Use  Plan/Environmental  As- 
sessment, iii. 

71  Ibid,  21. 

7:  Greater  Yellowstone  Coordinating  Committee,  Winter  Visitor 
Use  Management:  A  Multi-Agency  Assessment  (National  Park  Ser- 
vice, National  Forest  Service,  April,  1997),  6. 

73  "Winter  Visitor  Use  Management  Overview,"  Unpublished 
Paper,  "VUM  Speech"  File,  Planning  Office  Files,  NPS,  YNP,  Janu- 
ary, 1995. 

74  Greater  Yellowstone  Coordinating  Committee,  Winter  Visitor 
Use  Management:  A  Multi-Agency  Assessment  (National  Park  Ser- 
vice, National  Forest  Service,  April,  1999),  10. 

75  Ibid.,  14-43. 


44 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Winter  Use  Concerns 

1)  Overcrowding:  Existing  facilities  are  often  crowded, 
especially  in  stormy  weather; 

2)  Visitor  Conflicts:  Some  visitors  want  silence  and 
solitude,  while  others  want  a  social  experience; 

3)  Safety:  Heavy  use  and  warm  weather  make  groomed 
trails  rough  and  unsafe  to  travel; 

4)  Gasoline:  Supplies  in  Yellowstone  are  limited  and 
unable  to  satisfy  demand; 

5)  Community  Expectations:  Communities  assume 
unlimited  growth  in  winter  visitation,  despite  problems 
with  existing  levels  of  use; 

6)  Resource  Damage:  Winter  use  may  be  damaging 
wildlife,  geothermal.  air  and  silence  resources; 

7)  Decreased  Access:  Snowplowing  to  private  prop- 
erty is  displacing  skiers  and  snowmobilers  in  areas  out- 
side of  the  Park; 

8)  Visitor  Behavior:  Some  visitors  trespass  into  wil- 
derness areas,  act  inappropriately  toward  others  and  wild- 
life, and  risk  their  safety;  and 

9)  Operational  Concerns:  Sewage  and  solid  waste  fa- 
cilities are  overwhelmed  in  the  Park  interior;  funding 
for  the  NPS  winter  program  is  inadequate.76 


One  option  that  Yellowstone  administrators  did  take 
as  part  of  the  VUM  process  was  a  reversal  of  the  1975 
decision  to  permit  12-  to  16-year-olds  to  drive  a  snow- 
mobile when  supervised  by  a  parent  or  guardian.  In  1993, 
Yellowstone  administrators  announced  that  all  persons 
driving  a  snowmobile  must  possess  a  valid  driver's  li- 
cense or  learning  permit.  Administrators  cited  their  own 
data  showing  that  12-  to  16-year-old  drivers  constituted 
only  5%  of  the  Park's  snowmobile  operators,  yet  were 
involved  in  16%  of  the  snowmobile  accidents  in  the 
Park."  Another  example  of  administrators  using  a  VUM 
option  occurred  between  1994  and  1997.  when  adminis- 
trators in  Grand  Teton  National  Park  closed  the  Potholes 
area  to  off-road  snowmobiling.  s  Thus  ended  the  only 
off-trail  use  of  snowmobiles  allowed  anywhere  in  the 
entire  national  park  system.  Few  other  VUM-related 
options  have  been  enacted  to  date 

In  an  event  unrelated  to  the  VUM  process,  the  number 
of  complaints  regarding  winter  conditions  in  Yellowstone 
jumped  in  the  mid-1990s.  From  1993  to  1996 
Yellowstone's  administrators  received  about  300  unso- 
licited letters,  which  largely  complained  about  the  crowd- 
ing and  lack  of  solitude  available,  the  air  and  noise  pol- 
lution of  snowmobiles,  and  perceived  effects  of  snow- 
mobiles on  wildlife.  Further,  in  1995,  the  National  Parks 
and  Conservation  Association,  through  their  magazine 
National  Parks,  stimulated  another  69 1  letters  to  the  park, 
focusing  again  on  the  five  issues.  These  complainants 
were  calling  for  stronger  protection  of  the  park — and  its 
managers  heard  the  complaint:  "When  agencies  receive 


several  hundred  unsolicited  letters  expressing  concern 
about  an  issue,  this  indicates  to  managers  a  high  level  of 
interest.  Such  a  voluntary  response  is  sufficient  basis  to 
evaluate  the  validity  of  the  concerns  and  determine  if 
additional  study  or  action  is  needed." 

At  the  same  time,  managers  received  a  total  of  48  let- 
ters that  supported  snowmobiling  in  the  park.  Hence, 
while  a  few  felt  that  the  existing  balance  of  use  versus 
preservation  was  acceptable,  most  letter  writers  advo- 
cated stronger  protection  of  park  resources. 

While  the  administrators  were  busy  with  the  VUM 
Process,  nature  intervened  w ith  an  extraordinary  winter 
in  1996-97.  More  than  150%  of  normal  snowfall  oc- 
curred in  Yellowstone,  and  this  accumulation  was  com- 
pounded by  a  layer  of  ice  that  formed  in  the  snowpack 
from  rain  that  fell  after  Christmas,  1996.  The  park's  bi- 
son, ordinarily  capable  of  moving  two  or  three  feet  of 
snow  aside  to  reach  the  grass  below,  could  not  break 
through  the  ice  layer  to  reach  their  forage.  Consequently, 
they  began  migrating  out  of  the  park  (some  via  the  snow- 
mobile roads)  in  search  of  lower  elevations,  less  snow, 
and  more  easily  obtainable  food.  Some  of  the  park's  bi- 
son carry  brucellosis,  a  disease  that,  if  transmitted  to 
cattle,  can  cause  an  expectant  cow  to  abort  its  fetus.  To 
prevent  that  transmission  from  occurring  when  bison 
came  into  range  of  cattle  outside  the  park  (along  with 
associated  negative  economic  and  political  conse- 
quences), the  state  of  Montana  shot  or  sent  to  slaughter 
most  of  the  bison  that  left  the  park — a  total  of  1.084  by- 
spring.  1997.  This  number  represented  about  a  third  of 
the  park's  herd,  was  the  largest  control  of  bison  depart- 
ing Yellowstone  in  its  history,  and  was  one  of  the  larg- 
est killings  of  bison  anywhere  since  early  settlers  elimi- 
nated them  from  the  Great  Plains  in  1884.8" 

The  bison  killing  led  to  a  lawsuit  against  the  NPS  by 
the  Fund  for  Animals,  a  wildlife  advocacy  group.  Filed 
on  May  20,  1997,  the  plaintiffs  invoked  the  National 
Park  "Organic  Act:"  "By  failing  to  evaluate  whether  trail 
grooming  and  other  winter  use  activities  'conserve  the 
scenery  and  the  natural  and  historic  objects  and  the  wild 
life'  in  Grand  Teton  and  Yellowstone  and  'leave  them 
unimpaired  for  the  enjoyment  of  future  generations,"  16 

76  Compiled  from  "Greater  Yellowstone  Winter  Visitor  Use  Man- 
agement— Winter  Use  Issues."  unpublished  paper.  "VUM  Speech" 
File,  Planning  Office  Files.  NPS.  YNP,  Jan..  1995;  "Winter  Use 
Concerns."  Winter  Visitor  use  Management,  January.  1996.    1-2. 

77  "Yellowstone  National  Park  to  Require  Driver's  License  for 
Snowmobile  Operators."  Press  Release  dated  Nov.  9,  1993.  Box 
W- 182.  File  L3427:  "Winter  Sports,  1 992,"  YNP  Archives. 

78  Communication  with  Jack  Neckels.  Superintendent  of  Grand 
Teton  National  Park,  Nov.  4,  1997. 

79  Ibid.,  12. 

80  Doug  Peacock,  "The  Yellowstone  Massacre,"  Audubon  99(3): 
42. 


Winter  2001 


45 


U.S.C.  1,  ...  the  NPS  is  violating  the  Organic  and 
Yellowstone  Acts."'*1  The  NPS  settled  out  of  court  with 
the  Fund  on  September  23.  1997  by  agreeing  both  to 
consider  closing  a  snowmobile  trail  in  order  to  evaluate 
the  effects  of  such  hard-packed  trails  on  overwintering 
bison  in  the  park  and  also  to  write  a  new  Winter  Use 
Plan/Environmental  Impact  Statement  (EIS).8: 

In  January  1998.  Yellowstone  administrators  an- 
nounced that  they  would  not  close  any  snowmobile  trails, 
but  would  rather  institute  research  projects  designed  to 
gather  the  necessary  baseline  data  on  bison  use  of 
groomed  roadways.  After  three  years,  they  would  re- 
evaluate the  need  to  close  a  road  for  research  purposes.*11 

At  the  same  time,  the  administrators  began  work  on 
the  Winter  Use  Plan/Environmental  Impact  Statement.84 
On  September  15.  1999.  they  released  the  draft  EIS  for 
public  comment.  The  EIS  lists  seven  different  options 
for  the  management  of  Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton 
National  Parks  in  winter.  The  preferred  option,  if  adopted, 
would  have  the  National  Park  Sen  ice  plow  the  road  from 
the  West  Entrance  at  West  Yellowstone,  to  Old  Faith- 
ful, and  would  restrict  traffic  on  the  remaining  over-snow 
roads  to  clean,  quiet  snowmobiles  by  the  winter  of  2008- 
09.  The  preferred  alternative  would  have  "major  benefi- 
cial long-term  improvements  on  the  protection  of  geo- 
thermal  features.""  would  "greatly  improve  water  re- 
sources.'" and  would  "greatly  improve  air  quality."85 

Some  members  of  the  public  were  not  pleased  with 
this  plan.  For  example,  representatives  of  the  five  coun- 
ties surrounding  Yellowstone  met  in  Livingston.  Mon- 
tana, later  that  month  to  develop  a  plan  that  they  said 
"will  help  protect  the  park's  resources  yet  maintain  ac- 
cess for  snow  mobilers."86  (Under NEPA  regulations,  citi- 
zens are  allowed  to  derive  their  own  management  alter- 
natives for  the  federal  agencies  to  consider.)  Their  plan 
differed  only  from  the  NPS  preferred  option  in  that  they 
wanted  to  keep  all  park  roads  open  to  snowmobiles  (no 
plowing  of  the  West  Entrance  road)  Conversely,  an  al- 
liance often  conservation  organizations  announced  on 
October  12.  1999  the  "Citizens"  Solution  for  Winter 
Access  to  Yellowstone."  Their  plan  would  have  phased 
out  snowmobile  use  of  Yellowstone  over  the  next  two 
years,  restricting  access  to  the  park's  interior  to  the  qui- 
eter and  less-polluting  snowcoaches.  The  conservation 
groups  felt  that  "none  of  the  alternatives  in  the  EIS  ad- 
equately address  problems  caused  by  snowmobiles  in 
the  park,"  although  their  option  was  very  similar  to  op- 
tion G  of  the  EIS.8"  To  emphasize  that  continued  snow- 
mobile use  would  mean  continued  noise  disruption,  the 
Greater  Yellowstone  Coalition  studied  the  Old  Faithful 
area  and  found  snowmobile  noise  impossible  to  escape.88 

On  February  24.  2000.  the  Environmental  Protection 


Agency  wrote  to  the  NPS  that  all  but  one  of  the  options 
(G)  identified  in  the  EIS  would  continue  to  violate  "both 
air  quality  standards  and  an  executive  order  regulating 
snowmobiles  in  national  parks  "  The  executive  order  was 
signed  by  President  Nixon  in  1972;  paraphrasing  it.  the 
EPA  found  that  "current  snowmobile  use  [in  Yellowstone 
and  Grand  Teton  NP]  is  indeed  adversely  affecting  the 
natural  (wildlife,  air  quality),  aesthetic  (noise),  and  sce- 
nic (visibility)  values  in  these  parks."89 

Responding  to  the  EPA's  announcement.  Yellow- 
stone's administrators  announced  19  days  later  that  thev 
"will  probably  ban  snowmobiles  from  the  park  altogether 
in  two  years  and  shift  winter  traffic  to  snowcoaches.'"9" 
On  October  1 1.  2000.  they  confirmed  their  intention  to 
ban  snowmobiles  from  Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton 
national  parks  in  the  winter  of  2003-04  with  the  release 
of  the  final  EIS.  They  changed  the  preferred  option  to 
Option  G.  which  would  restrict  traffic  in  the  park  to 
snowcoaches  only.  In  the  announcement.  Karen  Wade. 
Intermountain  Regional  Director  of  the  NPS  stated. 

Our  obligation  in  managing  w  inter  use  in  these  parks 
is  to  ensure  that  public  activities  we  allow  conserve  park 
resources  and  values  for  future  generations  Unfortu- 
nately, snowmobiles  have  been  shown  to  harm  wildlife, 
air  quality  and  the  natural  quiet  of  these  parks  Phasing 
out  snow  mobiles  while  allowing  access  by  snow  coaches 
w  ill  help  us  fulfill  our  responsibilities  to  future  genera- 
tions while  at  the  same  time  providing  a  reasonable  level 
of  affordable  access  for  winter  visitors.91 

81  Fund  for  .Animals  et  al  v.  Bruce  Babbitt  et  al.  May  20.  1 997. 

82  Settlement  Agreement.  The  Fund  for  Animals,  et  al.,  v.  Bruce 
Babbitt  et  al.  Civil  No.  97-1 126  (EGS).  Sept.  23.  1997.  U.S.  Dis- 
trict Court.  District  of  Columbia.  Planning  Office  Files.  YNP. 

1  "Sen.  Thomas:    Snowmobiles  trail  closures  not  justified." 
Bozeman  Daily  Chronicle.  Jan.  15.  1998. 

84  Scott  McMillion.  "Road  closure  put  on  hold.'"  Bozeman  Daily 
Chronicle.  Jan.  17.  1998. 

85  Yellowstone  and  Grand  Teton  National  Parks.  Winter  Use  Plan 
Draft  Environmental  Impact  Statement  Volume  /(U.S.  Department 
of  Interior/National  Park  Service),  xi-xiii. 

86  Will  Rizzo.  "Counties  agree  on  Yellowstone  winter  use  plan." 
Livingston  Enterprise.  Sept.  17.  1999. 

8"  Ron  Tschida,  "Enviros  offer  plan  to  limit  Yellowstone  snow- 
mobiles." Bozeman  Chronicle.  Oct.  13.  1999. 

88  Will  Rizzo.  "Survey:  You  can't  escape  noise  in  park." 
Livingston  Enterprise.  March  10,  2000. 

S9  McMillion.  "Winter  use  plan:  EPA  gives  cold  shoulder  to  all 
options  but  snowmobile  ban."  Bozeman  Daily  Chronicle.  Feb.  24, 
2000;  "Finley:  Park  winter  plans  must  change."  Bozeman  Daily 
Chronicle,  March  3.  2000.  The  executive  order  is  EO  1 1644.  Feb- 
ruary 8.  1972.42U.S.CA.  §4321. 

911  McMillion.  "Snowmobiles  in  Yellowstone  may  well  become 
...  A  vanishing  breed"  (ellipses  in  original).  Bozeman  Daily 
Chronicle.  Mar.  14. 2000;  Rachel  Odell.  "Parks  rev  up  to  ban  snow- 
mobiles." High  Country  News,  March  27.  2000. 

91  National  Park  Service  press  release.  Nov.  22. 2000.  quoted  by 
Bruce  Gourley  on  www.yellowstone.net,  November  27.  2000. 


46 


Annals  ot  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


In  making  this  difficult  decision,  Yellowstone's  ad- 
ministrators probably  derived  strength  from  a  National 
Park  Service  announcement  on  April  28,  2000  banning 
snowmobiles  immediately  throughout  the  national  park 
system.  This  decision  was  a  response  to  a  legal  petition 
that  the  Bluewater  Network,  a  national  environmental 
organization,  had  given  to  the  NPS  more  than  a  year 
earlier,  requesting  a  ban  on  snowmobiles  from  all  na- 
tional parks  in  the  country.92  After  studying  the  matter, 
the  NPS  confessed  "years  of  inattention  to  our  own  regu- 
latory standards  on  snowmobiles,"93  The  announcement 
exempted  the  Alaskan  national  parks.  Voyageurs  Na- 
tional Park,  and  Yellowstone,  because  these  parks  either 
had  snowmobiling  expressly  written  into  their  charters 
or,  in  Yellowstone's  case,  were  already  dealing  with  the 
issue  in  a  formal  manner.'"  Still,  the  announcement  ar- 
guablv  gave  confidence  to  Yellowstone's  administrators. 

The  political  response  to  Yellowstone's  decision  has 
been  contentious.  Five  regional  senators  co-authored  a 
letter  to  Secretary  of  the  Interior  Bruce  Babbitt  stating 
"the  unilateral  decisions  made  by  your  agency  in  Wash- 
ington, DC.  will  not  stand,"  and  that  they  would  give 
"strong  opposition"  to  the  ban  in  Congress"5  Such  op- 
position came  in  the  form  of  a  measure  approved  by 
Congress  in  December  2000  that  delayed  the  nationwide 
snowmobile  ban  in  national  parks  until  July  31,  2001 
This  presumably  gave  the  incoming  Bush  administra- 
tion time  to  review  the  ban  and  alter  it  if  desired.  How- 
ever, because  the  delay  only  applied  to  parks  that  would 
be  spending  federal  funds  to  implement  a  ban. 
Yellowstone  was  not  affected,  because  its  administra- 
tors would  not  actually  be  spending  any  funds  before 
that  date  on  their  ban.96 

As  of  June,  2001,  Yellowstone  is  once  again  making 
winter  use  history.  Because  its  administrators  carefully 
followed  federal  law  in  crafting  the  EIS.  their  decision 
will  be  difficult  to  alter  by  the  new  administration."' 
Further,  on  January  22,  2001,  the  new  rule  was  pub- 
lished in  the  Federal  Register,  making  the  ban  all  the 
more  likely.9"  Indeed,  on  April  23,  2001  the  Bush  ad- 
ministration announced  that  it  would  not  challenge 
Yellowstone's  snowmobile  ban.99 

However,  a  lawsuit  challenging  the  plan  remains  to  be 
resolved  as  of  this  writing.  This  lawsuit  is  the  latest  epi- 
sode in  the  long  and  contentious  history  of  snowmobiling 
in  Yellowstone;  only  time  will  tell  if  the  ban  sticks,  and 
if  the  tide  has  indeed  turned  in  favor  of  resource  protec- 
tion. It  is  clear,  though,  that  for  much  of  the  public  and 
for  Yellowstone's  administrators,  the  relative  importance 
of  the  two  halves  of  the  NPS  mission  has  changed:  pres- 
ervation is  now  more  important  than  accommodating 
visitor  use. 


The  recent  winter  use  history  provides  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  difficulty  the  National  Park  Service 
has  in  implementing  its  dual  mandate  of  preserving  its 
resources  while  allowing  the  public  to  experience  those 
in  an  unimpaired  state.  Management  can  reflect  public 
opinion,  which  often  varies  at  any  given  point  and  over 
time — and  different  publics  demand  different  policies 
Values  that  at  one  time  might  pressure  the  Service  to 
accommodate  more  visitor  use  may  in  time  change  to  a 
pressure  to  restrict  use.  Managers  find  it  difficult  at  times 
to  accurately  monitor  these  changing  ideals,  especially 
when  other  pressing  issues  divert  their  attention. 

So  what  is  the  agency  to  do?  Should  it  continuously 
sample  public  opinion  and  shift  policies  according  to 
the  results  of  that  monitoring?  Or  should  it  instead  ig- 
nore public  opinion  and  pursue  policies  that  conform  to 
its  own  vision  of  wisdom?  Neither  extreme  seems  satis- 
factory. Perhaps  the  dual  mission  of  the  national  parks 
that  is  dictated  by  law  necessarily  cascades  into  die  murky 
waters  of  policy  decisions.  The  National  Park  Service 
cannot  help  but  be  pulled  by  conflicting  currents,  but  to 
respond  weakly  is  to  invite  a  drifting  that  may  carry  it 
into  undesirable  dead-end  bays — such  may  have  occurred 
with  its  winter  policy  at  Yellowstone. 

92  James  Brooke,  "A  Move  to  Rid  Parks  of  Snowmobiles,"  New 
York  Times,  Feb.  7,  1999. 

93  Douglas  Jehl.  "National  Parks  Will  Ban  Recreation 
Snowmobiling,"  New  York  Times,  April  27,  2(100. 

"A  Jehl. 

95  Scott  McMillion.  "Senators:  Park  ban  'will  not  stand,'" 
Bozeman  Daily  Chronicle,  April  13,2000. 

96  "Congress  may  not  consider  stopping  snowmobile  ban," 
Bozeman  Daily  ( Chronicle,  Oct.  29,  2000;  "Congress  approves  de- 
lay on  snowmobile  ban."  Bozeman  Daily  Chronicle.  Dec.  1 6.  2000; 
"Feds  say  Congress'  rule  won't  stall  snowmobile  phaseout." 
Bozeman  Daily  Chronicle,  Dec.  20.2000;  and  Jeff  Tollefson,  "Con- 
gress" rule  won't  affect  park."  Billings  Gazette,  Dec.  19,  2000. 

97  "Snowmobile  ban  will  be  tough  to  reverse,"  Bozeman  Daily 
Chronicle,  Jan.  29.2001. 

98  Federal  Register  66(14):  7260.  Jan.  22,  2001 . 

99  Bruce  Ciourley,  "Protecting  Yellowstone,"  <ww\y.yellowstone. 
nct>,  April  23,  2001 .  Will  Rizzo,  "Counties  agree  on  Yellowstone 
winter  use  plan,"  Livingston  Enterprise,  Sept.  17.  1999. 

8'  Ron  Tschida,  "Fnviros  offer  plan  to  limit  Yellowstone  snow- 
mobiles," Bozeman  Chronicle,  Oct.  13,  1999. 


Michael  Yochim  is  currently  a  doc/oral  student  in 
geography  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  Madi- 
son. This  article  is  derived  from  his  master 's  the- 
sis, "The  Development  of  Snowmobile  Policy  in 
Yellowstone  National  Park,  "  University  of  Mon- 
tana, 1998.  Yochim 's  research  interests  focus  on 
the  role  of  conservationists  in  national  park  his- 
tory. He  spends  his  summers  guiding  and  research- 
ing in  the  Yellowstone  area. 


Book  Reviews 

Significant  Recent  Books  on  Western  and  Wyoming  History 
Edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 


Ferdinand  V.  Hayden:  Entrepreneur  of  Science.  By  James 

G.  Cassidy.    Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press,  2000. 
xxviii  +  399 pp.   lllus.,  maps,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth.  $55. 

Reviewed  by  Philip  D.  Jordan.  Hastings  College 
James  Cassidy  provides  a  significant  contribution  to  un- 
derstanding nineteenth  century  history.  His  study  of 
Ferdinand  V.  Hayden  elucidates  key  interrelationships  be- 
tween emergent  modern  science,  government  patronage  and 
the  creation  of  the  US  Geological  Survey.  If  Henry  F.  May 
called  for  the  recovery  of  American  religious  history,  so  James 
Cassidy  and  Mike  Foster  are  helping  to  recover  the  history 
of  American  science  by  restoring  recognition  to  a  major  mid- 
century  scientist. 

Each  counteracts  the  whiggish  tendency  of  earlier  histori- 
ans to  value  only  those  persons  who  led  directly  to  today's 
patterns  of  science.  Past  historians  of  science,  therefore, 
unfairly  relegated  Ferdinand  V.  Hayden  to  minor  notice.  They 
treated  him  as  an  unfortunate  "holdover"  from  the  "pre-pro- 
fessional"  antebellum  period  of  American  science  wherein 
"medical  training."  rather  than  rigorous  scientific  education, 
provided  the  basis  of  his  scientific  credentials!  Hence,  ac- 
cording to  this  tradition,  the  1870s  "Hayden  Survey"  of  the 
West  was  replaced  "justifiably"  in  1879  by  a  US  Geological 
Survey  led  by  a  "properly  educated"  scientific  geologist, 
Clarence  King.  To  counter  this  a-historical  tradition,  Mike 
Foster  authored  Strange  Genius  (1994).  It  helped  restore 
Ferdinand  V.  Hayden  as  a  legitimate  scientist  who  made  major 
contributions  to  the  natural  history  of  an  American  West  about 
which  contemporary  Americans  knew  too  little. 

James  G.  Cassidy  focuses  even  more  fully  on  Hayden's 
life  work  but  within  the  context  of  the  "politics  of  science." 
He  shows  how  Hayden  mastered  "entrepreneurial,"  "client," 
and  "patron"  roles  to  connect  science  and  government  so 
that  he  could  become  both  a  major  naturalist  as  well  as  a 
patron  of  other  scientists.  The  consequent  "Hayden  Survey" 
of  the  geology  and  natural  history  of  Nebraska  and  the  Rocky 
Mountain  West  created  paid  field  and  research  positions  for 
scientific  disciplines  ranging  from  geology  to  ethnography, 
as  well  as  for  such  arts  as  photography  and  painting.  He 
helped  make  it  possible  for  a  professional  scientist  to  work 
outside  of  a  college  or  military  context.  When  the  young 
Doctor  Hayden  of  the  1850s  desired  to  become  a  reputable 
geologist  and  naturalist,  he  carefully  sought  the  patronage  of 
major  established  scientists  like  Spencer  Baird,  James  Hall, 
and  Joseph  Leidy.  They  recommended  him  for  geological 
survey  positions  and  found  him  equipment,  money  and  as- 
sistants. But  the  patron-client  relationship  obliged  Hayden 
to  aid  his  mentors  in  return.  For  example,  he  supplied  fossils 
for  Spencer  Baird's  Smithsonian  Museum.  He  also  devel- 
oped complex  peer  relationships  with  such  scientists  as  Field- 


ing Bradford  Meek,  James  Stevenson  and  Fdward  D.  Cope. 
Yet  Hayden's  survey  would  never  have  grown  into  the  domi- 
nant civilian  effort  of  the  1870s  were  it  not  for  his  ability  to 
cultivate  political  patrons  such  as  US  Senators  John  A.  Lo- 
gan, James  A.  Garfield,  and  Aaron  A.  Sargent.  If  they  gained 
congressional  authorization  and  funding  for  his  efforts,  their 
patronage,  in  turn,  responded  to  Hayden's  successful  ability 
to  cultivate  support  form  western  mining,  railroad,  and  other 
business  interests. 

This  complex  pattern  of  interrelationships  led  to  the  cre- 
ation of  the  most  successful  and  highly  funded  civilian  geo- 
logical survey  of  the  immediate  post-war  era.  Ironically, 
Hayden's  Survey  aided  the  professionalization  of  science  but 
eventually  was  undone  by  a  coterie  of  old  enemies  as  well  as 
a  younger  generation  of  professional  scientists  who  advo- 
cated narrow  disciplinary  specialization  and  abhorred 
Hayden's  all-inclusive  natural  history.  His  rivals  won  a  bruis- 
ing special  scientific  interest  and  political  victory  when 
Clarence  King  became  head  of  the  new  US  Geological  Sur- 
vey. It  absorbed  prev  iously  independent  surveys  into  a  strictly 
geological  venture  that  eschewed  research  into  biology  and 
botany,  much  to  the  dismay  of  adherents  of  those  scientific 
fields. 

Still,  Cassidy  correctly  argues  that  Ferdinand  V.  Hayden 
might  have  been  defeated  but  his  entrepreneurial  efforts  defi- 
nitely laid  the  basis  for  the  US  Geological  Survey  both  as  to 
field  techniques,  national  organization,  and  public  acceptance 
of  permanent  government  support  for  science. 

Seeds  of"  Faith:  Catholic  Indian  Boarding  Schools.    By 

James  T.  Carroll.  New  York:  Garland  Publishing,  Inc.,  2000. 
212  pp.   lllus..  tables,  notes,  index.    Cloth,  $50. 

Reviewed  by  Cary  C.  Col/ins.  Maple  Valley,  Washington 
Protestant  and  Catholic  religious  groups  dominated  Indian 
affairs  in  the  late  nineteenth  and  early  twentieth  centuries, 
and  nowhere  were  they  more  powerful  than  in  the  arena  of 
education.  Church  officials  and  lay  clergy  played  a  crucial 
role  in  both  the  design  and  administration  of  federal  Indian 
policies.  In  Indian  boarding  schools,  church  men  and  women 
labored  to  achieve  the  nation's  supreme  objective  of  assimi- 
lation, a  critical  component  of  which  was  conversion  to  Chris- 
tianity. But  while  Protestants  and  Catholics  supported  the 
rationale  for  and  the  philosophy  behind  assimilation,  they 
diverged  in  terms  of  methodology. 

In  Seeds  of  Faith,  James  Carroll  identifies  significant  dif- 
ferences in  how  these  two  religious  bodies  approached  edu- 
cation and  acculturation.  Carroll  argues  that  the  harsh  and 
aggressive  tactics  most  reflective  of  Protestant  efforts  served 
only  to  alienate  and  embitter  students,  families,  and  tribes. 
What  he  perceives  to  be  more  tolerant  and  humane  methods 


48 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  Trie  Wyoming  History  Journal 


were  adopted  by  the  Catholic  Church  and  succeeded  in  en- 
dearing those  same  constituencies  to  the  desired  principles 
of  assimilation  and  Christianity.  Additionally,  Carroll  dis- 
tinguishes between  types  of  Indian  schools.  He  proposes 
that  the  stranglehold  maintained  by  the  Bureau  of  Indian 
Affairs  over  "government"  schools  tended  to  hinder  progress 
while  the  more  autonomous  "mission"  schools  thrived. 

Four  Catholic  Indian  schools  located  in  North  and  South 
Dakota  are  the  focus  of  Carroll's  study:  Fort  Totten  Indian 
Industrial  School  (Devils  Lake  reservation).  Fort  Yates  In- 
dian Industrial  School  (Standing  Rock  reservation),  Saint 
Francis  Mission  School  (Rosebud  reservation),  and  Holy 
Rosary  Mission  (Pine  Ridge  reservation).  Fort  Totten  and 
Fort  Yates  were  government  schools  and  Saint  Francis  and 
Holy  Rosary,  as  their  names  imply,  were  mission  schools. 
Although  Fort  Totten  and  Fort  Yates  were  supported  by  fed- 
eral funds  and  supervised  with  federal  personnel,  clergy  and 
nuns  staffed  all  four  schools.  It  was  that  predominantly  Catho- 
lic orientation,  according  to  Carroll,  that  placed  them  in  a 
uniquely  favorable  position  within  which  to  administer  na- 
tional Indian  educational  policies.  The  sisters  comprised  a 
mostly  immigrant  group  and  shared  with  their  Indian  stu- 
dents a  need  to  assimilate  American  culture.  They  sympa- 
thized with  the  difficulties  and  challenges  and  "made  great 
efforts  to  incorporate  various  dimensions  of  the  Sioux  expe- 
rience into  religious  practice"  (p.  xxiii).  Other  methods  dis- 
tinctly Catholic,  the  author  contends,  aided  in  their  success 
as  well.  The  nuns  learned  the  Sioux  language,  tribal  cus- 
toms, and  traditions,  invited  parent  participation  in  the  edu- 
cation of  their  children,  and  regularly  visited  the  camps  in 
order  to  keep  open  lines  of  communication.  Moreover,  un- 
married and  without  families,  the  sisters  were  able  to  im- 
merse themselves  entirely  in  their  duties.  Carroll  concludes 
that  the  Catholic  model  produced  meaningful  results.  "Since 
the  sisters  did  not  impose  a  system  of  forced  assimilation," 
he  says,  "they  avoided  the  rejection  and  conflict  that  affected 
other  schools  and  were  able  to  cultivate  a  healthy  cultural 
exchange  that  generated  positive  feeling  between  the  Indi- 
ans and  the  sisters"  (p.  172). 

For  several  reasons,  Seeds  of  Faith  proves  a  less  than  sat- 
isfying work.  Poorly  edited,  an  unending  stream  of  typo- 
graphical errors  mars  the  text,  so  much  so  that  at  times  all 
semblance  of  narrative  continuity  is  lost.  Compounding  that 
deficiency  is  the  presence  of  an  inordinate  number  of  block- 
style  quotations.  Often  set  apart  by  just  a  sentence  or  two, 
they  create  frequent  roadblocks  that  require  the  reader  to 
trudge  through  layers  of  tedious  information.  At  best,  these 
problems  make  for  a  challenging  read;  at  worst,  they  render 
the  text  virtually  incomprehensible.  Also  frustrating  is  the 
absence  of  maps.  The  geographic  relationship  between  the 
schools  is  an  important  one,  and  yet  readers  are  left  without 
a  single  reference  tool  by  which  to  orient  themselves  to  the 
region  in  which  the  schools  were  located. 

These  defects  are  of  a  mechanical  nature;  others  are  sub- 
stantive. While  the  author's  conclusion  that  the  Catholic 
strategy  was  both  more  sensitive  and  effective  than  the  Prot- 
estant approach  is  generally  supported  in  current  literature. 


one  gets  the  sense  that  Carroll  may  be  self-fulfilling  his  own 
prophecy.  His  only  significant  substantiation  of  his  claims 
is  his  own  repeated  assertions  paired  with  the  official  reports 
of  the  Catholic  workers.  In  this  regard,  several  opportunities 
are  missed  that  would  have  afforded  his  work  greater  cred- 
ibility. These  schools  occupied  a  key  place  in  Sioux  history 
and  interviews  conducted  with  the  descendants  of 
assimilationist-era  students  would  have  added  substantially 
to  his  research;  yet  Carroll  incorporates  limited  oral  testi- 
mony into  his  study.  Considering  the  abundance  of  textural 
records  available,  he  also  could  have  included  more  analysis 
on  issues  of  abuse,  corporal  punishment,  runaways,  and  sabo- 
tage. Finally,  few  case  studies  are  presented.  For  example, 
the  role  played  by  former  boarding  school  students  in  tribal 
governments  during  the  period  of  the  Indian  New  Deal  and 
in  ensuing  decades  is  an  area  ripe  for  exploration.  Carroll 
might  have  sought  to  establish  a  connection  between  his 
schools  and  their  influence  on  the  changing  composition  and 
attitudes  of  native  leadership. 

In  the  end,  the  weaknesses  of  Seeds  of  Faith  outweigh  its 
strengths.  As  comparatively  little  has  been  written  on  Catho- 
lic Indian  boarding  schools,  Carroll's  thesis  is  certainly  de- 
serving of  the  consideration  of  all  student  of  Indian  educa- 
tion. Unfortunately,  the  definitive  study  of  this  topic  remains 
to  be  written. 

Under  Sacred  Ground:  A  History  of  Navajo  Oil,  1922- 
1982.  By  Kathleen  P.  Chamberlain.  Albuquerque:  Univer- 
sity of  New  Mexico  Press,  2000.  192  pp.  Illus.,  maps,  notes, 
bib.,  index.   Cloth.  $35, 

Reviewed  by  Brian  Hosmer,  University  of  Wyoming 
This  well-researched  volume  is  a  welcome  addition  to  the 
growing  corpus  of  studies  on  intersections  between  Ameri- 
can Indian  communities  and  the  marketplace.  Like  many 
scholars  interested  in  these  issues,  Kathleen  Chamberlain, 
now  assistant  professor  at  Vermont's  Castleton  State  Col- 
lege, owes  a  debt  to  Richard  White's  dated,  but  highly  influ- 
ential. The  Roots  of  Dependency.  Unlike  most,  she  follows 
White's  path  rather  directly,  as  that  aforementioned  work 
featured  a  chapter  on  the  Navajos'  steady  slide  away  from 
economic  self-sufficiency.  Chamberlain,  of  course,  restricts 
her  study  to  oil  and  gas  exploration  during  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury and  so  covers  this  ground  far  more  completely  than  did 
White,  or  any  previous  study  for  that  matter. 

In  its  broad  contours,  this  follows  a  familiar  trajectory. 
From  its  beginnings  at  the  Hogback  site  in  1922  and  con- 
tinuing on  through  the  energy  crisis  of  the  1970s,  exploita- 
tion— purely  and  simply — of  land,  people,  and  resources — 
characterized  the  history  of  the  oil  business  in  Navajo  coun- 
try, or  Dinetah.  Also  present  are  paternalistic  superintendents, 
community  factionalism,  and  familiar  figures  like  Jacob  C. 
Morgan,  Henry  Chee  Dodge,  John  Collier,  and  Peter 
MacDonald,  as  well  as  the  somewhat  less  well-known  Herbert 
J.  Hagerman  and  Deshna  Clah  Cheschilligi.  Throughout, 
Chamberlain's  argument  is  that  oil  exploration  brought 
changes  to  nearly  aspect  of  Navajo  life,  from  governance  to 
social  organization  to  economic.    Navajos,  of  course,  also 


were  shortchanged  on  oil  revenues,  had  battled  the  Bureau 
of  Indian  Affairs  for  control  of  those  moneys  they  did  re- 
ceive, and,  despite  repeated  requests,  were  offered  virtually 
no  training  to  prepare  tribal  members  to  assume  better  pay- 
ing and  more  influential,  jobs. 

Chamberlain's  book  is  strongest  when  considering  the 
impact  of  oil  exploration  on  tribal  government.  Oil  revenues, 
she  persuasively  demonstrates,  ultimately  enhanced  the  role 
and  authority  of  the  Navajo  tribal  council.  Created  to  deal 
with  the  unique  challenges  posed  by  the  corporate  nature  of 
oil  exploration,  this  innovation  simultaneously  drew  govern- 
ment superintendents  and  councilmen  closer  together  and 
created  distance  between  the  council  itself  and  the  all-im- 
portant clan  and  family  groups  across  the  vast  Dinetah.  The 
process  also  tended  to  reward  boarding  school  graduates  at 
the  expense  of  "traditionalists"  who  on  the  one  hand  were 
left  out  of  the  negotiations  but  still  exerted  considerable  in- 
fluence back  in  the  districts.  This  paradox,  where  many 
Navajos  expected  their  educated  brethren  to  negotiate  with 
the  bilagaana  (Anglo  neighbors)  while  still  valuing  clan,  fam- 
ily, and  participation  in  community  life  as  measures  of  iden- 


tity, also  appears  in  other  Indian  communities  and  at  other 
points  in  history. 

The  injection  of  cultural  identity  into  this  mix  promises 
the  most  probing  avenue  for  analysis.  However,  Chamber- 
lain does  not  do  as  much  with  this  as  she  might,  surprising 
since  she  indicates  proficiency  with  the  Navajo  language. 
Given  this  important — not  to  mention  difficult — accomplish- 
ment, one  might  have  expected  a  more  probing  discussion  of 
social  changes  at  clan,  family,  perhaps  even  individual  lev- 
els. Also  left  underdeveloped  is  the  impact  of  wage  labor  on 
Navajo  life.  Here,  Chamberlain  would  have  benefited  from 
a  closer  reading  of  works  by  Castle  McLaughlin,  Colleen 
O'Neill.  Paul  Roser.  and  others  who  are  applying  class  analy- 
sis to  questions  of  economic  change  in  Indian  communities. 

In  the  end.  though.  Chamberlain  accomplishes  much.  Her 
conclusion  that  while  oil  "should  have  eased  the  Navajos 
into  the  mainstream  economy"  it  "fell  far  short  of  expecta- 
tion" (p.  113)  is  important  and  indeed  timely  as  impending 
changes  in  America's  national  energy  strategy  inevitably  will 
turn  attention  toward  resources  in  Indian  country — this  time 
for  the  better  we  hope. 


Wyoming  Picture 


Worland was  newly  founded  when  this  photograph  was  taken  of  the  "South  Block,  Main  Street,  "  about  1910.  Rico  Stine 
collection,  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources 


Is  of 


nais  o 


WYOMING 


Tke  Wyoming  History  Journal 
Spring  2001  Vol.  73,  No.  2 


Special  Issue: 

Mexicans,  Hispanics  in  Wyoming 

Annals  of  Wyoming  is  proud  to  publish  a  special  issue  on  the  history  of  Mexicanos/Hispanics  in 
Wyoming.  The  issue  includes  essays  on  various  aspects  of  the  history  of  Mexicanos/Hispanics  in 
Wyoming.  In  the  first  essay,  "Wyoming's  Mexican  Hispanic  History"  I  provide  a  brief  examination  of 
the  historiography  and  sources.  Juan  Coronado  writes  about  the  Rawlins  Chicano  community  in  the 
second  article.  Alephonso  Garcia  remembers  the  years  when  his  family  worked  in  the  sugar  beet  fields 
near  Wheatland  in  a  reminiscence  he  titles  "Beet  Seasons  in  Wyoming."  In  the  next  article,  I  am  joined 
by  Jesse  Vialpando  in  describing  the  pioneering  "La  Cultura  Project  Oral  History  Project."  The  issue 
concludes  with  articles  written  by  three  younger  people  about  their  families  in  Wyoming  although  all 
three  articles  examine  broader  themes.  Kirse  Kelly,  "Wyoming  Energy  Boom  Chicano  Migration:  Los 
Chavez,"  looks  at  the  migration  and  experiences  of  her  family  in  Wyoming  in  recent  times.  Miguel 
Rosales,  "A  Mexican  Railroad  Family  in  Wyoming,"  examines  the  experience  of  Mexican  women  as 
wartime  workers  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  The  special  issue  concludes  with  an  article  by  Dwayne 
Gallegos,  "Making  Laramie  Hoy:  A  Video  History,"  describing  how  a  contemporary  student  production 
of  a  video  documentary  on  the  history  of  the  Laramie  Mexican  American  community  was  made.  As  in 
many  fields  of  history,  much  work  remains,  but  we  hope  you  gain  a  flavor  for  the  Mexicano/Hispanic 
experience  in  Wyoming  through  the  articles  included  here. 

--Antonio  Rios-Bustamante,  Guest  Editor 


The  Cover  Art 


Martin  Saldana,  Mexican  (1874  -  1965),  Woman  in  Swing  (oil  on  canvas  board,  20  x  30  inches,  not 
dated),  gift  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lester  Bridaham,  University  of  Wyoming  Art  Museum  (85.0240.000) 

Martin  Saldana  grew  up  on  a  cattle  ranch  in  Mexico,  one  of  nine  children.  In  1912,  he  settled  in  Denver 
where  he  worked  as  a  cook  for  most  of  his  adult  life.  In  1950,  at  the  age  of  76,  he  began  attending 
children  's  art  classes  at  the  Denver  Museum  of  Art.  A  devoted  painter  for  the  rest  of  his  life,  Saldana 
created  images  remembered  from  his  childhood  and  infused  with' his  Mexican  heritage.  Elements  of  his 
work  such  at  the  foliage  recall  the  embroidery  made  by  his  mother  and  sisters  and  convey  the  artist 's 
lifelong  love  of  gardening.  Painted  in  a  naive  style,  he  worked  very  methodically,  making  a  pencil  sketch 
on  the  canvas  and  then  applying  his  bold,  bright,  and  colorful  palette.  In  addition  to  the  University  of 
Wyoming  Art  Museum,  Saldana 's  paintings  are  also  in  the  collection  of  the  International  Folk  Art  Museum 
(Santa  Fe),  the  Denver  Art  Museum,  the  Colorado  Springs  Fine  Art  Center,  the  Stedelijk  Museum 
(Amsterdam),  Neuss  In  Aberthor  Museum  (Cologne),  and  others. 

-Susan  Moldenhauer,  Acting  Director,  University  of  Wyoming  Art  Museum 


The  editor  of  Annals  of  Wyoming  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  every  aspect  of  the  history  of  Wyoming  and  the  West. 
Appropriate  for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer  new  interpretations 
of  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will  be  considered  for  use  in  the 
"Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  for  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming  Memories"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are 
reviewed  and  refereed  by  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and  others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  by 
the  editor.  Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies.  Submissions  and  queries  should  be  ad- 
dressed to  Editor.  Annals  of  Wyoming,  P.  O.  Box  4256,  University  Station.  Laramie  WY  8207 1 .  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following 
address:  annals(<?uwyo.edu 


Editor 
Phil  Roberts 

Assistant  Editor 

Sarah  Payne 

Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  Hallberg 

Guest  Editor  for  This  Special  Issue 

Antonio  Rios-Bustamante 

Editorial  Advisor^'  Board 

Barbara  Bogart,  Evanston 
Mabel  Brown,  Newcastle/Cheyenne 
Michael  J.  Devine,  Laramie 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  Jost,  Riverton 
David  Kathka,  Rocl?  Springs 
John  D.  McDermott,  Sheridan 
Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 
Thomas  F.  Stroock,  Casper 
Lawrence  M.  Woods,  Worland 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Publications  Committee 

Rick  Ewig,  Laramie 

David  Kathka,  Rock  Springs 

Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie 

Nancy  Curtis,  Glendo 

William  H.  Moore,  Laramie  (ex  oriicio) 

Patty  Myers,  Wheatland  (ex-ofhcio) 

Loren  Jost,  Riverton  (ex-omcio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex-orricio) 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Dave  Taylor,  President,  Natrona  County 

Amy  Lawrence,  1st  Vice  Pres.,  Albany  Co. 

Patty  Myers,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Platte  Co. 

Linda  Fabian,  Secretary,  Platte  County 

Dick  Wilder,  Treasurer,  Park  County 

Clara  Vamer,  Weston  County 

Jermy  Wight,  Star  Valley  Chapter 

Joyce  Warnke,  Goshen  County 

Lloyd  Todd,  Sheridan  County 

Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 

Governor  01  Wyoming 

Jim  Oeringer 

Wyoming  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources 

John  Keck,  Director 

Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

William  Dubois,  Cheyenne 
Charles  A.  Guerin,  Laramie 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Rosie  Berger,  Big  Horn 
B.  Byron  Price,  Cody 
Herb  French,  Newcastle 
Frank  Tim  Isahell,  Shoshoni 
Jeanne  Hickey,  Cheyenne 
Hale  Kreycik,  Douglas 

University  of  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 
Oliver  Walter,  Dean, 

Lollege  oi  Arts  and  Sciences 
William  H.  Moore,  Chair,  Dept.  of  History 

Printed  by  Pioneer  Printing,  Cheyenne 


mals  of 

WYOMING 

ie  ^»qrning  History  Journal 

Spring  a&JisMJ.  73,  No.  2 
SPECIAL  ISSUE  $  ^  '&>v 

Wyoming's  Mexican  Hispanic  History    / 

By  Antonio  Rios-Bustamante /...../J&v. .?!>!vj..£^  2 

Chicanos  in  Rawlins,  1950-2001 

Bv  Juan  Coronado....^SH. ?#ty^s^......../....10 

Beet  Seasons  in  Wyoming: 

Mexican-American  Eamily  Liie  on  a  Sugar  Beet  Far 
near  Wheatland  During  World  War  II 

By  Alepnonso  Garcia ?>**/.  ■  14 

La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project: 

Mexicano/Hispanic  History  in  Wyoming 

By  Antonio  Rios-Bustamante  ana  Jesse  Vialpanao 18 

Recent  Chicano  Migration  Into  and  Out  01  Wyoming: 
Los  Chavez 

By  Kirse  Kelly 22 

A  Mexican  Railroad  Family  in  Wyoming 

By  Miguel  A.  Rosales 28 

The  Making  oi  a  Video  Documentary- -Laramie  Hoy 

By  Dwayne  Gallegos 33 

Wyoming'  Picture 35 

Index   36 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  is  published  quarterly  by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  in  association  with  the  Wyoming  Department  of  Commerce,  the  American  Heritage  Center,  and  the 
Department  of  History.  University  of  Wyoming.  The  journal  was  previously  published  as  the  Quarterly 
Bulletin  ( 1 923-1 925),  Annals  of  Wyoming  ( 1 925- 1 993 ).  Wyoming  Annals  ( 1 993- 1 995 )  and  Wyoming  His- 
tory Journal  (1995-1996).  The  Annals  has  been  the  official  publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of  membership  to  all  society  members.  Membership  dues 
are:  single.  $20;  joint.  $30;  student  (under  21 ).  $15;  institutional.  $40;  contributing,  $100-249;  sustaining. 
$250-499;  patron.  $500-999;  donor.  $1,000+.  To  join,  contact  your  local  chapter  or  write  to  the  address 
below.  Articles  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  are  abstracted  in  Historical  Abstracts  and  America:  History  and  Life . 

Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to  Judy 
West.  Coordinator.  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  PMB#  184,  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd.,  Cheyenne 
WY  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspondence  should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  oi  Annals  of  Wyo- 
ming. American  Heritage  Center,  P.  O.  Box  4256,  University  Station,  Laramie  W Y  8207 1 . 
Our  e-mail  address  is:  annalsfgiuwyo.edu 


Copyright  2001,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


ISSN:  1086-7368 


Wyoming's  Mexican 
Hispanic  History 


By  Antonio  Rios-Bustamante 


Mariano  Medina,  Taos 
mountain  man 


The  United  States  Census  of  2000  indicated  that  Hispanics  form  6.4 
percent  of  the  Wyoming'  population  and  are  the  state's  largest  ethnic 
group  with  3 1 ,669  persons.  Spanish  Mexican  presence  within  the  present 
area  of  Wyoming  goes  back  to  the  early  nineteenth  century,  although 
historians  and  others  have  long  speculated  regarding  possible  Spanish 
exploration  in  Wyoming.1 


Spring  2001 


Until  the  1980s  Mexicans  and  Hispanics  in  Wyo- 
ming received  only  passing  mentions  in  histo- 
ries of  Wyoming.  T.  A.  Larson,  the  dean  of 
Wyoming  historians,  mentioned  Spanish  Americans  in 
his  History  of  Wyoming  and  Mexican  Braceros  received 
less  than  a  single-page  mention  in  his  earlier  study  titled 
Wyoming's  War  Years  1941-1945? 

Early  Wyoming  accounts  of  the  fur  trade,  railroad  con- 
struction and  the  cattle  industry  note  in  passing  refer- 
ences the  presence  of  Mexicans/Hispanics.  Mexican 
builders  constructed  the  adobe  walls  of  the  second  Fort 
Laramie,  then  known  as  Fort  John,  in  the  early  1840s. 
Army  officers  also  noted  their  presence.  Mexicans  and 
other  Hispanics  are  mentioned  as  fur  traders,  fur  trap- 
pers, arrieros,  muleskinners,  vaqueros,  cowboys,  and 
hunters.  Mountain  man  Jim  Bridger  had  many  business 
dealings  with  early  Mexican  traders,  trappers  in  what  be- 
came Wyoming. 

Later,  in  the  first  half  of  the  20lh  century,  Mexicans  and 
Hispanics  are  mentioned  by  writers,  social  scientists,  and 
newspaper  reporters  as  sugar  beet  workers,  sheep  herd- 
ers, and  railroad  workers.  The  conditions  in  which  these 
and  others  lived  were  noted  by  Wyoming  editor  and  writer 
Dee  Linford  in  a  chapter,  "Cheyenne:  Cowman's  Capi- 
tal," in  Ray  B.  West  (ed.).  Rocky  Mountain  Cities  ( 1 949). 
Linford  described  racial  bias,  segregation,  against  Mexi- 
cans and  African  Americans  at  mid-century  in  Wyoming's 
capital  city  in  the  following  terms: 

Cheyenne's  Westside  where  the  old  Family's  hold- 
ings are  concentrated  includes  the  Negro  and  Mexi- 
can sector;  a  high  Wyoming  Roman  Catholic  digni- 
tary recently  described  conditions  here  as  more  deplor- 
able than  any  he  had  found  in  tours  of  slum  areas  of 
old  European  Cities.  3 

During  this  period  social  scientists  Paul  Taylor  and 
Harvey  Schwartz  described  sugar  beet  and  other  agricul- 
tural workers  in  Wyoming.  The  Schwartz  study,  Seasonal 
Farm  Labor  in  the  United  States  with  Special  Reference 
to  Hired  Workers  in  Fruit,  Vegetable  and  Sugar-Beet 
Production,  was  published  by  Columbia  University  Press 
in  1945.  A  study  of  the  Mexican  population  in  Laramie 
was  done  by  Ernest  Press  in  1946  as  a  master's  thesis  in 
economics  and  sociology.4 

The  best  early  study  of  Mexicans/Hispanics  in  Wyo- 
ming is  a  M.  A.  thesis  in  Education  by  T.  Joe  Sandoval, 
"A  Study  of  Some  Aspects  of  the  Spanish-Speaking  Popu- 
lation in  Selected  Communities  in  Wyoming,"completed 
at  the  University  of  Wyoming  in  1946.  Sandoval  con- 
ducted a  survey  of  major  Spanish-speaking  communi- 
ties. It  is  a  unique  assessment  of  Wyoming  Mexicans/ 


Hispanics  by  a  Hispanic  observer  in  the  post-World  War 
II  period.5 

Since  1970  historians  have  shown  increased  interest  in 
Wyoming  ethnic  and  labor  history.  This  interest  has  been 
reflected  in  the  appearance  of  several  essays  regarding 
Mexicans/Hispanics  in  Annals  of  Wyoming,  the  official 
publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society. 
Long  edited  by  staff  in  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and 
Historical  Department  until  1 995,  it  took  the  lead  in  pub- 
lishing several  key  essays.  An  extract  from  Augustin 
Redwine's  thesis  on  Lovell's  Mexican  Colony  was  pub- 
lished in  Annals  in  1979.  Soon  after,  an  article  by  Will- 
iam L.Hewitt,  titled  "Mexican  Workers  in  Wyoming  Dur- 
ing World  War  II,"  appeared  in  Annals.  A  more  recent 
work  by  Peg  Arnold  focused  on  Hispanic  sheepherders.6 

A  pioneering  research  effort  was  the  La  Cultura  Oral 
History  Project.  The  project  originated  from  a  meeting 
held  in  Laramie  on  March  12-13,  1982,  at  which  a  project 
to  be  funded  by  the  Wyoming  Council  for  the  Humani- 
ties was  formulated.  The  project  called  for  conducting 
oral  history  interviews  with  Hispanics  throughout  the 
state,  collecting  a  minimum  of  30  sets  of  three-genera- 
tion interviews.  Over  the  course  of  the  next  couple  of 
years,  the  interviews  were  conducted  and  transcribed.  The 
transcriptions  and  tapes  were  deposited  in  the  collections 

1  Elizabeth  A.  Wright.  "Census  Shows  Hispanics  Growing  Mi- 
nority in  State."  Laramie  Daily  Boomerang.  March  28,  2001,  7. 
Early  speculation  regarding  Spanish  exploration  in  Wyoming  was 
noted  in  Hubert  H.  Bancroft.  History  of  Nevada,  Colorado,  Wyo- 
ming (San  Francisco:  The  History  Company.  1890).  672-674.  T.A. 
Larson,  Histoiy  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska  Press. 
1965).  8.  summarizes  the  lack  of  evidence. 

2  Larson.  History  of  Wyoming,  413:  T.A.  Larson.  Wyoming 's  War 
Years  1941-1945  (Stanford:  Stanford  University  Press.  1954.  re- 
printed by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  1993),  162. 

3  Dee  Linford,  "Cheyenne:  Cowman's  Capital,"  in  Ray  B.  West 
(ed.).  Rocky  Mountain  Cities  (New  York:  W.  W.  Norton.  1949). 
103-149.  Linford  was  the  editor  of  the  WPA  Writers  Project  Guide 
to  Wyoming  and  editor  of  Wyoming  Wildlife,  the  publication  of  the 
Wyoming  Game  and  Fish  Department. 

4  Paul  Taylor.  Mexican  Labor  in  the  United  States:  South  Platte 
Valley  (Berkeley:  Publications  in  Economics.  University  of  Cali- 
fornia. 1929).  105.  177:  Harvey  Schwartz.  Seasonal  Farm  Labor  in 
the  United  States  with  Special  Reference  to  Hired  Workers  in  Fruit, 
Vegetable  and  Sugar-Beet  Production  (New  York:  Columbia  Uni- 
versity Press.  1945):  Ernest  Press.  "The  Mexican  Population  of 
Laramie."  Unpublished  M.  A.  thesis  in  economics  and  sociology. 
University  of  Wyoming,  1946. 

5  T.  Joe  Sandoval.  "A  Study  of  Some  Aspects  of  the  Spanish- 
Speaking  Population  in  Selected  Communities  in  Wyoming."  Un- 
published M.A.  thesis  in  Education.  University  of  Wyoming,  1946. 

6  Augustin  Redwine,  "LovelFs  Mexican  Colony."  Annals  52  (Fall 
1979):  William  L.Hewitt.  "Mexican  Workers  in  Wyoming  During 
World  War  11."  Annals  54  (Fall  1 982);  Peg  Arnold.  "Hispanic  Sheep- 
herders."  Annals  69  (Winter  1997). 


Annals  01  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


of  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  and  Historical  Depart- 
ment, now  the  State  Department  of  Parks  and  Cultural 
Resources.  The  La  Cultura  Oral  history  project  can  be 
viewed  as  an  important  pioneering  Mexican  American/ 
Hispanic  public  history  project.  The  exhibit  is  available 
online  as  a  virtual  museum  gallery  "Hispanics  in  Wyo- 
ming," located  on  the  University  of  Wyoming  Chicano 
Studies  Website.7 

While  it  was  not  the  primary  focus  of  the  book,  refer- 
ence to  racial  bias  in  Laramie  was  noted  by  author  Beth 
Loffreda  in  her  account  of  the  Matthew  Shepherd  inci- 
dent, late  in  the  20th  century.  She  described  racial  bias  in 
Laramie  against  American  Indians,  Mexican-American, 
African-American  and  Asian  American  youth. 

Colonial  Period-- 1700-1821 

There  is  no  direct  documented  evidence  of  Spanish 
Mexican  presence  in  Wyoming  before  1800.  In  the  19th 
century  Wyoming  Indian  people  possessed  pieces  of 
Spanish  armor.  In  recent  years  Wyoming  residents  have 
found  Spanish  swords.  The  closest  documented  presence 
of  Spanish  near  Wyoming  was  that  of  Pedro  de  Villasur 
in  Nebraska  in  1 720  and  Escalante  y  Dominguez  's  1 776 
visit  to  Utah  Lake,  Utah.0  However,  it  is  probable  that 
some  trade  contracts  with  Spanish  Mexican  ciboleros, 
buffalo  hunters  and  captives  in  Wyoming  did  occur  be- 
tween 1600  and  1800. 

This  was  reflected  in  recorded  Plains  Indian  knowl- 
edge of  Spanish  language  words  and  phrases.  Trade  con- 
tacts for  Spanish  trade  existed  with  the  Cheyenne, 
Shoshone,  Cheyenne  and,  probably,  the  Arapaho.  How- 
ever there  is  no  proof  that  trade  occurred  within  the  present 
territory  of  Wyoming  before  the  1 820s.  It  is  reported  that 
the  Shoshone  traded  with  New  Mexico  and  there  was  a 
trading  area  with  the  Spanish  Mexicans  in  western  Wyo- 
ming before  1 800.  However,  the  first  documented  con- 
tacts with  Mexicanos  in  Wyoming  began  with  fur  trader 
Entienne  Prevost.  He  opened  a  trade  route  from  western 
Wyoming  and  Utah  to  New  Mexico.  The  Prevost  route 
probably  followed  existing  Shoshone,  Ute  and  New  Mexi- 
can trade  routes.10 

Early  Mexican  National  Period,  1821-1848 

By  the  1820s  Mexico  gained  its  independence  from 
Spain.  Much  of  the  Red  Desert  area  of  southwest  Wyo- 
ming was  part  of  the  then  internationally  recognized  ter- 
ritory of  Mexico. 

St.  Louis  Spanish  trader  Manuel  Lisa  sent  merchan- 
dise with  French,  Spanish  and  American  trappers  up  the 
Missouri  River.  Fort  Lisa  was  established  in  1819  in 
present  Montana,  just  north  of  the  Wyoming  border. 
Manuel  Lisa  was  a  partner  in  the  American  Fur  Com- 


pany and  dozens  of  Spanish  trappers  entered  Wyoming 
with  parties  of  the  company." 

A  small  but  increasing  number  of  Mexicanos  began  to 
enter  what  would  become  Wyoming.  By  the  mid- 1820s 
Mexican  casadores  (fur  hunters),  arrieros  (mule  skin- 
ners), and  traders  entered  the  area  to  trade  with  Ameri- 
can and  French  Canadian  trappers  operating  in  Wyoming, 
Colorado,  Utah  and  other  areas  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
At  times  Nuevo  Mexico  ciboleros  (buffalo  hunters)  may 
have  entered  the  plains  area  of  Wyoming  with  Utes  and 
Comanches  to  hunt  buffalo  and  to  trade  with  Indian 
peoples  for  furs  and  buffalo  skins.  The  names  of  a  few 
of  these  Mexicans  and  Spaniards  are  known.  Mariano 
Medina,  a  Taos  Mexican,  was  a  trapper  and  lived  as  a 
mountain  man  at  times  in  Wyoming.  Medina  is  known 
to  have  lived  and  traded  with  the  Cheyenne. 

An  American  trapper  who  had  continuing  contact  with 
Mexicans  was  Jim  Bridger  who  with  partner  Luis  Vasquez 
established  Fort  Bridger  and  Vasquez  in  1 841  in  western 
Wyoming  near  South  Pass.  Luis  Vasquez  like  Manuel 
Lisa  was  Spanish  and  came  from  the  St.  Louis  area  that 
had  been  Upper  Louisiana  as  a  Spanish  colony  ceded  by 
France  to  Spain.  Vasquez  has  also  been  refered  to  in  many 
accounts  as  a  Mexican,  may  have  become  a  Mexican  citi- 
zen. Bridger  and  Vasquez,  in  fact,  later  claimed  that  they 
had  obtained  the  site  of  Fort  Bridger  as  a  Mexican  land 
grant  from  the  Governor  of  Alta  California.  Mormon 
records  show  that  when  Brigham  Young  later  bought  the 
fort  from  Bridger,  the  Mormon  Church  official  believed 
he  was  buying  a  Mexican  land  grant. |: 

From  the  1830s  to  the  1850s  numerous  Mexicans  vis- 
ited Fort  Bridger  to  trade.  Spanish  was  one  of  the  trade 


7  La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project,  Wyoming  Division  of  Cul- 
tural Resources.  See  "Hispanics  in  Wyoming."  virtual  museum  gal- 
lery one,  Chicano  Studies  Program  Web  Site,  http:// 
uwadmnvveb.uwvo.edu/'CliicanoStudies/inuseo.htm.  Dr.  Lawrence 
A.  Cardozo,  then  chair  of  the  University  Wyoming  Department  of 
History,  and  Phil  Roberts,  then  historian  at  the  Wyoming  State  Ar- 
chives and  Historical  Department,  acted  as  advisors  and  trained  in- 
terviewers in  oral  history  methods. 

8  Beth  Loffreda,  Losing  Matt  Shepherd:  Life  and  Politics  in  the 
Aftermath  of  Anti-Gay  Murder  (New  York:  Columbia  University 
Press,  2000),  42-45. 

9  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  8. 

10  Fred  N.  Gowans  and  Eugene  E.  Campbell,  Fort  Bridger.  (Provo: 
Brigham  Young  University  Press,  1975),  694.  For  the  sale  of  Fort 
Bridger  Mexican  Land  Grant  to  Brigham  Young,  see  Utah  Hand- 
book of  Reference  (Salt  Lake  City:  1884),  65.  J.  Cecil  Alter,  Jim 
Bridger  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma,  1962),  10,  120.  168- 
169. 

1 '  Alter,  Jim  Bridger,  67.  "May  25,  1 825.  Early  in  the  day  a  party 
of  Fifteen  men,  Canadians,  and  Spaniards,  headed  by  one 
Provost. ..arrived...." 

12  Alter,  Jim  Bridger,  67,  301. 


Spring  2001 

languages  spoken  in  Wyoming.  Jim  Bridger  spoke 
French,  Spanish  and  a  dozen  Indian  languages  as  well  as 
English.  Mexican  or  Spanish  visitors  to  Fort  Bridger 
would  have  been  welcomed  in  and  able  to  conduct  trade 
in  Spanish  as  well  as  a  dozen  other  languages,  including 
English  and  Shoshone.  Many  American  and  French  Ca- 
nadian trappers  in  Wyoming  visited  or  wintered  in  New 
Mexico  and  would  have  spoken  some  Spanish  as  well.11 

American  Expansion  Period,  1848-1860 

The  presence  of  Mexicans  in  Wyoming  slowly  to  in- 
creased in  numbers  from  the  1850s  to  the  1860s.  As 
American  military  forts  began  to  replace  fur  trade  posts, 
some  Mexican  muleskinners  and  packers  worked  in  bring- 
ing supplies  to  the  army.  Mexican  vaqueros  are  known 
to  have  entered  Wyoming  with  the  cattle  drives  from 
Texas.  Early  ranchers  may  have  entered  Wyoming  from 
Oregon,  Idaho  with  some  Mexican  vaqueros  driving  their 
cattle. 

Railroad  Period,  1861-1870s 

As  the  Union  Pacific  railroad  entered  Wyoming,  Mexi- 
cans were  present.  Few  were  recorded  by  name  in  records 
of  the  time,  but  there  are  significant  references  to  Mexi- 
cans as  cowboys.  For  example,  Finn  Burnett,  in  1 867, 
mentioned  a  Mexican  employee  of  John  Miller.  The  man 
left  camp  to  chase  an  antelope  and  was  killed  by  a  party 
of  Sioux  who  had  been  refused  food  at  the  camp  on  Sage 
Creek  a  day  from  Fort  Fettermen.14 

Statehood  Period,  1890s 

From  1870  to  1900,  the  names  of  several  Mexican  men 
appear  in  Wyoming  accounts.  Among  these  were  hunter 
Andrew  Garcia,  and  Colorado  River  boatmen  Ramon 
Montez.  Garcia,  a  New  Mexican  who  settled  in  Mon- 
tana, worked  and  traveled  in  Wyoming  in  the  late  1 870s 
while  working  as  a  packer  for  the  Army.15 

Ramon  Montez  and  his  friend  George  Flavell  ran  the 
rapids  of  the  Grand  Canyon  in  a  wooden  boat  in  1896. 
They  were  among  the  first  100  people  to  run  the  river 
and  among  the  first  to  do  it  in  a  single  wooden  boat. 
While  in  San  Fernando,  California,  carpenter  Flavell  and 
his  friend  Montez  read  about  an  earlier  trip  down  the 
Colorado  and  decided  to  make  their  own  journey.  Arriv- 
ing in  Green  River,  Wyoming,  Montez  and  Flavell  built 
the  Panthon,  a  1 5  1/2  foot  wooden  boat.  On  August  27, 
1896,  they  left  Green  River.  After  running  the  Colorado 
rapids,  the  two  arrived  on  December  23  at  Lees  Ferry, 
Arizona,  where  Ramon  Montez  left  the  boat.16 

Up  to  1900  probably  several  hundred  Mexicans  and 
Hispanics  entered  Wyoming  for  less  dramatic  reasons, 
to  work  as  cowboys  or  railroad  track  laborers.  The  de- 


velopment of  early  towns,  mining  camps,  also  brought 
in  continuing  numbers  of  Mexican  muleskinners  and 
teamsters.  As  sheep  entered  in  Wyoming,  a  significant 
number  of  Mexican  and  Hispanic  pastores  (shepherds) 
were  employed  in  this  industry.  Many  were  experienced 
shepherds  from  Northern  New  Mexico  and  Southern 
Colorado.17  Some  Mexican  Hispanic  artisans  and  small 
storeowners  probably  lived  in  Wyoming  towns  such  as 
Cheyenne,  and  Laramie. 

Early  20th  Century:  1900-1939 

After  1 900  the  number  of  Mexicans  and  Hispanics  en- 
tering Wyoming  increased  in  the  period  before  the  Great 
Depression.  During  this  period  Mexicans  continued  in 
ranch  work  and  the  number  of  shepherds  increased.  Mexi- 
cans also  began  to  work  on  the  railroad  and  in  mining 
and  oil  towns  and  camps. 

Mexicans  were  generally  hired  and  paid  as  laborers  even 
when  as  shepherds  or  ranch  hands  their  work  involved 
complicated  skills.  In  the  mining  and  oil  industries  Mexi- 
cans/Hispanics  had  the  lowest  paid  jobs,  with  the  least 
security. 

In  agriculture  the  sugarbeet  industry  expanded  into 
Wyoming  on  a  large  scale.18  At  first  Germans  from  Rus- 
sia were  hired.  By  World  War  I  many  Mexican  Hispanic 
agricultural  workers  were  recruited  to  work  in  sugar  beets 
across  Wyoming  in  places  like  Lovell  and  Torrington. 
Much  of  the  industry  was  owned  by  the  Great  Western 
Sugar  Company.  At  Lovell  and  other  Wyoming  towns 
Great  Western  built  company  housing  and  camps  espe- 
cially for  Mexican  workers.11'  By  the  1920s  Mexican 
railroad  workers  and  their  families  also  lived  in  railroad 
camps  across  the  tracks  from  many  Wyoming  towns,  in- 
cluding Cheyenne,  Laramie,  Casper,  Rawlins,  and  Rock 
Springs.20 

13  Alter.  Jim  Bridger. 

14  Maurice  Frink.  Cow  Country  Cavalcade:  Eighty  Years  of  the 
Wyoming  Stock  Association  (Denver:  Old  West  Publishing,  1954), 
states  that  herds  they  accompanied  herds  from  Washington  and  Or- 
egon in  the  1860s.  Robert  Beebe  David.  Finn  Burnett,  Fontiersman. 
(Glendale:  Arthur  Clark  Co.,  1937).  215. 

"  Andrew  Garcia.  Tough  Trip  Through  Paradise.  1 878- 1879 (Bos- 
ton: Houghton  Mifflin.  1967).  Garcia  was  an  Indian  trader  from 
Taos,  N.  M.,  who  lived  in  Wyoming  and  Montana  in  the  1870s. 

"'  George  F.  Flavell.  The  Log  of  the  Panthon  (Boulder:  Pruett 
Publishing,  1987). 

17  Peg  Arnold.  "Wyoming's  Hispanic  Sheepherders."  Annals  of 
Wyoming  69  (Winter.  1997),  29-34. 

"  William  John  May,  Jr..  The  Great  Western  Sugarlands:  The 
History  of  the  Great  Western  Sugar  Company  and  the  Economic 
Development  of  the  Great  Plains.  (New  York:  Garland  Publishing 
Co..  1989).  333. 

19  Redwine,  26-35. 

2,1  Hewitt.  20-33. 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Many  Mexican/Hispanic  workers  in  Wyoming  were 
small  fanners  economically  displaced  from  northern  New 
Mexico  farms  that  were  too  small  to  support  new  genera- 
tions.21 Others  had  been  displaced  by  the  Mexican  revo- 
lution or  economic  recession  in  northern  and  central 
Mexico.  Many  came  from  Mexican  states  like  Chihua- 
hua, Durango,  Zacatecas,  Aguascalientes.  They  had  mi- 
grated north  along  the  Mexican  Central  Railroad  to  El 
Paso,  Texas.  There,  large  companies  like  the  Great  West- 
ern Sugar  Company  and  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  main- 
tained labor  agents  to  recruit  Mexican  workers. 

Economic  and  social  conditions  were  hard  for  Mexi- 
can families  in  Wyoming.  Most  Wyoming  communities 
were  racially  segregated,  and  in  many  places  there  were 
few  stores  who  accepted  Mexican  customers.  Posted  signs 
in  many  businesses  openly  stated  that  no  Mexicans  or 
Spanish  were  served  or  welcome.  In  some  towns  Mexi- 
cans could  only  buy  food  or  supplies  from  a  company  or 
ranch  store.  Mexican  customers  were  not  welcome  in  res- 
taurants, barbershops,  or  places  of  entertainment  and  were 
even  excluded  from  public  facilities  like  swimming  pools. 
In  some  communities  segregated  schools  were  established 
for  Mexican  children."  Similarly  from  1900  to  through 
the  1930s  Mexicans,  African  American,  American  Indi- 
ans, and  Asian  Americans  were  over  represented  in  Wyo- 
ming prison  populations  and  among  inmates  on  death 
row.23 

For  example,  at  Lovell.  Wyoming,  the  Great  Western 
Sugar  Company  established  a  labor  camp  for  sugar  beet 
industry  workers.  By  1917  there  were  New  Mexican, 
and  Tejanos  workers  at  Lovell.  In  1918  the  company 
brought  Mexican  workers  to  Lovell.  From  1924-1927 
colonies  or  labor  camps  were  established  in  Worland  and 
Lovell.  One  of  these  consisted  of  one-room  adobe  houses. 
Housing  was  simple  and  consisted  of  barracks  for  single 
men  and  of  labor  houses  for  families.  To  attract  and  main- 
tain its  Mexican  work  force  the  company  realized  that  it 
needed  to  provide  social  outlets  and  recreation.  In  1927 
the  Lovell  C omission  Honorifica,  was  established  and  a 
recreation  center,  El  Salon,  a  simple  meeting  house  was 
built  to  celebrate  Mexican  fiestas  and  patriotic  holidays. 
The  Lovell  Comission  Honorifica  became  a  social  po- 
litical organization  and  it  also  would  fight  discrimina- 
tion through  complaints  to  the  Mexican  Consul  in  Den- 
ver. Complaints  to  consul  included  the  fact  that  the  Lovell 
Catholic  Church  divided  the  seating  between  Whites  and 
Mexicans,  with  Mexicans  in  the  back  rows.  The  colony 
as  finally  abolished  in  1954.  In  the  1930s  the  town  of 
Powell  also  exhibited  extensive  discrimination.  Mexicans 
were  not  allowed  to  use  pool,  or  enter  stores,  and  barber- 
shops.24 


In  1930  Wyoming's  Mexican  population,  according  to 
the  United  States  Census,  was  7,  174  persons.25  During 
the  1930- 1 950s  segregation  was  typical  of  Wyoming 
communities  including  Worland,  Torrington,  Rock 
Springs,  Rawlins,  Laramie.  Worland  and  Torrington  were 
reputed  to  be  among  the  Wyoming  towns  with  the  worst 
anti-Mexican  Hispanic  discrimination.  Some  observers 
felt  discrimination  in  Wyoming  was  stronger  than  neigh- 
boring states.  Worland  maintained  a  separate  Mexican 
school.20  A  1939  Fortune  Magazine  national  survey 
found  that  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  area  (which  included 
Wyoming),  Mexicans  were  considered  to  make  the  worst 
citizens.27 

Some  Mexican  sugar  beet  workers  joined  workers  from 
ethnic  groups  in  attempting  to  organize  agricultural  work- 
ers. In  the  1920s  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World 
(I  WW)  and  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  (AFL)  at- 
tempted to  organize  beet  workers  in  the  states  of  Wyo- 
ming, Colorado,  Nebraska,  and  Montana.  In  1929 
C.N. Idar  organized  the  Beet  Workers  Association,  mainly 
in  Colorado,  where  it  had  limited  success.  Idar  visited 
Mexican  beet  workers  colonies  in  Wyoming  on  a  speak- 
ing tour  of  the  region.  The  Agricultural  Workers  Indus- 
trial Union  and  the  United  Cannery,  Agricultural.  Pack- 
ing and  Allied  Workers  of  America  (UCAPAWA)  orga- 
nized regional  beet  strikes  in  1932  and  1938.  However, 
by  1938,  the  number  of  jobless  Dust  Bowl  migrants  en- 
tering the  workforce  undercut  union  bargaining  power 
and  UCAPAWA  went  into  a  decline  among  beet  work- 
ers. 

1940-1950's. 

Mexican.  Hispanic  population  in  Wyoming  probably 
declined  during  the  Great  Depression,  and  definitely  in- 
creased in  the  post- World  War  II  period.  A  problem  in 
measuring  population  is  undercounting  and  the 
inconsistant  categories  used  for  Mexican  American  popu- 
lation in  the  census.  In  the  1940  Census,  the  category 
was  titled  "Spanish  Mother  Tongue"  of  which  there  were 

21  Sandoval.  18-19.  Many  came  from  the  Mora.  Taos  and  Chama 
areas  of  New  Mexico  and  nearby  southern  Colorado. 

22  Hewitt.  2 1 . 

u  A  visit  to  public  exhibits  including  photographs  at  the  old  Wyo- 
ming state  penitentiary  at  Rawlins  and  the  Territorial  Prison  at 
Laramie  clearly  show  numerous  Mexican  and  African  American 
death  row  inmates  at  these  institutions. 

24  Hewitt.  21. 

"Sandoval.  18. 

26  Sandoval.  46. 

27  Sandoval.  46. 

28  Stuart  Jamieson.  Labor  Unionism  in  American  Agriculture. 
(Washington:  Bulletin  No.  836,  United  States  Department  of  La- 
bor, Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  1945).  233-255. 


Spring  2001 

1948  there  were  an  estimated  8,000  Mexican  Americans 
in  the  state,  making  them  the  largest  minority  in  Wyo- 
ming. 

During  World  War  II  high  demands  for  the  production 
of  the  oil,  mining  and  agricultural  industries  stimlated  a 
economic  boom  in  Wyoming.  Mexican  and  Mexican 
Americans  workers  and  their  families  were  attracted  by 
labor  jobs.  Considerable  migration  came  from  depressed 
areas  of  New  Mexico  including  the  Taos,  San  Miguel, 
Mora  areas  and  the  San  Luis  Valley  of  Colorado.3" 

By  1942  large  wartime  labor  short-usages  in  agricul- 
ture prompted  attempts  to  use  local  children,  housewives 
and  local  businessmen  to  pick  sugarbeets.  The  workforce 
was  wholly  inadequate  for  the  increased  wartime  pro- 
duction. Due  to  military  service  and  higher  wages  in  other 
states  by  1942,  it  was  estimated  that  17,000  agricultural 
workers  had  left  the  state.  Wyoming  agriculture  needed 
an  estimated  4,000  workers.  In  1942  Mexico,  a  wartime 
ally  and  the  United  States  negotiated  the  Bracero  agree- 
ment, providing  for  the  recruitment  of  Mexican  workers 
to  meet  wartime  labor  shortages.  By  June  1944,  990 
Braceros  were  working  in  Wyoming  alongside  other  thou- 
sands of  Mexican  and  Mexican  American  workers.  Wages 
for  braceros  were  $19.20  for  a  48  hour  work  week.31 

Soon,  however,  Mexican  Government  representatives 
received  reports  of  racial  discrimination  against  braceros 
in  many  states  including  Wyoming.  Mexican  government 
representatives  found  high  levels  of  discrimination.  As  a 
result  the  Mexican  government,  through  its  consul  in 
Denver,  informed  Gov.  Lester  Hunt  that  it  was  consider- 
ing withdrawing  braceros  from  Wyoming,  as  it  had  done 
in  Texas.  As  a  result,  Gov.  Hunt  intervened  with  cham- 
bers of  commerce  in  Worland  and  Torrington,  who  agreed 
to  work  with  merchants  to  open  their  stores  to  Mexicans.32 

Stereotyping  Mexicans  as  fit  only  for  stoop  labor  was 
typical  in  other  industries  besides  agriculture.  By  the 
1920s  increasing  numbers  of  Mexican  workers  were 
employed  as  railroad  laborers,  performing  heavy  labor 
jobs  such  as  section  hand,  and  railroad  repair  shop  labor- 
ers. Mexican  railroad  workers,  also  included  many 
braceros  during  World  War  II.  While  Mexican  railroad 
workers  received  better  wages  than  in  agriculture,  work 
was  hard  and  dangerous.  Workers  commonly  faced  dis- 
crimination. Discrimination  on  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road led  to  a  government  investigation  and  court  action 
in  1943.  Mexican  American  workers  petitioned  the  Fed- 
eral Employment  Practices  Commission.  The  FEPC  was 
a  government  agency  designed  to  regulate  racial  discrimi- 
nation during  World  War  II.  The  FEPC  agreed  to  hold 
hearings  on  discrimination  by  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road in  Cheyenne  during  September  1943.33 

The  commission  gained  testimony  indicating  that  the 


Union  Pacific  Railroad's  Cheyenne  shops  had  refused  to 
hire  or  promote  Mexicans  or  African  Americans.  Testi- 
mony substantiated  charges  that  even  long-time  perma- 
nent Mexican  workers  suffered  discrimination  by  being 
denied  promotion  to  skilled  jobs.  Some  workers  had  been 
employed  from  as  early  1918.  One  man,  hired  in  1929, 
was  refused  the  opportunity  to  apply  for  a  skilled  job.  In 
1942,  the  company  hired  579  new  and  inexperienced 
workers  who  received  helpers  jobs  while  many  Mexican 
workers  remained  classified  as  laborers.34 

For  example,  Philip  Mercado  was  denied  a  helper's 
job,  although  he  had  been  employed  as  a  engine  cleaner 
since  May  1939.  Mercado  applied  in  May  1941  for  a 
helper's  job,  but  was  refused  because  he  was  Mexican 
American.  Examination  of  employee  rosters  showed  the 
discrimination.  As  a  result  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
officials  agreed  that  they  were  aware  of  discrimination, 
and  they  would  hiring  or  upgrade  four  men  who  would 
presumably  be  Mexican.  They  also  agreed  to  study  the 
situation.  Since  the  FEPC  had  no  means  to  force  compli- 
ance, it  remained  unclear  what  action,  if  any,  was  taken.35 

Segregation  continued  into  the  1940s  and  1950s  in 
Wyoming  communities.  Worland,  Torrington,  Rock 
Springs,  Rawlins,  Laramie  had  extensive  segregation. 
According  to  some  observers,  Cheyenne  was  supposedly 
more  integrated.  In  Cheyenne  many  Mexicans  lived  in  a 
working  class  neighborhood  which  included  many  Anglo 
Americans.  Still  a  large  portion  of  the  Mexican  commu- 
nity in  Cheyenne  lived  in  another  segregated  area  which 
was  primarily  African  American  and  Mexican.36 

In  the  immed'^te  post-World  War  II  period  the  Mexi- 
can American  population  of  Wyoming  declined  slightly 
In  1946  Worland,  Torrington  experienced  some  decrease 
in  agricultural  area  and  part  of  the  Mexican  population 
moved  to  the  West  Coast  and  Colorado  due  to  better  eco- 
nomic conditions.  Later  in  the  early  1950s  the  Mexican 
population  began  to  increase.  In  Rawlins,  there  were  many 
recent  arrivals  from  San  Luis  Valley  who  settled  in  hous- 
ing on  southside  of  town.  It  was  estimated  that  Mexican 
American  housing  at  Rawlins  was  largely  substandard. 
The  Rawlins  population  was  estimated  to  be  about  one- 

2'  Sandoval,  18.  Changing  U.S.  Census  categories  for  Mexican 
Americans  makes  it  difficult  to  obtain  consistant  data  for  Mexi- 
cans/Hispanics.  In  the  1940  Census,  the  category  was  Spanish  Mother 
Tongue  while  the  1948  estimates  are  from  a  category  called  was 
"Spanish  as  the  mother  tongue."  Sandoval,  26. 

30  Sandoval,  18-19. 

31  Hewitt,  28. 

32  Hewitt,  26-27. 

33  Sandoval,  18. 

34  Hewitt,  29. 

35  Hewitt,  29-30. 

36  Sandoval,  32. 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


fourth  Spanish-speaking  or  about  2,000  people  of  a  total 
population  of  some  8,000.  In  Rock  Springs,  a  coal  min- 
ing town,  many  Spanish-speaking  workers  came  from 
Colorado  and  New  Mexico  coal  mining  camps,  includ- 
ing Walsenburg,  Trinidad  and  Taos.  Estimates  indicated 
that  in  1946  about  40  percent  of  the  Hispanic  population 
came  from  New  Mexico,  20  percent  from  Mexico,  and 
the  rest  from  Texas,  Colorado  and  other  states. 

Because  of  racial  discrimination  Mexican  Americans 
were  excluded  from  most  social  organizations,  clubs  and 
even  public  recreational  facilities.  As  a  result  the  com- 
munity formed  its  own  social  organizations.  The  Latin 
American  Federation  was  formed  in  Cheyenne  in  1948 
to  provide  a  club  and  social  organization  for  music  and 
dancing.  During  the  1 950s  Latin  American  Clubs  opened 
in  Laramie,  Rawlins  and  other  Wyoming  communities.37 

In  1950s  Cheyenne,  Mexicans  were  said  to  have  better 
jobs  and  houses  than  elsewhere  in  the  state.  Many  newer 
migrants  Cheyenne  came  from  Mora  County,  New 
Mexico,  and  were  said  to  be  worse  off  than  Mexican  im- 
migrant workers  with  railroad  jobs. 

Young  Mexican-Americans  faced  problems  with  edu- 
cational and  social  discrimination  in  Wyoming.  In  1946 
these  young  people  were  found  to  have  problems  learn- 
ing English  due  to  segregation.  At  the  same  time  they 
experienced  the  loss  of  Spanish  language  speaking  abil- 
ity because  of  the  lack  of  opportunity  to  study  it  in  school. 
Foreign  study  was  restricted  to  academic  track  students, 
while  most  Mexican  Americans  were  in  the  non-academic 
track  in  Wyoming  high  schools.38 

Late  20th  Century:  1960-2000 

In  the  1960s  social  conditions  began  to  slowly  change 
for  Wyoming  Mexican  Americans/Hispanics.  Barriers 
lessened  in  Wyoming.  Young  Mexican  Americans  gained 
greater  access  to  high  school  and  university  education, 
and  enjoyed  improved  job  opportunities.  This  slow  pro- 
cess reflected  changes  both  nationally  and  regionally  in 
the  Rocky  Mountain  States.  It  also  reflected  resistance  to 
discrimination  by  the  Mexican  Hispanic  community  go- 
ing back  to  the  Cheyenne  FEPC  cases  of  the  mid- 1940s. 

The  influence  of  the  Chicano  movement  reached  into 
Wyoming  from  Colorado.  In  the  1970s,  Chicano  move- 
ment was  active  in  Cheyenne,  Laramie,  Casper,  Rawlins, 
Lovell,  and  Rock  Springs.  Students  at  the  University  of 
Wyoming  in  1972  formed  a  student  group,  the  Chicano 
Coalition.  The  group,  eventually  called  MECHA,  held  a 
Chicano  conference.  In  1998  a  Chicano  Studies  Program 
was  formed  in  the  College  of  Arts  and  Sciences.  In  2000 
a  citizen's  group  formed  a  committee  to  establish  a  Span- 
ish-language radio  station  for  the  Laramie  community. 

In  the  1970s  and  1980s  social  and  economic  condi- 


tions improved  for  Mexican  Americans/Hispanics.  An 
economic  boom  in  the  oil  and  mining  industries  was  a 
factor  in  gradually  opening  better  jobs  to  Mexican  Ameri- 
can workers.  National  advances  in  civil  rights  and  toler- 
ance brought  about  the  abandonment  of  direct  segrega- 
tion and  open  racial  bias.  As  Mexican  Americans  gained 
access  to  better  jobs,  they  gained  some  access  to  status 
previously  denied  them. 

Since  the  1990s  Wyoming  Mexican  Americans/His- 
panics have  served  as  elected  officials,  political  leaders 
and  organizers.  Floyd  Esquibel,  of  Cheyenne,  the  son  of 
a  New  Mexican  worker,  was  first  elected  to  the  Wyo- 
ming House  of  Representatives  in  1 986.3y  Juan  Abe 
Herrera,  a  native  of  Rawlins,  attended  the  University  of 
Wyoming,  was  a  Rawlins  policemen  from  1 965-82,  serv- 
ing as  that  city's  chief  of  police  from  1977-1982.  De 
Herrera  was  elected  mayor  of  Rawlins  and  then  was  ap- 
pointed U.S.  Marshal  for  Wyoming  in  1995.4"  In  the  same 
decade,  voters  in  the  city  of  Cheyenne  elected  a  Hispanic 
mayor,  Leo  Pando.  Wyoming  Hispanic  women  have 
served  in  important  positions,  Jackie  Esquibel  was  a  del- 
egate to  the  Democratic  National  Party  convention  in 
2000.41  Oralia  Mercado  of  Casper,  and  Dolores  Saucedo 
Cardona  of  Laramie  have  served  as  members  of  the  Wyo- 
ming State  Advisory  Board  of  the  United  States  Com- 
mission on  Civil  Rights.  Ann  Redman  of  Cheyenne  has 
headed  Project  Hope,  a  organization  promoting  higher 
education  to  Hispanic  Youth. 

Despite  these  gains  some  old  attitudes  are  hard  and 
slow  in  disappearing.  The  United  States  Civil  Rights 
Commission  in  the  1980s  found  significant  discrimina- 
tion against  women  and  minorities  including  Hispanics 
in  Wyoming,  and  the  Matthew  Shepherd  murder  case 
revealed  continuing  prejudices  against  gays  and  others. 

In  200 1  Wyoming  Mexican  Americans  have  three  ma- 
jor origins:  New  Mexico,  and  the  San  Luis  Valley,  Colo- 
rado; from  Texas  via  the  Plains  states  of  Nebraska,  Kan- 
sas; north  and  central  Mexico.  Smaller  numbers  come 
other  states  and  Mexico.  There  are  some  Spanish  Basques, 
and  other  Latin  Americans  from  Puerto  Rico,  Cuba,  Cen- 
tral and  South  America.42  More  recent  Mexican  immi- 
gration has  become  more  diverse  as  immigrants  arrive 
from  other  areas  of  Mexico  such  as  Tlaxcala  and  Yucatan. 

"  Author's  discussion  with  Latin  American  Club  members. 

38  Sandoval,  45-49,  69,  72. 

M  Biographical  date  supplied  by  Floyd  Esquibel. 

411  Biographical  data  supplied  by  Abe  De  Herrera. 

41  Wyoming  Almanac.  403 

42  The  major  history  of  Basques  in  the  western  states  is  William 
A.  Gouglass  and  Jon  Bilbao,  Amerikanuak:  Basques  in  the  New  World 
(Reno:  University  of  Nevada  Press,  1975).  For  Basques  in  Wyo- 
ming, see  also  Dollie  Iberlin,  777e  Basque  Web  (Buffalo:  The  Buf- 
falo Bulletin,  1981). 


Spring  2001 

An  increasing  population  indicates  future  potential  for 
Mexicans/Hispanics  in  the  state/  The  influences  from 
neighboring  Colorado  where  Mexican  American/Hispan- 
ics  have  achieved  a  major  change  indicate  possibilities 
for  Wyoming  in  the  future. 

Potential  New  Research 

Significant  potential  exists  for  continuing  research  in 
Mexican  American  Hispanic  history  in  Wyoming  by  both 
laymen  and  professionals.  Areas  for  future  research  in- 
clude studies  of  early  organizations  including  mutual  aid 
societies  as  well  as  of  later  organizations  such  as  the  Latin 
American  Federation.  Other  possible  research  topics  in- 
clude: the  history  of  organizations  like  the  American 
G.I.  Forum,  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  Society,  MECHA, 
work  and  labor  organization  in  railroads,  Hispanics  in 
mining  and  agriculture,  religion  (including  Catholic,  Prot- 
estant, Pentecostal  churches),  and  the  Chicano  movement 
in  Wyoming.  Mexican  American  political  leaders  and  or- 
ganizers require  study,  too. 

Migration  and  immigration  patterns  need  special  ex- 
amination. This  includes  migration  and  regional  origins 
and  connections  with  communities  of  origin.  Labor  mi- 
gration and  a  high  geographic  mobility  were  characteris- 
tic of  Wyoming  Hispanic/Mexican  population  before 
World  War  II.  Employment  instability  was  high  because 
many  jobs  as  in  agriculture  were  seasonal  migratory. 
Mexicans/Hispanics  were  attracted  to  the  state  by  job 
availability.  Many  moved  on  to  other  states  when  the  job 
ended.  In  the  small  segregated  communities,  outside  of 
the  workplace,  the  Catholic  Church,  parochial  school  and 
segregated  public  schools  were  sometimes  the  only  in- 
stitutions in  the  small  across  the  tracks  Mexican  barrios 
or  labor  camps  of  Wyoming  towns.43 

Additional  work  is  needed  on  Chicanas,  Mexican 
American,  Hispanic  women;  social  service  and  educa- 
tional programs  and  agencies.  More  history  is  needed  on 
the  Comissiones  Honorificas  and  the  Mexican  Consu- 
late's activities  in  Wyoming  from  the  1920s  to  the  1950s. 

Regional  and  local  newspapers  as  well  as  state  and  other 
archives  and  oral  history  provide  clues  to  investigators 
and  need  to  be  used  more  extensively  in  researching  His- 
panics in  Wyoming.  Family  and  community  history  of- 
fer special  opportunities  to  collect  important  new  infor- 
mation which  will  enrich  interpretations  of  Mexican 
American  Hispanic  history  in  Wyoming. 


43  This  is  true  in  many  communities  as  in  Laramie  where  the  Lin- 
coln School  is  remembered  by  Laramie  Mexican  Americans  as  a 
central  site  in  the  old  barrio  neighborhood. 


Sources  on  Wyoming 
Mexican/Hispanic  History 

I.  Books: 

Alter,  J.  Cecil,  Jim  Bridger  (Norman:  University  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  1962). 

Bancroft,  Hubert  H.,  History  of  Nevada,  Colorado,  Wyo- 
ming. (San  Francisco:  The  History  Co.,  1890). 

Flavell,  George  F.  ,  The  Log  of  the  Panthon  (Boulder: 
Pruett  Publishing,  1987). 

Garcia,  Andrew,  edited  by  B.  Stein,  Tough  Trip  Through 
Paradise,  1878-1879  (Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin,  1967). 

Gouglass,  William  A.  and  Jon  Bilbao,  Amerikanuak: 
Basques  in  the  New  World  (Reno:  University  of  Nevada 
Press,    1975. 

Gowan,  Fred  N.  and  Eugene  E.  Campbell,  Fort  Bridger 
(Provo:  Brigham  Young  University  Press,  1975). 

Iberlin,  Dollie,  The  Basque  Web  (Buffalo:  Buffalo  Bul- 
letin, Fall  1981). 

Larson.  T.  A.,  Histoiy  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln:  University 
of  Nebraska  Press,  1965). 

Larson.  T.  A..  Wyoming's  War  Years  1941-1945  (Palo 
Alto:  Stanford  University  Press,  reprinted  by  the  Wyoming 
State  Historical  Society,  1993). 

Jamieson,  Stuart,  Labor  Unionism  in  American  Agricul- 
ture. (Washington:  Bulletin  No.  836,  United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Labor,  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  1945). 

May  Jr.,  William  John.  The  Great  Western  Sugarlands: 
The  Histoiy  of  the  Great  Western  Sugar  Company  and  the 
Economic  Development  of  the  Great  Plains.  (New  York: 
Garland  Publishing  Co..  1989). 

Taylor,  Paul  S.,  Mexican  Labor  in  the  United  States:  South 
Platte  Valley  (Berkeley:  Publications  in  Economics,  Uni- 
versity of  California  Press,  1929). 

Schwartz,  Harry,  Seasonal  Farm  Labor  in  the  United 
States  with  Special  Reference  to  Hired  Workers  in  Fruit. 
Vegetable  and  Sugar-Beet  Production  (New  York:  Colum- 
bia University  Press,  1945). 

Theses: 

Howard  Freeman,  A  Study  of  Some  Aspects  of  Minority 
Group  Participation  in  the  Laramie  Community.  Thesis, 
Economics  and  Sociology,  University  of  Wyoming,  Uni- 
versity of  Wyoming,  1950. 

Ernest  Press,  The  Mexican  Population  of  Laramie.  The- 
sis, Economics  and  Sociology,  University  of  Wyoming, 
1946. 

T.Joe  Sandoval,  A  Study  of  Some  Aspects  of  the  Span- 
ish-Speaking Population  in  Selected  Communities  in  Wyo- 
ming .  M.A.  Education,  University  of  Wyoming,  1946. 

Other  Sources: 

La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project,  Wyoming  Division  of 
Cultural  Resources,  Cheyenne. 

"Hispanics  in  Wyoming."  virtual  museum  gallery  one, 
Chicano  Studies  Program  Web  Site.  http://uwadmnweb. 
uwyo.edu/ChicanoStudies/museo.htm. 


Chicanos  in  Rawlins,  Wyoming 

1950-2001 


By  Juan  Coronado 


Chicano  and  Mexican  American  immigrants  have  had 
an  important  impact  on  the  history  of  Rawlins,  Wyoming. 
The  employment  opportunities  in  Rawlins  and  the  sur- 
rounding areas  brought  many  Mexican  immigrants  to  the 
town.  The  number  of  Mexican  Americans  in  Carbon 
County  increased  as  the  availability  of  work  increased  in 
the  1970"s.  Along  with  the  incoming  migrants  came  dis- 
crimination and  complaints  about  racism. 

Soon  after  World  War  II.  a  group  of  Chicanos  orga- 
nized the  Latin  America  Club,  which  existed  during  in 
the  1950s  to  early  1970s.1  The  club's  primary  function 
was  to  provide  a  place  where  local  Chicanos  could  cel- 
ebrate their  culture  with  dances,  food,  and  events  that 
were  held  on  traditional  Mexican  holidays.2  Four  Rawlins 
men,  Adolph  Medina,  Alfonso  Abeyta.  Manuel  Rivera, 
and  Ray  Ortiz,  organized  the  club.  Events  and  meetings 
often  were  held  at  the  old  preschool  building  located  on 
the  corner  of  State  and  Pershing  streets.  (The  structure  is 
now  demolished). 

According  to  Joan  Zamora  who  often  attended  the 
events,  the  mayor  of  Rawlins  frequently  would  appear  to 
open  the  programs,  but  he  would  leave  right  after  his 
speech  "in  fear  of  what  may  happen  to  him  if  he  were  to 
stay."3  The  festivities  and  dances  were  open  to  all.  Many 
residents  of  Rawlins"  South  Side  came  to  these  events. 
Young  people  were  the  focus  of  the  majority  of  the  events 
and,  by  the  large,  the  festivities  were  peaceful. 

The  Latin  American  Club  slowly  came  to  an  end  as 
more  and  more  people  lost  interest  in  participating  in  tra- 
ditional festivities.4  Residents  attribute  the  decline  in 
participation  to  age  and  envidia  (jealousy). 

After  a  few  years,  the  community  reunited  with  a  new 
generation  and  started  La  Junta  Club.  In  the  early  1 980s, 
Benjamin  and  Mary  Elizabeth  Martinez  and  several  oth- 
ers decided  to  bring  the  Chicano  community  back  to- 
gether by  forming  the  club.  La  Junta  Club  was  to  help 
the  Chicano  community  and  to  improve  the  Rawlins  com- 
munity in  its  diversity.5  The  club  held  fundraisers  for 
those  who  would  have  "difficult  situations  arise  in  their 
lives."  For  example,  in  1987.  the  club  raised  $2,774.45 
for  Jim  Maestas,  then  the  Carbon  County  Sheriffs 


Deputy,  to  help  with  the  costs  of  outstanding  bills  for  his 
cancer  treatment  that  he  received  in  a  New  York  hospi- 
tal.6 La  Junta  Club  later  held  a  free  dance  in  appreciation 
of  the  community  and  their  efforts.  In  addition  to  the 
fundraising  for  individuals  who  needed  the  money,  La 
Junta  Club  helped  raise  money  to  build  the  Rawlins  Fam- 
ily Recreation  Center  Project.7  The  club  donated  $1,000 
to  the  city  for  "the  support,  and  growth  of  the  youth  in 
the  community"  as  an  example  to  encourage  other  com- 
munity organizations  to  donate  for  the  project.8  The  club 
held  fiestas,  dances,  and  teen  dances,  which  were  popu- 
lar with  local  youth.  It  supported  several  contests  in  the 
community,  and  honored  the  mothers  with  a  contest  for 
the  "Best  Mother."9  In  the  end,  like  the  Latin  American 
Club,  age  and  lack  of  interest  brought  the  La  Junta  Club 
to  a  close. 

St.  Joseph's  Catholic  Church  in  Rawlins  served  the 
Chicano  community  for  many  years.  In  the  past,  the 
church  celebrated  of  the  Virgin  de  Guadalupe  and  Christ- 
mas masses  in  Spanish.  Both  of  these  feasts  are  very 
important  to  the  Chicano  culture.  A  prominent  Spanish 
choir  sang  at  one  celebration  in  the  1 980s.  Father  Angel 
Ornales,  a  Chicano,  was  priest  at  the  church.  He  encour- 
aged adoption  of  the  Spanish  versions  of  mass  and  cel- 
ebrating the  culture.  The  feasts  of  El  Virgen  de  Guadalupe 
changed  when  Father  Ornales  no  longer  served  as  head 
minister.  Popularized,  it  lost  some  of  the  strong  sense  of 
Mexican  culture  that  it  once  had. 

Rawlins  Chicanos  often  travel  to  surrounding  commu- 
nities, such  as  Laramie,  Saratoga,  and  Rock  Springs,  to 


1  Estella  Gonzales,  interview  by  author.  Nov.  25.  2000. 

2  All  interviews. 

3  Joan  and  Albert  Zamora.  interview  by  author.  Nov.  25.  2000. 

4  Zamora  and  Gonzales,  interviews. 

5  Benny   and  Mary  Elizabeth  Martinez,  interview  by  author. 
April  7.  2000. 

6  Rawlins  Daily  Times.  November  7.  1987;  Martinez,  interview. 

7  Rawlins  Daily  Times,  Oct.  24.  1987. 

8  Letter  to  the  editor  from  Steve  Skordus.  Rawlins  Daily  Times, 
Oct.  24,  1987:  Martinez  interview. 

9  Martinez,  interview. 


Chicano  and  Mexican  American  immigrants  have  had  an  important  impact  on  the  history  of 
Rawlins,  Wyoming. 


Spring  2001 

celebrate  the  feasts  with  large  numbers  of  people.  The 
pride  is  shared  within  those  communities. 

Following  World  War  II,  racial  discrimination  was  a 
significant  factor  that  affected  the  living  situations,  so- 
cial interaction,  and  overall  life  of  Chicanos  in  Rawlins. 
According  to  Joan  Zamora,  the  railroad  literally  split  the 
town  into  two.10  The  north  side  housed  the  downtown 
businesses,  the  State  Penitentiary,  the  county  offices,  and 
several  schools  including  the  high  school.  Some  liquor 
establishments  on  that  side  of  town,  according  to  P. 
Gonzales,  had  signs  that  said,  'No  Mexicans,  No 
N****rs,  No  Irish!"1 '  On  the  south  side  of  the  railroad, 
a  community  of  Mexican  Americans,  African  Americans, 
and  Anglos  that  could  not  afford  to  live  on  the  other  side 
of  town,  grew  up  with  all  their  own  community  busi- 
nesses and  restaurants.  Their  support  of  each  other  in  the 
south  side  of  town  led  to  their  success  in  the  Southside 
community  of  Rawlins.  Tensions  were  common  with  the 
individuals  from  the  "other  side  of  the  tracks"  on  the  north 
side  of  the  railroad.12 

By  2001,  the  tension  mostly  disappeared  and  little  sign 
remained  of  publicly  displayed  discrimination.  But  these 
views  still  exist  among  some  of  the  older  people  in  the 
community.  In  a  recent  example,  in  2001,  a  caller  on  the 
morning  radio  show  "Swap  Shop,"  where  people  call  in 
and  advertise  goods  and  make  announcements,  criticized 
Southside  and  Pershing  Elementary  School,  the  elemen- 
tary school  on  Southside.  The  caller  claimed  the  school 
was  poorly  run,  that  the  students  "are  all  poor  Mexicans 
and  won't  amount  to  anything,"  and  that  their  parents  are 
"drug  users  and  pushers."13  Responses  to  these  comments 
were  swift  through  letters  to  the  editor  in  the  local  news- 
paper on  behalf  of  the  faculty  and  staff  at  Pershing,  and 
of  the  whole  community.14  Despite  such  incidents, 
Rawlins  people  generally  accepted  diversity  and  the 
Chicanos  in  the  community  did  their  part  to  be  a  part  of 
the  community. 

Compared  to  major  metropolitan  areas,  employment 
opportunities  in  Rawlins  and  the  surrounding  area  are 
limited.  Attracting  Mexican  immigrants  to  the  area  have 
been  jobs  on  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  at  the  Sinclair 
oil  refinery,  and  in  the  oil  fields  in  Bairoil,  and  natural 
gas  fields  outside  Wamsutter.  Chicanos  historically 
sought  work  in  these  areas.  Usually,  however,  many 
Chicanos  got  their  starts  in  the  agriculture  fields  with 
ranching  and  shepherdingjust  outside  of  Rawlins.15  The 
goals  of  many  Chicanos  in  these  various  employment 
opportunities  was  not  unlike  the  goals  of  Anglo  work- 
ers—  to  fulfill  the  "American  Dream"  of  having  a  loving 
family  and  doing  the  work  necessary  to  support  that  fam- 
ily, and  live  in  a  wonderful  house. 


11 

The  stories  of  several  families  and  individuals  illus- 
trate the  community's  experiences.  Pete  and  Estella 
Gonzales  came  to  Rawlins  in  1943.  Albert  and  Joan 
Zamora,  and  Silvino  and  Antonia  Coronado  came  more 
than  30  years  later,  in  1975. '6  All  are  examples  of  the 
migrating  Mexican  and  Mexican  American  people  into 
the  city  of  Rawlins.  They  told  stories  of  a  time  when 
racial  discrimination  towards  them  and  their  peers  at  work, 
school,  and  in  the  community  in  general  affected  the  way 
they  lived. 

Joan  Zamora  was  born  in  Rawlins  in  1948.  She  is  the 
granddaughter  of  Paulita  Montano,  who  at  the  time  of 
her  death  was  the  oldest  resident  of  Rawlins.  Paulita  was 
born  in  Mora,  New  Mexico,  in  1884.  She  moved  north  to 
Rawlins  about  1900  and  married  Leandro  Montano  in 
1902.17  Leandro  was  a  range  foreman  for  a  sheep  com- 
pany in  Rawlins,  one  of  the  prominent  industries  around 
the  town.  Paulita  helped  construct  her  home  on  the  south 
side  of  Rawlins  out  of  adobe.  The  house,  at  227  West 
Davis,  still  stands  with  the  adobe  features  still  apparent. 
Paulita  died  in  1986  at  the  age  of  102.  After  her  death, 
her  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren  hon- 
ored her  by  purchasing  a  marble  head  stone  for  her  grave.18 

Joan  was  reared  in  Rawlins  and  went  to  school  at  what 
is  now  the  high  school,  then  the  only  school  in  town.  It 
housed  all  the  grades  kindergarten  to  twelfth  grade. 
Zamora  claimed  that  the  discrimination  toward  her  and 
her  peers  was  "horrible."  Not  only  were  the  children  cruel, 
but  the  teachers  as  well.  She  recalled  a  time  when  a 
"nimble"  broke  out  with  the  kids  from  the  south  side  and 
those  from  the  north  side,  while  she  was  on  her  way  to 
class.  She  said  that  as  the  fight  started,  she  could  see  the 
instructor  of  her  class  standing  out  in  the  hall  and  they 
made  eye  contact.  But  as  Joan  ran  toward  the  room,  the 
instructor  closed  the  door  and  Joan  was  left  outside  to 
fend  for  herself.19 

Joan  said  that  violence  was  common  in  those  days  at 
school.  She  told  a  story  about  an  Anglo  boy  that  grew  up 
on  the  south  side.  She  said  people  on  the  north  side  con- 
sidered him  "poor  white  trash"  because  he  lived  on  the 
south  side.  He  attended  Pershing  Elementary  School  as  a 

10  Zamora,  interview. 
"  P.  Gonzales,  interview. 

12  Gonzales,  interview. 

13  Comments  heard  on  KRAL/KIQZ,  early  March. 

14  Robert  Trevizo,  letter  to  the  editor,  Rawlins  Daily  Times,  March 
20,  2001. 

15  P.  Gonzales,  interview. 

16  Gonzales,  Zamora,  interviews;  Silvino  and  Antonio  Coronado, 
interviewed  by  author. 

17  J.  Zamora,  interview. 

18  Ibid. 

19  Ibid. 


i: 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


child  and  was  constantly  getting  into  fights  with  the 
Chicanos.  His  parents  thought  that  if  they  took  him  out 
of  that  school  and  sent  him  to  live  with  his  grandmother 
on  the  other  side  of  town,  he  would  be  better  off.  He 
started  classes  at  Sunnyside  Elementary  in  that  neigh- 
borhood. Nonetheless,  he  was  quickly  singled  out  by  the 
students  there  and  getting  into  fights  because  he  came 
from  the  "other  side  of  the  tracks.  She  siad  it  was  It  was 
a  no  win  situation  for  the  young  boy.  Soon,  he  returned 
to  Pershing  School.20 

Joan  did  have  encouragement  to  get  through  school  by 
the  principal  of  the  high  school.21  (This  is  odd  because, 
according  to  Estella,  the  same  principal  discouraged  her 
son,  Floyd,  from  seeking  any  higher  education.  He  en- 
couraged him  to  go  into  a  technical  vocation  instead. 
Floyd  sought  to  prove  him  wrong  and  did.22  Joan  gradu- 
ated as  one  of  the  top  students  in  the  class.  Soon  after, 
she  married  Albert  Zamora,  son  of  a  farmer  in  the  San 
Luis  Valley  in  Colorado.23 

Albert  came  up  to  Wyoming  looking  for  a  better  job 
than  the  farm  life  he  was  living.  He  arrived  in  Rawlins  in 
1965,  working  two  or  three  jobs  in  the  downtown  area. 
Soon  after  their  marriage  in  1 969.  he  was  dratted  into  the 
United  States  Army.  He  scored  well  on  the  tests  and, 
unlike  many  Chicanos  in  the  Army,  Albert  was  put  on 
the  engineering  and  construction  crew.  Most  of  his 
Chicano  friends  were  assigned  to  the  infantry  and  many 
served  in  Vietnam.  Albert  said  he  never  had  to  deal  with 
any  racial  discrimination  because  of  the  position  he  held. 
Back  home,  Joan  was  pregnant  with  their  first  child,  Paul, 
and  gave  birth  to  him  in  late  1969.  Albert  came  home  a 
few  months  later,  went  to  trade  school  to  become  a  bar- 
ber, and  saw  that  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  was  hiring 
for  the  building  and  bridges  crew.  He  was  hired  because 
of  his  experience  with  the  Army.  He  was  the  only  Chicano 
on  the  crew;  all  the  other  Chicanos  worked  on  the  "sec- 
tions." Working  the  sections  consisted  of  hard  manual 
labor.  Albert  also  opened  his  barbershop  near  the  rail- 
road and  continued  to  operate  it  as  an  independent  busi- 
nessman.24 

Joan's  first  job  was  as  a  housewife  and  caring  for  their 
three  the  three  sons.  She  went  back  to  work  when  she 
was  thirty  years  old  with  Carbon  County  School  District 
No.  1 .  Her  first  position  was  as  a  speech  pathologist  para- 
professional.  She  went  to  each  of  the  six  schools  in  and 
helped  students  with  their  language  skills.  Later,  the 
school  district  asked  her  to  start  a  special  education  pro- 
gram for  the  town.  She  runs  the  program  and  also  works 
as  a  part-time  secretary  for  the  school  district-2-  She  is 
looked  up  to  as  one  of  Rawlins'  accomplished  school 
district  personnel. 

Joan  Zamora  is  working  on  a  new  program  called 


Esperaza  Hispanica  for  the  new  generation  of  Chicanos 
that  are  growing  up  in  Rawlins.  It  is  a  mentoring  pro- 
gram where  the  older  generations  of  Chicanos  and 
Mexicanos  act  as  role  models  for  some  of  the  newer  gen- 
erations of  youth  that  don't  have  the  older  generations 
there  in  their  families  to  teach  them  about  respecting 
oneanother  and  themselves.  This  program  results  from 
the  La  Nina  Conference  held  in  Cheyenne,  for  the  young 
Chicanas  of  their  respective  communities.  Esperaza 
Hispanica  likely  has  a  promising  future  for  the  youth  of 
Rawlins.26 

Pete  Gonzales  was  born  in  1923  to  Juan  and  Ana 
Gonzales  in  Mora,  New  Mexico.  There,  the  family  was 
raised  doing  ranch  work.  At  the  age  of  twenty,  Pete  left 
the  job  as  a  rancher  in  search  of  a  new  opportunity,  a 
better  job  with  a  higher  wage  than  what  work  that  his 
father  loved  to  do.  He  moved  north  to  Rawlins  in  1943. 
His  first  job  was  herding  sheep  in  the  Red  Desert  for  two 
years.  He  then  took  a  job  as  an  insulator  with  the  oil 
refinery  in  Sinclair  (Parco),  hired  because  of  the  short- 
age of  laborers  due  to  World  War  II.  He  said  he  did  have 
to  contend  with  the  discrimination  that  came  with  the 
job.  He  overcame  it,  he  said,  by  proving  that  he  wasn't 
only  a  laborer,  but  "a  good,  hard  worker."27 

Pete  met  Estella  and  they  married  in  Rawlins  in  1945. 
She  was  originally  from  the  San  Luis  Valley  in  south- 
western Colorado.  They  had  four  children,  raising  them 
as  a  new  generation  of  Mexican  Americans.  Their  chil- 
dren went  through  the  school  system  with  no  real  prob- 
lems, according  to  Pete  and  Estella.  The  children  were 
bilingual  and  they  shared  their  Mexican  culture  with  that 
of  the  American  culture.  Neither  Pete  nor  Estella  went 
beyond  eighth  grade  in  school,  but  they  encouraged  their 
children  to  gain  an  education.  All  graduated  from  high 
school  and  all  continued  to  college  at  the  University  of 
Wyoming.  Floyd,  the  oldest  son,  earned  a  bachelors  de- 
gree in  computer  science.  He  is  working  on  his  masters. 
Barbara,  the  oldest  daughter,  gained  a  degree  in  business 
administration  and  has  worked  for  Kraft  foods  for  the 
past  twenty  years.  Pete  is  currently  retired  and  both  Pete 
and  Estella  are  still  living  in  Rawlins.28 

Chicanos  have  had  limited  involvement  in  politics  in 
Rawlins.  Juan  Abran  "Abe"  DeHerrera  is  known  as  one 
of  the  most  prominent  Chicanos  to  come  out  of  the  com- 

;n  Ibid. 

21  Ibid. 

22  E.  Gonzales,  interview. 

23  A.  Zamora,  interview. 

24  Ibid. 

25  J.  Zamora,  interview. 

26  Ibid. 

27  P.  Gonzales,  interview. 

28  Ibid. 


?pnn 


g  2001 


13 


munity  of  Rawlins.  His  political  career  began  when  he 
served  on  the  Head  Start  Board  of  Directors  in  1965. 
From  there,  he  was  elected  to  the  Carbon  County  School 
District  #1  School  Board.  DeHerrera  said  that  while  he 
was  on  the  school  board,  he  tried  to  make  the  five  el- 
ementary schools  in  Rawlins  "as  equal  as  possible  in  fund- 
ing and  resources."  Pershing  Elementary,  on  the  south 
side,  was  lacking  good  funding  and  was  "very  inad- 
equate."29 

About  the  same  time,  he  began  his  career  in  law  en- 
forcement with  service  on  the  Rawlins  Police  Depart- 
ment. He  was  promoted  to  patrol  sergeant  and  lieutenant 
in  1977.  DeHerrera  said  he  was  faced  with  putting  crimi- 
nals in  a  jail  that  was  an  insufficient  facility.  Convicts 
died  in  the  jail  due  to  its  unhealthy  atmosphere.  After  he 
left  the  police  force  due  to  medical  problems,  the  jail 
was  closed  and  the  station  renovated-the  very  goals  he 
was  seeking  while  he  was  sergeant  and  lieutenant. 30 

He  was  elected  to  the  Rawlins  City  Council  in  the  late 
1980's.  In  the  middle  1990s,  DeHerrera  was  nominated 
for  the  position  of  U.S.  Marshal  for  Wyoming.  His  ap- 
pointment, made  by  President  Bill  Clinton,  was  confirmed 
by  the  U.S.  Senate  on  December  26,  1 995.  U.S.  District 
Chief  Judge  Alan  Johnson  swore  him  into  office  on  Janu- 
ary 4,  1996.31 

DeHerrera  paved  the  way  for  many  more  Chicanos  to 
get  involved  in  politics  in  Rawlins.  DeBari  Martinez,  the 
mayor  of  Rawlins;  Louis  Espinoza,  a  city  councilman; 
and  Jerry  Gonzales,  a  member  of  the  school  board,  con- 
tinue DeHerrera's  tradition. 

DeHerrera  lived  in  Rawlins  prior  to  attending  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wyoming.  Born  to  Gilbert  and  Maria  DeHerrera 
in  1942,  he  came  from  the  small  towns  of  Cherokee  and 
Riner,  Wyoming,  where  his  father  worked  as  a  laborer. 
He  and  his  brother  Leo  grew  up  in  Rawlins.  They  in- 
volved themselves  in  the  local  boxing  club,  worked  to- 
gether at  Adams  Restaurant,  and  attended  high  school 
together.  The  DeHerreras  married  while  in  high  school. 
He  and  his  wife  had  five  daughters.  "Raising  my  girls 
was  my  pride  in  Rawlins,"  he  said.  In  the  time  he  was 
raising  his  daughters,  he  said  he  noticed  the  changes  in 
the  community  from  the  time  he  had  grown  up.32 

An  example  of  a  Mexican  immigrant  family  is  that  of 
Silvino  and  Antonia  Coronado.  They  have  lived  in 
Rawlins  since  the  mid- 1 970s.  Silvino  worked  as  a  sheep- 
herder  in  the  fields  of  the  Snowy  Range  with  his  father 
Carmen  Coronado.  Later,  he  moved  to  a  ranch  north  of 
Hanna.  Soon  after,  with  his  four  children  at  the  time  and 
wife  Antonia,  he  moved  to  Rawlins  where  he  was  em- 
ployed with  a  roofing  company.  He  traveled  with  the  work 
around  the  state.33 


Antonia  worked  as  a  housekeeper  for  several  years, 
but  it  was  an  unpleasant  experience.  She  felt  tension  with 
the  Chicanos  that  were  already  in  place  working  as  house- 
keepers. The  other  Mexican  American  or  Mexican  im- 
migrants would  give  her  their  rooms  that  they  were  as- 
signed to  clean.  Antonia  thought  that  she  was  doing  them 
a  favor  and  helping  them  out,  but  they  were  taking  ad- 
vantage of  her.  After  about  three  months  and  coming  face 
to  face  with  the  envidia,  she  left  that  job  and  went  to 
work  at  private  homes,  which  is  what  she  does  today. 
She  still  has  some  animosity  toward  these  individuals 
that  treated  her  this  way,  and  teaches  her  children  of  the 
trust  they  share  with  their  friends  in  hopes  nothing  like 
this  happens  again.34 

Silvino  and  Antonia  had  two  more  children  and  they 
raised  their  six  children  in  community  of  Rawlins  with 
"no  problems"  as  far  as  school  and  work  was  concerned. 
The  six  children  all  received  their  high  school  diplomas 
and  have  all  pursued  higher  education.  Two  of  the  sons 
are  practicing  engineers,  and  the  other  son  is  currently 
studying  engineering  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  One 
daughter  is  a  teacher,  living  in  Colorado  with  her  hus- 
band, and  another  daughter  is  an  honorably  discharged 
Naval  officer  raising  two  little  girls  with  her  husband. 
The  youngest  daughter  is  a  senior  in  high  school,  plan- 
ning to  attend  the  University  of  Wyoming.  Silvino  is  em- 
ployed at  the  oil  fields  in  Bairoil.  ° 

Chicanos  have  played  an  important  part  in  the  history 
of  Rawlins.  The  nature  of  the  community  changed  since 
the  time  of  migration  of  Raza  to  the  town.  The  Chicanos/ 
Mexican  American  immigrants  faced  discrimination  in 
the  1950s  and  1960s.  They  worked  toward  maintaining 
their  culture  in  the  1 960s  to  1 970s  with  the  Latin  Ameri- 
can Club,  and  the  1980s  with  La  Junta  Club.  They  help 
the  next  generation  of  Chicanos  with  the  Esperaza 
Hispanica.  The  Chicanos  of  the  community  have  made 
of  definite  mark  on  the  town's  history  and  the  history  of 
the  state.  In  many  diverse  areas,  agriculture,  petroleum, 
and  the  railroad,  the  industry  success  comes  from  the 
laborers  and  employees  who  happen  to  include  many 
Chicano/Mexican  Americans. 

29  Juan  Abram  "Abe"  DeHerrera,  interviewed  by  author,  April  20, 
2000. 

30  Ibid. 

31  Ibid. 

32  Ibid. 

33  Juan  Coronado,  interview. 

34  Ibid. 


The  author  completed  this  paper  as  part  of  an  inde- 
pendent study  course  in  Chicano  Studies  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wyoming  in  May,  2001. 


Beet  Seasons  in  Wyoming: 

Mexican- American  Family  Life  on  a  Sugar  Beet 
Farm  near  Wheatland  During  World  War  II 


By  Alephonso  Garcia 


It  was  the  spring  of  1 942.  I  had  just  turned  twelve 
and  the  United  States  was  at  war.  My  Dad  came 
home  and  announced.  "We  are  going  to  Wyoming  to  work 
in  the  sugar  beet  fields."  "What?,"  my  mother  asked.  "I 
have  contracted  us  to  a  farmer  in  Wheatland,  Wyoming," 
my  Dad  replied.  That  is  how  we.  lafamilia  Garcia,  be- 
came a  part  of  the  wartime  bracero  program. 

The  United  States  was  involved  in  World  War  II  and 
this  created  a  manpower  shortage.  The  United  States,  with 
the  help  of  Mexico,  implemented  the  program  to  furnish 
farm  workers  to  the  fanners.  Owrfamilia  consisted  of  my 
father  Fortunate  my  mother.  Ascension,  my  sister 
Consuelo  (Chelo),  16;  Apolonio  (Polo).  14;  Alephonso 
(Poncho).  12;  Amalia(Mollie),10;  Fortunato  Jr.,  (Nato), 
8;  Jose  Antonio  (Chito).  6;  Abigail  ( Abby).  4;  and  Maria 
Julia  (Julie),  2. 

One-way  transportation  was  paid  by  the  government 
with  the  farmers  furnishing  housing.  The  government 
established  labor  offices  from  which  labor  contractors 
did  the  coordination  between  the  laborers  and  farmers. 

I  remember  the  excitement  among  my  sisters  and  broth- 
ers. "Oh,  boy,  we  are  taking  a  train  ride,  going  up  north 
to  this  place  in  Wyoming  and  we  get  to  live  on  a  farm." 
I  was  so  excited  that  I  could  hardly  wait  to  get  started. 
We  were  taken  out  of  school  the  Friday  before  we  were 
to  report.  The  evening  that  we  reported  to  the  El  Paso 
train  station,  the  gringo  labor  contractor  talked  to  my 
father  and  explained  to  him  our  destination,  the  farmer's 
name,  and  the  seating  arrangements  on  the  train.  At  the 
train  station  I  saw  a  lot  of  other  Mexican  families  and 
each  had  their  own  destination.  The  atmosphere  was  both 
gloomy  and  festive.  For  a  twelve-year-old,  I  felt  excited 
looking  forward  to  seeing  this  strange  land  and  a  new 
adventure  but  on  the  other  hand,  sad  that  I  was  leaving 
my  friends,  Alex  and  Rudy,  and  my  familiar  surround- 
ings in  El  Paso,  Texas. 

It  was  9  p.m.,  by  the  time  we  were  settled  in  the  train. 
The  train  started  to  move  away  from  the  train  station.  I 
could  see  the  station  lights  starting  to  get  smaller  as  the 
train  picked  up  speed.  After  a  while  the  city  lights  be- 
came dimmer,  dimmer,  and  finally,  as  we  moved  further 


north,  the  night  turned  dark.  Only  the  sound  of  the  train 
wheels  moving  over  the  railroad  tracks,  clickity-clack, 
clickity-clack,  was  heard.  After  that  I  heard  nothing.  I 
had  fallen  asleep.  By  the  next  morning  the  train  was 
moving  through  the  last  part  of  New  Mexico  and  into 
Colorado.  We  looked  at  the  countryside  at  farms,  cattle, 
houses,  and  people. 

Of  the  eight  kids  Tony  was  the  only  one  that  got  train 
sick.  The  train  made  several  stops  and  families  would 
get  off.  I  could  see  them  being  greeted  by  the  farmers, 
their  new  patrons.  By  the  following  afternoon  we  pulled 
into  the  train  depot  which  I  believe  is  located  off  of  Eighth 
Street  and  Gilchrist  Avenue  in  Wheatland.  The  fanners 
were  waiting  for  their  new  laborers.  The  farmer  that  met 
us  at  the  train  station  was  Homer  Cockran.  He  was  to  be 
our  patron  for  the  next  nine  months.  We  were  in 
Wheatland,  Wyoming,  a  little  town  71  miles  north  of 
Cheyenne.  The  population  in  1942  was  around  1,500. 

Our  patron  had  two  parcels  of  land.  A  five-acre  piece, 
where  he  lived  up  on  the  plateau  and  the  other,  which  he 
leased,  was  lower  land  by  Sybille  Creek.  Palmer  Canyon 
Road  was  on  the  north,  the  Sybille  Creek  road  was  on 
the  east  and  the  Sybille  creek  was  on  the  west.  Trees 
covered  both  sides  of  the  creek.  This  was  where  we  were 
to  live  for  the  next  nine  months.  The  parcel  was  approxi- 
mately 20  acres  of  land  that  we  would  work  from  the 
planting  through  the  harvesting  of  the  sugar  beets.  We 
put  all  our  belongings,  which  were  not  much,  into  the 
back  of  his  truck,  plus  all  eight  kids — Connie,  Polo,  Pon- 
cho, Molly.  Nato,  Tony,  Abby  and  Mary — and  off  we 
went.  My  Mom  and  Dad  rode  in  the  front  with  him.  About 
six  miles  later  the  farmer  stopped  at  the  lower  parcel  of 
land.  1  got  excited  for.  to  me,  it  looked  great.  Down  to 
one  side,  close  to  the  trees,  was  a  run-down,  two-room 
wood  house  with  no  foundation.  Further  into  the  wooded 
area  was  another  shack  by  itself  which  turned  out  to  be 
the  outhouse.  About  25  feet  from  the  main  house  was  the 
well  with  a  hand  water  pump  that  we  primed  every  morn- 
ing to  get  water.  About  50  feet  in  front  was  an  irrigation 
ditch.  Behind  the  house,  about  50  yards,  was  Sybille 
Creek  where  we  sometimes  swam  and  fished. 


Spring  2001 


15 

tions  but  I  could  see  it  only  irritated  her  and  made  her 
mad.  One  day  while  sitting  in  my  usual  place  behind  her 
I  saw  something  crawling  up  the  side  of  one  of  her  braids. 
I  took  a  closer  look  and  it  was  apiojo  (head  louse). 

The  Chavez  kids  and  Garcia  kids  became  good  friends. 
The  Chavez  family  in  previous  years  had  followed  the 
crops  north  and  decided  to  settle  in  Wheatland.  They  were, 
like  us,  a  large  family.  Their  two  older  brothers  were  in 
the  service  and  the  two  older  sisters  had  married  and  had 
moved  to  Cheyenne. 

Dad  would  get  up  at  five  in  the  morning.  He  lit  the 

~~|  wood  stove  and  set  on  a  pan  of  wa- 

YOU  Worked  from  Sunrise  tO   ter  for  coffee.  It  would  also  warm 


Nato  and  Tony  would,  after  school  and  on  Sundays,  go 
"skinny-dipping"  where  Palmer  Canyon  Road  crosses  the 
creek.  One  Sunday  three  teenage'd  girls  were  watching 
Nato  and  Tony  skinny-dipping.  One  of  them  could  not 
control  herself  so  she  yelled,  "Hey,  you  guys.  Why  don't 
you  dive  from  the  bridge?"  So  Nato  and  Tony  got  out  of 
the  water,  walked  over  to  the  bridge,  and  dove  in  while 
the  teenagers  were  laughing  themselves  silly. 

In  the  evenings  rabbits,  pheasants,  skunks  and  deer 
would  come  out  to  feed  on  the  meadow.  You  could  hear 
a  variety  of  birds,  meadowlarks,  robins,  blue  jays,  wood- 
peckers, sparrows.  The  well  water 
was  cold,  refreshing  and  tasted 
great.  It  was  good,  clear  drinking    SUflSet  With    breaks   Only  for  the  house.  My  mother  would  get  up 
water,  that  it  was!  So  this  was  to    shaTDeninQ   the   hoe     to  drink   and  start  making  biscuits  and  torti 

water  and  eat  lunch 


be  our  home  for  the  spring,  sum- 
mer, and  fall  of  '42.  There  was 
plenty  of  game.  Dad  bought  a  .22  caliber  rifle  for  my 
brother  Polo  and  I  for  hunting  small  game.  Dad  took  us 
to  a  safe  area  away  from  the  house  and  taught  us  how  to 
use  the  rifle  by  setting  up  some  empty  cans  as  targets. 
My  brother  and  I  took  turns  firing  at  the  targets.  After 
that  my  brother  Polo  and  I  would  go  rabbit  hunting  in  the 
evenings.  We  always  managed  to  shoot  a  couple  of  cot- 
tontails. We  learned  how  to  gut  and  skin  them.  We  would 
stretch  the  rabbit  skins  with  nails  and  set  them  out  to  dry. 
My  Dad  bought  a  deer  rifle  and  thus  Polo  and  I  furnished 
rabbit  and  pheasant  meat  and  my  Dad,  venison.  Other 
times  while  hunting  we  would  come  across  pheasant  nests 
and  we  would  collect  the  eggs  and  take  them  home. 

On  Monday  morning  Tony,  Nato,  Molly  and  I  were 
taken  to  the  one-room  schoolhouse  where  kindergarten 
through  sixth  grade  was  taught.  The  name  of  the  school 
was  Mule  Shoe.  Each  row  represented  a  grade  level.  Af- 
ter the  sixth  grade  you  were  bused  into  town  for  the  higher 
grades.  The  classes  consisted  of  the  farmer's  children, 
local  Mexican  children  and  the  bracero's  children,  all 
thrown  together.  I  don't  remember  much,  except  that 
friendships  developed  between  the  three  groups.  Some 
of  the  farmer's  kids  owned  ponies  and  they  would  ride 
them  to  school.  I  though  it  was  real  neat.  As  kids  we  all 
seem  to  know  who  we  were  and  our  place  within  the 
school. 

To  get  to  school  we  would  walk  up  the  trail  to  the  top 
of  the  plateau  to  where  Palmer  Canyon  Road  curved.  We 
were  the  first  ones  to  be  picked  up  by  the  school  bus. 
After  school  we  were  the  last  to  be  dropped  off.  In  class 
I  sat  behind  a  girl  named  Ida  Chavez.  Ida  was  a  very 
pretty  girl  with  long  black  hair.  She  wore  her  hair  in 
braids.  I  took  a  liking  to  her.  I  would  do  things  like  touch 
her  braids.  She  would  turn  around  and  say,  "Quit  it!" 
while  giving  me  a  dirty  look.  I  would  ask  her  silly  ques- 


llas.  After  that  we  would  get  up, 
wash  in  the  cold  well  water,  and 
start  getting  ready  for  school.  My  sister  Connie  and  my 
brother  Polo  stayed  home  to  help  Mom  and  Dad.  The 
biscuits  that  Mom  made  were  filled  with  scrambled  eggs, 
beans,  and  papas  (potatoes).  This  was  our  school  lunch. 
The  white  kids  always  wanted  to  trade  their  boloney  or 
peanut  butter  and  jelly  sandwiches  for  our  biscuits  and 
sometimes  we  did.  Also  they  always  wanted  our  tacos 
when  we  took  tacos  for  lunch. 

Dad  worked  with  Mr.  Cockran  and  his  year-around 
worker  tilling  the  field,  preparing  it  for  the  planting  of 
the  sugar  beets.  Mr.  Cockran  with  his  helper  would  hitch 
up  a  pair  of  horses  to  the  wagon  that  carried  fertilizer. 
Together  they  both  would  spread  the  manure.  Dad  would 
hitch  up  a  pair  of  mules  and  plow  the  field.  About  six  to 
eight  weeks  later  the  farmer  and  Dad  were  done  planting 
the  sugar  beet  seeds.  The  seeds  sprouted  in  late  spring. 
You  could  see  endless  rows  of  sugar  beet  greens. 

We  were  pulled  out  of  school  when  it  was  time  to  thin 
the  sugar  beets.  To  thin  out  the  rows  of  young  sugar  beets, 
you  use  a  six-inch  wide  hoe  with  a  short  handle.  You 
straddle  the  row  and  bending  over,  you  take  a  sweep  across 
the  row  from  left  to  right  removing  a  hoe's  width  of  sugar 
beet  plants  leaving  onlg  one  or  two  plants  with  every 
sweep  of  the  hoe.  By  the  end  of  the  day  your  back  hurt  so 
bad  you  could  hardly  straighten  up  and  all  you  wanted  to 
do  was  lie  down.  Gradually  your  back  got  strong  enough 
to  withstand  the  work  and  the  summer  heat.  Every  so 
often  you  sharpened  your  hoe.  Whenever  we  needed  a 
drink  of  water,  we  would  yell,  "Gunga  Din,  bring  wa- 
ter." Tony,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  water,  would  keep 
swinging  in  the  swing  until  Dad  would  get  mad,  then 
Tony  would  get  off  the  swing  and  bring  us  the  water.  To 
us  Tony  represented  the  little  Indian  boy  that  the  British 
solders  used  as  their  water  boy  in  the  desert  war  movie, 
"Gunga  Din." 


L6 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


You  worked  from  sunrise  to  sunset  with  breaks  only 
for  sharpening  the  hoe,  to  drink  water  and  eat  lunch.  Af- 
ter the  20  acres  were  thinned.  Dad  would  do  the  irriga- 
tion and  we  would  go  back  to  school.  Our  work  force 
was  set  up  as  follows:  Dad,  Mom,  Connie,  Polo,  Pon- 
cho, and  Nato  worked  in  the  fields.  Molly  stayed  home 
and  looked  after  Abby  and  Mary  and  took  care  of  the 
house.  Several  times  during  the  summer  when  the  weeds 
were  anywhere  from  one  to  three  feet  tall  we  weeded  the 
sugar  beets. 

Saturdays  we  would  work  half  a  day,  then  we  would 
clean  up  and  go  to  town.  Dad  would  drive.  Chelo  and 
Mom  in  the  front  and  the  rest  of  us  in  the  back,  standing 
behind  the  cab.  the  wind  blow- , — 
ing  on  our  faces.  People  would 
gather  in  town  to  enjoy  the  af- 
ternoon and  buy  provisions  for 
the   following   week.    The 
women  got  together  to  talk.  The 


By  the  end  of  the  day  you  are 
tired.  Your  back  hurts,  your  arms 
hurt,  everything  hurts. 


times  during  our  rabbit  and  pheasant  hunting  we  would 
stumble  on  a  pheasant  nest  and  take  the  eggs  home.  They 
were  as  good  as  chicken  eggs  except  smaller  in  size.  On 
Sundays  we  kids  would  go  swimming  in  the  river.  Some- 
times Molly,  Tony,  Abby  and  Mary  would  go  visit  the 
mules.  They  offered  the  mules  hay  to  get  them  close  to 
the  fence.  Then  Tony  would  get  on  one  and  ride  the  mule 
around  the  corral.  He  couldn't  get  off  unless  he  could  get 
the  mule  close  to  the  fence.  One  day  Tony  walked  up  to 
Mom  and  said.  "Look  what  I  got  Mama."  He  pulled  out 
his  hand  from  his  pocket  and  opened  it.  A  little  field 
mouse  jumped  from  his  hand  and  Mom  jumped  back  as 
she  yelled,  "Get  that  thing  out  of  here,  cochino."  One 
—  day  for  some  reason  Nato  de- 
cided that  he  had  had  enough 
of  farm  life.  He  got  mad  and 
told  Mom  and  Dad  that  he  was 
going  home  to  El  Paso.  Mom 
asked  him  "M/yo,  how  are  you 


kids  would  go  to  the  movies.  The  theater  was  located  on 
Tenth  and  Maple.  I  understand  it  has  since  burned  down. 
The  men  would  socialize  and  drink.  During  one  of  those 
Saturdays  my  folks  met  a  man  named  Juan  and  his  wife. 
I  do  not  remember  her  name  nor  their  last  name.  My 
parents  apparently  invited  them  to  come  and  visit  us  on 
Sundays.  The  couple  were  from  Albuquerque,  New 
Mexico.  The  Juan  family  had  a  daughter  that  would  play 
with  Abby  and  Maria  whenever  they  visited  us.  On  one 
of  those  visits  they  asked  my  parents  if  they  would  do 
them  the  honor  of  becoming  their  daughter's  God-par- 
ents. My  parents  did.  They  would  visit  so  often  that  even- 
tually my  parents  dreaded  their  visits.  Every  time  my 
mother  saw  them  coming,  she  would  say,  "Aqui  venir 
Don  Juan  metichi  (here  comes  nosey  Don  Juan)."  Maria, 
my  little  sister,  picked  up  on  it  for  she  started  saying. 
"Mama  metichi,  metichi."  Mom  would  tell  Maria,  "Shhh, 
they  might  hear  you."  They  were  really  were  nice  people 
except  that  they  did  not  know  when  to  leave.  Don  Juan 
was  such  a  talker  that  one  could  only  believe  half  of  what 
he  said.  He  would  brag  about  what  a  hard  worker  he  was. 
As  it  turned  out  it  was  his  wife  who  was  really  the  hard 
worker  in  the  family.  He  "sandbagged"  most  of  the  time. 
Sometimes  during  their  visits  my  mother  would  give  hints 
for  them  to  go  home  and  they  either  missed  or  ignored 
them.  Then  my  mom  would  tell  Chelo  and  Mollie,  "Mijas 
get  out  the  blankets  and  make  the  beds."  They  would 
then  get  the  hint.  On  the  Saturdays  that  we  did  not  go 
into  town  they  would  stay  overnight.  1  think  they  planned 
their  visits  around  dinner  time  to  get  a  free  meal. 

My  mother  would  buy  provisions  such  as  beans,  pota- 
toes, sugar,  flour,  molasses,  coffee,  butter,  and  cooking 
oil  in  bulk.  We  bought  the  eggs  from  the  fanner  and  some- 


going  to  get  to  El  Paso?"  "I  am  going  to  walk,"  Nato 
responded.  "And  what  are  you  going  to  do  for  money?" 
Mom  asked.  "I  am  going  to  take  a  chicken  with  me  and 
sell  the  chicken  eggs."  Sure  enough.  Nato  took  a  chicken 
and  took  off.  Mom  said,  "F/'e/'o,  stop  him."  Dad  said. 
"Let  him  go.  He'll  be  back  before  dark."  Nato  walked  for 
about  a  mile.  He  cooled  down  and  before  dark  came  home. 

Another  time  Tony,  Mollie,  Nato,  and  I  saw  a  mother 
skunk  with  two  little  babies.  Mollie  said  "Look,  a  mother 
skunk  and  her  babies.  Let's  make  pets  out  of  them."  We 
chased  them.  The  skunks  ran  under  the  house  and  Tony 
said,  "Great!  We  have  them  trapped  now."  We  proceeded 
to  cover  the  opening  to  keep  them  from  getting  away. 
Boy,  were  the  folks  mad  for  the  house  stunk  for  days. 
We  had  to  let  them  go. 

I  remember  that  Mollie  was  a  very  stubborn  kid.  We 
started  calling  her  Mollie  the  mule. 

One  day.  as  we  were  weeding  using  long  handle  hoes, 
we  heard  a  rattlesnake.  Dad  used  the  hoe  to  kill  it.  We 
continued  working  and  we  heard  another  rattler.  It  scared 
me.  Dad  was  fast  enough  to  kill  that  one  also.  Appar- 
ently Dad  also  got  concerned  because  he  said,  "Enough 
of  this.  Let's  go  home  before  one  of  us  gets  bitten."  I  was 
sure  glad.  He  didn't  have  to  say  it  twice.  He  took  the 
dead  rattlers  home  and  removed  the  rattles  and  the  fangs. 
He  put  the  fangs  in  the  hat  band  of  his  "Sunday'  hat.  He 
actually  wore  the  hat  on  Saturdays  when  we  went  to  town. 
I  can  not  remember  what  he  did  with  the  rattles  other 
than  he  kept  them. 

Monday  through  Friday  were  work  days.  During  the 
week  Mom  would  quit  work  early  to  go  home  and  pre- 
pare dinner.  Dinner  was  the  time  when  we  would  be  to- 
gether and  share  the  day's  happenings  and  have  fun.  The 


Spring  2001 


1/ 


food  was  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  wooden  table  and 
Mom  would  serve  each  one  as  we  passed  the  plates  to 
her.  For  dessert,  the  molasses  would  be  passed  around 
and  each  one  of  us  would  pour  some  on  our  plate.  We 
used  pieces  of  flour  tortillas  to  soak  it  up.  We  used  to  call 
the  molasses  aceite  (oil)  and  would  say  "pasa  le  aceite 
(pass  the  oil).  I  need  it  for  my  joints." 

Sunday  was  also  the  day  that  Mom  (with  Connie's  help) 
would  do  the  laundry.  Molly,  Polo,  and  I  would  hang  the 
cloths  to  dry.  We  pumped  water  from  the  well  into  a 
bucket.  Then  we  built  a  fire  and  set  the  bucket  on  the 
fire.  When  the  water  got  hot  we  would  pour  the  hot  water 
into  the  Tina  (galvanized  wash  tub).  Polo  and  1  would  be 
on  standby  to  change  the  dirty  water  in  the  Tina.  In  be- 
tween we  played.  We  jumped  rope,  used  our  sling  shots, 
bow  and  arrows,  and  played  with  our  home-made  wood 
guns.  We  made  all  our  toys.  Dad  had  taken  a  large  rope 
and  made  a  swing  for  us  in  the  back  of  the  house. 

In  September,  we  didn't  go  to  school  for  we  had  to  do 
the  harvesting.  The  mornings  were  cold  and  wet.  It  was 
hot  during  the  day  and  the  nights  were  cold.  The  fanner 
scooped  the  sugar  beets  out  of  the  dirt  and  laid  them  on 
top  of  the  ground  in  straight  rows.  In  the  morning  you 
would  bundle  up  in  a  wool  shirt,  and  wear  a  cap  with  ear 
flaps  to  keep  your  ears  warm.  Your  pants  and  boots  would 
get  wet  with  the  morning  dew.  Your  hands  got  cold.  You 
would  straddle  the  mound  of  sugar  beets  with  the  ma- 
chete on  one  hand.  The  machete  had  a  nail-like  hook  at 
the  end.  With  one  swing  of  the  machete  you  drove  the 
hook  into  the  sugar  beet,  brought  the  sugar  beet  up  and 
laid  it  on  your  thigh.  Your  other  hand  moved  over  the 
sugar  beet  and  held  it  against  your  thigh.  You  then  swung 
the  machete  up,  bringing  it  down  close  to  the  green  tops, 
cutting  the  leafy  part  off.  The  next  motion  you  flipped 
the  cut  sugar  beet  between  the  rows.  You  repeated  this 
over  and  over,  hour  after  hour,  doing  it  as  fast  as  you 
could.  By  ten  o'clock  it  started  to  get  hot,  your  back  hurt 
and  you  took  a  break.  You  removed  the  wool  shirt,  tugged 
the  ear  flaps  under  your  cap  and  called  Gunga  Din  for 
water.  You  sharpened  the  machete  and  then  got  back  to 
work. 

By  the  end  of  the  day  you  are  tired.  Your  back  hurt, 
your  arms  hurt,  everything  hurt.  All  you  wanted  was  to 
wash  up,  eat  and  go  to  bed.  In  the  evenings  you  sharp- 
ened the  machete  for  the  next  day. 

A  truck  moved  behind  the  loader  that  moved  along  the 
rows  picking  up  the  cut  sugar  beets.  If  there  was  no  loader, 
the  track  driver  used  a  pitch  fork  to  load  the  truck  by 
hand.  The  truck  then  took  the  load  to  the  train  station  to 
get  weighed.  After  that,  the  sugar  beets  were  dumped 
onto  train  cars.  The  train  then  went  to  the  sugar  mill.  I 


remember  the  truck  driver  coming  to  the  field  to  get  a 
load  of  sugar  beets  with  his  girl  friend  (his  wife?)  and 
while  waiting  for  the  truck  to  get  loaded,  they  were  kiss- 
ing and  carrying  on. 

By  the  end  of  the  harvest  we  made  enough  money  to 
pay  off  the  loan  on  the  1937  International  truck.  We 
named  it  the  airplane  for  you  could  hear  it  coming  a  mile 
away.  Dad  built  a  wooden  frame  on  the  truck  bed  and 
covered  it  with  canvas.  This  was  our  camper.  Our  pos- 
sessions were  piled  into  the  truck  bed.  Connie  rode  in 
front  with  Mom  and  Dad  and  the  rest  of  us  got  in  the 
back  of  the  truck.  We  headed  home  to  El  Paso.  Texas.  It 
seemed  that  on  every  grade  the  engine  would  get  hot.  We 
would  have  to  stop  to  let  the  engine  cool  down.  The  kids 
didn't  mind  for  we  explored  the  area  while  the  truck 
cooled  down.  However  going  down  hill  we  really  moved! 
In  the  towns  where  we  stopped  to  get  food  and  gas,  people 
would  often  stare'at  us.  We  didn't  care.  We  were  going 
home  to  El  Paso.  Dad  drove  all  the  way  home.  That  ended 
our  Wyoming  experience. 


The  author  writes  of  his  background: 

"In  1945  we  moved  back  to  Fontana,  Cali- 
fornia. I  graduated  from  Chaffey  Union  High 
School.  After  that.  I  joined  the  U.  S.  Air  Force. 
I  was  honorably  discharged  with  the  rank  of 
sergeant  after  three  years  of  service.  While  I 
was  in  the  service.  I  married  my  high  school 
sweetheart.  We  had  three  children,  one  boy  and 
three  girls,  and  20  wonderful  years  together. 
God  took  my  son  at  birth  and  my  wife  in  1972. 
In  1976 1  met  and  married  my  second  wife  with 
whom  I  have  had  25  years  of  blessed  life. 

"After  the  service  I  joined  the  workforce  and 
returned  to  school.  I  graduated  from  Califor- 
nia State  University,  Bakersfield,  and  became 
a  mechanical  engineer,  registered  in  the  State 
of  California.  Later,  I  served  as  program  man- 
ager for  the  United  States  Navy,  retiring  in 
1995. 

"I  am  writing  my  life  story.  When  I  wrote 
about  the  Wyoming  experience,  my  wife  per- 
suaded me  to  revisit  Wheatland  and  gather  in- 
formation about  the  location,  and  the  name  of 
the  one-room  school  I  attended.  I  am  glad  we 
did  for  we  enjoyed  the  trip  and  meeting  people 
58  years  later.  " 


THE  LA  CULTURA 

ORAL  HISTORY  PROJECT: 

MEXICANO/HISPANIC  HISTORY 

IN  WYOMING 

By  Antonio  Rios-Bustamante  and  Jesse  Vialpando 


On  March  12-13,  1982,  several  dozen  interested  indi- 
viduals from  throughout  the  state  of  Wyoming  met  in 
Laramie,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Wyoming  Council 
for  the  Humanities.  This  meeting  resulted  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project. 

Although  the  Hispanic  population  in  Wyoming,  accord- 
ing to  the  1980  census,  was  in  excess  of  25,000.  the  ab- 
sence of  research  on  this  minority  group  meant  that  an 
important  aspect  of  Wyoming's  historical  development 
suffered  from  serious  neglect.  Wyoming  is  a  big  state, 
97,914  square  miles.  The  state  is  semiarid  and  the  aver- 
age annual  precipitation  is  14.21  inches  a  year,  with 
mountain  areas  in  the  northwest  receiving  more  than  40 
inches  of  precipitation  a  year.  Once  leaving  the  moun- 
tains, one  enters  sagebrush  country,  which  occupies 
58.201  square  miles  of  the  state.  The  climatic  conditions 
are  harsh  and  winters  can  be  long  and  hard.  Given  such 
conditions,  why  would  Mexican  Americans/Hispanics  mi- 
grate to  Wyoming?  In  most  cases,  the  answer  has  been 
that  work  opportunties  drew  them  to  the  state. 

The  1982  meeting  was  to  discuss  the  formation  of  a 
statewide  committee  to  document  the  Hispanic  presence 
in  the  state  of  Wyoming.  Suzanne  Forrest,  then  Director 
for  the  Wyoming  Humanities  Council  ( WHC).  facilitated 
the  meeting.  In  attendance  was  Dr.  Arturo  Rosales,  then 
a  representative  of  the  Southwest  Humanities  Councils 
of  the  National  Endowment  for  the  Humanities.  Most  of 
the  individuals  present  expressed  a  keen  interest  in  doing 
something  to  record  the  Hispanic  experience  in  the  state 
of  Wyoming.  As  a  result,  an  ad  hoc  committee  was 
formed  to  conduct  the  research.  Later,  the  group  was  in- 
corporated as  the  Committee  for  the  Preservation  of  La 
Cultura  in  Wyoming.  Phil  Roberts,  then  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Department  Senior  Historian,  drafted  the  ar- 
ticles of  incorporation.  While  the  committee  was  busy 
preparing  a  planning  grant  to  submit  to  the  WHC,  indi- 
viduals representing  different  segments  of  the  state  vol- 


unteered to  serve  as  officers  for  the  organization.  James 
Medina  from  Senator  Simpson's  Office,  was  organiza- 
tion president;  Oralia  Mercado  from  the  Wyoming  Em- 
ployment Commission,  vice  president;  Genevieve 
Gonzales  from  the  Laramie  Senior  Center,  fiscal  agent; 
Lucy  Medina  from  Rawlins,  secretary;  and  Pauline 
Gonzales  of  Rawlins  handled  publicity.  Acting  as  hu- 
manist consultants  to  the  project  were  Dr.  Lawrence  A. 
Cardoso  from  the  University  of  Wyoming  History  De- 
partment and  Dr.  Chencho  Rodriguez  from  Laramie  Com- 
munity College  in  Cheyenne.  Dennis  Coehlo  from  the 
Wyoming  Arts  Council  served  as  evaluator  for  the  project, 
and  Emanuel  (Manny)  Vigil,  curator  of  exhibits  for  the 
Wyoming  State  Museum,  acted  as  adviser  and  designer 
of  the  project  logo. 

The  Wyoming  Council  for  the  Humanities  funded  the 
planning  grant  proposal  submitted  by  the  committee.  The 
group  initially  received  a  planning  grant  of  $1,515  that 
was  supplemented  with  a  20  percent  in-kind  match.  The 
planning  committee  met  on  May  15,  1981,  in  Laramie 
and  developed  a  Research  and  Development  grant  to  be 
submitted  to  WHC.  The  $16,173  granted  to  the  commit- 
tee, according  to  a  letter  from  David  Tebaldi  to  Connie 
Coca,  was  "one  of  the  largest  grants  that  WHC  had 
awarded  and  testified  to  the  council's  belief  in  the  im- 
portance and  value  of  documenting  and  interpreting  the 
Hispanic  experience  in  Wyoming."  As  in  the  case  of  the 
planning  grant,  the  committee  was  required  to  receive  20 
percent  in-kind  matching  funds  for  the  larger  grant.  The 
Committee  had  received  $800  in  donations  from  Hispan- 
ics  and  majority  members  of  the  community.  Several  com- 
munity organizations  also  contributed  to  the  project. 

The  grant  proposal  submitted  to  WHC  was  to  docu- 
ment the  Hispanic  contribution  to  the  development  of 
the  state  of  Wyoming.  The  project  was  proposed  as  a 
one-year  project,  which  aimed  to  rectify  the  absence  of 
research  on  the  Hispanic  population.  The  project's  goal 


Spring  2001 

was  to  focus  on  oral  history  interviews  with  Hispanics 
throughout  the  state,  and  to  collect  a  minimum  of  thirty 
sets  of  three-generation  interviews.  This  approach  would 
allow  the  evaluation  of  changes  over  time.  Interviews 
were  then  to  be  transcribed,  and  the  transcriptions  were 
to  be  deposited,  with  the  goal  of  full  access,  into  what 


19 

was  then  the  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Museums  and 
Historical  Department  (AMH,  now  the  Cultural  Resources 
Division,  Wyoming  Department  of  Parks  and  Cultural 
Resources).  In  addition,  the  group  sought  to  locate  and 
reproduce  photographs  that  would  illustrate  the  Hispanic 
contribution  to  the  state.  The  ultimate  goal  of  the  project 


La  Cultura:  The  Inventory  of  Interviews 


The  La  Cultura  collection  of  oral  history  interviews  is 
held  in  the  collections  of  the  Cultural  Resources  Divi- 
sion, Wyoming  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources 
Department,  Cheyenne.  Many  of  the  tapes  have  been 
transcribed.  Following  is  a  list  of  the  La  Cultura  in- 
terviews, including  the  tape  number  for  reference  by 
researchers.  Included  are  notations  on  the  transcripts 
indicating  places  and  dates  of  the  interviews. 
Aragon,  Tony  Sr.,  OH-863.  Fort  Washakie,  June  8,  1983. 
Archuleta,  Bernardo  and  Frances,  OH-844.  Green  River, 
Jan.  5,  1983. 

Archuleta,  Stacie,  OH-864.  Green  River,  Feb.  19,  1983. 
Arias,  Natividay  (Garcia),  OH  823  A&B 
Armijo,  Pedro,  OH-861.  Point  of  Rocks,  May  21,  1983. 
Arellano,  Alfred,  OH-882.  Rawlins,  Dec.  21,  1981. 
Bacila,  Anna  (Maestras),  OH-880. 
Barela,  Charlotte  Jane,  OH-845.  Laramie,  March  8,  1983. 
Bustos,  Catherine,  OH-824 
Cabos,  Jose,  OH-883. 

Candelaria,  Josephine  Judy,  OH-862.  Wamsutter,  May  21, 
1983. 

Chavez,  Naomi,  OH-891.  Cheyenne. 
Coca,  Connie,  OH-865  A&B.  Laramie. 
Colestock,  Cindy  L.,  OH-866.  Green  River,  Jan.  4,  1983. 
Colestock,  Marie,  OH-846.  Green  River,  Jan.  4,  1983. 
DeHerrara,  Abe,  OH-884  A&B.  Rawlins,  June  16,  1983. 
DeHerrera,  Maria,  OH-825.  Rawlins,  Dec.  16,  1981. 
Dupont,  Kate  Padilla,  OH-826  A&B.  Green  River,  Jan.  3, 
1983. 

Dupont,  Monique,  OH-847.  Green  River,  Jan.  5,  1983. 
Eyre,  Joanne  (Ruiz),  OH-881.  Green  River,  Feb.  20,  1983. 
Fuentes,  Jose,  OH-868.  Laramie,  Jan.  29,  1982. 
Gold,  Simonita,  OH-867.  Green  River,  Feb.  20,  1983. 
Gonzales,  Frank  R.,  OH-887.  Cheyenne,  May  1,  1983. 
Hen-era,  Esther  (DeHerrara),  OH-885.  Cheyenne. 
Herrera,  Tony,  OH-827.  Rawlins,  July  10,  1982. 
Herrera,  Virginia,  OH-828.  Rawlins,  July  10,  1982. 
Kelley,  John,  OH-829.  Cheyenne,  Aug.  8,  1982. 
Kelley,  Juanita,  OH-830.  Cheyenne,  Aug.  8,  1982. 
Lucero,  Cynthia  M.,  OH-849.  Laramie,  March  8,  1983. 
Martinez,  Alicia  (Sanchez),  OH-842  A&B.  Cheyenne,  Aug. 
10,  1982. 


Martinez,  Helen  (Rodriquez),  OH-850.  Casper,  Jan.  15, 

1983. 

Martinez,  Juanita,  OH-874.  Lovell,  Dec.  7,  1982. 

Martinez,  Katherine,  OH-831.  Cheyenne. 

Martinez,  Louis,  OH-851. 

Martinez,  Yvonne  A.,  OH-852.  Casper,  Jan.  15,  1983. 

Mascarenas,  Henry  A.,  OH-889.  Casper,  Jan.  4,  1983. 

Mercado,  Michael,  OH-869.  Worland,  April  5,  1983. 

Mercado,  Oralia  Gomez,  OH-886.  Casper,  July  13,  1983. 

Mercado,  Ruth,  OH-870.  Worland,  April  5,  1983. 

Montano,  Leonardo,  OH-832.  Rawlins,  Dec.  16,  1981. 

Montano,  Pablita,  OH-833.  Rawlins,  Dec.  11,  1981. 

Morales,  Macaria  M.,  OH-888.  Casper,  March  19,  1983. 

Ortiz,  Severiane,  OH-871.  Lovell,  March  31,  1983. 

Pacheco,  Dennis,  OH-834.  Cheyenne. 

Pacheco,  Evangeline,  OH-835  A&B.  Cheyenne. 

Pacheco,  Lucas,  OH-836.  Cheyenne. 

Pacheco,  Trinidad  Duran,  OH-837.  Cheyenne,  Aug.  5, 

1982. 

Ramirez,  Joe,  Jr.,  OH-854.  Casper,  Jan.  15,  1983. 

Ramirez,  Mary  Louise,  OH-843.  Cheyenne. 

Ramirez,  Rosabelle  (Romero),  OH-838.  Cheyenne. 

Ramos,  Viola,  OH-872.  March  28,  1983. 

Roche,  Nadine,  OH-873.  Lovell,  Jan.  16,  1983. 

Rodriquez,  Jesse,  OH-874.  Lovell,  Dec.  7,  1982. 

Rodriquez,  Rafaela,  OH-875.  Casper,  March  19,  1983. 

Rodriquez,  Suluma,  OH-855.  Casper,  Jan.  15,  1983. 

Roland,  Dora,  OH-876.  Riverton,  June  9,  1983. 

Ruiz,  JoAnn,  OH-856  A&B.  Green  River,  Feb.  20,  1983. 

Sanchez,  Donna  Marie,  OH-857.  Casper,  Jan.  15,  1983. 

Sanchez,  Leo  Richard,  OH-877.  Casper,  Jsan.  15,  1983. 

Sanchez,  Paul,  OH-858.  Rawlins,  Dec.  1981. 

Sanchez,  Teodorita  (Garcia),  OH-839.  Cheyenne,  Aug.  5, 

1982. 

Saul,  Terri  Marie,  OH-890.  Glenrock,  June  15,  1983. 

Sauzedo,  Susana,  OH-878.  Cheyenne,  March  3,  1983. 

Trujillo,  Victorina,  OH-859  A&B.  Casper,  Jan.  13,  1983. 

Varos,  Alonzo  Leroy,  OH-840.  Cheyenne. 

Varos,  Molly,  OH-841 

Vieyra,  Manuel,  OH-879.  Rock  Springs,  May  20,  1983. 

Vigil,  Ida  and  Joe,  OH-860.  Green  River,  Sept.  21,  1982. 


20 


Annals  01  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


was  to  preserve,  interpret,  communicate,  and  protect  im- 
portant aspects  of  the  culture  and  philosophy  of  Hispan- 
ics  in  the  state  of  Wyoming  in  hopes  of  enriching  the 
understanding  of  all  people  who  live  in  the  state. 

A  sub-committee  made  up  of  Dr.  Lawrence  A.  Cardozo, 
Connie  Coca,  Dennis  Coehlo,  and  Oralia  Mercado,  de- 
veloped the  interviewing  format.  They  established  a  set 
of  13  topic  areas  to  be  addressed:  (1 )  geographic  origin 
and  reason  for  migrating;  (2)  employment  patterns;  (3) 
Anglo-American  attitudes  and  discriminatory  practices 
toward  Hispanics  in  Wyoming;  (4)  housing;  (5)  schools 
and  education;  (6)  police  and  courts;  (7)  descriptions  of 
the  family  celebrations  on  holidays 
(Christmas,  Easter,  Thanksgiving); 
(8)  funerals;  (9)  births;  (10)  health; 
(11)  general;  (12)  politics;  and  (13) 
personal  experiences. 

The  committee  sought  a  minimum 
of  thirty  sets  of  three-generation  oral 
interviews  among  Hispanics.  The 
state  was  divided  into  five  areas  by 
county.  A  formula  that  considered 
the  total  Hispanic  population  in  each 
area  as  a  portion  of  the  total  Wyo- 
ming Hispanic  population  yielded  a  percentage  and  num- 
ber of  families  that  would  be  interviewed  from  each  area. 
The  breakdowns  were:  Laramie,  Goshen,  Platte  33%  - 
10  sets  of  interviews;  Natrona  Converse,  Niobrara, 
Campbell,  Johnson.  Sheridan,  Crook.  Weston  19%  -  6 
sets;  Albany,  Carbon  18%  -  5  sets;  Sweetwater,  Uinta. 
Lincoln.  Sublette.  Teton  1 7%  -  5  sets:  Park.  Washakie. 
Big  Horn,  Hot  Springs.  Freemont  14%  -  4  sets. 

The  interviews  were  transcribed  and  deposited  with 
the  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Museums  and  Historical 
Department,  in  order  to  provide  open  and  easy  access  for 
future  researchers.  In  addition,  artifacts  and  photographs 
relating  to  Hispanic  contributions  to  the  state  of  Wyo- 
ming were  to  be  utilized  by  the  Wyoming  State  Museum 
in  a  traveling  exhibit. 

Multiple  training  sessions  for  oral  history  interviews 
were  held  throughout  the  state  at  Rawlins,  Laramie, 
Casper,  and  other  sites.  At  these  sessions,  historians  Tim 
Cochran  and  Phil  Roberts  from  the  AMH  Department, 
and  Connie  Coca  from  Laramie  trained  more  than  a  dozen 
interviewers.  Over  an  1 8-month  period.  83  interviews 
were  conducted  in  all  five  interview  areas  of  the  state. 
The  interview  methodology  included  the  dissemination 
of  questionnaires,  a  biographical  data  form,  and  an  infor- 
mation release  form.  Interviewers  provided  their  own  tape 
recorders,  cameras,  and  film,  tapes  were  provided  by  the 
project.  Jesse  Vialpando,  then  a  law  student  at  the  Uni- 


The  interviewees  with 
this  particular  migration 
pattern  told  a  unique 
story  about  Mexican 
Americans  who  became 
Wyomingites. 


versity  of  Wyoming,  was  hired  as  an  interviewer  and 
translator. 

The  La  Cultura  Project  demonstrated  that  Wyoming 
Mexican  American/Hispanics  derive  from  three  main 
historical  sources  of  migration:  from  New  Mexico/South- 
ern Colorado,  from  Texas  via  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  and 
from  Mexico.  Even  today,  the  great  majority  of  Wyo- 
ming Mexican/Hispanics  migrate  from  these  areas. 

The  family  of  oral  history  interviewer  Jesse  L. 
Vialpando  is  representative  of  the  group  of  Mexican/His- 
panic Wyomingites  who  migrated  from  Colorado's  San 
Luis  Valley.  Vialpando's  father,  Adelmo  R.  Vialpando, 
migrated  in  1948  from  the  small  vil- 
lage of  Chama  in  the  southern  part  of 
Colorado.  Many  people  from  south- 
eastern Wyoming  are  from  the  San 
Luis  Valley.  He  and  many  of  the  His- 
panics that  were  interviewed  came  to 
Wyoming  because  there  was  an  abun- 
dance of  work  during  this  period  due 
to  the  mining  and  production  of  oil, 
gas.  uranium,  and  coal.  In  1949,  six 
million  tons  of  coal  were  mined  in 
Wyoming,  much  of  it  used  to  power 
the  railroad's  coal-fired  steam  locomotives.  Not  only  did 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  use  coal  for  its  own  locomo- 
tives, it  was  also  the  primary  form  of  transporting  coal. 
Interviews  that  were  conducted  indicate  that  many  His- 
panics worked  in  the  mines  and  for  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad.  The  interviews  showed  migrants  believed  that 
the  work  was  plentiful  in  Wyoming  from  the  1940s  to 
the  1 980s,  causing  many  Mexican  Americans/Hispanics 
to  make  Wyoming  their  home. 

The  Mexican/Texan  migration  is  illustrated  by  the  fam- 
ily experiences  of  those  who  were  interviewed.  Many 
had  migrated  from  Mexico/Texas,  to  New  Mexico,  Colo- 
rado. Kansas  and  then  to  Wyoming.  This  particular  group 
of  families  demonstrated  a  strong  commitment  to  the  ex- 
tended family  community.The  interviewees  with  this  par- 
ticular migration  pattern  told  a  unique  story  about  Mexi- 
can Americans  who  became  Wyomingites.  These  fami- 
lies found  a  home  and  lifetime  employment  with  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad.  One  first  generation  interviewee 
was  born  in  Jalisco,  Mexico  in  1899.  When  asked  if  he 
remembered  when  he  came  to  Wyoming,  he  stated  that 
he  arrived  in  Wyoming  July  23,  1923.  He  went  to  work 
for  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  and  remained  in  Laramie 
for  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  had  one  son  who  is  still  living. 
A  first  generation  Mexican  American  family  shared  the 
story  of  their  grandfather  who  was  born  in  about  1 896  in 
Mexico,  and  who,  at  the  age  of  twelve,  swam  the  Rio 


Spring  2001 

Grande  and  crossed  over  to  Texas  where  he  lived  for  some 
time.  He  then  worked  his  way  through  Colorado  to  Wyo- 
ming, and  finally  settled  in  Riverton.  The  following  is  a 
quote  from  the  interview: 

At  this  time  I  would  like  to  take  a  few  minutes  to  tell 
you  about  my  parents.  They  were  married  in  Riverton, 
Wyoming,  in  1917.  My  mother  was  born  in  Colorado. 
My  dad  came  from  Mexico.  He  came  across  from  Mexico 
to  the  United  States  when  he  was  12  years  old.  He  swam 
across  the  Rio  Grande  into  Texas.  I  understand  that  his 
father  owned  a  small  grocery  store  in  Mexico,  but  he 
often  heard  about  how  great  it  was  to  live  in  the  United 
States.  So  as  a  kid,  well,  he  decided 
he  wanted  to  find  out  what  it  was  , — 
like.  So  that's  what  made  him  come 
to  the  United  States.  And  once  he 
got  here,  well,  he  just  never  did  go 
back.  He  never  heard  or  seen  his 
parents  again.  He  lived  in  Texas  for 
a  while  doing  odds  and  ends  jobs, 
then  he  went  into  Colorado.  That's 
where  he  met  my  mother.  In  1917. 
they  were  married. 


In  2000  the  La  Cultura 
Project  entered  a  new 
phase  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Chicano  Studies 
Program  at  the  University 
of  Wyoming. 


The  interviews  of  different  fami- 
lies provide  a  distinct  opportunity  for  examining  the  way 
in  which  families  from  Mexico  and  Texas  made  the  move 
to  Wyoming.  To  this  day,  the  third  generation  remains  in 
Wyoming  with  the  addition  of  fourth  generation  Hispan- 
ics,  many  of  whom  continue  to  work  for  the  Union  Pa- 
cific Railroad. 

The  interviews  revealed  that  monolingual  Spanish- 
speaking  people  suffered  more  discrimination  than  bilin- 
gual or  non-Spanish  speaking  people.  The  first  genera- 
tion of  interviewees  indicated  that  their  struggle  for  equal- 
ity was  much  more  difficult  than  the  second  generation. 
However,  the  second  generation's  struggle  for  equality 
continued  and  it  is  this  generation  that  pushed  for  civil 
rights  in  southeastern  Wyoming.  Interviews  with  third 
generation  Hispanics  indicated  that  youth  did  not  live 
through  the  period  of  legal  discrimination  and  abuse,  and. 
therefore,  did  not  experience  as  much  blatant  disparate 
treatment  as  did  their  grandparents.  Interviews  also  indi- 
cated that  second  generation  Hispanics  that  were  born  in 
central  and  northern  Wyoming  were  inclined  to  be  more 
conservative  about  Chicano  issues.  Third  generation 
Mexican  Americans/Hispanics  were  much  more  assimi- 
lated than  the  first  and  second  generations.  Very  few  spoke 
or  understood  Spanish  well. 

The  interviews  documented  advancement  in  social  and 
economic  status  and  cultural  change  over  time.  Progress 
is  evident  in  settlement  patterns,  employment  patterns, 


21 

and  in  the  area  of  formal  education.   This  was  all  very 
positive  because  this  showed  that  Mexican  Americans/ 
Hispanics  did  in  fact  make  economic  progress.  However, 
on  the  negative  side,  interviews  demonstrated  that  His- 
panic cultural  traits  that  were  held  by  the  first  generation 
were  being  lost  by  the  third  generation.  Many  third-gen- 
eration Mexican  Americans/Hispanics  were  losing  the 
ability  to  speak  and  write  Spanish.  The  conclusion  can 
be  drawn  that  assimilation  was  occurring  and  Wyoming 
Hispanics  were  developing  their  own  sense  of  identity. 
A  second  phase  of  the  project  was  funded  in  the  amount 
of  $2,500  by  the  Wyoming  State  Archives  to  translate 
Spanish  interviews  to  English  and 
— ,     transcribe  the  interviews.  The  com- 
pleted taped  interviews  and  the  trans- 
lated interviews  were  deposited  with 
the  Wyoming  State  Archives.  A  pho- 
tographic exhibition,  "Hispanics  in 
Wyoming,"  was  developed  from  pho- 
tographs and  information  collected. 
The  exhibit  was  20  photographic  en- 
largements and  an  accompanying  text 

I     written  by  Connie  Coca,  Dr.  Silvester 

Brito.  and  Dr.  Lawrence  A.  Cardozo. 
The  original  La  Cultura  Project  successfully  completed 
three  phases  of  activity,  each  with  a  successful  product: 
oral  history  interviews,  transcription  and  translation,  and 
a  photographic  exhibit.  Because  of  these  multiple  achieve- 
ments, the  La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project  can  be  viewed 
as  an  important  pioneering  Mexican  American/Hispanic 
public  history  project. 

In  2000  the  La  Cultura  Project  entered  a  new  phase 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Chicano  Studies  Program  at  the 
University  of  Wyoming.  A  virtual  museum  gallery,  which 
included  photographs,  the  history  of  the  Mexican/His- 
panic presence  in  Wyoming,  and  information  gathered 
through  the  first  phases  of  the  La  Cultura  Project  was 
placed  on  the  Chicano  Studies  University  of  Wyoming 
homepage.  The  address  for  that  site  is:  http :// 
uwadmnweb.uwyo.edu/ChicanoStudies/default.htm. 


Rios-Bustamante,  guest  editor  of  this  issue,  is  Pro- 
fessor of  History,  and  Director  of  the  Chicano 
Studies  Department,  University  of  Wyoming. 
Vialpando  is  an  employment  officer.  University  of 
Wyoming.  He  was  an  oral  history  interviewer  for 
the  La  Cultura  Project. 


Recent  Chicano  Migration  Into  and 
Out  of  Wyoming:  Los  Chavez 


By  Kirse  Kelly 


In  the  fall  of  1973,  the  family  of  Reynbaldo  Jose  and 
Adelaida  Selena  Trujilo  Chavez  took  their  first  steps 
into  Wyoming.  My  grandparents,  Ray  and  Addie  to  their 
friends  but  Pompa  and  Mom  to  their  grandchildren, 
moved  from  Kayenta,  Arizona,  to  Rawlins,  Wyoming. 
Pompa  was  going  to  work  for  Arch  Minerals  Goal  in 
Hanna,  Wyoming.  This  was  a  migration  that  led  many  of 
their  children  to  come  to  Wyoming  to  see  if  they  too 
could  gain  from  what  Pompa  had  billed  as  a  growing 
state  with  good  job  opportunities.1 

Because  of  the  high  position  that  Pompa  was  taking, 
Arch  Minerals  moved  them  to  Rawlins  and  purchased  a 
mobile  home  for  them.2  These  were  nice,  double-wide 
trailers  with  many  amenities,  but  they  were  trailers  none- 
theless. Although  Pompa  was  over  fifty,  he  felt  that  the 
job  at  the  new  mine  opening  in  Hanna  was  an  offer  he 
could  not  refuse~a  step  up  which  included  higher  pay. 
Thus,  he  and  my  grandmother,  Adelaida  (Addie),  picked 
up  and  moved  to  Rawlins  with  the  hope  of  new  opportu- 
nities for  the  entire  family. 

They  moved  at  the  request  of  friends.  Harold  Combs, 
Pompa's  friend  and  supervisor  at  the  Black  Mesa  Mine 
within  the  Navajo  Nation  in  Arizona,  was  hired  away 
from  the  Peabody  Coal  Company  by  Arch  Minerals  Coal 
in  Hanna.  When  Combs  moved  to  Wyoming,  he  took 
much  of  his  personnel  with  him,  including  Ray  Chavez 
who  he  hired  to  be  the  equipment  superintendent  at  Medi- 
cine Bow  Coal.  Pompa  and  Mom  wanted  to  take  many 
of  the  people  they  were  close  to  along  with  them  to  Wyo- 
ming, and  encouraged  their  eight  children,  mostly  located 
in  the  Southwest,  to  join  them  in  Wyoming. 

In  the  end,  four  out  of  the  eight  children  ended  up  liv- 
ing in  Wyoming  for  various  amounts  of  time.  My  mother, 
Cynthia,  has  been  in  Wyoming  the  longest  and  is  still  in 
Wyoming  today;  she  has  been  here  for  more  than  25  years. 
The  shortest  stay  was  that  of  my  Uncle  Paul,  who  stayed 
for  less  than  two  years.  The  memories  of  Wyoming  held 
by  lafamilia  de  Los  Chavez  ranged  from  positive  memo- 
ries of  good  fishing,  hunting,  and  upbeat  times  with  fam- 
ily, to  negative  memories  of  subtle  and  overt  racism  that 
permeated  the  culture  of  the  state. 

None  of  these  memories,  however,  were  the  first  Wyo- 


ming memories  of  my  mother,  the  first  Chavez  hija  to 
move  to  Wyoming.  My  family  moved  to  Wyoming  early 
in  1975  when  my  grandfather  offered  my  father  a  posi- 
tion at  the  Medicine  Bow  Coal  mine  as  a  foreman;  a  job 
that  offered  a  higher  rate  of  pay  than  he  had  been  getting 
in  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  My  mother  and  I  have  found  that  we 
have  some  of  the  same  first  memories-blinding  snow 
and  thick  cobblestones  of  ice  on  the  highway. 

Although  we  visited  Wyoming  in  December  1973,  and, 
as  my  mom  says,  "We  loved  the  bright  sunshine  and  the 
way  the  snow  seemed  to  fall  on  the  ground,  but  not  on 
the  road,"  the  move  made  in  February  1974,  was  much 
different.  My  mother  remembers,  "we  came  through  a 
hellacious  blizzard  that  lasted  the  whole  of  the  country 
from  Cincinnati  to  Wyoming  with  a  respite  in  Cheyenne 
and  Laramie  then  sheer  horror  1 0  miles  west  of  Laramie 
on  Interstate  80." 

At  the  time,  my  father  Charlie  was  driving  the  largest 
U-Haul  truck  available,  and  was  towing  a  station  wagon 
full  of  plants  that  my  mom  insisted  on  transporting  from 
Ohio.  My  mother  was  driving  a  1 967  Jeepster  Commando 
with  a  soft  top,  and  was  towing  a  1 963  C J-5  jeep.3  I  was 
traveling  with  my  mother,  while  my  five-year-old  brother 
Carlos  was  riding  with  my  Dad.  Our  caravan  got  sepa- 
rated, and  when  my  mother  could  not  see  to  drive  any 
longer,  she  stopped  on  the  side  of  the  Missouri  highway, 
uncertain  of  what  to  do  next.  Finally,  she  made  her  deci- 
sion. Cynthia  wrapped  her  three-year-old  daughter  in  a 
blanket  and,  leaving  her  vehicle  behind,  walked  out  on 

'  The  Chavez  family  was  part  of  a  large  population  migration 
from  all  over  the  United  States  as  a  result  of  the  energy  boom  of  the 
1970s. 

2  At  that  time  in  Rawlins,  not  much  housing  was  available;  thus, 
most  of  the  company  personnel  lived  in  mobile  homes.  Of  course, 
coal-mining  people  were  used  to  moving  around  over  their  lifetimes 
in  their  mobs,  so  mobile  homes  were  easier  to  purchase  and  sell  or 
move  when  the  time  came  to  leave  for  another  boom  area. 

3  Basically,  my  parents  were  collectors.  Mom  collected  plants, 
among  other  things,  and  Dad  collected  cars,  tools,  and  various  steel 
objects.  So,  like  the  pioneers  of  old,  loading  their  covered  wagons 
with  all  of  their  worldly  possessions  -  and  I  mean  EVERYTHING  - 
my  parents  set  of  for  Wyoming  laden  with  a  cumbersome  load. 

4  Today,  as  longtime  Wyomingites,  our  family  knows  that  this  is 
a  foolhardy  idea  that  should  never  be  attempted. 


Spring  2001 

the  highway  in  the  middle  of  the  blizzard.4  Luckily,  many 
drivers  spotted  us  and  alerted  the-highway  patrol.  An  of- 
ficer stopped  but  Mom  was  crying  so  hard  that  she  could 
not  speak.  I  am  told  that,  following  her  example,  I  began 
to  howl  as  well.  Finally,  the  officer  was  able  to  contact 
my  father  to  tell  him  that  his  wife  and  daughter  were 
fine,  though  big  lloronas? 

By  the  time  that  we  reached  the  house  of  Mom  and 
Pompa  Chavez  in  Rawlins,  the  entire  Kelly  family  was 
all  in  the  U-Haul  truck,  and  it  was  towing  nothing.  We 
had  left  the  various  cars  on  the  side  of  the  road  between 
Laramie  and  Rawlins  as  the  blizzard  intensified.  My  mom 
recalls  that  Mom  Chavez  tried  to  soothe  her  to  sleep,  but 
Cynthia  could  not  get  the  blinding  snow  out  of  her  mind's 
eye,  an  she  paced  up  an  down  for  hours.  In  the  bright 
sunshine  of  the  next  day,  which  made  it  seem  as  though 
there  had  been  no  blizzard  at  all.  Dad  and  Pompa  re- 
turned to  pick  up  the  cars.  This  was  our  inauspicious  in- 
troduction to  a  new  life  in  Wyoming. 

Another  of  my  mom's  early  memories  of  Rawlins  came 
soon  after  we  arrived  at  our  new  house  on  La  Paloma 
Drive.  My  parents  chose  to  live  in  Rawlins,  and  not  in 
Hanna,  because  the  housing  was  nicer  and  because  my 
grandparents  had  chosen  to  reside  there.  It  meant  an  hour 
commute  both  to  and  from  work  each  day  for  my  father, 
but  in  Cincinnati  he  had  needed  to  commute  for  the  same 
amount  of  time.6  He  always  said  he  would  rather  drive 
long  distances  in  the  wide  open  spaces  of  "big,  wonder- 
ful Wyoming"  than  in  the  traffic  jams  of  the  big  cities  in 
the  East. 

A  day  or  two  after  moving  in,  my  mom  took  my  brother 
Carlos  and  me  out  to  meet  out  neighbors.  One  of  the  first 
people  she  talked  to  was  Mrs.  Erickson,  whose  son  Jus- 
tin would  become  a  playmate  for  my  brother  and  me. 
They  talked  for  a  bit,  and  Mrs.  Erickson  told  Cynthia  a 
few  things  about  the  neighborhood  and  the  neighbors. 
Then  the  woman  took  a  deep  breath  and,  glancing  at  my 
brother,  said,  "Well!  We've  never  had  anyone  named 
Carlos  live  in  this  neighborhood  before."7 

Although  my  mother  did  not  really  have  a  response  for 
the  woman,  she  soon  found  that  she  would  often  feel  like 
an  outsider,  and  not  only  with  white  people  in  the  com- 
munity. In  the  Wyoming  Mexican  community,  she  was 
not  an  exact  fit.  Differences  included  education;  her  mar- 
riage to  a  white  man,  "which  didn't  happen  too  often 
then;"  the  way  that  food  was  prepared;  and  what  she  felt 
was  the  lack  of  pageantry  and  Spanish  flavor  in  the  church 
functions. 

I  can  remember  the  first  time  that  I  helped  to  make 
Wyoming  enchiladas  at  our  church.  I  had  eaten  them 
before,  and  thought  that  they  tasted  delicious;  however, 
they  just  were  not  the  same  as  Los  Chavez'  New  Mexi- 


23 

can  style  of  cooking.  At  church,  we  soaked  flour  tortillas 
in  red  chile  sauce,  then  added  beef,  potatoes,  and  some- 
times peas  in  a  mixture  and  rolled  them.  In  New  Mexi- 
can cuisine,  we  never  made  flour  tortillas,  or  masudas. 
The  enchiladas  that  we  ate  were  greasy,  salty,  delicious 
fried  corn  tortillas  stacked  in  layers  with  cheese,  onions, 
potatoes,  frijoles,  a  thick  red  chile  containing  chunks  of 
meat  piled  over  each  layer.  Sometimes,  a  fried  egg  was 
set  on  top  to  finish  it  off. 

Aunt  Bette,  my  mother's  older  sister,  was  the  next 
Chavez  to  arrive  in  Wyoming.  She  was  offered  a  job  as 
a  therapist  at  the  Wyoming  State  Penitentiary,  which  is 
located  in  Rawlins.  Wanting  to  be  closer  to  her  parents, 
she  moved  her  family  to  Rawlins  from  Albuquerque,  New 
Mexico.  Eric,  Bette's  son,  was  only  eight  years  old  at  the 
time,  yet  he  noticed  some  subtle  differences  almost  as 
soon  as  they  arrived.  Although  he  felt  that  he  was  small 
in  Albuquerque,  and  may  not  have  picked  up  on  all  the 
cultural  aspects,  he  did  recognize  a  difference  in  Wyo- 
ming: the  simple  fact  that  "No  one  said  'Ese.'  There  was 
very  little  Spanish/Spanglish  spoken  by  anyone  except 
in  a  very  well-defined  community."  Eric,  who  is,  like 
my  brother  and  myself,  biracial,  said  that  when  he  got  to 
Wyoming  the  differences  were  "hard  to  define  but  sud- 
denly there  were  Cowboys  and  Mexicans  and  I  didn't  fit 
either  group." 

Bette  noticed  some  of  the  same  differences  that  my 
mother  had  noticed  in  terms  of  the  Mexican  culture  in 
Rawlins.  As  Bette  put  it,  "I  self-ID  as  Chicana  and  the 
Mexican  population  in  Rawlins  hated  that  term.  They 
preferred  being  called  Spanish  or  Mexican.  Difference 
being — from  my  experience  only — that  Chicanos  accept 
and  honor  their  American  Indian  heritage  and  'Spanish' 
do  not."  However,  this  did  not  mean  that  Bette  or  my 
mother  did  not  participate  in  the  Mexican  community. 

Bette  was  very  involved  in  the  Mejicano  community 
in  Rawlins  and  very  active  in  the  Fiesta  Days,  which  oc- 
cur every  year.  During  the  Fiesta  Days,  she  helped  with 
the  planning  and  preparation,  getting  involved  with  the 
entire  Fiesta,  and  enjoying  herself.  Her  differences  with 
the  Mejicano  community  notwithstanding,  Bette  felt  that, 
"Overall,  my  immersion  in  the  Mejicano  community  was 
more  intense  when  we  moved  to  Rawlins  than  it  was  in 


5  La  llorona  is  the  legendary  Aztec  crying  woman  who  lost  her 
child  and  is  heard  searching  for  him  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico.  The 
story  has  made  its  way  up  the  Rio  Grande.  However,  in  this  context, 
llorona  just  means  "big  crybaby." 

6  Of  course,  in  Wyoming  that  hour  could  turn  into  two  or  three  if 
the  weather  suddenly  changed. 

7  The  neighborhood  that  we  had  entered,  like  the  trailer  court  into 
which  my  grandparents  had  moved,  had  no  other  Mexicans  in  resi- 
dence. 


24 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


New  Mexico;  largely,  I  believe,  because  it  is  a  smaller 
town — everyone  knows  everyone." 

My  mother  became  very  involved  in  the  political  scene 
in  the  state  of  Wyoming,  and  it  all  started  with  her  in- 
volvement in  the  community  as  a  whole  —  but  as  a  Mexi- 
can. This  included  involvement  in  the  Catholic  Church, 
where  we  often  went  with  my  Grandparents  on  Sunday 
mornings.  I  can  still  remember  going  to  my  Aunt  Bette"s 
house,  located  across  the  street  from  the  church,  after 
church  for  tea  and  cookies.  We  (Carlos,  Eric  and  I)  would 
sit  in  front  of  the  wood  stove  and  read  the  Sunday  morn- 
ing newspaper  (I  usually  stuck  with  the  comics),  while 
the  adults  talked  about  the  weather  and  the  state  of  the 
mines  and  the  penitentiary. 

Although  Bette  was  not  involved  directly  with  the 
church,  she  did  say  that  the  church  was  very  involved 
with  the  Fiesta  Community  Days,  and  that  friends  and 
family  were  involved.  This  led  to  a  memory  held  by 
Bette' s  son,  Eric:  "They  offered  to  let  me  go  to  St.  Joe's 
(the  Catholic  School)  at  the  cheapie  rates  because,  'The 
rest  of  the  family  are  such  good  Catholics."  That  was  a 


Ray  and  Addie  Chavez  and  the  Chavez  family. 
Author's  collection. 


good  one!"  And,  although  the  majority  of  their  children 
were  not  active  in  the  church  during  their  time  in  Wyo- 
ming, the  church  was  definitely  important  to  my  grand- 
parents. 

My  family,  Los  Kellys,  moved  to  Laramie  early  in  1978 
so  that  my  mother  could  pursue  a  bachelor's  degree  in 
anthropology  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  Several  years 
after  we  got  there,  Carlos  and  I  began  to  go  to  Catechism, 
and  in  1982.  Carlos  and  I  both  received  our  first  com- 
munion. According  to  Carlos,  the  church  was  a  "focal 
point  for  Mom  and  Pompa"  (Addie  and  Ray).  I  can  still 
remember  our  grandparents  taking  us  for  a  ride  in  their 
big  Cadillac  soon  before  they  left  Wyoming,  and  Pompa 
turning  to  us  to  say,  "We  would  like  to  ask  you  to  get 
confirmed  in  the  Catholic  Church."  He  said  very  few  of 
their  grandchildren  had  received  Communion,  and  that  it 
was  very  important  to  be  confirmed.  Only  recently,  at 
the  age  of  29,  did  I  finally  fulfill  this  wish  of  my  grand- 
father. 

The  church  also  lead  to  other  traditions  that  both  my 
brother  and  I  recall  and  look  upon  as  distinctly  Mexican. 
For  example,  on  Christmas  Eve  my  grandparents,  my 
immediate  family,  myself,  and  sometimes  other  visiting 
relatives  attended  midnight  mass  together.  After  mass, 
we  would  return  to  Mom  and  Pompa's  home  to  have 
some  of  Grandma's  posole,  a  Mexican  stew  consisting 
of  pork,  lamb,  and  posole  (some  call  it  "Mexican 
Hominy,"  but  that  does  not  do  the  dish  justice).  Pompa 
often  made  hot  red  chile  to  accompany  the  posole.  We 
would  eat  and  blow  our  noses  (hot  red  chile  makes  one's 
nose  run),  and  then  try  to  convince  the  adults  to  let  us 
open  the  presents. 

According  to  my  brother  Carlos,  the  foods  that  we  ate 
growing  up  were,  and  still  are,  a  big  part  of  our  Mexican 
heritage.  He  feels  that  the  recipes  and  traditions  that  were 
handed  down,  such  as  the  red  chile  recipe  that  he  got 
from  my  mother,  keep  him  connected  with  his  back- 
ground. He  is  disappointed  that  he  does  not  know  how  to 
make  certain  dishes  and,  thus,  will  be  unable  to  pass  these 
traditions  on  to  his  own  children.  "I  don't  know  how  to 
make  posole,  or  butcher  a  lamb,"  he  told  me.  My  mother's 
older  brother,  Paul,  (Bette's  younger  brother)  agrees.  "I 
am  making  sure  to  teach  my  grandsons  all  of  that,"  he 
said,  as  he  told  me  about  a  family  reunion  to  be  held  this 
summer  where  he  will  be  butchering  two  cabritos. 

Paul,  his  wife  Donna,  and  their  daughter  Tamara,  ar- 
rived in  Rawlins  in  July  1976  from  Casa  Grande,  Ari- 
zona. For  more  than  a  year,  my  grandfather  had  been 
trying  to  convince  Paul  to  come  out  to  Wyoming  to  be  a 
mechanic  for  Arch  Minerals,  and  he  finally  decided  to 
take  the  night  shift  job  that  was  open.  Paul  noticed  the 


Spring  2001 

subtle  racial  differences  that  other  family  members  had 
noticed.  First,  he  felt  the  white  men  he  worked  with  re- 
sented the  fact  that  he  had  been  brought  in  from  Arizona 
to  fill  the  position.  He  also  recognized  that  "'Rawlins  was 
going  through  a  very  difficult  time  in  terms  of  racial  re- 
lationships; it  probably  still  is.  There  was  a  lot  of  preju- 
dice and  racial  animosity.  It  was  not  overt,  but  the  ten- 
sion was  there.  You  could  feel  it."  He  could  remember 
walking  into  a  grocery  store  and  being  ignored  by  the 
employees,  who  would  readily  greet  the  white  custom- 
ers. "They  treated  me  like  a  shoplifter,"  he  said,  disgust- 
edly. 

Paul  was  also  certain  that  it  was  difficult  for  "the  white 
boys"  to  have  a  Mexican  man  as  their  boss.  When  Paul's 
father  Ray  Chavez  first  arrived  in  Wyoming,  he  was  given 
the  position  of  equipment  superintendent  over  the  Medi- 
cine Bow  Coal  mine.  Not  long  after,  when  Medicine  Bow 
#2  opened,  he  became  the  "equipment  super"  of  that  mine, 
and  when  the  third  mine  opened,  he  was  the  equipment 
superintendent  over  all  of  three  mines.  Paul  noted  how 
condescending  his  coworkers  were  toward  Ray  Chavez 
before  they  knew  that  the  boss  was  his  father.  For  ex- 
ample, Paul  remembered,  "When  Pompa  would  come  and 
talk  with  me  in  the  mornings  to  see  what  the  foreman 
had  done  on  the  night  shift,  after  he  left  the  men  would 
ask  rudely  'Who  is  thatT  as  though  they  did  not  under- 
stand why  this  Mexican  man  would  be  coming  to  check 
up  on  the  foreman."  Paul  responded,  with  some  force, 
"He  is  the  boss.  He  is  also  my  Dad,"  and  the  men  would 
soon  disperse,  with  statements  of  how  they  meant  noth- 
ing by  their  comments. 

After  all,  Paul,  like  his  sisters,  took  great  pride  in  his 
heritage,  and  this  was  different  from  many  of  the  Mexi- 
cans in  the  community.  "I  am  very  proud  of  my  heritage 
and  very  proud  of  my  brown  skin,"  he  said.  "When  people 
call  me  'Shavez,'  I  tell  them  that  I  am  'Chavez.'  I  don't 
have  to  do  anything  extra.  I  have  had  people  tell  me  that 
it  is  in  the  way  that  I  carry  myself.  I  am  very  forceful, 
very  outspoken.  I  don't  look  down  when  people  look  at 
me."  This  made  a  difference  in  how  he  was  seen  both  by 
white  people  and  people  of  color. 

This  pride  of  my  mother's  and  of  her  brothers  and  sis- 
ters came  from  the  way  that  they  were  raised.  Their  fa- 
ther, Ray  Chavez,  told  them  all  their  lives  that  they,  "did 
not  have  to  take  any  crap  from  anyone."  My  mother,  who 
got  involved  in  her  community  "as  a  Mexican,"  made 
her  name  clear  in  the  same  way  that  Paul  did.  For  ex- 
ample, she  always  used  her  whole  name,  "Cynthia  Chavez 
Kelly,"  with  the  Spanish  pronunciation  (once  again, 
"Chavez"  as  opposed  to  "Shavez").  In  fact,  Cynthia  be- 
came interested  in  returning  to  school  as  a  way  to  pursue 


25 

her  heritage.  She  was  "enthralled  with  anthropology  and 
the  search  for  my  origins  clear  back  to  my  Indio  heritage. 
Anthropology  contributed  so  much  to  my  knowledge  of 
my  New  Mexican  origins  both  Indian  and  Mejicano."' 
Once  again,  this  acceptance  of  her  Native  American  back- 
ground was  a  difference  that  made  her  unique. 

My  Uncle  Marcus,  the  youngest  Chavez,  (who  arrived 
on  the  scene  in  Rawlins  with  his  wife  Marlys  at  the  age 
of  twenty-eight  just  two  months  before  Paul),  did  not 
feel  that  he  overtly  did  anything  to  confirm  his  heritage. 
However,  he,  like  the  rest  of  the  Chavez  family,  did  noth- 
ing to  hide  it.  Marcus  stated,  "I  was  outspoken— in  my 
gene  pool,  I  guess."  He,  too,  recognized  some  subtle  rac- 
ism, such  as  being  mistreated  in  local  bars.  He  also  expe- 
rienced some  blatant  racism  just  a  couple  of  weeks  after 
he  arrived  in  Rawlins,  when  he  had  a  running  gun  battle 
with  a  welder  at  the  mine  named  "Animal."  According 
to  Marcus,  "He  hated  me  either  because  I  was  a  Mexi- 
can, or  because  my  father  (also  Mexican)  had  so  much 
authority  and.  (thus),  he  'acted  out'  with  me."  This  may 
be  where  Marcus  received  his  view  of  differences  be- 
tween Wyoming  and  Casa  Grande,  Arizona,  where  he 
had  lived  previously.  That  is,  he  noticed  that  there  were 
"many  more  white  people  (with  KKK  leanings)." 

Marcus  and  Marlys  gave  birth  to  their  first  child, 
Cydelia,  in  Rawlins,  but  left  the  city  in  1978  just  a  few 
months  after  her  birth.  Ironically,  it  was  my  two  uncles 
Marcus  and  Paul  who  were  also  the  first  to  leave  Wyo- 
ming, even  though  they  had  been  the  last  to  arrive.  Marcus 
felt  that  the  experience  that  sums  up  his  view  of  Wyo- 
ming was  when  he  "actually  won  a  suckling  pig  in  a  game 
of  8-ball  at  a  bar."  He  left  for  several  reasons:  he  experi- 
enced racial  prejudice  as  a  Mexican  man,  he  did  not  make 
many  friends  and,  also  importantly,  he  and  Marlys  were 
able  to  buy  a  house  in  Rawlins  at  a  low  price  and  sell  it 
for  a  large  profit.  They  headed  to  Albuquerque,  New 
Mexico. 

Paul  also  left  Wyoming  for  many  reasons.  "I  was  there 
for  about  a  year  and  a  half  longer  than  I  wanted  to  be 
there,"  he  said.  When  he  and  his  family  were  on  vaca- 
tion in  Arizona  in  the  summer  of  1978,  he  started  look- 
ing for  another  job.  "Basically,  neither  Donna  nor  I  cared 
for  Wyoming  at  all,"  he  said.  "It  was  culturally  back- 
ward. There  was  nothing  to  do  but  drink  and  fish."  And, 
while  he  enjoyed  both,  he  did  not  feel  that  it  was  enough 
to  live  on,  so  he  and  his  family  moved  back  to  Arizona, 
and  he  did  not  return  to  Wyoming  for  more  than  20  years. 
They  stopped  in  Laramie  to  visit  my  mother  for  an  evening 
on  their  way  back  to  Utah,  where  they  live  today. 

I  remember  that  visit,  and  just  having  Paul  and  Donna 
in  the  house  sharing  memories  brought  back  to  me  many 


26 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


of  the  Chavez  family  traditions.  For  example,  Easter  egg 
hunts.  We  would  boil  and  decorate  eggs  which  the  aunts 
and  uncles  would  hide,  but,  as  Carlos  reminded  me, 
"Some  were  plastic  eggs  with  money  in  them  ..."  I  can 
remember  my  Uncle  Paul  trying  to  give  me  and  Tamara 
— the  girls — hints  as  to  where  to  find  the  best  eggs. 

Christmas  also  holds  many  memories  for  me,  for  that 
was  when  everyone  would  come  to  Wyoming  to  spend 
time  with  Mom  and  Pompa,  and  we  would  have  wonder- 
fully fun  times  with  all  of  our  cousins.  When  it  was  late, 
the  adults  would  get  together  and  play  poker,  but  some- 
times, we  would  play  "3 1 ,"  a  card  game  where  you  only 
needed  three  quarters  to  play.  There  were  two  ways  to 
lose  your  quarters  —  first,  if  the  round  was  over  and  you 
had  the  lowest  number  of  points  in  your  hand  and,  sec- 
ond, if  someone  got  "3 1 ."  Then  everyone  had  to  pay  that 
person  a  quarter. 

Everyone  learned  how  to  play  the  game  at  an  early  age 
in  the  Chavez  family,  and  we  would  have  a  table  often 
to  twenty  people  playing  cards.  The  best  place  to  sit  was 
to  the  left  of  Pompa  because,  if  you  were  his  grandchild, 
he  would  look  into  your  hand  and  see  what  cards  you 
needed  and,  at  just  the  right  time,  he  would  discard  an 
Ace  or  a  King  and  give  you  a  "3 1 ." 

Mom  and  Pompa  left  Wyoming  in  1983,  ten  years  af- 
ter arrival,  when  Ray  retired  from  Arch  Minerals.  The 
retirement  party,  held  at  the  Holiday  Inn  in  Rawlins,  was 
a  big  "shindig,"  and  nearly  the  entire  family  came  to  con- 
gratulate Pompa  on  a  job  well  done.  Ray  got  out  just 
before  the  coal  boom  ended  in  Wyoming — just  before 
people  started  getting  laid  off,  and  just  before  Hanna  be- 
gan to  take  on  the  look  of  a  ghost  town,  in  the  late  1980s. 

Ray  and  Addie  Chavez  moved  to  Durango,  Colorado, 
where  Addie' s  mother,  "Grandma  Anna,"  lived.  They  had 
both  grown  up  in  the  mountains  of  southern  Colorado, 
and  were  happy  to  return  there,  where  they  bought  their 
own  land  many  miles  outside  of  town  and  built  a  house 
where  they  would  reside  until  Ray's  death  in  1990. 

After  this,  the  family  members  that  were  left — the 
Holcombs  and  the  Kellys — began  to  trickle  out,  as  well. 
First,  Eric  Holcomb  graduated  from  high  school  in  1985 
and  moved  to  Colorado  to  go  to  college.  He  "wanted  to 
get  as  far  from  Wyoming  as  (he)  could  afford"  which,  in 
the  end,  meant  going  to  Japan  after  college.  When  I  asked 
him  why  he  wanted  to  get  away  from  Wyoming,  he  re- 
sponded, "I  wanted  to  find  a  place  where  I  could  fit  in. 
Rawlins  was  not  that  place.  The  social  and  political  dy- 
namics of  that  town  are  so  far  from  what  I  consider  com- 
fortable that  I  had  to  escape."  Now  Eric  lives  in  Seattle, 
Washington,  with  his  wife,  Megumi,  and  their  son. 

The  next  to  leave  was  my  Aunt  Bette,  who  received 


her  master's  degreee  in  psychology  in  July  1987,  and 
was  offered  a  job  at  New  Mexico  Tech  in  Socorro.  Her 
husband,  Harvey,  stayed  in  Rawlins  until  he  retired  from 
the  Sinclair  refinery  in  early  1989  but  as  Bette  put  it, 
"Oh,  I  was  soooo  anxious  to  leave.  We  had  only  stayed 
as  long  as  we  did  because  we  didn't  want  Eric  to  move 
schools  again.  So  we  left  to  have  other,  new  adventures." 
Bette  and  Harvey  now  reside  in  Seattle,  as  well. 

My  brother,  Carlos,  left  after  his  high  school  gradua- 
tion in  1 988,  when  he  went  to  Florida  State  University  in 
Tallahassee.  He,  like  Eric,  wanted  to  get  far  away  from 
the  place  where  he  had  grown  up.  "I  wanted  to  go  where 
it  was  warm,"  he  said.  "I  was  tired  of  being  cold,  tired  of 
the  winters  . .  ."  Going  south,  he  felt,  gave  him  a  chance 
to  warm  up,  both  literally  and  figuratively,  and  pursue 
new  interests. 

When  Carlos  left,  my  father  drove  him  and  his  belong- 
ings to  Florida,  and  returned  saying  that  Carlos  was  settled 
in  and  ready  to  get  started  on  his  college  education.  Later 
that  semester,  however,  Carlos  began  to  call  home,  hint- 
ing that  maybe  he  would  just  go  to  the  University  of 
Wyoming.  My  parents  dropped  what  they  were  doing 
and  went  to  see  Carlos  for  the  "parents'  weekend,"  let- 
ting him  know  that  they  were  behind  whatever  he  did, 
but  wanted  him  to  try  FSU  for  one  year.  That  was  all 
that  it  took  —  Carlos  received  his  bachelor's  degree  in 
history  at  FSU  in  1993,  and  his  Juris  Doctor  at  a  college 
in  Atlanta,  Georgia  in  1995.  He  is  now  a  lawyer  in  Fort 
Myers,  Florida. 

In  the  spring  of  1989,  my  father,  Charlie,  took  a  job  in 
Alaska  with  Alyeska  Oil.  He  had  been  laid  off  at  the  coal 
mine  just  a  few  months  before.  One  of  my  father's  con- 
ditions for  taking  the  job  as  that  they  allow  him  to  return 
to  Wyoming  for  his  daughter's  graduation  in  May  of  the 
same  year. 

I  was  no  different  from  Carlos  or  Eric  in  that  I,  too, 
wanted  to  get  away  from  my  hometown.  For  me,  it  was 
not  so  much  the  state  (I've  always  taken  as  much  pride  in 
my  home  state  as  my  aunts  and  uncles  took  in  their 
Chicano  heritage)  as  it  was  the  people  —  the  kids  that  I 
grew  up  with.  I  went  away  in  the  hopes  of  not  getting 
made  fun  of  anymore.  Most  of  my  very  close  friends 
were  of  the  "geek"  crowd,  like  me,  and  most,  like  me, 
were  going  to  out-of-state  schools.  I  went  to  Mount 
Holyoke  College,  in  Massachusetts,  where  I  received  a 
bachelor's  degree  in  English,  then  went  to  Iowa  State 
University,  where  I  earned  a  master's  degree,  also  in  En- 
glish. 

At  that  time,  the  fall  of  1995, 1  called  my  mother  to  let 
her  know  that,  as  I  had  no  other  options,  I  was  coming 
home.  My  plan  was  to  stay  for  a  few  months,  while  I 


Spring  2001 

would  seek  employment  elsewhere.  Although  I  did  seek 
employment  elsewhere,  my  first  job.s  after  graduate  school 
were  three  part-time  positions  —  the  first,  at  a  local  cloth- 
ing store,  the  next  as  a  substitute  teacher  at  the  same  jun- 
ior high  and  senior  high  schools  that  I  so  desperately 
wanted  to  escape  from,  and  the  third,  which  later  turned 
full-time,  working  for  a  professor  in  the  Chemical  Engi- 
neering department  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  In  the 
end,  I  did  not  leave;  instead,  I  fell  in  love  and  decided  to 
stay,  seeking  better  employment  at  the  university.  I  cur- 
rently work  in  the  university's  Research  Products  Cen- 
ter, which  deals  with  technology  transfer. 

My  mother,  Cynthia  Chavez  Kelly,  is  the  one  Chavez 
who  never  left  the  state  of  Wyoming.  She  has  consid- 
ered moving  to  Albuquerque,  New  Mexico,  where  her 
mother  now  lives,  to  be  closer  to  Addie,  but  has  never 
felt  that  she  has  the  means  to  make  the  move  —  "I  have 
too  much  stuff''  she  jokes.  She  is  now  deeply  rooted  in 
Laramie,  where  she  has  friends  and  is  involved  with  the 
community,  especially  in  the  Catholic  Church.  For 
Cynthia,  Wyoming,  with  its  "Blessed  space  and  clean 
air,"  is  her  home. 


2? 

The  Chavez  family  first  arrived  in  Wyoming  in  1973. 
At  one  time,  there  were  five  Los  Chavez  families  in  the 
state  but,  while  roots  were  planted,  with  babies  born  and 
two  members  of  the  family  still  hanging  on,  these  roots 
were  not  planted  so  deep  as  to  never  be  pulled  out.  When 
and  if  my  mother  and  I  move  on,  the  Los  Chavez  migra- 
tion will  simply  be  memories — some  positive,  of  a  Mexi- 
can man  who  came  to  work  in  the  Medicine  Bow  Coal 
mine  during  the  boom  years  and  found  success,  and  of 
delicious  chile  and  posole,  as  well  as  games  of  3 1  at 
Christmas  —  but  some  negative,  as  well,  of  both  subtle 
and  overt  bigotry:  memories  of  being  seen  and  judged  as 
members  of  the  Mexican  race.  All  of  these  occurrences 
led  Los  Chavez  to  come  and,  in  the  end,  go. 


Kirse  Kelly  works  at  the  University  of  Wyoming. 
She  holds  the  B.  A.  in  English  from  Mount 
Holyoke  College  and  the  M.  A.  in  English  from 
Iowa  State  University.  She  has  written  a  novel 
based  on  Wyoming 's  Johnson  County  War  titled 
No  Middle  Ground. 


A  Mexican  Railroad  Family  in 

Wyoming 


By  Miguel  A.  Rosales 


J.  E.  Stimson  photograph.  Cultural  Resources  Division,  Wyoming  Dept.  of  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources 

The  railroad  industry  in  the  Wyoming  was  a  major  employer  of  Mexicans  coming  to  the 
United  States,  and  a  motivating  factor  for  Mexicans  to  come  to  our  state. 


Spring  2001 


29 


The  Mexicano  /  Chicano'  experience  in  the  state  of 
Wyoming  has  been  a  relatively  unknown  and  un- 
told story  that  has  only  recently  been  brought  into  the 
limelight.  At  a  1980s  brown  bag  lunch  seminar  the  late 
professor  and  head  of  the  University  of  Wyoming's  His- 
tory Department,  Lawrence  A.  Cardoso  said:  "There  is 
no  span  in  time  in  Wyoming  history  in  which  Hispanics 
have  not  been  important  to  the  development  of  the  state."2 

On  September  1 6,  1 992,  members  of  the  Sanchez  fam- 
ily, the  descendants  of  Jesus  and  Guadelupe  Sanchez, 
were  recognized  as  the  first  permanent  Hispanic  family 
to  settle  in  the  town  of  Laramie.3  Their  story  is  interwo- 
ven into  the  history  of  Wyoming  in  the  twentieth  century 
and  is  unique  due  to  the  fact  that  Wyoming  has  not  his- 
torically been  associated  or  described  as  a  place  where 
large  numbers  of  Mexicans  have  migrated  to  and  re- 
mained. A  closer  look  at  the  state  shows  that  in  the  first 
30  years  of  the  20th  century  Wyoming  was  1 1th  in  the 
rank  order  of  U.S.  states  with  a  Mexican  populations  and 
7th  in  the  rank  order  of  percent  of  population  (3.2  %).4 
Current  census  figures  estimate  that  the  "Hispanic"  popu- 
lation in  Wyoming  is  around  7%  of  475,000  residents.5 

The  American  railroad  industry  played  a  key  role  in 
the  employment  of  many  Mexicans  immigrating  to  the 
United  States  during  this  time.  The  initial  and  most  im- 
portant non-agricultural  employers  of  Mexican  workers 
were  American  railroads.6  Mexicans  coming  to  the  United 
States  soon  began  working  for  American  railroad  com- 
panies in  large  numbers  not  only  in  the  Southwest,  but 
also  throughout  the  Midwest.  This  trend  continued  and 
during  the  1920s  Mexicans  became  dominant  in  com- 
mon labor  jobs  on  western  railroad  systems  and  accounted 
for  60-90%  of  the  track  crews  on  railroads.7  A  variety  of 
explanations  have  been  cited  for  this  phenomenon,  but 
the  ability  of  the  Mexican  labors  to  work  under  less  than 
ideal  conditions  and  willingness  to  accept  lower  wages 
have  been  credited  as  key  to  understanding  this  situa- 
tion. Mexican  railroad  laborers  toiled  under  very  diffi- 
cult climatic  conditions  in  the  Southwest  and  Midwest, 
and  generally  received  lower  pay  than  did  other  ethnic 
groups  for  the  same  type  of  work.8 

In  1918  Jesus  Sanchez,  at  the  age  of  22  left  his  family 
in  Penjamillo  (Michoacan),  Mexico,  and  traveled  to  the 
United  States  in  search  of  work  and  a  better  existence.  A 
trip  north  was  a  common  experience  for  many  Mexican 
men  and  was  even  more  common  for  men  from  the  prov- 
inces just  west  of  Mexico  City  (including  Michoacan, 
Guanajuato  and  Jalisco).9  The  1930  census  figures 
counted  approximately  1 .5  million  Mexican  nationals  and 
Mexican  Americans  living  in  the  United  States.10  It  has 


also  been  estimated  that  slightly  more  than  ten  percent  of 
Mexico's  population  came  to  the  United  States  by  1930." 
Sanchez  came  at  a  time  when  immigration  to  the  U.S. 
was  relatively  easy,  despite  legislation  passed  in  early 
1917  attempting  to  slow  the  waves  of  people  coming  from 
Mexico.  Whether  they  came  from  territory  deep  in  the 
interior  of  Mexico  or  from  towns  just  across  the  border, 
Mexicans  had  little  problem  crossing  into  the  United 
States.  The  Mexican  Revolution,  which  began  in  1910 
and  continued  into  the  1 920s,  gave  impetus  to  the  strong 
tide  of  immigration  that  had  been  well  underway  since 
the  early  years  of  the  century.12  Sanchez  left  behind  the 
turmoil  of  the  Mexican  Revolution  and  sought  out  a 
brighter  future  for  himself  and  his  family.  Ironically,  his 
means  of  transportation  to  the  north— trains  and  the  rails 
they  traveled  on— would  soon  be  the  same  industry  that 
would  provide  his  employment  in  the  United  States. 
Married  only  a  few  years  earlier  in  1915,  Sanchez  left 
behind  his  wife  Guadelupe  and  two  young  children  Jose 

1  The  terms  Mexican,  Mexican  American.  Hispanic.  Chicano  and 
a  number  of  other  terms  have  been  used  to  attempt  to  classify  people 
with  a  brown  hue.  a  Spanish  surname  and  ancestry  from  Mexico 
(pre  and  post  1848).  For  more  through  discussion  of  this  topic,  see 
Rodolfo  Acuna,  Occupied  America  (New  York:  Harper  Row.  1988) 
and  Julian  Samora  and  Patricia  Vandel  Simon.  A  History  of  the  Mexi- 
can American  People  (South  Bend:  University  of  Notre  Dame  Press. 
1977). 

2  Peg  Arnold  in  an  article  titled  "Wyoming's  Hispanic  Sheep- 
herders,"  in  Wyoming  History  Journals:  The  Annals  of  Wyoming 
69  (1997).  quotes  Dr.  Lawrence  A.  Cardoso  from  a  number  of 
sources.  Cardoso's  views  on  Mexicans  in  Wyoming  can  be  gained 
from:  "La  Cultura  Project"  (a  cassette  recording  of  a  luncheon  semi- 
nar presented  at  the  University  of  Wyoming.  Laramie.  September 
19.  1983):  and  his  book.  Mexican  Emigration  to  the  United  States 
1987-1931  (Tucson:  University  of  Arizona  Press.  1980).  See  also, 
the  Cardoso  papers.  Boxes  3,  8  and  9,  American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming. 

3  The  ceremony  was  sponsored  by  "La  Cultura  Project."  The 
project  goal  was  to  document,  preserve  and  interpret  the  Hispanic/ 
Chicano  contribution  to  the  history  of  Wyoming. 

4  Elizabeth  Broadbent,  The  Distribution  of  Mexican  Population 
in  the  United  States  (Chicago:  University  of  Chicago  Press,  1941). 

5  2000  United  States  Census. 

6  Mark  Reisler.  By  the  Sweat  of  Their  Brow:  Mexican  Immigrant 
Labor  in  the  United  States.  1900-1940  (Greenwood  Press.  1976). 

7  David  G.  Guitierrez,  Walls  and  Mirrors:  Mexican  Americans, 
Mexican  Immigrants,  and  the  Politics  of  Ethnicity  (Berkeley:  Uni- 
versity of  California  Press.  1995). 

8  Reisler.  By  the  Sweat  of  Their  Brow. 

9  Gunther  Peck.  Reinventing  Free  Labor  (Cambridge:  Cambridge 
University  Press,  2000). 

10  Broadbent. 

11  Francisco  E.  Balderrama  &  Raymond  Rodriguez,  Decade  of 
Betrayal:  Mexican  Repatriation  in -the  1930s  (Albuquerque:  Uni- 
versity of  New  Mexico  Press,  1995). 

12  Reisler,  By  the  Sweat  of  Their  Brow. 


30 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


and  Consuelo,  knowing  that  they  would  someday  be  re- 
united. 

Sanchez  initially  traveled  to  Chicago  where  an  aunt, 
already  living  in  the  United  States,  offered  a  family  con- 
tact in  a  foreign  land.  Chicago  was  a  popular  destination 
for  Mexican  migrants  searching  for  work  in  the  indus- 
trial and  railroad  sectors  of  the  Midwest.  For  a  time  the 
largest  concentration  of  Mexican  workers  outside  the  U.S. 
Southwest  lived  in  the  Chicago  area.13 

Unsuccessful  in  Illinois,  Sanchez  searched  for  employ- 
ment in  a  number  of  states  including  Ohio,  California 
and  Texas.  Alone  in  a  foreign  land  and  searching  for  work 
for  almost  two  years,  he  sought  to  establish  himself  in 
the  United  States  and  then  send  for  his  wife  and  children 
back  in  Mexico.  Eventually,  he  was  employed  by  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad,  and  later  by  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad.  Sanchez  worked  on  American  railroads  for  more 
than  35  years.  Guadelupe's  brother,  Lucio  Bravo,  accom- 
panied his  sister  and  children  north  to  the  U.S./Mexican 
border.  Laredo  was  their  meeting  place  and  in  the  latter 
months  of  1920  the  Sanchez  family  was  reunited.  After 
a  brief  stay  in  Texas,  Jesus  accepted  a  position  with  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  Laramie  and  set  forth  to  estab- 
lish roots  in  Wyoming. 

In  Laramie,  the  Sanchez  family  grew  and  established 
itself  as  other  children  were  bom  and  other  family  mem- 


bers followed  from  Mexico.  Two  of  Guadelupe's  broth- 
ers, Juan  and  Dario  Bravo,  came  to  Laramie  and  were 
also  employed  by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  Dario  re- 
mained in  the  U.S.  and  worked  for  UP  until  his  death  in 
1952.  Juan  Bravo,  returned  to  Mexico  in  the  1930s,  es- 
caping the  effects  the  Great  Depression  had  on  the  Mexi- 
can laborer  in  the  United  States.14 

A  cousin  of  Sanchez  who  was  a  relative  who  originally 
emigrated  from  Mexico  to  the  Chicago  area  also  lived  in 
Wyoming  for  a  brief  time.  He  earned  his  living  working 
seasonal  shifts  for  the  railroad  in  Wyoming  and  the  sugar 
beet  fields  of  Colorado,  which  was  an  employment  trend 
shared  by  many  of  his  fellow  Mexican  laborers.15 

Jesus  and  Guadelupe  Sanchez  eventually  had  a  large 
family-ten  children.  They  were  the  parents  of  four  boys 
(Jose,  Romiro,  Carlos,  and  Gilberto)  and  six  girls 
(Consuelo.  Esperanza,  Hermalinda.  Isabel,  Gloria,  and 
Maria).  Isabel,  the  fifth  born,  died  at  the  young  age  of 
10.  from  a  typhoid  epidemic  in  the  1930s. 

13  Broadbent. 

14  For  information  of  the  conditions  on  the  Mexican  worker  in 
the  U.S.  during  the  Great  Depression  see  Francisco  E.  Balderrama 
&  Raymond  Rodriguez.  Decade  of  Betrayal:  Mexican  Repatriation 
in  the  1930s  (Albuquerque:  University  of  New  Mexico  Press.  1995) 
and  Abraham  Hoffann.  Unwanted  Mexican  Americans  in  the  Great 
Depression  (Tucson:  University  of  Arizona  Press.  1974). 

'-  Reisler,  By  the  Sweat  of  Their  Brow. 


Hermalinda 
Sanchez  poses 
with  male 
counterparts  in 
front  of  9000 
series  steam 
engine.  She 
began  working 
for  the  rail- 
road in  1941 
and  worked  for 
the  Union 
Pacific  until 
1957.  Photo 
courtesy  of 
Chicano 
Studies 
Department, 
UW. 


Spring  2001 

Six  of  the  Sanchez  children  eventually  worked  for  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  Laramie  for  a  period  in  their 
lives.  Three  of  the  boys  followed*  in  their  fathers  foot- 
steps and  the  fourth,  Romiro,  was  unable  to  work  on  the 
railroad  due  to  a  medical  condition  preventing  him  from 
passing  the  Union  Pacific  physical.  Jose  worked  for  40 
years,  longer  than  his  father  did,  before  retiring  in  1979. 
Charles  worked  on  the  railroad  for  20  years.  Gilberto  was 
employed  for  more  than  30  years  and  was  in  the  process 
of  retiring  when  he  died  in  1990. 

Three  of  the  Sanchez  daughters  were  also  employed 
with  Union  Pacific  during  their  lives.  The  United  States' 
entrance  into  World  War  II  provided  Mexican  American 
women  opportunities  in  employment  not  previously  of- 
fered to  women  in  general.  With  most  of  the  eligible  aged 
men  being  utilized  for  fighting  the  war,  women  were  soon 
finding  themselves  employed  in  jobs  previously  reserved 
for  men.  The  image  of  "Rosie  the  Riveter"  represents 
the  sentiment  American  women  had  to  their  commitment 
to  the  war  effort.  "Rosies"  worked  across  the  United  States 
in  the  shipyards,  aircraft  factories,  ammunition  plants  and 
railroads,  contributing  to  the  war  as  much  as  one  could 
from  the  domestic  front.  It  has  been  estimated  that  as 
many  as  500,000  Mexican  American  men  served  in  the 
armed  forces  during  World  War  [I.16  Many  Mexican 
American  men  from  Laramie  served  and  some  gave  the 
ultimate  sacrifice  for  their  nation.  Mexican  American 
women  who  were  relatives,  friends  and  soon  to  be  wives 
entered  the  workforce  and  became  "Rosita  la 
Remachadora  "  to  support  their  men  at  war. 

Esperanza  and  Hermalinda  Sanchez  began  working  for 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  in  1941  when  both  were  less 
than  twenty  years  old.  Having  family  members  already 
working  for  the  Union  Pacific  was  a  major  advantage  in 
securing  employment  in  this  industry.  "Our  dad  helped 
get  us  our  jobs.  He  heard  that  they  (UP)  was  hiring 
women,  so  he  told  us  and  we  applied  right  away."17  It 
appears  that  many  of  the  Mexican  American  women  who 
worked  for  the  railroad  had  family  members  (fathers  and 
brothers)  already  working  for  the  railroad,  which  aided 
in  their  employment  with  Union  Pacific. 

Working  in  the  same  industry  as  the  men  in  their  fam- 
ily was  not  an  option  prior  to  the  war,  but  became  an 
invaluable  opportunity  once  WWII  produced  a  labor  short- 
age domestically.  Hermalinda  does  not  believe  that  she 
would  have  considered  working  on  the  railroad  if  not  for 
the  war.  The  jobs  were  reserved  for  men.  This  was  a  sen- 
timent expressed  by  all  of  the  women  I  spoke  to  about 
their  employment  with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  Most, 
if  not  all  of  them,  would  never  have  considered  working 
in  the  railroad  industry  if  not  for  the  labor  situation  pro- 
duced by  World  War  II.  Esperanza  and  Hermalinda  ini- 


31 

tially  worked  as  "engine  cleaners",  which  involved  scrub- 
bing all  the  exterior  of  the  steam  engines  with  brushes 
and  Oakite  soap  and  then  rinsing  the  engines  off  with  hot 
water.  She  remembers  the  work  as  "not  very  hard,  just 
extremely  dirty."18 

Hermalinda  remembers  many  times  when  trains  carry- 
ing supplies  and  armaments  for  the  war  effort  would  pass 
through  Laramie.  She  specifically  remembers  when  troop 
trains  taking  soldiers  to  their  destination  would  pass 
through  Laramie.  Many  of  the  women,  regardless  of  race 
or  ethnicity,  who  worked  on  the  railroad  would  go  to  the 
edge  of  the  tracks  and  wave  to  these  soldiers,  sending 
them  off  to  war  with  a  pleasant  memory  of  those  await- 
ing their  return.  Grace  Burnstad,  another  Laramie  woman 
who  worked  in  the  Union  Pacific  storeroom,  remembers 
waving  to  the  men  as  they  traveled  through  Laramie. 
Married  to  a  Navy  seaman,  Grace  stated  that  "we  were 
sad  to  see  them  going  where  they  were  going,  but  we 
were  happy  to  assist  in  any  way  to  help  them  win  the 
war." 

Consuelo  Diaz  (Sanchez)  began  working  for  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  in  1943.  She  worked  a  number  of  dif- 
ferent positions  that  included  working  as  an  engine 
cleaner,  a  rip  track  laborer  and  roundhouse  laborer.  Her 
job  duties  varied  widely,  but  consisted  of  mainly  manual 
labor,  sometimes  extremely  arduous  and  demanding.  "My 
job  was  to  clean  the  rods  on  the  engines  that  were  going 
in  to  the  round  house  for  repairs.  I  sprayed  a  'distillate' 
on  rods  then  rinsed  them  with  hot  water  -  very  dangerous 
work,  especially  at  night  and  during  the  winter."'9  She 
remembers  an  incident  which  put  almost  took  her  life. 
One  night,  under  snowing  and  blowing  conditions,  she 
was  doing  her  duties  cleaning  an  engine  on  an  inside  track. 
On  the  track  next  to  her  a  train  rapidly  approached,  blow- 
ing its  whistle  to  signal  its  approach.  The  conditions  pre- 
vented her  from  hearing  this  warning  and  she  continued 
on  completing  her  task.  As  the  train  passed  behind  her  it 
placed  her  between  two  tracks  with  equipment  on  them, 
which  is  an  extremely  dangerous  situation.  A  greater  dan- 
ger ensued  as  the  passing  train  caught  a  piece  of  the  equip- 
ment she  was  using,  raising  the  possibility  of  placing  her 
in  the  path  of  the  passing  train.  "As  the  engine  passed 
behind  me,  it  caught  part  of  the  distillate  hose  and  jerked 
me  forward,  and  luckily  not  backward  and  into  its  path 
or  I  would  have  been  killed."20  Her  position  in  the  round- 


16  Acuna,  Occupied  America. 

17  Hermalinda  Frausto  and  Esperanza  Miller,  interviewed  by  au- 
thor, April  5,2001. 

18  Ibid. 

19  Consuelo  Rocha,  interviewed  by  author,  April  1,  2001. 

20  Ibid. 

21  Ibid. 


32 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


house  also  placed  her  in  close  proximity  with  the  steam 
engines  and  their  massive  existence.  "I  can  still  hear  the 
hiss  and  rhythm  of  the  escaping  steam  as  these  steam 
giants  sat  on  the  rails.  It  was  as  though  I  could  hear  and 
feel  its  'pulsed".21 

A  third  duty  Consuelo  was  assigned  was  to  clean  (i.e., 
shovel)  rocks  out  of  the  pits  under  the  area  where  the 
engines  had  sat  while  their  boilers  were  cleaned  and  re- 
paired. "This  was  very  hard  work  and  hard  on  my  back. 
I  still  suffer  from  a  bad  back  to  this  day."22 

For  the  majority  of  her  employment  with  the  railroad 
Consuelo  worked  the  "graveyard"  shift,  beginning  at  1 1 
p.m.,  and  ending  at  7  a.m.  This  was  necessary  because 
she  was  a  single  mother  of  five  children  and  had  the  do- 
mestic duties  to  tend  to  during  the  day.  Consuelo  would 
work  all  night,  see  her  children  off  to  school  in  the  morn- 
ing, sleep  for  a  brief  time,  prepare  lunch  for  her  children, 
sleep  a  bit  more  in  the  afternoon,  and  then  care  for  her 
children  during  the  evening  before  going  off  to  work. 
Although  it  may  have  been  stressful  and  difficult  to  main- 
tain such  a  schedule,  the  pay  she  was  receiving  was  a 
great  motivator  to  continue.  "Seventy-nine  cents  was  a 
lot  of  money  back  then  and  I  was  able  to  support  myself 
and  my  children  quite  well  with  it."23  Consuelo  explained 
how  her  immediate  supervisor  was  also  a  woman  and 
understood  her  situation  and  would  "help"  her  whenever 
she  could.  "If  work  was  slow,  we  could  go  to  our  locker 
room  and  she  would  warn  us  when  the  'big  boss'  was 
coming.  I  was  sometimes  able  to  get  a  small  cat  nap  on 
slow  nights."  24 

Consuelo  continued  to  work  until  the  end  of  World 
War  II  in  1945,  and  into  1946.  As  men  began  to  return 
from  their  tours  of  duty,  they  began  to  take  back  their 
previous  positions  on  the  railroad.  Consuelo  resigned  in 
1946,  as  her  seniority  began  to  entitle  her  to  positions 
that  she  said  she  was  uncomfortable  accepting.  The  com- 
bination of  the  hours  and  labor  demands  was  becoming 
too  much  and  she  decided  it  would  be  best  if  she  left  this 
industry.  Consuelo  later  studied  and  became  a  registered 
nurse  and  worked  in  a  number  of  medical  offices  around 
Laramie.  She  is  currently  widowed,  and  lives  on 
Laramie's  "West  Side,"  next  door  to  her  older  bother  Jose, 
on  the  same  block  her  parents  made  their  home. 

Esperanza  and  Hermalinda  continued  to  work  for  the 
Union  Pacific  railroad  until  the  mid- 1 950s,  staying  much 
longer  than  originally  anticipated.  They  say  they  "feel 
very  grateful"  for  their  experience.  Both  of  them  worked 
for  an  additional  ten  years  after  the  war  was  over. 

Both  women  met  their  future  husbands  during  their  em- 
ployment on  the  railroad.  A  large  number  of  women  work- 
ing on  the  railroad,  including  some  of  the  Mexican  Ameri- 


can women,  met  and  were  courted  by  their  future  hus- 
bands during  their  employment.  This  occurred  both  dur- 
ing and  after  the  war  was  over.  Esperanza  met  her  hus- 
band Fred  Miller,  who  had  served  in  the  Army  during 
the  war,  while  they  were  employees  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad.  She  doubts  that  they  would  have  met  without 
the  circumstances  the  war  put  them  in.  It  allowed  for 
them  to  find  each  other.  Helia  Rodriguez  met  her  hus- 
band Bob  Blair  while  she  was  employed  for  the  railroad 
during  World  War  II.  (Helia  is  the  sister  of  Carmen, 
who  married  Carlos,  one  of  the  Sanchez  boys.  She  is  the 
daughter  of  Encarnacion  Rodriguez  who  also  worked  on 
the  railroad  with  Jesus  Sanchez). 

All  three  of  the  Sanchez  sisters  feel  that  they  contrib- 
uted to  the  war  effort  with  their  employment  on  the  rail- 
road. The  continuous  operation  of  the  railroad  was  needed 
to  win  the  war  and  they  filled  in  at  a  crucial  time. 

The  impact  of  the  experiences  of  Mexican  American  / 
Chicana  women,  including  the  Sanchez  sisters,  employed 
in  the  railroad  industry  would  continue  long  after  the  war 
was  over.  Mexican  American  /  Chicana  women  had  en- 
tered the  workforce  and  competed  for  jobs  for  positions 
once  considered  "men's  work."  Their  efforts  would  af- 
fect the  ways  in  which  gender  and  ethnicity  would  be 
examined  for  future  generations. 

The  story  of  the  Sanchez  family,  a  Wyoming  railroad 
family,  does  not  end  with  the  son  and  daughters  of  Jesus 
and  Guadelupe.  Numerous  grandchildren  (men)  have 
made  the  railroad  industry  their  life  work  and  are  keep- 
ing the  Sanchez  name  associated  with  Wyoming  railroads. 
Hundreds,  if  not  thousands,  of  Mexican  American  fami- 
lies in  Wyoming  have  similar  experiences  The  Sanchez 
story  is  one  of  many,  and  hopefully  the  telling  of  it  will 
encourage  continued  research  and  a  better  comprehen- 
sion of  the  significant  contributions  Mexicans  had  in  the 
building  of  Wyoming's  railroads  and  culture. 

22  Consuelo  Rocha.  interviewed  by  author.  April  1,  2001. 

23  Ibid. 

24  Ibid 


The  author,  a  Laramie  native,  received  a  B.  A. 
in  history  from  the  University  of  Wyoming  in 
1996.  Presently,  he  is  senior  office  assistant, 
Chicano  Studies  Department,  University  of  Wyo- 
ming. 


The  Making  of  a 

Video  Documentary- 

Laramie  Hoy 


By  Dwayne  Gal  legos 


I  remember  the  first  time  that  I  felt  something  was  miss- 
ing from  my  education.  I  was  sitting  in  the  Albany  County 
Library  while  my  mother  searched  for  romance  novels  to 
exchange  for  the  ones  she  had  read  the  weeks  before.  I 
wandered  into  the  picture  book  section  and  began  brows- 
ing through  some  books.  I  picked  up  a  book  with  and  sat 
down  to  enjoy  the  images  that  someone  compiled  and 
used  to  tell  a  visual  tale.  The  book  was  a  photo  compila- 
tion of  indigenous  people  throughout  the  course  of  his- 
tory in  North  America.  I  think  that  I  started  reading  it 
because  it  had  pictures  of  war  chiefs  like  Geronimo  and 
Sitting  Bull  on  the  cover.  I  looked  through  the  book, 
glancing  at  the  images  and  daydreaming  that  I  was  one 
of  the  proud  noble  warriors  from  the  tribes  that  they  rep- 
resented. 

When  I  entered  the  field  of  education,  I  knew  that  I 
was  going  to  try  to  help  students  that  are  struggling  with 
the  concept  of  identity  due  to  a  restrictive  curriculum. 
During  the  spring  semester  of  the  1 999/2000  school  year 
my  friend  Marcus  Madrid  and  I  started  working  on  a 
project  that  would  help  us,  and  others,  start  bridging  the 
gap  between  the  history  our  curriculum  enforces  and  the 
history  that  is  inclusive  of  all  cultures  involved.  We 
worked  on  an  independent  study  project  in  Chicano  Stud- 
ies Program  University  of  Wyoming  guided  by  Profes- 
sor Antonio  Rios-Bustamante,  head  of  Chicano  Studies. 
We  decided  to  create  a  project  that  would  focus  on  a  his- 
torical perspective  of  the  Chicano/a  people  here  in  the 
Laramie  Valley.  We  also  wanted  the  information  to  be 
easily  accessible  and  just  as  easy  to  use,  so  we  decided 
on  a  documentary  video  with  a  run  time  about  a  half  an 
hour. 

Creating  a  video  is  a  long  and  hard  process  that  takes  a 
lot  of  work.  I  would  hate  to  imagine  the  planning  that  it 


would  take  to  create  a  high  quality  video.  We  knew  that 
our  project  wasn't  going  to  be  a  video  that  would  win 
any  awards  for  our  cinematography  or  our  sound,  but 
that  wasn't  our  focus.  We  focused  on  the  research  that 
we  were  conducting,  and  the  presentation  of  the  mate- 
rial. 

The  first  thing  that  Marcus  and  I  did  was  to  brainstorm 
the  project  by  dividing  it  into  different  stages.  The  main 
goal  that  we  came  up  with  for  this  video  was  our  theme. 
We  decided  to  do  a  basic  introductory  documentary  that 
covered  the  historical  significance  of  the  Mexicano  and 
Chicano  population  of  Laramie.  We  discussed,  in  great 
detail,  our  concept  of  a  starting  point.  Since  the  Chicano 
and  Mexicano  are  derived  from  a  cultural  combination 
of  European,  and  Native  people,  we  decided  to  start  with 
the  first  people  that  entered  into  this  valley.  Now  I  had  a 
starting  point  for  our  research. 

We  also  decided  that  we  wanted  to  end  the  video  in 
current  times.  Our  goal  with  this  was  to  try  to  find  some- 
thing that  young  people  would  be  able  to  identify  with 
personally.  We  figured  that  it  would  make  the  most  sense 
to  start  broad  and  then  focus  in  on  specific  cultural  events. 
Since  a  30  minutes  isn't  very  much  time,  we  had  to 
whiddle  down  our  material  to  what  we  considered  the 
bare  essentials.  Professor  Rios-Bustamante  suggested 
that  we  break  the  video  into  five-minute  segments  leav- 
ing two  and  a  half  minutes  for  the  beginning  and  the  end. 
We  ended  up  researching  seven  topics,  two  extra  just  in 
case  we  hit  a  dead  end  while  researching  something. 

Our  first  topic  was  the  history  of  the  settlement  of  this 
valley.  We  thought  that  we  should  start  with  the  first 
humans  to  enter  this  valley,  and  then  explore  the  Mexicano 
and  Chicano  culture  as  it  developed  in  Laramie. 

Our  second  topic  was  the  railroad.  We  found  out  that 


The  co-producer  of  a  video  on  the  Chicano  history  of  the  Laramie  Plains 
tells  about  the  project.  "Creating  a  video  is  a  long  and  hard  process...." 


34 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


we  could  have  made  an  entire  video  about  the  Chicano 
and  Mexicano  involvement  in  the  railroad.  Like  many  of 
the  Chicanos  in  Laramie  Marcus  and  I  have  personal  fam- 
ily ties  to  the  railroad.  My  great-grandfather  came  here 
in  the  late  1920s  working  the  rails,  and  Marcus's  father 
is  currently  employed  by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  In 
fact  the  Union  Pacific  is  the  main  reason  Laramie's 
Chicano  population  is  so  large. 

While  we  were  researching  the  railroad  we  found  out 
that  the  first  Mexicano  family,  the  Sanchez  family,  came 
to  settle  here  because  of  a  job  with  the  Union  Pacific. 
The  obvious  choice,  as  we  saw  it,  was  to  dedicate  a  seg- 
ment of  the  video  to  the  Sanchez  family. 

We  ended  up  combining  folklore  and  culture  into  one 
topic.  Growing  up  on  the  West  Side,  the  stories  of  the 
Lladrona,  and  the  curanderas  were  part  of  our  heritage. 
1  remember  my  abualita  telling  me  detailed  stories  of  a 
crying  woman,  and  she  would  make  the  sign  of  the  cross 
on  her  chest.  It  is  always  easy,  in  a  room  full  of  Chicano's, 
to  find  someone  that  has  heard  how  it  really  happened. 
Most  of  the  research  for  this  part  was  done  long  before 
we  decided  to  make  the  video. 

In  fact  the  most  valuable  resources  we  found  during 
the  course  of  this  video  ended  up  being  our  families.  I 
went  over  to  my  Tia  Mary  and  Tio  Leeroy's  house,  be- 
cause they  have  all  of  the  great  photographs  of  our  fam- 
ily. I  sat  and  looked  through  photos  and  my  aunt  and 
uncle  regaled  me  with  stories  of  war,  and  times  of  peace 
and  warmth  in  Laramie.  I  borrowed  a  few  photos,  some 
we  decided  to  use  in  the  closing  of  the  video,  and  some 
for  my  personal  collection.  We  found  some  great  stories, 
and  some  wonderful  people  that  have  lived  here  in 
Laramie. 

To  end  the  video  we  wanted  to  look  toward  the  future 
of  the  Chicano  here  in  Laramie.  Since  the  future  of  the 
Chicano  can  be  found  through  education,  we  would  use 
it  to  create  our  view  of  the  future. 

After  we  researched  our  topics  we  started  working  on  a 
script.  We  used  a  storyboard  set  up,  and  wrote  out  the 
material  that  we  thought  would  be  included  in  the  video. 
When  we  were  done  we  thought  that  we  didn't  have 
enough  material  to  cover  a  full  half-hour.  In  truth,  we 
ended  up  leaving  out  a  great  deal  of  information  that  we 
had  hoped  to  use. 

We  started  seeing  our  project  taking  shape,  but  we  had 
to  take  it  from  paper,  and  put  it  on  video.  We  started 
making  a  shooting  schedule.  We  planned  our  locations, 
and  the  time  of  day  that  we  thought  we  should  shoot  at 
each  spot.  If  you  are  going  to  be  shooting  something 
outside  in  Laramie,  you  should  try  to  schedule  your  shoots 
for  the  morning,  before  the  wind  has  time  to  start  blow- 


ing. This  is  when  a  communication  student  with  knowl- 
edge and  technology  would  have  come  in  very  handy.  If 
I  were  to  do  it  all  over,  I  would  have  started  talking  for- 
mally with  the  media  department  about  a  project  that  one 
of  their  students  could  work  on  as  early  in  the  semester 
as  possible. 

We  set  up  interviews  with  all  of  the  people  that  are  in 
the  video  weeks  in  advance.  We  prepared  questions  and 
selected  people  that  we  considered  experts  in  their  fields. 
One  goal  that  we  had,  and  kept,  was  to  use  local  resources 
for  all  of  material.  We  took  advantage  of  the  University 
of  Wyoming's  Native  American  Studies  department,  by 
interviewing  Dr.  Brian  Hosmer,  and  the  Chicano  Studies 
Department  with  Dr.  Antonio  Rios-Bustamante.  We  in- 
terviewed family,  friends,  and  some  of  the  elders  here  in 
our  community. 

Jake  Sanchez,  a  descendent  of  the  first  Mexicano  set- 
tlers here  in  the  Laramie  Valley,  volunteered  to  put  mu- 
sic to  our  beginning  and  our  ending.  Miguel  Rosales,  a 
graduate  of  the  University  of  Wyoming's  history  depart- 
ment, and  another  descendant  of  the  Sanchez's,  volun- 
teered to  share  his  unique  perspective  about  his  family 
and  their  history  here. 

I  interviewed  a  friend  of  mine  about  the  curandera  or, 
the  Chicano  healer,  because  I  remember  some  great  sto- 
ries from  him  and  his  family.  Their  concept  of  medicine 
has  saved  me  countless  hours  and  money  I  would  have 
no  doubt  spent  in  the  hospital  or  at  the  doctors  office. 

To  record  our  interviews,  we  used  a  hand-held  Sony 
8mm  Handicam  to  shoot  most  of  our  shots.  Later  we 
copied  it  to  digital  video  in  order  to  speed  up  the  editing 
process.  A  friend,  Matt  Nagey,  edited  this  video  for  me. 
He  took  twelve  hours  of  raw  video  footage,  and  turned  it 
into  something  worth  watching.  Editing  is  the  hardest 
part  of  the  video.  The  rest  of  the  work  is  divided  up 
through  the  course  of  the  semester,  but  the  editing  is  done 
in  one  intense  session  after  another  until  it  is  done. 

In  the  end,  we  were  left  with  a  piece  of  history  that  we 
were  proud  of.  Our  lack  of  technological  knowledge 
showed,  but  so  did  our  perspective  on  history.  We  ac- 
complished many  of  our  goals,  and  gained  experience 
that  will  prove  useful  in  the  future.  Our  final  goal  is  that 
this  account  of  our  semester  will  help  someone  to  make  a 
high-quality  video  of  Rawlins,  or  an  in-depth  documen- 
tary about  the  Latin  American  Club.  As  the  Chicano  Stud- 
ies department  grows,  so  do  our  chances  of  achieving 
our  final  goal. 


Gallegos  is  a  University  of  Wyoming  student, 
majoring  in  education.  He  is  completing  his  stu- 
dent teaching  in  Denver. 


Spring  2001 


55 


Wyoming  Picture 


Mexican-American  railroad 
workers  pose  on  front  of 
locomotive  in  the  railyard  at 
Laramie,  n.  d.   Photo 
courtesy  of  Esperanza  A  filler 


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w 


ex 


Abeyta.  Alfonso  10 

Advisory  council  for  La  Cultura 

(photo)  20 
African  Americans  3 
agricultural  workers  5 
Agricultural  Workers  Industrial 

Union  6 
Albany  County  Library  33 
American  Federation  of  Labor  6 
American  Fur  Co  4 
American  G.I.  Forum  9 
Arch  Minerals  24 
Arnold.  Peg  3 
B 
"Beet  Seasons  in 

1 1 )  vm  ing:  A  lexi can- 
American  Family  Life "  14- 

17 
Beet  Workers  Association  6 
Blair.  Bob  32 
Bracero  agreement  7 
Braceros  3 

Bravo.  Juan  and  Dario  30 
Bravo.  Lucio  30 
Bridger.  Jim  3.  4.  5 
Brito.  Dr.  Silvester  21 
Burnett.  Finn  5 
Burnstad.  Grace  31 
C 

Cardona.  Dolores  8 
Cardoso.  Dr.  Lawrence  A.  1 8.  20. 

21,29 
Catholic  Church  24.  27 
Census  of  2000  2 
Chavez  family  22 
Chavez.  Ida  15 
Chavez.  Marcus  25 
Chavez.  Paul  24 
Chavez.  Ray  22,  25 
Chavez.  Ray  and  Addie  23. 

(photo.  24) 
Chavez  -Kelly,  Cynthia  22.  27 
Chicano  Coalition  8 
Chicano  movement  8 
Chicano  Studies  Program  4.  21. 

32 
"Clucanos  in  Rawlins,  Wyoming 

1950-2001"   10-13 
Christmas  26 
Christmas  Eve  24 
Civil  Rights  Commission  8 
Coca.  Connie  18,20,21 
Cochran.  Tim  20 
Cockran.  Homer  14 
Coehlo,  Dennis  18.20 
Combs.  Harold  22 
Comission  Honorifica  6 
Committee  for  the  Preservation  of 

La  Cultura  in  Wyo  18 
Coronado.  Juan  (author)  1 0 
Coronado,  Silvino  and  Antonia 

11,   13 
D 

De  Herrera.  Juan  Abe  8,  12,  13 
Diaz,  Consuelo  3 1 


Fl  Paso,  Texas  17 
Erickson,  Justin  23 
Esperaza  Hispanica  12 
Espinoza,  Louis  13 
Esquibel.  Floyd  8 
Esquibel.  Jackie  8 
Expansion  Period  5 
F 
Federal  Employment  Practices 

Commission  7 
Fiesta  Days  23 
Flavell.  George  5 
Florida  State  University  26 
Fontana.  California  17 
Forrest,  Suzanne  1 8 
Fort  Bridger  4 
Fort  John  3 
Fort  Laramie  3 
French  Canadian  trappers  4 
G 

Gallegos,  Dwayne  (author)  33 
Garcia,  Alephonso  (author)  14 
Garcia,  Andrew  5 
Garcia  family  14 
Germans  from  Russia  5 
Gonzales.  Estella  1 1 
Gonzales.  Genevieve  18 
Gonzales.  Jerry  13 
Gonzales.  Pauline  18 
Gonzales.  Pete  12 
Great  Western  Sugar  Company 

5.  6 
H 

Hewitt.  William  L.  3 
History  of  Wyoming  3 
Holcomb.  Eric  26 
Hosmer,  Dr.  Brian  34 
Hunt.Gov.  Lester  C.  7 
l-J-K 

Idar.C.N.  6 

Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  6 
Jalisco.  Mexico  21 
Kelly.  Carlos  26 
Kelly.  Charlie  22 
Kelly.  Kirse.  22  (author,  bio)  27 
L 
La  Cultura  Oral  History  Project  3. 

4.  18 
"LaCultura  Oral  History  Project: 

MexicanolHispanic  History 

in  Wyoming  "  1 8-2 1 
La  Junta  Club  10.   13 
Lallorona  23 
Laramie.  Hispanics  in  33 
Larson,  T.  A.  3 
Latin  American  Club  10,34 
Latin  American  Federation  8,  9 
Linford,  Dee  3 
Lisa.  Manuel  4 
Loffreda,  Beth  4 
Lovell.  Wyoming  6 
Lovell's  Mexican  Colony  3 
M 

Madrid.  Marcus  33 
Maestas.  Jim  10 
"Making  of  a  Video  Docnmentary- 

-Laramie  Hoy "  33-34 
Martinez,  Benjamin  and  Mary 

Elizabeth  10 
Martinez,  DeBari  13 


Medicine  Bow  Coal  22,  25,  27 
Medina,  Adolph  10 
Medina.  James  18 
Medina.  Lucy  18 
Medina.  Mariano  2.  4 
Mercado.  Oralia  18.20 
Mercado.  Philip  7 
Mexican  Central  railroad  6 
Mexican  Hispanic  artisans  5 
Mexican  land  grant  4 
"Mexican  Railroad  Family  in 

Wyoming.  "  28-32 
Mexican  railroad  workers  5,  29 
Mexican  traders  3 
Mexican  vaqueros  5 
Mexican-American  railroad 

workers  (photo)  35 
Mexicans  in  Wyoming  5 
Miller.  Fred  and  Esperanza  32 
Miller.  John.  Mexican  employee 

of  5 
Montano,  Leandro  1 1 
Montano.  Paulita  1 1 
Montez,  Ramon  5 
movie  theater.  Wheatland  16 
Mule  Shoe  school  15 
N-0 
oral  history  interviews,  inventory 

of  LaCultura  19 
Ornales.  Father  Angel   10 
Ortiz.  Ray  10 
P 

Palmer  Canyon  Road  14.   15 
Panthon  (boat)  5 
Pershing  Elementary  School 

(Rawlins)  II.  13 
photo  exhibition.  "Hispanics  in 

Wyoming,"  21 
Powell,  discrimination  against 

Mexicans  in  6 
Press.  Ernest  3 
Prevost.  Entienne  4 
Project  Hope  8 
R 

rabbit  hunting  1 5 
racial  bias  3 
racial  discrimination  1 1 
rattlesnake  16 
Rawlins  23 
Rawlins  Family  Recreation  Center 

Project  10 
Rawlins.  Mexican  housing  in  7 
Rawlins  Police  Department  13 
Rawlins  population  8 
"Recent  Chicano  Migration  Into 

and  Out  of  Wyoming:  Los 

Chavez"  22-27 
Redman.  Ann  8 
Redwine.  Augustin  3 
Rios-Bustamante.  Dr  Antonio. 

(author).  2,  18.33.34 
Rivera,  Manuel  10 
Riverton  21 
Roberts,  Phil  18.20 
Rodriguez.  Dr  Chencho  18 
Rodriguez.  Helia  32 
Rosales.  Dr.  Arturo  1 8 
Rosales.  Miguel  A.  (author)  28 
S 
Saint  Joseph's  Catholic  Church  in 

Rawlins  10 


San  Luis  Valley,  Colo.  7.  12,20 
Sanchez,  Consuelo  30,  32 
Sanchez,  Esperanza  and 

Hermalinda  31 
Sanchez,  Hermalinda  (photo)  30 
Sanchez.  Jake  34 
Sanchez.  Jesus  32 
Sanchez.  Jesus  and  Guadelupe  29 
Sandoval.  T.  Joe  3 
Schwartz.  Harvey  3 
Shepherd.  Matthew  4 
Sinclair  (Parco)  12 
Sinclair  refinery  26 
"Sources  on  Wyoming  Mexican/ 

Hispanic  History"  9 
Spanish  Basques  8 
Spanish  language  words  4 
Spanish  Mother  Tongue  6 
Spanish-language  radio  station  8 
sugarbeet  industry  5 
Sunnyside  Elementary  School 

(Rawlins)  12 
Sybille  Creek  14 
T 

Taylor.  Paul  3 
Tebaldi.  David  18 
Torrington.  discrimination  against 

Mexicans  in  6 
I! 
Union  Pacific  Railroad 

7.  20.  21.  30.  31.  34 
United  Cannery.  Agricultural. 

Packing  and  Allied  Workers 

6 
University  of  Wyoming  12 
V 

Vasquez,  Luis  4 
Vialpando.  Adelmo  20 
Vialpando.  Jesse  (author)  18.20 
video.  Mexicans  in  Laramie  34 
Vigil.  Emanuel  (Manny)  18 
de  Villasur.  Pedro  4 
Virgin  of  Guadalupe  Society  9 
W 

Wheatland,  Wyoming  14 
World  War  11.  Mexican  workers 

in  7 
Wyoming  Arts  Council  18 
Wyoming  Council  for  the 

Humanities  3.   18 
"Wyoming Picture  "35 
Wyoming  railroad  family  32 
Wyoming  State  Archives  and 

Historical  Department  3 
Wyoming  State  Archives. 

Museums  and  Historical 

Dept  19 
Wyoming  State  Penitentiary  11, 

23 
"Wyoming 's  Mexican  Hispanic 

History"  2-9 
"Wyoming 's  War  Years  1941- 

1945"  3 
X-Y-Z 

Young,  Brigham  4 
Zamora.  Albert  and  Joan  11.   12 
Zamora.  Joan  10.   II 


rnnals  of 

WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 
Summer  2001  Vol.  73,  No.  3 


-.-*«! 


J^^^^v^W^ 


In  Memory  of  Dr.  T.  A.  Larson  (1910-2001) 


This  issue  of  Annals  is  dedicated  to  the  memory  of 
Dr.  T.  A.  Larson.  Wyoming's  historian,  who  died  in 
January.  2001.  Born  Jan.  18.  1910.  in  Nebraska,  he 
graduated  from  the  University  of  Colorado  in  1932. 
Later,  after  gaining  the  M.  A.  in  history  from  C.  U..  he 
went  on  for  the  Ph.D.  in  history  at  the  University  of 
Illinois.  He  came  to  the  University  of  Wyoming  in  1936 
and,  except  for  an  interruption  for  military  service 
(1943-46),  he  spent  his  entire  career  teaching  at  UW, 
retiring  in  1975.  Following  his  retirement,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Wyoming  legislature,  serving  four  terms. 
He  was  the  author  of  four  books,  including  the  History 
of Wyoming (1965,  rev.  1978),  used  by  generations  of 
college  students  and  still  the  standard  text  on  Wyo- 
ming history.  He  wrote  numerous  articles,  including 
several  for  Annals  of  Wyoming,  and  served  the  past  six 
years  on  our  board  of  editors.  A  founding  member  of 
both  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  and  the 
Albany  County  chapter,  he  served  as  the  Society's 
fourth  president  (1957-58).  Even  after  his  retirement 


from  the  University,  he  continued  to  participate  in  his- 
tory-related activities,  including  attendance  at  most 
WSHS  annual  meetings  and  treks.  He  also  served  as 
president  of  the  Western  History  Association  and  gave 
history  presentations  throughout  the  state  and  region. 

Dr.  Larson  was  interviewed  for  Annals  in  the  fall  of 
1 994.  He  told  then-editor  Mark  Junge  that  he  had  taught 
an  estimated  16.000  students.  Junge  asked  him  what 
he  thought  his  legacy  would  be.  Always  modest  about 
his  numerous  achievements,  he  said:  "It  would  have  to 
be  in  the  field  of  Wyoming  history  and  in  teaching. 
And  that  ties  in  with  writing  because  the  writing  helped 
my  teaching.  No,  1  think  it's  in  the  dissemination  of 
the  knowledge  about  Wyoming  history,  and  getting 
people  interested  in  that,  and  respecting  their  history, 
and  trying  to  get  them  to  be  more  critical,  to  ask  ques- 
tions and  to  not  just  accept  what  a  book  says  about 
something  or  other." 

His  legacy  lives  and  may  Annals  always  be  faithful 
to  it.  —Phil  Roberts.  Editor 

Dr.  T.  A.  Larson  (2nd from  right) 
is  pictured  with  the  other  offic- 
ers of  the  Wyoming  State  Histori- 
cal Society  in  September.  1 955. 
He  was  a  founding  member  of  the 
WSHS  and  the  Albany  County 
chapter,  as  well  as  "Mr.  Wyo- 
ming History.  "  Rarely  is  there 
an  article  published  on  Wyoming 
history  that  does  not  cite  to  his 
work.  Also  pictured  is  (left  to 
right/:  Dr.  Dewitt  Dominick. 
Maurine  Carley,  Frank  Bowron. 
W.  L.  Marion,  Larson,  and  Lola 
M.  Homsher.  The  photograph 
was  by  Adrian  Reynolds. 


The  Cover  Art 


The  cover  illustration  is  from  a  postcard  published  in  the  1920s  by  the  J.  L.  Robbins 
Co..  Spokane.  Wash.,  and  sold  widely  throughout  the  northern  part  of  Wyoming. 


The  editor  of  Annals  of  Wyoming  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  even  aspect  of  the  history  of  Wyoming  and  the  West. 
Appropriate  for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer  new  interpretations 
of  historical  events.  First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will  be  considered  for  use  in  the 
"'Wyoming  Memories"  section.  Historic  photo  essays  for  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming  Memories'"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are 
reviewed  and  refereed  by  members  of  the  journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and  others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  bv 
the  editor.  Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for  illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format 
created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing  programs  along  with  two  printed  copies.  Submissions  and  queries  should  be  ad- 
dressed to  Editor,  Annals  of Wyoming,  P.O.  Box  4256.  University  Station.  Laramie  WY  82071.  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following 
address:  annalsiffuwyo.edu 


Editor 

Phil  RoLerts 

Assistant  Editor 

Sarah  Payne 

Book  Review  Editor 

Carl  Hallterg 

Editorial  Assistants 

Katy  Bryant,  R.  J.  Fruits,  Adam  George, 
Stacey  Harvey,  Richard  B.  Henhe,  John 
Waggener,  Tina  Walrath 

Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Barbara  Bogart,  Evanston 
Mabel  Brown,  Newcastle/Cheyenne 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  ]ost,  Riverton 
Dudley  Gardner,  Rock  Springs 
Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 
Thomas  F.  Stroock,  Casper 
Lawrence  M.  Woods,  Worland 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Publications  Committee 

Rick  Ewig,  Laramie 

David  Kathka,  Rock  Springs 

Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie 

Nancy  Curtis,  Glendo 

William  H.  Moore,  Laramie  (ex  ouicio) 

Patty  Myers,  Wheatland  (ex-ofiicio) 

Loren  Jost,  Riverton  (ex-orticio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex-otficio) 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Dave  Taylor,  President,  Natrona  County 
Clara  Varner,  1st  Vice  Pres.,  Weston  Co. 
Fatty  Myers,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Platte  Co. 
Linda  Fabian,  Secretary,  Platte  County 
Dick  Wilder,  Treasurer,  Park  County 
Amy  Lawrence,  Albany  County 
Jermy  Wight,  Star  Valley  Chapter 
Joyce  Warnke,  Goshen  County 
Llova  Toad,  bberiaan  Countv 
Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 

Governor  of  Wyoming 

Jim  Geringer 

Wyoming  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources 

John  Keck,  Director 

Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

William  Dubois,  Cheyenne 
Vern  Vivion,  Rawlins 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Emerson  Scott,  Jr.,  Buffalo 
B.  Byron  Price,  Cody 
Herb  French,  Newcastle 
Frank  Tim  Isabell,  Shoshoni 
Jeanne  Hickey,  Cheyenne 
Jerrilyn  Wall,  Evanston 

University  of  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 
Oliver  Walter,  Dean, 

Lollege  ox  Arts  and  Sciences 
Phil  Roherts,  Acting  Chair,  Dept.  of  Hist. 

Printed  by  Pioneer  Printing,  Cheyenne 


ofmnals  of 

WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Summer  2001  Vol.  73,  Xo.  3 


Wyoming  People 


Cheyenne's  Harry  P.  Hynds: 

Blacksmith,  Saloon  Keeper,  Promoter,  Philanthropist 

By  Shirley  E.  Flynn 2 


the 


Ar 


LIBRARY 

RECEIVED 


Fort  Laramie  --Alter 

Part  I:  The  Auction 

By  Douglas  MeChristian I 

Early  Cody  Bands  |     DEC  2  °  M 

By  Ester  Johansson  Murray i  j-  f^f  f  V  *  "OF" "  W  Y' 


TheKendrich-Ziehlsdorff  Correspondence: 

Myth  and  Reality  in  the  Salt  Creeh  Oil  Field 

By  Eugene  T.  Carroll 30 

Research  Note:  Harold  R.  Tyler,  Jr.  Collection,  AHC 34 

Book  Reviews,  edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 36 

Donahue,  The  Western  Range  Revisited,  reviewed  by  Mark  E.  Miller 

Doyle,  Journey;  to  the  Land  or  Gold,  reviewed  by  Catherine  Curtiss 

Billington  and  Hardaway,  African  Americans  on  the  Western  Frontier, 
reviewed  by  Dennis  Mihelich 

Szasz,  Scots  in  the  North  American  West,  reveviewed  by  Michael  F.  Funcbion 

New  Acquisitions,  Hehard  Collection,  compiled  by  Tamsen  L.  Hert.,.,39 
Index 40 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  is  published  quarterly  by  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  in  association  with  the  Wyoming  Department  of  Commerce,  the  American  Heritage  Center,  and  the 
Department  of  History.  University  of  Wyoming.  The  journal  was  previously  published  as  the  Quarterly 
Bulletin  (1923-1925).  Annals  of  Wyoming  ( 1925-1993).  Wyoming  Annals  (1993-1995)  and  Wyoming  His- 
lory  Journal ( 1 995- 1996).  The  Annals  has  been  the  official  publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society  since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of  membership  to  all  society  members.  Membership  dues 
are:  single.  $20;  joint.  $30;  student  (under  2 1 ).  $  1 5;  institutional.  $40;  contributing.  $  1 00-249;  sustaining. 
$250-499;  patron.  $500-999;  donor.  $1,000+.  To  join,  contact  your  local  chapter  or  write  to  the  address 
below.  Articles  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  are  abstracted  in  Historical  Abstracts  and  America:  History  and  Life. 

Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to  Judy 
West.  Coordinator.  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  PMB#  184.  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd..  Cheyenne 
WY  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspondence  should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  of  Annals  of  Wyo- 
ming, American  Heritage  Center,  P.  O.  Box  4256.  University  Station,  Laramie  WY  8207 1 . 
Our  e-mail  address  is:  annals.'SHiwyo.edu 


Copyright  2001,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 


ISSN:  1086-7368 


Wyoming  People 


Cheyenne's  Harry  P.  Hynds: 
Blacksmith,  Saloon  Keeper, 
Promoter,  Philanthropist 


By  Shirley  E.  Flynn 


Harry  P.  Hynds 


Lois  H-  Dearer  collection 


Summer  2001 

The  young  man  flexed  his  mus- 
cles as  he  stepped  off  the  train 
from  Denver.  He  filled  his 
lungs  with  air  freshened  by  the  ever 
present  breeze  Ambling  over  to  the 
nearest  saloon,  he  put  his  foot  on  the 
brass  rail.  He  had  little  money  in  his 
pocket  but  enough  for  a  shot  of 
straight  rye  and  a  quick  go  at  the  faro 
game.  A  knowledgeable  gambler,  he 
won  a  few  dollars.  Thus  prepared,  he 
attended  to  finding  work.  A  farrier 
by  trade,  in  his  pocket  he  carried  an 
introduction  to  Herman  Haas, 
Cheyenne's  premier  blacksmith  and 
wagon  maker.  "Harry  P.  Hynds,  Ex- 
perienced," the  document  said.  Haas 
summed  up  the  muscular  young  man 
and  hired  him  on  the  spot. 

Hynds  immediately  fell  in  step  in 
Cheyenne.  Opportunity  awaited  any- 
one wanting  to  work,  play  or  gamble. 
He  found  20  gambling  saloons  in  this 
frontier  town.  An  article  in  Leslie 's 
Weekly  in  1 877  confirmed  this.  "Sa- 
loons, whiskey  and  gambling  went 


After  working  for 
Cheyenne  blacksmith 
Herman  Haas  for  less 
than  two  years,  Hynds 
entered  a  partnership 
with  Jack  Elliott  in 
their  own  blacksmith 
shop  in  Cheyenne,  pic- 
tured here. 


hand  in  hand."1  There  were  saloons 
in  which  men  drank  and  gambled  on 
the  side;  there  were  others  in  which 
men  gambled  and  drank  on  the  side: 
it  was  merely  a  matter  of  emphasis. 
Westerners  would  gamble  on  any- 
thing. The  scene  was  not  lost  on  this 
young  man.  He  fancied  gambling  and 
allowed  that  this  was  his  kind  of 
town. 

Hynds  was  born  December  22, 
1860,  near  Morris,  Illinois. 
His  father,  Martin,  is  listed 
as  an  Irish  immigrant  in  the  1870  Il- 
linois Census.  His  mother,  Jane 
O'Hale,  proudly  boasted  of  Stewart 
and  McAllister  ancestry  as  well  as 
being  the  granddaughter  of  Wolfe 
Tone,  a  great  Irish  agitator.  Her  other 
grandfather  was  Lord  Duffin  of  Ire- 
land. Her  obituary  states  that  she  took 
considerable  pride  in  this  ancestry 
and  she  must  have  infused  Harry,  one 
of  her  eight  children,  with  pride  and 
bearing;  he  had  both. 


While  rooming  at  the  Cheyenne 
House,  a  respectable  rooming  house 
at  1610  Thomes  charging  S6  per 
week  including  board,  the  hard  work- 
ing Harry  also  played  hard.  Boxing 
was  his  game.  After  two  years  of  vig- 
orous training,  he  was  ready  to  take 
on  all  comers.  According  to  a  report 
later  in  The  Denver  Republican,  "So 
magnificent  was  his  physique  and  so 
apt  was  he  with  the  gloves  that  sev- 
eral Cheyenne  'sports'  backed  him 
as  the  corning  heavyweight  cham- 
pion."2 

A  match  was  scheduled  in  Rawlins, 
Wyoming,  on  May  25,  1 884.  For  this 
out  of  town  bout,  he  battled  James 
Lavin  in  the  Rawlins  Opera  House. 
The  well-matched  men  exchanged 
sharp  blows  for  ten  rounds.  When 
Lavin  staimered  out  for  the  11th 


1  Quoted  in  Richard  Erdoes,  Saloons  of 
the  Ok!  West.  (Salt  Lake:  Howe  Brothers, 
1985). 

:  Denver  Republican,  Sept.  12,  1900 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


round,  he  couldn't  stand  up  to  fight. 
It  was  a  decisive  win  for  Hynds,  and 
the  local  newspaper  crowed,  "Hynds 
now  stands  champion  of  the  Terri- 
tory and  is  open  for  engagements  to 
all  comers."  He  next  met  John  P. 
Clow  who  knocked  him  out  in  the 
6th  round.  According  to  a  newspa- 
per report  two  dozen  years  after  the 
fact,  he  then  went  back  to  his  smithy, 
retiring  from  the  ring  for  good.3 

Despite  his  retirement  from  the 
ring,  Hynds  continued  to  train  and 
to  spar  with  a  young  man  named 
Norman  Selby,  an  employee  of 
Hynds'  saloon.  Selby  took  the  pro- 
fessional name  of  Kid  McCoy. 
Bankrolled  and  promoted  by  Hynds, 
"The  Kid"  made  quite  a  name  for 
himself  in  the  boxing  world. 

Hynds  worked  for  Haas  for  less 
than  two  years.  He  opened  his  own 
business  with  a  partner.  Jack  Elliott, 
calling  the  establishment  Elliott  & 
Hynds.  The  firm,  advertising  as 
blacksmiths,  carriage  and  wagon 


makers,  was  on  the  northeast  corner 
of  8th  and  O'Neil,  in  the  same  block 
as  the  Haas  smithy.  Another  indus- 
try in  that  block  was  the  Cheyenne 
Steam  Laundry.4 

With  the  career  as  a  boxing  pro- 
moter going  well,  Hynds  left  black- 
smithing  in  1885  and  began  a  new 
career  as  a  retail  liquor  dealer.  His 
new  business  was  located  at  2004 
Eddy  (now  Pioneer)."1  This  was  con- 


After  the  western  saloon  graduated 
from  its  crude  rudimentary  begin- 
nings, it  became  sleek,  even  baroque 
if  it  was  favorably  situated.  Some  be- 
came workingmen's  clubs.  Saloons, 
whiskey  and  gambling  went  hand  in 
hand.  Nonetheless,  as  one  Western 
historian  observed,  "A  saloon  keeper 
may  seem  a  little  unusual  today.  But 
in  the  opening  of  the  West,  saloon 
owners  were  among  the  most  re- 


sidered  a  step  up  from  the  grime  and     spected  in  a  community."7  Cheyenne 

saloon  keeper,  Luke  Murrin,  became 
mayor.  Mark  Twain  commented, 


hard  work  of  blacksmithing,  although 
he  never  lost  his  touch  at  the  forge. 
As  long  as  he  kept  horses  for  use  in 
town,  he  donned  a  leather  apron  and 
attended  to  their  shoes.6 


I  am  not  sure  but  that  the  saloon 
keeper  held  a  shade  higher  rank 
than  any  other  member  of  society. 
His  opinion  had  weight.  It  was  his 
privilege  to  say  how  elections 
should  be  run.  No  great  movement 
could  succeed  without  the  counte- 


3  Denver  Republican,  Dec.  9,  1900. 

4 "Telephone  198— shirts,  12  '/Scents each; 


The  old  colonial  tavern  was  the 
forerunner  of  the  western  sa- 
loon. They  were  all  things  to 
all  men.  Every  man,  but  no  proper 
lady,  was  welcome.  For  the  male 
population,  the  saloon  was  a  refuge 
from  dreariness  and  toil,  a  place  of     overalls,  35  cents  per  suit."  There  is  no 

light  and  human  companionship.     record    of    wh^    was    charged    for 

blacksmithing.  Cheyenne  City  Director); 

1884-1885,  114 

5  Ibid.,  1885-1886,80. 

6  As  late  as  May  30, 
1929,  when  a  stagecoach 
was  given  to  the  Lusk, 
Wyo.,  museum,  Hynds 
was  among  the  visitors. 
He  took  his  seat  atop  the 
old  coach  for  a  last  whirl. 
Earlier  that  day,  he  had 
inspected  the  coach  and 
found  it  "fit  for  any  trip." 
Unidentified  newspaper, 
vertical  file.  Cultural  Re- 
sources Division,  Wyo- 
ming Parks  and  Cultural 
Resources  Dept.,  Chey- 
enne. 

7  Scott  Dial,  A  Place  to 
Raise  Hell:  Cheyenne  Sa- 
loons (Boulder:  Johnson 
Publishing,  1977),  36-37. 
s  Erdoes,  57. 


f 


BS     J.' 


Street  scene  in  Chey- 
enne prior  to  Hynds ' 
arrival.  From  the  be- 
ginning, the  town  was 
known  for  its  numerous 
saloons  and  gambling 
halls. 


Summer  2001 

nance  and  direction  of  the  saloon 
keeper. . .  youthful  ambition  hardly 
aspired  so  much  to  the  honors  of 
the  law,  or  the  army  and  navy  as  to 
the  dignity  of  proprietorship  in  a 
saloon.8 

Leslie's  Weekly  described  gam- 
bling in  Cheyenne  in  1 877,  ten  years 
after  the  town  had  been  settled: 
"Gambling  in  Cheyenne,  far  from 
being  merely  an  amusement  or  rec- 
reation, rises  to  the  dignity  of  a  le- 
gitimate occupation.  .  .  the  pursuit 
of  nine-tenth  of  the  population,  both 
permanent  and  transient."1' 

This  frothy  milieu  did  not  escape 
Hynds'  notice.  After  a  brief  period 
as  a  liquor  dealer,  he  was  in  the  sa- 
loon business  by  1886.  He  is  listed 
in  the  Cheyenne  City  Directory  as 
"Hynds,  Harry  P.,  wines  &  liquors, 
313  W  17th,  r.  421  W  16th."10 

In  the  same  year,  Hynds  married. 
His  bride  was  Maud  Peet.  She  was 
16  and  he  was  24.  They  were  mar- 
ried in  Denver  by  the  Rev.  Quinn. 

Business  flourished  and  soon 
Hynds  built  the  elegant  Capitol  Sa- 
loon at  1 608  Carey  Avenue.  A  Chey- 
enne writer  described  it: 

It  was  at  the  time  of  its  erection 
one  of  the  few  three-story  buildings 
in  Cheyenne.  It  was  constructed 
with  a  red  stone  facade  and  oak  fix- 
tures throughout.  The  establish- 
ment was  the  finest  and  best  con- 
ducted of  its  kind  not  only  in  Wyo- 
ming but  also  in  the  early  West.  Be- 
fore the  advent  of  the  radio  and  TV, 
this  was  the  primary  reporting 
source  of  all  sporting  events  which 
came  over  direct  wire  enjoyed  by 
every  sports  lover.  It  is  a  matter  of 
record  that  the  Capitol  Bar  had  the 
first  outside  electric  sign,  a  20-  foot 
perpendicular  metal  sign  with  a 
thousand  electric  globes." 

A  bar  occupied  the  ground  floor,  a 
gambling  hall  took  up  the  second 
floor,  and  proper  ladies  didn't  speak 
of  what  took  place  on  the  third. 


Hynds  '  Capitol  Grill,  Bar  and  "Lunch  Counter' 


This  establishment  was  described 
as  "Club  Rooms."  This  designation 
permitted  the  proprietor  to  have  le- 
galized gambling.  But  if  the  owner 
elected  to  include  gambling,  he  was 
required  to  secure  a  license  for  that 
activity  in  addition  to  one  for  selling 
liquor.  There  were  at  least  six  saloons 
with  club  rooms  in  the  same  block 
with  Hynds'  Capitol  Bar.  The  city 
promoted  the  close  proximity  of 
these  establishments  because  it 
meant  added  revenue.  Also,  having 
all  of  the  saloons  and  gambling 
places  located  in  the  same  area  sim- 
plified law  enforcement. 

All  during  these  years  there  was  a 
strong  anti-gambling  movement  in 
Wyoming.  Gov.  John  A.  Campbell, 
the  first  territorial  governor,  vetoed 
anti-gambling  legislation  in  1 869.  Jo- 
seph M.  Carey,  who  had  come  to 
Wyoming  as  territorial  attorney  and 
held  numerous  public  offices,  always 


stood  against  gambling.  Citing  pietist 
principles,  James  H.  Hayford,  editor 
of  the  Laramie  Sentinel,  vehemently 
denounced  "free  gambling  hells  and 
Sunday  whiskey."  According  to  E.A. 
Slack,  editor  of  the  Cheyenne  Daily 
Leader,  Hayford  was  a  "cranky  moral 
reformer."12  In  1888,  the  laws  were 
confusing.  That  year  a  bill  was  in- 
troduced in  the  Wyoming  legislature 
to  prohibit  gambling  and  to  assess 
stringent  fines  for  violations.  The  bill 
failed.  Generally,  Republicans  were 
staunch  blue  bloods  who  sniffed  at 
the  hard  working  immigrant  who  fa- 


8  Erdoes,  57. 

9  Ibid 

10  Cheyenne  City  Directory,  1886. 

11  William  H.  Mclnerney,  History  Notes: 
Cheyenne's  Downtown  Parking  Lot.  (pam- 
phlet, n.d.) 

12  Quoted  in  William  Howard  Moore, 
"Pietism  and  Progress,"  Annals  of  Wyoming 
55  (Fall,  1983),  2. 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


vored  gambling,  the  Catholic  church 
and  whiskey  at  any  time.  Harry  P. 
Hynds  favored  all  three  and 
bankrolled  efforts  to  defeat  anti-gam- 
bling legislation  through  the  years. 
Hayford,  naturally,  always  blamed 
Hynds  for  its  defeat.13 

Prosperity  came  quickly  to  the 
handsome  Hynds.  Within  ten 
years,  he  had  opened  saloons 
and  club  rooms  in  Laramie,  Rawlins 
and  Salt  Lake  City.  Although  Maud 
was  often  described  as  a  "wayward 
girl"  prior  to  her  marriage,  as  Mrs. 
Hynds,  she  always  carried  herself  dis- 
creetly. They  were  charitable  to  the 
poor  and  less  fortunate. 

Before  the  spring  of  1 896,  he  and 
Maud  moved  to  Salt  Lake  City  and 
established  themselves  in  an  elegant 
home  at  629  Brigham  Street.  It  was 
said  that  few  women  whose  husbands 
were  not  millionaires,  were  sur- 
rounded by  the  affluence  which  Mrs. 
Hynds  enjoyed.  She  wiled  away  her 
time  while  he  expanded  his  business 
interests  to  Butte,  Montana. 

On  Sunday,  March  2,  1896,  hav- 
ing completed  his  business  a  day  ear- 
lier than  expected,  Hynds  returned  by 
the  train  from  Butte  to  Salt  Lake  City, 
arriving  at  9:05  a.m.14  He  took  a  cab 
to  his  home,  intending  to  spend  the 
day  with  his  wife.  The  door  was 
locked  and  his  pass-key  failed  to 
work.  He  was  compelled  to  ring.  His 
wife  answered  the  bell,  coming  to  the 
door  in  her  night  dress.  She  greeted 
him  affectionately,  but  seemed  ner- 
vous and  much  agitated  over  some- 
thing. Hynds  noticed  two  empty  beer 
bottles  and  two  glasses.  In  answer  to 
his  questions,  Maud  replied  that  she 
had  entertained  a  lady  friend  the 
evening  before.  The  smell  of  ciga- 
rettes was  strong  and  she  said  her 
friend  was  a  smoker.  Now  Maud 
stepped  to  a  closet,  the  door  of  which 
was  covered  with  a  heavy  portiere, 
and  began  to  toss  about  some  cloth- 
ing which  was  kept  in  the  closet. 


The  closet  was  dark  with  out  a 
glimmer  of  light,  except  when  artifi- 
cially lighted.  Hynds  jumped  to  the 
closet,  pulled  aside  the  portiere  and 
struck  a  light.  His  wife  blew  it  out. 
Upon  this,  Hynds  struck  her  a  blow 
on  the  cheek,  not  heavy  enough  to 
leave  any  mark  but  sufficient  to  pre- 
vent further  interference.  He  struck 
a  second  match  and  by  its  feeble  light 
peeped  into  the  closet.  In  the  deepest 
corner  he  observed  what  first  ap- 
peared to  be  a  bundle  of  clothes. 
Looking  more  closely,  he  discerned 
the  figure  of  a  man  whom  he  recog- 
nized as  Walter  J.  Dinwoody. 

For  more  than  a  year  Walter  J. 
Dinwoody's  intimacy  with  Maud  had 
been  suspected  by  friends  of  both  par- 
ties. Friends  of  Dinwoody  had  fre- 
quently importuned  him  to  discon- 
tinue his  relations  with  the  woman, 
but  their  infatuation  was  so  complete 
that  it  could  only  be  ended  by  vio- 
lence. Reports  said  that  Mrs.  Hynds 
stopped  by  the  Dinwoody  family's 
furniture  store  several  times  each  day 
to  visit  with  her  paramour. 

Hynds  ordered  Dinwoody  to  come 
out  from  the  closet  and  he  did  so.  He 
then  ordered  him  to  take  his  clothes 
and  "get  out!"  He  called  a  servant  to 
identify  the  man  and  again  ordered 
him  to  hurry  up,  at  the  same  time 
ordering  his  wife  to  prepare  for  de- 
parture as  she  also  must  go. 

Dinwoody,  partially  dressed, 
turned  to  Maud  and  muttered  an  en- 
dearment. This  was  insult  added  to 
injury  in  the  eyes  of  Hynds.  He  drew 
a  revolver  and  fired  three  times  at  the 
young  man.  It  was  reported  that  any 
one  of  the  shots  would  have  proven 
fatal. 

Hynds  walked  to  the  door  and 
called  to  a  lady  who  was  passing  by 
requesting  that  she  summon  a  physi- 
cian and  the  police.  Hynds  was  ar- 
rested and  taken  to  the  police  station, 
as  was  Maud.  Dinwoody  died  shortly 
after  reaching  the  hospital.15 

A  few  days  later,  on  March  9, 


Maud  traveled  through  Cheyenne  by 
train  to  Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa,  her 
original  home  town.  The  local  news- 
paper reported  that  before  she  left  Salt 
Lake  City,  she  turned  over  all  her 
property,  which  was  considerable,  to 
her  husband.  No  more  was  heard  of 
her.16 

Hynds  stood  trial  in  Salt  Lake  City 
were  he  pleaded  justifiable  homicide, 
a  legitimate  plea  under  the  statutes 
of  Utah  in  cases  of  that  character. 
Graphic  press  coverage  detailed  the 
trial.  He  was  acquitted,  moved  back 
to  Cheyenne,  and  continued  his  busi- 
ness and  "sporting  life."17 

In  Cheyenne  during  the  period, 
saloon  keepers  and  owners  of  gam- 
bling emporiums  made  bundles  of 
money.  Hynds  invested  his  wisely  in 
gold  mines,  the  incipient  oil  business 
and  real  estate.  Often  times  he  tied 
the  inspection  of  an  investment  with 
a  sporting  event.  The  Corbett- 
Fitsimmons  fight  in  Carson  City, 
Nevada  in  March  1 897,  was  one  such 
trip.  Hynds  was  at  ringside  cheering 
for  Corbett.  According  to  the  front 
page  of  a  local  newspaper, 
Fitzsimmons  knocked  Corbett  out  in 
the  4th  round.  He  was  down  for  a  full 
count,  got  up,  rushed  to  "Fitz"  and 
endeavored  to  strike  him.  A  tremen- 
dous uproar  bellowed  from  the 
crowd,  and  the  referee  finally  called 
the  fight.  Fitz  won. 

This  fight  was  reported  by  direct 
wire  to  the  Capitol  Club  room  that 

13  For  the  story  of  the  anti-gambling 
movement  in  Wyoming,  see  William 
Howard  Moore,  "Progressives  and  the  So- 
cial Gospel  in  Wyoming:  The  Anti-Gam- 
bling Act  of  1901  as  a  Test  Case,"  Western 
Historical  Quarterly  25  (1984),  399-316. 

14  The  time  was  verified  in  a  time  table 
for  the  Oregon  Short  Line  Railroad,  held  in 
the  collection  of  Jim  Ehrenberger,  Chey- 
enne. 

'-  The  account  of  the  incident  is  taken 
from  the  reports  on  the  trial  that  appeared 
in  the  Salt  Lake  City  Herald,  March  3,  1 896. 

16  Wyoming  Tribune,  March  10,  1896. 

17  Unidentified  newspaper  articles,  scrap- 
book  of  Lois  H.  Deaver. 


Summer  2001 


was  jammed  with  men.  Enthusiasm 
was  high  and  betting  was  brisk,.  The 
Cheyenne  Daily  Leader  reported  that 
most  of  the  gathering  favored 
Corbett,  but  Max  Meyers,  owner  of 
the  haberdashery  across  Ferguson 
Street  (now  Carey  Avenue),  backed 
Fitzsimmons.  The  wily  Meyers  raked 
in  many  bets.  According  to  that 
newspaper  report,  it  was  a  day  all 
prize-fighting  fans  would  long  re- 
member.18 

The  anti-gambling  crusaders  con- 
tinued to  pressure  the  Wyoming  leg- 
islature to  outlaw  all  gaming.  In  the 
fall  of  1 899  the  issue  surfaced  again. 
A  migratory  gambler,  James  Ander- 
son, used  marked  cards  to  scam  pa- 
trons in  the  Capitol  Grill.  Hynds 
maintained  that  he  ran  the  most  hon- 
est gambling  emporium  in  the  West, 
refunded  money  to  local  players  who 
had  been  bilked,  but  refused  to  cash 
the  checks  of  the  stranger.  Anderson 
charged  Hynds  of  not  paying  his 
debts  and  the  matter  ended  up  in  the 
courts.  Townspeople,  churchmen  and 
the  newspaper  editors  took  sides.  The 
anti-gambling  followers  were  the 


mainline  Protestants,  the  Pietists  and 
the  Republican  landed  gentry  lead  by 
Senator  Joseph  M.  Carey.  The 
Businessmen's  Association,  lead  by 
Hynds,  supported  gambling.  Editor 
E.  A.  Slack,  who  had  previously  been 
pro-gambling,  in  this  incident  sided 
with  Carey  and  the  anti-gambling 
advocates. 

Slack  accused  Hynds  of  not  giv- 
ing Anderson,  the  itinerant  gambler, 
his  money  as  he  left  a  game  and  of 
not  closing  at  the  hour  specified  by 
city  ordinance.  Hynds,  in  a  letter  to 
the  editor,  contended  that  he  ran  a 
legal,  fair  game  as  the  law  required. 
The  editor  of  Slack's  rival  paper,  the 
Tribune,  and  even  Polly  Pry,  colum- 
nist of  the  Denver  Post,  took  Slack 
to  task.  The  verbal  sparring  contin- 
ued although  Hynds  won  his  day  in 
court.19 

In  August,  1900,  Hynds'  fight  pro- 
motion business  hit  the  big  time,  but 
also  became  a  party  in  a  national  con- 
troversy. He  was  charged  with 
scheming  to  throw  a  match  between 
Norman  Selby,  known  in  boxing 
circles  as  "Kid  McCoy,"  and  James 


J.  Corbett.  Although  Hynds  had  pro- 
moted "The  Kid"  earlier,  at  this  time, 
he  backed  Corbett.  According  to  Mrs. 
Selby,  Hynds  required  some  security 
that  the  match  would  be  faked.  She 
said  her  husband  took  $10,000  in 
Canadian  Pacific  Railroad  securities 
from  his  bank  vault  and  deposited 
them  with  Eddie  Burke,  a  nationally 
known  bookmaker.  According  to 
Mrs.  Corbett,  Jim  agreed  to  throw  the 
fight,  but  he  wouldn't  do  so  until  an 
agreement  was  made.  Corbett  also 
put  up  $  1 0,000  as  security  and  coop- 
erated. 

"The  Kid"  received  $100,000, 
$22,000  as  a  share  of  the  gate,  and 
$1,500  a  week  as  royalties  of  the  ki- 
nescope of  the  fight  for  "laying 
down."  News  of  the  big  deal  leaked 
out  and  the  incident  made  headlines 
nationwide.  Hynds  was  attacked  in 
the  national  press  with  pointed  car- 

18  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader,  March  17, 
1897. 

19  Wyoming  Tribune,  Nov.  1,  1899;  uni- 
dentified articles,  vertical  files.  Division  of 
Cultural  Resources. 


Interior  of  Hynds  ' 
Capitol  Bar,  1610 
Ferguson  Street  (now 
Carey  Avenue),  c. 
1900.  Hynds  and  his 
wife  are  pictured, 
center.  Others  are 
unidentified. 


Cultural  Resources  Division,  State  Dept.  of  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources.  Cheyenne 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


InterOcean  Hotel,  Cheyenne.  After  it  burned  in  1916,  Hynds  built  an  office  building  on  the  site 
while  he  continued  to  manage  the  Plains  Hotel. 


toons,  sensational  stories  and  flam- 
ing editorials.  Of  course,  he  denied 
any  wrong-doing.20 

On  April  1 1,  1900,  the  handsome 
Hynds,  now  40  years  old,  was,  in  the 
words  of  a  Denver  newspaper, 
"cupid's  victim."21  He  was  to  many 
Nellie  Gertrude  McGuire.  According 
to  the  Cheyenne  Leader,  the  Chey- 
enne woman  was  well  known  for  her 
beauty  and  charming  manner.  The 
paper  listed  Hynds'  worth  to  be  from 
$100,000  to  $150,000.22 

In  preparation  for  the  nuptials, 
Hynds  took  a  final  bachelor  trip  to 
New  York  City.  Dubbed  by  eastern 
papers  as  a  "Western  Sportsman,"  he 
took  a  fling  at  faro.  He  arrived  at  a 
gambling  parlor  at  1 1  p.m..  and 
played  for  seven  hours.  It  is  said  he 
won  at  first,  but  later  he  ended  up 
losing  $10,000.  Upon  leaving  he 
commented  that  he  guessed  he*d  have 
to  "come  around  another  night,"  and 
that  he  was  only  in  New  York  to  buy 
presents  for  his  bride.23 

The  Cheyenne  Leader  picked  up 
the  story  and  headlined  it,  "Hynds 


Denies  Report."  Hynds  told  the  lo- 
cal reporter  that  he  "lost  $18.75  on 
penny-ante  hearts  and  $2-limit  draw 
poker."  He  blamed  the  press  for  cre- 
ating notoriety.24 

With  that  send-off,  the  couple  was 
married  in  Chicago  at  the  Auditorium 
Annex  on  April  11.  1901.  They  set 
up  housekeeping  in  the  elaborate 
mansion  at  1 18  East  18th  Street  that 
had  been  built  by  Amasa  Converse, 
a  leading  citizen  in  early  Cheyenne. 
The  Hynds  maintained  the  sumptu- 
ous home  in  grand  style.  Mrs.  Hynds 
was  fun-loving  and  entertained  with 
a  generous  hand.  They  were  chari- 
table and  he  is  often  described  as 
Cheyenne's  first  philanthropist. 
Among  the  recipients  was  St.  Mary's 
Catholic  Church. 

The  Hynds  enjoyed  life  through  the 
first  decades  of  the  twentieth  century. 
He  is  listed  in  the  City  Directory  of 
1907  as  proprietor  of  "Capitol  Wines 
&  Liquors,  imported  and  domestic 
cigars,  Tel.  9,  res.  1 18  E.  18th,  Tel. 
1 2  (Mrs  Nell  G.)"23  The  couple  trav- 
eled, not  only  to  inspect  Harry's  in- 


vestments in  oil 
wells  and  gold 
mines,  but  also  on 
pleasure  trips 
abroad.  They  had 
their  pictures 
taken  on  camels  in 
Egypt  with  the 
pyramids  at  Giza 
in  the  background. 
Harry  always 
seemed  to  be 
where  the  action 
was.  Two  young 
boys,  William 
Kelly  and  Dan 
Thomas,  took  the 
excursion  train 
from  Ault,  Colo- 
rado, to  enjoy 
Frontier  Days  in 
1902.  They  stayed 
two  days  and  two 
nights.  Kelly  re- 
membered seeing  at  the  rodeo,  "in  a 
bright  green  shirt,  powerful  physical 
figure,  good  horseman,  out  in  the 
middle,  helping  as  a  pick  up  man, 
was  the  famed  Harry  Hynds,  saloon 
owner.  Every  boy  had  heard  stories 
of  the  prowess  of  Harry  Hynds."26 

Later.  Kelly  and  Thomas  took  in 
the  sights  downtown.  Continuing 
with  the  story,  he  wrote. 

We  got,  (by  crowding)  to  the  up- 
stairs gambling  tables  in  Hynds 
Senate  [sic]  Bar.  There  we  were 
just  in  time  to  witness  John,  an  Ault 
man,  well  known  as  a  successful 
poker  player,  in  leather  cuffs  and 
collar  and  handle  bar  mustaches, 

20  Unidentified  newspaper  clippings  in 
Deaver  scrapbook. 

21  Denver  Republican.  April  11.  1900. 

22  Cheyenne  Leader,  n.d..  clipping  in 
Deaver  scrapbook. 

23  New  York  Morning  Telegraph.  Dec.  8, 
1900. 

24  Cheyenne  Leader,  n.d..  clipping  in 
Deaver  scrapbook. 

25  Cheyenne  City  Directory.  1907,  158. 

26  William  Kelly,  "It  was  Wild  in  1902, 
Too,"  n.d.,  Greeley,  Colo.,  Archives. 


Summer  2001 


rake  in  about  $200  coin  in  stakes 
won  on  that  hand,  and  get  up  from 
the  table.  When  John  announced  he 
had  quit,  there  were  remonstrance 
of  the  other  players,  but  John  de- 
clared, 'He  had  to  leave  to  see  a 
feller  [sic]  at  the  Fair  Grounds.'  We 
got  some  idea  there  of  why,  con- 
trary to  our  home  teaching  that  all 
gamblers  lose  money,  here  was  one 
who  knew  how  to  make  money  at 
gambling,  by  knowing  when  to 
quit 


27 


Hynds  kept  his  hand  in  the  prize- 
fighting scene.  On  August  17,  1902, 
he  refereed  a  world  championship 
middleweight  match  in  Salt  Lake 
City.  George  Gardiner  and 
Jack  Root,  both  weighing  1 65 
pounds,  stripped  to  the  waist, 
exchanged  blows  for  17 
rounds,  then  finally  Gardiner 
was  able  to  drop  his  opponent 
for  the  required  ten  counts. 
Hynds  was  lauded  for  presid- 
ing over  a  fair  fight.28 

The  need  for  a  new  hotel  in 
Cheyenne  became  evident  af- 
ter the  turn  of  the  century.  The 
old  Inter  Ocean  Hotel  was  no 
longer  adequate  to  serve  the 
growing  capitol  of  Wyoming. 
Thomas  Heaney,  president  of 
the  Industrial  Club  (forerun- 
ner to  the  Cheyenne  Cham- 
ber of  Commerce),  broached 
the  issue  at  the  annual  dinner  meet- 
ing in  December  1909.  All  agreed  a 
new  hotel  was  needed.  To  meet  this 
need,  the  Cheyenne  Security  Com- 
pany was  formed  in  February  1910 
to  build  a  hotel.  Dr.  H.  W.  Bennett, 
Thomas  A.  Cosgriff,  E.  A.  Abbott, 
Fred  Warren  and  William  Dubois 
were  listed  as  major  investors.  Harry 
Hynds'  name  is  conspicuous  in  its 
absence  as  an  investor.  However,  he 
was  to  play  a  major  role  in  operation 
of  the  hotel  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 
Dubois  was  chosen  as  architect  and 
he  designed  a  grand  establishment 
costing  $200,000. 


Construction  took  sixteen  months 
and  Hynds  insisted  on  using  the  best 
of  everything.  Opening  night,  March 
11,1911,  was  a  gala  affair.  The  news- 
papers enthused,  "What  a  night!" 
Gorgeously  dressed  women  and 
handsome  men  in  formal  dress 
tripped  the  light  fantastic  in  the 
lobby.  The  orchestra  played  from  the 
mezzanine.  Guests  could  come  to  the 
other  side  of  the  mezzanine  to  watch 
the  dancing  below  while  sitting  on 
chairs  upholstered  in  green  silk  plush. 
In  the  receiving  line  were  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Harry  Hynds  and  Capt.  and 
Mrs.  V.  K.  Hart,  lessees;  L.  F. 
Nicodemus,  manager,  and  Mr.  and 


Little  Shield  on  the  Plains  Hotel  logo 

Mrs.  William  Dubois,  architect.29 

Dazee  Bristol,  a  Cheyenne  journal- 
ist, who  attended  the  opening  gala 
described  the  new  hotel.  She  wrote 
that  the  hotel  was 

grand  and  imposing  in  appear- 
ance, magnificent  in  its  appoint- 
ment and  furnishings.  Modern  to 
the  smallest  detail.  .  .  the  hotel 
boasts  100  sleeping  rooms  with 
gorgeous  velvet  carpets,  exquis- 
ite draperies,  comfy  chairs  and  co- 
lonial style  furnishings.  Nearly  all 
rooms  have  baths  and  ALL  have 
telephones.30 


The  logo  of  the  Plains  Hotel  that 
appeared  on  letterhead,  china,  the 
long  outdoor  sign  on  the  corner  of 
1 6th  and  Central  and  the  tile  inset  on 
the  street  featured  the  visage  of 
Hynds'  friend.  Chief  Little  Shield,  an 
Arapaho.  Legend  says  that  the  Chief 
always  dusted  off  and  washed  up  at 
the  horse  trough  of  water  across  the 
street  from  the  hotel  before  coming 
inside  to  visit  with  Hynds.  So  hand- 
some was  the  young  chief  that  Hynds 
asked  photographer  J.  E.  Stimson  to 
take  his  photograph.  That  image  has 
ever  since  been  associated  with  the 
Plains  Hotel.31 
The  Plains  immediately  became  a 
destination  as  well  as  an  insti- 
tution. As  Wyoming-born 
Denver  Post  columnist  Red 
Fenwick  once  wrote:  "There 
was  a  time  when  the  Wyoming 
Legislature  couldn't  get  any- 
thing done  without  repairing  to 
the  Plains  bar  for  stimulation. 
They  used  to  say  that  you 
could  sit  in  the  lobby  of  the 
Plains  Hotel  long  enough  and 
you'd  see  the  whole  state  of 
Wyoming  walk  by."32 

To  make  it  easy  to  sit  in  the 
lobby,  Hynds  installed  a  dozen 
lounge  chairs  and  divans  cov- 
ered in  leather.  The  Indian 
Grill  and  Cocktail  Lounge  was 
the  town's  elite  watering  hole. 
Cheyenne  Securities  Company 
continued  to  own  the  building  itself, 
but  Hynds  as  lessee  owned  the  fur- 
nishings and  operated  the  business. 
He  then  purchased  the  old  Inter 

27  Ibid. 

28  Newspaper  articles.  Deaver  scrapbook. 
2"  Newspaper  articles,  vertical  files.  Cul- 
tural Resources  Division. 

30  Dazee  Bristol,  n.d.,  vertical  files.  Cul- 
tural Resources  Division. 

31  Richard  Patterson,  interview  by  author; 
"What  Do  You  Do  With  2  1/2  Acres  of  Ho- 
tel?" Capitol  Times  (Cheyenne),  October 
1982,  16.  Records  indicate  that  Little  Shield 
died  in  1922. 

32  Red  Fenwick.  "Ridin'  the  Range,"  Den- 
ver Post,  May  1971. 


10 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Ocean  Hotel  and  operated  it  until  it 
burned  in  1916.  Always  the  vision- 
ary and  seeing  the  need  for  fine  of- 
fice space,  he  built  the  handsome 
Hynds  Building  on  that  coiner,  16th 
Street  and  Capitol  Avenue,  previ- 
ously occupied  by  the  Inter  Ocean 
Hotel.  To  mark  the  building  as  his 
own,  he  had  his  name  carved  in  stone 
on  the  lintel  over  the  front  door. 

Both  Nell  and  Harry  presided  over 
the  Plains  Hotel  and  took  great  pride 
in  developing  and  maintaining  an  es- 
tablishment of  the  highest  caliber. 
There  was  great  esprit  de  corps 
among  the  staff,  too.  At  Christmas, 
1912,  they  presented  Hynds  with  a 
sterling  silver  loving  cup  12  inches 
high,  six  inches  in  diameter. 

One  of  the  hallmarks  of  the  fine 
service  at  the  Plains  Hotel  was  the 
crew  of  Filipino  bell  boys.  Always 
sharply  turned  out  in  livery,  these 
well-trained  men  were  at  the  beck  and 
call  of  the  lodgers.  Hynds  took  them 
under  his  wing  and  they  adored  him 
in  return.  Not  to  be  outdone  by  the 
rest  of  the  staff,  in  1913,  they  pre- 
sented their  boss  with  their  own  trib- 


ute. The  inscription  on  the  second 
loving  cup,  nearly  as  tall  as  the  first 
but  made  of  pewter,  reads:  "Pre- 
sented to  Harry  P.  Hynds  by 
Philoppino  [sic]  Bell  Boys,  Dec. 
25,1 913."33 

During  these  busy  years,  Hynds 
served  on  the  Cheyenne  Frontier 
Days  general  committee.  He  is  listed 
as  a  member  in  1914  but  his  duties 
are  not  given.-4 

Harry  and  Nell  Hynds  had  no  chil- 
dren, but  evidenced  great  love  and 
concern  for  youngsters.  Children 
from  the  Samuel  Corson  family,  liv- 
ing across  the  street  and  a  half  block 
east,  remember  the  Japanese  gardener 
chasing  them  off  the  wrought  iron 
fence  that  encircled  the  Hynds'  home. 
Mrs.  Hynds  came  out  moments  later, 
chastised  the  hapless  gardener  and 
ushered  the  youngsters  in  for  a  treat. 
The  Corwin  children  could  always 
sell  the  Hynds  an  extra  large  order 
of  tickets  to  school  plays  and  Scout 
functions.35 

On  September  3,  1 922,  a  Cheyenne 
newspaper  reported  on  the  dedication 
of  the  "finest  Boy  Scout  Lodge  in  the 


United  States."36  Harry  P.  Hynds, 
whose  gift  of  $25,000  made  the 
building  possible,  was  hailed  as  a 
benefactor  of  boys.  The  Young 
Men's  Literary  Club,  a  study  club 
also  interested  in  community  better- 
ment, provided  land  in  a  rocky  area 
30  miles  west  of  Cheyenne.  Along 
with  Hynds,  the  club  operated  the 
lodge  for  use  by  the  Boys  Scouts  of 
America  and  other  public  groups. 

T.  Blake  Kennedy,  the  U.  S.  Dis- 
trict Judge  for  Wyoming,  spoke  at  the 
dedication.  He  said  it  pleased  him  to 
be  so  honored  because  he  was  a  char- 
ter member  of  Young  Men's  Liter- 
ary Club,  interested  in  the  young 
"men  of  tomorrow,"  as  he  called  the 
Boy  Scouts,  and  he  reminded  every- 
one that  he  had  a  close  association 
with  the  donor.  Hynds,  however, 
never  belonged  to  Young  Men's  Lit- 
erary Club.37  J.  E.  Stimson  took  pho- 
tographs of  the  lodge  nestling  in  a 
picturesque  site  sometimes  called 
"The  Rocks,"  and  at  other  times  "The 
Lions'  Den." 

In  1935,  the  Literary  Club  trans- 
ferred ownership  of  the  lodge  to  the 


33  Both  loving  cups 
are  held  in  the  collec- 
tion of  Edward  F. 
Murray  Jr.  He  also 
owns  a  spittoon 
shaped  like  a  turtle 
with  the  lid  opened 
by  stepping  on  the 
turtle's  head.  It  was 
once  owned  by 
Hynds. 

14  Shirley  E.  Flynn, 
Let 's  Go!  Let 's  Show! 
Let's  Rodeo!:  The 
History  of  Cheyenne 
Frontier  Days  (Chey- 
enne: Wigwam  Pub- 
lishing. 1996).  209. 

35  William  Corson, 
interview  by  author. 

36  Wyoming  State 
Tribune,  Sept.  3, 
1922. 

37  Wyoming  State 
Tribune,  Sept.  3, 
1922. 


Hynds  Building.  Cheyenne 


bummer  2001 


I  1 


City  of  Cheyenne.  The  City  leased 
the  lodge  and  surrounding  lands  to 
the  Wyoming  Recreation  Commis- 
sion in  1971  when  Curt  Gowdy  State 
Park  was  created.  The  lodge  was  re- 
dedicated  on  June  14,  1980,  with  rep- 
resentatives of  the  City  of  Cheyenne, 
Wyoming  Recreation  Commission, 
Young  Men's  Literary  Club  and  the 
Boy  Scouts  of  America  present.38 
The  rustic  lodge  is  still  used  by  the 
Boy  Scouts  of  America  and  other 
groups  today. 

The  Hynds  continued  to  enjoy 
a  comfortable  life.  Prohibition 
cramped  the  operation  of  his 
Capitol  Club  rooms  but  his  other  in- 
vestments were  far  flung  and  thriv- 
ing. While  on  a  business  trip  to  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  in  March  1933, 
Hynds  fell  ill.  He  died  March  13, 
before  Nell  could  get  to  his  side. 

His  funeral,  said  to  have  been  one 
of  the  largest  ever  in  the  community, 
was  held  in  St.  Mary's  Cathedral  with 
great  ceremony.  His  employees  were 
the  pallbearers.  The  newspaper  edi- 
torialized, "he  built  on  the  solid  foun- 
dation of  upright  character,  of  hon- 
esty, of  fair  dealing  and  upon  a  policy 
of  giving  value  received. ...his  word 
was  never  questioned.  There  will 
never  be  a  day  that  Cheyenne  doesn't 
miss  Harry  P.  Hynds."39  As  a  re- 
minder, a  news  article  commented, 
"Hynds  acquired  the  Capitol  Bar  and 
its  proprietor  made  of  it  the  best 
known  and  most  colorful  of  all  bet- 
ter class  western  saloons  of  the  day." 

Some  of  his  investments  and  their 
value  were  also  listed  in  an  obituary 
and  the  newspaper  speculated  that  his 
net  worth  stood  at  $1,039,000.  His 
holdings  included  the  Majestic 
Building,  the  Hynds  Building,  the 
Plains  Hotel  lease,  oil  and  gas  inter- 
ests in  Texas,  stock  in  Producers  and 
Refiners  Corporation  (PARCO),  Car- 
bon Oil  and  Gas,  drilling  equipment 
and  his  Cheyenne  home.40 

Nell  lived  another  23  years,  enjoy- 


ing parties,  entertainments  and  was 
considered  by  many  the  "grande 
dame  of  Cheyenne  society."  She  in- 
herited her  husband's  properties  but 
under  the  terms  of  his  will,  all  were 
sold  except  the  Hynds  Building 
which  reverted  to  a  relative  on  his 
side  of  the  family. 

Nell  continued  to  live  in  the  home 
on  18th  Street  until  the  late  1940s 
when  she  sold  it  and  moved  to  2800 
Carey  Avenue,  another  large  home. 
She  sought  the  companionship  of 
younger  people,  especially  men,  and 
to  the  titillation  of  many,  usually  had 
a  handsome  companion  as  an  atten- 
tive escort. 

She  died  May  21,1 956.  Her  obitu- 
ary described  her  as  "beautiful  and 
auburn-haired  with  a  vivacious  per- 
sonality and  endeared  by  all  who 
knew  her.  She  was  extremely  chari- 
table in  disposition  and  nature."41 
She  left  her  last  home  to  St.  Joseph's 
Orphanage  in  Torrington.  The  home 
was  then  sold  to  a  local  family. 


What  legacy  did  Harry  and 
Nell  Hynds  leave?  Cer- 
tainly HyndsBoy  Scout 
Lodge  is  still  in  fine  shape  and  in  use 
today.  Hynds  Boulevard  that  runs 
along  the  western  edge  of  Cheyenne 
bears  his  name.  The  Majestic  Build- 
ing has  been  maintained  as  office 
space.  The  Plains  Hotel,  after  pass- 
ing through  several  hands,  is  still 
functioning,  although  not  in  the  ear- 
lier style.  Sadly,  the  Hynds  Building 
itself  is  a  derelict  ready  for  renova- 
tion. The  handsome  mansion  on  1 8th 
Street,  was  sold  first  to  VFW  Post  # 
1881,  then  resold  to  the  Methodist 
Church  next  door.  They  demolished 
it  and  built  Allison  Hall  on  the  site. 
It  is  not  these  buildings  that  serve 
as  the  legacy  of  Harry  P.  Hynds  but 
his  ability  to  invest  in  the  oil  and 
mining  industries  as  they  developed, 
his  "best  in  everything  philosophy," 
generosity  to  his  fellow  man,  and  his 
pride  in  his  town.  He  was  a  larger- 
than-life  figure~a  westerner  of  many 
talents  who  gained  fame  and  fortune 
in  the  early  days  of  Cheyenne. 

18  "Hynds  Lodge  Dedication,"  program. 
June  14,  1980,  files  of  Fred  T.  Baggs. 
'9  Wyoming  Eagle,  March  14.  1933. 
4,1  Ibid. 
41  Wyoming  State  Tribune,  May  22,  1956. 


Nell  Hvnds.  c.  1901 


Shirley  Flynn  retired  as  direc- 
tor of  the  Cheyenne  Frontier 
Days/  Old  West  Museum  in 
1991  and  devoted  the  next  three 
years  to  researching  and  writ- 
ing ''Let's  Go!  Let's  Show! 
Let's  Rodeo:  The  History  of 
Cheyenne  Frontier  Days.  The 
hook  was  published  in  1996  to 
mark  the  100th  running  of  the 
event.  A  resident  ofChevenne. 
she  wrote  a  profile  on  R.  S. 
Van  Tassell,  published  in  the 
Summer,  1999,  issue  of  Annals. 


Fort  Laramie-- After  the  Army: 

Part  lf  The  Auction 


By  Douglas  C.  McChristian 


Mr.  and  Mrs.  John  Hunton 
standing  next  to  "Old  Bedlam.  " 
c.  1900. 


Trenholm  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming 


"Fort  Laramie  is  practically  aban- 
doned," penned  a  disheartened  John 
Hunton  to  his  diary.1  The  date  was 
March  2,  1890.  Earlier  that  day  he  had 
watched  the  last  two  companies  of  the 
Seventh  Infantry  march  out  of  the  post 
and  rumble  across  the  Laramie  River 


Si 


■2001 


bridge  on  the  first  leg  of  their  journey  to  Fort  Logan, 
Colorado.  While  the  doughboys  may  have  been  light- 
hearted  enough  at  the  prospect  of  Denver's  bright  lights, 
it  was  with  some  sadness,  if  not  foreboding,  that  Fort 
Laramie's  last  post  trader  witnessed  their  departure. 

The  old  fort  had  been  the  center  of  Hunton's  world 
since  his  arrival  in  the  area  in  1867.  Since  then,  he  had 
clerked  in  the  post  trader's  store,  whacked  bulls  as  a 
freighter,  and  operated  his  own  cattle  ranch.  His  appoint- 
ment to  the  lucrative  ownership  of  the  trader's  store  had 
been  approved  barely  a  year  and  a  half  earlier.2  Almost 
overnight,  the  financial  boon  that  had  once  appeared  so 
promising  was  now  but  a  faded  dream.  Left  with  a  va- 
cant army  post  and  a  store  full  of  goods  that,  for  the 
most  part,  only  soldiers  wanted,  Hunton  faced  as  dismal 
and  uncertain  a  future  as  the  fort  itself. 

Fort  Laramie's  doom  had  been  sealed  years  earlier.  In 
fact,  the  army  had  proposed  abandoning  the  isolated  post 
far  up  the  Oregon  Trail  as  early  as  1 85 1 ,  only  two  years 
after  it  had  been  established.'  Coincidentally,  the  rea- 
sons the  army  offered  then  were  little  different  from  those 
cited  in  the  1 880s — the  fort  was  too  expensive  to  main- 
tain and  supply.  Although  the  earlier  proposal  had  been 
deferred  indefinitely,  the  decision  was  hastened  with  the 
construction  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  across  the 
southern  part  of  what  was  Dakota  Territory  in  1867. 

By  the  mid- 1 880s,  all  was  quiet  on  the  Northern  Plains. 
The  Great  Sioux  War  of  1876-1877  had  resulted  in  the 
defeat  of  the  Lakotas,  even  though  Sitting  Bull,  the  re- 
calcitrant leader  of  the  once-powerful  tribe,  did  not  sur- 
render until  1881.  The  Lakota  people  were  now  con- 
fined to  reservations  in  today's  South  Dakota.  More  re- 
cently established  military  posts,  like  Fort  Meade  on  the 
northern  fringe  of  the  Black  Hills  and  Fort  Robinson  in 
northwestern  Nebraska,  stood  watch  over  these  reserva- 
tions in  the  event  of  renewed  trouble.  Fort  Laramie  was 
neither  close  to  the  reservations,  nor  was  it  any  longer 
located  on  a  main  travel  route. 

Secondary  railroad  lines  were  beginning  to  lace  the 
countryside  by  1885.  The  Fremont,  Elkhorn,  and  Mis- 
souri Valley  Railroad  extended  westward  along  the 
Niobrara  River,  intersecting  with  the  Chicago, 
Burlington,  and  Quincy  at  Fort  Robinson.  That  fortu- 
itous circumstance  ensured  Fort  Robinson's  longevity 
almost  as  certainly  as  it  sounded  a  deathknell  for  Fort 
Laramie.  In  1887  the  Cheyenne  and  Northern  Railroad 
completed  track  from  the  mainline  connection  at  the  ter- 
ritorial capital  northward  to  link  with  the  Niobrara  route, 
known  as  the  Wyoming  Central,  from  Nebraska.  To  the 
detriment  of  Fort  Laramie,  the  rails  veered  away  from 
the  old  Cheyenne  and  Black  Hills  stage  route  at  Bor- 
deaux, a  former  stage  station  and  the  site  of  John 


13 

Hunton's  ranch  since  the  1870s.  The  arrival  of  the  rail- 
roads eliminated  the  need  for  stagecoach  service  from 
Cheyenne  to  the  Black  Hills,  via  Fort  Laramie,  though  a 
short-line  to  convey  passengers  and  mail  continued  to 
run  between  the  depot  at  Bordeaux  and  the  fort.4  The 
fort  that  once  had  been  a  great  western  crossroads  slipped 
further  into  a  geographical  backwater. 

Col.  Henry  Clay  Merriam,  commanding  both  the  Sev- 
enth Infantry  and  Fort  Laramie  in  1886,  observed  that, 
"in  view  of  new  railroad  construction  and  the  consequent 
change  of  conditions  governing  the  distribution  of  troops, 
it  appears  to  me,  this  Post  has  lost  its  significance...."5 
Although  Merriam  had  voiced  a  similar  view  the  previ- 
ous year,  shortly  after  his  arrival  at  the  post,  neither  man's 
comments  had  any  immediate  effect.  Undaunted, 
Merriam  in  subsequent  years  repeatedly  urged  higher 
command  to  abandon  the  post,  finally  resorting  to  point- 
ing up  its  poor  sanitary  conditions  and  possible  link  be- 
tween an  outbreak  of  typhoid  fever  and  the  local  water 
supply.  By  1 888,  the  condition  of  many  of  the  buildings 
was  such  that  Merriam  was  prompted  to  suggest  that  the 
place  either  be  rebuilt  or  abandoned.  Citing  the  health 
and  morale  of  the  troops,  the  delapidated  structures,  and 
the  now  isloated  location,  Merriam  argued  that,  "the  logic 
of  these  events  points  irresistably  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  occupancy  of  this  post  is  but  temporary  . . .  .""   Even 

1  Entry  March  2,  1 890,  John  Hunton  Diary,  transcription  in  Box 
3,  Accession  9,  John  Hunton  Papers,  American  Heritage  Center, 
University  of  Wyoming,  (hereafter  cited  as  Hunton  Diary,  with 
appropriate  year). 

:  Hunton,  "Early  Settlement  of  the  Laramie  River  Valley,"  MS, 
Folder  HJ-2,  Vertical  Files,  Library,  Fort  Laramie  NHS;  Lieuten- 
ant Daniel  Robinson  to  Greswold  &  Clayton,  Fort  Laramie,  Wyo- 
ming, September  12,  1888,  McDermott  File,  Library,  Fort  Laramie 
NHS. 

3  "Report  of  the  General-in-Chief,"  Annual  Report  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War.  1851,  House  Executive  Documents  No.  2,  32nd  Con- 
gress, 1st  Session,  Serial  No.  634,  p.  161;  That  the  army  again  con- 
templated abandoning  Fort  Laramie  in  1857  is  reflected  in,  Annual 
Report  of  Inspection  of  Public  Buildings  at  Fort  Laramie.  N.  T. , 
June  30,  1857,  McDermott  File,  Library,  Fort  Laramie  National 
Historic  Site. 

4  Mclver,  "Service  at  Old  Fort  Laramie,  Wyoming,  June  1887, 
Till  April,  1890,"  MS,  p.  I,  Folder  No.  1,  Fort  Laramie  Files,  Wyo- 
ming State  Archives,  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources  Dept.. 
Cheyenne,  (hereafter  cited  as  "Service  at  Old  Fort  Laramie");  Agnes 
Wright  Spring,  The  Cheyenne  and  Black  Hills  Stage  and  Express 
Routes  (Glendale:  Arthur  Clark,  1949),  332-34. 

5  Colonel  H.  C.  Merriam  to  Assistant  Adjutant  General.  Depart- 
ment of  the  Platte,  August  23,  1 886,  Letters  Sent,  Fort  Laramie, 
Wyoming  Territory,  copy  in  McDermott  File,  Library,  Fort  Laramie 
NHS  (hereafter  cited  as  "Letters  Sent"). 

6  Report  of  Inspection,  August  5,  1889,  Records  of  the  Inspector 
General's  Department,  Record  Group  159,  National  Archives  and 
Records  Administration,  copy  iii  Vertical  Files,  Library,  Fort 
Laramie  NHS;  Merriam  to  A.A.G.,  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  December 
23,  1888,  Letters  Sent,  McDermott  File. 


14 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


one  of  Merriam's  junior  officers  later  remembered  that 
the  fort,  "was  useful  only  as  a  place  for  quartering  troops/ 
Responding  at  last.  Army  Headquarters  promulgated 
orders  in  the  late  in  the  summer  of  1 889  that  Fort  Laramie, 
among  other  posts,  was  to  be  abandoned  and  the  Sev- 
enth Infantry  garrison  transferred  to  Fort  Logan. s 

While  local  conditions  may  have  been  the  principal 
influence  on  Merriam's  perspective,  the  decision  to  aban- 
don Fort  Laramie  by  no  means  occurred  in  a  vacuum.  It 
was  part  of  a  larger  effort,  begun  a  decade  earlier,  to 
consolidate  the  troops  in  larger  numbers  at  major  cities. 
With  Indian  campaigns  over,  la- 
bor strikes  posed  a  more  press- 
ing demand  for  troops.  Establish- 
ing or  expanding  posts  at  such  rail 
centers  as  Denver,  Chicago,  San 
Antonio,  and  elsewhere  postured 
the  army  to  respond  to  such  dis- 
turbances with  greater  ease  and 
efficiency.  The  number  of  western  posts  dropped  from 
111  in  1880  to  82  in  1889.  The  following  two  years 
would  see  another  20  forts  disappear  from  the  army  in- 
ventory.4 

The  garrison  at  Fort  Laramie  needed  no  additional 
prompting  to  set  things  in  motion  for  their  exodus.  At 
the  time  the  long-awaited  news  arrived,  the  companies 
were  engaged  in  a  major  practice  exercise,  termed  a 
"camp  of  instruction,"  near  Fort  Robinson.  Upon  their 
return  late  in  September  1889,  Merriam  began  making 
arrangements  to  have  part  of  the  garrison,  and  himself, 
transferred  to  Fort  Logan  as  quickly  as  possible.  The 
new  post  near  Denver  could  accommodate  only  part  of 
the  Seventh  Infantry  that  fall  because  barracks  were  still 
under  construction,  and  some  of  the  officers  and  men 
had  to  remain  behind  to  pack  and  ship  the  mass  of  gov- 
ernment property  still  on  hand  at  Fort  Laramie.  Accord- 
ingly, the  regimental  band  and  Companies  B  and  G 
trekked  to  the  station  at  Bordeaux  on  October  15,  and 
were  followed  two  days  later  by  Merriam  and  his  adju- 
tant."1 

Prior  to  his  departure.  Colonel  Merriam  had  consid- 
ered the  steps  necessary  for  officially  closing  the  post 
and  disposing  of  it.  If  it  were  turned  over  to  the  Interior 
Department,  either  for  some  public  use,  such  as  an  In- 
dian school,  or  returned  to  the  public  domain,  a  civilian 
caretaker  would  be  needed  to  watch  over  the  buildings 
until  further  action  could  be  taken.  Merriam  offered  the 
opinion  that  the  sale  of  the  buildings  and  land  might 
generate  more  revenue  than  anything  else.  Anticipating 
that  a  caretaker  would  be  appointed,  Merriam  approached 
a  long-time  quartermaster  employee  at  the  post,  John 
Fields,  to  inquire  if  he  might  be  interested  in  the  posi- 


Nevertheless,  performing 
last  rites  over  a  dying  fort 
was  hardly  an  exciting  pros- 
pect for  those  who  drew  the 
duty. 


tion.  Fields,  a  reliable  family  man  with  a  wife  and  four 
daughters,  and  suddenly  faced  with  unemployment,  ea- 
gerly accepted." 

Meanwhile,  work  progressed  in  earnest  to  close  out 
the  army's  responsibilities  at  the  fort.  All  drills  and  dress 
parades  were  suspended  so  that  the  work  could  be  ac- 
complished as  fast  as  possible.  Nevertheless,  perform- 
ing last  rites  over  a  dying  fort  was  hardly  an  exciting 
prospect  for  those  who  drew  the  duty.  Merriam  left  be- 
hind Capt.  Daniel  Robinson  to  serve  as  post  commander, 
but  the  aging  Robinson  departed  about  a  month  later  to 
return  home  to  await  his  pending 
retirement.  The  command  then 
devolved  on  Capt.  Levi  F. 
Burnett. i:  The  most  demanding 
work,  though,  fell  to  the  post  quar- 
termaster. Lt.  Louis  D.  Greene, 
who  neatly  sidestepped  the  oner- 
ous job  by  taking  leave  to  be  mar- 
ried in  the  East.  Second  Lt.  George  W.  Mclver,  who 
already  had  been  performing  post  treasurer,  commissary, 
and  other  collateral  duties,  was  next  in  line.  Although 
Denver  beckoned  just  beyond  the  southern  horizon,  "this 
pleasant  anticipation  was  not  to  be  realized  in  my  case," 
Mclver  lamented.13 

By  early  November,  Mclver  and  his  chief  assistants, 
Post  Quartermaster  Sgt.  James  Hockett,  Regimental 
Quartermaster  Sgt.  Milden  H.  Wilson,  and  Post  Com- 
missary Sgt.  John  C.  Budds,  had  seen  to  the  preparation 
of  more  than  50  tons  of  supplies  and  property.  This  in- 
cluded everything  from  office  supplies  and  foodstuffs  to 
furniture  and  equipment.  Recalling  his  ordeal,  Mclver 
later  recorded  that:  "Much  of  this  was  valuable  enough 
to  warrant  the  expense  of  shipment  to  other  posts,  but 
there  was  also  a  large  amount,  the  accumulation  of  many 
years,  which  was  obsolete  or  of  doubtful  value.  The  dis- 
position of  the  latter  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  regula- 

Mclver.  "Service  at  Old  Fort  Laramie,"  4. 

s  General  Orders  No.  69,  August  3\,  1889,  Adjutant  General's 
Office.  Headquarters  of  the  Army. 

"  Paul  A.  Hutton,  Phil  Sheridan  and  His  Army  (Lincoln:  Univer- 
sity of  Nebraska  Press,  1 985),  351 ;  Robert  M.  Utley,  Frontier  Regu- 
lars: The  United  States  Army  and  the  Indian,  1866-1891  (New  York: 
Macmillan,  1974),  47. 

10  Post  Returns  for  the  months  August,  September,  and  October 
1889,  Fort  Laramie,  Wyoming  Territory,  copies  in  Vertical  Files, 
Library,  Fort  Laramie  NHS  (hereafter  cited  as  Post  Returns  with 
appropriate  month);  Merriam  to  A.  A.G.,  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  Oc- 
tober 14,  1889.  Letters  Sent,  McDermott  File. 

"  Merriam  to  A.A.G.,  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  September  29,  1889, 
Letters  Sent,  McDermott  File. 

15  Post  Returns  for  the  months  of  October  and  November  1889; 
Mclver,  "Service  at  Old  Fort  Laramie,  9. 

13  Ibid,  8. 


rummer 


2001 


tions  gave  me  as  much  trouble  as  all  the  rest  of  it."14  All 
this  was  loaded  and  transported  by  wagon  either  to  the 
railway  at  Bordeaux,  for  shipment  to  Fort  D.  A.  Russell, 
or  to  Fort  Robinson.  Hospital  Steward  Patrick  Boland 
and  the  Hospital  Corps  detachment,  too,  came  in  for  their 
fair  share  of  the  work  by  packing  up  the  hospital  fur- 
nishings and  medical  supplies.  Still,  the  job  of  cleaning 
out  a  large  old  post  like  Laramie  was  almost  overwhelm- 
ing, even  with  more  than  80  men  at  work  even  day. 
Despite  the  progress  early  on,  the  quartermaster  at  De- 
partment of  the  Platte  headquarters  in  Omaha  predicted 
in  December  that  another  two  months  would  be  required 
to  finish  the  task.b 

Not  all  of  the  property,  in  fact,  was  at  the  post.  De- 
tachments had  to  be  sent  out  along  the  old  Cheyenne- 
Black  Hills  Road,  as  well  as  the  military  road  to  Fort 
Robinson,  to  take  down  the  telegraph  lines  that  had  been 
constructed  only  a  year  or  two  earlier.  The  wooden  poles 
of  the  latter  route  may  have  been  left  in  place,  to  be 
appropriated  later  by  w  ood-hungry  ranchers.  The  line  to 
Bordeaux,  however,  w  as  mounted  atop  iron  poles,  which 
the  salvage  detail  pulled  up  and  hauled  to  Bordeaux  for 
later  shipment  by  rail.  They  left  the  wire  lying  on  the 
ground,  placing  the  insulators  in  piles  along  the  way. 
These  materials  were  later  sold  at  auction  for  a  mere 
S13.50.'6 

Iron  bunks,  canteens,  and  sacks  of  flour  were  one  thing. 
but,  what  w  ere  they  to  do  with  the  60-odd  buildings  that 
had  been  erected  on  the  site?  As  early  as  September  1 889. 
Merriam  had  suggested  that  the  buildings  be  scavenged 
for  hardware  and  materials  that  might  be  of  use  at  other 
army  posts.  Coinci- 
dentally,  the  post  quar- 
termaster from  Fort 
Robinson,  Capt. 
Charles  W.  Taylor,  ac- 
companied one  of  the 
wagon  trains  sent  to 
Laramie  for  a  load  of  a 
goods.  Taylor  was  im-  * 
pressed  with  the  the  f 
great  amount  of  sal-  E 
vageable  material  con-  J 
tained  in  the  z 
sturctures.  Moreover,  | 
he  was  keenly  aware  «j 
that  congressional  ap-  = 

Old  Bedlam  and  Offic- 
ers '  Quarters  D,  photo- 
graphed by  the  U.  S. 
Army  Signal  Corps, 
1889. 


15 

propriations  for  additional  construction  at  his  own  post 
had  declined  sharply.17  Taylor  saw  the  potential  for  ob- 
taining a  ready  supply  of  all  sorts  of  building  materials, 
and  for  the  cost  of  transportation  alone.  "If  the  work  of 
dismantling  is  carefully  done...,"  Taylor  wrote,  "nearly 
all  the  doors,  windows,  grating  at  Guard  House,  base 
boards,  molding,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  floor- 
ing and  the  brick  in  chimneys. ..could  be  made  use  of... 
and  it  seems  too  bad  to  throw  them  away."  Based  upon 
an  estimate  that  only  three  percent  of  the  original  cost 
might  be  recovered  by  selling  the  buildings  complete. 
Department  Quartermaster  Hughes  concurred  with 
Taylor's  assessment,  so  long  as  the  place  was  not  in- 
tended for  use  as  an  Indian  school.1*  The  matter  was 


"  Ibid.  9. 

15  Captain  Daniel  Robinson  to  A.A.G..  Dept.  of  the  Plane.  No- 
\ ember  1.  1889;  Lieutenant  Colonel  W  illiam  R.  Hughes  to  A.A.G.. 
Dept.  of  the  Plane.  December  9.  1889.  Letters  Received.  Records 
of  the  Quartermater  General*s  Office.  R.  G.  92.  National  Archives 
and  Records  Administration,  transcript  in  McDermon  File. 

1  Army  and  X any  Register.  No\ember  19.  1887:  Ibid..  October 
22.  1888.  transcripts  in  McDermott  File.  Library  Fort  Laramie  NHS; 
Goshen  County  History  Book  Comminee.  Wind  Pudding  and  Rab- 
bit Tracks:  A  History  of  Goshen  County  (Torrington:  Platte  Valley 
Printers.  1989).  170;  L.  G.  Flannery.  ed..  John  Hunton's  Diary. 
Wyoming  Territory  6,  1885-1889,  (Glendale:  Arthur  Clark,  c.  1956). 
273. 

Report  of  Brigadier  General  John  R.  Brooke.  Department  of 
the  Platte,  September  15.  1890.  in  Report  of  the  Major  General 
Commanding  the  Arm\.  Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
1891.  200. 

8  Hughes  to  A.A.G..  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  December  9,  1889, 
Records  of  the  Quartermaster  General 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


considered,  but  on  January  15.  1890.  Commissioner  T. 
J.  Morgan  advised  the  secretary  that,  "owing  to  the  fact 
that  Fort  Laramie  is  at  a  long  distance  from  any  Indian 
reservation  and  does  not  possess  any  other  special  ad- 
vantages for  the  purpose,  it  is  not  deemed  advisable  to 
accept  the  buildings  and  grounds  for  school  purposes." I9 
However,  winter  was  on  the  plains  and  such  work  would 
have  to  be  postponed  until  more  favorable  weather  con- 
ditions. 

With  only  two  companies  and  three  officers  left  at  the 
post,  the  winter  seemed  long  and  dismal.  Operations  had 
senled  into  a  dull  routine  of  sorting,  packing,  and  load- 
ing supplies  for  the  wagon  trains  that  plied  the  roads  to 
both  Bordeaux  and  Fort  Robinson.  Although  Lieuten- 
ant Mclver  later  failed  to  recall  that  his  own  company 
commander  remained  on  duty,  he  did  remember  that 
Surgeon  Robert  B.  Benham  and  his  family,  "didn't  in- 
terest me  much  and  their  presence  didn't  do  much  to 
relieve  the  monotony"  of  his  exile  on  the  Laramie.-1  In 
a  feeble  anempt  to  recreate  the  illusion  of  Fort  Laramie's 
better  days.  John  Hunton.  Lt.  Mclver,  and  B.  A.  Hart, 
postmaster  and  Hunton  employee,  staged  a  New  Year's 
"blowout"  in  the  officers"  club  room.  Hunton  correctly 
predicted  that  this  would  be  the  last  such  celebration  at 
the  post.:; 

For  another  two  dreary  months.  Companies  C  and  E 
continued  the  drudgery  of  closing  down  the  fon.  Finally, 
near  the  end  of  February,  orders  arrived  for  their  depar- 
ture. The  soldiers,  in  a  final  gesture  of  good  will,  spon- 
sored a  farewell  dance  for  the  local  citizens,  with  whom 
they  were  well  acquainted.  Many  local  residents  had 
worked  at  the  post  in  various  capacities  and.  more  re- 
cently, as  teamsters  driving  government  freight  wagons. 
A  few  were  ex-soldiers  themselves.:: 

The  last  two  companies  marched  out  a  few  days  later, 
except  for  Lt.  Mclver  and  an  1 1-man  detachment  who 
were  ordered  to  stay  behind  to  finish  the  last  of  the  pack- 
ing and  disposal  of  property.  A  couple  more  weeks  and 
the  last  of  the  tons  of  materiel  at  the  fort  was  reduced  to 
several  lots  of  junk  having  no  further  military  value.  To 
rid  himself  of  this.  Mclver  held  a  public  auction,  attended 
by  a  few  local  residents,  on  March  20.  That  done,  Mclver 
and  his  men  left  the  post  for  the  last  time.2' 

Since  the  Indian  Bureau  had  declined  to  establish  a 
school  at  Fort  Laramie.  Capt.  Taylor  and  a  detachment 
of  the  black  Ninth  Cavalry  from  Fort  Robinson.  Neb., 
returned  on  March  1 7.  1 890.:4  This  event  marked  the 
first  and  only  time  that  Black  troops  figured  in  Fort 
Laramie's  history.  Their  task  was  to  scavenge  the  build- 
ings for  anything  that  might  be  of  use  at  Fort  Robinson. 
"The  Post  is  being  dismantled  thoroughly  by  having 
doors,  windows,  and  flooring  taken  out  of  quarters."  John 


Hunton  wrote.23  Nothing  was  spared.  Taylor  even  put 
his  men  to  work  removing  the  boiler  and  other  equip- 
ment from  the  pump  house  and  digging  up  the  iron  pipe- 
lines of  the  water  system  that  only  a  few  years  earlier 
had  been  the  pride  of  Fort  Laramie. 

As  he  witnessed  the  final  ignominy  imposed  on  the 
old  fort.  Hunton  could  not  help  but  regret  "the  necessity 
the  military  authorities  are  laboring  under  regarding  the 
destruction  of  the  fort."2*  Late  in  March.  Hunton  and 
others  who  had  been  long  associated  with  the  "Queen  of 
the  Plains."  gathered  one  evening  for  an  "all-night  wake," 
during  which  thev  reminisced  about  the  manv  excitina 


"  T.  J.  Morgan  to  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  January  15.  1890. 
Letters  Received.  Office  of  the  Quartermaster  General.  Records  of 
the  Quartermaster  General's  Office.  R.  G.  92.  NARA.  transcript  in 
McDermon  File.  Library.  Fon  Laramie  NHS:  The  territorial  gov- 
ernor of  Wyoming  attempted  to  justify  the  need  for  troops  at  Fon 
Laramie  until  the  following  summer,  but  was  overruled  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  War.  "Fort  Laramie."  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader.  December 
17.  1889. 

:   Mclver,  "Sen  ice  at  Old  Fort  Laramie."  8. 

:   Entry  January  1,  1890,  Hunton  Diary. 

-  Capt.  Levi  F.  Burnett  to  \Y.  L.  Ryder,  Union  Pacific  Railroad. 
Cheyenne.  Feb.  24.  1890.  Letters  Sent.  R.G.  98.  transcript  in 
McDermon  File;  Entries  Feb.  21  and  22.  1890,  Hunton  Diary. 
Hunton  mentioned  that  he  bought  "a  lot  of  old  stuff  including  hard- 
wood, brick,  old  stoves,  etc."  at  the  sale.  Entry  March  19.  1890. 
Hunton  Diary. 

:;  Entry  March  20.  1 890.  Hunton  Diary:  Hospital  Stew  ard  Boland 
left  March  17:  Commissionarv  Sat.  Budds  on  the  25th.  Post  Re- 
turns. Fort  Laramie.  March.  1890.  Mclver  and  the  7th  Infantry 
detachment  departed  on  or  about  April  7.  1890.  Mclver  to  A.  G.. 
Washington.  D.  C..  April  7,  1 890.  Letters  Sent.  Fort  Laramie.  Janu- 
ary 1888-April  1890,  Wyo.  R.G.  98.  National  Archives,  microfilm 
roll  48.  Fort  Laramie  NHS.  Apparently-.  Post  Quartermaster  Sgt. 
Hackett  remained  until  after  the  auction  of  the  buildings  on  April 
9.  Mclver  to  Maj.  C.  H.  Whipple.  Paymaster.  USA.  March  31.  1890. 
Letters  Sent.  Fort  Laramie.  January  1888-April  1890,  R.G.  98,  mi- 
crofilm roll  48.  Fort  Laramie  NHS. 

M  Orders  No.  51,  March  18.  1890.  Post  Orders.  1888-1897.  Fort 
Robinson.  Seb..  R.G.  98.  National  Archives,  microfilm  roll  8.  Fort 
Robinson  Museum;  Post  Returns.  Fort  Laramie.  March  1890.  Ac- 
companying the  detachment  was  Baptiste  "Little  Bat"  Gamier,  one 
of  Hunton's  oldest  and  best  friends.  Gamier  was  assigned  as  mes- 
senger for  Capt.  Taylor  because  the  telegraph  lines  had  been  taken 
down.  Entry  March  1 8.  1 890.  Hunton  Diary.  Addendum  notes  by 
L.  G.  Flannery  for  the  March.  1890.  transcript.  Box  3.  John  Hunton 
Papers.  American  Heritage  Center.  Gamier  was  bom  at  Fort  Laramie 
in  1854  and  remained  a  resident  of  the  region  the  rest  of  his  life.  He 
was  praised  for  his  ability  as  a  hunter,  serving  the  army  as  a  scout 
and  guide  on  numerous  occasions,  especially  during  the  Sioux  War 
of  1876.  During  the  1870s.  he  lived  at  Hunton"s  ranch,  where  Hunton 
took  up  residency  with  Bat's  daughter.  Lallee,  for  seven  years.  Dan 
L.  Thrapp.  Encyclopedia  of  Frontier  Biography.  (Glendale:  Arthur 
Clark.  1988).  II.  538-39.  Hunton  to  Rev.  Joseph  Lindobner.  Jan. 
12.  1904.  Hunton  Letters.  Manes  Collection.  Fort  Laramie  NHS. 

'-'  Entry  March  18,  1890.  Hunton  Diary. 

36  Entrv  March  19.  1890.  Hunton  Diary;  Entry  March  25,  1890, 
Hunton  Diary. 


r  _  —  —  e  r 


2001 


and  humorous  times  at  the  post.  A  Cheyenne  resident 
passing  through  the  fort  earlier  that  day.  informed  the 
Daily  Leader  that  "Anyone  who  loved  the  old  post  in 
the  palmy  days  would  almost  weep  at  the  sight  of  the 
ruins.  The  windows  and  doors  have  been  taken  from  the 
buildings  and  the  wind  moans  dismally  through  the  struc- 
tures."" 

The  army's  last  official  act  at  Fort  Laramie  was  to 
place  the  buildings  on  the  auction  block— all  except 
Officer's  Quarters  No.  3.  which  was  reserved  as  a  resi- 
dence for  custodian  John  Fields.  This  house  stood  adja- 
cent to  the  duplex  known  today  as  the  Surgeon's  Quar- 
ters. It  was  an  old  building,  the  rear  portion  of  which 
originated  as  the  munitions  magazine  in  1850.  Later, 
during  the  Civil  War.  the  front  portion  was  constructed 
of  adobe  as  an  arsenal.  Later  still,  the  two  were  con- 
nected by  a  frame  shed  intended  as  protection  for  artil- 
lery pieces.  Despite  its  age.  the  building  was  in  com- 
paratively good  condition  and  had  been  exempted  from 
Taylor's  salvage  operation.:- 

AIso  excluded  from  the  sale  were  the  flag  staff,  which 
served  as  the  benchmark  for  the  boundary  survey  of  the 
post  reservation,  and  three  bridges.  These  included  the 
iron  bridge  built  in  1 8  "5  across  the  North  Plane,  a  wagon 
bridge  spanning  the  Laramie  on  the  south  side  of  the 
post,  and  a  light-dun  foot  bridge  over  the  Laramie  be- 
hind the  east  barracks.  The  armv  had  intended  to  sell  the 


bridges,  until  the  Laramie  County  board  of  commission- 
ers expressed  an  interest  in  them.  "With  characteristic 
stupidity."  cried  the  editor  of  the  Cheyenne  Daily  Leader. 
"some  officer  or  board  ordered  the  sale  at  auction  of 
these  structures,  not  foreseeing  that  the>  might  come 
into  the  possession  of  designing  persons  who  would  have 
small  regard  for  citizens  ":~ 

Indeed,  in  its  zeal  to  dispose  of  the  fort  the  arm>  failed 
to  consider  the  possibility  that  the  bridges,  being  the  only 
means  of  crossing  these  streams  on  the  wagon  road  from 
Bordeaux,  could  have  been  com  erted  to  toll  bridges  once 
in  private  ownership.  In  an  eleventh-hour  effort  to  re- 
serve the  bridges.  Commissioner  Timothy  Eh  er  w  as  dis- 
patched from  Cheyenne  to  inspect  the  structures  and  to 
negotiate  w  ith  Capt.  Ta\  lor  for  a  private  sale  to  the 
county.  In  compam  w  ith  Hunton.  Dyer  tramped  through 
a  freshly  deposited  carpet  of  snow  to  examine  the  bridges 

:"  Cheyenne  Daih  Leader.  March  25.  1890. 

3  Ta>lor  10  A_A.G..  Dept.  of  the  Plane.  March  26.  1890.  R.G. 
92.  transcript  in  McDermott  file:  Douglas  C.  McChristian.  "Spe- 
cial Report:  Magazine.  HS-14."  MS.  :;  sed  Ian  2-.  1998.  Fort 
Laramie  NHS:  "Report  of  Condition.  Capacity,  ere  of  Public  Build- 
ings at  Fort  Laramie.  Wj  o.  on  3 1  March  1 888."  Consolidated  Files. 
Records  of  the  Office  ofihe  Quartern:..  .    -.  -_:..  RG.  c2.  Na- 

tional .Archives,  photostatic  copy  in  the  Fort  My  er  Docume- 1 
Fort  Laramie  NHS  Library,  hereafter  cited  as  "Report  of  Build- 
ings. 1888." 

29  Cheyenne  Daily  Li  ml  8.  1890. 


John  J7K*  BlQTi 


'their  home  at  Fort  Laramie.  1919. 


L8 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


the  day  prior  to  the  government  auction.  Finding  them 
in  good  repair,  and  presenting  the  county's  position  to 
Taylor,  Dyer  secured  their  withdrawal  from  the  sale  bill. 
The  commissioner  returned  to  Cheyenne  triumphant  in 
his  effort  to  save  the  bridges  from  potential  speculators. 
As  the  Daily  Leader  editor  put  it,  Dyer  could  trumpet 
his  success  by  proclaiming,  "Have  a  bridge  with  me; 
have  another."30 

Although  the  blizzard  that  swept  through  the  region 
may  have  discouraged  some  prospective  buyers  from 
attending,  Hunton  recorded  that  there  were,  "A  number 
of  people  here  and  houses  sold  fairly  well."31  Nineteen 
individuals,  most  of  whom  already  resided  at  the  post  or 
in  the  vicinity,  made  successful  bids  on  a  total  of  35 
buildings.  Since  the  army  had  inventoried  56  major  struc- 
tures before  the  post  was  deactivated,  it  must  be  assumed 
that  a  number  of  them  were  razed  by  the  Ninth  Cavalry 
detachment  and  the  lumber  hauled  to  Fort  Robinson. 
Another  possibility  is  that  Taylor  and  his  auctioneer, 
Albert  Whipple,  grouped  outbuildings,  such  as  stables 
and  privies,  with  the  primary  structures.  This  would  ac- 
count for  some,  but  not  all,  of  the  buildings.  Ruling  out 
the  possibility  that  some  structures  failed  to  sell  was  Capt. 
Taylor's  verification  to  the  department  quartermaster  in 
Omaha  that  all  public  property  remaining  at  the  post, 
except  the  few  structures  specifically  exempted,  had  been 
sold. 

Among  the  major  bidders  were  John  Hunton,  who 
purchased  ten  buildings,  and  two  of  his  employees,  B. 
A.  Hart  and  T.  P.  McColley,  both  of  whom  got  three. 
McColley  also  purchased  a  steam  pump,  engine,  and 
water  tank,  which  suggests  that  he  purchased  the  con- 
crete pump  house  and  what  was  left  of  the  water  works. 
All  of  the  other  buyers  acquired  one  building  each,  bring- 
ing the  grand  total  of  Fort  Laramie's  worth  to  $1,41 7. 3: 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  army  sold  the  buildings 
alone,  without  the  land  on  which  they  stood.  By  law,  the 
entire  military  reservation,  encompassing  nearly  34,000 
acres,  was  transferred  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior 
for  eventual  return  to  the  public  domain  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  1862  Homestead  Act.33  Therefore,  it 
was  incumbent  upon  those  acquiring  buildings  either  to 
remove  the  structures,  or  tear  them  down  before  the  land 
was  opened  to  settlement.  Failure  to  do  so  could  result 
in  a  claim  on  the  land,  and  any  existing  improvements, 
by  someone  other  than  the  building  owner.  Some  of  the 
buyers,  notably  John  Hunton,  Harriet  Sandercock,  and 
Joe  Wilde,  squatted  on  the  land  with  the  intention  of 
filing  on  the  parcels  containing  their  buildings.  How- 
ever, most  of  the  individuals  who  bought  buildings  ap- 
parently saw  no  future  in  the  place  and  immediately  be- 
gan salvaging  from  them  whatever  useable  materials 


remained.  Entries  in  Hunton's  diary  suggest  that  many 
of  the  frame  buildings  disappeared  in  a  very  brief  time. 

30  Leader,  April  1 1,  1890.  The  territorial  government  reinforced 
Laramie  County  by  petitioning  the  Department  of  the  Platte  head- 
quarters in  Omaha  to  spare  the  bridges  as  a  potentially  valuable 
asset  for  troop  movements,  should  Indian  troubles  occur  on  the 
reservations  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Robinson.  John  Dishon 
yicDermott,  "Fort  Laramie's  Iron  Bridge,"  Annals  of  Wyoming  34 
(October,  1962).  143-144. 

31  Entry  April  9,  Hunton  Dian;  1890. 

::  Taylor  to  Chief  Quartermaster,  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  April  10, 
1890,  Letters  Sent,  R.G.  98,  transcript  in  McDermott  file;  "Ac- 
count of  Sales,"  appended  to  "Memorandum  Notes  in  Connection 
with  Old  Fort  Laramie  Wyoming  Buildings,"  MS,  Folder  BG-15, 
VF,  Fort  Laramie  NHS  Library,  hereafter  cited  as  "Account  of 
Sales."  Hunton  claimed  to  have  purchased  18  buildings,  but  this 
does  not  agree  with  the  official  "Account  of  Sales."  Entry  April  9, 
Hunton  Diary,  1890. 

33  Although  other  land  laws,  namely  the  Timber  Culture  Act  of 
1873  and  the  Desert  Land  Act  of  1877,  were  in  effect.  Congress 
specifically  restricted  disposal  of  the  Wyoming  military  reserva- 
tions to  the  Homestead  Act.  666  Stat.  227 '. 


Purchase  of  Structures  at 
the  Government  Auction 

The  available  documents  relating  to  the  sale  of  the 
buildings  at  Fort  Laramie  paint  an  incomplete  picture  of 
exactly  who  originally  purchased  specific  structures. 
Capt.  Charles  W.  Taylor's  "Account  of  Sales"  for  the 
auction  lists  the  buyers  and  the  prices  paid  for  each  prop- 
erty but,  unfortunately,  no  building  numbers  were  listed 
because  the  army  was  no  longer  concerned  with  identi- 
fying the  structures  for  future  reference.  The  following 
is  a  list  of  the  successful  bidders,  taken  from  the  April  9, 
1 890,  document.  The  author  has  supplemented  the  names 
with  information  from  a  variety  of  sources  in  an  effort 
to  determine,  as  nearly  as  is  possible,  the  first  civilian 
owners  of  the  major  buildings. 

John  Hunton  purchased  ten  military  buildings,  intially, 
in  addition  to  those  he  already  owned,  namely  the  Post 
Trader's  Store  and  the  Post  Trader's  House  (Buildings  2 
and  28  on  the  map,  facing  page),  where  he  still  lived  in 
1890.  This  included  a  privy  and  stable.  He  also  owned 
the  Rustic  Hotel  complex  of  three  buildings,  located 
below  the  Hospital.34 

A  discrepancy  occurs  between  the  ten  buildings  Hunton 

■'4  Hunton  later  insured  some  of  these  buildings.  Hunton  to  J. 
Bergman  and  E.  Gay,  Cheyenne,  March  6,  1891.  The  fact  that 
Hunton  rented  the  hotel  and  the  adjacent  residence  to  others  con- 
firms his  ownership  of  the  Rustic.  Entries  January  28  and  April  21, 
1890,  Hunton  Diary;  Hunton  to  Hicks,  Sept.  3,  1891,  Hunton  Let- 
ters, Mattes  Collection. 


Bedlam 

Sutler's  Store 
Toilet 
Hurt  House 
Cavalry  R.i  Tracks- 
Surgeon*  *  Quarters 

Captain'*  Quarter a 

Old  Cuard house 

Commlnsary 

Old  Bakerv 

Officer's  Otrs. 

Chicken  House 

Hospital 

Mafia tine  • 

New  Guardhouse- 

U.S.  Army  Bridge- 

Admin.  Building 

Officer's  Qtrs.  n 

Offlcer'a  Qtrs.  C 

Officer's  Qtrs.  B 

NCO  Quarters 

Sawmill 

New  Bakery 

3  Company  Barracks 

2  Company  Barracks 

General  Sink 

1A50  Guardhouse 

Sutler 'a  Residence 

Laundress  Quarters 

Offlcer'a  Qtrs.  Ruins 

Bird  Bath 

Icehouse 

Outhulldlng  (North) 

Outbul  Mlnp, 

Footbridge  Site 

Shed  • 

Farthworka   Trench 

Officer's   Qtrs.    Ruins 

Fl a n pole 

40  Bridge  Fnp.r.  Marker 

41  llomslev  Crave 

42  Obelisk 
1003   Replica  Toilet 
2003   Replica  Toilet 


>> 


FORT  LARAMIE   N.H.S. 


400 


400 


800 


<$ 


SCALE  OF  FEET 


F0LA/G6000755 


1/95 


20 


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oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


is  credited  with  buying,  according  to  Taylor's  "Account 
of  Sales,"  and  Hunton's  own  claim  of  18  buildings.35 
The  author  considers  both  figures  to  be  valid.  Taylor 
undoubtedly  grouped  associated  structures,  such  as 
stables  and  privies,  with  the  officers'  quarters  and  outly- 
ing kitchens  and  mess  halls  with  the  barracks,  during 
the  auction.  It  would  have  been  illogical  and  unneces- 
sarily complicated  to  separate  them  for  the  sale.  Hunton. 
on  the  other  hand,  probably  counted  the  outbuildings  to 
arrive  at  his  total  of  1 8. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Hunton  was  the  top  buyer 
of  the  day,  and  that  he  purchased  several  major  build- 
ings on  the  post.  Included  were:  Bedlam  (HS-1 ),  Double 
Officers'  Quarters  [Surgeon's](HB-6),  Commissary 
Storehouse  (HS-9),  Old  Guardhouse  (HS-8),  Hospital 
(HS-1 3),  Non-Commissioned  Officers'  Quarters  (HS- 
21),  Old  Bakery  (HS-10),  New  Bakery  (HS-23),  North 
Barracks  (HS-24),  and  East  Barracks  (HS-25).36 

Scant  documentation  suggests  that  Hunton.  using  his 
wife's  name,  gained  title  to  a  "house  near  Mrs. 
Sandercock's,"  which  may  have  been  the  adobe  Tele- 
graph Office  standing  a  few  feet  south  of  Quarters  A." 

T.  P.  McColley.  one  of  Hunton's  employees,  bought 
three  buildings  at  the  auction,  but  no  further  documen- 
tation has  been  found  to  identify  them.  The  prices  of 
two  of  the  buildings,  $3.75  and  $2.50,  suggest  that  they 
were  insignificant  structures.  The  third  sold  for  $20.38 

Benjamin  A.  Hart,  chief  clerk  and  postmaster  at  the 
Trader's  Store,  purchased  three  buildings  for  $6,  $45, 
and  $100,  respectively.  One  of  these,  undoubtedly  the 
most  expensive,  was  the  Administration  Building,  which 
Hart  and  Hunton  bought  in  partnership.  Hunton,  in  turn, 
bought  out  Hart's  share  in  the  building  a  few  months 
later.34 

An  entry  in  Hunton's  diary  for  1 89 1  states  that  a  friend, 
Mrs.  T.  B.  Hicks  from  Cheyenne,  bought  "Hart's  house 


and  give  it  to  Mrs.  [Blanch]  Hunton."40  The  Huntons 
moved  from  the  Post  Trader's  House  to  the  officers  quar- 
ters known  as  the  "Burt  House"  (HS-4)  sometime  prior 
to  January  1 892.  It  seems  altogether  reasonable  that  this 
structure  was  one  of  those  originally  purchased  by  Hart.41 

The  third  building  purchased  by  Hart  may  have  been 
the  Blacksmith  Shop  standing  in  the  quartermaster  area 
northeast  of  the  Commissary.  Again,  fragmentary  evi- 
dence suggests  that  Hart  and  Hunton  may  have  com- 
bined resources  to  purchase  the  building,  along  with  some 
tools  left  behind  by  the  army.42 

Harriet  "Hattie"  Sandercock  was  the  widow  of  post 
engineer  Thomas  B.  Sandercock,  who  died  Dec.  20, 
1887.  It  is  unclear  exactly  where  the  Sandercocks  had 


15  Entry  April  9,  1890,  Hunton  Diary. 

'"  Entries  November  14,  June  24,  1890.  Hunton  Diary,  [HS-1]; 
Hunton  to  Hicks,  Sept.  3,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection, 
[HS-1.  6,  9,  10,  13,  21,  23,  24,  25,  and  blacksmith's  shop  with  no 
HS  number,  but  army  building  42,  lying  northeast  of  Commissary; 
Entry  March  24,  1892,  Hunton  Diary,  [HS-8];  Hunton  to  Quarter- 
master General.  Nov.  20,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection 
[HS-1 3];  Entr>  Dec.  29,  1891,  Hunton  Diary,  [HS-27];  Hunton  to 
Kate  Friend,  Jan.  18,  1892,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

37  Entry  Sept.  29,  1891,  Hunton  Diary.  Lending  credence  to  this. 
Hunton  owned  the  printing  press  used  at  the  fort.  Hunton  to  J.  C. 
Taylor,  Madison,  Va.,  May  13,  1899,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. 

38  "Account  of  Sales,"  Hunton  to  T.  P.  McColley,  Fort  Robinson, 
Neb.,  Dec.  2,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

w  Merrill  J.  Mattes,  "The  Sutler's  Store,"  in  Robert  A.  Murray, 
ed..  Visions  of  a  Grand  Old  Post.  (Fort  Collins:  Old  Army  Press, 
1974),  44;  "Account  of  Sales,"  Entry  Sept.  1,  1890,  Hunton  Diary; 
Hunton  to  J.  B.  Hicks,  Aug.  28.  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. 

40  Entry  Aug.  24,  1891,  Hunton  Diary. 

"  Hunton  to  Friend,  Jan.  18,  1892,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. 

42  Hunton  to  Hicks,  Aug.  28,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection; Hunton  to  Hicks,  Sept.  3,  1891,  Hunton  Letters. 


Wilde  Collection,  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site 


Si 


2001 


been  residing  prior  to  the  husband's  death,  but  it  was  in 
all  likelihood  one  of  the  small  dwellings  that  always 
seemed  to  appear  around  the  fringes  of  frontier  posts.43 
Hattie,  who  probably  moved  to  the  barracks  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Laramie,  afterward  earned  a  living  for  herself 
and  seven  children  by  doing  laundry  at  the  post.4'4  In 
January  1 890,  Capt.  Burnett,  commanding  the  skeleton 
garrison  at  the  fort,  petitioned  the  Department  of  the 
Platte  headquarters  on  behalf  of  Mrs.  Sandercock  to  al- 
low her  to  continue  living  at  Fort  Laramie  until  that 
spring.  According  to  Burnett,  both  her  husband's  death 
while  an  employee  of  the  government  and  her  personal 
circumstances  justified  the  indulgence.  Apparently,  the 
favor  was  granted.4" 

Hattie  Sandercock  secured  one  house.  Officers  Quar- 
ters A,  situated  at  the  south  end  of  the  parade  ground. 
This  house  remained  on  its  original  site  and  was  occu- 
pied by  members  of  the  Sandercock  family  until  the  prop- 
erty was  acquired  by  the  State  of  Wyoming  in  1937.46 

Tim  Dyer,  hotel  owner  and  Laramie  County  commis- 
sioner from  Cheyenne,  purchased  one  building,  the 
double  officers'  quarters  situated  on  the  west  side  of 
Quarters  A.  In  1888,  this  frame  house  was  described  as 
being  in  "very  bad"  condition.  It  sold  for  $51.47 

H.  W.  Thomas  acquired  two  buildings  at  $35  each, 
but  no  further  identification  could  be  made.48 

"Dutch  Henry,"  in  all  likelihood,  was  either  Gerhard 
or  Jacob  Gompert,  recent  German  immigrants  who  home- 
steaded  at  "Dutch  Flats,"  near  present-day  Mitchell,  Neb. 
The  Gomperts'  proper  name  does  not  appear  on  the  "Ac- 
count of  Sales,"  yet  when  interviewed  years  later,  Jacob 
stated  that  he  and  his  brother  attended  the  auction.  It 
may  have  been  that  the  Germans  were  unable  to  com- 
municate well  in  English,  therefore,  one  of  them  was 
identified  only  as  "Dutch  Henry." 

During  a  visit  to  the  fort  in  1 950,  Jacob  Gompert  posi- 


Fort  Laramie,  general  view,  photograph  from  Wilde,  c.  1900. 


11 

tively  identified  Officers'  Quarters  B  (HS-20)  as  the 
house  they  purchased.  They  later  salvaged  the  lumber 
for  use  in  improving  their  homes  and  for  fuel,  since  all 
of  the  fixtures  and  the  best  doors  had  been  removed  by 
the  army  prior  to  the  sale.  The  Gomperts  made  several 
trips  to  the  fort  for  their  materials  and  in  1899  Hunton, 
whose  wife  had  been  granted  the  land,  gave  them  a  choice 
of  either  removing  the  last  of  the  lumber,  or  selling  it  to 
him  for  $20.4g 

Jack  Nichols  bought  one  building  for  $31,  but  this 
structure  has  not  been  identified. 

John  Ryan,  commonly  known  as  "Posey,"  acquired 
one  building,  probably  a  concrete  officers  quarters  ( HS- 
18),  for  $47. ?"  Ryan's  cabin,  originally  located  on  the 
Les  Walker  ranch  west  of  the  fort,  supposedly  was  con- 
structed of  logs  that  came  from  the  stables.51 

John  T.  Snow  acquired  two  buildings,  not  identified. 
Snow  came  from  Texas  to  Wyoming  Territory  in  1872. 
During  the  1 870s  and  1 880s,  he  was  a  cowhand  on  vari- 
ous ranches,  and  later  a  foreman  at  the  lower  P.  F.  near 
present-day  Henry,  Neb.  He  purchased  land  and.  with 
his  new  bride,  settled  on  Rawhide  Creek  in  1889.  He 
eventually  became  a  large  landowner  and  a  business- 
man in  Torrington.": 

Snow  purchased  two  buildings  at  the  auction,  one  for 
$13.75  and  another  for  $15.  Local  legend  suggests  that 
a  granary  at  the  Pratt  and  Farris  Ranch  may  have  been 

43  Thomas  Sandercock's  granddaughter  later  recalled  that  it  was 
a  small  building  that  was  sold  at  auction  and  moved  off-site  as  a 
homestead  cabin.  Ada  Mary  Melonuk  interview.  Mead  Sandercock 
said  that  the  building  in  which  he  was  born  was  an  adobe  structure 
that  stood  a  few  hundred  yards  below  the  post  hospital.  "C.  M. 
Sandercock  Often  Visits  Birthplace  at  Fort  Laramie,  Remembers 
Early-Day  Events,"  Scottsbluff  Daily  Star-Herald,  June  9,  1966. 

44  A  granddaughter  recalled  that  the  Sandercock  family  "lived 
across  the  river"  after  Tom's  death.  Ada  Mary  Melonuk  interview. 
Barracks  HS-29  was  used  as  a  quarters  for  laundresses. 

45  Capt.  Levi  F.  Burnett  to  A.A.G.,  Dept.  of  the  Platte,  Jan.  6. 
1 890,  Letters  Sent.  Fort  Laramie. 

46  "Account  of  Sales";  Hunton  to  Hicks,  Sept.  3,  1891,  Hunton 
Letters,  Mattes  Collection;  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  II, 
405. 

47  "Account  of  Sales";  Hunton  to  Hart,  Sept.  3,  1891,  Hunton 
Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

48  "Account  of  Sales." 

40  "Account  of  Sales."  Gompert  recalled  many  years  later  that 
they  paid  $75  for  the  house,  but  the  official  sale  bill  gives  $37.50 
as  the  actual  amount.  Jacob  Gompert  Interview,  Folder  GJ-1;  Jacob 
Gompert  Interview,  Folder  GJ-2,  VF,  Fort  Laramie  NHS  Library. 
Hunton  noted  that,  "Men  from  Neb  finished  tearing  their  house 
down."  Entry  Sept.  8,  1891,  Hunton  Diary;  Hunton  to  Gompert, 
Oct.  17,  1899,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

50  This  is  according  to  Tom  G.  Powers,  a  less-than-reliable  source. 
Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  I,  152. 

51  "Cabin  to  be  Moved  to  Fort  Laramie  Town,"  Lingle  Guide- 
Review,  May  19,  1966. 

52  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  I,  697-698. 


22 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


This  photograph  was  made  years  after  the  auction  and  far 
from  Fort  Laramie,  but  many  of  those  who  lived  in  the  Fort 
Laramie  area,  some  of  whom  were  present  at  the  auction, 
are  pictured.  This  occasion  was  the  murder  trial  of  Posey 
Ryan  in  Cheyenne  about  1909.  Standing,  left  to  right:  Lou 
Weber.  Minnie  Hauphoff.  Jake  Weber.  Duke  Gardner.  Harry 


Otis  A.  Sandercock  photo.  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site 
O'Hara.  Alta  Gardner.  Mrs.  Bright.  Bridget  Ryan.  John 
0  Brien.  James  Ryan.  Hattie  Sandercock,  Rose  Ryan.  Tom 
Powers.  Joe  Wilde.  Bottom  row.  left  to  right:  Dick  Whalen. 
unidentified  man.  John  Purdy.  the  next  three  are  unidenti- 
fied. Ace  Robertson.  Ed  Covington.  Charlie  Wright. 
Theodore  Russler.  Mr.  Weber. 


partially  constructed  of  lumber  salvaged  from  the  fort. 
Snow's  connection  with  the  ranch  lends  some  credence 
to  the  story.53 

Joe  Wilde,  former  freighter  and  quartermaster  em- 
ployee at  Fort  Laramie,  bought  one  building  for  S50. 
This  building  was  almost  certainly  the  Cavalry  Barracks 
(HS-5).  Arguing  against  this  was  a  1964  interview  with 
Jennie  Neitfeld  in  which  she  stated  that  her  husband, 
Henry,  purchased  the  Barracks  and  presented  it  to  Mary 
Neitfeld  Wilde  as  a  gift.54  However,  this  information  must 
be  viewed  with  skepticism,  since  Neitfeld's  name  does 
not  appear  on  Taylor's  sale  bill,  but  Joe  Wilde's  does. 
Henrv  Neitfeld  is  alleged  to  have  first  homesteaded  in 
the  area  in  1 89 1 ,  the  year  after  the  sale.55 

J.  J.  Hauphoff  homesteaded  near  Uva  in  1885.  This 
was  a  thriving  little  town  that  served  as  a  cattle  shipping 
point  on  the  Cheyenne  and  Northern  Railroad,  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Laramie  River.  Hauphoff  raised  cattle 
and  horses  for  a  time,  but  later  moved  to  Hartville,  where 
he  became  its  first  judge  and  later  mayor  for  many  years."16 
Besides  buying  a  number  of  pieces  of  furniture,  Hauphoff 
purchased  one  building,  which  Hunton  later  referred  to 
as  a  "house."57  No  other  information  is  known. 


W.  B.  Coy  acquired  one  building  for  S26.50.  Coy  was 
known  to  have  been  in  the  area  as  early  as  1 887. 5(< 

Silas  Doty  owned  two  ranches  in  the  area,  one  on 
Cherry  Creek  just  below  the  Goshen  Hole  rim  south  of 
Fort  Laramie  and  another,  the  T.  H..  northeast  of  there 
on  London  Flats.  Doty  was  a  big  operator,  running  cattle 
and  horses  on  the  open  range  from  Deer  Creek  to  Cherry 
Creek.  Doty  encouraged  his  employees  to  file  on  land 
adjoining  his  own.  Before  they  took  a  patent  on  it,  how- 
ever, Doty  would  purchase  the  parcels  to  expand  his  own 


53  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  I,  180. 

54  John  D.  McDermott  and  James  W.  Sheire,  1874  Cavalry  Bar- 
racks. Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site:  Historic  Structures  Re- 
port and  Historical  Data  Section.  (Denver:  NPS,  1970),  38  (here- 
after cited  as  "1874  Cavalry  Barracks"). 

55  A  survey  of  old  settlers  taken  in  1921  included  Henry  Neitfeld. 
According  to  his  own  claim,  however,  he  had  been  in  the  county  30 
years,  that  is,  since  1891.  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  I,  24. 

56  Mary  Lou  Pence  and  Lola  M.  Homsher,  The  Ghost  Towns  of 
Wyoming  (New  York:  Hastings  House,  1956),  224-226;  Wind  Pud- 
ding and  Rabbit  Tracks  I,  248;  "Old  Timer  Dies,"  Guernsey  Ga- 
zette, July  5,  1907. 

57  "Account  of  Sales."  Entry  April  28,  1 890,  Hunton  Diary. 

38  "Account  of  Sales."  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  II,  266. 


Summer  2001 

holdings.  Doty  sold  both  ranches  to  the  Swan  Land  and 
Cattle  Company  in  1902.5q 

Doty  bought  one  building,  probably  one  of  the  large 
frame  warehouses  that  stood  in  the  quartermaster  area 
of  the  post,  paying  $75  for  it.  There  were  four  of  these 
listed  in  1888,  two  quartermaster  storehouses  near  the 
river,  each  measuring  50  feet  by  100  feet,  and  tvvo  oth- 
ers, each  30  feet  by  120  feet,  south  of  the  bakeries. 
Hunton  noted  that  two  of  his  men.  apparently  hired  by 
Doty,  were  dismantling  the  building  in  November. 
1891.60 

Doty  also  purchased  another  structure,  along  with  sal- 
vaged bricks,  lumber,  and  hardware,  for  $20.  This  sec- 
ond building,  described  by  Hunton  as  being  only  20  feet 
from  the  government  custodian's  house  (HS-3)  almost 
certainly  was  the  adobe  and  concrete  officers  quarters 
(HS-30)  immediately  north  of  Bedlam.61 

J.  F.  Steinmetz  [sic]  purchased  one  building  at  $16. 
This  man,  correctly  identified  as  W.  F.  Steinmetz.  was 
living  in  the  Rustic  Hotel  at  the  time.  It  is  possible  that 
he  was  employed  by  Hunton  as  the  hotel  manager.  No 
additional  information  is  known  on  Steinmetz  or  the 
building  he  acquired.62 

John  Weber,  a  former  soldier  who  had  served  at  Fort 
Laramie,  paid  $5  for  one  building,  which  has  not  been 
identified.  Weber  homesteaded  on  London  Flats,  east  of 
the  post,  in  1891.63 

Frank  Denae.  may  be  the  man  known  as  "Frenchy" 
(not  to  be  confused  with  J.  A.  "Frenchy"  Caraubon.  the 
peddler)  referred  to  in  Hunton"s  diaries.  He  purchased 
one  building  for  $39.  Denae  disappeared  from  the  record 
and,  although  evidence  is  sketchy,  he  may  have  pur- 
chased an  officers"  quarters,  perhaps  HS-18.04 

John  Crawford,  a  general  laborer  employed  by 
Hunton.  bought  one  building  for  $22.  The  record  is  un- 
clear as  to  exactly  which  structure  this  was.  but  there  is 
evidence  that  Crawford  acquired  the  New  Guardhouse, 
and  that  John  Hunton  purchased  it  from  him  in  February 
1 89 1 .  Hunton "s  diary  notes  that  he  began  "tearing  down" 
the  Guardhouse  near  the  end  of  that  year.65  A  photo- 
graph dating  to  about  1900  shows  the  bulding  gutted  at 
that  time.  This  would  fit.  were  it  not  for  Hunton's  refer- 
ence to  renting  out  the  "Crawford  house"  for  a  residence 
as  late  as  1900,  which  frustrates  positive  identification. 

J.  Whalen  is  listed  but  the  name  is  an  error.  This  is 
clearly  Richard  Whalon,  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  in 
the  area.  Like  Hunton,  Whalon  came  as  a  bull  whacker 
for  a  freight  outfit,  arriv ing  in  1 868.  within  a  year  after 
Hunton.  According  to  local  historian  L.  G.  Flannery, 
Whalon  "picked  a  choice  spot  on  the  Platte,  a  few  miles 
northwest  of  Fort  Laramie  and  started  ranching  long 
before  the  land  was  open  for  settlement  [in  1 S77]."66  At 


23 

the  auction.  Whalon  paid  $38  for  a  single  building,  not 
identified. 

The  period  immediately  following  the  auction  was  a 
busy  one  for  Taylor.  Hunton.  and  the  others  still  at  the 
fort.  Empty  freight  wagons  frequently  rattled  into  the 
post,  where  the  men  loaded  them  for  return  trips  to  ei- 
ther Bordeaux  or  Fort  Robinson.  However,  by  April  20. 
1890.  Taylor  and  his  men  completed  their  work,  leaving 
piles  of  pipe  and  other  material  to  be  transported  to  Fort 
Robinson  as  soon  as  Hunton's  teamsters  could  get  to 
them.  Officially  turning  over  the  few  pieces  of  govern- 
ment property  to  Custodian  Fields.  Taylor's  detail 
boarded  wagons  for  their  home  station.  On  that  day.  al- 
most 41  years  after  Maj.  Winslow  F.  Sanderson  had  ar- 
rived on  the  Laramie.  Hunton  noted  that.  "The  last  sol- 
dier left  here  today,  he  being  Lt.  C.  W.  Taylor.  9th  Cav."67 

59  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  I.  189. 

60  "Account  of  Sales":  "Report  of  Buildings.  1888":  Entry  Nov. 
19,  1891.  Hunton  Diary: 

61  "Account  of  Sales'":  Entry  July  21.1 892.  Hunton  Diary:  Hunton 
to  Commissioner.  General  Land  Office.  Sept.  8.  1893.  Hunton  Let- 
ters. Mattes  Collection. 

62  "Account  of  Sales":  Entry  Jan.  28.  1 890.  Hunton  Diary: 

63  John  W.  Weber's  son.  Jake,  married  Lou  Hauphoff.  daughter 
of  J.  J.  Hauphoff.  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks  1.  248. 

w  "Account  of  Sales."  Hunton.  apparently  the  designated  agent, 
priced  "Frenchy's"  house  at  S175  to  a  prospective  buyer  from 
Mitchell.  Neb.  Entry  Aug.  17.  1892.  Hunton  Diary:  Later  it  was 
sold  to  Walker  for  $140.  Entry  Oct.  14.  1895.  Hunton  Diary: 

65  Hunton  referred  to  it  as  the  "Crawford  house"  both  when  he 
purchased  it  from  Crawford  and  when  he  later  rented  it  out.  Entry 
Feb.  10.  1891.  Hunton  Diary:  Entry  Jan.  13.  1900.  Hunton  Diary: 
Hunton  to  Charles  G.  Sears.  June  6.  1906.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes 
Collection. 

66  L.  G.  Flannery .  ed.  "John  Hunton's  Diary .  1 890."  Box  3.  Hunton 
Papers.  American  Heritage  Center.  65.  These  consist  of  typeset, 
but  unpublished  pages. 

67  Entry  April  20.  1890.  Hunton  Diary: 


In  the  next  installment,  author  McChristian  will  de- 
scribe how  area  civilians  gained  ownership  of  the  land 
on  which  the  buildings  stood  and  how  preservation 
efforts  eventually  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site. 

The  author,  an  authority  on  the  frontier  military 
and  on  Fort  Laramie  's  role  in  the  evolution  of 
the  West,  serves  as  the  historian  for  the  National 
Park  Service.  Formerly  superintendent  of  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site,  he  now  lives  and 
works  in  southern  Arizona.  This  article  is  based 
on  a  longer  study  on  Fort  Laramie  's  history  from 
the  fur  trade  era  to  modern  times,  to  be  published 
by  the  National  Park  Sen-ice. 


Bands 


Cody  Cowboy  Band.  1901. 

Top,  left  to  right:  L.  L.  Newton.  J.  S.  Dillon,  Nash,  Woods, 
Chas.  McClintick,  Loren  Schwoob.  Lou  Woods,  Glen  New- 
ton, Frank  Williams,  George  Taylor,  Maxon,  J.  M.  Schwoob. 
Bottom,  left  to  right:  E.  Stetson,  C.  J.  Williams.  Henry 
Goodman.  Langdon  Nevins.  R.  J.  McGinnis.  unknown. 


Schwoob  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center 


By  Ester  Johansson  Murray 


The  band  is  playing.  From  one  end  of  town  to  the  other,  the  loud, 
syncopated  horns  and  drums  reverberate  along  Sheridan  Avenue. 
The  sound  alerts,  unifies,  and  excites  everyone.  Before  talking  films, 
radios,  television  and  electrical  amplifiers,  few  man-made  sounds  intruded. 
No  hum  of  tires  or  roar  of  motors  competed  with  the  sound  of  music 
played  to  the  beat  of  performers  walking  in  unison.  Some  sounds  carried 
messages  such  as  school,  church  and  fire  bells.  The  train  whistle  rippled 
southward  across  the  Shoshone  River.  On  a  still  day,  the  bonging  of  the 
courthouse  clock  could  be  heard  as  far  away  as  farms  on  the  bench  south 
and  east  of  Cody. 
The  band  appeared,  kicked  up  the  sound  decibels.  Listeners  felt  happy. 


Summer  2001 


25 


This  is  the  story  of  Cody's  early  bands,  gathered 
from  recollections  of  old-timers  and  from  news 
paper  and  other  written  accounts.  According  to 
Bob  Holm,  "The  town  of  Cody  has  had  a  city  band  start- 
ing after  the  turn  of  the  century.  It  may  be  that  the  local 
musicians  were  inspired  by  the  show  bands  that  traveled 
with  and  played  for  Buffalo  Bill's  Wild  West  Shows."1 

Indeed,  there  is  a  connection  between  early  Cody  bands 
and  the  Wild  West  Shows.  According  to  Lucille  Patrick, 
Buffalo  Bill  paid  for  the  uniforms  and,  possibly,  some  of 
the  instruments  used  by  the  1 8-member  Cody  band  as- 
sembled in  1901 .  It  was  named  the  Cody  Cowboy  Band. 
The  uniforms  included  smooth  leather  chaps  with  two- 
rounded  pockets,  edged  with  leather  fringe.  The  leather 
jackets,  fringed  at  the  shoulders,  had  curved  fronts  fas- 
tened with  one  large  button,  high  on  the  chest.  The  cow- 
boy hats  had  stiff,  flat  four-inch  brims.2 

The  band  photograph  (facing page)  shows  them  in  front 
of  the  newly  constructed  octagonal  wooden  band  stand. 
The  structure  would  seem  vulnerable  to  the  capricious 
Cody  winds.  A  decade  later,  the  band  was  still  going 
strong.  A  contemporary  photograph  shows  the  group  at- 
tired in  leather  uniforms.  The  13-15  band  members  in- 
cluded one  woman,  shown  in  a  photograph  in  a  long  skirt 
and  holding  a  cornet.3 

In  a  Cody  Enterprise  interview  in  the  1 960s,  Glen  New- 
ton Sr.,  was  photographed  in  his  Cowboy  Band  uniform 
that  he  had  worn  more  than  50  years  earlier.4  His  daugh- 
ter Frances  Newton  Irwin  gave  the  uniform  to  the  Buffalo 
Bill  Historical  Center  after  Newton's  death  in  1979.  "My 
Dad  was  16  years  old  when  the  picture  was  taken,"  she 
wrote.5 

To  explain  the  connection  between  the  first  Cody  town 
band  and  Buffalo  Bill,  one  must  know  about  William 
"Billy"  Sweeney,  bandmaster  of  the  Wild  West  Band  that 
played  for  Buffalo  Bill's  Wild  West  Show.  Cody  loved 
his  show  band  that  Sweeney  directed  for  more  than  29 
seasons.  Sweeney  began  as  a  drummer  boy  with  the  mili- 
tary band  at  Fort  McPherson,  Neb.  There,  he  took  up  the 
cornet  and  worked  his  way  up  to  become  the  head  musi- 
cian. 

Cody  served  as  a  scout  for  the  army  at  Fort  McPherson 
and  it  is  possible  that  he  met  Sweeney  there.  Later, 
Sweeney  moved  to  the  North  Platte  area  where  Cody  was 
planning  to  form  the  "wild  west"  road  show.  Excited  at 
the  prospects,  Sweeney  offered  to  organize  the  new  show's 
band. 

The  band  numbered  from  16  to  36  members  over  the 
years.  Historian  Nellie  Snyder  Yost  wrote  that  the  band 
was  attired  in  uniforms  of  gray  shirts,  slouch  hats  and 
moccasins  and  they  played  "The  Girl  I  Left  Behind  Me" 


as  they  set  sail  for  Europe  in  1 886.  A  photograph  made 
of  the  group  a  year  later,  however,  showed  them  in  leather 
chaps,  stiff-brimmed  hats,  boots  and  dark  shirts,  with  in- 
dividual choice  of  tie.  The  hats  probably  were  the  Stetson 
"Boss  of  the  Plains"  with  4  1/2  inch  crown  and  4-inch 
brim.6 

At  every  show,  the  band  played  "The  Star  Spangled 
Banner."  (This  was  long  before  the  song  was  designated 
the  National  Anthem).  Other  patriotic  selections  included 
"See,  the  Conquering  Hero  Comes,"  and  "Stars  and  Stripes 
Forever."  Sweeney  also  composed  several  selections  in- 
cluding "Sweeney's  Cavalcade"  and  "Buffalo  Bill's 
Equestrian  March,"  songs  designed  to  put  audiences  into 
the  right  mood  for  the  show. 

Along  with  his  show  band,  Buffalo  Bill  also  had  outfit- 
ted a  band  in  North  Platte,  called  the  Gordon  Silver  Cor- 
net Brass  Band.  In  1 894  Cody  gave  nearly  $  1 ,000  to  buy 
the  Cornet  Band's  elegant  uniforms.7  The  uniforms  were 
not  in  a  cowboy  design,  but  tailored  from  white  broad- 
cloth and  trimmed  with  gold  braid  in  the  European  mili- 
tary style. 

Although  Cody's  Wild  West  Show  band  director 
Sweeney  never  lived  in  the  town  of  Cody,  he  visited  at 
least  twice.  The  first  visit  was  in  1 896.  That  year,  he  signed 
the  guest  register  at  the  Hart  Mountain  Hotel  on  Dec.  8, 
writing  after  his  name  "Buffalo  Bill  Wild  West."  Also 
registered  that  night  was  "Mrs.  William  Sweeney,  New 
York  City."8 

One  of  Col.  Cody's  ranches,  the  "Sweeney  Ranch," 
bears  his  name.  The  name  stems  from  Sweeney's  second 
recorded  visit  to  the  area  when  he  registered  for  a  second 
time  at  the  Hart  Mountain  Hotel  on  Nov.  25,  1901.  He 
had  come  to  the  town  of  Cody  with  a  large  contingent  of 
Buffalo  Bill's  friends,  on  the  first  train  into  town,  for  a 
late  fall  hunt.  Walter  Kepford  of  the  Southfork  outfitted 

1  Bob  Holm,  interviewed  by  author. 

:  Lucille  Nichols  Patrick,  Best  Little  Town  by  a  Dam  Site,  or 
Cody's  First  20  Years.  (Cheyenne:  Flintlock  Publishing,  1968). 
'   The  photograph  is  reproduced  in  Patrick,  49. 

4  Cody  Enterprise,  n.d.,  Park  County  Historical  Society  Archives. 

5  Frances  Newton  Irwin  to  author. 

6  Nellie  Snyder  Yost,  Buffalo  Bill,  His  Family.  Friends.  Fame. 
Failures  and  Fortunes.  (Chicago:  Sage  Books,  1979),  249-250.  The 
band  members  loved  to  have  their  pictures  taken  and  many  exist. 
Postcard  sized  photos  of  William  Sweeney  and  band  member  John 
Link  are  held  in  the  collections  of  the  McCracken  Library,  Buffalo 
Bill  Historical  Center.  Sweeney  is  shown  as  a  slim,  handsome  man 
with  a  slightly  curled  mustache  and  holding  his  cornet.  Link  is 
young  but  with  an  uncurled  mustache.  He  also  wears  the  uniform 
of  unfringed  leather  chaps  with  two  front  pockets.  He  has  on  a 
stiff-brimmed  Western  hat. 

7  Ibid. 

8  Hart  Mountain  Hotel  register.  Park  County  Historical  Archives. 


lb 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


the  party.  They  left  from  the  Col.  Cody's  TE  Ranch  on 
the  Southfork,  traveling  over  to  the  upper  North  Fork  to 
hunt.  Special  guests  included  Rev.  Beecher,  Iron  Tail,  and 
Black  Fox.  After  the  hunt,  Sweeney  spent  several  weeks 
in  Cody.  During  this  visit,  on  Dec.  12,  1901,  Sweeney 
filed  for  two  parcels  of  land  under  the  Reclamation  Act. 
The  land  was  sold  just  a  few  months  later  to  Col.  Cody 
for  the  token  sum  of  $  1 .9 

After  nearly  30  years  with  Cody's  show,  William 
Sweeney  wrote  to  J.  Frank  Cod},  the  colonel's  cousin 
and  business  partner,  on  Aug.  5,  1913,  noting  that  since 
the  show  had  "gone  broke,"  he  and  the  band  had  lost  back 
pay.  He  wrote  that  he  had  hired  a  lawyer  to  "look  after  the 
interest  of  myself  and  Band...."10  Showing  his  still  strong 
affection  for  his  long-time  boss,  he  added,  "I  want  to  see 
the  poor  old  Col.  get  on  his  feet  again."  After  such  a  long 
tenure  with  one  organization,  however,  he  was  uncertain 
about  his  future.  "I  have  lost  my  Wild  West  home  -  as  yet 
I  do  not  know  where  I  am  going  or  what  I  will  do  as  this 
bust  up  was  not  expected...."  The  management,  in  his 
view,  "done  us  all  a  mighty  dirty  trick."1 ' 

It  was  a  sad  ending  for  a  long  relationship  betw  een  the 
show  and  its  only  band  director.  Merle  Evans  became  the 
band  director  of  the  revived  Buffalo  Bill- 1 0 1  Ranch  Wild 
West  Show  in  1916.  Sweeney  died  in  a  Minneapolis  hos- 
pital in  1924  as  a  result  of  complications  from  a  gallstone 
operation.  He  is  buried  in  North  Platte.12 

It  may  have  been  during  Sweeney's  second  recorded 
visit  to  Cody  that  he  helped  organize  the  community  Cody 
Cowboy  Band.  One  man,  Frank  Williams,  provided  a  di- 
rect link  between  the  Wild  West  band  and  Cody's  first 
Cowboy  Band.  He  played  in  both  organizations.13 

Born  in  Iowa  on  the  4th  of  July,  1 879,  Williams  moved 
with  his  parents  to  Red  Lodge,  Mont.,  in  1889.  Three 
years  later,  they  moved  south  to  Wyoming,  taking  up 
bottom  land  on  the  lower  South  Fork  of  the  Shoshone 
River  (then  called  the  Stinkingwater  River).  Williams 
joined  Cody's  Wild  West  Show  as  a  young  man  where  he 
became  a  "rough  rider."  Later,  a  bronc  rolled  on  him  and 
crushed  his  left  ankle,  leaving  him  unable  to  ride.  He  found 
a  way  to  stay  with  the  show  by  persuading  Sweeney  to  let 
him  play  the  cornet  in  the  band. 

A  news  story  in  the  Cody  paper  in  the  summer  of  1 9 1 4 
told  of  a  Stanley  Steamer  wrecking  en  route  to  the  county 
fair  in  Powell.  Eleven  members  of  the  Cody  Band  were  in 
the  vehicle,  but  only  Charley  Stump  and  Fred  Coe  were 
injured  in  the  mishap.  Kid  Wilson,  the  driver,  hit  a  sharp 
curve  at  a  high  speed  between  Sage  Creek  and  Corbett, 
upending  the  vehicle.14 

In  the  same  issue  of  the  newspaper,  the  "Juvenile  Band" 
is  introduced.  The  group,  organized  in  the  school,  led  the 
parade  in  July,  1914.15 


The  Cody  Musical  Association  was  formed  sometime 
in  the  'teens.  Soon  after,  however,  R.  L.  Rhoades,  the 
association's  first  director,  resigned,  climbed  on  a  horse 
and  rode  off  to  his  homestead  near  Forsyth,  Mont.  The 
association  hired  a  Prof.  Bergeron  for  one  month.  He  was 
a  violinist  in  Sheridan  who,  along  with  directing  the  band, 
played  at  the  Temple  Theater  for  the  silent  moving  pic- 
ture shows  and  for  area  dances.  In  June  1915,  the  Cody 
Musical  Association  solicited  local  businessmen  for  the 
money  to  hire  a  "Prof.  Miller."  It  is  not  known  if  Miller 
was  engaged  to  direct  the  group.16 

Apparently,  both  the  Cody  Musical  Association  and  the 
bands  languished  through  World  War  I.  In  the  early  1 920s, 
interest  in  a  band  revived.  According  to  Stanley  Landgren 
who  wrote  a  memoir  of  early  Cody,  "In  1923  the  Cody 
Musical  Association  wanted  to  organize  a  city  band  and 
wanted  to  find  a  musical  director  for  both  a  school  band 
and  a  city  band.  Rudy  Cooper  was  hired  to  direct  both 
bands  and  by  Stampede  time,  the  city  band  was  ready  to 
march."17 

9  One  of  the  parcels  of  land  to  be  irrigated  by  the  Cody  Ca- 
nal, was  in  the  southeast  corner  of  Sec.  33,  Township  53,  Range 
101,  and  the  other  was  in  the  southeast  corner  of  Section  5„ 
Township  52,  Range  101.  This  would  place  the  properties 
roughly  northeast  and  southeast  of  the  Cody  airport.  The  ranch 
northeast  of  the  airport  was  called  the  "Sweeney  Ranch"  long 
after  subsequent  owners  had  any  idea  for  whom  it  was  named. 
The  Robert  Dempster  family  lived  there  for  a  time.  Altamae 
Markham  and  Nellie  Taylor  Keever  remembered  the  Dempster 
place  as  the  "Sweeney  Ranch."  According  to  Dr.  Paul  Fees, 
the  wall  telephone,  on  display  in  the  room  of  Cody  memora- 
bilia in  the  Buffalo  Bill  Historical  Center,  came  from  the 
"Sweeney  Ranch."  It  is  possible  this  is  the  telephone  used  to 
call  Dr.  W'aples  out  to  the  ranch  when  a  daughter  was  born  to 
the  Duncans  on  March  19.  1906,  at  the  "Sweeney  Ranch,"  as 
announced  in  the  Cody  Enterprise  on  that  date.  An  item  in  the 
Northern  Wyoming  Herald,  Oct.  4,  1914,  told  of  a  runaway 
team  from  the  "Colonel  Cody  Sweeney  Ranch." 

10  William  Sweeney  to  J.  Frank  Cody,  Aug.  5,  1913,  held  in 
the  collections  of  the  McCracken  Library,  Buffalo  Bill  His- 
torical Center. 

1 '  Ibid. 

12  The  Wild  West  Show's  financial  troubles  were  unveiled 
in  an  article  in  Billboard,  Aug.  2,  1913.  The  abrupt  closure  of 
the  Buffalo  Bill-Pawnee  Bill  show  is  described  in  the  article. 
Sweeney  was  married  to  Johnny  Baker's  sister. 

13  Frank  Williams  interviewed  by  author.  Members  of  the 
1901  band  were:  L.  L.  Newton,  J.  S.  Dillon.  Nash  Woods, 
Charles  McClintick,  Loren  Schwoob,  Lou  Woods,  Glenn  New- 
ton, Frank  Williams,  George  Taylor,  Maxon,  J.  M.  Schwoob, 
E.  Stetson,  C.  J.  Williams.  Henry  Goodman,  Lansdown  Nevins, 
and  R.  J.  McGinnis. 

14  Northern  Wyoming  Herald,  July,  1914. 

15  Ibid. 

16  Park  County  Enterprise,  February  1915;  June  1915. 

17  Landgren  Memoirs,  Park  County  Historical  Society  Ar- 
chives; Band  Record  Books,  Park  County  Historical  Society 
Archives. 


Summer  2001 

From  1924  to  April,  1933,  the  Cody  Cowboy  Band  was 
THE  band  in  Cody.  The  band  pjayed  at  the  Cody  Stam- 
pede on  July  3, 4, 5, 1 924,  and  for  the  unveiling  of  Gertrude 
Vanderbilt  Whitney's  statue  of  the  equestrian  Buffalo 
Bill.18  The  Stampede  Association  gave  the  band  $416  in 
1 925  so  that  the  band  could  buy  blue,  wool,  military-style 
"suits."  The  uniforms  proved  to  be  much  too  hot  and  the 
band  members  soon  abandoned  them  in  favor  of  cowboy 
garb.  Cowboy  hats,  brightly 
colored  shirts  and  leather  or 
woolly  chaps  became  standard 
parts  of  the  uniform.  In  one 
photograph  of  the  band  taken 
at  that  time,  the  drummer,  Art 
Scholes,  is  shown  wearing  the 
leather  chaps  from  the  1901 
Buffalo  Bill  band.19 

The  band  performed  for  the  Meeteetse  Barbecue  in  1 924; 
played  in  Sheridan  in  1930;  and  traveled  to  Billings  for 
an  appearance  in  1932.  Few  of  its  performances  provided 
the  band  with  needed  cash,  however.  Receipts  came  from 
donations  at  concerts  and  dances  as  well  as  for  playing 
for  the  Cody  Stampede.  At  one  time,  the  band  received 
pay  based  on  a  percentage  of  Stampede  receipts.  For  ex- 
ample, in  1933,  the  band  paid  each  musician  $14.50  for 
playing  at  the  Stampede  as  well  as  on  the  Irma  Hotel  porch 
and  at "  Wolfville."  For  community  concerts,  the  band  used 
a  mobile  band  stand  and  played  concerts  alternating  on 
the  west  and  east  ends  of  Sheridan  Avenue  (Cody's  main 
street).20 

The  association  bought  musical  scores  and  large  horns 
and  also  paid  for  repairing  the  drum  heads.  In  1927,  the 
York  baritone  horn  needed  repairs.  Louie  Moore  remem- 
bered when  a  trigger-happy  celebrant  once  pulled  out  his 
hand  gun  and  shot  a  hole  through  the  bell  of  the  bass 
horn.  Tom  Peterson  repaired  the  hole  neatly  with  a  two- 
inch  brass  patch.  The  hom  continued  in  use  for  many  years 
until  it  was  retired  to  the  Elks  Lodge  memorabilia  collec- 
tion some  years  ago.21 

Bob  Holm  told  the  author  about  his  first  experience  with 
the  Cody  band  in  1929: 

Some  of  the  school  band  members  were  asked  to  sit  in 
with  the  rehearsals  for  the  city  band  which  was  practicing 
for  the  Stampede  parade  and  Stampede  rodeos.  In  1929, 
city  band  members  were  Cody  businessmen.  Some  of  the 
men  I  can  remember  are  Charley  Stump,  band  conductor 
and  owner  of  the  Chevrolet  dealership;  Stanley  Landgren, 
partner  and  later  owner  of  the  Post  Office  Store;  Dr. 
Moody,  the  dentist;  Jack  Shuler  who  owned  a  meat  mar- 
ket and  played  the  trumpet — what  he  lacked  in  tonal  qual- 
ity, he  made  up  for  with  enthusiasm.  Tom  Peterson  pre- 
ferred playing  in  the  band  to  running  his  repair  shop.  G. 


At  one  time,  the  band 
received  pay  based  on  a 
percentage  of  Stampede 
receipts. 


27 

N.  "Eric"  Erickson,  a  car  salesman  for  Charley  Stump, 
also  could  direct  the  band.  "Whitey"  Worrall  was  a  book- 
keeper and  his  wife,  a  nurse,  ran  the  three-story  hospital 
on  Rumsey  Avenue.  And  there  were  others  that  I  can't 
remember....  Some  of  the  school  band  members  who 
joined  the  city  band  rehearsals  were  Louie  Moore,  Harold 
Stump,  Bill  Bosler,  Paul  Smith  and  myself.22 

Dr.  Moody,  the  dentist,  had  a  hearing  problem  and  he 
sometimes  started  playing  a 
song  quite  different  from  what 
the  director  had  designated.  In 
about  1937,  he  moved  from 
Cody  and  his  enthusiastic  play- 
ing was  missed.23 

No  women  were  allowed  in 
the  band  prior  to  1937.  In  that 
year,  however,  four  women  were  listed  as  band  members: 
Harriet  Taggart,  Leoyta  Huyck,  Marion  Scholes  and 
Geraldine  Jones.24 

In  those  years,  the  drumhead  was  painted  with  the  name, 
Knights  of  Pythias,  and  the  triangle  symbol.  The  Knights 
may  have  paid  for  the  display  of  their  name  and  symbol 
as  advertising.  Landgren's  records  reveal  no  financial 
connection.  He  shows  the  Cody  Musical  Association  as 
the  band's  sponsoring  agent.  Charles  Stump,  vice  chan- 
cellor of  the  Knights  of  Pythias  during  this  period,  always 


18  Patrick.  Members  of  the  1924  band  were:  Maurice  Starr,  Earl 
Pulley,  Vernon  Howe,  Raymond  Ahlberg,  Tom  Peterson,  Jack 
Shuler,  Charles  Stump,  Alden  Ingraham,  Dr.  Moody,  Stanley 
Landgren,  Art  Scholes,  Guy  Todd,  Loren  Todd,  and  Bert  Carr. 

19  Jeannie  Cook,  Buffalo  Bill's  Town  in  the  Rockies:  A  Pictorial 
History  of  Cody,  Wyoming.  (Virginia  Beach:  Donning  Co.,  1996), 
84.  The  drum  has  nothing  written  on  it.  The  photograph  is  dated 
1907,  but  the  cornerstone  for  the  Presbyterian  Church,  shown  in 
the  background,  was  laid  Sept.  23,  1909.  Specifics  on  the  band 
appearances  are  from  Landgren  Memoirs. 

20  Band  Record  Books.  The  1931  band  included  those  listed  in 
footnote  17  as  well  as  Jack  Yule,  E.  R.  Driggs,  Frank  Hodges,  Eu- 
gene Hayden,  Don  Pearson  and  Robert  Gauthrop. 

21  Louie  Moore  interviewed  by  author. 

22  Bob  Holm  interviewed  by  author.  Bob  Holm  is  related  to  the 
Williams  family.  His  aunt  Edith  Holm  married  Clarence  Williams, 
Frank's  younger  brother.  Clarence  stayed  in  the  Cody  area  and  his 
daughter  Marion  Williams  Pierce  has  told  me  her  family  history. 
After  Frank's  marriage  to  Clara  Kissick,  they  moved  to  Florida. 

23  Ibid. 

24  Band  Record  Books;  Landgren  Memoirs. 

2-  Landgren  Memoirs.  Northern  Wyoming  Herald,  Nov.  5,  1915, 
mentions  that  Cody  Lodge  #24  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias  met  every 
Thursday  in  the  Odd  Fellows  Hall.  Park  County  Enterprise,  Jan.  5, 
1916,  listed  the  newly  elected  officers  for  1916.  Stump  was  elected 
Vice  Chancellor.  In  1999  Reva  Friedly,  Cody,  told  the  author  that 
she  belonged  to  the  Pythian  Sisters  in  the  1950s  when  she  lived  in 
Bonner's  Ferry  Diaho.  She  said  the  Knights  of  Pythias  were  orga- 
nized similarly  to  the  Odd  Fellows  Lodge. 


28 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


was  active  in  Cody  bands  and  served  as  a  band  director 
for  a  time.  Apparently,  the  Knights  of  Pythias  faded  away 
in  Cody  in  the  early  1930s.25 

Stump  resigned  as  director,  to  be  replaced  by  Gar 
Erickson  who  was  paid  $2  per  rehearsal.  By  1933,  re- 
hearsals were  held  at  the  West  End  Camp  Ground  build- 
ing and,  later  for  many  years,  rehearsals  were  in  the  Town 
Fire  Hall  building  (in  the  1 300  block  of  Rumsey  Avenue). 
Many  firemen  played  in  the  band.  Former  bandsman  Louis 
Moore  remembered  practicing 
on  the  stage  at  the  Temple  The- 
ater. In  1939,  band  members 
were  paid  84  cents  per  concert, 
but  the  next  year,  the  pay  went 
down  to  62  cents  per  concert.26 
The  band  became  inactive  in 
the  early  1940s  as  a  result  of 
World  War  II.  Efforts  to  revive 
it  later  in  that  decade  failed.  In 
1952  Stanley  Landgren  closed 
the  band's  bank  account  and 
transferred  the  balance  of  $58.30 
to  the  Cody  Elks  Band.27 

A  music  program  gradually  developed  in  the  Cody 
schools.  Music  teacher  Rudy  Cooper  moved  to  Califor- 
nia in  1925.  In  1931,  the  school  hired  Nick  Stein  as  music 
director.  He  organized  a  school  band  and  orchestra  that 
included  junior  high  students.  He  also  played  in  the  city 
band.  Bill  Bosler  recalled  how  Stein  "sputtered  a  lot"  while 
trying  to  teach  how  to  triple  tongue  the  trumpet.  Donna 
Erickson  Brolin,  who  sat  in  the  front  row  of  the  band, 
remembered  Stein's  "'showers  of  saliva."28 

While  directing  the  school  bands,  playing  in  the  city 
band  and  teaching  music.  Stein  also  started  a  "German 
band."  The  band  included  clarinet  players  Nick  Stein  and 
Dr.  Robert  Moody  (a  dentist);  Louis  Moore,  cornet;  Tom 
Peterson,  bass  horn;  Stanley  Landgren,  trombone  (chang- 
ing later  to  the  piccolo  when  he  played  in  the  Elks  Band). 
The  group,  calling  itself  "The  Hungry  Five,"  played  Eu- 
ropean "beer  hall  music." 

Bob  Holm  recalled  some  of  the  band's  exploits: 

I  believe  it  was  about  1933  that  Dr.  Moody  invited  this 
little  group  to  a  two-day  trip  to  Sheridan  to  entertain  at 
the  State  Shriner's  meeting.  We  had  a  lot  of  fun  on  that 
trip  and  they  seemed  to  enjoy  our  'Dutch'  music... About 
that  same  year,  five  high  school  band  members  decided 
to  organize  a  German  band  of  our  own.  We  sent  away  for 
the  music  and  started  practicing.  Jim  Forgey  and  I  played 
the  clarinet  parts;  Bill  Bosler  on  the  trumpet;  Paul  Smith, 
trombone;  and  Harold  Stump  on  the  bass  horn.  We  em- 
phasized the  brass  instruments  and  with  lots  of  2/4  time, 
it  was  fun  to  play. 


The  pieces  had  light-hearted  titles  like  "Here's  to  Another 
Beer,"  and  the  ever-popular  "Beer  Barrel  Polka."29 
Jim  Forgey  remembered  his  time  in  this  German  band: 

We  sent  off  and  bought  five  books  of  German  music. 
By  1934  Prohibition  was  over  and  there  were  about  ten 
saloons  downtown  and  we  would  go  in  all  of  these  sa- 
loons and  play  a  couple  of  tunes  and  they  would  give  us 
free  beer.  Some  of  us  would  play  with  Jack  Yule's  dance 
orchestra.  We  got  so  good  they  wouldn't  let  us  play  in 


amateur  contests 


30 


To  promote  the  upcom- 
ing Stampede  in  Cody  in 
1937,  the  Cody  High 
School  band  made  a  pro- 
motional tour  around 
Yellowstone. 


Stein  left  in  1934  and  the 
school  district  hired  Merle 
Prugh  as  school  music  director. 
He  had  taught  in  Greybull  and 
there,  met  the  musically  tal- 
ented Helen  Wamhoff  of  Em- 
blem whom  he  married.  The 
Prughs,  with  some  others, 
formed  a  dance  band.  Even  af- 
ter his  appointment  to  the  Cody 
job,  Prugh  continued  to  live  in 
Greybull  and  teach  music  in  the  school  there,  too.  He  al- 
ways drove  back  home  from  Cody  in  his  gray  Chevrolet 
"free-wheeling"  coupe.  After  a  few  years,  the  Prughs 
moved  to  Cody. 

Prugh  encouraged  students  to  join  the  band  and  orches- 
tra. Many  played  in  both.  A  number  of  students  worked 
at  playing  the  violin.  Prugh  played  the  violin  and,  accord- 
ing to  observers,  did  it  well.  Mothers  of  band  members 
made  capes  of  blue  material  trimmed  in  gold — the  school 
colors.  Boys  wore  blue  trousers  and  girls,  blue  slacks. 
Everyone  wore  blue  "overseas  type  caps."31 

To  promote  the  upcoming  Stampede  in  Cody  in  1937, 
the  Cody  High  School  band  made  a  promotional  tour 
around  Yellowstone.  "Professor  Merle  Prugh  and  Rev. 
Lyman  Winkle  went  to  arrange  for  the  trip,"  the  Cody 
Enterprise  news  article  said.  Winkle  was  pastor  at  the 
Presbyterian  Church  and  Prugh  sang  in  the  church  choir. 
The  Enterprise  reported  that  Prugh  and  Winkle  "were  re- 


26  Moore  interview;  Landgren  Memoirs;  Band  Record  Books. 

27  Band  Record  Books. 

28  Bill  Bosler  interviewed  by  author;  Donna  Erickson  Brolin 
inerviewed  by  author. 

29  Holm  interview. 

30  Jimmy  Forgey  interviewed  by  author. 

31  Landgren  Memoirs. 

32  Cody  Enterprise,  June  23,  1937.  During  the  same  summer, 
women  in  Cody  organized  the  Cody  Music  Club,  but  its  goals  were 
different  from  those  of  the  Cody  Musical  Association.  The  latter 
organization  gradually  faded  away. 

33  Elaine  Crips  Davis  interviewed  by  author;  Gerry  Jones  Stauffer 
to  the  author. 


Summer  2001 

ceived  very  courteously  in  the  Park"  and  "splendid  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  cabin  camp  accommodations. 
Roy  Crips  made  a  price  on  one"  of  his  large  trucks  for 
transportation.  Forest  Service  and  Valley  Ranch  have  as- 
sisted with  furnishing  of  equipment.  Vern  Spencer  [is]  to 
be  cook  which  insures  the  boys  [sic]  will  have  plenty  to 
eat.  The  town  band  made  a  contribution  of  $100."j: 

Contrary  to  the  reference  in  the  article,  there  were  girls 
in  the  band.  They  included  Gerry  Jones,  Marion  Scholes, 
among  others.  Elaine  Crips  Davis  said  her  father  provided 
Chevrolet  flat  bed  trucks  and  the  side  boards  formed  re- 
movable racks  that  loosely  enclosed  the  backs  of  the  trucks. 
Band  members  sat  on  hard  wooden  benches  along  the 
sides  of  the  uncovered  trucks  among  the  gear  and  the  in- 
struments piled  in  the  middle.33 

The  band  played  an  evening  concert  at  Canyon  Lodge, 
stayed  the  night,  and  then  played  at  Old  Faithful  Inn  the 
next  afternoon  and  evening.  The  band  concluded  the  week- 
end with  a  Sunday  concert  at  Lake.  Later,  Cody  Enter- 
prise editor  Ernest  F.  Shaw  received  a  letter  from  a  tour- 
ist, E.  W.  Wildeman,  written  from  Canyon  Lodge.  The 
writer  said  the  Cody  band  "compared  favorably  with  the 
best  we  have  in  Chicago  high  schools."34 

At  the  time  of  the  trip,  the  German  band  had  become 
proficient.  "After  the  high  school  band  had  done  their 
entertaining,  the  German  Band  decided  we  would  give 
the  people  in  the  lobby  area  of  the  Old  Faithful  Inn  a 
special  treat,"  Bob  Holm  recalled.  "The  five  of  us  marched 
in  and  proceeded  to  play  one  of  our  best  selections.  We 
did  this  very  nicely,  we  thought,  and  were  just  about  to 
begin  another  tune  when  up  comes  the  hotel  manager  and 
says  we  were  not  scheduled  entertainment  and  would  we 
please  leave  now.  I  think  he  even  pointed  to  the  door!"1 

Prugh  continued  as  school  band  director  until  1 940  when 
he  moved  to  Casper.  The  school  band  as  well  as  the  city 
band  were  generally  inactive  during  the  World  War  II 
years. 

When  the  Elks  Lodge  started  in  Cody,  the  group  felt  a 
drum  and  bugle  corps  would  be  a  great  addition.  They 
offered  a  membership  to  Louis  Moore  if  he  would  orga- 
nize the  corps.  He  did  and  it  soon  grew  into  a  group  of  35- 
40  members.  They  dressed  in  military-style  uniforms,  jack- 
ets with  epaulets  and  whipcord  trousers.  Dr.  Meisner,  a 
Cody  dentist,  was  the  band  director.36 

In  1953  the  Elks  formed  a  German  band.  Bob  Holm, 
Paul  Smith  and  Harold  Stump,  members  of  the  old  high 
school  German  band,  joined  with  Louis  Moore  (trumpet) 
and  G.  N.  Erickson  to  form  the  group.  Holm  and  Max 
Thompson  played  clarinets  while  Erickson  and  Paul  Smith 
played  the  trombone.  Stump  and  Dean  Kells  played  bass 
horn  while  Jack  Yule  was  the  drummer.  Uniforms  for  the 
band  were  "hand-me-downs"  from  Red  Lodge,  obtained 


29 

after  the  group  performed  there  and  discovered  that  a 
"miner's  band"  was  disposing  of  them.37 

Over  the  years,  various  dance  bands  formed.  Jack  Yule 
and  Grover  Whalen  formed  two  of  the  more  popular  ones. 
Gradually,  however,  the  various  municipal  bands,  the  Elks 
bands,  German  bands  and  even  the  dance  bands  declined. 
By  the  1990s,  the  high  school  band  represented  the  com- 
munity in  parades.  In  recent  years,  the  band  shell  in  City 
Park  has  hosted  the  amplified  sounds  of  summer  concerts 
played  by  local  and  visiting  western,  jazz  and  traditional 
bands.  The  sounds  recall  the  music  of  that  first  Cody  band, 
formed  with  Buffalo  Bill's  support  and  directed  by  Will- 
iam Sweeney  a  century  ago. 

34  Cody  Enterprise,  July,  1937. 

35  Holm  interview.  Bill  Bosler  and  Jimmy  Forgey  remembered 
the  incident  somewhat  differently.  According  to  Forgey,  "At  Old 
Faithful,  we  got  into  trouble.  We  decided  to  crash  the  Old  Faithful 
Inn  on  the  sly  without  Mr.  Prugh's  permission.  When  the  guests 
were  eating  their  dinner,  all  dressed  up  very  formal,  we  marched  in 
playing  our  instruments  and  wound  around  the  tables.  Soon,  two 
burly  men  came  and  hustled  us  out,  but  the  people  liked  the  music 
and  clapped  for  us.  That  was  the  extent  of  the  mischief  we  got 
into."  Another  reference  to  the  high  school  German  band  is  from 
the  journal  of  Frances  Forgey.  Jimmy's  mother.  For  July  4,  1938, 
she  wrote:  "Jim  played  at  Stampede  and  'Dutch'  Band  broadcast  to 
New  York."  This  did  not  mean  a  radio  broadcast  of  the  band.  Bob 
Holm  recalled  that  the  German  band  was  playing  for  Stampede  on 
Sheridan  Avenue  and  ending  the  evening  in  the  Log  Cabin  Bar 
"when  one  tipsy  celebrant  thought  it  would  be  a  special  treat  for 
his  friend  in  New  York  City  to  listen  to  our  happy  music  over  the 
long  distance  telephone."  Holm  said,  "We  could  tell  by  the  conver- 
sation that  the  New  York  friend  had  been  awakened  from  a  deep 
sleep.  Anyway,  we  played  and  the  friend  listened  at  2  a.m.,  in  New 
York  City  to  music  played  in  Cody,  Wyoming." 

36  Cook,  Buffalo  Bills  Town  in  the  Rockies.  137.  The  Elks  Club 
German  Band  is  pictured  on  p.  137.  The  drum  has  printed  "B.P.O.E. 
1611,  Cody,  Wyoming,"  on  its  head. 

37  Holm  interview.  The  jackets  were  red  and  the  uniforms  in- 
cluded jaunty  caps,  five  of  them  with  high  round  crowns  and  two 
with  low  crowns.  The  light-colored  trousers  had  side  stripes  and 
the  jackets  were  short  and  tight  with  eight  buttons  down  the  front 
and  two  rows  of  eight  buttons  slanting  in  from  each  shoulder  to  the 
waist  and  horizontally  joined  by  braid  in  a  ladder-like  design. 


Ester  Johansson  Murray  is  a  native  of  Cody, 
the  daughter  of  an  old-time  guide  on  Park 
County  dude  ranches.  She  is  a  graduate  of  the 
University  of  Wyoming.  Her  work  has  appeared 
in  Annals  of  Wyoming  on  several  occasions, 
beginning  with  "Short  Grass  and  Heather: 
Peter  McCulloch  in  the  Big  Horn  Basin,  " pub- 
lished in  Annals  in  1979.  Her  biographical  por- 
trait of  "Sam  Berry,  Hired  Gun,  "  appeared  in 
Annals  in  1996. 


The  Kendricfe/ZieWsdorft  Correspondence: 

Myth  anb  Reality  in 
the  Saft  Creek  Oi(  Fiefds 


B$  Eugene  T.  Carroff 


John  Benjamin  Kendrick  was  the  most  popular  Wyo- 
ming politician  of  the  first  half  of  the  20th  century.  La- 
belled as  one  of  the  three  "Grand  Old  Men"  of  Wyo- 
ming politics,  Kendrick  rose  from  humble  beginnings 
in  Texas,  rode  as  a  cowboy  with  the  trail  herds  heading 
for  Colorado  and  Wyoming,  married  the  boss's  daugh- 
ter, built  a  ranching  empire,  and  in  his  mid-fifties,  turned 
to  politics.1 

One  of  his  constituents  in  the  1920s  from  Natrona 
County  was  Armin  Ziehlsdorff,  formerly  from  Wiscon- 
sin and  a  World  War  I  veteran.  With  the  end  of  World 
War  I,  many  ex-servicemen,  like  Ziehlsdorff,  took  ad- 
vantage of  various  homestead  acts  and  headed  for  Wyo- 
ming and  the  West.2  With  Helen,  his  bride  of  just  a  week, 
Armin  arrived  in  the  middle  of  November,  1919,  to  the 


American  Heritage  Center 

Sen.  John  B.  Kendrick 


cold  and  vast  stillness  of  the  Salt  Creek  oil  fields,  to 
their  new  home,  called  a  "tent  house,"  a  structure  with 
wooden  floors  and  walls  and  a  canvas  top.  In  an  article 
in  the  Casper  Tribune-Herald  in  1954,  at  the  time  of  his 
retirement  from  Stanolind  Oil  Company,  Ziehlsdorff 
recalled  that  "times  were  hard  then.  The  rent  was  $40 — 
food  prices  were  high — 40  cents  for  a  quart  of  milk  and 
a  dollar  for  a  dozen  eggs.  Wages  averaged  $5  a  day.3 

Ziehlsdorff  was  not  the  only  ex-soldier  to  move  to  the 
oil  fields  which  were  near  the  peak  of  their  boom :  1 0,000 
persons  who  lived  in  the  area  were  frantically  searching 
for  housing.  Life  with  the  settlers  was  not  only  chaotic 
but  haphazard.  Ziehlsdorff  worked  for  Midwest  Oil  Com- 
pany for  a  year,  then  quit  to  file  claim  "to  land  at  the 
southern  edge  of  the  Salt  Creek  field.  I  built  a  house  on 
the  land  and  Helen  and  I  moved  from  the  tent  house... 
.the  house  was  part  of  the  improvements  to  'prove  up' 
in  the  claim  for  title."4 

Throughout  the  first  two  decades  of  the  20th  century, 
the  problems  associated  with  oil  legislation  seemed  end- 
less and  almost  unsolvable.  One  of  the  most  hotly  de- 
bated conservation  issues  of  the  day  was  the  formula- 
tion of  a  reasonable  oil  leasing  policy  which  would  please 
the  President,  Western  Senators,  independent  oil  opera- 
tors and  homesteaders  who  had  located  on  lands  with 
oil.  The  climax  to  the  debate  came  in  1920  with  the 
passage  of  the  General  Leasing  Act.   One  of  the  main 

1  The  author  thanks  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  for  a 
Lola  Homsher  Grant  in  1991:  the  American  Heritage  Center  for  a 
travel  grant  in  1995:  the  late  Mary  Ziehlsdorff  Schofield  Dansby 
of  Cody  and  Tacoma.  Washington,  for  an  eight-year  correspon- 
dence on  the  life  and  times  of  her  mother  and  father.  Armin  and 
Helen  Ziehlsdorff:  Carl  Hallberg,  American  Heritage  Center,  for 
his  help  on  the  footnotes.  This  article  is  adapted  from  a  chapter  for 
a  planned  political  biography  of  Senator  Kendrick;  T.  A.  Larson. 
History  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln:  Univ.  of  Neb.  Press.  1965),  447-9. 

2  Congressional  Record,  64th  Cong..  2d  sess..  1917,  60:7547- 
7550. 

3  Casper  Tribune-Herald,  March  2.  1954. 

4  Ibid 


Summer  2001 

provisions  of  this  Act,  offered  by  Senator  Reed  Smoot 
of  Utah,  regulated  leasing  of  government  oil  land,  a  pro- 
vision bitterly  attacked  by  some  Western  Senators  who 
wanted  all  government  land  open  for  development  with- 
out any  regulation. 5 

By  executive  order,  Presidents  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
Taft  and  Wilson  withdrew  considerable  areas  of  land  for 
classification  by  the  U.  S.  Geological  Survey.  To  give 
legislative  approval  to  the  executive  withdrawals.  Con- 
gress, in  1910,  passed  the  Pickett  Act  giving  the  Presi- 
dent the  constitutional  authority.  The  Act  was  challenged 
but  upheld  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.6 

Kendrick,  unlike  many  of  his  fellow  Western  col- 
leagues, was  always  more  involved  with  land  policy  than 
with  oil.  The  land  problems  of  the  period  were  more 
uniquely  Western  simply  because  the  land  was  prima- 
rily arid  and  semi-arid.  While  the  Leasing  Act  may  have 
solved  some  of  the  problems  of  land  with  oil,  other  laws 
had  to  be  enacted  or  adapted  to  solve  the  problems  of 
entrymen  who  had  leased  lands  under  the  various  Home- 
stead Acts.  For  example,  President  Wilson  signed  the 
Stock-Raising  Act  in  1916  which  allowed  entry  on  640 
acres  of  non-irrigable,  non-forested  land  for  stock-rais- 
ing, but  entry  could  only  be  made  after  the  Geological 
Survey  had  declared  the  land  eligible  for  settlement. 

Not  all  of  the  oil  companies  took  seriously  the  Su- 
preme Court  ruling  that  the  President  had  the  right  to 
withdraw  land.  Midwest,  for  instance,  entered  withdrawn 
land  and  proceeded  with  so-called  "assessment  work," 
and  some  actual  drilling  operations.  Lands  that  were  un- 
lawfully entered  and  seized  by  the  company  were  pa- 


51 


trolled  and  guarded  by  "lease-riders,"  the  majority  of 
whom  were  on  Midwest's  payroll.  By  1919  and  1920, 
Midwest  controlled  nearly  the  entire  Salt  Creek  field.7 

By  September  1920,  eight  months  after  the  General 
Leasing  Act  became  law,  Kendrick  began  receiving  let- 
ters of  complaint  against  the  oil  companies  from 
Ziehlsdorf  and  other  homesteaders.  Presumably  orches- 
trated by  Ziehlsdorff,  the  form  of  the  correspondence 
had  similarities.  In  fact,  most  letters  were  the  same  ex- 
cept for  the  signatures.  Each  writer  identified  himself  as 
an  ex-soldier  and  homesteader  and  that  he  understood 
that  under  the  Leasing  Act  of  1920,  he  had  relinquished 
all  rights  to  oil  and  other  minerals  under  the  ground.8 

The  letters,  between  Ziehlsdorff  and  Kendrick,  along 
with  some  government  documents  mainly  from  the  files 
of  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  show  Ziehlsdorff  as 
one  citizen,  acting  as  the  spokesman  for  others,  attempt- 
ing to  maintain  the  basic  rights  to  home  and  property. 
He  is  writing  to  Kendrick,  a  senator  with  some  sympa- 
thy for  his  position.  An  examination  of  the  letters  shows 
that  Ziehlsdorff  was  commanding  in  his  use  of  unusual, 
insightful  and  intelligent  language.  Kendrick  responded 
with  intense  interest  and  political  realism.  The  corre- 

5  Larson,  407. 

6  U.  S.  v.  Midwest  Oil  Company,  236  U.  S.  673  (1915). 

7  Armin  H.  Ziehisdorffto  John  B.  Kendrick.  February  21,  1924. 
Box  31,  John  B.  Kendrick  Collection,  Accession  341,  American 
Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming,  hereafter  cited  as  the 
JBK  Coll;  E.  Louise  Pfeffer,  The  Closing  of  the  Public  Domain: 
Disposal  and  Reservation  Policies,  1900-1930.  (Stanford:  Stanford 
University  Press,  1951),  110-168. 

8  AHZ  to  JLK,  September  20,  1920,  Box  25,  JBK  Coll. 


Lavoye,  Wyoming. 
1 924.  A  year  after 
this  picture  was 
taken,  a  three- 
year  court  battle 
ended  with  an  oil 
company  succeed- 
ing in  its  claim  for 
the  land  underly- 
ing the  town.  The 
entire  town  was 
forced  to  move.  By 
the  end  of  1 925, 
nothing  remained 
at  the  site,  about 
48  miles  north  of 
Casper. 


Photo  courtesv  of  Amy  Lawrence 


32 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


spondence  began  in  1920  and  continued  through  1928 
when  Kendrick  attempted  relief  legislation  for  the  home- 
steaders. (While  it  failed  that  year,  he  reintroduced  the 
bill  in  1930,  when  it  was  approved).9 

A  few  examples  of  the  Kendrick/Ziehlsdorff  corres- 
pondence show  the  emotionalism  in  the  issue.  In  a  Janu- 
ary, 1 92 1 ,  letter,  Ziehlsdorff  wrote  of  the  tense  situation 
at  Salt  Creek  where  the  General  Land  Commissioner  in 
Washington  had  suspended  the  homestead  rights  of  lo- 
cal people.  Ziehlsdorff  told  Kendrick  that  a  government 
that  advocated  the  "back  to  the  land  movement  and  pub- 
lic lands  for  ex-soldiers"  was  giving  in  to  the  pressures 
and  big  money  of  the  oil  corporations. 

Kendrick  replied  that  he  would  urge  the  Interior  Sec- 
retary to  modify  his  rulings  to  allow  each  settler  to  con- 
tinue his  improvements.  In  an  ironic  twist,  Ziehlsdorff, 
in  an  early  March,  1 92 1 ,  letter,  said  he  was  looking  to  a 
better  future  for  himself  and  the  other  settlers.  Newly- 
elected  Republican  President  Warren  G.  Harding  had 
replaced  Secretary  of  the  Interior  John  Payne  with  Albert 
Fall,  a  Republican  rancher  and  former  U.  S.  Senator.10 

For  at  least  the  next  two  years,  the  hopes  and  the  fears 
of  men  and  their  families  escalated  and  fell  as  the  oil 
companies  solidified  their  position  with  Fall.  For  ex- 
ample, in  a  June  13,  1 92 1 ,  letter,  Kendrick  wrote  that  he 
had  a  conference  with  Fall  who  "is  not  unsympathetic... 
and  he  gave  me  the  assurance  that  he  would  go  into  the 
matter  thoroughly. ..to  allow  the  surface  to  the  home- 
steaders and  still  make  it  possible  to  carry  on  oil  opera- 
tions without  interruption."  Kendrick  added  that  Fall  also 
suggested  that  the  companies  might  need  certain  tracts 
and,  thus,  would  permit  the  homesteaders  to  exchange 
one  tract  for  another. ' ' 

In  the  same  month,  the  land  office  reversed  a  decision 
that  had  denied  entry  to  one  of  the  Salt  Creek  home- 
steaders. The  land  office,  in  fact,  would  permit  him  to 
"prove  up"  for  patent.  Immediately,  Midwest  asked  for 
a  rehearing  on  grounds  that  the  land  was  not  fit  for  graz- 
ing. This  was  claimed  despite  the  fact  that  the  oil  com- 
panies used  the  same  land  for  grazing  their  own  horses. 
Ziehlsdorff  reminded  Kendrick  that  they  both  knew  the 
land  and  that  it  could  be  used  for  both  grazing  and  crops. ' 2 

The  land  office  had  not  decided  on  other  homestead 
cases,  however.  Bitterness  and  frustration  is  apparent 
when  in  February,  1 922,  Ziehlsdorff  wrote  that  the  home- 
steaders were  strained  financially:  "It  is  very  disheart- 
ening to  face  a  situation  such  as  we  are  up  against,  and  is 
it  not  possible  that  the  Department  realized  the  situation 
we  are  in?"13 

Finally,  a  month  later,  Secretary  Fall  made  his  deci- 
sion. He  acknowledged  the  right  the  homesteaders  have 
to  the  surface  in  that  area.  But  the  oil  companies,  the 


holders  of  the  federal  leases  for  drilling  rights  on  the 
same  parcels,  would  have  a  choice  of  tracts.  The  home- 
steaders would  receive  only  small  parcels  of  land,  that 
the  oil  companies  could  not  lease,  from  their  original 
640-acre  claims.  The  homesteaders  were  furious. 
Ziehlsdorff  wrote  Kendrick  that  Interior  Secretary  Fall 
had  gone  beyond  his  authority  by  arbitrarily  setting  aside 
the  laws  of  Congress.  "Homestead  laws  are  acts  of  Con- 
gress. It  takes  an  Act  of  Congress  to  change  a  previous 
Act  of  Congress."14 
In  June  1922,  Ziehlsdorff  wrote: 

Judging  from  some  of  the  notices  the  companies  have 
already  sent  to  some  of  the  homesteaders,  they  will  ask 
for  every  acre  of  the  640,  and  what  reassurance  we  would 
have  outside  of  taking  the  matter  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
I  am  unable  to  see.  The  government  should  protect  the 
homesteaders  rather  than  cater  to  the  convenience  and 
whims  of  the  oil  corporations. '- 

In  reply,  Kendrick  again  said  that  he  sympathized  with 
the  homesteaders:  "The  just  thing  to  do  under  the  deci- 
sion would  be  to  immediately  arrange  for  the  drilling  of 
test  wells  on  certain  sub-divisions  which  would  prove 
or  disprove  the  mineral  character  of  the  land."  He  cau- 
tioned Ziehlsdorff  against  taking  the  case  to  court  for 
several  reasons.  First,  he  noted  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  sue  the  government  unless  it  consented  to  that 
course,  through  some  legislation.  No  language  existed 
in  either  the  homestead  laws  or  the  leasing  act  that  could 
be  viewed  as  "consent"  for  such  action.  Second,  any  ac- 
tion by  the  Supreme  Court  would  hinge  on  the  ambigui- 
ties between  mineral  and  homestead  laws.  The  Stock- 
Raising  Homestead  Act  of  1916  presupposed  the  right 
of  the  government  to  enter  land  at  any  time  to  extract 
any  mineral  deposits,  he  pointed  out.16 

By  the  fall  of  1922,  Ziehlsdorff,  more  frustrated  than 
ever,  wrote  that  Midwest  had  introduced  affidavits  into 
the  controversy.  These  were  made  by  Midwest  employ- 
ees in  "soft"  jobs  who  pointed  out  that  Salt  Creek  activi- 
ties were  much  the  same  as  what  had  been  done  in  Okla- 
homa and  California.  That  information  was  misleading, 
Ziehlsdorff  argued,  because  the  lands  in  those  states  were 
already  patented  and  showed  intensive  operations.17 


9  Congressional  Record,  71st  Cong.,  1st  sess.,  1930,  72:6349. 

10  AHZ  to  JBK,  January  20    1920,  Box  25;  JBK  to  AHZ,  Febru- 
ary 1,  1921,  Box  26;  AHZ/JBK,  March  5,  1921,  Box  26,  JBK  Coll. 

11  JBK/AHZ,  June  13,  1921,  Box  26,  JBK  Coll. 

12  AHZ/JBK,  June  26,  1921,  Box  26,  JBK  Coll. 

13  AHZ/JBK,  February  9,  1922,  Box  28,  JBK  Coll. 

14  AHZ/JBK,  March  18,  1922,  Box  28,  JBK  Coll. 

15  AHZ/JBK,  June  10,  1922,  Box  28,  JBK  Coll. 

16  JBK/AHZ,  June  21,  1922,  Box  28,  JBK  Coll. 

17  AHZ/JBK,  September  2,  1922,   Box  29,  JBK  Coll. 


Summer  2001 

No  further  correspondence  was  evident  through  the 
rest  of  1923.  The  Midwest  company,  meanwhile,  settled 
with  several  homesteaders,  paying  $  1 5-S25  an  acre  for 
their  lands,  thus  gaining  the  company  both  surface  and 
sub-surface  on  potentially  valuable  oil-producing  lands. 

Ziehlsdorff  was  busy  in  1 923  organizing  the  Salt  Creek 
unit  of  the  Wyoming  Homesteader's  Protective  Asso- 
ciation. The  group  sent  a  summary  statement  of  the 
conflict's  history  to  President  Coolidge,  Governor  Ross 
of  Wyoming  and  Western  senators  and  representatives. 
The  essence  of  the  summary,  well-written  and  well-or- 
ganized, was  that  the  rights  of  the  homesteaders  to  their 
lands  had  been  suspended  by  the  Interior  Department 
and  the  department  worked  in  collusion  with  three  oil 
companies—  Midwest,  Ohio  and  Standard.  The  statement 
explained  each  step  of  the  conflict  and  ended  with  a  call 
for  a  congressional  investigation.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
written  statement,  a  familiar  Ziehlsdorff  question  was 
repeated:  "Have  American  citizens,  settlers  and  ex-sol- 
diers no  remaining  vested  rights  in  the  United  States?"18 

Ziehlsdorff  was  concerned  because  of  other  Interior 
Department  actions.  For  example,  the  land  office  had 
ordered  cancellation  of  the  large  homestead  entry  of  Louis 
Lavoye  where  about  1 ,000  people  had  built  a  town  with 
homes,  schools,  a  post  office,  and  business  and  com- 
mercial houses.  19 

In  reply,  Kendrick  assured  Ziehlsdorff  that  he  was  tak- 
ing the  matter  even  more  seriously.  He  said  he  had  so- 
licited cooperation  from  Assistant  Secretary  E.  O.  Finney 
for  help  in  delaying  claim  cancellations.  He  added  that 
he  had  made  a  trip  earlier  in  the  year  to  Denver  to  help 
"broker"  an  agreement  between  Midwest  and  the  home- 
steaders. He  told  Ziehlsdorff  that  he  also  had  encour- 
aged Midwest  to  influence  the  other  companies,  namely 
Ohio  and  Standard,  to  settle  with  the  homesteaders.20 

Ziehlsdorff  appreciated  Kendrick's  help,  but  believed 
that  only  a  special  act  of  Congress  would  clear  the  ten- 
sion in  the  oil  fields.  Floyd  Pendell,  a  Casper  lawyer  for 
many  of  the  claimants,  in  a  February,  1924,  letter  to 
Kendrick,  agreed  that  Midwest  people  "have  not  used 
their  good  offices  with  any  degree  of  force  in  assisting 
settlements  in  the  balance  of  the  cases."21 

In  another  letter  to  Kendrick,  Ziehlsdorff  questioned 
whether  the  homesteader's  problems  could  be  tied  in 
with  the  Teapot  Dome  hearings  and  Fall's  decisions. 
Kendrick,  who  was  on  the  Walsh  committee  investigating 
the  scandal,  replied  that  Ziehlsdorff  s  request  for  an 
investigation  under  these  circumstances  would  not  go 
very  far  in  light  of  the  committee  hearings  on  the  com- 
plexities of  Teapot  Dome  issue.  He  suggested  that 
Ziehlsdorff  and  his  colleagues  continue  to  negotiate  with 
the  oil  companies.22 


33 

Throughout  much  of  the  next  four  years,  the  situation 
at  Salt  Creek  remained  ambiguous.  Many  of  the  home- 
steaders sold  out  to  the  oil  companies  and  left  the  area. 
Ziehlsdorff,  whose  land  had  been  leased  by  the  Ohio  Oil 
Company,  still  hoped  for  some  resolution.  In  a  letter  to 
Kendrick  in  April,  1924,  he  wrote:  "The  question  of 
settlements  with  the  Ohio  Oil  Company  is  in  progress, 
and  we  would  definitely  know  what  they  are  going  to  do 
in  a  very  short  time."  But  a  year  later,  in  February  1 925, 
he  lamented,  "I  presumed  the  entire  matter  would  be 
settled  long  ago,  but  nothing  has  materialized  in  any  way 
to  mark  a  settlement." 

In  reply,  Kendrick  noted  that  Midwest  might  buy 
Ohio's  holdings  and  that  should  affect  a  settlement.  This 
did  not  happen.  By  1928,  Kendrick  had  introduced  re- 
lief legislation  for  the  homesteaders  but  Congress  did 
not  pass  it.  Two  years  later,  in  1 930,  Kendrick  tried  again. 
This  time,  the  law  finally  passed.23 

The  Kendrick/Ziehlsdorff  correspondence  shows  how- 
big,  greedy  oil  companies  tried  to  take  land  under  title 
of  law  even  though  the  land,  in  theory,  belonged  to  the 
"little  man"-the  ex-soldier  who  believed  strongly  in  the 
"back  to  the  land  movement."  The  letters  also  show  the 
rapport  between  a  senator,  an  ex-cowboy  himself,  and 
an  ex-soldier  who  had  accepted  the  tempting  govern- 
ment offer  to  locate  on  marginal  land  and  try  to  make  a 
living  from  it.  The  Salt  Creek  area  is  still  vast  and  silent, 
but  the  stories  of  the  homesteaders  who  struggled  for 
their  rights  against  the  oil  companies  is  an  important, 
but  often  overlooked,  chapter  in  that  history. 

18  AHZ/JBK,  Feb.  21.  1924,  Box  31,  JBK  Coll. 

19  After  a  three-year  court  battle,  the  1,000  citizens  of  Lavoye 
were  forced  to  move  when  courts  upheld  a  company's  claim  on  the 
land  in  1925.  See  Phil  Roberts,  et  al,  Wyoming  Almanac  (Laramie: 
Skyline  West,  2001),  126.  Within  weeks,  the  town,  located  about 
48  miles  north  of  Casper,  disappeared. 

20  JBK/AHZ.  December  14,  1923,  Box  30,  JBK  Coll. 

21  AHZ/JBK,  December  5,  1923,  Box  30;  Floyd  B.  Pendell/JBK 
February  6,  1924,  Box  31,  JBK  Coll. 

22  AHZ/JBK,  April  28,  1924  Box  31,  JBK  Coll. 

23  Congressional  Record,  71st  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  1930,  72:6349. 


Eugene  T.  Carroll  holds  the  M.  A.  in  history  from 
the  University  of  Wyoming  (1978)  and  the  M.  A. 
in  guidance  and  counseling  from  Montana  State 
University-Billings.  His  interests  center  on  West- 
ern political  figures  of  the  early  20th  century,  spe- 
cifically John  B.  Kendrick  about  whom  Carroll 
is  completing  a  biography.  Previous  articles  by 
Carroll  have  appeared  in  Annals  of  Wyoming, 
Fall,  1978,  and  Spring,  1982. 


RESEARCH  NOTE 

HAROLD  R.  TYLER,  JR.  COLLECTION 

American  Heritage  Center 


By  Sven  Dubie 


This  regular  feature  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  features  col- 
lections of  note  either  held  in  the  collections  of  Wyoming 
repositories  or  recently  acquired.  New  research  collec- 
tions in  the  Cultural  Resources  Division,  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources  Department,  were  highlighted  in  a 
previous  Annals.  Historians  who  have  worked  with  par- 
ticularly noteworthy  collections  in  Wyoming  collections 
are  urged  to  contribute  to  this  section  as  well  as  archi- 
vists/historians working  in  Wyoming  repositories. 


The  high  plains  of  southeastern  Wyoming  seem  about  as 
unlikely  a  place  to  find  an  important  collection  of  records 
related  to  the  civil  rights  movement  as  one  could  imagine. 
To  be  perfectly  candid,  I  was  a  bit  skeptical  when,  during 
the  course  of  an  interview  last  year,  Harold  R.  Tyler,  Jr., 
mentioned  in  passing  that  papers  from  his  term  as  assistant 
attorney  general  for  civil  rights  in  the  U.S.  Department  of 
Justice  were  housed  at  the  University  of  Wyoming's  Ameri- 
can Heritage  Center  in  Laramie.  After  all,  in  the  course  of 
conducting  research  for  my  dissertation  on  the  formative  years 
of  the  U.S.  Department  of  Justice's  Civil  Rights  Division,  I 
had  grown  accustomed  to  visiting  archives  scattered  through- 
out the  South,  and  in  the  Washington,  D.C.,  area,  where  many 
of  the  records  relating  to  the  federal  government's  role  in 
enforcing  civil  rights  are  located. 

During  a  recent  visit  to  the  Center's  archives,  however, 
such  doubts  as  1  had  were  quickly  assuaged.  Though  small  in 
comparison  to  the  holdings  of  some  other  civil  rights  reposi- 
tories, the  civil  rights  files  in  the  Harold  R.  Tyler,  Jr.  Collec- 
tion constitutes  an  important  body  of  documents  that  illumi- 
nate to  the  early  history  of  the  Civil  Rights  Division,  as  well 
as  facets  of  the  civil  rights  movement  on  the  eve  of  the  great 
upheavals  of  the  1960s. 

Tyler,  who  was  born  in  upstate  New  York  in  1922,  has 
spent  his  career  as  a  lawyer  in  a  variety  of  capacities,  but 
primarily  in  private  practice  in  New  York  City,  and  in  gov- 
ernment service  in  New  York  and  Washington.  Not  surpris- 
ingly, the  Tyler  Collection  reflects  his  work  as  a  lawyer,  ad- 
ministrator and  judge.  A  substantial  portion  of  the  collection 
consists  of  case  files,  civil  docket  records,  and  Tyler's  origi- 
nal opinions  from  his  tenure  as  a  federal  judge  for  the  South- 
ern District  of  New  York  (1962-1975). 

Another  part  of  the  collection  contains  files  from  his  ser- 
vice as  deputy  attorney  general  in  the  Ford  administration 
(1975-1977).  Other  materials  relating  to  his  professional  work 
and  associations  are  located  in  a  general  file.  Tyler's  official 
and  personal  correspondence,  spanning  the  years  1959-1977, 
is  also  in  the  collection.  (The  excellent  finding  aid  that  ac- 


companies Tyler's  papers  includes  an  itemized  list  for  the 
correspondence  series,  dating  each  letter  and  providing  the 
names  of  both  author  and  recipient.)  And,  of  course,  there 
are  files  from  Tyler's  work  as  head  of  the  Justice  Department's 
Civil  Rights  Division.  This  amounts  to  roughly  eight  boxes 
of  materials  devoted  exclusively  to  civil  rights  matters,  plus 
two  boxes  of  correspondence  relating  to  his  term  as  assistant 
attorney  general. 

Tyler  has  but  a  cameo  role  in  the  history  of  the  civil  rights 
movement.  This  is  due  primarily  to  his  short  tenure  as  head 
of  the  Civil  Rights  Division:  he  held  the  post  for  just  under  a 
year,  from  February  1960  to  January  1961,  before  a  change 
in  administrations  forced  him  from  office.  Nevertheless,  dur- 
ing the  eleven  months  that  he  was  assistant  attorney  general, 
Tyler  was  instrumental  in  reviving  the  moribund  agency, 
encouraging  its  lawyers  to  develop  innovative  legal  ap- 
proaches to  problems  in  civil  rights  enforcement  and  hiring 
numerous  staff  members  whose  service  in  the  Division  dur- 
ing the  tumultuous  years  of  the  1960s  was  invaluable. 
The  Tyler  Collection  gives  the  researcher  a  clear  sense  of 
the  administrative  and  policy  issues  the  assistant  attorney 
general  had  to  contend  with  during  his  year  in  office. 

One  of  Tyler's  first  challenges  was  to  ensure  that  the  Divi- 
sion was  adequately  funded  and  staffed  so  as  to  be  able  to 
respond  to  the  growing  demands  of  civil  rights  enforcement. 
Accordingly,  his  papers  contain  a  variety  of  documents  re- 
flecting his  efforts  to  secure  a  supplemental  budget  appro- 
priation for  the  Division  and  to  expand  the  size  of  the  agency's 
staff. 

Tyler  was  particularly  eager  to  hire  a  first  assistant  who 
could  supervise  litigation  then  developing  in  the  field.  His 
correspondence  reveals  that  he  wanted  to  hire  someone  from 
the  South  or  a  border  state  in  order  to  avoid  the  perception 
that  the  Division  was  little  more  than  a  cabal  of  Northerners 
intent  on  forcing  the  South  to  change  its  ways.  In  the  end, 
Tyler  hired  a  fellow  Princeton  alumnus,  John  Doar,  a  sea- 
soned litigator  from  Wisconsin.  Although  Doar  did  not  meet 
Tyler's  desired  geographic  profile,  his  Midwestern  roots  and 
California  law  school  training  freed  him  from  automatic  as- 
sociation with  the  East  Coast  establishment,  which  was  likely 
to  make  him  more  palatable  to  Southerners.  And  as  anyone 
familiar  with  the  history  of  federal  civil  rights  enforcement 
in  the  1960s  knows,  selecting  Doar  as  his  assistant  may  well 
have  been  Tyler's  single  greatest  contribution  as  assistant 
attorney  general.  Doar's  tireless  and  highly  effective  work  at 
the  Division  over  the  course  of  eight  years  would  earn  him 
praise  from  even  the  sharpest  critics  of  the  Justice  Depart- 
ment's role  in  the  struggle  for  black  equality. 

The  increasing  demands  put  on  the  Division  were  partly 


Summer  2001 

the  result  of  passage  of  the  1960  Civil  Rights  Act,  which  was 
designed  to  strengthen  voting  rights.  The  Civil  Rights  Divi- 
sion had  a  direct  hand  in  helping  to  craft  the  act,  and  Tyler's 
papers  contain  several  folders  of  materials  relating  to  the  leg- 
islative history  of  the  act,  attesting  to  its  constitutionality, 
and  recommendations  for  its  implementation. 

The  Division  was  also  pressed  into  service  in  1960  by  the 
Nixon  presidential  campaign.  Nixon's  opponent,  John 
Kennedy,  had  charged  that  under  Eisenhower's  watch  Re- 
publicans had  failed  to  achieve  any  progress  in  civil  rights. 
Tyler's  papers  reflect  that  the  Division  was  called  upon  to 
help  set  the  record  straight  by  documenting  in  detail  virtu- 
ally every  civil  rights  initiative  that  had  occurred  since  1953. 
The  body  of  evidence  produced  by  the  Division  is  impres- 
sive and  surely  must  constitute  one  of  the  richest  sources  of 
information  on  the  civil  rights  plank  in  the  1960  GOP  plat- 
form. 

Of  course  one  of  the  seminal  episodes  during  the  1960 
campaign  was  the  arrest  and  jailing  of  Martin  Luther  King, 
Jr.,  less  than  a  month  prior  to  the  election.  Both  the  Kennedy 
and  Nixon  camps  calculated  how  best  to  respond  to  the  situ- 
ation in  a  way  that  would  win  favor  with  black  voters  with- 
out simultaneously  alienating  white  voters.  Kennedy  even- 
tually phoned  Coretta  Scott  King  to  convey  his  sympathy 
and  support  to  the  King  family  while  Nixon  declined  to  com- 
ment on  the  situation.  Historians  have  noted  that  Nixon  re- 
mained silent  in  spite  of  the  urgings  of  many  of  his  cam- 
paign advisors,  and  Tyler's  papers  offer  substantial  evidence 
to  support  this  contention.  Division  memos  indicate  that  the 
Justice  Department  officials  began  considering  intervening 
in  the  case  within  a  week  of  King's  arrest,  and  continued  to 
contemplate  legal  action  even  after  he  had  been  released  on 
bail.  Regardless  of  who  in  the  Nixon  campaign  bears  the 
responsibility  for  one  of  the  most  famous  missed  opportuni- 
ties in  American  political  history,  Tyler's  papers  amply  dem- 
onstrate that  the  Civil  Rights  Division  had  carefully  weighed 
the  constitutional  ramifications  of  a  response  by  the  admin- 
istration and  concluded  that  it  would  be  appropriate. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Division  was  working  on  the 
legal  basis  for  action  in  the  King  affair,  it  was  also  closely 
monitoring  the  legal  and  political  wrangling  over  the  court- 
ordered  desegregation  of  the  New  Orleans  public  schools. 
Still  smarting  from  its  experience  three  years  earlier  in  Little 
Rock,  the  Justice  Department  worked  diligently  to  avoid  a 
repeat  of  that  crisis.  The  Tyler  Collection  has  several  folders 
containing  an  abundance  of  material  relating  to  the  New  Or- 
leans school  situation.  Among  the  documents  are  court  fil- 
ings, legal  briefs,  interagency  memoranda,  and  correspon- 
dence among  the  principal  figures  involved  in  the  drama. 
These  records  clearly  indicate  that  the  administration  relied 
heavily  on  the  Division  to  help  guide  it  through  the  ever- 
perilous  waters  of  school  desegregation. 

A  final  collection  of  files  consists  of  materials  relating  to 
the  U.S.  Commission  on  Civil  Rights,  which  was  also  estab- 
lished by  the  1957  Civil  Rights  Act.  Although  the  Division 
and  the  Commission  had  different  mandates  in  the  field  of 
civil  rights,  there  was  overlap  in  their  work,  which  inevita- 


35 

bly  gave  rise  to  rivalries,  jealousies,  and  institutional  turf 
wars.  Tensions  were  already  high  when  Tyler  assumed  lead- 
ership of  the  Division,  and  Attorney  General  William  Rogers 
directed  his  assistant  attorney  general  to  make  it  a  top  prior- 
ity to  smooth  relations  between  the  two  agencies. 

Letters  from  these  files  and  from  the  correspondence  files 
suggest  that  Tyler  was  successful  in  his  efforts  to  reach  out 
to  the  leadership  of  the  civil  rights  commission,  and  that  he 
quickly  earned  both  their  trust  and  support.  Other  documents 
in  the  civil  rights  commission  files  reveal  that  Tyler  helped 
organize  several  joint  meetings  between  members  of  the  two 
civil  rights  agencies  in  an  attempt  to  foster  better  working 
relations  between  them.  Of  particular  importance  is  a  folder 
of  materials  relating  the  December  1960  "Administration  of 
Justice  Conference."  During  the  conference  the  staffs  of  the 
Commission  and  the  Division  discussed  current  problems  and 
possibilities  in  the  field  of  civil  rights  enforcement,  and  ex- 
plored ways  in  which  they  might  collaborate  more  effectively 
in  the  protection  of  individual  rights. 

The  Civil  Rights  Commission  files  in  the  Tyler  Collection 
also  contain  a  significant  number  of  records  relating  to  Tyler's 
service  as  counsel  to  the  commission  in  1961,  after  he  had 
left  the  Civil  Rights  Division.  The  commission  retained  Tyler 
to  help  prepare  its  report  on  the  status  of  voting  rights,  which 
was  released  in  late  1961.  Much  of  the  material  in  this  file 
consists  of  copies  of  drafts  of  the  report  that  Tyler  had  cri- 
tiqued as  well  as  correspondence  relating  to  the  preparation 
of  the  report.  His  suggested  revisions  and  comments  indi- 
cate that  he  had  a  substantial  and  moderating  influence  on 
the  final  version  of  the  report. 

In  sum,  the  significance  of  the  civil  rights  files  in  the  Tyler 
Collection  is  in  no  way  diminished  by  their  modest  size.  They 
inform  us  about  the  foundational  period  in  the  history  of  the 
Civil  Rights  Division  in  addition  to  touching  on  some  of  the 
important  developments  in  the  struggle  for  black  equality. 
As  such,  Tyler's  civil  rights  files  are  an  invaluable  comple- 
ment to  the  civil  rights  records  at  the  Eisenhower  presiden- 
tial library,  particularly  because  they  provide  insight  into  the 
Division's  efforts  to  reconcile  the  general  civil  rights  policy 
initiatives  of  the  Eisenhower  administration  with  the  bur- 
geoning demands  of  the  civil  rights  movement. 

At  the  same  time,  given  the  lingering  influence  of  several 
of  Tyler's  staff  appointments,  his  civil  rights  files  are  also 
good  starting  point  for  the  study  of  federal  civil  rights  en- 
forcement policies  during  the  Kennedy  and  Johnson  admin- 
istrations. One  hopes  that  this  collection  will  receive  more 
attention  from  civil  rights  historians  than  it  has  in  the  past. 
For  the  researcher  interested  in  exploring  the  practical  reali- 
ties of  making  and  enforcing  federal  civil  rights  policy  in  the 
late  1950s  and  early  1960s,  the  Harold  R.  Tyler  Jr.  Collec- 
tion can  offer  many  pleasant,  and  even  unexpected,  rewards. 


The  author  is  a  doctoral  student  at  the  University 
of  Delaware.  His  assessment  of  the  Tyler  collec- 
tion at  AHC  stems  from  a  research  visit,  supported 
through  receipt  of  a  travel  grant  from  AHC. 


Book  Reviews 

Significant  Recent  Books  on  Western  ana  Wyoming  History 
Edited  by  Carl  Hallberg 


The  Western  Range  Revisited:  Removing  Livestock 
from  Public  Lands  to  Conserve  Native  Biodiversity. 

By  Debra  L.  Donahue.  University  of  Oklahoma  Press: 
Norman,  2000.  xii  +  388  pages.  Map.  index.  Paper 

$14.95. 

Reviewed  by  Mark  E.  Miller.  Wyoming  State  Archaeologist 
For  the  library  of  anyone  interested  in  the  western  range 
livestock  industry  and  its  place  in  Wyoming  history,  three 
studies  immediately  come  to  mind:  James  S.  Brisbin's  Beef 
Bonanza;  or.  How  to  Get  Rich  on  the  Plains  (1880);  A.  S. 
Mercer's  Banditti  of  the  Plains:  or  the  Cattleman  's  Invasion 
of  Wyoming  in  1892  ( 1 894);  and  Walter  Prescott  Webb's  The 
Great  Plains  (1931).  Whether  or  not  you  agree  with  any  of 
these  authors,  it  is  hard  to  dispute  their  impact  on  the  public 
perception  of  the  American  West.  Debra  L.  Donahue's  book. 
The  Western  Range  Revisited,  should  be  added  to  this  list. 

Donahue  argues  that  arid  and  semiarid  lands  in  the  west- 
em  states  are  unsuited  to  livestock  grazing,  and  therefore 
domestic  animals  should  be  eliminated  from  large  blocks  of 
public  land  to  enable  the  establishment  of  natural  biodiversity 
preserves.  She  contends  that  ranching  operations  on  Bureau 
of  Land  Management  lands  contribute  an  insignificant  per- 
centage of  products  and  byproducts  to  the  national  economy, 
and  that  the  federal  administrative  costs  for  grazing  far  ex- 
ceed the  revenues  generated.  She  believes  this  region  has 
been  overgrazed  and  unless  livestock  are  eliminated,  range- 
lands  receiving  less  than  12  inches  of  annual  precipitation 
may  deteriorate  ecologically  to  a  point  of  no  return.  Donahue 
leaves  no  stone  unturned  in  her  criticism  of  the  range  live- 
stock industry,  denouncing  grazing  practices,  range  improve- 
ments, grazing  fee  rates,  and  cowboy  culture  in  general. 

Between  a  brief  introduction  and  conclusion,  the  book  is 
organized  into  eight  chapters  that  focus  on  specific  aspects 
of  the  livestock  industry  on  the  western  landscape.  Chapter 
one  introduces  the  reader  to  the  history  and  culture  of  public 
land  ranching  and  discusses  the  evolution  of  relevant  federal 
laws  and  policies  since  the  Civil  War.  Chapter  two  digs 
deeper  into  the  early  legal  landscape  with  a  focus  on  such 
important  legislation  as  the  Taylor  Grazing  Act  of  1934. 
Chapter  three  presents  the  physical  landscape  of  the  range- 
land  and  emphasizes  the  importance  of  range  condition  as 
portrayed  in  such  reports  as  Senate  Document  199  released 
in  1936.  This  report  is  considered  by  Donahue  as  "the  first 
and,  until  1992,  apparently  the  only  comprehensive  evalua- 
tion of  western  range  conditions"  (p.  44).  Politics  and  cul- 
ture are  covered  in  chapter  four,  where  the  political  influ- 
ence of  ranchers  is  given  particular  attention.  Chapter  five 
covers  the  ecological  landscape  and  discusses  various  theo- 
retical models  for  understanding  vegetation  dynamics.  Chap- 


ter six  emphasizes  Donahue's  interest  in  preserving  biologi- 
cal diversity  in  these  areas  rather  than  maintaining  livestock 
grazing.  Chapter  seven  mentions  the  current  legal  landscape, 
where  it  is  argued  that  livestock  can  be  removed  from  public 
lands  under  existing  law,  and  the  management  focus  can  be 
shifted  to  preserving  maximum  natural  biodiversity.  The 
socioeconomic  landscape  is  discussed  in  chapter  eight  as  the 
author  expands  on  her  argument  that  ranching  culture  is  rela- 
tively insignificant. 

The  Western  Range  Revisited  is  a  polemic  treatise  against 
one  of  oldest  examples  of  multiple  use  on  the  public  domain 
in  the  American  West.  The  book  relies  on  many  sources, 
including  works  by  other  researchers,  federal  laws  and  regu- 
lations, and  important  lawsuits.  However,  readers  looking 
for  an  objective  assessment  of  the  range  livestock  industry 
will  not  find  it  here.  Donahue  takes  a  hard  slant  in  favor  of 
eliminating  livestock  and  never  wavers  from  her  position. 

The  book  is  full  of  anecdotal  information  and  summaries 
of  other  research,  but  very  little  new  data  is  offered.  For 
instance,  data  on  range  condition  and  vegetative  trend  for 
several  areas  on  the  landscape  would  have  been  useful  to 
readers  wanting  to  evaluate  Donahue's  arguments.  Whether 
one  follows  the  vegetative  climax  model,  state-and-transi- 
tion  model,  or  something  else,  more  research  is  warranted 
across  the  entire  landscape  before  a  no  livestock  option  is 
chosen.  Had  the  author  interviewed  livestock  operators 
throughout  her  study  area,  she  probably  would  have  found 
some  very  good  managers  who  are  keenly  interested  in  sus- 
taining the  quality  of  the  range.  While  she  mentions  the 
Natural  Resources  Defense  Council  v.  Morton  from  1974, 
she  does  not  detail  the  grazing  environmental  impact  state- 
ments that  took  place  in  some  states  during  the  late  1970s 
and  early  1980s  as  a  result  of  this  and  other  litigation.  Dur- 
ing this  period,  Wyoming  witnessed  an  unprecedented  effort 
by  BLM  to  identify  and  evaluate  plant  communities  through- 
out her  study  area.  The  soil  and  vegetation  inventory  method 
(SVIM)  produced  volumes  of  data  on  range  condition.  Many 
allotments  were  considered  in  quite  good  condition  based  on 
these  data.  Instead,  Donahue  emphasizes  studies  like  the 
1936  Senate  Document  199  that  involved  examination  of 
vegetation  on  over  20,000  plots  for  a  survey  covering  some 
728  million  acres  (p.  46).  That  translates  into  an  average  of 
one  plot  for  every  56.8  miles  (36,400  acres)  of  rangeland, 
which  is  a  very  coarse-grained  sample  to  use  in  an  effort  to 
eliminate  livestock  grazing  from  public  lands. 

Perhaps  the  greatest  concern,  from  the  theoretical  view- 
point, is  Donahue's  desire  to  preserve  the  biodiversity  of  "in- 
digenous" ecosystems  by  focusing  attention  on  presettlement 
vegetation  and  associated  ecological  elements  (pp.  1 76-1 77). 
Such  a  model  implies  that  human  behavior  did  not  affect 
rangeland  ecosystems  prior  to  Euroamerican  settlement. 


Summer  2001 

However,  even  though  humans  colonized  the  region  fairly 
recently  from  the  standpoint  of  geological  time,  they  have 
been  a  part  of  rangeland  ecosystems  for  12,000  years.  Until 
we  better  understand  the  relationship  between  these  early 
populations  and  their  environment,  as  well  as  the  effect  of 
this  relationship  on  biodiversity,  it  seems  unwarranted  to  ig- 
nore their  role  in  regional  ecology.  Scientists  need  to  better 
understand  the  role  of  human  behavior  in  modifying  range- 
land  ecosystems  before  drastic  management  options  are 
implemented.  Whether  or  not  livestock  continue  to  graze  in 
the  West,  the  rangeland  will  continue  to  be  a  cultural  land- 
scape rather  than  a  pristine  natural  landscape,  as  long  as  hu- 
mans use  it  for  any  purpose  and  impose  their  value  systems 
on  the  resources  through  management  decisions. 

Donahue's  book  is  well  written  and  for  anyone  interested 
in  this  important  public  land  issue.  As  you  read  it,  think  ob- 
jectively. Before  you  form  an  opinion,  ask  yourself  what 
are  the  scientific  data  that  argue  for  or  against  livestock  graz- 
ing on  western  rangelands.  Over  a  century  ago,  the  United 
States  removed  Native  Americans  from  this  same  landscape 
and  placed  them  on  reservations  without  fully  understanding 
their  culture  or  lifeways.  Do  we  really  understand  ranching 
culture  any  better? 

Journeys  to  the  Land  of  Gold  Emigrant  Diaries  from 
the  Bozeman  Trail,  1863-1866  Edited  by  Susan  Bad- 
ger Doyle.  Helena:  Montana  Historical  Society  Press, 
2000.  Two  volumes.  Illustrations,  maps,  glossary,  itin- 
eraries, index,  bibliography.    864  pages.   Cloth,  $95. 

Reviewed  by  Catherine  Cu?~tiss,  Sheridan  College 
In  the  early  1860's,  the  golden  nuggets  found  in  Alder 
Gulch,  Montana  gave  rise  to  the  Bozeman  Trail.  From  jump- 
ing off  places  on  the  North  Platte  River,  the  trail  headed  north- 
ward through  the  Powder  River  country  to  the  Yellowstone 
and  then  west  into  the  Gallatin  Valley.  The  opening  of  the 
trail  initiated  a  confrontation  between  an  intruding  federal 
government  and  the  Northern  Plains  Indians  defending  their 
last  great  hunting  grounds.  Scholars  have  focused  on  the  years 
of  conflict,  seldom  exploring  the  emigrant  period. 

Journeys  to  the  Land  of  Gold,  original  in  presentation  and 
uniquely  crafted,  is  a  definitive  contribution  to  understand- 
ing the  emigrant  experience  and  the  evolution  of  the  Bozeman 
Trail.  The  set  includes  24  diaries  and  9  reminiscences;  "the 
surviving  eyewitness  accounts  of  the  Bozeman  Trail's  civil- 
ian emigrants  assembled,  for  the  first  time,  in  one  place," 
according  to  Charles  Rankin  (p.  xii). 

Diarists  like  the  Thomlisons  kept  their  noses  to  the  ground, 
plodding  daily,  recording  nightly;  "Crossed  creek  {Muddy- 
Creek}  near  camp,  then  again  {North  Fork  Crazy  Woman 
Creek}  3  miles  from  camp,  5  miles  more  divide... then  wide 
valley"  (p.  273).  From  these  often  ponderously  dull  entries 
Doyle  skillfully  accomplishes  one  of  her  purposes:  showing 
how  and  why  the  several  routes,  which  overlaid  earlier  In- 
dian and  explorer  trails,  emerged  and  merged  from  1 863  to 
1866.  Additionally  Doyle  exposes  the  irony  of  the  attach- 
ment of  Bozeman's  name  to  the  trail.  Bozeman  contributed 
the  least  to  the  emerging  emigrant  route  when  compared  to 


37 

the  likes  of  Bridger,  Hurlbut,  Jacobs  and  Sawyers.  Some  might 
quibble  with  a  few  of  Doyle's  editorial  interpretations  of  to- 
pographical subtleties,  provided  in  unobtrusive  sidebars  along 
side  each  diary.  However,  importantly,  Doyle's  sidebar  an- 
notations, encyclopedic  appendix,  trail  itineraries  and  maps 
provide  fresh  scholarship  for  the  debate  among  trail  aficio- 
nados and  scholars.  She  has  plodded  and  plotted  the  trail 
with  careful  expertise. 

Doyle's  introductions  for  each  recorder  provides  biographi- 
cal information  as  well  as  the  varied  impulses  that  propelled 
emigrants  to  the  gold  fields  of  Montana  to  stay,  return  home, 
or  move  on  to  other  emergent  western  communities.  Intro- 
ductions to  each  year  present  a  scholarly  analysis  of  the  dy- 
namics of  the  national  westering  impulse,  its  consequences, 
federal  policies  and  Indian  strategies. 

The  diaries  can  take  those  of  us  who  dwell  in  the  twenty- 
first  century  back  to  the  nineteenth  century  emigrant  experi- 
ence, connecting  us  through  the  years  to  universal  themes  of 
personal  loss;  "/  am  told  we  are  waiting  for  the  child  to  die  - 
only  think  of  it  -  waiting  for  the  child  to  die"  (p.  79).  There 
are  also  records  that  remind  us  of  the  continuing  need  for 
multi-cultural  awareness  and  understanding.  Mary  Kelley 
writes  "and  here  roamed  the  buffalo  in  vast  numbers  -  Mam- 
fine  roasts  of  their  juicy  meat  we  had  -  No  wonder  the  Indian 
opposed  any  encroachment  of  the  whites  into  this  great  game 
country!  His  by  right  of  discovery!"  (p.  336).  CM  Lee 
records,  "some  of  the  boys  found  an  Indian  grave...  buried  in 
according  to  their  usual  custom  on  top  of  the  ground .  .  .  they 
tore  the  whole  thing  down  and  cut  open  the  robe  and  took 
away  what  they  fancied"  (p.  385). 

Journeys  to  the  Land  of  Gold  is  a  must  for  every  library's 
western  trails  section  and  for  all  readers  interested  in  the 
western  trails  experiences.  Doyle  leaves  no  stone  unturned, 
no  geographical  nuance  unexplored  to  lace  together  the  story 
of  an  emerging  trail  as  well  as  present  a  marvelous  tapestry 
of  the  emigrant  experience.  The  words  of  the  record  keepers 
allow  each  of  us  to  journey  along  the  Bozeman  Trail  from 
our  armchair.  The  detailed  maps  and  itineraries  invite  us  to 
travel  along  today's  highways  in  search  of  yesterday's  sto- 
ries and  trails. 

African  Americans  on  the  Western  Frontier.  Edited 
by  Monroe  Lee  Billington  and  Roger  D.  Hardaway. 
Niwot:  University  Press  of  Colorado,  1998.  275  pages. 
Illustrations,  notes,  bibliography,  index.  Cloth,  $24.95. 

Reviewed  by  Dennis  Mihelich,  Creighton  University 
The  editors  argue  that  "African  Americans  were  a  small 
but  vital  part  of  the  frontier  experience  that  historians  have 
often  attributed  only  to  European  Americans."  They  place 
their  volume  within  the  academic  genre  of  the  "New  Western 
History"  since  it  "supports  the  idea  of  studying  the  American 
West  from  a  multicultural  perspective."  While  the  editors 
acknowledge  the  recent  increase  in  scholarship  concerning 
African  American  westerners,  they  lament  the  fact  that 
"textbook  authors  [U.S.,  American  West,  and  African 
Americans]  have  been  slow  to  include  mention  of  them  in 
their  works."  Thus,  Billington  and  Hardaway  designed  this 


38 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


anthology  to  be  "a  worthy  supplemental  textbook  in  college 
courses  on  western  American  history  and  on  the  black 
experience  in  the  United  States." 

Considering  the  current  debate  concerning  the  chronology 
and  geography  of  the  West,  it  is  important  to  establish 
parameters.  The  editors  define  the  West  as  "those  contiguous 
states  whose  areas  are  totally  or  in  part  west  of  the  one 
hundredth  meridian  (or  line  of  longitude)."  Moreover,  they 
delineate  the  frontier  era  as  beginning  in  1850,  "because 
much  of  the  West  was  first  organized  under  provisions  of  the 
congressional  Compromise  of  1850,"  and  ending  in  1912 
because  it  was  the  year  that  "the  last  of  the  western  territories 
attained  statehood."  Although  the  content  of  several  articles 
either  strays  east  of  their  geographic  demarcation  or  extends 
beyond  their  timeframe,  the  majority  of  the  entries  fit  within 
their  guidelines. 

The  editors  contributed  a  general  introduction,  an 
approximately  500-word  introduction  to  each  individual 
entry  and  Billington  wrote  a  piece  about  the  Buffalo  Soldiers, 
while  Hardaway  supplied  a  bibliographic  essay.  Thirteen 
other  authors  had  excerpts  from  their  books  or  journal  articles 
reprinted  for  this  anthology.  The  selections  are  uniform  in 
length  and  each  contains  at  least  one  exemplary  photograph. 
Five  of  the  selections  provide  panoramas  about  slaves, 
Buffalo  Soldiers,  cowboys,  women  and  black  newspapers  in 
the  West  during  the  frontier  era.  The  remaining  articles 
furnish  specific  examples  of  a  distinctive  black  experience 
somewhere  in  the  West.  Some  cover  topics  such  as  being  a 
slave  among  the  Mormons,  a  female  prisoner  in  a  peni- 
tentiary, a  worker  in  a  coal  mine  in  western  Washington  or  a 
soldier  at  Fort  Douglas,  Utah.  The  others  analyze  negotiating 
the  "color  line"  in  Kansas,  fighting  for  civil  rights  in  Colo- 
rado, living  in  an  all-black  town  in  Oklahoma  or  residing  in 
the  small  minority  community  in  Helena,  Montana. 

While  some  may  disagree  with  the  choice  of  specific 
articles  or  topics,  the  entries  are  uniformly  well  written  and 
they  accomplish  the  editors'  goals  of  highlighting  the 
experiences  of  a  "small  but  vital"  group  in  western  American 
history.  The  articles  demonstrate  that  African  Americans 
participated  in  a  wide  range  of  activities  previously  thought 
to  be  the  exclusive  purview  of  whites  and  that  while 
prejudice  and  discrimination  dominated  the  region  during 
the  era,  their  applications  differed  significantly  according  to 
time  and  place.  Thus,  this  anthology  will  serve  as  a  good 
supplementary  text,  especially  if  your  survey  follow  the  "old 
western  history"  model  in  which  the  history  of  the  West 
ended  with  the  closing  of  the  frontier. 


Scots  in  the  North  American  West,   1790-1917.    By 

Ferenc  Morton  Szasz.  Norman:  University  of  Okla- 
homa Press,  2000.  xiv  +  272 pages.  Illustrations,  maps, 
notes,  bibliography,  index.   Paper,  $29.95. 

Reviewed  by  Michael  F.  Funchion,  South  Dakota  State  Univ. 

This  book  presents  an  interesting  and  well-written  account 

about  the  role  Scots  played  in  the  history  of  the  western  United 

States  and  western  Canada  from  the  1790s  to  World  War  I. 


Although  the  preface  states  that  the  Scotch-Irish  are  included 
in  the  study,  they  appear  rarely.  Focusing  to  a  large  extent 
on  the  lives  of  more  notable  Scots,  Szasz  maintains  that  the 
Scots,  though  fairly  few  in  number,  had  a  significant  impact 
on  the  West  from  the  early  days  of  European  settlement. 

Readers  unfamiliar  with  Scotland  would  benefit  from  more 
background  information  about  that  country's  history  and 
people.  Szasz  does  discuss  the  differences  between  the  High- 
land and  Lowland  Scots  and  the  religious  divisions  (the 
majority  were  Presbyterian,  but  a  minority  were  Anglican 
and  Roman  Catholic)  in  the  country,  but  does  so  in  a  some- 
what cursory  manner  that  may  leave  some  readers  confused. 
Readers  also  should  be  aware  there  is  a  glaring  geographical 
error  that  neither  the  author  nor  his  editors  caught.  Instead 
of  giving  the  size  of  Scotland  as  30,41 1  squares  miles,  the 
author  tells  us  it  is  520,41 1  square  miles.  This,  of  course, 
would  make  it  about  twice  the  size  of  Texas. 

The  author  provides  an  excellent  account  of  Scottish  in- 
volvement in  the  fur  trade  and  early  exploration.  Scots  from 
the  Highlands,  the  Western  Isles  and  Orkney  played  signifi- 
cant roles  in  the  fur  trapping  industry,  accounting  for  a  high 
percentage  of  the  top  officials  in  both  the  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
pany and  the  North  West  Company.  Lowland  Scots,  on  the 
other  hand,  produced  several  noteworthy  explorers  of  the 
American  West.  With  one  of  the  best  educational  systems  in 
Europe,  Lowland  Scotland  proved  to  be  a  fertile  ground  for 
developing  scientific-minded  explorers. 

Szasz  devotes  a  full  chapter  detailing  the  relationship  be- 
tween the  Scots  and  American  Indians,  noting  that  more  than 
a  few  Scottish  fur  trappers  married  Native  women,  which 
resulted  in  a  number  of  Scoto-Indians.  A  few  of  them,  such 
as  John  Ross,  a  Cherokee  chief,  played  notable  roles  in  Ameri- 
can Indian  history.  Szasz  also  points  out  cultural  similarities 
between  the  American  Indians  and  the  Highland  and  Island 
Scots.  Both  groups,  for  example,  emphasized  the  impor- 
tance of  oral  tradition  and  tribal  attachments. 

During  the  latter  nineteenth  and  early  twentieth  centuries 
many  Scots  migrated  to  the  American  and  Canadian  West. 
Scottish  settlement  in  the  western  United  States  tended  to  be 
rather  scattered.  Perhaps,  because  little  research  has  been  done 
on  these  ordinary  Scottish  Americans,  Szasz  provides  rela- 
tively little  information  about  their  lives  and  work.  Instead, 
he  focuses  more  on  the  more  unique  immigrants  such  as  High- 
landers who  migrated  to  planned  settlements  in  Manitoba 
and  the  younger  sons  of  Scottish  nobles  who  spent  their  time 
in  the  American  West  managing  cattle  ranches.  The  envi- 
ronmentalist John  Muir,  perhaps  the  most  notable  of  Scot- 
tish-born Westerners,  also  receives  considerable  attention. 

The  book  discusses  the  substantial  investment  of  Scots  in 
American  cattle  ranching  as  well  as  the  role  that  Scottish 
visitors  like  vaudevillian  Harry  Lauder  and  temporary  resi- 
dents like  author  Robert  Louis  Stevenson  played  in  creating 
other  links  between  the  North  American  West  and  Scotland. 

Although  some  immigration  historians  may  wish  the  au- 
thor had  spent  more  time  on  ordinary  Scottish  immigrants  in 
the  West,  the  book  is  a  worthy  contribution  to  the  history  of 
both  the  Scottish  diaspora  and  the  American  West. 


Recent  Acquisitions  in  the  Hebard  Collection,  UW  Libraries 

Compiled  by  Tamsen  L.  Hert,  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries 


The  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  Wyoming  Collection  is  a  branch  of 
the  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries  housed  in  the  Owen  Wister 
Western  Writers  Reading  Room  in  the  American  Heritage  Center. 
Primarily  a  research  collection,  the  core  of  this  collection  is  Miss 
Hebard"  s  personal  library  which  was  donated  to  the  university  li- 
braries. Further  donations  have  been  significant  in  the  develop- 
ment of  this  collection.  While  it  is  easy  to  identify  materials  about 
Wyoming  published  by  nationally  known  publishers,  it  can  be  dif- 
ficult to  locate  pertinent  publications  printed  in  Wyoming.  The 
Hebard  Collection  is  considered  to  be  the  most  comprehensive  col- 
lection on  Wyoming  in  the  state. 

If  you  have  any  questions  about  these  materials  or  the  Hebard 
Collection,  you  can  contact  me  by  phone  at  307-766-6245;  by  email, 
thert@uwyo.edu  or  you  can  access  the  Hebard  HomePage  at:  http:/ 
/www. uwyo.edu/lib/heb. htm. 

New  Publications 
The  1854  Oregon  Trail  Diary  of  Winfield  Scott  Ebey.  Indepen- 
dence, MO:    Oregon-California  Trails  Association,  1997. 
Hebard  &  Coe   F  593  .E249  1997 
Arnold,  Bess.  Union  Pacific:  Crossing  Sherman  Hill  and  Other 
Railroad  Stories.  David  City,  NE:  South  Platte  Press.  1 999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  HE  2791  .U55  A75  1999 
Bayer,  Margaret  Canfield.  Wyoming  Pioneer  Woman:  Pauline 
Krueger  Bayer.  Rock  Springs.  WY:  Kolman  Woodcraft.  1998. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F761  .B324  1998 
Blevins,  Bruce  H.  A  K.  A.  the  Tetons.  Powell,  WY:  WIM  Market- 
ing printedby  Yellowstone  Printing  &  Design,  Cody,  Wyo.,  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .T29  B548  1999 
Bryant,  Mildred  Crofutt.  Sister:  A  Family 's  Story  of  Homesteading 
and  Survival  Bakersfield.  CA:  Bench  Mark  Enterprises,  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  ,N5  B79  1999 
Charter.  Anne  Goddard.  Cowboys  Don 't  Walk,  A  Tale  of  Two. 
Billings,  MT:  Western  Organization  of  Resources  Councils,  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  737  .M9  C5337  1999 
Christy,  Gary  L.  Good  Wyoming  Stock:  Tlie  Legacy  of  Joe  and 
Arlene  Watt.  Denver.  CO:  Prairie  Publishers,  Inc.,  2000. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F761  .C57  2000 
Dorst,  John.  Looking  West.  Philadelphia:  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania Press,  1999.  Hebard  &  Coe  GF  504  .W35  D67  1999 
Dunrud,  Carl  M.  Let's  Go!:  85  Years  of  Adventure.  Cody,  WY: 
WordsWorth,  1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  GV  198.96  .W8  D857  1998 
Exum,  Glenn.   "Never  a  Bad  Word  or  a  Twisted  Rope.  "  Moose, 
WY:  Grand  Teton  Natural  History  Association,  1 998. 
Hebard  &  Coe  GV  200  .E986  1998 
Fletcher,  Patricia  K.A.,  Dr.  Jack  Earl  Fletcher,  Lee  Whiteley. 
Cherokee  Trail  Diaries.  Caldwell,  ID:  Caxton  Printers,  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  593  .F53  1999 
Flynn,  Janet.  Tribal  Government:  Wind  River  Reservation.  Lander, 
WY:  Mortimore  Pub.,  1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  E  78  .W95  F596  1998 
Franzwa,  Gregory  M.  Tlie  Lincoln  Highway — Wyoming.  Tucson, 
AZ:  The  Patrice  Press,  1999.  Hebard  &  Coe  HE  356  .L7  F72 
1995  v.3 
Kessel,  Velma  Berryman.  Behind  Barbed  Wire:  Diary  of  a  Regis- 
tered Nurse  During  the  Heart  Mountain  Relocation  Period 
Powell,  WY:  V.  B.  Kessel,  1992.  Hebard  &  Coe  D  769.8  A6 
K47  1992 
Killean,  Cathy.  To  Save  A  Mountain.  [Bessemer  Bend.  WY:  the 
Author],  1997.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .B46  K544  1997 


Lamb,  Ruth  Mary.  Mary's  Way:  A  Memoir  of  the  Life  of  Marv 
Cooper  Back.   Bolton  Landing,  NY:  Ruth  Marv  Lamb.  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .F8  L35  1999 

McDermott,  JohnD.  Fort  Mackenzie:  A  Century  of  Service,  1898- 
1998.    Sheridan.  WY:  Fort  Mackenzie  Centennial  Committee. 

1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .F622  M333  1998 

Magoc.  Chris  J.  Yellowstone:  The  Creation  and  Selling  of  an 
American  Landscape,  1870-1903.  Albuquerque:  University  of 
New  Mexico  Press  and  Helena:    Montana  Historical  Society, 

1999.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  722  .M23  1999 

Morsman,  Edgar  M.  Jr.  The  Postmistress  of  Saddlestring, 

Wyoming.  Deephaven.  MN:  Edgar  M.  Morsman.  Jr.,  Publica- 
tions. 1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  J8  M678  1998 
Remembering  Heart  Mountain:  Essays  on  Japanese  American 

Internment  in  Wyoming.  Powell,  WY:  Western  History 

Publications.  1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  D  769.8  A6  R464  1998 
Robertson.  Janet.  Betsy  Cowles  Partridge  Mountaineer.  Niwot. 

CO:  University  Press  of  Colorado.  1998. 
Hebard  &  Coe  GV  199.92  .C69  R63  1998 
Schullery.  Paul.  Searching  for  Yellowstone:  Ecology  and  Wonder 

in  the  Last  Wilderness.  Boston.  New  York:  Houghton  Mifflin 

Company.  1997.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  722  .S378  1997 
Seeds-Ke-Dee  Re\'isited:  Land  of  Blue  Granite  and  Silver  Sage. 

Pinedale,  WY:  Sublette  County  Artists'  Guild.  1998. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .G7  S437  1998 
Spence.  Gerry.  Give  Me  Liberty!  NY:  St.  Martin's  Press,  1998. 

Hebard  &  Coe  JC  599  .U5  S633  1998 
Stamm.  Henry  E.  People  of  the  Wind  River:  The  Eastern  Sho- 

shones  1825-1900.  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 

1999.  Hebard  &  Coe  E  99  .S4  S73  1999 
Stratton,  David  H.  Tempest  Over  Teapot  Dome:  the  Story  of  Albert 

B.Fall  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press.  1998.  Hebard 

&Coe  E748.F22S77  1998 
Tillman.  Ralph.  The  Glorious  Quest  of  Chief  Washakie,  Chief  of 

the  Shoshones.  Palmer  Lake,  CO:  Filter  Press,  1998. 
Hebard  &  Coe  E  99  .S4  W3785  1998 
Van  Pelt.  Lori.  Dreamers  &  Schemers:  Profiles  from  Carbon 

County,  Wyoming's  Past.  Glendo.WY:  High  Plains  Press,  1999. 

Hebard  &  Coe  F  832  .CA  V36  1999 
Waite,  Thornton.  Yellowstone  Branch  oj "the  Union  Pacific:  Route 

of  the  Yellowstone  Special.  Idaho  Falls,  Idaho:  Thornton  Waite, 

1997.  Hebard  &  Coe  HE  2791  .U63  W358  1997 
Warriors  and  Pioneers:  In  Their  Own  Words.  NY:  Berkeley 

Publishing  Group.  1996.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  591  .W29  1996 
Wasden.  Winifred.  Modern  Pioneers.  Powell,  WY:  Northwest 

College  Production  Printing.  1998.    Hebard  &  Coe  F  767  .P3 

M634  1998 
Whitehead.  Anne  Willson.  A  History  ofManville,  Wyoming  and 

the  Manville  Ranching  Community.  Laramie.  WY:  AW. 

Whitehead,  1998.  Hebard  &  Coe  F  769  .M36  W48  1998 
Whiteley,  Lee.  The  Cherokee  Trail:  Bent's  Old  Fort  to  Fort 

Bridger.   Boulder.  CO:  Johnson  Printing.  1999. 
Hebard  &  Coe  F  780  .W45  1999 
A  Yellowstone  Album:  A  Photographic  Celebration  of  the  First 

National  Park.  Boulder,  CO:  Roberts  Rinehart  Publishers;  The 

Yellowstone  Foundation,  1997.    Hebard  &  Coe   F  722  Y255 

1997 


40 


Anna's  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Ind 


ex 


Abbott.  E.  A.  9 

"African  Americans  on  the  Western  Frontier."  re 

viewed.  37 
Allison  Hall    11 
Anderson.  James,  gambler  7 
ami-gambling  legislation    5 
Army  Signal  Corps  photograph    15 
Benham.  Robert  B.    16 
Bennett.  Dr  H.  W.  9 
Bergeron.  Prof.  -  26 
Billington.  Monroe  Lee.  review  of  "African 

Americans  on  the  Western  Frontier."  37 
Black  Fox  26 
Black  troops    Id 
blacksmith  shop  (photo)  3 
Blacksmith  Shop.  Fort  Laramie  20 
Boland.  Hospital  Steward  Patrick    15 
Bordeaux    13.  15.  lb 
Bosler.  Bill   27.  28 
Boxing  3 

Boy  Scouts  of  America  1 1 
bridge.  Fort  Laramie  iron   17 
Bristol.  Dazee  9 
Brolin.  Donna  Erickson  28 
Budds.  Sgt.  John  C.    14 
Buffalo  Bill  Historical  Center  25 
Buffalo  Bill  statue,  dedication  of  27 
Buffalo  Bill's  Wild  West  Show  25 
Burke.  Eddie  7 
Burnett.  Capt.  Levi  F,    14.21 
Burt  House  20 
Canyon  Lodge   29 
Capitol  Grill.  Bar  and  "Lunch  Counter"  5.  7. 

(photo  7) 
Capitol  Saloon   5 
Caraubon.  J.  A.  "Frenchy"  23 
Carbon  Oil  and  Gas    1 1 
Carroll.  Eugene  T..  "KendrickZiehlsdorff 

Correspondence: Myth  and  Reality  in  the 

Salt  Creek  Oil  Field."30-33.  (author  bio.  33) 
Catholic  church  6 
Cavalry  Barracks.  Fori  Laramie  22 
Cherry  Creek  22 

Cheyenne  and  Northern  Railroad   13.  22 
Cheyenne  Chamber  of  Commerce  8 
Cheyenne  City  Director)    5 
Cheyenne  Frontier  Days    10 
Cheyenne  Frontier  Days  ( 1 902 )  8 
Cheyenne  House  3 
Cheyenne  Security  Company   9 
Cheyenne  Steam  Laundry   4 
Cheyenne-Black  Hills  Road    13.15 
■Cheyenne's  Harry  P.  Hynds.  Blacksmith. 

Saloonkeeper.  Promoter.  Philanthropist."  2- 

11 
Chicago.  Burlington,  and  Quinc>  Railroad    13 
Civil  Rights  Division    34 
Clow.  John  P.  4 

Cody  Cowboy  Band  25.  26.  27.  (photo)  24 
Cody  Elks  Band  28 
Cody  High  School  band   28 
Cody.  J.  Frank  26 
Cody  Musical  Association   26.  27 
Cody  Stampede  27 
Cody.  William  F.  (Buffalo  Bill)  25 
Coe.  Fred  26 
Converse  mansion    8 
Cooper.  Rudy    26.  28 
Corbeit.  James  J.  7 
Corbeit-  Fitsimmons  fight  6 
Corson.  Samuel,  family   10 
Cosgriff.  Thomas  A.  9 
Coy.  W.  B.  22 
Crawford  house  23 
Crawford.  John  23 
Curt  Gowdy  State  Park   1 1 
Curtiss.  Catherine,  review  by  37 
Davis.  Elaine  Crips  29 
Dempster.  Robert  26 
Denae.  Frank  23 
Dinwoody.  Waller  J.  6 
Doar.  John  34 
Donahue.  Debra  L.. "Western  Range  Revisited." 

reviewed.  36 
Doty.  Silas  22 
Dovle.  Susan  Badger.  "Journeys  to  the  Land  of 

Gold."  reviewed  37 
Dubie.  Sven  (author)  34 
Dubois.  William  9 
Dutch  Flats  21 


Dutch  Henry  21 
Dyer.  Timothy   17.  18 

purchases  at  auction  21 
'"Early  Cody  Bands."  by  Ester  Johansson 

Murray.  24-29 
Egypt.  Giza  pyramids  in  8 
Elks  Lodge.  Cody   27.  29 
Elliott  &  Hynds  4 
Elliott.  Jack  3.  4 
Erickson.  G.N.  27.28.29 
Evans.  Merle  26 
Fall.  Albert   32 
Fenwick.  Red  9 
Fields.  John    14.  17.23 
Filipino  bell  boys    10 
Finney.  E.  O.   33 
flag  staff.  Fort  Laramie  17 
Flannery.  L.  G.  23 
Flynn.  Shirley.  "Cheyenne's  Harry  P.  Hynds. 

Blacksmith.  Saloonkeeper.  Promoter. 

Philanthropist."  2-1 1.  (author  bio.  11) 
Forgey.  Jim  28 
Fort  D.  A.  Russell   15 
Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site  23 
"Fort  Laramie-After  the  Army:  Part  I.  The 

Auction."  by  Douglas  McChrisiian    12-23 
Fort  McPherson.  Neb  25 
Fort  Robinson.  Neb.    13.  15.  16.  18 
Fremont.  Elkhorn.  and  Missouri  Valley 

Railroad    13 
Funchion.  Michael  F..  review  by  38 
gambling  5 
Gardiner.  George  8 
Gamier.  Baptiste  "Little  Bat"   16 
General  Leasing  Act  31 
German  band   28.  29 
Gompert.  Jacob  21 
Gordon  Silver  Cornet  Brass  Band  25 
Government  Auction    18.  22-23 
Greene.  Lt.  Louis  D     14 
Guard  House.  Fort  Laramie    15 
Haas.  Herman  3 
Hardawav.  Roger  D  .  "African  Americans  on 

the  Western  Frontier."  reviewed   37 
Hart.  B  A     16.    18.20 
Hart  Mountain  Hotel   25 
Hart.  V.  K.  9 
Hauphoff.  J  J    22 
Hayford.  James  H.  5.  6 
Heaney.  Thomas  8 
Hert.  Tamsen  39 
Hicks.  Mrs.  T  B    20 
Hockett.  Sgt.  James    14 
Holm.  Bob  25.  27.  28.  29 
Homestead  Act   18 
Hughes.  Dept.  QM    15 
"Hungry  Five"  28 
Hunlon.  Blanch   20 
Hunton.  John    16-18.20-23 
Hunton.  Mr  and  Mrs.  John  (photo)    12 
Huyck.  Leoyta  27 
Hynds  Boy  Scout  Lodge    1 1 
Hynds  Boulevard    11 
Hynds  Building    10.  II 
Hynds.  Harry  P.  2-11 
Hynds  Lodge   10 
Hynds.  Maud  6 

Hynds  murder  trial  (Salt  Lake  City  )  6 
Hynds.  Nellie  Gertrude  McGuire  (Nell )  8-11. 

(photo.  I  I ) 
Indian  Bureau    16 

Indian  Grill  and  Cocktail  Lounge  9 
Inter  Ocean  Hotel  8.   10 
lima  Hotel  27 
Iron  Tail  26 

Irwin.  Frances  Newton  25 
Japanese  gardener    10 
Jones.  Geraldine  27.  29 
"Journeys  to  the  Land  of  Gold."  reviewed  37 
Kells.  Dean  29 
Kelly.  William  8 
Kendrick   30 

Kendrick.  John  B.  (photo)  30-33 
■■Kendrick/Ziehlsdorff  Correspondence:  Myth 

and  Reality  in  the  Salt  Creek  Oil  Field."  by 
Eugene  T.  Carroll.  30-33 
Kennedy.  Judge  T.  Blake   10 
Kepford.  Walter  25 
King.  Martin  Luther.  Jr.   35 
Knights  of  Pythias  27.  28 
Landgren.  Stanley    26.  28 
Lavin.  James  3 
LaVoye.  Louis  33 
Lavoye.  Wyoming  (photo)  31 
Little  Shield.  Chief  9 
London  Flats  22 


Lord  Duffin  3 
Majestic  Building    1  I 

McChristian.  Douglas  M.  .  ""Fort  Laramie- 
After  the  Army.  Pan  I:  The  Auction."  12-23. 
(author  bio.  23) 
McColley.  T  P.  18.  purchases  at  auction  20 
McCoy.  Kid  (Norman  Selby)  4 
Mclver.Lt.  George  W    14.  16 
Meeteelse  Barbecue  27 
Meisner.  Dr.  29 

Memam.  Col.  Henry  Clay    13.  14 
Meyers.  Max   7 
Midwest  Oil  Company   30.  33 
Mihelich.  Dennis,  review  by.   37 
Miller.  Mark  E.  .review  by.  36 
Miller.  Prof.  -  26 
Moody.  Dr.  Robert  27.  28 
Moore.  Louis  27-29 
Morgan.  T  J     16 
Murray.  Ester  Johansson  .  "Early  Cody  Bands." 

24-29.  (author  bio  29) 
Murrin.  Luke  4 
Neitfeld.  Henry  22 
Ncitfeld.  Jennie  22 
New  Guardhouse.  Fort  Laramie  23 
Newion.  Glen  25 
Nichols.  Jack   21 
Nicodemus.  L.  F.  9 
Nixon.  Pres  Richard  M.  35 
Officer's  Quarters  No  3   1 7 
O"  Hale.  Jane  3 
Ohio  Oil  Company    33 
Old  Bedlam  (photo)   12.   15 

sold  at  auction   20 
Old  Faithful  Inn  29 

Patrick.  Lucille,  quoted   25 

Payne.  John    32 

Peel.  Maud   5 

Pendell.  Floyd   33 

Peterson.  Tom  27.  28 

Plains  Hotel  9.   10.   II.  (logo)  8 

Post  Trader's  House  20 

post  trader's  store.   13 

Pratt  and  Farris  Ranch  21 

Producers  and  Refiners  Corporation  (PARCO) 
11 

Prugh.  Merle  28 

Pry.  Polly    7 

Quinn.  Rev.  -  5 

Rawhide  Creek  21 

Rawlins  Opera  House  3 

Reclamation  Act   26 

Rhoades.  R.  L    26 

Robinson.  Capt  Daniel    14 

Rogers.  William   35 

Root.  Jack   8 

Rustic  Hotel    18 

Ryan.  John  "Posey"  21 
murder  trial  22 

saloons  3 

Salt  Creek  oil  fields  30 

Sandercock.  Harriet   18.  20.21 

Sandercock.  Thomas  B.   20 

Sanderson.  Maj   W'inslow  S.   23 

Scholes.  Art  27 

Scholes.  Marion  27.  29 

"Scots  in  the  North  American  West."  reviewed  . 
38 

Selby.  Norman  4.  7 

Seventh  Infantry    12.    14 

Shaw.  Ernest  F.  29 

Shuler.  Jack  27 

Slack.  E.  A.  7 

Smith.  Paul  27.  29 

Smoot.  Sen.  Reed  31 

Snow. John  T.  21 

Spencer.  Vem  29 

St.  Joseph's  Orphanage    1 1 

St.  Marys  Catholic  Church  8.  1 1 

Standard  Oil  33 

Stanley  Steamer  wreck  26 

Stanolind  Oil  Company    30 

Stein.  Nick  28 

Steinmetz.  J.  F.  23 

Stimson.  J.  E.  9.   10 

Stock-Raising  Homestead  Act  of  1916  31.  32 

Stump.  Charles  26-28 

Stump.  Harold   29 

Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Co.  23 

Sweeney  Ranch  25 

Sweeney.  William  25.  29 

Szasz.  Ferenc  Morton.  "Scots  in  the  North 
American  West."  reviewed.  38 

Taggan.  Harriet  27 

Taylor.  Capt.  Charles  W.   15.  17.  18.  20.  23 

TE  Ranch  26 


Teapot  Dome  hearings  33 

telegraph  lines    15 

Temple  Theater  26.  28 

Thomas.  Dan  8 

Thomas.  HW    21 

Thompson.  Max   29 

Tone.  Wolfe  3 

Torringion  21 

Twain.  Mark,  quoted  4 

Tyler.  Harold  R.Jr  34-35 

U.  S.  Geological  Survey   31 

U.S.  Commission  on  Civil  Rights  35 

Uva.  Wyo.  22 

Valley  Ranch  29 

Walker.  Les.  ranch  21 

Walsh  committee  33 

Wamhoff.  Helen  28 

Warren.  Fred  9 

Weber.  John   23 

West  End  Camp  Ground  28 

"Western  Range  Revisited."  reviewed.  36 

Whalen.  Graver  29 

Whalon.  Richard    23 

Whipple.  Albert    18 

Whitney.  Gertrude  Vanderbilt   27 

Wilde.  Joe    18.  22 

Wilde.  Mary  Neitfeld  22 

Wildeman.  E  W    29 

Williams.  Frank  26 

Wilson.  Kid   26 

Wilson.  Sgt.  MildenH.    14 

Winkle.  Rev,  Lyman  28 

Wolfville   27 

Worrell.  Whitey    27 

Wyoming  Homesteader's  Protective 

Association    33 
Yost.  Nellie  Snyder,  quoted   25 
Young  Men's  Literary  Club   10 
Yule.  Jack  29 
Ziehlsdorff.  Armin  30-33 
Ziehlsdorff.  Helen  30 


QyiJhfew  the  G^c~liclay& 

C/oooAaj  fwiw/foj  cale/rvativ  w&m  me  'Ajjjcwuma  trtafe  QyKpi&foricat 'C7 ocletu 


Published  this  year  by  the  American  Heritage  Center 
in  cooperation  with  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  So- 
ciety, the  calendar  takes  a  month-to-month  look  at 
Wyoming  through  more  than  a  dozen  stunning  pho- 
tographs drawn  from  the  American  Heritage  Center 
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The  2002  Wyoming  Historical  Calendar  is  $5.95 
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Society  projects.  Order  from  your  local  historical  so- 
ciety chapter,  museum  or  bookstore. 


DARKMAN'S 
TRACE 


Parkman's  Trace 

By  Harrison  Cobb 
Follow  the  path  of  Oregon 
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cial publication  by  the  Wyo- 
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Pictured  is  "Portugee  Phillips  Arriving  at  Old 
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written  by  Wyoming's  best  known 
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University  of  Wyoming  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd. 

Laramie  WY  82071  Cheyenne  WY  82009-4945 


nna 


WYOMING 


Trie  Wyoming  History  Journal 
Autumn  2001  Vol.  73,  No.  4 


The  drawing  from  which  the  cover  art  comes  was  drawn  by 

C.  Moellman,  a  bugler  with  Company  G,  1 1th  Ohio  Volunteer 

Cavalry,  stationed  along  the  line  of  the  transcontinental  telegraph 

in  1 863.  He  was  a  contemporary  and  friend  of  Lt.  Caspar  Collins 

who  also  did  sketches  of  military  posts  in  the  area  prior  to  his  death 

at  Platte  Bridge  Station.  Moellman  was  from  Hillsboro,  Ohio, 

Collins'  hometown.  This  Moellman  depiction  of  Fort  Laramie 

( 1 863)  is  held  in  the  collections  of  the  Wyoming  State  Art  Gallery, 

Cultural  Resources  Division,  State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources 

Department,  Cheyenne.  The  gallery  holds  8-10  other  works  by 

Moellman,  all  of  locations  in  Wyoming  where  Moellman  served, 

including  Sweetwater  Station,  St.  Mary's  Station,  and 

Three  Crossings. 


The  editor  of  Annals  of  Wyoming  welcomes  manuscripts  and  photographs  on  even  aspect  of  the  history  of  Wyoming  and  the  West.  Appropriate 
for  submission  are  unpublished,  research-based  articles  which  provide  new  information  or  which  offer  new  interpretations  of  historical  events. 
First-person  accounts  based  on  personal  experience  or  recollections  of  events  will  be  considered  for  use  in  the  "Wyoming  Memories"  section. 
Historic  photo  essays  for  possible  publication  in  "Wyoming  Memories"  also  are  welcome.  Articles  are  reviewed  and  refereed  by  members  of  the 
journal's  Editorial  Advisory  Board  and  others.  Decisions  regarding  publication  are  made  by  the  editor.  Manuscripts  (along  with  suggestions  for 
illustrations  or  photographs)  should  be  submitted  on  computer  diskettes  in  a  format  created  by  one  of  the  widely-used  word  processing  pro- 
grams along  with  two  printed  copies.  Submissions  and  queries  should  be  addressed  to  Editor.  Annals  of  Wyoming.  P.  O.  Box  4256.  University 
Station.  Laramie  WY  82071.  or  to  the  editor  by  e-mail  at  the  following  address:  annals@uwyo.edu 


Editor 

Phil  Roberts 

Assistant  Editor 

Sarah  Fayne 

Booh  Review  Editor 

Carl  HallLer^ 


Editorial  Advisory  Board 

Barbara  Bogart,  Evanston 
Mabel  Brown,  Newcastle/Cheyenne 
Don  Hodgson,  Torrington 
Loren  Jost,  Riverton 
Dudley  Gardner,  Roch  Springs 
Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 
Thomas  F.  Strooch,  Casper 
Lawrence  M.  Woods,  Worland 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 
Publications  Committee 

Rick  Ewig,  Laramie 

Dave  Kathha,  Rock  Springs 

Sherry  L.  Smith,  Moose 

Amy  Lawrence,  Laramie 

Nancy  Curtis,  Glendo 

Brian  Hosmer,  Laramie  (ex  officio) 

Patty  Myers,  Wheatland  (ex-officio) 

Loren  Jost,  Riverton  (ex-oiricio) 

Phil  Roberts,  Laramie  (ex -officio) 

^C^oming  State  Historical  Society 
Executive  Committee 

Dave  Taylor,  President,  Natrona  County 
Clara  Varner,  1st  Vice  Pres.,  Weston  Co. 
Patty  Myers,  2nd  Vice  Pres.,  Platte  Co. 
Linda  Fabian,  Secretary,  Platte  County 
Dick  Wilder,  Treasurer,  Park  County 
Amy  Lawrence,  Albany  County 
James  Van  Scoyk,  Star  Valley  Chapter 
Joyce  Warnke,  Goshen  County 
Lloyd  Todd,  Sheridan  County 
Judy  West,  Membership  Coordinator 


Governor  01  Wyoming 

Jim  Geringer 


Wyoming  Dept.  of  State  Parks  and 
Cultural  Resources 

John  Keck,  Director 


Wyoming  Parks  &  Cultural  Resources 
Commission 

William  Dubois,  Cheyenne 
Vern  Vivion,  Rawlins 
Diann  Reese,  Lyman 
Emerson  Scott,  Jr.,  Buffalo 
B.  Byron  Price,  Cody 
Herb  French,  Newcastle 
Frank  Tim  Isabell,  Shoshoni 
Jeanne  Hickey,  Cheyenne 
Jerrilyn  Wall,  Evanston 


University  of  Wyoming 

Philip  Dubois,  President 
Rick  Ewig,  Acting  Director, 

American  Heritage  Center 
Oliver  Walter,  Dean, 

College  oi  Arts  and  Sciences 
Brian  Hosmer,  Chair,  Department 
or  History 


Printed  by  Pioneer  Printing,  Cheyenne 


nals  of 

WYOMING 


The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Autumn  2001  Vol.  73,  No.  4 

Surveying  the  Western  Boundary 
of  Wyoming: 

The  Diary  of  William  A.  Richards,  Summer,  1874 

Edited  by  Lucia  McCreeryi R..g..Q..C..i..^/..p:...p2 

Fort  Laramie --After  the  Arrrn 

Part  II:  The  Community 

By  Douglas  McCbristian UHmSWrOFW^Q 

Book  Reviews,  edited  by  Carl  Hallberg URAMfE 41 

Dorst,  Looking  West,  reviewed  by  Christina  Rabe  Seger 

Adams,  General  William  S.  Harney,  Prince  of  Dragoons,  reviewed  by  Thomas  R. 

Buecker 
Clarkin,  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and  Johnson  Administrations,  1961- 

1969,  reviewed  by  Christopher  K.  Riggs 
Higbam,  Noble,  Wretched  and  Redeemable:  Protestant  Missionaries  to  the  Indians  in 

Canada  and  tke  United  States,  1820-1900,  reviewed  by  Mark  S.  Joy 
Kenner,  Buffalo  Soldiers  and  Officers  of  the  Nintk  Cavalry,  1867-1898:  Black  and 

White  Tog'etker,  reviewed  by  Dennis  Mihelich 
Momiett,  Tell  Them  We  Are  Going  Home:  The  Odyssey  of  tke  Nortkern  Ckeyennes, 

reviewed  by  Larry  L.  Skogen 
Townsend,  World  War  II  and  tke  American  Indian,  reviewed  by  David  A.  Walker 

New  Acquisitions,  Hebard  Collection,  compded  by  Tamsen  L.  Hert 46 

Wyoming'  Picture 47 

Index 48 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal  is  published  quarterly  by  the  Wyoming  State 
Historical  Society  in  association  with  the  Wyoming  Department  of  Commerce,  the  American  Heri- 
tage Center,  and  the  Department  of  History,  University  of  Wyoming.  The  journal  was  previously 
published  as  the  Quarterly  Bulletin  ( 1 923-1 925).  Annals  of  Wyoming  ( 1 925- 1993).  Wyoming  An- 
nals (1993-1995)  and  Wyoming  History  Journal  (1995-1996).  The  Annals  has  been  the  official 
publication  of  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  since  1953  and  is  distributed  as  a  benefit  of 
membership  to  all  society  members.  Membership  dues  are:  single,  $20;  joint.  $30;  student  (under 
21),  $15;  institutional,  $40;  contributing,  $100-249;  sustaining,  $250-499;  patron,  $500-999;  do- 
nor, $  1 ,000+.  To  join,  contact  your  local  chapter  or  write  to  the  address  below.  Articles  in  Annals  of 
Wyomingare  abstracted  in  Historical  Abstracts  and  America:  History  and  Life. 

Inquiries  about  membership,  mailing,  distribution,  reprints  and  back  issues  should  be  addressed  to 

Judy  West.  Coordinator.  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society.  PMB#  184.  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd., 

Cheyenne  WY  82009-4945.  Editorial  correspondence  should  be  addressed  to  the  editorial  office  of 

Annals  of  Wyoming.  American  Heritage  Center.  P.  O.  Box  4256.  University  Station.  Laramie  WY 

82071. 

Our  e-mail  address  is:  annals'g!uwyo.edu 


Copyright  2001,  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  ISSN:  1086-7368 


Surx'eyors  traversing  a  difficult  stretch 


Allyn  collection.  Riverton  Museum 


Autumn  2001 


The  Diary  Accounts: 

The  following  is  a  transcript  of  an  earlier  typescript  re- 
typed from  the  original  diary  by  Alice  Richards 
McCreery,  Richard's  daughter  and  secretary,  with  hand- 
written notes  by  her  or  possibly  Louis  McCreery,  her 
son.  Some  questions  have  been  checked  against  the  origi- 
nal diary  by  the  present  transcriber,  Lucia  McCreery, 
Richards  '  great-granddaughter,  and  corrected  if  war- 
ranted. Other  minor  questions  remain.  Most  spelling  and 
punctuation  (or  lack  of  it)  has  been  retained.  Original 
diary  is  in  the  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Cheyenne. 

The  Photographs: 

During  the  course  of  preparing  this  manuscript  for  pub- 
lication, the  Annals  editor  mentioned  that  it  was  "too 
bad"  that  there  were  no  photographs  to  illustrate  the 
piece.  LorenJost,  editor  of  Wyoming  History  News  and 
director  of  the  River  ton  Museum,  said  that  he  thought 
some  photographs  in  the  Riverton  Museum 's  collection 
"might  have  been  made"  of  the  survey.  Matching  the 
photos  with  journal  entries  suggests  a  connection  al- 
though they  can  not  be  definitely  authenticated  as  from 
that  survey  (or  from  any  other).  Nonetheless,  the  jour- 
nal and  the  accompanying  photographs  appear  consis- 
tent—the photos  are  from  a  survey  and  the  terrain 
matches  the  journal  descriptions.  The  photographs  were 
held  in  the  Frank  Allyn  collection,  donated  by  his  daugh- 
ter Laura  Allyn  Ekstrom.  Allyn  was  a  surveyor,  but  be- 
cause he  was  born  at  St.  Mary 's  Station,  Wyo.,  on  May 
6,  1875,  obviously  he  did  not  participate  in  this  survey. 
Allyn 's  father,  John  I.  Allyn,  was  a  station  telegrapher 
who  had  been  a  boyhood  friend  of  famed  inventor  Tho- 
mas Edison.  Frank  Allyn  was  the  first  engineering  gradu- 
ate of  the  University  of  Wyoming.  Later,  he  participated 
in  the  survey  for  the  towns ite  of  Riverton.  He  and  his 
family  were  early  residents  of  the  town.  The  Allyns  later 
moved  to  Cheyenne  where  he  worked  for  the  Wyoming 
Highway  Department  for  many  years.  In  1956,  Allyn  's 
widow  wrote  in  the  introduction  of  a  self-published  book- 
let titled  "Twentieth  Century  Pioneering:  Our  Frontier 
Days  Experiences  at  Riverton,  Wyo.,  "  that  her  husband 
collected  and  "saved  everything.  "  How  or  from  whom 
he  obtained  these  photographs  is  unknown.  Thanks  to 
Lucia  McCreerey  for  the  journal  editing  and  to  Loren 
Jost,  Riverton  Museum,  for  use  of  the  photographs.  We 
welcome  any  additional  information  about  the  photo- 
graphs or  their  origins. 

--The  Editor 


Richards  wrote  his  entries  in  a  small  leatherbound  notebook 
he  carried  in  his  pocket.  He  wrote  much  of  it  in  pencil,  as  the 
sample  page  (right)  illustrates.  The  original  diary  is  held  in 
the  collections  of  the  Cultural  Resources  Division,  State  Parks 
and  Cultural  Resources  Dept,  Cheyenne.  It  is  in  folder  2  of 
MSS83,  Coll.  B-797. 


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Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Jc 


Introductory  Note 


The  assignment  was  to  survey  the  western 
boundary  of  the  Territory  of  Wyoming,  start- 
ing at  a  point  99  miles  north  of  the  southwest 
corner.  The  length  of  the  survey  through  rug- 
ged Rocky  Mountain  country  was  177  miles, 
following  the  111  degree  10'  meridian  of  lon- 
gitude. This  present-day  Wyoming  Highway 
Map  shows  the  current  roads,  towns  and  other 
features  along  Richards '  survey  route,  al- 
though most  did  not  exist  when  the  survey  was 
being  made  in  1874. 


Much  has  been  written  about  the  early  lifestyles  of  cowboys 
and  Indians  and  the  pioneers  who  settled  the  West.  Little  is 
known  of  the  pathfinders  -  the  government  surveyors  -  who 
marked  the  land,  permitting  the  settler  to  identify  and  legally 
file  claim  to  a  parcel  of  land.  W.  A.  Richards,  with  a  survey 
party,  was  given  the  task  of  surveying  part  of  the  Wyoming 
boundary.  The  assignment  was  to  survey  the  western  bound- 
ary of  the  Territory  of  Wyoming,  starting  at  a  point  99  miles 
north  of  the  southwest  corner.  The  length  of  the  survey  through 
rugged  Rocky  Mountain  country  was  1 77  miles,  following  the 
111  degree  10'  meridian  of  longitude.  He  terminated  the  sur- 
vey at  the  intersection  of  the  Forty-fifth  Degree  of  North  Lati- 
tude with  the  Thirty-fourth  Meridian  of  Longitude  (west  of 
Washington,  D.C.)  as  determined  by  periodic  celestial  obser- 
vations. The  United  States  Congress  serves  as  the  authority  in 
prescribing  the  limits  of  state  boundaries.  Mr.  Richards'  diary 
details  the  hardships  endured  by  the  men  in  their  efforts  to 
mark  the  land. 

Dennis  D.  Bland 

Land  Surveyor  (Retired)  for  the  Bureau  of  Land  Management 


Personnel  of  the  Diary 

Author:  William  Alford  Richards 

Survey  party  leader,  age  25.  Later,  Richards  was  appointed  Sur- 
veyor General  of  Wyoming.  He  was  elected  Governor  of  Wyo- 
ming in  1 894.  serving  one  term.  He  was  appointed  Assistant  Com- 
missioner of  the  General  Land  Office  by  Theodore  Roosevelt,  serv- 
ing until  1907. 

Lon:  Richards'  older  brother  Alonzo,  from  whom  Richards  re- 
ceived most  of  his  training  as  a  surveyor  [according  to  Alice 
McCreery's  manuscript].  Together,  the  brothers  had  surveyed  the 
southern  boundary  in  the  summer  of  1873.  Alonzo  was  in  charge 
of  both  surveys  but  did  not  participate  in  the  1874  expedition. 
Ben,  Wheaton,  Roney,  Frank,  Charlie,  George:  Men  of  the  party. 
Virtually  nothing  is  known  of  the  crew  beyond  their  names  and 
their  service  with  the  survey.  Richards'  diary  provides  no  biographi- 
cal references  to  any  of  them. 

Nellie  Wakeley:  Daughter  of  Judge  Wakeley  of  Omaha.  Nebraska. 
Diarist  Richards  stayed  with  the  Wakeley  family  for  a  time  while 
Richards  studied  law  under  the  judge's  direction. 
Alice:  Alice  Hunt.  Richards  followed  her  to  California  the  next 
year  where  they  married. 


Autumn  2001 


Journal  Entries 


Saturday,  June  20  [Evanston] 

1 1  A.M.  Waiting  at  sight  mound  on  hill  east  of  camp  for 
Dick  to  get  on  line  on  out  across  Thomas  Fork.  Roney  on 
the  bank  sight  and  the  pack  train  on  line  going  down  into 
the  creek  bottom.  We  are  now  at  the  96th  mile  on  the  W 
Bdry.  At  this  point  the  line  becomes  impassable  for  [?]*  as 
we  intended  sending  them  back  as  soon  as  they  [?]  here  [?] 
yesterday  with  the  party  [?]  camp  and  rearranged  our  outfit 
some  to  pack  it  all.  Billie  went  to  Montpelier  the  day  before 
for  mail  and  started  yesterday  but  soon  came  back  as  he 
found  it  impossible  almost  to  get  out  of  the  willows  and 
sloughs  that  cover  the  creek  bottom.  In  the  P.  M.  Lon  and  I 
started  to  go  north  on  the  line  to  prospect  the  country  a 
little.  Crossed  the  stream  but  could  not  find  a  crossing  for 
the  pack  train  and  spent  the  entire  afternoon  floundering 
through  marshes  and  tangled  willows,  leading  our  horses, 
and  often  waist  deep  in  water.  Did  not  succeed  in  finding  a 
crossing,  and  barely  reached  camp  before  dark,  wet  hungry 
and  more  tired  than  we  had  been  before  on  the  trip.  This 
morning  Lon  went  back  with  the  team  taking  all  our  sur- 
plus baggage.  He  will  remain  at  Omaha  this  summer  and 
with  Prof.  Safford  meet  me  at  Bozeman  on  Aug.  20th  pro- 
vided we  get  there.  We  made  the  happy  discovery  yester- 
day that  no  Latitude  station  is  necessary  at  the  Summit  of 
the  Rocky  Mts.  only  one  required  at  the  terminal  point.  This 
is  good  luck  surely.  Although  we  have  had  the  Instructions 
a  year  they  had  never  been  correctly  interpreted  before.  We 
are  well  equipped  for  a  two  months  trip  and  do  not  expect 
to  be  longer  than  that  in  reaching  Bozeman.  I  received  a 
letter  from  Nellie  yesterday  and  wrote  a  long  one  to  Alice. 
The  idea  of  being  for  two  months  altogether  shut  out  from 
civilization  is  not  very  pleasant,  but  it  comes  in  the  line  of 
business  and  we  do  not  complain 

Evening.  Sitting  by  the  camp  fire.  We  succeeded  in  get- 
ting the  line  flagged  to  the  divide  or  high  mountain  north  of 
the  creek  &  chained  3ms30chs.  making  99.m30.  The  boys 
followed  up  the  creek  about  three  miles  till  it  runs  through 
a  narrow  canyon  with  perpendicular  walls  700  ft  high  where 
they  found  a  crossing  at  3  P.  M.  but  the  mules  were  so  tired 
that  they  were  compelled  to  unpack  &  go  into  camp.  The 
little  black  mule  fell  down  a  hill  and  landed  heels  up  against 
a  fallen  tree —  and  if  that  had  not  stopped  her  she  would 
have  gone  into  the  stream.  Billie  came  out  to  the  line  and 
we  came  into  camp  which  we  reached  at  sunset.  We  are 
allright  tonight  have  did  all  we  could  in  one  day,  now  sit- 
ting around  the  camp  fire  taking  a  smoke,  both  of  tobacco 
&  pine  logs.  The  elevation  of  the  creek  bottom  on  the  line 
is  7500-  one  mile  north  8550. 


Sunday,  June  21st 

Breakfast  at  6  A.M.  Packed  up  by  8:30  &  started  East  up 
the  Fork  on  the  N.  side.  Went  around  the  point  of  the  Mt.  & 
took  up  a  canyon  bearing  toward  the  line.  The  chainmen  & 
moundmen  went  to  the  line  the  same  way  we  came  in  last 
night,  down  the  stream.  Our  canyon  proved  pretty  rough 
for  the  pack  mules,  but  no  accident  occurred.  At  2  P.  M.  we 
struck  the  line,  where  I  am  now  on  a  high  peak.  Have  set 
Dick  ahead,  set  the  100th  mile  to  the  South  and  am  waiting 
to  set  the  1 0 1  st  to  the  North.  It  has  been  raining  off  &  on  all 
day,  but  no  one  paid  any  attention  to  it  nor  has  anyone  ob- 
jected to  working  on  Sunday.  Billie  fired  at  a  black  tail  deer 
yesterday  but  missed,  and  this  morning  as  we  were  packing 
up  a  very  large  Cinnamon  Bear  came  and  sat  on  a  hill  about 
20  chains  from  camp  and  overlooked  the  proceeding.  Two 
of  our  hunters  went  after  him  but  returned  bootless.  &  if 
they  had  found  him  they  might  have  been  headless.  Camp 
is  near  and  we  will  do  but  little  more  today.  Evening — 
made  lm  50  chs.  today  camping  opposite  the  101st  M.  P. 
[mile  post]  Raining  at  sundown.  In  scouting  ahead  for  a 
way  out  tomorrow — this  P.  M.  Billie  passed  within  70  yards 
of  another  large  bear  who  stood  up  and  looked  at  him.  As 
he  had  lost  no  bear  he  passed  on- [sic] 
Monday,  June  22nd. 

Was  on  the  line  at  6:30  Began  raining  at  9  and  continued 
until  2.  P.  M.  In  consequence  of  which  we  made  but  2.m 
33c  and  a  mile  of  that  was  through  timbers  which  we 
chopped.  The  packs  also  slipped  badly  and  nearly  every 
one  had  to  be  repacked.  Old  Jim  tipped  over  on  a  side  hill 
but  did  nothing  worse  than  smash  a  water  pail,  which  is  bad 
enough  in  this  country.  We  are  all  wet  &  tired  tonight  but 
like  Mark  Tapley  "jolly  still."  Have  two  good  camp  fires 
going.  Nothing  but  Mts  ahead  but  think  we  can  make  a 
good  run  tomorrow- 
Tuesday,  June  23rd. 

Broke  camp  at  6  A.M.  Clear  &  warm,  though  we  had  a 
severe  rain  &  hail  storm  last  night.  We  were  camped  in  the 
timber  and  the  boom  of  falling  trees,  was  not  pleasant  with 
the  thought  that  one  might  fall  across  our  tent,  the  thunder 
roared  fearfully  and  its  reverberations  through  the  canyons 
was  deafening,  several  trees  were  struck  with  lightning  near 
camp  but  the  morning  showed  us  still  uninjured,  though 
our  slumbers  had  not  been  remarkably  peaceful.  We  have 
made  a  good  run  today,  for  the  country  and  did  consider- 
able chopping  made  5.27  camping  1/2  mile  W.  of  108.60 
Passed  the  summit  of  the  divide  between  Bear  and  Snake 
Rivers  at  Alt.  9,750.  Was  very  much  annoyed  in  the  P.  M. 
with  mosquitoes.  Dick  gave  me  a  sight  of  1-3/4  miles  and 
while  waiting  for  me  to  come  up  went  into  the  timber  to 
look  for  Elk.  Heard  a  great  noise  in  the  bushes  on  a  side  hill 
near  &  saw  a  large  brown  bear  coming  straight  for  him. 
Without  any  unnecessary  delay  he  climbed  the  nearest  tree 
&  when  safe  among  the  upper  limbs  looked  for  his  bear  but 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


he  had  departed  perhaps  worse  scared  than  Dick.  We  see 
plenty  of  tracks  &  "indications"  of  game  but  as  yet  have 
killed  nothing  but  grouse  of  which  we  have  a  couple  for 
breakfast  every  day,  though  we  shoot  them  only  with  Win- 
chester or  revolvers- 
Wednesday  morning  24th. 

At  the  line  at  6  A.  M.  an  open  country  before  us  for  about 
twenty  miles,  badly  broken  but  no  timber.  The  snow  clad 
mountains  are  gradually  closing  in  upon  us  and  in  a  few 
days  we  will  be  in  their  midst.  Dinner  at  2  P.  M.  at  the  1 1 5 
mile,  on  a  clear  stream  35  Iks.  wide  flowing  E.  Have  made 
6-1/4  miles  so  far  today  over  (One  of  our  tormentors  above) 
a  rough  but  open  country.  The  train  still  behind  us.  Charley 
brought  out  our  dinner.  Alt.  7750.  9  P.  M.  10-1/4  miles  run 
today,  camp  at  1 19  M.  P.  Every  body  well  tired.  Roney. 
Wheaton  &  Charley  now  out  taking  an  azimuth.  I  passed  on 
that  item  as  carrying  the  transit  as  far  as  I  have  today  over  a 
rough  country  almost  makes  a  day's  work.  Wheaton  was 
busy  with  topography  all  day.  1  did  not  touch  it.  Alt.  8800. 
Thursday  June  25 

Left  camp  at  7.  A.  M.  Weather  splendid  but  mosquitoes 
very  troublesome.  1 0.  o'clock  A.  M.-From  the  1 22nd  M.  P. 
a  settlement  is  in  sight  about  four  miles  to  the  N.  W.  in  a 
little  valley  running  S.  E.  Think  it  is  the  Salt  Works  we 
have  heard  of.  Evening —  At  12  M.  stopped  for  dinner  at 
124.24  on  Smoky  Creek  a  branch  of  the  Salt  River.  Being 
anxious  to  learn  something  of  the  country  before  us,  we 
stopped  at  this  creek.  The  pack  train  came  up  at  2  P.  M.  and 
we  went  into  camp  after  which  Billie  &  I  took  a  couple  of 
mules  and  started  for  the  cabins  we  had  seen.  Found  them 
to  be  the  Oneida  Salt  works  owned  by  Mr.  White.  The  salt 
water  is  found  four  feet  beneath  the  surface.  Three  vats  are 
worked  holding  probably  8  barrels  each  and  4500  lbs.  are 
turned  out  every  24  hrs.  All  of  this  section  of  the  country, 
Montana  &  Idaho  is  supplied  from  these  works.  4  ox  teams 
loaded  with  16000  lbs.  [sic  in  typescript]  each  started  for 
Helena  Mont  this  morning.  The  salt  is  of  a  superior  quality. 
The  men  at  the  works  gave  us  very  encouraging  report  of 
the  country  ahead.  Said  Snake  River  was  fordable.  that  there 
was  but  little  timber  and  no  hostile  Indians.  All  of  which 
we  took  with  a  grain  of  allowance.  We  ground  two  axes 
that  we  took  with  us.  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Alice  and  one  to 
Lon.  Just  a  few  words  to  tell  of  our  progress.  &  we  came 
back  to  camp.  The  boys  had  done  considerable  fishing  but 
nine  trout  was  all  they  could  show,  but  they  were  nice  ones. 
A  trapper  had  passed  by  while  we  were  gone  whose  report 
of  the  line  ahead  was  so  different  from  the  one  I  got  at  the 
Salt  Works  that  after  supper  I  rode  down  to  his  camp  about 
1-1/2  miles  below  ours.  Found  him  living  in  an  Indian  Lodge 
with  a  young  and  clean  looking  squaw,  and  they  had  a 
pappoose  [sic],  &  three  dogs  and  nine  ponies.  He  gave  rather 
a  discouraging  account  of  the  country  before  us  more  espe- 
cially of  the  rivers.  First  Salt  River,  no  ford,  then  John  Gray's 


River  ditto  worse  than  the  Snake  no  ford  very  swift  etc., 
then  Fall  River  do.  [sic]-  &  heavy  fallen  timber.  Well  that's 
where  our  line  goes  and  where  we'll  go  or  "bust."  He  also 
gave  me  a  few  notes  concerning  Prof.  Hayden  that  did  not 
sound  as  well  as  his  report.  He  thinks  him  a  good  deal  of  a 
fraud.  Guess  I  can  go  to  bed  pretty  well  now,  and  some 
more  convenient  time  figure  over  the  "how"  we  are  to  cross 
those  streams.  Ran  5m  30chs.  (530)  yesterday. 
Friday  June  26,  74. 

Trout  for  breakfast.  Very  cold  last  night  water  froze  in 
camp.  On  line  at  6:30  A.  M.  country  very  rough  with  scat- 
tering timber.  Dinner  at  1 29th  M.  P.  Pack  train  ahead  of  us. 
Evening.  Struck  a  few  large  trees  on  line  this  P.  M.  which 
retarded  our  progress  so  that  we  camped  near  the  1 3 1  st  M. 
P.  having  made  just  7  miles.  The  line  is  still  running  in  the 
bluffs  on  the  west  side  of  Salt  River  and  about  three  miles 
distant  therefrom.  Weather  cloudy  threatening  rain.  Mos- 
quitoes worse  than  I  ever  saw  them  before,  but  the  nights 
are  too  cold  for  them  to  be  about. 
Saturday  June  27 

A  light  rain  last  night  but  clear  &  warm  this  morning. 
Struck  Salt  River  bottom  on  the  137th.  Two  Shoshone  In- 
dians came  out  to  the  line  apparently  did  not  like  the  looks 
of  the  outfit  as  we  were  all  well  armed,  and  they  left.  Their 
camp  is  about  two  miles  west  of  ours.  We  made  nine  (9) 
miles  camping  opposite  &  1/2  mile  W.  of  the  140th  M.  P. 
Stood  a  guard  over  the  mules  as  Indians  will  steal. 
Sunday  28,  1874 

Did  not  work  today,  but  we  passed  the  time  in  washing 
mending  fishing  &  resting.  Do  not  like  laying  up  on  Sun- 
day, it  gives  one  too  good  a  chance  for  thinking.  The  day 
passes  slowly  &  night  finds  us  not  one  day  nearer  home. 
Roney,  Wheaton  &  Tom  Bany  took  an  azimuth.  Clouds  & 
dew  kept  them  out  till  2  A.  M.  Monday  morning.  Chro- 
nometer showed  23"  fast,  a  very  great  change.  Very  cold. 
Monday  29,  74. 

On  line  at  7:30  a  little  late  as  we  gave  the  boys  who  were 
out  last  night  a  chance  to  sleep.  Had  some  very  fine  trout 
for  breakfast.  Struck  some  thick  willows  on  the  142nd  mile 
&  made  but  2-1/2  miles  before  dinner.  Struck  a  bend  of  Salt 
river  on  the  146th  mile  &  offset  us  and  it  had  considerable 
chopping  also  but  made  8  miles  &  camped  at  sundown  near 
148th  mile.  Salt  River  20  chs.  E 
Tuesday  June  30,  74. 

The  149th  mile  was  all  through  light  timber  and  12  chs. 
beyond  the  post  we  came  to  a  high  steep  wooded  bank  at 
the  bottom  of  which  runs  Salt  River.  Went  into  camp  on  the 
bluff  and  started  Dick  and  Frank  down  stream  to  prospect 
for  a  crossing  while  Billie  &  I  went  up  stream  for  the  same 
purpose.  There  is  a  valley  or  rather  basin  on  the  other  side 
of  the  River,  shut  in  upon  all  sides  with  high  mountains.  To 
the  N.  E.  is  a  canyon  between  two  of  the  highest  peaks  &  it 
looks  like  a  stream  might  be  running  through  it.  If  so  I  think 


Autumn  2001 


we  will  find  it  to  be  Snake  River,  and  hope  we  will  for  we 
have  expected  to  strike  it  in  the  grand  canyon  &  in  a  bend  & 
if  it  comes  in  here  we  will  be  fortunate.  We  took  Hayden 
map  as  correct  at  first  but  have  already  proven  it  very  incor- 
rect. According  to  it  we  should  now  be  across  both  Salt  & 
Gray's  Rivers  &  on  the  banks  of  the  Snake,  so  our  line 
shows  his  map  to  be  about  15  miles  out  at  this  point. 
Evening-  We  found  a  place  where  we  can  construct  &  cross 
a  raft  &  ford  the  miles  [mules?]  &  came  in  to  dinner  at  2:30 
P.  M.  after  which  the  boys  began  work  on  the  raft.  Dick  & 
Frank  came  in  at  4  P.  M.  had  also  found  a  pretty  good  ford 
three  miles  below  camp.  Frank  crossed  &  as  we  had  sur- 
mised found  that  the  dreaded  Snake  is  in  the  bottom  before 
us-  &  their  ford  is  just  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salt.  There  is  no 
signs  [sic]  of  a  ford  on  the  Snake  though.  I  went  out  in  the 
Mts.  west  of  camp  a  few  miles  &  from  a  high  point  could 
see  the  Snake  away  up  in  the  Grand  canyon,  also  quite  a 
large  stream  running  into  it  just  where  it  leaves  the  canyon, 
which  must  be  Gray's  River.  The  good  luck  that  attended 
us  last  year  seems  not  to  have  deserted  us,  for  although  the 
Snake  may  be  difficult  to  cross  where  we  are,  we  have  struck 
it  at  the  most  favorable  point  within  50  miles  either  way. 
With  Wheaton  &  Roney  took  an  azimuth  tonight,  finished 
at  1 1  P.  M.  Did  not  change  the  line  perceptibly  (nor  did  the 
last  one)  and  the  chronometer  showed  2 1  seconds  fast,  both 
of  which  facts  go  to  show  that  the  previous  azimuth  was 
right  and  that  the  chronometer  changed  its  rate  from  some 
jar  or  other  similar  cause. 
Wednesday,  July  1st. 

Finished  the  raft  by  9  A.  M.  Dick  &  Frank  swam  across 
we  threw  them  a  line  got  the  rope  across  ferried  over  the 
"stuff  set  Dick  across  on  line,  the  last  of  the  men  went 
over,  the  boys  drove  the  stock  across  where  they  forded  all 
the  way  and  at  3:30  we  sat  down  to  dinner  hungry  wet  & 
tired  but  across  Salt  River  with  which  every  body  we  have 
seen  for  50  miles  have  scared  us.  Took  a  pony  &  rode  over 
to  the  Snake  &  up  to  the  mouth  of  Gray's  River  and  the  foot 
of  the  canyon,  then  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  Salt  about  3 
miles.  Near  the  latter  place  found  a  channel  where  I  think 
we  can  ford,  if  not  there  then  there  is  no  fording  the  stream. 
Returned  by  sundown  to  camp  which  we  left  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  where  we  crossed. 
Thursday,  July  2nd. 

Ran  the  line  over  to  the  Snake  River  which  we  reached  at 
157m  20chs  30  Iks  Triangulated  the  distance  back  to  the 
brow  of  the  bluff  on  the  S.  side  of  Salt  River  from  the  first 
sight  on  this  side  making  the  Salt  about  2.30  chs.  wide. 
Moved  camp  to  the  mouth  of  the  Salt  which  is  the  location 
of  my  ford  which  when  tried  proved  too  deep.  Spent  the  P. 
M.  in  riding  up  the  River  trying  to  find  a  place  for  a  raft. 
Found  the  trail  of  three  men  apparently  prospectors  and  it 
being  fresh  followed  it  two  miles  up  Gray's  River  hoping 
to  find  them  thinking  they  might  know  something  of  the 


River.  Did  not  find  them  &  returned  to  camp  at  sundown. 
The  Boys  had  caught  a  lot  of  very  fine  trout  averaging  about 
2  lbs.  each. 
Friday  3rd. 

Tried  another  place  for  a  ford  &  raft  but  couldn't  make  it. 
As  we  saw  a  smoke  last  night  some  distance  down  the  river 
Billie  &  1  went  down  there.  Crossed  Salt  River  just  above 
its  mouth  after  three  trials.  Three  miles  down  the  Snake  we 
overtook  two  men  from  the  Carribou  mines  who  had  come 
down  to  catch  some  trout  for  the  4th.  They  could  tell  us 
nothing  about  the  Snake  but  invited  us  to  go  up  to  the  min- 
ing camp  &  attend  a  dance  that  night.  Said  all  the  ladies 
would  be  there  and  several  ladies  from  Soda  Springs  50 
miles  distant.  A  press  of  business  compelled  us  to  refuse 
but  if  we  had  been  sure  of  a  crossing  we  or  I  at  least  would 
have  gone  for  I  think  it  would  have  been  new  &  novel.  We 
returned  to  camp  at  1  P  M.  had  dinner  then  commenced 
building  a  raft,  carried  the  timber  for  it  3/4  of  a  mile.  Worked 
hard  till  sundown  had  supper  and  went  to  bed.  With  a  sure 
prospect  of  a  hard  day's  work  on  the  4th,  while  the  result  of 
it  is  still  very  uncertain. 
July  4  1874 

The  mental  barometer  of  this  outfit  for  today  shows  the 
greatest  change  of  the  trip.  We  were  at  work  early  stimu- 
lated for  hard  work  with  a  good  strong  breakfast  of  baked 
beans,  bread-  [?]  bacon,  trout,  coffee  &  dried  apples.  No 
one  seemed  to  feel  very  enthusiastic  either  on  the  subject  of 
our  national  Independence  or  what  was  of  more  moment 
the  success  of  our  raft.  We  launched  her  safely  she  floated 
like  a  duck  but  when  [then?]  two  men  boarded  her  with 
poles,  and  their  best  efforts  failed  to  get  it  50  feet  from 
shore.  As  this  was  the  narrowest  point  we  could  find,  and  it 
was  450  feet  wide  there.  We  knew  that  rafting  was  a  failure. 
We  had  thought  of  building  a  large  one  that  would  take  our 
whole  outfit  at  once,  &  cut  loose  from  the  shore  near  the 
mouth  of  Gray's  fork,  and  make  a  landing  where  we  could. 
We  might  have  done  this,  but  could  not  cross  our  stock  that 
way.  It  would  have  been  risking  everything  on  a  single 
chance  and  I  determined  to  only  try  it  as  a  last  resort.  When 
the  uncertainty  was  past,  relative  to  the  small  raft,  every 
man  seemed  relieved,  and  the  Barometer  rose  slightly.  We 
went  in  to  dinner  in  a  light  rain,  no  nearer  across  the  River 
than  when  we  first  reached  it.  If  we  had  failed,  Ben,  our 
cook,  had  not,  and  we  had  a  dinner  good  enough  for  any  4th 
of  July,  the  main  features  of  which  different  from  our  usual 
fare,  were  corn  bread,  dried  plum  sauce  &  trout,  the  last 
however  we  now  have  at  every  meal,  as  they  are  very  plenty 
in  the  Snake,  large  and  easily  caught.  After  dinner  as  it  still 
rained,  we  had  a  first  rate  game  of  casino.  We  were  appar- 
ently in  a  tight  place  with  no  common  obstacle  confronting 
us,  but  we  kept  our  nerve,  and  like  Mark  Tapley  were  "jolly 
still"  but  I  will  own  that  my  jollity  was  a  little  forced,  and 
of  a  melancholy  nature  and  nothing  but  force  of  will  kept 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


me  from  not  exactly  being  "blue"  but  thinking  of  the  good 
folks  at  either  end  of  the  Pacific  road,  and  wishing  that  I 
was  with  them,  and  the  Western  Bdry.  in  Helena.  About 
two  o'clock  Billie  &  I  started  to  go  across  Gray's  fork  &  try 
the  canyon  once  &  see  how  the  route  would  be  through  it, 
as  we  half  intended  going  to  the  upper  end  of  the  canyon  to 
a  crossing  that  we  heard  was  there.  That  would  have  taken 
us  at  least  six  days.  When  about  two  miles  from  camp  we 
came  upon  a  newly  made  wagon  trail  and  if  it  had  been  a 
church  I  would  not  have  been  more  surprised.  We  spurred 
on  and  soon  came  to  the  camp  of  four  trappers  &  prospec- 
tors from  Gallatin  City,  Montana.  One  of  them  had  attempted 
to  cross  the  Snake  with  a  raft  in  1 868,  was  wrecked  and  lost 
all  he  had.  We  wanted  to  cross  the  river  now,  but  as  a  matter 
of  course,  did  not  favor  a  raft.  We  finally  made  an  arrange- 
ment that  I  would  furnish  all  the  men  necessary  and  he  would 
build  a  canoe  and  we  would  all  cross.  As  has  happened  to 
us  before  (as  at  Green  River)  when  it  seemed  that  we  could 
go  no  farther,  the  way  has  opened  before  us.  We  returned  to 
camp  and  related  the  story  of  our  discovery,  and  the  Ba- 
rometer rose  rapidly  and  it  seemed  a  little  like  the  Glorious 
4th.  We  had  thought  of  a  canoe  but  none  of  us  knew  how  to 
build  or  manage  one,  and  at  the  best  they  are  dangerous.  It 
seems  now  that  we  would  soon  cross  the  old  Snake. 
July  5 

Went  out  with  Mr.  Richardson,  our  canoe  friend,  and  found 
a  tree  on  the  bank  of  the  river  large  enough  for  a  canoe  and 
set  the  boys  at  work  on  her  under  his  direction,  as  it  will 
take  two  days  to  build  her.  1  concluded  to  go  up  to  the  min- 
ing camp  on  the  Caribou.  Wrote  a  letter  to  Alice,  had  din- 
ner, started  at  2  P.  M.,  Billie  going  along.  We  got  caught  in 
a  thunder  storm  when  about  halfway  and  got  wet  through. 
Reached  the  camp  at  sundown  hungry  wet  and  tired.  The 
distance  is  17  miles,  14  being  up  the  Caribou  creek  which 
we  crossed  13  times.  Got  a  good  supper  at  a  so-called  res- 
taurant for  75  cents  but  as  we  didn't  like  the  looks  of  some 
of  the  loafers  around  the  camp  and  thinking  they  nught  be 
in  need  of  a  mule,  we  came  into  the  timber  on  the  moun- 
tain, picketed  our  mules,  built  a  camp  fire,  and  for  two  hours 
have  been  drying  our  blankets  &  clothes  and  I  am  writing 
with  my  pants  &  drawers  hanging  from  a  limb  before  the 
fire.  Will  reserve  all  comment  on  Iowa  Bar  till  tomorrow 
and  fix  up  our  fire,  don  my  clothes,  roll  up  in  a  blanket  and 
"retire"  to  dream  perhaps  of  friends  and  home  perhaps,  or 
worse,  perhaps  of  nothing. 

Mem.  On  the  3rd  Roney  meandered  the  Left  Bank  of  the 
Snake  from  the  mouth  of  the  Gray's  River  to  the  mouth  of 
Salt  River,  Distance  3.m  12  chs. 
Monday  July  6,  1874. 

Arose  at  sunrise  a  little  stiff.  We  slept  one  on  each  side  of 
the  fire  and  while  we  kept  it  going  we  were  warm  and  slept, 
but  not  very  good.  Went  in  to  town  to  breakfast,  then  wrote 
a  letter  home.  Bought  a  few  things  needed  in  camp  talked 


about  the  mines.  The  main  camp  is  the  one  we  visited  called 
Iowa  Bar.  There  are  about  twelve  log  houses  there  &  five 
saloons,  so  many  Bars  that  I  could  not  distinguish  the 
"Iowa".  The  only  mining  near  the  camp  is  gulch  mining — 
washing  out  the  Bar  along  the  stream.  Taylor's  creek,  Iowa 

6  McCoy  are  the  principal  streams.  Three  miles  west  of  the 
camp  is  Mt.  Pisgah  upon  which  pretty  good  quartz  ledges 
have  been  struck  &  8  claims  are  taken  there  now.  I  obtained 
a  specimen  which  was  taken  from  the  Staunton  mine — 
assay's  $2400.00 —  from  W.  S.  Norcross.  Having  satisfied 
our  curiosity  in  relation  to  this  camp  we  refused  sundry  & 
divers  invitations  to  "Take  something"  &  departed-quite  a 
"big  time"  was  had  there  the  4th.  A  lot  of  Mormon  women, 
or  "Irrigators"  as  they  are  called,  came  in  from  Soda  Springs 
50  miles  distant  &  on  the  evening  of  the  3rd  they  had  a 
dance  at  Iowa  Bar,  on  the  4th  went  over  to  the  other  camp, 

7  miles,  on  the  head  of  Carribou  creek  &  had  another  dance, 
on  the  evening  of  the  5.  Sunday  had  another  one  at  another 
camp,  getting  up  at  12  M.  to  commence  so  they  reported. 
The  evening  of  the  6th  they  were  to  dance  at  Waumucks 
camp  &  on  the  7th  at  Soda  again.  For  one  set  of  ladies  that 
is  doing  pretty  good  dancing.  Going  down  Sunday  we  were 
caught  in  a  rain  storm  and  as  it  cleared  up,  we  saw  the  most 
beautiful  rainbow  possible  to  see.  We  were  in  a  canyon  and 
the  rainbow  was  reflected  or  made  against  the  side  of  the 
mountains  to  the  east  of  us  &  not  more  than  500  feet  away. 
We  watched  it  almost  spell  bound  until  it  faded  away.  I 
never  expect  to  witness  a  more  beautiful  sight  in  nature. 
We  were  in  a  deep  canyon,  a  small  stream  of  clear  crystal 
like  water  running  at  our  feet  while  all  around  us  rose  the 
mighty  mountain/s?7  towering  thousands  of  feet  above  us, 
some  robed  in  green,  some  covered  with  dense  black  pine 
forests,  while  all  were  crowned  with  a  wreath  of  snow,  and 
spanning  the  largest  one,  the  rainbow  formed  a  crown  upon 
its  brow,  that  the  grandest  of  earth's  monarchs  might  well 
covet.  The  ends  rested  near  its  base  on  either  hand  &  the 
Zenith  of  the  circle  illuminated  the  snow  upon  its  summit 
with  colors  that  no  artist  pencil  could  approach.  We  reached 
camp  at  1:30  P  M.  Found  the  boys  &  Mr.  Richardson  at 
work  upon  the  canoe.  In  turning  it  over  one  side  had  split 
badly  and  they  thought  once  of  building  another,  but  we 
will  try  &  make  this  work.  Went  to  camp  at  sundown  in  a 
heavy  rain.  Mush  &  Molasses  (made  from  sugar)  for  sup- 
per. 

Tuesday,  July  7. 

A  very  heavy  rain  last  night.  The  River  this  morning  a 
good  deal  higher  &  very  muddy  showing  a  big  rain  above. 
Our  sailors  are  now,  at  8  o'clock,  busy  caulking  the  crack 
in  our  canoe  with  hot  pitch,  after  which  heavy  canvas  will 
be  nailed  over  it  and  we  hope  to  make  the  crossing  today. 

Mem — I  learned  at  the  camp  that  the  trapper  we  found  on 
Smoky  Creek  is  known  as  "old  Tex",  the  one  we  saw  fish- 
ing on  the  3rd  is  old  Doc  Collins.  The  men  who  are  with 


The  survey  party 


Richardson  are  Mr.  Dix  &  Son  &  David.  I  saw  an  old  gray 
headed  miner  at  the  camp  who  came  west  in  '49.  He  is  now 
broke  &  intends  selling  his  horses,  taking  the  money  and 
going  home.  A  broken  down  discouraged  old  man.  the  mines 
&  the  greed  for  gold  have  made  his  life  a  failure.  I  learned 
after  seeing  him,  learned  from  others,  that  he  started  from 
Hazel  Green*  in  '49  &  doubtless  Father  knew  him.  His  name 
is  Madden  or  something  similar.  Evening — another  fail- 
ure. Richardson  &  Frank  crossed  the  river  in  the  canoe  this 
morning  but  Richardson  had  a  hard  time  getting  back. 
Landed  1 5  chains  below  where  he  intended  &  came  near 
being  driven  upon  a  rocky  bluff  by  the  current.  It  would  be 
a  long  hard,  and  dangerous  job  to  cross  our  outfit  with  one 
frail  canoe,  so  we  immediately  began  building  another.  By 
splicing  two  together  we  have  quite  a  good  boat  which  can 
be  rowed.  Richardson  has  put  us  in  the  way  to  cross  but  he 
is  a  good  deal  of  a  braggart  &  cannot  do  with  a  canoe  what 
he  led  us  to  believe  he  could.  Another  heavy  rain  this  P.  M. 
and  the  river  has  risen  considerably  and  is  very  muddy  and 
full  of  driftwood. 
Wednesday,  July  8th-  9  A.  M. 

Breakfast  early  and  boys  at  work.  Canoe  prospering  finely, 
and  we  expect  to  finish  it  today.  Weather  beautiful.  Evening- 
Canoe  finished.  We  have  fastened  the  two  together  and  put 
on  a  pole  on  the  outside  in  which  pins  are  set  for  row  locks. 
One  of  them,  the  first,  the  boys  named  the  "Snake  River 
Pioneer"  and  the  other  Dictator  &  put  on  the  date,  but  Dick 
*  Hazel  Green,  Wisconsin,  was  Richards'  home  town. 


calls  one  of  them  "Louise"-  &  I  call  the  other  "Lizerr  Jane". 
Guess  we  will  make  it  tomorrow.  Do  not  think  a  canoe  was 
ever  built  quicker  or  better  than  this  last  one  &  Capt 
Richardson  was  not  around  at  all.  I  left  the  boys  alone  this 
P.  M.  and  went  up  Gray's  River  fishing —  caught  14  fine 
trout.  No  rain  today. 
Thursday  July  9. 

7  A.  M.  A  nice  warm  morning.  River  fell  about  two  (2) 
inches  last  night.  All  ready  to  begin  crossing  our  outfit.  The 
comet  which  we  first  saw  June  28,  shone  very  brightly  last 
night.  Evening.  Hurrah!  We  are  across  the  Snake  at  1:30 
P.M.  We  had  everything  over  but  the  mules.  The  canoes 
worked  very  well  and  Dick  &  I  rowed  them  well  together 
with  Tom  Ballard  at  the  helm.  We  took  about  600  lbs.  of 
freight  at  each  load  &  would  be  carried  about  100  yds.  be- 
low a  point  opposite  the  starting  point  in  crossing.  After 
unloading  two  men  would  pull  the  boat  up  stream  to  a  point 
the  same  distance  above  our  starting  point.  Dick  &  I  would 
take  the  oars  &  shoot  her  into  the  whorf  [sic].  It  was  hard 
work  for  us,  for  the  current  raged  fearfully,  but  we  kept  at  it 
till  all  was  over.  Twelve  round  trips  were  made.  In  crossing 
the  stock  we  first  led  the  Gray  pony  across  to  try  the  water, 
&  found  it  running  nearly  all  the  way.  We  then  took  the 
other  gray  &  led  him  over  &  the  boys  on  shore  started  the 
mules  in,  but  they  only  swam  down  stream  a  short  distance 
&  came  out  again.  The  bank  was  almost  perpendicular  & 
the  boys  kept  crowding  them  into  the  water  until  finally 
one  struck  across,  then  all  tumbled  in  &  started.  It  was  an 


10 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


odd  sight  to  see  fourteen  mules  &  horses,  struggling  against 
the  current  with  only  their  heads  above  water.  Some  went 
pretty  straight  across  while  others  drifted  a  long  way  down 
stream.  It  was  quite  an  exciting  time  for  me,  for  if  they 
failed  to  make  it  there  was  a  chance  to  lose  money  pretty 
fast  on  mules,  besides  the  delay  of  the  work.  1  felt  relieved 
a  heap  when  the  first  one  touched  bottom  &  came  a-shore 
&  soon  every  one  was  over  &  we  were  "on  this  side  of  the 
Snake''  sure  enough.  We  selected  a  long  sandy  beach  for 
the  stock  to  land  on  &  it  was  lucky  we  did.  At  2  P.M.  we  sat 
down  to  dinner  well  satisfied  with  our  forenoons  work.  We 
were  just  seven  days  in  getting  across  but  did  it  well  & 
safely  without  losing  any  thing  at  all.  No  river  has  any  ter- 
rors for  me  now,  for  I  think  we  can  cross  any  stream  in  this 
country.  Our  Capt.  Richardson  had  nothing  to  do  with  our 
crossing  but  he  and  his  partner  complimented  Dick  &  I 
highly  on  our  rowing.  I  gave  them  the  boat  after  we  were 
through  with  it  &  they  took  it  down  stream  &  anchored  it 
upon  the  S.  side,  &  I  suppose  it  will  make  a  good  many 
trips  yet.  After  dinner  we  ran  the  line  to  the  foot  of  the 
bluffs.  The  S.  bank  of  the  River  is  1 5 1 .20.40.  &  we  camped 
opposite  the  153  mile,  could  find  no  water  in  the  foot  hills 
though  covered  with  timber  &  was  compelled  to  send  back 
to  the  river  for  a  supply  for  supper  &  breakfast  &  we  went 
to  bed  before  it  arrived  without  supper. 


Friday,  July  10,  1874. 

On  line  at  6:30  A.M.-  &  rough  climbing  to  commence 
with.  12  noon-  have  run  1-3/4  miles  this  forenoon,  through 
a  little  [of]  the  worst  mountains  we  have  ever  had.  Have 
gone  up  1500  feet  in  the  last  1-1/2  miles,  stopping  foratree 
to  be  chopped  at  1 54.48.  Pack  train  going  around  the  point 
of  the  mountain  to  the  west.  No  dinner  today.  Evening- 
Reached  camp  at  dark.  Supper  at  8  P  M.  Fourteen  hours 
without  eating  &  climbing  the  worst  kind  of  mountains  in- 
clines one  to  relish  his  supper,  &  bean  soup,  ham,  coffee  & 
bread  melted  before  our  appetites  like  dew  before  the  sun. 
Now  we  are  seated  around  the  camp  fire  enjoying  a  rest  &  a 
smoke.  Dick  &  Tom  Ballard  both  unwell  today.  The  effects 
of  too  much  Snake  river  yesterday.  We  made  3-1/2  miles, 
camping  a  mile  West  of  1 56.40  at  the  junction  of  two  moun- 
tain streams.  The  high  range,  snow  capped,  which  has  been 
in  sight  for  50  miles  comes  in  tomorrow's  work.  This  is 
very  rough  hard  work,  and  if  we  keep  up  the  average  which 
we  want  to  of  3-1/2  miles  per  day  through  here,  I  think 
we"  11  reach  Bozeman  on  time.  The  camp  men  saw  a  grizzly 
Bear,  an  Elk  and  a  deer  today  but  neither  within  shooting 
distance. 
Saturday,  July  11th. 

Brought  the  line  up  to  the  brow  of  the  Cliff  on  the  S.  Side 
of  the  main  creek  by  noon  &  went  in  to  dinner.  The  S. 


"Having  Lunch" 


Autumn  2001 


11 


Slope  of  the  Mountain  is  impassable  for  the  chain  men,  so 
we  ran  a  base  line  west  from  1 57.3 1 .85,  of  34  chains  &  sent 
Dick  with  two  men  to  the  top  of  the  mountain  to  get  the  line 
up  and  we  will  triangulate  the  distance.  We  can  not  get  a 
Sight  on  the  highest  peak  because  of  an  intervening  peak 
covered  with  timber.  As  we  have  had  no  game  yet  &  there 
are  good  signs  around  here,  I  let  Roney  go  out  to  set  Dick  & 
run  the  base  line  &  I  went  hunting.  Came  back  at  dark  with- 
out having  seen  anything  in  the  shape  of  game.  Found  that 
Roney  took  the  west  end  of  his  base  line  from  a  point  where 
he  could  not  see  the  flag  on  the  mountain  &  he  came  in  long 
after  dark,  without  having  accomplished  anything  more  than 
getting  the  line  on  the  mountain.  I  ought  to  have  known 
better  than  to  have  sent  him  to  do  the  work,  but  will  try  & 
not  lose  any  time  on  it  tomorrow.  Rained  by  spells  this 
morning.  Thermometer  76  degrees  in  the  shade  at  noon  and 
we  thought  it  very  hot,  while  at  home  I  suppose  it  is  in  the 
90's. 
Sunday,  July  12. 

Settled  our  breakfast  by  climbing  the  mountain  to  the  line. 
Were  two  hours  in  reaching  Dick's  sight  Elevation  of  that 
point  above  camp  2876  feet  distance  on  line  as  triangulated 
104. chs  10  Iks.  making  his  point  158.55.95.  now  12  m  and 
we  are  chopping  out  some  trees  to  allow  a  sight  to  the  top  of 
this  range  from  whence  we  can  see  the  top  of  the  main  range. 
Elevation  here  9075  feet.  Ben  came  up  with  dinner  on  time. 
We  set  the  159th  mile  post  on  the  top  of  this  mountain. 
From  here  to  the  top  of  the  next  one  it  is  impossible  to 
chain,  so  sent  Dick  ahead  to  get  the  line.  We  will  erect  a 
pole  here  and  triangulate  back.  Camp  at  the  Western  foot  of 
the  big  mountain.  Did  no  more  than  get  the  line  to  the  sum- 
mit of  it  &  we  have  been  running  to  this  mountain  from  the 
100th  mile  and  I  think  it  will  be  the  highest  point  we  will 
reach  on  this  line.  Its  elevation  as  near  as  we  can  take  it  is 
10300  ft.  from  it  we  have  a  magnificent  view  upon  all  sides. 
Looking  back  we  can  see  the  Salt  River  valley  for  30  miles 
hemmed  in  on  the  east  with  the  Salt  River  Mts.  which  are 
rough,  snow  clad  &  many  of  them  higher  than  this  point. 
On  the  west  of  it  are  foot  hills  gradually  rising  till  they 
terminate  in  the  Carribou  Mts.  the  principal  of  which  Mt. 
Pisgah  contains  quartz  ledges,  &  at  the  east  foot  of  which 
lies  the  Iowa  Bar  mines  which  we  visited  a  week  ago.  To 
the  N.  W.  we  can  see  Snake  River  winding  through  the 
mountains  for  about  1 0  miles  then  the  bottom  through  which 
it  runs  gradually  widens  out  in  a  prairie  bottom  &  the  hills 
skirting  it  become  lower,  while  away  in  the  distance,  show- 
ing dimly  like  a  fog  cloud,  is  another  range  of  high  moun- 
tains at  least  125  miles  away — coming  around  to  the  east 
the  view  is  limited  to  a  few  miles  by  the  Snake  River  moun- 
tains of  which  this  mountain  (which  has  been  variously 
named  Mt.  Richards,  The  Bass  &  Masiah,  and  which  we 
will  know  hereafter  as  "The  Bass")  is  one.  They  are  abrupt, 
badly  broken  very  rocky,  sparsely  timbered  &  mostly  snow 


capped.  Passing  our  line,  which  we  cannot  see  for  more 
than  five  miles  ahead,  we  see  the  Tetons  looming  up-  the 
largest  on  [is?]  Mt.  Hayden  bearing  20  degrees  E  of  us  from 
this  point.  It  is  the  grandest  looking  Peak  we  have  yet  seen 
and  towers  far  above  all  its  fellows.  Will  reserve  further 
comment  upon  it  until  I  have  had  a  nearer  view.  To  the  East 
&  N  East  of  it  we  can  see  the  lower  country  of  the 
Yellowstone.  To  the  East  of  us,  a  little  north,  we  see  a  peak 
which  we  think  is  Mt  Baird.  Taken  altogether  the  view  from 
"The  Bass"  fills  my  idea  of  mountain  scenery.  I  was  not 
satisfied  last  summer  in  that  respect  but  have  no  more  to 
say  now.  The  country  &  surface  immediately  about  us  is 
peculiar.  The  mountain  sides  covered  with  finely  broken 
rock  which  it  is  impossible  to  walk  over  in  safety,  as  half  an 
acre  of  it  is  liable  to  slide  out  any  time.  The  rock  contains  a 
large  proportion  of  white  sand  &  is  not  apparently  of  volca- 
nic formation  though  the  numerous  basins  or  craters  would 
seem  to  indicate  volcanic  eruptions  here  at  some  previous 
time.  As  the  sun  is  getting  low  will  close  my  book  &  de- 
scend to  camp,  &  finish  this  Sunday's  work  with  supper 
then  to  bed.  Total  ascent  today  4 1 00  Distance  on  line  about 
2  miles  Camp  opposite  160  miles 
Monday,  July  13. 

Had  to  climb  "The  Bass"  to  work  this  morning  just  2000 
feet  above  camp.  Took  our  dinners  with  us.  Dick  &  Tom 
Ballard  went  from  camp  across  the  canyon  to  give  me  a 
sight  on  the  next  Mt.  Am  now  waiting  to  set  Dick.  Have 
run  a  base  line  to  the  east  of  14.86,  from  which  I  will  trian- 
gulate both  back  to  the  1 59th  post  and  forward  to  the  point 
where  Dick  will  be  set.  The  weather  is  beautiful,  though 
more  like  September  than  July.  The  air  is  very  clear,  but 
there  is  nothing  to  see  but  mountains  timber  and  snow. 
Would  like  very  well  to  have  a  word  from  home  &  from 
Alice.  There  are  a  great  many  things  that  might  occur  in 
five  weeks  and  we  have  heard  nothing  new  since  June  7th. 
I  can  only  trust  that  all  is  well  with  them.  1 1:30  P.  M. — 
"Lying  out"  by  a  campfire  supperless  &  without  blankets 
or  coats  will  conclude  the  "Log  for  today. [no  close  quote] 
Dick  found  a  very  rough  road  to  the  point  he  started  for,  so 
that  by  the  time  I  had  set  him  &  taken  the  angles  for  the 
triangulation  it  was  12  m.  a  thunder  storm  had  also  come 
up,  and  as  we  were  at  an  elevation  of  10300  ft.  we  got  the 
full  benefit  of  it.  We  took  shelter  under  a  big  rock  and  ate 
our  dinners  during  the  storm.  We  had  no  crockery  or  it  would 
have  been  dropped  &  broken  sure.  The  flashes  of  lightning 
followed  each  other  in  such  quick  succession  that  there  was 
almost  a  constant  roar  of  thunder.  We  were  surrounded  by 
canyons  from  2000  to  3000  feet  deep,  and  the  thunder  roared 
&  echoed  &  reached  through  them  in  a  manner  that  was 
grand  in  the  extreme,  but  as  the  lightning  was  playing  around 
us,  in  such  close  proximity  that  our  hair  stood  on  end  (but 
whether  from  electricity  or  fear  I  will  not  say)  it  had  few 
charms  for  us.  We  could  see  the  lightning  below  us,  but  the 


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The  surveyors  worked  their  way  over  mountains,  along  snov. 
surveying  some  of  the  roughest  country  in  Wyoming  as  their 

rain  was  certainly  above  us.  Several  trees  were  struck  on 
our  mountain  and  we  half  expected  to  see  the  lightning  from 
the  canyon  attempt  to  climb  a  tree.  When  we  left  "The  Bass" 
it  was  3:45  P.  M.  Before  reaching  the  front  sight  a  distance 
of  l.m  18chs.  we  were  overtaken  by  another  storm  which 
delayed  us  another  hour.  Dick  &  Tom  went  ahead  about  1- 
1/4  to  another  divide  had  three  large  trees  to  chop  out,  so 
that  it  was  7  P.  M.  when  we  started  for  camp  (having  just 
succeeded  in  setting  Dick.)  with  no  idea  as  to  where  it  was, 
except  that  it  was  on  the  creek  to  the  west  of  us,  and  the 
roughest  mountains  &  deepest  canyons  intervening  that  I 
ever  saw.  We  took  down  a  canyon,  walking  over  fallen  trees 
&  large  boulders  &  through  underbrush  shoulder  high,  wet 
from  the  rain  so  that  we  met  in  a  short  time  as  we  could  be. 
and  kept  going  until  11  P.  M.  when  the  canyon  became  so 
narrow  &  so  filled  with  fallen  timber  that  we  could  not  travel 
with  safety  any  longer,  as  I  had  the  transit  and  Wheaton  the 
chronometer.  (Roney  was  with  us  too  )  (no  joke  intended) 
so  we  stopped  to  camp,  as  it  was  raining  a  little  it  was  al- 
most impossible  to  build  a  fire,  the  only  timber  we  could 
find  in  the  dark  being  partly  green  Fir.  While  hunting  a  dry 
pine  log  we  saw  the  reflection  of  a  fire  above  us  in  another 
canyon,  and  upon  investigation  found  the  five  other  men 


fields  and  through  the  heavy  brush  and  trees.  They  were 
drew  the  western  boundary  of  the  state. 

within  20  chains  of  us  with  a  good  fire  and  quite  comfort- 
ably fixed.  We  accepted  their  invitation  to  pass  the  night 
with  them.  We  have  wrung  out  our  clothes,  put  them  on 
again  and  are  now  sitting  around  the  fire  the  hungriest, 
tiredest,  wetest  but  jolliest  eight  men  that  ever  lay  out  on 
the  mountains.  Not  a  cross  word  has  been  said  nor  a  com- 
plaining one.  Think  camp  is  not  more  than  two  miles  down 
the  canyon.  The  rain  has  ceased,  our  fire  keeps  us  warm, 
and  we  will  pass  a  comfortable  night  though  we  won't  sleep 
much. 
Tuesday,  July  14. 

Broke  camp  at  early  daylight.  Found  camp  1-1/2  miles 
below  us,  in  the  best  place  for  us  that  it  could  have  been. 
The  boys  in  camp  had  breakfast  ready  in  short  order,  and  at 
6  o'clock  we  were  dry  full  &  happy.  Went  to  bed  &  slept 
till  noon.  Spent  the  P  M.  in  washing  cleaning  up  arms  etc. 
Rode  out  a  few  miles  with  Billie  hunting.  Saw  nothing. 
Lying  out  makes  us  feel  a  little  old  today,  and  guess  I'll  go 
to  bed.  This  is  a  fearfully  rough  country  and  we  are  having 
a  hard  time  getting  through  it,  but  we  are  going,  and  have 
not  yet  given  up  reaching  Bozeman  on  time,  though  we  are 
making  slow  progress  now.  Have  got  the  line  up  to  the  1 62nd 
Mile  Post. 


Autumn  2001 


13 


Wednesday,  July  15. 

Left  camp  at  6  A.  M.  and  was  on  line  at  9  a.  m.  A  long 
steep  mountain  to  climb  after  leaving  the  canyon.  Mem— 
We  have  named  the  canyon  on  the  north  of  "The  Bass" 
"Whang  doodle  canyon",  and  camp  Monday  night  "canyon 
camp",  or  camp  calamity.  Evening.  Have  had  very  good 
success  today.  Chained  in  two  miles  and  got  the  line  across 
the  stream  upon  which  we  are  camped  about  1-1/2  miles 
ahead.  The  chainmen  were  stopped  by  a  perpendicular  wall 
of  rock  250  feet  high  on  the  S.  side  of  the  stream,  at  1 64.24 
They  erected  a  barked  pole  at  the  point  and  we  will  have  to 
triangulate  the  distance  back.  The  scenery  today  has  been 
very  grand.  Upon  either  side  of  this  stream  the  mountains 
rise  to  a  height  of  at  least  3000  feet  and  in  some  places 
almost  perpendicular,  while  in  others  they  terraced  beauti- 
fully and  cut  out  in  a  semi-circular  form  till  they  resemble  a 
ground  amphitheater.  In  many  places  the  rocks  have  made 
a  slide  and  at  the  distance  we  are  from  them,  those  places 
seem  perfectly  smooth —  evenly  graded  and  of  a  variety  of 
color  that  is  rare  indeed.  The  stream  is  a  clear  mountain 
brook  25  links  wide,  running  rapidly  over  a  ground  bottom 
with  numerous  falls  of  from  3  to  15  feet.  Taken  altogether 
the  scenery  here  is  more  grand  and  imposing,  with  a  finer 
finish  than  any  I  ever  saw  on  my  trip  across  the  continent 
last  spring. 
Thursday,  July  16. 

Our  camp  men  decided  yesterday  that  it  was  impossible 
to  take  our  pack  train  any  further  up  this  canyon,  which  is 
our  only  way  of  keeping  near  the  line.  1  told  them  we  would 
go  up  the  canyon  anyway,  so  this  morning  left  camp  at  6  a. 
m.  with  every  man  but  the  cook,  to  make  a  way.  We  moved 
immense  boulders,  cut  down  trees,  graded  hill  sides,  and 
made  crossings  on  the  stream  with  such  good  success  that 
at  9  a.m.  sent  the  men  back  to  bring  up  the  camp.  I  have  just 
been  up  another  canyon  leading  from  the  main  one  to  the 
line  and  found  it  passable,  also,  so  I  think  we  are  sure  of 
getting  over  this  range.  Hope  for  a  better  country  soon.  At 
2:30  P  M.  the  train  came  up.  We're  delayed  by  an  accident 
to  one  of  the  mules  (Dandy  Pat)  who  tipped  over  backwards 
off  a  cliff  forty  feet  high,  made  two  complete  revolutions 
lengthwise,  and  landed  square  on  his  back  in  the  stream. 
Alighting  upon  the  pack  was  all  that  saved  his  life,  for  it 
broke  the  force  of  the  fall,  also  broke  our  large  Dutch  oven, 
busted  a  seamless  sack  containing  sugar  &  50  lbs.  washed 
away,  and  smashed  the  pack  saddle  all  to  pieces.  As  it  was 
too  late  to  attempt  crossing  another  range  we  went  into  camp 
and  I  took  a  pony  and  tried  my  hand  at  path-finding  as  I 
used  to  do  last  year.  Was  well  paid  for  my  ride  and  walk  up 
the  mountains,  for  I  found  that  we  must  continue  up  this 
stream  (which  we  now  call  sugar  creek)  for  a  long  distance, 
before  getting  upon  the  line  again.  This  is  a  little  the  worst 
country  imaginable  and  we  are  having  heavy  work  to  get 
through  it  but  we  are  going  yet.  If  our  provisions  hold  out 


we  will  be  allright.  Hope  to  find  game  soon.  Saw  a  great 
many  fresh  signs  today  of  Elk,  deer,  bear  &  mountain  lion. 
The  boys  saw  two  bear  near  camp. 
Friday,  July  17. 

I  was  taken  suddenly  sick  last  night.  Just  as  I  was  going 
to  bed.  Went  out  a  little  way  from  the  tent  and  vomited 
fearfully  &  was  too  sick  to  get  back,  so  lay  down  under  a 
tree  &  after  a  while  fell  asleep.  Awoke  some  time  in  the 
night  and  got  to  bed.  Felt  pretty  weak  this  morning  so  sent 
Wheaton  out  with  the  Transit.  Billie  George  &  Charlie  went 
up  the  creek  to  make  a  trail.  Ben  &  I  held  the  camp.  From 
164.75  triangulated  back,  set  the  165  mile  post.  The  chain- 
men  managed  by  hard  climbing  to  chain  in  the  166  mile, 
and  also  reached  the  creek  on  the  north  of  that  mountain 
which  they  reached  at  166.m  60chs.  10  Iks.  With  the  dis- 
tance triangulated  we  made  2-1/4  miles  today  which  is  bet- 
ter than  expected.  We  also  have  a  sight  ahead  to  commence 
from  tomorrow.  The  boys  all  got  in  for  supper,  so  we  are 
allright  for  this  day.  though  we  know  not  what  is  in  store 
for  us  tomorrow.  All  I  want  to  do  is  to  put  in  a  fair  day's 
work  every  night.  This  country  cannot  hold  out  all  the  way 
and  when  we  reach  better  running  we  can  make  good  time. 
A  slight  rain  this  P.  M. 
Saturday,  July  18,  74. 

Started  to  work  this  morning  as  usual  but  played  out  be- 
fore I  reached  the  line  &  turned  the  transit  over  to  Wheaton, 
and  I  went  with  the  train,  camped  at  noon  at  the  forks  of  the 
canyon  as  we  did  not  know  which  one  would  lead  over  the 
divide.  With  Billie,  Geo.  &  Charlie  started  up  the  west  one. 
Found  it  passable  &  Geo  &  Charlie  went  back  while  Billie 
&  I  went  to  the  divide.  Got  caught  in  a  hard  rain  but  not  so 
much  lightning  as  we  had  on  "The  Bass",  coming  in  I  killed 
a  fine  cow  Elk,  as  this  is  the  first  game  we  have  had  for  five 
weeks  we  were  glad  to  get  it.  Boys  all  got  in  before  dark. 
The  country  ahead  looks  much  better  than  that  we  have  been 
running  through. 
Sunday,  July  19. 

Left  camp  at  6  A.  M.  Climbed  a  mountain  2200  feet  above 
camp  to  the  line.  Ran  the  line  about  two  miles  to  the  top  of 
the  range,  which  we  reached  at  169m.  70chs.  Did  consider- 
able chopping.  The  pack  train  had  good  luck  and  came  up 
to  a  point  a  mile  west  of  the  line  opposite  the  divide  &  went 
into  camp  at  3:30  P.  M.  As  we  need  an  azimuth  pretty  badly, 
turned  a  right  angle  from  the  line  and  set  a  flag  near  camp, 
intending  to  take  the  azimuth  there,  turn  a  right  angle  from 
it  and  run  back  to  the  line.  Got  caught  in  another  thunder 
storm  before  reaching  camp.  The  boys  found  the  Elk  allright 
near  camp  where  we  left  it.  It  is  splendid  meat  and  very 
acceptable  to  us.  Just  at  dark  it  clouded  up  and  we  could  do 
nothing  towards  taking  an  azimuth. 
Monday,  July  20 

Ran  about  two  miles  the  most  of  the  way  through  timber. 
Did  not  leave  the  first  sight  until  10  A.  M.  as  Dick  almost 


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got  lost  going  ahead  on  the  start.  The  train  got  down  the 
north  slope  of  the  mountain  without  accident,  though  with 
some  difficulty.  Camped  early  in  order  to  take  an  azimuth. 
Rode  east  a  mile  to  the  brow  of  the  range  from  which  point 
could  see  the  Snake  to  the  E.  10  miles.  Mt.  Hayden  also  in 
view  very  plain.  This  chain  of  mountains  is  running  S.  E.  & 
N.  W.  following  the  Snake  River.  On  the  north  slope,  they 
are  quite  heavily  timbered,  while  on  the  south  they  are  quite 
bare  and  rocky.  Streams  are  found  in  every  canyon  &  ra- 
vine. 
Tuesday,  July  21st. 

Roney,  Wheaton  &  Frank  worked  till  3  A.  M.  this  morn- 
ing getting  an  azimuth.  Roney  is  the  slowest  mortal  it  was 
ever  my  misfortune  to  be  connected  with.  I  won't  help  him 
any  more  &  dislike  to  have  the  boys  out  all  night  but  some 
one  must  help  him.  Only  set  Dick  twice  today  but  put  in  the 
172-3-&4  posts  and  quit  at  1 74.56  where  we  camped.  Coun- 
try still  very  rough  but  we  can  get  the  camp  on  line  which  is 
more  than  we  have  done  since  leaving  the  Snake  river.  The 
pack  train  had  a  hard  day  the  flies  being  terrible,  the  weather 
warm  and  their  road  rough.  They  were  packed  from  8  to 
4:40  could  have  made  a  mile  more  but  stopped  on  account 
of  them.  "Pat"  turned  another  sommersault  down  a  cliff  but 
did  no  damage.  There  has  been  snow  on  every  divide  for  1 5 
miles  and  our  altitude  runs  from  9300  to  9800  feet. 
Wednesday,  July  22nd. 

Had  considerable  chopping  on  the  line  today.  Camped  on 
Teton  Pass  creek  at  1 77.40.  The  horse  flies  worse  than  yes- 
terday. The  boys  stopped  at  this  stream  at  1 1  A.  M.  and 
built  smokes  to  keep  them  off  the  mules.  Weather  cloudy. 
We  are  descending  slowly  and  the  nights  are  much  warmer. 
A  cinnamon  Bear  came  right  into  camp  this  afternoon  but 
the  boys  failed  to  kill  it  although  they  fired  several  times. 
Thursday,  July  23rd. 

Was  on  the  line  at  6  A.  M.  Had  a  good  deal  of  chopping 
and  three  very  deep  canyons  to  cross.  Made  3-1/2  miles 
and  quit  at  5  o'clock  on  account  of  rain  at  181  miles.  Came 
very  near  missing  camp  and  lying  out  again.  Rained  hard 
until  midnight,  making  the  camp  very  disagreeable.  Cooked 
supper  in  the  rain  and  went  to  bed  all  more  or  less  wet.  Tom 
Barry  shot  a  cinnamon  Bear  twice  this  morning  but  he  es- 
caped. Just  before  we  quit  we  saw  a  black  Bear  coming 
through  the  woods  to  one  side  of  us.  Wheaton  had  my  gun 
&  I  called  to  him  to  bring  me  it,  when  the  Bear  turned  and 
came  directly  toward  us.  Frank  rushing  his  gun  and  fired 
when  the  Bear  was  but  60  paces  from  us.  and  shot  him  right 
through  the  heart,  and  he  dropped  dead.  He  created  quite  an 
excitement  for  a  short  time. 
Friday,  July  24. 

Everything  wet  about  camp  this  morning,  so  that  we  did 
not  get  started  to  work  until  7  A.  M.  Grass  &  bushes  wet 
making  it  very  unpleasant.  Ran  1  1/4  miles  before  dinner 
through  small  timber,  much  of  it  burned.  Ben  sent  us  out 


some  Bear  meat  for  dinner.  It  was  first  rate,  almost  as  good 
as  Elk.  Evening.  Had  burned  timber  all  the  afternoon.  Lost 
a  little  time  getting  a  sight  across  a  canyon.  Ran  2-1/2  miles 
making  a  dry  camp  near  1 83 .40.  This  is  the  third  dry  camp 
we  have  made  on  the  trip,  cool  &  cloudy.  No  mosquitoes 
nor  flies. 
Saturday,  July  25. 

On  line  at  6  A.  M.  Quite  cool,  very  much  like  September. 
We  are  running  along  the  foot  hills  on  the  East  side  of  Pierres 
River  &  Hole.  It  makes  a  large  valley  containing  several 
streams,  and  a  large  Beaver  Marsh.  The  country  ahead  looks 
better.  Not  very  mountainous,  but  mostly  covered  with  tim- 
ber. Evening.  We  made  1-1/2  miles  before  dinner,  which 
brought  us  to  the  edge  of  the  bottom.  Ran  along  the  W.  side 
of  the  same  near  the  foot  hills  6-1/4  miles  in  the  afternoon 
camping  on  [Teton?]  creek  at  the  191.20.  It  seemed  good 
to  be  running  again  on  the  prairie,  and  I  think  every  man  of 
us  would  be  glad  if  it  ran  clear  to  the  corner. 
Sunday,  July  26,  1874. 

No  work  today,  as  this  is  a  good  camping  place.  Spent 
the  day  in  washing,  mending,  hunting,  fishing  &  resting.  I 
caught  a  string  of  fine  trout  in  the  forenoon  out  of  the  Teton 
River  on  which  we  are  camped.  (The  great  Teton  or  Mt. 
Hayden  is  just  E.  of  camp  16  miles  distant.)  After  dinner 
Billie  &  I  started  for  the  mountains  East  to  try  and  shoot  a 
deer.  I  killed  an  antelope  about  a  mile  from  camp,  and  we 
went  on  to  the  mountains.  Went  a  little  too  far  before  turn- 
ing back  and  got  caught  by  the  night  on  a  side  hill  so  thickly 
covered  with  fallen  timber  that  we  could  not  lead  our  horses 
through  it  nor  could  we  follow  our  trail  out  in  the  darkness 
so  we  were  compelled  to  leave  them  there  and  go  to  camp 
on  foot —  three  miles,  got  in  at  1 1  P.  M.  I  did  almost  as 
much  of  a  day's  work  as  I  would  have  done  on  the  line,  but 
got  game  &  fish  enough  to  pay  for  it,  and  we  are  now  ready 
to  strike  for  the  "Corner".  Weather  clear  &  cool,  no  mos- 
quitoes or  flies,  plenty  of  grass,  wood  and  water,  and  taken 
altogether  it  is  the  best  camping  place  we  have  had. 
Monday,  July  27. 

Breakfast  with  trout  &  antelope  at  6  a.  m.  Billie  &  George 
went  back  after  the  ponies.  Took  until  10:30  to  get  the  tim- 
ber chopped  out  of  the  Teton  River  bottom.  Left  the  prairie 
at  195.52  and  entered  a  gently  rolling  country  with  scatter- 
ing timber  and  numerous  streams,  making  very  good  run- 
ning. Made  6-1/2  miles  camping  at  197.50.  Weather  splen- 
did. The  pack  train  over  took  us  at  4  P.M.  The  boys  got  the 
ponies  out  of  the  timber  by  cutting  a  road  for  them.  We 
have  had  a  very  fine  view  of  the  Tetons  today.  Mt.  Hayden 
is  the  largest  &  is  13850  feet  high,  7450  higher  than  we 
were  this  morning.  To  the  S.  of  Hayden  are  two  others  in 
line  with  it  and  probably  12000  feet  high.  To  the  North  &  a 
little  East,  is  another  very  rough  ragged  peak  about  the  same 
height.  We  have  taken  several  bearings  to  them  and  make 
their  distance  from  the  line  to  be  16  miles,  though  it  looks 


Autumn  2001 


15 


no  more  than  10.  Saw  a  good  many  antelope  today  and  signs 
of  larger  game. 
Tuesday,  July  28. 

On  line  at  6  a.m.  a  slight  rain  about  8,  and  little  showers 
all  day.  Line  ran  through  a  gently  rolling  country,  lightly 
timbered.  Set  the  200th  mile  post  before  dinner.  Made  4-1/ 
2  miles  &  camped  at  202. 1 0  at  4:30  P.  M.  on  account  of  the 
rain.  Stopped  just  in  time  as  it  rained  real  hard  soon  after 
we  got  our  tents  pitched.  Made  a  dry  camp  and  packed  wa- 
ter 1/3  of  a  mile  from  a  canyon.  On  the  20st  &  202nd  miles 
there  are  quite  a  number  of  canyons,  descend  gradually  from 
the  South,  while  the  North  side  is  a  perpendicular  wall  of 
rock,  of  a  porous  nature  like  pumice,  which  we  think  to  be 
a  Basaltic  formation. 
Wednesday,  July  29. 

Rained  all  night  and  a  while  this  morning  so  that  we  got 
started  to  work  rather  late,  about  7:30.  Ran  all  day  through 
timber.  Made  4  miles  stopping  at  206.  camp  1/2  mile  S.  E. 
Another  dry  camp  though  within  30  chs.  of  water.  Weather 
very  fine,  cool  &  clear.  This  is  Aut's  21st  birthday  and  I 
suppose  he  will  celebrate  a  little.  Would  like  just  a  little  to 
be  with  him  today. 
Thursday,  July  30. 

Left  camp  at  6  a.m.  Ran  two  miles  before  dinner  which 


we  ate  at  the  208th  post  on  the  bluff  on  the  North  side  of  the 
north  fork  of  Pierres  River.  While  eating  dinner  the  pack 
train  came  up  on  the  S.  side  of  the  river  but  could  not  de- 
scend into  the  canyon  so  went  a  couple  of  miles  east  to  find 
a  crossing.  Mem.  Roney's  sale  of  eye  glasses.  Were  de- 
layed by  a  thunder  storm  until  3  P.  M.  from  noon.  And  only 
ran  one  more  mile  quitting  at  the  210.9th  post.  Could  find 
no  water  for  camp  so  we  all  went  with  the  train  &  had  to  go 
two  miles  N.  E.  &  descend  into  a  very  deep  canyon  when 
we  found  a  stream.  Began  to  unpack  just  at  dark,  supper  at 
9:30  Cloudy.  Mosquitoes  bad  again. 
Friday,  July  31. 

Reached  the  line  at  8:30.  Heavy  chopping  and  lots  of  fallen 
timber  to  the  stream  on  which  we  camped  last  night  which 
we  reached  at  noon  at  2 1 0.  Took  dinner  on  the  north  side  of 
it,  set  in  the  2 1 1  post  and  was  delayed  again  by  a  thunder 
storm  lasting  two  hours.  Camped  at  2 1 1 .70  with  a  chance 
for  a  sight  25  chains  long  in  the  morning.  Had  supper  be- 
fore sundown.  The  nicest  camp  yet  in  a  little  opening  in  the 
timber —  good  grass  &  a  nice  spring  near.  We  are  now  run- 
ning through  an  undulating  table  land,  covered  with  aspen 
and  scattering  pine  with  numerous  openings.  Making  a  beau- 
tiful country  and  good  for  running  through.  There  are  a  great 
many  old  pony  tracks,  and  I  think  a  large  band  of  Indians 


Traveling  along  a  snow  field  with  horses  and  mules  caused  the  survey  crew  numerous  problems,  particularly  when  a  horse 
would  "turn  another  sommersault  [sic]  down  a  cliff.  " 


16 


Annals  oi  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


have  been  in  here  some  time  ago,  perhaps  wintered  here. 
There  is  no  game  here  now,  but  in  the  winter  I  think  it  would 
be  abundant,  now  the  game  is  all  in  the  mountains  to  the 
east  of  us.  Mosquitoes  are  very  bad  in  the  day  time  but 
quiet  at  night,  it  being  too  cold  for  them  then.  Mercury  stands 
about  40  degrees  above  at  sunrise. 
Saturday,  Aug.  1,  1874. 

On  the  line  at  6  A.  M.  This  is  the  third  morning  in  succes- 
sion that  we  have  had  wet  clothes  to  put  on  to  start  with  and 
it  is  getting  slightly  monotonous  not  to  say  unpleasant,  with 
the  thermometer  almost  down  to  freezing  to  put  on  wet  pants, 
drawers,  stockings  &  shoes.  Hope  it  won't  rain  today  though 
now  at  noon  it  is  very  cloudy.  Have  had  a  good  run  so  far 
set  the  212-1 3-&  1 4  post  though  we  had  but  1 0  chains  to  run 
on  the  212th.  Dick  has  gone  ahead  to  get  a  sight  across  a 
canyon  that  will  probably  make  another  mile.  We  have  65 
miles  to  run  and  to  finish  on  time — Aug  20 — must  make  3- 
1/4  miles.  This  we  can  through  this  kind  of  country  but  I 
fear  we  will  strike  some  heavy  pine  timber  soon.  3  P.  M. 
Put  in  third  mile  today  at  2:30  P.  M.  At  215.1 1  came  in 
sight  of  Fall  River  running  S.W.  quit  work  at  6:30  at 
216.1 1.48  in  Fall  River  bottom  made  the  best  camp  we  have 
yet  had,  on  a  green  grassy  flat  with  small  pines  &  hemlocks 
growing  in  little  clumps  upon  it.  With  Fall  just  to  the  west 
of  us.  This  stream  is  well  named  for  it  has  a  great  number  of 
falls  upon  it.  Ten  miles  above  our  line  are  four,  the  highest 
of  which  is  40  ft.  The  river  here  is  3  chs.  35  Iks.  wide  & 
very  swift  running  over  large  boulders.  One  of  these  boul- 
ders in  the  center  of  the  stream  near  camp  is  concave  and 
the  hollow  is  filled  with  a  liquid  as  red  as  blood  The  stream 
is  too  swift  &  deep  to  get  to  it  or  we  would  examine  it.  We 
have  run  4-1/4  miles  today  which  is  good  running  for  tim- 
ber, and  as  we  have  made  25  miles  this  week  will  rest  to- 
morrow. The  bluffs  on  Fall  River  are  formed  in  many  places 
of  massive  boulders  piled  up  from  the  bottom  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  bluff  and  from  a  distance  seem  like  a  wall  of 
masonry.  Have  seen  a  good  many  fresh  pony  tracks  lately 
and  today  a  party  with  12  ponies  crossed  our  line  not  more 
than  1/2  mile  behind  us.  We  did  not  see  them  but  the 
campmen  saw  their  trail.  Will  stand  a  guard  tonight  &  take 
an  azimuth. 
Sunday,  Aug.  2nd,  1874. 

As  we  were  not  to  work  today  Frank  &  I  got  up  before 
daylight  had  a  cup  of  coffee  &  mounted  on  a  couple  of 
ponies  started  up  the  river  determined  to  replenish  our  lar- 
der with  some  game  or  fish  or  stay  out  all  day.  The  grass- 
hoppers had  been  flying  very  thick  &  half  a  mile  from  camp 
we  caught  a  box  full  off  the  trees  for  fish  bait.  Just  as  we 
were  starting  on  we  saw  a  moose  about  1/4  mile  ahead.  We 
tied  our  ponies  and  crept  up  to  within  250  vards  &  fired 
wounding  him  badly.  We  followed  his  trail  about  1/2  mile 
and  came  in  sight  of  him  just  starting  in  to  swim  a  litte  lake 
1/4  mile  in  diameter.  The  lake  was  surrounded  by  about  ten 


(10)  chains  of  grass  &  closed  in  all  around  with  timber  and 
mountains  rising  on  three  sides  of  it  making  a  beautiful  sheet 
of  water.  The  sun  was  just  rising  over  the  mountains  to  the 
East,  and  with  the  Moose  swimming  for  life  across  the  lake 
it  made  one  of  the  finest  sights  I  ever  witnessed.  We  ran 
around  the  lake  to  head  him  as  the  came  ashore,  but  twice 
we  thought  we  had  lost  him  for  [he]  sank  out  of  sight.  When 
he  reached  the  shore  he  was  so  exhausted  that  he  couldn't 
get  up  the  bank  and  I  shot  him  in  3  feet  of  water  and  dressed 
him  in  the  water.  We  then  went  back  to  camp  &  sent  out 
two  pack  mules  after  his  quarters  &  head  &  horns.  We  esti- 
mated that  he  would  have  weighed  alive  twelve  (12)  hun- 
dred pounds.  He  stood  six  (6)  feet  high,  his  head  measured 
38  inches  from  the  end  of  his  nose  to  the  crown  between  his 
ears.  His  horns  were  4  ft  6  inches  across  from  tip  to  tip,  6  ft. 
6  inches  around  the  inside,  the  widest  part  of  the  webb  8 
inches,  will  try  and  save  the  horns.  The  meat  is  as  good  as 
Elk.  Got  a  good  azimuth  last  night  and  we  are  all  ready  for 
a  good  run  this  week.  No  rain  today  nor  mosquitoes. 
Monday,  Aug.  3rd. 

On  line  at  5:45.  Crossed  Fall  River  at  216.18-triangu- 
lated  it  &  crossed  the  party  on  ponies.  Had  fair  running  for 
timber,  several  marshes,  set  the  220th  post  at  5  P.  M.  and 
went  to  camp  1/4  mile  east.  Made  four  miles  easy  and  have 
a  good  prospect  for  tomorrow.  A  little  rain  this  P.  M.  &  lots 
of  mosquitoes. 
Tuesday,  Aug.  4 

On  line  at  6  A.  M.  Had  a  good  deal  of  open  running  across 
little  marshes  and  peat  beds  on  the  two  first  miles,  also  struck 
one  Lake  18  chs.  wide  which  we  triangulated.  Made  2-1/3 
miles  before  dinner  but  struck  some  heavy  timber  in  the  P. 
M.  and  quit  at  223.55.  having  made  3.55.  A  slight  sprinkle 
of  rain,  weather  pretty  warm  &  mosquitoes  &  gnats  fearful. 
Billie  saw  another  moose  and  the  woods  are  full  of  signs  of 
game  of  all  kinds.  Bear,  deer,  elk  &  moose.  Four  of  the 
boys  got  lost  in  taking  a  short  cut  from  the  line  to  camp  but 
got  in  before  dark.  I  rather  think  they'll  stay  with  the  com- 
pass hereafter. 
Wednesday,  Aug.  5,  1874. 

Left  camp  at  6:10.  All  made  veils  of  mosquito  netting. 
Got  a  sight  of  1 .20  &  made  nearly  two  miles  before  dinner, 
quite  a  heavy  rain  began  at  noon  &  lasted  two  hours,  and 
we  also  struck  heavy  timber,  quit  at  6  P.  M.  at  the  227th 
mile  having  made  3.25  today.  The  open  timber,  quaking 
aspen  &  little  meadows  &  lakes  have  given  out  and  we 
have  only  heavy  timber  much  of  it  dead  &  fallen.  Camped 
on  a  little  stream  on  line  which  runs  only  a  few  chains.  The 
canyon  in  which  it  is  bears  S.  E.  another  larger  one  is  N.  E. 
of  us  &  the  stream  in  it  makes  several  beautiful  falls  about 
two  miles  East  of  us.  We  have  only  seen  them  from  the  line 
but  one  seems  to  be  about  60  feet  high. 
Thursday,  Aug.  6. 

On  line  at  6:15  A.  M.  Heavy  timber  and  slow  running. 


Autumn  2001 


17 


From  2 1 29  M  P  could  see  stream  [steam?]  rising  from  a  hot 
spring  about  1-1/2  miles  to  the  N.  E.  Made  3  miles  &  quit 
at  4:30.  Camp  1/4  a  mile  east  of  line  near  the  hot  springs 
which  are  opposite  229.70.  Spent  an  hour  inspecting  the 
springs.  They  are  located  on  the  East  slope  of  a  hill  ten 
chains  from  a  stream  40  links  wide  running  S.  E.  We  counted 
18  that  were  running,  some  of  them  stand  like  a  common 
large  spring  and  range  all  the  way  up  to  those  which  are 
puffing  like  a  steam  engine.  Some  are  heaving  &  roaring  at 
a  fearful  rate.  The  deposits  are  sulphur,  lime  stone,  alum. 
Got  a  few  specimens  from  them. 
Friday,  Aug.  7. 

Heavy  timber  all  day.  Worked  hard  &  made  2.50.  A  good 
camp  on  a  small  creek  near  233. 
Saturday,  Aug.  8, 1874. 

Yesterday  there  were  indications  of  a  stream  about  4  miles 
ahead,  so  we  were  on  the  line  at  5:30  with  the  intention  of 
trying  to  make  it.  The  timber  proved  very  thick  and  large 
and  only  by  the  hardest  kind  of  work  we  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing 2.65  quitting  at  235.35.  The  pack  train  passed  us  at  2:30 
P.  M.  but  failed  to  find  the  stream  we  expected,  and  had  to 
go  back  two  miles  for  water.  We  had  supper  after  dark  of 
bread,  meat  &  coffee.  Wanted  to  get  an  azimuth  tonight  but 
the  line  is  3/4  of  a  mile  back  or  south  of  camp.  The  country 
has  entirely  changed  within  the  last  2  miles,  from  a  rolling 
grassy  though  timbered  surface  to  a  high  sterile,  rocky  pla- 
teau, heavily  timbered  with  occasional  bare  places  or  open- 
ings, all  destitute  of  grass  or  water.  This  is  the  most  deso- 
late looking  camp  we  have  had,  &  to  add  to  our  comfort 
and  insure  pleasant  dreams  the  mercury  stands  at  32  de- 
grees above  (this  morning  at  26  degrees)  and  while  we  were 
eating  supper  all  the  stock  but  3  ponies  disappeared  &  it's 
impossible  to  follow  them  tonight.  I  shall  not  let  it  keep  me 
awake  for  there  is  no  one  to  steal  them  &  I  know  we  can 
follow  their  trail  in  the  morning  and  will  find  them  at  the 
nearest  water.  We  have  lately  seen  a  great  many  large  tracks 
which  I  think  must  be  the  mountain  Bison. 
Sunday,  Aug.  9, 1874. 

Billie  went  out  at  daylight  took  up  the  mules  trail  and 
found  them  about  a  mile  S.  E.  of  camp  at  a  Little  lake.  Sent 
Wheaton  out  with  the  transit,  &  Billie  &  I  went  out  North, 
to  find  the  Continental  Divide  &  scout  the  country.  Found 
no  water  nearer  than  Thirsty  Fork  five  miles  ahead  and  four 
miles  beyond  that  found  the  Divide,  also  found  a  lake  just 
over  the  Divide.  Nothing  but  heavy  timber  ahead  and  we 
must  improve  our  time  to  the  utmost  in  order  to  reach 
Bozeman  before  our  provisions  give  out.  Got  back  to  camp 
at  3  P.  M.  The  boys  had  got  the  line  up  to  camp  &  we  have 
everything  ready  for  an  azimuth  tonight.  Are  camped  at 
236.10.  Weather  just  like  September. 
Monday,  Aug.  10. 

Clouded  up  last  night  so  that  we  could  get  no  time  stars, 
but  we  got  Polaris  &  took  the  rate  of  the  chronometer  as 


shown  at  the  last  Azimuth  station.  This  morning  at  sunrise 
the  mercury  stood  at  26  degrees  above.  We  were  at  work 
early  and  had  made  2.45  by  1 1  A.  M.  when  it  began  rain- 
ing. We  built  a  bivouac  with  a  big  fire  before  it  and  ate  our 
dinner.  The  rain  soon  changed  to  snow  which  melted  al- 
most as  fast  as  it  fell.  We  stood  it  about  an  hour  then  started 
back  2-1/2  miles  to  camp  which  we  reached  at  1  P  M.  wet 
through  and  a  little  cold.  I  had  told  the  camp  men  not  to 
move  from  that  camp  if  it  stormed  before  noon,  as  we  would 
rather  walk  back  to  a  dry  camp  than  to  pitch  our  tents  on 
wet  ground  in  a  storm,  though  nearer  the  line.  It  snowed 
hard  nearly  all  the  afternoon,  the  mules  huddled  together  in 
the  timber,  and  we  sat  in  the  tents  with  our  overcoats  on. 
About  five  o'clock  the  storm  subsided  leaving  the  ground 
covered  with  two  inches  of  snow,  and  before  it  melted  we 
gathered  up  enough  for  us  all  to  wash  in  which  was  quite  a 
luxury  as  we  have  to  pack  water  on  a  mule  1-1/2  miles  and 
allow  washing  only  in  the  morning.  I  read  "Nicholas 
Nickelby"  and  played  cards  alternately  all  the  afternoon  & 
we  went  to  bed  warm  &  dry  thankful  that  we  fared  no  worse. 
Ben  on  the  line  today.  One  of  the  mules  "Kens"  got  one  of 
her  "hind"  feet  caught  in  a  rope  round  her  neck  last  night 
and  when  George  found  her  this  morning  she  was  almost 
dead. 
Tuesday,  Aug.  11. 

It  was  so  cloudy  and  rainy  this  morning,  and  so  far  to  the 
place  where  we  quit  yesterday,  that  it  was  9:30  when  we 
began  work,  we  kept  going  pretty  steady  and  quit  at  6  P  M. 
having  chained  in  the  24 1st  M.  P.  a  little  more  than  2  miles 
today,  and  leaving  35  miles  to  the  corner.  It  is  pretty  evi- 
dent that  we  cannot  even  get  to  the  corner  by  the  20th  inst. 
but  we  have  enough  provisions  to  last  us  till  Sept.  1st  of 
everything  but  meat.  We  hope  to  find  game  on  the  Madison 
but  have  been  disappointed  in  the  game  in  this  country,  or 
rather  not  in  it.  Camped  on  Thirsty  Fork  a  nice  running 
stream  on  the  line,  but  sinks  20  chains  West. 
Wednesday,  Aug.12. 

Left  camp  at  6  a.  m.  Had  good  weather  and  open  timber, 
so  that  we  made  3m.40chs.  the  line  running  right  through 
camp,  between  the  tents —  which  we  reached  at  6: 1 5  P.  M. 
Camp  in  an  opening  a  splendid  place  for  an  azimuth  which 
Roney  will  take  tonight.  In  scouting  ahead  of  camp  this 
evening  Billie  saw  a  Buffalo.  We  are  almost  at  the  summit 
of  the  Continental  Divide  or  Rocky  Mts.  A  dry  camp. 
Thursday,  Aug.  13th. 

Roney  failed  with  his  azimuth  last  night.  It  was  a  very 
cold  night  and  after  taking  one  set  of  stars  for  time  he  moved 
the  instrument  accidentally  before  sighting  on  Polaris.  As  it 
was  then  about  1  A.  M.,  I  told  him  to  give  it  up.  I  think 
trying  to  make  an  astronomer  of  him  is  like  trying  to  bore 
an  auger  hole  with  a  gimlet.  Left  camp  at  6:30  running  on 
the  old  azimuth.  Left  Mac  in  camp  sick  &  Roney  asleep. 
Reached  the  crest  of  the  Mountains  at  245.m56.c501  [or 


18 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


50.1?].  Alt  8915  ft.  The  ascent  is  so  gradual  that  it  was 
difficult  to  find  the  summit.  Took  our  dinner  at  the  summit. 
Ran  2.40  &  camped  at  the  247th  mile  post  in  the  burned 
timber.  No  water  within  two  miles  and  very  little  grass  for 
the  mules.  This  has  been  a  hard  day  on  us.  Heavy  work  and 
something  affected  nearly  every  man  so  that  we  had  a  head- 
ache &  no  appetite.  Only  29  miles  further.  From  a  point 
near  camp  we  can  see  across  the  Madison  Basin  to  the  place 
where  the  line  ends,  but  it  will  be  some  time  before  we 
reach  it  as  there  is  heavy  timber  all  the  way.  Mercury  this 
morning  24  degrees. 
Friday,  Aug.  14th. 

Began  this  day's  work  by  shooting  "Julief '  our  little  black 
poor  mule,  the  best  one  we  had.  She  caught  her  off  hind 
foot  in  the  head  stall  of  her  halter  and  in  her  struggles  to 
release  it  broke  the  other  hind  leg  between  the  hock  &  fet- 
lock joints  so  badly  that  the  bones  were  sticking  through 
the  skin.  This  is  the  worst  piece  of  luck  we  have  had  but  it 
comes  at  a  time  when  it  will  not  delay  nor  inconvenience  us 
much.  Sent  Mac  &  Frank  back  to  the  summit  to  put  in  the 
corner.  They  set  a  post  9-1/2  ft  long  15  inches  square,  3-1/ 
2  ft.  in  the  ground  &  took  19  bearing  trees.  We  ran  three 
miles  all  though  burned  timber.  Camped  in  a  steep  canyon 
containing  green  trees  &  good  grass  and  1-1/2  miles  below 
(W)  of  camp  a  good  spring.  The  boys  went  down  &  brought 
up  a  Keg  of  good  water  from  it.  We  have  had  nothing  but 
stagnant  water  for  three  days  and  were  all  beginning  to  feel 
the  effects  of  it.  Took  an  azimuth  at  249.70  at  the  E.  elonga- 
tion of  Polaris.  Weather  fine. 
Saturday,  Aug.15. 

On  line  at  6  A.  M.  Ran  all  day  through  dead  timber.  No 
water.  Camp  got  in  ahead  of  us  and  had  some  difficulty  in 
finding  the  line,  and  we  might  have  laid  out  again  had  not 
Wheaton  found  their  trail  while  out  hunting  for  water.  Ran 
three  miles,  camping  in  the  Madison  Basin  and  about  a  mile 
S.  of  the  river  of  that  name.  Went  out  while  waiting  for 
supper,  with  Dick  &  wounded  an  antelope  but  it  got  away 
as  did  my  pony  and  1  walked  to  camp.  23  miles  more  to  run. 
Weather  very  fine. 
Sunday,  Aug.  16. 

With  Dick  left  camp  at  daylight  on  ponies  to  try  &  kill 
something  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  our  bill  of  fare.  Re- 
turned at  8  A.  M.  not  having  so  much  as  seen  an  antelope, 
though  signs  are  abundant  of  Buffalo,  deer,  elk  &  antelope. 
Went  out  and  ran  the  line  to  the  Madison  River  which  we 
reached  at  253. m  Iks  [sic]  It  is  a  beautiful  stream,  averaging 
about  one  foot  in  depth  and  chains  wide  We  entered  the 
Basin  proper  at  253.10.  It  is  undulating  covered  with  thick 
growing  young  pine  timber,  with  numerous  opening  of 
glades  interspersed.  No  water  but  in  the  river.  An  old  blazed 
wagon  trail  runs  along  the  S.  bank  of  the  river,  and  a  light 
wagon  or  buggy  has  been  along  it  very  recently.  It  seems 
good  to  see  a  wagon  track.  Laid  up  on  the  river  all  day  to 


mend  and  wash  up.  It  has  been  two  weeks  since  we  camped 
on  good  water  and  we  improve  this  [sic].  Lots  of  hunting 
but  nothing  killed.  Took  an  E.  Elongation  of  Polaris  and 
went  to  bed  at  10  P.  M.  leaving  Roney  &  Wheaton  to  take 
some  time  observations. 
Monday,  Aug.17. 

Roney  worked  all  night  and  got  nothing  of  any  value.  On 
the  line  at  6: 1 5  leaving  those  two  in  camp.  Made  2-1/2  miles 
before  dinner,  and  ran  4  more  in  the  afternoon  working  un- 
til dark.  There  is  no  water  or  grass  between  the  Madison 
and  its  East  Fork,  and  intended  going  as  far  as  we  could 
towards  the  latter,  &  then  walk  to  it  to  camp,  which  had 
preceeded  us  there.  We  happened  however  to  strike  pretty 
open  timber  and  ran  into  the  creek  bottom  &  to  within  30 
chs.  of  camp.  Making  6-1/2  miles  today  and  leaving  but  15- 
1/2.  We  reached  this  stream  at  260.  It  is  about  40  links  wide, 
a  muddy  bottom  &  banks  in  places-  but  clear  cold  water. 
An  open  bottom  on  the  S.  40  chs.  wide  on  the  N.  timbered 
to  the  waters  edge. 
Tuesday,  Aug.  18. 

A  light  rain  last  night.  Left  camp  at  7:20.  Made  two  (2) 
miles  by  noon.  Crossed  a  bad  marsh  about  261.70  and  a 
nice  little  stream  15  Iks.  wide  at  262.65  where  we  leave  the 
Madison  Basin.  Quit  work  at  3:30  on  account  of  a  severe 
rain  storm,  at  the  264.  M.  P.  12  miles  more. 
Wednesday,  Aug.  19. 

Rained  all  last  night  &  until  after  day  light  this  morning. 
Left  Camp  about  7:30  crossed  a  nice  stream  10  links  wide 
at  264. 1 0  reached  the  summit  of  the  Red  rock  Mts.  at  265.30. 
Thick  timber  all  day,  and  occasional  showers  of  rain.  Made 
2-3/4  miles  and  camped  on  a  little  stream  running  N.  Rain- 
ing at  dark.  9-1/4  miles  more  to  run. 
Thursday,  Aug.  20. 

Quite  a  heavy  rain  last  night  and  cloudy  &  foggy  this 
morning.  Left  camp  at  7  o'clock.  Made  3m.20chs.,  camp- 
ing on  a  small  stream  running  North,  camp  at  270  mile  post. 
Six  miles  to  go.  Today  we  expected  to  be  in  Bozeman  or  at 
least  at  the  corner,  but  we  are  two  days  only  from  the  latter 
place,  and  with  fair  weather  will  make  it  Saturday  night. 
Had  a  severe  hail  storm  while  at  supper  but  it  cleared  up  so 
that  we  took  an  azimuth  at  the  E.  elongation. 
Friday,  Aug  21. 

Rained  all  night  and  was  raining  at  breakfast.  Started  to 
work  at  7  o'clock  got  one  sight  &  came  into  camp  on  ac- 
count of  the  rain.  Played  cards  till  1 1  o'clock  when  we  ate 
dinner  &  went  to  work.  Ran  1-1/2  miles  and  quit  again  in 
the  rain  at  3:30  P.  M.  Camped  on  a  lake  12  chs.  by  30.  in  a 
nice  little  open  glade.  Shot  a  large  wild  goose  with  my  rifle, 
on  the  lake.  Wheaton  who  proves  a  No  1  scout  came  in  at 
dark  and  reports  that  if  we  strike  the  country  ahead,  as  he 
thinks  we  will,  we  will  finish  tomorrow.  We  have  4-1/2 
miles  yet  to  run. 


Autumn  2001 


19 


Saturday,  Aug.  22nd,  1874. 

Breakfast  at  5  A.  M.  on  the  line  at  5:30  in  a  fog  so  dense 
that  I  could  not  set  a  flag  at  a  greater  distance  than  three 
chains.  About  7  o'clock  it  rained  and  the  sun  came  out  giv- 
ing promise  of  a  fair  day.  Ran  1-1/2  miles  through  heavy 
timber  by  10:30  but  at  273.10  struck  an  open  sage  brush 
valley  running  along  the  line,  which  gave  us  open  running 
to  274.70  when  we  entered  heavy  timber  again.  Crossed 
two  streams  of  40  links  each  in  the  valley  running  west  and 
half  a  mile  west  of  the  275.  post  they  unite  and  enter  a  nar- 
row deep  canyon.  Had  heavy  chopping  to  The  End  which 
we  reached  at  sundown.  Stopped  at  276.27.71  in  a  small 
opening  giving  a  good  view  almost  to  the  horizon  in  every 
direction,  with  a  good  camping  place  within  30  chs.  to  the 
west.  From  at  that  point  The  Tetons  can  be  plainly  seen 
though  85  miles  back  on  the  line.  Came  [camp?]  S.  9  de- 
grees 19'  East.  It  doesn't  seem  possible  that  we  have  fin- 
ished our  work,  but  such  is  the  fact,  and  we  are  but  two  (2) 
days  behind  time.  We  have  made  a  big  run  this  week,  22 
miles  mostly  through  timber  and  rain  on  four  days  delaying 
us  more  or  less  each  day.  If  Lon  is  at  Bozeman  I  expect  he 
is  a  little  anxious  about  us  but  his  anxiety  will  be  short 
lived  now,  for  we  start  for  that  town  direct  tomorrow.  Our 
provisions  have  lasted  well,  and  we  now  have  sufficient 
coffee,  flour  &  beans  to  last  two  weeks  &  pork  for  a  week, 
while  sugar  &  dried  coffee  gave  out  today.  It  is  now  1 0  P. 
M.  We  have  celebrated  in  a  mild  way,  by  sitting  around  the 
camp  fire,  recalling  some  of  the  incidents  of  the  trip,  telling 
stories,  congratulating  ourselves  on  our  success,  all  the  time 
smoking  and  playing  Pitch.  I  am  alone  by  the  fire  now,  the 
boys  are  abed  and  snoring  beautifully,  and  I'll  close  the 
records  of  the  Western  boundary  on  the  line  with  a  Hurrah 
and  add  one  more  to  the  sleepers  of  our  tent. 
Sunday,  Aug  23 

Broke  camp  for  Bozeman  at  8  A.  M.  Travelled  about  16 
miles  and  camped  near  the  top  of  the  divide  between  the 
Gallatin  &  Yellowstone,  the  altitude  of  which  is  10200  ft. 
Do  not  know  just  where  we  can  get  down  to  the  Y.  but  we 
will  get  down  somewhere.  Found  some  fine  specimens  to- 
day. 
Monday  24th 

With  Billie  left  camp  at  daylight  to  find  a  trail  down  the 
mountain.  Tried  several  canyons  but  came  back  to  camp  at 
10  A.  M.  unsuccessful.  While  out  saw  a  herd  of  cattle  and  a 
hay  stack  in  the  valley  below.  Was  undecided  for  a  while 
whether  to  go  west  down  a  canyon  which  evidently  runs 
into  the  Gallatin,  or  try  and  find  a  pass  to  the  East.  Finally 
decided  upon  the  latter  course.  Reached  a  low  point  in  the 
divide  to  the  S.  E.  of  our  camp  at  4  P.  M.  &  camped  in  a 
rain  storm.  Grasshoppers  numerous.  Feeling  somewhat 
tired —  sent  Dick  &  Billie  out  in  one  direction  and  Frank 
and  Tom  Barry  in  another.  The  latter  succeeded  in  finding  a 
passable  canyon  as  we  think. 


Tuesday,  Aug.  25th 

Started  down  the  Mt  at  7  A.  M.  at  12  were  almost  to  the 
valley,  and  camped  at  night  on  the  banks  of  the  Yellowstone 
near  Tom  Miner's  ranche.  Another  heavy  rain  &  wind  storm. 
Learned  that  Lon  &  McConnell  are  in  Bozeman  awaiting 
us. 
Wednesday,  26. 

With  Frank  started  out  ahead  of  the  pack  train  at  8  A.  M. 
for  Bozeman,  supposed  to  be  40  miles  away.  Was  taken 
with  sick  headache  very  bad  about  10  am  and  lay  for  two 
hours  on  the  bank  of  the  Yellowstone.  Got  a  cold  dinner  at 
Tim  Cotter's  a  ditto  supper  at  Spragnes  [Spragues?]  at  5:30 
P.  M.  20  miles  from  Bozeman  &  drove  on.  Reached  the 
latter  place  at  10:30  P  M.  Lon  &  Mc  abed,  glad  to  see  me. 
Found  lots  of  mail.  Four  letters  from  Alice.  Everybody  well 
at  home,  no  plat  news. 
Thursday,  27. 

Looked  around  town  a  little,  signed  &  sent  off  to  Aut  [his 
brother]  a  contract  of  $4800.00  subdivisions  in  Nebraska. 
Wrote  home  &  to  Alice. 
Friday,  28. 

With  Lon  &  Mac  went  to  breakfast  with  Mr.  Bogest,  spent 
a  pleasant  morning.  He  has  a  fine  house  well  furnished,  a 
nice  sister  and  all  the  adjuncts  of  a  home  in  America.  Pack 
train  came  in  at  noon.  Took  them  all  to  the  hotel  to  dinner. 
In  the  evening  Lon,  Mac  &  I  went  out  riding  with  Gen. 
Willson.  Wrote  Alice  a  long  letter. 
Saturday,  29 

Rode  out  to  the  Fort  in  the  morning  to  see  about  getting 
some  provisions  there.  Succeeded  in  doing  so.  Have  had 
the  mules  reshod  and  are  getting  ready  to  start  back  to  the 
corner  Monday  next. 
Sunday,  Aug.  30 

Arose  late.  Wrote  to  Mr.  Xeroes  S.  F. 

(The  journal  ends) 


William  A.  Richards  was  born  in  Hazel  Green, 
Wise.,  March  9,  1849.  He  first  came  to  Wyoming  in 
1873  with  his  brother  to  conduct  surveys  of  the  south- 
ern and  western  boundaries  of  the  territory.  Absent 
from  the  state  for  several  years,  he  returned  in  1884. 
Two  years  later,  he  was  elected  county  commissioner 
in  Johnson  County.  President  Benjamin  Harrison 
appointed  him  territorial  surveyor  of  Wyoming  in 
1889  and  he  served  through  statehood  until  1893. 
The  next  year,  he  was  elected  governor  of  Wyoming, 
serving  until  1899.  He  was  appointed  assistant  com- 
missioner of  the  General  Land  Office  in  Washing- 
ton, D.C.,  a  position  he  held  until  1907.  He  died  in 
Melbourne,  Australia,  July  25,  1912. 


Fort  Laramie- 
After  the  Army: 

Part  II,  The  Community 

By  Douglas  C.  McChristian 


The  New  Guardhouse,  the  school 
(established  in  1910)  and  the 
commissary,  about  1915.  . 


Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site  collections 


During  the  1 890s,  as  other  regions  of  the  West  experi- 
enced rapid  population  growth  and  development,  the 
area  surrounding  Fort  Laramie  stagnated.  It  was  still  very 
much  a  frontier.  Some  parts  of  the  West  saw  floods  of 
activity,  which  quickly  subsided.  While  a  tide  of  thousands 
of  farmers,  miners,  soldiers,  and  others  ebbed  and  flowed 
across  Fort  Laramie  for  more  than  a  half  century,  few  of 
them  settled  there  permanently. 


Autumn  2001 


21 


Perhaps  the  greatest  influx  to  the  region  had  been 
through  cattle  ranching,  an  industry  that  spread  north- 
ward to  Colorado  and  advanced  into  southern  Wyoming 
beginning  at  the  end  of  the  1 860s. 

Modest  ranching  operations  developed  in  the  area  along 
the  eastern  base  of  the  Laramie  Range  encompassing 
the  valleys  of  the  Chugwater,  Sybille  Creek,  Pole  Creek, 
and  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Laramie.  The  Cheyenne- 
Black  Hills  Road  was  a  central  thread  connecting  many 
ranches,  among  them  the  Hi  Kelly,  T.  Y.,  McPhee,  and 
John  Hunton  ranches.  By  1 876,  no  fewer  than  68  cattle 
ranches  and  14  sheep  ranches  flourished  in  the  region 
around  Fort  Laramie.2 

Before  long,  though,  the  fabulous  profits  in  cattle  at- 
tracted eastern  speculators  and  foreign  capitalists,  par- 
ticularly the  Scots  and  the  English,  many  of  whom  had 
little  or  no  knowledge  of  stock-growing  on  the  Great 
Plains.  An  example  of  such  investment  was  the  Swan 
Land  and  Cattle  Company,  a  combination  of  three  size- 
able ranches  forming,  "a  solid  block  of  land  about  130 
miles  long  by  42  miles  broad  at  the  east  end  and  widen- 
ing out  to  about  100  miles  at  the  west  end,"  totaling 
approximately  4,500,000  acres.'  Nearly  100,000  cattle 
grazed  on  this  one  enormous  range.  Thirsting  for  ever- 
increasing  financial  returns,  greedy  owners  pressured 
managers  to  stock  the  grasslands  with  ever  more  increas- 
ing numbers  of  cattle.  By  1885,  prudent,  experienced 
ranchers  became  concerned  that  the  plains  would  be- 
come overgrazed.  They  understood  the  fragile  balance 
between  the  high  plains  ecology  and  the  numbers  of  cattle 
it  could  support  in  a  given  year,  considering  available 
moisture.  Indeed,  the  grass  on  the  ranges  became  sparser 
with  each  passing  season. 

The  winter  of  1 886-87  changed  everything.  Blizzards 
swept  the  plains  from  Canada  southward.  The  fences 
erected  by  the  large  ranches  to  protect  their  ranges,  many 
of  which  were  public  land  to  which  they  had  no  legal 
title,  prevented  the  cattle  from  drifting  with  the  storms. 
By  moving  and  keeping  their  heads  directed  away  from 
the  sub-zero  winds,  most  cattle  could  persevere.  Stopped 
at  the  fence  lines,  however,  they  froze  to  death  by  the 
thousands.  The  true  magnitude  of  the  horrendous  de- 
struction to  livestock  between  Cheyenne  and  Fort 
Laramie  only  became  apparent  in  the  spring  of  1 887  when 
the  ranchers  were  able  to  inspect  their  decimated  herds. 
Not  only  were  cattle  piled  along  the  fences,  the  gullies 
were  also  full  of  rotting  cattle  that  had  attempted  to  seek 
shelter.  Some  ranches  in  southeastern  Wyoming  reported 
losses  as  high  as  70-80  percent  of  their  herds.4  These 
staggering  losses  made  for  a  dramatically  low  calf  crop 
the  next  spring.  And,  the  land  was  worth  nothing  with- 


out an  income-producing  number  of  cattle  on  it.  The  open 
range  empire  collapsed. 

Many  of  the  large  corporate  ranches  near  Fort  Laramie 
went  bankrupt.  Others  survived  by  using  cash  reserves 
or  bank  loans  to  buy  out  smaller  concerns  that  also  were 
teetering.  Nevertheless,  the  hard  winter  of  1886-87  al- 
tered the  way  ranching  was  done  on  the  plains.  Even 
formerly  large  ranches,  like  the  Swan  Land  and  Cattle 
Company,  reorganized  and  changed  their  approach  by 
reducing  their  real  estate  holdings  in  order  to  raise  capi- 
tal. From  that  time  forward,  ranches  were  smaller  and  a 
great  deal  more  attention  was  paid  to  balancing  the  num- 
bers of  cattle  with  the  carrying  capacity  of  the  available 
grass. 

When  the  army  abandoned  Fort  Laramie,  only  rem- 
nants of  some  of  the  corporate  ranches  remained  in  the 
area.  The  Rock  Ranch,  on  Rawhide  Creek  east  of  the 
fort,  still  served  as  a  hay  camp  for  the  Swan  outfit.  The 
Pratt  and  Farris  (commonly  known  as  the  "P.F.")  Ranch 
was  established  in  the  North  Platte  Valley  in  1 880,  with 
its  land  holdings  extending  from  the  present-day  town 
of  Scottsbluff,  Nebraska,  to  Lingle,  Wyoming.  The  P.F. 
had  managed  to  survive  the  disaster  of  1 887.  For  the 
most  part,  however,  stock  growing  was  done  on  a  smaller 
scale  here  and  elsewhere  across  the  northern  plains.  Am- 
bitious cowhands,  like  Tom  Snow,  "Ves"  Sherman,  and 
John  Purdy,  who  had  previously  worked  for  the  large 
operations,  began  homesteading  their  own  small  ranches 
near  Fort  Laramie.  Silas  Doty,  previously  a  manager  for 
the  National  Cattle  Company  in  the  Laramie  Valley,  es- 
tablished two  ranches  in  Goshen  Hole.5 

1  The  first  part  of  this  article,  titled  "Fort  Laramie  After  the  Army. 
Part  I:  The  Auction."  appeared  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  11>  (Summer. 
2001).  12-23. 

2  J.  H.  Triggs,  History  of  Cheyenne  and  Northern  Wyoming  Em- 
bracing the  Gold  Fields  of  the  Black  Hills,  Powder  River  and  Big 
Horn  Countries  (Omaha:  Herald  Printing  House.  1876),  53-55. 

3  Harmon  Ross  Mothershead.  The  Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Com- 
pany, Ltd.  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press.  1971),  22. 

4  T.  Alfred  Larson,  "The  Winter  of  1 886-87  in  Wyoming."  Annals 
of  Wyoming  14  (January  1942).  5-17;  John  K.  Rollinson.  Wyoming 
Cattle  Trails  (Caldwell,  Idaho:  Caxton  Printers.  1948),  258:  Even  at 
Fort  Laramie,  known  for  its  generally  moderate  winters,  the  post 
surgeon  recorded  subzero  temperatures  for  the  months  of  November 
through  February.  Snowfall  was  noted  for  seven,  eight,  eleven,  and 
six  days,  respectively.  Medical  History,  Fort  Laramie.  Wyo.,  Janu- 
ary 1885-March  1890.  Record  Group  94.  National  Archives  and 
Records  Administration  [NARA],  transcription  in  Library,  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site. 

'  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks:  A  Histoiy  of  Goshen  County 
(Torrington:  Goshen  County  History  Book  Committee.  1989),  I,  173- 
74,  178-79,  185,  189;  David  B.  Griffiths.  "Populism  in  Wyoming," 
Annals  of  Wyoming  40  (April  1968).  60;  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit 
Tracks,  I.  189.679-80,697. 


22 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Other  early  homesteaders  included  individuals  who  had 
been  connected  with  the  fort  as  soldiers,  civilian  employ- 
ees, or  freight  contractors.  John  Hunton,  for  instance, 
had  entered  into  a  ranching  partnership  with  William  G. 
Bullock,  who  was  store  manager  for  Post  Sutler  Seth 
Ward.  Joe  Wilde,  a  former  freighter,  bought  the  cavalry 
barracks  and,  with  his  wife  Mary,  operated  it  as  a  store, 
saloon,  and  hotel  for  many  years.  Residing  on  a  home- 
stead just  upstream  from  the  fort  was  John  *'Posey"  Ryan. 
Irish  immigrant  and  Civil  War  veteran  who  had  hired  on 
as  a  teamster  with  Col.  Henry  Carrington"s  18th  Infan- 
try column  for  its  trek  up  the  Bozeman  Trail  in  1866. 
Ryan  remained  with  the  army  during  the  Red  Cloud  War 
along  the  Bozeman  Trail  and  later  worked  around  Fort 
Laramie  for  many  years.  Benjamin  A.  Hart,  who  had 
mining  interests  in  the  Hartville  area  and  had  purchased 
several  buildings  at  the  close-out  auction,  formerly  served 
as  postmaster  and  store  clerk  for  trader  J.  S.  Collins,  and 
later  for  John  Hunton.  John  CTBrian,  son  of  a  former 
Fourth  Infantry  soldier,  and  J.  J.  Hauphoff,  who  had  op- 
erated a  mess  for  quartermaster  employees,  also  lived  at 
the  post  in  the  1 880s.b 

During  the  1 890s,  Texas  cattlemen  continued  to  drive 
herds  north  to  Montana  along  the  Western  Trail,  a  route 
extending  from  Texas,  across  still  sparsely-settled  west- 
ern Kansas  and  Nebraska  to  reach  the  vast  grasslands  of 
eastern  Montana.  There  the  animals  could  be  fattened 
for  market  on  some  of  the  last  of  the  unclaimed  open 


range,  and  then  shipped  east  via  the  Northern  Pacific 
Railroad.  John  Hunton  noted  the  passing  of  several  of 
these  herds,  some  crossing  near  the  mouth  of  Rawhide 
Creek,  others  using  a  ford  across  the  Laramie  at  the  fort 
in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  iron  bridge  across  the 
Platte.7  In  addition  to  cattle  passing  northward,  herds  of 
sheep  from  a  growing  industry  in  Nebraska  passed  east 


6  A  list  of  early-day  residents  prepared  in  1922  is  found  in.  Wind 
Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks,  I.  pp. 24-25:  T.  James  Gatchell.  "Life 
and  Early  History  of  John  "Posey"  Ryan."  Annals  of  Wyoming,  31 
(Spring.  1959).  48-52;  The  names  of  several  later  residents  are  found 
in  the  Post  Butcher's  Cash  Account  Book.  Folder  CSUT-18.  and 
Post  Trader's  Ledger.  Folder  CSUT- 16,  Vertical  Files.  Library.  Fort 
Laramie  National  Historic  Site.  Formerly  a  cowhand.  Purdy  home- 
steaded  3  1/2  miles  east  of  the  fort,  where  he  raised  cattle,  hay,  and 
other  crops.  L.  G.  Flannery.  ed..  John  Hunton  s  Diary,  Wyoming 
Territory.  1890.  MS.  Box  3.  Accession  9.  Hunton  Papers.  Ameri- 
can Heritage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming.  40  (hereafter  cited 
as  John  Hunton  's  Diary  with  year).  One  person  remembered  that 
Hauphoff  ran  a  "soldiers'  mess"  at  the  fort,  which  is  probably  incor- 
rect because  the  troops  were  fed  in  company  mess  halls.  A  plat,  drawn 
by  G.  O.  Reid  and  held  in  the  park  library  collection,  locates  the 
Hauphoff  house  near  the  stables,  suggesting  that  they  operated  a  mess 
for  civilian  employees.  John  O'Brian  interview.  Folder  O'b.  J-l. 
Vertical  Files.  Library.  Fort  Laramie  NHS. 

7  Some  of  the  many  references  to  Texas  herds  passing  through  are 
found  in  Entry  June  7.  Hunton  Diary,  1 891 ;  Entries  June  1 5  and  23. 
Hunton  Diary.  1 892:  Entry  September  1 7.  Hunton  Diary.  1 897.  tran- 
scriptions of  which  are  in  Box  3.  Ace.  9.  Hunton  Papers.  American 
Heritage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming. 


Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site  collections 
For  many  years,  Joe  and  Mary  Wilde  operated  a  store,  saloon  and  hotel  in  the  what  was  the  Cavalry  Barracks.  They  are 
shown  posed  here  in  front  of  the  building  about  1910. 


Autumn  2001 


23 


and  west  along  the  old  Platte  Road  en  route  to  and  from 
summer  grazing  grounds  near  Laramie  Peak.8 

Concurrent  with  the  long  trail  drives,  were  the  tradi- 
tional roundups  practiced  by  area  ranchers,  large  and 
small.  Most  of  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Laramie 
and  North  Platte  Rivers  was  still  unclaimed  open  range 
during  the  1  890s.  Even  though  the  various  ranchers  con- 
sidered certain  areas  to  be  their  pastures,  by  virtue  of 
their  control  over  the  streams,  most  of  them  did  not  hold 
legal  title  to  large  sections.  Some,  like  Silas  Doty,  en- 
couraged their  cowboys  to  take  out  homesteads  on  par- 
cels contiguous  to  their  own.  Before  the  acreage  was 
"proved  up,"  however,  the  rancher  would  purchase  the 
land  from  the  dummy  entryman.  Still,  it  was  difficult 
for  a  single  individual  to  acquire  enough  land  to  support 
large-scale  grazing.9  Few  fences  existed  and  then  only 
around  the  home  ranches.  As  a  result,  cattle  roamed 
widely,  becoming  mixed  with  livestock  owned  by  other 
ranchers.  The  only  means  of  sorting  them  out  was  for 
ranch  owners  to  cooperate  with  each  other  in  spring  and 
fall  roundups,  working  together  over  designated  areas 
bounded  by  geographical  features,  usually  streams.  Each 
ranch  in  the  area  would  contribute  men  for  the  crew  and 
a  chuck  wagon,  if  the  outfit  were  a  large  one.  As  the 
cattle  were  gathered,  they  were  concentrated  in  large 
holding  corrals  built  at  various  points.  Animals  with 
brands  would  be  sorted  and  tallied  for  the  respective 
ranches.  The  ownership  of  un-branded  calves  was  deter- 
mined by  the  cows  they  followed.  The  roundup  gener- 
ally progressed  from  east  to  west  up  the  Platte  Valley, 
and  eventually  converged  at  the  shipping  pens  at  Uva 
and  other  points  along  the  Cheyenne  and  Northern  Rail- 
road. Such  patterns  continued  until  the  latter  part  of  the 
decade  when  the  numbers  of  homesteaders  grew  to  such 
proportions  that  fences  curtailed  cross-country  herding.10 

The  farming  frontier  followed  the  railroads.  The  meta- 
phorical stream  of  migration  flowed  into  the  southeast- 
ern corner  of  the  state  during  the  late  1860s,  following 
the  rails  of  the  Union  Pacific.  By  1887,  the  Cheyenne 
and  Northern  had  extended  its  tracks  from  the  Union 
Pacific  mainline  northwest  toward  a  juncture  with  the 
east-west  Fremont,  Elkhorn,  and  Missouri  Valley  line  at 
Orin,  near  the  later  site  of  Douglas,  Wyoming.  After  the 
conclusion  of  the  Sioux  Wars  in  northern  Wyoming  and 
Montana,  the  fertile  area  along  the  base  of  the  Big  Horn 
Mountains  also  experienced  a  modest  rush  of  settlement 
as  the  C&N  and  the  Elkhorn  pushed  their  way  into  that 
region.  Fort  Laramie  was  left  isolated,  miles  from  the 
nearest  connection. 

The  mainstreams  of  settlement  coursed  around  the 
confluence  of  the  Laramie  and  the  North  Platte,  creating 
an  "island"  that  attracted  only  the  most  determined  home- 


steaders. The  region  was,  at  best,  a  challenge  for  anyone 
bent  on  farming,  since  only  three  percent  of  Wyoming's 
land  was  judged  suitable  for  raising  crops.  In  addition, 
those  who  tried  farming  along  the  Platte  and  Laramie 
valleys  in  the  post-military  era  initially  found  little  mar- 
ket forthe  limited  crops  they  produced  in  excess  of  sub- 
sistence needs.  The  absence  of  a  convenient  railroad  fur- 
ther aggravated  the  situation. 

"The  military  have  abandoned  this  fort  and  section  of 
the  country  leaving  it  in  worse  condition  than  any  other 
section  of  the  North  West,"  a  despondent  John  Hunton 
wrote  in  1893.  After  living  at,  or  near,  the  fort  for  27 
years,  Hunton  complained  bitterly  about  the  depressed 
economy  and  the  lack  of  employment  opportunities,  both 
of  which  had  relied  so  heavily  on  the  presence  of  the 
army  garrison. 

Moreover,  the  isolation  of  the  place  weighed  heavily 
on  Hunton  and  the  others  who  endeavored  to  scratch  out 
a  living  in  the  vicinity.  He  lamented  that  the  nearest  ac- 
cess to  the  railroad  was  26  miles  away,  and  that  the  near- 
est sizeable  town,  Cheyenne,  lay  75  miles  away."  For 
two  years,  Hunton  had  been  urging  his  friend  T.  B.  Hicks 
in  Cheyenne  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Burlington  and 
Missouri  Valley  Railroad  to  "talk  up  Fort  Laramie...  see 
if  they  will  not  send  some  good  settlers  here  and  take  up 
about  three  sections  of  land  east  of  the  Platte  bridge."12 
It  was  to  no  avail. 

Fort  Laramie  remained  one  of  the  few  settlements  of 
any  consequence  in  the  area.  The  iron  mining  district  at 
Harrville,  active  since  the  mid- 1 880s,  lay  about  20  miles 
to  the  northwest,  and  Uva,  a  short-lived  cow  town,  was 
situated  on  the  C&N  Railroad  near  the  fork  of  the  North 
Laramie  and  Laramie  Rivers.  Admittedly,  Fort  Laramie 
was  only  the  most  primitive  sort  of  village,  which  even 
then  was  melting  away  rapidly  at  the  hands  of  the  men 
razing  and  gutting  the  buildings  for  lumber. 

8  Entry  June  30, 1 892,  Hunton  Diary:  Entry  June  30.  1 893,  Hunton 
Diary. 

9  Ray  Allen  Billington.  Westward  Expansion:  A  History  of  the 
American  Frontier  (New  York:  Macmillan.  1967).  699,  Wind  Pud- 
ding and  Rabbit  Tracks,  I,  1 89. 

10  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks,  1.  166:  T.  G.  Powers.  "Remi- 
niscences of  Early  History."  Torrington  Telegram,  October  31.1 922; 
Entries  May  27  and  June  7.  1 890.  Hunton  Diary;  Entries  June  9  and 
10,  1893.  Hunton  Diary.  By  1915  fences  made  it  nearly  impossible 
for  cavalry  from  Fort  Robinson  to  conduct  a  proposed  practice  march 
and  bivouac  at  Fort  Laramie.  John  Hunton  to  Colonel  J.  A.  Auger. 
Fort  Robinson,  Neb..  June  15.  1915.  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collec- 
tion, Archives,  Fort  Laramie  NHS  (hereafter  cited  as  Hunton  Let- 
ters, Mattes  Collection). 

11  Hunton  to  Frank  S.  Hunton,  Lima,  Ohio,  July  22,  1893.  Hunton 
Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

12  Hunton  to  Hicks.  October  5.  1 89 1 .  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. 


What  was  once  the  Cavalry  Barracks  when  the  army  occu- 
pied Fort  Laramie,  the  building  served  as  a  combination  ho- 
tel, saloon  and  store  from  the  1890s  into  the  20th  century. 
This  photograph  dates  from  about  1 916.  Cultural  Resources 
Div.  photograph 


FORT     LARAMIE     MILITARY    RESERVATION. 


Three  young  women  pose  in  front  of  the  small  water  wheel 
used  to  irrigate  the  gardens,  lawn  and  trees  at  Fort  Laramie. 
Behind  them  is  the  cavalry  barracks. 


26 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Down  river  some  20  miles,  William  G.  Curtiss  had  es- 
tablished a  homestead  along  the  old  road  to  Red  Cloud 
Agency  in  1 884.  Five  years  later,  he  started  a  post  office 
in  his  home  and  named  it  "Torrington,"  after  the  town  in 
Connecticut  where  he  had  worked  prior  to  emigrating  to 
Wyoming.13  His  few  neighbors,  who  also  had  carved 
out  homesteads  from  public  lands  that  lay  within  the  P.F. 
Ranch,  still  had  to  travel  to  the  previously  established 
village  of  Gering,  Nebraska,  or  perhaps  to  Fort  Laramie, 
for  supplies.  Undaunted  in  his 
effort  to  nurture  the  seed  of  a 
settlement,  Curtiss  organized 
the  first  formal  school  at 
Torrington  in  1 892,  and  built  it 
with  salvaged  Fort  Laramie 
materials  purchased  from  John 
Hunton.  The  social  contacts 

Curtiss  maintained  with  fort  residents,  along  with  a  shared 
mail  connection  from  Wheatland  during  the  1 890s,  cre- 
ated an  early  relationship  between  the  two  places.14 

While  the  fledgling  farming  community  at  Torrington 
associated  its  economic  future  with  the  North  Platte 
Valley,  Fort  Laramie  continued  to  identify  more  closely 
with  its  old  neighbor  to  the  south,  Cheyenne.  This  rela- 
tionship began  in  1867  when  Cheyenne  and  a  military 
supply  depot  at  Fort  D.  A  Russell  were  established  on 
the  transcontinental  railroad,  thus  creating  a  transition 
for  Fort  Laramie  from  an  east- west  orientation,  stem- 
ming from  the  now-defunct  Oregon-California  Trail,  to  a 
new  north-south  supply  line.  The  relocation  of  the  Red 
Cloud  Agency  near  Camp  Robinson  in  1874,  and  the 
miners'  invasion  of  the  Black  Hills  immediately  after- 
ward, firmly  anchored  Fort  Laramie's  dependency  on 
Cheyenne.  It  was  logical  that  the  road  from  Cheyenne 
to  Fort  Laramie,  enhanced  by  the  bridges  there,  became 
a  major  avenue  and  a  mail  route  from  the  railroad  to 
points  north.  In  later  years,  a  portion  of  the  stage  road 
remained  in  use  to  connect  the  post  with  the  railroad  at 
Bordeaux.  The  Fort  Laramie  bridges  still  were  the  only 
reliable  means  of  crossing  the  two  rivers.  The  continued 
importance  of  Fort  Laramie's  location,  if  only  a  regional 
perception,  was  reflected  in  the  effort  exerted  by  the 
Laramie  County  commissioners  to  reserve  the  bridges 
for  public  use.15 

Still  to  be  disposed  of  were  the  post  and  timber  reser- 
vations associated  with  Fort  Laramie.  The  former, 
granted  by  executive  order  in  1 869,  was  a  huge  tract  of 
land  totalling  33,415.24  acres  in  Townships  25  and  26, 
Range  64  West,  in  present-day  Goshen  County.  The  post 
reservation  was  turned  over  to  the  Interior  Department 
effective  May  28,  1890.  Additionally,  a  timber  reserve 
of  62  sections  had  been  set  aside  west  of  the  post  in 


Fort  Laramie  continued  to  iden- 
tify more  closely  with  its  old 
neighbor  to  the  south,  Chey- 
enne. 


what  is  now  Albany  County.16  Although  the  army  had 
cut  timber  in  that  area  for  many  years,  the  tract  was  not 
legally  defined  until  1881,  probably  as  a  response  to  the 
threat  of  having  the  fort's  fuel  and  lumber  supplies  ap- 
propriated by  expanding  ranching  operations  in  that  area. 
The  army  did  not  relinquish  its  claim  to  the  wood  reserve 
until  October  29,  1897,  when  it  was  transferred  to  the 
Interior  Department,  probably  because  of  a  continuing 
need  for  fuel  and  timber  by  the  still-active  Fort  D.  A. 

Russell  near  Cheyenne.'7 

Legislation  authorizing  the 
post  reservation  to  be  opened 
for  settlement  in  accordance 
with  the  Homestead  Act  was 
passed  on  July  10,  1890.  The 
historical  record  is  unclear  as 
to  why  the  timber  reservation 
was  not  included  under  the  same  authority,  nor  did  the 
bill  clarify  why  acquisition  was  restricted  only  to  the 
Homestead  Act,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  appropriate 
legislation,  such  as  the  Desert  Lands  Act  and  the  Timber 
Culture  Act.  In  any  event,  the  Homestead  Act  was  de- 
signed as  a  means  for  equitably  distributing  and  populat- 
ing the  vast  public  domain  west  of  the  Mississippi.  In 
theory,  at  least,  it  was  intended  to  provide  an  opportunity 
for  fanners  and  eastern  laborers  to  secure  land  and  be- 

13  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks,  1.217. 

14  Hunton's  employees  also  constructed  the  school.  Hunton  to  M. 
R.  Johnson,  Wheatland,  Wyo.,  May  28,  1 892,  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes 
Collection;  Entries  June  7.  21,  25.  30.  1892,  Hunton  Diary;  Entry 
July  9,  1892,  Hunton  Diary.  According  to  one  source,  this  school 
stood  at  the  foot  of  Kelly  Hill,  a  half-mile  north  of  Torrington.  Daisy 
D.  Robey.  "First  Schools  in  Torrington."  MS,  Works  Progress  Ad- 
ministration Writers  Project,  September  28, 1938,  Folder  WPA  1 290, 
State  Parks  and  Cultural  Resources  Dept.;  Wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit 
Tracks,  I.  15:  Hunton  to  Luke  Vorhees.  Cheyenne.  Wyo.  Jan.  26. 
1892.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection. 

15  The  county  road  was  eventually  formalized  along  the  old  stage 
road,  including  the  wagon  bridge  built  across  the  Laramie,  just  above 
the  post,  in  1878.  Major  Julius  W.  Mason  to  Asst.  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral, Department  of  the  Platte,  August  27,  1878,  McDermott  File, 
Library,  Fort  Laramie  NHS  (hereafter  cited  as  McDermott  File); 
Merrill  J.  Mattes,  "The  Historic  Approaches  to  Fort  Laramie"  (Fort 
Laramie:  1947),  Archives,  Fort  Laramie  NHS. 

16  The  timber  reserve  was  located  in  Townships  24-25.  Ranges 
70-71. 

17  The  military  reservation  surrounding  the  fort  was  authorized  in 
1869.  Adjutant  General  R.  C.  Drum  to  Commanding  General.  De- 
partment of  the  Platte.  October  18.  1880.  Reservation  File.  Records 
of  the  Adjutant  General's  Office,  R.  G.  94,  NARA.  microfilm  roll 
38.  Fort  Laramie  NHS;  General  Orders  No.5.  February  28,  1881, 
Department  of  the  Platte,  Land  Papers,  R.G.  77,  NARA,  microfilm 
roll  37;  "Report  on  Public  Lands,"  Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  H.  R.,  1st  Session,  52nd  Cong.,  1892,  149;  Annual  Re- 
port of  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  (Washington, 
D.  C:  1898).157. 


Autumn  2001 


27 


come  self-sufficient.  It  stipulated  that  any  21 -year-old 
citizen,  or  any  alien  who  had  declared  the  intent  to  be- 
come a  citizen,  could  obtain  1 60  acres  of  surveyed  public 
land  simply  by  living  on  it.  Except  for  a  filing  fee  of  $  1 0, 
the  land  was  free.  Those  who  filed  claims  for  home- 
steads were  required  to  actually  reside  on  the  land  for 
five  years,  making  basic  improvements,  usually  a  dwell- 
ing or  cultivation,  within  six  months.  If  the  settler  sur- 
vived for  the  full  five  years  to  make  final  proof,  "proving 
up"  as  it  was  commonly  called, 
he  could  pay  nominal  additional 
fees  and  receive  title  to  the  land. 
A  shortcut  was  provided  for 
those  who  could  afford  it.  By 
meeting  the  minimum  require- 
ment of  only  six  month's  resi- 
dency, the  occupant  had  the  op- 
tion of  purchasing  the  land  for 
$1.25  an  acre. 

The  1890  law  governing  the  abandoned  reservations 
in  Wyoming  acknowledged  that  squatters  had  already 
illegally  settled  on  some  of  the  reserves.  In  other  in- 
stances, civilians  previously  associated  with  the  mili- 
tary, like  the  Huntons  and  Sandercocks  at  Fort  Laramie, 
resided  there  and  intended  to  remain.  Therefore,  the  law 
permitted  any  persons  settled  within  the  Fort  Laramie 
Military  Reservation  as  of  January  1 ,  1 890,  to  have  pref- 
erential right  to  file  on  a  quarter  section  of  land,  retain- 
ing any  extant  improvements.18 

Before  the  land  could  be  opened  for  settlement,  the 
General  Land  Office  was  required  to  establish  section 
lines  corresponding  with  the  universal  grid  system  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  the  government  property.  At  the 
time  the  military  reservation  was  created  in  1869,  and 
prior  to  official  surveys,  a  simple  rectangular  parcel  of 
land,  six  miles  wide  by  nine  miles  long,  surrounding  the 
fort  was  delineated  by  a  series  of  corner  stones  and  in- 
tervening wooden  posts.  William  O.  Owen  of  Laramie 
was  contracted  to  complete  the  survey  for  the  General 
Land  Office  in  May  1891.19 

Of  immediate  concern  to  Hunton  was  the  question  of 
whether  any  of  the  reservation  lands  would  be  withheld 
by  the  government,  or  if  the  entire  reservation  would  be 
accessible  for  homesteading.  As  the  owner  of  several 
buildings  scattered  about  the  immediate  fort  grounds, 
Hunton  stood  to  lose  financially  if  the  reservation  was 
completely  dissolved  and  the  land  was  acquired  by  oth- 
ers. Hunton  previously  conducted  his  own  informal  sur- 
vey, so  it  came  as  no  surprise  when  Owen  established  a 
section  corner  on  the  nose  of  "Hospital  Hill,"  leaving  him 
with  buildings  in  all  four  sections,  spread  over  an  area  of 
about  80  acres.  Hunton  appealed  to  his  friend  Sen.  Jo- 


Unlike  coveted  public  lands 
elsewhere,  the  Fort  Laramie  res- 
ervation failed  to  attract  an  on- 
rush of  settlers  when  it  was 
opened  to  homesteading... 


seph  M.  Carey  that  it  would  be  only  fair  if  those  holding 
title  to  the  buildings  were  granted  special  consideration 
in  filing  for  homesteads.  Apparently,  he  was  unaware 
that  such  a  clause  already  existed  in  the  legislation.20 
Hunton,  however,  had  another  strategy  in  mind. 

He  pointed  out  to  Carey  that  the  government  would 
be  advised  to  continue  to  maintain  a  small  exclusive  res- 
ervation to  protect  the  custodian's  residence,  along  with 
the  flag  staff,  both  of  which  belonged  to  the  Department 

of  the  Interior.  He  suggested 
that  a  1 60-acre  tract  might  be 
sufficient  for  that  purpose, 
whereupon  the  government  re- 
duced the  size  of  the  reserve 
accordingly.  In  so  doing, 
Hunton  managed  to  protect  his 
own  interests  without  any  risk, 
since  several  of  his  best  build- 
ings, including  his  own  residence,  were  situated  within 
the  same  parcel. 

Hunton  prudently  safeguarded  the  store,  officers  quar- 
ters, pump  house,  and  the  remaining  Rustic  Hotel  struc- 
tures in  a  single  stroke,  but  his  concerns  proved  ground- 
less. Unlike  coveted  public  lands  elsewhere,  the  Fort 
Laramie  reservation  failed  to  attract  an  onrush  of  set- 
tlers when  it  was  opened  to  homesteading  on  Sept.  29, 
1891.  Hunton  wrote  to  his  friend  B.  A.  Hart  informing 
him  that  there  were,  "No  boomers  around  yet.":i 

Southeastern  Wyoming  was  by  no  means  an  agrarian 
paradise.  Moreover,  drought  conditions  between  1 888 
and  1 892  so  disheartened  many  homesteaders  beyond 
the  rain  belt  that  thousands  actually  fled  eastward,  away 
from  the  Great  Plains.  This  retrograde  movement  prob- 
ably discouraged  many  would-be  land  seekers  from  mi- 
grating to  the  region  around  Fort  Laramie. 

John  Fields  resigned  his  position  as  custodian  late  in 
1891.  According  to  Hunton,  who  was  appointed  to  re- 
place Fields  early  in  the  following  year,  there  were  no 
funds  available  to  pay  him.  Fields,  having  a  family  to 
support,  was  unable  to  continue  without  an  income.  That, 
at  least,  is  how  Hunton  rationalized  the  situation  several 

18  26  Stat.  227;  House  Report  No.l  1 16.  51st  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion; Everett  Dick,  The  Sod  House  Frontier  1854-1890  (Lincoln: 
University  of  Nebraska  Press,  1954),  118-19. 

19  The  contract  was  awarded  March  20  and  the  field  work  was 
completed  in  the  spring.  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  the 
General  Land  Office  (Washington.  D.  C:  GPO,  1891).  411. 

20 Hunton  to  Carey,  July  1 5.  1 89 1 .  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collec- 
tion; Hunton  to  Miss  [Kate]  Friend,  January  18.  1892.  Hunton  Let- 
ters. Mattes  Collection. 

2 '  Hunton  to  Hart,  September  3,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. Hunton  also  recorded  in  his  diary  that  there  was  "No  excite- 
ment." Entry  September  29,  1891,  Hunton  Diary. 


28 


years  later.  His  statement  did  not  reveal  the  political  sub- 
terfuge to  which  he  had  resorted  for  his  own  benefit. 
Hunton,  who  was  hardly  in  better  financial  condition  than 
Fields,  cunningly  offered,  through  the  good  offices  of 
Senator  Carey,  to  take  the  job  without  compensation.22 

Neither  was  it  coincidental  that  the  reservation  was 
again  reduced  in  size,  to  only  40  acres — concurrent  with 
Hunton's  confirmation  as  custodian.  This  tract  lay  in  the 
northeast  coiner  of  Section  29,  still 
neatly  embracing  most  of  Hunton's 
buildings. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Hunton  conspired  to  displace  Fields 
in  order  to  guarantee  himself  as  the 
sole  resident  on  that  parcel.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior's  proclamation  con- 
cerning the  disposition  of  unclaimed  lands  within  former 
military  reservations,  "actual  occupants  already  there,  as 
of  January  1.  1890,  shall  have  preference  right  to  make 
one  entry  not  exceeding  1  /4  section."23  Hunton  perceived 
Fields  as  a  potential  threat,  since  both  he  and  Fields  could 
make  valid  claims  for  residency  since  that  date.  In  the 
event  that  this  last  government  parcel  was  declared  open 
to  homesteading,  Hunton  wanted  no  competitors.24 

Senator  Carey,  under  the  misimpression  that  the  res- 
ervation still  included  160  acres,  suggested  to  Hunton 
that  it  might  be  converted  into  a  town  site,  under  the 
provisions  governing  abandoned  military  posts.  At  that 
time,  only  two  families  resided  on  the  land,  the  Huntons 
and  the  Fields.  In  Hunton's  opinion,  the  costs  of  survey- 
ing and  acquiring  the  lots  would  be  too  expensive  and 
that  only  about  22  acres  were  suitable  for  construction. 
He  reminded  the  senator  that  since  the  reservation  had 
already  been  reduced  to  40  acres,  it  would  be  best  to 
leave  well  enough  alone.  "As  the  thing  stands  at  present," 
Hunton  wrote,  "I  am  secure  in  the  undisturbed  posses- 
sion of  the  most  of  the  buildings  in  which  I  am  inter- 
ested."25 Presumably,  he  gambled  that  the  southeast  cor- 
ner of  Section  20  and  the  southwest  corner  of  Section 
2 1 ,  containing  only  the  Hospital  and  the  NCO  Quarters, 
respectively,  were  not  particularly  desirable  for  farming 
and  were  under  no  immediate  threat  of  acquisition.  His 
friend  and  silent  partner,  B.  A.  Hart,  owned  the  north- 
west portion  of  Section  28,  encompassing  the  Cavalry 
Barracks  and  the  post's  quartermaster  area.26 

There  were  no  challenges  to  Hunton's  possession  of 
the  then  tiny  government  reservation  until  1896,  when 
Antoine  "Frenchy"  Ducarr  attempted  to  file  a  homestead 
there,  based  upon  his  temporary  residence  in  one  of  the 
Hunton  houses.  Hunton  wrote  immediately  to  U.  S.  Rep. 
Frank  W.  Mondell  to  muster  political  support.  He  em- 
phasized to  Mondell  that  although  Ducarr  had  rented 


Hunton  nevertheless  took 
action  to  secure  what  he 
then  considered  to  be  his 
property. 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 

rooms  for  about  four  years,  he  had  never  owned  any 
buildings  on  the  reservation.  Hunton,  in  his  own  defense, 
candidly  revealed  that  his  sole  purpose  in  donating  his 
services  as  custodian  was,  "to  get  the  U.S.  to  allow  the 
40  acres  of  land  to  remain  unoccupied  so  we  need  not  be 
forced  to  tear  down  good  and  expensive  buildings  and 
remove  the  lumber  therefrom  or  have  to  sacrifice  all  at 
such  price  as  an  entryman  of  the  land  might  dictate.  Mr. 
Ducarr,  in  my  opinion  would  be 
a  shylock."27 

Although  Ducarr's  threat 
failed  to  materialize,  Hunton 
nevertheless  took  action  to  se- 
cure what  he  then  considered  to 
be  his  property.  About  a  year 
later,  he  drafted  a  bill  that  would  grant  his  wife,  Blanche, 
the  right  to  purchase  the  40-acre  reservation  at  the  ap- 
praised price  of  $1.25  per  acre.  He  sent  copies  of  his 
proposal  to  Sen.  Francis  E.  Warren  and  to  Rep.  John  E. 
Osborne,  who  had  won  Mondell's  seat  in  the  1 896  elec- 
tion. 

The  wheels  of  Congress  turned  slowly,  but  the  scheme 
worked.  On  July  5,  1898,  legislation  was  approved  di- 
recting the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  sell  to  Blanche 
Hunton  the  last  quarter  section  comprising  the  govern- 
ment reservation,  including  the  improvements.28 

Despite  the  lack  of  a  land  "boom"  in  the  Fort 
Laramie  area,  there  was  a  steady  trickle  of 
new  settlers  into  the  North  Platte  Valley  and 
its  environs.  By  1896,  there  were  40  eligible  voters  in 
Laramie  County's  School  District  No.  11,  centered  at 
Fort  Laramie.29  John  Hunton,  who  had  been  appointed 
as  a  commissioner  for  the  General  Land  Office,  recorded 
in  about  1 897  that  86  homesteads  were  filed  through  his 

"  Hunton  to  Carey,  January  22,  1 892.  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. Interestingly,  Hunton  noted  in  his  diary  that  he  received 
$50.33  for  his  services  as  custodian.  Entry  November  19.  Hunton 
Diary,  1892. 

23  26  Stat.  227. 

24  Many  years  later,  when  speaking  about  Fields,  John  O' Brian 
confided.  "But  Hunton  got  the  best  of  him,  and  they  got  him  out  of 
here  as  Post  [custodian]..  .  Mr.  Hunton  used  to  tell  me  a  lot  of  stuff 
here  about  that."  John  O'Brian  interview. 

25  Hunton  to  Carey,  February  22,  1892,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes 
Collection;  Hunton  to  Carey.  March  1 7. 1 892.  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes 
Collection. 

26  Abstract  Book.  Township  26,  Goshen  County  Land  Records. 

27  Hunton  to  Mondel  1.  December  19.1 896.  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes 
Collection. 

28  30  Stat.  1478.  The  next  spring,  Hunton  fenced  his  land  to  pre- 
clude further  dispute.  Entries  March  8  and  9,  Hunton  Diary,  1899. 

29  "List  of  names  of  all  lawful  voters  residing  in  school  district  No. 
11,  Laramie  County  Wyoming  on  Nov.  1,  1896,"  Hunton  Letters, 
Mattes  Collection. 


Autumn  2001 


29 


office  at  the  fort,  along  with  23  Desert  Land  claims.50 
The  claims  represented  homesteads  both  within  and  out- 
side the  former  post  reservation.  Of  greater  significance 
were  the  69  final  proofs  that  entrymen  had  filed  on  local 
lands,  indicating  that  several  dozen  homesteaders  had 
come  to  stay.51  Of  course,  like  homesteaders  everywhere 
in  the  arid  lands  of  the  West,  most  of  the  claims  were 
taken  on  lands  bordering  the  streams  and  rivers.  "All 
the  inhabitants  of  this  section  are  small  ranch  men  and 
grangers,"  Hunton  commented,  "good  crops  being  raised 
wherever  irrigated."52 

Hunton  reported  late  in  1901  that  much  of  the  old  res- 
ervation had  been  filed  on.  "There  is  not  a  desirable  tract 
of  as  much  as  80  acres  that  has  water  on,  or  that  water 
can  be  profitable  [sic]  gotten  on."33 

In  reality,  however,  large  portions  of  the  former  re- 
serve remained  in  the  public  domain.  More  than  25,000 
acres  of  the  original  33,4 15  still  lay  vacant.  This  stemmed 
from  the  failure  of  the  legislation  to  initially  open  the 
post  reservation  under  the  1877  Desert  Land  Act,  as 
well  as  the  Homestead  Law.  The  omission  prevented 
claimants  from  buying  additional  pasturage,  up  to  a  full 
section,  at  25  cents  per  acre.  Such  an  option  would  have 
been  of  great  benefit  to  small-scale  ranchers  in  the  area, 
and  in  all  likelihood  would  have  induced  more  people  to 
pursue  that  occupation,  thus  expanding  the  livestock  in- 
dustry in  the  confluence  area  at  an  earlier  date.  There 
was  so  much  unclaimed  government  land,  in  fact,  that 
Mondell  introduced  legislation  to  allow  resident  and  fu- 
ture homesteaders  to  purchase  an  extra  quarter-section, 
at  $1.25  an  acre,  for  grazing  purposes.  The  law,  passed 
in  May  1 902,  restricted  such  purchases  to  lands  that  were 
"unfitted  for  cultivation  and  homestead  entry  by  reason 
of  lack  of  water  for  irrigating  purposes  or  otherwise."34 
That  definition  applied  to  most  of  the  unclaimed  reserva- 
tion lands,  which  lay  primarily  south  of  the  post. 

The  same  bill  recognized  that  the  62  sections  of  the 
Fort  Laramie  Wood  Reservation  never  had  been  legally 
opened  to  settlement.  MondelTs  bill  subjected  the  tim- 
ber reserve  to  the  existing  homestead  laws  as  well  as  the 
new  provision  for  additional  land  purchases  by  those  who 
took  up  claims.35  The  terrain  in  this  area,  near  Laramie 
Peak,  was  generally  rough  and  mountainous,  and  with 
exception  of  a  few  valleys,  was  unsuited  to  farming.  It 
has  remained  sparsely  populated  to  the  present  day  and 
is  used  primarily  for  sheep  and  cattle  grazing,  as  well  as 
recreational  purposes. 

Cattlemen,  now  threatened  by  an  influx  of  settlers  on 
the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  open  range,  and  the  incur- 
sion of  sheepherders  from  the  west,  recognized  that  they 
could  not  homestead  enough  land,  even  through  the  use 
of  dummy  entrymen  and  the  Desert  Land  Act,  to  sup- 


port ranching  on  a  large  scale.  In  many  areas,  the  grass- 
lands had  been  so  overgrazed  that  they  could  no  longer 
support  cattle  anyway.  Notably,  by  1900  the  number  of 
sheep  in  Wyoming  had  risen  to  2,624,689,  while  cattle 
had  declined  to  359,069. 3b  The  cattlemen's  best  chance 
for  survival  was  through  improved  breeding  of  smaller 
herds  and  the  leasing  of  arid  federal  lands  that  were  not 
conducive  to  farming.  Thus,  the  open-range  cattle  fron- 
tier receded  from  the  North  Platte-Laramie  River  con- 
fluence, leaving  in  its  place  small  ranches  where  Here- 
ford stock  and  horses  were  raised. 

Ready  access  to  water  in  the  two  valleys  was  a  natural 
invitation  to  design  man-made  irrigation  systems.  Irri- 
gation, in  fact,  has  played  such  a  large  part  in  the  devel- 
opment of  Goshen  County  that  no  effort  can  be  made  to 
trace  that  saga  within  the  confines  of  this  article.  Never- 
theless, one  such  project  of  minor  significance  directly 
influenced  Fort  Laramie  and  remains  a  part  of  the  cur- 
rent historic  resource  as  an  operational  entity. 

In  the  months  before  the  army  abandoned  Fort  Laramie, 
John  Hunton  was  already  looking  ahead  to  the  time  when 
the  reservation  lands  would  be  cultivated.  Early  in  1 890, 
he  prepared  a  map  illustrating  his  proposal  for  an  irriga- 
tion ditch  leading  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Laramie  River, 
at  a  point  known  as  "Cavalry  Ford"  (in  Section  30),  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  post.  Presumably,  Hunton"  s  ditch  would 
utilize  much  of  an  existing  one  constructed  by  the  army 
to  water  the  post  garden.  He  surveyed  the  course  of  his 
ditch  in  1891  and  formally  organized  the  Fort  Laramie 


30  Initiated  by  cattlemen  seeking  a  way  to  acquire  more  land  than 
could  be  homesteaded.  the  Desert  Land  Act  of  1877  allowed  the 
purchase  of  640  acres  of  arid  land  at  25  cents  per  acre,  if  the  claimant 
could  prove  that  he  had  irrigated  a  portion  of  the  property.  By  doing 
so.  he  could  gain  title  to  the  land  by  paying  an  additional  $  1  per  acre. 
The  law  proved  to  be  an  open  invitation  to  fraud,  since  witnesses 
could  be  hired  to  vouch  that  they  had  seen  water  on  the  claim,  even 
if  was  only  a  bucketful  poured  on  the  ground.  Billington.  Westward 
Expansion,  699. 

31  Undated  letter  fragment,  c.  1897,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Col- 
lection. Hunton  was  appointed  U.S.  Commissioner  for  the  District 
of  Wyoming  in  1892.  Entry  April  5,  1892.  Hunton  Diary. 

"Hunton  to  Mrs.  H.  O.  Barton.  Tie  Siding,  Wyo..  April  4,  1898. 
Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

33  Hunton  to  Mondell.  December  11,  1901.  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes 
Collection.  A  cursory  survey  of  the  patents  recorded  indicates  that 
much  of  the  land  around  the  fort  was  homesteaded  during  the  period 
of  years  from  the  late  1890s  to  about  1910-15.  Abstract  Book.  Town- 
ship 26  North,  Range  64  West,  Goshen  County  Records. 

34  "Granting  Homesteaders  Right  to  Purchase  Land  on  Certain  Res- 
ervations, etc."  House  Report  1532,  57th  Congress.  1st  Session;  S. 
3908,  57th  Cong.,  1st  Session. 

35  Ibid. 

36  Edward  Everett  Dale.  The  Range  Cattle  Industry:  Ranching  on 
the  Great  Plains  from  1865-1925  (Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma 
Press.  1960),  98-99. 


30 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Ditch  Company  on  January  4,  1892,  with  B.  A.  Hart, 
Blanche  Hunton,  Joe  Wilde,  and  himself  as  the  principal 
shareholders.  After  Hart  failed  to  pay  for  the  25  shares 
allotted  to  him,  the  board  conveyed  them  to  Joe  Wilde.37 
The  Huntons  and  Wildes  retained  ownership  of  all  stock, 
totaling  $3,000  from  1895  until  they  began  to  liquidate 
their  assets  in  1918.  They  used  the  narrow  ditch  prima- 
rily to  irrigate  gardens  and  hay  meadows  on  their  re- 
spective lands,  as  well  as  on  some  of  the  neighboring 
tracts.  It  was  such  an  informal  concern,  in  fact,  that  the 
stockholders  neglected  to  have  any  annual  meetings  for 
a  period  often  years.  Only  in  1919  did  things  change 
significantly,  when  Myrta  E.  Clarke,  wife  of  Omaha 
banker  H.  S.  Clarke,  bought  200  shares  of  the  company's 
stock.  (Clarke,  it  will  be  remembered,  purchased  the 
Wilde  property,  including  the  Cavalry  Barracks).  Blanche 
and  John  Hunton,  in  turn,  disposed  of  their  stock  to  Tho- 
mas Waters  in  1920,  tendering  their  resignations  from 
the  board  on  December  1 5.18 

As  the  opportunity  to  acquire  irrigable  lands  de- 
clined in  the  early  1900s,  a  new  agricultural 
philosophy  emerged — dry  farming.  Chancing 
to  mother  nature  for  enough  moisture  to  grow  crops  had 
been  tried  with  some  success  in  Kansas,  Nebraska,  and 
Colorado,  but  not  many  Wyoming  farmers  had  attempted 
it  before  the  turn  of  the  century.  One  Wyoming  newspa- 
per editor  advised  emigrants  that  he  did  not  wish  to  sound 
discouraging,  "but  the  soil  is  quite  coarse,  and  the  agri- 
culturist, before  he  can  even  begin  with  any  prospect  of 
success,  must  run  his  farm  through  a  stamp-mill  in  or- 
der to  make  it  sufficiently  mellow."39  His  description 
was  accurate  enough,  except  for  a  narrow  region  along 
the  eastern  border  of  the  state  where  the  soil  was  fairly 
rich  and  the  rainfall  averaged  about  14  inches  annually. 
There,  it  was  possible  to  make  a  living,  provided  enough 
land  could  be  acquired. 

Three  elements  combined  to  create  yet  another  mi- 
gration into  southeastern  Wyoming.  Agricultural  experi- 
ments sponsored  by  the  University  of  Wyoming,  coupled 
with  support  by  exponents  in  the  State  Engineer's  office, 
began  to  develop  methods  of  dry  farming  that  would  carry 
agriculture  to  higher  lands  away  from  the  streams. 

At  the  turn  of  the  century  boosters  ran  rampant  in  the 
West.  Land  grant  railroads,  eager  to  recoup  their  invest- 
ments in  building  the  lines,  devoted  enormous  efforts  to 
extolling  the  virtues  of  cheap  land,  easy  profits,  and  sa- 
lubrious western  climates.  The  Union  Pacific,  for  ex- 
ample, billed  the  Platte  Valley  as,  "a  flowery  meadow 
of  great  fertility  clothed  in  nutritious  grasses,  and  wa- 
tered by  numerous  streams."40  They  offered  financial 
inducements  in  the  form  of  reduced  travel  rates,  free 


transportation  of  household  goods,  lavish  land-viewing 
expeditions,  and  credit  terms.  It  was  not  even  mandatory 
that  these  immigrants  purchase  railroad  lands.  The  com- 
panies concluded  that  even  those  farmers  who  bought 
outside  the  narrow  belts  of  railroad  lands  would  never- 
theless use  the  railroads  to  transport  their  crops  and  pro- 
duce. Either  way,  the  railroads  profited.  Ads  were  placed 
worldwide  with  the  enthusiastic  cooperation  of  state 
immigration  bureaus.  America  was  anxious  to  bring 
people  to  its  under-populated  areas  in  order  to  make  those 
lands  productive. 

Of  significance  to  the  development  of  the  North  Platte 
Valley  and  the  entire  Goshen  Hole  region  was  the  con- 
struction of  the  Burlington  and  Missouri  Railroad  (later 
termed  the  Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy)  up  the  val- 
ley at  the  turn  of  the  century.  By  that  late  date,  the  com- 
panies had  become  quite  adept  at  the  task.  Hunton  noted 
in  his  diary  that  the  engineers  arrived  in  1 899  to  plot  the 
route  and  negotiate  rights-of-way,  followed  early  the  next 
year  by  the  surveying  and  grading  crews. 

In  April  1900  Hunton  drove  out  to  watch  the  track 
crews  lay  rails  across  the  road  just  beyond  the  old  army 
iron  bridge.  Once  again,  the  aging  frontiersman  witnessed 
a  shift  of  the  major  line  of  communication,  from  north- 
south  back  to  east-west.  This  time,  it  was  remarkably 
different,  however.  Bypassing  the  fort,  the  new  tracks 
lay  a  mile  and  a  half  distant,  retracing  the  Mormon  Trail 
on  the  north  side  of  the  river.  Twenty  miles  below  was 
the  thriving  village  of  Torrington.  Thirteen  years  later,  it 
would  become  the  seat  of  a  new  Goshen  County,  carved 
from  the  enormous  Laramie  County  of  territorial  days. 
A  new  stop  that  the  railroad  called,  "Fort  Laramie  Sta- 
tion," on  the  north  side  of  the  Platte  River,  boasted  not 
only  a  depot  and  section  house,  but  within  seven  years 
would  claim  the  post  office  as  well.  The  diminutive  flame 
of  old  Fort  Laramie's  importance  was  flickering  out. 

One  of  the  shortcomings  of  the  1862  Homestead  Act 
was  that  most  farmers  could  not  survive,  much  less  turn 
a  profit,  on  a  mere  160  acres  of  dry  land.  Experience  in 
other  parts  of  the  West  had  demonstrated  that  dry  farm- 
ing could  be  successfully  employed  for  extended  periods 
of  time,  but  seeding  on  alternate  years,  thus  giving  the 
soil  time  to  recuperate  its  nutrients,  was  more  productive 

37  Entries  January  1.  October  23.  and  December  2.  Hunton  Diary. 
1890;  Entries  May  12,  13.  16.  October  14.  Hunton  Diary,  1891; 
Entry  January  3.  Hunton  Diary.  1892;  Minute  Book.  Fort  Laramie 
Ditch  Company.  1 892- 1 93 1 ,  John  Hunton  Papers,  Box  1 5,  Ace.  No. 
9.  American  Heritage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming  (hereafter  cited 
as.  Minute  Book). 

38  Minute  Book. 

39  T.  A.  Larson.  History  of  Wyoming  (Lincoln:  University  of  Ne- 
braska Press,  1978),  359-60. 

40  Billington.  Westward  Expansion,  707. 


Autumn  2001 


31 


over  the  long  term.  There  was  the  dilemma.  Even  when 
farmers  could  afford  to  emigrate  to  the  west  with  subsi- 
dies from  the  railroads,  they  simply  could  not  homestead 
enough  land  to  avoid  failure.  Viewing  this  as  a  major 
obstacle,  U.  S.  Rep.  Frank  W.  Mondell  championed  leg- 
islation for  a  new  homestead  law  that  would  double  the 
amount  of  free  land  to  320  acres.  The  act  passed  in  1909, 
prompting  a  new  surge  of  farmers  into  the  state,  and  into 
Laramie  County.  Still,  life  was  difficult  for  those  who 
arrived  in  subsequent  years  because  even  320  acres  was 
just  enough  land  to  lure  many  farmers  to  their  doom. 
Only  the  extensive  expansion  of  irrigation  in  the  Goshen 
Hole  district  and  the  greater  North  Platte  Valley  allowed 
farming  to  gain  a  foothold  and  to  thrive.  Aside  from  en- 
claves of  cultivated  dry  lands  to  the  west,  and  some  irri- 
gated acreage  around  Wheatland,  Wyoming,  the  Goshen 
Hole  escarpment  marked  the  high  tide  of  crop-growing 
in  southeastern  Wyoming.  The  undulating  plains  and  foot- 
hills stretching  to  the  Laramie  Range  would  remain  cattle 
and  sheep  country. 

Immigrants,  both  new-arrivals  from  Europe  (mainly 
Germans),  and  farmers  from  Nebraska,  ventured  in  to 
continue  filling  the  country  well  into  the  1920s.  But,  it 
was  a  changed  land.  Old  John  Hunton  barely  recognized 
it  as  the  same  place  he  first  saw  nearly  60  years  earlier. 
Writing  from  his  last  home  in  Torrington  to  one  of  his  old 
friends  from  frontier  days,  Hunton  lamented  that,  "This 


country  has  all  settled  up  since  you  left  here.  ML  cov- 
ered with  irrigating  ditches  and  farms.  Two  railroads  up 
the  valley  as  far  as  this  place — 8  miles  above  the  old 
Red  Cloud  Agency...."41 


Having  outlined  the  ebb  and  flow  of  settle- 
ment arid  development  in  the  area  around 
Fort  Laramie,  this  section  will  address,  topi- 
cally, the  role  of  the  abandoned  military  post  as  a 
country  village. 

During  the  1 890s,  Fort  Laramie  continued  to  be  a  com- 
munity center  in  the  area  of  the  North  PI  arte- Laramie 
River  confluence,  despite  the  fact  that  but  a  handful  of 
people  actually  lived  on  the  post  any  one  time  during 
those  years.  John  and  Blanche  Hunton,  the  Wilde  family, 
the  Sandercocks  and  a  few  transients  employed  by  these 
families  were  the  only  true  residents.  However,  factors 
beyond  the  immediate  area  doomed  the  place  to  ultimate 
oblivion  insofar  as  any  future  it  might  have  had  as  a  per- 
manent settlement. 


41  Hunton  to  Willis  Roland.  Lame  Deer.  Montana.  March  11.1 926, 
Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection. 


Mrs.  Ray  M.  Littler  collection.  American  Heritage  Center.  University  of  Wyoming 
The  Huntons,  about  1919,  standing  in  front  of  the  Officers '  Quarters  where  they  made  their  home. 


32 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


The  very  existence  of  Fort  Laramie  was  rooted 
in  economics.  The  trade  in  beaver  pelts,  and  later 
buffalo  robes,  inspired  white  men  to  settle  there 
in  1834.  Their  presence  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  coun- 
try, and  the  manufactured  goods  they  brought  with  them, 
attracted  the  tribesmen  for  many  years,  even  after  the 
post  changed  hands.  During  the  military  era,  two  major 
treaties  were  negotiated  at  or  near  the  fort  that  resulted 
in  the  granting  of  annuities  to  some  Lakota  bands.  These 
goods  were  stored  and  distributed  at  Fort  Laramie  until 
the  late  1 860s,  when  the  Lakotas  were  bound  by  treaty 
to  remain  north  of  the  North  Platte  River.  The  Indians 
nevertheless  continued  to  consider  the  fort  as  neutral 
ground  and  a  place  upon  which  they  were  dependent. 

The  great  westward  migrations  prior  to  the  Civil  War 
added  a  new  element  to  this  relationship.  Not  only  had 
Indians  become  dependent  on  Fort  Laramie  for  trade, 
but  emigrants  viewed  it  as  an  oasis  on  the  plains  where 
they  could  rest,  refit,  and  re-supply  for  the  more  diffi- 
cult journey  ahead.  Here,  they  could  purchase  or  barter 
for  commercial  goods,  even  though  prices  were  inflated, 
and  they  might  trade  worn  out  animals  for  fresh  stock. 

During  the  entire  military  occupation,  a  post  sutler  (or 
post  traders,  as  they  were  called  after  1 869),  was  licensed 
by  the  War  Department  to  operate  a  store  for  the  benefit 
of  the  garrison,  particularly  catering  to  the  needs  of  sol- 
diers at  an  isolated  location.  The  sutler  was  granted  the 
exclusive  right  to  trade  on  the  military  reservation,  in 
exchange  for  having  his  prices  fixed  by  a  board  of  offic- 
ers and  for  paying  a  head-tax  according  to  the  average 
number  of  troops.  As  the  sutler  operation  developed  at 
Fort  Laramie,  it  was  expanded  to  include  a  soldiers  bar 
and  billiard  room,  and  a  segregated  club  room  where 
officers  could  socialize.  When  ranching  came,  civilians 
looked  to  the  trader's  store  to  supply  their  needs  as  well. 

Thus,  when  John  Hunton  witnessed  the  steady  exodus 
of  the  garrison  little  more  than  a  year  after  he  purchased 
the  tradership,  he  was  not  exaggerating  when  he  told  a 
friend,  "The  breaking  up  of  Fort  Laramie  and  the  send- 
ing of  the  soldiers  from  there  (or  here)  was  about  the 
breaking  up  of  me  financially."42  In  the  wake  of  the  exo- 
dus of  several  hundred  soldiers,  officers,  and  civilian 
employees,  he  was  left  with  only  a  handful  of  local  cow- 
boys and  homesteaders  as  a  clientele,  and  there  was  "no 
money  among  them."43  Overnight,  his  business  dropped 
to  a  mere  five  to  ten  percent  of  what  it  had  been  earlier. 
Most  months,  his  costs  outweighed  his  income.  Not  only 
had  retail  sales  plummeted,  but  the  army  had  canceled 
the  hay  and  wood  contracts  he  held,  leaving  him  with 
piles  of  cord  wood  already  cut  and  stacked.  By  mid-sum- 
mer, with  the  business  in  the  throes  of  a  slow  death, 
Hunton  wrote,  "Everyone  who  I  owe  [is]  howling  for 


pay  because  they  know  I  have  no  money  &  cannot  get 
any.  Am  dead  busted."44 

Hunton  had  borrowed  heavily  from  associates  in  Chey- 
enne to  buy  the  business  and  buildings  from  John  London 
in  1888.  These  loans  forced  him  to  place  his  assets  in 
trust  as  collateral.  Had  the  army  not  abandoned  Fort 
Laramie,  Hunton  could  have  expected  to  do  well  as  post 
trader  and  likely  could  have  repaid  his  creditors  within  a 
reasonable  time  period.  As  it  happened,  he  lost  it  all. 
Although  the  trustees  elected  to  foreclose  in  July  1890, 
no  action  was  taken  for  several  months.  However,  Hunton 
and  Hart  took  an  inventory  the  following  March  and  the 
remaining  goods  were  sold  in  May  for  only  $1,000.45 

After  the  foreclosure  on  his  post  trader's  business, 
Hunton  managed  to  survive  by  raising  and  selling  small 
numbers  of  horses  from  his  ranch  at  Bordeaux,  as  well 
has  hay  grown  there  and  near  Fort  Laramie.  He  also  se- 
cured a  position  as  U.S.  Commissioner  for  the  General 
Land  Office,  which  brought  him  a  subsistence  wage,  and, 
being  one  of  the  few  educated  persons  in  the  area,  he 
sold  his  services  to  prepare  pension  claims  for  army  vet- 
erans and  widows.  In  addition  to  operating  a  blacksmith 
shop,  where  he  repaired  wagons,  hay  mowers,  and  crafted 
branding  irons,  he  occasionally  hired  out  his  skills  as  a 
surveyor  on  some  of  the  irrigation  canals  being  built 
through  the  valley.  Cash  still  remained  elusive  for 
Hunton.  His  diaries  maintained  during  the  1890s  indi- 
cate that  he  resorted  to  selling  lumber,  furniture,  and 
equipment  left  in  the  buildings  he  owned. 

With  the  post  trader's  store  closing  out  and  Hunton 
strapped  financially,  Mary  Wilde  stepped  in  to  establish 
her  own  general  store  to  cater  to  the  needs  of  the  local 
populace.  Before  the  post  was  abandoned,  she  and  hus- 
band Joe  lived  about  nine  miles  west  of  Fort  Laramie. 
While  Joe  worked  as  a  teamster,  Mary  sold  butter  and 
eggs  to  the  garrison  through  the  trader's  store.  In  the 
spring  of  1891,  she  purchased  a  stock  of  goods  from 
Hunton,  just  prior  to  the  foreclosure,  to  begin  her  ven- 
ture.46 

42  Hunton  to  his  sister  (unnamed).  August  14.  1891.  Hunton  Let- 
ters. Mattes  Collection 

43  Entry  July  17.  1890.  Hunton  Diary. 

44  Entry  July  8.  1 890.  Hunton  Diary.  It  is  well  to  note  that  several 
officers  of  the  Seventh  Infantry  departed  without  settling  their  ac- 
counts with  Hunton.  In  view  of  his  friendships  among  the  officers. 
Hunton  chose  to  carry  these  accounts,  collecting  what  he  could  (usu- 
ally nothing),  rather  than  refer  the  debts  to  a  collections  agent.  An 
example  is  found  in.  Hunton  to  Major  D.  W.  Benham.  September  1. 
1891,  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection. 

45  Entries  March  29,  May  20.  1891,  Hunton  Diary.  The  buyer, 
Edwards,  did  not  get  the  store  fixtures.  Entry  May  26.  1891.  Hunton 
Diary. 

46  Hunton  to  B.  A.  Hart,  May  25,  1891,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes 
Collection. 


Autumn  2001 


^ 


The  Wilde  store  was  located  in  the  south  mess  hall  on 
the  ground  floor  of  the  Cavalry  Barracks.  It,  along  with 
the  saloon,  shoe  shop,  and  hotel  also  operated  by  the 
enterprising  Wildes,  became  a  social  center  for  the  area. 
Mary  Wilde  also  fed  travelers  in  her  own  dining  room  at 
the  north  end  of  the  building.  The  general  store  remained 
in  operation  until  about  1 9 1 0  or  1911,  when  it  could  no 
longer  compete  with  stores  in  the  town  of  Fort  Laramie.47 

Sometime  after  1895,  Joe  Wilde  started  a  feed  and 
coal  store  in  the  Commissary,  which  he  purchased  from 
John  Hunton.  It  is  not  known  exactly  how  long  Wilde 
may  have  operated  this  part  of  his  business,  but  it  cer- 
tainly closed  with  the  sale  of  his  fort  interests  in  19 17.48 

Little  is  known  about  yet  another  store  that  was  lo- 
cated temporarily  in  one  of  the  officers'  quarters,  likely 
HB-33.  Eugene  Clouser  started  some  sort  of  business  in 
it,  probably  a  small  general  mercantile,  in  about  1893. 
During  Clouser's  absence  in  November  of  that  year,  two 
men  who  felt  Clouser  owed  them  money,  secured  the 
key  to  the  building  from  Hattie  Sandercock  under  false 
pretenses.  The  two  helped  themselves  to  Clouser's  goods, 
and  afterward,  attempted  to  sell  sacks  of  stolen  oats  and 
bran  to  Hunton.  No  further  information  is  known  of  this 
incident,  although  the  theft  likely  forced  Clouser  out  of 
business.49  

Post  Offices 

Fort  Laramie  was  inseparably  linked  with  the  U.S. 
Mail  almost  from  its  beginnings  as  a  military  post 
until  long  after  the  army  left.  The  first  official 
post  office  was  authorized  on  March  1 4,  1 850,  when  the 
mail  route  was  along  the  Oregon  Trail.  After  the  comple- 
tion of  the  transcontinental  railroad,  Fort  Laramie's  mail 
was  transported  by  rail  as  far  as  Cheyenne.  There,  it 
was  transferred  to  stagecoaches  for  the  overland  trip 
north.  Most  of  the  time,  until  John  Hunton  sold  out  his 
store  in  1891,  the  post  office  remained  in  the  sutler's 
store  where  it  served  emigrants,  the  military,  travelers, 
and  civilian  residents.50  The  post  office  was  more  than 
just  a  status  symbol  for  frontier  communities,  it  was  a 
magnet  that  attracted  people  and  gave  them  a  sense  of 
commonality. 

When  it  became  clear  that  Hunton  would  be  ceasing 
most  of  his  operations  in  the  store,  the  indomitable  Hattie 
Sandercock  petitioned  for  the  job  as  postmaster.  Mrs. 
Sandercock,  mother  of  seven  children  and  widowed  since 
1 887,  had  not  given  up  her  frontier  home  to  flee  else- 
where, as  many  others  in  her  situation  might  have.  She 
made  her  own  way  as  a  laundress  at  the  post  after  her 
husband's  sudden  death,  bought  Officers'  Quarters  A, 
and  put  down  roots  at  the  derelict  fort. 

Much  to  Hunton's  surprise,  Hattie  Sandercock  asked 


him  to  co-sign  her  bond  in  the  amount  of  $5,000.  Hunton 
declined  in  view  of  his  own  financial  straits.  Others  in 
the  community  were  able  to  back  her,  however.  Mrs. 
Sandercock  was  appointed  to  the  position  in  spring,  1 89 1 , 
and  given  an  annual  salary  of  $104.60.  She  adapted  the 
front  room  on  the  east  side  of  her  home  as  the  post  of- 
fice, where  residents  could  come  to  pick  up  their  mail.51 
Since  there  was  no  longer  any  reason  to  run  coaches 
to  the  fort,  the  star  route  contractor,  Luke  Voorhees,  de- 
livered mail  from  Bordeaux  Station  to  Fort  Laramie  by 
buckboard  or  horseback  three  times  weekly.  Voorhees 
earlier  had  been  part  owner  and  superintendent  of  the 
Cheyenne-Black  Hills  line.52  The  record  suggests  that 
informal  mail  delivery  operated  intermittently  from  Fort 
Laramie  to  other  communities,  such  as  Badger,  a  point 
on  the  Cheyenne  and  Northern  Railroad  west  of  Hartville, 
and  Torrington."  One  of  the  mail  riders  was  Lulu 
Hauphoff.  daughter  of  J.  J.  Hauphoff.  who  built  and  op- 
erated a  hotel  at  Badger,  Wyoming.  Mary  Hauphoff, 
his  wife,  secured  the  position  as  postmaster  there  in 
1 890. 54  Demonstrating  the  self-confidence  of  many  fron- 
tier women,  Lulu  "went  off  with  the  mail  to  Badger, 
some  fears  being  entertained  for  her  safety,  but  I  think 
she  will  go  thru  all  right  as  she  is  cool  headed  and 
nervy."55  This  was  high  praise  from  a  seasoned  fron- 
tiersman like  John  Hunton. 

47  John  D.  McDermott  and  James  Sheire, "  1 874  Cavalry  Barracks, 
Fort  Laramie  National  Historic  Site:  Historic  Structures  Report/His- 
torical Data  Section."  (Washington.  D.  C:  GPO.  1970).  3941  (here- 
after cited  as  "1874  Cavalry  Barracks"). 

48  Entry  December  3 1 .  1 895,  Hunton  Diary;  Entry  January  2.  1 896. 
Hunton  Diary. 

49  Hunton  sometimes  refers  to  this  as  "the  Beckvvith  house"  and 
names  "Old  Beckwith"  and  "young  Barber"  as  the  theives.  Hunton 
to  Blanche  Hunton.  December  1  1893.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Col- 
lection; Hunton  to  Hawkins.  December  3.  1893.  Hunton  Letters. 

50  Daniel  Meschter.  "The  Post  Offices  of  Wyoming"  MS,  n.d. 
Wyoming  State  Archvies;  Merrill  J.  Mattes.  "The  Sutler's  Store  a 
Fort  Laramie,"  Fort  Laramie:  Visions  of  a  Grand  Old  Post  (For 
Collins,  Colo.:  Old  Army  Press,  1974).  26-44;  Entry  December  14 

1890.  Hunton  Diary. 

51  Entry  November  10.  1890.  Hunton  Diary;  Entry  January  30 

1891,  Hunton  Diary;  Silas  Doty  and  a  man  named  Clough.  signec 
her  bond.  Entries  February  28  and  March  2.  1891.  Hunton  Diary;  J 
G.  Ames,  comp..  Official  Register  of  the  United  States  (Washington 
D.  C:  GPO,  1891).  849;  Ada  Mary  Melonuk  interview. 

52  Agnes  Wright  Spring.  The  Cheyenne  and  Black  Hills  Stage  anc 
Express  Routes  (Glendale.  Cal.:  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1949).  357. 

53  W.  G.  Curtiss.  founder  of  Torrington.  established  a  post  office 
in  his  home  in  1889.  Curtiss.  or  anyone  else  traveling  between  the 
two  places,  carried  the  mail.  Curtis  Root  interview. 

54  Platte  County  Extension  Homemaker's  Council,  Platte  County 
Heritage  (Wheatland,  Wyo.:  1981).  12. 

53  Entry  March  20,  1894,  Hunton  Diary.  That  this  was  not  an  iso- 
lated incident,  Hunton  noted  that  Lulu  Hauphoff  had  been  been  car- 
rying the  mail  for  a  period  of  two  weeks  in  1892.  Entry  September 
27,  1892.  Hunton  Diary. 


34 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Sandercock  retained  her  post  until  1901,  when  to 
everyone's  surprise,  Nettie  Rutherford  was  appointed  as 
her  replacement.  More  upsetting  was  Nettie's  intention 
to  move  the  post  office  from  the  fort  to  her  own  house, 
near  the  county  road  leading  to  Fort  Laramie  Station  and 
about  one-half  mile  from  it.  Although  the  railroad  had 
laid  out  the  town  site,  only  the  station,  a  section  house 
and  a  tool  shed  stood  along  the  tracks.  No  one  had  yet 
purchased  lots.  John  Hunton  became  the  voice  of  the 
community  by  objecting  to  the  removal  of  the  post  of- 
fice. More  to  the  point,  he  was  clearly  peeved  that  the 
railroad  officials  had  the  audacity  to  usurp  the  name  "Fort 
Laramie"  for  this  upstart  on  the  Burlington  line.  He  wrote 
to  Rep.  F.  W.  Mondell  suggesting  that  if  Rutherford  did 
not  want  to  operate  an  office  at  the  fort,  then  "an  office 
under  another  name  may  be  established  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Platte  river  and.  that  Fort  Laramie  still  remain  on 
it  Historic  Ground."56  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  if  a 
separate  post  office  were  really  needed  to  satisfy  the 
dozen  or  so  people  north  of  the  iron  bridge,  then  it  could 
be  established  under  another  name.  To  illustrate  what 
Hunton  still  believed  to  be  the  fort's  strategic  location, 
he  forwarded  a  map  to  Mondell  showing  the  road  net- 
work that  emanated  from  the  military  post.  As  commend- 
able as  Hunton 's  loyalty  to  the  fort  may  have  been,  he 
failed  to  recognize  the  changes  in  demographics  and  com- 
munications then  underway. 

His  efforts  were  successful  for  the  short  term,  how- 
ever. Even  Nettie  Rutherford  was  swayed;  she  resigned 
as  postmaster  and  joined  in  signing  a  petition  for  the 
postmaster  general  to  assign  John  Purdy  the  duty.57  Purdy, 
who  lived  three  and  one-half  miles  east  of  Fort  Laramie, 
moved  the  post  office  from  the  Sandercock  house  to  a 
different  location  at  the  fort.  This  probably  was  a  small, 
temporary  structure  built  within  the  ruins  of  the  Adminis- 
tration Building.58 

Despite  the  efforts  exerted  by  Hunton  and  other  resi- 
dents in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  the  post  office  eventu- 
ally was  moved  to  the  railroad  town  of  Fort  Laramie  in 
1907.  There,  it  was  installed  in  the  section  house,  pur- 
chased from  the  railroad  by  Andy  Schissler  and  Nettie 
Rutherford,  to  accommodate  a  combination  store,  phar- 
macy, and  mortuary. iq 

Ever  so  slowly,  the  new  village  attracted  merchants 
and  residents.  The  railroad  provided  a  convenient  ship- 
ping point  for  crops  produced  by  the  struggling  home- 
steaders, but  that  was  short-lived.  The  next  year,  1908, 
the  C.  B.  &  Q.  discontinued  the  station  for  lack  of  busi- 
ness, much  to  the  displeasure  of  the  local  residents.  The 
fort  had  been  bypassed  by  the  railroad  and  lost  its  bid  to 
retain  a  post  office.  Now,  even  New  Fort  Laramie,  still 
limited  to  but  a  few  buildings,  failed  to  merit  a  station.  As 


the  editor  of  the  Guernsey  Gazette  observed,  "It  ap- 
pears to  them  almost  like  a  thrust  at  the  power  and  influ- 
ence of  the  once  famous  old  Fort."60 

Schools 

Throughout  the  West,  a  sure  indication  of  the  ar- 
rival of  "civilization"  was  the  establishment  of 
a  school.  In  most  areas  of  the  frontier,  provid- 
ing rudimentary  education  for  children  was  a  high  pri- 
ority that  many  felt  was  cultural  birthright.  In  an  exami- 
nation of  frontier  education,  one  historian  noted:  "As  chil- 
dren learned  fundamental  skills  and  something  of  their 
society's  inheritance,  they  also  learned  the  value  of  pa- 
triotism, moral  rectitude,  and  an  individualism  tempered 
by  respect  for  order,  property,  and  dominant  political  and 
social  institutions."61  People  at  Fort  Laramie  shared  those 
concerns.  Schools  for  the  children  of  officers  and  sol- 
diers, though  usually  segregated,  were  conducted  on  the 
post  for  many  years  prior  to  its  abandonment.  This  ele- 
ment, along  with  postal  service,  hardly  skipped  a  beat 
with  the  army's  departure. 

The  last  post  school  for  officers'  children  was  located 
in  the  southwest  room  of  the  Administration  Building, 
while  the  children  of  soldiers  and  quartermaster  employ- 
ees attended  classes  in  the  Old  Hospital  (Laundress  Quar- 
ters) behind  the  Post  Trader's  residence.61  The  latter  was 
an  antiquated  structure  in  poor  condition  and,  therefore, 
the  civilians  immediately  adopted  the  six-year-old  con- 
crete Administration  Building  as  their  school.  Rural 
teachers  on  the  Wyoming  frontier  often  were  men,  who 
could  better  handle  tough  farm  and  ranch  boys.  During 
the  1890s  women  teachers  outnumbered  men  three  to 
one  in  Wyoming.  It  may  have  a  manifestation  of 
Wyoming's  stance  favoring  the  rights  of  women,  but 
such  ratios  were  common  throughout  the  West  during 
the  period.  When  the  Wyoming  territorial  legislature 
adopted  a  school  law  in  1 869,  the  law  vowed  that,  "in  the 
employment  of  teachers,  no  discrimination  shall  be  made 


56  Hunton  to  Mondell.  July  8.  1901,  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Col- 
lection; Hunton  to  Mondell,  November  20,  1901.  ibid. 

57  Hunton  to  Assistant  Postmaster  General,  October  23.  1 902.  ibid. 

58  Statement  by  Mead  Sandercock  (relating  to  Photo  No.  131), 
cited  in.  Merrill  J.  Mattes.  "Surviving  Army  Structures  at  Fort  Laramie 
National  Monument:  A  Documented  History."'  MS,  Archives,  Fort 
Laramie  NHS 

59  Meschter.  "Post  Offices  of  Wyoming":  Wind  Pudding  and  Rab- 
bit Tracks.  I.  196:  "History  of  Fort  Laramie  (Town)."  MS,  Vertical 
Files,  Homesteaders  Museum. 

60  "Station  Closed."  Guernsey  Gazette,  January  31,  1908. 

61  Elliot  West,  Growing  Up  With  the  Country:  Childhood  on  the 
Far  Western  Frontier  (Albuquerque:  University  of  New  Mexico 
Press,  1989),  209. 

62  Louis  Brechemin  interview.  McDermott  File. 


Autumn  2001 


35 


in  the  question  of  pay  on  account  of  sex  when  the  per- 
sons are  equally  qualified."63, Even  so,  there  were  dis- 
parities in  salaries.  Hunton  noted  that  the  "majority  of 
teachers  employed  in  this  state  are  women.  They  make 
good  teachers  in  the  [illegible]  schools  and  can  be  hired 
for  less  salary  [than]  men.  The  country  is  overrun  with 
teachers."64  Competition  probably  accounted  for  some 
of  the  pay  inconsistencies,  though  it  is  more  likely  that 
inexperienced  women  teachers  were  more  willing  than 
men  to  accept  starting  positions  at  remote  rural  schools. 

Reflecting  this,  Belle  L.  Riggs  was  retained  as  the  first 
instructor  in  the  Fort  Laramie  area  during  the  post-mili- 
tary era.  Since  no  school  board  had  been  organized  when 
she  reported  for  duty  in  January  1 890,  John  Hunton, 
Eugene  Clouser,  and  J.  J.  Hauphoff  guaranteed  her 
wages.  She  taught  at  John  O'Brian's  house,  near  the  old 
Six  Mile  Ranch  southwest  of  the  post.65 

The  "subscription"  system  of  paying  teachers  had  been 
common  in  frontier  areas  for  decades.  Essentially,  the 
teacher  took  whatever  he  or  she  could  get  in  the  way  of 
a  salary,  which  usually  averaged  from  seventy-five  cents 
to  one  dollar  a  day,  then  boarded  in  the  homes  of  the 
students.  In  other  places,  teachers  were  paid  a  set  amount 
for  each  student  enrolled.  The  curriculum  included  the 
standard  subjects  taught  in  most  county  schools:  writ- 
ing, reading,  grammar,  spelling,  arithmetic,  history,  and 
some  geography.66 


This  first  term,  lasting  from  January  until  the  first  week 
in  May,  was  an  anomaly  in  the  normal  sequence  of  school 
sessions.  The  school  usually  operated  from  mid-sum- 
mer until  late  fall  to  accommodate  the  needs  of  agricul- 
tural families  that  relied  heavily  on  children  to  help  with 
winter  chores.67 

Low  pay  and  primitive,  isolated  conditions  combined 
to  make  the  tenures  of  most  frontier  teachers  of  short 
duration.  The  school  at  Fort  Laramie  was  no  exception. 
Laura  T.  Ryder,  from  Cheyenne,  replaced  Riggs  in  July 
1 890  and  although  she  proved  to  be  an  exception  to  the 

63  Larson,  History  of  Wyoming,  78. 

64  Harrison  C.  Dale.  "A  Sketch  of  the  History  of  Education  in 
Wyoming,"  State  of  Wyoming:  Department  of  Public  Instruction. 
Bulletin  2.  October  1916.  The  quotation  is  from  Hunton  to  Frank  S. 
Hunton,  Lima.  Ohio,  July  22.  1893.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collec- 
tion. 

85  Entries  January  4.  Hunton  Diary,  1890:  Flannery  notes.  "John 
Hunton's  Diary."  January  1890.  Box  3.  Ace.  9.  American  Heritage 
Center.  Uriversity  of  Wyoming. 

u  Everett  Dick.  The  Sod  House  Frontier  1854-1890  (Lincoln: 
University  of  Nebraska  Press.  1954).  316-17.  Furnishings  and  equip- 
ment at  the  Fort  Laramie  school  were  of  the  most  basic  sort,  being 
limited  to  a  blackboard,  clock,  dictionary,  a  globe,  a  Chinese  counter, 
and  few  pen  holders,  pencils,  and  erasers.  Teachers  Daily  Reports. 
School  District  No.  II.  Fort  Laramie  Township.  Laramie  County, 
Wyoming.  1888-1896.  Wyoming  State  Archives,  Cheyenne.  Wyo- 
ming (hereafter  cited  as  "Teachers  Reports"). 

1,7  Ibid. 


U.  S.  Dept.  of  the  Interior  photograph,  Dan  W.  Greenburg  collection,  American  Heritage  Center,  UW 
Cavalry  barracks,  shot  from  the  south,  in  the  1920s.  Note  the  various  motor  vehicles  parked  around  the  building. 


36 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


rule  by  staying  for  two  years,  virtually  all  of  her  succes- 
sors remained  for  only  one  term.  Sometimes  two  teach- 
ers were  hired  to  share  the  duties.68 

Beginning  with  Ryder's  tenure,  and  the  organization 
of  a  formal  school  board,  Hunton  rented  out  space  for 
classes  in  the  Administration  Building.0"  However,  this 
only  lasted  until  he  sold  the  building  for  salvage  in  1 892. 
"I  told  Ryan,"  Hunton  wrote  to  his  wife,  "the  other  build- 
ing was  sold  and  they  had  to  get  out.  No  other  room 
could  be  had  so  I  agreed  to  let  one  [lower]  room  in  Bed- 
lam and  move  the  school  furniture  to  it,  and  let  them 
have  the  use  of  it  until  the  5th  of  November  (two  months) 
for  $  1 5."70  Historic  photographs  indicate  that  the  north- 
east ground  floor  room  held  the  school,  where  it  remained 
until  about  1 90 1 .  Stella  Sandercock,  who  taught  the  school 
at  that  time,  moved  classes  to  one  of  the  old  quartermas- 
ter shops  standing  north  of  the  Commissary." 

By  the  turn  of  the  century,  the  Laramie  County  School 
District  had  accumulated  enough  funds  to  begin  build- 
ing a  number  of  schools  in  the  northern  part  of  the  county 
to  accommodate  an  expanded  population.  Three  of  these 
were  constructed  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  fort, 
including  one  at  the  post  itself.  This  was  a  typical  "one- 
room  school"  of  frame  construction  built  adjacent  to  the 
New  Guardhouse  on  its  north  side.  This  school,  which 
appears  in  several  historical  photographs,  probably  re- 
mained in  service  for  only  a  few  years,  until  local  schools 
were  consolidated  in  New  Fort  Laramie  about  191 2. 22 


Politics 

Fort  Laramie  had  long  been  a  voting  poll  during 
its  military  days  and  it  continued  to  be  a  center 
for  local  political  activities  in  later  years.  Poli- 
tics, then  as  now,  was  always  a  popular  subject  to  spark 
lively  conversation  among  the  local  residents  who  came 
by  the  fort.  Unlike  others  areas,  however,  these  discus- 
sions may  well  have  included  women.  That  John  Hunton 
was  an  avowed  Democrat,  while  Joe  Wilde  championed 
the  Republicans,  contributed  to  the  sometimes  heated 
debates  over  current  issues. 

Despite  low  population  in  the  area,  the  fort  witnessed 
local  elections  beginning  as  early  as  the  summer  of  1 890, 
when  John  Ryan  ran  for  constable  and  Benjamin  A.  Hart 
was  nominated  for  justice  of  the  peace  on  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket.  Republicans,  too,  held  a  convention  at  the 
post,  probably  in  Wilde's  store,  which  with  its  saloon, 
seems  to  have  been  the  common  gathering  place.73  Wilde 
was  gracious  enough  to  allow  the  Democrats  to  hold 
their  caucus  in  his  store  during  the  1 894  election,  yet 
relationships  were  not  always  so  cordial.  Hunton  noted 
on  election  day  in  1 898  that  Joe  was  drinking  heavily  and 
[was]  very  abusive  to  all  democratic  voters...."74  Nev- 


ertheless, Fort  Laramie  retained  its  prominence  as  one 
of  the  obligatory  stops  on  the  local  campaign  trail.  The 
scheduled  arrival  of  candidates  for  office  never  failed  to 
attract  an  audience  for  the  speeches.  More  importantly, 
elections  provided  a  reason  for  far-flung  neighbors  to 
meet  at  the  fort.  It  was  invariably  an  occasion  for  visit- 
ing, drinking,  and  all-night  dancing.75 

The  first  polling  site  during  the  civilian  era  probably 
was  at  the  school  room.  However,  just  prior  to  election 
day,  1894,  Hunton  informed  the  county  commissioners 
that  it  would  be  inconvenient  to  conduct  the  voting  at 
Bedlam  because  classes  would  be  in  session  there.  How- 
ever, he  told  them,  "The  room  in  the  Commissary  build- 
ing where  elections  were  formerly  held  can  be  fixed  and 
heated  at  the  same  expense  it  would  take  at  the  school 
room.76  His  statement  implies  that  the  Commissary  had 
been  used  for  voting  during  the  last  years  of  army  occu- 
pancy. 

Recreation 

After  the  army  left  Fort  Laramie,  there  was  even 
less  opportunity  for  recreational  pursuits  than 
h  there  had  been  while  the  troops  were  present. 
Indeed,  it  quickly  became  a  dull  place.  Contrasting  Hattie 
Sandercock's  determination  to  make  the  best  of  her  situ- 

88  Entry  July  8.  1890,  Hunton  Diary;  Teachers  Reports. 

89  A  board  of  trustees,  composed  Eugen  Clouser,  chairman.  Hunton 
as  treasurer,  and  H.  Otterback,  clerk,  was  organized  in  the  spring, 
1890,  followed  by  a  formal  school  board  that  fall.  '"Posey"  Ryan 
served  as  director  and  Robert  Walsh  was  elected  to  be  clerk.  Hunton 
remained  on  the  board  throughout  the  the  1890s.  Entries  May  5.  16. 
November  22,  1890.  Hunton  Diary. 

711  Entry  September  2.  1890.  Hunton  Diary:  Hunton  to  Blanche 
Hunton.  Sept.  8.  1892.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection.  The 
teacher's  residence  probably  changed  throughout  the  period.  Al- 
though she  may  have  boarded  elsewhere  from  time  to  time,  scanty 
evidence  suggests  that  at  least  some  of  the  teachers  lived  on  the 
post.  Miss  H.  L.  Argesheimer,  who  taught  school  in  Bedlam  for  the 
1894  term,  resided  in  the  Sherman  house,  HB-38.  next  door  to 
Sandercocks.  Entry  October  1 2,  1 894,  Hunton  Diary. 

71  "C.  M.  Sandercock  Often  Visits  Birthplace  at  Ft.  Laramie;  Re- 
members Early-Day  Events."  Scottsbluff  Daily  Star-Herald,  June  9. 
1966;  Pioneer,  n.  d..  2.  Folder  BG-1  I,  Vertical  Files,  Library,  Fort 
Laramie  NHS.  One  of  these  buildings,  described  by  Mead  Sandercock 
as  a  "wheelright  shop."  appears  in  a  c.1900  FOLA  photograph.  A- 
16. 

7:  Hunton  to  Charles  O.  Sears.  June  9,  1906,  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes 
Collection;  Mead  Sandercock  in  Pioneer. 

73  Providing  an  insight  to  the  depleted  population  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  fort,  only  1 8  votes  were  cast  in  the  1 890  election.  Entries  July  30 
and  November  1 0.  1 890,  Hunton  Diary;  Entries  March  26,  Septem- 
ber 30,  October  1,  1892,  Hunton  Diary. 

74  Entry  November  8,  1898,  Hunton  Diary. 

75  Entries  October  1 5,  24,  1 894,  Hunton  Diary;  Entry  November 
8,  1898,  Hunton  Diary. 

76  Hunton  to  Board  of  County  Commissioners,  Cheyenne,  Wyo- 
ming, October  24,  1894,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 


Autumn  2001 


37 


ation  was  Blanche  Hunton.  A  native  Virginian,  Blanche 
married  John  and  came  west  in  1881.  She  seemed  to 
adapt  to  her  surroundings  fairly  well  initially,  but  when 
the  army  left  Fort  Laramie,  so  did  Blanche.  For  most  of 
the  next  thirty  years,  she  traveled  about  staying  with 
friends  and  relatives  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the 
other,  while  her  husband  stayed  at  the  tumble-down  fort. 
A  melancholy  John  once  wrote  to  her,  "I  feel  very  de- 
spondent. I  have  no  where  else  to  go  and  you  detest  this 
place."77 

To  offset  the  stark  loneliness,  fishing  remained  a  popu- 
lar pastime  for  Hunton,  who  organized  Sunday  afternoon 
forays  among  his  friends  and  visitors  whenever  an  occa- 
sion presented  itself.  He  even  took  the  opportunity  to 
mingle  with  soldiers  one  last  time  by  inviting  a  number  of 
visiting  Ninth  Cavalrymen  to  go  fishing  during  their  stint 
at  the  fort  to  salvage  materials.78 

Fishing  went  only  so  far,  however.  Hunton  often  suf- 
fered from  excruciating  boredom.  Writing  to  a  friend, 
he  commented  that  he  was,  "still  doing  nothing  and  have 
nothing  to  assist  me  at  it."79  Others  no  doubt  felt  the 
same  way.  The  nearest  town  offering  an  opportunity  to 
socialize  and  dance  was  the  mining  camp  at  Hartville, 
about  20  miles  to  the  northwest.  Sometimes  individuals 
held  dances  at  their  homes,  such  as  those  sponsored  by 
Bird  Lilly  at  the  old  Government  Farm  on  Cottonwood 
Creek.80 

Drinking,  dancing,  and  general  carousing  were  popu- 
lar diversions  for  local  residents  who  had  little  enough 
joy  to  brighten  their  hard  scrabble  lives.  Joe  Wilde  saw 
an  opportunity  to  cater  to  these  needs,  and  profit  at  the 
same  time.  The  dance  hall  and  saloon  he  opened  in  the 
Cavalry  Barracks  was  a  tremendous  boon  to  social  life 
at  the  confluence.  The  saloon  was  first  established  in 
the  former  company  kitchen  in  the  south  end  of  the  first 
floor.  To  help  furnish  it.  Hunton  sold  Wilde  the  bar  and 
ice  cooler  from  the  old  soldier's  bar  at  the  Trader's 
Store.81  The  spacious  squad  room  upstairs  made  a  natu- 
ral dance  hall  that  rivaled  anything  in  the  area.  In  the 
second  year  of  operation,  the  saloon  was  moved  to  a 
larger  area  once  occupied  by  a  day  room  and  wash  room. 
Wilde  removed  the  partition  between  the  two.  Expand- 
ing his  operation  even  further,  Wilde  partitioned  off  the 
north  squad  room  into  six  small  sleeping  rooms,  later 
increasing  the  number  to  twelve,  opening  on  a  full-length 
hallway  running  along  the  west  wall.82 

Joe  and  Mary  Wilde  scheduled  dances  for  almost  any 
reason,  or  none  at  all.  The  first  dance  recorded,  in  March 
1891,  was  quite  successful  at  attracting  a  sizable  num- 
ber of  people  from  all  over  the  area.83  After  that,  the 
dances  became  more  frequent,  and  more  rowdy.  Al- 
though the  Wildes  seem  to  have  scheduled  dances  ir- 


regularly, holidays  such  as  Thanksgiving,  Christmas,  and 
New  Year's  became  standard  events  starting  that  first 
year.  The  Fourth  of  July  sometimes  was  occasion  for  a 
dance,  but  not  always.  Between  times,  especially  during 
the  winter,  the  dances  were  held  almost  monthly  in  the 
early  years.84  News  about  the  dances  usually  spread  by 
word  of  mouth. 

Area  cowboys  and  homesteaders  often  would  arrive 
the  day  before  the  dance,  getting  rooms  at  Wilde's  ho- 
tel. While  the  women  exchanged  news  and  gossip,  the 
men  did  the  same  thing  over  cards  and  whiskey  in  the 
saloon.  It  was  not  unusual  for  these  games,  usually  stud 
poker  or  Pedro,  to  continue  all  night,  on  rare  occasions 
they  went  on  uninterrupted  for  two  or  three  days.85  The 
dance  itself  usually  started  at  8:30  or  9  in  the  evening. 
Music  and  calling  relied  on  local  talent  most  of  the  time. 
After  the  turn  of  the  century,  Wilde  sometimes  hired 
local  bands  from  as  far  away  as  Scottsbluff  to  play  the 
dances.8"  About  midnight  a  meal  was  served,  after  which 
the  dancing  continued  "until  morning,  or  until  everyone 
decided  to  quit,"  as  one  participant  later  recalled.87  Chil- 
dren played  in  and  around  the  huge  building,  chasing  up 
and  down  the  stairs  and  out  on  the  verandah,  or  joined  in 
the  dancing  until  they  dropped.  At  sunrise,  those  danc- 
ers still  on  their  feet  made  their  way  to  beds  in  the  hotel 
or  started  the  return  trip  home.  John  Hunton  summa- 
rized one  of  these  affairs: 

The  Wilde  dance  Thursday  night  was  the  biggest  affair  of 
the  kind,  so  far  as  large  crowd  was  concerned,  they  have 
ever  had...  The  last  of  the  crowd  are  just  leaving  this  after- 
noon. They  had  quite  a  big  game  running  from  Thursday 

77  Hunton  to  Blanche  Hunton.  September  4.  1 892.  Hunton  Letters. 
Mattes  Collection. 

78  Many  instances  of  fishing  are  noted  throughout  Hunton*s  dia- 
ries. Sometimes  his  parties  went  to  the  Platte,  other  times  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  the  more  convenient  Laramie  River.  The 
record  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry  event  is  found  in  Entry  April  7,  1890. 
Hunton  Diary. 

79  Hunton  to  A.  B.  Clarke.  Newcastle.  Wyoming.  December  18. 
1891.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection. 

80  Entry  November  27.  1890.  Hunton  Diary:  Entry  April  4,  1893. 
Hunton  Diary. 

81  Entry  August  11,  1893.  Hunton  Diary. 

82  McDermott  and  Sheire.  '"1874  Cavalry  Barracks."  40.  and  illus- 
tration showing  evolution  of  structure. 

83  Entries  March  6  and  7.  1 89 1 .  Hunton  Diary. 

84  An  examination  of  Hunton  "s  diaries  reveals  that  the  dances  were 
sometimes  scheduled  on  the  exact  day  of  the  holiday,  such  as  De- 
cember 25th.  other  times  they  were  within  a  few  days  before  or  after. 
On  one  occasion.  Mary  Wilde  sponsored  a  masquerade  party.  Entry 
February  22.  1893.  Hunton  Diary. 

85  One  of  these  extended  from  February  22-25.  1893.  Hunton  Di- 
ary. 

86  "The  Best  Ever."  Guernsey  Gazette.  November  15.  1907. 

87  Inez  Moine  interview. 


38 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


night  until  one  o'clock  today.  Very  little  sleeping  being 
done  by  any  of  them...  Old  Dan  [Ryan]  was  floor  manager 
for  Mrs.  Wilde  and  kept  perfectly  sober  until  the  dance 
about  closed,  but  then  got  on  a  binge  old  drunk.  Joe  also 
got  loaded  to  the  muzzle  but  everything  went  off  nicely 
so  far  as  I  learned.88 

Wilde's  patrons  were  often  "a  rough  element"  accord- 
ing to  Jacob  Gompert,  who  frequented  the  establishment 
during  his  trips  to  salvage  an  officer's  house  he  had  pur- 
chased.8" Joe  Wilde  had  spent 
many  years  around  such  men  on 
the  frontier  and  was,  himself,  a 
large  man  who  was  no  stranger 
to  fist  fighting.  When  drunks  got 
out  of  hand,  Joe  often  tossed 
them  down  a  cellar  he  had  dug 

outside  the  rear  door  of  the  saloon.90  Sometimes  these 
escapades  carried  over  to  other  parts  of  the  fort.  "Noth- 
ing has  occurred  here  to  disturb  the  monotony,"  Hunton 
wrote  to  his  wife,  "except  a  very  disreputable  drunken 
mob. ..cavorting  around  all  of  last  night  with  old  saws,  tin 
pans,  boxes,  and  six  shooters  making  all  the  noise  they 
possibly  could  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Post  Office  to  annoy 
Mrs.  Sandercock."91 

There  were  instances  when  the  rowdiness  turned  dan- 
gerous. During  one  of  the  Wilde  dances,  John  Weber 
"was  drinking  and  flourishing  a  pistol  and  shot,  the  ball 
striking  one  of  the  joists  in  Wilde's  porch,  glancing 
downward  and  striking  Crawford  on  top  of  the  head, 
cutting  a  place  about  three  inches  long  to  the  skull,  then 
glancing  up  and  over  the  tree  ..  It  was  a  close  call  for 
Crawford.""2  On  another  occasion,  a  man  named  Corey 
was  smitten  with  the  charms  of  Mamie  Sandercock  dur- 
ing one  of  the  dances.  Having  had  too  much  to  drink 
already,  Corey  went  down  to  the  saloon  for  more,  and 
upon  his  return  to  the  hall,  found  the  object  of  his  in- 
fatuation dancing  with  another  man.  Corey  left  to  se- 
cure his  Winchester.  As  he  started  back  upstairs  via  an 
exterior  stairway  that  Wilde  had  constructed  to  the  up- 
per verandah,  two  other  cowboys  saw  him  armed  and 
vowing  to  "make  a  vacancy  up  there."  One  of  the  men 
quickly  grabbed  a  rope  from  a  nearby  saddle  and  snapped 
a  loop  over  Corey's  shoulders  before  he  reached  the  top 
of  the  stairs,  dragging  him  down.  The  rifle  went  off  in 
the  process  as  the  men  jumped  on  Corey  and  tied  him 
up.  They  threw  him  in  Wilde's  ice  cellar,  where  he  re- 
mained the  rest  of  the  night  to  sleep  off  his  intoxication. 
All  was  well  the  next  day  when  he  sobered  up.93 

A  more  serious  and  near-fatal  shooting  erupted  when 
Fred  Habig,  an  eccentric  homesteader  from  London  Flats, 
accused  Wilde  of  short-changing  him  for  a  check  Habig 
cashed.  The  disagreement  turned  violent  when  Wilde  beat 


There  were  instances 
when  the  rowdiness  turned 
dangerous. 


up  the  smaller  man.  Undeterred,  Habig  returned  with  a 
gun  and  shot  Wilde  three  times.  Habig  was  immediately 
arrested  by  Tom  Snow,  who  with  Hunton's  assistance, 
handcuffed  Wilde's  assailant  and  put  him  in  Hunton's 
office  for  safekeeping  until  he  could  be  transported  to 
the  jail  at  Wheatland.  Although  Wilde's  condition  was 
initially  diagnosed  "as  a  bad  case,"  he  eventually  sur- 
vived his  wounds.  Habig  was  tried  on  a  charge  of  insan- 
ity. He  was  acquitted  and  returned  to  his  farm.94 

The  Wilde  establishment  con- 
tinued to  be  a  center  of  local  so- 
ciety and  recreation  well  into  the 
twentieth  century.  Activities  var- 
ied little,  except  that  the  dances 
in  later  years  were  more  sub- 
dued. Ranchers  and  homestead- 
ers availed  themselves  of  the  store  and  saloon  until  about 
1910,  when  Wilde  discontinued  that  part  of  his  operation. 
For  some  years  after  the  arrival  of  the  railroad,  the  Wilde 
hotel  served  passengers  who  detrained  at  New  Fort 
Laramie.  The  hotel  and  dance  hall  were  closed  in  1917, 
when  Joe  Wilde  sold  the  property  to  retire  in  Lingle."5 


Churches 

No  evidence  exists  to  suggest  that  churches  made 
an  attempt  to  establish  formal  religious  services 
in  the  area  for  a  number  of  years  after  the  army 
left  Fort  Laramie.  Only  in  1 897  did  Hunton  note  that  "Mr. 
Snooks  preached  in  [the]  school  room  and  took  some 
clocks  to  repair."96  No  doubt,  this  was  in  Old  Bedlam. 
While  Snooks  may  have  been  an  itinerant  minister,  a  Rev- 
erend Wind  [or  Wynd],  who  preached  at  the  Wilde  dance 
hall,  was  circuit  rider  from  the  cow  town  of  Uva,  Wyo- 
ming. By  1 899,  when  the  Rev.  E.  H.  J.  Walther  began 


88  Hunton  to  William  E.  Hawkins.  Farmington.  W.  Va..  December 
3,  1893,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection. 

89  Gompert  went  there  for  more  than  drinks.  In  1892  he  married  a 
German  girl.  Elizabeth  Haubruk,  who  worked  for  the  Wildes. 
Gompert  interview. 

90  McDermott  and  Sheire,  "1874  Cavalry  Barracks,"  39. 

91  Hunton  to  Blanche  Hunton.  December  19,  1893.  Hunton  Let- 
ters. Mattes  Collection. 

92  Hunton  to  John  S.  Fant,  Cordora.  Va..  April  10.  1892.  Hunton 
Letters.  Mattes  Collection. 

93  The  date  of  this  incident  is  not  recorded.  This  may  have  been  the 
same  Corey  who  purchased  and  lived  in  the  Old  Guardhouse  for  a 
time  in  the  1890s.  Bob  Walsh  interview,  McDermott  File. 

94  Entry  June  14,  1897.  Hunton  Diary;  Hunton  to  Editor,  Wyo- 
ming Tribune,  June  25.  1897.  Hunton  Letters.  Mattes  Collection; 
wind  Pudding  and  Rabbit  Tracks,  I,  22. 

95  McDermott  and  Sheire,  "1874  Cavalry  Barracks,"  4 1 ;  Entry  April 
11.  1901.  Hunton  Diary. 

96  Entry  January  10.  1897.  Hunton  Diary. 


Autumn  2001 


59 


making  rather  frequent  visits  to  Fort  Laramie,  John 
Hunton  provided  a  more  suitable  meeting  place  in  Bed- 
lam and  rented  him  rooms  in  the  Surgeon's  Quarters.97 

The  quality  of  such  ministers  may  be  reflected  in 
Hunton's  opinion  that  he  "hasn't  as  much  sense  and 
worse  manners  than  a  Jay  bird."08  The  denominations 
with  which  these  ministers  were  connected  has  not  been 
determined,  but  it  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  they  deliv- 
ered theologically  indistinct  services  to  those  who  at- 
tended. This  would  have  been  a  common  practice  in 
under-populated  areas  of  the  West." 

Contrasting  the  raucous  dances  at  the  Wilde  place,  fu- 
nerals also  were  social  events.  The  military  cemetery 
north  of  the  post  logically  became  the  burial  ground  used 
by  civilians  who  settled  in  the  area.  Consequently,  when 
word  of  a  death  spread,  it  was  an  excuse  for  people  to 
gather  from  miles  around.  In  the 
early  days,  one  of  the  local  residents 
assumed  the  preacher's  role  by 
reading  passages  from  the  Bible, 
but  by  the  turn  of  the  century,  min- 
isters were  available  to  come  from 
other  towns.100  When  Hunton's 
friend  and  hired  man,  William  E. 
Hawkins,  died  in  May  1 895,  Hunton 
placed  the  body  on  ice  at  the  va- 
cant custodian's  house,  then  traveled  all  the  way  to  Chey- 
enne to  have  a  coffin  built.  He  returned  two  days  later  to 
find  that  a  sizable  crowd  had  assembled,  but  were  so 
involved  with  visiting  that  no  one  had  remembered  to  dig 
the  grave.  Even  though  the  funeral  had  to  be  delayed 
another  day,  no  one  seemed  to  mind.  In  the  interim,  they 
took  the  opportunity  to  hold  the  school  board  election, 
since  the  district  residents  were  there  anyway.  Next  day, 
the  crowd  gathered  to  hear  Anthony  Wilde,  Joe's  father, 
read  the  service  over  Hawkins's  grave,  located  "in  the 
center  of  the  cemetery."101 


He  returned  two  days  later 
to  find  that  a  sizable  crowd 
had  assembled,  but  were  so 
involved  with  visiting  that  no 
one  had  remembered  to  dig 
the  grave. 


Holidays 


The  army  invariably  celebrated  the  major  holi- 
days throughout  the  year,  but  that  changed  af- 
ter the  Seventh  Infantry  went  to  Fort  Logan. 
Independence  Day  had  traditionally  been  observed  by 
the  suspension  of  all  but  essential  duties  for  the  entire 
garrison.  Army  regulations  required  that  a  national  sa- 
lute be  fired  at  noon,  but  otherwise  the  day  was  celebrated 
with  much  heavy  drinking,  foot  and  horse  races,  and 
oftentimes  a  baseball  game. 

John  Hunton  had  witnessed  many  such  July  Fourths  at 
Fort  Laramie.  Suddenly,  it  was  all  a  memory.  There  was 
a  stillness  on  the  Laramie — no  rollicking  soldiers,  no  boom- 
ing cannon,  no  baseball — nothing.  Still,  Hunton  reasoned, 


it  was  a  government  reservation  and  it  seemed  a  shame 
to  let  the  day  pass  without  some  sort  of  acknowledg- 
ment. Therefore,  just  at  sunrise  on  the  Fourth  of  July 
1 890,  ex-Confederate  soldier  John  Hunton  and  Union 
Army  veteran  John  Crawford  together  raised  the  colors 
over  the  deserted  fort  in  humble  tribute  to  the  nation's 
independence.  Otherwise,  he  wrote,  it  was  "quite  a  dull 
Fourth..  .  few  people  here.  One  of  Blocker's  herds 
passed...  "1W  The  next  year  was  equally  dismal. 

Everywhere  on  the  American  frontier,  it  was  obliga- 
tory to  celebrate  the  Fourth  of  July  in  some  manner.  The 
establishment  of  Joe  Wilde's  saloon  and  dance  hall  made 
a  significant  difference  in  social  life  at  Fort  Laramie  by 
1892.  Hunton  noted,  "quite  a  few  people  [were]  in  the 
Post.  Everything  very  quiet.  Some  horse  racing...  Dance 
at  Wildes."103  Thus,  a  new  tradition  was  built  on  the  foun- 
dation of  the  old. 

Once  again,  Independence  Day 
became  a  time  for  folks  to  gather 
at  the  fort  for  a  simple,  yet  enjoy- 
able time  visiting,  playing  cards, 
fishing,  drinking,  and  eating.  One 
can  imagine  that  the  cool  waters 
of  the  Laramie  enticed  many 
young  swimmers.  "Hot  dry," 
Hunton  wrote  in  1 893,  "celebrat- 
ing all  day."104  Of  course,  the  Wilde  dance  in  the  evening 
continued  to  be  the  centerpiece  around  which  everything 
else  revolved. 

97  Entries  March  19,  April  2,  and  July  11.  1899,  Hunton  Diary; 
Hunton  to  the  Rev.  E.  H.  J.  Waither,  June  6.  1899,  Hunton  Letters. 
Mattes  Collection.  Hunton  noted  that  services  continued  to  be  held, 
at  least  occasionally,  at  the  dance  hall.  Entry  July  21.  1901.  Hunton 
Diary. 

98  Entry  July  16,  1899.  Hunton  Diary. 

99  Ferenc  Morton  Szasz,  The  Protestant  Clergy  in  the  Great  Plains 
and  Mountain  West,  1865-1915  (Albuquerque:  University  of  New 
Mexico  Press,  1988).  91-98. 

100  When  Mrs.  Neitfeldt  died  on  July  17.  1901,  a  Preacher  Wynd 
was  summoned  from  Uva,  Wyoming.  Entries  July  17.  18.  19.  1901, 
Hunton  Diary. 

101  Entries  May  4,  5.  6.  7.  1895.  Hunton  Diary:  Hunton  to  Blanche 
Hunton.  May  1 1.  1895,  Hunton  Letters,  Mattes  Collection.  Hawkins 
died  in  one  of  the  bedrooms  of  the  Burt  House  on  May  4.  1895. 
Despite  Hawkins's  dying  statement  about  having  been  kicked  by  a 
horse,  Hunton's  diary  notations  suggest  that  he  suspected  foul  play 
in  the  death.  Hunton  to  Blanche.  May  2,  1895.  Hunton  Letters. 
Mattes  Collection;  Entry  May  9.  1895.  Hunton  Diary.  The  grave- 
stones of  both  Hawkins  and  David  Lewis,  who  froze  to  death  in 
January  1 895.  are  fashioned  from  blank  government  stones,  probably 
left  behind  by  the  army.  These  individuals  were  the  first  recorded 
burials  in  the  cemetery  in  the  post-military  era.  Entry  January  17, 
1895.  Hunton  Diary. 

102  Entry  July  4,  1890,  Hunton  Diary. 
m  Entry  July  4,  1892,  Hunton  Diary. 
104  Entry  July  4,  1893,  Hunton  Diary. 


40 


Annals  or  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Some  years,  though,  events  at  neighboring  communi- 
ties competed  with  Fort  Laramie,  such  as  in  1 897  when 
Hunton  began  the  day  with  a  "big  chicken  killing  and  pie- 
baking  for  the  4th  Pic-Nic  at  Uva."105  Some  500  people 
attended  that  celebration.  Nevertheless,  by  the  end  of 
the  1890s,  picnicking  at  Fort  Laramie  on  the  Fourth  was 
a  firmly-established  tradition.  Because  people  had  to  travel 
so  far  by  horse  or  wagon,  most  stayed  for  two  or  even 
three  days.  In  1901,  Hunton  recorded  that  a  large  crowd 
had  again  congregated,  "from  all  the  surrounding  coun- 
try and  all  seemed  to  enjoy  themselves.  I  drank  too  much 
and  got  quite  drunk  after  night.'"106 

Neither  did  Joe  and  Mary  Wilde  fail  to  host  dances  to 
celebrate  Thanksgiving  and  Christmas.  When  weather 
permitted,  these  events  seem  to  have  been  even  more 
popular  for  rural  people  confined  to  small,  relatively  iso- 
lated cabins  for  what  must  have  been  excruciatingly  long 
winter  nights.  The  first  recorded  Thanksgiving  dance 
occurred  in  1891  but,  apparently,  nothing  of  note  hap- 
pened at  Christmas.  Taking  advantage  of  the  depend- 
ably beautiful  November  weather,  William  G.  Curtiss  ar- 
rived at  the  fort  the  day  before  Thanksgiving.  1 892,  with 
several  turkeys  for  a  community  rifle  match.  "Every- 
body took  holiday.  Shot  and  raffled  for  turkey...  Dance 
at  Wildes,  good  attendance.  They  had  nice  time.  Drank 
too  much  beer.  Sick."'07  Two  years  later,  the  turkeys  may 
have  been  safer  than  the  alcohol-imbibing  participants, 
when  there  was,  "some  shooting  for  turkeys  and  for 
Curtis.  Curtis  accidentally  shot  thru  outside  of  left  leg 
with  a  .22  rifle  in  the  hands  of  John  E.  Crawford.  Slight 
wound.  Dance  at  Wildes."108 

During  the  teens  and  twenties,  the  absence  of  the 
Wildes  clearly  affected  the  nature  of  the  July  Fourth  fes- 
tivities. Curtis  Root,  grandson  of  the  man  wounded  at  the 
turkey  shoot,  recalled  that  people  from  a  wide  area  would 
converge  on  the  fort  to  celebrate,  usually  right  in  front  of 
the  Cavalry  Barracks  in  the  shade  of  a  row  of  trees 


planted  by  Mary  Wilde  many  years  earlier.  He  added 
that  the  men  would  sometimes  organize  a  baseball  game 
and  political  speeches,  but  most  of  the  day  was  spent 
visiting  and  picnicking."109  Another  attendee  of  those 
times,  Inez  Moine,  remembered  that  the  day  included 
sack  races,  foot  races,  and  sometimes  a  school  band. 
One  year,  she  said,  the  government  sponsored  a  group  of 
Lakota  Indian  dancers  from  South  Dakota.  She  vividly 
recalled  that,  "The  whole  building  seemed  to  shake."110 
The  presence  of  both  whites  and  the  Lakotas  was  remi- 
niscent of  those  days  when  the  two  peoples  traded  and 
camped  at  Fort  Laramie  nearly  a  century  earlier. 

105  Entry  July  4.  Hunton  Diary,  1897. 

106  Entry  July  4,  Hunton  Diary,  1901. 

107  Entry  November  24.  Hunton  Diary.  1892. 

108  Entry  November  29.  Hunton  Diary,  1894. 

109  Curtiss  Root  interview. 

110  This  probably  occurred  at  the  1930  "Covered  Wagon  Centen- 
nial." Inez  Moine  interview. 


In  a  future  issue,  McChristian  will  describe 
the  preservation  efforts  culminating  in  creation 
of  the  present  Fort  Laramie  National  Historic 
Site. 


Douglas  C.  McChristian  is  research  histo- 
rian, Intermountain  Region,  National  Park 
Service.  This  the  second  in  a  three-part  story 
on  Fort  Laramie  activities  after  the  depar- 
ture of  the  army  from  the  fort  in  1890.  The 
first  installment  appeared  in  Annals  of  Wyo- 
ming 73  (Summer  2001). 


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Looking  West. 

By  John  D.  Dorst.  Philadelphia:  University  of  Pennsylvania 
Press,  1999.  248pp.  lllus.,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth,  $45;  pa- 
per, $19.95. 

Reviewed  by  Christina  Rabe  Seger,  University  of  Arizona 

John  Dorst.  a  folklorist  and  a  professor  of  American  Studies 
at  the  University  of  Wyoming,  pulls  together  an  impressive 
assemblage  of  topics  into  an  engaging  analysis  of  visual  dis- 
course, or  patterns  of  seeing,  in  the  American  West.  The  ma- 
jority of  his  examples  come  from  his  observations  in  Wyoming. 
By  carefully  examining  such  disparate  subjects  as  jokes  about 
western  distances,  legends  about  swimming  rattlesnakes,  yard 
displays  of  old  farm  equipment,  living  history  demonstrations 
at  Fort  Laramie,  and  a  photograph  of  Buffalo  Bill  Cody  and 
Sitting  Bull,  Dorst  dispels  the  assumption  that  the  twentieth 
century  pattern  of  seeing  has  been  a  simple  separation  of  sub- 
ject and  object,  a  neutral  single  observer  looking  out  at  an 
unchanging  exterior  landscape. 

Instead,  the  visual  discourse  of  "looking  West"  is  a  complex 
interplay  of  the  subject  and  object.  In  an  ever-evoking  circular 
fashion,  the  spectator  may  become  the  spectacle,  or  the  object 
of  looking,  and  the  individuals  or  institutions  that  produce 
these  discourses  become  inseparable  from  the  acts  of  looking. 
It  is  a  deceptive  and  ambiguous  visual  landscape,  where  dis- 
tances may  seem  much  farther  or  closer  than  expected  in  an 
exchange  of  visual  clarity  and  misperception.  The  author  ex- 
amines the  multiplicity  of  viewing  positions  found  in  the  char- 
acters of  Owen  Wister's  western  fictional  classic,  The  Virgin- 
ian, and  argues  that  this  work  is  an  important  manifestation,  if 
not  source,  of  modern  Western  way  of  looking. 

Other  examples  in  the  book  further  elaborate  on  his  main 
points.  Examining  middle-class  tourists,  Dorst  shows  that  vi- 
sual constructions  are  indistinguishable  from  modern  consumer 
culture.  Visual  display  arrangements  also  allow  for  the  addi- 
tion of  ideological  narratives.  The  Wyoming  Territorial  Prison 
and  Old  West  Park  is  not  only  a  complex  visual  experience  but 
also  a  lesson  in  middle-class  male  morality.  Recent  conflicts 
between  rock  climbers  and  Native  American  religious  practi- 
tioners at  Devils  Tower  National  Monument  illustrate  not  only 
the  existence  of  independent  and  competing  "gazes"  on  the 
same  object  but  how  these  conflicts  become  spectacles  in  them- 
selves, bluffing  object  and  subject. 

The  author  relies  on  the  specialized  vocabulary  and  ideas  of 
American  Studies,  which  may  frustrate  readers  unfamiliar  with 
the  field.  For  those  who  may  have  trouble  following  cultural 
theory,  Dorst  frequently  summarizes  and  restates  his  argu- 
ments. Others  may  not  approve  of  his  thematic  rather  than 
chronological  order  of  subject  matter  plus  his  own  declared 


reluctance  to  show  relationships  between  cause  and  effect.  In 
the  end,  however,  this  is  his  point.  Discourses  are  fluid  and 
difficult  to  trace  by  a  clear  evolution.  They  are  identified  by 
examining  and  comparing  a  variety  of  texts. 

Believing  that  visual  complexity  is  a  greater  American  cul- 
tural phenomenon  beyond  a  specific  geographical  area,  Dorst 
did  not  set  out  to  create  a  work  about  the  West  as  region.  But 
the  West  has  long  been  identified  through  visual  images,  and 
the  author  agrees  that  the  open  landscape  and  wide  vistas 
make  the  perfect  stage  for  elaborate  visual  construction.  The 
work,  then,  is  a  valuable  addition  to  the  ongoing  debate  over 
defining  the  American  West.  He  reminds  us  that  the  subtlest 
messages  found  in  an  expression  or  joke  may  offer  the  greatest 
meaning.  One  will  never  look  at  the  West  the  same  again  after 
reading  this  work. 


General  William  S.  Harney,  Prince  of  Dragoons. 

By  George  Rollie  Adams.  Lincoln:  University  of  Nebraska 
Press,  2001. xix  +  389 pages.  Illus.,  maps,  notes,  bib.,  index. 
Cloth,  $50. 

Reviewed  by  Thomas  R.  Buecker,  Fort  Robinson  Museum 

Over  the  years,  biographies  of  many  army  officers  who  played 
significant  roles  in  western  history  have  been  published. 
George  Adams  provides  us  with  a  useful  and  informative  biog- 
raphy of  an  overlooked  officer,  William  S.  Harney.  Harney  had 
a  colorful  if  not  controversial  career  and  is  an  important  figure 
in  the  study  of  our  national  and  western  history. 

Adams  begins  his  work  with  Harney's  Tennessee  back- 
ground, which  set  the  stage  for  his  military  career.  Following 
the  lead  of  his  father  and  brother,  he  entered  the  army  and  was 
appointed  a  second  lieutenant  in  1818  at  the  age  of  eighteen. 
Although  Harney  kept  no  journal  and  few  personal  papers, 
Adams  skillfully  traces  his  life  and  times,  supplementing  sur- 
viving family  papers  with  official  reports  and  correspondence. 
In  the  pre-Civil  War  years  Harney  seemingly  did  it  all.  He  was 
part  of  the  1825  Atkinson  expedition  up  the  Missouri  River 
and  served  in  the  Black  Hawk  War,  several  Seminole  wars,  and 
the  Mexican  War,  in  addition  to  staff  assignments.  In  the  field 
he  was  an  innovative  commander.  The  methods  of  river  war- 
fare he  used  against  the  Seminoles  were  similar  to  those  em- 
ployed in  the  Vietnam  War.  Through  those  duties  and  cam- 
paigns, he  rose  through  the  commissioned  ranks  and  achieved 
the  rank  of  brigadier  general  in  1 858. 

But,  as  the  author  points  out  throughout  the  book,  the  road 
was  rocky.  While  remembered  as  a  "bold,  dashing  officer"  (p. 
41),  Harney  was  a  strict  disciplinarian  who  openly  abused 
enlisted  men,  fought  with  fellow  officers,  beat  a  servant  to 
death,  and  had  an  unhappy  marriage. 


4.1 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


Of  particular  regional  interest  is  chapter  eight,  which  deals 
with  Harney's  role  in  the  upper  Plains.  Adams  describes  the 
1 855  Harney  Expedition,  a  direct  result  of  the  annihilation  of  Lt. 
John  Grattan  and  29  men  near  Fort  Laramie  in  1854.  In  the 
course  of  the  expedition,  Harney  inflicted  severe  punishment 
on  a  Brule  village  on  Blue  Water  Creek  in  western  Nebraska, 
explored  and  mapped  new  country,  established  new  army  posts, 
and  signed  treaties  with  the  Sioux  that  brought  a  period  of 
peace  to  the  upper  Plains.  Through  those  actions,  Harney 
gained  the  grudging  respect  of  Plains  tribes  that  they  remem- 
bered for  years.  At  the  time  there  were  few  army  officers  as 
familiar  with  native  peoples  as  he  was.  The  expedition  also 
proved  his  capacity  to  organize  and  lead  troops  effectively  in 
a  period  when  the  army  was  woefully  undermanned  and  poorly 
supplied  for  western  service. 

Although  Harney  brought  peace  to  the  Plains,  he  nearly 
brought  on  war  with  Great  Britain  in  northwestern  Washing- 
ton Territory.  His  tendency  for  impulsive  action  and  stubborn- 
ness after  he  made  a  decision  brought  the  United  States  to  the 
brink  of  armed  conflict  with  the  British  in  the  "pig  war"  of  1 859. 
Quickly  moved  to  another  command  in  St.  Louis,  Harney  sought 
to  maintain  order  there  and  keep  Missouri  in  the  Union.  Unfor- 
tunately, misjudgment  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  there  and 
his  questioned  loyalty  to  the  Federal  government  resulted  in  a 
forced  retirement  in  1863  that  ended  his  45-year  career  in  the 
U.S.  Army.  In  postwar  years,  Harney  was  called  upon  to  help 
negotiate  treaties  with  western  tribes. 

This  is  a  very  interesting  book.  As  the  author  follows  Will- 
iam S.  Harney's  long  career,  the  reader  is  exposed  to  little  known 
military  conflicts  and  activities.  Adams  presents  Harney  as  he 
was:  a  quick-tempered,  foul-mouthed,  arrogant  person  who 
was  courageous  in  battle  and  capable  of  effective  command. 
This  book  is  a  welcome  addition  to  the  study  of  American  and 
western  military  history. 


Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and  Johnson 
Administrations,  1961-1969. 

By  Thomas  Clarkin.  Albuquerque:  University  of  New  Mexico 
Press,  2001.  xv  +  376  pp.  lllus.,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth, 
$34.95. 

Reviewed  by  Christopher  K.  Riggs,  Lewis-Clark  St.  College 

In  1986,  the  University  of  New  Mexico  Press  published 
Donald  L.  Fixico's  landmark  study  of  post- World  War  II  Indian 
Policy,  Termination  and  Relocation:  Federal  Indian  Policy, 
1945-1960.  Fifteen  years  later,  the  story  is  continued  in  Tho- 
mas Clarkin's  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and 
Johnson  Administrations,  1961-1969.  As  the  title  suggests, 
the  book  addresses  the  development  of  federal  Indian  policy 
during  the  presidencies  of  John  F.  Kennedy  and  Lyndon  B. 
Johnson. 

Clarkin,  a  historian,  examines  a  fundamental  policy  shift.  That 
shift  ended  termination,  which  sought  to  assimilate  Native 
Americans  by  removing  the  tribes'  unique  legal  status  and 
abolishing  special  federal  services  for  Indians,  and  empha- 
sized self-determination,  which  sought  to  preserve  distinctive 


Native  societies  by  promoting  treaty  rights  and  self-govern- 
ment. While  some  aspects  of  the  work  will  likely  provoke 
debate,  the  book  has  a  lot  to  offer. 

Clarkin  covers  a  wide  range  of  topics.  The  first  chapter  ex- 
amines Indian  policy  in  the  1950s  and  early  1960s.  The  second 
chapter  focuses  exclusively  on  the  Kennedy  years.  Clarkin 
points  out  that  while  Native  Americans  secured  greater  access 
to  social  and  economic  development  programs,  Kennedy  did 
little  to  challenge  pro-termination  sentiment  within  Congress. 
In  fact,  the  president's  failure  to  block  the  construction  of  the 
Kinzua  Dam,  which  flooded  thousands  of  acres  on  the  Seneca 
Indian  reservation,  constituted  a  significant  violation  of  treaty 
rights. 

The  remaining  chapters  deal  with  the  Johnson  years.  Key 
topics  include  the  War  on  Poverty,  bureaucratic  conflicts  be- 
tween Interior  Secretary  Stewart  Udall  and  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  Philleo  Nash  (1961-1966),  the  development  of 
legislation  (only  some  of  which  became  law),  and  Johnson's 
1968  Special  Message  on  American  Indians.  Clarkin  is  some- 
what more  sympathetic  to  Johnson  than  he  is  to  Kennedy. 
Nevertheless,  the  author  recognizes  that,  ultimately,  the  record 
is  mixed.  For  example,  he  rightly  credits  Robert  L.  Bennett 
(Oneida),  Commissioner  on  Indian  Affairs  from  1 966- 1 969,  and 
the  War  on  Poverty  for  advancing  the  cause  of  self-determina- 
tion. At  the  same  time,  the  author  acknowledges  that  poverty 
in  Indian  Country  remained  pervasive  and  that  structured  Na- 
tive American  input  into  the  policymaking  process  was  still 
quite  limited  throughout  much  of  the  Johnson  administration. 
In  fact,  the  process  by  which  Native  American  won  greater 
influence  over  the  development  of  policies  and  laws  affecting 
them  constitutes  a  key  theme  of  the  work. 

Along  with  its  breadth,  Clarkin's  book  is  praiseworthy  in 
other  ways,  too.  The  writing  is  clear  and  concise.  The  re- 
search is  impressive.  The  author  consulted  manuscript  collec- 
tions at  no  fewer  than  1 8  archives  nationwide,  made  extensive 
use  of  government  documents  and  secondary  sources,  and 
drew  upon  about  20  oral  histories.  The  selection  of  photo- 
graphs is  excellent. 

Admittedly,  readers  may  take  issue  with  some  of  the  author's 
interpretations  and  his  decisions  about  what  not  to  include. 
There  is  virtually  no  discussion,  for  example,  about  federal 
responses  to  the  fishing  rights  protests  in  the  Pacific  North- 
west. One  could  disagree  as  well  with  the  author's  argument 
that  Udall  thought  termination  should  be  the  long-term  goal  of 
Indian  policy.  Given  the  complexity  and  diversity  of  Native 
American  affairs  in  the  1960s,  however,  no  author  could  have 
covered  every  important  issue  or  offered  interpretations  to 
satisfy  every  reader.  That  Clarkin  covers  as  much  as  he  does 
as  thoughtfully  and  as  clearly  as  he  does,  is  a  testament  to  his 
considerable  ability  as  a  scholar  and  a  writer. 

Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and  Johnson  Admin- 
istrations is  first-rate.  It  is  a  model  of  Indian  policy  studies. 
Anyone  interested  in  recent  native  American  history,  1960s 
politics,  or  policy-making  should  read  it. 


2002  Wyoming  Historical  Calendar,  $5.95 
Buy  from  your  local  WSHS  Chapter. 


Autumn  2001 


4  5 


Noble,  Wretched  and  Redeemable:  Protestant 
Missionaries  to  the  Indians  in  Canada  and  the 
United  States,  1820-1900. 

By  C.  L.  Higham.  Albuquerque:  University  of  New  Mexico 
Press,  2000.  320  pp.  Illus.,  maps,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth, 
$34.95. 

Reviewed  by  Mark  S.  Joy,  Jamestown  College 

By  examining  three  distinct  periods  within  the  overall  time 
frame  of  1820-1900,  C.  L.  Higham  compares  the  attitudes  of 
missionaries  from  the  United  States  and  Canada  toward  Ameri- 
can Indians.  These  comparisons  are  an  important  contribu- 
tion, even  thought  the  author's  ultimate  conclusion  that  the 
differences  between  Canadian  and  U.S.  missionaries  were  not 
as  great  as  one  might  imagine. 

This  book  is  solidly  based  on  primary  source  research. 
Higham  delved  into  the  papers  of  more  than  80  individual  mis- 
sionaries and  nine  different  missionary  agencies.  Higham's 
examination  of  how  some  missionaries  tried  to  develop  inde- 
pendent means  of  support  when  their  sending  agencies  cut 
funding  provides  a  rare  look  at  a  largely  ignored  aspect  of 
mission  history.  His  examination  of  the  writing  and  lecturing 
careers  of  missionaries  such  as  Egerton  Ryerson  Young  and 
William  Duncan  is  informative,  as  is  his  coverage  of  the  ties 
that  some  missionaries  developed  with  secular  universities 
and  learned  societies. 

Higham  argues  that  many  missionaries,  over  the  course  of 
their  careers,  viewed  the  Indians  in  each  of  the  ways  indicated 
in  his  title  -  as  noble,  wretched,  and  redeemable.  Many  mis- 
sionaries went  to  the  mission  field  expecting  to  meet  the  "noble 
savage."  Many  of  the  Indians  they  actually  met,  however, 
were  seen  as  wretched  and  degraded,  in  part,  the  missionaries 
thought,  because  of  interaction  with  the  "bad  sort"  of  whites 
on  the  frontier.  Finally,  however,  among  actual  and  potential 
converts,  they  found  the  "redeemable"  savage.  While  this 
three-fold  approach  bears  some  merit,  is  it  not  likely  that  many 
missionaries  saw  different  groups  of  Indians  in  various  ways, 
all  at  the  same  point  in  time?  Would  not  many  missionaries,  for 
example,  have  viewed  a  converted  Indian  as  both  "noble"  and 
redeemed,  while  those  that  refused  to  convert  were  still  seen 
as  "wretched"? 

Regrettably,  while  Higham  amply  demonstrates  that  the  mis- 
sionaries often  viewed  the  Indians  in  such  stereotypical  cat- 
egories, he  often  reverts  to  current  stereotypes  in  his  descrip- 
tions of  missionaries.  Early  mission  histories  were  often  writ- 
ten in  a  hagiographic  fashion  that  was  badly  in  need  of  objec- 
tive revision.  More  recent  studies  often  have  a  more  negative 
view  of  missions  and  missionaries.  However,  it  does  little  good 
to  simply  replace  one  set  of  stereotypes  with  another,  but 
Higham  appears  to  do  just  that  in  some  cases.  This  leads  him 
to  make  some  extreme  unqualified  statements.  For  example,  he 
contends  that  the  American  Indian  mission  field  was  used  as  a 
"dumping  ground"  by  mission  agencies  for  workers  that  could 
not  be  used  elsewhere  (p.  105).  True,  perhaps,  but  were  there 
no  missionaries  who  felt  a  particular  "call"  to  Indian  missions 
and  never  desired  to  go  elsewhere?  He  also  suggests  that  the 
missionaries  taught  the  Indians  simple,  repetitive  songs  be- 


cause they  believed  that  the  Indians  existed  "in  a  childlike 
state,"  and  that  these  songs  stressed  behavior  rather  than 
theology,  "implying  that  theology  remained  beyond  the  grasp 
of  the  Indians'  intelligence"  (p.  68).  Again,  probably  true  in 
some  cases,  but  even  today  simple,  repetitive  gospel  songs 
are  sung  in  thousands  of  congregations  throughout 
Christendom.  Finally,  he  notes  that  Christian  missionaries  re- 
ferred to  non-Christian  natives  as  "sheep,"  thus  contributing 
to  the  development  of  an  image  of  the  "animalistic,  exotic  In- 
dian" (p.  152).  Is  Higham  really  unaware  of  the  long  use  of  the 
metaphor  of  sheep  and  shepherd  in  Christian  thought? 

While  one  could  do  without  these  dismissive  criticisms  of 
the  missionaries,  this  book  remains  a  valuable  work  because  of 
its  unique  comparative  approach.  It  will  be  found  useful  for 
students  of  Indian-white  relations,  the  history  of  Christian  mis- 
sions and  scholars  doing  comparative  work  on  U.S.  and  Cana- 
dian history. 

Buffalo  Soldiers  and  Officers  of  the  Ninth  Cav- 
alry, 1867-1898:  Black  and  White  Together. 

By  Charles  L.  Kenner.  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 
1999.  384  pp.  Illus.,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth,  $26.95. 

Reviewed  by  Dennis  Mihelich,  Creighton  University 

Kenner,  a  retired  professor  of  history  at  Arkansas  State  Uni- 
versity, concentrates  on  the  Ninth  Cavalry,  one  of  four  regi- 
ments of  buffalo  soldiers,  "in  order  to  permit  a  more  in  depth 
exploration  of  the  records,"  and  because  "much  more  had  been 
written  about  the  Tenth  Cavalry."  His  analysis  consists  of  21 
vignettes  grouped  topically  into  five  parts.  The  officers  high- 
lighted include  "every  possible  type"  -  "heroes  and  charla- 
tans, the  ingenious  and  the  unbalanced,  racists  and  idealists . 
. . .  The  enlisted  men  singled  out  represent  all  degrees  of  com- 
petence." It  is  his  "hope  that  the  drama  of  their  lives  will 
confront  stale  stereotypes  with  fresh  facts."  He  cautions,  how- 
ever, that  since  "the  richest  sources  for  the  personal  lives  of 
buffalo  soldiers  are  the  proceedings  of  courts-marital,"  the 
history  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry  may  not  have  been  as  "turbulent" 
as  his  narrative  indicates.  Nonetheless,  turbulence  is  at  the 
heart  of  Kenner's  interpretation.  He  posits  a  chronology  in 
which  the  Ninth  Cavalry  began  its  existence  in  a  climate  of 
racist  rejection,  followed  by  a  middle  period  of  racial  harmony, 
that  eventually  was  "subverted  by  the  upsurge  of  intolerance 
at  the  turn  of  the  century." 

Part  I,  "The  Regiment  and  Its  Commander,"  consists  of  a 
socio-economic  profile  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry  and  a  biography 
of  Col.  Edward  Hatch.  Both  chapters  challenge  earlier  deni- 
grating portraits  of  the  unit  and  its  commanding  officer.  The 
regiment  was  far  more  competent  and  complex  than  earlier  rac- 
ist depictions  had  portrayed.  Kenner's  analysis  also  estab- 
lishes the  basic  themes  -  race  relations  between  white  officers 
and  the  black  enlisted,  competence  levels  of  officers  and  sol- 
diers, forms  of  discrimination  -  that  are  "revisited  during  the 
biographical  sketches  that  constitute  the  bulk  of  this  study." 
Furthermore,  he  argues  that  Hatch  is  "one  of  the  army's  most 
underrated  and  ignored  officers"  and  that  "obscurity  has  led 
to  belittlement."  In  contrast,  he  depicts  a  highly  capable  indi- 


44 


Annals  of  Wyoming:  The  Wyoming  History  Journal 


vidual  who  gave  a  stellar  performance  during  the  Civil  War, 
who  fairly  and  efficiently  commanded  the  Ninth  Cavalry  for  23 
years,  and  who  deserved  but  was  denied  a  star  because  he  did 
not  play  the  requisite  political  games. 

Part  II,  "Years  of  Crisis,'*  contains  five  sketches  covering  the 
years  1 866- 1881.  that  delineate  the  creation  of  negative  image 
for  the  Ninth  Cavalry,  the  attempts  to  eliminate  it,  and  the 
abuses  afflicted  on  the  buffalo  soldiers  by  racist  white  offic- 
ers. Part  III,  "Years  of  Glory,"  addresses  the  era  1879- 1891.  but 
includes  only  two  pieces.  The  first  chronicles  the  life  of  Major 
Guy  Henry,  a  white  officer  who  promoted  a  positive  image  of 
the  Ninth  Cavalry,  and  Captain  Charles  Parker,  "one  of  the 
most  gentlemanly  officers  in  the  history  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry." 
These  two  segments,  however,  do  not  firmly  establish  an  era 
of  "glory"  or  one  in  which  racism  abated  significantly.  This 
void  is  exacerbated  by  the  eclectic  Part  IV,  "Honor  and  Dis- 
honor," nine  stories  that  range  over  both  chronological  peri- 
ods that  seem  to  demonstrate  the  coexistence  of  "crisis"  and 
"glory."  The  contradiction  brings  into  question  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Part  V,  "Racism  Resurgent,"  three  tales  that  delineate 
the  debilitating  effects  of  renewed  racism  at  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 

Overall,  this  is  a  well-written  book  that  contributes  to  the 
history  of  the  buffalo  soldiers.  It  will  be  enjoyed  by  military. 
African  American,  and  Western  historians.  The  monograph 
definitely  belongs  on  the  shelves  of  high  school,  college,  and 
public  libraries. 


Tell  Them  We  Are  Going  Home:  The  Odyssey  of 
the  Northern  Cheyennes. 

By  John  H.  Monnett.  Norman:  University  of  Oklahoma  Press, 
2001.  288pp.  Mm.,  maps,  notes,  bib.,  index.  Cloth,  $27.95. 

Reviewed  by  Larry  C.  Skogen,  New  Mexico  Military  lust. 

Stories  about  the  forced  relocation  of  Native  Americans  from 
ancestral  lands  to  areas  more  remote  from  white  civilization  or 
to  exert  better  military  control  over  their  free  spirits  are  heart 
wrenching.  Such  sagas  include  the  Long  Walk  of  the  Navajo, 
the  Cherokees*  Trail  of  Tears,  the  relocation  of  Standing  Bear 
and  his  Poncas  to  Indian  Territory,  and  the  flight  of  the  North- 
ern Cheyenne  from  Indian  Territory  toward  their  ancestral  home. 

In  Tell  Them  We  Are  Gong  Home  historian  John  H.  Monnett 
recounts  what  he  calls  the  "odyssey"  of  the  Northern  Chey- 
ennes beginning  with  their  departure  from  Indian  Territory  and 
ending  with  the  death  in  1 954  of  the  trek's  last  survivor,  Little 
Wolfs  daughter.  Included  in  this  odyssey  are  the  intolerable 
conditions  suffered  by  the  Northern  Cheyennes  in  Indian  Ter- 
ritory; the  flight  from  there;  battles  with  pursuing  soldiers; 
depredations  visited  upon  settlers  lying  in  the  path  of  the 
determined  and  desperate  Indians;  the  "outbreak"-a  term 
Monnett  avoids  -  by  Dull  Knife's  people  from  a  barracks  prison 
at  Fort  Robinson,  Nebraska;  the  eventual  capture  and  subse- 
quent trial  of  some  of  the  Cheyennes  for  "crimes"  committed 
during  the  flight;  and  the  aftermath  of  it  all. 

Monnett  takes  great  pains  to  offer  a  balanced  view  of  this 
whole  episode.  "Indeed,"  he  writes,  "emphasis  on  race  and 
class  in  recent  decades  has  perpetuated  a  myth  that  frontier 


societies  were  either  all  good  or  all  bad"  (p.  xvi).  Rather, 
Monnett  demonstrates  that  suffering  occurred  among  settlers 
and  soldiers,  as  well  as  the  Cheyennes.  However,  given  the 
circumstances  of  the  Northern  Cheyennes'  flight  from  virtual 
imprisonment  in  Indian  Territory,  one  wonders  if  he  is  not  too 
charitable  with  the  pursuing  soldiers,  or  the  guards  at  Fort 
Robinson,  where,  as  Robert  Utley  has  written.  Dull  Knife's 
people  carried  out  "a  suicidal  attempt  at  escape  in  which  sol- 
diers gunned  down  fleeing,  unarmed  Indians."  Disagreement 
with  interpretation,  however,  should  not  cause  one  to  be  overly 
critical  of  this  compendium  of  the  Northern  Cheyennes'  trek. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  shortcomings  to  this  book. 
From  an  historian's  perspective.  I  double  that  the  settler  viewed 
the  Indian  raiders  as  "savage  terrorists  loose  in  their  land"  (p. 
80).  "Savages"  probably,  but  certainly  not  "terrorists,"  an 
anachronism  when  applied  to  nineteenth  century  America.  As 
well,  the  conclusion  "[t]hat  the  actual  perpetrators  of  the  crimes 
committed  against  defenseless  civilians  went  unpunished  . . . 
is  certain"  (when  the  Kansas  court  "had  not  hanged"  North- 
ern Cheyenne  raiders  [p.  183])  is  inconsistent  with  court  deci- 
sions about  such  acts  of  violence.  In  ruling  upon  the  Ameri- 
can Indian  nations'  right  to  wage  war,  the  United  States  Court 
of  Claims  asserted,  "When  war  comes,  it  becomes  lawful  to  kill, 
capture,  and  destroy."  Under  the  rules  of  war,  as  repeatedly 
recognized  by  federal  courts,  an  appeal  of  any  conviction  by  a 
state  court  would  have  resulted  in  the  determination  that  the 
fleeing  Northern  Cheyennes  were  waging  war  and  were,  there- 
fore, unaccountable  for  their  actions  -  despite  Congress's  pay- 
ment by  appropriation  of  a  number  of  depredation  claims  filed 
by  Kansans  against  the  fleeing  Indians. 

Regarding  the  appropriation,  Monnett  concludes,  "Until  the 
courts  overturned  the  practice,  federal  Indian  depredation 
claims  were  paid  out  of  tribal  appropriations . . ."  (p.  186).  The 
reality  is  that  most  depredations  were  not  paid  out  of  tribal 
funds,  even  when  so  directed  by  Congress.  Monnett  based 
his  erroneous  conclusion  about  the  payment  of  such  claims 
on  a  study  that  is  three  decades  old,  instead  of  referencing 
more  recent  scholarship  on  the  subject. 

None  of  these  inaccuracies  detract  substantially  from 
Monnett' s  book  as  a  resource  for  understanding  this  histori- 
cally important  event.  However,  what  is  most  disappointing 
about  this  work  is  the  copy-editing  that,  frankly,  makes  the 
book  a  frustrating  experience.  All  authors  dread  the  occa- 
sional typographical  error  that  places  an  event  in  the  wrong 
year  (sometimes  century),  or  makes  a  sentence  unintelligible. 
If  there  were  only  occasional  errors  in  this  book,  that  would  be 
forgivable.  A  plethora  of  such  errors,  though,  is  inexcusable, 
especially  for  such  a  reputable  university  press:  missing  let- 
ters in  words;  extra  words  in  sentences;  misplaced  modifiers; 
missing  quotation  marks;  misspelled  names;  incorrect  use  of 
plural  and  singular  possessives;  errors  on  a  table  and  a  map; 
and  so  forth,  run  rampant  through  the  text.  The  index  contains 
errors  as  well.  The  carelessness  so  obvious  in  the  book  will 
distract  readers  from  the  story. 

When  one  is  confronted  by  such  sloppy  work,  one  cannot 
help  but  question  whether  sloppiness  also  crept  into  the  re- 
search, interpretative  and  expository  stages  in  the  life  of  the 


Autumn  2001 

book.  Certainly  one  should  demand  more  of  the  tellers  of 
native  American  histories  and  the  presses  that  publish  them. 
In  this  case,  the  Northern  Cheyenne  people  deserve  better. 


World  War  II  and  the  American  Indian. 

By  Kenneth  William  Townsend.  Albuquerque:  University  of 
New  Mexico  Press,  2000.  272  pp.  lllus.,  notes,  bib.,  index. 
Cloth,  $35. 

Reviewed  by  David  A.  Walker,  University  of  Northern  Iowa 

A  theme  in  current  Native  American  history  is  summed  up  in 
the  following:  "we  are  still  here."  It  signifies  that  Indian  com- 
munities and  people  continue  to  play  a  significant  role  in  the 
nation's  history  and  culture,  well  beyond  the  period  of  west- 
ern warfare.  Kenneth  Townsend,  historian  at  Coastal  Carolina 
University,  demonstrates  that  Indian  men  and  women  were 
indeed  "here"  during  the  turmoil  of  World  War  II. 

Townsend  points  out  that  the  wartime  performance  of  8,000 
WWI  veterans  heightened  tribal  identity  and  instilled  a  pan- 
Indian  ethos  among  veterans.  For  many,  assimilation  meant 
survival.  Although  Commissioner  John  Collier  and  the  Indian 
Reorganization  Act  were  supported  by  a  majority  of  tribal  gov- 
ernments, Collier's  leadership  seemed  to  ignore  the  reality  that 
traditional  cultures  had  been  supplanted  by  the  reservation 
system.  Nazis  in  Europe  and  in  the  United  States  also  criti- 
cized Collier  and  the  IRA.  Although  identifying  Indians  as 
Aryans,  they  opposed  promotion  of  communal  values  and 
tribal  ownership.  In  a  very  interesting  chapter,  Townsend  de- 
picted the  hope  of  Germans  that  the  perceived  similarity  be- 
tween their  traditional  military  society  and  tribal  warrior  societ- 
ies would  encourage  widespread  reception  of  Nazi  ideology.  It 
became  clear,  however,  that  German  knowledge  about  Indians 
was  based  on  misunderstood,  outdated,  and  misinterpreted 
information  generated  by  writers  of  popular  fiction,  notably 
Karl  May. 

Many  native  people  saw  full  involvement  in  World  War  II  as 
an  important  step  toward  full  assimilation  and  as  their  patriotic 
duty.  Widespread  compliance  with  draft  registration,  a  high 
rate  of  enlistment,  and  the  support  Indian  inductees  received 
from  their  tribal  community  demonstrated  this.  The  promise  of 
specialized  training  valuable  in  postwar  civilian  life  was  an- 
other attraction.  Twenty-five  thousand  Indians  served  in  the 
armed  forces  during  the  war.  Yet  the  rate  of  enlistment  would 


Errata: 

In  the  summer  issue,  an  article  on  the  "La 
Cultura"  project  contained  an  error  in  the  spell- 
ing of  Dr.  Larry  Cardoso's  last  name.  We  re- 
gret the  error. 

The  name  of  author  Mary  Nielsen  was  spelled 
incorrectly  in  the  spring  issue.  We  regret  the 
error. 

The  postcard  on  the  cover  of  the  summer  is- 
sue is  held  in  the  editor's  personal  collection. 


45 
have  been  even  higher  with  improved  Indian  health  and  lit- 
eracy levels.  Federal  officials  had  to  convince  tribal  leaders 
that  racism  was  not  the  reason  so  many  were  refused  induc- 
tion. In  fact,  similar  to  WWI,  Indians  did  not  face  segregation 
in  separate  military  units,  the  experience  of  African  American 
service  personnel. 

Unfortunately,  many  government  officials  and  the  news  media 
"explained"  native  induction  rates  as  a  "latent  warrior  tradi- 
tion." Interior  Secretary  Harold  Ickes  noted  that  Indians  "pos- 
sessed inherited  talents .  . .  uniquely  valuable  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  war They  had  an  innate  endurance  and  rhythm  for 

combat."  As  a  result,  exploits  of  valor  focused  on  individuals 
like  Ira  Hayes,  Arizona  Pima  who  joined  fellow  Marines  in  rais- 
ing the  American  flag  on  Iwo  Jima,  and  nearly  400  Navajo 
"code  talkers." 

In  addition  to  military  service.  40.000  native  men  and  women 
found  employment  in  defense  industries.  The  experience  not 
only  provided  immediate  improvement  in  family  income,  but 
for  many  it  also  served  as  a  catalyst  for  assimilation.  For  vet- 
erans and  defense  workers,  alike,  wartime  experiences  marked 
a  life-changing  crossroads.  They  could  return  to  the  reserva- 
tion and  continue  tribal  revitalization  or  move  into  white,  mainly 
urban  society.  "The  war  generated  an  atmosphere  of  opti- 
mism, a  feeling  of  equality,  a  perception  of  opportunity  among 
Indians." 

Despite  feelings  of  inclusion  and  racial  equality,  returning 
veterans  faced  the  reality  of  limited  choices.  Even  though 
many  Indian  communities  experienced  cultural  revitalization, 
reservation  services  and  economies  had  deteriorated  during 
the  war.  The  author  concludes  somewhat  optimistically,  how- 
ever, that  Indians  who  moved  into  urban  areas  and  continued 
their  education  through  the  GI  Bill  found  social  acceptance. 
Regrettably,  Townsend  fails  to  develop  the  fact  that  not  all 
urban  Indians  found  a  positive  reception.  Many  faced  serious 
cultural  conflicts  and  continually  moved  back  and  forth  be- 
tween reservation  and  city. 

The  most  notable  deficiency  of  this  otherwise  excellent, 
highly  readable  narrative  based  on  a  wide  array  of  primary  and 
secondary  sources  is  an  extremely  weak  conclusion.  Despite 
this  minor  concern,  those  interested  in  a  multifaceted  study  of 
Native  participation  in  World  War  II  will  find  this  book  ex- 
tremely valuable,  proving  that  Indian  people  are  indeed  "still 
here." 


In  Coming  Issues: 

*  In  Search  of  John  Grey 

*A  Tale  of  Two  Sisters:  Pryor  and  Trischman 

in  Yellowstone  in  the  Best  and  Worst  of  Timet 
*The  Promotion  of  Yellowstone  National  Park 

by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
*Murdered  by  Madness:  The  Case  of  Geneva 

Collett 
*Fort  Laramie's  Bloody  Fourth  of  July 
and  more.... 


Recent  Acquisitions  in  the  Hebard  Collection,  UW  Libraries 

Compiled  by  Tamsen  L.  Hert,  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries 


The  Grace  Raymond  Hebard  Wyoming  Collection  is  a  branch 
of  the  University  of  Wyoming  Libraries  housed  in  the  Owen 
Wister  Western  Writers  Reading  Room  in  the  American  Heri- 
tage Center.  Primarily  a  research  collection,  the  core  of  this 
collection  is  Miss  Hebard's  personal  library  which  was  do- 
nated to  the  university  libraries.  Further  donations  have  been 
significant  in  the  development  of  this  collection.  While  it  is 
easy  to  identify  materials  about  Wyoming  published  by  na- 
tionally known  publishers,  it  can  be  difficult  to  locate  pertinent 
publications  printed  in  Wyoming.  The  Hebard  Collection  is 
considered  to  be  the  most  comprehensive  collection  on  Wyo- 
ming in  the  state. 

If  you  have  any  questions  about  these  materials  or  the  Hebard 
Collection,  you  can  contact  me  by  phone  at  307-766-6245;  by 
email,  thert@uwyo.edu  or  you  can  access  the  Hebard 
HomePage  at:  http://www.uwyo.edu/lib/heb.htm. 

Babcock,  Charlotte.  Shot  Down!  Capital  Crimes  of  Casper, 
Wyoming.  Glendo,  WY:  High  Plains  Press,  2000.  An  explo- 
ration into  the  early  criminal  history  of  Casper,  Wyoming. 

Blevins,  Bruce  H.  Big  Horn  County  Wyoming:  Facts  and 
Maps  Through  Time.  Powell,  WY:  WIM  Marketing,  2000. 

Blevins,  Bruce  H.  Wyoming-Montana  Border:  They  Fol- 
lowed the 45";  1879-1880.  Powell,  WY:  WIM  Marketing, 
200 1 .  An  edited  version  of  the  field  notes  of  Rollin  J.  Reeves, 
of  the  1879- 1880  boundary  survey. 

Brown,  Larry  K.  Petticoat  Prisoners  of  Old  Wyoming.  Glendo, 
WY:  High  Plains  Press,  2001.  This  is  Brown's  third  book 
concerning  "Wyoming's  Wicked  Ways."  He  relates  the 
stories  of  22  women  who  served  time  in  Wyoming's  prisons 
until  1909. 

Burton,  Eva  Potts  and  Virginia  R.  Wakefield.  Wyoming  Legacy: 
Little  Powder  River  School,  1923-1938.  Cheyenne,  WY: 
Anticipation  Press,  2000.  A  history  of  one  of  Wyoming's 
one-room  schools. 

Carlson,  Chip.  Tom  Horn  Blood  on  the  Moon:  Dark  History 
of  the  Murderous  Cattle  Detective.  Glendo,  WY:  High  Plains 
Press,  2001.  A  re-examination  of  this  legend  of  Wyoming. 

Chamberlin,  Agnes.  Edited  by  Jeannie  Cook  and  Joanita 
Monteith.  The  Cody  Club:  A  History  of  the  Cody  Country 
Chamber  of  Commerce.  Cody,  WY:  Yellowstone  Printing 
&  Design,  1 999.  This  is  an  expanded  and  revised  edition  of 
Chamberlin's  original  publication  which  covered  the  Club 
up  to  1940.  Cook  and  Monteith  provide  the  history  up  to 
1999.  Includes  numerous  illustrations  and  photographs. 

Drury,  George.  Union  Pacific  Across  Sherman  Hill:  Big 
Boys,  Challengers,  and  Streamliners.  Waukesha,  WI: 
Kalmbach  Publishing  Co.,  2000.  Primarily  photographs. 

Fox,  Wesley.  Union  Pacific:  Cheyenne  West,  Part  2.  Arvada, 
CO:  Fox  Publications,  2000. 


Hileman,  Levida.  In  Tar  and  Paint  and  Stone:  The  Inscrip- 
tions at  Independence  and  Devil's  Gate.  Glendo,  WY:  High 
Plains  Press,  2001.  Hileman  has  researched  not  only  the 
history  of  this  Oregon  Trail  landmark,  but  the  inscriptions 
as  well.  The  first  part  of  the  book  provides  background  on 
both  Independence  Rock  and  Devil's  Gate  while  the  second 
part  details  the  inscriptions. 

Huyler,  Jack.  ...and  That's  the  Way  It  Was  in  Jackson 's  Hole. 
Jackson,  WY:  Jackson  Hole  Historical  Society  and  Mu- 
seum, 2000.  Huyler  moved  to  Jackson's  Hole  in  1926.  In  this 
volume  he  shares  the  stories  and  tales  of  the  "old"  Jackson 
Hole. 

Mackey,  Mike.  Heart  Mountain:  Life  in  Wyoming's  Concen- 
tration Camp.  Powell,  WY:  Western  History  Publications, 
2000.  After  spending  the  last  eight  years  researching  Japa- 
nese internment.  Mackey  has  produced  an  informative  work 
on  the  Heart  Mountain  experience.  The  book  includes  ma- 
terial from  personal  interviews  with  nearly  40  former  intern- 
ees as  well  as  photographs  from  personal  and  institutional 
collections. 

Popovich,  Charles  W.  Sheridan  County  Schools,  A  History: 
With  Emphasis  on  the  Rural  Schools  of  Sheridan  County 
—  Easy  Reading — .  Sheridan,  WY:  the  author,  2001.  In- 
cludes information  on  over  100  schools  as  well  as  the  names 
of  the  teachers  of  those  schools  up  until  reorganization  in 
1971. 

Roberts,  Phil,  David  and  Steven.  Wyoming  Almanac.  5th  re- 
vised ed.  Laramie:  Skyline  West,  200 1 . 

Taylor,  Jeremy.  Powder  River  Coal  Trains.  Telford,  PA:  Sil- 
ver Brook  Junction  Publishing  Co.,  Inc.,  1997.  A  photo- 
graphic history  of  the  various  coal  trains  and  operations  in 
the  Powder  River  region. 

Turk,  Louise.  Sheep!  An  Autobiography  of  Louise  Turk, 
Woman  Sheepherder.  Raleigh,  NC:  Pentland  Press,  Inc., 
2001. 

Weidel,  Nancy.  Sheepwagon:  Home  on  the  Range.  Glendo, 
WY:  High  Plains  Press,  200 1 .  Weidel  provides  an  examina- 
tion of  the  generally  ignored  sheep  industry  and  details  of 
the  sheepherders  home,  the  sheepwagon.  Illustrated  and 
well-documented. 

Wolin,  Penny  Diane.  The  Jews  of  Wyoming:  Fringe  of  the 
Diaspora.  Cheyenne,  WY:  Crazy  Woman  Creek  Press,  2000. 
Using  interviews  and  numerous  black  and  white  photo- 
graphs, Penny  Wolin  has  compiled  a  history  of  the  Jewish 
population  in  Wyoming  covering  the  past  150  years. 

Woods,  Lawrence  M.  John  Clay  Jr.:  Commission  Man, 
Banker  and  Rancher.  Spokane,  WA:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark 
Company,  2001.  A  biography  of  the  "Dean  of  American 
Stockmen." 


1 

Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and 

Madison  Basin    18 

Schissler.  Andy    34 

1  ti  H  p^r 

Johnson  Administrations,    1961- 

Madison  River     17 

school  board,  Fort  Laramie    36 

JLJLiLlt'-A. 

1969,  by  Thomas  Clarkin,  reviewed, 

McChristian.  Douglas  C     20,  (bio,  40) 

school.  Fort  Laramie    36 

42 

McCoy  Creek     8 

school.  Fort  Laramie  (photo)    20 

Fields,  John    27,  28 

McCreery.  Alice  Richards    3 

school,  Torrington     26 

fishing    6 

McCreery,  Louis    3 

schools    35 

Volume  73,  #4 

flag  staff.  Fort  Laramie    27 

McCreery,  Lucia    3 

Schools,  Fort  Laramie    34 

Fort  D   A  Russell    26 

Melbourne.  Australia     19 

Seger,  Christina  Rabe.  reviewer  of  Looking 

Fort  Laramie  (town)    34.  38 

Mihelich.  Dennis,  reviewer  of  Buffalo 

West,  41 

Fort  Laramie  (town),  schools    36 

Soldiers  and  Officers  of  the  Ninth 

sheep,  no   in  Wyoming    29 

Fort  Laramie  bridges     26 

Cavalry.  186'- 1898:  Black  and  White 

Sherman,  "Ves"    21 

Adams,  George  Rollie,  General  William  S. 

Fort  Laramie  Ditch  Company    30 

Together,    43 

shooting    38 

Harney.  Prince  of  Dragoons,  reviewed 

Fort  Laramie  Military  Reservation    27 

Miner,  Tom    19 

Shoshone  Indians    6 

41 

Fort  Laramie  Station     30,  34 

ministers,  at  Fort  Laramie    39 

Six  Mile  Ranch    35 

Administration  Building    34 

Fort  Laramie  Wood  Reservation    29 

Moine,  Inez    40 

Skogen.  Larry  C  ,  reviewer  of  Tell  Them  We 

antelope    14,   15,   18 

"Fort  Laramie—After  the  Army    Part  11,  The 

Mondell.  Cong   Frank  W     28,  29,  31,  34 

Are  Going  Home,    44 

Badger,  Wyo      33 

Community."    20- 

Monnett,  John  H  ,  Tell  Them  We  Are  Going 

Smoky  Creek    8 

Ballard,  Dick  &  Tom   10,  11,   12 

Fourth  of  July    37,  39 

Home,  reviewed    44 

Snake  River    5,  6,  7,  8.    11.    14 

Ballard,  Tom    9 

Fremont,  Elkhom,  and  Missouri  Valley  line 

Montpelier,  Ida     5 

Snake  river    10,    14 

Bany,  Tom   6 

23 

Moose     16 

Snooks,  Rev     38 

Barometer    7 

Gallatin  City,  Mont    8 

Mormons    8 

Snow,  Tom    21,  38 

Bany,  Tom    14.   19 

Gallatin  River    19 

mosquitoes    6,  15,  16 

Soda  Springs,  Ida     7,  8 

baseball.  Fort  Laramie    40 

General  Land  Office    27,  28.  32 

Mt  Baird    1 1 

soldiers  bar    32 

bear     13 

General  William  S.  Harney,  Prince  of 

Mt  Hayden    11,   14 

Spragues     19 

bear,  cinnamon    5 

Dragoons,  by  George  Rollie  Adams. 

Mt   Pisgah    8.   1 1 

State  Engineer's  office    30 

black  bear    14 

reviewed,    41 

Mt   Richards    11 

Staunton  mine    8 

blacksmith  shop.  Fort  Laramie    32 

German  immigrants    31 

mountain  bison    17 

stud  poker    37 

Bland,  Dennis  D     4 

Gompert,  Jacob    38 

mountain  lion    13 

Sugar  Creek     13 

blizzard,  1886-87    21 

Goshen  Hole  district    31 

mules,  pack   5,  13,  18 

Surgeon's  Quarters     39 

Bogest,  -     19 

Government  Farm    37 

National  Cattle  Company     21 

survey.  Fort  Laramie    27 

Bordeaux    26,  32 

grasshoppers     19 

NCO  Quarters,  Fort  Laramie    28 

survey.  Western  boundary    4 

Bordeaux  Station    33 

Gray's  fork    8 

New  Guardhouse  (photo)    20 

"Surveying  the  Western  Boundary  of 

Bozeman,  Mont     5,  19 

Gray's  River    7,  9 

Nicholas  Nickelby    17 

Wyoming  The  Diary  of  William  A 

Buecker,  Thomas  R  ,  review  of  General 

grizzly  Bear     10 

Noble.   Wretched  and  Redeemable: 

Richards,  1873,"    2 

'v  '■                  William  S  Harney.  Prince  of 

Habig.  Fred    38 

Protestant  Missionaries  to  the 

Swan  Land  and  Cattle  Company     21 

,                 Dragoons.  41 

Hart,  Benjamin  A     22,  27.  28.  30.  32.  36 

Indians  in  Canada  and  the  United 

Taylor's  creek    8 

buffalo    17,  18 

Hartville,  Wyo     23 

Slates.  1820-1900.  by  C    L    Higham. 

teachers    34 

buffalo  robes    32 

Hauphoff,  i    J      22,  33,   35 

reviewed,    43 

Tell  Them  We  Are  Going  Home:  The  Odyssey 

Buffalo  Soldiers  and  Officers  of  the  Ninth 

Hauphoff.  Lulu    33 

Norcross,  W    S     8 

of  the  Northern  Cheyennes.  by  John 

Cavalry,  /86~-J898:  Black  and  White 

Hawkins,  William  E    39 

North  Platte  Valley,  development  in     30 

H    Monnett,  reviewed.  44 

Together,  by  Charles  L    Kenner, 

Hayden  map    7 

Northern  Pacific  Railroad    22 

Teton  Pass  creek    14 

reviewed,  43 

Hayden,  F   V    6 

O'Brian.  John    22.  35 

Teton  River    14 

Bullock,  William  G    22 

Hazel  Green,  Wise    9 

Officers'  Quarters  A     33 

Tetons    19 

Burlington  and  Missouri  Valley  Railroad 

Hicks,  T  B    23 

Officers'  Quarters,  Fort  Laramie  (photo)    31 

Thanksgiving  dance    40 

23,  30 

Higham,  C    L  .  Noble,  Wretched  and 

Old  Bedlam    36 

The  Bass    12,   13 

Carey,  Joseph  M     27,  28 

Redeemable:  Protestant 

Oneida  Salt  works    6 

Thirsty  Fork    17 

Caribou  creek    8 

Missionaries  to  the  Indians  in 

open  range    23 

Thomas  Fork    5 

Caribou  Mts    1 1 

Canada  and  the  United  States.   1820- 

Oregon-California  Trail    26 

timber  reservations     26 

Camngton,  Col    Henry    22 

1900,  reviewed    43 

Onn.  Wyo     23 

Torrington     30,   31 

Cavalry  Barracks     28,   30,  33,   37,  40 

Holidays,  celebrations  of    39 

Osborne.  Rep    John  E     28 

Torrington.  founded  and  named     26 

Cavalry  barracks  (photo)    35 

holidays,  dances  on    37 

Owen.  William  O    27 

Townsend.  Kenneth  William.  World  War  II 

Cavalry  Ford     29 

Homestead  Act     26,  29,  30 

PF   Ranch   26 

and  the  American  Indian,  reviewed. 

cemetery.  Fort  Laramie    39 

horse  flies    14 

pensions,  veteran's    32 

45 

Cheyenne  and  Northern  Railroad    23,  33 

Hospital,  Fort  Laramie    28 

Pierres  River  &  Hole   14 

trout    6 

Cheyenne-Black  Hills  Road    21 

Hospital  Hill    27 

politics,  at  Fort  Laramie    36 

turkeys    40 

Christmas    40 

hot  spring    17 

polling  site    36 

US   Mail    33 

chronometer    7.   17 

Hunt,  Alice  (Richards)    4 

post  office.  Fort  Laramie    33 

University  of  Wyoming  agricultural 

churches.  Fort  Laramie    38 

Hunton,  John  21-23.  26-29.  31-37,   39,  40 

post  reservation     26 

experiments    30 

cinnamon  Bear    14 

(photo.  25) 

post  sutler.  Fort  Laramie    32 

Uva    40 

Clarke,  H    S     30 

Hunton,  Blanche    28.  30 

postmaster.  Fort  Laramie    33 

Uva,  Wyo     23 

Clarke.  Myrta  E     30 

Hunton,  Blanche,  marriage    37 

Pratt  and  Farns  ranch    21 

Uva,  Wyoming     38 

Clarkin,  Thomas,  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  the 

Hunton.  John  and  Blanche    31 

Purdy,  John    21,  34 

Voorhees,  Luke    33 

Kennedy  and  Johnson  Administra- 

Huntons ditch    29 

ranching    21 

Wakeley,  Nellie   4 

tions,  1961-1969,    reviewed    42 

Iowa  Bar    8 

Rawhide  Creek    22 

Walker.  David  A  ,  review  of  World  War  II 

Clouser,  Eugene    33,  35 

Iowa  Bar  mines    1 1 

Recreation,  at  Fort  Laramie    36 

and  the  American  Indian,    45 

Collins,  Doc    8 

Iowa  Creek    8 

Red  Cloud  Agency    26,  31 

Walther,  Rev  E   H  J     39 

Collins.  J    S     22 

Independence  Day    39 

Red  Rock  Mts    18 

Ward,  Seth    22 

commissary.  Fort  Laramie  (photo)    20 

John  Gray's  River    6 

Richards,  Alonzo    4 

Warren.  Sen   Francis  E     28 

Continental  Divide    17 

Jost.  Loren    3 

Richards,  William  A     2 

Waters,  Thomas    30 

Corey,  -    38 

Joy,  Mark  S  .  review  of  Noble,  Wretched 

Richardson,  Capt     8,  9,  10 

Waumucks  camp    8 

Cotter,  Tim    19 

and  Redeemable:  Protestant 

Riggs,  Belle  L     35 

Weber,  John    38 

Crawford,  -    38 

Missionaries  to  the  Indians  in 

Riggs,  Christopher  K  ,  review  of  Federal 

Wheatland,  Wyo    31 

Crawford,  John    39 

Canada  and  the  United  States.  1820- 

Indian  Policy  in  the  Kennedy  and 

Wheaton,  -  4.    6,  7,    13,    14,    17.    18 

Crawford.  John  E      40 

1900.     43 

Johnson  Administrations,   1 96 1- 

White.  Mr  -    6 

Curtiss,  William  G     26,  40 

Kelly,  Hi  21 

1969,  42 

Wilde    31,  36,  37,  38.  40 

custodian's  residence.  Fort  Laramie    27 

Kenner.  Charles  L  ,  Buffalo  Soldiers  and 

Rock  Ranch    21 

Wilde.  Anthony    39 

dance  hall  and  saloon.  Fort  Laramie    37 

Officers  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry,  186~- 

Roney,  -  4,7.  8.    11.    12,    14,    17 

Wilde.  Joe     22,   30.  32,  33 

dances    40 

1898:  Black  and  White  Together. 

Root,  Curtis    40 

Wilde,  Joe.  shot    38 

dances.  Fort  Laramie    37 

reviewed    43 

Rustic  Hotel    27 

Wilde,  Mary    22,  32,  33 

Desert  Land  Act,    26,  29 

Lakota  Indian  dancers    40 

Rutherford,  Nettie    34 

Wilde  store    33 

Desert  Land  claims    29 

Lakotas    32 

Ryan.  Dan    38 

Wilde's  saloon    39 

Dix, -  9 

Laramie  County  commissioners    26 

Ryan,  John  "Posey"    22,  36 

Willson,  Gen  -    19 

Dorst.  John,  Looking  West,  reviewed    41 

Laramie  Peak    23 

Ryder,  Laura  T    35 

wood  reserve    26 

Doty,  Silas    21,  23 

Laramie  River    29 

Safford,  Prof.    5 

World  War  II  and  the  American  Indian     By 

dry  farming    30 

lightning  1 1 

saloon.  Fort  Laramie    38 

Kenneth    45 

Ducarr,  Antoine  "Frenchy"    28 

Lilly.  Bird  37 

salt    6 

Wynd,  Rev     38 

education,  at  Fort  Laramie    34 

Lingle    38 

Salt  River   6,  8 

Wyoming  History  News    3 

elections.  Fort  Laramie    36 

Lingle.  Wyo  21 

Salt  River  valley   1 1 

Xeroes,  -     19 

elk  5,   13,   14 

London,  John    32 

Sandercock  family,  27,  31,  38 

Yellowstone    11 

Evanston    5 

Looking  West,  by  John  D    Dorst,  reviewed. 

Sandercock,  Hattie    33.  34,  36 

Fail  River   6,   16 

41 

Sandercock,  Mamie    38 

farming    23 

Madden,  -    9 

Sandercock,  Stella    36 

Wyoming  Picture 


This  curious  photograph  of  an  orchestra  in  Laramie  performing  "minstrel"  was  made  in  the  1920s.  Four  of  the  men 
are  African-Americans— two  at  each  end  of  the  row.  The  others  are  in  "blackface.  "  Leader  of  the  orchestra  was  T.  J. 
Kelleyfseated,  center)  who  had  come  to  Laramie  after  World  War  I.  He  had  suffered  lung  damage  from  a  gas  attack 
in  Europe  and  the  high  elevation  of  Laramie  aided  his  breathing.  An  old  vaudeville  performer,  he  was  an  accom- 
plished baritore  singer  as  well  as  actor.  According  to  the  caption  on  the  photograph,  "A  street  parade  by  this  group 
preceded  the  show.  "  Cecil  Centlivre  Collection,  American  Heritage  Center,  University  of  Wyoming 


Join  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society — 
ana  your  local  historical  society  chapter 


State  Membership  Dues: 

Single:  $20 

Joint:  $30 

Student  (under  age  21):  $15 

Institutional:  $40 

Benefits  of  membership  include  four  issues 
per  year  of  Annals  of  Wyoming,  ten  issues  of 
the  newsletter,  "Wyoming  History  News,"  and 
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The  Society  also  welcomes  special  gifts 
and  memorials. 


Special  membership  categories  are  available: 
Contributing:  $100-249 
Sustaining:      $250-499 
Patron:  $500-999 

Donor:  $1,000  + 

For  information  about  membership  in  the 
Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  and  infor- 
mation about  local  chapters,  contact 

Judy  West,  Society  Coordinator 

Wyoming  State  Historical  Society 

PMB#  184 

1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd. 

Cheyenne  WY  82009-4945 


6J91 


Published  this  year  by  the  American  Heritage  Center 
in  cooperation  with  the  Wyoming  State  Historical  So- 
ciety, the  calendar  takes  a  month-to-month  look  at 
Wyoming  through  more  than  a  dozen  stunning  pho- 
tographs drawn  from  the  American  Heritage  Center 
photographic  collections. This  year's  calendar  includes 
a  brief  "anniversary"  event  for  every  day  of  the  year. 

The  2002  Wyoming  Historical  Calendar  is  $5.95 
plus  postage  and  handling  (Wyoming  residents  should 
include  sales  tax).  Proceeds  from  the  calendar  go  to 
the  Wyoming  State  Historical  Society  to  fund  worthy 
Society  projects.  Order  from  your  local  historical  so- 
ciety chapter,  museum  or  bookstore. 


DARKMAN'S 
*TRACE 


Parkman's  Trace 

By  Harrison  Cobb 
Follow  the  path  of  Oregon 
Trail  pioneer  and  historian 
Francis  Parkman  in  this  spe- 
cial publication  by  .the  Wyo- 
ming State  Historical  Society. 
$12  plus  $3  shipping 


And  perfect  for  everyone  on 
your  list— a  gift  for  all  year. 
Gift  memberships  in  the 
Wyoming  State  Historical 
Society. 
$20,  single 

$30,  joint  (at  same  address) 
$15,  students  (under  21) 


Limited  Edition  Prints 

By  artist  Dave  Paulley  and  signed  by  his- 
torian T.  A.  Larson 

Pictured  is  "Portugee  Phillips  Arriving  at  Old 
Bedlam,"  one  of  two  limited  edition  prints 
made  specially  for  the  Wyoming  State  His- 
torical Society.  The  other  is  "Custer's  Troops 
in  Floral  Valley."  These  full-color,  numbered, 
unframed,  16"x24"  prints  are  ideal  to  hang 
in  any  room!  Both  are  limited  editions. 
$125  each,  plus  $10  shipping/handling 


WYOMING'S 


1941-1945 


Wyoming's  War  Years 

By  T.  A.  Larson 

A  reprint  of  the  definitive  book  on 
Wyoming  during  World  War  II, 
written  by  Wyoming's  best  known 
historian. 
$18.95  plus  $3  shipping 
Order  this  title  from: 

Big  Bend  Press 

308  Moose  Dr. 

RivertonWY  82501 


Order  now  from  your  local  historical  society  chapter  or  from: 

William  Hegner  Judy  West,  WSHS  Coordinator 

American  Heritage  Center  PMB#  184 

University  of  Wyoming  1740H  Dell  Range  Blvd. 

Laramie  WY  82071  Cheyenne  WY  82009-4945 


DATE  DUE 


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